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 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN
 
 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN. 
 
 i. The Octavo Edition, 
 
 As originally issued, 21s. net. 
 
 2. The Popular and Revised Edition, 
 
 Crown 8vo., 6s. 
 
 EDWARD ARNOLD, LONDON & NEW YORK.
 
 •^^U £><j£.
 
 FIRE AND SWORD 
 
 IN 
 
 THE SUDAN 
 
 a personal IRarrative of jfigbtmg ano Serving tbe 'Bzwisbes 
 1879— 1895 
 
 BY 
 
 RUDOLF C. SLATIN PASHA, C.B. 
 
 COLONEL IN THE EGYPTIAN ARMY (INTELLIGENCE DEPT.) 
 FORMERLY GOVERNOR AND COMMANDANT OF THE TROOPS IN DARS-'JI 
 
 COLONEL F. R. WINGATE, C.B., D.S.O., R.A. 
 
 DIRECTOR OF MILITARY INTELLIGENCE, EGYPTIAN ARMY 
 
 WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 POPULAR EDITION 
 
 LONDON 
 
 EDWARD ARNOLD 
 
 37, BEDFORD STREET, STRAND, W.C. 
 
 1898
 
 TO 
 
 HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY 
 THE QUEEN OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND 
 
 AND 
 
 EMPRESS OF INDIA 
 
 WHO HAS EVER SHOWN DEEP SOLICITUDE FOR AND GRACIOUS 
 
 SYMPATHY WITH THE EUROPEAN PRISONERS 
 
 IN THE SUDAN 
 
 THIS RECORD OF HIS LIFE IN CAPTIVITY 
 
 IS BY PERMISSION HUMBLY DEDICATED BY HER MAJESTY'S 
 MOST DEVOTED AND GRATEFUL 
 
 RUDOLF C. SLATIN.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 Prompted by the earnest entreaties of my friends rather 
 than by any wish of my own to relate my experiences, I 
 have written these chapters. 
 
 The few months which have elapsed since my escape 
 have been so much occupied in resuming my official duties, 
 compiling reports, and satisfying the kindly interest displayed 
 by a large number of people in my strange fate, that any 
 attempt at quiet and steady literary work has been almost 
 impossible. 
 
 During my captivity I was unable to make any notes or 
 keep any diaries ; in writing, therefore, the following pages, 
 I have been dependent entirely on my memory, whilst the 
 whirl of the busy European world, and the constant inter- 
 ruptions to which I have alluded, have given me little time 
 to collect my scattered thoughts. 
 
 When, therefore, after having been debarred for so many 
 years from intercourse with outside affairs, and entirely out 
 of practice in writing down my ideas, I find myself urged 
 to lose no time in publishing an account of my adventures, 
 I must beg my readers to excuse the many defects they 
 may notice.
 
 viii PREFACE 
 
 My experiences have no pretence to being of any literary 
 or scientific value, and the personal episodes I have described 
 can lay claim to little importance ; I have merely attempted 
 to give to those interested in Sudan affairs a true and faithful 
 account of my life whilst fighting and serving the Mahdists. 
 
 Rudolf Slatin. 
 
 London, 
 
 October, 1895. 
 
 AUTHOR'S NOTE 
 
 ON THE POPULAR EDITION. 
 
 On the eve of a further advance into the Sudan, the 
 publisher has requested me to prepare an edition available 
 for sale in a cheaper and more popular form than the original 
 work. I have therefore shortened the book by striking out 
 much of the historical matter, and many details which may 
 not be of interest to the general reader, and have confined 
 this volume, as far as possible, to a narrative of my personal 
 experiences. Whilst, therefore, I hope that, in its present 
 form, ' Fire and Sword in the Sudan ' will be more acces- 
 sible to the general public, I would still recommend the 
 larger edition to the perusal of all those desirous of making 
 themselves fully acquainted with the more detailed history 
 of the somewhat complicated events which have brought 
 about the present situation in the Sudan. 
 
 Rudolf Slatin. 
 Cairo, 
 
 June 30, 1897.
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE 
 
 BY 
 
 FATHER DON JOSEPH OHRWALDER, 
 
 LATE PRIEST OF THE AUSTRIAN MISSION STATION AT DELEN, 
 
 IN KORDOFAN, AND FOR TEN YEARS A CAPTIVE 
 
 IN THE MAHDl'S CAMP. 
 
 The joy at meeting my dear friend and former comrade in 
 captivity, Slatin Pasha, in Cairo, after his miraculous escape, 
 was indeed great ; and it is with extreme gratification that 
 I comply with the wishes of those friends who are interested 
 in his experiences to preface them with a few remarks. 
 
 To have been a fellow- sufferer with him for many years, 
 during which the closest friendship existed between us — a 
 friendship which, owing to the circumstances of our captivity, 
 was necessarily of a surreptitious nature, but which, inter- 
 rupted as it was, mutually helped to alleviate our sad lot — 
 is, I think, a sufficiently good reason for my friends to urge 
 that I should comply with their wishes. 
 
 Apart, however, from these purely personal motives, I 
 need only refer to the fact that the small scraps of informa- 
 tion which from time to time reached the outside world 
 regarding Slatin Pasha excited the deepest sympathy for 
 his sad fate ; what wonder, then, that there should have 
 been a genuine outburst of rejoicing when he at length
 
 x INTRODUCTORY NOTE 
 
 escaped from the clutches of the tyrannical Khalifa, and 
 emerged safely from the dark Sudan ? 
 
 It is most natural that all those interested in the weal and 
 woe of Africa should await with deep interest all that Slatin 
 Pasha can tell them of affairs in the former Egyptian Sudan, 
 which only a few short years ago was considered the starting- 
 point for the civilization of the Dark Continent, and which 
 now, fallen, alas ! under the despotic rule of a barbarous 
 tyrant, forms the chief impediment to the civilizing influences 
 so vigorously at work in all other parts of Africa. 
 
 Slatin Pasha pleads with perfect justice that, deprived all 
 these years of intellectual intercourse, he cannot do justice 
 to the subject ; nevertheless, I consider that it is his bounden 
 duty to describe without delay his strange experiences, and 
 I do not doubt that, whatever literary defects there may be 
 in his work, the story of his life cannot fail to be both of 
 interest and of value in helping those concerned in the future 
 of this vast country to realize accurately its present situation. 
 
 It should be remembered that Slatin Pasha held high 
 posts in the Sudan ; he has travelled throughout the length 
 and breadth of the country, and, a perfect master of the 
 language, he has had opportunities which few others have 
 had to accurately describe affairs such as they were in the 
 last days of the Egyptian Administration ; whilst his ex- 
 periences during his cruel captivity place him in a perfectly 
 unique position as the highest authority on the rise, progress, 
 and wane of that great religious movement which wrenched 
 he country from its conquerors, and dragged it back into 
 an almost indescribable condition of religious and moral 
 decadence. 
 
 Thrown into contact with the principal leaders of the 
 revolt, unwillingly forced to appear and live as one of them, 
 he has been in the position of following in the closest manner 
 every step taken by the Mahdi and his successor, the Khalifa, 
 in the administration of their newly-founded empire. 
 
 Sad fate, it is true, threw me also into the swirl of this
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE xi 
 
 great movement ; but I was merely a captive missionary, 
 whose very existence was almost forgotten by the rulers of 
 the country, whilst Slatin Pasha was in the vortex itself 
 of this mighty whirlpool which swamped one by one the 
 Egyptian garrisons, and spread far and wide over the entire 
 Sudan. 
 
 If, therefore, there should be any discrepancies between 
 the account published some three years ago of my captivity 
 and the present work, the reader may safely accept Slatin 
 Pasha's conclusions as more correct and accurate than my 
 own ; the opinions I expressed of the Khalifa's motives and 
 intentions, and of the principal events which occurred, are 
 rather those of an outsider when compared to the intimate 
 knowledge which Slatin Pasha was enabled to acquire, by 
 reason of his position in continuous and close proximity to 
 Abdullahi. 
 
 In concluding, therefore, these remarks, I will add an 
 earnest hope that this book will arouse a deep and wide- 
 spread interest in the fate of the unhappy Sudan, and will 
 help those concerned to come to a right and just decision as 
 to the steps which should be taken to restore to civilization 
 this once happy and prosperous country. 
 
 That the return of Slatin Pasha from, so to speak, a living 
 grave should bring about this restoration is the fervent prayer 
 of his old comrade in captivity and devoted friend, 
 
 Don Joseph Ohrwalder. 
 
 SOAKIN, 
 
 June, 1895
 
 TRANSLATOR'S NOTE 
 
 In preparing the edition in English of Slatin Pasha's ex- 
 periences in the Sudan, I have followed the system adopted 
 in Father Ohrwalder's 'Ten Years' Captivity in the Mahdi's 
 Camp.' 
 
 F. R. WlNGATE. 
 
 London, 
 
 October, 1895.
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 My First Journey to the Sudan — Return to Austria — My Second 
 Journey— Corruption in the Sudan — Appointed Governor of 
 Dara — Zubeir Pasha and his Son Suleiman — The Gellabas, 
 Jaalin, and Danagla ----- i — u 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR, AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE PROVINCE. 
 
 Arrival at Om Shanga — Matrimonial Difficulties — A Sudanese 
 Falstaff — Description of El Fasher — I take up my Duties at 
 Dara — Zogal Bey the Sub-Governor — I undertake a Campaign 
 against Sultan Harun — Niurnia, Harun's Stronghold in Jebel 
 Marra — I defeat the Sultan at Rahad en Nabak — Death of 
 Harun — My Meeting with Dr. Felkin and the Rev. Wilson — 
 My Boy Kapsun — Gordon's Letter from Abyssinia - n — 32 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF DARFUR. 
 
 Government Administration in Dara — My Visit to Khartum- 
 Arrival of Gessi in Khartum — I return West with Bishop 
 Comboin and Father Ohrwalder — Am appointed Governor- 
 General of Darfur — Hostilities between the Maharia and 
 Bedeyat Arabs — I proceed to the Bedeyat Country — Strange 
 Manners and Customs of the Bedeyat — Saleh Donkusa and the 
 Heglik Tree — The Ceremony of Taking the Oath of Fidelity — 
 Return to El Fasher — Troubles at Shakka and Death of 
 Emiliani — I leave for Dara - - - - 32- -44
 
 xiv CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE KHALIFA'S PERSONAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE OF THE MAHDI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Early Life of Mohammed Ahmed, the Mahdi— The Religious Tarikas 
 — Mohammed Ahmed quarrels with his Religious Superior — 
 He is refused Forgiveness, and joins a Rival Sheikh — He is 
 joined by Abdullahi at Taaishi — The Mahdi secretly tells 
 Abdullahi of his Divine Mission — The Failure to seize 
 Mohammed Ahmed on Abba Island — The Mahdi's Hejra to 
 Jebel Gedir — He nominates his Khalifas — The Defeat of Rashed 
 Bey and Yusef Pasha Shellali — Effect of the Mahdi's Victories 
 in Kordofan — The Mahdi's Intrigues with the Inhabitants of 
 El Obeid — Futility of the Steps taken by the Government to 
 cope with the Revolt ----- 44 — 70 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SPREAD OF THE REVOLT IN SOUTHERN DARFUR. 
 
 I arrive at Dara — Despatch of an Officer to Shakka — Return to 
 El Fasher — I make Dara my Headquarters — The Power of a 
 Woman's Tongue — Sheikh Madibbo threatens Shakka — 
 Cowardly Conduct of Mansur Helmi — I proceed to his Assist- 
 ance — I commence my Campaign against the Southern Arab 
 Tribes — The Night Attack on Madibbo's Camp — Mansur 
 Helmi's cowardly Retreat from Shakka — Courageous Conduct 
 of Ali Agha Juma ----- _ 7c — 77 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF EL OBEID. 
 
 Said Pasha, Governor- General of Kordofan, prepares to defend 
 El Obeid— The Mahdi attacks the Town, but is repulsed with 
 Great Loss — The Missionaries at Delen fall into the Mahdi's 
 Hands — The Siege and Fall of Bara — The Horrors of the Siege 
 of El Obeid — Said Pasha is forced to surrender — His Interview 
 with the Mahdi — His Execution - - - - 77 — 84 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 VAIN EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM IN DARFUR. 
 
 I advance on Shakka — The Battle of Om Waragat — Besieged in the 
 Zariba — My Retreat on Dara through the Enemy's Country — 
 The Illness and Death of Gottfried Rott — I despatch Secret 
 Emissaries to Kordofan — The Revolt of the Mima Arabs — I
 
 CONTENTS xv 
 
 PAGE 
 
 learn of the Fall of El Obeid— The Death of Sheikh Afifi— My 
 Campaign against the Mima and Khawabir Arabs — Discovery 
 of a Plot amongst the Troops in Dara — My Officers and Men 
 ascribe our Defeats to the Fact that I am a Christian — I decide 
 to nominally adopt the Mohammedan Religion — I decide to 
 send Zogal Bey to El Obeid — My Campaign against the Beni 
 Helba — Beshari Bey seeks Death and finds it— Gravity of the 
 Situation in Darfur ..... 84 — 122 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION. 
 
 Spread of Belief in the Mahdi's Divinity — Sheikh Sennusi is offered, 
 but refuses, the Position of Mahdi's Khalifa — The Mahdi begins 
 to organize his Government — The Spread of the Revolt in the 
 Gezira — Criticisms on the Attitude of the Egyptian Govern- 
 ment — The Despatch of Osman Digna to the Eastern Sudan — 
 Hicks Pasha's Expedition enters Kordofan — Incidents on the 
 March — Gallantry of Colonel Farquhar — The Diaries of Far- 
 quhar and Vizetelly — The Desertion of Gustav Klootz — The 
 Mahdists harass the Expedition — The Final Attack on the 
 doomed Square — Extracts from O'Donovan's Diary — The 
 Mahdi's Triumphal Entry into El Obeid - - 123 — 135 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR. 
 
 Dara besieged — A Strange Expedient for concealing Letters — An 
 Armistice proposed and accepted between Myself and the 
 Besiegers — I resort to Stratagem to gain Time — Zogal writes 
 from El Obeid, and describes the Annihilation of the Relief 
 Expedition — I review the Situation and decide to Surrender — 
 The Mahdists enter Dara — Madibbo and his War-drums — 
 Horrible Tortures inflicted on the Inhabitants who had con- 
 cealed Money — The Siege and Fall of El Fasher — Letters from 
 Egypt— The Dreadful Fate of Major Hamada— The Fall of 
 Bahr el Ghazal — I leave for El Obeid - 136 — 153 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM. 
 
 Gordon returns to the Sudan — The Siege of Khartum — I join the 
 Mahdi at Rahad — Interviews and First Impressions of the 
 Mahdi — The Oath of Allegiance — Description of the Khalifa—
 
 xvi CONTENTS 
 
 PAG* 
 
 The Arrival of Hussein Pasha — Criticisms on Gordon's Mis- 
 sion — The Abandonment of the Sudan proclaimed — Incidents 
 in Various Parts of the Sudan — The Arrival of Olivier Pain — 
 His Mission, Illness, and Death — Arrival outside Khartum — I 
 write to Gordon — I am arrested and thrown into Chains — 
 Incidents during my Imprisonment — The Surrender of Omdur- 
 man — The Delay of the British Expedition — Khartum is 
 attacked and taken — Gordon's Head is brought to me — 
 Account of the Last Days of Khartum — Massacres and Atrocities 
 after the Fall— The Retreat of the British Expedition— The 
 Rigours of my Imprisonment increased — My Comrade in Cap- 
 tivity, Frank Lupton — We are both released — I enter the 
 Khalifa's Body-guard — Illness and Death of the Mahdi— -Khalifa 
 Abdullahi succeeds him — The Rules and Ordinances of the 
 Mahdi ------- 154 — 234 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAHI. 
 
 Execution of Darho— Sieges of Sennar and Kassala — My Journey 
 to Abu Haraz — My Plans of Escape impracticable — The 
 Khalifa presents me with a Wife — Mutiny of Black Soldiers at 
 El Obeid — Death of the Emir Mahmud — Abu Anga seizes 
 Khaled and throws him into Chains — Campaign in the Nuba 
 Mountains — Lupton in Difficulties — He works in the Khar- 
 tum Dockyard — Difficulties begin with Abyssinia — Death of 
 Klootz ------- 234 — 246 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN. 
 
 Madibbo's Quarrel with Karamalla — Execution of Madibbo — Cap- 
 ture of Charles Neufeld — My Interview with him — Arrival of 
 Abu Anga's Army in Omdurman — Destruction of the Gehena 
 Tribe— Abu Anga's Campaign in Abyssinia — Sack of Gondar 
 — Terrible Fate of the Captives — Death of Sultan Yusef — 
 Instances of the Khalifa's Tyranny — Building of the Mahdi's 
 Tomb — Letters from Home — Death of my Mother — Death of 
 Lupton ------- 247 — 264 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN. 
 
 Battle of Gallabat — Death of King John — The Revolt of Abu Gem- 
 maiza — Defeats of the Mahdists — Death of Abu Gemmaiza —
 
 CONTENTS xvii 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preparations for the Invasion of Egypt — Execution of Sixty- 
 seven Batahin Arabs — More Letters from Home — My Family 
 send the Khalifa a Dressing-bag from Vienna — Immigration of 
 the Taaisha Tribe — They settle in the Nile Valley — Nejumi 
 advances into Egypt — Battle of Toski — Incidents during the 
 Great Famine — The Fall of Ibrahim Adlan — His Execution — 
 The Khalifa mistrusts me — I fall into Serious Danger — I be- 
 come the unwilling Recipient of the Khalifa's Favours - 264 — 2S4 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD. 
 
 The Revolt of the Ashraf— Flight of Father Ohrwalder and the 
 Two Sisters — The Khalifa revenges himself on the Ashraf — 
 The Seizure and Execution of the Mahdi's Uncles — Zeki 
 Tummal's Return to Omdurman laden with Booty — Khalifa 
 Sherif arrested — ' Where there is no Fire there is no Smoke ' — 
 I change my Quarters — Sad News from Austria — The Khalifa 
 falls ill — The Story of the Bird-messenger — The Fall of Zeki 
 Tummal — The Battle of Agordat — The Capture of Kassala — 
 The Congo Free State in Equatoria and Bahr el Ghazal — I 
 recuse to marry the Khalifa's Cousin - 284 — 30S 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS. 
 
 The Person and Characteristics of Khalifa Abdullahi — The Fate 
 of the Mahdist Chronicler — The Princesses of Darfur — The 
 Khalifa's Family Life — His Harem — The Organization of his 
 Body-guard — Enforced Attendance at the Mosque — The Postal 
 System — Military Parades — Elevation of the Western Arabs 
 and Oppression of the River Tribes — The Military Situation 
 and Strength — Guns and Ammunition — Revenue and Expen- 
 diture — Courage ---._. 308 — 332 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS (continued). 
 
 Administration of Justice — Religion in the Sudan — Enforced Pil- 
 grimage to the Mahdi's Tomb — Limits of the Mahdist Empire 
 — Caravan Roads — Trade and Commerce — The Slave Trade — 
 The Slave Market — Industries — Immorality — Unpopularity of
 
 xviii CONTENTS 
 
 FAGB 
 
 the Khalifa — His Ignorance and Cruelty — His Private Apart- 
 ments — Principal Buildings in Omdurman — Description of the 
 City — The Prison and its Horrors — Death of Zeki Tummal 
 and Kadi Ahmed ------ 332 — 357 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 PLAN'S FOR ESCAPE. 
 
 European Captives in Omdurman — Artin, the Watchmaker — 
 Friends in Cairo — Efforts of my Family to help me — Diffi- 
 culties of Communication — Babakr Abu Sebiba's Failure — 
 Efforts of Baron Heidler and the Egyptian Intelligence De- 
 partment — Constant Failures — Osheikh Karrar — Abderrahman 
 matures his Plans — Hopes and Fears — My Plan to gain Time 
 — I quit my Hut never to return - 357 — 372 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 MY FLIGHT. 
 
 I escape from the Town by Night — My Guides, Zeki Belal ana 
 Mohammed — A Scare — 130 Miles in Twenty-four Hours — Our 
 Camels break down — Hiding in the Gilif Mountains — Precau- 
 tions against Surprise — Arrival of Fresh Camels — Our Journey 
 to the Nile — The Crossing — Friendly Sheikhs — Narrow Escape 
 from a large Armed Party of Mahdists — Difficulties with my 
 Guides — Hamed Garhosh the Amrabi — Out of Danger — As- 
 suan at last — Congratulations and Welcome — Arrival in Cairo 
 — Meeting with Old Friends - 372 — 401 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Africa, Past and Present — The Sudan, Past and Present — Rise, 
 Progress, and Wane of Mahdism — How long will it last ? — 
 The Khalifa's Present Position — European Encroachment — 
 ' Whites ' in the Bahr el Ghazal — Important Strategical Posi- 
 tion of the Province — Time and Tide wait for no Man — I 
 recover my long-lost Sword - 401 — 412 
 
 Index .------ 413 — 416
 
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Slatin Pasha ..... Frontispiece 
 
 Gessi Pasha's Troops advancing to the Attack on 
 
 'Dem Suleiman' - To face page 6 
 
 Zubeir Pasha .... n g 
 A Rizighat Warrior ... .,24 
 
 Bedayat praying to the Sacred Tree - „ 38 
 
 Surrender of the Bedayat to Slatin - „ 4c 
 Fight between the Rizighat and Egyptian Troops 
 
 To face page 72 
 A Slave Dhow on the Nile . ..56 
 
 A Dervish Emir .... ,. 96 
 
 The Death of Hicks Pasha - - „ 132 
 
 Bringing Gordon's Head to Slat in' . 206 
 
 An Abyssinian Scout - - - .. 244 
 
 The Mahdl's Tomb, Omdurman - - „ 25b 
 
 The Execution of the 'Batahin' - ., 268 
 
 Famine-stricken - „ 272 
 The Khalifa inciting his Troops . A .ck Kassala 
 
 To face page 302 
 
 The Khalifa and Kadis in Council - „ 322 
 
 In the Slave Market, Omdurman - ,. 33S 
 
 Coming from Market, Omdurman - ,. 34S 
 
 Slatin Pasha's flying from Omdurman „ 374 
 
 Slatin in hiding in the Hills - - ,. 3S0 
 
 A Camel Corps Scout ... |f 398 
 Plan of Khartum and Omdurman - - At the end 
 Map showing Extent of Mahdist Influence in 
 
 loq 
 
 ,i
 
 Fire and Sword in the Sudan 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 My First Journey to the Sudan — Return to Austria — My Second 
 Journey — Corruption in the Sudan — Appointed Governor of Dara 
 — Zubeir Pasha and his Son Suleiman — The Gellabas, Jaalin, and 
 Danagla. 
 
 In July, 1878, when serving as lieutenant in H.I.H. the 
 Crown Prince Rudolph's regiment, the 19th Foot, on the 
 Bosnian frontier, I received a letter from General Gordon 
 inviting me to come to the Sudan and take service with the 
 Egyptian Government, under his direction. 
 
 I had previously, in 1S74, undertaken a journey to the 
 Soudan, travelling by Assuan, Korosko, and Berber, and 
 had reached Khartum in the month of October of that year * 
 thence I had visited the Nuba mountains, and had remained 
 a short time at Delen, where a station of the Austrian Roman 
 Catholic Mission had just been established. From here I 
 explored the Golfan Naima and Kadero mountains, and 
 would have made a longer stay in these interesting districts 
 but the revolt of the Hawazma Arabs broke out, and, being 
 merely a traveller, I received a summons to return forthwith 
 to El Obeid, the chief town of Kordofan. The Arab revolt, 
 which had arisen over the collection of the excessively high 
 
 1
 
 2 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 taxes imposed by the Government, was soon suppressed ; 
 but, under the circumstances, I did not think it worth while 
 returning to the Nuba districts, and therefore decided to 
 travel in Darfur. 
 
 At that time the Governor-General of the Sudan, Ismail 
 Pasha Ayub, was staying at El Fasher, the capital of 
 Darfur, and on reaching Kaga and Katul I found, to my 
 great disappointment, that an order had just been issued 
 prohibiting strangers from entering the country, as it had 
 been only recently subjugated, and was considered unsafe 
 for travellers. I returned, therefore, without further delay 
 to Khartum, where I made the acquaintance of Emin Pasha 
 (then Dr. Emin), who had arrived a few days previously 
 from Egypt in company with a certain Karl von Grimm. 
 
 At that time General Gordon was Governor-General of 
 the Equatorial Provinces, and was residing at Lado, so to 
 him we wrote asking for instructions. Two months after- 
 wards the reply came inviting us to visit Lado, but in the 
 meantime letters had reached me from my family in Vienna 
 urging me to return to Europe. I had been suffering con- 
 siderably from fever, and, besides, I was under the obliga- 
 tion of completing my military service the following year. 
 I therefore decided to comply with the wishes of my family. 
 
 Dr. Emin, however, accepted Gordon's invitation, and he 
 started soon afterwards for the south, while I left for the 
 north. Before parting, I begged Emin to recommend me 
 to General Gordon, which he did, and this introduction 
 eventually resulted in my receiving the letter to which I 
 have already referred, three years later. 
 
 Emin, it will be remembered, was, soon after his arrival 
 at Lado, granted the rank of Bey, and appointed Governor 
 of Lado ; and on Gordon's departure he was nominated 
 Governor-General of Equatoria, in which position he re- 
 mained until relieved by Mr. Stanley, in 1889. 
 
 I returned to Egypt by the Bayuda Desert, Dongola, and 
 Wadi Haifa, and reached Austria towards the close of 1875. 
 
 Gordon's letter, received in the midst of the Bosnian
 
 INTRODUCTORY 3 
 
 campaign, delighted me. I longed to return to the Sudan 
 in some official capacity ; but it was not till December, 
 1878, when the campaign was over, and my battalion had 
 gone into quarters at Pressburg, that I received permission, 
 as an officer of the Reserve, to set out once more for Africa. 
 
 My brother Henry was still in Herzegovina ; so, remain- 
 ing only eight days in Vienna, to bid the rest of my family 
 farewell, I left for Trieste on 21st December, 1878, little 
 dreaming that nearly seventeen years would elapse, and 
 that I should experience such strange and terrible adven- 
 tures, before I should see my home again. I was then 
 twenty-two years of age. 
 
 On arrival in Cairo, I received a telegram from Giegler 
 Pasha, from Suez ; he had just been appointed Inspector- 
 General of Sudan Telegraphs, and was on his way to 
 Massawa, to inspect the line between that place and 
 Khartum. He invited me to travel with him as far as 
 Suakin, and I gladly availed myself of his kind offer. We 
 parted at Suakin, he proceeding by steamer to Massawa, 
 while I made preparations to cross the desert to Berber 
 on camels. I received every assistance from Ala ed Din 
 Pasha, who was then Governor, and who subsequently, as 
 Governor- General of the Sudan, accompanied Hicks Pasha, 
 and was killed with him when the entire Egyptian force was 
 annihilated at Shekan, in November, 1883. 
 
 On reaching Berber, I found a dahabia awaiting me there 
 by General Gordon's orders, and, embarking immediately, 
 I arrived at Khartum on 15th January, 1879. Here I was 
 shown every kindness and consideration ; Gordon placed at 
 my disposal a house situated not far from the palace, and a 
 certain Ali Effendi was directed to attend to all my wants. 
 In the course of our daily meetings, General Gordon used 
 often to talk of the Austrian officers whom he had met at 
 Tultcha, when on the Danube Commission, and for whom 
 he entertained a genuine friendship. I remember his saying 
 to me that he thought it was such a mistake to have changed 
 our smart white jackets for the blue uniform we now wear. 
 
 1 — 2
 
 4 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Early in February Gordon appointed me Financial In- 
 spector, and I was instructed to travel about the country 
 and examine into the complaints of the Sudanese who 
 objected to the payment of the taxes, which were not con- 
 sidered unreasonably heavy. In compliance with these 
 orders I proceeded via Mesallamia to Sennar and Fazogl, 
 whence I visited the mountain districts of Kukeli, Regreg, 
 and Kashankero, in the neighbourhood of Beni Shangul ; 
 and then I submitted my report to General Gordon. 
 
 In this report I pointed out that, in my opinion, the dis- 
 tribution of taxes was unjust, and resulted in the bulk of 
 taxation falling on the poorer landed proprietors, whilst those 
 who were better off had no difficulty in bribing the tax- 
 gatherers, for a comparatively small sum, to secure exemp- 
 tion. Thus enormous quantities of land and property entirely 
 escaped taxation, whilst the poorer classes were mercilessly 
 ground down in order to make up the heavy deficit which 
 was the result of this most nefarious system. 
 
 I further pointed out that much of the present discontent 
 was due to the oppressive and tyrannical methods of the 
 tax-gatherers, who were for the most part soldiers, Bashi- 
 Bozuks, and Shaigias. These unscrupulous officials thought 
 only of how to enrich themselves as quickly as possible at 
 the expense of the unfortunate populations, over whom they 
 exercised a cruel and brutal authority. 
 
 In the course of my journey I frequently observed that 
 the property of the Sudan officials — for the most part Shaigias 
 and Turks — was almost invariably exempted from taxation, 
 and on inquiry I was always told that this privilege had 
 been procured owing to the special services they had 
 rendered the Government. When I remarked that they 
 received pay for their services, they appeared greatly 
 offended and annoyed. However, on my arresting some of 
 the principal delinquents, they admitted that their taxes 
 were justly due. In Mesallamia, which is a large town 
 situated between the Blue and White Niles, and a con- 
 siderable trade centre, I found an immense collection of
 
 INTRODUCTORY 5 
 
 young women, the property of the wealthiest and most 
 respected merchants, who had procured them and sold them 
 for immoral purposes, at high prices. This was evidently a 
 most lucrative trade ; but how were the establishments of 
 these merchants to be taxed, and what action was I to take ? 
 I confess that ideas and experience on this point quite failed 
 me ; and feeling my utter inability under these circum- 
 stances to effect any reform, and having at the same time 
 little or no financial experience, I felt it was useless to con- 
 tinue, and therefore sent in my resignation. Meanwhile, 
 Gordon had gone off to Darfur, with the object of inquiring 
 into the circumstances connected with the campaign against 
 Suleiman, the son of Zubeir Pasha ; but before leaving he 
 had promoted Giegler to the rank of Pasha, intrusting him 
 with the position of acting Governor-General during his 
 absence. I therefore took the occasion to send him my 
 report and resignation by the same post, and soon after- 
 wards received a telegram from Gordon approving my 
 resignation of the position of Financial Inspector. 
 
 It was an immense relief to me to be free from this 
 hateful task ; I had no qualms of conscience, for I felt my 
 utter inability to cope with the situation such as I found it 
 — radically wrong, and corrupt through and through. 
 
 A few days later I received a telegram from Gordon 
 appointing me Mudir of Dara, comprising the south-western 
 districts of Darfur, and ordering me to start at once, as I 
 was required to conduct military operations against Sultan 
 Harun, the son of a former Sultan, who was bent on en- 
 deavouring to wrest back his country from his Egyptian 
 conquerors. Gordon further instructed me to meet him, on 
 his return journey, somewhere between El Obeid and Tura 
 el Hadra, on the White Nile. Having despatched my 
 camels to this spot, where Gordon's steamer was waiting 
 for him, I embarked without further delay, and on landing 
 at Tura el Hadra I proceeded west, and after two hours' 
 ride reached the telegraph station of Abu Garad, where I 
 learnt that Gordon was only four or five hours distant, and
 
 6 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 was on his way to the Nile. I therefore started off again, 
 and in a few hours found him halted under a large tree. 
 He was evidently very tired and exhausted after his long 
 ride, and was suffering from sores on his legs. I had for- 
 tunately brought some brandy with me from the stock on 
 board his own steamer, and he was soon sufficiently revived 
 to continue his journey. He asked me to come back with 
 him to Tura el Hadra, to discuss the Darfur situation with 
 him, and to give me the necessary instructions. He also 
 introduced me to two members of his suite, Hassan Pasha 
 Helmi el Juwaizer, formerly Governor- General of Kordofan 
 and Darfur, and to Yusef Pasha esh Shellali, who was the 
 last to join Gessi in his campaign against Suleiman Zubeir 
 and the slave-hunters. We were soon in the saddle, but 
 Gordon shot far ahead of us, and we found it impossible to 
 keep up with his rapid pace. We soon reached Tura el 
 Hadra, where the baggage camels, which had previously 
 been sent on ahead, had already arrived. As the steamers 
 were anchored in mid-stream, we were rowed out in a boat. 
 I found myself sitting in the stern, next Yusef Pasha esh 
 Shellali, and, as a drinking. cup was near him and I was 
 thirsty, I begged him to dip it into the river and give me a 
 drink. Gordon, noticing this, turned to me, smiling, and 
 said in French, ' Are you not aware that Yusef Pasha, in 
 spite of his black face, is very much your senior in rank ? 
 You are only the Mudir of Dara, and you should not have 
 asked him to give you a drink.' I at once apologized in 
 Arabic to Yusef Pasha, adding that I had asked him for the 
 water in a moment of forgetfulness ; to which he replied 
 that he was only too pleased to oblige me or anyone else to 
 whom he could be of service. 
 
 On reaching the steamers, Gordon and I went on board 
 the Isjnailia, while Yusef Pasha and Hassan Pasha went on 
 the Bovdein. Gordon explained to me in the fullest detail 
 the state of Darfur, saying that he hoped most sincerely the 
 campaign against Sultan Harun would be brought to a suc- 
 cessful close, for the country for years past had been the
 
 INTRODUCTORY 7 
 
 scene of continuous fighting and bloodshed, and was sorely 
 in need of rest. He also told me that he believed Gessi's 
 campaign against Suleiman Zubeir would soon be over ; 
 before long he must be finally defeated or killed, for he had 
 lost most of his Bazinger troops (rifle-bearing Blacks), and 
 it was impossible for him to sustain the continual losses 
 which Gessi had inflicted on him. It was past ten o'clock 
 when he bade me • Good-bye.' He had previously ordered 
 the fires to be lighted, as he was starting that night for 
 Khartum, and, as I stepped over the side, he said, in French, 
 * Good-bye, my dear Slatin, and God bless you ; I am sure 
 you will do your best under any circumstances. Perhaps I 
 am going back to England, and if so, I hope we may meet 
 there.' These were the last words I ever heard him utter ; 
 but who could have imagined the fate that was in store for 
 both of us ? I thanked him heartily for his great kindness 
 and help, and on reaching the river-bank I stopped there 
 for an hour, waiting for the steamer to start. Then I heard 
 the shrill whistle, and the anchor being weighed, and in a 
 few minutes Gordon was out of sight — gone for ever ! 
 
 On the following morning, mounted on the pony which 
 Gordon had given me, and which carried me continuously 
 for upwards of four years, I started off for Abu Garad, and, 
 travelling thence by Abu Shoka and Khussi, reached El 
 Obeid, where I found Dr. Zurbuchen, the Sanitary Inspector. 
 He was about to start for Darfur, and we agreed to keep 
 each other company as far as Dara. We hired baggage 
 camels through the assistance of Ali Bey Sherif, the Governor 
 of Kordofan ; and just as we were about to set out, he handed 
 me a telegram which had been sent from Foga, situated on 
 the eastern frontier of Darfur ; it was from Gessi, announcing 
 that Suleiman Zubeir had fallen at Gara on 15th July, 1879: 
 thus was Gordon's prediction verified that Suleiman must 
 soon submit or fall. 
 
 I should here mention that soon after Zubeir Pasha's 
 conquest of Darfur he left for Cairo, leaving his son Sulei- 
 man in charge of his affairs at Shakka. In 1877 Gordon
 
 & FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 had appointed Suleiman Governor of Bahr el Ghazal, but 
 a quarrel soon sprang up between him and a certain Idris 
 Ebtar, who was a native of Dongola, and to whom Zubeir 
 Pasha had also confided some of his affairs ; the Zubeir 
 family, it should be remembered, belonged to the powerful 
 Jaalin tribe, between whom and the Danaglas there had 
 always been great jealousy, and in this fact lies, I think, the 
 secret of much of the subsequent trouble in the Sudan. 
 
 The Bahr el Ghazal province is inhabited by an immense 
 variety of negro tribes, who were more or less independent 
 of each other until the Danagla and Jaalin Arabs, advancing 
 from the Nile Valley in their slave-hunting expeditions, 
 gradually settled in the country and took possession of it. 
 The Jaalin trace their descent back to Abbas, the uncle of 
 the Prophet. They are very proud of it, and look down 
 with the greatest contempt and scorn on the Danagla, whom 
 they regard as descended from the slave Dangal. According 
 to tradition, this man, although a slave, rose to be the ruler 
 of Nubia, though he paid tribute to Bahnesa, the Coptic 
 Bishop of the entire district lying between the present Sarras 
 and Debba. This Dangal founded a town after his own 
 name, Dangala (Dongola), and gradually the inhabitants of 
 the district were known as Danagla. They are, for the 
 most part, of Arab descent, but, having mixed freely with 
 the natives of the country, have somewhat lost caste. Of 
 course they, too, insist on their Arab descent, but the Jaalin 
 continually refer to their Dangal origin, and treat them with 
 contempt and derision. The relations between these two 
 tribes must be fully recognised, as they play a large part in 
 the subsequent events in the Sudan. 
 
 The quarrel between Suleiman and Idris soon came to 
 blows ; the latter appealed to Khartum, obtained the assist- 
 ance of Government troops under Gessi Pasha, and then 
 followed that series of campaigns in the Bahr el Ghazal 
 which ended in the capture of Suleiman, who, though 
 promised his life by Gessi, fell a victim to an intrigue of the 
 Danaglas, and was executed. Not so, however, his com-
 
 Zubeir Pasha.
 
 INTRODUCTORY 9 
 
 panion in arms, Rabeh, who, fearing the vengeance of the 
 Danaglas, voluntarily left Suleiman prior to his surrender, 
 and, marching in a north-westerly direction with a portion 
 of Suleiman's army, began that series of strange and wild 
 adventures which have placed him to-day, in the neighbour- 
 hood of Lake Tsad, a conqueror of a large portion of Central 
 Africa, and a figure of considerable importance in the 
 destinies of the Dark Continent. 
 
 There is also one other point I should mention in con- 
 nection with tribal dissensions which bears largely on the 
 subsequent events in the Sudan, and for this reason must 
 be explained in some detail. 
 
 In this his second visit to Darfur, Gordon had ascertained 
 that the Sudanese merchants of El Obeid had been selling 
 arms and powder to the rebel Suleiman, with whom they 
 naturally sympathized for their own selfish purposes ; this 
 contraband of war had been secretly despatched to Bahr 
 el Ghazal through the intermediary of the Gellabas (petty 
 traders), who obtained enormous prices from Suleiman : for 
 instance, six to eight slaves would be exchanged for a double- 
 barrelled gun, and one or two slaves was the price of a box 
 of caps. The officials at El Obeid made some attempt to 
 check this trade, but the difficulties were great. The dis- 
 tricts between Kordofan and Bahr el Ghazal were inhabited 
 principally by nomad Arab tribes, such as the Rizighat, 
 Hawazma, Homr, and Messeiria ; it was, moreover, an easy 
 matter for small parties of Gellabas to traverse, without 
 fear of detection, the almost uninhabited forests with which 
 the country abounds ; and even if an Egyptian official came 
 across them, he was, as a rule, quite amenable to a small 
 bribe. 
 
 Gordon was fully cognisant of all this, and therefore gave 
 the order that trade of every description was to be stopped 
 between El Obeid and Bahr el Ghazal. The merchants 
 were, in consequence, ordered to quit all districts lying to 
 the south of the El Obeid, Et Toweisha, and Dara caravan 
 >road, and to confine their trade entirely to the northern and
 
 io FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 western countries whilst active operations were going on in 
 Bahr el Ghazal. But, in spite of the strictness with which 
 these orders were enforced, the chances of gain were so 
 enormous and so enticing that the merchants grew almost 
 insensible to the risk of discovery ; and, in fact, the Govern- 
 ment had not at hand the means of checking the trade in 
 an adequate manner — indeed, in spite of the Government 
 restrictions, the trade rather increased than decreased. 
 Gordon therefore had to resort to very drastic measures. 
 He ordered the Sheikhs of the Arab tribes to seize all 
 Gellabas in their districts, and forcibly drive them to Dara, 
 Toweisha, Om Shanga, and El Obeid, and at the same 
 time held them responsible for any Gellabas found in their 
 countries after a certain date. This order was welcomed 
 by the greedy Arabs, who seized the occasion to pillage not 
 only the wandering traders, but even those who had been 
 settled amongst them for years, and who had nothing to do 
 with this illicit commerce ; they gathered the wheat and the 
 tares together, and cast out both indiscriminately, making 
 considerable profit over the transaction. Gordon's order 
 was now the signal for a wholesale campaign against the 
 traders, who not only lost their goods, but almost every 
 stitch of clothing they possessed, and were driven like wild 
 animals in hundreds, almost naked, towards Dara, Toweisha, 
 and Om Shanga. It was a terrible punishment for their 
 unlawful communication with the enemies of the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Many of these traders had been residing amongst the 
 Arabs for years. They had got wives, children, concubines, 
 and considerable quantities of property, which in turn fell 
 into the hands of the Arabs. The fates, indeed, wreaked 
 all their fury on these wretched slave-hunters, and the 
 retribution — merited, as it undoubtedly was, on the principle 
 of an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth — was painful 
 enough to witness, and had consequences which were more 
 far-reaching ; for it must be remembered that the majority 
 of these petty traders were Jaalin from the Nile Valley, and
 
 INTRODUCTORY n 
 
 between them and their Arab oppressors there now arose 
 the most implacable hatred, which has continued up to the 
 present time, and which shows signs of increase rather than 
 of diminution. 
 
 In point of humanity, this attack on the Gellabas may 
 be open to question ; but, on closer investigation, it will be 
 apparent to all that it was not possible to deal with an 
 anomalous situation, such as then existed, by political or 
 philanthropic methods — drastic and violent measures could 
 alone be effective. The Arab himself says, ' Nar el ghaba 
 yelzamba el harika ' — ' Against a prairie-fire, fire must be 
 used ' ; and the proverb was peculiarly applicable in this 
 case. 
 
 Now, these traders being for the most part Jaalin, Shaigias, 
 and Danagla, had, of course, relations and friends in the 
 Nile Valley ; and, indeed, many of the latter were their 
 intermediaries in the commercial and slave transactions 
 which took place. Gordon's orders therefore were scarcely 
 less unpopular amongst these Nile-dwellers, who could not 
 understand why such severe measures were necessary. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR, AND EARLY HISTORY OF THE 
 PROVINCE. 
 
 Arrival at Om Shanga— Matrimonial Difficulties— A Sudanese Falstaff 
 — Description of El Fasher — I take up my Duties at Dara— Zogal 
 Bey, the Sub-Governor— I undertake a Campaign against Sultan 
 Harun — Niurnia, Harun's Stronghold in Jebel Mara — I defeat the 
 Sultan at Rahad en Nabak — Death of Harun— My Meeting with 
 Dr. Felkin and the Rev. Wilson — My Boy Kapsun — Gordon's 
 Letter from Abyssinia. 
 
 I left El Obeid early in July, 1879, in company with Dr. 
 Zurbuchen, the Sanitary Inspector-General, whom I had 
 met in Cairo ; our route took us through Foga, the telegraph 
 terminus, and here I found a telegram from Gordon, telling
 
 12 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 me that he was proceeding on a mission to King John of 
 Abyssinia. 
 
 We reached Om Shanga to find it crowded with Gellabas 
 who had been turned out of the southern districts, and were 
 really in a pitiable condition. Curiously enough, the news 
 had spread far and wide that I was Gordon's nephew (I 
 suppose on account of my blue eyes and shaven chin), and 
 in consequence I was looked upon with some apprehension 
 by these people, who considered him as the cause of all the 
 troubles which they were now justly suffering. I was over- 
 whelmed with petitions for support ; but I told them that 
 as Om Shanga was not in my district, I could do nothing 
 for them — and even if I could have spared them something 
 from my private purse, I had neither the desire nor inclina- 
 tion to do so. 
 
 In one case, however, I confess to having broken the 
 rule ; but, before relating this little episode, I should explain 
 that my action must not be judged from the standpoint of 
 purely Christian morality. In this case I admit to being 
 guilty of even greater moral laxity in regard to the Moslem 
 marriage law than is enjoined in the Sharia or religious law; 
 but when my readers have finished the story I think they 
 will perhaps share the feelings which prompted me to act 
 as I did. Several of the merchants who had travelled from 
 the Nile called upon me, and begged me to interest myself 
 in the case of an unfortunate youth, a native of Khartum, 
 and only nineteen years of age. They related that, before 
 quitting Khartum, he had been betrothed to his beautiful 
 but very poor young cousin ; the parents had consented to 
 the marriage, but he was to first take a journey, and try to 
 make some money. On his arrival at Om Shanga, a very 
 rich old woman took a violent fancy to him. Whether the 
 youth had been overcome by her riches my informants did 
 not say ; but the old woman would have her way, and 
 had married him, and now, finding himself comparatively 
 wealthy, he had no particular desire to give her up. The 
 sad news had reached Khartum, the poor girl was distracted,
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR 13 
 
 and now I was asked to solve the difficulty. What was I 
 to do ? I called up the youth, who was unusually good- 
 looking, and, taking him aside, I spoke to him with as 
 serious a countenance as I could preserve ; I pointed out 
 how very wrong it was of him, a foreigner, to have married 
 a strange old woman, while his poor fiancee was crying her 
 eyes out at home, and that even if his cousin's dowry was 
 small, still, in honour bound, he should keep his promise. 
 He hesitated for a long time, but at length decided to go 
 before the Kadi (judge of the religious law), and get a 
 divorce. I had previously seen the Kadi, and had instructed 
 him that, should the youth seek a divorce, it was his duty 
 to break the news as gently as he could to the old wife, as I 
 was most anxious the separation should be carried out with 
 as little commotion as possible ; and, taking a guarantee 
 from the young man's relatives that they would be respon- 
 sible that he should go direct to Khartum, I warned the 
 Government official of Om Shanga that the youth was to- 
 be banished at two days' notice ! I also told him that he 
 might say what he liked about me to the old woman, and 
 that I was quite ready to bear the blame, provided he could 
 get her to give him some money for the journey. Little 
 did I imagine what a storm I had brought on my devoted 
 head ! It was about four o'clock in the afternoon, and I 
 was lying on my angareb (native couch) in the little brick 
 hut, when I heard the voice of an angry woman demanding 
 to see me instantly. I guessed at once who it was, and, 
 bracing my nerves for the fray, told the orderly to let her 
 in. Dr. Zurbuchen, who was in the room with me, and 
 whose knowledge of Arabic was very limited, was most 
 desirous to leave me ; but I was by no means anxious to be 
 left alone with an angry woman, and at length persuaded 
 him to stay. No sooner was the divorced wife admitted 
 than she rushed up angrily to Dr. Zurbuchen, whom she 
 mistook for me, and shrieked, in a tone of frantic excitement, 
 * I shall never agree to a divorce. He is my husband, and 
 I am his wife ; he married me in accordance with the religious
 
 14 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 law, and I refuse to let him divorce me.' Dr. Zurbuchen, 
 thoroughly startled, muttered in broken Arabic that he had 
 nothing to do with the case, and meekly pointed to me as 
 the hard-hearted Governor. I could not help being amused 
 at the extraordinary figure before me. She was a great 
 strong woman, with evidently a will of her own ; and so 
 furious was she that she had quite disregarded all the rules 
 which usually apply when Eastern ladies address the opposite 
 sex. Her long white muslin veil had got twisted round 
 and round her dress, exposing her particoloured silk head- 
 dress, which had fallen on her shoulders : she had a yellowish 
 complexion, and her face was covered with wrinkles, while 
 her cheeks were marked by the three tribal slits, about half 
 an inch apart ; in her nose she wore a piece of red coral, 
 massive gold earrings in her ears, and her greasy hair was 
 twisted into innumerable little ringlets, which were growing 
 gray with advancing age. I thought I had never seen a 
 more appalling-looking old creature ; but my contemplations 
 were cut short by her screeching voice, which was now 
 directed on me with renewed fury, and I was confronted 
 with the same question she had addressed to the terrified 
 doctor. Giving her time to recover her breath, I replied : 
 
 * I quite understand what you say, but you must submit 
 to the inevitable : your husband must leave ; and as you 
 are a native, I cannot permit you to go with him. You 
 appear undesirous of having a divorce ; but you must 
 remember that, in accordance with the Moslem law, it is 
 for the man to give the woman her divorce papers, and not 
 the woman the man.' 
 
 1 Had you not interfered,' she shrieked, ■ he would never 
 have left me ! Cursed be the day you came here !' 
 
 ' I beg of you, do not say that,' I answered ; * you are a 
 woman of means, and I should not think you would have 
 any difficulty in securing another and perhaps older husband.' 
 
 1 I want no other,' she literally screamed. 
 
 1 Silence !' I said somewhat sharply. ' The relatives of 
 your former husband wish him to leave you ; they com-
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR 15 
 
 plained that it was only your money which bound him to 
 you ; and now, whatever you may say, he is to leave to- 
 morrow. Besides, do you not think it is outrageous that 
 an old woman like you should have married a young lad 
 who might have been your grandson ?' 
 
 These last words drove her into a state of perfect frenzy ; 
 and, losing all control over herself, she threw up her hands, 
 tore off her veil, and what else might have happened I know 
 not, but my kavass (orderly), hearing the noise, rushed in, 
 and quietly but forcibly removed her from the room, caution- 
 ing her that her conduct was disgraceful, and that she had 
 made a laughing-stock of herself. The following day her 
 husband left, and I do not doubt her grief was considerable ; 
 but some years later I had the satisfaction of meeting the 
 youth, married to his early fiancee, and already the father 
 of a family ; he thanked me profusely for having got him 
 out of the clutches of the old woman, and brought him to 
 his present happy state. It is needless to relate that I slept 
 soundly that night, convinced that I had done a good piece 
 of work, and that it had cost me nothing. 
 
 Two days later we left Om Shanga, and halted for the 
 night at Jebel el Halla, where we were met by Hassan Bey 
 Om Kadok, the Sheikh of the northern Berti tribes, who 
 had shown great loyalty, and had been granted by Gordon 
 the rank of Bey. He was a middle-aged man, very stout, 
 with great broad shoulders, and a round, smiling face ; he 
 might well have been called the Sudan ' Falstaff.' Some 
 years later, when the tables were turned, and masters 
 became servants, he and I found ourselves together as 
 orderlies in the Khalifa's bodyguard, where his cheerful 
 disposition and genial nature brightened an existence which 
 at times was almost unbearable. His brother Ismail was 
 exactly the opposite — tall, thin, and serious ; and the two 
 brothers never by any chance agreed, except on one point, 
 and that was their inveterate love of marissa (Sudan beer) : 
 to have each a large jar (made of pottery, and known in 
 Darfur as the Dulang asslia or Urn bilbil) of this marissa, and
 
 1 6 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 to vie with one another in emptying it first, was to them 
 the greatest pleasure in life. 
 
 They invited us to sup with them, and for our evening 
 meal an entire sheep, baked on charcoal, was served up r 
 besides a quantity of roast fowls and a dish of asida (the 
 latter is somewhat like the Italian polenta, and is eaten with 
 all the courses) ; there were also several jars of marissa. 
 We thoroughly enjoyed the food, leaving the marissa to our 
 hosts, and substituting for it some of our own red wine. 
 Hassan and Ismail, however, freely regaled themselves with 
 wine as well as marissa, the effect on the former being to 
 make him extremely talkative, while the latter became more 
 and more silent. Hassan related many little incidents about 
 Gordon, for whom he had the greatest admiration and regard. 
 He was much grieved to hear he was going to Abyssinia. 
 * Perhaps,' said he sadly, * he will go back to his own 
 country, and never return to the Sudan again.' Curiously 
 enough, he was partially correct. He then left the room, 
 and returned almost at once, carrying a magnificent saddle 
 and sword. * Look !' said he ; * these are the last presents 
 General Gordon gave me when I accompanied him to El 
 Fasher ; he was most kind and generous.' Then Ismail 
 showed us a rich, gold-embroidered robe which Gordon had 
 presented to him. ' Pride,' said Hassan, ' was unknown to 
 Gordon. One day, on our way to El Fasher, one of the 
 attendants shot a bustard ; and when we halted at noon, 
 the cook at once boiled some water, and threw the bird into 
 the pot so as to take off its feathers. Gordon, seeing this, 
 went and sat himself down by the cook, and began helping 
 him to pull out the feathers. I at once rushed up, and 
 begged him to allow me to do this for him, but he answered, 
 " Why should I be ashamed of doing work ? I am quite 
 able to wait on myself, and certainly do not require a Bey 
 to do my kitchen work for me." ' 
 
 Hassan continued chatting till a late hour. He related 
 his experiences during Zubeir's conquest of Darfur, then of 
 the subsequent revolt and the present situation, frequently
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR 17 
 
 reverting to Gordon, whom he held in great honour. ' Once, 
 travelling with Gordon,' he remarked, ■ I fell ill, and Gordon 
 came to see me in my tent. In the course of conversation 
 I told him that I was addicted to alcoholic drinks, and that 
 I put down my present indisposition to being obliged to do 
 without them for the last few days. This was really my 
 indirect way of asking Gordon to give me something ; but I 
 was mightily disappointed, and, instead, received a very 
 severe rebuke. " You a Moslem," said he, " and forbidden 
 by your religion to drink wines and spirits ! I am indeed 
 surprised. You should give up this habit altogether ; every- 
 one should follow the precepts of his religion." I replied, 
 " Having been accustomed to them all my life, if I now 
 gave them up my health must suffer ; but I will try and be 
 more moderate in future." Gordon seemed satisfied, got 
 up, shook hands with me, and bade me good-bye. The 
 following morning, before leaving, he sent me three bottles 
 of brandy, with injunctions that I should use them in 
 moderation.' 
 
 Meanwhile Hassan's lanky brother sat in complete silence, 
 leaning on his elbows and solemnly filling up and swallowing 
 glass after glass of marissa, with an almost clockwork re- 
 gularity. When he had stopped talking, he got up in a 
 very deliberate manner, solemnly wiped his mouth with his 
 hand, and said in a melancholy tone, l Yes, brandy is very 
 good ; it is not an alcoholic drink, it is medicine. Gordon 
 is a great and benevolent man ; we shall never see him 
 again.' 
 
 It was very late before our hosts left us, and, having 
 ordered our baggage camels to start before daybreak, we 
 had a few hours' sleep. The next morning at sunrise our 
 riding camels were ready, and Dr. Zurbuchen and I looked 
 about for our hosts, to wish them good-bye. At length we 
 saw Ismail hurrying towards us ; his head was evidently 
 suffering from the effects of the previous night. ■ Masters,* 
 he shouted, ' we have always been told that in your country 
 justice exists ; I am sure that there guests never wrong 
 
 2
 
 1 8 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 their hosts. Last night, when your baggage camels started, 
 your people carried off my best rug, which I had laid out 
 for you to lie down on yesterday.' I made inquiries, and 
 had no doubt that one of my men must have made off with 
 the precious rug, so, ordering one of my kavasses to mount 
 his camel and overtake the caravan, I patiently awaited his 
 return. In due time he came back with the stolen rug, and,, 
 tied on behind him, one of my eight Black soldiers, who 
 belonged to our escort. On being interrogated, the man 
 said he had taken it by mistake, but as I had no doubt of 
 his guilt I had him flogged and sent back a prisoner to the 
 nearest military post at Om Shanga. I was much upset by 
 the occurrence, for I knew that these people were apt to 
 conclude that as the master is, so is the servant, and had I 
 not acted with severity on this occasion I should probably 
 have had a frequent recurrence of such thefts. 
 
 With profuse apologies to our hosts, we set off for El 
 Fasher, and passing through Brush, Abiat, and Ergud, 
 reached there after five days' march. 
 
 For the last century El Fasher had been chosen as the 
 capital of Darfur. It is built on two sandy hills running 
 north and south, and separated by a valley some four hundred 
 yards across, known as the Wadi Tendelti. The fort is 
 situated on the western hill, and consists of a square, mud- 
 brick enclosure, about three feet thick, built on the slope, 
 and surrounded with a ditch fifteen feet deep ; at the corners 
 were four small towers, manned with guns which fired from 
 embrasures. 
 
 This enclosure embraces the Government buildings, 
 Governor's house, officers' quarters, and men's barracks ; 
 but the quarters of the irregular cavalry are outside. The 
 wells are down in the valley, about one hundred and fifty 
 yards distant from the walls of the fort. 
 
 At this time Messedaglia Bey, an Italian, was Governor 
 of El Fasher ; he gave Dr. Zurbuchen and myself a cordial 
 welcome, and allotted us quarters in the Government build- 
 ings. YYe had both suffered somewhat from fever during
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR \<> 
 
 our wet march, and therefore decided to rest here for a few- 
 days. 
 
 After a short rest at El Fasher, Dr. Zurbuchen and I 
 continued our journey to Dara, and were accompanied a, 
 short distance along the road by Messedaglia Bey, who told 
 us that his wife was coming to Khartum, and that he was 
 asking for leave of absence to go and meet her there and 
 bring her to El Fasher. I suggested that it would be 
 advisable to wait till Sultan Harun had been dealt with 
 before bringing his wife so far ; but Messedaglia replied 
 there was not the least cause for fear, and that there were 
 now quite sufficient troops in the country to suppress any 
 local difficulties. I had heard, however, that Harun's in- 
 fluence was considerable, and that there was some appre- 
 hension that the now reduced Government forces might be 
 hard pressed. Having only just come to the country, and 
 having had no previous experience, it was of course im- 
 possible for me to judge ; I therefore accepted Messedaglia's 
 views on the situation, and bidding him and Said Bey 
 Guma, the commandant, farewell, we hurried on towards 
 Dara, our road taking us through Keriut, Ras el Fil, and 
 Shieria. 
 
 Zurbuchen was a very much older-looking man than 
 myself, with a long black beard and spectacles, whilst I 
 looked perhaps even younger than I was. The hair on my 
 upper lip had scarcely begun to sprout, and altogether I 
 had a most boyish face ; consequently, wherever we went, 
 he was invariably taken for the Governor, and I for the 
 doctor or apothecary. As we approached the end of our 
 journey, the doctor, who was suffering from fever, had to 
 ride slowly, and to save time for official work, I rode on 
 slightly ahead, and happened to reach the village of Shieria 
 (a day's march from Dara) a little before the appointed time 
 I found the villagers busily preparing for our reception, the 
 houses were being swept out, straw mats laid down, and the 
 Kadi and Sheikh had spread out their carpets, on which the 
 new Governor was to repose. Making my camel kneel 
 
 2 — 2
 
 20 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 down, I got off, and to inquiries as to who I was, I answered, 
 1 One of the new Governor's escort,' having previously 
 warned the rest of my escort to say nothing. The inqui- 
 sitive villagers now assailed me with innumerable questions. 
 • What sort of man is the new Governor ?' said one. ■ Oh,' 
 I replied, * I think he will do his best, and I believe he is 
 inclined to be just and easy-going.' * But is he brave and 
 kind-hearted ?' said another. This was rather a puzzling 
 question to answer, so I replied guardedly, ■ He does not 
 look as if he were afraid, but I haven't yet heard much 
 about his courage ; he has a manly appearance, and I 
 believe he is kind-hearted ; but of course it is impossible for 
 him to satisfy everyone.' ' Ah !' said another, ' if we only 
 had a governor like Gordon Pasha, then the country would 
 indeed be contented ; he never ceased to distribute money 
 and presents, and never sent the poor and needy away 
 without giving them something. I only once heard him say 
 some harsh words, and that was when Suleiman Zubeir was 
 at Dara, and when he turned to the Kadi, saying that there 
 were several bad characters amongst the Sudanese, and that 
 it did not always do to treat them leniently.' * Yes,' chimed 
 in the Kadi, ' I heard him say so myself ; but he referred 
 only to the Gellabas and traders who came from the Nile, 
 and who were implicated with Zubeir and his son in every 
 description of unlawful trade by which they could benefit 
 themselves.' 
 
 * Gordon was indeed a brave man,' said the Sheikh of the 
 village, who introduced himself as Muslem Wad Kabbashi ; 
 1 I was one of his chiefs in the fight against the Mima and 
 Khawabir Arabs : it was in the plain of Fafa, and a very 
 hot day. The enemy had charged us and had forced back 
 the first line, and their spears were falling thick around us ; 
 one came within a hair's-breadth of Gordon, but he did not 
 seem to mind it at all, and the victory we won was entirely 
 due to him and his reserve of one hundred men. When the 
 fight was at its worst, he found time to light a cigarette. 
 Never in my life did I see such a thing ; and then the
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR 21 
 
 following day, when he divided the spoil, no one was for- 
 gotten, and he kept nothing for himself. He was very 
 tender-hearted about women and children, and never allowed 
 them to be distributed, as is our custom in war ; but he fed 
 and clothed them at his own expense, and had them sent to 
 their homes as soon as the war was over. One day,' con~ 
 tinued the Sheikh, ■ without letting him know, we put some 
 women aside ; but if he had found us out, we should have 
 had a bad time of it.' 
 
 After a short pause, I inquired about affairs in Dara, and 
 about the qualifications of the various officials ; for I had 
 already heard that they were very unreliable, and I was 
 now told that they looked on my advent with no friendly 
 eye. 
 
 Meanwhile Dr. Zurbuchen and the rest of the caravan 
 had arrived, and at once the Sheikh, Kadi, and other village 
 dignitaries lined up in a semicircle to receive him, while I, 
 concealing myself as much as possible, awaited with amuse- 
 ment to hear what Muslem Wad Kabbashi would say. He 
 began with warm welcome to the new Governor, praised his 
 qualifications, and eloquently described the joy of all his 
 people at his arrival. Poor Dr. Zurbucnen, whose com 
 prehension of Arabic was very slight, became more and 
 more perplexed. ' Indeed I am not the Governor,' he 
 urged, ■ I am only the Sanitary Inspector. The Governor 
 must have arrived long ago ; but as he had only a few 
 people with him, perhaps he has been mistaken for someone 
 else.' I now thought it time to step forward, and laugh- 
 ingly thanked the villagers for their kind reception, assuring 
 them that I would do all in my power to satisfy their wants, 
 and that at the same time I looked to them to assist me 
 in seeing my orders carried out. Of course they made the 
 most profuse apologies for the mistake ; but I assured them 
 there was not the least necessity for their doing so. I was 
 anxious, I said, to be on the most intimate and friendly 
 terms with all of them, and I hoped they would allow the 
 same friendly relations to continue. From that day forth,
 
 22 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Sheikh Muslem Wad Kabbashi became one of my most 
 faithful friends, and continued to be so, in times of joy and 
 sorrow, until I left the country. 
 
 This little episode had given us all a hearty appetite, and 
 Ave sat down to an excellent meal of roast mutton ; and that 
 •over, we were again in the saddle, bivouacking for the night 
 binder a large tree about two hours' march from Dara. At 
 sunrise the next morning I sent on a messenger to announce 
 -our approach, and on reaching the outskirts we were given 
 -a great military reception, the garrison was drawn up in line 
 and a salute of seven guns fired, after which the troops filed 
 off to their barracks, and, accompanied by Major Hassan 
 Helmi, the commandant, Zogal Bey, the Sub-Governor, the 
 Kadi, and some of the principal merchants, we proceeded to 
 the fort in which the Government buildings are situated. 
 The inspection lasted about half an hour, and I then went 
 to my own quarters, in which I had ordered rooms to be 
 prepared for Dr. Zurbuchen, who was to be my guest for a 
 few days. 
 
 Scarcely had we settled down to dinner that evening, 
 •when a great hubbub arose amongst the servants, who were 
 evidently trying to prevent two men from pushing their way 
 into our circle. They were messengers carrying a docu- 
 ment which proved to be a letter from Ahmed Katong and 
 Oabralla, the two chiefs of an irregular corps which 
 garrisoned the station of Bir Gowi, some three days' march 
 south-west of Dara : this was to say they had just received 
 information that Sultan Harun was going to attack them, 
 and that as they had only a small force, they proposed to 
 evacuate their station, unless reinforcements could be sent 
 at once ; but they said that if they left the district, all the 
 villages would be plundered. 
 
 There was no time to be lost, so I ordered Hassan 
 Effendi Rifki to select two hundred regulars and twenty 
 horsemen to be ready to start with me at once for Bir 
 Gowi. 
 
 By midnight all was ready, and, bidding Dr. Zurbuchen
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR 
 
 23 
 
 good-bye, I started off for the south-west, saying that I hoped 
 to see him again in four or five days. 
 
 I was young, strong, and keen to have some fighting 
 experience, and I well remember my delight at the thought 
 of a brush with Sultan Harun. The idea of difficulties and 
 fatigue never crossed my mind ; all I longed for was a 
 chance of showing my men that I could lead them. At 
 sunrise I halted my little party, which consisted of two 
 hundred Blacks — the officers also being Sudanese — and the 
 horsemen (Turks and Egyptians), and addressed them in a 
 short speech, saying that at present I was an entire stranger 
 to them, but they should see I was ready to share fatigue 
 and discomfort with them on all occasions, and that I hoped 
 we should march rapidly forward with a good heart. Simple 
 as my harangue undoubtedly was, I saw that it had made an 
 impression, and when I had finished, they raised their rifles 
 above their heads, in Sudanese fashion, and shouted that 
 they were ready to conquer or die. 
 
 At noon we halted near a village, and I then carefully 
 inspected the men. They were all well armed, and had a 
 plentiful supply of ammunition ; each man was also provided 
 with a water-bottle made out of goat or gazelle skin, known 
 as ' sen' (pi., siun) ; but they had brought no rations with 
 them. On inquiry, I was told, * Wherever you go in 
 Darfur you will always find something to eat.' I therefore 
 made my way to the Sheikh of the village, and asked him 
 to supply some dukhn. This corn is generally soaked in 
 water, then pressed, mixed with tamarind fruit, and eaten 
 in this condition, the bitter-sweet water being an excellent 
 thirst-quencher. This food Europeans usually find indi- 
 gestible ; but it is very nourishing, and is eaten almost 
 exclusively by the Sudanese soldiers when campaigning. I 
 gradually got accustomed to it, taking it almost invariably 
 when out on such expeditions ; but I found that unless one 
 was feeling very well, it generally brought on most painful 
 indigestion. The Sheikh now brought us the corn, and 
 also a large dish of asida, which was divided amongst the
 
 24 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 men ; and whilst they were having their meal, I asked the 
 officers to share with me a tin of preserved meat, which 
 they admitted was much superior to the asida and dukhn. 
 I then called up my clerk, and told him to write out a 
 receipt for the corn, which he was to give the Sheikh, to be 
 his voucher for the remission of taxation equivalent to the 
 value of the dukhn supplied. But the good man, when he 
 understood my orders, refused to accept the receipt, adding 
 that it was not only his duty to give the corn, but that the 
 rights of hospitality demanded it. I told him, however, 
 that I was well aware the natives of Darfur were most 
 generous ; but to impose the feeding of two hundred men on 
 him quite exceeded the bounds of hospitality, and that it 
 was only just he should receive payment. He at length 
 agreed, and this conversation appeared to give him con- 
 fidence ; for he admitted that if this principle were always 
 carried out, the natives would greatly appreciate it ; but, 
 unfortunately, it was the usual custom for troops arriving at 
 a village to enter the houses, and take anything and every- 
 thing they wanted, with the result that the inhabitants 
 dreaded their approach, and at once tried to hide all they 
 had. I thanked the Sheikh for telling me this, and promised 
 I would do all I could to rectify the evil. 
 
 At sunset we reached Bir Gowi, which was a military post 
 garrisoned by some one hundred and twenty irregulars under 
 two chiefs — Ahmed Katong and Gabralla — who told me they 
 had sent out spies to ascertain Harun's movements, but they 
 thought he had not yet descended from Jebel Marra into 
 the plains ; so, thoroughly tired and sleepy after my long 
 journey, followed by the two days' hard marching, I went 
 to bed ; but my head ached, and the incessant beating of 
 drums in my honour kept me awake all night, and the 
 following morning I felt really unwell. Ahmed Katong 
 came to see me, and I told him I had a bad headache. 
 * We can easily cure that,' said Ahmed cheerfully. ■ I have 
 a man here who can stop headaches at once ; he is a much 
 better man than the doctor at Dara — indeed, there is no
 
 A Rizighat Warrior.
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR 25 
 
 doctor at Dara ; he is really only an apothecary, with the 
 courtesy title of doctor.' 
 
 * All right,' said I ; ' but how is he going to cure me ?' 
 
 1 Oh ! it is very simple,' he answered. ■ He places both 
 his hands on your head, and repeats something ; then you 
 get perfectly well — in fact, better than you were before.' 
 
 ' Then let him come at once,' I cried. 
 
 I was young and ignorant in those days, and I thought 
 that possibly one of these wandering Arabs might have 
 visited Europe and learned something of the magnetic cure, 
 and had given up the pleasures of life in order to make him- 
 self useful to mankind. I confess to feeling a little mis- 
 trustful when I thought of what Ahmed had said ; but then, 
 after all, doctors in Europe speak, so why should not he ? 
 In a few minutes Ahmed ushered into my presence a tall 
 dark man with a white beard, who appeared to be a native 
 of Bornu, and introduced him as * the doctor who will cure 
 your headache.' Without a moment's hesitation, the doctor 
 placed his hand on my head, pressed my temples with 
 his thumb and forefinger, and, muttering a few words I 
 could not understand, to my horror, spat in my face. 
 In a moment I had jumped up and knocked him down ; 
 but Ahmed, who was standing by, leaning on his crutch, 
 begged me not to take it in this way. ■ It was not really 
 meant for rudeness,' he said ; * it is merely a part of the 
 cure, and will do you much good.' But the poor doctor, 
 whose confidence had been somewhat shaken, and who was 
 still standing at a distance, muttered : ' Headache is the work 
 of the devil, and I must drive it out ; several passages from 
 the Kuran and the sayings of holy men direct that it should 
 be chased away by spitting, and thus his evil work in your 
 head will cease !' In spite of my annoyance, I could not 
 help laughing. ■ So I am supposed to be possessed of a 
 devil,' I said ; * I trust he was only a little one, and that you 
 have really driven him out.' I did not, however, let him 
 make a second experiment, and, giving him a dollar as com- 
 pensation, I bade him good-bye, and he left me, calling
 
 25 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 down the blessings of Heaven on my poor head, which was 
 still aching sadly. 
 
 As there was still no news of Harun, I remained that day 
 in bed and received frequent visits from my friends Katong 
 and Gabralla. The former offered me his horse, which I 
 refused, whilst the latter pressed upon me one of his maid- 
 servants. ' She is young and pretty,' he said, ' and has 
 been well brought up in my house ; she knows how to pre- 
 pare native food, is good at housework, and is above all a 
 good and careful nurse, and thoroughly understands all the 
 ailments of the country.' Again I was obliged to refuse 
 this proffered kindness ; so poor Gabralla went away some- 
 what downcast with his failure. But having already had a 
 rather painful experience at the hands of the doctor, I was 
 not particularly anxious to intrust myself to the tender 
 mercies of even a dusky maiden, however proficient a nurse 
 she might be. 
 
 The next morning I arose feeling quite myself again, and 
 when I met Ahmed and told him that I had recovered, he 
 at once answered, * Of course, I knew you would get quite 
 well ; Isa ' (the name of my doctor) * has never yet put his 
 hands on anyone and failed to cure him.' 
 
 Another day passed, and still no news of Harun. On 
 the following day, about noon, one of Gabralla's messengers 
 returned with the news that Sultan Harun had collected his 
 men, but still had not moved down from his summer resort 
 in the hills. On the fourth day after our arrival at Bir 
 Gowi, a second messenger came in and stated that when 
 Sultan Harun heard from the natives that I had left Dara 
 for Bir Gowi with the intention of fighting him, he had at 
 once disbanded his men, who had dispersed over Jebel 
 Marra. 
 
 Thoroughly disappointed with my first failure, I returned 
 crestfallen to Dara, but by that time Dr. Zurbuchen had 
 gone, leaving behind him a letter in which he wished me 
 all success. I also found that during my absence my un- 
 fortunate Arab clerk, who had accompanied me when I was
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR 27 
 
 Financial Inspector, and had come with me to Dara, had 
 become crazy ; they had put him in a house next my own, 
 and when I went to see him, he sprang forward to embrace 
 me, crying out, ' Thank God ! Sultan Harun has done no 
 harm to you ; but Zogal Bey is a traitor, beware of him. 
 I have ordered the fires in the engine to be lighted, in order 
 that the train may take you to Europe, where you will be 
 able to see your relations again. I shall come with you ; 
 but we must be careful about Zogal, he is a scoundrel !' 
 Evidently the poor man's mind was quite unhinged ; never- 
 theless, crazy people sometimes speak the truth. I quieted 
 the poor old man, and induced him to lie down till he heard 
 the engine's whistle warning us to be off, and commending 
 him to the care of the servants, I went away. Five days 
 later the whistle had sounded, and the poor man had been 
 carried off to his long home — his death was, I suppose, due 
 to a rush of blood to the brain. 
 
 I now busied myself with the administrative affairs of the 
 province of Dara, and about a month after my return I 
 received a letter in French from Messedaglia, telling me 
 that he had determined to put an end to the Harun trouble ; 
 and for the purpose he ordered me to move secretly via 
 Manawashi and Kobbe, with a division of regular troops, 
 towards Jebel Marra, and attack Niurnia, the Sultan's resi- 
 dence. At the same time, he wrote, he was despatching 
 troops from El Fasher, via Tura, and from Kulkul, via Abu 
 Haraz, to rendezvous at a certain spot and co-operate in the 
 attack. 
 
 In compliance with this order I left Dara with two 
 hundred and twenty regulars and sixty Bazingers, and 
 marching via Manawashi reached Niurnia, Harun's strong- 
 hold in Jebel Marra, to find it evacuated. The morning 
 after my arrival, I started off with a portion of my force in 
 search of Harun, but had been gone only a few minutes 
 when I heard rapid firing from the direction of Niurnia, 
 and galloping back, found the party I had left behind heavily 
 engaged with a hostile force, which I soon recognised as
 
 28 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the detachment of troops sent to my assistance from El 
 Fasher, but which had failed to arrive in time at the 
 rendezvous ; and advancing on Niurnia, which they had 
 seen was occupied, they had opened fire, little thinking that 
 they were showering bullets on their comrades. I had no 
 small difficulty in stopping the firing, which had already 
 resulted in a loss of seven killed and eleven wounded, whilst 
 a bullet had passed through my coat and my horse had 
 been wounded in two places. 
 
 We remained ten days at Niurnia, and as I could get no- 
 accurate news of Harun's movements I decided to return. 
 On our way back we passed through several villages and 
 took the people entirely by surprise, for they had not ex- 
 pected us from the west. Most of the men had been 
 collected by Sultan Harun, and those who could escape tc* 
 the hills did so ; but my men captured about thirty women, 
 whom we took along with us for a short distance. In one 
 village the people were so completely surprised that few of 
 them had time to fly, and seeing that they were only women 
 I sounded the halt, in order to give them a chance of 
 getting away. I then formed up the men on the road, so 
 as to prevent them scattering through the village, and in 
 this formation we marched on. One poor woman, I noticed, 
 in her hurry to escape, had left her two children on a rock,, 
 while she herself fled like a gazelle up the mountain side^ 
 Going to the rock, I found two pretty babies quite naked,, 
 but with strings of coral round their waists and necks. 
 They were as black as ravens, and probably twins about 
 eighteen months old. Dismounting, I went up to them,, 
 and they began to cry and cling to each other, so taking, 
 them in my arms, I told my servant to bring me some sugar 
 from my travelling-bag. This pacified them at once, and, 
 smiling through their tears, they munched what to them. 
 was probably the nicest thing they had ever tasted in their 
 little lives. Then, taking two of the red handkerchiefs (a 
 supply of which I generally carried about to offer as pre- 
 sents), I wrapped the babies up in them, laid them down or*
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR 29 
 
 the reck again, and moved on some distance. Locking 
 back, I saw a human being, evidently the mother, creeping 
 down the rocks. Then joyfully seizing her little ones, whom 
 she thought perhaps she had lost for ever, she fondled them 
 most lovingly. She had got back her naked treasures 
 clothed in lovely garments, and licking their little black lips 
 all sticky with their feast of sugar. 
 
 A few days after this little episode, and when we were 
 still some distance from Dara, news reached me that during 
 my absence Harun had suddenly descended on the town, 
 which he had pillaged, and had made off again towards the 
 hills with a quantity of spoil and many women captives. 
 Ascertaining that he could not be far off, and procuring 
 guides from the neighbourhood, I set off in pursuit, and 
 when about two days' march south-east of El Fasher, came 
 up with his force, little suspecting they were pursued. I 
 succeeded in approaching almost unnoticed, and falling upon 
 them suddenly, I utterly routed them, capturing quantities 
 of arms, besides liberating all the women captives. Harun's 
 horse was shot under him, but he himself, with a few 
 followers, escaped, only to fall a few days later at the hands 
 of the Kulkul troops under Nur Angara, and with his death 
 the revolt speedily died out, and peace was once more 
 restored to the country. 
 
 On my return to Dara I received a letter from Gessi 
 Pasha, in Bahr el Ghazal, informing me that Dr. R. W. 
 Felkin and the Rev. C. T. Wilson, of the English Church 
 Missionary Society, were on their way from Uganda to 
 Khartum, via Dara, and with them were some Waganda 
 envoys sent by King Mtesa to Her Majesty the Queen of 
 England. Gessi begged me to give them all help on their 
 journey, and said that they were leaving for Dara on the 
 date he was writing. They reached Dara a few days later, 
 and I greatly enjoyed their short stay with me. 
 
 All they told me was of immense interest, and I, too, was 
 able to give them the latest information from Europe, which, 
 though months old, was news to them.
 
 3o FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 One morning I was told, much to my amusement, that 
 the sight of a camel had caused Mtesa's envoys such alarm 
 that they had fled. * Well,' said I to Dr. Felkin, * as you 
 have to make the rest of your journey on camel-back, it is 
 advisable your men should get into the way of it ; so if you 
 will get them together I will send for a camel and put their 
 courage to the test.' He went off, and I sent for a camel 
 belonging to one of the merchants, which was very big and 
 fat. By this time the envoys and others had arrived, and 
 the camel, appearing suddenly round a corner, caused almost 
 a stampede. It was only the sight of the unconcern of Dr. 
 Felkin and myself which kept them from bolting as hard as 
 their legs could carry them. Dr. Felkin explained to them 
 that the camel was a most patient and docile animal, on 
 which they would have to make the remainder of their 
 journey to Egypt, and that there was no cause for fear ; 
 still they kept a respectful distance from the alarming beast, 
 and when I told my kavass to mount and make it get up 
 and sit down, their astonishment was boundless. At length 
 one, more courageous than the rest, volunteered to mount ; 
 timorously approaching the animal, he was assisted into the 
 saddle, and having safely got through the operation of rising, 
 with a beaming countenance he surveyed his friends from 
 his lofty seat, and proceeded to make a speech to them on 
 the pleasures of camel-riding. Apparently he had invited 
 them to share these pleasures with him, for suddenly, with- 
 out a moment's warning, they rushed at the poor animal in 
 a body, and began to swarm up it. Some tried to mount 
 by the neck, others by the tail, and half a dozen or so clung 
 to the saddle-trappings. For a moment the camel seemed 
 stupefied by this sudden attack, but recovering its presence 
 of mind, it now lashed out in all directions, and in a moment 
 had freed itself completely from every unfortunate Waganda 
 who had been bold enough to approach it. I do not think 
 I ever laughed so much in my life. These people evidently 
 took the poor animal for a mountain, but the shocks they 
 experienced when the mountain began to heave so terrified
 
 RESIDENCE IN DARFUR 31 
 
 them that for long they would not come near it. However, 
 first one and then another summoned up courage to mount, 
 and by the time they left Dara they were all fairly proficient 
 in the art of camel-riding. 
 
 I had in my household several young boys who had been 
 taken from the slave-traders, and as Dr. Felkin had no 
 servant to attend on him personally, I suggested he should 
 take one of them. He accepted the offer gladly, so I handed 
 over to him a bright little Fertit boy called Kapsun, whom 
 he agreed to bring up in Europe. Two years and a half 
 later I received, at El Fasher, a letter written in English 
 by little Kapsun, thanking me for allowing him to go with 
 Dr. Felkin ■ to a country where everyone was so good and 
 so kind,' and saying that he had adopted the Christian reli- 
 gion, and was ' the happiest boy in the world '; he also sent 
 me his photograph in European clothes. 
 
 The time for the departure of my two friends came all too 
 soon for me, but they were anxious to get on, and mounted 
 on their camels they left for Khartum via Toweisha. 
 
 Some time later I received a letter from Messedaglia 
 telling me that he was leaving for Khartum to fetch his 
 wife. No sooner had he reached that place than he got 
 into some difficulty with the authorities and was discharged, 
 and his place as Governor-General of Darfur was taken by 
 Ali Bey Sherif, formerly Governor-General of Kordofan. 
 
 It was about the close of 1879 or early in 1880 that I 
 received a letter from General Gordon, written in French 
 some two months previously from near Dabra Tabor, in 
 Abyssinia. Although this letter was destroyed many years 
 ago, I can remember almost the exact words, which were as 
 follows : 
 
 * Dear Slatin, 
 
 1 Having finished my mission to King John, I wanted 
 to return the same way that I came, but when near Gallabat 
 I was overtaken by some of Ras Adal's people, who forced 
 me to go back, and I am to be taken under escort to Kassala
 
 32 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 and thence to Massawa. I have burnt all the compromising 
 documents. King John will be disappointed when he finds 
 he is not master of his own house. 
 
 * Your friend, 
 
 * C. Gordon.' 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF DARFUR. 
 
 Government Administration in Dara — My Visit to Khartum — Arrival 
 of Gessi in Khartum — I return West with Bishop Comboni <\nd 
 Father Ohrwalder — Am appointed Governor- General of Darfur — 
 Hostilities between the Maheria and Bedeyat Arabs — I proceed 
 to the Bedeyat Country — Strange Manners and Customs of the 
 Bedeyat — Saleh Donkusa and the Heglik Tree — The Ceremony of 
 taking the Oath of Fidelity — Return to El Fasher — Troubles at 
 Shakka and Death of Emiliani — I leave for Dara. 
 
 I will now pass over the events of the year 1880, which 
 proved to be a fairly peaceful one in the Dara district. 
 During that period I busied myself principally with the 
 administrative affairs of the province, personally visited 
 almost every village, and made the acquaintance of all the 
 powerful Arab tribes who were constantly on the verge of 
 war with each other, and between whom I had frequently 
 to act as mediator. 
 
 Towards the close of 1880, I found I had so many im- 
 portant matters requiring the decision of the Governor- 
 General that I applied for permission to come to Khartum, 
 and see Rauf Pasha, who, on Gordon's departure, had 
 succeeded him. My request was approved, and at the 
 beginning of 1881 I quitted Dara, and reached Khartum a 
 fortnight later. 
 
 Here I found Zurbuchen, who welcomed me heartily, 
 and carried me off as his guest to a house near the Roman 
 Catholic Mission, which had belonged to the late Latif 
 Debono, a Maltese, and a well-known slave-dealer. 
 
 During my stay in Khartum, I had frequent talks with
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF DARFUR 33 
 
 Rauf Pasha on the state of my province, and I suggested 
 that a more just and lenient form of taxation should be 
 introduced in the Fasher and Kebkebia districts. I also 
 asked him to allow me to order the Arab tribes to supply- 
 annually a certain number of young slaves, who should 
 form a contingent from which the vacancies caused by sick- 
 ness, deaths, and other casualties amongst the troops could 
 be filled up ; and I further proposed that the Arabs should 
 be allowed to pay their tribute in slaves instead of cattle, 
 as by this means I hoped to win back Suleiman Zubeir's 
 Bazingers, who were scattered amongst the tribes, and 
 whose knowledge of the use of firearms was, in my opinion, 
 a continual source of danger to the Government. Rauf 
 Pasha concurred in all these suggestions, and gave me 
 written orders to this effect. 
 
 When I arrived in Khartum, a certain Darfuri named 
 Hassan Wad Saad en Nur, whose father had been killed 
 with Vizir Ahmed Shata in Shakka, came to me, and begged 
 me to intercede for him to be permitted to return to his 
 country ; meeting Rauf Pasha shortly afterwards, I begged 
 him to allow this, and he gave instructions for his discharge 
 to be at once made out. A few days later, however, he sent 
 for me, and explained that, after further inquiry, he had 
 decided to cancel Nur's discharge. I explained that he had 
 only acted like the rest during the revolt, and that now it 
 was not possible for him to do any further harm. Raui 
 Pasha, however, remained resolute, and I, feeling annoyed, 
 retorted that, as I had given Nur my word that he should 
 return with me, it remained for Rauf Pasha to decide whether 
 he would let him go, or whether he would discharge me, 
 and, bidding him good-bye, I marched off. Two days later 
 he again sent for me, and said that I was wrong in having 
 given Nur my word so quickly. I fully admitted the justice 
 of this censure, and, to my surprise, he then said that he 
 had reconsidered the matter, and had decided to let Nur 
 go ; and, as regards myself, he thought me a stubborn but 
 capable official, and had in consequence requested his High* 
 
 3
 
 34 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 ness the Khedive, Mohammed Tewfik Pasha, to appoint 
 me Governor-General of Darfur, with the title of Bey. I 
 thanked him for his kind words, and assured him that I 
 should do my utmost to justify his confidence in me. 
 
 Rauf Pasha now asked me to state in writing that I would 
 be responsible for the future good behaviour of Nur ; and 
 this I did gladly, feeling convinced that, after all my trouble 
 on his behalf, the man would prove loyal and faithful. On 
 returning to my house, I sent for Nur, who had spent two 
 days of suspense, dreading that his discharge would be 
 refused ; and when I told him the good news, he fell at my 
 feet, and poured out his gratitude in the most voluble terms. 
 I felt that he was a man of honour, and that I could trust 
 Hm : little did I know that I had taken a snake into my 
 bosom. 
 
 My short stay in Khartum passed rapidly in the com- 
 pany of my many friends. Bishop Comboni and Fathers 
 Ohrwalder and Dichtl had arrived from Cairo towards the 
 end of January, 1881, as well as Hassan Pasha, the chief 
 <of the Financial Department, Busati Bey, Consul Hansal, 
 ;and others. Ohrwalder and Dichtl put up in my quarters, 
 and many a long talk used we to have over our own beloved 
 country. 
 
 On 25th January, 1881, Gessi arrived at Khartum very 
 seriously ill. During his journey from Meshra er Rek, he 
 had been hemmed in by the ' Suds,' or barriers of floating 
 vegetation, through which travellers must at times cut their 
 way with axes. For three months and more he had struggled 
 hopelessly to make his way through them, and the terrible 
 . sufferings undergone by him and his men through famine 
 and sickness are almost indescribable. He lost the majority 
 of his men and crew, and acts of cannibalism were of daily 
 occurrence. He was at length rescued by Marno in the 
 steamer Bordein, and brought to Khartum, where he was 
 most carefully tended by the Mission sisters ; but the shock 
 to his system had been so great that he could not recover 
 his strength, despite every effort made by Dr. Zurbuchen.
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF DARFUR 35 
 
 It was at length decided to try and send him to Egypt, and 
 we made all arrangements to make his journey as comfort- 
 able as possible. He was particularly anxious to take with 
 him his servant Almas, who happened to be a eunuch ; but 
 Rauf Pasha, fearing that it might create a scandal, and that 
 strictures might be passed on his government of the Sudan, 
 for a long time refused permission for him to go. Yielding, 
 however, to the persistence of Zurbuchen and myself, he at 
 length authorized it, and on nth March we carried poor 
 Gessi in a sort of litter to the Governor's dahabia, in which 
 he was towed to Berber ; thence he was carried across to 
 Suakin, where he arrived on 10th April, and, embarking a 
 fortnight later, reached Suez on the 28th, too weak almost 
 to move. He was taken to the French hospital, where he 
 expired two days later. 
 
 Meanwhile, matters in Darfur had not been progressing 
 very satisfactorily. Zogal Bey wrote that Omar Wad 
 Darho had been conducting himself very badly at Shakka, 
 and I showed the report to Rauf Pasha, who telegraphed 
 that he was to return at once to El Fasher. 
 
 There being nothing to keep me, I decided to return 
 and take up my new duties as soon as possible. Rauf 
 Pasha placed a steamer at my disposal, and, accompanied 
 by Bishop Comboni and Father Ohrwalder, whom I promised 
 to mount on my camels as far as El Obeid, we quitted 
 Khartum on 29th March. Consul Hansal, Marcopoli Bey, 
 Zurbuchen, and Marquet, travelled with us in the steamer 
 as far as Tura el Hadra, and here we bade them good-bye. 
 Little did I think that one only of that company should I 
 ever meet again, and under what strange circumstances I 
 was once more to return to the capital of the Sudan. I was 
 very young, the heavy responsibilities of my new and im- 
 portant position occupied all my thoughts, and I was full of 
 high hopes for the future ; but fate had a strange and terrible 
 destiny in store for me. 
 
 After five days' march we reached El Obeid, and from 
 here the Bishop made a tour through Jebel Nuba, while 
 
 3—2
 
 36 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Father Ohrwalder remained at El Obeid, and was eventually 
 sent to the mission station of Delen, in southern Kordofan. 
 I stayed in El Obeid a few days only, and, having received, 
 telegraphic orders to proceed to Foga, I bid my two friends, 
 farewell. One of them — the good Bishop — I was destined 
 never to see again ; he died in Khartum on ioth October, 
 1 88 1. The other — my dear friend Ohrwalder — like myself r 
 was soon to go through many strange and horrible experi- 
 ences before we were again to meet as fellow-captives of the 
 as yet unknown Mahdi, who was shortly to overthrow every 
 vestige of Government authority in the Sudan. 
 
 On quitting El Obeid, I proceeded with all despatch to- 
 Dara, and thence to El Fasher, where I arrived on 20th 
 April. Here I found the Government administration in a 
 state of great confusion, and it took me some months to» 
 establish even a semblance of law and order in my new 
 Governorate ; but by continually travelling about, and per- 
 sonally seeing into matters, I attained some measure of 
 success, and was full of hope for the future. 
 
 Hitherto, I had been unable to visit the north-western, 
 part of the province, and the news of a fight having occurred 
 between the Maheria and Bedeyat Arabs furnished a good 
 pretext for a journey to these almost unknown districts. 
 About the middle of December, 1881, I left El Fasher with 
 two hundred infantry and some irregular Shaigia cavalry > 
 under Omar Wad Darho. 
 
 The first night after leaving El Fasher we camped near 
 the Migdob wells, about half-way to Kobbe ; and when it 
 was dark, I happened to stroll towards the wells, accom- 
 panied by one of my attendants. I was dressed in much 
 the same way as the soldiers, and it was too dark for me to- 
 be recognised ; I therefore came close to the well, and 
 watched the women drawing water. Some Shaigia now 
 came up to water their horses, and asked the women for 
 their buckets, which they refused to give. ■ We shall first 
 fill our jars,' they said, * and then you can use the buckets.' 
 4 Your words are as a punishment sent from God,' replied
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF DARFUR 37 
 
 one of the Shaigia ; * this is the result of bringing liberty 
 into the country. By Allah ! were it not so, and were not 
 Slatin with us, you and your vessels would very soon be 
 our property.' ■ God grant him a long life !' was the retort ; 
 and I strolled quietly away, thoroughly pleased to have 
 heard with my own ears an admission from the mouths of 
 Sudanese that they were thankful to the Europeans for 
 having released them from the oppression and violence 
 which had hitherto characterized the system of government 
 in this country. 
 
 When about half a day's march beyond Kebkebia, we 
 were overtaken by some mounted messengers, despatched 
 by Adam Omar with a French cipher message from 
 Marcopoli Bey, in the Governor-General's name, which 
 had been sent to Foga, whence it had been posted on to 
 Kebkebia via El Fasher. It ran as follows : * A Dervish 
 named Mohammed Ahmed has, without just cause, attacked 
 Hashed Bey near Gedir. Rashed Bey and his troops have 
 been annihilated. This revolt is very serious. Take the 
 necessary steps to prevent malcontents in your province 
 from joining this Dervish.' I sent an immediate answer, as 
 follows : ■ Your message received. I shall take the necessary 
 steps to comply with your orders.' 
 
 Some time previously I had been told privately that a 
 religious Sheikh had been causing difficulty to the Govern- 
 ment by calling on the natives to resist authority. As, 
 however, I had heard nothing of the matter officially, I 
 concluded it had been satisfactorily settled ; but now this 
 annihilation of the Mudir Rashed Bey and his troops was 
 evidently a matter of grave import. The movement must 
 have suddenly assumed large dimensions ; but who would 
 have dreamt the results would have been so terrible and so 
 widespread ! 
 
 Having started on this expedition, I could not now well 
 give it up without exciting mistrust ; but I determined to 
 bring it to a successful issue with the least possible delay. 
 
 It is a strange fact that the Bedeyat, although completely
 
 38 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 surrounded by Moslem states and peoples, are almost the 
 only tribe in this part of Central Africa who still adhere to 
 their old heathen customs. If their chiefs are asked by 
 Mohammedans to repeat the creed, they can say, * There 
 is no God but God, and Mohammed is his Prophet.' But 
 beyond this they know nothing ; they are utterly ignorant 
 of the precepts of the Kuran, and never pray as Moslems. 
 
 Under the widespreading branches of an enormous heglik- 
 tree, and on a spot kept beautifully clean and sprinkled with 
 fine sand, the Bedeyat beseech an unknown god to direct 
 them in their undertakings, and to protect them from danger. 
 They have also religious feasts at uncertain dates, when 
 they ascend the hills, and on the extreme summits, which 
 are whitewashed, they offer sacrifices of animals. They 
 are a fine, stalwart race, very dark in colour, with straight 
 features, a thin nose and small mouth, and resemble Arabs 
 more than negroes. The women are famed for their long 
 flowing hair, and there are some great beauties amongst 
 them, as one often finds amongst the free Arab tribes. 
 They generally wear skins of animals round their waists 
 and loins ; but the higher class and their women dress in 
 long flowing robes made of white Darfur cotton cloth. 
 Their food is very plain. Corn does not grow in their 
 country, and is almost unknown to them. They take the 
 seeds of the wild pumpkin, which grows there in abundance, 
 and they soak them in wooden vessels made from the bark 
 of trees. After taking the outer shells off, they leave the 
 seeds to steep until they lose their bitterness, and then, 
 straining them off and mixing them with dates, they grind 
 them into a sort of flour, which is cooked with meat, and 
 forms the principal food of the country. 
 
 They have also most strange customs as regards inheri- 
 tance and succession. The cemeteries are generally situated 
 at some distance from the villages, and when a father dies 
 the body is taken by all the relatives to be buried. The 
 ceremony over, on a given signal they all rush together at 
 the top of their speed to the deceased's house, and he who
 
 Bedayat praying to the Sacred Tree.
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF DARFUR 39; 
 
 arrives first and fixes his spear or arrow in it is considered 
 the rightful heir, and not only becomes possessor of all the 
 cattle, but also of his father's wives and other women, with 
 the exception of his own mother. He is at perfect liberty 
 to marry them if he wishes, or he can set them free. A 
 man's female household is entirely regulated by his financial: 
 position. It is great or small according as the lord and 
 master is rich or poor. 
 
 We at length arrived at Kamo, where the great Zaghawa. 
 Sheikh Saleh Donkusa informed me that the Bedeyat chiefs 
 would arrive the next day. In concert with him I selected 
 the heglik-tree as the place of meeting, which was to be- 
 held one hour after sunrise, and in which he was to act as 
 the intermediary between myself and the Bedeyat. I then, 
 ordered our tents to be moved to within less than half a mile 
 of the tree, and early the next morning I had the troops- 
 drawn up in line ready to receive the Bedeyat chiefs, whose 
 approach Saleh now announced. Standing with my officers- 
 and sanjak, Omar Wad Darho, about one hundred yards in 
 front of the line, with our servants holding the horses, we 
 prepared to receive our distinguished visitors, who, guided 
 by Saleh, were now seen advancing, with their hands 
 crossed on their chests and heads bowed low. They had 
 brought an interpreter with them, and through him we 
 exchanged mutual greeting. I then ordered carpets to be 
 spread on the ground, and asked them to be seated, whilst 
 I and my officers sat on small field-chairs; and, having 
 partaken of sugar and water and dates, we began our 
 palaver. 
 
 The four Bedeyat Sheikhs were tall, fine-looking, middle- 
 aged men, with good features, and dressed in long white 
 robes, which no doubt our friend Saleh had prepared for 
 them ; they also wore the usual straight Arab sword. Their 
 names were Gar en Nebbi, Bosh, Omar, and Kurukuru ;, 
 but I am not quite sure that these high-sounding Arab- 
 names were not assumed for the occasion. Their attendants* 
 numbering between sixty and seventy men, dressed in shirts
 
 40 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 and skins, stood some way behind, while Saleh Donkusa 
 seated himself close to the Sheikhs and the interpreter. The 
 spokesman, Gar en Nebbi, now addressed the interpreter 
 with the words ■ Kursi Sellem,' to which the latter answered 
 'Sellem,' indicating that he was ready to translate ; and he 
 then began : ' We belong to the Bedeyat tribe, and our 
 fathers and grandfathers have paid tribute to the Sultans 
 of Darfur every two or three years when an officer was sent 
 to collect it. You Turks have now subdued the Furs and 
 have conquered the country, and you have never before 
 asked us to pay tribute. You [Slatin] — as our friend and 
 brother Saleh Donkusa has informed us — are the ruler of 
 this country, and in token of submission we have brought 
 you ten horses, ten camels, and forty cows. Do you, there- 
 fore, fix the amount of tribute to be paid by us.' 
 
 It was now my turn to speak, so, repeating the ■ Kursi 
 Sellem,' I began : ' I thank you for your submission, and I 
 am only going to demand a small tribute ; but I have 
 specially come here to call on you to return the camels you 
 stole from the Maheria, and release the prisoners you 
 captured.' Gar en Nebbi, after a short pause, replied : 
 4 Since the time of our forefathers we have been in constant 
 feud with the various Arab tribes. If we fight and take 
 prisoners, it is our custom to allow them to be ransomed. 
 We have often before released Maheria captives.' I referred 
 to Sheikh Hasaballa to ask if this was so, and he answered 
 in the affirmative ; and then I asked whether he had ever 
 done so since the Egyptian Government had taken posses- 
 sion of the country, or whether he referred to the period in 
 which they were ruled by the Darfur Sultans. ■ Before you 
 conquered the country,' he answered, * but only two years 
 ago, the Maheria invaded our country ; we repulsed them 
 and drove them out, so that they returned empty-handed.* 
 I looked at Hasaballa, and saw from his silence that the 
 Bedeyat was telling the truth. ■ That may be so,' I 
 answered, * but at that time I was not governing this 
 country. I am well aware that in those days you did what
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF DARFUR 41 
 
 you thought was right, and I do not in any way blame you 
 for it ; but as I am now your master, I wish you to act in 
 accordance with my orders. You should, therefore, hand 
 over your prisoners ; but as the Maheria previously attacked 
 you, then I order that instead of returning them all the 
 camels you took, you can retain half, as a reward for your 
 •bravery in having prevented them from pillaging your 
 -country.' A long pause now took place, and the four 
 Sheikhs discussed the matter between themselves. Gar en 
 Nebbi then answered, ■ We shall comply with your orders ; 
 but as it will take a long time to collect the camels, which 
 are scattered throughout the country, it will be easier for us 
 to release the captives.' ' Then look sharp,' said I, ' and 
 carry out these orders as soon as possible ; and when you 
 have done so, I will release you from the payment of this 
 year's tribute. I can quite understand that it may cause 
 ;you some difficulty to return the camels and pay your taxes 
 as well.' 
 
 This arrangement apparently quite satisfied them, and 
 they thanked me profusely ; so I asked them to stay with 
 us till the following day, and Saleh would look after all their 
 wants. Then, mounting our horses, I gave the command 
 to the troops to fire three volleys, which terrified the poor 
 Bedeyat, who had scarcely ever seen firearms. Telling 
 Saleh to bring the Sheikhs before me the next morning at 
 the same hour, I galloped off with my escort to the camp. 
 
 During the day I busied myself in considering how best 
 to get back to El Fasher without endangering the success 
 •of my present expedition ; I could not wait until the Bedeyat 
 had collected and handed over their captives ; moreover, I 
 was disturbed about the condition of the water-skins supplied 
 by the Maheria, and blamed Hasaballa severely for furnish- 
 ing such bad equipment. Next morning, when the Sheikhs 
 ^arrived, I asked them if they had yet despatched men to 
 -collect the prisoners and camels ; and when they answered 
 ' No,' I replied in an irritated tone that I could not possibly 
 wait to see my orders carried out. To this Gar en Nebbi
 
 42 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 answered, * Master, we are here to carry out your orders ; 
 you can return, and we shall deliver over the men and 
 animals to Saleh Donkusa and Hasaballa, who is remaining 
 as his guest.' * I have another proposal to make,' said I. 
 * I do not doubt your sincerity and loyalty, but I am anxious 
 to know you better personally ; I wish, therefore, you and 
 any others you may desire to bring with you should accom- 
 pany me to El Fasher, and at the same time tell your repre- 
 sentatives to collect the men and animals, and hand them 
 over to Hasaballa, who is staying with Donkusa. When I 
 hear at El Fasher that this has been done, I shall then send 
 you back to your country laden with rich presents. You 
 have never visited El Fasher yet, and you will be interested 
 to see the seat of Government and understand its power, 
 and I sincerely trust that you and Saleh will concur with 
 my proposal ; you will be so pleased with all you will see 
 that in future I know you will always comply most readily 
 with my orders.' 
 
 Saleh at once answered that he thought the proposal a 
 very good one, and that he was content to stay behind, as 
 he had already seen El Fasher. I saw by the faces of the 
 Bedeyat that the idea pleased them, and, after a long 
 palaver amongst themselves, they made up their minds to 
 accompany me. Knowing that the sooner they carried out 
 my orders about the return of the captives and camels the 
 sooner they would start, they lost no time in nominating 
 good men as their representatives with the tribe, and, select- 
 ing six men as their attendants, they announced they were 
 ready to leave ; but, before starting, they wished to swear 
 the oath of fidelity, in which, of course, I readily acquiesced. 
 The ceremony was performed as follows : A horse's saddle 
 was brought and placed in the midst of the assembly, and 
 on this was laid a large earthenware dish filled with burning 
 charcoal ; a lance was then fixed to the saddle, and the 
 head Sheikhs, with their attendants, now came forward, 
 and, stretching out their hands over the lance and burning 
 charcoal, they recited the following words with great
 
 THE GOVERNMENT OF DARFUR 
 
 43 
 
 solemnity, * May my leg never touch the saddle, may my 
 body be smitten with the lance that kills, and may I be 
 consumed by the burning fire, if I ever break the solemn 
 oath of fidelity which I now make to you.' 
 
 After this solemn declaration, I had now no doubt of the 
 loyalty and honesty of these people. 
 
 That afternoon I gave the order to start, and, accompanied 
 by the four Bedeyat chiefs and their attendants, we left 
 Kamo, having given Saleh and Hasaballa most strict in- 
 junctions to inform me without delay when the tribe had 
 complied with my instructions. x\nxious to reach El Fasher 
 without further delay, I left the Sheikhs in charge of the 
 infantry, telling the officers to do all that was possible to 
 make their journey comfortable ; and then, accompanied by 
 Omar Wad Darho and my Shaigia escort, I set off at a 
 rapid pace. 
 
 The first information I received on arrival at El Fasher 
 was the sad news of the sudden death of Emiliani Danziger 
 at Shakka. He had formerly been Mamur of Kobbe, but 
 I had sent for him to represent the Government in Southern 
 Darfur. He had been suffering from heart disease for years, 
 and at last it had carried him off; his officials, who did not 
 understand the suddenness of the disease, thought they 
 might be suspected of poisoning him, and had at once 
 brought his body on a camel to Dara, where the apothecary 
 held a rough post mortem examination, and certified that 
 death had occurred from natural causes. His body was 
 buried at Dara, and I afterwards had a stone erected to 
 commemorate my poor countryman who had died in this 
 distant land. 
 
 I next learnt that some trouble had arisen at Shakka 
 which would oblige me to go to Dara for a few days. Dis- 
 quieting rumours also reached us of the state of affairs in 
 Kordofan and Khartum ; however, it was generally thought in 
 Government circles that the revolt would be speedily crushed 
 by the military expedition despatched for this purpose. 
 
 A few days later the troops with the Bedeyat Sheikhs
 
 44 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 arrived, and in order to impress them, I ordered out all the 
 garrison, and in the evening we had a grand firework dis- 
 play in their honour. I entrusted the Mudir with looking 
 after the comfort of my guests, but unfortunately I was not 
 able to stay long with them. As soon as the horses were 
 sufficiently rested I started off again for Dara, accompanied 
 by Darho and his two hundred Shaigias, leaving Said Bey 
 Guma as commandant and representative of the Govern- 
 ment during my absence. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE KHALIFA'S PERSONAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE OF THE 
 MAHDI. 
 
 Early Life of Mohammed Ahmed, the Mahdi — The religious Tarikas — 
 Mohammed Ahmed quarrels with his Religious Superior — He is 
 refused Forgiveness, and joins a rival Sheikh — He is joined by 
 Abdullahi et Taaishi — The Mahdi secretly tells Abdullahi of his 
 Divine Mission — The Failure to seize Mohammed Ahmed on Abba 
 Island — The Mahdi's Hejira to Jebel Gedir — He nominates his 
 Khalifas— The Defeat of Rashed Bey and Yusef Pasha Shellali— 
 Effect of the Mahdi's Victories in Kordofan — The Mahdi's Intrigues 
 with the Inhabitants of El Obeid — Futility of the Steps taken by 
 the Government to cope with the Revolt. 
 
 The revolt raised by the so-called Dervish proved to be of 
 a very serious nature. 
 
 This man, Mohammed Ahmed, was born near the Island 
 of Argo, in Dongola, and was of a poor and obscure family, 
 but who claimed to be * Ashraf,' or descendants of the 
 * Prophet.' Their claims to this dignity, however, were not 
 inquired into or acknowledged by anyone. In general he 
 was known as a Dongolawi. His father was an ordinary 
 fiki, or religious teacher, and had given him his early in- 
 struction in reading the Kuran and in writing, and when 
 still a child had taken him to Khartum, but he himself had 
 died on his journey, near Kerreri, and here his son sub-
 
 RISE OF THE MAHD1 
 
 45 
 
 sequently erected a tomb to him, known as the ' Kubbet es 
 Sayed Abdullahi ' (the dome of Sayed Abdullahi). 
 
 Young Mohammed Ahmed was now left entirely to his 
 own resources. He studied assiduously, and being of a 
 deeply religious disposition, he became a great favourite 
 with his master, who taught him to learn the Kuran by 
 heart, and gave him his early instruction in theology ; he 
 subsequently went to Berber, and became the pupil of the- 
 well-known Mohammed el Kheir (formerly Mohammed ed 
 Dekkeir), who completed his religious education. He re- 
 mained for several years in Berber continually studying, 
 and his unassuming nature, intelligence, and religious zeal 
 made him a great favourite with his instructors. When he- 
 arrived at manhood he quitted Berber and went to Khartum, 
 where he became a disciple of the celebrated and highly 
 revered Sheikh Mohammed Sherif, whose father, Nur ed 
 Dayem, and grandfather, Et Tayeb, had been the principal 
 exponents of the Sammania Tarika, or doctrine. 
 
 The meaning of the word ' tarika ' is literally ' way '; 
 hence ■ Sheikh et Tarika ' signifies * the guide to the way/ 
 The duties of these holy personages consist in writing a 
 certain number of prayers and texts of the Prophet, which 
 the devotees are called upon to repeat a certain number of" 
 times, and thus facilitate the ' way ' to those heavenly man- 
 sions which are the goal of all true believers. The Sheikhs 
 et Tarika are therefore exponents of various doctrines, and 
 each one bears the name of the original founder of the order, 
 such as the * Khatmia,' the ' Khadria,' the * Tegania,' the 
 * Sammania,' etc. They are held in high respect by their 
 disciples, who are their most devoted and obedient adherents. 
 
 Mohammed Ahmed soon showed himself a most zealous 
 and ardent supporter of the Sammania tarika, and became 
 very devoted to its head, Sheikh Mohammed Sherif. He 
 now went to live on the Island of Abba, on the White Nile, 
 near Kawa, surrounded by several devoted disciples. They 
 earned a livelihood by cultivating the lands, and received 
 frequent gifts from religious persons who passed up or down
 
 46 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the Nile. Mohammed Ahmed's grand-uncle, Mohammed 
 Sharfi, had resided on the island for some years, and the 
 young zealot had married his daughter. His two brothers, 
 Mohammed and Hamed, also lived there, drove a good 
 trade in boat-building, and supported the young fiki, who 
 had hollowed out for himself a cave in the mud-bank, and 
 lived here in almost entire seclusion, fasting often for days, 
 and occasionally paying a visit to the head of the order to 
 assure him of his devotion and obedience. 
 
 One day it fell out that Mohammed Sherif, as is the 
 custom on such occasions, had gathered together his Sheikhs 
 and disciples to celebrate the feast of the circumcision of his 
 sons ; he had also given out that his guests might amuse 
 themselves by singing and dancing as they liked, and that 
 as such feasts were occasions of rejoicing, he would pardon, 
 in God's name, any sins that might be committed during 
 the festivities which were contrary to the religious law. 
 But the godly fiki, Mohammed Ahmed, pointed out to his 
 friends that singing, dancing, and playing were transgres- 
 sions against the laws of God, and that no man, be he even 
 Sheikh et Tarika, could forgive such sins. These views 
 reached the ears of Mohammed Sherif, who, entirely dis- 
 agreeing with Mohammed Ahmed's arguments, and being 
 withal very angry at this assumption on the part of his 
 disciple, called on him to justify himself. Consequently 
 Mohammed Ahmed, in the presence of all the inferior 
 Sheikhs and fikis, came in the most humble manner before 
 Mohammed Sherif and besought his forgiveness. Sherif, 
 however, abused him roundly, called him a traitor and a 
 sedition-monger who had broken his vow of obedience and 
 fidelity, and ignominiously struck him off the list of disciples 
 of the Sammania order. 
 
 Thoroughly humbled and subdued, Mohammed Ahmed 
 now went to one of his relatives and asked him to make a 
 sheba,* and with this on his neck, and his head besprinkled 
 
 * A sheba is a piece of forked wood which is fixed on the neck by 
 way of punishment, and in this position is very painful.
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 47 
 
 with ashes, he again returned in deep repentance to Moham- 
 med Sherif, begging his forgiveness. The latter, however, 
 utterly refused to have anything further to say to him, and 
 in despair Mohammed Ahmed returned to his family in 
 Abba. He held the founders of the Sammania order, 
 Sheikhs Nur ed Dayem and et Tayeb, in the greatest 
 respect, and to be removed with ignominy from his beloved 
 tarika was a disgrace too hard to be borne. Shortly after- 
 wards Mohammed Sherif happened to be in the neighbour- 
 hood, and again Mohammed Ahmed appeared before him 
 in the sheba and ashes, and once more implored forgive- 
 ness. ' Be off, you traitor !' shouted Mohammed Sherif. 
 * Get away, you wretched Dongolawi, who fears not God 
 and opposes his master and teacher ! You have verified 
 the words of the saying, " Ed Dongolawi Shaitan mugalled 
 bigild el insan " (The Dongolawi is the devil in the skin of 
 a man). By your words you try to spread dissension 
 amongst the people. Be off with you ! I shall never for- 
 give you!' 
 
 Kneeling in silence, his head bowed low, Mohammed 
 Ahmed listened to these scathing words, then rising, he 
 w r ent sadly away. Tears streamed down his cheeks, but 
 they were not now tears of repentance. Rage and anger 
 burned within him, and these feelings were heightened by 
 the knowledge of his powerlessness to do anything by which 
 to wipe out this disgrace and insult. Boiling over with 
 indignation, he returned to his home and announced to his 
 faithful disciples that he had been finally abandoned by 
 Mohammed Sherif, and that he now intended to apply to 
 Sheikh el Koreishi, who lived near Messallamia, to receive 
 him into his order. This Sheikh had succeeded the holy 
 Sheikh et Tayeb, the grandfather of Mohammed Sherif, and 
 was one of those authorized to maintain and teach the 
 Sammania doctrines as he considered right, and on this 
 account there was considerable jealousy between him and 
 Mohammed Sherif. 
 
 In due time Sheikh el Koreishi's reply was received,
 
 48 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 saying that he would accept him gladly. Mohammed 
 Ahmed and his disciples now made all preparations to pro- 
 ceed to Messallamia, and were on the point of starting when 
 a message was received from Mohammed Sherif directing 
 him to appear before him, when he would give him a full 
 pardon, and permit him to resume his old functions ; but to 
 this Mohammed Ahmed sent back a dignified answer that 
 he felt perfectly innocent of any crime, and sought no for- 
 giveness from him, and that, moreover, he had no desire to 
 lower him in the eyes of the world by bringing about a 
 meeting between him and ' a wretched Dongolawi.' 
 
 Sheikh Koreishi now received him with open arms, and 
 the incident between the godly but cunning Mohammed 
 Ahmed and his late spiritual guide spread far and wide in 
 the Sudan. That an inferior in a religious order should 
 have refused the forgiveness of his superior was an unheard- 
 of proceeding ; but Mohammed Ahmed did not hesitate now 
 to proclaim openly that he had left his late superior because 
 he could no longer have any respect for a master who acted 
 contrary to the religious law. And in this way he secured 
 an immense amount of public sympathy, which brought his 
 name prominently forward, and added considerably to his 
 prestige. Even in distant Darfur the matter was the prin- 
 cipal topic of conversation, and his refusal to accept forgive- 
 ness made him the hero of the hour. 
 
 He obtained Sheikh Koreishi's permission to return to 
 Abba, where he received visitors from all parts, who sought 
 the blessing of this holy man ; and common people now 
 crowded to the island, seeing in him a sympathetic leader 
 who was bold enough to openly defy his superiors. He- 
 received quantities of gifts, and these he openly distributed 
 amongst the poor, thus earning the epithet of ' Zahed ' (the 
 renouncer, or one who has renounced the good things of this 
 life). He then made a journey through Kordofan, where 
 the towns and villages abound with religious fikis of the 
 most ignorant and superstitious description. Amongst them- 
 he had an enormous success. He also wrote a pamphlet,
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 49 
 
 -which he distributed amongst his specially trusted adherents, 
 summoning them as true believers to do all in their power 
 to purify the religion, which was becoming debased and 
 insulted by the corruption of the Government, and the utter 
 disregard of the officials for the tenets of the true faith. 
 
 A few months later the Sheikh el Koreishi died, and 
 Mohammed Ahmed and his disciples lost no time in going 
 ;at once to Messallamia, where they erected a tomb, or 
 dome, to his memory. 
 
 It was while here that a certain Abdullahi bin Mohammed, 
 of the Taaisha section of the Baggara (cattle-owning) tribe 
 of south-western Darfur, presented himself to Mohammed 
 Ahmed, and sought permission to be admitted into the 
 Sammania Tarika ; his request was granted, and Abdullahi 
 swore eternal fidelity to his new master. This man was 
 the eldest of the four sons of Mohammed et Taki, of the 
 Juberat division of the Taaisha tribe, which in its turn was 
 descended from the * Aulad um Sura.' His three other 
 brothers were Yakub, Yusef, and Summani ; he also had a 
 sister named Fatma. The father was on bad terms with 
 his relatives, and determined to proceed on pilgrimage with 
 his whole family to Mecca, where he resolved to settle, and 
 end his days in close proximity to the birthplace of his 
 Prophet. Those who knew Et Taki described him as a 
 good man, scrupulous in his attendance to his religious 
 duties, and capable of curing diseases and insanity by means 
 of heggabs, or religious charms ; he was also a teacher of 
 the Kuran. Of his sons, Abdullahi and Yusef were the 
 most unmanageable, and the father had the greatest difficulty 
 in making them learn by heart even the few passages from 
 the Kuran necessary for the ordinary prayers. Yakub and 
 Summani, on the other hand, had more of their father's 
 quiet disposition, and, having learnt their verses and com- 
 mentaries, were able to help him in his religious duties. 
 
 The family had, it appears, joined the Furs in combating 
 Zubeir's entry to Darfur, and the latter relates how, during 
 the fight at Shakka, he took Abdullahi prisoner, and was 
 
 4
 
 50 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 about to have him shot, when some of the Ulema craved 
 pardon for him, which he granted. Abdullahi, in his grati- 
 tude, subsequently sought out Zubeir secretly, and an- 
 nounced to him that he had had a dream, in which it had 
 been shown to him that he was the expected Mahdi, and 
 that he (Abdullahi) was to be one of his faithful followers.. 
 * I told him,' relates Zubeir, ' that I was not the Mahdi ;. 
 but that when I became aware of the wickedness of the- 
 Arabs, and how they blocked the roads, I came to open 
 them and establish trade.' 
 
 Et Taki and the family quitted their home when Zubeir 
 had concluded peace, and, travelling via Kalaka to Shakka, 
 they had remained there two years, and had proceeded thence- 
 via Dar Homr and El Obeid to Dar Gimr, where they re- 
 mained the guests of the head Sheikh for some months, and 
 where Et Taki died, and was buried by the head Sheikh, 
 Asaker Abu Kalam, at Sherkela. Before his death he urged 
 on his eldest son, Abdullahi, to take refuge with some- 
 religious Sheikh on the Nile, then immigrate to Mecca, and 
 never return again to their country. 
 
 Leaving his brothers and sister under the care of Sheikh 
 Asaker Abu Kalam, in accordance with the dying wishes of 
 his father, Abdullahi set out for the Nile Valley ; and, when 
 making inquiries along the road, he heard of the dissension 
 between Mohammed Ahmed and his Sheikh, Mohammed 
 Sherif, and he resolved to go to the former, and ask him to 
 allow him to join the order. * It was a very troublesome 
 journey,' said Abdullahi bin Sayed Mohammed, Khalifat el 
 Mahdi (his full name), to me some years later, when he 
 first became ruler of the Sudan ; for at that time he used to 
 talk openly to me, and had not learnt to mistrust me, as he 
 did latterly. In those days, as I shall subsequently relate, 
 he would send for me, and chat with me alone by the hour, 
 seated on his beautifully-made angareb, over which a palm- 
 mat was spread, whilst I sat beside him on the ground, with 
 my legs tucked up under me. ' Yes, indeed, it was a very 
 troublesome journey,' he repeated. ' At that time my entire
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 
 
 5* 
 
 property consisted of one donkey, and he had a gall on his 
 back, so that I could not ride him ; but I made him carry 
 my water-skin and a bag of corn, over which I spread my 
 rough cotton garment, and drove him along in front of me.- 
 At that time I wore the wide cotton shirt, like the rest of> 
 my tribe. You remember it, do you not, Abdel Kader ? 
 For you have only recently come from my beautiful country 7 
 [he always used to call me ' Abdel Kader,' unless there- 
 happened to be present another man of the same name r 
 when he would call me ' Abdel Kader Saladin,' i.e., Slatin] .. 
 \ My clothes and my dialect at once marked me out as a 
 stranger wherever I went ; and when I crossed the Nile, I 
 was frequently greeted with, " What do you wani ? Go 
 back to your country ; there is nothing to steal here." The 
 Nile people do not think well of us,' he continued, ' because 
 the merchants going west to Zubeir, in Bahr el Ghazal and 
 to our countries, were frequently maltreated by the Arabs ; . 
 and when I asked them where the Mahdi, who was known 
 as Mohammed Ahmed, lived, they gazed at me incredulously,., 
 saying, " What are you going to him for ? He would not 
 soil his lips by even mentioning the name of your race." 
 Everyone, however, did not treat me in this way ; some 
 would take pity on me and direct me. Once, when passing 
 through a village, the people wanted to take my donkey 
 away, saying that it had been stolen from them the year 
 before ; and they would have succeeded, had not an elderly 
 and God-fearing man interposed, and allowed me to pursue 
 my way. I was continually mocked and hooted at during 
 my long journey ; and had not a few people out of sheer 
 pity occasionally given me some food, I must have starved. 
 At length I reached Messallamia, and here I found the 
 Mahdi busily engaged in building the tomb of the late 
 Sheikh el Koreishi. On seeing him I entirely forgot all the 
 troubles I had suffered on my journey, and was content to 
 simply look at him and listen to his teaching. For several 
 hours I was too timid to dare to speak to him ; but at length 
 I plucked up courage, and in a few words told him my story, 
 
 4—2
 
 $2 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 and about the sad condition of my brothers and sister, and 
 I begged him, for the sake of God and His Prophet, to 
 allow me to become one of his disciples. He did so, and 
 gave me his hand, which I kissed most fervently, and I 
 swore entire submission to him as long as I lived. This 
 oath I kept most scrupulously until the angel of death over- 
 took him ; and some day he will overtake us, and therefore 
 we should ever be ready to meet him.' 
 
 Pausing for a moment, he gazed at me, and I at once 
 said, ' Yes, indeed, sire, you have faithfully kept your 
 promise, and the Lord God Almighty has rewarded you; 
 for you, who at one time were despised and rejected, have 
 now become absolute lord and sovereign of this land. Those 
 who insulted you at that time should indeed be thankful 
 that you have not wreaked vengeance on their heads. A 
 man capable of such restraint must indeed be the successor 
 of the Prophet.' Abdullahi, I knew, loved praise and 
 flattery, and on this occasion I perhaps almost exceeded the 
 limits ; but I was most anxious that he should continue to 
 tell me his story. 
 
 1 When I had taken the oath,' continued Abdullahi, * the 
 Mahdi called one of his disciples, named Ali, and said to 
 him, "You are brethren from this day; give each other 
 your mutual support, trust in God, and do you, Abdullahi, 
 obey the orders of your brother." Ali was very good to 
 me ; he was as poor as myself, but when the Mahdi sent 
 him any food, he always shared it fairly with me. During 
 the day we carried bricks required for building the tomb, 
 and at night we slept side by side. In a month the dome 
 was complete. At this time the Mahdi received hundreds 
 of visitors, and had little time to look at or think of me ; 
 still, I knew that I had found a place in his heart, and he 
 appointed me one of his flag -bearers.* When we left 
 Messallamia, people flocked around us to gaze at the Mahdi, 
 
 * When religious sheikhs go out to preach, they are generally pre- 
 ceded by men bearing flags, on which texts from the Kuran ;ire 
 inscribed.
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 53 
 
 whom they at that time called only Mohammed Ahmed, and 
 listen to his teachings and seek his blessing. 
 
 1 It was in this way that we marched to the Island of 
 Abba. My sandals were worn out, and I had to give my 
 donkey to a Mukaddum [superior disciple] to carry a sick 
 man ; but at length we reached the Mahdi's house, and now 
 I fell very ill with dysentery. My brother Ali took me to 
 his little straw hut, which was scarcely large enough to hold 
 two people, looked after my food, and, as I was in bed, he 
 used to fetch water from the river to enable me to perform 
 my " wadu " [religious ablution] . 
 
 ' One evening he went to fetch the water, but did not 
 return ; and the next day I was told that he had been 
 attacked and killed by a crocodile — Allah yerhamu ! Allah 
 yeghfurlu ! (May God be merciful ! may God forgive him 
 his sins !)' I repeated these words after the Khalifa, adding, 
 1 Sire, how great is your patience ! and therefore has God 
 exalted you. Now may I ask you if, during your illness, 
 the Mahdi paid any attention to you ?' * No,' replied 
 Khalifa Abdullahi, ■ the Mahdi wished to try me. It was 
 not till after Ali's death, and when I lay helpless in the hut, 
 that he was told I was ill. One evening he came to see me. 
 I was too weak to get up, so he sat beside me, and gave me 
 some warm medida [a sort of meal pap which, mixed with 
 melted butter, is used as a stimulant] out of my pumpkin 
 gourd, saying, " Drink that, it will do you good ; trust in 
 God." He then left me, and shortly afterwards some of 
 the brethren arrived, and took me, by his order, to a cottage 
 near his own hut. He himself lived in a simple tukul 
 [straw hut] . From the moment I had taken the medida 
 which he had given me, I felt better ; he had said it would 
 do me good, and the Mahdi always speaks the truth, and 
 cannot lie.' * Yes, indeed,' I interposed, ■ the Mahdi is 
 faithful and true, and you, as his successor, have followed 
 exactly in his footsteps.' ' Once near him,' continued the 
 Khalifa, * I recovered rapidly, for I saw the Mahdi daily ; 
 he was as the light of my eyes, and my mind was at rest.
 
 -54 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 He used to ask about my family, and said they had better 
 remain in Khordofan for the present. " Trust in God " was 
 always the last thing he said to me. He now used often to 
 come and talk privately with me, and one day he intrusted 
 me with the secret of his divine mission. He was appointed 
 as Mahdi by God, he said, and had been taken by the 
 Prophet into the presence of the apostles and saints. But 
 long before he intrusted me with his secret — indeed, from 
 the first moment I beheld his face — I knew that he was the 
 messenger of God — el Mahdi el Muntazer [the expected 
 guide] . Yes, these were indeed happy days, and we had 
 then no cares or troubles ; and now, Abdel Kader, as it is 
 getting late, you had better go to bed.' ' May God grant 
 you a long life, and may He strengthen you to lead the true 
 believers into the right path,' said I, and I quitted his pre- 
 sence with the usual salute. 
 
 In Abdullahi, the Mahdi had a ready instrument at hand 
 for this great work. It is strange to think that this man 
 might never have risen to any importance had he not 
 .quarrelled with Mohammed Sherif ; but now the reputation 
 he had already gained amongst the inhabitants of the Gezira 
 (the country lying between the Blue and White Niles) 
 raised hopes in his mind that he was destined for a high 
 position. He now began to secretly tell his special ad- 
 herents that the time had come when religion must be 
 purified, that this was to be his work, and that those of 
 them who wished might join him in it. But he always 
 called himself the slave of God, and made believe that he 
 was acting entirely on inspiration from above. Abdullahi 
 was able to give him full information about the western 
 tribes, who, he said, being powerful and courageous, would 
 gladly seize an occasion to fight for the religion of God and 
 His Prophet, and to conquer or die. To secure their ad- 
 herence he advised Mohammed Ahmed to make a tour 
 through Kordofan, and setting out, they proceeded to Dar 
 Gimr, where Abdullahi's family immediately joined them 
 and became his faithful adherents. He told them, however,
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 55 
 
 that the time had not yet come for them to leave their 
 homes ; for the present they would be more useful in inciting 
 the local inhabitants. 
 
 From Dar Gimr he proceeded to El Obeid, where he 
 visited all the principal chiefs and Sheikhs, religious and 
 •other, and by inquiring carefully into their views and 
 opinions, he gradually laid the foundations for his great 
 design. In the strictest secrecy he told those of whose 
 fidelity he was assured that he had a divine mission to 
 cleanse and purify the religion, already polluted and debased 
 by corrupt officials. In El Obeid his most trusted con- 
 fidant was the Sayed el Mekki, the head of the religious 
 Sheikhs ; but he advised that for the present no active steps 
 should be taken, as the Government was very powerful, and 
 the tribes were too split up and disunited to be able to raise 
 a revolt. Mohammed Ahmed took a more sanguine view, 
 and between them it was agreed that Mekki should observe 
 absolute secrecy, and should take no steps until Mohammed 
 Ahmed should begin the movement, when he promised him 
 his entire support. 
 
 After leaving El Obeid, he proceeded to Tagalla, where 
 he interviewed Mek Adam Um Daballo, the ruler of the 
 district, who received him very kindly, but who, on the 
 advice of his Kadi, refused to make any promises of assist- 
 ance. He now returned to Abba, via Sherkela. 
 
 During this tour Mohammed Ahmed had full oppor- 
 tunities of seeing for himself the state of the country, and 
 he was soon convinced that there was a spirit of the most 
 bitter hostility against the authorities on the part of the 
 poorer population, who, as I have already pointed out, were 
 taxed out of all proportion to their property, and who suf- 
 fered terrible oppression and tyranny at the hands of the 
 self-seeking and unscrupulous tax-gatherers who infested 
 the country. Amongst the latter, there were now a con- 
 siderable number of Sudanese, who lost no opportunity ot 
 enriching themselves and of putting their relatives in posi- 
 tions of secondary importance, to help them to this end.
 
 56 FIRE AND SWORD JN THE SUDAN 
 
 As a case in point, Gordon's nomination of the wealthy 
 Sudanese merchant Elias as Pasha and Governor- General 
 of Kordofan created an immense amount of illfeeling in the 
 country ; and the same might be said of his assistant, 
 Abderrahman ben Naga, also a wealthy Kordofan mer- 
 chant. Both of them were capable men, and understood 
 the management of the people, but they worked entirely for 
 their own interests and those of their relatives. Moreover, 
 a spirit of jealousy became rampant amongst other Sudanese 
 of high rank, who considered themselves quite as capable 
 of filling high positions as those who had been selected in 
 preference to them. Consequently, when Elias Pasha sent 
 orders to Mek Adam to pay his taxes, he refused point 
 blank, as he was of royal descent. ■ I pay for goods I buy 
 from merchants, but I do not pay tribute to them,' said 
 Mek Adam proudly to the officials who had been sent to 
 him. At the same time he sent to El Obeid to inquire if 
 all the Turks and other ' Whites ' had died, as the Govern- 
 ment had now given high positions to men who were merely 
 merchants, instead of to persons of high descent. These 
 were the reasons for the subsequent discharge of Elias 
 Pasha and Abderrahman from their official positions, and 
 their substitution by Turks and Egyptians. 
 
 As regards the Europeans, there were very few of us ; 
 but, as a rule, we were liked and respected, because the 
 people trusted our word ; but I do not doubt that we also 
 gave them cause to be dissatisfied with us. With probably 
 the best intentions in the world, we would issue rules and 
 regulations entirely at variance with the manners, customs, 
 and traditions of the Sudanese. There is also no doubt 
 that our attitude in regard to the slave question caused 
 wide-spread discontent. The religion permitted slavery, 
 and from time immemorial the ground had been cultivated 
 and the cattle tended by slaves. That slave-hunting and 
 slave-driving led to the perpetration of the most horrible 
 cruelties and bloodshed, I do not for a moment hesitate to 
 admit ; but this was a matter of very little concern to the
 
 ^:m- 
 
 A Slave Dhow on the Nile.
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 57 
 
 slave-buyers, who, as a rule, did not illtreat their slaves. 
 Now we, by our activity and energy, had not only made the 
 export of slaves from the Black countries almost impossible, 
 but we listened to the complaints of slaves against their 
 masters, and invariably set them free. 
 
 Mohammed Ahmed cleverly seized the occasion of all 
 this discontent to act ; he was well aware that religion was 
 the only possible means of uniting all these discordant ele- 
 ments and widely diversified tribes who were at continual 
 feud with each other; he therefore declared himself the 
 * Mahdi el Muntazer,' thus at once creating himself a per- 
 sonality which must be superior to all others, and hoping 
 by this means to drive out of the country the hated Turks, 
 Egyptians, and Europeans. But still he thought the time 
 for an open declaration was not yet ripe ; he therefore con- 
 tinued to increase the number of his trusted adherents, till 
 at length the nature of his divine mission became an open 
 secret. 
 
 Some time previous to this, Rauf Pasha, Governor- 
 General at Khartum, had been secretly told by Mohammed 
 Sherif of Mohammed Ahmed's intentions ; but it was known 
 that the early differences between the two religious Sheikhs 
 had greatly embittered Sherif, and consequently the authori- 
 ties did not lay much store by his statements, and merely 
 concluded that Mohammed Ahmed was a holy man who 
 had obtained a certain hold over the people, owing to his 
 superior sanctity. 
 
 But now the Government learnt from quite another 
 source that this man was a danger to the public peace, and 
 therefore they determined to put an end to the matter, once 
 and for all. 
 
 For this purpose Rauf Pasha sent for Mohammed Bey 
 Abu es Saud, who was known to Mohammed Ahmed, and 
 despatched him in a steamer to Abba with orders to bring 
 the Sheikh to Khartum. Mohammed Ahmed's friends, 
 however, gave him timely warning, and told him that if he 
 came to Khartum he would in all likelihood be kept there,
 
 58 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 through the intrigues of Mohammed Sherif. When, there- 
 fore, Saud appeared at Abba, he was welcomed by Abdullahi 
 and Mohammed Ahmed's brother, who conducted him to 
 the Sheikh. Abu Saud now informed him of the reports — 
 false, he admitted — which had been circulated about him, 
 and strongly advised him to come to Khartum and justify 
 himself before his master, the Governor-General. ' What !' 
 shouted Mohammed Ahmed, rising suddenly, and striking 
 his chest with his hand, ' by the grace of God and His 
 Prophet, I am master of this country, and never shall I go 
 to Khartum to justify myself.' 
 
 Abu Saud drew back terrified ; he then tried to calm him 
 by soft words ; but Mohammed Ahmed, who had previously 
 planned this scene with Abdullahi and his brother, continued 
 to talk vehemently, and urged Abu Saud to believe in the 
 truth of what he said. 
 
 Abu Saud was now, however, much concerned about the 
 safety of his own person, and as soon as he could beat a 
 safe retreat, he did so, and returned to Khartum to inform 
 the astonished Governor - General of the failure of his 
 mission. 
 
 Mohammed Ahmed now realized that there was no time 
 to be lost ; his future depended entirely on his own imme- 
 diate exertions, and he did not hesitate to instantly write to 
 his adherents throughout the length and breadth of the 
 Sudan, stirring them up against the Government, while he 
 directed his own immediate followers to prepare forthwith 
 for the Jehad. 
 
 In the meantime Rauf Pasha was not idle. Realizing, 
 after his interview with Abu Saud, that the matter was very 
 serious, he resolved to despatch two companies, each under 
 the command of an adjutant-major, to seize this fanatic ; 
 and thinking to create emulation between them, he promised 
 that the officer who succeeded in capturing him should be 
 promoted at once to the rank of major. But this plan only 
 ended in creating discord, and the consequences were direful 
 in the extreme. The troops, under the chief command of
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 59 
 
 Abu Saud, were embarked in the steamer Ismailia, which 
 had been armed with a gun, and, quitting Khartum early in 
 August, 1 88 1, they proceeded to Abba ; but on the journey 
 dissensions arose between the two officers and Abu Saud. 
 Meanwhile Mohammed Ahmed, who had news of the 
 despatch of the steamer, collected his people, and, obtaining 
 help from the Degheim and Kenana tribes near him, whom 
 he summoned to join in a Jehad, he made all preparations 
 to offer resistance, stirring up religious enthusiasm by 
 declaring that the Prophet had appeared to him and 
 announced that all persons taking part in this religious war 
 should earn the title of ' Sheikh Abdel Kader el Gilani ' and 
 ' Emir el Aulia,'* titles highly prized amongst Moslems. 
 Now, however, that matters had become really serious, 
 those who came forward and offered to give up their 
 property and lay down their lives for the great cause were 
 not numerous. 
 
 The steamers arrived off Abba at sunset, and, in spite of 
 Abu Saud's appeals, the two officers determined to dis- 
 embark at once. But the commander, into whose heart fear 
 had entered when he heard Mohammed Ahmed declaring 
 that he was * master of the land,' remained on board with 
 his gun, and anchored in mid - stream. Both officers, 
 entirely ignorant of the locality, and each jealous of the 
 other winning the tempting reward, advanced by different 
 paths in the dead of night along the muddy banks towards 
 Mohammed Ahmed's settlement, The latter, with his 
 adherents, had quitted the huts, and, armed with swords, 
 lances, and clubs, had hidden themselves in the high grass, 
 whilst the troops, arriving from opposite directions, now 
 opened a hot fire on the empty village, with the result that 
 each inflicted considerable loss on the other ; and in the 
 midst of this hopeless confusion the villagers leapt from 
 their ambush and created terrible havoc amongst the 
 
 * Favourites of God. The expression occurs in the Kuran in the 
 following verse : ' Are not the favourites of God those on whom no fear 
 6hall come, nor shall they be put to grief ?' (Surah x. 73).
 
 60 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 already demoralized men, who fled in all directions. A few 
 only succeeded in reaching the bank and swimming out 
 to the steamer ; and Abu Saud, now thoroughly terrified, 
 wished to return to Khartum, but was at last induced by 
 the captain to stay till the following morning, in the hope 
 of picking up fugitives. None, however, came, and at 
 dawn he steamed back at full speed with his direful news. 
 
 The effect of this success on Mohammed Ahmed and his 
 adherents can be readily understood ; they had suffered 
 little or no loss, though he himself had been slightly 
 wounded in the arm, and Abdullahi, who dressed the 
 wound, counselled that this little accident should be kept 
 secret from the rest. Still, the number of his followers was 
 not largely increased, as the local people were convinced 
 that Government would take strong measures to suppress 
 the revolt, and they would not risk the losses which they 
 felt certain would ensue. 
 
 Mohammed Ahmed, strongly urged by Abdullahi and his 
 brothers to increase the distance between himself and the 
 Khartum authorities, now resolved to retreat to southern 
 Kordofan ; and to avoid this move being considered a flight, 
 he announced to his adherents that he had received an 
 inspiration to proceed to Jebel Masa,* and there await 
 further Divine instructions. Before quitting Abba, he* 
 appointed, also in accordance with the Divine Will, his four 
 Khalifas. The first of these was Abdullahi, who (the 
 precedent of the Prophet being adopted) represented the 
 Khalifa Abu Bakr es Sadik ; Ali Wad Helu, of the- 
 Degheim tribe (White Nile), was chosen to represent the 
 Khalifa Omar ibn el Khattab ; and the representative of 
 the fourth Khalifa, Ali el Karrar, was Mohammed esb 
 Sherif, one of Mohammed Ahmed's relatives, who was then- 
 only a boy. The chair of the third Khalifa, Osman ibn 
 
 • The Mahdi is supposed to come from Jebel Masa, in North Africa ; 
 but the astute Mohammed Ahmed did not hesitate to call Jebel Gedir, 
 which was to be his destination in Kordofan, by this name, and thus; 
 fulfil one of the principal conditions of a ' Mdhdi.'
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 61 
 
 Affan, was not filled for the moment, but was subsequently 
 offered to and refused by the great Sheikh Es Sennusi, of 
 Northern Africa. 
 
 To move this large following across the river was now 
 a matter of some difficulty, for the people who owned boats, 
 fearing that they might be accused of complicity, at first 
 refused ; but at length all — including a large contingent of 
 Degheim and Kenana Arabs, who joined at the last 
 moment — were transferred to the west bank ; and, ad- 
 vancing into the Dar Gimr country, Mohammed Ahmed 
 summoned the inhabitants of the districts through which 
 he passed to follow him to Jebel Masa. The greatest 
 enthusiasm now prevailed amongst his followers, who lost 
 no opportunity of telling the credulous and superstitious 
 populations through which they passed of the wonderful 
 miracles performed by the Mahdi. On one occasion, quite 
 ignorant of any danger, he halted with only a few followers 
 in close proximity to the camp of a certain adjutant-major 
 named Mohammed Guma, who, with a party of sixty 
 soldiers, was collecting taxes. The latter, fearing the 
 responsibility he might incur by attacking him without 
 orders, referred to El Obeid for instructions ; but long 
 before they arrived the Mahdi had rejoined the bulk of his 
 people and had continued his march ; so this golden oppor- 
 tunity was lost. Years afterwards I met the unfortunate 
 Guma in a sad and miserable plight in Obdurman. ' Ah !' 
 said he, ' if I had only known then that I should be reduced 
 to walking about barefoot, and begging my bread, I should 
 not have asked for instructions, and so allowed that 
 wretched Dongolawi to escape ; it would have been better 
 to have been killed than to have endured the miseries of 
 this wretched existence.' 
 
 Another excellent opportunity of capturing him was also 
 lost. It happened that Giegler Pasha had been ordered to 
 come to El Obeid to represent the Governor-General in con- 
 nection with a case of embezzlement by a district inspector 
 and wealthy Sudan merchant named Abdel Hadi ; hearing
 
 62 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 that the so-called Mahdi was in the neighbourhood, he 
 despatched, towards the end of September, Mohammed 
 Said Pasha with four companies to arrest him and bring 
 him to El Obeid. But, either by design or through care- 
 lessness, the expedition failed in its object ; the troops, 
 apparently, halted during the day at the place in which the 
 rebels had slept the previous night, and after thus uselessly 
 wasting three days, they returned to El Obeid, the result 
 being that they were discredited as being afraid to attack, 
 and the Mahdi's prestige rose proportionately. 
 
 It had been Mohammed Ahmed's intention to stay for a 
 time at Jebel Tagalla ; but Mek Adam, learning of this, 
 sent one of his sons to him with a gift of corn and sheep, 
 bearing a message that he thought he had better retire 
 further into the interior. He was therefore obliged to con- 
 tinue his journey, and after a long and troublesome march 
 at length reached Jebel Gedir, where, in addition to the 
 local inhabitants, a section of the Kenana tribe now resided. 
 
 At this time Rashed Bey was Governor of Fashoda ; and, 
 being fully informed of the Mahdi's movements, resolved to 
 attack him before he became more powerful. A German 
 named Berghof was also in Fashoda. He was formerly a 
 photographer in Khartum, but Rauf Pasha had sent him up 
 the river as an inspector for the suppression of slavery. 
 Rashed now advanced, accompanied by Berghof and Kaiku 
 Bey, king of the Shilluks, towards Gedir. Entirely under- 
 rating the enemy with whom he had to deal, he marched 
 with no military precautions, fell into a carefully prepared 
 ambush, and some fourteen hundred of his men were anni- 
 hilated. So sudden was the attack that there w r as not even 
 time to fire a rocket. Rashed and a few of his personal 
 attendants made a gallant defence, but were soon over- 
 powered by superior numbers and killed. 
 
 This defeat occurred on 9th December, and Mohammed 
 Ahmed no longer hesitated to call himself the Mahdi. His 
 prestige, especially in the eyes of the Arabs, rose enormously ; 
 nevertheless, his relations with his immediate neighbours
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 63 
 
 were not of the best. Khalifa Abdullahi, in subsequent 
 conversations with me in Omdurman, referred to this period, 
 as far as I can recollect, in the following words : * We 
 arrived at last at Gedir, thoroughly tired out after our long 
 and troublesome journey. The Mahdi had only one horse, 
 and that of the inferior Abyssinian breed, while I had to 
 walk almost the whole distance ; but God grants strength 
 to those true believers who are ready to lay down then- 
 lives for the faith. My brothers, Yakub, Yusuf, and Sam- 
 mani had joined us with their families, also my stepmother, 
 who was nursing my baby at her breast. My brother 
 Harun, too, would not stay behind, so he also joined us. I 
 was always greatly concerned about my wife, stepmother, 
 and child, who is Osman Sheikh ed Din, whom you now 
 see before you. It did not so much matter for us men ; 
 troubles and afflictions are sent us by God, and we bear 
 them, only too thankful that we should be chosen by Him 
 to raise the faith which had been trodden down to the dust, 
 and to teach our brethren. But,' said he, smiling, f teaching 
 won't bring us food for our women and children. People 
 flocked to us in crowds, it is true ; but most of them were 
 even more destitute than ourselves, and came to us for 
 support. Those who were well off shunned us, — riches are 
 the curse of this world, — and those who have them will be 
 deprived of the joys of Paradise. The people whose countries 
 we crossed did not give us much help ; but the little he got 
 the Mahdi graciously offered to the pilgrims, whom he con- 
 sidered as his guests. When I heard the women and children 
 weeping, I felt sometimes that my heart would break ; but 
 when I gazed at the Mahdi's face I trusted in God and 
 became at rest. Patience, Abdel Kader, is the highest 
 virtue. Practise that, and God will reward you.' 
 
 The defeat of Rashed Bey awakened the Government to 
 a sense of the serious nature of the revolt, and an expedition 
 was at once organized and placed under the command of 
 Yusef Pasha Shellali, who had greatly distinguished himself 
 in Gessi's campaign in Bahr el Ghazal, and was noted for
 
 64 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 his courage and resource. A reinforcement of a battalion 
 of infantry and some volunteers, under the command of 
 Abdalla Wad Dafalla (the brother of Ahmed Wad Dafalla), 
 with Abd el Hadi and Sultan Dima, was also to be sent 
 from Kordofan. 
 
 Meanwhile the Mahdi despatched letters in all directions, 
 proclaiming his victories and his Divine mission. He sum- 
 moned all to join the Jehad, giving the name of Ansar* to 
 his followers, and promising them four- fifths of the booty 
 taken in war (the remaining fifth he reserved for himself), 
 while to those who should fall fighting for God and His 
 religion he held out the certainty of the fullest enjoyment of 
 the pleasures of Paradise. Thus did he pander to the main 
 characteristics of the Sudanese, viz., fanaticism and greed. 
 
 Yusef Pasha Shellali's force, which numbered some four 
 thousand men, was composed of regular infantry under 
 Mohammed Bey Suleiman and Hassan Effendi Rifki, whom 
 I had previously discharged ; the irregular cavalry were 
 placed under the courageous Shaigia Melek, Taha Abu 
 Sidr, and leaving Khartum on 15th March, 1882, they pro- 
 ceeded to Kowa, where they awaited the reinforcements 
 expected from El Obeid. 
 
 Abdalla Wad Dafalla, however, found it no easy matter 
 to collect volunteers. There was a general feeling that it was 
 wrong to fight against a man of piety, and, moreover, as the 
 Mahdi and his followers were little else than beggars, there 
 was no enticement of rich plunder to allure them. Besides 
 all this, Elias Pasha, the richest merchant in Kordofan and 
 the ex-Governor, was the deadly enemy of the Dafalla 
 family, and exercised all his influence, which was still con- 
 siderable, in preventing men joining him. However, Abdalla 
 had agreed with the authorities to proceed, and, including 
 regulars, the force with which he left El Obeid numbered 
 some two thousand men ; and joining with the remainder 
 at Kowa, the entire expedition of six thousand strong pro- 
 
 * That is, the ' Helpers ' — a term given by the Prophet Mohammed 
 to the early converts of El Medina.
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 65 
 
 ceeded to Fashoda, which was reached in the middle of 
 May. 
 
 After a short rest, Yusef Pasha advanced west, and 
 camped, on the evening of 6th June, at Mesat, near Jebel 
 Gedir, confident of success. Why should such men as 
 Yusef Pasha, Mohammed Bey, and Abu Sidr fear a starving 
 crowd of sickly, half-famished, and almost naked Arabs ? 
 Had they not won victories on the White Nile at Dufnle ? 
 Had they not conquered Bahr el Ghazal, and brought the 
 proud Sultans of Darfur to submission ? What could this 
 ill-armed and ignorant fiki do ? Abdalla Wad Dafalla alone 
 raised a note of warning that they should not underrate the 
 danger. He had had a fall from his horse when marching 
 out of El Obeid, which is considered a bad omen in the 
 Sudan ; but who was going to listen to this preacher in the 
 wilderness ? They did not even think it worth while to cut 
 down a few thorn bushes to make a zariba, but merely 
 picked up a little of the scrub lying close by, and formed a 
 rough enclosure, utterly inadequate for defence ; so the 
 Mahdi's sickly, half-famished, and almost naked Arabs fell 
 on Yusef Pasha's army in the early dawn of the 7th June. 
 Dashing through the slight inclosure, they were on the 
 sleeping soldiers in a moment, and made short work of 
 them. Yusef Pasha and Abu Sidr were killed in their 
 night-shirts at the doors of their tents, and in a few minutes 
 there was scarcely a man left alive. Abu Sidr's concubine 
 rushed at her master's murderers, and shot two of them 
 with a revolver, but she fell prone over his body, stabbed 
 to the heart. Abdalla Wad Dafalla, with a few of his 
 attendants, alone made a short stand, but they soon shared 
 the fate of their companions. 
 
 When anything unusual happens in uncivilized countries, 
 it is always considered by the natives as supernatural ; and 
 this was exactly the effect of Yusef Pasha's disaster on the 
 credulous and superstitious minds of the Sudanese. For 
 sixty years the country had been governed by the Turks 
 and Egyptians. If the tribes refused to pay their taxes, 
 
 5
 
 -66 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 they were invariably punished ; and no one dared to ques- 
 tion for a moment the right of the authorities to do so. 
 Now this holy fiki, Mohammed Ahmed, had suddenly 
 •appeared on the scene. With a crowd of ill-armed and 
 "undisciplined men he had inflicted several crushing defeats 
 on the well-armed and well-equipped Government troops. 
 There could now be no doubt he was the ' Mahdi el Mun- 
 tazer,' the expected Mahdi ! 
 
 The defeat of Yusef Pasha placed the whole of southern 
 Kordofan in his hands, and now he was in a position to 
 make good his deficiencies. He had gained money, arms, 
 horses, and loot of all sorts, and these he distributed amongst 
 the chiefs of tribes who now flocked to him. They believed 
 most firmly that he was the true Mahdi, whose only inten- 
 tion was to uphold the faith, and who had no regard for 
 wealth and property. 
 
 The news of the Mahdi's victories now spread far and 
 wide, and amongst an uneducated population such as that 
 of Kordofan the accounts were exaggerated to a quite 
 ridiculous extent. Roused by the spirit of fanaticism, 
 numbers of them quitted their homes and marched to Jebel 
 Gedir, which was now openly renamed Jebel Masa, while 
 •others, gathering round the local chiefs, prepared to fight 
 against the various Government posts and stations scattered 
 throughout the country. 
 
 This condition of affairs was eminently favourable to the 
 jruling passions of the nomad Arabs. Under the cloak of a 
 religious war, which owed its existence to them, they mas- 
 sacred, plundered, and robbed the natives, who, they said, 
 were loyal to the hated Turks ; and at the same time they 
 shook themselves free from the taxation imposed on them 
 by a Government they detested. 
 
 The Mahdi now placed himself in communication with 
 the merchants of El Obeid, who, through their wealth and 
 connection with the people, virtually ruled the town and a 
 considerable part of the country. They thoroughly under- 
 .stood the situation. None knew better the weakness and
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 67 
 
 •effeteness of the Government, and many were prepared to 
 side with the Mahdi. Elias Pasha was the chief amongst 
 these malcontents, and detested Ahmed Bey Dafalla, who was 
 a great friend of Mohammed Pasha Said. He was well aware 
 that these two would, in the event of the defeat of the rebels, 
 do him all the harm they could. Elias Pasha, therefore, 
 employed himself actively in secretly collecting adherents 
 for the Mahdi. Many of the less wealthy merchants anti- 
 cipated better times should the Government be overthrown, 
 whilst there were not a few who, though disinclined to the 
 Mahdi, were driven to espouse his cause by the fear that, 
 should he prove successful, their wives and property would 
 fall into the hands of his victorious followers. 
 
 As for the religious Sheikhs, this movement was one 
 which held out the highest prospects of promotion for them. 
 They prided themselves that one of their number had suc- 
 cessfully dared to proclaim himself a Mahdi, and they looked 
 to the time when he or his sons should drive out the hated 
 Turk, and rule the land. A few — only a very few — sensible 
 people foresaw the danger which would threaten the country 
 should the Mahdi prove successful, and these did all they 
 could to prepare the Government for the coming storm ; 
 but their numbers were too small to have any effect. 
 
 Elias Pasha now sent his son Omar to acquaint the 
 Mahdi with the situation, and to beg him to come forthwith 
 to El Obeid ; while Mohammed Pasha Said, realizing that 
 this would undoubtedly be the next step, and deluded with 
 the idea that the people would be prepared to stand a siege 
 with him, began to dig an enormous ditch round the town, 
 and, at the suggestion of Ahmed Bey Dafalla, he put the 
 Government buildings in a state of defence, and built a 
 parapet around them. His parsimonious ideas, however, 
 led him into a grave error. Instead of laying in large stores 
 of corn, which the merchants, seeking only their own inter- 
 ests, were perfectly ready to provide, he refused to pay more 
 than peace prices. It was, in consequence, rapidly bought 
 up at a higher rate by those who were already beginning to 
 
 5—2
 
 68 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 feel the effects of the disturbed state of the country, and so 
 he lost the favourable moment to buy. 
 
 Meanwhile, massacres in the districts were of almost 
 daily occurrence. Tax-collectors, detached military posts,, 
 and Government officials, fell an easy prey to the blood- 
 thirsty Arabs. The Bederia tribe attacked and almost 
 annihilated the inhabitants of Abu Haraz, which was a 
 day's march distant from El Obeid, and only a few men, 
 women, and children succeeded in reaching the capital ; the 
 rest were all killed or taken prisoners during the flight along 
 the waterless track. Young girls were, of course, looked 
 upon as valuable booty, and were given water by their 
 captors ; but the older women suffered the most horrible 
 mutilation. Arms and legs were ruthlessly cut off merely 
 to gain possession of the bracelets and anklets they wore* 
 A few days later, the town of Ashaf, in Northern Kordofan, 
 was attacked and plundered by the Arabs, though a defence 
 was made by Nur Angara, who was living there at the 
 time, and who assisted Sanjak Mohammed Agha Japo, 
 formerly one of Gordon's kavasses. They were, however,, 
 eventually forced to retire on Bara. This Japo was an old: 
 Kurdi, and during the retreat he performed prodigies of 
 valour. Collecting all the women and young girls in the 
 centre of his square, he bade them sing songs of victory, 
 saying that such music drove fear out of all hearts ; and, 
 making constant counter-attacks, he succeeded in bringing 
 almost all the fugitives in safety to Bara. 
 
 This town was now attacked, and the Arabs repulsed ; 
 but, collecting in greater numbers under Sheikh Rahma, 
 they completely invested it, and cut off all supplies. 
 
 A mass of Arabs had also collected at Kashgeil, and 
 against these Mohammed Pasha Said dispatched a battalion 
 of regulars, who succeeded in temporarily dispersing them ; 
 but, in doing so, the troops lost so heavily that virtually 
 it was little short of defeat ; and, collecting again, these 
 Arabs attacked Birket, where the entire garrison of two 
 thousand men was put to the sword. A similar disaster
 
 RISE OF THE MAHDI 69 
 
 overtook the troops at Shaft, on the White Nile, where 
 two hundred were massacred ; but their subsequent attack 
 on Duem was repulsed, with a loss of two thousand men. 
 
 Meanwhile, the emissaries sent by the Mahdi to the 
 Gezira had not been idle. The Gehena, Agaliyin, Hawazma, 
 and Hammada Arabs, under Abu Rof, had attacked and 
 invested Sennar ; but the town had been subsequently 
 relieved by Sanjak Saleh Wad el Mek, who had been 
 dispatched thence with a large force of Shaigia. 
 
 The town of Abu Haraz, on the Blue Nile, had been 
 invested by Sherif Ahmed Taha ; and Giegler Pasha, who 
 was acting Governor-General in place of Rauf Pasha, had 
 arrived in the neighbourhood, and had directed Melek Yusef 
 of the Shaigia to attack the rebels with an inferior force, 
 which was defeated. Melek Yusef, disdaining flight, had 
 got off his horse, and, seating himself cross-legged on his 
 farwa (sheepskin), had ordered one of his slaves to kill him. 
 Giegler had at once proceeded to Khartum, and, procuring 
 reinforcements, had returned and attacked Ahmed Taha, 
 who had been killed, and his head sent to Khartum. He 
 had then cleared the neighbourhood of Sennar of rebels 
 without suffering any serious loss. In spite, however, of 
 these temporary successes, troubles increased, and the 
 Government daily received alarming accounts of the 
 disasters which had overtaken troops and inhabitants in 
 various parts of the country. In consequence, Abdel Kader 
 Pasha had been dispatched to the Sudan as Governor 
 General. He had arrived at Khartum on nth May, 1882, 
 and had busily set to work to place the town in a state of 
 defence. These measures had some effect on the natives, 
 and it was evident to them that the Government intended 
 to act resolutely ; but, at the same time, it was perfectly 
 clear to them that these steps were not merely precautionary, 
 but were rendered absolutely necessary by the very serious 
 position of affairs. The arsenal and dockyard, ammunition 
 stores, magazines, and Government archives, must be safe- 
 guarded against all eventualities. Besides, one of the first
 
 70 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 acts of the new Governor- General was to withdraw to- 
 Khartum a portion of the garrisons of Gallabat, Senhit, 
 and Gera, in which districts there was at present complete 
 tranquillity. 
 
 Meanwhile, Mohammed Ahmed fully realized that to- 
 kindle the smouldering fire into a blazing flame his pre- 
 sence was absolutely necessary. He therefore accepted 
 Elias Pasha's invitation to come to El Obeid, and, leaving 
 his uncle, Mahmud Sherif, with a few followers, to look 
 after his wives and children in Jebel Masa, he descended 
 into the plains, and marched with his forces towards the 
 wealthy capital of Kordofan. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 SPREAD OF THE REVOLT IN SOUTHERN DARFUR. 
 
 I arrive at Dara— Despatch of an Officer to Shakka— Return to El 
 Fasher — I make Dara my Headquarters — The Power of a Woman's 
 Tongue— Sheikh Madibbo threatens Shakka — Cowardly Conduct 
 of Mansur Helmi — I proceed to his Assistance — I commence my 
 Campaign against the Southern Arab Tribes — The Night Attack 
 on Madibbo's Camp — Mansur Helmi's cowardly Retreat from 
 Shakka — Courageous Conduct of Ali Agha Juma. 
 
 When I quitted El Fasher for Dara, early in 1882, I was 
 accompanied by three hundred and fifty mounted men, under 
 Omar Wad Darho. This large escort was quite unneces- 
 sary, but I thought it advisable to show the Arabs that the 
 Government had plenty of troops at its disposal to suppress 
 any trouble on their part. 
 
 On arrival at Dara I visited poor Emiliani's grave, and 
 put up a stone to his memory. Zogal Bey was administer- 
 ing affairs here as Acting-Governor in his place, and the 
 general aspect looked very troubled. The southern Arab 
 tribes — the Rizighat, Habbania, and Maalia — were in re- 
 volt ; they held constant meetings, in which it was declared
 
 THE REVOLT IN SOUTHERN DARFUR 71 
 
 that Dervishes were flocking to the standards of the Mahdi, 
 who had been sent by God to raise the Faith. I therefore 
 ordered Mansur Effendi Helmi to proceed at once to 
 Shakkah to restore order with two hundred and fifty regulars 
 and twenty-five horsemen. 
 
 He marched off via Kalaka, whilst I returned forthwith 
 to El Fasher to collect the various detachments of troops 
 which were out in the district gathering taxes, and prepare 
 for all eventualities. Before leaving Dara, I had a long and 
 serious interview with Zogal. I had known this man well 
 when I had been Governor here, and it had come to my 
 ears that he and Omar Wad Darho had had several talks 
 about the Mahdi and his doings, and had agreed that should 
 he continue to be victorious they would join him. These 
 two men were the richest officials in Darfur, and exercised 
 great influence in the country : their secession would have 
 been very serious ; I therefore thought my best plan was to 
 show them great friendliness, and do all that was possible to 
 avoid a breach occurring between us. In my conversation 
 with him I therefore made no allusion to his meetings with 
 Darho, but confined myself to pointing out that he being a 
 relative of the Mahdi, and at the same time a high Govern- 
 ment official, it behoved him to support lawfully constituted 
 authority to his utmost. 
 
 In saying good-bye to the officers and officials, I pointed 
 out the absolute necessity of strict attention to their duties, 
 and told them I would return from El Fasher as soon as 
 possible ; and, leaving the mounted troops in Dara, I 
 departed for the capital, where I arrived after three days'" 
 march. Here I learnt that the telegraph station at Foga 
 had been taken by the rebels, and in consequence I gave- 
 orders for reinforcements to be sent to Om Shanga. 
 
 The postal system was now completely interrupted, and I 
 was obliged to send any communications to El Obeid and 
 Khartum concealed in hollowed-out lance-staves, between 
 the soles of boots or sandals, or sewn into the bearer's 
 clothing. The extra ammunition I had ordered when in
 
 72 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Khartum had, owing to the negligence of the officials, been 
 delayed ; it had reached El Obeid late, and now, the roads 
 being cut, it could be sent no further. 
 
 From Dara I learnt that Madibbo, chief of the Rizighat 
 tribe, refused to come in. There was now no doubt that 
 all the southern tribes were in a state of active revolt, and 
 had every intention of joining the Mahdi. I therefore 
 thought my headquarters should now be at Dara, so, taking 
 two hundred infantry and seventy-five of the newly-arrived 
 eavalry, I proceeded thither. 
 
 On my arrival news reached me that an incident had 
 occurred which, though in itself insignificant, led to very 
 serious consequences. I previously mentioned that on my 
 way to Khartum I had been met by Sheikh Ali Wad Hegeir, 
 of the Maalia tribe, who had accompanied me there. He 
 had proved loyal and faithful to the Government, and I 
 had appointed him chief of the southern Maalia Arabs. 
 Hearing that a meeting of the Rizighat Arabs under Sheikh 
 Belal Nagur, with a view to joining the Mahdi, was about 
 to be held, he resolved to attend the meeting and arrest this 
 sedition-monger. Accompanied by his father-in-law and a 
 few of his friends, he presented himself at the meeting, and, 
 seeing some of his own tribe amongst the number, he called 
 on them to separate themselves from the rest and come to 
 him. His summons was left unheeded, and a disturbance 
 took place, in which Hegeir and his friends, being far in the 
 minority, were severely handled, and barely escaped with 
 their lives. The news of the fray had, however, preceded 
 them, and had been distorted, so that on reaching their home 
 Hegeir was greeted by his wife with the words : 4 Rageli 
 hidlim wa Abuyi Rabta ; Safar yomein sawuhum fi Gabta ' 
 (My husband is a male ostrich, and my father a female 
 ostrich ; they made a two days' journey in a moment). 
 Belal Nagur, however, pursued the fugitives, and, joined by 
 the Maalia, attacked Hegeir's house. The latter was urged 
 by his friends to flee for protection to Mansur at Shakka ; 
 but, smarting under his wife's sarcastic verses, he refused,
 
 Fight between the Rizighat and Egyptian Troops.
 
 THE REVOLT IN SOUTHERN DARFUR 73 
 
 saying, c I shall never fly to save my life. Better is it to 
 fall under the sword than to be laughed at by a woman.' 
 And, true to his word, he defended himself against fearful 
 odds until a spear split his head in twain, and he sank down 
 to die, repeating his creed with his last breath. His father- 
 in-law fell dead close to him, and his wife, who was the 
 ■cause of this sad catastrophe, and had thus lost husband 
 and father, was captured and enslaved. 
 
 Mansur Helmi, being now anxious to conclude arrange- 
 ments with the tribes, begged that I should come to Shakka, 
 .as, being the representative of Government and well known 
 to the Arabs, I would have greater weight with them ; he 
 also expressed his opinion that a strong fort should be made 
 in Shakka, and manned with a couple of guns. As it was 
 most important to conclude terms with the Arabs, I re- 
 solved to comply with his request, and, taking one hundred 
 and fifty regulars, twenty-five horsemen, and one gun, I 
 started for Shakka. 
 
 During my march I received frequent confirmation of the 
 spread of the revolt, and of the Mahdi's successes, and on 
 arrival at Madibbo's village at Deain, a messenger brought 
 me the startling news that Mansur had attacked that sheikh 
 near Shakka, had lost a considerable portion of his force, 
 and was practically invested in Murrai. I at once decided 
 to order reinforcements from Dara to join me, and pending 
 their arrival I remained at Deain, where I had no doubt 
 Madibbo would shortly attack me, and my conjecture 
 proved correct. I was also joined by Sheikh Ann, of the 
 Habbania tribe, with twenty horsemen, and the subsequent 
 -exploits of this loyal chief are worthy of record. 
 
 One evening, just before sunset, when my men were out 
 •collecting wood, we were suddenly attacked by Madibbo's 
 horsemen, who were seen in hundreds some distance off 
 galloping towards the zariba. Sheikh Afifi instantly 
 saddled his horse, mounted, and, standing before me with 
 poised spear, shouted, ■ Arifni zen ! ana thor et tokash, abu 
 •galb min adem, ana bidaur el mot !' (You know me well !
 
 74 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 I am the pushing ox, the man who has a heart of bone. I 
 seek death !) And with this he dashed out of the zariba, 
 and, disappearing amongst the trees, returned in a few 
 minutes, his spear dripping with blood, and leading after 
 him a captured horse ; the two other Sheikhs and their 
 men also had a slight skirmish, losing one horse and 
 capturing another. In a few moments we heard some rifle- 
 shots, and fearing that Madibbo's main body had arrived, I 
 called the mounted Arabs into the zariba and prepared for 
 defence. However, I soon ascertained that a small party 
 only had come, and had taken up a position in a clump of 
 trees ; I therefore sent fifty men to drive them out, and they 
 retired, leaving behind them three killed. 
 
 The next morning, however, the enemy were seen ad- 
 vancing again, and I at once sounded the ' alarm,' and 
 everyone went to his post. The attack came from the 
 north-west, where there was a small wood which gave con- 
 siderable cover. In the centre of our zariba was a mound, 
 on the top of which I placed an old bench found in one of 
 Madibbo's huts, and which an Egyptian had turned into a 
 chair. Seated in this position, I obtained a good view of 
 the surrounding country, as well as of all that was going on 
 in the zariba. The enemy now advanced within rifle-range, 
 and the bullets began to whistle about our ears. Getting 
 up from the chair to give some order and have a better 
 view, a shot whizzed past and struck the back of the chair 
 in which I had just been sitting and shivered it to pieces. 
 After this I thought it advisable to take up a less exposed 
 position. The enemy's fire now became very hot, but the 
 men were well protected in the trenches, and our loss was 
 trifling. The horses and camels, however, suffered severely, 
 and feeling that if kept huddled up in the zariba we might 
 lose them all, I selected fifty men, and, making a sortie 
 from the southern entrance, we turned west, and, opening 
 suddenly on the enemy's flank, inflicted considerable loss on 
 him by a murderous cross-fire, eventually driving him from 
 the position. However, we did not secure this success
 
 THE REVOLT IN SOUTHERN DARFUR 75 
 
 without paying for it. As far as I can recollect, we lost 
 twelve killed. 
 
 By the evening, thoroughly tired out, most of the men 
 had dropped off to sleep, and we anticipated a quiet night, 
 but at about eleven o'clock we were startled by a brisk 
 rifle-fire. Fortunately it was a very dark night, and the 
 fire was ill-directed. So I ordered the men not to reply, 
 and in consequence it slackened, and eventually ceased 
 altogether. 
 
 Summoning Sheikh Ann, I now asked him to send out 
 some of his men to discover Madibbo's position, promising 
 them they would be well rewarded if they brought back 
 reliable information. In about two hours they returned, 
 and reported that Madibbo was in his village with his 
 Bazingers, while the Arabs were encamped to the south 
 and west of it. They were in considerable force, but had 
 taken no precautions for defence, and our spies, who had 
 crept up quite close to their camp-fires, had overheard them 
 laughing and joking at our not having replied to their fire, 
 saying we must have been too frightened to do so. 
 
 Waiting for half an hour, I called up seventy men, and 
 told them, before the officers, I wanted them to surprise 
 Madibbo's camp ; that if we fought an action in the open 
 against superior numbers, we should probably lose heavily ; 
 but we had now ascertained the Arabs were quite unpre- 
 pared, and a sudden night attack might completely de- 
 moralize them, and give us a chance of returning to Dara 
 for reinforcements. The plan was thoroughly approved, 
 and all the officers at once volunteered to join, but this I 
 could not permit. So, leaving behind two officers, four 
 buglers, and seventy men, I quitted the zariba, accom- 
 panied by Afifi, who refused to leave me. Suspecting that 
 possibly some of Abu Salama's people might get out and 
 betray us, I gave the officers who remained behind strict 
 injunctions that during our absence no one should leave the 
 zariba, and that a most careful look-out should be kept ; 
 and advancing cautiously, guided by the spies, in the space
 
 76 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 of about an hour we found ourselves close to the enemy's 
 camp. Our spies proved thoroughly trusty, and, besides, I 
 had previously travelled in these districts, and knew the 
 country well. Dividing up, therefore, into two parties, I 
 placed one under the command of a very brave officer 
 named Mohammed Agha Suleiman, a native of Bornu, and 
 leading the other party myself, we crept up to within six or 
 seven hundred yards of the unsuspecting foe, when I 
 ordered the bugler to sourd ■ Commence firing.' The 
 confusion in the enemy's camp was now indescribable. 
 Madibbo's Bazingers, leaving their arms, fled. The horses, 
 terrified by this sudden commotion in the dead of night, 
 became restive, broke their ropes, and bolted in all 
 directions, chased by the Arabs. In a few minutes every 
 one of Madibbo's huts was deserted, and in the distance 
 could be heard the sounds of the terrified crowds, fleeing 
 from our little band of seventy men. We had been com- 
 pletely successful, and it took Madibbo some days before 
 he could collect his men again. I burnt his village, and 
 the blazing flames, shooting to the sky, lighted up the 
 deserted camp. Only two of my men had been wounded 
 by thrown spears. We captured a large number of saddles, 
 which I ordered to be thrown into the flames, as well as a 
 quantity of old guns and matchlocks ; but we kept the forty 
 Remington rifles taken, and now marched back to the 
 zariba, where we had a most enthusiastic welcome from the 
 others, who had been awaiting our return with great 
 anxiety. 
 
 Being still without news from Dara, I decided to return 
 there, and, after three days' march, reached the town, where 
 I found the reinforcements and ammunition all ready to 
 leave, and as the men I had brought back were tired, I 
 determined to change them also, and return with a com- 
 pletely fresh force to help Mansur Helmi ; but to my 
 surprise, at daybreak the next morning, I received a letter 
 saying that Mansur was on his way to Dara, and would 
 arrive the following day. This was to me most unsatis-
 
 THE REVOLT IN SOUTHERN DARFUR 77 
 
 factory news, for it meant that my difficulties in re-occupying 
 Shakka would be considerably increased. The next morning 
 he arrived, accompanied by a few slaves, who were ready 
 to drop down with fatigue ; and I then learnt that he had 
 disgracefully abandoned his men, and in sheer terror had 
 deserted his command in order to seek safety in Dara. I 
 at once placed this cowardly officer in arrest, and then sent 
 off spies in all directions to discover the whereabouts of the 
 column, and for the moment abandoned all idea of an expe- 
 dition to Shakka. Ten days later I received the joyful 
 news that the missing troops were close to Dara. It 
 transpired that their commander — a certain Ali Agha Guma 
 — after Mansur's desertion, had carried out a most masterly 
 retreat, and, although continually harassed and attacked on 
 the road, had succeeded in safely bringing in all the wounded 
 and a number of Shakka merchants who had sought his 
 protection. 
 
 At this period Said Bey Guma was governor of El Fasher, 
 and I had frequently written to him to send me more troops 
 and ammunition ; but finding that he either could not or 
 would not heed my orders, I set off for Hashaba, where it- 
 had been arranged the various friendly tribes would meet 
 me. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF EL OBEID. 
 
 Said Pasha, Governor- General of Kordofan, prepares to defend El 
 Obeid — The Mahdi attacks the Town, but is repulsed with Great 
 Loss — The Missionaries at Delen fall into the Mahdi's Hands — 
 The Siege and Fall of Bara— The Horrors of the Siege of El Obeid 
 — Said Pasha is forced to Surrender — His Interview with the 
 Mahdi — His Execution. 
 
 Inspired by his numerous victories, and encouraged by 
 Elias Pasha's urgent appeal that he should proceed to El 
 Obeid, the Mahdi left Gedir, and, joined by thousands upon 
 thousands of fanatical Arabs and slave-hunters, he advanced, 
 to Kaba, a village en the outskirts of the town.
 
 78 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 From here he despatched horsemen to reconnoitre and 
 summon all those who were willing to join his banners. 
 He also wrote to Mohammed Pasha Said, calling on him 
 to submit. His letter was read out before the officers ; and 
 at the suggestion of Mohammed Bey Skander and the 
 majority of the officers the bearers of the letters were 
 sentenced to be shot. Said Pasha himself was averse to 
 this decision, but eventually gave way and confirmed the 
 sentence, which was immediately carried out. 
 
 Mohammed Ahmed now spared no effort to rouse the 
 fanatical spirit of the masses by whom he was surrounded. 
 He preached day and night to a rapt audience on the heavenly 
 joys in store for all those who joined the Jehad, and on 
 Friday morning, September the 8th, this seething mass of 
 human beings, armed only with swords and spears, rolled 
 like the waves of the sea towards the town. All the arms 
 taken in Rashed's and Shellali's expeditions had been left 
 behind at Jebel Gedir, and the rifle fire of the defenders 
 soon began to play with deadly effect on the crowd, who, 
 utterly undeterred, and seeking only for blood and plunder, 
 continued their advance, swarming into the ditches and up 
 the parapet, and entering the deserted town. At this critical 
 moment Major Nesim Effendi told his bugler to sound the 
 advance ; and the signal being taken up by the other buglers, 
 the soldiers, clambering up on to the tops of the walls and 
 houses, brought a murderous fire to bear on the assailants. 
 Slowly the surging mass, under this hail of lead, was driven 
 back, leaving behind them thousands of killed and wounded. 
 Once more they rallied and attempted again to storm ; but 
 again were they driven back with still greater slaughter, till 
 at length the survivors retired out of range, and the gallant 
 garrison was completely victorious. 
 
 In this assault the Mahdi's brother Mohammed, Khalifa 
 Abdullahi's brother Yusef, the Kadi, and a host of Emirs 
 were killed. The Mahdi himself, during the attack, took 
 up a position out of range, behind a small house ; and had 
 Said Pasha taken Ahmed Bey Dafalla's advice to pursue
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF EL OBEID 79 
 
 after the Dervishes had been routed, in all probability he 
 would have been taken, and the subsequent bloodshed and 
 horrors thus avoided. 
 
 But Said Pasha contented himself with this temporary 
 success, believing that the Mahdi was too crushed to again 
 attempt an attack, and that this defeat would probably 
 destroy his influence. The Mahdi's relatives and near 
 friends also realized this, and on their advice he removed 
 his camp to Gianzara, a hill lying beyond range to the 
 north-east of the town ; and in this position maintained an 
 open investment, while awaiting the arrival of the arms and 
 ammunition for which he had sent to Jebel Gedir. 
 
 The mission station at Delen, which had been founded 
 some eight years before, and which was guarded by eighty 
 men of the slave guard, had long been in a critical position. 
 Whilst on his way to El Obeid, the Mahdi had sent one of 
 his adherents, Mek Omar, with instructions either to capture 
 or kill all persons found there. The missionary Fathers, 
 Joseph Ohrwalder and Luigi Bonomi, had arranged to flee 
 with the troops and all the mission to Fashoda ; but their 
 plan fell through, owing to the cowardice of the captain 
 commanding the troops. They were eventually obliged to 
 submit, were robbed of all they had, and were marched 
 as prisoners to El Obeid. Here the Mahdi and Khalifa 
 Abdullahi made every effort to convert them and the sisters 
 who were with them, but they remained firm. The follow- 
 ing day they were taken, accompanied by thousands of 
 howling Dervishes, to an open space, where a great review 
 was held. After momentarily expecting death, they were 
 at length told their lives were spared, and they were handed 
 over to the care of a Syrian named George Stambuli, who 
 had joined the Mahdi from El Obeid. 
 
 At this time a most wonderful comet appeared, which 
 was taken by the Sudanese as a sign from heaven that the 
 Government was about to be overthrown, and that the true 
 Mahdi had appeared on earth. 
 
 An expedition sent under Ali Bey Lutfi to relieve Bara
 
 80 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 and El Obeid, when on the march and suffering from thirst, 
 was attacked by the Gowama Arabs under Fiki Rahma ; of 
 the two thousand men of which it was composed, two 
 hundred only succeeded in escaping to Bara. Soon after 
 this Tayara was attacked, and its little garrison, after 
 resisting manfully, was obliged to submit at the end of 
 September. 
 
 Bara fell next, after a long and well-sustained siege. 
 The garrison had inflicted considerable loss on the rebels, 
 but a fire had broken out and burnt up almost all the corn. 
 Hunger and disease had done their work, and, hopeless of 
 any succour, Surur Effendi, the commandant, Nur Angara, 
 and Mohammed Agha Japo, at the urgent request of the 
 garrison, were forced to submit, early in January, 1883, to 
 Abderrahman Wad en Nejumi, and were conducted by him 
 to Gianzara. 
 
 The Mahdi celebrated the capture of Bara with a salute 
 of one hundred guns, and the unfortunate garrison of El 
 Obeid, hearing the sounds, thought that a relieving army 
 was approaching, but when they learnt that Bara had fallen, 
 they became greatly disheartened. For months they had 
 been suffering all the horrors of famine ; food had risen to 
 fabulous prices ; no steps had been taken to lay in a stock 
 of provisions, and there was a great scarcity of corn. A 
 month before the capitulation dukhn had risen to four 
 hundred dollars the ardeb ; only the most wealthy could 
 supply themselves with a little meat. The price of a camel 
 rose to fifteen hundred dollars, a chicken might be had for 
 thirty or forty dollars, and an egg for a dollar to a dollar 
 and a half. But my comrades in captivity, Fathers 
 Ohrwalder and Rosignoli, have already described the horrors 
 of that long and terrible time, and I need not repeat them 
 here ; suffice it to say that after a five months' siege, during 
 which the most terrible privations were endured, and in 
 which a very large proportion of the remaining population 
 and garrison died of starvation, Mohammed Pasha Said was 
 at last forced to capitulate. He wished to blow up the
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF EL OBEID. 8r 
 
 powder magazine, but the officers begged that their wives 
 and children might be spared, and he was obliged to give 
 way. He therefore wrote to the Mahdi that he was pre- 
 pared to surrender the town. The Mahdi replied that he 
 and his officers need have no fear, and the following morning 
 sent a deputation of leading merchants, under Mohammed 
 Wad el Areik, to Said Pasha, with instructions that he, the 
 superior officers of the garrison, and the chief merchants, 
 should present themselves before him. The deputation had 
 brought with them jibbas (the patched shirt adopted as a 
 uniform by the followers of the Mahdi), which had now to 
 be worn, and, mounting on horses, the sad cavalcade, led 
 by Said Pasha, filed out of the fort which they had defended 
 so long and bravely. With him were Mohammed Bey 
 Skander, the commandant, Major Nesim Effendi, Ahmed 
 Bey Dafalla, Mohammed Bey Yasin, and several other 
 officers. Seated on his angareb, on which a goat's skin was 
 spread, the Mahdi received them kindly, gave them his 
 hand to be kissed, and pardoned them. He told them that 
 he of course understood they had been deceived in regard to 
 him, having doubted his Divine mission ; but that he for- 
 gave them, and now required them to take the solemn oath 
 of allegiance, and complete submission to him and the cause. 
 This formality over, he gave them dates and water, and 
 urged them to renounce the pleasures of this world and 
 think only of the world to come. Turning to Said Pasha, 
 he then said : ■ 1 do not blame you as a Turk for having 
 done all you could to defend the post confided to you ; but 
 you did not do well to kill my messengers, for it is not right 
 that messengers should be punished.' Before Said Pasha 
 could reply, Skander Bey quickly answered, ' Master and 
 Mahdi, Said Pasha did not do this, but it was I, in my 
 capacity as commandant of the fort, who ordered the execu- 
 tion, as I considered them rebels, and in this I did not do 
 well, as you truly say.' ■ I did not mean by my question to 
 ask you to justify yourself,' said the Mahdi. ■ My messen- 
 gers have obtained what they most desired ; when they took 
 
 6
 
 82 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the letters from me they sought the death of martyrs, and 
 their wish was fulfilled. The merciful God has granted 
 them their hearts' desire, and now they are in the enjoyment 
 of all the pleasures of Paradise. May God grant that we 
 may follow in their footsteps !' 
 
 During this conversation, according to a plan prepared 
 beforehand, Abu Anga and his men had occupied the fort, 
 powder magazine, and Government buildings, whilst the 
 Emirs installed themselves in the officers' quarters. The 
 Mahdi now told Wad el Areik, who happened to be a per- 
 sonal friend of Said Pasha, to take him and his officers back 
 to their houses ; but on their return they found them occu- 
 pied, and were given to understand that their property had 
 now been confiscated. Soon afterwards the Mahdi himself 
 entered the town to inspect it, and ordered the garrison to 
 quit the entrenchments. The women and children, who 
 had so patiently waited for relief, were now ordered out to 
 the Mahdi's camp, and were allowed to take nothing with 
 them. Even the women were searched to the skin, in a 
 most revolting manner, and anything found was instantly 
 taken off to the Beit el Mai (Mahdi's treasury), where the 
 property was subsequently distributed amongst the Emirs 
 and other high personages. In searching for gold and 
 treasure the most heart-rending scenes were enacted, and 
 weeping and wailing was heard on all sides, as the unfor- 
 tunates were flogged to make them disgorge. 
 
 Said Pasha himself was called upon by Ahmed Wad 
 Suleiman, the Mahdi's Emin Beit el Mai (or treasurer), to 
 hand over all his money, but he replied that he had none. 
 It was well known that he was a very wealthy man, but he 
 obstinately denied he had anything. When the Mahdi 
 heard this, he instructed Wad Suleiman to make every 
 inquiry of Said Pasha's servants, and while he was occupied 
 in doing this, the Mahdi continued conversing with Said 
 Pasha on the precepts of religion, and frequently asked him, 
 before the assembled masses, why he refused to disclose the 
 hiding-place of his treasure, and Said Pasha as persistently
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF EL OBEID S3 
 
 denied that he had any money whatever. In this way some 
 time passed, and at length Wad Suleiman, who had mean- 
 while succeeded in getting one of the female servants to 
 admit that her master had concealed the treasure in the 
 wall, returned to the Mahdi, and whispered in his ear that 
 they had found it. The latter, beckoning him to sit down, 
 continued to talk of the vanities of this world, and the great 
 necessity of renouncing them ; and then, turning suddenly 
 to Said Pasha, he said, ' You swore a most solemn oath of 
 allegiance ; why, then, do you refuse to say where your 
 money is ? Money is the root of all evil. Do you now 
 expect to gather more riches ?' ' Oh, sire,' replied Said 
 Pasha, 1 1 have neither money made honestly, nor money 
 made dishonestly ; do with me what you like.' * Do you 
 take me for an ordinary man ?' replied the Mahdi. ' Do 
 you not understand that I am truly the " Mahdi el 
 Muntazer," and that the Prophet has revealed to me the 
 hiding-place of your treasure, which you have concealed in 
 the wall of your house ? Go, Ahmed Wad Suleiman, to 
 his house. Enter his room, and on the left side, near the 
 door, remove the plaster from the wall, and there you will 
 find the Turk's treasure. Bring it here.' During Wad 
 Suleiman's absence Said Pasha sat disconsolately, close to 
 the Mahdi, frowning deeply. He knew his treasure had 
 been discovered, but he was too proud to admit that he had 
 told an untruth, and he refused to join in the conversation. 
 In a few minutes Suleiman returned, dragging behind him 
 a large tin box, which he placed before the Mahdi, who 
 opened it, and found it full of gold, packed up in small bags. 
 Over ^"7,000 was counted out. ' Mohammed Said,' said 
 the Mahdi, ' you have told a lie ; but I will forgive you. 
 Ahmed, take the money to the Beit el Mai, and distribute it 
 amongst the poor and needy.' ' You, who preach renuncia- 
 tion, have now got my money ; do what you like with it/ 
 said Said Pasha, turning on his heel and marching off. The 
 Mahdi, frowning darkly, muttered, ' Di ma biyenfa maana ' 
 (This man won't do for us), and soon afterwards a pretext 
 
 6—2
 
 g 4 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 was found for executing this gallant officer, as well as Ahmed 
 Bey Dafalla, Ali Bey Sherif and Yasin. Such was the end 
 of the four men who had so bravely defended El Obeid, 
 and in truth they deserved a better fate ! 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 VAIN EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 
 IN DARFUR. 
 
 i advance on Shakka — The Battle of Om Waragat — Besieged in the 
 Zariba — My Retreat on Dara through the Enemy's Country — The 
 Illness and Death of Gottfried Rott — I despatch Secret Emissaries 
 to Kordofan — The Revolt of the Mima Arabs — I learn of the Fall 
 of El Obeid — The Death of Sheikh Ann — My Campaign against 
 the Mima and Khawabir Arabs — Discovery of a Plot amongst the 
 Troops in Dara — My Officers and Men ascribe our Defeats to the 
 fact that I am a Christian — I decide to nominally adopt the 
 Mohammedan Religion — I decide to send Zogal Bey to El Obeid — 
 My Campaign against the Beni Helba — Beshari Bey seeks Death 
 and finds it — Gravity of the Situation in Darfur. 
 
 Having reached Hashaba, I now did my utmost to organize 
 a force capable of operating successfully against Madibbo. 
 The tribes I had summoned to aid the Government had 
 arrived, and my troops consisted approximately of the 
 following : 
 
 Regulars, armed with Remingtons 550 
 
 Gellabas . . . . . . 200 
 
 Armed Bazingers under Sharaf ed Din, amongst whom, 
 as leaders, were Abder Rasul, Sheikhs Khudr, Um- 
 batti, Mungid Madani, Hassan Wad Sattarat, Sultan 
 Begu, Suleiman Wad Farah, Muslem Wad Kab- 
 bashi, and others . . . . . . . . . . 1,300 
 
 Various . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 
 
 Total guns (of which about 600 were Remington rifles) 2,150 
 Also a muzzle-loading mountain-gun and thirteen artillerymen. 
 
 The friendly tribes consisted of contingents from the 
 Begu, Berket, Zagawa (of southern Darfur), Messeria,
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM %$ 
 
 Tagu, and some of the Maalia who were hostile to Sheikh 
 Abu Salama, numbering in all some seven thousand spear- 
 men and four hundred horses. 
 
 The garrison I had left behind at Dara consisted of four 
 hundred regulars, seven guns and the gunners required for 
 their service, thirty horses, and two hundred and fifty 
 Bazingers, all under the command of Zogal Bey, who was 
 carrying on the duties of Acting-Governor in Emiliani's 
 place. With him I had also left a certain Gottfried Rott, 
 a Swiss, who had been sent to the Soudan in connection 
 with the suppression of the slave trade. He was a good 
 Arabic scholar, and in a very confidential talk I had with 
 him I confided to him my suspicions about Zogal, and 
 asked him to find out all he could from his relatives, and 
 keep me fully informed. 
 
 At the end of October I moved south from Hashaba with 
 my entire force. The Rizighat country, through which we 
 advanced, was covered with dense bush and forests ; and, 
 being constantly exposed to attack, I had to march in such 
 a way as to avoid confusion in the event of an ambush or 
 surprise. 
 
 The Bazingers on the flanks were well provided with 
 buglers, in order to give timely warning of an alarm. The 
 rear guard I made stronger than the flank guards, because 
 the Arabs generally attack from the rear, and I considered 
 that, in case of a flank attack, I should have ample time to 
 reinforce from the main body in case of necessity. The 
 rear guard had, of course, the most troublesome duty to 
 perform, as they had to look after any camels that broke 
 down, and keep a careful look-out for men who fell out or 
 attempted to desert. I therefore gave orders that it should 
 be relieved daily by the flank guards in rotation from the 
 left ; thus the left flank guard would become rear guard, the 
 relieved rear guard would become the right flank guard, 
 and the latter would become the left flank guard. I also 
 relieved the three hundred Bazingers and sixty regulars 
 daily from the main body.
 
 86 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 In this manner I hoped to reach Shakka without any 
 serious loss ; and on arriving there it was my intention to 
 build a fort, where I should mount the gun, and, leaving a 
 small garrison there, make expeditions in light marching 
 order to the various disturbed districts, where my Arab 
 spearmen, if fortunate, would have ample opportunities of 
 capturing any quantities of Rizighat cattle. 
 
 On arrival at Deain, we found quantities of corn stored in 
 the new village just built by Madibbo. This was dis- 
 tributed amongst the men, and they had now sufficient 
 supplies to last them some days. We halted here for three 
 days, in order to obtain correct information as to the water 
 on the road, and then continued the march towards Shakka. 
 
 As I was suffering from a heavy bout of fever, I handed 
 over the command of the troops temporarily to Sharaf ed 
 Din, my second in command, but ordered him to remain 
 close to me. The following day, having left the village of 
 Kindiri on our flank, and having made a short halt, there 
 was an alarm that horsemen were advancing to attack us. 
 Immediately everyone was in his place, and, in spite of my 
 fever, I joined the rear guard, whence the alarm had come, 
 and from this position I could see numbers of horsemen ; 
 there might have been some hundreds, but, owing to the 
 intervening trees, it was impossible to estimate accurately. 
 Signalling to the flank guards to join me, I advanced with 
 the cavalry and Arab horsemen, and a skirmish ensued 
 amongst the trees, in which the enemy were driven back 
 with some loss, and we captured six horses. Our own 
 losses were seven horses killed, two men missing, and 
 several wounded. Having pursued for some distance, 
 we returned, and as it was still early, the march was 
 continued till nightfall, when we encamped at a place 
 called Om Waragat. 
 
 Still suffering from fever, I told Sharaf ed Din to make 
 exactly similar dispositions (see plan) ; and starting off the 
 following morning, after a march of two hours, we reached 
 some more or less open but boggy moorland, at the south-
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 
 
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 •usuiasioH 0S1 
 
 BATTLE OF OM WARAGAT. 
 
 Disposition of Troops on the March to Shakka.
 
 88 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 east end of which were visible a few huts, such as are- 
 erected by the Rizighat slaves who work in the fields. 
 The vanguard had already cleared the soft ground — I had 
 gone forward with it to examine the huts whilst the men in 
 the square were occupied in trying to help out the animals 
 whose feet had sunk into the mire — when suddenly from the 
 rear guard the alarm was sounded twice, followed almost 
 immediately by some rifle-shots. Ordering the vanguard 
 to hold the huts, I immediately galloped towards the left 
 flank of the square, and, sounding for the reserve of ninety 
 regulars, I proceeded towards the rear guard ; but it was 
 too late. The Bazingers and regulars of the rear guard, 
 having fired a volley, had no time to reload before the 
 enemy was on them ; and, overpowered by thousands of 
 half-naked Arabs, they were being forced back on to the 
 rear face of the square, the men composing which, fearing 
 to fire on friend and foe alike, did nothing to stop the rush, 
 and already several of the enemy had penetrated. Without 
 a moment's hesitation, I ordered my bugler to sound * lie 
 down ' for those in the square, and, firing on the Arabs who 
 had broken in, as well as on those still pushing on from 
 behind, I checked the rush, and caused them to split up 
 into two parties, who, trending off right and left, made for 
 the flank guards, already engaged with other parties of 
 Arabs who were attacking them in front. 
 
 The confusion was now indescribable ; within the square 
 the Arabs who had already penetrated, although suffering 
 heavily from the fire from my small party, were creating 
 frightful havoc amongst the almost defenceless Bazingers,. 
 who, armed only with muzzle-loaders, could do nothing, 
 whilst the regulars — so sudden had been the rush — had not 
 even time to draw their bayonets ; eventually, however, 
 those who had entered were all killed. The flank guards, 
 taken in front and rear, suffered even more heavily than 
 the square, and, breaking up entirely, they fled in all 
 directions, hundreds being killed by the Rizighat horsemen 
 concealed in the forest.
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 89 
 
 The action had lasted only twenty minutes, but in that 
 short space of time our losses were terrible. Fortunately, 
 on the dispersion of the flanking parties the enemy had 
 pursued them hotly. My fire, it is true, had driven them 
 away from the square, but at what sacrifice ! Amongst the 
 regulars who had obeyed my signal to lie down the losses 
 had not been so severe ; but the untrained Bazingers had 
 suffered terribly, and many of our camels had also been 
 killed. 
 
 In the midst of the confusion, I saw one of the enemy, 
 who passed close to us, carrying off a red bag containing 
 the fuses for the gun. He evidently thought he had some 
 very special loot ; and so indeed it was, as without the 
 fuses our gun was useless. ' Kir,' said I to my young black 
 attendant, who seldom left me, 'let me see if you are as 
 brave as you always say you are ; go and fetch the red bag 
 — here is my horse ;' and, jumping off, I gave it to him. 
 He mounted, and taking only a spear in his hand, dashed 
 off, returning in a few minutes with the red bag and a still 
 redder spear. 
 
 The last horseman had disappeared in the distance, and 
 I now sounded the * assembly.' Only a few hundred 
 responded to the call, and dividing these up into parties, I 
 detailed half as guards, while the others were employed in 
 collecting together the ammunition and arms of these who 
 had fallen, packing them on the camels and depositing them 
 in the little village, which, standing on a small sandy plain,, 
 afforded us a fairly clear field of view ; then, collecting a 
 quantity of thorn-bushes, we constructed a zariba as quickly 
 as possible, fearing that at any moment the enemy might 
 return. This done, our next thought was for the wounded ; 
 those only slightly hurt had already crawled to the zariba, 
 and the severely wounded we now carried in, and did what 
 was possible to alleviate their sufferings. 
 
 As far as the eye could reach the ground was strewn with 
 dead bodies, and what numbers, too, lay in the forest out 
 of view ! Curiously enough, this disaster had taken place
 
 9 o FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 on the actual spot where, years before, Adam Tarbush, the 
 Vizir of Sultan Hussein, had suffered a similar defeat and 
 lost his life. 
 
 Now came the terribly sad duty of calling the roll. Of 
 my fourteen infantry officers, ten had fallen, and one was 
 wounded. The Gellaba chiefs, Sheikh Khidr, Mangel 
 Medani, Hassan Wad Sattarat, and Suleiman Wad Fatah 
 had been killed, as well as Fiki Ahmed, Hassib, and 
 Shekelub. Of the thirteen artillerymen, one only remained 
 alive. The Greek Alexander, too, who had previously been 
 wounded at Deain, and who had not yet recovered, had 
 been killed. Sorrowfully we collected the dead, to pay 
 them the last honours. Amongst a heap of bodies we 
 found Sharaf ed Din, stabbed to the heart. In the soft 
 damp ground we hurriedly dug rough graves, and officers 
 and chiefs we buried in twos and threes — a terribly sad 
 task. 
 
 As for the poor wounded, there was little we could do 
 for them. Those only slightly hurt were already dressing 
 their own wounds ; but for the severe cases we had no 
 means of dressing them, and a few comforting words was 
 all the small help we could give them. It was indeed 
 painful to see such suffering, and feel how utterly incapable 
 one was of alleviating it. Catching sight of one of my boys, 
 who was carrying my satchel with a few bandages in it, I 
 took it from him and began dressing one or two cases, when 
 it suddenly occurred to me that I had not seen my other 
 boy, Morgan Hosan, who was leading one of my horses. 
 He was a fine, intelligent young fellow, scarcely sixteen 
 years old, honest, quiet, and brave. * Isa,' said I, to the 
 boy carrying the satchel, ' where is Morgan, who was lead- 
 ing my horse Mabarak [on which were my note-books and 
 sketches in the saddle-bags] ; he is an active fellow, and 
 perhaps mounted the horse, and has managed to escape.' 
 Sad and broken-hearted, poor Isa shook his head, and, his 
 eyes filling with tears, he handed me a bit of my horse's 
 bridle. * What is this V I asked. ■ Master,' said he, ' I did
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 91 
 
 not want to make you more sorry than you are. I found 
 him not far from here, lying on the ground, with a spear- 
 wound in his chest. When he saw me he smiled and 
 whispered, " I knew you would come and look for me. Say 
 good-bye to my master, and tell him I was not a coward. 
 I did not let go his horse, and it was only when I fell down 
 stabbed in the chest that they cut the bridle to which I 
 clung, and took him ; show my master the bit of the bridle 
 that is still in my hand, and tell him that Morgan was faith- 
 ful. Take the knife out of my pocket — it belongs to my 
 master ; give it to him, and say many salams to him from 
 me." ' Isa, his voice choked with sobbing, handed me the 
 knife, and I, too, now quite broke down. Poor Morgan, so 
 young and so true ! Poor master, to have lost so faithful 
 a servant and so true a friend ! ■ Tell me, Isa, what was 
 the end ?' I said. * He was thirsty,' he replied, ' and I took 
 his head in my hands, and in a few seconds he was dead. 
 I then got up and left him ; I had other things to do, and 
 there was no time to cry.' 
 
 Ordering the zariba to be strengthened, and trenches to 
 be dug inside, I then had the drums beaten, bugles blown, 
 and some rifle shots fired, so that any who might still be 
 fleeing, or stopped by the swampy ground slightly wounded, 
 might know that a place of refuge was at hand. During 
 the day a considerable number came in, and, calling over 
 the roll in the evening, I found we mustered in all nine 
 hundred men, including regulars and Bazingers — a sad and 
 broken remnant out of a force of eighty-five hundred men, 
 but still something for which to be thankful. Of our horse- 
 men and cavalry, thirty only were left — the enemy had 
 probably captured a large number, and some had perhaps 
 escaped and returned to Dara, or to their own homes ; but 
 of arms and ammunition of those who had fallen we had 
 abundance. 
 
 At sunset the Rizighat Arabs returned from the pursuit, 
 and, to their astonishment, found us in an entrenched posi- 
 tion, ready to fight them. Madibbo now sent forward his
 
 92 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Bazingers to attack us ; but after a short struggle we droves 
 them back, and darkness coming on, all firing ceased. 
 Whilst sitting talking to my officers, Sheikhs Abder Rasul, 
 Muslim Wad Kabbashi, and Sultan Begu approached, and 
 asked whether it would not be better to retreat from our 
 present position under cover of night, as, after our heavy 
 defeat and losses, we had no chance now against the enemy. 
 * Well,' said I, * you wish to retreat during the night ; but what 
 will you do with all our wounded comrades and brothers ? 
 Do you want to leave them to the tender mercies of our 
 enemies V Shamefaced, they were silent, and did not reply.. 
 1 No,' said I, ' your proposal is not a good one ; I have been 
 talking over the matter with my officers, and we have- 
 resolved to remain where we are for a few days. We have- 
 now nothing to fear but hunger ; the wounded and tired' 
 camels can be killed for food for the soldiers. Besides, we 
 can exist somehow or other for a few days. We shall most 
 certainly be attacked, as we have already been, but we 
 shall equally surely drive off the enemy. In this way the 
 men will regain confidence after the terrible shock we have 
 all suffered. I know the Rizighat ; they will not stay here 
 and watch us. I feel confident we shall settle accounts 
 with Madibbo, his Bazingers, and Sheikh Jango, who fled 
 once before to the Bahr el Ghazal. Our wounded comrades 
 will have time to recover their strength a little ; those only 
 suffering slightly will be able to march in a few days, and : 
 the others we can mount on our horses. I think my pro- 
 posal is a much better one than yours.' 
 
 Whilst I had been talking I had overheard Sultan Abakr 
 making remarks of approval, and by the time I had finished 
 all had agreed to stay. 
 
 Speaking generally to all present, I said to them, ■ Can> 
 any of you understand how it was we were defeated to- 
 day?' • No,' they all answered. 'Well, I will tell you,' I 
 replied. ■ This evening I saw amongst the wounded the 
 assistant of Hassan Wad Sattarat, commander of the rear 
 guard. He said, " Sharaf ed Din did not carry out your
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 93 
 
 instructions to relieve the rear guard, as on the previous 
 days ; the regulars were annoyed, and joined their com- 
 panies without permission, and no fresh men were sent in 
 their places. At the same time the friendly Arabs joined 
 the flank guards, and when we were attacked Hassan Wad 
 Sattarat had at his disposal only about two hundred and 
 fifty Bazingers armed with old percussion-guns." Sharaf 
 ed Din has paid for his negligence with his life, and we 
 have all suffered as well. It is too late for recrimination 
 now ; let us think of something else. Go and cheer up 
 your men ; get some sleep, so that you may be fit for what 
 to-morrow may bring. But you, Said Agha Fula, as you 
 are wounded, will probably not be able to sleep ; so we will 
 put an angareb for you to lie down on at the gate of the 
 zariba, and, should anyone attempt to go out without my 
 permission, you have my orders to shoot him.' 
 
 Now that I was alone, I had time to think over the situa- 
 tion. It was very probable we should succeed in retiring 
 on Dara ; we had over eight hundred rifles and guns. But 
 I bitterly deplored the losses ; all my best officers and 
 advisers were killed, and I dreaded lest the news of our 
 disaster should reach Dara before I could communicate, as, 
 in the event of this, the effect might be most serious, both 
 on the garrison and amongst the inhabitants. I therefore 
 w r oke up my clerk, and ordered him to write two short notes 
 — one to Zogal, and the other to the commandant, Adjutant- 
 Major Mohammed Farag — informing them that, in spite of 
 heavy losses, we were well, and that we hoped to return to 
 Dara in about a fortnight ; but should fugitives come in and 
 spread false and alarming news about our situation, they 
 were to be arrested and kept under guard till I returned. I 
 myself wrote a few lines to Gottfried Rott, describing the 
 situation, and informing him that I hoped to return to Dara 
 before long with the remainder of the troops ; that he must 
 not be down-hearted, but should do his utmost to keep up 
 the spirits of all. I enclosed also a note to my mother, 
 brothers, and sisters, bidding them farewell, as it was im-
 
 94 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 possible to foresee what would be the end of all this trouble. 
 In case I should fall, I begged Rott to send these on to my 
 dear ones at home. 
 
 Taking the letters in my hand, I now went to Abdulla 
 Om Dramo, Sheikh of the Messeria Arabs, who resided 
 near Dara, and, waking him up, I said, ' Where is your 
 brother Salama ?' ' There he is,' said he, pointing to the 
 man lying beside him, and waking him up also. ' Salama,' 
 said I, ' you can render me a great service, which will also 
 be of much advantage to yourself. You see these letters : 
 you must take them to Dara and hand them over to the 
 European Rott, whom you have often seen with me ; I 
 shall give you my own horse, which you always say is such 
 a good one, for this mission. You must leave at once, and 
 when you get near the line of the enemy encircling us, ride 
 sharply through, for they are all asleep, and you will have 
 disappeared in the dark before they can get their horses 
 ready ; once through their lines you will be safe, and in two 
 days you should be in Dara. As a reward, I will give you 
 my black mare, which is in my stable.' Whilst I was talk- 
 ing, Salama had tightened up the cloth round his chest and 
 loins, and merely said, ' Where are the letters ?' I gave 
 them to him, and, taking them, he said, ' Please God, and 
 w T ith the help of the Almighty, I shall take these letters to 
 their destination. But I prefer to ride my own horse ; he 
 may not be so swift as yours, but he is quite strong enough 
 to take me home on his back. I know my horse, and he 
 knows me. Mutual acquaintances are always an advantage 
 on such expeditions.' Whilst he was girthing up his saddle, 
 I scribbled a line to Rott, telling him to give the bearer of 
 these letters my black mare, and, handing it to him, I told 
 him what I had written ; then, leading his horse to the gate, 
 we came to Said Agha Fula, who was lying restlessly and 
 in pain on his angareb : he was wounded in the right leg 
 and left arm. I told him about Salama's mission, and he 
 then ordered the gate to be opened. In a moment Salama 
 had mounted, and, holding in his right hand his long spear,
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 95 
 
 and in his left his bundle of small spears, he started off. 
 1 1 commit you to God's keeping,' I cried. ' I trust in God,' 
 was his reply. Going slowly at first, he approached the 
 lines cautiously ; then I heard the rapid clatter of hoofs ; in 
 a few minutes one or two rifle-shots rang out in the still 
 night, then all was as silent again as death. ' May God go 
 with him !' we all ejaculated, and then re-entered the zariba. 
 Exhausted nature now claimed me, and, utterly tired out, I 
 was soon fast asleep. 
 
 When I woke up at early dawn I found the men already 
 at work strengthening the breastworks, and, as I had antici- 
 pated, the enemy renewed their attack at sunrise. For 
 some time a very brisk fire was kept up on both sides, but, 
 owing to our dominating position, the Arabs were at length 
 forced to retire, after suffering considerable loss. On our 
 side there were a few killed and wounded, amongst the 
 former being Ali Wad Hegaz, a Jaali, and one of the best 
 and bravest of his tribe. As it was our intention to remain 
 here four or five days, the men busied themselves in 
 strengthening the zariba, and we also buried the bodies of 
 friends and foes in the immediate vicinity, as already the air 
 was contaminated with the fetid smell of decaying corpses. 
 
 We passed five days in the zariba, attacked once, if not 
 twice, every day. During the action fought on the third 
 day Koreina Nur, the commander of Madibbo's gun-bearers, 
 and the bravest and boldest of his Arabs, was killed ; and 
 henceforth the enemy's attacks diminished greatly in 
 vigour. 
 
 But now we had a new enemy to contend against — 
 famine. Almost everything eatable in the camp had been 
 consumed ; the camel meat, which had amply sufficed for 
 the men, was now finished ; there was not a grain of dhurra 
 left ; my officers and I had lived for some time on some old 
 crusts of dhurra bread, which we had cooked with the leaves 
 of a plant called kawal, and stirred up into a sort of taste- 
 less porridge. We had no prospect of being relieved ; to 
 stay longer where we were was impossible, and already we
 
 96 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 were weakened by want of food ; I therefore assembled the 
 entire force — consisting of nine hundred men, almost all of 
 whom were armed with rifles and guns, except a few Arabs, 
 who, being ignorant of fire-arms, preferred to trust to their 
 lances — and, addressing them in a few words, I told them 
 that the blood of their dead officers and chiefs cried to them 
 for vengeance, that their wives and children anxiously 
 awaited their return, but that it was impossible to reach 
 them without enduring troubles with patience, and facing 
 difficulties with courage and endurance ; and I closed my 
 harangue by saying that those in whose hearts was fear had 
 left us in the day of battle, but those now before me had 
 bravely stood their ground against overwhelming odds, and 
 that I had no doubt they would do so again, and that God 
 would crown our efforts by victory. 
 
 A shout, and the shaking of rifles and guns over their 
 heads, which is their usual method of signifying their 
 obedience and courage, was their reply ; and I then dis- 
 missed them, with orders to prepare to march the following 
 day. I now took out the hammers from the percussion- 
 guns belonging to the killed, which lay heaped up in the 
 middle of the zariba, and threw them into a rain-pool ; but 
 of the stocks I made a bonfire. The filled shells for the 
 gun I threw into the water, and as much ammunition as 
 possible was distributed amongst the soldiers, each man 
 carrying from sixteen to eighteen dozen rounds ; but all the 
 percussion-gun ammunition I was obliged to destroy, in 
 case it should fall into the hands of the enemy ; the lead in 
 the cartridges was removed, and some of the very severely 
 wounded having just died, I placed it in the open graves, 
 over which we laid the bodies of our poor comrades, as 
 guardians of our precious metal. 
 
 It was on a Saturday, the seventh day after our disaster, 
 and just after sunrise, that we marched out of the zariba, 
 and, forming up in square with flank and rear guards, we 
 began our retreat. The only two camels remaining drew 
 the gun in the middle of the square, and I sent out two
 
 A Dervish Emir.
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHD1SM 
 
 9V 
 
 Arab horsemen as far as possible on each side to scout. 
 We had one hundred and sixty wounded inside the square, 
 and as many of them as could march did so ; but the most 
 severe cases we mounted on the few remaining horses, each 
 horse carrying two or three men. I myself was prepared to 
 walk, but, at the urgent request of my officers, I mounted, 
 so as to obtain a better view over the country. We all knew 
 that when we had marched some distance from the zariba 
 we should most certainly be attacked ; I therefore had the 
 gun loaded, and we resolved to sell our lives dearly. We 
 well understood the Arab mode of fighting, and were confi- 
 dent that if we succeeded in driving back the first two or 
 three attacks, we should not be further molested. It was 
 decided the line of direction should be north-east, as the 
 ground was more open ; but we were ignorant of the rain- 
 pools, as our guides were either killed or had deserted. 
 
 Before we had been on the march an hour, we were 
 attacked in the rear by horsemen, and I knew the decisive 
 moment had come. Halting instantly, I called in the flank 
 guards closer to the square, and, accompanied by my own 
 escort of fifty men, proceeded to the rear guard, distant 
 about two hundred yards. The gun was run out to the rear 
 face of the square, and several of the slightly wounded held 
 the cartridges and shell ready to reload without delay. 
 Before the enemy's footmen were in sight we could hear tha 
 sound of their advance, and when they did appear, a few 
 well-directed volleys from the rear guard had the effect of 
 slightly checking them ; but, encouraged by those coming 
 up behind, they rushed towards us, waving their great 
 lances in their right hands, and carrying in their left bundles 
 of small throwing spears. They succeeded in coming so 
 close that several of our men were wounded by thrown 
 spears ; but our fire created havoc among their ranks, and 
 the gun played on them freely from the square. Their 
 spearmen now gave way to Madibbo's and Jangho's 
 Bazingers, and a very brisk fire was maintained on both 
 sides; but, getting reinforcements from the square, we 
 
 7
 
 98 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 succeeded, after twenty minutes' hard struggle, in driving 
 back the attack. On the first shots being fired, I had at 
 once jumped off my horse, which is always understood in 
 the Sudan to mean that, abandoning his chance of flight in 
 •case of a reverse, the commander has determined to conquer 
 or die with his troops ; and now that the action was over, 
 the men came round me, and we had a great mutual 
 hand-shaking over this our first success. 
 
 Whilst we had been engaged in combating the attack on 
 the rear, the left flank guard had also become engaged, and, 
 though the enemy had been driven off, nevertheless it had 
 suffered somewhat, and my best remaining officer, Zeidan 
 Agha, was dangerously wounded. He was a Nubian by 
 birth, and during the Darfur campaign had shown con- 
 spicuous gallantry in recapturing, at the head of only twelve 
 men, a gun which had been taken by the enemy. For this 
 service he had been promoted to the rank of an officer, and 
 now he lay with a bullet through his right lung. I asked 
 him how he was, and, giving me his hand, he murmured, 
 * Now that we have conquered, we are all right '; and, 
 pressing my hand, in a few minutes he was dead. Besides 
 him, we had lost twenty men killed, and several wounded. 
 Our dead we buried roughly, as there was no time to dig 
 graves ; but we covered them sufficiently to avoid the re- 
 proach that we had left our dead unburied, and then con- 
 tinued our march with the same precautions, but with 
 considerably increased confidence. 
 
 About three o'clock another attack on the rear was 
 signalled ; but this time it was not pressed home, and we 
 drove off the enemy without suffering any loss ourselves. 
 We now halted and formed a zariba, momentarily expect- 
 ing another attack. But to our surprise we passed the 
 night undisturbed, and the next morning at sunrise, having 
 finished all our water, we resumed our march. Again we 
 were subjected to an attack, but on this occasion it was even 
 weaker than that of the previous afternoon, and was driven 
 off without any trouble. We continued our march till mid-
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 99 
 
 day without finding any water, but got a little rest under 
 the shady trees, and found a quantity of ' fayo,' a sort of 
 native radish, and very juicy. Three small leaves springing 
 from the ground denote its presence, and it was sucked with 
 avidity by our parched troops, and in some measure assuaged 
 our thirst ; but, still, it was absolutely necessary to find 
 water. After a short halt we pushed on again, and by good 
 fortune accidentally came across a Rizighat shepherd, driving 
 before him a flock of sheep. In an instant the men had seized 
 the sheep, while the unfortunate shepherd, taken completely 
 by surprise, did not attempt to escape, and would cer- 
 tainly have been killed had I not rushed forward and pre- 
 vented the men from harming him. I now had all the sheep 
 driven inside the square, and meanwhile, my boys, having 
 tied the Arab's hands behind his back, brought him before 
 me. But before interrogating him, I gave orders for the 
 sheep, of which there were over two hundred, to be dis- 
 tributed amongst the famished men, to every five men one 
 sheep, and we kept a few for ourselves. What a godsend 
 to us was this food ! Turning now to the Arab, I told him 
 that his life would be spared if he would guide us to a 
 rain pool ; and that if he proved faithful I should give him 
 a good reward, and let him go to his own home. He 
 agreed, but said that there were only a few small pools in 
 this neighbourhood, and that if we went on some distance 
 and then halted he would guarantee to bring us to the * fula 
 el beida ' (the white rain-pool) early the next morning, 
 where there was sufficient water to last us for months. I was 
 somewhat suspicious of him, and therefore ordered a non- 
 commissioned officer and eight men to keep guard over him, 
 and not to allow him to go far from me. We then resumed 
 the march, halted at sunset, and made our zariba as usual. 
 We came across a few pools, but they were quite insuffi- 
 cient ; and as we were still suffering considerably from 
 thirst, I started on again at earliest dawn, having passed a 
 miserable and sleepless night. About mid-day the guide 
 pointed out some large trees, under which he said the pool 
 
 7—2
 
 ioo FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 lay. Halting, therefore, at once, I ordered the gun to be 
 dismounted and loaded, and all preparations made to resist. 
 It seemed to me very probable that the enemy, knowing 
 that we should be suffering from thirst, would be in con- 
 cealment somewhere near the water, and would charge us as 
 we were approaching. I now called on the men to strictly 
 obey all orders, and on no account to become undisciplined. 
 But as soon as the water came in view the poor thirsty- 
 troops could contain themselves no longer, and rushed pell- 
 mell towards it. I managed to restrain the forty men I had 
 as escort, and there were about the same number with the 
 rear guard ; and although I sounded the ' assembly ' again 
 and again, the men were now completely out of hand, 
 plunging up to their waists in the water, in their frenzy of 
 delight. But, as I had anticipated, the enemy were con- 
 cealed behind the trees — fortunately at some distance off — 
 and, seeing our disorder, they now made a general attack 
 from all sides. Galloping to the front, followed by the 
 escort, we opened fire ; while Mohammed Suleiman did the 
 same as regards the rear. Our demoralized men, seeing the 
 situation, at once fell in, and after some heavy firing we 
 drove off the enemy, losing in this melee only one horse. 
 We now selected a suitable position near the water, and set 
 to work to make a zariba ; and that finished, the men killed 
 their sheep ; fires were lighted, and in an hour they were 
 enjoying the first solid meal they had had for many a day. 
 As we were all sadly in need of a rest, I decided to remain 
 in this position till the following day. 
 
 That evening a report came in from the outposts that a 
 man was seen waving a piece of white calico, and asking to 
 be allowed to see me. I did not wish him to enter the 
 zariba and see all our wounded ; I therefore went out, and 
 found that he was one of Madibbo's slaves, bearing a letter 
 for me from his master. In this letter Madibbo called on 
 me to surrender and hand over my arms. He further wrote 
 that the Mahdi was now encamped before El Obeid, which 
 he expected to capture shortly. He promised to treat me
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 101 
 
 with all respect, and to send me under safe escort to the 
 Mahdi. I now ordered this letter to be read aloud to the 
 men, who greeted it with jeers, and asked the slave if his 
 master was mad, to which the terror-stricken man replied 
 that he did not really know. I then turned to him seriously, 
 and, speaking loud enough for all to hear, I said, ■ Tell 
 Madibbo it was God's will we should have suffered losses, 
 but we are not defeated. We are wandering about in his 
 country, and if he does not like us to do so he must accept 
 the situation, as he has neither the power nor the courage 
 to stop us. If he is really an adherent of the Mahdi, and 
 desires to enjoy the pleasures of Paradise promised him, 
 then let him come here to-morrow morning. We shall wait 
 for him, and for his sake we shall not march to-morrow.' 
 
 Most of the men had now gathered round us, and were 
 listening to this speech and laughing ; and when I bade the 
 messenger good-bye, some of the wits begged him to give 
 Madibbo their compliments, and tell him they hoped soon 
 to have the pleasure of his personal acquaintance. The 
 men were now in the highest spirits ; they really did wish 
 to make Madibbo's acquaintance, and wipe out, if possible, 
 the defeat they had suffered at Om Waragat. 
 
 That evening I presented our guide with a piece of red 
 cloth, a pair of silver bangles, and a few dollars, which I 
 borrowed from the surviving merchants, and he quitted the 
 zariba full of gratitude. At the same time I told him that 
 should he come to Dara I would repay him the value of his 
 sheep. 
 
 The next morning we ascertained in various ways that 
 "Madibbo was not far off, and after our boasting it behoved 
 us to be very cautious. However, we were not attacked. 
 The next morning I gave orders to march, and on the 
 following day we reached Bir Dilwei, and thence we con- 
 tinued our march without interruption to Dara. 
 
 On the road letters reached me saying that Salama, 
 whom I had sent off from Om Waragat, had arrived safely ; 
 they reported rumours that the Mima intended to revolt ;
 
 102 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 and Rott, in a letter of which the handwriting was scarcely 
 legible, told me that he had been taken ill the previous- 
 Saturday, and was very anxious to see me. I also received 
 a report from Omar Wad Darho, stating that he had heard 
 El Obeid was besieged, and that he did not think the Homr 
 Arabs would dare to attack Om Shanga again, after their 
 constant defeats. The reports of the Mudir of El Fasher 
 were in general satisfactory, except as regards the Mima 
 Arabs. News from Kebkebia and Kulkul was also good. 
 
 It behoved me now to look after my own bruises. In the 
 various fights I had been wounded three times. A bullet 
 had shattered the ring-finger of my right hand, which had 
 to be amputated almost to the root ; the fingers on either 
 side were also damaged. Another bullet had struck me in 
 the upper part of my leg, and, flattening against the bone,, 
 made it protrude. A thrown lance had also struck me in 
 the right knee. In spite of these wounds, I had been able to- 
 go through the campaign without much suffering ; but I felt 
 weak and overdone, and was very glad of a few days' rest. 
 
 I found poor Gottfried Rott very seriously ill. He wanted 
 to move to Fasher for change of air ; so I sent him, in 
 charge of an officer, who was ordered to take him to my 
 house in El Fasher, and at the same time I wrote to a 
 Greek merchant named Dimitri Zigada, and asked him to 
 do all he could for the patient. 
 
 The news from Kordofan being very contradictory — 
 though at the same time the general tenor was unsatis- 
 factory — I set to work to try and procure some reliable 
 information. I therefore sent Khaled Wad Imam and 
 Mohammed Wad Asi — the latter a most faithful man — to 
 that province, with instructions either to send me news with 
 the least possible delay, or return with it themselves^ 
 Khaled Wad Imam had been brought up with Zogal, and 
 although they were not related to each other, they were 
 generally looked upon as brothers. My reason for sending 
 him with Asi was that he should protect him in El Obeid, 
 and the plan succeeded admirably ; for Khaled was naturally
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 103 
 
 anxious to do nothing which would jeopardize Zogal, who, 
 of course, remained with me at Dara. At the same time 
 I cautioned Asi to remain on as friendly terms as possible 
 with Khaled, and to try and find out if Zogal was in com- 
 munication with the Mahdi, and, under any circumstances, 
 to return to me as quickly as possible. 
 
 In twelve days the caravan which I had sent with Gott- 
 fried Rott to procure ammunition returned from El Fasher 
 with the fifty camels, a hundred boxes of Remington 
 ammunition, and ten kantars of lead. Said Bey made the 
 usual excuses, that he could hire no camels from the 
 employes, and Adam Amer wrote that, owing to the dis- 
 turbed aspect of affairs in the Fasher district, it was impos- 
 sible to send me the reinforcements I had ordered. 
 
 I now thoroughly understood the situation. The officers 
 were undoubtedly hostile to me. They had talked amongst 
 themselves, and had spread rumours all through the country 
 that Ahmed Pasha Arabi had turned his master, the Khe- 
 dive, out of Egypt, because he was friendly to Christians, 
 and admitted them into his service ; that Arabi was now 
 master of the country, and had turned out all who were not 
 Egyptians, such as Turks and Circassians, and had confis- 
 cated their property, which had been turned over to the 
 Government. They had further declared that I had been 
 discharged from my position, but that, owing to the roads 
 being cut, the authority for my dismissal had not come to 
 hand. Of course the more sensible people placed no cre- 
 dence in these idle tales ; but there was no doubt my 
 authority was distinctly impaired, and this state of things was 
 taken full advantage of by those who owed me a grudge. 
 Hitherto there had been no overt act of disobedience to my 
 orders ; but excuses were being continually made, so there 
 was evident inclination not to comply with them. However, 
 such was the situation, and I had to put up with it, and 
 be as cheerful as I could under the circumstances. I was 
 reminded of the Arab proverb, ■ El kalb yenbah wa el gamal 
 mashi ' (' The dog barks, whilst the came 1 unheeding passes
 
 K)4 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 by ') ; in other words, I thought it better to take no notice 
 of all this cackling. 
 
 The next post brought me news of poor Gottfried Rott's 
 death. In spite of most careful nursing and attention he 
 gradually sank, and was buried at El Fasher, beside Dr. , 
 Pfund and Friedrich Rosset, who had died there some years 
 before. 
 
 The Mima were now in a state of open revolt. I there- 
 fore sent instructions to Omar Wad Darho to proceed 
 with two hundred regulars and two hundred horsemen 
 into their country, to chastise them ; and at the same time 
 I decided to operate against the Khawabir, who were acting 
 in conjunction with the Mima. Darho started off, and had 
 a successful little campaign, defeating the Mima at Fafa 
 and Woda, whilst I proceeded, with a hundred and fifty 
 regulars and fifty horsemen, via Shieria, to Bir Om Lawai, 
 where the Khawabir, apprised of my approach, were waiting 
 to attack me. After a short fight they were defeated and 
 dispersed, and we captured a considerable number of sheep 
 and oxen. 
 
 When these operations were over, I instructed Darho to 
 join me at Bir Om Lawai with the remainder of his men. 
 In a few days he arrived, and gave me a full account of all 
 his doings, and further details of the Mahdi's successes in 
 Kordofan, which to me were excessively disquieting. 
 
 On the evening in which I was writing out his instruc- 
 tions for his expedition against the Khawabir, a certain 
 Abderrahman Wad Sherif came and urgently begged to 
 speak to me. He was a well-known Dara merchant, and 
 had previously travelled to Khartum. He began by saying 
 that as I had always treated him with kindness, he thought 
 it his duty to inform me that El Obeid had capitulated, 
 adding that the early news of this sad event might enable 
 me to take the measures I considered necessary. This was 
 a terrible blow, but I thanked him for his melancholy news, 
 and he then described to me in detail what had taken place. 
 He was present at the time of the surrender, and had left
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 10S 
 
 three days afterwards to visit his family in Dara, but hearing 
 at Toweisha that I was at Bir Om Lawai, he had come 
 straight to me, as he was most anxious that this news should 
 reach me first through a friend. 
 
 As I knew it was useless to try and keep this secret, I 
 summoned Darho and Suleiman Basyuni, and told them 
 what I had heard, and we talked over the steps which we 
 should now take. It was very evident that this news would 
 prove an immense incentive to those hostilely inclined to 
 the Government, and there was no doubt my presence in 
 Dara was un urgent necessity. As the Mima and Khawabir 
 had been chastised, the next thing in order of importance 
 was to send an expedition to Toweisha, and on the following 
 day I wrote to Said Bey Guma that Om Shanga should be 
 evacuated, and that the garrison, merchants, and any who 
 wished should withdraw to El Fasher. I explained that as 
 .El Obeid had fallen, it was more than probable the Arabs 
 would now turn on Om Shanga, and if invested, it would be 
 quite impossible to send relief; and that, under any circum- 
 stances, it was imperative that the principal fighting forces 
 in the province should be concentrated at Fasher. I also 
 ordered him to establish a strong post at Fafa and Woda, 
 in the Mima country, in order to keep open communication 
 between Fasher and Dara. Omar Wad Darho and his 
 men I instructed to return forthwith to El Fasher, adding 
 that any booty taken from the Mima should be distributed 
 amongst his men and the Fasher garrison, whilst that taken 
 from the Khawabir should go to the Dara troops. On the 
 following day we separated — Darho to Fasher, and I back 
 to Dara. 
 
 In a few days the news of the fall of El Obeid had spread 
 far and wide, and the effect on the Arab tribes became 
 immediately apparent ; meetings were held in all parts of 
 the country, and it was decided almost unanimously to rise 
 against the Government. 
 
 The day I arrived at Dara I ordered all the dhurra I could 
 find to be bought up ; we had a considerable amount now
 
 106 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 in store, but more would certainly be advantageous. Sheikh 
 Ann now sent me news that his tribe had revolted, and had 
 joined the Rizighat, but he himself, true to his promise, was 
 leaving his own country with his family and relatives, and 
 was coming to me via Dar Helba, and that he had sent his 
 brother Ali with a message to Beshari Bey Wad Bekir, the 
 head Sheikh of the Beni Helba, with whom solemn oaths 
 had been exchanged, agreeing to his safe conduct through his 
 country, and therefore he hoped to be with me in a few days. 
 
 I was awaiting his arrival when the sad news came that 
 he had been killed. In him I lost my most faithful Arab 
 Sheikh. It transpired that the Beni Helba, who had been 
 ordered by their Sheikh to let him through, wanted to take 
 from him his numerous sheep and oxen, and having refused, 
 a fight had ensued ; he had performed prodigies of valour, 
 but had been slain by some spearmen concealed amongst 
 the trees, when in pursuit of the mounted Arabs, whom he 
 had twice successfully driven off. 
 
 Mohammed Wad Asi, whom I had sent with Khaled 
 Wad Imam, now returned from Kordofan, and gave me the 
 fullest particulars regarding the situation there. He brought 
 me the good news that Government was collecting a large 
 force in Khartum for the re-conquest of Kordofan, but that 
 no doubt a considerable time must elapse before the expedi- 
 tion could start. I told him to spread this news in all 
 directions, and then inquired as to Zogal's relations with 
 the Mahdi. He replied that, in spite of the most careful 
 investigation, he could not ascertain definitely if any direct 
 correspondence took place between them, but he had no 
 doubt that Zogal received verbal messages from the Mahdi, 
 brought by itinerant merchants ; he, however, shared my 
 views, that Zogal, being a man of position and education, 
 must be well aware of the actual motives of the revolt, and 
 would not be likely to embark on any foolish undertaking. 
 No doubt the capitulation of El Obeid had greatly weakened 
 our position, and with the whole of Kordofan in the hands 
 of the enemy, it behoved us to act with the greatest caution
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 107 
 
 and circumspection. Wad Asi's news about the expedition 
 preparing in Khartum would probably have the effect on 
 the Mahdi of making him keep his forces together so as to 
 offer a united resistance ; it was not, therefore, likely he 
 would turn to us just at present. We must give all our 
 attention to the revolt of the Arab tribes, who, now thor- 
 oughly inflamed by the news of the capitulation of El Obeid, 
 and stirred up by fanatical proclamations, were ready to 
 proceed to any extremity. As the operations of the intended 
 expedition to Kordofan would not probably be finished till 
 the w r inter, it was imperative that we should try and hold 
 out by some means till then. 
 
 In spite of the formation of the military post at Fafa and 
 Woda, the Bir Om Lawai Khawabir Arabs had again 
 collected, and, joined by a number of Mima who had been 
 irritated by the roads to their country being cut, and sti- 
 mulated by the fall of El Obeid, were now stirring up the 
 entire country between Fasher and Dara, whilst the troops 
 at Fafa were not in sufficient force to attack them. I there- 
 fore decided on another expedition against them, as I was 
 resolved to show them that the fall of El Obeid had not dis- 
 couraged us. Selecting two hundred and fifty old soldiers, 
 well inured to war, I had them trained in bayonet exercise 
 for a few days preparatory to my departure, the date of 
 which I kept strictly secret. 
 
 Taking with me all the horses I could muster at the time, 
 some seventy in number, and instructing Wad Asi to keep 
 me informed of events in Dara during my absence, I ad- 
 vanced rapidly, and in two days reached the neighbourhood 
 of Bir Om Lawai, where both the Mima and Khawabir 
 were collected. We took with us only our arms and ammu- 
 nition, as our intention was to attack them and then return. 
 The instant, therefore, the enemy came in view, I gave the 
 order to * fix bayonets,' and, in spite of the Bazingers and 
 their guns, after a sharp fight of twenty minutes we drove 
 them off and dispersed them. A few of the Mima Arabs 
 had got amongst my men, but had all been bayoneted. I
 
 108 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 now ordered the horsemen to take up behind them the 
 regulars and pursue, and do their utmost to discover where 
 the water-melons were stored, as they would undoubtedly 
 make for them to quench their thirst. This order was well 
 carried out, the water-melons were destroyed, and a number 
 of women and children captured, whilst the tribesmen were 
 scattered over the country in search of water, and many 
 died of thirst. The next day the enemy's camp was burnt, 
 and the women and children, who would otherwise have 
 perished, I ordered to be brought to Bir Om Lawai, which 
 I now attacked. The enemy here made a most determined 
 defence, and I lost sixteen men killed, and twenty wounded. 
 This loss brought home the fact to me that I had very few 
 good regulars left, whilst the enemy, even if defeated, were 
 daily increasing in number. 
 
 Being the solitary European in a foreign country, and in 
 the midst of an intriguing and unfriendly population, I had 
 to resort to all sorts of means to discover the plots and 
 designs of those by whom I was surrounded ; and some- 
 times, by money, or by gifts distributed in secret, I was able 
 to learn beforehand what was likely to occur, and take 
 measures accordingly. Through the help of my servants I 
 utilised the services of some of the profligate women of the 
 town, who, as was the custom of the country, prepared the 
 native beer, or marissa, which is consumed in large quanti- 
 ties by the lower classes in the brothels. These houses 
 were the rendezvous for every description of loafer, grumbler, 
 and tattler who wished to let his tongue wag without restraint, 
 under the influence of drink. My servants had told me that 
 during these drinking-bouts they frequently talked of the 
 great religious rising of the Mahdi, for which, it may be 
 readily imagined, those present had not much sympathy. 
 It was, however, generally agreed that the Government 
 having placed so many Christians and unbelievers in high 
 positions, in which they were employed in combating this 
 religious reformer, the result must be bad. The soldiers 
 who frequented these houses of ill-fame often remarked, I
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 109 
 
 was told, that although they liked me, they attributed the 
 losses we had suffered in action to the fact of my being a 
 Christian. I was perfectly well aware that these views were 
 not the outcome of the brain of the Black soldier, who, as a 
 rule, cares little about religion, but were instigated by those 
 who were doing their utmost to upset and nullify my autho- 
 rity, and make me unpopular with the men. 
 
 Now, on my return from Bir Om Lawai, still more serious 
 news awaited me. My servants told me that in one of the 
 brothels belonging to a woman in my secret pay, daily 
 meetings were held, in which the soldiers discussed the pro- 
 ject of wholesale desertion. On inquiry I found that the 
 principal instigators of these seditious meetings were non- 
 commissioned officers and men of the Fur tribe, who were 
 reported to be tired of this constant fighting, and who de- 
 clared that the days of Turkish authority were numbered. 
 Their plan was to desert to Sultan Dud Benga, the successor 
 of Sultan Harun, who resided on the western slopes of Jebel 
 Marra. As the Fur section was the most numerous and 
 powerful in the battalion, the matter was a most serious 
 one ; I therefore sent for the battalion commander, Adjutant- 
 Major Mohammed Effendi Farag, and told him what I had 
 heard. He appeared greatly surprised, and assured me he 
 knew nothing of the matter, and that he should not fail to 
 unearth the plot, and bring the ringleaders to justice. I 
 ordered him to maintain the strictest secrecy, and do nothing 
 which would raise the slightest suspicion. Whilst he was 
 with me I sent for my servant and handed him a bag full of 
 money, telling him to take it to the woman and instruct her 
 to invite the various persons concerned to her house the 
 next day, and give them an exceptionally good entertain- 
 ment at her own expense ; at the same time I told my 
 servant to induce her to let him hide somewhere in the house 
 where he could overhear what was said, and that if she 
 could carry out these directions to my satisfaction I should 
 reward her handsomely. Soon after my servant returned, 
 telling me he had arranged everything.
 
 no FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 The day following the entertainment I again sent for the 
 adjutant -major, and was now able to communicate to him 
 the names of six of the ringleaders, whom I ordered him 
 to instantly arrest ; moreover, I was able to give him the 
 details of the design and the actual date of its intended 
 execution. In half an hour he returned with the six pri- 
 soners, whose hands were tied behind their backs. They 
 comprised one sergeant, three corporals, and two lance- 
 corporals — all of the Fur tribe. They were accompanied 
 by a crowd of kavasses and spectators, whom I sent off, and 
 then, in the presence of their commanding officer, I asked 
 them what instigated them to revolt against the Govern- 
 ment. They absolutely denied having any such intention, 
 and assured me of their innocence. ' But,' said I, * I know 
 perfectly well you have been holding meetings in the house 
 of your compatriot Khadiga. I gave you plenty of time to 
 come to reason, but you grew daily more rebellious. Yes- 
 terday you were all with Khadiga, drinking marissa, and 
 you agreed that the day after to-morrow you would execute 
 your plan. Your object was to join with your friends in the 
 third, fourth, and fifth companies, take your arms, open the 
 western gate of the fort, and desert to Sultan Abdullahi, 
 and, if necessary, to have recourse to force to carry out your 
 design. Did you not assert yesterday, Sergeant Mohammed, 
 that you had almost two hundred men at your disposal ? 
 You see now I know everything, and it is useless to deny it.' 
 
 They listened in silence ; they knew they had been dis- 
 covered, and now they freely confessed, and asked for my 
 pardon. ( That is out of my hands,' I replied. ' Go now 
 with your commandant and confess openly that you are 
 guilty in the presence of the other officers of the battalion ; 
 the law shall decide.' I then instructed the commandant 
 to assemble a court-martial, and to arrange that all the non- 
 commissioned officers should be present whilst the evidence 
 was being taken ; but at the same time I warned him to let 
 it be understood by all (as I was afraid that some of the 
 men might desert through fear) that other men implicated
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM in 
 
 in the case should not be punished, as I held the non-com- 
 missioned officers alone responsible. The same afternoon 
 the proceedings of the case, with the full confessions, were 
 brought to me, but without the sentence. I therefore re- 
 turned them to the court to give sentence, and soon after- 
 wards the commandant returned. The court had sentenced 
 them to death, but recommended them to mercy. In my 
 opinion an example was absolutely necessary, and though it 
 was pain and grief to me, I confirmed the sentence of death, 
 which was ordered to be carried out at once. 
 
 The regulars and irregulars were marched to an open 
 space outside the zariba ; six graves were dug, and the con- 
 demned men, who showed no signs of fear, after saying two 
 rakas (short prayers), were led to the brinks of the graves, 
 and there shot dead by the six detachments. I spoke to the 
 assembled men, warning them that anyone again found 
 guilty of mutinous or seditious conduct would undoubtedly 
 suffer the same penalty, and I sincerely trusted this would 
 be the first and last case of the kind that should ever be 
 brought to my notice. I hoped we should all be better 
 friends in the future, and that times would improve. I then 
 ordered the garrison to march back to the fort. 
 
 I was upset and sad. I thought of the number of good 
 men lost in our fights, and now I was forced to take the 
 most extreme measures to maintain discipline. On all sides 
 intriguers were doing their utmost to impair my authority, 
 quite ignoring the fact that should they succeed they would 
 be no better off — indeed, times were to come when they 
 would be only too glad to obey the orders of the European 
 they now so detested. That evening I sent for Mohammed 
 Effendi Farag, and questioned him about the day's proceed- 
 ings, and whether the men had been impressed by the exe- 
 cution, remarking, at the same time, that the soldiers must 
 thoroughly understand their non-commissioned officers fully 
 deserved the punishment they received, and, moreover, that 
 it was an act of great leniency on my part not to take action 
 against the other men implicated in the plot. * Now, Farag
 
 ua FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Effendi,' said I, f I want you to be thoroughly true and 
 straightforward with me. I know that you are friendly- 
 minded towards me, otherwise I should not certainly have 
 asked you to come and speak with me alone. Tell me, how 
 am I regarded personally by the men and the officers, ex- 
 cepting, of course, those who are selfishly seeking their own 
 interests?' . 'Although not accustomed to such severe dis- 
 cipline,' he answered, ' they are fond of you, and you are 
 beloved by the men because you pay them regularly, which 
 was not formerly the case. Besides, they much appreciate 
 your custom of distributing the plunder amongst them. 
 But this year we have had very heavy losses, and the men 
 are getting tired of continual fighting.' 
 
 1 But,' said I, ■ we have to fight. I do not go out on ex- 
 peditions to make conquests or gain honour and glory ; per- 
 sonally, I would much prefer rest and peace.' ' Of course 
 I quite understand that,' said Farag Effendi ; * still, these 
 losses, which might have been avoided, have greatly affected 
 the men. One man has lost his father ; another his brother ; 
 many have lost friends and relatives ; and if this goes on 
 they will become disinclined to fight.' 
 
 ' I also quite understand that,' I replied. ■ Although I 
 have not lost a father or brother, still I have lost friends ; 
 and I risk my precious life equally with my officers and 
 men. I am always with them, and am just as liable to be 
 struck by bullets and spears as they are.' ' They are well 
 aware of that,' he answered, 'and you should give them 
 credit for their obedience to foreigners, with whom they are 
 always ready to risk their lives.' ' Certainly I am a foreigner 
 and a European,' I said ; ' and I have no reason to make a 
 secret of it, or be ashamed of it. Is this what they object 
 to ? Now, tell me truly.' 
 
 Mohammed Farag was one of my best-educated officers. 
 He had studied in various schools in Cairo, but had been 
 taken as a conscript ; he was one of those rare men who 
 acknowledge others' merits, and was always ready to learn 
 from those he thought better educated than himself. He
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 113 
 
 was neither fanatical nor religious, but he was a grumbler, 
 and rather hot-tempered. These were, I think, his only 
 bad qualities, and they had led him to commit some crime, 
 for which he had been banished to the Sudan. 
 
 When I now called upon him to tell me the truth he 
 threw up his head and looked straight at me, and said, 
 * Well, you wish me to tell you the truth, then here it is : 
 they do not object to you on account of your nationality, 
 but on account of your faith.' At last I had drawn out of 
 him what I was so anxious to know. 
 
 * Why on account of my faith?' I asked. 'During all 
 these years that I have been in Darfur they knew that I was 
 a Christian, and yet no one ever said a word to me.' ■ Ah !* 
 said he, ' the times were very different then, and much better; 
 but now that this rascally Dongolawi has made a cloak of 
 religion, he has adherents everywhere who purposely incite 
 the people so as to attain their own evil ends. The idea 
 has got about in the battalion (I do not know who started 
 it) that in this religious war you will never be able to gain 
 a victory, and that in every battle you fight you will suffer 
 great losses, till at length you yourself will be killed. You 
 can perfectly understand how an ignorant soldier would 
 credit all this, and how he would impute it to the fact of 
 your being a Christian. Our men are far too stupid to 
 realize that our losses are due to the vastly superior strength 
 of the rebels, and that as we have no chance of being re- 
 lieved, so we must go on suffering defeat.' 
 
 1 Suppose that I now turned Mohammedan,* said I, ■ would 
 my men believe in me and hope for victory ? and would that 
 give them more confidence in me ?' 'Of course the men 
 would believe you,' said he — ' at least the majority of them; 
 have you not taken every opportunity of showing respect to 
 our religion, and even caused it to be respected by others ? 
 They will trust you implicitly ; but will you change your 
 faiih from conviction?' he asked, smiling. 
 
 ' Mohammed Effendi,' said I, ' you are an intelligent and 
 well-educated man ; here conviction has nothing to do with 
 
 8
 
 Ii 4 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the case. In this life one has often to do things which are 
 contrary to one's persuasions, either by compulsion or from 
 some other cause. I shall be quite content if the soldiers 
 believe me and abandon their silly superstitions. Whether 
 others believe me or not is a matter of indifference to me. 
 I thank you most sincerely ; keep our conversation entirely 
 to yourself. Good night !' 
 
 Mohammed Effendi Farag now left, and after a few 
 minutes' deliberation I resolved to present myself to the 
 troops the following morning as a Mohammedan. I was 
 perfectly well aware that in taking this step I should be 
 placing myself in a curious position, which could not fail to 
 be condemned by some. However, I made up my mind to 
 do it, knowing that I should thereby cut the ground from 
 under the feet of these intriguers, and should have a better 
 chance of preserving the province with which the Govern- 
 ment had intrusted me. In my early youth my religious 
 ideas were somewhat lax ; but at the same time I believed 
 myself to be, by conviction as well as by education, a good 
 Christian, though I was always inclined to let people take 
 their own way to salvation. The simple fact was that I 
 had not been sent to the Sudan as a missionary, but as an 
 official of the Egyptian Government. 
 
 At sunrise the next morning I sent for the adjutant-major, 
 and ordered him to have all the troops paraded, and to wait 
 for me ; I then sent word to Zogal to summon before me 
 the Kadi, Ahmed Wad Beshir, and the chief merchant, 
 Mohammed Ahmed. When they came I talked to them on 
 general matters, and then told them to come on parade with 
 me inside the fort, only a few hundred paces from my door. 
 Taking command of the parade, I ordered the troops to 
 form square, and, mounted on horseback, I then entered 
 it, accompanied by the officers, attendants, and officials. 
 1 Soldiers !' said I, ' we have passed through many hard 
 times together ; the presence of danger shows what a man 
 is made of. You have fought and endured bravely, and I 
 am certain you will continue to do so. We fight for our
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 115. 
 
 master the Khedive, the ruler of this country, and for our 
 lives. I have shared with you your joys and your sorrows. 
 Where danger was to be faced I was there with you, and 
 that shall ever be my place. Although I am your chief, my 
 life at such times is of no more value than yours.' * Allah 
 yetawel umrak ! Allah yekhallik !' (' May God give you long 
 life ! May God preserve you !') shouted most of the men. 
 I then continued : i I hear that I am considered a foreigner 
 and an unbeliever. You also all belong to different tribes ; 
 my birthplace is far away, it is true, but I am not a 
 foreigner. I am not an unbeliever ; I am as much a 
 believer as you. Ashadu inna la ilaha illallah wa inna 
 Mohammed rasul Allah !' (' I bear witness that there is no 
 God but God, and Mohammed is His Prophet'). On my 
 uttering these words the soldiers raised their rifles, shook 
 their lances, and shouted out congratulations to me, whilst 
 the officers and officials advanced and shook hands with me. 
 When order was restored, I told them that I should openly 
 attend prayers with them, and, ordering the men to re-form, 
 Farag Effendi gave the ' present arms,' and the men then 
 marched off to their quarters. 
 
 When everything was over, I invited Zogal Bey, my 
 former companion, and the officers, to remain and partake 
 of food and coffee with me ; they then bade me good-bye, 
 assuring me of their delight, fidelity, and obedience. They 
 made as if they credited me with my convictions, and I gave 
 them equally to understand that I believed in the reality of 
 their feelings and sentiments (though I well knew how little 
 they were really worth). When they left I told Farag 
 Effendi to select twenty of the best oxen from our stock 
 and distribute them amongst the men as ' karama ' (sacri- 
 ficial offerings), as well as one ox for each officer, at my 
 own expense. 
 
 The effect on the men of the step I had now taken was 
 much greater than I expected ; there was no longer any 
 reluctance to be sent on expeditions, although our enemies 
 were increasing daily in number and strength. 
 
 8—2
 
 Ii6 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Merchants whom I paid to send me news from Kordofan 
 informed me that reinforcements were daily arriving at 
 Khartum from Cairo, and that the Government was hurry- 
 ing on preparations for the despatch of the expedition, under 
 European officers, to retake Kordofan ; whilst the entire 
 population, without exception, had joined the Mahdi, and 
 Were determined to offer a powerful resistance. 
 
 In Darfur all the southern tribes were now in open revolt ; 
 but thanks to our military posts, and to the fact that the 
 northern tribes had been in contact with Egypt, from which 
 they had derived considerable benefit through the caravan 
 routes, they had hitherto shown no hostility. Of course it 
 had been for long impossible to gather taxes in any part of 
 the country ; I had, therefore, paid the troops out of our 
 reserve stores. 
 
 The Mahdi's continual victories were at last beginning to 
 tell openly on Zogal Bey, and I noticed a distinct change 
 in his conduct, though he still appeared loyal and sub- 
 missive. It was abundantly clear to me that in his heart 
 he wished all success to his cousin, the Mahdi, because he 
 knew that, in that eventuality, he would be one of the first 
 to reap tangible benefits. He was a man much liked by 
 the officials under him, fairly well educated for a Sudanese ; 
 he was ever ready to do a favour when his own pocket was 
 not thereby touched, and he got the character of being 
 liberal. He was very wealthy, and kept up an enormous 
 household in great state. He kept open table, and his 
 popularity amongst the officials was, I think, in a large 
 measure due to the fact that, as Acting-Governor, he had 
 freely pardoned past offences, and took no steps to prevent 
 them enriching themselves in all sorts of illicit ways. 
 Through his influence most of his relatives had secured good 
 positions and become wealthy. He was, therefore, a man 
 with whom I had to reckon somewhat circumspectly. His 
 popularity, coupled with the fact that he generally concurred 
 in and executed my orders, rendered an open split with him 
 undesirable, and would have certainly led to a diminution
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 117 
 
 of my authority ; I was therefore inclined to let him alone 
 for the present. * Ebed en nar an el kotn wa enta tertah * 
 (' Keep fire away from cotton, and you will be at ease '), 
 as the Arabs say, seemed to me to thoroughly apply in this 
 case, and to that principle I adhered. 
 
 Summoning Farag Effendi, Wad Asi, and Kadi el Beshir, 
 all of whom were loyal to Government, and prayed from 
 their hearts for its success, I communicated my plans to 
 them, in the strictest secrecy, and obtained their full con- 
 currence. When they had left me I summoned Zogal, and 
 now conversed with him quite alone. ' Zogal,' I began, 
 ' you and I are perfectly alone here, and God is our witness. 
 For years we have eaten bread and salt together, and 
 although from the day I arrived I have been your superior, 
 our relations with each other have been rather those of a 
 friendly than of an official nature. I now ask you to do 
 two things for me — trust me and render me a service.' 
 
 * Well, Mudir Umum ' (Governor-General), he replied, 
 1 you are my superior ; tell me what you want and I shall 
 obey.' ■ Your cousin the Mahdi,' said I, ■ has now con- 
 quered Kordofan, El Obeid has fallen, and the entire 
 population has joined him. The country between us and 
 Government is in his hands. His extraordinary success 
 has inclined your heart to him. Have you forgotten all the 
 favours you have reaped from Government ? Are you 
 unmindful of the distinction bestowed upon you by the 
 Khedive, in the shape of a decoration and rank obtained for 
 you through the good offices of the Government ? Have 
 you forgotten the duties required of you from your position ? 
 Speak, is it not so?' * It is so,' replied Zogal quickly; 
 1 the Mahdi is my cousin, and I cannot deny that our blood- 
 relationship has inclined me to him. Still, hitherto I have 
 faithfully performed my duties, and I trust I shall continue 
 to do so in the future.' 
 
 ' Speaking generally,' I replied, ■ you have performed 
 your duties well ; but I am told you are in communication 
 with the Mahdi. Why should you hide this from me?'
 
 Ii8 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 '• I do not communicate directly,' replied Zogal quickly, 
 1 but merchant? coming from Kordofan give me verbal 
 messages from him, and I have sworn to the bearers of 
 these messages that I would not tell you ; that is why I 
 kept it secret. But I assure you that they only referred to 
 news from Kordofan, and no attempt has been made to win 
 me to his cause.' 
 
 * Well, let it be,' said I, 'I do not want you to justify 
 yourself ; but, tell me, what have you heard about this 
 expedition which the Government is preparing to send to 
 retake Kordofan ?' * I have heard,' replied he, ' that a large 
 expedition has arrived at Khartum, and that they are 
 going to try and reconquer the country.' c Not only will 
 they try, but they will effect the reconquest of the country,' 
 I answered. ' Now, Zogal, you are a man of sense and 
 intelligence. It must be perfectly clear to you that, if 
 compelled by circumstances, I am still sufficiently powerful 
 to make you harmless ; but I do not think this would be an 
 advantageous step to take, and it would pain me deeply to 
 take action against a man like yourself, who has served the 
 Government loyally for many years, and has always be- 
 friended me. I will therefore discharge you for the present, 
 and you may now go to Kordofan with my full consent. 
 Religious movements, such as that now going on, have a 
 certain amount of glamour from a distance, and induce 
 sympathy ; but when examined more closely they are 
 neither so seductive nor so alarming. I shall intrust you 
 with letters to the Government, which I want you to send 
 secretly to Khartum, and which will inform them of the 
 nature of your mission. As the expedition will probably 
 start for Kordofan next month, I want you to do your 
 utmost to prevent the Mahdi sending a force into Darfur or 
 despatching proclamations to the tribes inciting them to 
 revolt. If you can arrange this, it will be of advantage 
 both to him and to you. Should the expedition succeed, I 
 will take all responsibility for your conduct on my shoulders, 
 and you need have no fear ; but if the Mahdi is successful
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 119 
 
 — which God forbid — then we shall be entirely cut off from 
 all hope of relief, and shall probably be compelled to sub- 
 mit, in which case it will be of advantage to him to have 
 the country handed over in fairly good condition. As a 
 guarantee for the loyal conduct of your undertaking, I shall 
 keep your wives, children, and households in the fort here. 
 The Mahdi will respect this, and for your sake will not run 
 the risk of endangering their lives.' 
 
 1 1 shall carry out your instructions,' said Zogal, ' and 
 prove to you that I am loyal. Are you going to write a 
 letter to the Mahdi?' 
 
 1 No,' I replied, ■ because I do not want to have any deal- 
 ings with him. I know perfectly well that you will repeat 
 the whole of this conversation to him. Your cousin is very 
 cunning, and, privately, will give me credit for having 
 spoken the truth, and he will no doubt make as much 
 capital as he can out of your mission ; but as long as you 
 hold loyally to your promise, I shall take every care of 
 your family, and although you are nominally discharged, I 
 shall continue to issue your pay in full, but should you fail 
 to keep to the conditions of this arrangement, the guarantee 
 will no longer hold good. I should like you to start as soon 
 as possible, and in three days I shall expect you to be 
 retidy ; I think that should be sufficient time.' 
 
 * I would prefer to stay here with my own people,' said 
 Zogal ; ' but as you wish me to perform this mission, and 
 to put my loyalty to the test, I shall carry it out, but with a 
 sorrowful heart.' 
 
 Sending now for Farag Effendi, Wad Asi, and the Kadi, 
 in Zogal's presence I told them of the arrangement we had 
 made. They showed much apparent surprise and excite- 
 ment, and summoned Zogal to swear a solemn oath of 
 loyalty. He swore on the Kuran by the oath of divorce* 
 that he would adhere truly and faithfully to the agreement 
 made between us. 
 
 * One of the most solemn forms of administering an oath is for the 
 person taking the oath to say, ' I impose upon myself divorcement."
 
 120 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 I now wrote the necessary letters to the Government, 
 giving a brief account of the situation in Darfur ; and 
 three days later Zogal, accompanied by three servants, 
 left Dara for El Obeid, via Toweisha. It was well known 
 he was a relative of the Mahdi ; he had therefore nothing 
 to fear, and I subsequently learnt he was received every- 
 where with open arms. 
 
 I now set to work to build fresh batteries at the angles of 
 the fort, and collected all the corn I could find ; but this 
 short period of tranquillity did not last long. Beshari Bey 
 Wad Bekir, chief of the Beni Helba Arabs, instigated by 
 his father-in-law, Sheikh Taher et Tegawi, planned a raid 
 on Dara. In spite of my threatening letter, he had attacked 
 the Tagu and Messeria Arabs, killing a number of them, 
 and capturing many women and children. In consequence 
 I placed two hundred and fifty regulars and one hundred 
 Bazingers under the command of Mattar, one of Zogal's 
 relatives ; but I could only take twenty-five horses, as most 
 of them had been attacked by some sort of disease, and with 
 this force I quitted Dara. 
 
 After three days' march we arrived at Amake, where I 
 was attacked by the Beni Helba, under Beshari Bey, with 
 whom was my old friend Gabralla. They were in consider- 
 able force, but had few fire-arms, and we succeeded in beat- 
 ing them off and dispersing them without much difficulty. 
 The next day they attacked us again at Kalambasi, a march 
 of a day and a half from Amake : but here again we put 
 them to flight with equal ease. Our insignificant losses on 
 both occasions were ascribed by my men to the efficacy of 
 my Friday prayers with them, and not to the small number 
 of fire-arms possessed by our enemies. We now advanced 
 on Hashaba, which was the head sheikh's village, turned 
 him out, and then offered to conclude peace with him ; but 
 our efforts failed, and I proceeded thence to Guru, about 
 half a day's march further on. On the way the twelve 
 mounted scouts in advance were suddenly attacked by 
 Beshari Bey alone, who broke through their line, wounded
 
 EFFORTS TO STEM THE TIDE OF MAHDISM 121 
 
 one of them slightly, and then, turning to the left, he drew 
 his horse up between the scouts and my main body, at the 
 edge of the forest, and about eight hundred yards from us. 
 Advancing some three hundred paces closer, I recognised 
 him, but purposely did not snoot : instead, I sent one of my 
 boys unarmed to him, saying, * Isa, give my compliments 
 to Beshari Bey, and tell him that if he wants to show his 
 wife how brave he is, he should set about it in a different 
 way; if he repeats this manoeuvre he will certainly be 
 killed.' The road was fairly open, with trees only here 
 and there, and as we marched on, I could see my servant 
 standing for a few seconds before Beshari Bey, and then 
 returning towards us. On reaching us, he said : ■ Beshari 
 Bey sends you his compliments. He says he has no wish 
 to live any longer, and seeks death.' Deluded man ! he 
 soon found it. 
 
 Arriving at Guru, we constructed a zariba, and feeling 
 sure that Beshari's ill-considered dash would make him 
 attack, I ordered the troops to move out about three hundred 
 paces, whilst I posted the cavalry on the flank and sent for- 
 ward about twenty horsemen to try and decoy the Arabs 
 out of the wood. The latter had barely started when I saw 
 two mounted Arabs dashing at them full speed, with lances 
 lowered ; they were Beshari Bey and his attendant. Before 
 he reached my men his horse stumbled and fell, and while 
 his companion was holding his horse to enable him to mount, 
 my horsemen seized the occasion to attack him, and a thrown 
 spear striking him full in the eye, he fell, whilst his attendant 
 was struck by a spear in the back and killed. Meanwhile 
 I had galloped up to the spot, and there I found Beshari 
 Bey lying dead : my men had twice plunged a huge spear 
 into his body. His son Abo, who had dashed out to his aid, 
 was also wounded, but succeeded in escaping, though two 
 other Sheikhs who had accompanied him — Shartia Habiballa 
 and Et Tom — were killed. Seizing their horses, I now 
 called out to the regulars to advance, and on their arrival I 
 ordered each of the horsemen to take up an infantryman
 
 122 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 behind him and pursue the Arabs, who I felt sure would not 
 attempt to stand after the death of their leaders. After a 
 gallop of about two miles we came up with the flying Arabs, 
 and ordering the regulars to dismount and fire, I turned the 
 horsemen against the mounted Beni Helbas. No quarter 
 was given, as my men were determined to avenge the death 
 of Sheikh Afifi, who had been killed near here. 
 
 After a few hours the rout was complete, and we now 
 returned to the zariba. On our way back we stumbled 
 across Beshari's body. My officers at once asked to be 
 allowed to cut off his head and send it to Dara, but out of 
 respect to his nephew, who had pleaded yesterday for peace, 
 I prevented them from doing this, giving over the body to 
 him, with a piece of calico in which to enshroud it, and I 
 myself attended the burial of my old friend who had fought 
 against us — contrary to his own convictions — and who, 
 seeking death, had now found it. In this engagement we 
 lost two killed and several wounded, amongst whom was 
 the faithful Salama, who had taken my letter from Om 
 Waragat to Dara, and who was ever foremost in pursuit. 
 
 I now returned to Guru. The disease of filaria medinensis 
 (guinea-worm) had broken out in the upper part of my leg 
 and in both feet, and caused me such excruciating pain that 
 I could scarcely remain in the saddle. Having crushed the 
 Beni Helbas, it was useless for me to remain out any longer ; 
 I therefore returned to Dara.
 
 HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION 123 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION. 
 
 Spread of belief in the Mahdi's Divinity — Sheikh Sennusi is offered, 
 but refuses, the Position of Mahdi's Khalifa — The Mahdi begins to 
 organize his Government — The spread of the Revolt in the Gezira 
 — Criticisms on the Attitude of the Egyptian Government — The 
 Despatch of Osman Digna to the Eastern Sudan — Hicks Pasha's 
 Expedition enters Kordofan — Incidents on the March — Gallantry 
 of Colonel Farquhar — The Diaries of Farquhar and Vizetelly — 
 The Desertion of Gustav Klootz — The Mahdists harass the Ex- 
 pedition — The final Attack on the doomed Square — Extract from 
 O'Donovan's Diary — The Mahdi's trumphal Entry into El Obeid. 
 
 After the capture of El Obeid the Mahdi turned ail his 
 attention to increasing his power. His adherents on the 
 river kept him very fully informed of all that passed. He 
 was aware that Abdel Kader had applied to Cairo for re- 
 inforcements, which had arrived, and he did not doubt the 
 Government would do all in its power to reconquer its lost 
 provinces ; that was his reason for so constantly preaching 
 the Jehad, and reminding his followers that a great war was 
 impending, in which they would be victorious. 
 
 Giegler Pasha had been successful at Duem in November, 
 1882, and at the end of January, 1S83, Abdel Kader Pasha 
 had scored a signal success at Maatuk. But the Mahdi paid 
 little attention to these defeats ; he was principally con- 
 cerned with the news that an expedition was being prepared 
 in Khartum, under European officers, for the reconquest of 
 Kordofan. He therefore lost no time in at once despatching 
 proclamations ordering the tribes to leave their districts and 
 join him. To these assembled multitudes he now preached 
 more fervently than ever, urging them to renounce the plea- 
 sures of this life, and think only of the life to come. ■ Ana 
 akhreb ed dunya wa ammer el akhera ' (' I destroy this world, 
 and I construct the world to come '), was his endless theme. 
 To those who were obedient he promised pleasures in Para-
 
 124 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 dise beyond all the heart could conceive ; but the disobedient 
 he threatened with condign punishment and hell-fire. Cir- 
 culars written in this sense were despatched far and wide, 
 and the Emirs were enjoined to allow only those to remain 
 in their districts whose services were absolutely necessary 
 for the cultivation of the lands, but that all others must 
 forthwith immigrate to him and range themselves under 
 his banners. 
 
 Men, women, and children now flocked in hundreds of 
 thousands to El Obeid to see this holy man and catch even 
 a word of his inspired doctrine ; and the ignorant multitudes 
 saw in his face and person what they believed to be truly * a 
 man sent from God.' 
 
 Dressed only in a jibba and sirual (drawers), with a belt 
 of gus, or straw, round his waist, and wearing a Mecca takia 
 (skull-cap), round which was bound a muslin turban, he 
 stood with all humility before his followers, preaching of 
 love to God and the cause, and of the necessity of renouncing 
 the vanities of this world. But once in his house it was 
 quite another matter ; here he lived in a state of grandeur 
 and luxury, and became a slave to those passions for food 
 and women to which the Sudanese are so addicted. Should 
 any women, young girls, and slaves be captured, they were 
 brought before him, and all the prettiest and the best found 
 a home in his harem ; whilst the maid-servants, who were 
 versed in all the arts of the most approved Sudan cooking, 
 were relegated to his kitchen. 
 
 After the siege of El Obeid, he considered whom he 
 should appoint as his fourth Khalifa, and decided that 
 Mohammed es Sennusi, the most influential religious sheikh 
 in North Africa, should be nominated. He therefore 
 despatched Taher Wad Ishak, of the Zaghawa tribe, with 
 a letter to him to that effect ; but Sennusi treated the offer 
 with scorn, and left the letter unanswered. 
 
 The Mahdi now set to work to regulate his government. 
 His administration was based on very simple lines. First 
 of all he established the Beit el Mai, or treasury, over which
 
 HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION 125 
 
 he placed his faithful friend, Ahmed Wad Suleiman. In 
 this treasury were deposited the tithes (ushr) and the fitra 
 and zeka (alms for the poor, two and a half per cent.) on all 
 booty taken in war as well as confiscated property, and fines 
 for theft, drinking, and smoking. There was no system to 
 regulate the revenue and expenditure. Ahmed Wad Sulei- 
 man was therefore free to give what he liked to whom he 
 pleased. 
 
 Jurisdiction was placed in the hands of the Kadi, who was 
 called by the Mahdi ' Kadi el Islam,' and several assistants. 
 Ahmed Wad Ali, who had formerly been Kadi at Shakka 
 under me, and who had been one of the foremost in the 
 storming of El Obeid, was the first to hold this high posi- 
 tion. Of course, the Mahdi and his Khalifas reserved to 
 themselves the right to punish all crime — more especially 
 anything connected with doubt or suspicion as to the 
 Divine nature of the Mahdi — with death. As such judg- 
 ments were in entire opposition to the sharia (or Moslem 
 religious law) as taught, the Mahdi strictly forbade the 
 study of theology, and ordered all books of this description to 
 be burnt, the Kuran alone being allowed to be read, though 
 even this he did not permit to be openly expounded. 
 
 Communication between the Mahdi and the inhabitants 
 of the Gezira, who now looked upon themselves as his most 
 devoted adherents, was, of course, frequent and detailed. 
 He learnt of Abdel Kader's departure for Kawa and Sennar 
 with a large force in February. That town had been 
 besieged by Ahmed el Makashef, but the Pasha inflicted a 
 defeat on him at Meshra ed Dai, and had raised the siege. 
 Saleh Bey had pursued the rebels as far as Jebel Sekhedi, 
 and had driven them into the waterless plain between that 
 place and Kawa, where numbers perished from thirst. This 
 district is still called by the local people, * Tibki wa teskut ' 
 (' You cry and are silent '). 
 
 These defeats, however, in no way diminished the Mahdi's 
 popularity. They relieved the situation for the soldiers and 
 officials, it is true, but they only put off the evil day which
 
 126 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 was surely to come. Had attention been paid to Abdel 
 Kader Pasha's advice the whole situation in the Sudan 
 might have been changed. He was against the despatch 
 of a large expedition to reconquer Kordofan, but recom- 
 mended the reinforcements coming from Cairo should be 
 garrisoned in strong defensive positions along the White 
 Nile, and that for the time being the rebels should be left to 
 themselves. The military forces at his disposal were quite 
 sufficient to stamp out the revolt in the Gezira (Island) 
 between the Blue and White Niles, and to check the 
 advance of the Mahdists from the west. Had this plan 
 been adopted, and the rebels been left to themselves, it is 
 more than probable the complete absence of any regulated 
 system of administration would have soon resulted in discord 
 breaking out, and gradually, at a later period, Government 
 would have been able to recover the ground it had lost. I 
 certainly could not have preserved authority in Darfur until 
 that time ; but even if that province were lost, it would un- 
 doubtedly have been the lesser of two evils. However, 
 those at the head of the Government in Cairo thought 
 otherwise. The edict went forth that the prestige of the 
 Government was to be restored at all costs, and this was to 
 be effected by an army despatched under the English 
 General Hicks, assisted by other European officers. Abdel 
 Kader Pasha was recalled, and relieved by Ala ed Din 
 Pasha, formerly Governor-General of the Eastern Sudan. 
 All these facts were known almost at once to the Mahdi, 
 and he took good account of them. 
 
 Meanwhile Zogal had arrived at El Obeid, where he had 
 received an enthusiastic reception. One hundred guns were 
 ordered to be fired in his honour, and it was reported far 
 and wide that Darfur had surrendered to the ever-victorious 
 Mahdi. Zogal's return to Darfur was considered quite a 
 sufficient guarantee for the preservation of the province as a 
 possession of the new ruler, consequently no force was 
 despatched, and the Mahdi now directed all his attention to 
 events on the Nile.
 
 HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION 127 
 
 General Hicks shortly after his arrival proceeded with 
 a portion of his force to Kawa, inflicted a defeat on the 
 rebels at Marabia (29 April, 1883), and killed Ahmed el 
 Makashef. 
 
 Amongst the various emissaries despatched to different 
 parts of the country was Osman Digna, the former Suakin 
 slave-dealer, who was enjoined to raise the Jehad in the 
 neighbourhood of his own town. The Mahdi showed 
 much astuteness in selecting this man, who subsequently 
 became so celebrated ; and he rightly judged that a local 
 revolt in the Eastern Sudan would in all probability 
 seriously embarrass the Khartum Government, and delay, 
 or perhaps put off altogether, the expedition about to be 
 sent to Kordofan. The details of the various encounters 
 between this redoubtable Emir and the Government troops 
 are too well known to require more than a mere passing 
 reference here ; suffice it to say that the operations in the 
 eastern districts, although successful to the Mahdists, did 
 not have the effect of causing the Government to alter their 
 intention in regard to the Kordcfan expedition, and early in 
 September, 1833, the ill-fated Hicks left Khartum for 
 Duem, on the White Nile, where he joined Ala ed Din 
 Pasha, w T ho had been instructed to accompany the expedi- 
 tion. 
 
 Surely the situation in Kordofan must have been mis- 
 understood by the Cairo authorities if they imagined that, 
 by the despatch of this expedition, they would succeed in 
 overturning the Mahdi, who was then supreme ruler of 
 these western districts in which every man was his most 
 devoted adherent. Did they not realize that the annihila- 
 tion of Rashed, Shellali, and Lutfi, as well as the fall of 
 Bara, El Obeid, and a host of other towns had placed the 
 Mahdi in possession of a far larger number of rifles than 
 those disposed of amongst Hicks' force of ten thousand 
 men ? Were they not aware that these rifles were now in 
 the hands of men who thoroughly understood how to use 
 them — men who had been owners of Bazingers, who were
 
 128 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 elephant and ostrich hunters, and had now at their com- 
 mand contingents of reliable fighting material ? Besides, 
 were there not now enrolled under the Mahdi's banners 
 thousands of regulars and irregulars who had been formerly 
 in the Government service ? Did they imagine for a moment 
 that all these men, when the chance came, intended to desert 
 and join Hicks ? No ; they seemed to realize nothing of 
 this, and, on completely wrong presumptions, they risked 
 the lives of thousands. Surely there were those amongst 
 the Government advisers who had sufficient knowledge of 
 the Sudan to realize how fully the negro proverb applied 
 in this matter : * Illi beyakhud ummi hua abuya ' (' He who 
 marries my mother is my father'). The Mahdi had con- 
 quered the country, and had thus metaphorically married 
 their mother. Him, therefore, they had fully accepted as 
 their lord and master. What do those people care about 
 good actions and kindnesses previously done to them ? I 
 do not, of course, deny that to this general rule there are 
 exceptions, yet unquestionably my remarks, severe as they 
 are, apply to the majority. 
 
 Ten thousand men in square formation, with six thousand 
 camels in their midst, were to march through districts over- 
 grown with vegetation and grass taller than a man's height ; 
 at most they could not see more than two hundred or three 
 hundred yards to their front, in the little open patches where 
 the sparse population had cultivated small clearings. They 
 must be ready at any moment for the attack of an enemy 
 far more numerous and as well armed as themselves, besides 
 being infinitely better fighters, and who to this day pride 
 themselves on their bravery and headlong dash. Along 
 almost the entire route by which the army was to march 
 there were scarcely any wells, though plenty of stagnant 
 rain-pools ; and when they had drunk up the water in them, 
 what were they then to do ? 
 
 Had they adopted the northern road, via Gebra and Bara, 
 they would at least have had the advantage of open ground 
 ■and a good supply of water at certain places, which, if in-
 
 HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION 
 
 1*9 
 
 sufficient, could, with modern appliances, have been made 
 amply sufficient for the whole force. At the same time the 
 support of the powerful Kababish tribe against the Mahdists 
 would have been assured, and the enormous train accom- 
 panying the force could thus have been greatly diminished. 
 
 Six thousand camels, huddled together in the centre of a 
 square, presented a perfect forest of heads and necks ; it was 
 impossible for a bullet fired by one of the enemy from behind 
 a tree to altogether miss this gigantic target : if it failed to 
 strike in front, it would most certainly have its billet in the 
 centre or rear. Then, again, an advance might have been 
 made by detachments, and the great baggage train left under 
 strong guard at either Duem or Shatt, the men merely ad- 
 vancing in light marching order, clearing the road north, 
 south, and west, and establishing a military post whenever 
 they had subdued a district. Of course this plan would 
 have taken some time — perhaps a year — to execute ; but 
 there was no hurry. Then internal dissensions were rife- 
 Hicks and his European officers on the one side; Ala ed 
 Din Pasha, his officials, and most of the Egyptian officers 
 on the other. 
 
 And were not the troops composed mostly of the dis- 
 banded rabble of Arabi Pasha's army, which had just 
 been defeated by the British ? General Hicks no doubt 
 fully understood matters, and replying to a question put to 
 him by one of his friends at Duem as to what he thought of 
 the situation, he replied quietly, ' I am like Jesus Christ in 
 the midst of the Jews.' Still he marched off; perhaps he 
 thought that if he refused to advance, his honour might be 
 impugned. 
 
 Slowly moved the great mass of men and animals onward ; 
 the few inhabitants who lived in this part of the country had 
 long since fled. Now and then in the far distance Arabs 
 were seen watching the advance, and then disappearing from 
 view. On one occasion Hicks, looking through his glasses, 
 observed some horsemen amongst the trees ; halting the 
 square, he ordered a division of irregular cavalry to advance 
 
 9
 
 130 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 -and attack them. A few minutes later they returned in 
 hopeless confusion ; they had lost some killed and many 
 wounded, and reported they had been attacked by a greatly 
 superior force. Hicks then despatched Colonel Farquhar 
 with half a battalion of regulars to examine the spot where 
 the skirmish had taken place. He reported that he found 
 six cavalrymen lying dead, shot in the back ; they had been 
 completely stripped, but nothing was to be seen of the 
 * powerful enemy '; there were the hoof marks of at most ten 
 horses, and no doubt by these the cavalry division had been 
 put to flight. 
 
 The following day three horsemen again appeared in 
 sight, when Colonel Farquhar, accompanied only by his 
 servants, galloped at them, killing two, and bringing in the 
 third a prisoner. I was told of both these episodes by the 
 survivors of the expedition, and they related how the huge 
 square crawled forward like a tortoise. Under the circum- 
 stances it was impossible to send out the camels to graze ; 
 they had to eat anything they could pick up in the square, 
 and that was very little ; of course they died in quantities. 
 They used to eat even the straw pads of their saddles, and 
 •consequently the hard wood came down on their haunches 
 and galled them till they became in a truly pitiable condi- 
 tion ; still they dragged along, carrying not only their own 
 loads, but those of their broken-down companions in misery. 
 No doubt Colonel Farquhar, Baron SeckendorfT, Major 
 Herlth, the other European, and some of the principal 
 Egyptian officers did all they could to help General Hicks 
 in this critical situation, but the bulk of the army appeared 
 to be utterly regardless of the impending catastrophe. Poor 
 "Vizetelly made his sketches, and O'Donovan wrote his diary ; 
 but who was to send them home to those who were so 
 anxiously awaiting them ? 
 
 No sooner did the Mahdi learn that the expedition had 
 started than he again sent proclamations to call the tribes, 
 summoning them instantly to the Jehad, with the usual 
 promises of reward to those who obeyed, and of punishment
 
 HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION 131 
 
 to those who hung back. Quitting El Obeid himself, he 
 encamped under an enormous Adansonia-tree near the town, 
 and there he awaited the approach of the Egyptians ; his 
 Khalifas and Emirs followed his example, and soon a 
 gigantic camp of tukuls (straw huts) was formed. Reviews 
 were held daily, war-drums beaten, guns fired, and men and 
 horses trained in all sorts of exercises, in preparation for 
 the great battle. The Emirs Haggi Mohammed Abu Girga, 
 Omar Wad Elias Pasha, and Abdel Halim Mussaid had 
 already been sent to Duem to watch the enemy's advance 
 and cut their communications ; but they were strictly for- 
 bidden to attack the main body of the army. Before 
 leaving, the real condition of the advancing force was known, 
 and they begged the Mahdi's permission to attack it, but it 
 was refused. 
 
 Shortly before the expedition reached Rahad, Gustav 
 Klootz, a German non-commissioned officer, formerly Baron 
 Seckendorff's, and latterly Mr. O'Donovan's, servant, fore- 
 seeing the almost certain annihilation of the force, deserted, 
 with the intention of joining the Mahdi. Ignorant of the 
 country, he wandered about, and the next morning was 
 found by a small party of Mahdists, who were about to kill 
 him, but he endeavoured to make them understand, in his 
 broken Arabic, that he wanted to be taken to the Mahdi, 
 and after robbing him of all he possessed, he was sent under 
 escort to El Obeid, three days distant. Although clothed 
 only as a servant, thousands of people crowded round to 
 see this English general who had come to ask for terms of 
 peace. He was brought before the Mahdi, and through the 
 other Europeans present was questioned about the state of 
 the expedition. Gustav did not hesitate to say that it could 
 not be worse, and that neither courage nor harmony existed 
 amongst its ranks. Naturally this news greatly pleased the 
 Mahdi, but Gustav added that the army would not submit 
 without a fight, and that in all probability it would be anni- 
 hilated. Immensely cheered by this information, the Mahdi 
 now summoned Gustav to be converted to Islam, in which 
 
 9—2
 
 132 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 he of course readily acquiesced, and he was then handed 
 over for further care to Osman Wad el Haj Khaled. 
 
 So confident of victory had the Mahdi become after 
 Gustav's statement, that he had hundreds of summonses 
 written out and distributed along the road, calling on Hicks 
 and his officers to surrender. Of course they were left un- 
 answered, but at the same time they had their effect on- 
 many who were concerned about their own safety. Others, 
 on the contrary, used these papers in a manner which so* 
 irritated the Mahdi that for long he visited his wrath on the- 
 unfortunate survivors who had dared to put to such con- 
 temptuous uses documents in which divinely inspired words 
 were written. 
 
 Prior to his departure from Duem, Hicks had been in- 
 formed by the Government that he would be joined en route 
 by six thousand men from Jebel Tagalla, as well as some 
 hundreds of Habbania Arabs, and he daily expected to meet 
 these, and thus revive the flagging courage of his demoralized 
 men. But he waited in vain — not a man came to him, nor 
 did he ascertain a word of news. On quitting Rahad he 
 advanced to Aluba in Dar Ghodayat, in the hope of obtain- 
 ing an abundant supply of water there ; and on the 3rd: 
 November he reached Kashgeil, some thirty miles south- 
 east of El Obeid. 
 
 Meanwhile the Mahdi had worked up his fanatical fol- 
 lowers to a pitch of the wildest enthusiasm, and had told 
 them the Prophet had announced to him that on the day of 
 battle they would be accompanied by twenty thousand 
 angels, who would attack the unbelievers. On the 1st of 
 November he quitted El Obeid for Birket, where his fol- 
 lowers, uniting with the force previously despatched to 
 watch the square, now worried the tired and thirsty Egyp- 
 tians incessantly. On the 3rd November Abu Anga and 
 his Black Jehadia, concealed in the thick forest and broken 
 ground, poured a continuous fire on the square, which was 
 forced to halt and zariba ; and here human beings and 
 animals, huddled together, offered a target which none could
 
 HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION 133 
 
 fail to hit. Every moment a weary man, horse, camel, or 
 mule would fall to the bullet of an invisible enemy ; and for 
 hours this decimation continued, whilst the wretched troops 
 suffered agonies from thirst, and were unable to move in 
 any direction. It was not till the afternoon that the enemy 
 drew off, just out of rifle range, and from this position kept 
 careful watch on the square, as a cat would play with a 
 mouse. Their losses had been insignificant ; one or two 
 Emirs, amongst them the son of Elias Pasha, had fallen — 
 and no wonder ! his fanaticism had induced him to dash up, 
 almost alone, to within a yard of the zariba. How terrible 
 must have been the feelings of poor Hicks ! Instead of 
 water, his wretched men received a hail of lead — yet only a 
 mile off there was a large pool of rain-water ; but none in 
 that doomed square knew the country, and even had they 
 known, it was now too late to reach it. Abu Anga and his 
 men, under cover of darkness, crept close up to the zariba, 
 and all night long poured an incessant fire into this seething 
 mass of men and animals. Utterly demoralized, poor Hicks's 
 troops moaned, • Masr fein, ya Sitti Zenab dilwakti waktek !' 
 (' Where is Egypt ! Oh, our Lady Zenab, now is your time 
 to help us !') while the hardy Blacks, lying flat on the ground 
 within a few yards of the zariba, unharmed by the shower 
 •of bullets which passed overhead, would answer back, ■ Di 
 el Mahdi el muntazer ' (' This is the expected Mahdi '). 
 
 The next morning (November 4) Hicks continued the 
 advance, leaving behind him a heap of dead and dying and 
 a few guns, the teams of which had been killed ; but ere 
 he had proceeded a mile he was attacked by at least one 
 hundred thousand wild fanatics concealed amongst the 
 trees. In a moment the square was broken, and a whole- 
 sale massacre took place. The European officers, with a 
 few Turkish cavalry, alone attempted to make a stand under 
 the wide-spreading branches of a large Adansonia tree ; but, 
 attacked on all sides, they were eventually killed almost to 
 a man. The heads of Baron Seckendorff (who wore a full 
 light-coloured beard) and General Hicks were cut off and
 
 134 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 sent to the Mahdi, who at once summoned Klootz (now 
 known as Mustafa) to identify them ; but this seemed hardly 
 necessary, as it was well known they had been killed. 
 
 After this immense victory, the Mahdi and his Khalifas 
 now returned with their troops to Birket, literally drunk 
 with success. 
 
 Several Emirs and their men had been left on the battle- 
 field to collect the plunder and bring it to the Beit el Mai. 
 The thousands upon thousands of dead bodies, which lay 
 piled up in heaps, were divested of every stitch of clothing. 
 Some time later the note-books of Colonel Farquhar and 
 Mr. O'Donovan were sent to me. I read all they contained 
 most carefully, and terribly sad reading it was ! They both 
 wrote much about the discord that existed, and of the 
 quarrel between General Hicks and Ala ed Din Pasha. 
 Farquhar attacked his chief somewhat severely for his 
 military mistakes. Both had foreseen what had now 
 occurred, and Farquhar reproached him bitterly for having 
 ever started with a force whose condition and morale were 
 such as to warrant certain disaster. The European officers 
 got little assistance ; apparently one of the few Egyptian 
 officers who helped them was a certain Abbas Bey. One 
 passage in Colonel Farquhar's diary I well remember ; he 
 wrote : * I spoke to Mr. O'Donovan to-day, and asked him 
 where he thought we should be eight days hence. " In 
 Kingdom-Come," was his reply.' O'Donovan's journal 
 was also written in much the same strain ; he was greatly 
 annoyed about Klootz's flight, and quoted it as an instance 
 of the general feeling existing in the force. * What must 
 be the condition of an army,' he remarked, * when even a 
 European servant deserts to the enemy ?' In another 
 passage he wrote : ' I make my notes and write my reports, 
 but who is going to take them home ?' 
 
 Some fifteen days afterwards, when all the plunder had 
 been deposited in the Beit el Mai, the Mahdi returned to 
 El Obeid. Besides the guns, machine-guns, and rifles, a 
 considerable sum of money had been found ; but quantities
 
 HICKS PASHA'S EXPEDITION 235 
 
 of loot were carried off by the Arabs, in spite of the bar- 
 barous punishments for theft enacted by Ahmed Wad 
 Suleiman : it was no uncommon thing for a thief to have- 
 both his right hand and left foot cut off. The cunning- 
 Blacks had secreted quantities of arms and ammunition in 
 the forests and in their own camps, which at a later period 
 proved very useful to them. 
 
 Nothing could have exceeded the savage grandeur of the 
 Mahdi's triumphal entry into El Obeid after the battle. 
 As he passed along, the people threw themselves on the 
 ground and literally worshipped him. There is not the: 
 slightest doubt that by his victory at Shekan the Mahdi 
 had now the entire Sudan at his feet. From the Nile to- 
 the Red Sea, from Kordofan to the frontiers of Wadai, all 
 looked to this holy man who had performed such wonders,, 
 and they eagerly awaited his next move. Those who had 
 been already convinced of his Divine mission were now of 
 course more than ever his ardent supporters, and spread 
 his fame far and wide ; those who had doubted, doubted 
 no longer ; and the few who in their hearts understood 
 the imposture decided amongst themselves that if Govern- 
 ment was not strong enough to send a force sufficient to 
 uphold its authority even in the Nile districts, they must,, 
 against their own convictions, side with the stronger. 
 
 Several Europeans and some Egyptians living in the 
 large cities and towns now realized the seriousness of the 
 situation, and lost no time in making the best of their way 
 out of the doomed country, or, at any rate, despatched 
 north as much as they could of their portable property, well 
 knowing that it was impossible to stay any longer in the 
 Sudan, across which the Mahdi's hands now stretched from, 
 east to west.
 
 * 3 6 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR. 
 
 £>ara Besieged — A Strange Expedient for concealing Letters — An 
 Armistice proposed and accepted between Myself and the Besiegers 
 — I resort to Stratagem to gain Time — Zogal writes from El Obeid, 
 and describes the Annihilation of the Relief Expedition — I review 
 the Situation and decide to Surrender — The Mahdists enter Dara — 
 Madibbo and his War-drums — Horrible Tortures inflicted on the 
 Inhabitants who had concealed Money — The Siege and Fall of El 
 Fasher— Letters from Egypt— The dreadful Fate of Major Hamada 
 —The Fall of Bahr el Ghazal— I leave for El Obeid. 
 
 By this time I had recovered from my disease (filaria 
 medinensis), and felt strong enough to undertake another 
 expedition; but the number of my trusted followers had 
 sadly diminished, and our stock of rifle ammunition was 
 getting very low. Said Bey Guma still affirmed that it 
 was impossible for him to send me any from Fasher, owing 
 to the fact that the Zayedia and Maheria Arabs had begun 
 to show signs of defection, and had been raiding cattle in 
 the neighbourhood of the town, which they had refused to 
 restore. 
 
 All my hopes were now centred in the success of the 
 Hicks expedition. Fortunately at that time I knew nothing 
 ef the route they had chosen, nor of the demoralized con- 
 dition of the force. For almost a year I had received no 
 news direct from Khartum, and latterly, in order to keep 
 up the spirits of the men, I had to have recourse to strata- 
 gem, by asserting that I had received news of great victories 
 for the Government forces. These scraps of news I of 
 course concocted myself, and wrote out in the form of 
 messages, which when received were read out with great 
 eclat before the assembled troops, and were greeted by the 
 salute of guns and general rejoicings. As a matter of fact, 
 about this time I did receive a little slip of paper from Ala 
 ed Din Pasha, informing me that His Highness the Khedive
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR 137 
 
 had officially appointed me commandant of the troops in 
 Darfur, and that it was the intention of the Government to 
 •send a strong force to chastise the rebels and re-establish 
 .authority. I despatched copies of this note to Fasher and 
 Kebkebia, with orders that it should be read publicly and 
 salutes fired. I gave the bearer of the letter a public 
 reception, and loaded him with presents ; he announced 
 that when he left Khartum the expedition was being pre- 
 pared, and described the force as certain to be victorious. 
 Those who really knew hesitated to credit the glowing 
 accounts of the appearance of the troops ; but at the same 
 lime their hearts were full of glad expectation. 
 
 A few days later Khaled Wad Imam, whom I had sent 
 to Kordofan to collect news, returned, and gave me a verbal 
 message from Zogal ; he also confirmed the news just 
 received as to the intention of the Government to despatch 
 an expedition against the Mahdi ; but a few days afterwards 
 A man was intercepted wandering off to Shakka, bearing a 
 letter from Khaled to Madibbo, in which he told him to be 
 prepared to meet him shortly, in order to aid him in his 
 enterprise, and I had now no doubt that Khaled was really 
 .Zogal's secret and confidential agent. 
 
 I now ordered Khaled to be seized and brought before 
 •me. He admitted he had received Zogal's orders to take 
 his wives away to some safe refuge beyond my jurisdiction, 
 and his two special ones he had ordered to be brought to 
 him in Kordofan. It was on this account he had written to 
 Madibbo. 
 
 In consequence I had Zogal's family arrested, placed 
 Khaled in chains, and had his and Zogal's property confis- 
 cated and removed to the Beit el Mai, while that of the 
 -other persons arrested was sequestrated. 
 
 My difficulties were now increasing daily, one might 
 almost say hourly. Zogal's disloyalty did not disturb me 
 very much, as I had long suspected it : but I was greatly 
 put about by the unsatisfactory news of the state of the 
 -expeditionary force.
 
 138 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 My time was fully taken up hurrying hither and thither 
 combating the various local revolts, which sprang up with 
 amazing rapidity. One day I was attacking Madibbo, 
 another day some other chief, and then came the news that 
 Darho's expedition against the Mima had been annihilated. 
 My proposal to evacuate Dara and concentrate on El Fasher 
 had been vetoed by my officers. Added to all this, dissen- 
 sions now began to spring up amongst those whom I had 
 hitherto looked upon as loyal adherents. Hassan Wad 
 Saad Nur, whose pardon, it will be remembered, I had 
 procured in Khartum, and whom I had brought with me 
 on my own guarantee to Dara, to whom I had given a house 
 just outside the fort, and when his horse died of disease I 
 had given him another, and whom, being a native of the 
 place, I had intrusted with procuring news, now sadly dis- 
 appointed me. Unmindful of all the benefits I had 
 bestowed on him, under the pretence of visiting a relative, 
 he mounted the horse I had given him, and rode straight 
 to El Obeid, where he became one of the Mahdi's faithful 
 followers. 
 
 For a long time past communication with Khartum had 
 become impossible : the Mahdists were fully on the alert, and 
 any men I attempted to send with letters were invariably 
 intercepted. On one occasion, when fighting against the 
 Beni Helba Arabs, I managed to send a letter to Egypt by 
 a caravan marching along the Arbain road to Assiut. But 
 now the various methods of concealment which I had suc- 
 cessfully employed — such as fixing letters between the soles 
 of shoes or sandals, soldering them into the inside of ablu- 
 tion water-bottles, or placing them in hollow spear staves 
 — had all been discovered. One morning, whilst inspecting 
 the fort, I noticed some soldiers giving a donkey medical 
 treatment. It was lame in the fore-leg, and, having thrown 
 it on the ground, they proceeded to make an incision in the 
 shoulder, in which they placed a small piece of wood, so as 
 to tighten the skin, across which they made several trans- 
 verse slits, and then, taking out the stick, poured in
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR 139 
 
 powdered natron. The idea at once struck me that I 
 might conceal a letter in this way under the skin. I there- 
 fore procured a good-sized donkey, and in the privacy of my 
 own house, I repeated the operation I had just seen per- 
 formed, inserting in the first cut a small note, describing 
 the situation, which I enclosed in a goat's bladder. The 
 entire size of the communication in its cover did not exceed 
 that of a postage stamp. I then sewed up the wound with 
 silk thread, and the donkey walked without the smallest 
 difficulty. The man to whom I intrusted this mission sub- 
 sequently told me that he had delivered the packet to Ala 
 ed Din Pasha at Shatt a day or two before the expedition 
 started for El Obeid, and the latter had told the messenger 
 a reply was unnecessary, but that he should accompany the 
 force to El Obeid, whence he would despatch him to me 
 with a letter. 
 
 I was now, however, in a sorry plight as regards ammuni- 
 tion. The total in charge of the men and in the magazines 
 amounted to twelve packets per rifle, and if I had attempted 
 to risk a fight, at least half would have been at once 
 expended. Relief I knew was still far off, and the ques- 
 tion was how to hold out till then with this slender quantity 
 of cartridges. In order to gain time, I now had recourse to 
 a stratagem. Through the intermediary of a loyal Arab 
 chief, I informed the rebels, who were now collected in 
 considerable strength close to Dara, that I was prepared to 
 capitulate, but I would not agree to my life or that of my 
 soldiers being intrusted to the hands of Arabs against whom 
 I had been continuously fighting for more than a year. I 
 said, however, that should the Mahdi despatch a special 
 delegate to me, I was ready to make the necessary condi- 
 tions of peace. The plan succeeded, and with the con- 
 currence of the hostile chiefs, I wrote to the Mahdi, request- 
 ing him to send one of his own relatives, to whom I could 
 hand over the government of the province. 
 
 The days which now passed were for me full of anxious 
 expectancy. I knew that by this time Hicks' force must
 
 140 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 have almost reached El Obeid, and that the decisive battle, 
 on the result of which hung all our hopes and fears, was 
 about to be fought. I used to frequent the market, and 
 chat with the people on all the topics of the day. Every- 
 one was aware that a large army was advancing on El Obeid, 
 but none yet knew how it was progressing. 
 
 At length, towards the end of November, to my unutter- 
 able grief, rumours began to circulate that the army had 
 been defeated, and although they sounded suspiciously near 
 the truth, still we could not absolutely credit them ; but a 
 day or two later definite news was received that the expedition 
 had been annihilated. Gloom settled down on us all. 
 After so many hardships and such constant trouble to at 
 length fall into the hands of the enemy, without the smallest 
 chance of escape ! Yet could it be possible the news was 
 grossly exaggerated ? A flicker of hope still remained, only 
 to disappear finally when information was received that 
 Zogal had arrived at Om Shanga, and that the garrison 
 had surrendered to him as Mudir Umum el Gharb 
 (Governor-General of the West), appointed by the Mahdi. 
 
 On the 20th of December, 1883, the messenger whom I 
 had sent to the Mahdi arrived at the gate of the fort dressed 
 in a jibba, and was brought in to me. He related to me in 
 full detail the heart-rending news of the complete overthrow 
 of the expedition, of which he himself had been a witness ; 
 he also brought me a letter from Zogal, calling on me to 
 surrender, and to prove the disaster which had overtaken 
 the Egyptians, he sent me several of the principal officers' 
 commissions, a number of reports on the situation, and the 
 journals of Colonel Farquhar and Mr. O'Donovan. 
 
 That evening Farag Effendi and Ali Effendi Tobgi, the 
 commandant of the artillery, told me that the officers had 
 decided to surrender to the Mahdi, but not to Zogal Bey. 
 They stated their reasons for coming to this decision very 
 simply : everyone, from the highest to the lowest, was now 
 absolutely convinced that we had not the smallest chance 
 of relief ; the total force of regulars in Dara amounted to
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR 141 
 
 five hundred and ten men, of whom a large number were 
 quite useless ; the spirit of the troops was such as to render 
 all idea of eventual success quite out of the question ; the 
 ammunition was scarcely sufficient to last out one fight, if 
 we were attacked or if we took the offensive. Both the 
 officers pointed out that I should never succeed in getting 
 the men to fight any longer ; they had made up their 
 minds to surrender, and they urged that there was now no 
 other course open. I told them I would carefully consider 
 the matter, and wouH give them an answer the following 
 morning. 
 
 That night I did not close my eyes. To think that, after 
 all the dangers and difficulties through which we had passed, 
 there was no other course now open but to submit ! And 
 after that w T hat was to be our fate ? 
 
 I reviewed the situation from beginning to end during 
 those sleepless hours. For four years I had struggled alone 
 to uphold the Government's authority in the province which 
 had been intrusted to my care — first against the local revolts, 
 which I had suppressed ; and, latterly, against the great 
 fanatical movement which had attacked the very roots of 
 my administration, and whose canker-worm had spread into 
 the branches, till at length, the leaves withering one by one, 
 the tree was all but dead. 
 
 In short, this strange fanaticism had thoroughly taken 
 possession of my officers and men ; they had openly held 
 out against it as long as it was possible for me to dangle 
 before their eyes the prospect of an immediate reassertion of 
 Government authority, through the anticipated success of 
 the Egyptian expedition under Hicks, and the consequent 
 advantages which would accrue to one and all of those who 
 had loyally served the Government. By every means in 
 my power I had striven to prove to my officers and men 
 that the Government must eventually succeed ; but at length 
 the crash had come, and all prospect of relief was absolutely 
 and entirely gone. I had struggled against intrigues from 
 within and without, with what success the reader can judge.
 
 i 4 2 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 With the small amount of ammunition that remained, I 
 might have made a vain struggle for a few hours ; but would 
 my officers and men have obeyed my orders ? They had 
 no wish and no heart to fight ; they knew as well as I did 
 the futility of it ; and why should I call on them to sacrifice 
 themselves, and perhaps their wives and children, to a cause 
 to which they were no longer attached ? 
 
 Looking at the matter entirely from a general point of 
 view, I had no doubt in my own mind that capitulation was 
 not only the right course, but was practically inevitable. 
 Having arrived at this conclusion, I had now to turn to the 
 personal aspect ; and the solution of this problem was to 
 me beset with the greatest difficulties. As an officer, the 
 idea of surrender to such an enemy was repulsive in the 
 extreme. I had no fear of my own life ; I had risked it 
 sufficiently during the past four years to effectually dispose 
 of any notion that my surrender was occasioned by any 
 want of personal courage — on that point I felt sure that, if 
 spared, I could without the smallest difficulty vindicate 
 my action to my military superiors ; but the very word 
 1 surrender ' was repulsive to me, and doubly so when I 
 thought over the consequences which must follow to me — 
 a European and a Christian — alone amongst thousands and 
 thousands of fanatical Sudanese and others, the meanest 
 among whom would consider himself superior to me. It is 
 true I had nominally adopted the religion of the country ; 
 but this I had done merely as a means of stifling the 
 injurious opinions which I knew existed in the minds of 
 officers and men that the cause of my defeat lay in my 
 being a Christian. My ruse had succeeded to a greater 
 extent than I had expected, but the proceeding had been a 
 distasteful one to me. I had no pretensions to holding very 
 strict religious views on the expediency or otherwise of the 
 step I had taken ; nevertheless, at heart I was, I believe, 
 as good a Christian as the majority of young men of my 
 acquaintance ; and, that being so, a continuance of the life 
 of religious deception I was then living was by no means a
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR 143 
 
 prospect which I appreciated. Moreover, I was well aware 
 that my surrender would place me absolutely and entirely 
 in the hands of this mock-religious reformer, and that not 
 only should I have to show myself to be a Moslem in the 
 ordinary sense of the term, but to carry out the role sur- 
 render would entail on me, I must be prepared to pursue 
 this religious deception to its fullest extent — I must become 
 a devotee, and henceforth I must show myself heart and 
 soul a Mahdist ! 
 
 Can anyone imagine that this was a pleasing prospect ? 
 Nevertheless, I confess that the religious considerations 
 involved in the step I contemplated — although they weighed 
 with me to no small extent — did not occupy my mind so 
 fully as the considerations in regard to my duty. Generally 
 speaking, I felt it to be my duty to surrender, and make no 
 further sacrifice of life in a cause which could not now, by 
 any possibility, succeed. There was no particular reason, 
 however, why I should voluntarily submit to the indignities 
 and practical slavery which must follow on my personal 
 surrender ; to be accessory to my own death occurred to 
 me more than once, but my nature revolted against this 
 thought. I was young, my life during the past four years 
 had been one of anxious responsibility, but of stirring 
 adventure as well, and I had no particular desire to bring 
 it to a close, even with the dark prospect in front of me. 
 God in His mercy had spared me almost miraculously in 
 this constant fighting, and perhaps He would still spare me 
 to be of use to the Government I had tried to serve most 
 loyally. 
 
 These were the thoughts which were uppermost in my 
 mind when the dark hours of anxious meditation gave place 
 to the first streaks of the dawn of perhaps the most memor- 
 able day of my life. Yes, I concluded, there is nothing for 
 it now but submission ; I must become, so to speak, the 
 slave of those whom I have governed ; I must be obedient 
 to those who are in every respect my inferiors, and I must, 
 above all, be patient. If by a careful practice of these I
 
 I 4 4 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 should succeed in saving my life and eventually recovering 
 my liberty, no doubt the experience which I should gain 
 would be valuable to the Government in whose service I 
 still was. With this determination and resolution I rose, 
 and dressed for the last time for many a long year in the 
 uniform the honour of which I had done my utmost to 
 uphold, now to be discarded for the Mahdist garb, in which 
 I was to play an entirely new part in life ; but beneath it 
 would beat a heart as truly loyal as ever to Government, 
 and filled with a determination that, come what might, if it 
 were God's will I should be eventually restored to liberty, 
 the strange experiences which it would now be my fate to 
 undergo might be turned to useful account. It was now to 
 be a case of my wits against those of my new masters — who 
 would win ? I did not shrink from the contest, though I 
 should have had no little excuse for doing so, could I have 
 scanned the future, and seen before me the long years of 
 servitude, and the double life which I should be compelled 
 to lead, in order to carry through the resolution at which I 
 had now arrived. 
 
 The next morning the two officers arrived ; I showed them 
 Zogal's letter calling on me to surrender peacefully, and to 
 meet him on the 23rd of December at Hilla Shieria, where 
 he would personally hand me the Mahdi's letter ; he further 
 wrote that, in accordance with his present instructions, my 
 life and those of all the men, women, and children in the 
 fort should be spared, and we should be afforded all protec- 
 tion. 
 
 It was absolutely clear to me that further resistance was 
 impossible. I therefore sent for my clerk and dictated to 
 him a letter to Zogal, giving in my submission and that of 
 the garrison, and agreeing to meet him at Hilla Shieria on 
 the 23rd of December ; this I handed to a messenger, with 
 instructions to take it to Zogal, who was now to be called 
 Sayed Mohammed Ibn Khaled. 
 
 The following day, in the afternoon, I assembled all the 
 officers, and told them that, as further resistance was not
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR 145 
 
 possible, I had concurred in their proposals; that I was 
 leaving Dara that evening in order to meet Zogal the next 
 day at Hilla Shieria, and that I would take the Kadi with 
 me, but would leave the officers to look after the garrison 
 during my absence. In a few words, which seemed to stick 
 in my throat, I thanked them for their loyalty, their readi- 
 ness to sacrifice their lives in the service of the Government, 
 and their adherence to me ; then, warmly shaking each of 
 them by the hand, and taking a general leave of the civil 
 officials, I departed. 
 
 At midnight, accompanied by my kavasses, and a few 
 Arab chiefs who remained faithful to the last, I quitted 
 Dara. During my service in Darfur I had had many dis- 
 agreeable experiences, but this journey was quite the hardest. 
 Not a word passed. We were all fully occupied with our 
 miserable thoughts. At sunset we made a short halt, but 
 the food put before us by the servants remained untouched. 
 Our appetites had gone, so we rode on. As we approached 
 Hilla Shieria, I sent an orderly ahead to see if Zogal had 
 arrived, and he soon returned, stating he had been there 
 since yesterday, and was waiting for me. In a few moments 
 we reached the spot where he was standing, and, jumping 
 off my horse, I advanced to salute him ; he pressed me to 
 his heart, and assured me of his entire friendliness, begged 
 me to be seated, and then handed me the Mahdi's letter. 
 It merely stated that he had appointed Sayed Mohammed 
 Khaled as Emir of the West, had granted me pardon, that 
 he had commissioned his nephew to treat me with the respect 
 to which my rank entitled me, and to act with leniency and 
 forbearance to all those who were formerly Government 
 officials. After I had finished reading the letter, Zogal 
 informed me that it was entirely owing to his good offices 
 on my behalf that the Mahdi had pardoned me, and that he 
 would, of course, do his utmost to help me. I thanked him 
 for his kind sympathy. The Emirs were then introduced to 
 me ; Elias, Tayeb, and Hassan Nejumi I had met before. 
 After partaking of food, Zogal discussed his intended journey 
 
 xo
 
 146 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 to Dara. Whilst we were talking, one of my officers, Moham- 
 med Agha Suleiman, arrived, and without taking the smallest 
 notice of me, went up and greeted Zogal most effusively. I 
 at once recognised him as one of the three officers whom I 
 had been told were * Black Zogal's ' (as he was called) 
 secret agents. Mohammed Khaled, as I must call him in 
 future, now took me aside, and spoke to me about his re- 
 latives and his family. I tcld him that I had left them 
 all well, and that the former were still in arrest. He at 
 once said he quite concurred in the steps I had taken, which 
 of course were in the interests of self-preservation, and best 
 for us both. We then started off, and encamped the same 
 evening near Dara. Several of the inhabitants and officials 
 came out to greet the new Governor, already dressed in their 
 Dervish clothes. 
 
 That night I again passed almost without closing my 
 eyes. It was Christmas Eve. I thought of home and of 
 the beautiful Church festival which was being celebrated 
 there, whilst I, alone and defeated, was handing over my 
 men and arms to the enemy. In those still hours — they 
 were the saddest in my life — I passed in review all that had 
 happened. More fortunate by far were those who had fallen 
 on the field of honour ! 
 
 The next morning Zogal officially received all those who 
 had come out to pay homage to him. The fort was now 
 garrisoned by Dervish troops, and this completed his 
 occupation of the country. The inhabitants flocked to 
 him to give their oaths of allegiance to the Mahdi, and 
 later in the day the troops were paraded by his orders to 
 go through the same ceremony. 
 
 Madibbo, who had joined Abd es Samad at Bringel, and 
 had come to Dara with him, followed me home. W 7 e shook 
 hands, and I begged him to be seated. He then began : 
 * You seem to be annoyed with me, and accuse me of 
 having broken faith with you, but now listen to me. I 
 was discharged from my position of Head Sheikh by 
 Emiliani, and proceeded to the Bahr el Arab, where the
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR 147 
 
 Mahdi's summons reached me. I am a good Moslem, and 
 therefore I followed him. I beheld the Mahdi's Divine 
 nature, and listened to his doctrines : I was also present at 
 the marvellous destruction of Yusef Shellali. I therefore 
 believed in him, and am still a believer. You, of course, 
 trusted in your strength, and did not wish to submit 
 without fighting. We both fought, each seeking his own 
 advantage. I fought against the Government, but not 
 against you personally. God knows I have never for- 
 gotten that you were friendly-minded to me, therefore let 
 anger depart from your heart, and be a brother to me.' 
 
 ' I am not at all angry at what you have done,' I 
 answered. ' You are but one among many, and should I 
 have been annoyed with you, your words have quite recon- 
 ciled me.' ' I thank you,' said Madibbo. * May God 
 strengthen you, and as He has protected you hitherto, 
 may He continue to protect you !' ' In truth,' I replied, ■ I 
 put my trust in Him. Still, it is hard to have to bear all 
 that has now happened ; but I suppose it must be.' ' Not 
 so,' he answered ; ' I am only an Arab, but listen to me. 
 Be obedient and patient ; practise this virtue, for it is 
 written, "Allah ma es saberin " [" God is with the patient "]. 
 However, I have come to ask you something, and my 
 request is this : If you are really a brother to me, then, in 
 token of our friendship, I wish you to accept my favourite 
 horse. You knew him before ; he is the Sakr ed Dijaj [the 
 Chicken Hawk].' Before I could reply he had got up and 
 gone outside, and in a few minutes returned, leading his 
 horse, which was the finest and most handsome animal 
 owned by the tribe. He then handed me the leading-rope. 
 1 I do not wish to insult you,' I replied, ' by refusing to 
 accept your present, but I do not require it ; I shall not want 
 to ride much now.' ' Who knows ?' said the Sheikh. " ' Illi 
 umru tawil bishuf ketir " [" He who lives long sees much "]. 
 You are still young, and may often ride yet — if not on this 
 horse, then on another.' ' You may be right, Madibbo, but 
 now do you accept from me this token of friendship,' said I, 
 
 10 — 2
 
 I48 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 pointing to his precious war-drums, which my servants took 
 lip and handed to him. These drums, it will be remem- 
 bered, I had taken in the night attack on Kershu. On the 
 drums I also laid a sword which I had taken down from the 
 Wall. ' To-day,' said I, * these are mine, and I can offer 
 them to you ; to-morrow they may be another's.' * I thank 
 ^ou, and accept them gladly,' said the Sheikh. ■ Only a 
 short time ago your men captured my war-drums, but, as 
 the Arabs say, " Er rigal sharrada urrada ' [" A man runs 
 away and comes back again "],* and I may truly say I have 
 fought many times in my life, and sometimes I have run 
 away ; then I have returned, and have succeeded.' Madibbo 
 now ordered his men to carry off his drums, and departed in 
 great delight. His conversation had effected me consider- 
 ably. So I was now to be ■ obedient and patient, for he 
 who lives long sees much.* 
 
 The next morning the new Governor ordered all inhabi- 
 tants out of their houses, which were ransacked, and their 
 contents carried off to the Beit el Mai. People suspected 
 of concealing money were flogged mercilessly, or tied by 
 fheir legs, head downwards, in wells until they became 
 unconscious. In vain I expostulated, for Khaled was 
 Obdurate. 
 
 The male and female servants of the former officials 
 Were now distributed amongst the Mahdists, but all the 
 good-looking young girls were put aside for the Mahdi 
 himself. 
 
 Seven days after our surrender Khaled informed me that 
 Said Bey Guma had sent the principal officials, with Omar 
 Wad Dario, to make their submission. He therefore 
 decided to go to Fasher himself, but on his arrival near that 
 town the inhabitants, having heard of Khaled's bad treat- 
 ment of the Dara people, decided not to surrender, and in 
 consequence the Dervishes invested the place. Several 
 heroic sorties were made, but after a siege of fifteen days 
 
 • More familiarly, ■ He who fights and ns way lives to fight 
 another day.'
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR 
 
 H9 
 
 the town capitulated, and Khaled entered the ancient 
 capital of his new kingdom. The horrible scenes at Dara 
 were now re-enacted with even greater severity, and nurru 
 bers of people were tortured in the most merciless manner. 
 
 Amongst the latter was a certain Major Hamada Effendi, 
 who, in spite of every effort to make him confess, persisted 
 in declaring that he had no money. One of his female 
 slaves, however, told his persecutors that he had a quantity 
 of gold and silver, but she did not know where he had con- 
 cealed it. Consequently, he was brought before Khaled, 
 who called him an unbelieving dog. Hamada Effendi, 
 losing control of himself, retorted that he was a wretched 
 Dongolawi ; and Khaled, furious at this insult, ordered the 
 unfortunate man to be flogged until he confessed the hiding- 
 place of his treasure. For three days in succession he 
 received a thousand lashes a day, but it was all in vain-; 
 had he been a block of wood or stone he could not have 
 stood this awful flogging more doggedly. To the repeated 
 questions of his tormentors as to where his money was he 
 merely answered, * Yes, I have concealed money, but it will 
 remain buried in the ground with me.' Khaled now 
 ordered the flogging to be stopped, and the poor mangled 
 man was handed over to the Mima Arabs, who were told to 
 guard him ; and even they were struck with the resolution 
 of this officer, from whom no amount of torture could 
 wring a confession. Ibrahim Tegalawi, who had been 
 called a * slave ' by one of the Emirs, deliberately shot 
 dead his own wife, his brother, and then himself. Said 
 Agha Fula also preferred to commit suicide rather than 
 undergo torture. After these occurrences Khaled gave orders 
 to stop the flogging, and banished the Egyptian officers to 
 various places in the neighbourhood. 
 
 Shortly after the fall of Fasher, I received a summons 
 from Khaled to join him, and I arrived there early in 
 February. He gave me Said Bey Guma's house to live 
 in, and told me that I might send to Dara for my horses 
 and servants, but as regards the house furniture, that musj
 
 150 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 be passed into the Beit el Mai as an ■ act of renunciation.' 
 I carried out these instructions, and handed over all the 
 property in my house in Fasher to the treasurer of the Beit 
 el Mai, Gaber Wad et Taib, only retaining such things as 
 were absolutely necessary for daily life. I had heard on my 
 arrival here of Hamada's heroism, and sought out the poor 
 old Major, whom I found in a truly terrible state. The 
 gaping wounds from his shoulders to his knees were morti- 
 fying rapidly, and his tormentors used to pour over them 
 daily a strong solution of salt and water, well seasoned with 
 Sudan pepper, thus hoping to wring a confession from him 
 during the awful pain which ensued. But it was useless ; 
 he absolutely refused to utter a word. In desperation I 
 went to Khaled, told him of the poor man's horrible condi- 
 tion, and begged him to allow me to take him to my own 
 house, and treat him there. ■ He is dishonest,' said Khaled ; 
 1 he has concealed money, and has publicly insulted me. 
 For this he must die a miserable death.' ' For the sake of 
 our old friendship,' said I, * I beg and pray you will forgive 
 him, and hand him over to me.' * Well,' said he at last, ' I 
 will if you will prostrate yourself before me.' In the Sudan 
 this is considered a terrible humiliation. The blood rushed 
 to my face. To save my own life I would never do such a 
 thing, but if by this self-sacrifice I could rescue the poor 
 wretched man from his awful sufferings, I ought surely to 
 do so. For a moment I hesitated ; then, with a fearful 
 effort of self-control, I knelt down, and laid my hands on 
 his bare feet. He drew them back, raised me up, and, 
 apparently ashamed of having asked such a sacrifice of me, 
 said : * It is only for your sake that I shall liberate 
 Hamada ; but you must promise that, should you find out 
 where his treasure is, you will let me know.' I promised 
 to do so, and he then sent a man with me to Hamada. 
 Calling up my servants, I had him carried on an 
 angareb, as tenderly as I could, to my house, and washed 
 his wounds, spreading over them fresh butter to deaden the 
 pain. It was quite impossible he could live much longer.
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR 151 
 
 I gave him a little soup, and in a low voice he called down 
 all the curses of heaven on his enemies. He lay in my 
 house four days, and then, calling me to his bedside, he 
 motioned to the servants to leave us. He now whispered, in 
 words which were scarcely audible, ■ My hour has come. 
 May the Lord reward you for all your kindness to me ! I 
 cannot do so, but I will show you that I am grateful. I 
 
 have buried my money ' j Stop !' said I. ' Are you 
 
 going to tell me where you have hidden your treasure V 
 1 Yes,' he murmured ; ' it may be of some use to you.' 
 
 * No,' I answered, ' I will not and cannot use it. I secured 
 your release from your tormentors on the one condition that, 
 should I learn where your money was hidden, I should tell 
 Khaled, your enemy. You have suffered greatly, and are 
 paying with your life for your determination not to let your 
 treasure fall into your enemy's hands. Let it lie unknown 
 in the ground ; it will keep silence.' Whilst I was talking, 
 Hamada held my hand. With a supreme effort he mur- 
 mured, ' I thank you ; may you become fortunate without 
 my money. Allah Karim ' [* God is merciful !']. Then, 
 stretching out his limbs, and raising his forefinger, he slowly 
 muttered, ■ La ilaha illallah, Mohammed Rasul Allah,' closed 
 his eyes, and died. 
 
 As I gazed at this poor mangled corpse my eyes filled 
 with tears. How much was I still to suffer before it came 
 to my turn to enter into everlasting rest ? Calling my ser- 
 vants, I bade them bring in two good men to wash the body, 
 and wrap it in some linen I had procured ; meanwhile, I 
 went to Khaled to inform him of his death. ' Did he not 
 tell you where his money was buried ?' said he sharply. 
 
 * No,' said I, ■ the man was too stubborn to betray his secret.' 
 
 * Then, may God curse him !' said the Emir, turning to me. 
 
 * However, as he died in your house, you may bury him ; he 
 really deserves to be thrown out, like a dog, on the dunghill.* 
 Quitting him, I went home and buried poor Hamada, with 
 the usual form of prayer, just in front of my house. 
 
 Khaled was a very cunning man, excessively strict with
 
 152 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the former Government officials, and unnecessarily lenient 
 in his transactions with the local population. He filled all 
 important positions by his own relatives, and although he 
 strove by every means in his power to squeeze all he could 
 out of the country, he was specially careful to avoid the risk 
 of incurring popular discontent. He appropriated to him- 
 self the greater part of the revenues, and every now and 
 then he sent as presents to the Mahdi and his Khalifas a 
 batch of pretty girls, some good horses, or some exception- 
 ally fine camels, so as to retain his good reputation in the 
 household of his lord and master. He kept up great state, 
 and surrounded himself with an enormous household. He 
 married Mariam Isa Basi, the sister of the Sultan of Darfur, 
 although she was over fifty years old. This good lady had 
 hundreds of male and female slaves, and kept up her state 
 in true Sudanese fashion. It did not seem to occur to Khaled 
 that any self-abnegation, as required by the Mahdi creed, 
 should be demanded of him. Every evening he caused a 
 hundred dishes, plates, and twisted mats, full of every variety 
 of food, to be distributed amongst his followers, who, seated 
 at their ease under the palm-trees, would sing the praises of 
 the Mahdi, coupling every now and then his name with that 
 of their benefactor and Emir, Khaled. 
 
 At about this time a long letter, sent from Cairo to me, 
 through the Mudir of Dongola, by the hands of a trusty 
 Arab, arrived. In it I was ordered to concentrate the troops 
 at Fasher, hand over the province to Abd es Shakur bin 
 Abderrahman Shattut, a descendant of the Darfur Sultans, 
 and move with all troops and war materiel to Dongola. The 
 king's son in question was, however, still in Dongola, unable 
 to find means to come to Darfur ; and I greatly doubt if his 
 arrival would have made the smallest difference in the situa- 
 tion. Concentration at Fasher would have been rendered 
 impossible by the defection of the officers and men ; and had 
 I been able to collect sufficient troops ready to obey my 
 orders, and had I been able to march out with them and the 
 war materiel unmolested, I could equally well have been able
 
 THE FALL OF DARFUR 153 
 
 to stay in the country and maintain my position, in which 
 case the Egyptian Government would have had in me a 
 vassal of equivalent, if not greater, fidelity than the power- 
 less Abd es Shakur. Khaled showed me these letters, and 
 also gave me permission to write a few lines to my family at 
 home, which he allowed the Arab who brought the letters 
 to take back ; but I do not think my letter ever reached its 
 destination. 
 
 During all this time I remained quietly at my house, 
 awaiting the instructions of the Mahdi as to my movements. 
 About the middle of May, Khaled informed me that, owing 
 to scarcity of water, the Mahdi had quitted El Obeid and 
 marched to Rahad, that he wished to know me personally, 
 and that, therefore, I should make preparations to start at 
 once. 
 
 News now reached us of the fall of Bahr el Ghazal, under 
 Lupton Bey, and of the despatch of the Emir Karamalla 
 as Mahdist Governor of the Province. Deserted by all his 
 people, Lupton had no other course open than to capitulate, 
 which he did, without fighting, on 28th April, 1884. Had 
 it not been for the defection of his own men and officials, 
 Lupton, by a judicious management of the Negro tribes, 
 could have held his province against all comers for years ; 
 but deserted by all, and by them sold over to the Mahdists, 
 he could not do otherwise than surrender. 
 
 Khaled wished Said Bey Gnma to accompany me as well ; 
 he was still living at Kobbe, and, in spite of his former 
 intrigues against me, I agreed to the proposal ; also a certain 
 Greek merchant named Dimitri Zigada asked to accompany 
 me, and Khaled gave him permission to do so. 
 
 About the middle of June Zigada and I quitted Fasher 
 under an escort of ten men, and after an unpleasant journey 
 reached El Obeid, where the Mahdist Governor Sayed Mah- 
 mud received us with scant courtesy, and ordered us to pro- 
 ceed the following day to Rahad, where the Mahdi was 
 encamped.
 
 154 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM. 
 
 Gordon returns to the Sudan — The Siege of Khartum — I join the 
 Mahdi at Rahad — Interviews and First Impressions of the Mahdi — 
 The Oath of Allegiance — Description of the Khalifa — The Arrival 
 of Hussein Pasha — Criticisms on Gordon's Mission — The Abandon- 
 ment of the Sudan Proclaimed — Incidents in Various Parts of the 
 Sudan — The Arrival of Olivier Pain — His Mission, Illness, and 
 Death — Arrival outside Khartum — I write to Gordon — I am 
 Arrested and thrown into Chains — Incidents during my Imprison- 
 ment — The Surrender of Omdurman — The Delay of the British 
 Expedition — Khartum is Attacked and Taken — Gordon's Head is 
 brought to me — Account of the last Days of Khartum — Massacres 
 and Atrocities after the Fall — The Retreat of the British Expedi- 
 tion — The Rigours of my Imprisonment increased — My Comrade 
 in Captivity, Frank Lupton — We are both released — I enter the 
 Khalifa's Body-guard — Illness and Death of the Mahdi — Khalifa 
 Abdullahi succeeds him — The Rules and Ordinances of the Mahdi. 
 
 After the destruction of Hicks Pasha's expedition, the 
 Mahdi well knew that the whole Sudan was at his feet : to 
 take possession of it was only a question of time. His first 
 step was the despatch of his cousin Khaled to Darfur, where 
 he knew no resistance was possible. Through the influence 
 of Karamalla he was able to acquire possession of the Bahr 
 el Ghazal, the employes having merely transferred their 
 allegiance from the Khedive to the Mahdi. Already Mek 
 Adam of Tagalla had submitted, and had come to El Obeid 
 with his family. Mahdism had seized a firm hold of the 
 Eastern Sudan, and found a ready home amongst the brave 
 Arabs of those regions ; Egyptian troops had been anni- 
 hilated at Sinkat and Tamanib ; General Baker's disaster at 
 Teb had given the tribes great confidence ; and Mustafa 
 Hadal was besieging Kassala. In the Gezira, between the 
 Blue and White Niles, the Mahdi's brother-in-law, Wad el 
 Basir, of the Halawin tribe, had scored successes against the 
 Government, and such was briefly the condition of the
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 155 
 
 country when Gordon reached Berber, on nth February, 
 1884. 
 
 The Egyptian Government, in accord with the British 
 Government, thought that by the despatch of Gordon, who 
 had a special knowledge of the Sudan, the agitation would 
 be stopped ; but neither these Governments, nor Gordon 
 himself, seemed to realize how serious the situation really 
 was. Did they imagine for a moment that Gordon, who 
 had had occasion to show considerable personal bravery, 
 who had gained a name for charity and benevolence amongst 
 the lower classes of the Darfur' population, and had sup- 
 pressed a number of revolts in the Equatorial Negro lands, 
 was capable of checking the blazing flames of fanaticism ? 
 The Jaalin between Berber and Khartum, and throughout 
 the Gezira, had become restive and dissatisfied ; and was 
 the personal influence of Gordon going to pacify them ? 
 On the contrary, these same tribes had every reason to 
 remember with little satisfaction the name of the Governor- 
 General who had issued the ejection edict against the Gella- 
 bas of the southern districts, during the Suleiman Zubeir 
 war against the Arabs. In the events which followed on 
 this drastic measure, and which I have described elsewhere, 
 many of these people had lost fathers, brothers, and sons, 
 and had been reduced to beggary : were they likely to for- 
 give Gordon this ? 
 
 On the 1 8th of February he reached Khartum, and re- 
 ceived a warm welcome from the officials and inhabitants. 
 Those who were in immediate contact with him, and anti- 
 cipating for themselves much personal benefit, were con- 
 vinced that the Government would never leave a man like 
 Gordon in the lurch. Almost his first step was to issue a 
 proclamation appointing the Mahdi Sultan of Kordofan, 
 permitting the slave-trade, and proposing to enter into rela- 
 tions with him ; in his letter he also asked for the release of 
 the prisoners, and sent the Mahdi some very fine clothes. 
 Gordon's letter would have been all very well if he had had 
 a force at his back with which to march into Kordofan ; but
 
 156 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the Mahdi had been told that he had arrived at Khartum 
 with merely a small body-guard. Naturally he thought it 
 an extraordinary proceeding for Gordon to give him what 
 he had already taken by force of arms, and which it was 
 most improbable any troops at Gordon's disposal could have 
 wrenched from him ; and it was in this frame of mind that 
 the Mahdi couched his reply advising Gordon to surrender 
 and save his life. 
 
 In all matters, Khalifa Abdullahi was the Mahdi's prin- 
 cipal adviser, and consequently he was detested by the im- 
 mediate relatives of the Prophet, who did all in their power 
 to frustrate his designs and intrigue against him. He was, 
 however, well aware that the Mahdi could not get on without 
 him ; he therefore retaliated by complaining against these 
 intrigues, and asked the Mahdi to take an occasion to openly 
 acknowledge his services. This led to the issue of a pro- 
 clamation which to this day is referred to whenever any 
 exceptionally severe measure or important change is con- 
 templated by his successor. 
 
 This proclamation enjoined on all the followers to im- 
 plicitly obey Khalifa Abdullahi, and to treat him in all 
 respects as the Mahdi's agent in carrying out the will of the 
 Prophet. 
 
 As the water was daily becoming more scarce, the Mahdi 
 resolved to move his entire camp to Rahad, about one day's 
 journey from El Obeid ; and about the middle of April 
 the transfer of this immense mass of men, women, and 
 children to the new position was completed. 
 
 The camp at Rahad soon became a perfect sea of straw 
 huts, or tokuls, stretching as far as the eye could reach ; 
 and all day long the Mahdi occupied himself in his religious 
 duties, preaching and praying incessantly. Mohammed Abu 
 Girga he nominated Emir of the Gezira, and despatched 
 him, with a considerable following, to the Nile, with 
 instructions to head the revolt in these districts, and besiege 
 Khartum. 
 
 Such was the state of affairs when Said Bey Guma,
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 157 
 
 Dimitri Zigada and I approached Rahad. I now sent on 
 one of my servants to apprise the much-feared Khalifa of 
 our approach ; but, as he delayed returning, we rode on 
 along the broad road leading to the market-place, and soon 
 heard the dismal sound of the ombeya, which was the 
 signal that the Khalifa had gone out on his horse. By 
 chance, I came across a Darfuri who, when I asked him 
 what the ombeya was being sounded for, replied, ■ Very 
 probably Khalifa Abdullahi is giving orders for someone's 
 head to be cut off, and this is a summons to the people to 
 witness the execution.' Had I been superstitious, I should 
 certainly have taken this as a bad omen — an execution the 
 moment I entered the camp ! However, we rode on, and 
 soon came in sight of a large open place where we saw my 
 servant and another man hastening towards us. ■ Stay 
 where you are,' cried he, * and come no further ; the Khalifa, 
 with his escort, has gone out to meet you ; he thought you 
 were still outside the camp.' We halted while the other 
 man returned to let the Khalifa know we had arrived. A 
 few minutes later we saw hundreds of horsemen surrounded 
 by numbers of armed footmen approaching us, and march- 
 ing to the sound of the ombeya. At the farther end of the 
 open space was the Khalifa himself ; he had halted, and 
 several horsemen, ranging up to his right and left, stood 
 awaiting his instructions. He now ordered them to begin 
 their horse exercise, which consisted of batches of four men 
 abreast, with poised lances, galloping at full speed towards 
 some point, then suddenly pulling up, turning round and 
 galloping back again ; this useless sort of drill continued 
 until men and horses became utterly exhausted. Sometimes 
 I was the objective of their charge, and, as they galloped 
 up, they shook their spears close to my face, shouting, ■ Fi 
 shan Allah wa Rasulahu ' (' For God and His Prophet ') 
 and then galloped back again. After repeating this opera- 
 tion for upwards of half an hour, one of the Khalifa's 
 servants at length approached me on foot, and told me that 
 the Khalifa wished me also to gallop towards him. I did
 
 153 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 so, shook my lance in his face, shouted, * Fi shan Allah wa 
 Rasulahu!' and then returned to my place. He now sent 
 word to me to ride behind him, and in a few minutes we 
 reached his quarters. He was assisted to dismount by a 
 special attendant, the remainder keeping at a respectful 
 distance, and he disappeared behind the fence. In a few 
 moments he sent out a message to us to come in, and we 
 were conducted to a spot fenced off from the rest of the 
 enclosure, which is designated the rekuba ; it was merely a 
 small square apartment with straw walls and a thatch roof. 
 In it were several angarebs and palm-mats ; we were told to 
 seat ourselves on these, and were served with a mixture of 
 honey and water in a pumpkin gourd, and some dates. Having 
 partaken of this, we patiently awaited the appearance of our 
 hospitable host and master. He soon came in, and we at 
 once rose ; seizing my hand, he pressed me to his heart, 
 saying, * God be praised, we are at last united ! How do 
 you feel after your long and tiring journey ?' ■ Yes, indeed,' 
 I replied, ■ God be praised for having granted me to live to 
 see this day ! When I beheld your countenance, my fatigue 
 at once left me !' I well knew that to win his favour I 
 must flatter him as much as possible ; he now gave his 
 hand to Said Bey and Dimitri to kiss, and asked how they 
 were. I scrutinised him very carefully ; he had a light- 
 brown complexion, a sympathetic Arab face, on which the 
 marks of small-pox were still traceable, an aquiline nose, a 
 well-shaped mouth, slight moustache, and a fringe of hair 
 on his cheeks, but rather thicker on his chin ; he was about 
 middle height, neither thin nor stout, was wearing a jibba 
 covered with small square patches of different colours, and 
 a Mecca takia, or skull cap, round which was bound a 
 cotton turban ; he generally spoke with a smile, and showed 
 a row of glistening white teeth. Having greeted us, he told 
 us to be seated ; and we at once sat on the palm-mats on 
 the ground, whilst he sat, cross-legged, on an angareb. Once 
 more he inquired after our health, and expressed his great 
 delight that we had at last reached the Mahdi. On a sign
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 159 
 
 to one of his servants, a dish of asida, and another of meat, 
 were laid before us, and, sitting beside us, he told us 
 to help ourselves ; he himself ate heartily, seeming to 
 thoroughly enjoy his food, and during the meal he asked 
 several questions. * Why,' said he, smiling, ■ did you not 
 wait for me outside the camp, instead of entering without 
 permission ? You know you are not supposed to enter a 
 friend's house without his permission.' ■ Pardon,' said I, 
 * my servant kept us waiting so long, and none of us thought 
 you would take the trouble to come out and meet us ; then, 
 as we reached the entrance of the camp, we heard the 
 beating of war-drums and the sound of your ombeya, and 
 when we inquired what that meant we were told that you 
 had ridden out to witness the execution of a criminal ; we 
 therefore intended following the sound of your ombeya, 
 when your order reached us.' ■ Am I then known as a 
 tyrant amongst the people,' said he, l that the sound of my 
 ombeya should always mean the death of someone ?' * No, 
 indeed, sir,' said I ; ' you are generally known to be strict, 
 but just.' * Yes, I am strict,' he replied; ' but this must 
 be so, and you will understand the reasons as you prolong 
 your stay with me.' 
 
 A few people whom I had previously known were now 
 permitted by the Khalifa to come in and greet me, but they 
 had no chance of conversation with me, only Abderrahman 
 ben Naga, who had been one of the Hicks expedition, said, 
 in a low, quick tone, * Be very careful ; hold your tongue, 
 and trust no one.' I took his warning to heart. 
 
 The Khalifa then departed, and at about two o'clock in 
 the afternoon sent us a message to perform our ablutions 
 and prepare to go to the Mesjed (place of worship) ; a few 
 minutes later he arrived himself, and told us to follow him. 
 He was on foot, as the mosque, which was close to the 
 Mahdi's hut, was only about three hundred yards off. On 
 arrival, we found the place crowded with devotees, ranged 
 in closely packed lines ; and when the Khalifa entered, they 
 made way for him with great respect. A sheepskin was
 
 i6o FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 spread on the ground for us, and he directed us to take our 
 places beside him. The Mahdi's quarters, consisting of 
 several large straw huts fenced off by a thorn zariba, were 
 situated at the south-west end of the mosque. A gigantic 
 tree afforded shade to a number of the worshippers, but 
 those beyond had no protection from the burning sun. A 
 few paces from the front line, and to the right, lay a small 
 hut which was reserved for those with whom the Mahdi 
 wished to converse in private. The Khalifa now rose and 
 entered this hut, probably to inform his master of our arrival ; 
 for in a few moments he returned, again seated himself 
 beside me, and almost immediately the Mahdi himself came 
 out. The Khalifa at once arose, and with him Said Bey, 
 Dimitri, and I, who were just behind him, whilst the others 
 quietly remained in their places. The Mahdi being the 
 Imam, or leader of prayers, his sheepskin was spread out in 
 front, and he then stepped towards us. I had advanced 
 slightly, and he greeted me with * Salam aleikum,' which 
 we at once returned by * Aleikum es salam.* He then pre- 
 sented his hand for me to kiss, which I did several times, 
 and Said Bey and Dimitri followed my example. Motioning 
 us to be seated, he welcomed us, and turning to me said, 
 * Are you satisfied ?' ' Indeed I am,' I replied readily ; ■ on 
 coming so near to you I am most happy.' ■ God bless you 
 and your brethren !' (meaning Said Bey and Dimitri) said 
 he ; * when news reached us of your battles against my 
 followers, I used to pray to God for your conversion. God 
 and His Prophet have heard my prayers, and as you have 
 faithfully served your former master for perishable money, 
 so now you should serve me ; for he who serves me, and 
 hears my words, serves God and His religion, and shall have 
 happiness in this world and joy in the world to come.' We 
 of course all made professions of fidelity, and as I had been 
 previously warned to ask him to give me the ' beia,' or oath of 
 allegiance, I now besought this honour. Calling us up beside 
 him, he bade us kneel on the edge of his sheepskin, and placing 
 our hands in his, he told us to repeat after him as follows :
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 161 
 
 1 Bism Illahi er Rahman er Rahim, bayana Allaha wa 
 Rasulahu wa bayanaka ala tauhid Illahi, wala nushrek 
 billahi shayan, wala nasrek, wala nazni, wala nati bi buhtan, 
 wala nasak fil maruf, bayanaka ala tark ed dunya wal akhera, 
 wala naferru min el jehad ' (' In the name of God the most 
 compassionate and merciful, in the name of the unity of 
 God, we pay God, His Prophet, and you our allegiance ; 
 (we swear) that we shall not associate anything else with 
 God, that we shall not steal, nor commit adultery, nor lead 
 anyone into deception, nor disobey you in your goodness ; 
 we swear to renounce this world and (look only) to the 
 world to come, and that we shall not flee from the religious 
 war '). 
 
 This over, we kissed his hand, and were now enrolled 
 amongst his most devoted adherents ; but at the same time 
 we were liable to suffer their punishments. The muazzen 
 (prayer caller) now gave the first signal to begin prayers, 
 and we repeated the usual formulae after the Mahdi. When 
 they were over, all those present raised their hands to heaven 
 and besought God to grant victory to the faithful. The 
 Mahdi now began his sermon. An immense circle was 
 formed around him, and he spoke of the vanity and nothing- 
 ness of this life, urging all to renounce the world, and to 
 think only of their religious duties, and of the Jehad ; he 
 painted, in most glowing terms, the delights of Paradise, 
 and the heavenly joys which awaited those who paid heed 
 to his doctrine. Every now and then he was interrupted 
 by the shouts of some fanatic in an ecstasy ; and, indeed, I 
 am convinced everyone present, except ourselves, really 
 believed in him. The Khalifa, having something to do, had 
 left the mosque, but had ordered his mulazemia (body-guard), 
 who remained, to tell us to stay with the Mahdi till sunset. 
 I had now a good opportunity of making a careful survey of 
 Mohammed Ahmed ; he was a tall, broad-shouldered man 
 of light-brown colour, and powerfully built ; he had a large 
 head and sparkling black eyes ; he wore a black beard, and 
 had the usual three slits on each cheek ; his nose andmoiuh 
 
 ii
 
 t6i FIRE AND SIVORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 were well shaped, and he had the habit of always smiling, 
 showing his white teeth and exposing the V-shaped aperture 
 between the two front ones, which is always considered a 
 sign of good luck in the Sudan, and is known as ' falja.' 
 This was one of the principal causes which made the Mahdi 
 so popular with the fair sex, by whom he was dubbed ' Abu 
 falja ' (the man with the separated teeth). He wore a short 
 quilted jibba, beautifully washed, and perfumed with sandal- 
 wood, musk, and attar of roses ; this perfume was celebrated 
 amongst his disciples as ' Rihet el Mahdi ' (the odour of the 
 Mahdi), and was supposed to equal, if not surpass, that of 
 the dwellers in Paradise. 
 
 We remained exactly on the same spot, with our legs 
 tucked away behind, until the time for evening prayers 
 came. Meanwhile the Mahdi had frequently gone to and 
 fro between his house and the mosque ; and, prayers over, 
 I begged leave to depart, as the Khalifa had told me to 
 return to him at that hour. He gave me permission, and 
 took the opportunity of saying that I must adhere closely to 
 the Khalifa, and devote myself entirely to his service. Of 
 ^course I promised to obey him to the letter, and Dimitri, 
 Said Bey, and I, covering the Mahdi's hand with kisses, 
 quitted the mosque. My legs were so cramped by the 
 posture in which I had been sitting for hours together that 
 I could scarcely walk ; but, in spite of the pain, I was 
 obliged to keep as cheerful a face as possible in the Mahdi's 
 presence. Said Bey was more used to it, and did not seem 
 ;to suffer so much ; but poor Dimitri limped behind, muttering 
 < Greek in an undertone, which I have no doubt conveyed 
 the most frightful imprecations — at any rate, I can vouch 
 that they were not songs of praise of the Mahdi. A mula- 
 : zem returned with us to the Khalifa's house, where he was 
 waiting for us to sit down to supper with him. 
 
 He told us that since he had seen us in the morning 
 Hussein Khalifa, formerly Mudir of Berber, had arrived. 
 So it was true Berber had fallen ; we had heard rumours to 
 this effect, on the Darfur frontier, but met no one whom we
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 163 
 
 could ask confidentially about it. The town must have 
 fallen through the Jaalin ; and now communication with 
 Egypt must be entirely cut off. This was terribly bad news. 
 I anxiously looked out for Hussein Khalifa's arrival ; he 
 would be able to give us all the facts. 
 
 The Khalifa now left us for the night, and, utterly tired 
 out, we stretched out our weary limbs on the angarebs and 
 gave ourselves up to our own thoughts. 
 
 Early the next morning, after partaking of a breakfast of 
 asida and milk, the blowing of the ombeya, and the beating 
 of drums, announced that the Khalifa was about to ride ; 
 and horses were at once saddled. Directing my servants to 
 get two horses ready — one for myself and the other for 
 Said Bey — we mounted and soon caught up the Khalifa, 
 who had gone on ahead. He was riding for pleasure round 
 the camp, accompanied by some twenty footmen ; on his 
 right walked an enormous Black of the Dinka tribe, and on 
 his left a very tall Arab named Abu Tsheka, whose duty it 
 was to help the Khalifa in and out of the saddle. When he 
 came again to the open space, he directed the horsemen to 
 repeat yesterday's exercise ; and, after watching this for 
 some time, we rode on to the end of the camp, where he 
 showed me the remains of an immense zariba and small 
 tumbled-in trench, which he told me had been one of 
 Hicks's last halting places before his annihilation, and 
 where he had awaited reinforcements from Tagalla. The 
 trench had been made for his Krupp guns. The sight of 
 this awakened very sad memories ; to think of the thousands 
 who but a short time before had been camped in this great 
 zariba having been killed almost to a man, and that this 
 disaster was the cause of my being where I now was ! 
 
 On our way back the Khalifa took me to pay a visit to 
 nis brother Yakub, whose huts were close to his own, the 
 fences being merely separated by a narrow passage. Yakub 
 received me very kindly, and appeared as pleased to see me 
 as Abdullahi had been ; he warned me to serve him faith- 
 fully, which I of course promised to do. Yakub is a some- 
 
 11 — 2
 
 1 64 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 what shorter man than the Khalifa, broad-shouldered, with 
 a round face deeply pitted with small-pox ; he has a small 
 turned-up nose, and slight moustache and beard ; he is 
 distinctly more ugly than handsome, but has the art of 
 talking in a curiously sympathetic way. He, too, like the 
 Mahdi and the Khalifa, smiled continually ; and what won- 
 der, when their affairs were progressing so very satisfac- 
 torily ! Yakub reads and writes, and knows the Kuran by 
 heart, whilst Abdullahi is comparatively very ignorant. 
 He is some years the Khalifa's junior, and is his trusted 
 and most powerful adviser. Woe to the unfortunate man 
 who differs in opinion with Yakub, or who is suspected of 
 intriguing against him : he is infallibly lost ! 
 
 Partaking of some of the dates he offered me, I took leave 
 of him and returned to the rekuba, whence, in accordance 
 with the Khalifa's order, we proceeded to the mosque, and 
 stayed till sunset, as we did the previous day. Again the 
 Mahdi preached renunciation, urging his hearers to be ready 
 for the Jehad, so as to enter into the future joys of Paradise- 
 Again and again the faithful devotees, half intoxicated with 
 fanaticism, shouted his praises ; whilst we poor wretches y 
 enduring agonies in our cramped position, imprecated in 
 our hearts Mahdi, Khalifa, and his whole crew of base 
 hypocrites. 
 
 The next day the Khalifa summoned us, and asked if we 
 wished to return to Darfur. I knew the question had only 
 been put to us as a test ; and we at once answered with one 
 voice, that we should deeply regret leaving the Mahdi. I 
 saw that he anticipated this answer, and, smiling, he com- 
 mended us for our wise decision. The Khalifa now, of his 
 own accord, suggested that a longer stay in the rekuba was 
 probably distasteful to us ; he therefore sent Dimitri with 
 a mulazem to the house of his future Emir, who was 
 a Greek, and he also gave instructions to Ahmed Wad 
 Suleiman to issue twenty dollars to him. After he had 
 gone, he turned to Said Bey, saying, ' Said Guma, you 
 are an Egyptian, and everyone likes his own compatriots
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 165 
 
 best ; we have with us several Egyptians, many of proved 
 fidelity. You are brave, and I know I can count on you ; 
 you will therefore join the Emir of all the Egyptians, 
 Hassan Hussein, and he will give you a house, and see to 
 your requirements. I shall also do what is necessary on 
 my side.' Said Bey was of course much pleased with the 
 arrangement. Then, turning to me, he said, ' Abdel Kader, 
 you are a stranger here, and have no one else but me. You 
 know well the Arabs of Southern Darfur ; therefore, in 
 accordance with the Mahdi's orders, you are to remain with 
 me as a mulazem.' ■ That is the very wish of my heart,' I 
 answered readily ; ' I call myself fortunate to be able to 
 serve you, and you can rely on my obedience and fidelity.' ' I 
 knew that,' said he ; • may God protect you and strengthen 
 your faith ; you will no doubt be of much use to both the 
 Mahdi and myself.' 
 
 Once more I was alone with the Khalifa, and again he 
 repeated how gratified he was to have me in his service, 
 and always beside him ; at the same time he warned me 
 not to associate with his near relatives, whose jealous 
 feelings might lead to an estrangement between us. He 
 also gave orders for some straw huts to be erected in the 
 zariba next his own, belonging to Abu Anga, who was now 
 absent, fighting against the Nubas ; meanwhile he said I 
 was to stay in the rekuba, and without fail attend the 
 Mahdi's noon-day and evening prayers. Thanking him 
 profusely for all these favours, I promised to do my utmost 
 to please him and continue in his good graces. 
 
 The next day Hussein Pasha Khalifa was brought in, and 
 Abdullahi began the conversation by inquiring after the 
 health of the late Governor of Berber. Receiving the 
 usual replies, he then turned to the situation on the river, 
 and Hussein described the whole country between Berber 
 and Fashoda as being entirely with the Mahdi, and com- 
 munication between Egypt and the Sudan quite inter- 
 rupted, whilst Khartum, which was defended by Gordon, 
 was invested by the Gezira tribes. He naturally coloured
 
 1 66 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the situation in the way which he knew would be most 
 acceptable to the Mahdi, and that he was favourably im- 
 pressing the Khalifa was evident from the expressions of 
 satisfaction which escaped the latter as the narrative pro- 
 ceeded. Abdullahi promised that at noon-day prayers he 
 would present Hussein Khalifa to the Mahdi, of whose 
 forgiveness he might rest assured. In the meantime he was 
 to rest in the rekuba. 
 
 I subsequently accompanied him to the mosque, where 
 the usual form of presentation was gone through, and on 
 our return I was greatly relieved to hear that he was 
 ordered to remain that night in the rekuba. As usual we 
 supped with the Khalifa, but when he and the servants had 
 retired, we took this long-looked-for occasion to greet each 
 other most heartily, and to mutually bemoan the sad fate 
 which brought us together in this wretched position. 
 'Hussein Pasha,' said I, ■ I trust you and yours may rest 
 assured of my silence. Tell me what is the present condi- 
 tion of Khartum, and what are the population doing ?* 
 ' Alas !' he replied, ' it is exactly as I have described it to the 
 Khalifa. Gordon's reading at Metemmeh of the proclama- 
 tion abandoning the Sudan upset the situation entirely, and 
 was indirectly the cause of the fall of Berber. No doubt it 
 would have been lost later on, but this action of Gordon's 
 greatly precipitated it. At Berber I stopped him from taking 
 this fatal step, and I cannot think what induced him to dis- 
 regard my advice almost immediately afterwards.' We 
 talked so long about the situation and the various events 
 that Hussein Pasha, who was old and tired, fell asleep ; but 
 this conversation had banished all sleep from my eyes. So 
 this is to be the end, I thought, of all Gordon's efforts to- 
 settle the country, and is all the blood and treasure ex- 
 pended in past years to go for nothing ? Now the Govern- 
 ment wanted to abandon this great country, which, though 
 hitherto it had not proved a financial benefit to Egypt, was 
 a land of great prospects, and could at least produce 
 thousands of splendid black recruits with whom to fill
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 167- 
 
 the ranks of its army. So the Government was to leave 
 this country to its own people, and yet to remain on 
 friendly terms with it ; it was to withdraw the garrisons, 
 and war materiel, and to establish a form of local govern- 
 ment, when a form of such government had already sprung 
 into existence by the most violent of means, namely, by the 
 wholesale overturning of every vestige of the authority 
 which it was to replace, and the massacre or capture of 
 almost every individual representative of the ousted ruling; 
 power. 
 
 To carry out this plan they had sent Gordon, in the hope 
 that his personal influence with the people, and their regard 
 for him — which he was inclined to estimate somewhat 
 highly — would enable him to succeed in this herculean 
 task. Gordon, it is true, was popular with some of the 
 western and equatorial tribes, whom he had won over by 
 his munificence and his benevolent nature. During his 
 stay in these districts he had constantly travelled about,, 
 and his noted courage and fearlessness in action had wort 
 him the sympathy of those tribes whose greatest pride it is 
 to possess such qualities. Yes, there is no doubt he had 
 been popular with the western Arabs, but they had now a* 
 Mahdi whom they adored ; they had almost forgotten 
 Gordon. The Sudanese, it must be remembered, are not 
 Europeans ; they are Arabs and Blacks, and are little given 
 over to sentimental feelings. But in this particular case of 
 the reading of the proclamation the people concerned were 
 river tribes, and, of all others, the Jaalin were perhaps the 
 most hostile to Gordon, for they had not forgotten the 
 eviction of the Gellabas. 
 
 The mere fact that Gordon had come to Khartum with- 
 out a force at his back proved to these people that he 
 depended on his personal influence to carry out his task ;. 
 but, to those who understood the situation, it was abundantly 
 clear that personal influence at this stage was as a drop in 
 the ocean. Then what could have induced him to read 
 that fatal notice, proclaiming far and wide that the Govern-
 
 168 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 ment intended to abandon the Sudan ? At Hussein Pasha's 
 advice he had not read it at Berber, but at Metemmeh he 
 had proclaimed it before all the people. Had Gordon never 
 been informed of the Mahdi's proclamations sent to all the 
 tribes after the fall of El Obeid ? Was he not aware that 
 these proclamations enjoined all the people to unite in a 
 religious war against the Government authority, and that 
 those who disobeyed the summons, and were found giving 
 assistance to the hated Turk, were guilty of betraying the 
 faith, and as such would not only lose their money and 
 property, but their wives and children would become the 
 slaves of the Mahdi and his followers ? Gordon's idea was 
 to obtain the assistance of these tribes, in order to facilitate 
 the withdrawal of the garrisons, and he would have come to 
 terms with them to effect this object ; but how could he 
 expect them to help him when, in the words of that fatal 
 proclamation, it was decreed they were to be abandoned to 
 their fate ? And what would, in this eventuality, have been 
 their fate ? Could they have opposed the Mahdi, his forty 
 thousand rifles, and his hosts of wild fanatics, panting for 
 blood and plunder ? No, indeed ; these tribes were sensible 
 enough to understand that assistance given to Gordon to 
 retreat meant the annihilation of themselves and the en- 
 slavement of their families. Why should they commit this 
 self-sacrifice ? How could Gordon's personal influence 
 avail him for an instant against the personal interests of 
 every man, woman, and child in the now abandoned 
 Sudan ? 
 
 If for political or other reasons it was impossible for the 
 Government to maintain the Sudan, or to reconquer it by 
 degrees, it was an equally useless step to have sent Gordon 
 there to sacrifice him. It did not require a person of any 
 special military capacity to remove the garrisons and war 
 materiel by the steamers to Berber, under pretext of relieving 
 that town, and thus the whole or a considerable portion of 
 the Sudan garrisons might have been successfully with- 
 drawn, though it would have been necessary to do this
 
 THE SIEGE ASD FALL OF KHARTUM 169 
 
 ■without delay, and it could not have been feasible after the 
 fall of Berber ; but Berber, it must be remembered, did not 
 fall till the 19th of May, three months after Gordon's arrival 
 in Khartum. However, under any circumstances the read- 
 ing of that fatal proclamation precipitated matters to an 
 alarming extent. The intention of the Government was 
 openly declared to the Sudanese, and they naturally from 
 that moment looked to their own immediate interests, which 
 were now directly opposed to those of the Government, so 
 'hopelessly overturned by their victorious compatriot, the 
 Mahdi. 
 
 How could Gordon's qualities of personal bravery and 
 energy, great as they undoubtedly were, arrest the progress 
 of events after that most grave political error ? 
 
 Perplexed and worried with such thoughts as these, I was 
 tossing about on my angareb, whilst Hussein Khalifa was 
 snoring. There was no small advantage in being a fatalist, 
 but as yet I was too European to have arrived at this 
 stage, though gradually I learnt to look at such matters 
 with more equanimity, and my experiences in the Sudan 
 have undoubtedly taught me to practise that great virtue — 
 patience. 
 
 A few days afterwards a rumour was spread through the 
 camp that Abu Girga had been attacked by Gordon, and 
 had been wounded ; his forces, which were then investing 
 Khartum, were reported to have been repulsed, and the 
 siege raised. This news filled my heart with delight, though 
 openly I was obliged to appear quite unconcerned. 
 
 Saleh Wad el Mek now arrived in the camp ; he had been 
 •obliged to submit at Fedasi, and had been sent on by Abu 
 Girga. He received the pardon of the Khalifa and Mahdi, 
 and confirmed the above news ; he also privately gave me 
 much interesting information about Gordon. That evening 
 the Khalifa summoned me to supper with him, and no 
 -sooner had we set to work to tear the huge piece of meat 
 before us than he asked, ■ Have you heard the news to-day 
 about Hajji Mohammed Abu Girga?' 'No/ I replied
 
 170 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 hypocritically, * I did not leave your door the whole day, 
 and have met no one.' 
 
 * Gordon,' continued the Khalifa, * made a sudden attack 
 on Hajji Mohammed from both the river and the land, when 
 the Blue Nile was in flood ; and he has built structures on 
 the steamers which stop the bullets of our faithful Ansar. 
 The unbeliever is a cunning man, but he will reap God's 
 punishment. Hajji Mohammed's men, who have suffered, 
 have been obliged to retire before superior force. Gordon 
 is now rejoicing in his victory ; but he is deceived. God 
 will grant victory only to those who believe in Him, and in 
 a few days God's vengeance will fall on him suddenly. 
 Hajji Mohammed is not man enough to conquer the country; 
 the Mahdi is therefore sending Abderrahman Wad en Nejumi 
 to besiege Khartum.' 
 
 1 1 hope,' said I, ' that Hajji Mohammed has not suffered 
 serious loss ?' meaning in my heart exactly the reverse. 
 
 1 Battles cannot be fought without loss,' said the Khalifa, 
 with some truth ; * but I have not heard the full details yet.' 
 He was anything but affable to-day. Gordon's victory had 
 thoroughly upset him, and he evidently anticipated that the 
 effect would be serious. When I returned to my hut, I 
 sent my servant to ask Saleh Wad el Mek if he could come 
 and see me secretly ; he was only a few huts off, and arrived 
 some minutes afterwards. I told him the Khalifa's corro- 
 boration of the news, but he had already heard it from his 
 relatives, and we continued talking over past and present 
 till a late hour. This victory had raised my spirits enor- 
 mously, and I found myself chatting quite hopefully of the 
 future ; but Saleh looked on the success as only temporary, 
 and his reasons for this view were, I felt, fully justifiable. 
 
 He explained that, very soon after Gordon's arrival at 
 Khartum, the effect of the fatal proclamation began to be 
 felt, and his difficulties increased. The Jaalin had begun 
 to collect, and had chosen as their chief Haj Ali Wad Saad, 
 who soon had at his disposal a considerable force, but for 
 personal reasons he was secretly inclined to the Govern-
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 171 
 
 ment, and therefore delayed actually fighting as long as 
 possible. The Consuls of the various nationalities at Khartum, 
 seeing the situation getting worse, had applied to Gordon 
 to send them to Berber ; but it was doubtful if it would have 
 been safe to let them go, and at Gordon's suggestion they 
 decided to remain. The inhabitants of Khartum had them- 
 selves begun to look w T ith mistrust on Gordon, for they 
 realized, from the proclamation of which they had heard, 
 that Gordon had only come to withdraw the garrison, though 
 later on they thoroughly understood that Gordon himself 
 had come to conquer with them or to die. The Sheikh El 
 Obeid, one of the great religious Sheikhs of the Sudan, 
 had collected together his followers at Halfaya to besiege 
 Khartum. Gordon had sent troops under Hassan Pasha 
 and Said Pasha Hussein, who had been formerly Governor 
 of Shakka, to drive the rebels out of their position, and 
 watching the operations through a telescope from the top of 
 the Palace, he had seen his trusted officers endeavouring to 
 make over his troops to the enemy, whilst they themselves 
 were retreating to Khartum. He had tried these traitorous 
 officers by general court-martial, and had had them shot. 
 In spite of this disaster, he had succeeded in relieving the 
 Shaigias, who were loyal to Government, and had brought 
 them, under their commander Sanjak Abdel Hamid Wad 
 Mohammed, to Khartum. 
 
 Saleh Wad el Mek, himself invested by the rebels at 
 Fedasi, had begged Gordon to relieve him ; but it was im- 
 possible to do so, and he had been obliged to surrender with 
 one thousand four hundred irregulars and cavalry, with all 
 their arms. In consequence of this success, Hajji Moham- 
 med Abu Girga had collected all the inhabitants of the 
 Gezira to besiege Khartum. Whilst these events were 
 happening in the neighbourhood of that town, the Mahdi's 
 former teacher, Sheikh Mohammed el Kheir (formerly 
 Mohammed el Diker), had come to the river, and had been 
 appointed by his early pupil Emir of Berber ; he had placed 
 all the tribes in the province under his orders, and the latter,
 
 172 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 collecting adherents from his own tribe, the Jaalin, and 
 reinforced by the Barabra, Bisharia, and other Arabs, had 
 laid siege to Berber, which had fallen in a few days. 
 
 The province of Dongola had hitherto held out, owing 
 principally to its crafty Mudir, Mustafa Bey Yawer, who 
 had twice written to the Mahdi, offering him his submission, 
 but the latter, fearing to trust one of the hated Turks, had 
 sent his relative, Sayed Mahmud Ali, to join the Shaigia 
 Emir Sheikh el Heddai, who had already headed a disturb- 
 ance in the province, to take possession. But Mustafa Bey, 
 secretly learning that he was not acceptable, had fallen 
 suddenly on Heddai at Debba, and, encouraged by the pre- 
 sence of a British officer* in his province, had followed up 
 this success by inflicting a crushing defeat on the Mahdists 
 at Korti, in which both the Emirs Mahmud and Heddai 
 were killed. 
 
 At Sennar matters were not so satisfactory ; it was closely 
 invested, but had large reserve supplies of corn. Commu- 
 nication with the outside was, however, completely stopped, 
 though Nur Bey, the brave commander, had made a suc- 
 cessful sortie which had driven off the rebels to some dis- 
 tance, and enabled the town to breathe again. 
 
 Appeals now reached the Mahdi from all parts to come 
 down to the river, but he was in no particular hurry, for he 
 knew that the country was securely in his hands, and that 
 it would require a large Egyptian or foreign army to re- 
 conquer it from him. Every Friday he held a review of his 
 troops, at which he himself was always present. His force 
 was divided into three portions, each under the command of 
 a Khalifa, though, in addition, Khalifa Abdullahi was en- 
 titled ' Reis el Gesh ' (Commander-in-Chief of the Army). 
 His own special division was known as the Raya ez Zarga, 
 ■or blue flag, and his brother Yakub represented him as its 
 commander. The Raya el Khadra, or green flag, was under 
 the command of the Khalifa Ali Wad Helu ; while the red 
 
 • Major Kitchener, now Sir Herbert Kitchener, the Sirdar of the 
 Egyptian army.
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 173 
 
 flag, the Raya el Ashraf (flag of the nobles), was placed 
 under Khalifa Mohammed Sherif. Under each principal 
 flag were grouped the flags of the various Emirs. 
 
 When the reviews took place, the Emirs of the Raya ez 
 Zarga deployed into line with their banners facing east ; 
 those of the green flag were drawn up opposite to them, 
 facing west ; and connecting these two lines, and facing 
 north, were the Emirs and flags of the Ashraf. The numbers 
 of the Mahdi's followers being now enormous, an immense 
 square was thus formed, open on one side, and the Mahdi 
 and his staff, advancing to the centre, would receive the 
 salute, and would then ride along the lines, welcoming his 
 faithful adherents with the words, * Allah yebarek fikum !" 
 (' May God bless you !'). 
 
 During these Friday reviews, called Arda or Tarr, extra- 
 ordinary occurrences were said to take place. One would 
 assert that he saw the Prophet riding beside the Mahdi, 
 and talking with him ; others would say they heard voices 
 from Heaven, shouting blessings on the Ansar, and promises 
 of victory. They would even affirm that a passing cloud 
 was formed by angels' wings in order to give shade and 
 refreshment to the faithful. 
 
 About three days after the news had been received of 
 Abu Girga's defeat, an Italian named Joseph Cuzzi arrived 
 at Rahad from Khartum ; he had been residing in Berber 
 at the time of its fall, having been left behind by A. 
 Marquet, the agent of Debourg and Company, to wind up 
 some of their affairs. Mohammed el Kheir had sent him, 
 as a prisoner, to Abu Girga, and he had despatched him 
 with a letter to Gordon ; but the latter had refused to see 
 him, and had sent him back to the enemy's post, on the 
 east bank of the Blue Nile, opposite Khartum. The Mahdi 
 now sent Cuzzi back in company with a Greek named 
 George Calamatino, with letters to Gordon summoning him 
 to submit. By the hands of this Greek I also sent secretly 
 a few lines to Gordon Pasha. The Greek was permitted 
 to enter the lines ; but Cuzzi was kept at a place some
 
 174 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 distance off, as, on the first occasion on which he had come, 
 he was reported by the officers to have personally sum- 
 moned them to surrender. 
 
 When the fast of Ramadan was over, Abu Anga and 
 his entire fighting force were recalled from Jebel Dair ; and 
 the Mahdi then publicly announced that the Prophet had 
 directed him to proceed to Khartum and lay siege to it. 
 Every Emir was enjoined to collect his men, and order 
 them to prepare for the march ; whilst any who remained 
 behind were declared lawful prey, and liable to total con- 
 fiscation of all they possessed. However, there was no 
 hanging back on the part of the people, whose fanaticism 
 knew no bounds, and who were well aware that treasure 
 and plunder generally fell to the share of the faithful 
 followers. The consequence was that the Mahdi's summons 
 brought about a wholesale immigration of the entire popu- 
 lation, such as had never before been seen in the Sudan. 
 
 We left Rahad on August 22, the Mahdist forces march- 
 ing by three separate roads : the northern one, via Khursi, 
 Helba, and Tura el Hadra, was selected by the camel- 
 owning tribes ; the central road, via Tayara, Sherkela, 
 Shatt, and Duem, was taken by the Mahdi, Khalifas, and 
 the majority of the Emirs ; whilst the Baggaras and cattle- 
 owning tribes adopted the southern route, which was well 
 supplied with water, owing to the frequent rain pools which 
 served as drinking places for the cattle. I, of course, in my 
 capacity as mulazem of the Khalifa, followed my master ; 
 but, as a rule, when halted in camp, I used to send my 
 horses and servants to Saleh Wad el Mek, who had joined 
 the Mahdi's suite. The Khalifa, however, for some 
 unknown reason, had a particular aversion to him, and 
 ordered me in future to remain with my servants near him, 
 and charged his cousin, Osman Wad Adam, to look after 
 me. Nevertheless, every now and then I used to see Saleh 
 Wad el Mek, who was kept informed of all that was 
 happening in the Nile districts. 
 
 Just before arriving at Sherkela, strange rumours were
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 175 
 
 spread about that an Egyptian who was a Christian had 
 arrived at El Obeid, and was now on his way to overtake 
 the Mahdi. Some believed him to be the Emperor of 
 France ; others affirmed that he was closely related to the 
 Queen of England. However, there was no doubt a 
 European was coming, and I was naturally most anxious 
 to know who he could be. That evening the Khalifa told 
 me a Frenchman had arrived at El Obeid, and that he had 
 sent orders for him to be brought to the Mahdi. l Do you 
 belong to the French race?' said he to me; 'or are there 
 different tribes in your country, as there are here with us in 
 the Sudan ?' — he had not, of course, the slightest knowledge 
 of Europe and the European nations, and I enlightened him 
 as far as I thought necessary. • But what should a French- 
 man want with us, that he should come all that long 
 distance?' asked the Khalifa inquiringly; 'possibly God 
 has converted him, and has led him to the right way.' 
 
 * Perhaps,' said I, 'he is seeking your and the Mahdi's 
 friendship.' The Khalifa looked at me incredulously, and 
 said curtly, ' We shall see.' 
 
 At length we reached Sherkela ; and scarcely had we 
 halted when my master sent for me, and said, ' Abdel 
 Kader, the French traveller has arrived ; I have now 
 ordered him to be brought before me. You had better wait 
 and listen to what he has to say ; I may want you.' — 
 Almost immediately afterwards Hussein Pasha came in, 
 and he too had evidently been summoned by the Khalifa. 
 After waiting some little time longer, a mulazem announced 
 that the stranger was waiting outside the hut ; and he was 
 at once admitted. He was a tall, young-looking man — about 
 thirty years of age, I should say — and his face was much 
 bronzed by the sun ; he had a fair beard and moustache, 
 and wore a jibba and turban. He greeted the Khalifa with 
 
 * Salam aleikum ' ; and the latter, who did not rise from his 
 angareb, merely motioned him to be seated. ' Why have 
 you come here ; and what do you want from us ?' were the 
 Khalifa's first words to him ; he replied, in such broken
 
 i;6 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Arabic that it was difficult to understand, that he was a 
 Frenchman, and had come from France. ' Speak in your 
 own language with Abdel Kader,' interrupted the Khalifa, 
 1 and he will explain to me what you want.' The stranger 
 now turned and looked at me distrustfully, saying, in 
 English, 'Good-day, sir.' 'Do you speak French?' said 
 I ; ' my name is Slatin. Stick to business entirely now, 
 and, later on, we can speak privately.' ' What are you 
 talking about together ?' muttered the Khalifa, in an annoyed 
 tone ; ' I wish to know what he wants.' 
 
 ' I only told him my name,' said I, ' and urged him to 
 speak openly to you, as both you and the Mahdi are men 
 to whom God has granted the power to read the thoughts 
 of others.' Hussein Khalifa, who was sitting beside me, 
 now broke in, ' That is true, indeed ! May God prolong 
 the Khalifa's life !' and then, turning to me, he said, ■ You 
 did well to call this stranger's attention to the fact.' The 
 Khalifa, appeased and flattered, now said, ' Well, try and 
 find out the truth.' 
 
 ' My name is Olivier Pain,' said the stranger, whom I had 
 now told to talk in French, ' and I am a Frenchman. Since 
 I was quite a boy I was interested in the Sudan, and 
 sympathized with its people ; it is not only I, but all my 
 compatriots, who feel the same. In Europe there are 
 nations with whom we are at feud ; one of these is the 
 English nation which has now settled in Egypt, and one of 
 whose generals (Gordon) is now commander in Khartum. 
 I have therefore come to offer you my assistance, and that 
 of my nation.' 
 
 'What assistance?' interrupted the Khalifa, to whom I 
 was translating word for word Olivier Pain's statement. 
 
 ' I can only offer you advice,' said Pain, ' but my nation, 
 which is anxious to gain your friendship, is ready to help 
 you practically with arms and money, under certain condi- 
 tions.' 
 
 'Are you a Mohammedan?' asked the Khalifa, as if he 
 had not heard what he had said.
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 177 
 
 1 Yes, certainly,' said he ; * I have been of this faith for a 
 long time, and at El Obeid I openly acknowledged it.' 
 
 1 Well,' said the Khalifa, ■ you and Hussein can stay here 
 with the Frenchman whilst I go and let the Mahdi know, 
 and I shall then come back to you.' 
 
 When the Khalifa had gone I shook hands with Olivier 
 Pain, and introduced him to Hussein Khalifa ; but I con- 
 fess to feeling considerably prejudiced against him by his 
 offer to assist our enemies. However, I urged him to be 
 most careful, and to say that he had been induced to 
 come here rather out of love for religion than for political 
 motives. Even Hussein Pasha, who was evidently very 
 much annoyed, said in Arabic to me : ■ Is that what you 
 call politics, to offer money and arms to people whose only 
 object is to kill others, rob them of their property, and 
 enslave their wives and daughters ? Yet if one of us, no 
 matter how poor he may be, buys a Black slave who is really 
 little better than an animal, except that he can till the 
 ground, you call it wicked and cruel, and punish us most 
 severely.' 
 
 'Mailaish' ('Never mind'), said I ; ' he who lives long 
 sees much.' 
 
 We were now occupied with our own thoughts whilst 
 waiting for the Khalifa's return ; and at length he arrived, 
 ordered us to make our ablutions, and prepare to attend the 
 Mahdi's prayers. Having done so, the Khalifa leading, we 
 went to the place of worship, where there was an immense 
 concourse of people, who, having heard of Olivier Pain's 
 arrival, were indulging in the wildest speculations about 
 him. After we had taken our places, Pain was directed to 
 the second row, and the Mahdi now arrived. He was 
 dressed in his speckless and beautifully-perfumed jibba ; 
 his turban was more carefully folded than usual, and his 
 eyes were well painted with antimony, which gave them a 
 more fiery expression. He had evidently done his utmost 
 to appear to the greatest possible advantage. No doubt he 
 was pleased and nattered that a man should have come 
 
 12
 
 I ;8 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 from so far to offer him assistance. He now sat himself 
 down on his prayer-carpet, and, calling up Olivier Pain 
 before him, greeted him with a very beaming smile, but did 
 not shake hands with him, and, using me as an interpreter, 
 asked him to explain why he had come here. 
 
 Pain reiterated the same story as before, which the Mahdi 
 told me to repeat in a sufficiently loud voice for everyone to 
 hear ; and when I had finished he said, in an equally loud 
 tone : ' I have heard your intentions, and have understood 
 them ; but I do not count on human support ; I rely on God 
 and His Prophet. Your nation are unbelievers, and I shall 
 never ally myself with them. With God's help I shall 
 defeat my enemies through my brave Ansar and the hosts 
 of angels sent to me by the Prophet.' Shouts of acclama- 
 tion from thousands upon thousands of throats greeted this 
 speech, and when order had been restored the Mahdi said 
 to Pain : ' You affirm that you love our faith, and acknow- 
 ledge that it is the true one. Are you a Mohammedan V 
 
 1 Certainly,' answered he, repeating the creed, f La ilaha 
 illallah, Mohammed Rasul Allah,' in a loud voice. The 
 Mahdi after this gave him his hand to kiss, but did not 
 administer the oath of allegiance. 
 
 We now took up our positions in the ranks of the faithful, 
 and repeated prayers with the Mahdi ; and, that over, the 
 Divine Master gave us one of his usual sermons on salva- 
 tion and renunciation. We then departed with the Khalifa, 
 who directed me to take Olivier Pain to my tent, and there 
 await further instructions. 
 
 Once alone with Pain in my tent, I could talk to him 
 without fear of interruption. I had the strongest aversion 
 to his mission, but I pitied the man who, if he thought to 
 succeed in such an enterprise in this country, was the 
 victim of so absurd a delusion. I again greeted him 
 heartily, saying, ' Now, my dear Mr. Olivier Pain, we 
 shall be quite undisturbed for a few minutes ; let us speak 
 frankly. Although I do not agree with your mission, I 
 assure you, on my word as an officer, I will do all in my
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM i 79 
 
 power to secure your personal safety. I have now been for 
 years an exile from the civilized world. Tell me something 
 about outside affairs.' 
 
 ' I trust you thoroughly,' he replied. ■ I know you well 
 by name, and have often heard of you, and I thank my good 
 fortune which has brought me to you. There is a great 
 deal to tell you, but for the present I will confine myself to 
 Egypt, which must interest us most.' 
 
 'Tell me, then,' said I, 'all about the revolt of Ahmed 
 Arabi Pasha, about the massacres, about the intervention 
 of the Powers, and about England, which has just occupied 
 Egypt.' 
 
 'I,' said he, ' am working for the Independence, with Roche- 
 fort, of whom you must have heard. England and France 
 are politically antagonistic, and we do what we can to put 
 as many difficulties as possible in England's way. I have 
 not come here as a representative of my nation, but as a 
 private individual, with, however, the knowledge and con- 
 currence of my nation. The English authorities, discover- 
 ing my intentions, issued a warrant of arrest against me,, 
 and I was sent back from Wadi Haifa ; but on my way 
 down the river, at Esna, I agreed secretly with some Alighat 
 Arabs to bring me here by the road running west of Don- 
 gola, through El Kaab, to El Obeid. To-day the Mahdi 
 has received me most kindly, and I hope for the best.' 
 
 ■ Do you think that your proposal will be accepted ?' said I. 
 
 1 Should my proposal be refused,' he answered, ' I still 
 hope the Mahdi will be induced to enter into friendly rela- 
 tions with France ; for the present that will be quite sufficient, 
 and, as I have come here of my own free will, I trust the 
 Mahdi will not make my return impossible.' 
 
 1 That is very questionable,' said I ; ' but have you left a 
 family at home ?' 
 
 1 Oh, yes,' answered Pain, ■ I have left my wife and two 
 children in Paris ; I often think of them, and hope to see 
 them soon again. But tell me, sir, frankly — why should I 
 be detained ? 
 
 12 — 2
 
 *8o FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 1 My dear sir,' I replied, ' as far as I know these people, 
 I do not think you need at present have any fear for your 
 own safety ; but when and how you are going to get away 
 from them, it is beyond my power to say. What I sincerely 
 hope is, that your proposals, which may be advantageous to 
 the enemy — and I admit these Mahdists are my most bitter 
 enemies — will not be accepted, and I also hope they will 
 allow you to return unmolested to your wife and children, 
 who must be anxiously awaiting you.' 
 
 Meanwhile, I had told my servants to get us something 
 to eat ; and I had sent for Gustav Klootz, O'Donovan's 
 former servant, to share our meal with us. We had scarcely 
 begun, when two of the Khalifa's mulazemin entered, and 
 told Olivier Pain to follow them. He was much taken aback 
 at being called off alone, and, in a whisper, commended 
 himself to me. It also struck me as curious, for Pain's 
 Arabic was quite unintelligible. I was talking about this 
 to Mustafa (Klootz), when I also received a summons, and, 
 on entering the Khalifa's hut, I found him quite alone ; he 
 motioned to me to be seated, and I sat on the ground beside 
 him. 
 
 1 Abdel Kader,' said he confidentially, * I look on you as 
 one of us ; tell me, what do you think of this Frenchman ?' 
 
 * I believe he is sincere, and means well,' said I ; * but he 
 did not know the Mahdi, nor you ; he did not understand 
 that you trusted only in God, and sought no support from 
 other powers, and that this is the cause of your continual 
 victories, because God is with those who put their trust in 
 Him.' 
 
 * You heard the Mahdi's words,' continued the Khalifa, 
 * when he said to the Frenchman that he wished to have 
 nothing to do with unbelievers, and that he could defeat his 
 enemies without their help ?' 
 
 * Most certainly I did,' I replied ; { and therefore the man 
 is useless here, and may as well return to his nation, and 
 tell them about the victories of the Mahdi and his com- 
 mander-in-chief, the Khalifa.'
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM i&i 
 
 4 Perhaps, later,' said the Khalifa ; ' for the present, I have 
 ordered him to stay with Zeki Tummal, who will take all 
 care of him, and attend to his wants.' 
 
 * But it will be very difficult for him to make himself 
 understood in Arabic,' I pleaded ; ■ he is by no means a 
 good Arabic scholar yet.' 
 
 * He has been able to get here without an interpreter,* 
 answered the Khalifa ; 4 however, you have my permission 
 to visit him.' He then talked about other things, and 
 showed me the horses Zogal had sent him from Darfur, 
 some of which I knew very well. After leaving my master, 
 I went in search of Pain, whom I found sitting under the 
 shade of a very battered old tent, his head resting on his 
 hands, and evidently in deep thought ; when he saw me, he 
 at once rose, saying, * I don't know what to think about it 
 all. I have been ordered to stay here ; my baggage has 
 been brought, and I am told that a certain Zeki has been 
 ordered to look after me. Why don't they let me stay with 
 you ?' 
 
 * It is the Mahdi's nature ; and the Khalifa is even worse 
 in working his will in contrariety to every human being 
 under the sun. You are going through a course of what 
 they call " putting one to the test in patience, submission, 
 and faith,"' said I, by way of sympathy; 'but you need 
 have no fear. The Khalifa suspects us both, and is anxious 
 to keep us apart, so that we should not criticize his actions. 
 Here comes Zeki Tummal. He was with me in many a 
 fight ; I will strongly commend you to him.' I had now 
 advanced to meet Zeki, who shook hands with me, and 
 asked how I was. * My friend,' said I to him, ' this is a 
 stranger, and your guest. I recommend him to your kind 
 care ; be forbearing with him for old acquaintance' sake.' 
 
 1 1 shall let him want for nothing as far as it is in my 
 power to do so,' he replied ; and then, more slowly, he said, 
 1 But the Khalifa has told me not to let him have any inter- 
 course with others, and I therefore beg you will come here 
 only very occasionally.'
 
 1 82 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 'These orders do not apply to me,' said I; 'just this 
 moment I left our master's hut, and he has given me special 
 permission to visit your guest. So again I beg you to treat 
 this poor man with all consideration.' 
 
 I then returned to Pain, and tried to cheer him up, telling 
 him that the Khalifa had given orders he was not to be 
 allowed to see other people ; but this, I said, was no dis- 
 advantage, for they would probably have used the occasion 
 to intrigue against him, and so put him in danger. As 
 regards myself, however, I said I would come to see him as 
 often as possible. 
 
 The next morning, the Khalifa's great war-drum, called 
 
 * El Mansura ' (the victorious), was beaten ; this was the 
 signal for the march to begin again, and off we started. 
 We generally marched from early morning till noon only, 
 and thus our progress was not rapid. When we halted at 
 mid-day, I went to look for Pain, and found him sitting 
 under his tent as before : he appeared in good health, but 
 complained about the bad food. Zeki, who was present 
 whilst we were speaking, said that he had twice sent him 
 some asida, but he would not touch it. I explained that he 
 was not, of course, accustomed to native food yet, and that 
 therefore I proposed getting my servant to prepare some 
 food specially for him ; and, returning at once, I ordered 
 him to make some soup and boil some rice, and take it to 
 Olivier Pain. That evening the Khalifa asked me if I had 
 seen him. I told him I had ; but that, as he was not accus- 
 tomed yet to native food, I had ordered my servant to prepare 
 something else. I explained that if he were forced to eat 
 the native food he might get ill ; and that therefore, with 
 his permission, I proposed sending him, every now and then, 
 something special. The Khalifa assented. ' But,' said he, 
 
 • you eat of our food ; it would therefore be better he should 
 get used to it as soon as possible. By-the-bye, where is 
 Mustafa ? I have not seen him since we left Rahad.' 
 
 • He is staying with me, and helps my servants to look 
 after the horses and camels,' said I.
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 183 
 
 1 Then send for him,' said the Khalifa. I did so ; and in 
 a few minutes he entered and stood before us. * Where 
 have you been ? I have not seen you for weeks,' said the 
 Khalifa angrily. * Have you forgotten that I am your 
 master ?' 
 
 * With your permission I went to Abdel Kader, whom I 
 help in his work. You do not care for me now, and have 
 left me alone,' replied Klootz, in an annoyed tone. 
 
 * Then I will take good care of you in the future,' cried 
 the Khalifa, still more angrily ; and, calling in a mulazem, 
 he ordered him to take Mustafa to his clerk, Ben Naga, 
 who should put him in chains. Mustafa, without uttering 
 a word, followed his guard. 
 
 * Mustafa and you,' continued the Khalifa, * have servants 
 enough, and you can quite well do without him. I took 
 him for myself, but he left me without any cause. I then 
 ordered that he should serve my brother Yakub, but he 
 complained and left him too ; and now that he is with you 
 he thinks he can dispense with us altogether.' 
 
 1 Pardon him,' said I ; ' he is merciful who forgives. 
 Let him stay with your brother ; perhaps he will improve.' 
 
 ' He must remain a few days in chains,' he answered, * so 
 that he may know I am his master ; he is not the same as 
 you, who come every day to my door ;' this he evidently 
 said to quiet me, as he thought I was getting annoyed. He 
 then ordered supper to be brought in, and I ate more than 
 usual, so that he should not imagine I was doing anything 
 contrary to his orders. He talked very little during the 
 meal, and seemed out of spirits. After supper he made an 
 attempt to say something kind, but I felt that his words 
 belied him. We then separated, and as I returned to my 
 tent I thought over the situation. I had resolved to remain 
 on as good terms as I could with the Khalifa until the 
 hour of my deliverance should come ; but his imperious 
 character, want of consideration, and immense self-conceit, 
 made my task a most difficult one. 
 
 After five days' march, we reached Shatt, where most of
 
 1 84 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the wells were filled up, and had to be reopened, and several 
 straw huts erected, for the Mahdi had decided to halt here- 
 for some days. During the march I frequently visited Pain, 
 who daily grew more and more disheartened about the 
 situation. He knew very little Arabic, and was not per- 
 mitted to talk to anyone but the slaves charged with looking 
 after him. In a few days the object of his mission had 
 vanished from his mind, and he thought now only of his 
 wife and children. I urged him to look more hopefully on 
 the future, and not to give way to depressing thoughts, 
 which would only make him more miserable. The Khalifa 
 seemed to have almost forgotten his existence, and scarcely 
 ever asked for him. 
 
 The day after our arrival at Shatt, the Mahdi's former 
 Sheikh, Mohammed Sherif, who had been expected for so- 
 long, at length arrived. He also had been forced by his 
 friends, and by fear, to come to the Mahdi as a penitent ; 
 but the latter received him most honourably, and himself 
 led him to the tents he had specially pitched for him, and 
 also presented him with two exceptionally pretty Abyssinian 
 girls, horses, etc. By this generous treatment the Mahdi 
 attracted to himself almost all Mohammed Sherif's secret 
 adherents. 
 
 Just at the time we left Sherkela news arrived that 
 Gordon's troops had suffered a severe reverse, and now in 
 Shatt we received the detailed accounts of the overthrow of 
 Mohammed Ali Pasha at Om Debban by the Sheikh El 
 Obeid. 
 
 This success had encouraged the rebels to press the 
 siege more closely, and now, reinforced as they were by 
 Wad en Nejumi and his hosts, Gordon found himself not 
 strong enough to make a successful attack on the Mahdists. 
 
 From Shatt we now advanced to Duem, where the 
 Mahdi held an enormous review ; and, pointing to the Nile, 
 he said, ' God has created this river ; He will give you its 
 waters to drink, and you shall become the possessors of all 
 the lands along the banks.' This speech was greeted with
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 1$} 
 
 shouts of joy by these wild fanatics, who at once believed 
 that the wonderful land of Egypt was to be their prey. 
 
 From Duem we proceeded to Tura el Hadra, where we 
 spent the Feast of Great Bairam ; Olivier Pain was suffer- 
 ing from fever, and was growing more and more depressed. 
 * I have tried many ventures in my life,' said he, ■ with- 
 out thinking much beforehand of the consequences, but my 
 coming here was a fatal mistake. It would have been very 
 much better for me if the English had succeeded in pre- 
 venting me from carrying out my design.' I did my best 
 to comfort him, but he only shook his head. 
 
 At the Feast of Bairam the Mahdi repeated prayers in an 
 unusually loud voice, and when he read the ■ Khutba ' he 
 wept long and bitterly. We unbelievers well knew that 
 this weeping was hypocrisy, and boded no good ; but it had 
 the desired effect on the fanatical crowds who had flocked 
 to his banners from the river tribes, and who were roused 
 by this touching sermon to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. 
 
 After a halt of two days, we again moved on, creeping 
 forward like a great tortoise, so swelled were we by the 
 thousands upon thousands who were now joining daily from 
 every part of the Sudan. Poor Olivier had grown consider- 
 ably worse ; his fever had turned to typhus. He begged 
 me to induce the Mahdi to let him have some money, as he 
 was so pestered by the begging appeals of his attendants. I 
 went to him and explained Pain's condition, and the Mahdi 
 at once sent to the Beit el Mai for £^ and wished the sick 
 man a speedy recovery. I had also told the Khalifa of 
 Pain's serious illness, and that the Mahdi had given him 
 £$ ; but he blamed me for having asked for it without his 
 permission, adding, * If he dies here, he is a happy man. 
 God in His goodness and omnipotence has converted him 
 from an unbeliever to a believer.' 
 
 Early in the morning, at the end of the first week in 
 October, I was sent for by Pain, and found him so weak 
 that he could not stand up. For two days he had not 
 touched the food I had sent him, and, placing his hand in
 
 iS6 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 mine, he said, * My last hour has come ; I thank you for 
 your great kindness and care of me. The last favour I have 
 to ask of you is this : when you escape from the hands of 
 these barbarous people, and you happen to go to Paris, tell 
 my unfortunate wife and children my dying thoughts were 
 for them.' As he said these words, tears rolled down the 
 poor man's hollow and sunken cheeks. Again I tried to 
 comfort him, saying that it was too soon to give up hope ; 
 and as the war-drum was beating for the advance, I had to 
 hurry away and leave him. It was the last time I saw him 
 alive. I left behind with him one of my servants named 
 
 * Atrun ' (Natron), and during the march I told the Khalifa 
 of Pain's condition, urging him to leave the poor man 
 behind at some village where he might have a few days' 
 rest ; he told me to remind him of it that evening. The 
 evening came, but no sick man arrived ; Atrun came alone. 
 
 * Where is Yusef ?' (this was Pain's Mohammedan name), 
 said I, for the boy seemed much agitated. * My master is 
 dead,' he answered, ■ and that is the reason we are so late.' 
 
 * Dead !' said I. ' Yes, dead and buried,' replied Atrun. 
 
 * Tell me at once what has happened,' I asked. * My 
 master Yusef was so weak,' said he, ' that he could not ride ; 
 but we had to go on marching. Every now and then he 
 lost consciousness ; then he would come to again and talk 
 words we could not understand. So we tied an. angareb on 
 to the saddle, and laid him on it ; but he was too weak to 
 hold on, and he fell down suddenly and very heavily. After 
 this he did not come to again, and he was soon dead, so we 
 wrapped him up in his farda [cotton shawl], and buried him, 
 and all his effects were taken to Zeki by his slaves.' 
 
 Olivier Pain was undoubtedly very seriously ill, but the 
 fall was probably the immediate cause of his sudden death. 
 Poor man ! with what a high-sounding mission he had come ; 
 and now this was the end of it all ! I immediately went to 
 the Khalifa, and reported his death to him. ' He is a happy 
 man,' was his curt remark ; he then despatched a mulazem 
 to warn Zeki to have all his effects carefully kept, and he
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 1S7 
 
 sent me to the Mahdi to apprise him of his end. The latter 
 took it to heart much more than the Khalifa, said several 
 sympathetic words, and repeated the prayers for the dead. 
 
 After three days we reached the neighbourhood of Khar- 
 tum, and halted at a place about one day's journey from the 
 city. On our way we had seen Gordon's steamers in the 
 distance ; they had come up evidently to watch our move- 
 ments, and had returned again without firing. 
 
 It was evening, and we had just finished pitching camp, 
 when a mulazem of the Mahdi arrived, and directed me to 
 follow him ; I went at once, and found him sitting with 
 Abdel Kader Wad Om Mariam, formerly Kadi of Kalakla, 
 and a man who exercised a great influence on the people of 
 the White Nile. Hussein Khalifa was also there, and I 
 formed the fourth of the party. 
 
 * I have sent for you,' said the Mahdi, * to tell you to 
 write to Gordon to save himself from certain defeat. Tell 
 him that I am the true Mahdi, and that he ought to sur- 
 render with his garrison, and thus save himself and his soul. 
 Tell him, also, that if he refuses to obey, we shall everyone 
 of us fight against him. Say that you yourself will fight 
 against him with your own hands. Say that victory will 
 be ours, and that you merely tell him this in order to avoid 
 useless bloodshed.' 
 
 I remained silent till Hussein Khalifa called on me to 
 answer. * O Mahdi !' said I, * listen, I beg of you, to my 
 words. I will be honest and faithful ; and I pray you 
 to forgive me if what I say is not pleasing to you. If I 
 write to Gordon that you are the true Mahdi, he will not 
 believe me ; and if I threaten to fight against him with my 
 own hands, he will not be afraid of that. Now, as you 
 desire under any circumstances to avoid shedding blood, I 
 shall simply summon him to surrender. I shall say that he 
 is not strong enough to attempt to fight against you who 
 are ever-victorious, as he has no hope of help from outside ; 
 and, finally, I shall say that I will be the intermediary 
 between you and him.'
 
 1 88 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 * I accept your sincere proposal,' said the Mahdi ; ■ go 
 now and write the letters, and to-morrow they shall be 
 despatched to Gordon.' 
 
 I now returned to my quarters. My tent, owing to the 
 difficulties of transport, had been torn to shreds, and I had 
 made a present of the rags to someone ; I had in place of it 
 stretched some strips of cloth on sticks, and thus provided 
 a slight shade for myself during the daytime, whilst at 
 night I slept in the open. Searching about for a lantern, I 
 wrote the letters seated on an angareb under the open sky. 
 First I wrote a few lines to Gordon in French, explaining 
 that I was writing to him fully in German because my 
 French Dictionary having been burnt by the Mahdists, who 
 thought it was a Prayer-Book, I did not feel capable of ex- 
 pressing myself as I wished in that language. I said that I 
 hoped I should soon have an opportunity of joining him ; 
 and I prayed God that he might be successful. I also men- 
 tioned that some of the Shaigias who had recently joined 
 the Mahdi did so to save their wives and children, and 
 not because they entertained any feelings of hostility towards. 
 Gordon. 
 
 I then wrote a long letter to him in German, saying that 
 I had learnt through George Calamatino that he was annoyed 
 at my capitulation, and that therefore I took the liberty of 
 placing the facts of the case before him, begging him to 
 form his opinion accordingly. I began by recalling my 
 campaigns against Sultan Harun and Dud Benga, and ex- 
 plaining how, on the outbreak of the Mahdi revolt, the few 
 officers left, believing that Arabi Pasha had succeeded in 
 driving the Europeans out of the country, had spread reports, 
 that my recent defeats lay in the fact that I was a Christian ; 
 how I had stifled the injurious effects of these intrigues by 
 giving out that I was a Mohammedan ; and how I had, by 
 this means, been subsequently successful until the annihila- 
 tion of Hicks' army had cut off all hope of relief. I told 
 him how my constant fights had reduced my available force 
 to some seven hundred men ; that my stock of ammunition.
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 189 
 
 was well-nigh exhausted ; that both officers and men desired 
 capitulation ; and what, therefore, could I do — a European 
 and alone — but submit. I told him how this surrender had 
 been one of the hardest acts of my life ; but that as an 
 Austrian officer I felt that I had not acted in a dishonourable 
 manner. I then went on to say that by obedient and sub- 
 missive behaviour I had in some measure gained the con- 
 fidence of the Mahdi and the Khalifa, and had obtained their 
 permission to write to him, on the pretext that I was asking 
 him to surrender ; but that, instead, I availed myself of this 
 opportunity to offer him my services in order to assure him 
 that I was ready to conquer, or die with him, if God willed, 
 an honourable death. Should he agree to be an accessory 
 to my escape to Khartum, I begged him to write me a few 
 lines in French to that effect ; but, in order to carry out the 
 ruse, I suggested that he should also write me a few lines 
 in Arabic, asking me to obtain the Mahdi's permission to 
 come to Omdurman, in order to discuss with him the condi- 
 tions of surrender. I went on to tell him that Saleh Bey 
 and several of the Sheikhs wished to express their loyalty 
 and devotion to him ; but that, under the circumstances, it 
 was impossible for them to come to him, as by so doing they 
 would necessarily sacrifice their wives and children. 
 
 I now wrote a third letter, in German, to Consul Hansal, 
 asking him to do his utmost to arrange that I should re- 
 enter Khartum, as, being thoroughly cognisant of the 
 Mahdi's plans, intentions, strength, etc., I believed I could 
 be of great service to General Gordon ; but, at the same 
 time, as rumours had been in circulation in the Mahdi's 
 camp that, if relief should not soon come, Gordon intended 
 to surrender the town, and as at that time I was quite 
 ignorant of Gordon's prospects of relief, I begged Consul 
 Hansal to inform me of this, as, in the event of the 
 town being surrendered subsequent to my having entered 
 Khartum, I should naturally be the Mahdi's lawful victim 
 on which to vent all his anger at my escape and my efforts 
 to aid his enemies.
 
 190 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 It seemed to me that it was quite reasonable on my part 
 to seek some such assurance. At the same time, rumours 
 being current in the camp that the Khartum garrison were 
 much out of heart and wished to surrender, I strongly urged 
 Hansal in my letter not to feel discouraged, pointing out that 
 the Mahdi's forces were not so numerous as he imagined, 
 and that it only required energy and perseverance on the 
 part of the Egyptian troops to be eventually successful, and 
 I urged that they should wait at least six weeks, or two 
 months, longer before submitting, so as to give the relief 
 expedition a chance of saving them.* 
 
 I also told him there was a rumour in camp that the 
 small steamer which had been sent to Dongola had been 
 wrecked at Wadi Gamr ; but that I was not at present in 
 a position to say whether it was true or not. 
 
 Early the next morning, October 15, I took these letters 
 to the Mahdi, and he told me to send them by one of my 
 boys to Omdurman. I at once went and fetched Morgan 
 Fur, a boy of about fifteen years of age, and handed him 
 the letters in the Mahdi's presence ; and the latter ordered 
 Wad Suleiman to give him a donkey and some money. 
 Before sending him off, I gave him the most strict injunc- 
 tions to speak to no one in Khartum except to Gordon 
 Pasha and Consul Hansal, and to assure them that I 
 wished to come to them. 
 
 At mid- day some horsemen arrived from Berber, confirm- 
 ing the news of the wreck of the steamer, and of the murder 
 of Colonel Stewart and those with him. The men brought 
 with them all the papers and documents found on board ; 
 and I was ordered by the Khalifa to examine those written 
 in European languages in Ahmed Wad Suleiman's office. 
 Amongst them I found several private letters from people 
 in Khartum, as well as official documents and records. The 
 most important of these was, of course, the military report 
 
 * On my return to Cairo in 1895, I learnt that the full text of the 
 letters to which I have referred had reached the British authorities, and 
 had been published in General Gordon's Journal.
 
 THE SIEGE AMD FALL OF KHARTUM 191 
 
 describing the daily occurrences in Khartum ; it was un- 
 signed, but I had no doubt it was General Gordon's. A 
 portion only of the correspondence, etc., was shown to me ; 
 and before I had had time to peruse it fully, I was again 
 summoned before the Mahdi, who asked me what the 
 contents were. I replied, that most of them were private 
 letters, and that there was a military report, which I did 
 not understand. Unfortunately, amongst the captured 
 correspondence were numbers of Arabic letters and reports, 
 from which the Mahdi and the Khalifa were able to 
 thoroughly grasp the situation in Khartum. There was 
 also a half-ciphered Arabic telegram from General Gordon 
 to His Highness the Khedive, which Abdel Halim Effendi, 
 formerly head clerk in Kordofan, was able to decipher. 
 Amongst the consular reports, I found a notice of the 
 death, in Khartum, of my old friend Ernst Marno, who had 
 succumbed to fever. 
 
 The Mahdi now discussed in my presence what papers 
 should be sent to Gordon, in order to convince him that 
 the steamer had been wrecked, and Colonel Stewart and 
 the others killed, thinking that this would force Gordon to 
 surrender. I pointed out that the only document likely to 
 convince Gordon was his military report, which I suggested 
 should be returned ; and, after a long discussion, it was 
 decided to send it. 
 
 The next evening my boy Morgan returned from his 
 mission, but brought no reply. When I inquired how this 
 was, he said he had reached Omdurman fort, had delivered 
 his letters, and, after waiting for a short time, the com- 
 mandant had told him to return, as there was no answer. 
 I at once took the boy to the Mahdi, to whom he repeated 
 w r hat had occurred ; and afterwards I went and informed 
 the Khalifa. The same evening the Mahdi again summoned 
 me, and ordered me to write another letter, which he said 
 Gordon would be sure to answer, when he heard of the loss 
 of the steamer. I at once expressed myself ready to carry 
 out his wishes ; and he directed that my boy Morgan should
 
 192 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 again act as messenger. Once more I betook myself to my 
 angareb, and, by the flickering light of an old lantern, 
 scribbled another letter, reporting the loss of the steamer, 
 the death of Stewart, and repeating much of what I had 
 said in my first letters, adding that if in his opinion I had 
 done anything contrary to the honour of an officer, and if 
 that had hindered him from writing to me, I begged he 
 would give me a chance of defending myself, and thus give 
 himself an opportunity of coming to a correct judgment. 
 
 Early the next morning I went again with Morgan to the 
 Mahdi ; the latter ordered Ahmed Wad Suleiman to supply 
 him with a donkey, and, taking my letter, he went off, 
 returning the following morning with a reply from Consul 
 Hansal, written in German, with an Arabic translation ; it 
 ran as follows : 
 
 * Dear Friend Slatin Bey, 
 
 * Your letters have been duly received, and I request 
 you will come to Tabia Ragheb Bey [Omdurman fort]. I 
 wish to speak to you about the steps to be taken for our 
 rescue ; you may then return unmolested to your friend. 
 
 1 Yours very truly, 
 
 * (Signed) Hansal/ 
 
 This letter puzzled me somewhat ; I could not be sure 
 if it was written with the object merely of deceiving the 
 Mahdi, in which case the Arabic was amply sufficient for 
 the purpose ; but I thought he might have written more 
 clearly in German, though perhaps he conceived there 
 might have been someone else with the Mahdi who under- 
 stood that language, and I might have been thereby 
 endangered. Then, taking the letter literally, he seemed 
 to hint at joining us himself — indeed, we had already heard 
 rumours that he, becoming alarmed at the probable fall of 
 the town, wished to submit, with the other Austrian sub- 
 jects, to the Mahdi ; but it was, of course, quite impossible 
 to say if he meant this or not. Then, again, as regards
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 
 
 '91 
 
 my joining Gordon in Khartum, could he really mean that 
 the latter had refused to listen to my request, or was his 
 expression that I ' may then return unmolested to my 
 friend ' merely meant as a blind to the Mahdi ? I confess 
 I was utterly perplexed ; my suspense, however, was not 
 of long duration. 
 
 I at once took the letter to the Mahdi, and explained to 
 him that the Arabic text exactly corresponded with the 
 German original. When he had finished reading it, he 
 asked me if I wished to go, and I replied that I was ready 
 to comply with his orders, and that my services were always 
 at his disposal. 
 
 I I am rather afraid,' said he, ■ that if you go to Omdurman 
 to speak to your Consul, Gordon may arrest or kill you. Why 
 did he not write to you himself, if he thinks well of you ?' 
 
 1 1 do not know why he is so silent,' said I ; ' perhaps it 
 is contrary to his orders to enter into communication with 
 us ; however, when I meet Hansal I may be able to arrange 
 matters. You say you are afraid Gordon might arrest me; 
 but I am not, and even if he did I am quite sure you could 
 release me ; but as to his killing me, that is altogether out 
 of the question.' 
 
 1 Well,' said the Mahdi, ' get yourself ready to go, and 
 I will let you know.' 
 
 On my way to the Mahdi's hut I had heard of Lupton 
 Bey's arrival from Bahr el Ghazal ; and now, on my way 
 back, I went in search of him, and found him outside the 
 Khalifa's door waiting to be received. Although it was 
 against rules to speak to anyone before he had received the 
 Mahdi's pardon, I could not resist greeting him heartily, 
 and in a few words told him about the letters, and he said 
 he earnestly hoped I might be allowed to go to Khartum. 
 He told me he had left his servants and the rest of his 
 people at some hours' distance, and he asked me to obtain 
 the Khalifa's permission for them to come in. A few 
 minutes afterwards he was summoned before the Khalifa, 
 obtained his pardon, was told that he might go and bring in 
 
 *3
 
 JS4 
 
 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 his people, and that he would be presented to the Mahdi on 
 his return. 
 
 Meanwhile, I went back to my quarters, and lay on my 
 angareb impatiently awaiting my orders to be allowed to go 
 to Omdurman ; or had the Mahdi, perhaps, changed his 
 mind, and decided not to let me go ? At length one of my 
 boys came and told me that a mulazem of the Khalifa's 
 wished to see me, and, getting up, he told me to follow him 
 to Yakub's camp, where his master was waiting for me. 
 Without a moment's delay I bound my turban round my 
 head, put on my hizam (belt), and followed. At Yakub's 
 camp we were told that the Khalifa had gone on to Abu 
 Anga's zariba, where he was waiting for us. I was begin- 
 ning to get suspicious ; all this wandering about at night 
 was very unusual. I knew how deceitful these people were, 
 and I was therefore prepared for any eventuality. Arrived 
 at Abu Anga's zariba, we were admitted by the sentry. It 
 was an immense enclosure, filled with little shelters made of 
 strips of cotton fixed on poles, and separated from each 
 other by small dhurra-stalk fences. We were directed to 
 one of these shelters, and there, by the dim light of a 
 lantern, I saw Yakub, Abu Anga, Fadl el Maula, Zeki 
 Tummal, and Hajji Zubeir seated round in a circle talking 
 earnestly ; behind them stood several armed men, but no 
 trace was to be seen of the Khalifa, who, I had been told, 
 had sent for me. I was now almost certain in my own 
 mind that foul play was intended. The mulazem advanced 
 and spoke to Yakub, and I was then summoned to enter, 
 and to place myself between Hajji Zubeir and Fadl el 
 Maula, while opposite to me sat Abu Anga. 
 
 4 Abdel Kader,' began Abu Anga, ' you have promised to 
 be faithful to the Mahdi, and it is your duty to keep your 
 word ; it is also your duty to obey orders, even should you 
 suffer thereby. Is not this so ?' 
 
 1 Certainly,' said I ; ' and you, Abu Anga, if you give me 
 any orders from the Mahdi or the Khalifa, you will see that 
 I know how to obey them.'
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 195 
 
 ' I received orders to make you a prisoner, but I do not 
 know the reason,' said he. And as he spoke, Hajji Zubeir 
 snatched away my sword, which, as was customary, I had 
 laid across my knees whilst speaking, and, handing it to 
 Zeki Tummal, he seized my right arm with both hands. 
 
 * I did not come here to right,' said I to Hajji Zubeir. 
 * Why should you seize my arm ? But you, Abu Anga, of 
 course you must do as you are bidden.' 
 
 What I had often inflicted on others I was now about to 
 undergo myself. Abu Anga then stood up, and also Hajji 
 Zubeir and myself, when the latter let go my arm. 
 
 * Go to that tent,' said Abu Anga, pointing to a shelter 
 which in the dark I could scarcely see ; * and you, Hajji 
 Zubeir, and the rest, go with him.' 
 
 Accompanied by my gaoler and some eight others, I went 
 to the tent, where I was directed to sit on the ground, and 
 chains were now brought out. Two large iron rings, bound 
 together by a thick iron bar, were slipped over my feet, and 
 then hammered close. An iron ring was placed round my 
 neck, and to this was attached a long iron chain with the 
 links so arranged that I had the greatest difficulty in moving 
 my head. I endured all this in perfect silence. Hajji 
 Zubeir then left, and I was told by the two soldiers who 
 were guarding me to lie down on the palm-mat close by. 
 
 Left to myself, I had now time to collect my thoughts ; 
 and, first of all, I bitterly regretted not having attempted to 
 escape on my horse to Khartum ; but who could tell if 
 Gordon would have received me ? Now, in accordance 
 with the Mahal's orders, I was out of harm's way ; but 
 what was to be my fate ? Was it to be that of Mohammed 
 Pasha Said and AH Bey Sherif ? I was not in the habit of 
 worrying about my personal concerns, and making life 
 miserable. What had Madibbo told me ? — ■ Be obedient 
 and patient, for he who lives long sees much.' I had been 
 obedient ; it was now my turn to practise patience, and as 
 for a long life, that was entirely in God's hands. 
 
 About an hour later, during which, as may be imagined, 
 
 13—2
 
 196 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 I had not slept, I saw several mulazemin approaching, 
 carrying lanterns, and as they neared the tent I made out 
 Khalifa Abdullahi walking in the middle. I stood up and 
 waited for him. 
 
 ' Abdel Kader,' said he, when he saw me standing in front 
 of him, 'are you submitting with resignation to your 
 fate?' 
 
 * Since my childhood,' I replied quietly, ' I have been 
 accustomed to be obedient ; now I must be obedient 
 whether I like it or no.' 
 
 4 Your friendship with Saleh Wad el Mek,' said he, * and 
 your correspondence with Gordon, have cast suspicion on 
 you, and we doubt if your heart is still inclined to us. That 
 is the reason I have ordered you to be forcibly directed in 
 the right way.' 
 
 I I made no secret of my friendship with Saleh Wad el 
 Mek,' said I ; * he is a friend of mine, and I believe he is- 
 loyal to you. As regards my correspondence with Gordon, 
 the Mahdi ordered me to write the letters.' 
 
 'Did he also order you to write what you did?' inter- 
 rupted the Khalifa. 
 
 I I think I wrote what the Mahdi required,' I replied,. 
 1 and no one knows the contents except myself and the person 
 who received the letters. All I require, sire, is justice, and 
 I beg that you will pay no heed to lying intriguers.' 
 
 I was again alone, and tried to sleep, but was too excited. 
 All sorts of strange thoughts and ideas coursed through my 
 brain ; the iron round my feet and neck, too, pained me- 
 considerably, and I could get no rest. I scarcely got a 
 wink of sleep that night, and at sunrise Abu Anga came, 
 followed by servants carrying some dishes of food. Seating 
 himself beside me on the palm-mat, the food was placed 
 before us. It was quite a feast, composed of meal, chickens,, 
 rice and milk, honey, roast meat, and asida. But when I 
 told him I had absolutely no appetite, he said, ' I think, 
 Abdel Kader, you are afraid, and that is why you da 
 not eat.'
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 197 
 
 ' No,' I replied, * it is not fear, but want of appetite. 
 However, to please you, I will try and eat something ;' and 
 I managed to swallow a few mouthfuls, whilst Abu Anga 
 did all he could to show that I was his honoured guest. 
 
 * The Khalifa,' said he, ' was rather disappointed yesterday 
 when he saw you were not humbled, and remarked you 
 w r ere strong-headed, and that, he supposed, was the reason 
 you were not afraid.* 
 
 * How could I throw myself at his feet,' said I, * and 
 crave his pardon for a crime I never committed ? I am in 
 his hands, and he can do as he likes with me.' 
 
 1 To-morrow we shall advance,' said Abu Anga, ■ and 
 draw nearer to Khartum ; we shall press the siege more 
 closely, and then make a sudden attack. I shall ask the 
 Khalifa to let you stay with me ; that will be less hard for 
 you than going to the common prison.' 
 
 I thanked him for his kindness, and he then left. 
 
 All that day I was quite alone, but went through my 
 prayers most carefully in the sight of the bystanders, holding 
 in my hand the rosary which all good Mohammedans carry ; 
 but in reality I was repeating over and over again the Lord's 
 Prayer. In the far distance, near Abu Anga's tent, I caught 
 sight of my servants and horses, and the little baggage I 
 had. One of my boys also came and told me he had been 
 ordered to attach himself to Abu Anga. 
 
 Early the next morning the great war-drum sounded the 
 advance ; tents were struck, baggage packed and loaded on 
 -camels, and the whole camp was in movement. The weight 
 of iron on my feet prevented me from walking, so they 
 brought me a donkey ; the long neck-chain — the number of 
 figure-of-eight links of which I had amused myself in count- 
 ing, and which amounted to eighty-three, each about a span 
 long — I wrapped round and round my body, and in this iron 
 casing I was lifted on to the donkey, and held in position 
 by a man on each side, otherwise my weight would have 
 made me overbalance and fall. On the march several of 
 my old friends passed, but dared do nothing but pity me in
 
 198 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 silence. We halted on some rising ground in the afternoon^ 
 and from here I could see the palm-trees in Khartum ; how 
 I longed to join in its defence as one of its garrison ! 
 
 The order was now given to make a temporary camp in 
 this position, under Khalifa Abdullahi, whilst the principal 
 Emirs went forward to select the site for a permanent camp- 
 By this time the pangs of hunger had seized me, and I 
 longed for some of the food which Abu Anga had offered 
 me yesterday ; but the latter was now with the Khalifa, and 
 had evidently forgotten all about us. However, the wife of 
 one of my guards found him out, and brought him some 
 stale dhurra-bread, which he shared with me. Next morning" 
 we were again ordered to advance, and halted about an hour 
 further on, at the spot selected for the main camp. As Abu 
 Anga had promised, it was now arranged that I should 
 definitely remain under his charge ; a tattered old tent was 
 pitched for me, and around it, close to the tent ropes, a thorn 
 zariba was made. I was put in here, and the entrance, which 
 was guarded by soldiers, was blocked by a large thorn-bush* 
 
 The Mahdi now ordered the siege to be vigorously pressed ; 
 that evening several Emirs were sent over to the east bank 
 of the White Nile to reinforce Wad en Nejumi and Abu 
 Girga, and all the local people were summoned to join in 
 the investment. Abu Anga and Fadl el Maula were told 
 off to besiege Omdurman Fort, which was situated about 
 five hundred yards from the river, on the west bank, and 
 was defended by Faragalla Pasha — a Sudanese officer, who,, 
 in the space of one year, had been promoted from the rank 
 of captain to that of general officer by Gordon. Abu Anga 
 succeeded in establishing himself between the fort and the 
 river, and, by digging deep trenches, he obtained sufficient 
 shelter to hold this advanced position, in spite of the heavy- 
 fire from both the fort and the steamers ; one of the latter 
 he succeeded in sinking by shells fired from a gun he had 
 placed in position, but the crew managed to escape to- 
 
 Khartum. * 
 
 * The steamer Husseinyeh.
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 199 
 
 During the siege I was quite neglected ; my guards were 
 changed every day, and my welfare entirely depended on 
 their treatment of me. If they happened to be slaves who 
 had been captured, I was most carefully watched, and per- 
 mitted to have no intercourse with anyone ; but if they 
 happened to be old soldiers who knew me, I was not so 
 closely restrained, and they often did me little services, 
 though they prevented me from speaking to anyone. My 
 food was of the very worst description, and, Abu Anga 
 being always occupied in the siege, I was left to the tender 
 mercies of his wives, to whom he had given orders to 
 feed me. 
 
 On one occasion one of my former soldiers happened to 
 be on guard over me, and I sent him with a message to 
 Abu Anga's chief wife, complaining that I had been kept 
 without food for two days, and I got back the answer,. 
 1 Well, does Abdel Kader think we are going to fatten him 
 up here, whilst his uncle, Gordon Pasha, does nothing but 
 fire shells all day at our master, whose life is always in 
 danger through his fault ? If he had made his uncle submit,. 
 he would not now be in chains.' From her own standpoint,. 
 the woman's views were perfectly justifiable. 
 
 Occasionally some of the Greeks were allowed to come 
 and see me, and they used to tell me the news. 
 
 On the day we arrived here, poor Lupton Bey was also 
 thrown into chains, as he was suspected of attempting to 
 join Gordon ; besides, when his effects were searched, a 
 document was found, signed by all the officers of his regular 
 troops, stating that he had been forced to surrender his 
 province. His wife and little daughter of five years old 
 were sent to live at the Beit el Mai. The former had been 
 brought up as a Black servant girl in the house of Rosset, 
 formerly German Consul at Khartum, and, on his being 
 appointed Governor of Darfur, she had accompanied him 
 there ; on his death at El Fasher, she went with Lupton to 
 Equatoria and Bahr el Ghazal. By the Khalifa's orders, 
 all Lupton's property was confiscated ; but he allowed his
 
 aoo FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 ■wife and child the services of a Black female slave to help 
 them in their daily work. 
 
 One day, George Calamatino brought me the news that 
 the English army, under Lord Wolseley, was advancing 
 slowly, and had reached Dongola ; but they had delayed 
 too long in Upper Egypt, and now that Khartum was in 
 the greatest danger, their advanced guard was no further 
 south than Dongola: under these circumstances, when 
 could their main body arrive ? 
 
 Some time after the proclamation of the abandonment of 
 the Sudan had been made known, Gordon had given the 
 Khartum people to understand that the English army was 
 coming up to relieve them ; and he had thus inspired the 
 garrison and inhabitants with hope and courage. They 
 had been, so to speak, given a new lease of life, and all 
 eyes were anxiously turned to the north, from whence the 
 expected help was to come. Would it come in time ? — that 
 was the question. 
 
 These days passed in my tattered tent were full of hopes 
 and fears. It was not that I was concerned about my own 
 safety, but I could not help anticipating coming events 
 with the greatest anxiety ; how would it all end, and what 
 was to be my future ? 
 
 One day some of the Khalifa's mulazemin came and 
 forged on to my ankles another set of iron rings and a 
 bar — to humble me, I suppose ; but as the weight I already 
 bore prevented me from standing upright, and I was obliged 
 to remain lying down day and night, an iron more or less 
 did not make much difference. 
 
 The next few days passed without anything noteworthy 
 occurring. Occasionally I heard the crack of the rifles and 
 the booming of the guns of besieger and besieged ; but the 
 Greeks were not allowed to come and see me now, and I 
 was in complete ignorance of what was going on. 
 
 One night, about four hours after sunset, when blessed 
 sleep, which makes one forget all one's troubles, was 
 gradually stealing over me, I was suddenly aroused by the
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 201 
 
 sentry, and ordered to get up at once ; as I did so, I saw 
 one of the Khalifa's mulazemin, who announced that his 
 master was just coming ; and, as he spoke, I saw men 
 approaching carrying lanterns. What could the Khalifa 
 want of me at such an hour ? I asked myself in great 
 perplexity. 
 
 * Abdel Kader,' said he, in a kindly tone, as he approached, 
 * sit down ;' and, his servants having stretched out his 
 sheepskin, he sat on it beside me. * I have here,' he con- 
 tinued, * a piece of paper, and I want you to tell me what 
 is written on it, and so prove to me your fidelity.' 
 
 1 Certainly, if I can do so,' said I, taking the paper. It 
 was about half the size of a cigarette paper, and there was 
 plain writing in black ink on both sides of it. I at once 
 recognised Gordon's handwriting and signature. I held 
 the paper close to the lantern, and saw the following words 
 written in French : 
 
 * I have about 10,000 men ; can hold Khartum at the 
 outside till the end of January. Elias Pasha wrote to me ; 
 he was forced to do so. He is old and incapable ; I forgive 
 him. Try Hajji Mohammed Abu Girga, or sing another 
 song. 
 
 • Gordon.' 
 
 There was nothing to show for whom it was intended. 
 I was certain there was no one in the camp who knew 
 French, and that was the reason the Khalifa had come 
 to me. 
 
 1 Now, then,' said the Khalifa impatiently, ■ have you 
 made out what it means ?' 
 
 * The note is from Gordon,' said I, * and it is written with 
 "his own hand, in French cipher language, which I cannot 
 understand.' 
 
 'What do you say?' said the Khalifa, now evidently 
 much agitated ; ■ explain yourself better.' 
 
 * There are some words written here the sense of which 
 I cannot make out,' said I ; ' every word has its own
 
 202 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 special meaning, and can only be understood by those 
 accustomed to the use of ciphers ; if you ask any of the 
 old officials, they will confirm what I say.' 
 
 * I was told that the names of Elias Pasha and Hajji 
 Mohammed Abu Girga are mentioned; is this so?' roared 
 the Khalifa, now thoroughly angry. 
 
 'The man who said that told you the truth, and I also 
 can read their names ; but it is impossible for me to under- 
 stand the reference. Perhaps the man who told you their 
 names were there can make out the rest of the letter,' said 
 I, somewhat ironically ; ■ besides, I can also make out 10,000 
 in figures ; but whether it means soldiers, or something 
 else, it is quite impossible for me to say.' 
 
 He now seized the paper from my hand, and stood up. 
 
 ' Pardon me,' said I, * I would with pleasure have proved 
 my fidelity to you, and have thus regained your gracious 
 favour ; but it is out of my power. I think your clerks 
 understand about ciphers better than I do.' 
 
 1 Even if I do not know what this paper contains,' said 
 the Khalifa, ' still Gordon shall fall, and Khartum will be 
 ours ;' and then he departed, leaving me alone with my 
 guards. 
 
 Gordon had said in his little note that he could hold 
 Khartum at the outside till the end of January ; we were 
 now nearly at the end of December. Could the rescuing 
 army possibly arrive in time? But why should I worry 
 myself with such thoughts? Here am I in chains, and 
 utterly useless to anyone, and nothing I can do can change 
 the course of things. 
 
 We soon reached the beginning of January, and Gordon 
 had said he could hold out till the end of the month ; so 
 the decisive moment was drawing closer and closer. 
 
 During the next few days there was very heavy firing 
 between the Dervishes and Omdurman Fort. Faragalla 
 Pasha was doing his utmost, and in spite of the small number 
 of his men, he attempted a sortie, but was driven back. 
 The supplies in the fort were finished, and negotiations were
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 203 
 
 now going on for its surrender, Faragalla had signalled to 
 Gordon for instructions, but the latter, being unable to sup- 
 port him, had told him to capitulate. The entire garrison 
 received the Mahdi's pardon. The men had nothing but 
 the clothes in which they stood, and their wives and children 
 were all in Khartum. As they marched out, the Mahdists 
 marched m, but were almost immediately driven out again 
 by the artillery fire from Khartum ; in the fort itself there 
 were two breech-loading guns, but their range did not ex- 
 tend as rar as the town. The surrender took place on the 
 15th of January, 1885. 
 
 Although Omdurman had now fallen, the Mahdi did not 
 send any reinforcements to the besiegers south and east of 
 Khartum ; he well knew that the number of his followers 
 collected there was quite sufficient for the purpose. Both 
 he and the garrison of Khartum now looked with the most 
 intense anxiety towards the. north, from whence the final 
 decision must be awaited. 
 
 Gordon Pasha had sent five steamers to Metemmeh some 
 time ago, under Khashm el Mus and Abdel Hamid Wad 
 Mohammed, in order to await the arrival of the English, 
 and bring some of them, with the necessary supplies, to 
 Khartum as soon as possible. No doubt he was expecting 
 their arrival with the greatest anxiety. He had staked 
 everything on this, and no one knew what had become of 
 them. 
 
 At the beginning of the month Gordon had allowed several 
 of the families to leave Khartum. Up to that time he could 
 not bear to forcibly drive them out of the town, and in con- 
 sequence he had been obliged to make a daily distribution 
 of hundreds of okes of biscuit and dhurra amongst these 
 destitute people ; and for that he had, no doubt, God's 
 reward, but he thereby ruined himself and his valuable 
 men. Everyone was crying out for bread, and the stores 
 were almost empty. He now did all he could to induce 
 the people to leave the town. Had he only done so two or 
 three months earlier there would have been ample supplies
 
 204 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 to last the troops a long time ; but Gordon, thinking that 
 help was coming so soon to him, to the troops, and to the 
 inhabitants, did not provide for possible detentions. Did he 
 think that it was out of the question for an English expedi- 
 tion to be delayed ? 
 
 Six days after the fall of Omdurman, loud weeping and 
 wailing filled our camp ; since I had left Darfur I had not 
 heard anything like it. The Mahdi's doctrine forbade the 
 display of sorrow and grief for those who died, or were 
 killed, because they had entered into the joys of Paradise. 
 Something very unusual must therefore have happened to 
 make the people dare to transgress the Mahdi's regulations. 
 My guards, who were old soldiers, were so curious to know 
 the cause that they left me to make inquiries, and in a few 
 minutes brought back the startling news that the English 
 advanced guard had met the combined force of Barabra, 
 Jaalin, Degheim, and Kenana, under Musa Wad Helu, at 
 Abu Teleh (Abu Klea), and had utterly defeated them; 
 thousands had fallen, and the few who had survived had 
 returned, many of them wounded. The Degheim and 
 Kenana had been almost annihilated; Musa Wad Helu, 
 and most of the Emirs, had fallen. 
 
 What news ! — my heart was literally thumping with 
 joyous excitement. After all these long years a crowning 
 victory at last ! The Mahdi and Khalifa at once gave orders 
 that all this noise should cease ; but for hours the weeping 
 and wailing of the women continued. Instructions were 
 now given to Nur Angara to start off with troops towards 
 Metemmeh. But what good would this do ? Even if he had 
 had the will — which he had not — what could he do with a few 
 troops when thousands and thousands of wild fanatics had 
 failed ? Within the next two or three days came the news 
 of other defeats at Abu Kru and Kubba (Gubat), and of the 
 erection of a fort on the Nile close to Metemmeh. The 
 Mahdi and his principal Emirs now held a consultation. 
 All the wonderful victories they had gained up to the pre- 
 sent were at stake, for those besieging Khartum were terrified
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 205 
 
 and had retired. It was now the question of a few days 
 only, and the Mahdi was done. They must risk everything 
 Consequently, orders were sent out to the besiegers to collect 
 and make all preparations. Why did the long-expected 
 steamers with the English troops not come? Did their 
 commanders not know Khartum, and the lives of all in it, 
 were hanging by a thread ? In vain did I, and thousands 
 of others, wait for the shrill whistle of the steamer, and for 
 the booming of the guns announcing that the English had 
 arrived, and were passing the entrenchments made by the 
 Dervishes to oppose them. Yes, in vain ! The delay was 
 inexplicable ; what could it mean ? Had new difficulties 
 arisen ? 
 
 It was now Sunday, the 25th of January — a day I shall 
 never forget as long as I live. That evening, when it was 
 dark, the Mahdi and his Khalifas crossed over in a boat to- 
 where their warriors were all collected ready for the fight. 
 It was known during the day that Khartum would be 
 attacked the next morning, and the Mahdi had now gone to 
 brace up his followers for the fray by preaching to them the 
 glories of Jehad, and urging them to fight till death. Pray 
 Heaven Gordon may have got the news, and made his pre- 
 parations to resist in time ! 
 
 On this occasion the Mahdi and his Khalifas had most 
 strictly enjoined their followers to restrain their feelings, 
 and receive the last injunctions in silence, instead of with 
 the usual shouts and acclamations, which might awaken 
 the suspicions of the exhausted and hungry garrison. His 
 solemn harangue over, the Mahdi recrossed, and returned 
 to the camp at dawn, leaving with the storming party only 
 Khalifa Sherif, who had begged to be allowed to join in the 
 holy battle. 
 
 That night was for me the most excitingly anxious one in 
 my life. If only the attack were repulsed Khartum would 
 be saved, otherwise all would be lost. Utterly exhausted,. 
 I was just dropping off to sleep at early dawn when I was 
 Startled by the deafening discharge of thousands of rifles and
 
 206 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 guns ; this lasted for a few minutes, then only occasional 
 rifle-shots were heard, and now all was quiet again. It was 
 scarcely light, and I could barely distinguish objects. Could 
 this possibly be the great attack on Khartum ? A wild dis- 
 charge of firearms and cannon, and in a few minutes com- 
 plete stillness ? 
 
 The sun was now rising red over the horizon; what 
 would this day bring forth ? Excited and agitated, I awaited 
 the result with intense impatience. Soon shouts of re- 
 joicing and victory were heard in the distance, and my 
 guards ran off to find out the news. In a few minutes they 
 were back again, excitingly relating how Khartum had been 
 taken by storm, and was now in the hands of the Mahdists. 
 Was it possible the news was false ? I crawled out of my 
 tent and scanned the camp ; a great crowd had collected 
 before the quarters of the Mahdi and Khalifa, which were 
 not far off; then there was a movement in the direction of my 
 tent, and I could see plainly they were coming towards me. 
 In front marched three Black soldiers ; one named Shatta, 
 formerly belonging to Ahmed Bey Dafalla's slave body- 
 guard, carried in his hands a bloody cloth in which some- 
 thing was wrapped up, and behind him followed a crowd of 
 people weeping. The slaves had now approached my tent, 
 and stood before me with insulting gestures ; Shatta undid 
 the cloth and showed me the head of General Gordon ! 
 
 The blood rushed to my head, and my heart seemed to 
 stop beating ; but with a tremendous effort of self-control I 
 gazed silently at this ghastly spectacle. His blue eyes were 
 half-opened ; the mouth was perfectly natural ; the hair of 
 his head and his short whiskers were almost quite white. 
 
 * Is not this the head of your uncle, the unbeliever ?' said 
 Shatta, holding the head up before me. 
 
 * What of it ?' said I quietly. ' A brave soldier, who fell 
 at his post. Happy is he to have fallen ; his sufferings are 
 over.' 
 
 * Ha, ha !' said Shatta, « so you still praise the unbeliever ; 
 but you will soon see the result ;' and, leaving me, he went
 
 09
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 207 
 
 off to the Mahdi, bearing his terrible token of victory ; 
 behind him followed the crowd, still weeping. 
 
 I re-entered my tent. I was now utterly broken-hearted : 
 Khartum fallen, and Gordon dead ! And this was the end 
 of the brave soldier who had fallen at his post — the end of 
 a man whose courage and utter disregard of fear were re- 
 markable, and whose personal characteristics had given 
 him a celebrity in the world which was quite exceptional. 
 
 Of what use was the English army now ? How fatal 
 had been the delay at Metemmeh ! The English advanced 
 guard had reached Gubat on the Nile on the 20th of 
 January, at 10 a.m., on the 21st Gordon's four steamers had 
 arrived. Then, why did they not send some Englishmen 
 on board, no matter how few, and despatch them instantly 
 to Khartum ? If they could only have been seen in the 
 town, the garrison would have taken fresh hope, and would 
 have fought tooth and nail against the enemy ; whilst the 
 inhabitants, who had lost all confidence in Gordon's 
 promises, would have joined most heartily in resisting the 
 Dervish attack, knowing that the relief expedition was now 
 certain to reach them. Gordon, of course, had done his 
 utmost to hold the town : he had announced that an 
 English army was coming ; he had made a paper currency ; 
 had distributed decorations and honours almost daily, in 
 order to keep up the hearts of the garrison ; and, as the 
 position had become more desperate, he had made almost 
 superhuman efforts to induce the troops to hold out ; but 
 despair had taken possession of them. What was the use 
 of all these decorations now ? what good were all their 
 ranks and honours ? And as for the paper money, perhaps 
 there were one or two still hopeful people who would buy a 
 pound note for a couple of piastres,* on the chance that, by 
 some stroke of luck, the Government might yet be 
 victorious ; but gradually even these slender hopes dis- 
 appeared. Gordon's promises were no longer credited. If 
 but one steamer with a few English officers had reached the 
 
 • One Egyptian piastre =- 2^d.
 
 ao8 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 town, to bring the news that they had won a victory, and 
 had reached the Nile, the troops and inhabitants would 
 have doubted no longer, and they would have been con- 
 vinced that Gordon's words were true. An English officer 
 would at once have noticed that part of the lines which had 
 been damaged by the overflow of the White Nile, and 
 would have ordered its repair. But what could Gordon do 
 single-handed, and without the assistance of any European 
 officers ? It was impossible for him to look to everything, 
 nor had he the means of seeing that his orders were carried 
 out to his satisfaction. How was it possible for a com- 
 mander who could not give his troops food to expect these 
 starving men to carry out with precision and energy the 
 instructions he issued ? 
 
 On the unfortunate night of the 25th of January Gordon 
 was told that the Mahdists had decided to make an attack, 
 and he had issued his orders accordingly, Perhaps he 
 himself doubted if they would attack so early in the morn- 
 ing. At the time the Mahdi was crossing the river, 
 Gordon, to stimulate his followers, had made a display of 
 fireworks in the town ; various coloured rockets were fired, 
 and the band played, with the object of reviving the 
 flagging spirits of the famished garrison. The display was 
 over, the music had ceased, and Khartum was asleep, 
 whilst the enemy crept cautiously and silently forward to 
 the attack. They knew all the weak and strong points of 
 the lines of defence ; they knew also that the regulars were 
 stationed at the strong points, and that the broken-down 
 parapet and tumbled-in ditch near the White Nile were 
 weakly defended by the feeble inhabitants. This particular 
 part of the lines was sadly out of repair ; it had never been 
 actually completed, and when damaged by the water no 
 steps had been taken to re-make it. Every day the Nile 
 became lower, and every day exposed a broader strip of 
 undefended wet mud, which the hungry and hopeless people 
 merely made a show of defending. It was opposite to this 
 open space that, at early dawn, the bulk of the attacking
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 209 
 
 force had collected, whilst the other portion of the Mahdist 
 army faced the main position. At a given signal the 
 attack began. Those holding the White Nile flank, after 
 tiring a few shots, fled precipitately ; and, while the troops 
 were occupied in repelling the storming parties in their 
 Immediate front, thousands and thousands of wild Arabs, 
 dashing through mud and water which was only up to 
 their knees, poured into the town, and, to their dismay, the 
 defenders on the lines found themselves attacked from the 
 rear. Very slight resistance was made, and most of the 
 troops laid down their arms. Numbers of the Egyptians 
 were massacred, but of the Blacks few were killed, whilst 
 the enemy's losses within the lines did not exceed eighty to 
 one hundred men. Soon afterwards the gates were opened 
 by the Dervishes, and the troops were permitted to march 
 out to the Mahdist camp. 
 
 Once the line of the White Nile was crossed, the great 
 mass of the enemy rushed towards the town. * Lil Saraya ! 
 lil Kenisa !' ('To the Palace ! to the Church !') was the cry ; 
 for it was here they expected to find the treasure and 
 Gordon, who had so long defended the city against them, 
 and had up to that day defied all their efforts. Amongst 
 the leaders in the attack on the Palace were the followers 
 of Makin Wad en Nur, who was afterwards killed at the 
 battle of Toski, and belonged to the Arakin tribe. Makin's 
 brother, Abdalla Wad en Nur, their beloved leader, had 
 been killed during the siege, and they were now seeking to 
 avenge his death. Many of Abu Girga's men were also 
 forward in the rush to the Palace ; they wanted to wipe out 
 the defeat they had suffered when Gordon had driven them 
 out of Burri. The Palace servants who lived in the base- 
 ment were instantly massacred, and Gordon himself, stand- 
 ing on the top of the steps leading to the divan, awaited the 
 approach of the Arabs. Taking no notice of his question, 
 'Where is your master, the Mahdi ?' the first man up the 
 steps plunged his huge spear into his body ; he fell forward 
 on his face without uttering a word. His murderers 
 
 14
 
 210 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 dragged him down the steps to the Palace entrance, and 
 here his head was cut off, and at once sent over to the 
 Mahdi at Omdurman, whilst his body was left to the mercy 
 of those wild fanatics. Thousands of these inhuman 
 creatures pressed forward merely to stain their swords and 
 spears with his blood, and soon all that remained was a 
 heap of mangled flesh. For a long time stains of blood 
 marked the spot where this atrocity took place, and the 
 steps, from top to bottom, for weeks bore the same sad 
 traces, until they were at last washed off when the Khalifa 
 decided to make the Palace an abode for his former and 
 his future wives. 
 
 When Gordon's head was brought to the Mahdi, he 
 remarked he would have been better pleased had they 
 taken him alive ; for it was his intention to convert him, 
 and then hand him over to the English Government in 
 exchange for Ahmed Arabi Pasha, as he had hoped that 
 the latter would have been of assistance to him in help- 
 ing him to conquer Egypt. My own opinion, however, 
 is that this regret on the part of the Mahdi was merely 
 assumed ; for had he expressed any wish that Gordon's 
 life should be spared, no one would have dared to disobey 
 his orders. 
 
 Gordon had done his utmost to save the lives of the 
 Europeans who were with him. Colonel Stewart, with 
 some of the Consuls and many of the Europeans, he had 
 allowed to go to Dongola ; but unfortunately the incapable 
 and disaffected crew of their steamer, the Abbas, had run 
 her on to a rock in the cataracts, and had thus given up 
 him and his companions to the treacherous death w T hich had 
 been prepared for them. On the pretext that the Greeks 
 were good men on boats, Gordon had offered them a steamer, 
 on which it was arranged they should make a visit of in- 
 spection on the White Nile, thus intending to give them an 
 opportunity to escape south to join Emin Pasha ; but they 
 had refused to accept. Being much concerned as to their 
 safety, Gordon now made another proposal : he ordered all
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 21 * 
 
 roads leading towards the Blue Nile to be placed out of 
 bounds after ten o'clock at night, and he charged the Greeks 
 with watching them, so that they might have a chance of 
 escaping to a steamer moored close by, in which it was 
 arranged they should escape ; but, owing to a disagreement 
 between themselves as to the details of the plan, it fell 
 through. I have little doubt in my own mind that these 
 Greeks did not really wish to leave the town. In their own 
 homes and in Egypt most of them had been very poor, and 
 had held merely subordinate positions ; but here in the 
 Sudan many had made their fortunes, and were therefore 
 by no means anxious to quit a country from which they 
 had reaped such great advantages. 
 
 Gordon seemed anxious about the safety of everyone but 
 himself. Why did he neglect to make a redoubt, or keep 
 within the fortifications, the central point of which might 
 well have been the Palace ? From a military point of view, 
 I think this is a fair criticism ; but probably Gordon did not 
 do so, lest he should be suspected of being concerned for his 
 own safety, and it was probably a similar idea which in- 
 fluenced him in his decision not to have a strong guard at 
 the Palace. He might well have employed a company of 
 soldiers for this purpose ; and who would have thought of 
 questioning the advantage of protecting himself ? With a 
 guard of this strength, he could easily have reached the 
 steamer Ismaiiia, which was lying close to the Palace, 
 scarcely three hundred yards from the gate. Fagarli, the 
 captain, saw the enemy rushing to the Palace. In vain he 
 waited for Gordon ; and it was only when the latter was 
 killed, and he saw the Dervishes making for his boat, that 
 he steamed off into midstream, and moved backwards and 
 forwards along the front of the town until he received a 
 message from the Mahdi offering him pardon. As his wife 
 and family and some of his crew were in the city, he accepted 
 the offer and landed ; but how sadly had he been deluded ! 
 Rushing to his home, he found his son — a boy of ten years 
 old — lying dead on the doorstep, whilst his wife, in her 
 
 14—2
 
 «I2 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 agony, had thrown herself on her child's body, and lay 
 pierced with several lances. 
 
 The cruelties and atrocities perpetrated in the terrible 
 massacre which followed Gordon's death are beyond descrip- 
 tion. Male and female slaves, and young, good-looking 
 women of the free tribes, alone were spared ; and if some 
 others succeeded in escaping, they had only to thank a 
 lucky chance which saved them from the merciless blood- 
 shed of that awful day. Not a few resolved to put an end 
 to their own lives; amongst these was Mohammed Pasha 
 Hussein, the head of the Finance, who, standing beside the 
 dead bodies of his only daughter and her husband, was 
 urged by some friends to fly with them, and let them save 
 him ; but he refused. They tried to take him by force ; but, 
 in a loud voice, he heaped curses on the Mahdi and his 
 followers, and some fanatics passing by soon despatched 
 him. Several people were killed by their former servants 
 and slaves, who, having previously joined the enemy, now 
 acted as guides to the wild hordes thirsting for blood, plunder, 
 and rapine. 
 
 One could fill a volume with the details of the terrible 
 atrocities committed on that memorable day ; yet I doubt 
 if the fate of the survivors was very much better. When 
 all the houses were occupied, the search for treasure began, 
 and no excuse or denial was accepted ; whoever was sus- 
 pected of having concealed money — and the majority of the 
 inhabitants had done so — was tortured until the secret was 
 disclosed, or until he succeeded in convincing his tormentors 
 that he had nothing. There was no sparing of the lash ; 
 the unfortunate people were flogged until their flesh hung 
 down in shreds from their bodies. Another torture was to 
 tie men up by their thumbs to a beam, and leave them 
 dangling in the air till they became unconscious ; or two 
 small pliant slips of bamboo were tied horizontally to their 
 temples, and the two ends, before and behind, being joined 
 together and twisted as tightly as possible, were struck with 
 vibrating sticks which produced agony inexpressible. Even
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 213 
 
 women of an advanced age were tormented in this way, and 
 the most sensitive parts of their bodies were subjected to a 
 species of torture which it is impossible for me to describe 
 here. Suffice it to say that the most appalling methods 
 were resorted to in order to discover hidden treasure. Young 
 women and girls only were exempted from these abominable 
 tortures, for no other reason than that such atrocities might 
 interfere in some manner with the object for which they had 
 been reserved. All such were put aside for the harem of 
 the Mahdi, who, on the actual day of the conquest, made 
 his selections, and turned over the rejected ones to his 
 Khalifas and principal Emirs. This picking and choosing 
 continued for weeks together, until the households of these 
 libidinous and inhuman scoundrels were stocked to over- 
 flowing with all the unfortunate youth and beauty of the 
 fallen city. 
 
 The next day a general amnesty was given to all, with 
 the exception of the Shaigia, who were still considered out- 
 laws ; but, in spite of this, murders and atrocities continued 
 for many days subsequent to the fall of Khartum. 
 
 The plunder taken in Khartum was carried off to the Beit 
 el Mai ; but, of course, large quantities were made away 
 with. The principal houses were distributed amongst the 
 Emirs ; and, on the day after the town fell, the Mahdi and 
 Khalifa Abdullahi crossed over from Omdurman in the 
 steamer hmailia to view the scene of their bloody victory 
 and massacre. Without a sign of pity or regret they occu- 
 pied the houses selected for them, and, addressing their 
 followers, described the disaster which had overtaken 
 Khartum as the just judgment of Heaven on the godless 
 inhabitants of the city, who had repeatedly rejected the 
 Mahdi's summons to them to surrender and become his 
 faithful followers in the true religion. 
 
 The first few days were spent in the wildest debauchery 
 and excesses, and it was not until the Mahdi and his 
 followers had to some extent satiated their vicious passions 
 that they turned their attention to the dangers which
 
 214 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 threatened them from without. To oppose the English 
 -expedition, the renowned Emir Abderrahman Wad Nejumi 
 was ordered to collect a large force and proceed forthwith to 
 Metemmeh, to drive out the infidels, who were known to 
 have reached the Nile near this town. 
 
 On Wednesday morning, two days after Khartum had 
 fallen, at about eleven o'clock, the thunder of guns and the 
 sharp crack of rifles were heard in the direction of the north 
 end of Tuti Island ; and soon two steamers came in view — 
 these were the Telahawia and Bordein — carrying Sir Charles 
 Wilson and some English officers and men who had come 
 up to assist General Gordon. Sanjak Kashm el Mus and 
 Abdel Hamid Mohammed, whom Gordon had despatched 
 in command of the Shaigias, were also on board ; they had 
 already heard of Gordon's death, and of the cruel fate which 
 had overtaken the town and its inhabitants. Although 
 those on the steamer had little doubt of the accuracy of the 
 sad news, they wished to see with their own eyes, and 
 reached a point midway between Tuti Island and the left 
 bank of the White Nile. Here they were heavily fired on 
 by the Dervishes from an entrenched position, situated 
 north-east of Omdurman Fort, and having seen Khartum in 
 the distance, and been convinced, they turned about and 
 steamed away. 
 
 I subsequently heard from some of the crew of these 
 steamers, that both they and the Englishmen on board 
 were deeply affected by the fall of the city ; they now knew 
 that the entire Sudan was in the Mahdi's hands. It was 
 the talk on board, they said, that the English expedition 
 had only come up to save Gordon ; and, now that he was 
 killed, the object of the expedition had failed, and they 
 naturally concluded that it would retire to Dongola, and 
 that they would be called upon to accompany it. Conse- 
 quently the chief pilot of the Telahawia and the captain, 
 Abdel Hamid, agreed together to run the steamer on to a 
 rock, and then escape during the night. This plan was 
 successfully carried out, and the steamer stuck so hard and
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 215 
 
 fast that the cargo had to be at once transferred to the 
 Bovdein. During the confusion these two conspirators 
 •escaped, and, through the intermediation of their friends, 
 they succeeded in securing the Mahdi's pardon, and re- 
 turned subsequently to Khartum. Here they were well 
 received and publicly commended by the Mahdi for having 
 inflicted loss on their enemies, the British. Abdel Hamid, 
 in spite of being a hated Shaigia, and a relative of Saleh 
 Wad el Mek, was presented by the Mahdi with his own 
 jibba, as a mark of honour, and, moreover, several of his 
 female relatives who, after the sack of the town, had been 
 distributed amongst the Emirs, were given back to him. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Bordein, on its return journey towards 
 Metemmeh, struck on a sand-bank, and, being heavily, 
 laden, could not be floated off. Sir Charles Wilson's 
 position was now very critical. W T ith his small force he 
 -could not have attempted to land on the west bank and 
 attack the enemy, which was entrenched at Wad Habeshi, 
 between him and the British camp at Gubat. It is true 
 that the courage of this body of Dervishes had been con- 
 siderably shaken by the defeat at Abu Klea, but the fall of 
 Khartum, and the knowledge that W T ad en Nejumi with a 
 large force was advancing north to their support, now trans- 
 formed them into a formidable enemy. A third steamer, the 
 Sofia, was still at Gubat. Sir Charles Wilson therefore 
 ■sent an officer down stream in a small boat to ask for help. 
 The appeal was promptly responded to, the Sofia starting, 
 without delay, to the relief of the Bovdein. The enemy, 
 hearing of this, at once threw up entrenchments to oppose 
 its progress, and on its approach poured on the unfortunate 
 steamer a perfect hail of rifle and cannon shot ; but those 
 on board, determined to relieve their comrades in distress, 
 fought most bravely until a shot, penetrating the boiler, 
 disabled the steamer and placed it in the greatest danger. 
 Undismayed, however, the commander set to work, under a 
 heavy fire, to repair the damage. The work was continued 
 during the night, and early the next morning the Sofia was
 
 216 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 able to continue her running fight with the Dervishes, 
 eventually succeeding in silencing the guns, and killing the 
 principal Emir, Ahmed Wad Faid, and a considerable 
 number of subordinate Emirs and men. The passage was 
 forced, and Sir Charles Wilson and his men relieved. 
 
 This daring exploit, which resulted in the rescue of the 
 little band of Englishmen who had ventured to Khartum, 
 also had a very important, though indirect, effect on the 
 subsequent fate of the small British column near Metemmeh. 
 The advance of Nejumi, which, under any circumstances, 
 was not rapid, owing to the difficulty of collecting the men, 
 was still further delayed by the news of the death of Ahmed 
 Wad Faid, and the defeat of the strong body of Dervishes 
 at Wad Habeshi by one steamer. I was informed that, on 
 hearing of the success of the Sofia (whose able commander 
 I learnt on my return to Egypt was Lord Charles Beres- 
 ford), Nejumi addressed his men, and pointed out to them 
 that, if the English advanced with the intention of taking 
 the Sudan, they must, of course, oppose them ; but if, on 
 the other hand, they retired towards Dongola, then he and 
 his men would be able to occupy the country they had 
 abandoned without the risk of further fighting, and it was 
 this latter course which he eventually took. Delaying his 
 advance, he reached Metemmeh only after the British had 
 retired from Gubat ; and although he pursued them as far 
 as Abu Klea, he hesitated somewhat to attack unless quite 
 assured of success. 
 
 It was only when the Mahdi learnt of the final retirement 
 of the British advance guard that he was convinced the 
 Sudan had at last been completely won. And now his 
 delight knew no bounds. He announced the news in the 
 mosque, and drew a striking picture of the flight of the 
 unbelievers, embellishing it further by a revelation from the 
 Prophet to the effect that their water-skins had all been 
 pierced, through Divine intervention, and that all those 
 who had taken part in the expedition had died of thirst. 
 
 On the fifth day after the fall of Khartum a small band
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 
 
 217 
 
 of soldiers suddenly appeared in my tattered tent, and 
 placing me, still shackled and bound, on a donkey, they 
 carried me off to the general prison, where they hammered 
 on to my ankles a third and exceptionally heavy iron bar 
 and rings (nicknamed the Hajji Fatma) ; it weighed about 
 eighteen pounds, and was only put on those who were con- 
 sidered exceptionally obstinate or dangerous prisoners. I 
 was quite ignorant of the reasons which caused me to fall 
 still lower in the Khalifa's disfavour, but I found out later 
 that Gordon, when he had ascertained from my letters to 
 him that the Mahdist force advancing on Khartum was not 
 a strong one, that many of the Mahdi's adherents were 
 discontented, and that there was considerable scarcity of 
 ammunition, had written to this effect to several of the- 
 principal officers on the lines. One of his letters containing 
 this information was discovered in the loot handed over to 
 Ahmed Wad Suleiman in the Beit el Mai, by whom it had 
 been passed to the Mahdi and Khalifa. Thus were their 
 suspicions regarding my behaviour confirmed, and my 
 schemes to escape and join Gordon laid bare. 
 
 I was deposited in one corner of the immense zariba, 
 where I was ordered to stay, and to hold no converse with 
 anyone without permission, on pain of instant flogging. 
 At sunset I, a number of slaves who were under sentence 
 for having murdered their masters, and other gentlemen of 
 this description, were bound together by a long chain passing 
 round our feet, and fastened to the trunk of a tree, and at 
 sunrise the next morning we were unfastened, and I was 
 sent back to my corner again. I could just see Lupton in 
 the distance in another corner of the enclosure. He had 
 been in here for some time, and had become used to it. He 
 had permission to speak to others, but was under strict 
 orders of the saier, or gaoler, not on any account to speak to 
 me. On the day that I had been brought to the prison 
 Saleh Wad el Mek had been discharged ; his brother, sons, 
 and almost all his relatives had been killed, and he was now 
 allowed to go and search for the survivors. As regards
 
 2i8 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 food, I now fared considerably worse ; I had, in this respect, 
 fallen out of the frying-pan into the fire. I used to com- 
 plain of being occasionally hungry, but now I received only 
 uncooked dhurra, getting the same share as the slaves, and 
 a very small share it was. Fortunately, the wife of one of 
 my warders — a Darfur woman — took pity upon me, and 
 used to take the corn away, boil it, and bring it back to me ; 
 but she was not allowed to bring me any other food, as her 
 husband feared the principal gaoler might find out, and he, 
 in his turn, was afraid of incurring the Khalifa's displeasure. 
 I lay on the bare ground, with a stone for my pillow, the 
 hardness of which gave me a continual headache ; but one 
 day, whilst we were being driven to the river one hundred 
 and fifty yards distant to wash, I picked up the lining of 
 a donkey saddle, which the owner had evidently thrown 
 away as old and useless ; and, hiding it under my arm, I 
 bore it off in triumph, and that night I slept like a king on 
 his pillow of down. 
 
 Gradually my position improved somewhat. The principal 
 gaoler, who was not really disinclined towards me, allowed 
 me to converse occasionally with the other prisoners, and re- 
 moved my lightest foot-irons ; but the Hajji Fatma and her 
 sister still remained, and I cannot say this pair of worthies 
 conduced much to my personal comfort during those long 
 and weary months of imprisonment. 
 
 A few days later there was considerable commotion 
 amongst the warders, and the saier told me privately that 
 the Khalifa was coming to visit the prison. I asked him to 
 advise me how I should behave, and he recommended me to 
 answer all questions promptly, on no account to make any 
 complaints, and to remain submissively in my corner. About 
 mid-day the Khalifa arrived, accompanied by his brothers 
 and mulazemin, and began to walk round and view these 
 victims of his justice. It seemed that the saier had given 
 the same advice to all the prisoners that he had given to me, 
 for they all behaved quietly. Some were ordered to have 
 their chains removed, and to be discharged. At length the
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 219 
 
 Khalifa approached my corner, and, with a friendly nod, 
 said, * Abdel Kader, enta tayeb ?' (' Abdel Kader, are you 
 well ?'). To which I replied, ' Ana tayeb, Sidi * (' I am well, 
 sire '). And with that he moved on. Yunes Wad Dekeim, 
 the present Emir of Dongola, and a near relative of the 
 Khalifa, pressed my hand and whispered, * Keep up your 
 spirits ; don't be downhearted ; everything will come 
 right.' 
 
 From that day my condition distinctly improved, but the 
 time passed very slowly. Small-pox had broken out in 
 Omdurman, and every day the disease swept off hundreds — 
 indeed, whole families disappeared, and I believe that the 
 loss from this disease was greater than that suffered in many 
 battles. Curiously enough, almost all the nomad Arabs 
 were attacked, and several of our own warders went down, 
 and not a few of them died. We prisoners, however, 
 entirely escaped, and during the whole period of my im- 
 prisonment I do not recollect having seen one of us 
 unfortunates attacked, though most of us were much 
 alarmed. Perhaps God in His mercy thought our punish- 
 ment already more than we could bear, and spared us a 
 further visitation. 
 
 I had now many opportunities of talking to Lupton, who 
 daily grew more and more impatient ; indeed, so furious 
 was he at times, I used to get alarmed, for he would com- 
 plain most bitterly, and in a loud tone, of our miserable 
 treatment. I did all in my power to pacify him, but the 
 wretched life we were living had affected him to such a 
 degree that I seriously feared for his health. Through 
 constantly speaking to him, I succeeded to some extent in 
 quieting him; but, although scarcely thirty years of age, 
 the hair of his head and beard had during our imprison- 
 ment grown almost white. 
 
 One day it was rumoured that the Khalifa was coming. 
 I had carefully prepared a speech, and Lupton had done 
 the same ; but it was more than likely he would speak to 
 me first. At length the critical moment came : the Khalifa,
 
 220 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 entering the prisoners' yard, instead of, as was his usua5 
 custom, sending for the prisoners one by one, ordered an 
 angareb to be brought and placed in the shade; he then 
 directed all the prisoners to be led out, and to sit down 
 before him in a semicircle. He spoke to several, set a few 
 free who had been imprisoned by his own personal orders, 
 and promised others, who complained against the sentences 
 pronounced by the Kadi, to inquire into their cases; d 
 Lupton and myself, however, he appeared to have taken 
 no notice. Lupton glanced at me, and shook his head ; 
 but I put my finger to my lips to warn him against doing 
 anything foolish. ' Have I anything else to do?' asked the 
 Khalifa of the saier, who was standing behind his angareb. 
 4 Sire ! I am at your service,' replied the head gaoler ; and 
 the Khalifa sat down again. He now turned his eyes on 
 me, and repeated the same words he had used on the 
 previous occasion. * Abdel Kader,' said he, * are you well ?' 
 * Sire,' said I, * if you will allow me to speak, I shall tell 
 you of my condition.' He was then sitting at his ease, and 
 he gave me the required permission. 
 
 * Master,' I began, ' I belong to a foreign tribe ; I came 
 to you seeking protection, and you gave it me. It is 
 natural for men to err, and to sin against God and against 
 each other. I have sinned, but now I repent, and regret 
 all my misdeeds. I repent before God and His Prophet. 
 Behold me in irons before you ! See, I am naked and 
 hungry, and I lie here patiently on the bare ground waiting* 
 for the time to come when I may receive pardon. Master, 
 should you think it well to let me continue in this sad 
 plight, then I pray God for strength to enable me to bear 
 His will ; but now I beg of you to give me my freedom.' 
 
 I had studied this speech very carefully, and had de- 
 livered it as effectively as I could ; and I saw that it had 
 made a favourable impression on the Khalifa. Turning 
 then to Lupton, he said, * And you, Abdullahi ?' «I can« 
 add nothing to what Abdel Kader has said,' replied Lupton* 
 ' Pardon me, and grant me liberty.'
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 221 
 
 The Khalifa now turned to me and said, * Well, from 
 the day you came from Darfur, I have done everything I 
 possibly could for you ; but your heart has been far from 
 us : you wanted to join Gordon, the infidel, and fight against 
 us. As you are a foreigner, I spared your life ; otherwise 
 you would not be alive now. However, if your repentance 
 is real and true, I will pardon both you and Abdullahi. 
 Saier, take off their irons.' 
 
 We were then removed by the warders, who, after long 
 and hard work, and by making use of ropes, at last suc- 
 ceeded in opening my foot-irons. We were then again 
 brought before the Khalifa, who was patiently sitting on 
 his angareb waiting for us. He ordered the saier to bring 
 the Kuran, which he laid on a furwa (sheepskin), and called 
 on us to swear eternal allegiance to him. Placing our 
 hands on the Kuran, we swore to serve him honestly in the 
 future. He then rose and directed us to follow him ; and 
 we, almost beside ourselves with delight at our release 
 after this long imprisonment, joyfully followed in his 
 footsteps. 
 
 The Khalifa, having been assisted on to his donkey by 
 his servants, ordered us to walk by his side ; but we could 
 scarcely keep up with him, for our eight months' im- 
 prisonment in chains had so cramped our legs and feet that 
 we found we had lost the habit of stepping out. When we 
 reached his house, he directed us to wait in a rekuba in one 
 of the outside enclosures, and left us. He returned again 
 a few minutes later, and, seating himself beside us, warned 
 us most seriously to adhere to all his orders. He then 
 went on to say that he had received letters from the 
 Commander of the army in Egypt, stating that he had 
 seized and imprisoned all the Mahdi's relatives in Dongola, 
 and that he demanded in exchange all the captives who 
 had formerly been Christians. * We have decided to reply,' 
 said he, ■ that you are now all Mohammedans, that you are 
 one with us, and that you are not willing to be exchanged 
 for people who, though the relatives of the Mahdi, are far
 
 222 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 from us in thought and deed ; and that they can do as they 
 like with their captives ; or,' added he, « perhaps you would 
 like to go back to the Christians?' With these words he 
 ended his speech. 
 
 Lupton and I assured him that we should never leave 
 him of our own free-will ; that all the pleasures of the 
 world would never tear us from his side ; and that it was 
 only by being constantly in his presence that we learnt 
 to act in such a way as would lead to our salvation. 
 Thoroughly taken in by our mendacity, he promised to 
 present us to the Mahdi, who had arranged to come to the 
 Khalifa's house that afternoon, and then he left us. 
 
 The rekuba being in one of the outer enclosures, into 
 which people were admitted, several friends who had heard 
 of our release came to congratulate us, amongst them 
 Dimitri Zigada, but this time without his usual quid of 
 tobacco. One of my friends, Esh Sheikh, also came, and 
 when I told him that we were to be presented to the Mahdi, 
 he again gave me the benefit of his good advice, and in- 
 structed me how to behave when the momentous occasion 
 arrived. It was almost evening when the Khalifa came, 
 and, directing us to follow him, he led us to an inner 
 enclosure, where we saw the Mahdi sitting on an angareb. 
 He had become so stout that I scarcely knew him. 
 Kneeling down, we repeatedly kissed the hand he held out 
 to us. He now assured us that his only wish was for our 
 good, that when men are placed in chains it exercises a 
 lasting and beneficial influence on them ; by this he meant 
 to say that when a man is timid this punishment makes 
 him avoid committing offences in the future. He then 
 turned the conversation to his relatives who had been 
 captured by the British, and about the exchange they had 
 proposed, but which he had refused, adding, with a hypo- 
 critical smile, * I love you better than my own brethren, 
 and therefore I refused to exchange.' In reply, I assured 
 him of our love and sincerity to him, saying, ' Sire, the man 
 who does not love you more than himself, how can his love
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 223 
 
 proceed truly from his heart ?' (This was a paraphrase of 
 the Prophet's own words, which my friend the Sheikh had 
 suggested I should repeat.) * Say that again,' said the 
 Mahdi, and, turning to the Khalifa, he said, * Listen.' 
 When I repeated the words, he took my hand in his and 
 said, * You have spoken the truth ; love me more than 
 yourself.' Summoning Lupton as well, he took his hand, 
 and made us repeat the oath of allegiance, saying, that as 
 we had proved unfaithful to our first oath it must be re- 
 newed. This over, the Khalifa signed to us to retire, and, 
 again kissing the Mahdi's hand, we thanked him for his 
 beneficence, and returned to our rekuba to await his further 
 instructions. 
 
 It was some time before the Khalifa returned ; and when 
 he did he permitted Lupton, without further ado, to join 
 his family, who were still located in a tent in the Beit el 
 Mai, and, sending with him a mulazem to show the way, 
 assured him that he would take every care of him. I was 
 now alone with the Khalifa. * And you,' said he, ' where 
 do you wish to go ; have you any one to take care of you ?' 
 And I felt him gazing at me, whilst I cast my eyes to the 
 ground, knowing that was what he wished me to do. 
 ' Besides God and yourself,' I replied, * I have no one, sire ; 
 deal with me as you think best for my future.' 
 
 * I had hoped and expected this answer from you,' said 
 the Khalifa ; ' from this day you may consider yourself a 
 member of my household. I shall care for you, and shall 
 never allow you to want for anything ; and you will have 
 the benefit of being brought up under my eye, on condition 
 that, from this day forth, you absolutely sever your con- 
 nection with all your former friends and acquaintances, and 
 associate only with my relatives and servants ; you must, 
 moreover, obey implicitly every order you receive from me. 
 During the day, your duty will be to stay with the mulaze- 
 min employed on my personal service at the door of my 
 house ; and at night, when I retire, you will be permitted 
 to go to the house which I shall assign to you. When I
 
 224 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 go out you must always accompany me ; if I ride, you 
 must walk beside me, until the time comes when, should 
 I see fit, I will provide you with an animal to ride. Do 
 you agree to ;these conditions, and do you promise to put 
 them into full effect ?' 
 
 1 Master,' I replied, * I agree with pleasure to your con- 
 ditions. In me you will find a willing and obedient 
 servant ; and I hope I may have strength to enter upon my 
 new duties.' 
 
 * God will strengthen you,' he replied, * and bring you to 
 all good.' He then rose, and added, * Sleep here to-night ; 
 may God protect you till I see you again to-morrow.' 
 
 I was now quite alone. So I had gone from one prison 
 to another ! I fully grasped the Khalifa's intentions ; he 
 had no real wish *or my services, for he had not the slightest 
 confidence in me ; nor did he wish to utilise me against the 
 Government and against the civilised world. He merely 
 wanted to keep me always under control ; probably it 
 flattered his vanity to know»he could point to me, his slave, 
 once a high official of the Government, who had com- 
 manded his own tribe, which was now the foundation on 
 which his power rested, and show them and other Western 
 tribes that I was now his humble servant. Nevertheless, 
 said I to myself, I shall take good care not to displease him, 
 or give him a chance of putting his evil purposes into eftect. 
 I thoroughly understood my master ; his smiles and friendly 
 looks were not worth a jot ; indeed, one day he had told 
 me as much himself. * Abdel Kader,' he had said to me 
 in the course of conversation, ' a man who wants to com- 
 mand must neither betray his purpose by gesture nor by 
 his countenance; otherwise his enemies or his subjects will 
 discover some means of frustrating his designs.' 
 
 The next morning he came to me, and summoning his 
 brother Yakub, he directed him to show me some spot in 
 the neighbourhood where I might build my huts, adding 
 that it must be as near his house as possible. As, however, 
 most of the vacant spots in the vicinity had been already
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 225 
 
 occupied by the Khalifa's relatives, a piece of ground about 
 six hundred yards from the Khalifa's house, and not far 
 from Yakub's residence, was given to me. 
 
 The Khalifa now summoned his secretary, and showed 
 me a document addressed to the Commander of the English 
 army, to the effect that all the European prisoners had of 
 their own free will become Mohammedans, and that they 
 had no wish to return to their countries. This document 
 he desired me to sign. 
 
 He then asked me abruptly : ■ Are you not a Moham- 
 medan ? — where, then, did you leave your wives?' This 
 was indeed an ugly question. 'Master,' said I, 'I have: 
 only one, and I left her in Darfur ; and I am told that she 
 was arrested, with all my other servants, by Said Mahmud, 
 and is now in the Beit el Mai at El Obeid.' 
 
 'Is your wife of your own race?' asked the Khalifa 
 inquiringly. ■ No,' I replied ; ' she is a Darfurian ; and 
 her parents and relatives were killed in the battle with 
 Sultan Harun. She and several others had been captured ! 
 by my men ; and I gave most of them to my servants and 
 soldiers to marry. This orphan alone was left ; and she is 
 now my wife.' 
 
 1 Have you any children ?' asked he ; and when I replied 
 in the negative he said, ' A man without offspring is like a 
 thorn-tree without fruit ; as you now belong to my house- 
 hold, I shall give you some wives, so that you may live 
 happily.' 
 
 I thanked him for his kindness, but begged that he would 
 postpone his present until I had at least erected my huts ; 
 because, I remarked, this exceptional mark of his favour 
 must not be exposed to the public gaze. To recompense 
 me for my property which had been taken by Abu Anga, 
 the Khalifa instructed Fadl el Maula to hand over the 
 effects of the unfortunate Olivier Pain, which were at once 
 sent to me. They consisted of an old jibba, a well-worn 
 Arab cloak, and a Kuran printed in the French language. 
 Fadl el Maula had sent word to me that during the time 
 
 15
 
 226 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 which had elapsed his other effects had been lost. At the 
 same time, the Khalifa directed that the money which had 
 been taken from me when I was imprisoned, and had been 
 deposited in the Beit el Mai, should be returned to me. It 
 amounted to £4.0, a few sequins, and a few gold nose-rings 
 which I had collected as curios ; all these were handed back 
 to me by Ahmed Wad Suleiman. 
 
 I was now able to set to work to build my huts ; but 
 whilst they were being put up I lived in the Khalifa's house. 
 I entrusted my old servant Saadalla, the Nubawi, who was 
 the most competent of all my attendants, with the construc- 
 tion of my residence, which was to consist for the present of 
 three huts and a fence. I myself, from early morning till 
 late at night, was always in attendance at the door of my 
 master. Whenever he went for a short walk or a long 
 ride, I was always obliged to accompany him, barefooted. 
 During the first few days, as my feet got cut and bruised, he 
 allowed me to have some light Arabic sandals made, which, 
 though they gave me some protection against the stones, 
 were so hard and rough that they rubbed off all the skin. 
 Occasionally the Khalifa used to call me in to eat with him, 
 and frequently sent what was over of his own food to be 
 consumed by the principal mulazemin, of whom I was now 
 reckoned as one. When he retired at night, I was at liberty 
 to return to my huts, and there, stretching my weary limbs 
 on an angareb, I slept till early dawn, when I was again 
 obliged to await the Khalifa at his door, and accompany 
 him to morning prayers. 
 
 Meanwhile the Khalifa had been informed that my huts 
 were erected, and returning home late one night my old 
 servant, Saadalla, informed me that a female slave, closely 
 muffled up, had been brought to my house, and was now 
 installed within. Directing Saadalla to light a lantern and 
 show the way, I followed, and found the poor thing huddled 
 up on a palm-mat. When I spoke to her about her past 
 life, she answered, in a deep voice which did not presage 
 well for the future, that she was a Nubawi, and had formerly
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 
 
 227 
 
 belonged to an Arab tribe in Southern Kordofan, but had 
 been captured, and sent to the Beit el Mai, from whence 
 she had just been despatched to me by Ahmed Wad Sulei- 
 man. Whilst speaking, she removed her scented white 
 drapery from her head, as slaves always do when talking to 
 their masters, and exposed her bare shoulders and part of 
 her bosom. 
 
 I signed to Saadalla to bring the light nearer ; and 
 then I had to summon all my presence of mind so as 
 not to be terrified and fall off my angareb. Out of her ugly 
 black face peered two little eyes ; a great flat nose, below 
 which were two enormous blubber-shaped lips, which when 
 she laughed were in danger of coming in contact with her 
 ears, completed one of the most unpleasant physiognomies 
 I had ever beheld. Her head was joined to her enormously 
 fat body by a bulldog-like neck ; and this creature had the 
 audacity to call herself Maryam (Mary). I at once directed 
 Saadalla to remove his compatriot to another hut, and give 
 her an angareb. 
 
 So this was the Khalifa's first gift to me : he had not 
 given me a horse, a donkey, or even a little money, which 
 would have been of some use to me, but had presented me 
 with a female slave, for whom, even if she had been fair, he 
 knew well I should not have cared, as, let alone her dis- 
 agreeable presence, her food and dress were items of expense 
 which I by no means relished. When he saw me the next 
 day, after morning prayers, he asked me if Ahmed Wad 
 Suleiman had satisfactorily carried out his wishes. I 
 replied, ' Yes ; your order was most promptly carried 
 out,' and then gave him an exact description of my new 
 acquisition. 
 
 The Khalifa was furious with Ahmed Wad Suleiman, 
 who, he asserted, not only did not comply with his order, 
 but had made him unfaithful to the Mahdi's ordinances. 
 My candour in describing exactly the class of slave given 
 me reacted somewhat unpleasantly on my head, for the 
 following evening a young and somewhat less ugly girl, 
 
 15—2
 
 228 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 selected by the Khalifa himself, was sent to me, and her 
 also I handed over to the tender mercies of the faithful 
 Saadalla. 
 
 The Mahdi, his Khalifas, "and their relatives, having now 
 no longer any fear from external enemies, began to build 
 houses suitable to their new positions and requirements. 
 The numbers of young women and girls who had been 
 seized and distributed on the fall of Khartum were now 
 hurried off into the seclusion of these new residences ; and 
 their masters, no longer disturbed by the jealous and envious 
 looks of their friends, were able to enjoy their pleasures 
 undisturbed. 
 
 Naturally the Mahdi, the Khalifas, and, more especially,, 
 the relatives of the former, were most anxious that it should 
 not be known that the greater part of the loot taken in 
 Khartum was in their own hands ; it was a striking con- 
 tradiction of the doctrine of the Divine master, who for ever 
 preached renunciation and abandonment of the pleasures of 
 life. They set to work to enlarge their habitations and 
 enclosures, anticipating that they would fill them still further 
 with the rich spoil which was expected from the provinces 
 that still remained to be conquered. 
 
 But the Mahdi fell suddenly ill ; for a few days he did 
 not appear at the mosque for prayers. No particular atten- 
 tion, however, was paid to his absence at first, for he had 
 asserted, over and over again, that the Prophet had revealed 
 to him that he should conquer Mecca, Medina, and Jeru- 
 salem, and after a long and glorious life should expire at 
 Kufa. But the Mahdi was attacked by no ordinary indis- 
 position ; the fatal typhus fever had fallen upon him, and 
 six days after he had sickened, his relatives in attendance 
 began to despair of saving his life. My master, the Khalifa,, 
 was, of course, watching with the most intense interest the 
 outcome of the disease, and did not leave the Mahdi's 
 bedside day or night, whilst I and the other members of 
 the body-guard aimlessly waited for our master at his, 
 door.
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 229 
 
 On the evening of the sixth day, the multitudes collected 
 "before the Mahdi's house and in the mosque were com- 
 manded to join together in prayer for the recovery of the 
 Divine patient, who was now in the greatest danger ; and 
 this was the first occasion on which the malignant disease 
 from which the Mahdi was suffering was announced to the 
 public. On the morning of the seventh day he was re- 
 ported to be worse, and there was little doubt that he was 
 dying. 
 
 The disease had now reached its crisis. By the Mahdi's 
 angareb stood the three Khalifas, his near relations, Ahmed 
 Wad Suleiman, Mohammed Wad Beshir (one of the principal 
 employes of the Beit el Mai in charge of the Mahdi's house- 
 hold), Osman Wad Ahmed, Said el Mekki (formerly one of 
 the most renowned religious Sheikhs of Kordofan), and a 
 few of his principal and most faithful adherents, to whom 
 special permission had been granted to enter the sick-room. 
 From time to time he lost consciousness, and, feeling that 
 his end was drawing near, he said, in a low voice, to those 
 around him, ■ Khalifa Abdullahi Khalifat es Sadik has been 
 appointed by the Prophet as my successor. He is of me 
 and I am of him ; as you have obeyed me, and have carried 
 out my orders, so should you deal with him. May God 
 have mercy upon me !' Then, gathering up all his strength, 
 with one final effort he repeated a few times the Moham- 
 medan creed (' La Illaha illallah, Mohammed Rasul Allah '), 
 crossed his hands over his chest, stretched out his limbs, 
 and passed away. 
 
 Around the body, which was not yet cold, the late Mahdi's 
 adherents swore fidelity to Khalifa Abdullahi, Said el Mekki 
 being the first to take the Khalifa's hand, own his allegiance, 
 and praise his name. His example was immediately followed 
 by the two Khalifas and the remainder of those assembled. 
 It was impossible to keep the Mahdi's death secret, and 
 the crowds waiting outside were informed about it ; but, at 
 the same time, strict injunctions were given that no weep- 
 ing and lamentation should be made, and it was further
 
 230 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 announced that the Khalifa (successor) of the Mahdi would 
 demand the oath of allegiance from the entire populace. 
 The Mahdi's principal wife, named Sittina Aisha Um el 
 Muminin (Our Lady Aisha, Mother of the Believers), who 
 lay huddled up and closely veiled in a corner, and who had 
 been a witness of the death of her master and husband, 
 now arose and proceeded to the Mahdi's house, bearing to 
 the other wives the sad news of his death. Her office was 
 to comfort them, and prevent them from making loud 
 lamentation. Most of these good women rejoiced secretly 
 in their hearts at the death of their husband and master, 
 who had brought such terrible distress upon the land, and 
 whom, even before he had fully enjoyed the fruits of his 
 success, Almighty God had summoned to appear before the 
 Supreme Seat of Judgment. 
 
 In spite of the strict and oft-repeated injunctions against 
 loud lamentation, weeping and wailing arose from almost 
 every house on the death of the Mahdi el Muntazer, who, 
 it was reported, had voluntarily departed from his earthly 
 abode to God, his Master whom he longed to see. 
 
 Some of those now present began to wash the body, and 
 then wrap it in several linen cloths ; whilst others dug the 
 grave in the room in which he had died, and which, after 
 two hours' hard work, was finished. The three Khalifas, 
 together with Ahmed Wad Suleiman and Wad Beshir, now 
 placed the body in the grave, built it over with bricks, 
 and then filled it up with earth, on which they poured 
 water. This over, lifting up their hands, they recited the 
 prayers for the dead ; then, leaving the room, they pro- 
 ceeded to pacify the impatient crowd awaiting the news 
 without. 
 
 We mulazemin were the first to be summoned before the 
 new ruler, who henceforth was called Khalifat el Mahdi 
 (successor of the Mahdi), and he gave us the oath of 
 allegiance, directing us at the same time to move the 
 Mahdi's pulpit to the entrance-door of the mosque, and to 
 inform the populace that he was about to appear before
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 231 
 
 them. Informed that this had been completed, he left his 
 late master's grave, and, for the first time, ascended the 
 pulpit as ruler. He was in a state of intense excitement. 
 Great tears rolled down his cheeks as, with a trembling 
 voice, he began to address the multitude. ' Friends of the 
 Mahdi,' he shouted, ■ God's will cannot be changed. The 
 Mahdi has left us, and has entered into heaven, where ever- 
 lasting joys await him. It is for us to obey his precepts, 
 and to support one another, just as the stones and walls of 
 a house go to make a building. The good things of this 
 life are not lasting. Seize, therefore, with both hands, the 
 good fortune which is yours of having been the friends and 
 adherents of the Mahdi, and never deviate in the slightest 
 degree from the path which he has shown you. You are 
 the friends of the Mahdi, and I am his Khalifa. Swear that 
 you will be faithful to me.' 
 
 This short address over, all those present now repeated 
 the well-known oath of allegiance ; but the Khalifa altered 
 the first sentence of it as follows : ■ Bayana Allah wa 
 Rasulahu wa Mahdina wa bayanaka ala tauhidillahi,' etc. 
 
 As only a certain number could take the oath of allegiance 
 at one time, those who had finished made way for others, 
 and the crowd was so enormous that many were in danger 
 of being trodden to death. The ceremony went on till 
 nightfall. The Khalifa had now long since ceased weeping, 
 and was rejoiced to see the crowds who thronged to him to 
 swear him eternal allegiance. From continual talking he 
 had become quite exhausted, and, descending from the pulpit, 
 he took a draught of water to moisten his parched throat. 
 But the thought that he was now the assured ruler of the 
 enormous masses before him seemed to keep him up, and 
 it was only when darkness actually supervened that some 
 of his principal men urged him to desist, and leave the 
 pulpit. 
 
 Before doing so, however, he summoned all the Emirs 
 of the Black Flag, and called upon them to take a special 
 oath of allegiance, admonishing them to adhere faith-
 
 232 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 fully to him and to his brother Yakub, and calling their 
 attention to the fact that, being strangers and foreigners, 
 they should endeavour to live in harmony with each other 
 as long as they were in the valley of the Nile, for they 
 would require union in order to successfully oppose the 
 intrigues of the local inhabitants ; and once again he im- 
 pressed upon them the all-important necessity of adhering 
 most strictly to the doctrines of the Mahdi. By this time 
 it was past midnight ; but it was out of the question to 
 think of going home. Utterly exhausted, I lay on the 
 ground, and heard the passers-by loud in their praises of 
 the late Mahdi, and assuring each other of their firm resolve 
 to support his successor in carrying out their late master's 
 precepts. 
 
 Now, what had the Mahdi done, and wherein lay his 
 power to revive a religion which had become so debased ? 
 What was the nature of his teachings ? He had preached 
 renunciation ; he had inveighed against earthly vanities and 
 pleasures ; he had broken down both social and official 
 ranks ; he had made rich and poor alike ; he had selected as 
 clothing a jibba, which became the universal dress of his 
 adherents. As a regenerator of religion, he had united the 
 four distinct Moslem sects : the Malaki, the Shafai, the 
 Hanafi, and the Hambali, which differ from each other only 
 in minor details — such as the method of performing ablution, 
 the method of standing or kneeling down in prayers, the 
 manner of conducting marriage ceremonies ; and, by astutely 
 making certain much-needed reforms, he had succeeded in 
 combining these four great divisions. He had made a 
 collection of certain specially selected verses from the Kuran, 
 which he called the Rateb, and which he enjoined should be 
 recited by the entire congregation after morning and after- 
 noon prayers — a ceremony which lasted at least forty 
 minutes. He had facilitated the method of performing 
 prayer ablutions, and had strictly forbidden the drinking 
 bouts which were an invariable accompaniment of marriage 
 ceremonies in the Sudan ; he had reduced the amount of
 
 THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM 233 
 
 the ' Mahr ' (the present usually given by the bridegroom to 
 the bride) to ten dollars and two dresses for unmarried girls, 
 and to five dollars and two dresses for widows. Whoever 
 sought for more or gave more was considered to have 
 performed an act of disobedience, and was punished by 
 deprivation of all property. A simple meal of dates 
 and milk took the place of the costly marriage feast. By 
 these innovations the Mahdi had sought to facilitate the 
 ceremony of matrimony, and had strictly enjoined parents 
 and guardians to see that their daughters and wards were 
 married early. 
 
 At the same time he had forbidden dancing and playing, 
 which he classified as ■ earthly pleasures ' ; and those found 
 disobeying this order were punished by flogging and con- 
 fiscation of all property. The use of bad language was 
 punished with eighty lashes for every insulting word used, 
 and seven days' imprisonment. The use of intoxicating 
 drinks, as marissa or date wine, and smoking were most 
 strictly prohibited. Offences of this description were punish- 
 able by flogging, eight days' imprisonment, and confiscation 
 of goods. A thief suffered the severance of his right hand, 
 and should he be convicted of a second offence, he lost his 
 left foot also. As it was the general custom amongst the 
 male population of the Sudan, and especially amongst the 
 nomad Arabs, to let their hair grow, the Mahdi had directed 
 that henceforth all heads should be shaved. Wailing for 
 the dead and feasts for the dead were punishable by de- 
 privation of property. 
 
 In order, however, that the strength of his army should 
 not be decreased and endangered by desertion, owing to the 
 severe mode of life he had prescribed, and fearful that his 
 doctrines, which were considered unorthodox, should be 
 made known in the various' foreign countries by which he 
 was surrounded, he practically made a cordon round the 
 -countries he had already conquered, and absolutely pro- 
 hibited passage of persons through these districts for the 
 purpose of performing a pilgrimage to Mecca. Should any-
 
 234 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 one cast the slightest doubt on the Divine nature of his 
 mission, or should there be the slightest hesitation to comply 
 with his orders, on the evidence of two witnesses, the delin- 
 quent was invariably punished by the loss of the right hand 
 and left foot. On some occasions, witnesses were dispensed 
 with — a revelation from the Prophet was even more effi- 
 cacious in proving the guilt of the offender. 
 
 As, however, most of the dispositions and ordinances 
 were entirely at variance with the Moslem law, he there- 
 fore issued the most strict injunctions that the study of 
 theology and all public commentaries thereon should cease, 
 and ordered, moreover, that any books or manuscripts deal- 
 ing with these subjects should be instantly burnt or thrown 
 into the river. 
 
 Such were the teachings of the expected Mahdi, and he 
 had left no stone unturned to carry into the fullest effect the 
 ordinances he had made. Openly, he showed himself a 
 most strict observer of his own teachings ; but, within their 
 houses, he, his Khalifas, and their relatives, entered into 
 the wildest excesses, drunkenness, riotous living, and 
 debauchery of every sort, and they satisfied to their fullest 
 extent the vicious passions which are so prevalent amongst 
 the Sudanese. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAHI. 
 
 Execution of Darho — Sieges of Sennar and Kassala — My Journey to 
 Abu Haraz — My Plans of Escape impracticable — The Khalifa 
 presents me with a Wife — Mutiny of Black Soldiers at El Obeid — 
 Death of the Emir Mahmud — Abu Anga seizes Khaled and throws 
 him into Chains — Campaign in the Nuba Mountains — Lupton in 
 Difficulties — He works in the Khartum Dockyard — Difficulties 
 begin with Abyssinia — Death of Klootz. 
 
 Little of importance had occurred in Darfur subsequent to 
 my departure. Khaled had firmly established the Mahdi's 
 rule throughout the province, and had sent emirs and forces
 
 EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAHI 235 
 
 in all directions to consolidate his position. My old officer, 
 Omar Wad Darho, showed himself a warm partisan of this 
 new regime ; but when news of the Mahdi's death reached 
 him, he made an ill-timed attempt to render himself inde- 
 pendent, and, in consequence, fell a victim to a stratagem, 
 carefully prepared by Khaled's orders, which resulted in his 
 being brought into El Fasher and beheaded. 
 
 Abu Anga was now in Kordofan. This province had 
 submitted entirely to the Mahdi, with the exception of the 
 southern mountainous regions, the inhabitants of which 
 were looked upon as slaves who had objected to pay 
 tribute, and who were consequently ordered to emigrate to 
 Omdurman. 
 
 As they had refused to comply with these demands, 
 Abu Anga had been despatched south, with injunctions not 
 only to enforce their subjection, but also to quarter his 
 enormous force of Jehadia on them, and to procure plenty 
 of slaves. After losing a considerable number of men and 
 a quantity of ammunition, he succeeded in carrying out 
 these orders to some extent ; but a large proportion of the 
 inhabitants still continued to defend themselves most 
 bravely in their mountain fastnesses, and remained inde- 
 pendent. Thus, with the exception of this small propor- 
 tion of the natives, the entire Western Sudan, from the 
 banks of the White Nile to the frontiers of Wadai, ac- 
 knowledged the sway of the Mahdi. 
 
 In the eastern districts, however, the Governors of Sennar 
 and Kassala continued to defend their posts, and the 
 Egyptian Government, learning the critical situation of the 
 garrisons in the Eastern Sudan, now appealed to King John 
 of Abyssinia to co-operate in relieving the posts of Gallabat, 
 Gira, Senhit, and Kassala, and bring their garrisons to 
 Massawa. The Governor of Kassala, however, declared 
 that, as the garrison of the town was composed for the 
 most part of local people, he could not induce them to leave 
 the country. The Mahdi now sent Idris Wad Abder 
 Rahim and El Hussein Wad Sahra with reinforcements
 
 236 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 to hasten the fall of the town. Meanwhile, King John 
 had succeeded in relieving the garrisons of Senhit, Gira, 
 and Gallabat, and relieving them to Massawa ; thus all 
 the Arab tribes lying within the Suakin-Berber-Kassa a 
 triangle became fanatical adherents of the Mahdi. Osman 
 Digna had already been appointed Emir of this district, 
 whilst Mohammed Kheir was ordered to proceed from 
 Berber with instructions to occupy Dongola with the 
 Jaalin and Barabra, after the retirement of the British 
 army. 
 
 Such was briefly the situation in the Sudan when Khalifa 
 Abdullahi became its ruler. It was not, therefore, without 
 reason that he summoned the western Arab tribes to unite 
 together, and seriously called their attention to the fact that 
 they were strangers and foreigners in the Nile valley. It 
 can be readily understood that the Aulad-Belad, or local 
 population, more especially the Barabra, Jaalin, and the 
 inhabitants of the Gezira, did not appreciate the advent of 
 the Khalifa and his western Arabs, from whom they entirely 
 differed in ideas and character. They saw with dread the 
 new ruler seizing the reins of government, and relying 
 entirely for the execution of his orders on his western 
 compatriots. 
 
 One of the Khalifa's first steps was to expel from his 
 position Ahmed Wad Suleiman, the Director of the 
 Beit el Mai, whom he detested, and appoint in his place 
 Ibrahim Wad Adlan, who was of the Kawahla tribe 
 located on the Blue Nile, but had spent many years of his 
 life as a merchant in Kordofan, and was in favour with the 
 Khalifa. 
 
 Adlan was now ordered to open ledgers showing the 
 revenue and expenditure, and to keep his books in such a 
 manner that at any moment, on the demand of the Khalifa, 
 he should be able to give an exact statement of the financial 
 situation. He also ordered him to keep a careful list of 
 those to whom money was issued, or who were in receipt of 
 pensions.
 
 EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAH1 237 
 
 Almost simultaneously with the death of the Mahdi came 
 the news of the failure of the attack on Sennar, and of the 
 repulse of Abdel Kerim. The Khalifa, therefore, at once 
 despatched Abderrahman en Nejumi to take supreme com- 
 mand, and in August, 1885, the garrison surrendered to that 
 redoubtable warrior. As usual, the fall of the town was 
 the signal for a series of brutal atrocities and cruelties. A 
 number of the inhabitants were sent to the Khalifa, amongst 
 them, all the good-looking young girls and the daughters of 
 the former Government officials, of whom the Khalifa kept 
 some for himself and distributed the remainder amongst his 
 Emirs. 
 
 And now the Khalifa began to steadily make himself 
 master of the situation. Realizing that in Abdel Kerim 
 he had a powerful rival, he summoned him to Omdurman 
 with his entire force, and then, by a carefully arranged 
 plan, in which he was aided and abetted by Khalifa Alt 
 Wad Helu, he succeeded in making both Abdel Kerim 
 and Khalifa Sherif hand over all their Black soldiers, 
 arms, and ammunition to his brother Yakub, thus crip- 
 pling their power and rendering them practically harm- 
 less. 
 
 Whilst all these important matters were transpiring in 
 the capital, the news arrived that Kassala had surrendered, 
 and that Osman Digna was fighting against the Abyssin- 
 ians under the leadership of Ras Alula. Although the 
 Abyssinians had been victorious, and had driven Digna 
 back to Kassala, they did not pursue him, but returned to 
 their own country. 
 
 Osman Digna now accused the former Governor, Ahmed 
 Bey EfFat, of having incited the Abyssinians to take up 
 arms against him, and of having been in communication 
 with them. There were no grounds for this suspicion, but, 
 nevertheless, he and six former officials of Kassala had their 
 hands tied behind their backs like criminals and were shot 
 dead. 
 
 Abdullahi fully realized that his action in regard to the
 
 238 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 other Khalifas would naturally rouse the ire of the Mahdi's 
 relatives, with whom he was already on bad terms ; but 
 this was a matter of little concern to him. He was deter- 
 mined, by all the means in his power, and, if necessary, by 
 recourse to violence, to enforce his commands, whatever 
 they might be. But, on the other hand, he did not wish to 
 entirely alienate public opinion, nor to give grounds to the 
 numerous Mahdists, who, owing to their love for the 
 Mahdi, entertained a certain affection for his relatives, for 
 bringing against him accusations of injustice or hostility ; 
 he therefore presented them with numbers of female slaves, 
 and to Khalifa Sherif he gave some very fine horses and 
 mules, and distributed quantities of slaves amongst his re- 
 tainers. He took great care to make these gifts widely 
 known, and the populace, in their turn, praised him for his 
 magnanimity, and went so far as to extol his justice and 
 liberality in songs. 
 
 It was clear to the Khalifa that to allow the outlying 
 provinces to be governed by the late Mahdi's special 
 adherents would jeopardize his position ; he therefore lost 
 no time in sending to Kordofan and Darfur his own 
 relatives to take over the government. At the request of 
 the Emir Yunes ed Dekkeim, I also was despatched with 
 the latter to Sennar, but before my departure the Khalifa 
 summoned me to his presence. ' I urge you,' said he, ' to 
 serve me faithfully ; I look upon you as my son, and my 
 heart is inclined toward you. God's holy word, the Kuran, 
 promises rewards to the faithful, but threatens the traitor 
 with the Divine wrath. Yunes is your well-wisher, and 
 will attend to what you may say to him. Should he 
 attempt to undertake anything which is not likely to lead to 
 his advantage, you should warn him, for he is your master ; 
 but I have told him that I look upon you as my son, and 
 he will take heed of what you say.' 
 
 * I will always endeavour,' said I, * to act in accord- 
 ance with your instructions ; but Yunes is my master, 
 and will naturally do what he thinks right. Do not there-
 
 EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAH I 239 
 
 fore attribute ill-will to me, and I beg you will not make 
 me responsible for anything which may happen contrary 
 to your wishes.' 
 
 * You are only in a position to offer an opinion,' said he, 
 
 * but you have no power to act. Should he pay heed to 
 you, well and good ; if not, it will be his own look-out if 
 matters go wrong.' 
 
 He then turned the conversation to affairs in Darfur and 
 other parts of the Sudan. 
 
 The conversation had already lasted some time, and I 
 was about to ask permission to retire, when he beckoned to 
 one of his eunuchs who was standing close by, and whis- 
 pered a few words in his ear. I knew my master well, and 
 had a foreboding of ill. 
 
 * I have already instructed you,' said he, ' to leave behind 
 all the members of your household ; for, having only just 
 arrived from a long journey, they must be fatigued, and I 
 do not wish to expose them further. Yunes will give you 
 a servant ; but I am giving you a wife, so that in case of 
 indisposition or illness you may have someone to attend on 
 you. She is pretty, and not plain, like the one Ahmed 
 Wad Suleiman sent you,' he said, with a smile. And now, 
 beckoning to the woman who had just entered to come 
 nearer, the latter approached and threw off her veil. I 
 glanced at her, and, in spite of her dark colour, she really 
 was very pretty. ' She was my wife,' added the Khalifa ; 
 
 * she is very good and patient ; but I have so many, I 
 therefore give her her freedom ; but you may now call her 
 your own.' 
 
 I was much embarrassed, and all the time had been 
 casting over in my mind how I could refuse this gift without 
 offending the giver. 
 
 * Sire, allow me to speak candidly,' said I. 
 
 4 Certainly,' said he ; ■ here you are at home. Speak !' 
 ' I am at home where I need fear nothing,' I began 
 hastily ; ' this woman was your wife, and has, in conse- 
 quence, a right to be treated with consideration for your
 
 240 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 sake ; this, of course, is an easy matter. But, sire, how 
 can I, your servant, take your own wife for myself? More- 
 over, you said yourself that you look upon me as your son.* 
 Having said this, I dropped my head, and fixed my eyes on 
 the ground, continuing, * I cannot accept this gift ' ; and 
 then I awaited his answer with anxiety. 
 
 ' Your words are good, and I pardon you,' said he, signing 
 to the woman, who was standing near us, to withdraw. 
 * Almas!' said he to the eunuch, 'bring my white jibba !' 
 And when the servant brought it he handed it to me, 
 saying, ' Take this jibba, which I have often worn myself, 
 and which was specially blessed by the Mahdi for me.* 
 Hundreds and thousands of people will envy you this; 
 guard it carefully, for it will bring you blessings.' 
 
 I was delighted with this present, and fervently kissed 
 his hand, which he extended to me ; but inwardly I re- 
 joiced to be rid of the woman, who would have been a 
 useless encumbrance to me, besides an additional expense ; 
 and I thought the jibba an excellent exchange. I then 
 begged leave to withdraw, and carried off with me my 
 valuable present. 
 
 Yunes had fixed his departure for that day ; but before 
 leaving I was summoned once more to the Khalifa, who, 
 in the presence of Yunes, again reminded me to be faithful 
 and submissive. 
 
 That evening we left Omdurman on board the steamer 
 Bordein, and on the third day we reached the banks of the 
 Blue Nile, and saw Sennar in the distance. 
 
 Just north of Wad el Abbas there is a strip of high sandy 
 ground, and this was selected as the position of the camp, 
 because the land in the vicinity is low-lying, and unfit for 
 habitation during the rainy season. All my thoughts were 
 now bent on flight ; but, as most of the people entirely 
 sympathized with the Khalifa's Government, it required the 
 greatest care on my part to select anyone in whom to place 
 
 * Unfortunately the jibba was too big and long for me, consequently 
 I was unable to wear it at the time of my escape.
 
 EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAHI 2 4 t 
 
 confidence. Very soon after our arrival at Wad el Abbas, 
 however, I received a letter from the Khalifa, which was to 
 the effect that news had reached him that my wife had 
 arrived at Korosko, and was making arrangements there for 
 my escape ; he urged me to put aside all such ideas and 
 cling to the Faith. Yunes also received a letter on the 
 same subject, and under the pretext of supplying the 
 Khalifa with information of affairs in Sennar, he ordered 
 me to return forthwith to Omdurman. So all my plans for 
 escape fell through, and a few days later found me once 
 more in the presence of my lord and master the Khalifa. 
 He at once began to talk of the letter which had come from 
 Berber. I assured him that if the letter had really come, 
 it must have been written with an intention to do me harm, 
 or that there was some mistake ; and, in proof of this, I 
 told him that I had never been married, and that in conse- 
 quence there could be no pining wife to come and look for 
 me. Should anyone, however, come to Omdurman and try 
 to induce me to fly, my first step would be at once to 
 inform the Khalifa. He assured me that he did not believe 
 the rumour, and then asked me if I preferred to stay with 
 him or return to Yunes. Guessing his intention, I told him 
 that nothing in the world would induce me to leave him 
 again, and that I considered the time spent with him as the 
 happiest in my life. Although pleased at my flattering 
 words, he took occasion to remind me, in a very serious 
 tone of voice, to be faithful and true, and to have nothing 
 whatever to do with people other than his own household ; 
 and he then ordered me to take my place as usual before 
 the gate. 
 
 On withdrawing from his presence, and thinking the 
 matter over, I had no doubt now that his suspicions against 
 me had not only taken root, but had begun to grow. 
 
 At this time the force in El Obeid included about two 
 hundred Blacks, mostly old soldiers, whose numbers had 
 been increased by the arrival of a portion of the former 
 garrison of Dara. Many of them were inhabitants of Jebel 
 
 16
 
 242 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Dair, who were in constant enmity with the Mahdists, and 
 who had been captured by them, and utilized as slaves to 
 build their huts. Indignant at this treatment, they resolved 
 to regain freedom by force. Fortunately for them the Emir 
 Sayed Mahmud was absent in Omdurman, and by a bold 
 stroke the mutineers succeeded in seizing the arsenal, where 
 they fully armed themselves, and, after a sharp struggle, 
 marched out of the town, whence they proceeded to the 
 Nuba mountains. On this news reaching Omdurman, 
 Mahmud hurried back, placed himself at the head of his 
 troops, and advanced against the rebels. His attempt to 
 storm their stronghold completely failed, and he and a large 
 number of his followers were killed. 
 
 Meanwhile the growing independence of Khaled in 
 Darfur did not escape the Khalifa. Well aware that, as a 
 member of the late Mahdi's family, he was in complete 
 sympathy with Khalifa Sherif, Abdullahi determined to 
 render him powerless, and under the pretext of bringing 
 about better relations between the Mahdi's family and him- 
 self, h 3 summoned Khaled to come with his whole force to 
 Omdurman ; but on the arrival of the latter at Bara, he 
 suddenly found himself surrounded by the powerful follow- 
 ing of the Emir Abu Anga, to whom the Khalifa had given 
 instructions to take over Khaled's force, incorporate it with 
 his own, and attack the rebels in the Nuba hills. Com- 
 pletely caught in this trap, Khaled had to submit, was 
 thrown into chains, and removed to Omdurman ; all his 
 property was confiscated, and for several months he 
 remained a close prisoner, but was eventually pardoned, 
 while his place as Governor of Darfur was taken by the 
 Khalifa's cousin, Osman Wad Adam. 
 
 Abu Anga's campaign against the mutineers proved 
 completely successful ; almost all the ringleaders were 
 killed, and numbers of the unfortunate Blacks who had 
 joined them were enslaved. 
 
 I ascertained from a merchant who had recently arrived 
 from Kordofan that my friend, Joseph Ohrwalder, had
 
 EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAH I 
 
 243 
 
 quitted El Obeid, and would shortly arrive in Omdurman. 
 Although I knew that I should have considerable difficulty 
 in meeting him, I rejoiced to think that one of my old 
 countrymen would be near me. I sat at my master's gate, 
 ready at all times to obey his orders. Occasionally I was 
 spoken to kindly, and commanded to dine with him ; at 
 other times, without rhyme or reason as far as I knew, I was 
 taken no notice of for days, receiving from my master only 
 the blackest and most disdainful looks ; but this was due to- 
 the extraordinary changeability of his character, and I knew 
 I must put up with it. I suppose this was part of my 
 education. To my comrades I showed myself absolutely 
 callous to everything that happened in the country, so that 
 they should have no reason to increase the distrust felt by 
 the Khalifa, who, I knew, frequently inquired as to my 
 conduct. As a matter of fact, however, I watched all the 
 occurrences as closely as my position would allow, and 
 endeavoured to impress them on my mind, for I was, of 
 course, prohibited from writing a single line. The Khalifa 
 contributed very little towards the support of my household,, 
 and only occasionally gave orders for me to be supplied with' 
 a few ardebs of dhurra, or a sheep, or a cow. 
 
 Ibrahim Adlan, whom I had known in the time of the 
 Government, used to send me monthly from ten to twenty 
 dollars, and a few of the officials and merchants who were 
 in better circumstances than myself used secretly to send me 
 small sums of money. Thus, though by no means well off, 
 I did not lack the absolute necessaries of life, and only occa- 
 sionally felt the actual pinch of want. Anyhow, I was better 
 off than my friend Lupton, whom the Khalifa had promised 
 to assist, but paid absolutely no attention to his wants. 
 Lupton, it is true, enjoyed a certain amount of freedom — he 
 was allowed to wander about in Omdurman, and to talk to 
 the people, nor was he obliged to attend the five prayers 
 daily at the mosque ; but, in spite of this, life to him was 
 full of trouble and sorrow. I begged Ibrahim Adlan to 
 interest himself in Lupton, and to give a kind thought to 
 
 16 — 2
 
 244 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 him occasionally by helping him with small sums of money, 
 but this was not sufficient to keep him, and, though ignorant 
 of any trade, he had perforce to earn a livelihood by mend- 
 ing old arms. Having been an officer in the English 
 merchant service, I thought he might know something 
 about machinery. Meeting him one day in the mosque, 
 he complained bitterly of his wretched position, and I 
 suggested to him that, if he could secure an appointment 
 in the Khartum dockyard, it might improve his condition. 
 He jumped at the idea, and I promised that I would do my 
 best to help him. 
 
 A few days later it happened that the Khalifa was in a 
 good temper, and showed a friendly disposition towards me, 
 as Abu Anga had sent him a present of a young horse, 
 some money, and some of Khaled's slaves. I was com- 
 manded to dine with him, and, in the course of conversa- 
 tion, succeeded in turning the subject to the steamers and 
 their machinery, which up to that day had been an absolute 
 mystery to him. ' The steamers,' said I, * require compe- 
 tent men to look after them and repair damages. As 
 most of the workmen in the dockyard were killed during 
 the siege of Khartum, I suppose you have had some diffi- 
 culty in replacing them ?' 
 
 'But what is to be done?' said the Khalifa. 'These 
 steamers are of the greatest value to me, and I must do all 
 I can to preserve them.' 
 
 ' Abdullahi Lupton,' said I, ' was formerly engineer on a 
 steamer. If he received a good monthly salary from the 
 Beit el Mai, I believe he would be really useful for this 
 work.' 
 
 ' Then will you speak to him ?' said he, apparently much 
 pleased. ' If he undertook this work of his own free will 
 and accord, without being forced into it, I believe he would 
 be of some use in these matters, of which, I admit, I know 
 absolutely nothing. I will order Ibrahim Adlan to pay him 
 well.' 
 
 « I do not even know his whereabouts,' said I. ' I have
 
 An Abyssinian Scout.
 
 EARLY RULE OF KHALIFA ABDULLAH! 245 
 
 not seen him for a long time, but I will make inquiries. I 
 feel confident that he will be only too glad to serve you.' 
 
 The following day I sent for Lupton, told him of the 
 conversation, but begged him to do as little as he possibly 
 could for our enemies. 
 
 He assured me that the steamers, of the machinery of 
 which he had only a superficial knowledge, would, under 
 his charge, grow worse instead of better, and that it was 
 only his unfortunate circumstances which obliged him to 
 accept the position. The Khalifa had also spoken to 
 Ibrahim Adlan, and that evening Lupton sent me word 
 that he was now appointed an employe in the arsenal, with 
 pay at the rate of forty dollars a month, which would be 
 just sufficient to save him from absolute want. 
 
 It was now rumoured in Omdurman that the Abyssinians 
 intended attacking Gallabat. It was said that a certain 
 Hajji Ali Wad Salem, of the Kawahla, who resided in 
 Gallabat, and who had formerly had some trading trans- 
 actions with the Abyssinians, was travelling in their 
 country, had been made an Emir of a portion of his tribe, 
 had invaded Abyssinian territory, and had destroyed the 
 church of Gabta. 
 
 A certain Takruri named Saleh Shanga, who had resided 
 at Gallabat, and had held a position of some importance 
 under Government, had quitted that town on its evacuation 
 by the Egyptian troops, and had settled down in Abyssinia ; 
 but his cousin, Ahmed Wad Arbab, had been made Dervish 
 Emir of the district. Ras Adal, Governor of the province 
 of Amhara, now called on Arbab to deliver up Hajji Ali, 
 who had been disturbing the peace ; and as this demand 
 was refused, he had collected a considerable force, and had 
 invaded Gallabat. Meanwhile, Arbab, who had received 
 warning of Ras Adal's approach, now collected his fol- 
 lowers, amounting to some six thousand men, and awaited 
 his arrival outside the town. The rush of the Abyssinian 
 force, which was ten times as strong as that of Arbab, was 
 terrible : in a few minutes the Mahdi's forces were com*
 
 246 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 pletely surrounded, Arbab himself killed, and almost all 
 his troops massacred, only a very few escaping. The Abys- 
 sinians mutilated the bodies of all except that of Arbab, 
 which, out of consideration for Saleh Shanga, was un- 
 touched. The Dervishes had stored their spare ammunition 
 in an isolated house, and had placed it in charge of an 
 Egyptian, who being called upon after the battle to 
 surrender, refused to do so ; and on the Abyssinians 
 attempting to storm it he blew it up, thus destroying 
 himself and his enemies. The wives and children of those 
 who had been killed were now carried off into captivity by 
 the Abyssinians. Gallabat itself was burnt to the ground, 
 and for a long time its site was little else than a great open 
 cemetery, the abode of nothing save hyenas. 
 
 When the news of the destruction of Wad Arbab's army 
 reached the Khalifa, he sent a letter to King John request- 
 ing him to release the captive wives and children in exchange 
 for a sum of money which he asked him to fix ; but at the 
 same time he ordered Yunes to quit Omdurman with his 
 entire force, and proceed to Gallabat, where he was to await 
 further orders. On the departure of the army of Yunes the 
 Khalifa himself, with a number of his followers, crossed to 
 the west in a steamer, and after staying with them three 
 days, he gave the warriors his parting blessing, and then 
 returned to Omdurman. 
 
 Some time since Gustav Klootz, who had failed to make 
 a living in Omdurman, had disappeared, and I thought he 
 must have escaped out of the country ; but I now learnt 
 from some merchants who had just arrived from Gedaref 
 that he had reached that place, but had succumbed to the 
 fatigues of the journey, and had died just before the 
 Abyssinian invasion.
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN 247 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN. 
 
 Madibbo's Quarrel with Karamalla — Execution of Madibbo — Capture 
 of Charles Neufeld — My Interview with him — Arrival of Abu 
 Anga's Army in Omdurman — Destruction of the Gehena Tribe — 
 Abu Anga's Campaign in Abyssinia — Sack of Gondar — Terrible 
 Fate of the Captives — Death of Sultan Yusef — Instances of the 
 Khalifa's Tyranny — Building of the Mahdi's Tomb — Letters from 
 Home — Death of my Mother — Death of Lupton. 
 
 The Emir Karamalla, who had succeeded Lupton as 
 Mahdist Governor of Bahr el Ghazal, eventually took up 
 his residence at Shakka, and was soon at loggerheads with 
 my old friend Sheikh Madibbo, who, subsequent to the fall 
 of the province, had ruled this district. A quarrel ensued, 
 and Madibbo, after making an ineffectual resistance, fled, 
 but was captured and sent to Abu Anga, who had an old 
 account to settle with him. When serving under Suleiman 
 Wad Zubeir he fell on one occasion into the hands of 
 Madibbo, who was very hostile to him, and forced him to 
 carry a huge box of ammunition on his head during several 
 days' march, and, when he complained about it, mercilessly 
 flogged and abused him. When Madibbo was brought 
 before Abu Anga, he had little hope of his life ; but he 
 determined to try and obtain justice, affirming that he had 
 not fought against the Mahdi, but had been forced to take 
 up arms by Karamalla. But of what use were all his 
 excuses and proofs of innocence, or his fidelity ? The only 
 answer he received from Abu Anga was, ' And yet I will 
 kill you.' Madibbo, now convinced of the uselessness of 
 his pleading, resigned himself to his fate, and, despairing of 
 his life, said, ■ It is not you who will kill me, but God. I 
 have not asked for mercy, but for justice ; however, a slave 
 like you can never become noble. The traces of the lashes 
 of my whip, which may still be seen on your back, were
 
 248 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 well deserved. In whatever form death may come upon 
 me, it will always find me calm and a man. I am Madibbo, 
 and the tribes know me.' Abu Anga ordered him to be 
 sent back to prison, but forbore to have him flogged, and 
 the following morning he had him executed in front of his 
 whole army. Madibbo was true to his word. Standing in 
 an open space with a chain round his neck, he sneered at 
 the soldiers who galloped up to him, shaking their lances 
 over his head. When told to kneel down to receive the 
 death-blow, he called on the people who stood round to 
 report faithfully after his death how he had borne himself ; 
 a moment afterwards all was over. Thus ended Madibbo, 
 one of the ablest Arab Sheikhs in the Sudan. 
 
 When his head was brought into Omdurman, there was 
 general mourning amongst the Rizighat Arabs, who had 
 years before quitted their country as pilgrims. Even the 
 Khalifa himself regretted his death ; but as the deed had 
 been done, he would not blame his greatest Emir. He 
 therefore concealed his indignation ; but to me he remarked 
 that had Abu Anga not killed him, Madibbo might have 
 done him many a valuable service. 
 
 Yunes was now apparently quite happy. He had gone 
 from Abu Haraz to Gedaref and Gallabat, where he had 
 settled down, and as his authority was an extended one, 
 and the people over whom he ruled were turbulent, he 
 asked the Khalifa's permission to undertake a campaign 
 against the Abyssinians, and Abdullahi, having received no 
 answer from King John to his peaceful letters, gave his 
 consent. His troops, under Arabi Dafalla, now attacked 
 the villages along the frontier and destroyed several of them, 
 killing the men and carrying off their wives and children as 
 captives. By the rapidity of their movements, committing 
 wholesale robberies one day, and making murderous raids 
 twenty miles distant the next, they had become a perfect 
 scourge to the Abyssinians ; but, in spite of all this, the 
 latter still continued their commercial relations with Yunes, 
 who, by his amicable treatment of them in Gallabat, had
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN 249 
 
 induced them to come in large numbers to sell the produce 
 of their country, such as coffee, honey, wax, tomatoes, 
 ostriches, etc., as well as horses, mules, and slaves. The 
 market-place lay just beyond the town, and when one day 
 an exceptionally large caravan of merchants, consisting of 
 Gebertas (Abyssinian Moslems) and Makada (Abyssinian 
 Christians) arrived at Gallabat, the rapacity of Yunes could 
 not be controlled, and, on the pretext that they had come 
 as spies of Ras Adal, he threw them into chains, and seized 
 all their goods. They were then sent under escort to 
 Omdurman, where the ignorant mob imagined them to be 
 the spoil of a great victory ; while the Khalifa, ever ready 
 to increase his and his people's prestige, publicly dubbed 
 Yunes ' Afrit el Mushrikin ' (The Devil of the Polytheists), 
 and ' Mismar ed Din ' (The Nail of the Faith). Yunes had 
 been careful to send him all the prettiest of the Abyssinian 
 girls taken in the various raids, as well as a number of horses 
 and mules ; thus, greedy of more victories, he decided to 
 unite the army of Yunes and Abu Anga, and attack King 
 John, who, by not answering his letters, had mortally 
 offended him. In the meantime Yunes was instructed to 
 remain strictly on the defensive. 
 
 Abu Anga now received instructions to despatch fifteen 
 hundred of his men, all armed with Remington rifles, to 
 Osman Wad Adam, who had been appointed Emir of 
 Kordofan and Darfur ; but he himself was ordered to come 
 to Omdurman with the remainder of his troops. 
 
 Some time previous to the events I have just described, 
 the powerful Kababish tribe, who inhabit the northern 
 portion of Kordofan as far as Dongola, had shown a dis- 
 position to resist the Khalifa's authority. An expedition had 
 in consequence been despatched against them which was 
 completely successful ; quantities of cattle and slaves were 
 taken, and the Kababish Sheikh Saleh, who had been of 
 considerable use to the British Expedition in 1884-85, was 
 driven to the distant wells of Om Badr, where, with only a 
 few followers, he remained in constant fear of attack ; he
 
 250 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 now despatched to Wadi Haifa fifty of his most faithful 
 slaves with letters begging the support of the Egyptian 
 Government, and the faithful Saleh's agent obtained two 
 hundred Remington rifles, forty boxes of ammunition, ^"200 
 in cash, and some beautifully embossed revolvers. 
 
 At this time there resided at Assuan a German merchant 
 named Charles Neufeld, who had previously made the ac- 
 quaintance of Dafalla Egail, a brother of Elias Pasha, who 
 had recently escaped from the Sudan. From him he learnt 
 that in Northern Kordofan there was a large quantity of 
 gum which the merchants had been unable to dispose of in 
 consequence of the rebellion, and which could easily be 
 brought to Wadi Haifa with the assistance of Sheikh Saleh. 
 Enticed by this pleasant prospect of making money, and 
 filled with a love of adventure, he resolved to join Saleh's 
 people in order to travel with them to their Sheikh. He 
 had apparently no difficulty in obtaining permission from the 
 Government to proceed on his journey, promising that he 
 would send detailed accounts of the situation in the Sudan ; 
 and early in April, 1887, ne ^ft Wadi Haifa with the 
 caravan. 
 
 Nejumi, who had full information of the departure of the 
 caravan, now had all the roads carefully watched ; and, to 
 add to their misfortunes, their guide lost his way, and the 
 caravan suffered considerably from thirst. When at length 
 they approached some wells near El Kab, they found them 
 in possession of a party of Dervishes who were on the look- 
 out for them. A fight ensued in which Saleh's people, ex- 
 hausted and thirsty, were utterly defeated ; most of them 
 were killed by rifle fire, and the remainder, Neufeld amongst 
 them, were captured. At the beginning of the action 
 Neufeld had seized a rifle, and, with his Abyssinian female 
 attendant, had taken up a position a short distance from the 
 caravan, and here on some rising ground he had determined 
 to sell his life dearly ; but he was not attacked. When the 
 fighting was over they offered him pardon, which he ac- 
 cepted, and was then taken off to Nejumi in Dongola. The
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN 251 
 
 latter had all the captives beheaded, with the exception of 
 Neufeld, who was spared in order that he might be sent to 
 Omdurman. I had heard privately that a European cap- 
 tive was about to arrive, and consequently I was not sur- 
 prised when, one day in May, 1887, 1 saw a crowd of people 
 approaching the Khalifa's house, and in their midst, under 
 escort, rode a European on a camel. It was generally 
 rumoured that he was the Pasha of Wadi Haifa. At that 
 period the buildings in Omdurman were not very far ad- 
 vanced, and between the wall of the Khalifa's house and 
 the wall of the mosque was a large rekuba built of straw, 
 which served as a house for the mulazemin ; and into this 
 Neufeld, after dismounting, was ushered. I held aloof, as 
 I well understood the nature of my master and his spies ; 
 and I pretended to be quite indifferent to what was going 
 on. The Khalifa, on Neufeld's arrival, had sent for the two 
 Khalifas and the Kadis, Taher el Magzub, the Emir Bekhit, 
 and Nur Angara, who had just arrived in Omdurman from 
 Kordofan, where he had been fighting under Abu Anga ; 
 Yakub had also been summoned. As they entered, I 
 whispered to Nur Angara, ' Do your utmost to save the 
 man.' To my delight the Khalifa now summoned me, and 
 ordered me to sit with his advisers. He informed us that 
 the man had been brought in as an English spy ; and he 
 instructed Sheikh el Taher Magzub to question him. I at 
 once asked to be allowed to speak to him in European 
 language, and the request being granted, I went with Taher 
 into the rekuba. 
 
 When my name was mentioned, Neufeld shook my hand 
 with great delight. I at once drew his attention to the fact 
 that he must address himself to Sheikh Taher, who was the 
 principal personage to judge him, and that he should behave 
 as submissively as possible. He spoke Arabic very well, 
 and his extreme readiness to talk made a bad impression on 
 those present, who ordered me to take him before the Khalifa, 
 their general opinion being, * He is a spy, and should be 
 killed.' Once in the presence of the Khalifa, the latter said
 
 252 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 to me, ' And what is your opinion V * All I know is,' P 
 replied, * that he is a German, and consequently belongs to 
 a nation which takes no interest in Egypt.' I could see the 
 Khalifa watching me very carefully as he handed me some 
 papers, and ordered me to look through them : they in- 
 cluded a list of medicines written in German, and a letter to 
 Neufeld in English, regarding news received in the Sudan ; 
 also a long letter from General Stephenson, in which he 
 was granted permission to proceed to the Sudan with the 
 caravan, and at the same time requested to give the fullest 
 accounts of the state of affairs in the country. I translated 
 this letter, but omitted the General's request for informa- 
 tion. ■ Sire,' I said, ■ this letter shows that he has asked 
 permission of the Government to make this journey, and 
 that he is a merchant, as he told Sheikh Taher.' Again the 
 Khalifa looked suspiciously at me, and then ordered us to 
 withdraw and await his further commands outside the house. 
 An immense crowd had by this time collected near the 
 rekuba to see the English Pasha ; and in a few moments 
 some of the Black mulazemin, whom the Khalifa had sum- 
 moned, came out, and having tied his wrists together, ordered 
 Neufeld to leave the rekuba. The Kadi, Nur Angara, and 
 I had climbed up on a heap of bricks, and from this posi- 
 tion could see exactly what was going on. Neufeld, who 
 evidently thought his last hour had come, raised his eyes to 
 heaven and knelt down, without having received any order 
 to do so, and was at once ordered to get up. Meanwhile, a 
 man arrived carrying an ombeya, and began to make its- 
 melancholy notes resound over Neufeld's head ; I was de- 
 lighted to see that this did not appear to disturb him in the 
 least. His poor servant, in her devotion to her master, now 
 rushed out of the rekuba, and begged to be killed with 
 him ; but she was at once driven back. The Kadi and I 
 quite realized that the Khalifa was playing with Neufeld,. 
 just as a cat plays with a mouse ; and as sentence had not 
 yet been given, I endeavoured to signal to him, but he did 
 not appear to quite understand me. In a few moments we-
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN 253 
 
 were again summoned before the Khalifa. ■ Then you 
 are for having the man killed ?' said the Khalifa to Sheikh 
 Taher, who replied in the affirmative. ■ And you ?' he said, 
 turning to Nur Angara, who, in a few brief words, recalled 
 Neufeld's bravery, and begged to have him pardoned. 
 
 * And now, Abdel Kader, what have you to say ?' he said, 
 turning to me. ■ Sire,' I replied, ■ the man deserves to be 
 killed, and any other ruler but yourself would have had him 
 killed ; but, of your magnanimity and mercy, you will spare 
 him ; for he says he has turned Mohammedan, and your 
 mercy will strengthen his faith.' Kadi Ahmed was also for 
 pardoning him ; and now the Khalifa, who, I saw from the 
 first moment, had no intention of killing Neufeld, ordered 
 his fetters to be removed, and that he should be taken back 
 to the rekuba; but that afternoon he said to the Kadi, 
 
 * Let him be shown to the crowd beneath the scaffold, and 
 then imprison him till further orders ; and as for you,* he 
 said, turning to me, ' you will have no more intercourse with 
 him.' We now all withdrew, but took occasion to tell 
 Neufeld that, although he had been pardoned, he was to be 
 shown to the populace that afternoon under the scaffold. 
 The Kadi carried out his instructions, and, to the delight of 
 the mob, Neufeld's head was placed in the noose by the 
 saier. 
 
 The following day the Khalifa summoned me before him, 
 and informed me that Nejumi had reported that Neufeld 
 had been induced by the Government to go and join Sheikh 
 Saleh el Kabbashi, and assist him in fighting the Mahdists. 
 I explained that this could not possibly be true, and that 
 Neufeld's papers were all in order. Moreover, I said that 
 the Government would never have taken upon itself to do 
 such a thing. For the time being, I think he credited my 
 explanation ; but he revenged himself by showing the most 
 marked mistrust and contempt for me for some time. 
 
 A few days afterwards the Khalifa held a great review, 
 and Neufeld, whose feet were in irons, was mounted on a 
 camel, and taken to see it. The Khalifa asked him what
 
 254 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 he thought of his troops, and he replied that, although they 
 were very numerous, they were not well trained, and that 
 the discipline in the Egyptian army was much better. The 
 Khalifa, who did not appreciate candid speaking, at once 
 had him sent back to prison, and, wishing to revenge him- 
 self on Sheikh Saleh for his want of loyalty, he again 
 despatched an expedition against him. This time the un- 
 fortunate Sheikh, deserted by most of his followers, was 
 surrounded at one of the desert wells and killed. Thus 
 ended the last of the Sheikhs faithful to Government. 
 
 Towards the end of June, Abu Anga, with a force of 
 nearly twenty thousand men, arrived at Omdurman, and, 
 after remaining some weeks, a portion of this army, under 
 the command of Zeki Tummal, was despatched against the 
 Gehena tribe, whose Sheikh, Abu Rof, had refused the 
 Khalifa's summons to come to Omdurman. In the fighting 
 which ensued, the principal chiefs fell, and the greater part 
 of the tribe was annihilated. The finest of the young 
 women and children captured were selected and sent as 
 presents to the Khalifa ; but the remainder were brought to 
 Omdurman, where they eked out a miserable existence by 
 becoming water-carriers, or makers of straw mats. Their 
 great herds of cattle went for almost nothing in the bazaars, 
 and the price of an ox or a camel, which formerly varied 
 between forty and sixty dollars, fell to two or three dollars. 
 
 After the destruction of this tribe, Abu Anga received 
 orders to proceed from Omdurman to Gallabat, and take 
 the command of the troops there. Collecting the forces 
 from the southern districts at Abu Haraz, he proceeded to 
 his destination, and on arrival at once set to work to organize 
 his army in order to revenge the defeat of Wad Arbab. 
 He had at his disposal the largest force which had ever 
 been collected by Khalifa Abdullahi ; according to the rolls 
 brought in, he had upwards of fifteen thousand rifles, forty- 
 five thousand spearmen, and eight hundred cavalry, and, 
 quitting Gallabat with this force, he marched through the 
 Mintik (pass) towards Ras Adal. Up to this day I have
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN 255 
 
 failed to understand why the Abyssinians did not attack 
 their enemy whilst crossing the narrow passes and deep 
 valleys, in which it would have been most difficult to use 
 firearms with effect ; if they had not succeeded in checking 
 the advance in this manner, they would have at least in- 
 flicted very heavy losses on the Dervishes. I can only 
 conceive that the Abyssinians made certain of their ultimate 
 success, and purposely enticed their enemies far into the 
 country with the object of cutting off their retreat, and 
 utterly annihilating them. Fighting began on the plain of 
 Debra Sin. Ras Adal had about two thousand rifles, and 
 had taken up a position threatening Abu Anga's left ; but 
 the latter had sufficient time to clear the hills, and arrange 
 his troops in battle array. Attacked over and over again 
 by the Abyssinians, the Dervishes drove them off with 
 frightful loss, and Abu Anga, taking the offensive, succeeded 
 in gaining a complete victory. So sure were the Abyssinians 
 of gaining the day that they had taken up a position in front 
 of a river, and now many of them, in their flight, were 
 drowned while attempting to cross it. For a short time, 
 the Abyssinian cavalry was to some extent successful ; but, 
 after suffering considerable loss, they fled with Ras Adal. 
 The entire Abyssinian camp, consisting of quantities of 
 tents, fell into the hands of Abu Anga, who captured Ras 
 Adal's wife and grown-up daughter, and in this victory 
 practically conquered the whole of the Amhara Province. 
 He advanced without delay on Gondar, where he expected 
 to find great treasures, but was disappointed ; for, with the 
 exception of some goods belonging to the Geberta, and 
 some large stores of coffee, honey, and wax, which were of 
 no value to him, as he had no means of transport, he got 
 practically nothing. In the large and lofty stone building, 
 said to have been erected by the Portuguese, they found 
 one poor old Coptic priest, who was thrown out of the 
 highest story into the street below. Staying here only one 
 day, Abu Anga ordered the town to be fired, and, on his 
 way back, attacked and looted villages right and left, killing
 
 256 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the men, and seizing the women and children as captives ; 
 the Geberta, and some little boys, alone were spared and 
 carried off as booty. In this manner thousands of Abyssinian 
 women and girls were driven in front of the army, urged on 
 by the lash. On arrival at Gallabat, a fifth of the loot was 
 sent to the Khalifa, and several hundred women were de- 
 spatched to the Beit el Mai in Omdurman, where they were 
 sold to the highest bidders. The road between Gallabat 
 and Abu Haraz was strewn with corpses, and amongst them 
 the daughter and young son of Ras Adal. 
 
 Abu Anga, in accordance with the Khalifa's instructions, 
 now began to put Gallabat into a state of defence ; for, in 
 spite of the success just gained, they knew that the 
 Abyssinians would seek revenge. But he did not long 
 survive his victory ; although only fifty-two years of age, 
 he suffered from constant illness, and was always trying to 
 cure himself. He had grown immensely stout, owing to 
 the good living in which he indulged, which contrasted 
 greatly with what he had been formerly accustomed to ; he 
 suffered much from indigestion, and used to treat himself 
 with a poisonous root which came from Dar Fertit. One 
 day, however, he took an overdose, and in the morning was 
 found dead in his bed. In him the Khalifa lost his best 
 Emir, who, though by descent a slave, had, through his 
 liberality and kindness, gained the affection of all who 
 knew him, as well as the esteem and regard of his subjects, 
 who admired his personal courage and sense of justice. 
 He was mourned by his entire force — by Arabs as well as 
 by Blacks — who recognised in him a strict though just 
 master, and one who, though he punished very severely any 
 offences against his orders, was ever ready to help those in 
 need. He was buried in his red-brick house, and many of 
 his servants and slaves worshipped him as a saint. 
 
 At the same time that Abu Anga had left Omdurman 
 for Gallabat, Osman Wad Adam had received instructions 
 to move with his whole force towards Darfur, as there was 
 some fear that Sultan Yusef, who had replaced Khaled on
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN 257 
 
 his departure, was hatching a mutiny ; for a long time he 
 had sent no consignment of horses and slaves to the 
 Khalifa, and was evidently beginning to feel himself suffi- 
 ciently powerful to overturn the authority of the latter. 
 
 A fight took place near Wad Berag, south of Fasher ; 
 and Osman gained an easy victory. Sultan Yusef fled, but 
 was overtaken at Kebkebia and killed, whilst Fasher, where 
 all his wives and relations had been collected, as well as a 
 quantity of goods belonging to Fezzan and Wadai mer- 
 chants, also numbers of women and children, fell into 
 Osman's hands. Thus Darfur, which had been practically 
 lost to the Mahdists, was re-taken by them in the same 
 month (January, 1888), just at the time that Abu Anga 
 had gained his great victory over the Abyssinians. 
 
 Whilst these momentous events were transpiring in the 
 east and west of the Sudan Empire, the Khalifa governed 
 the country at Omdurman in a most tyrannical and despotic 
 manner. He mistrusted everyone. Numbers of spies were 
 employed by his brother Yakub, and their duty was to tell 
 him of everything that went on in the city. He was kept 
 fully informed of the general temper of the people ; and 
 should any persons express doubt about the truth of the 
 Mahdi's Divine mission, they were punished with special 
 severity. It happened one day that a sailor used some 
 irreverent expression regarding Mahdism, and was reported 
 to the Khalifa. The plaintiff, who was a fanatical Baggari, 
 had, however, no witnesses, those who were present at the 
 time admitting to the Khalifa that they were too far off 
 to hear what passed ; but the latter determined to make 
 an example. He therefore summoned the Kadi, and ordered 
 him to force a confession out of the accused, at the same time 
 advising him how to set about it. Two persons were then 
 sent to the prisoner, to apprise him that witnesses had been 
 found ; but that if he made a confession of his own free will, 
 and admitted that he was sorry before the witnesses had 
 been questioned, the Khalifa would mitigate his sentence, 
 and would probably pardon him. The poor man failed to 
 
 17
 
 258 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 -see the trap that had been laid for him, made a confession, 
 and begged the Khalifa's pardon. The confession was taken 
 down in writing, and submitted to Abdullahi, who ordered 
 the sentence, which was execution, to be carried out in 
 accordance with the Mahdi's code. The Khalifa, in giving 
 sentence, said that had the insult been against his own 
 person he would have forgiven him ; but the prisoner 
 having sinned against the Mahdi, he would be committing 
 a crime if he mitigated it in the slightest degree. 
 
 That afternoon the Khalifa gave orders for the ombeya 
 to be sounded, while the dull beats of the great mansura 
 (war- drum) boomed through the city, and he himself rode 
 with an immense escort to the parade-ground. On his 
 arrival his sheepskin was spread on the ground, and on 
 this he sat, facing the east, whilst the Kadi and others 
 stood behind him in a semicircle. He then ordered the 
 accused to be brought before him. Already his hands had 
 been tied behind his back ; but he showed not the slightest 
 signs of fear. When within a hundred paces of the Khalifa 
 he was decapitated by Ahmed Dalia, the chief executioner. 
 
 In order to show his veneration for the Mahdi, the 
 Khalifa decided to erect a monument to him, as is the 
 custom in Egypt ; but this he did rather to satisfy his own 
 vanity than out of respect for his late master. A square 
 building was erected, some thirty feet high, and thirty-six 
 feet each way, and the stone for this construction, of which 
 the walls were upwards of six feet thick, had to be brought 
 all the way from Khartum. Above this a hexagonal wall 
 fifteen feet high was built, from which rose a dome forty 
 feet high. On the corners of the main building were four 
 smaller domes. This was called Kubbet el Mahdi (Mahdi's 
 dome). It was furnished with ten large arched windows 
 and two doors, and in the hexagonal portion were six sky- 
 lights. It was whitewashed all over, and surrounded by a 
 trelliswork fence ; the windows and doors were made by 
 the workmen in the Khartum arsenal ; while directly 
 ieneath the dome, and over the Mahdi's grave, a wooden
 
 The Mahdis Tomb.
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN 259 
 
 sarcophagus was erected, covered with black cloth. On the 
 sides of the walls condelabra were hung, while suspended 
 by a long chain from the centre of the dome was an 
 immense chandelier taken from the Government palace in 
 Khartum. The sombre appearance of the inside of the 
 building was relieved by some gaudy painting on the walls. 
 A few yards from the building is a small cistern, built of 
 red bricks cemented together ; and this is used by the 
 visitors for their religious ablutions. The plans for this 
 building were devised by an old Government official who 
 had been formerly employed as an architect ; but, of 
 course, public opinion dutifully attributed the design to the 
 Khalifa. 
 
 The ceremony of laying the foundation-stone of this build- 
 ing was conducted with great unction by the Khalifa, who 
 ' turned the first sod.' Accompanied by a crowd of upwards 
 of thirty thousand people, he proceeded to the river bank, 
 where the stones were heaped up, and lifting one of them 
 ■on his shoulder, carried it to the spot, his example being 
 followed by every individual person in this vast assemblage ; 
 the noise and confusion were perfectly indescribable. 
 Numbers of accidents happened ; but those injured thought 
 it fortunate to suffer on such an occasion. The building 
 was not completed till the following year, and entailed a 
 •considerable amount of labour, though little expense ; and 
 during its construction the Khalifa frequently asserted that 
 angels lent their assistance. An Egyptian hearing this, 
 and aware that many of his compatriots were masons, was 
 •constrained to remark to them, ■ You are probably the 
 Khalifa's angels, and require neither food, drink, nor pay- 
 ment.' Had the Khalifa heard this, he would undoubtedly 
 have removed this wag's head. 
 
 As usual, I was always in close attendance on the Khalifa, 
 and as a token of his goodwill he presented me with one of 
 the Abyssinian girls sent by Abu Anga. Her mother and 
 brother had been killed before her eyes, and the poor creature 
 had been torn from their bodies and driven into captivity at 
 
 17—2
 
 260 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the end of the lash. Although not treated as a slave by 
 my people, who did all they could to lighten her sad lot, she 
 never seemed bright or happy ; she continually brooded 
 over her losses and her home, until at length death released 
 her from her sufferings. Occasionally Father Ohrwalder 
 used to visit me secretly, but as the Khalifa did not approve 
 of our meeting, his visits were few and far between. We 
 used to talk of our home, and of our present wretched exist- 
 ence ; but we never lost hope that, sooner or later, our 
 captivity would come to an end. 
 
 Abu Girga, who commanded at Kassala, was now ordered 
 to proceed to Osman Digna, and assist him in his fighting. 
 Leaving Ahmed Wad Ali as his representative at Kassala, 
 he was summoned to Omdurman to report to the Khalifa 
 on the state of the Arab tribes in the Eastern Soudan. He 
 arrived late one evening, and was at once received in long 
 private audience by the Khalifa ; and, on withdrawing, 
 hurriedly told me that he had given him a letter from my 
 family in Europe. A few minutes later I was called in, and 
 informed that the Governor of Suakin had sent a letter to 
 Osman Digna, which was supposed to be from my family,, 
 and which he had sent on. In handing me this letter the 
 Khalifa ordered me to open it at once, and acquaint him 
 with its contents. I glanced through it hurriedly, and, to 
 my intense grief and sorrow, saw that it was an announce- 
 ment from my brothers and sisters that my poor mother had 
 died, and that on her death-bed she had expressed an earnest 
 hope that we should all be reunited. The Khalifa, im- 
 patient that I took so long to read it, again asked me who 
 had written it, and what were its contents. * It is from my 
 brothers and sisters,' I replied, ■ and I will translate it to- 
 you.' I had no reason to conceal its contents; it was 
 merely a few lines from distressed brothers and sisters to 
 their distant brother. I told him how disturbed they were 
 about me, and how they were ready to make any sacrifice in 
 order that I should regain my liberty. When I came to the 
 part about my mother, it required all my self-control ; I told
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN 261 
 
 him that, owing to my absence, her death was not so peace- 
 ful as it might have been, and that during her long illness 
 her constant prayer to God had been that she might see me 
 again. Her prayer, alas ! had not been answered ; and now 
 this letter had brought me her last greeting, and her tender 
 hopes for my welfare. My throat felt parched and dry, and 
 had not the Khalifa suddenly interrupted me, I must have 
 broken down. ■ Your mother was not aware that I honour 
 you more than anyone else,' said he, * otherwise she cer- 
 tainly would not have been in such trouble about you ; but 
 I forbid you to mourn for her. She died as a Christian and an 
 unbeliever in the Prophet and the Mahdi, and cannot there- 
 fore expect God's mercy.' The blood rushed to my head, 
 and for a moment I could say nothing ; but gradually re- 
 gaining my self-control I continued to read on that my 
 brother Henry was now married, and that Adolf and my 
 sisters were quite well. Finally, they begged me to let them 
 know how I could obtain my liberty, and urged me to write 
 to them. ■ Write and tell one at least of your brothers to 
 come here,' said the Khalifa, when I had finished the letter. 
 ' I w r ould honour him, and he should want for nothing ; but 
 I will talk to you about this another time.' He then signed 
 to me with his hand, and I withdrew. 
 
 My comrades, who had already heard that a letter had 
 arrived for me, w T ere very inquisitive, and asked me all 
 manner of questions, but I answered them only briefly, and 
 as soon as the Khalifa had retired to rest I went home. I 
 flung myself down on my angareb, and my servants, much 
 concerned, asked me what was the matter, but I told them 
 to leave me. * Poor mother, then it was I who made your 
 last hours so unhappy !' My brothers and sisters had written 
 her last words : ■ I am ready to die ; but I should have loved 
 to see and embrace my Rudolf once more. The thought 
 that he is in the hands of his enemies makes my departure 
 from this world very difficult for me.' How well I remem- 
 bered her words when I left for the Sudan : * My son, my 
 Rudolf, your restless spirit drives you out into the world 1
 
 262 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 You are going to distant and almost unknown lands. A 
 time, perhaps, will come when you will long for us, and a 
 quiet life.' How true had been her words — poor mother I 
 How much trouble I must have given her ! And then I 
 cried and cried — not about my position, but for my dear 
 mother, who could never be replaced. 
 
 The next morning the Khalifa sent for me, and again 
 made me translate the letter to him ; and he ordered me to- 
 reply at once that I was perfectly happy in my present posi- 
 tion. I did as I was told, and wrote a letter praising the 
 Khalifa, and saying how happy I was to be near him ; but 
 I put inverted commas against many words and sentences,, 
 and points of exclamation, and wrote at the bottom of the 
 letter that all words and sentences thus marked should be 
 read in exactly the opposite sense. At the same time, I 
 asked my brothers and sisters to write a letter of thanks to 
 the Khalifa in Arabic, and to send him a travelling bag, and 
 to me two hundred pounds, and twelve common watches, 
 suitable for presents, as on certain seasons of the year the 
 Emirs attended the feasts in Omdurman, and would greatly 
 appreciate them. I also asked them to send me a transla- 
 tion of the Kuran in German, and advised them not to worry 
 for the present, but that I hoped to find some means of 
 being reunited to them. I told them to send the things, 
 through the Austrian Consul-General in Cairo, to the 
 Governor of Suakin, by whom they would be forwarded to 
 Osman Digna. I handed this letter to the Khalifa, who 
 gave it to some postmen who were going to Osman Digna 
 with instructions to send it to Suakin. 
 
 About a month before I received the sad news of my 
 mother's death, I had to deplore the loss of one of my 
 comrades in captivity, Lupton. He had been working in 
 the dockyard at Khartum until recently ; but the feeble 
 state of his health had obliged him to ask to be relieved 
 from this position. He had then returned to Omdurman,. 
 and had suffered great want ; but, to his relief, Saleh Wad 
 Haj Ali, with whom he was on very friendly terms, returned
 
 EVENTS IN VARIOUS PARTS OF THE SUDAN 263 
 
 from Cairo, and brought him some money which he had 
 received from Lupton's family. Haj Ali naturally tried to 
 make as much money out of the transaction as he could. 
 He had advanced a sum of a hundred dollars to Lupton as 
 a loan, receiving from him, in return, a bill on his brother 
 for two hundred pounds, which had been cashed on his 
 arrival in Cairo ; and, returning again to Omdurman, had 
 paid Lupton two hundred dollars, keeping the remainder, 
 about eight hundred dollars, for himself. In spite of this 
 robbery, this small sum delighted poor Lupton, and helped 
 him, for a short period, to stave off the miseries of living 
 like a beggar. He also rejoiced that a medium of com- 
 munication had been found with his relatives, whereby he 
 eventually hoped to regain his freedom. These hopes, alas ! 
 were not to be realized. 
 
 He had come home one Tuesday morning from the 
 mosque with me, and was consulting me as to whom he 
 should trust with the remainder of his two hundred dollars, 
 so as to obtain small sums when he required them, as it 
 was necessary for him to be most careful not to attract 
 attention to himself by spending large sums, and thus en- 
 danger his communication with Egypt. We talked of home 
 and of our present situation, and he seemed more cheerful 
 than usual, but complained of pains in his back, and of a 
 general feeling of indisposition. I left him about mid-day, 
 and on the following Tuesday he sent his servant to me, 
 begging me to go and see him, as he felt very ill. In reply 
 to my question, the man told me that his master was in a 
 high fever, and had been in bed for three days. I promised 
 to come as quickly as possible, and that evening asked the 
 Khalifa's permission to go and see him. The next morning, 
 having obtained leave to spend that day with the invalid, I 
 at once went to his house, and found him in a dying con- 
 dition. He was suffering from typhus fever, and already 
 the illness had reached such a stage that he scarcely recog- 
 nised me, and, in a few broken words, begged me to take 
 care of his daughter. He then said something about his
 
 264 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 father and mother ; but he was almost incoherent, and at 
 times became quite unconscious. I understood, however, 
 that he was begging me to be the bearer of his dying 
 messages, should I ever succeed in escaping. On Wednes- 
 day, the 8th May, 1888, he passed away at mid-day without 
 having recovered consciousness. We washed him, wrapped 
 him in a shroud, and, according to the usual custom, carried 
 him to the mosque, where the prayers for the dead were 
 recited, and then we buried him in a cemetery near the Beit 
 el Mai. Father Ohrwalder, the majority of the Greek colony, 
 and a number of natives who had learnt to love and respect 
 his noble and unassuming character, were present. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN. 
 
 Battle of Gallabat — Death of King John — The Revolt of Abu Gemmaiza 
 — Defeats of the Mahdists — Death of Abu Gemmaiza — Preparations 
 for the Invasion of Egypt — Execution of Sixty-seven Batahin Arabs 
 — More Letters from Home — My Family send the Khalifa a Dress- 
 ing-bag from Vienna — Immigration of the Taaisha Tribe — They 
 settle in the Nile Valley — Nejumi advances into Egypt — Battle of 
 Toski — Incidents during the great Famine — The Fall of Ibrahim 
 Adlan — His Execution — The Khalifa mistrusts me — I fall into 
 serious Danger — I become the unwilling Recipient of the Khalifa's 
 Favours. 
 
 It was not, however, to be supposed that the Mahdist 
 victories in the east and west would remain entirely un- 
 disputed. King John, who had been carrying on a war in 
 the interior, now determined to avenge the attack on Gondar, 
 and, collecting an immense army, he advanced towards 
 Gallabat. A fierce conflict ensued between the Abyssinian 
 and Dervish hosts, in which the latter were worsted ; but, 
 in the moment of victory, a stray bullet mortally wounded 
 King John, and this event turned victory into defeat. The 
 Abyssinian army, retiring in disorder, were followed up by
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 265 
 
 Zeki Tummal, who succeeded in capturing the King's body, 
 his crown, and baggage. 
 
 Abyssinia now fell into a state of internecine warfare ; 
 there were several aspirants for the throne, and dissensions 
 and quarrels put a stop to combined action. The Italians 
 had been in occupation of Massawa since the beginning of 
 1885, and had seized some of the adjacent country. This 
 fact reacted satisfactorily on the Dervish occupation of 
 Gallabat ; for they were well aware that the Abyssinians 
 would be fully occupied with their European enemies, and 
 once more they began raiding the Amhara frontier. 
 
 Whilst the garrison of Gallabat was in danger of destruc- 
 tion at the hands of King John, Osman Wad Adam was in 
 considerable peril in the west. On the death of Sultan 
 Yusef, his troops raided the country in all directions, and 
 his Emirs were guilty of the greatest oppression and cruelty. 
 Thousands of women and children were declared to be 
 ghanima (booty), and dragged to Fasher by main force. 
 The people were in despair, and the distress and anguish 
 extended to the limits of Dar Tama. Here a youth resided 
 who hailed from Omdurman, and probably belonged to one 
 of the riverian tribes, but had been driven from his own 
 home, and, under the shade of a wide- spreading Gemmaiza 
 (wild fig) tree, sat and read the Kuran. In despair the 
 WTetched, oppressed people turned to this youth, whom 
 they credited with supernatural powers, and dubbed ' Abu 
 Gemmaiza ' ; placing himself at their head, he fell upon a 
 small party of Dervishes and annihilated them. This success 
 led to others, and soon a victorious army of Darfurians were 
 marching against El Fasher ; but an untoward event now 
 occurred — Abu Gemmaiza was taken suddenly ill, and, 
 deprived of their chief, the rebels were completely over- 
 thrown by Osman Wad Adam within a few miles of the 
 town. This disaster resulted in Abdullahi's rule being 
 established more firmly than ever in the western provinces 
 of the Sudan. 
 
 Previous, however, to these occurrences, the Khalifa had
 
 266 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 again directed his attention towards Egypt. He had ques* 
 tioned several persons regarding the country, and they had 
 excited in him an avaricious longing for the grand palaces, 
 large gardens, and immense harems of white women (he 
 himself had black in abundance). Of course, the most 
 suitable man to undertake operations against Egypt was 
 Nejumi. He was an exceptionally brave man, and, when 
 a simple merchant, had travelled a great deal, knew the 
 country well, and, moreover, was an ardent devotee to the 
 cause of Mahdism, to which he had won over great numbers. 
 The greater part of his force consisted of tribesmen of the 
 Nile Valley ; many had seen Egypt, and had until recently 
 much intercourse with the frontier tribes of Upper Egypt. 
 Such were the outward and visible reasons which the Khalifa 
 brought forward when selecting the chief; but, in reality, 
 he was well aware that a campaign against Egypt was a 
 serious undertaking, and on this account he was anxious 
 not to involve in it his own relatives, and the western tribes 
 who were his special adherents. Nejumi therefore, with 
 his Jaalin and Danagla, and a proportion of Baggaras, 
 formed the expedition ; but the two former, being followers 
 of the Khalifa Sherif, Abdullahi always looked upon as his 
 secret enemies. Should the campaign be successful — and 
 he never for a moment doubted the capacity and devotion 
 of its leader — then so much the better : he would have 
 conquered a new country ; but should the Egyptian troops 
 succeed in repelling the invasion, then the remnant of his 
 defeated forces would retire on Dongola with heavy loss, 
 and would be so far weakened as to be unworthy of further 
 consideration. 
 
 The circumstances connected with the death of Nejumi, 
 and the annihilation of his force at the hands of the Anglo- 
 Egyptian troops at Toski on 3rd August, 1889, are to ° well 
 known to need repetition here ; but, in connection with the 
 collection of men to accompany this expedition, I must 
 mention an act of brutality on the Khalifa's part which 
 surpassed anything I had hitherto witnessed. The Batahin
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 267 
 
 tribe had hesitated to obey the summons to come to Omdur- 
 man, and in consequence a raid was made upon them, and 
 upwards of sixty-seven men with their families were brought 
 in as prisoners. This tribe was celebrated for its bravery 
 during the Government days, and now the Khalifa, who 
 had already privately given his views on the matter to the 
 judges, ordered them to be summoned before the Court. It 
 was unanimously decided that the Batahin were mukhalefin 
 (disobedient). * And what is the punishment for dis- 
 obedience ?' asked the Khalifa. ■ Death,' was the reply of 
 the judges. They were sent back to prison, and the Khalifa 
 busied himself with carrying the sentence into execution. 
 In accordance with his orders, three scaffolds were imme- 
 diately erected in the market-place, and, after mid-day 
 prayers, the ombeya was sounded, and the great war-drum 
 was beaten, summoning all the Khalifa's subjects to follow 
 him. Riding to the parade-ground, he dismounted, and 
 seated himself on a small angareb, whilst his followers 
 collected around him, some sitting and some standing. The 
 sixty-seven Batahin were now brought before him, with 
 their hands tied behind their backs, escorted by Abdel Baki's 
 men, whilst their unfortunate wives and children ran after 
 them, crying and screaming. The Khalifa gave instructions 
 that the women and children were to be separated from the 
 men, and, summoning Ahmed ed Dalia, Taher Wad el Jaali, 
 and Hassan Wad Khabir, consulted them in an undertone ; 
 the latter then went forward to the Batahin, and instructed 
 the escort and prisoners to follow them to the market-place. 
 After a delay of a quarter of an hour, the Khalifa got up, 
 and we all walked on behind him. Arrived at the market- 
 place, a terrible scene awaited us. 
 
 The unfortunate Batahin had been divided into three 
 parties, one of which had been hanged, a second had been 
 decapitated, and a third had lost their right hands and left 
 feet. The Khalifa himself stopped in front of the three 
 scaffolds, which were almost broken by the weights of the 
 bodies, whilst close at hand lay a heap of mutilated people,
 
 268 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 their hands and feet lying scattered on the ground ; it was 
 a shocking spectacle. They did not utter a sound, but 
 gazed in front of them, and tried to hide from the eyes of 
 the crowd the terrible sufferings they were enduring. The 
 Khalifa now summoned Osman Wad Ahmed, one of the 
 Kadis, who was an intimate friend of Khalifa Ali, and a 
 member of the Batahin tribe, and, pointing to the mutilated 
 bodies, he said to Osman, * You may now take what re- 
 mains of your tribe home with you.' The poor man was 
 too shocked and horrified to be able to answer. 
 
 After riding round the scaffolds, the Khalifa proceeded 
 along the street leading to the mosque, and here Ahmed ed 
 Dalia had been continuing his bloody work ; twenty-three 
 decapitated bodies lay stretched along the roadside. These 
 unfortunates had calmly met their death, submitting to the 
 inevitable. Several of them, as is the custom amongst the 
 Arabs, had given proof of their courage by uttering a few 
 sentences, such as, * Death is ordained for everyone ' ; ' See ! 
 to-day is my holy day ' ; • He who has not seen a brave 
 man die, let him come and look here.' Each one of these 
 sixty -seven men had met his death heroically. The 
 Khalifa's work was done; he was satisfied with it, and 
 rode home. On his arrival there, by way of an act of 
 clemency, he sent one of his orderlies with instructions that 
 the women and children of the murdered men should be 
 set free; he might just as well have distributed them as 
 slaves. 
 
 In spite of all these horrors, I was secretly rejoicing, for 
 I had heard that letters from home were on their way ; not 
 only were there letters, but I had also been told, confiden- 
 tially, by some merchants who had come from Berber, that 
 there were two boxes of money for me. I scarcely dared 
 think about it, and to wait patiently was no easy matter. 
 One morning whilst I was sitting at the door, a camel laden 
 with two boxes was brought up, and the man asked to be 
 taken before the Khalifa, saying that he had arrived with 
 letters and goods from Osman Digna. The Khalifa, being
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 269 
 
 apprised of this, ordered the boxes to be sent to the Beit el 
 Mai, and the letters to be given to his clerks. I was wild 
 with impatience ; but it was the Khalifa's pleasure not to 
 summon me till after sunset, and then he handed me the 
 letters. They were, as I expected, from my brothers and 
 sisters, expressing their great delight at having at last 
 received news direct from me. One letter was written in 
 Arabic, and addressed to the Khalifa, and contained profuse 
 thanks to him for his kindness to me, recommending me to 
 him for further assurances of his goodwill, for which they 
 sent many expressions of gratitude. This letter, which had 
 been written by Professor Wahrmund, was composed in 
 such flattering terms that the Khalifa had it read aloud the 
 same evening in the mosque, and so gratified was he that 
 he ordered the boxes to be made over to me. Meanwhile 
 I translated to him my letters, which contained only private 
 and personal information, and in which my brothers and 
 sisters told me they had sent a travelling-bag for the 
 Khalifa in token of their devotion to him, begging him to 
 accept this trifling present, which was quite unworthy of 
 his exalted position. He expressed his readiness to accept 
 it, and ordered me to bring it to him the next morning. 
 He then sent two of his people, so that the boxes might be 
 opened in their presence, and late that night we went to 
 the Beit el Mai, and there opened them. They contained 
 £"200, twelve ordinary watches, some razors and looking- 
 glasses, some newspapers, a German translation of the 
 Kuran, and the Khalifa's present. These things were all 
 handed over to me, and, having read my letters once 
 again, I literally devoured the newspapers. News from 
 home! 
 
 There were only a few numbers of the Neite Freie Pvesse> 
 but quite sufficient to afford me, who had had no news for 
 six years, the pleasure of reading at night-time for months. 
 I gradually got to know them by heart, from the political 
 leader down to the last advertisement, in which an elderly 
 maiden lady advertised that she was anxious to find a
 
 270 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 kindred spirit with a view to matrimony. Father Ohrwalder 
 came to me secretly by night to borrow the papers, and 
 studied them just as conscientiously as I did, only I do not 
 suppose that he paid quite so much attention to the last 
 advertisement ! 
 
 Early the next morning, taking the present with me, I 
 went to the Khalifa ; he told me to open it, and when he 
 saw all the little crystal boxes, silver-topped bottles, brushes, 
 razors, scissors, etc., etc., he was greatly surprised. I had 
 to explain to him their various uses, and he then sent for 
 the Kadis, who, in duty bound, were obliged to express 
 even greater astonishment than he, though I had no doubt 
 that several of them had seen such things before. Then, 
 without any further delay, he sent for his clerk, and ordered 
 him to write a letter to my brothers and sisters, in which 
 he himself informed them of the honourable position I held 
 in his service ; he invited them to come to Omdurman and 
 visit me, and gave them the assurance that they would be 
 free to return. He also ordered me to write in the same 
 strain, and, although I knew perfectly well that my people 
 w r ould never avail themselves of such an invitation, which 
 was merely a spontaneous outburst of delight, I took 
 good care to warn them fully against thinking of it for an 
 instant. The letters were then returned by the man who 
 had been sent by Osman Digna, and the latter was in- 
 structed by letter to forward them. The real reason, 
 however, for the Khalifa's good-humour lay in the fact that 
 his own tribe, the Taaisha, had arrived in Omdurman. 
 They had marched through Kordofan to the White Nile at 
 Tura el Hadra. The Khalifa had written to them that they 
 should come to take possession of the countries which the 
 Lord their God had ordained to be theirs, and on their 
 arrival they certainly behaved as if they were sole masters. 
 They appropriated everything they could lay their hands 
 on : camels, cows, and donkeys were forcibly carried off 
 from their owners; men and women who had the mis- 
 fortune to cross their path were robbed of their clothing
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 271 
 
 and jewellery ; and the populations of the countries through 
 which they passed bitterly rued the day which had made 
 a western Arab their ruler. For their convenience, the 
 Khalifa erected immense grain depots all along the roads 
 by which they travelled, and on their arrival at the river, 
 ships and steamers were ready to transport them to 
 Omdurman. But before they reached the city, the Khalifa 
 ordered them to halt on the right bank of the river, and, 
 dividing them into two sections, he had all the men and 
 women freshly clothed at the expense of the Beit el Mai ; 
 and they then were brought in detachments, at intervals of 
 two or three days, to Omdurman. In order to make the 
 populace thoroughly understand that the new masters of 
 the country had arrived, Abdullahi drove out of their 
 houses all the inhabitants of that portion of the city lying 
 between the mosque and Omdurman Fort, and handed it 
 over to the Taaisha as their residence. Other ground was 
 allotted to those who had been forced to give up their 
 houses, and they were promised assistance from the Beit el 
 Mai in order to rebuild ; but, of course, this was mere 
 empty form, and resulted in their having to shift entirely 
 for themselves. 
 
 In order to facilitate the maintenance of his tribe, and as 
 grain began to rise in price, the Khalifa issued an order for 
 all grain stored in the houses to be taken to the meshra el 
 minarata (grain docks), under pain of confiscation ; and, 
 having obtained the services of some of his own myrmidons, 
 he ordered them to sell this grain at the lowest possible 
 rate to the Taaisha ; and the money thus obtained he 
 divided amongst the original owners, who, in their turn, 
 were obliged to re-purchase at the high rates from other 
 sources. This wholesale robbery can be better understood 
 when I explain that the money paid by the Taaisha for ten 
 ardebs of grain would scarcely pay for two ardebs purchased 
 in the ordinary manner. 
 
 When the supply of grain at Omdurman was diminishing, 
 he despatched messengers to the Gezira to confiscate what
 
 27* FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 was still there ; and in this manner, by publicly showing 
 his preference for his own tribe, he completely estranged 
 himself from his former followers. This, however, was a 
 matter of little concern to him, as, by the advent of the 
 Taaisha Arabs, he had acquired a reinforcement of several 
 thousands of warriors. 
 
 But now famine fell on the land. There had been no 
 rain, and Berber was the first province to feel this. The 
 irrigation of this province is carried on by water-wheels at 
 intervals along the river banks ; and even in prosperous 
 times the supply of grain is scarcely sufficient to meet the 
 wants of the local inhabitants ; several of them wandered 
 to Omdurman, which was already over-populated ; and 
 here the situation became most critical : the price of grain 
 rose at first to forty dollars, and subsequently to sixty 
 dollars, the ardeb. The rich could purchase grain ; but 
 the poor died wholesale. Those were terrible months at 
 the close of 1889 ; the people had become so thin that they 
 scarcely resembled human beings — they were veritably but 
 skin and bone. These poor wretches would eat anything, 
 no matter how disgusting — skins of animals which had long 
 since dried and become decayed were roasted and eaten ; 
 the strips of leather which form the angareb (native bed- 
 stead) were cut off, boiled, and made into soup. Those 
 who had any strength left went out and robbed ; like hawks 
 they pounced down on the bakers and butchers, and cared 
 nothing for the blows of the kurbash which invariably fell 
 on their attenuated backs. 
 
 On one occasion I remember seeing a man who had seized 
 a piece of tallow, and had crammed it into his mouth before 
 its owner could stop him. The latter jumped at his throat, 
 closed his hands round it, and pressed it till the man's eyes 
 protruded ; but he kept his mouth tightly closed until he 
 fell down insensible. In the market-places the incessant 
 cry was heard of * Gayekum ! Gayekum !' (* He is coming 
 to you !') which meant that famished creatures were 
 stealthily creeping round the places where the women had
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 273 
 
 their few articles for sale, to protect which they were 
 frequently obliged to lie upon them, and defend them with 
 their hands and feet. The space between the Khalifa's 
 and Yakub's houses was generally crowded at night with 
 these wretched people, who cried aloud most piteously for 
 bread. I dreaded going home, for I was generally followed 
 by several of these famished beggars, who often attempted 
 to forcibly enter my house, and at that time I had scarcely 
 enough for my own slender wants, besides having to help 
 my own household and my friends, who had now become 
 wretchedly poor. 
 
 One night — it was full moon — I was going home at about 
 twelve o'clock, when, near the Beit el Amana (ammunition 
 and arms stores), I saw something moving on the ground, 
 and went near to see what it was. As I approached I saw 
 three almost naked women, with their long tangled hair 
 hanging about their shoulders ; they were squatting round 
 a quite young donkey, which was lying on the ground, and 
 had probably strayed from its mother, or been stolen by 
 them. They had torn open its body with their teeth, and 
 were devouring its intestines, whilst the poor animal was 
 still breathing. I shuddered at this terrible sight, whilst 
 the poor women, infuriated by hunger, gazed at me like 
 maniacs. The beggars by whom I was followed now fell 
 upon them, and attempted to wrest from them their prey ; 
 and I fled from this uncanny spectacle. 
 
 On another occasion I saw a poor woman who must 
 formerly have been beautiful, but on whose emaciated face 
 the death-struggle was visible, lying on her back in the 
 street, whilst her little baby, scarcely a year old, was vainly 
 trying to get some nourishment from its mother's already 
 cold breasts. Another woman passing by took compassion 
 •on the little orphan and carried it oft. 
 
 One day a woman of the Jaalin, who are perhaps the 
 most moral tribe in the Sudan, accompanied by her only 
 daughter, a lovely young girl, dragged herself wearily to 
 xny house ; both were at death's door from starvation, and 
 
 18
 
 274 Ft RE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 begged me to help them. I gave them what little I could y 
 and the woman then said, * Take this, my only daughter, 
 as your slave ; save her from death by starvation V and, as 
 she said this the tears streamed down her poor wan cheeks,, 
 whilst in her weak, scarcely audible voice, she continued, 
 * Do not fear that I shall molest you any further ; only save 
 her — do not let her perish V I gave them all I could spare, 
 and then asked them to leave me, telling them to return 
 when they were in great want ; but I never saw them 
 again — perhaps some charitable person took pity on them. 
 Another woman was actually accused of eating her own 
 child, and was brought to the police-station for trial ; but 
 of what use was this ? In two days the poor creature died 
 a raving maniac ! 
 
 Several sold their own children, both boys and girls, pre- 
 tending they were their slaves ; this they did not to obtain 
 money, but simply to save their lives ; and when this year 
 of misery was over some parents bought them back again 
 at even higher prices. The dead lay in the streets in 
 hundreds ; and none could be found to bury them. The 
 Khalifa issued orders that people were responsible for bury- 
 ing those who were found dead near their houses, and that 
 should they refuse to do so their property would be con- 
 fiscated. This had some effect ; but, to save themselves 
 trouble, they used to drag the bodies near their neighbours' 
 houses, and this gave rise to frequent quarrels and brawls. 
 Every day the waters of the Blue and White Niles swept 
 past Omdurman, carrying along hundreds of bodies of the 
 wretched peasantry who had died along the banks — a. 
 terrible proof of the awful condition of the country. 
 
 In Omdurman itself the majority of those who died 
 belonged rather to the moving population than to the actual 
 inhabitants of the town, for the latter had managed to 
 secrete a certain amount of grain, and the different tribes 
 invariably assisted each other ; but in other parts of the 
 Sudan the state of affairs was considerably worse. I think 
 the Jaalin, who are the most independent as well as the
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 275 
 
 proudest tribe in the Sudan, suffered more severely than 
 the rest ; several fathers of families, seeing that escape from 
 death was impossible, bricked up the doors of their houses, 
 and, united with their children, patiently awaited death. I 
 have no hesitation in saying that in this way entire villages 
 died out. 
 
 The inhabitants of Dongola, though they suffered con- 
 siderably, were somewhat better off. But between Abu 
 Haraz, Gedaref, and Gallabat, the situation was worst of 
 all. Zeki Tummal, at the commencement of the famine,, 
 had given orders to some of his myrmidons to forcibly 
 collect all the grain in the neighbourhood, and this he- 
 stored for his soldiers, thus saving the bulk of his force, 
 with the result that an immense proportion of the local 
 inhabitants died of starvation. After a time no one dared 
 to go out into the streets without an escort, for they feared 
 being attacked and eaten up ; the inhabitants had become 
 animals — cannibals ! One of the Emirs of the Homr tribe 
 — who, in spite of the terrible year, still preserved a fairly 
 healthy appearance — notwithstanding constant warnings 
 insisted on going to visit a friend after sunset, but he never 
 reached his friend nor returned to his abode; the next 
 morning his head was found outside the city, and I presume 
 his body had already been consumed. 
 
 The Hassania, Shukria, Aggalain, Hammada, and other 
 tribes had completely died out, and the once thickly-popu- 
 lated country had become a desert waste. Zeki Tummal 
 sent a detachment of his force to the southern districts of 
 the Blue Nile, towards the Tabi, Begreg, Kukeli, Kashan- 
 kero, and Beni Shangul mountains, the inhabitants of which, 
 although they paid tribute to the Khalifa, refused to make a 
 pilgrimage or provide warlike contingents. This he had 
 done not so much with the idea of military operations as to 
 provide some means of maintaining his troops ; but the 
 commander, Abder Rasul, succeeded in capturing a number 
 of slaves, as well as a quantity of money. 
 
 The situation in Darfur was little better than that in 
 
 18—2
 
 276 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Gedaref and Gallabat ; the western provinces, such as Dar 
 Gimr, Dar Tama, and Massalit, had no need of grain, but 
 not being in complete subjection they prevented its export 
 to Fasher. Indeed, it seemed as if this famine had come as 
 Heaven's punishment on all districts owning subjection to 
 the Khalifa, whilst the neighbouring countries, which had 
 had sufficient rest to cultivate their fields, had acquired 
 enough grain for their maintenance. A few Omdurman 
 merchants hired some vessels and proceeded to Fashoda, 
 where they exchanged beads, copper rods, and money for 
 dhurra; the undertaking succeeded, and now crowds of 
 others followed their example, proceeding sometimes as far 
 as the Sobat, whence they imported quantities of grain, thus 
 enriching themselves, and saving their fellow-countrymen 
 from terrible want. Had the King of Fashoda, who was 
 not then subject to the Khalifa, forbidden the export, half 
 Omdurman would have perished. At length the rain fell ; 
 the thirsty land was refreshed ; the crops sprang up ; harvest 
 was near ; and the whole country once more rejoiced at the 
 prospect of help and deliverance. But now the atmosphere 
 became obscure with swarms of locusts of an unusual size, 
 and the prospect of a rich harvest vanished ; everything, 
 however, was not destroyed by this plague, which, from that 
 date, has become one of annual occurrence. The Khalifa, 
 anxious for the welfare of his own tribe, now forced the 
 natives to sell the little grain they had collected at an ab- 
 surdly low price to his agents ; but small as this was, in 
 comparison with the price he ought to have paid, he deter- 
 mined to still further economise, and consequently ordered 
 Ibrahim Adlan to proceed personally to the Gezira, and 
 induce the inhabitants to give up their dhurra of their own 
 free-will, and without payment. Adlan, who thoroughly 
 disapproved of this measure, had, by his thoroughness and 
 sagacity, risen high in the Khalifa's favour ; but Abdullahi 
 discussed State affairs with his brother Yakub only, whose 
 animosity Adlan had incurred, though Yakub was too clever 
 to show it.
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 277 
 
 As natives go, Adlan's character was good *. he did not 
 care to lend himself to evil designs, and far from oppressing 
 people, was often the means of lightening the burdens of 
 others ; but he was suspected, and not without reason, of 
 having made an immense fortune, and of this the Khalifa 
 was not ignorant ; consequently, during his absence, Yakub 
 and several of his confidants informed the Khalifa that 
 Adlan's influence in the country was almost as great as his 
 own, and that he had frequently spoken disparagingly of 
 his master and his system of government ; they even went 
 as far as to say that Adlan had attributed the famine entirely 
 to the Khalifa's treatment of his own tribe. This intrigue 
 resulted in the unfortunate Adlan being brought before a 
 mock tribunal, by whom he was sentenced to mutilation or 
 death for ■ disobedience.' He was allowed to make his 
 choice, and selected the latter. With his hands tied across 
 his chest, and to the strains of the melancholy ombeya, he 
 was led forth to the market-place, accompanied by an im- 
 mense crowd. Calmly mounting the angareb beneath the 
 scaffold, he himself placed his head in the noose, and re- 
 fusing to drink the water offered to him, told the hangman 
 to complete his work ; the rope was pulled taut, the angareb 
 was removed, and there Ibrahim swung like a marble statue 
 until his soul left his body, the outstretched index finger 
 alone indicating that he died in the true faith of Islam. In 
 spite of the interdiction, wails of sorrow filled the city, but 
 the Khalifa rejoiced that he had rid himself of so dangerous 
 an enemy, and refrained from punishing this disobedience 
 to his orders. He sent his brother Yakub to the funeral, as 
 if to show to the world that Adlan had merely been punished 
 in accordance with the law, and that the well-known ani- 
 mosity between the two had nothing to do with the matter. 
 His successor as Emin Beit el Mai was a certain Nur 
 Wad Ibrahim, whose grandfather was a Takruri. He did 
 not, therefore, belong to the tribes of the Nile valley, and 
 thus had a greater claim on the Khalifa's confidence and 
 consideration.
 
 278 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 As regards myself, the Khalifa seemed to grow daily more 
 suspicious. Previous to Ibrahim Adlan's departure for the 
 Gezira, the answer to my letter which had been sent to my 
 family through Osman Digna had arrived. It contained 
 only news of a private nature, and expressed the great 
 delight of my family that they had succeeded in at last 
 getting into communication with me. At the same time, 
 they wrote to the Khalifa in submissive words, expressing 
 their gratitude for the kind and honourable treatment which 
 I received at his hands. They also assured him of their 
 great devotion to him, and thanked him for the high honour 
 he had conferred upon them by inviting them to come to 
 Omdurman ; but my brother regretted his inability to accept, 
 as he was at that time a secretary in the office of the High 
 Chamberlain of His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, whilst 
 the other brother was a lawyer and lieutenant in the Artillery 
 Reserve ; they were therefore both unable, in virtue of their 
 positions, to undertake so long a journey. My master had 
 called me up, and on handing me the letters had ordered 
 me to translate them to him ; then, considering for a few 
 moments, he said to me, * It was my intention to induce 
 one of your brothers to come here and see me ; and I did 
 what I had never done before — wrote a letter to them. As 
 they make excuses and refuse to come, and as they now 
 know that you are well, I forbid you to have any more cor- 
 respondence with them. Further communication would 
 only make you unhappy. Do you understand what I mean ?' 
 
 * Certainly,' I replied, * your orders shall be obeyed ; and I 
 also think that further communication with my relatives is 
 not necessary.' ' Where is the Gospel that has been sent 
 to you ?' asked he, looking at me fixedly. ' I am a Moslem,' 
 I answered, for I was now on my guard, ■ and I have no 
 Gospel in my house. They sent me a translation of the 
 Kuran, the Holy Book, which your secretary saw when 
 the box was opened, and which is still in my possession.' 
 
 * Then bring it to me to-morrow,' he said, and signed to me 
 to withdraw.
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 279 
 
 It was perfectly clear to me that he no longer trusted me, 
 and I knew that, after Nejumi's defeat, he had several times 
 spoken in this sense to the Kadis. I had already spent 
 almost all the money I had received in gifts amongst my 
 comrades, and now some of these began to murmur, and 
 were disappointed that the sum was so small, and I knew 
 that they were intriguing against me. Who could have 
 induced him to believe that the Kuran which had been sent 
 to me was the Gospel ? The next day I gave it to him. 
 The translation was by Ullman. He examined it carefully, 
 and then said : \ You say that this is the Kuran ; it is in 
 the language of unbelievers, and perhaps they have made 
 alterations.' ' It is a literal translation into my own language/ 
 I replied calmly, c and its object is to make me understand 
 the Holy Book which has come from God, and was made 
 known to mankind by the Prophet in the Arabic language. 
 If you wish, you can send it to Neufeld, who is in captivity 
 in the prison, and with whom I have no intercourse, and 
 you can ascertain from him if my assertion is correct.' ' I 
 do not mistrust you, and I believe what you say,' he replied, 
 in a somewhat more amiable tone ; ' but people have spoken 
 to me about it, and you had better destroy the book.' When 
 I had told him that I was perfectly willing to do this, he 
 •continued, ' Also, I wish you to return the present your 
 brothers and sisters sent me ; I can make no use of it, and 
 it will be a proof to them that I place no value on worldly 
 possessions.' 
 
 He now had his secretary summoned, and ordered him 
 to write a letter in my name to my family, to the effect that 
 it was not necessary to correspond any more ; and, after I 
 had signed it, it was sent, together with the travelling-bag, 
 to the Beit el Mai, to be despatched to Suakin. From that 
 day I was more careful than ever to do nothing to increase 
 the mistrust which I saw had sprung up in Abdullahi's 
 mind. After Adlan's death, however, he thought it neces- 
 sary to warn me again, and cautioned me most seriously 
 against becoming mixed up in any sort of conspiracy,
 
 28o FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Assembling all his mulazemin, he asserted, in the most 
 forcible language, that I was suspected of being a spy ; that 
 he had been told I invariably questioned the camel postmen 
 who arrived about the situation ; that I received visitors in 
 my house at night who were known to be out of favour with 
 him ; and that I had gone so far as to inquire in what part 
 of his house his bedroom was situated. ' I am afraid,' he 
 continued, * that if you do not change your line of conduct, 
 you will follow in the footsteps of my old enemy Adlan.' 
 
 This was rather a blow to me ; but I knew that now, 
 more than ever, I had need of being calm and collected. 
 * Sire,' said I, in a loud voice, ■ I cannot defend myself 
 against unknown enemies ; but I am perfectly innocent of 
 all they have told you. I leave my detractors in the hands 
 of God. For more than six years, in sunshine and rain, I 
 have stood at your door, ever ready to receive and carry out 
 your orders. At your command I have given up all my 
 old friends, and have no communication with anyone. I 
 have even given up all connection with my relatives, and 
 that without the slightest remonstrance. Such a thing as 
 conspiracy has never even entered my heart. During all 
 these long years I have never made a complaint. Sire, 
 what have I done ? All that I do is not done out of fear 
 of you, but out of love for you ; and I cannot do more. 
 Should God still have further trials in store for me, I shall 
 calmly and willingly submit to my fate ; but I have full 
 reliance in your sense of justice.' 
 
 1 What have you to say to his words ?' he said to the 
 assembled mulazemin, after a moment's silence. All, with- 
 out exception, admitted that they had never noticed any- 
 thing in my behaviour which could give rise to such a 
 suspicion ; my enemies also — and I well knew who they 
 were, and who were responsible for getting me into this 
 dangerous position — were obliged to admit this. * I forgive 
 you,' said he ; * but avoid for the future giving further cause 
 for complaint ;' and, holding out his hand for me to kiss, he 
 signed to me to withdraw. He must have felt that he had
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 281 
 
 wronged me ; for the next day he summoned me, spoke to 
 me kindly, and warned me against my enemies, who, he 
 said, were as a thorn in my flesh. I professed affection and 
 confidence in him ; and he then said, in quite a confidential 
 tone, ■ Do not make enemies, for you know that Mahdia is 
 conducted in accordance with the Moslem law : should you 
 be accused before the Kadi of treason, and two witnesses 
 make good the accusation, you are lost ; for I cannot go 
 against the law to save you.' 
 
 What an existence in a country where one's very life 
 hung on the evidence of two witnesses ! Thanking him for 
 his advice, I promised to follow it, and said I would, of 
 course, do all in my power to deserve his confidence. When 
 I returned home at midnight, tired and worn out by this 
 constant strain, my devoted Saadalla informed me, to my 
 great annoyance, that only a few minutes before one of 
 the Khalifa's eunuchs had brought a closely-veiled female, 
 who was now in my house. 
 
 I ought to have been greatly pleased about this, for it was 
 a proof that the Khalifa had forgiven me ; but my first 
 thought was how to rid myself of this present without 
 creating suspicion. Saadalla and I now entered the house, 
 and, to my horror, I found that underneath the veil was an 
 Egyptian, who had been born at Khartum, and who was 
 consequently, from a Sudanese point of view, a lady of a 
 comparatively fair complexion. She was seated on the 
 carpet, and, after we had exchanged greetings, she replied 
 to my query as to her nationality with such rapidity of 
 speech that I, who spoke Arabic fairly well, had the greatest 
 difficulty in following the romantic history of her life. 
 
 She was the daughter, she said, of an Egyptian officer, 
 who, I afterwards learnt, had only been a private soldier, 
 and who had fallen in the fight against the Shilluks, under 
 Yusef Bey. As this had taken place upwards of twenty 
 years before, I could, without any great effort of calculation, 
 estimate fairly accurately that this good lady was well out 
 of her teens ; and as she admitted that her first husband
 
 2S2 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 had been killed during the capture of Khartum, that her 
 mother was an Abyssinian who had been educated in 
 Khartum, and was still alive, and that she had an enormous 
 number of relatives, I really believe that, had my head not 
 been clean-shaven, my hair would veritably have stood on 
 end. This far-travelled and widely-experienced lady in- 
 formed me that she had been one of the many hundreds of 
 Abu Anga's wives, and I had now been chosen as the 
 happy successor of this old slave. After his death she had 
 been captured, with several of her rivals, by the Abys- 
 sinians when King John attacked Gallabat, but had been 
 subsequently liberated by Zeki Tummal ; and she knew so 
 many details of all the fights in this neighbourhood that, 
 had my memory been only capable of retaining them, they 
 would have now been of great interest to my readers. A 
 short time ago the Khalifa had ordered Abu Anga's re- 
 maining widows to be brought to Omdurman for distribution 
 amongst his followers ; she then went on to say that the 
 Khalifa himself had especially selected her as my wife, and 
 she added, in a subdued tone, that she rejoiced to have 
 fallen into the hands of a fellow-countryman. I explained 
 to her that I was not an Egyptian, but a European. As, 
 however, my skin was somewhat tanned, and the circum 
 stances in which I lived gave her a pretext for claiming me 
 as a compatriot, I was obliged to say that I would provide 
 as far as possible for her maintenance and comfort, and as 
 night was well advanced, I bade her follow my servant 
 Saadalla, who would make arrangements for her. 
 
 Such were the Khalifa's presents : instead of allocating a 
 small sum of money from the Beit el Mai, by means of 
 which I could have procured for myself a few comforts, he 
 kept on sending me wives, who were not only a source of 
 considerable expense to me, but also a cause of much 
 anxiety and worry, inasmuch as I was continually 
 struggling to free myself from their unwelcome presence. 
 The next morning the Khalifa laughingly asked me if I had 
 received his present, and if I liked it. With the lesson of
 
 THE ABYSSINIAN CAMPAIGN 283 
 
 two days ago still fresh in my mind, I assured him that 
 I was only too happy to receive this fresh proof of his 
 affection, and that, please God, I should always live in the 
 enjoyment of his favour. When I returned to my house 
 before mid-day prayer, I found it full of females, who, not- 
 withstanding the remonstrances of Saadalla, and jeering at 
 his wrath, had entered by main force, and now introduced 
 themselves as the nearest relatives of Fatma el Beida (The 
 White Fatma), as the Khalifa's present was called. 
 
 A decrepit old Abyssinian lady introduced herself as my 
 future mother-in-law ; from her loquacity I should instantly 
 have recognised her as the mother of Fatma el Beida, and 
 I could not help wondering how so small and fragile a body 
 could contain so noisy and voluble a tongue. She assured 
 me of her pleasure that her daughter had been confided to 
 my care, adding that she was convinced that I would 
 accord to her her rightful position in my household. Here 
 was I, the slave of a tyrant, and obliged to submit to the 
 most wretched of circumstances, and now she talked to me 
 of the position due to her daughter ! I assured her that I 
 would of course treat her daughter well, and, apologizing 
 that my time was so fully occupied, I fled. Before leaving, 
 however, I ordered Saadalla to entertain them as well as he 
 could, according to the custom of the country, and then to 
 turn them all out, neck and crop, and, if necessary, to call 
 the other servants to his assistance. 
 
 A few days afterwards the Khalifa again inquired about 
 Fatma, and as I knew that he was most anxious that I 
 should lead as quiet and secluded a life as possible, I told 
 him that for the present I had no objection to her person ; 
 but as her numerous relatives might possibly come in 
 contact with people whose acquaintance neither he, my 
 master, nor I should consider desirable, and that as in my 
 efforts to prevent this I frequently came into collision with 
 both sides, it was naturally my earnest wish to prevent 
 such disturbances. And I then went on to say that should 
 she not submit to my arrangements, I proposed surrender-
 
 284 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 ing Fatma entirely to her relatives, and with this proposition 
 the Khalifa appeared perfectly satisfied. 
 
 There was, however, no truth in this statement, for since 
 Saadalla had entertained and turned out his visitors I 
 had seen no one. Fearing to betray my intentions to the 
 Khalifa, I waited some time longer, and then sent Fatma 
 el Beida to her mother, whose whereabouts Saadalla had 
 at length discovered, and I instructed the lady to stay with 
 her mother until I should send for her. A few days after- 
 wards I sent a few clothes to mother and daughter and a 
 small sum of money, with a message that she was free and 
 no longer under any obligations to me. Of course I told 
 the Khalifa what I had done, reiterating that I was most 
 anxious to have nothing to do with people who were 
 strangers to him and to me, and in this he saw an additional 
 proof of my anxiety to obey his orders. About a month 
 later the mother came to see me, and asked my permission 
 to marry her daughter to one of her relatives. I agreed to 
 this proposition with the greatest alacrity, and I left Fatma 
 el Beida the mother of a happy family in Omdurman. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV 
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD. 
 
 The Revolt of the Ashraf— Flight of Father Ohrwalder and the two 
 Sisters — The Khalifa revenges himself on the Ashraf — The Seizure 
 and Execution of the Mahdi's Uncles — Zeki Tummal's Return to 
 Omdurman laden with Booty — Khalifa Sherif arrested — ' When 
 there is no Fire there is no Smoke ' — I change my Quarters — Sad 
 News from Austria — The Khalifa falls ill — The Story of the Bird- 
 messenger — The Fall of Zeki Tummal — The Battle of Agordat — 
 The Capture of Kassala — The Congo Free State in Equatoria and 
 Bahr el Ghazal — I refuse to marry the Khalifa's Cousin. 
 
 Meanwhile my old enemy Khaled, who had been kept in 
 prison for several months, had been released and sent to 
 Dongola as governor in place of Yunes, but he had not been
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 2S5 
 
 there long before he fell a victim to the intrigues of two of 
 the Khalifa's cousins, who had been sent to watch his 
 actions. Khaled was again recalled to Omdurman, and 
 once more found himself in chains. This act served to 
 still further irritate the relations and partisans of the late 
 Mahdi, and in consequence the Khalifa Mohammed Sherif, 
 in conjunction with two of the Mahdi's sons, who were 
 scarcely twenty years of age, and many of his relatives, 
 now agreed amongst themselves to shake off the hated yoke 
 of Khalifa Abdullahi, and seize the reins of government. 
 They secretly elaborated their plans in Omdurman, and 
 gradually took into their confidence several of their friends 
 and fellow-tribesmen. They also despatched letters to the 
 Danagla living in the Gezira, whom they invited to come to 
 Omdurman and join them ; but one of the Jaalin Emirs 
 betrayed them. He had been bound over by an oath to tell 
 only his brother or best friends, and he at once informed the 
 Khalifa, saying that he considered him his best friend. 
 Apprised of this conspiracy, Abdullahi at once made counter 
 arrangements ; but the Ashraf, warned by their spies of the 
 Khalifa's secret orders and doings, realized that their plot 
 had been discovered, and immediately collected in that part 
 of the town just north of the Khalifa's house, prepared for 
 the fray. 
 
 Personally I longed for the fight, for I had only my life to 
 lose, and that was in daily peril. I had before me the 
 example of Ibrahim Adlan, and I knew that Abdullahi had 
 no regard for the lives of his best and truest friends. 
 Internal fighting must result in the weakening of my 
 enemies, and that alone would have been a source of satis- 
 faction to me ; moreover, in the confusion which must 
 arise, I might find an occasion to regain my liberty, and 
 possibly I might be able to exercise some influence over the 
 former Government troops, who I knew were much dis- 
 satisfied with their present treatment. Under such 
 abnormal circumstances it was impossible to frame any 
 distinct plan of action. My desire was that a fight should
 
 286 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 take place, and that I should make as much capital out of 
 it as I could for my own personal benefit. 
 
 Some of the most excited of the mutineers now began 
 firing, and some of those on our side, contrary to orders, 
 replied ; but it was by no means a fight, merely a few stray 
 shots. The insurgents did not seem to know what they 
 wanted ; their party was undecided, their weapons were 
 bad and out of repair, and so also was the courage of the 
 Ashraf and their followers. After a short time the firing 
 ceased, and on our side the total loss was five killed. The 
 Khalifa sent out a proclamation, which was borne by 
 Khalifa Ali Wad Helu, and to this summons the reply 
 was favourable. They wished to know, they said, the 
 conditions of reconciliation, and they were then told to 
 name their proposals. The negotiations continued all that 
 day and far into the night. They began again the follow- 
 ing day, and, to my great regret, a clear understanding was 
 arrived at, and agreed to by the Khalifa under a solemn 
 oath. He promised complete forgiveness to all who had 
 taken part in the insurrection ; to give to Khalifa Mohammed 
 Sherif a position worthy of his dignity, and a seat in council ; 
 to allow him to again take possession of the standards which, 
 after Nejumi's death, had been laid aside, and to collect 
 volunteers under them ; and promised pecuniary support 
 from the Beit el Mai to the Mahdi's relatives, in accordance 
 with Sherif's proposals. In return for these concessions the 
 insurgents agreed to give up all their arms, and submit un- 
 conditionally to the Khalifa's orders. The agreement was 
 now ratified, and the terms of peace concluded by the 
 delegates on both sides ; but somehow no one seemed in 
 any hurry to execute them. On the following Friday 
 morning the leaders of the insurgents came themselves 
 before the Khalifa, and obtained a renewal of the promises 
 he had made, in return for which they gave fresh attesta- 
 tions of loyalty ; and on the same afternoon Khalifa Sherif 
 and the Mahdi's sons approached Abdullahi. Peace was 
 now fully concluded, and the cavalry and infantry, which
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 2S7 
 
 had been with us day and night since the disturbances 
 began, were permitted to leave the mosque and return to 
 their quarters ; but as the arms had not yet been handed 
 over, the jehadia and mulazemin were ordered to remain at 
 their posts. 
 
 On Sunday afternoon I had sent one of my servants to the 
 missionary father, Joseph Ohrwalder, to inquire after him, 
 and he had found his door closed. I had thoughtlessly 
 made inquiries about him of his neighbours, the Greeks, 
 and some of the former merchants, who, as my servant told 
 me, had made a most careful search for him, but had been 
 unable to trace him or the Missionary Sisters who had been 
 with him. It at once flashed through my mind that 
 possibly, during the disturbances, he might have found 
 some trusty persons who had undertaken to effect his 
 escape, and so it eventually transpired. Before evening 
 prayer the Emir of the Muslemania (Europeans who had 
 been forcibly made to adopt Mohammedanism), and the 
 Syrian, George Stambuli, anxiously came and asked to be 
 taken before the Khalifa, as they had something of con- 
 siderable importance to tell him. The Khalifa, fully 
 occupied with matters which he considered of great import- 
 ance, ordered them to wait at the mosque, and after night 
 prayers he asked them what they wanted. With trembling 
 voices they informed him that Yusef el Gasis (Joseph the 
 Priest) was missing since yesterday, also the women who 
 were with him. Very much annoyed, the Khalifa at once 
 summoned Nur el Gereifawi, the Emin Beit el Mai, and 
 Mohammed Wahbi, the Prefect of the Police, and com- 
 manded them to do all in their power to overtake the 
 fugitives, and bring them back to Omdurman, dead or 
 alive. It was fortunate for the poor Greeks that the 
 Khalifa was so much occupied with other matters, or he 
 would (as Ohrwalder had lived amongst them) have 
 arrested many and confiscated their property. Luckily, 
 however, on the day of the outbreak, all the camels had 
 been sent into the districts in order to bring in the troops,
 
 2S8 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 and Gareifawi and Wahbi could only procure three camels 
 for the pursuit of Ohrwalder, who knew that the success of 
 his flight depended on its rapidity. From the depth of my 
 heart I hoped he might succeed. He had suffered a great 
 deal, and had borne it with Christian fortitude and patience. 
 I now felt completely deserted. He was the only man with 
 whom I was intellectually on a par, and with whom I could, 
 though very rarely, talk a few words in my mother tongue. 
 
 The following day I was summoned before the Khalifa, 
 who angrily reproached me for Ohrwalder's flight. ' He is 
 one of your own race, and is in communication with you. 
 Why did you not draw my attention to its possibility, so 
 that I might have taken precautions ? I am positive you 
 knew of his intention to escape,' said he. * Sire, pardon 
 me,' said I. * How could I know of his intention to 
 escape, and how could I tell you that he had done so ? 
 Since the outbreak of the revolt attempted by your God- 
 forsaken enemies, and which, thanks to the Almighty, you 
 have now defeated by your wisdom, I have not moved day 
 or night from my post. Had I known that he was a traitor 
 I should have at once told you of it.' To this he angrily 
 replied : * No doubt your Consul arranged for him to be 
 taken away from here.' 
 
 Amongst the last letters which I had received was one 
 written in Arabic from the Austro- Hungarian Consul- 
 General, Von Rosty, to the Khalifa, in which he thanked 
 him for the kind treatment of the members of the former 
 Catholic Mission, and at the same time asked his permission 
 to send them a messenger, for whom he begged a free pass, 
 as they were under Austrian protection, and as His Majesty 
 the Emperor had a special regard for them. The Khalifa 
 had shown me the letter, which he had left unanswered ; 
 but from that day he had looked upon the members of the 
 Mission as my compatriots, and was now convinced that 
 they had been assisted to escape by the aid of the Consul- 
 General. I now remarked to the Khalifa that possibly mer- 
 chants belonging to the frontier tribes, and who often came
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 2% 
 
 to Omdurman, might have taken advantage of the disturb- 
 ances in order to help Ohrwalder and the Sisters to escape, 
 so as to obtain some pecuniary reward for themselves, 
 Abdullahi, who was still much preoccupied with the revolt, 
 came round to my opinion, and after admonishing me to 
 remain perfectly loyal, he dismissed me. 
 
 In spite of all Abdullahi's promises to the Ashraf, he soon 
 found a pretext for seizing thirteen of the ringleaders, as 
 well as the two uncles of the Mahdi, and these he shipped 
 off in a boat to Fashoda, consigned to his faithful Emir 
 Zeki Tummal, who had been previously sent there to quell 
 a revolt of the Shilluks. On their arrival Zeki Tummal 
 had them closely confined for eight days in a zariba with 
 scarcely any food or water, giving them only just sufficient 
 to keep them alive ; then, in accordance with the secret 
 instructions he had received, he had them beaten to death 
 with freshly-cut sticks from thorny trees. The execution 
 took place in front of the whole army, and before this cruel 
 operation began, their clothing was ruthlessly torn from 
 their emaciated bodies. 
 
 Zeki Tummal now returned to Omdurman laden with 
 booty ; he brought with him thousands of female slaves,, 
 and immense herds of cattle, the sale of which brought in a 
 large sum of ready money. Most of Zeki's Emirs indig- 
 nantly complained of his tyranny, and even asserted to the 
 Khalifa that, if he could obtain sufficient followers, he would 
 not hesitate to make himself independent ; but the latter, 
 by making rich presents of female slaves, money, and cattle 
 to the Khalifa and his brother, succeeded in remaining in 
 their good graces. 
 
 Whilst Zeki Tummal was in Omdurman, the Khalifa 
 carried out a series of manoeuvres between his forces and 
 those quartered in Omdurman, and personally took the 
 command, but as he had absolutely no idea of military 
 science, and as the thirty thousand troops of whom he dis- 
 posed were entirely without discipline, the manoeuvres re- 
 sulted in the most hopeless confusion and disorder, and the 
 
 19
 
 4290 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 blame for this invariably fell on my devoted head, for the 
 Khalifa employed me as a sort of aide-de-camp, and when 
 he became inextricably muddled up he hurled abuse at me, 
 and said I had purposely perverted his orders to make mis- 
 chief. Of course I did not dare remonstrate with him, and 
 quietly continued to carry out his orders. At length he 
 declared the exercises over, ordered Zeki Tummal off to 
 Gallabat, and, as was usually the case, commended me for 
 my services, and presented me with two Black young ladies 
 ■as a proof of his good-will. 
 
 Meanwhile, Khalifa Sherif had heard of the murder of 
 his two relatives, and openly protested against this tyrannical 
 proceeding, thus giving Abdullahi an opportunity of taking 
 the revenge for which he had so patiently waited. He 
 declared him to be guilty of disobedience to the instructions 
 which the Mahdi had so strictly enforced, and of inattention 
 to the Divine inspiration of the Prophet. He therefore 
 ordered Khalifa Ali and the Kadis to take him to task for 
 the manner in which he had expressed himself, and to point 
 out to him that the entirely false impression he had of his 
 own rights as Khalifa had brought about the death of his 
 own relatives and followers. Promptly assembling all the 
 Kadis and principal Emirs, they decided that Khalifa Sherif 
 should be immediately arrested. On the following day the 
 mulazemin being formed up in square on the open space 
 between Abdullahi's house and the Mahdi's tomb, they went 
 in a body to him, informed him that he- was to be arrested, 
 counselled submission, and advised him to come with them 
 of his own free-will. Too late, he now realized what he 
 had brought upon himself by his careless and ill-considered 
 talking. Going outside, he was received by the mulazemin 
 under the command of Arabi Dafalla ; when he asked for 
 his shoes, they refused him ; and, on coming out of the 
 mosque, he was driven and pushed along at such a rate that 
 he twice fell to the ground from pure exhaustion, arriving at 
 length at the Saier in a deplorable condition. Here six 
 ikons were hammered on to his legs, so that he could scarcely
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 291 
 
 move, and a small straw hut was allotted to him as his 
 abode. Cut off from all intercourse with his fellow-creatures, 
 and with only the bare ground to lie upon, he had ample 
 time to realize that the sacred promises given by a Khalifa 
 were of no avail when it was a question of upholding his 
 authority, or satisfying his thirst for vengeance. The Mahdi's 
 two young sons were sent to their grandfather, Ahmed Sharfi, 
 who was ordered to keep them closely locked up in his 
 house, and allow no one to see them. This Ahmed was an 
 old man, and had made an immense fortune by robbery ; 
 fearing to lose it, he was as submissive as a slave to the 
 Khalifa, and had thus to some extent gained his affection. 
 
 Soon after this occurrence I passed through a period of 
 considerable excitement. Yunes had sent on a man from 
 Dongola to the Khalifa ; he had come from Cairo, and was 
 -charged with important information from the Government. 
 He was received personally by the Khalifa in the presence 
 of all the Kadis. I had a foreboding that the man's arrival 
 was somehow connected with me, and I endeavoured to dis- 
 cover from one of the Kadis, who was a friend of mine, what 
 had happened. He hurriedly told me that I had nothing to 
 fear, and advised me not to show the slightest interest in 
 the matter, lest I might be suspected. After prayers the 
 Kadis and the messenger were again summoned before the 
 Khalifa, and, to my great relief, I saw the man soon after- 
 wards tied hand and foot and carried off to prison. My 
 comrades were quarrelling amongst themselves as to the 
 cause of the man's imprisonment, but mindful of the advice 
 I had received, I was careful to abstain from any interference. 
 The following day, when I had gone to my house for a short 
 time, I was suddenly summoned by the Khalifa, and found 
 several of the Kadis with him. In compliance with his 
 orders I seated myself down with them, and he began to 
 speak. Turning to the assembly, he informed them that he 
 had continually urged me to be loyal, that he cared for me 
 .as a father cared for his son, and that he had steadily refused 
 to believe the numerous accusations which were from time 
 
 19 — 2
 
 292 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 to time brought up against me ; and then, turning to me, 
 he completed his speech with the Arabic proverb, * Where 
 there is no fire, there is no smoke,' adding, ' but with you; 
 there is a great deal of smoke. The messenger said yester- 
 day that you are a Government spy, and that your monthly 
 salary is paid to your representative in Cairo, who forwards 
 it to you here. He affirms that he has seen your signature 
 in the Government office in Egypt, and that you assisted 
 Yusef el Gasis to escape ; he adds, moreover, that you are- 
 pledged to the English, in the event of an attack on Omdur- 
 man, to seize the powder and ammunition stores, which they 
 know are situated opposite to your house. We have at once 
 had the man imprisoned, for he formerly escaped from here. 
 What have you to say in your defence ?' 
 
 'Sire!' I replied, 'God is merciful, and you are just. I 
 am no spy. I have never had any communication with the 
 Government ; and it is absolutely untrue that I receive a 
 salary which is forwarded to me here. My brothers, your 
 mulazemin, who go in and out of my house, know that I 
 am often in the greatest want, and it is only my deep respect 
 for you which prevents me from complaining ; but if he 
 states that he has seen my signature, then he is guilty of a 
 second lie, for I am certain that he is quite unable to read 
 any European language. I will, if you wish, write on a 
 paper several names, and amongst them my own ; if he can 
 discover it, then it will be a proof that he can read our 
 language ; but that will not necessarily prove that I am 
 a spy.' 'And what else have you against the man?' 
 asked the Khalifa. ' What service has the man rendered to 
 Government,' I continued, ' that, supposing I am a spy, I 
 should trust this fugitive with my secrets ? As far as Yusef 
 el Gasis is concerned, you, my master, well know that he 
 escaped at a time when it was absolutely impossible for me 
 to have any communication with him. I, who am always 
 near you, have no intercourse with people who assist others 
 to fly ; and even supposing I had, and that I were a traitor, 
 it would certainly be much more natural that I should have
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 293 
 
 escaped myself. It is quite possible the English may know 
 that my house is opposite to the powder magazine ; for the 
 man who, with your kind permission, brought me the letters 
 from my brothers and sisters, knew it, and in all probability 
 told them about it. It is also possible that my relatives, 
 with whom, at your express command, I have ceased to 
 have any communication, should make inquiries about my 
 welfare through the Government clerks and merchants who 
 sometimes go from here to Cairo, and who probably know 
 the position of my house ; but the assertion that, in case of 
 war, I had engaged myself to seize your ammunition stores, 
 is quite ridiculous. As far as I can judge, the Government 
 would never dare to attack you, who are the ever-victorious 
 and unconquerable Khalifa, in your own country. And if 
 this well-nigh impossible event should take place, how do I 
 know that I shall be in my present house at that time ? 
 Moreover, at such a critical period, my hope and desire is 
 to stand in the front rank of your victorious troops, and there 
 seek an opportunity of proving my loyalty and devotion by 
 shedding my blood in your cause. Sire, I rely upon your 
 justice, which is well known to all. Will you sacrifice one 
 who has been for so many years your devoted servant, to 
 the whim of a Dongolawi, who is one of your enemies ?' 
 ' How do you know that the man who has given evidence 
 against you is a Dongolawi?' asked the Khalifa quickly. 
 4 Some time ago I saw the man at your gate with Abder- 
 rahman Wad en Nejumi esh Shahid '* (' the martyr,' as he 
 was called after his death), 'and owing to his forwardness 
 and impudence I had to call on your mulazemin to remove 
 him by main force. No doubt he now wishes to revenge 
 himself, and at the same time curry favour with you, by 
 casting suspicion on me. You, to whom God has given 
 wisdom to govern your subjects, will also judge me right- 
 eously and fairly.' 
 
 ' I have summoned you here,' said the Khalifa, after a 
 
 * Bv mere chance I had heard that the man's name was Taib Wad 
 Haj Ali, and that he had once been in Omdurman with Nejumi.
 
 294 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 ong pause, ' not to judge you, but to show you that, in spite 
 of the frequent attempts to cast suspicion on you, I have in 
 no way withdrawn my confidence in you. Had I believed 
 what the man said, I should not have imprisoned him ; no 
 doubt you have enemies here, and there are probably envious 
 people who are jealous of your being near me. But beware ! 
 where there is no fire, there is no smoke.' He then signed 
 to me to withdraw, and soon afterwards the assembly 
 broke up. 
 
 That night I asked one of my comrades whom I knew I 
 could trust to tell me what the Khalifa had said after I had 
 left. He told me that Abdullahi admitted the man was a 
 liar, but that there might be some truth in his statement ; 
 he had also said I might possibly have enemies in Cairo 
 who were intriguing against me. This had also occurred 
 to me whilst I was speaking, but I did not mention it, as I 
 hesitated to throw down all my cards ; now that he had 
 thought of it himself, my silence had stood me in good stead, 
 for I could bring forward this argument in my defence, 
 should some fresh accusation be brought against me. But 
 how long was I to continue in this wretched position ? How 
 long was I to keep up this constant strain of always standing 
 on the defensive ? how much longer could my present rela- 
 tions with the Khalifa last ? I knew he was only waiting 
 or an opportunity to make me harmless, for he was perfectly 
 well aware that I was at heart his enemy ; but, in truth, I 
 thanked God most fervently that he treated me with greater 
 leniency than he did the rest. How difficult it was to carry 
 out Madibbo's advice ! but how true it was that he who lives 
 long sees much ! 
 
 The following morning, after prayers, as I was on my 
 way home, I was overtaken by Gereifawi, who had succeeded 
 Adlan, and was on friendly terms with me. * You are a rare 
 visitor,' said I, shaking hands with him ; ' please God you 
 have good reasons for it !' * Yes,' said he ; ' but I am come 
 to disturb you. I require your house, and I must ask you 
 to leave it to-day. I will give you one in place of it which
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 295 
 
 lies to the south-east of the mosque, and in which the 
 Khalifa's guests are usually housed ; it is somewhat smaller 
 than your own, but you have only the road between it and 
 the mosque, and this will thoroughly suit a pious man like 
 you !' ' All right,' said I ; ' but tell me privately who sent 
 you here — the Khalifa or Yakub?' ' Ah, that is a secret !' 
 said he, laughing ; ■ but, after your conversation yesterday 
 with the Khalifa, you can surely understand the reason ; 
 probably,' he continued ironically, ' our master, out of his 
 great love for you, wishes to have you in close proximity to 
 himself ; your house is scarcely two hundred paces from his 
 own. When may I come and take over your old house?* 
 1 I shall have finished moving by the evening,' said I ; 'it 
 will take me some little time to remove the fodder for my 
 horse and mule. Is the house I am to have uninhabited ?* 
 1 Of course it is. I have given orders for it to be cleaned, 
 and will now return to make the necessary arrangements ; 
 but you had better begin moving at once, and I hope your 
 new house will bring better luck than your old one,' said 
 Gareifawi, leaving me. 
 
 Undoubtedly, this was a very clear case of want of con- 
 fidence in me on the Khalifa's part. He was anxious to 
 remove me from the neighbourhood of the ammunition 
 stores and powder magazine, which, in case of war, I was 
 supposed to seize. I now called together my household, 
 and told them to begin moving at once. They cursed the 
 Khalifa freely, and called down all the punishments of 
 Heaven on his head. Little by little, year by year, they 
 had gone on building. They had dug wells fifty feet deep, 
 and planted lemon and pomegranate trees, which were just 
 about to bear fruit, and had, so to speak, made themselves 
 comfortable. For me the move was quite immaterial. How 
 I had prayed to leave this house, though not in this way t 
 However, as Gereifawi had said, perhaps the new house 
 would bring me better luck, and I was by no means the 
 only man who had been turned out of his abode at short 
 notice. The whole portion of the city lying north of the
 
 *>6 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Khalifa's house had been vacated at a moment's notice by 
 the Ashraf and their relatives, and they had not even been 
 allowed to remove their furniture, nor had they received the 
 smallest compensation. They had been given a patch of 
 stony ground to the west of the town, where they had been 
 ordered to build fresh houses. After all, I was better off 
 than they. Recent events had depressed me considerably, 
 and I saw that the situation was now becoming almost un- 
 bearable ; but more trouble was in store for me which was 
 to throw completely into the background that of which I 
 now complained. 
 
 One of my acquaintances, a Darfur merchant who had 
 frequently travelled backwards and forwards to Egypt, 
 Alexandria, and Syria, and who had gradually understood 
 the various nationalities, realized that I was an Austrian. 
 He had surmised correctly that, although a captive for many 
 years, and shut off from all communication with my own 
 people, I still took an intense interest in all that concerned 
 my native land. He spoke to me in the mosque, told me 
 hurriedly about affairs in Egypt, and then handed me an 
 Egyptian newspaper of old date which, he said, had acci- 
 dentally come into his hands in Alexandria, and which con- 
 tained an article about Austrian affairs. Hurrying home, I 
 opened the paper, and found, to my dismay, the news of the 
 death of our Crown Prince Rudolf. I cannot describe the 
 distress which this news caused me. I had served in his 
 regiment, and I had never given up hope that some day I 
 should return home, and have the pleasure of assuring him 
 that, under all the strange and sad circumstances of my 
 eventful life, I had always endeavoured to uphold the honour 
 of an officer belonging to the Imperial regiment. But what 
 were the trials and troubles of one obscure individual in 
 comparison with this great national calamity ? Nothing ! 
 
 Again and again my mind turned to the grief of our 
 beloved Emperor, to whom we Austrians look up as to a 
 father. What must he have felt and suffered ! 
 
 Here, in the midst of this unsympathetic crowd, my mind
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 297 
 
 was filled with these sad thoughts ; but I did not dare show 
 that I was affected. It required all my self-control to hide 
 from the rude gaze of the Mahdists the expressions of distress 
 which came over my face when I thought of my beloved 
 home, and, in the internal struggle which was going on 
 almost continuously, I sometimes longed for the time when 
 an end should be put to my wretched existence. To-day 
 all the old sores had broken out afresh. The man would 
 have done me a far greater service had he kept back the 
 newspaper. It had only brought fresh trouble upon me, 
 and depressed me more than ever. My comrades at the 
 Khalifa's door — ignorant of the real cause of my sorrow — 
 .advised me to appear as cheerful as possible, and to show 
 no displeasure about my enforced removal to another house, 
 as the Khalifa was sure to have instructed his spies to watch 
 me carefully, and see how I took his unwelcome order. I 
 therefore tried to look as unconcerned as possible, and, to 
 account for my depression, I pretended to be unwell. What 
 a life of dissimulation ! Some time previous to the events 
 I have just described, Tokar had been retaken by the 
 Egyptian army, and the Khalifa, fearing a further advance, 
 recalled Abu Girga, who was a Dongolawi, and replaced 
 him by his relative, Mussaid. He now despatched Abu 
 i Girga with two steamers to Equatoria to relieve Omar 
 Saleh, who, it will be remembered, had been sent there after 
 Karamalla's withdrawal, and had established the Dervish 
 headquarters at Reggaf on the departure of Emin and 
 Stanley. 
 
 A few days after the steamers had left the Khalifa fell 
 rseriously ill with an attack of typhus fever. All Omdurman 
 watched the course of the illness with the most intense 
 anxiety, for his death would have been the signal for a 
 • complete change in the administration of the country. 
 Khalifa Ali Wad Helu, who, according to Mahdist law, 
 should be the successor, watched the illness with almost 
 breathless interest, and his followers and tribe showed such 
 deep concern that they fell under the suspicion of wishing
 
 298 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 to seize the reins of government. The Khalifa's powerful 
 constitution, however, got the better of the malady, and it 
 seemed as if the wretched inhabitants of the Sudan had not 
 been sufficiently punished, and that God did not yet intend 
 to remove from them this terrible scourge. After an illness 
 of about three weeks Abdullahi took the first possible oppor- 
 tunity of appearing before his followers, who greeted him 
 with frantic acclamations, the outcome in the majority of 
 cases of a desire merely to make a noise. Only his own 
 relatives and some of the western Arabs really rejoiced at 
 his recovery. But the Khalifa had no delusions about the 
 imaginary sentiment to which his followers had given vent 
 during his illness. He knew perfectly well that in showing 
 the preference to his own tribe he had given umbrage to 
 many of the western Arabs, who, being strangers to the 
 land, it was most necessary to retain on his side. The 
 inhabitants of the Nile Valley and of the Gezira, the 
 majority of whom were Jaalin and Danagla, were his 
 enemies ; but, disarmed and their property confiscated, he 
 had made them powerless, and every now and then he sent 
 considerable detachments of them to reinforce Darfur, 
 Gallabat, and Reggaf. He did not hide from himself that 
 Khalifa Ali and his followers were anxious to step into his 
 shoes ; but he knew that they would never be foolish 
 enough to attempt to carry out their plans by main force, 
 as the Ashraf had done. 
 
 Now that I had my abode close to him he was more 
 suspicious than ever of me. He continually inquired of 
 my comrades if this strict supervision did not make me 
 indignant, and he did all he could to find fault with my 
 conduct ; but, fortunately, the mulazemin were on friendly 
 terms with me, and always reported favourably of me. At 
 the same time they secretly warned me that the Khalifa's 
 dislike of me was increasing, and that I must be most 
 careful. 
 
 One day, in the month of December, 1892, when I had 
 just left the Khalifa's door to take a short rest, one of the
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 299 
 
 mulazemin summoned me to the Khalifa's presence. I 
 found him in the reception-room, surrounded by his Kadis, 
 and the threats and reprimands which I had received on the 
 occasion of Taib Haj Ali's calumny were still fresh in my 
 mind. I was therefore considerably dismayed when the 
 Khalifa, without returning my salute, ordered me to take 
 my seat amongst the judges. * Take this thing,' said he, 
 after a short pause, and in a very severe tone, ' and see what 
 it contains.' I at once arose and took in both hands the 
 object he gave me, and then sat down again. It consisted 
 of a brass ring of about four centimetres in diameter, 
 attached to which was a small metal case about the size 
 and shape of a revolver cartridge. An attempt had been 
 made to open it, and I could plainly see that it contained a 
 paper. This was indeed an anxious moment for me. Could 
 it be a letter from my relations, or from the Egyptian 
 Government, and had the messenger who brought it been 
 captured ? Whilst I was engaged in opening the case with 
 the knife which had been given me, I turned over in my 
 mind how I should act, and what I should say ; and, as 
 good luck would have it, I had not on this occasion to 
 have recourse to dissimulation. Pulling out two small 
 papers and opening them, I found inscribed on them, in 
 minute but legible handwriting, in the German, French, 
 English, and Russian languages, the following : 
 
 1 This crane has been bred and brought up on my estate 
 at Ascania Nova, in the Province of Tauride, in South 
 Russia. Whoever catches or kills this bird is requested to 
 communicate with me, and inform me where it occurred. 
 ' (Signed) F. R. Falz-Fein. 
 
 'September, 1892.' 
 
 I now raised my head, which hitherto I had kept closely 
 bent down ; and the Khalifa asked, ' Well, what do the 
 papers contain?' 'Sire,' I replied, 'this case must have 
 been fastened to the neck of a bird which has been killed.
 
 300 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Its owner, who lives in Europe, has requested that anyone 
 who finds the bird should let him know where it was caught 
 or killed.' ' You have spoken the truth,' said the Khalifa, 
 in a somewhat more amiable tone ; l the bird was killed by 
 a Shaigi near Dongola, and the cartridge case was found 
 attached to its neck. He took it to the Emir Yunes, 
 whose secretary was unable to decipher the writing of the 
 Christian, and he therefore forwarded it to me. Tell me 
 now what is written on the paper V I translated the 
 message, word for word, and, at the Khalifa's command, 
 also tried to describe the geographical position of the 
 country from which the bird had come, and the distance it 
 had travelled before it was killed. ' This is one of the 
 many devilries of those unbelievers,' he said, at last, * who 
 waste their time in such useless nonsense. A Mohammedan 
 would never have attempted to do such a thing.' 
 
 He then ordered me to hand over the case to his 
 secretary, and signed to me to withdraw ; but I managed 
 to take one more hurried glance at the paper : Ascania 
 Nova, Tauride, South Russia, I repeated over and over 
 again to imprint it on my memory. The mulazemin at the 
 door anxiously awaited my return, and w T hen I came out 
 from the presence of my tyrannical master with a placid 
 countenance they seemed greatly pleased. On my way to 
 my house I continued to repeat to myself the name of 
 the writer and his residence, and determined that should 
 Providence ever grant me my freedom I should not fail to 
 let him know what had happened to his bird. 
 
 In accordance with orders, Mahmud Ahmed, who, on the 
 death of Osman Wad Adam, had succeeded him, now re- 
 turned to Omdurman with all his available troops (about 
 five thousand) from Darfur, leaving there only sufficient 
 men for the garrison. He pitched his camp at Dem Yunes 
 on the south of the city. 
 
 Once more I underwent a period of considerable trial. 
 The Khalifa again instituted a series of military manoeuvres 
 for all the troops in Omdurman, and, as usual, they re-
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 30a 
 
 suited in the wildest confusion. I had to perform the 
 duties of aide-de-camp, and invariably had to bear the 
 blame for everything that went wrong ; but all things come 
 to an end, and at last Mahmud Ahmed was ordered back 
 to El Fasher after his troops had renewed their oath of 
 allegiance, in return for which they received some new 
 jibbas. 
 
 The Khalifa now turned his attention to the Equatorial 
 regions, and despatched two other steamers with three 
 hundred men, under the command of his relative Arabi 
 Dafalla, to Reggaf with instructions to depose Abu Girga, 
 and throw him into chains. It was abundantly clear that 
 the latter had only been sent to Reggaf to get him out of 
 the way. Dafalla's departure was also taken advantage of 
 to exile Khaled, who had been lying heavily chained in the 
 Saier. 
 
 Next came the turn of Zeki Tummal to fall into dis- 
 favour, and once more the jealousy and pernicious influence 
 of Yakub prevailed. Zeki, summoned suddenly from 
 Gedaref, was, on his arrival in Omdurman, hurried off to 
 the general prison, where his body was covered with as 
 much weight of iron as it could possibly bear. He was 
 then removed to a small detached stone hut, deprived of all 
 communication with others, and not even allowed sufficient 
 bread and water to sustain life, and consequently, after an 
 imprisonment of twenty days, he succumbed to hunger and 
 thirst. 
 
 Ahmed Wad Ali now succeeded Zeki in the supreme 
 command, and, anxious to refute any idea of timidity, he 
 sought to gain military renown. He obtained the Khalifa's 
 permission to undertake operations against the Arab tribes 
 living between Kassala and the Red Sea, who were subject 
 to the Italians ; but he received distinct orders not to attack 
 any troops quartered in forts. He was allowed to utilize 
 the services of the Kassala garrison under Mussaid Gaidum, 
 and now made all preparations for a campaign. Leaving 
 Gedaref with his army early in November, 1S93, he joined'
 
 302 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the Kassala force, and advancing east towards Agordat he 
 came up with the Italian troops, who were in an entrenched 
 position. As they were in such small numbers he resolved, 
 in spite of the Khalifa's instructions, to attack them ; but 
 he was heavily defeated, and himself killed, together with 
 his two principal leaders. 
 
 The Khalifa now nominated his cousin Ahmed Fedil as 
 commander of the Gedaref army, and gave him strict in- 
 junctions to remain entirely on the defensive. He proceeded 
 to his post by way of Kassala, in order to collect the 
 scattered troops, who, after the defeat at Agordat, had 
 forced themselves on the villagers, and were harrying the 
 country for food. Once again the Khalifa's equanimity was 
 upset by a rumour that the Italians now intended advancing 
 on Kassala ; but this news was followed soon afterwards by 
 a contradiction, and he became pacified. Indeed, he had 
 publicly announced his intention of avenging Ahmed Wad 
 Ali's defeat, though in reality he had not the slightest idea 
 of doing so ; but, in his ignorance, he believed that these 
 false threats would prevent his enemies from assuming the 
 offensive. He also sent small detachments of horse and 
 spear-men to Gedaref. 
 
 A few months had elapsed since this catastrophe, when 
 one day, just after morning prayers, three men presented 
 themselves at the door of the Khalifa's house, and urgently 
 demanded to be taken before him. I at once recognised 
 them as Baggara Emirs, who had been stationed at Kassala, 
 and from the expression of their faces I could see that the 
 news they brought would not be welcome to the Khalifa. 
 In a few minutes they were admitted, and soon afterwards 
 a considerable disturbance took place round the Khalifa's 
 door. Khalifa Ali Wad Helu, Yakub, as well as all the 
 Kadis, received a sudden summons to attend at a council. 
 The Khalifa's suspicions had been verified, and Kassala, 
 after a short fight, had been captured by the Italians. 
 
 It was impossible to withhold this news from the public. 
 The ombeya was sounded, the great war-drums were beaten,
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 303 
 
 the horses were saddled, and the Khalifa, accompanied by 
 all his mulazemin, and an immense number of horse and 
 spear-men, solemnly rode down to the banks of the Nile. 
 Arrived here, he forced his horse into the river till the 
 water reached its knees, and, drawing out his sword, and 
 pointing towards the east, he shouted out in a loud voice, 
 'Allahu akbar ! Allahu akbar!' ('God is most great!') 
 Each time the cry was taken up by the immense crowd ; 
 but the majority were inwardly rejoicing at the Khalifa's 
 discomfiture. They longed for him to receive fresh humilia- 
 tion, thinking thereby to lighten the terrible yoke they bore. 
 After this display the Khalifa turned his horse about, came 
 back to the river bank, dismounted, and sat down on his 
 sheepskin. A great crowd now collected round him, and 
 he informed them of the fall of Kassala, declaring that his 
 followers had been taken unawares by enormous numbers 
 of the enemy, just after morning prayers, and had been forced 
 to retire. He stated, however, that all the war material, 
 women, and children had been saved, that the losses had 
 been insignificant, whilst the enemy had suffered so heavily 
 that they now bitterly regretted having taken the town. 
 Even his most devoted adherents well knew that these words 
 were a mere pretext for covering a disgraceful defeat. 
 
 The Khalifa knew perfectly well the difficulties of re- 
 capturing Kassala, but in order to make a show of doing 
 something, he sent instructions to Osman Digna, who was 
 at Adarama on the Atbara, some three days' march from 
 Berber, to join Mussaid at Goz Regeb with all his available 
 forces. At the same time he ordered Ahmed Fedil to make 
 a military post of a thousand rifles at El Fasher on the 
 Atbara, about one and a half days' journey from Kassala. 
 He also sent detachments of troops from Omdurman to 
 Asubri on the Atbara, midway between El Fasher and Goz 
 Regeb. He continued to assert most resolutely that he 
 intended shortly to advance on Kassala ; but all these 
 arrangements were made entirely with a view to establish- 
 ing a series of defensive posts along the line of the Atbara,
 
 304 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 whilst the troops he was constantly collecting were 
 intended to oppose the advance of the enemy towards 
 Omdurman. 
 
 In the midst of all this disturbance and excitement two 
 steamers arrived from Reggaf, bringing large cargoes of 
 ivory and slaves, besides quantities of loot captured from 
 Fadl el Maula, one of Emin's old officers, who, on the 
 latter's departure, had with some followers nominally 
 entered the service of the Congo Free State. Amongst 
 the trophies he sent to Omdurman were four Congo Free 
 State flags made of blue bunting, with a five-pointed yellow 
 star in the centre, also two suits of black uniform with 
 buttons, on which the words ■ Travail et Progres ' were 
 engraved. This was the first time I had seen the badge of 
 the Congo Free State, of the existence of which I had 
 heard ; but I had no notion of its size or the extent of its 
 boundaries. Several European letters had also been found 
 in Fadl el Maula's camp ; but the Khalifa did not show 
 them to me. He preferred to remain in ignorance of their 
 contents rather than that I should gain some insight into 
 affairs in those regions. 
 
 Soon afterwards came further disquieting news from 
 Darfur. Mahmud Ahmed now reported that Christians 
 had entered the Bahr el Ghazal districts, and were attempt- 
 ing to win over the native tribes, with whom they had 
 already made treaties. They had arrived, he said, at 
 Hofret en Nahas (the copper-mines near Kalaka, on the 
 south-western Darfur frontier). This news was of the 
 greatest importance, and the Khalifa had every reason to 
 feel alarmed and uneasy. 
 
 When Egypt governed the Sudan, it was from the Bahr 
 el Ghazal provinces that they recruited the men for the 
 Sudanese battalions, who had come either of their own free 
 will or had been forcibly impressed. Owing to the climate 
 and plenteous rainfall the country is more highly cultivated 
 than any portion of the Nile Valley lying between Kowa and 
 Reggaf. Besides, the majority of the tribes who inhabit
 
 DISS ENS ION AND DISCORD 305 
 
 these districts are, owing to internal dissensions, incapable 
 of uniting, and would thus rather facilitate than retard the 
 advance of any foreign power wishing to make itself master 
 of the province. For the Khalifa, however, the possession 
 of this country is of vital importance. Its ruler, he knows, 
 virtually holds the Sudan in his hands. These various 
 Black tribes have no love for the Arab slave-hunters, and 
 would aid any power which would guarantee their protec- 
 tion. The recruitment of four or five thousand local levies 
 possessing fighting qualities of a high order would, for such 
 a power, be a matter of no difficulty ; and in the space of 
 four or five years an army of from fifteen to twenty thousand 
 men might be raised, by which not only Darfur and Kordo- 
 fan, but indeed the whole Sudan, could be conquered. 
 
 Abdullahi therefore was not slow to realize the situation, 
 and he at once gave orders to Mahmud Ahmed to despatch 
 a force from Southern Darfur into these districts, and drive 
 out the strangers who had dared to penetrate the Bahr el 
 Ghazal province. 
 
 In compliance with these instructions the Emir Khatem 
 Musa, with a considerable force, was sent south from Shakka 
 into the northern Bahr el Ghazal districts, and the Faroghe, 
 Kara, Bongo, and other frontier tribes with whom the 
 Europeans had made treaties, being left without support, 
 at once submitted to the Mahdists who occupied their 
 countries. 
 
 One day I was summoned before the Khalifa, who handed 
 to me several documents written in French, which he 
 ordered me to translate. They included two letters from 
 Lieutenant de la Kethulle to his assistants, containing 
 various orders and instructions. They had been originally 
 in the hands of the Sheikh of Faroghe, who had handed 
 them over to Khatem Musa. In addition to these the 
 Khalifa showed me a treaty which had been drawn up 
 between Sultan Hamed Wad Musa of the Faroghe and the 
 representative of the Congo Free State. It was signed in 
 August, 1894, by Hamed Wad Musa and the representative 
 
 20
 
 306 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 of the Congo Free State, and was witnessed by Sultan 
 Zemio and the Sultan of Tiga, the names of the two latter 
 being written in European characters. 
 
 I hurriedly translated these papers verbally to the Khalifa, 
 and was much interested in seeing how, on this occasion, 
 his curiosity got the better of his suspicions, though he did 
 all he could to prevent me from noticing this. 
 
 ' I did not summon you,' he said, ' merely to translate 
 these letters, which, after all, are of not the smallest import- 
 ance to me, though I have instructed Mahmud Ahmed to 
 drive out these Christians, who are only travellers, and in 
 small numbers, from the Bahr el Ghazal province ; but I 
 have also a proposal to make to you. I look upon you as 
 one of us — as my friend and faithful adherent — and I have 
 decided to publicly make known this fact by giving to you 
 as a wife one of my cousins — one of my next of kin. What 
 have you to say to this ?' This offer did not greatly sur- 
 prise me, for he had several times hinted as much. I was 
 perfectly well aware that his object was not to publicly 
 show appreciation of me, but to have me carefully watched 
 in my own house. He wished to place me under surveil- 
 lance in order to discover if I had any secret relations with 
 outside countries. Through trusty friends I had ascer- 
 tained that he earnestly sought some plausible grounds for 
 making me, as he called it, ' harmless ' ; but in doing so 
 he wished to justify his action before the public, by showing 
 me more consideration as a foreigner than I had been a 
 .native. I knew too well, however, that if a man of his 
 unscrupulous determination, who had not spared his best 
 friends, such as Ibrahim Adlan and Kadi Ahmed, would 
 not hesitate to take full advantage of the slightest proof of 
 my disloyalty in order to rid himself of me. 
 
 ' Sire,' I replied, ' may God bless you and give you 
 victory over all your enemies. I feel highly honoured by 
 your magnanimous offer ; but hear of me, I pray you, the 
 truth. Your relative is not merely descended from royalty, 
 but from the Prophet himself. She therefore deserves to-
 
 DISSENSION AND DISCORD 307 
 
 be treated with every consideration. Unfortunately I have 
 a very quick temper, and at times have great difficulty in 
 controlling myself. Domestic quarrels would undoubtedly 
 arise, which might be the cause of estrangement between 
 you, my master, and myself. My only desire is to remain 
 in your greatest favour. I pray God this may ever be so, 
 for I dread the occurrence of anything which might cause 
 me to fall into disfavour.' 
 
 1 I have known you now intimately for ten years,' said 
 the Khalifa, ■ and I have never known you to be thought- 
 less or quick-tempered. I have often presented you with 
 wives, and they have never complained to me of domestic 
 quarrels. It is true, however, that I have heard you have 
 either made presents of them to your servants, or have 
 given them their liberty. It seems to me that, although 
 you pretend to be one of us, you really wish to adhere to 
 the manners and customs of your tribe. [He did not refer 
 to religion, as I suppose he thought that might hurt my 
 feelings.] I mean that you wish to have only one wife.' 
 
 ' Sire,' I replied, ' you have often honoured me with 
 presents of slaves ; but you surely do not wish me to be 
 their slave. If I have married them to my servants or 
 sent them away, it is because they have been disobedient, 
 or have behaved badly. You have been misinformed if you 
 think that I wish to adhere to the custom of my country 
 to have only one wife, for I have already three.' 
 
 1 Very well, he said, * I believe you ; and so you refuse 
 to marry my cousin ?' 
 
 1 Sire,' I replied, ■ I do not refuse ; but I merely inform 
 you of my uncertain temper, so that I may prevent un- 
 pleasantness in the future. Indeed, I am highly honoured 
 by your kind offer, and I beg you to try and see if I am 
 worthy of it.' He understood perfectly well that what I 
 had said was tantamount to a refusal, and he closed the- 
 conversation by making a sign to me to withdraw. This, 
 offer had placed me in a most difficult position. I thoroughly 
 understood the Khalifa. By not joyfully accepting his offer 
 
 20—2
 
 $>8 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 I had hurt his pride ; and now I longed more than ever for 
 liberty. Some months before I had sent a Sudanese mer- 
 chant to Cairo, and had begged the Austrian Consul- 
 General to place, through him, the necessary means at my 
 disposal to effect my escape. But how often had I attempted 
 negotiations of this sort through merchants and others, and 
 how often had I been doomed to disappointment and failure ! 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS. 
 
 The Person and Characteristics of Khalifa Abdullahi — The Fate of the 
 Mahdist Chronicler — The Princesses of Darfur — The Khalifa's 
 Family Life — His Harem — The Organization of his Body-guard — 
 Enforced Attendance at the Mosque — The Postal System — Military 
 Parades — Elevation of the Western Arabs and Oppression of the 
 River Tribes — The Military Situation and Strength — Guns and 
 Ammunition — Revenue and Expenditure — Courage. 
 
 5 will now say a few words regarding the Khalifa's person 
 and his characteristics. 
 
 Sayed Abdullahi Ibn Sayed Mohammed belongs to the 
 Taaisha section of the Baggaras (as all cattle-owning nomad 
 Arabs are called). This section inhabits the country in the 
 south-western portion of Darfur, and the Khalifa himself is 
 descended from the Aulad Om Sura of the Jubarat family. 
 I have already referred to Abdullahi's early life, and how he 
 had established a connection with the slave-hunting Arabs 
 when still quite a youth. He joined the Mahdi at the age 
 of thirty-five, and was then a slim and active, though 
 powerfully built man ; but latterly he has become very 
 stout, and his lightness of gait has long since disappeared. 
 He is now forty-nine years of age, but looks considerably 
 older, and the hair of his beard is almost white. At times 
 the expression of his face is one of charming amiability, but 
 more generally it is one of dark sternness, in which tyranny
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 309 
 
 and unscrupulous resolution are unmistakably visible. He 
 is rash and quick-tempered, acting often without a moment's 
 consideration, and when in this mood even his own brother 
 dares not approach him. His nature is suspicious to a 
 degree to everyone, his nearest relatives and members of 
 his household included. He admits that loyalty and fidelity 
 are rare qualities, and that those who have to deal with him 
 invariably conceal their real feelings in order to gain their 
 own ends. He is most susceptible to flattery, and con- 
 sequently receives an inordinate amount from everyone.. 
 No one dares to speak to him without referring, in the 
 most fulsome terms, to his wisdom, power, justice, courage, 
 generosity, and truthfulness. He accepts this absurd adula- 
 tion with the greatest pleasure and satisfaction ; but woe to 
 him who in the slightest degree offends his dignity ! 
 
 The following episode will give the reader a fair idea of 
 his arbitrary nature : 
 
 A certain Kadi named Ismail Wad Abdel Kader, who 
 had been well educated in Cairo, had gained great favour 
 with the Mahdi by having written a laudatory account of 
 his early victories. This had so fully gratified the great 
 religious reformer that he instructed Abdel Kader to continue 
 to chronicle the various important events as they happened, 
 and further instructed his principal Emirs to forward to him 
 detailed histories of all that occurred within their respective 
 commands. In time these chronicles grew into an elaborate 
 historical and inflated statement of Mahdist rule in the 
 Sudan ; and, after the Mahdi's death, the Khalifa, who had 
 installed Abdel Kader as state chronicler, ordered the con- 
 tinuance of the work. One day, however, during a pleasure- 
 party, the historian had been overheard to say that present 
 affairs in the Sudan, as compared with those in Egypt, 
 might be described by the following simile : The Khalifa 
 might be considered as the Khedive Ismail Pasha, whilst, 
 in the same proportion, he, Abdel Kader, might be likened 
 to Ismail Pasha el Mofettish, who had been the Viceroy's 
 principal adviser and friend. This thoughtless statement
 
 3io FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 was immediately reported to Abdullahi, who, furious at such 
 a comparison, at once ordered the judges to assemble and 
 make a full inquiry into the matter, and, if Abdel Kader had 
 actually made such a statement, he should be at once con- 
 demned. To the Kadis he argued thus : * The Mahdi is the 
 representative of the Prophet Mohammed, and I am his 
 successor. Who, therefore, in the whole world holds so 
 high a position as I ? Who can be nobler than the direct 
 descendant of the Prophet ?' The inquiry proved the guilt 
 of Abdel Kader, who, at the Khalifa's command, was thrown 
 into chains, and transported to Reggaf. ' What business 
 has he to compare affairs here with those of Egypt ?' said 
 the pompous Khalifa. * If he wishes to compare himself to 
 a Pasha, then I, the descendant of the Prophet, will never 
 demean myself to be put on a par with the Khedive — a mere 
 Turk.' I suppose by these assertions he thought to impress 
 the populace. The stupid man, too, in his offended dignity, 
 did not stop here. He at once ordered all the chronicles 
 (of which several copies had been made) to be instantly 
 burnt ; but I heard privately that his secretary, who was 
 being frequently referred to by the Khalifa on the subject 
 of the early events of his reign, secreted one copy for private 
 reference ; and if these strange chronicles could only be 
 procured and translated into European languages, they would 
 expose to the civilized world the methods of Mahdism in all 
 its barefaced mendacity. 
 
 Abdullahi's pride and confidence in his own powers are 
 indescribable. He firmly believes that he is capable of 
 doing anything and everything, and, as he pretends to act 
 under Divine inspiration, he never hesitates to appropriate 
 the merits of others as his own. For example, he stated 
 that the Mahdi's tomb, which had been built with immense 
 labour and trouble by the former Government architect 
 Ismail, had been designed by himself entirely in accordance 
 with Divinely inspired plans. He ascribed Osman Wad 
 Adam's victory over Abu Gemmaiza, as well as Zeki 
 Tummal's over King John of Abyssinia, to the inspired
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 311 
 
 orders which he pretended he had issued. His character is 
 a strange mixture of malice and cruelty. He delights to 
 -annoy and cause disappointment, and he is never happier 
 than when he has brought people to complete destitution 
 by confiscating their property, throwing them into chains, 
 robbing families wholesale, seizing and executing all persons 
 •of tribal influence and authority, and reducing entire races 
 to a condition of powerless impotence. 
 
 During the Mahdi's lifetime he was entirely responsible 
 for the severity of the proceedings enacted in his name, and 
 for the merciless manner in which he treated his defeated 
 enemies. It was Abdullahi who gave the order for no 
 quarter at the storming of Khartum, and it was he who 
 .subsequently authorized the wholesale massacre of the men. 
 women, and children. After the fall of that city, it was he 
 who, for the period of four days, declared the whole Shaigia 
 tribe to be outlaws. When distributing the captured women 
 and children, he was utterly regardless of their feelings. To 
 separate children from their mothers, and to make their 
 reunion practically impossible by scattering them amongst 
 •different tribes, was his principal delight. When Osman 
 Wad Adam sent to Omdurman the sisters of the late Sultan 
 of Darfur, the Princesses Miriam Isa Basi and Miriam 
 Bakhita, he gave them their liberty, but took most of their 
 female relatives into his own harem, and distributed the 
 remainder amongst his followers ; and, hearing that some 
 Darfur people who were residing in Omdurman had called 
 on the Princesses, and offered them presents, he had the 
 latter arrested, and made over as slaves to his two Emirs, 
 Hassib and Kanuna, who were on the point of starting for 
 Keggaf. In vain poor Bakhita's blind mother implored to 
 be allowed to accompany her daughter ; but she was forcibly 
 prevented by the Khalifa's special orders, and died a few 
 days later of a broken heart. Her daughter threw herself 
 into the river as the boat started. She was saved, but 
 subsequently died on the journey from fatigue and misery. 
 Ahmed Gurab, an Egyptian born in Khartum, who had
 
 312 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 quitted the city as a merchant before the destruction of 
 Hicks Pasha's army, had left behind him his wife, who was 
 a Sudanese, and his daughter. He eventually returned to 
 see them, and, on the day he arrived in Omdurman, he was 
 brought before the Khalifa, to whom he explained the 
 reasons of his return, and expressed a wish to enter his 
 service. ■ I accept your offer,' said the Khalifa. * You will 
 at once proceed to Reggaf, and fight in the Holy Cause 
 against the heathen.' In vain the unfortunate man begged 
 and implored to remain with his wife and daughter, or, at 
 least, to be allowed to see them ; but the Khalifa ordered 
 his mulazemin to take him at once on board the steamer, 
 and guard him carefully, and on no account permit him to 
 see his family. With a smile of fiendish delight, he said : 
 1 His fellow-passengers are Isa Basi and Bakhita. He may 
 enjoy their society as much as he likes, if their masters will 
 allow him.' 
 
 Without the smallest rhyme or reason, he has caused the 
 death of thousands of innocent people. He had the right 
 hand and left foot of a certain Omar publicly cut off in the 
 market-place because he had failed to make lead, which he 
 had said he could do, and for which purpose he had re- 
 ceived a small sum of money in advance. During the 
 horrible execution and mutilation of the Batahin he had 
 been present, and had looked with pleasure on the slaughter 
 of his victims. I have described how his best friends and 
 most faithful servants were victimized through his caprice, 
 and how he had ruthlessly seized for himself their wives 
 and daughters. Then what could be more cruel than his 
 punishment of the Ashraf ? No doubt they were guilty of 
 mutiny, but he might have exiled or imprisoned them 
 instead of killing them with clubs and axes as if they had 
 been dogs, and yet these were the near relatives of his 
 former lord and master, the Mahdi. 
 
 In all intercourse v/ith him he demands the most com- 
 plete humility and submission. Persons entering his 
 presence stand in front of him with their hands crossed
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 313 
 
 over their breasts and their eyes lowered to the ground, 
 awaiting his permission to be seated. In his audience 
 chamber he is generally seated on an angareb, over which 
 a palm-mat is spread and his sheepskin stretched out on it, 
 whilst he leans against a large roll of cotton cloth which 
 forms a pillow. When those brought before him are 
 allowed to be seated, they take up a position as in prayers, 
 with their eyes fixed on the ground ; and in this posture 
 they answer the questions put to them, and dare not move 
 until permission is given them to withdraw. 
 
 Even in the mosque, when prayers are over, and he 
 converses on general subjects, those in close proximity to 
 him invariably maintain this attitude. He is most par- 
 ticular that all persons brought before him should keep 
 their eyes downcast, whilst he himself scrutinizes them 
 most carefully. Some years ago a Syrian named 
 Mohammed Said, who had the misfortune to have only 
 one eye, happened to be near him when he was delivering 
 a religious lecture, and unintentionally cast his blind eye in 
 the direction of the Khalifa. The latter at once called me 
 up, and told me to tell the Syrian never to come mar him 
 again, and if he did, never to dare to look at him. At the 
 same time he told me that everyone should be most careful 
 to guard themselves against the evil eye, ■ For,' said he, 
 1 nothing can resist the human eye. Illness and misfortunes 
 are generally caused by the evil eye.' 
 
 In spite of his tyrannical nature, the Khalifa shows to 
 greater advantage in his private life. He is devoted to his 
 eldest son Osman, who is now twenty-one years of age, and 
 who has been instructed in all the commentaries of the 
 Kuran by able Mohammedan teachers ; but his father never 
 hesitated to change the teachers as often as his son wished, 
 and when Osman affirmed to his father that he was suffi- 
 ciently instructed, the latter at once withdrew his teachers. 
 When he reached his seventeenth year he was married to 
 his cousin, the daughter of his uncle Yakub ; and on this 
 occasion the Khalifa departed from the strict observances
 
 314 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 as regards marriage enjoined by the Mahdi, and arranged a 
 series of banquets extending over a period of eight days, to 
 which almost every inhabitant in Omdurman was invited. 
 He had a large red brick house built for his son in the 
 space lying opposite to Yakub's residence, and had it 
 furnished with all the comfort available in the Sudan. An 
 attempt was even made to lay out a garden on the stony 
 ground within the enclosure. Shortly afterwards he gave 
 his son two more of his female relatives in marriage and 
 innumerable concubines, which he himself selected ; but 
 he declared in the most emphatic manner that he would 
 never permit him to marry a woman from any of the Nile 
 Valley tribes. He watches over his son's intercourse with 
 •strangers with the greatest jealousy, and considers it a most 
 dangerous proceeding; and when he heard that, in the 
 perversity of youth, his son entirely disregarded his in- 
 junctions, and held nightly orgies in his house, he had a 
 new residence built for him within the Omdurman wall 
 close to his own, so as to exercise greater supervision, and 
 handed over his old house to Yakub. 
 
 He married his own daughter to the Mahdi's son 
 Mohammed, to whom he bore no goodwill, whilst the 
 latter was anxious to marry one of his own relations, and 
 had no love for the Khalifa's daughter. Abdullahi, how- 
 ever, as father-in-law, guardian, and master, absolutely 
 'forbade him to enter into any such alliance, and tried to 
 insist on his affection for his daughter, with the result that 
 .a complete estrangement was brought about between man 
 and wife, ending in a divorce ; but the Khalifa was so 
 annoyed that, out of pure fear, Mohammed had to take 
 her back, and swear entire devotion to her for the rest of 
 his life. 
 
 The Khalifa thought it incumbent on his position to main- 
 tain a large establishment ; and as this was also entirely in 
 conformity with his own inclinations, he gradually became 
 possessor of a harem of over four hundred wives. In accord- 
 ance with the Mohammedan law, he has four legal wives,
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 315 
 
 who belong to free tribes ; but, being a lover of change, he 
 never hesitates to divorce them at will, and take others in 
 their places. The other women of the household consist 
 for the most part of young girls, many of whom belong to 
 tribes which have been forced to accept Mahdism, and whose 
 husbands and fathers fought against him. They are there- 
 fore regarded as booty, and have only the rights and claims 
 of concubines, or, in some cases, of slaves. This large 
 assortment of ladies varies in colour from light-brown to the 
 deepest black, and comprises almost every tribe in the Sudan. 
 They are divided into groups of from fifteen to twenty, pre- 
 sided over by a superior ; and two or three of these groups 
 are placed under the orders of a free woman, who is generally 
 a concubine specially selected by the Khalifa. A certain 
 amount of grain and money is granted monthly to these 
 superiors for the maintenance of their charges ; and they 
 also receive means to purchase the necessary cosmetics, 
 consisting of various sorts of oils, grease, and scent. The 
 value of their clothing is regulated entirely by the compara- 
 tive beauty, position, and character of the wearers, and con- 
 sists for the most part of native-woven cotton cloth with 
 parti-coloured borders, or of bright silk or woollen shawls, 
 imported from Egypt. These are always distributed by the 
 Khalifa himself, or by his chief eunuch. As the wearing 
 of silver jewellery was strictly prohibited by the Mahdi, 
 mother-of-pearl buttons and oblong strips of red coral and 
 onyx, threaded together, are worn round the wrists, ankles, 
 and head. The hair is usually worn in innumerable small 
 plaits, which are arranged in all sorts of different ways, and 
 bedaubed with a quantity of oily and greasy scents ; and to 
 European olfactory nerves the odour emanating from a 
 Sudanese lady en grande toilette is repulsive in the extreme. 
 For the last few years the wives of the upper classes have 
 again taken to wearing gold and silver jewellery ; and the 
 Khalifa's principal women indulge in these luxuries to a 
 greater extent than the rest. The latter live in a series of 
 large detached houses, something like barracks, surrounded
 
 316 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 by courts encircled with high walls. Special women are 
 maintained to watch over their state of health ; and they 
 are obliged to report it to their master, the Khalifa, from 
 time to time. When he wishes to summon any lady ir* 
 particular to share his affections, he communicates his desire 
 by means of little boy eunuchs. Occasionally he holds an 
 inspection of his entire household, and makes use of such 
 opportunities to rid himself of those of whom he is weary, 
 in order to make room for new attractions. Those disposed 
 of in this way he generally passes on to his near relatives, 
 his special favourites, or his servants. The harem courts 
 are carefully guarded by eunuchs and the Black mulazemin. 
 The women are almost entirely cut off from intercourse with' 
 the outer world ; and perhaps once a year their female- 
 relations are allowed to converse with them for only a short 
 time. 
 
 The Khalifa's principal wife is called Sahra, and belongs 
 to his own tribe. She has shared with him from earliest 
 days all his joys and sorrows, and is the mother of his oldest 
 children, Osman and Kadija. During the early years of his 
 reign he would only eat the simplest food, cooked by her 
 or under her superintendence. It consisted, as a rule, merely 
 of asida, roast meat, and chickens ; but as his household 
 increased he began to try the various sorts of cookery known 
 to his new wives, many of whom were acquainted with the 
 Turkish and Egyptian methods ; and now, in place of the 
 simple food, he indulges in far more luxurious fare, though' 
 co outward appearance he still pretends to lead a life of r 
 simplicity and abstinence. These innovations brought about 
 a quarrel between him and his wife Sahra, who pointed out 
 that the new dishes might be bewitched or poisoned, and. 
 might end in his death, with the result that he twice sent 
 her letters of separation, but on the strong representations of 
 his brother Yakub and the other members of the family, he • 
 was induced to cancel them. 
 
 He has in his service in all some twenty eunuchs, chief. 
 of whom is a certain Abdel Gayum, who is also charged
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 317 
 
 with the superintendence of large quantities of land which 
 are cultivated by slaves for the use of the household, and it 
 is his duty to purchase the necessary supplies of grain, and 
 have in readiness the sheep and cattle required for domestic 
 purposes. He also draws from the Beit el Mai the neces- 
 sary amounts required for the payment of the women and 
 servants of the harem. He has also charge of considerable 
 sums of private money with which the Khalifa purchases 
 the presents he secretly makes to his Emirs and other influ- 
 eatial persons. To assist him in carrying out his multi- 
 farious duties, he has a staff of clerks and servants, who are 
 always eunuchs or slaves, as the Khalifa will on no account 
 allow any stranger to get an insight into his harem. 
 
 Abdullahi's dress consists of a jibba made of superfine 
 white cotton cloth with a coloured border, loose cotton 
 drawers, and on his head a beautifully made Mecca silk 
 skull-cap, around which a small white turban is wound. 
 Around his body a narrow strip of cotton, about five yards 
 long, called wassan, is worn, and a light shawl of the same 
 material is thrown across his shoulders. He formerly wore 
 sandals, but latterly he has taken to wearing soft leather 
 stockings of a light-brown colour, and yellow shoes. When 
 walking, he carries a sword in his left hand, and in his right 
 a beautifully worked Hadendoa spear, which he uses as a 
 walking-stick. He is invariably accompanied by twelve or 
 fifteen little boy-slaves as his personal attendants. Many 
 of these are children of Abyssinian Christians seized by Abu 
 Anga and Zeki Tummal. Their duty is to remain always 
 near him, and act as his messengers to various parts of the 
 town. They usher into his presence all visitors, and must 
 be ready day and night to carry his orders. When they 
 reach the age of seventeen or eighteen they are drafted into 
 the ranks of the mulazemin, and their places taken by others. 
 The Khalifa thinks that by employing young boys his secrets 
 are less likely to be betrayed ; and in this he is not far 
 wrong, when one considers the extraordinary amount of 
 bribery and corruption which prevails amongst the older
 
 318 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 classes. Within the house, into which these young boys 
 are never admitted, he employs young eunuchs, who wait 
 upon him, whilst the more advanced in age of this unfor- 
 tunate class are relegated to the outer dependencies of the 
 household. Even these juvenile domestics suffer consider- 
 able brutality at his hands. The slightest mistakes are 
 punished by flogging, or the offenders are thrown into chains 
 and starved. 
 
 Upwards of three years ago he conceived the idea of 
 augmenting his mulazemin by a species of body-guard, and 
 for this purpose he selected a number of Jchadia from 
 Mahmud Ahmed's and Zeki Tummal's armies. In addition 
 to these, he called on the Emirs of the western tribes to 
 provide a number of recruits for his mulazemin ; but his 
 orders were only partially obeyed. He selected a few of the 
 sons of the best Jaalin families for incorporation in the 
 body-guard ; but he rigorously excluded all Danaglas and 
 Egyptians, in whom he has no confidence. In this manner 
 he created a force of from eleven to twelve thousand men, 
 who, with their wives and children, are all quartered close to 
 his and his son's houses, and within the newly-erected wall. 
 This force is subdivided into three corps, under the re- 
 spective commands of his son Osman, the Khalifa's young 
 brother Harun Abu Mohammed, who is barely eighteen 
 years of age, and his cousin Ibrahim Khalil, who has been 
 recently replaced by an Abyssinian named Rabeh, who has 
 been brought up in the Khalifa's household. 
 
 Osman, in all matters regarding the mulazemin, is looked 
 upon as the Khalifa's representative. The corps are sub- 
 divided again into sections of one hundred men, over each 
 of which an officer called Ras Miya (head of the hundred), 
 who has several assistants, has command. Over every five 
 or six Ras Miya an Emir presides, who is also provided 
 with an assistant. The Black soldiers, or Jehadia, are in- 
 corporated in the subdivisions, not with the free Arabs, but 
 under the special command of the Emirs, who have there- 
 fore under their respective orders two or three hundred
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 319 
 
 Jehadia, and the remainder Arabs. Almost all these are 
 armed with Remington rifles, which, however, are kept in 
 store, and are only issued on special feasts. The monthly 
 pay of the mulazemin consists of half a Dervish dollar, and 
 every fortnight one-eighth of an ardeb of dhurra. The 
 grain is received fairly regularly ; but the cash payment is 
 merely a nominal one, and is very seldom issued. The 
 salaries of the Ras Miya and Emirs are proportionately 
 higher, and they receive frequent gifts of women and slaves 
 from the Khalifa. The duty of the mulazemin and body- 
 guard is to protect the person of the Khalifa, and all must 
 accompany him when he rides out or holds reviews. Even 
 when making a comparatively small expedition into the 
 town they must proceed with him. They have always to 
 remain in readiness in the open square in front of his house. 
 Although the Khalifa has forbidden all Egyptian music, he 
 has collected the former Black buglers, two of whom in- 
 variably accompany him. The call for a Ras Miya is that 
 of captain ; for Emir, that of major ; and for commander, 
 that of colonel. Abdullahi frequently inspects the mula- 
 zemin at night, in order to see that they are in occupation 
 of the posts allotted to them, and he pays special attention 
 to the outposts. Owing to this unusually hard service, the 
 Ras Miya and Emirs, under the pretext of illness, frequently 
 go secretly to their houses, and great discontent prevails 
 amongst them. 
 
 The Khalifa's public duties consist in saying the five 
 prayers daily in the large mosque. At early dawn he begins 
 with the morning prayers, after which the Rateb is read in 
 various groups, as enjoined by the Mahdi. This consists of 
 a selection of verses and special prayers from the Kuran, 
 and occupies about an hour. The Khalifa then returns, as 
 a rule, to his private apartments, but sometimes walks 
 about in the mosque in order to see for himself whether the 
 inhabitants of Omdurman comply with his orders to attend 
 prayers regularly. He holds mid-day prayers at about two 
 o'clock, and two hours later follows the Asr, or evening
 
 320 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 prayer, after which the Rateb is repeated. Prayers are 
 said again at sunset, and three hours later night prayers 
 are held. On all these occasions the Khalifa attends in his 
 mihrab (niche), which has been erected immediately in front 
 of the lines of believers. It is a square-shaped structure, 
 consisting of a series of columns connected by open iron- 
 work, through which he can see all that is going on around 
 him. Immediately behind him are the seats of his son, the 
 Kadis, and a few persons specially selected by himself. 
 The mulazemin take up a position to the right and left, 
 whilst the Black soldiers occupy large open enclosures, 
 which are separated from the mosque by a wall. On the 
 right of the mulazemin are the places of Yakub, the Emirs, 
 and most of the western tribes, whilst to the left are some 
 of Yakub's followers, a few of Khalifa Ali Wad Helu's 
 Arabs, and the Jaalin and Danagla. Behind these the 
 people are seated in ten or twelve rows, and repeat the 
 prayers in unison after the Khalifa. On all occasions there 
 are several thousand persons present, and the Khalifa is 
 most particular that all the principal Emirs and influential 
 people should assist him-. If he bears any special dislike or 
 ill-will to any persons, he invariably condemns them to 
 .regularly attend the five daily prayers in the mosque, under 
 the supervision of people specially selected for this purpose. 
 In making these strict regulations regarding prayers, the 
 Khalifa is by no means actuated by devotional ideas, but 
 utilizes these occasions to keep his followers together under 
 .his own personal control. As several of the people live a 
 •considerable distance away from the mosque, they are 
 generally so tired and exhausted after these frequent 
 journeys to and fro, that they do not collect in the evening 
 in each other's houses, a practice which the Khalifa specially 
 abhors, for his object is to destroy as far as possible what 
 he is pleased to call * social life ' — that is to say, social 
 gatherings — for he is perfectly well aware that his deeds 
 .and actions on such occasions are invariably discussed and 
 ^criticised, and not generally very favourably.
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 321 
 
 If for any reason, such as illness, he is prevented from 
 attending prayers, his place is taken by one of his Kadis, 
 or by a very pious mulazem of the Takruri tribe ; but on 
 such occasions the substitute Imam is never allowed to 
 occupy the mihrab, but stands outside. Khalifa Ali Wad 
 Helu, who, in accordance with the religious law, should on 
 such occasions represent the Khalifa, is scarcely ever per- 
 mitted to do so. 
 
 In the afternoon, or between afternoon and evening 
 prayers, he receives reports, news, and letters, and inter- 
 views the Kadis and Emirs whose names have been previ- 
 ously submitted to him, as well as any other persons whom 
 he specially wishes to see. 
 
 His postal arrangements are very primitive. He keeps 
 up from sixty to eighty riding camels, with a specially 
 selected staff of postmen, and these he despatches to 
 different parts of his Empire with orders and instructions. 
 Ibrahim Adlan had suggested to him that he should make 
 special stations for the posts along the various main roads, 
 and establish a more regular and less expensive system ; 
 but he utterly refused to entertain the idea, saying that he 
 placed special value on the verbal accounts of the postmen 
 who were despatched direct, and he frequently obtained 
 from them important information concerning the attitude 
 and behaviour of his Governors. The Emirs of the various 
 districts also have a similar postal system of their own, and 
 despatch camel-men with important information to Omdur- 
 man. There is no system of postal communication for 
 private persons, though sometimes the camel-postmen 
 convey letters secretly. The Khalifa being intensely sus- 
 picious of all intercourse with strangers, any communications 
 between his subordinates and the outside must be carried 
 out with the greatest circumspection and secrecy. Utterly 
 ignorant of reading and writing, the Khalifa orders all 
 letters that arrive to be handed over to his secretaries, Abu 
 el Gasem and Mudasser, who are obliged to explain the 
 contents, and write replies in accordance with his orders. 
 
 21
 
 322 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 These two individuals lead a wretched life ; for they know 
 that he will not forgive the slightest mistake, and should he 
 have the least suspicion of their having revealed any of his 
 secrets, even through carelessness, he w r ould not hesitate to 
 treat them as he treated their comrades Ahmedi and his 
 four brothers, who, having been accused of communicating 
 with the Ashraf, were executed. 
 
 He converses principally with his Kadis, who are, for the 
 most part, willing tools in his hands, and serve to give a 
 veneer of justice to his despotic actions. These myrmidons, 
 submissively seated in a semicircle on the bare floor, their 
 heads bowed down, listen to his orders, which are generally 
 given in an undertone ; and rarely any one of them dares to 
 open his mouth or make a suggestion, no matter how 
 necessary he may think it. In addition to the Kadis, he 
 occasionally interviews Emirs and other influential persons, 
 from whom he ascertains the condition of the country and 
 tribes ; but he invariably stirs up intrigue, and tries to pit 
 one against the other. He generally consults, immediately 
 after night prayers, with Yakub and some of his near 
 relatives, and these meetings often last till long past mid- 
 night. They are usually convened for discussing the ways 
 and means of ridding themselves of persons who are ob- 
 jectionable, or who are in the smallest degree a menace to 
 their authority. 
 
 Occasionally, he makes short riding excursions to various 
 parts of the town, or visits his houses in the north or south 
 of Omdurman. The melancholy notes of the ombeya and 
 the beating of war-drums announce to the inhabitants that 
 their master is about to appear in public. Horses are at 
 once saddled in the large thatched enclosure immediately 
 behind the mosque. The doors are thrown open, and the 
 mulazemin stream out from all directions, and, last of all, 
 follows the Kalifa, mounted, as a rule, on horseback. A 
 square is immediately formed round him, and the men 
 advance in front of him in detachments, ten or twelve 
 abreast. Behind them follow the horse and footmen of the
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 
 
 323 
 
 town population, while on the Khalifa's left walks an 
 immensely powerful and well-built Arab named Ahmed 
 Abu Dukheba, who has the honour of lifting his master in 
 and out of the saddle. On his right is a strongly-made 
 young Black, who is chief of the slaves in the royal stables. 
 The Khalifa is immediately preceded by six men, who 
 alternately blow the ombeya by his orders. Behind him 
 follow the buglers, who sound the advance or halt, or 
 summon, at his wish, the chiefs of the mulazemin. Just 
 behind these follow his small personal attendants, who 
 carry the Rekwa (a leather vessel used for religious ab- 
 lutions), the sheepskin prayer-carpet, and several spears. 
 Sometimes, either in front or rear, as the case may be, 
 follows the musical band, composed of about fifty Black 
 slaves, whose instruments comprise antelope-horns, and 
 drums made of the hollow trunks of trees covered with 
 skin. The strange African tunes they play are remarkable 
 rather for the hideously discordant noise they make than 
 for their melody. These rides are generally undertaken 
 after mid- day prayer, and the Khalifa returns at sunset. 
 Whilst he is advancing in this solemn state, the mulazemin 
 generally indulge in displays of horsemanship. Galloping 
 four abreast, with their spears poised high in the air, they 
 dash up towards him at full speed, drawing up their horses 
 almost on their haunches. They then slowly retire to 
 repeat the operation. 
 
 During the early years of his rule, the Khalifa was 
 present every Friday on the large parade ground where the 
 ceremony of trooping the colours is performed ; but now he 
 attends only four times a year, viz., on the birthday of the 
 Prophet, on the Feast of Miraj, the Feast of Bairam, and 
 the Feast of Kurbam Bairam ; on this last date all the 
 troops in the neighbourhood, as well as the Darfur and 
 Gedaref armies, are assembled during peaceful times. On 
 the first day of the Feast of Bairam the Khalifa holds 
 prayers on the parade-ground, and retires himself within a 
 zariba in which a small mud-brick house has been built. A 
 
 21 — 2
 
 324 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 few special favourites, and a number of mulazemin, remain 
 with him ; but the rest of the troops and populace range 
 themselves in long lines ; and when the prayer is over he 
 mounts a wooden pulpit, and delivers a sermon, which is 
 generally specially prepared for him by his secretaries. 
 This over, a salute of seven guns is fired, and all those who 
 can afford it kill the sacrificial lambs prescribed by the 
 religion ; but, owing to the prevailing distress and poverty 
 of the inhabitants, very few of them are in a position to 
 bear this expense, and are obliged to content themselves 
 with a sort of porridge which takes the place of a 
 sacrificial dish. During the three following days a review 
 is held. Long before sunrise the Emirs, with their flags 
 and followers, collect and march to their allotted positions 
 on the parade-ground, which is an almost perfectly flat 
 sandy plain, with a few stones here and there. The troops 
 are marshalled in long lines in rear of each other, facing 
 east. 
 
 Yakub has the principal flag — an immense piece of black 
 cloth, which is hoisted exactly opposite the Khalifa's zariba, 
 and about four hundred yards from it. To the right and 
 left are ranged those of the different Emirs, while on the 
 north side flies the green flag of the Khalifa Ali Wad Helu, 
 on either side of which are the flags of his Emirs. On the 
 left flank the horse and camel-men are drawn up, while on 
 the right flank are ranged the riflemen, consisting partly of 
 Jehadia, and partly of men belonging to the various Emirs, 
 who are only specially provided with arms for the time 
 being. Immediately after sunrise, the Khalifa comes out of 
 the zariba, and, mounted on his horse, stands surrounded by 
 his mulazemin and body-guard, whilst the entire army 
 passes in review before him, the troops being generally 
 provided with new jibbas and turbans in honour of the 
 feast. Sometimes the Khalifa mounts on a camel ; and, on 
 one occasion, he drove in the carriage of one of the former 
 Governors- General which had been captured in Khartum, 
 and which was kept stored away in the Beit el Mai. Two
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 325 
 
 horses were specially trained to draw this vehicle, which 
 the Khalifa ordered to be driven at a foot pace, as he feared 
 being upset ; but latterly he has given up this plan, and 
 generally rides on horseback direct from the mosque along 
 the road leading due west towards the black flag, and, on 
 reaching it, he solemnly contemplates it for a few moments, 
 and then rides to the zariba, at the south front of which a 
 small shelter, consisting of trunks of trees lashed together 
 and covered with palm-mats, has been erected. Here he 
 dismounts and reclines on an angareb, surrounded by his 
 Kadis, whilst the troops file past. Occasionally he starts 
 from his own house, and, taking a southern road, marches 
 out of the town, then turns west and rides along the front 
 alignment of his troops, after which the usual march past 
 takes place. At these reviews the horsemen are generally 
 clad in coats of mail, of European or Asiatic origin, whilst 
 on their heads they wear heavy iron helmets and curious 
 cotton caps of various colours and the most grotesque 
 shapes, round which a small turban is wound. The horses 
 are clothed in large padded patchwork quilts, somewhat 
 resembling those worn by the knights of old at tournaments ; 
 and one might almost imagine one was gazing at one of 
 those old mediaeval displays. These reviews terminate at 
 the end of the third day ; and the troops brought from 
 beyond Omdurman are permitted to return to their respec- 
 tive garrisons. 
 
 I propose now to briefly consider the Khalifa's political 
 ntentions and ideas. 
 
 As I have already stated, when the Mahdi first declared 
 himself, he nominated three Khalifas, viz., Abdullahi, Ali 
 Wad Helu, and Mohammed Sherif, who were to succeed 
 him in this order, if they survived. On his death, Abdullahi 
 succeeded as arranged ; but from the moment he took over 
 the reins of government he did everything in his power to 
 increase his personal ascendancy and make it hereditary in 
 the family. The mutinous Ashraf, who prided themselves 
 on their relationship to the Mahdi, afforded him a welcome
 
 326 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 pretext for compassing their downfall ; and he did not 
 hesitate to possess himself of the Black troops belonging to 
 both his rival Khalifas. An obscure member of a western 
 tribe, he was a complete stranger in the country ; and he 
 knew that he could not reckon on the Jaalin, Danagla, 
 inhabitants of the Gezira, and other Nile Valley tribes to 
 support his authority. He therefore sent secret emissaries 
 to the western Arabs to induce them to make a pilgrimage 
 to the Mahdi's tomb, and emigrate to the Nile Valley. His 
 agents drew a tempting picture of the magnificent country 
 to which they had been invited, telling them that they were 
 the Lord's chosen people, and that they should go out to 
 possess the land, the inhabitants of which were rich in cattle 
 and slaves, which should be theirs. Tempted by these 
 glowing accounts, many of these tribes emigrated of their 
 own free-will to Omdurman ; but as this contingent was not 
 sufficient, the Khalifa instructed his Emirs in Darfur and 
 Kordofan to enforce his orders ; and, in consequence of this, 
 an immense emigration took place, and continues, on a 
 reduced scale, down to the present day. By this means the 
 Khalifa has surrounded himself with hordes of strangers 
 who have ousted the rightful owners of the soil, and have 
 made themselves absolute masters of the situation. All 
 offices and important situations are filled by them and his 
 own relatives, the majority belonging to the Taaisha section. 
 Almost the only one of the old Emirs left is Osman Digna ; 
 and the reason for this is that the eastern Arab tribes he 
 governs speak a language which is unknown to the western 
 Arabs. Besides, many of these tribes are gradually coming 
 under Egyptian and Italian influence, and the few that are 
 left are merely attached to Osman Digna because he is 
 one of them. Thus the Taaisha tribe has acquired all the 
 power and authority in the land ; and they fill their pockets 
 with the waning revenues of the impoverished Sudan. 
 
 Years ago, the Emirs of Dongola and Berber had been 
 instructed by the Khalifa to weaken the local population 
 as much as possible ; and, in consequence, firearms and
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 327 
 
 weapons of all descriptions were taken from them, and they 
 were reduced to a condition of complete harmlessness. 
 Moreover, in the actions of Toski and Tokar numbers of 
 Jaalin and Danagla were killed, whilst large contingents of 
 them had been sent to Darfur and Gallabat in the hope that 
 they might be eventually exterminated. In this manner the 
 Khalifa has secured their countries, and rendered any 
 attempt to oppose his authority almost impossible. The 
 same may be said of the inhabitants of the Gezira, who 
 have also been drafted off into various remote parts of the 
 country, or have been forced to come to Omdurman with 
 their families, where they have endured the greatest hard- 
 ships and privations. Moreover, they were called upon to 
 give up more than half their cultivated lands, which were 
 distributed amongst the western Arabs ; and all their best 
 fields are now possessed by the Khalifa's own relatives and 
 favourites. The former owners are often obliged to till the 
 soil for their new masters, who have annexed their servants, 
 slaves, and cattle. Thus the cultivable area of the Gezira, 
 which in former times was the most populous and pros- 
 perous part of the Sudan, has been reduced by at least a 
 half; and such commotion prevailed in the districts that the 
 Khalifa was himself obliged to intervene on behalf of the 
 inhabitants, who were ill-treated, tyrannised over, and 
 oppressed to an incredible extent. 
 
 As I have before stated, his own tribes are preferred on all 
 occasions. Not only do they hold all the best positions and 
 posts, but the greater part of the money and spoil which 
 passes into the Beit el Mai from the provincial treasuries at 
 Darfur, Gallabat, and Reggaf finds its way into their hands. 
 For their special benefit he has imposed a horse tax, which 
 must be paid in kind, and in this manner he has provided 
 the majority of the Taaisha with chargers. His own section 
 (the Jubarat) of course gets the lion's share of everything. 
 
 He never hesitates to make use of every description of 
 intrigue in order to strengthen his own side and weaken the 
 other. For example, on the defeat and death of Nejumi,
 
 328 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 whose flags belonged to those of Khalifa Sherif, and from 
 whom Abdullahi had withdrawn all power of command over 
 other Emirs, the remnant of the defeated force was placed 
 under the direction of the Emir Yunes, and in order to 
 replace those who had been killed, he appointed fresh 
 Jaalin and Emirs as well as men from Omdurman. These 
 he first placed under the command of their compatriot, 
 Bedawi Wad el Ereik ; but instead of sending them to 
 Dongola, they were despatched to Gedaref, and as an 
 unavoidable delay occurred in their departure, he made 
 out that this was a proof of disobedience, and condemned 
 Bedawi, with six of his Emirs, to be banished to Reggaf, 
 and in their place he nominated other Emirs, whom he 
 placed under the direct command of his cousin, Hamed 
 Wad Ali. 
 
 It is human nature to seek the protection of the most 
 powerful, and now, instead of being desirous to serve under 
 their own Emirs, the greater number of the so-called opposi- 
 tion party vie with one another in their efforts to be placed 
 under the direct command of the Khalifa or of Yakub ; even 
 the adherents of Ali Wad Helu come under this category. 
 As an instance of this, I will quote the case of Hamed Wad 
 Gar en Nebbi, who was the principal cause of the destruc- 
 tion of the Batahin. He belonged to the Hassanab tribe, 
 which was commanded by Ali Wad Helu. Recognising 
 how matters stood, he wished to place himself and his tribe 
 under Yakub's command, but he was short-sighted enough 
 to tell Khalifa Ali's relatives of his plans. He even went so 
 far as to state in public that, on the death of Abdullahi, he 
 would be succeeded by his brother Yakub or his son Osman, 
 and that, as they had all the power in their hands, Khalifa 
 Ali could expect nothing, and was, moreover, a weak man, 
 without energy. Several of the bystanders retorted that 
 the Mahdi had nominated Khalifa Ali to be Abdullahi's 
 successor, to which he replied that times had changed, that 
 Abdullahi was all-powerful, and that the Mahdi's commands 
 were never attended to or taken into consideration. When
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 329 
 
 this interview came to the ears of Khalifa Ali, he charged 
 Gar en Nebbi before the Kadi, and it was proved beyond a 
 doubt that the latter had actually made these statements. 
 He was consequently convicted of being ' irreligious,' having 
 doubted the maintenance of the Mahdi's doctrines and 
 instructions. Abdullahi could not therefore publicly inter- 
 fere. Had he done so he would have revealed his own 
 intentions, which were in reality well known, and would 
 have corroborated Gar en Nebbi's assertions. The judges 
 sentenced him to death, and although Abdullahi did all in 
 his power to induce Ali Wad Helu to grant a reprieve, the 
 latter insisted that the sentence should be carried out, and 
 Gar en Nebbi was publicly executed in the market-place as 
 an unbeliever and a disturber of public tranquillity. All 
 the tribes under the command of Yakub, as well as the 
 Khalifa's immediate followers, received instructions to show 
 general dissatisfaction with the execution by openly absent- 
 ing themselves from it. 
 
 Whenever it is a question between himself and his oppo- 
 nents, the Khalifa invariably relies upon his arms, which are 
 far more than sufficient to overcome with ease any attempt 
 to dispute his authority, whether it be in Omdurman itself 
 or in any other part of the country. Within the Sudan, 
 therefore, he is all-powerful, but he is not in a position to 
 offer determined resistance to outside enemies. His leaders 
 are neither capable nor sufficiently instructed to ensure 
 victory. His men are not now loyal enough to fight with 
 that determination which early fanaticism had inspired. 
 They have little or no faith in the cause for which they are 
 supposed to be fighting, and there is little doubt that the 
 Khalifa's forces could not resist the advance of a foreign 
 power bent on reoccupying the Sudan. 
 
 The table on the next page shows approximately the 
 forces at present at the Khalifa's disposal. Of the forty 
 thousand rifles shown in the table there are not more than 
 twenty-two thousand Remingtons in good condition. The 
 remainder consist of single and double barrel smooth-bores,
 
 33o 
 
 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
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 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 331 
 
 and other guns of a variety of pattern. Several of the 
 Remington barrels, however, have been cut short, with the 
 object of lessening the weight, and with entire disregard to 
 the altered trajectory thus occasioned. Of the sixty-four 
 thousand swords and spearmen, at least twenty-five per cent, 
 are either too old or too young to be considered effective for 
 a campaign. The seventy-five guns comprise six Krupps 
 of large calibre, and for which there is only a very small 
 amount of ammunition, eight machine-guns of various 
 patterns, and sixty-one brass muzzle-loading guns of various 
 shapes and sizes, the ammunition for which is manufactured 
 principally in Omdurman, and is of a very inferior quality, 
 the range being little over six or seven hundred yards. 
 
 Let us now consider for a few moments the present limits 
 of the Khalifa's influence. 
 
 Until a few years ago Dervish authority extended from 
 near Wadi Haifa in a south-easterly direction towards Abu 
 Hamed, thence eastwards to the Suakin neighbourhood, 
 including Tokar and the Khor Baraka, thence in a southerly 
 direction, including Kassala, Gallabat, and the south- 
 eastern slopes of the Beni Shangul and Gulli mountains, 
 and from here it trended in a south-westerly direction 
 towards the White Nile, and included Fashoda, Bohr, and 
 Reggaf. On the west it extended in a south-westerly 
 direction through the southern Libyan desert, including 
 Selima, the Dongola, Kordofan, and Darfur Provinces, up 
 to the Wadai frontier, and thence southward across the 
 Bahr el Arab through Dar Runga, and included Dar Fertit, 
 the Bahr el Ghazal, and a portion of Equatoria. 
 
 The defeat of Nejumi obliged the Mahdists to evacuate 
 the northern portion of the Dongola Province ; and their 
 most northerly outpost is now Suarda, some three days' 
 march from Dongola.* The Egyptian victories at Tokar 
 and Handub gave back to the local tribes the districts in 
 
 * In 1896 an Expeditionary Force succeeded in driving the Dervishes 
 out of the Dongola Province, and re-establishing Egyptian authority as 
 far south as Merowe.
 
 332 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the immediate neighbourhood of Suakin and Kokar, whilst 
 the capture of Kassala threw into the hands of the Italians 
 all districts lying east of that town, in consequence of which 
 the river Atbara may now be considered the Khalifa's 
 eastern frontier. The main force originally stationed at 
 Gallabat under Ahmed Fedil has been moved to Gedaref, 
 and only an insignificant force is maintained at the former 
 station. The chief of the Beni Shangul districts, Tur el 
 Guri, and many of the neighbouring Sheikhs have declared 
 themselves independent. 
 
 In the extreme west the Massalit, Tama, Beni Hussein, 
 and Gimr tribes, who formerly paid tribute, have now 
 revolted against the Mahdi's government, and until lately 
 were independent. They entered into an offensive and 
 defensive alliance with Sultan Yusef of Wadai, and the 
 Khalifa was about to despatch an expedition with the object 
 of bringing them into subjection, when the alarming news, 
 to which I have already referred, regarding the appearance 
 of Europeans in the Bahr el Ghazal induced him to alter 
 the destination of Khatem Musa's force to that neighbour- 
 hood. After the retirement of the Dervishes orders were 
 sent to Khatem Musa not to proceed further south until he 
 had received reinforcements from Omdurman. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS (continued). 
 
 Administration of Justice — Religion in the Sudan — Enforced Pilgrimage 
 to the Mahdi's Tomb — Limits of the Mahdist Empire — Caravan 
 Roads — Trade and Commerce — The Slave Trade — The Slave 
 Market — Industries — Immorality — Unpopularity of the Khalifa — 
 His Ignorance and Cruelty — His Private Apartments — Principal 
 Buildings in Omdurman — Description of the City — The Prison and 
 its Horrors — Death of Zeki Tummal and Kadi Ahmed. 
 
 Throughout the preceding pages I have frequently referred 
 in general terms to the Khalifa's system of administering 
 justice. The Kadis, or judges, are ready tools in the hands
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 333 
 
 of their astute master. They are only permitted to act 
 independently in trivial cases, such as family disputes, 
 questions of property, and the like ; but in all matters of 
 importance they must invariably refer to the Khalifa for 
 final decision, in giving which the latter invariably consults 
 his own immediate interests ; but at the same time his 
 earnest endeavour is to appear before the public to be 
 within the bounds of justice. The judges, therefore, have a 
 somewhat difficult task to perform : that is to say, they 
 must invariably carry out the Khalifa's wishes, and give 
 them the appearance of being legally correct ; whereas, in 
 nine cases out of ten, they are entirely contrary to the first 
 elements of justice and right. 
 
 Religion in the Sudan, as far as my experience goes, is 
 governed by the principle that the end justifies the means. 
 Proclamations and pamphlets enjoining strict attention to 
 the performance of religious duties, and urging the aban- 
 donment of all earthly pleasures, are despatched to the 
 remotest parts of Africa and Arabia, to Bornu, Dar Fellata, 
 Mecca, and Medina. The Khalifa, if his health permits it, 
 attends the five daily prayers most regularly ; and yet, at 
 heart, no man could be more irreligious. During all the 
 years in which I have been in the closest communication 
 with him, I have never once seen or heard him say a prayer 
 in his own house. Should any religious rite or ceremony 
 interfere in the smallest degree with his wishes or ambitions 
 it is instantly abolished, but in doing so he is careful that 
 the proposition for its abolition should emanate in the first 
 instance from his Kadis, who declare it necessary for the 
 * maintenance of the faith,' and the astuteness with which 
 these obsequious myrmidons twist and turn matters in order 
 to suit the Khalifa's will is deserving of a better cause. 
 Whenever it is quite impossible to create some pretext for 
 the execution of an unusually gross piece of injustice, 
 Divine interposition and inspiration is invariably called to 
 the rescue. 
 
 Abdullahi often addresses his followers from the pulpit
 
 334 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 in the mosque, but as he is entirely ignorant of theology, 
 and knows little or nothing about the rudiments of religion, 
 the scope of his sermons is excessively limited, and consists 
 of a repetition of stereotyped phrases. 
 
 He has forbidden pilgrimage to Mecca, having substituted 
 for it pilgrimage to the tomb of the Mahdi, who is the 
 Prophet's representative. Although the Sudanese intensely 
 dislike this innovation, they are perforce obliged to accept 
 it, and as it is now impossible for them to return to the 
 orthodox faith, which they so unwittingly cast aside, they 
 now accept the situation, and carry out their mock religious 
 duties in the most business-like manner, but without the 
 smallest belief in their efficacy. 
 
 Education and religious instruction are practically non- 
 existent. Some boys, and occasionally a few girls, are 
 taught to recite the Kuran and the Rateb in the mesjids 
 (religious schools attached to the mosques), of which a few 
 are allowed to be privately kept up. A small percentage 
 of these children, when they have completed their course in 
 the mesjids, are sent to the Beit el Mai, where they become 
 apprentices to the old Government clerks, and learn a 
 certain amount of business correspondence. The system 
 of theological instruction which obtains in most Moslem 
 countries, but which was never much in vogue in the 
 Sudan, has now ceased to exist altogether. 
 
 The once extensive commerce of the Sudan has now 
 sunk down to comparatively nothing, and the roads which 
 were formerly traversed by numberless caravans are now 
 deserted, obliterated by sand, or overgrown with rank 
 vegetation. The principal routes were : 
 
 i. The Arbai'n, or forty days' road, from Darfur to 
 Assiut, or from Kordofan through the Bayuda desert to 
 Dongola and Wadi Haifa. 
 
 2. From Khartum, via Berber to Assuan, or via Abu 
 Hamed to Korcsko. 
 
 3. From Khartum, via Berber or Kassala, to Suakin. 
 
 4. From Gallabat, Gedaref, and Kassala to Massawa.
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 335 
 
 At present the only roads used by occasional caravans 
 are from Berber to Assuan and Suakin. Shortly after the 
 capture of Khartum, the Sudan merchants imported to 
 Assuan considerable quantities of the captured gold and 
 silver ornaments ; and partly owing to this fact, and partly 
 to the amount of spoil accumulated in the Khalifa's private 
 treasury, the supply of these metals has become so reduced 
 that Abdullahi has given strict orders to the merchants 
 that they shall on no account take with them to Egypt 
 any gold or silver except what is absolutely necessary for 
 the expenses of the journey. This amount is fixed by 
 the Beit el Mai, and has to be taken in old currency, the 
 value of which is inserted in the passport. 
 
 As the sadly diminished trade with Egypt began to 
 revive, natural products, which had been the former wealth 
 of the Sudan, were again made the medium of commerce. 
 Gum, ostrich feathers, tamarinds, senna-leaves, etc., were 
 collected in the Beit el Mai, as well as ivory, and were sold 
 by auction at local currency rates ; but as the majority of 
 these products came from the western districts, which 
 owing to war, famine, and disease had become almost de- 
 populated, the supply was scanty. In exchange for these, 
 the merchants brought from Egypt Manchester goods, 
 which are greatly in demand in the Sudan. Gum is a 
 monopoly, and the price paid for it varies greatly. The 
 Beit el Mai purchases at the rate of twenty to thirty dollars 
 (Omla Gedida), and sells to the merchants at the rate of 
 thirty to forty dollars. The purchaser generally receives 
 permission to take it to Egypt, and is taxed at the rate of 
 a dollar a hundredweight at Berber, where the amount is 
 carefully checked with the bill of lading. If he wishes to 
 take it to Suakin or Assuan, he is obliged to pay a tax of a 
 further dollar a hundredweight ; but in this case it is a 
 Maria Theresa dollar, which is equivalent to five Omla 
 Gedidas, and thus already a sixth of the original cost has 
 been added in taxation. 
 
 Ivory comes from the Equatorial regions in considerable
 
 336 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 quantities about once a year, and generally finds its way to 
 Suakin, and as these districts appear to be gradually passing 
 out of Mahdist control, it is hardly probable that the amount 
 will increase in future years. Occasionally a few tusks are 
 brought from the Southern Darfur districts ; but unless the 
 Dervishes reoccupy the Bahr el Ghazal in force, their ivory 
 trade stands in danger of dying out altogether. 
 
 Goods can only be imported from Egypt by the Assuan 
 and Suakin roads. Formerly a certain amount of trade 
 was carried on between Suakin and Kassala, and Kassala 
 and Massawa ; but since the occupation of the Eastern 
 Sudan by the Italians, it has almost entirely ceased. The 
 goods imported are generally of an inferior quality, and 
 consist mostly of material for women's dresses and men's 
 jibbas ; but to the inhabitants of the Sudan this is a matter 
 of little consequence, for they much prefer gaudy and tawdry 
 material to the more durable fabrics. Indeed, it would be 
 very difficult, if not impossible, to find purchasers for a 
 better class of goods in the Sudan. 
 
 One of the principal imports is scent of every variety, 
 such as sandal- wood oil, cloves, scented seeds, etc., for all 
 of which the Sudanese ladies have a strong predilection. 
 A certain amount of sugar, rice, inferior jams, and dried 
 fruit also find purchasers amongst the more wealthy of the 
 population. The importation of all articles made of iron, 
 brass, tin, copper, etc., has for some time past been 
 rigorously prohibited by the Egyptian Government, and 
 now it is almost impossible to obtain a pair of scissors or 
 a razor. Copper cooking utensils have risen to an enormous 
 price, and most of those which previously existed have been 
 bought up by the arsenal for the manufacture of cartridges. 
 Consequently food is now cooked almost entirely in earthen- 
 ware vessels. 
 
 The tax of ushr (a tenth) is levied on all goods imported 
 to the Sudan. It must be paid in either money or kind, and 
 is frequently taken more than once along the road. All 
 goods on arrival in Omdurman are taken to the Beit el Mai
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 337 
 
 and stamped ; and here the ushr is again taken. Merchants, 
 therefore, owing to the heavy taxes imposed, in addition to 
 the presents they have to make to the various chiefs, have 
 generally paid half as much again over and above the value 
 of their goods. They are therefore obliged to considerably 
 raise the price, and even then the total profit is by no means 
 a large one. Several of the more wealthy inhabitants of 
 the Sudan have taken to trading with Egypt, not so much 
 with a view to making money, as to spending a few months 
 away from the atmosphere of the Khalifa's authority. It is 
 by means of trade alone that any of the unfortunate in- 
 habitants of the Sudan can temporarily escape from the 
 hands of that tyrant, whose rule is more detested than ever. 
 Most of the merchants, having their wives, families, and 
 relatives in the Sudan, are obliged eventually to return ; 
 and, were it not for these ties, I think that few men who 
 have the chance of leaving the Sudan would ever return. 
 
 But if trade in general is in a state of depression, there is 
 one trade to which the advent of the Mahdi and Khalifa has 
 given a great impulse. I refer, of course, to the slave-trade. 
 As, however, the export of slaves to Egypt is strictly pro- 
 hibited, this trade is confined entirely to the provinces under 
 the Khalifa's control. In prohibiting the export of slaves, 
 the Khalifa acts on the wise principle that he should not 
 increase the power of his adversaries at his own expense. 
 It is, of course, quite impossible for him to absolutely pre- 
 vent slaves being taken occasionally to Egypt or Arabia ; 
 but the slave-caravans which were formerly sent from the 
 Sudan have now almost completely stopped. A few years 
 ago quantities of slaves were sent from Abyssinia by Abu 
 Anga, and from Fashoda by Zeki Tummal, as well as from 
 Darfur and the Nuba mountains by Osman Wad Adam, 
 and were generally sold by public auction for the benefit of 
 the Beit el Mai or the Khalifa's private treasury. The 
 transport of slaves is carried on with the same execrable and 
 heartless cruelty which characterizes their capture. Of the 
 thousands of Abyssinian Christians seized by Abu Anga, 
 
 22
 
 338 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the majority were women and children, and under the cruel 
 lash of the whip they were forced to march on foot the whole 
 distance from Abyssinia to Omdurman. Wrenched from 
 their families, provided with scarcely enough food to keep 
 body and soul together, barefooted, and almost naked, they 
 were driven through the country like herds of cattle. The 
 greater number of them perished on the road, and those 
 who arrived in Omdurman were in so pitiable a condition 
 that purchasers could scarcely be found for them, whilst 
 numbers were given away for nothing by the Khalifa. After 
 the defeat of the Shilluks, Zeki Tummal packed thousands 
 of these wretched creatures into the small barges used for 
 the transport of his troops, and despatched them to Omdur- 
 man. Hundreds died from suffocation and overcrowding 
 on the journey, and on the arrival of the remnant, the Khalifa 
 appropriated most of the young men as recruits for his body- 
 guard, whilst the women and young girls were sold by public 
 auction, which lasted several days. Hungry, and in many 
 cases naked, these unfortunate creatures lay huddled to- 
 gether in front of the Beit el Mai. For food, they were 
 given an utterly inadequate quantity of uncooked dhurra. 
 Hundreds fell ill, and for these poor wretches it was also 
 impossible to find purchasers. Wearily they dragged their 
 emaciated bodies to the river bank, where they died, and as 
 nobody would take the trouble to bury them, the corpses 
 were pushed into the river and swept away. 
 
 But a worse fate than this befell the slaves who had the 
 misfortune to be sent from Darfur along the broad stretches 
 of the waterless desert which lie between that province and 
 Omdurman. These miserable creatures were mercilessly 
 driven forward day and night, and it would be impossible 
 for me to describe here the execrable measures adopted by 
 these brutal slave-drivers to force on their prey to their des- 
 tination. When the poor wretches could go no further their 
 ears were cut off as a proof to the owner that his property 
 had died on the road. Some of my friends told me that on 
 one occasion they had found an unfortunate woman whose
 
 In the Slave Market, Omdurman.
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 339 
 
 ears had been cut off, but who was still alive. Taking pity 
 on her, they brought her to El Fasher, where she eventually 
 recovered, whilst her ears had been duly exposed in Omdur- 
 man as proof of her death. 
 
 Latterly, no large caravans of slaves have arrived in 
 Omdurman, because the majority of the slave-producing 
 districts, such as Darfur, have become depopulated, or, in 
 some cases, the tribes, such as the Tama, Massalit, etc., 
 have thrown off allegiance to the Khalifa. Consign- 
 ments, however, still come from] Reggaf, but, owing to the 
 long and tedious journey, numbers of them perish on the 
 way. As the supplies from Gallabat, Kordofan, and Darfur 
 have considerably diminished, the Khalifa now allows the 
 Emirs to sell slaves to the itinerant Gellabas, and the latter 
 are obliged to sign a paper giving a descriptive return of 
 their purchase, and the amount paid. They are permitted 
 to resell on the same conditions. 
 
 There is, of course, a daily sale of slaves in Omdurman ; 
 but the purchase of male slaves is forbidden, as they are 
 looked upon as the Khalifa's monopoly, and are generally 
 turned into soldiers. Anyone wishing to dispose of a male 
 slave must send him to the Beit el Mai, where a purely 
 nominal price is paid for him, and he is then, if likely to 
 make a good soldier, recruited for the mulazemin, but if 
 unsuitable, he is sent off to work as a labourer in his master's 
 fields. The sale of women and girls is permissible every- 
 where, with the proviso that a paper must be signed by two 
 witnesses of the sale, one of whom, if possible, should be a 
 Kadi, certifying that the slave sold is the actual property of the 
 vendor. This system was brought into force because slaves 
 frequently ran away from their masters, and were caught 
 and sold by other persons as their own property, and thus 
 theft of slaves was a very common practice in Omdurman. 
 They were frequently enticed into other people's houses, 
 or secretly induced to leave the fields, then thrown into 
 chains and carried off to distant parts of the country, where 
 they were sold at very low rates. In accordance with the 
 
 22 — 2
 
 340 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Mohammedan law, slaves cannot be witnesses, and being well 
 aware of their inferior position, these stolen creatures, as 
 long as they are kindly treated, are not dissatisfied with 
 their lot. 
 
 In Omdurman itself, in an open space a short distance to 
 the south-east of the Beit el Mai, stands a house roughly 
 built of mud bricks, which is known as the Suk er Rekik 
 (slave market). Under the pretext that I wanted to buy or 
 exchange slaves, I several times received the Khalifa's per- 
 mission to visit it, and found ample opportunity for closely 
 observing the conduct of the business. Here professional 
 slave-dealers assemble to offer their wares for sale. Round 
 the walls of the house numbers of women and girls stand or 
 sit. They vary from the decrepit and aged half-clad slaves 
 of the working class to the gaily-decked surya (concubine) ; 
 and, as the trade is looked upon as a perfectly natural and 
 lawful business, those put up for sale are carefully examined 
 from head to foot, without the least restriction, just as if 
 they were animals. The mouth is opened to see if the teeth 
 are in good condition. The upper part of the body and the 
 back are laid bare, and the arms carefully looked at. They 
 are then told to take a few steps backward or forward in 
 order that their movements and gait may be examined. A 
 series of questions are put to them to test their knowledge 
 of Arabic. In fact, they have to submit to any examination 
 the intending purchaser may wish to make. Suryas, of 
 course, vary considerably in price ; but the whole matter is 
 treated by the slaves without the smallest concern. They 
 consider it perfectly natural, and have no notion of being 
 treated otherwise. Only occasionally one can see by the 
 expression of a woman or girl that she feels this close 
 scrutiny ; possibly her position with her former master was 
 rather that of a servant than a slave, or she may have been 
 looked upon almost as a member of the family, and may 
 have been brought to this unhappy position by force of 
 circumstances, or through some hateful inhumanity on the 
 part of her former master. When the intending purchaser
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 341 
 
 has completed his scrutiny, he then refers to the dealer, asks 
 him what he paid for her, or if he has any other better wares 
 for sale. He will probably complain that her face is not 
 pretty enough, that her body is not sufficiently developed, 
 that she does not speak Arabic, and so on, with the object 
 of reducing the price as much as possible ; whilst, on the 
 other hand, the owner will do his utmost to show up her 
 good qualities, charms, etc., into the detail of which it is 
 not necessary to enter here. Amongst the various ' secret 
 defects ' which oblige the dealer to reduce his price are 
 snoring, bad qualities of character, such as thieving, and 
 many others ; but when at last the sale has been finally 
 arranged, the paper is drawn out and signed, the money 
 paid, and the slave becomes the property of her new master. 
 Payment is always made in local currency (Omla Gedida 
 dollars), and runs approximately as follows : 
 
 For an aged working slave, fifty to eighty dollars ; for a 
 middle-aged woman, eighty to one hundred and twenty 
 dollars ; for young girls between eight and eleven years of 
 age, according to looks, one hundred and ten to one hundred 
 and sixty dollars ; and for suryas, according to looks, one 
 hundred and eighty to seven hundred dollars. These rates, 
 of course, vary also according to market value, or special 
 demand for a particular race. 
 
 There are practically no industries in the Sudan, as, with 
 the exception of the articles I have already mentioned, there 
 are no exports. Formerly, gold and silver filigree work was 
 sent to Egypt ; but, owing to the scarcity of these metals, 
 and to the Mahdi's edict against wearing jewellery, this 
 export has altogether ceased. There is a considerable 
 manufacture and trade in long and short spears of various 
 shapes, stirrup irons, horse and donkey bits, knives for 
 fastening on the arm, as well as agricultural implements. 
 Wooden saddles for horses, camels, and mules, angarebs, 
 boxes for carrying clothes, and doors, windows, and shutters 
 of a primitive description are also made. Formerly, boat- 
 building was extensively carried on ; but, owing to the
 
 342 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Khalifa's confiscation of all boats on the Nile, it ceased 
 almost entirely, till about a year ago, when, with the Khalifa's 
 permission, it recommenced. As, however, all new boats 
 are taxed highly by the Beit el Mai, there is little induce 
 ment to the builders to undertake such profitless work. 
 
 There is a certain amount of leather-work in red and 
 yellow shoes, sandals, saddles of different sorts, harness, 
 amulets, sword scabbards, and knife sheaths, etc., whilst 
 whips in large quantities are made from the hide of the 
 hippopotamus. There is also a considerable cotton industry. 
 Every woman or girl spins for her own use or for sale, and 
 in every village there are numbers of weavers who work 
 the spun-yarn into a variety of materials. In the Gezira 
 are woven common cotton stuffs — such as tobs, damur, and 
 genj (names of cloths) — in lengths of about ten yards. 
 These are brought to the market in large quantities, and 
 are principally used for the clothing of the commoner classes. 
 The finest yarns are spun in the province of Berber. Strips 
 of coloured silk are frequently interwoven in the material, 
 which is used principally for turbans and hazams (the strips 
 of cotton which are used to bind round the body), as well as 
 coverings of various sorts, and shawls. A certain amount 
 of cotton stuff is made in the Dongola province ; but that 
 district is chiefly noted for the manufacture of sail-cloth. 
 Materials from Kordofan are noted for their durability rather 
 than for their beauty. 
 
 In addition to spinning, the women occupy themselves 
 largely in plaiting mats of various shapes and sizes from the 
 leaves of the dom palm, which are sold largely in all parts 
 of the Sudan. The best quality of these mats is made from 
 the narrow strips of the palm leaves, barley straw, and thin 
 pieces of leather. Mats of a similar description are also 
 made for placing under dishes on the dinner-table. The 
 workmanship of some of these is so fine and good that a 
 certain quantity find their way to Egypt, where they are 
 sold as curiosities. The Darfur women are specially clever 
 in making these mats, into which are interwoven various
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 343 
 
 sorts of glass beads, and the result is sometimes extremely 
 pretty* 
 
 In the preceding pages I have endeavoured to give a 
 brief outline of the Khalifa's life, and the existing state of 
 affairs in the country ; but this would not be complete 
 without a few remarks regarding the moral condition of the 
 people. The attempted regeneration of the faith by the 
 Mahdi, who disregarded the former religious teaching and 
 customs, has resulted in a deterioration of morals, which, 
 even at the best of times, were very lax in the Sudan. 
 Partly from fear of the Khalifa, and partly for their own 
 personal interests and advantage, the people have made 
 religion a mere profession, and this has now become their 
 second nature, and has brought with it a condition of 
 immorality which is almost indescribable. The majority of 
 the inhabitants, unhappy and discontented with the existing 
 state of affairs, and fearing that their personal freedom may 
 become even more restricted than it is, seem to have 
 determined to enjoy their life as much as their means will 
 allow, and to lose no time about it. As there is practically 
 no social life or spiritual intercourse, they seem to have re- 
 solved to make up for this want by indulging their passion 
 for women to an abnormal extent. Their object is to 
 obtain as many of these in marriage as possible, as well as 
 concubines ; and the Mahdi's tenets allow them the fullest 
 scope in this direction. For instance, the expenses in con- 
 nection with marriage have been greatly diminished. The 
 dowry for a girl has been reduced from ten to five dollars, 
 and for a widow, five dollars, a common dress, a pair of 
 shoes or sandals, and a few scents. Should a man desire 
 to marry a girl, her father or guardian must consent, unless 
 there are some very cogent reasons for not doing so. 
 Under any circumstances, they are held responsible that 
 their daughters or wards become wives as soon as they 
 reach a convenient age. The acquisition, therefore, of 
 four wives — which is the number authorized by the Kuran 
 — has become a very simple matter, and in most cases is
 
 344 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 considered merely a means of acquiring a small amount of 
 personal property. Moreover, a large proportion of the 
 women are quite agreeable to this arrangement, and enter 
 into matrimony, either with the object of obtaining some 
 clothes and a little money, or temporarily changing their 
 mode of life, being well aware that, in accordance with the 
 law, they can dissolve marriage ties without difficulty. If 
 a woman seeks a divorce, she retains her dowry, unless the 
 separation rises from aversion to her husband, in which 
 case the dowry is returned if the man wishes it. I know 
 many men who, in the space of ten years, have been 
 married forty or fifty times at least ; and there are also 
 many women who, during the same period, have had 
 fifteen or twenty husbands, and in their case the law enjoins 
 that between each divorce they must wait three months at 
 least. As a rule, concubines, of whom a man may legally 
 have as many as he likes, lead a most immoral life. They 
 rarely live in the same house as their master, unless they 
 have children by him, in which case they cannot be sold ; 
 but in the majority of cases they are bought with the object 
 of being retained merely for a very short time, and subse- 
 quently sold again at a profit. This constant changing of 
 hands leads to great moral deterioration. Their youth and 
 beauty quickly fade, and, as a rule, they age prematurely, 
 and then enter upon a life of hardship and moral degra- 
 dation which it is almost impossible to conceive. 
 
 It is a common practice for merchants to make pecuniary 
 profit out of the immorality of their slaves. They buy 
 young girls, permit them to enjoy a certain amount of free- 
 dom by seeking a shelter and livelihood in the manner 
 which suits them best, and for this privilege they refund to 
 their masters a percentage of their gains. 
 
 The greatest vice exists amongst the slaves of the 
 mulazemin. The latter entice women to their quarters, 
 where they remain a short time with them as their wives, 
 but the freest interchange takes place between them. The 
 Khalifa does not seem to think it worth while to check this
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 345 
 
 immorality, as he imagines that by allowing them to please 
 themselves, his own slaves will become more attached to 
 him, and will not wish to leave him, It may be readily 
 conceived that the result of this moral laxity has led to the 
 prevalence of the worst sort of disease, which has taken such 
 a hold of all classes of the population, both free and slaves, 
 that were it not for the warm and dry climate, the ravages 
 would be terrible. As it is, the general state of health is very 
 unsatisfactory, and is considerably aggravated by the com- 
 plete absence of medicines necessary to check the malady. 
 
 A certain number of people also indulge in unnatural 
 love, and at first the Khalifa made some attempt to check 
 this by banishment to Reggaf ; but latterly he has given 
 up doing so. He has come to the conclusion that it is 
 much easier to rule by despotism and tyranny a degraded 
 nation than one which possesses a high standard of 
 morality. For this reason he both hates and fears the 
 Jaalin, who inhabit the Nile banks between Hagger el Asal 
 and Berber, because they are almost the only Arabs in the 
 Sudan who maintain a well-regulated family life, and hold 
 morality in high esteem as a necessary condition for a 
 healthy and contented existence. 
 
 The widows of the Mahdi are forcibly prevented from 
 leading a corrupt life, as, immediately after his master's 
 death, the Khalifa, in honour of his memory, confined these 
 women in houses surrounded by high walls in the imme- 
 diate vicinity of his tomb, where they are strictly guarded 
 by eunuchs. Much against their will, not only the wives 
 and concubines, but also many of the young girls — most of 
 whom were daughters of former Government officials, and 
 who were taken into the harem when quite young, in order 
 to become his future wives — have been thus forcibly 
 deprived of the possibility of re-marrying, and are so closely 
 guarded that they are only permitted to see their female 
 relatives once a year. They are supplied merely with the 
 bare necessaries of life, and long for their freedom. Let us 
 hope that before very long it may come !
 
 346 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 In spite of his despotism, the Khalifa is in considerable 
 fear of his life. He ruthlessly evicted all the local inhabi- 
 tants of those portions of the town in the immediate neigh- 
 bourhood of his own residence, and their places have been 
 taken by his enormous body-guard, whose numbers he 
 daily seeks to increase. These he has surrounded by an 
 immense wall, within which he and his relatives live, while 
 all persons of whom he is in the slightest degree suspicious 
 are forced to reside without the enclosure. ■ Within, however, 
 all is not peace and contentment. The constant duties he 
 imposes on his body-guard have produced a feeling of irri- 
 tation. They grumble at the small pay they receive, and 
 do not appreciate the restrictions imposed on their social 
 life. Thousands of these who belong to the free Arab 
 tribes are prevented from having any intercourse whatever 
 with their relations. They are scarcely ever permitted to 
 quit the enclosure, and their smallest offences are punished 
 with appalling severity. Abdullahi is surrounded day and 
 night by his own specially appointed guard, and by numbers 
 of faithful servants, and no persons — not even his nearest 
 relatives — are permitted to approach him with arms in their 
 hands. Should anyone be commanded to see the Khalifa, 
 his sword and knife, which he invariably wears, are taken 
 from him, and he is generally searched before being ad- 
 mitted to the audience-chamber. This general mistrust has 
 added to his unpopularity, and, even amongst his most 
 devoted adherents, remarks are frequently let fall in an 
 undertone, commenting on his despotism and his personal 
 fears. 
 
 In spite, however, of all this undue severity, the Khalifa 
 has not succeeded in keeping his own tribe in hand. On 
 their first arrival in the Nile Valley they indulged in whole- 
 sale raids on the local population, seizing their grain, ravish- 
 ing their women, and carrying off their children. Indeed, 
 affairs became so serious that the Khalifa was obliged to 
 issue an order that no Taaisha Arab would be permitted to 
 leave the town without special permission ; but his instruc-
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 347 
 
 tions were practically ignored, and lawlessness is even more 
 rife than before. The conduct of these Arabs is unbear- 
 able. They openly boast that their relationship with the 
 Khalifa has made them masters of the country, and that they 
 intend to assert themselves. They have seized all the best 
 pastures for their cattle and horses, and they live on the fat 
 of the land, a state of affairs which has caused considerable 
 jealousy amongst the other western tribes, who view the 
 Taaisha with no very friendly feelings. Of all this the 
 Khalifa is well aware, but I do not think he realizes how 
 unpopular he really is, and his constant effort is to retain 
 the sympathy of his Emirs by frequently sending them 
 secretly by night presents of money and slaves. The latter 
 do not hesitate to accept these gifts, which they know have 
 been unfairly gained, and their opinion of the Khalifa, 
 instead of being improved, remains as it was before. 
 
 The Khalifa has not moved out of Omdurman for 
 upwards of ten years. Here he has centralized all power, 
 stored up all ammunition, and gathered under his personal 
 surveillance all those whom he suspects, obliging them to 
 say the five prayers daily in his presence, and listen to his 
 sermons. He has declared Omdurman to be the sacred 
 city of the Mahdi. It is strange to think that ten years ago 
 this great town was merely a little village lying opposite to 
 Khartum, and inhabited by a few brigands. It was not for 
 some time after the fall of Khartum that the Mahdi decided 
 to settle there. Mimosa-trees filled up the space now 
 occupied by the mosque and the residences of the three 
 Khalifas. Abdullahi took as his own property all ground 
 lying south of the mosque, whilst that on the north side was 
 divided between Khalifa Sherif and Khalifa Ali Wad Helu. 
 During his lifetime the Mahdi had declared that Omdurman 
 was merely a temporary camp, as the Prophet had revealed 
 to him that he should depart this life in Syria, after conquer- 
 ing Egypt and Arabia ; but his early death shattered all 
 his plans and the hopes of his followers. 
 
 From north to south the new city covers a length of
 
 348 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 about six English miles. The southern extremity lies 
 almost exactly opposite the south-west end of Khartum. 
 At first everyone wanted to live as near the river banks as 
 possible, in order to facilitate the drawing of water, conse- 
 quently the breadth of the city is considerably less than its 
 length, and it is in no place over three miles in width. At 
 first it consisted of thousands and thousands of straw huts, 
 and the mosque was originally an oblong enclosure, sur- 
 rounded by a mud wall four hundred and sixty yards long 
 and three hundred and fifty yards broad ; but this has now 
 been replaced by one made of burnt brick, and then white- 
 washed over. After this the Khalifa began building brick 
 houses for himself and his brother, then for his relatives, 
 whilst the Emirs and most of the wealthy people followed 
 his example. I have already described the construction of 
 the Mahdi's tomb, but before I left Omdurman much of the 
 whitewash had been knocked off by the weather, which 
 spoilt its general appearance. Above the apex of the dome 
 are three hollow brass balls, one above the other, connected 
 together by a lance, the head of which forms the top orna- 
 ment of the structure. I have often heard people say that 
 the Khalifa erected this spear to show that he is perfectly 
 prepared to declare war against the heavens if his wishes 
 are not carried out. Occasionally Abdullahi shuts himself 
 up for hours in this mausoleum, probably with the object of 
 obtaining some special inspiration ; but since the execution 
 of the Mahdi's relatives his visits are much less frequent, 
 and it is generally supposed he dreads to be alone with the 
 body of his dead master, whose tenets and influence he has, 
 not in words, but in deeds, so persistently overturned. 
 Every Friday the large doors in the surrounding enclosure 
 are opened to admit the pilgrims, and as every Mahdist is 
 ordered to attend on these days to repeat the prayers for the 
 dead, thousands are to be seen in the various attitudes of 
 prayer, beseeching the protection of the Almighty through 
 the intermediary of the saint (?) who lies buried there ; but 
 I doubt not that many fervent prayers ascend to the throne
 
 &*£ 
 
 c 
 
 E 
 
 o
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 349 
 
 of God for relief from the terrible oppression and tyranny of 
 his despotic successor. 
 
 South of the tomb, and adjoining the great mosque, lies 
 the enormous enclosure of the Khalifa. It consists of a high 
 wall built of red bricks, which is subdivided into several 
 smaller courts, all of which are in communication with each 
 other, and nearest to the mosque are his own private apart- 
 ments, to the east of which are those of his wives, the 
 stables, store-houses, quarters of the eunuchs, etc. In the 
 centre of the eastern face of the mosque is a large wooden 
 door (the other entrances to the mosque have no doors), 
 through which admission is obtained to the Khalifa's private 
 apartments and reception chambers. On entering the main 
 gate one passes through a sort of porch, leading into a small 
 court, in which are two rooms, one side of each of which is 
 left completely open, and it is here that the Khalifa receives 
 his guests. A door leads out of this court into the private 
 apartments, and the youthful attendants are the only persons 
 allowed to enter. The various houses within the enclosure 
 are constructed in the shape of large detached halls, on one 
 or both sides of which are verandas. On the roof of one 
 of these buildings a second story has been added, on all four 
 sides of which are windows, from which a complete view of 
 the town can be obtained. 
 
 The reception chambers are furnished with the greatest 
 simplicity. An angareb, over which a palm-mat is spread, 
 is the only article of furniture ; but his interior apartments 
 are provided with all the luxuries it is possible to procure 
 in the Sudan. Brass and iron bedsteads, with mosquito 
 curtains — the spoil of Khartum — carpets, silk-covered 
 cushions, door and window curtains of every variety of 
 colour and texture, are the principal articles of furniture, 
 while the verandas are provided with the universal angareb 
 and palm-mat. Compared with the Khalifa's early mode 
 of life, these articles constitute the most extreme luxuries. 
 
 To the east of the Khalifa's enclosure lies the house of 
 his sou, which is furnished much in the same style as that
 
 350 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 of his father, but with even greater luxury. Several large 
 brass chandeliers from Khartum are suspended from the 
 ceilings, and there is an immense garden made from earth 
 transported from the banks of the Nile, and in which 
 hundreds of slaves are employed daily. The latter are 
 justly irritated with the great love of show which is the 
 distinguishing characteristic of their young master, whilst 
 they themselves are provided with scarcely enough food ft>r 
 their maintenance. 
 
 The Khalifa and his son spend much of their time in 
 building and furnishing new apartments, and in making 
 their lives as pleasant and comfortable as possible. Yakub 
 follows their example, and every day numbers of workmen 
 are to be seen streaming towards these two houses, carrying 
 beams, stone, mortar, and other requisite building material. 
 Khalifa Ali Wad Helu's house is very much smaller, and 
 is furnished with great simplicity. 
 
 In addition to his principal residence, Abdullahi possesses 
 houses in the northern and southern districts of the city ; 
 but they are built and furnished on much simpler lines, and 
 are merely used by him as rest-houses when he despatches 
 troops on expeditions from the capital, or goes out to 
 inspect freshly arrived detachments from the provinces. 
 He seldom stays in these houses more than a day or two 
 at a time. He has also built a house near the river, and 
 close to the old Government fort, the ditches of which have 
 now been filled in. He generally goes to this house when 
 steamers are about to start for Reggaf, in order that he may 
 personally superintend embarkations. 
 
 The Beit el Amana, or arsenal, is separated from Yakub's 
 house by a broad open space. It consists of a large building 
 enclosed by stone walls, and here are stored the guns, rifles, 
 ammunition, and other warlike material, as well as the five 
 carriages belonging to the Governor-Generals and to the 
 Catholic Mission. At intervals of every few paces sentries 
 are posted in small sentry-boxes, and they are charged to 
 allow no unauthorised persons to enter the building. Just
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 351 
 
 north of the arsenal lies a building in which are stored the 
 flags of all the Emirs residing in Omdurman, and beside it 
 is a semicircular building about twenty feet high, provided 
 with stairs, where the Khalifa's war-drums are kept. A 
 little further to the east is the cartridge and small-arms 
 manufactory. 
 
 On the north side of the city, and close to the river, is 
 the Beit el Mai, which is an enormous walled-in enclosure 
 subdivided into a variety of courts, in which are stored 
 goods coming from all parts of the Sudan and from Egypt, 
 as well as grain stores and slave courts. A little to the 
 south of the Beit el Mai lies the public slave-market, and 
 in close proximity the Beit el Mai of the mulazemin has 
 been erected. 
 
 The town of Omdurman is built for the most part on 
 fairly level ground, but here and there are a few small 
 hills. The soil consists mostly of hard red clay, and is very 
 stony, with occasional patches of sand. For his own con- 
 venience the Khalifa has driven large straight roads through 
 various parts of the town, and to make way for these num- 
 bers of houses were levelled, but no compensation was given 
 to their owners. A glance at the rough plan attached to 
 the end of the book will give the reader an approximate 
 idea of the extent and general situation of the town and 
 principal buildings, and its relative position with reference 
 to Khartum, which is now a complete ruin, the dockyard 
 alone being kept up, and communication between it and 
 Omdurman maintained by a submarine cable worked by 
 some of the former Government telegraph officials. Outside 
 the large unfinished wall built along the road leading to the 
 Beit el Mai are a number of shops belonging to the various 
 trades, all of which are kept quite distinct — such as carpen- 
 ters, barbers, tailors, butchers, etc. The Mehekemet es 
 Suk (market police) are charged with maintaining order in 
 the town, and the gallows erected in various parts of the 
 city are a very evident indication of the system of govern- 
 ment of the country.
 
 352 FIFE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 The population of the city is located entirely according 
 to tribes. The western Arabs live for the most part in the 
 southern quarters, whilst the northern portion has been 
 allotted to the Nile Valley people ; and in addition to the 
 market police, the various sections of the populace are 
 obliged to supply a number of watchmen for the preserva- 
 tion of public security in their respective quarters, and they 
 must report any disturbances to the night patrols. 
 
 With the exception of the few broad roads which the 
 Khalifa has made for his own convenience, the only com- 
 munications between the various quarters consist of numbers 
 of narrow winding lanes, and in these all the filth of the 
 city is collected. Their wretched condition and the smells 
 which emanate from these pestilential by-paths are beyond 
 description. Dead horses, camels, donkeys, and goats block 
 the way, and the foulest refuse lies scattered about. Before 
 certain feast-days the Khalifa issues orders that the city is 
 to be cleaned ; but beyond sweeping all these carcases and 
 refuse into corners nothing further is done, and when the 
 rainy season begins the fetid air exhaling from these decay- 
 ing rubbish-heaps generally produces some fatal epidemic, 
 which sweeps off the inhabitants by hundreds. 
 
 Formerly there were cemeteries within the city, but now 
 all the dead must be buried in the desert north of the 
 parade-ground. 
 
 Fever and dysentery are the prevailing maladies in 
 Omdurman, and between the months of November and 
 March an almost continuous epidemic of typhus fever rages. 
 
 Of late years numbers of new wells have been made. 
 Those north of the mosque give good water, but those in 
 the southern quarters of the city are mostly brackish. They 
 vary in depth from thirty to ninety feet, and are generally 
 dug by the prisoners under the direction of the saier. 
 
 * He has been taken to the saier,' is an expression one 
 frequently hears, and it means that some wretched creature 
 has been carried off to the prison. The mere mention of 
 this word awakens feelings of horror and dread in the minds
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 353 
 
 of all who hear it. The prison is situated in the south- 
 eastern quarter of the city, near the river, and is surrounded 
 by a high wall. A gate, strongly guarded day and night 
 by armed Blacks, gives access to an inner court, in which 
 several small mud and stone huts have been erected. During 
 the daytime the unhappy prisoners, most of them heavily 
 chained and manacled, lie about in the shade of the build- 
 ings. Complete silence prevails, broken only by the clanking 
 of the chains, the hoarse orders of the hard-hearted warders, 
 or the cries of some poor wretch who is being mercilessly 
 flogged. Some of the prisoners who may have specially 
 incurred the Khalifa's displeasure are loaded with heavier 
 chains and manacles than the rest, and are interned in the 
 small huts, and debarred from all intercourse with their 
 fellow-prisoners. They generally receive only sufficient 
 nourishment to keep them alive. 
 
 Ordinary prisoners receive no regular supply of food ; but 
 their relatives are allowed to provide for them. It often 
 happens that long before a meal reaches the person for 
 whom it is intended, a very large portion of it has been 
 consumed by the rapacious and unscrupulous warders : and 
 sometimes the prisoner gets nothing whatever. At night, 
 the wretched creatures are driven like sheep into the stone 
 huts, which are not provided with windows, and are con- 
 sequently quite unventilated. Regardless of prayers and 
 entreaties, they are pushed pell-mell into these living graves, 
 which are generally so tightly packed that it is quite im- 
 possible to lie down. The weaker are trampled down by 
 the stronger, and not infrequently the warder opens the 
 door in the morning to find that some of his victims have 
 succumbed to suffocation and ill-usage in these horrible 
 cells. It is a painful sight to see scores of half- suffocated 
 individuals pouring out of these dens, bathed in perspira- 
 tion, and utterly exhausted by the turmoil of the long and 
 sleepless night. Once emerged, they sink down, more dead 
 than alive, under the shade of the walls, and spend the 
 remainder of the day in trying to recover from the effects of 
 
 23
 
 354 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the previous night, and gain sufficient strength to undergo 
 the horrors of that which is to follow. 
 
 One would think that death was preferable to such an 
 existence. Still these unfortunates cling to life, and pray- 
 to God to relieve them from their sufferings. In spite of 
 the prison being invariably overcrowded, and notwith- 
 standing the horrors of prison life, I do not ever remember 
 having heard of a case of suicide amongst the unfortunate 
 inmates. 
 
 Charles Neufeld has spent some years in the Saier, often 
 ill, subject to the greatest privations, and merely kept alive 
 by the occasional supplies which reached him through the 
 Black servant he brought with him from Egypt, and who, 
 in turn, was assisted by the other Europeans in Omdurman. 
 He managed to survive, though heavily chained by the 
 neck, and wearing two large irons round his feet. On one 
 occasion, he refused to spend the night in one of the stone 
 huts, which he aptly described as ' the last station on the 
 way to hell,' and for this act of disobedience he was severely 
 flogged ; but he bore it without a murmur, until his tormen- 
 tors — amazed at his powers of endurance — cried out : ' Why 
 do you not complain ? Why do you not ask for mercy ?' 
 * That is for others to do, not for me,' was the strong- 
 hearted reply which gained for him the respect of even his 
 gaolers. After enduring three years of imprisonment his 
 irons were lightened, and, with only a chain joining his 
 ankles, he was removed to Khartum, where he was ordered 
 to refine saltpetre for the manufacture of gunpowder, under 
 the superintendence of Wad Hamednalla. Here his condi- 
 tion was much improved, and he received a small monthly 
 remuneration for his work, which sufficed to provide him 
 with the bare necessaries of life. As the saltpetre refinery 
 adjoins the old church of the Mission, the latter has thus 
 been saved from destruction. After his daily hard work is 
 over, Neufeld is allowed to rest in the mission gardens ; 
 and here, no doubt, his thoughts often revert to his family 
 at home, and he must in his heart curse the evil day which
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 355 
 
 induced him to quit Egypt, and thoughtlessly venture into 
 the clutches of the Khalifa. For him Fate has indeed been 
 cruel ; and most fervently do I hope that ere long he may 
 be reunited with his relatives, who have not abandoned all 
 hope of seeing him again. In Europe there is no lack of 
 friends who are ready to do all in their power to help him ; 
 but it rests with God alone to release this poor captive from 
 his misery. 
 
 It makes my heart ache to think of all the horrors that 
 have been enacted in that dreadful prison. There was the 
 sad case of poor Sheikh Khalil, who had been despatched 
 from Cairo with letters to the Khalifa, informing him of the 
 number and names of the prisoners who had been captured 
 at the battle of Toski, all of whom, he was assured, were 
 being well cared for, and would eventually be set free ; and 
 he was requested to hand over to the Sheikh the sword and 
 medals of General Gordon, which, it was assumed, were in 
 his possession. Khalil's companion, Beshara, was sent back 
 with the letters unanswered, whilst the unfortunate emissary, 
 who was an Egyptian by birth, was thrown into chains, 
 under the pretext that he had been sent as a spy. Ill- 
 treated, and deprived of nourishment, he became so weak 
 that he could not rise from the ground. His tormentors 
 even refused him water to drink ; and at last death came to 
 him as a happy release from his sufferings. 
 
 Malech, a Jewish merchant of Tunis, who had come to 
 Kassala with Abu Girga's permission, was seized by the 
 Khalifa's orders, and brought to Omdurman, where he 
 remains in captivity in the Saier to this day. He is as thin 
 as a skeleton, and is driven almost to despair. He is kept 
 alive by the efforts of his own community, who have been 
 forced to become Moslems, and who succeed in providing 
 him with small quantities of food. 
 
 Two Ababda Arabs, arrested on suspicion of carrying 
 letters to Europeans in Omdurman, were seized and im- 
 prisoned, and died soon after of starvation. The alarm in 
 the European colony was great ; but fortunately it tran- 
 
 23—2
 
 356 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 spired that the letters were for a Copt from his relations in 
 Cairo. 
 
 The great Sheikh of the Gimeh tribe, Asakr Abu Kalam, 
 who had shown such friendship and hospitality to the 
 Khalifa and his father in early days, was ruthlessly seized 
 and thrown into chains, because it came to the Khalifa's 
 ears that he had spoken disparagingly of the present condi- 
 tion of the Sudan, and had expressed regret at having taken 
 up arms against the Government. He was eventually 
 exiled to Reggaf, whilst his wife, who was a well-known 
 beauty in the Sudan, was torn from the arms of her husband 
 at the hour of his departure, and carried off to the Khalifa's 
 harem. 
 
 The well-known Emir, Zeki Tummal, on being seized, 
 was thrown into a small stone building the shape of a 
 coffin, the door of which was built up. He was given no 
 food whatever, but a small amount of water was handed to 
 him through an aperture in the wall. For twenty-three 
 days he suffered all the horrors of starvation, but no sound 
 or complaint was heard to issue from that living grave. 
 Too proud to beg, and well aware of the futility of doing so, 
 he lingered on till the twenty-fourth day, when death carried 
 him out of reach of his tormentors. The Saier and his 
 warders watched through the aperture the death agonies of 
 the wretched man, and when at length he had ceased to 
 struggle, they hurried off to give their lord and master the 
 joyful news. That night Zeki's body was removed to the 
 western quarter of the city, and there buried amongst a 
 heap of old ruins with his back towards Mecca.* The 
 Khalifa, not content with having tormented him in life, 
 thought thus to deprive him of peace in the world to come. 
 
 I have already described how the Khalifa disposed of his 
 most trusted adherent, the Kadi Ahmed. On reaching the 
 Saier, he was thrown into the hut in which Zeki had been 
 interned, and a few days after he was visited, at the com- 
 mand of the Khalifa, by two other Kadis, who asked 
 * All true Moslems are buried facing Mecca.
 
 MISCELLANEOUS REMARKS 357 
 
 where he had hidden his money. ■ Tell your master, the 
 Khalifa,' said he, ' that I have settled my account with this 
 world, and I know of no place where gold or silver can be 
 found.' To their further inquiries he remained perfectly 
 silent, and the two myrmidons returned crestfallen to their 
 master. This happened only a few days before I quitted 
 Omdurman. Since my return to Egypt I have ascertained 
 that he died shortly afterwards, under similar circumstances 
 to those of Zeki. 
 
 One could fill a volume with descriptions of the horrors 
 and cruelties enacted in the terrible Saier, but it is useless 
 to weary the reader with further accounts of the atrocities 
 committed by order of that merciless tyrant, the Khalifa. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 PLANS FOR ESCAPE. 
 
 European Captives in Omdurman — Artin, the Watchmaker — Friends in 
 Cairo — Efforts of my Family to help me — Difficulties of Communi- 
 cation — Babakr Abu Sebiba's Failure — Efforts of Baron Heidler 
 and the Egyptian Intelligence Department — Constant Failures — 
 Osheikh Karrar — Abderrahman matures his Plans — Hopes and 
 Fears — My Plan to gain Time — I quit my Hut never to return. 
 
 In keeping me constantly close to his person the Khalifa 
 had a twofold object. He knew that I was the only 
 remaining high Egyptian official who had a thorough know- 
 ledge of the Sudan, had traversed almost the entire country, 
 and was complete master of the language. Utterly ignorant 
 of the political situation, he imagined that, if I succeeded in 
 escaping, I should induce the Egyptian Government, or 
 some European power, to enter the Sudan ; and he well 
 knew that in that case I should form a link between it and 
 the principal tribal chiefs who were disaffected to him, and 
 longed for the return of a settled form of government. On 
 the other hand, it nattered his vanity to have practically as
 
 358 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 his slave the man who had formerly governed the whole of 
 the great province of Darfur, including his own country and 
 tribe. He never attempted to conceal his feelings in this 
 respect, and frequently said to the Western Arabs, ■ See, 
 this is the man who was formerly our master, and under 
 whose arbitrary rule we suffered. Now he is my servant, 
 and must obey my commands at all times. See, this is the 
 man who formerly indulged in the pleasures and vices of 
 the world, and now he has to wear an unwashed jibba and 
 walk barefooted. God indeed is merciful and gracious!' 
 He paid much less attention to the other European captives, 
 who gained a small livelihood by working at various trades 
 in a quarter near the market-place, where they had built 
 their own huts, and were left almost undisturbed by the 
 other inhabitants of the city. Father Ohrwalder lived by 
 weaving. Father Rosignoli and Beppo Rognotto (a former 
 Mission brother) kept a cook-shop in the market-place, and 
 the Sisters lived with them until (with the exception of 
 Sister Theresa Grigolini) they succeeded in escaping. Then 
 there is Giuseppe Cuzzi, one of A. Marquet's former clerks, 
 and a number of Greeks, Syrian Christians, and Copts — in 
 all some forty-five men, who have married either Christians 
 born in the country or Egyptians. The entire colony is 
 termed the Muslimania* quarter, and they have elected 
 from amongst themselves an Emir, under whose orders they 
 agree to live, and who is responsible to the Khalifa for 
 every member of the colony. The present Emir is a certain 
 Greek called Nicola, whose Arabic name is Abdullahi. No 
 one is on any account allowed to quit Omdurman, and they 
 are obliged to guarantee each other. Consequently, when 
 Father Rosignoli escaped, his companion Beppo was thrown 
 into prison, and was in chains when I left the town. After 
 Father Ohrwalder's flight, a much stricter surveillance was 
 exercised over all these unfortunates. A place has been 
 
 * The term ' Muslimani ' is generally given to the descendants of 
 • unbelievers ' ; it is an opprobrious epithet, and is applied by the 
 Mahdists to all so-called renegades.
 
 PLANS FOR ESCAPE 359 
 
 allotted to them in the north-eastern portion of the mosque, 
 where they have to attend prayers daily ; but not being 
 under special control, they take it in turns to be present, so 
 that, in case of inquiry, the colony shall always be repre- 
 sented. Their huts are built adjoining each other, and in 
 this way they can communicate without difficulty, and thus 
 derive some alleviation of their sad lot by mutual sympathy ; 
 but their children are obliged to live in the various tekias 
 (religious rest-houses), where they are taught the Kuran. 
 
 I have already described my own surroundings and mode 
 of life, and it now remains for me to add that I was only 
 permitted to converse with a few of the body-guard who 
 were, like myself, either under surveillance or specially 
 employed as spies by the Khalifa to watch and report 
 our every action and word. I was seldom permitted to 
 enter the town, and I was strictly forbidden to make any 
 visits. 
 
 The Khalifa is very fond of watches and clocks, and one 
 of my many duties was to wind them up, and generally look 
 after them. I availed myself of this privilege to occasionally 
 visit an Armenian watchmaker named Artin, on the pretext 
 that a clock or watch required repair. His house was 
 situated near the market-place, and here I used to arrange 
 meetings with some of the people I particularly wished to 
 see. I never confided in Artin, and those who came to the 
 shop invariably made some small purchases, and in doing 
 so we succeeded in exchanging, as it were quite casually, a 
 few words. Most of my time was spent at the Khalifa's 
 gate reading the Kuran. I was not permitted to write, as 
 Abdullahi thought it unnecessary for me to practise an art 
 of which he himself was ignorant. I invariably accom- 
 panied my master to the mosque, or when he appeared in 
 public, and on these occasions my duties were somewhat 
 those of an aide-de-camp. Being in receipt of no salary, 
 my food was of the simplest, and consisted generally of 
 asida, various sorts of sauces, and occasionally a little meat 
 purchased in the market.
 
 360 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Abdullahi knew perfectly that I longed for freedom, and, 
 in spite of all my efforts to conceal it, I could not overcome 
 his very rational suspicion of me. By constant gifts of 
 slaves, by offers of marriage with his family, and various 
 other expedients, he did all he could to make ties which he 
 thought would hold me down ; but my continued refusal 
 of these very questionable benefits only confirmed his 
 suspicions that I intended to escape on the first possible 
 occasion. After the fall of Khartum, my family had done 
 all in their power to obtain news of me, but fortunately 
 they realized how careful they must be. Herr Von Gsiller, 
 the Austro-Hungarian Consul- General in Egypt, spared no 
 pains to get news of me, and his efforts were heartily 
 seconded by the officers attached to the Egyptian army and 
 other officials. It was at his suggestion that my relatives 
 had communicated with me through the Governor of Suakin 
 in 1888, and I have described in the preceding pages how I 
 was eventually forbidden by the Khalifa to hold any further 
 intercourse with the outside world. Already my relations 
 with the Khalifa had become much strained owing to these 
 events, and they became much more so when a letter 
 reached the Khalifa from Herr Von Rosty (who had suc- 
 ceeded Herr Von Gsiller), asking his permission to send a 
 priest to minister to the members of the Mission, who, he 
 stated, were Austrian subjects. At the same time he had 
 written to me, asking for information on the present situa- 
 tion in the Sudan. The Khalifa, of course, took no notice 
 of Herr Von Rosty's letter, and accused me of duplicity and 
 disloyalty, because I had previously informed him that the 
 members of the Mission, with the exception of Father 
 Ohrwalder, were Italians. I had deliberately done this, as 
 I feared that Abdullahi, in one of the sudden outbursts of 
 passion against me, might vent his rage on those whom he 
 believed to be my compatriots, and whom I was anxious to 
 save ; but now this letter, stating directly the contrary, was 
 a heavy blow. It was quite beyond the Khalifa's capacity 
 to understand that members of various nationalities could
 
 PLANS FOR ESCAPE 361 
 
 be, for the purpose of the Mission, under Austrian pro- 
 tection, and for a long time he incessantly upbraided me for 
 having deceived him. 
 
 My family had placed a considerable sum of money at the 
 disposal of the Austrian Consul-General with the object of 
 assisting me, and they, through the kind intervention of the 
 various Sirdars of the Egyptian army, and of Major Win- 
 gate, the Director of Military Intelligence, succeeded in 
 sending me occasional sums by the hands of trustworthy 
 Arabs. Of course, I invariably received considerably 
 smaller sums than those which had been originally confided 
 to them, though I was obliged to give receipts for the full 
 amounts. However, I was truly thankful for what I 
 received, and, by the system which was established, I was 
 enabled to send my relatives scraps of information about 
 myself and my affairs. I was obliged to exercise the most 
 extreme caution in spending the money thus received lest 
 suspicion should be aroused, and therefore I continued to 
 live as simply as possible, and expended all I could spare in 
 cementing my various friendships. 
 
 My friends in Cairo had fully realized that, after I had 
 been prevented from holding any communication with the 
 outside, it was quite impossible for them to secure my 
 release from the Khalifa's hands by ordinary methods. 
 They therefore spared no efforts to afford me the means of 
 effecting my escape should an opportunity occur. From 
 the earliest days of my captivity I had realized that my 
 only hope of freedom lay in flight, and although the rise 
 and development of this great movement interested me 
 considerably — especially as I had exceptional means of 
 watching it — I never for an instant abandoned the idea of 
 succeeding in my object, though I little dreamt that twelve 
 long years of hardship, misery, and humiliation must elapse 
 before it could be accomplished. 
 
 For years I did not confide my secret to a soul, but 
 eventually I told Ibrahim Adlan of my intentions, and he 
 promised to assist me to the best of his ability. Unfortu-
 
 362 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 nately, the Khalifa executed him soon afterwards, and in 
 him I lost a true and kind friend and protector. On his 
 death I confided my secret to two influential individuals, on 
 whose silence I could rely, and though I knew that — partly 
 owing to their liking for me and partly owing to their hatred 
 of the Khalifa — they would have willingly assisted me in 
 the accomplishment of my object, our negotiations came to 
 nothing. The money required would, I knew, be forth- 
 coming ; but they dreaded that after my escape their names 
 might be eventually divulged, and as they were tied by 
 their families to live in the Sudan, they knew that, in the 
 event of discovery, the Khalifa would wreak his vengeance 
 on their defenceless wives and children. 
 
 Meanwhile, my family had not been idle, and no sacrifice 
 was too great for their love. Living in Vienna, ignorant of 
 the real state of affairs in the Sudan, and not aware of how 
 they could best help me, they trustfully continued to place 
 considerable sums of money at the disposal of the Austrian 
 Agency in Cairo, the representative of which received in- 
 structions from the Minister of Foreign Affairs to utilize it 
 to the best of his ability. His Excellency Baron Heidler 
 von Egeregg — now Ambassador and Minister Plenipo- 
 tentiary, and who has been for some years Consul- General 
 in Cairo — took a personal interest in my affairs, and did 
 everything in his power to facilitate my escape. But it is 
 only possible to secure the services of reliable persons 
 through the intermediary of Government officials, and, with 
 this object in view, he enlisted the sympathies, first of 
 Colonel Schaeffer Bey, and subsequently of Major Wingate, 
 who had on several previous occasions endeavoured to 
 assist me ; and it is to his and to Baron Heidler's incessant 
 efforts that I owe my freedom. Without their intervention, 
 it would not have been possible to procure reliable Arabs to 
 bring me occasional sums of money, and I owe to them my 
 heartiest thanks for their frequent attempts to effect my 
 rescue ; and although, with the exception of the last, they 
 all failed, the arrangements were such that the Khalifa
 
 PLANS FOR ESCAPE 363 
 
 and his myrmidons never had the slightest suspicion of 
 them. 
 
 Early in February, 1892, the former chief of the Dongola 
 camel postmen, Babakr Abu Sebiba, arrived in Omdurman 
 from Egypt. He was an Ababda Arab, and when brought 
 before the Khalifa, he asserted that he had escaped from 
 Assuan, that he sought the Khalifa's pardon, and begged 
 to be allowed to settle down in Berber. As he had letters 
 of introduction to the Emir of Berber, Zeki Osman, per- 
 mission was accorded to him ; and when going out at the 
 door of the mosque he nudged me, and whispered, ' I have 
 come for you ; arrange for an interview.' ■ To-morrow 
 after evening prayers, here in the mosque,' was my reply, 
 and he then disappeared. Although I had not given up 
 hope of escape, I never dared to be very sanguine ; for I 
 had had much experience of these Arabs and Sudanese, and 
 knew that often their words go for nought, and their 
 promises are more frequently broken than kept. I therefore 
 spent the following day much as usual, though I could not 
 help wondering what would be the upshot of the interview. 
 
 After evening prayers, and when all the people had left 
 the mosque, Babakr passed the door at which I had seen 
 him the previous day. 
 
 Cautiously I followed him, and together we entered the 
 thatched portion of the building, which was in deep shade. 
 Out of sight and out of hearing, Babakr now handed me a 
 small tin box, which, from the smell, seemed to contain 
 coffee, saying, ' This box has a double bottom. Open and 
 read the papers enclosed in it ; and I shall be here again 
 to-morrow at the same hour.' Concealing the box under 
 my jibba, I returned to my place, and, as chance fell out, 
 was summoned that evening to sup with the Khalifa. 
 Imagine my feelings, for the box was sufficiently large to 
 be seen under my clothes ; and here was I seated opposite 
 my master with his lynx eyes fixed on me. Fortunately he 
 was rather tired, and only talked on general subjects, 
 though he did not fail to caution me to be loyal, or he would
 
 364 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 punish me unmercifully. Of course I assured him of my 
 fidelity and affection for him ; and, after having partaken 
 of a little meat and dhurra, I feigned sudden illness, and 
 obtained permission to withdraw. Hurrying home with all 
 speed, I lit my little oil lamp, tore open the box with my 
 knife, and there found a small piece of paper, on which the 
 following words were written in French : 
 
 * Babakr Wad Abu Sebiba is a trustworthy man. 
 
 1 (Signed) Schaeffer, Colonel.' 
 
 On the other side of the paper were a few lines from the 
 Austrian Agency confirming this. The writers had wisely 
 omitted my name, fearing that it might fall into the hands 
 of enemies ; and now I had to exercise more patience until 
 the following evening. 
 
 As agreed, I met Babakr as before ; and he briefly in- 
 formed me that he had come to arrange my escape, and 
 that, having seen me, he would return to Berber to com- 
 plete his preparations. As the Emir Zeki Osman had been 
 ordered to come to Omdurman in July for the manoeuvres, 
 he proposed to accompany him, in order to carry out his 
 object. I assured him that I was ready at any time to 
 make the attempt ; and, after imploring him to do all in his 
 power to help me, we parted. He returned, as arranged, in 
 July, with Zeki Osman ; and, in a secret meeting, he told 
 me that, in order to disarm suspicion, he had got married in 
 Berber ; that he had brought four camels with him, but 
 that he had not yet arranged about our crossing the river. 
 Should I, however, decide to risk flight, he would guide me 
 through the Bayuda desert and by El Kaab (west of 
 Dongola) to Wadi Haifa ; but I knew that the camels 
 could not possibly perform such a journey in the height of 
 summer. I soon saw that the man wanted to spend a few 
 more months in the Sudan, probably with his newly 
 acquired bride ; and so we agreed to postpone the attempt 
 till the month of December, when the long nights would be
 
 PLANS FOR ESCAPE 365 
 
 more favourable to the enterprise. Months passed ; and I 
 heard from secret sources that Babakr was still at Berber. 
 December went by, and the year 1893 na d begun. Still no 
 sign of my friend. At length he returned in July, and told 
 me that the messenger whom I had despatched to Cairo 
 asking for ^100 had been delayed on the road ; and that as 
 he had arrived there at a time of year when the journey 
 would have been impossible, the authorities had refused to 
 supply him with the funds. He added, however, that he 
 had brought two camels, and that if I would risk flight, he 
 would try to procure a third. I saw that the man had been 
 making inquiries, and had ascertained that at most it would 
 only be possible for me to obtain a few hours' start, which 
 would not be sufficient to insure success ; besides he knew 
 that it was out of the question starting in July. When 
 therefore I proposed again postponing flight till the begin- 
 ning of the winter, he readily acquiesced, merely for form's 
 sake. His constant visits to Omdurman had aroused the 
 Khalifa's suspicions ; and one of the Kadis notified him that 
 he must attend the mosque five times daily, and should not 
 leave Omdurman without the Khalifa's permission. Alarmed 
 probably at the turn affairs had taken, he escaped and re- 
 turned to Egypt. Three days after he had left, his absence 
 was discovered. On his arrival in Cairo, as I subsequently 
 learnt, he informed those who had sent him that he had 
 frequently come to Omdurman ; but that I had persistently 
 refused to risk flight with him. Baron Heidler and Major 
 Wingate, however, realized that the man's statement was 
 untrue ; and some time later I had an opportunity of in- 
 forming them, through a trusty agent, of the man's 
 behaviour. 
 
 These gentlemen subsequently made an agreement with 
 a merchant named Musa Wad Abderrahman, promising him 
 ^"1,000 if he succeeded in effecting my escape, while at the 
 same time he was furnished with what was necessary for 
 the undertaking. In the winter I received information of 
 this fresh enterprise; but it was not till June, 1894, tnat
 
 366 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 one of Musa's relatives, named Ahmed, told me that some 
 Arabs had been secured who would arrive in a few days, 
 and would attempt to fly with me. He also told me that a 
 station had been prepared in the desert, where a change of 
 camels would be in readiness, and that, in spite of the great 
 heat, there was every prospect of the success of the under- 
 taking. 
 
 On ist July Ahmed warned me that the camels had 
 arrived, and that I should be ready to start the next night. 
 That evening I told my servants that one of my friends was 
 dangerously ill, and that I had obtained the Khalifa's per- 
 mission to visit him, that I would probably stay the night, 
 and that therefore they need not be uneasy if I did not 
 return. That night, when my master had retired to rest, 
 accompanied by Ahmed, I quitted the mosque ; and, with 
 bare feet and armed only with a sword, we hurried along 
 the road leading towards the parade ground, and then 
 turned off in a north-easterly direction. 
 
 The night was dark. During the day the first showers 
 announcing the beginning of the rainy season had fallen ; 
 and as we crossed the cemetery I put my foot into an old 
 grave, which had been washed out by the rain, and my 
 foot got twisted in the bones of the skeleton on which I had 
 stepped. It seemed as if the dead as well as the living were 
 conspiring to throw difficulties in my path ; but, in spite of 
 the pain, I struggled on, and reached Khor Shambat. We 
 crossed to the other side, where it was arranged the camels 
 would await us. We searched up and down the banks. 
 Ahmed even called out in a low tone ; but not a sign of them 
 was to be seen. The night was cool, but our efforts had 
 bathed us in perspiration, and after wandering to and fro for 
 hours in our vain search, we were at length obliged to give 
 up and retrace our steps. What could have happened to 
 our men ? Could they have been noticed by some Dervishes, 
 who had perhaps arrested them on suspicion ? Full of 
 doubts and fears, we reached our homes in safety. I had 
 parted from Ahmed on the parade-ground, and I had begged
 
 PLANS FOR ESCAPE 367 
 
 him to let me know in the evening what had happened. At 
 the same time, I repeated that I was prepared to renew the 
 attempt at any time. The dawn was just breaking as I 
 reached the threshold of my hut, which I had quitted a few 
 hours before, as I thought, for the last time, and my feelings 
 can be better imagined than described. I had scarcely 
 been back more than a few minutes when one of my fellow 
 mulazemin, named Abdel Kerim, arrived with a message 
 from the Khalifa to inquire the reason of my absence from 
 morning prayers. I replied that I had been ill, and, 
 indeed, my wretched appearance almost warranted such an 
 assertion. 
 
 In vain I waited that evening for news from Ahmed ; but 
 I did not learn from him till two days afterwards that the 
 Arabs had reconsidered the matter, and had come to the 
 conclusion that the risk of recapture was too great, and had 
 returned to their homes instead of coming to the place of 
 rendezvous. So we had completely failed, and considered 
 ourselves lucky to have returned unnoticed from our mid- 
 night ramble. 
 
 Again I informed my Cairo friends of what had happened. 
 They were unsparing in their efforts, and had now the 
 valuable aid of Father Ohrwalder, who, when in Vienna, 
 had visited my family, and had obtained from them some 
 ether pills, which are very strengthening on a journey, and 
 ward off sleep. They had been prepared by Professor 
 Ottokar Chiari, and had reached me safely. They were in 
 a small bottle, which I had buried carefully in the ground. 
 
 I now made a confidant of Abderrahman Wad Harun, 
 whom I despatched to Cairo with a message to Baron 
 Heidler, to place at his disposal the requisite means for 
 my escape. Again an agreement was made between this 
 merchant and the Austrian Agency, with the concurrence of 
 Major Wingate, and the assistance of Milhem Shakkur Bey 
 and Naum Effendi Shukeir, of the Intelligence Department. 
 If successful Abderrahman was to receive ^"i,ooo, and he 
 was also given the necessary outfit and ^200 in advance.
 
 368 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Meanwhile Major Wingate, who had been despatched to 
 Suakin as acting Governor, fearing another failure, made a 
 similar agreement with a local Arab named Osheikh Karrar, 
 who, it was arranged, should attempt my rescue via Tokar 
 or Kassala. One day a Suakin merchant in Omdurman 
 handed me a small slip of paper, on which was written : 
 
 1 We are sending you Osheikh Karrar, who will hand you 
 some needles, by which you will recognise him. He is a 
 faithful and brave man. You can trust him. Kind regards 
 from Wingate. 
 
 * (Signed) Ohrwalder.' 
 
 Soon afterwards I heard from one of Abderrahman Wad 
 Harun's relatives that the latter had arrived at Berber from 
 Cairo, and was making preparations for my escape ; but, 
 in order to avoid being suspected, he had decided not to 
 come to Omdurman, and in this I fully concurred. 
 
 The ist of January, 1895, had dawned. How many 
 weary years of deprivation and humiliation I had spent in 
 closest proximity to my tyrannical master ! And would 
 this year come and go like the rest, leaving me still in his 
 clutches ? No. I felt sure that the time was at length 
 approaching when my friends would be able to break 
 asunder the bonds which held me down, and that I should 
 once more see my relatives, fatherland, and the friends of 
 my youth. 
 
 One evening, about the middle of January, a man I had 
 never seen before passed me in the street, and made a sign 
 to me to follow him, and as I brushed up against him he 
 whispered, ' I am the man with the needles.' Joyfully I 
 led him in the dark to a little niche in the outside wall of 
 my hut, and begged him to tell me his plans quickly. He 
 first presented me with three needles and a small slip of 
 paper, and then, to my dismay, told me that at present 
 flight was impossible. ' I came,' said he, ' with the full 
 intention of taking you to Kassala, but now that military
 
 PLANS FOR ESCAPE 369 
 
 posts have been formed at El Fasher, Asubri, and Goz 
 Regeb on the Atbara, which are in constant communication 
 with each other, flight in this direction is not possible.' He 
 added, further, that one of his camels had died, and that 
 he had lost money owing to bad trade, and in consequence 
 he had not sufficient means to arrange for the escape. He 
 therefore begged that I would give him a letter to Major 
 Wingate, asking for a further sum of money, and promising 
 to return again in two months. I felt sure that the man 
 did not really mean to risk his life for me ; and as he 
 informed me he wished to leave without delay, I told him 
 to meet me the following evening at the mosque. We then 
 separated, and I returned once more to my post at the 
 Khalifa's door. The note from Suakin contained a few 
 lines of recommendation from Father Ohrwalder, to which 
 I wrote a reply, briefly describing what had taken place ; 
 and the next night, when we met, I handed to Osheikh the 
 letter, which he hurriedly thrust into his pocket, hoping that 
 it would be the means of obtaining more money. 
 
 Bitterly disappointed, I was returning disconsolately to 
 my house, when I suddenly came across Mohammed, the 
 cousin of my friend Abderrahman. As if by mere chance I 
 found him walking at my side, and in a whisper he said to 
 me, ' We are ready. The camels are bought ; the guides 
 are engaged. The time arranged for your escape is during 
 the moon's last quarter next month. Be ready !' And 
 without another word he left me. 
 
 This time I felt convinced that I was not to be doomed 
 to disappointment. Towards the end of January Hussein 
 Wad Mohammed, who had also been engaged by Baron 
 Heidler and Major Wingate, arrived in Omdurman, and 
 secretly told me that he was ready to help me to escape. 
 He begged me to let my friends in Cairo know what I had 
 decided to do, and said that one of his brothers, who was 
 about to proceed to Egypt, would be the bearer of the 
 letter. As I was bound to Abderrahman, I decided to wait 
 and see if his efforts would succeed, and should they fail I 
 
 2 4
 
 370 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 decided I would try Hussein ; but I merely told the latter 
 that at present I was not well enough to attempt so long a 
 journey, and that at the end of February I would let him 
 know definitely my decision. At the same time I gave him 
 a letter to my friends, telling them that I intended to 
 attempt escape with the assistance of Abderrahman ; and 
 in case of failure, from which I prayed the Almighty to 
 preserve me, I would seek the help of Hussein. I was now 
 in some alarm that so many people being in the secret, the 
 Khalifa might suspect something. Had he obtained the 
 slightest clue to what was going on I should have certainly 
 paid for it with my life. 
 
 On Sunday, the 17th of February, Mohammed, in a few 
 hurried words, told me that the camels would arrive the 
 next day, that they would rest two days, and that the 
 attempt would be made on the night of the 20th. He said 
 that on Tuesday evening he would communicate with me 
 by a sign by which I should know that everything was 
 ready, and that I should then do all in my power to arrange 
 that we should have as long a start as possible. 
 
 At last Tuesday night arrived, and I found Mohammed 
 waiting for me at the door of the mosque. In a hurried 
 whisper he told me that all was ready, and, after arranging 
 a rendezvous for the following night, when the Khalifa had 
 retired to rest, we separated. 
 
 I confess that I passed the greater part of that night in a 
 state of fevered excitement. Would this attempt also fail 
 like the others ? Would some unforeseen event frustrate 
 this effort, too ? These thoughts kept me awake and rest- 
 less, and it was not till towards morning that sleep, which 
 was so necessary to keep up my strength during the journey, 
 came at length, and I had two or three hours of sound 
 repose. 
 
 The next morning, when before the Khalifa's door, I 
 feigned sickness, and asked the chief of the mulazemin for 
 permission to absent myself from morning prayers, as I 
 proposed taking a dose of senna tea and tamarind, and
 
 PLANS FOR ESCAPE 
 
 37i 
 
 remaining quietly at home the following day. The neces- 
 sary permission was accorded, and Abdel Kerim promised 
 to make my excuses to the Khalifa should he inquire for 
 me. I felt sure that my master, when he knew that I was 
 not present, would, under the pretext of solicitude for my 
 health, send to my house to see if I was really there ; but I 
 could think of no other way of accounting for my absence. 
 
 Before sunset I assembled my servants, and, after making 
 them promise to keep secret what I was about to say, I told 
 them that the brother of the man who had brought me letters, 
 money, and watches from my relatives seven years before, 
 had arrived with a further consignment, and that, as he had 
 come entirely without the Khalifa's knowledge, I had de- 
 cided to keep his arrival secret. I told them that I intended 
 visiting him that night, as I wished to arrange with him 
 without delay and let him return at once. My good 
 domestics, of course, believed the story implicitly, and I 
 knew the thought that they would share some of the good 
 things which were supposed to have come would make them 
 keep the secret. In continuation of my imaginary scheme, 
 I ordered my servant Ahmed to meet me the next day at 
 sunrise at the north end of the city, near the Fur quarter, 
 with my mule. I told him not to be impatient if I happened 
 to be late, as the business in hand was important and might 
 take some time to arrange, but that on no account was he 
 to leave the rendezvous, as I intended to give him the 
 money I received to take home. I impressed upon the 
 others the necessity of maintaining perfect silence, as I ran 
 a great risk of being discovered. Should any of the mula- 
 zemin ask for me, I told them to reply that I had been very 
 unwell during the night, and had ridden off, accompanied 
 by my servant Ahmed, to seek advice of some man whose 
 whereabouts they did not know, but that they supposed he 
 was someone who could cure illness. To make my story 
 appear more real, I gave my servants to understand that I 
 should receive a considerable sum of money the next day, 
 and in anticipation I presented them with several dollars 
 
 24 — 2
 
 372 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 apiece. My object in making these arrangements was to 
 secure a few hours' delay before the hue and cry that I had 
 escaped should be raised. My servant Ahmed would prob- 
 ably wait for some hours with the mule, while those in the 
 household would anxiously expect my return with the 
 money. I naturally concluded that, should the Khalifa 
 send to inquire for me, the reply which my servants were 
 to give would avert suspicion for a time ; and then it would 
 take more time for them to find Ahmed, and his story of 
 the arrival of the supposed messenger would still further 
 perplex them. Of course, they must eventually find out the 
 deception ; but to me every moment's delay in sending out 
 search parties was of the utmost importance. After after- 
 noon prayers I once more returned to my house, again 
 impressed on all my servants the immense importance of 
 keeping the secret, and, with repeated promises of reward, 
 I stepped across the threshold praying fervently to God that 
 I might never set foot within my hut again. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 MY FLIGHT. 
 
 I escape from the Town by Night — My Guides, Zeki Belal and 
 Mohammed — A Scare — 130 Miles in Twenty-four Hours — Our 
 Camels break down — Hiding in the Gilif Mountains — Precautions 
 against Surprise — Arrival of Fresh Camels — Our Journey to the 
 Nile — The Crossing — Friendly Sheikhs — Narrow Escape from a 
 large armed Party of Mahdists — Difficulties with my Guides — 
 Hamed Garhosh the Amrabi — Out of Danger — Assuan at last — 
 Congratulations and Welcome — Arrival in Cairo — Meeting with Old 
 Friends. 
 
 It was three hours after sunset. We had offered the 
 evening prayer with the Khalifa, and he had withdrawn to 
 his apartment. Another hour passed without interruption. 
 My lord and master had retired to rest. I rose, took the 
 farwa (the rug on which we pray) and the farda (a light
 
 MY FLIGHT 373 
 
 woollen cloth for protection against the cold) on my 
 shoulders, and went across the mosque to the road that 
 leads north. I heard a low cough, the signal of Mohammed, 
 the intermediary in my escape, and I stood still. He had 
 brought a donkey. I mounted, and was off. The night 
 was dark. The cold, northerly wind had driven the people 
 into their huts and houses. Without meeting a soul we 
 reached the end of the town, where a small ruined house 
 stands obliquely to the road, from which a man led out a 
 saddled camel. ' This is your guide. His name is Zeki 
 Belal,' said Mohammed. * He will guide you to the riding 
 camels that are waiting concealed in the desert. Make 
 haste. A happy journey, and God protect you.' 
 
 The man sprang into the saddle, and I got up and sat 
 behind him. After about an hour's ride, we arrived at the 
 spot where the camels were hidden among some low trees. 
 All was ready, and I mounted the animal assigned to me. 
 
 1 Zeki,' said I, ' did Mohammed give you the medicine ?' 
 
 1 No. What medicine ?' 
 
 ' They call them ether pills. They keep off sleep and 
 strengthen you on the journey.' 
 
 He laughed. 'Sleep!' said he. 'Have no fear on that 
 account. Fear is the child of good folk, and will keep sleep 
 from our eyes, and God in His mercy will fortify us.' The 
 man was right enough. We rode in a northerly direction. 
 The halfa grass and the mimosa-trees, which in places grew 
 rather close together, prevented the camels from making 
 rapid progress in the darkness. At sunrise we reached 
 Wadi Bishara, a valley extending here to a breadth of 
 about three miles, which is sown in the rainy season with 
 millet by the Jaalin tribes who live along the Nile. 
 
 With daylight I was now able to see my guides. Zeki 
 Belal was a young fellow, with his beard still downy ; 
 Hamed Ibn Hussein, a man in the prime of life. 
 
 1 Of what race are you ?' 
 
 1 We are from the Gilif mountains, master, and if God 
 will, you will be satisfied with us.'
 
 374 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 1 How long a start have we got from our enemies ? When 
 will they miss you ?' the elder one asked me. 
 
 * They will look for me after the morning prayer ; but 
 before all doubt is over as to my escape, and before the 
 men and the beasts are found with which to pursue me, 
 some time must elapse. We may, at least, reckon on 
 twelve or fourteen hours' start.' 
 
 1 That is not very much,' answered Hamed. ' But if the 
 animals are up to their work, we shall have left a good bit 
 of ground behind us.' 
 
 1 Don't you know our animals ? Have they not been 
 tried?' I asked. 
 
 ' No. Two of them are stallions of the Anafi breed, and 
 the third a Bisharin mare, bought expressly for your flight 
 from friends,' was the answer. * We must hope the best of 
 them.' 
 
 We drove the creatures at their swiftest pace. The 
 country in these parts was flat, broken now and then by 
 solitary shrubs, with here and there small stony hillocks. 
 We rode without stopping until near mid-day, when suddenly 
 my guide called out : 
 
 1 Halt ! Let the camels kneel down at once. Be quick !' 
 
 I stopped. The camels knelt. 
 'Why?' 
 
 I I see camels a long way off and two led horses, and fear 
 we have been seen.' 
 
 I loaded my Remington to be prepared for any issue. 
 1 But if we have been seen,' I said, ■ it is better to ride 
 quietly on. Our making the animals lie down will excite 
 their suspicion. In what direction are they going ?' 
 
 ' You are right,' said Hamed Ibn Hussein. * They are 
 marching north-west.' 
 
 We rose, and changed our line of march to the north-east, 
 and were almost confident that we had passed unobserved, 
 when, to our despair, we perceived one of the party, which 
 was about two thousand metres away from us, jump on his 
 horse and gallop swiftly towards us.
 
 MY FLIGHT 375 
 
 1 Hamed,' said I, ■ I will go slowly on with Zeki. Do 
 you stop the man and answer his questions, and in any case 
 prevent him from seeing me close. You have the money on 
 you?' 
 
 ' Good ; but march slowly !' 
 
 I rode on quietly with Zeki, hiding my face with my 
 farda, so as not to be recognised as a white man. 
 
 1 Hamed is greeting the man, and has made his camel 
 kneel,' said Zeki, looking back. After about twenty minutes, 
 we saw the man remount his horse and Hamed urging his 
 camel on to rejoin us. 
 
 • You must thank God for our safety,' he cried, as he 
 came up. * The man is a friend of mine, Mukhal, a Sheikh, 
 on his way to Dongola with camels to bring dates to Omdur- 
 man. He asked me where I was going with the " white 
 Egyptian." The man has the eyes of a hawk.' 
 
 I And what did you answer ?' 
 
 I I adjured him as my friend to keep our secret, and gave 
 him twenty Maria Theresa dollars. We Arabs are all a 
 little avaricious. The man swore a sacred oath to me to 
 hold his tongue if he happened to fall in with our pursuers, 
 and his people are too far off to tell black from white. Urge 
 the camels on ; we have lost time.' 
 
 At sunset we passed the hills of Hobegi, and camped 
 nearly an hour later in the open country, about a day's 
 journey west of the Nile, so as to give our exhausted 
 animals some rest. We had been riding twenty-one hours 
 without stopping, had eaten nothing all day, and only once 
 drunk water. In spite of fatigue, we ate bread and dates 
 with a good appetite. 
 
 * We will feed our beasts and then get on,' said my 
 guide. ■ You are not tired ?' 
 
 1 No,' I replied. ' In Europe we say time is money 
 Here one might say time is life. Make haste.' 
 
 But to our despair the beasts refused the food which was 
 placed before them. Hamed made a little fire, took a piece 
 of burning wood and a little resin, which he laid on the
 
 376 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 wood, then walked round the camels muttering some words 
 which I could not understand. 
 
 * What are you doing ?' I asked him with some surprise. 
 
 1 1 fear the fikis of the Khalifa have bewitched our camels, 
 and am trying the Arab's antidote.' 
 
 * For my part,' I replied, ' I fear that they are second-rate 
 market camels, or are sick. Let us give them a little more 
 rest. Perhaps they will pick up.' 
 
 As, after another half-hour's rest, the beasts still refused 
 food, and longer delay was out of the question, we tightened 
 up the saddle-girths again and mounted. The tired animals 
 refused to trot, would only walk at a good pace, and as the 
 sun rose we found ourselves on the high ground to the 
 north-west of Metemmeh. The diminishing strength of our 
 mounts filled us with anxiety, and it became clear to us 
 that they would never hold out till the spot — about a day's 
 journey north of Berber, on the edge of the desert — where 
 we were to change camels. Towards afternoon we let the 
 exhausted animals rest in the shade of a tree, and agreed to 
 make for the Gilif range, distant a good day's journey to 
 the north-west, where I should remain concealed in the un- 
 inhabited hills until my guides could succeed in securing 
 other mounts. 
 
 About sunset we struck camp. The animals had so far 
 recovered that they could walk at a good pace, and we 
 reached in the early morning the foot of the Gilif mountain, 
 which at this spot is quite uninhabited. We dismounted, 
 driving our camels before us after an extremely difficult 
 march of about three hours in a valley hemmed in by sheer 
 rocks. 
 
 My guides, Zeki Ibn Belal, as well as Hamed Ibn 
 Hussein, both belong to the Kababish tribe. The Gilif 
 mountain is their own country, and they were familiar with 
 every path. We unsaddled the camels and concealed the 
 saddles among the boulders. 
 
 'We have come into our own country, and she will 
 protect her son,' said Hamed Hussein. ' Have no fear, as
 
 MY FLIGHT 377 
 
 long as we live you need have no misgiving. Remain 
 quietly concealed here. A little way off there is a cleft in 
 the rocks containing water. I will water the animals there. 
 Zeki will bring you a water-skin full. I will also hide the 
 beasts elsewhere, that our halting-place may not be betrayed 
 by the vultures circling above. Wait for me here, and we 
 will see what our next step must be.' 
 
 I was alone and somewhat depressed. I had hoped to 
 make a straight dash for the Egyptian frontier and to out- 
 distance my pursuers by speed, and now a crowd of un- 
 expected obstacles was gathering round me. About two 
 hours later Zeki arrived with the water-skin on his 
 shoulders. 
 
 1 Taste the water of my native land,' he cried. ' See 
 how fresh and pure it is. Take confidence. God, if He 
 will, will bring our enterprise to a happy end.' 
 
 I drank a deep draught. It was delicious indeed. 
 
 ' I am full of confidence,' I said to Zeki, ' but a little put 
 out by the delay.' 
 
 1 Malaish kullu shai bi iradet Illahi (" It matters not. 
 All happens as God ordains "), and perhaps this delay has 
 its good side too. Let us wait for Hamed Hussein.' 
 
 Soon after mid-day Hamed came. We ate our frugal 
 meal of bread and dates, and while doing so arranged that 
 Zeki should ride to the friends who were privy to my escape, 
 a brief two days' journey, and fetch new animals. 
 
 * I will ride the Bisharin mare,' said Zeki. ' She is strong, 
 and has not yet got to the end of her tether. This is 
 Saturday evening. I shall ride all night and to-morrow, 
 Sunday. Monday morning early, please God, I shall reach 
 our friends. We must allow one to two days there, because, 
 it may be, no animals will be ready. But Thursday or 
 Friday I should get here with fresh camels if no misfortune 
 happens to me.' 
 
 ' It is better to put it a little later,' I answered. ' We 
 will wait for you here till Saturday. If you arrive sooner, 
 all the better ; but remember that our life is in your hand.
 
 378 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Above all, be cautious in bringing the animals that you 
 arouse no suspicion.' 
 
 ■ Trust in our good fortune and my goodwill,' and he 
 grasped my hand in farewell. 
 
 ' God protect you, and bring you back right soon.' 
 He tied a few dates up in a cloth as provision for the 
 journey, and took the saddle on his shoulders. Hamed 
 described the spot accurately to him where he would find 
 the mare. As he turned he enjoined us to be careful not to 
 be seen, and in a few moments he was lost to sight. We 
 cleared the ground which was to serve as our night's resting- 
 place of stones, and were in the best of spirits as to our 
 success. 
 
 * I have a proposal to make to you,' said Hamed to me 
 after a long interval. ' A relation of mine, Ibrahim Masa, 
 is Sheikh of this district, and has his house at the foot of 
 the hill, about four hours' distance from here. Now, 
 though, as I hope, no one has seen us, still, it would be 
 better to warn him of our arrival, so that he may be pre- 
 pared for any eventuality. I will describe our situation to 
 him without mentioning your name. As my kinsman, he 
 is bound to give us asylum, and would warn us in time of 
 pursuit, if it should be that our track is followed to the base 
 of the hills, though, indeed, this is scarcely to be feared. If 
 you agree, I will go during the night, so as to see him with- 
 out being observed by other people, and will be back with 
 you early in the morning.' 
 
 * The plan is good ; but take twenty more dollars with 
 you, and offer them as a small contribution to his house, 
 and, as you have said, do not mention my name.' 
 
 Hamed left me at sunset, and I was alone with my 
 thoughts. I thought of my housefolk and companions, to 
 whom, in spite of the difference of race and of many un- 
 attractive qualities, I had grown accustomed in the long 
 course of years, and whom I had just left behind me in the 
 hands of the enemy. I thought of the dear ones I was now 
 on my way to meet, of my sisters, my friends, and well-
 
 MY FLIGHT 379 
 
 wishers. If only my adventures have a successful issue ! 
 Exhausted with fatigue, I fell asleep on my hard bed. I 
 woke while the dawn was gray, and shortly afterwards 
 heard the sound of approaching footsteps. I knew it must 
 be my guide. 
 
 1 All goes well,' said he as he came up. ' The Sheikh, 
 my kinsman, greets his unknown guest, and bids God pro- 
 tect you. Fortify yourself with patience. For the present, 
 we have nothing else to do.' 
 
 He sat down between two blocks of stone, from which 
 his dark skin was hardly distinguishable, and kept watch. 
 I sat a short distance below in the shade of a little tree 
 which struggled for existence among the rocks, and we 
 talked in low tones of the present and the former condition 
 of the country. It was past mid-day when I suddenly heard 
 behind the noise of footsteps, and, turning round, I saw, to 
 my disgust, a man about one hundred and fifty yards off, 
 climbing the slope opposite me, trying to draw the end of 
 his farda, which was twisted round his loins, over his head. 
 Judging from the direction he had come from, he must have 
 seen us. 
 
 ' In any case it is a fellow-countryman,' said Hamed, 
 who had heard the sound, and had perceived him. ' Any- 
 how, it will be better that I should overtake him and speak 
 with him. Or do you not agree ?' 
 
 * Certainly ; make haste, and, if necessary, give him a 
 small present,' I answered. 
 
 My companion left his seat, and followed the man at a 
 swift pace. He had now reached the crest of the hill and 
 passed out of my sight. A few minutes later I saw them 
 both approaching me with smiling faces. 
 
 ' We are in luck,' Hamed cried from a distance. ' He is 
 one of my numerous relations. Our mothers are children 
 of two sisters.' 
 
 The man came up to me and offered his hand in greeting. 
 
 1 The peace of God be with you. From me you run no 
 danger,' he said as he sat down on the stone at my side.
 
 380 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 I gave him a few dates, and bade him taste our travelling 
 fare. ' Who are you ?' 
 
 ' They call me AH Wad Feid,' he replied, ' and, to be 
 honest with you, my intentions were not well disposed to 
 you. I was changing my pasture ground, and arrived 
 a few days ago with my flocks at the foot of those hills 
 which you see from here to the south. I went to the cleft 
 in the rocks to see if there were much water there, because 
 we might need it, although we also get drinking water in 
 the plain. There I found traces of a camel, and followed 
 them up. When, in the distance, I saw the white skin of 
 your feet which were sticking out of your hiding-place, I 
 realized that a stranger was concealed here, and tried to 
 get away again unobserved, so that,' said he, smiling, ' I 
 might return again with a few comrades by night and make 
 your further journey easier by removing your superfluous 
 luggage. I thank God that my cousin here caught me up. 
 By night I should not, perhaps, have recognised him.' 
 
 'Ali Wad Feid,' said my guide, who had listened in 
 silence, ' I will tell you a little story. Listen ! Many 
 years ago, when I was a little fellow, in the days when the 
 Turks ruled in the land, my father was Sheikh of these 
 mountains, which then were thickly peopled. One night 
 there came a man, a fugitive, who sought asylum with my 
 father. He was closely pursued by Government troops, 
 under suspicion of being a highway brigand who had 
 murdered some merchants. His women fell into the hands 
 of his pursuers, but he himself sought and found protection 
 with my father, who kept him in concealment. A long 
 while after my father went to the seat of Government at 
 Berber, and by money and fair words succeeded in obtain- 
 ing pardon for the man, against whom there existed no 
 definite proofs of guilt. He went bail for him, and set free 
 his women, who were in prison. That man's name was 
 Feid ' 
 
 1 And he was my father,' interrupted Ali, whose face had 
 grown grave during his narrative. ' I was born later, and
 
 MY FLIGHT 381 
 
 heard the story from my dead mother, on whom God have 
 mercy. My brother, let me give you good tidings. What 
 your father did for mine, his son will do for your father's 
 son. In peace or in peril I am with you. But follow me, 
 and I will show you a better hiding-place.' 
 
 We went some two thousand yards back round the hill 
 towards the south, and reached a sort of little grotto formed 
 of rock slabs, large enough to hold two men. 
 
 I When evening comes bring your baggage here, although 
 there is nothing to fear, since the hills are uninhabited ; but 
 under the cover of darkness you can choose some other spot 
 in the neighbourhood to sleep in. It is impossible to be 
 quite sure that someone may not have perceived you, and 
 have the intention which I confessed to have had, of return- 
 ing after dark. I have lost time, and my road is a long one. 
 I will go, pick up what news I can, and return to-morrow 
 when it is dark, announcing my presence by a low whistle. 
 Farewell till then.' 
 
 As Ali Wad Feid had advised us, we selected a place to 
 sleep in, and early in the morning, before the sun rose, 
 retired again to our cave. Throughout the day Hamed 
 Hussein kept watch from a high point of vantage, like a 
 sentry on a tower, and only came to me when driven in by 
 hunger. Our bread came to an end this day, and we had 
 only dates to eat. 
 
 In the evening, two hours maybe after sunset, we heard 
 a low whistle. It was Ali Wad Feid, who, faithful to his 
 promise, had come to visit us. He brought some milk in a 
 small vessel of gazelle-skin (the skin of young gazelles is 
 tanned by the Arabs, and now much used for carrying milk 
 in), and had rolled up some bread (millet cakes) in his 
 farda. 
 
 I I pretended to my wife that I was going to visit the 
 caravan folk, and show them hospitality,' he said, after 
 greeting us. ' I cannot trust her with the truth ; she is 
 such a chatterbox.' 
 
 1 A feminine quality which many married men complain
 
 382 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 about in our country at home,' I remarked, with a smile, 
 delighted at the prospect of such a grateful meal. 
 
 * I made inquiries at the well,' he continued, ' and heard 
 of nothing to cause you uneasiness. Eat and drink your 
 fill. I have every confidence in your good luck.' 
 
 After we had done honour to his good fare, I begged him 
 to return so as not to awake suspicion with his own folk by 
 remaining out unduly long, and whispered to Hamed to give 
 him a present of five dollars before he went. 
 
 1 Do not return,' I said to him in taking leave. ' Your 
 comings and goings may excite suspicion among your people, 
 and your footsteps may perhaps leave traces on the ground 
 which would betray our hiding-place to others, unless, of 
 course, you hear any really disquieting news. Farewell. 
 I thank you for youx loyal friendship.' 
 
 Hamed Hussein accompanied his kinsman some little 
 way. 
 
 1 Ali would not take the money,' he said, when he 
 returned. ' I had to press him very hard, and it was only 
 the fear of offending you which induced him at last to 
 accept it.' 
 
 We once more selected our couches, and rested undis- 
 turbed till the morning, when we returned to the cave, or, 
 rather, I did, for my companion had to go back to his post 
 as watchman. This day went by equally without event, 
 but how slowly the time seemed to pass ! The hours grew 
 to days, and thoughts succeeded thoughts in weary sequence. 
 My patience was severely tried, but there was no help for it, 
 and nothing to do but to bear it. 
 
 As our water-supply threatened to fall short, Hamed 
 Hussein went with the skin to the cleft in the rocks. At 
 the same time he intended to look up the camels, which 
 had been hobbled, and were getting what food they could 
 from trees and bushes. 
 
 ' I shall return in about four hours. Meanwhile remain 
 quiet in the cave,' he said to me, ' and should anyone appear 
 — which God forbid ! it could only be one of my own
 
 MY FLIGHT 383 
 
 countrymen, for no stranger gets so far as this — detain him, 
 and tell him that Hamed Wad Sheikh Hussein is coming in 
 a little while. But do not yourself enter into any negotia- 
 tion, and above all do not spill blood.' 
 
 1 1 will follow your counsel whatever happens,' I replied ; 
 ' but I trust you will find me here undisturbed when you 
 return.' 
 
 My guide returned with the water-skin full even before 
 the time he had indicated. 
 
 1 1 found the camels somewhat recovered — at any rate in 
 appearance,' he said, with evident satisfaction. ' Give me 
 a few dates ; I am hungry, and must return to my watch- 
 tower.' 
 
 The rest of the day passed slowly, but without episode. 
 At night we betook ourselves to our sleeping-place, talked 
 for awhile in a low voice, and prayed that our patience 
 might not be put to too hard a trial. 
 
 On Thursday morning Hamed had gone as usual to his 
 post of observation, and it must have been about mid-day 
 when I suddenly saw him climb down from his seat. I 
 clutched my rifle. 
 
 1 What is the matter ?* 
 
 * I see a man running in the direction of our former 
 hiding-place. It must mean news. Remain here till I 
 come back.' 
 
 I sat down and waited for what seemed an eternity ; then 
 I rose with caution to have a look out, and saw a long way 
 off two people approaching me. My eyes could make out 
 Hamed, and with him was Zeki Belal. As I stepped from 
 my hiding-place he perceived me, and ran up. 
 
 ' God give you greeting, master. Here is good news for 
 you,' said he, shaking my hand. * I have arrived with two 
 fresh camels, and have hidden them some way behind. I 
 will be off and fetch them.' And he hurried back again. 
 
 About an hour later he arrived with the new animals. 
 
 * You have been quick !' I cried with delight.. c Nqw telii 
 your story.'
 
 384 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 ' It was Saturday evening when I left you,' he replied. 
 ' I rode all night and all day. My Bisharin mare went 
 splendidly over the ground, which was tolerably level, and 
 on Monday morning I reached our friends. They sent 
 immediately for the beasts you now see, which were at a 
 considerable distance. They came in early on Tuesday. I 
 started at mid-day. I rode slowly, so as not to wear them 
 out, and now we can start at once. And, oh, I had almost 
 forgotten to tell you that your friends, after discussing it 
 with me, went off to the camp on the edge of the desert to 
 warn their people there to be ready. I promised we would 
 reach the tryst on Friday, or at latest on Saturday after 
 sunset.' 
 
 'Did you bring bread?' I asked the youth, who was 
 talking away in high spirits. ' We have got nothing but 
 dates to eat.' 
 
 1 Good heavens ! I forgot that in my haste.' 
 
 1 No matter,' I replied, seeing him look rather crestfallen. 
 • Even without dates we could hold out for this short ride.' 
 
 1 Zeki,' said Hamed, ' saddle the light-coloured camel, go 
 with our friend and brother to the hollow rock, and give the 
 camels water. Wait for me there. I will take the other 
 saddle and follow with my own camel, which has recovered 
 sufficiently to stand this comparatively short march. But 
 it will be better,' he added, turning to me, ' that you should 
 not go right up to the spring, but remain hidden in some 
 suitable spot near till we fetch you. One never can be too 
 sure ; there are so many thirsty folk in the wide world.' 
 
 I went with Zeki, leading one of the camels, towards the 
 cleft where the water was, and hid myself in a place my 
 guide suggested, among the boulders of rock. 
 
 About two hours before sunset, Hamed and Zeki came 
 with the three camels that had just been watered, and the 
 skins all filled. We mounted and rode east-north-east 
 across hills, which at times were very steep to climb, till, 
 as darkness gathered round us, we arrived in the plain 
 without having been observed.
 
 MY FLIGHT 385 
 
 Throughout the night we rode without a halt at a slow 
 trot or a walk, and at daybreak Hamed calculated we had 
 left half the road behind us. 
 
 1 This is the most critical day of our journey,' said my 
 guide. ' We come into the neighbourhood of the river, and 
 cross pasture grounds of the river tribes. God grant we 
 reach our destination unobserved !' 
 
 The aspect of the country does not change. The veldt, 
 as one may call it, is covered with a thin mat of grass, with 
 here and there clumps of half-dried mimosa bushes. The 
 ground is sandy, and at times covered with stones. We 
 rode on without stopping, and ate our frugal meal, which 
 consisted of nothing but dates, as we rode. When the sun 
 was at the zenith, we saw in the distance a flock of sheep 
 with its shepherds. We turned a little aside from our 
 straight course, and Zeki rode off to them to ask for news ; 
 but when he rejoined us he said he had learned nothing of 
 interest. Though we came upon constant tracks of camels, 
 donkeys, sheep, etc., in the soil, our eyes detected nothing 
 which caused us concern, and the country had become quite 
 flat again. 
 
 1 Do you see the broad gray band in front, crossing from 
 south to north-west ?' Hamed asked me. ' That is the 
 great caravan track which leads from Berber to Wadi 
 Gammer and Dar Shaigia. If we pass that without being 
 seen, we have nothing more to fear, for between this and 
 the river there is only stony ground, without a vestige of 
 vegetation, and quite uninhabited. But now you must 
 follow my directions closely. Let the camels advance at 
 a slow pace, and each some five hundred paces from the 
 next till we reach the big track. When we get there we 
 will turn into the road and proceed for a few minutes in the 
 direction of Berber. Then we will leave it again, and 
 march in an easterly direction. Do you see that stone 
 hillock about three miles away ? There we will join again. 
 This is the only way to put anyone who may be pursuing 
 us off our track.' 
 
 25
 
 386 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 We did as he had instructed us, crossed the caravan road, 
 which is at most times tolerably frequented, without seeing 
 a trace of anyone, and met again at the spot indicated. 
 
 1 And now urge the animals on. Don't spare them. Let 
 them do us their last service,' said Hamed, with a merry 
 laugh. ■ All has gone well.' 
 
 Since I left Omdurman I had not seen a laugh upon his 
 face, and I knew that on this side of the river we had 
 nothing more to fear. 
 
 So on we went, driving the weary camels forward with 
 the stick without much mercy, till, leaving a range of hills 
 on our right, we reached the Kerraba. 
 
 The Kerraba is a plateau with a sandy soil. The surface 
 is covered with black stones, ranging from the size of a 
 man's fist to that of his head, packed closely together. 
 Single blocks of rock are seen at a certain distance one from 
 another. The animals could scarcely make any progress 
 over the rolling level. It was a break-neck march. Towards 
 evening we saw the Nile in the far, far distance, like a silver 
 streak across the landscape. Climbing down from the 
 plateau in the darkness, we reached a valley lying between 
 stony hills. We halted and took the saddles off. The river 
 was about two hours' march away. 
 
 1 Our mission is near its end,' said Hamed and Zeki, as 
 they sat on the ground munching dates. ' Stay here with 
 the animals. We will go to a spot we know near the 
 river ; and there we shall find your friends, who will escort 
 you on.' 
 
 I was left alone, looking forward in the highest spirits to 
 the future. Already in imagination I saw my own people, 
 saw my fatherland. I awoke after midnight. No one had 
 come, and I began to feel somewhat concerned at the delay, 
 for if they did not soon return I could not cross the river 
 that night. It was not till some two hours before dawn 
 that I heard footsteps. It was Hamed. 
 
 ' What news ?' I asked impatiently. 
 
 ' None !' was the despairing answer. ' We could not find
 
 MY FLIGHT 387 
 
 your friends at the place indicated. I returned because you 
 cannot remain here after daybreak. You are too near 
 human habitations, and exposed to the risk of being seen. 
 I left Zeki behind to look for your people. Take the water- 
 skin on your shoulders and some dates. I am too exhausted 
 to carry anything. We must go back on to the Kerraba. 
 There you must stay till the day is over, hidden among the 
 stones.' 
 
 I did as I was bidden, and reached the plateau in about 
 an hour. After we had marched a little further in the 
 darkness, Hamed stood still. 
 
 ' Stop here,' he said. ' Make a ring of stones as camel- 
 herds do in winter to protect themselves from the cold, and 
 lie down between them. You know how to do it. You are 
 just as much an Arab as one of us. In the evening I will 
 come again to fetch you. I go back to the camels. The 
 people of these parts know me, and I have nothing to fear. 
 If they ask me any questions I shall say I have come from 
 Dar Shaigia to look up some people who are settled here. 
 Luckily I have some relations here also.' He went back. 
 I stood upon the rolling plain alone — abandoned. 
 
 I piled the stones on top of one another to a height of 
 about half a metre, leaving just room enough between for 
 myself, my water-skin, and my gun. Morning began to 
 grow gray, and I crept into my hiding-place. The ground 
 beneath was sandy. I dug it up with a flat, pointed stone, 
 and heaped up sufficient between the piles of slabs to 
 prevent my being seen from without. I flung myself on my 
 back in weariness, and stretched out my limbs. Again 
 reflection came and thoughts thronged past. I looked back 
 again to the past, and pictured to myself the Khalifa's anger 
 at my flight. My imagination sped once more towards my 
 dear ones. I longed to be united to them again, and, 
 unanticipated, almost insuperable obstacles seemed to be 
 springing up round me. What change has come over me ? 
 Where is my motto of ' Never despair ' ? However des- 
 perate the circumstances in which I may have found myself, 
 
 25—2
 
 388 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 I have never lost courage, never abandoned confidence in 
 my ultimate good fortune. To-day a sense of fear is press- 
 ing on me. Perhaps it is that I am already lying in what 
 will be my grave. But that is, after all, the end of every 
 man. Be his days long or short, he can go no other way. 
 And yet to die in a strange land forsaken ! God, up there 
 in heaven, have mercy on me — have mercy on a miserable 
 man who, if he has sinned, has surely bitterly atoned for 
 his transgressions. God have mercy on me ! Let me see 
 my friends and dear ones, my fatherland again ! 
 
 Then I grew calm once more. After all, I thought, in 
 spite of a few little delays, affairs are not so bad. To-night 
 I shall cross the river. To-morrow I reach the desert. In 
 two or three days I shall be beyond the reach of danger, 
 and fly towards those I crave to see. I smiled once more, 
 and grew full of confidence and hope. The sun was burning 
 hot. I had brought my farda, and held it up over me to 
 keep my face in the shade, waiting in patience for what 
 would follow. 
 
 A little after mid-day I heard a low whistle, and raised 
 myself to look out over the stones. It was Hamed, who 
 approached me smiling. 
 
 1 Good news !' he cried. ■ We have found your people.* 
 
 A sense of joy possessed me as I caught his words, and 
 my lucky star was once more in the ascendant. When he 
 came up to me he sat down outside the stones. 
 
 1 You may make yourself more comfortable,' he said. ' I 
 have kept a good look-out all round. You have nothing to 
 fear. Zeki found your people before daybreak, and just now 
 one of them came over to us to find out where we were. 
 They are ready. In the evening they will come to fetch 
 you. But you will have to take great care, for your flight 
 is known in this part of the country. Come with me now, 
 or, better still, wait till darkness comes on. I am going now. 
 Can you find the way alone, or shall I come back for you ?' 
 
 ' It is not necessary for you to go over the ground again. 
 I know the place, and will join you in the evening.'
 
 MY FLIGHT 389 
 
 The sun had disappeared from the horizon when, with 
 gun and water-skin slung upon my back, I left the spot 
 which had cost me such bitter hours of reflection. When I 
 reached my companions, I found myself in the presence of 
 two men who were strangers to me. 
 
 They greeted me, saying, ' We are sent by your friend 
 Ahmed Wad Abdalla, and are of the Gihemab tribe. We 
 will take you down to the river. He himself will cross the 
 stream with you. On the other side the camels are waiting 
 ready to take you across the desert. Take leave of your 
 guides. Their task is done.' 
 
 I shook my old friends by the hand, and thanked them 
 with words which came from the heart for their devotion. 
 1 Farewell, and may we meet again in better times of peace.' 
 
 We saddled two camels and left the third to my former 
 guides. I mounted, and one of the new-comers got up 
 behind me. 
 
 1 What is your name ?' I asked him. 
 
 * They call me Mohammed, sir, and my companion's 
 name is Ishaak.' 
 
 * Do you go with me across the desert ?' 
 
 * No ; there are others told off for that. Let the camel 
 walk slowly, and it will be better to cover your face in spite 
 of the darkness. Orders came from Berber three days ago 
 to have all the roads closely watched ; and the ferries have 
 been put under observation. Still, in our country you have 
 nothing to fear.' 
 
 After proceeding for about two hours in an east-north-east 
 direction, we approached the river. We could hear the 
 groaning of the water-wheel, the cries and laughter of the 
 slaves and their women at work. As we came up to a small 
 clump of bushes, Mohammed, who was riding behind me, 
 sprang down, and said, ' Make the camel kneel down slowly 
 — gently, that he may not grunt, and so attract attention.' 
 
 They knelt down without a sound. 
 
 Bidding me remain there till they returned with Ahmed, 
 they disappeared into the darkness. I waited about an
 
 390 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 hour, and then saw four men approaching. The tallest of 
 them came up and embraced me. Pressing me to his breast, 
 he said, in a low voice : 
 
 1 God be praised ! Welcome to the land of my fathers. 
 I am your brother Ahmed Ibn Abdalla, of the tribe of 
 Gihemab. Believe my words, you are saved. Mohammed, 
 Ishaak, take the saddles off the camels quietly. Make no 
 noise. Ride a good way on along the stream. Blow the 
 water-skins full of air, and tie them round the camels' necks. 
 Then cross the river at different spots, and to-morrow await 
 my orders near the stones of the " Fighting Bull." Mean- 
 time, do you follow me,' he said, turning to me. 
 
 He himself, with the fourth man, took the saddles on 
 their backs, and I followed. A few minutes later we reached 
 the shore of the sacred Nile, and found, in a little hollow 
 washed out by the current, a tiny boat constructed by my 
 friends themselves, scarcely large enough to hold us. We 
 climbed down the steep bank, got into the boat, and pushed 
 off. It took us more than an hour to cross the stream. 
 When we reached the far side, the other man, who had 
 remained in the little boat, guided it back into the river, 
 and bored a hole in the bottom, swimming to the land while 
 the boat sank in the stream, and with it disappeared all 
 traces of our crossing. We marched for about half an hour, 
 and then Ahmed Abdalla bade me wait there while he went 
 away, to return soon after with a dish of milk and bread. 
 
 * Eat and drink,' said he, ' and have no more fears as to 
 the success of your flight, for I swear to you by God and 
 the Prophet you are saved. I had intended that you should 
 start to-night, but the hour is already too late. It will be 
 better that you should wait till to-morrow evening. Besides, 
 to-morrow is the day when your camels should be watered. 
 As we are here too near to human habitations, my nephew, 
 Ibrahim Ali, will conduct you to a place some distance off 
 which is difficult of access. Wait for me there. I will 
 bring you an animal to ride, or do you feel strong enough to 
 go on foot ?'
 
 MY FLIGHT 
 
 391 
 
 1 1 am strong, and can walk,' I replied. * Where is 
 Ibrahim AH ?' 
 
 1 He is here, and he will be your guide through the 
 desert.' 
 
 It was a black night. Ibrahim went first with an empty 
 water-skin in his hand along the caravan track leading 
 beside the river to Abu Hamed, and I followed. After pro- 
 ceeding about three English miles, he went down to the 
 river, filled the skin half full, and then changed the direction, 
 turning inland. The march was very difficult. The big 
 stones with which the hills were covered hindered one's 
 progress. I was dead beat, and staggered about to right 
 and left like a drunken man. At last we halted by a hollow 
 in the ground. 
 
 1 This is the spot which my uncle indicated,' said 
 Ibrahim, who had kept silence up till now. ' Remain 
 quietly here without misgiving. To-morrow evening I 
 shall bring the camels, and we will start. Here is water 
 and bread. I will return now to make my preparations.' 
 
 Once more I was alone. Once more I was exposed for a 
 long day to the scorching sun ; but now it was easy for me 
 to bear, for I was near to the goal I had longed for so 
 wildly. At last the sun disappeared from the horizon, and, 
 after waiting about an hour more, I heard the sound of 
 hoofs moving quickly over the stones. I rose, and recog- 
 nised Ahmed Abdalla, accompanied by two men on 
 donkeys. 
 
 Springing off in haste, he pressed me warmly to his 
 breast. ■ God be thanked that you are safe ! These two 
 men,' pointing to his companions, ' are my brothers, and 
 have come with me to wish you luck.' 
 
 I pressed their hands in greeting, and, turning to Ahmed, 
 said : ■ But I do not understand you ; your tremendous 
 spirits ' 
 
 ' Of course not,' he replied, ' for you do not know the 
 great danger you have escaped. Listen ! Three days ago the 
 Emir of Berber, Zeki Osman, learned, we know not how,
 
 392 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 that the Egyptian garrison at Murrat had received im- 
 portant reinforcements, and intended to attack the Mahdist 
 station at Abu Hamed. Zeki Osman is sending reinforce- 
 ments, and to-day at noon sixty horsemen and about three 
 hundred foot soldiers passed our dwellings. You know 
 these wild bands who call themselves Ansar [defenders of 
 the faith] . We had killed a sheep, and were busy preparing 
 a portion for you to take with you on the road, when they 
 suddenly came upon us by surprise. They consumed what 
 was intended for your provision, and then scattered in search 
 of loot. We were in terrible anxiety on your account, 
 fearing one of these wild fellows might find his way to your 
 hiding-place. Now they have marched on. The curse of 
 God go with them ! Thanks be to Him who has protected 
 you P 
 
 And I also humbly thanked my Creator, who had saved 
 me from this great and unexpected danger. As I learned 
 later, the Commander-in-Chief of the Egyptian Army, 
 General Kitchener Pasha, had come to Wadi Haifa to con- 
 duct the usual manoeuvres. Captain Machell Bey marched 
 with the Twelfth Sudanese Battalion and two hundred of 
 the Camel Corps from Wadi Haifa to Korosko by Murrat, 
 and this accounted for the rumour of a strengthening of the 
 garrison at Murrat, and the contemplated attack on Abu 
 Hamed. 
 
 * The camels will be a little late,' said Ahmed, continuing. 
 
 * I sent them hastily away into the interior when the 
 Dervishes came in, for fear they might press them into 
 service to carry their ammunition or other baggage. If, 
 however, you feel inclined to rest in patience till to-morrow, 
 we should be able to procure fresh provisions.' 
 
 * No ; I want at all hazards to start at once, and want of 
 provisions will not alter my resolve,' I replied. ' I trust the 
 camels will come soon.' 
 
 It was towards midnight when they brought in the three 
 animals. Ahmed Abdalla presented my two guides to me. 
 
 * Ibrahim Ali, the son of my brother, and Yakub Hassan,
 
 MY FLIGHT 393 
 
 also a near relative of mine. They will conduct you to 
 Sheikh Hamed Fedai, the head of the Amrab Arabs, who 
 are subject to the Egyptian Government. He will assist 
 you in getting on to Assuan.' 
 
 We rilled the water-skins and took our leave. 
 
 1 Forgive the failure of provision for your journey,' said 
 Ahmed Ibn Abdalla. ' It is not my fault. You have meal 
 and dates enough to keep hunger off, though there are no 
 luxuries.' 
 
 We rode three hours and a half east-north-east before the 
 sun rose, and as the dawn grew gray found ourselves east 
 of Wadi el Homar (the Vale of Asses), which, though 
 called after the wild asses which inhabit it, is in a great 
 measure devoid of vegetation. As we proceeded, the 
 country assumed the genuine characteristics of the desert — 
 wide stretches of sand, with here and there, at long 
 intervals, ridges of hills, but never a tree or trace of grass. 
 After riding for two days, almost without a halt, we reached 
 the hills of Nuranai, formerly occupied by the Bisharin 
 Arabs. The valley, running in a north-easterly direction for 
 the most part, between ridges with very steep walls, grows 
 mimosa-trees along either side, and in one lateral valley are 
 trees which take their name from the hills. 
 
 Ibrahim Ali got off and took an observation from the 
 heights, and, finding that the valley was quite unoccupied, 
 we entered it, hastily watered our camels, and partially 
 filled our water-skins. 
 
 The well lies in a hollow some twenty-five yards across, 
 and some eighteen feet deep, dug out with a sharp decline 
 towards the centre. Down this sloping plane there are 
 slabs of rock and stones, serving as steps, by which one 
 descends to the water-hole in the middle. As wells are 
 always places where people are apt to collect, we left the 
 spot and rested in the plain, after crossing the hills of 
 Nuranai in about three hours. 
 
 There was a great difference between my former and my 
 present guides. The first were brave, devoted fellows,
 
 394 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 ready even to sacrifice their lives for me, whereas these new 
 ones were just the contrary. They grumbled at the service 
 which it seems their relative Ahmed Abdalla had forced 
 upon them, and were for ever complaining of want of sleep 
 and hunger, and at the danger of the enterprise, the reward 
 for which would go to others. Through their carelessness 
 they had dropped my sandals and tinder-box on the road, 
 and the loss of the former was destined to cause me much 
 trouble later on. 
 
 The next day, a Thursday, we reached the groves of Abu 
 Hamed an hour before noon, and though the tribes who at 
 present live in these parts are hostile to the Mahdists, I 
 preferred to remain hidden. Ibrahim Ali and Yakub 
 Hassan had been ordered by Ahmed Abdalla to guide me 
 to Sheikh Hamed Fadai ; but this did not suit their views. 
 
 They came to me in the afternoon, and represented to me 
 the risk they would incur if their people missed them for 
 many days. Since it was certain everything would come to 
 the Khalifa's ears which was calculated to throw light on 
 the question of who had helped me in my flight, and since 
 their tribe was already under suspicion of being friendly to 
 the Egyptian Government, there was danger not only for 
 them, but also for my friend Ahmed Abdalla. In conclu- 
 sion, they begged to be allowed to go and look for a man 
 who was well known to them both, and living in these parts, 
 who would conduct me further. I saw that their reluctance 
 would prove of more harm than service to me as I proceeded 
 further, and agreed to their proposal almost with alacrity, so 
 distasteful had both my guides become to me, and bade 
 them settle the matter as quickly as possible according to 
 the best of their powers. 
 
 It was not yet sunset when they brought back the man in 
 question. He was an Amrab Arab named Hamed Garhosh, 
 and considerably the wrong side of fifty in years. 
 
 * Every man looks to his own advantage and profit,' he 
 said curtly to me after the greeting. ' Your guides, whom I 
 know well, wish me to show you the way from here to
 
 MY FLIGHT 395 
 
 Assuan. I am ready to do so, but what shall I earn by the 
 job?' 
 
 I On the day of my arrival I will pay you there one 
 hundred and twenty Maria Theresa dollars, and, in addition, 
 a present which I shall calculate according to the manner 
 in which your duties are accomplished.' 
 
 I I accept,' said he, giving me his hand. ' God and the 
 Prophet are my witnesses that I trust you. I know your 
 race. A white man does not lie. I will bring you to your 
 own folk across untrodden mountain ways known only to 
 the fowls of the air. Be ready. After the sun is down we 
 start.' 
 
 I selected the strongest of the three camels for the re- 
 mainder of my journey, took two water-skins, the greater 
 part of the dates, and a portion of dhurra for my provision. 
 As the darkness closed in Hamed Garhosh arrived. 
 
 His son had gone away on the only camel which he 
 possessed to the country of Robatab near the river to fetch 
 grain, and he was therefore obliged to perform his functions 
 as guide on foot. Since the road was most of it moun- 
 tainous, however, and the camel could only go at a foot's 
 pace, he would not be any the worse off on that account. 
 It was merely a question of goodwill and stout legs. I 
 took leave of Ibrahim and Yakub with few words, and, there 
 was no doubt about it, we were mutually glad to part 
 company. 
 
 After a march of more than two days, crossing, for the 
 most part, bare ridges and stony hills, we reached on 
 Sunday morning a small well, nearly dried up, called Shof 
 el Ain, and though presumably it was not likely to be 
 visited by anyone, I waited for my guide, as he desired, at 
 a spot an hour's distance from it. 
 
 Our food consisted of dates and bread which we baked 
 ourselves. That is to say, an apology for bread, for I am 
 convinced, though my guide prided himself particularly on 
 his talent, that the stuff which he produced would give our 
 European bakers a proper sense of disgust, both on account
 
 396 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 of its appearance and its taste. To prepare it, my guide 
 piled together a lot of stones about the size of pigeons' eggs, 
 and laid dry wood on top of them. Then he kneaded dhurra 
 mixed with water in a wooden vessel, and lighted his pile of 
 fuel with flint and tinder. When the wood had burned out, 
 he removed the embers from the glowing stones, poured his 
 dough over them, and then replaced the embers on the top 
 of that again. A few minutes after he rescued his work of 
 art from its fiery grave, beat it severely with a stick to 
 remove the superfluous ashes and stones which stuck to it, and 
 served it up. This abortive production we ate, if not quite 
 with pleasure, at any rate with hearty appetite, and realized 
 the truth of the proverb. After resting a little while, we 
 left the neighbourhood of the fountain, and in a few hours 
 reached the first slopes of the Etbai mountains. 
 
 These mountains (El Etbai), stretching between the Red 
 Sea and the Nile, are inhabited in the southern portion by 
 Bisharin and Amrab Arabs, and in the north by the Ababda 
 tribe. Between lofty black cliffs, absolutely bare of vegeta- 
 tion, rising in sheer perpendicular, stretch broad valleys 
 well wooded, which the camel - breeders of these tribes 
 pasture in. We traversed a well-nigh impassable road, 
 moving on without resting, impelled by my desire to see 
 my own folk and to finish the weary journey as quickly as 
 possible. Though we had nothing more to fear, for we 
 were by now out of the power of the Mahdists and on 
 Egyptian territory, my guide insisted on the importance of 
 not being seen. He was afraid of being recognised by the 
 people, who have commercial relations with the Sudan. 
 Since his home lay on the border, and he was often obliged 
 for various reasons to go to Berber, the knowledge that he 
 had served me in my flight might be fraught with most 
 serious consequences for him. 
 
 But with him the spirit was willing though the flesh was 
 weak. Being already advanced in years, the want of proper 
 food and the overtaxing march had their effect on his health. 
 In addition to this, he felt the cold, which was often severe,
 
 MY FLIGHT 397 
 
 so much that he fell ill, although I had made over to him my 
 jibba, and had nothing myself upon my body but the farda 
 and hezam (a strip of woollen cloth to wind round the body, 
 eight to nine yards in length). In order to get on I made 
 over the camel to him for the last four days, and walked 
 behind him with my bare feet over the stones, for my 
 former guides had lost my sandals, and this was therefore 
 for me, from the physical point of view, the hardest part of 
 my journey. 
 
 Even our camel seemed to be going to leave us in the 
 lurch. He had got a raw place on his off fore-foot, and had 
 besides injured it so severely with a pointed stone that the 
 unfortunate beast could hardly walk on it. I was obliged 
 to sacrifice one of my hezamin, with which, by binding it in 
 quadruple fold, I made a kind of shoe for him, which had, 
 however, to be renewed every twenty-four hours. I had 
 seen this done by camel-herds in Darfur, though they use 
 leather for the purpose, and the old experience now stood 
 me in good stead. 
 
 At last, on Saturday, the 16th of March, in the morning 
 at sunrise, descending from the heights, I saw the river 
 Nile and the town of Assuan along its shore. I cannot 
 describe the feelings of joy which possessed me. My woes 
 were at an end ; saved from the hands of fanatical bar- 
 barians, my eyes beheld for the first time the dwellings of 
 civilized people in a country governed with law and justice 
 by its ruler. My heart went out to my Creator in thankful- 
 ness for His protection and His guiding hand. 
 
 I was received in the most friendly manner at their quarters 
 by the English officers in His Highness the Khedive's service 
 and the Egyptian officers, who only just then learned the 
 surprising news of my arrival, and each vied with the other 
 to do all that was in his power to help me to forget the 
 miseries I had gone through. 
 
 The commanding officer and Governor of the frontier, 
 who happened to have arrived almost at the same moment 
 in Assuan, Colonel Hunter Pasha, as well as his officers,
 
 398 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Majors Jackson, Sidney, and Machell Bey, with Bimbashi 
 Watson, and others whose names I cannot at this moment 
 call to mind, generously placed their wardrobes at my dis- 
 posal, and I availed myself of their kindness for what was 
 strictly indispensable. Before, however, I changed my 
 clothes, my excellent friend Watson, who is a capital artist, 
 asked leave to make a sketch of me, a request to which I 
 was delighted to accede. 
 
 As to my guide, Hamed Garhosh, with the assistance of 
 a former acquaintance, Butros Bey Serkis, who is now 
 British Vice-Consul in Assuan, I at once paid him the one 
 hundred and twenty Maria Theresa dollars. He also received 
 from me a present of money, clothes, and arms, while over 
 and above this Hunter Pasha presented him with a gift of 
 ^*io as a token of joy at my safe arrival ; and so, having 
 suddenly become a ' man of means,' he took a touching fare- 
 well of me and departed. 
 
 A short time afterwards telegrams of congratulation 
 arrived. The first was from Major Lewis Bey on behalf of 
 himself and the garrison of Wadi Haifa. The second, from 
 the chief of the Austrian Diplomatic Agency in Egypt, 
 Baron Heidler von Egeregg, who had been so indefatig- 
 able on my behalf. Then from my devoted friend Major 
 Wingate Bey. Baron Victor Herring and his sons, who 
 were travelling on the Nile, were the first of my own 
 countrymen to greet me. 
 
 As it happened that the postal steamer was starting that 
 afternoon, I was recommended to avail myself of it to con- 
 tinue my journey. Escorted by all the officers, to the tune 
 of the Austrian national hymn (played by the band of the 
 Sudanese battalion), which it brought the tears into my eyes 
 to hear, I went on board the steamer, amid the hurrahs of a 
 number of tourists of all nations assembled on the bank. 
 
 I was deeply moved. Though I have ever tried to live 
 up to my standard of honour in whatever circumstances I 
 have been placed, which, indeed, any officer in a similar 
 position would surely do, I had done nothing to prepare me
 
 
 A Camel Corps Scout, VVady Haifa.
 
 MY FLIGHT 399 
 
 for, still less to deserve, this public expression of sympathy, 
 and it made me feel very humble. 
 
 I travelled in company with Machell Bey, who commands 
 the Twelfth Sudanese Battalion, and whose march during 
 the manoeuvres from Wadi Haifa by Murrat to Korosko 
 had been the cause of my provisions being eaten up, and of 
 the short commons I had to put up with in the desert. I 
 took a terrible vengeance. He had to submit uncondition- 
 ally to all my whims in food and drink, and endured his 
 martyrdom with extraordinary good nature and soldierly 
 fortitude. 
 
 When I arrived on Sunday evening in Luxor, I was again 
 the object of a lively demonstration of sympathy from the 
 European travellers, and here received, through Baron 
 Heidler, a telegram from my dear sisters, and from my 
 native city of Vienna. Sisters and native city ! How sweet 
 the words sound ! 
 
 On Monday, at five in the afternoon, we reached Girga, 
 the southernmost station on the Egyptian State Railway, 
 and proceeded to Cairo, which I reached at six in the morn- 
 ing, on Tuesday, the 19th of March. In spite of this early 
 hour, Baron Heidler von Egeregg, with his staff, and the 
 Austrian Consul, Dr. Carl Ritter von Goracuchi, had come 
 to the station to meet me ; and there, too, was my dear 
 friend Wingate Bey, to whom I can never sufficiently show 
 my gratitude in word or deed. The Times correspondent 
 was also there ; and Father Rosignoli, with a number of 
 others, and, of course, a photographer taking snap-shots. 
 
 We drove to the Austrian diplomatic agency, where I 
 was for a long time the guest of the warm-hearted Baron 
 Heidler, who had worked so hard for my freedom, and 
 whose actions were not only prompted by a desire to do his 
 duty as a representative of the Government, but who was 
 actuated by a deep sympathy for the sufferings of a fellow- 
 creature held down in miserable bondage. 
 
 On arrival I found my rooms adorned with the flags of 
 my dear fatherland, and decked with roses and flowers,
 
 400 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 whilst above the door was written, * A hearty welcome 
 home.' On the same day I received telegrams of con- 
 gratulation from my family, friends, fellow-students, and 
 from several newspapers. I also met with a hearty welcome 
 from His Royal Highness Duke Wilhelm of Wurtemberg, 
 and His Serene Highness General Prince Louis Esterhazy, 
 both of whom had been in the Bosnian campaign when I 
 had served there with my regiment, and who greatly honoured 
 me by their expressions of genuine sympathy with me in 
 the hardships I had undergone, and in the joy I now ex- 
 perienced at having escaped at last from the tyrannical 
 thraldom of the Khalifa. I was received in audience, soon 
 after my arrival, by His Highness the Khedive of Egypt, 
 who conferred upon me the title of Pasha. I had entered 
 the Sudan sixteen years before as a first lieutenant of the 
 Austrian army, and, whilst Governor of Darfur, had been 
 granted the Egyptian military grade of lieutenant-colonel, 
 and now, on my return, I was promoted to the rank of 
 colonel, and posted to the Egyptian Intelligence Department. 
 
 A few days after my arrival, when seated on the balcony 
 of the Agency, and looking down on the garden all fresh 
 with the verdure of spring, I espied a tame heron stalking 
 across the flower-beds. Instantly I thought of Falz-Fein 
 of Ascanea Nova, in Tauride, South Russia, and I hurried 
 to my room, and then and there wrote to him a full account 
 of the crane which he had released in 1892, and which had 
 been killed in Dar Shaigia. It was the greatest pleasure to 
 feel myself in a position to give the former owner of the 
 bird an accurate account of what had happened ; and soon 
 afterwards I received a reply from Mr. Falz-Fein, who pos- 
 sesses a large estate in the Crimea, thanking me warmly for 
 my letter, and inviting me to pay him a visit, which, un- 
 fortunately, the numerous calls on my time have hitherto 
 prevented me from accepting. 
 
 A series of official and private calls, numerous invitations, 
 and other social duties, so occupied my time that some weeks 
 elapsed before I could undertake any serious work. My
 
 MY FLIGHT 40! 
 
 first duty was, of course, to submit a detailed official report 
 to my military superiors, and it was not till some time later 
 that I began to describe the story of my life during the last 
 sixteen years. 
 
 My old friend and comrade in captivity, Father Ohrwalder, 
 who is now a missionary at Suakin, took an early oppor- 
 tunity of coming to Cairo to welcome me. Our meeting 
 was indeed a happy one, and I rejoiced to be able to thank 
 him personally for all the assistance he had given in 
 arranging for my escape. 
 
 The contrast between my past and present life, the influ- 
 ence of fresh impressions, the many changes I see around 
 me, sometimes make my head feel heavy — heavy, as though 
 I had just woke up from an evil dream. Twelve years' 
 captivity — a long dream indeed ! 
 
 It was long before my excitement subsided, but gradually 
 I began to settle down and collect my thoughts. Now 
 again in the midst of civilized society, once more a man 
 among men, my thoughts often turn back to the fanatical 
 barbarians with whom I had to live so long, to my perils 
 and sufferings amongst them, to my unfortunate companions 
 still in captivity, and to the enslaved nations of those remote 
 territories. My thanks are due to God, whose protecting 
 hand has led me safely through all the dangers behind me. 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Africa, Past and Present — The Sudan, Past and Present — Rise, Progress, 
 and Wane of Mahdism— How long will it last ? — The Khalifa's 
 present Position — European Encroachment — ' Whites ' in the Bahr 
 el Ghazal — Important Strategical Position of the Province — Time 
 and Tide wait for no Man — I recover my long-lost Sword — A last 
 Word. 
 
 After more than sixteen years in Africa, including twelve 
 years of captivity, during which I was cut off from all com- 
 munication with the civilized world, I have at length had 
 
 26
 
 402 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 the good fortune to return to Europe. How Africa has 
 changed within this period ! Regions in the exploration of 
 which Livingstone, Speke, Grant, Baker, Stanley, Cameron, 
 Brazza, Junker, Schweinfurth, Holub, Lenz, and hundreds 
 of others risked their lives, are now accessible to civilization. 
 In most of these, in which the explorer had formerly to 
 encounter the greatest dangers, there are now military posts 
 and stations to afford security, and facilitate the trade, which 
 is constantly becoming more active. From the east Italy, 
 England, Germany, from the west the Congo State, France, 
 and England, are daily enlarging their spheres of influence, 
 and are now on the point of joining hands in Central Africa. 
 Wild tribes, who in their modes of life are nearer to beast 
 than to man, are beginning to know new wants, beginning 
 to understand that there are beings mentally superior to 
 themselves, and who, through the appliances of modern 
 civilization, are unconquerable even in foreign lands. The 
 more northerly of the still independent Mohammedan States 
 — Wadai, Bornu, and the Fellata kingdoms — will doubtless 
 sooner or later be compelled to conclude alliances with some 
 of the advancing powers, perceiving that only in this way 
 can their hereditary rule be secured. 
 
 In the middle of Africa, between the lands just mentioned 
 and the powers advancing from east, south, and west, lies 
 the former Egyptian Sudan, now under the rule of the 
 Khalifa Abdullahi, the despotic head of the Mahdists. No 
 European can venture to cross the limits of this land, cut 
 off from civilization, extending in the south along the Nile 
 to Reggaf, and east to west from Kassala to near Wadai ; 
 death or lifelong captivity would be his lot. Yet it is only 
 within the short period of ten years that the land has been 
 subjected to these miserable conditions. For more than 
 seventy years, since the time of Mohammed Ali, it re- 
 mained under the rule of Egypt, and was open to civiliza- 
 tion. In the chief towns were found Egyptian and European 
 merchants. In Khartum itself the foreign Powers had their 
 representatives. Travellers of all nations could pass through
 
 CONCLUSION 
 
 403 
 
 the land unharmed, and found protection and help through 
 their aid. Telegraphs and a regular postal service facilitated 
 intercourse with the most distant countries. Mohammedan 
 mosques, Christian churches and mission schools looked 
 after the religious and moral education of the young. The 
 land was inhabited by the most diverse tribes, many of 
 which lived in hostility with one another, but were com- 
 pelled by the strength of the Government to keep the peace. 
 
 Discontent no doubt prevailed in the land, and in the 
 preceding pages I have shown how the avarice and mis- 
 government of the officials brought about a condition of 
 affairs which rendered the country ripe for revolt. I have 
 endeavoured to explain how Mohammed Ahmed took 
 advantage of the mood of the people, and, well knowing 
 that only a religious factor could unite the hostile tribes, he 
 maintained that he was the Mahdi sent by God to deliver 
 the country from foreign yoke, and to regenerate religion, 
 thus bringing into existence that element of fanaticism 
 which throws such a lurid glow over those dark episodes 
 with which the history of the past twelve years of the Sudan 
 has been so replete. Without fanaticism the revolt could 
 never have been successful, while with it one is brought 
 face to face with a condition of warfare and religious 
 enthusiasm, to find a parallel to which one must go back to 
 mediaeval history, and even further. 
 
 In the preceding account of my life and adventures, in the 
 vortex itself of this mighty religious movement, I have 
 endeavoured to briefly trace, step by step, the principal 
 causes which have led to the present situation — changed 
 greatly, it is true, from the time in which the Mahdi and 
 his successor were in the zenith of their power, but never- 
 theless a situation requiring careful handling, and a thorough 
 knowledge of details, in order that those concerned may be 
 enabled to grasp accurately the conditions necessary to 
 restore to civilization this vast expanse of country which 
 has now fallen into an almost indescribable state of moral 
 and religious decadence. 
 
 26 — 2
 
 404 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 In the Sudan we have before us a terrible example of 
 nascent and somewhat crude civilization suddenly shattered 
 by wild, ignorant, and almost savage tribes, who have built 
 over the scattered remnants a form of government based to 
 some extent on the lines they found existing, but from 
 which they have eradicated almost every symbol of right, 
 justice, and morality, and for which they have substituted 
 a rule of injustice, ruthless barbarity, and immorality. Nor 
 can I recall any other instance in modern times of a country 
 in which a semblance of civilization has existed for upwards 
 of half a century, falling back into a state so little removed 
 from absolute barbarism. 
 
 But let us consider for a moment what is this new power 
 which has suddenly grown up, and which seems to the 
 European world to block so completely all their civilizing 
 efforts, which have during recent years made such startling 
 strides in almost every other part of the vast continent of 
 Africa. 
 
 I have endeavoured to show how, on the Mahdi's first 
 rise to power, the entire country was with him heart and 
 soul, how on his death real fanaticism gradually waned, 
 and gave place to a temporary power wielded, under the 
 cloak of religion, with reckless severity by the Khalifa and 
 his western Arabs, who, taking the place of the Egyptian 
 garrisons they had destroyed, ruled the unfortunate popu- 
 lations with a rod of iron, and with such oppression and 
 tyranny as to make them long for a return to any form of 
 government which would give them rest and peace. It is 
 needless for me to recapitulate the horrors and cruelties 
 which have been enacted by the Khalifa and his followers 
 in order to maintain their position of ascendancy; but it 
 will be sufficient for my purpose to recall here that at least 
 seventy-five per cent, of the total population has succumbed 
 to war, famine, and disease, while of the remainder the 
 majority are little better than slaves; and that terrible 
 scourge, the slave-trade, with all its attendant horrors, is 
 rampant in the land, and includes amongst its victims
 
 CONCLUSION 405 
 
 numbers of Abyssinian Christians, Syrians, Copts, and 
 Egyptians. 
 
 The extent of country now governed by the Khalifa is 
 little altered, it is true, from that occupied originally by 
 the Egyptian Government, but with what a difference ! 
 Prosperous districts with a teeming population have been 
 reduced to desert wastes. The great plains over which the 
 western Arabs roamed are deserted, and their places taken 
 by wild animals, while the homesteads of the Nile dwellers 
 are now occupied by those nomad tribes, who have driven 
 out the rightful owners of the soil, or enslaved them to till 
 the land for the benefit of their new masters. Deprived of 
 the means of self-defence, reduced by oppression and 
 tyranny to a condition of hopelessness of relief from their 
 foreign taskmasters, their powers of resistance crippled, 
 the comparatively small river populations which are left 
 are little better than slaves. What can they do of them- 
 selves against their despotic rulers ? It is folly to imagine 
 that the country can right itself by internal revolt. The 
 helping hand must come from without ; and the local 
 populations must realize that the first step to re-establish 
 Government authority having been taken, there will be no 
 drawing back. They must be convinced that the Khalifa's 
 power is doomed, and that the bright era of civilization is 
 assuredly returning. Then, and not till then, will they 
 heartily throw in their lot with the advancing forces, and 
 lend their aid in breaking down the power of the now 
 waning Mahdist Empire. Let it not, however, be supposed 
 that although I describe this power as declining, it is likely 
 of itself to become extinct within a comparatively short 
 period. A careful perusal of the last few chapters will, I 
 think, make it clear to all that the means taken by the 
 Khalifa to render his position secure against his internal 
 enemies have been most thoroughly effective, and, assuming 
 that his authority is not threatened by external influences, 
 I see no cause why, as long as he is alive, he should not 
 maintain his ascendancy. With his death it is more than
 
 4 o6 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 probable some internal convulsion will take place, which 
 might under certain circumstances displace the dynasty he 
 has attempted to found, but which would not necessarily 
 bring that unfortunate country much nearer to civilizing 
 influences than it is at present. Considered, therefore, from 
 this point of view, the necessary palliative still lies in the 
 introduction of external aid. 
 
 The above hypothesis does not, however, entirely meet 
 the conditions of the case. Those who wish to study the 
 present situation in the Sudan must not think of that 
 country as it was in the days of Ismail Pasha, when the 
 civilizing influence was represented by the Egyptian 
 Government, and when the various countries lying immedi- 
 ately beyond the Egyptian sphere were barbarous or Pagan 
 states, in which Europeans were almost unknown, and the 
 Arab slave-hunter had barely penetrated ; that condition 
 has been little else than reversed. The Mahdist authority, 
 as I have already shown, is at once intolerably obstructive 
 and dangerously insecure. The once comparatively 
 civilized Sudan is now occupied by a barbaric power hostile 
 to both European and Ottoman influence. It blocks the 
 way from the central plateaus along the Nile valley to the 
 Mediterranean, it seals up districts which were at one time 
 fairly tranquil, and open to the influences of commerce and 
 civilization, while the various countries by which it is 
 bordered are now being gradually opened up. Intercourse 
 between them and the outside world is becoming easier, 
 trade is pushing obstacles out of the way, risk to life is 
 lessened by the protective action of European governments, 
 and the savage races by which they are peopled are 
 beginning to learn the folly of fighting against the resources 
 of civilization. 
 
 To turn from generalization to details, what do we find 
 to be the present situation ? On the east Egyptian influence 
 is slowly — very slowly — recovering its lost ground in the 
 vicinity of Suakin and Tokar. To the south-east the 
 Italians have captured Kassala, and have forced the
 
 CONCLUSION 407 
 
 Mahdists to take up a strong line of defence on the west 
 bank of the Atbara River. Further south the Abyssinians 
 show no present intention of altering the relations which 
 have previously existed between them and the Dervishes. 
 In the mountainous districts of Fazoglu and the Blue Nile 
 the inhabitants have thrown off allegiance to the Khalifa. 
 Far away to the south, at the sources of the Nile, British 
 influence is beginning to make itself felt in those regions 
 where Speke, Grant, Baker, and others gained imperishable 
 renown by their magnificent explorations, and by their 
 efforts against slavery and the slave-trade — regions which 
 will ere long be connected with the coast by a railway 
 which will open up, not only the country it traverses, but 
 will also give an exit to the trade of Southern Equatoria 
 and the adjacent countries. Next to these British 
 possessions comes the Congo Free State, which within the 
 last few years has made such gigantic strides in bringing 
 under its influence large tracts of country, not only in the 
 vicinity of the Mbomu and Ubangi, but in many districts of 
 the Bahr el Ghazal Province and in Equatoria, almost to 
 within striking distance of the Dervish advanced post at 
 Reggaf in the Nile Valley, while behind them, in the Haute 
 Ubangi, or even in juxtaposition with them, the enterprising 
 French pioneers are striving to give effect to their colonial 
 dreams, which have of late years been so fully realized in 
 various parts of Africa. Still further to the north-west the 
 Khalifa's authority in those districts is menaced by hostile 
 tribesmen, who may, sooner or later, become subject to the 
 guidance of European influence, penetrating from the west 
 and north of Africa ; and on the extreme north lies the 
 Egyptian power, which Abdullahi is gradually learning to 
 dread, as being that most likely to be the first to interfere 
 with the uncertain tenure of his empire. 
 
 Such, then, is briefly the present defensive and offensive 
 position of the Mahdist Sudan. All-powerful within his 
 dominions, but threatened from all sides from without, there 
 is little doubt that before the onward march of civilizing
 
 408 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 forces the whole empire of the Khalifa must crumble and 
 collapse — and what then ? Will Egypt once more become 
 the actual possessor of the country of which she was the 
 legitimate owner ? Will all those civilizing Powers who 
 are marching forward unselfishly realize that, should they 
 establish themselves on the banks of the navigable Nile, 
 they must not attempt to cut off or minimize the life-giving 
 water-supply of Egypt by introducing skilled irrigation 
 within the territories they may have acquired ? Will they 
 unselfishly abandon the advantages which they may have 
 secured through the expenditure of blood and treasure, in 
 order that the legitimate rights of Egypt may not be inter- 
 fered with ? All these questions enter into the domain of 
 practical and current politics, with which it is not my 
 province to deal. I am merely in the position of expressing 
 my views on the importance and value of the Sudan to 
 Egypt, and on this subject I hold a strong opinion. The 
 reasons which first prompted Mohammed Ali, three- 
 quarters of a century ago, to take possession of the Sudan 
 still hold good. As the Nile is the life of Egypt, so every 
 effort must be made to preserve the Nile valley from in- 
 trusion. Any advance, therefore, of civilizing influences 
 towards that gigantic waterway must naturally be viewed 
 with alarm by those authorities who are fully alive to the 
 danger which would arise by the creation on the banks of 
 the river of colonies whose personal interests would pre- 
 dominate over their regard for the preservation and advance- 
 ment of Egyptian welfare and prosperity. 
 
 Here and there in the preceding pages I have referred to 
 the immense importance of the Bahr el Ghazal, and it is 
 perhaps not out of place here to recapitulate once again the 
 peculiar position which this province holds in regard to the 
 remainder of the Sudan. It is a most fertile district, ex- 
 tending over an enormous area, watered by a labyrinth of 
 streams, and covered with mountains and forests in which 
 elephants abound, while the low valleys are subject to 
 inundations. The soil is exceptionally good, producing
 
 CONCLUSION 409 
 
 quantities of cotton and indiarubber. There are cattle in 
 abundance, and I estimate the population at between five 
 and six millions. They are capable of making excellent 
 soldiers. Moreover, the continual feuds between the various 
 tribes prevent any combination of the inhabitants as a 
 whole, hence the ease with which foreigners can obtain an 
 ascendancy in the province, and create an efficient local 
 army. 
 
 The port of the Bahr el Ghazal was Meshra er Rek. To 
 this place steamers periodically ascended from Khartum, 
 but were often stopped by the floating vegetation which 
 from time to time blocks the passage of the Upper Nile. 
 Just south of Fashoda, the river emerges from what may 
 have been the bed of an ancient lake. Into this wide marsh 
 trickle a great number of winding streams which are often 
 completely blocked by the suds, and through these dense 
 barriers travellers must at times cut their way with swords 
 and axes. Sir Samuel Baker's expedition (1870- 1874) was 
 delayed a year from this cause. 
 
 The geographical and strategical position of the province, 
 therefore, with reference to the rest of the Sudan, renders 
 its possession of the greatest importance. The presence of 
 foreigners, unconcerned in the preservation of Egyptian 
 interests, having at their command the vast resources of 
 this great country, which are estimated at a much higher 
 value in both men and materials than those of any portion 
 of the Nile valley, would place them in such a predominating 
 position as to endanger any occupation by Egypt of her lost 
 provinces. 
 
 In the preceding pages I have described all I know of the 
 movements of Europeans in these districts, and it is possible 
 an attempt in force on their part to reach the Nile vid 
 Meshra er Rek, or the Bahr el Homr, or Bahr el Arab, 
 might meet with some opposition from the Mahdists ; but 
 if well conducted it would, in all probability, result in their 
 losing their province. 
 
 If, therefore, the Khalifa were to learn that the ' Whites'
 
 4 io FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 in the Bahr el Ghazal were in greater force than his present 
 information leads him to suppose, he might engage in a 
 campaign against them, and in this case he would be 
 obliged to send reinforcements from Omdurman, a matter 
 of some difficulty, as the drain on his resources caused by 
 the maintenance of large forces at the threatened points on 
 the Atbara opposite Kassala and in the Dongola province is 
 considerable. 
 
 Reverting to the Dervish situation in Darfur and Kordo- 
 fan, it should be noted that the present force of the Emir 
 Mahmud amounts to some thousands of rifle and spear men, 
 scattered in garrisons at El Fasher, Shakka, and El Obeid. 
 Mahmud himself resides at El Fasher with the bulk of this 
 force, and is constantly at war with the Dar Gimr, Massalit, 
 Tama, Beni Hussein, Hotir, and other tribes of the Keb- 
 kebia and Kulkul districts. Recently, one of Mahmud's 
 lieutenants (Fadlalla) was killed, and his force of six 
 hundred men heavily defeated in a contest with these re- 
 volted tribes, and, just at the time I left Omdurman, per- 
 mission had been given to Mahmud to send out a punitive 
 expedition from El Fasher, which appears to have been 
 partially successful. These tribes, although nominally inde- 
 pendent, owe a certain allegiance to the Wadai Sultanate. 
 It is therefore erroneous to suppose that they are acting 
 under the direction of Rabeh Zubeir, whose hostility to 
 Wadai is well known, and whose authority does not extend 
 so far to the east, and now appears to be centred in the 
 districts lying south and south-west of Lake Tchad. 
 
 Such, then, was the state of affairs in these southern and 
 western districts when I left the Sudan ; and, since my 
 arrival in the midst of civilization, I have frequently seen 
 many strange and conflicting reports in the press as to the 
 situation in these distant regions, and although concurring 
 with the view that the onward march of civilizing forces 
 must eventually cause the collapse of the Mahdist Empire, 
 I feel that my unique position in the centre of Dervish 
 authority entitles me to give a word of warning to the
 
 CONCLUSION 411 
 
 country whose interests I endeavoured for long years to 
 uphold, and whose eventual welfare and prosperity, in a 
 recovered Egyptian Sudan, I earnestly long to see. I would 
 merely impress upon her the fact that time and tide wait for 
 no man ; that whilst she is contemplating with longing eyes 
 the recovery of her lost provinces, there is always the possi- 
 bility that they may fall into the hands of others who may 
 prove more difficult to dislodge than the Khalifa, and who, 
 by bringing engineering skill on the life-giving waters of 
 Egypt, may endanger its very existence, and who would, 
 though it is undoubtedly the lesser of two evils, deprive that 
 country of the rich blessings of trade and commerce which, 
 under a beneficent administration in the Sudan, would give 
 wealth and prosperity both to the parent Egypt and her 
 recovered Nile provinces. 
 
 With these few words of friendly advice to the country to 
 whose services I rejoice to have returned after twelve long 
 years of captivity, I now end this narrative. But ere I 
 close I will relate yet one more incident which, were I 
 superstitious, I would consider presaged well for the 
 recovery of what has been lost. In December, 1883, when 
 force of circumstances obliged me to surrender to the Mahdi, 
 the sword of Austrian pattern which I had received on 
 entering the Austrian army, and on which I had had my 
 name engraved in Arabic characters, was taken from me. 
 In August, 1895, when I came to London to attend the 
 Geographical Congress, it was returned to me by Mr. John 
 Cook, senior, of the firm of Thomas Cook and Son, at his 
 office in Ludgate Circus. It appears that Mr. John Cook 
 had, in 1890, purchased this sword from a native of Luxor, 
 on the banks of the Nile, his attention having been attracted 
 by the Arabic inscription on the blade, from which my 
 friend, Major Wingate, whom he met shortly afterwards, 
 was able to decipher my name. It is, I think, likely the 
 Mahdi had presented my sword to one of his followers who 
 had taken part in the invasion of Egypt by Nejumi in 1889 ; 
 and when that redoubtable Emir was overthrown by General
 
 412 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN 
 
 Sir Francis Grenfell on the field of Toski, it is probable that 
 the wearer of my sword fell too, and the long-lost weapon was 
 taken from the field by a villager, from whom Mr. Cook 
 purchased it. To have lost my much-prized first sword in 
 the wilds of Darfur, and to find it again in the heart of 
 London, is almost more than a coincidence. 
 
 During the last sixteen years I have led a life of strange 
 vicissitudes, and I have endeavoured to narrate as simply as 
 I could my unique experiences, in the hope that my story 
 may not only prove of interest to those who have shown 
 sympathy with the hard fate of the European captives in the 
 Sudan, but with the most earnest desire that these, my 
 experiences, may prove of some value when the time for 
 action may arise, and when, if God wills, my services may 
 be utilized in helping to abolish the rule of my tyrannical 
 master and life-long enemy, the Khalifa Abdullahi, and re- 
 establish in that country the Government authority I 
 struggled with some measure of success, but, alas ! vainly, 
 to uphold.
 
 ■ «r - » — ^ - 
 
 
 
 12
 
 KHARTUM and OMDURMAN 
 
 : Mosque 
 
 ibet el Mahdi 
 ahdi's tomh) 
 i tin Mosque 
 
 10. Houses of Khalifa's 
 
 Mulazemin (body 
 
 11. House of Mahdi-ssmi 
 l'>. Kl,.i!,[;,'- stable 
 
 14. MahdiVHavein 
 
 16. House of Mahdi's 
 
 Wad Helu's Mnla 
 zemin A- relations 
 House of Khalifa'' 
 son (Osmanl 
 
 Mud wall of Omdur- 
 Khalifa's relations 
 
 •i'.. Vakul.'s old house 
 27. Houses of Yakub's 
 
 Khalifa's relations 
 H'J. Aims Factory 
 
 Western people 
 Ml. Quarters of Borgo A 
 
 Takarna people 
 36. Mashra (Ferrvi 
 86. Khalifa's house on 
 
 Black [ehadia 
 Khalifa's house 
 Dem Yunes 
 
 Gowama 
 
 Fetihab i 
 
 42. Quarters < 
 
 Fellata & 
 
 43. House of N 
 
 44. Quarters 
 
 Arabs 
 
 45. Quartersol 
 
 47. Quarters of Hahha- 
 4H. guatiers of Rizighat 
 
 Quarters 
 
 HrmsH o: 
 
 Quarters 
 Quarters 
 
 56. Scaffolds 
 
 57. Salt Market 
 
 58. Linen&clothmarke: 
 W. Barbers' shopa 
 
 on' shops 
 
 til. Vegetable market 
 6i Butchers' shops 
 
 65. Grain & date store 
 
 66. Wood market 
 
 (\i. Women's market 
 68. European coo 
 
 70. OM hiuse of Father 
 
 Ohrwalder 
 
 71. Cemetry 
 
 Khalifa Sherif 
 78. Quarters of Kunuz 
 
 Mi Q«; 
 
 Mahdi's family & 
 relations 
 7'*. Powder factory 
 
 Effendi Mansur & 
 Khalifa's Hejra 
 
 TUTI ISLAND. 
 
 sy. Powder Magazine 
 
 Sanitary Depart- 
 
 oftices 
 
 Uti. \uscrian Consulate 
 
 *..'7. Government House 
 
 iHekemdarial 
 
 HIM. Kn-ii.-h rmi-nlair 
 1011. Italian Consulate 
 110. Houses of the 
 
 It:.. Kliojali 
 i IT Kalakla 
 
 Edward Arnold, Loudon & "New York
 
 
 35° 
 
 —w
 
 INDEX 
 
 The following letters appended to names of persons signify : A. AshrajF, descended from 
 the Prophet ; C. Commander ; D. Danagla or Dongolowi ; E. Emir ; G. Governor ; 
 /. Jaalin ; K. King ; K/a. Khalifa ; M. Mahdi ; />. Pasha ; S. Sultan ; Sk. Sheikh. 
 
 Abakr, S. Begu, 92 
 
 Abba, Island of, Mahdi's home, 45, 
 
 48,59 
 
 Abd el Kader, Mahdi's uncle, P., 
 G. Gen. Sudan, his advice, 69, 125 
 
 Abderrahman ben Naga, 159 
 
 Abdul Kerim to Sennar, 236 
 
 Abdullahi bin Sayd Mohammed, 
 Khalifa el Mahdi, W. Arab, early 
 history, 49, 308 ; proclaimed 
 Khalifa, 156 ; succeeds Mahdi, 
 230 ; tyranny, 257 ; Mahdi's Dome, 
 258 ; Dr. Wahrmund's letter, 269 ; 
 brethren arrive, 270 ; illness, 297 ; 
 fortifies Atbara, 303 ; fiendish 
 character, 311 ; harem, 314 ; postal 
 service, 321 ; how he rides abroad, 
 322 ; reviews, 324 ; present army, 
 etc., 330; frontiers, 331; timidity, 
 346 ; house at Omdurman, 349 ; 
 his ' blackholes,' 353 
 
 Abdullahi Dudbenga, Harun's cousin, 
 S., no 
 
 Abdullahi om Dramo, Sh. Messeria, 
 
 94 
 
 Abu Anga, E. of Blacks, befriends 
 Slatin, 196 ; reduces Kordofan, 
 242 ; marches to Omdurman, 254 ; 
 beats Abyssinians, 255 ; dies much 
 lamented, 256 
 
 Abu es Saud, attacks Abba, 58 
 
 Abu ' Falja ' (Mahdi), 162 
 
 Abu Gemmaisa, his rebellion, 265 
 
 Abu Girga, D. E. Gezira, 156 ; be- 
 sieges Khartum, 171 ; repulsed, 
 169 ; joins Osman Digna, 260 ; sent 
 to Reggaf, 297 
 
 Abyssinians take Gallabat,24S ; beaten 
 by Abu Anga, 256 ; King John's 
 death, 264 
 
 Adlan, Ibrahim, in charge of Beit el 
 Mai, 236 ; hung, 277 
 
 Ann Wad Ahmed, Sh. Habbania, 
 73 ; killed, 106 
 
 Agordat, battle of, 302 
 
 Ahmed ed Dalia, executioner, 258, 
 268 
 
 Ahmed Fedil, Khalifa's cousin, 302 
 
 Ahmed Wad Ali at Kassala, 260 ; 
 routed by Italians and killed, 301 
 
 Ahmed Wad Ali, ' Kadi el Islam,' 
 
 125. 356 
 Ahmed Wad ^Suleiman, E. Beit el 
 
 Mai, 82-125 ; discharged, 236 
 Ala ed Din, P., G. Gen. Sudan, 3 
 Ali Bey Sherif, G. Kordofan, 7 ; G. 
 
 Darfur, 31 
 Ansar, ' helpers,' 64, 178 
 Arab clothes, 38 ; courage, 69, 73, 74, 
 
 106, 120, 248, 268 ; customs, 38 ; 
 
 food, 16, 38 ; greed of gain, 10 ; 
 
 oath of fealty, 100 ; tactics, 43 ; 
 
 treachery, 133 
 Arabs : Batahin, 267 ; Bedeyat, 36, 
 
 39 ; Bent Helba chastised, 120 ; Ge- 
 
 hina, 69 ; destroyed, 254 ; Habbania 
 
 rise, 70 ; Hawazma, 9, 69; Homr, 9 ; 
 
 Khawabir restless, 104 ; Maalia 
 
 rise, 70, 72, 85 ; Maheria rise, 136; 
 
 Mima restless, 104, 107, 138 ; Mis- 
 
 seria, 9, 84 ; Rizighat, 9 ; rise, 70 ; 
 
 Shaigi loyal, 69 ; to Khartum, 171 ; 
 
 Tagu, 85 ; Taaisha masters, 346 ; 
 
 Zagawa, 84 ; Zayedia, 136 
 Arabs, animosity between E. and W. 
 
 tribes, 235 
 Artin, Armenian watchmaker, 359 
 Ashraf starved and beaten to death, 
 
 289 ; property confiscated, 295 
 Atbara River, 407 
 
 Babakr Abu Sebiba, 363 ; Black popu- 
 lation, 8 ; recruiting ground, 304 ; 
 penetrated by Congo State, 305 ; 
 its importance to Egypt, 409 
 
 Bairam, 185, 323 ; trooping colours 
 at, 324 
 
 Bara captured by Mahdi, 80 
 
 Batahin, execution of, 267 
 
 Bazingers, 7 
 
 Begu, S., 92 
 
 Beit el Mai, 124, 134 
 
 Berber, fall of, 162 
 
 Beresford, Lord Charles, 216 
 
 Beshari Bey, 120 
 
 Black babies, 28 
 
 Calamatino, George, Gordon's mes- 
 senger, 173, 188, 200 
 Camel besieged by Waganda, 30
 
 414 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Comboni, R. C. Bishop, 34 
 
 Congo State flags, 304 ; treaties, 305 
 
 Crane, Russian, in Dongola, 299 
 
 Dafalla, Ahmed Bey, at El Obeid, 
 67; surrenders, 81 ; interviews 
 Mahdi, 83 ; killed, 84 
 
 Dafalla, Arabi, to Reggaf, 301 ; de- 
 feats Fadl el Maula, 304 
 
 Danagla, descendants of slave Dan- 
 gal, 8 
 
 Dara, 22 ; the doctor of, 25 
 
 Darfur, 5., in revolt, 116 
 
 Darho, Omar Wad, C. Shaigia, 36 ; 
 accused by Zogal, 35 ; disloyal, 71 ; 
 back to El Fasher, 105 ; beheaded, 
 234 
 
 Deain, Madibbo's village, 86 
 
 Delen, R. C. Mission Station, 79 
 
 Divorce, oath of, 119 
 
 Dongola, 172 
 
 Donkey postman, 139 
 
 Duem, on White Nile, 127 
 
 Ebtar Idris Bey, D., Zubeir's agent, 8 
 El Fasher, capital of Darfur, 18 ; 
 
 taken, 149 
 El Obeid, seige of, 79 ; starved out, 
 
 80 ; mutiny at, 241 
 Elias Pasha, G. Gen. Kordofan, 56, 
 
 64, 191 ; invites Mahdi to El Obeid, 
 
 67 ; at Duem, 131 
 Emiliani Danziger, of Kobbd, dies, 
 
 43 
 Emin Bey, 2 
 Esh Sheikh's advice, 222 
 Evil Eye, the, 313 
 
 Famine, 272, et seg. 
 
 Farag, Mohammed Effendi, 1, 109, in 
 
 Faragalla, P., defends Omdurman 
 
 Fort, 202 
 Farquhar, Col., 130; his notebook, 
 
 134 
 
 Fayo, native radish, 99 
 Fealty, Arab oath of, 43 
 Felkin, Dr. R. W., at Dara, 29 
 French and English, 179 
 
 Gallabat, destroyed by Abyssinians, 
 245 ; almost taken again, 264 
 
 Gellabas (/. and D. ), traders from 
 Nile, 20 ; Gordon's order ruins, 10, 
 12 ; revenge on Gordon, 155 
 
 Gessi, sick at Khartum, 34 ; dies at 
 Suez, 35 
 
 Gezira, Island (/. and Z?.), between 
 Blue and White Niles, 54 ; inhabi- 
 tants espouse Mahdi's cause, 125 
 
 Ghaniraa, ' plunder,' 265 
 
 Giegler Pasha, 3, 5, 61, 69, 123 
 
 Gilif mountains, 376 
 
 Gordon, his kindness, 21 ; coolness 
 20 ; marches out of Abyssinia, 31 ; 
 returns, 155 ; popular with W. 
 Arabs, 167 ; his letter, 201 ; des- 
 patches and awaits steamers, 203 ; 
 his death, 209 
 
 Gowi, Bir, hot spring, 22, 26 
 
 Gsiller, Herr von, Egyptian consul, 
 360 
 
 Guma, AH Agha, conducts retreat, 77 
 
 Guma, Mohammed, lets Mahdi es- 
 cape, 61 
 
 Guma, Said Bey, 19 ; C. El Fasher, 
 44, 136, 148 ; with Mahdi, 160 
 
 Guru village, 120 
 
 Hamada Effendi tortured, 149 
 Hansal, Austrian Consul, writes to 
 
 Slatin, 192 
 Harun, S. Darfur, threatening, 22, 
 
 29 ; raids Dara, 29 ; pursued, 29 ; 
 
 defeated, 29 
 Hasaballa, Sh. Maheria, 40, 43 
 Hashaba, Sh. Salama's village, 77 ; 
 
 number of force collected at, 84 
 Hassan Bey om Kadok (Berti) and 
 
 his brother Ismail, 15 
 Hassan Hussein, E. of Egyptians, 165 
 Hassan Wad Saad Nur, 33 ; joins 
 
 Mahdi, 138 
 Helmi, Hassan Pasha, 6 
 Helmi, Mansur Effendi, sent to 
 
 Shakka, 71 ; runs away, 76 
 Helu, Ali Wad, Degheim, Kfa., 60 ; 
 
 commands ' green flag,' 172 ; sides 
 
 with Khalifa, 237 ; in Ashraf insur- 
 rection, 286, 297 
 Helu, Musa Wad, killed at Abu Klea, 
 
 204 
 Hicks Pasha, 126 ; his expedition a 
 
 mistake, 128; cut to pieces at 
 
 Shekan, 133 
 Home Rule in the Sudan, 167 
 Hussein, Kfa., Berber, at Mahdi's 
 
 camp, 165 
 
 Jaalin, descended from Abbas, the 
 prophet's uncle, 8 ; Zubeir's tribe, 8 
 Japo, Mohammed Agha, 68 
 febel Gedir, renamed ' Masa,' 66 
 Jenad (holy war) proclaimed round 
 
 Suakin, 127 
 Jehadia,/., 319 
 
 Jibba, the Mahdist dress, 124, 158 ; 
 the Mahdi's own, 162 
 
 Kabbashi, Mustem Wad, Sh., 20; at 
 Om Waragat, 92
 
 INDEX 
 
 415 
 
 Kapsun, Fertit boy sent to England, 31 
 
 Karamalla, D. , Mahdi's relative, G. 
 Bahr el Ghazal at Shakka, 247 
 
 Kassala besieged, 154; closely be- 
 sieged, 235 ; surrenders, 237 ; cap- 
 tured by Italians, 302 
 
 Kerraba, the, 385 
 
 Khaled Wad Iman sent to Kordofan, 
 102 ; Zogal's agent, 137 ; writes to 
 Madibbo, 137 
 
 Khartum, Gordon at, 155 ; invested 
 by Gezira tribes (/.), 165 ; famine, 
 203 ; fall of, 209 ; pillaged, 211 
 
 Kitchener, Sir Herbert (note), 172 
 
 Klootz, Gustav, brought in, 131 ; in 
 chains, 183 ; died, 246 
 
 Kobbe, 36 
 
 Koreina Nur killed, 95 
 
 Lupton Bey, G. Gen. Bahr el Ghazal, 
 capitulates, 53 ; arrives at Mahdi's 
 camp, 193 ; in irons, 199 ; his wife 
 and daughter, 199 ; hair white, 219 ; 
 set free, 221 ; engineer, 244; dies, 263 
 
 Madibbo, S/i. Rizighat, attacks Deain, 
 73 ; stampeded, 76 ; wins Om 
 Waragat, 88 ; beaten off, 89 ; chal- 
 lenged, 101 ; explains, 146 ; Abu 
 Anga's revenge on, 248 
 
 ' Mahdi el Muntazer,' 57. See Mo- 
 hammed Ahmed 
 
 Mahmud, Khalifa's relative, E. Dar- 
 fur, resides now at El Fasher, 410 
 
 Mahmud Ali Said, Mahdi's relative., 
 killed at Korti, 172 
 
 Marching order, 85 
 
 Marissa, Sudan beer, 15 
 
 Marriage in Sudan, 343 ; made easy, 
 232; divorce frequent, 344; abruptly 
 dissolved, 15 
 
 Mek Adam Urn Daballo, 55 ; advises 
 Mahdi to retire into interior, 62 
 
 Melek Jusef, 69 
 
 Messallamia, 4, 47, 52 
 
 Messedaglia Bey, G. El Fasher, 18 ; 
 plans attack on Harun, 27 
 
 Miracles, 65 ; comet, 79 ; at Friday 
 reviews, 173 
 
 Mohammed Ahmed (Mahdi), A. first 
 news of, 37 ; his history, 44 ; quarrel 
 v\ith Sheriff, 4" ; builds Koreishi's 
 tomb, 51 ; secret tour in Kordofan, 
 55 ; proclaims himself Mahdi, 57 ; 
 chooses three Khalifas, 60 ; first 
 successes, 62, 68 ; Jebel ' Masa,' 66 ; 
 takes El Obeid, 80 ; works a miracle, 
 83 ; his sensuality, 124 ; master of 
 Sudan, 135 ; at Rahad, 153 ; Fri- 
 day reviews, 173 ; to Khartum, 174 ; 
 
 death, 229 ; burial, 230 ; teaching, 
 
 232 ; Chronicles, 309 
 Mohammed el Kheir, Mahdi's first 
 
 teacher, 45 ; takes Berber, 172 ; 
 
 holds Dongola, 236 
 Mohammed et Taki, Khalifa's father, 
 
 49 
 Mohammed Khaled. See Zogal Bey 
 Mohammed Said Pasha, G. El Obeid, 
 misses Mahdi, 61, 67 ; lets Mahdi 
 go again, 79 ; his treasure, 83 
 Mohammed Sherif, Kfa. See Sherif 
 Mohammed Wad Asi, 102 ; brings 
 
 news, 106 
 Morgan Hosan, faithful in death, 91 
 Mussaid Wad Gaidum in Kassala, 
 
 301 ; loses Kassala, 303 
 Mustapha Bey Yawer defends Don- 
 gola, 172 
 
 Nejumi, Abderrahman sent against 
 
 Khartum, 170 
 Neufeldt, Charles, 250 ; in prison, 354 
 Nur Angara Bey, G. W. Darfur, sent 
 
 to Metemmeh, 204 
 
 O'Donovan, 130 ; his notebook, 134 
 Officers, six shot at Dara, in 
 Ohrwalder, Father, 34 ; taken by 
 Mahdi, 79 ; escapes in Ashraf in- 
 surrection, 287 
 Ombeya, Sudan war-horn, 157, 163, 
 
 267, 302 
 
 Omdurman, the sacred city of the 
 
 Mahdi, 347 ; filth of, 352 ; fort 
 
 besieged, 198 ; prison, 353 ; taken, 
 
 203. See Map 
 
 Om Lawai, taken and destroyed, 107 
 
 Om Shanga, fort evacuated, 105 ; 
 
 surrender of, 140 
 Om Waragat, disaster at, 86 
 OsmanDigna, 127 ; fights Abyssinians, 
 
 237 
 Osman Sheikh ed Din, Khalifa's son, 
 63 ; married to Yakub's daughter, 
 
 313 
 Osman Wad Adam, Khalifa's cousin, 
 
 at El Obeid, 242 ; Darfur, 257 
 Ostrich, swiftness of, 72 
 
 Pain, Olivier (Frenchman), 175 ; taken 
 ill and dies, 185 
 
 Rahad, 132 ; Mahdi at, 153 ; Slatin 
 
 reaches, 156 
 Rashed Bey, G. Fashoda, and men 
 
 annihilated, 62 
 Rations paid for, 24, ioi, 262 
 Rauf Pasha, succeeds Gordon, 32 ; 
 
 warned by Sherif, 57
 
 4i6 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Reggaf, most southern post of Kha- 
 lifa, 331 
 
 Rifki, Hassan Effendi, 22; killed 
 with Shellali, 65 
 
 Rott, Gottfried, at Dara, 85 ; taken 
 ill and dies, 102 
 
 Rudolph, Crown Prince, news of 
 death, 296 
 
 Saadalla, Nubawi, 226, 281 
 
 Sahra, Khalifa's principal wife, 316 
 
 Salama, brother of Om Dramo, his 
 ride, 94 ; wounded, 122 
 
 Saleh Bey el Kabbashi, Sh. , sends to 
 Egypt, 249 ; caravan waylaid, 250 ; 
 flies and is killed, 254 
 
 Saleh Donkusa and Zaghawa, 39, et 
 seq. 
 
 Saleh Wad el Mek, 169 ; in Mahdi's 
 suite, 174 ; discharged, 217 
 
 Seckendorff, Baron, 130, 133 
 
 Sennar, relieved, 69, 235 ; falls, 236 
 
 Sennusi, Mohammed es, Sh. of N. 
 Africa, 61, 124 
 
 Shakka, Slatin marches to, 86 
 
 Sharaf ed Din, 86 ; his death, 90 
 
 Shekan, disaster at, 133 
 
 Shellali, Yusef Pasha esh, 6, 63 ; dis- 
 aster, 65 
 
 Sherif, Mohamed, Sh. , 45 ; warns 
 Rauf, 57 ; joins Mahdi, 184 
 
 Sherif, Mohammed es, Kfa., 60; 
 commands 'red flag,' 173; ap- 
 peased, 238 ; revolts, 285 ; gets into 
 trouble, 290 
 
 Slatin Pasha goes to Egypt, 3 ; Mudir 
 of Dara, 5 ; attacks Harun, 22 ; G. 
 Gen. Darfur, 34 ; retires on Dara, 
 72 ; marches to Shakka, 86 ; turns 
 Mohammedan, 114 ; C. Darfur, 
 137 ; surrenders Dara, 144 ; meets 
 Khalifa, 158 ; swears fealty to 
 Mahdi, 160 ; writes to Gordon and 
 Consul Hansal, 188 ; in chains, 
 195 ; more chains, 200 ; more still, 
 217 ; free, 221 ; Darfurian wife, 
 225 ; offered wives, 227, 239, 281 ; 
 white jibba instead, 240 ; with 
 Yunes, 240 ; suspected, 240 ; hears 
 from home, 260 ; moves house, 268, 
 278, 295 ; meditates escape, 308 ; by 
 whom aided, 361 ; fails, 367 ; suc- 
 ceeds, 373 ; recovers sword, 412 
 
 Slave market at Beit el Mai, 340 
 
 Slave trade, 57 ; Rott and, 85 
 
 Smallpox at Omdurman, 219 
 
 Stambuli, George, 79 
 Stewart, Col., steamer wrecked, 190 
 Sudan, effects of proclamation aban- 
 doning, 166 ; gross immorality in, 
 343, 344 ; justice in, 333 ; liberty 
 in, 37 ; manufactures, 341 ; one 
 quarter of population left, 405 ; past 
 and present state, 402 ; products, 
 334 ; religion, 333 ; soldiers' rations 
 in, 23 ; trade routes, 334 
 
 Tarika, Sammania, etc., 45 ; Mahdi's 
 
 new, 125, 232 
 Taxation, Slatin inspector, 4 ; unjust, 
 
 55 ; tax on gum, 335 
 Theft, punishment of, 18 
 Tomb of Mahdi, building of, 258 
 Toweisha, 9 
 
 Tuti Island, Sir C. Wilson at, 214 
 Typhus fever, 185 ; Mahdi dies of, 
 
 228 ; Khalifa attacked by, 297 
 
 Vizetelly, 130 
 
 Waganda envoys, 29 
 Wahrmund, Professor, 269 
 Water-melons, 108 
 Wilson, Rev. C. T., at Dara, 29 
 Wilson, Sir C, and steamers, 214 
 Wolseley, Lord, at Dongola, 200 
 
 Yakub, sympathetic villain, 163, 194, 
 224 ; his spies, 257 
 
 Yunes Wad Dekeim (Khalifa's rela- 
 tive), subdues Gimeh, 238 ; Galla- 
 bat, 246 ; attacks Abyssinians, 248 ; 
 his rapacity, 249 
 
 Yusef Pasha. See Shellali 
 
 Yusef, S., killed at Kebkebia, 257 
 
 Zeidan, Agha, ' all right,' 98 
 
 Zeki, 301, 356 
 
 Zigada, Dimitri, of El Fasher, 102, 
 153 ; breaking rules, 162 
 
 Zogal Bey, Mahdi's cousin, at Dara, 
 22 ; disloyal, 71 ; left at Dara, 85 ; 
 sent to El Obeid, 120 ; detected, 
 137 ; Said Mohammed Ibn Khaled, 
 144 ; enters Dara, 146 ; takes El 
 Fasher, 149 ; lives in style, 152 ; 
 arrested, 242 ; exiled, 301 
 
 Zubeir, Pasha, /., Ali Abu Amuri's 
 assistant, ' Not the Mahdi,' 50 
 
 Zubeir Rabeh, near Lake Tchad, 410 
 
 Zurbuchen, Dr., 7, 11, 19, 32 ; treats 
 Gessi, 35 
 
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 June, 1898. 
 
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 works, " Hats off, gentlemen ! A genius." ' — Spectator. 
 
 'One of the very rare novels which yield so much pleasure that it almost stifles criticism. Miss 
 Coleridge's quality is that of perfectly original brilliancy in romantic narration. Her style is at once 
 placid and spirited, full of colour without heaviness and luxury, correct, rapid, adequate, with no 
 tedious research of " the word," or preciosity. Her imagination is wonderfully vivid ; for scenes and 
 moments, colour, form, atmosphere, are all felt and conveyed in her pictures, which are not too 
 numerous, and are never tedious.' — Times. 
 
 'One of the cleverest historical novels of late years.' — Literature. 
 
 ' This is one of the most remarkable stories that we have read for many a day. . . . Gustavus is 
 throughout a magnificent figure. . . . It is a bold thing to say, but we hardly remember in fiction the 
 figure of a king more finely drawn. . . . We desire to welcome this fascinating book.' — Westminster 
 Gazette. 
 
 ' The curious, complex, many-sided nature of the Swedish monarch, the charm he exercised on all 
 brave and generous-minded men with whom he came in contact, his rapidity of decision and action, 
 his strange superstitions and his undaunted valour, are set forth with skill and convincingness. M. E. 
 Coleridge has done very well indeed.' — Daity Chronicle. 
 
 Third Edition. 
 
 PAUL MERCER. 
 
 (5 £afe of (Repentance among (Jttifftons. 
 
 By the Hon. and Rev. JAMES ADDERLEY. 
 Author of ' Stephen Remarx.* 
 
 One vol., crown 8vo., 3s. 6d. 
 
 ' Will be welcomed by all the large number of readers who enjoyed the same author's " Stephen 
 Remarx." Mr. Adderley may, perhaps, be regarded as the nearest representative of Charles 
 Kingsley in modern Christian Socialism.' — Daily Chronicle. 
 
 ' Mr. Adderley writes so well when he pleases, and has such an eye for humour and for character, 
 that literature must almost grudge him even to the newest side of an old church.' — Atketutum. 
 
 ' Exhibits all the artless sincerity, the humour, and the hopeful idealism which gave to "Stephen 
 Remarx " its interest and charm. We hope that its readers may be numbered by thousands.'— Church 
 Times.
 
 Mr. Edward Arnold's 
 
 THE SON OF A PEASANT. 
 
 By EDWARD McNULTY, 
 
 Author of ' Mist he?' O'Ryan,' etc. 
 
 One vol., crown 8vo., 6s. 
 
 A remarkably clever representation of Irish life . . . The dialogue is racy of the soil. 
 ... A work of ability, and it will give keen enjoyment to those who know and appreciate 
 the Irish character.'— Pall A Iall Gazette. 
 
 ' An excellent Irish story. The book is full of knowledge of Irish character, and 
 altogether it is a welcome relief from the ordinary run of novels.' — Standard. 
 
 ' It is long since we have read an Irish story so consistently well written as this. It is 
 thoroughly to the end, and its humour is racy of the soft.'— Glasgow Herald. 
 
 JOB HILDRED. 
 
 ©rftfif cmb Catrpenfer. 
 
 By Dr. RICHARDS. 
 
 Edited by Ellen F. Pinsent. 
 
 Author of k Jenny's Case,' ' No Place for Repentance,' etc. 
 One vol., crown 8vo., 3s. 6d. 
 
 ' A good piece of work. It is original ; it impresses the reader as a genuine bit of life. 
 Lady Elizabeth is an admirable sketch, and Sally Hildred is very nearly a creation to be 
 proud of.' — Guardian. 
 
 ' Mrs. Pinstnt possesses the power of feeling with and for her characters in high degree, 
 and combines with it the rare faculty of telling her story in simple and charming style. . . . 
 This book will greatly increase her reputation.'— Birmingham Daily Post. 
 
 NETHERDYKE. 
 
 By R. J. CHARLETON, 
 
 Author of * Newcastle Town,' etc. 
 One vol., crown 8vo., 6s. 
 
 ' " Netherdyke" is first and foremost an adventure story, and is unquestionably entitled 
 to be reckoned among the best of its class. Mr. Charleton is an excellent and clear 
 narrator.' — Newcastle Leader. 
 
 ' The stirring times of the '45 are admirably chronicled.'— Dundee Advertiser. 
 
 ' The narrative of the events is graphic and effective.' — Freeman s Journal. 
 
 ' Will be appreciated by boys and all lovers of stirring scenes.' — Eastern Morning 
 News.
 
 New Books and Announcements. 
 
 Works of 1biston> ano 36toa,rapb\> IRecentl? 
 publisbeo. 
 
 THIRD EDITION. 
 
 RECOLLECTIONS OF AUBREY DE 
 
 VERE. 
 
 In one volume, demy 8vo., with Portrait, 16s. 
 
 ' The most genial., charming, and amusing volume of reminiscence^ of the year.' — Truth. 
 
 ' It presents the portrait of a noble figure, a man of letters in a sense peculiar to a day now dis- 
 appearing, a man of responsible leisure, of serious thought, of grave duties, of high mind.' — 
 A theneeum. 
 
 'The recollections are likely to be widely read, for they will interest our readers.' — Spectator. 
 
 ' There are brisk studies of character, quaint old stories, bits of exquisite descriptions, excellent 
 iests, anecdotes of famous men.' — Pall Mall Gazette. 
 
 'These "Recollections" will appeal to many sympathies, personal, political, social, literary, and 
 religious. As a Catholic the author enjoyed the intimate friendship of Cardinal Newman and 
 Cardinal Manning, and these pages throw additional and interesting sidelights on the character and 
 genius of each of these distinguished men. Few " Recollections " of late years, if any, furnish more 
 pleasant reading than these.' — Morning Post. 
 
 1 A remarkable book, full of good humour and good sense, and one which no reader will wish to lay 
 down once he has taken it up. Mr. Aubrey de Vere has long had an "audience fit though few," and 
 the appearance of the present volume will be a point of interest both for those who knew and valued 
 his poems, and for those who knew him for an Irishman of the "ould stock," with many kindly remin- 
 iscences of his country through more than one generation.' — St. James's Gazette. 
 
 ' They are the recollections of one whose mind has been concerned with great thoughts and subjects 
 and whose way has lain with great men.' — Freeman s Journal. 
 
 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY AND LETTERS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 RT. HON. JOHN ARTHUR ROEBUCK, 
 
 Q.C., M.P. 
 
 Edited by ROBERT EADON LEADER. 
 
 With two Portraits, demy Svo., 16s. 
 
 ' The political struggles in which Roebuck took a prominent part have passed into history. . . 
 Nevertheless, this book is welcome. It is a substantial and permanent contribution to the literature 
 of Parliamentary biography. Mr. Leader has done his work wed, and Roebuck the man as well as 
 Roebuck the Parliamentarian is made to stand clearly before the mind's eye.' — Globe. 
 
 • Mr. Leader is to be congratulated on the ability with which he has carried through what must have 
 been a most laborious task. He has given not only the record of a remarkable man, but a valuable 
 picture of the working of our Parliamentary system.'— Morning Post. 
 
 ' Mr. Leader has done a good work ; he has produced for the public a lifelike portrait of a remark- 
 able public man.'— Sheffield telegraph.
 
 io Mr. Edward Arnold's 
 
 A MEMOIR OF ANNE J. CLOUGH, 
 
 (prtncipaf of (ttenmflam £offege + £am6rtbse. 
 
 By her Niece, BLANCHE CLOUGH. 
 
 In one volume, 8vo., 12 s. 6d. 
 
 ' Her niece's work as editor has been done with admirable skill. Those who knew and 
 loved Miss Clough will feel that not a word too much has been said and that nothing has 
 been left out which could help to make a rare and lovable personality more fully realised 
 by those who would fain have known her better.' — Guardian. 
 
 ' The memoir is thoroughly worthy of its subject, and must earn the gratitude of every 
 reader. A complicated story has been clearly and simply told ; a complicated character 
 has been drawn with rare tact and sympathy.' — Speaker. 
 
 ' Miss B. Clough has unfolded with singular discretion, clearness, and sympathy the early 
 history of an important institution, and the personality of a great pioneer.'— Spectator. 
 
 ROME : THE MIDDLE OF THE 
 WORLD. 
 
 By ALICE GARDNER, 
 
 Lecturer in History at Newnham College ; 
 Authot of ' Friends of the Olden Tinted etc. 
 
 With Illustrations and Map. Crown 8vo., 3s. 6d. 
 
 ' Miss Gardner's book on the Emperor Julian reconciled many readers to a singularly 
 interesting personality of which they had previously heard little beyond the opprobrium of 
 " apostasy." In her present volume she addresses a younger audience, but in treating of 
 a much wider subject she displays the same grasp and scholarship. We fancy Miss Gardner 
 knows what youthful patience and attention are, and her method of appealing to the imagi- 
 nation by a series of strongly-lined pictures will probably do more to make Roman history 
 a living thing to children than serried dates and a philosophical argument of causes and 
 effects.' —Saturday Review. 
 
 FAITH WHICH WORKETH BY LOVE 
 
 B Sermon flMeacbeo after tbe jfuneral of tbe princess Aarg, 
 SHicbess of Geek. 
 
 By the Very Rev. S. REYNOLDS HOLE, Dean of Rochester, 
 
 Author of ' The Memories of Dean Hole.' 
 
 Bound in vellum, is. net.
 
 New Books and Announcements. n 
 
 Morfcs in General literature an& art. 
 
 RECENTL Y PUBLISHED. 
 Dedicated by Special Permission to Her Majesty the Queen. 
 
 OLD ENGLISH GLASSES. 
 
 $.n (Recount of f£fass ©rtnfh'ng?Q?es0efB in d^ngftmb from (garfg 
 times to f0e enb of f0e <gtg0feenff) £enfurg. 
 
 With Introductory Notices of Continental Glasses during the same 
 period, Original Documents, etc. 
 
 By ALBERT HARTSHORNE, 
 
 Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries. 
 
 Illustrated by nearly 70 full-page Tinted or Coloured Plates in the best 
 
 style of Lithography, and several hundred outline Illustrations in the 
 
 text. Super royal 4to., price Three Guineas net. 
 
 ' It would be difficult to overestimate the value of this book to the collector. It would be but scanty 
 praise to say that this book is a noble quarto. It is that and much more. With its beautiful type, 
 ample margins and luxurious paper, its hundreds of illustrations, many of them whole page lithographs 
 of exceptional merit, it is ar exceedingly fine example of typography, while its half-yellum bindnig is 
 in admirable keeping with the care and taste which has been lavished upon the interior.' — Standard. 
 
 ' An important contribution to the library of the serious antiquary and collector.' —Times. 
 
 ' Mr. Hartshorne has been fortunate in finding a subject about which literally nothing was known, 
 even by wou'd-be connoisseurs, and he has risen to the height of his opportunity in a wonderful way. 
 A fortnight ago the collector of old English Glasses was working in darkness. . . . today such a 
 collector has but to become the possessor of this sumptuous quarto and the whole sequence of glass- 
 making, not only in England but on the Continent, from primitive times to the end of the last century, 
 is before him. It is a monograph which must remain the one authority on English glasses.' — 
 Daily Chronicle. 
 
 ' No more sumptuous monograph on any artistic subject has been published this year than Mr. 
 Hartshorne's volume.' — Westminster Gazette. 
 
 THE CHIPPENDALE PERIOD IN 
 ENGLISH FURNITURE. 
 
 By K. WARREN CLOUSTON. 
 
 With 200 Illustrations by the Author. 
 
 Demy 4to., handsomely bound. One Guinea, net. 
 
 ' This handsome volume is enriched with illustrations which will be ot great value to collectors, and 
 of interest to any person of taste. It fills a distinct gap in the annals of art, and that in a manner not 
 too technical for the Philistine in search of enlightenment.' — Daily Telegraph. 
 
 ' A very attractive volume.' — Pall Mall Ga 
 
 ' In Mr. Clouston's handsome quarto, with its 200 illustrations charmingly drawn by the author and 
 admirably reproduced, we have an attractively written history of a remarkable artistic movement and 
 the man who directed. Mr. Clou>ton has done his work thoroughly well, and has produced a book 
 which will be of real value not only to the serious student of the history of furniture but to every 
 reader who wishes to be well informed upon a topic at once so pleasant and so popular.' — Standard.
 
 12 Mr. Edward Arnold's List. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 STYLE. 
 
 By WALTER RALEIGH, 
 
 Professoi of English Literature at University College, Liverpool ; 
 Author of ( Robert Louis Stevenson,'' etc. 
 
 One vol., crown 8vo., 5s. 
 
 'Professor Raleigh has produced a finished masterpiece, where -the men before him, 
 masters as they were, gave us brilliant sketches or clever studies. His ingenuity of thought, 
 restraint of expression, austerity of judgment, his prudent counsel and wise suggestion are 
 worthy of all praise. A model treatise on a most difficult and important theme.' — Pall 
 Mall Gazette. 
 
 ' In our judgment Mr. Raleigh's volume on "Style" is an amazingly good and pre-emi- 
 nently interesting and suggestive book. His whole treatment of his subject is vigorous, 
 manly, and most sensible.' — Speaker. 
 
 1 As brimful of discerning criticism and fruitful suggestion as it is throughout lively and 
 inspiriting." — St. lames' s Gazette. 
 
 ' Mr. Raleigh's volume is the fruit of much reading and more thinking. It is informed by 
 the true literary spirit ; it is full of wisdom, inclining now and then to paradox; and it is 
 gay with quaintnesses and unexpected epigrams.' — Ti?nes. 
 
 ' A fascinating little volume.' — Spectator. 
 
 BALLADS OF THE FLEET. 
 
 By RENNELL RODD, C.B., C.M.G. 
 One vol., crown 8vo., cloth, 6s. 
 
 ' Mr. Rodd's ballads as a whole reach a high level of achievement. They have much of 
 Macaulay's " go," and something better than Macaulay's rhetoric' — Pall Mall Gazette. 
 
 ' The verse is full of colour and animation and fine feeling ; simple withal, and vigorous 
 without noise or brag.' — Daily Chronicle. 
 
 ' Many-sided in its charm, no less than it its appeal.' — Standard. 
 
 MORE BEASTS 
 (FOR WORSE CHILDREN). 
 
 By H. B. and B. T. B., 
 
 Authors of ' The Bad Child's Book of Beasts.' 
 
 One vol., 4to., 3s. 6d. 
 
 ' The authors of this book have discovered a new continent in the world of nonsense. 
 Their second book, which sings and illustrates this new world, is to the full as original and 
 delightful as the first.' — Spectator. 
 
 ' It has created a furore.' — Daily Mail. 
 
 ' Even better and wittier than the firu volume.' — Westminster Budget.
 
 Books of Travel, Sport, and Adventure. 13 
 
 Z\)c Sportsman's 3Librar& 
 
 Edited by the Rt. Hon. Sir HERBERT MAXWELL, Bart, M.P. 
 TWO RECENT VOLUMES. 
 
 REMINISCENCES OF A HUNTSMAN. 
 
 By the HON. GRANTLEY F. BERKELEY. 
 
 With a Coloured Frontispiece and the original Illustrations by John 
 Leech, and several Coloured Plates and other Illustrations by G. H. 
 
 Jalland. 
 
 Large 8vo., handsomely bound, 15s. Also a Large- Paper Edition, 
 limited to 200 copies, Two Guineas net. 
 
 'The latest addition to the sumptuous " Sportsman's Library " is here reproduced with 
 all possible aid from the printer and binder, with illustrations from the pencils of Leech 
 and G. H. Jalland.'— Globe. 
 
 1 The Hon. Grantley F. Berkeley had one great quality of the raconietir. His self- 
 revelations and displays of vanity are delightful.' — Titties. 
 
 THE ART OF DEER-STALKING. 
 
 By WILLIAM SCROPE. 
 
 W T ith Frontispiece by Edwin Landseer, and 9 Photogravure Plates of 
 the original Illustrations. 
 
 Large 8vo., handsomely bound, 15s. Also a Large-Paper Edition, 
 limited to 200 copies, Two Guineas net. 
 
 'With the fine illustrations by the Landseers and Scrope himself, this forms a most 
 worthy r umber of a splendid series.'— Pall Mall Gazette. 
 
 ' Among the works published in connection with field sports in Scotland, none probably 
 have been more sought after than those of William Scrope, and although published more 
 than fifty years ago, they are still as fresh as ever, full of pleasant anecdote, and valuable 
 for the many practical hints which they convey to inexperienced sportsmen.' — Field. 
 
 ' Judged by the standard of lasting popularity, and by certain subtle qualities that 
 make its pages interesting to those who have read them often, William Scrope's entertain- 
 ing narrative of deer-stalking in the forest of Atholl must take high rank among works on 
 sport.' — Daily Neivs.
 
 14 Mr. Edward Arnold's List. 
 
 IDoIumes of Sport, travel ant> adventure. 
 
 RECENtL Y PUBLISHED. 
 
 BENIN, THE CITY OF BLOOD. 
 
 ($n Qccounf of t§t Qgent'n &rpebtfton + 
 By R. R. BACON, Commander R.N. 
 Illustrated by W. H. Overend. 
 In one volume, demy 8vo., 7s. 6d. 
 
 ' Commander Bacon was intelligence officer to the expedition, and his personal record of the advance 
 on Ologbo, of the fighting in the bush and at the crossroads and Agagi, of the capture of Benin, and 
 of the horrors of human sacrifice, and the practice of Ju-ju, is as fascinating as it evidently is complete 
 and accurate.' — Daily Mail. 
 
 ' Should be read not only by those who care for adventure, but also by those who care for history. 
 It is difficult in a short space to give any idea of the striking way Commander Bacon brings the horrors 
 and trials of the campaign vividly before the reader, or to give even a vague notion of the loathsome 
 practice of Ju-ju, or the terrible picture of slaughter and sacrifice Benin presented when it was at last 
 reached ' — Saturday Review. 
 
 WILD NORWAY : 
 
 With Chapters on the Swedish Highlands, Jutland, and Spitzbergen. 
 
 By ABEL CHAPMAN, Author of « Wild Spain,' etc. 
 
 With seventeen full-page Illustrations and numerous smaller ones by the 
 Author and CHARLES Whymper. 
 
 Demy 8vo., 16s. 
 
 1 There is not a chapter in this book which would not be missed.' — Spectator. 
 
 ' A very good, very accurate, and deeply interesting book of wild life and natural history.' — Illus- 
 trated Sporting and Dramatic News. 
 
 ' Will be read with keen interest by the angler, the hunter of wild game, and the student of bird 
 li fe. ' — Scotsman. 
 
 ' It will be found not only an invaluable but a delightful companion by the sportsman, the angler, 
 and the ornithologist.' — Times. 
 
 FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN. 
 
 By SLATIN PASHA. 
 Translated and Edited by Colonel Wingate, C.B., 
 
 Chief of the Intelligence Department Egyptian Army. 
 
 A new, revised, and cheaper edition of this famous work. 
 
 Illustrated. Price 6s. 
 
 In this edition the book has been thoroughly revised by the authors, 
 omitting certain matters of temporary interest, and making it as far as 
 possible a standard work of permanent value for young and old. The 
 striking illustrations by Mr. Talbot Kelly have been retained. 
 
 Also the complete work, demy 8vo., One Guinea.
 
 Books of Travel, Sport, and Adventure. 15 
 
 THROUGH UNKNOWN AFRICAN COUNTRIES. 
 
 The First Expedition from Somaliland to Lake 
 Rudolf and Lamu. 
 
 A Narrative of Scientific Exploration and Sporting Adventures. 
 
 By A. DONALDSON SMITH, M.D., F.R.G.S. 
 
 With nearly thirty full-page Plates and numerous smaller Illustrations by 
 
 A. D. McCormick, Charles Whymper, etc., and detailed Maps 
 
 of the countries traversed. 
 
 Super royal 8vo., One Guinea net. 
 
 ' Will be of the greatest interest to sportsman, traveller, and man of science.' — Pall Mall Gazette. 
 
 'Since the publication of Stanley's " Across the Dark Continent," there has been no work of 
 African travel equal, in scientific importance and thrilling interest, to Dr. Donaldson Smith's book. 
 As a book of exciting .-port, apart from its geographical and ethnological usefulness, it deserves to 
 stand alongside the best experiences of the toughest Anglo-Indian shikaris.' — Daily Telegraph. 
 
 'While to the large class of people interested in African exploration this book is indispensable, 
 sportsmen will find in its pages a wealth of exciting incidents rarely equalled in similar works.' — St. 
 James s Gazette. 
 
 SOLDIERING AND SURVEYING IN BRITISH EAST 
 AFRICA, 1891-1894. 
 
 An Account of the Survey for the Uganda Railway, and the various 
 Campaigns in the British Protectorate during the last few years. 
 
 By Major J. R. MACDONALD, R.E. 
 
 Illustrated from Sketches and Photographs by the Author and numerous 
 Plans and a Map. 
 
 Demy 8vo., 16s. 
 
 ' No country in the world has had greater need of an impartial historian than Uganda, and, strange 
 to say, though the bitter feelings engendered by the struggles of the past ten years have not had time 
 to cool, one has been found among the actors in these stormy scenes — Major Macdonald. . . . No 
 one who reads this exciting book of adventure can regret that we are spending .£3,000,000 on the 
 railway. Major Macdonald writes with considerable literary and historical skill, and his sketches 
 and maps are all excellent.' — Pall Mall Gazette. 
 
 ' The illustrations from photographs and sketches are better than any we have seen of this part of 
 the Dark Continent, and the maps are distinctly good.' — Daily Chronicle. 
 
 ' A well written and useful addition to our knowledge of Uganda.'— Literature. 
 
 MEMORIES OF THE MONTHS. 
 
 Leaves from a Field Naturalist's Note=book. 
 
 By the Right Hon. Sir HERBERT MAXWELL, Bart., M.P. 
 Crown 8vo., with four Photogravure Illustrations, 6s. 
 
 ' It is a very long time since we have read so pleasant a book as this.' — Daily Chronicle. 
 
 ' Most agreeably and freshly written.' — Field. 
 
 ' The easy style, the graphic descriptions of bird-life, and of the ways of beasts and fishes, the clever 
 sketches of sport, the happy introductions of plant-lore and of fragments of myth and legend, will 
 ensure a warm welcome for this delightful volume.' — Daily Nexus. 
 
 ' Charming in language, and at the same time so varied in character that they never become 
 tedious.' — Athcmium.
 
 i6 Mr. Edward Arnold's List. 
 
 Dolumes of Gravel, Sport, anb ^venture- 
 
 Bacon— THE CITY OF BLOOD. (See page 14) 
 
 Balfour— TWELVE HUNDRED MILES IN A WAGGON. A Nar- 
 
 rative of a Journey in Cape Colony, the Transvaal, and the Chartered Company's 
 Territories. By Alice Blanche Balfour With nearly forty original Illustrations 
 from Sketches by the Author, and a Map. Demy 8vo. cloth, 16s. 
 
 Beynon— WITH KELLY TO CHITRAL. By Lieutenant W. G. L. 
 
 Beynon, D.S.O., 3rd Goorkha Rifles, Staff Officer to Colonel Kelly with the Relief 
 Force. With Maps, Plans, and Illustrations. Demy 8vo., 7s. 6d. 
 
 Bottome — A SUNSHINE TRIP: Glimpses of the Orient. 
 
 Extracts from Letters written by Margaret Bottome. With Portrait, elegantly 
 bound, 4s. 6d. 
 
 Bull— THE CRUISE OF THE ■ ANTARCTIC To the South Polar 
 
 Regions. By H. J. Bull, a member of the Expedition. With frontispiece by W. 
 L. Wvllie, A.R.A., and numerous full-page illustrations by W. G. Burn-Murdoch 
 Demy 8vo., 15s. 
 
 Chapman— WILD NORWAY. (Seepage 14.) 
 
 Colvile— THE LAND OF THE NILE SPRINGS. By Colonel Sir 
 
 Henry Colvile, K.C.M.G., C.B., recently British Commissioner in Uganda. With 
 Photogravure Frontispiece, 16 full-page Illustrations and 2 Maps. Demy 8vo., 16s. 
 
 Custanee-RIDING RECOLLECTIONS AND TURF STORIES. By 
 
 Henry Custance, three times winner of the Derby. One vol., crown 8vo., cloth, 
 2S. 6d. 
 
 Freshfield — THE EXPLORATION OF THE CAUCASUS. By 
 
 Douglas W. Freshfield, lately President of the Alpine Club and Honorary Secretary 
 of the Royal Geographical Society. With Contributions by H. W. Holder, J. G. 
 Cockin, H. Woolley, M. De Dechy, and Prof. Bonney, D.Sc, F.R.S. Illustrated 
 by 3 Panoramas, 74 full-page Photogravures, about 140 Illustrations in the text, chiefly 
 from Photographs by ViTTORlO SELLA, and 4 Original Maps, including the first 
 authentic map of the Caucasus specially prepared from unpublished sources by Mr. 
 Freshfield. In two volumes, large 4to., 600 pp., Three Guineas net. 
 
 Gordon— PERSIA REVISITED. With Remarks on H.I.M. Mozuffer- 
 
 ed-Din Shah, and the Present Situation in Persia (1896). By General Sir T. E. 
 Gordon, K.C.I.E., C.B., C.S.I. Formerly Military Attache - and Oriental Secretary 
 to the British Legation at Teheran, Author of ' The Roof of the World,' etc. Demy 
 8vo., with full-page illustrations, 10s. 6d. 
 
 Hall -FISH TAILS AND SOME TRUE ONES. By Bradnock 
 
 Hall, Author of ' Rough Mischance.' With an original Etching by the Author and 
 twelve full-page Illustrations by T. H. McLachlan. Crown 8vo., 6s. 
 
 Hole— A LITTLE TOUR IN AMERICA. By the Very Rev. S. 
 
 Reynolds Hole, Dean of Rochester, Author of ' The Memories of Dean Hole ' 
 'A Book about Roses,' etc. With numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo., 16s. 
 
 Hole— A LITTLE TOUR IN IRELAND. By 'Oxonian' (the Very 
 
 Rev. S. ReYiNOLDS Hole). With nearly forty Illustrations by John Leech. 
 Large crown 8vo., 6s. 
 
 Knight-Bruce-MEMORIES OF MASHONALAND. By the late 
 
 Right Rev. Bishop Knight-Bruce, formerly Bishop of Mashonaland. 8vo., 10s. 6d. 
 
 Maedonald-SOLDIERING AND SURVEYING IN BRITISH 
 
 EAST AFRICA. {Seepage 15 )
 
 Books of Travel, Sport, and Adventure. 17 
 
 McNab— ON VELDT AND FARM-in Cape Colony, Beehuana- 
 
 land, Natal, and the Transvaal. By Frances McNab. With Map. Crown 8vo., 
 300 pages, 3s. 6d. 
 
 Maxwell— THE SPORTSMAN'S LIBRARY. {Seepages 5, 13, and 18.) 
 Maxwell-MEMORIES OF THE MONTHS. (Seepage 15.) 
 Pike-THROUGH THE SUB-ARCTIC FOREST. A Record of 
 
 a Canoe Journey for 4,000 miles, from Fort Wrangel to the Pelly Lakes, and down 
 the Yukon to the Behring Sea. By Warburton Pike, Author of ' The Barren 
 Grounds of Canada-' With illustrations by Charles Whymper, from Photographs 
 taken by the Author, and a Map. Demy 8vo., 16s. 
 
 Pollok — FIFTY YEARS' REMINISCENCES OF INDIA. By 
 
 Lieut. -Colonel Pollok, author of ' Sport in Burmah.' Illustrated by A. C. Corbould. 
 Demv 8vo., 16s. 
 
 Portal— THE BRITISH MISSION TO UGANDA. By the late Sir 
 
 Gerald Portal, K.C.M.G. Edited by Rennell Rodd, C.M.G. With an Intro- 
 duction by the Right Honourable Lord Cromer, G. C.M.G. Illustrated from 
 photos taken during the Expedition by Colonel Rhodes. Demy 8vo., 21s. 
 
 POPtal— MY MISSION TO ABYSSINIA. By the late Sir Gerald 
 
 H. Portal, C.B. With Map and Illustrations. Demy 8vo., 15s. 
 
 Slatin— FIRE AND SWORD IN THE SUDAN. (Seepage 14.) 
 Smith— THROUGH UNKNOWN AFRICAN COUNTRIES. (See 
 
 page 1 5-) 
 Stone— IN AND BEYOND THE HIMALAYAS : A Record of Sport 
 
 and Travel. By S. J. Stone, late Deputy Inspector-General of the Punjab Police. 
 With 16 full-page Illustrations by Charles Whymper. Demy 8vo., 16s. 
 
 AMERICAN SPORT AND TRAVEL. 
 
 These books, selected from the Catalogue of Messrs. Rand McXallv & Co., the well- 
 k?wxvn publishers of Chicago, have been placed in Mr. Ed WARD Arnold's hands under 
 the impression that many British Travellers and Sportsmen may Ind them useful before 
 starting on expeditions in the United States. 
 
 Aldrich-ARCTIC ALASKA AND SIBERIA. By Herbert L. 
 
 Aldrich. Crown 8vo. , cloth, 4s. 6d. 
 AMERICAN GAME FISHES. By various Writers. Cloth, 10s. 6d. 
 Hig"gins— NEW GUIDE TO THE PACIFIC COAST. By C. A 
 
 Higgins. Crown 8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d. 
 
 Leffingwell — THE ART OF WING -SHOOTING. By w. B. 
 
 Leffingwell. Crown 8vo., cloth, 4s. 6d. 
 
 Shields-CAMPING AND CAMP OUTFITS. By G. O. Shields 
 
 (' Coquina'). Crown 8vo., cloth, 5s. 
 
 Shields— THE AMERICAN BOOK OF THE DOG. By various 
 
 Writers. Edited by G. O. Shields ('Coquina'). Cloth, 15s. 
 
 Thomas— SWEDEN AND THE SWEDES. By William Widgery 
 
 Thomas, Jun., United States Minister to Sweden and Norway. Cloth, 16s.
 
 1 8 Mr. Edward Arnold's List 
 
 Zhc Sportsman's library 
 
 Edited by the Right Hon. SIR HERBERT MAXWELL, Bart., M.P. 
 
 A Re-issue, in handsome volumes, of certain rare and entertaining books on 
 
 sport, carefully selected by the Editor, and illustrated by the best sporting 
 
 artists of the day, and with reproductions of old plates. 
 
 Library Edition, 15s. a Volume. 
 Large Paper Edition (limited to 200 copies), 2 guineas a volume. 
 
 Volume I. 
 THE LIFE OF A FOX, AND THE DIARY OF A HUNTSMAN. 
 
 By THOMAS SMITH, Master of the Hambledon and Pytchley Hounds. 
 
 With Illustrations by the Author, and Coloured Plates by 
 G. H. Jalland. 
 
 Volume II. 
 
 A SPORTING TOUR THROUGH THE NORTHERN PARTS OF 
 
 ENGLAND AND GREAT PART OF THE HIGHLANDS 
 
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 Works on Science and Philosophy. 21 
 
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 The ' National Review ' is the leading Unionist and Conservative 
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 PUBLICATIONS OF THE INDIA OFFICE AND OF THE 
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 INDIAN GOVERNMENT MAPS. 
 
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 The following Catalogues of Air. Edward Arnolds Publications wih 
 be sent post free on application : 
 
 CATALOGUE OF WORKS OF GENERAL LITERA- 
 TURE. 
 
 GENERAL CATALOGUE OF EDUCATIONAL 
 
 WORKS, including the principal publications of Messrs. Ginn and Company, 
 Educational Publishers, of Boston and New York, and of Messrs. E. L. 
 Kellogg and Company, of New York. 
 
 CATALOGUE OF WORKS FOR USE IN ELE- 
 MENTARY SCHOOLS. With Specimen Pages. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED LIST OF BOOKS FOR PRESENTS 
 
 AND PRIZES.
 
 New Books and Announcements. 
 
 3i 
 
 Jnfces to Butbors. 
 
 Adams. — The Palace on the Moor . 
 Adderley. — Stephen Remarx 
 
 ,, Paul Mercer 
 
 Aglem. — Old Testament History . 
 Aldrich.— Arctic Alaska 
 American Game Fishes 
 Bacon. — City of Blood . 
 Balfour. — Twelve Hundred Miles in a 
 Waggon ...... 
 
 Bell, Mrs.— Kleines Haustheater . 
 Bell (Rev. Canon).— The Gospel the 
 Power of God 
 ,, Sermons . 
 ,, Diana's Looking Glass . 
 ,, Poems Old and New 
 Benson.— Men of Might . 
 Berkeley.— Reminiscences of a Hunts- 
 man . 
 
 Beynon.— With Kelly to Chitral . 
 Blatchford. —Tommy Atkins 
 Bottome.— A Sunshine Trip . 
 Boyle. — Recollections of the Dean of 
 
 Salisbury 
 
 Brown.— Works on Poultry Keeping 
 Bryan.— Mark in Europe 
 Bull. —The Cruise of the ' Antarctic ' 
 Burbidge.— Wild Flowers in Art . 
 Burgess. — Political Science . 
 Butler.— Select Essays of Sainte Beuve 
 Cawston.— The Early Chartered Com- 
 panies 
 
 Chapman.— Wild Norway 
 Charleton.— Netherdyke 
 Cherbuliez.— The Tutor's Secret 
 Children's Favourite Series 
 Children's Hour Series 
 Cholmondeley.— A Devotee 
 Clifford. — Love-Letters 
 Clough.— Memoir of Anne T. Clough . 
 CLOUSTON.— Early English Furniture 
 Clowes.— Double Emperor . 
 Coleridge.— King with Two Faces 
 Collingwood.— Thorstein . 
 
 ,, The Bondwoman . 
 
 Collins. — A Treasury of Minor British 
 
 Poetry 
 
 Colvile.— Land of the Nile Springs 
 COOK. — Sidney's Defense of Poesy 
 
 ,, Shelley's Defence of Poetry 
 
 Cosmopolite. — Sportsman in Ireland . 
 Crane. — George's Mother 
 Cunningham.— Draughts Manual . 
 Custance. — Riding Recollections . 
 Davidson.— Handbook to Dante 
 De Vere. — Recollections 
 Dunmore.— Ormisdal ... 1 
 
 AGE 
 28 
 19 
 
 7 
 
 4 
 
 17 
 
 17 
 
 14 
 
 16 
 23 
 
 22 
 22 
 22 
 
 22 
 25 
 
 13 
 
 ib 
 
 19 
 13 
 
 25 
 27 
 21 
 16 
 27 
 21 
 22 
 
 25 
 14 
 
 8 
 
 19 
 28 
 28 
 
 19 
 
 16 
 10 
 
 11 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Edwards. — Mermaid of Inish-Uig. . 6 
 Ellacombe. — In a Gloucestershire 
 
 Garden 2 
 
 Ellacombe.— The Plant Lore of Shake- 
 speare 23 
 
 Fawcett. — Hartmann the Anarchist . 28 
 
 ,, Riddle of the Universe . 21 
 
 , , Secret of the Desert . . 28 
 
 Swallowed by an Earthquake 28 
 
 Field.— Master Magnus. . . .28 
 
 Fleming.— Art of Reading and Speaking 23 
 
 19 
 
 Ford.— On the Threshold 
 
 Fowler.— Echoes of Old County Life . 
 
 Freshfield.— Exploration of the Cau- 
 casus 
 
 Gardner.— Friends of Olden Time 
 
 Rome: Middle of World . 
 
 Garnett.— Selections in English Prose . 
 
 Gaunt. — Dave's Sweetheart . 
 
 Gleichen.— With the British Mission to 
 Menelik 
 
 Gordon.— Persia Revisited 
 
 Goschen.— Cultivation and Use of the 
 Imagination 
 
 Gossip.— Chess Pocket Manual 
 
 Great Public Schools 
 
 Gummere. — Old English Ballads . 
 
 HADJIRA jg 
 
 Hall.— Fish Tails 16 
 
 Hans Andersen.— Snow Queen . . 28 
 ,, Tales from . . 28 
 Hare. — Life and Letters of Maria Edge- 
 worth 
 
 Harrison. — Early Victorian Literature . 
 
 Harrow School 
 
 Hartshorne.— Old English Glasses 
 Herschell.— Parisian Beggars 
 Hervey. — Eric the Archer 
 
 Reef of Gold .... 
 Higgins. — New Guide to the Pacific 
 
 Coast 
 
 Hole. — Addresses to Working Men 
 Book about Roses 
 Book about the Garden 
 Little Tour in America 
 Little Tour in Ireland 
 Memories ... 
 More Memories .... 
 Holland. — Letters of . ... 
 Holt. — Fancy Dresses Described 
 Hopkinson.— Toby's Promise 
 Hopkins. — Religions of India . 
 Hudson.— Life, Art, and Characters of 
 
 Shakespeare . . .23 
 
 ,, Harvard Shakespeare . . 23 
 
 Hunt— What is Poetry ? . . . .23
 
 32 
 
 Mr. Edward Arnold's New Books & Announcements. 
 
 PAGE 
 . 19 
 . 29 
 . 28 
 
 -Memories of Mashona- 
 
 Hutchinson.— That Fiddler Fellow 
 International Education Series 
 Johnston.— Joel ; a Boy of Galilee 
 
 Kay. — Omarah's Yaman . 
 Kenney-Herbert. — Fifty Breakfasts 
 ,, ,, Fifty Dinners 
 
 ,, ,, Fifty Lunches 
 
 ,, ,, Common-sense 
 
 Cookery 
 Knight-Bruce 
 
 land 
 
 Knox. — Hunters Three . 
 Knutsford. — Mystery of the Rue Soly 
 Kuhns. — The Treatment of Nature in 
 
 Dante 24 
 
 Lane. —Church and Realm . . .4 
 Lang. — Lambs Adventures of Ulysses . 24 
 Leader. — Autobiography of Roebuck . 2 
 Lecky. — Political Value of History . . 25 
 Le Fanu. — Seventy Years of Irish Life . 25 
 Leffingwell. — Art of Wing-Shooting . 17 
 Legh. — How Dick and Molly went round 
 
 the World 28 
 
 Legh.— How Dick and Molly saw Eng- 
 land 28 
 
 Legh. — My Dog Plato . . . .28 
 Lotze.— Philosophical Outlines . . 20 
 Macdonald. — Memoirs of Sir John 
 
 Macdonald . . ... 25 
 
 Macdonald. — Soldiering and Surveying 
 
 in British East Africa . . . .15 
 
 Maud. — Wagner's Heroes . . .24 
 
 ,, Wagner's Heroines . . .24 
 
 Maxwell. — The Sportsman's Library . 18 
 
 ,, Memories of the Months . 15 
 
 McNab. — On Veldt and Farm . . 17 
 
 McNulty. — Misther O'Ryan . . .20 
 
 ,, Son of a Peasant . . 8 
 
 Milner. — England in Egypt . . .25 
 
 ,, Arnold Toynbee . . .26 
 
 Montr£sor.— Worth While . . .20 
 
 More Beasts for Worse Children . .12 
 
 Morgan. — Animal Life . . . .21 
 
 ,, Habit and Instinct . .21 
 
 ,, Psychology for Teachers . 21 
 
 ,, Springs of Conduct . . 21 
 
 Morphology, Journal of . . .21 
 
 Morrison. — Life's Prescription . . 24 
 
 Mott.— A Mingled Yarn . . .2 
 
 Munroe.— Fur Seal's Tooth . . .28 
 
 Rick Dale . . . .28 
 
 ,, Snow-shoes and Sledges . 28 
 
 Nash.— Barerock 28 
 
 National Review . . . .30 
 Nimrod. — Chase, Turf, and Road . . 5 
 Oman.— History of England . . .26 
 Oxenden. — Interludes . . . .20 
 
 PAGF 
 
 Oxenden. — A Reputation for a Song . 6 
 
 Paget. — Wasted Records of Disease . 21 
 Pearson. — The Chances of Death . .21 
 Perry. — Calculus for Engineers . .21 
 Philosophical Review . . .22 
 Pike.— Through the Sub-Arctic Forest . 17 
 Pilkington. — An Eton Playing-Field . 26 
 Pinsent— Job Hildred .... 8 
 
 Pollok. — Fifty Years' Reminiscences of 
 India ....... 17 
 
 Pope. — Memoirs of Sir John Macdonald . 25 
 Portal. — British Mission to Uganda . 14 
 ,, My Mission to Abyssinia . 14 
 
 Practical Science Manuals . . 26 
 Prescott. — A Mask and a Martyr . . 20 
 Pulitzer. — Romance of Prince Eugene . 26 
 
 Raleigh.— Robert Louis Stevenson . 26 
 
 ,, Style 12 
 
 Ransome. — Battles of Frederick the Great 26 
 Raymond. — Mushroom Cave . . .28 
 Reynolds. —Studies on Many Subjects . 4 
 R ochefort. — The Adventures of My Life 26 
 Rodd.— Ballads of the Fleet . . .12 
 Rodd. — Works by Rennell Rodd . . 24 
 Roebuck. — Autobiography . . .9 
 
 Santley. — Student and Singer . . 26 
 Schelling. — Elizabethan Lyrics . . 24 
 ,, Ben J onson's Timber . 24 
 
 Scrope. — Art of Deer-Stalking . . 13 
 Shaw.— A Text Book of Nursing . . 22 
 Sherard. — Alphonse Daudet . . .26 
 Shields. — Camping and Camp Outfits . 17 
 Shields.— American Book of the Dog . 17 
 Shorland. — Cycling for Health and 
 
 Pleasure 27 
 
 Sichel. — The Story of Two Salons . . 24 
 Simpson.— Many Memories of Many People 2 
 Slatin. — Fire and Sword in the Sudan . 14 
 Smith.— The Life of a Fox . . .10 
 ,, Through Unknown African 
 
 Countries 15 
 
 Spinner.— A Reluctant Evangelist . . 20 
 Stone.— In and Beyond the Himalayas . 17 
 
 Tatham.— Men of Might . . .25 
 Thayer. — Best Elizabethan Plays . . 24 
 Thomas. — Sweden and the Swedes . . 17 
 Thornton.— A Sporting Tour . . 10 
 Tollemache.— Benjamin Jowett . . 26 
 Talks with Mr. Gladstone 1 
 Twining. — Recollections of Life and 
 
 Work 26 
 
 White. — Pleasurable Bee- Keeping. . 27 
 Wild Flowers in Art and Nature 27 
 Williams. — The Bayonet that came 
 
 Home 20 
 
 Winchester College . . . .24 
 Young. — General Astronomy . . .22
 
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