,. 
 
 Handbook for 
 
 Speakers 
 
 Furnished by 
 
 THE \JREASURY DEPARTMENT 
 
 WAR I.OAN ORGANIZATION 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 w\ 
 
 E \JREAS 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 1918
 
 Now therefore go, and I will be 
 with thy mouth, and teach thee 
 what thou shalt say." 
 
 Exodus iv, 12
 
 Table of Contents 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Foreword ix 
 
 President Wilson's Address at Balti- 
 more, April 6, 1918 1 
 
 I 
 
 Points for Speakers 
 to put before Local Committees 
 
 1. Work to be done by local Liberty Loan 
 
 Committee 9 
 
 2. How to plan and hold Patriotic Meetings 13 
 
 3. How to use Posters 19 
 
 4. How to use Motion Pictures 20 
 
 II 
 
 The Art of Making a Speech 
 
 1. Putting your message across 21 
 
 2. Outline for Speech 26 
 
 3. Points of Appeal 27 
 
 4. Objections to be met 29 
 
 III 
 
 Facts About Liberty Bonds 
 
 1 . What a Liberty Bond is 30 
 
 2. The two kinds of Bonds 30 
 
 3. Security 34
 
 IV 
 
 Facts That Sell Bonds 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1. Why we all must buy Liberty Bonds 35 
 
 2. The Boys in France 40 
 
 3. Germany's plans for World Dominion 42 
 
 4. Our tradition of Freedom 45 
 
 5. Sources of Revenue Taxes and Bonds 48 
 
 6. Necessity for individual subscriptions 48 
 
 7. Why you should hold your Liberty Bonds 50 
 
 8. Thrift and the need of personal sacrifice 52 
 
 9. Saving for the next Loan 54 
 
 V 
 
 The National Need for Thrift 
 
 1. Conservation of materials and labor 57 
 
 2. When we buy things we don't need, we 
 
 help the Hun 57 
 
 3. We must not " spend as usual " 60 
 
 VI 
 
 Striking Statements and Speeches 
 
 1. "A Scrap of Paper" Prize Essay 63 
 
 2. Statement by Dr. Lyman Abbott 64 
 
 3. Speech by Rudyard Kipling 68 
 
 4. Speech by Asst. Secretary of War Crowell 70 
 
 5. Speech to Women by Katherine Synon 71 
 
 6. Speech to Farmers by Herbert Quick 76 
 
 7. Speech to Industrial Workers by William 
 
 Mather Lewis 79 
 
 8. Speech to School Children by William 
 
 Mather Lewis 85
 
 VII 
 
 Quotations and Stories 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1. Poetry on the war 88 
 
 2. Quotations for use in speeches 96 
 
 3. Short stories of sacrifice and heroism 105 
 
 VIII 
 
 Figures 
 
 1. The Cost of the War and Statistics 
 
 on War Debts 108 
 
 2. What your Bonds have bought 112 
 
 3. Make your dollars fight 113
 
 Foreword 
 
 The success of each of the preceding Liberty 
 Loan Campaigns has given every good citizen 
 new cause for pride in his country. Each has 
 surpassed all reasonable expectations, and in 
 addition to the direct result of securing from 
 millions of loyal Americans the investment in 
 billions of Liberty Bonds, each campaign has 
 been a great patriotic revival. 
 
 Many thousands of unselfish men and 
 women have rendered devoted service, and 
 they with countless others are now preparing 
 to do even greater work for the Fourth 
 Liberty Loan. 
 
 Of these, no one has been of greater impor- 
 tance than the public speaker. 
 
 Secretary McAdoo and those having the 
 War Loan organization in charge are grateful 
 to the thousands of men and women who thus 
 bring to millions of people the message of 
 their country's needs. 
 
 All are asked to prepare themselves at once 
 for an even greater task in the Fourth Liberty 
 Loan. 
 
 We need not deal in promises alone, but can 
 
 [ix]
 
 well offer as a reason for the purchase of 
 Liberty Bonds the great things that already 
 have been achieved by a united nation. 
 
 Of the four great Liberty Loans, the Fourth 
 should be and must be the most successful 
 of all. 
 
 SPEAKERS BUREAU 
 
 War Loan Organization 
 
 Treasury Department 
 
 Washington
 
 President Wilson 
 on the Liberty Loan 
 
 [From an Address delivered at Baltimore, April 6, 1918] 
 
 The Nation is awake. There is no need to 
 call to it. We know what the war must cost 
 our utmost sacrifice, the lives of our fittest 
 men and, if need be, all that we possess. 
 The loan we are met to discuss is one of the 
 least parts of what we are called upon to 
 give and to do, though in itself imperative. 
 The people of the whole country are alive to 
 the necessity of it, and are ready to lend to 
 the utmost, even where it involves a sharp 
 skimping and daily sacrifice to lend out of 
 meagre earnings. They will look with repro- 
 bation and contempt upon those who can 
 and will not, upon those who demand a 
 higher rate of interest, upon those who think 
 of it as a mere commercial transaction. I 
 have not come, therefore, to urge the loan. 
 I have come only to give you, if I can, a 
 more vivid conception of what it is for. 
 
 The Reasons for the War 
 The reasons for this great war, the reason 
 why it had to come, the need to fight it 
 through, and the issues that hang upon its 
 outcome, are more clearly disclosed than ever 
 before. It is easy to see just what this par- 
 ticular loan means because the Cause we are 
 [1]
 
 fighting for stands more sharply revealed 
 than at any previous crisis of the momentous 
 struggle. The man who knows least can now 
 see plainly how the cause of Justice stands 
 and what the imperishable thing is he is 
 asked to invest in. Men in America may be 
 more sure than they ever were before that 
 the cause is their own, and that, if it should 
 be lost, their own great Nation's place and 
 mission in the world would be lost with it. 
 
 I call you to witness, my fellow country- 
 men, that at no stage of this terrible busi- 
 ness have I judged the purposes of Germany 
 intemperately. I should be ashamed in the 
 presence of affairs so grave, so fraught with 
 the destinies of mankind throughout all the 
 world, to speak with truculence, to use the 
 weak language of hatred or vindictive pur- 
 pose. We must judge as we would be judged. 
 I have sought to learn the objects Germany 
 has in this war from the mouths of her own 
 spokesmen, and to deal as frankly with them 
 as I wished them to deal with me. I have laid 
 bare our own ideals, our own purposes, with- 
 out reserve or doubtful phrase, and have asked 
 them to say as plainly what it is they seek. 
 
 We have ourselves proposed no injustice, 
 no aggression. We are ready, whenever the 
 final reckoning is made, to be just to the 
 German people, deal fairly with the German 
 power, as with all others. There can be no 
 difference between peoples in the final judg-
 
 ment, if it is indeed to be a righteous judg- 
 ment. To propose anything but justice, even- 
 landed and dispassionate justice, to Germany 
 at any time, whatever the outcome of the 
 war, would be to renounce and dishonor our 
 own cause. For we ask nothing that we are 
 not willing to accord. 
 
 Germany wants Dominion 
 It has been this thought that I have 
 sought to learn from those who spoke for 
 Germany; whether it was justice, or domin- 
 ion and the execution of their own will upon 
 the other nations of the world that the Ger- 
 man leaders were seeking. They have an- 
 swered, answered in unmistakable terms. 
 They have avowed that it was not justice 
 but dominion and the unhindered execution 
 of their own will. 
 
 The avowal has not come from Germany's 
 statesmen. It has come from her military 
 leaders, who are her real rulers. Her states- 
 men have said that they wished peace, and 
 were ready to discuss its terms whenever 
 their opponents were willing to sit down at 
 the conference table with them. Her pres- 
 ent Chancellor has said in indefinite and 
 uncertain terms, indeed, and in phrases that 
 often seem to deny their own meaning, but 
 with as much plainness as he thought pru- 
 dent that he believed that peace should 
 be based upon the principles which we had 
 [31
 
 declared would be our own in the final settle- 
 ment. At Brest-Litovsk her civilian dele- 
 gates spoke in similar terms; professed their 
 desire to conclude a fair peace and accord to 
 the peoples with whose fortunes they were 
 dealing the right to choose their own alle- 
 giances. But action accompanied and fol- 
 lowed the profession* Their military masters, 
 the men who act for Germany and exhibit 
 her purpose in execution, proclaimed a very 
 different conclusion. We cannot mistake 
 what they have done, in Russia, in Fin- 
 land, in the Ukraine, in Roumania. The 
 real test of their justice and fair play has 
 come. From this we may judge the rest. 
 They are enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph 
 in which no brave or gallant nation can take 
 pride. A great people, helpless by their own 
 act, lies for the time at their mercy. Their 
 fair professions are forgotten. They nowhere 
 set up justice, but everywhere impose their 
 power and exploit everything for their own 
 use and aggrandizement; and the peoples of 
 conquered provinces are invited to be free 
 under their dominion! 
 
 Germany wants a free hand in Russia 
 
 Are we not justified in believing that they 
 
 would do the same things at their western 
 
 front if they were not there face to face with 
 
 armies whom even their countless divisions 
 
 cannot overcome? If, when they have felt 
 
 [4]
 
 their check to be final, they should propose 
 favorable and equitable terms with regard to 
 Belgium and France and Italy, could they 
 blame us if we concluded that they did so 
 only to assure themselves of a free hand in 
 Russia and the East? 
 
 Their purpose is undoubtedly to make all 
 the Slavic peoples, all the free and ambitious 
 nations of the Baltic peninsula, all the lands 
 that Turkey has dominated and misruled, 
 subject to their will and ambition, and build 
 upon that dominion an empire of force upon 
 which they fancy that they can then erect an 
 empire of gain and commercial supremacy, 
 an empire as hostile to the Americans as to 
 the Europe which it will overawe an empire 
 which will ultimately master Persia, India, 
 and the peoples of the Far East. In such 
 a program our ideals, the ideals of justice 
 and humanity and liberty, the principles of 
 the free self-determination of nations upon 
 which all the modern world insists, can play 
 no part. They are rejected for the ideals of 
 power, for the principle that the strong must 
 rule the weak, that trade must follow the 
 flag, whether those to whom it is taken wel- 
 come it or not, that the peoples of the world 
 are to be made subject to the patronage and 
 overlordship of those who have the power to 
 enforce it. 
 
 That program once carried oul, America 
 and all who care or <l;ire to stand with her
 
 must arm and prepare themselves to contest 
 the mastery of the World, a mastery in which 
 the rights of common men, the right of women 
 and all who are weak, must for the time being 
 be trodden under foot and disregarded, and 
 the old, age-long struggle for freedom and 
 right begin again at the beginning. Every- 
 thing that America has lived for and loved 
 and grown great to vindicate and bring to a 
 glorious realization will have fallen in utter 
 ruin and the gates of mercy once more piti- 
 lessly shut upon mankind! 
 
 Germany Judged on its Record 
 The thing is preposterous and impossible; 
 and yet is not that w T hat the whole course and 
 action of the German armies has meant 
 wherever they have moved? I do not wish, 
 even in this moment of utter disillusionment, 
 to judge harshly or unrighteously. I judge 
 only what the German arms have accom- 
 plished with unpitying thoroughness through- 
 out every fair region they have touched. 
 
 What, then, are we to do? For myself, I 
 am ready, ready still, ready even now, to 
 discuss a fair and just and honest peace at 
 any time that it is sincerely proposed, a 
 peace in which the strong and weak shall 
 fare alike. But the answer, when I pro- 
 posed such a peace, came from the German 
 commanders in Russia, and I cannot mistake 
 the meaning of the answer. 
 [6]
 
 I accept the challenge. I know that you 
 accept it. All the world shall know that you 
 accept it. It shall appear in the utter sacri- 
 fice and self-forgetful ness with which we 
 shall give all that we love and all that we 
 have to redeem the world and make it fit 
 for free men like ourselves to live in. This 
 now is the meaning of all that we do. Let 
 everything that we say, my fellow country- 
 men, everything that we henceforth plan 
 and accomplish, ring true to this response 
 till the majesty and might of our concerted 
 power shall fill the thought and utterly de- 
 feat the force of those who flout and mis- 
 prize what we honor and hold dear. Ger- 
 many has once more said that force, and 
 force alone, shall decide whether Justice and 
 peace shall reign in the affairs of men, whether 
 Right as America conceives it or Dominion 
 as she conceives it shall determine the des- 
 tinies of mankind. There is, therefore, but 
 one response possible from us: Force, Force 
 to the utmost, Force without stint or limit, 
 the righteous and triumphant Force which 
 shall make Right the law of the world, and 
 cast every selfish dominion down in the dust. 
 
 [7]
 
 Points for Speakers 
 to put before Local Committees 
 
 (1) Work to be done by local Liberty 
 Loan Committee 
 
 When you reach a city, town or village, you 
 can do important and helpful work. 
 
 Get in touch with the local Liberty Loan 
 (.'ominittee, and see that they are doing the 
 things set out below. Possibly you might 
 ask them to meet you for a conference. 
 
 I'.se the Chart of Publicity for Selling Lib- 
 erty Bonds on pages 10 and 11, to suggest to 
 the local Committee profitable fields of action. 
 It might be well to check off on that chart 
 I lie activities that are being carried on. 
 
 In all publicity, certain ideas should be 
 selected to dominate the campaign. In order 
 to get the benefit of repetition these ideas 
 >liould, so far as possible, be played up in 
 every form of publicity oral, printed and 
 pictured that is used. If, for instance, we 
 adopt as a dominating idea " support our 
 hoys in the trenches," this thought should 
 be brought out in speeches, advertisements, 
 posters, cartoons and pamphlets. 
 
 The first thing that a committee must 
 recognize is that in order to sell the amount
 
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 [11]
 
 of bonds allotted to the committee's district, 
 it will be necessary to "popularize" the Loan. 
 Every person of thinking age in the territory 
 covered by the committee must be made ac- 
 quainted with the nature and purposes of the 
 Fourth Liberty Loan and imbued with a de- 
 sire to be a buyer of the bonds. 
 
 There are two parts to every successful 
 Liberty Loan campaign, viz. : Publicity, which 
 sows the seed, and Personal Solicitation, which 
 reaps the harvest. The Chairman should place 
 on the committee the editors of the local news- 
 papers. Every person in the committee's dis- 
 trict must be seen during the campaign. 
 
 The members of the committee must, at 
 the outset, have brought home to them the 
 importance of their work. 
 
 In the great war program of our country 
 the work of the Liberty Loan Committeemen 
 is just as essential as the work of the soldiers 
 in the trenches. If the Bonds are not sold 
 the Government will not have the necessary 
 money to equip and feed the Army and Navy. 
 This point cannot be emphasized too strongly. 
 
 Committeemen must realize that it is their 
 duty to their country to give their entire time, 
 day and night, to the work of the campaign. 
 In the short time allotted for the campaign 
 every moment must be utilized. It is not 
 brilliancy that is going to win, so much as 
 persistency. It will take patient, systematic 
 hard work to secure results.
 
 Whenever a committeeman who has at- 
 tended a meeting or has made a few calls, 
 wants to slacken his efforts, he should remem- 
 ber our sailors on the high seas, and our sol- 
 diers in the trenches. Let him consider our 
 chances of winning the war if these sailors and 
 soldiers slacken their efforts when they feel so 
 ' inclined. 
 
 (2) How to plan and hold 
 Patriotic Meetings 
 
 A rousing, thrilling meeting cannot be ex- 
 pected from haphazard methods. Like a 
 weak offensive, a badly managed meeting is 
 not only a failure it is a distinct injury to 
 our cause. 
 
 Every effort and every dollar must be ex- 
 pended to the greatest advantage, so as to 
 show the public clearly what victory or de- 
 feat may mean. 
 
 Unless we first fill our hall, no matter how 
 eloquent our speakers, or how inspiring our 
 program, our efforts will fail. Empty benches 
 gain no helpers. 
 
 We are competing with movies and theatres 
 which owe their success largely to the prin- 
 ciple that "it pays to advertise." They put 
 write-ups and skilfully prepared advertise- 
 ments in newspapers and on billboards. The 
 announcement "It is your duty to attend this 
 meeting" will never draw a crowd. To suc- 
 ceed we must advertise in the right way. 
 [131
 
 The Place and the Time 
 1] You must beat other attractions at 
 their own game. The hall should be well 
 known and easily accessible to the class of 
 public to be reached. 
 
 2] The date of meeting should not clash 
 with other local meetings. 
 
 Get Hearty Co-operation 
 3] Circular letters signed by Chairman of 
 the Local Liberty Loan Committee should be 
 sent to the following, asking their co-opera- 
 tion in making the meeting a success: 
 
 Patriotic bodies, especially veterans of Civil 
 and Spanish wars, and Boy Scouts of 
 America 
 Churches 
 
 Chambers of Commerce and Granges 
 Trade and labor organizations 
 Women's organizations 
 Prominent men and women 
 
 4] The superintendents and principals of 
 schools, presidents of chambers of commerce 
 and of trade organizations, etc., should be 
 seen and their personal assistance obtained. 
 
 5] A Committee on Attendance should be 
 appointed. Let one man on it be responsible 
 for the attendance of manufacturers, another 
 for the members of a certain lodge, another 
 to see that the meeting should be announced 
 from the pulpit of all the churches, etc. The 
 [14]
 
 committee should go after the people who 
 are not supporting the war to their utmost. 
 
 6] In small communities it pays to have 
 each member of the Committee on Atten- 
 dance telephone ten or a dozen people, ask- 
 ing them to be present. 
 
 Get Full Publicity 
 
 7] Select an able man to act as Publicity 
 Agent. Such a man should give full time to 
 this work, and should have associated with 
 him the local editors. 
 
 8] He should secure from the proper organ- 
 ization photographs or plates of the speak- 
 ers, and see that the newspapers insert them. 
 
 9] A week before the meeting he should 
 get a "human interest story" about the career 
 of the speakers and their successful meetings 
 and furnish it to the press. 
 
 10] After a successful meeting, the local 
 chairman should immediately send an enthu- 
 siastic report to the towns where the speakers 
 are to appear later. 
 
 11] Lively posters should be put up in 
 rooms of public organizations previously 
 mentioned, in stores and in other prominent 
 places. 
 
 12] Stirring postcards should be sent to 
 farmers. 
 
 [15]
 
 The Meeting Itself 
 
 13] Much care should be used in the selec- 
 tion of a chairman for the meeting. He 
 should not make a speech. He should be 
 supplied with a time schedule and an inter- 
 esting statement concerning the speakers. 
 His introductions should be short. 
 
 14] Representative men should act as 
 ushers. Proper reservation should be made 
 for organized bodies, such as Veterans, Home 
 Guards and Boy Scouts. The front scats 
 should always be filled. Girls should distrib- 
 ute programs. 
 
 15] Moving pictures or slides, and a band, 
 orchestra, or "Liberty Chorus," a quartet, 
 or a good soloist should be secured. Adver- 
 tise your music or other features. In case 
 you have a band, let it play one stirring piece 
 outside the hall and then march inside. 
 
 16] If trophies are to be auctioned or sub- 
 scriptions to bonds taken, be sure to leave 
 sufficient time. People won't subscribe who 
 are tired and want to go home. 
 
 17] Don't undertake to secure subscrip- 
 tions at a meeting without due preparation. 
 Ushers or others should be supplied with 
 pledge cards and pencils and scattered about 
 the hall to secure the signatures of those 
 who wish to subscribe. 
 
 16]
 
 18] Fix a convenient hour and then start 
 on time. Open the meeting with music. Have 
 a definite arrangement with each speaker as to 
 how long he shall speak. Keep the program 
 down to two hours or less. Long-drawn-out 
 meetings hurt the cause. 
 
 19] Give thought to arrangement of pro- 
 gram. Seek for a strong ending, avoiding 
 any anti-climax. 
 
 20] Flags always help. We are fighting 
 that Old Glory may continue to wave. A 
 reminder may well be made from the plat- 
 form to uncover whenever the flag goes by. 
 
 21] A committee should be appointed to 
 meet the speakers on arrival, look after their 
 accommodations, etc. 
 
 22] Early in the day the press should be 
 furnished with copy of the speeches of the 
 evening, which should be obtained in advance 
 from the speakers. The ''breakfast table 
 audience" is often as important as the au- 
 dience at the hall. 
 
 23] Printed matter concerning the Liberty 
 Loan should be distributed at the close of 
 the meeting. The speakers should refer in 
 their speeches to this literature. 
 
 24] If there is an afternoon paper and the 
 speaker arrives in time, see that he meets the 
 newspaper men and has matter for a story 
 or for editorial comment. This should be 
 
 [17]
 
 different from his speech. For one thing, he 
 can tell what other towns are doing. 
 
 25] Have the speakers meet the local Lib- 
 erty Loan Committee. They may have valu- 
 able information as to campaign methods in 
 use elsewhere. 
 
 26] Don't be afraid to borrow ideas from 
 the communities that have had rousing 
 meetings. 
 
 27] If you have a speaker who really knows 
 how to talk to boys and girls, try to have him 
 give an afternoon talk to the children of the 
 upper grades and the high school. If he 
 makes good with them, they will send their 
 parents in the evening. 
 
 [18]
 
 (3) How to use Posters 
 
 Remember that the most important thing 
 about a poster is that it shall be seen. 
 
 Display your posters with intelligence. 
 They are expensive to make and display, 
 and should be placed with thought. 
 
 If you have a limited quantity of posters, 
 do not display them too thickly in one local- 
 ity. Take a motor trip around town and in 
 its vicinity and study the best possible dis- 
 tribution. 
 
 Unless you have a great quantity of posters 
 allotted to you, do not display the same 
 poster more than once in any one space. 
 
 It may be well to make your first round 
 with posters to the more important places, 
 such as the post office, the library, hotels, 
 banks, clubs, and railroad stations. This 
 special distribution should be followed by 
 more general posting around town. 
 
 Do not wrap posters around telegraph 
 poles, or trees, or paste them on other irreg- 
 ular surfaces. 
 
 Posters should be so placed that they can 
 be seen in their entirety and in as good a 
 setting as possible; they must never be 
 crookedly pasted. 
 
 Impress these points on the bill poster. 
 Let him understand that his work will be 
 checked up. 
 
 When posters are given to merchants or 
 [19]
 
 others for window display, it is well to offer 
 to place them yourself, in order to insure 
 good placing, as regards location and security. 
 When placing posters in windows, avoid any 
 conflict with lettering on the windows. 
 
 The local Committee may be able to secure 
 very valuable co-operation from stores which 
 are in a position to stage in their windows a 
 miniature battlefield or a war tableau. These 
 displays make people think, talk and act. 
 
 (4) How to use motion pictures 
 
 By all means urge the extensive use of 
 motion pictures on patriotic subjects. 
 
 For details as to how to get and use mo- 
 tion pictures and slides, many of which may 
 be obtained without charge,, see pamphlet 
 "Patriotism that Registers," issued by Na- 
 tional Committee of Patriotic Societies, Union 
 Trust Building, Washington, D. C.
 
 II 
 
 The Art of Making a Speech 
 
 (1) Putting your message across 
 
 Plan carefully. Plan your speech with 
 care. Don't trust to inspiration. Assume to 
 speak only when you have thought out be- 
 forehand what you are going to say. 
 
 The boast of some speakers that they always 
 speak extemporaneously, that their speeches 
 are never twice the same, may well be the cause 
 of the failure of some patriotic meetings. 
 
 One of the greatest speeches of all time, 
 Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, was drafted 
 three times before it was delivered. If that 
 great master of English and oratory felt it 
 necessary thus to work over his material 
 before addressing an audience fully aware of 
 his position and power, how much more nec- 
 essary is it for the average speaker to do 
 likewise. If it be distasteful to write out the 
 whole speech, the safe and wise thing to do 
 is to prepare a comprehensive outline. As 
 the campaign progresses revise your speech 
 as experience dictates. 
 
 Be consecutive. Plan your speech so as to 
 keep it moving forward. Let one thing lead 
 to another. When you have made a point, 
 pass on in logical order; your audience will 
 travel with you. 
 
 [21]
 
 Be specific. Visualize things for your hear- 
 ers. If your speech presents word pictures, 
 the impression is both stronger and more 
 lasting. 
 
 Appeal to both the emotions and the intellect. 
 People fight their best, work their hardest, 
 and make their biggest sacrifices when both 
 their reason and their emotions are appealed 
 to. They must not only be moved to sub- 
 scribe, but convinced that they should keep 
 up their payments and not sell their bonds. 
 
 Sell Bonds. Always remember that this is 
 the definite object of your speech, and the test 
 of your success. 
 
 Character of appeal. Avoid "high brow" 
 methods. This is democracy's war and you 
 should talk democracy's language. There- 
 fore be clear and simple, using short words 
 and crisp sentences. 
 
 Avoid equally the other extreme. Don't 
 be too colloquial, too slangy. It is perfectly 
 possible to keep the thought and the senti- 
 ment on a high plane and yet do so in simple 
 language. 
 
 Be adaptable. Find out about the place 
 and the audience. Ascertain local conditions. 
 Get the figures -for that town as to the men in 
 service, the number of casualties, the record 
 on former loans, on the Red Cross, the Y. M. 
 C. A. Inquire about local organizations, 
 Home Guard, Red Cross branches, etc.
 
 Let your speech fit your audience. Draw 
 your illustrations from things they know 
 about and care about. Consider what is the 
 best appeal to farmers, to -factory workers, 
 to tradesmen, etc. 
 
 "Canned" speeches will get few subscrip- 
 tions. Select those topics that you believe 
 will appeal most to that particular audience. 
 Assimilate them, think them over, dress them 
 up in your own way, with your own illustra- 
 tions. Make them your ideas, and the speech 
 your speech. 
 
 Forceful presentation. Though orators may 
 be born, not made, yet almost any speaker 
 can greatly improve his effectiveness by 
 study and observation. 
 
 As a master of speaking has tersely said, 
 "Attack your audience, or it will attack 
 you." An audience to which you do not give 
 your best will be slow indeed to respond to 
 any message you bring. 
 
 If inattention occurs in any part of the 
 audience, the speaker must not turn away 
 from that section and speak to those who ap- 
 pear interested. Inattention spreads rapidly 
 and should be stopped at its source. Let the 
 speaker address his words to the inattentive, 
 and through natural courtesy they will as- 
 sume the attitude of attention. 
 
 Always remember the man in the far cor- 
 ner of the room. You want his subscription 
 too. Therefore speak so that he can hear you. 
 [23]
 
 People soon tire of the effort .of trying to hear, 
 and thus drift into inattention. 
 
 Enthusiasm is born of conviction. It is 
 earnestness, not noise, which counts. An 
 American audience quickly realizes whether 
 a speaker means what he says. Nothing is 
 more contagious than enthusiasm that is 
 genuine. 
 
 Finish strong. Daniel Webster tells us 
 that he always worked out and memorized 
 a strong closing sentence, no matter how 
 extemporaneous the other portions of the 
 speech might be. With a comprehensive out- 
 line and a strong closing sentence or para- 
 graph the speaker is less likely to exceed the 
 proper time. 
 
 Many speeches otherwise effective have 
 lost all effect because the speaker did not 
 know when he was through. It is a matter of 
 mere courtesy, both to the audience and to 
 other speakers, to be as brief as logic and 
 clearness allow. A college president, when 
 asked by a visiting clergyman how long the 
 latter could preach to the students, replied, 
 "There is no time limit, but rumor has it 
 that no souls are saved after the first twenty 
 minutes."
 
 Keep these points in mind 
 
 Begin with a positive, concrete, striking 
 statement. Tell them something at the start 
 that will immediately grip their attention. 
 
 Use short sentences. Try to make one word 
 do the work of two. 
 
 Avoid fine phrases. You aren't there to 
 give them an ear-full, but a mind-full. 
 
 Talk to the back row of your audience; 
 you'll hit everything closer in. 
 
 Talk to the simplest intelligence in your 
 audience; you'll touch everything higher up. 
 
 Be natural and direct. Sincerity wears no 
 frills. 
 
 Speak slowly. A jumbled sentence is a 
 wasted sentence. 
 
 You represent the United States of Amer- 
 ica. Don't forget this. And don't let your 
 audience forget it. 
 
 Finish strong and sharp. 
 
 [25]
 
 (2) Outline for Speech 
 
 The following is a specimen outline for a 
 speech on Liberty Bonds : 
 
 1] Visualize the war 
 
 a. The spirit of sacrifice of all classes. 
 Quotation from President Wilson (p. 1). 
 
 b. The devastation of Belgium and France. 
 Shall this happen to us? 
 
 c. Stories of valor and humor of Amer- 
 ica's sons at the front. (See page 105.) 
 
 2] Why we are fighting 
 
 Contrast the principle for which we and 
 our enemies fight. (See page 45.) 
 a. America's Declaration of Independence 
 versus German Kultur. (See page 45.) 
 6. Quote poetry. (See Chapter VII.) 
 c. Germany's plans for world conquest. 
 
 (See page 42.) 
 3] Buying Liberty Bonds will help us win 
 
 a. Money for building ships. 
 
 b. Money for munitions. 
 
 c. Money for food. 
 
 d. Money for airplanes. 
 
 e. Money for general equipment. (See 
 Chapter VIII, 2, 3.) 
 
 4] Describe Liberty Bonds shortly, terms, in- 
 terest, et cetera. (See page 30.) 
 5] Think of what your boy is offering to win the 
 
 War. 
 
 What are you doing? 
 [26]
 
 (3) Points of Appeal 
 
 In preparing his speech a speaker should have 
 in mind the following points of appeal: 
 
 A. Democracy 
 
 a. The beginning of a nation 
 6. Washington's ideals 
 
 c. Lincoln's ideals 
 
 d. President Wilson's ideals 
 
 e. Is a German a free man 
 /. Kaiserism vs. freedom 
 
 B. Self-preservation 
 
 a. Your duty to your family 
 6. Your duty to yourself 
 
 c. American safety at stake 
 
 d. Defeat and subjugation 
 
 1. What you will lose 
 
 2. What will happen to your country 
 
 3. What will happen to your family 
 
 4. What will happen to you 
 
 5. What will happen to your ideals 
 
 e. The curse of having a master 
 /. Reversion to savagery 
 
 g. Murder enthroned 
 
 C. Enjoyment 
 
 a. Liberty Bonds provide an income that 
 can be used in enjoying yourself after 
 the war. 
 
 D. Comfort 
 
 a. Purchase of Liberty Bonds will provide 
 for comfort in old age. 
 
 [271
 
 E. "Carry on" 
 
 a. It is important to bring out the point 
 that the first three loans furnished 
 money that was used to equip and 
 train the boys that are now at the 
 front. The next step is to furnish 
 them money, coal, munitions, etc., 
 and help win victory. 
 
 F. Self-interest 
 
 a. Emphasize the fact that the person 
 who saves and invests in Liberty 
 Bonds gets the best security in the 
 world and is absolutely sure of his 
 interest and his principal. 
 
 G. Emulation 
 
 a. The man who buys Liberty Bonds is 
 doing his share in the war just as much 
 as the man who fights in the trenches. 
 
 b. The record of other countries and other 
 communities in sending men and buy- 
 ing bonds. 
 
 H. Sympathy 
 
 A picture of the dangers to the boys in 
 the trenches, emphasizing: 
 
 a. Help the boys in the trenches. 
 
 b. Buy bonds and bring them home soon. 
 I. Gratitude 
 
 Laying stress on the fact that we have the 
 finest government in the world and should 
 do all in our power to maintain that gov- 
 ernment and support the war. 
 [281
 
 (4) Objections to be met 
 
 It is to be expected that objections exist in 
 the minds of many persons, some of which 
 may be legitimate, others of which may have 
 been put there by German propaganda. Ac- 
 cordingly, it may be necessary to discuss: 
 
 a. German intrigue against the Loan 
 
 6. Insidious peace propaganda 
 
 c. A depression in the price of Bonds 
 
 d. Complaints about high taxes 
 
 e. What a Russian peace means 
 /. High prices 
 
 g. Helping our Allies 
 
 h. This is a rich man's war. The argument is 
 quite frequently heard that the rich men 
 are the cause of the war and that they are 
 not sending their sons. It is important to 
 combat both these arguments 
 
 [29]
 
 Ill 
 
 Facts About Liberty Bonds 
 
 (1) What a Liberty Bond is 
 
 A Liberty Bond is the direct and uncondi- 
 tional promise of the United States of America 
 to pay upon a certain date a sum of money 
 in gold, with interest semi-annually upon such 
 sum until the bond is paid. It is the promis- 
 sory note of the United States. 
 
 (2) The two kinds of Bonds 
 
 Bonds are of two kinds: Registered bonds 
 and coupon bonds. 
 
 A registered bond is payable only to the 
 person whose name is written on its face by 
 the Treasury Department and to no one else. 
 The interest is paid by check sent to the 
 registered owner. The owner may transfer 
 this' bond to another by the simple process 
 of writing his name on the back of it in the 
 presence of a witness and having a record 
 made by the Government of the change of 
 ownership. 
 
 By reason of the safety and protection 
 against loss or theft afforded by registered 
 bonds it is recommended that as far as pos- 
 sible all persons not having safe deposit boxes 
 or other means of protection should have 
 their bonds registered. 
 
 [301
 
 A coupon bond has interest coupons at- 
 tached, and both bond and coupons are to 
 bearer and ownership thereof can be trans- 
 ferred merely by delivery. 
 
 Exhibit a bond as you describe it, not 
 only to show what it looks like, but also to 
 show that you yourself believe in Liberty 
 Bonds to the point of having invested your 
 own money in them. 
 
 Bonds of the Fourth Liberty Loan are sold 
 by the Government at their face value; that 
 is, at the rate of 100 cents on the dollar. 
 
 You may buy these bonds by filling out 
 and signing an application blank and de- 
 livering to any bank or trust company, bond 
 dealer or broker, or to one of the Federal 
 Reserve Banks, or to the Treasury Depart- 
 ment at Washington. These applications 
 must be on the form prescribed by the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, obtainable at any bank 
 or from any Liberty Loan Committee. It is 
 important that application blanks be filled 
 out so as to give all information asked for. 
 
 Always be provided with application blanks 
 so that people wishing to subscribe may do so at 
 the meeting. They should not be allowed to go 
 away and cool down before the buying point. 
 
 Show how easy it is to buy a Bond 
 Buying a bond is a simple and easy way to 
 save money. Explain that some employers 
 and some banks and stores have offered to 
 
 [311
 
 handle the sale of bonds on instalments. 
 Have the names of such banks and stores 
 with you. Many employers will, if desired, 
 withhold $1 or more weekly from the em- 
 ployee's salary and apply it to the purchase 
 of a bond. 
 
 Persons should be encouraged to buy Lib- 
 erty Bonds with the definite idea of keeping 
 them as permanent investments. Should it 
 be necessary for the owner to raise money on 
 his bonds he may do so by requesting any 
 bank to accept it as security for a loan. 
 United States Government bonds are the 
 best security which can be offered and will 
 obtain the best terms possible. If it is neces- 
 sary to sell the bond, a sale can be arranged 
 for through any bank, trust company, re- 
 liable bond dealer, or broker. It is extremely 
 important that owners should deal only with 
 reliable persons in selling their bonds. 
 
 In each of the 12 Federal Reserve districts 
 which cover the entire United States there 
 have been organized Liberty Loan Commit- 
 tees for the purpose of assisting the govern- 
 ment to place its bonds. These committees 
 are made up of representatives from large 
 cities, states, counties, townships, and other 
 political subdivisions. The personnel con- 
 sists of business men and women, bankers, 
 lawyers, representatives of labor, farmers, 
 professional men, etc. Co-operating with 
 these committees and assisting in the sale 
 [32]
 
 of bonds will be found hundreds of thousands 
 of Liberty Loan volunteers, representing 
 organizations and associations of all kinds. 
 Men, women, and children of our country 
 are assisting in this great work to the fullest 
 extent. Each and every one of the workers 
 is a part of the Liberty Loan organization. 
 
 Details of Bonds 
 of the Fourth Liberty Loan 
 These are not available as this Handbook 
 goes to press. Speakers should familiarize 
 themselves with the rate of interest, date of 
 maturity, tax exemption privileges, and other 
 features of the issue. 
 
 [33
 
 (3) Security 
 
 A United States Government bond is fre- 
 quently referred to as "the best security in 
 the world." This is so because the Govern- 
 ment's promise to pay is backed by the faith 
 and honor of the nation, and by the taxing 
 power of this whole country, the richest in 
 the world. Our total wealth is back of these 
 bonds and the United States has always paid 
 in full and on time every bond it ever issued. 
 
 The wealth of the United States in the 
 year 1917 was estimated at $250,000,000,000. 
 
 Our national income is estimated to be 
 $50,000,000,000. 
 
 Our annual net earnings are more than 
 three times the total amount of bonds re- 
 quired to be issued annually for the conduct 
 of the war. When peace comes these bonds 
 should command a high premium. 
 
 No one can question the security back of 
 a United States Government bond. 
 
 It is very impressive to compare our situa- 
 tion with that of the other belligerents. Such 
 a comparison shows how much we have and 
 how little we are asked to give. Figures on 
 that point will be found in Chapter VIII. 
 
 [34]
 
 IV 
 Facts That Sell Bonds 
 
 (1) Why we all must buy Liberty Bonds 
 
 The following are by way of suggestion only. 
 No one can cover all of them in one speech. 
 No two men would select the same points. 
 
 Things have changed materially since the 
 former loans especially since the first one. 
 Then it was necessary to take valuable time 
 explaining to practically every audience what 
 a bond was. We only had 230,000 bond in- 
 vestors in the country and few of them held 
 Government bonds. 
 
 We have a population of about 103,000,000 
 people perhaps 21,000,000 families or house- 
 holds. 
 
 There were 4,000,000 individual subscrip- 
 tions to the First Liberty Loan, 9,400,000 
 to the Second, and 17,000,000 to the Third. 
 This 17,000,000, their families and friends, 
 need no further explanation of what a Lib- 
 erty Bond is. 
 
 No loyal American can have the least doubt 
 as to his duty to subscribe to these bonds. 
 
 A campaign to urge him to pay his rent 
 or support his family would in a certain degree 
 be comparable to the present plea to support 
 the Government and render that obligation 
 which he owes to his country. 
 [35]
 
 We Americans should carefully examine 
 our expenditures with a view to eliminating 
 extravagance and waste. A man or woman 
 may decide that he has fulfilled his obligation 
 by taking a certain amount of bonds, whereas 
 if he were to practice a little more economy 
 economy that perhaps would not interfere 
 with his comfort or happiness in the slight- 
 est he might materially increase his sub- 
 scription. 
 
 The Fourth Liberty Loan will be a message 
 to the boys with the flag on land and sea. 
 It will be a message to our fighting allies. 
 It will be an answer to the Kaiser. It will 
 be taken as an expression of our faith in the 
 Declaration of Independence. 
 
 In one aspect war is a great business and 
 it is a business that requires a high working 
 capital. The funds must be supplied by 
 those who have a stake in the outcome of 
 the venture, and that includes every citizen 
 of the United States and every man and 
 woman who perceives the menace of a world 
 ruled by Germany. 
 
 The Will to Win 
 
 Marshal Foch says "The will to win is 
 half the battle." 
 
 Ludendorff told the Germans recently 
 that "the eighth war loan must prove our will 
 power, which is the source of everything." 
 The Fourth Liberty Loan is up to the 
 [361
 
 American people. It must prove our will 
 power. 
 
 Let us prove it so that Germany will 
 'understand, so our Allies will understand, so 
 our fighting men on land and sea, the equal 
 in courage and devotion to any fighting men 
 on earth, will understand that behind our 
 army and our fleet is a will power which 
 will never falter till victory is won. 
 
 Count von Roedern, secretary of the Ger- 
 man Imperial Treasury, speaking in the 
 Reichstag of taxation re vision, said "We don't 
 know yet the amount of indemnity we shall 
 win." 
 
 This ought to give an American a new 
 reason for hunting up a Liberty Bond sales- 
 man without waiting to be hunted up by him. 
 It will be more pleasant to receive the inter- 
 est on an American Government loan than 
 to pay an indemnity to the Kaiser. 
 
 Of course, speakers will make much of 
 what our men and women, yes and our 
 children, soldiers, sailor, marines and civil- 
 ians are doing in this war. 
 
 What we are Doing 
 
 There is no need to suggest special topics 
 here. The papers and magazines bristle with 
 accounts and incidents. We have such mat- 
 ters as: 
 
 Our soldiers and marines in France; what 
 they have done against Germany's best. 
 [371
 
 Our navy's part in checking the submarine. 
 
 Our wonderful record in helping transport 
 troops 1,450,000 to the middle of August, 
 with a program of further detachments sent 
 across to the number of 250,000 per month. 
 
 Our engineers in France their warehouses, 
 docks, terminals, port facilities; the railroad 
 behind the lines, greater than the whole 
 Lackawanna system and with heavier equip- 
 ment. 
 
 Our hospitals. The health of our men, and 
 their freedom from disease. 
 
 Our shipbuilding. 
 
 Our supplies of bread and meat to the 
 Allies both for the armies and for their civ- 
 ilian population. 
 
 The loans we have made to our Allies 
 totalled on July 27, 1918, $6,390,040,000. 
 
 All this requires money "without stint or 
 limit." 
 
 We cannot be tender ivith our dollars 
 Mr. McAdoo has said: "We must make 
 this loan a success. We can make it a suc- 
 cess. The failure of a single issue of Govern- 
 ment bonds would be worse for America than 
 a disaster upon the field of battle. We must 
 never let that happen. We have conscripted 
 our young men. Shall we be more tender with 
 our dollars than with the lives of our sons?" 
 
 Urge your hearers to buy bonds for self- 
 preservation; show them that their jobs, their 
 [381
 
 opportunity to earn, their industrial and per- 
 sonal liberty will be jeopardized if Germany 
 wins. 
 
 Buying bonds, therefore, is insurance of 
 life, liberty and property, for which the buyer, 
 instead of paying a premium, receives one. 
 
 If money is not provided for the prosecu- 
 tion of the war, we will not be victorious. 
 That would mean paying an indemnity the 
 size of which no one can predict. Your own 
 imagination can supply what the term "Ger- 
 man victory" or an inconclusive peace sug- 
 gests. Germany has never yet published her 
 peace terms. They are such that she has 
 never dared make them public. 
 
 Liberty Bonds are Industrial Insurance 
 
 In this way you can show the business man 
 that buying Liberty Bonds is an industrial 
 insurance. Where will his business be if we 
 lose the war? 
 
 Suppose he owns bonds already. What of 
 it? Then buy some more. You can't own too 
 many bonds. They are the best investment 
 the world can offer. There is nothing specula- 
 tive about them. They are the Government's 
 promise to pay a promise based upon the 
 whole of our National assets. 
 
 Show how well our soldiers are paid, fed, 
 clothed and cared for. 
 
 Refer to the soldiers' insurance. The Gov- 
 ernment's rate to its soldiers and sailors is 
 [39]
 
 the flat cost to a man in civilian life as deter- 
 mined by the scientific actuarial tables none 
 of the overhead charges, such as commis- 
 sions, advertising, or the other costs of doing 
 business are figured in. 
 
 There is nothing heroic about buying Lib- 
 erty Bonds. No one expects to be ap- 
 plauded for putting money into a savings 
 bank. Lending money to the country in 
 this crisis at a good rate of interest upon 
 the best security in the world is an oppor- 
 tunity a patriotic obligation a simple act 
 of common decency. 
 
 The man who can invest in a Liberty Bond 
 and fails to do so is a slacker. 
 
 Secretary McAdoo has stated that: "All 
 of this financing is for the nation merely a 
 matter of shifting credits. Practically all of 
 the money will remain in this country and 
 will not involve any loss of gold or any loss 
 of values." 
 
 (2) The Boys in France 
 
 Last winter we hoped to have a million men 
 overseas by 1918. Instead of that, when the 
 Loan drive comes off, we shall actually have 
 there at least a million and a half troops. 
 They have seen hard fighting and have " made 
 good." The plan is for at least 2,000,000 
 men in France before Christmas, and at least 
 3,000,000 next spring. 
 
 Our casualty lists are growing. Our 
 [40]
 
 wounded are coming back. Thousands of our 
 boys will never come back. There can be 
 no appeal like that appeal. It isn't a case 
 of "some day" and "perhaps" any longer. 
 "Some day" is here, and our boys are in the 
 line, in the hospitals, or lying in their graves 
 in France.' 
 
 We can begin to talk more about what we 
 are doing; less about what we are going to do. 
 
 The success and the lives of the boys "over 
 there" depend on how fully and how fast 
 we supply their needs. The more they get, 
 and the sooner they get it, the sooner the 
 war will end. 
 
 Every day the war is prolonged means 
 more of our boys dead and wounded. Every 
 Liberty Bond shortens the war and saves 
 lives. 
 
 Make your hearers realize the present 
 situation the state of the war at the mo- 
 ment the dependence of the Allied cause 
 upon our help. Treat your hearers as earnest 
 Americans not afraid of the truth. There is 
 a hard, critical time ahead. 
 
 What we do this fall and winter in prepa- 
 ration for next spring will decide whether the 
 war can be ended next year or must run on. 
 The way to assure a short war is to prepare 
 for a long one. Advise against expecting an 
 early peace. None is in sight. 
 
 Tell them this: Every time you read, you 
 purchasers of Liberty Bonds and War Sav- 
 [41]
 
 ings Stamps, of what the United States is 
 doing in France in building wharves and 
 railroads; or deluging the Germans with gas 
 or shelling them out of position with big guns 
 or shrapnel or of bombing their arsenals or 
 cities; or of the building of ships here; or 
 of any or all of the great or small achieve- 
 ments of America, here or abroad or on the 
 seas, then you buyers of Liberty Bonds and 
 War Savings Stamps truthfully can say, "I 
 had a hand in this; " "I contributed to this; " 
 "I am working to do this;" "It is part of 
 my work." 
 
 (3) Germany's plans for World Dominion 
 
 This is the time to teach the people of this 
 country the real purpose of Germany to ac- 
 quire World Dominion. America is not in the 
 war merely to help the Allies. A German 
 victory or an inconclusive peace means real 
 present peril to us and to our institutions. 
 
 Speakers are especially recommended to 
 consult a book entitled "Out of Their Own 
 Mouths" (Appleton), consisting of quota- 
 tions from the speeches and writings of the 
 Kaiser, the Hohenzollern family, and promi- 
 nent generals, admirals, preachers, teachers, 
 writers, historians and other representative 
 Germans. These quotations can be used 
 most effectively to show Germany's avowed 
 and studied purpose over many years to be- 
 come the over-lord of both hemispheres. 
 [42]
 
 On this point read in other parts of this 
 Handbook President Wilson's speech (p.*l), 
 Dr. Lyman Abbott's article (p. 64) and secure 
 if possible "Know Your Enemy" (Commit- 
 tee for Patriotic Education, Fraunce's Tavern, 
 54 Pearl Street, New York). 
 
 Doctor Arthur Davis, the Kaiser's dentist 
 from 1904 to 1918, says the Kaiser told him: 
 
 "From my childhood I have been under the 
 influence of five men Alexander, Julius 
 Caesar, Theodoric II, Napoleon and Frederick 
 the Great. These five men dreamed their 
 dream of a world empire; they failed. I am 
 dreaming my dream of a world empire, but 
 I shall succeed." 
 
 Germany's Guilt for the War 
 In the last few months some revelations 
 have been made that show unmistakably 
 Germany's utter guilt for beginning the war. 
 Prince Lichnowski German Ambassador 
 to England, 1912-1914 has made this state- 
 ment: 
 
 "We [Germany] encouraged Count Berch- 
 told to attack Serbia, although no German 
 was involved, and the danger of a world-war 
 must have been known to us whether we 
 knew the text of the ultimatum is a question 
 of complete indifference. On July 30, when 
 Count Berchtold [Austrian Premier] wanted 
 to give way, we, without Austria having been 
 attacked, replied to Russia's mere mobili/a- 
 [431
 
 tion by sending an ultimatum to Petersburg, 
 and on July 31 we declared war on the Rus- 
 sians, although the Czar had pledged his 
 word that so long as negotiations continued 
 not a man should march so that we delib- 
 erately destroyed the possibility of a peaceful 
 settlement." 
 
 Point out how slow we were to credit Ger- 
 many's real motives. 
 
 Make it plain that this is a contest between 
 absolutism, on one side, and on the other, 
 everything we believe in and hold dear. 
 
 Tell how Germany has for years been a 
 bully among nations a bully that has de- 
 manded a finger in the pie and a chance to 
 grab small nations Schleswig-Holstein from 
 Denmark; Alsace-Lorraine from France; the 
 Partition of Poland. 
 
 Germany' 's Attitude at Manila Bay 
 Recall the arrogant attitude of Admiral von 
 Diedrichs at Manila Bay and the fine conduct 
 of Admiral Chichester and the British Navy. 
 How the Germans, with no German popu- 
 lation in Manila, had a very large squadron 
 there how they violated all of Admiral 
 Dewey's rules for the blockade of the Harbor 
 and how they fraternized with the Spaniards 
 on shore. In contrast to this, Admiral Chi- 
 chester, the British Admiral, showed the ut- 
 most courtesy and consideration to Admiral 
 Dewey, gave every moral support and stated 
 [44]
 
 his willingness to do more, and at a critical 
 time placed his fleet between the Germans and 
 the Americans. 
 
 (4) Our tradition of Freedom 
 
 Tell the people that this country has a his- 
 tory. It stands for something worth fighting 
 for. Our free institutions are not the results of 
 accident. Others fought and sacrificed for 
 what we enjoy. They did so in vain if the 
 Potsdam gang is to triumph in this war. 
 
 Show how our wars have been for the very 
 opposite of the things that Prussia stands for. 
 
 (a) The Revolution secured for us self- 
 government, self-determination. 
 
 How much self-determination has 
 Prussia allowed Alsace-Lorraine? Po- 
 land? Russia? None. 
 
 America's Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence asserts that Governments derive 
 their just powers from the consent of 
 the governed. 
 
 The Kaiser asserts the doctrine of the 
 Divine Right of Kings. 
 
 (6) The War of 1812 was fought for the 
 freedom of the seas. 
 
 Prussia believes in submarine piracy 
 and murder the barred zone the 
 Lusitania horror " spurlos versenkt" 
 (sunk without a trace). 
 [451
 
 (c) Our Civil War freed the slaves. Prussia 
 has already enslaved the population 
 of Belgium. 
 
 (d) Our war with Spain established the 
 principle of freedom of all America 
 from European tyranny and misrule, 
 the very opposite of Prussia's lust for 
 World Dominion. 
 
 Our speakers have not always made best 
 use of the inspiring incidents of our own his- 
 tory. Every speaker should utilize striking 
 examples of patriotism in our past. 
 
 In talking to farmers quote the tablet on 
 Concord Bridge where: 
 
 "once the embattl'd farmers stood, 
 And fired the snot heard round the world." 
 
 In talking to bankers, use the example of 
 Robert Morris, who beggared himself in the 
 Revolution to finance Washington's army. 
 
 In talking to seafaring people or ship- 
 builders, remind them of the War of 1812, 
 name some of the noted fighting ships. Recall 
 to them the famous clipper ships that carried 
 the American flag and American trade into 
 every sea. 
 
 Historical Slogans 
 
 We have many striking historical slogans: 
 General Stark: "Tonight our flag floats 
 from yonder hill or Mollie Stark sleeps a 
 widow." 
 
 [46]
 
 John Paul Jones: "Surrender? I have not 
 yet begun to fight." 
 
 Commodore Perry: "We have met the 
 enemy and they are ours." 
 
 Captain Lawrence: "Don't give up the 
 ship." 
 
 Admiral Farragut: "Damn the torpedoes. 
 Go ahead!" 
 
 Nathan Hale: "I only regret that I have 
 but one life to give for my country." 
 
 Patrick Henry : " I know not what course 
 others may take, but as for me give me 
 liberty or give me death!" 
 
 General Bundy, in command of American 
 forces south of the Marne on Monday, July 
 15, 1918: 
 
 "We regret being unable on this occasion 
 to follow the counsels of our masters, the 
 French, but the American flag has been forced 
 to retire. This is unendurable, and none of 
 our soldiers would understand their not being 
 asked to do whatever is necessary to remedy 
 a situation which is humiliating to us and un- 
 acceptable to our country's honor. We are 
 going to counterattack." 
 
 For other striking quotations look in your 
 American history. 
 
 [47
 
 (5) Sources of Revenue Taxes and Bonds 
 
 Make it perfectly plain that the country has 
 just two sources of income taxes and bonds. 
 
 While we get back the benefits of taxation, 
 we never get back the tax money itself. 
 
 Taxes represent money which the Govern- 
 ment gets and keeps. 
 
 Bonds represent something the Government 
 borrows and repays. We get back from our 
 bond purchases both the benefits and the money. 
 
 It would disastrously affect business and 
 industry to try to finance the war on taxes 
 alone. Yet if bonds are not sold, the Govern- 
 ment will have to increase taxes still further. 
 
 Bond issues distribute the burden of the 
 war over the future as well as the present. 
 That is fair, as we are in the war for the sake 
 of future generations as well as for our own 
 sakes. 
 
 (6) Necessity for individual subscriptions 
 
 The American ideal of government is based 
 on the individual and his perfect freedom of 
 action, as opposed to the German ideal, 
 where the activities of the individual are cir- 
 cumscribed in a thousand ways and where 
 the voice of the German people in govern- 
 ment affairs is only advisory. 
 
 The United States Government gives free- 
 dom and protection to the individual. It 
 was the first government ever constituted 
 [48]
 
 among men to secure the equal rights to life, 
 liberty and the pursuit of happiness. 
 
 By the volume and distribution of our 
 subscriptions to the loan we shall advertise 
 to the world the sincerity of the American 
 people in its protestations of democracy. 
 
 The 142 years since the Declaration of 
 Independence have proved that this govern- 
 ment by the people is worthy of a place on 
 this earth, and should not be lost under the 
 heel of a* ruthless German autocracy. Our 
 Government has every right to expect from 
 its people their unqualified support in this 
 hour of danger and should look to every indi- 
 vidual to do his share in the buying of bonds. 
 
 In commenting upon the First Liberty 
 Loan, Secretary McAdoo said: 
 
 "One of the chief purposes of the cam- 
 paign was to distribute the Liberty Bonds 
 widely throughout the country and place 
 them, as far as possible, in the hands of the 
 people. This was important because the 
 strength of government finance, like the strength 
 of government policies, rests upon the support 
 of the people. The large number of sub- 
 scribers, especially the large numbers of small 
 subscribers, was most gratifying, and indi- 
 cated that the interest of the people had been 
 aroused as never before in an issue of bonds." 
 
 After the prime necessity for selling the 
 bonds of our Liberty Loans our chief con- 
 
 [491
 
 sideration should be to secure the widest 
 possible distribution of them. 
 
 With twenty million bondholders, the great 
 majority of whom may be classed as small 
 investors, w r e have a mighty potential army 
 of patriotic reserves from whom vast forces 
 may be drawn to supplement the work of the 
 greatest sales organization of the world. 
 
 Upon the way this loan is subscribed de- 
 pends the market value of the bonds of pre- 
 vious bond issues. Therefore it is to your 
 personal interest as a holder of bonds of pre- 
 vious issues to make the Fourth Liberty 
 Loan a success. 
 
 (7) Why you should hold your Liberty 
 Bonds 
 
 One who subscribes for a Liberty Bond and 
 gets credit for doing so is not acting patrioti- 
 cally if he sells that bond, unless he impera- 
 tively needs the money, says Secretary 
 McAdoo. It is not the mere subscription 
 that helps the Government, it is the actual 
 loan; shifting the bond to someone else does 
 not help. 
 
 The same objection lies in exchanging 
 Liberty Loan Bonds in trade. Merchants 
 offering to take Liberty Loan Bonds in ex- 
 change for merchandise are doubtlessly actu- 
 ated by patriotic motives, but such trans- 
 actions tend to defeat a primary object of 
 [501
 
 the bond sale the encouraging of thrift and 
 the discouraging of expenditures. Bonds so 
 exchanged are in most cases immediately 
 sold in the open market, which tends to de- 
 press the market price and affects adversely 
 the sales of future issues. 
 
 Secretary McAdoo expressly states that 
 there is no desire on the part of the Govern- 
 ment to prevent or interfere with legitimate 
 trading in good faith in Liberty Bonds. 
 
 It is one of the great objects of the Treas- 
 ury Department to have these bonds held as 
 permanent investments by the people and 
 paid for out of savings, thus at once provid- 
 ing funds for the Government and conserving 
 labor and material. 
 
 Our soldiers are enlisted for the period of 
 the war. We can do no less than enlist our 
 money for at least an equal period. 
 
 Purchasers of bonds ought to be warned 
 against the efforts of promoters, stock sales- 
 men, etc., to induce them to sell their bonds 
 in order to invest in mining stocks or un- 
 proved securities, upon the argument that 
 they can secure a much better return on their 
 money. These propositions may be in the 
 form of offers to take the bonds in exchange 
 for securities of greater face value than the 
 bonds themselves. 
 
 51
 
 (8) Thrift and the- need of 
 personal sacrifice 
 
 "I suppose not many fortunate by-products 
 can. come out of a war, but if the United 
 States can learn something about saving out 
 of this war it will be worth the cost of the 
 war; I mean the literal cost of it in money 
 and resources. I suppose we have several 
 times over wasted what we are now about 
 to spend. We have not known that there 
 was any limit to our resources; we are now 
 finding out that there may be if we are not 
 careful." President Wilson. 
 
 Cut out the buying of unessential things 
 that consume labor, material and transporta- 
 tion. The high prices are largely a result of 
 our competing with the Government in its 
 purchase of what it must have in order to 
 prosecute the war. If we deny ourselves the 
 non-essentials we remove one of the causes 
 of inflation or high prices, and then, by taking 
 the next logical step, we loan the money we 
 have saved to the Government. It can buy 
 just as much more with that money because 
 we are not its competitors. For the first 
 time in our history there is not enough labor, 
 material and transportation to go around. 
 
 Our part in the Liberty Loan should in- 
 volve some sacrifice. There ought to be a 
 margin of inconvenience in the subscription 
 of every earnest American. He is not doing 
 
 [52]
 
 his full duty unless he subscribes in excess of 
 the amount that he can conveniently save 
 out of his income. Anyone who complacently 
 adjusts his contribution so as perfectly to 
 harmonize with personal convenience and 
 good business is at best only a fifty-fifty 
 patriot. 
 
 Early in the war Lord Kitchener said: 
 "Either the civilian population must go 
 short of many things to which it is accus- 
 tomed in times of peace or our armies must 
 go short of munitions and other things in- 
 dispensable to them." 
 
 Thrift is the opposite of waste, and waste 
 is costly and useless and needless. England 
 has learned this lesson from the war. In the 
 year 1916, although purchasing billions of 
 dollars of war bonds, the small savings-bank 
 depositors in England increased their deposits 
 over $60,000,000. 
 
 Save for Our Country's sake 
 
 It was patriotism that started this great 
 change in the people of the nation. The 
 English people started saving their money 
 because they saw that it meant saving Eng- 
 land. But thrift and economy begot thrift 
 and economy. They economized and saved 
 for their own sake as well as for England's 
 sake. Not only did they save money but 
 they economized in food, fuel, in dress, in 
 luxuries. More than 1,000,000 English work- 
 US 1
 
 ers were purchasers, out of their savings, in the 
 second great war loan of Great Britain, and 
 8,000,000 out of a population of 40,000,000 
 subscribed to their latest war loan. 
 
 The question whether the civilian popula- 
 tion should economize and do without certain 
 things or the soldiers and sailors be denied 
 things necessary for their effectiveness and 
 safety was answered in a positive and pa- 
 triotic way by the masses of the English 
 people. They did their part in financing their 
 country. 
 
 Neither in ability nor in patriotism are the 
 American people second to the English or 
 the French or the German or any other 
 nation. 
 
 The great difficulty is to impress this lesson 
 of economy upon the American people. It 
 will require widespread publicity and con- 
 stant effort. 
 
 (9) Saving for the next Loan 
 
 If we are to buy bonds from our savings, we 
 must begin to save that money before the 
 bond-selling campaign begins. 
 
 We are not going to be ready for the next 
 loan unless we prepare for it. We must get 
 ready for it. We must begin to save defi- 
 nitely and strictly for it. 
 
 Every family, every individual, ought to 
 sit down and look that fact in the face right 
 now. If we don't, the fact will run into us 
 [541
 
 with a suddenness and force unpleasant to 
 all concerned. We cannot go on "spending 
 as usual" and do our patriotic duty. We 
 have got to look over our expenditures, 
 especially the kind that leak out between our 
 fingers. We have got to check over our 
 private budget, if we were wise enough to 
 have one, or to make one up for the first 
 time, if we were not. 
 
 We must ask ourselves, each and every one 
 of us, what we are spending for familiar 
 necessities, what for things we recognize as 
 luxuries, and last, but not least, what is 
 getting away from us without our knowing it. 
 
 If we do this we shall pay our increasing 
 taxes and subscribe for the recurring loans 
 with an ease which will surprise us. We spend 
 a great deal more money than we realize and 
 we shall save a great deal more than we expect 
 to be able to. When we begin to weed out 
 unnecessaries we shall realize how little we 
 miss them and how much they cost. 
 
 One of the benefits of this war which the 
 nation will be able to set off against its sacri- 
 fice will be this lesson, which we hope Ameri- 
 cans will not forget when peace comes. 
 
 The United States is spending at an enor- 
 mous rate. It will continue to spend for some 
 years, even after the war ends. But the 
 American people are so rich, and their powers 
 of recuperation are so great, that they will 
 be able to provide the funds and pay the debts 
 [551
 
 of this war without permanently crippling 
 themselves. 
 
 But we must begin to check over our per- 
 sonal expenditures at once and to reorganize 
 them so as to cut out those which are not for 
 absolute essentials. And we must begin to 
 put by a reserve fund to pay taxes which will 
 increase, and to purchase bonds that will be 
 offered to us from time to time. If we cut 
 our expenditures wisely and save throughout 
 the year, we shall meet our new responsibili- 
 ties without embarrassment, and we shall not 
 disorganize the industries which ought to be 
 maintained. 
 
 The Government has begun a. campaign 
 of war savings. Keep this in mind. Reor- 
 ganize, save, put the savings away for Uncle 
 Sam, and be ready for the next Loan. 
 
 [56]
 
 V 
 
 The National Need for Thrift 
 
 (1) Conservation of materials and labor 
 
 People can put into Government securities 
 only such money as they do not spend for 
 something else. Everyone, accordingly, who 
 wishes to encourage the sale of Government 
 securities will be interested in having people 
 curtail in buying other things. 
 
 Every purchase of a Liberty Bond or a 
 War Savings Stamp is the result on the part 
 of the purchaser of two definite acts: first, 
 he does not spend his money for something 
 else: and, second, he does use it to buy the 
 Bond or the Stamp. It is first save and then 
 buy, even if he subscribes on the installment 
 plan. 
 
 To try to sell a bond to a man who is using 
 up his income from month to month is use- 
 less, unless one first persuades him to curtail 
 his accustomed expenditures. The more he 
 can be persuaded to curtail, the more bonds 
 he can buy. 
 
 (2) When we buy things we don't need, 
 we help the Hun 
 
 But the object of Thrift goes deeper than the 
 sale of Government securities. The best sol- 
 
 [57]
 
 diers, in however great numbers, and the 
 ablest leadership, cannot win this war with- 
 out vast amounts of equipment, munitions, 
 food, transportation, etc. These can be pro- 
 duced in abundance only if enough labor can 
 be applied to the task. We have potential 
 coal, steel, food and wool, in stupendous quan- 
 tities. What we need is to have it mined or 
 grown, transported and prepared for use in 
 the necessary forms. Every commodity nec- 
 essary for winning the war is useful only 
 through the labor of head and hand put 
 into it. 
 
 In the United States we have somewhat 
 more than one hundred million people. Many 
 millions of these are children, aged, or other- 
 wise unavailable as workers to turn raw ma- 
 terial into war- winning forms. Millions of our 
 best workers have been withdrawn from the 
 labor of producing to take up the duty of 
 fighting. A limited number of pairs of hands 
 is left to do the work necessary for ordinary 
 purposes as well as to maintain those who are 
 fighting. 
 
 Every time anyone in the United States 
 buys anything, whatever it may be, he buys 
 some of the labor of those hands. Every time 
 he hires anyone to work for him he buys some 
 of the labor of those hands. He thus depletes 
 the amount of labor available to supply the 
 needs of the men at the front. 
 
 To win the war the Government needs all 
 [581
 
 the labor it can get. No one should buy it 
 for his own purposes when he can possibly 
 avoid so doing. 
 
 "What can I do without?" 
 
 To everyone comes the question: "How 
 
 much and what materials and labor can I 
 
 possibly do without?" The Secretary of the 
 
 Treasury has given the answer. He says: 
 
 "The people of the United States can render 
 the most far-reaching patriotic service by re- 
 fraining from the purchase of all unnecessary 
 articles, and by confining themselves to the 
 use of only such things and the expenditure 
 of only such money as is necessary to main- 
 tain their health and efficiency." 
 
 To conscientious people it is unnecessary 
 to say more. Each of us must keep himself 
 well and able to work. If he does not, he be- 
 comes a burden on the country's resources 
 and contributes less to them than he should. 
 What is necessary for "health and efficiency" 
 may not be the same for different individuals. 
 Each man, woman and child must be guided 
 by his or her own conscience. 
 
 Habits are difficult to change. But the 
 greater the intelligence of a people, the more 
 rapidly they can change their habits. When 
 Americans understand that they must com- 
 bine their intelligence and their patriotism on 
 tliis problem and that onlv by I lie sell'-sacri- 
 [591
 
 fice of each can they release labor to preserve 
 the life of their country and the lives of their 
 loved ones, the problem will be solved. 
 
 Even a child can be shown that when it 
 spends a nickel for an unnecessary article, it 
 takes for itself, in addition to the labor that 
 grew the raw materials, that transported them, 
 the labor that manufactured and sold the 
 article, the labor that dug the coal that en- 
 tered into its transportation and manufac- 
 ture, and the labor that made the containers. 
 All of this labor should be used not for the 
 child's pleasure but for the nation's welfare. 
 Everything that costs money has required 
 labor. We must buy food, clothing and trans- 
 portation only in such quantities and of such 
 quality as will keep us well and able not one 
 cent's worth more. We must apply our con- 
 sciences to our purchasing and weigh the 
 needs of our soldiers and sailors against our 
 personal desires: we must sanctify our buying. 
 
 (3) We must not "spend as usual" 
 
 Someone may ask: "But should we not keep 
 on with our accustomed expenditures, so as 
 to keep workers in their accustomed employ- 
 ments?" 
 
 The answer is: "No, the whole point to 
 stopping such labor-wasting expenditures is 
 to allow these workers to be engaged in work 
 that will help win the war. It transfers the 
 available man-power from callings that ham- 
 [601
 
 per us to industries that will help us. There 
 are more than enough jobs for everybody. 
 
 "Usually the change to a war-winning indus- 
 try can be made with little or no inconven- 
 ience to the worker. But even if it entails 
 great inconvenience or even hardship, it will 
 be nothing compared to the inconvenience 
 and hardship met by millions of our men who 
 have changed their peace time jobs here for 
 the hard and dangerous one of fighting over 
 there." 
 
 Someone may ask: "Should we not keep 
 money in circulation?" 
 
 The answer is: "If as soon as a man gets 
 money he buys Liberty Bonds or War Sav- 
 ings Stamps, money will be in circulation. 
 Uncle Sam will spend it for ships, shells, 
 uniforms, etc., etc., so that it comes back to 
 the people in wages. That kind of circula- 
 tion has all the advantages of any other kind, 
 and the tremendous additional one of helping 
 to win the war." 
 
 Someone may ask: "Is it not right to buy 
 the things that are already made and on 
 which the labor has already been spent?" 
 
 The answer is: "No, not unless such things 
 really are needed by the purchaser. To buy 
 them is to stimulate their further production." 
 
 Someone may ask: "What will be the ef- 
 fect of all this Thrift on the cost of living?" 
 The answer is: "The cost of living in a 
 [611
 
 thrifty nation will be lower than it could pos- 
 sibly be without Thrift. More of the things 
 we all must have will be produced and there- 
 fore will be cheaper than could otherwise be 
 possible." 
 
 Summary 
 
 1] Materials and labor in vast amounts 
 are needed to win the war. 
 
 2] Into every purchase enters the labor 
 which alone can make materials available. 
 
 3] Every purchase made above the require- 
 ments of personal "health and efficiency" 
 subtracts from the materials and labor which 
 can be used to win the war. 
 
 Therefore, any one who wants to win the 
 war will buy nothing except what is abso- 
 lutely necessary for his "health and effi- 
 ciency." 
 
 [62]
 
 VI 
 Striking Statements and Speeches 
 
 (l) 
 A Scrap of Paper Prize Essay 
 
 Prize essay by Marcus Duffield of San Diego (Cal- 
 ifornia) High School, in the National Contest held 
 by the National Committee of Patriotic Societies 
 
 I am a mere scrap of paper yet I am the means 
 by which this war is to be won. I have but a 
 little writing on me but I am better to own 
 than fifty dollars' worth of solid gold. I am 
 known all over the world and am hailed as 
 the right hand of freedom's champions. Many 
 a scrap of paper has the Kaiser torn up but 
 I am the scrap of paper which will tear up 
 the Kaiser. I am, as probably you have 
 guessed, a Liberty Bond. 
 
 Possibly you would like to know something 
 about my family. My family tree is as old 
 as time. Before Christ, my ancestors saved 
 civilization when, thru their services, Rome 
 was delivered from the clutches of Carthage. 
 Ever since then my family have served faith- 
 fully and truly; and now, with my tremen- 
 dous duty I am going to be more than worthy 
 of my name as I show the back stairs to Kaiser 
 Bill/ 
 
 A while ago I said I was the right hand of 
 freedom's champions. Well, I surely am. For 
 [631
 
 three years my French and English brothers 
 supplied the millions of dollars a day spent 
 by these Allies. But the people of France 
 and Great Britain can't loan forever, and 
 now, as they are nearing financial exhaustion, 
 I come to their aid thru Uncle Sam, supplying 
 the money that they must have if they are to 
 fight any longer. 
 
 That is the least of it though, for Uncle 
 Sam has to roll up his own sleeves. From the 
 time of Washington down to 1917 our Govern- 
 ment spent twenty-six billions of dollars, and 
 now is preparing to spend twenty-four billion 
 dollars in one year for the war. How is it 
 going to get all this money? With a magic 
 wand? No! with me, a scrap of paper, civiliza- 
 tion's best friend, savagery's worst enemy. 
 
 Without me, Uncle Sam can get no money; 
 no money, no ships; no ships, no men; no 
 men, no victory; no victory the Prussian 
 yoke! And it all rests on me. I am ready 
 and waiting but there is one thing more 
 needed: how about YOU and your money? 
 
 (2) 
 
 Statement by Dr. Lyman Abbott 
 
 We talk of a war in Europe. If we used lan- 
 guage with accuracy we should not talk of a 
 war in Europe. There is no war in Europe. 
 There is a posse comitatus summoned from the 
 various civilized nations of the world to pro- 
 tect the peaceable nations of Europe from the 
 [64]
 
 worst and most efficient brigandry the civil- 
 ized world has ever seen. 
 
 There are two things necessary to make a 
 war. It must be to determine a question of 
 justice, and it must be under international 
 law. There is no question of justice at issue 
 in Europe today. 
 
 When this war was begun in Germany her 
 Prime Minister said to the Reichstag, "We 
 are going to do an act of injustice to Belgium. 
 We shall try to repair it afterwards." 
 
 In 1913, the year before that declaration, 
 Bernhardi, one of the leaders of the military 
 party in Germany, had said: "War is a bio- 
 logical, a moral and a Christian necessity." 
 He had said: "We are going into this war, 
 among other things, to so crush France that 
 she can never cross our path again." 
 
 A few weeks ago a paper appeared before 
 the public, issued from the pen of a German 
 prince who, in 1914, was the German Ambas- 
 sador to England. In that paper he declares 
 explicitly that Germany egged Austria on to 
 make war against Serbia; that Germany re- 
 fused the urgent entreaties of Italy, France, 
 England and Russia to attempt a peaceable 
 settlement of the controversy. He unmis- 
 takably declares that Germany is guilty of 
 having brought this war upon Europe. With 
 that paper was published another by a one- 
 time director of Krupp's carrying home to the 
 Kaiser, the Emperor of Germany, that guilt. 
 [651
 
 I go back eighteen years. In 1900 the 
 Kaiser, in the dedication of the monument, 
 declared that his ambition was to re-establish 
 a Roman Empire, giving to Germany the 
 same domination of the world that the Roman 
 Empire had in the first century. 
 
 In the face of these facts it is impossible 
 to say that there is any question of justice to 
 be determined in this war, I must call it war, 
 because there is no other short word to use. 
 
 Nor is this war conducted under the sanc- 
 tion of international law. Germany has 
 openly, flagrantly, avowedly and with frank- 
 ness let us give her credit for that virtue 
 she has openly and avowedly declared that 
 she does not recognize the law of nations, that 
 she does not recognize the laws of war, that 
 she does not recognize the laws of humanity, 
 that she does not recognize the laws of God. 
 
 " Thou shalt not steal" She has robbed 
 France and Belgium of their iron and their 
 coal ; she has robbed their banks of their 
 money; she has robbed their churches of 
 their treasure; she has robbed the homes of 
 their pictures and their statuary and their 
 furniture, and what she could not carry away 
 she has in her wantonness destroyed. 
 
 " Thou shalt not Idll."" 1 She has not only 
 killed soldiers in open warfare, she has mur- 
 dered men, women and children not a few, 
 but by the score, by the hundreds, by the 
 thousands. 
 
 [661
 
 " Thou shalt not commit adultery." Her 
 soldiers, with the apparent sanction of the 
 government, certainly with no opposition 
 from the government, have raped more 
 women than has ever been known before in 
 the history of warfare. 
 
 The great theme today is, "Democracy or 
 Autocracy Which?" What do we mean by 
 democracy? It is not a mere form of govern- 
 ment. France is a republic and Italy is a 
 monarchy, but Italy is as truly a democracy 
 as France. America is a republic and England 
 is a monarchy, and England, in some respects, 
 is more democratic than the United States. 
 
 Democracy is not a political opinion. It 
 is a religious faith: it is faith in our fellow- 
 men; it is faith in one another; it is respect 
 for each other's rights; it is regard for each 
 other's opinion; it is human brotherhood; its 
 name, or its motto, might well be "Democ- 
 racy is the land of brotherly love." 
 
 Xor is autocracy a form of government. I 
 will not go into the history of the past. 
 Enough to say that autocracy, as we face it 
 today in Europe, is organized brigandry which 
 denies the elemental rights of humanity 
 the right to life, the right to liberty, the right 
 to the pursuit of happiness. 
 
 Any man who proposes a compromise or a 
 peace negotiation with this band of brigands 
 is guilty of treason to the kingdom of liberty.
 
 (3) 
 
 Speech by Rudyard Kipling 
 
 [Made at Folkestone, England, February 15, 1918] 
 
 Nothing else under Heaven matters today 
 except that the war shall go on to victory. 
 The money we loan to the Government helps 
 to set our land and our world free. Our 
 security for our loan is not only the whole 
 of the British Empire, but also the whole of 
 civilization, which has pooled its resources in 
 men, money, and material to carry on this 
 war to victory. 
 
 What is the personal aspect of the case 
 for you and me? We are fighting for our 
 lives and the lives of every man, woman and 
 child here and everywhere else. 
 
 We are "fighting that we may not be herded 
 into actual slavery, such as the Germans have 
 established by force of their arms in large 
 parts of Europe. 
 
 We are fighting against 18 hours a day 
 forced labor under lash or at the point of the 
 bayonet, with a dog's death and a dog's 
 burial at the end of it. 
 
 We are fighting that men, women and chil- 
 dren may not be tortured, burned, and muti- 
 lated in the public streets, as has happened 
 in this town and hundreds of others. And 
 we will go on fighting till the race which has 
 done these things is in no position to con- 
 tinue or repeat its offense. 
 [68]
 
 If for any reason whatever we fall short 
 of victory and there is no half-way house 
 between victory and defeat what happens 
 to us? This: 
 
 Every relation, every understanding, every 
 decency upon which civilization has been so 
 anxiously built up will go, will be washed 
 out, because it will have been proved unable 
 to endure. The whole idea of democracy 
 which at bottom is what the Hun fights 
 against will be dismissed from men's minds, 
 because it will have been shown incapable of 
 maintaining itself against the Hun. 
 
 It will die, and it will die discredited, to- 
 gether with every belief and practice that is 
 based on it. 
 
 The Hun ideal 
 
 The Hun ideal, the Hun's root notion of 
 life, will take its place throughout the world. 
 Under that dispensation man will become 
 once more the natural prey, body and goods, 
 of the better armed neighbor. Women will 
 be the mere instrument for continuing the 
 breed the vessel of man's lust and man's 
 cruelty and labor will become a thing to be 
 knocked on the head if it dares to give trouble 
 and worked to death if it does not. And 
 from this order of life there will be no appeal, 
 no possibility of any escape. This is what 
 the Hun means when he says he intends to 
 impose German Kultur which is the German 
 [69]
 
 religion upon the world. This is precisely 
 what the world has banded itself together to 
 resist. 
 
 It will take every ounce in us; it will try 
 us out to the naked soul. Our trial will not 
 be made less by the earnest advice and sug- 
 gestions that we should accept some sort of 
 compromise, which means defeat, put for- 
 ward by Hun agents and confederates among 
 us. They are busy in that direction already. 
 But be sure of this: Nothing, nothing we 
 may have to endure now, will weigh one 
 featherweight compared with what we shall 
 most certainly have to suffer if for any cause 
 we fail of victory. 
 
 (4) 
 
 Speech by Hon. Benedict Crowell 
 
 Assistant Secretary of War 
 
 We are now at war with the greatest military 
 organization that the world has ever known. 
 We are locked in a death grapple with this 
 monster of militarism. It is a fight to a 
 finish with an enemy that gives no quarter 
 to the vanquished. 
 
 We realize the enormous task before us 
 and we are confident of winning, but it will 
 take the combined punch of the whole Amer- 
 ican people and will require an immense ex- 
 penditure of men and money. 
 
 Did it ever occur to you to think what 
 [701
 
 would happen if we failed? If we are beaten 
 in France the struggle will probably be trans- 
 ferred to American soil. Plans for the in- 
 vasion and subjugation of the United States 
 are now on file in the office of the German 
 General Staff. This we know definitely. This 
 invasion will mean that we are to suffer here 
 all the horrors of Belgium and Poland. Do 
 you wish your wife and children to be actors 
 in such a drama of frightfulness? 
 
 I am appealing for the success of the Lib- 
 erty Bond issue. It is a matter which di- 
 rectly affects every man in the United States. 
 I strongly urge you to buy all the Liberty 
 bonds that you can afford, and then a few 
 more. There is no better investment for you 
 on earth. Remember that the Germans issue 
 no bonds for the money they extort from con- 
 quered peoples. 
 
 (5) 
 
 Speech to Women by Katherine Synon 
 
 Why should we women work for the Liberty 
 Loan? 
 
 Why shouldn't we work for it? 
 
 Shall we leave it all to our men and to 
 the women of other countries to fight our 
 fight for us? 
 
 Over in France, where our men have gone 
 or are going, the women are ploughing in the 
 fields that the men of their armies may be fed. 
 [71]
 
 The women of England from the highest 
 to the humblest are toiling in munition fac- 
 tories giving up youth and beauty and 
 health and strength to make guns and shells 
 for their fighting men. 
 
 The women of Serbia starve that their men 
 may have food as they fight back the enemy. 
 
 The women of Italy go under fire day after 
 day to nurse their suffering wounded. 
 
 The women of Flanders have suffered 
 worse than death. 
 
 You say that all this is overseas? Do you 
 believe that because the ocean lies between, 
 you can shirk your duty? What will you 
 say to your boys when they come home? 
 They will know what other women have 
 done for their men. They will know what 
 our neighbors, the women of Canada, have 
 suffered and sacrificed for their soldiers. 
 From Halifax to Vancouver, from the Lake 
 of the Woods to far Peace River Valley, our 
 northern sisters are bearing a burden of hard- 
 ship and hunger that their fighting men may 
 be fed and clothed. Will you do less than 
 they? 
 
 America is a woman's country 
 Of all the countries of the world America 
 is a woman's country. What have we been' 
 given? Opportunity, security, comfort and 
 care. Contrast our lot, if you will, with the 
 women of Germany. The men of Germany
 
 have given them always the second place. 
 But today the women of Germany are back- 
 ing their men by sacrifices. Will we do less 
 than they? 
 
 What can we do? 
 
 The Government of the United States asks 
 you to do only two things: to save and to 
 invest your savings in Liberty Bonds. Lib- 
 erty Bonds are not a gift to the Government. 
 A Liberty Bond is not a contribution. It is 
 an investment for a definite period of years 
 and the safest investment in the world. 
 
 A Liberty Bond pays good interest. 
 
 It is guaranteed by the resources of our 
 Government and our Government is the 
 richest on earth. 
 
 Some of you may say, "I have already 
 bought a Bond." You probably all know the 
 story of the three chorus girls who were talk- 
 ing of buying a Christmas present for a 
 fourth member of their company. "Say," 
 said one of them, "let's buy her a book." 
 "Oh, no," said the others, "Gwendolen has a 
 book." Now, if Gwendolen could stand 
 having another book, you can certainly buy 
 another Bond. If you have two, make it 
 three and if you don't want any more for 
 yourself, buy one for someone else. 
 
 What does a Liberty Bond do? 
 
 You may ask yourself how your investment 
 of fifty or a hundred dollars is going to help 
 our country win the war. Well, every Lib- 
 [73]
 
 erty Bond has a definite purchasing power. 
 Whenever you buy a bond, you buy some- 
 thing for a soldier or sailor. The Liberty 
 Loans are clothing, feeding and sheltering 
 our men. They are buying them all possible 
 safeguards. Liberty Loans are providing 
 their pay and their allowances to their fami- 
 lies. They are building transports and food 
 ships and hospital ships. They are paying 
 insurance to the families of the men who die 
 and will pay pensions to disabled men. When- 
 ever you pay one dollar down on an install- 
 ment or a thousand dollars cash for a Liberty 
 Bond, you are helping to care for some sol- 
 dier, or sailor, or marine of our own United 
 States. 
 
 I wonder if you know what it means to be 
 hungry? Or to know that your boys are 
 hungry? Thanks to the first and the second 
 Liberty Loans, our soldiers have not gone 
 hungry but the soldiers of our Allies, even 
 sick men in hospitals, have gone without food 
 they should have had. Only the other day 
 I had a letter from an American soldier who 
 had been taken ill on the transport and sent 
 to a base hospital in England. There he 
 has been put necessarily on the rations of 
 an English sick soldier; tea and war bread 
 for breakfast, tea and war bread for dinner; 
 cocoa and war bread for supper. One day 
 there came to the ward an old man and 
 woman, the American consul at Southampton 
 [741
 
 and his wife. They had travelled miles to 
 visit this sick American boy who was a total 
 stranger to them, and they had brought to 
 him the greatest luxury in England one 
 fresh egg. 
 
 "What have YOU done?" 
 When the war is won thanks to those men 
 of America who are giving up their lives or 
 their fortunes to its winning, there will be 
 a day of reckoning. Your country, your 
 friends, your soul will ask you, What have 
 you done? If you have gone your comfort- 
 able ways, giving nothing to the country that 
 shelters you, what will your answer be? 
 
 When the war is over, will you dare to say 
 this? 
 
 "What have I given, bold sailor on the sea, 
 In earth or heaven, 
 That you should die for me? 
 What can I give, oh, soldier leal and brave, 
 Long as I live to pay the life you gave?" 
 
 Sleepless and hungry, standing erect in the 
 trenches as the dawn is breaking, the soldier 
 dreams of victory and of home. That he 
 may realize the first, and see the other again, 
 subscribe to the Fourth Liberty Loan. 
 
 [75
 
 (6) 
 
 Speech to Farmers by Herbert Quick 
 
 The farmer everywhere loves peace. The 
 American farmer especially loves peace. Since 
 the dawn of history, the farmer has been the 
 man who suffered most from war. All that 
 he possesses lies out of doors in plain sight, 
 and is spoil of war his house, his grain, his 
 livestock. He knows that he pays the price 
 of war "in steer and gear and stack," and, 
 that the flames that light the skies in the 
 rear of every invading army are consuming 
 the things that yesterday represented his 
 life work, and the life labors of past genera- 
 tions of farmers the little coral islands of 
 comfort and wealth that decades of toil on 
 the farm builds up. 
 
 If the Imperial German Government had 
 made and enforced an order that no American 
 farmer should leave his own land, that he 
 could not haul a load of grain or drive a 
 head of stock to town if in fact the Kaiser 
 had laid an interdict on all intercourse be- 
 tween farm and farm and between farm and 
 town, he would have done only a little more 
 than he accomplished by his interdict against 
 American farmers' use of the sea. What was 
 the order against which we rebelled when we 
 went into this war? Look at the condition 
 of the American farmer in the latter part of 
 1914 and the first half of 1915 and see. 
 [761
 
 When the war broke out through terror and 
 surprise and panic we gave up for a while 
 the uses of the sea as a highway. And so 
 long as we gave it up, we, the farmers of 
 America, were ruined. I know an Iowa 
 farmer who sold his 1914 crop of 25,000 
 bushels of wheat for seventy cents a bushel. 
 Farmers in the South sold their cotton for 
 half the cost of producing it. All this time 
 those portions of the world whose ports were 
 open were ready to pay almost any price for 
 our products; and when we finally rallied 
 and set once more in motion the ships of the 
 world, prosperity returned to the farms of 
 America. But prosperity never returned to 
 the farmers of those nations which remained 
 cut off from the seas. 
 
 Why we drew the sword 
 But why did we draw the sword? Was it 
 to protect the price of wheat and cotton, 
 and to protect trade only? If someone 
 should order you to remain on your farm 
 and not to use the public highways, would 
 your resistance be based only on the fear of 
 loss in property, the profits from failure to 
 market your crops, in inconvenience in not 
 being able to buy your supplies in town? 
 By no means! You would fight to the last 
 gasp, not to make money, but to be free. 
 
 This then is the war in which we are fight- 
 ing. WTienever the time comes for new sacri- 
 [77]
 
 fices, let us remember that we fight for liberty. 
 Not only for the liberty of the Belgians, the 
 French, the Servians, the Italians, but of all 
 nations, even for the German people them- 
 selves, and most of all for our own liberties. 
 Not for our own liberties tomorrow, or next 
 year, or twenty years from now, but for our 
 freedom today. Not for the right to live in 
 the future, but for the right to make a living 
 this year. 
 
 The Farmers can whip Germany 
 
 The farmers of this country could carry 
 the war to a victorious conclusion even if all 
 the rest of the nation should quit. The rest 
 will not quit; but we could win it without 
 them if we had to do it. 
 
 The farmers of the United States can whip 
 Germany. 
 
 We can whip them with guns. 
 
 We can whip them with our products. 
 
 W T e can whip them with our money. 
 
 Every farmer in the United States must 
 remember that the war has a first mortgage 
 on every cent he has. The last spare cent 
 in the pockets of every farmer in America 
 should be devoted to the war. 
 
 The Kaiser began foreclosing his mortgage 
 on our farms when he declared ruthless sub- 
 marine warfare, and the war is our answer 
 to his bill of foreclosure. 
 
 Our contribution is, first our sons and 
 [78]
 
 brothers for the trenches; second, the last 
 pound of food products which we can grow 
 by mobilizing our scanty labor-supply; utiliz- 
 ing the men, women and children and the 
 townspeople about us; and third, money for 
 Liberty Bonds. 
 
 We are at the crucial period of the war. 
 Our soldiers are at the front, more than a 
 million overseas and as many more ready 
 to go. The whole burden of carrying on our 
 part in the war and of aiding our sister na- 
 tions in arms rests on the United States 
 Treasury. 
 
 If the Treasury fails or falters or finds it- 
 self unable to respond to every call upon it, 
 the war is lost. Do you realize this? 
 
 Your son and all the nation's sons are 
 relying on the United States Treasury to fur- 
 nish things with which they may fight. 
 
 Their lives are lost if the Treasury fails. 
 Our country is lost if the Treasury fails. 
 
 Germany wins if the Treasury fails. 
 
 (7) 
 
 Speech to Industrial Workers 
 by William Mather Lewis 
 
 [National Committee of Patriotic Societies] 
 
 Someone has said of Charles M. Schwab 
 the man who is building the bridge of boats 
 to Pershing that no man ever worked for 
 him. His success lies in his ability to get 
 [79]
 
 men to work with him. It is also true that 
 in this great war no man or woman works 
 for Uncle Sam but all work with him to the 
 end that we shall win this war and bring 
 peace and happiness to the w T hole world. 
 
 It is a sad fact that everybody is not yet 
 willing to work with the Government. I 
 heard a very unpleasant thing in a hotel 
 lobby the other day. A man was asked to 
 buy a War Savings Stamp and he exclaimed, 
 "Oh, they are working this thing to death, 
 there is a drive every other day, they will 
 drive us to death. I subscribed to three 
 Liberty Bond issues, to the Red Cross, the 
 Y. M. C. A. and the Knights of Columbus and 
 I am going to lay off this time." 
 
 Well now, what if one of those boys in 
 Pershing's Army should say "Oh, they're 
 working this thing too hard; there is a drive 
 every other day, they will drive us to death. 
 I have helped resist three German attacks 
 and here comes another. I am going to lay 
 off on this one and beat it back to billets?" 
 
 Now you know what would be done to 
 that boy he would be treated as a deserter; 
 and yet he would be no more responsible for 
 losing this war than was that man in the 
 lobby. We have no more right to lay off on 
 our job or quit our support of the war than 
 that boy has. 
 
 When the United States went to war 
 100,000,000 people were supposed to give their 
 [80]
 
 service to the country either in the first line 
 trenches in France or the second line trenches 
 at home ; may the day soon come when soldier 
 and civilian receive the same treatment. If a 
 tired boy who goes to sleep on his post is in 
 danger of being shot as punishment, that man 
 in America who sells the Army rotten beef or 
 poor uniforms should be hung to the nearest 
 tree, and the man who starts a strike and gets 
 men to quit work or slow up on war produc- 
 tion should be tarred and feathered and run 
 out of town. 
 
 This war has been going on for over four 
 years and Germany is far from being whipped 
 yet. Those first line trenches in France are 
 not 3000 miles away from our second line 
 trenches here in America but only seven days 
 away, and if the line breaks they will be still 
 nearer. The Kaiser was in dead earnest when 
 he said to Ambassador Gerard, "America had 
 better look out, I shall stand no nonsense 
 from America." 
 
 We have got to win this war in Europe or 
 fight it out in America and we will win it in 
 Europe if every soldier in our second line 
 trenches at home does his duty as well as 
 Pershing's boys in the first line trenches do 
 theirs. 
 
 We are having some trouble with our 
 housing conditions and many of us are un- 
 comfortable but the boys in the trenches 
 are sleeping in mud. We have to fight our 
 [81]
 
 way out of crowded street cars but the 
 boys at the front have to walk with shells 
 falling all around them. We have had plenty 
 of hot weather this summer but the Ger- 
 mans will make it hot over there for our 
 boys, summer and winter. So it's up to you 
 and me to "Pack up our troubles in our old 
 kit bag and smile, smile, smile," because we 
 are part of the biggest game that has ever 
 been played in the world and we are playing 
 it on the side of the best government in the 
 world. 
 
 The war has brought about a period of 
 high wages for the industrial worker, not only 
 in munition plants but in every line of work. 
 As a result of it he has, or can have, some- 
 thing over at the end of the month, in spite 
 of the high cost of living. That is where his 
 wife comes in. She was always the one that 
 made a little go a long way when times were 
 hard and work was slack, and she can now join 
 with her husband in putting something by. 
 
 We must Save and Lend 
 Your country asks you to save and buy 
 Liberty Bonds, for three good reasons: 
 
 It's wise. Good times and high wages may 
 not last forever. Now is the time to lay 
 something aside for the future. There is 
 nothing so sad as to see the hard-earned dol- 
 lars of the worker lost in bad investments. 
 The soundest provision you can make for the 
 [82]
 
 future is to put your savings into Liberty 
 Bonds. 
 
 It's fair. We all know that the high wages 
 of today are the direct result of the war. So 
 are high taxes. If the profits of the rich are 
 taxed all the way up to 80%, isn't it the 
 decent thing for the worker to put a good 
 deal of his war profits into Liberty Bonds? 
 Taxes are never paid back. United States 
 Bonds always are. 
 
 It's patriotic. No people love their country 
 better than the American people. None have 
 better reason to do so. 
 
 Your country calls. She needs the money. 
 Make your dollars fight. 
 
 Next to the soldier himself no one is doing 
 a bigger work than those who are working in 
 a plant like this, that keeps the army fight- 
 ing at its best because it knows that the 
 materials so quickly used up are being pro- 
 duced with equal rapidity. Your job is big 
 and worth while and every one is a neces- 
 sary cog in Uncle Sam's steam roller that 
 some day will go rumbling into Berlin. Every 
 man who sticks on his job faithfully and 
 patriotically is hastening that day as much 
 as if he were fighting the Germans in France. 
 
 I congratulate you upon your work and 
 upon the way you are holding the second 
 line trenches. I know it is not the pay 
 envelope you have your eye on, but the 
 Kaiser. But the pay envelope is one of the 
 [831
 
 best fighters we have nevertheless. Uncle 
 Sam is going to need a pile of money to clean 
 up this job and he wants you to lend it to 
 him. 
 
 The boys at the front are laying down their 
 lives for their country and Uncle Sam can't 
 give them that back. It doesn't seem much 
 of a sacrifice in comparison to lay down our 
 money and get it back with interest in a few 
 years. But if that is what our country wants 
 of you and me, the least we can do is to re- 
 spond quickly and loyally. These are the 
 orders to the second line army in the shops of 
 America stick on the job, deliver the goods 
 and the money, and Pershing and our boys 
 will do the rest. 
 
 No man can tell me that the crowd to 
 which I now speak is not as game as any 
 crowd in America and I know your answer to 
 the call of America is we are with you till 
 the last German gun is silenced! 
 
 [84
 
 (8) 
 
 Speech to School Children 
 by William Mather Lewis 
 
 [National Committee of Patriotic Societies] 
 
 I have come to bring you a message from 
 school children of your own age, from the 
 children of battle-swept Europe, and the mes- 
 sage is this "We have suffered very, very 
 much in the last four years, but we will be 
 brave and do everything we can to win this 
 war if the school children of America will 
 help us." 
 
 This is a message to every one of you living 
 here in security and comfort unknown to your 
 cousins across the sea. In France today there 
 are thousands of children who have forgotten 
 how to smile because of the cruelty of the 
 German invaders; children whose school 
 room is a dark cellar in a half-ruined village. 
 
 In Belgium the children are begging for 
 just enough food to keep them alive. They 
 are being torn from the arms of their pa- 
 rents, sent through Germany into Switzer- 
 land and thrown half starved onto the French 
 border. In Poland the bones of murdered 
 little ones are scattered on the plains. "There 
 are no children in Poland under six years of 
 age," says Paderewski. 
 
 In Italy the German soldiers have forced 
 boys and girls to march before them so that 
 the Allies will not fire on them. 
 [85]
 
 In England whole families have been wiped 
 out by bombs from the cowardly Zeppelin. 
 
 Everywhere in those battle-torn lands the 
 children are stretching out their arms for help. 
 To whom? To you children of America. To 
 you who do not know the horrors of war be- 
 cause the brave fathers of those suffering lit- 
 tle ones in Europe have kept the enemy from 
 our land. We must pay back France and Bel- 
 gium and Great Britain and Italy for fighting 
 our battles for us. We must answer the appeal 
 of those outstretched arms. 
 
 Waste nothing 
 
 Our Government is trying to get wheat and 
 meat and other supplies over there where the 
 hands are outstretched. Everything you 
 waste on your plate, every spoonful of un- 
 necessary sugar you take, makes it harder 
 for our Government to supply the need and 
 brings more tears to the eyes of the children 
 in Europe. Everything you save, every little 
 comfort you give up brightens the day for 
 some little one across the seas and helps to 
 defeat the cruel Kaiser. 
 
 Our Government is lending money to our 
 brave Allies. In order to get this money to 
 lend the Allies and to buy food for them and 
 for our own soldiers, Uncle Sam has to borrow 
 it from your parents and from millions of other 
 parents throughout America. Uncle Sam gives 
 every one who lends him the money a sheet 
 [86]
 
 of paper, his promise to pay the money back, 
 and this sheet of paper is called a Liberty 
 Bond. Each one of you should ask your father 
 tonight if he has bought a Bond, if he has 
 done his part to feed the hungry little ones 
 of Europe, to supply help so that the Allies 
 can fight on, and to give our boys in the 
 trenches all the guns and ammunition they 
 need. Tell him that you will give him your 
 spending money and everything else you can 
 earn to him to help buy a Bond. 
 
 Listen! Across three thousand miles of 
 ocean we can hear the boom of the American 
 guns punishing those who have been cruel 
 to children. The boys who fire them were 
 the school children of America but a little 
 while ago. You children are the home army 
 that is backing up our army in France. 
 Your weapons are saving habits and Liberty 
 Bonds. There can be no slackers! The chil- 
 dren of Europe depend upon you! Forward! 
 March! 
 
 [87]
 
 VII 
 Quotations and Stories 
 
 (1) Poetry on the war 
 
 A few selections of inspiring poetry on the war 
 are given below. It is suggested to speakers 
 that as a general rule it is inadvisable to quote 
 more than one verse of a poem. 
 
 Team Work 
 
 It ain't the guns nor armament 
 Nor funds that they can pay, 
 
 But the close co-operation 
 
 That makes them win the day. 
 
 It ain't the individual, 
 
 Nor the Army as a whole, 
 But the everlasting team work, 
 
 Of every bloomin' soul. 
 
 RUDYARD KIPLING 
 
 88
 
 I Have a Rendezvous with Death 
 
 I have a rendezvous with Death 
 
 At some disputed barricade, 
 
 When Spring comes round with rustling shade 
 
 And apple blossoms fill the air 
 I have a rendezvous with Death 
 
 When Spring brings back blue days and fair. 
 
 It may be he shall take my hand 
 And lead me into his dark land 
 
 And close my eyes and quench my breath 
 It may be I shall pass him still. 
 
 I have a rendezvous with Death 
 On some scarred slope of battered hill, 
 
 When Spring comes round again this year 
 
 And the first meadow flowers appear. 
 
 God knows! 'twere better to be deep 
 
 Pillowed in silk and scented down, 
 Where Love throbs out in blissful sleep, 
 
 Pulse nigh to pulse, and breath to breath, 
 Where hushed awakenings are dear 
 
 But I've a rendezvous with Death 
 At midnight in some flaming town, 
 When Spring trips north again this year, 
 
 And I to my pledged w r ord am true, 
 
 I shall not fail that rendezvous. 
 
 ALLAN SEEGER 
 
 (Killed in action July 5, 1916) 
 
 SJ)
 
 The Soldier 
 
 If I should die, think only this of me: 
 
 That there's some corner of a foreign field 
 That is forever England. There shall be 
 
 In that rich earth a richer dust concealed; 
 A dust whom England bore, shaped, made aware, 
 
 Gave, once, her flowers to love, her ways to 
 
 roam, 
 A body of England's, breathing English air, 
 
 Washed by the rivers, blest by suns of home. 
 
 And think, this heart, all evil shed away, 
 A pulse in the eternal mind, no less 
 Gives somewhere back the thought by England 
 given; 
 
 Her sights and sounds; dreams happy as her day; 
 And laughter, learnt of friends; and gentleness 
 In hearts at peace, under an English heaven. 
 
 RUPERT BROOKE 
 
 (Who fought and died in Gallipoli April 23. 1916) 
 
 90
 
 The Dead 
 
 Blow out, you bugles, over the rich Dead! 
 
 There's none of these so lonely and poor of old, 
 
 But, dying, has made us rarer gifts than gold, 
 These laid the world away; poured out the red, 
 
 Sweet wine of youth; gave up the years to be 
 Of work and joy, and that unhoped serene, 
 That men call age; and those who would have 
 been, 
 
 Their sons, they gave their immortality. 
 
 Blow, bugles, blow! They brought us, for our 
 dearth, 
 
 Holiness, lacked so long, and Love, and Pain. 
 Honor has come back, as a king, to earth, 
 And paid his subjects with a royal wage; 
 
 And Nobleness walks in our ways again; 
 And we have come into our heritage. 
 
 RUPERT BROOKE 
 
 [91]
 
 "\Yhen I Come Home 
 
 When I come home, and leave behind 
 Dark things I would not call to mind, 
 I'll taste good ale and home-made bread, 
 And see white sheets and pillows spread. 
 And there is one who'll softly creep 
 To kiss me, ere I fall asleep 
 And tuck me 'neath the counterpane, 
 And I shall be a boy again 
 
 When I come home! 
 
 When I come home, from dark to light 
 And tread the roadways long and white, 
 And tramp the lanes I tramped of yore, 
 And see the village greens once nlore, 
 The tranquil farms, the meadows free, 
 The friendly trees that nod to me, 
 And hear the lark beneath the sun, 
 'Twill be good pay for what I've done 
 
 When I come home! 
 
 LESLIE COULSON 
 
 . (Killed in action Oct. 7, 1916)
 
 A Mother's Dedication 
 
 Dear son of mine, the baby days are over, 
 I can no longer shield you from the earth; 
 
 Yet in my heart always I must remember 
 
 How through the dark I fought to give you birth. 
 
 Dear son of mine, by all the lives behind you; 
 
 By all our fathers fought for in the past; 
 In this great war to which your birth has brought 
 you, 
 
 Acquit you well, hold you our honor fast! 
 
 God guard you, son of mine, where'er you wander; 
 
 God lead the banners under which you fight; 
 You are my all, I give you to the Nation, 
 
 God shall uphold you that you fight aright. 
 
 MARGARET PETERSON
 
 To Arms 
 
 To arms! To arms! You that are men! 
 Fight for the right for peace again. 
 Crush the vile serpent under heel; 
 With stern set jaws meet steel with steel, 
 And let the German "Kultur" feel 
 We're in this war to win. 
 
 To arms! To arms! You women all! 
 Your country sends a trumpet call. 
 Do what you can, you may, you must 
 Help to redeem the world from lust; 
 In you our men have put their trust; 
 Help them this war to win. 
 
 That right shall ever conquer might, 
 March on, brave boys, to win the fight; 
 And put to rout those hordes in gray, 
 While women work, and weep, and pray 
 That soon may come the glorious day 
 When Freedom's flag shall win. 
 
 FLORENCE SCRIPPS KELLOGG 
 
 [94]
 
 April 2d 
 
 [Inspired by President Wilson s address to Congress 
 on April 2, 1917] 
 
 We have been patient and they named us weak; 
 We have been silent and they judged us meek; 
 Now, in the much-abused, high name of God 
 We speak. 
 
 Oh! not with faltering or uncertain tone 
 With chosen words we make our meaning known 
 That like a great wind from the West shall 
 shake 
 
 The double throne. 
 
 Our colors flame upon the topmost mast; 
 We lift the glove so arrogantly cast, 
 
 And in the much-abused, high name of God 
 We speak at last. 
 
 THEODOSIA GARRISON 
 
 [951
 
 (2) Quotations for use in speeches 
 
 Some extracts from the poetry and prose of 
 standard authors are included. The attention 
 of the speaker is culled to the fact that a 
 speech is usually made more interesting by 
 the use of apt quotations. Many of these 
 quotations can be paraphrased to fit exactly 
 the present war and our part in it. 
 
 No Peace until Victory 
 
 Peace! Peace! Peace! do you say? 
 What! with the enemy's guns in our ears, 
 With the country's wrongs not rendered back, 
 What! while Austria stands at bay 
 In Mantua and in Venice wears 
 Her cursed flag of yellow and black. 
 
 ELIZABETH BARRETT BROWNING 
 
 No terms except an unconditional and imme- 
 diate surrender can be accepted. I propose to 
 move immediately upon your works. 
 
 U. S. GRANT 
 
 We accepted this war for a worthy object and 
 the war will end when that object is attained. 
 Under God, I hope it will not end until that time! 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 1864 
 
 Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that 
 this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass 
 away. Let, if God wills, that it continue, until 
 all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two 
 hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall 
 be sunk and until every drop of blood drawn with 
 [961
 
 the lash, shall be paid with another drawn by the 
 sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so 
 still must it be said, "The judgments of the Lord 
 are true and righteous altogether." 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 
 Second Inaugural Address, March 4, 186.5 
 
 With malice toward none, with charity for all, 
 with firmness in the right, as God gives us to 
 see the right, let us strive on to finish the work 
 we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds, to 
 care for him who shall have borne the battle, 
 and for his widow and his orphan to do all which 
 may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace 
 among ourselves and with all nations. 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 
 Patriotism 
 
 Those that by their deeds will make it known, 
 
 Whose dignity they do sustain; 
 
 And life, state, glory, all they gain 
 Count the republic's, not their own. 
 
 BEN JON SON 
 
 We join ourselves to no party that does not carry 
 tin* Hag and keep step to the music of the Union. 
 
 CHO.VTE 
 
 I am not a Virginian, but an American. 
 
 PATRICK HKNRY 
 
 Our Country 
 
 Without a sign his sword the brave man draws, 
 And asks no omen but his country's cause. 
 
 HOMER 
 
 r on
 
 The Fathers of America 
 
 While Franklin's quiet memory climbs to Heaven 
 Calming the lightning which he thence hath riven 
 Or drawing from the no less kindled earth 
 Freedom and peace to that which boasts his birth; 
 While Washington's a watchword, such as ne'er 
 Shall sink while there's an echo left to air. 
 
 BYRON 
 
 By the rude bridge that arched the flood, 
 Their flag to April's breeze unfurled, 
 Here once the embattl'd farmers stood, 
 And fired the shot heard round the world. 
 
 EMERSON 
 
 Washington 
 
 Yes, one the first the last the best 
 The Cincinnatus of the West, 
 Whom envy dared not hate 
 Bequeathed the name of Washington 
 To make men blush there was but one! 
 
 BYRON 
 
 Freedom Wins 
 
 For Freedom's battle, once begun 
 
 Bequeath 'd from bleeding sire to son, 
 
 Though baffled oft, is ever won. BYRON 
 
 We must be free or die who speak the tongue 
 That Shakespeare spake, the faith and morals 
 
 hold 
 
 Which Milton held. WORDSWORTH 
 
 [98]
 
 Tis Liberty that gives to fleeting Life 
 Its lustre and perfume; 
 And we are slaves without it. 
 
 Who knew the season when to take 
 Occasion by the hand and make 
 The bounds of Freedom wider yet. 
 
 TENNYSON 
 Right 
 
 Because right is right, 
 
 To follow right 
 
 Were wisdom in the scorn of consequence. 
 
 TENNYSON 
 
 Let us have faith that right makes might; and in 
 that faith let us to the end, dare to do our duty as 
 we understand it. LINCOLN 
 
 For right is right, since God is God, 
 
 And right the day must win; 
 To doubt would be disloyalty, 
 
 To falter would be sin. F. W. FABER 
 
 Service 
 
 Who would not be that youth? What pity is it 
 That we can die but once to serve our country ! 
 
 ADDISON 
 
 New occasions teach new duties. 
 
 LOWELL 
 
 Courage 
 
 Cowards die many times before their deaths; 
 The valiant never taste of death but once. 
 
 JULIUS 
 
 [99]
 
 Soldiers to Civilians 
 We fail! 
 
 But screw YOUR courage to the sticking place, 
 And we'll not fail. SHAKESPEARE 
 
 Unconquerable France 
 
 What though the field be lost? 
 All is not lost; th' unconquerable will, 
 And study of revenge, immortal hate, 
 And courage never to submit or yield 
 And what is else not to be overcome. 
 
 MILTON 
 
 Britain's Spirit 
 
 1. "The world owes much to little nations and to 
 little men. The greatest art in the world was 
 the work of little nations. The greatest litera- 
 ture of England came from her when she was a 
 nation the size of Belgium fighting a great 
 empire. Heroic deeds that thrill humanity 
 through generations are the deeds of little 
 nations fighting for their freedom. Ah, yes, 
 and the salvation of the world came through a 
 little nation." Lloyd George, later Britain's 
 Prime Minister, September 19, 1914. 
 
 2. "What we and our Allies are fighting for is a 
 free Europe. We want Europe free not only 
 from the domination of one nation by another 
 but from the hectoring of diplomacy and peril 
 of war; free from constant rattling of the sword 
 in the scabbard and from the perpetual talk of 
 shining armor and the war lord. . . . We 
 are fighting for equal rights, for law, justice, 
 peace and for civilization throughout the world, 
 
 [1001
 
 as against brute force which knows no restraint 
 and no mercy." Britain's Foreign Secretary, 
 Sir Edward Grey, June, 1916. 
 
 "We have every reason for confidence. We 
 have none for complacency. Hope is the main- 
 spring of efficiency; complacency is its rust. 
 . . . The war is not going to be fought 
 mainly on the battlefields of Belgium and Po- 
 land . . . [but] in the workshops of France 
 and Great Britain." Lloyd George to laborers 
 at Bangor, February 28, 1915. 
 
 Belgium 
 
 Our country sinks beneath the yoke; 
 
 It weeps, it bleeds, and each new day a gash 
 
 Is added to her wounds. SHAKESPEARE 
 
 Poland's Freedom 
 
 Hope for a season bade the world farewell, 
 And freedom shrieked when Kosciusko fell. 
 
 CAMPBELL 
 
 German "'Necessity" 
 
 Necessity is the argument of tyrants; it is the creed 
 of slaves. WILLIAM PITT 
 
 Ancient Chivalry versus German Kultur 
 
 () friends, be men, and let your hearts be strong, 
 And let no warrior in the heat of fight, 
 Do what may bring him shame in others' eyes. 
 
 HOMER 
 
 [101]
 
 Battle Slogans 
 
 AMERICA 
 
 L "There can be no compromise. No halfway 
 decision would be tolerable. No halfway de- 
 cision is conceivable. . . . What we seek 
 is the reign of law based upon the consent of 
 the governed and sustained by the organized 
 opinion of mankind." President Wilson, Inde- 
 pendence Day Speech at Mount Vernon, July 
 4, 1918. 
 
 2. "Lafayette, we have come." General Persh- 
 ing at tomb of Lafayette in Paris. 
 
 3. "The world must be made safe for democracy. 
 Its peace must be planted upon the tested 
 foundations of political liberty. "President 
 Wilson, War Message to Congress, April 2, 
 
 ' 1917. 
 
 4. " We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire 
 no conquest, no dominion. We seek no in- 
 demnities for ourselves, no material compensa- 
 tion for the sacrifices we shall freely make."- 
 President Wilson, War Message. 
 
 5. "The right is more precious than peace, and 
 we shall fight for the things which we have 
 always carried nearest our hearts for democ- 
 racy, for the right of those who submit to 
 authority to have a voice in their own govern- 
 ments, for the rights and liberties of small 
 nations, for a universal dominion of right to 
 such a concert of free peoples as shall bring 
 peace and safety to all nations and make the 
 world itself at last free." President Wilson, 
 War Message. 
 
 [ 1021
 
 GREAT BRITAIN 
 
 6. "Carry on!" the British army's battle cry. 
 
 7. "Every position must be held to the last man. 
 There must be no retirement. With our backs 
 to the wall and believing in the justice of our 
 cause, each of us must fight to the end. The 
 safety of our homes and the freedom of man- 
 kind depend alike on the conduct of each one 
 of us at this last moment." Britain's General 
 Haig, April 12, 1918, "To all ranks of the 
 British army in France," after three weeks of 
 terrific German onslaughts and alarming Ger- 
 man gains, later checked because of the British 
 army's response to the foregoing appeal and the 
 aid given by French and American soldiers. 
 
 8. " We are fighting first to fulfil a solemn inter- 
 national obligation; secondly, we are fight- 
 ing to vindicate the principle that small na- 
 tionalities are not to be crushed in defiance of 
 international good faith by the arbitrary will 
 of a strong and overmastering power. "- 
 Britain's Prime Minister to House of Com- 
 mons, August 6, 1914. 
 
 FRANCE 
 
 9. "The hour has come to advance at any cost 
 and to die rather than fall back." General 
 Joffre to the French army at the Marne, Sep- 
 tember 5, 1914. 
 
 10. "My left has been rolled up; my right has 
 been driven in; therefore I have ordered an 
 advance along my center." General Foch 
 to his division of the French army at the first 
 battle of the Marne, September, 1914. 
 [ 1031
 
 11. "They shall not pass" the slogan of the 
 French defense against Germany's terrific on- 
 slaught upon Verdun, 1916-1917. 
 
 12. "Just now there is only one policy, a relent- 
 less fight until we attain definite freedom for 
 Europe by gaining a victory which will guar- 
 antee peace." Prime Minister Viviani to the 
 French Chamber of Deputies, December 22, 
 1914. 
 
 104
 
 (3) Short stories of sacrifice and heroism 
 
 "Hearts are Touching" 
 It was only a little river, almost a brook; it was 
 called the Yser. One would talk from one side to 
 the other without raising one's voice, and the 
 birds could fly over it with one sweep of their 
 wings. And on the two banks there were millions 
 of men, the one turned toward the other, eye to 
 eye. But the distance which separated them was 
 greater than the stars in the sky; it was the dis- 
 tance which separates right from injustice. 
 
 The ocean is so vast that the seagulls do not 
 dare to cross it. During seven days and seven 
 nights the great steamships of America, going at 
 full speed, drive through the deep waters before 
 the lighthouses of France corne into view; but 
 from one side to the other hearts are touching. 
 
 Letter of a French schoolgirl quoted by Dr. John Finley 
 
 "Desertion to the Front" 
 
 Gen. Pershing has been compelled to designate 
 a new offense against the law of soldiers. That 
 offense is "desertion to the front." 
 
 It is characteristic of the spirit of the American 
 army the American nation in arms that this 
 addition to the military regulations should have 
 been found necessary. Men put to work with pick, 
 transit, rod and shovel back of the firing line were 
 found to be deserting. The intelligence depart- 
 ment, after looking into this apparent revelation 
 of moral obliquity, discovered that these men were 
 deserting to the front; that they had dropped the 
 implements of engineering and of labor for the 
 rifle, the hand grenade and the bayonet in the 
 trenches. 
 
 \ 1051
 
 "Desertion to the front" is good. It is Ameri- 
 can. It reveals the American will to victory more 
 clearly than any event or incident since we went 
 into the war. NEW YORK GLOBE, EDITORIAL. 
 
 Following are given some extracts from " Stars 
 and Stripes," the newspaper published in 
 France by the American Expeditionary Forces : 
 
 A Soldier's Heart 
 
 From "Stars and Stripes" of July 19, 1918 
 
 Another fortunate little child gained a very distin- 
 guished godfather. He was given the Croix de 
 Guerre for heroic work in an American ambulance 
 unit at Verdun, and he won the D. S. C. a few 
 weeks ago when, although wounded when a shell 
 wrecked his ambulance and later gassed, he re- 
 fused to stop his work of succoring the wounded. 
 He was in the hospital and received the decora- 
 tions a few days ago, and, just to observe the oc- 
 casion contributed 500 francs for the support of 
 a French orphan. "Credit it to my mother," he 
 instructed, "and list it as Pawhusko, Okla. That's 
 where she lives, and don't use my name." 
 
 An Old Lady's Bit 
 
 Editorial "Stars and Stripes" June 21, 1918 
 
 She is an old, or at least, an elderly woman. 
 The place where she lives is a particularly ugly 
 little American manufacturing town; its inhabi- 
 tants are largely what we used to call foreigners. 
 The state has been helping her for many years. 
 It was not much, but that monthly allowance, 
 [106]
 
 which she called for regularly at the office of the 
 City clerk, was the slender thread that kept both 
 ends of life together. 
 
 When she paid her April call, the City clerk 
 reached for his books and began to go through 
 with the monthly formula. 
 
 But, "Please," she said, "I don't think I need 
 the money any more, sir. My circumstances have 
 improved; I'm working and I think the Govern- 
 ment needs the money more than I do." 
 
 How Fred Blakeley Helps 
 
 "Stars and Stripes" June 14, 1918 
 
 In a West Virginia mining town, one Fred Blakeley 
 is known as the man who loaded more tons of coal 
 in a day than any other man in the state. That 
 means something in a year, when the miners are 
 determined that the earth shall yield for the Allies 
 more than it ever did before. Fred is stoking for 
 the A. E. F. He is dog tired at night, but some- 
 how he has managed every week to knit a sweater 
 for some soldier in France. 
 
 [ 107
 
 VIII 
 
 Figures 
 
 (1) The Cost of the War and Statistics 
 on War Debts 
 
 The sum of $19,000,000,000 is almost incom- 
 prehensible. But the estimated expenditures 
 of the United States Government for the year 
 ending July 30, 1918 (exclusive of loans to 
 the Allies), were in round numbers $13,000,- 
 000,000 and the estimated amounts to be 
 loaned by the United States to the Allies were 
 in round numbers $6,000,000,000.* 
 
 The total estimated disbursements for the 
 fiscal year 1917-18 thus reached the sum of 
 approximately $19,000,000,000. The actual 
 expenses will be somewhat less than the amount 
 of the estimate because the industries of the 
 country will not, within the current fiscal year, 
 complete all the goods appropriated for. But 
 the actual expenditures cannot yet be exactly 
 determined, and reference to the estimated 
 expenditures (which for the reason stated are 
 subject to deduction), is sufficient for the pur- 
 pose in hand. 
 
 The total expenses of the United States 
 from 1791, almost the date of organization 
 of the Government, to January 1, 1917 (or a 
 
 1 See Annual report of the Secretary of the Treasury sub- 
 mitted to Congress, December 3, 1917. 
 
 [108]
 
 period of 126 years), including the cost of the 
 Civil War, were only $20,000,000,000, or a 
 trifle over 1.3 more than the estimated ex- 
 penses for one year of the present war. 
 
 The total cost of the Civil War, which lasted 
 four years, was in round numbers $3,400,000,- 
 000, or less than one-fifth of the estimated 
 expenses of the United States in one year of 
 the current war. 
 
 The cost of the Napoleonic wars from 1793 
 to 1819 for England, France and Russia, has 
 been estimated by the Treasury Department 
 at only $6,700,000,000, or a little more than 
 one-third of the estimated expenses of the 
 United States for the current year. The cost 
 of all the wars in the world, to all the princi- 
 pal powers involved, from 1793 to the out- 
 break of the present war (or a period of 121 
 years), is estimated at something less than 
 $25,000,000,000, or only about one-third more 
 than the estimated expenses of the United 
 States for this fiscal year. 
 
 [109]
 
 ESTIMATED TOTAL WEALTH 
 
 Germany $80,000,000,000 
 
 France 60,000,000,000 
 
 Great Britain 60,000,000,000 
 
 United States 250,000,000,000 
 
 PUBLIC DEBT 
 
 Before the War 
 Germany $1,165,000,000 
 France 6,598,000,000 
 
 Great Britain 3,458,000,000 
 Italy 2,792,000,000 
 
 Austria- 
 Hungary 3,985,000,000 
 United States 1,208,000,000 
 
 1917-1918 
 
 $30,000,000,000 July, 1918 
 
 22,000,000,000 Dec., 19 17 
 
 27,636,000,000 Feb., 1918 
 
 6,676,000,000 Dec., 19 17 
 
 19,018,000,000 Dec., 1917 
 12,000,000,000 July, 1918 
 
 RATIO OF DEBT TO TOTAL WEALTH 
 
 Germany 37% 
 
 France 37% 
 
 Great Britain 45% 
 
 United States 5% 
 
 APPROXIMATE PER CAPITA DEBT 
 
 Germany $450 
 
 France 550 
 
 Great Britain 600 
 
 Italy 190 
 
 Austria 380 
 
 United States 115 
 
 [110]
 
 On the basis of population we shall have to 
 increase our debt from $12,000,000,000 to al- 
 most $50,000,000,000 to equal the debt of 
 Germany. 
 
 If we were carrying a national debt in the 
 same proportion to our estimated wealth as 
 England or France or Germany, it would 
 amount to 90 billion dollars or over. Yet the 
 bonds of both France and England have al- 
 ways been regarded as gilt-edged securities. 
 
 WHAT OUR MONEY HAS DONE 
 
 Loans to the Allies up to July 27, 1918 
 Belgium $145,250,000 
 
 France 1,765,000,000 
 
 Great Britain 3,345,000,000 
 Greece 15,790,000 
 
 Italy 760,000,000 
 
 Russia 325,000,000 
 
 Serbia 9,000,000 
 
 The nations which since 1914 have declared 
 war against one or all of the Central Powers, 
 Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and 
 Bulgaria, are the following: Serbia, Russia, 
 France, Great Britain, Belgium, Montenegro, 
 Japan, Italy, San Marino, Portugal, Rou- 
 mania, Greece, United States, Cuba, Panama, 
 Nicaragua, Siam, Liberia, China, Brazil, 
 Guatemala. 
 
 [HI]
 
 (2) What your Bonds have bought 
 
 The money which wise and patriotic Ameri- 
 cans invested in the First, Second and Third 
 Loans has fought for them in glorious fashion. 
 Out of that money the Government has built 
 16 huge cantonments, the total cost of which 
 was over $141,000,000. This money has been 
 used to raise and equip an army of 3,000,000 
 men at a cost of over $15,000,000 merely for 
 the process of changing civilians into soldiers. 
 It cost $4.93 per man to draft our armies. 
 
 Your money has transported an army of a 
 million and a half men across 3000 miles of 
 ocean. It has equipped them with rifles at a 
 cost of $7,500,000 per month; with clothing 
 at an initial cost of about $100 per soldier; 
 with barrack bags, bedsacks, and blankets at 
 a cost of $10.62 per soldier. It has built ships 
 at a cost of from $1,500,000 to $5,000,000 each 
 to carry them overseas. It has built docks, 
 and railroads and trucks and airplanes and 
 tanks and big guns to help send them forward 
 to Victory. 
 
 Altogether your money has made possible 
 the greatest military phenomenon in history, 
 the changing of a peaceful, practically un- 
 armed nation in sixteen months into the most 
 powerful war machine ever built a feat un- 
 paralleled in the history of the world. 
 
 What this army, raised, equipped, trans- 
 ported, trained and fed with your money, has 
 [
 
 A 000 938 694 7 
 
 already done on the battlefield is a page of 
 history engraved on the heart of every Ameri- 
 can. It is a record that will live forever. 
 
 (3) Make your dollars fight 
 The huge machine which we have built up 
 must be maintained. The money you invest 
 in the Fourth Liberty Loan is to feed our 
 Army, which is destined to grow to 5,000,000; 
 to transport as many troops again as have 
 been sent; to supply them with arms, ammu- 
 nition, artillery and all the various equipment 
 which they need, to win. 
 
 One $50 Bond will send 1000 3" trench 
 mortar shells on their way, or provide bursting 
 charge for 100 3" trench mortar shells or 
 110 hand grenades, or will buy two rifles or 
 knives, forks, and spoons for a company of 
 soldiers. 
 
 One $100 Bond will provide bursting charge 
 of T. N. T. for one 14" high explosive shell, 
 or condiment (salt, pepper, vinegar, etc.) ca' 
 for three companies of soldiers. 
 
 Two $100 bonds will provide 5,000 nu 
 chine gun cartridges. 
 
 One $500 bond will provide two machine 
 guns or 300 steel helmets. 
 
 One $1000 bond will provide one 16" shell, 
 ready to fire. 
 
 Ten $1000 bonds will provide 20,000 rifle 
 grenades. 
 
 \ 113 1
 
 Five hundred $1000 bonds will provide an 
 amount of powder equal to one day's output 
 of one of the Government powder plants. 
 
 The armies raised with your money have 
 fought and are fighting with a spirit, a dash, 
 and unconquerable determination that has 
 aroused the admiration of the world. 
 
 Keep them fighting to win. 
 
 Every Bond you buy puts weapons in their 
 hands. 
 
 Lend the way they fight. 
 
 Buy Bonds to your Utmost. 
 
 114]