w<% r ? i < ' A | < H 'V ^ vS M^ I 3 '8 s s ^ 1 S -< ^ * ^ u C u? -1 sgi i s/t I |v ^ ^m ^ x^UIBRARYO^ \ UN!VER% ^IOS cxf^ T S /^ p ea ^3 ? 1 I I <:. & 1 Ilk ^. i t \\\EMVEi)J//, i | s. a I I *" I 1 ^/OJITVD-jO^ ^OF-CAIIFO^ o 3> =3 = $ ^ 5 I I ^OF-CAIIFO % i | S s C^ ^3 juii is ,vlOS-ANCElfj A N HISTORICAL and CRITICAL ACCOUNT O F T H E LIFE and WRITINGS O F 'JAMES the FIRST, King of Great Britain. After the Manner of Mr. B AYLE. Drawn from Original Writers and State-Papers. By WILLIAM HARRIS. Ne quid Falfi dicer e audeat, ne quid vfri non audeat. CICERO. LONDON: Printed for JAMES WAUGH, at the Turk's- Head, in Lombard-Street, 1753. 311 PREFACE. ^ ^ H E defign of the following fleets is to give a fuller and more diflinc~l view of -*- the character of king James the fir ft, than has ever yet been exhibited by any writer. It is readily acknowledged that this character is in iff elf i a very mean and defpicable fubjecJ ; but as it was attended with very extenfive and important confequences both in his and thefuc- ceeding reigns -, fo it is humbly prefumed that an attempt to illuftrate that periodofEngYifa hif- tory which falls within the plan ofthisfubjeff, will meet with a favourable acceptance from the public. 'There are inferted in thefe papers a great number of curious an d inter ejlingf aft s y entirely omitted by our hiftorians, wbofeem to have very little confulted thoje original writers^ andftate papers from whence the following account is chiejly compiled. he author does not think it nece/ary to make any apology for the freedom of his reflections ; but only to declare that they were not made for A z the OZZf* HISTORY iv PREFACE. the fake of pleafing or difpleajing any fet or party in church or ft ate ; but wholly intended to ferve the caufe of liberty and truth. He pro- feffes himfelf inviolably attached to the civil and religious liberties of mankind-, and therefore hopes the reader 'will indulge him in that warmth of his refentment, that honeft indigna- tion, that is naturally raifed by every inftance ef perfecution, tyranny, and oppreffion ; provi- ded he has not any where exprejfed himfelf in a manner unworthy of the character of a gentle- man or a chriftian. For the reft it is hoped that the curious will find fome enter taintment, if not information^ in this account ; and that they will par don the faults and imperfections of it, for the fake of its general tendency and dejign. One thing the judicious and impartial reader will, at lea ft, not be difpleas'dwith, viz. that as the authorities here quoted are the moft au- thentic in tbemfelves, Jo the manner of quoting them is the moft unexceptionable andjuft, that is in the very words , letters and points of the re- fpeffive author , by which the reader may be m^ fallibly certain that their fenfe is rightly re- prefented. THE THE CONTENTS, JAMES's birtb, the murder of Rlxio, and its effect on James^ according to Sir Kenelm Digby. Page 2 4. Buchanan the tutor of James; his great merit and abilities j hated by his pupil, and for what reafons. 4 7. James'* favourites in Scotland ; the unpopu- lar meafures purfued by him through their perfua/ions. 7. He isfeized by the earls of Mar and Go wry. Difmiffes his favourites. 8 . He regains his liberty, and returns to his old courfes -, an account of the conspiracy of the Cowries, their ruin, and an enquiry into the truth of the plot. I o 1 7. 'Ibe death communicated by the reverend Dr. Birch, fecretary to the Royal Society. E R- ERRATA. >AGE 5. Line 29. for afpertions, ras^ aflertions. 7. 8. for foul, read foul. 25. 15. /or detached, m&/detefted. 26. 23. for purity, ra&/ parity. 27. 25. dW? in. 38. 24. /or wierns, raa/wierus. 44. 17. /or procopins, read procopius. 58. 4. for and when, read or not. 96. 3. /* / note for Peter, read pater. 104. 32. /or fuanez, ra^fuarez. ill. 26. for fpalafto, read ipalatto. 1 1 8. 2. for feliatione, read filiatione. 136. 28. dfc/?one. 138. 19. for Mr. read Dr. 149. 9. / this, read they. 151. 15. for amiTador, read ambaflador. 179. 29. /or mamrice, ^Wmaurice. 1 82. 1 4. /or hereditkry, r^^ hereditary. 195. I . for ta, read to. 215. 28. /or lawleis, read lawlefs. 216. 3. for poffibly, r^^poffible. 241. 23. for fubfeft, rf^fubjedl. 247. 21. for coutd, read could. AN A N HISTORICAL and CRITICAL ACCOUNT OF THE LIFE and WRITINGS O F JAMES I King of Great-Britain. AMES STUART, the fixth of that name in Scotland, and firft. in England, was born June 19, 1566. He was the fon of Henry Lord Darnley (Ton to Matthew earl of Lennox, by Margaret Dowg- las daughter to the widow of James, the fourth, who was theeldeft daughter to Hen- ry the feventh of England,) and Mary queen B of tte LIFE of JAMES I. of Scots, the only child of James the fifth, king of Scots, who was Con of James the fourth and Margaret his queen, the faid eld- eft daughter of Henry the feventh of Eng- land. The murther of a favourite fecre- tary (A) when flie was great with child, in her (A) -A favourite fecrefary, &c.] This was the fa- mous tc David RixiO) or Rifclo^ an Italian, a merry < fellow and good mufician, who was taken notice of cc firft of all on account of his voice. He was drawn " in (fays Melvil) to fmg fometimes with the reft, and an{ j f ucn as could not be much to the credit of a 5-4! Fol'. P< fovereign princefs. For 'tis expected that fuch a one bond. 1683. mould maintain her rank, and fcorn to ftoop to thofe See likewife wno nave neither birth nor breeding. But Mary gave ofthechurch hcrfelf up to David, and was advifed by him in things of Scotland of the utmoft importance. This appears from Mdvil^ fcyarchbp. w ho knew them well, and likewife from Spotfwood. For *Tkc LIFE of JAMES I. 3 her prefence, had fuch an effect on this her fon, that even through his life he could not bear the fight of a drawn fword. He was placed in the throne after his mother's forced refignation, July 25, 1567, being but little above a year old. He had the famous George B 2 Buchanan For both thefe aflure us, he was the perfon, the only Spotfwood, perfon who prevailed on the queen to marry Henry lord j^ 8 ?^ p?J* Darnley. She at firft difrelimed the propofal, but thro' L on a' ifies! means of Rixio, " me took ay the longer the better " liking of him, and at length determined to marry " him." (b). No wonder then common fame was not ftj Melvil, favourable in her reports of Alary ^ and that the envious p. ? T. and and ill-natured hinted things reproachful to her virtue, s P^ woud * I pretend not to fay any thing criminal pafled between p> the queen and her fecretary (though her affair, after her hufband's death, with Bothwell^ would induce one to fufpecl her not incapable of a familiarity fo difhonour- able) ; but I think, all men muft allow that things were not fo decently managed between them as they ought. Perfons of an elevated rank, mould ftrive not only to be good, but to appear fo ; and careful to aft in fo pure and unexceptionable a manner, that envy itfelf may not be able to blaft their reputation. -However Mary had little regard to what the world faid. She continued her favour to her fiddling fecretary, 'till a violent death put an end to it, to her great horror and amazement. Rixio, though he had procured the queen for Darnley^ could not long continue in his favour ; fufpicions being put into his head, he confented to his murther, which was perpetrated in the following manner, " At fix o'clock *' at night, when the queen was at fupper in her clofet, " a number of armed men entered within the court, " and going up into the clofet (where the king was " leaning on the queen's chair) overthrew the table, * c candles, meat and difhes. Rixio took the queen a- " bout the wafte, crying for mercy, but George Dowg- 4 We LIFE of JAMES I. Buchanan for his tutor, by whom he feems to have profited little, and towards whofe memory he had a great averfion (B). Du- ring " las plucked out the king's dagger, and flruck Rixio " firft with it, leaving it flicking in him. He making " great flirieks and cries, was rudely fnatched from the * c queen, who could not prevail either with threats or " entreaties to fave him. But he was forcibly drawn ' " forth of the clofet, and (lain in the outer hall, and p 64 " her majefty kept as a captive." (c) Bat they had no commandment from the contrivers fo to kill him, but to bring him to public execution. " And good it ** had been for them fo to have done, or then to have " taken him in another place, and at another time *' than in the queen's prefence. For befides the great " peril of abortion which her fear might have caufed, " the falfe afperfions caft upon her fame and honour P- was i n at the light of the drawn fword, fofar influenced the child in her womb, that " Sir Kenelm Digby af- " fures us, he had fuch an averfion to a naked fword " all his life- time, that he could not fee one without a " great emotion of fpirits ; and though otherwife cou- " ragious enough, he could not over-mafter his paffions <* in this particular. 1 remember, adds he, when he " dub'd me knight, in the ceremony of putting a na- cc ked fword upon my flioulder, he could not endure " to look upon it, but turned his face another way; " infomuch that in lieu of touching my moulder, he (e) Digby of had almoft thruft the point into my eyes, had not the power of tc t j le j^g o f Buckingham cuided his hand aright." (e\ fympathy, p. i8. at the end of (B) The famous George Buchanan for his tutor, by on bUcT^ whom he ^ eems to hav ^ P r fi ted Jittle and towards 4to.Lond. whofe memory he had a great averiionj Buchanan^ 1669. merit needs not to be celebrated by me. His fame as a polite The LIFE of JAMES I. ring his minority the kingdom had feveral regents, viz. his uncle the earl of Murray t his grandfather the earl of Lennox, and the earls of Mar and Morton ; with the latter of whom the nobility being diflatisfied, he B 3 was polite writer, and a man of deep learning and folid judgment, is eftablifh'd on the moft lafting founda- tions (a). Even thofe who diflike moft of all his prin- ciples, refufe not to give him his due praife. And I mentofirim need not be afraid to altert that his writings will be read in Bayle's and admired as long as learning in this part of the world ^f 1"^' {hall live. Mclvil fays, he " was a man of notable en- c hahan,note " dowments for his learning and knowledge in Latin (H) " poefie, much honoured in other countries, pleafant " in converfation, rehearling at all occafions moralities " (hort and inftruclive, whereof he had abundance, " inventing where he wanted." (b) A tutor this, wor- ^ Melvil, thy a great prince, and fit to form the mind to virtue seeaffo and politenefs ! fur I doubt not but he difcharged with Spotfwood, honour the. duty of his rruft, and .iid what in him lay P- 3 Z J- to infpire his pupil with juft opinions, and elegant fenti- ments. But his labour was in vain. For it does not appear that James improved any thing by his matter, Or ftudied at all to copy after him, for his writings are wholly pedantic > his ftile low and mean ; his arguments taken from thofe barbarians the fchool men ; and his method of treating his adverfaries was after the manner of your country controvertifts, infpired with the moft fervent zeal. Abundant proof of thefe afperfions will be found in the extracts I (hall give of fome of his writings in the enfuing notes. .However not contented to difgrace his tutor by his want of improvement, he treated him with contempt alfo and reproach. Thus for inftance, when the authority of Buchanan^ for re- lifting kings, was alledged by cardinal Perron, 'James replies, *' Buchanan I reckon and rank among poets, " not among divines, claflical or common. If the man *< hath The LIFE of JAMES I. was obliged to quit the regency, and James entered upon the government March 12, 1578. Too foon, it may eafily be fuppo- fed, It) The Works of th'e moft h:gh and mighty prince James, bv the grace of God, &c. fmbliihsd by James bifhop of Wint.n, 1616. Lond. Fol. p. 480. (d) Id. p. < c hath burft out here and there into fome terms of " excefs, or fpeech of bad temper ; that muft be im- heavy earth your facred bones moleft : Eternal fpring, and rifing flow'rs adorn The relicks of each venerable urn, Who pious reverence to their tutors paid, As parents honcur'd and as Gods obey'd. CHARLES DRYDEN. 7&LIFE of JAMES I. 7 fed for his own honour, or the welfare of his Subjects. He was greatly in the pow- er, of his favourites the duke of Lennw^ and the earl of Arran, through whofe infti- gations he performed many unpopular ac- tions (CJ. Whereupon being feized by the B 4 earls reader to make his own remarks on the bafenefs of this paflage, and the littlenefs of that foul that was capable of writing it concerning a preceptor. I will conclude this note by obferving that the probable caufes of this hatred of the memory of Buchanan were the part he had ated againft his mother ; the principles of his hif- tory, which were oppofite to the notions of regal power entertained by James ; and the great awe in which he held him in his youth, according to Melvil (e). I would M Mclv? have it carefully obferved, that this hiftory ftiled by p< ' James an infamous invective, is faid by archbifhop Spotfwood to be " penned with fuch judgment and elo- *' quence as no country can (hew a better." (f). f/jSpotf (C) He was greatly in the power of his favourites, 3 * y ' the duke of Lennox and the earl of Arran, &c.] The duke of Lennox was coufm-german to James's father; the earl of Arran was captain James Stuart, promoted to that dignity at the expence of the houfe of Hamil- ton, unjuftly deprived of it. 4C The duke of Lennox 44 was led by evil council and wrong informations, 44 whereby he was moved to meddle in fuch hurtful 4C and dangerous courfes, that the reft of the nobility 44 became jealous of his intentions, and feared their 4 eftates. As for the earl of Arran, they detefted his proceedings, and efteemed him the worft and moft infolent instrument that could be found out, to wrack king, kirk and country. The duke had been tolerable, had he happened upon as honeft coun- fellors, as he was well inclined of himfelf: but he wanted experience, and was no ways vers'd in the The LIFE of JAMES I. earls of Mar and Gowry, with others of the nobility as he returned from hunting, and conveyed to Ruthven caftle, they obtained a charge for the duke of Lennox to depart the country, and for the confinement of the earl of Arran (DJ. This was followed by a pro- clamation ^' the ftate of the country, nor brought up in our reli- " gion, which by time he might have been brought to ** have embraced. But the earl of Arran was a fcorn- " er of religion, prefumptuous, ambitious, covetous, " carelefs of the commonwealth, a defpifer of the no- (a)Melvil, " bility and of all honeft men." (a) Hopeful coun- P- '3 1 ' fellors thefe for a young king! and admirably fit for governing a kingdom. And yet thefe were the men who carried all before them, and obtained honours arid eftates by wholefale. Arran from a *' private gentle- " man was made gentleman of the bed-chamber, " knighted, made a privy counfellor, and tutor of Ar- < e ran, A few weeks after he was made captain of () Lives and " his majefty's guards, and created earl of Arran" (b) C ara 2 ers of " Lennox in a few days after his appearance at court, of S t he n *' had a g rant of the lordfhip of Arbroatb, then he was crown and *' created earl of Lennox^ governor of Dumbarton caftle, ftateofScot- captain of the guard, firft gentleman of the bed- George y " chamber, and great chamberlain of Scotland, and Crawfurd, ** duke of Lennox" (c). Thefe fudden promotions ^"j; p- '37. to honour, and places of profit to fuch men, muft ne- ,.^ Lond ' ceflarily have been very unpopular and diftafteful, and could not but be highly refented. However 'tis but (<^W. p. juftice to JameS) to acquaint the reader that he was very young, and confequently moft eafily drawn alide by ihole who had influencei.over him ; and therefore more excufable than he was in mifplacing his favours afterwards, as he almoft always did. (D) Being feized by the earls of Mar, &c. they chained a charge for the duke of Lennox to depart the country The LIFE of JAMES *. 9 clamatlon from the king, difcharging the commiffions which he had formerly given them, and declaring that in fo doing he acl- ed not by compulfion. However having regained his liberty, he turned out of place thofe who had been enemies to his favorites, and infifled on fuch of the nobilities asking pardon as had been concerned in the affair of Rutbven; which caufing a confederacy and a rifing, country, and for the confinement of the earl of Arran> &c.] " As the king was returning from ftag-hunting ** in Athole, in his way towards Dumferling, he was " invited by the earl of Gowfy to his houfe of Ruthven " near Perth. The earl, who was at the head of the " confpiracy, inftantly fent to advertife his friends of " what had happened. Whereupon feveral of the dif- " contented nobility, and all thofe that were in the *' Englifh Inteieft at hand, repaired to Rutbven, where " without any ceremony they refolved to detain the " king, and keep him prifoner. The next day when Augufl 25, " the king was eflaying to get out, they ftopt him ; '^ z ' *' wherefore growing into a paflion and weeping, Sir ec Thomas Lyon boldly, though rudely told him, it was ic no matter for his tears, better that bairns greet than " bearded men." () After they had him in cuftody ()Craw- they prcfented a fupplication to him, *' reprefenting tu ^> P- " the falfe accufations, calumnies, oppreflions and per- 4wd, p. 0t " " fecutions they had fuffered for two years, by means ?io. 'seeal- *' of the duke of Lennox^ and the earl of Arran, the fcMelvH, " like whereof were never heretofore borne in Scot- p< 129> &c ' " land." Upon this reprefentation, the king, forf a- gainft his will, fent orders to the duke to leave the king- dom, who obeying, died foon after at Paris^ and the earl was confined for a time. Before this a Proclama- tion had been iffued forth, " declaring that it waj his .*' own voluntary aft to abide at Perth; and th.:t the *' nobie- io The LIFE of JAMES I. a rifing, iiTued in the death of the earl of Gowry (E), in revenge of which, as was faid, his fon engaged in the confpiracy fo much talked noblemen and others that attended him, had done ' nothing but what their duties obliged them unto, " and which he took for a good fervice performed both ()Spotf- cc to himfelf and the commonwealth." (b) But all this 3i.' P> was a mere a( ^ f diflimulation, and the effect of con- jftraint. As foon as he was at liberty he returned to the fame courfes, and behaved after his wonted manner. For favourites he muft have, and fo their pleafure was confulted, no matter how the kingdom was pleafed. (E) Having obtained his liberty, he infifted on fuch of the nobility's afking pardon as were concerned in the affair of Ruthven, &c.J James was never a man of his word. We fee juft now, that by proclamation, he had allowed what was done at Ruthven to be good fer- vice, and he moreover had defired the kirk " to find it " good for their parts, and to ordain the minifters and " commiffioners of every (hire to publifh the fame to " their parifhioners, and to get the principal gentle - (a)Melvil, men's fubfcription to maintain the fame." (a) But no fooner had he got his liberty, but he acted quite dif- ferently from what he had declared to be his fentiments. Arran was introduced again into court, " was made " Chancellor, captain of the caftles of Edinburgh and " Stir/ing, and ruled fo as to make the whole fubjects " to tremble under him, and every man to depend up- " on him, daily inventing and feeking out new faults " againft diverfe, to get their efcheats, lands, benifices." He wrought fo far with the king, that a proclamation waspublilhed, " condemning the detaining his majefty's " pcrfon at Ruthven as zfaft mojl treafonable. Yet his " majefty declared, that he was refolved to forget and * s forgive that offence, providing the actors and aflift- and enough to provoke the moft patient men to take a fevere revenge ; for the king's word was no fecurity, his promife could not be relied on, and no man was fafe who affronted his favourite, who made a mere dupe of his mafter, and facrificed his honour on all occasions. A fure proof this of James's weaknefs, and a fufficient indication of what the world was to expect from him hereafter ; for the tempers and difpofitions of men are pretty much the fame through life. As they are in youth, fo are they in reality in age, though they may know better how to glofs and difguife. By this treat- ment of thofe conrerned in the Ruthven affair, feveral of the nobility were induced to enter into an aflociation, for reforming abufes, fecuring religion, and the prefer- vation of the king's perfon and eftate, among whom was the earl of Cowry, who being taken, tried and condemned, was executed for treafon. " His majefty " (fays Melvil) had no intention of taking his life, but *' the earl of Arran was fully refolved to have his lands, and therefore to make a party to aflift him in that de- fign, he engaged to divide them with feveral others, upon condition that they would aflift him in the de- fign of ruining him ; which afterwards he did, ha- ving by this means procured their confent and votes." (a) What weaknefs and feeblenefs of government was (d) Melvil, this ! Arran was in effect king, whilft James bore the P- J * 6 - name, and under the royal authority committed the s P otl ^ ood > moft unjuft actions; for all agree that Gowry had hard Crawford, meafure dealt him. In time the Gowry family was P- 35>- reftored 12 The LIFE of JAMES I. Mary, queen of Scots, having fentence of death pronounced on her, Odt. n, 1586, at Fotheringhay, by the commiffioners of queen reftored to honour and eftate, but, as hiftorians tell us, nothing could allay the revenge of the two eldeft fons, for their father's blood, but the death of the king, which they attempted to have taken away at the earl's own flf^o houfe Au S uft 5' l6o W But the y b th loft their Spotfwood 9 , ' ^ ves in the attempt, and ruined thereby their family ; p. 458. for their houfes were demoliflied, their eftates confifca- ted, and the whole family, by adt of parliament prohi- bited to carry the name of Ruthven. The 5th of Au- guft was likewife ordered to be kept yearly in remem- brance of. this deliverance. Whether there was any fuch confpiracy of the Gowries againft the king, or whether it was only a pretence, in order to palliate the murther of them, has been very much debated. Spotf- wood believed it : it was generally received as truth by the courtiers at the time it happened ; and the affifters of the (f) Bumet's king received honours and rewards, (f) Burnet (no way hiftoryof his prejudiced' in favour of the king) gives credit to it; and ToU"'^ Mr - Crawfurd tells us, that after what the earl of Cro- dutch edit, rnarty hath lain together in his kiftorical account of the jzmo. confpiracies by the earls of Gowry againft king James^ he hopes few or none will fufpecl, far lefs doubt its truth (f)Craw- and reality, (g) I hope I ftiall not be thought to be furd, P . 39 o. u malicioufly fet againft the royal family, or the (b) (&)Craw- great king who was more immediately concerned in anfe'xTcf. " this affair /' if * g iv e the reafons that may be affign- fions. ed for the doubting concerning the truth of the king's narration. I could not act the part of a faithful hifto- rian without it, and therefore muft beg the reader's par- don for detaining him a little longer on this fubjer. I. We are to obferve, that the next day after this hap- (;}Spotf- pened, the minifters were called together at Edinburgh, wood, p. and defired to convene their people, and give thanks skrwood^ 1 " unto ^*^ ^ or r ^ e k' n g,' s deliverance: but they by no 444. ' ^' perfuafion could be moved to do it. (/") 2, Though The LIFE of JAMES I. 13 queen Elizabeth, notwithftanding her refu- iing to anfwer and be tried j and the fentence being confirmed by the Englim parliament, and their defire moreover added, that it might be put in execution j James ordered it to be reprefented to queen Elizabeth how unjuft he held that proceeding againft his mother, 2. Though moft of the minifters being hereupon com- manded to leave the city in 24 hours, and forbid to preach in his majefty's dominions, on pain of death, complied, owning themfelves convinced of the truth of the confpiracy ; Yet we find Mr. Robert Bruce faying he would reverence bis maje/iy's reports of that accident* but could not fay he was per/waded of the truth of it. (k) (*) Spotf- 3. OJborn tells us, no Scotchman you could meet be- f^W** yond fea but did laugh at it, and the peripatetick politi- cians faid, the relation rn print did murder all poflibi- lity of credit. But I will not (adds he) wade farther in this bufmefsj not knowing how dangerous the bottom may prove, being by all mens relations foul and bloody, having nothing to palliate it but jealoufy on the one fide, and fear of the other. (/) And indeed the relation of (/) Works of this affair in Spot/wood is confufed and marvellous. The . Franns f ~ i i i r> / i i f J- korn, E % drawing the king to Perth^ the getting him from dm- p . ^,-, g va . ner to examine a ftranger ; the difcourfe of Cowry's Lend. 1673. brother with him ; and his (tout and gallant behaviour ^ide^vvood (which in no other part of his life appeared); and his p.4 S i. caufing the two brothers to be killed, when he might with the fame eafe have fecured them ; the denials of Cowry's fervants of their knowledge of t.he affair ; and the tale of the earl's girdle, are circumftances which are not eafily to be fwallowed by the inquifitive or fceptical. 4. Burnet himfelf allows, that this confpiracy was charged at that time by the puritans in Scotland on the king, as a contrivance of his to get rid of that earl, who 14 The LIFE of JAMES I. mother, and that it did neither agree with the will of God, who prohibited to touch his anointed ones ; nor with the law of na- tions, that an abfolute prince mould be fen- tenced and judged by fubjeds; that if me would be the firft to give that pernicious ex- ample of profaning her own and other prin- ces diadems, (he fhould remember that both in nature and honour it concerned him to be () Buraet, W k was t j ien ^jj j n p. reat e ft eem . (/) And afterwards p. 22. bee , _ r r i I r i_ a very ho- ne y s i lt was not ea fy to perfuade the nation ot the 01 amble truth of this confpiracy : for eight years before that charafterof t j me) k^g J ame! O n a fecret jealoufy of the earl of jKr^Henry 0111 Murray^ then efteemed the handfomeft man in Scot- Neville, to land, fet on the marquis of Huntley^ who was his mor- fecretaryCe- ta j ene my, to murder him ; and by a writing all in his wood's'ftate" own nan ^> ne promifed to fave him harmlefs for it. He papers, Vol. fet the houfe in which he was on fire, and the earl fly- I. p. 156. jng away, was followed and murdered, and Huntley fent Gordon of Buckey with the news to the king. Soon after, all who were concerned in that vile fadl were pardoned, which laid the king open to much cenfure : and this made the matter of Go-wry to be lefs believed. 5. Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Mr. Winwood, dated Nov. 15, 1600, from London, writes, " Out of " Scotland we hear there is no good agreement between " the king of Scots and his wife, and many are of o- () Win- " pinion, that the difcovery of fome affection between wood's me- u her and the earl Cowry's brother, (who was killed numb of cc w j t } 1 n j m ) was tne t r ueft caufe and motife of all that reigns of E- And Mr. l^inwood^ in a letter to fecretary Cecyll t lizabeth and f rom p ar i s , dated 17 May, 1601, O. S. fays, " The l."voi! n i ( ! S " ambaflador of Scotland hath been advertized of a p. 274. Fol. " dangerous practice againft the Scots king; that Lend. 17*5. ] ate jy one ca iied Glarnetj hath been fent out of Scot- iand, The LIFE of JAMES I. be revenged of fo great an indignity ; which if he mould not do, he (hould peril his credit both at home and abroad (a). But thefe threats were not regarded by Elizabeth, nor were they of any fervice to his mother ; for fhe was executed in purfuance to a war- rant " land, with letters to Bothwel, to hsften home with " diligence, where he fhould find fufficient affiftance. " The principal party, who employed this party is the " Queen of Scetland. And letters have been inter- " cepted out of England from mafter Gray, that the " death of Gowry (hould fhortly be revenged." ( T'"" clt the death of the t J ueen W' ArKl Gra ?> the Scotch papr,Vo 3 n. envoy, on this occafion, is faid likewife in private, to p. n! advife the making her away, faying, a dead woman bite's not (c]. tte LIFE of JAMES I. i? her intentions, feemed greatly grieved at it, and turned out, and fined the fecretary by reafon cf it (G). Indeed, (G) Though Elizabeth pretended it was contrary to her intentions, and turned out and fined the fecretary by reafon of it.] The execution of Mary could not b Concealed, nor was it thought proper by itz&leth to fuftify it. She therefore threw the blarrie upon poor? David/on, and made him fufFer for being an inftrument in bringing about what (he moft of all defired. She de- nied not, but (he commanded him to dravtf a warrant under the great feal for the queen of Scots execution ; but after it was done, (he feemed angry : however (he left it in his hands, without telling him what he fbould do with It. Whereupon the council being confulted by David- fan, it was unanimoufly refolved to execute the warranty and accordingly it was carried to Fotheringay, and produced the defired effeft. Elizabeth, in the ineari time, pretended (he had changed her mind ; but none of her counfellors talked to her upon the fubjecl:, or attempted to hinder the execution, as they certain- ly would have done, had they not been fatisfied in 5:er intentions. But when the wifhed for event took p\ace, then Elizabeth pretended great fbrrovv, and pro- fefled her difinclination towards it ; and to convince the world thereof, (he wrote to the Scotch king, by a coufin of hers, and had Davidfon cited into the Star- chamber, where he was fined 10000 /. and imprifoned during the queen's pleafure. Though " (he herfelf " could not deny, but that which (he laid to his charge " was donfc without hope, fear, malice, envy, or any " refpeft of his own, but merely for her fafety both " of (late and perfon.'* (a) This fehtence on David- (a] Cabulaj Jan was very fevere, and carried the diffimulation to aP'^S 1 -^ '' great pitch/ for the man loft his poft, and %'Vlong in Lond ' l663 Vrifon. So hard and difficult is the fervice of princes! ngerous complying wifh their inclinations, for G i8 We LIFE of JAMES I. Indeed, Elizabeth and her minifters ma- naged James as they pleafedj they fully tin- demanding his temper, councils, and de* figns : there Is no laying obligations upon them ; and after you have done all to pleafe and oblige them, to ferve a turn, or even gratify a prefent humour, they will difcard or ruin you : for they think their fubje P- u apoftolic fee, and to enter into a confederacy with ^ i e ^ er j " that crown, in order to refcue himfelf from the dan- are well " gers he was expofed to from Elizabeth, on whom he ^ crth read " " offered, (upon condition of being aflifted with twelve ins at ar&e ' " thoufand men armed and paid all the time the war " {hould laft, and five hundred thoufand ducats to be- ic gin it) to make war immediately, and declare him- " felf her enemy (d). So that from hence it appears lhat Elizabeth had him faft, and could have expofed C2 hmi 20 rbe LIFE of JAMES I. than mere compliments. For the fear of lofing the fucceffion to the Englifh crown, and the pcnfion he enjoyed from Elizabeth, made Mm to the refentments of the Englifh and Scotifti na- tions whenever (he pleafed. For as Walfingham^ Bur- n?.t fay?, " thought the king was either inclined to turn ()Bumet, " P a P'^> or to be of no religion ;" (e] fo thefe negoti- Vol.l. p/c. attons, had they been publifhed, would have brought over multitudes of others to the fame opinion ; the con- fequence of which to him might have been fatal. No wonder then fames' s threat n ings were little heeded: he was well known by the Englifh court, and to know him was to ftand in no awe of him ; for big as he would talk on occafion, fighting was his known averfion. In- deed, after he came into England, he was weak enough to pretend that he had the direction of the Ehglifh af- - lairs during his predeceflbr's reign : had this been fo, they would have been managed like his own in Scot- land> and as matters afterwards were by him in Eng- land. Whereas every body knows, never councils were better conducted, never more glory by any adminiftra- tion acquired, than by Elizabeth's, and therefore he Could have had no hand in the direction. That in the latter part of that queen's reign, he cultivated a coref- pondence with feme of her courtiers, and endeavoured by means of them to fecure the fucceiBon is true; and he was fuccefsful in his applications. But ftill he guided r>ot> but was guided, and as carefully watched as could be; and, perhaps, a knowledge of his weaknefs, love of eafe, and averfion to bufmefs, did not a little con- tribute to engage fome of the great ones in his favour ; who hoped that under him they might acquire honors, power, and wealth, in which they were not much mif- taken. For a prince of great abilities, how valuable foever to a nation, is not the delight of felf-interefted ftatefmen. He will fee with his own eyes, will judge cf men as they cleferve, and reward only the wife and ood ; and therefore under fuch an one little is to be hoped for by them. y~, We LIFE /JAMES I. made him in all things obedient to her will (I). He (I) The fear of lofing the fucceffion to the Englifh crown, and the penfion hs enjoyed from Elizabeth, made him in all things obedient to her will.] James loved not Elizabeth^ for (he kept him under reftraint ; protected his nobility againft htm ; fomented -divifions in his kingdom ; and had caufed his mother to be put to death. In fhort, he looked on her as the caufe of all his troubles. Thefe things he itrongly complains of in his reafons for his reconcilement with Rome, and confede- racy with Spain (a}. But yet notwithftanding the grudge ^ he bore her, he refufed her nothing, nor dared to con-p, 2, tradit her. For he had a yearly penfion from the queen, 1 think, ten thoufand pounds, the lofs of which he could not well bear; which was increafed in the year 1 60 1, two thoufand more upon his requeft. " Her *' majefty (fays Cecyll) promifing to continue it, as long " as he (hall make it appear to the world, that he is " willing to deferve her extraordinary care and kind- " nefs towards him." (b] This was a good round fum ^ Id - P* at that time of day in Scotland, and therefore it behov- 3 ^' ed 'Janies to make it appear that he deferved it, by com- plying with her, whofe bounty he fo largely fhared in. But that which kept James moft in awe was the fear of lofing" the fucceffion to the Englifli crown. His being next in blood (though afterwards much talked of by him) was no fecurity ; had he behaved difpleafmgly to Elizabeth^ and once made her heartily angry, 'tis more than probable he would have died in his own country. For by a ftatute of the I3th year of her reign, it was made high treafon for any perfon to affirm, " that the " reigning prince with the authority of the parliament, <* is not able to limit and bind the crown, and the de- " fcent and inheritance thereof." ^This was the rod which was held over James, and made him fear and tremble. For he could never get himfelf declared by Elizabeth her fucceflbr, and he knew full well what fhe C 3 was 22 r/je LIFE of JAMES I. He was not much regarded in Scotland by his nobility, which was owing, perhaps, as much to their refllefs temper, as his weaknefs (K) ; nor was capable of doing when provoked. He therefore ftifled |iis anger, difiembled his refentments, and did not pub- jickly do any thing difobliging to Elizabeth. His private behaviour in his negotiations with Rome and Spain, could pot but be unacceptable. But {he probably defpifed them, and took care to fruftrate them, and contented herfelf with letting the whole world fee that (he was miftrefs of the Scotch king, and flood in no fear of what he might do. So that the paflion with which he received the news of his mother's death, and the threats he ut- tered were but mere words, and he was cool'd down prefently by Walfingbatris letter, ft reprefenting how " much his pretending to revenge it, would prejudice " him in the eyes of the antient nobility, by the greateft " part of whom (he was condemned, and of principal " part of the gentlemen of the realm, who confirmed ^ the fame in parliament ; who would never fubmit to " his government, if he (hewed fo vindictive a mind." ((] Snotf- (c) Thofe Scotch and Englifh therefore were in the wood, p. fight, who aflured the Englifh council, it would foon "be forgot j and " that the blood was already fallen from (d Melvil * h' s ma j e fty' s heart." (d) For he was afraid of con- p. '73- ' fequences, and therefore durft not attempt to fulfil his threats. (K) He was not much regarded by his nobility, &cj He makes it a reafon for his joining with Spain, that queen Elizabeth had always protected his enemies and ? c rebels, and that by their means (he had caufed him (<0 Win- " to be three or four times taken into cuftody." (a} ^ood,Vol.I. Whether or no Elizabeth was at the bottom of all the p 4- attempts of the nobility againft James, is not my bufi- nels to determine. But 'tis very certain they paid him but little regard, and fcrupled not to bring him to terms, even by rough methods. The affair of Rutbvcn has been d 3 T&LIFE of JAMES I. 23 nor had he power to govern his clergy, who behaved, as he thought, difcbediently towards him (L). For been already mentioned : befides which we find the ba- niflicd Lords furprized him at Stirling^ and caufed him once more to difmifs Arran t and deprive him of his honours ; and Bothwell took the fame courfe with him to obtain his pardon, and hinder his adverfaries from returning to court (b). w Thefe were inftances of difrefpet and difregard, and J could arife from nothing but an opinion of the weaknefs of the prince to whom they were offered. Though it muft be confefled that the Scotch nobility in thofe days were of a bold, reftlefs temper, and were feldom quiet any longer than things went juft as they pleafed ; and therefore were unlikely to fland in much awe of one, whofe irrefolution and want of courage had been from his childhood fo very remarkable. (L) His clergy behaved difobediently, as he thought, towards him.] " The king perceiving that the death *' of his mother was determined, gave orders to the ** minifters to remember her in their publick prayers ; " which they denied to do. Upon their denial, charges " were directed to command all bifhops, minifters, and " other office-bearers in the church, to make mention " of her diftrefs in their publick prayers, and commend " her to God. But of all the number, Mr. David " Lindefay ztLeith^ and the king's own minifters, gave " obedience. At Edinburgh, where the difobedience ] If therefore the Scots minifters thought as all the wife and religious men in England did, about this matter, they could not con- fidently, with fincerity, have prayed for her deliverance. The king therefore fhould have forborne preffing them, to do what was contrary to their judgments, and the)' ihould Tfc LIFE of JAMES I. 25 /how it with fafety; when he let all men know how much their condudl galled him, and what ill will he bare unto them (M). Though fhould have ufed civil and refpe&ful terms of refufal ; which, if they had done, I apprehend, they would have been free from blame. But this was not the only affair in which the clergy of Scotland, behaved difobediently and irreverently towards James. ' For Mr. Robert Bruce, rinding the king willing that Huntley mould return into Scotland, boldly told him, " I fee, Sir, that your refolution is to take Huntley in- " to favour, which if you do, I will oppofe, and you " fhall chufe whether you will lofe Huntley or me\ for " both you cannot keep." (c) Mr. Blake was likewife M Spotf- chacged by him with faying, " that he had detached wood >P'4'7' " the treachery of his heart ; that all kings were the ' devil's barns ; and that the devil was in the court, and in the guiders of it." (d] And Mr. John in the high church of Edinburgh, faid " the " king was pofTefTed with a devil, and one devil being 'oiih Lords? the countenance given to and note " the [TT] 30 fbe LIFE of JAMES I. However, I am far enough from defend- ing their whole behaviour (O). In 1589, James married a daughter of Denmark, (af- ter the lady Huntley^ and her invitation to the baptifm of the princefs ; the putting her in the hands of the lady Levingjione, an avowed and obftinate papift j and the alienation of his majefty's heart from the mini- fters, as appeared by all his fpeeches publick and pri- W) Spotf- vate." (d] In (hort, the minifters were jealous of wood,p.4j<>. his majefty's intentions j they fufpedted his behaviour, and we;e afraid that he only wanted an opportunity to crum them, and the religion they profefled. 'Twas the belief of this, that made them break out into fuch in- decent exprefiions, and undutiful behaviour ; and the knowledge of their own power and influence over the people, which infpired them with courage and boldnefs. And, I think, all impartial perfons muft allow, that if ever 'tis excufable to go beyond bounds in any thing, it is in defence of religion and libertr, in oppofition to popery and tyranny. Moft of thefe men remembred the fires which popifh zeal had lighted ; they had feen the blood fpilt by it, and therefore it is not to be won- dered at, that they were more than ordinarily moved at every thing which had the leaft tendency to bring them back into fo deplorable a ftate. (O) I am far enough from defending their whole be- haviour.] The behaviour of the clergy was very rough, and bordering upon rudenefs. They treated majefty with too much familiarity. They proftituted their pul- pits to affairs of ftate, and rebuked after fuch a manner as tended more to provoke, than to reclaim. In thefe things they were blame-worthy. But I (hould not do them juftice, were I to omit their zeal for what they thought truth ; their labour and diligence in the bufmefs of the miniftry, and their f pea king the truth with all boldnefs. Thefe were virtues for which James's clergy were eminent; and therefore they were held in high efteem Me LIFE of JAMES I. 31 ter having objected ngainft the dignity of that royal houfe, merely through ignorance about it :) (P) and the lady being driven by a tempeft efteem by the major part of that kingdom, as will all of that profeflion every where be, who imitate them herein, for they are things praife-worthy, and of good report. (P) He married a daughter of Denmark, after hav- ing objected againft the dignity of that royal houfe, through mere ignorance about it.] James, notwith- ftanding all his boafted learning, was defective in hifto- ry, the knowledge of which is moft neceflary for princes. He had fo little fkill in this, that he knew not the flate and condition of fo near a country to him as Denmark; nor was he acquainted with the rank the kings of it bare in Chriftendom. " He was informed, " he faid, that the king of Denmark was defcended ** but of merchants, and that few made account of " him or his country, but fuch as fpoke the Dutch " tongue (a)." 'Tis amazing that any one of James's / . Me j v5 j elevated ftation mould be fo grofly ignorant. Had he p.,^. never read of the power of the Danes", their ravages and conquefts both in England and Scotland ? was he never informed that marriage had been contracted be- tween his own family and that of Denmark ? nor that in the year 1468 Chrifttan I. king of Norway and Den- mark, renounced all right and title for himfelf and his fucceflbrs to James III. king of Scotland, to the ifles of Orkney, upon a marriage between him and his daugh- ter (b) ? 'Tis plain he knew none of thefe things, and (t,j Camb- therefore was miferably qualified to contrail alliances, den's Bri- or enter into treaties. However Melvil informed g"^ b ^ him of thefe matters, which made him fo exceeding a; t . 2 . ' p . glad, "that he faid he would not for his head but 1470. LonJ. " that he had (hewn the verity unto him." " Some- : 7 i:t " time after, as faid is, he called his council together in " his cabinet, and told them how he had been advifing " about fi * 32 Me LIFE of JAMES I. into Norway, he, impatient of the detentiort of his bride, went thither and confummated the marriage. From whence, upon invita- tion, " about his marriage fifteen days, and afked counfel of * c God by devout prayer thereon, and that he was now (r) Melvil, " refolved to marry in Denmark," (c) The lady whom p. 177. James took to wife was rfnn, fecond daughter of Frede- rick king of Denmark. Our hiftorians give her the cha- ra&er of a courteous and humane princefs, and one in (d, Spotf- whom there was much.goodnefs (d}. It will not perhaps be wood, p. unacceptable to the reader if I give the character (he bore Wilton's life amon foreigners, who, oftentimes, fpeak more juftly cf king than fubjecls. " She Was naturally, fays the duke of James, p. Sully, bold and enterprizing : (he loved pomp and ^ ' grandeur, tumult and intrigue. She was acquainted with all the civil factions, not only in Scotland, oc- cafioned by the catholicks, whom (he fupported, and had even firtt encouraged ; but alfo in England where the difcontented, whofe numbers were not inconfi- derable, were not forry to be fupported by a princefs " deftined to become their queen. In public (lie affecT:- ) W. p her friendmip, and upon a letter from her to the ljf< queen of Spain, " a large pension was granted to one *' Carre, a Scott." (/) Sir Charles Cornwallis, ambaf- (0 Id. p. fador in Spain, in a letter to the earl of Salisbury , A-i J 49' pril 13, 1609. writes, that " the [Spanidi] ambaflador *' hath advertifed that the queen fhould fay unto him, " he might one day peradventure fee the prince on a " pilgrimage at St. Jsgo. Whereupon, tho' doubtlefs 14 file fpake in merriment, they here much inferj and *' feem to hope that his majelty will be contented to " fend him hither to receive the reft of his education . " here, yf the inclination of alliance continues." (*)i.i. D So 34 Sft* LIFE of JAMES I. ter, and returned not into Scotland till May 20, 1590. During the remainder of his reign in Scotland, he was engaged in troubles with his So that from thefe pafiages 'tis plain Sully did not mifre- prefent this queen, in faying, " no one doubted but (he * s was inclined to declare herfelf abfolutely on the Spa- '* nifh fide." As to pomp and grandeur, pleafures and amufemems, whoever will take the trouble^of confult- ing the pages referred to in the margin, will fee abun- (m] Win- dant proof of it (m). For from thefe it appears that her wood, Vol. inclinations were much towards mafques and revels, vJifin 4 p. ft ate anc l grandeur, which probably ran her in debt, i>?.ard and made her melancholy, 'till the king augmented her V*' jointure, and paid her debts (). Sir Edward Peyton (}Id.p.n7. reprefents her indeed in a much worfe light. Accord- ing to him, befides Gowry, [it mould be Gowry's bro- ther] (he had a great number of gallants, both in Scot- () But notwith- P 49 s - (landing the debbnairnefs of her difpolition, (he could worth*" h"f- not influence her hufband, who weakly permitted his torica! col- favourites to ill treat her (q). This probably might in le&ons, time alter her difpofition, and caufe her to acT: with V< 6 I Q\ w '^ otn anc ' prudence, and avoid feaftings, revels and Lond. i6yp. factions. For archbimop Abbot^ (a worthy venerable prelate) many years after her death, fpeaks of her with great The LIFE of JAMES I. 35 his nobility ; in quarrels with his cler- gy ; and in writing his paraphrafe on the revelations ( oj. His dsemonoligie, ftiled D 2 a rare great refpeft, and as of one whofe virtue he had not the leaft doubt of, which, I dare fay, he would not have done, had her chara&er, in his eye, been upon the whole faulty (r). I have been the longer upon the cha- (r] Id. ib. radter of this princefs, becaufe it has been l : ttle known ; our hiftorians contenting themfelves to fpeak one after the other, without examination, whereby, for the rnoft part, it cometh to pafs, that they tend little to improve or inftrucl ; and, which is worfe, fix fuch ideas of things and perfons as are difficult to be eradicated, tho* ever fo falfe. ( oj In writing his paraphrafe on the revelations.] ec This paraphrafe (fays Dr. Mountague] was written by " his majefty before he was twenty years of age." (a] (<*) prefaee And James, at the end of his epiftle to the church mi- T^". S S Jitant, prefixed to this paraphrafe, defires " that what woTks. *' was found amifs in it might be imputed to his lack " of years and learning." () A ftrange work this for (^) w rks, a youth to undertake, and an argument of very great p< 3 ' weaknefs. For who knows not that this book has ex- crcifed the wits of the mod learned and underftanding men, from the beginning of the chriftian church ; and who is there ignorant that the world has been little the wifer for their lucubrations ? Great learning, induftry, and piety have been difcovered, it muft be owned, in feveral commentators on this book, but ftill it remains in many parts obfcure, as at the beginning (c). What fc)SeeMede, then muft we think of a raw young man who (hall More, New- wade fo far out of his depth, and fet up for an expound- ^"n L &^~ er of the deepeil myfterics ? Ought we not to cenfure his temeriry, and condemn his boldnefs? And much more reafonable will this appear when we confidcr that 'Jamts was a prince, and confequently a perfon whofe b.jfmefs it was to apply himfelf to affairs of government, and 3 6 We LIFE of JAMES I. a rare piece for many precepts and experi- ments and confult the welfare of his people. This was his proper bufmefs ; the other was out of his province, and anfwered no end, either to himfelf or others. Indeed, if Montague is right, thefe reflections are ill founded. " He tells us kings have a kind of intereft in this book [the Revelations] beyond any other ; for as the exe- cution of the moft part of the prophecies ,of that book is committed unto them, fo it may be, that the in- terpretation of it may more happily be made bv them ; and fmce they are the principal inftrumems that God " hath defcribed in that book to deftroy the kingdom of " antichrift, to confume his ftate and city j I fee not tc but it may ftand with the wifdcm of God to infpire to James's " their hearts to ex P und t-"W Thj s is admirable ! works. ' and well worthy of a court chaplain who had ftill hopes of preferment. But, with this bifhop's good leave, I will take on me to affirm, that James's work is far e- nough from being a proof that the Revelations may be more happily interpreted by kings than by others j or that God puts it iiuo their royal hearts at any time to expound it. For to fpeak in the fofteft manner of this performance, it muft be (aid to be poor, low, and mean, and incapable of biinging any honour to the compofer. Subjoined to this paraphrafe is a '* fruitful meditation^ " containing a plain and eafy expofition, or laying " open of the feventh, eighth, ninth and tenth verfes 4< of the twentieth chapter of the revelation, in form James' < And long afterwards [1619] he wrote a " meditation ^ ork *> P- " on the Lord's prayer, of which I fhall fpeak more 7 " -hereafter; and a meditation upon the 27, 28, 2Qth " verfes of the xxviith chapter of St. Matthew, or a " pattern for a king's inauguration." This was de- dicated to prince Charles. Among feveral other things we have the following paflage, " telling Buckingham " my intention, [of writing this meditation] and that " I thought you the fitteft perfon to whom I could de- " dicate it, for divers reafons following, he humbly *' and earneftly defired me, that he might have the ho- *' nour to be my amanuenfis in this work. Firft, be- * c caufe it would free me from the pain of writing, by " fparing the labour both of mine eyes and hands ; and " next, that he might do you fome piece of fervice " thereby ; protefting that his natural obligation to you burgh, cum privil. reg. 410. 1597. It is in form of a dialogue, divided into three books. The occafion and end of this piece, to do James juftice, I mall give in his own words. " The fearful abounding (fays he) " at this time, in this country, of thefe deteftable flaves ct of the devil, the witches or enchanters, hath moved * c me, beloved reader, to difpatch in poft this following " treatife of mine, not in any wife (as I proteft) to " ferve for a fhew of my learning and ingene, but on- " ly (moved of confcience) to prefs thereby fo far as I *' can, to refolve the doubting hearts of many; both " that fuch affaults of Satan are moft certainly prac- " tifed, and that the inftrument thereof, merits mod ^ feverely to be punifhed, againft the damnable opini- ** nions of two principally in our age, whereof the one u called Scot, an Englifhman, is not aftiamed in pub- " lick print to deny, that there can be fuch a thing as '* witchcraft ; and fo maintains the old errors of the " Sadducees in denying of fpirits ; the other called Wi~ " erns, a German phyfician, fets out a publick apology ff for all thefe crafts-folks, whereby, procuring for their f* impunity, he plainly bewrays himfelf to have been one " of that profeffion. And for to make this treatife " the more pleafant and facile, I have put it in form of " a dialogue, which I have divided into three books ; " the firft fpeaking of magic in general, and necro- *' mancie in fpecial : the fecond of forcerie and witch- " craft : and the third contains a difcourfe of all thefe " kinds of fpirits, and fpeclres that appear and trouble " perfbns : together with a conclufion of the whole (*') Wprjw, ** work.'' (a) From this account 'tis plain James be- p-9" lieved that ;here were witches, &c. and that they deferved 7&LIFE of JAMES I. 39 deferved a moft fevere punifliment. And afterwards he tells us, " that witches ought to be put to death ac- " cording to the law of God, the civil and imperial law, " and the municipal law of all chriftian nations. Yea, " he declares, that to fpare the life, and not to ftrike " when God bids ftrike, and fo feverely punilh in fo " odious a fault and treaibn againft God, it is not only in any manner of witchcraft, forcery, charm, or in- ** chantment ; or fhali ufe, pra&ife, or exercife any *' witchcraft, inchantment, charm, or forcery, where- by tfie LIFE of JAMES I. 41 " by any perfon (hall be killed, deftroyed, wafted, con- ** fumed, pined or lamed in his or her body, or any " part thereof ; that then every fuch offender or of- " fenders, their aiders, abettors, and counfellors, being " of any the faid offences duly and lawfully convicted " and attainted, (hall fuffer pains of death as a felon or * 6 felons; and (hall lofe the priviledge and benefit of " clergy and fanctuary." (h) Upon this ftatute great ^\ scat, an- numbers have been condemned and executed, to the noprimoja- reproach of common fenfe and humanity. And even c ^ w JjP. c< great and good men have been the inftruments hereby of condemning miferable innocent creatures. A caution to law-makers this, not (in order to pleafe a prince) to enact ftatutes, efpecially on the penalty of death, unlefs upon the moft folid, weighty reafons. For though the general opinion then was, that there were witches, and that they did much hurt and da- mage, yet ought the parliament to have weighed well the foundation on which it was built, and the confe- quences of it. Whereas they took the opinion on truft, and enacted a moft dreadful punifhment for an imagi- nary crime. James tells us, " that witches ought ' to be put to death, according to the municipal law " of all chriftian nations." He fpoke as he knew ; but had his learning been as univerfal as it was proclaim- ed, he could not with truth have faid fo. For Dr. Hutchinfon affures us, that 'tis fo far from being true, that all nations have always had fuch laws as ours, that he had fome reafon to doubt, whether any nation in the world hath, unlefs it be Scotland (i). And with great (') Historical pleafure I find that there " was a law in Ethiopia, d if>urfe of ' which prohibited the people to believe that there is j^^jj^ " any fuch thing as witches ; the belief whereof, they * 4 fay, is founded upon the error of the Manichees, " that there are two independent gods, a good one, ' and a bad one." (k) But I will leave this fubjedr., (*) Geddes after having obferved that we have reafon to be thank- church hif- ful to almighty God, and to acknowledge the wifdom m 3^* and goodnefs of our government, for repealing the fta- Svo.'Lcmd. " tute aforefaid, and " enacting, that no profecution, l6 9 5 - " fuit, or proceeding (hall be commenced, or carried on 42 rbe LIFE of JAMES I. mrchy (s) ; but efpecially his piece fo highly extolled, entituled BASIAIKON AXIPON(T), for ec on againft any perfon or perfons for witchcraft, for- " eery, inchantment, or conjuration, in any court (A Stat.anno " whatfoever in Great Britain." (I) This is a ftatute as nonoGeorgii much in honour to our legiflators as any ever enacted, II. regis, c. an( j w jjj tranfmit their fame down to pofterity ; it be- ing founded on reafon and juftice, and productive of the fafety of the people, whofe welfare is the end of all government. I have faid above, that I fuppofed James did believe the doc-hine of witches. But, in juftice to his character, I muft here add, that after his being in England, having met with a number of forgeries and cheats, they wrought fuch an alteration upon his judg- ment, that at firft he grew diffident of, and then flatly () Fuller's denied the workings of witches and devils (in}. church hift, cent. 17. (s) His trew Jaw of free monarchy.] This was lcck X a Of P rmte d ' n September 1598, without his name. " The Item's 11 * " bent f if % s Calderwood, was directed againft the works, p. ** courfe of God's work, in the reformation of our 5 flYcald " kirk ' and elfewnere > as rebellious to kings." (a) And wood's "" >t muft be confefled, if the doctrine contained in this church hift. treatife is true, the Scotch and many other of the re- p. 4*6. formers, will with difficulty be cleared from rebellion. For he aflerts the regal power ftrongly ; allows refift- ance or difobedience to it upon no account whatfoever ; and reflects on the " feditious preachers of ^atfoever " religion, either in Scotland or in France, that had " bufied themfelves moft to ftir up rebellion under cloke (I) James's " ^ religion."-^ ^ n fli rt > he plainly fays, *' the works, p. " king is above the law, and that he is not bound J 59- " thereto, but of his good will, and for good example- (c)Id 3 " giving to his fubje&s." (c) This is the dodtrine contained in the law of free monarchy, than which nothing can be more vile and abominable. (T) BASIAIKON AQPON.J This book is dedicated to his deareft fon and natural fucceflbr, prince Henry. 'Tis tte LIFE of JAMES I. 43 for the ufe of his fon prince Henry; which being published (though cenfured by the fy- nod of St. Andrews) was well accepted in England, J Tis divided into three parts. " The firft teacheth your " duty towards God as a chriftian ; the next your duty " in your office as a king ; and the third intormeth you " how to behave yourfelf in indifferent things, fays he *' to the prince (a). It was wrote for an exercife of his (<*) Works, " own ingenie and inftrudlion of him, who, he hoped, p-I39 * " was appointed of God to fit on his throne after him." " Seven copies only were permitted to be printed, " the printer being firft fworn to fecrefie ; but, con- " trary to his intention and expectation, the book was " vented, and fet forth to publick view." (b) This ()id.p.i4z. was in the year 1599. This book contains foine tole- rable things, but intermixed with ftrange paflages : thofe relating to the clergy, whom he opprobrioufly terms puritans, I have had occafion before to mention (c] : what follows, I think, is not lefs remarkable. (0 See note " Suffer not your princes and your parents to be diftio- ^ M ^ deemed generally difaffecled by thofe other three par- 7 o ta: ties. Howbeit, when the time drew near of queen Elizabeth's departure, that his quiet coming in might not meet with any difturbance from that party, he prefixed a preface to his book then reprinted, where- in on his honour he protefteth, that by the name of puritans he meant not all preachers in general, or o- thers, that mifliked the ceremonies as badges of po- pery, and the epifcopacie as fmelling of a papal fu- premacie, but did equally love the learned and grave on either fide; intended only fuch brainfick and heady preachers, that leaned too much to their own dreams, contemned all authority, counted all pro- " fane 46 Tie LIFE of JAMES I. intereft with the great men at the Englifti court (u), to fecure to him the right of fucceed- (M Thomas " ^ ane that would not < " vvear to a ^ tne ' r fantafies." (h) GatakT, The reader will be pleafed to compare this with what B. p. his 'James fays, note (M) of his having written a long a- vindication p O i O pr e tick preface to the fecond edition of this book* ot his anno- r . . . r . , . * tations, a- n'y in odium puntanorum, and then judge what ftrefs is gainft the to be laid on his word. fcurrilous af- that grand ( u ) James was not fo much taken up with thefe impoftorMr. matters, as to neslecT: making intereft with the great William men at the Jgnglift court.] He was careful, fays 4to Lo P nd. " Burnett to fecure to himfelf the body of the Enghfti 16; 3 " nation. Cecil, afterwards earl of Salifbury, fecreta- " ry to queen Elizabeth, entered into a particular con- " fidence with him ; and this was managed by his am- " baflador Bruce, who carried the matter with fuch " addrefs and fecrecy, that all the great men of Eng- " land, without knowing of one another's doing it, " and without the queen's fufpeting any thing con- *' cerning it, figned in writing an engagement to aflert " and ftand by the king of Scots right of fucceflion." (a) A pleafant ftory or two from Sir Henry Wotton, p. 6. UrnCt ' wno ^ e teftimony in this affair is indifputable, will con- vince us of the probability of what Burnet has here af- ferted, and confirm the truth of the text. " There were in court [queen Elizabeth's] two " names of power, and almolt of faction, the E/fexian " and the Cecilian, with their adherents, both well e- Me LIFE of JAMES I. year of her age, and thereby made way fctf James^ to the incredible joy of his Scotifh fubje&s, and to the no lefs pleafure of his English ones, who in fuch crouds haftened to fee him, that he hTued out a proclamation againft their thronging about him. In moft happy to the fubje&, and laid a foundation for all the blefiings we now enjoy. But when the death of the (^ July 30, ^j^ of Gloucefter (d] rendered it neceflary to provide for the fucceffion to the crown, in order to prevent all imaginable inconveniencies, \i was thought proper ftill farther to pafs an aft for the better fecuring the rights and liberties of the fubjeft ; and accordingly many ex- cellent conditions were laid down on which the ftranger (*) Statutes P r ince was to fucceed (e). 1 call them excellent con- anno duode- ditions, though Burnet tells us, ** King IVilliam was c.mo&de- not pleafed with them, fuppofing they implied a re- Gu. lmi " flection on him and his adminiftration." (f) 'Tis III. :-eg:s, not improbable the knowledge of the perfons who pro- c a. fcft. % pofed thefe conditions, and the oppofition he had many Voi vt* t ' mes u n d e f erve( Jly met with from them, might make <--j. that truly good prince have no favourable opinion of this a enacted by them. But, whatever were the motives of the framers of this a&, I think all impartial perfons muft allow that it was a good one in itfelf, productive of much happinefs to thefe kingdoms. Every particular I approve not, but, in general, highly applaud it. Thefe were inftances ' of wifdom, prudence and dif- crciion, and as fuch they will be admired and praifed through all generations. But James had no limita- tions or reftri&ions laid on him ; he without any ce- reinony was proclaimed king, and by that title thought he had a right to do as he pleafed. Whatever had been done by the prerogative royal in aforetimes, whatever the moft enterprising princes had attempted on the li- berties of the fubjedt, he had liberty to do likewife ; and accordingly exerted himfclf in a very extraordinary We LIFE of JAMES I. 51 In his coming to London he difplayed fomething of his 'arbitrary difpofition, by ordering (a] a cutpurfe to be hanged without M coke's , , f ,. r J . , , r U detection, any legal procefsj as quickly afterwards ne Vo i.i. P . did his revenge on one (x) Valentine fboo&s, Lond?'i^ who manner, as I fhall hereafter (hew. Whereas had he been tied up, whatever had been his weaknefs, what- ever his depravity of heart, he could have done but little mifchief ; and the rniferies brought on the people by his fucceflbrs, might have been prevented. This Sir Wal- ter Raleigh, Lord Cobham, Sir John Fortefcue, &c. were fenfible of, and therefore deftred he might be ob- liged to articles ; but Cecil, Northumberland, and others over-ruled them, and permitted him to enter uncon- trouled ft). To thefe men then, the nation in a good part owed the calamities it fuffered from the Stuart race. They might eafily have prevented them, but they would not attempt it j doubtlefs hoping hereby to make their court to James, and enjoy his favour, from whence what they wiftied for muft flow. Wretched meannefs of fpirit this ! inexcufable difregard for the public ! 'Tis allow- able for minifters to avail themfelvees of their own fer- vicesj and their prince's favour ; but the man who fa- crifices the intereft of his country, or neglefts taking thofe fteps which are neceflary to eftablifh its ha[ pinefs, when he has it in his power, deferves to be treated with hatred and contempt, let his abilities be ever fo great. The good of the people is the fupream law. By this the actions of all minifters are to be triedj and he, who, to pleafe a prince or obtain wealth and honour for himfelf, {hall aft inconfiftent therewith, merits the high- eft punifhments ; for he muft be loft to liberty, virtue, and his country. (x) Valentine Thomas, &c.] " In the year 1598, *i this iiian being in cuftody for theft, charged the Scots 2 <* king 52 The LIFE of JAMES I. who had many years before accufed him of having ill defigns again ft Elizabeth ; hereby making good the obfervation that cowards never forgive. He " king with ill defigns againft the queen. But her ma- *' jefty (fays feeretary Cecil, in a letter to Mr. Ed- ** mondes) deferred his arraignment, and fupprefleth ** the matter, to avoid offence to the king of Scots, " who hath very vehemently denied it with deteftation. " The king of Scots had wrote to the queen on the " 3P-47 6t E 3 favour. 54 Vx LIFE of JAMES I. largely in his bounty, at the expence an<$ rnuch to the regret of the EngliQi nation to favour. Lennox, Marr, ffume, and Elphinjlon were made privy counfellors of England, and many of the Scots became afterwards adorned with fome of the (*) Thus h : s higheft Englifli titles. Sir Robert Ker (b] was advanced name is al- to the earldom of Somerfet, Lennox was made duke of ihrscot- Richmond, Efme Studrt, his younger brother was cre- riters, ated earl of March, the marquis of Hamilton earl of as e C am bridge, Sir John Ramfey vifcount Haddington of EngUfli. 5 Scotland, earl of Holdernefs, and James Hay earl of (0 Baker's Carlijle(c). Nor were they bare honours which the ch n ^P Scots got, for they had alfo large lucrative pofts, and, ^684. Fol. uncommon donations, as will appear bye and bye. So that there feems fome reafon for the following lines of a, fatyrical writer, tho' they are much too fevere. (d) King " The (d) royal branch from Pi&land did fucceed, James. With troops of 'Scots and fcabs from north by Tweed. " The feven firft years of his pacifick reign, " Made him and half his nation Englifhmen. " Scots from the northern frozen banks of Tay, " With packs and plods came whigging all away. 44 lijle^ fpent in a very jovial life, above four hundred 44 thoufand pounds, which, upon a ftruSt calculation, 44 he received from the crown." (c) -Robert Ker, W Claren- earl of Somerfet, had fuch vaft favours beftowed upon of"tL nT* him, that even at the time of his fall, his eftate was bellion. Vol. rated to the crown at three hundred thoufand pounds *? 61.8*0. (d). And Sir John Ramfty, when made a vifcount, ^] f< ^' had a thoufand pounds land given him to fupport the title p . yi 7 . (e). Again, fays Ofborn, 4f the Scots hung on James (0"Win- 44 like horfe- leeches, till they could get no more, faJ- wood's me- " ling then off by retiring into their own country, Ji ""'" E 4 " P* 56 The LIFE of JAMES I. of probability, faid, that they behaved with much rudenefs and infolency (A A). However " or living at eafe, leaving all chargeable attendance on (f) Olborn., *' tne Englifh." (f) This is likewife confirmed by p. y 3*. Frankland. The king's gifts in lands to the Scots, un- thank fully and unfittingly, they fold (fays he) convey- (g) Annals ing that treafure into Scotland (g), Thefe paffages fuf> of K : n g ficiently {hew how much of the wealth of England was ro^j^jld beftowed on the Sdots, and how much caufe the Englifh *$Si. FoJ. had to be difpleafed at it ; for there was not one of thefe men that was any way ufeful to the Englifli na- tion, though Dunbar and Carlijle were men of great abilities ; and therefore there could be no caufe for thefe exceffive donations.- The king himfelf was fenfible that his liberality to the Scots was very diftafting, and therefore apologizes for it in a fpeech to the parliament, and promifcs for the future .to be more fparing. Let us hear his words. " Had I been over-fparing to them, " they might have thought Jofeph had forgotten his brethren, or that the king had been drunk with his " new kingdom. If I did refpecT: the Englifh when I came firft, - what might the Scotifh have juftly " faid, if I had not in forne meafure dealt bountifully with them that fo long had ferved me, fo far ad- "ventured themfelves with me, and been fo faithful " to me ? -- Such particular perfons of the Scotifh " nation, as might claim any extraordinary merit at <* my hands, I have already reafonably rewarded ; and " I can a (lure you, that there is none left whom for I f) K'ng K mean extraordinary to ftrain myfelf further." (h) * was f P' cen Anno J ^07, a little before his majeuy rs T'T. S See received Ker as a favourite, and heaped on him fuch alfop. ;4:. jmmenfe treafures and large poffeflions as I have juft mentioned. Well therefore might the Englifh grumble, dcfuife the king, and hate his countrymen, by whom they were thus fleeced. '(A A) To whom they behaved with much infolency and flfc LIFE of JAMES I. 57 However the English were not negledled by and rudenefs.] This is attefted by the following homely lines, which were every where pofted. " They beg our lands, OUT goods, our Iives 9 ^ .They fwitch our nobles, and lie with their wives ; " They pinch our gentry, and fend for our benchers j our ferjeants, and piftol our fencers. Mr. Qiborn has explained thefe in a very entertaining manner, to whofe works I refer the inquifttive reader (a). Not contented to drain the kingdom of its (a} Ofbom, wealth, and fnatch its honours, they moreover claimed p '.[ 04 ; ?' precedency of the Englim nobility of the fame rank. JJJj^ [* -r " At a fupper made by the lady Elizabeth Hatton, 1681. ** there grew a queftion between the earls of Argile and " Pembroke, about place, which the Scot maintained to " be his by feniority, as being now become all Britons: at which our nobility began to ftartle." (b). And no (^Win- wonder, for whatever might be the antiquity of many ^f a 'j S s me " of the Scotch nobility, on which probably they valued Vol. III. themfelves j yet that could entitle them to no place in p. 117. England, any farther than what courtefy and civility might require. To fet up a claim of right to fuperio- rity by reafon of it, could be looked on as nothing but an infult, and as fuch, doubtlefs, was refented. Indeed the Scots feemed fo unable to bear their good fortune, and the Englim were fo provoked at their infolent be- haviour, that it was almoft a miracle it had not iffued in torrents of blood (c). ~ A leflbn this to princes (OSeeOf- not to be too bountiful to perfons ufed to low circum- ' p ' ftances ; feeing it will only tend to infpire them with pride and haughtinefs, and excite envy and contempt in ftanders-by ; much more not to enrich aliens at the cxpence of the natives, and caufe them to lift too high f;heir heads. There may indeed be exceptions to this rule, as when diftin2;uifhed merit and great abilities are pofTefFcd, and thefe exerted fur the good of a country j but 58 tte LIFE of JAMES I. by James, for on them alfo he heaped ho- nours in abundance (BB) ; and 'tis certain, that a great many particular perfons obtained great but where tbefe are not, and when in a moft eminent degree it is weaknefs and imprudence to heap favours, which will not fail to bring on complaints, uneafinefles, and diftrefles on the conferrors, (BB) Honours in abundance were heaped on the Englifh alfo.] James in his fpeech to the parliament, anno 1609, owns that they faw him at hi$ entrance into England, " make knights by hundreths, aud ba- ) King c rons in great number." (a) This account is not be- 's yon( | fa trut jj jr or gjr Richard Baker, who had the p * honour of knighthood from him at that time, tells us, that " before his firft year went about, he made ^od (I) Baker's " knows how many hundred knights." (b) And if a ehronide, certain author is to be credited, in the two firft years p. 4^ of James's reign, no lefs than one thoufand twenty two (r) VM of- Anights were made by him ( ' " beftowed were in fo lavifh a manner, and with fo << little diftindtion, that they ceafed in fome fenfe to ?' be honours." (f) This was highly injurious to character of the conferror, and a contempt caft on thofe n the hif- whofe birth and great virtues intitled them to fuch dif- 2 f b y n8 ' tin&ions. It fhewed a want of judgment in James, Humphrey and tended to take off that reverence which ought to oidcaftle, be kept up in the minds of the people towards the Eng- lim nobility. For what muft men think of the under- ftanding of that prince, who could place among the great council of the nation, John fiUUrs % Chriftopher Fttfiers, and Lyonel Cranfield? In how contemptible a light muft the peerage be viewed by thofe who knew that thefe men had no pretence to fuch an honour, but as related to George VilUers^ the infolent prime minif- ter ? 'Twere to be wifhed that the greateft care at all times was taken not to debafe fo illuftrious an order of men by undeferved creations, and that nothing but real merit was the occafion of them. Then would the prince be applauded, the dignity of the peers be pre- ferved, and all due deference paid to their decifions. But when it is known publickly, that undeferving men are advanced to this elevated rank in order to ferve a party or pleafe a favourite, then do men murmur at the crown, and pay little refpedl: to thofe thus diftin- guifJied by it. For the public will judge of perfons as the/ 60 Me LIFE of JAMES I. him (cc), to the impoverishing of the crown, and the reducing himfelf in a few years to great want. He foon {hewed his gratitude to they are ; titles and coronets cannot biafs its judgment, or caufe it to applaud the ignorant or unworthy. (cc) Many perfons obtained great wealth, and large pofleffions from him.] " They that then lived at court,and " were curious obfervers of every man's actions, could " have affirmed, that Salisbury, Suffolk, and Northamp- " ton, and their friends, did get more than the whole " nation of Scotland (Dunbar excepted). All the " Scots in general fcarce got the tythe of thofe Englifli " getters, that can be faid did flick by them, or " their pofterity. Befides Salisbury had one trick to " get the kernel, and leave the Scots but the (hell, yet " caft all the envy upon them j he would make them " buy books of fee- farms, fome one hundred pounds " per annum, fome one hundred marks, and he would " compound with them for a thoufand pounds, which 46 they were willing to embrace, becaufe they were fure ' to have them pafs without any controul or charge, " and one thoufand pounds appeared to them that ne- " ver faw ten pounds before, an inexhauftible treafure ; " then would Salisbury fill up this book with fuch prime " land as fhould be worth ten or twenty thoufand pounds, *' which was eafy for him, being treafurer, fo to do ; (<)SirAn- " a J by this means Salisbury enriched himfelf infi- thonyWel- " nitely, yet catt the envy on the Scots, in whofe 1 " names thefe books appeared, and are ftill upon record tsrofking " to a11 pofterity; though Salisbury had the honey, James, p. " they, poor gentlemen, but part of the wax." (a] J f ' 55- ^ TFllfon tells us, " that James being one day in his gal- 7651. See nor even all day on Saturday ; and I ftill perfifted tc in my refolution, notwithstanding the reafons which " he continually gave me to the contrary. On Sa " turday night, which was the evening of the day pre- " ceding my audience, and fo late that 1 was in bed^ " Beaumont came to tell me, that Erjkine had fent to * 4 acquaint him, that the whole court confidered my " intention as a premeditated affront ; and that I had " fo offended the king by it, that nothing could more > r i f L i' i LL (). of Elizabeth ; for no one better knew her worth than this ambaflador, no one fet a greater value on it. With what indignation then may we fuppofe him filled, when he heard her name thus treated by her fucceffor ? and what a defpicable opinion muft he entertain of him ? but he fupprefled his fentiments on this head, and fet himfelf to pleafe him, of whom 'tis plain from his me- morials, he had but a poor opinion. I (hall only add here, that the higheft merit cannot efcape the tongues of the ignorant and malicious, though, for the rnoft part, it is unhurt by them. 7&LIFE of JAMES I. 65 fcafe and pleafure (FF), and indulged him- ielf in drinking, even fo far as to render himfelf (FF) He was exceffively given to eafe and pleafure.] Sully relates, that " James quitted the company to go '* to bed, where he ufually pafled part of the afternoon, " fometimes the whole of it (a)." " And his ^ s ?> *' thoughts were intent on eafe and pleafure, fays Of- p . 9 i. cc born (b)" This would have been far enough from a ^ oflborn, virtue in a private man, but in a prince it muft be looked p. 470. on as a vice. For the love of eafe and pleafure enervates the mind, and tends to render it incapable of what is great. And there are but few princes who have in- dulged this difpofition, that have made any greater figure in hiftory than the prince of whom we are difcourfing. Alexander > Ctzfar^ and Henry IV. of France, loved pleafure as well as any men ; but then they had no- thing indolent in their temper, and had fo much am- bition, that they could not poffibly abflain from ftriving to render their names glorious. But fames not only loved pleafure, but eafe, and therefore was incapable of being more fignificant in life, than are the generality of eaftern princes, immured in feraglios, and (hangers to every thing but what their viziers or eunuchs pleafe to inform them of, for their entertainment or amufement. So that princes of this indolent difpofition neglect the affairs of government, and are ruled by minifters and favourites, and the people are left to be fleeced and op- preffed, to fupply the calls of luxury and pleafure. Un- happy princes ! unhappy people ! the former deflitute of true worth, the latter groaning under vile bondage. How much then does it concern thofe who are advan- ced to dominion, to exert themfelves, and employ their time and talents in examining the frate of thofe under them, and promoting their welfare ? how much does it behove them to be diligent in bufmefs, fkilful in affairSj and attentive to the representations and complaints of > their fubjects ? By thefe means alone can they anfwer the end of their advancement, obtain reputation, pro- F cure 66 We LIFE of JAMES I. himfelf fometinies contemptible (GG). And from cure fuccefs, and have the love and affection of thofe over whom they bear rule. To which let rrie add, that indolent princes are very infecure ; they become victims frequently to the ambition of their own fer- vants, and fall, though not unpitiedj yet quite unla- mented. For the people have fenfe enough to know* that a life devoted to eafe and pleafure, is of no impor* tance to them, and therefore, with indifference^ fee it deftroyed, though by thofe who ought to have defended (GG) Indulged himfelf in drinking, &c.] Weldon obferves, that " James was not intemperate in his drink- " ing j" but he adds, " however in hid old age, and " Buckingham* jovial fuppers, when he had any turn " to do with him, made him fometimes overtaken^ " wh'rch he would the very next day remember, and " repent with tears: it is true, he drank very often-, " which was rather out of a cuftom than any delight, " and his drinks were of that kind for ftrength, as " frontiniack, canary, high-country wine, tent wine, " and Scotilh ale, that had he not had a very ftrong brain, " might have daily been overtaken, although he fel- " dom drank at any one time above four fpoonfuls, (a] Wddon, many times not above one or two (a)." This is p. i6tf. ver y moc j e (t j n Weldon, But other authors go a little farther, and make James (hew himfelf beneath a man hv his intemperance. " The king was exceffively ad- " dided to hunting and drinking (fays Coke) not ordi- *' nary French and Spanifh wines, but ftrong Greek * 4 wines ; and though he would divide his hunting from drinking thefe wines, yet he would- compound his hunting with drinking thefe wines, and to that pur- pofe he was attended with a fpecial officer, who was as much as could be always at hand, to fill the king's cup in his hunting, when he called for it. I have heard my father fay, that being hunting with the fbf LIFE of JAMES I. 67 from his known love of mafculine beauty, his exceffive favour to fuch as were pof- feffed < 4 king, after the king had drank of the. wine, he alfb *' drank of it, and though he was young and of an " healthful conftitution, it fo difordered his head, that " it fpoiled his pleafure, and difordered him for three * days after. Whether it v/as from drinking thefe " wines, or from fome other caufe, the king became " fo lazy and unweildy, that he was truft on horfe- " back, and as he was fet, fo would he ride, without " otherwife poifmg himfelf on his faddle ; nay, when " his hat was fet on his head, he would not take the " pains to alter it, but it fat as it was upon him ()." ^] C ^ e " a I doubt not but this account is true, Sully taking no- Vol.i.p.42. tice, that " James's cuftom was never to mix water " with his wine (<:)." And therefore, though Sir Edward () ^ u | ly Peyton be a partial writer, and prejudiced much againft 90 t * ths Stuart race, yet I believe the following ftory from him will not be deemed improbable. " When the king (^) P^ton's " of Denmark [brother-in-law to J amis'] was firft of ^"heof*" *' all in England, both kings were fo drunk at Theo- thcfkindy " bald's, as our king was carried in the arms of the family of the " courtiers, when one cheated another of the bed- g^" 1 ^ *' chamber, for getting a grant from king James, for 30 . 8vo. " that he would give him the beft jewel in England for tond. 1731. " a jewel of a hundred pound he promifed him; and T ^ efe ^' " fo put king James in his arms, and carried him to wddon" " * 4 his lodging, and defrauded the bed-chamber man, Coke, and " who had much ado to get the king into his bed. Peyton, are " And Denmark was fo difguifedj as he wou'd have ve 7? ddly i -ii / f X i i an " maccu- ' lain with the countels or Nottingham, making horns rately ex- ec in derifion at her hufband, the high admiral of Eng- preffed; but " land (d).'* I faid juft now, this ftory\ I believed, ^^ would not be thought improbable ; and I doubt not the themes they reader by the following letter of the countefs of Not- ^ e > and not tinvham to the Daniih ambaflador, will readily afient to ex Pf a , the . i ,. . r r \- c c , .to be altered it, feeing it confirms fo chief a part of it as the rude - m or( j er to behaviour of the Danifh king to that lady. 'Tis wrote plcafe. F 4 with LIFE of JAMES I. felled of it, and unfeemly Careffes of them, one with fpirit, and worthy perufal, which therefore I infert at large. "SIR, " I am very forry this occafion fliould have been of- " feied me by the king your mafter, which makes me " troublefome to you for the prefent. It is reported to " me by men of honour, the great wrong the king of " Danes hath done me, when I was not by to anfwer " for myfelf ; for if I had been prefent, I would have " iecten him know how much I fcorn to receive that " wrong at his hands. I need not to urge the particu- " lar of it, for the king himfelf knows it beft. I pro- " teft to you, Sir, I did think as honourably of the " king your matter, as I did of my own prince ; but " now I perfuade myfelf there is as much bafenefs in " him as can be in any man ; for although he be a " prince by birth, it feems not to me that there har- " bours any princely thought in his breaft ; for either " in prince or fubjeft, it is the bafeft that can be to " wrong any woman of honour. I deferve as little " that name he gave me, as either the mother of him- " felf, or of his children ; and if ever I come to know " what man hath informed your mafter fo wrongfully " of me, I mail do my beft for putting him from do- " ing the like to any other: but if it hath come by the " tongue of any woman, I dare fay (he would be glad " to have companions. So leaving to trouble you any further, I reft t( your friend, M Supple. " M. NOT T I N G H A M ( There can, I think, remain no doubt but that Pey- Lond. t( i654. * on ' s account is true ; and confequently, when confider- ' ed with what iVeldon and Coke relate, it muft be be- lieved, that James addicted himfelf to drinking in fuch a manner, rhe LIFE of JAMES I. 69 would be tempted to think, that he was not wholly free from a vice inoft unnatu- ral (HH). He a manner, as to render himfelf fometimes contemptible. ** pofes thofe weaknefles which it moft of all behoves them to conceal ; and it takes off that reverence for their perfons, which is neceffary to make their fubje&s ftand in a proper awe of them, and pay a fubmiffion to their commands. It debafes the man, finks the prince, fpoils the politician, and reveals thofe fecrets which are moft neceiTary to be concealed. " Drunkennefs, fays Mon- taigne, feems to me to be a grofs and brutifh vice. * The foul has the greateft intereft in all the reft, and " there are fome vices that have fomethi-ng, if a man " may fo fay, of generous in them. There are vices " wherein there is a mixture of knowledge, diligence, " valour, prudence, dexterity, and cunning : this is < c totally corporeal and earthly, and the thickeft fkulled * "James, or made little impreflion on him ; for he feems to have been guided in his whole behaviour more by will and humour, by paflion and inclination, than by wif- dom, prudence, or difcretion. So that his knowledge was of little fervice to him, and feldom caufed him to a& as a wife man, or an underftanding king. It en- abled him to talk, but was wholly infufficient to regu- late his a&ions ; and fo, in effect, was no better than ignorance. (HH) From his known love of -mafculine beauty, F 3 &c.] He LIFE of JAMES I. He ufed curling and fwearing in his com- mon &c.] I fhall give my authorities, and leave the reader to judge what conclufion is to be drawn from them. < " As no other reafon appeared in favour of their [the " favourites of James] choice but handfomenefs, fo " the love the king {hewed, was as amoroufly convey- " ed as if he had mittaken their fex, and thought them " ladies ; which 1 have feen Somerfet and Buckingham " labour to refemble in the effeminatenefs of their dref- )." The fame writer obferves, () Weldo*, that " he was not very uxorious, for he was ever beft P- 9>~- l6 S l> by a learned friend, that 'tis thought to be written by the above-cited Peyton : But I am of a different opi- nion. Peyton's divine catajlropbe, tho' partial enough, has many true paffages in it ; but the Ndnefuch Charles feems chiefly invention, in order to blacken and defame. Bcfides, iuch was the zeal of Peyton againft Charles and his houfe, that I fancy he would have thought it a merit to have been the author of any work tending to its difgrace, and therefore have fet his name to it; for he who had been afraid of after-refentment, would never x w , have publickly owned the divine caiaftropbe. Add to ArhemeO*. this, that IVood^ in reckoning up Peyton's writings, r>ni-nf, mentions nothing of this piece, which if it had been v _j' ^: c> his 'tis difficult to account for (g}. However, as the L p n ' d , 7 ',~ infmuation in this fatyr is fupported by other authorities, Fol.o. F 4 'tis 72 tte LIFE of JAMES I. 'tis of little importance whether the author who gives it us be of any great account, or no. Let us now return to our fubjedt,. The authors above quoted may be deemed by fome not quite fo favourable to the character of James as could be wiflied, and therefore not fo much to be relied on. But what (hall we fay to Clarendon, who owns, that the " firft introduction of George tc yilliers into favour, wa$ purely from the haridfome- (MClaren- nefs of his perfon (b) : and that the king's natural don, Vol. I. u difpofition was very flowing in affe&ion towards per- ** funs fo adorned." Dr. Birch obferves of this fame ViliierS) that "he had fcarce any other advantages to " recommend him to his majefty, than thofe of a moft *' graceful perfon. Upon what terms of familiarity, " adds he, he was with his royal mafter is evident, not much to the honour of either of them, from two " volumes of original letters which pafTed between " them, ftill extant in the Harleian library, full of the " obfceneft expreflions in our language, and fuch as *' Dr. Welwood t who has given fome extracts from * c thofe letters, fays, might make a lawd to blujh to re- tc peat. So impure a correfpondence is an amazing in- ' wiJJ tranfcribe Dr. Wei-wood's account of 3 4 * the letters which pafied between 'James and Bucking- bam t to which Dr. Birch refers. " The letters, fays who fays " he renounced " with many oaths the having communicated the prince's (*)Clan- journey into Spain '()." Oaths are highly indecent *"rf *** *' ' n P rmces : tne y are greatly impolitic, alfo, as leflening the regard which ought to be payed unto them in courts of judicature, and leading thereby to perjury. Princes therefore (hould (hew the greateft reverence to oaths, in order thereby to keep up their facrednefs, and fecure the truth and fidelity of their fubjects. Thofe of them who will not thus behave, pay generally very dear for their liberty; for their fervants" and fubjefts taking example by them, run into the fame excefs, whereby they re- ceive the greateft damage. So that intereft alone, if well f Tbe LIFE of JAMES I. 75 occafion, to utter the moft bitter impreca- tions (KK) on.himfeif, and on his poiterity. And well underRood and confidered, will engage thcfe who bear rule, to fet before men good examples, and abfbin from the appearance of evil ; and fuch of them as are not induced hereunto by a fenie of it, have no great reafon to boaft of their understanding. (KK) He ftuck not to utter the moft bitter impreca- tions on himfelf, and on his pofterity.] When the trial of the murtherers of Sir Thomas Overlury was going forwards, the king went from Whitehall to Theobald's, and fo to Roy/ton, and having fent for all the judges, he kneeled down in the midft of his lords and fervants, and ufed thefe words to the judges. " My lords, I charge *' you, as you will anfwer it at that great and dreadful " day of judgment, that you examine it [the poifoning " of Overbury] ftri&iy without favour, affection, or " partiality ; and if you fpare any guilty of this crime, " God's curfe light upon you and your pofterity; and *' if I fpare any that are found guilty, God's curfe " light on me and my pofterity for ever {a}" And in (a) Weldon, the fecond year of his reign " feveral lords having de- P- 93- * clared in the ftar-chamber, that fome of the puri- " tans had raifed a falfe rumour of the king, how he 44 intended to grant a toleration to papifts ; the lords " feverally declared, how the king was difcontented << with the faid falfe rumour, and had made but the " day before a proteftation unto them, that he never " intended it, and that he would fpend the laft drop of " his blood before he would do it f and prayed, that " before any of his iflue fhould maintain any other re- *' ligion than what he truly profefled and maintained, that " God would taka them out of the world ()." Thefe WCrok> are deep and horrible imprecations, and enough to make ^Trt/"* a man tremble to think on the profanenefs of the mouth Lend. 1683. that could utter them ; efpecially when it is known Folio< (that notwuhuanding there were fo many witnefles to thefe 7 6 fbe LIFE of JAMES I. And yet notwithftanding, upon times, he gave himfelf great airs of religion (LL), and talked thefe his words) he fpared Somerfet and his lady, the prin- cipal a&ors in Overbur/s tragedy ; and that he not only intended, but did grant a toleration to papifts, as will be fhewn hereafter. How far his imprecations have af- fected his pofterity, is not, I think, for man to fay. But, without breach of charity, we may affert, that James was very rafli and inconfiderate, and guilty of a great fault in calling down the judgments of heaven thus on himfelf and his family. 'Tis good advice which the wife man gives, and which was worthy of the regard of this Britifh Solomon, in the following words, " Be not rafh with thy mouth, and let not thy *' heart be hafty to utter any thing before God j for " God is in heaven, and thou upon earth ; therefore tO EccleC " ^ et tn y wor ds be few (c}." A fenfe of the omnipre- T.*. fence, power, wifdom, and majefty of the fuperintend- ing mind, would have reftrained James from thefe rafh and horrible wifhes ; but he feems to have had little no- tion of any of thefe things, but rather to have been one of tbofe who deal in holy things without any feel- ing. Thefe, in lord Bacon's opinion, are " the great *' atheifts, who muft, fays he, be needs cauterized in (d Bacon's the end (d)" Deplorable ftate ! difmal condition ! happy thofe, who by an uniform courfe of virtuous ac- tions, can look on the almighty being as their friend ! who are careful at all times to do what they themfelves think right, and agreeable to him : the religion of fuch is real, and their happinefs certain. (LL) He gave himfelf airs of religion, &c.] Here follows a paflage from Sully * tending to verify the text. :t James afked me, fays he, whether I went to the " proteftant church in London ? upon my replying that " I did, then, faid he, you are not refolved, as 1 have c been informed, to quit our religion, after the ex- *' ample of Sancy, who thought thereby to make his " fortune The LIFE of JAMES I. 77 talked after fuch a manner, as to lead thofe who " fortune, but, by God's permiffion, did juft the con- " trary. 1 treated this report as a calumny, and faid, " that my living in France in friendfhip with fo many " ecclefiafticks, and being fo frequently vifited by the " pope's nuncio, might, perhaps, have given rife to it. " Do you give the pope the title of holinefs? faid " James. I replied, that, to conform to the cuftom " eftabliftied in France^ I did. He was then for prov- " ing to me, that this cuftom was an offence againft " God, to whom alone this title could juftly belong. I " replied, that I fuppofed a greater crime was not here- " by committed, than by fo frequently giving to prin- " ces fuch titles as they were well known not to de- " ferve (a]." Let us add the following memorandum ^ SulVa of the illuftrious archbifhop Ujher.to Sully^ and we (hall memoirs, need nothing more to convince us of the folemn airs of Vol H -P* religion 'fames, at fome times, could put on. " I was 33 * " appointed by the lower houfe of parliament, to preach at St. Maagarefs, Wejlminjler, Feb. 7, 1620. Feb. " 13, being Shrove Tuefday^ I dined at court, and be- *' twixt four and five kifled the king's hand, and had " conference with him touching my fermon. He faid, " / had charge of an unruly flock to look nnto the next Sun- *' day. He afked me how 1 thought it could ftand with " true divinity, that fo many hundred fhould be tied (up- " on fo (hort warning) to receive the communion upon cc - a day, all could not be in charity, after fo late con- when the whole Lent was a time of prepa- " ration. He bad me to tell them, 1 hoped they were " all prepared, but wiflied they might be better j to " exhort them to unity and concord ; to love God (( firft, and then their prince and country ; to look to " the urgent necefiities of the times, and the miferable . ftate 7 8 tffc LIFE /JAMES I. who were unacquainted with him, to be- lieve that he had a more than ordinary de- gree (A),Ufl>er's ftate of Chriftendom, with bis dot qui cito dat ()." life and let- ^ h | s kj nd o f ^j^. wou \^ nave fuited well enough fciTVig. ' the month of fome honeft, well-meaning ecclefiaftie, Lord. 1686. and edified, no doubt, very much thofe who heard it. Folio. g ut j t f ounc ]s ftrange from James, who was addicted to fo many vices, and whofe oaths and imprecations were fo common. Shall we fuppofe him wholly hypocritical in thefe fpeec'hes, and intirely unconcerned about the things he talked of; though from other parts of his be- haviour, one might be led to make this conclufton, yet, perhaps, we mould be miftaken in fo doing. For, however, it be, men's characters are too often incon- fiftent, and they ftrangely blend what they call religion, with the practice of the moft odious and deteftable vices. By a concern for the one, they excufe to them- felves the other, and fo come at length to imagine, that they are acceptable to the deity, though they break th moft facred of his laws. Thus we read of John Bafi- lides^ great duke of Mufcovy, the moft wicked of men, the moft deteftable of tyrants, that he would pray and faft in a moft extraordinary manner, and be as devout as () SeeCa- poflible himfelf, and make others fo too (c). And, in the faubon of f ame manner numbers of cruel perfecutors, and ambi- enthunafrn, f ir/i j- T i p. 279, 8vo. tlous lei"" 1 , avantious wretches, are exceedingly zeal- Lond. \6>6. ous and exact in their devotions, and come not behind, in thefe things, the moft fincere and virtuous perfons. So that 'tis not improbable James might be in earneft when he talked in thefe ftrains, and pleafe himfelf to think, that he was both fo wife and fo religious a king. Amazing delufion ! terrible deceit ! To the all-piercing eye of heaven all is naked and open, no difguifes can conceal from, no artifices impofe on it ; and therefore men (hould look well to it, that they are what they would fcem to be. A prince openly vicious and pro-- fane, only hurts the intertft of religion, by appearing, on occafion, its votary. Slanders- by will look with ri- dicule Me LIFE of JAMES I. 79 gree of fandity. Hunting (MM) was a fa- vourite dicule and abhorrence on his intereftmg himfelf in its affairs, and will not be prevailed on to believe that he is in earned about it. -- Hence pofiibly it has come to pafs, that courts have been fo little famed for the prac- tice of religion. For the manners of the generality of princes being not over good, thofe about them think they (hall pay their court to them more by conforming to their example, than by obeying their - edicV When they fpeak therefore of religion, they are not liftened unto ; when they command, by thofe about them, they are not obeyed : for they are confidered as only acting a part, and therefore having no real concern about what they feem to engage in. (MM) Hunting was a favourite diverfion with him, &c.] Let us hear Sully. " From this fubjeft [the in- " lincerity of the Spaniards] the king of England pafled " to that of the chace, for which he fhevved me an ex- ** traordinary paffion. He faid he knew very well that " I was no great lover of" the chace j that he had at- " tributed the late fuccefs of his fport to me, not as " marquis of Rsfny, but as ambafTador from a king, " who was not only the greateft prince, but the greateft " hunter in the world ; to which, with the greateft " politenefs, he added, that Henry was in the right " not to carry me to the chace, becaufe I was of < greater fervice to him elfewhere; and that if I pur- " fued the chace, the king of France could nor. " I replied, that Henry loved all the exercifes ; but " that none of them ever made him neglect the care " of his affairs, nor prevented him from a clofe in- " fpe&ion into the proceedings of his minifters (a}." Had James imitated his brother of France in attending his affairs, and infpc&ing the proceeding of his minif- ters, he might have enjoyed the pleafure of hunting without cenlure. For'tis but reafonable that princes mould have a relaxation from bufmefs as well as other men. But, 8o The LIFE of JAMES I. favourite diveriion with him, which he prac- tifed But fays Mr. Chamberlaine to Mr. IVmivodd* in a let- ter dated Jan. 26, 1604, " the king finds that felicity " in that hunting life, that he hath written to the coun- " cil, that it is the only means to maintain his health, " which being the health and welfare of us all, he de- " fires them to take the charge and burden of affairs^ " and fore fee that he be not int erupted nor troubled with (}Win- " too much bufinefs (b)" A man who preferred hunt- wood, Vol. j n g to t jj e a ff a j rs O f ftate, was unworthy of the crown ' p ' 4 ' he wore, and undeferving the regard of his people. For fuch a one neglected the end of his appointment, and therefore merited the contempt he met with. - - antes never loved bufinefs. In Scotland, fa " the earl of Jrran defired him to recreate himfelf at " hunting, and he would attend the council, and re- " port again at his majefty's return, all our opinions (f) Melvil, " anc l conclufions (c)." He hearkened to his advice, p. 139. or rather followed his own inclinations, and thereby numberlefs mifchiefs enfued. He was never the wifcr for this we fee ; for his averfion to bufinefs was the fame, and fo was his paflion for hunting : fo that he had lived to no purpofe, and was incapable of being taught by ex- perience. OJborn tells us, he faw " him drefled in colours green " as the grafs he trod on, with a feather in his cap, and (JJOlborn, a horn inftead of a fword by his fide (lachiavel, (NN) Which made him expofe himfelf much in the 5' v ' / &nt. conference at Hampton Court, &c.] This conference 1741. was begun Jan. 14, 1603. in purfuance of a proclama- tion for that purpofe, dated Oct. 24, of the fame year. The profeffed defign of it was to examine into the ob- jections of the puritans, again ft the doctrine, govern- ment, and difcipline of the eftabliihed church, and rec- tify abufes crept into it. But the king had little of this at heart j his defign was to (hew his learning, and mor- tify the puritans, which he did as well as he could, G * Htf $4 ne LIFE of JAMES I. the .puritans, where he fet up for a difpu- tant, He talked therefore of the name and ufe of confirma- tion, and the occafion of its being firft brought in ; of abfolution, private baptifm, and excommunication j points well worthy the ftudy of a king, and coming with great propriety from his mouth. *' Abfolution, tc he declared, was apoftolical, and a very good ordi- " nance, in that it was given in the name of Chrift to 11 one that defired it, and up'on the clearing of his con- (a\ Barlow's fcience. (a]" He maintained " the neceflity of bap- accountof tifrn, where it might be lawfully had-, id eft, mi- renceaV~ " niftred by lawful minifters, by whom alone, and by Hamptcn- " no private perfon^ he thought it might not in any Court, in w ca f e fe adminiftred. After which he learnedly ob- thePhenL, " ferved, that though the minifter be not of the ef- p. .45. tivo. fence of the facrament [of baptifm] yet he is of the" Lond. 1707. it efiencfe of the right and lawful mimftry of the facra- (A) Id. p. " ment-(^)." Thefe difcourfes pafled between the king 1 47 and bifhops alone on the firft day, greatly, I dare fay, to their rejoicing. On the fecond day, the minifters who were to propofe the demands of the puritans being called in, viz. Reynolds, Sparks^ KnewjiubbS) and Chad" 'derton, together with Patrick Galloway^ fometime mi- nifter of Perth in Scotland; and their obje6tions being all reduced into four heads, the king took on him to difpute the matters contained in them, with the minif- ters. It would be cndlefs to- relate all he faid, for hi 'loved fpeaking, and was in his element whilft difputing. Two or three inftances of his oftentatious pedantry fhall therefore fuffice. " His majefty taxed St. Jerom for his * c afiertion, that a bilhop was not divines ordinattonis ; " which opinion he much diftafted, approving their " calling and ule in the church, and doled it up with (c" id " t ^ 1 ' s fh rt aphorifm, no bijhop, no king (c}." 1^5. r '* Dr. Reynolds having made it an objection againft " the Apocrypha (ordered by the Common Prayer to " be read) that the author of the book of Kccleliafti- " cus, chap, xlviii. 10. hejd the fame opinion with the " Jews The LIFE of JAMES I. 85 tant, and behaved with a g-reat and vifible partiality. 64 Jews at this day, namely, that Ellas in perfon was " to come before Chrift ; and therefore as yet Chrift, "" by that reafon, not come in the flcfh : I fay Dr. Rey- * f nolds having made this objection, his majefty calling " for a bible, firft fhewed the author of that book, " who he was, then the caufe why he wrote that book ; " next analized the chapter itielf, (hewing the prece- *' dents and confequences thereof; laftly, unfolded the " fum of that place, arguing and demonftrating that " whatfoever Ben Sirach had (aid there of Elias, Ellas " had in his own perfon while he lived, performed " and accomplifhed (d)." He moreover declared, that ^ ^P* " he had never feen a brble well tranflated into Englifh; l " that the tranflation of Geneva was the worft of all; " that pains mould be taken about an uniform tranfla- " tion of it, under certain reftriclions, and more efpe- *' cially that no marginal notes (hould be added, hav- " ing found, faid he, in them which are annexed to - the bHhops an'd deans who attended. I doubt not, tho' Reynolds was awed by the prefence, and made not the figure he was capable of, that he heartily defpifed the prince who could talk after this rate, and dictate in matters out of his province.- - Let us now fee how his majefty endeavoured to mortify the puritans. After expounding the chapter of Ecclefiafticus juft mentioned, he addrefled himfelf to the lords, and (aid, " what, trow ye, make thefe men fo angry with EC- " clefiajlicus ? by my foul I think he was a bifhop, or " elfe they would never ufe him fo(/~J." In anfwer ff) 13. p. to a queflion ftarted how far an ordinance of the church 16 3- was to bind, without impeaching chriftian Irberty? 'James faid, " he would not argue that point, but ao- " fwer therein as kings are wont to do in parliament, G 3 It ?f:e LIFE of JAMES I partiality. Indeed, his ppndudt in this affair was le roy s'avifera ; adding withal, that it fmelled very rankly of anabaptifm, comparing it to the ufage of a beardlefs boy (one Mr. John Black) who the laft conference his majefty had with the minifters of ' Scotland, in Dec. 1602, told him, that he would " hold conformity with his majefty^s ordinances for " matters of doctrine ; but for matters of ceremony, " they were to be left in chriftian liberty to every man, as he received more and more light from the illumi- nation of God's fpirit, even till they go mad, quoth the king, with their own light. But I will none of that, I will have one doctrine, and one difcipUne, one religion in fubftance and in ceremony; and therefore I charge you never to fpeak more to that point (how far you are bound to obey) when the fe) Id. p. church hath ordained it (g)" Afterwards fpeaking to the lords and biftiops, he faid, < c 1 will tell you, I " have lived among this fort of men ever fince Iwas " ten years old ; but I may fay of myfelf, as Chrift " faid of himfelf, though I lived among them, yet, fince (*) Co . m ^ " I had ability to judge, I was never of them (b)" 2SttT(M) thinking by fomewhat Dr. Reynolds faid', that the puri- nd (?) tans aimed at a Scotch prefbytery, the king obferved, < difFc.-ent, and in fome cafes perhaps, oppoftte talents, " bcih (<0 A vindi- cation of their majef- ties wifdom in the nomi- nation to the vacant bi- Me LIFE of JAMES I. 89 was that moft deteftable confpiracy againfl the " both natural and acquired, are neceflary to move, and " to regulate the movements of the machine of govern" " went j in ftidrt, becaufe as a good adjutant may make " a very bad general ; fo a great reader, and a writer ' very means which were proper to gain thefe, were likewife 9 o *be LIFE of JAMES I. the proteftant religion, known by the name of the powder plot difcovered ; which, tho ? difowned c likewife the moft effectual to hinder the increafe of " tbem> and of the other fefiaries in the mean time. " Upon the whole matter we think it plain, that king ' James I. had an eafy and fecure opportunity of pre- c venting any bad confequences, which might be ap- " prehended from the divifions of his proteftant fub- * jefts ; and that the improvement of that opportunity ** confifted in giving neither alarm to the well affeRed^ (