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A N
HISTORICAL and CRITICAL
ACCOUNT
O F T H E
LIFE and WRITINGS
O F
'JAMES the FIRST,
King of Great Britain.
After the Manner of Mr. B AYLE.
Drawn from
Original Writers and State-Papers.
By WILLIAM HARRIS.
Ne quid Falfi dicer e audeat, ne quid vfri non
audeat. CICERO.
LONDON:
Printed for JAMES WAUGH, at the Turk's- Head,
in Lombard-Street, 1753.
311
PREFACE.
^ ^ H E defign of the following fleets is to
give a fuller and more diflinc~l view of
-*- the character of king James the fir ft,
than has ever yet been exhibited by any writer.
It is readily acknowledged that this character is
in iff elf i a very mean and defpicable fubjecJ ;
but as it was attended with very extenfive and
important confequences both in his and thefuc-
ceeding reigns -, fo it is humbly prefumed that an
attempt to illuftrate that periodofEngYifa hif-
tory which falls within the plan ofthisfubjeff,
will meet with a favourable acceptance from the
public.
'There are inferted in thefe papers a great
number of curious an d inter ejlingf aft s y entirely
omitted by our hiftorians, wbofeem to have very
little confulted thoje original writers^ andftate
papers from whence the following account is
chiejly compiled.
he author does not think it nece/ary to make
any apology for the freedom of his reflections ;
but only to declare that they were not made for
A z the
OZZf*
HISTORY
iv PREFACE.
the fake of pleafing or difpleajing any fet or
party in church or ft ate ; but wholly intended to
ferve the caufe of liberty and truth. He pro-
feffes himfelf inviolably attached to the civil and
religious liberties of mankind-, and therefore
hopes the reader 'will indulge him in that
warmth of his refentment, that honeft indigna-
tion, that is naturally raifed by every inftance
ef perfecution, tyranny, and oppreffion ; provi-
ded he has not any where exprejfed himfelf in a
manner unworthy of the character of a gentle-
man or a chriftian.
For the reft it is hoped that the curious will
find fome enter taintment, if not information^
in this account ; and that they will par don the
faults and imperfections of it, for the fake of
its general tendency and dejign.
One thing the judicious and impartial reader
will, at lea ft, not be difpleas'dwith, viz. that
as the authorities here quoted are the moft au-
thentic in tbemfelves, Jo the manner of quoting
them is the moft unexceptionable andjuft, that is
in the very words , letters and points of the re-
fpeffive author , by which the reader may be m^
fallibly certain that their fenfe is rightly re-
prefented.
THE
THE
CONTENTS,
JAMES's birtb, the murder of Rlxio,
and its effect on James^ according to
Sir Kenelm Digby. Page 2 4.
Buchanan the tutor of James; his great merit
and abilities j hated by his pupil, and for
what reafons. 4 7.
James'* favourites in Scotland ; the unpopu-
lar meafures purfued by him through their
perfua/ions. 7.
He isfeized by the earls of Mar and Go wry.
Difmiffes his favourites. 8 .
He regains his liberty, and returns to his old
courfes -, an account of the conspiracy of the
Cowries, their ruin, and an enquiry into
the truth of the plot. I o 1 7.
'Ibe death <?/'Mary queen of Scots, and the je-
veral arts made ufe of to accomplijh it. 1 6.
A 3 . tyeen
vi CONTENTS.
Queen Elizabeth'.? diffimulation^ the unjuft pu-
nijhment of fecretary Davidfon. Reflec-
tions on ar/tbition. page 17.
James in the power of Elizabeth, and her
minifters. His negotiations at Rome, and
in Spain detected by them. 19.
James obedient to Elizabeth j the reafons of
it. 21.
James difregarded by the Scotch nobility. 22.
An account of the di [obedient behaviour of the
Scotch clergy towards James. 2 3 .
Hhrefehtment of their behaviour, though for the
prefent he dijjembled with them. Reflexions
on dijfimulation. 2 5 28.
James *s provocations to his clergy. 29.
A cenfure of their conducl. In what praife
wortfy. 30.
The marrisgeof]zmzs with a daughter of
Denmark. His ignorance in hi/lory. A
particular character of his queen. Cen-
fure of cur hi ftorians. 31- 34.
An account of ' James' j paraphrafe on the re-
velations. Raflmefs of the undertaking.
Cenfure ofbijhop Mountague. 35 37.
Cyjames'5 dcemonohgie. He permits perjons
to be executed for witchcraft. Compli-
mented on his aflending the Engiifh throne
with an aft again/I witchcraft. A caution
to law-makers. Witchcraft disbelieved in
Ethiopia. AcJ again/I whitchcraft repeal-
id. 38 41.
CONTENTS.
The dottrine contained in his law of free mo-
narchy vile and abominable. page 42.
An account of BASIAIKON AflPON. Strange
paffiages in it. Cenfured by the fynod of
St. Andrews. The judgment of the learn*
ed Gataker concerning it. 42 46.
James makes inter eft with the great men at the
Englifh court to fecure hisfucceffion. 46.
He h admitted to the throne of England with-
out any limitations or reftri&ions. The ac-
ceffion of a ft ranger king the proper time for
a people to claim their juft rights and pr wi-
le dges. Praife of the bills of right, and
fucceffion. 48 51.
A mean revenge of James. Reflections on
it. 41 53.
A great number of Scots attend James into
England who are advanced to the higheji ho-
nours. 53.
The Scots flare largely in Bis bounty at the ex-
pence, and much to the regret of the Eng-
li(h. 55.
The infilence and rudenefs of the Scots. 56.
Honours in abundance heaped on the Englifli
alfo y and that with little judgment. The
greateft care at all times ought to be taken
not to debafe the peerage by undeferved cre-
ations. 58 60.
The greateft wealth be/lowed by James on his
courtiers. 60.
A 4 James
viii CONTENTS.
James's ingratitude to queen Elizabeth. His
great obligations to her. Her illuflriou*
atfions. page 61 64.
James fpeaks with contempt of Elizabeth.
64.
He gives himfelf up to cafe and pleafure.
The infgnificancy of princes of this temper.
65.
Drunkennefs of James and his brother of
Denmark. Letter of the countefs of Not-
tingham to the Danilh ambaffador. Re-
fetfions on drunkennefs. 66 69.
James's love of mafculine beauty. 69 74.
Curfing andfwearing ufedby James. The in-
decency of oaths in princes. 74.
Bitter imprecations uttered by him on himfelf 3
and on his pofterity. Raf/mefs t inconfide-
ratenefey and impiety of imprecations. 7^.
James gives himfelf airs of religion. Incon-
Jiftency of metis characters. . 76 79.
James addicted to hunting. Obferv.itions on
hunting. 79 83.
An account of the conference at Hampton
court. James's behaviour at it. 83 87.
Cenfures on his conduct. 87.
Of the powder plot. Its reallity ajferted.
9196.
The pope forbids the Englifh catholics to take
the oath of allegiance. Paul V. characte-
rized. Learning and good fenfe fubverjive
of ecclefiaftical authority. 96 98.
Bellarmine's
CONTENTS. Ix
Bellarmine^ letters to Blackwell againfl the
oath of allegiance. Remarks on his letter.
page 98 loo.
James writes Us apology for the oath of alle-
giance. 100 103.
Anfwers to James'* apology. 103.
Account of James'* premonition. I o 5 109.
Bijhop Mountagues account of the great ef-
fefts produced by it. Flattery of that pre-
late. Remarks on his account. 109 112.
The premorfition ill received by the princes to
'whom it was fent. Fate of writers. Cha-
raSler of Scioppius. 1 1 2 1 1 6.
]zmzs publijhes a declaration concerning Vorf-
tius. A dedication to Jefus Chrift. Per-
fecutors characterized. 'The mifety offer-
ing weak princes. 1 1 6 120,
Two heretics burnt by order of James. Re-
fleffiom her eon. 1 2 1 123.
James falls foul on the name of Arminius.
123 124.
Account of the lynod of dort. James'* Jhare
in it. Mifchiefs occafoned by it. Eccleji-
aftical ajjemblies characterized. 124 129.
James favours the Arminians in England.
Articles cfthe church of England cahinift-
tical Subfcriptions occafion many mif-
chiefs. Inconjfflency of James'j conduct.
Engli(h Arminians artful flatterers and
friends to the prerogative. j 2 9 133.
Account
CONTENTS.
Account of James's remonftrance for the rights
of kings. Praife of tie French proteftants.
Lord Shaftsbury'j defcription of our prince
'writer. page 132 135.
James writes a count erbla/le to Tobacco. Lays
a great impofition on it. Ill policy hereof.
O/'JamesV tranjlation of the pfalms, and his
other poems. 137, 138.
James a*verfe to war. Reflections on the
meeknefs and magnanimity of princes.
138 - 140.
James concludes a peace 'with Spain greatly in
her favour. 1/lJtateofSpzin. The peace
bought by Spanifh gold, with James'* confent.
Reflections on minijiers taking bribes from
foreign princes. 1 40- - 146.
The peace ill objerved by the Spaniards. Cru-
elties exerctfed by them on the Engiifh.
Merchants complain of their ill treatment.
Remarks on their federal treaties with
Spain. 146 150.
^he elector Palatine marries the princes Eliza-
beth ; is made king of Bohemia ; defeated
at the battle Prague, and lofes his domi-
nions. His conduct jujlifad. James'* be-
heviour towards him. The meannefs of it.
The f corn and dtfionor with which he was
treated by the honfe 0/Auflria. Palatine
family rejiored. 1 5 o 1 5 &
James
CONTENTS.
James fuffers the Bridm fag to be infulted.
Brave at~l of an Englilh commander. Eng-
lifli flips taken by the Dutch. The nation.
brought to a contemptible pafs by the pufilla-
nimityof James. page 158 162
Account of the delivering up the cautionary
towns to the Dutch. Ill policy hereof. Mif-
take of Coke and Burnet. Falfnefs of the
relation of Burnet and Rapin with regard
to Barnevelt demonftrated by M.S. Jlate pa-
pers. 162 167.
Account of the cruelties exercifed by the
Dutch on the Englifh at Amboyna. James
a falfe prophet. Cromwell characterized,
167 170.
James permits his only fon to go into Spain.
Conjequences hereof. Fortum favours
prince Charles. 'Treaty of marriage with
Spain broke off'. Remarks her eon t 170-
James ridiculed by Henry IV. of France,
and Maurice prince of Orange. Expofed
by foreigners and his ownfubjeffis. Princes
JJmild dread falling into contempt. 1 74
1 80.
James values himfelf on his hereditary right
and lineal defcent. Complaifance of hisfirfl
parliament. Abfurdity of hereditary right.
jSo 185.
'High
xii CONTENTS.
High notions of the prerogative entertained by
James. Honeji advice from Buchanan ^
Miftake of lord Bolingbroke. The com-
mentary of 'Pareus burnt, page 185 189.
James treats his parliaments contemptuoujly.
Commons proteft concerning their liberties*
Priviledges and rights of the commons coe-
val with our conjiitution. 189 1 94.
Priviledges of parliament 'violated by James
and members imprifaied by him. His vile
intentions. Father Orleans cenfured. 194
199*
James fever -e in punijhing. Injiances of it.
199, 200.
Sir Walter Ralegh'* vile treatment. Sir
Edward Coke cenfured. Lawyers much
altered for the better. Ralegh betrayed by
James to Gondomore. Is executed. 200
203.
Account of the rife of the earl of Somerfet.
Sir Thomas Overbury'j murder. Somer-
fet and his lady tried and convicted of it.
Both pardoned, and fitjfered to enjoy a
large eftate. Reflections on the duty of
kings. A conjecture on the caufe of James'i
pardoning Somerfet. 203 206.
James kind to his favourites in all things.
Rife of Buckingham. His great wealth
and debauchery. All addrejfes made to him.
Letter from bifiop Field to Buckingham
begging
CONTENTS.
legging to be tranjlated. Injblence of
Buckingham to the prince and king. 206
page 213.
James fuffers the prot eft ants to be opprejjedby
the houfes of Bourbon and Auftria. ///
policy thereof. Miftakes of Mr. Kelly.
213 219.
Great favour /hewn by James to the catholics.
The parliament difpleafed herewith. Let-
ter from Buckingham to Gondomore.
Archbijhop Abbot'* letter to James. 219
226.
Power , honour and wealth of the clergy of
the church of England under James.
Princes Jhould curb the power of their
clergy, 226 230.
The puritans hated and ill ufed by James.
The commons inter ceed for them. State of
the controverfy between the puritans and
the bifhops. The ufe of f efts, and the beft
way of fiipprejfing them. James attempts
tofupprefspuritanifm in Scotland, Cen-
fure of his conduct. 230237.
Death of James. Sufpicions of his being poi-
foned. Remarks on Dr. Welwood. Ob-
fervations on lord Clarendon. 237-
242.
Extract of bifoop Williams'* fermon on the
death of James. His great merit accord-
ing to tbt f arch-bijhops Laud and Spotf-
wood.
CONTENTS.
wood. Character of court -bijhops in paft
ages. Different characters of James.
page 242248.
Death of prince Henry. Particular cba-
r after of him. 248- 255.
Appendix , containing additions to the life
of king James the Jirft> communicated by
the reverend Dr. Birch, fecretary to the
Royal Society.
E R-
ERRATA.
>AGE 5. Line 29. for afpertions, ras^ aflertions.
7. 8. for foul, read foul.
25. 15. /or detached, m&/detefted.
26. 23. for purity, ra&/ parity.
27. 25. dW? in.
38. 24. /or wierns, raa/wierus.
44. 17. /or procopins, read procopius.
58. 4. for and when, read or not.
96. 3. /* / note for Peter, read pater.
104. 32. /or fuanez, ra^fuarez.
ill. 26. for fpalafto, read ipalatto.
1 1 8. 2. for feliatione, read filiatione.
136. 28. dfc/?one.
138. 19. for Mr. read Dr.
149. 9. / this, read they.
151. 15. for amiTador, read ambaflador.
179. 29. /or mamrice, ^Wmaurice.
1 82. 1 4. /or hereditkry, r^^ hereditary.
195. I . for ta, read to.
215. 28. /or lawleis, read lawlefs.
216. 3. for poffibly, r^^poffible.
241. 23. for fubfeft, rf^fubjedl.
247. 21. for coutd, read could.
AN
A N
HISTORICAL and CRITICAL
ACCOUNT
OF THE
LIFE and WRITINGS
O F
JAMES I
King of Great-Britain.
AMES STUART, the fixth
of that name in Scotland, and
firft. in England, was born June
19, 1566. He was the fon of
Henry Lord Darnley (Ton to
Matthew earl of Lennox, by Margaret Dowg-
las daughter to the widow of James, the
fourth, who was theeldeft daughter to Hen-
ry the feventh of England,) and Mary queen
B of
tte LIFE of JAMES I.
of Scots, the only child of James the fifth,
king of Scots, who was Con of James the
fourth and Margaret his queen, the faid eld-
eft daughter of Henry the feventh of Eng-
land. The murther of a favourite fecre-
tary (A) when flie was great with child, in
her
(A) -A favourite fecrefary, &c.] This was the fa-
mous tc David RixiO) or Rifclo^ an Italian, a merry
< fellow and good mufician, who was taken notice of
cc firft of all on account of his voice. He was drawn
" in (fays Melvil) to fmg fometimes with the reft, and
<c afterwards, when the queen's French fecretary re-
' tired himfelf to France, he obtained the faid office.
' And as he thereby entered in greater credit, fo he
c had not the prudence how to manage the fame rightly.
' For frequently in prefence of the nobility, he would
* be publickly (peaking to her, even when there were
c the greateft conventions of the ftates. Which made
* him to be much envied and hated, efpecially when
*, he became fo great, that he prefented all fignatours
" to be fubfcribed by her majefty. So that fome of
" the nobility would frown upon him, others would
" moulder him and (hut him by, when they entered the
" queen's chamber, and found him always fpeaking
ct with her. For thofe who had great actions of law,
" new infeflments to be taken, or who defired to pre-
" vail againft their enemies at court, or in law fuits
" before the feffion, addrefled themfelves to him, and
" depended upon him, whereby in fhort time he be-
(a) Memoirs " came very rich." (a) Here was great familiarity we
of Sir James f ee> an{ j f ucn as could not be much to the credit of a
5-4! Fol'. P< fovereign princefs. For 'tis expected that fuch a one
bond. 1683. mould maintain her rank, and fcorn to ftoop to thofe
See likewife wno nave neither birth nor breeding. But Mary gave
ofthechurch hcrfelf up to David, and was advifed by him in things
of Scotland of the utmoft importance. This appears from Mdvil^
fcyarchbp. w ho knew them well, and likewife from Spotfwood.
For
*Tkc LIFE of JAMES I. 3
her prefence, had fuch an effect on this her
fon, that even through his life he could not
bear the fight of a drawn fword. He was
placed in the throne after his mother's forced
refignation, July 25, 1567, being but little
above a year old. He had the famous George
B 2 Buchanan
For both thefe aflure us, he was the perfon, the only Spotfwood,
perfon who prevailed on the queen to marry Henry lord j^ 8 ?^ p?J*
Darnley. She at firft difrelimed the propofal, but thro' L on a' ifies!
means of Rixio, " me took ay the longer the better
" liking of him, and at length determined to marry
" him." (b). No wonder then common fame was not ftj Melvil,
favourable in her reports of Alary ^ and that the envious p. ? T. and
and ill-natured hinted things reproachful to her virtue, s P^ woud *
I pretend not to fay any thing criminal pafled between p>
the queen and her fecretary (though her affair, after her
hufband's death, with Bothwell^ would induce one to
fufpecl her not incapable of a familiarity fo difhonour-
able) ; but I think, all men muft allow that things were
not fo decently managed between them as they ought.
Perfons of an elevated rank, mould ftrive not only to
be good, but to appear fo ; and careful to aft in fo pure
and unexceptionable a manner, that envy itfelf may not
be able to blaft their reputation. -However Mary had
little regard to what the world faid. She continued her
favour to her fiddling fecretary, 'till a violent death put
an end to it, to her great horror and amazement. Rixio,
though he had procured the queen for Darnley^ could
not long continue in his favour ; fufpicions being put
into his head, he confented to his murther, which was
perpetrated in the following manner, " At fix o'clock
*' at night, when the queen was at fupper in her clofet,
" a number of armed men entered within the court,
" and going up into the clofet (where the king was
" leaning on the queen's chair) overthrew the table,
* c candles, meat and difhes. Rixio took the queen a-
" bout the wafte, crying for mercy, but George Dowg-
4 We LIFE of JAMES I.
Buchanan for his tutor, by whom he feems
to have profited little, and towards whofe
memory he had a great averfion (B). Du-
ring
" las plucked out the king's dagger, and flruck Rixio
" firft with it, leaving it flicking in him. He making
" great flirieks and cries, was rudely fnatched from the
* c queen, who could not prevail either with threats or
" entreaties to fave him. But he was forcibly drawn
' " forth of the clofet, and (lain in the outer hall, and
p 64 " her majefty kept as a captive." (c) Bat they had
no commandment from the contrivers fo to kill him,
but to bring him to public execution. " And good it
** had been for them fo to have done, or then to have
" taken him in another place, and at another time
*' than in the queen's prefence. For befides the great
" peril of abortion which her fear might have caufed,
" the falfe afperfions caft upon her fame and honour
<c by that occafion, were fuch as {he could never di-
' geft, and drew on all the pitiful accidents that after-
(d) Spotf- " wards en fued." (d) The fright and terror the queen
ood > P- was i n at the light of the drawn fword, fofar influenced
the child in her womb, that " Sir Kenelm Digby af-
" fures us, he had fuch an averfion to a naked fword
" all his life- time, that he could not fee one without a
" great emotion of fpirits ; and though otherwife cou-
" ragious enough, he could not over-mafter his paffions
<* in this particular. 1 remember, adds he, when he
" dub'd me knight, in the ceremony of putting a na-
cc ked fword upon my flioulder, he could not endure
" to look upon it, but turned his face another way;
" infomuch that in lieu of touching my moulder, he
(e) Digby of had almoft thruft the point into my eyes, had not
the power of tc t j le j^g o f Buckingham cuided his hand aright." (e\
fympathy,
p. i8. at
the end of (B) The famous George Buchanan for his tutor, by
on bUcT^ whom he ^ eems to hav ^ P r fi ted Jittle and towards
4to.Lond. whofe memory he had a great averiionj Buchanan^
1669. merit needs not to be celebrated by me. His fame as a
polite
The LIFE of JAMES I.
ring his minority the kingdom had feveral
regents, viz. his uncle the earl of Murray t
his grandfather the earl of Lennox, and the
earls of Mar and Morton ; with the latter
of whom the nobility being diflatisfied, he
B 3 was
polite writer, and a man of deep learning and folid
judgment, is eftablifh'd on the moft lafting founda-
tions (a). Even thofe who diflike moft of all his prin-
ciples, refufe not to give him his due praife. And I mentofirim
need not be afraid to altert that his writings will be read in Bayle's
and admired as long as learning in this part of the world ^f 1"^'
{hall live. Mclvil fays, he " was a man of notable en- c hahan,note
" dowments for his learning and knowledge in Latin (H)
" poefie, much honoured in other countries, pleafant
" in converfation, rehearling at all occafions moralities
" (hort and inftruclive, whereof he had abundance,
" inventing where he wanted." (b) A tutor this, wor- ^ Melvil,
thy a great prince, and fit to form the mind to virtue seeaffo
and politenefs ! fur I doubt not but he difcharged with Spotfwood,
honour the. duty of his rruft, and .iid what in him lay P- 3 Z J-
to infpire his pupil with juft opinions, and elegant fenti-
ments. But his labour was in vain. For it does not
appear that James improved any thing by his matter, Or
ftudied at all to copy after him, for his writings are
wholly pedantic > his ftile low and mean ; his arguments
taken from thofe barbarians the fchool men ; and his
method of treating his adverfaries was after the manner
of your country controvertifts, infpired with the moft
fervent zeal. Abundant proof of thefe afperfions will
be found in the extracts I (hall give of fome of his
writings in the enfuing notes. .However not contented
to difgrace his tutor by his want of improvement, he
treated him with contempt alfo and reproach. Thus
for inftance, when the authority of Buchanan^ for re-
lifting kings, was alledged by cardinal Perron, 'James
replies, *' Buchanan I reckon and rank among poets,
" not among divines, claflical or common. If the man
*< hath
The LIFE of JAMES I.
was obliged to quit the regency, and James
entered upon the government March 12,
1578. Too foon, it may eafily be fuppo-
fed,
It) The
Works of
th'e moft
h:gh and
mighty
prince James,
bv the grace
of God, &c.
fmbliihsd by
James bifhop
of Wint.n,
1616. Lond.
Fol. p. 480.
(d) Id. p.
< c hath burft out here and there into fome terms of
" excefs, or fpeech of bad temper ; that muft be im-
<c puted to the violence of his humour, and heat of his
" fpirit." (c) What a contemptible way of fpeaking
of a tutor is this, more efpecially of fo great a man as
Buchanan ? Had Buchanan been ever fo wrong in his o-
pinion, the leaft fenfe of decency or gratitude fhould
have reftrained his pupil from fpeaking of him after fuch
a manner. Next to parents, tutors (if they have dif-
charged their parts well) have always been thought to
have deferved honour * ; and thofe who have refufed
to give it, have been branded with bafenefs and ingrati-
tude. For to form the mind to knowledge and virtue,
to teach youth prudence, felf-government, and proper
behaviour, is a work of labour and merit ; and fuch as
perform it are entitled to gratitude and refpecl:. But
in another place "James plainly difcovers his hatred and
averfion to the memory of his inftru&or ; for he ftiles
his Hijlory an infamous 'inveftive. " I would have you,
fays he, to his Ton prince Henry, to be well verfed
in authentick hiftories, and efpecially in our own
hiftories : 1 mean not of fuch infamous inveclives
as Buchanan's or Knox's chronicles : and if any of
thefe infamous libels remain unto your days, ufe the
law upon the keepers thereof." (d) I will leave the
reader
Dii majorum umbris tenuem & fine pondere terrain,
Spirantefque crocos, & in urna perpetuum ver,
Qui praeceptorem fanfti voluere parentis
ESeloco Juv. Sat. VII. v. 107.
In peace, ye fhades of our great grandfires reft,
NI> heavy earth your facred bones moleft :
Eternal fpring, and rifing flow'rs adorn
The relicks of each venerable urn,
Who pious reverence to their tutors paid,
As parents honcur'd and as Gods obey'd.
CHARLES DRYDEN.
7&LIFE of JAMES I. 7
fed for his own honour, or the welfare of
his Subjects. He was greatly in the pow-
er, of his favourites the duke of Lennw^
and the earl of Arran, through whofe infti-
gations he performed many unpopular ac-
tions (CJ. Whereupon being feized by the
B 4 earls
reader to make his own remarks on the bafenefs of this
paflage, and the littlenefs of that foul that was capable
of writing it concerning a preceptor. I will conclude
this note by obferving that the probable caufes of this
hatred of the memory of Buchanan were the part he
had ated againft his mother ; the principles of his hif-
tory, which were oppofite to the notions of regal power
entertained by James ; and the great awe in which he
held him in his youth, according to Melvil (e). I would M Mclv?
have it carefully obferved, that this hiftory ftiled by p< '
James an infamous invective, is faid by archbifhop
Spotfwood to be " penned with fuch judgment and elo-
*' quence as no country can (hew a better." (f). f/jSpotf
(C) He was greatly in the power of his favourites, 3 * y '
the duke of Lennox and the earl of Arran, &c.] The
duke of Lennox was coufm-german to James's father;
the earl of Arran was captain James Stuart, promoted
to that dignity at the expence of the houfe of Hamil-
ton, unjuftly deprived of it. 4C The duke of Lennox
44 was led by evil council and wrong informations,
44 whereby he was moved to meddle in fuch hurtful
4C and dangerous courfes, that the reft of the nobility
44 became jealous of his intentions, and feared their
4 eftates. As for the earl of Arran, they detefted his
proceedings, and efteemed him the worft and moft
infolent instrument that could be found out, to
wrack king, kirk and country. The duke had been
tolerable, had he happened upon as honeft coun-
fellors, as he was well inclined of himfelf: but
he wanted experience, and was no ways vers'd in
the
The LIFE of JAMES I.
earls of Mar and Gowry, with others of the
nobility as he returned from hunting, and
conveyed to Ruthven caftle, they obtained a
charge for the duke of Lennox to depart the
country, and for the confinement of the earl
of Arran (DJ. This was followed by a pro-
clamation
^' the ftate of the country, nor brought up in our reli-
" gion, which by time he might have been brought to
** have embraced. But the earl of Arran was a fcorn-
" er of religion, prefumptuous, ambitious, covetous,
" carelefs of the commonwealth, a defpifer of the no-
(a)Melvil, " bility and of all honeft men." (a) Hopeful coun-
P- '3 1 ' fellors thefe for a young king! and admirably fit for
governing a kingdom. And yet thefe were the men
who carried all before them, and obtained honours arid
eftates by wholefale. Arran from a *' private gentle-
" man was made gentleman of the bed-chamber,
" knighted, made a privy counfellor, and tutor of Ar-
< e ran, A few weeks after he was made captain of
() Lives and " his majefty's guards, and created earl of Arran" (b)
C ara 2 ers of " Lennox in a few days after his appearance at court,
of S t he n *' had a g rant of the lordfhip of Arbroatb, then he was
crown and *' created earl of Lennox^ governor of Dumbarton caftle,
ftateofScot- captain of the guard, firft gentleman of the bed-
George y " chamber, and great chamberlain of Scotland, and
Crawfurd, ** duke of Lennox" (c). Thefe fudden promotions
^"j; p- '37. to honour, and places of profit to fuch men, muft ne-
,.^ Lond ' ceflarily have been very unpopular and diftafteful, and
could not but be highly refented. However 'tis but
(<^W. p. juftice to JameS) to acquaint the reader that he was
very young, and confequently moft eafily drawn alide
by ihole who had influencei.over him ; and therefore
more excufable than he was in mifplacing his favours
afterwards, as he almoft always did.
(D) Being feized by the earls of Mar, &c. they
chained a charge for the duke of Lennox to depart the
country
The LIFE of JAMES *. 9
clamatlon from the king, difcharging the
commiffions which he had formerly given
them, and declaring that in fo doing he acl-
ed not by compulfion. However having
regained his liberty, he turned out of place
thofe who had been enemies to his favorites,
and infifled on fuch of the nobilities asking
pardon as had been concerned in the affair of
Rutbven; which caufing a confederacy and
a rifing,
country, and for the confinement of the earl of Arran>
&c.] " As the king was returning from ftag-hunting
** in Athole, in his way towards Dumferling, he was
" invited by the earl of Gowfy to his houfe of Ruthven
" near Perth. The earl, who was at the head of the
" confpiracy, inftantly fent to advertife his friends of
" what had happened. Whereupon feveral of the dif-
" contented nobility, and all thofe that were in the
*' Englifh Inteieft at hand, repaired to Rutbven, where
" without any ceremony they refolved to detain the
" king, and keep him prifoner. The next day when Augufl 25,
" the king was eflaying to get out, they ftopt him ; '^ z '
*' wherefore growing into a paflion and weeping, Sir
ec Thomas Lyon boldly, though rudely told him, it was
ic no matter for his tears, better that bairns greet than
" bearded men." () After they had him in cuftody ()Craw-
they prcfented a fupplication to him, *' reprefenting tu ^> P-
" the falfe accufations, calumnies, oppreflions and per- 4wd, p. 0t "
" fecutions they had fuffered for two years, by means ?io. 'seeal-
*' of the duke of Lennox^ and the earl of Arran, the fcMelvH,
" like whereof were never heretofore borne in Scot- p< 129> &c '
" land." Upon this reprefentation, the king, forf a-
gainft his will, fent orders to the duke to leave the king-
dom, who obeying, died foon after at Paris^ and the
earl was confined for a time. Before this a Proclama-
tion had been iffued forth, " declaring that it waj his
.*' own voluntary aft to abide at Perth; and th.:t the
*' nobie-
io The LIFE of JAMES I.
a rifing, iiTued in the death of the earl of
Gowry (E), in revenge of which, as was faid,
his fon engaged in the confpiracy fo much
talked
noblemen and others that attended him, had done
' nothing but what their duties obliged them unto,
" and which he took for a good fervice performed both
()Spotf- cc to himfelf and the commonwealth." (b) But all this
3i.' P> was a mere a( ^ f diflimulation, and the effect of con-
jftraint. As foon as he was at liberty he returned to the
fame courfes, and behaved after his wonted manner.
For favourites he muft have, and fo their pleafure was
confulted, no matter how the kingdom was pleafed.
(E) Having obtained his liberty, he infifted on fuch
of the nobility's afking pardon as were concerned in the
affair of Ruthven, &c.J James was never a man of
his word. We fee juft now, that by proclamation, he
had allowed what was done at Ruthven to be good fer-
vice, and he moreover had defired the kirk " to find it
" good for their parts, and to ordain the minifters and
" commiffioners of every (hire to publifh the fame to
" their parifhioners, and to get the principal gentle -
(a)Melvil, men's fubfcription to maintain the fame." (a) But
no fooner had he got his liberty, but he acted quite dif-
ferently from what he had declared to be his fentiments.
Arran was introduced again into court, " was made
" Chancellor, captain of the caftles of Edinburgh and
" Stir/ing, and ruled fo as to make the whole fubjects
" to tremble under him, and every man to depend up-
" on him, daily inventing and feeking out new faults
" againft diverfe, to get their efcheats, lands, benifices."
He wrought fo far with the king, that a proclamation
waspublilhed, " condemning the detaining his majefty's
" pcrfon at Ruthven as zfaft mojl treafonable. Yet his
" majefty declared, that he was refolved to forget and
* s forgive that offence, providing the actors and aflift-
<e ers do (hew themfelves penitent for the fame, afk
" pardon in due time, and do not provoke him by their
v unlawful
The LIFE of JAMES I. i
talked of, and varioufly cenfured ; which
terminated in the ruin of his family.
Maty,
" unlawful actions hereafter, to remember that at-
" tempt !" (b) Whereupon divers noblemen and others () Cra
withdrew from the court, for fear, to fome place of ^ rd P-
fecurity ; for they well knew that their deftrudlion was p ,, 2 g
aimed at. Whereupon the principal of them were or-
dered to confinement, which they not obeying, were
denounced rebels (c}. This was (hocking behaviour, (0 Id - ib>
and enough to provoke the moft patient men to take a
fevere revenge ; for the king's word was no fecurity,
his promife could not be relied on, and no man was fafe
who affronted his favourite, who made a mere dupe of
his mafter, and facrificed his honour on all occasions.
A fure proof this of James's weaknefs, and a fufficient
indication of what the world was to expect from him
hereafter ; for the tempers and difpofitions of men are
pretty much the fame through life. As they are in
youth, fo are they in reality in age, though they may
know better how to glofs and difguife. By this treat-
ment of thofe conrerned in the Ruthven affair, feveral
of the nobility were induced to enter into an aflociation,
for reforming abufes, fecuring religion, and the prefer-
vation of the king's perfon and eftate, among whom
was the earl of Cowry, who being taken, tried and
condemned, was executed for treafon. " His majefty
" (fays Melvil) had no intention of taking his life, but
*' the earl of Arran was fully refolved to have his lands,
and therefore to make a party to aflift him in that de-
fign, he engaged to divide them with feveral others,
upon condition that they would aflift him in the de-
fign of ruining him ; which afterwards he did, ha-
ving by this means procured their confent and votes."
(a) What weaknefs and feeblenefs of government was (d) Melvil,
this ! Arran was in effect king, whilft James bore the P- J * 6 -
name, and under the royal authority committed the s P otl ^ ood >
moft unjuft actions; for all agree that Gowry had hard Crawford,
meafure dealt him. In time the Gowry family was P- 35>-
reftored
12 The LIFE of JAMES I.
Mary, queen of Scots, having fentence of
death pronounced on her, Odt. n, 1586,
at Fotheringhay, by the commiffioners of
queen
reftored to honour and eftate, but, as hiftorians tell us,
nothing could allay the revenge of the two eldeft fons,
for their father's blood, but the death of the king, which
they attempted to have taken away at the earl's own
flf^o houfe Au S uft 5' l6o W But the y b th loft their
Spotfwood 9 , ' ^ ves in the attempt, and ruined thereby their family ;
p. 458. for their houfes were demoliflied, their eftates confifca-
ted, and the whole family, by adt of parliament prohi-
bited to carry the name of Ruthven. The 5th of Au-
guft was likewife ordered to be kept yearly in remem-
brance of. this deliverance. Whether there was
any fuch confpiracy of the Gowries againft the king, or
whether it was only a pretence, in order to palliate the
murther of them, has been very much debated. Spotf-
wood believed it : it was generally received as truth by the
courtiers at the time it happened ; and the affifters of the
(f) Bumet's king received honours and rewards, (f) Burnet (no way
hiftoryof his prejudiced' in favour of the king) gives credit to it; and
ToU"'^ Mr - Crawfurd tells us, that after what the earl of Cro-
dutch edit, rnarty hath lain together in his kiftorical account of the
jzmo. confpiracies by the earls of Gowry againft king James^ he
hopes few or none will fufpecl, far lefs doubt its truth
(f)Craw- and reality, (g) I hope I ftiall not be thought to be
furd, P . 39 o. u malicioufly fet againft the royal family, or the (b)
(&)Craw- great king who was more immediately concerned in
anfe'xTcf. " this affair /' if * g iv e the reafons that may be affign-
fions. ed for the doubting concerning the truth of the king's
narration. I could not act the part of a faithful hifto-
rian without it, and therefore muft beg the reader's par-
don for detaining him a little longer on this fubjer.
I. We are to obferve, that the next day after this hap-
(;}Spotf- pened, the minifters were called together at Edinburgh,
wood, p. and defired to convene their people, and give thanks
skrwood^ 1 " unto ^*^ ^ or r ^ e k' n g,' s deliverance: but they by no
444. ' ^' perfuafion could be moved to do it. (/")
2, Though
The LIFE of JAMES I. 13
queen Elizabeth, notwithftanding her refu-
iing to anfwer and be tried j and the fentence
being confirmed by the Englim parliament,
and their defire moreover added, that it
might be put in execution j James ordered
it to be reprefented to queen Elizabeth how
unjuft he held that proceeding againft his
mother,
2. Though moft of the minifters being hereupon com-
manded to leave the city in 24 hours, and forbid to
preach in his majefty's dominions, on pain of death,
complied, owning themfelves convinced of the truth of
the confpiracy ; Yet we find Mr. Robert Bruce faying he
would reverence bis maje/iy's reports of that accident* but
could not fay he was per/waded of the truth of it. (k) (*) Spotf-
3. OJborn tells us, no Scotchman you could meet be- f^W**
yond fea but did laugh at it, and the peripatetick politi-
cians faid, the relation rn print did murder all poflibi-
lity of credit. But I will not (adds he) wade farther
in this bufmefsj not knowing how dangerous the bottom
may prove, being by all mens relations foul and bloody,
having nothing to palliate it but jealoufy on the one fide,
and fear of the other. (/) And indeed the relation of (/) Works of
this affair in Spot/wood is confufed and marvellous. The . Franns f ~
i i i r> / i i f J- korn, E %
drawing the king to Perth^ the getting him from dm- p . ^,-, g va .
ner to examine a ftranger ; the difcourfe of Cowry's Lend. 1673.
brother with him ; and his (tout and gallant behaviour ^ide^vvood
(which in no other part of his life appeared); and his p.4 S i.
caufing the two brothers to be killed, when he might
with the fame eafe have fecured them ; the denials of
Cowry's fervants of their knowledge of t.he affair ; and
the tale of the earl's girdle, are circumftances which
are not eafily to be fwallowed by the inquifitive or
fceptical.
4. Burnet himfelf allows, that this confpiracy was
charged at that time by the puritans in Scotland on the
king, as a contrivance of his to get rid of that earl,
who
14 The LIFE of JAMES I.
mother, and that it did neither agree with
the will of God, who prohibited to touch
his anointed ones ; nor with the law of na-
tions, that an abfolute prince mould be fen-
tenced and judged by fubjeds; that if me
would be the firft to give that pernicious ex-
ample of profaning her own and other prin-
ces diadems, (he fhould remember that both
in nature and honour it concerned him to
be
() Buraet, W k was t j ien ^jj j n p. reat e ft eem . (/) And afterwards
p. 22. bee , _ r r i I r i_
a very ho- ne y s i lt was not ea fy to perfuade the nation ot the
01
amble truth of this confpiracy : for eight years before that
charafterof t j me) k^g J ame! O n a fecret jealoufy of the earl of
jKr^Henry 0111 Murray^ then efteemed the handfomeft man in Scot-
Neville, to land, fet on the marquis of Huntley^ who was his mor-
fecretaryCe- ta j ene my, to murder him ; and by a writing all in his
wood's'ftate" own nan ^> ne promifed to fave him harmlefs for it. He
papers, Vol. fet the houfe in which he was on fire, and the earl fly-
I. p. 156. jng away, was followed and murdered, and Huntley
fent Gordon of Buckey with the news to the king. Soon
after, all who were concerned in that vile fadl were
pardoned, which laid the king open to much cenfure :
and this made the matter of Go-wry to be lefs believed.
5. Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. Winwood,
dated Nov. 15, 1600, from London, writes, " Out of
" Scotland we hear there is no good agreement between
" the king of Scots and his wife, and many are of o-
() Win- " pinion, that the difcovery of fome affection between
wood's me- u her and the earl Cowry's brother, (who was killed
numb of cc w j t } 1 n j m ) was tne t r ueft caufe and motife of all that
reigns of E- And Mr. l^inwood^ in a letter to fecretary Cecyll t
lizabeth and f rom p ar i s , dated 17 May, 1601, O. S. fays, " The
l."voi! n i ( ! S " ambaflador of Scotland hath been advertized of a
p. 274. Fol. " dangerous practice againft the Scots king; that
Lend. 17*5. ] ate jy one ca iied Glarnetj hath been fent out of Scot-
iand,
The LIFE of JAMES I.
be revenged of fo great an indignity ; which
if he mould not do, he (hould peril his
credit both at home and abroad (a). But
thefe threats were not regarded by Elizabeth,
nor were they of any fervice to his mother ;
for fhe was executed in purfuance to a war-
rant
" land, with letters to Bothwel, to hsften home with
" diligence, where he fhould find fufficient affiftance.
" The principal party, who employed this party is the
" Queen of Scetland. And letters have been inter-
" cepted out of England from mafter Gray, that the
" death of Gowry (hould fhortly be revenged." (<?) (o) Id. p,
Thefe paflages compared, may poffibly give the reader 3 :6
fome light in this affair. A gallant, or a fuppofed one
(lain, was caufe fufficient to induce a lady to give her
hufband trouble, and nothing fo likely as this to excite
her to revenge. Thefe are the reafons which may in-
duce fome perfons to doubt about the truth of Cowry's
confpiracy ; whether they are fufficient the confederate
reader will determine. However, one reflexion natu-
rally arifes from this fubject, viz. that the people en-
tertained but a very poor opinion of James's veracity
and honefty. The minifters, we fee could not be in-
duced to give thanks for his deliverance, out of a dif-
truft of his account, till fear of their own fafety brought
them to a compliance; and the general belief of the
people of that nation both at home and abroad, was,
that 'twas mere contrivance in order to fcreen himfelf
from the guilt and infamy he muft otherwife have lain
under. Unhappy fituation this ! truly worthy of com-
miferation. For a prince believed falfe, treacherous,
and bloody, muft be defpifed, hated and contemned,
and can expedl nothing but unwilling obedience from
his fubje&s. And it muft be confeffed, James had
given but too much reafon to them, to view him in
thefe lights.
16 , *!bc LIFE of JAMES I.
rant directed to fecretary Davidfon (F), the
feventh of February following : though //-
zabetb pretended it was quite contrary to
her
(F) She was executed in piirfuanceof a warrant, &c.]
The fentence pafled on her was approved by the Englifh
parliament, and earneftly preffed by it to be put in ex-
ecution. Nor was any one more earneft in the matter
than Elizabeth herfelf ; .for (he deemed Mary's life in-^
compatible with her own fafety, and therefore determin-
ed to fliorten it. But it was a matter of much delicacy,
and what fhe would have been glad to have been ex-
cufed from appearing in. She would fain therefore have
had her put out of the way bv Sir Amias Pawlct^ and
Sir Drue Drury, and had it hinted to them by the fecre-
taries Davidfon and H'aljingbam. But they were too
wife to be caught, and too honeft to execute fo barba-
rous a deed, and therefore boldly refufed, to the queen's
no fmail mortification. Mr. Tindal feems to intimate
fomething of a doubt about the genuinenefs of the letters
(a)Rapm's here referred to (a), but I think without reafon. For
hiftoryof to me they have all the marks of genuinnefs, and are
E Pgjj md ' perfectly agreeable to that dexterity and management;
Tindal^Voh f r which Elizabeth was fo famous. When thefe
II. P. i?4. arts failed, the warrant in the hands of Davidfcn, fign-
Fol th L n d eS< ed by ^ queen, was- made ufe of by the council, the
173*3." <l ueen b e '- n g not openly acquainted with it, and Mary,
by means of it, had her head fevered from her body.
v ' So that James's conduct could not fave his mother, nor
could Henry III. of France, by his ambaflador, refpite
the execution of her fentence, but a violent death was
her fate. But, if what hiftorians tell us is true, 'tis no
wonder Elizabeth payed fo little regard to the folicita-
,,. tions in the behalf of the unfortunate Mary. For 'tis
II. p.'ii 7 affirmed, that Bellievre, the French ambafTador, what-
(<:) id. p. ever in public he pretended, had private orders to folli-
I3 ''ri> T'"" clt the death of the t J ueen W' ArKl Gra ?> the Scotch
papr,Vo 3 n. envoy, on this occafion, is faid likewife in private, to
p. n! advife the making her away, faying, a dead woman bite's
not (c].
tte LIFE of JAMES I. i?
her intentions, feemed greatly grieved at it,
and turned out, and fined the fecretary by
reafon cf it (G).
Indeed,
(G) Though Elizabeth pretended it was contrary to
her intentions, and turned out and fined the fecretary
by reafon of it.] The execution of Mary could not b
Concealed, nor was it thought proper by itz&leth to
fuftify it. She therefore threw the blarrie upon poor?
David/on, and made him fufFer for being an inftrument
in bringing about what (he moft of all defired. She de-
nied not, but (he commanded him to dravtf a warrant
under the great feal for the queen of Scots execution ; but
after it was done, (he feemed angry : however (he left it in
his hands, without telling him what he fbould do with
It. Whereupon the council being confulted by David-
fan, it was unanimoufly refolved to execute the warranty
and accordingly it was carried to Fotheringay, and
produced the defired effeft. Elizabeth, in the ineari
time, pretended (he had changed her mind ; but none
of her counfellors talked to her upon the fubjecl:, or
attempted to hinder the execution, as they certain-
ly would have done, had they not been fatisfied in
5:er intentions. But when the wifhed for event took
p\ace, then Elizabeth pretended great fbrrovv, and pro-
fefled her difinclination towards it ; and to convince
the world thereof, (he wrote to the Scotch king, by a
coufin of hers, and had Davidfon cited into the Star-
chamber, where he was fined 10000 /. and imprifoned
during the queen's pleafure. Though " (he herfelf
" could not deny, but that which (he laid to his charge
" was donfc without hope, fear, malice, envy, or any
" refpeft of his own, but merely for her fafety both
" of (late and perfon.'* (a) This fehtence on David- (a] Cabulaj
Jan was very fevere, and carried the diffimulation to aP'^S 1 -^ ''
great pitch/ for the man loft his poft, and %'Vlong in Lond ' l663
Vrifon. So hard and difficult is the fervice of princes!
ngerous complying wifh their inclinations, for
G
i8 We LIFE of JAMES I.
Indeed, Elizabeth and her minifters ma-
naged James as they pleafedj they fully tin-
demanding his temper, councils, and de*
figns :
there Is no laying obligations upon them ; and after you
have done all to pleafe and oblige them, to ferve a turn,
or even gratify a prefent humour, they will difcard or
ruin you : for they think their fubje<Sfo made for them ;
that 'tis a favour to employ them ; and that they are
of no worth, any farther than they promote their de-
figns. If people therefore knew when they were well,
they would bs thankful for a peaceable retreat, and
flrive not to mix in counfels with thofe whofe aim it is
to outwit and mifchief each other ; nor would they be
defirous of climbing up fo high y as that a fall is fatal.
But the ambitious in vain are cautioned to check their
career. Nothing but fbme fad mifcarriage, difappoint-
ment or difgrace, will teach them the needful leflbns
of humility and moderation, or caufe them to enjoy
contentedly the bleflings of private life. Before I take
my leave of this affair, I will obferve that from the
proceedings againft Mary, it appears, that the queen
and her parliament had no notion of fuch a facrednefs
in the perfons of princes, as to render them unaccount-
able to any earthly tribunal. For here is a fovereign
princeis, tried, condemned, and executed, with the
approbation, yea in purfuance of the requeft of the
parliament ; and though Elizabeth, to fave appearances,
feigned farrow and indignation at the execution, yet no
one has been fo hardy as to put into her mouth a fentence
tending to condemn the lawfulnefs of it. For fhe was
too wile and underftanding to have done it; nor could
any who knew her character fuppofe her capable of it.
This doctrine was left to her fucceflbr, who had weak-
nefs enough to declare exprefly, " that kings were ac-
() King " countable to God only." (b] A dodlrine big with
James's mifchief, and fit for nothing but to make tyrants. But
works, p. O f t kj s | jjjall have occafion to fpeak more hereafter.
The LIFE c/ JAMES L 19
figns (H) : fo that they afted as they thought
fir, without any regard to him, any farther
than
(H) Elizabeth and her minifters managed James as
they pleafed, and underftood his temper, councils and
defigns.J It appears from A/Jelvil, that the Englifh were
thoroughly acquainted with the temper and behaviour
of the king, and had thofe about him who took every
opportunity to infinuate thofe notions into him, which
were moft acceptable to Elizabeth. " Wooton the am-
bafiador became one of his rhoft familiar minions,
waitine upon him at all fixed paftirnes." (a] And Sir (a) Melvil,
Richard iVigmore " was particularly inftru&ed by IVal- P- l6l<
fmgharn, in all the proper methods to gain upon the .
king's confidence, and to obferve and give an ac-
count of all he faw in him ; which he did very faith-
fully." (b] And though James little thought it, his (&) Bumet,
moft fecret actions were known to the Englifh minittry, Vol. I. p. y.
and ail his tranfaftions abroad, how privately foever ^ n d cd ^ s e ^ e .
they were carried. For Elizabeth's ambafTadors had a tnoirs, p. 9.
very watchful eye over the Scotch ; and what by ad- g vo. Lond.
drefs, what by confiderations of religion, but chiefly I71C<
by money, they became acquainted with every thing
James was negotiating every where. Thus for inftance,
Sir Henry Neville, though at Paris, had a watchful eye
over the tranfadtions of the Scotch king at Rome, and
made himfelf matter of them, though they were ma-
naged with the greateft caution : (c) and he was appriz- ^ W ; n ,
ed alfo of the negotiation of baron Ogilly in Spain, who wood's fate
offered in the name of " Jarnts to be reconciled to the P a P er > P-
u apoftolic fee, and to enter into a confederacy with ^ i e ^ er j
" that crown, in order to refcue himfelf from the dan- are well
" gers he was expofed to from Elizabeth, on whom he ^ crth read "
" offered, (upon condition of being aflifted with twelve ins at ar&e '
" thoufand men armed and paid all the time the war
" {hould laft, and five hundred thoufand ducats to be-
ic gin it) to make war immediately, and declare him-
" felf her enemy (d). So that from hence it appears
lhat Elizabeth had him faft, and could have expofed
C2 hmi
20 rbe LIFE of JAMES I.
than mere compliments. For the fear of
lofing the fucceffion to the Englifh crown,
and the pcnfion he enjoyed from Elizabeth,
made
Mm to the refentments of the Englifh and Scotifti na-
tions whenever (he pleafed. For as Walfingham^ Bur-
n?.t fay?, " thought the king was either inclined to turn
()Bumet, " P a P'^> or to be of no religion ;" (e] fo thefe negoti-
Vol.l. p/c. attons, had they been publifhed, would have brought
over multitudes of others to the fame opinion ; the con-
fequence of which to him might have been fatal. No
wonder then fames' s threat n ings were little heeded: he
was well known by the Englifh court, and to know
him was to ftand in no awe of him ; for big as he would
talk on occafion, fighting was his known averfion. In-
deed, after he came into England, he was weak enough
to pretend that he had the direction of the Ehglifh af-
- lairs during his predeceflbr's reign : had this been fo,
they would have been managed like his own in Scot-
land> and as matters afterwards were by him in Eng-
land. Whereas every body knows, never councils were
better conducted, never more glory by any adminiftra-
tion acquired, than by Elizabeth's, and therefore he
Could have had no hand in the direction. That in the
latter part of that queen's reign, he cultivated a coref-
pondence with feme of her courtiers, and endeavoured
by means of them to fecure the fucceiBon is true; and
he was fuccefsful in his applications. But ftill he guided
r>ot> but was guided, and as carefully watched as could
be; and, perhaps, a knowledge of his weaknefs, love
of eafe, and averfion to bufmefs, did not a little con-
tribute to engage fome of the great ones in his favour ;
who hoped that under him they might acquire honors,
power, and wealth, in which they were not much mif-
taken. For a prince of great abilities, how valuable
foever to a nation, is not the delight of felf-interefted
ftatefmen. He will fee with his own eyes, will judge
cf men as they cleferve, and reward only the wife and
ood ; and therefore under fuch an one little is to be
hoped for by them.
y~,
We LIFE /JAMES I.
made him in all things obedient to her
will (I).
He
(I) The fear of lofing the fucceffion to the Englifh
crown, and the penfion hs enjoyed from Elizabeth,
made him in all things obedient to her will.] James
loved not Elizabeth^ for (he kept him under reftraint ;
protected his nobility againft htm ; fomented -divifions
in his kingdom ; and had caufed his mother to be put
to death. In fhort, he looked on her as the caufe of all
his troubles. Thefe things he itrongly complains of in his
reafons for his reconcilement with Rome, and confede-
racy with Spain (a}. But yet notwithftanding the grudge ^
he bore her, he refufed her nothing, nor dared to con-p, 2,
tradit her. For he had a yearly penfion from the queen,
1 think, ten thoufand pounds, the lofs of which he
could not well bear; which was increafed in the year
1 60 1, two thoufand more upon his requeft. " Her
*' majefty (fays Cecyll) promifing to continue it, as long
" as he (hall make it appear to the world, that he is
" willing to deferve her extraordinary care and kind-
" nefs towards him." (b] This was a good round fum ^ Id - P*
at that time of day in Scotland, and therefore it behov- 3 ^'
ed 'Janies to make it appear that he deferved it, by com-
plying with her, whofe bounty he fo largely fhared in.
But that which kept James moft in awe was the fear of
lofing" the fucceffion to the Englifli crown. His being
next in blood (though afterwards much talked of by
him) was no fecurity ; had he behaved difpleafmgly to
Elizabeth^ and once made her heartily angry, 'tis more
than probable he would have died in his own country.
For by a ftatute of the I3th year of her reign, it was
made high treafon for any perfon to affirm, " that the
" reigning prince with the authority of the parliament,
<* is not able to limit and bind the crown, and the de-
" fcent and inheritance thereof." ^This was the rod
which was held over James, and made him fear and
tremble. For he could never get himfelf declared by
Elizabeth her fucceflbr, and he knew full well what fhe
C 3 was
22 r/je LIFE of JAMES I.
He was not much regarded in Scotland by
his nobility, which was owing, perhaps, as much
to their refllefs temper, as his weaknefs (K) ;
nor
was capable of doing when provoked. He therefore ftifled
|iis anger, difiembled his refentments, and did not pub-
jickly do any thing difobliging to Elizabeth. His private
behaviour in his negotiations with Rome and Spain, could
pot but be unacceptable. But {he probably defpifed them,
and took care to fruftrate them, and contented herfelf
with letting the whole world fee that (he was miftrefs
of the Scotch king, and flood in no fear of what he
might do. So that the paflion with which he received
the news of his mother's death, and the threats he ut-
tered were but mere words, and he was cool'd down
prefently by Walfingbatris letter, ft reprefenting how
" much his pretending to revenge it, would prejudice
" him in the eyes of the antient nobility, by the greateft
" part of whom (he was condemned, and of principal
" part of the gentlemen of the realm, who confirmed
^ the fame in parliament ; who would never fubmit to
" his government, if he (hewed fo vindictive a mind."
((] Snotf- (c) Thofe Scotch and Englifh therefore were in the
wood, p. fight, who aflured the Englifh council, it would foon
"be forgot j and " that the blood was already fallen from
(d Melvil * h' s ma j e fty' s heart." (d) For he was afraid of con-
p. '73- ' fequences, and therefore durft not attempt to fulfil
his threats.
(K) He was not much regarded by his nobility, &cj
He makes it a reafon for his joining with Spain, that
queen Elizabeth had always protected his enemies and
? c rebels, and that by their means (he had caufed him
(<0 Win- " to be three or four times taken into cuftody." (a}
^ood,Vol.I. Whether or no Elizabeth was at the bottom of all the
p 4- attempts of the nobility againft James, is not my bufi-
nels to determine. But 'tis very certain they paid him
but little regard, and fcrupled not to bring him to terms,
even by rough methods. The affair of Rutbvcn has
been
d 3
T&LIFE of JAMES I. 23
nor had he power to govern his clergy, who
behaved, as he thought, difcbediently towards
him (L).
For
been already mentioned : befides which we find the ba-
niflicd Lords furprized him at Stirling^ and caufed him
once more to difmifs Arran t and deprive him of his
honours ; and Bothwell took the fame courfe with him
to obtain his pardon, and hinder his adverfaries from
returning to court (b). w
Thefe were inftances of difrefpet and difregard, and J
could arife from nothing but an opinion of the weaknefs
of the prince to whom they were offered. Though it
muft be confefled that the Scotch nobility in thofe days
were of a bold, reftlefs temper, and were feldom quiet
any longer than things went juft as they pleafed ; and
therefore were unlikely to fland in much awe of one,
whofe irrefolution and want of courage had been from
his childhood fo very remarkable.
(L) His clergy behaved difobediently, as he thought,
towards him.] " The king perceiving that the death
*' of his mother was determined, gave orders to the
** minifters to remember her in their publick prayers ;
" which they denied to do. Upon their denial, charges
" were directed to command all bifhops, minifters, and
" other office-bearers in the church, to make mention
" of her diftrefs in their publick prayers, and commend
" her to God. But of all the number, Mr. David
" Lindefay ztLeith^ and the king's own minifters, gave
" obedience. At Edinburgh, where the difobedience
<c was moft public, the king purpofmg to have their
" fault amended, did appoint the third of February
" for folemn prayers to be made in her behalf, com-
" manding the bifliop of St. Andrew's to prepare him-
*' felf for that day ; which when the minifters under-
" flood, they ftirred up Mr. John Cowper, a young
" man not entered as yet in the function, to take the
" pulpit before the time, and exclude the bifhop. The
C 4 " king
24 W* LIFE of JAMES I.
For this he hated them moft heartily \
but diflemblcd his refentment, till he could
(how
king coming at the hour appointed, and feeing him
" in the place, called to him from his feat, and faid,
" Mr. John, that place was deftinate for another; yet
" fince you are there, if you will obey the charge that
" is given, and remember my mother in your prayers,
<c you (hall go on. He replying, be would do (is the
" fpirit of God Jkould direSt him,) was commanded to
" leave the place; and making as though he would
" ftay, the captain of the guard went to pull him out j
*' whereupon he burft forth in thefe fpeeches, this day
" Jhall be a witncfs again/I the king, in the great day of
"' the Lord ; and then denouncing a woe to the inhabi-
(a] Spotf- " tants of Edinburgh, he went down." (<?) This be-
wopd, P .354. } )av j our fcems to favour much of indecency and difobe-
dience, and I doubt not but the reader is inclined to
cenfure it accordingly. But let us not be too hafty, left
we judge unrighteous judgment. The minifters, I
think, failed more in breeding than any thing elfe;
for what was required of them, was to pray that God
would illuminate her (Mary] with the light of his truth,
and fave her from the apparent danger in which Jhe was
cajl. Now this latter they could not in confcience do :
for they looked upon her in the moft deteftable light,
and wifhed not for her prefervation, believing it incon-
fiftent with the good of the ftate and religion. And
therefore, fays fecretary Waljingbam^ <e it was wonder-
" ed by all wife and religious men in England, that
** the king mould be fo earned in the caufe of his mo-
" ther, feeing all the papifts in Europe that affedted the
*' change of religion in both realms, did build their
(*) Id. " hopes altogether upon her.'' (l>] If therefore the
Scots minifters thought as all the wife and religious men
in England did, about this matter, they could not con-
fidently, with fincerity, have prayed for her deliverance.
The king therefore fhould have forborne preffing them,
to do what was contrary to their judgments, and the)'
ihould
Tfc LIFE of JAMES I. 25
/how it with fafety; when he let all men
know how much their condudl galled him,
and what ill will he bare unto them (M).
Though
fhould have ufed civil and refpe&ful terms of refufal ;
which, if they had done, I apprehend, they would have
been free from blame. But this was not the only affair
in which the clergy of Scotland, behaved difobediently
and irreverently towards James. '
For Mr. Robert Bruce, rinding the king willing that
Huntley mould return into Scotland, boldly told him,
" I fee, Sir, that your refolution is to take Huntley in-
" to favour, which if you do, I will oppofe, and you
" fhall chufe whether you will lofe Huntley or me\ for
" both you cannot keep." (c) Mr. Blake was likewife M Spotf-
chacged by him with faying, " that he had detached wood >P'4'7'
" the treachery of his heart ; that all kings were the '
devil's barns ; and that the devil was in the court,
and in the guiders of it." (d] And Mr. John
in the high church of Edinburgh, faid " the
" king was pofTefTed with a devil, and one devil being
<c put out, feven worfe were entered in his place." (e]
This was ftrange talking, and what could not but be
very difpleafmg to James., though he had not power e-
nough to curb and reftrain thofe who were guilty of it.
(M) Fie diflembled with them, till with fafety he
could mew his refentment, &c.] Notwithstanding all
the rudenefs with which he had been treated by his cler-
gy in the general affembiy at Edinburgh, 1590, he flood
" up with his bonnet off, and his hands lifted up to
" heaven, and faid, he praifed God, that he was born,
" in the time of the light of the gofpel, and in fuch a
<c place, as to be king of fuch a church, the fmcereft
" [pureft] kirk in the world. The church of Geneva
*' keep pafche and yule [Eafter and Chriftmas] what
" have they for them ? they have no inftitution. As
" for our neighbour kirk of England, their fervice
" is an evil faid maf$ in Englifli 3 they want nothing
of
26 The LIFE of JAMES I.
Though we are not to fuppofe, however
it has been otherwife reprefented, either
through
44 of the mafs but the liftings. I charge you my good
' miniflers, doctors, elders, nobles, gentlemen and
" barons, to ftand to your purity, and to exhort the
" people to do the fame ; and I, forfooth, as long as I
(<OCalder- brook my life, fhall maintain the fame." (a) And
^T^h hif * n k' s fp eecn to tne parliament 1598, he tells them, " he
tory of Scot- " minded not to bring in papiftical or anglicane bi-
land, p. 156. " {hops." () And in 1602, he aflured the general
Fol. Edinb. aflembly, u that he would fiand for the church and be
j^)ld!p.4.i8. " an advocate for the miniftry." (c) A man would
(<:) Spotf- think by this, that James had a very great regard for
wood 3 p.468. n j s clergy, and an high efteem of them ; and doubtlefs
he himlelf intended they (hould think fo too. But this
was mere artifice and diffimulation ; for at bottom he
hated them heartily, and could not bear the thoughts
of them. This will appear to a demonftration from his
writings. " Some fiery fpirited men in the miniftry,
" he fays, oftentimes calumniated him in their popular
" fermons, not for any evil or vice in him, but be-
" caufe he was a king, which they thought the higheft
" evil." This was the effect he thought of purity in
the church. Therefore he advifes his fon [prince Henry]
" to take heed to fuch puritans, very pefts in the church
" and commonwealth, whom no deferts can oblige,
" neither oaths or promifes bind, breathing nothing
" but fedition and calumnies, afpiring without meafure,
" railing without reafon, and making their own ima-
" ginations (without any warrant of the word) the
" fquare of their confcience. I proteft before the great
" God, and fince I am here upon my teftament, it is
" no place for me to lye in, that ye fhall never find
" with any hie-land or border thieves, greater ingrati-
" tude, and more lies and vile perjuries, than with
" thefe phanatick fpirits, and fuffer not the principal of
" them to brook your land, if ye lift to fet at reft ;
" except
Me LIFE of JAMES I. 27
through ignorance or prejudice to the then
Scotifh
" except ye would keep them for trying your patience,
" as Socrates did an evil wife." (d} (d) King
And in his premonition to all chriftign monarcbs, &c. J am 's
he tells us, " he was ever an enemy to the confufed ^ ' p *
" anarchy or parity of the puritans, as well appeareth
" in his EA2IAIKON AQPON^' And therefore, adds
he, " I cannot enough wonder with what brazen face
" this anfwerer (Bellarmine} could fay, that I was a
" puritan In Scotland, and an enemy to prcteftants : I
" that was perfecuted by puritans there, not from my
" birth only, but even fmce four months before my
* c birth ? I that in the year of God 84, ereded bifhops,
*' and deprefled all their popular parity. I then not be -
" ing 1 8 years of age, [this was the year in which the
earl of Gowry was executed, and jJrran committed the
vileft a<5ts of injuftice.] " I that in my faid book to my
* c fon, do fpeak ten times more bitterly of them than
of the papifls ; having in my fecond edition thereof
" affixed a long apologetick preface, only in odium pu-
*' ritanoritm" (e) This was written in England when
the king could fpeak his mind, and therefore, we may
be fure we have his real fentiments, efpecially as all his
actions were correfpondent unto them. So that I had
reafon to fay, that 'James diflembled in his hatred and
refentment till a proper opportunity. But how worthy
this was of a king is not hard to judge. For nothing is
more unbecoming the rank and character of fuch an one,
than diffimulation, efpecially towards his own fubje&s.
]t is fetting an ill example unto them, which may be
of the moft fatal confequences ; and depriving princes
of that love, truft and confidence, in which their fafety,
ftrength and reputation moft of all confift.But to diflemble
in the affairs of religion, is vile hypocrify j which yet 'tis
plain from the king's own fpeeches and writings he did.
But James was a weak prince, and lord Bacon has fine-
ly obferved, " that the weaker fort of politicks are the
** great diffemblers." - " For, adds he, if a man
" have
a8 The LIFE of JAMES I.
Scotifh clergy, but that they had received
pro-
" have that penetration of judgment, as he can difcern
" what things are to be laid open, and what to be fe-
" creted, and what to be (hewed at half lights, and to
<e whom and when, (which indeed are arts of ftate, and
" arts of life, as Tacitus well calleth them) to him a
" habit of diffimulation is an hindrance and a poornefs.
" But if a man cannot attain to that judgment, then,
(F) Lord it is left to him generally to be a diffembler." (f) I
ra C fim"ati- W '^ conclude this note with a paffage from honeft
on and dif- Montaigne, which I dare fay every reader of like cha-
fimulatioH. rafter will applaud. " As to this virtue of diffimula-
" tion, I mortally hate it ; and of all vices find none
<c that does evidence fo much bafenefs and meannefs of
" fpirit. 'Tis a cowardly and fervile humour to hide
" and difguife a man's felf under a vizor, and not to
" dare to (hew himfelf what he is. By that our fol-
" lowers are trained up to treachery. Being brought
" up to fpeak what is not true, they make no confci-
" ence of a lye. A generous heart ought not to belye its
" own thoughts, but will make itfelf feen within, all
" there is good, or at leaft manly. Arljlotle reputes it
" the office of magnanimity, openly arid profefledly to
" love and hate, to judge and fpeak with all freedom ;
" and not to value the approbation or diflike of others
in comparifon of truth. Apollonius faid, it was for
flaves to lye, and for free men to fpeak truth. 'Tis
the chief and fundamental part of virtue, we muft
love it for itfelf. A man muft not always tell
all, for that were fully ; but what a man fays, (hould
be what he thinks, otherwife 'tis knavery. I do not
know what advantage men pretend to by eternally
counterfeiting and diilembling, if not, never tq be
believed when they fpeak the truth. This may once
or twice pafs upon men ; but to profefs concealing
their thoughts, and to brag, as fome of our princes
have done, that they would burn their foirts if they
knew their intentions^ and that who knows not bow to
dijjemble t
lie LIFE of JAMES I. 29
provocations by the king's adion?, to be-
have towards him as they did (N).
How-
" diJJembUi knsws not how to rule: is to give warning
" to all who have any thing to do with them, that all
" they fay is nothing but lying and deceit." (g) (g) Mon-
taigne's ef-
(N) The clergy had received provocations to behave
towards him as they did.] I have given an account of p. 507. 8vo.
the undutiful behaviour of the clergy towards James Lond - l68iS -
-from Spotfwood : but bimop Burnet tells u?, " there is
" a great defeft runs through archbifhop Spotfwood's
*' hiftory, where much of the rude oppofition the king
<c met with, particularly from the aflemblies of the
" kirk, is fet forth ; but the true ground of all the
** jealoufies they were poflefled with, is fupprefled by
" him." () Thefe jealoufies were of his being in his (a) Burnet.
heart a papift, founded on fac~h delivered to them by Vol< l - ?*
the EngliOi miniftry, and from his favouring and em-
ploying thofe of that religion. Ffal/ingbam, as I have
already obferved, " thought James was either inclined
" to turn papift, or to be of no religion. And when the
" Englifh court faw that they could not depend on
" him, they raifed all pofllble oppoiition to him in Scot-
" land, infufing ftrong jealoufies into thofe who were
<c enough inclined to receive them." (b] Dr. Birch (*) Id - ib -
fays, " the king of Scots was indeed, at this time [1599]
" much fufpe&ed'of inclining to popery ; and a copy
f( of a letter, offering obedience to the pope, figned ^ftorical S
" by that king, was brought from Rome by the mafter view of the
" of Gray, and fhewn to queen Elizabeth ; who fent negotiations
" Sir William Bowes embaflador to him, to advertife coum'of
*' him not to build on the fricndfliip of Rome." (c) England,
- [This was the letter for which lord Balmerino was Fnce, and
condemned, but pardoned, in the year 1609 ; it being f^ ff g 1 ,, p '
faid he furreptitioufly got the kind's hand thereto, which Lord. 1749.
he himfelf confefied.] And vvellnd, in 1596, the mi- Spotfwood,-
nifters complaining to the king of ' the favour grant- j^^' p G
" ed to the rx>'oiih Lords? the countenance given to and note
" the [TT]
30 fbe LIFE of JAMES I.
However, I am far enough from defend-
ing their whole behaviour (O). In 1589,
James married a daughter of Denmark, (af-
ter
the lady Huntley^ and her invitation to the baptifm
of the princefs ; the putting her in the hands of the
lady Levingjione, an avowed and obftinate papift j and
the alienation of his majefty's heart from the mini-
fters, as appeared by all his fpeeches publick and pri-
W) Spotf- vate." (d] In (hort, the minifters were jealous of
wood,p.4j<>. his majefty's intentions j they fufpedted his behaviour,
and we;e afraid that he only wanted an opportunity to
crum them, and the religion they profefled. 'Twas the
belief of this, that made them break out into fuch in-
decent exprefiions, and undutiful behaviour ; and the
knowledge of their own power and influence over the
people, which infpired them with courage and boldnefs.
And, I think, all impartial perfons muft allow, that if
ever 'tis excufable to go beyond bounds in any thing, it
is in defence of religion and libertr, in oppofition to
popery and tyranny. Moft of thefe men remembred
the fires which popifh zeal had lighted ; they had feen
the blood fpilt by it, and therefore it is not to be won-
dered at, that they were more than ordinarily moved at
every thing which had the leaft tendency to bring them
back into fo deplorable a ftate.
(O) I am far enough from defending their whole be-
haviour.] The behaviour of the clergy was very rough,
and bordering upon rudenefs. They treated majefty
with too much familiarity. They proftituted their pul-
pits to affairs of ftate, and rebuked after fuch a manner
as tended more to provoke, than to reclaim. In thefe
things they were blame-worthy. But I (hould not do
them juftice, were I to omit their zeal for what they
thought truth ; their labour and diligence in the bufmefs
of the miniftry, and their f pea king the truth with all
boldnefs. Thefe were virtues for which James's clergy
were eminent; and therefore they were held in high
efteem
Me LIFE of JAMES I. 31
ter having objected ngainft the dignity of
that royal houfe, merely through ignorance
about it :) (P) and the lady being driven by a
tempeft
efteem by the major part of that kingdom, as will all
of that profeflion every where be, who imitate them
herein, for they are things praife-worthy, and of good
report.
(P) He married a daughter of Denmark, after hav-
ing objected againft the dignity of that royal houfe,
through mere ignorance about it.] James, notwith-
ftanding all his boafted learning, was defective in hifto-
ry, the knowledge of which is moft neceflary for
princes. He had fo little fkill in this, that he knew not
the flate and condition of fo near a country to him as
Denmark; nor was he acquainted with the rank the
kings of it bare in Chriftendom. " He was informed,
" he faid, that the king of Denmark was defcended
** but of merchants, and that few made account of
" him or his country, but fuch as fpoke the Dutch
" tongue (a)." 'Tis amazing that any one of James's / . Me j v5 j
elevated ftation mould be fo grofly ignorant. Had he p.,^.
never read of the power of the Danes", their ravages
and conquefts both in England and Scotland ? was he
never informed that marriage had been contracted be-
tween his own family and that of Denmark ? nor that
in the year 1468 Chrifttan I. king of Norway and Den-
mark, renounced all right and title for himfelf and his
fucceflbrs to James III. king of Scotland, to the ifles of
Orkney, upon a marriage between him and his daugh-
ter (b) ? 'Tis plain he knew none of thefe things, and (t,j Camb-
therefore was miferably qualified to contrail alliances, den's Bri-
or enter into treaties. However Melvil informed g"^ b ^
him of thefe matters, which made him fo exceeding a; t . 2 . ' p .
glad, "that he faid he would not for his head but 1470. LonJ.
" that he had (hewn the verity unto him." " Some- : 7 i:t
" time after, as faid is, he called his council together in
" his cabinet, and told them how he had been advifing
" about
fi
*
32 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
into Norway, he, impatient of the detentiort
of his bride, went thither and confummated
the marriage. From whence, upon invita-
tion,
" about his marriage fifteen days, and afked counfel of
* c God by devout prayer thereon, and that he was now
(r) Melvil, " refolved to marry in Denmark," (c) The lady whom
p. 177. James took to wife was rfnn, fecond daughter of Frede-
rick king of Denmark. Our hiftorians give her the cha-
ra&er of a courteous and humane princefs, and one in
(d, Spotf- whom there was much.goodnefs (d}. It will not perhaps be
wood, p. unacceptable to the reader if I give the character (he bore
Wilton's life amon foreigners, who, oftentimes, fpeak more juftly
cf king than fubjecls. " She Was naturally, fays the duke of
James, p. Sully, bold and enterprizing : (he loved pomp and
^ ' grandeur, tumult and intrigue. She was acquainted
with all the civil factions, not only in Scotland, oc-
cafioned by the catholicks, whom (he fupported, and
had even firtt encouraged ; but alfo in England where
the difcontented, whofe numbers were not inconfi-
derable, were not forry to be fupported by a princefs
" deftined to become their queen. In public (lie affecT:-
<c ed abfolutely to govern her fon (prince Henry} whoni
" it was faid (he thought to infpire with fentiments in
" favour of Spain : for none doubted but fhe was in-
. " clined to declare herfclf abfolutely on that fide (e}.
(e Memoirs ,, A .- , , ,, i i r
of the duke Afterwards, he tells us, he received letters from
cf Sully, p. " Beaumont, (the French refic'ent) informing him, that
211,113. cc the queen was difpofed to pleafures and amufements,
Lond "V/n! " ant ^ Deemed wholly engaged in them, and nothiro;
" elfe. She fo entirely neglected, or forgot the Spanifli
*' politics, as gave reafon to believe (he had in reality
" only pretended to be attached to them, through the
. Vol. " neceflity of eventual conjunctures." (/) Whoever
175. knows the rank of Sully, as favourite and prime mi-
nifter to Henry the great of France, and ambaffador
extraordinary to James, will pay great deference to
his account 5 for it cannot but be fuppofed he had the
heft informations. And indeed from IVinic'Ml^ ti. '<.
paper!
<The LIFE of JAMES I. 33
tion, he proceeded into Denmark, where
being royally entertained, he ipent the win-
ter,
papers the chara&er of queen Ann will be found nearly
as Sully has given it, but different with regard to her in-
clinations to Spain, from what Beaumont informed him.
I have before obferved, that while in Scotland (he-em-
ployed a perfon to Bothwell, to haften him home, af-
furing him of affiftance, in order that Cowry's death
might be revenged^ (f). (f) See note
And Mr. iVinwood^ in a letter to the lord Cranbarne, W
Sept. 12, 1604, O. S. fays, the followers of the
njlable (of Cajlile] in their relation of England,
con
" gave forth, that the queen was wholly theirs." (g) (g} Win-
Mr. Levinus Muncke (fecretary to the earl of Salisbury , od ~ Vo1 *
in a letter to Mr. Wmwood, Ot. 29, 1605, tells him,
*' monf. Caron (the Dutch ambaflador) with much ado
*' fpakefirft with thequeen,and afterward with the prince.
* c I was glad, adds he, I was made an inftrument, under
*' my lardy of his accefles ; for otherwife, without his
*' affiftance, I fear me, he had never fpoken with her ;
* c for let me tell you in your ear without offence, /he
*' Is merely Spanijh, and had prom i fed Areriberg (am-
*' baflador from the arch -dukes) not to fpeak with Ca-
*' ran. But the beft is, (he carrieth no fway in ftate
<i matters, and praeter rem uxoriam hath no great reach
" in other affairs. " (h] However, the Spaniards valued (t>) W. p
her friendmip, and upon a letter from her to the ljf<
queen of Spain, " a large pension was granted to one
*' Carre, a Scott." (/) Sir Charles Cornwallis, ambaf- (0 Id. p.
fador in Spain, in a letter to the earl of Salisbury , A-i J 49'
pril 13, 1609. writes, that " the [Spanidi] ambaflador
*' hath advertifed that the queen fhould fay unto him,
" he might one day peradventure fee the prince on a
" pilgrimage at St. Jsgo. Whereupon, tho' doubtlefs
14 file fpake in merriment, they here much inferj and
*' feem to hope that his majelty will be contented to
" fend him hither to receive the reft of his education .
" here, yf the inclination of alliance continues." (*)i.i.
D So
34 Sft* LIFE of JAMES I.
ter, and returned not into Scotland till May
20, 1590.
During the remainder of his reign in
Scotland, he was engaged in troubles with
his
So that from thefe pafiages 'tis plain Sully did not mifre-
prefent this queen, in faying, " no one doubted but (he
* s was inclined to declare herfelf abfolutely on the Spa-
'* nifh fide." As to pomp and grandeur, pleafures and
amufemems, whoever will take the trouble^of confult-
ing the pages referred to in the margin, will fee abun-
(m] Win- dant proof of it (m). For from thefe it appears that her
wood, Vol. inclinations were much towards mafques and revels,
vJifin 4 p. ft ate anc l grandeur, which probably ran her in debt,
i>?.ard and made her melancholy, 'till the king augmented her
V*' jointure, and paid her debts (). Sir Edward Peyton
(}Id.p.n7. reprefents her indeed in a much worfe light. Accord-
ing to him, befides Gowry, [it mould be Gowry's bro-
ther] (he had a great number of gallants, both in Scot-
(<r) Peyton's land and England (0). But what he fays on this head,
divine ca- j s to me f o ver y improbable, that I will not trouble the
t h e r n oufeof rea( ^ er w ' tn lt She died of a dropfy March I,
Stuarts, p. 1618-19, at Hampton Court, without much lamenta-
10, 1 1. t i on f rom t h e king, though (he was not unbeloved by the
Svo! I73 '' P-p' e - Oiborn obferves, that he himfelf faw " James
" one evening parting from the queen, and taking his
" leave at her coach fide, by kifling her fufficiently to
" the middle of the (boulders ; for fo low, fays he,
" (he went bare all the days I had the fortune to know
" her ; having zjkin far more amiable than the features
" it covered, though not the difpofition, in which re-
(/) Ofborn, <c port rendered her very debonair." (/>) But notwith-
P 49 s - (landing the debbnairnefs of her difpolition, (he could
worth*" h"f- not influence her hufband, who weakly permitted his
torica! col- favourites to ill treat her (q). This probably might in
le&ons, time alter her difpofition, and caufe her to acT: with
V< 6 I Q\ w '^ otn anc ' prudence, and avoid feaftings, revels and
Lond. i6yp. factions. For archbimop Abbot^ (a worthy venerable
prelate) many years after her death, fpeaks of her with
great
The LIFE of JAMES I. 35
his nobility ; in quarrels with his cler-
gy ; and in writing his paraphrafe on the
revelations ( oj. His dsemonoligie, ftiled
D 2 a rare
great refpeft, and as of one whofe virtue he had not the
leaft doubt of, which, I dare fay, he would not have
done, had her chara&er, in his eye, been upon the
whole faulty (r). I have been the longer upon the cha- (r] Id. ib.
radter of this princefs, becaufe it has been l : ttle known ;
our hiftorians contenting themfelves to fpeak one after
the other, without examination, whereby, for the rnoft
part, it cometh to pafs, that they tend little to improve
or inftrucl ; and, which is worfe, fix fuch ideas of
things and perfons as are difficult to be eradicated, tho*
ever fo falfe.
( oj In writing his paraphrafe on the revelations.]
ec This paraphrafe (fays Dr. Mountague] was written by
" his majefty before he was twenty years of age." (a] (<*) prefaee
And James, at the end of his epiftle to the church mi- T^". S S
Jitant, prefixed to this paraphrafe, defires " that what woTks.
*' was found amifs in it might be imputed to his lack
" of years and learning." () A ftrange work this for (^) w rks,
a youth to undertake, and an argument of very great p< 3 '
weaknefs. For who knows not that this book has ex-
crcifed the wits of the mod learned and underftanding
men, from the beginning of the chriftian church ; and
who is there ignorant that the world has been little the
wifer for their lucubrations ? Great learning, induftry,
and piety have been difcovered, it muft be owned, in
feveral commentators on this book, but ftill it remains
in many parts obfcure, as at the beginning (c). What fc)SeeMede,
then muft we think of a raw young man who (hall More, New-
wade fo far out of his depth, and fet up for an expound- ^"n L &^~
er of the deepeil myfterics ? Ought we not to cenfure
his temeriry, and condemn his boldnefs? And much
more reafonable will this appear when we confidcr that
'Jamts was a prince, and confequently a perfon whofe
b.jfmefs it was to apply himfelf to affairs of government,
and
3 6 We LIFE of JAMES I.
a rare piece for many precepts and experi-
ments
and confult the welfare of his people. This was his
proper bufmefs ; the other was out of his province, and
anfwered no end, either to himfelf or others. Indeed,
if Montague is right, thefe reflections are ill founded.
" He tells us kings have a kind of intereft in this book
[the Revelations] beyond any other ; for as the exe-
cution of the moft part of the prophecies ,of that book
is committed unto them, fo it may be, that the in-
terpretation of it may more happily be made bv them ;
and fmce they are the principal inftrumems that God
" hath defcribed in that book to deftroy the kingdom of
" antichrift, to confume his ftate and city j I fee not
tc but it may ftand with the wifdcm of God to infpire
to James's " their hearts to ex P und t-"W Thj s is admirable !
works. ' and well worthy of a court chaplain who had ftill hopes
of preferment. But, with this bifhop's good leave, I
will take on me to affirm, that James's work is far e-
nough from being a proof that the Revelations may be
more happily interpreted by kings than by others j or
that God puts it iiuo their royal hearts at any time to
expound it. For to fpeak in the fofteft manner of this
performance, it muft be (aid to be poor, low, and mean,
and incapable of biinging any honour to the compofer.
Subjoined to this paraphrafe is a '* fruitful meditation^
" containing a plain and eafy expofition, or laying
" open of the feventh, eighth, ninth and tenth verfes
4< of the twentieth chapter of the revelation, in form
<c and manner of a fermon." Here he plainly inti-
mates his opinion that the church of Rome is Anti-
chrift. When this was firit printed at Edinburgh it had
this title. " Ane fruitful meditation containing ane
*' plaine and facile expohtion of the 7, 8, 9 and 10
" verfes of the XX. chap, of the revelation in forme
*' of ane fermone. Set down by the maiit chriftiane
" king and fyncier profdlbur and cheif defender of the
" faith, James the 6th king of Scottis. 2 Theft", i. 6,
" 7,8. For it is ane righteous thing with God. Im-
" prcmit
The LIFE of JAMES I. 37
ments in divinity and natural philofo-
phy;
< premit at Edinburgh be Henrie Charteris, 1588." (e) (e) Lewis's
James was fond of meditations on felecl portions hiftory of
of fcripture. After the deftru6tion of the Spanifh ar- *'
r y-*n i i tianllations
mado in 1588, he wrote a < meditation upon the 25, O f the bible
" 26, 27, 28 and 2Qth verfes of the xvth chapter of the p- 296.
" firft book of Chronicles of the Icings :" in which he
compares the proteftants to the " Ifraelites, and the
" catholicks to the Philiftines, adorers of legions of
" gods, and ruled by the foolifh traditions of men." (f) (/> James' <
And long afterwards [1619] he wrote a " meditation ^ ork *> P-
" on the Lord's prayer, of which I fhall fpeak more 7
" -hereafter; and a meditation upon the 27, 28, 2Qth
" verfes of the xxviith chapter of St. Matthew, or a
" pattern for a king's inauguration." This was de-
dicated to prince Charles. Among feveral other things
we have the following paflage, " telling Buckingham
" my intention, [of writing this meditation] and that
" I thought you the fitteft perfon to whom I could de-
" dicate it, for divers reafons following, he humbly
*' and earneftly defired me, that he might have the ho-
*' nour to be my amanuenfis in this work. Firft, be-
* c caufe it would free me from the pain of writing, by
" fparing the labour both of mine eyes and hands ; and
" next, that he might do you fome piece of fervice
" thereby ; protefting that his natural obligation to you
<c (next me) is redoubled by the many favours that you
" daily heap upon him. And indeed I muft ingenu-
" oufly confefs to my comfort, that in making your
" afFedions to follow and fecond thus your fathers, you
" (hew what reverent love you carry towards me in
" your heart. And indeed my granting this requeft to
*' Buckingham hath much eafed my labour, considering
*' the flownefs, illnefs, and uncorredlnels of my hand."
(g) Many of my readers, I doubt not, will be pleafed fe) H. p.
with fuch like paflages as this ; for they (hew the man 6oi *
more than any thing befides. However, I muft alk
pardon for running away from the Revelations, of which
D 3 James
38 We LIFE of JAMES I.
^jf^J" phy (a) (R)J his trew law of free mo*
works. narchy ;
James was a paraphraft, to thefe meditations ; but the
connexion between that annexed to that book, and the
reft, I hope will be deemed a fufficient excufe.
(R) His Daemonologie.] This was printed at Edin->
burgh, cum privil. reg. 410. 1597. It is in form of a
dialogue, divided into three books. The occafion and
end of this piece, to do James juftice, I mall give in
his own words. " The fearful abounding (fays he)
" at this time, in this country, of thefe deteftable flaves
ct of the devil, the witches or enchanters, hath moved
* c me, beloved reader, to difpatch in poft this following
" treatife of mine, not in any wife (as I proteft) to
" ferve for a fhew of my learning and ingene, but on-
" ly (moved of confcience) to prefs thereby fo far as I
*' can, to refolve the doubting hearts of many; both
" that fuch affaults of Satan are moft certainly prac-
" tifed, and that the inftrument thereof, merits mod
^ feverely to be punifhed, againft the damnable opini-
** nions of two principally in our age, whereof the one
u called Scot, an Englifhman, is not aftiamed in pub-
" lick print to deny, that there can be fuch a thing as
'* witchcraft ; and fo maintains the old errors of the
" Sadducees in denying of fpirits ; the other called Wi~
" erns, a German phyfician, fets out a publick apology
ff for all thefe crafts-folks, whereby, procuring for their
f* impunity, he plainly bewrays himfelf to have been one
" of that profeffion. And for to make this treatife
" the more pleafant and facile, I have put it in form of
" a dialogue, which I have divided into three books ;
" the firft fpeaking of magic in general, and necro-
*' mancie in fpecial : the fecond of forcerie and witch-
" craft : and the third contains a difcourfe of all thefe
" kinds of fpirits, and fpeclres that appear and trouble
" perfbns : together with a conclufion of the whole
(*') Wprjw, ** work.'' (a) From this account 'tis plain James be-
p-9" lieved that ;here were witches, &c. and that they
deferved
7&LIFE of JAMES I. 39
deferved a moft fevere punifliment. And afterwards he
tells us, " that witches ought to be put to death ac-
" cording to the law of God, the civil and imperial law,
" and the municipal law of all chriftian nations. Yea,
" he declares, that to fpare the life, and not to ftrike
" when God bids ftrike, and fo feverely punilh in fo
" odious a fault and treaibn againft God, it is not only
<c unlawful, but doubtlefs no Jefs fin in the magiftrate,
< nor it was in Saul's fparing Agag" (b) Yea fo zeal- &&***
ous was he for puniihing thefe poor wretches, that he
declares it to be his opinion, " that barnes or wives, or
** never fo defamed perfons, may ferve for fufficient
witnefles againft them." (c) But left innocent perfons faM.f.i3
" fhould be accufed, and fufFer falfely, he tells us there
" are two good helps that may be ufed for their trial : the
" one is the finding of their mark, and the trving the
" infenfiblenefs thereof: the other is their fleeting on the
" water : for, as in a fecret murther, if the dead car-
" kafs be at any time thereafter handled by the mur-
" therer, it will gufh out of blood, as if the blood
" were crying to the heaven for revenge of the mur-
" therer ; God having appointed that fecret fupernatu-
* c ral fign, for trial of that fecret unnatural crime : fo
" that it appears that God hath appointed (for a fuper-
*' natural fign of the monftrous Impiety of witches)
*' that the water fhall refufe to receive them in her bo-
" fom, that have (haken off them the facred water of
" baptifm, and wilfully rtfufed the benefit thereof: no,
" not fo much as their eyes are able to fhed tears
" {threaten and torture them as you pleafe) while firft
" they repent (God not permitting them to diflemble
" their obftinacie in fo horrible a crime). Albeit the
" women-kind efpecially, be able otherwife to (bed
<c tears at every light occafion when they will, yea, al-
" though it were diflembling like the crocodiles." (d) W H P- 1 '
fatties^ we fee, was well qualified for a witch -finder j
he knew their marks, and could difcover them by fwim-
ming, and refraining tears. And accordingly, he per-
rnitted perfons to be executed who were found guilty
thereof. In 1597, " tnere was a great bufinefs in the
" trial of witches j amongft others, one Margaret At-
D 4 44 kint t
40 Tbe LIFE of JAMES I.
" kins, being apprehended upon fufpicion, and threat- 1
" ened with torture, did confefs herfelf guilty. Being
" examined concerning her aflbciates in that trade, fhe
" named a few, and finding {he gained credit, made
*' offer to detect all of that fort, and to purge the
" country of them, fo (he might have her life granted.
" For the reafon of her knowledge, fhe faid, that they
" had a fecret mark, all of that fort, in their eyes,
" whereby (he could furely tell, how foon (he looked
<c upon any, whether they were witches or not. In this
" fhe was fo readily believed, that for the fpace of three
" or four months fhe was carried from town to town,
" to make difcoveries in that kind. She accufed many,
" and many innocent women were put to death. In
() Spotf- t tne end fh e wa s found to be a mere deceiver." (e)
r ' p ' 44 ' ' And moft of the winter of the year 1591, was fpent
" in the difcovery and examination of witches and
** forcerers." " In this year the famous Agnes Satnfon
('commonly called the wife wife of Keith) was exa-
* c mined, who confeffed fhe had a familiar fpirit,
who had no power over the king, but faid, as fhe
(/) Id. p. " took the words to be, II eft homrne de Dieu" (f)
S 8 3- This fpeech, I doubt not, flattered James's vanity, and
made him the more ftedfaft in the belief of the doc-
trine of witches. For believe it, I fuppofe, he did, or
otherwife he would not have pafled fuch a bloody fta-
tute, formed out of compliment (as has been well con-
jectured) (g} to him, by both houfes of parliament, foon
hif- after his acceffion to the Englifh throne. By this flatute
toricaleffay it was enaded, * that if. any perfon or perfons fhall ufe,
concerning <t pra&ice, or cxercifc any invocation, or conjuration
r^Lond " of an y evil and wicked fpirit, or fhall confult, co-
1718, gvo. ** venant with, entertain, imploy, feed or reward any
" evil and wicked fpirit, to or for any intent and pur-
(< pofe ; or take up any dead man, woman, or child,
'* out of his, her, or their grave, or any other place
" where the dead body refteth, or the fkin, bone, or
" any part of any dead perfon, to be employed or ufed
(< > in any manner of witchcraft, forcery, charm, or in-
** chantment ; or fhali ufe, pra&ife, or exercife any
*' witchcraft, inchantment, charm, or forcery, where-
by
tfie LIFE of JAMES I. 41
" by any perfon (hall be killed, deftroyed, wafted, con-
** fumed, pined or lamed in his or her body, or any
" part thereof ; that then every fuch offender or of-
" fenders, their aiders, abettors, and counfellors, being
" of any the faid offences duly and lawfully convicted
" and attainted, (hall fuffer pains of death as a felon or
* 6 felons; and (hall lofe the priviledge and benefit of
" clergy and fanctuary." (h) Upon this ftatute great ^\ scat, an-
numbers have been condemned and executed, to the noprimoja-
reproach of common fenfe and humanity. And even c ^ w JjP. c<
great and good men have been the inftruments hereby
of condemning miferable innocent creatures.
A caution to law-makers this, not (in order to pleafe
a prince) to enact ftatutes, efpecially on the penalty of
death, unlefs upon the moft folid, weighty reafons.
For though the general opinion then was, that there
were witches, and that they did much hurt and da-
mage, yet ought the parliament to have weighed well
the foundation on which it was built, and the confe-
quences of it. Whereas they took the opinion on truft,
and enacted a moft dreadful punifhment for an imagi-
nary crime. James tells us, " that witches ought
' to be put to death, according to the municipal law
" of all chriftian nations." He fpoke as he knew ;
but had his learning been as univerfal as it was proclaim-
ed, he could not with truth have faid fo. For Dr.
Hutchinfon affures us, that 'tis fo far from being true,
that all nations have always had fuch laws as ours, that
he had fome reafon to doubt, whether any nation in the
world hath, unlefs it be Scotland (i). And with great (') Historical
pleafure I find that there " was a law in Ethiopia, d if>urfe of
' which prohibited the people to believe that there is j^^jj^
" any fuch thing as witches ; the belief whereof, they
* 4 fay, is founded upon the error of the Manichees,
" that there are two independent gods, a good one,
' and a bad one." (k) But I will leave this fubjedr., (*) Geddes
after having obferved that we have reafon to be thank- church hif-
ful to almighty God, and to acknowledge the wifdom m 3^*
and goodnefs of our government, for repealing the fta- Svo.'Lcmd. "
tute aforefaid, and " enacting, that no profecution, l6 9 5 -
" fuit, or proceeding (hall be commenced, or carried
on
42 rbe LIFE of JAMES I.
mrchy (s) ; but efpecially his piece fo highly
extolled, entituled BASIAIKON AXIPON(T),
for
ec on againft any perfon or perfons for witchcraft, for-
" eery, inchantment, or conjuration, in any court
(A Stat.anno " whatfoever in Great Britain." (I) This is a ftatute as
nonoGeorgii much in honour to our legiflators as any ever enacted,
II. regis, c. an( j w jjj tranfmit their fame down to pofterity ; it be-
ing founded on reafon and juftice, and productive of
the fafety of the people, whofe welfare is the end of all
government. I have faid above, that I fuppofed James
did believe the doc-hine of witches. But, in juftice to
his character, I muft here add, that after his being in
England, having met with a number of forgeries and
cheats, they wrought fuch an alteration upon his judg-
ment, that at firft he grew diffident of, and then flatly
() Fuller's denied the workings of witches and devils (in}.
church hift,
cent. 17. (s) His trew Jaw of free monarchy.] This was
lcck X a Of P rmte d ' n September 1598, without his name. " The
Item's 11 * " bent f if % s Calderwood, was directed againft the
works, p. ** courfe of God's work, in the reformation of our
5 flYcald " kirk ' and elfewnere > as rebellious to kings." (a) And
wood's "" >t muft be confefled, if the doctrine contained in this
church hift. treatife is true, the Scotch and many other of the re-
p. 4*6. formers, will with difficulty be cleared from rebellion.
For he aflerts the regal power ftrongly ; allows refift-
ance or difobedience to it upon no account whatfoever ;
and reflects on the " feditious preachers of ^atfoever
" religion, either in Scotland or in France, that had
" bufied themfelves moft to ftir up rebellion under cloke
(I) James's " ^ religion."-^ ^ n fli rt > he plainly fays, *' the
works, p. " king is above the law, and that he is not bound
J 59- " thereto, but of his good will, and for good example-
(c)Id 3 " giving to his fubje&s." (c) This is the dodtrine
contained in the law of free monarchy, than which
nothing can be more vile and abominable.
(T) BASIAIKON AQPON.J This book is dedicated
to his deareft fon and natural fucceflbr, prince Henry.
'Tis
tte LIFE of JAMES I. 43
for the ufe of his fon prince Henry; which
being published (though cenfured by the fy-
nod of St. Andrews) was well accepted in
England,
J Tis divided into three parts. " The firft teacheth your
" duty towards God as a chriftian ; the next your duty
" in your office as a king ; and the third intormeth you
" how to behave yourfelf in indifferent things, fays he
*' to the prince (a). It was wrote for an exercife of his (<*) Works,
" own ingenie and inftrudlion of him, who, he hoped, p-I39 *
" was appointed of God to fit on his throne after him."
" Seven copies only were permitted to be printed,
" the printer being firft fworn to fecrefie ; but, con-
" trary to his intention and expectation, the book was
" vented, and fet forth to publick view." (b) This ()id.p.i4z.
was in the year 1599. This book contains foine tole-
rable things, but intermixed with ftrange paflages :
thofe relating to the clergy, whom he opprobrioufly
terms puritans, I have had occafion before to mention
(c] : what follows, I think, is not lefs remarkable. (0 See note
" Suffer not your princes and your parents to be diftio- ^ M ^
<e noured by any: the infaming and making odious of
" the parent, is the readied way to bring the fon into
" contempt. 1 never yet found a conftant biding
" by me in all my ftreights, by any that were of perfit
" age in my parents days, but only by fuch as conftant-
" ly bode by them j 1 mean, fpecially by them that
" ferved the queen my mother." (d) So that princes, (d) Works,
even after their death, are not to have much truth P- I S 8 -
fpoken concerning them, if they have children to
reign after them ; and all their tyrannies, oppre/fions,
and vices are to be buried in oblivion, or concealed at
leaft from the eyes of the vulgar. What monftrous
dodrine is this ! how does it take off all awe and re-
ftraint from princes, and give them hope of reputation
after death, how ill foever they may behave ! How
much more fenftble and judicious were the fentiments of
the virtuous and amiable " Queen Mary, who when
" reflexions were once made before her, of the fharp-
" nefs
44 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
England, and raifed an admiration in all
men's hearts, fays Spotfwood, of his piety
and wifdom. Certain 'tis, adds the fame
writer, that all the difcourfes that came forth
at that time for maintaining his right to the
crown
" nefs of Come hiftorians, who had left heavy imputa-
"-tions on the memory of fome princes ; anfwered, that
" if thofe princes were truly fuch, as the hiftorians re-
" prefented them, they had well deferved that treat-
" ment ; and others who tread their fteps might look
" for the fame ; for truth would be told at laft, and
<e that with the more acrimony of ftile, for being fo
" long reftrained it was a gentle fuffering (added me)
" to be expofed to the world in their true colours,
" much below what others had fuffered at their hands.
*' She thought alfo that all fovereigns ought to read fuch
" hiftories as Procopins ; for how much foever he may
" have aggravated matters, and how unbecomingly
" foever he may have writ, yet by fuch books they
" might fee what would be probably faid of themfelves,
" when all terrors and reftraints mould fall off with
(<) Burnet's " tne ' r lives." (e] Thefe reflections are folid and juft,
effay on the and could proceed only from a mind confcious of its
eenM f own ' nnocencv anc * integrity ; whereas the advice of
P? C I??. a!7 ' James has the appearance of a fenfe of guilt, and dread
izmo. Lond. of mame. But the praife of his mother's fervants, and
1696. t h e acknowledgment of their fmgular fidelity to him
is moft amazing : for who were they but moft bigotted
papifts, and enemies to the reformation ? who but they
who juftified her and defended her, even in the moft in-
iquitous and mameful actions ? who were they but
men enemies to the conftitution of Scotland, and foes
to law and liberty ? 'Tis no wonder therefore, that the
fynod of St. Andrews took fire at a book containing
thefe and like paflages, and afked " what cenfure fliould
" be inflicted upon him that had given fuch inftru&i-
" ons to the prince, and if he could be thought well
" affeded
rbe LIFE of JAMES I. 45
crown of England, prevailed nothing fo
much as did this treatiie.
However, James was not fo much taken
up with thefe matters, as to neglect making
interefl
<c affe&ed to religion, that delivered fuch precepts
"of government?" (f) Thefe things be- ^ Spotf ,
ing confidered, I fancy the judicious reader will not wood,f.^ } -6.
think the judgment of the learned Gataker of this book
much amifs ; which being contained in a piece very
difficult to be got, I will tranfcribe at large, and with
it conclude the note. " King James, a prince of more
<c policy than puiflance, while he was yet king of Scot-
" land, penned, or owned (g) at leaft, a book entituled ^ Dr. gai-
Aa%sv Baicrihtxw, which whofo fhall advifedly read, canqualf who
though of no very (harp eye-fight or deep reach, yet ^od'&f^
may eafily defcry a defign carried all along in it to Dorr, and
ingratiate himfelf with the popifhfide^ by commend- afterwards
the fidelity of his mother's fervants, as to her, fo to 2Sjf*"
himfelf, with the prelatical party, by giving them ud to hwi
hope of continuing that government that he (hould helped king
find here eftablifhed ; with the common people* by al- J^jJ?
lowing them their may-games, and the like fports ; ^"filicon
only he had bitterly exprefTed himfelf in high terms Doron.
againft the poor puritans, whom he leaft feared, and | nr r ey . thro>
deemed generally difaffecled by thofe other three par- 7 o ta:
ties. Howbeit, when the time drew near of queen
Elizabeth's departure, that his quiet coming in might
not meet with any difturbance from that party, he
prefixed a preface to his book then reprinted, where-
in on his honour he protefteth, that by the name of
puritans he meant not all preachers in general, or o-
thers, that mifliked the ceremonies as badges of po-
pery, and the epifcopacie as fmelling of a papal fu-
premacie, but did equally love the learned and grave
on either fide; intended only fuch brainfick and
heady preachers, that leaned too much to their own
dreams, contemned all authority, counted all pro-
" fane
46 Tie LIFE of JAMES I.
intereft with the great men at the Englifti
court (u), to fecure to him the right of
fucceed-
(M Thomas " ^ ane that would not < " vvear to a ^ tne ' r fantafies." (h)
GatakT, The reader will be pleafed to compare this with what
B. p. his 'James fays, note (M) of his having written a long a-
vindication p O i O pr e tick preface to the fecond edition of this book*
ot his anno- r . . . r . , . *
tations, a- n'y in odium puntanorum, and then judge what ftrefs is
gainft the to be laid on his word.
fcurrilous af-
that grand ( u ) James was not fo much taken up with thefe
impoftorMr. matters, as to neslecT: making intereft with the great
William men at the Jgnglift court.] He was careful, fays
4to Lo P nd. " Burnett to fecure to himfelf the body of the Enghfti
16; 3 " nation. Cecil, afterwards earl of Salifbury, fecreta-
" ry to queen Elizabeth, entered into a particular con-
" fidence with him ; and this was managed by his am-
" baflador Bruce, who carried the matter with fuch
" addrefs and fecrecy, that all the great men of Eng-
" land, without knowing of one another's doing it,
" and without the queen's fufpeting any thing con-
*' cerning it, figned in writing an engagement to aflert
" and ftand by the king of Scots right of fucceflion."
(a) A pleafant ftory or two from Sir Henry Wotton,
p. 6. UrnCt ' wno ^ e teftimony in this affair is indifputable, will con-
vince us of the probability of what Burnet has here af-
ferted, and confirm the truth of the text.
" There were in court [queen Elizabeth's] two
" names of power, and almolt of faction, the E/fexian
" and the Cecilian, with their adherents, both well e-
<c nough enjoying the prefent, and yet both looking to
** the future, and therefore both holding correfponden-
" cy with fome of the principal in Scotland, and had
" received advertifements and inftru&ions, either from
*' them, or immediately from the king. But left they
" might detect one another, this was myfterioufly car-
" ried by feveral inftruments and condudts, and on the
<c Ejfexian fide, in truth with infinite hazard ; for Sir
" Robert Cecil, who (as fecretary of ftate) did difpofe
' the
The LIFE of JAMES I. 47
fucceeding Elizabeth, in which he was fuc-
cefsful, as the event (hewed j though how
wife,
" the public addrefles, had prompter and fafer convey-
" ance ; whereupon I cannot but relate a memorable
<c pafTage on either party, as the ftory following (hall
' declare. The earl of Effex had accommodated mafV
* ter Anthony Bacon in a partition of his houfe, and had
' affiirned him a noble entertainment. This was a
* gentleman of impotent feet, but a nimble head, and
* through his hand ran all the intelligences with Scot-
' land^ who being of a provident nature (contrary to
" his brother the lord vifcount St. Albans] and well
" knowing the advantage of a dangerous fecret, would
" many times cunningly let fall fome words, as if he
" could much amend his fortunes under the Cecilians*
" (to whom he was near of alliance, and in blood alfo)
' and who had made (as he was not unwilling ftiould
* be believed) fome great proffers to win him away ;
' which once or twice he prefled fo far, and with fuch
* tokens and figns of apparent difcontent to my lord
* Henry Howard, afterwards earl of Northampton,
* (who was of the party, and flood himfelf in much
* umbrage with the queen) that he flies prefently to my
* lord of Ejjex (with whom he was commonly primae
* admiflionis, by his bed-fide in the morning) and tells
' him, that unlefs that gentleman were prefently fa-
* tisfied with fome round fum, all would be vented.
' This took the earl at that time ill provided fas indeed
* oftentimes his coffers were low) whereupon he was
* fain fuddenly to give him EJJex houfe, which the
* good old lady Walfingham did afterwards difengage
' out of her own ftore with 2500 pounds : and be-
* fore he had diftilled 1500 pounds at another time
<c by the fame fkill. So as we may rate this one
" fecret, as it was finely carried, at 4000 pounds in
" prefent money, befides at the leaft a 1000 pounds of
" annual penfion to a private and bed-rid gentleman:
" what would he have gotten if he could have gone a-
" bout his own bufinefs ? There was another accident
"of
48 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
wife, or rather honeft, thofe were who ad-
mitted him without any limitations, or re-
ftrictions, is not over difficult to guefs (\v).
Elizabeth
" of the fame nature on the Cecilian fide, much more
" pleafant but lefs chargeable, for it coft nothing but
" wit. The queen having for a good while not heard
" any thing from Scotland, and being thirfty of news,
" it fell out that her majefty going to take the air to-
" wards the heath, (the court being then at Greenwich)
" and matter fecretary Cecil then attending her, a poft
" came crofting by, and blew his horn ; the queen out
" of curiofity a(ked him from whence the difpatch
" came ; and being anfwered from Scotland, fhe ftops
" the coach, and calleth for the packet. The fecreta-
" ry, though he knew there were in it fome letters
*' from his correfpondents, which to difcover were as
" fo many ferpents ; yet made more (hew of diligence,
" than of doubt to obey ; and afks fome that flood by
" (forfooth in great hafte) for a knife to cut up the
" packet (for otherwife perhaps he might have awaked
" a little apprehenfion) but in the mean time approach-
" ing with the packet in his hand, at a pretty diftance
" from the queen, he telleth her, it looked and fmel-
" led ill favouredly, coming out of a filthy budget,
" and that it (hould be fit firft to open and air it, be-
*' caufe he knew fhe was averfe from ill fcents. And
" fo being difmifled home, he got leifure by this fea-
" fonable fhift, to fever what he would not have fcen."
(*) Reliquiae (b)
Wottonia-
STO. Lond. ' (w) How wife, or rather how hcneft, thofe were
1672. See who admitted him without any limitations or reftriU-
aKo Birch's j ot er (jjfft cu i t to gr u efs.] No time can be fo
introdudlion f i t n i_
to his hifto- proper for a people to claim their juit rights and pnvi-
rjcal view, ledges, and curb the regal power within proper bounds,
2I * as the acceflion of a ftranger king, who, it may natu*
rally be fuppofed, at fuch a time will do any thing rea-
fonable, rather than difguit thofe whom he is about to
rule
7&-LIFE of JAMES I. 49
Elizabeth, after having reigned with the
higheft glory more than forty four
yearSi at length fubmitted to the ftroke of
death, March 24, 1603, in the feventieth
year
tule over, or impede his own advancement ; for the de-
lire of rule is fo very natural, that few will ftand upon
trifles in order to enjoy it ; nor will any refufe to grant
thejuft conditions of it. A people therefore when about
to place a foreign prince on the throne, ought well to
confider what grievances they have laboured under, what
exorbitances have been committed, and what reftri&i-
ons of the regal power, prone always to extend itfelf,
are neceflary in order to fecure the happinefs of the
fociety. By thefe confiderations proper laws might
be formed, which will be as a rule to a prince how to
behave, and refirain him within the bounds or" equity.
Nor will the moft ambitions prince, who has a regard
to his own fafety, dare break through what he has con-
iented to, as the terms of his admiflion. And there-
fore the lords and commons, February 13, 1688, with
great wifdom prefented to the then prince and princefs
of Orange, a declaration of the rights and liberties
of the fubjccl:, previous to the fetting the crown on
their heads ; the feveral articles of which they " claim-
" ed, demanded and irihfted upon as their undoubted
*' rights and privtledges ; and it was declared and en-
" afted, that all and Angular the rights and priviledges
" afierted and claimed in the faid declaration, are the
" true, antient, and undubitable rights and liberties of
" the people of this kingdom, and fo fhall be efleemed,
" allowed, adjudged, deemed and taken to be ; and
" that all and every the particulars therein contained,
" thall be firmly an..! ini&ly holden and obferved 3 and (<) Vid. (lit;
" all officers and minit'ers whatibever, (hall ferve their fe;i iecun<1 -
st majelties and their fucceflors, atfording to the fame GuiidmTa?
" in.all times to conie." (r) And the event (hewed Marise, cap,
how wifely this was enacted ; for it produced a reign a -ptotum.
E moft
5<> Me LIFE of JAMES I.
year of her age, and thereby made way fctf
James^ to the incredible joy of his Scotifh
fubje&s, and to the no lefs pleafure of his
English ones, who in fuch crouds haftened
to fee him, that he hTued out a proclamation
againft their thronging about him.
In
moft happy to the fubje&, and laid a foundation for all
the blefiings we now enjoy. But when the death of the
(^ July 30, ^j^ of Gloucefter (d] rendered it neceflary to provide
for the fucceffion to the crown, in order to prevent all
imaginable inconveniencies, \i was thought proper ftill
farther to pafs an aft for the better fecuring the rights
and liberties of the fubjeft ; and accordingly many ex-
cellent conditions were laid down on which the ftranger
(*) Statutes P r ince was to fucceed (e). 1 call them excellent con-
anno duode- ditions, though Burnet tells us, ** King IVilliam was
c.mo&de- not pleafed with them, fuppofing they implied a re-
Gu. lmi " flection on him and his adminiftration." (f) 'Tis
III. :-eg:s, not improbable the knowledge of the perfons who pro-
c a. fcft. % pofed thefe conditions, and the oppofition he had many
Voi vt* t ' mes u n d e f erve( Jly met with from them, might make
<--j. that truly good prince have no favourable opinion of this
a enacted by them. But, whatever were the motives
of the framers of this a&, I think all impartial perfons
muft allow that it was a good one in itfelf, productive of
much happinefs to thefe kingdoms. Every particular I
approve not, but, in general, highly applaud it.
Thefe were inftances ' of wifdom, prudence and dif-
crciion, and as fuch they will be admired and praifed
through all generations. But James had no limita-
tions or reftri&ions laid on him ; he without any ce-
reinony was proclaimed king, and by that title thought
he had a right to do as he pleafed. Whatever had been
done by the prerogative royal in aforetimes, whatever
the moft enterprising princes had attempted on the li-
berties of the fubjedt, he had liberty to do likewife ; and
accordingly exerted himfclf in a very extraordinary
We LIFE of JAMES I. 51
In his coming to London he difplayed
fomething of his 'arbitrary difpofition, by
ordering (a] a cutpurfe to be hanged without M coke's
, , f ,. r J . , , r U detection,
any legal procefsj as quickly afterwards ne Vo i.i. P .
did his revenge on one (x) Valentine fboo&s, Lond?'i^
who
manner, as I fhall hereafter (hew. Whereas had he
been tied up, whatever had been his weaknefs, what-
ever his depravity of heart, he could have done but little
mifchief ; and the rniferies brought on the people by his
fucceflbrs, might have been prevented. This Sir Wal-
ter Raleigh, Lord Cobham, Sir John Fortefcue, &c.
were fenfible of, and therefore deftred he might be ob-
liged to articles ; but Cecil, Northumberland, and others
over-ruled them, and permitted him to enter uncon-
trouled ft).
To thefe men then, the nation in a good part owed
the calamities it fuffered from the Stuart race. They
might eafily have prevented them, but they would not
attempt it j doubtlefs hoping hereby to make their court
to James, and enjoy his favour, from whence what
they wiftied for muft flow. Wretched meannefs of fpirit
this ! inexcufable difregard for the public ! 'Tis allow-
able for minifters to avail themfelvees of their own fer-
vicesj and their prince's favour ; but the man who fa-
crifices the intereft of his country, or neglefts taking
thofe fteps which are neceflary to eftablifh its ha[ pinefs,
when he has it in his power, deferves to be treated with
hatred and contempt, let his abilities be ever fo great.
The good of the people is the fupream law. By this
the actions of all minifters are to be triedj and he, who,
to pleafe a prince or obtain wealth and honour for
himfelf, {hall aft inconfiftent therewith, merits the high-
eft punifhments ; for he muft be loft to liberty, virtue,
and his country.
(x) Valentine Thomas, &c.] " In the year 1598,
*i this iiian being in cuftody for theft, charged the Scots
2 <* king
52 The LIFE of JAMES I.
who had many years before accufed him of
having ill defigns again ft Elizabeth ; hereby
making good the obfervation that cowards
never forgive.
He
" king with ill defigns againft the queen. But her ma-
*' jefty (fays feeretary Cecil, in a letter to Mr. Ed-
** mondes) deferred his arraignment, and fupprefleth
** the matter, to avoid offence to the king of Scots,
" who hath very vehemently denied it with deteftation.
" The king of Scots had wrote to the queen on the
" 3<Dth of July 1598, upon this affair, in thefe terms :
" my fuit only is, that, while ye hear further from
" me (which {hall be with all diligence) ye would fa-
" vour me fo far as to delay the fellow's execution, if
** he be yet alive, to the effect, that by fome honour-
" able means, wherein I am to deal with you, my un-
" deferved flander may be removed from the minds of
" men." The queen, on the other hand, fent in-
" ft ructions to Sir William Bowes, her embaflador at
*' Edinburg, to affure king James, that (he had flayed
" Thomas's anaignment, and would do fo as long as
" the king would give no caufe to the contrary. -
" But that king kept a fevere memory of the accufa-
" tion caft upon him by Valentine Thomas; and upon
" his acceffion to the crown of England, and within a
" month after his arrival in London, in the beginning
" of June 1603, ordered him to be brought to his
() Birch's " trial and executed." (a] This every one will eafily
negotiations f ee was revenge, and a very mean revenge too. After
England ^ ve }' ears to ta ^ e awa . v a fellow's life tor an accufa-
France, 'and tion againft himfelf, (for that 'tis eafily feen was the
BrufTels, p. caufe, though the former theft was the pretence) could
*^7 I ,9' proceed from nothing but fo cowardly a principle. I
fay cowardly j for James himfelf tells us, " rancor
" and revenge proceeds from bafenefs and want of cou-
" rage in men, and even amongft beaits and creeping
" things, it proceeds of a defedt and want of courage
in
<Tbc LIFE of JAMES I. 53
He was attended by great numbers of
Scots in his coming into England, who were
advanced to great honours (Y), and (hared
largely
'* in them. And it is a known and undeniable
" truth, that cowards are much more cruel and vindic-
" tive than men of courage are : for a coward can
" never enough fecure himfelf of his enemy ; infomuch
" as when he is lying dead at his feet, he is yet afraid."
(b) Never was the truth of this doctrine better exem- (*) Ki "8
plified than in the execution of Thomas ; and there- Dorics *.
fore I had reafon to fay, that James thereby made good 587. '
the obfervation, that cowards never forgive. How
much more amiable is the character of thofe princes
who have forgot, on their acceffion to the throne, per-
ibnal injuries ? how defervedly famous is the faying of
Lewis 'KU. of France, in anfwer to thofe who would
have perfuaded him to {hew feverity to La Tremotiille :
" God forbid that Lewis Xll.fhould revenge the quarrels
< c of the duke of Orleans (c\ This was truly great and (0 See Bo-
masnanimous. But James's conduct was wholly mean, Iin 8 broke '*
P, ., 'rri-ri lettersonthe
and betrayed the poornefs of his [oul. fpirit O f pa _
trivtifm, p.
Quippe minuti ^f^T**
Semper & infirmi eft animi exiguique voluptas /JTiuveaai
Ultio(rf). Sat. 1 3. v.
18*.
Revenge, which ftill we find
The weakett frailty of a feeble mind. CREECH,
(Y) He was attended by a large number of Scots,
who were advanced to great honours.] '* The perfons
" who attended him were the duke of Lennox, the earls
" of Marr, Murray, and Argile, the lord Hume, Sir
" George Hume, Mr. James Elplnnjlon, Sir David
*' Murray, Sir Robert Ker, with the ordinary gentle-
" men of the chamber, befides feveral of the clergy."
(a) But beiides thefe, there were a great multitude (*) c P tf -
who came in with him, and reaped the benefit of his wood >P-47 6t
E 3 favour.
54 Vx LIFE of JAMES I.
largely in his bounty, at the expence an<$
rnuch to the regret of the EngliQi nation
to
favour. Lennox, Marr, ffume, and Elphinjlon were
made privy counfellors of England, and many of the
Scots became afterwards adorned with fome of the
(*) Thus h : s higheft Englifli titles. Sir Robert Ker (b] was advanced
name is al- to the earldom of Somerfet, Lennox was made duke of
ihrscot- Richmond, Efme Studrt, his younger brother was cre-
riters, ated earl of March, the marquis of Hamilton earl of
as e C am bridge, Sir John Ramfey vifcount Haddington of
EngUfli. 5 Scotland, earl of Holdernefs, and James Hay earl of
(0 Baker's Carlijle(c). Nor were they bare honours which the
ch n ^P Scots got, for they had alfo large lucrative pofts, and,
^684. Fol. uncommon donations, as will appear bye and bye. So
that there feems fome reafon for the following lines of a,
fatyrical writer, tho' they are much too fevere.
(d) King " The (d) royal branch from Pi&land did fucceed,
James. With troops of 'Scots and fcabs from north by Tweed.
" The feven firft years of his pacifick reign,
" Made him and half his nation Englifhmen.
" Scots from the northern frozen banks of Tay,
" With packs and plods came whigging all away.
<c Thick as the locufts which in Egypt fwarm'd,
" With pride and hungry hopes compleatly arm'd :
*' With native truth, difeafes, and no money,
" Plunder'd our Canaan of the milk and honey.
" Here they grew quickly lords and gentlemen,
(0 State po- " And all their race are true-born Englifhmen (<?).
ems, Vol. ,
Lond. ^703. Had there been then an union of the two kingdoms,
8vo. this had, doubtlefs, been good policy ; but as there was
not, thefe promotions could ferve no other end, but to
create jealoufies among the Englifli, and excite com-
plaints. For why mould men of another country have
the power of legiflation ? why mould they whofe pro-
perty lay elfewhere, and whofe connexions were at a
diftance,
The LIFE of JAMES I. 55
(z), to whom it is, with fome good degree
of
diftance, have a power of ena&ing laws which they
themfelves might eafily get out of the reach of, and their
families be wholly free from ? But fuch was the will of
James, who, though he feldom confidered himfelf,
cared not to be counfelled, and therefore generally
acted unwifely.
(z) Shared largely in his bounty af the expence, and
much to the regret of thje Englifh.] Ofborn obferves,
that the " exactions rofe on the Englifh were fpent
44 upon the Scots, by whom nothing was unafked, and
44 to whom nothing was denied j who for want of ho-
44 neft traffick did extract gold out of the faults of the
44 Englifh, whofe pardons they begged, and fold at in-
*' tolerable rates, murther itfelf not being excepted (a}." (<*) Ofbom's
The fame wfiter tells us, " that the earl of Dunbar **' p *
** fwallowed at one gulp, together with the chancellor-
44 (hip of the exchequer, all the ftanding wardrobe,
44 wherein were more jewels, pearl, rich robes, and
44 princely apparel, than ever any king of Scotland (if all
" of them put together) could call his own before ; all
44 which I have fince heard rated by the officers at an
4 incredible fum, whofe fervants did ufe to fhew them
44 for money, it appearing none of the lead rarities in
44 London before this great diflblution." (b) Lord (1} Id. pi
Clarendon aflures us, " that James Hay, earl of Car-f l6 >
44 lijle^ fpent in a very jovial life, above four hundred
44 thoufand pounds, which, upon a ftruSt calculation,
44 he received from the crown." (c) -Robert Ker, W Claren-
earl of Somerfet, had fuch vaft favours beftowed upon of"tL nT*
him, that even at the time of his fall, his eftate was bellion. Vol.
rated to the crown at three hundred thoufand pounds *? 61.8*0.
(d). And Sir John Ramfty, when made a vifcount, ^] f< ^'
had a thoufand pounds land given him to fupport the title p . yi 7 .
(e). Again, fays Ofborn, 4f the Scots hung on James (0"Win-
44 like horfe- leeches, till they could get no more, faJ- wood's me-
" ling then off by retiring into their own country, Ji ""'"
E 4 " P*
56 The LIFE of JAMES I.
of probability, faid, that they behaved with
much rudenefs and infolency (A A).
However
" or living at eafe, leaving all chargeable attendance on
(f) Olborn., *' tne Englifh." (f) This is likewife confirmed by
p. y 3*. Frankland. The king's gifts in lands to the Scots, un-
thank fully and unfittingly, they fold (fays he) convey-
(g) Annals ing that treafure into Scotland (g), Thefe paffages fuf>
of K : n g ficiently {hew how much of the wealth of England was
ro^j^jld beftowed on the Sdots, and how much caufe the Englifh
*$Si. FoJ. had to be difpleafed at it ; for there was not one of
thefe men that was any way ufeful to the Englifli na-
tion, though Dunbar and Carlijle were men of great
abilities ; and therefore there could be no caufe for thefe
exceffive donations.- The king himfelf was fenfible
that his liberality to the Scots was very diftafting, and
therefore apologizes for it in a fpeech to the parliament,
and promifcs for the future .to be more fparing. Let
us hear his words. " Had I been over-fparing to them,
" they might have thought Jofeph had forgotten his
brethren, or that the king had been drunk with his
" new kingdom. If I did refpecT: the Englifh when I
came firft, - what might the Scotifh have juftly
" faid, if I had not in forne meafure dealt bountifully
with them that fo long had ferved me, fo far ad-
"ventured themfelves with me, and been fo faithful
" to me ? -- Such particular perfons of the Scotifh
" nation, as might claim any extraordinary merit at
<* my hands, I have already reafonably rewarded ; and
" I can a (lure you, that there is none left whom for I
f) K'ng K mean extraordinary to ftrain myfelf further." (h)
* was f P' cen Anno J ^07, a little before his majeuy
rs
T'T. S See received Ker as a favourite, and heaped on him fuch
alfop. ;4:. jmmenfe treafures and large poffeflions as I have juft
mentioned. Well therefore might the Englifh grumble,
dcfuife the king, and hate his countrymen, by whom
they were thus fleeced.
'(A A) To whom they behaved with much infolency
and
flfc LIFE of JAMES I. 57
However the English were not negledled
by
and rudenefs.] This is attefted by the following homely
lines, which were every where pofted.
" They beg our lands, OUT goods, our Iives 9
^ .They fwitch our nobles, and lie with their wives ;
" They pinch our gentry, and fend for our benchers j
our ferjeants, and piftol our fencers.
Mr. Qiborn has explained thefe in a very entertaining
manner, to whofe works I refer the inquifttive reader
(a). Not contented to drain the kingdom of its (a} Ofbom,
wealth, and fnatch its honours, they moreover claimed p '.[ 04 ; ?'
precedency of the Englim nobility of the fame rank. JJJj^ [*
-r " At a fupper made by the lady Elizabeth Hatton, 1681.
** there grew a queftion between the earls of Argile and
" Pembroke, about place, which the Scot maintained to
" be his by feniority, as being now become all Britons:
at which our nobility began to ftartle." (b). And no (^Win-
wonder, for whatever might be the antiquity of many ^f a 'j S s me "
of the Scotch nobility, on which probably they valued Vol. III.
themfelves j yet that could entitle them to no place in p. 117.
England, any farther than what courtefy and civility
might require. To fet up a claim of right to fuperio-
rity by reafon of it, could be looked on as nothing but
an infult, and as fuch, doubtlefs, was refented. Indeed
the Scots feemed fo unable to bear their good fortune,
and the Englim were fo provoked at their infolent be-
haviour, that it was almoft a miracle it had not iffued
in torrents of blood (c). ~ A leflbn this to princes (OSeeOf-
not to be too bountiful to perfons ufed to low circum- ' p '
ftances ; feeing it will only tend to infpire them with
pride and haughtinefs, and excite envy and contempt in
ftanders-by ; much more not to enrich aliens at the
cxpence of the natives, and caufe them to lift too high
f;heir heads. There may indeed be exceptions to this
rule, as when diftin2;uifhed merit and great abilities are
pofTefFcd, and thefe exerted fur the good of a country j
but
58 tte LIFE of JAMES I.
by James, for on them alfo he heaped ho-
nours in abundance (BB) ; and 'tis certain,
that a great many particular perfons obtained
great
but where tbefe are not, and when in a moft eminent
degree it is weaknefs and imprudence to heap favours,
which will not fail to bring on complaints, uneafinefles,
and diftrefles on the conferrors,
(BB) Honours in abundance were heaped on the
Englifh alfo.] James in his fpeech to the parliament,
anno 1609, owns that they faw him at hi$ entrance
into England, " make knights by hundreths, aud ba-
) King c rons in great number." (a) This account is not be-
's yon( | fa trut jj jr or gjr Richard Baker, who had the
p * honour of knighthood from him at that time, tells us,
that " before his firft year went about, he made ^od
(I) Baker's " knows how many hundred knights." (b) And if a
ehronide, certain author is to be credited, in the two firft years
p. 4^ of James's reign, no lefs than one thoufand twenty two
(r) VM of- Anights were made by him (<r) A prodigious number
tom's cata- this ! and fuch as almoft exceeds belief. But the authori-
logueof the tj es already quoted in this remark, may poffibly recon-
Wcbi^ &c c 'k us unto ' t- ^ or wnen knights were made by hun-
p. 66/175!. dreds, a large fum total muft run up in a comparitively
(hort fpace of time. But James contented not him-
felf with dubbing knights ; he made barons alfo, and
enlarged the peerage to a great degree. In the firft year
of his reign he made four earls and nine barons, a-
mong whom were Henry Howard^ created earl of
Northampton^ Thomas Howard earl of Suffolk, and the
famous Sir Robert Cecil, lord Cecil, afterwards earl of
Salisbury. Thefe were perfons who had dexterity enough
to infmuate themfelves into James's favour, and obtain
almoft whatever they had a-mind to, for themfelves or
dependants ; thefe were the perfons who tranfa&ed moft
of the bufmefs of ftate during their lives, and reaped
very great rewards by reafon of it, as will Toon appear.
So that though James was lavifh of his honours on his
own
The LIFE of JAMES I. | 9
great wealth, and large poffeffions from
him
own countrymen, the Englifh could not fay they were
flighted ; for he created fo great a number of them
peers, that, with the Scots already mentioned, no lefs
than 62 were added to that illuftrious bpdy by him (d}. (^ Tor-
This occafioned a " pafquil to be pafted up in St. Paul's, buck's par-
" wherein was pretended an art to help weak memo- Jj^^^j
<c ries to a competent knowledge of the names of the vn. ^135!
* f nobility." (e } Had thefe great dignities been con- 8vo. Lond.
ferred only on the deferving, there would have been ^w'i
little room for complaint. But " the honours James p <7> '
" beftowed were in fo lavifh a manner, and with fo
<< little diftindtion, that they ceafed in fome fenfe to
?' be honours." (f) This was highly injurious to
character of the conferror, and a contempt caft on thofe n the hif-
whofe birth and great virtues intitled them to fuch dif- 2 f b y n8 '
tin&ions. It fhewed a want of judgment in James, Humphrey
and tended to take off that reverence which ought to oidcaftle,
be kept up in the minds of the people towards the Eng-
lim nobility. For what muft men think of the under-
ftanding of that prince, who could place among the
great council of the nation, John fiUUrs % Chriftopher
Fttfiers, and Lyonel Cranfield? In how contemptible a
light muft the peerage be viewed by thofe who knew
that thefe men had no pretence to fuch an honour, but
as related to George VilUers^ the infolent prime minif-
ter ? 'Twere to be wifhed that the greateft care at
all times was taken not to debafe fo illuftrious an order
of men by undeferved creations, and that nothing but
real merit was the occafion of them. Then would the
prince be applauded, the dignity of the peers be pre-
ferved, and all due deference paid to their decifions.
But when it is known publickly, that undeferving men
are advanced to this elevated rank in order to ferve a
party or pleafe a favourite, then do men murmur at
the crown, and pay little refpedl: to thofe thus diftin-
guifJied by it. For the public will judge of perfons as
the/
60 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
him (cc), to the impoverishing of the crown,
and the reducing himfelf in a few years to
great want. He foon {hewed his gratitude
to
they are ; titles and coronets cannot biafs its judgment,
or caufe it to applaud the ignorant or unworthy.
(cc) Many perfons obtained great wealth, and large
pofleffions from him.] " They that then lived at court,and
" were curious obfervers of every man's actions, could
" have affirmed, that Salisbury, Suffolk, and Northamp-
" ton, and their friends, did get more than the whole
" nation of Scotland (Dunbar excepted). All the
" Scots in general fcarce got the tythe of thofe Englifli
" getters, that can be faid did flick by them, or
" their pofterity. Befides Salisbury had one trick to
" get the kernel, and leave the Scots but the (hell, yet
" caft all the envy upon them j he would make them
" buy books of fee- farms, fome one hundred pounds
" per annum, fome one hundred marks, and he would
" compound with them for a thoufand pounds, which
46 they were willing to embrace, becaufe they were fure
' to have them pafs without any controul or charge,
" and one thoufand pounds appeared to them that ne-
" ver faw ten pounds before, an inexhauftible treafure ;
" then would Salisbury fill up this book with fuch prime
" land as fhould be worth ten or twenty thoufand pounds,
*' which was eafy for him, being treafurer, fo to do ;
(<)SirAn- " a J by this means Salisbury enriched himfelf infi-
thonyWel- " nitely, yet catt the envy on the Scots, in whofe
1 " names thefe books appeared, and are ftill upon record
tsrofking " to a11 pofterity; though Salisbury had the honey,
James, p. " they, poor gentlemen, but part of the wax." (a]
J f ' 55- ^ TFllfon tells us, " that James being one day in his gal-
7651. See <c ^ er y at IKbitehalli and none with him but Sir Henry
alfo Ra- " Rich (afterwards earl of Holland) and James Max-
w^k' S V " we W* f me porters paft by them, with three thoufand
*p. 201? " pounds going to the privy purfe: Rich whifpering
*vo. Lend. u Maxwe!/\ the king turned upon them, and afked Max-
'75i. '- u he
<The LIFE of JAMES I. 61
to Elizabeth for the crown (he had left
him, by permitting no one to appear in
mourning for her (DD) before him, and
even
well what fays he ? what fays he ? Maxwell told him,
he w iflied he had fo much mone.y ; Marry Jbalt thou
Harry (faith the king) and prefently commanded
the porters to carry it to his lodging, with this ex-
preffion, you think now you have a great purchafe,
" but I am more delighted to think how much I have
" pleafured you in giving this money, than you can be
" in receiving it." (b}. And Sir Philip Herbert (after- p. 75.
wards earl of Pembroke} on his marriage with the lady
Sufan Vere, had a gift of the king of 500 /. land for the f{
bride's jointure (r). In (hort, James himfelf aflures wood 'vol.
us, " that he had dealt twice as much amongft Englifti- II. 4*43. *
" men as he had done to Scotchmen." (d) The W King
truth is, thofe of the Englifti who had the king's ear, ^mbs*
and could fall readily into his humours, aad contribute 542.
to his pleafures and amufements, were fure of being en-
riched by him. The true courtier in this reign had a
good time of it, for "James was thoughtlefs and incon-
fiderate, and never knew the value of money till he
was in want of it. But merit, as fuch, was always
neglected or overlooked by him ; he knew it not, or
regarded it not, but preferred his flatterers to all*
others.
(DD) He (hewed his gratitude to Elizabeth, by per-
mitting no one to appear in mourning for her before
him.] For this curious particular we are indebted to
the duke of Sully^ whofe account cannot but be look-
ed on as mott authentic. One part of the orders I
" had given, (fays he, fpeaking of his Englifh embaf-
" fage) in regard to the ceremony of my audience,
" was, that all my retinue (hall appear in mourning;
" whereby I (hould execute the firft part of my com-
" miflion, which confided in complimenting the new
" king on the death of Elizabeth ; though I had been
" informed at Calais, that no one, whether ambafla-
" dor,
62 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
even fpeaking himfelf not only without
gratitude^
" dor, foreigner of EngUJh, was admitted into the
" prefence of the new king in black : and Beamont
" (the French refident) had fince reprefented to me,
" that what I intended would moft certainly be highly
ic difagreeable to the court, where fo ftrong an affec-
" tation prevailed to obliterate the memory of that
" great queen, that fhe was never (poke of, and even
" the mention of her name induftrioufly avoided. I
* e fliould have been very glad not to have been fenfible
" of the neceflity under which I was of appearing in a
* garb, which would feem to caft a reproach on the
" king and all England ; but my orders were hereupon
" pofitive, not to mention that they were alfo moft
" laudable : and this was the reafon I paid no regard td
" Beaumont, who intreated me to defer putting myfelf
*' to this trouble and expence, till he had wrote about
** it to Erfkine^ and fome others, who were heft ac-
" quainted with the court ceremonial. He Wrote ac-
" cordingly, but received no anfwer on Thurfday^ Fri-
" day> nor even all day on Saturday ; and I ftill perfifted
tc in my refolution, notwithstanding the reafons which
" he continually gave me to the contrary. On Sa
" turday night, which was the evening of the day pre-
" ceding my audience, and fo late that 1 was in bed^
" Beaumont came to tell me, that Erjkine had fent to
* 4 acquaint him, that the whole court confidered my
" intention as a premeditated affront ; and that I had
" fo offended the king by it, that nothing could more
<e effaflually prevent the fuccefs of my negotiation from
" its very commencement. This information agreeing
" with that of my lord Sidney^ &c. it was impoffible
" for me to be in doubt about it : and through fear left
" a greater evil might enfue, 1 caufed all my retinue to
" change their apparel, and provide themfelves others
" as well as they could. Leukoner (mafter of the cere-
" monies) being come the next morning to inform me,
" that I fliould be preferred to the king at three o'clock
" in
Me LIFE of JAMES I. 63
gratitude, refped, or regard of her j but alfo
with contempt, to the amazement of ftand-
ers
clock in the afternoon ; I perceived from the fatis-
fa&ion which he exprefled at the new orders which
I had given, that it was indifpenfably neceflary to
vanquifh my repugnance : neverthelefs, it publickly
gained me as much honour as if I had perfifted in
" it throughout, becaufe none were ignorant I had
" complied only through abfolute neceflity." (a) I W Su . ;i J' s
\ c LI i ft.- memoirs,
make no apology for the length of this quotation ; Vol.ilpi
readers of tafte will be glad to find it here, and will not
fail of remarking on the unaccountable ingratitude and
weaknefs of James. His obligations to Elizabeth were
great ; {he had fupplied him conftantly with money
when in Scotland, and though flie had a power, with
confent of parliament, fhe gave not away the crown of
England from him ; on her death-bed (he declared him
her heir, and in confequence thereof he took peaceable
pofleffion of the throne. Ought he not then to have
retained a refpecl for her memory, and treated her name
with honour ? mould he not have owned his obligations,
and celebrated her fame? {hould he have forbid his fub-
jets mourning for the lofs of fo excellent a princefs,
or refufed compliments of condolance from foreigners
on the account of it ? What \ (hould the memory of
fuch a princefs be obliterated in a few months, even in
her own court, and the glory of all her great actions be
forgotten ? muft her humbling Spain, her fupporting
the Proteftant intereft abroad, and eftablifhing it at
home ; her attention to the national intereft and ho-
nour, and raifing the Englifh crown to be the envy and
admiration of Europe ; muft thefe be unfpoken, unce-
lebrated ? fuch was the intention of James. But pof-
terity more grateful, more juft than that court, has
mentioned her name with honour, and founded forth
the glories of her reign. To refemble her has been
thought honourable to princes, and her government has
been fet forth as a model for their imitation .^-So that
envy,
64 Tbe LIFE of JAMES I.
ers by (EE). He was exceffively addicted to
cafe
fa) Sully,
Vol. H. p.
t.
envy, ignorance, fpite, revenge and malice, with their
united force, ava'rl little againft the reputations founded
on great and beneficent actions; and the true hero, the
patriot prince, may defpife their efforts, and reft fecure
that in the annals of after-ages, their characters (hall
fhine with the greateft luftre, and their actions be cele-
brated as they deferve. A noble motive this to generous
minds to purfue the pubiick good with earneftnefs ! and
a motive, whicb, if well confidered, will caufe them to
be unwearied, and perfevering in the purfuit.
(EE) He fpoke with contempt of her.] Sully giving
an account of his firft audience at court, tells us, that
after James had fpoken feveral things to him, " the
" late queen (Elizabeth] was mentioned, but without
" one word in her praife." (a) In another converfation
he had with the king, he obferves, " that an opportu-
c nity prefenting for the king to fpeak of the late queen
1 of England, he did it, and, to my great regret, add?
4 he, with fome fort of contempt. He even went fo
' far as to fay, that in Scotland, long before the death
' of that princefs, he had directed her whole council,
" and governed all her minifters, by whom he had been
(<) Id. p. 89. " better ferved and obeyed than her." (b) I doubt not
compare this Sully fmiled inwardly at the vanity of James, and
with what is heartily detefted his bafenefs with regard to the memory
laid in note r r> > r i f L i' i LL
(). of Elizabeth ; for no one better knew her worth than
this ambaflador, no one fet a greater value on it. With
what indignation then may we fuppofe him filled, when
he heard her name thus treated by her fucceffor ? and
what a defpicable opinion muft he entertain of him ?
but he fupprefled his fentiments on this head, and fet
himfelf to pleafe him, of whom 'tis plain from his me-
morials, he had but a poor opinion. I (hall only add
here, that the higheft merit cannot efcape the tongues
of the ignorant and malicious, though, for the rnoft
part, it is unhurt by them.
7&LIFE of JAMES I. 65
fcafe and pleafure (FF), and indulged him-
ielf in drinking, even fo far as to render
himfelf
(FF) He was exceffively given to eafe and pleafure.]
Sully relates, that " James quitted the company to go
'* to bed, where he ufually pafled part of the afternoon,
" fometimes the whole of it (a)." " And his ^ s ?>
*' thoughts were intent on eafe and pleafure, fays Of- p . 9 i.
cc born (b)" This would have been far enough from a ^ oflborn,
virtue in a private man, but in a prince it muft be looked p. 470.
on as a vice. For the love of eafe and pleafure enervates
the mind, and tends to render it incapable of what is
great. And there are but few princes who have in-
dulged this difpofition, that have made any greater figure
in hiftory than the prince of whom we are difcourfing.
Alexander > Ctzfar^ and Henry IV. of France, loved
pleafure as well as any men ; but then they had no-
thing indolent in their temper, and had fo much am-
bition, that they could not poffibly abflain from ftriving
to render their names glorious. But fames not only
loved pleafure, but eafe, and therefore was incapable of
being more fignificant in life, than are the generality of
eaftern princes, immured in feraglios, and (hangers to
every thing but what their viziers or eunuchs pleafe to
inform them of, for their entertainment or amufement.
So that princes of this indolent difpofition neglect the
affairs of government, and are ruled by minifters and
favourites, and the people are left to be fleeced and op-
preffed, to fupply the calls of luxury and pleafure. Un-
happy princes ! unhappy people ! the former deflitute of
true worth, the latter groaning under vile bondage.
How much then does it concern thofe who are advan-
ced to dominion, to exert themfelves, and employ their
time and talents in examining the frate of thofe under
them, and promoting their welfare ? how much does it
behove them to be diligent in bufmefs, fkilful in affairSj
and attentive to the representations and complaints of >
their fubjects ? By thefe means alone can they anfwer
the end of their advancement, obtain reputation, pro-
F cure
66 We LIFE of JAMES I.
himfelf fometinies contemptible (GG). And
from
cure fuccefs, and have the love and affection of thofe
over whom they bear rule. To which let rrie add,
that indolent princes are very infecure ; they become
victims frequently to the ambition of their own fer-
vants, and fall, though not unpitiedj yet quite unla-
mented. For the people have fenfe enough to know*
that a life devoted to eafe and pleafure, is of no impor*
tance to them, and therefore, with indifference^ fee it
deftroyed, though by thofe who ought to have defended
(GG) Indulged himfelf in drinking, &c.] Weldon
obferves, that " James was not intemperate in his drink-
" ing j" but he adds, " however in hid old age, and
" Buckingham* jovial fuppers, when he had any turn
" to do with him, made him fometimes overtaken^
" wh'rch he would the very next day remember, and
" repent with tears: it is true, he drank very often-,
" which was rather out of a cuftom than any delight,
" and his drinks were of that kind for ftrength, as
" frontiniack, canary, high-country wine, tent wine,
" and Scotilh ale, that had he not had a very ftrong brain,
" might have daily been overtaken, although he fel-
" dom drank at any one time above four fpoonfuls,
(a] Wddon, many times not above one or two (a)." This is
p. i6tf. ver y moc j e (t j n Weldon, But other authors go a little
farther, and make James (hew himfelf beneath a man
hv his intemperance. " The king was exceffively ad-
" dided to hunting and drinking (fays Coke) not ordi-
*' nary French and Spanifh wines, but ftrong Greek
* 4 wines ; and though he would divide his hunting from
drinking thefe wines, yet he would- compound his
hunting with drinking thefe wines, and to that pur-
pofe he was attended with a fpecial officer, who was
as much as could be always at hand, to fill the king's
cup in his hunting, when he called for it. I have
heard my father fay, that being hunting with the
fbf LIFE of JAMES I. 67
from his known love of mafculine beauty,
his exceffive favour to fuch as were pof-
feffed
< 4 king, after the king had drank of the. wine, he alfb
*' drank of it, and though he was young and of an
" healthful conftitution, it fo difordered his head, that
" it fpoiled his pleafure, and difordered him for three
* days after. Whether it v/as from drinking thefe
" wines, or from fome other caufe, the king became
" fo lazy and unweildy, that he was truft on horfe-
" back, and as he was fet, fo would he ride, without
" otherwife poifmg himfelf on his faddle ; nay, when
" his hat was fet on his head, he would not take the
" pains to alter it, but it fat as it was upon him ()." ^] C ^ e " a
I doubt not but this account is true, Sully taking no- Vol.i.p.42.
tice, that " James's cuftom was never to mix water
" with his wine (<:)." And therefore, though Sir Edward () ^ u | ly
Peyton be a partial writer, and prejudiced much againft 90 t *
ths Stuart race, yet I believe the following ftory from
him will not be deemed improbable. " When the king (^) P^ton's
" of Denmark [brother-in-law to J amis'] was firft of ^"heof*"
*' all in England, both kings were fo drunk at Theo- thcfkindy
" bald's, as our king was carried in the arms of the family of the
" courtiers, when one cheated another of the bed- g^" 1 ^
*' chamber, for getting a grant from king James, for 30 . 8vo.
" that he would give him the beft jewel in England for tond. 1731.
" a jewel of a hundred pound he promifed him; and T ^ efe ^'
" fo put king James in his arms, and carried him to wddon" "
* 4 his lodging, and defrauded the bed-chamber man, Coke, and
" who had much ado to get the king into his bed. Peyton, are
" And Denmark was fo difguifedj as he wou'd have ve 7? ddly
i -ii / f X i i an " maccu-
' lain with the countels or Nottingham, making horns rately ex-
ec in derifion at her hufband, the high admiral of Eng- preffed; but
" land (d).'* I faid juft now, this ftory\ I believed, ^^
would not be thought improbable ; and I doubt not the themes they
reader by the following letter of the countefs of Not- ^ e > and not
tinvham to the Daniih ambaflador, will readily afient to ex Pf a , the
. i ,. . r r \- c c , .to be altered
it, feeing it confirms fo chief a part of it as the rude - m or( j er to
behaviour of the Danifh king to that lady. 'Tis wrote plcafe.
F 4 with
LIFE of JAMES I.
felled of it, and unfeemly Careffes of them,
one
with fpirit, and worthy perufal, which therefore I infert
at large.
"SIR,
" I am very forry this occafion fliould have been of-
" feied me by the king your mafter, which makes me
" troublefome to you for the prefent. It is reported to
" me by men of honour, the great wrong the king of
" Danes hath done me, when I was not by to anfwer
" for myfelf ; for if I had been prefent, I would have
" iecten him know how much I fcorn to receive that
" wrong at his hands. I need not to urge the particu-
" lar of it, for the king himfelf knows it beft. I pro-
" teft to you, Sir, I did think as honourably of the
" king your matter, as I did of my own prince ; but
" now I perfuade myfelf there is as much bafenefs in
" him as can be in any man ; for although he be a
" prince by birth, it feems not to me that there har-
" bours any princely thought in his breaft ; for either
" in prince or fubjeft, it is the bafeft that can be to
" wrong any woman of honour. I deferve as little
" that name he gave me, as either the mother of him-
" felf, or of his children ; and if ever I come to know
" what man hath informed your mafter fo wrongfully
" of me, I mail do my beft for putting him from do-
" ing the like to any other: but if it hath come by the
" tongue of any woman, I dare fay (he would be glad
" to have companions. So leaving to trouble you any
further, I reft
t( your friend,
M Supple. " M. NOT T I N G H A M (<?)."
mep.t to the
C 6 bn -to' p> There can, I think, remain no doubt but that Pey-
Lond. t( i654. * on ' s account is true ; and confequently, when confider-
' ed with what iVeldon and Coke relate, it muft be be-
lieved, that James addicted himfelf to drinking in fuch
a manner,
rhe LIFE of JAMES I. 69
would be tempted to think, that he was
not wholly free from a vice inoft unnatu-
ral (HH).
He
a manner, as to render himfelf fometimes contemptible.
<c For it is not for kings to drink wine, nor for princes
" ftrong drink; left they drink and forget the law,
* and pervert the judgment of any of the affii&ed (f)." (fJProv.
Drunkennefs throws princes off their guard, and ex- XXX1> **
pofes thofe weaknefles which it moft of all behoves them
to conceal ; and it takes off that reverence for their
perfons, which is neceffary to make their fubje&s ftand
in a proper awe of them, and pay a fubmiffion to their
commands. It debafes the man, finks the prince, fpoils
the politician, and reveals thofe fecrets which are moft
neceiTary to be concealed. " Drunkennefs, fays Mon-
taigne, feems to me to be a grofs and brutifh vice.
* The foul has the greateft intereft in all the reft, and
" there are fome vices that have fomethi-ng, if a man
" may fo fay, of generous in them. There are vices
" wherein there is a mixture of knowledge, diligence,
" valour, prudence, dexterity, and cunning : this is
< c totally corporeal and earthly, and the thickeft fkulled
<c nation [the Germans] this day in Europe, is that
" where it is moft in fafhion. Other vices difcompofe
<c the underftanding, this totally overthrows it, and
*< renders the body ftupid (g)" Thefe reflections feem (g) Mon-
juft and obvious, but they occurred not to the mind of jj lgne> *
"James, or made little impreflion on him ; for he feems
to have been guided in his whole behaviour more by will
and humour, by paflion and inclination, than by wif-
dom, prudence, or difcretion. So that his knowledge
was of little fervice to him, and feldom caufed him to
a& as a wife man, or an underftanding king. It en-
abled him to talk, but was wholly infufficient to regu-
late his a&ions ; and fo, in effect, was no better than
ignorance.
(HH) From his known love of -mafculine beauty,
F 3 &c.]
He LIFE of JAMES I.
He ufed curling and fwearing in his com-
mon
&c.] I fhall give my authorities, and leave the reader
to judge what conclufion is to be drawn from them. <
" As no other reafon appeared in favour of their [the
" favourites of James] choice but handfomenefs, fo
" the love the king {hewed, was as amoroufly convey-
" ed as if he had mittaken their fex, and thought them
" ladies ; which 1 have feen Somerfet and Buckingham
" labour to refemble in the effeminatenefs of their dref-
<c fines ; though in w looks, and wanton geftures,
" they exceeded any part of woman-kind my conver-
" fation did ever cope withal. Nor was his love, or
w whatever elfe pofterity will pleafe to call it, (who
" muft be the judges of all that hiftory jftiall inform^
" carried on with a difcretion fufficient to cover a lefs
^ fcandalous behaviour ; for the king's kitting them
" after fo lafcivious a mode in public, and upon the
<c theatre as it were of the world, prompted many to
*' imagine feme things done in the tyring-houfe, that
u exceed my expreflions no lefs than they do my expe-
*' rience ; and therefore left floating on the waves of
" conjecture, which hath in my hearing tofled them
* c from one fide to another. I have heard that Sir Hen-
<c ry Rich, fince earl of Holland, and fome others, re-
* 4 fufed his majefty's favour upon thofe conditions they
** fubfcribed to, who filled that place in his affection :
^ Rich loling that opportunity his curious face and com-
'* plelion afforded him, by turning afide and (pitting
, *' after the king had flabbered his mouth (*)." "r/el~
" don, who faw Jame's parting with Somerfet y juft be-
< fore his commitment for Overbury's murther, fays,
<c that had you feen that feeming affection, you would
" rather have believed he was in his rifmg than fet-
" ting. The earl when he kifled his hand, the king
* c hung about his neck, fiabbering his cheeks, faying,
<c far God's fake when fhall I fee~thee again? on my
tc foul I (hall neither eat nor fleep until you come again j
(he earl (oi4 him op Monday (this being on. the"Fri-
4< da y)
<TA? LIFE of JAMES I. 71
day) for God's fake let me, faid the king; fhall I?
" fhall I ? then lolled about his neck ; then for God's
" fake give thy lady this kifs for me : in the fame
<< manner at the flairs-head, at the middle of the flairs,
" and at the ftairs-foot (/>)." The fame writer obferves, () Weldo*,
that " he was not very uxorious, for he was ever beft P- 9>~-
<c when fartheft from his queen (<:)." And in another W Id P- l68<
place he fays, " that Janes naturally hated women (d}." K P- Ii 5-
Peyton writes, that " James was more addicted to love
*' males than females i and that though for compli-
*' men he vifited queen Anne, yet he never lodged
*' with her a night for many years (e)." -- The fol- ('\ Peyton's
lowing fatyr, faid to be left on his cupboard, will fhew fj^^l'
us the fenfe thofe times had of this matter. p. 14. '
Aula prophana, religione vana,
Spreta uxore, Ganymedis amore,
Lege fublata, prerogativa inflata.
Tolle libertatem, incende civitatem,
Ducas fpadonem
&
Superafti Neronem (f). (f) The
Nonefuch
I know not well the authority of the book from wh'ch c ^ a a r r a ,
I quote thefe lines; 'tis very bitter againft the Stuart p. i?.i:..
race, and written with great partiality. I am informed Lond> l6 S l>
by a learned friend, that 'tis thought to be written by
the above-cited Peyton : But I am of a different opi-
nion. Peyton's divine catajlropbe, tho' partial enough,
has many true paffages in it ; but the Ndnefuch Charles
feems chiefly invention, in order to blacken and defame.
Bcfides, iuch was the zeal of Peyton againft Charles and
his houfe, that I fancy he would have thought it a merit
to have been the author of any work tending to its
difgrace, and therefore have fet his name to it; for he
who had been afraid of after-refentment, would never x w ,
have publickly owned the divine caiaftropbe. Add to ArhemeO*.
this, that IVood^ in reckoning up Peyton's writings, r>ni-nf,
mentions nothing of this piece, which if it had been v _j' ^: c>
his 'tis difficult to account for (g}. However, as the L p n ' d , 7 ',~
infmuation in this fatyr is fupported by other authorities, Fol.o.
F 4 'tis
72 tte LIFE of JAMES I.
'tis of little importance whether the author who gives it
us be of any great account, or no. Let us now return
to our fubjedt,. The authors above quoted may be
deemed by fome not quite fo favourable to the character
of James as could be wiflied, and therefore not fo much
to be relied on. But what (hall we fay to Clarendon,
who owns, that the " firft introduction of George
tc yilliers into favour, wa$ purely from the haridfome-
(MClaren- nefs of his perfon (b) : and that the king's natural
don, Vol. I. u difpofition was very flowing in affe&ion towards per-
** funs fo adorned." Dr. Birch obferves of this fame
ViliierS) that "he had fcarce any other advantages to
" recommend him to his majefty, than thofe of a moft
*' graceful perfon. Upon what terms of familiarity,
" adds he, he was with his royal mafter is evident,
not much to the honour of either of them, from two
" volumes of original letters which pafTed between
" them, ftill extant in the Harleian library, full of the
" obfceneft expreflions in our language, and fuch as
*' Dr. Welwood t who has given fome extracts from
* c thofe letters, fays, might make a lawd to blujh to re-
tc peat. So impure a correfpondence is an amazing in-
<c confiftency with thofe theological and devotional tracts
' which the king gave the world with fo much pomp
" among his works, and which he caufed to be tranf-
tc lated into and publifhed in both the Latin and French
(OBiich's " tongues (*)."
View of the That the reader may have as much light as poffible in
ET^T' tllis matter > ' wiJJ tranfcribe Dr. Wei-wood's account of
3 4 * the letters which pafied between 'James and Bucking-
bam t to which Dr. Birch refers. " The letters, fays
<c he, which pa fled between the king and Buckingham^
" are wrote in a peculiar ftile of familiarity,, the king
< for the moft part calling him his dear child and goffip,
'* and his dear child and goffip Steiny ; and fubfcribing
* ; himfelfhis dtar dad and goffip, and fometimes his dear
tc dad arid Stuart; and once, when he fends him par-
* c tridges, his dear dad and purveyor. Buckingham calls
" the king, for the moft part, dear dad and gojjip, and
" fometimes, dear dad, gojjip, and Stuart, and fub-
' fcribes
<Tbe LIFE of JAMES I. 73
c< fcribes always, your maj'ejly's moji humble Jlave and
*' dog, Steiny.
" Not to blot thefe papers with the bawdy that is in
< fome of thefe letters of king James, I (hall only ob-
44 ferve, that fuch was the familiarity and friendship be-
" tween him and Buckingham, that in one of them he
" tells Buckingham, he wears Steiny' s pifiure under his
" waijlcoat, next his heart', and in another, be bids
*' him, his only fweet and dear child, baft en to him to
" Birely that night, that his white teeth might Jkine upon
" him. But the reader may better judge of the reft of
" king James's familiar letters to the duke of Bucking-
" ham, by the following fnort one, which runs thus
" verbatim, and is without date.
" My only fweet and dear child,
" Bleffing, bleffing, bleifing on thy heart's roots, and
all thine, this thurfday morning. Here is great ftore
of game as they fay, partridges and ftoncorleurs : I
know who (hall get their part of them ; and here is
the fineft company of young hounds that ever was
feen. God blefs the fweet mafter of my harriers,
that made them to be fo well kept all fummer ; I
mean Tom Badger. I affure myfelf thou wilt punc-
tually obferve the dyet and journey I fet thee down 1
" in my firft letter from Theobald's. God blefs thee,
" and my fweet Kate, and Mall, to the comfort of
" thy
dear Dad,
" JAMES R.
" P. S. Let my laft compliment fettle to thy heart,
" till we have a fweet and comfortable meeting, which
" God fend, and give thee grace to bid the drogues adieu
" this day.
" Now the reafon why James gave Buckingham the ^ comple
" name of Steiny, was for his handfomenefs, it being hiftory of
*' the diminutive of St. Stephen, who is always painted England,
with a glory about his face (*)." I 9 7 Foifo"
Lond. ijc
I have
74 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
mon converfation (11); and ftuck not, on
occafion,
I have now given my authorities for the afTertion in
the text, the inference I leave to the reader, bein* .un-
willing to fay more on a fubjed fo difagreeable to the ears
of the chafte and virtuous. I have added nothing, nor
fupprefied any thing ; and therefore, as a meer relator,
am liable, I think, to no cenfure. Had I met with
any thing favourable to James in this matter, I would
have declared it with great pleafure ; but I cannot al-
low myfelf to invent, in order to vindicate.
(n) He ufed curfing and fwearing.] Here follow
my proofs. " He would make a great deal too bold
" with God in his paffion, both in curfing and fwear-
" ing, and one ftrain higher, verging on blafphemy ;
" but would in his better temper fay, he hoped God
" would not impute them as fins, and lay them to his
() Weldon, * c charge, feeing they proceeded from paffion. (#)."
P- ! 7 Z - An excellent reafon this ! and an admirable excufe for
an acknowledged crime. 'James ^ weak as he was,
would have feen the folly of this plea in others, and
would have cenfured them for making ufe of it. But
any thing will ferve for an excufe to thofe who chufe
to do as they have been accuftomed, and will not be at
the pains to reform. That "James was a fwearer, ap-
pears from Lord Clarendoh> who fays " he renounced
" with many oaths the having communicated the prince's
(*)Clan- journey into Spain '()." Oaths are highly indecent
*"rf *** *' ' n P rmces : tne y are greatly impolitic, alfo, as leflening
the regard which ought to be payed unto them in courts
of judicature, and leading thereby to perjury. Princes
therefore (hould (hew the greateft reverence to oaths, in
order thereby to keep up their facrednefs, and fecure the
truth and fidelity of their fubjects. Thofe of them who
will not thus behave, pay generally very dear for their
liberty; for their fervants" and fubjefts taking example
by them, run into the fame excefs, whereby they re-
ceive the greateft damage. So that intereft alone, if
well
f Tbe LIFE of JAMES I. 75
occafion, to utter the moft bitter impreca-
tions (KK) on.himfeif, and on his poiterity.
And
well underRood and confidered, will engage thcfe who
bear rule, to fet before men good examples, and abfbin
from the appearance of evil ; and fuch of them as are
not induced hereunto by a fenie of it, have no great
reafon to boaft of their understanding.
(KK) He ftuck not to utter the moft bitter impreca-
tions on himfelf, and on his pofterity.] When the trial
of the murtherers of Sir Thomas Overlury was going
forwards, the king went from Whitehall to Theobald's,
and fo to Roy/ton, and having fent for all the judges, he
kneeled down in the midft of his lords and fervants, and
ufed thefe words to the judges. " My lords, I charge
*' you, as you will anfwer it at that great and dreadful
" day of judgment, that you examine it [the poifoning
" of Overbury] ftri&iy without favour, affection, or
" partiality ; and if you fpare any guilty of this crime,
" God's curfe light upon you and your pofterity; and
*' if I fpare any that are found guilty, God's curfe
" light on me and my pofterity for ever {a}" And in (a) Weldon,
the fecond year of his reign " feveral lords having de- P- 93-
* clared in the ftar-chamber, that fome of the puri-
" tans had raifed a falfe rumour of the king, how he
44 intended to grant a toleration to papifts ; the lords
" feverally declared, how the king was difcontented
<< with the faid falfe rumour, and had made but the
" day before a proteftation unto them, that he never
" intended it, and that he would fpend the laft drop of
" his blood before he would do it f and prayed, that
" before any of his iflue fhould maintain any other re-
*' ligion than what he truly profefled and maintained, that
" God would taka them out of the world ()." Thefe WCrok>
are deep and horrible imprecations, and enough to make ^Trt/"*
a man tremble to think on the profanenefs of the mouth Lend. 1683.
that could utter them ; efpecially when it is known Folio<
(that notwuhuanding there were fo many witnefles to
thefe
7 6 fbe LIFE of JAMES I.
And yet notwithftanding, upon times, he
gave himfelf great airs of religion (LL), and
talked
thefe his words) he fpared Somerfet and his lady, the prin-
cipal a&ors in Overbur/s tragedy ; and that he not only
intended, but did grant a toleration to papifts, as will
be fhewn hereafter. How far his imprecations have af-
fected his pofterity, is not, I think, for man to fay.
But, without breach of charity, we may affert, that
James was very rafli and inconfiderate, and guilty of a
great fault in calling down the judgments of heaven
thus on himfelf and his family. 'Tis good advice
which the wife man gives, and which was worthy of
the regard of this Britifh Solomon, in the following
words, " Be not rafh with thy mouth, and let not thy
*' heart be hafty to utter any thing before God j for
" God is in heaven, and thou upon earth ; therefore
tO EccleC " ^ et tn y wor ds be few (c}." A fenfe of the omnipre-
T.*. fence, power, wifdom, and majefty of the fuperintend-
ing mind, would have reftrained James from thefe rafh
and horrible wifhes ; but he feems to have had little no-
tion of any of thefe things, but rather to have been
one of tbofe who deal in holy things without any feel-
ing. Thefe, in lord Bacon's opinion, are " the great
*' atheifts, who muft, fays he, be needs cauterized in
(d Bacon's the end (d)" Deplorable ftate ! difmal condition !
happy thofe, who by an uniform courfe of virtuous ac-
tions, can look on the almighty being as their friend !
who are careful at all times to do what they themfelves
think right, and agreeable to him : the religion of fuch
is real, and their happinefs certain.
(LL) He gave himfelf airs of religion, &c.] Here
follows a paflage from Sully * tending to verify the text.
:t James afked me, fays he, whether I went to the
" proteftant church in London ? upon my replying that
" I did, then, faid he, you are not refolved, as 1 have
c been informed, to quit our religion, after the ex-
*' ample of Sancy, who thought thereby to make his
" fortune
The LIFE of JAMES I. 77
talked after fuch a manner, as to lead thofe
who
" fortune, but, by God's permiffion, did juft the con-
" trary. 1 treated this report as a calumny, and faid,
" that my living in France in friendfhip with fo many
" ecclefiafticks, and being fo frequently vifited by the
" pope's nuncio, might, perhaps, have given rife to it.
" Do you give the pope the title of holinefs? faid
" James. I replied, that, to conform to the cuftom
" eftabliftied in France^ I did. He was then for prov-
" ing to me, that this cuftom was an offence againft
" God, to whom alone this title could juftly belong. I
" replied, that I fuppofed a greater crime was not here-
" by committed, than by fo frequently giving to prin-
" ces fuch titles as they were well known not to de-
" ferve (a]." Let us add the following memorandum ^ SulVa
of the illuftrious archbifhop Ujher.to Sully^ and we (hall memoirs,
need nothing more to convince us of the folemn airs of Vol H -P*
religion 'fames, at fome times, could put on. " I was 33 *
" appointed by the lower houfe of parliament, to preach
at St. Maagarefs, Wejlminjler, Feb. 7, 1620. Feb.
" 13, being Shrove Tuefday^ I dined at court, and be-
*' twixt four and five kifled the king's hand, and had
" conference with him touching my fermon. He faid,
" / had charge of an unruly flock to look nnto the next Sun-
*' day. He afked me how 1 thought it could ftand with
" true divinity, that fo many hundred fhould be tied (up-
" on fo (hort warning) to receive the communion upon
cc - a day, all could not be in charity, after fo late con-
<e tentions in the houfe : many muft needs come with-
" out preparation, and eat their own condemnation:
" that himfelf required all his whole houfhold to receive
" the communion, but not all the fame day, unlefs at
" Eafter> when the whole Lent was a time of prepa-
" ration. He bad me to tell them, 1 hoped they were
" all prepared, but wiflied they might be better j to
" exhort them to unity and concord ; to love God
(( firft, and then their prince and country ; to look to
" the urgent necefiities of the times, and the miferable
. ftate
7 8 tffc LIFE /JAMES I.
who were unacquainted with him, to be-
lieve that he had a more than ordinary de-
gree
(A),Ufl>er's ftate of Chriftendom, with bis dot qui cito dat ()."
life and let- ^ h | s kj nd o f ^j^. wou \^ nave fuited well enough
fciTVig. ' the month of fome honeft, well-meaning ecclefiaftie,
Lord. 1686. and edified, no doubt, very much thofe who heard it.
Folio. g ut j t f ounc ]s ftrange from James, who was addicted to
fo many vices, and whofe oaths and imprecations were
fo common. Shall we fuppofe him wholly hypocritical
in thefe fpeec'hes, and intirely unconcerned about the
things he talked of; though from other parts of his be-
haviour, one might be led to make this conclufton,
yet, perhaps, we mould be miftaken in fo doing. For,
however, it be, men's characters are too often incon-
fiftent, and they ftrangely blend what they call religion,
with the practice of the moft odious and deteftable
vices. By a concern for the one, they excufe to them-
felves the other, and fo come at length to imagine, that
they are acceptable to the deity, though they break th
moft facred of his laws. Thus we read of John Bafi-
lides^ great duke of Mufcovy, the moft wicked of men,
the moft deteftable of tyrants, that he would pray and
faft in a moft extraordinary manner, and be as devout as
() SeeCa- poflible himfelf, and make others fo too (c). And, in the
faubon of f ame manner numbers of cruel perfecutors, and ambi-
enthunafrn, f ir/i j- T i
p. 279, 8vo. tlous lei"" 1 , avantious wretches, are exceedingly zeal-
Lond. \6>6. ous and exact in their devotions, and come not behind,
in thefe things, the moft fincere and virtuous perfons.
So that 'tis not improbable James might be in earneft
when he talked in thefe ftrains, and pleafe himfelf to
think, that he was both fo wife and fo religious a king.
Amazing delufion ! terrible deceit ! To the all-piercing
eye of heaven all is naked and open, no difguifes can
conceal from, no artifices impofe on it ; and therefore
men (hould look well to it, that they are what they
would fcem to be. A prince openly vicious and pro--
fane, only hurts the intertft of religion, by appearing,
on occafion, its votary. Slanders- by will look with ri-
dicule
Me LIFE of JAMES I. 79
gree of fandity. Hunting (MM) was a fa-
vourite
dicule and abhorrence on his intereftmg himfelf in its
affairs, and will not be prevailed on to believe that he is
in earned about it. -- Hence pofiibly it has come to
pafs, that courts have been fo little famed for the prac-
tice of religion. For the manners of the generality of
princes being not over good, thofe about them think
they (hall pay their court to them more by conforming
to their example, than by obeying their - edicV When
they fpeak therefore of religion, they are not liftened
unto ; when they command, by thofe about them, they
are not obeyed : for they are confidered as only acting
a part, and therefore having no real concern about what
they feem to engage in.
(MM) Hunting was a favourite diverfion with him,
&c.] Let us hear Sully. " From this fubjeft [the in-
" lincerity of the Spaniards] the king of England pafled
" to that of the chace, for which he fhevved me an ex-
** traordinary paffion. He faid he knew very well that
" I was no great lover of" the chace j that he had at-
" tributed the late fuccefs of his fport to me, not as
" marquis of Rsfny, but as ambafTador from a king,
" who was not only the greateft prince, but the greateft
" hunter in the world ; to which, with the greateft
" politenefs, he added, that Henry was in the right
" not to carry me to the chace, becaufe I was of
< greater fervice to him elfewhere; and that if I pur-
" fued the chace, the king of France could nor.
" I replied, that Henry loved all the exercifes ; but
" that none of them ever made him neglect the care
" of his affairs, nor prevented him from a clofe in-
" fpe&ion into the proceedings of his minifters (a}."
Had James imitated his brother of France in attending
his affairs, and infpc&ing the proceeding of his minif-
ters, he might have enjoyed the pleafure of hunting
without cenlure. For'tis but reafonable that princes mould
have a relaxation from bufmefs as well as other men.
But,
8o The LIFE of JAMES I.
favourite diveriion with him, which he prac-
tifed
But fays Mr. Chamberlaine to Mr. IVmivodd* in a let-
ter dated Jan. 26, 1604, " the king finds that felicity
" in that hunting life, that he hath written to the coun-
" cil, that it is the only means to maintain his health,
" which being the health and welfare of us all, he de-
" fires them to take the charge and burden of affairs^
" and fore fee that he be not int erupted nor troubled with
(}Win- " too much bufinefs (b)" A man who preferred hunt-
wood, Vol. j n g to t jj e a ff a j rs O f ftate, was unworthy of the crown
' p ' 4 ' he wore, and undeferving the regard of his people.
For fuch a one neglected the end of his appointment,
and therefore merited the contempt he met with. - -
antes never loved bufinefs. In Scotland, fa
" the earl of Jrran defired him to recreate himfelf at
" hunting, and he would attend the council, and re-
" port again at his majefty's return, all our opinions
(f) Melvil, " anc l conclufions (c)." He hearkened to his advice,
p. 139. or rather followed his own inclinations, and thereby
numberlefs mifchiefs enfued. He was never the wifcr
for this we fee ; for his averfion to bufinefs was the fame,
and fo was his paflion for hunting : fo that he had lived
to no purpofe, and was incapable of being taught by ex-
perience.
OJborn tells us, he faw " him drefled in colours green
" as the grafs he trod on, with a feather in his cap, and
(JJOlborn, a horn inftead of a fword by his fide (</). A pretty
* 49) ~' pidture this of a prince, and tending to excite much
reverence in the beholders. But when men's minds are
bent on diverfions, they care for nothing more than
their own pleafure and amufement, and are thoughtlefs
of what Standers-by think or fay of them. - 1 will
give the reader fome fine obfervations on this fubjedl of
hunting, from a writer whofe great genius and elevated
rank entitle him to be heard with deference and refpea,
and with them conclude the note. " Hunting is one
" of thofe fenfual pleafures which exercife the body,
" without affecting the mind ; it is an ardent defire of
" purfuing
7&LIFE of JAMES I. Bt
tifed fo muchj as to negleft the great and
weighty bufmefs of ftate, and leave every
thing
" purfulng feme wild beaft, for the cruel fatisfa&ion of
" deftroying it ; an amufement which renders the body
" robuft and aftive, and leaves the mind fallow and
** uncultivated. Sportfmen, perhaps, will reproach me
" here with gravity and preaching, and allcdge, that I
*' a flu me the prerogative of a prieft in his pulpit, whc*
" may aflert whatever he pleafes, without being afraid
" of contradiction. Hunting, fay they, is the nobleft
" and moft antient of all amufements ; the patriarchs
" and many other eminent men were hunters ; and by
" this we continue to exercife that dominion over the
*' beafts, which God vouchfafed to give Adam. But
" no folly is the better for being antient, efpecially
" if it is carried to extravagance : many great men, f
" own, have been paflionately fond of this diverfion ;
" but thefe had their weaknefles as well as perfections i
" Let us imitate their great qualities, without copying
" after their little and idle occupations. The fame pa-
<c triarchs were not only given to hunting, but to pO-
" lygamy, nay, would marry their own fitters, and
" had many other cuftoms which favoured of the bar-
" barous ages wherein they lived. They were rude, ig-
" norant, and uncultivated idle men, who, to kill tim^,
" employed it in huntins;, and threw away thofe mo-
" ments in ufelefs amufements, which they had no ca-
" pacity to employ in the company and converfation of
" men of underftanding. Let me now a Ik whether
" thefe are examples to be imitated ; whether thefe baf-
* c barous ages^ or others that were more refined, ought
" to be the model of the prefent ? To enquire whether
* c Adam received dominion over the beaits, would be
" foreign to my fubje6t; but it is well known, that
" men have been always more cruel and ravenous than
" the beafts themfelvcs, and make the moft tyrannical
** ufe of that dominion they pretend to. If any thing
" gives us advantage over thefe animals, it is certainly
G ** our
the LIFE of JAMES L
thing of confequence to be tran faded by his
council, to his no fmall dishonour.
He
** our reafon j but profefled hunters, for the moft part^
" have their heads furnifhed with nothing but hoffes,
" dogs, boars, flags, and the like. They are fome-
*' time as wild and favage themfelves as the beafts they
- * e purfue ; and it may well be feared left they fhould be-
" come as inhuman to their fellow-creatures, as they
" are to their fellow-animals, or at leaft that the cruel
" cuftom of perfecuting and deftroying thefe, may take
*' away their fympathy for the misfortunes of the o-
<e thers. And is this fo noble an occupation, fo worthy
" of a thinking being? It may be objected that hunt-
*' ing is an healthful exercife, and that thofe who are
" given to it live to a great age, as appears by experi-
" ence ; that it is a harmlefs amufement, and very pro-
*' per for fovereignsj as it difplays their magnificence,
" diffipates their cares, and in times of peace prefents
" them with an image of war. I would be far from
" condemning a moderate ufe of this exercife, but let
*' it be remembered, that exercife in general is hardly
** neceflary to any but the intemperate. Never prince
" lived longer than cardinal Fleury, cardinal Ximenes t
" or the late pope, and yet neither of the three was a
" huntef. But is it neceflary to chufe an employment
" which has no other merit but that of promifing long
" life? Monks commonly live longer than other men ;
** muft a man therefore become a monk ? there is no
" need of leading an indolent and ufelefs life, as long as
<4 that of Methufalem: the more a man improves his
" underftanding, and the more great and ufeful actions
" he performs, the longer he lives. Hunting, befides,
" is of all amufements that which is leaft proper for a
" prince : he may difplay his magnificence a thoufand
" ways, that are all more ufeful to his fubje&s : and if
" it mould be found, that the peafants were ruined by
" the too great number of wild beafts, the care of de-
" ilroying thefe might be committed to profefied hunt-
ers
Me LIFE of JAMES I. $3
He had a vehement defire to be thought
learned, and mafter of the controversies
then on foot, which made him expofe him-
felf much in the conference at Hampton-
Court (NN), between the epifcopalians and the
puritans,,
" ers hired for that purpofe. The proper employment
" of a prince is that of improving his own mind, and
" governing his people, in order to acquire more know-
" ledge, and confequently be able to accommodate his
" government to their intereft. It muft not be omitted,
<c that to be a great general, there is no need of being
" a hunter. Guftavus Adolpkus, marftial Turenne, the
" duke of Marlborougbj and prince Eugene, whofe
" characters as able generals and illuftrious men, will
' not be queftiorted, were not hujnters ; nor do we read
4 of the huntings of Alexander, Ctbfar, or Scipio.
* I conclude therefore, that it is excufable in a prince
4 to go a hunting, if it is but feldom, and to refrefh
4 him after his ferious and often melancholy employ -
" inents. I fay once more, I objedt to no honeft plea-
* 4 fure ; but the care of rendring a ftate flouriming and
" happy, and of protecting and encouraging arts and
*' fciences, is unquestionably a much fuperior pleafure,
" and much fitter employment for a prince ; and who-
" ever betakes himfelf to any other, neither confults
" his pleafure nor his intereft (tf). M (*) And-
>lachiavel,
(NN) Which made him expofe himfelf much in the 5' v ' / &nt.
conference at Hampton Court, &c.] This conference 1741.
was begun Jan. 14, 1603. in purfuance of a proclama-
tion for that purpofe, dated Oct. 24, of the fame year.
The profeffed defign of it was to examine into the ob-
jections of the puritans, again ft the doctrine, govern-
ment, and difcipline of the eftabliihed church, and rec-
tify abufes crept into it. But the king had little of this
at heart j his defign was to (hew his learning, and mor-
tify the puritans, which he did as well as he could,
G * Htf
$4 ne LIFE of JAMES I.
the .puritans, where he fet up for a difpu-
tant,
He talked therefore of the name and ufe of confirma-
tion, and the occafion of its being firft brought in ; of
abfolution, private baptifm, and excommunication j
points well worthy the ftudy of a king, and coming
with great propriety from his mouth. *' Abfolution,
tc he declared, was apoftolical, and a very good ordi-
" nance, in that it was given in the name of Chrift to
11 one that defired it, and up'on the clearing of his con-
(a\ Barlow's fcience. (a]" He maintained " the neceflity of bap-
accountof tifrn, where it might be lawfully had-, id eft, mi-
renceaV~ " niftred by lawful minifters, by whom alone, and by
Hamptcn- " no private perfon^ he thought it might not in any
Court, in w ca f e fe adminiftred. After which he learnedly ob-
thePhenL, " ferved, that though the minifter be not of the ef-
p. .45. tivo. fence of the facrament [of baptifm] yet he is of the"
Lond. 1707. it efiencfe of the right and lawful mimftry of the facra-
(A) Id. p. " ment-(^)." Thefe difcourfes pafled between the king
1 47 and bifhops alone on the firft day, greatly, I dare fay,
to their rejoicing. On the fecond day, the minifters
who were to propofe the demands of the puritans being
called in, viz. Reynolds, Sparks^ KnewjiubbS) and Chad"
'derton, together with Patrick Galloway^ fometime mi-
nifter of Perth in Scotland; and their obje6tions being
all reduced into four heads, the king took on him to
difpute the matters contained in them, with the minif-
ters. It would be cndlefs to- relate all he faid, for hi
'loved fpeaking, and was in his element whilft difputing.
Two or three inftances of his oftentatious pedantry fhall
therefore fuffice. " His majefty taxed St. Jerom for his
* c afiertion, that a bilhop was not divines ordinattonis ;
" which opinion he much diftafted, approving their
" calling and ule in the church, and doled it up with
(c" id " t ^ 1 ' s fh rt aphorifm, no bijhop, no king (c}."
1^5. r '* Dr. Reynolds having made it an objection againft
" the Apocrypha (ordered by the Common Prayer to
" be read) that the author of the book of Kccleliafti-
" cus, chap, xlviii. 10. hejd the fame opinion with the
" Jews
The LIFE of JAMES I. 85
tant, and behaved with a g-reat and vifible
partiality.
64 Jews at this day, namely, that Ellas in perfon was
" to come before Chrift ; and therefore as yet Chrift,
"" by that reafon, not come in the flcfh : I fay Dr. Rey-
* f nolds having made this objection, his majefty calling
" for a bible, firft fhewed the author of that book,
" who he was, then the caufe why he wrote that book ;
" next analized the chapter itielf, (hewing the prece-
*' dents and confequences thereof; laftly, unfolded the
" fum of that place, arguing and demonftrating that
" whatfoever Ben Sirach had (aid there of Elias, Ellas
" had in his own perfon while he lived, performed
" and accomplifhed (d)." He moreover declared, that ^ ^P*
" he had never feen a brble well tranflated into Englifh; l
" that the tranflation of Geneva was the worft of all;
" that pains mould be taken about an uniform tranfla-
" tion of it, under certain reftriclions, and more efpe-
*' cially that no marginal notes (hould be added, hav-
" ing found, faid he, in them which are annexed to
- <c the Geneva tranflation, fonre notes very partial, un-
* c true, feditious, and favouring too much of dangerous
" and traitorous conceits (e)." Thus James {hewed his (*) Id. p.
learning in the midft of the lords of the council, and 1 S7>
the bHhops an'd deans who attended. I doubt not, tho'
Reynolds was awed by the prefence, and made not the
figure he was capable of, that he heartily defpifed the
prince who could talk after this rate, and dictate in
matters out of his province.- - Let us now fee how
his majefty endeavoured to mortify the puritans.
After expounding the chapter of Ecclefiafticus juft
mentioned, he addrefled himfelf to the lords, and (aid,
" what, trow ye, make thefe men fo angry with EC-
" clefiajlicus ? by my foul I think he was a bifhop, or
" elfe they would never ufe him fo(/~J." In anfwer ff) 13. p.
to a queflion ftarted how far an ordinance of the church 16 3-
was to bind, without impeaching chriftian Irberty?
'James faid, " he would not argue that point, but ao-
" fwer therein as kings are wont to do in parliament,
G 3 It
?f:e LIFE of JAMES I
partiality. Indeed, his ppndudt in this affair
was
le roy s'avifera ; adding withal, that it fmelled very
rankly of anabaptifm, comparing it to the ufage of
a beardlefs boy (one Mr. John Black) who the laft
conference his majefty had with the minifters of
' Scotland, in Dec. 1602, told him, that he would
" hold conformity with his majefty^s ordinances for
" matters of doctrine ; but for matters of ceremony,
" they were to be left in chriftian liberty to every man,
as he received more and more light from the illumi-
nation of God's fpirit, even till they go mad, quoth
the king, with their own light. But I will none of
that, I will have one doctrine, and one difcipUne,
one religion in fubftance and in ceremony; and
therefore I charge you never to fpeak more to that
point (how far you are bound to obey) when the
fe) Id. p. church hath ordained it (g)" Afterwards fpeaking
to the lords and biftiops, he faid, < c 1 will tell you, I
" have lived among this fort of men ever fince Iwas
" ten years old ; but I may fay of myfelf, as Chrift
" faid of himfelf, though I lived among them, yet, fince
(*) Co . m ^ " I had ability to judge, I was never of them (b)"
2SttT(M) thinking by fomewhat Dr. Reynolds faid', that the puri-
nd (?) tans aimed at a Scotch prefbytery, the king obferved,
<c that it agreed with a monarchy, as God and the de-
vil. Then Jack and' T^w, and Will and Dick ftiall
" meet, added he, and at their pleafure cenfure me and
* my council, and all our proceedings. Then IPtll
* c (hall ftand up arid fay, it muft be thus ; then Dick
" (hall reply, and fay, nay, marry, but we will have
(i)Id.p.i6,j. " it thus (/')." Afterwards aiking if they had anything
further to objecT:? and being 'anfwered no, he faid, " if
*' this was all, he would make them conform, or would
()M.p.i;o. " hurry them out of the land, or elfe do" worfe (k)."
This was the behaviour of James in this celebrated
conference ; a behaviour contemptible and ridiculous,
and fuch as muft expofe him to ftanders-by. -"
TV hat' then muft we think of archbifnop Ifflntgift, who
faid
The LIFE of JAMES I.
was fuch, as has been feverely cenfured on
almoft all hands (oo), as it well deferved.
In
faid that undoubtedly his majefty fpake by the fpecial
(' affiftance of God's fpirit ?" What of bifhop Ban-
croft, who on his knee protefted " that his heart melted
" with joy, and made hafte to acknowledge unto al-
*' mighty God, the fingular mercy in given them fuch
?< a king, as, iince Chrift's time, the like had not
been "(/)." Or what of the temporal lords,
could applaud his majsfty's fpeeches as " proceeding
" from the fpirit of God, and from an underftanding
*' heart (/)" May we not fay, that they knew well (*) M -
how to diffemble, and to maintain the character of good 17 *
courtiers better than of honeft men ?- Barlow
thought he had done a great piece of fervice to James,
by publifhing this conference, but a worfe office ; in
reality, could not have been done him. Pofterity, by
his account, fee James's pedantry ; and to fee if, is to
defpife it. The puritans, therefore, needed not to have
complained fo much as they have done of Barlow (n). () SeeFul-
If he has not reprefented their arguments in as juft a Iffl 8 ? hu h
light, nor related what was done by the minifters as jo.cent* 17.
advantagioufly as truth requited, he has abundantly p. u. Lond.
made it up to them by mewing, that the bifliops, their l6 5S-
adverfaries, were grofs flatterers, and had no regard
to their facred characters ; and that their mortal foe
'James had but a low underftanding, and was unde-
ferving of the rank he aflumed in the republic of learn-
ing. This he has done effectually, and therefore, what-
ever was his intention, the puritans fhould have ap-
plauded his performance, and appealed to it for proof of
the infufficiency of him who fet himfelf up as a decider
of their controverfiec.
(oo) His conduft was fuch, as has been feverely
cenfured, &c] I fay nothing of the puritans ; they
were too much parties to be looked on as impartial
judges 5 and Jqmefs conduct towards them was fuch,
G 4 as
88 The LIFE of JAMES I.
In the year 1605, on the fifth day of Nov.
was
as muft neceffarily give them but a poor opinion of his
understanding and juftice. Nor will I give the opinion
of Barlow or Heyiin : the firft had his court to make, the
other was a bigot in the greateft degree a man of fenfe
(for fuch he was) could be ; and therefore the judgment
of neither of them is much to be regarded. I will give
the fentiments of a clergyman, zealous enough for the
church ; and a ftatefman, who cannot be thought par-
tial to the puritans, when 'tis known that he moft zeal-
oufly promoted the occafional conformity, and fchifm bills.
' Had there not been too ftiff an adherence (fays the
*' reverend writer) to fome few things at this confer-
" ence at Hampton-Court, which, without danger,
might have been altered, had not the bifliops then
had fuch an afcendant throughout the whole con-
" fere nee over the king, which he was well pleafed
withal, having by the contrary party in Scotland
<' been fo roughly handled all his time; I fay, certainly
<c that conference had terminated in a great advantage
to the church of England ; for the puritan party was
*< not fo numerous, nor confequently fo ftrong as after-
" wards ; nor yet their difaffe&ions fo great as they
" have been fince, a very little and eafy condefcenfion
had fpoiled the market of the deligning men, both
gentry and minifters too (/?)." '* Learning, fays
the other writer, was the part upon which James va-
lued himfelf ; this he affected more than became a
king, and .broached, on every occafion, in fuch a
manner as would have mifbecome a fchoolmafter.
" ^' s P e( ^ antr y was to much even for the age in which
p. 7. 410.' 4< he lived. It would be tedious to quote the part he
fcond. 16^1. took in the conference at Hampton-Court. - Let us
** only obferve that the ridicule which arofe from hence,
*' and which fixed on him was juft, becaufe the merit
*' of a chief 'governor is wifely to fuperintend th?
" w'wk, and not to fhine in any inferior clafs, becaufe
>< difFc.-ent, and in fome cafes perhaps, oppoftte talents,
" bcih
(<0 A vindi-
cation of
their majef-
ties wifdom
in the nomi-
nation to the
vacant bi-
Me LIFE of JAMES I. 89
was that moft deteftable confpiracy againfl
the
" both natural and acquired, are neceflary to move, and
" to regulate the movements of the machine of govern"
" went j in ftidrt, becaufe as a good adjutant may make
" a very bad general ; fo a great reader, and a writer
<c too, may be a very ignorant king ()." And in an-
other place the fame fine writer obferves, " that in hafte
*' to (hew his parts, he had a conference between the 237.
" bifhops and the puritan miniflers at Hampton-Court*
" where he made himfelf a principal party in the dif-
*' pute. But furely fuch a coference, however it
* 6 might frighten and filence, could neither inftrucl nor
* perfuade, and the king was fo far from trufting, like
his predeceffor, to the force of truth and aid of time*
that in this very conference he threatned to employ
another kind of force, if he did not meet with
compliance in a time to be limited. The bifliops
were at firft to admonifti paternally, and to confer ar
micably ; but left they (hould not fucceed by preach-
ing, writing, living men into conformity, (the fole
means they ought to defire, or, if they defired o-
thers, the fole means they ought to be fuffered to em-
ploy) they were to have recourfe to compulfion after-
<e wards. On thefe principles he proceeded, and the
" confequence of this conduct was, that thofe fefts
" who were not dangerous at firft, became fo at laft.
" They became fo, in fome degree, from the very mo-
" ment the declarations we have mentioned were made ;
" for nothing is found more true in nature and experi-
ts ence than this, that they who are opprefled by go-
" vernments, will endeavour to change them ; and
*' that he who makes himfelf terrible to multitudes,
44 will have multitudes to fear(r)." "if thofe of(c}U. p.
" them [the puritans] who were friends to order, had 2 7M79
44 been once incorporated with the eftablijhed churchy
*' the remaining feflaries would have been but of little
*' moment, either for numbers or reputation ; and the
>' very means which were proper to gain thefe, were
likewife
9 o *be LIFE of JAMES I.
the proteftant religion, known by the name
of the powder plot difcovered ; which, tho ?
difowned
c likewife the moft effectual to hinder the increafe of
" tbem> and of the other fefiaries in the mean time.
" Upon the whole matter we think it plain, that king
' James I. had an eafy and fecure opportunity of pre-
c venting any bad confequences, which might be ap-
" prehended from the divifions of his proteftant fub-
* jefts ; and that the improvement of that opportunity
** confifted in giving neither alarm to the well affeRed^
(<qid. P .n7. nor pretence to the factious (d}" That the reader
may the better be able to judge of the juftnefs of thefe
cenfures, I will add what was requefted by the puritans
3t this conference : and this was,
1. That the doctrine of the church might be preferv-
ed in purity, according to God's word.
2. That good paftors might be planted in all churches
to preach the fame.
3. That church government might be fmcerely mi-
niftred, according to God's word.
4. That the book of Common Prayer might be fitted
(r) Barlow, to more increafe of piety (e). This was all that was
P-H5- alked, and one would have thought, as the difference
in doctrine was little, that it had been a very eafy mat-
ter to have reconciled things. But James's hatred of
the puritans, the ftiffnefs of the biftiops, and their un-
willingnefs to own any thing in the conftitution of the
hierarchy to be wrong, though feen to be fuch by all
indifferent obfervers, hindered a coalition of parties,
and produced the troubles and perfections of a great
number of honeft, well-meaning men. May the fame
temper never again prevail ! but may it be the ambition
of princes and prelates, to reform whatever is amifs in,
the church ; that it may be fo pure and fpotlefs that e-
very honeft and fincere chriftian may be looked on as a
member of it, and entitled to all its privileges. Then,
will our church indeed be the bulwark of the reforma-
tion, the glory of the nation, the promoter of truth
and
*be LIFE of JAMES L 91
difowned and dilbelieved by many, yet can-
pot, I think, reafonably be ( pp ) doubted
of. Every body knows, that in confequence
of
and virtue. Infidelity will fail ; fchifm and herefy,
thofe ecclefiaftical fcarecrows (f), be no more heard of
among us, but peace, unity, and love flourifh and pre-
vail among all thofe who profefs the religion of the
meek and holy Jefus.
(PP) The powder plot- cannot, I think, reafon-
ably be doubted of.] The hiftory of this is fo well
known, that 'tis needlefs to relate it in this place. I will
only obferve, that the writers of the narratives of this
affair, pay a compliment to James's underftanding at
the expence of truth ; for it was not he that gueffetf
from the expreffion in the letter to lord Monteagle*
t l that they fhould receive a terrible blow this parlia-
* c ment, and yet they fliould not fee who hurts them."
I fay, it was not he who guefled that it (hould be fome
fudden danger by blowing up of powder, but the earl
of Suffolk, lord chamberlain, and the earl of Salijbury 9
as the latter himfelf relates in a letter to Sir Charles
Cornwa/H sedated Nov. 9, 1605. () However, the wri- (a) Win-
ters on thisfubjed are excufable, having authority to ^ ood '
rely on. For fuch was the flattery of James's courti-
ers, that they got it inferted into the preamble of the
cl for a public thankfgiving to almighty God, every year on
the fifth of November, that <c the confpiracy would have
turned to the utter ruin of this whole kingdom, had
" it not pleafed almighty God, by infpiring the king's
" moft excellent majefty with a divine fpirit, to inter-
i" pret fome dark phrafes of a letter {hewed to his ma-
" jefty, above and beyond all ordinary conftruction,
" thereby miraculoufly difcovering this hidden treafon."
This appears to be grofs flattery, and 'tis amazing how
any man, who knew it to be fuch, could thus publicly
receive it, much more the moft great, learned, and re-
ligious king that ever reigned in this kingdom, as in
the
9 2 tte LIFE of JAMES I.
of the difcovery, feveral of the chief con*
fpirators were executed, and an annual
thankfgiving ordained. And in order the
better
the &id preamble James is ftiled. But the drawers of
this a&, I dare fay, knew his tafte, and were willing
to gratify it, though thereby they expofed him to the
laughter of thofe who were in the fecret, as great num-
bers muft have been. However, by the way, it ought
never to be permitted to recite falfhoods for truths in
ftatutes ; for thefe being enacted by the higheft autho-
rity, the fads in them declared mould be ftri&ly true ;
otherwife whatever obedience may be yielded, the enac-
tors will have little efteem or regard from the people, to
whom the dealers in untruths feldom appear in an ami-
able light. 'Tis well known, that many of the
papifts then and now have denied the fat, and imputed
the whole of the affair to the artifice of Sa/i/bury j and
we are told, that others of oppofite principles have con-
fidently afierted, " that there never was any fuch thing
" really as the gunpowder plot, but that it was a plot
" of king James's contriving, to endear himfelf unto
rfSdSiT " . thC Pe0plC (*)'" But Whethex this is n0t a11 idle talk
an/incrdb- w '^ appear, if we confider a few confeflions of Roman
lity, Vol. I. catholics themfelves, That worthy good-natured man,
2 ' 8 ' Dr * Tlllot f on > Baking of this horrid affair, fays, " Sir
Everard Digby^ whofe very original papers and let-
ters are now in my hands, after he was in priforj,
and knew he muft fuffer, calls it the beft caufe ; and
was extreamly troubled to hear it cenfured by catho-
lics and priefts, contrary to his expectation, for a
great fin. Let me tell you (fays he) what a grief it
is, to hear that fo much condemned which I did- be-
lieve would have been otherwife thought of by ca-
tholics. And yet he concludes that letter in thefe
words : in how full of joy mould I die, if I could
do any thing for the caufe which I love more than
my life. And in another letter he fays, he could
** have faid fomething to have mitigated the odium pf
" this
the LIFE of JAMES I.
better to fecure the obedience of the catho-
lics, the oath of allegiance (), by authority [ a
of parliament, was enacted, whereby the cobi regis, c.
power 4 '
" this bufinefs, as to that point of involving thofe of
his own religion in the common ruin. I dare not,
*' fays he, take that courfe that I could, to make it ap-
** pear lefs odious ; for divers were to have been brought
" out of danger, who now would rather hurt them.
** than otherwife. I do not think that there would
" have been three worth the faving, that fhould have
" been loft. And as to the reft that Were to have been
** fwallowed up in that deftru&ion, he feems not to
" have the leaft relenting in his mind about them (c)" (c} Tillot-
Dr. Burnet tells us, he had the fame papers in his pof- n's fermon
fefTion, and gives the like account from them (d), houfe of 5
But to put the matter beyond ail difpute, I will give commons,
part of a fpeech of lord Stafford, at the bar of theN 07 -^ 16 /^
houfe of lords, Dec. i, 1680. which, as far as I know, vou""."^
has never been quoted by any writer. Every body al-
moft knows that this unfortunate nobleman was ftrong-
ly attached to the Romim religion ; and that upon the
evidence of thofe times he was convicted and executed
for the popifli plot. It may well enough therefore be
fuppofed, that he would not blacken his own fide on
this occafion, or endeavour to render his profecutors
more apprehenh've of the errterprizing fpirit of the ca-
tholics, than the truth compelled him to do. His evi-
dence therefore being unexceptionable, let us attend
unto it. " My lords, faid he, I have heard very much
" of a thing that was named by thefe gentlemen of the
" houfe of commons, and that very properly too, to
" wit, of the gunpowder treafon. My lords, I was
*' not born then, but fome years after heard very much
" difcourfe of it, and very various reports ; and I
" made a particular enquiry, perhaps more than any one
" perfon did elfe, both of my father, who was alive
" then, and my uncle, and others ; and I am fatisfied,
" and do clearly believe, by the evidence I have receiv-
94 : Jfc LIFE of JAMES I.
power of the pope to depofe the king, or
difpofe of any of his majefty's dominions,-
was to be difowned, and true faith and al-
legiance
" ed, that that thing called the gunpowder treafon,
was a wicked and horrid defign (among the reft) of
fome of the jefuits, and I think the malice of the
" jefuits, or the wit of man, cannot offer an excufet
" for it, it was fo execrable a thing. Befides, my
" lords, I was acquainted with one of them that was
" concerned in it, who had his pardon, and lived ma-
" ny years after: I difcourfed with him about it, and
" he confefled it, and faid, he was forry for it then ;
" and I here declare to your lordihips, that I never
" heard any one of the church of Rome fpeak a good
" word of it : it was fo horrid a thing it cannot be eX-
" prefled nor excufed. And God almighty (hewed his
" judgments upon, them for their wickednefs; for
tc hardly any of the perfons or their pofterity are left
" that were concerned in it ; and even a very great fa-
" mily too \Peir cy, earl of Northumberland^ I fuppofej
" that had collaterally fomething to do in it, is in the
" male line extinct totally ; and I do think God al-
" mighty always (hews his judgments upon fuch vile
(*) Lord " actions (e)." What will any one fay to this ? needs
Stafford's there any further witnefles, when a popifli lord declares
jnjj. p. f 3- the thing to be fail, and that he himfelf was acquaint-
,68o-i.Fol. ed with one concerned in it, who confefled it ? muft
not thofe be paft convidion who will ftill difpute it, or
cbftinately deny it? I will add, that it appears from
Dr. Birch's view of the negotiations between England,
France, and Bruflels, that many catholics abroad were
acquainted with it, and that theEnglifli regiment in the
arch-duke's fervice, was defigned to be tranfported upon
ff) Sec the execution of it (f). Indeed, fays Sir Thomas Edmonds^
Birch's ne- ambaflador with the arch-duke, in a letter to Sir Charles 7
, ****&** dated Dec. 27, 1605, O. S. It was long
* 'ere I could perfuade them here to believe the truth
" of the faid confpiracy, becaufe the catholiques were
" interefted'
L IF E of JAMES I. 95
legiance to him promifed, notwithstanding
any excommunication or deprivation made
by the pope. This oath the catholics, for
the mod part, complied with, as thinking
it lawful, and among the reft the arch-prieft
Black-
interefted therein j but fometimes they would have it
to be an artifice of the puritans againft thofe fan&i-
fied perfons, and then a defign of the Hollanders
(which are enemies to manarchy) to have reduced
our eftate to the fame condition as theirs is of a com-
mon wealth. But now laftly, when they fee they can
no longer difpute the doubtfulnefs and incertaintie
thereof, they report to this confederation, that it is a
" work of the devil's, exprefsly to banifh and extirpate
" the catholique religion out of England. For my own
<c part, adds he, I will freely confefs, that I do effecui-
" ally defire (whatfoever judgment they make thereof)
* c that we make that ufe of it, as we have juft caufe fo
* c to do (g). :t Thefe things confidered, I believe the fe) win-
reader will think with Dr. Blrch % " that the papifts of wood, Vol.
*' later times afford an inftance of amazing fcepticifm, ' pl ' s '
<c and equal afTurance, who affect, without the leaft
" fliadow of probability, to represent fo complicated
cc and deep laid a confpiracy, as a meer minifterial and
" political contrivance, formed by the earl of Salisbury^
tl for the difgrace and ruin of the Roman catholic re-
" ligion in England (b)." However though their
* Calendarium Catholicum, for the year 1686. Among the memor-
able obicrvations is the following.
Since the horrid powdtr plot, fufpefted to be politickly contrived ")
by Cecil, but known to be adled by a few defpefadoes of a religion ( years
that detefts fuch treafons, though ambition and difcontent made ( 008 1
them traytors. J
Confult bifliop Barlow's genuine remains, p. 388. Lond. 1693. 8vo.
where is a cenfure of a paflfage of a like nature in the Calendarium Ca
tholicum, or Univerfal Almanack for the year 1661, which the bi&Of
fsysj was writ by a man ot focie parti and quality.
96 The LIFE of JAMES I.
Bhckwell. At this the pope was alarmed*
and on the loth of the kalends of Odlober
1606. iffued out a brief, forbidding the tak*
ing the oath; but the catholics apprehending
it a forgery, payed little regard to it, where*
upon the next year his holinefs fent them an-
other ( Q^J, in which he plainly told them,
that
(!) See Of-
born, p.
48?
Fuller's
tlcifm and aflurance are thus amazing, yet it is riot to
be wondred at, that they are unwilling to avow a
fact, which admitted, muft caft the greateft odium on
a church whofe minifters not only counfelled it, but
were actors in it ; and though by the judgment of their
country pronounced confpirators and traytors, and as
fuch treated ; yet have been deemed by her infallible
felf, faints and martyrs, and reckoned among their mi-
racle- workers (*'). A proof this, that zeal for mother
church will fandtify the greateft villanies, and raife men
to the highefl honours, though ever fo unworthy. May
church hift. all men have in abhorrence this fpirit ! may they guard
cent. 17. againft all attempts to revive it, and look upon it as their
greateft happinefs, that they are not under the rule of
thofe, who are actuated by it.
book IQ. p.
40. and
Winwood,
Vol. II. p.
300.*
His holinefs fent them another brief, &c.]
In his firft brief the pope [Paul V.] tells the Englifh
catholics, "that the oath of allegiance could not be taken
without hurting the catholic faith, and the falvation
" of
* Monfieur S, Amour tells us, that among the feveral pourtraits of Je-
fuits, publickly fold at Rome with perm'.ffion of the fupericur, he faw
one of Garnet, with this infcriptiOn, Peter Henricus Garnettus Anglus,
Londini pro fide catholica fufpenfus & feclus, 3 Maii 1606. Father Henry
Garmt hanged and quartered at London, lor the catholic faith ; by which
we fee that treafon and catholic faith are all one at Rome ; for BCthiiig
can be more notorious, than that Garnet Offered only on the account of the
gunpowder treafon, of which, as M. S. Amour obffrves, he acknowledged
himfelf guilty before he died. Stillingfleet's idolotry of the church f
Rome, p. 345. 8vo. Lond. 1676.
of JAMES L 0;
that they were bound fully to obferve the
things contained in the former, and to reject
all interpretations perfuading to the contrary.
Bellas
" of their fouls, feeing it contains rhariy things flat
" contrary to faith and falvation ; and therefore he ad-
mcinimes them utterly to abftai'n from taking this and
* the like oaths (a)." mr.Kkpih therefore mould have 00 King
faid, that the pope in this firft brief, plainly told the J 1 ^'* p ,
catholics, " if they took the oath they forfeited all hopes 2yi . *
* 4 of falvation (o) : 1 fay, he fliould have Paid this of the (I) Rapin,
firft, and not the fecond brief, as he has done; though VoL " *'
forfeiting all hopes of falvation, is very different, In my * 74 '
bpinion, from hurting the falvation of their fouls, which
are the words of the brief. But his holinefs's corn-
inands were not obeyed. The catholics pretended that
" his brief was iflued not of his bvvn proper will, but
*' rather for the refpe6t and mitigation of other men.'*
This he afiures them was falfe in his fecond brief, dated
the loth Of the Calends of Sept. 1667. and 'lets them
know " that his former letters concerning the prohibi-
'" tion of the oath, were written not only upon his
ic own proper motion, and of his certain knowledge,
41 but alfo after long and weighty deliberation ufed con-
*' cerning all thofe things which were contained in
' them ; and that for that caufe they were bound fully
** to obferve them, rejecting all interpretation per-
" fuading to the contrary (c).'* Strange fort of rrior- M &is
tals thefe popes! who pretending to be vicars of 7c/* J ^ks * p 4
Chrlft^ who owned his kingdom was hot of this work), TjS. ' '
intrude into the affairs of foreign nations, and prefcribe
laws to the fubjec~ls of them. This Paul V. was pof-
feffed 'of the true fpirit of Hildebrand. He laid the Ve-
netians under an interdict, raifed Ignatius Loyola to be a
faint, and talked and a6ted in fuch a manner, y as if he
had indeed thought himfeif fuperior to all that ** is cal-
** led God, or is worfhipped." And had he happened
to have lived in thofe ages, when the fpirit of croifading
For the fake of what was called religian^ prevailed, I
B doubt
Vie LIFE of JAMS 1
Bellarmine alfo writ a letter to Blackivel/, a-*
gainft the oath, and exhorted him to repair
the fault he had committed, by taking of it,
even though (RR) death (hould be the confe-
quence.
doubt not but he would have made as vile work as the
worft, and moft enterprising of his predeceffbrs. But
the times in which he lived permitted him not to aft
agreeably to his wifhes. Princes had more wifdom than'
to become his dupes, and excommunications were of
little fignificancy, for learning and good fenfe now be-
gan to prevail, and where thefe are, ecclefiaftical au-
thority will be little regarded. However, this pope, we
fee, talked big ; his briefs have an air of authority, and
he did what in him lay to difpofe the Englifli catholics
to behave contrary to their own intereft and the laws of
their country, and confequently to keep up a party de-
pendent on himfelf, and fubfervient to his will, a thing
of the worft confequence, and therefore loudly com-
plained of by James, as we fliall foon fee.
(R R) Bellarmine alfo writ a letter to Blackwell againfl
the oath, &c.] This lettter begins with remembring
Blackwell of the long friendmip that had been between
them ; exprefies his grief for Blackwell's fufferings ; but
more efpecially for his having, as it was feared, taken
the oath, which he fays tends to this end, that the au-
thority of the head of the church in England may be
transferred from the fucceflbr of St. Peter to the fuccef-
for of king Henry VIII. He declares that for this one?
head of doctrine, Fijher and More led the way to mar-
tyrdom to many others* to the exceeding glory of the
Englifh nation. And then he concludes with defiring
him " not to prefer a temporal liberty to the liberty of ^
" the glory of the fons of God : neither for efcaping a
" light and momentary tribulation, lofe an eternal
" weight of glory, which tribulation itfelf doth work
" in you. You have fought a good fight a long time ;
lie LIFE of JAMES t. 99
EjUence. Hereupon James drew his pen, and
published his apology for the oath of allegi-
ance,
" have well near finifted your courfe; fo many years
" have you kept the faith ; do not therefore lofe the re-
" ward of fuch labours ; do not deprive yourfelf of that
" crown of lighteoufnefs, which fo long ago is prepa-
<c red for you ; do not make the faces of fo many yours
" both brethren and children, afhamed ; upon you at
" this time are fixed the eyes of all the church ; yea alfo
* c you are made a fpectacle to the world, to angels, to
" meri ; do not fo carry yourfelf in this your laft a<t, that
il you leave nothing but laments to your friendsj and
* c joy to your enemies : but rather on the contrary*
" which we allured ly hope, and for which we cOnti-
* c nually pour forth prayers to God, difplay gldrioufly
" the banner of faith, and make to rejoice the church*
" which you have made heavy ; fo fhall you not only
* merit pardon at God's hands, but a crown. Fare-
" wel ; quit you like a man, and let your heart be
** ftrengthned. This letter is dated from Rome, Sept.
" 28, 1607 (a)." Beilarmine rhiftobk the fenfe of the (<*) King
oath about which he writes, as we (hall fee by James's J ames ' s
- j-k *rri i_ ' r i f T WorKS, p*
anfwer. out not to mint on this, for the prefent, I a g t .
would afk whether there is not fbrrie thing very odd in
this perfuading men to undergo martyrdom, when we
ourfelves are in eafe, and like to continue fo? does it
come with a good grace from the mouth of a rich car-
dinal, who had afpired to the papacy, and even now
enjoyed the greateft plenty of all things. When we fee
men under fufrerings, triumph and rejoice in them, and
contentedly bear them themfelvcs, and exhort others to
do fo likewife, their exhortations will have great force
and efficacy ; their propriety is feen and acknowledged,
and all virtuous men are edified. But to perfu^de others
to fubrhit to what we ourfelves are ftrangers to, and
which, probably. We fliould {brink at the undergoing;,
is not -quite fo well in the eyes of the world. Hut Bel-
I'arrnlne vvaj at a dilunce ; a/dckw*{a reproaches could
H 2 not
ioo Me LIFE of JAMES L
ance againft the two briefs of pope Paului
Quintus (ss), and the letter of cardinal Bel*
larmine
not have made him blufh ; and fo the authority of the
pope was maintained, it mattered not who fuffered.
Modeft man ! good friend ! happy for him to whom he
writ, that he knew what was right, and for his own
Jntereft, or elfe probably tribulation would have been
his portion. One would be apt to wonder how it
comes to pafs, that thofe men who were fo forward to
fend others on dangerous expeditions, to promote the in-
tereft of the church, and make men profelytes among
infidels and heretics, and encourage them fo much with
the profpe&s of the higheft rewards hereafter : I fay one
would be apt to wonder why hardly any of thefe perfons
ever fet out on thefe expeditions themfelves, and ftrive
to obtain thofe glorious crowns they fet before the eyes
of others. We fee they chufe themfelves that part of
the vineyard where is the richeft foil, and the leaf
work to be done. In this they take their eafe, and
enjoy themfelves comfortablv, and never change un-
lefs it be for the better. What are we to conclude
from hence ? do not they believe what they teach to
others? are they difpofed to procure their own advan-
tage by the fweat, labour, and blood of the honeft, the
ftmple, the credulous ? the unbelieving race would fay
fo ; and thofe who belong not to that tribe of men,
would yet be glad to know how, on this head, to con-
fute them.
(ss) "James publimed his apology for the oath of alle-
giance againft the two briefs, &c.] Take the follow-
ing account of the occafion of this apology from bifhop
Mcuntague, James's prefacer. " After the pope had put
forth his briefs, and the cardinal had fent his letters to
the arch-prieft ; the one to enjoin the people not to
take the oath of allegiance, affirming that they could
not take it with fafety of their falvation: the other
to reprove the arch-prieft for that he had taken if, and
" to
The LIFE of JAMES I. 101
larmine to G. Elackwell the arch-prieft.
Though
" to draw him to a penitency for fo foul a lapfe. His
* c majefty, like as became a prudent and religious' prince,
" thought it not meet, that thefe things fhould pafs for
." current, but that it was expedient his people fhould
" know, that the taking this oath was fo far from en-
" dangering their fouls, as that it intended- nothing but
*' civil obedience, and without touching any point of
.*' their confcience, made the {hue fecure of their alle-
. giance. To perform this work, his majefty thought
the bifhop of Wmchefter * [Dr. Btlfen, if I rightly
." remember] that then was, a very fit man, both for his
" fingujar learning, as for that he had long laboured in
" an argument, not much of a diverle nature from.
tc this ; whereupon his majefty calling for pen and ifik,
" to give my lord of Winchefter directions how and in
" what manner to proceed in this argument, I know
<" not how it came to pafs, but it fell out true that the
'' poet faith,
Amphora ca?pit
" Injlituiy currente rota t poft arceus exit.
i" for the king's pen ran fo faft, that in the compafs of
i" fix days, his majefty had accompli (bed that which
" he now calieth his apology; which when my lord of
." Canterbury [Bancroft] that then was, and my lord of
*< Ely [dndrews]had perufed, being indeed delivered by
" his majefty but as brief notes, and in the nature of a
H 3 " minute
* This bi/hop was Dr. T. Bilfcn, who was advanced to that fee in 1597,
and died in 1616. The book of his referred to by bifhnp Montague, was
probably that printed at Oxford 1585'. in 4to, and intitltd, The true diffe-
rence bettveer.e cbriflian fubjeftim and antkbriftian rebellion ; 'wherein the
princes iaiufull pcivcr and ccir.m and for truetk, and indeprii-able ri^bt to he-ire
the fiu'jrd are defended e.gtiirft the papers eet: fares, and the jefuits j^/iLifmfs
uttered in their apologie and defence cf Engliffj citholikes with a I'emonft.-atitn,
that the thing: refourmed in the rburca of England by tie laices of this rtalmt
are truly catbdike, notwitb/ianding the vaint JhfW made to the contrary in tbfjr
line Rhemifh Teftament, by Thomas Bilfon, ivirden of Wincbcjlcr. Peru-
fed and allowed by publike authoritie,
*be LIFE of JAMES I.
Though James had not fet his name to this
piece,
*f minute to be explicated by the bifhops in a larger vo-
cc lume; yet they thought it fo fufficient an anfwer
" both to the pope and cardinal, as there needed no o-
" ther. Whereupon his majefty was perfuaded to give
" way to the coming of it forth, but was pleafed to
" conceal his name ; and fo have we the apology be-
(<t}Prefaceto " yond his majefty's own purpofe or determination (a)."
Jcing James's y ne re2( j er j s welcome to believe as much or as little of
works. a jj thjs as }ie p ] ea( - es p or my own part) i doubt not,
but James was well enough pleafed to engage in a con-
troverfy in which he was almoft fure of fuccefs. For
the pope, with all his infallibility, had urged nothing
material againft the oath of allegiance, and the cardinal
had quite miftook the fenfe of it; as every one upon
comparing the briefs of the one, and the letter of the
other with the oath, will plainly fee, as James in this
piece has fully (hewn. Indeed all objections of the
latter are pointed againfl the oath of fupremacy, which
is a very different thing from the oath of allegiance. In
this piece James, after mentioning the powder plot,
takes notice of the intention of the oath, which he
fays, " was fpecially to make a feparation between fa
" many of his fubjecls, who although popifhly affecl-
V ed, yet retained in their hearts the prints of their
" natural duty to their fovereign ; and thofe who being
" carried away with the like fanatical zeal that the
f* powder-traytors were, could not contain themfelve?
f within the bounds of their natural allegiance, but
" thought diverfity of religion a fafe pretext for all
" kinds of treafons and rebellions againft their fove-
(*) K'ng " reign (b}" He then mentions- the good effects the
James's oath had produced ; the mifchiefs of the pope's briefs ;
3, ' P ' tne incivility of the pope in condemning him unheard ;
and after that proceeds to a fornial examination of them.
In this part of his work he fets forth his great favour
to the catholics, in admitting them to his prefence,
(jubhing many of them knights, freeing recufants from
their
rhe LIFE of JAMES I. 103
piece, no one doubted but he was the au-
thor of it. It remained not long without
replies (TT), containing fuch things as high-
their ordinary payments, and beflowing favours and ho-
nours equally on them with the proteftants. He then
formally enters into the difcuflion of the pope's briefs,
and by fcripture, fathers, and councils, attempts to
confute them. He proceeds to attack Bellarmine ; and
fhews that he had miftook the oath of fupremacy for the
oath of allegiance, and on this miftake had proceeded
in his letter to Blacktvell. He aflerts the oath of allegi-
ance to be confirmed by the authority of antient coun-
cils j fhews that no decifion of any point of religion is
contained in it; that Bellarmine had contradicted his
former writings ; and that his authorities from the fa-
thers were inefficient. This is the fubftance of this a-
pology, in which, though there is nothing in it of great
merit, we may juftly fay James came off conqueror.
However, we may remark, that though his favours to the
catholics might manifeft them guilty of ingratitude to-
wards him, yet could they be no great recommendation
of him tohis proteftant fubje&s. They (hewed an in-
differency with refpeft to the two religions, which, I
fuppofe, was not fo well digefted by them. But "James
was not one of thofe who forefaw confequences. What
made for his prefent purpofe he catched hold of, with-
out reflecting that one day or other it might be made.
to ferve againft himfelf, An imprudence which con-
trovertifts frequently are guilty of. The leaft {hadow
of an argument they make ufe of; weaken, or endea-
vour to invalidate the moft important doctrines which
at any time ftand in their way ; and blab out thofe
things which it is moft their intereft to conceal, and
which hereafter they bitterly repent of, when they find
the ufes made of them by able or artful opponents.
(TT) It remained not long without replies, contain-
ing fuch things as highly difpleafed him.] Tho' James's
H 4 name
(j} Works,
P. 3j,0.
104 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
ly difpleafed him. Whereupon he writ hr$
pre-
name was not prefixed to the firft edition of his apolo-
gy, yet he made prefents of it to the foreign embaffa-
dors in his own name, and his arms were put in the
frontifpiece thereof, as himfelf tells us (a). This was
fufficient to put the author out of doubt. But notwith-
{landing his adverfaries treated him without ceremony.
The famous Robert Parfens began the attack, in a book
called the Judgment of a Catholic Gentleman, con-
cerning king James's apology for the oath of allegiance.
Qu. S. Omeis, 1608. (1} Eellarmme continued it,
under the feigned name of Mattheus Tortus, and gave
his majefty the lye in exprefs terms, and feven times
charged him with falfhood, which was thought by him,
equivalent to a lye (c]. The king is here told, that
pope Clement thought him to be inclined to their reli-
gion ; that he was a puritan in Scotland, and a perfe-
cutor of the proteftants j that he was a heretic and no
chriftian. His majefty was alfo let know, < J that fome
of his officers of efhte put the pope and cardinals in
hope that he would profefs himfelf a catholic, when
he came to the crown of England ; yea, that he him-
felf had written letters full of courteue to the two
cardinals Alch-brandlno and Bgllarmine.^ wherein he
craved, that one of the Scotifh nation might be cre-
ated cardinal ; that by him, as an agent, he might
f- e itfeinn tne more ea '''y an d fafely do his bufmefs with the
the tame c pope (d) " This muft have vexed Jatnes pretty
writer, p. much, I fuppofe, as the reader, by comparing what is
*fj 7 '/T- V s contained in notes (H) and (N), will be apt to think
the pope j there was fome truth in it. A third anfvvererof this a-
but there arc pology was Francis SuaneZ) well known in the learned
ifds S worid " Sir Henr y 5 *' 7/ * whof e ed itin of St. Chry-
jdded; for fiftom has perpetuated his fame, being prevailed on, I
applying to know not by what motive, to help tranflate James's book
ria s. jjjtc* Latin ; it foon got to Rome ; from thence Suarcz,
onicnfcs,
Vol. I. c.
W King
Jar*.es,'s
works, p.
194.
(d) Caldrr-
was commanded to anfwer it, wlio performing his tafk,
Vol.l.p.i62. it was pubiilhed, aqd as foon as the copies can^e imp
England.
fbe LIFE of JAMES I. jo|
premonition (uu) to all mod mighty mo>
narchs,
England, one of them was burnt (<?). Nicolaus () Wood,
Cceffetau, bifliop of Dardanie^ preacher to Henry IV. Vol. J. c.
of France, anfwered James> as is faid, very moderate- 45 '
ly and modeftly. " But the king was nothing pleafed
" with his fawning, nor took it in better part than if
" (as he faid) he fhould have bid a t d in his teeth,
* and then cry Sir reverence f/J." Let us obferve here (f) win-
by the way, a miftake of Mr. Perrault, in fpeaking of wood, Vol.
Ccejfeteau, fays he, " the king (Henry the great) com- ' p ' II7 '
*' mitted to him, at the follicitation of Perron^ the an-
fwering cf the king of England's book on the eu-
f< charift, which he did with a great deal of cogency."
(o-) Now James never writ on the eucharift. The book (g) Chanc-
Cajfeieau anfwered, was his apology ; confequently Per- ^ r d shl ^ rical
rault is miftaken. Nor can I perfuade myfelf he fpeaks ^"a^Volf"
truly, when he fays, the then French king committed ii.p.'n.Svo.
to him the anfwering James's book. The doctrine con- Lon d - I 7f
tained in it could rot be difpleafing to Henry> and I be-
Jieve he would have been forry it (hould have been fub-
verted. I know of no more anfwers to James's apo-
logy ; and whether I am as exact as I mould be in my
account of thefe, I cannot well determine; being far
removed from libraries, from which help might be ex-
peded (/;).
pendix.
(uu) Whereupon he writ his premonition to all moft
mighty monarchs, &c.] u After the apology was out,
(ays Dr. Mountague, his majefty divers times would
be pleafed to utter a refolution of his, that if the
pope and cardinal would not reft in his anfwer, and
fit down by it, take the oarh as it was intended for a
point of allegiance and civil obedience, he would
publifh the apology in his own name, with a preface
to all the princes in Chriftendcrn ; wherein he'would
pubiifh fuch a confeffion of his faith, perfuade the
princes fo to vindicate their own power, ciifcover fo
much of trie myflcry of iniquity unto them, as the
" pope's
,06 H* LIFE of JAMES I.
narchs, kings, free princes, and ftates of
Chrifteh*
pope's bulls mould pull in their horns, and himfelf
wifli he had never meddled with this matter. The
cardinal contending againft the apology, his majefty
confirmed his refolution, and with the like celerity in
the compafs of one week, wrote his monitory pre-
face j and being fo written, puhlifhed it and the apo-
logy in his own name, and made good his word, fent
it to the emperor, and all the kings and free princes
(*) Preface in Quiftendom (a)." Great difpatch this! but as we
works 1 " * nave a bifhop's word for it, we cannot refufe to fub-
fcribe to the truth of it. In his dedication to the em-
peror Rodolpb II. and the princes and ftates of Chriften-
dom, he ftiles himfelf profeflbr, maintainer, and de-
fender of the true, chriftian, catholic, and apoftolic
faith, profefied by the antient and primitive church,
and fealed with the blood of fo many holy bifhops, and
{b} James's other faithful crowned with the glory of martyrdom (/>).
works, p. Hq then in a particular manner addreffes himfelf
unto them, and tells them, " that the caufe in which
he is engaged is general, and concerneth the autho-
" thority and privilege of kings in general, and all fu-
" per-eminent temporal powers (t)." He proceeds to
give reafons for printing the apology without his name ;
fhews why he thought now proper to avow it, and
goes on to (hew the occafion of it. He lets them know,
that the pubilfhing his book had brought fuch two an-
fwerers, or rather railers, upo.n him, as all the world
might wonder at. He then falls foul on Parfons^ for
whom he fays a rope is the fitteft anfwer ; and proceeds,
to Mattheus Tortus, who called himfelf BellarminSs
chaplain. " An obfcyre author, fays he, utterly un-
*' known to me, being yet little known to the world,
" for any other of his works ; and therefore muft be a
" very defperate fellow in beginning his apprcntifage,
" not only to refute, but to rail upon a king (d}" One
would think by this James knew not that in the repub-
lic of letters no man holds any other rank than what he
can
Me LIFE of JAMES I. 107
Chriftendom, publiftied it, and the apology
can procure by his own induftry and abilites. For which
reafon if the greateft prince commences a member of it,
he is to expedl, in juftice, no other regard than what
his fellow-members fhall judge he really merits. If he
would not be treated like an author, he mould not com-
mence author. The moment he adts publicly in that
character, he is liable to be refuted, ridiculed, or expo-
fed ; nor has he any body but himfelf to thank for it.
- But let us go on with our fubjett. James, from
fome paflages, concludes that Bellarmlne was his real
anfwerer, under the feigned name of Tortus^ and as
fuch he fpeaks of him. After mentioning the epithets
bellowed on himfelf by his anfwerer, he afks the princes
whether this be mannerly dealing with a king ? and he
doubts not but that they will refent fuch indignities
done to one of their quality. He then fliews the infuf-
ficiency of the cardinal's reply to his apology, aggravates
the power he gives to the popes, {hews that they former-
ly were in fubjedion to chriftian emperors, and that
their affent was neceffary to their elections, and that
they had been depofed by them. Kings alfo, he fays,
have denied the temporal fuperiority of the popes, more
efpecially his own predeceflbrs. Apoftate he mews he is
none, and heretic that he cannot be, as believing all the
three creeds, and as " acknowledging for orthodox all
*< thofe other forms of creeds, that either were devifed
*< by councils or particular fathers, a2;ainft fuch particular
?' herefies as moft reigned in their times (<?)." He then (<)W r
gives a long-winded confeffion of faith, with reafons, p. 3*'
fuch as they are, of his belief; and afterwards fpends
no lefs than twenty folio pages on the fubjecl of jJntl-
cbrift) which he thus concludes, " Thus has the cardi-
nals mamelefs wrefting two of thofe places of fcrip-
ture, pafce oves meas, & tibi dabo claves, for proving
the pope's temporal authority over princes,animatedme
to prove the pope to be the antichrift out of the book
of fcripture j fo to pay him his own money again. And
" this
joS rte LIFE of JAMES I.
jn his own name, and fent it to the emperor,
ancj
" this opinion no pope can ever make me to recant,
** except they firft renounce any farther meddling with
" princes, in any thing belonging to their temporal ju-
(f) Works, rifdi<5tion (f)/' Retu-rning then to Bellarrnine's re-
F- 3 28 - ply, he complains loudly of the lies contained in it, and
of the ill manners wherewith it abounds ; and after a
great deal of heavy fluff about the powder-plot, oath of
allegiance, the villany of Garnet^ &c. he addreffes him-
felf to the kings and princes, and prays God that he and
they may not fuffer the incroaching Babylonian mo-
narch to gain ground upon them. It is very remark-
able, that in thjs anfwer |to Bellarmine, contained in the
premonition, James takes not the leaft notice of the ac-
count given by him of his having formerly written to
the pope, and begged a cardinal's hat for one of his
fubjects, in order that through him he might be the
more able to advance hjs affairs in the court of Rome.
This, I fay, is remarkable, and argues in James a con-
viction of the truth of what was alledged againft him.
Indeed, with no face could he pretend to deny it ; for
'twas well known to his own and foreign minifters, that
his arnbafTador at the French court had frequently folli-
cited it, and thereby .had reflected on his honour and
(^'"Win- judgment (g) ; and that he himfelf had negotiated with
\vood'sme- the pope by means of cardinal Aido- branding in order,
~Vo] a i S ' as was thought, to his becoming catholic (h}. He had
38?. ' ' nt the face therefore to deny, in a work addrefled to
(A) Birch's foreigners, a fat which could fo eafily have been made
negotiations, g OO( j a g a j n ft hj mt However, in order to amufe his own
fubjeb, he pretended the letter written to the pope,
produced in this controverfy, was furreptitioufly ob-
tained by lord Balmerino ; and accordingly that lord,
r)SecCal- following the direction in all things of lord Dunbar(i} t
604, and**' a ^ ter na ving confefled that he himfelf drew the letter
Spo.tf'.v-cod, without his majefty's knowledge or confent, and got
Fo;. him ignorantly to fign it, had fentence of death pafled
on him for this his a&ion. No doubt of it, James
though?;
'The LIFE of JAMES t. ic?
and princes, to whom it was addreffed. The
prefacer of his majefty's works tells us of
the great effeds produced by this premoni-
tion (xx), but, if we deal impartially, we
muft
thought hereby to have cleared himfelf in the eyes of
his fubjects of all correfpondence wich the pope. " But
" when Balmerino was prefently pardoned, and, after
" a fhort confinement, reftored to his liberty : all men
" lays Burnet, believed that the king knew of the let-
" ter, and that the pretended confeffion of the fecre-
" tary was only collufion to Jay the jealoufies of the
" king's favouring popery, which ftill hung upon him,
" notwithftanding his writing on the Revelations, and
" his affecting to enter on all occafions into controver-
" fy, afferting in particular that the pope was anti-
" chrift (k}" So that his artifice was of no avail, ) Bui-net,
the covering was too thin; and all who had eyes muft Vol. i.p.tf
fee that there was but too much truth in what had been
faid concerning him. Such are the effects of difiimu-
lation ! whereas honefty, integrity, and fair-dealing,
appear openly and above-board, and always on exami-
nation are honourable to thofe by whom they are prac-
tifed, and generally profitable.
(xx) The prefacer to his majefty's works tells us of
the great effects produced by this premonition.] He ob-
ferves, " that upon the coming forth of that book,
" there were no ftates that difavowed the doctrine of
" it in the point of the king's power j and the Vencti-
" ans maintained it in their writings, and put it in
" execution ; the Sorbons maintained it likewife in
" France."
2dly, tf That their own writers that oppofed it, To
44 overlafhed, as they were corrected and caftigated by
** men of their own religion/'
, IO tie LIFE of JAMES t
muft acknowledge that it met but with d
very
3dly, " That his majefty's confeffion of faith had
been fo generally approved, as that it had converted ma-
tc ny of their party ; and that had it not been for the
" treatife of antichrift, he had been informed many
k < more would eafily have been induced to fubfcribe to
k all in that preface."
4thly, " That kings and princes had by his majefty's
^ premonition a more clear infight, and a more per-
k< feel: difcovery, into the injury offered to them by the
" pope in the point of their temporal power, than ever
*' they had, infomuch as that point was never fo tho-
cc roughly difputed in Chriftendom, as it had been by
" the occafion of his majefty's book."
Laftly, " That for the point of antichrift, he had
* c heard many confefs, that they never faw fo much
" light given into it, as they had done by this perfor-
" mance." So that, adds he, " though controverfies
" be fitter fubje&s for fcholars ordinarily, than for
" kings, yet when there was fuch a neceflity in under-
" taking, and fuch a fuccefs being performed, I leave
" it to the world to judge, whether there was not a
to/mes" " f P Ccial hand in il Of G d r fl W
works.
And I will leave the world to judge of the grofs flat-
tery, not to fay impiety, of this prelate in talking after
this rate. What ! muft we attribute the fquabbles of
pedants to God ? muft his hand be concerned in ufher-
ing into the world the dull heavy performance of i
king? far be fuch thoughts from us ! when God ads,
he acls likehimfelf; all is wife, good, and fuccefsful :
nor can we more dishonour him than by calling him iri
as an encourager or afiifter of our whims and extravagan-
cies. But this biftiop had no fenfe of propriety j as"
long as he could praife he was fatitfied, let it be in evef
fd
Me LIFE of JAMES I. in
Very indifferent reception abroad, efpecially
from
fo wrong a place ; by which his own character fuffered,
and his mafter was defpifed.
'Tis pleafant enough, however, to fee fuch effects at-
tributed to this work of James's. The Venetians, up-
on the coming out of this book, maintained the doc-
trine of the fupream power of temporals in princes and
free ftates. 'Tis true they did ; and they had done it
before ever 'James had put pen to paper on this fubject ;
for the quarrel with the pope, which produced the in-
terdict, arofe from thence : now this commenced annd
1606, and James's apology was not printed till the year
1609, and confequently neither it nor the premonition
which came after it, could be the caufe of their holding .. ,
this doctrine (). As to the Sorbonne, ever fmce the p^ffi;^
extinction of the civil wars in France, they had taught byLockmarij
it; nor could be expected any fovereign ftate would prefixed to
difavowit: fo that whatever the bifhop might fay, 'tis ^ s ec *^aftiJ
certain nothing this way was produced. As for James's calbenefice Si
adverfaries being oppofed by men of their own reli- P- 4 8 - ^vo;
gion, 'tis not to be wondered ati There are every "
where men who love controverfy, and therefore that negotiations,
will oppofe, if only for a (hew of their parts and p- 2 $8.
learning. How many were converted by his majefty's
confeffion of faith I cannot fay, I remember to have
read but of one, the archbifliop of Spalajlo (c) ; but J ;
I know very well that within a few years of this n als, p.i;*
controverfy, great numbers of the Britifti proteftant
fubjects revolted to the Romifh communion^ none of
which, I believe, were induced to return by this per-
formance. If many were converted by it, why
had they not been pointed out ? we know Waddefivortb)
chaplain to Sir Charles Gornwallis, ambaffador in Spain, (<t> Win-
was reconciled to the church of Rome, and feveral atf**"*'^'
the faid Sir Charles's kinfmenfJ): We know likewife i^'iGo,'
that Toby Matthews (afterwards Sir Toby) fon to the 29f,44'-
archbifliop of York, went over to it likewife (*) ; but ^J'jjf
their return is never mentioned, nor are there any con- , nd! a 66*3 .
verftons
U2 The LIFEy JAMES L
from moft of the princes and ftates to whorrl
it was addrefled (YY); though there were
not
verfions by means of his majefty's book, (Except that
one I have fpoke of, recorded, and which, if true, was
of no confequence : for it is well known that SpalaJI'b
went off from the proteftants, and came to a moft un-
happy end at Rome : fo that the bifhop has been very
unhappy in his affertions with refpecl to the confequen-
ces of the premonition, and cannot but be put dowri
as an inventor. As to the fourth and laft things men-
tioned as following from this book, I have nothing td
fay to them : they are before the reader, and he may
view them in what light he pleafes.
(YY) It met with but a very indifferent reception a-
broad, &c.] Let us hear a zealous hugonot : " This
u work [the apology and premonition prefixed] ferved
" for no more than to {hew the little account the ca-
c tholics made of the author. It was not looked uport
in Spain; 'twas burnt in Florence; the inquifnion at
Rotne put it in the number of prohibited books j
'twas ill received in France by the catholics, and the
c king forbad it mould be tranflated or printed. 'Twas
" only at Venice where the reading of it was not pro-
fa) Hiftory * c hibited ()." There is fome truth in this tho 1 the
of the edi& accountgiven is not very exact. Let us correct it as well
y ^i ntes ' as we can from Winwoad** ftate papers. Lord SaliJ'bury^
4.5i.'4to P . in a letter to Sir Charles Cornwaliis^ dated June 8, 1609-,
Lond. i<?5>4. tells him that *' his majefty had thought fit to fend his
** book to the Emperor, to the French kingi who hatli
" received it, and all other chriftian kings and princes*
" as a matter which jointly concerns their abfolute ju-
(i)Win- < rifdidlion and temporalities ()." But though it w^s
wood, Vol. f ent to a jj ot h er chriftian kings and princes, it was not
received by them. The arch-dukes would not accept of
(c) Id. p. 68. it(<r); and even the ftate of Venice , " afcer they had
" received the king's books, they did by public oicii-
" nance forbid the publilhing of the fame > vshich (fays
" Sir
TtxLIFE of JAMES I. 113
not wanting thofe at home who applauded
and defended it,
Armnlus
" Sir Thomas Edmondei] Sir Henry Wooton took fo ten-
* derly, as thereupon he charged them with the breach
" of their amity with his majefty, and declared unto
< them that in refpedl thereof he could not longer ex-
" ercife his charge of a public minifter among them.
" This proteftation of his was found fo ftrange by that
" ftate, as they fent hither (d] in great diligence to un- W This is
" derftand whether his majefty would avow him there- JJJn-
" in, which did very much trouble them here to make oa.4.iVoo,
" a cleanly anfwer thereunto, for the falving the am-
" bafiador's credit, who is cenfured to have profecuted
the matter to an over great extremity (e)." This (<0 Wil ^
rnuft have been a great mortification to James, had he J^ 01 *' |*
had much fenfibility of temper j but yet, even this was 7 s.
nothing to the flight which was put upon his piece by
the Spaniards ; for it was no fooner known in Spain
that James was about to write againft the pope, than
the fecretary of flate fent word to Sir Charles Carnival-
lis t " that the king his mafter did much grieve at ir,
" and marvelled that the king of Great Britain (the
c pope in no fort meddling with him) would put his
" own hand into fuch a bufinefs (f)" But though the (f) Id - Vol.
minifters of ftate in England knew this, yet, when Sir H-P-* 86 '
Charles Cornwallis received his majefty's letter of revo-
cation, " he alfo received a book of his majefty's, to-
* gether with a letter to the king of Spain. But for
fear of an indifferent reception, or rather a refufal of
both the one and the other, he was ordered by lord Sa-
sbury* from the king, to " prefent the letter and the
book to the king of Spain himfelf, as fpeedily and
conveniently as might be, without giving any fore-
knowledge that he was to prefent any fuch matter ;
for which purpofe, adds his lordfhip, the letter for
your revocation may ferve you for a good pretext of
" accefs (g}." They faw there was need of dexterity (^) id. Vol.
to get the book accepted; indeed they could not help in. p. ji.
J it;
We LIFE of JAMES I.
Arminitu dying O&. 19, 1609. Conrad
Vorfiius was invited to fucceed him in his
profeffor's chair of divinity at Leydon : after
a year's deliberation he accepted of it. But
yames, in the mean time, having feen fome
of his writings, fent orders to his ambafla-
dor,
it j for the Spanifh ambaflador at London had refufed
()Win- the book, when fent him by the lord treafurer (A);
wxxi, Vol. anc j wnat ne had d on e, it was to be feared, his mafter
' ?&*? would do. And fo it fell out ; for juft before Sir Charles
had his laft audience of the king of Spain, the duke of
Lerma let him know plainly, that he was informed that
he intended at his taking leave of his mafter, to prefent
his Britannic majefty's book to him ; that he was fur-
prifed that it could be imagined it would be received ;
and therefore gave him fair warning to forbear prefent-
ing the book, " whereby, faid he, might be avoided a
<c refufal that would be fo unpleafing to the one to give,
" and fo diftafteful to the other to receive." Corn-
wallis replied to Lerma with zeal and underftanding ;
but 'twas all in vain : he was told pofitively, " the king
" of Spain would never receive, much lefsgive reading
* e to any book containing matter derogatory to his re-
" ligion and obeoience to the fee of Rome." This fi-
lenced him ; he took his leave of the Spanifh king, and
(0 Id. p. 67, was obliged to carry back the book with him (/).
What an affront this ! haw provoking to one fo full of his
own abilities as James ! he thought, doubtlefs, that his
fellow kin;j;s with attention would have read his works,
applauded his talents, and magnified his art and dexte-
rity in controverfy. But he was miftaken, few foreign-
ers fpoke well of his writings, and we fee with what
contempt he was treated by fome of thofe to whom his
book was add relied. However his flatterers at home
kept up his fpirits. Moft wife, molt learned, moft un-
derftanding were the epithets beftowed on him by the
defigning courtiers, and afpiring clergy. Thefe he was
fo
'tte LIFE of JAMES I ii|
dor, Sir Ralph Winwood, in Holland, to re-
prefent the vilenefs of his doctrines, and de-
fire that he might not be admitted to his
place. The ftates returning an anfwer hot
fatisfadory, he renewed his application ; and
in order the more effectually to exclude Vor~
Jtius
fo long ufed to hear, that 'tis not improbable he might
come at length to think he deferved them. It would
be ufelefs to take notice of the feveral writers of the
Englifh nation who appeared in defence of James a-
gainft his adverfaries. Their names may be feen in Ful-
ler (k] ; but for their works they are almoft out of re- (*) church
membrance long ago, the reverends and right reverends, k^
by cruel fate, were doomed to be *
Martyrs of pies, and reliques of the bum.
DRYDEN:
But all writings are not formed to abide any confider-
able fpace of time : and well were it for the world; if
the dread of oblivion would reftrain the zealot, the pe-
dant, the half-thinker from troubling its repofe by their
controverfies.
I will only obferve before I conclude this note, that
Gafpar Scioppius, that man of great reading and much
learning, who had parts fuperior to moft, and feverity
and ill manners equal to his abilities, published two
pieces againft James's, apology and premonition ; the
one intitled Ecclefigfticus aucWitati feieniflimi D. Ja-
cobi magnae britannias regis oppofitus, printed in 1611 ;
and the other ftiled Collyrium regium britanniae regi
graviter ex oculis laborami muneri miffum, printed the
ikme year. It may be fuppofed no great reg::rd could be
paid James by a writer ot fuch a character ; but it had
been better for him to have ufed a little more decency,
for he had well near loft his life by the hands of fome
of the Englifh. ambafladors fervants at Madrid^ for his
I 2 want
Ji6 The LIFE of JAMES I.
Jlius from the place to which he had been
chofen, and alfo had accepted, he publidied
a declaration (YY) concerning the proceed-
ings
(/) See want of it (/). The truth is, no men deferve punifli-
ardcksd?' ment more tban wnters f Sc ^ppius's temper. He rail-
oppius, notes e ^ > he revikd, he reproached, he uttered a thoufand
(o) and (H). falfhoods againft his adverfarics, and ftuck at nothing in
order to defame. Men's reputations he valued not, nor
cared he who was hurt by his calumnies. He deferved
chaftifement from the hand of the magiftrate ; and it
would have been no more than juftice to have treated
him as a criminal. For there is a great deal of difter-
ence between refuting and defaming an adverfary, be-
tween {hewing the inconclufivenefs of his reafonings,
and inventing lies in order to blaft his character ; and I
cannot help thinking that he who does the latter, ought
to be looked on as a wretch who is a difgrace both to
learning and humanity, and expofed to the punifhment
of calumniators.
(YY) He publifhed a declaration concerning the pro-
ceedings in the caufe of Vorftius.J This declaration is
** dedicated and confecrated to the honour of our Lord
" and Saviour Jefus Chrift, the eternal Son of the eter-
" nal Father, the only 0EANP&nO2, mediator and
" reconciler of mankind, in fign of thankfulnefs, by
" his moft humble, and moft obliged fervant, James,
() James's " &c." If this dedication be thought extraordinary,
worts, p. tne declaration itfelf will be judged more fo ; for he
declares it to be the duty of a chriftian king to extir-
pate herefies ; profefles that 'tis zeal for the glory of
God which alone induces him to move for the banifli-
ment of Vorftius, whom he ftiles a wretched heretic, or
rather atheift, out of the State's dominions ; and then
goes on to give an account of what he had done in that
affair. He gives us a copy of his firit letter to Sir Ralph
Winwcod, in which he orders him to tell the State?,
that " there had lately come to his hands a piece of
" work
The LIFE of JAMES I. 117
ings with the ftates general of the united
provinces of the Low Countries in the caufe
of D. Conradus Vorflius, in which, among
other
" work of one Vorjlius, a divine in thofe parts, where-
" in he had publifhed fuch monftrous blafphemies, and
" horrible atheifm, as he held not only the book wor-
" thy to be burnt, but even the author himfelf to be
" moft feverely punifhed ;" and withal he commands
him to " let them know how infinitely he (hall be
" difpleafed if fuch a monfter receive advancement in
" the church ; and that if they continue their refolu-
" tion to advance him, he will make known to the
" world in print how much he detefted fuch abomi-
" nable herefies, and all allowcrs and tollerators of
." them;" and that the ftates might not want proper
information, he fent a catalogue of his damnable pofi-
tions(^). But the ftates were not fo furious as (*) Works,
James ; they had more knowledge, and confequently P- 37'
more difcretion. All the anfwer he could get amounted
to no more than a reprefentation of the good character
of Vorjlius, his great abilities, the reafonablenefs of al-
lowing him to defend himfelf againft his adverfaries,
and an affurance that if upon examination he fhould
be found guilty, he fhould not be admitted to the
profeflbr's place (f). Before the receipt of this an- (0 M- p:
fwer James was determined to fh,ew his zeal, and ma- 3S Z 3J3
nifeft his indignation againft the heretic. He ordered
his books to be burnt in St. Paul's church-yard, and
both the univerfitics ; bv this means confuting them in
the fhortell manner. But he ftopt not here ; he renew-
ed his inftances to the ftates for the fetting afide Vorjlius t
and again reprefcnted his execrable blafphemies, and a{V
fures them never any heretic better deferved to be burnt
than he; and left they mould hearken to his denials of
what was charged on him, he afks them, ** what will
" not he deny, that denieth the eternity and omnipo-
" tency of God." He concludes with threatning them
>' that if they (hould fail of that which he expecled at
| 3 their
tte LIFE of JAMES I.
other things, he declares, that only for the
title of one of his books, viz. de feliatione
Chrifti
their hands, and fuffer fuch peftilent heretics to neftle
" among them, he fhould depart and feparate himfelf
** from fuch falfe and heretical churches, and alfo exhort
" all other reformed churches to join with him in a com-
" mon council, how to extinguifli and remand to hell
(J, Works, thofe abominable heretics (d)."- But notwithftanding
P- 3* 6 - thefe threatnings, Vorftius came to Leyden. This caufed
Wimvood to prefent himfelf before the States, who in a
fet fpeech backed his mailer's letters, and gave in a cata-
logue of Vorftiu?* errors. But the States anfwered cold-
ly, and nothing to James's expectation. Winvoood
therefore, according to his orders, protefted againft the
States receiving Vorftius\ and at length an anfwer was
given by them more fatisfa&ory to James. This pleafed
him, but ftill in his writings he went on to expofe the
profeflbr, and entered into a very tedious and infipid re-
ply to his apology for his writings. . "This was the
treatment which a man of piety, parts, and learning
met with from James, upon account of fome meta-
phyfical reafonings on the nature and attributes of God,
and an error which he held with fome of the fathers,
()SeeDu- concerning the corporeity of deity (*). I fhould not
pin's hift. of wonder to hear an inquifitor talk after the manner he
writos'voi did > it would only be in the way of his profeffion. But,
i. p.ga'. FO], I own, I can hardly tell how to bear fuch language from
Lend. 16^2. a profefled proteftant, and a temporal prince. And it
excites my indignation to behold a man who made no
fcruple of breaking the laws of the gofpel, and living in
defiance of God himfelf, by a&ing counter to his com-
mands : I fay it fills me with indignation to hear fuch a
one making a loud cry about herefy, and ftirring up
men to punifh it. But thus it has been, thus, perhaps,
it always will be. The greateft perfecutors have been
fome of the mod wicked and abandoned of men. With-
out a fenfe of God, or religion on their minds, they
have pretended to be actuated by a great zeal for them ;
and
The LIFE of JA&IES I. 119
Chrifti, an author fo fufpeded as he, is wor-
thy of the faggot -, and that if he had been
his
and covered with this pretence they have gone on, even
with the applaufe of the fuperftitious and bigotted, to
glut their ambition, their pride, their revenge.
James is faid to have been excited to declare againft
ror/iius, by Abbot ^ archbifhop of Canterbury (f) j and ffj Abridg
'tis not unlikely. Moft of the ecclefiaftics of that time ment of
abounded with a fiery zeal, which frequently hurried j^ n ^- s the
them into actions not to be juftified. But had not James reformation
had an inclination to the work, Abbst would not have of the Low
been able to have prevailed upon him to undertake it. y^J 1 '
He thought, doubtlefs, that he {hould acquire frem ho- ^s.'&JL* .
nour by his pen ; that his people would applaud his zeal, Lord. 1725-.
and hold in admiration his piety: and 'tis not to be and } v ^"::
111, . i I I* TT VVOOd, Vol.
doubted but many were impofed on by him. However m p. 29 $ 4
Sir Ralph Winwood did not efcape cenfure at home, for
what he had done in this affair. He had protefted, as
I had juft obferved, againft the States receiving of For-
Jiius ; but he added alfo, that he protefted againft the vi-
olence offered unto the alliance between his majefty and
thofe provinces, which, faid he, *' being founded upon
" the prefervation and maintenance of the reformed
" religion, you have not letted (fo much as in you lies)
<4 abfolutely to violate in the proceeding of this caufe
_ . . _.- ..... ^
** made at an unreafonable time, when he was to re-
" ceive kindnefs (namely reimburfement of money) at
" the States hands ; and fo calling for the copies of his
" letters, found that- the ambaflador had exceeded his
<c commiflion, in protefting againft the alliance which
" mould have been but againft the religion (A)." This (^ w !|,
it is to ferve weak princes ! they take up their refoluti- ^' ^
ons without confideration, and are foon turned from
them. To-day their fervants are commended, to-mor-
row blamed for following their inftru&ions. So that
1 4 little
The LIFE of JAMES I.
his own (abject, he would have forced
him to have confefled thofe wicked here-
(ics that were rooted in his heart j and I
(doubt not but he would have been as good
as
little reputation is to be got in their employment. IVm-
wood received notice of this, " but the wifer part of the
* c world (fays his friend Mr. John More to him) confi-
" dering the tenor of his majefty's fliarp letter to the
" States, and how often, in open difcourfe, he hath
" threatned not only to write, but to fight againft them,
" rather than Vorflius mould reft at Ley den, will more
" readily conclude that his majefty varieth in himfelf,
(/}Win- M tnan tnat }' ou have erred (/)." At length, however,
wood, Vol. Wmwood had the pleafure of hearing that his majefty
Ilf. p. 331. held him, in his favour, and fpoke well of him ; but for
Vorftius, he was obliged, through thcfe follicitations of
James, to renounce provifionally his employment, and
leave Leyden, and expect elfewhere a definitive fentence
concerning this difpute. He retired to Gouda about
May 1612, where he lived quiet till the year 1619,
when he was forced to leave Holland-, for the fynod of
Dort having declared him unworthy of the profeflbr's
chair, the ftates of the province deprived him of that
employment, and condemned him to a perpetual ba-
k 'i)B?yle's nifhment (k}. So fad a thing it is for private men ta
dia.onary, have princes for their adverfaries ! right or wrong they
ffiu^(Con r " mu ^ fubmit, and cannot make refiftance. Tho' how
fad.) honourable it is for princes to attack fuch, the reader
will determine.
I will conclude this note with obferving that this de-
claration of James againft Vorfliu^ was printed in
French, Latin, Dutch, and Englifh, and confequently
his moriftrous zeal, his unprincely revilings, and his
weak and pitiful reafonings were known throughout
(rtvrin- Kurope(/). But after all, I prefume, it was held in
wood, Vol. fmail account. For Mr! Norton, who cc had the print-
[n'u P (iiV f f' " '"^ f lt 'P Latin, fwore he would not print it, un-
iettcrs,p.i3. '* lefs he might have money to print it (m}."
We LIFE of JAMES I. 121
as bis woid ; for foon after he caufed two
of his own fubjedls to be burnt for herefy
(zz).
Tis
(zz) He caufed two of his own fubje&s to be burnt
for herefy.] The names of thefe two were Bartholo-
mew Legate, and Edward IVightman. The firft of
thefe was a man of great fkill in the fcriptures, and his
converfation unblamable. His errors were fomewhat
of the fame kind with thofe attributed to Socinus ; and
withal he had the hardinefs to fay, that the Nicene and
Athanafian creeds contain not a profeffion of the true
chriftian faith. James caufed him to be brought to him,
and attempted his converfion ; but when he found that
he was intractable, he difmtfled him with a contemptu-
ous fpeech ; and afterwards by the biftiops being declared
an incorrigible heretic, he gave orders to diredr. the writ
de haeretico comburendo to the (herifFs of London, and
in Smithfield he was burned to aflies. What Wigbtman
was, or what his errors, is hard to fay. The herefies of
Ebion, CerinthuS) Valent'mlan^ Arrius, Macedonius, Si-
mon Magus, Manes Manichtsus, Photinus^ and the A-
nabflpti/fs, were reckoned up againft him in the warrant
for his burning ; but, probably, he knew not what they
meant thereby, any more than they themfelves did who
inferted them in his accufation. They were hard
words, and they thought, it may be, that they would
terrify and affright. However this is certain, that for
his errors, whatever they were, he was burnt at Litch-
field (#). Thefe executions were in the year 1611. (a] Fuller's
James had another heretic to exercife his zeal on al- church hift.
fo j but feeing thofe that fuffered were much pitied, he^io*.
very mercifully let him linger out his life in Newgate, p. 64, 6y.
Had I not reafon then to fay, that I doubted not James
would have been as good as his word, in making Vor-
ftius confefs his herefies, had he been his fubje&? I
make no doubt but that he would have ufed his endea-
vours ; and if thefe had failed, would have treated him
as bad as he did Legate and Wight mqq. For he had the
fpiric
,22 7& LIFE <?/ JAMES I.
"Tis very remarkable, that in this decla-
ration againil Forftius, he falls foul on the
name
fpirit of an inquifitor : no pity, no compaffion was
within him : he had no fenfe of the worth of thofe
men who preferred a good confcience before all things ;
he thought 'twas only obftinacy in them, and therefore
deemed them worthy of punifliment. So eafy is it for
men who have no principles themfejves, to cenfure and
condemn thofe who are truly honeft and fmcere. I wifh
for the honour of human nature, for the honour of
chriftianity, and the honour of the reformation, that
no fuch inftances of perfecution had been to be found ;
but, as we cannot bloc them out, we ought to fet a
mark on thofe who occafioned them, that fo their names
may be treated with that indignation they fo juftly merit.
Since the writing the above, by means of a very
worthy friend, I have got fight of the commiffions and
warrants for the condemnation and burning of Legate
and Wlghtman. The comrhiffions are directed to Tho-
mas lord Elfmere, chancellor of England. The war-
rant for the burning Legate is. addrefled to the Sheriffs
of London, the other for Wigbtman^ to the Sheriff of
Litchfield. By the commiffions the chancellor is or-
dered to award and make out, under the great feal of
England, writs of execution ; and the (heriffs by the
warrant, are required to commit the heretics to the
fire. The herefies of Legate are, (as I have reprefent-
ed them from Fuller] reckoned up as the reafon for put-
ting him to death. As for what is charged to Wight-
mans account, if it be true, (for great doubt is to be
made of the truth of perfecutors) he was certainly an
enthufiaft, but, for aught appears, a harmlefs one ; for
he is charged with holding, that " he was the prophet
" fpoken of in the eighteenth of Deuteronomy in thefe
<c words, I will rife them up a prophet, &c. and that
" this place of Ifaiah, I alone have trodden the wine-
' prefs; and that other place, whofe fan is in his hand,
" are proper and perfonal to him the faid Edward
The LIFE of JAMES I. 123
name ot Arminhis (A A A); and that afterwards
he
" JVightman. He is aifo accufed with believing himfelf
*' the comforter fpoken of in St. John's golpel, and the
^ Ellas to come; and that he was fent to peiform his
<< part in the work of the falvation of the world/' But
for his holding the opinions of Manes, and Mai. .,.es t
(as with great learning and judgment thc-y are diitin-
guifhed in the warrant) and Simon Magus^ nothing a:
all appears even from the enumeration i his adv-rfa-
ries. So that ! guefled right, that the n^rting of thefe
hard names was to terrify and afright (i>;. I will infert (i)Thecon.
a paragraph from the warrant for the execution of Le- " exion te in g
L < ji 1-1 -ii/i- lome choice
gate, with tne reader s leave, which will mew us pretty co i!ca;cnsof
much the temper of James, and ib conclude. " As a fome printi-
* c zealot of juftice, and a oeter^ .r or the catholic faith, P alm j !tteTS )
" and willing to defend and maintain the holy church, r"i g n^ a g^ *
" and rights and liberties of the fame, and the catholic p. 72, 90.
< c faith, and fuch herefies and errors every where what in Lon ^ 1<s8l <
" us lieth, to root out and extirpate, and to punifli with
*' condign punifhment fuch heretics fo convicted, and
" deeming that fuch an heretic in form aforefaid, con-
*' viewed and condemned according to the laws and
" cuiloms of this our kingdom of England, in this
*' part occafioned, ought to be burned with fire, we
" do command, &c." (<r) (*)W'P-79
(A A A) He falls very foul on the name of Armimus.']
Arminius was a man of fenfe ; he faw the confequences
of the calviniftical doctrines, and fet himfelf to oppofe
them ; but he did it with candour and modefty. Whe-
ther his fcherne be in all parts of it defenfible, or whe-
ther he in any place has run into one extream in order
to avoid another, and needlekly made innovations in
the received doctrines of the reformed churches, I leave
to divines to be confidered. J Tis fufficient here to ob-
ferve that his doctrine was received by many men of
great underftandings, and that his manners were irre-
proachable. His memory therefore ought to have been
dear to every good man, and his reputation fhould have
remained ,
i2 4 rhe LIFE J JAMES I.
he contributed much to the condemnation
of his followers, by fending his divines to
the fynod of Dort (BBB), where their doc-
trine
remained unfullied. But James attacked him ; he calls
him a " feditious and heretical preacher, an infeclor of
() James's ' Leyden with herefy, and an enemy of God (a] ;
works, c an( ] w jth a i he complains of his hard hap not to hear
?^3Si354* of h | m ^fore he was dead, and that all the reform-
" ed churches in Germany had with open mouths
(/>} Id. ibid. t complained of him (b)." Hard hap indeed ! to be
ignorant of the fentiments of a profefTor of divinity,
and unable to enter the lifts with him; for this, pro-
bably he would have done, had he found any thing to
have fattened on. But James's anger againft Armi-
nius foon declined. Though he here branded him for
.w . an enemy to God, " yet having feen the opinion of
" hi? followers, and their adverfaries, and the argu-
u "ments by which they were fupported, difcufied at
" large, he tells the ftates general, it did not appear to
" him that either of them were inconfiflent with the
" truth of the chriftian faith, and the falvation of
(0 Abridge- >" fouls (<:)." This letter is dated March 6, 1613, and
Brandt's ' s P" 3 ' 11 '? contradictory to what I have juft cited from
Lift, of the his writings. But a contradiction was nothing to him.
reformation, A man (hall be an enemy to God, or the contrary, juft
Vol. I. p. 2S i^ ^^5 i t ; n his head ; for 'twas a fmall matter with
wlni, him to accufe, revile, and rail : he was a king, and
Vol. III. p. he expected his word (hould be taken, though he ren-
4* 2> .dered not a reafon. However James's fit of good hu-
mour lafted not long, with refpecl: to the followers of
Armimus in Holland ; they foon again were bad men,
held wicked doctrines, and fuch as were worthy of his
care to extirpate, as we (hall prefently fee. He joined
with their adverfaries, and contributed to their undo-
ing ;; fo that he had no (lability of judgment, or refo-
lution, but was various as the wind,
(PBB) He contributed much to the condemnation of
his
We LIFE of JAMES L 125
trine was rejected, the contrary thereunto
con-
his followers, by fending his divines to the fynod of
Dort.] The end and defign of this fynod was to con-
demn the remonftrants ; it was called by their profefled
enemies, and compofed of fuch as were moft of all fee
againft them. They took an oath indeed, " that in
*' examining and deciding, they would ufe no human
" writing, but only the word of God. And that du-
" ring all their difcuffions, they would aim only at the
" glory of God, the peace of the church, and efpeci-
" ally the prefervation of the purity of do&rine (a}" (a) Abridg-
But this was no guard ; every thing was determined ac- ment of
cording to their preconceived opinions, and the contra- j^ 3 " \-^'
ry was judged falfe and heretical. For 'tis the manner
of thefe affemblies to aflume to themfelves fomewhat
more wifdom than the writers of the New Teftament
ever pretended to. They know better how to exprefs
doctrines, how to guard againft herefies, how to fecure
the peace of the church, and above all how to filence
and convince gainfayers in the moft effectual manner.
But, fomewhat unluckily, it has happened out, that
where they have once done good, they have ten times
done hurt. Where one breach in the church has been
made up by them, many have been caufed ; and where
one herefy, as 'tis called, has been fupprefled, numbers
have been occafioned by them. So that it would be a very
difficult matter to fay what good p-jrpofe they have ever
anfwered. To the members of them, indeed, they have
been ufeful. They have eftablifhed their reputation for
orthodoxy with the unthinking vulgar ; given them an
opportunity of gratifying their ambition and love of
power ; and above all of fatiating their revenge on
thofe who have eclipfed their reputation, and hindered
them from making the figure they were inclined to.
But too fad a truth is it, that they never have promoted
peace, unity, and love among chriftians, or the prac-
tice of thofe other virtues which are fo ftrongly incul-
cated
I2 6 We LIFE of JAMES I.
confirmed, and they themfelves ftigmatized
as
(i) See An- cated in the gofpel (b}. And therefore well were it for
drew Mar- the world, if it had an afTurance of their never more
effa* touch- comin g mto reputation j for the mifchiefs they always
ing general caufe are innumerable. No wonder then that the
councils, fynod of Dort turned out as it did. It had been a mi-
Sdtortin's raclc lf P eace had been the confequence of it. For
preface to his whatever has been the pretence, I believe it hardly ever
remarks on wa s the real end of the meetings of this fort. But let
hHfory ^l US fee What hand 7 ames had in this f y nod and how he
I. f. 14. ' contributed to the condemnation of the followers of
Arminius* The fynod began to meet Nov. 13, 1618.
It confifted of thirty- fix minifters of the United Pro-
vinces, and five profeflbrs, together with twenty elders j
to thefe were added twenty-eight foreign divines, a-
rnong whom were the following fent by James^ George
Carleton bifliop of Landaff^ Jofeph Hall dean of War-
cefter^ John Davenant profeffor of divinity and maftef
of queen's colledge at Cambridge, and Samuel Ward
archdeacon of Taunton, head of Sydney colledge at
Cambridge, and fometime after, Walter Balcanqualy A
Scotch divine, was added to them, to reprefent the
(r)Abridg- churches of his country (c). [The ever memorable
mentof John Hales alfo attended the fynod, not as a member*
Raj. but was fent b 7 Sir D^ley Carleton, the EngliQi am-
(/)Hales's baflador at Holland, whofe chaplain he was, to give
golden re- him an account of what pafTed in the fynod (d}.} Thefe
ST^vo'. d ' vines k nt b y James were not as furious in their be-
Lond. 1687. haviour towards the remonftrants, as their own coun-
trymen j but they performed the errand for which they
were fent, the condemnation of the opinions of Arml-
nius, and eftablimment of thofe of Calvin. For this
purpofe thefe gentlemen, though one of them a bifliop,
and moft of the other dignified in an epifcopal church ;
thefe gentlemen, I fay, took on them to handle the con-
troverted points, and to engage againft the errors of the
Arminians, in a fynod made up of mere prefbyters, and
the prefident of which was only one of the fame cha-
racter
r/je LIFE of JAMES 1.
as introdu&ors of novelties, obftinate and
dif-
rafter (?). They made fpeeches to overthrow certain (0 Halt's
diftinctions framed by the remonftrants, for the main- ^J ains> p>
tenance of their pofitions, and evafion from the contra-
remonftrants arguments (f). They differed among CfJU. p.
themfelves (^), and fell into heats with fome of the o- ***
ther members (h] ; but they agreed in approving the 4 7 . ' P
Belgic confeffion of faith, and the Heidelberg catechifm (*) W. p.
(/'). In fhort, they difpatched the work intended, and |^' and
contributed to the woes which followed foon after upon (/) Abridg-
the poor Arminians. - 'Tis remarkable alfo that feven mentof
years did not fuffice to allay the wrath of James againft ^ Mdt *^ d *
far/litfs : for almoft at the conclufion of the fynod, his <p '* r
clergy read an extract of that profeffor's errors ; they
called thofe errors blafphemies againft the nature of
God, and faid that the fale of Vorftiufs book fliould be
prohibited. Laftly, they demanded that his book de Deo
fliould be burned in a foiemn manner; and they pro-
duced a decree of the univerfity of Cambridge, by vir-
tue of which that book had been burnt publicly (k). (*) Id - P
The effecl: of thefe reprefentations I have mentioned in JI '
note (xx). If it be afked why the part the Englifli
clergy took in the affairs at Dort^ is attributed to James ?
the anfwer is, that they themfelves owned, that they
had been deputed to the fynod by the king, and not by
the church of England (1). And fo intent was he on (i)U. p.
the bufinefs of the fynod, " that he commanded them * OI<
*' to give him a weekly account of all its memorable
* e paffages, with the receipt of which he was highly
pleafed (m}" " Yea, they were inftructed at all ("0 Fuller's
times to confult with the Englifli ambaffador [Sir Jj^JJJ 1
Dudley Carletoti] who was acquainted with the form 10. p. 79."
of the Low Countries, underftood well the queftions
and differences amongft them, and from time to time
received James's princely directions (n)." - So that ()id. p.78.
he was properly the actor in this place, and the con-
demnor of the opinions held by the enemy of God (o), (o) See note
and his followers. Whoever calls to mind the depriva- ( AAA )-
tions
123 The LIFE of JAMES I.
difobedient, preachers of erroneous doctrine^
and corruptors of religion; and as fuch con-
demned to be deprived of all ecclefiaftical
and academical functions.
But
tions and banimment which followed the decisions of
this fynod, of fuch great men as Epifcspius, Uytcnbogart^
Corvinus, &c. and the perfecution which enfued through-
out the United Provinces, againft the Arminians, Who-
ever confiders thefe, will be apt to entertain but a poor
opinion of thofe men who were a&ors in it. Some of
the divines might poffibly mean well ; but the kings,
princes, and great men concerned therein, had, un-
doubtedly, worldly views, and were adtuated by them.
For though purity of doctrine, peace of the church,
extirpation of herefy, were pretended, the ftate faction
of the Arminians was to be fupprefled, and that of
Maurice prince of Orange exalted. A fynod was judged
neceflary for thefe purpofes, and it extreamly well per-
formed what it was intended for. The remonftrants
were rendered odious to the populace ; their men of
parts fent into exile ; their ftrength was exhaufted ; and
they could no longer oppofe the meafures of their adver-
faries. Dr. Heylin obferves, that " as king James
" had formerly afperfed the remonftrant party, fo he
" continued a moft bitter enemy unto them, till he had
" brought them at the laft to an extirmination. But
" he feems at a lofs to tell what fliould induce him here-
*' unto. Some fuppofe, fays he, that he was drawn in-
" to it by Abbot and Mountague ; others imputed it to
" his education in the church of Scotland : one thought
" that he was drawn into it by his afie&ion for prince
** Maurice ; another that he was moved by reafon of
" ftate, for the preventing a dangerous and incurable
rupture, which other wife was like to follow in the ftate
" of the Netherlands" This laft reafon he thinks moft
probable. He afterwards adds, that James fent fuch
*' of his divines as were moft likely to be fufficiently
T^LIFE of JAMES I. 129
But fevere as James was again ft the Ar-
minians abroad, he favoured them much at
home (DDD), and advanced feveral of them
to
a&ive in the condemnation of the Arminians (/>)." {Jft^fhls*
Reafons of ftate might have had fome influence onjames^ p re fb y teri-
though he had little knowledge of it, and generally was ans, p. jp.-.,
little influenced by it. But I fancy it was a regard to ^ Oxford
his own character which chiefly induced him to a<5t as '
he did in this affair. For we have feen how he had
treated the name of Arminius, in a writing difperfed
throughout Europe. Had he failed on fuch an opportu-
nity to extirpate his errors, his zeal for orthodoxy might
have been thought to have been leflened, and he to h;we
failed in that which he had declared to be the duty of a
king, the extirpation of herefy.
(DDE) He favoured the Arminians much at home.]
The articles of the church of England are plainly calvi-
niftical, as will appear to every one who will read them
attentively. They were " agreed on by the archbiihops
** and bifhops of both provinces, and the whole clerayj
c in the convocation holden at London^ in the year:,
** 1562. for the avoiding of diverfities of opinionsj and
** for the eftablifhment of confent touching true religi-
*' on (#)." The avoiding of diverfities of opinions, and ("^ ^. the
the eftablimment of confent, was the profefled defign <rf3J*fca<
them, and doubtlefs the compilers of them imagined conftit"t;on3
that they (hould effectually aceomplim it, by requiring and canons
all who entered into the church to fubfcribe to them. ^ C n 1 ^ iaft j cal
But they were very much miftaken. Diverfity of opi- andftatuta
nions foon arofe, and men who fubfcribed the fame ar- 13 Eliz. c.
tides, held contradictory opinions. Nor could it pof- 11 -f c ^ >1
fibly be otherwife ; for vvhi!e meri are inquiiitive they an
will fee things in new lights ; and thofe who are honeit
and fincere, will not fpeak contrary to their fentimentsi
Subfcriptions then are only clogs and incumbrancesj
they anfwer no good end, but may occafion many mif-
chiefs, Yea, many there are who believe that 4 ' the
K ' impofing
130 The LIFE of JAMES I.
to the greateft dignities. So amazingly in-
confident was his conduct.
Cardinal
<c impofing articles has given occafion to almoft all the
" uncharitablenefs and perfections, the devaluations
* e and deftruction of chriftians, that have ever been
(J) Effay on " fmce articles firft were made (b)" In the time of
Jnipofingand Elizabeth there was a pretty great uniformity of belief
articles O f g in tnc do&rinal points of religion among the clergy;
religion, by they in general were Calvinifts, and fo were their fuc-
Phileleu- ceflbrs in the reign of 'James, Bancroft indeed was
tabrHe^nT very different in his opinion. Ruty^r, Mountague, and
P. "iTi^nd. almoft all the reft of the bifliops adhered to the dochine
i7^.?vo. of the church in like manner as their predeceffors.
Thus things continued till about the year 1616, when
James being acquainted with what dangers would pro-
ceed from training up of young ftudents in the grounds
of Calvinifm, difpatched feme directions to the vice-
chancellor, and profeflbrs of divinity at Oxford, which
was ** the firft ftep, fays Dr. Heylin, towards the fup-
'* preffing of that reputation which Calvin and his wri-
(OHeylin's tings had attained unto in that univerfity (c}." And
''^i^Lond' ' n tne y ear i 22 > instructions were drawn up and fent
i66"8.Fol" t the archbiftiops, and by them to the bifliops, in
which they were required to fee to it, " that no preacher
*' of what title foever, under the degree of a bifhop or
" dean at the leaft, do henceforth prefume to preach in
tc any popular auditory, the deep points of predeftina-
" tion, election, reprobation, or of the univerfality,
*' efficacy, refiftibiiity, or irrefiftibility of God's grace
(d)ld, p.9g. ** (d)'" Laud had a hand in drawing this up, and
what his intent was thereby, is not difficult to guefs.
However fo it was, that the Calvinifts continually loft
ground in the king's favour, and the Arminians had
credit with him. Laud^ Hoivfon^ and Corbet were ad-
vanced to bifhopricks by him, though publicly known
to be Arminians: Neile^ of the like opinion, was in
great favour, and received many promotions from him:
and
<Tbe LIFE of JAMES I.
Cardinal Perron having pronounced in thfc
chamber of the third eitate at Paris, Jan.
15, 1615, an oration, and fent it to James*
he
Richard Montague^ one of the moft violent Arminians
of the age, received his open protection and approbation
of all the opinions contained in the book for which he
was afterwards queftioned in parliament (*). What (
{ball we think of fuch a conduct as this ? are the fame p ' Iiy . an d
doctrines herefies abroad, and truths at home ? are men Cabala, p.
in Holland to be deemed enemies to God, and worthy nl>
of fynodical condemnation for holding particular opini-
ons, and in England fit for the higheft ecclefiaftical pro-
motions ? what muft the world judge of the man who
behaved fo very contradictory ? But "James had his
reafons for favouring the Arminians in England. They
were fupple and fawning, they knew how to flatter art-
fully, andj above allj they feemed very zealous in
preaching up
The right divine of kings to govern wrong,
And
Th'enormous faith of millions made for one. (f). if} PP e ' s
etfay on
Nothing could be more acceptable to him than this, it uJjjT ' !
attoned for their errors, yea made them moft orthodox
in his fight. For he was either indifferent as to all religi-
ous principles, or believed juft nothing at all about them j
or othervvife he could not have acted as we fee he did.
The following account from Mr. Waited I life will
make a proper fupplement to what has been faid con-
cerning the artful flattery, and high prerogative notions
of the Arminian clergy at this time. ** On the day
ic of the difiolutioh of the laft parliament of king
'* James I. Mr. iValkr, out of curiofity or refpecl,
* l went to fee the king at dinner, with whom were
" Dr. Andrews the b'ifhop of Winche/ier^ and Dr. Neat
K 2 biihop
132 "the LIFE of JAMES f.
he foon after publifhed his remonftrsnce
(EEE) for the right of kings, and the inde-
pendance
" bi(hop of Durham, ftanding behind his majefty's
<c chair.. There happened fomething very extraordinary
** in the converfation thofe prelates had with the king,
" on which Mr. Waller did often reflect. His majefty
*' afked the bifhops, My lords, cannot I take my fubjefls
" money ijuben I want it, zuithout all this formality in
." parliament? The bifhop'of Durham readily anfwer-
c ed, God forbid, Sir, but you Jhould ; you are the breath
'* of cur noftrils : whereupon the king turned and faid
*' to the bifliop of IVtncheJler, well, my lord, what fay
** you ? Sir, replied the bimop, / have nojkill to judge
" of parliamentary cafes. The king anfwered, no put-
c ' offs, my lord, anfwer me prefentfy. Then, Sir, faid
*' he, / think it is lawful for you to take my Brother
" NeaPs money, for he offers it. Mr. Waller faid the
* company was pleafed with this anfwer, and the wit
(g) Account " of it feemed to affect the king (g)."
of the life
ofMrWaf- (EEE) He publifhed his remonftrance for the rights
ler, prefixed of kings.] This piece is written with much more de-
tohispo- cenc y than the other controverfial trades of James. He
e:ns. p. 6-r. . y , , , n L t
edit. Lend, acknowledged Perron to be a prelate in great authority,
i7ii.i2mo. and of no lefs learning^ (), and owns his courtefy in
(a) King fending him a copy of his oration (b}. But at the fame
works p time he infmuates that in the cardinal's fpeech, his lips
383. looked one way, and his confcience another : and pro-
(t>) id. p. fefTes " his reft is up, that one of the maynes for which
" God had advanced him upon the loftie ftage of the
' fupream throne, was, that his words uttered from fo
" eminent a place, for God's honor, moft fhamefully
*' traduced and viliified in his own deputies and lieute-
(<) Id. p. nants, might with greater facility be conceived (c)."
382. Then he gives the reafons for his engaging in this con-
troverfy : which were firfr, " the common intereft of
kings."
Secondly,
Me LIFE of JAMES I. 133
pendance of their crowns, againft the ora-
tion
Secondly, { The cardinal's fpeaking as one reprefent-
" ing the clergy and nobility."
Thirdly, u Becaufe he'himfelf had been reprefented
a by him as a fower of difiention, and a perfecutor,
*' under whom the church is hardly able to fetch her
* c breach ; yea, for one by whom the catholics of his
" kingdom are compelled to endure all forts of punifli-
ments."
Laftly, " By reafon that France was reduced to Co
" miferable terms, that it was become a crime for a
" Frenchman to ftand for his king, it was a neceflary
" duetie of her neighbours to fpeak in her behalf (d)"
Thefe are the reafons alleged by James for en-',-
gaging againft Perron. After this he proceeds to his 3go . '
defence of the right of kings, and endeavours to (hew
<c that what the cardinal had advanced in fupport of his
" doctrine, that it was abfurd and incongruous to con-
" demn, or wrappe under the folemn curfe, the abetters
e of the pope's power to unking lawful and fovereign
" kings : he endeavours to prove that what was faid
t{ by the cardinal in behalf hereof, was meer nullity.
matter of imagination, and built upon falfe prefup-
" pofitions (e}." To enter into a minirte detail of W Id -r-
James's arguments would be tirefome to the reader. 396 '
Let it therefore fuffice to fay, that he quotes fathers,
councils and fchoolmen ; and that hiftory and fcripture
are alledged by him, and fometimes not impertinently.
It appears from this defence of the right of kings,
that James had had a correfpondence with Perron for
years before; that he had fent him a difcourfe in wri-
ting, to which in three years the cardinal had not re-
plied, which is attributed not to a want of capacity,
but to " well advifed agnition of his own working and
*' building upon a weak foundation (/}" If one knew (f)1&. p<
nothing more of James than what might be gathered 47-
from this book, one mould be tempted to imagine that
he was a moft zealous proteftant. For he attributes all
K 3 the
(I) W. p.
134 lie LIFE of JAMES I.
tion of the moft illuftrious cardinal of Per-
ron.
the miferies of France and Great Britain to the Romifli
(f)W. p f clergy (g), whom he paints out in no very agreeable co-
3?3 lours ; and at the fame time praifes the French proteftants
in an extraordinary manner. He tells us he could never
" learn that thofe of the religion in France, took arms
ct againft their king. In the firft civil wars, fays he,
they flood only upon their guard ; they armed not nor
took the field before they were purfued with fire and
fword, burnt up and flaughtered. They were a re-
fuge and fuccour to the princes of the blood ; in re-
gard of which worthy and honourable fervice, the
French king hath reafon to have the proteftants in
his gracious remembrance. He then fets forth their
great merit with refpedl: to the third and fourth Hen-
ry, to whom they flood in all their battles, to bear
up the crown then tottering and ready to fall (b)."
This is a very remarkable teftimony to the fidelity and
loyalty of the hugonots, as it comes from one who ha-
ted their principle of parity in the church, looked on
fuch as held it as very pefts in church and common-
wealth, and who fpoke more bitterly of them than of
(ft See note the papifts (i). For the French proteftants differed no-
t M }' thing at all from the Englifh and Scotch puritans, either
in discipline or doctrine. This remonftrance againft
Perron, was written firft in French by his majefty, af-
terwards by his leave tranflated into En^lifh, as alfo in-
to Latin, anno 1616, in 410. for I remember to have
/'tjCharac f een f ucn a n edition of it in that language. Perron
ten hiftori- though he had neglected James's private writing re-
jalandpa- turned an anfwer to this public remonftrance, for in the
' account of the faid cardinal's writings in Perrault's cha-
racters (k), and in Collier's dictionary (/), I find a work
intitled, " a reply to the king of Great Britain's an-
" fwer." Whether this is the whole of the title I know
article Pe\ r not j an y nnore than I do what the anfwer contained,
Tn. for both thefe authors are by much too fuperficial in their
fjr'SS ^ 2 " ^ ccount * Q ^ l ^ W ^ emin nt writers, and their per-
formances
rbe LIFE of JAMES I.
ron. This was his laft controverfial work.
But befides the pieces already mentioned,
he published alfo a counterblafle to tobacco
(FFF), began a tranflation of the pfalms of
king
formances (/w). - As this remonftrance is the laft ple- ()
mical work of James which we have to mention, Lord P endix
Shaft/bury* s defcription of him as a prince-writer, will
not improperly conclude this note. As to which, from
what has been feen by the reader already, he may in a
good meafure be able to judge of its truth and propriety.
A prince of a pacific nature and fluent thought, fub-
< c mitting arm: and martial difcipline to the gtwn j and
confiding in his princely fcience and profound learn-
" ing, made his ftyle and fpeech the nerve and fmew
of his government. He gave us his works full of
{ wife exhortation and advice to his royal fon, as well
of inftru&ion to his good people ; who could not
* without admiration obferve their author-fovereign,
< thus ftudious and contemplative in their behalf.' Twas
then one might have feen our nation growing young
{ and docile, with that fimplicity of heart which qua-
" lified them to profit like a fcholar- people under their
royal preceptor. For with abundant eloquence he
gracioufly gave leflbns to his parliament, tutored his
minifters, and edified the greateft churchmen and
divines themfelves j by whofe fuffrage he obtained the
higheft appellations which could be merited by the
acuteft wit, and trueft underftanding. From hence
the Britilh nations were taught to own in common a
Solomon for their joint fovereign, the founder of their
" late compleated union ()." Whether this defcrip- (n) Charac-
tion of our author-fovereign, as his lordfhip ftyles him, tifticki,
be too foft or fevere, I leave entirely to the judgment of JJifc
the reader : nothing doubting but he will be pleafed to 12010.174$.
ice it, whatever he may think of it.
(FFF) He publifhed a counterblafte to tobacco] This
K 4 was
i<ji Me LIFE */ JAMES I.
king David j and writ a few fonnets and epi-
taphs
was firft printed in quarto, without name or date. It
is a stretched performance both for matter and manner.
In it he fets fortli how diftionourable 'tis in us to imi-
tate the beaftly Indians in fo vile and ftinking a cuftom
as ufing tobacco ; how unreafonable the pleas alledged
in defence of it are ; and the mifchievous confequences
flowing from the ufe, or filthy abufe of it. Here he
tells us that by ufing tobacco men are guilty of finful
and fliameful luft ; that 'tis a branch of the fin of
drunkennefsj that it enervates the body, and ruins the
eftate j for, adds he, " fome gentlemen beftow three,
" fome four hundred pounds a year upon this precious
() King " ftink (a}." If this is true 'tis very amazing. Tho*
James's t | s certain James laid a moft heavy duty on it, in or-
yror s, p. j er to hj n j er j ts confumption. " For there is extant
" his warrant to the lord treafurer Dorfet, anno 1604.
<{ for laying a good heavy impofition on tobacco, that
c< lefs quantity may be brought into the realm, and
" only fufficient for the better fort, who will ufe it
c with moderation for their health ; wherefore he au-
thorifes the faid treafurer to order, that from the i6th
" of October enfuing, the proper officers fhould take
" of all who import tobacco, the fum of fix {hillings
" and eight pence upon every pound weight, over and
' above the cuftom of two pence per pound ufually
(*) Rymcr's " paid heretofore ()." Excellent policy this! to dif-
TwTxvi coura e ^ e ta king of that which has fince proved one
fbl. 601. one f tne greateft revenues of the crown, and has pro-
apud Oldys's duced vaft benefit to Britain, and her plantations. For
!efh f Ra ~ two ^ our c l n ' es are Supported by it ; great numbers
NoteV Vol. f fhips ar "^ feamen are employed in bringing it over j
Lend. 1733. and the cuftom duties of it are counted, on a medium,
I' to amount to 169,079 1. os. lod. per annum. But 'tis
no wonder " that fuch a philofopher, as could magnify
^734; " the power of witches, after the manner he has done
" in one of his learned pamphlets, fhould be fuch a po-
*' Jitician as to difcourage the taking of tobacco in an-
? other,
fbe LIFE of JAMES I. 137
taphs (GGG). So fond was he of (hewing
his parts, inftrudling and entertaining his
good
other, fays Mr. Oldys (c"]" " But thofe who have W Oldys,
" not admired, continues the fame gentleman, at his ? 32<
" prejudice in this attempt to difpel the fumes of that
herb with greater of his own, if I may allude to the
witty title of his performance without imputation of
irreverence to his memory, may yet applaud his po-
licy, in fo far conducing to its fuppreffion, as to ex-
clude it from the body of his works, when this royal
pamphlet leer refolved to become an author in folio."
If I underftand this paragraph aright, it is aflerted in it
that the count erlla/l to tobacco, makes no part of James's
folio volume. But this is a miftake, and could proceed
from nothing but trufting, I fuppofe, too much to me-
mory, in a thing of fmall importance. A fault, that
even the moft exad} authors are liable to fall into.
(GGG) He began a tranflation of the pfalms of king
David, &c.] In lord dnglefey's catalogue, I find king
James's tranflation of the pfalms to be fung after the
old tunes, 1651 (a} ; and I am afllired by a learned ( tf ) Biblio-
friend, from one who has feen it, that fuch a tranfla- theca angle-
tion was publifhed in his name, though I have not yet f d a ni a t rci< J[
been fo fortunate as to meet with it. But this tranfla- fnviuivo." 1
tion was only begun by James, as we may learn from i^mo. &c.
the following quotation. " This tranflation he was in P-'90 Lond
" hand with, fays bifhop Williams, (when God called
" him to fing pfalms with the angels.) he intended
" to have finimed and dedicated it to the only faint of
" his devotion, the church of Great Britain, and that
<c of Ireland. This work was ftaied in the one and
*.* thirty pfalm." * We have two fonnets of his
* Grtzt Britain's Salomon. A fermon preached at the magnificent
funeral of the moft high and mighty king James. By Jcbn lord bifhop of
Lincohe, lord keeper of the great feale of England. London, printed
for John Bill, printer to the king's moft excellent majefty. 1625-. p.
4*. 4W.
, 3 8 the LIFE of JAMES I.
good fubjedts, and overcoming his adverfa-
ries in literary contefts [ but he had an ab-
folute averfion to war (HHH). This led bim
haftily
(J) T*m's " in h ' s wor!cs (*) > an e P' ta P n on tne chancellor of Scot-
works, p. land, in Spotfuioad (c} ; and another on that valiant, po-
*9>'57- Jjte, and learned gentleman, Sir Philip Sydney, in Col-
'^.hift. ]|r , s(jiaionary This latter, being but fhort, I will
give to the reader, as a fpecimen of James's poetry.
When Venus faw the noble Sidney dying,
She thought it her beloved Mars had been ;
And with the thought thereof (he fell a crying,
And caft away her rings and carknets clean.
He that in death a goddefs mock'd and griev'd,
(4 Grt What had he done (trow you) if he had lived, (d)
historical
aifickSid'- This, I think, is one of the beft of his poetical com-
ney (Sir pofitions. The reader, after this, need not be told that
Philip) "James's talents for poetry were not extraordinary. Be-
fides the pieces of poetry I have mentioned, I am in-
formed by the very worthy and learned Mr. Birch, that
there is extant in James's name, another intitled,
" His majefty's lepanto, or heroical ftory, being part
<e of his poetical exercifes at vacant hours, London,
* 1603. in 410." A fight of this, perhaps, might af-
ford fome diverfion. This book being burnt among
thofe of the honourable Charles York, Efq; at Lin-
coln's Inn in the late fire there, Mr. Birch could give
no further account of it.
(HHH) He had an abfolute averfion to war.] " I
w know not by what fortune the difton of Pacificus
" was added to my title, at my comming into Eng-
" land : that of the lyon exprefling true fortitude, ha-
" ving been my difton before : but I am not alhamed
" of this addition ; for king Solomon was a figure of
ct Chrift in that, that he was a king of peace. The
" greateft gift that our Saviour gave hisapoftles, imme-
diately
7& LIFE of JAMES I. 139
haftily to conclude a peace with Spain
(HI), to
" diately before his afcenfion, was, that he left his
" peace with them j he himfelf having prayed for his
" perfecutors, and forgiven his own death, as the pro-
" verb is (a)." Jn the firft audience the duke of K!n s
Sully had of James, he told him, " that if he had '
found the Englijh at war with the French, his endea- S90 . '
vours would, neverthelefs, have been to live in peace
with a prince, [Henry the fourth] who, like himfelf,
had been called from the crown of Navarre to that
of France: it being always commendable, faid he,
* to overcome evil with good ()." Thefe are good (t] Sully's
fentiments enough for private perfons ; but they may memoirs,
be carried much too far by princes. Forgivenefs and * >p "
impunity from thefe, only draw on frefh injuries ; and
he who will not at any time avenge wrongs received,
will be fure to meet with enough of them. Princes
owe protection to their fubje&s ; but this cannot be
afforded many times, unlefs chaftifement be inflicted on
thofe who injure them. Wars therefore are fometimes
neceffary ; and a warlike prince will be always refpect-
able to his neighbours. But the known coward will
be looked on with contempt. He will be affronted
perpetually, and every opportunity will be taken to ri-
dicule and opprefs him. So that though the love of
peace in princes be commendable, yet, when it is car-
ried too far, it degenerates into a fault, and gives juft
ground for the fubjedls complaints. Happy the people
who have a prince who neither loves nor fears to draw
his fword ! They may be fure of being defended in their
juft rights by him ; of being guarded from unjuft inva-
iions, and fecured by his valour from the evils which
threaten them. His power will make him confiderable
in the eyes of his neighbours ; they will attend to his
reafons, and be influenced by his perfuafions. For they
will not flightly provoke one known not tamely to put
up injuries. So that the profeflion of fortitude and re-
folution, of courage and magnanimity, becomes better
the
i 4 o Tbe LIFE of JAMES I.
(in), to the amazement and great advantage
of
the mouths of princes, than that of meek nefs and for-
giving of injuries: for the former may, poffibly, be of
ufe and fervice, but the latter can anfwer no good pur-
pofe in the prefent ftate of the world.
(in) This led him to conclude a peace with Spain,
&c.] The peace was concluded Aug. 18, 1604. But
before this, in a few weeks after James came into Eng-
land, he revoked the letters of reprifal on the fubjedts
of Spain, which had been granted by Elizabeth, with-
out ftaying to be follicited on that head, or to be com-
plimented on his acceffion to the throne, by the king
(*) OH- of Spain (a ). So that he difarmed his fubje&s before
nwksonthe he ^ Provided for their better fecurity. He ftopt them
hiftory of in the courfe of doing themfelves juftice, before he was
England, p. fure of obtaining reparation for their paft lofles. -
aawgia ^ he kin = of Sp a ' 1 * nad now reduced himfelf to a very
p. jzi, ' Jw ebb, by his wars with England and the Netherlands,
in which, for the moft part, he had been unfuccefs-
ful. The king of Spain, fays Sir Walter Raleigh, in
his difcourfe touching a war with Spain, written before
the conclufion of the peace, and intended to be prefent-
ed to James. " The king of Spain, fays he, is now
fo poor, as he employed his jefuits to beg for him at
" every church-door in Spain.
" His revenues are mortgaged in fuch fort, as of
" twenty-five millions, he has but five millions free;
" his (hips are worn out and confumed, and his people
-" in general exceeding poor.
" He hath of late received many affronts and lofles ;
f c and in Peru many of the chiefeft and beft towns are
" recovered from him by the natives,
" And commonly, when great monarchies begin
" once in the leaft to decline, their diflipation will fooa
" follow after.
The Spanifh empire hath been greatly fhaken, and
hath begun of late years to decline j and it is a prin-
" ciple
Tfc LIFE of JAMES I. 141
of the Spaniards j who thereby had an op-
portunity
4< ciple in philofophy, that omnls diminutio eft preparatio
" ad corruptionem. That the leaft decay of any part is a
" forerunner of the dejlruttion of the whole.
" And though it may be a while upheld, as the (late
" of Rome was by Vefpafian and Trajan ; yet follow -
" ing the former declination, retro Jiatimfub-lapfafer-
* c tur ujqus dam plane fubverfa full. It presently fell
" back again , and never left declining till the Roman
" Jiate was utterly overthrown.
" But if now the king of Spain can obtain peace
" upon any condition reafonable, fo as he may fortify his
" weaknefs, both in Europe and the Indies^ and gather
" again fufficient riches, putting the Englifh from the
" exercife of war in thofe parts, and fo make us to for-
" get his Indies^ till thofe be confumed that know
" them ; he will foon grow to his former greatnefs and
" pride : and then if your majefty fhall leave the Low
" Countries^ and he finds us by ourfelves, it will not be
" long e'er he remembers his old practices and attempts
" W-" ^ ut no ^ ucn confiderations as thefe could (*) Th
have any influence on James. He had revoked the let- ^ r ^ a ^
ters of reprifal, and a peace he was determined to have. R a i e !gh,Kt.
You fhall now underftand (fays lord Cecyll to Mr. political,
Winwood, in a letter dated Ap. 12, 1604.) 4t that the ^J 1 ^* 1 '
" conftable of Caftile is come to Dunkirk, and refolv- ? hk^ jy
" ed prefently to take his pafiage ; fo as there is now Tho Bird*,
" nothing fo certain as a treaty, and in my opinion no- ** A - Vo1 -
** thing more likely than a peace. For as it is moft g,o. P Lond.
<( true, that his majefty's mind is mofl inclinable there- 175-1.
*' unto, and that in contemplation thereof, things
*' have been fo carried here, as if a war were now
" fomewhat unfeafonable, fo you may fee by the king
" of Spain's great defcent from the heighth of his
" forms towards other princes, as he is determined to
<c go through with it ; being now it feems confirmed
" in the French pofition, qui a le profit a t'honeur. A
" matter I do confefs to you I do clearly forefee he will
" have
142 rhe LIFE of JAMES t
portunity given them of retrieving their al-
mofi
" have, unlefs the eftates of thofe poor countries [the
" Netherlands] have fome more adjuvances towards
(f) Win- their fubfifting (c}" The treaty was foon con-
n 00d> I? *' c ' u ^ e d, f friendfhip and amity, and mutual trade to
. each others dominions (d). 'Tis very remarkable,
that low as the Spaniards were, depending on James's
pacific difpofition, they ftifly denied the Englifh free
p.za. trade and commerce with the Eaft and Weft Indies (e] }
and got it inferted in the articles that no aid or affift-
ance whatfoever fliould be given to the enemies or re-
bels on either part j yea moreover they had the Englifh
(f) Id.p.2^. in Spain fubjeted to the power of the inquifition (f).
Cecyll indeed faid it were vanity to have expected more
than they had concerning the matter of trade to the
Indies^ and the inquifition. But it does not appear that
he had reafon for his affirmation. For the Spaniards
were in fo much want of a peace, that they would have
fubmitted to almoft any thing to obtain it; and they
ihemfelves were furprized to find that it was made on
fo advantagious conditions. Sir Charles Cornwall^, iii
a letter to the fame Cecyti^ lord vifcount Granborne*
principal fecretary to his majefty, from Spain, dated June
2, 1605. has the following remarkable expreflions. " I
" find here by many arguments that this peace came
** opportunely for this kingdom, and is admired of aH
*' Europe, yea of this kingdom itfelf, how it was pof-
M fible with fo advantagious conditions to them, and fo
" little profitable to our realm it could be effected.
*' The duke of Anera difcourfing with one of great
" privacie and truft with him, after he had heard that
" the peace was in fuch forme concluded, faid in plain
** termes, that the king and counfellors of England
" had not their fenfes when in fuch fort they agreed
" upon it. And fome Spaniards have lately reported,
" that the king of Spain's money purchafed this quiet }
" otherwife peace with fo good conditions could never
* have been obtained. I know that befides your lord-
fbe LIFE of JAMES I. 143
nioft defperate affairs, and of pufJhing on the
war
" {hip's exceeding wifdom, your Jordfiiip out of
" your true noble difpofition, hath ever equalled the
" care of the faftie and honor of your countrie with
** your own life. I verily perfuade myfelf that the
" ting's own chrijlian and earneji inclination to peact,
*< lead on the treaty with fpeedy feet. But by
" thofe collections that I have made, and relations of
" others well practifed in this ftate, I find that England
" never loft fuch an opportunity of winning honor and
" wealth unto it, as by relinquifhing the war with Spain.
" The king and kingdom were reduced to fuch an ef-
< tate, as they could not in all likelihood have endured
the fpace of two years more j his own treafurie was
< exhaufted, his rents and cuftoms // ^ for the moft
<f part for the payment of money borrowed, his nobi-
lity poor and much indebted, his merchants wafted,
his people of the countrie in all extremitieof necef-
" fity, his devices of gaining by the increafe of the
valuation of money, and other fuch of that nature,
all plaid over ; his credit in borrowing, by means of
" the incertaintie of his eftate during the war with
< England, much decayed, the fubjecls of his many
<c diftracted dominions held in obedience by force and
" feare, not by love and dutie ; and therefore rather a
" care and burthen, than a relief and ftrength to him.
" Himfelf very young, and in that regard with his
" people in no great veneration ; and the lefs for fuf-
<c i'ering himfelr to be wholly governed by a man ge-
" nerally hated of his own country ; his ftrength at
** fea not able to fecure his ports at home, much lefs
his Indies, or his treafure homewards (g)." This is (s) Win-
1 '
rather a ftronger picture of the deplorable ftate of Spain wood ' Vo! *
than Sir Walter Ra!eigh's y a.nd from it, it clearly appears
that we needed not have been afraid to have iniifted
on almoft any thing from it ; and confequently much
lefs have fubmitted to a deprivation of the Indian trade
and to the inquifuion. But James's earned inclination
for
144 STfcLIFE of JAMES I.
war with the Dutch, againft whom they
were;
for peace, and the king of Spain's money procured this
treaty : for money was diftributed in abundance among
the Englifti courtiers who promoted the peace, as ap-
pears not only from what is afferted by Sir Charles
Cornwallh in the above letter but from other unquef-
tionabie authorities. In the memoirs of Sully we read,
" That no fooner was the Spanifh ambaflador arrived
tc in London, than he multiplied the number of his
< creatures, by his extraordinary liberalities to all thofe
() Sully's " whom he confidered as neceflary to be gained (b)."
memorials. And g| r Henry Neville in a letter to M-r. Winwood, da-
VoUii. p. ted Aug ^ ^ j6o ^ writeSj tt We f ay tne Spanifti am^
bafladors have taken up many jewels here (we fup-
pofe to beftow upon our grandees ; fo not to leave
any advantage to the French, who began that ang-
ling fafhion unto them) with the king's privity and
all mens wonder (/)." And after the peace was
wood, vol. ma; j e> tne ear j o f Nottingham, lord admiral, ambafla-
dor extraordinary into Spain, had beftowed on him at
his departure, in plate, jewels and horfes, to the value
of twenty thoufand pounds, by that king. And to
fome other of his principal attendants were given chains
(I) Win- and jewels of great value (k). And it appears from Sir
od, V i. Charles Cormva/lis's letter to the earl of Salt/bury, out
and ^Birch's ^ Spain, that t here were many penfions given in the
negotiations, court of Eng la nd (1). Q/born, therefore, feerns to have
reafon for faying " that James caft himfelf as it were
" blindfold into a peace with Spain, far more deftruc-
<c live to England than a war ; for it hath not only
** found that prince an opportunity to recover his
* e ftrength (much abated by the queen's happy fuccefles
at fea) but gave him a fair advantage to eftablifh
himfelf in the kingdom of Portugal, and quiet the
diftempers of his own people. And as this peace,
* adds he, was of infinite confequence to the Spaniard,
4 fo he fpared for no coft to procure it : and to prevent
* the inferting any article that might obftrucl: his re-
'* courfc
(i) Win-
LIFE of JAMES I. 14$
Were, in a manner, implacable, on account
of their revolt for religion and liberty. But
not-
(f courfe to or from the Indies (the magazine of ftrife)
" either on this Tide or beyond the line (thought by the
" Englijb commiflioners not included, however the con-
" trary was after pretended, and no farther difputed by
" King James, than with patience and a quiet fiibmif-
** (ion of his fubjedts to their fenfe, not rarely punifh-
" ingfuchas tranfgreft, at their coming home) he pre-
* fented all, both Scotijh and Englijh with gifts, and
" thofe no fmall ones ; for by that the earl of Nonhamp~
<c tori) brother to Suffolk* had, he was alone able to
*' raife and finifli the goodly pile he built in the ftrand.
*' Nor are there a few others no lefs brave houfes frefli
<c in my memory, that had their foundations, if not
" their walls and roofs, plaftered with the fame mortar.--
" This I ftiall add as no improbable conjecture made by
" many in thofe days, that his catholic majefty was fd
" frighted by the apprehenfion of a poflibility that our
" king, according to the nature, no lefs than the qbli-
" Cation of his country, might fall into a conjunction
" with France, that he would fcarce at that time have de-
<e nied him any thing, to the half of his Indies. And from
<c hence all princes may calculate the vaft difference that
" lies between a council fuborned, and one free
< from corruption." (a) This laft reflection, appears W Ofborh's
to me very judicious. " A gift biihdeth the wife, and wor ^ s
* 6 perverteth the words of the righteous," fays the reat
tc Hebrew legiflator (b}. No prince can ever be fafe (*) Ex0;li
who permits his councellors to takeprefentsfrom foreign z3 '
princes. For their judgments will be biafled, their alf-
fections be engaged, and they bedifpofed to ferve others,
more than their own matter ; fo that of the utmoft con-
fequence is it to have minifters depend wholly on their
prince, if they receive prefents from others, they muft
earn them ; by givingcouhfelfuitable to the inftructions
they receive, or by divulging thofe refolutions which
ought moft of all to be concealed. They muft be fpys
L to
I 4 6 3fo LIFE of JAMES I.
notwithftanding, the articles of the peace
were hut poorly obferved by them, [KKK]
and produced not the effect expected in point
of
to thofe who bribe them, and unfaithful to their matter
by whom they are intruded. So that 'tis amazing that
James mould confent to his grandees receiving the Spa-
Ttijh prefents j for a moments reflexion would have fet
before him, the pernicious confequences of it. The
prince who would preferve his reputation, and accom-
plifh his ends, fhould keep his councils fecret. He
fhould have a ftril eye on the arnbafiadors fent to him,
that they gain not the weak by their addrefs, the proud
by their fawning, or the interefted by their bounty.
For nothing is more certain than that by flattery, cun-
ning and reduction, they endeavour to delude minifters
into a difeovery of the fecrets of ftate. In fliort, as a
great writer exprefles it, " they do all the mifchief they
" can ; their profeffion allows them to tranfgrefs ; they
* { fin out of duty, and are fure of impunity : 'tis againft
" the wiles of thofe fpys that princes ought to be chiefly
(0 Anti- " on their guard (c}"
Machiavel,
[KKK] The articles of the peace were but poorly ob-
ferved by them, &c.] My authorities for this will not be
difputed. Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. IVin-
wood, dated London, December 8, 1604, writes, " It
" is commonly reported that our merchants are ill-ufed
" in Spain by the inquifition ; and befides that, that the
" trade proves nothing fo beneficial as was expected ;
" partly by reafon that the merchants there are become
" poor by thefe wars, and not able to buy but upon days,
*' and many of thofe that have been trufted, have play-
*' ed bankrupts, infomuch, as fomeof ours have brought
<l back their commodities, rather than they would fell
" upon credit ; and partly, by reafon, that in this time
" of long reftraint of trade, they have been forced to
*< betake themfelves to the making of cloth there, and
" do make it how in that quantity, as they care not
"much
tte LIFE of JAMES I. ^7
oF profit, by the Englifh, to whom the peace
foon became very difagreeable, by reafon of
the
" much for ours, which was wont to be our chiefeft
" trade thither. - And as for corn, the Frtnch, both by
" reafon of their nearnefs and abundance, will ever fur-
" nifli them better cheap than we can. So as there ap-
" pears little hope of any fruit of our peace in that re-
gard ; which joined with fome other confideratioris
of {late, that have reference to your affairs there
[Holland,] begins to cool that ardent affection which
carried us fo ftrongly to that treaty^ and begets fome
djfcourfes, (even amongft our greateft governors)
that this will be but a (hort peace." (a) (*) w ^-: ,
And Sir Charles Corriwallis in a letter to the earl of ^ *
Salisbury^ dated Valludolid, Offober 18, 1605, O. S. and Cabali;
tells him " the Spaniards had made a general ftay ofP-^P-
" juftice to all or any of the king his matters fcbjettsi^^Jp 1 ^
(b] And the fame gentleman, in letter written jfjrQBi n ,^j,
Madrid, in May 1606, tells lord Salisbury alfo, " that
" 'tis written to him from Sevill, that Don Lewis Firar-
tc do in his voyage, met with certain .{hips from Eng-
" land, loaden with corn and bound to Sevill. That he
< firft took the maftersj and firft fet their necks in the
" flocks ; after removed them to the ddmiraly and
" there with his own hands did as much to their leggs ;
*' revileing them, and calling them heretiques, Luthe-
<e ran dogs, and enemies of Chrift, threatning to hang
*' them ; and in conclufjon having taken from theni
* c what he thought fit, returned them into their owri
e {hips. Befides the cruelty he flievVed to thofe of Mr.
* Edward's {hip in the Indies, he holdeth {till in the
gallies all the marrmers of Mr. Halls and Mr. El~
*< drids (hipsi alfo thofe of Mr. Bromley" (c) The (0 ^ $ .
letters of Sir Charles are full of the wrongs the Englifli ^ "
received, and the endeavours he ufed in order to get fa- p.
tisfaclion, tho' many times in vain. When he com-
plained to the duke of Lerma, prime minifter of Spain$
of the behaviour of Firardo with regard to confifcating
L * thtf
Hi r^LIFE of JAMES I.
the ill treatment they received. But James's
pacific
the merchants effects, and fending the mariners whom
he took in the Indies to the gallies : Lerma very (harply
anfwered, " that Firardo (hall be called to account for
(</) Win-- tnat h e ^d not jnftantly execute them/' (d] In
n!p'"i- ort fuch was the j11 "eatment the fubjects of the
Britifli Crown received from the Spaniards, that Sir
Henry Nevile, in a letter to Mr. Wmwood, dated" June
4, 1606, writes, " that upon funday laft divers mer-
" chants and merchants wives were at the court, and
" made grievous complaint unto the king, the one|Of
** their fervants, and the other of their hufbands, im-
" prifoned and put to the gallies in Spain, and of "much
" injuftice and oppreffion done there to our nation ; be-
" fides fome particular contumely to the king perfonally;
" the like complaint was made before to the lords. I
tc hear it hath moved much, and this I will aflure you,
" that the kingdom, generally wimes this peace broken,
' but Jacobus Pacificus I believe will fcarce incline to
fO id. p. that fide." (e] At length the patience of the mer-
1I 7* chants began to fail. They faw no relief from James t
and therefore applied to the houfe of commons, to be a
means for them to obtain letters of mart. The com-
mons received favourably their addrefs, and defired the
afliftance of the upper houfe. But this was refufed.
Tho' this gave occafion, fays lord Salisbury^ in a letter
to Sir Charles Cormual/is, dated July 15, 1607. " to
" the lords of the council yefterday, to call the mer-
" chants before them, and to acquaint them with the
<c fubftance of thefe anfwers fent from Spain ; and to
" advife them (if they find fuch a general ill ufage in
" Spain as they complain of) to be more moderate in
" their trade thither, and to withdraw their ftock and
" factors from thence, that fo his majefty might grant
tl them letters of reprifal, without prejudice to others
" that have large ftocks there. Otherwife it would
" prove a moft prepofterous courfe, to grant letters of
" Marte % where the king of Spayne hath fo great occa-
" fion to revenge himfelf upon, and we fcarfe a fhip or
MeLIFE of JAMES I. 149
pacific difpofition continued - 3 nor could the
diftrefles
man to requite him in it." (f) But letters of Mart (/) Win-
and reprifal were never granted ; tho' the Spaniards con- * A > Vol>
tinued to treat the Englijh extreamly ill, even when ' p * 3 * '
they pretended great friendftiip. For Sir Walter Ralegh
fpeaks of it as a known fact, in a letter to king James
himfelf, "that theSpaniardsmurthered twenty fixEnglifli-
" men, tying them back to back, and then cutting their
" throats, when the? had traded with them a whole
" month, and came to them on the land, without fo
much as one fword." (g) -Surely the Spaniards muft (g) Ralegh"
have had a very great reliance on the pacific difpofition of orks > V<.
James, to at after this manner, in their eircumftances !
and moft amazing is it, that the national fpirit had not
exerted itfelf, in its own defence, more than it did.
Before I leave this fubject, I. cannot help remarking that
almoft all our treaties with Spain, feem to have been
but badly obferved by .her. T,his firft arofe from the
the negligence of James, in making the peace. He
^contented himCelf with concluding a treaty of amity,
and mutual trade to .each others dominions ; but trade
and commerce being denied to the eaft and weft Indies^
and -the Spa-niards looking on all America as their own,
it came to pafs that they feized all veflels they found ia
ihofe feas, though going only to thofe colonies which
were indifputably difcovered by the EngHJb. So that
there was a continual war there, when there was peace
In Europe. In 1668, and 1671, treaties were again
jmade with that nation, whereby the right of commerce
and navigation, and the bounds of the feveral territories
poflefled by the two crowns in America, were fixed.
But thefe treaties were but ill obferved likewife^j and
great complaints were made by theEnglifb, of the hard-
Ihipsthey fuffered from the Spaniards, (b) In 1713, a new tionofthe
treaty was made at Utrecht. But this was obferved board of
like the others. Complaints foon followed it ; as they Geo^e/^i
.did that made at Seville, in 1729. The reprefentation Torbuck's" 1
of our merchants with regard to their ill treatment by parliamenta-
fche Spanifh guarda coftas ; the imprifonment of our VOMX*'
L 3 brave P . 4 i 4 . '
*& LIFE of JAMES I.
diftreffes of his only daughter, and her
numerous progeny excite him to entej into a
war [LLI] for their defence: But he fuffered
them
brave Tailors to the number of feventy ; the cutting of?
Jenkins's ear, and'many other things ftill freih in me-
mory brought on the late war, which was ended by the
peace at Ais; la Chappelle, the effect of which muft be
left to time to difccner. -- What can be the reafon
that our treaties with Spain have been thus ineffectual
for the maintenance of peace and friendfhip? Are they
more falfe than others, or we more incroaching in order
to obtain thofe riches they fo carefully guard from us ?
are not the treaties fufficiently plain and explicit ? do
they admit of different fenfes, and bear divers conftruc-
tions ? or have we not capacity fufficient to negotiate ad-
Vantagioufiy with them ? Thefe things mult be deter-
mined by thofe who have opportunities and abilities for
their difcuflion. For my own part, I muft fay
^) Vjr. B, ]sj on noftrum tantas componere lites. (/')
3- '* l<? *' *Tis hot in me this conteft to decide. TRAP p.
Nor could the diftreffes of his only daughter,
and her numerous progeny, excite him to enter into a
war, &c.] This his daughter was Elizabeth, married
to Frederick the fifth, elector Palatine^ Feb. 14, 1613;,
(a) Win- N S. to the great joy of all true proteftants (a) The
JJJ 4 ; '^j 1 ^ -marriage was celebrated with great pomp, and the
'prince gained the love and good- will of the Englifh by
(i)Id.p. his affability and great generofity. () The Spanifh
ambaflador, and the ambaffador from the arch-dukes,
were not prefent at the marriage, being greatly enraged
at it, " fearing indeed thereby, fays Mr. Trumbull to
** Sir Ralph Winwood, that we do aim at wrefting the
' empire out of the Aujlriam hands, which they fay
" {hall never be effected, fo long as the conjoined forces
<< of all the catholiques in chriftendom, (hall be able to
!' maintain them in that right, which now they have
We: LIFE of JAMES I. 1
them to lofe their territories, and be exiles in
a
" in a manner gotten by prescription." (c) But they (c) Id, p.
had no reafon for this their fear, for James fo far from
thinking to wreft the empire out of the Aujlriam hands,
did not fo much as ferioufly refolve to fupport his own
daughter, and her children, in theij poffeffions. I
need not enter into a detail of the reafons which induced
the Bohemians to fliake off the Aujlrian yoke, and aiTert
their own juft priviledges by electing Frederick for their
Jcing, Au. 28, 1619. Our hiftorians will fatisfy thecuriofity
of fuch as want information in this matter. Let it fufr-
fice to fay, that after the elector of Saxony, and the duke
of Savoy, had refufed the kingdom of Bohemia, Frederick
accepted of it, without waiting the ad vice of James, his
father-in-law, which by his amflador, he had afked.
(d] In confequence of this he was crowned king of Bo-
hernia, and at firft met with great fuccefs. For ilefia,
Moravia, Lufatia, and Aujlria had taken up arms a-
gainft the emperor Ferdinand ; as did likewife Bethlem
~Gabor, a prince of great credit at the Ottoman porte,
valiant, couragious, and already mafter of the greateft
part of Hungary. But his fuccefs did not laft long. On
Novem. 8. 1620, was the battle of Prague fought,
which proved fatal to Frederick, and his brave Bohemians,
His army was fcattered and routed; himfelfand queen
obliged to fly with precipitation from that country ; and
his people were fubje<Sted to all the infults and cruelties
of an inraged conqueror, and a bigotted prince ; and
with all he was cenfured for having engaged in an affair,
without probability of fuccefs, the confequence of which
was like to be fatal to him. But this cenfure feems to
have been ill founded. Things turned out very different
from what might have been reafonably expected, and
therefore though the elector Palatine was unfortunate,
he was not to be deemed unwife.
" For who could have believed that the proteftants of
" Germany would have abandoned him, they, who
" under the name of correfpondants had engaged from
" the year 1609, to maintain liberty and the proteftant
L 4 " leligioo
lj The LIFE of JAMES I.
a foreign land, to the great amazement of
Grangers,
'< religion in the empire? They who believed that the
** emperor was an enemy to both .? They, in (hort,
ft who having been confulted by Frederick, their chief,
' in the aflembly held at Rottenburgh, Septem. 12,
*' i6ig, anfwered that he ought to accept the crown of
*' Bohemia, not only as being a new dignity, but alfo
(t as what was neceflary for the public good of Germany,
*' and that of their allies, and advifed hirn to fet out
*' immediately for Bohemia? Who could have believed
" that France, which in thofe times exclaimed foloud-
" ly againft princes that are too powerful, and follicited
< e all Europe to make leagues againft the houfe of Aujlria,
** would negledl fo favourable an opportunity of weaken-*
*' ing it ? who would have believed that France would
* c fide with Ferdinand, againft thofe who aimed at de-
*' priving him of a part of his power ? who could have
* c believed that Bethlem Gabor, after fuch fortunate be-
* c ginnings, after all the reputation he had acquired,
" and all the intereft he had with the Turk, would be
*' of no fervice to the Palatine ? Let us therefore fay,
** that Frederick was deceived by a train of events fo
'* fingular, that the molt refined prudence could never
*< have fufpe&ed it. Let us not believe thofe who pre-
*' tend that the vanity of the duke of Bovillon, his un-
** cle, joined with that of the ele&refs, threw him into
^ an imprudent undertaking. They fay, that the duke
* s wrote to his friends at Paris, that while the king of
" France was making knights at Fountainbleau, he was
*' making kings in Germany. He might have faid fo";
** but as he was one of the ableft men of his age, it is
*' not P r b a ^ e that he would have advifed his nephew to
labS ^ accept a crown, if he ought in prudence to have re-
*' fufed it." (e) But let us return to our hiftory.
No fooner had Frederick loft the battle of Prague, and
with it the kingdom of Bohemia, but almoft all his allies
forfook him. He now found himfelf profcribed by the
edi tl>e l3 fV em P eror ' atta cked by the Spaniards in his own country
" s $he Palatinate^ and had at length the misfortune to
become
iftorical
djfcourfe on
the life of
Cuftavus
Adolphus
at the encj
The LIFE of JAMES I. 153
Grangers, and the grief of his own fubje&s ;
who
become an exile in Holland, deprived of his patrimony,
together with his regal and electoral dignities; and re-
duced to great neceifities, from which it never was his
fortune to get free. In his fate his wife and children
were involved, and confequently he was an object of
great companion. Let us now fee how his father-in-
law behaved towards him in thefe circumftances. No
fooner had Frederick accepted the crown of Bohemia)
but he fhewed his diflike of it, and would never fuffer
the title of king to be given him in hisprefencc. (/) Yea, /V Rufl -
he ordered his ambaflador, Sir Henry Cotton to make *.;,.
known " to all princes, whom it might any way con-
" cern, that in the election of his fon-in-law to the
" crown of Bohemia, he had no part by any precedent
counfel or practice." (g) And in purfuance of his fg) Reliquae
inftrudions, the faid Sir Henry Wotton affured the em- Wottonian.
peror, " that his majefty had not given the title of king p "*
*' to his fon-in-law, or of queen to his daughter, in any
" letter either public or private ; nor had permitted the
' fame title, in any fermons within his kingdom." (h) (A; Id. p.
Indeed he declared, that " though he was refolved to * C 3-
cc fufpend his judgment about the differences between
" the emperor and the Bohemians, yet he found himfelf
*< tied both by nature and by reafon, not to leave the
" patrimonial inheritance of his own defendants, that
* 4 is, neither the inferior, nor fuperior Palatinate in
" the hands of any alien ufurper." (;') Accordingly (/) id. p.
when Spinola was about to march into the Palatinate 5 l6 -
with thiny thoufand men, he fent one regiment thither
under the command of Sir Horatio Vere, for its defence,
who performed good fervice. (/) But even this he (*) Rufli-
meanly apologized for to the emperor, and declared that wor th, Vol.
the troops fent towards the Palatinate, were meerly T * p * I4>
" voluntaries, without his majefties contribution, and
<c defenfively intended, before any noife of the inva-
^ fion." (1} After Frederick's misfortune before (/) Reliquce
Prague, and when his own territories began to be Wott niana>
feized, Janus fent the princes of the union thirty p '
thoufand
, 54 <fbe LIFE- of JAMES I.
who moil readily and willingly would have
affifted
thoufand pound to keep them iri arms, but withall, re-
H Ru*- klved at tlie feme time to treat of P eace - ( m ) 1 ^ ort
worth, Vol. tho' an order of council was made for raifing money by
I. p. 18. wa ^ o f f ree gift^ for the fupport of the Palatinate, and
fcftef wards the parliament gave a fupply for the recovery
of 'it.;, and the people were difpofed zealoufly to engage
jji its behalf $ yet James. contented himfelf with fending
emfeaflies to recover it when it was attacked on all fides ;
and weakly imagined that princes flufhed with vidtory,
, would hearken to his intreaties, or perfuafions. DDK-
fafttr, Wotion, Digby, Wefton and others were fent
from time to time, who though men of ienfe, and able
negotiators, could prevail nothing : the Palatinate was
taken while they were treating, and they had the morft 4 -
fication of finding: themfelves laughed at, and contemn-
ed, as well as their niafter who fent them." -That I
have not exaggerated matters will appear from the fol-
lowing extracts from James's own letters. In a letter
to theearl of Rriflol^ dated Oclober 3, 1622, he writes
thus: " There is none knows better than yourfelf how
* " we have laboured, ever fince the beginning of thefe
" unfortunate troubles of the empire, notwithftanding
*' all oppofition to the contrary, to merit well of our
" dear brother the king of Spain, and the whole houfe
" of yf/?r/'rf, by a long and -lingering patience, ground-
w ed ftill upon his friendfhip, and promifes that care
*' (hould he had of our honor, and of our children, pa^
* c tiimony, and inheritance. We have acquainted you
" alfo, from time to time, fince the beginning of the
" treaty at Bruxels, how crofly things there have pro-
* c ' ceeded, notwithftanding the fair profeffions made
" unto us, both by the king' of Spain, the Infanta, and
" all his minifters, and the letters written by him unto
* the emperor, and them effe&ually, (at the leait, as
"they endeavoured to make us believe.) But what
" fruits have we of thefe, other than difhonor and
" fcorn ? whilft we are treating, the town and caftle of
* l Heidelberg taken by force, our garrifon put to the
" fword,
The LIFE of JAMES I. 15 j
afiifted them with all their power. Yea To
ftrongly
" fword, Mankeitn- befieged, and all the hoftility ufed
" that is within the power of an enemy." () And in , , ^ ^ .
a letter to the emperor Ferdinand, dated November 12, p . 2S9 .
1621, he complains " that whilft treaty was in'hand,
" his fon-in-law was wholly defpoiled and robbed of his
" hereditary patrimony that remained unto him, ex-
" cepting the lower Palatinate, which was all, fays he,
" by commandment of your imperial majefty, taken
" and poflefled by the duke of Bavaria, according as
" himfelf confefled, with ftrong hand and force of arms,
" and that for fuch reafons as are meerly new, and fuch
" as the like were never hitherto once heard of. He
further reprefents unto him, " that notwithftanding it
" plainly appeared, by the anfwer given to his ambafTa-
< dor, that his imperial majefty had caufed the fufpeniion
* c of the bann or profcription in thofe countries, yet he
* e permitted the taking of arms again in hand, whereby
" there had been raifed a moft cruel war, and moft
" part of the country taken in by the Spaniards power-
" ful ftrength." (0} And as James complained, fodid ( ) u.p.
his ambafladors likewife j " whilft things (fays Sir 160.
" Dudley Carleton to the duke of Buckingham, in a let-
" ter dated Dec. 13, 1623,) have been held fometimes
" in terms, always in talk of accommodation, the elec-
<c toral is given to Bavaria by the emperor, and avowed
*' by a congratulatory embailage from Bruxels : the up-
<c per Palatinate is fettled in his pofleffion, with fome
" portion to Newburg, for his contentation and engage-
" ment. A principal part of the lower Palatinate is
" given to the elector of Mentz, with the confent of
" thofe of Brttxels, (where he was lately in perfon to
" obtain it) though they grofly diflemble it, and pro-
mifes of parts of the reft are made to other princes." (/>) (/>) Cabala^
And Sir Richard Wejion^ in a letter from Bruxeh to 19 *
Buckingham', dated Sept. 3, 1622, has the following
exprefiions. *' Notwithftanding his majefty hath fol-
t lowed them in all their deftres, and the prince elec-
*' tor hath conformed himfelf to what was demanded ;
thas,
156 The LIFE of JAMES I.
ftrongly was this difpofition to peace rooted
within
tbat the count Mansfelt, and duke of Brunfwuk^ the
c pretended obftacles of the treaty, are now, with-
** all their forces removed ; no face of an enemy in the
" Palatinate, but his majefty's power in the garrifons;
.'. all other places repoflefled which Mansfelt had taken ;
" nocaufe of continuing any war now, nor any caufe of
" jealoufy or fear, for the future, confidering his ma-
*' jefty's fair and honourable offers ; yet are they fo far
** from a ceflation, that they are fallen upon Heidel-
" bergh^ and either want the will or power to remove
" the fiege. And all I can get, is two letters of in-
" treaty from her highnefs to the chiefs of the emperor,
* c to proceed no further j and after fome eighteen days
" fmce, I made my propofttion for the ceflation, I have
" yet no anfwer ; fo that being able to raife no more
" doubts, they make ufe of delays. I have faid, and
" done, and ufed ali diligencies within my power to
*' bring forth better effects, and can go no further ; and
" therefore, I humbly befeech your lordfllip that I may
<( have leave to return, when I (hall hear that they will
.-:. " not remove the fiege at Heidelbergb. For their pre-
" tending to reftore all, when all is taken, is a poor
" comfort to me, and as little honour to his majefty :
" and how far they are to be believed in that, is to be
" examined, more exactly than by writing, by v/eigh-
" ing how the weak hopes given me here, agree with
" the ftrong aflu ranees given by my lord Digby out of
(?) Cabala, " Spain." (q] Thus was James treated, as he
' 4 2 - himfelf fays, with fcorn and difhonor ; but yet he made
noefforts to avenge himfelf or his family, till the break-
ing off the match with Spain, when twelve regiments
were rofe, and put under the command of the gallant
Mansfield: but thefe, by an unaccountable weaknefs or
neglecT:, having had no paflage ftipulated for them,
through France or Holland, through famine and pefti-
lence mouldered away, and the defign of recovering the
W Rufll - Palaftinate, came to nothing (r) Thus did James
TP. 154. fuffer his fon -in-law, his daughter, and his grandchil-
dieo to be driven out from their dominions, without af-
fording
fbe LIFE of JAMES I. 157
within him, that though he met with fcorn,
and derifion from thofe with whom he treated
about the Reftitution of the Palatinate, and
found himfelf deceived by the emperor,
Spaniards, and arck dukes, he ftill went on
to
fording them that relief, and affiftance which were
neceflary. Strange conduct ! un-heard of behaviour !
but "James dreaded war, and would fubmit to
any thing rather than engage in it. For even the
breaking off the Spanifh match, and the raifing the
regiments under the command of Mansfield y were
things greatly difpleafing to him, and brought about
contrary to his inclinations by his Sen, and his great s
favourite Buckingham (j). And, then he was outw/'t- ren doix
ted by the Spaniards, who made him believe that notwith- Vol. I. -
(landing Frederick was overcome, and his affairs in a P- 2 4-
very defperate condition, yet he need but fignify his
pleafure about his reflitution, and he (hould be obeyed,
(f) Nor did James in the leaft fufpea, but that upon Jrth, '
the conclufion of the marriage of his fon with the Infanta Vol. I.
of Spain, the reftitution of the Palatinate would follow, P- l8
though he had made no terms in that treaty about it. () ( B ) Id -
The count de Gondomor, the Spanifh ambaffador, p 9 *'
" who had an abfolute afcendent over him, gave him to
" underftand, that the king of Spain being on the point
** of giving his daughter to the prince of fPales," (which
by the way, he never intended, though his fucceffor,
probably, was fmcere in the treaty for the match)
" would look on the intereft of the Palatine prince as
* his own, and not fuffer him to lofe the Palatinate,
that even though the emperor mould be mafter of that
country, there was a good way for both fides to come
* off with honor ; for by favour of the marriage, the
the emperor might make a prefent of the Palatinate to
the infanta, who would give it the prince her huf-
band, and then the prince might reftore it to his
brother-in-law. James took all this to be gofpel, as
if indeed he had had a pofuive promife from the em-
*' peror
9be LIFE of JAMES I.
to treat with them, and thereby rendered the
affairs of the unfortunate Frederick his fon-
in-law defperate and deplorable.
Nor was his conduct better in other affairs.
He tamely differed the Britim flag [MMM] to
be affronted, and his merchants (hips to be
taken
fci^!fJV7 C~ 1*. . i ' *;/*'* 4 11 ' ' _,
* c perorand the king of Spain, that every thing (hould
*' be done as the ambaflador had proposed. This was
" the reafon he was more and more intoxicated with
* the notion that the beft way to fave the Palatinate,
" was to live in a good underftanding with the court of
ft) Wei- Henna, and Madrid.*' (*) In (hort, fuch was the
tear's 5 rT e ~ " management otGondemor in this affair, and fuch the
a8i ' <c weaknefs of James, that in a letter to the duke of
" Lerma, we find the ambaflador boafting, te that he
had lulled king James fo faft afleep, that he hop*d
neither the cries of his daughter nor her children, nor
the repeated follicitations of his parliament and fub-
jels in their behalf, {hould be able to awaken
him." (y)
Regia, p I ^ a ^ on 'y ac ^ d tnat tne P^iine family remained in
to. ' exile till the year 1648, when by the treaty of MunJJer y
they were reftored to the beft part of their dominions,
without having received any confiderable helps from
the royal houfe to which they were fo nearly allied, dur-
ing all their misfortunes.
[MMM] He tamely fufrered the Britim flag to be af-
fronted, &c.J Let us hear Weldon. " The earl of
<s Hertford who was fent ambaflador to the arch-duke,
* was conveyed over in one of the king's (hips, by Sir
" William Monfon. In whofe paflage a Dutchman of
" war corning by that (hip, would not vaile, as the
" manner was, acknowledging by that, our fovereignty
" over the fea. Sir William Monfon gave him a (hot to
" inftrucl: him in manners ; but inftead of learning, he
*' taught him by returning another, he acknowledged
~
Vbe LIFE of JAMES I. 159
by the Dutch, when trading to the ports of
Spain
" no fuch fovereignty. This, was the very firft indig-
*' nity and affront ever offered to the royal fhips of
" England, which fince have been moft frequent. Sir
William Monfon defired my lord of Hertford to go
** into the hold, and he would inftrudt him by ftripes
" that refufed to be taught by fair means : but the earl
*' charged him on his allegiance firft to land him, on
<c whom he was appointed to attend. So to his great
" regret, he was forced to indure that indignity ; for
<{ which I have often heard him wifh he had been hang-
" ed, rather than live that unfortunate commander of
* a kings (hip, to be chronicled for the firft that ever
te endured that affront, although it was not in his power
" to have helped it." (a] But, fays an admirable (a] Wei-
writer, fpeaking of this affair, <f two things are cer- don ,' s COU1 *
** tain ; one that queen Elizabeth would have feverely jfosJLiL
" punifhed her officer, and have exacted ample repa-
t ration from the ftates general ; the other, that king
*< James did neither. This commonwealth had been
** raifed by queen Elizabeth, and was flill in want of
* c the fupport of England. The fovereignty of her ftate
'* had not been yet acknowledged by any of the powers
* c of Europe. How much the pacific temper of James
" was capable of bearing, had not yet become fo ap-
* s parent as he made it in the courfe of his reign.
" From all which it is eafy to collect that if he had de-
" manded fatisfadtion, he muft and would have re-
*' ceived it. But the good prince was afraid, where no
" fear was, and bore difhonourably what he might
*' have refented fafely ; nay, what he ought to have re-
" fented in any circumflances, and atany hazard. We
" are not to wonder if fo poor a conduct as this, foon
" brought king James into contempt, mingled with
" indignation, amongft a people eagerly bent on com-
tc merce, and in whom high notions of honour and a ,^ O : dcaf
*' gallant fpirit had been infufed, by the example of tie's re-" "
<c queen Elizabeth and encouraged durin" the whole marksonth
' courfe of a long reign." (*) jggjj
Tho' p. 140.
160 T^LIFE of JAMES 1
Spain or Flanders, though their own, at the
fame
Tho what I have related from Weldon is probably
true, yet 'tis but juftice due to the reader to inform him>
that Sir William Monfoa himfelf, in his naval trafts>
fays nothing of ftriking or not ftriking the flag ; but con-
fefles that an affront was offered by two Dutch men of
war. He adds, that he fent for the captains aboard his
(hip ; that he threatned to right himfelf upon them ; but
that he difmiffed them at the entreaty of my Lord Hert-
ford, on their excufing themfelves, and promifmg to
punifh the offenders. How feverely thefe offenders were
pun iflied, may be collected from hence. One of thefe
captains, fays Sir William Monfon, was he, who fmce
that time, committed a foul murder upon his majefty's
(c) Old- fubjects in Ireland, that were under protection." (c J
caflie'sre- jj ut f or tne honor of the Englifh nation let it be obfer-
asgk'ii/tke vec ^ tnat l '^ tne difpofition of James was known by his
note*. fubjects, the commanders of our (hips ated very dif-
ferently. For on his acceffion to the throne, " the
" duke of Sully being chofen by Henry the Great of
44 France^ for an extraordinary embaffy into England,
<c embarked at Calais in a French (hip, with the French
* flag on the main top maft j but no fooner was he in
<c the channel, than meeting with a yatch which came
' to receive him, the commander of it commanded the
' French (hip to ftrike. The duke thinking his qua-
tc lity would fecure him from fuch an affront, refufed it
' boldly ; but his refufal being anfwered with three can-
non, (hot with bullets, which'piercing his (hip, pierced
the heart of the French : force conftrained him to do,
what reefon ought to have fecured him from, and
whatever complaints he could make, he could get
no other reafon from the Englifti captain, than that as
his duty obliged him to honor his quality of ambaflador,
it obliged him alfo to compel others to pay that refpet
to his matters flag, which was due to the fovereign of
the fea." (d] Thus fpeaks the famous cardinal Ri-
T nt> 8 pait cbKeu '> and Sull y himfelf though he tells the ftory
?vo. P L>iri. fc> m ewhat differently, owns that the Englifli comman-
x6J. der
(d) Cardi.
nal Rich-
lieu's poli-
tical will
and tefta-
LIFE of JAMES I. z6i
fame time, did it with impunity, and he
contented himfelf with remonftrating, when
he ought to have required in a proper man-
ner
der, fired on the French, and obliged him to take down
his flag, (ej ' Tis pity the name of this Englifh captain ( e )s u iiy's
has not been handed down to pofterity. I have faid memoirs,
in the text that James differed not only the Britifli flag Vo1 : * P-
to be affronted^ but his merchants fhips to be taken by "risfurpril
the Dutch, when trading to the ports of Spain or Flan- zing that
ders. In order to underftand this, 'tis neceflary to ob- this a l| ant
ferve, that tho' James had made a peace with the Spa- bee'nover-
niards, the war was continued feveral years after between look'd by
them, and the Hollanders. Such therefore of the Eng- ourhiftoriani
lifh fhips as were found carrying goods to the Spaniards B^tche" L
and trading with them, were frequently feized under a his naval
pretence of their being contraband; when they them- hiftor l r
felves connived at their own fubje6ts doing the fame ;
and confequently were guilty of the greateft infults.
Here follow fome of my authorities. Lord Crahbonid
[Cecyle] in a letter to Mr. Winwood, dated Oct. 23,
1604, tells hi m } " we are credibly informed ; that th&
" States have not only fent new orders to their men of
" war on the coaft of Flanders, to impeach our trade
" to the arch dukes ports by all means poflible, but alfo
" to burn all fuch fhips as they {hall take of foreign
** princes. And withal are advertifed, that many
*' of their own people are daily reforting (under colour
' of private licences) to the faid ports with all kind of
* 4 victuals and Commodities. And that thefe be no vain
*' reports, their daily practice mtketh demonftration j
" for on monday laft was fcven-nightj five of their
" fliips laden with wine and fair, were feen peaceably to
'* go into Newport^ their men of war riding before the
" harbour j and fince likewife, his majefty's admiral
14 of the narrow feas, being upon occafion of fervice
*' upon the coaft of Flanders, did fee two Uiijjingers put
** into Ojlend^ in fight of four of their men of war$
** who never offered them violence. Befiues, there
M M ar
i62 72* LIFE of JAMES I.
ner fatisfaftion. Bat notwithftanding this
treatment, he delivered up to them the cautio-
nary towns, [NNN] which they had depofit-
ed
< c are fifteen fmall fly-boats and pinks of Holland laden
*' with fifh, gone this laft fpring-tide from Yarmouth
" towards Newport^ with private licences as they gave
(/) Win- " out from the admiralty there." (f) And it appears
wood, Vol. from a variety of other letters of the fame fecretary to'
H.p-34. Wm-Mood ambaflador in Holland, that the Dutch {hips
never made any fcruple of violating the neutrality of our
ports, and treating even the Englim after fuch a manner
( ?\ id. 277. as produced complaints infinite and unfupportable. (^)
But all thefe things James bore with patience. He
contented himfelf with remonftrating, and the Dutch
underftanding his humour, went on pillagrng his fub-
(i)Id. p. 3 1. je&s, often times their utter undoing, (h) To fuch a
contemptible pafs was this nation brought,- in a (hort
time, by the cowardice and pusillanimity of its fove-
reign !
[N N N] He delivered up to them the cautionary towns,
&c.] In the year 1585, the States of the Netherlands
were fo greatly diftrefTed by the Spaniards, that they
renewed the applications they had formerly made to
Elizabeth, to accept of the government of the united
provinces, and take them into her fprote&ion.
The queen heard their deputies with favour, but
at firft refufed both their protection and govern-
ment. But Antwerp being taken by the prince of
Parma, fhe foon afterwards, by the advice of her coun-
cil, determined to affift them upon condition, among
other things, that Flu/hing and the caftle of Rammekins
in Walkennj and the Ifle of Brill, with the city and two
forts, mould be delivered into the queen's hands, for
caution to pay back the money which (he Ihould expend
on her forces, with which (he might affift them during
the war. It was moreover ftipulated that the faid places
after the money was repaid, mould be reftored again to
the eftates, and not delivered to the Spaniards, or any
other enemy whatfoever. And alfo that the governor-
genera],
tte LIF of JAMES t 163
ed in the hands of queen Elizabeth^ for the
money
general, and two Englifhmen whom the queen {hould
name, (hould be admitted into the council of the eftaten.
(a] Accordingly Elizabeth fent the earl of Leice/isr to () Cami
their aid, had the towns put into her hands, and her go- <fcn'
Vernor had a place a;nong the States general ; whereby ^
the Englifh had a fhare in their councils, and they were Hift.
kept in dependance on them. 'Tis well known, with what ? 508
Valour and conduit the Dutch refitted the Spaniards,
and by the help of their auxilliaries, rofe thernfelves to
an admired and envied State of power, wealth and li-
berty. Spain weary with endeavouring to enflave them,
was contented to treat with them as Free-States, and
concluded a truce at Antwerp, March 29, 1609. 'Twas
then Holland lifted high it's head, and looking on the
Cautionary towns as manacles and (hackles on them,
and fearing that James^ whofe meannefs of fpirit, con-
nexion with the Spaniards, and great want of money
were known, might one day deliver them into their ene-
mies hands, as by them he had been requefled ; 'twas
then, I fay, that they determined if poffible to get thern -
from him, but upon the eafieft terms. But this was not
to be done in a hurry, they took time, and a&ed after
fuch a manner, as fully accorhplimed their pufpofe.
Tho 1 the towns were garriibned by the Englifh, the
garrifon was paid by the Dutch. In order therefore to
bring about what they had in view, they ceafed, all at
once to pay the Engliih garrifon, as by treaty they were
obliged. Complaints were hereupon made to Sir Noel
Caron, the Dutch ambaffador at London. He excufed
it by the poverty of his mailers ; but withal infinuated
as from himfelf, that if his Britannic majcfty would de-
fire it of the States, they, out of their regard for hirrij
would take up mon*y at high intereft, and at once dif-
charge the whole debt due to the crown of England^
"James Jtftened to the propofal, and wrote about it to
the (Utes. By them Barntvelt was fent over, who ne-
gotiated fo ably, that the king agreed to deliver up the
M 2 towns
164 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
money (he had from time to time expended
on
towns for lefs than three millions of florins, in lieu of
(b SeeRufli- e jg nt millions that were due, and about 18 years intereft.
Tp 3. ca- ( b ) T h's was in May 1616. What the opinion of the
bala,p. ac6. world was on this affair, will appear from part of a letter
Ada Regia, f rom gj r Thomas Edmmdes, written from Paris the
Coke '' Vol. ^ ame rnonth, to Sir Ralph IVlnuiood. In it he obferves
I. p/ji. that the agreement for the reftoring the cautionary
Kowell s towns, was thought ftrange by the principal perfons in
iT^Lonl* tne F rencn council, and particularly by Monf. Villeroy*
i 7 ' I5 , Svo. who was of opinion, " that no confideration of utility
" ought to have made his majefty quit fo great an in-
e tereft as he had, for the retaining that people, by
that means, in devotion to him j alledging for ex-
ample that they here, without any (uchgagff, do dif-
burfe yearly unto the States, the fum of 200,000
crowns, betides the abfolute remittal of twelve or thir-
teen millions of livre?, which they had difburfed for
them in the laft wars, only to draw that people to a
like dependence on this ftate, as they do on his ma-
<c jefty. Adding alfo thereunto, that his majefty having
44 ordinarily a greater power over the affections of that
" people, by the more natural love which they bare un-
'* to him, than they here can promife themfelves, but
" only in refpeft of the prefent great faction, which
" they have made by the means of Monf. Barnevelt ; it
* f feemeth, by the courfe which we have now taken, that
" weabfolutely quit the advantage to them. Sir Thomas
" then adds, that thofe who be his majefty's zealous
" fervants, are forry to fee fuch a divorce, as they in-
*' terpret it, between his majefty and that people : and
*' after mentioning the negotiation fora match with
" Spain, he concludes with faying, I am forry, that
(e) B'.rch's e< our nece jjities (if that be the caufe)yft>/y carry us to theft-
of SirTho " extremities." [c] Coke y and Burnet in fpeaking
Edmondes, of this affair are guilty of a great miftake. The former
p. 306. fuppofes it was contrary to the feventh article of the
P eace made witn tne Spaniards in the year 1604 : (d)
And
The LIFE of JAMES I. 165
on her troops in their fervicc, for compara-
tively a trifling Turn j and thereby loft the
dependence
And the other fays, that James^htit his coming to the
crown of England, had entered into fecret treaties with
Spain, in order to the forcing the States to a peace; one
article of which was, that if they were obftinate, he
would deliver thefe places to the Spaniards, (e) But in )??"**<
facl: there is juft nothing at all in this. The Spaniards
in making the treaty in 1604, infifled on having the
cautionary towns delivered up to them, upon payment
of the moneys due from Holland. This was ftifly de-
nied. Whereupon fays fecretary Cecyll^ in a letter to
Mr. Wimvood) dated June 13, 1604, ** They are de-
w< fcended to content themfelves with fome modification,
" which we have delivered in form of an article,
" (which may be feen in Coke i) wherein, as we do for-
" bear (at their motion) to exprefs that his majefty
" meaneth not to deliver the faid cautionaries, to any
" other but theftates united, fo if the modification be
* c well examined, you fee it cannot any wife prejudice
?' either his majefty in honor, or the the States in their
" intereft in the towns ; for as long as the election of
" 2;oodand reafonable conditions for the States pacifica-
^ tion, is referred to his majefty's judgment, there can
" arife no inconveniency of it ; it being always in his
*' majefty's hand?, to allow o/ difallow of that, which
** (hall not be agreeable to the concurrency of his affairs
<c with the united provinces." (f) Thus fpeaks lord ^d^Vol
Cecyll who had the chief hand in this treaty ; and j^-p* a * "
upon a careful perufal of the article referred to, I am
perfuaded he is right ; and confequently the above cited
hifiorians, as I faid, are greatly miftaken.
The following remark was communicated to mp by
the reverend Dr. Birch. The account given by Burnet,
vol. I. p. 15. Rapin, &c. of Barnevelt's coming over
to England to negotiate the purchafe of the cautionary
towns from king James I. in 1616, is abfolutely falfe ;
as i cannot find the leaft trace of it in a feries of M.S.
M 3 letters,
166 77v LIFE of JAMES I.
dependence thofe provinces before had on the
Englifh crown. Nor did the cruelties exer-
cifed
letters, which I have read between Sir Dudley Carleton,
who went over embafiador to Holland, in March
1615-16, and the two fecretariesof ftate, Sir Ralph Win-
wood, and Sir Thomas Lake. The former, Sir Ralph
Winwood, in his letters from Whitehall totheembaf-
fador, of the loth of April 1616, mentions, that the
lords had delivered their refolutions to the king, that it
was more for his majefty's fervice upon honourable con-
ditions, to render up the towns, than ftill to retain,
them ; and that his majefty had taken fome days to ad-
vife of it. Sir Dudley Carleton in his letter to Sir Rich.
Winwood from the Hague, of May 3d. complains, that
a matter of that great confequence (tho* ^' it had, fays
" he, the beginning, before my coming hither, yet
" fmce my arrival, hath had fome fubjecT: of further
" treaty) is altogether managed by the minifler of this
" ftate, (Sir Noel Caron) refident with his majefty,
f* without my having any hand therein." The king's,
commiflion to the lords to treat with Sir Noel Caron
concerning the furrender of the cautionary towns, is
dated May 21, 1616, and that to Sir Horace Vere, to
deliver up the Brill, on the 22d. Sir. R. Winwood,
in a letter to Sir Dudley, from Greenwich, on the 234
of May, gives him a particular relation of the proceed-
ings in this treaty, that fome years before,- during his
employment in Holland, Sir Noel Caron in the name of
his fuperiors, made an overture to the king for the red-
dition of thefe towns, upon feafonable and honeft com-
pofition ; which being not hearkened unto, it layafleep,
until the month of December, 1615, at which time,
Sir Noel being newly returned from his fuperiors, revi-
ved that motion withearneft inftance, and for that pur-
pofe exprefsly demanded audience of his majefty. It
happened at the felf fame time, that the governor of thefe.
towns delivered to Sir Ralph Winwood, to be exhibit-
cl to the lords, a complaint, that the garrifon had not
receheo!
3&? LIFE gfJAMES I. 167
cifed by the Dntch on tbeEagti/b, at Amboy-
na t [ooo] and the depriving them of their
(hare
received their pay for many weeks : the danger whereof
ihe lords taking into their confideration, the queftion
was moved by agreat counfellorof eminent place, whe-
ther it were not better for his majefty's fervice to render
thefe towns, than ftill to hold them at fo great a charge.
Report being made to the king at the riling of the lords.,
that this queftion had been moved in council, he ac-
quainted them with the inftance of Sir Noel, and then
gave them charge to advife and confult thereof, to deli-
ver to him their judgment and refolutions; with
which he, after the deliberations of 10 or 12 days con-
curred for the (ale of the towns.
This account is abfolutely inconfiftent with the fuppo-
fition of Barnevelt's journey to England, on the affair of
the purchafe.
Sir Thomas Lake mentions the refult of the treaty, in
a letter to Sir Dudley^ from Greenwich, of the 28th of
May, in thefe words.
" We have now determined of the return of the cau-
" tionary towns, a matter vulgarly ill taken here, and.
-" with many of the beft. But necefllty is of rtie coun-
xt cil. I think your lordfhip will hear of it by thofe,
< that have more hand^n it than I."
[ooo] The cruelties exercifed by the Dutch on the
Engliih at Amboyna, &c.] Amboyna is an ifland in the
Eaft- Indies, and is the principal place where nutmegs,
mace, cinamun, cloves and fpice grow. In the year
1619, a treaty was concluded between James and the
Dutch, with regard to the trade of the Eaft-Indies, in
<onfequence whereof, the Englith enjoyed part of the
fpice trade, and greatly enriched themfelves. This
made them envied by the Dutch, who were determined,
if poflible, to deprive them of the advantages they reap-
ed. A plot, therefore was pretended, in which the
nglifh with the afiiftance of a few Japonefe foldiers,
M 4 wete
LIFE of JAMES I.
fliare of the fpice trade, caufe him to attempt
the vindication of the rights of his people, or
punilh thofe who had fo vilely treated them.
TO
were to feize on the fortrefs, and put the Dutch to the
fwordr Whereupon they were feized and examined ;
but ftifly denying the fa&, they were tortured moft
baibaroufly. This produced (what the rack almoft al-
ways does produce) a confeffion ; hereupon ten Englijb-
men t feven of whom were agents, factors, and affiftants
were ordered to be executed, Feb. 1623. fix Japonefe,
and three natives, who all uniformly denied their know-
ledge of the plot to the laft moment. The Dutch ac-
count tranfmitted to the EngliJJ) Eaft-India company, in
vindication of this affair, admits that all the evidence
they had was obtained by torture, and that thofe who
fufFered profefled their innocency, a clear proof this
that they were condemned wrongfully. For when men
of different countries and interefb, are accufed of joint
confpiracy, the denial of every individual at the article
of death, amounts with me to the cleared proof of their
innocency. However, thefe executions fo terrified the
Englijh, that they thought they could not fafely abide in
Amboyna ; they departed thence therefore, and the Dutch
very honeftly took the! reflects, to the value of 400,000
pounds. After this the neighbouring fpice iflands were
(a] See the feized by them, and theEnglifh wholly difpoflefled of their
barharout* f a & ors ar >d trade, to their incredible lofs and damage.
cecities 8 ( a ) I* ma y we '| be fuppofed that an affair of this nature,
committed could not Iqiig remain a fecret. The news reached
ty^Dutch England, and fufficient proof was made of the treachery
Indies, 8vo. an ^ cruelty of the Dutch in it: and, no doubt, it was
J-ond.'i'Tj. expe&ed that reparation would be demanded and ob-
Coke, Vol. tained. fynd had James made proper reprefentations to
WilfoVp- the States- Genera], juftice probably would have been
181. Bur- done. For no State would openly have abetted fuch
nctt's navel villanies. But he pocketted up the affront ; fubmitted
f'ol'.Lond. 9 ' ^ l ^ e ' n j ur y ev ? n without requiring fatisfadion ; and
f'/io. ' content^
The LIFE of JAMES I. 169
Tc all thefe inftances, if we add his per-
mitting his only fon, to go into Spain to bring
to
contented himfelf with barely telling the Dutch ambaf-
fador, *' that he never heard, nor read a more cruel
" and impious aft, than that of Amboyna. But, added
" he, I do forgive them, and I hope God will, but my
*' fon's fon (hall revenge this blood, and punifh this hor-
" rid mafTacre." (b) Wretched mutt be the people
who have a prince thus pufillanimous ! what can they ^7.
hope for from thofe about them, but opprefllon, infults
and injuries ? princes owe to their fubjefts protection j
if they afford it not, they have no reafon to expedl: alle-
giance, nor fhould they murmur if it is refufed.
By the way, we may obferve that James was a faifs
prophet, neither his fon, nor his fon's fon, revenged this
bloodmed at Amboyna, or puniflied this horrid mafla-
cree. But Cromwell born to avenge the wrongs of the
Britifh nation, and reftore her loft glory, effeftually did
it. For among the conditions on which he gave peace
to the Dutch, in April, 1654, it was inferted ' that
they fhould deliver up the ifland of Polerone^ in the
Eaft- Indies (which they had taken from theEnglifh
in the time of king 'James ^ and ufurped it ever mice)
into the hands of the Englifh Eaft-India company
again ; and pay a good fum of money [300,000] for
the old barbarous violence, exercifed fo many years
fince at Amboyna ; for which the two laft kings could
never obtain fatisfaftion and reparation."^) 1 1 (0 Ckren-
were to be wifhed all princes had the honor of their coun- don ' s h ' ft<
try fo much at heart, as it appears from this, and many 4 g ' an j p *
other infiances, Cromwelllm^. Then would their cha- Tmdal's
rafters truly mine in hiftory, and inftead of the difagree- notLS on Ra -
able tafk of cenfuring, writers would be emulous of in ^ UI '
pointing out their excellencies ; aud their fame would be
as lading as letters. Whereas moft princes have been
contented with the incenfe offered them by fl.itterers,
and therefore have feldom endeavoured to procure that
folid reputation, which alone refults from great and be-
nevolent
j;o *bc LIFE of JAMES I.
to a conclufion the match [PPP] with the in->
fantn,
nevolent actions. By which mesns their weakneffes, or
wickednefles fill up their annal?, and caufe their names
to be treated with indignation and contempt.
[PPP] His permitting his only fon to go into Spain,
&c.J James had treated both with France and Spain,
for a match with prince Charles, tho' he knew well the
inconveniences which would arife from his marrying a
lady of a different religion. For in his Baniicon Doron,
addrefled to prince Henry, lie has the following remark-
able paffage. " I would rathereft have you to marrie
" one that was fully of your own religion j her rank and
" other qualities being agreeable to your eftate : for al-
" though to my great regrate, the number of any
" princes of power and accounts profeffing our religion,
" be but very fmall ; and that therefore this advice
" feems to be the more ftrait and difficile : yet ye have
" deeply to weigh, and confider upon thefe doubts,
" how ye and your wife can be of one flefh, and keep
*' unitie betwixt you, being members of two oppofite
churches: tHfagreement in religion bringeth ever
with it, difagreement in manners; and the diflen-
tion betwixt your preachers and hers, will breed and
fofter a diflention among your fubje&s, taking
their example from your family ; befides the peril
of the evil education of your children. Neither
pride you that ye will be able to make her as ye
pleafe : that deceived Solomon the wifeit king that ever
(tf)K. Jam. " was," (a] There is fenfe in this paffage; and yet
works, p. the writer of it never attempted to match either of his
* 7i ' fons with a proteftant princefs. The eldeft, prince
Henry, he endeavoured to marry with a daughter of
France or Savoy ; the youngeft, prince Charles, as I
have juft obferved, with France or Spain. With France
the negotiations were broke off for that purpofe, and
*) Birch's thofe with Spain commenced about the year 1616. (b)
negotiations ^ ut ^ or fcveral years the Spaniards had no other end in
&c. P . 593! enter-
The LIFE of JAMES I. 171
fanta, we {hall perhaps be fully fatisfied of
the weaknefs of his conduct.
Np
entertaining the negotiations, but to amufe James and
hinder him from concerning himfelf in the bufmefs of
Cleves, or effectually fuccouring the Palatinate. This
appears plainly from the king of Spain's letter to Conde
Olivary dated Nov. 5, 1622. (c] However, it feems ^ R U /J,_
probable, that afterwards the Spaniards intentions were worth, Vol.
fincere for the match, and that a fhort fpace of time * ? ?*
would have compleated it. For matters had been car-
ried to fuch a length, and James had yielded to all their
propofals fo readily, that they could not well refufe to
conclude it. This match was odious to the body of the
Englifh nation, and the parliament advifed the breaking
off the treaty, (d) But James gave them a fevere repri- (A) Id. p,
mand for their advice, and determined not to comply 4 2 -
with it. He longed for the Spanifh gold, (two millions,
but of what value appears not) which the infanta was
to bring with her, and was in hopes of getting the ref-
titution of the Palatinate : and therefore, proceeded with
zeal and earneftnefs. While things were in this
fra,te, the prince perfuaded by Buckingham^ had an in-
clination to fee and wooe his miftrefs. They opened it
to the king, and he, after much oppofition, being bulli-
ed into it by Steney^ (e) complied ;) to the amazement W s lr*
of the whole world. For it was an unparallelled thing ySjfjJ'
to fee " the only fon of a king, the heir of the king- n 18. *
" dom, hazard himfelf in fuch a long voyage, and car-
<c ry himfelf rather as an hoftagc than a fpoufe, to a
" court of contrary maxims of religion and ftate, hum-
" bly to fupplicate for a wife." (f) What was this but tfJ Nam's
expofing him to the danger of imprifonment, the folli- ^^ t ^'
citations of jefuits, the importunities of the romim cler- fbl.' Lend. *
gy, and thereby exciting fears and terrors in the minds l6 73.
of the fubje<St, and make them draw the worft conclu-
fions poflible ? yea, what was this but to put it in the
power of the Spaniards, to infift on what terms they
thought fit, and caufe him to execute them, they hav-
ing
I 7 2 The LIFE of JAMES I.
No wonder then that he was burlefqued,
ridiculed, and expofed abroad, by thofe
who
ing the perfon of the prince thus in their power ? And
how weak and imprudent muft it be, to take a ftep of
this nature, without fo much as communicating it to
the council, and taking their advice on it ? What was
eafiiy to be forefeen, happened. *' The change of his
*' religion, (prince Charles's] was much hoped for by
" the court of Spain, at this firft coming thither. To
" perfect which, he was plied from time to time with
*' many perfuafive arguments, by many perfons of great
<c honor about the king : and many of the moft learned
" priefts and jefuits made their addrefles to him, with
fuch rhetorical orations, with fuch infmuating arti-
fices, and fubtle practices, as if they had a purpofe
rather to conquer him by kindnefs than by difputa-
tion. -The pope alfo addrefled his lines unto the
prince, extolling the piety of his predeceflbrs, their
zeal unto the catholic church, and to the head thereof
the pope, inviting him by all the blandifhments of
art, to put himfelf upon following of their brave ex-
amples. Never a prince had a harder game to play,
than prince Charles had now. He found himfelf un-
der the power of the King of Spain, and knew that
the whole bufinefs did depend on the popes difpenfa-
tion, with whom if he complied not in fome hand-
fome way, his expectation might be fruflrate, and all
the fruits of that long treaty would be fuddenly
blafted. He therefore writes unto the pope in fuch
general terms, as feemcdtogive his holinefs fomeaf-
" furances of him : but being reduced into particulars,
" fignified nothing elfe but fome civil complements,
*' mixt with fome promifes of his endeavours to make
** up the breaches in the church, and reftore Chritten-
* dcun to an happy and defirable peace. In Eng-
" land the king had as hard a game to play. For l.av-
** ing left fuch a pawn in Spain, he was in a manner
" bound to his good behaviour, and of nccefHty to gra-
tify
The LIFE of JAMES I. 173
who obferved his conduct ; and that he
was fpoken of moft contempmoufly, even
by
" tify the popifh party in this kingdom with more than
" ordinary favour. He knew no marriage could be
* c made without the pope's difpenfation, and that the
" pope's difpenfation could not be obtained, without
" indulging many graces to his catholic fubje&s. To
<* fmooth hi;> way therefore to the point defired, he ad-
" drefled feveral letters to the pope and cardinals, in
" which he gives him the title of moft holy father ; (g)
* and employs Gage as his agent in the court of Rome,
" to atttend thebufinefs. At home he difchargeth all Ja
*' fuch priefts and jefuits as had been formerly impnfon-
e < ed; inhibiting all procefles, and fuperfeding all pro-
" ceedings againft recufants; and in a word, fufpends p.
" the execution of fuch penal laws as were made againft
" them.
" The people hereupon began to cry out generally of
" a tolleration, and murmur in all places, as if he were
46 refolved to grant it" (b) See here fome of the ef-
fefts of this weak expedition. The fame prince who p.*
was for proving to the duke of Sully, that it was an of-
fence againft God, to give the title of holinefs to any o-
other than him, now very freely gives it to the pope : (/) See note
(/') and the man who had proclaimed aloud in his wri- [ KK ]
ting, that the pope was ami chrift, now dignifies him
with the title of moft holy father. But James, I fancy
had forgot to blufli, or he could hardly have thus pub-
Jickly contradicted himfelf. However, fortune favour-
ed prince Charles in freeing him from the dangers, into
which this abfurd and romantic voyage brought him.
He got through France, though purfued after 3 and by
the honor and generofity of the Spaniards, was permit-
ted to return fafe into England, whereby the inftigation
of Buckingham^ he fet himfelf in an abrupt and ungra-
cious manner to break oft" the treaty of marriage, and
earneftly endeavoured to engage the nation in a war
with Spain, in which he was fuccefsful. But 'tis very
obfervable,
(#) old-
the LIFE of jAMfeS 1.
by his beft friends, Maurice prince of Orange,
and Henry the Great of France, [ Q^Q^J as
well
obfervable, " thatthe reafon given for breakingthe match
" was not the true one. The reftitution of the Palati-
nate had been very cooly preffed, not to fay neglect -
ed, even whilft the prince was at Madrid; and yet
after he came from thence, the king of Spain had
figned an act by which he engaged for this reftitution ;
fothat on the principles on which this negotiation had
been conducted, there feemed to have been no reafon
for breaking it off, given by Spain at the time, wheri
it was broken." (k] I will conclude this note by ob-
f ervin g l ^ at * do not remember any one writer, who
has thought this journey of prince Charles into Spain,
prudent or juftifiable, and confequently James could
not but be blame worthy for permitting it. P'or he
ought not to have been overcome by the follicitations of
his fan, much lefs by the rudenefs and infolence of
Buckingham. He (hould have adhered to what he could
not but fee to be for the intereft of the State, and not
have given it up to pleafe fon or favourite. But he
weakly gave way to them, and thereby expofed thofe
nioft dear to him to the greateft dangers, and involved
himfelf in fuch difficulties as expofed him to the ridicule
of foreigners, and the contempt and ill-will of his fub-
jeds.
He was ridiculed abroad, and contemptuouf-
ly fpoken of, by Maurice prince of Orange, and Hetiry
the Great of France.] In Sir Walter Rawleigh's ghoft,
written in 1620, [not 1622, as in the printed copy,]
we find him introduced fpeaking to Gondomar^ a fryar
and a jefuit, concerning the cruel rep refentat ions that
had been made of fome of our princes, fince the refor-
mation, by the Spaniards in their pictures. And after
having fpoken of their painting Henry VIII. naked;,
without a grave, as if a heritic were not worthy to be
buried i of the picture of Elizabeth, who was ufed as
bad
tffc LIFE of "JAMES I. 175
well as by his fubjeds, who could not with-
out
bad by them for the fame reafon, and beeaufe flbe wa*
their mortal foe; after having fpoken of thefe, he adds,
*' but to come to his majefty, (king James) what have
" you done by him even of late days ? in one place
" you picture him with a fcabbard without a fword ;
* c in another, with a fword fo faft in his fcabbard, that
" no body could draw it. In BruJJels you made him
" in his hofe doublet ; his pockets hanging out, and
*' never a penny in his purfe. In Antwerp you paint-
" ed the queen of Bohemia like an Irifh Glibbin, her
" hair diftievelled, a child at her back, and in a man-
' tie, with the king (her father) carrying the cradle
" for her." (a] In the year 1609, was the truce ^ sir Wai-
concluded between Spain and the united provinces ; un- terRaw.
der the mediation of James and Henry the fourth of le ^' s .
r T-\ t t g""j !n
r ranee. During the negotiations great complaints were Morgan's
made of the partiality of James towards the Spaniards, Phcenix En*
by the French minifters to their mafter ; how juftly I tann!cu /'?}
fhall not determine. But in anfwer to a letter from one ^^ 4 ^,/
of his ambafladors, Henry writes " that he knew and Wilfon,
" James's ill intentions towards the States ; and withal P 'J 92 '
** tells him, his carriage did not break his fieep; end- n ^ S) p *
*' ina; his letter with this word of contempt, rarely
" ufed among princes of that rank, I know his capacity
" and the inclinations of his fubje&s." (b] And the (*) Corn-
fame Henry, when one called James a fecond Solomon, ^ fj ft ' ;
" replied, that he hoped he was not David the fuller's gs 3 j in* t he
" fon." (c ) Nor hadMamrice prince of Orange any notes.
better opinion of him, than the moft chriftian king, as jjf(jj
will appear from the following curious relation. no te [A]
Sir Ralph Winwood being prefent in the council of
State, where the fmcerity of the courts of Madrid and
BruJJels in the treaty [for the truce,] was queftioned by
the prince, told hishighnefs, that, notwithstanding, he
thought it the intereft of the republic to go on with itj
beeaufe if the arch dukes ftiould at laft refufe to compre-
hend the king of Spain, as well as themfelves, an eter-
nal
176 T& LIFE if JAMES I.
out indignation behold the empty, infignifi-
cant
nal difhonor would light upon them, and the two kings
of England and France would have more reafon to affift
the States. The prince took him up brifkly with thefe
words, we will not go plead a procefs before the Kings :
and le Roi voftre maiftre n'ofe pas parler au Roi d'Ef-
pagne, (and the king your mafter dares not fpeak to
the king of Spain.) Sir Ralph anfwered,
Moufieur, vousavez tort: le Roi mon maitre a & re-
folution de fe reflentir, & puiflance de fe revencher du
Roi & prince qui fe foit. (Sir, you aremiftaken. The
king, my matter, hath both fpirit to refent an injury,
and power to avenge himfelf on any king, or prince
that fhall offer it.) The prince replied,
Comment s'eft il refTenti de la trahifon du poudre?
(How did he refent the gun-powder plot ?) SirRalph
rejoined,
Comment fcavez vous, qui le roy d'efpagne s'y foit
mele? (How do you know that the king of Spain had
any hand in that affair.) Owen en a ete. (Owen had)
faid the prince,
Lequel on a demande ; & le Comte de tyrone eft foutenu
parle roi d'efpagne. (Whom they have in vain requir-
ed the king of Spain to deliver up j and the earl of
Tyrone 'tis notorious is fupported by him.) Sir Ralph
replied,
Quant a Owen, ce n'eft pas a vous, a qui le roi mon
maiftre en rendra conte : & pour Tyrone, tout le mon-
de fcait qu'jl eft a Rome, & non pas en Efpagne. (As
for Qweriy his majefty is not accountable to you for his
behaviour in regard of him ; and for Tyrone* all the
world knows he is at Rome and not in Spain.)
(a) Birchs's
nlgotSions M OWe " herC f P ken f b y the P HnCe > had bee " de -
&c. P . a86.' Banded of the arch-dukes and the king of Spain, to be de-
livered
T^LIFE of JAMES I. 177
cant figure the nation was reduced to by his
manage-
livered up by Sir Thomas Edmondes, being charged
with being privy to the gun-powder plot ; and Tyrone
who had fled out of Ireland, upon account of his at-
tempting a rebellion, had been afked of them likewife,
but both unfuccefsfully. Indeed they were both car-
refled by the Spaniards ; and Tyrone in particular, tho*
he redded at Rome as Winwood faid, had a penfion of
fix hundred crowns a month from the king of Spain,
and therefore the intereft of James wasjuftly deemed in-
fignificant at the Span i(h court, by prince Maurice, (e)
'Tfs true, upon complaint of the Englifli court, prince notatons
Maurice in a very refpettful letter, endeavoured to mol- p . 149/175*
lify James's anger ; and afterwards in a fecond letter he
acknowledged his offence, and cleared himfelf in the
beft manner he could, from any malicious intention to
impeach his majefty's fervice, or afperfe his character*
But 'tis eafy enough to fee that his apologies arofe from
the fituation of his affairs, and that what in warmth he
had fpoken, he indeed thought. Let us then conclude,
that James's beft friends, as I obferved in the text,
fpoke moftcontemptuoufly of him ; for fuch Henry and
Maurice were. .If we would know further in what
efteem James was with his neighbours, the following
epigram made in France will in fome meafure, perhaps
fatisfy us.
" Tandis qu' Elizabeth fut Roy,
" L'Angloisfutd'Efpagne Peffroy.
" Maintenant, devife et caquette,
^ Regi par la Reine Jaquette.
That is laterally in Englifh.
Whilft Elizabeth was king,
The Englifh were of Spain the terror.
But now governed by >ueen Jaqitet,
They only talk and prattle.
K Or
J? 8 We LIFE of JAMES 1.
management, and the fcofs and jeers where-
with they were infulted by their neighbours.
But
Or if the reader likes it better in rhyme, it is given
in Englifh, thus :
While Elizabeth was England's King,
That dreadful name through Spain did ring,
How alter'd is the cafe, ad fa' me !
(/) Rapin, Thefe jugling days of gude <$ueen Jamie ! (/)
Vol. II. p.
Morgan's And tnat lt ma 7 not ^ e imagined that libellers and faty-
phznix iri- rifts only contemned James, and reprefented him in a
tannicus, p. m0 re ridiculous light [than they ought, I will add, that
the grave and knowing duke of Sully ^ tells us that Henry
in derifion, called James captain of arts and dark of
arms ; (g) and that he himfelf and his brother, had fpo-
memoirs $ ^ en * n terms not ver y refpe&ful of him.
Vol. I. p Nor did his own people come behind in ridiculing and
a 9- Edia cenfuring his conduct. " They mouthed out that
VOM"^' " Great Britain was become lefs than little England 5
4.52. ' " that they had loft ftrength by changing fexes, and
" that he was no king but a fidlers fon, otherwife he
would not fufFer fuchdifordersat home, and fo much
" difhonor abroad. And they fay further, why
" fhould he aflume to himfelf the title of defender of
" the faith, that fuffers the proteftants of Germany,
" and France to be extirpated. That he might almoft
" have purchafed fuch a country as the Palatinate, with
f the money fpent on ambaflages ; and that his promif-
*' ing the French proteftants afliftance (by their agents
" that interceeded for them) made them the more re-
" folute, and confident to their ruin : So that they
might well call England the land of promife. And
" all that he got by his lip-labour afliftance from the
" French king was, that his ambaflador, Sir Edward
<c Herbert was fnapt up by Luynes the young conftable,
" and favourite there, with what hath your mafter to
" do with us and our bufmefs f Whereas the Euglifh
" fleets
The LIFE of JAMES I. 179
But however weak and pufillanimous Jameis
condudl was abroad, at home he behaved very
haugh-
" fleets, the glory of the world, (if employed) would
"' have taught'the French pride to know, that a looker
* on fees more than the gamefter, and he that ftrikes
" with paffion, will many times thank them that take
*' him ofF by friendly admonition, fuch difcourfes as
* c thefe flew up and down from lip to lip, that it was al-
" mod treafon to hear much more to fpeak." (h) How (b) Wiif on
weakly, how imprudently muft a prince have behaved p 'so
to have drawn on himfelf fuch bitter reflections,, and
cutting farcafms both at home and abroad ? how mean
a figure muft he have made, and with what contempt
muft his promifesand threatnings be received ? It could
not be ill-will, it could not be malice, or the love of
flander alone, which could bring on a regal character
fo much contempt when living : There muft have been,
foolifh wretched management, as we have feen there was,
to render it paffable. But of all things, princes mould
dread falling into contempt : feeing that thereby their
reputation", and confequently their power ceafes, and
they are rendered incapable of executing any great de-
fign. For as cardinal Richlieu has well obferved, " re-
" putation is the more neceflary in princes, in that
" thofe we have a good opinion of, do more by their
" bare words, than thofe who are not efteemed with
ct armies. They are obliged to value it beyond life ;
** and they ought fooner to venture their fortune and
" grandeur, than to fuffer the leaft breach to be made
*' in the fame, fince it is moft certain that the leaft di-
" minution a prince receives, tho' never fo flight, is
" the ftep which is of moft dangerous confequence for
" his ruin. In confideration of wfoich I declare freely,
" that princes ought never to efteem any profit advan-
tagious, when it reflets the leaft upon their honour:
and they are either blinded or infenfible to their true
interefts, if they receive any of this nature. And in-
deed hiftory teaches us, that in all times and in all
States, princes of great reputation are always happier
N 2 " than
i8o 77* LIFE of JAMES I.
.haughtily. He valued himfelf much on his
hereditary right, and lineal defcent, [RRR]
to
" than thofe, who being inferior to them in that point,
have furpafled them in force and riches, and in all
j Rich. other power." (i) Pity it is but princes knew what
lieu' spoilt;- was fojj of tnem j if t hey 'had any third after fame, any
raent, part defireof real glory, it would excite them to direct their
ad, p'. 46. actions to the good of the public, and it would make
them weigh and confider things fo, as that their refolu-
tions might appear to be the refult of prudence and dif-
cretion. If they will not aft thus, but blindly follow
their own whims and humours, or fubmit to be led by
weak, ignorant, felf-feeking men, as was the cafe of
Jama ; they may depend on it that tho' flattery mounts
Up their imaginary excellencies to the clouds, and repre-
fents them as demy-gods for power and wifdom, ftan-
ders by will laugh at them, and pofterity expofe and
condemn them.
[RRR] He valued himfelf much on his hereditary
right and lineal defcent.] In his firft fpeech to the par-
liament, March 19, 1603, he tells them that the firft
reafon of his calling them together was, " that they
might with their own ears hear him deliver unto
them the aflu ranee of his thankfulnefs, for their fo
joyful and general applaufe, to the declaring and re-
ceiving of him in that feat, which God by his birth-
right and lineal defcent, had in the fulnefs of time
provided for him." (a) And in other parts of the
fame fpeech, he fpeaks of his lineal defcent out of the
" loins of Henry the feventh ;" and of his being " li-
* neally defcended of both the crowns" (b] (of England
and Scotland.) One fhould have thought an Englifh
parliament fhould have flared at hearing fuchan unufual
language from the throne. But fuch was the complai-
fance they had for their new king, and fo willing were
they to make their court to him, that they fpoke in
like terms with him, and ecchoed back, not as has
fome-
MWng
Jam.es's
works, a.
48*.
(*}H.p.
4*7. 488.
LIFE of JAMES I. . i8j
to the crown, and talked of it in moft pom-
pous
fometimes been done in an addrefs, but in an a& of par-
liament his words and fentiments on this fubject. For
in thefirft ad of parliament pafled in this reign, intitled
a " moft joyful and juft recognition of the immediate,
lawful and undoubted fucceflion, defcent and right
of the crown," we find the following expreffions.
Your majeffy's royal perfon, who is lineally, right-
fully, and lawfully defcended of the body of the moft
excellent lady Margaret, eldeft daughter of the moft
' renouned king Henry the feventh, and they therein
defire it may be publifhed and declared in the high
court of parliament, and enacted by authority of the
fame, that they (being bounden thereunto both by
the laws of God and man) do recognize and acknow-
ledge that immediately upon the diflblution and de-
ceafe of Elizabeth^ late queen of England, the im-
perial crown of the realm of England, and of all the
kingdoms, dominions and rights belonging to the
fame did by inherent Birthright^ and lawful and un-
doubted fucceflion, defcend and come unto his moft
excellent majefty, as being lineally, juftly, and law-
fully, next and Cole heir of the blood royal of this
lm." (V This was complaifance indeed! and
' realm." (V) This was complaifa
his together with their afcribing to him in the fame act,
' the rareft gifts of mind and body," and acknowledge c
ng " his great wtfdom, knowledge, experience, and turn'.
" dexterity," could hardly help rivetting in his mind,
hisabfurd opinions, and high felf-eftimation.
I call his notions of hereditary right, and lineal de-
fcent abfnrd. For I know of no right that any perfon
has to fucceed another in wearing a crown, but what the
laws give him ; if he is by law appointed the next heir,
his right to fucceed is built upon the moftftable founda-i-
tion. But the laws relating to the fucceflion may be
changed, according as the exigencies of the ftate and
the public good require; and if by fuch a change any
per foil or family is fet afide from fucceedjng, the right
N 3 they
The LIFE /JAMES I.
pous terms, tho* nothing could be more ab-
furd and chimaerical.
In
they might before have had vanifhes, and without ufur-
pation cannot take place. When that political law
(faysajuftly admired writer) which has eftablifhed in
" the kingdom a certain order of fucceffion, becomes
<c deftruclive to the body politic for whofe fake it was
*' eftabliflied, there is not the leaft room to doubt but
" another political law may be made to change this or-
" der; and fo far would this law be from oppofing the
" firft, it would in the main be entirely conformable to
" * f > ^ ince k tri wou ^ depend on this principle, that,
bw. Vol. " tkefafety of the people is the fupream law" (d)
II. p. 2ig! And indeed this heredithry right to the crown, here
Lend. 1 7 j c . boafted of by James, was * ameer chimera; contra-
" dieted by the general tenor of cuftom from the Nor-
" man invafion to his time ; by the declared fenfe of
c< his immediate predeceffors ; by many folemn proceed-
" ings of parliament , and by theexprefs terms of law.
" Two families (for the race of Plantagenet was
" grafted on the Norman race, and they may be reck-
" oned properly as one) had furnifhed, indeed, all
" our kings; but this conftituted no hereditary right.
When a prince of the royal family, but in a degree
" remote from the fucceffion, comes to the crown, in
' prejudice to the next heir, hereditary right is violated,
' as really as it would be if an abfolute ftranger to this
' family fucceeded. Such a prince may have another
" and we think a better right, that for inftance, which
<* is derived from a fettlement of the crown, made by
" the authority of parliament ; but to fay he hath an
'* hereditary right is the grofleft abufe of words imagi-
" nable. This we think fo plain, that we fhould be
" afhamed to go about to prove it. Our kings of the
" Norman race, were fo far from fucceeding as next
" heirs to one another, and in a regular courfe of de-
" fcent, that no inftance can be produced of the next
" heirs fucceeding, which is not preceded and followed
by inftances of the next heirs being fet afide.
Thus
The LIFE V JAMES I. 183
In confequence hereof he entertained high
notions
" Thus Edward the firft fucceeded his father Henry the
" third, but his father Henry the third y and his grand-
" father Jcbn y had both been raifed to the throne, in
" plain defiance of hereditary right : the right of Ar-
" tbur, nephew to John, and the right of Arthur's
' fifter, coufin-german to Henry. Edward the
fecund fucceeded his father Edward the firft ; but
* Edward the third depofed Edward the fecond ;
the parliament renounced all allegiance to him ; and
' Edward the third held the crown by a parliamentary
" title, as much as IVilliam the third. If we go
<c up higher than this sera, or defcend lower, we (hall
" find the examples uniform. Examples, fufficient to
" countenance this pretenfion of hereditary right to the
< { crown of England, are no where to be found.
" The Britijh race began in Henry thefeventb, and
from him alone king James derived that right, which
" he afTerted in fuch pompous terms. Now furely, if
' ever any prince came to the crown without the leaft
* c colour of hereditary right, it was/&#rj the feventh.
" He had no pretence to it, even as heir to the houfe of
" Lancajler. His wife might have fome as heir of the
' houfe of York; but the title of his wife had no re-
" gard paid to it either by him or the parliament, in
" making this new fettlement. He gained the crown
< by the good will of the people. He kept it by the
confirmation of parliament, and by his own ability.
" The notional union of the two rofes was a much bet-
*' ter expedient for quiet than foundation of right. It
** took place in Henry the eighth ; it was continued in
* c his fuccefTprs ; and this nation was willing it fhould
<e continue in James and his family. But neither
** Henry the eighth, nor his fon Edward the fix tb^ who
'* might have done fo with much better grace, laid the
** fame ftrefs on hereditary right, as king 'James did.
cc One of them had recourfe to parliament on every
** occafion, where the fucceflion to the crown was
4< concerned ; and the other made no fcruple of giving
" the
1 84 *& LIFE of JAMES I.
notions of the prerogotive, and carried the
doctrine
caftleVRe-
marks, p.
=4'.
brfefhi(ior
ofthefuc-
ceflion. in
relating to
thefmasof
'* the crown by will to his coufin, in prejudice of his
" fitters right. This. right however, fuch as it was,
" prevailed j but the authority of parliament was called
" in aid by Mary^ to remove the obje&ion of illegiti-
" macy, which lay againft it. Elizabeth had fo" little
" concern about hereditary right, that (he neither held,
" nor defired to hold her crown by any other tenure
" than the ftatute of the 35 of her father's reign. In
" the J3th of her own reign, {he declared it by law
" high treafon, during her life, and a Prcemunlre^ af-
" ter her deceafe, to deny the power of parliament, in
** limiting and binding the defcent and inheritance of
the crown, or the claims to it; and whatever private
motives there were for putting to death Mary*
queen of Scotland, her claiming a right, in oppofi-
tion to an aft of parliament, was the foundation of
the public proceedings againft her.
" Such examples as we have quoted, ought to have
u fome weight with king James. A prince who had
" worn the crown of Scotland, under fo many restraints,
" and in fo great penury, might have contented him-
" felf one would think, to hold that of England,
" whofe penfioner he had been, by the fame tenure,
" and to eftablifii his authority on the fame principles,
" as ^ contented the beft and greateft of his PredeceJ-
" fers ; but his deligns were as bad as thofe of the very
" worft princes, who went before him." (e] The good
^nfe and ujlanfwerable reafoning in this quotation will
make ample amends for the length of it, and therefore
needs no apology. But 'tis amazing to confider that
notwithftanding fuch fa&s and reafonings there
fliould yet be found people weak enough to hold this
dodrine of hereditary right, a dotrine abfurd in itfelf,
nd b "g w '^ mifchief. Did men but think and con-
fider, did they weigh and examine, were they honeft
and impartial, they foon would fee its folly and ridicule
iL But fuch is the lazinefs of mankind, that they are
The LIFE of JAMES I. ,85
do&rine of the regal power, [sss] to a pitch
was
at all times inclined more to believe on truft, than to
take the pains to confider ; and therefore run into the
moft whimfical, and ridiculous opinions. Princes may
think it their intereft to have fuch a doctrine as this in-
culcated ; but the teachers of it ought to be looked upon
as the foes of mankind, and had in abhorrance by thofe,
,to whom liberty and virtue are amiable.
[sss] He entertained high notions of the prerogative,
and carried the doctrine of the regal power to a very
great pitch.] James as I have obferved was bred up
.under Buchanan, whofe hatred of tranny is well known,
and who like a very honeft man endeavoured to infpire
his pupil with a deteftation of it ; and he feemed to have
had fome hopes, that his labours would not have been
wholly vain. For in the conclulion of his fhort dedica-
tion to jfameS) of his Baptijtes^ Jive calumni tragoedia^
among his poetical works there are the following ex-
preffions. " Illud autem peculiarius ad te videri po-
' teft fpe&are, quod tyrannorum cruciatus, & cum
" florere maxime videntur, miferias dilucide exponat.
" Quod te nunc intelligere non conducibile modo, fed
. 6{ etiam neceflarium exiftimo : ut mature odifTe incipias,
" quod tibi fernper eft fugiendum. Volo etiam hunc
" libellum apud pofteros teftem fore, fi quid aliquando
" pravis confultoribus impulfus vel regni licentia re&am
4< educationem fuperante fecus committas, non praecep-
*' toribus, fed tibi, qui eis recte monentibus non fis
*' obfecutus, id vitio vertendum efle. Det dominus
** meliora, & quod eft apud tuum faluftium, tibi bene
** facere ex confuetudine in naturam vertat. Quod e-
* quidemcum muhis & fpero, & opto. Sterlino, ad
Calend. Novembris, 1576 " i. e. " But this more
.efpecially feems to belong to you, which explains the
torments and miferies of tyrants, even when they
feem to be in the moft flourishing flate, which I
efteem not only advantagious, but even neceffary for
" you
j86 The LIFE of JAMES I.
was amazingly great, and bordering on im-
piety,
* you now tounderftand : that you may begin early to
** hate, what you fhould always avoid. I defire alfo
" that this book may be a witnefs to pofterity, that if
* at any time you a& otherwise, by the influence of
" wicked counfellors, or the wantonnefs of power
' getting the better of education, you may impute it
" not to your prasceptors, but to yourfelf that flighted
" their good advice. God grant you a better fate,
" and (as your favourite falluft has it) render benefi-
" cence natural to you by cuftom. Which I fincerely
" wilh, and hope with many others."
James was little more than ten years of age when this
was written to him. Two years afterwards Buchanan
dedicated his celebrated piece intitled, De jure Regni
apud Scotos, to James) in which he tells him, " that
" he thought good to publifh it, that it might be a
** ftanding witnefs of his affedtion towards him, and
admonifli him of his duty towards his fubjecls. Now
*' many things, adds he, perfuaded me that this my en-
'* deavour ftiould not be in vain : efpecially your age
" not yet corrupted by prave opinions, and inclina-
" tion far above your years for undertaking all heroi-
*' cal and noble attempts, fpontaneoufly making hafte
'* thereunto ; and not only your promptitude in obey-
ct ing your inftructors and governors, bnt all fuch as
" give you found admonition ; and your judgment and
deligence in examinging affairs, fo that no man's
authority can have much weight with you, unlefs it
be confirmed by probable reafon. I do perceive alfo
that you by a certain natural inftincl do fo much ab-
hor flattery, which is the nurfe of tyranny, and a
moft grievous plague of a kingdom j fo as you do hate
** the court folecifms and barbarifms, no lefs, than thofe
" that feem to cenfure all elegancy, do love and affecT:
<c fuch things, and every where in difcourfe fpread
*' abroad, as the fawce thereof thofe titles of majefty,
" highnefs, and many other unfavoury compellations.
.* Now
rbe LIFE of JAMES I,
piety. Nor could he with any patience bear
that
" Now albeit your good natural difpofition, and found
** inftructions, wherein you have been principled, may
4< at prefent draw you away from falling into this error,
'< yet I am forced to be fomething jealous of you, left
" bad company, the fawning fofter mother of all vices
** draw afide your foft and tender mind into the worft
*' partj efpecially feeing lam not ignorant, how eafily
" our other fenfesyield to feduction. This book there-
" fore I have fent unto you, to be not only your moni-
" tor, but alfo an importunate and bold exactor which
" in this your flexible and tender years, may conduct
" you in fafety from the rocks of flattery, and not only
" may admonim you, but alfo keep you in the way you
" are once entered iuto : and if at any time you deviate,
" it may reprehend and draw you back, the which if
*' you obey, you mall for yourfelf and for all your fub-
" jects, acquire tranquility and peace in this life, and
' eternal glory in the life to come. Farewel, from
" Sterveling, Jan. 10, 1579." (a) (a) Dedi-
I have been forced to give this in the words of a tranf- ^^f
lation, for want of an opportunity of turning to the ^are^Kem
original; which the good-natured reader, I hope, will apud Scotos,
pardon. In thefe dedications we may fee the endeavors in En e !i *
and hopes of Buchanan, which I have juft mentioned, ^g' ond *
of infpiring his pupil with a deteftation of tyranny.
But his hopes were ill-founded, his endeavours were in-
effedtual. James hated the man who counfelled him,
a : ^ Ipoke a doctrine directly contrary unto that taught
by him. (b] What he writ on this fubject when in (*) See note
Scotland, we have before mentioned, (c) He there in- f B ^
cu- d the doctrine of tyranny, and in England hej^,,^ 11
continued to avow it, and that even before the parlia-
ment itfelf. In his fpeech to the lords and commons at
Whitehall, Anno 1609, we have the following paflage.
*' King's are juftly called Gods, for that they exercife
*, a manner or refemblance of divine power upon earth :
"for if you will confider the attributes of God, you
(hall
188 The LIFE of JAMES I.
that any {hould aflert it's being liable to
be contradicted or controuled. He treated
his
" {hall fee how they agree in the perfon of a king.
" God hath power to create or deftroy, make, or un-
" make at his pleafure, to give life or fend death, to
" judge all, and to be judged, nor accomptable to none :
' to raife low things, and to make high things low at
" his pleafure. and to God are both foul and body due :
u and the like power have kings : they make and un-
*' make their fubje&s ; they have power of raifmg, and
c carting down ; of life and of death ; judges over all
" their fubje&s, and in all caufes ; and yet accomptable
" to none but God only. They have power to exalt low
" things, and abafe high things, and make of their fub-
* jedls like men at chefs ; a pawne to take a bifhop or
" a knight, and to cry up, or down any of their fub-
*' jc&s, as they do their money. And to the king is
" due both the affection of the foul, and the fervice of
(1) K. Jam. < ' the body of his fubje&s." (d) And in the fame fpeech
works, p. are t h e f ii ow j n g words. " I conclude then this point
" touching the power of kings, with this axiom of divi-
'* nity, that as to difpute what God may do, is blaf-
" phemie ; but quid vult deus, that divines may law-
4t fully, and do ordinarily difpute and difcufle j for to
" difpute a poffe ad effe is both againft logicke and divi-
* c nitie : fo is it fedition in fubjecls, to difpute what a
()H, P . " king may do in the height of his power." (e) Thefe
531. paflages fhall fuffice to (hew James's notions of the regal
power j their oppofition to thofe of his prseceptor j
and that lord Bolingbroke was very much miftaken in
faying that " James retailed the fcraps of Buchanan."
(/) Letters (f) I thought to have concluded this note here, but I find
of arioSfca " ^ roper to add that J ames had th 6 utmoft indignation
p, ny! tl againft thofe who held that princes were accountable, or
controulable. This appeared from his citing a preacher
before him from Oxford^ who had aflerted that the in-
feriour majeftrate had a lawful power to order and cor-
tte LIFE of JAMES I. 189
his parliaments in many cafes moft contemp-
tuouily [TTT] both by words and actions ;
giving
reft the king if he did amifs ; and who for the illuftra-
tion of his do&rine, had ufed that fpeech of Trojans un-
to the captain of his guard ; Accipe hunc gladium,
quem pro me fi bene imperavero diftringes, fin minus
contra me j i. e. receive this fword, which I would
have thee ufe for my defence if I govern well j but if I
rule the empire ill, to be turned againft me. The
preacher of this doctrine being ftrictly examined by the
king concerning it, laid the blame on Pareus y who in
his commentary on the Romans, had pofitively deliver-
ed all which he had vented in his fermon, even to that
very faying of the emperor Trajan. Whereupon the
king, tho' he difmifled the preacher, on account of his
youth, and the authority he had produced, gave order
to have the book of Pareus burnt in Oxford, London
and Cambridge ; which was done accordingly, (g) So()Hey-
high was James's opinion of regal power, fo ill could he lin's life of
bear oppoiition to it, tho' in a foreigner, and one with Laud p '
whom he had nothing to do !
[TTT] He treated his parliaments in many cafes
moft contemptuoufly] here follow my proofs. In his
fpeech to the parliament in 1605, fpeakingof the houfe
of commons, he tells them, that " that was not a place
" for every raftiand hair- brained fellow to propofe new
*' laws of his own invention." that " they mould be
" warie not to propofe any bitter or feditious laws,
" which could produce nothing but grudges and dif-
" contents between the prince and his people; and that
" it was no place for particular men to utter their pri-
*' vate conceits, nor for fatisfa&ion of their curiofities,
" and leaft of all to make (hew of their eloquence, by
" tyning the time with long ftudied and eloquent ora-
" tions." (rf) And he adcfs juft afterwards, " that () K. Jam.
" men {hould be amamed to make (hew of the quicknefs works - p.
** of their wits here, either in taunting, fcoffing, or f 6% f 7 '
" detracting
I 9 o 72* LIFE of JAMES I.
giving himfelf extraordinary airs of wifdorri
and
* c detracting the prince or ftate in any point, or yet in
" breaking jefts upon their fellows, for Which the of-
" dinaries or ale-houfes are fitter places, than this ho-
" nourable and high court of parliament."
In his fpeech to the parliament at Whitehall, in the
year 1609, he " wifhes the commons to avoid three
" things in matters of grievances.
" Firft, fays he, that you do not meddle with the
*' main points of government ; that is my craft . trae-
" tent fabrilia fabri ; to meddle with that were to
" leflbn me : I am now an old king ; for fix and thirty
*' years have I governed in Scotland perfonally, and now
<c have I accomplifhed my apprenticeship of feven years
" here j and feven years is a great time for a king's
* c experience in government. Therefore there would
" be too many Pbormid's to teach Hannibal: Imuft
" not be taught my office.
" Secondly, I would not have you meddle with fuch
** antient rights of mine, as I have received from my
" predeceflbrs, poflefling them, more majorum: fuch
' things I would be forrie mould be accounted for
** grievances.
" And Jaftly, I pray you to beware to exhibit for
" grievance, any thing that is eftabliflied by a fettled
" law, and whereunto (as you have already had a
** proof) you know I will never give a plaufible an-
' " fwer : for it is an undutiful part in fubjecls to prefs
' their king, wherein they know before hand he will
(*) K.jam" refufe them." (b)
works, p. Had James ftoped here he might have been excufed.
(f) 7 SceHey- ^^^th had fet him an example of directing the com-
wood mom to be cautious in making ufe of their liberty of
Townfhends fpeech j and they complained not of it. (c) But he
eolSons, went fartner - F r in the year 1621, the commons hav-
p. 37, 5j,' ing drawn up a petition and remonftrance to the king,
}. J>1. concerning the danger of the proteftant religion at home
** ' - and abroad, and advifed him to aid the proteftants in
the
tte LIFE of JAMES I. 19*
and authority, and undervaluing their power,
fkill
the wars in which they were engaged j break with the
king of Spain, and marry his Ton to a princefs of the
reformed religion, with fome other things : the com-
mons having drawn up this petition and remonftrance,
and it coming to the king's ears that they were about to
prefent it, the following letter was written by him to
the fpeaker, from New-Market..
Mr. Speaker,
" We have heard, by divers reports, to our great
" grief, that our diftance from the houfes of parliament
" caufed by our indifpofition of health, hath embold-
" ened fome fiery and popular fpirits of fome of the
*' houfe of commons, to argue and debate publickly of
" the matters far above their reach and capacity,
" tending to our high difhonor, and breach of preroga-
" tive royal. Thefe are therefore to command you,
* c to make known, in our name, unto the houfe, that
*' none therein (hall prefume henceforth to meddle with
" any thing concerning our government, or deep mat-
<l ters of ftate, and namely not to deal with our deareft
** fon's match with the daughter of Spain, nor to touch
c the honour of that king, or any other our friends and
" confederates : and alfo not to meddle with any man's
" particular.*^ which have their due motion in our or-
" dinary courts of juftice. And whereas we hear,
* c that they have fent a meflage to Sir Edward Sandys,
" to know the reafons of his late reftraint, you fhallin
" our name refolve them, that it was not for any mif-
" demeanor of his in parliament. But to put them out
'* of doubt of any queftion of that nature that may arife
" among them hereafter, you {hall refolve them in our
*' name, that we think ourfelves very free and able to
*' punifti any man's mifdemeanors in parliament, as
4< well during their fitting as after : which we mean
** not to fpare hereafter, upon any occalion of any
" man's infolent behaviour there, that fhall 6e minif-
" tred
J9 2 Tbt LIFE of JAMES I.
ikill and capacity. And not contented here-
with
' tred unto us ; and if they have already touched any
" of thefe points, which we have forbidden, in any
" petition of theirs, which is to be fent unto us, it is
" our pleafure that you ftiall tell them, that except they
*' reform it before it come to our hands we will not
(d) Frank- " dei g n the hearing, nor anfwering of it." (d) Here-
lin's annals upon the Commons drew up another petition, which
ofK.James's t ^ e y fent accompanied with the former remonftrance ;
Rdhwonh, to which the king anfwered among other things, " that
Vol. I, p. ' * c he muft ufe the fir ft words which queen Elizabeth
43- " had ufed, in an anfwer to an infolent proportion,
made by a Polonian ambaflador unto her j that is
legatum expeflabamus heraldum accippimus ; that he
wifhed them to remember that he was an old and ex-
perienced king, needed no fuch leffons as they had
given him ; that they had ufurped upon the prero-
" gative royal, and meddled with things far above their
" reach, and then in the conclufion protefted the con-
<l trary ; as if a robber, fays he, would take a man's
" purfe, and then proteft he meant not to rob him,
" After this heafkes them how they could have prefum-
" ed to determine about his fon's match without com-
<e mitting of high treafon ? Thefe are unfit things,
" (the breaking of the match with Spain, and conclud-
" ing one with a proteftant) to be handled in parlia-
" ment, except your king mould require it of you : for
*' who can have wifdom to judge of things of that na-
" ture, but fuch as are daily acquainted with the par-
' ticulars of treaties, and of the variable and fixed
" connexion of affairs of ftate, together with the know-
44 ledge of the fecret ways, ends, and intentions of
" princes in their feveral negotiations ? otherwife a
c< fmall mittaking of matters of this nature, may pro-
" duce more effe&s than can be imagined : and there-
" fore, ne futor ultra crepidam." He concludes with
faying, " we cannot allow of the ftyle, (in the petition
" and remonftrance,) calling it your antient and un-
" doubted
LIFE of JAMES I. 193
with he openly and avowedly violated their
privileges,
" doubted right and inheritance ; but could rather have
" wifhed, that ye had faid, that your privileges were
*' derived from the grace and permiffion of our anceftors,
" and ^s ; for moft of them grow from precedents,
" which (hews rather a toleration than inheritance."
At this the commons were alarmed ; and therefore
folemnly protefted that the liberties, franchifes, privi-
leges and jurifdictions of parliament, are the antient and
undoubted birthright and inheritance of the fubjects of
England ; that the affairs of church and ftateare proper
fubjects of counfel and debate in parliament; that in
handling of them every member ought to have freedom.
of fpeech ; and that they are not to be impeached, mo-
Jefted or imprifoned for the fame, without the advice
and afient of all the commons afiembled in parliament.
But this proteft had no effect on the king. His anger
was not abated, he grew not more calm or confiderate,
but in full affembly of his council, and in the prefence
of the judges declared the faid proteftation to be invalid^
void, and of no effect ; and did further rnanu Jua pro-
pria, take the faid proteftation out of the journal book
of the clerk of the commons houfe of parliament, (e) ( f ) Frank.
XVith reafon then did 1 fay, that James treated his par- Hn, p.
liaments in many cafes, moft contemptuouflv ; and 1 2 T 66 ' ,
i i-iii-ririii Rufliworth,
even a parliament, concerning which he himfelf had de- vol.1, p.
clared, that a part of it, u the houfe of commons, had 4674;
" fhewed greater love, and ufed him with more refpect
" in all their proceedings ; than ever any houfe of com-
" mom had hitherto done to him, or, as he thought,
" to any of his predeceflbrs." (/) Their love and re-
were requited by language deftitute of all civility I. p . 25.
and politenefs, and they were threatned, bullied, and
infulted. Yea, what was more extraordinary was, that
a new doctrine was broached by James^ that the privi-
leges and liberties of parliament^ with refpect to the
commons, were derived from the crown, and were
rather matters of toleration, than inheritance : This
O ftruck
i 9 4 *& LIFE of JAMES I.
privileges, by imprifoning, and otherwife
grieving fuch of their members as had [uuu]
dared
{truck direftly at their rights and privileges, and was
that which they had the greateft reafon to refent. For
if they were derived from the crown, and were things
barely tolerated by it, they might be abrogated and de-
ftroyed j and confequently theconftitution might be al-
tered, and defpotifm take place. But James was mif-
taken with regard to the foundation of the privileges and
rights of the houfe of commons. They flowed not from
the grace of our kings ; but were coaeval with our con-
(g] See Sir ftitution ; as fonie of our beft writers (g) havefhewn
Kob. At- j n oppofition to thofe ecclefiaftical, or court parafites
er^urifdic- wno va ' n ty ftrove to perfuade the world of the contrary,
tion, and May they be perpetual ! may all our princes think it
priviledges of their duty and intereft inviolably topreferve them ; and
foK LcniT' mav l ^ e y ^ e u ^ * as to f ecure tne liberties, the rights
1689. " and the welfare of the meaneft individual.
Sydney r n
p!rTfol!'. C uuu ] He violated the privileges of parliament, by
Lend. W^iL imprifoning and otherwife grieving fuch of the mem-
See alfofpi- bers, as had acted in the houfe difagreeable to his will.}
Voi" f j aWS> We have heard James in the foregoing note, declaring
a3o.and P tna * he meant not to fpare punifhing any man's beha-
Townftend's viour in parliament, which fhould be infolent. By in-
fledhon's, folent, I fuppofe he meant unacceptable, or difagree-
able to himfelf or minifter, how beneficial foever it
might be, or intended to be to the public. For 'tis the
manner of princes bent on eftablifhina; their own wick-
ed wills, in contradiction to law and the common
good, to give odious names to the actions of the fons of
liberty, and brand them with ignominious titles.
However, James fully made good his threats. He
punifhed thofe who were for aflifting the proteftants a-
broad, for breaking with Spain, and making a mar-
riage for prince Charles with one of their own religion.
For foon after his tearing the proteftation of the commons
out of the journal book with his own hand, he diflblved
the
Me LIFE 0/JAMES I. 195
dared ta fpeak contrary to his mind in the
houfe
the parliament, and " committed Sir Edward Cook,
" and Sir Robert Philips to the tower ; Mr. Selden>
*' Mr. Py/w, and Mr. Ma/lory, to other prifons and
c confinements. Likewife Sir Dudley Diggs, and Sir
<c Thomas Crew, Sir Nathaniel jR/V, and Sir James
" Perrot, for punifliment were fent into Ireland, to
te enquire into fundry matters concerning his majefty's
' fervice." (h) This was a direct breach of the privi- (<&) Rufh-
leges of the parliament as every one muft fee. For if *^ h
the members of it are liable to be called to an account J5 '
and punifhed for what they may have fpoken, by any but Franklin,
the body to which they belong, the freedom of itP- 66 -
ceafes, and it no longer has that power and indepen-
dency which is allotted to it by the conftitution. But
the violating the privileges of parliament was no new
thing to James. For having difTolved the parliament
in 1614, " it pleafed him the very next morning to
" call to examination, before the lords of his council,
*' divers members of the houfe of commons, for fome
* c fpeeches better becoming a fenate of Venice^ where
" the treaters are perpetual princes, than where thofe
" that fpeak fo irreverently, are fo foon to return,
" (which they fhould remember) to the natural capaci-
c ty of fubje&s. Of thefe examinants four are com-
<{ mitted clofe prifoners to the tower : i. Sir Walter
" Chute. 2. John Hojkyns" (a man of great parts,
learning and merit, who lay in prifon a full year,
where he was intimate with Sir Walter Ralegh^ and
revifed his hiftory, and where he wrote the following
lines to his little child Benjamin.
Sweet Benjamin, fince thou art young,
And haft not yet the ufe of tongue,
Make it thy flave while thou art free
Imprifon it, left it do thee.
O a 3. One
i 9 6 r^LIFE of JAMES I.
houf<? j to their no fmall lofs and damage.
Nor
c< 3. One Wenfwortb^ a lawyer. 4. Mr. Chnftopher
(') Reli- " Nevili fecond fon to my lord of dbergaveny" (t)
quia: Wot- J n d e ed the principal on which James fee out was that of
^'TT^r crufhing the freedom and privileges of parliament. For
-and Wood's in his proclamation for calling his firft parliament, " he
athens Ox- <t g ave orc [ er V vhat fort of men, and how qualified,
Vol. L' " mould be chofen by the commons; and concludes,
ool. $14. we notify by thefe prefents, that all returns and cer-
" tificates of knights, citizens and burgefles, ought,
** and are to be brought to the court of chancery, and
" there to be filed upon record ; and if any be found to
" be made contrary to this proclamation, the fame is to
" be rejected as unlawful, and inefficient, and the city
' or borough to be fined for the fame ; and if it be
ct found that they have committed any grofs or wilful
" default or contempt in the election, return or certiri-
*' cate, that then their liberties, according to the law,
*' are to be feized as forfeited : and if any perfon take
upon him the place of a knight, citizen or burgefs,
not being duly eledted and fworn, according to the
laws and ftatutes in that behalf provided, and accor-
ding to the purport, eftecT: and true meaning of this
our proclamation, then every perfon fo offending,
44 to be fined and imprifoned for the fame." (k] As
^ oon as ^ e mem ^ ers were chofen, "James, mewed his au-
thority by vacating the election of Sir Francis Goodwin^
knight of the (hire for Buckingham^ (under pretence of
his having been outlawed,) and fending a new
writ in virtue whereof Sir John Fortefcue was
ehofen, " notwithftanding, (fays lord Cecyll, in a letter
to Mr. Winwood, dated April 12, 1604,) the lower
" houfe having had notice that he was once chofen, and
" having found that the outlawry was pardoned in effect,
" by his majefty's general pardon upon his inaugura-
' tion, (altho' in true conftrudlion of law he is not
** reffus in curla^ until he hath fued out his Scire Fac i-
* c oj,) they fomewhat fuddenly, fearing fome oppofition,
' (which was never intended) allowed of him, and re-
" jected the other j which form of proceedipg appeared
" harfh
The LIFE of JAMES I. 197
Nor did he behave better with re-
gard
* c harfh to the king rather in form than matter. And
" therefore being then defirous that the higher houfe
" might have fome conference with the lower houfe,
*' (which as we of ourfelves did intimate unto them)
" they grew jealous of that propofition, as a matter
" which they mifliked to yield to after a judgment ; and
" therefore did rather chufe to fend to the king, that
:" they would be glad to (hew himfelf the reafons (to
" whom they owed all duty as their fovereignj rather
*' than to any other, taking it fomewhat derogative
" from their houfe, to attribute any fuperiority to the
" higher houfe, feeing both houfes make but one body,
** whereof the king is the head. This being done after
ct two conferences, in the prefence of the king, the
" the council and judges, the matter was compounded
" to all men's liking; wherein that which is due is on-
*' ly due to Caefar ; for, but for his wifdom and dexte-
" rity, it could not have had any conclufion, with fo
" general an applaufe ; this being found by debate, to
** be moft certaine, namely, that neither of them both
" were duely returned, and therefore refolved of all
*' parties, that a new writ (hould go forth by warrant
" from the fpeaker, wherein none of them (hould
tc (tand to "be elected ; and fo much for the truth of
" that caufe." (1) This is the reprefentation ofa^ WJn-
courtier. I will give the reader the judgment of the wood, Vo!,
houfe of commons on this fame affair, and leave it with IId> ?*$
him to form his opinion. " FOJ the matter of St.
" Francis Goodwin chofen for Bucts, (fay they) we
" were, and ftill are of a clear opinion, that the free-
" dom of election was in that a5lion extreamly in-
jured.
" That, by the fame right, it might be at all times
" in a lord chancellors power to reverfe, defeat, ere&,
" or fubftitute, all the elections and perfons elected,
" over all the realm ; neither thought we that the
^ judges opinions (which yet in due place we greatly
Q 3 reve-
198 Tie LIFE of JAMES I.
gard to his other fubje&s. Thofe who op-
pofed his will, furely fmarted for it, and
very
" reverence,) being delivered what the common law
*' was (which extends only to inferior and flanding
" courts,) ought to bring in a prejudice to this high
* c court of parliament, whofe power being above the
" law, is not founded on the common law, but have
" therein rights and privileges peculiar to themfelves.
** For the manner of our proceeding (which your
" majefty feemed to blame, in that the fecond writ go-
" ing out in your majefty's name, we feemed to cen-
" fure it, without firft craving accefs to acquaint your
" highnefs with our reafons therein) we truft our de-
" fence {hall appear juft and reafonable. It is the form
*' of the court of chancery (as of divers other courts)
" that writs going out in your majefty's name, are
*' returned alfo, as to your majefty, in that court from
" whence they iflue. Howbeit, therefore no man ever
" repaireth to your majefty's perfon, but proceedeth ac-
" cording to law, notwirhftanding the writ.
*' This being the univerfal cuftom of this kingdom,
" it was not, nor could be admitted into our councils,
" that the difference was between your majefty and us:
" but it was and ftill is conceived, that the controverfy
" was between courts about preheminencies and privi-
" ledges ; and that the queftion was, whether the
** chancery, or our houfe of commons, were judge
** of the members returned for it ? Wherein tho' we
*' fuppofed the wrong done to be moft apparent, and
" extreamly prejudicial to the rights and priviledges of
** this realm ; yet fuch, and fo great was our wilJing-
" nefs to pleafe your majefty, as to yield to a middle
** courfe propofed by your highnefs, preferving only our
" privileges, by a voluntary cejlion of the lawful
' knight.
*' And this courfe (as if it were of deceiving our-
** felves, and yielding in our apparent rights, wherefo-
" ever we could but invent fuch ways of efcape, as that
the
LIFE of JAMES I. 199
very light and trifling, or even innocent ac-
tions were moft rigouroufly punifhed. [xxx]
Juftice
" the precedent might not be hurtful) we have held
" more than once this parliament, upon defire to avoid
" that, which to your majefty, by mifinformation,
" (whereof we had caufe to ftand alway in doubt)
" might be diftafteful, nor not approvable; fo dear
" hath your majefty been unto us." (m] From thefe ()Com-
inftances, and many more might be produced, ofmon'spro-
Jamei's treatment of his parliaments, we may be able to ^^limo
judge of the knowledge, or honefty of father Orleans, j ac . primi,
who fpeaks of his te extraordinary complaifance to- in Morgan**
wards the parliament, from his firft acceflion to the J > a h n *" r i * s bri "
throne, which he always confulted, fays he, not p . i 20 . '
only in the weighty affairs of ftate, but even in moft of See alfoOfc.
thofe that concerned his family; condefcendingto their caftl f' sre -
. . i . . . marks, p,
advice; pretending a mighty regard not to infringe 24 g.
their privileges; afking few extraordinary (applies,
and choofing rather to be ftreightned in his way of
living, than to adminifter occadon of complaint by
filling his coffers." (n) f)D. Or-
lean's revo-
[xxx] Light and trifling, or even innocent a&ions ^^* p>
were molt feverely punifhed by him.] A few inftances 4. 8vo. '
will be fufficient to prove this. In April 1615, Oliver Lend. 1711.
St. John, afterwards lord Graydifon^ and lieutenant of
Ireland, was fined five thoufand pounds in the ftar-
chamber, for oppofing that benevolence moved in the
foregoing feflion of parliament which was fo abruptly
diflblved, tho' that kind of benevolence as he (hewed
was againft law, reafon, and religion, (a] And Sir ( fl )Cabala,
Robert Mansfield was committed to the Marfhalfea, p. 361. and
partly for having confulted with Mr. Whitlock the law- ^fj^jf 5
yer, about the validity of a commiflion drawn for a p. . ig^ 8 '
refearch into the office of the admiralty ; and partly for note a.
denying to reveal the name of the faid lawyer his friend ;
the point touching a limb of the king's prerogative and ^)R e ii-
authority, (b) And a vaft fum of money was exated, <nf Wot-
faysCambden, in 1617, of the citizens of London, not
O 4 without
200 tte LIFE of JAMES I.
Juftice he feems indeed to have had little or
no regard to, as appeared by his unparall'd
treatment of Sir Walter Ralegh, [YYY] the
glory
(0 Annals without murmuring, (c) What (hall I fay more?
of K.James, James's reign was full of rigour, feverity, and hard
h"ft mp 6 at dealin S- Witnefs the earl of Northumberland, who was
17 ' fined thirty thoufand pound, and confined from the .
year 1605, to the year 1619 in the Tower, upon a
meer fufpicion, without the leaft proof of his having had
knowledge of the powder-plot, as Cecyll himfelf con-
fefTed in a letter to Sir Thomas Edmonds, dated Dec. 2,
(J)B>chs's 1605. (d\ Witnefs Sir Robert Dudley, who was not
view of the allowed to make ufe of the depolitions of his witnelles to
negotiations, prove himfelf the legal heir of his father, the great earl
See alfo Of- f Leicefter ; and who was alfo deprived of his honors
bom, p. 50-. and eftates moft iniquitoufly, as appeared to prince
(e) See the Henry, and to king Charles the firft. (e) Aud witnefs
patent of K. Sj r Thomas Lake, and many others whofe fines wei;e
for creating va ftty beyond their fuppofed crimes, and fuch as ought
Alice, lady not in juftice or equity to have been inflicted on them.
*J2efof *" ^ ort ^ ucn as d'fyleafed James, he had no mercy on
England, in ^ ut ma ^e them feel the weight of his fore difpleafure.
the appendix
life, note i;. [YYY] His unparallelled treatment of Sir Walter
Lend. 1727. Ralegh.] Ralegh was a man in point of bravery and
V0f conduct, of wit and underftanding, of prudence and
ability, of learning and judgment, inferiour to none of
the age in whichhe lived, and fuperior to moft. What
were his adlions before the acceflion of James, thofe
who have curiofity may fee admirably defcribed either
by Mr. Oldy's, or Dr. Birch, in their refpective lives of
this wonderful man, perfixed to his hiftory of the
world, and his political, commercial and philofophical
works.
Queen Elizabeth knew his merit, and valued him.
highly. James on the contrary was prejudiced againft
him ; had little fenfe of his worth, and foon ill-treated
him
*Tbe LIFE of JAMES I. 2 oi
glory of his age and nation, whom he caufed
to be executed after a refpite of a great num-
ber
him by taking from him his poft of captain of the guards,
and giving it to Sir Thomas Erfkin, a Scotifti favourite.
In July, 1603. he was confined on account of a plot in
which he was faid to be engaged with the lords, Cob-
ban and Grey, and feveral priefts, and gentlemen, in
order to extirpate the king and his iffue ; fet the lady
Arabella on the throne ; give peace to Spain ; and to-
lerate the romifti religion. On the I5th of November
the fame year he was arraigned at Wincbe/ler for thefe
things ; and after having had the civil and polite appel-
lations of viper, traytor, and odious man, who had a
Spanifh heart, and was afpider of hell, beftowed on him
by the famous Coke, attorney-general : after having
been dignified with thefe titles he was brought in guilty,
tho' not the leaft fhadow of a proof was brought againft
him. I fay not the leaft fhadow of a proof ; for who-
ever will read his tryal, or any impartial accounts
which are given of it, will not help (landing amazed to
find how it was poflible, after the defence he made, up-
on fuch wretched allegations to convict him. But he
was out of favour at court ; like Sydney^ he was talked
to death by the lawyers ; and in thofe times when the
crown was againft a man, he was almoft fure of being
condemned. When I confider the bitternefs, feverity,
and almoft malice which appeared in the council for the
crown, againft the ftate prifoners in this, the foregoing,
and fome of the fubfequent reigns, I cannot help think-
ing, that the gentlemen of that profeffion are very much
altered for the better. They have more regard to
truth, juftice, and humanity ; and confequently,
though they may not have as many cafes, precedents or
ftatutes to cite, or pervert as Coke had, yet are they
vaftly more valuable. I hope, the reader will pardon
a digrefiion, into which indignation at Ralegh's vile
treatment drew me. I now goon with the narration.
Upon Sir Walter's condemnation, all his lands and offices
were
202 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
her of years, without the leaft colour of a
pretence : and likewife by his faving Somer-
were feized, and himfelf committed clofe prifoner to
the Tower. But the iniquity of his fentence was vifi-
ble to all. The king of Denmark^ queen Ann^ prince
Henry, all thought him innocent, after having examin-
(</) Ralegh's e d into his crimes ; (a] and even James, I believe did
y j ks jj not deem him guilty. He refpited his fentence, and
362! P fuffered him to enjoy his fortune feven years after. Then
Sherburn caftle was thought a thing worth having by
Ker, (afterwards earl of Somerfet,) and though it was
entailed on his children, means were found, for the
want of one fingle word, to have the conveyance pro-
nounced invalid, and Sherburn forfeited to the crown.
After fixteen years imprifonment, Sir Walter propofed
his voyage to Guiana ; got his liberty, gave in his
fcheme of his intended proceedings to James, who after
having given him power of life and death, and a pro-
per commiffion, revealed his defigns to Gondamore, and
thereby rendered them abortive. Upon his returning
unfuccefsful through the fault of his mafter, and other
caufes, at the inftigation of the Spanifh ambaflador, he
was feized, upprifoned, and, to the admiration of all
men, on his old fentence beheaded. In charging
James with betraying Ralegh to the Spanifli ambaflador,
1 do him no injuftice ; as will appear from a letter of Sir
Walter's to fecretary Winwood. " It pleafed his majef-
ty fo little to value us, as to command me upon my
allegiance, to fet down under my hand the country,
and the very river by which I was to enter it, to fet
down the number of my men, and burthen of my
fhips, and what ordnance every (hip carried, which
being known to the Spanim ambaflador, and by him
fent to the king of Spain, a difpatch was made, and
letters fent from Madrid^ before my departure out
of the Thames ; for his firft letter fent by a bark of
advice, was dated the igth of March, 1617, at
Madrid, which letter I have here enclofed fent to
" your
The LIFE of JAMES I. 203
fit, and his lady [zzz] from that punifhment
which
" your honour ; the reft I referve, not knowing whe-
" ther they may be intercepted or not." (b] The rea () Ralegh's
der, no doubt, is (hocked at Rich vile treatment of fo ^^
worthy a man, and cannot fail of being filled with hor- 3 gJ
ror at it. The fentence in the firft place was unju ft ;
his imprifonment was a monftrous hardftiip ; but the ex-
ecution of his fentence cruel, and abominable.
[zzz] He faved Somerfet, and his lady from the
punifhment which the laws had juftly doomed them to,
for their crimes.] Robert Ker, had been firft one or"
checking's pages; being difmiffed from this po ft, he
went into France, and from thence returning, thro*
accident he was taken notice of by J*mes> and quickly
was made gentleman of the bed-chamber, and became
fole favourite. In 1613, he was advanced to be lord
high treafurer of Scotland, and the fame year was raif-
ed to be a peer of England, by the ftile and title of vif-
count Rocbejhr. Soon after he had the garter, and was
created earl of Somerfet, and made lord chamberlain of
the houfehold. A little before this, he had become in-
timate with the wife of the earl of E-Jfex, Frances How-
ard* daughter of the earl of Suffolk, who in order to
make way for her marriage with him, got a divorce
from her hufband. Soon after 'they were married ; and
foon after one of the moft iniquitous actions was done,
that we read of in hiftory. Sir Thomas Overbury,
the friend of Somerfet, and one to whom he owed, as
Sir Thomas himfelr fays, " more than to any foul liv-
*' ing, both for his fortune, underftanding 1 and reputa-
" tion :" (a] he, I fay, endeavouring, to difluade him (a] Win-
from the match, thereby incurred the hatred of him, od > Vo '-
and his lady. For refufing to go as ambaflador
abroad, which Somerfet advifed him to refufe, he
was clapt up into the Tower, and there confined many
months ; and by a variety of poifons, made ufe of by the
agents of the earl and his lady, which cruelly torment-
ed him, was at length put an end to, and it was given
out
204 The LIFE of JAMES I.
which the laws had juftly doomed them to,
by
(*)SeeSir out tnat ^ e d ' e( * ^ the pox. () But the truth could
Francis Ba- not be long concealed. Fillien now began to fupplant
con's fpeech Somerfet, and foon got the afcendency. Every man
raignment of endeavoured to raife the one, and pull down the other.
the earl of The murther was difcovered. James came to the
Somerfet, knowledge of it, and uttered the deepeft imprecations
brought^ againfthimfelfand pofterity, if he fpared any that were
light by time found guilty, (c) But his refolution remained not.
P- S=- The inftruments were brought to their deferved end ;
Lond. 1651. b , Jt tho f e who ma( j e u f e of them e f cape( j t On the 24 of
(c) See note May, 1616, the countefs of Somerfet was brought to
(' i-] her tryal, and the earl the next day ; the firft, after fome
denials in the court, confefled the fat, and begged for
mercy ; the other flood upon his innocency, and was
found guilty ; as there can be no doubt but that he was.
All mankind expected upon this, that the judgment a-
gainft them would have been executed. But on the
contrary, a pardon was granted the lady, " becaufe
" the proceffe and judgment againft her were not as
" of a principal, (fays the pardon) but as of an acceflary
(d) Seethe " before the facV' (d) As for the earl he had a remif-
pardon in fion under the great feal of England, Oft. 7, 1624, and
truth was fuffered to enjoy the greateft part of his eftate, and
lightly time thought himfelf but ill-ufed that he was not reftored to
p. 181. the whole* (e] And fuch was the favour (hewed unto
() Craw- him by James y that tho' he was convicted of felony,
p ur 40 s 2 iv a nd nis arms were not permitted to be removed out of the
Cabala, p. chapel of Windfor ; and upon his account it was or-
ai1 - *' deredthat felony fhould not be reckoned amongtt the
** difgraces for thofe who were to be excluded from the
* order of St. George \ which was without precedent."
(/) Camb- (/) ^ his was the J uftice of James. One of ihe beft
den's Annals f his fubjecls was executed for no real crime ; two of
of K.James, the worft of them efcaped punifhment for the blacked
pkathT" and . moft deteftable. It is the duty of kings to protect
p. 645. f he innocent, and punifti the guilty. It is the part of a
juft king, as well as of an honeftman, to render unto
LIFE of JAMES I. 20$
by reafon of their abominable Crimes. So-
merfet, indeed had been a favourite ; and to
his
every one his due. Honour and praife mould be be-
ftowed on the deferving ; ignominy, fhame and punifh-
ment mould follow thofe who trample under foot the
facred laws of fociety, and humanity. But "James per-
mitted not thefe to follow (as far as he could help it)
the crimes of Somerfet and his lady, tho' none were
more deferving of them. Princes it muft be owned
have a right to relax the rigor of the laws, or fufpend
their execution in fome cafes. But then there ought to
be a juft reafon for it. Whereas in the cafe of Somerfet,
as well as of his lady, (tho' a refpect to her father, friends
and family are mentioned as a motive to the pardoning
of her) hardly one of thofe caufes of relaxing punifh-
ment mentioned by the civilians are found, (g) But ^ d ^f P g f "
there certainly was a reafon, whatever it was, for this g >c> 3 /f e a.
favour (hewed to Somerfet. Mr. Mallet has quoted 17. and
fome paffao;es from the original letter of Sir Francis > Gro| : iu , s . de
t L 1 1 1 1. 1 C l ure W 3C
Bacort) (a name always to be valued by the lovers of p acis> j^. 2.
learning) then attorney-general, and particularly em- cap. 20. Sec.
ployed in this very affair, from whence it appears that *>>' i6 '
James mewed an extream follicitude, about the earl's
behaviour at his tryal and the event of it ; that he was
afraid left by his infolent and contemptuous behaviour
at the bar, he mould make himfelf incapable or un-
worthy of favour and mercy ; which, together with
the letter written by him after his condemnation to the
king, in a ftile rather of expoftulation and demand,
than of humility and fupplication, makes him con-
clude, and, I think, not unjuftly, that there was an im-
portant fecret in his keeping, of which the king dread- ^^ Mallet's
ed a difcovery. (/>) Some have thought the difcovery life of lord,
dreaded, was the manner of prince Henry's death, Bacon P-
which was believed to have been by poifon ; but if I ifond?!;^!
may be allowed to offer a conjecture, for I deem it no and Cabala,
more, it was the revealing of that vice to which James P.- J 3-
feemsto have been addicted, (Y) that was the object of j-'"
his fear. Whether in this conjecture I am right, the
reader will determine.
[4 A]
anna
2o6 The LIFE of JAMES I.
his favourites, James was kind in all things ;
condefcending to what [4 A] was below his
dignity
[4 A] To his favourites James was kind in all things ;
condefcending to what was below his dignity, in order
to pleafe or ferve them.] I have already taken notice of
James's favour to Lennox and Arran when in Scotland,
() Note (tf) to Ker and others after his coming into England ;
\t) Notes W and now I mu ^- m f rm m y reader, that he promot-
fv] and ed George ViUiers from the rank of a meer private gen-
[www] tleman, on the account of his beauty, to the degree of
a knight, and gentleman of the bedchamber ; matter
of the horfe ; baron, vifcount, earl, marquis, and
duke of Buckingham, and admiral of England, within
bd t ^ ie ^P ace ^ a ver y ^ ew y ears - (0 This man who feems
ls of K. to ^ ave had no g re a* capacity, and lefs knowledge, rul-
James, in ed every thing ; he advanced his relations to fome of the
t ^ ec ?^T higheft honors, and greatly enriched himfelf j for at the
ry ' time of his death he was poflefled of near 4000 pounds
a year, and had 300,000 pounds in jewels, tho' he owed
(d) See Tin- 6o,ooo pounds, (d) I do not think this account of his
^RapiT J ewels Beyond the truth. < For it was common with him
Vol. il. n p. " at an ordinary dancing to have his cloaths trimmed
7*. " with great diamond buttons, and to have diamond
" hat- bands, cockades and earings j to be yoked with
u great and manifold ropes and knots of pearl ; infhort
" to be manacled, fettered and imprifoned in jewels; in-
" fomuch that at his going over to Paris, in 1625, he
" had 27 fuits of cloaths made, the richeft that embroi-
44 dery, lace, filk, velvet, gold and gems could contri-
" bute ; one of which was a white uncut velvet, fet all
" over, both fuit and cloak, with diamonds, valued at
*' fourfcore thoufand pounds, befides a great feather
** ftuck all over with diamonds ; as werealfo his fword,
" girdle, hat-band and fpurs." This account is taken
from a M. S. in the harleyan library, B. H. 90. c. 7.
Raie if h of fol * 642 * as ] find . jt ^ uoted b y Mr - O1 y d y' s - CO A
Hj^in'the man who in tne mid ft of pleafures could find money for
uote [c] fnch monftrous extravagancies, and yet at the fame time
grow rich, muft had had a very kind and bountiful
maffer
The LIFE of JAMES I. 207
dignity in order to pleafe or ferve them in al-
moft any matters j fubmitting even to be af-
fronted,
matter indeed ! . But James was not only kind to his
favourites in refpecl of giving them wealth and honors,
but he ftudied by all poffible methods to pjeafe and ferve
them. For Sornerfet had no fooner determined to marry
lord Effex\ wife, than the king yielded him all poffible
affiftance in order to accomplifti it. For he got over
the bifhops of Ely and Coventry, [Andrews and
NealJ who had been vehemently againft the divorce
from E/ex, for alledged, and, indeed, confefled im-
potency on his part with refpect to her. (f) And (/) Win-
when the arch-bifhop of Canterbury, (Abbot,) could od > Vo! -
not be prevailed on to change fides that he might pleafe,
his majefty himfelf undertook to anfwer his reafons, and
to fhew that there was " warrant in fcripture for pro-
" nouncing a nullity propter fngiditatem^ and that all
" the means which might make \i\mfrigidus verfus bane
" muft be included therein ; (g) in profecution of ^ Truth
which he made ufe of manyobfcence exprefiions. How- brought to
ever, he'carried thecaufe. The lady was divorced, an $ij5^ fcjr
foon after married Somerfet ; and then they perpetrated Franidey" 1 "
the crime for which they were condemned, and which p. 3.
I have fpoken of in the note preceeding. With regard Weldon >
to Buckingham his next favourite, James was ftill more Aulicus co-
obliging. In his fpeech to his parliament in the year quinarise,
1620, among other things he tells them, " that he had a- P- II2 >
** bated much in his navies, in the charge of his munition; j^o/*' '
" and had made not choice of an old beaten foldier for
" his admiral, but rather chofe a young man, \Buck-
" ingharri\ whofe honefty and integrity he knew,
" whofe
* The referring to Avlicus Coquinarix, gives me an opportunity of
pointing out to the public it's true author ; of which both Wood, Tindal,
and Oldys, as well as Dr. Grey, and all the writers I have hitherto feen,
feem to be ignorant. The writer of this piece is no other than Will.
Saunderfon, author of the hiftory of James I. defervedly treated with con-
tempt, on account of the poornefs of .ts compofition, and grofs partiality.
See Sanderfon's proeme to the fecond part of the hiftory of James I. folio.
Lend, 165,
208 The LIFE of JAMES I.
fronted, and infulted by them ; and yeildirig
to their defires even fometimes contrary to
his
" whofe care had been to appoint under him fufficient
(6) Rufh- ' men, to leflen his charges, which he had done." (h)
worth, ^Vol. j n anot h er fp eec h to the lords, in the year 1621,
and Frank- in order to recommend his minion to their efteem, he
Jin, p- 49- tells them, " that he hath been ready on all occafions
" of good offices, both for the houfe in general, and
(r')Id.p. 25-. " every memher in particular." (/') And in an anfwer of
his to both houfes of parliament, anno 1623, he ftiles
him " his difciple and fcholar, and a good fcholar
(*)ld. P . " of his." (k) Thefe expreffions found odd enough,
ia 7- but they are tollerable when compared with thofe we
find in his preface, to his meditation on the lords prayer.
For in this James tells Buckingham^ that he may claim.
an intereft in it for divers refpecls. " Firft, fays he,
" from the ground of my writing it ; for divers times
" before I medled with it, I told you, and only you,
" of fome of my conceptions upon the Lord's prayer,
" and you often follicited me to put pen to paper : next,
" as the perfon to whom we pray it, is our heavenly
*' father, fo am I that offer it unto you, not only your
" politike, but alfo your ceconomicke father, and that
" in a nearer degree than unto others. Thirdly, that
** you may make good ufe of it; for fince I daily take
" care to better your underftanding, to enable you the
'* more for my fervice in worldly affairs, reafon would
*' that God's part fhould not be left out, for titiior domi-
" ni is initium fapientia. And laftly, I muft with
<c joy acknowledge, that you deferve this gift of me, in
" not only giving fo good example to the reft of the
44 court, in frequent hearing of the word of God : But
" in fpecial, in fo often receiving the facrament, which
" is a notable demonstration of your charitie in pardon-
" ing them that offend you, that being the thing I moft
" labour to recommend to the world in this meditation
*' of mine : and how godly and virtuous all my advices
" have ever been unto you, I hope you will faithfully
witnefs
rhe LIFE of JAMES I. 209
his own fenfe of things. - -He profeffed
himfelf
" witnefs to the world." (/) How godly and virtuous (0 K ' f n s
all his advices were to this his difciple, the reader will^^' 8
eafily judge by looking back to what is contained in. ^ 3 . '
note. [GG] But had they been fuch as he would have
the world believe, it was very mean in a king to trum-
pet forth his own, and his favourites praifes. Poflibly,
however, James may be excufed on account of his age,
as he himfelf feems to think he fhould be for uttering
trifles. " I grow in years, fays he, and old -men are
' twice babes, as the proverb is." (m) But if they are (m) Ib. p.
babes, and pretend to act the part of men, to reafonj 57--
dictate and command, tho* they may be born with,
they will be laughed at. For there is not a more ridi-
culous object, than that which is compounded of igne-
rance, conceit and vanity. - Let us go on with our
fubje<5t. If we may credit Sir Edward Peyton y his ma-
jefty condefcended even to pimp for Buckingham. " To
" pleafe this favourite, (fays he) king James gave way
" for the duke to entice others to his will. Two ex-
" amples I will recite : Firft, the king entertained Sir
( John Crafts , and his daughter, a beautiful Jafs, at
Newmarket, to fet at the table with the king. This
<c he did then, to procure Buckingham the eafier to
< e vitiate her. Secondly, Mrs. Dorothy Gawdy, being
c a rare creature, king James carried Buckingham to
" Culford to have his will on that beauty : But Sir Ni-
" cholas Bacon's fons conveyed her out of a window in-
" to a private chamber, over the leads, and fo difappoint-
e ed the duke of his wicked purpofe. In which clean-
" ly conveyance the author had a hand, with the
** knight's fons." (n] Thefe were the fruits no doubt C) Divine
of James's virtuous and godly advices, and by thefe cataftr
they were faithfully witnefled to the world by Bucking- p> 17>
7;flOT, as we fee his matter hoped. For certain 'tis he
was exceedingly additted to women, and had debauch-
ed his own wife before marriage ; and " if his eye
lt culled out a wanton beauty, he had his fetters that
P " could
2ro We LIFE of JAMES I.
himfelf to be a proteftant, and boafted that
he
" could fpread his nets, and point a meeting at Come la-
" dy's houfe, where he fhould come as by accident and
" find accefles, while all his train attended at the door,
()Wilfon, " as if it were an honourable vifit." (0} And in or-
M49- der to enrich himfelf and kindred, he was permitted by
James to make the moft he could of every thing. He
ivho underftood neither law nor divinity, who had no
appearances of virtue, nor concern about any thing but
to gratify his pafiions ; Buckingham^ I fay, had the dif-
pofal of the higheft pofts in the law and in the church,
and to him were the moft fubmiffive addrefles made by
the right reverend fathers in God. Thofe who would
give the greateft fums, or pay the largeft yearly penfions
to him, were the men generally preferred j and few
( .. w , who would pay nothing, had any thing, (p)
don, p. 119" What the power of Buckingham was, and what kind
of addrefles were made to him, will beft appear from the
following letter, among many which might be produced,
from Dr. Field* bifliop of Landaffe to him, tho* written
I think, fometime after James's death.
<e My gracious good lord,
" In the great library of men, that I have ftudied
" thefe many years, your grace is the beft book, and
" moft claffick author, that I have read, in whom I
find fo much goodnefs, fweetnefsand noblenefs of na-
ture, fuch an heroick fpirit, for boundlefs bounty,
as I never did in any. I could inftance in many,
fome of whom you have made deans, fome bifliops,
fome lords, and privy-counfellors ; none that ever
looked towards your grace did ever go away empty.
1 need go no further than myfelf (a gum of the earth)
whom you raifed out of the duft, for raifing but a
thought fo high as to ferve your highnefs. Since
that, I have not played the truant, but more diligent-
** ly ftudied you than ever before : and yet (dunce that
*' I am) I ftand at a ftay, and am a non proficient,
the
&e LIFE of JAMES I.
he had been a kind of martyr for that pro-
feffidn, though he never fhewed his regard to
thofo
*' the book being the fame that ever it was, as may ap.
*' pear by the great proficiency of others. This won-
* c derfully pofeth me, and fure there is fome. guile,
* 6 fome wile, in fome of my fellow ftudents, who hkle
*' my book from me, or fome part of it ; all the fault
" is not in my own blockimnefs, that I thrive no bet-
cc terj I once feared this before, that fome did me ill
" offices. You grace was pleafed to proteft no man
*' had ; and to aflure me no man could. My heart
cc tells me it hath been always upright, ajid is (till moft
*' faithful unto you. I have examined my actions, my
" words, and my very thoughts, and found all of
'* them, ever fince, moft found unto your grace.
" Give me leave, to comfort myfelf with recordation
" of your loving kindrieffes of old, when on that great
< c feaft day of your being inaugured our chancellor [of
64 Cambridge] my look was your book, wherein you
<c read fadnefs, to which I was bold to anfwer, I truft-
" ed your grace would give me no caufe. You replied
41 (with lofs of blood rather.) But God forbid fo pre-
" cious an effufion. (I would rather empty all my veins
c than you fhould bleed one drop.) when as one blaft of
*' your breath is able to bring me to the haven where I
<c would be. My lord, I am grown an old man, and
lt am like old houfehold fluff, apt to be broke upon of-
" ten removing. I defire it therefore but once for all$
" be it Ely, or Bath and Wells ; and I will fpend the
remainder of my days in writing an hiftory of your
good deeds to me and others, whereby I may vindi-
cate you from the envy, and obloquy of this prefent
wicked age wherein we live, and whilft I live in
praying for your grace, whofe I am, totally and
finally.
Theophilus Landaven." (j)
Pi A
212 'The LIFE of JAMES I.
thofe of that purfuafion in Germany or
France, but fuffered them to be opprefled by
the
A man who could obtain a good biflioprick, by (uch
arts as thefe, with great fmcerity of foul, no doubt,
might fay, nolo epilcopari ! I don't know whether 'tis
worth while to obferve that Field's flattery and fyco-
phancy availed nothing with Buckingham. He had
been too much ufed to it, and fo had loft its relifti.
Money was what he wanted : but Field was poor, had
a wife and fix children, and confequently could ad-
vance little ; and therefore remained where he was, till
Dec. 15, 1635, long after PUllers death, when he was
removed to Hereford, which he enjoyed not more than
W See Ca- half a year, (r) I would not have the reader think ec-
aivfwiiiif's c^fi^c^ preferments are now obtained by like means
furvey of ca- as in the days of James. Buckingham having obtained
tfiedrals, riches and honors in abundance for himfelf and all his
5l' \o* relations, grew quite infolent^: Infomuch that he was
Lon'd. 17*17. once about to ftrike prince Charles : (s) and at another
( * ) Claren- time bid him in plain terms kifs his a - , yea towards
don a v ^ 1 * James himfelf, he was highly infolent. For when his
Weldon, p, majefty attempted to difTuade him and the prince from
4' taking the journey into Spain, to which he had before
thoughtlefsly given his confent ; he rudely told him,
no body could believe any thing he faid, when he re-
trailed fo foon the promife he had made ; that he plain-
ly difcerned that it proceeded from another breach of
his word, in communicating with fome rafcal, who
had furnifhed him with thole pitiful reafons he had
alledged, and that he doubted not but he fhould here-
after know who his counfellor had been. "CO
ft} Claren-
p. 16. " ' fliort, directly contrary to the mind of his mafter, he ir-
ritated the parliament againft Spain ; reflected on the
Conduit of the earl of Bri/to/, and told them what was
not true with relation to him, and fet on a profecution
againft him ; and ruined the earl of Middlefex^ (I mean
with refpeit to his power) tho' intreated by the king to
(*}id. p. 18- the contrary, (u) But James bore all this, tho' not
* 4 ; without
2
The LIFE of JAMES I. 213
the houfes of Bourbon, and Auftria y [4 B]
with-
without uneafmefs ; and fubmitted to be led by his fa-
vourite quite contrary to his inclinations. A fure fign
of his weaknefs ! For princes have it in their power at
all times to be obeyed, if they require nothing contrary
to the laws : and fuch of them as fuffer themfdves to be .
affronted, contradicted or menaced by their fervants,
and yet continue unto them their favour, (hew unto all
men that they are unworthy to be trufted with the go-
vernment and defence of a whole people. For their
courage and underftanding can be but of a very low
kind. However, poffibly the fame reafon which
induced James to pardon Somerfet, made him bear the
infolence of Buckingham,
[4 B] He profeffed himfelf a proteftant, and boafted
of his having been a kind of martyr for that profeflion,
but he fuffer red thofe of that perfuafion in France and
Germany, to be opprefled by the houfes of Bourbon,
and Auflria.~\ In his fpeech to the parliament in the
year 1624, we have the following expreffions. " What
religion 1 am of, my books do declare, my profef-
fion and behaviour doth (hew ; and I hope in God I
(hall never live to be thought otherwife ; furely I
(hall never deferve it ; and for my part, I wifh it
may be written in marble, and remain to pofterity as
a mark upon me, when I (hall fwerve from my re-
" ligion j for he that doth diffemble with God, is not
" to be trufted with men.
" My lords, for my part, I proteft before God, that
" my heart hath bled, when I have heard of the increafe
" of popery ; God is my judge, it hath been fuch a
" great grief to me, that it hath been as thorns in my
c eyes, and pricks in my fides ; and fo far I have been,
* c and (hall be, from turning another way. And, my
" lords and gentlemen, you (hall be my confeffors, that
*< one way or other it hath been my defire to hinder the
" growth of popery ; and I could not have been an
** honeft man, if I (hould have done otherwife. And
P 3 this
rbe LIFE of JAMES L
without affording them affiftance of any va-
lue ;
(a] Frank-
land's An-
nals, p. i o i
(*J K'ng
James's
work's, p.
< this I may fay further, that if I be not a martyr, I
am fure I am a confelTor ; and in fome fenfe I may be
< called a martyr, as in the fcripture, Jfaac was perfe-
cuted by IJhmael, by mocking words ; for never king
c fuffered more ill-tongues than I have done ; and I
4 am fure for no caufe." (a) Long before this, in
* the year 1609, in a fpeech at Whitehall, he fays,
< that with his own pen he had brought the popes quar-
' rel upon him, and proclaimed publique defiance to
" Babylon, "(b) Would not one think from thence
that James had the proteftant intereft at heart, and that
he was a mighty champion for it ? that he had taken it
under his protection, and had fought zealoufly in its
caufe ? thofe who knew not the man, might have been
impofed on by his fpeeches j fuch as did, could not.
We have feen his unaccountable behaviour in the bufi-
nefs of the Palatinate, the lofs of which had well nigh
terminated in the total ruin of the proteftant religion in
Germany, as alfo of the liberties of Europe. For Fer-
dinand the fecond, aimed at nothing lefs than being ab-
folute mafter over the Germanic body, and in conjunc-
tion with Spain, to have given the law to all around
him. The confequence of which muft have been the
total extirpation of the reformed every where. But
James was no way alarmed at the confequence. He
would not endeavour to prevent it, but remained in a
manner neuter, if you'll believe him, t for confcience,
f .honour, and examples fake. In regard of confcience
*' judging it unlawful to inthrone or dethrone kings for
c religions fake j having a. quarrel againfts the jefuits,
? e for holding that opinion. Befides, he faw the worki
" inclined to make that a war of religion, which he
" would never do. In point of honor ; for that when
" he fent his ambaflador into Germany, to treat of
" peace, in the interim, his fon-in-law had taken the
" crown upon him. And for examples fake ; holding
*' it a dangerous prefident againft all chriftian princes,
LIFE of JAMES I. 215
lue ; diredly contrary to all the maxims of
good
to allow a fudden tranflation of crowns by the peo-
pies authority." (c) With fuch pretences as thefe did fORfl-
he cover his cowardice, and his unconcern about the J J h ,' 6 V<)1 '
civil and religious rights of Europe.
Wars to propagate religion, are whimfical and impi-
ous : But wars for the defence of its profefTors, may be
very juft and lawful. To have aflifted Frederick and his
honeft Bohemians ; to have encouraged and kept toge-
ther the princes of the union ; to have diverted the
power of Spain, which wasat the command of Ferdinand - f
and by every honeft art to have rifen a force capable of
withftanding the emperor, was at that time incumbent
on a king of Great Britain. This I know has been de-
nied by a very able writer, (d] who afferts" that if(<OO!dctf-
" "James had entered into an immediate war to main- tle a ' r s k r s e "
" tain the elector Palatine on the throne of Bohemia, JJJ/ 1 P *
he muft have exhaufted aud ruined this nation to fup-
" port it." But I muft confefs I cannot fee that this
would have been the event. The princes of the union
were, 'tis true, not fo clofely connected in temper and in-
tereft as might have been wifhed ; France weakly re-
fufed to aid the foes of Ferdinand ; and the popifh party
at that time was moft powerful : But ftill a refiftance
might have been made ; and had James had (kill and
courage enough to have joined in it, it might have been
effectual to have withftood the attempts towards bring-
ing on the whole world a blind fuperftition, and a law*
leis rule.
To talk of ruining and exhaufting the Britifh nation
by engaging in this war as a principal, is, in my opi-
nion, unworthy of the penetration and abilities of this
writer. Was France ruined and exhaufted by encoun-
tering this fame Ferdinand, when his power by fuccefs
was much more formidable than it now was ? did not
Richlieu obtain the greateft glory by advifing the affiftanca
of Gtt/iavus ddolpbui ; by fupporting him with money and
troops j by drawing off the confederates of the emperor,
P 4 and
2i6 7^ LIFE of JAMES I.
good policy, and the conduct of queen Eli-
zabeth, who valued herfelf, not unjuftly, on
the
and engaging every State poffibly againft him ? Might
not the fame thing have been done by James, and that
without injuring the Britifh, any more than Lewis the
thirteenth did the French nation ? Guftavus Adolpbus
indeed was a great captain, and headed a brave army:
But a great captain and a brave army could not have
been wanting, had the king of Great Britain fallen
heartily into the war, and fupported it, as the king of
France afterwards did by the perfons and purfes of his
people. In (hort as a proteftant, James was concerned
to'prevent the encreafe of the power of Ferdinand, and
hinder him from triumphing ; for every victory of his
was a wound to the intereft of the religion profefTed
by him.
But we fee that he was fo far from doing what he
ought to have done in this matter, that he fuffered the
Bohemians to be reduced ; his fon-in-law to be expelled
his dominions; and the proteftants to be brought to the
very brink of ruin in Germany ; from which only they
were delivered by the force of Gujlavus, and the abili-
ties of Rtchlieu. Nor were the reformed in France
more indebted to James, than thofe in the empire. At
his acceflion to the Englifh throne, the dukes la Tremou-
ille, and Bouillon^ together with the famous du PleJJls^
had a defign to make him protector of the calvimft party
(i) See in France. (*) But they foon laid afide their defign af-
$ully's me- ter nav j n g h a d a thorough knowledge of his character.
moirs. yoi -> ? .c f\ * \ **<** \ > i *x>
JI.p. 15. ror no man interefted himfelf lefs than Jnmes in their
affairs, no prince gave them lefs afMance. He refufed
to fpeak to Henry the fourth in favour of Bouillon, when
follicited by him to do it, becaufe hefaid it did not be-
(/) Jd. ibid, come a great prince to intercede for a rebel fubjeft. (f)
And though the reformed were a very confiderable body
in France, poflefled of places of ftrength and importance
and capable with proper help, of making head againft
all tljeir enemies, as they had fully manifefted in the for-
mey
<Tbe LIFE of JAMES I. 217
die aids- fhe from time to time had given
them, to her own, as well as their great ad-
vantage.
mer civil wars : though they were thus powerful, and
eonfequently important, he ftood tamely by, and faw
them diverted of their ftrong holds, and rendered almoft
wholly infignificant as a party. 'Tis true, James kept
up a kind of correfpondence with Bouillon, whom at
firft he had refufed to intercede for, and by him gave
affurances of his " aflifting the reformed if the whole
" body was aflailed, the edicts broken, and they in
" danger of apparent ruin: in which cafe (fays Buck-
" ingham, in a letter to Sir Thomas Edmonds) his ma-
ei jefty doth engage himfelf to affift them ; which
* though he fhould have no other means to perform, he
" will call a parliament for that purpofe, not doubting
?' but his people will be as ready to furnifh him with
l ' means, as his majefty to engage himfelf to aid them
{C in that caufe." (g) But James was not as good as fe) Birch's
bis word. The reformed were aflailed foon after, ****
though not in a body ; the edicts were broken in num- ^c.^p?^'
berlefs inftances, particularly in taking from them their
ftrong towns ; and they were in danger of apparent
ruin ; (h] and yet I know not that James afforded them (b) See
the leaft affiftance, any farther than by ordering his am- Howell's
baffadors to ufe their their good offices on their behalf. le o ter a S n d p '
*' Yea, we are allured by the duke of Rohan himfelf, Hi'ft. of the
" one of the proteftant chiefs, that James urged him by ediftof
." letters (in any cafe) to make a peace, and to fubmit ^ antr ' Vo1 *
*' to, and wholly rely upon the promifes of his own fo- 4 a f' :
* vereign, preffinghim moreover to confider the affairs
* of his fon-in-law, and afTuring him that he could not(0 Duke of
*' poffibly give the reformed any affiftance." (i) J,rfe
Had the reformed been properly aided during the mi- on the peace
iiority of Lewis the thirteenth, their power probably made before
would have been fo great, that Ricblieu's arts would not ^"^jj
have overturned it : nor would France have given that end of his
difturbance to Europe fhe did, under Lewis the four- memoirs,
teenth. - Advantages, (fays a noble author) might ^ Lon
have
218 Me LIFE of JAM'ES I.
vantage. Though he was not a catholic in
perfuafion, he favoured thofe that were, pro-
vided
" have been taken of the divifions which religion oc-
" caftoned ; and fupporting the proteftant party irk
* e France, would have kept that crown under reftraints,
" and under inabilities, in fome meafure equal to thofe
" which were occafioned anciently by the vaft aliena-
" tions of itsdemefoes, and by the exorbitant power of
" its vaiTals. But James the firft was incapable of
(*)BoliiE- " thinking with fenfe, or acting with fpirit." (/)
broke-ski- And the writer of Tom Teil-Treath^ addrefied to
ftudyTnd 'ufs J amei > and printed about the year 1622, has the for-
ofhiftcry, lowing paflage. " They (the French proteftants) are
Vol. II. p. tc indeed fo many hoftages which God almighty has
Load. 17 fi. " P ut ' nto your majefties hands tofecure you, and your
' " majefties dominions, from all danger of that coun-
. try j and to lofe them were no other (in my opi-
c nion) than wilfully to tempt God, to deliver us into
" the hands of our enemies. As long as God hath any
*' children in France, we (hall be fure to have bre-
*' thren there. But they once gone, your brother of
" France will quickly (hew whofe child he is, and how
** incompatible the obedience he owes him (the pope) is
" with any good- will he can bear your majeftie. Since
" then the Tye you have upon that princes friendfhip is
*' of fo loofe a knot, what can your majefty do better
*' for yourfelf, and yours, than to keep his enmity ftill
" clogged, by cheriftiing and maintaining fo good a
(I] Harlelan " party in his country, as thofe of the religion." (7)
Vol C n ny> What Mr. Kelly means by faying James made the in-
512. tereft of the proteftants his own, on more than one oc-
cafion, I know not. He refers us indeed to the em-
(w)SeeKel ^ a ^ es ^ ^^ r Edward Herbert, and the earl of Carlijle
}>'s fuppie. into France, in order to intercede for the Hugonots,
inentafre- the latter of whom he obferves from Rapin, fpent vaft
thVliVeof ^ ums an( ^ confequently his mafter mutt be much in
Jamesl. p. earned to do them fervice. (m) But what fervice did
7. fol. Load. James do them? what fuccefs had his applications?
n.pna
tte LIFE of JAMES I. 219
vided they would fwear allegiance unto him ;
and he not only relaxed [4 c] the rigour of
the
rone ; and therefore we may be fure, he very little re-
garded them. Had this gentleman known the charac-
ter of the earl of Carlljle as one of the moft expenfive,
luxurious men then living, he would have interpreted
the words of Rapin as he ought. The vaft fums fpent
by Carlijle, were not on the bufinefs of the Hugonots,
or to promote their affairs j but in drefs, equipage and
houfe- keeping, in which he knew no bounds. But I
afk pardon for taking fo much notice of the miftakes of
a writer of fo little confequence, either as to know-
ledge or judgment.
[4 c] He not only relaxed the rigor of the laws in
their favour, but confented to fuch terms for them in
the marriage articles with Spain and France, as few of
his proteftants fubje&s approved.] It appears from a
letter of Matthew Hutton, arch-bifhop of York, to
Cecyll, lord Cranborne, dated December 1 8, 1604,
that the papifts by " reafon of fome extraordinary favour
" were grown mightily in number, courage, and in-
" fluence." (a) They were in great hopes of a tolcra- f a ) Wln-
tion, when they faw James fet againft the puritans j wood, Vol.
and it became fo much the general expectation among 1If p< **
them, that in order to clear himfelf of having inten-
tions of granting it to them, his majefty thought pro-
per to declare that " he never intended it, and would
" fpend the laft dropof his blood before he would do it,
" and uttered that imprecation on his poftenty, if they
<c fliould maintain any other religion, than what he
" truly profefled and maintained," of which I have be-
fore taken notice, (b) (b) Id. p.
Not content herewith, he ordered the laws againft 49- and
them to be put in execution, and they underwent
many of them great hajdfhips. (c} Upon thedifcovery (f)SeeOf-
of the popifh plot, there was a general profecution of all born, p. 481.
papifts fet on foot, as might well be expected : " but
' king
The LIFE of JAMES I.
the laws in their favour, but confented to
fuch
" king James was very uneafy at it, fays Burnetj
" which was much encreafed by what Sir Dudley C#r/-
" ton told him upon his return from Spain, where he
had been ambaflador ; (which I had from lord Hollis,
<c who faid to me, that Sir Dudley Carlton told it to
" himfelf, and was much troubled when he faw it had
" an effecT: contrary to what he had intended.) When
' he came home, he found the king at Theobalds
" hunting in a very carelefs and unguarded manner:
; " iand upon that, in order to the putting him on a
'*' more careful looking to himfelf, he told the king he
" muft either give over that way of hunting, or flop
* another hunting he was engaged in, which wasprieft
" hunting : For he had intelligence in Spain, that the
" priefts were comforting themfelves with this, that if
" he went on againft them, they would foon get rid of
" him.- 'The king fent for him in private toen-
" quire more particularly into this j and he faw it had
" made a great impreflion on him, but wrought other*
*' wife than he intended. For the king refolved to gra-
" tify his humour in hunting, and in a carelefs and ir-
" regular way of life, did immediately order all that
" profecution to be let fall.. I have the minutes of the
council books of the year 1606, which are full of or-
" ders todifcharge and tranfport priefts, fometimes ten
' " in a da y-" W~~ l was inclined at firft to cal1 this
,,' whole ftory of Burners into queftion, by reafon that
Carleton was never ambaflador into Spain : (e) but on
(e) See further fearch find it probable enough.
thenz' Sa ~ ^ Or ^ ar ^ eton in tne y ear I ^05, accompanied the lord
Oxon,'vol. Nerrjs into Spain, and there might hear what he is faid
I. col. 563. to have fpoken to James. (/) So that there is only a
J/^ 1 ^- fmall miftake in Burnet, and his account is very proba-
II. p' S4> ' ble. For tho' laws were ena&ed againft the catholics,
57. and and the judges commanded on occafion to put them in
yie'wofthe execution > y et 7 arne! had a great affeaion for them,
negotiation, and conferred on them many marks of his favour.
. ;. Let
<Tbe LIFE of JAMES I. 221
fuch terms for them, in the marriage articles
with
Let us hear an indifputable writer on this matter, even
James himfelf. " Not only, fays he, the papifts them-
'* felves grew to that hight of pride, in confidence of
" my mildnefs, as they did dire&ly expeft, and
" afTuredly promife to themfelves libertie of conscience,
" and equalitie with other of my fubje&s in all things ;
" but even a number of the beft and faithfullieft of my
'* faid fubje&s, were caft in great fear and amazement
" of my courfe and proceedings, ever prognofticating
<{ and juftly fufpecling that fowre fruit to come of it,
" which {hewed itfelf early in the powder -treafon.
ct How many did I honor with knighthood, of known
" and open recufants ? how indifferently did I give au-
" dience, and accefle to both fides, beftowing equally
*' all favours and honors on both profeffions ? How free
** and continual accefle had all ranks and degrees of pa-
*' pifts in my court and company ? and above all, how
*' frankly and freely did I free recufants of their ordi-
" nary paiments ? Befides, it is evident what ftrait or-
* c der was given out of my own mouth to the judges, to
** fpare the execution of all priefts, (notwithftanding
* c their conviction) joining thereunto a gracious procla-
*' mation, whereby all priefts that were at liberty, and
?' not taken, might goe out of the country by fuch a
" day : my general pardon having been extended to all
" convicted priefts in prifon : whereupon they were fee
'* at libertie as good fubjedls : and all priefts that were
** taken after, fent over, and fet at libertie there. But
" time and paper will fail me, to make enumeration of
*' all the benefits and favours that I beftowed in general,
** and particular upon papifts." (g)- There is a / , jy
great deal of truth in thefe lines. The Howards, moft James's"
of them catholics, were advanced to honors and power works, p.
by him; the families of Petre, and Arundel^ of the 255 *
fame perfuafion, were admitted into the peerage ; and
in the latter part of his reign, we find Villiers his mo-
ther made a counted, and Cahert^ fecretary of ftate,
created
tte LIFE of JAMES I.
with Spain and France, as but very few of 4
his
created lord Baltimore^ though they were openly of the
romifti communion. Jn the year 1610, we find the
commons complaining of the " non execution of the
.' laws againft the priefts who, fay they, are the cor-
f < rupters of the people in religion and loyalty ;" and,
continue they, in a petition to James, ** many recu-
' fants have already compounded, and (as it is to be
*' feared) more and more (except your majefty in your
" great wifdom, prevent the fame) will compound with
" thofe that beg their penalties, which maketh the laws
" altogether fruitlefs, or of little or none effeft, and
** the otFenders to become boldj obdurate^ and uncon-
c formable. Wherefore they entreat his majeftie to lay
** his royal commands upon all his minifters of juftice
" both ecclefiaftical and civil, to fee the laws made
'* againft jefuits, feminarie priefts and recufants (of
<e what kind and fe& foever) to be duly and exactly exe-
" cuted, without dread or delay. And that his ma-
*' jeftie would be pleafed likewife to take into his own
" hands the penalties due for recufancie, and that the
" fame be not converted to the private gain of fome, to
" his majefties infinite lofs, the emboldening of the pa-
(b) Record ct pifts, and decay of true religion." (h] But not-
^fomewcr- w ithftanding thefe complaints of the parliament; not-
ingsTiuhe withftanding, James's own heart bled, when he heard of
honourable, the increafe of 'popery ', by the marriage articles with Spain
wife, and and France, many things were granted in their favour,
houkof and confequently the papifts were mightily encouraged,
commons, in The infanta was to be allowed a chapel in the palace,
the late par- and a public church in London ; all her fervants were
imprinted* to be catholics, under the authority of a bifhop, or his
Sni6n. vicar j they were not to be liable to the laws of Eng-
izmo. land with regard to religion ; though the children be-
got on her body, fhould be catholics, they might not
lofe the right of fucceeding to the kingdom and domi-
nions of Great Britain ; and they were to be brought up
by her till the age of ten years. Befides thefe articles,
I with
fif LIFE of JAMES I. 223
his proleftant fubjedts, who were indepen-
dant
with many other made public, there were private ones
by which great liberty was given to thofe of the romi{h
church. For by thefe James promifed that the laws in
being againft them, {hould not be commanded to be put
in execution ; that no new laws for the future {hould be
enaded to their hurt , that there {hould be a perpetual
toleration of the roman catholic religion, within private
houfes, throughout all his dominions ; and that he
would do his endeavour, that the parliament {hould ra-
tifie all and fingular articles, in favour of the roman
catholics. (/) About the fame time a declaration was
figned by lord Conway, and others in his majefty's Ru/^ ort j.
name, dated Aug. 7, 1623, touching pardons, fufpen- Vol. i.p. '
fions, anddifpenfations for the roman catholics, which, 8689.
in the opinion of the earl of Eriflol^ the great negotia- J^fc knd *
tor of the Spanifh match, in effect was little lefs than a 7 ?,...8o!'
toleration, (k) And " the king directed the lord keeper (*) R&-
" (IFiUiarni) and other commiffioners, to draw up a j" L
" pardon for all offences paft, with a difpenfation for
" thofe to come, to be granted to all roman catholics,
<c obnoxious to any laws againft recufants ; and then to
" iffue forth two general commands under the great
" feal of England : the one to all judges and jufticesof
" the peace ; and the other to all bifhops, chancellors,
" and commiffaries, not to execute any ftatute againft
" them." (/) The Spanifh match took not place ; (/j j d p<
but prince Charles was married to Henrietta Maria, of 101.
France ; and James before his death, figned articles
equally as favourable to the Englifti catholicks, as condi-
tions to that match, (m) This cardinal Ricklieu boafts ( m j u.
of. " The Spanifh match, fays he, was broken off, p- 162.
" and fbon after it, that of France was treated of, con-
*' eluded and accornplifhed, with conditions three times ()PolitkI
" more advantagious for religion, than thofe which * * ent
" were defigned to be propofed in the late king's Seealfbhis
<l (Henry the fourth) time." (n) This was the man who it"" 5 , VoL
never intended to grant a toleration to papifts, who gvo.'Lond/*
would 163)8.
224 ^ LIFE**/ JAMES I.
dant of the court, approved, and many
greatly
would fpend the laft drop of his blood before he would
do ifr, and whofe heart bled when he heard of the encreafe
of popery. Vile hypocrify ! mean diffimulation! which
could anfwer no other purpofe than to expofe himfelf to
the fcorn, and contempt of thofe who knew him.
What the favour which was (hewn the catholics when
the Spanifli match was thought near a conclufion, was,
willbeft appear from the following paragraph in a letter
written, if I am not greatly miftaken, by Buckingham
to count Gondotnar, then in Spain. " As for news
** from hence, I can afiure you, that they are, in all
" points, as your heart could wifh : for here is a king,
" a prince, and a faithful friend and fervant unto you,
" befides a number of your other good friends, . that
" long fo much for the happy accomplishment of this
match, as every day feems a year unto us ; and I can
" allure you, in the word of your honeit friend, that
" we have a prince here, that is fo fharp fet upon the
" bufmefs, as it would much comfort you to fee it, and
" her there to hear it. Here are all things prepared
" upon our parts; prieftsand recufants all at liberty ;
*' all the roman catholics well fatisfied ; and, which
" willfeem a wonder unto you, our prifons are emptied
" of priefts and recufants, and filled with zealous mini-
" fters, for preaching againft the match ; for no man
*' can fooner, now, mutter a word, in the pulpit, tho'
" indirectly againft it, but he is prefently catched, and
" fet in ftreight prifon. We have alfo publimed orders,
** both for the univeriities, and the pulpits, that no
c man hereafter (hall meddle, but to preach Chrift cru-
' cified ; nay, it fliall not be lawful hereafter for them
" to rail againft the pope, or the do&rine of the church
" of Rome, further than for edification of ours: and
" for proof hereof, you mall herewith, receive the or-
(, Cabala, " ders fet down and publifhed." (o) This great li-
berty given to the catholics was highly ofFenfive to the
proteftants, as we may learn from what follows, which
was
LIFE of JAMES 1
greatly murmured at. The church of Eng-
land, under James, was in a happy ftatei
being
was written by arch-bifhop Abbot, to 'Jaftes on occa-
fion of it. " Your rriajefty hath propounded a tole-
ke ration of religion: I befeech you, to take into your
** confideration, what your a<St is, and what the con-*
"' fequence may be. By your aft you labour to fet up
" that moft damnable and heretical do&rine of the
" church of Rome, the whore of Babylon, how hate-
*' ful will it be to God, and grievous to your fubjects,
(the true profeflbrs ofthegofpel) that your majefty
who hath often defended, and learnedly written a-
gainft thofe wicked herefies, (hould now (hew your-
felf a patron of thofe doctrines, which your pen hath
told the world, and your confcience tells yourfelf,
are fuperttitious, idolatrous, and deteftable. Be-
fides, this toleration you endeavour to fet up by your
proclamation, it cannot be done without a parlia-
ment, unlefs your majefty will let yourfubje&s fee,
that you now take unto yourfelf a liberty to throw
down the laws of the land at your pleafure. What
dreadful confequences thefe things may draw after, I
befeech your majefty to conlider. And above all$
left by this toleration, and difcountenance of the true
profefllon of the gofpel, (wherewith God hath blefled
us, and under which this kingdom hath flourished
thefe many years) your majefty doth draw upon the
kingdom in general, and yourfelf in particular, God's
heavie wrath and indignation. Thus, in difcharge
of my duty to your majefty, and the place of my
calling, I have taken the humble boldnefs to deliver
my confcience. And, now Sir, do with me what
you pleafe." (/>) I will not hereenter into thequef- (/>) Cabala,
tion whether the intolerant principles of the &oman ca- V 4< .
.... it. /-LI n Ruflworth,
tholics do not render them unfit to be tolerated amongft Vol. L '
proteftants. All I (hall fay, isj that it has been the p. 8>f
opinion of fome of the beft friends to liberty, that they
are to be excluded from it, for the prefervation of liber-
Q. ty
2 2 6 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
being highly praifed, protected, and favour-
ed by him, [4 D] yea, moreover advanced
to
ty itfelf ; with which it is thought, their principles are
(y) See Bay- incompatible, (q] But be this as it will, it cannot be at
ley's dia.ar- a n WO ndered at, that the proteftants in James's reign
aote Pol* "' Ihould be alarmed at an open toleration of thofe of the
communion of the church of Rome. For they could
not but remember the bull of pope Pius the fifth, con-
cerning the damnation, excommunication, and depofi-
tion of queen Elizabeth, and the plots which in confe-
quence thereof, were laid againft her life : They could
not but remember the deteftable powder treafon ; nor
could they forget that James himfelf had publickly a-
vowed that the pope of Rome was anti-chrift, the man
of fin, the mother of harlots, and abominations, who
was drunk with the blood of the faints and the martyrs of
Jefus. And remembring thefe things, could they
chufe but murmur againft the toleration of fo bloody a
feet, or look on Buckingham the fuppofed instrument of
it, but as a betrayer of king and country, and as odious,
(r) Cabala, as he himfelf declares they did. (r)
p. 144.
[4 D] The church of England under James was in a
flourilhing ftate, being highly praifed, protected, and
favoured by him.] When I fpeak of the church, I
would not be underftood to mean " a congregation of
" faithful men" as our articles in an antiquated man-
(a)Seearti- ner define '* > ( a ] ^ ut ^ e clergy ^ who have for a long
clethe i9th. time appropriated that term to them/elves^ and the places
in which they officiate : And when I fpeak of the
church as in a fiourifhing ftate, I mean, what I think,
churchmen generally mean by it, their poflefling power,
honor and wealth ; and not the increafe of unfeigned
piety, and real virtue. That in this fenfe the church of
England flouriflied under James, is beyond all contra-
diction. In a fpeech in the ftar-chamber, in the year
1616, his majefty complains " that churchmen were
" had in too much contempt, I muft fpeak trewth, fays
" he
The LIFE of JAMES I. 227
to riches, honor, and power : whereby (he
became
* c he, great men, lords, judges, and people of all de-
" grees from the higheft to the loweft, have too much
" contemned them. And God will not blefs us incur
" own laws, if we do not reverence and obey God's
" law s which cannot be, except the interpreters of it
<c be refjpe&ed and reverenced, and it is a fign of the
" latter day's drawing on ; even the contempt of the
" church, and of the governors and teachers thereof
cs now in the church of 'England ', which I fay in my
*' confcience of any church that ever I read or knew of,
" prefent or paft, is moft pure, and neareft the primi-
*' tive and apoftolical church in do&rine and difcipline,
" and isfurelieft founded on the word of God, of any
" church in Chriftendome." (b) In the fame fpeech (V] King
he tells the judges, " God will blefs every good bufi- J ames 's
* c nefs the better, that he and his church have the pre- " *' p *
" cedence." (c ) And again, addreffmg himfelf to the (< ) id. p.
judges, he fays, " Let not the church nor churchmen, J 6 *-
* c be difgraced in your charges ; countenance and en-
* 6 courage the good churchmen, and teach the people
" by your example to reverence them : for if they be
" good, they are worthy of double honor for their of-
" fice fake ; if they be faultie it is not your place to ad-
<c monifli them ; they have another Forum to anfwer
" to for their mifbehaviour." (d) And in another /^> H
place, he tells us, *' that as foon as a perfon hath made j^.
" his choice what church to live and die in, audi earn,
<c as Chrifl commands : for his confc.ience in this muft
" only ferve him for a guide to the right church, but
<* not to judge her, but to be judged by her." (e) (*) Id. p.
This is very good, and what moft churchmen would *?7
be very glad their flocks did believe. For they then
might teach authoratively, and a blind fubmiflion would
be yielded. Profane wits would not think themfelves at
liberty to examine the reafonablenefs of the churches doc-
trine, but fwollow down glibly the moft myfterious
unintelligible points, to their own great edification, and
0,2 the
228 tf^LIFE of JAMES I.
became in a condition to be both dreaded,
and
the peace of the church. But James not only fpoke
well of churchmen, and endeavoured to recommend
them to the efteem and regard of his fubje&s, but he
heaped on them wealth, and fuffered them to enjoy
riches in abundance. " He founded a dean and chap-
" ter of feven prebendaries at Rippon, in Yorkfhire ; and
" fettled two hundred and forty-fevdn pounds per ann.
(/; Grey's " of crown lands for their maintenance." (f) Williams^
examination dean of IVeftminfter^ retained at the fame time, ashim-
?obme e of nd felf tells the duke 0* Buckingham, the Tories of Di-
Neal'shif- num, IPalgrave, Graf ton, and Peterborough, and was
toryofthe alfo chaunter of Lincoln, prebendary of Afgarbie^ pre-
puntans, p. bendary O f NonniMgton, and refidentiary of Lincoln, (g)
Londl7^6. And when advanced to the fee of Lincoln, and made
(g) Cabala, lord- keeper of the great feal, he was continued dean of
? 49 Weftminfter, and held his other preferments ; fo that,
fays Heylin, he was a perfect diocefs within himfelf, as
being bifhop, dean, prebend, refidentiary, and parfon ;
(fc) Life of and all thefe at once, (h) This was a goodly fight in
Laud, p. 86. the eyes of Laud, who made ufe of the example, in re-
taining with his bifhopric of St. Davids, not only his
prebends place in the church of Weftminfter, and his
benefices in the country, but alfo the prefidentfhips of
(i) Id. ibid, his colledge in Oxon. (i) In fhort the churchmen
throve well under James, and were greatly cheriftied by
him. For to the wealth he permitted them to enjoy,
he added real power, and gave them liberty to crufli all
their oppofers. In the canons compiled anno 1603,
to which his majefty gave his royal fan&ion, we find
that whoever fhould hereafter affim, that the form of
God's wormip in the church of England, eftabliihed by
law, and contained in the book of common prayer, is
a corrupt, fuperftitious, or unlawful wormip of God,
or containeth any thing in it that is repugnant to the
fcriptures j whofoever (hould affirm that any of the
thirty-nine articles, are in any part fuperftitious or er-
roneous, or fuch as he may not with a good confcience
fubfcribe
tte LIFE of JAMES I. 23$
and envied by her adverfaries. Not fo the
puritans. Thefe were the obje&s of his
majefty's
fubfcribe unto ; whofoever fhould affirm that the rites
and ceremonies of the church were fuch as men who
were godly affe&ed, may not with any good corifcience
approve them, ufe them, or, as occafion requireth,
fubfcribe unto them ; whofoever fhould affirm the go-
vernment of the church of England under his majefty,
by arch-bifhops, &c. is antichriftian, or repugnant to
the word of God, were to be excommunicated, (k) . fte
The fame punifhment was denounced againft the au- canon?, ;,
thors of fchifm, the maintainers of fchifmaticks and 4> *> '&> 7-
maintainers of conventicles, (/) Thus were church- (/ji n canons
men armed with power, with which, we may be af- 5, xo, ii.
fured, they took care to defend themfelves and annoy
their adverfaries. Add to this that the high commiffion
was then in being, in which the bifhops were the judges
who by adminiftring the oath ex cfficio, compelled men
to accufe themfelves, and then punifhed them in the fe-
vereft manner. 'Twas this court which obliged the re-
nowned Selden, to make his fubmiflion, and beg par-
don for having publifhed his book on tythes ; (m) though f w j Heylin's
moft learned men iince that time, have acquiefced in hiftoryofthe
what he has a Her ted concerning their original ; and be- P refb y ter ' ia i s
fore this, we find by a complaint of the parliament, 1 *'
that " lay-men were punilhed by this court for fpeak-
" ing of the fymonie and other mifdemeanours of fpi-
" ritual men, though the thing fpoken were true, and
" the fpeech tending to bring them to condigne punifh-
" ment." (n} -Such was the power of the clergy under / w \ Recordof
James, fuch was the ufe that was made of it ! honeft, f ome pro-
learned, and worthy men were called in queftion, and ceedings in
fubiecled to all the terrible confequences of that thine the P arlia "
11 , r ? 11 i_ I ment, anno
called an excommunication, for daring to tell church- !6io,p. 25.
men of their vices, or denying their whimfical pretences.
This at length bred much ill-blood, and iflued in dread-
ful confequences. Let the prince therefore that would
reign glorioufly, curb tqe power of his clergy ; let him
Q. 3 neve*
The LIFE of JAMES I.
majefty 'shigheftaverfion, [4 E] and greateft
hatred 5
never be made the tool of their wrath or refentment ;
but by diftributing equal and impartial juftice to all his
fubje&s, fhew himfelf their common father and fove-
reign, and thereby eftablifti his throne in their hearts,
and render it immoveable. .
[4 E] The puritans were the objefts of hishigheft a-
verfion, &c.] This appears from what has been faid
in the notes [M] and [MM] fo clearly, that I need fay
no more concerning it. But James contented not him-
felf with reproaching them, but he let his clergy loofe
upon them, and fubjected them to great penalties meer-
ly on account of their non conformity to the eftablifhed
ceremonies'. Hutton, arch-bi(hop of York, received
orders from the privy-council, *< that the puritans
* (hould be proceeded againft according to law, except
" they conformed themfelves ; tho' I think, fays he,
" all or moft of them love his majefty, and the prefent
(<i)Win- *< eftate." (a) And fays Sir Dudley Carleton in a let-
wood, Vol. ter toMr.tFimvood t dated Feb. 20, 1604, " the poor
" puritan minifters have been ferrited out in all corners,
" and fome of them fufpended, others deprived of their
" livings. Certain lecturers are filenced, and a crew of
" gentlemen of Northamptonfhire, who put up a petition
" to the king in their behalfe, told roundly of their
" boldnefs, both at the council- table and ftar-chamber :
' and Sir Francis Haftings for drawing the petition,
<* arid ftanding to it, when he had done it, put from
" his lieutenancy and jufticelhip of the peace in his {hire :
" Sir Edward Mountague^ and Sir Valentine Knightly ,
" for refufmg to fubfcribe to a fubmiffion, have the
" like fentence : the reft upon acknowledgment of a
(*;Win- " fault have no more faid to them." (b] And his
wood, Vol. majefty furnmoned the judges into the ftar-chamber,
II. p. 48. an j j n tn e prefence of the arch-bifhop of Canterbury and
the bifhop of London, and about twelve lords of the
privy -council, alked of them three queftions with regard
to
The LIFE of JAMES I. 23!
thefe he was continually reproaching in his
writings ;
to the punifliment of the puritans ; the third of which
was, " whether it be an offence puniihable, and what
" punifliment they deferred, who framed petitions,
" and collected a multitude of hands thereto, to prefer
te to the king in a public caufe, as the puritans had
" done, with an intimation to the king, that if he de-
" nied their fuit, many thoufands of his fubje&s would
" be difcontented ?" To this the judges in their great
wifdom replied, " that it was an offence fineable at dif-
" cretion, and very nea/ to treafon and felony in the
" punifhment, for it tended to the raifing fedition, re-
" bellion and difcontent among the people." (c) This OOCroke'i
judicious refolution was agreed toby the lords then pre- ^ ports ' part
fent. Bancroft hereupon " required a ftricl: confor- and ' 3
'* mity to the rules of the church, according to the Winwood,
*' laws and cannons in that behalf ; and without fparing J o1 * id ' p<
" non-conformifts, or half- con for mifts, at laft reduced ' 9
" them to that point, that they muft either leave their
" churches, or obey the church." (d) And that none (*) Heylin't
might efcape the penalties of the canons and high com p^^ans
miffion court, this pious prelate required " fome who p. 37*,
*' had formerly fubfcribed to teftify their conformity by
" a new fubfcription, in which it was to be declared,
" that they did willingly and ex ammo fubfcribe to the
" three articles (inferted in the 36th canon,) and to all
" things in the fame contained. Which leaving no
* c ftarting-hole either for pra&ifing thofe rites and cere-
' monies which they did not approve, or for approving
that which they meant not to practice, as they had
1 done formerly ; occafioned many of them to forfake
' their benefices, rather than to fubfcribe according to
( the true intention of the church in the faid three ar-
< tides." (e] In (hort fuch was the rigor of the pre-(,)H. p<
lates, fuch the fufferings of the puritans, that we find 377.
the parliament in the year 1610, interceeding with the
king in their behalf. " Whereas, fay they, divers
*' painful and learned paftors, that have long travelled
0.4 "
The LIFE of JAMES I.
writings; and not contented herewith he
expofed
'* in the work of the minifterie with good fruit and
*' bleffing of their labours, who were ever ready to per r
5 form the legal fubfcription appointed by the ftatute of
" 13 Eliz. which only concerneth the confeffion of the
? true chriftian faith and doctrine of the facraments,
* yet for not conforming in fome points of ceremonies,
*f and refufing the fubfcription directed by the late
canons, have been removed from their ecclefiaftical
livings, being their freehold, and debarred from all
means of maintenance, to the great grief of fundrie
your majefties well- affected fubjects ; feeing the whole
people, that want inftruction, are by this means
punimed, and through ignorance, lye open to the
feducements of popifh, and ill-affected perfons : We
therefore moft humbly befeech, your majefty would
begracioufly pleafed, that fuch deprived and filenced
minifters may by licence, or permifiion of the re-
verend fathers, in their fevereal diocefles, inftruct,
and preach unto their people in fuch parifhes, and
places, where they may be employed : fo as they ap-
ply themfelves, in their miniftery to wholefome doc-
trine, and exhortation, and live quietly, and peace-
ably in their callings, and Ihall not by writing or
<' preaching, impugn things eftablifhed by public au-
(f) Proceed- " thority." (/) Soon after this Bancroft died, and
was fucceeded by George Abbot ', a man of a more gen-
ings in the
houfe of
commons
fni6io.
tle and merciful difpofition, who was much more fa-
yourable to the puritans than his predeceflbr. But the
rigor againft them was far from being wholly remitted.
They were fo ill-ufed, that they preferred dwelling in a
wildernefs to their native foil, and chofe the perils of
waters before the perils they were in among their bre-
thren ; though for a time even this was denied them.
" Some of the bilhops, fays Wilfon, were not contented
" to fupprefs many pious and religious men; but I know
*' not for what policy, reftrained their going beyond
tf Tea : for there were divers families, about this time,
The LIFE of JAMES I. 233
expofed them to the cenfure of the high
commiflion,
" (1613) fhipp'd for New-England, and were not fuf-
f * fered to go ; though afterwards, they were upon bet-
" ter thoughts permitted." () In fhort James (?) Wilfon,
heartily hated the people of this denomination ; and to ? 74>
be a puritan, was with him, to be every thing odious
and abominable. How mifchievous an effect this pre-
judice of his majefty had, will beft appear from a letter
written to the illuftrious UJber, from Emanuel Down-
ing, out of Ireland, who is ftiled a worthy divine, by
Dr. Parr.
Reverend Sir,
" I hope you are not ignorant of the hurt that is
" come to the church by this name Puritan, and how
" his majefty's good intent and meaning therein is
much abufed and wronged j and efpecially in this
poor country where the pope and popery is fo much
afte&ed. I being lately in the country had confe-
rence with a worthy, painful preacher, who hath
been an inftrument of drawing many of the meer
Irim there, from the blindnefs of popery to embrace
the gofpel, with much comfort to themfelves, and
heart-breaking to the priefts, who perceiving that
*^ they cannot now prevail with their jugling tricks,
" have forged a new device : They have now ftirred
*.* up fome crafty papifts, who very boldly rail both at
* minifters and people, faying, they feek to fow this
" damnable herefie of puritanifm among them j which
.*' word, though not underftood, but only known to
.*.' be moft odious to his majefty, makes many afraid of
" joining themfelves to the gofpel, though in confe-
*' rence their confciences are convicted herein: fo to
" prevent a greater mifchief which may follow, it
f ' were good to petition his majefty to define a puritan,
f c whereby the mouths of thofe fcoffing enemies would
" beftopt ; and if his majefty be not at leizure, that he (i)parr's
( ? .would appoint fome good men to do it for him." (b) 1'feof UAer,
Had?' 16 '
234 *&' LIFE of JAMES I.
commiffion, who fufpended, deprived and
excommunicated them, notwithftanding the
interceffion
- .Had a puritan been truly defined, the world would
have been at a lofs to have known the reafon of the fe-
verity ufed towards thofe who were reproached with
that title. - The puritans had their fancies, as well
as their adverfaries. Thefurplice, the crofs in baptifm,
the ring in marriage, bowing at the name of Jefus, and
fome other articles of equal importance were the objects
of their averfion ; they thought they fmelt of popery,
which they could not bear with. The bifhops on the
contrary had a very great fondnefs for thefe, as well as
for the whole hierarchy. A difpute therefore on thefe
fubje&s was natural ; and had it been managed fairly no
ill confequences could have happened. But the bifhops
were in power ; the king was their friend, and a foe to
thofe who oppofed them ; and they were determined to
carry their point at all adventures. The fhorteft way
therefore was taken. The puritans were filenced, de-
prived, excommunicated, and all for trifles. I will
not fay but the bifhops might have more fenfe, but the
puritans bad more honefty. The firft were perfecu-
tors, the latter were per fecuted ; and confequently were
entitled to the pity and companion of the humane and
benevolent. - James and his clergy did not under-
(/) Hartley's ft a "d the ufe of fe&s, " to purify religion, and alfo to
cbfervations " fet the great truths of it in a full light ; and to fhew
on man, p. u tne j r practical importance." (/) Nor did they know
7 tne beft wav to ftP the r ifing of new fects and
fchifms, by reforming abufes, compounding fmaller
differences, proceeding mildly, and not with fangui-
critcalac- nary perfecutions ; and taking off the principal au-
thors by winning and advancing them, rather than
n enraging them by violence and bitternefs ;" (k) and
[c/Lond. confequently inftead of crufhing, they increafed them.
I? j i. 8vi. For lord Shafte/bury juftly remarks, " that there is no-
lffaY<mthe " th ' nS fo ridiculous in re ^P ec ^ of policy, or fo wrong
kffitodeof " and odio us in rcfpedt of common humanity, as a rrio-
tb-ngs, derate
n.8vo
Lend. 1749.
The LIFE of JAMES I. 235
interceffion made for them by many perfons
of quality, and by one of his parliaments*
In
" derate and half way perfection ; it only frets the
fore; it raifes the ill-humour of mankind; excites
the keener fpirits ; moves indignation in beholders ;
and fows the very feeds of fchifm in men's bofoms.
A refolute and bold faced perfection leaves no time or
fcope for thefe engendring diftempers, or gathering
ill -humours. It does the work at once ; by extirpa-
tion, banifnment, or maffacre : and like a bold ftroke
irifurgery, difpatches by one ftiort amputation, what
a bungling hand would make worfe and worfe, to
the perpetual fufferance and mifery of the patient."
(/) But let us leave thefe reflections and return to (/) Charac-
James, who was as much fet on the ruin of puritanifm Voifm'p.
in Scotland, as in England. In the Parliament at 5J . '
Perth^ in the year 1606, he got an aft pafled entituled
the reftitution of the eftate of bifhops : afterwards they
were declared perpetural moderators, and had the high
commiffion put into their hands. In 1610, the king
fent for three of the bifhops elect, in order to have them
confecrated in England, which was done without firft
giving them deacons or priefts orders ; and confequent-
ly the validity of their former orders were acknowledg-
ed. Soon afterwards they had great power committed
unto them, to the no fmall uneafinefs of minifters and
people, (m) In the year 1617, James made a progrefs () Spotf-
into Scotland^ in order to bring the Scots nearer to con- wo ^' p *
formity with the church of England. Gald'erwood,
" But his majefty, fays Heylin, gained nothing by p. 6>6.
" that chargeable journey, but a neglect of his com-
" mands, and a contempt of his authority. His ma-
" jefty therefore took a better courfe, than to put the
" point to argument and difputation ; which was to
** beat them by the belly, and to withdraw thofe aug-
" mentations which he had formerly allowed them out
" of his exchequer : which pill fo wrought upon this
" indigent and obftinate people, that the next year in an
* aflembly
236 The LIFE of JAMES I.
In Scotland he purfued them with rigour,
and was not contented till he fet up epifco-
pacy, though contrary to the inclinations of
minifters,
c< aflembly at Perth, they pa/Ted an adt for admitting
" the five articles, for which his majefty had been
courting them for two years together." () Thefe
articles which his majefty had courted them fo long to ad-
mit, it muft be owned, were very important. The
firft requires the blefled facrament to be celebrated meek-
ly and reverently -upon their knees. The fecond allows
the lawfulnefs of private communion. The third per-
mits private baptifm. The fourth commands confir-
mation. The fifth theobfervation of fome feftivals. (o)
Thefe articles being thus fettled, order was given to
read them in all parifli churches ; the minifters were
likewife obliged to preach upon the lawfulnefs of
them, and exhort their people to fubmiffion. And
to give them the greater authority, the king ordered
them to be publifhed at the market crofs of the prin-
cipal burroughs, and commanded conformity under
pain of his difpleafure. But all this not being enough
to enforce fuch a conformity to the ceremonies as was
expected, it was thought further neceflary to eftablifh
them by the fan&ion of an aft of parliament, and to
give them the force of a law, this was done accord-
ingly in the year 1621. " (p) A prince muft be
ford's Lives, ft ran g e ly infatuated, and ftrongly prejudiced to employ
his power and influence in eftablifhing fuch matters as
thefe ! Let us grant epifcopacy to be the moft expedient
government of the church, (and expedient enough it
(?) See f p i- muft be acknowledged in proper places, (q] and rightly
l "'"' executed, by overfeeing the manners of the clergy, and
keeping them within the bounds of decency and regula-
rity ;) yet what man of fenfe will think it worth efta-
blimtng at the rifle of the peace of the community ? Let
rites and ceremonies be deemed ever fo decent ; who
will fay they are fit to be impofed by methods of feverity
and cpnftraint ? yet by thefe ways, we fee, thefe mat-
ters
it of la
Vol II.
The LIFE of JAMES I. 237
minifters, and people. Being feized with an
ague, he died March 27, 1625, in the 59th
year of his age, [4 F] not without fufpicion
of
ters were introduced among the Scots ; to the difgrace
of humanity, and the eternal blemifli of a prince who
boafted of his learning, and was forever difplaying his
abilities.
[4 E] He died not without fufpicion of having been
poifoned by Buckingham.'] " The king that was very
" much impatient in his health, was patient in hisfick-
" nefs and death. Whether he had received any thing
" that extorted his aguifh fits into a fever, which might
** the fooner ftupify the fpirits, and haften his end can-
' not be aflerted ; but the countefs of Buckingham had
" been tampering with him, in the abfence of the doc-
" tors, and had given him a medicine to drink, and
" laid a plaifter to his fide, which the king much com-
" plained of, and they did rather exafperate his diftem-
per than allay it : and' thefe things were admitted
" by the infmuating perfuafions of the duke her fon,
" who told the king they were approved medicines, and
" would do him much good. And though the duke after
" ftrove to purge himfelf for this application, as having
" received both medicine and plaifter from Dr. Rem-
" ington, at Dunmow^ in EfTex, who had often cured
" agues, and fuch diftempers with the fame ; yet they
" were arguments of a complicated kind not eafy to
" unfold ; confidering that whatfoever he received
" from the do&or in the country, he might apply to the
" king what he pleafed in the court. Befides, the adi
" itfelf (though it had been the beft medicine in the
<c world) was a daring not juftifiable ; and fome of the
f l king's phyfitians muttered againft it, others made a
" great noife, and were forced to fly for it ; and
* { though the ftill voice was quickly filenced by the
ct duke's. power, yet the clamourous made fo deep im-
*' preffions, that his innocence could never wear them
** out.
238 rhe LIFE of JAMES I.
of having been poifoned by Buckingham. He
was buried with great magnificence at Weft-
minfter-
" out. And one of Buckingham's great provocations
e was thought to be his fear, that the king being now
" weary of his too much greatnefs, and power, would
" fet up Briftol, his deadly enemy againft him to pull
" him down. And this medicine was one of thofe 13
" articles that after were laid to his charge in parlia-
(^Wilfon, ct men t." ( a ) Dr. Wei-wood in his note on this paflage
'" 7 ' obferves, " that Dr. Eglijham, one of the king's phy-
" fitians, was obliged to flee beyond feas, for fome ex-
" preffions he had muttered about the manner of his
" majefty's death, and lived at Brujfels many years af-
(t ter. It was there he publifhed a book to prove king
* c jfames was poifoned ; giving a particular account of
" all the circumftances of his ficknefs, and laying his
" death upon the duke of Buckingham and his mother.
" Among other remarkable paflages, there is one
*' about the plaifter applyed to the king's ftomach.
" He fays it was given out to have been mitbridate,
" and, that one Dr. Remington had fent it to the duke,
" as a medicine with which he had cured a great many
" agues in Eflex. Now Egli/hham denies it was mi-
" thridate, and fays, neither he, nor any other phyfi-
" tians could tell what it was. He adds, that Sir Mat-
" thew Lifter and he being the week after the king's
" death, at the earl of Warwick's houfe in Eflex, they
" fent for Dr. Remington^ who lived hard by, and afk-
" ing him what kind of plaifter it was he had fent to
" Buckingham, for the cure of an ague, and whether
" he knew it was the king the duke defigned it for ?
" Remington anfwered, that one Baker, a fervant of the
** dukes, came to him in his matter's name, and de-
" fired him if he had any certain fpecific remedy againft
" an ague, to fend it him : and accordingly he fent
" him mithridate fpread upon leather, but knew not
" till then that it was defigned for the king. But,
< continues Egli/ham, Sir Matthew Lifter, and I (hew-
" ing
The LIFE of JAMES I. 239
minfter-Abby, (a) on the feventh of May
following ; his fon and fucceflbr Charles fol- yoi.
i 586.
lowing
" ing him a piece of the plaifter we had kept, after it
" was taken off, he feenied greatly funprized, and of-
" fer'd to take his corporal oath, that it was none of
" what he had given Baker^ nor did he know what
" kind of mixture it was. - But the truth is, this
" book of Eglijbam's is wrote with fuch an air of ran-
" cour and prejudice, that the manner of his narrative
" takes off much from the credit of what he writes."
() - The parliament in the year 1626, charged
Buckingham with having caufed certain plaifters. and
* It is to be wi/hed Welwood had given us the title of this book of
Eglijham. In the fecond volume of the Harleian Mifcellany there is a
traft intitled the Forerunner of revenge. Being two petitions : the one to
king's mod excellent majefty ; the other to the moft honourable houfes of
parliament. Wherein are exprefTed divers acYions of the late earl of
Buckingham, efpecially concerning the death of king James, and the mar-
quis of Hamilton, fuppofed by poifon. By George Eglifbam, doftor of
phyfic, and one of the phyfitians to king James, of happy memory, for
his majefty 's perfon above ten years, 4to. Lond. 164.2, though it appears
to have been written in Buckingham's life time, and I doubt not, was then
printed. There is an airof rancour and prejudice in this fmall piece ; but
not a word of what Dr. Welwood relates.
" The king, fays he, being fick of an ague, the duke took this oppor-
te tunity, when all the king's doftors of phyfick wire at dinner, and of-
" fered to him a white powder to take, the which he a long time refufed ;
" but overcome with his flattering importunity, at length took it in wine,
" and immediately became worfe and worfe, falling into many fwoon:ngs
'' and pains, and violent fluxes of the belly, fo tormented, that his ma-
" jefty cried out aloud of this white powder, would to God I had never
" taken it." He then tells us of " the countefs of Buckingham's, ap-
" plying the p'aifter to the king's heart and breaft ; whereupon he grew
" faint, and fhort breathed and in agony. That the phyfmans exclaimed
'* that the king was poifoned ; that Buckingham commanded them out of
" the room, and caufed ons of them to be committed prifoner to his own
" chamber, and another to be rerroved from court ; and that after his
fc majefty's death, his body and head fwelled above meafure, his hair
" with the /kin of his head fluck to the pillow, and his nails became loofe
" upon his fingers and toes." >ee Harleian Miflcellany, Vol. II. p. 71,
410. Lond. 1744. If this was the book in which Dr. Welwood remem-
bered to have read what I have quoted in the note, his memory difcharged
its office but very ill. However I rather fufpel, there is a larger account
of EgUjbam's in print, rhan that We/weed {hould have invented.
240 The LIFE of JAMES I.
lowing, attending his interment; DrV
Williams, lord keeper, and bifhop of Lin*
colne,
certain drink to be provided for the ufe of his rfiajefty
king James, without the privity or direction of the
phylitians, and compounded of feveral ingredients to
them unknown, notwithftanding the fame plaifters, or
fome plaifter like thereunto, having been formerly ad-
miniftred unto him, did produce fueh ill effects as that
fome of the phyfitians did diflallow thereof, and utterly
refufe to meddle any further with his majefty, until
thefe plaifters were removed, as being prejudicial to his
health, yet the fame plaifters, and drink was provided
by the duke, and the plaifters applied to the king's breaft
and wrift, and the drink given to him at feafons prohi-
bited by the phyfitians. After which, they fet forth,
divers ill fymptoms appeared upon his majeftv, and his
majefty attributed the caufe of his trouble to the plaifter
(t) See and drink which the duke had given him. (c) The
Rufhworth, <]uke j n his anfwer infifts on his innocency, declaring
Vo.l. p. t ^ at tne drink and plaifter were procured by the kings
own defire, on his recommendation ; that by his own
command they were applied ; that he (Buckingham) gave
the drink in the prefence of fome of the phyfitians, who
tafted it, and did not (hew their diflikeof it ; and that
when he told the king it was rumour'd that the phyfick
he had gave him, had done him hurt, his majefty with
much difcontent anfwered, they are worfe than the
(</;Rufli- devils that fay it. (d] The commons having received a
worth, Vol. copy of the dukes anfwer from the lords, fay " they
I. P. 389. c fh a jj piefently reply in fuch fort, according to the
" laws of parliament, that unlefs his power and practice
'* undermine our proceedings, we do not doubt but we
fJH p " upon the fame have judgment againft him." (*) But
4 o 3 . ' his power and practice fo far undermined their proceed-
ings, that a diflblution foon followed, by which they
were prevented from producing their proofs of what
they had aflerted.* This made a deep impreffion on mens
minds, and caufed them to apprehend that James had
not
2& LIFE of JAMES I. 241
colne, preached his funeral fermon, which
foon
not had fair play for his life. The hindering a parlia-
mentary inquiry into the death of a king, by putting an
end to the parliament itfelf, had an odd appearance, and
caufed many to think that there was more at the bot-
tom than it was convenient fhould fee the light.- I will
add a paflage from Burnett, to what has been now pro-
duced, which, if true, will pretty well clear up this
matter. " King James, fays he, in the end of his
" reign was become weary of the duke of Buckingham,
" who treated him with fuch an air of infolent contempt,
*' that he feemed at laft refolved to throw him off, but
" could not think of taking the load of government on
ct himfelf, and fo refolved to bring the earl of Somerfet
<c again into favour, as that lord reported it to fome from
" whom I had it. He met with him in the night, in
t{ the gardens at Theobalds; Two bed-chamber men
" were only in the fecret ; the king embraced him ten-
' derly and with many tears. The earl of Somerjet be-
* c lieved the fecret was not well kept ; for foon after the
' king was taken ill with fome fits of an ague and died.
<c My father was then in London, and did very much
4 fupfecl: an ill practice in the matter : But perhaps Dr.
<e Craig, my mother's uncle, who was one of the king's
t phyfitians, poflefled him with thefe apprehenfions ;
" for he was difgraced for faying he believed the king
*' was poifoned." (f) Thefe are the foundations on (/) Bu f-
which the fufpicion of James's being poifoned by Buck- e <^ Vol.1,
ingbam relies. Whether any thing more than fufpicion P '
arifes from them, muft be left to the reader to deter-
mine. Lord Clarendon, who could not be ignorant of
a good part of what has been now related, fpeaking of
James' 's death, fays " it was occafioned by an ague,
(after amort indifpofition by the gout) which meet-
ing many humours in a fat unweildy body of 58
years old, in four or five fits carried him out of the
world. After whofe death, adds he, many fcanda.
lous and libellous difcourfes were raifed without the
leaft colour, or ground : as appeared upon the ftri&eft
R " and
242 Me LIFE of JAMES I.
foon after was printed with the title of
Great Britain's Salomon, [4 F] full of the
moft
" and moft malicious examination that could be made,
" long after, in a time of licence, when nobody wasa-
" fraid of offending majefty, and when profecuting the
*' higheft reproaches and contumelies againft the royal
(g) Ckren- et family, was held very meritorious." (g) This is talk-
don, Vol. j n g W j t j 1 a g reat air of aut hority indeed ! was there no
colour or ground for fufpicion of foul play, when Buck-
ingham himfelf owned that he had recommended the plaifter
and drink to the king, and had them adminiftred to him,
without confulting the phyfitians ? was there no ground
. for fuch a fufpicion, when feme of his majefty's own
phyfitians believed it, and the king himfeif attributed
the caufeof his trouble to the plaifter and drink which
the duke had given him ? had the houfe of commons no
colour or ground to impeach the duke of Buckingham
for his behaviour in this affair ? or were they the au-
thors of the fcandalous and libellous difcourfes that were
raifed about it ? A writer who gives himfelf fuch a
ftrange liberty of cenfuring, ought to be pretty fure he is
in the right, or otherwi/e he ftands but a very poor
chance of being believed. Will. Sanderfon, very round-
ly fays, " that what Buckingham gave James to drink
" was a poflet drink of milk and ale, hartfhorn, and
" marygold flowers, ingredients harmlefs and ordinary.
" and though, fays he, the doctors were offended that
" any one durft aflume this boldnefs (of applying the
" plaifter) without their confent ; by after examina-
" tion, all men then were affured of the compofition,
ffc) Sander. " and a piece thereof eaten down by fuch as made it ;
fora's reign and the plaifter many months afterwards in being for
p. sjirE' " further tryal of any fufpition of poyfon." (h) The
had given al- reader muft give what credit to this he thinks it deferves,
r ft fOTe * r my own part> * doubt i j is apocryphal.
account be-
fore, in his [ 4 F ] ) r . Williams preached and printed his funeral
^iS"" fer mon> with the title of Great Britain's Salomon.]
p. 194. ThU
2
The LIFE of JAMES I. 243
mofl grofs flattery, and palpable untruths';
infomuch
This fermon is a curiofity and deferves to be known, as
it gives us a fpeciman of the grofs flattery of thofe times.
His text was I Kings, xi. 41, 4.2, and part of 43 verfe.
* c And the reft of the words of Salomon, and all that he
" did, and his wifdome, are they not written in the
c book of the a&s of Salomon ; and the time that Sa-
" lomon reigned in Hierufalem over all Ifrael, was
" forty years. And Salomon flept with his father's,
*' and was buried in the city of David his father." Af-
ter having mentioned the text he begins thus : " Moft
" high and mighty, moft honourable, worfhipful and
*< well beloved in our lord, and faviour Jefus Chrift ;
c < it is not I, but this woful accident that chufeth this
" text." He proceeds then to confider it as applicable
to Solomon ; and afterwards compares him, and ''James
*' firft as it were in ore general lump, or mould, fays
' he, that you may fee by the oddneis of their propor-
44 tion, how they differ from all kings befides. And
" then with a particular examination of the parts of my
* text, that you may obferve by the feveral membersj
< how well they referable the one the other.
" For the bulke or the mould, I dare prefume to fay 4
you never read in your lives, of two kings more fully ,
parallel'd amongft tbemfelves, and better diftinguiihed
from all other kings befides themfelves. King Sa-
lomon is faid to be unigenitus coram matre fua, the only
fonne of his mother, prov. 4. 3. So was king James.
Salomon was of a complexion white, and ruddy, Can-
" ticl. v. 10. So was king James. Salomon was an in-
" fant king, puer parvulus, a little child, I Chron.
" xxii. 5. fo was king James a king at the age of thir>
" teen months. Salomon began his reign in the life of
*' his predeceflbr, i Kings i. 32. fo, by the force and
" compulfion of that ftate, did our late foveraigne king
" James. Salomon was twice crowned, and anoynted
'* a king, i Chron. xxix. 22. fo was king James. Sa-
*' lemon's minority was rough through the quarrels of
*' the former foveraigne; fo was that of king James.
? ' Salomon was learned above all the princes of the eafr,
R 2 i kinga
244 We LIFE of JAMES I.
infomuch that inftead of celebrating his me-
mory, he has only expofed it. James, by
his
" i kings iv. 30. fo was king James above all the prin-
* c ces in the univerfal world. Salomon was a writer in
" profe, and verfe, i Kings iv. 32. fo in a very pure
< c and exquifire manner was our Tweet foveraigne king
" 'James. Salomon was the greateft patron we ever
" read of to church, and churchmen ; and yet no grea-
" ter (let the houfe of Aaron now confefs) than king
' James. Salomon was honoured with ambafladors
" from all the kings of the earth, i Kings, iv. laft
" verfe ; and fo you know was king James. Salomon
" was a main improver of his home commodities, as
*' you may fee in his trading with Hiram, i Kings v.
" 9. and, God knows, it was the daily ftudy of king
'* James. Salomon was a great maintainer of (hipping
*' and navigation, i Kings x. 14. a 1 moft proper at-
" tribute to king James. Salomon beautified very much
" his capital city, with buildings and water-works, I
'* Kings ix. 15. fo did king James. Every man lived
" in peace under his vine, and his fig-tree, in the days
" of Salomon, I Kings iv. 25. and fo they did in the
" bleiFed days of king James. And yet towards his
" end king Salomon had fecret enemies, Razan, Hadad,
" and Jeroboam, and prepared for a warre upon his
" going to his grave; fo had, and fo did king James.
* Laftly, before any hoftile aft we read of in the hif-
* c tory, king Salomon died in peace, when he had lived
(a) Great " about 60 yearp, and fo you know did king
Britain* Sa- JamtS." (a)
omm,f. One would think this had been^ enough ofallcon-
fcience ; but the right reverend preacher proceeds ac-
cording to the method of his text, " to polilh and refine
'* the members of this ftatue in their divifion, and par-
ticular. In his ftile, fays he, you may obferve the
" Ecclefiaftes, in his figures the Canticles, in his fen-
*' tences the Proverbs, and in his whole difcourfe, reli-
" quum verborum Salomonis, all the reft that was ad-
'* mirable in the eloquence of Salomon.- From
*' his
LIFE of JAMES I. 24$
his queen, Ann of Denmark , had i flue be fides
Charles
" his faying I come to his doings. Qiiae fecerit, all that
he did. Every a&ion of his facred majefty was a
virtue, and a miracle to exempt him from any pa-
rallel amongft the moderne kings and princes. Of
all chriftian kings that ever I read of, he was the moft
conftant patron of churches and churchmen.' -\
will fpeak it boldly, in the prefence here of God and
men, that I believe in my foul, and confcience, there
" never lived a more conftant, refolute, and fettled
<c proteftant in point of do&rine than our late foveraigne,
'< Through all Europe no more queftion was
*' made of his being juft, than of his being king. He
" was refolute enough, and fomewhat too forward in
" thofe unapproachable places (the Highlands) fcatter-
" ing his enemies as much with his example, as he did
" with his forces. Befides thefe adventures of his per-
" fon, he was unto his people, to the hour of his death,
< c another cherubim with a flaming fword, to keep out
" enemies from this paradice of ours."
After flouriming upon his political wifdom and learn-
ed works, he goes on to let his hearers know " that as
" he lived like a king, fo he died like a faint. All his
latter days he fpent in prayer, fending his thoughts
before into heaven, to be the harbingers of his happy
foul. Some foure days before his end he defired to re-
ceive the blefled facrament, and faid he was prepared
for it by faith and charitie. He repeated the articles
of the creed, and after the abfolution had been read
" and pronounced, he received the facrament with
" that zeal and devotion, as if he had not been a fraile
" man, but a cherubim cloathed with flelh and blood,
" he twice, or thrice repeated Domine Jefu, venicito j
" and after the prayer ufually faid at the hour of death,
" was ended, his lords and fervants kneeling, without
" any pangs or convulfions at all, dormivit Salomon,
" Salomon flept. And his foul, adds the good bifhop,
" fevered from the dregs of the body, doth now enjoy
" an eternal dreaming in the prefence of God, environ'd
J no
246 The LIFE of JAMES I.
Charles who fuceeeded him, and Elizabeth^
who
<c no more with lords and knights, but with troupes of
li angels, and the fouls of the blefled, called in this
" text his fore-runners or fathers ; and Salomon flept
f*) Great <e with his fathers." (b] This was the character given
BritainsSa- o f James before thofe who were acquainted well with
lomon, p. fr lm . an( j t ^ j believe there is no one, who reads it
now but will think it fomewhat too panegyrical for the
pulpit. .But indeed the bifho'ps ftrived (as he had been
fa great a friend to churchmen) to outvie each other in
praifmg him ; and confeqaently we can take no mea-
iures of the truth from their descriptions. Laud ob-
fervesof him, that it was little lefs than a miracle, that
fo much fweetnefs fliould be found in fo great heart ;
that clemency, mercy, and juftice, were eminent in
him ; that he was not only a preferver of peace at home,
.but-the great peace- maker abroad ; that he was bounti-
ful, and thegreateft patron of the church ; that he was
the molt learned prince in matters of religion, and moft
orthodox therein j that he devoutly received the blefled
facrament, and approved of abfolution ; that he called
for prayers, was full of patience at his death, and had his
(r)SeeRufh- reft in Abraham's bofom. (cj
worth, Vol. Spotfwosd determining not to be out done by Ifflliams
* p> * 5 ' and Laud) declares tc that he was the Salomon of this
* age, admired for his wife government, and for his
* knowledge in all manner of learning. For his wif-
* dom, moderation, love of juftice, for his patience,
* and piety (which (hined above all his other virtues,
* and is witnefled in the learned works he left topof-
* terity.) his name'fhall never be forgotten, but remain
(</; Church * in honor fo long as the world endureth." (d) Thefe
hiftory, p. . are the characters given of James by three of the highelt
rank in the church ; which yet have had the misfor-
tune to be little credited by difinterefted pofterity. And
frt Exam 1 t ^ cre ^ ore Dr. Grey did not do quite fo right in referring
nation of .* Spotfaood's character of Jamc's, as a vindication of
Neale'sfc- him from what he had been charged with by hisadver-
cond voiurr.i, fc,.^ ^ Y C] . court .bifhops, by fome fate or other,
from
The LIFE of JAMES I. 247
married Frederick, prince Palatine of the
Rhyne,
from the timeofCvnftantine, down at leaft to the death
of James, and a little after, have had the characters of
flatterers, panegyrifts, and others of like import; and
therefore are always to have great abatements made in
their accounts of thofe who have been their benefactors :
it being well known, that fuch they endeavour to hand
down to pofterity under the notion of faints, as they al-
ways blacken and defame their adverfaries.
I have juft obferved that difinterefted pofterity have
given little credit to the panegyrics of the three right
reverends: I will give a proof or two of it, and then
conclude this note. Burnett tells us, *' that James
*' was become the fcorn of the age ; and while hungry
c writers flattered him out of meafure at home, he was
" defpifed by all abroad as a pedant without true judg-
<{ ment, courage, or fteadinefs, fubject to his favou-
*' rites, and delivered up to the counfels, or rather the
" corruption of Spain. "(f) Lord Bolingbrcke obferves ( /jBurnett,
of him, " that he had no virtues to fet off, but he had ^ol. L P
** failings and vices to conceal. He coutd not conceal
" the latter ; and, void of the former, he could not
" compenfate for them. His failings and his vices
" therefore ftand in full view, he pafTed for a weak
" prince and an ill man, and fell into all the contempt
" wherein his memory remains to this day." (g] -i- ^j Letters
Lord Orrery, fays, " the character of queen Elizabeth on patrio-
" has been exalted by the want of merit in her fuccef- tifin>p. 214*
*' for, from whofe mifcondudt gufhed forth that torrent
*' of mifery, which not only bore down his fon, but
*' overwhelmed the three kingdoms." (h) (*) Re
In the Abbe Raynal's hiftory of the parliament ofmark son the
England, we read li that James wanted to be pacific, l \ fe a d wri-
* 4 and he was only indolent} wife, and he was only tln sf Swift,
" irrefolutej juft, and he was only timid; moderate, P '
" and he was only foft ; good, and he was only weak ;
" a divine, and he was only a fanatic ; a philofopher,
" and he was only extravagant ; a doctor, and he was
" only a pedant. No one ever carried the pretenfions
R . " of
Xbe LIFE of JAMES I.
Rhyne, (well known to the world by their
misfortunes) Henry t [4 G] a prince of a moft
amiable
< of the crown further than James-, and few princes
*' have contributed fo much to villify it. This prince
' found it eafier tofuffer injuries than to revenge them ;
to difpenfe with the public efteem, than to merit it ;
and to facrifice the rights of his crown, than to
" trouble his repofe by maintaining them. He lived on
" the throne like a private man in his family ; he re-
" tained of the royalty only the gift of healing the evil,
which is attributed to the kings of England. One
*' would have faid he was only a paflanger in the veflel
" of which he ought to have been the pilot. This in-
(i) See the action made his days pafs in obfcurity, and prepared a
SwKe " tragical reign for his fucceflbr." (/} Thus has the
year 1751. name of James been treated by the moft difinterefted
p. 448. 8vo. a nd unbiaued j whether the judgment of his courtiers
who had been greatly favoured by him, is to be fet in the
ballance with the opinion of thefe writers is left to the
reader.
[4 c] Prince Henry was of a moft amiable difpofition,
and excellent genius.] This I take to be literally true ;
otherwife I would not have been at the trouble of faying
any thing about him. He was born atStriveling, Feb.
19, 1594, and committed to the care of the earl of
Mar t (the family of Erjkin^ earl of Mar^ was always
governor of the king's children, from the time the
Stuarts mounted the throne 5) by the following letter
writ by his majefty's own hand.
My lord of Marre>
tl "DEcaufe in the furety of my fon, confifteth my
" -^ furety, and I have concredited unto you the charge
** of his keeping, upon the truft I have of your honefty ;
" this I command you out of my own mouth, being in
" the
Me LIFE of JAMES I. 249
amiable difpofition and excellent genius ; the
darling
" the company of thofe I like j otherwife for any charge
*' or neceffity that can come from me, you fhall not de-
" liver him ; and in cafe God call me at any time, fee
" that neither for the queen nor eftates their pleafure,
" you deliver him till he be 1 8 years of age, and that he
*' command you himfelf.
*' Striveling, 24th of
" J ul /> "595-" ( a ) M Spotf.
wood,
In obedience to this command, lord Mar kept the
prince, and refufed to deliver him to the queen his mo-
ther, in the year 1603, till the duke of Lennox was fent
with a warrant to receive him, and delivered him to the
queen. Mr. (aftewards Sir) Adam Newton^ was his tu-
tor, by whofe inftru&ions he is faid to have profited
greatly. " He was, fays Sir Charles Cornwall}*, of a
" comely, tall, middle ftature, about five foot and
" eight inches high, of a ftrong, ftreight well-made
" body, with fomewhat broad flioulders, and a fmall
" wafte, of an amiable majeftick countenance, his hair
*' of an aborne collour, long faced, and broad fore-
" head, a piercing grave eye, a moft gracious fmile,
" with a terrible frown, courteous, loving and affable ;
" his favour like the fun, indifferently feeming to {hine
" upon all ; naturally ftiamefaced, and modeft, moft
" patient, which he (hewed both in life and death.
" Diflimulation he efteemed moft bafe, chiefly in a
" prince, not willing, nor by nature being able to flat-
" ter, fawnc, or ufe thofe kindly who deferved not his
*' love. -Quick he was to conceive any thing, not rafli
" but mature in deliberation, yet moftconftant, having
<e retblved. True of his promife, moft fecret even from
*' his youth; fo that he might have been trufted in any
" thing that did not force a difcovery ; being of a clofe
" difpofition not eafy to be known, or pried into: of a
fearlefs,
250 TkeLIFE of JAMES I.
darling of the people whilft living, and great-
* fearlefs, noble, heroic, and undaunted ^courage,
" thinking; nothing unpoflible, that ever was done by
" any. He was ardent in his love to religion, which
*' love, and all the good caufes thereof, his heart was
" bent by fpme means or other (if he had lived) to have
*' (hewed, and fome way to have compounded the un-
" kind jarrs thereof.
" He made confcience of an oath, and was never
L**j2. ,'-.'' <c heard to take God's name in vain. He hated popery,
' tho' he was not unkind to the perfons of papifts. 'He
c< loved and did mightily ftrive to do fomewhat of every
thing, and to excel in the moft excellent. Hegreat-
." ly delighted in all kind of rare inventions and arts,
*' and in all kind of engines belonging to the wars,
< { both by fea and land : In the bravery and number of
." great horfes ; in {hooting and levelling of great pieces
,*< of ordnance ; in the ordering and marftialling 'of
" armes ; in building and gardening, and in all forts of
*' rare mufique, chiefly the trumpet and drum ; in
" limning and painting, carving in all forts of excellent
" and rare pictures, which he had brought unto him
(A)The t f f rom a u countries." (b) Thus fpeaks, of prince
much la- Henr y* Sir Charles Corawallis, treafurer of his houmold.
mented ; But without other authorities, I (hould lay very little
death of ftrefs on his book, which looks more like a panegyric
princlof tnan a n 'ft r y : And we find it obferved by a fine
Wales, by -Writer, " that princes in their infancy, childhood ,and
SirCharles *< youth, are faid to difcover prodigious parts and wit,
fvo^T^? " tofpeak things that furprize and aftonifh : ftrange,
p. 93 loi..'* adds he, fo many hopeful princes, and fo many
(OSwtftand " fljameful 'kings! if they happen to die young they
ttErfeS 1 " *' would have been prodigies of wifdom and virtue : if
VoLLp. - " t ^ e - v -^' ve tnev are f te n prodigies indeed, but of
307, izmo. " another f.Tt." (r) However 'tis certain, prince
S^alfooV Htnry had very great merit. " The government of
born,p. " ** n ^ nou ^ e was with much difcretion, modefty, fb-
5*;. . . " briety,
Vbe LIFE of JAMES I. 251
ly lamented after his death ; which (though
his phyiitians declared to the contrary) was
fuppofed
'< briety, and in an high reverence to piety, not fwear-
" ing himfelf, or keeping any that did. He was not
" only piaufible in his carriage, but juft inpayments, fo
" far as his credit out reached the kings both in the ex-
" change and the church, (d) He was an enemy to op- (d) W.p
" preffion and injuftice ; for hearing the king had given * l8 *
" Sherburn-Caftle to Sir Robert Car, he came with
fome anger to his father, defiring he would be pleaf-
ed to beftow Sherburn upon him, alledging that it
was a place of great ftrength and beauty, which he
much liked, but indeed with an intention of giving
it back to Sir Walter Ralegh, whom he much efteem-
ed." (e] The fame noble difpofition he fhewed to- (<) Ralegh's
wards Sir Robert Dudley, who was deprived of his ho- y orks ^ Vol i
jiors and eftate by the injuftice of James. '< He made over-
" tures to Sir Robert, fays king Charles, to obtain his
" title in Kenilworth cafile, &c. and bought it of him
** for fourteen thoufand five hundred pounds, and pro-
" mifed to reftorehim in honors and fortunes." (f) (/) Patent
This prince was the patron of the ftudies of Sir Walter Jjj^jjjj 8
Ralegh, for whofe abilities he had an high efteem, and Dudley**
who drew up for his ufe, a difcourfe touching a match duchefsof
between the lady Elizabeth and the prince of Piedmont ; En s land -
obfervations concerning the royal navy and fea fervice ;
and a letter touching the model of a (hip. And in the
year 1611, " that worthy feaman, Sir Thomas Button,
" fervant to prince Henry, purfued the north-weft dif-
" coveries at the inftigation of that glorious young
< prince, "(g] And very certain 'tis that he endea- (^) AC-
voured well to underftand ftate affairs, and applied him- cou nt of fc-
feifto get a thorough knowledge of them ; the duke Q^ ral *
54//yafiures us " that as foon as he had obtained his fa- lit.*f^ii*ln
** ther's promife that he would, at leaft, not obftrucl: his theintroduc-
(f proceedings, he prevented//<?r/s (the fourth's) wifhes; tion < P- IJ<
* l being animated with a thirft of glory, and a defire
< to
Me LIFE of JAMES I.
fuppofed to be by poifon : but however that
be, certain 'tis, James was little affe&ed with
it.
to render himfelf worthy the efteem and alliance of
" Henry : for he was to marry the eldeft daughter of
" France. He wrote me feveral letters hereupon, and
" therein exprefled himfelf in the manner I have men-
(i)Memoin " tioned." (h) Agreeably hereunto, Dr. Welwood fays,
ofSully, a, t the duke of Sully, being in England laid the
Vol. I. p. K f oun d at i on o f a ft r jt friendfhip betwixt his matter
< and prince Henry ; which was afterwards carried on
" by letters and meflages till the death of that king,
" Tho' its a fecret to this day what was the real defign
* of all thofe vaft preparations that were made by Henry
** the fourth before his death : yet I have feen fome pa-
" pers which make it more than probable, that prince
e Henry was not only acquainted with the fecret, but
(/) Wei- " was engaged in the defign." (/') Sir Charles
wood's me- Cornwallis having written to him from Spain, where
moirs,'p. 20. ne was am baflador, prince Henry in a letter to him, re-
plies, " that he muft particularly thank him for impart-
** ing to him his obfervations of that ftate, whereof,
* e fays he, I will make the beft ufe I may ; and fince
" that is a ftudy very well befitting me, and wherein I
" delight, I will defire you to acquaint me further in
* that kind as occafions (hall be offered j that thereby the
c< more ye may deferve my readinefs to acknowledge[it."
(*)Win- (^) Before Sir Thomas Ec/mondes's departure to France,
wood. Vol. prince Henry engaged him to communicate to him the
III. p. 45. courfe of things there ; and on the fecond of September,
Mr. Adam (afterwards Sir Adam} Newton, wrote from
Richmond to Sir Thomas, to remind him of his promife to
his royal highnefs. " This opportunity offering itfelf fo
" fitly, maketh me call unto your remembrance a pro-
" mife, which his highnefs allegeth you made unto him
*' at your departure, of imparting to him fuch occur-
" rences, as that country yeildeth. I find his highnefs
" doth expect it ; and therefore I prefume to acquaint
you
p* LIFE of JAMES I. 253
it. His other children were Sophia, and
Mar) i
" you therewith. The French perceived very early the
" forwardnefs of this young prince, and thought pro-
c< per to try to fecure him to their intereft ; for fecre-
* e tary Villeroy wrote to monfieur de la Boderie, the
" French ambaffador in England, from Fontainebleau,
" the i8th of July, 1608, N. S. that king Henry the
" fourth had told him, that he had more defire than
* ever to feek the friendmip of the prince of Wales,
* c and, for that purpofe, to gratify thofe about him, as
*' that embafTador mould judge fit ; fince that king
" forefaw, that the prince would foon hold a rank wor-
" thy of him in England, on account of the little ef-
" teem, which was had of the queen and king." (/)(/) Birch's
And there is a letter of prince Henry's to Sir Thomas view of the
Edmondes, dated September 10, 1612, urging him in a ngtt>ft
ftrong and mafterly manner to profecute the fcheme of p '
uniting the princes of the blood, and the heads of the
proteftant party in France, againft the minifters of that
court, (m] From thefe authorities I prefume, we may ( OT ) id. p ,
with great truth affirm that this young prince was pofleff- 3 61 -
ed of a moft amiable difpofition and excellent genius.
Inftiort he was the very reverfeof his father, and there-
fore not much efteemed by him. " The vivacity,
" fpirit, and activity of the prince foon gave umbrage
" to his father's court, which grew extreamly jealous of
" him : and Sir Thomas Edmondes, though at a
" diftance, feems to have been fenfible of this, and to
" have been more cautious on that account of corref-
" ponding with his royal highnefs." (n) And the () Birch'
prince was fo fenfible of his want of influence in his fa- view, p,
ther's court, that in a letter of his to Sir Thomas, da- 5 i6 -
ted September i o, 1612, he excufes himfelf from inter-
pofing in Sir Thomas's favour, with regard to aflting
preferment for him; " becaufe as matters go now here,
" fays he, I will deal in no bufineflefs of importance for
" fome refpedls." (o) Ofborn therefore feems to have
been well informed in faying " that the king though he [] Id * P*
would 3 '
We LIFE of JAMES I.
Mary, who both died young, and were
buried
born, p.
f t ) See Bur-
nett, Vol.
I. p. io.
Winwood,
Vol. III. p.
410.
Aulicus Co-
qumariae, p.
iyi.
Wei wood's
note on wil-
fon, in com-
pleathiftory,
Vol. II. p.
689.
(r) Birch's
view, p.
371.
(0 Ibid. p.
373-
" would not deny any thing the prince plainly defired,
"'.yet it appeared rather the refult of fear and outward
" compliance, than love or natural affection j being hard-
" er drawn to confer an honor orpardon, in cafes of de-
' fert, upon a retainer of the prince, than a ftranger."(/>)
However, he was the darling of the Englifti nation, his
court was well filled, and his attendants were numerous ;
in life he was highly beloved, after death equally la-
mented, by all but his father, and his favourite, Ro-
ckefter. " November the 6th. 1612, proved fatal to
' him, who died at the age of eighteen, at St. James's
" ofadifeafe, with which he had been feized in the
preceding month : but the prevailing opinion of that
time, (q) and fince adopted by fome of our hiftorians,
though contradi6ted by the unanimous report of his
phyfitians, was, that his end washaftened by poifon.
And this notion received forne countenance, from
the little concern, which was (hewn at his death by
the court, though the nation confidered it as an irre-
parable lofs. For it made fo little impreffion upon the
king and his favourite, that Rochefter^ on the gth of
November, three days .after that melancholy event,
" wrote from Whitehall to Sir Thomas Edmondes, to
" begin a negotiation for a marriage between prince
" Charles and the fecond daughter of France." (r)
Sir Thomas indeed had more fen fe of decency, and
therefore delayed it. This the king approved of on con-
"deration. For, fays his majefty, " it wojdd have
been a very blunt thing in us, that you, our mjnifter,
{hould fo foone after fuch an irreparable lofTe received
by us, have begun to talk of marriage, the moft
contrary thing that could be, to death and funeralls."
(3} This conduct is quite amazing! what muft the
world judge of a father who was thus unaffe&ed with
the death of a worthy virtuous fon ? If to be without
natural affe&ion, ftiews the utmoft depravity of the heart
of
<R>e LIFE of JAMES I. 255
buried with great folemnity at Weftminfter.
of man, we may without breach of charity, fay that
"James's heart was utterly depraved. His paffion for his
favourite, extinguished his affection for his child ; and,
his weaknefsand worthlefihefs made him look on him as
an object of terror, whom all mankind viewed with
efteem and approbation. But the neglect of a father de-
prived not prince Henry of that reputation which he fo
well deferved. Pofterity have founded forth his praifes,
and held him up to view as one worthy the imitation of
all young princes ; and where-ever his character is
known, his memory will be highly honoured.
A P P E N-
APPENDIX.
Additions to the life of king James tie firft,
communicated by the reverend Dr. Birch,
fecretary to the royal fociety.
THE following books were publifliedon occa-
fion of king James LTrSplici nodoTriplex
Cuneus, printed at firft without his name. Car-
dinal Bellarmin publifhed in 1608, under the
name of Mattheus Tortus, a book in quarto in-
titled, Refponfio ad librum, cui titulus, triplici
nodo triplex cuneus, five apologia pro juramento
fidelitatis, adverfus duo brevia Papae Pauli V, et
recentesliterascardinalisBellarmini ad Georgium
Blackvellum, anglice archi-prefbyterum : re-
printed at Rome, 1609, in quarto.
The king upon this anfwer republifhed his
own book with his name, with a monitory
preface.
In 1609, Dr. Lancelot Andrews, then bi (hop
of Chichefter, publimed at London, in quarto,
Tortura Tort ; five ad Mattrm Torti librum
refponfio, qui nuper editus contra apologiam
fere-
APPENDIX.
ferenifilmi potentifilmique principis Jacobi, Dei
gratia, magna- Britannia^, Francis et Hibernian
Regis, projuramentofidelitatis.
Cardinal Bcllarmin publifhed in 1610 in quar-
to, pro refponfione fua ad librum Jacob?, mag-
n22 Britannise regis, cui titulus eft, triplici nodo
triplex cuneus, apologia.
To this Dr. Andrews, now Bifliop of Ely,
publifhed at London, 1610, in quarto, Refpon-
Jfio ad apologiam cardinalis Bellarmini, quam
nuper edidit contra prasfationem monitoriam fere-
niflimi ac potentifllmi principis, Jacobi, Dei
gratia, magna: Britanniae, Francias et Hibernian
regis, fidei defenforis, omnibus chriftianis mon-
archis, principibus atque ordinibus infcriptam.
Nicolas Coeffetau, afterwards Bilhop of Mar-
feilles, publifhed againft the king's preface ac
Paris, in 1610, in octavo, Refponfe a 1'avertifTe*
ment, adreffe par le fereniflTime Roy de la gran-
de Bretagne Jacques I. a tous les princes et po-
tentates de la chretiente.
This was anfwered by Peter du Moulin,
minifter of Charenton, whofe vindication of the
king, was printed in French at Paris, in 1610
in octavo, and in Latin at London. The
French title is, Defence de la foy catholique,
continue au livre de Jacques I. Roy d'angleterre
centre la refponfe de N. CoerTstau.
Goeffetau replied to Peter du Moulin's book in
his apologie pour la refponfe a 1'avertifTement du
ferenifllme Roy de la grande Bretagne, centre
les accufations du Pierre du Moulin, miniftre de
Charenton, printed at Paris 1614, in octavo.
Mr. John Donne, afterwards doctor of divi-
nity and dean of St. Paul's, wrote and publifhed,
before his entrance into orders, a quarto volume,
S printed
APPENDIX.
printed at London in 1610, in fupport of the
king's defences of the oath of allegiance, Pfeudo-
martyr: ct wherein out of certaine propofnions
*' and gradations, this conclufion is evicted, that
*' thof , which are of the Romane religion in
" this kingdom, may, and ought to take the
' oath of allegeance."
Father Parfons, the jefuit, published at St.
Omers in 1608, in quarto, the judgment of a
catholic gentleman, concerning king James's
apology for the oath of allegiance : anfwered
by Dr. William Barlow, afterwards bifhop of
Lincoln. Wood, Ath. Oxon. Vol. I. col. 362.
Martinus Becanus publifhed at Mentz in 1610
in octavo, refutatio apologias et monitortse praefa-
tionis Jacobi regis Angliae and Refutatio
torturae torti contra facellanum regis Anglian
Dr. William Tooker, dean of Litchfield,
anfwer'd him in his Certamen cum Martino Be-
cano, futiliter refutante apologiam Jacobi regis,
printed in 1611, in octavo at London.
Becanus replied to Dr. Tooker in hisDuellum
cum Gulielmo Tooker de primatu regis Anglias,
printed at Mentz in octavo ; where he published
likewife the fame year, and in the fame form, a
book againftbifhop Andrews, intitled Controver-
fia Anglicana de poteftate regis et pontificis con-
tra Lancellottum Andraeam.
To which laft book of Becanus an anfwerwas
given by Robert Burhill, intitled, Contra Becani
controverfiam anglicanam aflertio pro jure regis,
proqne epifcopi Elienfis refponfione ad apologiam
Bellarmini ; London 1613, in octavo Mr.
Richard Harris publifhed likewife an anfwer in
Latin at London, 1612 in octavo, to Becanus's
controverfia anglicana.
Leonardos
APPENDIX.
Leonard us -Leflius wrote againft the king ? s
prasfrtio monitoria, in a book printed at Ant-
werp, 161 1, in oftavo, and intitled de antichrif-
to et ejus prsecurforibus difputatio, qua refutatur
praefatio monitoria Jacobi regis magnse Bri-
tannise.
This was anfwered by Dr. George Downame,
afterwards bifhop of London- Derry in Ireland,
in his book, called, Papa Antichriftus, feu dia-
triba duabus partibus, quarum prior 6 Librisvin-
dicat Jacobi regis fententiam de antichrifto, pof-
terior refutat Leonardi Leflii 16 demon ftrationes
regis prsefationi monitoriae oppofitas: London
1620.
Francis Suares, the Jefuit, attacked the king's
apology for the oath of allegiance in his defen-
fio fidei catholicas contra anglicanse feclas errores,
una cum refponfione ad Jacobi regis apologiam
pro juramento fidelitatis, printed at Coimbra in
1613, and at Mentz in 1619.
Leonardos Cocquasus, an Auguftinian monk,
publifhed at Friburg in 1610, examen prsefa-
tionis apologias Jacobi regis pro juramento fi-
delitatis.
James Gretfer, thejefuit, in 1610 printed at
Ingolftad, BacnA/xou Awpov, feu commentarius exe-
geticus in Jacobi regis magnae Britannige prse-
tationem monitoriam, et in ejufdem apologiam
pro juramento fidelitatis.
Andraeas Eudasmon- Johannes wrote againft
bifhop Andrews, in his parallelus Torti et tortoris
ejus L. Ciceftrenfis, feu refponfio ad torturam
Torti pro Roberto Bellarmino ; Colen in 1611.
This was replied to by Dr. Samuel Collins,
Regius ProfefTer of divinity at Cambridge, in a
book,
APPENDIX.
book, printed there in quarto, under the title of
tc Increpatio Andres Endaemon-Johannis de
infami parallelo, ec renovata afferdo torturse
Torti pro epifcopo elienfi He publifhed
Jikewife at Cambridge in 1617, in quarto
Epphata to T. T. or a defenfe of the bifhop of
Ely concerning his anfwer to cardinal Bellarmin's
apology, againft the calumnies of a fcandalous
pamphlet."
FINIS.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
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