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NARRATIVE
political anD
PRINCIPAL CONTENTS.
Page.
State of France at the commencement of 1815, - - 1
Congress, Vienna France prepares for revolt state of Europe, 26
Bonaparte leaves Elba lands in France advances to Gren-
oble, 36
Alarm at Paris Conduct of Marshals preparations for resist-
ance Bonaparte advances to Lyons, 40
Bonaparte leaves Lyons joined by Ney advances to Auxerre, 49
Bonaparte leaves Auxerre, advances to Melun army joins him, 53
Flight of the King retires to the Netherlands Bonaparte
enters Paris his conduct there, - 54
Indignation and preparations of Europe declaration of Con-
gress march of armies, - - - - - - 61
Debates in Parliament on ditto French answer to declaration, 67
Views of the Conspirators plan of Revolution base conduct
of the Marshals, 73
Accusations against the Allies for breach of the treaty at Fon-
tainbleau false, -------83
Bonaparte renews his system of falsehood and misrepresentation, 90
Disputes with Jacobins falsehoods spread by him, - 94
Conduct of France of Bonaparte of his Ministers letter to
the Sovereigns, - ------95
Alarm of France resistance at Bourdeaux, Marseilles, &c. 106
Affairs of Italy conduct of Murat debates in Parliament, 119
Campaign in Italy advance, retreat, and overthrow of Murat, 129
Affairs of France rising in La Vendee, - 159
New Constitution reflections on it conduct of Bonaparte, 162
Falsehoods published by French Government their object, 173
France prepares for war calumnies against the Allies, - 177
Second declaration of Allies Proclamation of Prussia, - 1 83
Treaties Vienna war certain important debates in Parliament, 1 85
Vote of subsidies strength of Allies, .... 200
Champ de Mai Constitution accepted speeches diversions, 203
Loan in Great Britain war approaches, - - - 212
Strength of armies plans and preparations on both sides, - 21i
Reflections on the conduct, objects, and expectations of France, 21 9
Meeting of French Legislature addresses answers, &c. 230
Bonaparte leaves Paris joins his army address to it position
of the Allies, - - ..... 2;)7
Hostilities commence the French cross the Sambre, - 245<
Battle of Ligny Quatre Bras loss both sides retreat of Allies, 246
French soldiers' barbarity boasting of France ambitious views, 268
Operations in Savoy in La Vendee retreat of Allies on 17th, 273
Views of Bonaparte plans of the Allies retreat to Waterloo, 277
Strength of armies positions preparations for battle, - 2S0
Battle Bonaparte's address the confidence of his army, - 293
Attack HougomOnt dreadful attack British left death Picton, 295
Attack of cavalry cuirassiers broken beaten,
Third attack on all the line desperate efforts enemy .defeated, 301)
Arrival of Prussians attack French right sanguinary combat,
.Age,
Attack on Wavre maintained by Thielman on the 18tb, 315
Bonaparte leads on his guards beaten conduct of Wellington, 319
Blucher joins sanguinary combat grand attack of allies, 323
Terrible carnage Bonaparte attempts to rally the troops
the whole army broken, ------ 329
Total defeat .flight pursuit crosses Sambre flies to Paris, 331
Loss of both armies horrible appearance of the field of battle, 341
Names of Officers who distinguished themselves anecdotes, 348
Gallant conduct of the Allies bravery of the French, - 351
Reflections on the battle alarm at Brussels, &c. - - 357
Bonaparte reaches Paris proceedings there alarm of Capital, 3G7
Debates of the Chambers abdication of Bonaparte Napoleon
II. proclaimed, -" - - - - - 369
Advance of Wellington and Bfucher alarm of the French
they solicit an armistice, - - - - - 388
Preparations to defend Paris conduct of the Chambers, - 394
Blucher crosses the Seine capture of Paris reflections thereon, 396
Conduct of the Chambers Louis XVIII. enters France
reaches Paris, - - ----- 401
Reflections on these events-r-operations of the Grand Allied
armies Sovereigns .reach Paris, - 409
Operations of the Allies from Italy enter Lyons, - - 420
Confusion France French Ministry positions of allied armies, 423
Submission of towns in the South of Marseilles Toulon
Muratleaves it, - - - - - - 427
Murat lands in Corsica leaves it lands in Italy tried shot, 428
Submission of Bourdeaux army of the Loire, &c. - 430
Bonaparte reaches Rochfort tries to escape surrenders to
the British fleet, - - -' '- - 435
Arrives in England sent to St. Helena reflections on his fall, 437
Dreadful state of South of France Massacres at Nismes, &c 449
Origin of quarrels massacres Nismes and Avignon, i'790, 179i, 456
Levity of the Parisians reflections on murder of Louis XVI. 474
Affairs of Colonies Martinique faithful Guadaloupe revolts, 478
Captured by the British odious conduct of Linois and Boyer, 470
Punishment of the traitors in France atrial of Labodeyere
new Ministry, - - ----- 488
Deceitful conduct of "FouChc paintings reclaimed carried off, 487
Conduct of the Allies in France contributions, - - 492
Trial execution Ney trial LavaHete condemnation escape, 494
Allies prepare to leave France meeting of French Legislature, 501
""jrcaties of Peace reflections thereon views of the Allies in
1792 and 1815, similar, 504
France complains expense of Campaign reflections thereon, 520
( nrnofs defence Soult's Vandamme's Amnesty law, - 526
Bonaparte lands in St. Helena description of the island, 533
Conduct of Spain and Portugal concluding reflections, 536
ppendix Treaties Waterloo regiments Wellington's letter, 551
&SORGE T I! E 'I'll ! K D
1 Britain &*
NARRATIVE
or iuH.
POLITICAL AND MILITARY EVENTS
of 1815.
YV hen I first Considered the extraordinary events, and the
memorable campaigns, of 1812, 1813, and 1814, I did not ex-
pect that by the time I had closed the volume, a fresh subject*
proceeding from the same system, and arising in the same
quarter, should so soon claim the attention of Eurx>pe, and
demand the labour of the Narrator. That the restless mind
and evil disposition of the mass of the population of France,
would, in a short period, plunge Europe into a fresh war, I
did not doubt; but that, to accomplish this object, they would
so soon arm themselves with the same weapons, and march
under their former banners, I believe* few were prepared to-
expect. While Europe yet remained in arms, and in threat-
ening array when the Andalusian, in his return to his home,
had as yet only gained a distant view of the mountain which
he revered, and the Cossack of the stream which he loved ;
who could have supposed that the former would not have been
suffered to enhale, in peace, the healthful breeze on the one, and
the latter not to taste the refreshing draught from the other.
Worn grey in ihe service, half his life spent in the tented field,
familiar with glory, and satisfied that, with his own peace and
liberty, he had ecured the independence and repose of his na-
tive land, we beheld the soldier returning to enjoy the fruit?
A 1
of his honourable wounds, his toils,- and his dangers. Under
the prospect ot durable comfort and repose, we saw him wel-
comed by his family and friends, whether these were situated
around the banks of the Danube, or the Moskwa, or the Oder;
on the shores of Britain, or tire mountains of the North. We
every where beheld the brave defenders of their country, stand-
ing, as it were, upon the threshold of their beloved homes;
while the tear of welcome, and the smile of satisfaction animated
the countenances of those dearest to their hearts; and whose
eager arms prepared to unbuckle their armour, ami to lay aside
their arms. But soon those soft scenes were ruftcd. Soon
these transports fled. The cloud of the 'storm rolled sullen on
the brow of the mountain* The wind began to howl fiercely
along the agitated stream. The, blast of the trumpet again
sounded the alarm of battle, and commanded the warrior to
retrace his footsteps with the utmost speed commanded him
again to leave his native land, his friends and his family so
often desired thus barely found, and to leave them, perhaps,
for ever. Who can describe the feelings, which such a moment
called forth in the agitated groupe? Who can paint the an-
guish and alarm which, at such a moment, overspread Europe?
Bitter, however, as these were; equally so, was the indignation
aroused, against those whose conduct had occasioned all this.
The Treaty of Paris, it was fondly anticipated, had secured
for a long time the repose of Europe. That of Ghent, con-
cluded at the close of the year, was believed to have consoli-
dated the harmony of the civilized world. Vain hope! Scarce-
ly was the ink dry with which the former was ratified, and
the vast military force of the allies, at first too lightly felt, ami
next too hastily removed, withdrawn beyond the boundar-
ies of France,- when the restless, arrogant, ambitious, and un-
grateful character of that nation, which, during the hour of
danger, had either shrunk from observation, or had been pas-
sed over unnoticed amidst the general satisfaction which per-
vaded the world, began again to shew itself. The Jacobin
party, whom no social compact can bind, nor limited power
control, saw that family restored, on whose unfortunate heads
their fury and their crimes had, without reason, as without
mercy, heaped numberless calamities. It was impossible that
this family could ever look upon tb.em as their sincere friends.
Their presence, besides, constantly recalled to the memories
of those Revolutionary characters, the' carnage and the crimes
perpetrated by them In the bosom of their unhappy country.
The establishment of peace and order, constantly recalled to
their memories how completely they overturned both. Their
guilty consciences took -the alarm; and as soon as the fiery
sword of indignant Europe, the edge of which their odious
conduct had to the utmost provoked, was removed from above
their trembling heads, these still bade them dread those inno-
cent individuals whom they had formerly so grievously perse-
cuted atid oppressed. Under these circumstances, the back-
wardness of the Court to treat these men with that familiarity,
confidence, and kindness, which it practised to its friends, ex-
cited, but without any just reason, their suspicions, their hat-
red, and their indignation. That Louis XVIIJ. forgave them
in sincerity, there is no doubt. That he pardoned them free-
ly, is certain. For him to do more, was what they had no
reason to expect, and was what they did not deserve. This mer-
cy, however, did not satisfy them they had been accustomed
to rule and to dictate, but not patiently to obey any power but
such as they trembled to behold; namely, such as that of Rob-
spierre, and that of Napoleon Bonaparte. These men took every
opportunity to spread their own base, suspicious, and guilty fears,
amongst the thoughtless multitude; who, in every country, but
more particularly in France, are ever ready to believe what is
bad, and to look forward with satisfactiou to changes and con-
vulsions. All the danger, however, proceeding from this quar-
ter, great as it was, might have been got the better of, by firm-
ness and wisdom on the part of the Government; and that o-
dious, but powerful party, have been consigned to deeper and
deeper obscurity, a mild punishment for their conduct, had not
more dangerous weapons of faction and discord remained ready
at hand, and been found most abundant in France. These
were the military. Equally unprincipled as the others, bora
and educated in the same school, their intentions' were equally
criminal, and their pursuits more dangerous than those of their
turbulent and unruly brethren. This party had every thing U>
ain, and nothing to lose but their lives; which they were
ready at all times to stake on any undertaking which promised
them preferment aud reward. These men alike hated the
Bourbon family as the others, because that family at this mo-
ment wished to remain at peace with Europe, and to disarm
those whose wild and ungovernable passions had so long been
her ruin and her scourge. This dangerous power, however,
. iad, in all its aggravated forms, been too deeply rooted and
widely spread in France, during a long period of successful
ambition and lawless violence, for common misfortunes to sub-
due, or ordinary disasters either to eradicate or tame. The
love of military glory, indeed, was their sole delight, and their
only pursuit. This term, in the French Revolutionary vo-
cabulary, means that France, because she conceives herself a
great nation, should therefore, as such, tyrannise over Europe;
and her sons enrich themselves at the expense of the latter.
From a long career of splendid success, and from the easy man-
ner in which France had escaped from beneath the uplifted arm
of indignant Europe, this idea had taken full possession of their
thoughtless minds. Every feeling of their hearts every thought
that animated their bosoms, were all guided by this dangerous
principle, and directed to the accomplishment of this object;
heedless of the means by which they gained it, or the paths which
they took toxeach the gaol they had in view. The forbearance
of the allies at the capture of Paris, in 1814, was construed by the
mass of the French people, and particularly by the latter class,
into fear of those vast national resources and energies which
.France possessed; which she fondly believed, and which her
blind and infatuated admirers every where after her, still pro-
claimed to be invulnerable and invincible. Though most signal-
ly beaten, France eagerly clung to this gay and this dangerous
delusion. Every thing that ingenuity and falsehood could
muster, was brought forward to ward off from their heads the
shame of disgrace or defeat. The arrogant domineering spirit
of her unprincipled military hordes, so long accustomed, un-
der their former ambitious and vain glorious sovereign, to
have full scope, as far as passion, with every excitements
and without any restraint, might carry them, could never
brook the control of civil laws or social life. The return of
hundreds of thousands of these men from the different prisons
where European bravery had confined them, and from whence
European generosity had now liberated them without ran-
som, and restored them to a country where every principle of
religion, honour, .and fidelity, in any cause that was good, had
Jong been laughed to scorn, increased to an alarming degree this
band, in whose existence Europe had, and ever must have,
such dangerous and implacable enemies. Amongst these, the
Jacobins found ready associates in evil plans, and very readily
fanned the flame of treason and discontent. The number of
prisoners at this time restored to France, could not be fewer
than 400,000 men; and all these, but particularly those
from Great Britain, were the most hardened and abandoned in
the French Revolutionary school. All ranks amongst this
class were the same; or rather, the higher the rank, the more
profligate and unprincipled they were. It was this class which
were the most dangerous enemies to the prosperity of France,
and repose of Europe; and without whose assistance those fe-
male politicians, the abandoned Countess of St. Leu, the
Duchess of Bassano, Madame Savary, and the Duchess of
Montebello, might have plotted; and those hoary -headed trait-
ors, Carnot, Key, Cambaceres, Davoust, &c. might all have
planned in vain. Their chiefs had been raised to the rank of
principalities and powers to the dignities of marshals, dukes,
and sovereigns, at the expense of bleeding Europe; and every
profligate French coxcomb, who could wield a sword, or carry
.a nmsquet, conceived, that by following their footsteps, he
might in time enjoy similar rank, and obtain the same wealth,
and power, and distinction.
But it was not amongst those children of evil and those tools
of tyranny alone, that the evil, so dangerous to Europe, had
taken such deep root. It pervaded the mind of the population
of France, in a greater or a lesser degree. The principles of
the nation, male and female, old and young, were generally
corrupted, and their morals destroyed. Their sense of right
and wrong were absolutely confounded: and every ray of hu-
man reason was swallowed up, or turned from its proper
direction, in this terrible scene of moral chaos and contusion.
It is not that there is no good principles in France, but that
while the bad predominates, there is no line of distinction no
barriers arising from feelings still more powerful than coercive
laws, to.be found between virtue and vice; but all are blended
together, and followed as the interests, the passions, and the
pleasures of the moment direct. The honest Statesman and
profligate Courtier, either enjoy equal consideration; or trie
scale of public favour, wealth and honour, preponderates in
favour of the latter. The married wife, and her marriageable
daughters, appear in the same society, with the openly ac-
knowledged kept-mistress; and while the former adopts the
manner of the latter, not the latter of the former, both are
addressed and accosted, in the manner, which accords with the
profligate life of the last mentioned class. In this manner the
bonds of social society are corrupted at their source. The
laws of nations were only regarded, as these were found agree-
able to the interests or the passions of the nation, however
arbitrary, odious and unjust, these happened to be. It was in
vain to attempt to argue with, or try to convince, a people
whose only answer was to brandish the bayonet, and whose
constant appeal was to the sword. Fortunately for Europe,
though their national vanity, prevented them from perceiving
it in themselves, a long course of anarchy, Atheism, tyranny,
and debauchery, ihe latter supplied from the spoils of plundered
nations, had enervated their souls, and weakened their energies;
while their odious and oppressive conduct .throughout Europe,
had developed their real character and views, in such a manner,
that these could no longer be mistaken by any one, however
weak or prejudiced. Besides this conduct of theirs had not
only deprived them of every friend amongst the more respect-
able part of mankind, but individually, and nationally, had
every where roused a spirit of resentment so severe and so
strong, that it was quite obvious to the most thoughtless ob-
server, if ever its strength was called into action again, that it
would, beyond a doubt, prove not only irresistible but fatal to
**hera. Of this spirit however, and this indignation, the French
people in general were not aware. The state of ignorance ia
which their daring and arrogant Government kept them, in
order to carry on its own views and designs, prevented them
from learning how much they merited the vengeance of Europe;
while in those parts where the cmduct of their nation was
known, such as it was in their numerous and unjust wars, their
understandings were so led away by the false principles instilled
by the Revolution, that they never considered any thing wrong
that was successful, nor even when it was otherwise, if, they
could get the intervention of hail, or snow, or rain, to accuse
as the cause of their defeat. Hence, the French nation con-
ceived, thai the just indignation of Europe against them, arose^
Iron) objects of aggrandisement and ambition; and the cry that
the nation is in danger, whether their sway was bounded by
the Rhine or the Niemen, called forth all their might and all
their resources to preserve it, without any inquiry, about its
propriety or its justice. That spirit, however, the union and
the valour of Europe, had at length circumscribed within nar-
rower bounds, and confined to the distracted country, which
gave it tilth. The British banners planted on the ramparts of
Thoulouse, and the Russian eagles on the heights of Mont-
martre, at last convinced them, that their Europe no longeron
the one hand, extended to the straits of Gibraltar, nor on the
other to the " confines of Asia" The charm of military parade
and noisy victories no longer elated their minds, and diverted
their thoughts. But what touched their feelings and their judg-
ments more acutely, was that the plunder of Europe no longer
engaged their cupidity nor supplied their extravagance. If
they made war, they began to find they must pay for it; and,
hence, their feelings were brought to examine with more atten-
tion, its justice or its policy. But this knowledge the resent-
ment arising from wounded vanity and thoughtless pride,
quickly destroyed. On whichever side they turned their eyes,
they found the remembrance of their former boasted triumphs
and extensive dominions gone, without leaving a shadow be-
hind. Hence, France was discontented hence her factious
demagogues, whose only pursuit was power, and object, mischief;
'easily succeeded in persuading her that she had been bctrayed>
and that their counsels, if followed, would soon succeed ir*
placing France in her former powerful situation. Hence the
majority of the French people looked forward to the moment
when, with safety to themselves and their beautiful country,
they might replunge Europe into all the horrors of war.
Daily, this spirit became more and more visible and alarming;
and which, the Bourbon government, though certainly paci-
fically inclined, durst not, at least did not find it altogether
politic to repress.
The loss of Belgium, which, for more than a century, had
been a particular object of French ambition, and which, by the
assistance of domestic traitors, Republican fury bad overrun
and conquered, hung heavy upon the spirits of France. This
was particularly an object of Jacobinical vanity, as it was un-
der their immediate sway that this conquest was accomplished,
and annexation made. They eagerly fanned the flame of dis-
content, by comparing the situation of France, with all her
conquests, and now that she was stripped of them all; and, at
the same time, insinuated that the King had made this sacri-
fice purely from subserviancy to England, and from his wish to
a
though their capital was occupied by an hostile force, and half
their territories by the armies of their foes, still they felt little or
none of the miseries of war; at least, none that, by their conse-
quences, were equal to form any lasting impression upon their
volatile minds. The strict discipline observed by the invading
armies of the allies, enabled France to escape all those terrific-,
sccaes of" lamentation, mourning, and woe," inflicted on. Eur-
ii
-ope by her army. The principal loss which France at this time
suffered from the progress of the war, was occasioned by the
lawless disposition of those who called themselves their defend-
ers; for any loss that they otherwise sustained was more than
made up, by the immense sums of money brought into France
by the allied armies, where it was all expended; thereby, en-
riching those who had covered every country in Europe with
poverty and mourning. The vast influx of foreigners, particu-
larly British, all eager to see a people who had so long been,
the terror of the world, as also to view the vast assemblage of
the monuments of art, which .their unprincipled rapacity had
taken away from every country in continental Europe, brought
vast wealth to Paris, that grand centre of iniquity, where they
trafficked not only in gold and silver, precious stones, pearls,
fine linen, silk, and scarlet, with every other luxury and riches,
but " in the bodies and the soids of men"* All these things
tended to keep alive that national vanity which had so long
annoyed Europe, and made them wholly forget that they were
a conquered people, and that the armies which beat them to
the ground were still ready, equally able and as willing, to per-
form that service again.
France, though conquered, was still a powerful ami even a
wealthy country.; but then, her wealth was so situated, that
whatever part of it was expended in wars, could no longer be
replaced. The mad ambition of her former government had
wholly destroyed all internal industry, or foreign commerce;
from which sources alone, a nation can derive the wealth ner
eessary to n place the wxiste of external war; unless they are in-
clined, and are able to adopt the same plan which France had
long done; namely, to take it by force from their industrious
neighbours. For this, France still held the same will; but,
fortunately, she no longer possessed the same power. Strong
as she was, the strength of Europe was still proportionally
stronger] and left them no room to hope for a repetition of
their robbery on the continent, and of pinioning the na-
tions thereof in their chains. In an evil hour, however,
Revelations.
12
for herself, France thought otherwise. She believed that
treason had occasioned her fall; and that " destiny" which
she once had under the controul of her Emperor, had on-
ly been let loose from her chains by the former means. She
conceived, that by the return of her myriads of prisoners
from the different corners of Europe, she would be able, ef-
fectually, to put down what she was pleased to call treason;
and to bind destiny, or fate, to her chariot wheels again. She
calculated, as did all her friends, among whom were the dis-
contented in every country, upon the disunion of that formid-
able confederacy which had overthrown her military despot-
ism. Her arts were busily employed to sow distrust among
them. But though each had, no doubt, his individual interests
Co attend to in the Congress at Vienna, and which might not
altogether square with his neighbour's ideas, still but one senti-
ment animated the whole, when French audacity and ambition
endeavoured, in any shape, to thrust forward their ferocious
countenances. Nevertheless, the whole efforts of the French
press, that polluted fountain of perjury, irreligion, and treason,
was directed with unceasing and insidious aim to accomplish
their nefarious designs. By dint of desperate assertions, deep in-
sinuations, and odious falsehoods, which had long been their avo-
cations, and at which the conductors of the Parisian press are
certainly great adepts, they endeavoured to re-establish them-
selves in the good opinion of mankind, which, as a nation, they
had so justly lost. By appearing to defend the cause of the
weak against the strong, they endeavoured to regain that em-
pire over the public mind in Europe, which their arms could
no longer control. But these interests, for which they affect-
ed so readily and disinterestedly to stand forward the champions
and defenders, it was obvious to the careful observer, were de-
fended no further than it suited the dark designs and ambitious
views of French politics. Yet, strange to say, they succeeded in
their object to a great degree. By many it was believed, that na-
tional morality and justice was to be learned in Paris, and no
where else in continental Europe nay, that honour and truth
was more attended to, in all her public conduct, by France, than
by Great Britain. So echoed the supporters of French princi-
IS
pics on both sides of the channel; but, fortunately, the body of
the European commonwealth remained uncontaminated by such
deceitful principles, and refused to be imposed upon by such
specious pretences, and miserable shifts. French finesse, and
war of words, could no longer succeed in deceiving, in order
to enslave Europe.
The king, in an unguarded moment, and long before that
revolution took place, which seated him on his throne, had, in
a proclamation which he had addressed to the French nation,
promised them the redress of several grievances, and the re-
moval of the most oppressive taxes, particularly that tax named
the droits ratines. But, he was no sooner come to his throne,
than he found the wants of the State so pressing, from the
profligate expenditure of the former Government, that he
perceived it would be impossible to gratify the wishes of the
people, in this respect, for some time. This circumstance was
eagerly laid hold of by his enemies, in order to irritate the
public mind against him; while they must have been conscious,
that it was their blame, not his, that he was unable at this tim
to perform his promise. The greatest retrenchments, were
made in the public expenditure, and economy observed in the
application of the remainder. Yet here again, the king made
numerous and dangerous enemies. The disbanded troops,
who neither had employment, nor if they had, would they have
condescended to work, murmured against him. The whole
host of Douaniers, army contractors, and other beings of that
tribe, thrown out of employment by these retrenchments, and
the return of peace, eagerly sighed for the return of the golden
days of Napoleon, under whom their avarice had full scope.
All these men and their numerous dependants, were the mortal
enemies of the Bourbons. The king was accused of having
violated his promises to the nation, but that was only said by
his enemies; and even then, it wsmere assertion, without any
facts being brought forward to support them. Whatever er-
rors he was guilty of, and it would have been strange if he had
committed none, it is certain, that none of them proceeded
from an evil intention, or had a dangerous aim in view. The
greatest error which he committed, seems to have been in the
1*.
unmerited lenity, and forgiveness, which he shewed to those
fierce children of the Revolution, whose barbarous dispositions
no lenity can soften no forgiveness reform. Had he, as in
justice he was warranted, and as the insulted laws of humanity
called loudly upon him to do, punished with proper severity, the
principal leaders of that desperate band; and, if he did not take
their lives, which, by every law, human and divine, they had so
often forfeited; he ought at least to have stripped them of their
property, with which, he ought to have rewarded his faithful
followers, and paid the pi-essing demands of the State: then
would the throne of Louis remained unshaken, Europe would
have enjoyed peace, and England would not have had to weep
the untimely end of so many of her bravest 6ons. Jn the non-
performance of this imperious duty, which human nature de-
manded at his hand, consisted the greatest and most dangerous
erx-or of Louis XVIII. His control of the press was the
bugbear of disappointed faction, and a favour unto mankind;
even if it had been true to the utmost extent that his power
could be exercised over it. When the French people give
up inundating the world by doctrines and principles, totally
subversive of religious, social, civil, or political life, or under-
stand the just meaning of these things; then, and only then,
may they enjoy the unrestained liberty of that useful engine;
but, till that is the case, it will only prove a machine to scatter
over a terrified world firebrands, arrows, and death. It is not
from that source that Europe, or even France herself, is going
to derive much information that is to be either useful or ad-
vantageous to the general interests of mankind; and, therefore,
few can regret that censors superintend its labours they must
be bad indeed, if worse than the writers; and such were most
unquestionably more dangerous tools in the hands of their im-
maculate Napoleon, and his audacious myrmidon?, than in
those of the mild and inoffensive Louis XVIII. When France
shall learn to employ this engine in some other way, than in
the support of the votaries of the Goddess of Reason, and, that
prince of despots, Bonaparte; then will Europe load with re-
proach the Sovereign whose arbitrary mandates, deprives them
of this invaluable right. Till this becomes the case, even if
15
they were deprived of pens and ink, there are men iri Franc?,
who would write treason against social order, in the manner
that their countryman Labaume did his Russian Campaign,
namely, with burnt sticks taken from the flames, which on
frosty nights their incendiary deeds had kindled. *
But the loudest and most dangerous clamour that was raised
against the government of Louis, arose from the report, which
was industriously spread, that he intended to deprive the pur-
chasers of national domains of their property, ami to restore
these to the emigrants, to many of whom this property originally
and justly belonged. This was, however, by no means the
intention of the French government, as its enemies well knew;
but it was too powerful an engine to rouse the population a-
gainst the king, for them to neglect using it. A considerable
portion of these domains, or in other words the immoveable
property of many worthy men, which was confiscated under
the reign of the Guillotine, still remained unsold. These it
seemed to be the wish of the government of Louis XVIII. to
restore; but which would only have done justice to a few, and
to a very few, of his faithful followers. The better plan,
therefore, seemed to be* first to dispose of these, then throw
them into a general fund, and divide the proceeds equally
amongst this unfortunate class of men. This plan, both mo-
derate and equitable, would have been adopted; but here again
a more dangerous and formidable enemy arose. To the value
of 400 millions of these domains (^17,000,000,) had been set
apart by the Imperial government, to reward the army from
their proceeds. To take this part, and it seems, that it was
now the principle part remaining, made this desperate race
still farther his foe. The unfortunate emigrants, therefore-,,
whose fidelity had been tried through twenty-five years of
misery, now saw themselves reduced to the most abject and
distressing state, in their native country, on the very threshold
of those properties once their own, and under the eyes of their
sovereign, whose fortunes they had followed through every
. * In Uiis manner and with such instruments Monsieur Labaume, Assures us he
wrote part of his narrative,-
id
Vicissitude. It is impossible to conceive a situation more gaiiing
and afflicting than this: and it would have been to have sup-
posed these unfortunate men destitute of every feeling, if they
were not in such a situation discontented; and their sovereign
to have been unworthy his throne, if he had not shewn himself
not only most anxious to give them assistance, but to have
taken every means, within the compass of his power, to afford
them relief. Every office round his person almost every place
of profit in the army, the church, and the state, was occupied
by their enemies, and by men wallowing in wealth from the
plunder of the properties of these unfortunate men, who,
though they had been guilty of no crime, now in vain sought
relief, from those who had travelled round the circle of ini-
quity. The anxiety of the king, therefore, to relieve the wants*
and to reward the fidelity of these men, deserved praise and
not censure. In every other country but France, their sit-
uation would not only have found pjty, but obtained redress.
But these are virtues which, from woeful examples, and by sad
experience, Europe knows were torn up by the Revolutionary-
school, and never planted in the Imperial academy of France.
Its garden required plants of sterner stuff. With Napoleon
Bonaparte, or his worthy predecessors, Carnot and Robespierre,
it was never accounted a crime to reward their profligate as-
sociate?, with the property of their foes, nay, sometimes with
that of their friends; and why should it have been accounted
one in Louis XVIII. even if he intended to do so? Let Cam-
baceres and Caulincoirrt tell; whose properties, if every honest
man had his own, would be smaller than that of many of the
faithful followers of Louis XVIII. It signifies little, to tell us,
as has been done, that the character of several of the ancient
French nobility, were such, that their degradation was not to be
regretted, and that their property became more useful to society,
and the state, by passing into. other hands. In all countries
there are men of this stamp. We need not wander from home
for such, though, in truth, nowhere else were such characters
so abundant as in France. But because a man is idle, profli-
gate, and worthless, that is not a sufficient reason why he
should be deprived of his property ' y and at any rate it is dan-
17
gerous to make man, but more especially the mob of mankind,
the judge in such cases they may overthrow, in their frenzy/
and for their interests, one evil, and establish in its place sL
worse, as was the case in France. Such partial evils as those
mentioned must be borne, as less than those which their re-
moval, in general* occasions to the community at large.
But let us examine this subject of these national domains a
little closer* If Louis XVIII. had seized them, would he
have acted unjustly? I am unacquainted with any law that
could say he would, it might have been, perhaps it was,
considering circumstances, unnecessary and impolitic to take
the whole; but, still, was ii unjust? Let us remember how
these were obtained, and can we say it would have been
so? I do %iot mean to say that every one who has pur-
chased of these national domains should be deprived of them:
by no means. Many paid a valuable consideration for them,
though the title of those who Sold them was bad. But
there are many possessed of these, whom every principle of
honour, equity, justice, and truth, imperiously demand should
be deprived of them; and not only so, but punished for the way
they obtained them. I shall grant, the mad regicide govern-
ment of France were entitled to guillotine the persons, and
confiscate the properties of all those who opposed, or even
whom they suspected opposed their diabolical Career; but it
never can be allowed that any of their private tools, or any other
unprincipled villain, should go and murder his neighbour,
merely because that neighbour had property, and seize that for
his own use: and that others* pursuing another course to gain
the same end, should, by dint of falsehoods, direct the fury
of a delirious government to the abodes of innocence and
worth, to drive these from their homes, that their persecut-
ors might obtain the goods of these individuals as their re-
wards. I say it never can be allowed, that such men should
be permitted to enjoy their ill gotten gain in peace, or escape
with impunity. From every one of these, their wealth should
be taken away, and their lives forfeited to those laws which
the author of human nature, in every country, has established
as its guard. Whoever, from malice or design, " sheddeth
1
IS
Man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed/' is a severe bivt
just law, which man may, but which he ought not to alter.
How many such characters as I have here pointed out, are to be
found in France, the present possessors of national domains, the
profits of which they have applied, and will 1 always apply, to dis-
turb and to enslave Europe? These deserve no mercy. The hot>
our,the safety of mankind, demand justice on their heads. There
is another class;, and perhaps of & higher rank, whom Europe
has an unquestionable right to see brought to justice. These
are those men who not only enriched themselves by the plun-
der: of defenceless nations, but who shot, in cold blood, inno-
cent individuals, in Hamburgh, Bremen, Russia, Spain, &c.
merely because they would not betray their country, and fall
down and worship Napoleon the great, his satellites, or his
image. These men also possess national domains in France.
From them, and on their heads, the voice of justice demanded,
and yet demands, an exact account, a severe retribution. The
less, therefore, many of the possessors of these domains say a-
bout their claims or their property the better. It must call
the attention of Europe to scenes and times where they and
their conduct cannot appear to advantage: and, even with re-
gard to many of those who have paid a consideration to the ra-
pacious government, for the properties they now possess, it,
perhaps, would not mend things in their favour, to trace out
the sources from whence this valuable consideration was deriv-
ed. It is a bad cause which will not bear examination; which
is evidently the case with this. If any one attempted, through
the medium of the press, to examine the justice of such claims,
" Down with him and the government under which he writes/'
was the universal cry: but those who debated whether or not they
should turn that government off, and confiscate the properties of
its friends, were to have full liberty; and it was sacrilege and des-
potism to snatch the pen from them. Their reasoning and the
freedom on this subject were all one way. What they had got
by violence, they were determined to keep by force. Their
titles, according to their own disciples, are not worth a farthing.
They all now tell us that they must have a King or an Emper-
or, nobles, and properties; and as it was by the laws which de-
creed the destruction of all these that they now hold the pro-
19
pci'ties which they possess, so, thereby, they subject themselves,
by their own rules, to be .deprived of these by a stronger power,
whether that power be more just or not.
But whatever were the intentions of Louis oh this head, that
was a question for him and these people to settle among them-
selves. As Europe was not bound to support Louis on the
French throne, so neither was she bound to guarantee to these
men their properties, against the will and the power of the
French government. i>he was only interested so far in this-
matter; that if these men, and tliat formidable Jacobinical par-
ty in France, should either attempt to destroy, or succeed
in overthrowing the government of Louis, and establishing in
its stead any one similar to those which had previously existed
in France, and which had been proven by experience, to be
more or less dangerous to the repose of Europe; that then it
became an imperious doty, on her part, to take such mea-
sures as would insure .her safety from the consequences of such
a proceeding-
Much discontent also was created in the public mind in
France, but more particularly in Paris, from the example
which the King set in following, and the endeavours he made to
restore the duties of morality and religion. These were doc-
trines which had long been exploded by the leading characters
in France, and were wholly unknown to the Jacobinical school.
The encouragement held out to religion, and the favour shewn
to the teachers thereof, procured the King many enemies; and
was met by the insinuations of his implacable foes, with .the .ge-
neral cry of innovation on their liberties, and the .wish .to re-
store the power of the church, such as it was in its darkest and
its most arbitrary times. Nothing could be more unjust than
this accusation; but the support given to religious pursuits, .by
the government, was wrested >by those factious demagogues to
suit their own mischievous designs, for wjaat they most feared
was not the return of lloman superstition, tythes, and ignor-
ance; but the fear of being subjected to the duties of morality
and the principles uf religion at all. Perhaps in no nation
that ever existed were these grand features of the human char-
acter, and links of rational life, so completely broken and de-
stroyed as these had been, and now were, in modern France, Iu
-20
jevery shape these were laughed at, and turned into ridicule by
all ranks and degrees of men; but more particularly so by every
one connected with the government of France. Under such
circumstances, and such a system, it cannot be wondered at
that no measures were taken to instruct the youthful mind in
sound principles, and the social duties of life. Such proceed-
ings did not suit the views of their tyrannic governors, and
would have unfitted the people , of France for becoming the
tools to execute their lawless projects. In this most essential
point, the youth of France were most lamentably defipient.
Instead of being taught to reverence and obey their parents,
they were torn from them 5 and from their earliest years taught
only the most abject devotion and submission to their governors.
Instead of being taught Love to their neighbours, and Fear of
their God; they were taught to forget, perhaps deny the latter;
and to hate, tyrannize over, and trample upon the former. The
little education which their youth received, consisted in being
taught to march to the sound of the drum to obey without re-
flection the severe command of military discipline to under-
stand the word of command, which led them to plunder, bat-
tles, and blood to plant cannon to weild the sabre to erect
fortifications to oppress nations to extract indigo from woad,
and sugar from beet root. Such has been the nature and ex-
tent of the knowledge taught during the proudest days of
Imperial France. The mind of her youth was thus led
astray from every thing that was just, peaceable, or good.
Noise, confusion, and violence were the spheres in which tb^ey
delighted to move, and out of which they were nothing out
of which they were lost and unknown. At Paris, on the re-
turn of Bonaparte, the scholars of these schools solicited the
Emperor to be allowed to march to their studies at the sound
of the drum, and not of the bell. Miserably deficient, how-
ever, as they were, in instruction regarding useful knowledge,
and the moral duties of man, they were still more so in all that
concerned religion. This was first proscribed, and afterwards
completely neglected in France. " There are, (said Carnot)
two millions ol* children in France, who require primary edu-
cation; and yet of these two millions, some are educated very
21
imperfectly, and others have no education at all."* The total
number of children born annually in France is about 900,000;
,Iialf of these die under five years of age, at which period we
shall suppose that the remainder become fit to receive educa-
tion. Consequently, every child born in France, and surviv-
ing from five to ten years of age, receive either a very imper-
fect education, or no education at all. If this is the case now,
how much worse must it have been when education was either
altogether proscribed, or only what was most wicked and ruin-
ous bestowed upon the youth of France. What must the pre-
sent race of men, now moving in the most active scenes of life,
in France, be, who were born between 1791 and 1796, when
there was no education at all. Severe as is this censure;
gloomy as is this picture, still, it is evident, it is not overcharg-
ed- Dreadful as is the prospect which the contemplation of
this affords unto Europe, still it is but too correct. It is the
teachers and the taught of these abominable principles, or those
who have received no instruction at all, which Europe has now
to encounter; and whose dark designs and dangerous princi-
ples she will long be compelled to watch with the eagle's eye,
and to guard against with the lion's strength.
In a country thus situate, every tie that had hitherto bound
man to man in society, and every political contract, that knit
him in bonds of amity with his neighbours, was broken through;
not only without shame and remorse, but with open exultation
and haughty contempt. In vain will the admirers of French
prowess, the advocates of French honour, any more attempt
to rob mankind of their senses, by advocating her cause, and
proclaiming to the world, that all the wars and miseries which
have afflicted Europe, during the last twenty-five years, were
not the evil production of French principles, the diabolical
works of French ambition. These are wrote in indelible cha-
racters throughout Europe; and while the name of France and
Napoleon endures while they are remembered with sorrow,
and pronounced with execration, the true sources of the cala-
mities of Europe cannot remain hid the direful consequences
* Carnot'g report .to the Emperor, Monitor, April 29th, 1815.
22
of French folly and ambition cannot be perverted cannot be
disguised or remain unknown. I shall not attempt to insult
the understandings of my readers, or waste their time in wading
through the voluminous records of the last twenty five years,
for documents to prove this. Without the fear of contradic-
tion, on any principle of justice or trth, I here venture to state,
that everj r contest which has lately taken place in Europe, has
originated solely from French principles and French ambition.
Jn order to justify a declaration of war, her mad rulers began
that system of diplomatic imposition, which has continued for
twenty-five years. They forged a treaty of Pavia, and distorted
that of Pilnitz. Man, at this moment, could not conceive, that
any government would so far disgrace itself, as have recourse
to such a desperate expedient. Succeeding years, however,
saw volumes of such impositions issued by Gallic audacity; and
because no one, on the Continent, dared or was allowed to
contradict it, therefore such documents were accounted true;
as the interested testimony of Britain, by a denial, was ac-
counted as only more fully establishing the fact. The treaty
of Pilnitz, it is well known, provided for the establishment of
the French monarchy, and not as the French demagogues
echoed, the dismemberment of France. When France was set
in flames from one end to the other, by a set of madmen; be-
cause all her neighbours took immediate measures to guard
their frontiers, least the flames should enter their states, it was
proclaimed, that their object was to attack France, crush
liberty, and prevent the dispersion of light. But France did
not wait to put their intentions to the proof. She first declared
war; and what all her supporters, from that period downward,
asserted as an incontestible sign, of the real and unjustifiable
views of her adversaries, in first declaring war against France,
was in this instance, because done by her, accounted an act of
justice and necessity. But war she wanted against any one.
" War," said Imard, " war which is necessary to complete the
Revolution." In that war she attacked and overrun the Neth-
erlands, and then decreed the opening of the Scheldt; though
she well knew that Great Britain, as well as Austria, was bound
by a treaty to prevent that from taking place; and also that the
23
immediate interests of Great Britain, imperiously demanded that
this should not be the deed of France. This France knew, but
she said she did no wrong. On the 19th November 1792, she
o])enly decreed war against all nation?, by calling upon all
to follow her example, and offering her assistance to do so.
She continued, from her undermining principles and the fury
of her arms, to conquer and to add state to state, and to carve
out new wars, in order to benefit her great famil}', and extend
her empire. These conquests were carried on in a manner
marked with atrocity and injustice, altogether unprecedented
and unknown. Wherever their arms overrun or were victo-
rious, those countries were without ceremony incorporated
with the French territory, without even admitting the question
of compensation from their lawful owners, to come into dis-
cussion at all. It was the very Constitution of France to act
thus. " Charged by the Constitution" said Barthelemy, " with
the execution of the Laws, it (the Directory) cannot make or
listen to any proposal, that may be contrary to them. The
Constitutional Act does not permit it to consent to any aliena-
tion of that, which according to the existing laws, constitutes
the territory of the Republic but the countries occupied by
the French armies, and not united, may form the subject of
negotiations." * Such were the Constitutional Laws of France;
yet, when necessity drove other nations to follow a similar
course, in order to counteract her views; when Britain ceded
Guadaloupe to Sweden, France immediately came forward and
declared it unjust; and passed a decree, denouncing all the
inhabitants of that Colony as traitors, who should take the
oath of allegiance to Sweden; upon the principle that she had
not ceded it by treaty, and had not yielded her right to it.
How different was her conduct, when it suited her own inter-
ests? She united, without a treaty, all the Netherlands to
France; because the Rhine was the only boundary worthy of be-
ing the natural limits of the great nation ! She added Savoy, be-
cause the Alps were another natural boundary; and when posses-
sed of it, she added Italy, because she had made good roads, and
Barthelemy's letter to Mr. Wickbam, March 26th, 1796.
u
rendered the communications easy. " The communication \su
land," said St. Jean de Angley, " now, that neither the Alps
nor the Appenines oppose it, is as easy as from Leghorn to
Paris, or from Paris to Nice. It has been the polity of the
European states, to subdue the most distant countries, in order'
to obtain new commercial and maritime resources. Why then
should we neglect those resources, and acquisitions, which are
so valuable to us. The territory of the Medicis, the countries
of the sciences and the arts, must form an immediate part of
the French empire." * " Holland was united," because she
" sunk under her contributions, and could no longer pay them"
and because she could not defend herself; and because it was
just that " she ought to be associated in our blessings, as she
lias been associated in our calamities." f Spain was united,
because her institutions wanted renovation and the mouths of
the Elbe, the Oder, and the Vistula, in order to secure the
execution of the Continental system: and lastly, the " coiifines
of Asia" were threatened by the " Imperial thunder" in order
to prevent " British or denationalized Jlags" from having any
communication with the Eastern part of Europe. Yet these are
but part of her ways. The word of France was the law her prin-
ciples, which were formed to subvert social order, were proclaim-
ed as those only which were henceforward to guide and govern
Europe. Nations who, callous to their own honour, and de-
ceived by French promises, surrendered their rights, and em*
braced them as deliverers, were by this condescension and base-
ness entitled to no favour. They, as well as all others, were
first robbed of what they possessed, and then insulted with the
taunt that they could no longer defend themselves; and there* 1
fore, to secure their liberties, and their independence, it be-
came necessary for the Great Nation to take them under her
immediate protection, by incorporating their territories with
hers. In this manner did the French nation, by whomsoever
governed, proceed with regard to every country in Europe.
Every promise that France gave she has openly and shamelessly
* Senatus Consultum, May 24th, 1 808.
f Champagny's Report to the Emperor, July 9th, llo.
25
violated. Every treaty that she has made, during the lasf
twenty-five years, even when these were dictated by her unfeeling
arm, at the point of the bayonet, have all been broken by her.
Nor was it all, that these were broken; but the breach was uni-
formly accompanied by the blackest perfidy and deepest guilt.
Promises were made for the purpose of being violated. Treaties
were entered into whose sole object was to disarm. Oaths
were deliberately taken with the express intention of being*
broken. Interest and convenience, were the only dieties
which France owned their laws, the only rule of her con-
duct. The consequences were fatal to the liberties of the
world. Continental Europe was trampled under foot, by a
fierce military banditti) whose glory Consisted in being most
conspicuous in ferocity and crime. To their power and inso-
lence, there seemed no limits their strength) for the moment,
appalled human might. But resistance still remained* Guid-
ed by an arm unseen, the stone was raised from the side of tho
mountain, which was to dash to atoms this terrible image.
The command was irresistible its career rapid as the light-
ning's flight. British valour and Russian patriotism^ whicli
in their mad flights of success, had been treated with contempt*
tore his boasted laurels from the tyrant's brows. On the banks
of the Dnieper and the Berezina, the breath of the Almighty,
withered his strength. Encouraged by His assistance, Europa
burst her fetters guided by his Spirit, on the bloody phtins
of Lcipsic, she crushed beneath her feet, the collected energies
of French ambition. With the eagle's speed and the lion's
strength, her indignant millions, planted their victorious ban-
ners upon those walls, from whence had issued all their wrongs
all their griefs. Dreadful retribution was within the reach of
their swords; France and Paris lay beneath their feet, and com-
pletely within their power. France knew it she trembled at
her situation she tried to escape she denounced her Emperor/
recalled her king requested peace from offended nations, and
the sacred name of Jehovah affixed to a solemn treatv, dis-
armed the strong the just resentment of Europe. She be-
lievedand France escaped. But France soon proved herself
ungratefui, and soon treated the favour that was shewn her*
9 \
26
With contempt and" scorn. She openly boasted that the con-
duct of Europe to her, proceeded from fear, not from mercy.
She ridiculed the dangers which she had run she again pro-
voked her 1 fate.
In the meantime the congress- of Vienna continued their
labours. Faction and discontent, in erery country, were on
the alert, to misrepresent their intentions ; and nowhere was
this more prevalent than in England and in France. But the
views of the propagators of these calumnies, in the two coun-
tries were different. In the one, its only object was to vilify or
displace a ministry, though this might be affected by sacrificing
the repose of Europe. . In- the J other, it was done with the
view of establishing the French character, and French inter-
est, at the expense of erery other nation. It would be im-
possible, and is considered altogether unnezess-ary to repeat the
numerous falsehoods, propagated concerning 1 this august assem-
bly. At one time Alexander laid his hand on his sword at
another, Austria. England was now dnped, and from the
saviour bad become at one time the enemy, at another the
derision, of the Continent. At one time Poland was in a state
of agitation at another, Italy was in flames. Here Turkey was
intending to march against Russia, Denmark was preparing to
crush the head of Sweden, Bavaria was afraid of Austria,
Saxony was about to rise in rebellion, and Belgium could only
live happy under the French sceptre, and all ended in holding
up France as the pattern of justice, and the benefactor of the
human race. Thus did the idle and discontented in France,
endeavour to alarm and confuse Europe, while they were car-
rying on their dark and diabolical designs, against her fu-
ture peace and happiness. To do them justice, however, it
must be confessed, that they bad powerful auxiliaries on this
side of the water. Their most alarming reports, were etched
out on this side the channel, and cheerfully extended by French
ingenuity, who laughed at the ignorance of those to whose
opinions they submissively seemed to bow, and whose princi-
ples they appeared eager to imbibe. In the midst of all thi*
torrent of falsehood and abuse, the Congress continued their
deliberations. Their. labours were fast approaching to a close,
;wd that in a manner, which was well understood, by4hose wiio
wished to understand the subject, would give general satisfaction
to Europe. To rebuild the edifice of European policy, which
French tyranny and ambition had overthrown, was no such
easy task. To reconcile, aud at the same time secure, the in-
terests of all, was a most arduous undertaking. To have
restored Europe, lo the same state, as when France began her
system oi oppression and .aggression, would have been the height
of folly, and would have thrown away the labour and experi-
ence of twenty-years, in order to pave the way for the recur-
rence of the same evils from the same engines, viz. French
power and ambition. The great powers of Europe, were too
wise not to perceive this. Some interests must suffer; and
therefore, the most guilty were singled out. Denmark, Saxony,
and Italy, which clung to the fortunes of Bonaparte, and the
interests of France, as long as they could; were pitched upon
to encrease the territories of the neighbouring States. To
Prussia, who gave up a considerable portion of her territory to
add to the Duchy of Warsaw, a considerable portion of the
territory of Saxony, was bestowed; and, to increase her power
in proportion to that of her neighbours, she acquired a con-
siderable accession oi' territory, on the left bank of the Rhine,
which brought her into immediate contact with France. To
Austria, who had so often contended, without success, against
French ambition, all the Venetian States, were given, as also
her old possessions in Italy; and in return she ceded some
parts of her territories to Bavaria, and gave up all her claims
upon Belgium, which was annexed to Holland, and now forms
with die former the kingdom of the Netherlands. To Strength-
is o
en the kingdom of Piedmont against French power, Genoa with
its territories was added lo the former state. Several other ar-
rangements were made amongst the minor states of Germany.
The principle of which, related to the strengthening,of Bavaria,
and the kingdom of Hanover. The friends of French politics
cried out loudly against the arrangement; and every species of
abuse and reproach, were heaped upon the heads of the allied
Sovereigns, and their ministers. assembled in Congress,, in thus
bartering away, as these factious demagogues called it, the in-
*8
dependence of thousands of people, as if they had been so many
cattle. These men forgot, that cession of territory, had in
every age of the world, been necessary from one nation to
another, and that those cessions had always been regulated
with regard to the wealth, riches, and population of the parts
so ceded or exchanged. There was nothing uncommon
nothing oppressive in all this. Nevertheless, the conduct of
$he allies, was described as the most odious and unjust; and,
even that of Napoleon was considered mild and merciful, when
compared to what theirs had been. Such were the broad as-
sertions and accusations, of a party in Britain. Those men,
could not possibly see the difference between the allies re*
gulating the power of each state, so as that it might never
gain a decided preponderance, over its neighbour; and the
conduct of Napoleon, who wanted to overthrow the whole, and
swallow them up, in the dreadful vortex of French rapacity
and ambition. But in the midst of their mournful lamenta-
tions, for the fate of those who were justly suffering for their
pertinacious adherence to French power, that great dragon
which swallowed up individual and national liberty, not one
sigh escaped their Jips, for the fate of 700,000 inhabitants,
once the subjects of other states, but which the treaty of Paris
annexed unto France. No, these were added to the great
nation, where freedom and happiness only could dwell, there-
fore, their fate was happy, their annexation an act of political
sagacity, of the most beneficial kind. So argued French po-
licy, and the men who had opposed those principles which
had rescued Europe from French tyranny, against the pro-
ceedings of these men, whose judgment was now directed to
establish that equilibrium, in the political balance of Europe,
which might for a long time to come, preserve her from the
same dreadful scourge. Other changes took place in several
parts of Europe, particularly with regard to the kingdom of
Naples, but which will with more propriety be noticed in au-
other place.
No sooner were the immense hosts of Europe withdrawn
j^eyond the French frontiers, and the troops of each nation
n
marching rapidly on their return to their respective countries,
to be disbanded, when the French nation, freed from the
fear which their presence inspired, and satisfied with the
noveltv of the scene, which is no small object in the calculation
of most of the inhabitants of France, than they began to
speak out, and the same overbearing spirit of domineering
tyranny began to shew itself in unequivocal terms. So long as
the allied Sovereigns remained in France, and as long as the
shows sad rejoicings for the return of the King lasted, so long
the Parisians remained perfectly satisfied, and thought of
nothing else. But no sooner had they withdrawn, and the
dancing, singing, and swearing, attendant upon the formation of
a new Constitution, was gone, than they became dissatisfied for
want of some bustle and confusion to occupy their minds.
Purine the reign of tyranny, anarchy, republicanism, and that
of Bonaparte, the people of France were never without some
magnificent and important spectacle, with which to gratify
their euriosity, their thoughtlessness, and their vanity. Some
of these were, indeed, not of the most pleasant kind; but while
such continued to be the rage, and " the order of the day," they
served to engross their attention as much as any other. But,
with the return of the King, all these were gone. For some
time no open machinations, plots, nor conspiracies agitated the
capital, and threatened it with pillage and blood no bustle of
drawing conscriptions, the march of vast armies, with all their
weapons of destruction, to attack defenceless nations; and no
accounts of brilliant victories and vast contributions gladdened
their souls, and occupied their time. All were fled; and even
(Sunday was, in some degree, become, under the government of
the King, a day of repose. Under a system and state so totally
different from what they had been accustomed to, France became
discontented at they knew not what. A few months of peace
disgusted them with their situation. They could not betake
themselves to any peaceful and industrious mode of life. They
wanted war, and cared very little who was their Sovereign,
providing he would indulge them in that propensity. The
King, and his government, however, leaned to peace. There-
ibre was he despised: not because he was Louis XVIII. and
30
violating the constitution; but because he was not like Bona-
parte, who never troubled his head about the constitution of
France, but who occupied their attention in making and un-
making constitutions for their neighbours, while he gave them
none at all for themselves. Yet this kind of employment com-
pletely absorbed their thoughts, and occupied their time, and
pleased them better than if they had been attending to their own.
The government of Louis XVIII. under these circumstances,
soon began to be looked upon with indifference, and he to be
accused of neglecting the honour and the glory of the nation.
A parcel of idle douaniers, intendants, and inspectors, and o-
ther reptiles of that class, who had been driven from their plea-
sant employment of plundering foreign countries, joined the
disbanded military in their cry against the government, and
their desire of revenge upon the nations of Europe. The cap-
ture of their capital the violation of their sacred territory,
wounded their pride. To lessen the stain, however, the army
openly imputed all this to the treachery of some of the leading
officers, and members of government, to their late Emperor.
They cherished this idea till they believed that this alone was
the cause of their discomfiture; and, under this impression,
they were anxious again to rush into combat against the nations
of Europe. The friends of Bonaparte fanned this dangeroiu
flame of vanity and discontent; and, under the mask of sup-
porting the national glory and invincibility of France, two
things which completely run away with the understandings of
Frenchmen, they succeeded in blinding the eyes of the govern-
ment to their real views. The old Jacobinical party, who were
accustomed to have a constitution annually, and who conceiv-
ed the present had lasted long enough, new raised the cry that
it was in danger; that the King had violated his word to the
nation, and that he intended to erect a despotic government.
Never since the cruel epoch of 1793, did the provinces of France
present a more revolutionary aspect than they did at this mo-
ment. Never did the multitude, the eternal sport of factions,
the sanguinary instruments of all the chiefs of revolt and an-
archy, display a more eager disposition to insurrection and vio-
lence.* Never was the poison of calumny infused with greater
care, or the fire of discord fed with more zeal and perseverance.
It would be impossible to tell to what extent the detestable a-
gents of Imperial tyranny had succeeded, in corrupting and
perverting, and poisoning the public mind. All the artifices of
tumult and discord, were set in motion by those who, for the last
twenty-five years, united in alliance, engaged in conspiracies
and revolt, had never surrendered the hope of re-inflict-
ing upon thai unhappy country the scourges of revolution.
Every city, every town, had its committee charged with the of-
fice of calumniating the government, and of spreading among
the people alarms, fitted to excite insurrection. They never
ceased to terrifv the nation with the re-establishment of seign-
orial rights, and all the evils of feudal servitude. They point-
ed out in every priest, in every noble, in every citizen of high-
er rank, an irreconcileable enemy. In vain the edicts of the
King, his paternal bounty, and all the acts of his government,
gave the lie to these impostures. Advantage was taken of im-
prudent writings, in the public prints, against those who had
acquired national property, and the indiscreet conversations of
some bijiotted votaries of the old regime, to kindle a flame in
the public mind. But these things were not the work of the
King's followers. In France they have a system, different from
all the rest of mankind, either in good or evil. When affect-
ing to be your friend, they are your greatest enemy; and un-
der that mask they do the greatest injury. Most of these writ-
ings we have alluded to, were the works of the Jacobins, who
apparently became royalists, or had connexion with those that
appeared so, that they might thus publish these writings and
conversations, as if done by the King's immediate friends, in
order that these things might spread more rapidly, and more
deeply inflame the public mind. These were more danger-
ous enemies than even the stern opponents of the King, who
tlespised him; but yet, confident of their own strength, disdain-
ed to assume another character, under which they might the
more effectually annoy him. Foremost in the ranks of those
dangerous and open declaimers was Carnot, one of those tur-
bulent and inflexible characters produced by the revolution,
whom no experience could convince of error, nor misfortune-.
nor failures, drive him from his visionary schemes. To this
man, France and Europe owes almost all, if not all, the miser-
ies and horrors of the last twenty-five years. Intent upon trying
his theories in France, and of establishing what he called li-
berty, before the nation was fit to enjoy it, or could perceive
what it meant, he succeeded in overthrowing the Royal Go-
vernment and the ameliorated constitution of France; and un-
der the pretence of preserving that established in its place from
the attacks of foreigners, he procured a general rising amongst
the French people, whose energies he quickly turned to the
more desirable object of foreign conquest. Secure, as ho
thought, "in his Golden system of Liberty and Equality, he
never reflected that liberty cannot exist in a nation purely mi-
litary; and he soon perceived, whatever were his intentions, that
what he had done, was the road, in the first place, to the most
hideous anarchy, and next, to the most dreadful despotism.
To him, therefore, more than any one else, is France and Eur-
ope indebted for the miseries which they have endured. He
has been characterised and eulogised as the upright and un-
corrupted friend of liberty. It may be that he is so what his
real intentions are, mankind cannot judge; but the consequen-
ces of his actions and his conduct they can appreciate and un-
derstand. It can never be forgotten that it was him that estab-
lished the Conscription laws in France, whose consequences
have been fatal to France and to Europe. He planned the
early wars of French aggression; he organised the regular sys-
tem of French plunder, by their armies, in the conquered coun-
tries; and he was minister at war when all these horrible scenes
of shooting, drowning, and massacring the loyalists was carri-
ed on in France, by the French army, whose chiefs he appoint-
ed, and whose orders they all were bound to obey. Of his so
much talked of consistency we shall by and by have occasion to
speak at greater length. Here, it may be sufficient to observe,
that he fought for liberty, supported Bonaparte, abetted trea-
son but all for the honour of France.
This man, with his desperate adherents, still too numerous
in that country, and who had risen to rank, wealth, and notice,
from their implacable animosity to the legitimate Sovereign of
ST3
Franco, could not be easy to see a brother of that Sovereign
which he was one of the principal instruments in bringing to
the scaffold, most justly called by the French nation, and the
unanimous voice of Europe, to the throne of France. It filled
him and them with rage and anguish. They wanted a change,
whatever the consequences might be. Under a legitimate King
and a peaceable government, these men sunk into contempt and
insignificance. This they could not bear. With all their pro-
fessions about liberty, they were the most merciless despots that
ever lived. They could brook no rival in their sway. A change,
therefore, they were resolved on. But how to accomplish it
was another question. They dreaded the army, because they
were the blind instruments of Bonaparte's despotism. Yet,
without its assistance, they were aware they could do nothing*
The army hated them, at least its leaders did; but both were
discontented with the present state of affairs; and each, to ac-
complish his own ends, resolved to coalesce with the other. The
military leaders were aware that the Bourbons had many friends
in France. They perceived, that without the assistance of a
powerful party, possessing property, they could never attempt
to overawe them, and re-organize a military system, which
should again trample upon Europe. The old republican
party, however, they were well aware, were both numerous
and wealthy. Two-thirds of the land in France was, perhaps*
in their possession. All the lands which formerly belonged to
the church, the ancient domains of the Crown, and the vast and
extensive estates of the old French nobility, and other wealthy
individuals in France, had been seized, sold, or divided, and
were now occupied by an infinite number of small settlers, for-
merly servants and vassals upon these domains, whose interest it
was to preserve these properties, and for which purpose they were
likely to exert themselves to the utmost to keep down civil com-
motions, in which they might have lost these properties, or
their lives; thereby, as the military calculated, leaving the ener-
gies of France under their control, to be turned once more a*
gainst the liberties of Europe. Many of these proprietors,
however, though they could have no affection for the Bourbons,
yet had just as little for the other dynasty, and only wanted to
Si
Ciijoy their property in quietness and peace; and cm this ao
count would, perhaps, have paid no attention to the instiga-
tions to rebellion against the Bourbons, had not the wicked in-
sinuations been spread amongst them, that the new government
were secretly taking measures to strip the whole df the new
proprietors of their properties. This report had a powerful
effect, and proved a terrible engine in the hands of those who
were busy plotting the overthrow of the Bourbon govern-
ment.
Tbeir plans, however, coukl not have succeeded, if the whole
offices under the government, at least, nearly the whole, ci.il
and military, had not been placed by the King in the hands of
his most determined enemies. Louis XVIII. was a mild and
a merciful sovereign. Misfortunes had shaken his mind. Re-
ligion had softened his temper to forgiveness of injuries, and
disarmed his soul from harbouring resentment against any. In
his lenity as a man, he forgot the duties- of a sovereign. He
wanted the firmness and determined resolution necessary to
control the turbulent and unprincipled nation lie was new ap-
pointed to govern. Therefore they treated him with disrespect,
and planned his ruin. His ministers, with the exception of
Talleyrand, were still more unfit for their situation. They
were unacquainted with the nation, and the nation with them.
Talleyrand, who is perhaps" better acquainted with the situa-
tion of France than any other statesman in it, was absent attend-
ing the Congress at Vienna, while his colleagues were suffering
themselves to be d-uped, and their government undermined,
without their being aware of any evil design. Removed for 25
years from his native land, the King remembered only what k
was. Accustomed during that period, but chiefly during the
time he resided in England, to associate, with plain dealing,
lvonour, and worth, he was above suspicion. He was not a-
ware of the dreadful change effected on the minds of his coun-
trymen, by the sanguinary revolution; nor believed that the
deepest ingratitude and blackest perfidy could lurk under the
most pleasing smiles, the strongest protestations, and the read-
**t oaths. He believed, and was deceived; and had it no*
35
Wen, that his enemies, in this instance, were also the .general'
enemies of Europe, he would have been undone.
In turning our eyes to the rest of the continent of Europe,
we behold, at this moment, as it were, one vast. camp, not as
was wickedly insinuated, for the purpose ,of gratifying the am-
bition of any one nation, but arising from the unfortunate situ-
ation and deplorable condition to which the ambition of France
had reduced them. Heat arbitrary and lawless eonduct had de-
prived every individual nation of its wealth; and not only so,
but in her inveterate hostility against England, and' lust of uni-
versal sway, had also by her distracted measures, put it out of
t'hc power of ididusiry to replace what was lost. In a few word?,
she left thcnuKxdung but despair and vengeance nothing, hut
from direful necessity to become wholly a military people. The
consequences of he iniquitous proceedings of France had thus, in
a great measure, returned on her own head; .and while her mi-
litary strength was broken, and energy shattered, that of Eur-
ope united too in a vast body against their former oppressors,
was only beginning to raise its head and collect its strength.
Formidable as these masses were, from their numbers, they
were still more so from the spirit which animated them. It was
called forth by general approbation, in a cause the most just.
It proceeded from the fatal experience of individual oppression
and national dishonour, which each had suffered, and all had
endured. The feelings thus occasioned were deqily rooted in
every bosom-: for, from the Rhine to the Don from the Ad-
riatic to the Thames and from the Pyrenees to the strarts of
Gibraltar, a general sentiment of indignation was felt against
France. It was part of the French system, to raise to wealth
and honours, at the expense of honour and worth, the wretches
who betrayed their country, and who joined the luordes who op-
pressed it. These men, while they deeply regretted the fall of
their former friends, called loudly out lor a return of those
times when only crime could become conspicuous, and baseness
meet with reward. These were most numerous in Belgium,
the German States, Italy, and other countries around the fron-
tiers of France, where her influence had been greatest, but
gradually diminished in numbers in the countries more distant
36
from her boundaries. The general voice of Europe, however,
was against them; and those seditious and pernicious doctrines,
writings, and principles, which had formerly proved so destruc-
tive to the moral and political fabric of Europe, were now ge-
nerally understood, justly appreciated, and treated with indig-
nation or scorn. These had lost their poison, and could de-
prive the people of Europe of their senses no more.
Such was the situation of France and of Europe, when the
attention of the world, was called forth by the appearance upon
the political theatre, of her former scourge and oppressor.
Jtfapoleon Bonaparte left his abode, in the island where mis-
taken lenity had placed him, and landed in France, with arms
in his hand. With the rapidity of lightning, the intelligence
flew throughout Europe. Her most distant borders felt the
shock; and the world heard of his appearance with astonish-
ment and dismay. Mankind stood appalled at the alarming
intelligence, not indeed, proceeding so much from the name
and fear of Bonaparte, as at the certain idea, of the fresh woes
and miseries, which his arrival would bring upon the human
race. They saw, in imagination, the restless spirit and ambi-
tion of France, which they had so lately put down, again called
forth, furious for battle, and eager for blood. His arrival was
beheld, as the approach of the demon of war, confusion and
destruction. In truth, he brought them all in his train. This
extraordinary man, left Elba with about 900 men of his
guards, who had accompanied him in his exile. On the 20th
February, under pretence of detecting some smugglers, he laid
an embargo on all the vessels then in the island; and on the
afternoon of the 26th, at five o'clock, he embarked with 400
men of his guards, on board of a brig of 24- guns. Three other
vessels were at the same time seized, and received the remain-
der of his band amounting to 500 men. With these he set
s-ail from his narrow kingdom; and after various delays from
calms and contrary winds, and having passed some French and
British ships of war, without being suspected or molested by
any of them; he, at three o'clock on the morning of the 1st
March, with this squadron entered the bay of Juan, and landed
in the Gulph of Napaul, not far from Antibes, in the depart*
S7
ment of the Var, and near the Italian frontier. Early in the
morning, Bonaparte caused an officer, with 25 men, to land
before the rest, as he said to secure the shore battery, if there
was any at that point, but more probably to surprise Antibes,
which the officer according to Bonaparte's account, attempted
of his own accord, but in which he failed, and was with all his
party taken prisoners, by the officer who commanded for the
king. * This was all, however, that this officer did. He
took no measures to prevent Bonaparte's landing, who effected
that business at five o'clock, on the afternoon. No sooner had
Napoleon reached the shore, than raising himself, and standing
erect, he stamped with his foot on the ground, exclaiming,
" [ am now above the power of the Congress." How far this
arrogance and self-confidence was correct, a short period will
shew us.
Having thus secured his landing, Bonaparte gave himself
no further trouble about the vessels which conveyed him.
He had more important objects to attend to. The men
bivouacked on the beach till the moon arose, when about eleven
o'clock at night, they commenced their movement in advance.
Bertrand and Drouet were the principal persons of note with
them besides Bonaparte, who " put himself, at the head of this
handful of brave men, (his own words,) to the fate of whom,
such mighty destinies were attached." f With these he
marched forward. He took the road to Cannes, from thence
to Grasse, and on the evening of the 2d he reached the village
of Cerenou, having performed a march of 20 leagues, in that
short period. At Cannes he was received with that satisfac-
tion, which in his words " were the first presage of the success
of the enterprise." % On the 4th he reached Digne. On the
,5th general Cambrone obtained possession of the bridge and
fortress of Sisteron, and Bonaparte slept at Gap; every where
welcomed by the people of the surrounding country: at least,
such were his accounts of their disposition. On the 6th Bon-
aparte left Gap, after having circulated a vast number of pro-
Official account of Bonaparte's operation^ Montteur, Paris, March 22d # 18-Ij.
f Do. d* J Do. do.
58
clamations to the inhabitants of Dauphiny, and the French
nation, which we shall presently have occasion to notice more
at length. From Gap he proceeded to Grenoble, where a
considerable force was assembled, and a large depot of military
stores established, under the command of general Marchand.
Arrived near the place, the troops under Bonaparte met the
advance of a force, which had been sent from that fortress to
oppose his march. At the appearance of the Emperor, these
men, no doubt prepared before hand, hoisted the tri-coloured
cockade, and joined his ranks. It was boasted, that in this
instance, Bonaparte laid bare his bosom, and marching directly
upon these battalions, exclaimed, in allusion to the proclama-
tion of Augereau, " Soldiers, it has been said I am a coward
but here is my heart open to your arms, feel if it fears." This,
however, is no doubt in the usual French style of imposition
and bombast, and at all events, it was a very safe experiment,
in order to prove his courage, to march with his breast un-
covered, asrainst men he was beforehand assured would do
him no injury; and who, while they had a white cockade on
the outside of their caps, had either a tri-coloured one in the
inside of it, or at the bottom of their knapsacks. According
to his own narrative, it was towards a battalion of the 5th
regiment, that he thus marched; and having caused himself to
be recognised, he told them " that the first soldier, who chose
to kill the Emperor might do so," to which they replied with
shouts of " Vive le Empereur" * His guard and these traitors,
immediately embraced, and the Emperor haranguing them,
informed them, that he came to deliver them from the tyranny
and illegitimate throne of the Bourbons, whose interests and
pursuits, were contrary to the interests of the nation, and who
wished to restore tythes and feudal rights, and other grievances,
from which the blessed revolution had delivered their M Fathers."
** Is not this true," said he, " Peasants? Yes, Sire," said they
unanimously, '* They wished to tie us to the soil you are
come like the angel of the Lord to deliver us! !" f
Continuing his advance, with this augmented force Bona-
* Official accounts of Bonaparte's operations, Moniteur, Paris, March 22d. 18M.
f Do. do.
39
parte approached Grenoble. That place, however, had .in
the meantime become a scene of treachery and perfidy.
" Colonel Labedoyerc," said the tyrant, " profoundly afflicted
by the dishonour which overspread France, and determined
by the most noble sentiments, had separated himself from the
garrison of Grenoble, and was coming with his regiment, at
quick march to meet the Emperor." * As there is another
tribunal, and other principles than those of the Emperor, by
which Colonel Labedoyere's conduct must be tried; it is here
only necessary to state this matter in its proper light. That infa-
mous traitor, with his own hand, wounded General Marchand;
and, in defiance of the threats and entreaties of the Commander
Danvillieres, carried off his regiment to join his former master,
with whom he knew, such " noble sentiments," were the only
road to favour and preferment. With this additional force,
Bonaparte, at eleven o'clock at night entered Grenoble; where
the rest of the garrison, amounting in all to 6000 men, toge-
ther with all the national guards, and the people, received them
villi unbounded acclamations, and cries from the soldiery of
" down with the Bourbons, down with the enemies of the peo-
ple; live the Emperor, and a government of our own choice.
In the twinkling of an eye, these 6,000 men were soon decor-
ated with the national cockade, and each of them, with an old
and worn out one; for upon laying aside the cockade tri-co-
lour, they had concealed it at the bottom of their knapsacks.
Not one teas purchased at Grenoble. It is the same, said they,
as they passed the Emperor it is the same that we bore at
Lodi. This, said others, is the very same one which we wore
at Marengo!" f In this relation of treason and vanity, we
have a convincing proof, of the preconcerted plan of the Em-
peror's march, and also with whom it was concerted. In the
*' twinkling of an eye," these national cockades, could not be
procured; and the reader will observe, that they had others
besides the " old worn out ones." Whether these were pur-
chased in Grenoble or not, was not of material importance,
* Official account of Bonaparte's operations, Moniteur, Paris, March 22d, IS 1!?
f Do. do.
40
and was perhaps as correct, as that many of these had seen
the bridge of Lodi, and the plains of Marengo. No; these
lay bleached on the fields of Borodino, and were forever cov-
ered by the waters of the Berezina, the Tormes, the Zadora,
and the Elster.
Meanwhile, the landing of Bonaparte, soon became known
at Paris. By means of telegraphic conveyances, intelligence
between the chief cities and ports of that kingdom, is conveyed
with great rapidity. These were instantly put in motion, and
the news spread with the speed of lightning. The directors
of these machines, and the prefects and commandants of the
different places, while they appeared to be alert in the service
of the King, had an opportunity of serving the cause of Bona-
parte, in the most effectual manner, by circulating the intelli-
gence. On the evening of the 5th the accounts reached Paris,
but it was not generally known till next day, when it produced
the greatest sensation. The king instantly issued an order
convoking the Legislature, and addressed a proclamation to
the French nation, denouncing Bonaparte as a rebel and a
traitor, and calling upon all to aid in seizing and delivering
him up to the legal tribunals. This proclamation, however,
had little effect. From Paris the intelligence was quickly
transmitted to all the departments, the principal sea-ports,
fortifications, and armies. Messengers and couriers were dis-
patched, in all directions, to Britain, to Vienna, to Madrid,
to Copenhagen, and Stockholm, with the alarming news.
Troops were directed to march from every place towards the
line of his advance. Monsieur and Macdonald, set out for
Lyons; and Ney to Besancon, to collect a force, with which
he was to march on the former place. Soult, who at that time
held the important office of minister at war, appeared to act
with spirit and energy. " Soldiers," said he, in an order of
the day to the army, " that man, who but a short time since,
before the eyes of all Europe, abdicated his usurped authority,
of which he has made so fatal a use, Bonaparte, has landed
upon the French soil, which he ought never to have revisited.
What does he want? Civil war. What does he seek? Traitors!
Where will he find them? Will it be among the Soldiers he
has deceived and sacrificed, so often disappointing their valour?
Bonaparte must estimate us lovo indeed, to think that we can
abandon a legitimate Sovereign, to share the fate of a man,
who is o.ily an adventurer. The French army is the noblest
in Europe, it will also be the most faithful. Let us rally
round the banners of ths lily, at the voice of the father of the
people, the true heir of the virtues of the Great Henry." *
All the persons in authority, pursued a similar line of conduct.
The national guards of Paris, were called into active duty,
and Colonel Desolles their commanding officer, thus addressed
them, " The man appears," said he, " who destroyed his own
institutions, and under pretence of a regular Government,
exercised the most absolute power. He sacrificed the riches,
the industry, and the commerce of France, to the desire of
extending his dominions beyond all limits, and of destroying
the dynasties of Europe, to establish his own family: that
Uian who, to sum up all in a word, comes now to give the.
world, a new and a terrible example of the abuse of power and
fortune, whose ambition is unbounded, passions unbridled,
and talents unaccompanied by virtue he returns when France
was beginning to breathe at such a time he returns, and the
confiscation, the Continental blockade, interminable war, ar-
bitrary power, and public shame, are in his rear, while his van
is led on by civil war and revenge." f Nothing could be more
just and correct, than these appeals, which were echoed by the
Legislature and all the public bodies in the capital.
Nor were the provinces behind in their professions of loyalty.
They even appeared to exceed them. "' Leaving Elba," said
Count Maison, " Napoleon Bonaparte has dared to set his
foot on the soil of France, in the hope of dividing us, and
lighting up a civil war, to accomplish the object of his ven-
geance; there is not one of us, but is animated with the deep-*
est indignation. It is not enough, that the delirium of his
ambition, has dragged us to all parts of Europe, has roused
every nation against us, has lost us provinces^ that French va~
* Soult's order of the day, March 9th, 1815.
f Desolles's address to the national guards of Paris, March 9th.
S 3
4?
lour had gained before lie inaS known in our ranis, and at length
opened the kingdom, and even the capital itself to strangers.
Now be wishes to arm Frenchmen against Frenchmen, to
disturb our internal tranquility,- to destroy all our hopes; and
to snatch at once from us, the liberty and the constitution,
which Louis le Desire has given us, No, Soldier*, noj we will
not suffer it; our oafchsy and our honours, are sacred pledges,
and we will all die, H' it be necessary for our King and our
country. Vive le Roi" * " If the enemies of the country,'*
said Oudinot, " have dared to found their hopes, oa the dis-
sensions which they endeavour to create; there is pot one of
us but is ready to shed our blood, in order to counteract their
criminal intentions, and to support the honour of a throne, on
which, henceforward, all our hopes rests," f " The appear-
ance," said Dumounceau, " of Napoleon Bonaparte, on one
of the points of the French territory, cannot fail to excite in-
dignation, i whoever loves his country and his Sovereign.
The army, in particular, shall not have made in vain an oath
of fidelity to Louis le Desire, I believe I may answer for the
troops in the 2d military division." $ Addressing the King,
Jourdan proceeded: " France, happy under the paternal gov-
ernment of your Majesty, free by a constitution, she possesses
through your wisdom, repells from her bosons the man under
whose despotism she has .90 long groaned. If in all circum-
stances the French Soldiers have been models of honour, how
pleasing it will now be to them, to fulfil the duties which hon-
our imposes on them. Yes, Sire, we arc prepared 10 shed our
blood, for the defence of the throne and the country." From
every other 'quarter, the same sentiments' flew to Paris; from
all the towns on tlte coast, from Bourdcaux, Thoulouse, and
other places. Massena^ who commanded at Marseilles and
Toulon, directed General Miollis to proceed from the latter
place with a considerable body of troop? towards Aix, and
from thence to advance up the Ithone, to meet Bonaparte's
* Count Maisori's outer of the day to the 1 1th military division, March 9th,-I8] 5.
f Oudinot's address to the King, for the 3d and 10th military divisions, March 10th.
| DumouBccau's address to the King, for the lid military division, March Dltx
Jounlan's address to the King from Itoueru
43
route. After taking great merit to himself, for his activity, he
thus addressed the Marscliois. " Inhabitants of Marseilles,
you may reckon upon my zeal and my devotedness. I have
sworn fidelity to my legitimate King, and I will never deviate
from the path of honour. I am ready to sJied all my blood in
the support of his throne.'** Subsequent to this, he continued
the same strain. " You will constantly,," *aid lie .to .them.,
" reject the perfidious manoeuvres of omc agitator.-, whose in-
sinuations tend to disturb the hanmony which exists .between
the brave national guards and the troops of the line. Their
wishes will be deceived; notching can disunite us; the citizen
and the soldier will have but one sentiment, but one cry; to de-
fend, at the peril of our lives, the throne of our good King,
Louis XV ill. Five le Boi."+
I conceive it quite unnecessary to quote more of these docu-
ments, in order to shew the well grounded hope which Louis
XVIIi. and Europe had, that the career of Bonaparte would
have been short. I have also dwelt longer upon, and have
beer, more particular, widi regard to these productions, than
jH-rlmps they deserve, in order that I might place in the strong-
est point of view, the conduct jo the French Marshals and the
army. From the different garrisons, the King daily received
accounts that the troops had taken a iresh oath do, do.
\ Do. do. do, Bonaparte's Journal, du Rhone, Lyons, March llt6.
46
movement was countermanded. Macdonald appeared ou the
bridge la Guilloticrre, with two battalions of troops, where
they met the advance of Bonaparte's army, preceded by some
of the inhabitants of the Fauxbourg Guilloticrre, shouting,
" Vive le Emp-ereur." The troops commanded by Macdonald
were ready to join him, " It was known " said Bonaparte,
" that all the soldiers tsere only waiting Jor their brothers in arms
to embrace them, and for the Emperor, to salute him again in the
support of the country"* Accordingly they instantly joined tiie
adherents of Bonaparte, whose friends in the city, seeing that
all the military were their friends, openly avowed their senti-
ments in the most exulting manner. Macdonald hastily with-
drew; and with the Governor, Count de Damas, and the Pre-
fect, Count de Chabrol, retired to Clermont. Monsieur fol-
lowed their example, and set out to Paris, to lay the afflicting
intelligence before the King, after having, by telegraph, com-
municated the tremendous fact. Bonaparte, from this moment,
advanced without any dread of opposition. The beams and
trees intended to obstruct his passage, were thrown into the
Rhone; and about nine in the evening, accompanied by 20,000
spectators, engaged in their dear employment of shouting,
" Viae le Empereur," he entered Lyons. He passed through
the subnrb la Guillotier.rCj " ahvays distinguished for its attach-
ment to the country/'f
Bonaparte had no soouer entered Lyons, than he commenc-
ed his darling work of arbitrary decrees, proscriptions, and se-
questrations. In a multitude of decrees there issued by him,
he undid every thing which the legitimate government had
done. He decreed the sequestration of all the property be-
longing to the Bourbons, or their adherents; and directed that
every emigrant returned to France, except those which he had
previously pardoned and permitted, should be compelled to
leave France within fifteen days; and, that if found within the
French territory after the expiry of that period, they should be
tried by the arbitrary and sanguinary laws decreed by the Na-
* Bonaparte's Journal du Rhone, Lyons, March 11th, 1S15.
*f Do. do. do. This was the place where the guillotine did such fearful
execution during the revolution.
47
Clonal Assemblies, during the most ferocious times of the revo-
lution. The Imperial guards, that tremendous engine of his
power, were to be re-established in all their splendour. By his
single act, he decreed the dissolution of the Legislative bodies,
consisting of the Houses of Peers and Deputies. The spirit of
these decrees clearly demonstrated the violent source from
whence they sprung. The former shewed that the revolution-
ary venom was not eradicated; the latter, that Napoleon could
never change. All his proclamations at this time run Emperor,
&c. &c. His ambition and his intentions were as much as ever
unlimited and despotic. Here also, he decreed the assembling
of another Legislature, to collect at Paris during the month of
May, in order that they might " take such measures," said he,
" as may be convenient to correct and modify our constitutions,
conformably to the interests and the will of the nation; and at
the same time to assist at the coronation of the Empress, our
very dear and well beloved wife, and of our dear and well be-
loved son." * Many other decrees were issued at the same
time, no doubt, prepared before-hand for the purpose.
The entrance of Bonaparte into Lyons, excited astonishment
in the minds of all, and spread alarm amongst the supporters
of the Bourbon government. The insolence of their enemies
increased in proportion. It was now evident that the system
of treachery had the most extensive ramifications; but in what
direction its roots spread, or who were concerned therein, no
one seemed to know. It was, however, evident that the troops
could nowhere be depended upon; and, accordingly, instead of
drawing these to oppose him, in the line of his intended route
to Paris, directions were given to withdraw them from the route
by which it was supposed he would advance. The defence of
the capital, and of the King, was determined to be confided to
the National guards of Paris, and the troops there assembled^
which were supposed to be better affected. This army was to be
stationed between Melun and Fontainblcau, and was calculated
to amount to 30,000 men or upwards. The command was given
to Macdonald, who had arrived in Paris. Great hopes were
Decree, Lyons, March 13tb, 181 J.
48
entertained of what this army would accomplish; and also of
what Ney would be able to perform with the troops from Bes-
ancon, amounting to 14,000 men, with whom he had reached
JLons le Saulnier on the 11th. From other places, satisfactory
accounts continued to be received. Massena continued to hold
out professions of fidelity; and the country in Bonaparte's rear
was described as hostile to him. In the meantime, however,
the utmost alarm prevailed in Paris. The enemies of the King
became more daring, while the sentiments of the Legislative
bodies, and the mass of the population, whenever the King ap-
peared amongst them, expressed the greatest regard to his per-
son and devotion to his cause. Foreigners, however, of which
there were, at that time, a vast number in Paris, particularly
British, began to leave that unsteady capital. They hastened
home in crowds, many pressing on foot, and through the Neth-
erlands, when no communication could be had by Calais.
Many who had gone to settle in France, and follow the peace-
able pursuits of commerce, left it, and all foreigners prepared
to leave that unfortunate country. As Bonaparte advanced,
every thing that was peaceable abandoned the territory of
France. Peace and industry fled from her hated shores. The
inhabitants saw it, not only without a murmur, but in many-
places with exultation. They had, indeed, been too long ac-
customed to a contrary manner of life, to pay much attention
to events which would have covered any other nation with the
deepest sorrow and shame. At this time, Soult was dismissed
from his situation of minister at war, and the Duke of Feltre
(Clarke) appointed in his place. It was supposed that Soult
had been detected in some treasonable correspondence, of which
there, indeed, seems to be little doubt; but his appearance, on
the following day, at the King's levee, while it shewed the con-
summate audacity of the one, and the weakness of the other,
staggered the belief of many that there could be any thing cri-
minal in his conduct. But they order these things differently
in France. The King, at this moment, was beset with enemies,
all of whom wore the appearance of friends. The telegraph,
though under the immediate control of government, was found
to be employed in carrying on a correspondence with distant
40
parts of the country, in a cypher unknown to them. A guar*!
was placed over it, but it was then too late to prevent the
mischief occasioned by its facility of conveyance. All France
already knew of the arrival and advance of Bonaparte. His
friends and supporters were every where on the alert, and
every where understood what the motions of each other were,
and what they were determined to do.
From Lyons, Bonaparte commenced his march on the 13th,
towards Paris From this point, it was evident, his greatest ex-
pectations arose; and the greatest exertions therefore were made
to reach it. In Paris was placed the centre of the great machine,
which had brought back Bonaparte from Elba, and which was
to establish him on the throne of France, and secure it to his
dynasty. Every thing seemed as secure, as treason unexam-
pled, and a combination formidable from numbers, could make
it. His force was augmented by the defection of the troops at
Lyons, at the head of which was General Brayer; and he had,
by means of his usual mode of proceeding, contributions and
requisitions, obtained supplies and pay for his army. Under
the former head, he levied 1,500,000 francs, which seems ta
have been peculiarly gratifying to the inhabitants of Lyons, as
their enthusiasm and love lor the Emperor " affected him so
much, that he could not express what he felt, except by saying,
people of Lyons, I love you."* " You have always been in the
first rank in my affections, on the throne or in exile; you have
btill maintained the same sentiments. In moments more tran-
quil, I will return to occupy myself with your wants, and the
prosperity of your manutactures, and your citv."f Proceed-
ing from Lyons, the Emperor took the road up the Saone*
and at three in the afternoon of the 13th, he reached Ville-
franche, a place containing about 4000 inhabitants; but at that
time, according to his accounts 60,000. In fact, revolutionary
movements had taken place in this part of the country; the in-
habitants of surrounding districts, and towns in advance on the
Paris road, flocked to behold their idol. All these places had
been famed, and were notorious for the violence of their pro-
OfficialJournal, Moniteur, March 2 2d, 1815.
f Bonaparte's proclamation, Lyons, March 13th.
a 2
50
ceedings, and the brutality of their conduct during the sanguinary*
revolution; and these were its votaries who now flocked round
this torch of discord, and" beacon- of blood. The same night
Bonaparte entered Macon, which he immediately catechised
for allowing the Artstrians to enter it so easily, during the pre-
ceding year. The reply was quite ready: " Sire/' said they,
" why did you appoint a bad Mayor?'* This Scotch answer
pleased the Emperor. From thence, he proceeded to Tour-
nus, where he " had only praises to bestow upon the inhabi-
tants, for their excellent conduct and patriotism;"! and which
continued to be the same at Chalons Sur Saone, and St. Jean
de Lone. At Chalons, he met a deputation from Dijon, the
people of which had risen against the legitimate government,
and expelled the Prefect and the Mayor of the place. This
gave the Emperor great pleasure;, and on them also he conse-
quently bestowed praise.
From Chalons, Bonaparte proceeded to Autun; and, on the
16th, to Avallon, where he slept- Every where, said he, meet-
ing with the same sentiments which animated the inhabitants of
the mountains of Dauphiny- He removed all the obnoxious
authorities, and appointed in their places those n whom he
could depend. Amongst those whom his Imperial displeasure
marked out, was a " Coxcomb Sub-prefect of Saumur," for hav-
ing, the preceding year, been harsh to the inhabitants of Chif-
fey, for opposing the enemies of their country, viz. the Bour-
bons. Him he ordered to be arrested, and to be committed to
Prison at Avallon. On- the 17th, the Emperor reached Aux-
erre; where Bertrand gave orders to collect boats to embark the
army, " already strong, with tour division*.; and to transport i%
the same evening to Fossard y so as to be able to reach Fon-
tainbleau by one o'clock in the morning.";}; In order to discour-
age the friends of Louis, and encourage those of Bonaparte,
the agents of the latter scattered over the country, in all direc-
tions, took special care to spread the most alarming reports con-
cerning the enthusiasm of the people in his favour, and of the
prodigious augmentation of his army. This was part of his sys-
* Official Jouwal, Moniteuc. f Vo. do, j Dt>. dff.
51
?m, whicli was as necessary to his power as its existence, anfl
which had so long alarmed and confounded Europe. The facts in
this case, however, though very much exaggerated, were too se-
rious not to create the greatest uneasiness and anxiety to the
parly attached to the legitimate government. But they were
taken completely by surprise, and were altogether unprepared;
e extent that could at all make their voice, influence, or
their exertions be heard or attended with any effect.
As in the road by which Bonaparte had to advance from
Lyons to Auxerre, it was certain there were no number of
troops of consequence, which, by deserting the cause of the
King, could increase the strength of the usurper, except those
under Ney, so, it wasobvious, that his armvvcould not be materi-
ally augmented In strength. Considerable hopes were, there-
fore, still entertained, that upon his advance nearer the capital,
where a numerous army was assembling to oppose him, that
this enterprize would still prove abortive. Much depend-
ence was placed upon Ney, who had a force under him of 1.4-
or 15,000 veteran troops, and who was advancing on his flank
and on his rear. This iiqpe was, however, quickly dissipated.
Ney adopted a different line of conduct. Instead of advancing
and intercepting Bonaparte's route, he remained at Lons le
Saulnier, from the 11th to the 14th, with a to tee much superi-
or to his, leaving the road quite open; and on the following
day, he abandoned the cause of Louis XV HI. and directed his
army to march and join the standards of Napoleon, which he
im mediately did, and whicti he effected, .at Auxerre, on the
18th, before his master left .lira t place. The conduct of this
man was odious and base in the extreme. No language is ca-
pable of expressing its iniquity. His name, for infamy, has
become proverbial over Europe, Before leaving Paris, as we
have already noticed, he gave the King the strongest assur-
ances of Ins affection and fidelity. In a tone of energy and af-
fection he kissed the King's Imnd, ami told him, that " if he
should subdue the enemy of the King, and of France, he would
liring him prisoner in an iron cage to Paris."* After assuming
* Official statement cf occurrences by the King.
the command, he continued to reiterate Lis professions of fidelity,
and to assure his sovereign of the loyalty of the troops under
his orders. But his kiss was treason, and his smile murder.
U Officers, subalterns, and soldiers!" said he, " the cause of the
Bourbons is lost for ever! the legitimate dynasty which the
French nation has adopted, re-ascend* the throne: it is to the
Emperor Napoleon, our sovereign, that it belongs to rule over
our fine country ! Liberty at length triumphs; and Napoleon,
our august Emperor, will establish it for ever. Henceforth,
let his fine cause be ours, and that of all Frenchmen Soldiers,
I have often led you to victory; now I wish to lead you to that
immortal phalanx which the Emperor Napoleon conducts to
Paris, and which will be there in a few days; and there our
hopes and our happiness will be for ever realized. Vive le
J&mpereur"* Proud promises vain expectations The hours
of French treason and rebellion were numbered It was re-
served for an unconquered arm, and for an untarnished honour,
on a fatal field, to wipe out this disgraceful stain from the his-
tory of Europe.
If perplexity and fear overspread the councils of the King of
France, at this unexpected and disastrous intelligence, one ge-
neral burst of detestation and indignation met it from every
corner in Europe, But one resource was now left to save the
capital, and the regal authority; and that was from the efforts of
the army assembled in front of Melun, under the command of
Macdonald and Monsieur. This army was composed of the
troops in the first military division, the garrison and the national
guards of Paris; and was variously estimated at from 30 to
100,000 men. It certainly exceeded the former number. It
was not in this point, however, that it was deficient. It want-
ed a proper spirit. It was obvious that the troops were little
to be depended upon; therefore they were mixed with the na-
tional guards of Paris, who, it was supposed were animated
with better feelings, and which might thereby keep the others
to their duty. Vain expectation. The national guards of
Paris had long been used to wallow in the midst of debauchery
* Ney's proclamation to Lis army, Lons le Saulnier, March 15th, 18IJ.
53
and riches, collected by the concentration of the plunder of
Europe, to their haughty capital; and, therefore, could not
cordially hate the man whose ambition had so long continued
to \'ved their enjoyment. Their morals were corrupted their
bodies enervated; and though they inarched from Paris at the
sound of martial music, shouting, Vive la Roi, they had not yet
come to danger in the cannon's mouth. When that moment
arrived, it tried the virtuous mettle of the " lads of Paris."
Surrounded with enemies, menaced with dangers, and bending
under bodily infirmities, the King yet continued firm in this e-
mergency. Though advised by his most faithful adherents to re-
tire in time from this scene of danger: " Can I better termin-
ate my career, at 60 years of age," said he, " than by ending
my life in defence of my people." His people were a worthless
and a faithless race, and did not deserve such a sacrifice. He
abode with them, however, to the last moment. He threw
himself upon the protection of his legislature. The war was
declared national, and his cause the cause of all Frenchmen.
Addresses continued to pour in from the different departments,
expressive of their fidelity and attachment. Whenever he ap-
peared in Paris, he was welcomed with shouts of " Vive le Rot"
and on the 16th March, in the chambers of the legislative bo-
dies, the universal cry was, " long live the King! the King in
life and death." But, alas! these were mere words, and would
not stop the career of Bonaparte. These were Parisian prais-
es, and went for little. These were shared by any thing might
be considered uppermost in Paris, whether it was the voice of
liberty or terror Robespierre, the Guillotine, or the Goddess
of Reason. Many, no doubt, hated Bonaparte. But would
they support the one or oppose the other? No! unless words
and tongues would do it. Immorality and debauchery had
corrupted and enervated their feelings and their faculties ty-
ranny and anarchy had debased them. The virtuous Louis
was destined to feel this. The turn of his successor, who had
once felt, but was yet to feel this more bitterly, was rapidly circ-
ling round in the wheel of fortune.
From Auxerrc, Bonaparte advanced to Melun. The army,
at this place, was drawn up to oppose his progress. He ad-
54
vanced with his force to meet it. The ground towards Meluu,
from the Southward, is a continued declivity, so that either
party could behold, from a considerable distance, the motions
and movements of their opponents. Silence and uncertainty
reigned in the royal ranks, except when interrupted by the fa-
vourite airs of Henry quatre and la belle Gabrielle, played to
animate the soldiery. These, however, had too long been un-
accustomed to loyalty, for such music to make any impression
on their obdurate bosoms. Many of them had actually put
wet tobacco into their musquets, that, if obliged to use them,
they should do no execution. Bonaparte advanced with confi-
dence. He directed his troops to throw down their arms when
they came in contact with their old comrades. The manoeuvre
took the troops ran to meet each other, as friends. Bona-
parte's carriage, in which was himself, Berirand, and Drouet,
advanced to the front of the royal army. " Napoleon! Na-
poleon le Grande" burst from the mouths of the soldiery-r-The
national guards joined in the exclamation The royalist army
became a scene of confusion all discipline was forgotten
every command was disobeyed not a shot was fired. Mac-
donald and some other officers escaped no person troubled
them the whole army shouted Vive le Emjiereur the white
flag was thrown aside the tri-colonred raised in its place; the
army became the followers and supporters of Bonaparte; and
thus ended the farce of Parisian loyalty and affection. The
conduct of Macdonald, in this instance, was most extraordinary
and suspicious. He seems to have made no efforts whatever
to prevent the contagion of disloyalty spreading amongst the
troops no speeches to animate their courage no attempts to
risque his life in recalling them to their duty, or endeavouring
to arrest the bold career of the usurper. NoJ in behalf of
Napoleon alone, it appears, these men could only be brought
to brave danger; and their escape at this moment was, no
doubt, connived at, in order that they might yet benefit the
cause of their former master, by blinding loyalty, with profes-
sions of attachment, and deceiving it by arrangements they
never meant to follow up.
The account of the defection of the army, which was appointed
to cover Paris, quickly reached that city. No hope remained of
any further defence for the capital. The King, therefore, found
himself under the painful necessity, of abandoning that nest of
corruption and evil. He issued a decree, dissolving the Legis-
lature, and ordering another to meet at such other place, as
he might afterwards point oat. He informed them, that he left
Paris, for the moment, to proceed to a safer place, to collect
forces to oppose the career of rebellion, and to regulate the
affairs of his distracted kingdom. The Duke de Bourbon
had been dispatched to La Vendee, to arm the western depart-
ments; and powers had been transmitted to the Duke de An-
gouleme, to arm those of the South, making Thoulouse the
seat of government. The king himself proceeded to the
northern departments. On the 19th, at midnight he quitted
the Thuilleries, and immediately afterwards, was followed by
his household troops, the only force which had remained faith-
ful to him, and now commanded by Monsieur and the Duke
de Berri. On the afternoon the King reached Abbeville, where
he was next day joined by Marshal Macdonald, who advised
bim to proceed still nearer to the frontiers. They accordingly
set out for Lille, where they arrived next day, and which they
entered amidst the acclamations of the national guards, and of the
remainder ofthe inhabitants. Indeed, along the road, the King
was received with every mark of respect: and the troops which he
met, saluted him with the cries of Vive le Rot, while they were
inarching to join Bonaparte. In Lille, the King might have
found a safe asylum, and a rallying point on French ground*
for his friends; but Mortier, who commanded in that place,
rook special care, to have the garrison recalled, and would not
allow the works to be occupied by the faithful friends of his
Sovereign. Yet this man also professed his loyalty and attach-
ment. It was like most of the other French loyalty; at this
moment it had only its own interest and safety in view, but
more readily looked to the cause of injustice and ambition^
than to the other side ofthe question. The consequence was,
the King was soon obliged to abandon Lille. The inhabitants
continued firm in their attachment, but the furious garrison,
threatened all with destruction, if the King was allowed to re-
main. On the 23d, therefore, this unfortunate Sovereign left
Lille. Mortier escorted him to the foot of the glacis and
50
Macdonald to Meuin, where these personages left him to 'make
their peace with Napoleon, though, the king seemed to think
they were, to the last, most cordially his friends. They took,
however, a strange way of shewing it. The king proceeded to
Ostein!, where he took up his abode for some time. His un-
fortunate household troop.--, upon arriving at Lille, found their
Sovereign was gone, and that place shut against them. They,
therefore, took the nearest road to the frontiers; but they were
afterwards surprised on their march, and forced to disperse,
many of them returning to their homes, and but few reaching
the Netherlands in safety. Marmont, Berthier, Clarke, and
Victor, remained faithful to the King, and accompanied him
in his exile all the rest, as we shall presently 3ee, pursued a
different course. Clarke, who was minister at war, proceeded
from Paris to London, in order to lay the situation of afl'airs
before the British Government; having done which, he rejoin-
ed his Sovereign at Ostend, from whence they soon after re-
moved to Brussels, where the palace of Laecken was prepared
for the reception and asylum of the Royal fugitives and their
attendants.
But to return to Napoleon. From the scene of the junction
of the army, destined to oppose his march to Paris, with that
under his command, he appears to have gone to Fontainbleau ;
for the' Journal of his operations says, that he reached Fon-
tainbleau at four o'clock, on the morning of the 20th. He
had declared. That as this palace was the last, which beheld his
downfall and degradation, so it should be the first he would
revisit in his success. Here, on the same morning, he learned
that the king had left Paris; and accordingly he lost no time
in proceeding to occupy his place. The flight of a legitimate
Sovereign, and the arrival of a fortunate Usurper, within 24.
hours would, he was certain, occupy the whole attention and
utmost stretch of Parisian curiosity and versatility; and he was
therefore, resolved to gratify them if possible. He, therefore,
inarched forward. On the morning of the 20th, the King's
departure was known in Paris, and during the day prepara-
tions were made to receive their beloved Emperor. The Paris
Journals whose columns of that morning were crowded with
it
addresses of loyalty and attachment to the King, and writing!?
in his cause, now came under different Editors. " The capital,"
said the Moniteur the following morning, and which paper,
had long been the terrible organ of the tyrant's power, "awaits
with impatience the arrival of his Majesty the Emperor. The
tri-coloured standard is again hoisted on the Dome of the
Thuilleries, amidst the acclamations of an immense multitude.
About four in the afternoon an officer appeared in the court of
the Thuilleries, with the portraits of her Majesty the Empress,
and the King of Rome. The crowd which covered the place
de Uarousal, ami the court of the palace, testified their joy
with inexpressible transports." * Welcome chains and slavery,
war, conscriptions, requisitions, contributions, &c. the in-
habitants of Paris, were intoxicated at the blessed idea. They
hurried in crowds to meet their Emperor, or an Emperor it
was too good a sight to let slip, and one that they might not
see every day, so they were determined to make the best use of
it. The day, however, passed away; and, notwithstanding
the speed and the good will of the Emperor, and his anxiety
to enter his good city of Paris, he did not reach it till night
had covered the world with her sable mantle. At nine o'clock
in the evening, and under the clouds of night, he entered the
palace of the Thuilleries, and took up his abode in his former/
cjuarters. The national guards on duty shouted " Vive le
Empereur" which lulled the Emperor to sleep. They had
shouted " Vive le Hoi" on the evening before, and had passed
a melancholy day, without the opportunity of crying any thing.
" Thus terminated," said the Moniteur, " without shedding a
drop of blood, without finding any obstacle, this legitimate
enterprise, which has re-established the nation in its rights,
in its glory, and has effaced the stain which treason^ and the
presence of the foreigner, had spread over the capital; thus is
verified that passage of the address of the Emperor to the sol-
diers: that the eagle, with the national colours, should fly
from steeple to steeple, even to the towers of the Notre Dame/'f
Thus continued the same paper, M the Emperor has wrote the
Moniteur, Paris, March 22d, 1815. f Do. port of the army,
which all pnrtiei were forced to court, compelled them to dis-
close so much of their true meaning, as could leave Europe,
(unless she was, at this moment, as dead to danger as Napole-
on was at Moscow) no o'oubt of what was their intentions.
These were, no doubt, veiled by that studious ambiguity and
.French jargon, which, while it promoted the destruction, pro-
claimed the victim as the peculiar object of its regard; ami which,
in tact, while these intentions meant only mischief, were promul-
76
''ated in a way that might be made to mean an y,othcr thing. Bon-
aparte and his followers, knew mankind too well not to be aware
that the step which they were resolved to take would bring against
them the undivided strength, and united energies of Europe.
But while they were aware of this, they calculated upon such
delay in organizing this coalition, as would give them sufficient
time to bend all France to their measures, organize her immense
resources, and attack the nearest parts of the coalition before
these could be supported by the more distant members thereof.
Such were, no doubt, the calculations of this man and his
friends. The foundation stone, however, ,of this revolution
was certainly laid at Fontainbleau, during the preceding year.
The easy and rapid manner in which all the leading men in
France abandoned the cause of Napoleon and embraced that of
Louis XVIII. whom they hated, and must have feared, struck
jEurope with astonishment at the moment; but which succeed-
ing events enables us more clearly to explain. France, at that
moment, lay at the mercy of indignant Europe. Six hundred
thousand of the troops of the former lay immured in prisons
over the continent, or were shut up in isolated garrisons, where
they could obtain no relief, nor render her any assistance. Eur-
ope was keenly alive to her wrongs, and sensible of her com-
manding situation. Any further resistance, on the part of
France, would only have been productive of certain ruin and
deeper humiliation; and the continuation of Bonaparte, as her
Emperor, would not only shave occasioned a civil war with the
adherents of the Bourbons, who began to raise their heads
as the power of their antagonists became broken., and augmented
too in numbers by those who had more keenly felt the tyranny of
Napoleon; but would also have induced and enabled the nations
of Europe to exact such conditions of peace as would .have left
France, for half a century to. come, unable to injure her neigh-
bours. The ruling party were aware of this. The unprece-
dented chicanery and bad faith of Napoleon had induced the
allies solemnly to declare , that they would no more negotiate
with him, nor any of his dynasty. France, therefore, had bi\t
one alternative, either to set aside Napoleon, or continue, brok-
,n 4own and discontented as she was, to brave the utmost
77
strength and anger of Europe in arms against her. Her poli-
cy, and her want of principle, induced her to adopt the former.
JSlie calculated that by so doing, she would obtain more favour-
able terms of peace, perhaps be left uninjured in her territor-
ies, prevent the occurrence of a civil war in the interior, and in
a short time get back those armies, the flower of her troops,
which European bravery had confined in the different prisons
over the Continent.
Before resorting to this last, and to them, humiliating step,
however, an attempt was made to retain the sovereign power
in the hands of the Emperor, under another name, and which,
he calculated, would sow dissentions amongst his victorious ad-
versaries. He offered to abdicate iu favour of his wife and bis
von. He calculated upon the support of Austria, and all her
influence, in favour of this measure. He was mistaken. No
individual interests moved the councils of Europe in arms no
jealousies could be raised in their bosoms. His offer was re-
jected. After this, but two ways remained decision was ne-
cessary the conquerors of Paris were on their march to Eon-
tainbleau the white flag was unfurled at Bourdeaux the mo-
ment was pressing the Marshals and Counsellors who sur-
rounded him, saw there was but one way by which they could
save France entire, preserve their own honours and fortunes,
and be able, at some future day, to resume their former occu-
pations. The decision was painful to Napoleon; but the matter
was most urgent. ** Under these new circumstances," said he,
" my heart was rent; but my soul remained unshaken. I con-
sulted only the interests of the country. I exiled myself on a
rock in the middle of the sea my life was, and still ought to
be useful to you. I did not permit the great number of citi-
zens who wished to accompany me to partake my lot. I thought
their presence useful to France: and I took with me only a hand-
ful of brave men, necessary for my guard."* Iu a few words,
under these " new circumstances" the treaty of Foutainbkau
was concluded, with the determination to be broken as soon as
h suited the convenience of those who made it; and, that his
Proclamation part of it in advance, or quarterly, or halt-
yearly. No certainly. It was an annual payment; and it he
reeeiv.ed.it at the end .of the twelve months, it was all lie had a
right to demand. With regard to his poverty, however, that
was a fabrication; for the Monitcur, by his orders, a few days
after he entered Faris, informed us, " There arrive continually
* Address of the Confederation of Eritanny, April 25th, 1815.
84.
at Paris ingots of gold, and superb blocks of crystal from the
Jsle of Elba."* From his port folio, which fell into the hands
of the allies, we also learn that he brought from Elba many
jnillions francs. This charge, therefore, was groundless in every
point of view; to his salary lie had no legal claim till the end of
one year; and besides the very considerable revenues of the
island, estimated as high as \ 30,000 per annum; but even
take it at only one half, it is well known he carried about 400,000
gold Napoleons with him.f His second charge was, that the
possessions promised to his wife arid to his son had been with-
held. If in the great arrangements which were taking place i;i
Europe, the allies had found it prudent and necessary to take
these possessions for another purpose, and bestow an equivalent
for them, there was no harm done. This, it was known, they
Lad at one time in view, but afterwards relinquished the idea,
and these very places were confirmed to them. The next
charge was, that the allies intended, at the instigation of France,
to remove him either to St. Lucia, or St. Helena, for life. This
was another of those idle stories raised in England, and af-
terwards echoed in France: and Lord Castlcreagh, who was a
member of the Congress, which, it was asserted, had determin-
ed upon his removal, declared in the House of Commons, that
such an intention, on the part of the allies, " was completely
new to him;":}: and at the same time clearly shewed, and express-
ly declared that the arrangements concerning Maria Lou-
isa, were purely matters of generosity, and not of right.
The next accusation was, of the refusal of passports to his wife
and son to accompany him; " and that during distressing cir-
cumstances, when the firmest soul has need of looking for con-
solation and support to the bosom of its family and domestic
aff'ections." This also was an unjust charge. The treaty on-
ly stipulated for passports and a safe conveyance to all those
who chose to accompany him; but it did not follow that they
were to supply the means which was to enable him to support
* Courier Unlverselle, March 31st, 1815.
f Morning Chronicle, March 1 1th. \ April 20tb, / j
5 Report to the Council of Ministers, April 2d. 1SJ ".
them; and if he had taken half the French army with him, as iu
that latitude of the treaty he might have pleaded he couid do,
surely Europe was not bound to support them to please his vanit v,
or to secure his power; and from the debates upon this subject
in the British House of Commons, it appears that " it was well
understood that the Empress would not accompany him to El-
ba."! Another charge was, that the French government em-
ployed persons to assassinate him. This charge was supported
by no evidence whatever, and is of course a falsehood. If
tlicre were any private individuals whom Napoleon's tyranny
and cruelty had driven to despair, and who attempted this me-
thod to obtain justice, it can only be added, without attempting
to justify their conduct or palliate their guilt, however stron<>-
their wrongs had been, that Bonaparte, and the principles pro-
mulgated in France under his sway, had, unfortunately, made
such conduct, in that country, to be scarcely looked upon as a,
crime. But this, as well as many other of the charges, con-
cerned the French government and it alone. But it was said
that the allies were the guarantee of the fulfilment of the treaty,
and which they ought to have seen accomplished. Granted
But did they refuse to do this? Was there any complaint laid
before them to that effect? If there was not, they were not
called to interfere; and consequently, Bonaparte's breaking the
treaty with them arose from no ground of complaint at all.
But were there no infringements of the treaty on his part?
It is a fact well known, that before he was long in Elba, Ber-
rrand made his appearance at Paris, and commenced those in-
trigues which brought round the revolution; and that Bona-
parte was in close correspondence with the disaffected in France.
If France, therefore, had solicited, and the allies agreed to re-
move Bonaparte from Elba, they would only have done right:
and succeeding events shewed clearly how much it was to be
regretted that they had not done so. These weak and silly
accusations had their day. They amused, for a moment, this
man's supporters, who never questioned but that he always
tspoke truth, and that all that his enemies said was falsehood.
f Mr. Douglas, House of Commons, April 20th,- 1815.
8-G
This, however, was not the only ground which they took to
Bland on, in order to justify themselves. They insisted, that
Bonaparte could not abdicate his throne withoutthe peoples' con-
sent; and that they had a right to rccal ,him when he had done
so, or when and as they pleased. " The abdication of the Em-
peror was solely the result of the unfortunate situation to which
France and the Emperor had been -reduced, by the events of
the war, treason, and by the occupation of the capital. The
abdication had no other object than to avoid a civil tear, and the
effusion of French blood. Not consecrated by .the will of the
people, that act cannot destroy the solemn contract made be-
tween the nation and the Fmperor; and even though Napole-
on might have personally abdicated the crown, he could not
sacrifice the rights of his son, called to reign after him. Done
in the presence of enemies armies, and under foreign domina-
tion, they are merely the work of violence, .they are essentially
null and injurious to the national honour, to liberty, and .to the
rights of the people."* " Raised to the throne by your choice,"
said Bonaparte, "all that lias been done without you is illegit-
imate."! Perhaps a more glaring instance of the perversion
of human reason, or a blanker act of perfidy, is not upon re-
cord, than the above arguments exhibit. They boldly and
openly proclaim, that the treaties concluded with Europe on
the preceding year, were only meant for a delusion, to get the
allies out oi % France, and to prevent a civil war in that country;
and the reason they give that they arc not binding is, that those
things were not concluded with, nor done by the French peo-
ple. Who then are the French people? The Council of min-
isters cnosen by Napoleon himself expressly told us, that Na-
poleon, in his abdication, " restored to the French people tlie
rights which he held of them: he left it free to choose for itseJU"
a new monarch."^: Well, they did choose a new monarch
not one dissentient voice at the time was heard against that
choice; and with that government, chosen by the French peo-
ple, the allies concluded a treaty of peace, considering every
* Council of State, March 24th, 1SI5. + Proclamation, March 1st.
| Heport to the Council of Ministers, April 'Ji, 1814.
8?
circumstance, most advantageous to France. The allies con-
sidered, and had a right to consider, that it was with the French
nation that they treated; and that the French nation were
bound to abide by the treaty which they had made, lint no,
say they, we did not make it; it was made by the Bourbons,
without our consent; and from them you may look lor the fulfil-
ment of it. It is not our matter, but theirs. We, indeed,
stood by and said nothing at the timcj nay, even we will not
deny that we assented, because we had a mighty object to gain
in obtaining snch a peace; but now that the Bourbons and us
can no longer agree, we cannot abide by their decisions, though,
in this instance, we will do Europe the favour to remain at
peace as long as we see it convenient; but let it be understood,
that this is purely a matter of courtesy, and not of right, on our
part, " for done in the midst of enemies armies, all these acts
are illegal." Napoleon was, is, and must be the Emperor of
our choice; because, though he was kind enough, for our in-
terests, to return us our rights, and though we accepted his
abdication, we deny we accepted from hini our rights, and
which we now find it oar interest that he should again be in-
vested with, and exercise in full and unalienable succession.
Precisely similar to these, when stript of their French sophistry,
were the audacious and daring arguments with which the French
Jacobins attempted to meet the justice, the anger, and to con-
found the understanding of Europe. Vain effort of a thought-
less and a profligate people.
The march of Bonaparte to Paris, was characterised as the
grandest and most imposing feature of his public life, from the
acclamations and unanimity of the people in his cause. But
this, like almost every thing else said concerning this man,
was a great misconception. Because he met with acclamations,
that did not say lie was met with satisfaction These things, in
France, we know are different; at least do not always accom-
pany each other. Because he met with no opposition in his
career, that does not justify the statement of perfect unanimity.
Without denying the powerful, the very powerful party he had in
France to support him, it would be ridiculous and unjust to say
the whole population beheld him with affection and regard. The
ease and security with which he marched, can very readily be ac-
88
counted for without resorting to this reason. His march Was
planned beforehand. He landed in an obscure corner of
France, where there was nothing to oppose him. He march-
ed through a mountainous and thinly peopled part of the coun-
try, where there was no military, and where, from the rapidi-
ty of his march, no force could be collected, even where the
inhabitants were well inclined to oppose him. As he advanc-
ed to the more populous parts, the military, in all the stations
where he had to pass, were prepared to receive him. At
Grenoble, at Lyons, and with Ney's force, sent to intercept
him, but which, in reality, marched with the intention of join-
ing him; this was notoriously the case. From Lyons to Paris,
his route lay through a part of France famous for the revolu-
tionary mania and crimes. There he was certain to meet friends
there he did meet them. The rapidity of his march, while it
prevented any troops at a distance from reaching the line of his
march, and while all those who would have been inimical to him,
were withdrawn to a distance from it, was contrived to astonish
and strike terror into the minds of his opponents. The people
taken unawares, beheld his march like the fiery meteor, or like
the lightnings speed, which carries with it irresistible destruc-
tion. He passed before they could recover their senses from
their state of surprise into which the phenomenon had thrown
them. They trusted also to the army. It deceived them, and
not only made no opposition to his progress, but adopted his
causey and joined his ranks. These, with the violent Jacobin-
ical party, all of whom had arms in their hands, while the well
disposed inhabitants had none, were sufficient to overawe any
one who might attempt to oppose his progress. That he fear-
ed, however, and that his advisers well knew all France was
not friendly to him, is obvious, from the spot where he landed.
If this had not been the case, why not land at Marseilles or
Toulon? It i clear, if he had done so, that in those loyal
and populous districts, his force would have been crushed be-
fore any considerable number could have joined him; and any
failure or defeat at the outset could scarcely fail to prove fatal
to his cause. The army and the Jacobins, therefore, were
the grand machines which recalled Bonaparte; and the for-
89
mer was placed by the latter in a manner throughout Frauce
where its service would be most beneficial to his interests*
The want of opposition, therefore, on the part of the people, in
the early part of Bonaparte's progress, was owing to a differ-
ent reason than perfect unanimity, and of real regard for his
cause. But the number against him were beat down by fear of
a superior, and, as it concerned them, a most merciless force.
The plan of the conspirators, in the route chosen for him,
had also other objects in view. They hoped to take Eur-
ope unawares; and under pretence of marching a large force
to Paris, in order to defend the capital and the King, they
thereby drew a force round Paris, sufficient to overawe it if re-
fractory; and then in causing the King to retire upon the north-
ern fortresses where numerous columns were marched, as if to
defend his cause, they succeeded under this shew of loyalty to
what they had more at heart, namely, of collecting a very large
force on the frontiers of the Netherlands before Europe was a-
ware of their real designs. These provinces, they no doubt
calculated, that they should be able to overrun, and add to the
French empire before Europe could oppose it. But they found
themselves grossly mistaken. The fame of Napoleon being in
France, awakened all the vigilance of Europe; and while it
Would have justified her in immediately entering France, it in-
duced her to take such steps that, before Louis XVIII. passed
the frontiers in his exile, a force was drawn along the bound-
aries of the Netherlands, sufficient to prevent any sudden
irruption on the part of France, by those troops, which, under
the pretence of defending and supporting her King, France
had, in reality, pushed forward to commence, as it suited her
viewsj a fresh war of aggression against Europe.
The conduct of the French marshals, upon the return of
Bonaparte, was altogether unprecedented in the annals of base-
ness. They did not at once openly espouse his cause, and march
to join him. No; they had already taken one oath of fidelity,
which, to have broken, would have stamped them with infamy
sufficient. But not content with this, they unanimously came
forward upon the first account of his landing, and not only took a
M *
do '
fresh oath of fidelity to the King, themselves, but caused the troop*
to do so also. This they dot only did, resolved at the moment
when they took the oath, to break it, but also to lead the troops to
break theirs. Excellmans, theLailemands, Desnouettes, with all
their turpitude and crimes, were not so bad as Ney, Soult, Suchct,
Massena, and others, who voluntarily took and violated two
oaths, and the most solemn and public protest at ions; whereas,!
the former traitors made no promises but one, broke no oaths
but one; and when Bonaparte appeared, instead of swearing
allegiance to the King anew, they went boldly off to swear fi-
delity to Napoleon. Their conduct was resolute, and least dan-
gerous to the cause which they deserted. Yet, in the face of
such a dark scene of perfidy as France at this moment exhibit-
ed - m all her leading characters, it was not a little singular to
hear a British Representative in the House of Commons, and
in the discharge of his duty, come forward and extol the hon-
our of the French marshals, and hold it up as an object for the
consideration and the regard of Europe. " The honour of the
French Marshals," said Mr. Abercrombie, " demanded the
fulfilment of the stipulations of the treaty of Fontainbleau.
Their honour was pledged to this: and the honour of a soldier
renowned in arms is not to be trifled with. The French array
was, in fact, the guarantee of the treaty."* The honour of a
French Marshal and those Marshals, Ney, Soult, Caulin-
eourt!! Sec. Oh, shame, where is thy blush?
Immediately after landing in France, every engine of the
imperial system was set to work, to keep alive in the minds o.
the French nation that haughtiness and vanity which sprung
from the idea of their invincibility. Though they had been driv-
en, in the short space of eighteen months, from Moscow to Mont-
mavtre though they had, in that period, lost thrice 600,000
men; and had seen their capital, with half their country, in the
power of foreigners; and to propitiate and disarm whose re-
sentment, they had been compelled to banish their Emperor to
" a rock in the middle of the sea," after all this, it was undertaken
to make them believe that they had not been vanquished. Nor
House of Commons, April 20th, 1815.
91
was this a difficult business to accomplish, as it was an idea in-
herent in the bosom of every .Frenchman. To ward offlhii infa-
my, they had recourse to every expedient: to the frost of Russia;
the Saxon desertion; and the ignorant Corporal at Leipsic; but
these availing no longer, a .diilcrcnt expedient became neces-
sary. It was not so pleasant nor convenient,- but tlie times left
them no alternative. It was no less than treason in France
Treason in France, and against their beloved Emperor! Most
horrible and diabolical most incomprehensible and unaccount-
able, in a country where, for 14 years, Europe had been inces-
sanlly told by the same lips, that every one idolised and adored
him. Yet so it was. " Soldiers," said Bonaparte, " we were
not conquered.: two meu, risen from the ranks, betrayed our
laurels, their country, their Prince, their benefactor."*
" Frenchmen' the defection of the Duke of Castijrlione deliv-
ered up I^yons, without defence, to, our enemies; the army, of
which I confided to him the command, was, by.thenumber of
its battalions, the bravery and patriotism of the troops which
composed it, fully able to beat the Austrian corps opposed to
it, and to get into the rear of the left wing of the enemy's ar-
my, which threatened Paris. The victories of Champ Aubert,
of Montmirail, of Chateau Thierry, of Vauchamp, of Mor-
man's, of Monterea.ii, of Craone, of Itheims, of Arcis-Sur-
Aube, and of .St. Dizier;f the rising of the brave peasants of
Loraiue, of Champaignc, of Alsace, of Franche Compte, and of
Bourgoin; and the position I had taken in the rear of the ene-
my's army, by separating it from its magazines, from its p
of reserve, from its convoys, from all its equipages, had placed
it in & desperate situation. The French army were .never on
the point of being more powerful, and theikwer of the ene-
my's army was lost without resource; it would have found its
grave in those vast countries which it had mercilessly ravaged,
when the treason of the Duke of Itagusa gave up the capita],
and disorganized the army. The unexpected conduct of these
two Generals, changed the destiny of the war. The disastrous
* Proclamation to ilie avmy, MaYch 1st. 1815.
t Compare tlic account of the battles of Arcis-Sur-Aube, and St Dizicr, in the
previous volumes.
92
situation of the enemy was such, that, at the conclusion of the
affair which took place before Paris, it was without ammunition,
on account of its separation from its parks of reserve."* Again
said he, " Treason, and unfortunate circumstances, had covered
the national colours with funeral crape."f The memory of the
Emperor, which was never very good at remembering facts when
falsehoods were necessary to be brought forward, here forgot
many important circumstances, and perverted others. He had
omitted the consideration that the allies had defeated him again
and again; had separated him from all his ammunition and re-
sources had overthrown all that opposed their entrance into
Paris, and from thence were on their march to attack him again.
He declined it, although at that time, as St. Jean de Angley
informs us, he had 450,000 men in arms, besides the risings in
mass, more than the half of Italy, and 50 of the chief fortresses
in Europe in his possession. It was necessary, however, to con-
tinue this deception of their invincibility to his followers; and
this seemed the only rational way left, namely, to blame Augcreau,
who had called him a coward, when in a proclamation to the
army under his command, after the abdication of his former
master, he informed them ** that Napoleon was a man who had
not the courage to die like a soldier." Marmont was also chosen
as the next person on whom suspicion was likely to attach, be-
cause he was the first person who, with troops under his com-
mand, sent in his adhesion to the new order of things. The
allies, however, were in a situation to do the business them-
selves, without any French aid they wanted none and got as
little. It may seem unnecessary to quote the letter of Mar-
mont in answer to this accusation, denying its accuracy, and
declaring that Napoleon intended to attack, and if he could, to
take, sack, and pillage his good city of Paris4 Joseph also,
who was the Marshal's superior, sent him orders in writing to
capitulate, which was a sufficient vindication of the conduct of
ihc former. Setting aside this, therefore, I shall bring the us-
urper's own words to falsify his present accusations. In his last
* Address to the French nation, March 1st, 1815.
i Do. to the soldiers at Paris, March 21st. \ Marmont' s letter.
93
dispatch, wrote after the capture of the capital, he says, " Oa
the 31st March, his Majesty was at Fontainbleau; there he
learnt that the enemy, having arrived 24> hours before hiin,
occupied Paris, after having encountered a strong resistance, in
Ki'iiich he suffered great loss. The corps of the Duke of Trevi-
so and Ragusa, and that of General Compans, who had joined
for the defence of the capital, were united between Essone and
Paris, where his Majesty had taken a position with the whole
army arrived from Troyes."* Here there was no charge no
surmise of either treason or lukewarmness, on the part of Mar-
mont, or any other; and it was but natural to suppose, that
if there had been any real ground for making such a charge,
the Emperor would not have been slow in doing so; and
likewise, that this was the most proper time he could make
it, in order to call forth the ardour and indignation of the
French nation, if he conceived that any remained that would
either render him any essential service, or obey him. There
never was a Governor, who thus dealt in such a complete
system of falsehood and deceit; nor was there ever another
nation, which was so ready to believe such things. Yet, how-
ever strange it may appear, it was not in France alone, that
this assertion was credited and dwelt upon with a presage of
better success to Napoleon, now that he had no longer such
traitors to dread. It formed the subject of many a gloomy
prophecy against the prosperity of Europe of many a loud
boast, and sure prognostication of Napoleon's glory and Na-
poleon's success, in a country where his name should never be
pronounced, but with one unmingied sentiment of indignation
and contempt. In vain had French armies been immolated at
Borodino, and at Leipsic; and the Russian eagle spread his
mighty wings over the Thuilleries. In vain had their troops and
bravest Generals been scattered like chaft'before the whirlwind,
upon the banks of the Tonnes, the Zadora upon the summits
of the Pyrenees, the plains of Orthes, and the banks of the Gar-
ronne. Still French troops could not be and were not beaten
strange obstinacy, incurable vanity ! Which though these
* Renncs, April oth, is: 4. Published by order of the Prefect Lc Baron Boaair.
94-
iti the short space of eighteen months, had lost a power more
formidable than that of Alexander; an Empire greater than
that which owned Caesar's sway, still would not allow that they
had been vanquished. It was this spirit which made France
dangerous :to Europe. It was this which made her openly
violate fresh treaties, preparatory to her committing fresh acts
of aggression. It was this spirit which hurried France into
fresh commotion, and Europe into fresh danger. It was this
spirit, obstinate and thoughtless as it was, whose limits were
circumscribed whose hours were .numbered but let us not
anticipate.
Bonaparte, by the unparalelled success of treason, again
seated in the Thuilleries, with France untouched in her ancient
territory, and with all these prisoners restored, which his pride,
obstinacy, and ignorance, had scattered over Europe, began
to conceive himself as great as ever. But he was soon unde-
ceived, and found that he was not so much the creator as the
creature of a faction. His old friends, the Jacobins, bearded
him on his throne, and talked of liberty and limited authority
in every hand but then* own, to a mind which never knew what
limited authority or liberty meant. He felt his hopes disap-
pointed; but he dissembled his resentment and courted their
alliance, though in his heart he abhorred them. He saw he
could not carry on his measures without their assistance, as
they in a great measure held the national purse, and it was not
so clear as it had been, that he should be able to help himself
whenever he pleased from the pockets of others. To oppose
the views of this formidable and dangerous party, in an opcu
manner, he perceived was madness; but he calculated that by
their assistance he would be able to organise his army direct
the energies of France again to foreign conquest, when the
wealth and honours which he would have to bestow, would
accomplish again what these had previously done, namely, shut
the mouths and fill the appetites of these clamorous friends of
the people, whose only God was their gain. This accomplish-
ed by the aid of the army, who were the most perfect and
obedient tools of his hand, he conceived that he would then be
fully able once more to dictate to Fiance, and crush all op^>o-
95
Mtiofi. The dreadful anathema also, ofindignant Europe, at
the same moment reached his ears; and convinced him, that the
united energies of the French nation, great as these were,
would be insufficient to save him, unless he could divide the
strength of the former. This his self-importance taught him
to believe that his policy would be able to effect. Neverthe-
less, it was not difficult to see that he felt himself disappointed,
and placed in a situation where the " Five le Empereurs" of the
giddy Parisians, could not form a healing balm to his wounded
spirit. His proclamations, while they breathed the old Jacob-
inical spirit of implacable enmity and vengeance, against the
Bourbons and their adherents, were compelled to adopt a more
moderate tone, than those wherein he expressed, " fate drags
them on, let their destinies be fulfilled," and which three years
before struck the waters of the Pregel with terror and dismay.
But these we shall have an opportunity to consider more at
large in the sequel.
* "The decrees of fate are accomplished," said his self-confi-
dent partisans, when they found themselves once more in the
enviable situation of bending their infamous heads, before that
throne, whose frown had so often made them tremble, and which
at the same time had raised them to rank and wealth, according
to their baseness. " The decrees of fate are accomplished."
Certainly those decrees which French ignorance and impiety cal-
led fate, but other men, the councils of unerring wisdom, were
so far accomplished fulfiling and about to be finished. But
France forsook the path which would have enabled her to see
the true course of events, and escape their terrible consequences.
She had long shut her eyes to the light, and her ears to under-
standing. I am, and there is none else besides me, had long
been the ideas of this profligate country. In herself utterly
confounding all ideas of right and wrong, good and evil, she
endeavoured, and with but too much success, to pour this
polluted stream over the Continent of Europe. This while it
overthrew their political Constitutions, deeply injured the
moral feelings of the people of the Continent. But those,
though shaken, were not destroyed. Better principles resum-
ed their sway, and French infidelity fled before them. Yet
France refused to see the deformity of her conduct, oracknow-
ledge the pernicious effects of her principles. When, after a
course of wickedness and atrocity, carried on by France, against,
and in the midst of every nation in Europe; such as had been
till this period altogether unheard of and unknown; Europe
beheld that nation placed by the most visible interposition of
Providence, within her grasp, and yet escape uninjured from
her just indignation; she stood astonished, and was ready to
exclaim, Where is the reward of doing good, or what advantage
is it to follow the paths of justice. Such were the inconsiderate
sentiments of erring mortals, whose finite minds are slow to
trace, and unable to comprehend the proceedings of almighty
power, and the councils of unerring wisdom. France, though
undeserving favour, had been forgiven. The door of mercy
was set open before her. The conditions imposed upon her
were most humane and easy. Depart from evil and do good
for the future act differently from what you have done, said
the Sovereigns of Europe, and all our wrongs, grievous as they
have been, are from this moment forgotten. France, although
she promised, refused to abide by these simple and honourable
conditions. Deeper, thei'efore, was her guilt, and more unpar-
donable her conduct. She again forgot the Arbiter of heaven
and earth, and whose sacred name had proved the bond of peace
between her and Europe. She raised her daring hand in open
defiance against Heaven and earth. In her madness she courted
deeper humiliation and more certain destruction. She drew
her affections again to the disturber of the peace of the world.
She recalled with exultation, him who had so long been her
scourge, that with him she might yet meet the humiliation she
deserved, the punishment she had escaped. At a moment
none could expect, and few anticipate, she placed him again at
her head; and, by doing so, threw down the gauntlet of defiance
which was to call forth a flood of anger, whose effects were
to leave her an object of unconcern and derision, and at
the same time a beacon to succeeding generations. Europe
yet held her arms. Her people returned from the tented field,
were weeping over the sad havoc and destruction occasioned in
their families and in their fields, by French perfidy and French
ambition, when the re-appearance of these again called forth
97
fhosc passions nearly laid to sleep, embittered by the sight of
the tears and the miseries of those whom they loved at the re-
membrance of those whose loss they regretted, and all aug-
mented by the reflection of unworthy objects, having abused
their mercy* At such a moment did France forsake the paths
of her duty: and in this manner did the decrees of unerring
wisdom, prepare for guilty lips, the bitter chalice of severer
retribution. Those who would give themselves the trouble to
think, and receive their knowledge from the true source, saw
in this the councils of that Almighty Being who makes good
and creates evil, and whose Power controls the affairs of the
Universe. In a moment, when we least expect, by wavs which
we are frequently unable to comprehend, does he bring ruin
upon his enemies, and justify his ways to man. "' The decrees
of fate are accomplished," said France, haughty and secure*
Yes, these were so. The councils of the Almighty must stand.
His pleasure must be fulfilled. The kingdom was departed
from France All attempts to counteract this decree, could only
make humiliation deeper and destruction wider. In vain would
the wisdom, the artifices, or the power of man, attempt to turn
this aside. As well might he attempt to re-call the days that
are past, or collect the scattered clouds of yesterday.
No sooner was Bonaparte again seated in the Thuilleries*
than his Government began that system of falsehood and delu-
sion, which he had previously so regularly organised, and
which tended so much to deceive France, and confuse his op-
ponents. While proclaiming the liberty of the press, he laid
it under the strongest chains, and allowed men to write only
on one side of the question. At one time Europe was informed
that all Italy was in flames, that the Austrian troops were
massacred or driven out of that country, to which French am-
bition cast an anxious eye. Spain we were informed, through
the same channel, was convulsed with bloody insurrections.
Turkey was making movements against Russia. Saxony,
Belgium, and Poland, were all on the eve of rebellion; and
discontent was general all over Germany, where the people
hailed the return of Napoleon' with joy and satisfaction. Aus-
tria, was stated to favour the views of Bonaparte. The very
* 4
dav was appointed, when the Empress and the King of Rome r
were to arrive at Paris. Her apartments in the Im; erial Pa-
laces, were furnished in great baste. Attendants and relays of
horses were ordered to be stationed along the road to Strae-
bur
England. In Britain, the Prince Regent declares tliat he has
given orders to increase the British forces by sea and land. In
Austria, Russia, Prussia, all parts of Germany, and in Italy;
everywhere, in short, there is a general arming. In Spain,
an army is to proceed to the line of the Pyrenees. The as-
sembling of troops of different nations in the new kingdom of
the Nellicrlands, and the numerous debarkations of English
troops, are known to your Majesty. A convoy of French pris-
oners, from Russia, has been stopped on the side of Tir lemon*
Upon all parts of Europe, at mice, tfiey are .arming, or inarching,
or ready to march."*
It was no wonder that France beheld this appalling prospect,
and felt this dreadful situation with anxiety and alarm. JShe
saw herself cut off from the rest of mankind, without hope of
reconciliation. Her profligate conduct had aroused the utmost
energy and precaution in Europe; and no professions made,
nor communications sent, while Napoleon reigned over France,
would any more be attended to by Europe. Yet France af-
fected a tone of surprise, and called forth a spirit of accusation
against the nations sjie had so grievously deceived. " Against
whom," sakl Caulincourt, " are these armaments directed?
Sire, it is your Majesty they name, but it is France that is
threatened. The least favourable peace that the powers ever
flared to offer yon; is that with which your Majesty contents
yourself. Why do not they now wish for what they stipulated
for at Chaumont what they ratified at Paris."f Unparalleled
effrontery, for Caulincourt to allude to the treaty of Chaumont,
where he, with his word))' master, endeavoured to dupe and to
deceive the nations of Europe. All the brazen impudence of
the revolutionary school was certainly necessary at the moment
au!incourt's report, April 7t!>, 1815. f Do.
they fondly conceived that this event was the end of civil com-
motions, and tlie perfect establishment of their government;
and, accordingly, they were not slow to dun it into the ears
of the people of Europe.
Hitherto I have forborne making any mention of the affairs
of Italy. But it is now time to turn our attention to the affairs
of that interesting country. Previous to the return of Napole-
on from Elba, the French press teemed with accounts of dis-
content, insurrections, and massacres of the Austrian troops in
that country. Subsequent to that event, they doubled their di-"
iigence in that avocation, so congenial to their minds. In this
they had two objects in view: namely, to impress upon the
minds of the nations of Europe, that they had so' many friends
in Italy, that in case of a war it would be easy for them to over-
run that country; and next to shew that with Italy overrun or
disaffected, Austria could render no effectual assistance to
the grand coalition. That France had many friends in It-
aly, cannot admit of a doubt; and that these might be
anxious to make a movement in her favour, and commence it
130
iby a massacre of the Austrian troops, and their opponents, is
extremely probable. The adherents of France, in all coun-
tries, were men of that stamp who gloried in such measures, and
followed these from the instinctive ferocity of their disposition.
The vigilance, however, of t-he Austrian Generals, disconcerted
all such attempts, and prevented the execution of any such
plans; which it was generally observable that the press of Paris,
as the true centre of the evil, and the fountain-head of such
information, frequently only anticipated. It was evident,
however, that commotions in that quarter were approach-
ing. Murat, for some time, had been very busy in aug-
menting and organizing his army. The Austrian troops were
increasing in Italy; and after the escape of Napoleon from
Elba, received still more numerous re-enforcements. It was
insinuated by the friends of Murat, and the enemies of the
Bourbons, that, at their suggestion, Congress was about to de-
prive the former of the kingdom of Naples, and restore it to it*
ancient Sovereign. Every endeavour was made to impress upon
the minds of the nations of Europe the injustice of this pro-
ceeding, and to create an interest in favour of Murat. This
was particularly engaged in by the opposition party in Brit-
ain, who adopt the cause of any one, when by it they can em-
barass the measures of ministry, throw odium upon their name,
and tarnish the reputation of their country. In defence of
Murat they embarked with alacrity; and never doubting his
honour, or the honour of his agents, they were so proud of
having obtained a tangible accusation against the British Cab-
inet, and a deed to expose the imbecility and injustice of the
despots at Vienna, as they loved to describe them, that they
overlooked the source from whence they obtained their infor-
mation, and accordingly their zeal in their new avocation led
them into an aukward scrape. But to such things they had, of
late, been pretty much accustomed. Official documents, all on
one side of the question, now made their appearance with a
most astonishing rapidity, in the columns of the Journal, ac-
knowledged as the organ of the party; all complaining bitterly
of the injustice of the proceedings of Britain and her allies, a-
gainst the brave and the honourable Murat. With such per-
severance was this subject continued, that the public began tq>
121
blame, with severity, the conduct of the Congress, as it related
to this personage. Having thus made a considerable impres-
sion on the public mind, they collected all their strength, and
determined to come to close quarters with their ministerial op-
ponents, in which contest their vanity and security anticipated
a signal triumph on their part. They accordingly brought
the business, in a very serious manner, before both Houses of
Parliament. The attack was in the tactics of Napoleon him-
self. They broke with their collected strength upon the cen-
tre of the array of their opponents, whom they hoped to cut in
two, and make their victory complete and decisive. But their
ground was badly chosen, and the position of their antagonists
impregnable. The attack consequently failed. They were
foiled with disgrace and shame; and, like Napoleon, retired,
for a while, to a rock in the middle of the sea, in order to re-
cruit their scattered forces, and recover their spirits.* In the
House of Lords, the matter was brought forward by Lord
Grey, who contended that Murat had discharged, in the cam-
paign of 1814, the duty imposed on him by the treaty with
Austria, which guaranteed to him his kingdom, and which was
acceded to by this country. " His co-operation and assist-
ance," said Lord Grey, " had greatly relieved Austria from the
pressure she experienced at that time in Italy. He had cleared,
the dominions of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, and the Eccles-
iastical States, of the French armies."f But in what manner
did he do it, and for what purpose? This was important to
know. Lord Liverpool informed us, that Murat, at that mo-
ment, was actually in communication with the enemy. That
upon the arrival of Lord Castlereagh, at Vienna, a memorial
on the part of Murat was given in by his minister the Duke of
Campo Chiaro, stating his service, but which memorial was re-
ferred to the Austrian General Nugent, who had made out a
long report on its merits, and " on the whole circumstances of
the campaign, in which that able officer stated, that Murat had
not only not cordially co-operated with the Austrian army, but
* After tills debate, they continued to nibble about Elba, and its illustrious Sot*
ereign.
f Lord Grey's speech, May 2d, 1815.
2 *
Ill
had broken the engagements "which he had entered into."* Not
relying on this evidence, however,- Lord Castlereagh sent the
Whole documents to Lord William Bentinck, ** who made a
report entirely confirming that of General Nugent'; and stating,
that he had no doubt of Marat's having been in communica-
tion with the enemy during the whole of the operations." And
further, that as to the co-operation or' Murat, Lord William
Bentinck even doubted whether the common cause would not
have been better promoted without iu"f These officers, who
vrere upoa the spot, were certainly the best judges of all these
eire'umstances-. In the House of Commons, however, the ar-
gument* and facts took a much stronger turn. The business
was there brought forward by Mr. Horner, who, after all the
broad and daring charges, Which, in the absence of Lord Cas-
tlereagh, he had from time to time brought against the exe-
cutive government, now that this noble personage was present,
endeavoured to evade the debate, by submitting to the House *
whether it would not be " more consonant to the wise and es-
tablished practice of the Legislature, on the emergency of a
new war, to communicate those papers (which he wanted) by a
message from the throne, acquainting Parliament with that e-
vent,. and referring it to the documents, as explanatory of the
causes which led to it. He would also suggest, that if the pa-
pers were to be granted without opposition, the feelings of the
House would be better consulted by foregoing in the present
state of the question, ail statement or discussion on the subject.":}:
This, no doubt, was the proper course; but the Honourable
Gentleman had, with his eyes open, chosen another; and after
enforcing and insisting upon it, as the proper course, he could
not be allowed to retract. Accordingly Lord Castlereagh said,
that '* he could not avoid feeling surprise at what had fallen
from the Honourable Gentleman. He had conceived that those
who sat on the opposite side of the House had, Jong since, consi-
dered themselves to be in possession of information sufficient to
warrant them in charging his Majesty's government with an
* Lord Liverpool's speech, May 2d, 1815. f Do. do.
J Mr. Horner's speech, do, dow
123
unqualified breach of faith, [hear, hear!) An Honourable
Gentleman opposite (Mr. VVhitbread) had very recently declar-
ed, in terms the -most decided, that he had at length conclusive
grounds for ascribing to ministers a breach of faith, and a gross
violation of their duty." The noble Lord proceeded to express
Ids surprise that those who had so long .ago "criminated the
proceedings of Government, and -of our Allies, in the general ar-
rangements adopted for the settlement of Europe, should not
now be prepared to support their accusations;" ami, that as
41 he had come down to the House in discharge of his duty,
to meet the discussion of charges preferred in kad not
violated. Murat, said he, "had hitherto fulfilod all his en-
gagements." He contended, that the policy of this country
was to secure the alliance of Murat, who was tomt MWcfouH to
form such a connexion, nd ready -jto ! enter into the most fa-
vourable stipulations. Except this, there was nothing very
remarkable in his speech, which only abounded in daring
accusations against the ministers of his country, founded
upon disjointed statements and references, and a conviction
* Lord Castlereagh's speech, May 2d, 1815.
f 31 r. Horner's, do. do.
124-
on his mind that Murat was right, and Britain and her allies
completely wrong. Lord Castlereagh, however, put a very
different face upon affairs. He shewed the House that the
treaty with Murat was acceded to on the part of Great Britain,
upon the express conditions that Murat should procure indem-
nities for the King of Sicily, and act cordially and vigorously
against Bonaparte. Murat, however, refused to acknowledge
the first stipulation mentioned; and it was upon the earnest
solicitations of Austria, not to sacrifice the general policy for
the sake of individual interests, that Great Britain agreed to
the negotiation, stipulating that Ferdinand should receive in-
demnities in some other quarter. He stated that no improper
suspicions of Murat's conduct had been taken up by him; but
that, on the contrary, he had endeavoured to do away the well
grounded fears of Lord William Bentinck against him. " All
his arguments were thrown into the scale in favour of Murat,"
even when Lord William Bentinck informed him that the
whole talk of Murat's officers was, that Italy should be united,
and Murat placed at its head.* Murat had not honourably
fulfiled his engagements to the allies, but was waiting the
chances of the war, in order to throw his strength into the scale
of the strongest power; but that if Murat had fulfiled these con-
ditions, then his claim would have been acknowledged, and, in
a particular manner, supported by Britain; but that having
failed in his engagements, the fate of Naples was very properly
Jeft to the decision of Congress. After detailing to the House
documents similar to those which Lord Liverpool had brought
forward in the upper House, and stating that General Nugent had
not only made out a complete case " of military inactivity, on the
part of Murat, but of a most skilful management of his troops to
tlefeat the objects which had been agreed upon by the allies;" his
Lordship proceeded to produce still more damning evidence a-
gainst him, consisting of correspondence between Bonaparte
and himsejf and his wife, together with letters to the Viceroy,
and from Fouchc to the Emperor, which left no doubt of the
duplicity and treachery of Murat in the cause of the allies.
See Murat's first proclamation last year, and his first tin's year, as a complete cqb-
rirmation of this important fact.
1C5
As these documents are a remarkable instance of French per-
fidy, I shall be more particular with them than I would other-
wise have been. In the first, from the Princess Borghese to
Bonaparte, dated Lucca, February 14th, she says, " tl-j Kinfwar, he , endeavours every where to lighten up, under the
pretence of Italian independence, the devastating fire of the
* Austrian declaration, Vienna, April 12tb, ;1 81 Si
1$2
Revolution, which formerly smoothed for him the road to pas*
from the obscurity of private life, to the splendour of a throne.
He wishes under the specious ideas of natural limits, to pre-
sent to all the Italians the phantom of a Kingdom, of which
he cannot even fix the capital; because nature has fixed with
separate limits, separate Governments to the different portions
of Italy."* In the declaration published by Murat he does not
attempt to deny any one of the accusations against him. He
boldly takes his ground on the intentions attributed to him, and
the actions said in the Austrian declaration to be committed by
him, " Italians," said he, " the moment is come when gpe&t de$r
tinies must be accomplished. Providence calls you at last to be
an independent people. One cry echoes from the Alps to the
strait of Scylla the independence of Italy. What right have
strangers to rob you of your independence, the first right and
blessing of all people? What right have they to carry off your
sons, to make them serve, languish, and die, far from the
tombs of your fathers? Let every Foreign domination dis-
appear from the soil of Italy. Formerly masters of the world,
you have expiated that fatal glory, by a servitude of twenty
centuries. Let it now be your glory to nave masters no longer.
Every people must keep within the limits fixed to it by nature.
The sea and inaccessible mountains, these are your frontiers.
Eighty thousand Italians of Naples, hasten to you under the
command of their King, they swear never to rest until Italy be
free; and they have proved more than once, that they know Ira
to keep their oaths. Italians of all countries! Second their
magnanimous wish. The enlightened men of all countries, the
nations which are worthy of a liberal Government, the Princes
who are distinguished by the greatness of their character, will
rejoice in your enterprise, will applaud your triumphs. Eng-
land ! can she refuse you her suffrage ?"f
I consider it unnecessary to quote farther from this document,
in order to shew the views of Murat. They were chiefly those
which looked forward to his own interests: but at the same time
Bellegarde's proclamation, Milan, April 5th, 1815.
f Murat's proclamation, Rimini, March 31st, 1815.
138
while by kindling a flame in Italy, he promoted this, he divided
the energies of Austria, and covered a most vulnerable, and as it
concerned Napoleon, a dangerous part of the French frontier in
the South; thereby seconding, to the utmost of his power, the
views and intentions of his relation. It is probable that the latter
personage laughed at present the attempt ofMurat, in endeavour-
ing to make himself Sovereign of all Italy, which he had formerly
treated with such contempt; but at present he encouraged him
to proceed, as it was of the utmost importance to him, in his
present situation; and knowing, as he well did, that if he was
successful over the European coalition, that he would quickly
undo all that Murat had done, and teach him again that he
had only made him a King, in furtherance of part of his sys-
tem. It was part of the principles taught by the French Re-
volution, to pervert the human understanding, and call wron"-
right, and to glory in that profession. If this had not been
the case, could Murat, without a blush of shame, have spoken of
strangers and foreigners robbing Italy of her independence,
who was himself a foreigner, sprung from a nation notorious
in Italy for their oppression and for their crimes. Could anv
thing but those feelings which remained steeled at the horrois
of the Berezina, call upon them to remember those foreigners,
who carried off their sons to serve, languish, and die, faufrom
the tombs of their fathers. How bitter the reproof how just
the Censure here passed against Napoleon's ambition, and
Murat's servility? though levelled by the perverted judgment
and ambition of the latter against a different object. Is it pos-
sible to hear with patience him talk of Italian independence.,
who, but a short time before, first offered to Austria and then to
Napoleon to assist in dismembering and dividing her. After
the glorious victory of Leipsic decided the fate of Europe,
Murat again came forward to renew his offers to join the
European alliance, which he had upon the formidable appear-
ance of Bonaparte in the spring retracted from. " He caused
his army to advance, and proposed to Austria the partition of
Jtaly."* When this was refused on the part of Austria, he
* Austrian declaration, Vienna, April 12th, 1815.
134
then made the offer to Bonaparte, who treated it with " cpn-
4e7iipt" Surely then <* Moderation and good faith were words
without a meaning, in the eyes of the Princes of the new
French dynasty/' Yet this was the man whom the Opposition
in Britain delighted to honour with whom they asserted, that
it was prudent and safe to treat; and who they averred had
.been most unjustly treated and hardly dealt with. In recalling
to the minds of the Italians, the days of their former renown,
Murat inadvertently held up a picture appalling to every reflect-
ing mind, which in either Italy or in France, would stop to
contemplate it. Might not the fate of Italy be that of France,
as the pursuits of both had been similar, only the conduct of the
former was less destructive and atrocious, compared to the dura-
tion of her power, than what that of the latter had been. *' Provi-
dence," said he, " calls you at last to be an independent nation."
How different were the decrees of the Almighty ? The fate of the
Italian Empire was drawn in terrible colours by His Spirit to His
. servant in ancient times, and which 2000 years have but served
to verify and to confirm. By the decrees of Jiim whose arms
swept the seat of the first Beast or tyrannic Empire, "with
the besom of destruction," was the power of the fourth Beast ^
or still more terrible Tyranny, divided into Ten States, and the
next great political oppression which succeeded these, " slain,
and his body destroyed and given -to the burning flame."* Thus
it was to be totally destroyed and consumed, and the parts that
formerly composed its political frame,no human power is able to
unite any more. When we look at Italy how strictly is this
fulfiied? When we remember her crimes .and her oppression,-
how justly is the decree applied? Overrun and divided by
*>ne nation after another, she remains after a lapse of fifteen
centuries, a terrible beacon to every nation ^ind people, who
pursue the line of conduct that she did, that their fate must be
similar to hers. The counsels and the strength of man, will
in vain attempt to restore what unerring Justice has, as an
independent State, thus delivered over to decay and to ruin.
" The moment is come," said Murat, " when great destinies
must be accomplished." It was so. The sword was once more
Daniel vii. 8, 11, 24, 26.
135
unsheathed the fairest part of Europe was again to be delug-
ed with blood; and punishment most severe and exemplary was
ready to fall on the heads of the guilty. Immediately after is-
suing the proclamation already mentioned, Murat advanced
from Rimini with the main body of his army, consisting of up-
wards of 40,000 men, and took the road by Ravenna and Bol-
ogna, towards Mantua and Milan. The remainder of his ar-
my marched from Rome, from whence the Pope had already
fled and taken refuge in Genoa, and advanced into the territor-
ies of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. This part of the Neapoli-
tan force was opposed by that active and intelligent officer,
General Nugent- Bellc^arde commanded at Milan, as the
Viceroy of the Emperor's Italian dominions; and that brave
officer, General Frimont, was intrusted with the ehief com-
mand of the army destined to oppose Murat. Under his orders
acted General Bianchi, and other intelligent officers. Hostile
ties first commenced on the 30th, by an attack upon the ad-
vanced posts of the Austrian army, stationed at Cesena. The
Austrian Generals, who had orders not to engage against a vast
superiority in numbers, fell back as the Neapolitans advanced.
They accordingly retreated towards the main body of their
forces, which wer assembling by General Frimont, at Casal
Mairuriore, and Piadena. Murat continued to advance in a
rapid manner, entering Bologna, and compelling the Duke of
Modena to leave his capital and take refuge in the Austrian
States. On the 4th April, a serious contest, considering the
numbers engaged, took place on the Tanaro, the passage of
which the Neapolitans attempted to force, and to cut off the re-
treat of General Bianchi. In this attack they were repulsed
with considerable loss; and General Bianchi succeeded in se-
curing his retreat; and " according to his orders, took his po-
sition behind the canal of Bentiveglio, and in the tete du pant $
Bogoforte, on the Po."* The Austrian loss on this occasion
was " inconsiderable" while the French Journals magnified the
affair into a great victory, and swelled the Austrian loss to " 4
or 5000 men."f On the 8th, Murat advanced to the Po, and
I
.Austrian report, Vienna, April 12th, 1815.
f Monitcur, April 19tb and 20th, 1815.
13000 men, upon Florence, thus
threatening to intercept the troops of the left wing of the army
under Murat. Frimont and Bianchi, with the main body as-
sembled near Mantua, crossed the Po, and bore upon his front
with a numerous and well appointed army: while lower down
the river, near Ferrara, another Austrian army crossed to the
Southward and threw itself on his right flank, and was in direct
inarch to throw itself in his rear, in the road to Rimini and An-
cona, by which he advanced. Not a moment was to be lost.
The Austrian armies, in terrible numbers, were thus marching on
three sides to surround him; and not an arm was stretched out to
assist the magnanimous wish of the Neapolitan. It was found that
the people did not like a renewal of the scenes of 1797, when
contributions and requisitions were the order of the day; and
Murat could not carry on his operations without the aid of this
measure, at all times indispensably necessary to the support of
an army educated in the French school, and trained for the
furtherance of French principles. Besides, the Neapolitans in
general were cordially hated by the people in the Northern
parts of Italy; and who had also the temerity to think that their
Sovereign Prince, Murat, was a foreigner, because he was born
at Cahors in France, and had spent the most of his life in the
Mrmiteur, April 23d, 1815.
139
French army; and wasted the resources of his kingdom, when in
seconding the views of his native country, he carried away the
youth of Italy " to fight, languish, and die, far from the tombs
of their fathers;" as was the case under his own eyes at the Na-
ra, the Berezina, and at Leipsic. Thus situated, Murat btgan
not to think of Milan, but of Naples. K Nowhere was the voice
of one single commune raised in behalf of the King of Naples,"*
notwithstanding his numerous proclamations, conceived in the
most violent revolutionary spirit. It was asserted that the
Austrian Government, at this moment, in concert with the al-
lies, offered to guarantee the kingdom of Naples to Murat, if
he desisted from hostilities and joined the coalition against
France. These proposals, according to the French Journals,
were sent by a courier to Murat, who, it was observed, upon
perusing the dispatches, repeated several times, " It is too late
Italy wishes to be free, and shall be Jree."f That proposals
were made to Murat, he himself admits in his communication
with the Austrian Generals when soliciting an armistice; but
with the nature of these the public are unacquainted. There-
port was, that the allies would acknowledge him as Sovereign of
Naples if he joined the confederacy against Napoleon.
The tables were, however, now turned against Murat. " By
accounts from Italy," said the Moniteur, "we learn that General
Nugent and the whole of his column were taken."! This
was, no doubt, what they wished, but not what took place.
General Nugent having retired upon Pistoja, was there re-en-
forced with a considerable force. The Neapolitan General,
Pignatelli, followed him to that place, and made a general at-
tack upon his position. After an obstinate contest, Pignateili
was defeated with great loss, and driven back upon Florence,
which place he was compelled to abandon on the 13th, in great
conlusion. His loss in these operations was estimated at 3000
men- The Austrian army on this point, now 1 7,000 strong,
and receiving daily re-enforcements, continued to follow hini,
without allowing him one moment's repose. Tuscany was deliv-
ered in as short a space of time as partof it had been overrun; and
* Vienna Gazette, April 15th, 1815. t Moniteur, Paris, April 26ili.
| Do. do. April 24th.
HO
the retreat of Murat, by Rome, was, by these measures, in great
danger of being completely cut olljand which it was henceforward
the great object of the Austrians to accomplish. Murat had no
better success where he was himself stationed. Alter his repulse
at Ochio Bello, the Austrians advanced; and on the 1 1th, Gene-
ral Bianchi attacked the Neapolitan force undei General Fixe,
stationed near Carpi, and after a severe engagement, lie drove
the Neapolitans into the town in great confusion, which it seems
they at first resolved to defend. But preparations being made
for assaulting the place, and a column of Austrian troops ad-
vancing at the same moment towards Quartirolo, in order to
cut off their retreat, the Neapolitans abandoned the place and
iied across the Secchia, pursued by the Austrian troops. In
,lhese operations the Neapolitans lost 500 prisoners, and an e-
qual number killed and wounded; and in consequence of their
defeat, General Carascosa, stationed at Modena with 8000 men,
evacuated that place and retired behind the Tanaro. The ad-
vanced guard of General Bianchi immediately afterwards en-
tered that city. The Neapolitan army in front of Ferrara had
been equally unsuccessful. It had begun its operations against
the place, when, on the 12th, the Austrian Generals Mohr
and Nieppcrg attacked it, drove it from all its positions, de-
stroyed all the works which had been erected, and pursued it as
far as Bologna, in the neighbourhood of which Murat endca-
. voured to collect his army, and whether he was immediately
followed by the Austrian army under Frimont.* In conse-
quence of these unfortunate, and considering the circumstances
in which Murat stootl, to him most disastrous operations, the
French press, which had conceived such strong reliance upon his
plans, and held out such high expectations of his success, began
to lower their tone, and acknowledge, that from the arrival of
numerous re -enforcements to the Austrians, " the Neapolitan
army had made a retrograde and concentrating movement. "f
Nevertheless, it did not suit the interests of France to ac-
knowledge the critical state of Mu rat's rash enterprise. " These
details," said the Journal de Paris, " are at least doubtful; and
we have more certain intelligence that the King of Naples has,
A ustrian cfiicial reports. f Gazette dc Fiance, April 27tb, 1815.
in
completely beaten the Austrian army, and driven it beyond the
Po. Parma and Placentia are in his possession. Insurrec-
tion makes great progress in Italy, and the Neapolitans are
every where received with joy."* Soch was the system of de-
lusion practised by what was arrogantly called the free press of
Paris, at this moment; and who charged the Austrian* with pub-
lishing only part, and upon one side of the question, on which
account it very sagaciously observed, that " they wanted the
means of forming a proper judgment of the accuracy of facts."+
These means France indeed had long wanted, and did not wish
to receive.
The Austrian army under Frimont and Bianchi from the
neighbourhood of Mantua, and those from Ferrara under
Mohr and Niepperg, having formed a junction, continued to
follow the Neapolitan army. Murat had begun to fortify his
position behind the Tanaro; but upon the first movement
General Bianchi made to' cross the river on the 11th, he
abandoned his positions, and on the 16lh evacuated Bologna,
and the same day retreated to Imola. Several skirmishes took
place with the rear of his army, from the rapid advance of the'
Austrian troops, in which the enemy lost many prisoners, and
also a considerable number killed and wounded. At every ,
position he took, the Austrians threatened to turn both wingb
of his army, while a powerful force pressed upon the centre.
On the loth and 17th 4-0,000 Austrian troops passed through
Bologna in pursuit of the enemy, whose retreat from this mo-
ment became a rapid and disastrous flight. Demoralization
increased with rapid strides amongst the Neapolitan army.
The soldiers complained bitterly that they had been deceived,
and taught to believe, that they were to meet friends wherever
they advanced: and had been persuaded that they were to act
in concert with Austria against Bonaparte. In vain the Gen-
erals attempted to encourage them. They could no where be
brought to make any resistance of importance. The army be-
came dissatisfied and full of confusion. The rear guard also were
composed of the most worthless o! the troops, and who without
Gazette cle France, April CTUi, 1315. | Journal de V Empire.
H2
discipline did their master more harm than good. Their
boundless rapacity and savage conduct incensed the inhabitants
of the country against them. Only the corps of General
Caraseosa, which was principally composed of deserters, fought
desperately. Murat himself declared that he had been deceived
with regard to the general sentiments of the people. The
prisoners when taken, and inquired at where their King was,
replied, " Our King is in Sicily, but Joachim and his brother-
in-law, Jerome Bonaparte, are with the army, where, we do
not know." Such were the sentiments of the troops which
were to deliver Italy from Foreigners, with regard to their
leader. On the 13th the Duke of Modena re-entered his cap-
ital, >after it had been a week in the possession of the enemy;
and in which they had not levied any contributions, from the
precipitate manner in which they were compelled to leave it.
At Bologna, however, it was different. There the inhabitants
suffered severely; and in the short space of a fortnight their
fields were ravaged and laid waste.
The Austrians followed with unremitting vigilance the steps
of the flying enemy. "His breaking up from the Tanaro,"
said the Austrian Reporter, " no longer allows him any point
of halt; and with greater rapidity than in his ill concerted ad-
vance agaiust the Legations, the Tuscan, and Modenese ter-
ritories, must he, anxiously avoiding a battle, relinquish these
specious advantages with considerable loss."* On the 19th the
advanced divisions of the Austrian army had reached Forli.
On the right bank of the river Ronco, here a very rapid stream,
Murat had left the division of General Lecchi to dispute the
passage of the river, with the Austrian jtroops, and to retard
their advance. Count Niepperg, without hesitation, attacked
the enemy in this position. He in open day forced the passage
of the rapid Ronco, in presence of the Neapolitan army, while
a brigade under Count Haugwitz marched by Roversano to
turn their left flank. The troops having effected the passage
of the river at eight in the evening, attacked the enemy at the
charge step, who in twenty minutes was beaten and driven
Austrian report, Mantua, April 24$, 1815.
143
back upon Forlipopoli. Murat himself, with his lancicr regi-
ments, of the divisions of Carascosa, endeavoured to break
through the masses of the Austrian infantry; but the Prince
Regent's and Lichenstien's regiments of hussars, commanded
by Captain Hartig and Captain Gemery, charged them in sucli
a determined and brilliant manner, that the greater part were
cut down and the rest dispersed. Alarm and distrust from
this moment spread through the enemy's ranks, whose flight
was only prevented from becoming a total route, by the coming
on of a dark and rainy night. The Austrian loss was consider-
able; that of the enemy severe; and from the prisoners it was
learned, that at that moment discontent and disobedience
threatened to disorganize the whole Neapolitan army. Where-
cver they came, the Austrians were received by the inhabitants
with great joy; and many of the mountaineers took up arms,
and joined the Austrian advanced guard. All ranks received
them as deliverers, and by voluntary services endeavoured
to lighten the difficulties of the army. On the rio-ht of General
Ncipperg a small corps advanced along the sea coast, and
drove before it from Ravenna a column of the enemy. Driven
from this position with such celerity, Murat, without any at-
tempt to defend it, abandoned his entrenched camp at Cesena,
on the night of the 22d, and continued his retreat with the
greatest precipitation. In the meantime General Nugent had
recovered Florence, and with 19,000 men advanced to Perugio;
and continuing his march to Foligno, he got "before Murat,
and completely intercepted the road for his retreat to Naples,
by way of Rome, the nearest and best to his kingdom. Thus
situated, Murat was reduced to the most dreadful dilemma.
But one road remained, that along the coast by Ancona,and from
thence by Fermo andSulmona across the Appenines; but this was
scarcely passable for any army; while the Austrians had it still
in their power to intercept even this route beyond Acquilla; and
should he escape by that, they could, by marching another co-
lumn by way of Rome, still get to Naples before him. This the
Austrian Generals had in view. While Nugent kept westward
upon Perugia, General Bianchi in the centre, marched upon
Arezzo, and there got the start of Murat, who, with about
144
20,000 men, had retired to Rimini, and on the 24th had Ius
rear-guard at Saergnano.* Murat had now no opportunity to
escape, but by either forcing his way through the Austrian army,
or, by endeavouring to gain time, try to elude their vigilance,
which he could only do by attempting to open negotiation?.
This was an old trick, which his master and himself had practised
in similar dangerous situations, and but too often with success.
I lure, however, the bait would not take. But he determined
to try it. Accordingly General Millet de Villencuve, chief of
the stalFof the Neapolitan army, addressed a letter to the Aus-
trian General, soliciting an armistice, and requesting to open
ncgociations. As this famous piece is in the true French
style, I shall notice it in a more particular manner than such
a document deserves. In it, Murat begins, by telling the Aus-
trian General, that the conduct of the Congress had raised in
his mind a just uneasiness, with regard to the safety of his
States; and that " he had a right to occupy the line which he
held during the last war." This line he conceived ought to
have been given up to him without difficulty; " and perhaps,"
continued he, " no hostilities would have taken place, if your
Excellency had received the communications., which have been
prevented by unforeseen accidents^ and "which his Majesty has:
been too late informed qf"\ He then proceeded to charge
the Austrian General with having first commenced hostilities,
by firing on the Neapolitan troops at Cesena; and, continued
he, " As his Majesty saw himself engaged in a war against a
great Power, without having intended it; he thought it necessary
to make use of all the resources -which had long since been
offered him in Italy, and the extension of which he did not
even further attempt to realize." Perceiving also that he was
about to be drawn into a war with England, with whom he
wished to live at peace, he became doubly anxious to accom-
plish a reconciliation with Austria; and added, that he would
have sooner proposed an armistice, if said he, " I had not
* Austrian reports, April 24th and 2Gth, 1815.
f Tlicsc were, no doubt, the offers of accommodation from Austria already allud-
ed to, and which Murat stated came too lalte,.
145
feared that such a proposal might have been considered
as a means to check the activity of the military dispositions
against the Neapolitan army, at the moment when it began its
retreat." Assuming, however, that tone of dissimulation and
defiance, for which Frenchmen, in any situation, are so remark-
able, Villeneuve proceeded: But " now that the King finds
himself, with his whole army, in the line vchich he thought jit to
choose; Now, that he has sufficiently proved that his movements
'were not compelled, and that he is fully master of them" he ac-
cordingly proposes to^your Excellency an armistice to stop the
unnecessary effusion of blood.* The history of French diplo-
macy scarcely affords a more extraordinary instance of arro-
gance and imbecility, than is here shewn; and Murat must
certainly have conceived a mean opinion of the Austrian com-
mander, before he could have ventured to send him such an
epistle, in which there was not one word of truth. The Aus-
trian General, however, was not to be imposed upon. In his
answer he shortly informed Murat that the question of war was
decided, by the advance of the whole Neapolitan army into
the Legations, and by the proclamation at Rimini, the SOth
March; adding, that he must refuse an armistice, and continue
his operations.
In observations upon the preceding extraordinary document,
the Austrian Government, through the medium of the Austrian
Observer, very justly remarked, " It is long since any docu-
ment has appeared so extraordinary. It deserves to figure in a
distinguished manner, even in an age so rich as ours in empty
phrases; and may be quoted as a model of Revolutionary policy.
Never before was the march of a whole army into a foreign
territory, assaults upon fortresses, and tetes du fonts, and, lastly,
a proclamation like that from Rimini, of the SOth March, which
invites to insurrection the people of all the neighbouring States,
and even of others more remote, represented as actions which
have put the Prince, who has undertaken them of his own
accord, 'without any provocation, out of pure ambition, and who
has directed them in person, in a way of making the disagree-
Villeneuve's letter, April 21st, 1815.
T ft
146
able discovery, that be was, by a mistake, at war with the great
Power, which he had so grievously offended. It is doubtless
a sad thing to Joachim that he has failed in the attempt, to
make use of the resources which he says have been long since
offered him in Italy. The conviction which King Joachim
has acquired by the communication which he had with Lord
"W. Bentinck, that the hostilities commenced against him were
not the result of a plan, proves to a demonstration on which
side was the offensive. The King's error on this point may
certainly be attended with consequences of great importance to
him. The Cabinet of Naples may besides easily tranquillize
itself, when it learns that one of its agents named Benda, who
was attempting to repair secretly from Florence to Genoa, has
fallen into the hands of the Austrian army with all the instruc-
tions he had about him, and that none of the plans of Murat
have remained unknown to the Court of Austria."*
Foiled in his attempt to deceive the Austrian Government
or Generals, by insidious negotiations, Murat resolved by a
desperate effort,, to force his way through the Austrian army,
which obstructed his retreat towards Rome. In this lie had
no time to lose. General Bianchi had entered Foligno on the
27th, while the army of Murat on the same day was only at Pe-
saro, rapidly diminishing by desertion and continual skirmishing.
He, accordingly, after throwing a garrison of 7000 men into
Aneona, continued his march, determined to force his way; and
as the Austrian Generals were equally determined to prevent
it, their conflicting intentions brought on a series of sanguinary
engagements, in which Murat was completely beaten, and com-
pelled to fly by another road than the one by which he intend-
ed to retreat, and that only with the wreck of his army.
In vain Murat by making forced marches, had attempted
to repair his former error, and get the start of General Bian-
chi. The road from Aneona was completely blocked up by
that Officer; who, from Foligno, turned to the eastward, and
marched to Tolentino. From thence he continued his march
upon Macerata; when Murat, who had gained two marches-
* Austrian Observer, Vienna, May 5th, J 8 15.
147
upon the column which pursued him in the rear from Senigaglia,
brought his whole force to bear upon General Bianchi, inferior
in numbers. The two armies met, on the 2d of May, in tiont
of Tolentino; and a combat there took place between them,
both obstinate and blood}'. The Neapolitan force consisted of
the divisions ofAmbrosio, Pignalelli, Lcrron, Lecchi, and a
brigade of the division of Carascosa. Their attacks against the
Austrian forces was multiplied and violent throughout the
whole of the 2d, and night alone put an end to the engage-
ment, without either party having obtained any advantage that
could enable him to claim a victory over his antagonist. The
advantage, however, remained with the Austrians so far; be-
cause they completely succeeded in preventing the object which
the enemy had in view. Considerable re-enforcements having
arrived, General Bianchi was next morning preparing to at-
tack the Neapolitan army in his turn, when he was anticipated
by the advance of Murat, who a second time attempted to force
his way through the armies which opposed him. This brought
on an action still more obstinate and bloody than the former.
Earlv in the morning of the 3d, Murat renewed the attack with
all his remaining force; and the battle lasted, during the day,
with great loss on both sides. The first efforts of Murat were
directed against the centre and right of the Austrian army,
commanded by Generals Mohr and Starhcmberg, stationed on
the main road; where, said General Bianchi, " he penetrated
with much courage." General Mohr, to whom the right wing
was entrusted, not only repulsed every attack made against
him, but re-enforced the van-guard under Count Starhemberg,
turning at the same time all the numerous artillery belonging
to his position against the enemy; and, at the same time, und( r-
,took several charges with the Prince Regent's hussars and the
Tuscan dragoons, which occasioned a considerable loss to he
enemy. At that .moment, the division of Ambrosio, with a part
of the division of Pignatelli, descended from the heights of
Monte Milone, to attack the Austrian left, which was commanded
by General Bianchi in person. That brave officer, however,
anticipated the attack. He caused the regiment of Chasteler
to advance in close order, whilst a squadron of dragoons, tar-
' 148
ured by the nature of the ground, and unperceived, turned
the right flank of the enemy, and fell with great courage upon
the first mass of infantry of the second regiment of the line.
'* This movement was executed with as much ardour as suc-
cess. The enemy's column was in part cut in pieces, and in
part taken prisoners."* The enemy's plan now became ob-
vious. From the heights of Milone descended about 8000
men, formed in squares, some of which were composed of two
or three battalions. The enemy attacked with a numerous ar-
tillery and a vigorous platoon fire; but the Austrian troops re-
mained firm, and waited the approach of the enemy's squares
without returning a shot. " One of these squares, tcnified by
the formidable aspect of the regiment of Chastelei, disbanded
itself and fled."f Two regiments of Tuscan dragoons now ap-
proached to turn the enemy's right, and three pieces of artillery
having been conveyed through the mountains with much diffi-
culty, and having opened their fire upon the enemy, he im-
mediately at this point' betook himself to flight. The whole
Austrian army advanced at the same time on all sides; and the
enemy could no longer maintain himself on any point, but fled
in every direction. The pursuit continued with ardour; and
'* the enemy's brigades of Taquilla and Meduis were overtaken,
defeated, and dispersed in the mountains "J The Neapolitan
army fled in the direction of Fermo, and took the Eastern
jroad, through a difficult and almost inaccessible country. Next
morning, Count Starhemberg caused the strong position of
Macerata to be attacked, while he moved in person on the road
to Fermo, which the rear guard of the enemy, under General
Mayo, was approaching. Unable to join the main body, this
column was compelled to throw itself into Civita Nuova. The
loss on both sides in these obstinate conflicts must have been
great. The Austrians estimate theirs at about 1100 men, and
27 officers, killed and wounded; but their loss, however, cer-
tainly exceeded this number. The less of the Neapolitans
^was, according to the Austrian accounts, very considerable.
Including SO officers, 1600 were taken prisoners. One cannon,
ix powder waggons, and much baggage, amongst which was
* Bianchi's dispatch, May 5th, 3815. f Do. &>. 4 Do. d*
149
several of Murat's carriages, fell into the hands of the vic-
tors. The Generals of division Ambrosio, and Pio-natelli; the
General of brigade Lacazana, and three of the enemy's Colon-
els were wounded, of whom one of the latter died immediately
after. Two regiments of Neapolitan infantry were annihilated,
by the Austrian regiment named the Prince Regent of Eng-
land's hussars. Both sides seem to have fought bravely.
The bravery of the Austrian troops was highly spoken of; and
Murat certainly exerted himself greatly. But he failed, and
jvas most signally defeated.
The battles of Tolentino decided the fate of Murat. From
those bloody fields, his army fled in dismay; and entering the
.Neapolitan States, it endeavoured to gain the capital by the
road already mentioned. This, however, was impossible.
General Niepperg, who had advanced from the Northward in
the rear of the Neapolitan army, and of whom they had gain-
ed the start, by forced marches, came up after the battle, and
continued his pursuit of the broken enemy. This enabled
General Bianchi to detach part of the army under his command
through the mountains, by a nearer road, in order to gain Pes-
cara before the fugitives, while a division of Nugent's army had
already, on the 2d, entered Aquila, and continued its route for
Popoln The main body, however, of his army, took the road
to Rome, which it entered on the 27th, and from thence con-
tinued its march towards Naples. It was now obvious that the
escape of Murat, with any part of his army worth noticing, was
totally impracticable. Should he force his way through the
line forming against him about Popoli, it must be done at a,
considerable loss; while almost the whole army under Nugent
was still between him and his capital. At this moment he
might have reached it himself, with a few followers; but an c-
vent took place which rendered that dangerous, and also of no
.consequence.
After the concentrating movement, according to the French
papers, made by Murat, and after his having taken the line
which he had chosen, and where he commanded all his move-
ments, it was naturally to be expected that through the same medi-
-um Europe should hear of his victorious progress. Accordingly,
150
the Moniteur,by theGovernment agent,furnished the world with
some choice specimens of his great success. " The Austrians,"
said the conductor of this paper, " have been completely beaten
by the Neapolitans near Forli. Four Austrian Colonels rejoined
the King of Naples; two of them, Nive and Armande, behaved
so well that they were made Generals of brigade on the field of
battle. It does not appear to be the plan of the Neapolitans to
advance at this moment"* " The Neapolitan troops surprised
the Austrians at Nocera, attacked the enemy, and drove him
from all his positions; he was obliged to abandon his artillery;"f
But these were trifling victories to what followed. " The news
of the great success of the King of Naples, against the Aus-
trians has caused a lively sensation.' It appears the King drew
after him the Austrians, who had the imprudence to divide into
two columns. The King having collected his forces, attacked
them, made 8000 prisoners, and has taken 28 pieces of cannon.
One Field Marshal has been wounded, as well as four other
Generals, of whom it appears many have been taken.":}; A few
days afterwards it published the following intelligence, which
might be relied on. " According to an official bulletin, pub-
lished at Ancona, the Austrians lost on the 1st, 2d, and 3d,
15,000 men and 40 pieces of cannon, or harnessed caissons.
Three Generals were wounded, particularly Generals Starhem-
berg and Niepperg; the latter is mortally wounded." || Such
were the means resorted to by the French government, to en-
courage and support a sinking cause; and such a part of the
system which had governed France for twenty-five years, and
now again misled her. But even these organs of deception
were compelled to yield to the impulse of truth. Deception
would do no longer: the truth, disagreeable as it was, must be
told. Accordingly, after some aukward delays, and dark hints,
the Courier Extraordinary was obliged to publish that " the
Neapolitan army, which was defeated on the 3d and 4th, was in
cvtnplete route; and the first advantage which resulted from the
Moniteur, May 13th, from Milan April 29th, 1815.
f Do. May 15th, from Fermo, May 1st.
$ Do. May IGth, from Metz, May, 13th.
1} Do. May 20th, telegraphic dispatch, Lyons, May 17th.
151
victory, was the junction of Generals Bianchi and Niepperg. AIL
the troops are now uniting, in order to preclude Murat from
the probability of regaining his kingdom. One column closely
pursues the enemy, while another is crossing the mountains,
and a third is already arrived at Popoli."* Uncomfortable as
this intelligence was to the adherents of Bonaparte, they had
soon after the mortification to be compelled to announce, that
the Queen of Naples was a prisoner, and that Murat had made
a " concentrating movement" to Toulon.
The British fleet in the Mediterranean having received u
large addition of strength under Lord Exmouth, appointed to
the chief command, now began to act against Murat. While
the main body remained in the Gulph of Genoa, a squadron of
three ships, under the command of Captain Campbell of the
Tremendous, was detached against Naples. This armament
arrived before that city on the 11th of May, which it immedi-
ately threatened to bombard, if all the Neapolitan fleet and the
naval stores in the place were not delivered up to them. This
was agreed to on the part of the Queen; and these, consisting
of two sail of the line afloat, and one on the stocks, with all the
stores in the naval arsenal, were taken possession of by the
British government, for his Majesty Ferdinand, King of the
two Sicilies. From this moment we may date the overthrow of
Mu rat's power. Discontent was risen to a great height a-
mongst the inhabitants. The friends of Ferdinand openly
shewed themselves, and demanded his return. An expedition,
it was well known, had for some time previous been assembling
in Sicily, and it was now understood to be ready to sail, ac-
companied by the King, whose arrival was daily and anxiously
expected. Naples had been completely stripped of troops in
order to effect the deliverance of Italy. The few that remain-
ed, under the name of the army of tfie Interior, were at this mo-
ment marched to the frontiers, to arrest the progress of the Aus-
trian armies. The place was therefore without the means of
defence, and consequently fell an easy prey.
In the meantime, the armies of General Bianchi and Niep-
* Moniteur, May 50th, from Milan, May 16th,
152
perg, united, continued to pursue the army under Murat, with-
out relaxation. By roads almost impassible, through places
whore they were compelled at times to blow up rocks to form a
^>ath for the troops, and over mountains nearly inaccessible,
where no army had before ever passed, the march of the Aus-
trian columns was continued with amazing ardour. Murat at-
tacked on the rear and menaced on his flanks, obtained no re-
pose; and in order to save himself from total destruction, was
compelled, by making forced marches, to forego every advan-
tage which the nature of the country afforded. General Mohr,
who pursued him by the sea coast, passed the Trento on the
8th, and arrived at Popoli on the 12th, on which latter space
of ground he took above 1500 prisoners. General Ekhart,
who advanced by a " very difficult mountain road, which had
never been passed with troops," arrived at Aquila on the 9th,
and on the 11th at Popoli. In this march the enemy lost 500
prisoners, and many were killed and wounded. On the night
of the 11th, Murat, with 12,000 infantry 3000 cavalry, the
remains of his army, passed Sulmona in great haste, and ad-
vancing towards Naples by St. Germano and Capua. His ar-
my was by this time reduced to a most deplorable condition;
reduced in numbers, and daily diminishing by the sword, sick-
ness, and famine. It was no longer in a condition to meet the
enemy. " It is certain," said the Austrian bulletin, " that up
to the 1 3th his retreat cost him more than half his army."*
While Murat was thus flying in consternation before his victori-
ous enemies, General Nugent, with the corps under his command,
had advanced from Rome, entered the Neapolitan territories on
that side, and commenced operations against the army of the in-
terior, at this time commanded by General Manheis, who was at
one time the scourge of Calabria, and who at this time treated
with great cruelty the inhabitants of some provinces in the Ro-
man States, who declared for the Austrians. The advanced
divisions of this army, consisting, altogether of about 8000
men, were attacked near Lepranca, where it lost several pris-
oners; and where, in order to retard the advance of the Aus-
* Eleventh bulletin, Milan, May 19th, 1815.
153
Brians, they burnt the bridge, and retired to St. Gennano. I lore
they were, on the 14th, joined by Me ret with the remainder of
his army. Thus re-enforced, the united forces again advanced
from St. Germano, and attached the advanced guard of the
Austrian army with a vast superiority of numbers, at the same
time surrounding it on all points. Notwithstanding this, the
bravery of the Austrian troops was such, that the detached
guard not only cut its way through the ranks of the enemy, but
brought in from three to four hundred prisoners.* This attack
was not followed upon the part of the enemy, because (he rapid
advance of Bianchi on his flank compelled him to consult his
safety by seeking another position. Indeed, the movement was
undertaken for the sole purpose of covering the escape of Murat
to Capua, " who arrived at St. Germano with only three or
four officers, and a few dragoons, and left it again in a few
hours."! Accordingly, on the 1 5th, the enemy retired, and
General Nugent again resumed the offensive. Replacing the
bridge over the Garigliano, which General Manheis had de-
stroyed, and who also had sacked and burnt the unfortunate
town of Ceprano, the Austrian General pursued his march on
St. Germano, and on the 15th bivouacked under the little town
of Arce. General Manheis was joined by the Neapolitan min-
ister of War, Macdonaid, and their combined forces occupied
a position on the Melfa, a few miles from the Austrian camp.
As the Austrians advanced into the Neapolitan territories, the
inhabitants received them every where with satisfaction, and
cheerfully resumed the colours of their legitimate Sovereign.
The Austrian armv under Nugent continued to advance a-
gainst the Neapolitan army stationed on the Milfa, which, on
the night of the 15th, broke down the bridge over that river,
and retreated to St. Germano. The bridge was quickly re-
placed, and at 10 in the morning of the 16th, the Austrian in-
fantry passed to the left bank, the cavalry at the same time
crossing the stream where it was fordable. The united forces
of Manheis, Macdonaid and Pignatelli, had taken post at St.
Germano. Against this position the Austrians advanced; and
while the main body of the army was ready to assail the ene-
my in front, detachments were turning both his right and left
* Church's dispatch, Gazette Extraordinary, June 5th, 1815. f Do. d*.
v 5
T5'4
flank. Thus situated, the Neapolitan Generals declined the
engagement, and retreated to the position of Mignano, nine
miles distant, leaving behind them many prisoners and desert-
ers. The town of St. Germano was immediately occupied by
the allied troops. With that persevering ardour which had shone
so conspicuously in the conduct of the Austrian commanders
during this Italian campaign, Nugent marched directly against
the enemv stationed at Mignano, and where their whole force
was united. At midnight on the 16th, Baron Aspre, with only
about 800 men, commenced the attack against the enemy. The
darkness of the night prevented the latter from ascertaining
the number of the assailants; when, after a few discharges of
musquetry, the enemy's troops were totally routed, saving only
their cavalry and their artillery. In this singular attack 1000
prisoners were taken; a quantity of arms and military equip-
ments fell into the hands of the victors, and the infantry of the
enemy was- completely dispersed. Deserters also, in hundreds,
hourly came into the Austrian camp. In ten- days the Neapo-
litan army of the interior was annihilated, by the activity of
General Nugent, not 700 of it surviving the affair of Mignano;
and during the above time, the Austrian General, with the ar-
my under his immediate command, had occasioned a loss to
the army of the enemy of nearly 7000 met*.* On the 18th,
the Austrian army under Bianchi and the other Generals, who
had continued the pursuit of Murat, by the roads along the
East coast, and through the interior, joined General Nugent;
and the whole army, united in one body, immediately com-
menced its march towards Naples. The army left to cover
that place against their formidable adversaries, assisted loo by
the English fleet, which sealed up all access or escape by sea,
amounted only to 8000 men, the wretched remains not only of
the 80,000, which, six weeks before, spread alarm on the banks
of the Po, but also of the army of the interior, left to guard the
kingdom. A considerable part of this remaining force was, be-
sides, composed of detachments of invalids, Gendarmerie and
Civic guards,drawn from Naples and the neighbouring provinces.
With this force, broken in spirit, and discontented against their
leader, it would have been madness to attempt resistance. The
* Church's dispatdi, May 17th. Gazette Extraordinary, June 5th, 1815:
155
power of Murat was irrecoverably broken. Accordingly, on
the 18th, the Marquis de Gallo arrived at the head-quarters of
General Bianchi, with propositions from Naples. These pro-
positions were considered, on the morning of the 19th, by Gen-
eral Bianchi, and Lord Burghersh on the part of Great Britain,
when they were declared wholly inadmissible; and the Mar-
quis xle Gallo sent back to Naples with the unalterable deter-
mination of the allies, not to treat or negotiate with Murat in
any capacity. At the same time assurances were given to him,
that any proposition which General Carascosa might wish to
make should meet with due consideration. With this intelli-
gence the Marquis de Gallo hastened back to Naples, where
alarm and dismay reigned amongst the formerly haughty fol-
lowers of the new French dynasty. Murat's reign was over.
I lis power gone forever. The same night negotiations were
entered into by General Carascosa, with the allied command-
ers, for a military convention, which, after some altercation,
was finally agreed to. On the part of Naples, propositions
were at first made. which were again deemed totally inadmissible;
the allied commanders insisting upon the abdication of Murat.
General Colletta wished to secure for him a safe retreat into
Fiance, which was declared to be impossible, and that he must
abide b} r the decision of the Austrian government, whose inten-
tions were to transport him into the interior of the Austrian
States. Finding the allied officers resolute in their intention.-,
the Neapolitan General at length declared that he had no au-
thority to enter into negotiations about Murat; and on the
20th, a military convention was agreed to, and signed, by
which the whole kingdom of Naples, with the exception of the
fortresses of Gaeta and Pescara, together with Ancona in the
Roman States, should be surrendered to the allies, to be held
by them for the lawful Sovereign Ferdinand IV. The allied
army, by virtue of this convention, entered Capua on the 21st.
On the 22d they occupied the heights round the capital, and
on the 23d they entered the place. The Queen, with her
children, sought refuge on board of the British fleet; and a-
greeably to a treaty concluded with her, she was carriod to
Trieste, and allowed an asylum in the Austrian dominions.
She carried with her vast wealth. In diamonds and jewels it
J 56
fiasbecn estimated at 1,800,000 ducats, and in money 3,000,000
ducats, and 120 cwt. of silver plate, besides a great number of
valuable paintings, vases, and other curiosities. Murat find-
ing his authority gone, escaped from Naples to Porlici. He
had cut off his hair, thrown aside his royal dress, and wrapped
himself in a great-coat, in order to effect his escape the easier,
From Portici, he had the good fortune to find a small vessel,
in which he embarked, and was soon after landed in Toulon;
where he remained, not daring to visit Paris, for fear of the
Old Lion, to whom he had done so much mischief, and whom
he had at this moment most cruelly deceived. In this situation
we must for some time leave him.
By the vigilance of the Austrian troops, order was preserved
in the vast city of Naples, where the greatest ferment prevailed;
and where the passions of the inhabitants of different classes
were wound up to a pitch which was ready to embark in any mis-
chief. Soon after this the expedition from Sicily, with Ferdinand,
arrived at Naples; where he was again replaced on his throne,
amidst the general good will of his subjects. A proclamation
was issued by him, consigning the past to oblivion; and no at-
tempt was made in any quarter to dispute or disturb his author-
ity. The inhabitants of Naples had received quite enough of
the blessings of French Libert)', of which they were formerly
so much enamoured; and there is reason to supjwse, that the
lesson which they have received, though severe, will not be
soon forgotten among them. Pescara and Ancona soon after-
wards surrendered. Gaeta, where it was said Murat had placed
much of his wealth, and which was defended by a garrison com-
manded by French officers, and composed of soldiers either be-
longing to France or devoted to the cause of Napoleon, continued
to hold out. It was a place of great strength, and was considered
as impregnable. It, however, was at last forced to surrender to
the united Austrian and Britihh troops. It was curious to observe
how quickly the sentiments of the French altered, when speak-
ing of the people of the kingdom of Naples, When advancing
in a cause which was to benefit them, and with every appear-
ance of success, their conduct was described as most magnani-
mous they were every thing that was brave, and praise-worthy;
157
but having returned to the allegiance of their legitimate Sove-
reign, they instantly became every tiling that was bad, coward-
ly,- base, and despicable; and it was actually asserted by them,
that it was a few French soldiers who had, iTr the advance, beat
the whole Austrian army, find in the retreat saved Murat from
destruction. " Murat," said the Monitcur, " owes his misfor-
tunes entirely to the cowardice of the Neapolitan troops. They
advanced as long as the Austrian -troops were not in sufficient
force to oppose them; but when victory was to be purchased by
efforts, instead of fighting they fled. Had the King been able
to advance into Lombardy, his cause and that of Italy would
have triumphed. The officers and soldiers of Prince Eugene
would have flocked to his standard, and formed the strength of
his army. None remained faithful to the King, except a bat-
talion of Italian and French officers; and it was with this hand-
ful of brave men that he accomplished his retreat to Naples,
constantly followed by the Austrians."* Yet before such
troops, we were told, Europe would tremble, and Austria was
to fall prostrate. The fact was, they would no longer serve
French interests. Therefore, it was French troops and officers,
who did all which was done. What overbearing and irre-
claimable vanity!
Thus vanished the idle dream of Italian independence.
Thus quickly fell Murat. Like the meteor that shoots across
the Autumnal sky, he blazed for a moment, and as quickly disap-
peared, from the stage of Royalty for ever. In the space of six
weeks, the inhabitants of Italy, from Cape Tarentum to the l\\
had both acknowledged his arms and also seen his army annihilat-
ed. His family were scattered amongst foreigners; and he himself
became a solitary fugitive in another land. Yet this event,
mighty and important as it was, excited but little attention at the
moment amongst the mass of mankind. The human mind in
Europe had for some time past been so accustomed to behold as-
tonishing events, that this was beheld with indifference. The
destruction of mighty armies the fall of a whole Kingdom,
did not now excite as much attention as the issue of a single
battle had formerly done. In France, 1 * however, this event
* Monitcur, Jrine 7tb, 1815.
159
was beheld with deep, but silent sorrow and regret. There it
was a fatal omen; and a terrible arrow withdrawn from the
quiver of ambition. The victory here gained was of a much
more important kind, than appeared at a first view of the subject.
That Murat, in alliance with France and in arms against
Austria, on the side of Italy, would have been a serious evil,
could not be denied. Yet that alone, though it impeded, could
not alter the issue of the Grand Coalition, against the perfi-
dious and ungovernable passions of the Revolutionary sons of
France. Nevertheless, a victory over Murat, would at any time
have been most beneficial to the general cause; and, therefore,
his destruction in such a short space of time, before his ally
could assist him, was an event of the greatest and most propi-
tious importance. But it was not so much the overthrow of
the military power of Murat as an enemy, that was here the most
interesting topic for Europe to contemplate and dwell on. It
was the overthrow, or rather the extinction of those pernicious
principles which gave his power birth; which had so long
scourged Europe, and which were in France at present again
embattled against her. It was the extinction of those princi-
ples which was the most pleasing part of the picture. It was
on those Murat depended, those by which h,e calculated io
reign over Italy, and enslave it those principles which taught
me, in every country, to rise against their lawful Government,
take their neighbour's property by force, and to obey the
delirious dictates of frantic demagogues, or a ruthless tyrant.
The spirit of these were broken. Mankind in general were
become too wise to be any more duped by specious pretences;
and were wearied with bloodshed, anarchy, and confusion.
Murat and his associates never calculated on this. He con-
ceived that the people of Italy were the same as in 1796. He
could not see that French tyranny had broken their spirits, and
that bitter experience had taught them the dismal consequences
which followed from attending to French promises and profes-
sions. The property which they had gained from internal convul-
sions, they were well aware that they might lose by a renewal of
such scenes. They were deeply interested in the preservation of
it; and, therefore, turned a deaf ear to all Murat's insidious pro-
clamations. It was the extinction of this volcano, the irruption
159
tff which had shook Europe to her foundations, and covered
her with misery and ashes, that formed the most prominent
point in the great and decisive change so suddenly accomplish-
ed in Italy. It was a happy omen for Europe, of what might
also be the case; with regard to France whose restless and ar-
rogant disposition again challenged her united strength to the
combat. Yet, in the face of all this, France persevered. To
her situation, and proceedings, it is now time again to turn our
attention.
" Never," said Canlincourt, " did any nation present a spec-
tacle of a more awful unanimity."* This idle boast, held out
to intimidate Europe, was destined to be of short duration.
Though the efforts of a lawless military, had succeeded, for the
moment, in overwhelming the adherents of Louis XVIII. in
the South of France; still they were not extirpated. La Ven-
dee, under the direction of La Roche Jacquelin, rose in arms to
espouse the cause of their unfortunate Sovereign. These loyal
people received a supply of arms and ammunition from Britain,
and quickly dispelled this dream of " awful unanimity? In a
short period, all the departments along the banks of the Loire,
were either in arms, or remained careless of the contest which
was to support the Usurper. In vain the French Journals
attempted to conceal this important fact. The decrees issued,
though couched in the most cautious and denationalizing lan-
guage, and the measures taken, under whatever disguise they
assumed, but. tended more to confirm the public mind as to the
extent of the evil. Concealment, however, soon became im-
possible. Blood was shed, and the march of considerable
armies to the banks of the Loire, when Europe hung in threat-
ning array around their frontiers, shewed, beyond the power
of French sophistry to refute, that France was, to a certain
extent a divided people. Of the operations in this quarter, we
are, however, very much in the dark; except through the dis-
torted medium of Bonaparte's Journals. According to these
vehicles of falsehood, which occupation they follow, as suits
their interests, every day saw important victories gained over
lese people. Yet the evil spread; and while its influence was
:-lt around the banks of the Garonne, it touched on the other
Caulincourt's letter to the Sotereigns of Europe, April 4th, 1815,
160
band) the shores of the English Channel. Commune after
commune city alter city, were declared in a state of sieger and
all the efforts of Travot, Corbineau, and Lamarque, with
25,000 men, were ineffectual to arrest the progress of the prin-
ciples of these adherents of Louis. Much blood was here shed
on both sides; but it is impossible, from the scanty material-;
which we now possess, to enter into any thing like a detailed
account of the affairs in this quarter. Suffice it to say, that
those principles continued to diffuse themselves over France.
At Lyons, Bourdeaux, Marseilles, nay, even in Paris, and
almost in every department of France, the public peace, as the
adherents of Napoleon called it, was endangered or disturbed,
by the cries of ** Vive le Roi," and the appearance of the white
cockade and the lily. Unfortunately, however, nearly all
those who professed these principles were men without arms,
many without property, and still more without influence.
The Revolution had stripped them of all these, and conferred
them upon its favourites; and hence, these men could do little
under such circumstances to assist their lawful Sovereign.*'
The will, however, remained; and that was a sufficient answer
to all those who boldly asserted that the Bourbon family wa*
totally forgotten, or universally hated in France. The severe
and numerous decrees which the Usurper's Government were,
from time to time, passing against their friends, and their prin-
ciples, sufficiently shewed the alarm under which they lived
with regard to both. In the departments already mentioned,
much of the land had been confiscated during the Revolution,
and many horrible butcheries there committed. This land was
of course given to those of the most violent Republican principles;
and hence a great number professing Jacobinical principle*
are found in those provinces. These very readily entered into
federal compacts amongst themselves, to unite and oppose
either the Royalists or the allies. The tree of Liberty was-
planted in some places, the Red Cap made its appearance in
several, and the Republic or death was the cry in others.
People trembled at the sight and healing of those signals which
recalled to their memories the blackest and crudest page in the
volume of history. Secret assassinations were begun, as during
that awful period ; and distrust, dissatisfaction, and alarm, per-
1G1
Vatled almost every city and province in France. A1J 'ns, how-
ever, was a matter of indifference to the army they s\*sv not the
evil of it. It was their element and they laughed at confusion
and fear. The Jacobins on the other hand with their wonted
audacity denied the fact; and asserted that discontent against
the present measures, were confined to a few men of no consi-
deration or worth. At last Fouche tore asunder this veil of
falsehood and delusion, which the supporters and admirers of
Bonaparte endeavoured to throw before the eyes of the world*
The subject was not very pleasant for him to undertake. But
necessity compelled him to make the disclosure. " Emigra-
tion," said he, " commences correspondence is established
with the exterior is circulated within committees are formed
in towns alarms arc spread in the country parts. Real dis-
orders appear to be the result of the manoeuvres that are ob-
served. In one commune in the department of Gard, some
individuals hoisted the white flag. Some armed bands have
appeared in the departments of the Marne and Loire, and of
the lower Loire. Women in Calvados tore down the tri-
eoloured flag. Seditious cries are heard; some acts of rebellion
have taken place in the North. In the departments of the
Cotes du Nord, a Mayor has been massacred by the Chou-
ans. These offences spread alarm in the places where they are
committed."* The rigorous decrees and merciless police of
Bonaparte, did not, however, succeed in crushing the troubles
on the contrary they served but to exasperate, and the mischief
complained of continued to increase. " Sire," said Fouche,
" I must tell you the truth] The conspiracy extends from the
coasts of the Channel to the Mediterranean. It rests upon the
Cevennes in order to extend itself to the banks of the Rhone,
by the revolts which may be excited in some parts of Langue-
doc and Provence. It agitates- Marseilles, Thoulouse, and
Bourdeaux. It has raised the peaceful cultivators of the whole
of the territory enclosed between the Loire, La Vendee, the
Ocean, and La Thouet. Bands lay waste, the Morbihan, some
parts of the departments of the Ille and Villaine, the Cotes du
Nord, and the Sarte. The coast of La Manche, Dieppe, and
Havre* have been agitated by seditious movements throughout
Fouche's report, May 7th, 18L5.
X
fi
16^
the 15th djvision insubordination is general. Caen has twice
been troubled by the Royalist's re-actions; and in some districts
of the Orne, bands are forming as in Britanny and Maycnne."*
Such was the situation of that France which Cauiincourt impu-
dently proclaimed, as being joined in the -'most axtful unanimity"
Such the situation of a country, which Napoleon informed the
world " at no period of history displayed more unanimity or
more energy."f Rigorous laws were in existence, and rigorous
orders were issued, to enforce these, in order to check that spirit
of disaffection to Napoleon's authority. But these either could
not or would not be put in execution. This appears from a
circular letter from the Minister of Justice, Cambaeeres, ad-
dressed to the Attorneys General, practising in thejf Imperial
Courts. In this, he reminds them, in a style that would have
done honour to 1793, that the Correctional Police, " pursues
offenders without relaxation, to the last asylum on which jus-
tice seizes them; and the public administration ought never to
leave them, until the vengeance of the law be fully satisfied.
The crimes to which I call your attention, are those, in favour
of which it is sometimes attempted to excite an imprudent com-
passion. That feeling ought, however, to give way, on the
view of the consequences, which the impunity of such offences
might produce- The repression of crimes is the most essential
attribute of public administration. Its action in this respect
has unfortunately for some time been relaxed. This apathy
ought to cease."$
While Bonaparte was for ever harping upon his most anxious
wish to maintain peace, consonant to the honour, the interests,
and the glory of Fiance; he was most assiduously and most in-
defatigably preparing, for war. " We all wish fo? peace," said
he, "and we are all ready for war. In ease of war every thing
promises to us a happy termination." || While thus buoying
up the minds of those who wished for peace with the hopes of
its continuance, he took care at the same time to, inflame the
passions of the nation for war, by pointing out the certainty of
success. However, as he was not quite so ready as he made
* Fouche's report, June, IS 15. from Moniteur of the 20th.
f Answer to the deputation of the Seine and Oise, May 14th, 1815.
| Paris, Maylltu, 1315. 11 Da do.
M3
Europe believe, and as " circumstances tvere serious"* it wa
necessary by some means or other to amuse the minds of the
people of France, and particularly those of Paris; and prevent
them from contemplating too narrowly the prospect and the
danger before them. For this purpose nothing seemed so pro-
per and well adapted as the web of a new Constitution. It
took of course some time to prepare it, as it was to be of
Imperial excellence; and though there were excellent workmen
in Paris, for this species of manufacture, noted for their in<*cn-
uity and expedition in the business, yet the delay could easily
be accounted for from the fineness of the article. In the
meantime, while the manufacture proceeded, Napoleon ruled
supreme; and every measure proposed by him, must be put
in immediate execution. When the time came for producing
the article, it would then, he conceived, be easy to pick a
fault in it, which would require some time to alter; and, in
the meantime, the army was rapidly increasing, which, if
necessary, could lend a hand to help the nation to put on
this new robe should it not fit exactly. Accordingly the Im-
perial machinery was set to work; and, in process of time,
the document which was to consolidate all the interests, the
present glory, and future destinies of France, made its appear-
ance, in form of a decree from Bonaparte, bestowing upon his
people, of his free-will, this blessed boon. Thus, in the very
outset of the matter, adopting the course for which his adher-
ents had declared that the most just of Revolutions, had hurled
the Bourbons from the throne forever, namely, for bestowing up-
on the people a Constitution, instead of receiving one from them.
Of this new farce at Paris, and trick practised upon France,
it is unnecessary to dwell at any length. It was pretty similar
to the twenty Constitutions, which during twenty-five year.-,
had preceded it almost annually in France, except during the
two years when the Guillotine was their Constitution. Like the
rest, it was made to be broken.; and professing liberty it con-
tained the seeds of the most abject and absurd slavery. Ac-
cording to this document, the French people delegated their
rights to the dynasty of Napoleon, as long as it should be known,
providing he governed them according to the laws made, I
"was going to say by the unanimous voice of the national
* Paris, May 11th, 1815.
164
Representatives; but No: by the laws made by himself.
*' Government" said the 3d article of the Constitution, " has
the proposal of laws ; the Chambers can propose amendments.
If these amendments are not adopted by Government, the Cham-
bers are bound to vote on the law such as it was proposed" At
this rate the Government could make any laws it choosed, and
the nation must obey whatever it proposed ; because, the very
next article expressly state?, that the Chambers had only the
right of inviting Government to propose a law on a determinate
object, and to draw up what appears to them to be proper to
insert in the law. But still the Government might reject it al-
together, in which case, the " invitation" had no effect. The
65th article was equally arbitrary and absurd. " The right of
petitioning is secured to all the citizens. Every petition is in-
dividual. Petitions may be addressed either to the Government
or to the two Chambers; nevertheless, even the latter must also
be entitled to the Emperor. They shall be presented to the
Chambers, under the guarantee of a member who recom-
mends the petition. They are publicly read; and if the Cham-
bers lake them into consideration, they are laid before the
Emperor by the President." But still the Emperor might do
with them what he pleased he was not bound either to read
or redress them; nor had the Chambers the power of enforcing
.their consideration however just. It is needless to say that
against any creature of the Emperors no petition would be
available. The last article, however, was still more ridiculou*s;
as it completely took away from the French people the free exer-
cise of their own judgment now and forever. " The French peo-
ple moreover declare, that in the delegation which it has made
and makes of its powers; it has not meant and does not mean,
to give a right to propose the re-instatement of the Bourbons,
or any Prince of that family upon the throne, even in case of
the extinction of the Imperial dynasty" None but a votary of
the Goddess of Reason, could form a Constitution with a
.claim like this ; none but the most distracted adorers of that
wild Divinity could accept such a charter. From the moment
he did so, he was Napoleon's slave; and when him and his
family were no more, the French nation, then in existence,
were to be prevented from electing such a Sovereign as they
165
wight approve. The framer of this Constitution, however
does not seem to have calculated, that the dynasty of Napo-
leon would be long lived; for he only directs his anathema
against the present Bourbon family, and does not seem to in-
clude the issue of any of them.
The Constitution thus graciously bestowed on France by
Napoleon, was to be submitted to the people for their accept-
ance. A general assembly of the deputies, from all the depart-
ments, was to take place at Paris, on the Champ de Mai, to ac-
cept this Constitution, and take the oath of allegiance to the
Emperor, and swear to obey him and maintain it. The num-
ber of deputies to the Chamber of Representatives was to be
(529, and to be wholly renewed every five years. That of
Peers, to form the Upper House, appointed solely by the Em-
peror, was unlimited in numbers. In many other respects the
Constitution resembled the British. A noble tribute to what
Jacobin fury has attempted to destroy. The resemblance of the
new Parisian production to our own government, delighted
those who are constantly abusing it as rotten and decked.
But this French one was young and vigorous; and above ali, it
had the upright wisdom and mighty en ergy of Bonaparte at its
head. It could never go wrong. It was so perfect and so
strong, that it could never be broken, " It contains," said
they, t( all that is necessary to check the royal authority, at the
same time to prevent the excesses of popular privilege. There
is little that the most strenuous advocate for freedom would
wish to add, and little thai the jealousy of the crown would take
away. It is a form of government with which the powers cf
Europe may treat without alarm, if they have no innate dread
of national Liberty."* So we had been told of every French
Constitution since 1792. It was always the dread of the na-
tional liberty, which was held up as the chief cause of the
refusal of the despots of Europe to conclude a peace; even
though France insisted that she should dictate the terms at
the point of the sword, and with the arm of defiance. But
the eulogists and admirers of this French fabric forgot alto-
gether the nature of the materials of which it was composed.
These were different indeed from those which knit together the
# Mornins Chronicle, April 27th, 1815.
social edifice of Great Britain; and till the two millions of
children in France, which, according to Carnot, receive no
primary education at all, do receive it, and till the pursuit of
military glory ceases to be the distinguishing attribute of the
national character, there must remain an incalculable differ-
ence. The foundation of the French Constitution was built
upon sand. It was founded upon the deepest hatred and re-
sentment. It was built by men who had risen into notice by
every crime which can disgrace humanity. Interest and ambi-
tion had set them to raise the fabric; and interest and ambition
would again set them to work to pull it down without reluct-
ance. In this instance, as in every one else, the French nation
began at the wrong end of their subject. They, whether un-
der a Convention, a Consul, or an Emperor, contended against
the age; and the age has come out of the contest victorious,
exposing to the world their ignorance, their violence, and their
folly. Before bestowing on France a free constitution, they
should first teach her people to know its value, and fit them to
enjoy it. Before exposing the eye to the meridian blaze, it
should be ascertained if it is capable of resisting its strength;
else a blindness may be the consequence, more fatal and more
dangerous than if the subject had never possessed the power of
vision. France must be taught morality and religion. She must
be taught that the violation of just laws is a crime; and her
affections must be weaned from a military life, to which, in its
worst shape and most ferocious forms, she has been long ac-
customed. Till this is done, no other constitution established
in France will be durable, but such as is supported by the arm
of arbritrary power, and enforced by a military energy. It
may be tried otherwise. A goodly building may be raised by
the unremitting efforts, of knowledge and justice, but it has no
foundation on which it can stand. The materials that com-
pose its most interesting parts, though they appear most beau-
tiful to the eye, are rotten at heart; and the first swell in the
political current will sweep the sand from the foundations of
the fabric, and lay its glory in ruins. Under Bonaparte, how-
ever, or his sway, it was idle to talk of liberty. It was con-
trary to his nature, and at variance with his pursuits. He
might promise, and he might swear to cherish and support it.
167
fifteen baneful years had shewn, that his promises had been
only made to be broken; and therefore, wo would have fallen
on the heads of those who were at this moment weak enough
to believe him.
But the new constitution of France was not the point which
was the most interesting to Europe. Twenty-five bloody years
had taught her that French liberty meant only European slav-
ery. It signified little to Europe under what internal regula-
tions France chose to live, if these were to be productive of
no danger to her neighbours. The question which was at this
moment to be decided, and which demanded the attention of
Europe, was not whether France should have a free or an ar-
bitrary government, but whether that military system was to
be revived in France, supported by the same principles, and
guided by the same counsels, which " Europe in arms" had beat
to the ground; the existence of which had been proven b\ T ex-
perience, and the effects of which future ages will feel to be in-
compatible with the liberty of France, and the freedom or in-
dependence of Europe. This was the true bearing of this im-
portant question, and which neither the trick of a free consti-
tution, nor the farce of a Champ de Mai could erase from the
mind of Europe. On the contrary, these things but served to
strengthen her suspicions, and awaken her vigilance, well know-
ing, as she did, what bitter consequences to her tranquillity and
security had so often followed such changes and such meetings
in Paris. The French nation might amuse themselves with
the flattering idea of peace and freedom- under the sceptre of
Napoleon. Europe indulged no such chimerical expectations;
she knew, with him at the head of that restless people, that her
safety and freedom lay in the sword. She laid her hands upon
it with a decision and resolution which no French menace
could intimidate, no French chicanery could divert from its
purpose.
It wanted but little penetration to see that this constitution
was only meant as a blind, and that Napoleon would execute it
or not as he pleased. He could easily devise reasons for either
deferring or not fulfiling his promises. He had often done more
difficult things. Accordingly, he very soon had recourse to
both expedients; and the reason brought forward for this de-
168
lay, and the infraction of his promises in this instance, was the
pressure of foreign war, which occupied all his time and atten-
tion. This Franco and him might have been certain would
have been the case, when they openly violated the treaty which
they had so shortly before concluded with Europe. While his
supporters were endeavouring to deafen the understanding of
Europe, with the assertions that he had returned to France, by
the unanimous call and wishes of the people, who, it was said,
had willingly bestowed upon him all the power and dignity, he
himself stepped forward and gave the lie to such statements.
'* Under these new circumstances," said he, " we had only the
alternative of prolonging the Dictatorship, with which we were
invested by circumstances and the confidence of the people, or
to abridge the forms which we had intended to follow for the
arrangement of the Constitutional Act."* Of course he chose
the latter, constrained by circumstances, as every odious act of
the French nation, for the last twenty-five years, had proceeded
from. Who it was that bestowed upon him this Dictatorship,
which was not certainly reckoned a free mode of government,
he did not choose to state; but the world knew he had assumed
it as part of those rights which he could not abdicate. " We
should have wished, therefore," continued he, ** to have waited
for the acceptance of the people before we ordered the assemb-
ling of the colleges, and directed them to proceed to the no-
mination of deputies; but equally controled by circumstances: the
highest interests of the State makes it imperious that we should
surround ourselves as quickly as possible with the National
Bodies."! Here was reversing the constitution at the outset.
The people had not accepted the Constitution, and then chosen
theirdeputies; but they were first to choose their deputies,and then
these deputies were to accept the Constitution for their constitu-
ents. These deputies also, be it remembered, were to be chosen
while Napoleon was Dictator, while many of the departments were
under martial law, and cities in a state of siege; when, in fact,
there was no law but the will of the Emperor, or what was the
same thing, that of the party who supported him; and when
extraordinary commissioners had been sent into all the depart-
ments, in order to overawe and displace every authority which
* Official, Moniteur May 1st, 1815* f D. d#.
169
was supposed to be inimical to the present state of tiling*.
Under these circumstances, it was not diih'cult to foresee o*
what stamp the deputies would be who were to be returned to
assist at the Champ de Mai, and sit in the new French Par-
liament. They could be nothing else but either Jacobins
or Bonapartists. All else were now to be excluded, Yet this
was called liberty. It was certainly a round-about and dan-
gerous road to obtain it.
Bonaparte, with that hypocritical cant of which he was so
capable, now paid the utmost deference to the people, from
whom and for whom he acknowledged that he held every thing.
" The glory of what we have just done," said he to the army,
" is wholly the peoples and yours."* " Princes are the first cit-
izens of the State. Their authority is more or less extended,
according to the interests of the nations whom they govern.
Departing from these principles, I know no other legitimacy."f
" It is not true to say in any nation, even in the East, that th
people exist for Kings; it is every where consecrated that Kings
exist only for the people.";}: " Frenchmen, my wish is that of
the people; my rights are theirs. Emperor, Consul, Soldier,
I derive all from the people."^ There was a time when the
Emperor thought otherwise, and when he put the throne be-
fore the people. There was a time when he considered it as a
degradation to his dignity to hear of appeals to them, and when
he upbraided the allied Sovereigns for daring to call upon them
to exercise their judgments. Speaking of the Frankfort de-
claration, his odious tool Count Fontanes said, " It is unusual
in the diplomacy of Kings. It is no longer to Kings like them-
selves that they explain their grievances, and send their mani-
festoes. It is to the people they address them ; and from what
motive do they adopt such a new method of proceeding May
not this example be fatal? Against whom is this indirect attack
aimed? Against a great man who merited the gratitude of all
Kings; because by re-establishing the throne of France, he has
closed up the crater of the volcano which threatened them all."R
But times were changed; and it was become necessary for the
' Address to the army, March 21st, 1815.
f Answer to the Council of State, March 25th, 1815.
\ Answer to Bonaparte. Speech, Champ de Mai.
(j Fontaue's report, December 22d, 181JK
X 6
17a
interests of France that this volcano should be again kindled;
that the majesty of the people, which, for the welfare of France,
Bonaparte had shut up in it, should again be let loose to recover
their glory, and to support him and his cause against the anger of
assembled Europe. This done, he would, if he could, have shut
up the volcano as before, and raised his throne on the dangerous
materials, letting out as convenient its fury against neighbouring
countries, to prevent it from desolating his own. What he, how-
ever, wanted at this moment, by his deference to the will of
the people; and what his Jacobinical friends wanted was,
them a leader fit to lead them in their ambitious schemes,
and him a power from the people to enable him to govern
them. This right he had given away, and they had con-
sented to his doing so, at least by their silence at the time,
they gave justice reason to think so. But then, their creed
was, that the people could do no wrong'. That what a whole
nation did, and said, was right. They considered that the
part of any nation which was strong enough to overawe the o-
ther, must be accounted the whole; and that as this was their
case, so therefore whatever they did was right, and not to be dis-
puted, however contrary to the feelings and the wish of the rest
of the nation, or even to justice, good faith, or truth. This
was the great revolutionary lever, which they employed to o-
verturn all social order in Europe. It was this which all their
deluded followers had imbibed as their unalterable creed, that
-what they called a whole, or unanimous nation, could never
do wrong; that their will conferred right upon whom they
chose; and it was this lever which was again called forth by the
army and the Jacobins in France, to raise Bonaparte to the
throne which he abdicated, and to justify their having done so
in the face of a solemn treaty concluded with all Europe, bind-
ing them to the contrary. Her right to do this was incontes-
table. The conditions imposed, considering every circum-
stance, was most just most merciful. If the voice of a nation
can do right, the voice of a nation, it must be allowed, can do
wrong. Yes, however contrary it may appear to modern wis-
dom, a whole nation may do wrong. We need not go back
to ancient times to prove this; modern times afford numerous
instances of this great truth. When the English nation be-
headed Charles I. they did wrong. When they bent their
171
neck under Cromwell's tyranny, they did wrong. When the
French nation, granting that they unanimously did so, recalled
Bonaparte to their head, they did wrong. When, in uud-i
of peace, they attacked Spain, they did wrong. When iu
peace, they annexed Hamburgh, and the countries which
border on the shores of the ocean, from the Rhine to the Kibe,
they did wrong. When, under the mask of friendship, they
partitioned Italy, and overturned the Constitution of JSw
land, they did wrong. When they violated every treaty that
they had made, they did wrong. When they abolished religi-
on, and inculcated principles subversive of human reason and
human happiness, they did wrong; and when they took the life
of their King and Queen, they did wrong. Hut we shall be
told all these, except perhaps the first and the two ia>t, were
done by the French government, not by the French people*
Either the French government was the organ of the French
people, or it was not. If it was, then they followed, without
shame, the principles of error and injustice. If it was not, was
it right in them to recal that government, whose essence u-s
crime, and tell the world that it was the dear o ect of their
choice, and that they would have no other? But with r<
to this it was quite obvious that unanimity did not prevail in
France; and is there one who, at this time of the day, can now
stand forward and say that France was right that France was
unanimous in committing the last? If Louis XVI. was unjust-
ly condemned, it follows that his descendants alone have a
right to the throne of France. That he suffered unjustly,
every candid mind must allow. That his punishment was un-
merited, even those who took his life are now compelled to ad-
mit. ** The French Revolution," said Feuche, had not its origin
in the excess of tyranny. It was the slow and prepared fruit of
knowledge. It was undertaken with view* of justice and of or-
der, until the fury of a mad opposition obliged its founders to
consign their work to the guardianship of the multitude.
Then the object failed, and the revolution deviated from its
principles. No human power was capable of arresting the tor-
rent."* Then at least it was that the French nation did
wrong. Then it was their Kins was cut on". That this was
* JFoyche's report to Bonaparte, Jane, 1815-
172
5ooc illegally, all must confess. His accusers were his judges;
and even amongst these did unanimity prevail with regard to
his fate? Overawed and terrified as they were threatened
with death by an ignorant and brutal mob if they did not con-
demn their Sovereign, yet nearly half the Convention refused
to vote for his condemnation. It was not till Jacobinical laws,
force, and violence, were put in requisition, that this could be
accomplished. When Duhesm demanded justice by nominal
appeal, each one, simply answering this question, "Shall Louis
Capet suffer death, or shall he be acquitted." Lanjunais opposed
the motion, and " moved that the fate of the King, should be
referred to the primary assemblies." But this was overruled by
a motion for the adjournment of the question, which was in its
turn put by a perfect riot; for as the members crouded about the
burreaux, and in the middle of the hall, they soon proceeded from
invectives to blows, and appeared more like Gladiators than
Senators: some even menaced the President, as intriguing with
the King's counsel, and others attempted to snatch the bell from
him." In this confusion, Thuriot, who, on the previous day,
threatened in the Jacobin club, to poignard the King, moved
that the assembly should declare itself permanent till this affair
was determined, which being done, Couthon moved to proceed,
but which Pethion opposing, brought upon himself every in-
vective and abuse. " But the President interfered in his fa-
vour, the disorder was renewed again, and was, a second time,
determined by a real engagement, man to man; and blows with
the fist were as liberally distributed as if the greatest part of the
orators had been the genuine disciples of pugilism. At the head
of these combatants, M. M. Barbaroux, the Marseillois deputy,
Montaut de Hies, and Beilaud Varennes, were particularly no-
ticed."* Notwithstanding this confusion, Couthon's motion was
carried.; and it was under such horrid scenes that the unfortunate
Louis was brought to the scaffold, and the long and bloody
guillotinings., massacres,, and drownings, ciyil wars, and banish-
ment of thousands, took place, which shewed that all France
was not unanimous for this punishment, nor indifferent to their
Sovereign's fate.
Nevertheless, these things .concerned France only. The
J?etional -Convention, December 26th, 1792.
173
oriste and the guilt were her's alone. It was the consequence*,
wot the crime, which most interested Europe, it was tin prin-
ciples which organized it, and the system which sprang from it,
demanded her attention. This the most severe experience had
taught her could never do any thing that was good. Continual
wrongs provoked her anger she arose as one man, and put
down the system. If the French people, therefore, were unan-
imous in again calling back that government, whose sole em-
ployment was to convulse and desolate Europe, their unanimi-
ty only demanded that she should act with the greater decision
and vigour. If they were not, still she was equally interested
in destroying now what she had destroyed before, in whatever
strength it appeared, and in whatever shape it assumed. This
was the true bearing of this important question. It was not
whether Louis or Bonaparte was to be Sovereign of France,
but whether France should replace a system, whose establish-
ment could only be upheld by the tears and the groans of Eur-
ope. If in preventing this, and securing her own safety, Eur-
ope restored to his throne the legitimate monarch of France, so
much the better. If she did not, she met with no loss, as this
was not her object. It was her present peace and future re-
pose for which she contended; and not all the cavilling* of
party, nor the jargon about the anful unanimity of France, and
the crying injustice of interfering in her domestic concerns*
could blind the understanding or unnerve the arms of Eur-
ope. But this degression has led me farther than I intended
from the main object of my undertaking, to which we shall now
return.
It was curious to observe the system of falsehood to which the
Jacobinical adherents ofBonaparte had recourse, in order to sup-
port their cause, and encourage their friends. We have already
generally alluded to them. Some of these were of a nature to ex-
cite laughter, others indignation mingled with contempt. Though
given in their Journals, yet these were well known to be inserted
by the express commands of the agents of government, in order
to further any particular object which the Government had in
view. I select a few of these insidious and designing passages.
** The English people appear satisfied with the change of our
government, and almost manifest enthusiasm for Napoleon."
1T4
burning to Spain in the same breath they state. " Serious
troubles have broke out in that country. Several agents of the
Spanish Government have been massacred at Barcelona.
Madrid is in great agitation. It is even reported that there
has been an insurrection in that city."* Continuing their
system of delusion, " the news of the return of Napoleon to
Paris," said they, " h&o produced the greatest sensation in
Dublin and its vicinity. The people there manifest the joy
which that extraordinary event causes, in so noisy and tumult-
uous a manner, that the Magistrates, to prevent the disorder
which is the usual consequence of the assembling of great num-
bers of the people, have thought it proper to order the closing
of the bridges and the canals in the neighbourhood of the city,
and to direct that a report should be made to them every
twenty-four hours, of the state of the town." Jumping from
England to Italy, " The greatest joy prevails at Milan. The
presence of Napoleon re-animates every hope. Piedmont is
not less agitated."f It is asserted that the Emperor has re-
ceived favourable news from England. The intention of Eng-
land, it is said, is to become a mediator, in case differences
should arise between France and any Continental Power.";};
In Austria and at Vienna, things were equally in favour of
Napoleon. " The Emperor Alexander appears very warm.
He declares on all occasions that he wished nothing of the
French, that he despised the Bourbons, that they were a de-
generate race, but that he would never consent to the Emperor
Nanoleon's reigning over France, that his honour was engaged
in it. It is said, that while thus talking in company, Madame
Bagrathion who was known for her enmity to Napoleon during
his greatness, but who has since changed and become one of
his panegyrists, availing herself of the right which she arrogates
to herself of saying every thing in company, replied to Alex-
ander, ' But Sire, if you consider this as an affair of honour
with Napoleon, why don't you send him a challenge? Judging
from his character, I doubt not but he would accept of it, and
then you would have no occasion again to send against Fiance
Courier extraordinary, April 3d, 1815.
f Do. do. April 5th, 1815.
{ Paris, April 17th, 1815.
175
armies of 100,000 men, 10,000 Cossacks, and trams of artil-
lery.' The Princess Esterhazy, and many other ladies present,
applauded this. Sensible people at Vienna treat it as ridiculous
to march so many armed men, when it is declared that one
man only was the object. It is also told of Lord Stewart, that
hearing it disputed whether Napoleon had a right to violate
the treaty of the 11th April, he said, ' Since they talked of
rights, Napoleon had them all on his side; that no engagement
had been kept towards him or his family, that he had repeat-
edly made this remark but. to no purpose, and that in point of
justice the matter was balanced. Men of generous souls
throughout Germany are disgusted with the declaration of the
13th March. The Austrian court is very gloomy. The Poles
were in the most lively indignation. The Archduke Charles
refused to take a command, and it is confirmed that he said,
* the danger is not on the side of Paris but of Petersburg!).
By marching against Napoleon we should march against all
France. I will not meddle with this war, I see nothing in it
but disasters."* But England claimed their particular atten-
tion. " The House of Commons, and the majority of the
English people, wish to preserve peace with France. The
people have ransacked, pillaged, and pulled down, three
houses belonging to persons notoriously known to wish for war.
They afterwards proceeded to the house* of Lord Castlereagh,
who is at the head of the party opposed to the Constitution
and to Peace. They sought for him every where, and would
doubtless have subjected him to very disagreeable treatment,
had they got possession of his person. The effervessence has
been carried to the greatest pitch in London, and the greatest
evils are expected. "f At another time they asserted that the
Kins was dead, and that the Duke of York, was become a
competitor for the throne. " The general opinion in England
was for the continuance of Peace with France. None of the
Ministers had been bold enough to demand subsidies from
Parliament, and if they did, it would be rejected by the House
of Commons with indignation, and the people with fury."|
In Spain the discontent against the Government is general.
Moniteur, April 19th, 1815 Munich, April 12th, 1815.
\ Moniteur, Paris, April 24th, 18 IS. $ Do. do. April 25th, 181 .P.
116
Placards with the words, " no more Bourbons! Vive Kapoteor^f
rouse yourselves IAbcrales, are posted up."*
In this manner did the French press continue to inundate?
Europe with insidious reports, in order to sustain their cause.
They were perfectly sensible that those things were odious fa-
brications, but they were equally certain that they would meet
with attention from numbers, and bewilder the understanding
of others. They were all calculated for the meridian of French
intellect; and the lies of a day a week, or a month, had great
influence upon the public mind at this critical moment. But
those fabrications were insignificant and not dangerous. A9
these, however, began to get stale and were found would nc
longer answer the purpose, more extensive, daring, and re-
prehensible falsehoods were had recourse to. Every method
was tried to depreciate the strength, and impose doubts as to
the union of the allies, and every attempt was made to blacken
their views, and misrepresent their intentions in order to rouse
the indignation of the French soldiers and people to the high-
est pitch of fury. In these things they succeeded in a surpris-
ing degree, bringing thereby deeper evils upon their own heads.
It was of no consequence that these impositions were daily
detected. They were still continued with a perseverance alto-
gether incredible, till they almost made it appear that truth was
falsehood and falsehood was truth. As early as the middle of
April, in enumerating the allied troops which were marching
against France, they fixed it as follows, viz. " Austria 200,000,
Russia 120,000; Prussia 100,000; Bavaria, Wirtemberg, Ba-
den, &c. 40,000; England, Hanover, and Holland, 60,000.
Thus the force of the coalition cannot amount to more than
500,000 men. Of those no reliance can be placed on the
people of Wirtemberg, Bavaria, and Baden. The Saxons,
Belgians, and Dutch, are also not to be trusted; and the dis-
affection of the Poles, who are in the Russian and Abstract
armies, can no longer be dissembled."f To oppose this torce
France had 360,000 infantry of the line, 60,000 cavalry, 30,000
artillery and engineers. " It is not an exaggeration to calcu-
late the forces which Napoleon may have on the Alps, on the
* Moniteur, Paris, April 26th. Barcelona, April 12tb, 1815.
f Do. do. April 16th. Vienna, April 1st, 1815.
177
Rhone, and on the frontiers of Belgium, at 450,000, to these
may be added 200,000 national guards, to be employed in the
defence of the fortresses and lining the frontiers;" and, " we
may also include in the means of France the forces of the King
of Naples, ior from what we have learned from his ministers,
and reports from Italy, it seems cn-tain that his 80,000 men, will
make a common cause with France." Thus " the approach-
ing contest will be sanguinary, and will present chances of
every kind. We have not spoken of Spain: in its present state,
that country cannot be reckoned as any thing in the account."*
No! French atrocity and perfidy had effectually prevented that.
Of the plans and dispositions of the allies, they gave the follow-
ing account. " Hitherto the Cabinets have formed no other
plan than that of holding themselves on the defensive, and the
idea generally prevails, that to attack France would be to re-
peat the faults of 179S, to give to the war that national charac-
ter the force of which is terrible. This opinion is so fixed,
that the enemies of France rely much on the enterprising cha-
racter of Napoleon, and hope that he will be the frst to attack.
This they wish for; because then the national feeling would be
weakened, and would be transposed to the Germans, who
would overwhelm the French with their mass. No man of
sense can venture to advise the Invasion of France. The peo-
ple do not wish for war. It is certain that Lord Wellington
has been requested to draw up a plan of Campaign, and that
his Grace has replied he had none to give, that he did not suffici-
ently know the spirit which reigned in France. But that as a
general principle, and still moie from late events, the Soldiers
commanded by the Emperor, could only be attacked by forces dou-
ble their number. Such are in the most exact truth the position
of affairs, and the disposition of mind of both parties."!
The preceding article was one of the many wrote to deceive the
people of France, and to induce them to believe that their forces
were more numerous than that of their enemies, who were repre-
sented as afraid of their strength and their unanimity. In a few
Moniteur, April 1 6th. Vienna, April 1st, 1815. The writer well knew
Murat's intentions. This is dated Vienna, April 1st, Murat's declaration and
force stated in it, was dated Rimini, March 30th, a town 420 miles from Vienna,
f Do. do. do.
z
17'8r
days a similar article appeared, fixing down the force of the
allies at the preceding. number, and making them suppose that
the means of France to oppose them were trifling. " It was*
decided," continued this article, " in a Council, on the 4th and
5th of April at Vienna, to prosecute the war upon a systematic
plan not to assume. the offensive till n\\ the troops be in line
to make sieges in order that a double and triple line of for-
tresses may not be left in their rear. Not to give battle to the
Emperor except with double the number of troops of everv
arme. The Puke of Wellington has a plan of his own for all
the allies, and for all the operations in general, even for Italy,
but he will not disclose it until all the allies are ready to com-
mence hostilities* The allies distrust the Swiss They dread
the French army," but fear still more that the nation will take
a* part in the war. There is great dissentions amongst the
Prussians, Austrians, and Bavarians, at Mentz."f Continu-
ing the same system, as the danger drew nearer and increased,
they endeavoured to lessen its strength. " The allies will not
be ready to take the field before the end of July. It is not
thought that excluding Italy, they can have more than
350,000 effective men^ The poverty and disorder of the finan-
ces become more manifest every day in Austria. Wherever
the Austrians and Prussians meet they quarrel. The Poles
evinced much discontent. The Officers of the troops belong-
ing to the former Rhenish Confederation openly declare that
the humiliation of France, would be the absolute ruin of the
independence of their countriesv Opinions were much divided
at Berlin. It was considered unjust and impolitic to attack
France. It was- considered absurd, that Austria should com-
plete the ruin of her finances, by a war contrary to her interests.
The interest for the young French Prince was daily increas-
ing at Vienna. That young Prince is remarkable for a pre-
cocity of understanding. He is very impatient to return to
France, and says, every day, ' shall we go soon?' This august
infant is endowed with indiscribable intelligence :"X
Notwithstanding all this system of delusion practised upon
France will long remember what his Lordship's plan was.
* Moniteur, April 18th. Mentz, April 15th. Vienna, April 7tb r 181 5
\ Monitpiii-. Anril '2<)th. 1815.
| Maniteur, April 2i)tb, 1815.
f 179
the public mind, the French Government by its conduct shew-
ed that it felt very differently. Every town in France from
Paris to the iron tiers, of any consequence was fortified. The
Capital itself and the country was covered with fortifications or
covering with them. " All the fortresses on the Northern
frontiers," said the Mohitethr, " from Dunkirk to Charleniont
are armed and provisioned. The sluices are prepared and will
be opened to inundate the country, on the firtf hostile move-
snent that takes place. Some works have been constructed in
the forest of Mormolc. Measures have been taking to make
entrenchments in the different passes of the forest of Argone.
All the fortresses in Loraine are ready. Some entrenchments
have been constructed in the five passes of the Vosges. The
fortresses in Alsace are armed. Orders have been given to
defend the passes of the Jura, and all the frontiers of the Alps.
They are preparing the fortresses of the Somme, which are in
the third line. In the Interior, Guise, La Fere, Vitry, Sois-
sons, Chateau Thierry, and Langrcs, are arming and fortify-
ing. Orders have been given to construct work* upon the
heights' of Montmartrc and Menil Montant, and arm them
with 300 pieces of cannon. His Majesty has also ordered that
Lyons shall be put in a state of defence; a tele du pont will be
formed at Brottcaux, the draw-bridge of La Gnillotierre is re-
establishing. The ground between the Saone and the Rhone
will be fortified; some redoubts are preparing to be construct-
ed in front of this ground. A redoubt will be constructed on
the height of Pierre en Sise, to support a work which defends
the town on the right bank. The heights commanding the
quarter of St. Jean, on the bank of the Saoue, will be defend-
ed with several redoubts; eighty pieces of camion, with the ne-
cessary ammunition, are proceeding towards Lyons. Sisteron,
Pont St. Esprit, will be placed in a state of defence.* The
works around Paris have been laid out with skill. All that
part of Paris from the heights of Montmartre to those of Bel-
leville and Charonne, and thence to Vincennes will be secured
against attack. The canal which receives the waters ot the
Ourcq, and conveys them to St. Denys, will render the left
unassailable; the fort constructed half-way between the barrier
Moniteur, Paris, May 2d, 1815.
130
of the Throne and Vincennes, by taking advantage of the old
walls, will place the right in equilibrium with the centre and
the left. The artillery at Vincennes is ready."*
Finding that the regularly organized system of deception and
misrepresentation, had no other effect upon the general Councils*
of Europe, than that of rendering them more decided and unani-
mous, the French government changed their mode of attack; and
proclaiming war as inevitable, they endeavoured to stir up and
bring into full play all the fiercest passions, prejudices, hatred,
and vanity, of the whole French population. They described the
resolute intentions of the allies to be to inflict every possible
enormity and cruelty upon the French nation, particularly the
military part of it. According to them these were doomed to
endless captivity or death; and the people, after their property
being laid waste, to the most servile chains and bondage.
** The Prussians," said they, " shew great resentment towards
the French; and are disposed to do all possible mischief to
France, should the war commence. The Austrian and Bava-
rian Officers speak of nothing but burning, plundering, and
other severe treatment to France. Such language has already
been held at Vienna. On the 3d and 4th of April, it was a-
grecd by the allies at Vienna, that all the French prisoners of
war should be sent to the extremity of Russia, and neither be
restored nor exchanged. Those who choose to serve will be
sent to the army of Caucasus, others may form Colonies,
and those who refuse to do any thing are to be sold for slaves.
The other allied powers are to treat the prisoners they make,
with all the severity and contempt due to the conduct of a
nation which arrogates to itself the right of choosing its Go-
vernment."f The insidious and insulting nature of this charge
could only issue from the desk of the Goddess of Reason, and as
if it had been against peace and freedom, the allied powers were
contending, and not against war, ambition, and tyranny.
That many of the allied soldiers held similar language, and that
they should be determined to treat France with severity, is not
strange; and that the latter merited, at their hands, all that was
here announced, their guilty consciences told them. Not content,
Moniteur, Paris, May 26th, 1815.
f Moniteur, Paris, April 18th. Meniz, April 13th. Tirana, May 7lh.
181
however, with fabricating these things at Paris, as the work of for-
eign correspondents on whose veracity they could rely, they bold-
ly took a higher flight; and, by endeavouring to stain the charac-
ter of him whose arms they dreaded, whose sword they were yet
to feel, they tried to stimulate the rage of their adherents to mad-
ness, against the British army and their allies. Forgino- a pro-
clamation in the name of Wellington, they caused it to be
published, with notes thereon, and to be circulated through-
out France. In it they made him address the French nation
in a manner which they supposed would wound their pride, and
awaken their passions to a desire of resistance and revenue. " I
raise my voice," said this lying document, " in the name of your
King and his allies, to recal you to the sentiments of submission
(1.) and peace. Frenchmen! what do you expect by attaching
yourselves to the fate of the violater of treaties? of a man with-
out right and without power? Frenchmen ! we cannot believe,
we cannot suppose that his furious ambition can have influence
sufficient, so far to seduce you, as to produce a belief in the
success of his insane projects. (2.) We know his forces, we
are acquainted with his means. We do not deceive our-
selves in declaring to you that all his efforts will only serve to
make him fall with more certainty into our hands. No,
Frenchmen, I must repeat it, it is not on the nation we mean
to make war, but on Bonaparte and his soldiers. (3.) Wo to
them who shall join him! Wo to the rebel provinces! Do
not imagine that Bonaparte can brave with impunity the sover-
eign authority of so many crowned heads; (4.) or that offended
Europe will consent to have in vain made enormous sacrifices^/*
replacing the Bourbons on the throne of France, (5.) when the
repose and the interests of nations require that they should be
maintained thereon. But did not these circumstances exist, one
(1.) " My Lord, you need not preach peace to us; on tlkit point we are all con-
verts. As to submission, we do not understand that language."
(2 ) " Yes, my Lord, we are sufficiently deceived, sufficiently misled, to think that
we shall resist all Europe, if aU Europe do not resist the most insane of jtrqjects."
(5.) " On his soldiers/ Think, my Lord, on those words."
(4.) " The Sovereign of Frenchmen docs not recognise the authority of any
/crowned head."
{5.) " That is to say, that France should indemnify Europe for the enormous sac-
rifices made to subjugate us."
Ifl2
rule more powerful would render it necessary to resume arms a.
second time that of punishing the factious horde by which the
present troubles have been fomented, and which has dared to
pronounce against the unanimous wish of all the European mon-
archies. Yes, Frenchmen, henceforth Europe, united and mov-
ed by the same interest, must form but one single power, and
the Sovereigns a supreme corporation, upon which will be raised
the solid pedestal of the peace and happiness of nations. The
allied Sovereigns replaced Louis XVIII. on the throne of his an-
cestors, and proclaimed the reign of the Family of Bourbon, until
its extinction, over the French people. (6.) They now take up
arms to restore and corfrm that dynasty to support the cause of
Kings, and to give an imposing example of sovereign authority to
all nations. This they have sworn in the face of the universe.
"Within a few days, 1,200,000 men will pass your frontiers, and
occupy your provinces. (7.) I shall cause the provinces which
submit to be respected, but I shall be under the necessity of
punishing the rebel population."*
The malignity of this odious fabrication was only equalled
by its absurdity. It must give a mean idea of the intellect and
energies of the nation, where only falsehood could stimulate
them to defence; and the lowest opinion of the head antl the
heart of that government which could degrade itself in using
such expedients to consolidate or defend its power. These
things might serve to amuse Parisian levity, and form mirth -to
the sarcastic ferocity of Carnot. They might, as they no doubt
did do, stimulate to a great degree the passions of the rebelli-
ous in Fiance against the allies. But what then. It but
served to bring down on their heads severer punishment,
fiercer retaliation, and keener contempt. The article through-
out bears the indelible marks of the levity, haughtiness, confi-
dence, defiance, and falsehood, so characteristic of revolutionary
France. It was one of the last diabolical and disgraceful ef-
forts of an expiring system, whose conduct was drawing down,
with a frantic joy, utter ruin on its guilty head.
(fi.) " That is to say, that the allied Sovereigns have proclaimed themselves arbit-
ers of the destinies of France. My Lord, what would you say were similar lan-
guage to be addressed to the people of Great Britain? Nay, what would you do?"
(7.) " This is not quite certain, This prediction savours a little of the Brussei.CS
!#aacii." Moniteur, April 15tb, 1815.
183
While the ruling party in France continued by such miser-
able expedients to call forth the energies of its defenders the
powers of Europe took a different road, and spoke in a differ-
ent language. They publicly avowed their sentiments in lan-
guage no French sophistry could refute. In reviewing the de-
claration of lath March, they were so far from viewing the suc-
cessful career of Bonaparte as a reason for altering their senti-
ments, as French logic argued they should, that they only came
forward with greater alacrity to consecrate the opinions there
promulgated, in a more solemn manner. After receiving the
answer which the Usurper's government had given to that do-
cument, and which they most justly characterised as the utmost
abuse of human reason, the Congress decided that there was
no alteration in the relative positions of Bonaparte and them-
selves, and that no further declaration from them was neces-
sary; the first fully expressing their unalterable sentiments on
that head. In this important document, the committee of Con-
gress proved by irresistible arguments, the absurdity of that
reasoning by which the agents of Bonaparte attempted to over-
throw the sentiments expressed in the declaration of the 13tli
March. They acknowledge that the entrance of Bonaparte
into Paris " doubtless altered, in fact, the positions" in which he
previously was; but they denied " that those events, brought
on by criminal collusion, by military conspiracies, by revolting
treasons, could confer any right." They asked if the " con-
sent, real or fictitious, explicit or tacit, of the French nation to
the re-establishment of Bonaparte's power could operate as a
legal change in the position of the latter, in regard to foreign
powers, and a title obligatory on these powers?" They clearly
shewed that it could not. They pointed out that the power of
q nation to choose its own government, like all other power,
must have " its limits" they admitted that no foreign power had
any right " to prescribe" a form of government to another nation:
but, at the same time, they pointed out the undeniable right
which foreign powers had " to protest against its abuse at their
expense" They stated that they respected and would " respect
the liberty of France, in every way in which it shall not be in-
compatible with their omi security, and the general tranquility of
1M
Europe" They shewed that Bonaparte, at the head of the
French government, stood in the same situation, with respect
to them, that he did on the 31st March, 1814, when his abdi-
cation, greeted by France and by Europe, paved the way for
the treaty of Paris. In this treaty, Europe only took from
France that " deceitful exterior of great national eclat," which
had been " an inexhaustible source of sufferings, ruin, and mi-
sery." They shewed that " this treaty was even an immense
benefit for a country, reduced by the madness of its chief to the
most disastrous situation." They pointed out in the clearest
and strongest manner, that they never would have made such a
treaty with the French nation with Bonaparte as their chief;
that the French nation, by breaking that treaty in the recal of
Bonaparte, if it was really the French nation which had done so*
had placed Europe in a similar situation to that in which she
was before the abdication of Napoleon in the preceding year;,
and by which means Europe had now, as then, an unquestion-
able right to determine whether she would negotiate with him
or not. That with regard to the treaty of Paris, it was cer-
tainly broken; and " the question is no longer the maintainance
of that treaty, but the making of it afresh." They pointed out,
in forcible language, the absurdity and impolicy of trusting, as
a guarantee for the repose of Europe, to the word of a man
who, " during fifteen years, had ravaged and laid waste the
earth, to find means of satisfying his ambition; who sacrificed
millions of victims, and the happiness of an entire generation^
to a system of conquests; whose truces, little worthy of the
name of peace, have only rendered it more oppressive and more
odious who, at the moment the nations of Europe were giv-
ing themselves up to the hope of a durable tranquillity, medi-
tated new catastrophes. After the cruel experience of fifteen
years, who would have the courage to accept this guarantee?
And if the French nation has really embraced his cause, who
could any longer respect the security which it could offer? Peace
with a government placed in such hands, and composed of such
elements, would only be a perpetual state of uncertainty, anxi-
ety, and danger;" and, therefore, the allied powers of Europe
judge, " that a state of open war, with all its inconveniences, is
preferable to such a state of things." The assembly ? the place,
185
the time, all conspired to give these resolutions the most com-
manding and impressive attention. It was impossible that evci
the opinion of the nations of the Continent could be more fully-
ascertained. All were unanimous and most cordially united.
" The opinion of Europe on this great occasion is," said tlu-v,
" pronounced in a manner very positive and very solemn"*
Before this important document, the malevolence of party
was silent, and the loquacious audacity of Gallic logic remained
mute. It was a subject on which the less they said the better.
It could not be answered, and therefore was passed without
comment. " The opinion of Europe," was indeed " pronounc-
ed on this great occasion, in a manner very positive and very
solemn." She was resolved to act up to her resolutions. Fore-
most in the list of those who bravely faced this fresh storm was
the King of Prussia. None had suffered deeper injuries, in-
sults, and oppression from the hand of France, than him and
his people had clone none were more eager and ready to re-
pay them." " The hopes of peace," said that brave Prince,
si is vanished. We must again march to the combat. A per-
fidious conspiracy has brought back to France the man who,
for ten years together, brought down upon the world unutter-
able miseries. He is at the head of perjured soldiers, who de-
sire to render war eternal. Europe is again threatened; it
cannot suffer the man to remain on the throne of France, who
loudly proclaimed universal Empire to be the object of his con-
tinually renewed wars ; who confounded all moral principles, by
his continued breach of faith; and who can therefore give the
world no security for his peaceable intentions. Again, there-
fore, arise to the combat. United with all Europe in arms, we
again enter the lists against Napoleon Bonaparte and his ad-
herents. Arise then, with God for your support, for the peace
of the world, for order, for morality, for your King, and your
country ."f This noble appeal was not made in vain. Prus-
sia came for >vard with an alacrity which made Daru, his pirat-
ical comrades, and many a guilty bosom in France tremble.
In the meantime, the unfortunate King of France had left
Brussels, and removed to Ghent, where he was joined by many
Report of the Committee of Congress, May 12th, 1815.
f King of Prussia's address, Vienna. April 7th.
A A 6
i56
of his faithful adherents. From thence, lie kept up a corres-
pondence with his friends in different parts of France; but who
were too narowly watched by the jealous eye of their revolu-
tionary adversaries, to arrange any general plan for his assist-
ance. It was obvious, however, that they had the best inclina-
tions to do so From Ghent he at different times issued pro-
clamations to the people of France, in which there is nothing
very remarkable, but his pointing out to them their errors and
their dangers, and promising pardon and forgiveness to all but
incorrigible offenders. These, however, France laughed to scorn,
as she did every thing else that was worth her attention.
Marmoht, Victor, and Clarke remained with the King. Tal-
leyrand was at Vienna, and Berthier at Bamberg with his
family.
Events were now rapidly approaching to a crisis. Fresh
and important treaties were concluded betwixt the allied pow-
ers at Vienna, the substance of which was, that all the powers
should unite all their strength, if necessary, to overthrow the
svstem established in France, by the violation of the treaty of
Paris. Great Britain, by way of subsidy, was to pay five mil-
lions sterling to the different powers, in order to assist them in
increasing and accelerating the march of their armies. Nu-
merous insidious reports had been spread, of jealousies and di-
visions amongst the confederate powers, on the subject of the
situation of France, and the propriety of going to war with her.
These, however, were most fully and satisfactorily set to rest by
the publication of the treaties, and the clear and decided letter
of Lord Clancarty to the British government. " With regard
to France, subsequent to the return of Bonaparte," said he,
" but one opinion has appeared to direet the counsels of the
different Sovereigns. They adhere, and from the commence-
ment have never ceased to adhere, to their declaration of the
13th March, with respect to the actual ruler of France. They
are in a state of hostility with him and his adherents, not from
choice, but from necessity; because past experience has shewn,
that no faith has been kept by him, and that no reliance can be
placed on the professions of one who lias hitherto no longer re-
garded the most solemn compacts, than as it may have suited
his own convenience to observe them. They are at war then
187
for the purpose of obtaining some security for their own inde-
pendence, and for the re-conquest of that peace and permanent
tranquillity for which the world has so long panted."*
Europe was at war then once more, with Napoleon Bona-
parte and his adherents. Late in the month of May, this im-
portant question came to be discussed in both Houses of the
British Parliament, whose deliberations had so often upheld
and decided the measures of the Continent of Europe. The
bounds of this work prevents me from giving any thing but a very
general outline of these important and interesting discussions:
On the 23d, Lord Liverpool, in the House of Peers, opened the
debate, by stating that the " subject was the most momentous
that could possibly come before them." His Lordship went over
nearly the same ground that the last important document issu-
ed by Congress had done. He dwelt at great length upon the
principles and facts therein contained. He shewed that the
treaty of Paris had been religiously observed by all the allies;
but had been most wantonly broken by France in the act
which recalled Bonaparte to her head. He denied that there
had been any violation of the treaty as against him; and point-
ed out that even if there had been, " that it was only upon a
complaint being made, and a refusal of justice, that could jus-
tify a violation by the opposite party." " Bonaparte had made
no complaint to the allies, and they never, therefore, could have
refused him redress." He pointed out, that, even in his first
proclamations, Bonaparte made no such charge, even against
the King of France; and that the whole was an after thought,
when he sought for some reasonable ground as an apology tor
his undertaking. He pointed out also, in strong terms, the
justice and also the necessity of war against him. He asked,
" if the ambition evinced by theprastut Government of France
was that common ambition which had given rise to the ordin-
ary contests between the European powers?" Qn the contrary,
it was, as every one knew, " an ambition which no success had
ever satisfied, which no disappointments had ever forced to a-
bandon its views." He detailed at length the aggressions of
France, from the earliest dawn of the revolution, every step ol
which pointed out to what they at length openly avowed was
Clancarty's letter, Vienna, Vay 6th, 1815.
18S
their object " the absolute subjugation of all the powers of
Europe," and " universal Empire." He clenied that Bona-
parte had been recalled by the unanimous consent of the French
nation; but said, that he was only so by the discontented and
military part thereof. He shewed that the age and experience
of Bonaparte, as some had imagined, would not make him wiser
or more moderate ; and that his ambition was not of that sort
which could be chastened by age, or corrected by experience.
That with regard to the boast that France was now under a li-
mited monarchy, he shewed " that there was no individual un-
der whose sway it was so totally impossible that any thing like
a limited government could exist, as that individual, whose
title depended upon the sword; whose fame, whose power, and
all that rendered him distinguished, arose from, and was con-
nected with war and conquest." He pointed out the com-
manding situation in which the powers of Europe stood; that
they never had a juster cause, more formidable means, and
greater hopes of success. He shewed that the powers of Eur-
ope were unanimous in the contest, arising from a conviction
of their own insecurity under a different system, and that they
were not goaded into it by Great Britain, as was the malicious
insinuation of our enemy. Fie acknowledged that all the al-
lies would be glad to see Louis XVIII. restored to the throne
of France, as they were satisfied that with him they could re-
main at peace, in the spirit thereof; but denied that they
had any intention to force either him or any other government
upon the people of France, as had been wickedly charged a-
gainst them. They fought for their own security and peace.
They had made up their minds on the subject, and the arts of
Bonaparte could no longer shake them.
Lord Grey, however, took a different and very remarkable
view of the subject: He stated that " he was by no means sat-
isfied as to the point of right in this instance." In order to
render war necessary, it ought to be shewn that redress of any
grievance had been amicably demanded and totally refused.
" Had," continued he, " any aggression then been made upon
the country? Had any demand of reparation been made, and
not listened to? Upon what, then, does the right of going to
war rest?" He allowed that the general right of nations to
189
thoose their own government, might be qualified by some mo-
difications. To the principles laid down, that " no nation
should exercise it in such a way as to be dangerous to the se-
curity of other nations, he gave his full assent." But his
Lordship went into a long dissertation upon the coalition a-
gainst France, under the auspices of King William, to shew
that the present case was different, the danger remote, and
principles unjustifiable. With regard to the danger with
which we were threatened, " it was a danger arising from die
personal character and personal existence of one man." " In
the whole history of modern war," said he " pregnant as it was
with the falsest pretences, fertile as it was in examples of the
most rapacious views, covering themselves under an affectation
of liberal principles, and a love of independence, there was at
present no instance of a war commenced and conducted on
such a principle. There was not even an instance of any writ-
er on public law, excluding an individual from supreme power,
on account of his personal qualities, let them be good or bad."*
Vattell alone had supposed such a case, but had been forced f
have recourse to fabulous history to support it. He stated
that " it certainly appeared that the treaty of Fontainbleau
had been entirely broken." He contended, " that although it
might not have been in the contemplation of the British go-
vernment, still it was obvious that it was the intention of some
of the other powers to remove Bonaparte from Elba. As the
right of nations to choose their own government was sacred, so
he held that no internal change of government could abrogate
treaties with foreign powers, unless that change was specifically
excluded. He contended also, that there was no article in the
treaty of Paris which prevented the French people from choos-
ing any form of government they might wish; " be it republi-
can, military, or despotic." That if they chose they might
justly vest the authority in Carnot, Barrere, Masscna, or Caul-
incourt, nay, even in Bonaparte, as abdication was not " sped'
jically named" in it. He contended farther, that the declaration
of the 13th March, expressly pointed out the " dagger of the
assassin," as justifiable; and that even if this horrid infer-
The French nation denied this; they had excluded not only Louis XVIII.
but his family, because they said he was bad.
190
ence was not to belong to it, that " it was irreconcileable with
all the established principles and practices of modern and
civilized warfare." It had, whether done with an evil in-
tention or not, " given to the enemy all the advantages of its
wickedness." It left us no possibility of compromise; but either
to secure complete success, or the deepest and most unprece-
dented humiliation. He contended besides, that as securities
for the future repose of Europe, had been dispensed with when
the Bourbons were restored, so "that no new securities ought in
point of policy to be now demanded." Pie continued and said,
that the Revolution accomplished by Bonaparte " was not a mili-
tary Revolution." That there was a general feeling amongst
the people in his favour, and against the Bourbons. He insisted
that the case was much altered from what it was on the preceding
year. That then the disposable force of the allies was 5t0,000
men, exclusive of garrisons, Swedes and the Landwher, to op-
pose which, France had only 165,000 men,* who were harassed
and worn out with two disastrous campaigns. Yet, that though
France was thus attacked by more than double her numbers,
still the contest had been doubtful, and that the allies at last
only escaped destruction and obtained success by " a mere acci-
dent" We never could expect to see the contest renewed
upon " equally favourable circumstances." He asserted that
the Duke of Wellington could not obtain an army like wlial.
he formerly had^ and which had been " dispersed and ex-
hausted by the impolitic war with America." He dwelt upon
the improbability of any assistance from the 40,000 brave
Saxons, who had " so gloriously contributed to the success of
the last t'jco campaigns ."f lie pointed out the great increase
of Bonaparte's strength, from prisoners returned, the number
from Great Britain alone being 170,000 (perhaps 70,000)
Bonaparte's army, and that which defended Paris, alone amounted to this
number. Soult besides had 90,000 Suchet, 30,000. Augereau, 40,000.
Beuuharnois, 89.000. Maison, 20,000, and above 200,000 in Garrisons. Win
should his Lordship err so widely? Bonaparte himself stated his force remaining
on the 1st of April, 1814, at 450,000 men.
+ The Saxons occasioned the loss of the fruits of the battle of Lutzen. But for
their joining Bonaparte tho battle of Bautzen would never have been fought, 12,000
left him at Leipsic, after his fate was decided, and when they cculd do no better.
Kot one was at th capture of Paris.
191
Austria he contended had her hands completely full in taly
between the attack of Murat and disaffection there. He con-
tended that Bonaparte's conduct would be altered; and that
even if his " nature" were not so, still his " policy" might be so.
That he was now become advanced in life, when he could no
longer follow with the energy he had done, the measures which
had formerly secured him success. His Lordship next advert-
ed to the impossibility of our finances supporting the coiiu^t,
and next hinted at the probability of a renewal also of hosti-
lities with America, and concluded " by opposing a war which
appcafed indefinite and interminable."
Lord Grenville, however, took a more just, manly, and
decided view of the subject. Bursting from the trammeis of
party, his Lordship stood forward in all that energy and strength
which characterised his conduct, when in the midst of the dark
and devouring tempests, raised by the Goddess of Reason, he
stood by the Pilot which weathered the storm, and when by
their firm example they saved Europe. His Lordship began,
by observing that the delay which had taken place in bringing
forward this important question, had afforded him the conso-
lation of deferring the "fatal necessity" which he had of totally
differing in opinion from those with whom he had coalesced.
He observed with regard to the question before them, that if
any State could be found in a Slate of Nature, the rights of
that State to regulate its affairs, unconnected with those of its
neighbours, would be absolute and undeniable; but as this was
not and could not possibly be the case, consequently that every
State " must be contented to see their individual rights regu-
lated with respect to the mutual rights of all. There was no
country, he observed, " which had not tried the effect of a
treaty with Bonaparte, and experienced that to restrain his
power or to diminish his aggressions, treaties were of no avail
whatever." If France had the rioht of choosing her own Go-
vcrnment, so she had also the right of concluding the treaty of
Paris, upon which principle it was concluded. In civil cases
* s certain forms were necessary for the regulation of a contract,
which he who did not act upon, neglected at his peril." In
affairs between nations, all that could be required was " to im-
pose on both parties the duty of performing what they under-
192
took. The intention to perform the contract must be made
known to all parties, and this was the case respecting the ex-
clusion of Bonaparte and his family from the French throne."
The question now was not for the abstract right f interfering
with the internal concerns of France, but the clear and unde-
niable right of enforcing a solemn treat}-. France had a right
to make that treaty the allies to enforce its observance when
broken. France does break it, and retracts from her part of
the bargain, which was the exclusion of Bonaparte. " The
moment that this violation was committed, a just cause of war
ensued." There was, therefore, " no option left us, nor any
ground for long deliberation; we were forced by imperious ne-
cessity to do what could not be avoided." It was a lament-
able prospect after twenty- five years of way, to, find in France
that passion still remaining which had occasioned those cala-
mities, and which she was preparing to act upon anew. France
alone could not be admitted to have the right to examine a
question, and cancel treaties without assigning any reason.
Europe could not tolerate her principles of destroying treaties
as she had done and as she now attempted to do, in renouncing
her Contract, " by one of the most insulting papers ever known
in the annals of diplomacy."* France had shewn that she
would not abide by any treaty. She gloried in violating treat-
ies she scattered them to the winds. By twenty-five years
experience she had taught Europe how she appreciated treaties.
Other securities must be found for her than those of solemn
compacts." Bonaparte had flagrantly violated his word
he could offer no security for the observance of any treaty.
His Lordship contended that this was a more favourable mo-
ment than ever could again occur, for uniting the common
efforts of Europe against the ambition of France. " No words
of which he was master, nothing that the page of history re-
corded, appeared adequate to impress on their Lordships
minds the situation in which we were now placed." He would
not enumerate how many violations of treaties Bonaparte had
been guilty of, " but he would ask any one to shew him one
country which, for the last ten or twelve years, had sought peace
or safety with him, that had not found itself visited with the
# Caulincourt'c letter to the Sovereigns.
193
aggravation of the very evils it so attempted to ward oft.''
Bonaparte was replaced by the active exertions of the milit
and so far from age and experience lessening his activity o*
ambition, the last act was the strongest example of his restless-
ness and ambition. Louis XV III. " was t/ie victim of peace.**
He was the sacrifice of his good faith." Therefore was he
hated by a soldiery, " accustomed to rapine ;" and who had
been raised by their former chief" to principalities and powers,"
at the expense of the just rights of other people. By them he
was recalled, by them he was to be maintained in his regained
power ; and to keep them in humour with him, said his Lord-
ship, Bonaparte, whatever his wishes might be, must " lead
them on to some fresh aggression against some foreign nation."
There was no peace between us and Bonaparte, and he could
not tell upon what grounds we could now negociate with him ;
for " in that overture, as it was called, that Bonaparte made
to this country, he mentioned nothing about the peace of Paris,
nor even condescended to say any thing about the terms on which
he was disposed to treat with us." In the proposal, however,
forwarded to Vienna, he had expressed himself ready to abide
by the treaty of Paris which treaty gave France a right to
enterfere in the settlement of the affairs of the Continent, and
particularly of Germany, and which in the hands of Bonaparte
would be made use of to undo all that the Congress had done
to oppose their measures, and to plunge Europe into fresh
troubles. His Lordship concluded an admirable speech by
approving of the measures of Government, and the necessity
of war, which was carried by 145 against 44 who voted for
Lord Grey's amendment.
On the 25th of May, the same important subject came be-
fore the House of Commons for their decision. The results
were similar to what had been in the House of Lords. The
ground taken up by the different speakers, was generally the
same as what had been in the other House, and many of their
arguments perfectly similar. Lord Castlereagh began by stat-
ing the perfect unanimity which reigned among all the allies,
upon this important business. He shewed that the decisions
of Congress, had gone upon the principles and opinions of
~S\x. Pitt, whose general knowledge of European policy and
B 7
European safety had never been surpassed. He contended
that if the restoration of Bonaparte was the act of the whole
French nation; that so much was the greater danger to Europe,
and greater tiie offence against the allies. The Question now
was not whether they should go to war with Bonaparte, but
whether or not they should open negotiations with him. He
stated that the principles ami conduct' of the allies would, no
doubt, as usual, he misrepresented and distorted. But pcaee
could not be expected with Bonaparte. Tlie greater his talents
the greater the danger. " In war or fn peace, also in prosperity
or in adversity, still the. same perseverance and unrelenting-
system of policy was distinguishable.*' He exposed the base,
insidious and dangerous con-duet of Bonaparte, in the negotia-
tions at Chatillon.* He shewed that Great Britain had not
excited the Continent to war. That she had earnestly recom-
mended to them caution and an attention to their own interests-
and safety, not to hers; they " had deliberately decided on war,
as necessary to their existence." The result of all their deli-
berations was, that " no safety for the world was to be hoped
from negotiations with Bonaparte." The means of the allies
to commence war were of the most formidable description.
"While the issue of the contest was in the hands of an overruling 1
Providence, he contended that France stood in a very different
situation to what she did m 1 7&2, The Revolutionary spirit
had perished, " through tire horrors to which it had given
birth." France in her former wars had been accustomed to
calculate not so much upon her own means, as upon " her
external rezoitrses" namely, the plunder of foreign nations.
These she could calculate upon no longer. While the energies
of France were thus paralized, " a great moral feeling was
spread throughout Europe." The population and the Govern-
ments felt that French ambition and wickedness had been the
cause of all their misery. * At no period had they ever been
disposed to put forth their hostilities against France with more
ardour." The armies of the allies were not only augment-
ed to a number beyond what they had been, but most im-
portant measures had been resorted to in the event of failure,
to guard against the recoil of the blow which was meditated
See former Narrative Appendi*.
195
against (lie power of Bonaparte. Such was the unanimity and
formidable preparations against him; and since he had resolved
upon his daring enterprise, no period more favourable for the
safety of Europe could ever have occurred. " Had Bonaparte,"
however, " delaj'cd his return for a single month, he believed
it would have made a vast difference in the attitude of the allies;
and instead of their applying now the arms in their hands,
they would have to re- create their armies at a vast expense.
While his Lordship lamented the disappointment of all our
hopes of a lasting peace after -twenty -five years oflabour, thro'
toil, through danger and blood ; yet he could not help from
congratulating the country upon the commencement of a
struggle, in which we stood in a very different situation to
what we had formerly done. Instead of no allies, we had Eu-
rope awakened to a sense of her danger, and also to a know-
ledge of her strength. " It was therefore evident," continued
his Lordship^ " that we started from a different point." Every
thing was calculated to animate and to encourage us to preserve
that peace which our arms had conquered from that individual,
who once more vveilded the Sovereign authority in France.
No one, said his Lordship, could now approach the Sover-
eigns of Europe with any counsels which might tend to dis-
courage their efforts. On these grounds his Lordship solicited
the House to assure the Prince Regent of their wish to concur
in those measures, which in conjunction with his allies he-
might see it advisable to adopt in the present emergency.
Lord George Cavendish moved an amendment, and stated
that he conceived, that the allies had now altered their lan-
guage. u It was now clear that their sole object was to over-
throw Bonaparte, and to restore the Bourbons. He could
not, therefore, give his consent to such an interference and to
such a war." Mr. J. Smith seconded the .amendment, and
stated, that although he considered the French army as " little
better than a banditti," still they could only be reclaimed by
a period of peace and not of war. He gave Bonaparte no cre-
dit for his intentions beyond what suited his interests. H
they ask for guarantees? they have them all in our institution,,
and in the will of the French people, henceforth united to
yours. Do they not dread to remind us of times of a
of things lately so different, but which may Hill be re-produced ''
It would not .be the first time that we have conquered aU
Europe armed against us. Because France is determined to
be France, must she be degraded, torn, dismembered? and is the
fate of Poland reserved for us? In vain would they cloak fatal
designs under the mask of the sole intention of separating you
from us. One million of functionaries, 500,000 warriors, our
strength and our glory, and 6,000,000 landed proprietors in-
vested by the revolution, are not the Frenchmen of the Bourbons.
Is not the triumph which has not cost a drop of" blood, sufli-
cient to undeceive our enemies? Do they wish for more bloody
ones? Well Sire, expect from us every thing that an heroic
founder has a right to expect, from a nation faithful, energetic,
generous, not to be shaken in its principles, invariable in the
object of its efforts, independence abroad, and liberty at home.
And, meanwhile, if we be forced to combat, let one sole cry be
heard from every heart. 'Let us march against the enemy,
who seeks to treat us as the last of nations ! let us muster round
the throne, where sits the father and chief of the people, and
of the army.' We say it to nations may their Chiefs hear usl
Every thing -dill be attempted every thing will be done to rejK-1
an ignominious yoke. If they accept your offers of peace, the
French people will expect from your administration, strong,
liberal, and paternal motives, to console it for the su<>
which peace has cost u>: but if they will leave us only a chance
between war and shame, the whole nation rises for war, it is
ready to extricate you from the offers, perhaps too moderate, which
you -have made, to spare Europe n new convulsion. Every
20$
frenchman is a Soldier. Victory will attend your eagles; and
your enemies, who reckon upon our divisions, will soon regret
having provoked us."
Alter this harangue, in which the " sensibility" of the Speaker
communicated itself to his hearers, the arch-Chancellor declar-
ed the acceptance of the new Constitution by the French
people; and at the same time he gave to Prince Joseph a pen,
which the latter presented to the Emperor, who invested with
his signature the act of the promulgation of the Constitution.
This done, the Emperor seated, and spoke as follows: " I hold
every thing from the people. In prosperity, in adversity, in
the field of battle, in the Council, on the throne, in exile,
France has been the sole and constant object of my thoughts
and intentions. Like the King of Athens, I sacrificed myself
for my people, in the witnessing the realization of the promise
given to guarantee to France her natural integrity, her honour,
and her rights. Indignation on beholding those sacred rights,
acquired by twenty-jive years of victory, slighted and lost forever,
the cry of insulted French honour, the wishes of the nation, have
brought me back to that throne which is dear to me; because
it is the palladium of the independence, of the honour, and of
the rights of the people. In my progress to my capital I had
reason to reckon upon a long peace; nations are bound by treat-
ies concluded by their Governments, whatever they may be. I
was soon apprised, that Princes who have violated all princi-
ples, design to make war upon us. They mean to increase
their kingdom of the Netherlands, by the addition of all our
Northern frontier fortresses; and to make up the quarrels
which still divide them, by sharing among them Alsace and
Lorraine. It was necessary to prepare for war. Tell the
citizens, when you return into your departments, that circum-
stances are arduous! ! Tell them that foreign Kings, whom I
raised to the throne, or who are indebted to me for the pre-
servation of their crowns, who all in the time of my prosperity
courted my alliance, and the protection of the French people,
are now aiming all their blows at my person. If I did not see
that it is against the country that they are really directed, I
would place at their disposal this life against which they man-
ti^st such animosity. But tell the citizens also, that while the
201
French shall retain for me the sentiments oflove, of which they
gave me so many proofs, this rage of our enemies will be im-
potent. Frenchmen, my will is that of the people; my rights
are their rights, my honour, my glory, my happiness, can never
be distinct from the honour, the glory, and the happiness oi*
France."
After this speech the Emperor took the oath upon the New-
Testament, to observe the Constitution of the Empire, and
to cause it to be observed and, after him, all the Deputies
and the Dignitaries next took the oath to the Constitution,
and of fidelity to the Emperor. The assembly repeated with
one voice " we swear it." The eagles and the national colours
were next presented to the troops, who swore, with general ac-
clamations, to observe them as their rallying sign to defend
them with their blood against all enemies, and never to betray
or desert them ; and the national guards of Paris swore at the
same time, never to suffer an enemy to "pollute again the Capital
of the Great nation." The Imperial Guards also swore to sur-
pass themselves in the Campaign about to open ; and never to
allow foreigners to dictate laws to them. After this the cere-
mony concluded, and the multitude dispersed the people to
their homes, the Soldiers to their quarters, and the Emperor
to the Thuilleries ; perfectly satisfied that what they had done
had rendered themselves invincible, against the efforts of those
who opposed them, and that it had paved the way to make
themselves again masters of Europe.
It required, in all the previous proceedings, but little saga-
city to see that in the midst of what concerned France there
was much more that still nearer and more deeply interested
Europe. The cobweb invention of French duplicity could not
disguise the fact; nor conceal the cause which led them on, nor
the motives that prompted their present undertaking. But if
required the brazen effrontery of the stoutest champion of Jacob-
inism, to claim merit for what they had done to tell the inhab-
itants of Europe, that it did not concern them, and that it wa<
at their peril that they should dare to take cognizance of thcs,e
measures. But Europe was not to be terrified by French oath-.
Her resolutions had been formed in a manner more durable
nnd more solemn. Her words were also grave as the circum-
t>08
dances which inspired them. The answer to all the menacing;
iteration of M. d' Angers, was contained in a short compass and
in a few words; " France wished to make and to follow mea-
sures adapted to her manners she was determined to have
him for a ruler to whom Europe was adverse. Europe for the
best of reasons was determined she should not. She was also
well aware that the " manners" of the former could only be
perfected by her destruction, and she was resolved to teach them
another system. This was the point fairly at issue between
them. If France did not, or would not, understand it; Europe
could and did. She was not afraid to recal the remembrance
of times indeed very different, when French treachery, tyranny >
and principles, crushed her to the ground, and trode her under
foot, and the recollection of which now nerved her arm and
edged her sword to battle. She searched her records, and
found that disunion and evil counsellors had been the cause of
her overthrow ; and experience now taught her the road to"
escape the evil consequences of both these errors. She feared
not France united, and with Bonaparte at her head. She had
met both in their proudest days, and found their strength could
be vanquished; and, she was perfectly aware, that the policy of
the French nation was at all times ready and willing to " ex-
tricate" Napoleon from any too " moderate offers" which he
might at any time make. She also needed no person to rise
from the dead, and tell her that the French nation conceived
their ancient boundaries were too narrow for them; and that
these were not such as nature, alias, the Goddess of Reason, had
taught them should be imposed upon them. Of all this Eu-
rope was perfectly aware; and therefore, this " grave" appeal
made no impression on her obdurate heart, which, ever since the
Ilussian Campaign, had been hardened to such a degree, that
tlfc fine climate of France, could not relax or soften it. She
did not doubt, that all the feelings of Bonaparte in the Council,
en the throne, and in exile, were solely occupied upon the
clmy of France ; and was convinced that he was not the man
who would for a moment sacrifice his glory for nothing. She
well knew the indignation which struggled in every bosom in
France, at the loss of the fruits of twenty-five years of victory,
and the feelings created by their beinc vanquished, or in other
words, their insulted honour." She also knew, that natron!*
are bound by the treaties concluded by their "overnnicnt>,
and was determined to force obedience to this great nntlonal
law. With Napoleon at the head of the French nation
and with that party entire which had counselled them to de-
solate Europe, she was well aware that the kingdom of tire
Netherlands could not be safe; and, therefore, her own in-
terest and security demanded that it should be made so; and
if the French people resolved to have Bonaparte as their lead-
er, in defiance of the faith of treaties, Lorraine and Alsace
might become a lawful prey, and a very moderate demand
made from her. Europe at the same time cared little whether
Bonaparte sacrificed his life for the safety of France or not.
It was her own security and safety, not the security and safety
of France, which was her first object; for she knew that Bona-
parte would sacrifice the life of thousands for the glory of
France, before he sacrificed his own. Besides, twenty-five
years of misery and wo had taught her what was the meaning
of French glory and French honour, which could not be dis-
tinct from that of Bonaparte she knew it well, and wanted np
more lessons on the subject. She, therefore, wisely turned the
adders' ear to all these French lamentations, accusations, and
menaces. Her resolution was taken in a manner very " posi-
tive" and her opinion pronounced in a manner very " solemn."
That God whom her people revered was witness to their re-
solves. Their vows were not made to be broken.
As usual, after the conclusion of such ceremonies, the popu-
lation of Paris were amused with plays, shows, and other idle
works, of which they are distractedly fond. The Sabbath, as
usual, was particularly set apart for that profligate purpose: and
although the ceremony which we have recorded took place on
Thursday, the principal rejoicings were deferred till the fol-
lowing Sabbath; in order that these might be entered into with
greater spirit, and be more general, particularly amongst the
lower classes of people. The day was so remarkable, and the
occasion so memorable, that I shall trespass upon the patience
of the reader, by detailing the sports, for which the French
people forgot the worship of their Creator, and with which they
celebrated their new dawn of liberty. In the grand square,
D D 7
210
there were stationed two theatres of dancers and rope dancers .
two theatres of amusing physical experiments; six bands for
dancing; a theatre of singers; a circus, where Franconi's troops-
were to exhibit; fire-works; and, above all, that most delecta-
ble, and truly French sport, two " Malls de Cocagne" The-
Matt de Cocagne consists of two long poles, near the tops of
which are suspended various articles of cookery, such as roast
fowls, ducks, Sec. The poles are soaped, and rendered slippery
at the bottom, and the pastime consist* in the ludicrous failures
of those who climb to reach the eatables. Also, in the
square, Mavjuy: two Mails de Cocagne; four bands for dancings
a theatre of rope dancers; a theatre of amusing experiments; a
theatre of singers, Sec; and fire- works. These amusements were
to commence at two o'clock, and last till night. Along the
avenue of the Champ de Elysees, there were erected thirty-six
fountains of wine; twelve tables for the distribution of eatables,
such as pics, fowls, sausages, &c. The distribution of the wine
and eatables took place at three o'clock. At nine o'clock there
was a grand fire-work at the Place de Concorde, Immediately
afterwards a detonating balloon ascended from the centre of the
Champ de Elysees; the detonation took place when the balloon
was at the height of 500 toises. In the evening all the theatres
were opened gratis, and all the public edifices were illuminated."*
Such was the official list of i\\e jmblic amusements for the
first Sabbath after France had received the greatest blessing
ever had descended upon the nation. Such the way she, open-
ly and exultingly, spent that sacred day. Such were the ways in
which France was accustomed to spend the Sabbath. In most
parts of Europe, such proceedings would be looked upon as the
wreck of religious order, and would strike the minds of the
beholders with terror and alarm. Not so are these things or-
dered in France not so does she view them. The cause in-
terests but herself alone the consequences are felt by herself
and by all her neighbours.
Although the present was about the 20th Constitution which
France had received within about the same number of year*,
still there were persons who were weak enough to believe, that
k would be attended with better consequences, ar*d be longer
Programme of thefitc T JMoniteur, JVLiy 50th.
211
lived than its predecessors; as it was headed by Ronaparte, and
planned by that old staunch friend of liberty, Carrot. It was
described as a model of its kind; and the maimer of its accep-
tance, was held up as a scene worthy of the utmost attention
and admiration. " The mercurial character of the French
people," said the Morning Chronicle, mix the influence and
exhilaration of spectacle, with the most important duties of life:
and even this devotion is animated by the imposing sublimit//,
with which the rites of religion are solemnized. We are too
apt to imagine, that these repeated shows of Constitution-
making, make no lasting impression on the public mind of
France."* The world, indeed, in general, were very apt to
suppose, that such scenes made no impression; nor had any
thing happened in this that could make them alter their opin-
ion. It too was to have its little day another monument of
French folly. Europe, however, was not to be deceived on
the part of this new Constitution, and usual pretences which
concerned her. She had been taught by experience, most dear-
ly bought, that every act additionel to a French Constitution,
and Matt, de Cocagne y that was jumped at on Sunday in Paris,
was only the prelude to the dislocation of her Constitution, and
the precursor of a flood of iniquity, misery, and wo, which is-
suing from that polluted source, inundated all her borders.
The ease with which this farce was played off" at Paris the
satisfaction which was displayed, amidst a multitude guarded
by 23,000 regular troops, and '27,000 national guards, the latter
as well as the former consisting of the firmest votaries of the Jaco-
binical school, all drawn up in battle array, was hailed as an in-
contestible utm of that awful unanimity, which was to secure
France, and overthrow Europe. We were told now as we
had been told before, that the wanton and unjustifiable con-
duct of the Confederate power*, had called forth the invincible-
energies of the French nation, and such a spirit of revenge, as
would again bind Europe in chains, and drag her captive at
the chariot wheels of Napoleon; who was alone the man of whom
France made choice, the hero, whom alone she would permit to
lead her. The coalition against France, with Bonaparte at her
head, was described as undertaken not so much against him as
.Morning Chronicle, July 7th, 1815.
212
against the spirit of liberty. " Tins," said the Morning Chron-
icle, " the great body of the English -patriots believe'; and it is felt
by all the considerate part of the British Empire, that it is not
so much against Bonaparte, as against the spirit of Liberty, that
the Potentates of the Continent unite; and every truly British
bosom must feel that if they should succeed in extinguishing
the last spark of Liberty in France, our own happy system
would present the next object to their jealousy and fears."*
When such were the ideas of an inhabitant of Britain, upon
this subject, we cannot wonder at the daring attempts of the
French press, to mislead the minds of the people of France
and of Europe. " Let well informed men say," said the same
authority, " whether from all that has been demonstrated, it is
not manifest that the whole people believe, that it is not so
much against the person of Bonaparte, as against the spirit of
Liberty, that the potentates of the Continent are armed; and
that in fact it is more for the re-establishment of feudality, of
tythes, of the privileged orders, and of the Bourbon family,
that they threaten to invade the territory of France "f It
baffles human reason, to discover from whence could proceed
suck a desire, and anxiety to pervert the most obvious facts as
we here witness. What the people of France might choose to
believe, was a matter of no importance to the point at issue;
but .that there could exist one man, in any other quarter of
Europe, who could deliberately and elaborately require and
advise them to believe such things, may be said, but will scarce-
ly be credited, but by those who have seen the columns which
contained these statements. How far even the French people
believed those things here asserted, a short period will also de-
termine.
The finances of this country were the next object of atten-
tion and lamentation, on the part of those who viewed the
deliverance of Europe with a jaundiced eye. Much, no doubt,
depended upon their stability, but not all. The spirit which
animated Europe, would have found means and resources, had
ours been deficient and unequal; which however, they were not.
)a the 14th June, the very day on which Bonaparte said,
Morning Chronicle, May 29th, 181&
f Do. do. July 7th.
SIS
Let us march to them," and which meeting was, as'usual, prog-
nosticated to be fatal to Europe; the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer contracted with the Merchants in London, for a loan of
no less than j36,000,000 sterling, viz. .27,000,000 for Eng-
land, and ^9,000,000 for Ireland. This mighty sum, shewing
in such a conspicuous light the wealth and resources of Britain,
occasioned no alarm, no uncertainty in the public mind. It
was sought after with avidity, and contracted for on the follow-
ing terms, viz.
130 reduced 3 per cents, C
10 4 j for every 100, Sterling.
44 3 . consols. C
and which was worth as follows, viz.
130 reduced 3 per cents. =71.. 5
10 4 6 .. 19 .. g
44 3 consols 25 .. 15 .. 2
.101 ..1.5
Discount upon prompt payment in full, -2 .. IZ
=104 .. 8.. 10*
The day on which this bargain was made for the public, this
loan was at 4< per cent premium. In the House of Commons,
on the same day, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved their
sanction to this loan; and which was granted with the addition
of a vote of Credit for j6,000,000 more, making altogether
^42,000,000 sterling, placed at the disposal of Government
for this eventful year. The supplies requested for the year,
without including the interest of the National Debt, amounted
to j89,728,900, which was met by the War Taxes, Loan, &c.
These stood as under,
XT , ? *****************...* =14,897,255
Navy and Iransports, 3,746,945
18,644.200
Army, ******************************************** 39,150,756
Ordnance. ****** ************************** 4,431,643
Foreign payments, including bills of Credit, ******** 9,000,000
Vote of Credit, ************ 6,000,000
Army prize money, ********.^******************** 942,347
.Miscellaneous, ************************************ 3,000,000
=81,368.926
Separate charges Sundries, ********************** 8,366,000
LS9,T28,92C
Deduct Irish proportion of joint charges, .>.-...~.-*.~.*~v.,^.,^..w. < . 6,000,000
War Taxes for the service of this year, -.~~~^,.,.. k ( a ) 22,000,000
Lottery , ^v k ,.v*^.^^.v.^ 250,000
Naval Stores, 4*^^V w fcU*l4^^wi,%*.u,4vi 508,502
Vote of Credit, ~~~~~-~~-.~~~*,.~~,~,^.,.,.,^v 6,000,000
18,155,000
27,000,000
Exchequer Bills funded, and loan in 5 per cents. > **
(b) 79,893,500
The decrees of fate proceeded to their accomplishment with
fearful speed. The tempest, gloomy with the wrath of heaven,
was collecting was collected and the messenger who was to
< { ride in the whirlwind and direct the storm," waited the com-
mand which should order him to give its fury vent to shake a
guilty land. From every part of Europe they were arming,
marching, and ready to march. From the Rhine to the Obv
from the Po to the Atlantic ocean, one terrible hourra of
indignation rose from assembling millions.
*' Bella, horrida bella,
Et Thybrim multo spumantem sanguine cerno.''*
The prospect was magnificent but alarming; surely Europe
can behold such movements and commotions no more.
Before proceeding farther, I shall here endeavour to enumerate,
as particularly as possible, the strength of the respective armies;
and, as distinctly as possible, state their positions, and the ob-
jects which they had in view. I shall be the more particular,
as already French vanity is at work, with the aid of their ad-
mirers, to lessen their resources, and the strength which they
called into action, in order that they may lessen the glory of
their adversaries, and take away from their own disgrace.
France was, in reality, much stronger than was generally suppos-
ed. In former contests she had but to state her force to make
it appear irresistible. In this her vanity rather led her to adopt
a different course. When she saw war inevitable, she endea-
(a) Amount of War Taxes, including estimated amount of the Property Tax,
was L32,945,45I. The Assessed Taxes or Consolidated Fund, applicable to in-
terest of debt. &c was about L4 0,000,000 more. Such was the power and resources
Of Great Britain after twenty-three years of war.
(6) Budget. House of Commons, June 4th, 1815.
Eneid, Book VI. verses 86 and 87.
215
voured ratlicr to keep within than without the number of her
effective strength; because, if victorious, she would claim the
greater merit if vanquished, she would sustain the less dis-
grace. It is only by attending minutely to all the details that
we shall be able fully to appreciate the strength which she
brought forward; and by which we will perceive that the means
of Bonaparte, in reality, were still of a very formidable kind.
M. d' Angers, as we have already seen, stated the military
force of France, at 500,000 men. He was certainly very
near the mark, and at the same time alludes only to the re-
gular army. St. Jean de Angley, in his expose,* stated the
total number of the army to be 375,000 combatants of every
description; but to this we must add the Imperial guard,
which, he immediately adds, amounted, as a separate force,
to 40,000 men. This gives 415,000; and, before the first
of August, the whole, he said, would amount to 500,000 re-
gulars. There can be little doubt, however, but that at the
commencement of hostilities, the French regular force on the
frontiers, and throughout France, amounted very nearly to
500,000 men. Besides, all this number was disposable for the
field; because the fortifications were almost entirely garrisoned
by national guards. According to the official decree, calling
them out for that purpose, the number allotted to each is spe-
cially mentionedjf and the total amounts to 185,220. These
* June 13th, Chamber of Representatives.
f Thuilleries 10th April, 1815. Moniteur. as under, via.
Pierre Chatel,
Fort 1'Ecluse, .<
Fort Bauraux, >>
Embrun, .
Brianeon, .
Blount Dauphin, *
Fort Queyras,
100
100
600
1,500
4,000
1,200
500
Sedan, ~ 1,000
Mezierres, Charleville2000
Givet Charlcmont, 8,000
riiilipville, 1,500
Kocroy,-> 1,000
Auxerre, ~-.~ 1,200
Besancon, 6,000
Fort de Joux, 350
Saint H ippolete 550
Maucompte, 550
Blaye, - 1,000
GrJnoble, -1,200
Cherbourget depes, 5,520
Perpignan, ~ 3,600
lies St. Marcouf, 450
Fort Lahougue, 150
Hes Taleron, * 150
Fhalsbourg,~ ~ 2,000
Maria], 1,000
'foul, v* 600
Verdun 1,000
Montmedy, 1,000
Stency, 600
Metz, 10,000
Thionville, 3,500
Sarre Louis, 2,000
Bitche. 900
Longwi, 2,000
Lille, 12,000
Valenciennes,. 8,000
Bcuchain, 1,000
Lequcsnoy, 1,800
Douay, G.OOO
Cam bray, 1,500
Landrecies, 1,800
Conde, 2^00
Gravelines, 1.80O
DunLergue, %*%*% 8,000
Bergues, ~ 1,500
Maubeuge, 3,600
Avesnes, 1,000
Aire, ~ * l.OOO
Calais, 2,500
Boulogne, 1,000
Bethune, 1,000
Ardnes, 1,000
Arras, %%** 1.5CO
Navarriens, **. 600
"St Jean Tied du Port, 80O
Fort Soeoa, 200
l'ayonne. 8.50O
Chat ile Lourde, 300
Bellegarde, 1,000
Mont Lcuis, 2.50O
Callioure, L'.OCO
t'ratz de Moilon, - 1,000
216
numbers united, taking only the smallest number of the regu-
lars, or 415,000, amount to 615,000 men. But this is not all.
The number of national guards liable to serve was, by the same
decree, stated at 2,255,000, out of which, it was well ascertain-
ed, that above 500,000 were actually on duty. To these must
be added the marine, at least 60,000; so that the grand total of
men in arms in France was thus nearly 1,000,000. Besides
these, which may be considered as an efficient force, as ready
either to assist the regular armies or preserve the peace of the
interior, we must add the levies en masse in several provinces
the FedereSi or confederated inhabitants of different places, the
number of whom was considerable, and whose efforts were of
great service in crushing the rising spirit of the opposite part}.
Although all the population of France were not well affected
to Bonaparte's cause, still a very great number were; and all
the efficient part of the population, that is, those who were
most capable of, or inclined to resistance, were so, or at least
inimical to foreign invasion; these, though they cared little for
Bonaparte, would not, however, oppose him; but on the con-
trary* very readily united under his banners, to recover the con-
quests which they had lost, and to revenge upon Europe the
disgrace which they had sustained. The vast force already
mentioned, were not only ardently and enthusiastically his
friends, but absolutely furious in his cause. They were ready,
by their own account, to face every difficulty, and to court
every danger on his account. It is necessary to be particular
on this head, because, to support the idea of French invin-
cibility, it has been said, and will be said, that France
was callous to the cause she was at preseut engaged in.
Part, no doubt, were so but the most efficient, active, and
powerful part was far otherwise. What was achieved by
European bravery must not be set down to the account of
Fort-les Bains, ~~ 300 | Haguenau, ~~~~ 1,200 | Fort Vanban, ~~~ 1,000
Lichtcnberg, ~~-. lOO
Toulon, * ~~ 6,000
Antibes, ~~~~.~ 2,400
Haguenau, ~.-v>.-*
* 1,200
Lauterberg, ..'..
. 1,200
Weisseiibourg, -*
- GOO
Scheiestadt,^-^--- .'-
- 3,000
Landau, -~'~-~~
v 3,000
Fort- Saint- Ehne, ~ 150
New Brisach, ~~~ 4,000
Befort, ~~~~~~ 2,500
Huninguen, *^.-^^. 3,000
Landscron, %i.%*%*U 350 j Strasbourg, ~v~~ 15,000
Total, garrisons 1 85,220
Besides many other places on the coast and in the interior the whole national
guards amounted to 5,130 battalions of 720 men each, or 2,255,000 that were
liable to serve, and of which about 600,000 were in actual service.
St. Batonneau et ,
r, J- 350
Peningues,
I
2l7
French apathy. But let them speak for themselves. As i
as the middle of April, the Moniteur* informed us that the
French army consisted of 120 regiments of the line, of infant-
ry; each regiment having five battalions, the latter of which re-
mained in depot, and the rest were ready for the field. Their
numbers were 500 battalions of 720 men each, or 300,000.
The cavalry amounted to 14- regiments of carabineers, or cur-
assiers, 20 regiments of dragoons, and 30 light regiment?,
each of 1000 men, in all 64-,000. The artillery, engineers, and
sappers, consisted of 18 regiments, or 30,000 men. The na-
tional guards, destined to man the fortifications, amounted to
200,000. The whole of this force, by the 2d May, was cal-
culated to be on the Alps, on the Rhine, and on the frontiers
of Belgium. At the period calculated upon, the same papcrf
expressly told us, that, exclusive of the battalion depots, the in-
fantry of the army consisted of 120 regiments. The cavalry
amounted to 70 regiments, besides regiments of volunteer cavalrv
in many places. Alsace had furnished two regiments of lancers
of 1000 men each. The levy, en masse, had taken place in
Alsace, Lorraine, Messen, Franche Compte, Burgundy, Dauph-
eny, and Picardy. Six hundred thousand national guards
were armed, equipped, and employed. The marine force, of
60,000 men, were appointed to man the ships of war, the for-
tifications of the different ports, and the remainder to join the
army of reserve. One hundred and fifty batteries of artillery
had joined, or were on the roads to the different armies. Three
hundred pieces of cannon were on the heights round Paris.
In France it was said that they had 30,000 pieces of cannon,
10,000 pieces of which were mounted on carriages. Free
corps were organizing in several departments. These were to
be commanded by officers of the line; and had for their pay
and encouragement what they could take by force of arms.
These, it was afterwards found, were not only very numerous,
but very troublesome. The regular force, already enumerated,
was divided into eight armies, viz. the army of the North; the
army of the Moselle; the army of the Rhine; a corps of obser-
vation collecting at Bcfort; the army of the Alps, formed at
Chambery; the corps of observation of the Var, formed at An-
Moniteur, April 17th, 1815.
f MonitcHr, May 3d, Paris, May 2d, 1815.
2i
fibcs; the corps of observation of the Pyrenees, which was form-
ed- at Perpignan and Bourdcaux; and the army of Reserve
formed at Paris and Laon. Independent of these, were the 'Im-
perial guards, 4-0,000 strong, and always stated as a distinct body.
The force included in each of these armies was as follows,, viz.
Array of the North mv.w%w, w > w,vm^i. 190.00O
Army of the Rhine, under llapp, 5th corps iw-v**%%4. 50,000
I-ecourhe's, at Ik'fort, 7th eorps~~,-w~..^,.,..^..~,. (a') "0,000
At Besancon, wv^^^* ^ ^^^~trr*'v w 50,000
At Chamber? *. -. w^^m^U****.******** (/,) 50,000
At Antihes, &c. under" Brirne -^.^^^^.~-^^^>.x^^,^ (r) 50,00?)
Between Lyons and Geneva ..->.-.-~'.*~~,..v.~^. (v, 200.000
Do. do, over the country, organized <. (_/') 400,000
Grand total, 1,105,000
Besides partizans and free corps, and' die levy, en masse, m several places.
From the previous enumeration, therefore, (and we shall scc r
.is we go along, that they were in reality not exaggerated,) it is-
clear that the force under the control of Bonaparte was very pow-
erful; and not only sufficient to keep down the discontented in
France, but also to form' a formidable barrier against his ad-
versaries. This force was also dfefly increasing. " All is in
motion," said the Moniteur, " in every part in France. If the
coalition persist in the project which they have announced, of
making war upon ns, and ifthey violate our frontiers, it is easy
to foresee what will be the fruit which they will gather from their
attack upon the rights of the French' people." 1 *
Such was the force of France.. That of the allies was still
more considerable, and consisted of, and was disposed of near-
ly as follows: The army under the command of Wellington
and Blucher, consisted of British, Prussians, Dutch, Belgians,
troops of Nassau, and Bruns-wickers. Thes*e occupied the Nether-
(a) Moniteur. May 28th, 1815. (B) Do. do.
(c) Journal de Paris, April 20th. (
Total JU0l>U,UW
all veteran troops, and under experienced leaders. It must be
observed, however, that all these were not assembled in the
immediate neighbourhood of the French frontiers; but were
cantoned at a considerable distance in several places; while
others, as yet, had a considerable way to march, but all were
hastening towards France, or were stationed at no great distance,
as it was found most convenient and easy to procure forage and
provisions.
Although the* insidious professions of peace restrained in
220
ome degree the usual menacing boasts, and predictions of the
French nation, still the latter were too strong to he entirely kept
concealed; and, in defiance of prudence, and their earnest paci-
iic professions, these from time to time shewed themselves.
Europe was daily reminded how generous France had been,
when she had repeatedly conquered their united strength. It
was plainly stated that France was more able than formerly to
do the same thing. " The French army," said the Gazette de
France, " is ready to accept the challenge."* Wo to those
who shall intermeddle with our affairs," said the Usurper upon
his arrival at Paris. The allies, said the Moniteur, will " no
more succeed in disuniting than in conquering us. They will
learn, to their cost, what 29,000,000 of people, 500,000 veter-
ans, and 30,000 officers, who have triumph eel in more than 50
battles, are capable of performing."! In the Chamber of Re-
presentatives, said a Deputy, " the allies may find too soon how
faithful the French army will be to the oath it has taken."
The overthrow of the allies was not only confidently predicted
and anticipated, but a recurrence to the same system of ag-
grandisement, on the part of France, was confidently looked
forward to by her rulers and the generality of her people.
Nor were they singular in their predictions and in their hopes.
These met advocates and supporters in other places. * Most
assuredly," said the Morning Chronicle, " the same outrage on
their territory will produce the same exasperation, the same
enthusiasm, the same spirit of revenge; and then it will be seen
that, with all its suffering, France has prospered by the revolu-
tion That it has more physical force-^more fighting blood and
that many millions more than heretofore are interested in pre-
serving the soil intact. The French, with a revenue of twenty
millions sterling per annum, above the interest of their nation-
al debt, would be able to call forth the leyy en masse, to resist
our unprovoked and unmeaning attack."X Continuing a similar
strain, the same Journal again proceeds: " With more than six
millions of men, individually interested in the preservation of
their estates, with fourteen fortresses or their frontiers, fully
garrisoned, and with 600,000 armed soldiers, led by experi-
* Gazette de France, April 15th, 1815. f Moniteur, Paris, May 8tk
\ Morning Chronicle, April 14th,. 1815*.
221
enccd Generals in the field, can it be believed that Franc*
will be subjugated in one Campaign? and if not in one Cam-
paign, what will be the late of Europe? We shall not be able
to teed the Continental powers with money, and they cannot
maintain themselves. The French people will be ready to dis-
engage Bonaparte from the offers he has made y and Europe may
he again overturned" So certainly thought nay, such cer-
tainly were the views and the intentions of France. It was in
vain to tell her or her admirers, that the spring which pro-
duced their success was broken. No ! the times lately so dif-
ferent, said M. d' Angers, " may yet be reproduced"
Let us examine this point a little more closely. Can the
times that are past, and in which the throne of oppression
*tood firm, be reproduced? Can the days which are fled, and
in which unlimited ambition ruled triumphant, be recalled?
All the experience of history the whole constitution of human
works all the express declarations of revelation, were forgot-
ten by those who could maintain or hope for this. The indi-
vidual nation, which, by the fraud and injustice of its neighbour,
has lost its independence, may regain it; but can the Empire,
founded by ambition and extended by violence, when once it is
broken to pieces and divided, resume its former sway? It cannot.
The Emperor and the French nation, in order to lessen their
disgrace, asserted that they were only worsted by contending
against " the age."* This was a new name, invented by that
denationalizing jargon which the French revolution produced,
in order to corrupt and mislead the moral and religious prin-
ciples of the human mind; and which alone form, or can form,
to man, the secure guide for his footsteps or rule of his conduct.
They may give their unparalleled disasters any name they please;
but we, as Christians, know, that them and their Emperor con-
tended against a just and unerring Providence; against those
eternal laws cf justice, morality and truth, immutable as their
Author, and omnipotent as their Judge. Seconded by the French
nation, their Emperor endeavoured, without reason, and in open
defiance of justice, to extend the French Empire, by human
strength and human wisdom misapplied; till its extension pro-
duced, to use their own significant phrase, a re-action, which
Moniteur, April 5th, 1815.
222
shook the building to its foundations. Him and them, with
hearts cankered by resentment, and with feelings dipped in the
spirit of revenge; from the basest, most useless, and most un-
worthy motives, endeavoured to extend a system of fraud and
violence, peculiarly their own, and incompatible with the en-
lightened state of Europe, and in opposition to the dictates and
commandments of the Most High, till its violence and injustice
arrayed against it, and drew down on their heads, the anger of
man, and the wrath of Omnipotence. Their Head and them-
selves fell in the mighty contest. His dominion and his power
vanished with him. He was driven from his throne and from
his glory; in his fortune a warning to every age. He spurned
his fate. He returned; and in doing so he still contended a-
gainst the age. He still dared to enter the Jists against his
former adversaries. He endeavoured to revive the dominion
which he had lost to reproduce the gigantic fabric, which
the united energies of Europe, in furtherance of the decrees of
the Almighty, had broken to pieces. Vain effort! The proud
diadem was torn from his brows by that invincible power, to
whom, in the days of his prosperity, he scorned to acknowledge
that he owed it. By a decree, as just as it was irreversible, the
kingdom was departed from France, never to return. Such has
been, and will continue to be, the fate of all similar Empires,
raised, as this was, by violence, and supported by injustice.
Justice follows, with a proportionate speed, the proudest State,
and the most profligate individual. We have an unerring
rule for our guide in these matters, provided we will attend to it.
Man may despise and forget this rule, but that does not after
its precepts nor impair its strength.
" Can length of time cm God himself exact,
Or make that fiction which was once a fact?"*
The history of the world, through every age, affords numer-
ous and striking examples of this important truth. The na-
tions that extended their sway with the extension of knowledge,
and conformable to jus,t laws, remained stable, while others were
shaken from the earth. Even when the former forgot their
honourable pursuits, though their power perished, their name
#nd their institutions lived. Not so was it with those whose
* Ccnvpcr.
22S
Constitution was the sword. They left nothing behind them that
claimed the attention of mankind, except to load their nanne
with reproach. If we search the records of profane history, how
strongly is this exemplified? The Carthaginians, Parthian*,
Vandals, Goths, Huns, Saracens, Tartars, and Turks, who al-
ternately covered this earth with misery, and millions with
mourning; what stupendous fabrics they reared ! To lie feared
and to be lost. Except the Saracens, whose power is destroyed,
and the Turks, whose empire is declining fast, not a vestige re-
mains to trace the nations which produced them, nor do mankind
wish that they could. If we turn unto sacred history, where
our way is clear and our ground is sure, we see the character
and fate of insatiable ambition traced in inimitable character-'.
Egypt, which overawed Africa, and contended for the Empire
of Asia; who perpetrated every crime, and followed every su-
perstition ; who said, " My river is my own, and I have made
it for myself;"* has been and still is, what the terrible denun-
ciation of Ezekiel, 2400 years ago, threatened that it should
be, namely; " a base Kingdom "\ The Assyrian and Babv-
lonian, as they were similar in their conduct to each other, so
also they have been similar in their fate. Where are they \
Though the historian may with difficulty record a few of the
deeds of the latter the geographer trace its limits can the tra-
veller find the nation that created it, the spot where its capital
stood? Evil cannot approach me; " I will be like the Most
High,":}: was her impious boast. Therefore, " I will sweep it
with the besom of destruction, saith the Lord of He
The Persian Empire, still more powerful, is vanished. The
nation, indeed, yet remains; but how changed and enfeebled?
Yet, in its humble and degraded state, it affords a remarkable
instance, that as its political conduct was in general less op-
pressive and unjust to its neighbours than that of the other-
were, so the fate of the nation has been- less disastrous than
theirs. The name, and a separate people, still exist. The Ma-
cedonian Empire, still more formidable and violent, is also disap-
peared from the earth. Its power, once feared to the rising Sun,
is known no longer. The parts which composed it are sunk
Ezekiel xxix. 3. t Ezekiel xxix. H.
\ Isaiah xiv. 14. Isaiah xlr. 23.
224
amidst the mass of mankind, beyond the power of human wisdom
to distinguish or unite them again. The Roman Empire, still
greater and more terrible, where is it? It is gone. It is re-
membered. Amidst Italy divided, and amidst the stupendous
decayed and decaying monuments of Rome, is wrote in legible
characters, " it was" Yet though her power, her tyranny,
and the nation is gone; still the knowledge that she spread
is found amongst mankind, and is remembered with gratitude;
and it is only when departing from the maxims of Justice
that she accelerated her own ruin, and that she ceases to merit
our regard. As it has been with these and many others, so too
must it be with the French nation and with the French Empire.
Severer, perhaps, will be the fate of the latter; inasmuch as her
power was raised by more odious principles as it was support-
ed by a more flagrant violation of justice by chains more un-
just and galling by oppression more severe, more destructive,
and more cruel than what any of the former were. For them,
therefore, has been reserved, a more sudden, a more dishonour-
able, and, perhaps, yet is, a more disastrous fate. A decree more
irreversible than the laws of the Medes and the Persians, while
5t determined the limits of their power, also fixed its doom.
Its fate, like the fate of all those which have gone before it, is
and must be subject to that power, and to those laws, which all
their founders are. These are born increase decay and die;
while violent passions and unjustifiable pursuits bring on pre-
mature old age or an untimely end. But, while the works of
the good survive them, the memory of the wicked is lost. They
and their ways are marked by the anathema of the Almighty;
and till man can recai the days that are past till he can guide
the Sun in his course, the Stars in their orbit, and the Comet
in its career, will he attempt without success to reform the
oppressive power that is scattered to re-establish the tyrannic-
Empire that is broken. Let the French nation examine their
conduct; let them take a review of what it has been for a
century, but particularly for the last thirty years; and all callous^
and thoughtless as they are, let them, if without fear and trem-
bling they dare, contemplate from the records of that history,
which no sophistry can falsity, no time can impair, the doom that
watts them the punishment there decreed for commiting and
225
persisting in national crimes like theirs. Let them Derate the
history of every nation under heaven, that have existed in an-
cient or in modern times, and see if they can find one where a
contempt for every thing moral or religious, civil or sacred, ever
reached such a height as those things have done amongst them.
There have been tyrants and Governments, which despised re-
ligion, and treated the existence of a Deity with derision anil
scorn: but these were few in number; and even these in all their
turpitude never commanded their subjects to follow their exam-
ple. In France alone the world was destined to behold this
monstrous phenomenon, of slow but mighty growth, arrive at the
climax of folly and madness, in publicly arraying themselves as
a nation under the banners of Atheism, in arms against the
Creator of Heaven and Earth. They will search in vain, I be-
lieve, into the history of any other nation, but their own, for a
perfect similarity in their conduct, actions, and proceedings, to
what we are told by unerring wisdom, was to arise in these lat-
ter times in the world, and which was to brave his anger and to
be crushed beneath his power. As in their conduct has been
united all the violence and all the crimes of the first and the
last great Empires, (the Babylonian and Roman, including that
fearful tyranny which sprung up amongst the scattered parts ot
the last in modern times,) to which we have referred, without
any of the honourable qualities which long distinguished the lat-
ter; so we may apply to them at this moment, the same threat-
enings, and the decrees of the Most High, as were directed a-
gainst those* and recorded by his servants in ancient times. Ad-
dressing Babylon, Isaiah, by command of his Maker, says, " I
was wroth with my people; I have polluted my inheritance, and
given them into thine hand: Thou didst shew them no mercy;
upon the ancient hast thou very heavily laid the yoke. And
thou saidst, I shall be a Lady forever : so that thou didst not
lay these things to thy heart, neither didst remember the latter
end of it. Therefore hear now this, thou that art given to
pleasures, that dwellest carelessly; thatsayest in thine heart, I
am, and none else besides me; I shall not sit as a widow,
neither shall I know the loss of children :' But these two things
shall come to thee in a moment in one day, the loss of children
and widowhood : they shall come upon thee in their perfection',
236
for the multitude of thy sorceries, and for the great abundance
of thine enchantments. For thou hast trusted in thy wicked-
ness: thou hast said, None sceth me. Thy wisdom and thy
knowledge, it hath perverted tltce ; and thou hast said in thine
heart, I am, and none else besides me. Therefore shall evii
come upon thee; thou shalt not know from whence it riseth:
and mischief shall fall upon thee; thou shalt not be able to put
it off': and desolation shall come upon thee suddenly, which
thou shalt not know."* This is but too accurate a description
of what the conduct of France has been, and of what her situa-
tion is. The next addressed to the great successor of Babylon,
mi arrogance and tyranny which is to appear in modern times,
is equally so. " For her sins l*ave reached unto Heaven, and
God hath remembered hey iniquities. Reward her, even, as she
hath rewarded yon, and double unto her double, according to
Jier works: with the cup which she hath filled, fill to her double.
And a mighty angel took up a stone like a great millstone, and
cast it into the sea, saving, Thus "with violence shall that great
city, Babylon, be thrown down, and shall be found no more at
att."\ Such is the end of the Power of " the mystehy. on
iniquity," or in other words, that great and terrible system of
fraud, force? violence, injustice, immorality, and irreligion*
raised in latter times. Such its punishment from the Almigh-
ty. It " shall be found no more at all."
Low in the deep the stone for ever lies,
Lash 'it by the flood and covered by fhe waves.
The opinions of mankind in some countries were divided
tip on the issue of the approaching conflict. All were con-
vinced that it would be severe;, some that it would be long
and bloody; but the general opi-nion was, that it could not from
its means and its object be of long duration. One party, with
France herself, contended that it was impossible to conquer a
warlike nation, with a condensed population of 29,000,000 ol
people. Forming their judgment upon what she had before
done, they contended that she could do as much again and
with greater ease, inasmuch as she was wiser from experience,
better instructed in the art of war, and more united than she
was at the Revolution? They calculated that the daring arm
of Napoleon would carry the horrors of war out of the French
Isaiah xlvii. 6 It. t Kevtlations xviii. S, 6, -1.
227
territories, Where he would as usual live at the expense of his
adversaries; and when the glare of conquest would again,
had done before, erush the voice of disaffection in France, and
raise the nation to follow without feeling or reflection their
darling pursuit. Thus employed, they were aware that the
French people would trouble their heads very little about who
governed them. On the other hand, if this could not be car-
ried into effect, they relied upon the strength of her armiet
and her frontiers ; but above all upon that spirit generally pre-
valent in France, of devotion to the integrity of the country,
to unite all hands and all hearts in its defence, which they
conceived sufficient to repel the invaders, when by discom-
fiture in their views, and the effects of intrigue and jea-
lousy sown in their councils, France, they prophesied, would
at length break up the formidable confederacy. Then she
woo Id be able to resume her former dictatorial situation
and arbitrary dominion. So the rulers of France, and those
who advocated her cause, considered the matter; so, cal-
culating upon human energies as all on the side of France,
they prognosticated the issue of the approaching content.
Another party, however, argued that France was not so
powerful as she was in 1792. That though her territory
remained unimpaired, that her spirit and her resources were
broken, and could not be reproduced. They beheld Eu-
rope from necessity become a military peopleher leaders,
from long experience, wise her armies from principle brave;
they saw the armed population of Europe, driven by every sen-
timent or feeling that can touch or animate the human soul -to
exertion, to attack the regular armies of France; and not the
armed population of France, roused into Frenzy, attacking the
r gular forces and disunited Councils of Europe. They con-
sidered the immense means which the allies possessed the
spring which cave life, vigour, and Unanimity to their (Amu-
sels, and they had, no doubt, but that these were superior to
any thing that Fiance, however condensed, unanimous, and
powerful could bring against them. They considered that
bitter experience had taught the allies the fatal effects of care-
lessness and disunion ; and that a^ one interest animated the
Sovereign and the subject, that, therefore, the insidious
Chinations of France could make no impression upon their
228
-resolution, and find no entrance into their Councils. They
therefore, augured well of the contest. It might be bloody
it might be long, but it could hardly be unsuccessful ; while its
duration and violence would only draw down on the head of
France, wider destruction and deeper humiliation. A third
party, while they so far coincided in opinion with the second
class, carried the matter further, and took a still more particu-
lar view of the subject. They admitted the strength of France ;
but they were at the same time aware that nations equally
strong had been beaten, overthrown, and dismembered. They
considered the justice of the cause on the one side, and the in-
justice which supported the other. While they looked upon
the proceedings of France without fear while they beheld the
preparations of the allies with satisfaction, they looked with
confidence for the assistance of a mightier power than either,
who can save by many or by few; and who, while man remains
worthy of himself, never deserts him. They examined the
conduct of France by these unerring rules which he has given
mankind for their guide, and they beheld it most openly and
flagrantly at variance with and in opposition to them. They
reflected that the Almighty in his moral Government of the
world, acts with the strictest and most impartial justice. That
from him no action can be hid no motive can be concealed.
They reviewed the condition of those nations which by their
conduct had rendered themselves obnoxious to his justice, and
which brought down his indignation on their lands. They
compared the conduct of France with what theirs had been,
and found in all its parts a too striking resemblance. They
were aware that whatever pompous drapery mankind might
draw over their works to deceive the eye of their fellows, that
they could not deceive him, to whom the Universe is open.
That robbery, murder, fraud, violence, and violation of so-
lemn treaties, though cloaked under the name of glory, are ab-
horrent to his nature, and remain the marks of his displea-
sure. They considered this attentively ; and while they la-
mented the daring perversity and folly of mankind, while
they trembled at the evils France was preparing for herself,
while ihey wept at the miseries she was about to endure, they
looked forward with the firm hope that the cause of justice
would be vindicated in a conspicuous manner by punish-
229
ment falling on the head of the guilty. At this moment
was seen the fearful consequences of French folly, ambition
and wickedness, returning on their own heads, with a strength
that was irresistible. They had outraged Europe, past
forgiveness they had violated their promises so often, that
the strongest professions of moderation and good faith, however
sincere these might have been, were treated with contempt, and
received with distrust and disdain. What they conceived their
security; was, by the counsels of unerring wisdom, made the
most certain and severe weapon for their own punishment.
Their joy was soon to be turned into mourning; and the
punishment of those' who call evil good, and good evil, now
stood arrayed against them; and filled their minds with con-
fusion, anxiety, and alarm. Yet they saw not their error in its
true light yet they reflected not on their danger, nor perceiv-
ed whence their difficulties came.
Most important events now crowd upon our attention, and
demand our consideration. The hour, big with the fortune of
Empires and the fate of millions, advanced with accelerated
speed. Immediately upon the conclusion of the ceremony of the
Champ de Mai, Soult, who was advanced to the rank of Major
General of the French armies, the situation formerly held by
Berthier, addressed a proclamation to the French army, in
which he informed them, that a " new oath" united France and
the Emperor ; and that all the efforts of an " impious league"
would not be able to separate the interests of the people from
" the Hero who was the admiration of the Universe.*'
" What," said he, in that haughty tone which Frenchmen had
long assumed, " is the hope of this new coalition?"' He told
them that their object was to " erase France from the list of
nations," to impose slavery upon twenty-eight millions of men,
which he hinted might again, as it had done before, add to
their * aggrandizement and their glory." .He told them that
their enemies were '* numerous," but that the contest was nei-
ther beyond the genius of Napoleon, nor their strength; and
that the number of their foes would only render " victory more
glorious," and " their defeat more conspicuous." " To arms,"
therefore, said he. The signal for battle will soon be given;
and while Napoleon guides " our steps," and we fight for " our
230
beautiful country," we will be " invincible."* " Wc will rally
round the Emperor, the protector of liberal ideas; around a
Prince who, educated in the revolution, advances with the age in
which he lives, and wishes to extend the dominion of the mind,
instead of circumscribing it. Instructed by misfortunes, he will
see the conquerors of Austcrlitz, of Marengo, and of Jena,
march anew under the colours which so often led them to vic-
tory, and the event "will not be doubtfid."-f Ho, no doubt, fondly
anticipated the votaries of vanity and ambition. The decision
of the question was rapidly approaching.
In the meantime, the new Legislature, under Bonaparte's
Constitution, assembled at Paris. In the House of Represen-
tatives, which should have consisted of 629 members, only 427
were present, being thus almost one third defieicnt. Tins arose
from the disturbed state of France, and from several departments
either neglecting or refusing to acknowledge the Constitution.
Scarcely were they assembled, when their turbulent conduct
shewed, in strong colours, to which part of the friends of the
people they belonged. The first day of the meeting, M, Si-
buet began by desiring the assembly to consider " that they
were all equals," and that they ought not to " recognise two
orders in the state." On the one side, he said, he " saw seated
Princes, Dukes, Counts, and Chevaliers; and on the other
those formerly called the iters etat." " The most odious pri-
vilege," continued he, " is that which tends to humiliate the
greater number to the advantage of a few."J This proposition
was, however, got rid of, by the President, pro tempore, observ-
ing that the member was reading his speech, which was not
allowable by the Constitution; and it being determined tha
the assembly was not constituted, and therefore could not pro-
ceed to business. Immediately after this, a letter from Carnot
announced, that the list of the Chamber of Peers, by the Em-
peror's orders, would not be published till after the Session v\as
opened; to which M. Dupin, amidst murmurs, proposed to re-
ply, That they would not commence their sitting till that list
was furnished to them. " If," said he, " we are to defend the
Souk's Address to his army, June 1st. 1815.
f St. Jean de Angley's, Expose, June 13th.
\ Chamber of Representatives, June 4th.
131
Jibcrty of our constituents, let us begin by being free ourselves."*
This question was got rid of, by stating, that their present busi-
ness was the .election of a President ; which, after some di
sion, ended in the choice of Lanjuinais to that situation. \
this nomination was notified to Bonaparte, by the president,
ad interim, (do Branges) for his approval, he kept him waiting
for a length of time before he could gain admittance; and then
informed him, that " if he, (the president,) would write next
morning to the page upon duty, he would make known his de-
cision."-}- This cavalier treatment gave great oilence to the
assembly, which conceived that " a chamberlain on service" was
not a person of sufficient dignity to communicate between them
and the Emperor. This, however, was endeavoured to be ex-
plained away on the following day, by the Emperor stating that
he regretted that de Branges had been kept so long waiting in
the saloon ; and that to have prevented this, " you ought," said
he to de Branges, " to have sent me notice by a chamberlain"
that you were there. The Emperor would scarcely at thi-.
moment have attempted to treat the assembly in this manner
from design; but in reality, these things were so new to him
Constitutional ceremonies, where freedom existed so unknown,
that there was no wonder he forgot himself, and committed this
oversight and dangerous mistake. Lanjuinais was, however,
approved of in the way prescribed, which settled this dispute.
Another dispute immediately arose, upon M. Gen. Carnot, pro-
posing that the chambers should " decree that the army had
deserved well of their country." This was met with murmur.-,
and general disapprobation ; and got rid of by stating that the
assembly was not yet constituted.^ From these proceedings it
was not difficult to see, that the old Jacobinical leaven
deeply mixed with the present assembly, whose principles went
upon their governing the state; and their conduct at this mo-
ment could by no means have been satisfactory or pleasant to
Bonaparte* In fact, neither them nor him had any great regard
for each other, though the circumstances in which both mere
at present placed, obliged them to coalesce with the best grace*
possible.
Chamber of Representatives, June 4th. f Do. do. June 5tb
| Do. do. June Cth.
252
The Two Chambers being at length constituted, Bonaparh*,
on the 7th, went in great state to open the Session, which he
did by a speech from the throne; very different, indeed, to any
he had been accustomed to deliver from that station. In this
speech he informed them, that for the last three months, " ex-
isting circumstances," had " invested him with unlimited au-
thority;" but that, on this day, the " dearest wish of his heart'*
was fulfilled; for, " I now commence a Constitutional Mon-
archy." He told them, that to guarantee the liberty and pros-
perity of France, " Monarchy was necessary." He also im-
pressed upon their minds, that he was not the all powerful,
all connecting, and invincible being which they had formerly
thought him. " Mortals are too weak to ensure success," said
he; and " it is solely the legal institutions which determine the
destinies of nations." He told them, that their constitution
and laws were " scattered;" expressed his wish, that France
should enjoy " all possible liberty. I say all possible," con-
tinued he, " because anarchy always resolves itself into absolute
government." He next informed them, of the " formidable
coalition of kings" against them ; that " blood had been shed
in time of peace, " by the capture by the English of the French
frigate Melpomene; and civil war was fomented by assemblages
at Ghent." He recommended the liberty of the press to their
consideration told them that the present circumstances would
render an increase of expense necessary; but that they could
still " face every thing, if the receipts contained in the budget
were all realizeable within the year."* He informed them,
that the " first duty of a Prince," would probably soon call
him to " head his armies;" that him and them would "do their
duty;" and calling upon them all to swear to die, rather than
to survive the dishonour of France, he endeavoured to comfort
theft), by assuring them, " that the sacred cause of the country
shall triumph."!
In perusing this document, we cannot help being struck with
the altered and humbled tone of this disturber of mankind.
Yet, while fear for the future compelled him to acknowledge,
that mortals are too weak to ensure success; still the old spirit
In plain language If he could make the two ends of the year meet.
f Speech, June 7th, 1815.
23$
breaks through the gloom, when lie proudly asserts, that hi*
present cause " sluill triumph." The first part of his pfpdj,
in which he plainly stated, that lie had for three months been
invested with unlimited authority, was a death blow to all the
rhapsodies which had been published, of France, from his return,
having- any more than formerly enjoyed constitutional liberty ;
and his declaration, that from that moment only he began a
constitutional Monarchy, was the severest satire upon \w~
life, and the bitterest rebuke for his past conduct ever
penned; and silences forever, all the arguments and assertions
brought forward by his friends and admirers, that he had always
governed France without violating her laws or her privileges.
He, however, had long been accustomed to say any thing which
suited his purpose, and his friends to believe him. Even now
they diil, or affected still to do so, when he told them that he
was to commence a constitutional monarchy. A constitutional
monarchy! and Bonaparte the head how doubtful how
changed
Is this Napoleon him the great, the preud,
The Conqueror of Europe !
Those men who were so eager for the return of Bonaparte,
and who considered themselves perfectly secure for the future,
under his invincible sway; were eager to let the world know
their satisfaction. They were quite gay and confident; and 01
all their actions and their words, told the surrounding specta-
tors who siiail dare to trouble us how secure we arc! M.
Gamier de Saintes, in the House of Representatives, proposed,
that it should be entered in the proces verbal, that the oath to
the Emperor had been unanimously taken. " In this glorious
object," said he, " we make but one with the Emperor, as the
Eiuperor makes but one with us the Man of Liberty, the
Man (f the Nation, no more to be separated from her."* But
their satisfaction did not rest here. Felix Lcpelletier, in the
same sitting, demanded, that they should declare him, " The
Saviour of the Country." This motion was, however, met by
murmurs, and cries for the order of the day; but Lepelletier in-
sisting warmly upon it, Dupin darted to the Tribune, and told
him, that it was too soon to suffer " the poisoned breath of flattery
* dhtmber.of Representatives, June 8th, 18-15.
to enter within these walls;" and that, if they "Jhrcsfallcd reads "
what means of gratitude would remain, when the Emperor had
saved the country. The motion, after a great tumult, was got rid
of, by the order of the day being supported. Of the proceed-
ings of the other House, we have no accounts. They were less
noisy, but, perhaps, more obedient and tractable: for it was
evident, that in the Chamber of Representatives, they were
not 1 so; nor could it be expected, composed as it was of the
supporters of the Revolution, many of whom had sustained the
most prominent characters in rts most bloody scerres. Such
was Gamier de Saintes, Darrer, Lepefletier, and many others.
Indeed, there was a great similarity in the present proceedings,
and those which characterized the period, before the com-
mencement of those bloody tragedies which disgraced France,
and degraded human nature. They now, as at that period,
talked of liberty; but did they enjoy it? Even at the moment
when Gamier was celebrating the praises of the " Mem of
Liberty" domiciliary visits, the worst engines of Republican
madness, were making in Paris. ** The furnished lodgings
in Paris were searched last night," said the Courier Extraor-
dinary.* On the 10th, a petition was presented from a person
of the name of J. P. Gaspard Gouve, stating, that he had been
" denounced" to the Extraordinary Commissioner; sent by
Bonaparte into the 6th Military Division, stript and arrested.
But all the answer he coudd obtam, was, ' that this was done by
the order of the administrative avrthorkies. This petition was
attempted to be got rid of by the order of the day; conceiving,
no doubt, that it was beyond their cognizance, as it had been
done during the period, when Bonaparte was entrusted with
< unlimited authority." It was, however, voted to be taken
into consideration, though the President reminded them, that,
by the G5th article of their excellent Constitution, it must ul-
timately be referred to the Emperor,* which was as much as
to say, that their present labour would be lost. Gaspard's case
also was not the only one of this sort. Such was French liberty.
It was several days before the Chambers could muster up
words, to return an address to his Majesty's gracious speech
on this occasion. Indeed it was no wonder. The situation in
Park, June 8tb, 1813.
235
which they were all placed, was quite new; and so different
from what the sentiments of Bonaparte's government had always
been; that, quick as Erench ingenuity is in supplying machin-
ery for any scene, it .required some time to fit "the old ma-
terials, to suit exactly the scenery in the .new tragedy, studied
in Elba, and acting j n France: and which all Europe was on
foot to see. At length these addresses made their appearance;
and on Sunday, the 11th June, the Emperor, be\ug seated on
his throne, and surrounded by the Princes his brothers, the
Princes, grand dignitaries, &c. Jie first received, before mass,
the deputation from the Chamber of Peers; ami, after it, the
deputirtion from -the Chamber of Representatives. In the name
of the Chamber of Peers, Cambaceres informed him, " that
the peers of France came to oiler him their homage;" after his
anxiety to submit to Constitutional forms, and his eagerness
to lead himself into " the dangers the army was about to brave."
They assured him, that while he was on the *.* frontiers," that
they would " zealously concur in every legislative measure
which circumstances required, to compel foreigners to acknow-
ledge the national independence, and to cause the principles
consecrated t>y die willx)f the people, to triumph in the interior."
To comfort his heart, and to cheer his spirits in the dangerous
situation in which he was placed, and in the arduous task that
he had to perform; they assured him, that "the interests of
France were inseparable from his: should fortune fail your
efforts," said they, "reverses, Sire, shall not weaken our perse-
verance, and shall re- double our attachment to you." Considering
their cause as just, and anticipating corresponding success;
they informed him, that "their institutions guarantee to Europe,
that the French nation cannot be drawn on by the seductions
of victory."* Europe, however, was not so weak as to pay any
attention to such professions; she was well aware what the se-
ductions of victory had already infused into the minds of French-
men. In reply, Bonaparte thanked them for their tender .sen-
timents expressed for him; but reminded them that the con tot
in which they were engaged was serious, and that it was not the
seductions qf victory which threatened them at that moment. He
fold them that the justice of their cause, the spirit of the nation,
June 10th, 13 1.7.
236
and the courage of the army, held out a powerful hope of suc-
cess; but that if it were otherwise, he should calculate upon,
and " delight" to see all the " energies of that great nation"
brought into action. In their address, the House of Repre-
sentatives told him, that they were ' astonished and afflicted
at seeing some sovereigns in arms, to call France to account for
an internal change, which is the result of the national will;
and which attacks neither the relations existing with other
governments, nor their security." " To attack the monarch
of their choice," said they, " is to attack the independence of
the nation. It is armed as one man to defend that indepen-
dence." Conscious that their word had been so often violated,
that few could be bold enough to trust it, they reiterated the
assertion, that " no ambitious project enters the thoughts of the
French people; the &dU, even of a victorious Prince, would be
insufficient to draw on the nation beyond the limits of its own
defence." Clinging to the hope of success to the last moment,
they still calculated upon divisions among the allies, which might
benefit their cause, and enable them to resume their prepon-
derance. They still hoped that " these warlike preparations,
formed, perhaps, by the irritation of pride, and by illusions
which every day must weaken, may still disperse, before the
want of a peace, so necessary to all the nations of Europe; and
ivhich shall restore to your Majesty a spouse, to the French the
heir of a throne:" but should not this be the case, continued
they, " May the calamities of tear fall upon those who shall have
provoked it." , In answer to this, Bonaparte informed them
that their sentiments were in unison with his that the war was
*' imminent" and that he intended to depart and put himself.
" at the head of his armies." He directed them to consider
the Constitution as their rallying point as their " pole-star in
these stormy moments;" and called upon them to recollect,
that the " crisis in which they were placed was great." He
presumed to hope, that their conduct would not be like that of
the lower Empire, which made itself the laughing stock of pos-
terity, by employing itself with abstract discussior-s, while the
Barbarians with their battering rams were shaking the gates of
the city" He recalled to their minds, that while he was em-
ployed in battle, their best and safest employment would be, to
<2S7
collect and organize such laws as were most desirable to put
the Constitution in motion; and informing them, that " in all
affairs, his march should be still straightforward and firm."
He implored them, " to assist him in saving the countrv."
With promises of future good behaviour on his part, he con-
cluded this first and this last appeal to his Constitutional Leg-
islature.
Next morning, at three o'clock, he left Paris by the barrier
Villatte, and took the road for the Netherlands. His equipage,
guards, and head-quarters had preceded him. Next evening
he joined the army, and, on the 14th, he established his head-
quarters at Beaumont; before which, and further towards die
frontiers of the Netherlands, the army had previously been
assembled. The decrees of fate were now nearly accomplished.
Napoleon had reached the zenith of his last appearance. Arm-
ed with the energies of a mighty nation, he was again about to
commence the work in which only his soul delighted. But how
different was his tone, to that which exactly three years before
made the distant waters of the Pregel tremble. " Fate dftMS
them on, let their destinies be fulfilled," was now changed to
the more humble expressions of, " the contest in which we are
engaged is serious the war is imminent it is not the se-
ductions of victory that threatens us now." No, these were all
gone to a greater distance, than even he was willing to allow.
Europe, as formerly, Was not at present collected under his
banners, and obedient to his nod. No; from the confines of
Asia, to the banks of the Sambre, she was now arrayed against
him. Still with a resolution not easily shaken, he braved her un-
ited anger. He calculated upon the fidelity and the affect i<
France. These were strongly promised to him. " ltevc
Sire," said they, " will but redouble our attachment to you/'
These professions and promises, were quickly and severely to be
put to the proof.
" May the, calamities of war, fall upon those xho shall kme
provoked it," said those men who styled themselves the legal
Representatives of the French nation. How severe the letri-
bution how dreadful the calamity which they here invoked.
Be it so, said Europe; on the heads of those who have provoked
this contest, fall the calamities of war the retribution for the
238
misery and wo experienced during the last twenty-five years
by the world. The departure of Bonaparte to the army,
announced the approach of hostilities; the route he took,
decided the point where these were to take place. Before
his footsteps marched discord with her flaming iorch. A-
round his paths echoed the din of battle; and from his tent
ambition scattered the horrors of war. The attention of Eur-
ope was deeply fixed, .and her eyes instantly turned to the
Sambre. There her fate, for years, perhaps for ages, was once
more suspended in the mighty balance; and there the greatest
talents and courage which she could produce stood opposed
to each other, in order to turn the mighty scale. How
deep the anxiety how terrible the suspense which overspread
the nations, while their fate and that of France were poised in
the mighty ssales. The most callous felt interested the
thoughts of the most careless were arrested; all ranks and de-
gri s stood breathless with expectation, while they listened to
those alarms which struck the Meuse with fear and the Sambre
with dismay.
The situation of the affairs of Napoleon demanded immediate
activity. It was in character with him to display it. His army
was numerous, picked, well appointed, and eager for battle. His
adversaries were opponents worthy of his proudest days, and
his greatest glory. The terrors of the Sun of Austeriitz were
beheld by them without fear his utmost strength created in
their minds no alarm. Blucher and Bonaparte had before
met. The bloody banks of the Marne, and proud frontiers of
Laon, bore witness with divided praise. Napoleon had en-
countered Austrians, Germans, Prussians, and Russians; but
British troops, and their leader, Wellington, he had never met.
The latter had again and again, and in every instance, van-
quished his best generals, and his choicest troops. The Bri-
tish General was hailed, by the general voice, as the first
leader of the age. " It is yet doubtful," said Bonaparte,
" We have never met." The question, however, was now
about to be fairly and finally decided. The meeting ap-
proached, and in the issue of which the civilized world was
interested. The prowess of British troops, and the skill of her
gallant General, so often established on bloody fields, was still
to be more gloriously and decidedly so. To him and to their
239
country, which had so unchangeably resisted, withstood, and
overcome, the utmost fury and indignation of France in her
proudest days, was reserved the immortal honour of deciding
this third Punic war the fortune of their bitterest foes Un-
political life of Napoleon.
The allied armies, in countless numbers, continued to n
forward to the French frontiers. On the side of Italy and the
Upper Rhine, they formed an immense barrier along the
French borders. Still, however, several of their armies were
not yet up in line, and it would still require some time before
they could be so, particularly on the Upper Rhine, where the
most formidable army of the allies intended to enter France,
and where the grand head-quarters of the allied Sovereigns
were established. Their plan was understood to be not to
make any movement on the oiFensive, till their whole forces
were in line from the straits of Dover to the shores of the
Mediterranean. This done, and before the sword was un-
sheathed, a solemn appeal was intended to be made by them
to the French nation, calling upon them to return to a state
of amity, by abandoning the man who had brought so many
calamities and this fresh war upon Europe, and to remould the
treaty of peace which they had violated. This offer unsuccess-
ful, as they calculated it would be, their intention was to enter
France at every point with an overwhelming force; and from
every quarter to advance without delay upon Paris, which
again in their power, they supposed would disorganize and
scatter the Government and resources of Napoleon. Of this,
Bonaparte was perfectly aware; and also deeply sensible how
;i nable he was to oppose an effectual resistance, on every
point, against the vast force advancing against him. He, there-
fore, determined to take them in detail, and before their plans
were matured and completed. In furtherance of this object,
the allied armies stationed in the Netherlands, under the com-
mand of Wellington and Blucher, engaged his earliest atten-
tion, as being those nearest the capital of his Empire. He, there-
fore,, resolved to attack them first. In this resolution he seems
to have had four great objects in view. The first was the gra-
tification of French ambition, cupidity, and vanity, by the
conquest of Belgium, so generally wished for in France. The
240
second w a s, if possible, to rCmove the danger of invasion to a
point as far distant from his capital as possible. The third
was of still greater importance, namely, if he succeeded in
forcing back the armies here stationed, he would then have it
in his power to menace the rear of the right wing of the
grand allied army, which was to enter France by the Upper
Rhine, thereby either retarding or endangering their forward
movements. If he succeeded in these important operations, it
was of less consequence at what expense he did so. He con-
ceived that he would thereby crush the voice of disaffection in
France, and call forth once more around his conquering stan-
dards, the energy and unprincipled ambition of the nation.
Last, and not least, as the surest road to ultimate success: by
gaining the first point he was certain that he would succeed in
removing the war from the French territories, and make other
Countries, as formerly, support the expense; without which he
was aware France would not long bend with perfect satisfac-
tion to his sway.
To accomplish this point, however, he must have totally
destroyed the armies of Wellington and Blucher. Any par-
tial victory obtained over them, though it might have com-
pelled them to retreat, and thereby have given him the pos-
session of a tract of country, would have been of no solid ad-
vantage, so long as their armies remained unbroken and united;
because their loss would have been quickly supplied from the
numerous re-enforcements pushing on to join them; and be-
cause the advance of the grand army across the Upper Rhine,
where Bonaparte had confessedly no force equal to oppose
them, would not only have laid his right wing open to their
efforts, but his Capital also. This alone would have compelled
him to relinquish any hold which he might have gained in the
Netherlands; unless in hij usual phrase, he had in reality
annihilated the armies of Blucher and Wellington, when a
small part of his force would have been sufficient to guard the
quarter where they were, and the remainder of his force would
thus have been disposable to watch the movements or attack
the columns of the grand army. Such, no doubt, were his
calculations. Still nothing but French vanity and arrogance
could have led him to suppose, that -he had any chance to ob-
24-1
tain this great object, but at an cxpcnce which on \m
would have rendered even victory but a temporary relief, if fee
could obtain it at all. He, however, thought otherwise, It was
the only measure in which he had any chance of that su,
which could materially benefit his cause the only measure
which was likely to have a serious influence upon the phi:
his adversaries a beneficial influence on the recovery of his
military character, and the re-establishment of his former
power. Half measures were not the weapons with which be
fought. All or nothing was iiis watch-word in every operation.
No lesser matters occupied his thoughts. It animated him at
this moment, it prompted every movement directed every
motion and guided him to cast every thing upon the issue of
one terrible attempt. What he had in view he must also do
quickly. The allied army in the Netherlands were at this
moment, dispersed over the country, for the sake of procuring,
more readily, the necessary supplies, for such vast bodies of men.
About half, or rather more than the half, of the Prussian armv,
were upon the banks of the Rhine, a considerable distance
from the remainder and from the frontiers. On his part he
had it in his power, when acting on the offensive, to choose
his point of attack, with greater security than the allies
could; because he had a much more formidable chain of for-
tresses in his line to support his operations, and behind which
he, no doubt, calculated that he would be able to retire, if he
found he could not accomplish his object. A decisive victory
over him, by the arms of Wellington and Blucher, was an
occurrence which never once entered into his mind, or into
the thoughts of his admirers.
With the mighty force of 190,000 men, as is elsewhere
more particularly mentioned, and not only formidable in point
of numbers, but more so from the quality of the troops, he
commenced his operations. These men were* the flower of
France, and of bis military strength. They had their cha-
racters to regain their glory to re-conquer their fortunes to
re-establish and their future repose to 9ecure. Perjury and
treason had lowered them in the eyes of honour and worth.
These feelings combined, stung their souls, and goaded them to
fury. The utmost exertions were to be expected, from both
H k 8
242
them and their leader. Their fate, their fortune, and their
fame, they had altogether to re-create, and these were all irre-
trievably committed in this dreadful struggle. They marched to
it with a resolution which the utmost strength of rage and des-
pair could inspire. The infamous attempts of their profligate
Government, to inflame their hearts with the deadliest ani-
mosity and resentment against the allies, and particularly a-
gainstthe Prussians, by publishing falsehoods about the intend-
ed cruelties to be committed by the latter in France, had but
too well succeeded. Their anger was thus goaded to madness;
and they were prepared to act in a manner which was certain
to drag down on their heads at last the most unrelenting ven-
geance. "It is particularly against the Prussians," said an
article in the Moniteur, " that the French army manifests an
implacable hatred, and we have some reason to fear that it will
not be willing -to make any prisoner? of that nation." Why
they should entertain this implacable hatred, it would be dif-
ficult to tell, but, from the reason already mentioned. Their
guilty consciences, no doubt, bade them remember the miseries
and cruelties, which without any cause, they had inflicted
without mercy on that gallant nation. Wherefore they feared
those they had so cruelly injured; and because, if situated as
the Prussian* were, they would have acted to them as their
Government had succeeded in persuading them the Prussian
soldiers intended to do in France, they were resolved to shew
them no mercy. The consequences, bitter and distressing as
these might be, were incapable of meeting with consideration
in their hardened hearts.
On the 13th, Bonaparte having joined the army, the head
quarters was established at Beaumont. The 1st corps, under
D' Erlon, was at Soire on the Sambre; the 2d corps, under
Reilleat Ham-sur-Heure; the 4th corps, under Girard, at Phi-
lipville; the 3d, under Vandamme, on the right of Beaumont,
the position of the 6th, under Lobau, is not stated. The ad-
vance of the Prussian army were on their front, occupying the
banks of the Sambre, above Namur, in the neighbourhood of
which the main body was assembled. On the extremity of
their left was posted the Belgian, Dutch, and part of the Brun-
swick forces; and behind them, in cantonments towards Brus-
2*3
sels, and in that city, the British and Hanoverian troops were
stationed. In marching to the frontiers, and while Irvine in their
own country, the French soldiers were guilty of the great*
cesses. They boldly told their own countrymen, things could not
go on without them, and that they would do as they pleased*
They plundered and robbed every thing that came in their way;
and destroyed what they could not use. In these scandalous
scenes, they were abetted by their Officers; who carelessly
answered to complaints, that " the Soldiers must live." The
Soldiers accordingly lived, and the Officers had abundance.
Such, however, was always the conduct of every army under
the command of Napoleon. By allowing them to do as they
pleased, he made them enthusiasts in his favour. In this in-
stance, wherever they marched they left desolation behind them.
In an instant the crops on the richest fields disappeared, undej-
the edge of the scythe; to be used as forage for the Cavalry
and thatch for their canteens. The Guards, who were the
most devoted servants of Napoleon, treated the rest of the army
with the greatest arrogance and contempt, in consequence of
which a deep enmity was produced betwixt them. The Cavalry
and Infantry were also on bad terms, and it was only when in
battle they were united In the work of death they all cordially
joined, and hence their leader hastened to lead them int
On the 14th Bonaparte commenced offensive operations.
This day was the anniversary of the battles of Marengo and
Friedland, and therefore in all probability was chosen by him
as a propitious moment to encourage his troops, and to com-
mit his fortune to the decision of the sword. On this day, once
more,
Napoleon calls and France Obeys his call,
" Not to the dance, that dreadful voice invites,
It calls to war, and all the rage of fights."'
He, accordingly, addressed a proclamation, of that date, to Kis
army, reminding them of these events, which twice before
" decided the fate of Europe." " Then," said he, as after
Austerlitz, as after Wagram, we were too generous." Those
Princes, continued he, whom we left on the throne, have vio-
lated their oaths, have coalesced among themselves, " to des-
troy the independence and most sacred rights of France.
* Pope's Homer's Iliad.
244
They have commenced the most unjust aggressions. Let us
march then to meet them. Are they and we no longer the same
men? Soldiers," continued lie, in that lying and bombastic
style for which he was so remarkable, " at Jena, against these
same Prussians, now so arrogant, you were one against three,
and at Montmirail one against six!" Pursuing this false de-
clamation, he turned to those whom British bravery had oftener
than once compelled to yield, though in reality sometimes six
to one, and endeavoured to heighten that animosity their cor-
rupted hearts entertained against that country, before which
in valour, in honour, and in morality, they felt themselves
humbled and subdued. " Let those among you," said he,
'.* who have been prisoners of the English, detail to you the
hulks, and the frightful miseries which they suffered!" Hav-
ing thus, as he conceived, awakened their appetites, keen at all
times for vengeance, he proceeded to inform them that friends
every 'johcre awaited their advance, to render them assistance
and bid them welcome. " The Saxons, the Belgians, the
Hanoverians, the Soldiers of the Confederation of the Rhine,
lament that they are compelled to lend their arms to the cause
of Princes, the enemies of justice and of all nations." De-
scribing their ambition as so insatiable, that after having de-
voured 12 millions of Poles, 12 millions of Italians, 1 million
of Saxons, 6 millions of Belgians and the German States of
the 2d rank, their next object was Franee. "The madmen!
a moment of prosperity blinds them. The oppression and
humiliation of the French people are beyond their power. If
they enter France, they will find there their tomb. Soldiers,"
continued he, " we have forced marches to make, battles to
light, dangers to encouiuer; but with steadiness, victory will
be ours; the rights, the honour, the happiness of the country
will be re-contjuered."* In this document we discover the
same characteristic disregard for truth, whieh had distinguish-
ed the former productions of its author the same arrogance
and self-consequence were visible, though shorn of their power.
The power, not the will, was wanting. " We have battles to
fight, dangers to encounter," was not exactly the style whieh
predicted, in a few days we will be in Vienna the next day
Proclamation, dated Avesnes, June Htli, 1815.
245
in Berlin and at the return of Spring, we will finish the con-
test upon the Confines of Asia.
" Let us march to meet them; are not they and we still the same
mnt.r said Bonaparte. A short time decided this important
question. With this menace, and his collected strength con-
sisting of five corps of his army, and the several corps of hi*
Guards, with nearly all his Cavalry,* he burst upon the \
erlands; with the fury of the mountain torrent, when increased
by the Equinoctial deluge; it rolls its billows to the ocean,
sweeping before it all feebler obstacles. From Beaumont he
clashed forward to the Sambre. On the 15th his force ad-
vanced at all points by Thuin and Lobez, along both banks
of the river; upon Charleroy, Marchienes au Pont .and Gos-
selics; where the first corps of the Prussian army, under
the command of the brave General Zeithen were stationed.
Various engagements here took place, attended with consider-
able loss on both sides; but the Prussian General succeeded in
repulsing the enemy, so far as to effect his retreat unmolested,
to the point of concentration allotted to him on the plains of
Fleurus. The enemy in his usual style of dispatch writing,
carried on these partial skirmishes, by informing the world
that his battalions sabred here 400 Prussians, and cut to pieces
there 500 more, and so on, till the result of the day was a loss
to them of 1000 killed and wounded and 1000 prisoners. His
own loss " was 10 killed and 20 wounded." Yet this small loss
was " sensibly felt by the Emperor, on account of the danger-
ous wound received by General Letort his Aide-de-Camj)."f
At Charleroy he asserted that considerable magazino fell into
his hands. The Prussian advance retiring before this superior
force, fell back upon their main body as the enemy came on.
After these partial affairs, in order to animate his hardened
band, Bonaparte caused the Prussians who had been t
prisoners to be formed in small parties, and paraded in front
of the different divisions of his army, and whose approach the
troops saluted with the cries of " Vive le Emperenr" These
unfortunate men were thus held up to the mockery of a whole
army of unfeeling Frenchmen, in whose bosoms the misfor-
tunes of the vanquished never met with pity or consolation.
Prussian oflici.il account. f Dispatch, Clurleroy, June 15th, 1P1J
246
Degraded and barbarous race! whose fall and whose mis-
fortunes no principle of humanity or justice can lament.
This was one .French exhibition on the banks of the Sambre.
These were soon destined to see another, wherein the actors
had changed places, to the general satisfaction of mankind.
Immediately upon entering the Belgian territory, the enemy
would have us believe, that he was received with the greatest
joy, and welcomed as a deliverer. " The joy of the Belgians,"
said he, " it would be impossible to describe. There were
some villages which, on the sight of their deliverers, formed
dances; and every where there is a movement which proceeds
from the heart."* That this was in some degree, and in some
instances the case, is extremely probable; though coloured, no
doubt, by.the enemy, with his usual address. The reason of this
conduct, on the part of these degenerate Belgians, was not diffi-
cult to comprehend. They had not only been demoralized in the
French school, but many of them had gained their property dur-
ing the Revolutionary times, by the most infamous and criminal
means; who, of course, trembled at the return of the reign of
justice; and rejoiced when, by the approach of their former
deliverers, they were set free from that fear. It was characters
such as these, who formed dances to welcome the French lo-
custs dances and joy, which were soon to be turned into
mourning. At this time, General Bourmont, .Colonel Clouet,
and the chief of the squadron Villontreys, and also the lieuten-
ant of the 10th chasseurs, deserted the Imperial standards, and
went over to the Prussians. The army, however, according
to the enemy, viewed the defection of this small number of
traitors, as " a fortunate event."
The actions of the 15th, were but the prelude to a more ex-
tensive and sanguinary action on the following day. Bonaparte
advanced with all his force, and on the 16th, occupied the
position of Fleurus. In front of it, the Prussian army was
posted on the heights between Brie and Sombref, and beyond
the latter place; occupying at the same time in great force, the
villages of St. Amond and Ligny on their front. The whole,
under the immediate command of Blucher, consisted of three
corps, amounting to 80,000 men. On their right, was stationed
* Dispatch, Charleroy, June 15tb.
247
a considerable force of Dutch and Belgian troops, 12 or 13 000
strong, under the command of the Prince of Orange; who, on
the 15th, had repulsed an attack made by the enemy on the pos-
ition of Frasne, Against this force, the left wing of the Freadl
army, under Ney; consisting of the 1st and 2d corps of infantry,
under the command of Erlon and Reille; and the 2d of cavalrv,
consisting of four divisions under Lefebre Desnouettes, Colbert,
ami count Vahny, (Kellerman,) the whole commanded by this
last named officer, advanced. These could not be less than
60,000 men, as Ney expressly says, the 1st corps was from 25 to
30,000 strong.* All the rest of the army, under the immediate
command of Bonaparte, advanced against Blucher. The ri^ht
wing, under the command of Marshal Grouchy, consisting of
the 3d and 4th corps of infantry, and 3d of cavalry, occupied
vthe height in the rear of Fleurus, and were destined to march
upon Sombref. The 6th corps, with the remainder of the
cavalry, and all the imperial guards, advanced from Charleroy.
Bonaparte determined to attack; but upon advancing near the
Prussian army, he found some change of his dispositions ne-
cessary. He " changed front, the right in advance, and pivot-
ed upon Fleurus."f The 3d corps, under Vandamme, march-
ed upon St. Amand. Girard, with the 4th corps, marched
against Ligny; Grouehy upon Sombref; while the reserve, or
6th corps, with the rest of the cavalry, the guards and the cur-
assiers of Gen. Milhaud, were drawn up on the heights of Fleu-
rus. The whole were under the immediate command of Bon-
aparte; and amounted " to above 130,000 men.":): Such were
the positions, and such the strength of the contending armies
on the 16th. Bonaparte, with the much superior force of
nearly two to one, and full of confidence, advanced to the
combat. His intention was to turn the principal part of his
force against the Prussian General, before he could be sup-
ported by all the force under Wellington. To this army he
calculated upon giving a decisive defeat, separating it from the
British General, and forcing it back upon Maestricht
cher, though so much inferior in numbers, resolved to acivpi
* Ney's Letter: but see general enumeration of this army,
f French Official Dispatches of the battle of the 16tb.
$ Prussian Official Account of the battle of Ligrry.
248
the battle. He was informed, that Wellington had put all
his army in motion to his support; and he was not without
hopes, but that the 4th corps of his army, under Bulovv, might
reach the field in the evening.
It was about three o'clock in the afternoon of the 16th, that.
both armies were ready for action; when an engagement began,
which proved long, sanguinary and undecisive. It might * be
considered," said Blucher, " as one of the most obstinate re-
corded in history."* At least 210,000 men, and, perhaps, 500
pieces of artillery on both sides, were here employed in the
work of mutual destruction. The French army began the at-
tack. The first effort was intended to turn the right of the
Prussian army. Lcfol's division of Vandamme's corps, attack-
ed the village of St. Amand, " and carried it at the point of
the bayonet, after a vigorous resistance."f The combat here
was close and severe. The Prussians at this point, " fought in
considerable force," said the enemy. Bonaparte maintains, that
his troops kept possession of the burial ground and steeple of
St. Amand, throughout the day. But this was not the case,
they were driven out after having occupied part of it. Again
they returned, and got possession of the place. Again, and
again, thev were driven from it. Above 30,000 men, on the
side of the enemy, attacked this village. It is obvious, that the
combat, at this point, was long maintained in this manner; for
the enemy merely says, that " General Girard, as reserve to
Vandamme, turned the village by its right, and there fought
with his accustomed bravery."^ Each side, at this point, was
supported by 50 pieces of artillery. The combat here, was, in
reality, peculiarly obstinate and bloody. " After a resistance,
which cost the enemy very dear, the village was taken. It was
again recovered by the Prussian troops, and again taken by the
enemy. It was stormed a third time by the Prussian troops,
and, at last, each party remained in possession of one half of it;
so that the part called little St. Amand, and La Haye, remain-
ed in the possession of the Prussian troops." From time
to time, the action also extended along the whole line; as Bon-
aparte directed a vast number of troops against the third corps
* Prussian Official Account of the battle of Ligny. f French Official do. do-
$ French Official do. do. Austrian Official do. do.
249
of the Prussian army, stationed at Sombref. It was at
Ligny, however, that the combat was most severe and de-
structive. Having been repulsed in endeavouring to turn
the right, here the enemy attempted to force the centre
of the Prussian army. This memorable village stands up-
on a small river of the same name, a tributary stream to the
Sambre. It was large and solidly built, and in the centre of
the Prussian line. The utmost efforts of the French were di-
rected against this important point; the utmost bravery, on the
part of the Prussians, was exercised to defend it. Two hundred
pieces of cannon, from both sides, were directed against this
devoted spot. The battle round this was terrible and blood v.
It was maintained hand to hand, and man to man, for seven
hours. Both sides continued to bring up fresh troops, and
while the contest, from time to time, continued to ra^e in other
parts of the line, it never ceased for one moment at Ligny.
Alternate attempts were made to wrest this place from each other,
for upwards of four hours. " Prince Blucher, in person, sword
in hand, continually led his troops to the combat."* The ar-
tillery of the enemy was planted on the right bank of the riv-
ulet, and that of the Prussians on the left bank. Each side
had behind that part of the village which they occupied, great
masses of infantry, which maintained the combat, and whose
ranks were continually renewed by re-enforcements, which they
received from the rear and also from the heights, both on the
right and on the left. The movements on the bloody field
were confined to a very narrow space. The enemy asserted,
that the village of Ligny " was taken and retaken several
times."f This was not the fact. " Villages," said Blucher,
" have often been taken and retaken, but here the combat con-
tinued for five hours in the villages themselves, and the move-
ments were confined to a very narrow spaceJ'J
- Neither gain, nor yield,
One foot, one inch, of the contended field;
Thus obstinate to death, they fight, they fall;
Nor these can keep, nor those can win the wall.
Their manly breasts are pierced with many a wound,
Loud strokes are heard, and rattling arms resound;
* Austrian official account. t French Da do.
$ Prussian official account.
il 8
250
'Hie copious slaughter covers an the shore.
And the high ramparts drop with human gore *
The charges of the cavalry were numerous, severe, and' de-
structive. In one of these chargeo on the part of the Prussians,
which was led on by Blucher in person, bat which proved un-
successful, that brave General had a very narrow escape, from
either death or captivity. The enemy, in their turn, advanced.
A shot struck the Marshal's horse. Furious from the pain,
the animal darted forward, till exhausted it dropped down
dead. It fell, however, upon its gallant rider, who, stunned
by the fall, lay entangled under it. The French cuirassiers
advanced the last Prussian horseman had passed their chief,
without knowing his situation. One adjutant alone remained.
He alighted beside him, resolved to share his fete. The enemy
pursuing the charge,- passed rapidly by without seeing the vet-
eran chief. The Prussian cavafry returned to the eharge. The
enemy were driven back, and again passed him without per-
ceiving his helpless situation; and then, and not till then, the
gallant Blucher was extricated from his perilous state. " Heav-
en," said the Prussian account, " in this instance watched over
Us." Blucher thus extricated, mounted a dragoon horse,, and
the first words he uttered were " well my brave fellows let us
charge them again." Brave chieff Had he fallen, or been
taken, the loss might have been most disastrous to Europe.
An invisible power preserved his invaluable life. In the mean-
time, the combat continued at all points, with unabated fury,
" Part of the village of St. Am and was retaken, by a bat-
talion commanded by the Field Marshal in person."f
The recapture of part of this village; and, in consequence
thereof, of a height adjoining thereto, seemed to throw a
gleam of hope on the Prussian arms. From the map, it
appears, that Blucher was here very near separating the ene-
my's line, and turning the left of his main body, which was
attacking him. This bright prospect was, however, but of
short duration. At this moment, accounts were received, that
the English division, destined to support them, was violently
attacked by a French corps, and that it could barely maintain
Itself at Quatre Bras. The 4th corps, under Bulow, had not
Pope's Homer's Iliad, Book XII. Verses 513 520.
f Prussian official account.
251
made its appearance, as had been calculated upon; and no
prospect remained of deriving any benefit from its a^istanc*.
during the day. The Prussians u invoked, but invoked in vain,
the arrival of those succours which were so necessary."* Li6th, 1815.
252
St. Amarul, the destruction had been so great amongst the ene-
mies troops; that Bonaparte was, in reality, forced to call for-
ward, in the greatest haste, the 1st corps to his assistance at
this point. But by the time this force arrived, the Prussians
had been compelled to abandon the place. At Sornbref, on
the Prussian left, General Thielman, with the 3d corps, re-
mained immoveable against all the efforts of the enemy. No-
thing but the capture of Ligny could compel them to retreat;
and if they had not, Bonaparte must. In consequence of this,
the Emperor with his guards advanced against Ligny. Pe-
cbeaux was ordered to debouch " with what remained of the re-
serve"* Eight regiments of guards, with fixed bayonets, De-
lort's and Milhaud's cuirassiers, attacked Bossy, " and instant-
ly,'" said the enemy, " covered the field of battle with dead."f
The combat at this moment was truly dreadful. The Prussian
lire was tremendous; but the impetuosity of the French grena-
diers surmounted every obstacle, and cut their way through
the opposing ranks with a horrible carnage. The Prussians,
continued he, were " rejmlsed" in all directions. The division
of Pecheaux, supported by the cuirassiers, having made a cir-
cuit round Ligny, came from both sides at once, unobserved,
upon the main body of the Prussian force at this point, which
was posted behind the houses. At the same moment also the
Prussian cavalry, which were posted on a height behind the
village, were repulsed in repeated attacks upon the French cav-
alrv. The village of Ligny was thus completely turned, and
the Prussians forced to relinquish it. It was now dark. " The
movement made by the enemy," said Blucher, " was decisive/'^
Nevertheless, though thus surrounded, and in the shades of
night, which heightens the idea of danger in the human mind,
the Prussian columns behind Ligny did not suffer themselves
to be discouraged. " Formed in masses, they coolly repulsed
all the attacks made upon them; and this corps retreated in
food order upon the heights, whence it continued its retro-
rrade movement upon Tiily."$ In consequence, however, of
this sudden eruption of the enemy's cavalry, several pieces of
artillery belonging to the Prussian army, in their precipitate
* French official account of the battle of the 1 Gth. f Do. do.
| Prussian do. $ Do. do.
253
retreat got into defiles, in which they fell into disorder, and
" fifteen pieces"* were thus captured by the eiiemv. 'J'h.
of the Prussians at this time must have been verv severe. I Ulf
a league from the field of battle the army formed again. " The
enemy," said Bluchcr, " did not venture to pursue it."f The
village of Brie remained in the possession of the Prussians dur-
ing the night, as well as Sombref, where General Thu
had fought with the third corps; and from whence, at day-
break on the following morning, he began slowly to retire up-
on Genbioux, where the 4th corps, under Billow, had arrived
during the night. Next morning, the first and second corps
proceeded behind the defile of Mount St. Guibert. The com-
bat had been so severe and bloody, and the Prussian soldiers
retreated in such an orderly manner, that the enemy did not
attempt to pursue them. As might have been expected, how-
ever, he claimed a great and decisive victory over them, end
which he related in his usual boasting style. Yet it was evi-
dent, with all the colouring he could give it, that there was a
deficiency from what he anticipated. " At half past nine
o'clock," said he, " 40 pieces of cannon, several carriages,
colours, and prisoners, were in our power; and at ten o'clock
the combat was finished, when we found ourselves masters of
all the field of battle. General Lutzow, a partisan, -das t
prisoner'. Blucher is reported to be wounded.":}: iSoult, how-
ever, in a dispatch to the minister at war, took higher ground;
and soaring above the Pyrenees, he claimed 8000 prisi
and stated that the enemy had sustained " a terrible overthrow ,
In this engagement, he continued to state that the proportion of
their army to the Prussian was as " one to three." The tact
the latter were more than one-third inferior in numbers. Soult
either believed, or made himself believe, that tiiis temporary
success had completely accomplished their object. " Tin
charge," said he, " separated the enemy's line. Wellington
Blucher saved themselves with difficulty. The effect was th<
cal."i] It was one act indeed of a bloody tragedy, the comple-
tion of which was truly theatrical. As yet it was not finished;
Prussian ofiici:.! account of the battle of the 16th. f Do. do.
f French official account of the battle of the 16th.
|j Soult's letter, Fleurus, June ITtli, half past four, a. :i.
254
and how far the enemy succeeded in separating Wellington
from Blucher, a short period will shew us.
Early in the day and while this sanguinary contest was car-
ried on by the Prussians; opposed to the French right wing
and centre, the left wing, under Ney, made the most desper-
ate efforts against the allied troops, consisting of Belgic, Han-
overian, Brunswick, and afterwards of a few British troops,
stationed at Quatre Bras, and before the arrival of the British
commanded by the Prince of Orange. On the preceding day,
there was only a brigade of the army of the Netherlands, un-
der the Prince Wiemar, to oppose Ney in that quarter. These
he attacked on the evening of the 15th, at Frasne, and compel-
led them to fall back to the farm house called " les Quatre
Bras," situated on the same road. The whole force, when
united, according to the statement of the enemy himself, did
not exceed 25,000 men, and it was certainly considerably under
this number. Against this force, Ney had the 1st and 2d corps
of infantry of the French army, above 60,000, and the 2d corps
of cavalry, at least 10,000 more.* The first corps, he asserts,
were never engaged; but even admitting that point, he was still
far superior in numbers. Ney and his master gave very op-
posite accounts of this serious affair. " We marched," said
Ney, " against the enemy, with an enthusiasm which it would
be difficult to describe. Nothing could resist our impetuosity:
and victory was not doubtful."f Unfortunately for the Mar-
shal, there are three to one against his veracity in this instance.
Bonaparte, the Prince of Orange, and Wellington. The
French official bulletin states, that Ney was attacked by 25,000
men, partly English and partly Hanoverians, under the Prince
of Orange; and that he was compelled to retire upon his position
at Frasne, which he maintained, after a multiplicity of combats.
These accounts, so completely at variance with each other, are
also at variance with truth-. The fact was, that as early as
five o'clock in the morning of the 16th, the troops under the
command of Prince of Weimar, which the preceding evening
had been forced back from Frasne to Quatre Bras, were
attacked by part of the force under the command of Ney.
French official account of the battle of the 16th. Ney's letter Bays, eight divi-
ffiiona infantry, and four divisions cavalry.
f Ney's letter, Paris, June 26th, 1815.
255
The Prince of Orange immediately re-enforced him, with an-
other brigade of the same division, under General Preponchcr.
With this force, early in the morning, he regained so much of
the ground that had been lost, as to command the commm.
tions, leading from Nivellesand Brussels, with Marshal Bliuher.*
From that time the combat continued, without any result, till
noon; when the French were greatly re-enforced, and quickly
returned to the combat with overwhelming numbers. The
Prince of Orange, in his turn, was forced to give way; and by
two o'clock had fallen back to Quatre Bras. Here the torrent"
was arrested.
The Duke of Wellington having assembled his army at
Brussels, during the night of the 15th, and having ascer-
tained the real object which the enemy had in view, he com-
manded them to march with the utmost expedition towards
the above point. He himself, with his suite, set out soon after;
and arrived at the point menaced before the troops did. Be-
fore the rest was the 5th division, consisting: of two brigades
the right, composed of the 28th, 32d, 79th, and 95th, regiments,
under Major General Sir James Kempt; and the left, formed
by the 92d, 44th, 42d, and 3d battalion of the Royals, under
Sir Denis Pack. Sir Thomas Picton commanded the whole,
having arrived on the field during the action. Never did
a finer body of men, than this division, take the field.
About sun-rise they left Brussels in high spirits, amidst the
prayers and benedictions of the inhabitants, who showered
flowers on them as they passed. Before the day was closed,
how many of them were laid low ! But they fought like heroes;
and like heroes they fell an honour to their country. This heroic
band were immediately followed by the corps of troops under the
command of the Duke of Brunswick; and after them marched
the Hanoverian infantry, and the Contingent of Nassau. The
whole did not exceed 14 or 15,000 men, ami that without
either cavalry or artillery. The gallant British division, al-
ready mentioned, arrived at Quatre Bras at the critical moment,
when the attack by the enemy was about to commence, which
would have put them in possession of the great road to Brus-
sels, and separated the British from the Prussian army. I hr
* Prince of Orange's official dispatch, Nivelles, June 17th, two o'clock, *.*-
9.36
troops composing this division had previously marched above
20 miles, in a warm summer day; and as scarcely any water
was to be found on the road, were both thirsty arid weary.
They had no cavalry with them. Their defence and support con-
sisted only in their spirits and in their bayonets. Little time was
given to refresh themselves,* before immense columns of the ene-
my, consisting of both infantry and cavalry, amongst the latter of
whom were a great body of cuirassiers, were seen approaching
their position. The numbers were truly formidable; but as
they advanced, the British line eyed them with an undaunted
look, and firm resolution to conquer or perish. They had no
entrenchments, no cavalry, scarcely any artillery, and no as-
sistance to expect for some time.
" Their native lands,
Far, far from hence their fate was in their hands."
The enemy came on with resolution and fury; confident of
success, and thinking only on victory. They came forward with
the audacity of the conqueror, and with loud shouts of " Vive C
Empereur " which, however, so far from intimidating the British
soldiers, only roused their \fiercer indignation, and stimulated
them to greater resistance. The enemy came on till the British
bayonets resisted their progress, and drove them back with a
terrible carnage. However, being superior in numbers, in
proportion to the British almost five to one, they again came
forward with fresh troops and increasing fury. Again they
were repulsed. Again and again they attempted to force their
way, but in vain; and the combat continued in this manner from
two o'clock in the afternoon till nine in the evening. The
British regiments threw themselves into squares, and remained
firm as rocks of adamant.
" Each man contends as his was all the war,"*
'.\hile their foes retired from each rude shock in confusion.
The French troops fought with the most desperate fury; en-
raged to find themselves thus successfully resisted by an hand-
ful of troops. The attacks of the cuirassiers, in particular, were
most impetuous and dreadful. They surrounded the British
squares with such temerity, that it frequently happened that in
defence the squares had to charge their desperate enemies
's Homer Iliad, Book 1,5th Une 853d,
257
on three sides at once. But every effort of the foe was fruit-
less. Though they suffered severely, the British troops stood
firm; and the only difficulty that their officers had was to re-
strain their impetuosity, which against such numbers might
have proved fatal. The general wish of the soldiers was to
charge the enemy with the bayonet, without waiting for his at-
tack; but the superior judgment of their great leader command-
ed it otherwise. The fire of the French was incessant and
severer that returned still more destructive. Nothin was
seen in the French columns but men and horses tumbling over
each other. It is impossible to convey an idea of the obsti-
nacy with which the contest was maintained. Every regiment,
every man did his duty. " The troops of the fifth division,"
said the Duke, " and those of the Brunswick corps, were long
and severely engaged; and conducted themselves with the ut-
most gallantry."* " The British guards, several regiments of
infantry, and the Scotch brigade," said General Alava,
" covered themselves with glory on this day; and Lord Wel-
lington told me on the following day, that he never saw his
troops behave better, during the number of years he had com-
manded them."f
The brigade under the command of Sir James Kempt was
the first which was warmly engaged. For some time they suc-
ceeded in arresting the progress of the enemy in the centre.
The foe, however, redoubled his efforts, brought forward fresh
troops, and made a furious attack against this brigade, both
"with cavalry and infantry. The Royals and 42d, who were
sent to their support, came in for their full share of the busi-
ness and suffered severely. The 44th was next ordered to that
point. Eor three hours the troops in the centre were warmly
engaged, and during that time with alternate success. From
half-past three till six in the evening, the enemy kept up a
very heavy fire, and twice attempted to carry the right of the
British position. The Brunswick troops in advance had been
compelled to abandon the post committed to their care, and
were falling back before overwhelming numbers. Fresh co-
lumns advanced to their support. At this time their brave
Wellington's dispatch, June 19th, 1815.
+ Alata's da June 20th, 1S15.
2W
leader was killed. He was leading on his men amidst a hor-
rible fire of grape shot, when his ardour carried him into the
thickest of the fire. A ball pnssed through his bridle hand
and entered his belly. The liver was penetrated: he fell:
and in ten minutes breathed his last. The fall of this brave
Prince, in the prime of his life* was generally regretted. The
treatment which his father had received from the hand of Bon-
aparte, and his own misfortunes, had created a general feeling
in his favour. Both himself and his troops had made a vow to
wear mourning till they had avenged his father's death. The
iields where he fell did so, though he did not live to see it,.
He terminated his life, however, on a memorable occasion,
and before the eyes of one who could appreciate his bravery
and his worth; and whose regret, so forcibly expressed, is suf-
ficient to hand down his name to the latest posterity with hon-
our and applause. Their leader thus lost, his troops were com-
pelled to give way. The enemy advanced after them, con-
ceiving that he had gained his object He wa3 mistaken.
The brave 92d regiment, which was posted behind a ditch, on
the right of the road from Brussels to Fleurus, and in the
centre of which band of heroes the Commander in chief was
stationed, stood ready to receive them. They allowed nearly
all the Brunswick troops to pass, when they opened such a.
fire upon the enemy's cavalry as stretched them on the grouml
in numbers, and compelled the remainder to retire in disorder;
and not only so,, but the repulse of the cuirassiers, and the
great number of wounded which were carried to the French
rear, created alarm, confusion, and flight, among the numer-
ous attendants of their army. The enemy asserts, that in this
charge,- though unfortunate in its issue, a private of the
11th French regiment, took one of the colours of the English
69th,. About four o'clock, however, the enemy re-enforced
returned to the charge, and by another furious attack endea-
voured to gain the right of the British position. Again he
was driven back with great loss. The conduct' of every regi-
ment at litis moment was most truly British. The 79th regi-
ment charged through and through the French line, and
afterwards returning to its former position repulsed the re-
peated desperate attacks of the enemy. It suffered severely
2o\)
its brave commanding officer, Colonel Douglas, who had
been previously hit by three balls, was severely wounded
on the knee, towards the close of the day; but still he main-
tained his post. Of the estimation in which the Commander
in chief held the conduct of that gallant body of men, it is
sufficient to say, that on their Colonel was bestowed two
high military decorations, from those sent by the Emperors
of Austria and of Russia, to the Commander in chief, to be be-
stowed upon such Officers as he conceived were best deserving of
the same. Three field officers of this regiment were also created
by their own Sovereign, Companions, of the Most Honourable
Military Order of the Bath. The iloyal Scots were led to the
charge by that gallant Officer Sir Thomas Picton. Thev ad-
vanced through a corn field, the graiu upon Which was so high,
that it reached the shoulders of the tallest man. During
this time the enemy continued to pour the most destructive
vollies of shot upon them. They, notwithstanding, surmount-
ed all difficulties; charged and routed the columns of the
enemy. They then formed in a square to resist the cafah v,
who were advancing against them; and, though charged by
them six or seven -times, they remained immoveable. The ut-
most efforts of the enemy were never able to make the smallest
impression upon them. At one time -the gallant 4'2d regiment
was almost overwhelmed by the fury of the torrent which rolled
against it. They opened to the right and left, the cuiras-
siers went through, but they aever returned. They were cut
to pieces. The 42d, however, at this moment suffered severely.
The cuirassiers came 'so close that they cat down some of the
Officers with their swords. The' gallant Colonel Macara, and
many other valuable officers were, at this time, killed and wound-
ed, and also xi great n umber vol* men. At one period a part of the
enemy's cavalry very nearly reached some guns close to Quatrc
Bras, and near the spot where the Duke of Wellington stood.
This force, however, was immediately attacked by a battalion
of young Hanoverians, and entirely cut off. 'Hie 92d regiment
distinguished itself in a particular manner. This heroic regi-
ment, led on by Colonel Cameron, performed prodigies of
valour. It repeatedly repulsed the enemy's columns in their
most furious attacks and with great slaughter. The i Hh,
260
and 32d, also greatly signalized themselves. The 28th charged
at one time on three sides at once. Two sides were opposed to
the cuirassiers and one to the lancers. Both they repelled.
Afterwards they advanced against a column of infantry, drove
them back, and after deploying, charged in line, and cleared
the whole front of skirmishers.
In this manner the combat continued for many hours with-
out any prospect of its termination. The enemy continued to
bring forward fresh troops; the British to resist their fury.
" Unmov'd and silent the whole war they wait;
Serenely dreadful, and as fix'd as fate."*
The third division, and part of the first division, had by this
time come up. The third division moved to the left, in order
to threaten the enemy's right, and operate in favour of the
Prussians, while a brigade of guards and part of the first divi-
sion remained at Quatre Bras. The enemy appeared still to di-
rect his principal efforts against the right of the British position.
About seven o'clock the combat raged with the utmost fury.
The fire of the French artillery was tremendous, and which
was the forerunner of another most formidable attack. Through
the volutnes of smoke, the enemy was soon seen advancing with
all his force for another struggle. As they came near, the fire
of the artillery slackened, and the bloody struggle began. The
moment was pressing. The Duke, who stood with the 92d re-
giment, turned to them, and said with energy M 92d, you must
charge these fellows." The order was cheerfully obeyed. They
rushed against the black battalions with an ardour nothing
could resist. At this moment, Colonel Cameron, and three
other officers of rank were mortally wounded. In the former,
his country sustained a severe loss. He was indeed a brave
man. With the courage .of his ancestors he fought with the
spirit of his fathers he fell.
1 " laid lov,
With his back to the field, and his face to the foe."f
The death of this brave chieftain roused the spirit of the High-
landers to fury they pressed the enemy with such infuriated
rage, that their vast columns fled before this daring band, leaving
* Pope's Homer's Iliad, Book V. line 638, &c f Campbell's Lochiel.
261
the field covered with dead, dying, nnd wounded. The 92d 1<>.
lowed them lor a mile, till they came near the main bodv of th
enemy, and till the re-advance of the cavalry rendered" it pru-
dent tor them to retire, which they did to a wood, where they
remained during the remainder of the engagement. In the
meantime the battle raged on the centre and on the right.
The enemy attempted to separate the divisions of the British
army as these came up, but without success. He, however,
still held a wood, by which he, in some measure, commanded
the right of the allied position. It was of the greatest impor-
tance to obtain the possession of it. The division of the Brit-
ish army newly come up were commanded to drive them from
this point. They advanced to the charge, and the tirailleur*
of the enemy fled before them. Driven into the wood, the
enemy defended himself with the greatest obstinacy, disputing
every inch of ground, and making every tree a rampart, from
behind which he annoyed the British. It was at length cleared;
but scarcely had the British troops passed it, when they were at-
tacked by the French cavalry repeatedly, and with the greatest
fury; but the guards, imitating the heroic conduct of the fifth
division, repulsed all their attacks. The enemy charged in a-
mongst them, and were almost cut to pieces with comparative-
ly little loss: a square of black Brunswickers, on this occasion,
behaved firmly, and occasioned the enemy great loss. Their
light troops, however, advanced in such numbers, that they
again obtained possession of the wood; but which was, finally,
wrested from them, after a very great loss. It was at this mo-
ment that Ney, being so hard pressed, wanted to order for-
ward the first corps, as yet fresh, in order to renew the combat,
when he learned that Bonaparte had called it away to his own
aid. It was, however, of little consequence. It indeed saved a
further effusion of blood at this point; but so many of the Bri-
tish troops were by this time joining the army, or very near it,
that the first corps would, no doubt, have shared the fate of the
second, and the cavalry. At length, towards eight o'clock, the
enemy finding all his attempts fruitless, began to slacken his fire;
and, by ten o'clock, the French army retired to their posit!
Frasne, and the British remained masters of that hard fougltf
field, on which thev had, under the greatest possible disad
562
tage, namely the want of cavalry, and also of artillery, (for all.
of the latter that was at this point consisted of a few Belgic
and German guns), to contend against such a disparity in num-
bers. Such is a faint, and I am afraid but an imperfect, nar-
rative of the severe combat of Quatre Bras; which, in fact, by
its issue, frustrated] at the very outset, all the gigantic plans
and vain expectations of Napoleon. In an account published
at Paris, said to be drawn up by one who was an eye witness,
the Frenchman, with that characteristic disregard for truth, so
inherent in that nation, with regard to their military affairs, as-
serts, that the British army, in the whole affair, were the assail-
ants,* and the enemy upon the defensive; than which nothing
can be more false, as every authority but theirs so completely
testifies. Although I have not here particularized the deeds of
the foreign troops engaged with our own, it is not to be sup-
posed that there was none worth recording. They also con-
ducted themselves bravely; but it is for want of details on
which I can depend, that I refrain from entering into particu-
lars concerning them and their conduct on this memorable
occasion.
The number of troops engaged on this part of the field of
battle were few, when compared to those where Bonaparte
and Blucher were. Yet in proportion to the strength the
combat was, if possible, more obstinate and bloody. The loss
of the enemy, according to his own account, was 4200 killed
and wounded; and there is little doubt but that it considerably
exceeded 6000 men. The loss of the second corps alone, ac-
cording to Lacroix, chief of the staff, was nearly 4200 That
of the cuirassiers and other cavalry, must also have been very
great, perhaps half as many. That of the British was also severe.
The Prince of Orange was wounded; and, including the num-
ber of gallant Officers, the loss amounted to 2251 killed and
wounded, and 31 missing. The Hanoverian loss was 2.57
killed and wounded, and 150 missing. The loss sustained at
this point, by the Dutch, Belgian, and other troops, is uncer-
tain, but was considerable, and the total loss on the part of the
allies could not be less than 5000 men. The Brunswick corps
alone, it is said, sustained a loss of near half that number. The
In fact, it is just tlie words of Bonaparte's bulletin.
563
field of battle, which was confined to a narrow space, waa thick-
ly covered with the slain. The groans and lamentations of the
wounded and dying, to whom little relief could be afforded.
was dismal and distressing, and filled the hearts of the surviv-
ors with pain and anguish. The numbers of dead round On*,
ire Bras was very great. The walls of the houses were in
many places covered with blood which had spouted in stn
from the wounded who retired to lean against them, in order
to support their dying bodies. An orchard of four a
which was thickly planted with fruit trees, had in many of
them from 80 to 100 balls. In one house, at place Nay, 300
holes were made in the walls and roof, from the number of
bullets which had penetrated into it. In one cellar lay 5 of the
Imperial Guards who had been dispatched by the 79th regiment.
One well contained the bodies of 20 Frenchmen. Their putrid
remains had completely spoiled the water. Indeed all the water
on this bloody field, as late as the 25th, was quite red, stagnatiiiL
in puddles, and the smell from it most offensive. If such was the
scene at Quatre Bras, what must it have been on the banks of
the Llgffy, where three times the number of dead and wound-
ed lay strewed around them. Hitherto I have refrained from
noticing the loss at that point, in order that I might bring
both into one view. There the loss was immense, as both sides
fought with the bitterest animosity. In the village of Ligny alone,
upwards of 2000 dead were found; and many also were consumed
in the ruins of the burning houses. " Our loss," said the brave
Prussian, " in killed and wounded is great; the enemy, however,
took from, us no prisoners, except a part of our wounded."* I low
sanguinary the battle was, may be gathered from the propor-
tion of killed to those wounded, which in the first Prussian
corps was 2156 to 5522. The Prussian loss in this battle
at least 16,000 killed and wounded, as was particularly stated
by Earl Bat hurst in the House of Lords, June 2:3d. From
the pointed manner in which the Prussian account states that
the enemy took no prisoners but such as were wounded, it ap-
pears that the loss must have been considerably more. They
certainly lost no prisoners, at least very few, on the 18th; and
* Prussian official account of the battle of tbc 16tlu
264
but few, if any, afterwards. Yet, in an official account pub-
lished at Berlin, a considerable time after, from the 15th June
to the 3d July, 11,000 are returned " missing" and of this
number there was 27 officers and 6424 rank and file belonging to
the first corps, which was that which was most closely engaged
on the 16th. This' return will be more particularly attended
to afterwards. But we shall take the number of killed and
wounded only at 16,000, on the 15lh and 16th, particularly as
the enemy's account only mentions that number. It is true,
he mentions this in an unusual manner. He says " that the
flower of the Prussian army was destroyed in this battle, and that
its loss could not be less than 15,000 men;" whether he includes
prisoners in that number is difficult to determine. I conceive
not. These, according to Souk's account, amounted to 8000
men; but many, if not all of these, were, no doubt, wounded.
The French loss was, as usual, underrated; and by the same
authority is set down at only " 3000 killed and wounded."*
Soult, in an official letter to the minister at war, also states this
as the number. " Our loss," said he, " does not appear en-
ormous; since, without screening it, I do not reckon it more
than 3000 men."f It is almost unnecessary to add, that this
account cannot be correct; and when we come to sum up the
strength and losses of the army, we will find that it was not.
Fortunately we have other data to enable us to ascertain this
loss. According to Lacroix, in the Chamber of Peers, July 1st,
the loss of Girard's division, which was detached to assist
Vandamme, was more than one half of this number, and it was
only one twentieth of the force engaged. Besides, the two
corps under Grouchy were, no doubt, the same strength as the
rest; and this with the cavalry makes their strength on the
16th above 55,000 men. Allowing that he had 40,000 with
him at Wavre, he must have lost more than 15,000, indepen-
dent of the loss in Girard's division. It was this great loss
which was the true cause of Bonaparte's inactivity after these
bloody battles. Further, if they lost upwards of 6000 men at
Quatre Bras, where so few, comparatively speaking, were en-
gaged: their loss, upon a moderate calculation, must have
* French official account of the battle of the 16th.
f Souk's official letter, Fleurus, June 17th, 1315.
265
been more than double the number at Ligny; and there
be little doubt that it was at least equal in killed and wound-
ed to that of the Prussian army. These numbers united, and
joined to those at Quatre Bras, will give a loss to both armies
of 4-1 or 42,000 men killed and wounded. The French eveo
attempt, in a subsequent dispatch, to make this affair as bloody
as Borodino. " The cannonade," said they, was like that
at the battle of Moskwa. The loss is said to be 50,000*
men."* Though this account is absurd, yet it is evident
that the loss was dreadful; and certainly, on both sides, a-
mounted to 41,000 men. Fearful as this destruction was, it
is trifling to what followed. These were as yet but skirmishes,
as it were, at the outposts of the armies.
The repulse of the enemy at Quatre Bras was of the most
essential service; and while it added the greater praise to the
British troops, which effected the whole without the assistance
of cavalry or artillery, against an enemy superbly provided with
both; it prevented Ney, with the force under his command,
from turning the right wing of the allied army, as his mas-
ter had calculated upon. Had this taken place, at the same
moment when the village of Ligny was finally wrested from
Blucher, it might have been attended with the most disastrous
consequences. " But fate," to use the words of Ney, " had
ordered it otherwise."! This Officer finds' great fault with
Bonaparte, for not attacking the British army first, in place of
the Prussian. He forgets that he was in reality sent with a
force which he believed, and which was calculated would have,
even according to his own accounts, succeeded in de:
ing it completely; for " victory was not doubtful," when he
found the first corps of the army withdrawn from his assistance.
But wherefore was it so? Because the Prussians were too
firm for Bonypartc. It was so late before he could spare this
corps from the point where he was, that Ney could make no
use of it, as the remainder of the British army had come up.
Ney accuses the Emperor of causing the 1st corps to march
backwards and forwards during the day without being of any
service to either party. In this he only shews how severe and
* Letter to the minister at war, Fleurus, June 1 7th. Moniteur, June 20th.
f Ney's letter to Foache, June 26ib, 1&15.
J* tr *
now doubtful the combat was at every point, and bow mircfo
the Emperor had it at heart to gain all his object. It is easy
to find out faults after errors have been committed: hut the
truth is that both Ney and his master, before the battle, had
the most perfect confidence that their fbrve was quite sufficient;
to cany all their objects into execution,, but which were frus-
trated by the bravery of their adversaries. The great object
of Bonaparte, at this point, was to gain possession of the road to
Brussels. In this he was disappointed. He was- compelled
to acknowledge that all that Ney could effect was to maintain
liis position at Frasne.* In short, Ney was driven with
great loss from this important part of the allied position; and
his failure at this point was, unquestionably, the primary cause
of all those terrible disasters, which afterwards so rapidly over-
took the cause of treason and ambition. Therefore was he
angry. Of his anxious wish of the anxious wish of his mas-
ter and all France to " destroy" the British, there is no doubt.
It had been their object during twenty-five dreadful years of
crimes and misery. The constant aim of that Revolutionary
Junta, was expressed in the fiend-like expectations of Fouche,
who hoped the republic would, like a volcano, consume " those
treacherous and ferocious Britons;" and the land which " pro-
duced these monsters be swallowed u-p by the surrounding,
seas:"f it was their constant aim from that period till this,
when " the general opinion in France, and parlicularhj in the
army, was, that the Emperor would, in the first place, turn hi*
attention solely to the destruction of the English army, and for
which circumstances were very favourable but fate has or-
dered it othe/v/ise.'j The people of Britain are certainly lit-
tle obliged to Ney and his master, for always directing their
first attention solely to their destruction. But that is not so
easily accomplished.
Such wore the results of the sanguinary combats of Ligny
and Quatre Bras; whei-'e, according to Soult, the overthrow
was terrible, and the effect theatrical. The Emperor had in-
deed at one point beaten, but not broken the line, so far as
to compel the allies to choose other ground to reform it; but
* French official account of the battle of the 16th.
| Fouche's letter to Collot tie Ilerbois, Toulon, Dec. 1703.
| Key's letter to Fouche, June 2Gth, 1815.
287
from that he was not able to derive any material adriuil
and certainly none such as he anticipated.
Although the army under Wellington had maintained their
position at Quatre Bras, and were joined, or about to be joined,
by the cavalry and the main body of the army; still, the retreat
of Bluchef with the Prussian army, rendered a correspond-
ing movement, on Hie part of the British General, absolute-
ly necessary-. Accordingly, he retired iiom Quatre Bras,
early next morning, and took up his quarters at Genappc.
Instead of following up this " signal victory" as the folh
of Bonaparte -chose to term it, and which the Emperor would
no doubt nave done if he could; he, according to Soult, '
turned" to Fleurus at eleven o'clock at night: " at it was nc-
cessary to pass the night in attending to the wounded."* This
at least argued their numbers. It was not till next day " that
the Kmperor mounted his horse to follow the success of the
battle of Ligny."f There wore other reasons for the Emper-
or's conduct at this time, than those oi'attendini; to the wound-
cd other pressing reasons; or these would have got lea\i to
remain on the field of battle, without sustenance and without
dressings, as thousands upon thousands of their fellows had
fared in other places- The reason*, which at this time forced
humanity upou him, we knosv from good authority. He " dared
not pursue us, said Biucher. " We maintained our posi-
tion also," said Wellington. " lie made no effort to pursue
Marshal Biucher. On the contrary, a patrole which I sent to
Sbmbref, in the morning, tbtmd all cjuiet; and the enemy - \t-
dettcs fell back as the patrole advajiced.^Keither did i:
tempt to molest our march to the rear^Piougii made in the
middle of the day."i No; the serious Uuanesa of the pn i
ing day had taught him, that against such foes he must n
with caution- Their firmness had rendered it ncci
him to remould his plans, to recruit and re-organize his^lr.
to be certain, that, in the next engagement, no corps of h.
my should march backwards and forwards, during a whole day,
doing nothing; and perhaps, as at Leipsic, to stop till h
up from the rear a fiesli supply of cannon balU and ammuni-
tion to replace that which had been expended. Th,
Souk's dispatch, June 1 7th, 1815. 1 Do- <*<>
\ Wellington's dispatch, June 1 9th.
268
of the British troops had, in a particular manner, baffled his
views; and till they were disposed of, he could neither turn a
force against the Prussian army, sufficient to " crush" it, nor
could he march to Brussels in safety.
In the battle of the 16th, both sides fought with the utmost
resolution; but the French soldiers with the bitterest animosi-
ty. The first and second corps, which were those that fought
at Quatre Bras, had hoisted the black flag, and resolved to
give no quarter to their enemies. According to Soult, the
French troops fought with the utmost fury and enthusiasm.
The columns which marched to battle, the wounded who re-
turned from being dressed, never ceased to exclaim, " Long
live the Emperor." This was well it was brave had their
enthusiasm stopped where it ought. But it did not. The con-
duct of the French troops in these battles, but particularly a-
gainst the Prussians, was ferocious and barbarous to the highest
.degree. Bravery and enthusiasm they may call it, if they
please; but such acts belong not to that honourable class, when
they put to dealt), without mercy, the enemy who could no long-
er injure or resist them. This was their conduct in the pre-
sent instance. For what reason they were animated with such
a deadly hatred against the Prussians, they best could explain.
That people had, more than others, been injured, insulted, and
oppressed by Frenchmen; and the guilty minds of the latter bade
them, perhaps, dread the arm of those whom they had so cruelly
wronged. Their government, to assist its own views, had en-
deavoured to instil into their minds that the Prussians were
animated with passions more ungovernable, vindictive, and un-
just, than their own; and whi,ch they intended to wreck on
France without mercy. Their passions were thus kindled to
fury against the Prussians, whom, as soldiers, their pride and self-
confidence had taught them to look upon with contempt. They,
therefore, refused to give quarter. The battle thus became a
massacre. This statement is not taken from the accounts pub-
lished by the enemies of France, but we learn it from their own
documents. We jiave already noticed the odious fabrications
which prepare*! us to expect this conduct on the part of the
French troops. Unfortunately, it was too well adapted to the
feelings qf the French soldier. Their bloody threats were nut
269
in execution. On the 1 5th, before Charleroy, said an official
account to Davoust, several squares of Prussian infantry were
broken by some squadrons. Of 5 or 6000 men, who conipos-
ed those squares, " only 1 700 prisoners could be saved"* The
Moniteur, however, comes closer and more boldly to the point;
bringing forward, as usual, a direct falsehood as a justification
of the deed. On the 1 6th, said that organ of tyranny and evil
" the firing of our troops against the Prussians, xhosc govern-
ment has been the principal instigator of this unjust ttwr, was
such, that the Emperor was obliged to order the recal to be
beaten three times, for the purpose of enjoining the making of pri-
soners, and the stopping the carnage ."f The policy that could
dictate or tolerate such a system as this, must have been short
sighted indeed. It was an evil which was certain to work iu
own cure: and through means which the heart recoils to think
on. The consequence of this conduct, on the part of the ene-
my, was, that the anger of the Prussians was kindled to fury and
retribution, stern and unrelenting; and their country's wrongs
and their comrades blood, nerved their arms and steeled their
hearts to future combats. In vain will France attempt to wipe
away this horrible stain from her national character. The
horrors of 1794- were surpassed in 1815. In the former the
government ordered, but the armies disobeyed their bloody
mandate. In the latter, thirsting for blood, the troops diso-
beyed what the Emperor commanded. This was the improve-
ment of the revolution. In vain will the French nation pro*
claim that such deeds were only done by a few. The nation
supported the system which produced it. They received with
acclamations those troops and their leader, whose ambition led
the myrmidons of his power to such tragic scenes. The na-
tion took no measures to punish none to rescue themselves
from such an odious power. The people, therefore, identified
themselves with it; and though amongst them, there, no doubt,
was a distinction; still under such circumstances and such pro-
' vocations as the Prussians had received, it was scarcely possi-
ble to expect that it was in man to make the distinction.
The retreat of the allied armies gave the French an oppor-
* jOflkial account transmitted to Davoust, Fleams, June 17th, I81S.
f Moniteur, Tart, June 19tb.
270
uuiity, at which they are adepts, and which at this time was
peculiarly necessary; namely, to claim great and brilliant vic-
tories; and aiso to anticipate the most happy and decisive results
in their favour. Bulletin after bulletin was transmitted by te-
legraph to the interior, and to the shores of the ocean, to an-
nounce that the Emperor " had completely beaten the united ar-
mies of Wellington and Blucher."* Three of these dispatches
were received at Boulogne, on the morning of the 18th. Paris
was illuminated. The most extravagant joy was manifested by
the friends of the Emperor. The artillery was fired by hundreds.
The waves of the Channel heard with amazement the terrible
echo; and the chalky cliffs of Albion, remained in suspense
and fear. The whole vanity and arrogance of the ambitious
and thoughtless French people, were again brought forward
to public notice. " His Majesty," said the Moniteur, " was
to enter Brussels, the day after this glorious action; in which,
it is said, the safety of the General in chief, Wellington, iscom-
promiscd."f The official accounts published by the Minister at
War, adopted even a loftier tone. ** The Noble Lord (Wel-
lington) must have been confounded. There were upon the
field of battle eight enemies to one Frenchman!" Continuing
this strain of exultation and iron}', the account proceeds:
" Whole bands of prisoners are taken. We do not know what is
become of their Commanders. The route is complete on this
side, and I hope we shall not soon hear again of these Prus-
sians, if they shotdd ever be able to rally at all. As for the
English, we shall see what will become of them. The Emperor
is there."}: Yes, the Emperor was there: and we will soon
hear from his own mouth what he did with the English, and
where the Prussians fled to. That intelligence reached Paris
with sufficient speed.
These bravadoes, however, interesting as they no doubt
are, inasmuch as they shew the true character and wishes of the
French people, were nevertheless not the doctrines which at
this moment demanded most the attention and the consider-
ation of Europe. There were others of a deeper and far more
serious nature. Amongst the topics which now begin to be
* Tliis was one of the telegraphic dispatches.
f Moniteur, Paris, June 19th, 1815.
\ Official account dated Fleurus, June 17tb, 1815, transmitted to Davoust.
271
openly proclaimed in France, and brought forward for the
consideration and sanction of the French Legislature, dure
were principles which more nearly interested the repose and
safety of Europe. There is a passage in a speech made by
St. Jean d' Angley in the Chamber of Representatives, immd
diately after the account of the preceding victories had reached
Taris, and when a brilliant succession of triumphs were anti-
cipated, which is very pointed; and which passage demands
the serious attention of Europe. It is short, but it speaks vo-
lumes. It should be wrote on tables of brass. It should be
placed in the Chamber of every Legislative body: and deeply
and carefully imprinted on the memory of every individual in
Europe. " Laws," said he, " are necessary, to organize our
Constitution; and, to establish the transmigration of our
system, into those countries which are stretching out their
hands to us"* He must be dull indeed who cannot compre-
hend the meaning of this. Their system, Europe already knew,
was to establish " the great Empire;" the nations who were
stretching out their hands to them, were those, if any such
there were, who, as they said, like the Belgians, met them with
songs and with dances, and with a movement which proceeded
from the heart; as if every movement that proceeded from that
source must be honourable and good. Thus was the promise
of the French nation kept; namely, that even the will of their
chief, and the seductions of victory could no longer draw them
on to foreign conquest. It was like all their other promises:
made and kept as it suited their interests. Here is a bold and
open avowal, in the passage before us, that French principles
and French ambition, were not only not changed; but that these,
by laws enacted in France, were to be again organized and let
loose upon Europe, wherever the discontented and traitors*
of any country, should again, as they did before, call for it.
The famous decree, by the mad Convention, was no worse
than this proposition of d' Angley's. Both had the same ob-
jects in view: and as in the former instance so in the lattcr
the safefe the honour, and the glory of France, would have
been put in requisition, and duly organized, to justify and to
accomplish this profligate purpose. In publishing the speech
* Sitting of Representatives, June 19th, 1815.
272
of d' Angley, the Morning Chronicle,* and its followers, struck
out this important sentence, which overturned in a breath all
their idle assertions, for the three months preceding, namely*
that the views of the Revolutionary Junta were changed. Such
is the liberty of the Press, of which these men are such stren-
uous defenders. Such the liberty of deceiving, with their eves
open, and intentionally, the British public, in order to support
their own erroneous arguments and opinions. St. Jean d'
Angley, however, told the truth. The world has to thank
him for his candour in this instance, wherein, elated by a mo-
mentary success, the true sentiments of his heart burst from his
lips. It was, it is, and will continue to be, part of their plan
to " transmigrate* their odious system into every country; and
that in forms and by ways more difficult to detect, than all the
transmigration the Pagan school ever dreamed of. Their sys-
tem is, indeed, of all perishable things, the least changeable;
because it is the very essence of evil, derived from the father of
falsehood and mischief; and which it is as impossible for a French-
man of the school of the Goddess of Reason to renounce or
relinquish, as it is for the Ethiopian to change his skin or the
Leopard his spots. That it was their intention to transmigrate
their system into Europe that is, Revolutionize and con-
quer it, if they could, there is no doubt; and, the transmigra-
tion began, when the inhabitants of the villages on the Belgian
frontiers, met their deliverers with songs and dances. It
does not follow that these people really did so; but it was
necessary to say so, in order to justify Frenchmen in introdu-
cing the blessings of their system among them. But Europe
was too well aware what the transmigration of the French
system was and too sensible that it would be attempted by
her foes to spread the same, for her to be thrown off her guard,
and not to check with the point of the sword if necessary, the
songs and dances, if really such there should be or were, which
met the approach of these locusts, which bore in their batta-
lions ruin and misery, " lamentation, mourning, and woe,"
to honour, truth, industry, and justice, in every part of Eu-
rope. St. Jean d' Angley, who as deputy from his master ta
the French Legislature, held at present the key of this bot-
Sec Fleming Chronicle, June 27th, 1815.
273
tomless pit, conceived that the hour which succeeded the haul*
of Ligny, was a favourable moment in which to set open this
dreadful abyss. With exultation he opened this pit of ini-
quity.
" He opened, but to shut excell'd his power."
For a moment the cheerful light of day seemed darkened willi
the dark clouds of smoke which its flames sent abroad. Man-
kind trembled at the gloomy tempests which it began to vomit
forth. But a deliverer was at hand. The arm of Wellington
seized both d' Angley and his master, who fed the fatal flame,
and, with that " ascendancy -which a great man possesses, " he threw
them into the gloomy abyss of their own crimes; while, with the
point of his sword, he wrote at length, and in Roman charac-
ters, the word " Waterloo," over those firm bolts which lock
the door of this dreadful cavern, and thus shut it securely, and
forever.
Before leaving Paris Bonaparte transmitted by telegraph
an order to Suchet, to commence offensive operations on the
lKb. on the side of Savoy. This that. General immediately
did, by the capture of the town of Montmelian, situated upon
the Isere. According to his account, the allies lost 300 killed
and wounded, and 600 prisoners. Suchet immediately pene-
trated into Savoy, and overran nearly all that country, where
as yet there was but an inadequate force to oppose him. He
advanced with part of his army to Geneva, upon the lake of
and that name, gained possession of the whole valley of the Arve,
and endeavoured also to get possession of the town of St, Maurice,
upon the Rhine, which commands the road that passes over
Mount St. Bernard from Italy, and by that a formidable
Austrian army was advancing. Another army composed of
the troojvs of the same nation, was at the same moment, be-
ginning to cross Mount Cenis, in the road from Turin to
Grenoble. Therefore, Suchet had no time to lose, in order
to attempt to gain a footing in that mountainous country.
T^bat Bonaparte had designs upon Italy, is scarcely to be
doubted; and Suchet was, no doubt, directed to cross the Alp-*-
with the utmost speed, to " transmigrate their system" to the
banks of the Po, as his master himself intended to do in the
Netherlands, He, no doubt, conceived that Suchet would be met
* MM
27*
as he was, by dances, and " a movement which proceeded
from the heart;" and if he was not so, it was easy to assert that
he was; which in the French school of morality and justice con-
ferred the same privileges and the same rights. The Austrian
Generals, however, as we shall by and by see, were too alert
for him. They had already got possession of the passes of the
Alps, and were ready to burst into the plains of Dauphiny r
and alcig by the course of the Rhone to Geneva. The French
armies stationed along the Jura mountains to Befort,and those on
the Upper Rhine, from Basle to Manheim, and from thence
along the frontiers to Thionville, seemed intended only to act
on the defensive. In the Western departments, near the mouthy
and around the borders of the Loire, the flames of civil war
continued to spread; and notwithstanding the presence of a
very considerable number of troops> under Lamarque and
other Generals, the cause of the Royalists seemed to gain
ground. The actions which took place were numerous; and,
considering the numbers engaged in this irregular warfare,
attended with considerable loss to both parties. The Royalists
were, however, assuming a formidable appearance, and begin-
ning to assemble in considerable armies at various points, not-
withstanding the utmost efforts of their enemies. Of the true
state of this internal contest, however, we are so much in the
dark, as to render any detailed account of the movements and
operations impracticable. But these and the operations on all
the other points, we must leave for a while and return to a
more important and interesting quarter.
From the defile of Mount St. Giubert, Bluchcr, with the
1st and 2d corp3 of his army, fell back on the forenoon of the
17th towards Wavre; whither he was followed during the day
by Thielman with the 3d corps, and Bulow with the 4th corp^,
from Genbloux. At the former place the Prussian General
took up a position, resolved once more to face 'the enemy.
Lord Wellington, and the army under his command, remained
on the field of battle at Quatrc Bras. The General was here
exposed to the same privations as the meanest soldier. The
open field was his pillow. Fatigued and cold towards the morn-
ing, he became anxious for a fire, which, after some difficulty,
the soldiers of the 92d regiment kindle'd. Every one was
275
.eager to render him assistance or comfort, and beseemed in Cheat
trifling instances to feel greatly the attention of the troop* t-
wards him. " By the morning of the 1 7th," said General Al-
ava, " he had collected the whole of his army in the position of
Quatre Bras, and was combining his measures to attack the
enemy, when he received a dispatch from Blucher," informing
him of the unfortunate result of affairs on his side. This re-
trograde movement on the part of the Prussians, rendered a
similar one necessary on the part of the British General. He
accordingly quitted Genappe, and, in the middle of the day,
fell back with the army under his command -to the heights of
Mount St. Jean in advance of Waterloo, a village in front of
the forest of Soignies, and on the great road to Brussels, within
9 miles of that city. Thus far success appeared on the side of
Bonaparte. This ground he had gained at an enormous loss;
while the great object which he had in view was, if possible,
more distant from his grasp than ever. Yet he does not seem
to have thought so. No action of importance took place during
that day between the contending armies, except that in the al-
ternoon, a considerable body of JFrench cavalry having followed
the British cavalry, under -the command of the Earl of Uxbridgc,
gave his Lordship an opportunity of turning back, and charging
them; an operation which the 1 st regiment of foot Guards per-
formed with the greatest gallantry and success. The main body
of the French army was now directed against the force under the
immediate command of the British General, which Bonaparte
asserted, that he " drove" to the forest of Ligny, while his right
wing went in "pursuit" of Blucher, who was gone to Wavre.
The British army thus assembled in front of Waterloo, and the
Prussian force in the neighbourhood of Wavre, communicated
with each other through Ohain. During the whole of the
afternoon of the 17th, the rain fell in torrents, accompanied by
dreadful thunder and lightning, as if the elements also had
collected to this point all their destructive engines to engage in
the mighty conflict. Amidst this terrible tempest, the enemy
continued to advance, and the allied armies to fall back:
_ " the hosts retire,
The God in terrors and the skies in fire."
While these elemental convulsions, seemed to assembled nation*
2*76
a* a fearful prelude to the shock which was shortly to take place
on earth. Bonaparte found upon bringing up his troops that it
was too late, for that day, to make any attempt against the
position chosen by his skilful adversary. It would have re-
quired three hours more of day light,* said he, to have at-
tacked them; in consequence of which he deferred the attack
till next day. In the evening a sharp cannonade took place
towards Hougemont, but without any result. On the left,
the 1 Belgian troops advanced in parties in front, brandishing
their arms, shouting and firing some cannons, in token of
defiance to the enemy. To this he paid no attention. Wet,
weary, and hungr\', the allied soldiers took up their bivou-
ack amidst the dripping corn, mud and water, and in the
open fields, with scarcely any covering. It may fairly bo
presumed, that the French army was similarly situated.
During the greater part of the night, the thunder and light-
ning continued most tremendous, accompanied by a high
wind, and incessant and heavy rain; but toward the morn-
ing, the rain having somewhat abated, the soldiers employ-
ed themselves in cleaning their arms preparatory to the ap-
proaching conflict, which all were convinced must take place
on the ensuing day. This was, in fact, determined on by the
allied commanders. All the army of Wellington was now
collected. He, accordingly, wrote to BJucher, that he was
resolved to accept the battle in that place, providing that the
Field Marshal could spare two corps of his army to assist him.
This the gallant veteran not only agreed to do, but promised, if
necessary, to come with all his army to the assistance of the
British General. At the same time he proposed, that if Na-
poleon did not attack the allies on the 18th, that they should,
on the subsequent day, attack him with all their forces."
" This," to use his own words, " was sufficient to shew how
little the battle of the 16th had disorganized the Prussian army,
or weakened its moral strength."f The French army and
iheir chief were also eager for battle. The head-quarters of
the latter were established at Caillou,^: a farm near the village
of Planchenoit, an (J on th,e road from La Belle Alliance to
<}enappe.
French official account of the battles of the 16th and 17th.
+ Prussian do. do. f French do. do.
277
Thus ended the day of the 17th. The moment was truly
important; and upon a general view of the subject, not a little
alarming. Alter twenty-five years of misery and carnage,
peace had, during the previous year, spread her wings over
Europe. The nations thereof were beginning to taste a
blessing so long unknown to them, when the sweet enjoy-
ment vanished. Blood and destruction began a'min to cover
those countries, from whose frontiers the fearful torrent had
commenced its course; and whose divided stream, while it
beat against the rock of Gibraltar, on the one hand, at the
same moment, on the other hand, bared the banks of the
Moskwa, and threatened the confines of Asia. The torrent
again let loose, where might it stop? All inquired, because all
were interested. A decisive victory obtained by Bonaparte
over Wellington and Blucher, would have rsoued to fresh en-
ergies the ambition of France, proved of incalculable advantage
to him, and been pregnant with incalculable mischief to Eur-
ope. It would have called forth the exertions of disaffection
in every land; and what was still more to be dreaded, it would
have awakened and brought forward fear and despondency to
curb the exertions, disunite the councils, and paralize the en-
ergies of the people of Europe. The times that were past
might thus be " reproduced." The career of victory was begun
which would not stop till it had again subjugated Europe. So
thought France, and her admirers, in those nations, which were
stretching out their hands to bid her welcome. But they reck-
oned without their host. Napoleon had only been partially suc-
cessful. His great object remained yet to gain; and which if he
did not gain immediately, would have compelled him to re-
linquish all the advantages which he had previously obtain-
ed. Numerous re-enforcements, he was well aware, were
at hand to augment the armies of his opponents. Halt ot
the Prussian army, at least three corps,fwere still not yd
up; but at that moment at no great distance, and making
every exertion to join their comrades. He had, therefore, no
alternative, but to persevere before these corps joined, or tore-
turn into France before an equal force; thus, after his boasted
victory, covered with shame and disgrace. This was a mea-
sure, however, which he could not possibly be brought to adopt.
278
It was, in fact, one that if he had followed, after what he had
done, could scarcely have tailed to have proved as destructive
to his power as any common defeat could have been. The form-
idable stand, however, which his foes had made on the 16th,
when attacked on one point unexpectedly, and on all points in
a manner of his own choosing, gave him a tolerably correct
idea of what he might expect when they were prepared for him,
and had been able to choose their ground as they now were.
He must thus have been aware, that the object which he hud
in view, was a most arduous, and even doubtful, undertaking.
Nevertheless, he was resolved to persevere; and believed that,
however difficult it might be, still he could carry his point.
His self-confidence here led him into one of those errors which
had oftener than once before proved fatal to him. He calcu-
lated that he had gained much more from the bloody operations
of the 16th, than he really had. He believed that Bluchers
army was incapable of any further resistance that could be seri-
ous, or impede him. " He believed," said the Prussian Gene-
ral, " that the Prussian army was retreating on Maestricht."*
In truth, he believed this. ** The Prussians," said the enemy,
{ are falling back upon the. Meuse in great disorder."^ Wel-
lington, therefore, alone remained, as he conceived, to offer any
s?rious resistance to his progress. How dreadfully he was mis-
taken, the sequel will shew us. Still his strength was sufficient
to make him confident. Tlis army, after the loss it had sus-
tained, was still from 160 to 170,000 strong. Of these,
135,000 were appointed to attack the Duke of Wellington, be-
fore he could receive any assistance from the army of Blucher.
The former disposed of, he calculated he should be able to
tjrn a sufficient force against the disordered remnant of the
Prussian army, which he made sure of destroying altogether.
Accordingly, he dispatched Vandamme and Girard, with the
3d and 4-th corps of infantry, and a very large body of cavalr
tft% under the chief command of Grouchy, to turn the left of
the Prussian army, attack its rear at Wavre, and be ready to
advance upon the road to Brussels; and in the rear of the
* Prussian official account of the battle of the 18th.
+ Official account transmitted to Davoust, dated Fleurus. June 17th.
I Grouchy's dispatch, Denant, June 20th. " The heights of Wavre was carried.
T was in front of Rosierne, preparing to march upon Brussels, when I heard of the
Toss of the battle tf Waterloo."
270
whole, at die hour, when he calculated that he should be
able to force the front of both the allied armies, and com-
pletely separate them, the one from the other, should the
Prussians at all attempt to come to the assistance of the Brit-
ish General. Such were his prospects such were his scheme*,
calculated, as usual, upon one of those vast French plan*,
" which command success, and decide the fate of Empires."*
But should he be defeated? That never once entered hi*
thoughts. The possession of the capital of the Netherlands,
and the destruction of Wellington and Blucher, two of the
most celebrated Generals of the age, were the mighty prizes for
which he immediately contended. Others more remote were
also in his view. His tottering power to re-esiablish his tar-
nished glory to restore, and to disorganize the general plan of
his mighty and numerous adversaries, were the next objects for
which he fought. No common motives impelled him en
no common energies seconded his movements. An army, con-
sidering its numbers, more select than any France had ever be-
fore sent to the field, stood ready, heart and soul, to second Mt
exertions. The whole were, personally and enthusiastically, at-
tached to their chief. They were also known to each other:
bound together by one common feeling, and one common in-
terest; confident in their leaders; the flower of France; and
composed of those veterans, returned from European prisons,
who had formerly carried terror over the Continent. All were
burning to wipe away the stains which the previous campaign*
had heaped upon their arms; and all were eager to earn fresh
laurels, honours, and rewards. Soult here again met that Ge-
neral who had so often vanquished him; who had tin
>urance to prevent him from celebrating his master's 1
day in Vittoria, and the boldness to take his commai.
stand upon those " proud heights which overlook their ft
vallies." On their parts, the commanders of the allied armies
were not idle. The character of Blucher, for firmness and de-
cision, was well known. That of Wellington, many a proud day
had celebrated over the world. The position of Waterloo had
been previously pitched upon by his comprehensive mind, aa
the best he could choose to cover Brussels, and to meet the
MoRiteur, April lGtb, 1815.
280
fury of his formidable antagonist. The untarnished fame of
Wellington was now fairly and conspicuously opposed to the
ruler of France, who had long been characterized, and was still
believed by many, to be the greatest Captain of the age; who also
in the present contest had every thing to hope from success, and
absolute ruin to expect from defeat. The army of Wellington
was confident in, and proud of their chief; but they were com-
posed of five different nations, scarcely known to each other.
The Dutch and Belgian troops were newly raised, and in their
first assay in arms. The Hanoverians, forming a fourth of the
army, were all new levies, and young troops. The inferiority
in numbers was much on the side of the allies. The inexper-
ience of some troops, and their being strangers to each other,
was also a great drawback. Yet with these the Duke of Welling-
ton resolved to face his skilful adversary. Europe watched the
movements of each with fear and silence. Britain with anxiety
and hope. The British General, and the British troops were
thus even under very disadvantageous circumstances, pitched
against the elite of France, and her boasted leader: neverthe-
less, to use the animated language of Sir John Stewart, after
the battle of Maida, the result in this instance, as in that, was
"greatly and gloriously"* in their favour.
I have already generally stated that the French army, which,
at the beginning of this campaign, invaded the Netherlands, a-
mounted to 190,000 men. The number, I am aware, exceeds-
what is generally believed to have formed its strength. On
this memorable occasion, therefore, I deem it my duty to be
more particular upon this subject, and to bring forward the
authorities which guide me in forming that estimate. These
in part I have already enumerated; but the reader will pardon
me for the recapitulation of some, in order to connect these
with the other references, and to bring the whole into one
point. This part of the work I have considered as most suit-
able for that purpose. One great source of error in the esti-
mation of the French army in the Netherlands, arises from in-
cluding the Imperial guards in the five corps of the army.
This was not the case. They formed a totally distinct body,
both of infantry and cavalry. Even if we did not learn this from
Sir John Stewart's dispatch, battle of Maida.
281
all the French official accounts, Blucher, in this instance,
matter at Best, that here they formed in additional numb
He expressly says in his dispatch of the uftairsof the 15th, in
which he details the opening of the campaign, that "
parte assembled five corps of his army, and tie several cot i < of'
his guards, on the 14th June."* The Duke of WeJ
says the same, and further adds, " and neatly all I
From the official expose of St. Jean D'Angley, we lean that |J
Imperial guard formed a body of 40,000 mcn.f The
part, if not all, were certainly at Waterloo; but let us suppose
there was only 30,000 present. It is also generally believed
that the 130,000 men which Blucher mentions on the ISth was
the whole French army. This is not the fact. It was above
130,000 that attacked Lord Wellington, but this did not in-
clude the force under Grouchy, from 30 to 40,000 strong.f A
similar erroneous inference has been drawn from Bluchers ac-
count of the battle of the 16th, by supposing, that the 130,000
men there mentioned, formed the whole French army: whereat,
this force was the number which attacked him; while two corps
of infantry and one of cavalry, together at least/60,000 men, un-
der Ney, attacked, or were destined to attack Quatre Bras. If
this was not the case, how could Blucher say be was vastly in-
ferior in numbers to his opponents, when he confesses that his
own army was 80,000 strong? Or how could the Puke of
Wellington be so very far inferior in numbers to his oppo-
nent, when from 130,000, nearly 40,000 were detached unci
Grouchy? Taking 60,000 (for that number was destined to
attack Quatre Bras) from 130,000, leaves only 70,000 to attack
Blucher on the 16th, a number inferior, instead of being
ly superior. Besides, if the whole French army, on the 16th,
was 130,000; how, after their loss on that day, and the
tachments under Grouchy, could their force be the same on
the 18th against Wellington alone? But Blucher's state-
ment is quite clear; and as we shall presently see, from enu-
merating the corps, very accurate. The five corps ol the
Blucher's dispatch, affairs of the 15th.
f Expose by D'Angley, Chamber of Representatives, June 13th.
$ Count Flauhaut, in the Chamber of Peers, June 2Cd, said that Grouchy'a
fyrcc, after the battle of Wavre, was 40,000 men.
French army which ftere at this point were all full. " Every
one of the corps," said Lord Castlereagh, were " complete-."*'
Now, the force of these can be very accurately ascertained.
Ney expressly tells us that the 1st corps, exclusive of cavalry,
was from 25 to 30,000 strong.f Lacroix, the chief of the stall
of Ileille's, or the 2d corps, tells the Chamber of Representa-
tives that this corps, on the 16th, was 25,000 strong.:}; Grouchy
states that his remaining force, after all the battles, was above
25,000; and as this was the force which bore the brant of the
battle of Lignji and lost 7 or 8000 men, if not double this
number at Wavre, or on the retreat, it is quite obvious that
the#3 two corps under his command, (even allowing that
the whole of what survived from the 16th accompanied him,
when detached in the Prussian rear,) could not be less in
number than the rest.. We cannot err, therefore, in setting
down each corps at 25,000 men, which makes, for five
corps, 125,000. Were we to take the accounts published
by the government in the Monitenr, we should iind these stat-
ed at much higher numbers. Besides these, he had a most
formidable force in cavalry and artillery. He had, said Lord
Castlereagh, "nearly all the French cavalry and artillery." \\
Upon turning to page 217 the reader will find alt the cavalry,
first stated, at 64,000;. and then at a later period, at 70,000
men; and the artillery* engineers, and sappers, at 30,000
men, the guns forming 150 batteries. With the army under
Bonaparte, there was certainly 40,000 cavalry: and we can
scarcely suppose that there was less than 10,000 artillery
and engineers present on this- occasion, if not a greater num-
ber. To these must be added a great number for followers of
various descriptions. It is well known that a vast multitude of
rapacious individuals, of all classes and occupations, did accom-
pany this army, in order to follow their former pleasant em-
ployment. This French army, from the best authority, and
most moderate calculations, would therefore stand as follows, viz.
* House" of Commons, June 23d, 1815.
f Ney's letter to Fouche, June 2Gth \ Chamber of Representatives, July 5d.-
$ Moniteur, April 20th, states Ileille's corps at 55,000 men. Sometime after it
stated his corps and D'Erlon's, near Lisle, at 60,000 men. May 2Sth, it states the
roservs, or Gth corps, under Lobau to be 50,000 strong, &c &c.
|| House of Commons, June 25d, 1815.
^63
Five corps of -25,000 men each .*. ~^,..,.,^ 125,O0
Cavalry (c) 40^
Imperial guard, say only ~~ fmtu 30 000
Artillery and engineers, suppose mmun 10 000
Total, 205,000
which exceeds what I have rated it at; and which, after all, K
is extremely probable that it amounted to. The guards were
nearer the number, as stated by D'Airgley, than the number
here stated. When we come to the battle we will iind that the
reserve alone amounted to 15,000 men, with which Bonaparte
made his last attack upon the British position. These to that time
had never been engaged. At the same time several regiments
of the old guard were at Planchenoit, and some at La Have
and Papelotte, while from 12 to 14,000 had previously been
led against the British line. However, I shall keep to my
former numbers, and which were divided thus:
Attacked Blucber on the 1 6th -*-^*^. 150,000
Do. Quatre Bras -******^******** 60,000
190,000
Lost on the 16th. about -*.-.i~*~~~ 20,000
Itemain on lth~~~-~~~*~-~~. 170,000
Attacked Wellington above 130 (b) say 135,000
Detached under Grouchy (c) %**% .35,000
170,000
Such is the most accurate, and most moderate account which I
can obtain of this French army; and it is evident this state-
ment is not far from fhe truth. I have been the more partial*
Jar on this subject, because numerous incorrect and insidious
accounts of its strength are put in circulation, to mislead the
public mind. These accounts are the work of Frenchmen, and
their friends, who want to lessen the glory of Waterloo, . ; men
who believed Napoleon could never be beaten; and who even
- . (a) From good authority, this number passed through Chnrleroy in advance, 12,000
of whom were cuirassiers: from 25 to 27,000 cavalry fought at Waterloo.
(6) Lord Castlereagh, House of Commons, June 23d. " The troops said be,
which fought under Bonaparte were at least 130,000 and perhaps not overrated at
140,000." Blucher says above 150,000.
(c) Bonapar'e's captured port -folio states this force at 35,000, viz. 27,000 infant-
ry and 6000 cavalry. But Count Flauhaut is better authority.
284:
vet, though he was in Elba, and is in St. Helena, cannot be
brought to believe that he was so. These men swell the number
of the allies to 205,000, and reduce that of the French army to
05,000; whilst others generously extend it to 110,000.* These
French accounts are eagerly copied and circulated by the
staunch supporters of Napoleon's fame, the keen admirers of
Napoleon's glory.f
On the other hand, the force of the allies at this point was
as follows, viz.
Prussian army on the 1 6th. 5 corps .-^.w-i-^%-^- M . 80,000
Lost till that date, say only ^-^^.^v^^.^^.^.^.^^^ 16,000
Remains, ~~~~~ 64,000
lie-enforced by Bulow's corpsv*-**^..**.**.,.-..-^.^.-^-.*.-^.^ 25,000
Total on 13th~~ 89,000
and if the number returned missing was taken
prisoners on the 16th, or even if the number
which Soult says were taken, viz. 8000 were so,
it would then only leave 81,000 men.
Army under Wellington on I6th~~'w~>..-~~.~,~* 98,500
Lost on 16th and 17th ~~~ ~~.^,~~~v.^~ 5,000
Detached under Prince F. of Orange on 18th () 25,000
Remains engaged on 18th~v. 68,500
Total allied force on the ISth 1 57,50
The force under Wellington was made up as follows, viz.
Infantry, British ~~~.~.~.~v 27,000
German Legion .^wviv,v 5,000
Hanoverian infantry, new levies > 24,000
Brunswick and Nassau, about *. 14,000
Belgians 5000, Dutch 5000 ~~~ 10,000
80,000
Artim.ery, British, 50 brigades of 6 guns
each, German Legion, Hanoverians, &c. 5,000
Cavalrt, British.~~.-~-~.~-~.<. 7,000
German Legion ~..^~~.-~.*..~ 5,500
Dutch, &c.~~~-^~~v.~~v<.~v~. 5,000
15,500
Total. 98,500
in round numbers: the British, German Legion, Hanoverians, &c. cavalry, con-
of eight brigades, under the chief command of the Earl of Uxbridge.
urier Extraordinary, Paris, July 28th, and other Journals about that time.
t Morning Chronicle, various dates, July.
(c) This is the number, as his Lordship's speech is reported in the public papers.
.;:- uco-unts state the number detached at from 12 to 15,000, and which
. !iis Grace's army from 76 to S0.000 men, which latter is precisely the
number which both the French and Fiussian official account state it to have been.
1st, Lord F. Somerset.
5th,
2d, Ponsonby.
6 th,
3d, Dornberg.
7th,
4 th, Vandeleur.
8th,
285
Vivian.
ArantschilJ.
Grant.
Erndorf.
The preceding account is believed to be nearly correct. The
superiority of numbers, therefore, was clearly on the side of the
enemy, with this farther difference, that Bonaparte could brinr
from 130 to 135,000 men, to bear upon 68,500, or say 78,500
under the command of the British General, for fully five hours
before he could receive any assistance from Blucher. While
we give Bonaparte full credit for the talents he displayed, tu
the masterly manner in which he placed his army, in order to
accomplish the object which he had in view, we must not for-
get the above important particulars, as these shew him to have
been not only superior in numbers, but with regard to the
British General almost double, and, therefore, it enhances the
glory of his overthrow. But General Alava goes further, and
states postively that Bonaparte's force was nearly 4 faipU" to
that under the British General. In this enumeration of both
armies, I have closely adhered to official authority and what pri-
vate information agrees with it, as the only sure guide,
numerous unauthenticated statements tend only to confus<
subject. If I, therefore, have erred, it is from attending to that
authority which should be the only proper guide, and which I
have met with none worth attending to, that invalidates it.
Considering that the allied Commanders had this great force
under their command, it was hinted that they had been inat-
tentive and not sufficiently upon their guard, in allowing Bon-
aparte thus to attack them unprepared, and as it were in de-
tail with the force under his direction. There is, however,
little ground for this supposition. Blucher, as we have already
seen, was not off his guard. It was absolutely necessary, in
order to procure sustenance to the troops, to have them in ex-
tensive cantonments. " The combined armies," said Lord
Castlereagh, < k it has been found expedient to distribute where
sustenance could most easily be procured. The Duke ot x
lington and Prince Blucher could not concentrate this force,
without leaving a large portion of the frontier of the Ki:
the Netherlands open to the incursion of the French."'
Lord Caatlcrcagh's speech, House of Commons, June SJd, .
2S6
ihis purpose Brussels and the surrounding country was cer-
tainly the best chosen. From thence they could be removed,
with the greatest celerity, to any point on the frontiers of the
Netherlands. If Bonaparte had attacked that country from
betwixt Valenciennes and Lisle, as he might have done and as
his march upon Beaumont indicated that he might attempt,
then the allied troops could reach the frontiers to oppose him,
as soon as he could move his artny from Avesnes to that point.
It was by no means improbable that the enemy would make an
attempt, first in that quarter; because, by doing so, he not only
had the important fortresses, already mentioned, to cover both
flanks of his army; but he would have reached Ghent, threat-
ened Antwerp, and cut off the line of die advance of the Bri-
tish supplies from England by way of Ostcad. That the
Duke of Wellington, himself, thought this would most pro-
bably be the first object of the enemy, is very obvious, when
he says he directed the troops immediately to assemble, upon
hearing of the advance of the enemy, " and afterwards to inarch
to their left, as soon as I had intelligence from other quarters,
to prove that the enemy's movement upon Charlerov, was t/ie
real attack" The position of Brussels, therefore, was equally
good, if not better, than any other that could be chosen to guard
against any attack from the enemy in this direction; because
from Brussels they could reach the frontiers, towards Tournay
and Valenciennes, as soon as they could have done the same
point, if assembled between Namur and Charleroy, and vice
versa to the latter place, had they been assembled at the for-
mer. On the other hand, if it was necessary to assemble their
forces on the defensive before a superior force, Brussels was
the only place it could be done. The official account, publish-
ed by Prince Schwartzenberg, is very pointed upon this sub-
ject, and says, from the manner in which it was absolute!}' ne-
cessary to station the armies, " their union was not practicable
in any point except in the neighbourhood of Brussels."* It,
at the same time, secured the safety of the Upper Netherlands,
should he have made a dash forward in that quarter. When
the plans of the allies were matured, then their armies would
have been collected on the point chosen by them to assume
Austrian official account, Heidelberg, June 21st, 1815.
287
offensive attitudes, but this as yet they were not ready for, nor
was it the policy of Bonaparte to allow them to be. His bu-
siness was to attack before they were prepared, unless he
meant to stand upon the defensive. In attacking on the of-
fensive, the party first ready to commence offensive opera
has the advantage of being able to choose the point he im
to attack, and consequently to come against that part of the line
of his adversaries which may be least guarded. While tin
great plans of all the allies remained incomplete, it was well
known no single army of theirs would advance into the enemy'*
country; and, therefore, the advance of the French army at
some point was only what might have been anticipated; but
where, depended upon the will of Bonaparte. It was easy to
suppose troops should have been ready at all points these, in-
deed, it was not difficult to assemble in any numbers, but it wa;
very different with regard to supplies and provisions for them.
Before the force of the enemy, whose business it was to be the
first to commence operations, it was probable that the allied
Commanders would na}', it might have become the height of
prudence, that they should recede, had it even been to a point
much beyond Brussels. But probable as this part of the sub-
ject was, equally probable was it, that the career of the enemy
would soon be checked. The recoil of the allies was certain
to be steady and formidable their re-advance strong and ir-
resistible. The mighty hosts if thus forced back, quickly aug-
mented with fresh numbers, and increased with the terrible
swell of the flood tide of European vengeance, would, it was
obvious, from the point where they re-commenced offensive
operations, advance with a force so vast and strong, that while
it overwhelmed every thing that opposed it at its outset, would
at the same sweep, lay bare the banks of the Seine, and over-
whelm the bulwarks of Paris. Thus the mountain torrent,
swelled by the equinoctial deluge, sweeps before it to the deep
all feebler obstacles. Thus the wave recedes before its strength,
and rolls back its swell but in anger. Thus the mighty billow,
augmented by succeeding waves, and impelled by the furious
blast, re-advances with a swell so deep and so strong that while
it tears the hill from its base and the rock from its foundations,
it, as a lesser object, also rolls back the feebler torrent to in
288
source, and overwhelms its strength forever. So steady was
the recoil so terrible the re-advance of the armies which at
Waterloo caused the shipwreck of Napoleon.
This catastrophe drew near the hour was come the spot
chosen. Wellington stood resolved Blucher again ready
Napoleon advanced with resolution and fury. " Fate dragged
him on"
" from far,
Thus issues to the sun some blazing star."
But my pen fears to enter upon this mighty subject. It wants
that energy and that strength which is necessary to describe
the combat and the carnage of Waterloo. A scene of glory,
but also a scene of horror, which the pen of a Tacitus or a
Robertson, would find it difficult to trace; and which the spi-
rit of a Milton, or a Homer, is only able to describe. The
fire of the Grecian muse could only record in numbers worthy
of the subject, the events of a day which tore up from its deep-
est foundations the throne of ambition which crushed the
fabric like the spider's web, and scattered the parts that com-
posed it to the four winds of heaven. Such is the event we
are about to relate the cause the combat the consequences
were all unparalleled and unprecedented in ancient or in mo-
dern times.
An Iliad rising from one dreadful day.
But before we enter upon this terrible subject, let us for a
moment attend more minutely to the positions chosen by the
contending armies. Nothing that concerns Waterloo should
be lost. Every spot should be dear to Britain, because every
clod of earth is wet with the blood of her bravest sons. Every
footstep attests her prowess, every object recals to the memory
of the beholder her glory her security, and their fame.
The army, under the command of his Grace the Duke of Wel-
lington, was, as we have already noticed, posted about a mile in
front of Waterloo, at the point where the position crossed the
high roads leading from Brussels to Charleroy and Nivelles.
Its right was thrown back to a Ravine near Merke Braine,
which village was occupied. Its left extended to a height above
the Hamlet Ter la Have, which was likewise occupied. In
289
front of the right centre and near the fondle road, hi* (, r acc'
occupied the house and garden of Hougomont, i ,, a
doumdnt, which covered the return of that flank, and in front
of the left centre, he occupied the farm of la Haye Sninn,
(the Ilalij Hedge.) On the whole position, extruding dearly g
Ihile and a half, thefe was about 112 guns, British and' German.
The left wing communicated through Ohain with Marsha] Hlu-
cber at Wavre. The British troops were posted id three lift
some few light troops in front; a line of guns on the brow of
the hill; the first line of infantry behind tin. in, (fader the he of
the hill, in squares, each regiment forming its own: behind,
more infanfry, cavalry, guns, &c. with a reserve of Dutch
troops on the right. The Prussian army which began t .
move at break of day, was placed as follows, viz. the 4th
and 2d corps marched from Wavre, by St. Lambert, win I
they were to take a position covered by the forest, near Fris-
ehermont, in order to take the enemy in the rear when die mo-
ment should appear favourable. The 1st corps was to oj
by Ohain, on the right flank of the enemy. Their line, in the
evening, extended about a mile and a quarter. The 3d a
was at Wavre, and was directed to follow the others in c;
need. The French army was posted on a range of height
the front of the army under the command of the British Gen
The 1st corps was placed with its left on the road to Brussels, in
front of the village of Mount St. Jean, and opposite the centre
of the allied army. This corps had not been engaged on the
16th, and was consequently entire and 25,000 strong. The
2d corps had its right on the road to Brussels, and its left
upon a small wood, within cannon shot of the English army.
This was the corps winch was so hotly engaged at Quatre Bras,
where it lost 4200 men, of course about 21,000 remained.
These two corps were still, therefore, 46,000 strong. The
formidable cuirassiers, amounting to 12,000 men,* were in
reserve behind; and the Guards, from 30 to 40,000 strong,
or say only 30,000, in reserve on the heights. The 6th
corps, or reserve, which Soult said was not engaged on
the 16th, and consequently entire, or 25,000 strong; with
the cavalry of General d' Au'monf, under the chief commanoV-
f Count Lobau, was destined to proceed in the rear ct
Tliis number I learned from private autEorTty.'
09 i&
200
right, in order to oppose a Prussian corps in that quarter*
The rest of the cavalry were with the Guards and the other
two corps of the army, and altogether amounted to at least
1 1,000 men, besides the cuirassiers. To these we must add
perhaps 8 or 10,000 artillerymen and engineers. The united'
numbers, taking the Guards at 30,000, will then make 137,000
men, but from which we have to deduct the loss of the Guards
on the 16th, which sirppose 2000, still leaves 135,000 men.
The 3d and 4th corps, commanded by Vandammcand Girard,
were dispatched under Grouchy, on the preceding evening, to
get in the rear of the Prussian army. They had with them
** a large corps of cavalry "* which must have been above
7000, when we find that 5000 survived the sanguinary affair
at Wavre, and the disastrous retreat from, that place. These
two corps were those which suffered most in the battle of Ligny,
and, therefore, were not now near so strong as- any of the rest;
as they must certainly have lost 10,000 men on that day.
Thus the reader will perceive that Bonaparte kept all his corps
that were most entire, or that had not previously suffered
much, in order to attack the British army, for the corps of"
cavalry, dispatched under Grouchy, was also one of these
which suffered rnos-t on the 1 6th. Over his whole position
there was 60 batteries of cannon, [Austrian Official Report.)
His front when extended to meet the Prussians, was above two
miles and a half. With regard to the natural strength of the
respective positions, the reader, upon turning to. the map, will
perceive from the course of the rivers or rather rivulets, that the
country occupied by the armies was the most elevated ground in
those parts, and which rises from every quarter as you approach
it. The whole forms numerous- ridges without any very pro-
minent eminences. The vallics betwixt these are intersected
with Ravines. For half a league in advance of Waterloo the
ground invariably rise* to Mount St. Jean. It is interspersed
as it rises with ridges like the waves of the sea, wave behind
wave. At the right extremity of the front of this greatest ele-
vation, is situated the farm house and chateau called Hougo-
mont, or Chateau Goumont. Around the premises is a wall,-
and a wood of several acres consisting of young trees about 12
or 11' feet in height. This wood is intersected with natural
-J- DiqucI's speech, Chamber of Peers, June 23d, 18] 5*
$91
hedges and ditches. In the centre of the eminence, occupied
by the British army, is the vitfage of Mount St. .Kan. tU
Duke," said General de Borgb, placed his batteries on tin-
elevated ridge, occupied the farm and the garden, and ranged
his army along the eminence, protected by its height from the
fire of the enemy."* The whole position was beautiful without
being very strong. It was very good," said General ,\
" but towards the centre it had various weak points wMd
required good troops to guard them, and much science and
skill on the part of the General in chief. These qualification
were, however, to be found in abundance in the British troops
and their illustrious Commander." The position occupied by
the Prussians, at the close of the day, joined the British at
Ter la Haye. From that place the ridge which forms Mount
St. Jean, turns first in a South and then in a South-west direc-
tion by Frischermont towards Planclienoit. Its front, 6pp
the French position, roee like an amphitheatre in several swells
r ridges each higher than the other, but all inferior in height
to the chief ridge. At their foot was a valley from whi
the ground again rose in an elevated chain towards the |
lion of the enemy. *On the front opposite, and nearly on -
lar ground, with a valley between the allies and them, and W
between their centre and their right wing, the French army
was posted. All these eminences were bristled with artillery.
The country around is generally open, groupes of trees only ap-
pearing behind Frischermont, Planclienoit, Mon Plaisir, and
near the so much talked of Observatory. Several villas
farm houses rose amidst those fields, which were cultivated in
.the highest manner, and covered chiefly with rye, at this season
of the year in the utmost luxuriance < f vegetation. From
the incessant rain all the ground was very soft; and, in
new plowed fields, the troops could not move without sinking
to the calf of the leg. All the inhabitants had fled from the
villages and hamlets for several miles round, except the gurdncr
at Ilougomont, and at the farm of Mount St. Jean, where, it
is said, the farmer's wife remained throughout the day, lo
up in a garret, while the combat raged with the utmost fury
in the lower parts of the dwelling. U\ the rear of tho^e mc-
* Gon. de-Uonro's letter to Prince Wolkousky, (Russian oflMK)
292
morablo fields lies the vast forest of Soigny, consisting chiefly
of beeches, extremely. tall and beautiful. Through this forest
for several miles, runs the great road from Brussels to the
frontiers. In passing the position which we have just de-
scribed, the British General, on the preceding year, remarked
that it was the spot which he should choose were he ever called
upon to defend Brussels. Little did he at that moment ima-
gine, that he should so soon be called upon to defend Erussels;
and still less could he think that it would be against such an
enemy.
Such was the ground and such were the positions of the
mighty hosts, which at Waterloo contended for the fate of
Europe. The shades of a short, but gloomy, rainy, and un-
comfortable night were past. The morning of the 1 3th (Sun-
day) dawned. Like the night it was cheerless and rainy.
Dark and sullen clouds obscured the face of heaven, and black-
ened the approach of this eventful and bloody day. No Sun
of Austerlitz here shed his morning beams on those ranks,
which looked upon such omens, as an infallible sign of victory.
With the morning arose thousands who were destined never to
see the dawn of another. Stiff, and almost motionless, from
having slept in the open fields and under such deluges of rain,
the officers and soldiers awoke, and began to prepare tor battle.
Yet in this deplorable situation, the only feeling which was
uppermost in their minds, was, least they should not be able
to do their duty in the combat which was approaching. The
rain continued. The day advanced. But i ( at nine o'clock,"
said the enemy, " the rain was somewhat abated."* Breaking .
through the masses of dark clouds which rolled along the at-
mosphere, about ten o'clock the Sun made his appearance,
and for a moment cast his enlivening rays over those fields, as
yet cheerful and bloodless. What a prospect he beheld, from
Braine la Lcude to the Dyle! With a dazzling lustre his
beams were reflected, from the unsullied bayonets and glitter-
ing helmets of 300,000 warriors, ready and eager for battle,
" All dreadful glar'd the iron f;ice of war,
Bristled with upright speats, that flash'd afar;
Dire was the gleam of breastplates, helms, and shields,
And polished arms emhlaz'd the flaming fields:
. French official account of the battle of the 1 8th.
2D2
Tremendous scene ! tlmt general horror gae.
But. touched with joy the hosoin of the hra\e."*
At this moment the trumpet sounded the dreadful note of pre-
paration. The troops under Wellington were in i| u . :u t t
preparing their breakfast when aid-dc-camj.s r dmftA
their ranks proclaimed that the enemy was movin
allied troops stood to their arms. The British artillery n
to the front. The enemy advanced. Every thi:
ed for attack every thing prepared to repell! The an
brave. The leaders experienced, and famous throughout th*
world. The security of Europe and the general i
kind depended upon the issue of their exertion*.
Before entering upon the terrible details of this day, it mnv
not be unnecessary to state, for the better undc-rstaiidin.;
subject, that this battle may properly be divided into
periods. The first was the impetuous attack upon the rfgl
Flougomont, which lasted from balf-pest 11a. m. till ! i
The second was the dreadful attack from the centre to the left,
which lasted from I p. m. till 3. The third was thetremend
attack along the whole line, but severest towards the centre^
which lasted from 3 p. M. till past 0*. The fourth was the t<
ble attack made by Napoleon at the head of his Guards, xv
lasted from half-past 6" p. m. till 8. Included in these pcPBn
also is the murderous combat maintained by the Prwwiai
gainst the French right wing. The fifth was the general at-
tack upon the offensive, oh the part of the allies, und the at-
tempt of Bonaparte to resist it, which lasted from 8 r. m. till
JO. The sixth was the general route and pursuit, which last-
ed from JO p. vt. till near midnight, on the part of the Br
and on the side of the Prussians all night. In each attack arose
a multiplicity of sanguinary combats. Each of tin scgrnnd ut '
were equal in their consequences, to combats which in other wara
had decided the fate of empires; and taking the loss upon an
average., each cost both sides 20,000 men. Bonaparte,
hurried on the contest, contrary to the advice of his |
cers. This, however, is perhaps merely a French -lory put
forth to throw the blame on him. But the troops like thrir
deader would brook no delay. The French Hftaattl formed ra-
pidly. A terrible cloud of cavalry and coin
Toot's Homer. II! A, 13 and the Brit-
ish huzza, intermixed with the loud cheers " of Scotland for
ever," from the other side, formed a scene which beggars all
description.
" which general horror gave,
But touch'd with joy the bosom of the brave."
The shot from the|prench artillery passed over the line of the
British guns, and fell into the squares of infantry behind them,
and occasioned a great loss to several regiments, without their
having been at all engaged. In this situation several of the
regiments expressed the greatest impatience, when the com-
mander-in-chief appeared near them, to be allowed to cha
the enemy. But this his superior judgment prevented. " Not
yet," replied their chief, to these earnest solicitations " not
my brave men, but you shall have at them soon: firm a little
longer; we must not be beat; what would they say Id Eng-
land?"! The French army was also similarly situated with
regard to the tremendous fire of their antagonists. Many
of the rockets, in particular, carried destruction to a great dis-
tance, passed over the front lines, and fell amidst the equi-
page which was placed behind on the road, which render-
ed it indispensibly necessary to remove the train to a greater
distance. Though repulsed in every onset, and not*
standing the loss which the enemy had sustained, his immewP"
superiority in point of numbers enabled him to pcrsu
Fresh troops were brought forward to re-enforce those which
were discomfited. Each new column advanced with enthiiM-
as.m, shouting, " Vive le Empereur." But those that escap-
Answei to the 95th regiment, see Simpson's Waterloo.
302
ctl returned with silence and chagrin. The first column of
cavalry which had been brought forward completely failed to
make any impression on the British lines. Another column
of French cavalry were ordered up, and at the head of which
marched those formidable troops named cuirassiers. These
were cavalry clad in armour. They were all chosen men, a-
bout 6 feet high. Their horses were the best and strongest which
could be procured. They required to have served three cam-
paigns, and must have been 12 years in the service, before they
got into that corps. From their chin downwards to the lower
part of the body, they were cased in armour. The front cuirass
was made bright, and in form of a pigeons egg. The back one
was made to fit the back. The inside was stuffed with a pad,
and both were fitted on with a clasp. They were easy put oil'
and on, and weighed from 9 to 11 lbs. each, according to
the size of the man. They resisted in a great measure musquet
balls, which striking against them flew off in an oblique direc-
tion. On their heads they had large massy helmets; and
their weapons were straight long swords and pistols. These
troops were now brought forward. They advanced with the
utmost confidence against the British line, and particularly
that point wherein were stationed the English Life Guards,
who received them with the most undaunted firmness ; and
" the most sanguinary cavalry fight," said General Alava,
f* ever witnessed, was the consequence."* The shock was ter-
rible. The noise dreadful.
Heavy and thick resound the hatter'd shields;
And the deaf echo rattles round the fields."f
The British light cavalry broke their swords against their
plates of iron, and suffered severely. M The cuirassiers," said
the enemy, " charged that division of English cavalry which
had disorganized some pieces of the battery of Count d' Erlon,
and three regiments were broken and cut up.":}: The heavy
cavalry were " ordered forward, and directed to strike only
at the limbs of their antagonists. This they did with sucii
energy, that, though wholly without armour to protect them-
* Alava's official dispatch,
f Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xii. line 181, &c.
$ French official account of the battle of the 1 8th.
303
selves from the swords of their enemies, the cuirassiers were
completely beaten, and lost one of their eagles in the conflict,
which was taken by the heavy English cavalry called the lloyab.*
Their reiterated attacks upon the infantry was ftb* repelled
with dreadful slaughter. The 28th regiment again and again
repulsed their most formidable attacks. Its Colonel, Sir Phi-
lip Belson, had four horses shot under him. In this manner the
engagement continued for above two hours. Neither one side
nor the other would yield an inch of ground. The attacks of
the enemy were incessant and severe. In all he was repuU-d.
Three times were the enemy upon the point of carrying the
position at this point. Three times they recoiled from the
rude shock.
" Thrice they fled confounded and amaz'd."t
He repeatedly charged the British infantry with his cavalry,
bnt " said Wellington, " he was uniformly unsuccessful.
The allied cavalry then charged in their turn, and .s.u.ng
from betwixt the squares of infantry, cut them up most se-
verely, and picked up the deserted guns. But, m Ins arm,
lL J arte was immensely strong. Therefore, he stdl return-
a.o'the combat with augmented force and "_*
But nothing could shake the Brmsh columns. They stood,
firm and undismayed.
___________ ' Death was in his look,
Whole nations fear'd, but not a" Jinton " .hook,"*
* with the bayon t the &*? men also frequently
mo.ur equipped cavaho rs. These Ix io
rushed sincly out of their columns, and bring m F
frit ot th! British line, endeavoured to .mute tho troops
* Alava's official dispatch.
t Pope's Homer. Ihad, boo, * line 270.
I do co book xw. hue 101 .*^
304
as to make them throw away their fire upon them, and that thch
main columns might attack with more safety. But the British
paid no attention to these bravadoes. The loss of the cuirassiers
was dreadful. They fell before the British ranks in heaps
' like grass cut down by the scythe," said an eye-witness to this
bloody scene. In this manner the British lines resisted at this
point these repeated and desperate attacks, which as soon as
they had done, said General de Borgo, " the victorious troops
instantly returned to their place and again re-formed."* Bon-
aparte asserts that he took the village of Mount St. Jean.
" A brigade," said he, " of the 2d division of Count de Erlon,
took the village of Mount St. Jean."f This was not the case ;
or, if it was taken, it could only be for a moment; for, that it
did not remain in his power we shall presently see, he admits,
when he afterwards speaks of leading an attack against it. While
this tremendous struggle was going on in this part of the British
line, the attack upon Hougomont was renewed with greater fury
than before. The enemy made the most furious and fruitless
attempts to gain this place, in order to turn the right of the
British position. But, he could make no impression on it ; al-
though his main strength was, for a long time, directed against
it. Lord Saltoun, with his two companies of light infantry,
disputed the wood and orchard most gallantly ; and the con-
duct of the light infantry of the second brigade (Coldstream
and 3d) occasioned the enemy a great loss. The house was
set on fire, by shells thrown by the enemy, but it was not
quite consumed. How severe and destructive the combat
was at this point may be judged of by the following account de-
rived from the best authority. An officer sent out with twenty
men returned with one, and again sent with 15Q.returned with
50. To gain possession of this place, the enemy made vast
sacrifices; but he made them in vain. The enemy, said Ge-
neral de Borgo, " penetrated to the farm, but were never able
to obtain a firm footing there.":}: But neither on this point,
nor on any other, could he obtain any footing, except at
Gen. de Borgo's official dispatch to Prince Wolkonsky.
* French official account of the battle of the 18th. Perhaps it was the farm of
r.t St Jean, situate between the village of that name and Ja Haye Sairite.
} Gcr. He Borgo's official dispatch to Prince Wolkonsky.
305
La Haye Sainte. " The British army," said Bluchef, fought
with a valour which nothing could surpass."* Amongst .
these the sons of Caledonia stood in the foremost rank. The
42d, 92d, 79th, and Scots Greys, sustained the ancient glory
and honour of their country. The 95th regiment, it is said,
received a charge of cavalry, and after destroying nearly
the whole, made use of their horses to carry away their prison-
ers. But the superiority of the enemy in numbers was so.
great, his forces, said General Alava, being almost triple ours,
that with whatever firmness the allied army maintained their po-
sition, it was impossible but that such heroic conduct, and such
continued and immense exertions, must have had a limit. The
arrival of the Prussians, therefore, who were known to be ad-
vancing to co-operate with them, was most anxiously expected.
Nearly four hours had now elapsed, during which the bloody
combat had been maintained, with a courage and obstinacy on
both sides never surpassed. Yet it was little in comparison to
what followed. " It was three in the afternoon,"f said the ene-
my. Affairs became more urgent. The enemy, therefore, made
some alteration in his plan of attack. He had first tried the right,
then the left, and then the right again, in order to force his
way. But in vain. By pressing the right wing of the allied
army, he seemed to have in view to crush it completely in the
contest ; and, by turning the army by the right, to gain the
Brussels road from that direction; thus throwing the whole de-
feated army of Wellington back in the direction of the Prus-
sians, of whom, in the early part of the day, he seems either to
have made a light account or none at all. II' he effected this
object, he not only gained the capital of the Netherlands, but
cut off all the British supplies and re-enforcements advancing
from Ostend, In this object he failed. He next made the ter-
rible attack, we have related, from the centre to the British left,
endeavouring at the same time to force the former, and to throw
back the latter upon the beaten troops,andthus separate the whole
from the Prussian army. Foiled, however, in both objects by
the bravery and skill of his adversaries, and in a very particular
manner by the defenders of Hougomont, and the heroes on the
left, he was compelled to turn his attention without delay to ac-
# Prussian official accouut. t Fre ncQ d< * do '
2S 10
300
comptish the defeat of the allied army by any mean:-; lie could.
The weakest part of the British line, near the left centre, was
therefore the point again&t which he in future directed his ut-
most fury- The preceding plans were daring fitting his
genius, and marks strongly the character of the man ; but all
his proceedings were in extreme?, and consequently dangerous>
when undertaken against such adversaries as Wellington and
Blucher, In order to appreciate fully the nature of thie con*
test, we must bear in mind, that the plan laid down by Wel-
lington' was- to act altogether on the defensive, till the arrival
of the force under Blucher, It is scarcely necessary to add,
that the plan of the enemy was directly opposite. Their
junction he eoukl not possibly prevent, but he was determined ,
to render that of no avail by the defeat of the one he dreaded
most, before the arrival of the other. Hitherto he had re-
mained on an eminence near La Belle Alliance, from whence
he had a clear view of the whole field of battle. He continued
walking in deep thought, sometimes with his hands joined toge-
ther, and at other times taking snuff eopiou sly - r but all the while
in great anxiety. The story of hi* standing upon the observa-
tory, which is a mile distant, is an idle tale. At La Belle Al-
liance was his station during the afternoon. " It was there," said
Blucher, " that Napoleon was during the battle ; it was there
he gave his orders, and that he flattered himself with the hope
of victory." From this point he contemplated the immediate
and complete success of those terrible French tactics, which had
so often appalled his? enemies. He thought to overpower his
foes at once, by overwhelming numbers. Confident as were
his hopes of success, so proportionally severe, therefore, was
his disappointment, when he saw the fresh corps of his best
troops, and all his cavalry and cuirassiers driven back heel*
over head at every onset by the British line, arxf with an
amazing carnage. All the troops had already been- engaged,
execept the principal part of his guards. These were in reserve,
and the flower of his army, long tried and severely proven ins
many bloody fields, and who idolized and adored him. Ne-
cessity compelled him to bring forward those troops to renew
the combat and to encourage .the others, whose vociferations of
** Vive V Empcrcur" were beginning to be less frequent, and
307
also to
army. That too must be achieved in a manner that would se-
parate the armies of Wellington and Blucher. He continued
his exertions. He redoubled his efforts, but without effect.
He now perceived that he had fruitlessly lost five hours, " and
that in the critical situation in which he was placed, there re-
mained no other resource but that of desperately attacking the
weak part of the British position, and thus, if possible, beating
the Duke before his right was turned and attacked by the Prus*
sians."f This he attempted, but failed. Yet, even in this si
tuation, it is plain that he still had the strongest hopes of com-
pletely succeeding in his daring design. " These English,"'
said he, " are devils: yet, though they fight bravely, they must
give way soon." Soult, however, who had some cause to know
these devils better, told him that such an event as their giving
way was not probable. " And why not?" said Napoleon, peev-
ishly. " Because," said Soult, K they will rather be cut to
pieces." His master continued, however, to think otherwise.
As late as six o'clock in the afternoon, he was still confident of
a complete and a decisive victory. Notwithstanding the delay
which he had already experienced, he observed, jesting, that
" he should yet be in Brussels time enough for supper." In
vain he was told that the troops had all been engaged, and
were becoming dispirited and exhausted. Forward! forward t
was all the answer could be obtained Attack and cut to pieces
the English, at the point of the bayonet, was his constant com-
mand. He relied much upon the diversion which he suppos-
* Earl Bathurst, House of Lords, June 22& f Alava's dispatch.
313
ed Grouchy and Vandamme were making in the Prussian rear*
lie clung eagerly to this dangerous expectation. In the mean-
time, the Prussian army began to arrive in the position allotted
to it on the enemy's right. The badness of the roads, but par-
ticularly the difficulties experienced in passing the defile of St.
Lambert, had retarded its march some hours. When near five
o'clock, only two brigades of the 4th corps had arrived at the
covered position which was assigned to them. " But the de-
cisive moment," said Blucher, " was come; not a moment was
to be lost."* The Generals were determined not to let it e-
scape, and resolved to commence the attack with what forces
were come up. Bulow, accordingly, advanced rapidly with this
force upon the enemy's right wing. About five o'clock, said
the Austrian official report, the first cannon shot was fired from
the heights of Aguiers, from whence the Prussians advanced to-
wards Planchenoit, against the extreme right of the French re-
serve, or 6th corps. " The enemy," said Blucher, " did not
lose his presence of mind."f He had been aware of a move-
ment of this description by part of the Prussian army, and had
endeavoured to guard against it. From a letter intercepted on
the preceding evening, the enemy had learned, that 15,000
Prussians, as he states, were to arrive on his right. This, from,
the number, seems to have been the remainder of the 1st corps,
commanded by Blucher in person. The rest of the force he
seems not to have thought of; and, no doubt, considered that
Bulow and the remainder would be fully occupied with Grouchy.
" This movement was foreseen," said Bonaparte, " and Count
Lobau, with the reserves, was ordered to meet it."}: A sangui-
nary contest immediately commenced at this place. " He in-
stantly turned his reserve against us," said Blucher, U and a mur-
derous conflict began at this point." Severe and murderous it
certainly was; and, considering the length of time from its com-
mencement to its close, it was equally sanguinary as any on
that bloody field. The loss of Bulow's>corps, consisting of up-
wards of GOOO men, sufficiently indicates the extent of the
slaughter. The Prussians fought with uncommon courage,
and the most dreadful animosity. The conduct of the French
Bluchor's official dispatch of the-battle of the 18th. t Do. /do.
| French official account of do. Prussian do. do.
Rft 10
ib their comrades, on the 16th, had roused their utmost anger;
and the tarnish which their arms had sustained on that day,
they were resolved, if possible,- to wipe away. They rushed in-
to close combat with their formidable adversaries, and both
parties fought with the keenest" resentment and deadliest ran-
cour. No quarter was thought of none was asked None
^vas given !
" No room to poise the lance, or bend the bw;:
But hand to band and man to man they grow;
Wounded they wound; and seek each others heart*
With faulihions, axes, swords, and sborten'd dart;.
The faulchions ring, shields rattle, axes sound,
Swords flash in air, or glitter on the gronnd." t
The combat on this side continued k>Bg uncertain; while the
battle, with the British army, raged with the same violence as
ever. The situation of the enemy from this moment was des-
perate; but that despair lent strength for the moment. He
brought up fresh troops, and the battle every moment became
more bloody. So severe was it, that for some time all that the
Prussians could do was to maintain their position. More Prus-
sian troops, however, came into line. More were stili advancing
and near at hand. Bulow's force soon amounted to 30,000
men, and were still further to be increased by the remainder of
the 2d corps. Bonaparte, without relinquishing his object in
front, found it necessary to re-enforce the troops opposed to the
Prussians. He accordingly sent General Duhesme with the
young guard, and several battalions of the reserve, to this part
of the line; and, as he would have us believe, with success.
** The enemy," said he, " wei'e by this means kept in check, re-
pulsed, and fell back: he had exhausted his forces, and we had
nothing more to fear."f The Prussians may have been, while
yet few in numbers, obliged to recede till joined by their com-
rades; but, unfortunately for the enemy, their having exhaust-
ed their forces was not the fuct. But it was necessary for him
to make some excuse for the extreme folly of his conduct, in
pursuing with such obstinacy his attempts in front, while utter
destruction hovered in his rear. According to the French offi-
cial account, it was this moment that was indicated for an at-
* Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xv. line 8(J0, &c.
* French official account of the battle of tlu 18th.
315
uck upon tlic centre of Mount Sl Jean, and winch, as, vehavc
already noticed, was -made by the enemy, and proved like all
' the previous attacks, unsuccessful. Only the 4th corps, under
Bulow, had as yet -come up. Blucher, with the 1st corps, as
he was apju-oaehing the scene of action, received, about six
o clock in the afternoon, intelligence from Thielman that he
had been attacked, and was hard pressed at Wavre by a form-
idable force of the enemy, and who were already disputing
with him the possession of the town."* Notwithstanding that
Ins rear was thus threatened, and with superior forces, Blucher
with that presence of mind which characterises a great Gene-
ral, turned his .attention to the more.important objects in front -
sensible tltat if the danger at this point was removed, that
which menaced Wavre would give.him .no uneasiness. * The
lield Marshal did not suffer himself to be disturbed by this
news; it was on the spot where he was, and no where else, that
the affair was to be decidcd. t He, therefore, directed General
Ih.elman to do the best that he could, and not to look to him
for any mimediate assistance. And what.does Europe-what
does Britain owe to this gallant veteran for this prompt and judi-
cious determination. Had lie wavered-,had doubt perplexed his
nund-had lie turned to secure his rear, ihat.might have been
the consequence to Europe? above all, .what would have been
the consequence to our own brave countrymen? How many
more attacks mu*t they have still hail to* sustain from those
fierce spirits winch Prussian bravery Jaid low? The mind
trembles to reflect upon what might have been the consequences
had Blucher even hesitated. Thanks Xo his undaunted soul,
which banished doubts or fears from his bosom. He marched for-
ward. The columns wiiere the General-in-chief was, continu-
ed their movements in advance, and pressed the right wing of
the Irench army closer and closer; and, while assailing it 8
Hank, they also threatened its rear. Yet still it stood firm
still the combat raged-still it remained undecided.
While things were going on in this manner at this point,
Hie man, lllus k>ft to j,^ ^^ an ^.^ ^
bloody struggle at Wavre. We must not omit this part of the
subject It formed a part, and no mean part, of the battle of
\\ aterloa It has been but too little attended to. Thielman
* 1'ru^an official account of the battle of the ] 8th. f Bo do .
316
did his duty; and had he yielded or given way early o*
that eventful day, Bulow's corps would have been taken in
the rear, as Bonaparte had calculated that it would be, al-
most as soon as it was engaged. The consequences would
have been, that more British and Prussian blood would have
been shed at Waterloo, than what was; and the French ar-
my might have escaped defeated,.but not annihilated. Though
the brave Thielman was not on the heights of Mount St.
Jean, he was equally well employed. On the evening of
the 17th, Soult transmitted to Grouchy an order to proceed
with the 3d and 4th corps of the French army, under Girard
and Vandamme, and with the 3d corps of cavalry, under Ge-
neral Pajol, towards the Dyle, in order to throw himself in the
rear of the Prussian army, which they at that time conceived
to be disorganized, and incapable of much resistance. They
accordingly marched with this force, from 35 to 40,000* men,
by St. Lambert, and on the right bank of the Dyle. On thp
18th, he fell in with the Prussian forces, consisting of the 3d
corps, under Thielman, which had suffered least in the battle
of the 16th, and a very severe combat was the consequence.
That part of the town of Wavre situated on the right bank of
the Dyle, was carried, after much resistance. The Prussians,
said Grouchy, " were immediately driven into Wavre, and
General Vandamme's corps attacked that town, and was
warmly engaged."f The enemy, however, after he had gained
this point, found much difficulty in crossing the river. So
severe was the combat, that Girard himself was wounded in the
breast by a ball, when endeavouring to carry the mill of Bielge.
It could not, however, be carried. But Grouchy's orders
were urgent, and his object most important. " Impatient,"
said he, " to co-operate with the army of your Majesty on that
important day, I detached several corps to force the passage
of the Dyle, and to march against Bulow."^: In a few words,
he attempted to turn the position, which he could not force ;
but even that, notwithstanding his superiority in numbers, he
was for some time prevented from effecting, and not during
that " important day" While Vandamme continued the at-
* Count Flahaut, in the Chamber of Peers,; June 23d, from authentic sources,
dated, that Grouchy had 40,000 men under his command after this battle.
f Grouchy's dispatch, Dinant, June 20th. \ Do. do.
317
lack on the town of Wavre and on the mill of Bielge, Grouchy
arrived at Limale passed the river, and, after an obstinate
struggle, the French division of Vichery, consisting of infantry
and " the cavalry" carried the heights. In Wavre and Bielge
the Prussians, however, remained immoveable against all the ef-
forts of the enemy; and, by the time the heights, above men-
tioned, were carried, it was so late that nothing more could be
done. " Night," said Grouchy, " did not permit us to ad-
vance any farther; and I no longer heard the cannon on the side
where your Majesty was engaged."* Thus it is obvious how
long and obstinate the combat at this point was. Thielman,
though much inferior in numbers, was enabled by the diflicult
nature of the country, interspersed with denies, woods, and
ravines, to oppose an obstinate resistance to the enemy, which,
from his impetuosity, must have cost him dear; but what was of
still greater importance, it kept all Grouchy's force from the
point where it was so much wanted ; and, though the distance
was only about 12 miles, it was in the words of Ney, the same
to the rest of the army as if he " had been 100 leagues from
the field of battle."f The loss on both sides was very severe,
but I have no means of stating it accurately. Thielman's corps
lost, from 15th June to 3d July, 4724 men, most of whom, if not
all, certainly fell at this point; Grouchy, from the numbers he
carried forward and what he brought away, must have suffered
still more severely, as we shall be better able to ascertain in the
sequel. Here, under the clouds of night, a long and lasting
night to French expectations, let us leave him and return to
those points where, with regard to the period of the contest,
the sun was not set, and where the cannon was still heard as
loud as ever on the field where Napoleon was engaged.
It was seven o'clock in the evening. The issue of the battle
on the heights of Mount St. Jean, appeared still uncertain,
and remained undecided. , The British continued to resist and
the French to attack, as if the combat was only beginning.
- Thou wouldst have thought, bo furious was their fire,
No force could tame them and no toil could tire;
As if new vigour from new fights they won,
And the long battle was hut then begun."!
Grouchy's dispatch, Dmant, June 20th, 1815.
* Key's Letter. } Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xv. line 844,
318
The British army and their companions remained at their post
without wavering tor a moment, against every effort of over-
whelming and furious numbers, led on by a skill which was of
the first order, and by a spirit which neither relented nor
melted at the sight of human suffering or blood. It was a
dreadful moment. Many of the British soldiers despaired of
victory, hut made up their minds to die where they stood.
Their General alone did not despair of success. His strength
was impaired; but Napoleon's nearly exhausted. At this moment
the 5th division was reduced from 6000 to 2 800 men, and these
stationed in that part of the line, against which the utmost fury
of the enemy was directed. With these were the 42d and 92d
regiments, the latter reduced to less than 200 men. The Com-
mander in chief generally remained near a village in the centre,
from whence he could see the whole field of battle. Near him
were some of the Brunswick troops. Hougomont with its gallant
guardians defied all the shells, balls, bayonets, and swords of
the enemy. Nothing could move them. All personal feeling
was forgot in the enthusiasm of the moment, and each indivi-
dual throughout the British line, fought .as if all depend-
ed upon his individual exertions. The French troops acted
from a similar impulse. The rashness, self-confidence, and
vanity of Bonaparte, had, however, carried himself and his
army into a. situation, from which there Scarcely remained
a chance to extricate himself without total destruction. He
saw his situation. He made the most desperate efforts to
remedy his rashness, and to ward off the consequences of his
error. But these exertions, which in ordinary cases might
have borne him through, in this instance served only to make
his fate more fatal. Defeated in his previous furious attempt
against the British line, he resolved to make a last desperate
effort against the left centre, near the farm of La Haye Sainte,
in order to pierce the line at that point which had suffered
most. It was his last stake. Like the deep gambler he had
already set his fortune and his fame upon the cast of the die,
and had lost both. These were gone, irretrievably gone. His
throne alone remained. He staked the mighty prize. He
seized the box id agony he threw he failed. He rashly
pitched his all against the firm rock of British valour that
319
rock which had withstood the fiercest efforts of his proudest
days; which had triumphed over his strongest power, and
which had, by its persevering efforts, undermined and overturned
the mightiest throne that had ever reigned over mankind.
Against this invincible bulwark, he now led his remaining
strength. Against its firm base, he rolled the last collected
effort of his Imperial fury. He put himself at the head of the
reserve of his Guards, consisting of 15,000 men; and seconded
by Ney,.one of the best of his Generals, he, with the utmost
impetuosity, attacked with his masses the point already men-
tioned in the British line. These troops with which he now
came forward were the elite of his army, what had always been
considered as the centre of his strength, and only brought for-
ward to decide the fortune of such tremendous days and the
fate of kingdoms. At their head he marched confident and
resolved to conquer.
" Thus breathing death in terrible array,
The close compacted legions urge their way."*
A terrible fire of artillery, covered their approach. At length
through the black clouds of smoke, their dark battalions, were
seen, levelling with their footsteps the corn fields, as they
advanced towards the British line. These veterans advanced
op the hill with the greatest intrepidity. At the same moment,
Bonaparte dispatched instructions to every part of the line,
that the movement, which was to decide the victory in
his favour, was taking place, and commanding a simultan-
eous movement against the British line. " The whole
army resumed its vigour, and the combat was renewed
throughout the line."f The French masses came on in close
order, while the artillery from the British line threw into their
ranks the most destructive showers of grape shot. Bonaparte
harangued his Guards and told them, that by his previous at-
tacks he had destroyed the greater part of the British cavalry
and infantry, and that the artillery alone remained, which
they were to attack with the bayonet. lie led his Guards to
the rise of the hill, and told them that the path before them
was the road to Brussels. To gain it they made the most des-
perate efforts. " The French troops," said Blucher, " at this
* Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xiii. line 1 87, &c,
$ French account of the 18th.
320
moment, fought with the most desperate fury."* The fire of
the British artillery made terrible roads through their ranks,
which were instantly closed up with the greatest coolness.
They still pressed forward. They drove back the gallant Bruns-
wickers on the part of the line where they were stationed,"
and for a moment said General Alava, " the victory was un-
decided and even more than doubtful. "f Such were the appear-
ances at this point where the gallant General Alava was, and
he could at that moment see and judge of no other. The Bri-
tish line, from the furious pressure, was for a moment bent, but
not broken. Still the moment was indeed most critical. All
the toils of that bloody day appeared at stake. Victory yet
hung suspended in the mighty balance.
" From side to side the trembling balance nods,
So stood the war till Well'slei/s matchless might,
With fates prevailing tum'd the scale of fight.f
His Grace was perfectly aware of the importance of the mo-
ment. Let slip it could never return. It was a tide which if
suffered to ebb might never again flow. He threw himself in-*
to a square of Brunswick troops. " He spoke to them with that
ascendancy which every great man possesses.' ' Was their
Prince forgotten ! was his fate sufficiently avenged ! No ! " my
brave men, we must not be beat" what would they say in Bruns-
wick? Forward,
" Be firm, this arm shall make your way
Through yon square body and that black array."[j
might be the words which once more, amidst blood and death,
nerved their arms to battle. They heard they obeyed.
" He put himself at their head made them return to the
charge," # with greater fury than before.
" Revives their ardour, turns their steps from flight;
And wakes anew the dying flames of fight,
They turn, they stand."4
He arrested the torrent " he restored the combat, exposing
himself to every personal danger."-*-*- The nature of the ground
was such that to obtain a full view of the enemy there was no
* Prussian official account of the 18th
* A lava's official account. \ Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xii. verses 522 and 527.
Alava's official account. || Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xiii. line 205.
Alava's official account. \ Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book v. line 207> &e.
*- Alava's official account of the 1 8th.
881
avoiding the imminent risks which this great man ran at thi*
moment, and indeed during the whole day. Nor did he wish
to avoid danger: No! wherever that was greatest wherever
the enemy pressed fiercest wherever the troops stood most in
need of encouragement or support, there he was found. No-
thing escaped him. Who fell, who fought, and who fled,
came under his immediate observation.
" His piercing eyes through all the battle stray."
With his telescope in his hand, in the midst of every danger,
he stood and surveyed the extent of that dreadful field, with as
much calmness and self-possession, as an astronomer would
view the satellites of Jupiter. His eye beheld every thing.
While the motions of the enemy were yet in embryo he fore-
stalled them, and through the dark columns of smoke, that
concealed their advance, he anticipated every movement of the
foe. Like the genius of the storm, upborne on its wings,
he was seen riding about, repelling the attack of conflicting
elements, and directing his thunders to burst, where these
could be most fatal. Yet most fortunately he escaped unhurt.
Without armour, he traversed this dreadful field; where death,
in a thousand grim shapes, met every footstep: he,
___^__ Without " a shield,
Plies all the troops and orders all the field.
As the red star now shews his sanguine fires
Thro* the dark clouds, and now in night retires;
Tims thro' the ranks appear'd the Godlike man,
Plung'd in the rear or blazing in the van;
While streaming sparkles, restless as he flies,
Flash from his arms as light'ning from the skies.'**
Although the foreign troops acted with the greatest resolution-,
and fought with the greatest ardour; yet it was not to be ex-
pected that many of these, who, as yet, had never witnessed a
contest of this kind, could stand against the flower of the
French troops, led against them by consummate skill, and in
overwhelming numbers. Of this the Duke was well aware;
and therefore, said General de Borgo, " he took the precau-
tion to support each body of them by English infantry, all
disposed in such a manner as to be able to succour the point threat-
ened:' This rendered every thing as secure as possible, and
aved this important day. Yet all these troops conducted
# Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xl line* 8188.
022
themselves' most admirably. They were forced to yield
times to the pressure against them they suffered severely, but
still returned to the combat with cheerfulness. A battalion of
Hanoverians, under Colonel Von Oinpteda, repelled a formi-
dable column of the enemy, in one of his terrible attempts to
break through the centre. The Prince of Orange and the
Belgian troops conducted, themselves with the greatest gallan-
try, being in that part of the line which Bonaparte attacked
in person."* It was in this attack that the Prince was wounded
by a. ball in the left shoulder. The Nnssau troops also fought
bravely. The whole encouraged by the British, endeavoured
to rival their fame. It was only at tire point in the British posi-
tion we have mentioned, that fortune for a moment seemed to
beam favourably for Napoleon, but which W3S speedily clouded.
Every other part of tiie British line resisted the enemy's rage.
In some places they approached within 40 paces, and in others
20 yards, of the British artillery. But they could come no far-
ther. The fire of the artillery was so dreadful and destructive,
and the squares of the British so firm, that they turned and aban-
doned their object in terror and dismay. The first volley from
the British line made them halt the second stretched hund-
reds on the ground and the loud cheer and advance of the
British columns made them take to their heels, while the
route and extent of their columns could be traced from the
dead and wounded, and from the footsteps of blood. The
charge of the heavy cavalry was so impetuous and severe,
that these troops absolutely rolled back the French ranks to a
considerable distance, throwing men and horses, topsy tw-oy,
Terror and confusion became general in their ranks. " The
fugitives," said the enemy, " re- crossed the ravine."f Till
this moment the ranks that were laid open and swept away by
the artillery had been instantly replaced and closed up with the
greatest coolness. But the men coalddo so no longer. The bri-
gade of British artillery, attached to the 2d division, fairly
turned them when at the distance of twenty yards. The 1st
brigade of Guards, and a Dutch brigade, under Lord Saltoun,
received them with such a fir that those who escaped took to
* Hanoverian official dispatch. f French do.
523
their heels. In a few seconds 300 of them covered the ground
at this point. Before the 92d, 4-2d, and regiment of .Scots
Greys, the ground was covered with dead. The 92d, at this time
reduced to less than 200, dashed forward at the point of the
bayonet into a column of the Imperial Guards, almost ten times
their number; and followed and supported by the Greys, who
cheered thetn to the charge, with huzzas of Scotland forever,
nearly cut the whole to pieces. At this point lav 1000 dead.
In front of the Brunswick troops arose a dreadful breast-work of
carnage. The Sons of Caledonia here once more did their duty.
** The repeated charges of the old Guard," said Bluchcr,
" were baffled by the intrepidity of the Scotch regiments."*
In this attack the dead of the French Guards, without exag-
geration, lay in sections, men and horses together. From this
moment the spirit of the French soklier was fairly broken;
and afterwards, in some instances, the Officers were seen
fighting desperately unsupported by the men. Their Vive
V Emperews were silenced. Sorrow, shame, and terror,
chained their tongues. After an amazing carnage, and the
loss of almost all their cavalry, the French army were again
driven back at all points, retiring f'^ni the last rude shock
* in confusion." A shout of joy ran along the British lines at
perceiving the hist effort of their foes recoil before them. At
the same moment, said an eye witness, the sun, which through
the day, had generally been clouded, burst forth with splendour,
and shed his setting rays over those fields, as an auspicious
omen to proceed.
Thus terminated the last dreadful effort, which the enemy
had k in his power to make against the British line. While
we admire the unprecedented bravery and firmness with which
it was withstood, we at the same time cannot help feeling p. .in
and anxiety for the situation ot affairs at this moment. '.
were indeed' critical. Victory hung in the balance in such a
manner, that to all appearance a grain would have turned the
scale. Although the enemy had suffered out of all proportion,
still his vast superiority of numbers, at the outset, left Inn, yet
equal if not superior to the army under Wellington, and '.he
troops under Bulow. To ting moment also, the Prussian Gen-
* Prussian official account of the '
32*
eral had been able to make no impression on the French army
opposed to him. Besides, this his force, at the moment when
Bonaparte made his last attack, was completely separated from
Wellington. The enemy, calculating that the force under
Bulow was the whole with which the Prussians would be able
to assail him, took immediate measures not only to meet him,
but prevent his junction with the British General. Bulow knew
well, that assistance was marching from another quarter to
complete the line; and, therefore, continued to extend his
force towards the chaussee of Genappc, in the rear of the ene-
my. Bonaparte immediately threw forward some masses of
infantry upon Ter la Haye, Pappelotte, and Frischermont,
and made himself master of these places,* by which he in fact
separated the armies. This took place before the last attack,
and was effected by the movement, wherein he says he
sent " two battalions of the middle guard to keep them-
selves en potence, upon the extreme left of the allied troops
which manoeuvred upon his flank."f The advance of
Blucher, however, with the Jst corps, by the route of
Ohain, which he had not calculated upon, quickly re-opened
the communication in $9t quarter. The head of this corps
reached Ter La Haye soon after seven o'clock, and immediately
attacked and drove the enemy from these points, and com-
pletely opened the communication between the British army
and the 4th corps.t At this extremity of the allied line were
stationed the troops of Nassau, whose uniforms were so much like
those of the French that the Prussians mistook the former for
the latter, attacked them with the utmost fury, and drove them
from their post, before discovering their error. At this mo-
ment, when Bonaparte made his last attack, according to the
Austrian official report, the extraordinary loss of men had
compelled the Duke of Wellington to bring his reserves into
line, and to withdraw his artillery into the second position. ||
Things were thus, no doubt, serious, and the pressure against
the British lines most severe, at the time the enemy made the
last effort and failed in it. But immediately afterwards, the ar-
rival of Blucher in line enabled the Duke to follow a course
* Austrian official account of the Ifith.
f French do. do do. f Austrian do. do. do.
Letter of Prince Bernhard of Saxe Weimar to his father, June 1 9th, 1815.
|j Austrian official account.
325
move congenial to the feelings of his troops than acting on the
defensive.
Bonaparte with grief, beheld the field of battle covered with
the bodies of his best troops, and on the exertions of whom was
placed his firmest and his last reliance. Ney, who had witnes-
sed many murderous battles, declared that he had never witnes-
sed such a scene of carnage as the field at this moment exhibited.
The humanity of the British soldier, which is such an honoura-
ble and a conspicuous feature of his character, was completely
exhausted, not by the resistance, but by the dishonourable and
perfidious conduct of their foes. It is a fact, which has been
related to me by one who saw it, that when the French soldi-
ers were sent to the rear, in the hurry of those charges in which
they were taken, that they turned and fired upon the backs of
those whose faces they trembled to behold, and to whose hu-
manity they owed their life. They also tried very dishonour-
able means after surrendering, to effect their escape: and when
they saw danger approaching their captors, they stood sullen
meditating their escape, and refused to move, in consequence
of which many lost their lives. The British army, in place of
giving way, as Bonaparte had fondly aj^-'ipated, were prepar-
ing to act on the offensive. The fire of the French soldier was
fast drooping into darkness. To re-animate it, Bonaparte had
recourse either to a direct falsehood, or else he must have been
Grievously and culpably ignorant of his -situation. He circulat-
ed amongst the fainting troops, the news that Grouchy was, at the
moment when he began to lead on his guard, overwhelming the
Prussian rear. At seven in the evening," said Ney, " after the
most dreadful carnage I ever witnessed, General Labodeyere
came to me with a message from the Emperor, that Marshal
Grouchy had arrived on our right, and was attacking the left
of the united English and Prussian army."* This General
(Labodeyere) continued he, circulated this intelligence to ani-
mate the troops. This was a manoeuvre purely in the tactique
of Napoleon, and was certainly circulated purely for the pur-
pose of deception; for it is hardly credible that Bonaparte could
really be ignorant of what troops these were, which were ad-
vancing against his " extreme right"
JS T ey's letter to Fouche, 26th June.
3?6
More than eight hours had now passed, filled up by incessant
attacks and continual slaughter.
"yet still proceeds
The work of death; and still the battle bleeds." *
Of those who were by the side of the Duke of Wellington, on-
ly himself and General Alava escaped unhurt id their persons,
or in their horses.f Around him, and before every footstep,
the brave companions of his former glory strewed the ensan-
guined field. The manlv heart of Wellington could no longer
support the melancholy scene. He burst into tears tears
moulded by die finest feelings of a gallant heart. " The
Duke," said General Alava, " was unable to refrain from shed-
ding tears, on witnessing the death of so many brave and hon-
ourable men, and the loss of so many friends and faithful com-
panion?."! It was at this important and decisive moment that
the veteran Blucher joined with a corps of his army by Oliain,
and that the march of General Bulow by Frischermont upon
Planchenoit and la Belle Alliance had begun to take effect.
The whole of the 4th, and part of the td Prussian corps, the
latter under General Pvich, had successively come up, attack-
ing as they arrived w#- the greatest impetuosity. It was this
force which Ney says attacked " the extreme right:" and,
according to him, was from 40 to 50,000 strong. They were
certainly the former. Bonaparte's account of these operations arc
very curious, very deficient, and very lame; and while they con-
tain some important truths, these are so clouded and blended with
falsehoods, that it requires some patience and attention to separate
them. As the cuirassiers suifered much from the grape shot, 853, &c.
+ Alava's official dispatch, June 20th. f Do. do.
327
battle, which formed the position for " retreat." " In this si-
tuation," continued he, " the battie was gained; we occupied
all the positions which the enemy occupied at the outset of the
battle; our cavalry having been too soon and too ill employed,
we could no longer hope for decisive success/' but " Marshal
Grouchy having learned the movement of the Prussian corps,
marched upon the rear of that corps, which insured us a signal
success for next day. After eight hours fire and charges of in-^
fantry and cavalry, all the army saw with joy the battle gained,
and, the field of battle in our power."* He then proceeds to
state, that at half past eight o'clock these battalions endeavoured
to take a battery at the point of the bayonet, but in which they
were unsuccessful, and compelled to return in disorder, before
the charge of the English cavalry, at the end of the day. Such
is the lame and deceitful account of those tremendous opera-
tions, which decided the battle of Waterloo, and fate of Napo-
leon. Unparalleled effrontery ! to claim a decisive victory, and
the occupation of all the field of battle, when, except La Haye
Sainte, he occupied none of it. Wretched subterfuge! to look
forward to decisive success for next day, in order to palliate the
i'atal errors of a remorseless ambition iu^his. Decisive success
was no longer within his grasp, neither for that day nor the
day following. No! that was fled to a greater distance from
him than the narrow limits of Elba, or the more distant bor-
ders of Asia.
Hie hour of the deliverance of Europe was struck. The
limits of French power, and the doom of French aggression
was determined. It was a dreadful hour. Even the firm
nerves of Napoleon began to shake his resolution to waver.
4 Some uncertainty," said Blucher, " was seen in his move-
ments.'^ Hitherto the British army and their allies had act-
ed on the defensive. From this moment, another course was
resolved upon. Though only one to two, they had, for eight
hours, resisted all the efforts of the enemy; but could his boast-
ed battalions, tor one hour, resist them? The sequel will shew
us. He opened, indeed, a tremendous cannonade along the
line; but this was only intended as a feint to cover his retreat.
* French official account of the battle of the 18th. f Prussian dcr.
32S
Some cannon at a distance, it was observed, were beginning tf>
move off' to the rear. These things could not escape the keen
glance of Wellington. He soon perceived this uncertainty in
the movements of the enemy he knew their cause, and was sen-
sible of their object. He perceived that the enemy's troops retired
from the last attack " in great confusion."* That critical moment,
big with the fate of nations, and which decided the fortune of
millions, was arrived. "Wellington beheld with satisfaction the
firm and determined advance of the Prussians against the right
of the enemy. Their cannon formed one tremendous roar,
from Ter la Have to Planchenoit. " There goes old Blucher at
last, and like himself," exclaimed the delighted General. With
the eye of the eagle when in search of his prey, he perceived that
decisive victory was his. He saw Napoleon's laurels withering
upon his brows. With his characteristic decision and energy,
he seized that fortunate moment. That decision which de-
stroyed the wisest combinations at Salamanca which scatter-
ed French invincibility on the banks of the Zadora; and which
was the first to plant the British banners on those " proud
heights" which overlooked the " fertile vallies" of their foes, was
immediately called i//to action with a tremendous and a decis-
ive success. The spirit of the British soldier, which strict o-
bedience had hitherto restrained those ranks which, as their
great leader passed through them, in the hour of peril, greet-
ed him with this noble language " on the spot where you have
placed us we will stand till we die''f that courage which the as-
cendancy and superior prudence of their mighty commander
could barely at some moments restrain and whose blood was
warmed with an ardour which nothing could resist, was from this
moment let loose uncontroled, and given its full latitude. Obe-
dience was as prompt, as the command was decided. The eager
solicitation which greeted his Lordship's ears wherever he ap-
peared, " Let us at them, my Lord, let us down upon them," now
was completely gratified. Their leader put himself at the head
of a division of the first regiment of foot guards. He addressed
them with an ascendency and feeling which quickly communi-
cated itself to them. He pointed out to them the r*oad to im-
Wellington's dispatch, June 19th.
f Sir Colin Halkct's reply to his Grace.
989
mortal glory, and to decisive success* " Have at them the:?*
my brave men! Down upon them!" While, like Mcctor, he
perhaps also told them,
' Death is, at worst, a fate which all rr.ast try ;
And for our country 'tis a bless to die.
The gallant man, though slain in fight he b'\
Yet leaves his nation sate, his children free."*
"They replied," said Alava, "with a general hurrah! and
while his Grace himself led them on, guiding them tpitk his hat,
they marched at the point of the bayonet, to come to close ac-
tion with the Imperial guard."f But these fled from the fierce
onset. At the same moment, the whole British line was com-
manded to advance. Though after nine hours of the severest
fto-hting ever known, the allied soldiers rushed like lions to the
combat. The attack vvas simultaneous, tremendous, and irresist-
ible. At every point their line swept the field of battle.
" Heaps fall on heap?, the slaughter" WcWsley " leads.
Swift as a whirlwind drives the scatter'd foes,
And dyes the ground with purple as he goes."t
The bravest of their foes fell before them in ranks. They march*
ed over hills of dead, and through rivers of blood. The artillery
rapidly followed their career. In bringing the guns up to the
front/notwithstanding every care and attention, many wounded
were crushed by the wheels, while others were seen holding out
their hands, and supplicating that they might not be suffered to
run over them. But so thickly was the field covered with
wounded, that, in every instance, it was impossible to avoid it.
Infinitely worse was the condition of many of the French
wounded, who were crushed to death both in the general con-
fusion and flight of their whole remaining army over them, and
also by the advance of the ailiesT Fear aud flight, pressed the
French army. Their numerous artillery poured forth de-
struction no* longer their boasted armour could screen the
cuirassiers no more. The former became the prize of the
conquerors, in the batteries where they stood; and the latter
were precipitated headlong from their horses and trampled to
death. " We crushed them like lobsters in their shells," was
the rough, but just, simile of an eye witness to this dreadful
* Tope's Homer. Iliad, Book xv. line 582, &c.
- AWs official dispatch. * Pop*'* Hosier. Iliad, Book v. litt OS, 4*
IT ll
scene. The French troops were literally thrown backward,
heels o'er head ; rank upon rank, and column upon column,
" Whole squadrons vanish, and proud heads lie low.
The steeds fly, trembling, from his waving sword;
And many a car, now lighted of its Lord,
"Wide o'er the field with gufdless fury rolls,
Ureaking their ranks, and crushing out their souls."*
The French soldiers could be brought to face the British heroes
fto more. They fled in the " utmost confusion"\ said the Brit-
ish General. " Entire columns-," said General Alava, " threw
down their arms and cartouch boxes, in order to escape the
better," and " abandoned on the spot where they had been
formed, 150 pieces of cannon, and all their ammunition and
equipages to the conquerors."^: So impetuous and furious was
this attack, that all idea of quarter, on either side, was, for some
time, out of the question. The contest thus became a perfect
massacre. The French Guard refused to yield, though called
upon to do so, and were, therefore, nearly exterminated. The
few who escaped fled to the rear, carrying with them disorder
and confusion. At the same moment, the Prussian corps under
Zeithen, with which rvld. Rincher was, charged the right flank
of the enemy near the village of Smouhen. His right wing was
broken in three place3. The Prussian troops rushed forward
at the 2 XIS dc charge, and attacked them at all points with irre-
sistible fury. The battle at this point also, was, for a considera-
ble time, most furious and most sanguinary. Officers of all
ranks exposed themselves like the meanest soldier. Gneisenau,
the chief of Blucher's staff, had first one horse killed by a can-
non ballj-aiKl then another twice wounded by musquet balls.
His sabre was once beat out of the scabbard, and once shot
to pieces. Previous* to the engagement, Bonaparte had car-
ried along with him a former of the name of Lacoste, as a
guide, to point out to him the country. This man relates, that
when Bonaparte saw the Prussian troops advancing, and sup-
posing them to be the troops of Grouchy, he desired an officer
to inform him whose colours these were that advanced towards
the right? " Prussian," was the reply. It struck him like the
* Pope's Homer. Iliad, book xi, line 20G, &c.
f Wellington's dispatch, June 19th. J Alava : s dispatch.-
331
head of Medusa. A deathlike paleness, for a moment, over-
spread his countenance, and anguish rung his heart. This attack
of the Prussians was never mentioned by Bonaparte. He felt
sore at having committed himself 60 far as to place his army in
such a situation. Let us, for a moment, attend to his account
of these matters. We have already noticed his account of
three battalions of die middle guard, at half past eight o'clock,
attempting to carry an English battery at the point of the bay-
onet. The consequence of which attempt was, " that, at the
close of the day, a charge, directed against their flank, by some
English squadrons, put-them in disorder. The fugitives re-
crossed the ravine."* But not a word of the Prussians. How-
ever, these had broken his right wing at Smouhcn; and Bulow
was fiercely contending for possession of Planchenoit, in his rear.
The British poured destruction into hiscentre and his left. Con-
fusion marched with giant strides. < Several regiments near at
hand," said he, " seeing some troops belonging to the guard in
confusion, believed that it was the old guard, and, in conse-
quence, fled in disorder. The cry, all islost, the guard is driven
back, was heard on every side/'f In vain Bonaparte made a
strong effort, by bringing up some battalions of the old guard,
which had not yet been engaged, to arrest the flight of the fugi-
tives. It was useless. Intimidated by the confusion around
them, overpowered by the recoiling friend and advancing loe,
they soon yielded to the alarming torrent. It was at this point
where, for some time, it was supposed that the Emperor had been
either killed or taken. But he was borne along with the rest.
Without disguise without hope.
There Gallia's soldiers turn their backs for flight;
There Gallia's leader shuns th' unequal fight.
On this skle all order was last. All commands disregarded.
Emperor, Princes, Generals, Officers and soldiers fled in
dismay, and in the utmost alarm and terror. The soldiers of
the waggon train cut the traces of their horses the artillery-
men fled from their guns the officers of the highest rank were
hurried away, and lost in the crowd; and not a single battal-
ion existed, behind which another could rally. In less than hall
an hour, all the materiel of the army fell into the hands ot the
French official account of the battle of the 18th. t ><> do.
332
allies. The enemy learned at this moment, by fatal experience,
that the cavalry had been too soon and too ill employed. As
these had previously been in a great measure destroyed, so the
enemy had nothing to cover the retreat of his unfortunate ar-
my. That if these troops had been less exposed, the retreat
would have been less fatal can scarcely admit of a doubt.
It was this want which now rendered defeat ruin. Still the
means of retreat, though certain to be disastrous, was not yet
.entirely cut off. The enemy still held the village of Planchen
oit in his rear, with a part of the old guard in reserve. A-
cainst them the Prussians advanced. The ground for the at-
tack, on the part of the latter, was extremely favourable. It rose
like an amphitheatre, so that the artillery could open from the
summit of a great many heights, which rose gradually above
each other. In the intervals formed by these, " the troops de-
scended into the plain, and formed into brigades in the great-
est order, while fresh corps continually unfolded themselves, is-
suing from the forest on the height behind them."* Under
these circumstances, the Prussians advanced against the old
guard stationed at Planchenoit This determined band, how-
ever, stood firm to the last. After several bloody attacks, the
place was at length carried by storm. The slaughter was
dreadful- The Prussians were so exasperated, that they nei-
ther gave nor sought quarter. The enemy had kindled this ani-
mosity, and he now felt its bitter consequences. At Planchenoit
none escaped. " The old guard" said the enemy, " which was
in reserve, was attacked and completely cut up."f From that
moment, the cry of, AH is lost, spread from mouth to mouth
throughout the whole French army. It was " a cry of dismay"
more bitter than that which resounded round the fatal banks of
the Elster a shriek of despair mare freezing than that which
echoed along the bleak bosom of the Berezina. The nerves of
the bravest tremble to contemplate the scene which occasion-
ed it the ears of the most thoughtless think they hear the
piercing echo. From that fatal moment, the route was general
and complete. The road soon became choked with fugitives,
equipages, and cannon. The commanders of all ranks were
separated from their corps, and hurried along with the multi-
* Prussian official account of the battle of the 18 th. f French do.
333
uulc. In vain Bonaparte at this dreadful hour still attempted to
collect some battalions of the old and young guard, which had
been least engaged, and with them endeavoured to arrest the tor-
rent; terrified at the scene around them, and pulverised by the
cannon, they were overthrown in a moment. They were borne
along with the rest, and carried the Emperor with them. The
French army fled in such haste, that it hurried away in its
route every thing which attempted to arrest its -progress. It
soon assumed," said Blucher, the appearance of an army of
barbarians."* Cavalry, infantry, and artillery, rushed V ele
mele upon each other, and became blended in one mass of con-
fusion. The dragoons rode over the foot soldiers, and tramp-
led them to death. At the same moment the cavalry and in-
fantry of the allies were close at their heels, and marked their
footsteps with blood.
" Now by the foot the flying foot were slain;
Horse trodc by horse lay foaming on the plain."!
" A complete panic," said the enemy, spread itself through-
out the whole field of battle; and they threw themselves in the
greatest disorder, on the line of communication: soldiers, can-
noniers, caissons, all hurried to this point."! It was in vain to
attempt to draw order from this confusion no orders were
listened to no commands were obeyed. Soldiers of all
arms," said the enemy, "were mixed vele mcle s and it was ut-
terly impossible to form a single corps." It was half past
nine o'clock. The British army continued the pursuit over
indiscribable scenes of blood and ruin.
" Loud o'er the rout was heard the victors cry,
Where the war bleeds, and where the thickest die;
Where horse and arms, and chariots, lie o'crthrown,
And bleeding heroes under axles groan.' "jj
For five miles, which they followed the flying enemy, the route-
was covered by Frenchmen only. At the farm house of la
Belle Alliance, the slaughter was prodigious. The French
made a battery of the garden wall, by making holes through it.
All the trees in the orchard were stripped by the bullets. Every
house, and every hole, was found full of dead and dying French-
Prussian official account. f Pope', Mouier. Iliad, Book li line 130, &c.
J French official account. $ Do. do.
!i Pope's Homer. Iliad, Look xvi line 451, &c.
3U
men. How dreadful the terror must have been at this point,
may be collected from the following fact. In one well were
found the bodies of eight French soldiers of the Imperial guard,
with their armour. In another well were found 73 bodies.
The Duke of Wellington, with the army under his command,
pursued the enemy to Genappe, near which he met Blucher.
On the royal road to Charleroy, they cordially embraced and
congratulated each other upon their glorious and decisive suc-
cess. The meeting was most affecting. From this point the
Prussian General undertook the future pursuit of the routed
enemy. " He swore," said Alava, " that he would not leave
them a moment of rest;"* and he kept his word most punc-
tually. The British General readily accepted this offer.
His troops were faint with hunger, and wearied above
measure, after the fatigues of a combat of nearly twelve
hours duration, and severer than any ever recorded in the
annals of Europe. This army was, therefore, ordered to
halt; and the Prussian army, comparatively speaking fresh,
continued the pursuit during the night without the smallest
relaxation. Before halting, the British columns gave the
flying enemy three hearty cheers. If any thing had been
wanting to raise the spirit of the Wellington ian band, or to
exalt the glory of Britain at this important moment, it was
found in the conduct of the Prussians. In the pursuit when
they came in contact with the columns of Wellington, they
made way for them to take the lead and when the British halted
for the night, the Prussians, as they passed their bivouacks, stop-
ped for a moment and played " God save the King." What a
moment! Since Trafalgar; Britons never stood so high, and
never did they so Well deserve it. It was now near midnight.
At this dread hour, " when silent ghosts complain ;" Blucher
assembled the superior Officers, and gave orders " to send
the last horse and the last man in pursuit of the enemy."f
These orders were punctually and cheerfully obeyed. They
followed with the speed of lightning their routed and flying
enemy.
" While these fly trembling, others pant for breath,
And o'er the slaughter stalks gigantic Death,
Afava's dispatch. f Prussian official account of the 1 8tfi.
$35
On rush'd bold" Blucher, " gloomy as the night,'
Forbids to plunder, animates the fight,
Points to the "foe." for by the Gods who flies;
Who dares but linger, by this hand he dies;
Who stops to plunder, in this signal hour,
The birds shall tear him, and the dogs devour."*
t; The van of the Prussian army accelerated its march."f
Bulow was foremost with a body of 12,000 cavalry. "The
French army," said the Prussian General, " pursued without
intermission, was absolutely disorganized ."% The allies taking
advantage of this dreadful confusion, attacked with their caval-
ry and heightened the disorder.
. 1 " The coursers scour the fields,
O'er heaps of carcases, and hills of shields,
The horses hoofs are bath'd in heroes gore."
The shades of night doubled the confusion. " It was impossi-
ble," said the enemy, " to rally the troops and to point out to
them their error." |1 Even the squadrons " of service" by the
side of the Emperor, were completely cut up, " and'destroyed
by an overwhelming force; and there was nothing left but to
follow the torrent."* The Emperor seeing all was lost fled
from the scene of carnage and confusion, with a few attend-
ants. About ten o'clock he extricated himself from the crowd
where the danger was greatest, and after a narrow escape he
continued his flight to Genappe. He thought no more on
* signal success for the next day," not even on retreat no
more on his unfortunate army. His personal safety was all his
care: and that, as we shall presently see, he barely effected.
While the British army snatched some refreshment and a
few hours repose, after their unparalleled exertions and hard-
ships, amidst those ghastly fields of blood, pain, and death; the
Prussians continued to pursue their scattered foes, with the
most unwearied perseverance. The weather had cleared up.
The night was beautiful and serene. The moon shone bright
through the clear mid-summer sky, and directed their footsteps
through indescribable scenes of horror and death. Nature seem-
ed to conspire for the destruction of the enemy. The moon lent
her beams, The stars in their courses fought against" Napo-
* Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book x v. line 592, &c. t Prussian official account
| Do. do. do Pope's Homer. Iliad. Book xi. line 657, &i\
|| French official account, * Ho. do.
33W
icon. The situation of the French army was indeed become de-
plorable. No words can paint their distress. From this moment
their situation disarms all resentment and awakens only pity.
Their menacing aspect was gone. Their glory was set in blood.
Their haughtiness was laid low and their ferocity in their
temporary success now filled their minds with sorrow and alarm.
On all hands the roads, the fields, the woods, the streams, were
covered with dead and dying Frenchmen. The Officers that
escaped, stated that the horrors they experienced in their Sight
from Moscow, were far unequal to those which surrounded
and accompanied them from Waterloo to the Sambre. In
vain they attempted to snatch a moments repose. They were
driven from " nine bivouacks"* at the point of the sword. In
vain they attempted to defend themselves in the villages or
isolated houses. They were immediately driven from their
defences, cut down, or made prisoners;! and hundreds were
consumed in the flames of the houses set on fire in these con-
flicts. Not only on the high road, but for 100 feet in breadth
on each side of it, paths were made where every thing was beat
down and covered with dead and wounded. The road was in
many places blocked up by artillery, and the military waggons
endeavouring to escape, were in some places driven \6 a-
breast, on the causeway. In Genappe, a small town upon the
Dyle, 5 or 6 miles from the field of battle, there was nothing
but a scene of the utmost confusion. The fugitives here hoped
to snatch a few moments repose for their wounded spirits, and
to obtain a little food to recruit their exhausted strength -idle
hope. They here endeavoured to entrench themselves with
overturned carriages and cannon. But the roar of the Prussian
artillery roused them from their dream of security. The foe
advanced with the rapidity of a tempest. From behind these
barriers the French soldiers opened a brisk fire upon their pur-
suers. The place was almost immediately taken by storm.
The Prussians entered, and a dreadful slaughter ensued. The
French soldiers ceased to make resistance they suffered them-
selves to be cut down like cattle. On this spot 800 lay dead.
General Duhesme, who commanded their rear guard, was knock-
ed down and taken, at the gate of an inn by a Brunswick hus-
Prussian official account of the battle of the I8th, f Do, do, do,
337
&f, " The Duke fell yesterday, and thou shalt bite the dust/'
ing, the black hussar brought him down. But he escaped
With his life. The fury of the Brunswickers no longer knew
any bounds. The enemy, who could effect it, fled from the
spot, leaving every tiling they had. From this point the flight
if possible became more disorderly than ever. Arms, knap-
sacks, every thing was thrown away. Here Bonaparte escaped
with great diinculty. The waggons and baggage were so close-
ly wedged together that it took an hour and a half tor Bona-
parte and about 150 of his staff to get through them. So close
were his pursuers, that, in escaping from his carriage, he was
obliged to defend himself with his pistols; and scarcely had he
quitted iiis seat, when the vehicle, with eight cream-coloured
horses which drew it, fell into the hands of the victors. So great
was his haste to escape, that in it he left his hat, his sword, his
magnificent embroidered State mantle, (intended, no doubt, to
crown the " transmigration" of his " system" into other coun*
tries) and the perspective glass, with which he surveyed the
battle, all of which fell into the hands of Blucher himself.*
His seal ring, all his jewels and equipage fell into the hands of
the Prussian soldiers. All the orders with which he had been
invested, and those which he usually wore, were also taken;
amongst which was the Prussian order of the Black Eagle, with
the motto, " every man his own," and which the issue of this day
bid fair to confer on many. His baggage, many fine Ara-
bian horses, his library, were also taken; and along with these
whole bales of revolutionary proclamations, addressed to the
Belgians, ready dated on the 19th, from the Palace of Laecken,
where he expected to have been in triumph on that day.
Mounted on horseback he left Genappe, and with his followers
proceeded in the utmost haste to the frontiers. Notwithstand-
ing the darkness of the night, he was i'requently recognized by
the soldiers, who knew him from his pye- ba Id horse, his grey
great-coat, and who whispered to each other as he passed them,
" Look ! There is the Emperor." Even these words seemed to a-
alarm him, and he accordingly quickened his pace to get forward.
From Genappe the Prussians continued to pursue the wrecks
of his wretched army. It was continued till the next day was far
# Blucher's letter, June 20th, 1315.
advanced, the whole march " being but one continued (
cither in the corn fields or the houses."* The whole period
was employed by the Prussian* only in firing and cutting them
down, for no serious resistance could be attempted. At every
footstep, cannon, equipages, arms, and accoutrements, fell into
their hands. Before day light 60 pieces of cannon foil into
the hands of the Prussians, " The causeway," said Blucher,
" presented the appearance of ail immense shipwreck; it was
covered with an innumerable quantity of cannon, caissons,
carriages, baggage, arms, and wreck of every kind."f Fear-
fid indeed wis the havoc and ruin which overspread those
fatal fields. It was the shipwreck of Napoleon. M The route,"
said General Alava, " was the nwsfc complete ever beheld by
military men. The famous route of Vittoria was not even com-
parable to it.":}: There indeed only one gun was saved, but most
of the army escaped. Here not only the artillery, but nearly the
whole army was lost. " The park of reserve, all the baggage
which had passed the Sambre, in short, every thing," said
the enemy, M in the field of battle remained in the power of*
the allies," About 40,000 men partly without arms, and
carrying with them only 27 pieces of their numerous artillery,
die remains- of the whole army, and that in complete disorder,
passed through Charleroy on the forenoon of the 1 9th. [| About
five in the morning Bonaparte, with about 50 companions,
passed the Sambre at this place. Here he took some refresh-
ment, the first for twenty -four hours. The Prussians advanced
with unremitting ardour. The French army fled before them
with increasing confusion. When they tame to Charleroy the
crowd upon* the bridge became so great that Bonaparte placed a
company with fixed bayonets upon it in order to stop the fugitives.
The attempt was vain. These troops were overpowered, and then
it was impossible to stop the torrent. The Prussians found &
cannon and 100 caissons, abandoned by the enemy, in this place.
Twenty-seven pieces only passed the bridge, and of these 6
pieces more were left between Charleroy and Sobre-le- Chateau. :>
At Charleroy, Bonaparte left the direction of his remaining
Prussian official account. f Do. do. do."
f Alava'* official account. Frencli do. |J Prussian do.
x Zeithen's dispatcb, Beaumont, June L'Otb.
339
alt; and getting into a carriage -set out for Paris,
taking the road by Rheims and Soissons. At 11 a. m. on the
19th,"he passed through Gerpemies, melancholy and disconcert-
ed, said the peasants, at whom he inquired the nearest road to
PbitippeviUe. At Philippeville the sentries refused him admit-
tance till recognized by the governor. Part of the fugitives
bent their footsteps to this place. This alarmed him least i'
should draw the allies also. Messengers were sent to spread
alarm among the runaways these called out Save yourselves,
the Cossacks! the Cossacks! It required no more the fugi-
tives were oil" in a moment. The Emperor passed ltocroy in
the night. At one P. M. on the 20th, lie passed through
Rheims, in a carriage, absdntchj shut up, followed by another in
winch was four General Officers, one of whom was supposed to
be Labodeyere. At Beaumont all fled upon the advance of the
Prussians.' The soldiers thought they had been betrayed, and,
therefore, dispersed; each seeking his own home* So com-
plete was the dispersion and destruction of tins army, that, ac-
cording to accounts produced to the Chamber of Representa-
tives at Paris, by the time it reached Avesnes,only 20,000 men
could be rallied; Ney, however, gives a still more deplorable
account; for he says, that at Mesne* it was impossible to rally
n single soldier."f His account of the flight places the disorgan-
ization of the remnant left, in the strongest and most disastrous
point of view; and shews that never was any army so completely
overthrown. Ney had all his horses killed, and was covered
with contusions, lie owed his Hfe to a corporal of the Guard,
who supported and never forsook him. I arrived," said that
Officer, " at Marchiennes-au-Pont, at 4 a. m. on the 19th,
without O^m-igorant of the fete of the Emperor, whom
some time before the termination ot the battle, 1 supposed to
be either killed or taken."* Be tihen went to Charkroy-next
to Avsnes, but still no accounts of the Emperor. Lastly, he
set out for Paris, in order to lay the situation of affairs before the
Minister f War; and only when within three leagues ot the
capital, he learned that the Emperor passed in the same Erec-
tion and upon the same errand a few hours before him. Noth
Zeitlien's dispntih, Beaumont, June 20*.
j Ney's letter, June 2fith. t 1)o - do *
ing could bhew defeat and confusion in a stronger light thai*
this flight, and the ignorance of each others motions which
reigned amongst the General Officers, " Philippcville and
Avesncs," said the enemy, " have been given out as the point
of re-union;" and there lie stated that Prince Jerome and
General Morant had rallied a part of the army.* It is remark-
able that he takes no notice of any other Officer, no not even of
Soult. Grouchy, however, gives a different account, concerning
a place being appointed for re-union. In his dispatch of the
20th June, wrote from Dinant, he stated, that he was then at a
loss how to act, as the Officer who had brought to him from,
the Emperor, the accounts of the loss of the battle of Waterloo,
" informed me," said he, " that your Majesty was retreating
on the Sambre, without being able to indicate any particular
point on which I should direct my march, 1 * It now time
to return to his operations.
Early in the morning of the 19th, Grouch}' was attacked
in the position in which we left him; but, after a severe
struggle, he succeeded in compelling Thielman to abandon
Wavre and the mill of Bielge, and to fall back upon the
rest of the army. Grouchy continued at the same time to
advance: and, as he himself informs us, was " in front of
Rosierne, ready to march upon Brussels, when he received the
sad accounts of the loss of the battle of Waterloo*" He then
found himself in a truly perilous situation; but after much
difficulty, and a considerable loss, he succeeded in effecting his
escape from Wavre to Namur. Here he was attacked by the
Prussians; and, after a bloody conflict, compelled to abandon the
place, and make the best of his way to Dinant. He states
that in this attack the Prussians lost " several thousands of men,
as the contest was very severe." His own loss could not have
been less than theirs, and has been stated at 5000 men, around
this place. Besides these, the loss on the attacks on Wavre
must have been very considerable; for he complains of the " em-
barassment on his march arising from the numerous transports
ofzi-oundcd ; "f and which, to save them, compelled him to hold
the town of Namur for a considerable time, the defence of
which he entrusted to Vandamme. That Grouchy was hard
v Frcnrb p/BciaJ accounJ. f Groucby's dispatch.
341
pressed, and must have suffered severely, is very evident; as, uu-
d'er these circumstances, he confesses that he had not the means
nor the time necessary tor blowing up the bridge at that place.
The combat at and round Namur was in reality very bloody.
The action began at 5 p. >i. The French manned the walls
and made an obstinate resistance, but they were finally obliged
to abandon them. The Prussians then entered the city, and the
combat was maintained in the streets; but at length the French
were compelled to fly. Grouchy, Vandamme, and Pajol, were
with this force. The loss was severe, the country around was
covered with killed and wounded. Previous to this a division
of 8000 men of Grouchy's army had been attacked and dis-
persed, the German accounts stating its loss at 5000 men.
It is to be regretted that we have not a regular account of
these affairs, which were certainly very serious. All we at
present know from official authority, except that of Grouchy,
is that the fighting on this side continued very severe during
the whole of the 18th, 19th, and most of the 20th. The loss
must consequently have been very great. Grouchy certainly
took with him in advance from 35 to 40,000 men, and brought
back only 25,000.
Such were the results of a day, characterised by the enemy
as " so glorious to the French arms, and yet so fatal."* A day
which, in the language of Ney, " had no example in their mi-
litary annals;" and wherein, while tracing the causes which led
to it, " he dreaded almost as much to discover the truth as to re-
main in ignorance of it."f Such is a feeble outline of the gigantic
combat of Waterloo, and its more immediate consequences.
Such was a battle wherein every movement and attack made in
it, was equal in importance, and in severity, to those which had
formerly decided the fate of kingdoms. Considering every cir-
cumstance, it wasertainly the bloodiest in modern times. The
most important and most decisive it unquestionably was. The
Joss on both sides was not short of 130,000 men. Bluchor, who
is a very short, but a very accurate calculator, tells us, that on
the 18th, the French army at Waterloo was above 130,000, of
which only 40,000 escaped, thus leaving a loss of above 90,000
men, at Waterloo alone. The killed and wounded, all ac-
# French official accQuuK f Ncy>s letter to Fouchc, June U
342
counts agree, exceeded 60,000; but how many beyond thi-
number it is difficult to determine, as the prisoners are vari-
ously estimated at from 15 to 80,000, many of whom besides
were wounded. Baron de Capellan, the governor of Brussels,
in an official proclamation, stated the number of prisoners
known on the 19th, to be from 12 to 14,000, but many more
were perhaps taken and sent to other places. It is, however,
the only official authority which I have seen that specifies any
particular number. To the above we must add the loss sustain-
ed by Grouchy, which, at the very lowest account, must have
been 9000, if not nearly double; and, with the lesser number,
we have a total loss of 104,000 men, on the part of France, in
consequence of the battle of Waterloo. The loss of the allies
was also great. It was " immense" said Wellington it " was
horrid" said Alava. It was " extraordinary" said the Aus-
trian account. The British and Hanoverian (in British
pay) loss was nearly 11,000. The Dutch, Belgians, and the
troops of Brunswick and Nassau, was certainly not less than
10,000; but as their returns, which I have seen, include the
total loss on both the J 6th and 18th together, I cannot separate
them exactly. The Dutch and Belgian loss, by their official
dispatches, was 4136. The Nassau loss was 2800.* The
Brunswick loss I have not been able to ascertain correct! v. In
an account of the life of the Duke, lately published in Germany,
it is said that their loss, on the 16th alone, amounted to 3000
men. If so, their total loss could not be less than 4 or 5000. But
take it at 3000. The loss of the Hanoverians was also severe, but
uncertain. " These two days," said General Alten in his official
dispatch, June 20th, to the Government of Hanover, " have in-
deed cost us much, the greatest part of our most distinguished
Officers have fallen." Of the real loss, however, I can obtain no
accounts, but if we are to judge of its proportion from their total
strength; and from the sum bestowed by the Waterloo fund
for their relief, 4 or 5000 is perhaps within the mark.
The loss of the Prussians also on this day must have exceeded
12,000 men. The returns are given en masse for both days;
but we cannot err far when we know that Bulow's corps, which
nad not been previously engaged, lost above 6400 men; and
Prince Bcrnhard of Saxe Wiema^ official letter, June 1 9tb
343
and Thieiman's, which suffered little on the lGth, lost above
1700. The total loss of all the allies, on this bloody day, was
certainly not less than 30,000* killed and wounded. The total
Prussian loss stands as under, viz.
1 st corps, from 1 <>th June to 2d July, 265 officers 1 4,1 G2 rank and file.
oddo do. 23d June 186 7,703
id do. . do. 3d July Ift -1,722
4th do. do. 23d June 176 6.438
Grand total, 55,025
And which loss, separated, stood as follows, viz.
Killed. Wound. {Uturn. missing
1st corps (engaged at Ligny) 2,156 5,522 6,404
ia do do. St Amand) 1,509 4,160 2,254
5d do. (Thielman, at Wavre) 850 2,743 1,129
4th do. (Bulow at Waterloo) 1,155 4,109 1,174
5,470 16,534 10,991
The reader has only to cast his eye over the preceding details,
and from the places where engaged he may perceive what the
carnage was where the Prussians met their foes; for there can
be little doubt, but that nearly all those returned missing were
killed and wounded, on the 16th, though many of the latter
were taken. Let us now put the total loss on both sides, dur-
ing these dreadful days, into one general table.
FRENCH LOSS.
0n l6th , ~ 21,000
On 18th, at Waterloo 9o,ow
Do. do. Grouchy, say only > 9 ' 125) ooot
ALLIED LOSS.
BAi* ~ ~~ "*
II;u)overians in British pay ~~ ~ -" 2,800
Dutch and Belgian ~ 4 > 200
x . ,_ t 2.800
Hanoverians, say ~* * 4,00
-Brunswick, say < 5 '
Prussian g> ^
Grand total,- 186,000! !t
Austrian official report Heidelberg, June 21st, says generally, that exclave of
the loss of the Prussians on the 1 8th, the total loss of all the allies - may amount u>
DO 000 killed and wounded." The reader will see, when the Prusstan loss, and those
returned missing on the 1 6th, are added, that the number corresponds very nearly.
+ Living Grouchy 25,000, and main army 40,000, as Grouchy and Blucher
both state. The French account lately published at Paris, admits that their army at
Waterloo, exclusive of Grouchy, was 120,000 strong. The author says they ad
20,000 dead, but adds in a true French way of reckoning, that the loss of the affie.
f meaning under Wellington) ^as also 20,000. True, but not all dead.
3U
Of these, the utmost number taken prisoners could scarce!
eeed 30,000: and, besides, many of these were wounded. Such
a sum of human destruction, within such narrow limits, and hi
such a short period, is altogether unprecedented and unknown.
The reader will see, from the authorities which I have taken
for my guide, that I have not exceeded; and when he thus
perceives brought into a short compass before him, this enor-
mous sum of destruction, he will from that moment cease to
wonder that the hurricane of Waterloo, proved the shipwreck
f Napoleon.
Even the carnage of Borodino that of Lcipsic, and the
banks of the Elster, where armies were immolated, hide their
heads before the bloody banks of the Ligny, the carnage covered
fields qfQuaire Bras, and the gory plains of Waterloo. The
prospect which the latter afforded on the following morning
beggars all description. No words no language I can use is
equal to describe even a tenth part of its horrors. Imagination
itself is lost amidst the melancholy scene. About 4-0,000 dead,
all of whom had been stripped naked, and perhaps the same num-
ber of wounded, whom, as yet, it had been impossible to remove,
lay crowded into a narrow space. Near 25,000 horses, dead or
wounded, lay mixed with their former riders, and increased the
horrors of the scene. It was not so much the ghastly wounds
which had deprived them of life, which disfigured their mang-
led remains. But these had been farther trampled by the cav-
alry, crushed by the artiilery, and torn to pieces by the contin-
ued showers of bullets which the latter vomited forth over these
positions. The number of dead upon the field of battle, said
an eye witness, could not be numbered. It presented, on the
morning of the 19th, said one who saw it, a spectacle like a vast-
army asleep. According to the most accurate accounts which
can be procured, the total number burnt or buried on these
fatal fields, amounted to 40,000. The official accounts publish-
ed at Berlin, expressly state that the number of French dead
on the field of battle, en the 18th, was 25,000:* and from ail
the oincial dispatches, it appears that the number wounded was
three to one; of whom, however, a great number certainly di-
*d. Of 40,000 French cavalry and horses, which passed
* Official account from Blucber, published at Berlin, June 24th,
343
through Charleroy on tlie 15th, in advance, scarcely 10,000* re-
turned. For many days several thousand carriages, and many
peasants from the surrounding countries, even as far as MonS,
were employed in burning or burying the dead. The task was
not only loathsome, but dangerous; and the Prussians were al :-
solutely forced to compelthem at the point of the bayonet. To
avoid infection from their corrupting remains, the peasants first
dug large pits, and then, by means of large hooks, dragged the
Mies into them. The country, for several miles, presented the
appearrnce of one continued groupe of hillocks, so thickly was
its surface covered with large graves, in which hundreds of the
bodies of men and horses were thrown together. In one acre
of ground a beholder counted 40 graves, thus filled with dead.
The weather having become dry after their burial, the wet mould,
which had not been thrown over them to a sufficient depth, crack-
ed from the heat, and opening, shewed in some places, their
ghastly remains. Notwithstanding the burning and the burying
the dead, for several weeks after the battle, the smell from their
putrid carcases was insufferable; and a pestilential gale continu-
ed to be wafted over the surrounding country, from this thea-
tre of death. For many days, the number of carrion flies
which fed on the dead bodies was dreadful, and most annoying
to those who visited the spot. It is said that some soldiers ab-
solutely lost their reason from the remembrance of this dread-
ful scene. The diameter of the principal part of this field
of blood was about two miles, wherein every thing was to-
tally destroyed. The dead were absolutely lying in ranks,
and horses grouped in heaps with their riders. All the wells,
and all the water in the neighbourhood, for many days
after the battle, were red with blood, and became putrid from
the number of dead bodies found in them. The churches
in the surrounding villages were filled with dead and dying;
and the altars of the Almighty were polluted with human
blood. To sum up the whole,, the vallies, if I may be al-
lowed the expression, were flooded: and in the inimitable
language of Isaiah, " The mountains were melted with their
blood."f Similar were the fields which had long pleased Par-
Letter from a person in authority at Charleroy, June 20th.
f Isaiah xxxiv. 3.
XX ' li
316
Mian levity. Such the prospects which had long been Xapo-
leon's delight Napoleon's glory. Every village, every hamlet,
all the ravines, corn fields, and forests, were filled with wound-
ed soldiers, who had crawled to these places for shelter, and
whom, even when they were seen, it was, for several davs after,
found impossible to remove. It was as late r.s the Thursday
following before all the wounded then discovered could be re-
moved. On the 22st, says one who visited the field of battle,
I saw in one gronpe of wonnded 36 out of 73 who had lost an
arm or a leg, besides flesh wounds; while the roads, even or*
the 25th, were covered with waggon loads of wounded, shriek-
ing with pain. On the morning after the battle, numbers of
the wounded were seen raising themselves up amongst the heaps
of dead, and imploring from the visitors, some a mouthful of
water, others, that the beholders might put an end to their
miseries. Every road in every part of the country, for 30 miles
round, was full of wounded soldiers, wandering about in the ex-
tremes of agony and want. The Dutch and Belgians exerted
themselves to reach their homes, and the French their own coun-
try. After a damp day, on the 18th, the night became clear and
chill, which had a fatal effect on the wounded. Thousands perish-
ed for want of timely medical aid. Many were found in cottages
and obscure retreats, their bodies become half putrid from the
severity of their wounds, yet still in life. Thousands were cut
off in the extremes of hunger and distress. At the end of ten*
twelve, and fifteen days, there were found in bye corners,
wounded men who had preserved life by gnawing the flesh
from the bodies of their dead comrades, or of horses, that
chanced Id be near them. Others, slightly wounded, were found
several days after the battle, on the field, using the French
cuirasses as frying pans to dress their scanty meals. Even in
the rear of the allied position, such scenes of distress were- nu-
merous. From Waterloo to Brussels, the road, for nine mile?,
was so choked up with -cattered baggage, that the wounded
could with difficulty be brought along. The way was lined
with unhappy wretches who had crept from the field; and
many, unable to proceed, lay down and died. Holes dug by
the side of die road formed their graves, while their tattered gar-
ments and accoutrements covered the surrounding lands. In
3*7
Brussels alone, more than 23,000 wounded were assembled,
where they were treated with the utmost kindness and atten-
tion. The people, in crowds, went out to meet them with re-
freshments, bandages, &c. The principal families, and women
of rank, supported them with every necessary, and frequently
administered to their wants with their own hands. The treat-
ment, however, of the French prisoners by the peasantry were
different. These were treated with harshness; and these poor
creatures now felt the severest want and neglect. By the
British only were they treated with humanity. These were
seen, though wounded themselves, binding up the wounds of
their enemies. What a contrast in their conduct! Every
thing on these fields, for a great extent, was laid waste. For
five miles round, the country appeared like a sandy waste cov-
ered with hills and heap* of slain. The corn fields were so
beaten that they resembled stubble. The ground was complete-
ly plowed up by the bullets, and the feet of horses, and cut into
trenches by the wheels of the artillery. Scarcely a clod of earth
but was wet with the best blood of Britain, and of Prussia, and
with the fiercest blood of France. At Hougomont, every tree in
the wood seemed as if blighted, and were pierced with cannon
bullets. Some were pierced with twenty. Their branches were
broken off and destroyed. Immense graves, and dreadful heaps
of ashes, the remains of burnt bodies, marked this fatal spot.
Broken swords, shattered helmets, torn epaulets, and sabre
sashes, bathed in blood, shewed how furious and how destruc-
tive the battle had here been. Mixed with these were seen
the flaring red poppy, rearing its head amidst the fresh dug
mould, while the sweet little wild-flower, " Forget me not," un-
conscious of the ruin near it, in a few days began to spread its
beauties round the warriors' grave. Soldiers caps, pierced
with many a ball, belts, helmets, cuirasses, tattered clothes, car-
touche boxes, military decorations, crosses of the Legion ol
honour, French novels, German testaments, packs of cards,
letters from lovers to the objects of their affection, from parents
to their children, mangled bodies, legs, heads in the helmets
intended to protect them, and arms, strewed in fearful contu-
sion, lay along these bloody fields. But in vain would I at-
tempt to describe a scene altogether indiscribable. Besides the
318
loss of men, and all the best horses which Bonaparte had for
cavalry, the French army lost above 300 pieces of cannon, 500
caissons, all their baggage, and almost all their arms. Such
were the consequences, in part, of Napoleon's escape from Elba;
and such the third page of that terrible sheet, on which, ac-
cording to the Moniteur, in March preceding, " the Emperor
had just written the finest page of history, and to which the an-
nals of the world afford no comparison"* The present page
indeed, in blood, and in its results, stands unparalleled in the
annals of the world. The sheet of Napoleon's political life to
which it belonged was nearly full. The last page alone re-
mained. The consequences of Waterloo filled it.
Amongst the heroes who signalized themselves on this glo-
rious day, on whom Wellington bestowed praise, and whose
loss he mentioned with regret, are the following names, with
which the public had long been familiar. Major General
Coke, who was severely wounded, Major General Maithind,
and Major General Byng. Lieutenant General Sir II. Clin-
ton, Major General Adam, Lieutenant General Charles Baron
Alten, who were severely wounded. Colonel Ompsteda,
Colonel Mitchell, Major General Sir James Kempt, and Sir
Denis Pack; Major General Lambert, Major General Lord
E. Somerset, Major General Sir William Ponsonby, Major
General Sir C. Grant, Major General Sir II. Vivian, Major
General Sir O. Vandeleur, Major General Dornberg, and
General Lord Hill. Colonel Sir G. Wood, Colonel Smyth,
Adjutant Major General Barnes, who were wounded; and
Quarter-master General Colonel Delancey,who was also severe-
ly wounded in the middle of the engagement, and afterwards
died. Lieutenant Colonel Lord Fitzroy Somerset, who was
severely wounded, Lieutenant Colonel the Honourable Sir
Alexander Gordon, who died of his wounds. General Kruse
of the Nassau service, General Trip, and General Vnnhope,
the latter commanding a brijrade of infantry belofljnnjj to the
King of the Netherlands. The Russian General Pozzo de
Borgo, the Austrian General Baron Vincent, the Prussian
-General Muffling, and the Spanish General Alava, also dis-
tinguished themselves greatly. The latter General, so well
* Moniteui-, Paris, March 21st, 1815.
34-9
known in the Peninsular war, was the Spanish minister to the
court of the Netherlands; and being at Brussels at the time,
lie joined the hero he admired, and was close beside him
throughout the day. The Prince of Orange also, who was
wounded through the shoulder. The Earl of Uxbridgc,
who lost his leg by almost the last cannon ball that was fired,
and Lieutenant Sir Thomas Picton, who fell early in the ac-
tion. All these and many others every one present signalized
himself on this day. " There is no Officer nor description of
troops," said their leader, " who did not behave well."*
Those only who were in, the battle can give any accurate
idea of the conduct of individuals, and of the regiments to
which they belonged; but there are a few which I have heard
and tbund scattered in different accounts, which deserve to be
collected together. The conduct of the Scots Greys was par-
ticularly noticed and praised by Bonaparte himself, who fre-
quently exclaimed, as he saw them resisting or hewing out a
path for themselves, through his black battalions, " What su-
perb troops!" The 42d, 92d, and 79th, though dreadfully
reduced in numbers, both in Picton's and other severe attacks,
here shewed the same courage and skill which they did at
Quatre Bras.f The 30th and 73d regiments, placed in a part
of the line exposed in a particular manner to the attacks of
the cuirassiers, suffered severely. In an attack by the cuirassiers
against Sir Colin Halket's brigade, with which the preceding
regiments were; the enemy attempted a ruses de guerre, by the
Commanding Officer advancing and offering his sword to the
British Officer, as if he meant to surrender the whole as prison-
ers. Sir Colin was not to be so duped. " Be firm and fire,"
said he to his Officers, who were about to be caught in the snare
the volley turned the Frenchman and his battalions; and while
the bnlls rung against their armour, a laugh of derision which
arose in the British line added to their mortification. The
conduct of the guards exceeded all praise. The 52d and 71st
regiments, in pursuit of the young Guard, suddenly separated,
and running in an oval, met again at a considerable distance,
out a vestage being left to shew that such
things had ever been. As a soldier, he was often seen rallying
broken battalions, placing himself at their head, and leading
them to the charge amidst the greatest danger. His place of
refuge, against the furious attacks of the enemy, was in the
centre of those squares formed to oppose them.
" There stops .so" IFcll'sley. " Their whole force be prov'dV
Resistless when he rag'd, and when lie stopt nnmov'd,
On him the war is bent, the darts are shed,
And all their faulchitins wave around his head."*
In addition to the particulars already related, at a most criti-
cal moment, he put himself at the head of the 95th regiment,
charged and drove back the most advanced of his enemies.
At another time a sekct party of French cavalry cut their
passage through the line where he was, and very nearly suc-
ceeded in taking him prisoner. As a man, he wept for the
loss of the former companions of many a bloody field, and days
of former glory and danger. *' I cannot express," said he,
t( in adequate terms the grief which I feel in contemplating
the loss which we have sustained, in the death of so many
valued friends. The glory of such actions afford no consolation
tome, and I cannot suggest it as a consolation to you; but a
result so decisive will, in all probability, be followed by an
early attainment of the just object of our wishes and exertions,
and this may afford some consolation for our loss/'f Hi*
military life had been one continued scene of triumph. His
sword was never drawn but in a just cause, and for the deliv-
erance of nations. But his fame, who can celebrate. The
boldest pen must shrink from the task. I throw down my own
in despair.
That the French army, and their chief, fought with the
greatest bravery, is a fact undeniable and just. The bravery
and enthusiasm of the latter, were never more conspicuous
than at Waterloo, and never were so severely defeated. The
* Pope's Homer. Iliad, Book xiii. lines 199, &c.
f Wellington's letter to the Earl of Aberdeen on thedeath of his brother.
355
plans oftlieir leader, to accomplish the object which he had in
view, were skilfully laid; but considering the abilities of his
opponents and his own peculiar situation, these were most
hazardous and dangerous. But these were all in character of
the man, and also of the nation. But his faults, as a General,
does not take away from the personal bravery of himself and
his troops. AH exposed themselves in the most resolute man-
ner. The prisoners, said General Alava, say they never saw
the Emperor expose In nisei f so much, that he seemed to court
death, in order not to outlive a defeat fraught with such fatal
consequences to him. They added, that in the situation in
which this defeat placed lnm, no other resource was left
him, " but to cut his own throat."* The idle stories about
his cowardice on this day, deserve no attention. They are the
tricks of some vain Frenchman, who wants to make it appear
that his countrymen were defeated solely because their leader
was unworthy of his troops. All these unauthenticated state-
ments are the labours of some of the numerous opponents of
the measures which led to these glorious results; who, because
we have gained every thing by the exertions of our fellow sub-
jects, and our allies, contrary to their predictions, advice, and
opinion, want us now to believe that we have gained little in
having beat a coward only; and who for years previous those
very individuals have held up as the wisest of the wise, and the
bravest of the brave. But their object is obvious. They want
in this manner to stab the honour and the glory which Wel-
lington and Blucher have gained. But not so must their fame
be tarnished not so must their glory be lessened. Without
either being a friend or admirer of Bonaparte without ever
having for one moment believed that he was invincible if op-
posed' by honour and with energy, still it would be doing
him an act of injustice, which, in this instance, he does not
merit, to put forth such accounts. But in doing him this wrong,
it would be doing a still greater act of injustice to those who con-
quered him, to give any credence to such stories. At Waterloo
he was worthy of his troops. There he certainly was not a
coward. It is not meant to be asserted, that his exertions at
this time were the offspring of true bravery. Much of his cot>
* Alarm's official account.
35G
duct was certainly produced by vanity at the commencement,
and despair at the end; but which, nevertheless, made him expose
himself more than he had previously done. He forsook the:
troops, but not till they durst face their foes no longer. Then
his courage forsook him then, when all was lost, past redemp-
tion, and not till then he feared to die the death of a soldier.
But he was not the only one who did so. All who remained
alive run as well as he. He endeavoured to -stop them but in
vain. The brave among the brave, (A r e?/,) Laboyedere, Soult,
the greatest loss to Bon-
aparte. These might have been replaced; but the loss was of
a more irrecoverable kind. In the words of Count Lobau,
this dreadful day deprived Napoleon of almost every one, who
in France, were personally attached to him. At Waterloo
they lie low! T-hc .shrill clamour of the bugle is heard by
them no longer] The voice of Napoleon can call them to his
standards no more! Such, as has been stated, was the blind
attachment of these men to their military chief; and so strong
vas an attachment, noble in itself, but ill directed, and winch
most certainly deserved greater regard for its safety than that
357
rashness and vain glory which led it into irretrievable destruc-
tion at the Berezina, at Leipsic, and last of all at Waterloo.
But bravely as they fought, skillful as their chief was, so
much the more praise and greater honour is due to those who
beat them. " Never," said the British General, in a letter to
a relative, <'' was I in a harder fought battle never was I
obliged to exert myself so much, and never was I so near being
beaten.' This frank acknowledgment, while it gives his ene-
mies praise, confers on him additional glory. The great error
of Bonaparte, and not his error only, but that of France, lay
in conceiving that no troops, even when on equal terms, could
withstand them. A greater error in this instance was the rash
manner in which Bonaparte staked every thing at once. All
or nothing. This was a game which he had long been accus-
tomed to play at. He had at first, from the ignorance or dis-
union of his" adversaries, gained greatly by it; and of late,
from the same cause, he had suffered the most dreadful disasters.
Yet nothing could teach him moderation nor make him
ant'c, at a moment, and
under circumstances, when it was scarcely possible for human
bosoms to have refrained from fear, or not have sought to con-
suit their safety. All this was still done to keep up the idea of
French superiority and invincibility. It was a miserable shift*
but in this instance it seems to have been the only one that
was left to him. He had, he said, gained the battle he had
occupied all the positions previously held by the enemy; and
manner of advancing always in blind confidence, without jdan or any calculation.
of the chances of war. It is evident that system so uniformly adopted and per-
severed in by Bonaparte, being become known to the allied Generals, had opened
the pitfall, in which his own pitiable self-security precipitated him; for whatever
their Jorcign bulletins may advance, with the intention, no doubt, of enltancing the
glory of their Generals, and the bravery of the men, it is clear that the position of
Mount St. Jean, had been reconoitered, designed and marked out with the full jmr-
jiose to draw him thither with his army, and there give him battle; (and why not?)
for only a Bonaparte, infallible in his oivn opinion, could have failed to see through
it. The calculated retreat of the English on so strong a jmsition, the obstinacy
with which they maintained it, the facility they had for masking their troops and
artillery in an immense forest, and beyond all that the redoubts and open batteries
they had raised, would have awakened mistrust in almost any other General.
What further strengthens the supposition is, the erection of a wooden observatory,
which had been raised on a knoll in front of the forest, where, with a good telescope,
every movement as far as the Sambre might be distinguished. It was certainly
erected to watch us, and could not have been the work of twenty-four hours."
No! certainly it could not nor was it erected either by the allies or for that pur-
pose. In answer to this French rhapsody of disappointed ambition, related " by an
rye witness," I must add it is false that we had redoubts or batteries beyond what
the plain fields afforded to our guns. It is false our troops and batteries were in
the immense forest -they were a mile in front, and in an open country. It is false
that the observatory was raised " on a knoll in front of the forest," it was a mile in
the rear of the French army, and could be of no use to the allies, as it never was in-
tended it should. What say the .authors of the other French stories equally ridicu-
lous to this? that it was Bonaparte who erected this observatory, and him who used
it Neither are true; it was erected long before, and for a different purpose. That
the position was good though it was not very strong, is well known, and if
Bonaparte committed errors, why should this French scribe suppose, that the allies
were not to see and take advantage of these. Bonaparte, aye and France too, saw
into tliis position, but not through it lade Ir were arrested in their career, and for the first time,
during a century, stood still; while a groan of anguish, and a
shriek of despair, resounded through the most public halls and
secret recesses of that profligate and thoughtless dwelling.
The funds sunk 5 per cent. The Chambers met. " Anxiety
and fear sat on every countenance." " Sinister reports" said
La Fayette, " have been in circulation, and which are unhappily
confirmed."* At that moment, a second edition of the Moni-
teur was put into the hands of the people of Paris, containing
the accounts of the battle of Mount St. Jean, or Waterloo, a day
tflng of Representatives, JsneSlst.
369
( so glorious to France, and ft so fatal." At the same time
a message was received from the Emperor, and another from
the House of Peers, informing the Representatives of the Em-
peror's return, and the cause of it. Silence and consternation
for some moments reigned in the assembly deep as when
Satan proposed to his infernal hosts, to undertake a journey
through the pathless void. Even Barrere himself was silent,
and Dumolard mute. No language is adequate to depict the^
confusion and alarm which now pervaded Paris, and every
branch of the Bonapartean Government. All, is lost a fid our
glory with it? appeared in legible characters on every counten-
ance. But to return to the Chambers. In the House of Peers,
Carnot appeared with a message from the Emperor, something
in the style of his old colleague Barrere, informing them that
upon his arrival the Emperor had convoked a Council of
Ministers," that after having destroyed the elite oi the Prussian
army at Fleurus, the army had fought a great battle "four
days after? Within four leagues of Brussels. That the allied
army had been " beaten throughout the whole day," and "six
English standards taken." That the day was decided, when, up-
on the approach of night, some disaffected persons spread an
alarm," which the presence of his Majesty could not recover; the
consequences of which had been disasters which coidd not be
arrestedr* That the army was assembling unoler the walls of
Avesnes and Philippeville; and in short, that his Majesty had
returned to Paris, to confer with his Ministers in order to supply
the army with materiel, and to consult the Chambers about what
measures were necessary in the present emergency. At the same
moment, a message was received from the House of Represen-
tatives-it was also read. Silence succeeded the reading of
this last message. Thibadeau proposed a secret committee to
consider the message. Latour Maubourg insisted that it
should be public. After some discussion, wherein Boissy d
Ancdas stated, that it was absurd, when the country was m
danger, and the national independence menaced," to delay
business by attending to forms, applicable only to ordinary
times? \t was resolved to take the message into immediate
consideration. Resolutions, similar to those voted m the other
Sitting of Representatives, June 21st.
3 A ***
37u
House, were immediately agreed to, and which we shall im-
mediately notice. In the House of Representatives, the sit-
ting was opened by the President, Lunjuinais, informing them
that La Fayette and Lacoste, had propositions to submit to
the Chambers. La Fayette began by informing them, that
as an old friend of liberty he addressed them, and begged them
to rally round the tri-coloured standard of 1 789, and to adopt
the following resolutions, viz. 1st. That the independence of
the nation was menaced. 2d. That their sittings were declar-
ed permanent, and whoever should attempt to dissolve the
Chambers, was guilty of high treason, and should be consider-
ed as a traitor and condemned as such. That the army of the
line and national guards, who had fought and would fight for
France, have merited well of their country. That the Minis-
ter of the Interior should take the necessary measures to arm
the national guards, in order to secure the safety of the capital
and the national Representatives;, and lastly, that the Ministers
of War, of Foreign affairs, of Police, and of the Interior,
should be ' invited" to repair to the Hall of the assembly.
These propositions were adopted without delay. They seemed
to fear being dissolved, as Bonaparte had done before. " In a
few moments^ Gentlemen," said a member, " the Chamber
might be dissolved.* The adoption of these resolutions secured
that point. These resolutions were then transmitted to the
House of Peers, and directed to be circulated through all the
departments. Scarcely was this finished when Regnault St,
Jean de Angley, appeared with a message from the Empe-
ror, similar to that sent to the other House, and informed
them, that just as he left the Council, a Moniteur, containing
the bulletin, was put into his hands. " Read the bulletin,'*
exclaimed some of the members; but this was decided against
as being an " indirect way of obtaining that information which
they were to demand from the Ministers. Time passing, and
the ministers not making their appearance, great impatience was
expressed on that account. A member moved that the chiefs-
of the national guard be sent for, and that it be armed, and
that the Ministers should, a second time, be invited, (command-
ed, commanded cried several members,) to repair to the hall.
A. second message was scut, M Had your first message com-
txanded them," said a member, " jou would have been obey-
ed." It was then proposed to appoint a Commander to the
national guard, but which was negatived by a call for the order
of the day. It was proposed to suspend the sitting. No!
No! exclaimed the members. At length the Ministers ap-
peared, and Davoust, as Minister of War, informed them that
it was reported by ** disaffected persons," that the Emperor
bad directed him to march a body of troops to surround the
assembly. He assured them that it was false, and that the
account proceeded from the same source as that which as-
serted that General Travot was returned from La Vendee
to Paris. This account quieted their fears, and was received
with applauses. Thus terminated the meetings on the first
day, after the accounts of the battle of Waterloo had reach-
ed them. These, however, were only the public acts. In
.secret there were springs in motion, which were to produce
still more extraordinary ami important deliberations and events.
After a night spent in suspense and fear, the members assem-
bled early next morning. Their deliberations were stormy
and important. I can only give here a very brief recapitula-
tion of their most prominent features. The discussions com-
menced even before the arrival of the President. M. Badoch,
one of the Secretaries, was in his place. It was proposed by
Grenier, in the name of an extraordinary committee, " that
the safety of the country required that the Emperor should
consent to the nomination, by the two Chambers, of a com-
mission charged to negotiate directly with the coalsced powers,
npon conditions of respecting the national independence and
integrity, which belongs to every nation, of closing such a
form of Government as they may approve; and at the same time
to support these negotiations by the prompt development of all
the national force." Further, tlKit measures should be taken
to procure men, horse?, and money, and repress the enemies
of the interior. " The former proposition," continued tee-
nier, < J is the most urgent. Indeed, if we do not stop the
progress of the enemy, by a respectable force, before eight
days the capital may again be menaced." It was then moved
that the Chamber resolve itself into a secret committee, wh.cU
was overruled. The President then appeared, and Badoch re-
signed the seat to him. M. Leyraud then ascended the tri-
372
bunc, and stated that they were now asked by what means
they c.'uld save the country. " The result of the late events,"
said he, " have torn all hearts. If we calculate the strength
1.1*?
of the enemies armies, the imagination must doubtless be
alarmed." Murmurs here interrupted the speaker the vote was
called for order was restored, when a member declared that
they possessed the courage and wish to be free, and would all
perish rather than forfeit their independence. M. Crochon
thought measures necessary, to procure means for supporting
the war; while negotiations for obtaining peace, should also
be set on foot. He then proposed that the assembly should
issue a declaration, stating that the " French nation renounced
forever all desire of conquest, and all offensive and ambitious
war. She would never again take up arms but for the defence
other territory) to avenge the outrages committed ajaznst her
dignity, if she cannot obtain reparation by means of negotia-
tion,, or for the defence of an ally unjustly attacked." Similar
declarations had been issued by France during twenty-five
years without being observed in fact, her territory her hon-
our her allies, meant whatever the ruling Government pjeas-
ed. Crochon also proposed to declare, that five Commisioners,
two from the house of Peers, and three from their body, should
be sent to the allies to negotiate a peace." On this propo-
sition the order of the day was called for, when M. Duchesme
came forward and said, that he could not see that these pro-
positions could be attended with the desired effect. The dis-
asters, he said, were, no doubt, great, as was argued by the
presence of the chief of their armies, in the capital, at that
moment he intimated that if there were no bounds to the
energies ,of the nation, there were limits to its means. He
denied what some had asserted and most people believed, that
the means of France were equal to what these were in 1792.
He said that they had been called upon to imitate the Spaniards
in their conduct but contended, that their present situation
was different from theirs. Of this there was no doubt. They
had neither the justice nor the reason on their side, and
could not have the same spirit. But how galling it must
have been for any Frenchman, of this school, to adduce the
conduct of the Spaniards as an example? How bitter the
373
rebuke how deep the humiliation which they, for their own
infamous conduct against that nation, now endured! The
assembly felt the poignancy of this unintentional censure,
for here murmurs interrupted the speaker. M. Duchcsiue con-
tinued to point out that they could expect no favourable issue
to negotiations, as the allies had expressly declared that they
would listen to no overtures while Napoleon was at their head.
The President then declared that the assembly would soon re-
ceive from the Emperor a message which would meet all its
wishes. It was in the interim, proposed to form themselves into
separate bureaux. No! no! exclaimed many members we
must not separate. M. Durbach said, " there is no middle course
we must proceed." M. Durbach continued : " Circumstances
may again lead victorious armies to the capital, and then, under
their auspices, will rc-appcar that ancient family. ( Never, never!
cried several members with earnestness.) I freely express my
opinions," continued Durbach, " what may be the consequences
of these events? We have only one resolution Ici't, which is
to engage the Emperor in the name and safety of the State,
in the sacred name of a suffering country, to declare his abdica-
tion." The motion is seconded ! exclaimed several voices, a-
midst expressions of impatience. " Yes," said General Solig-
nac, " we ought to consider the safety of the Empire. I move
that a deputation of five members be appointed, to proceed to
-the Emperor, which deputation shall express to his Majesty
the urgency of his decision." It was again stated, that a satis-
factory message would soon be received from the Emperor.
The sitting, after some difficulty, was suspended for an hour.
Almost immediately after this, Davoust entered; and the Presi-
dent having resumed his seat, the former communicated to
them some advices from the army: such as, that 20,000 men
must have been assembled at Avesnes, and that 5000 more had
been armed from some waggons which had been found on the
road: that, on the 20th, Soult had rallied at Itocroy 2000
troops of the old guard, and some other detachments. That
Grouchy, on the 18th, had beat the Prussian army, and had,
nearly 40,000 men with him. This force, said he, leaves
60,000 men on the line of the North; and he could immedi-
ately send 10,000 more, with 200 pieces of cannon. He called
37*
upon the Chambers to adopt vigorous measures against an eue-
my, who had proved that he " did not always keep his promis-
es with fidelity." A member, however, rather abruptly put
the question to the War Minister, if the enemy had not light
troops in the neighbourhood of La Fere. " Davoust declared
upon his honour, that all these reports voere false." Still these
were correct as we shall presently see.
While these important deliberations were going on in the
Chambers, equally important were taking place at the Elysee
palace, where Bonaparte was. He had passed a sorrowful
night. His friends were in terror and consternation. His
Ministers consulted only their own safety, their own ambition,
and desire of power. Their beloved Emperor was forgotten in
then- beloved country; and both in their sacred selves They
hinted to him their wish that he would resign his authority, and
give up ike few planks and the piece of velvet,* which was so
trifling a thing that it could be no sacrifice to his great mind. He
was not to be convinced in a moment. However, intimation wns
conveyed to him, that the best thing he could do, would be to
resign a throne from which he would certainly be " dragged;"
and that the Representatives, who, sixteen days before, had
sworn such love and obedience to him, were already organiz-
ing the act which was to do so. Lucien advised him to turn
the whole about their business, as he had once done before.
The Emperor hesitated. " Where is your firmness now?" said
Lucien, " you know the consequences of not having the cour-
age to dare." " I have dared too much," replied Bonaparte.
" Yes," said Lucien, " too much and too little. Dare once a-
gain they will pronounce your forfeiture." "Forfeiture!"
said Napoleon, alarmed at the terrible sound. " Straightfor-
ward,'' letter G comes next in the alphabet Guillotine! my
head may go next, no doubt, thought he. ** Let us see Davoust,"
said he. The War Minister was sent for, but it was found lie
cared more for himself than Napoleon he would not dare with
him nor for him. He would undertake nothing against the na-
tional representation. Napoleon, therefore, w r ould not proceed.
Lucien argued in vain, and then left him in sorrow and agita-
tion, saying to his attendants, " the smoke of Mount St. Jean
So Napoleon once called the throne.
375
has turned his head." That smoke turned more heads than
his, and made many see the right way, by paths they would
not look at before. After some expostulations with General
Solio-nac, it was agreed, that Bonaparte should resign his
authority; and, that to make it appear as an act of devotion on
his part," for the peace and happiness of the country, it was de-
termined that it should be done in a manner as if it proceeded
from a voluntary resolution of his own. It was this resolution
that Lanjuinais alluded to by the message from the Emperor,
which was to meet all their wishes.
The sitting, that had been suspended for one hour, being a-
nain resumed, and the chamber cleared of all strangers, except
the officers wearing the uniform of the national guards, Lanjuin-
ais informed them that he had received from the Emperor, by
the Duke of Otranto, an important document, which he should
read. This was no less than his abdication of the throne in favour
of his son. In this document, the Emperor said, that in the con-
test that he had entered into " I had reason to hope for success,
and I braved all. the declarations of the powers against me. Cir-
cumstances appear changed. I offer myself a sacrifice to the hat-
red of the enemies of France;" and proceeding with the hypo-
critical cant, that he hoped they would prove sincere in their
declarations, which affected to be directed solely against his
power, he informed them that his political life was terminat-
ed" and that he * proclaimed his son under the title of Napol-
eon II. Emperor of the French." He then called upon them
to form a regency without delay, by a law, and " to unite all
for the public safety, in order to remain an independent nation."
The Emperor had forgot that the allies, on the preceding year,
had excepted his whole dynasty; and him and his advisers must
have been blind indeed, if they could for a moment suppose that
they would alter their resolutions, or'be caught in this silly trap.
These proceedings, however, disclosed the true state of parties
in France. One hoped to retain Napoleon under the name of
his son, or what is more probable, the power of the State to
exercise in his name. A second cared little about Napoleon,
provided they established their ideas of liberty; that is, to have
all the power in their own hands, and to be able to retain the
national integrity, which meant, to be left in such l state
376
as would- enable them to dictate to llicir neighbours; and, if
they resisted their will, to subdue them. These were the men
who held the Rhine as their natural boundary. The other
party was the one which wished for the Bourbons, but which
was split into two parties, the one for Louis XVIII. the
other for the Duke of Orleans. After the reading of the a-
bove document, Fouche proposed that they should consider
" what was due to the Emperor Napoleon, and to recal the
sentiments which he ought to inspire in his misfortunes."
He proposed to appoint five commissioners to proceed to the
allied armies, to treat with them for the interest of France,
" under her neiv circumstances;" and that these should depart
on the following day. This motion appeared to receive the
unanimous approbation of the whole assembly. M. Dupin, af-
ter stating that the abdication of the Emperor was "grand and
glorious" moved, that in the name of the French people, the
Chamber accepts the abdication of Napoleon. That the depu-
ties should depart immediately for the allies, and in their nego-
tiations secure the safety of Bonaparte's person. That the
Chamber should constitute itself into a " Natiotial Assembly."
That a special committee of live members should prepare " the
work of the Nexc Constitution" and to form the basis of the
compact, and the conditions on which the throne may be occu-
pied by the Prince whom the people shall choose." ( Here great
agitation spread through the assembly.) Dupin continued to
state his reasons at length, and call upon them to form an exe-
cutive Council. M. Mergues took another mode. He propos-
ed that they should accept the abdication of Napoleon, and de-
clare " the throne vaeant" till the will of the people was known.
That the Chamber of Representatives "should declare itself
a Constituent Assembly. That five members should be ap-
pointed to negotiate with the allies.. That the Provisional
Government of the State shoulel be confided to the present
Ministers. That Macdonald should be appointed commander^
of the forces by sea and land; and La Fayette, Provisional
General- in-chief of all the national guards in France, an4
Oudinot second in command of these forces. Upon these pro*
positions the tumult became great. The order of the day was
called for. The agitation of the assembly redoubled Garreau
377
demanded to read the 67th article of the Constitutional Act.
This article bound the people of France not to choose any of the
Bourbon family, even if the dynasty of Napoleon should be-
come extinct. The order of the day being loudly called for,
lie
were posting to Paris, and that the national guards were com-
manded by officers of the line. " A 13th Fendemaire, and an
18th Brumairc is ealled for." Davoust, however, who was
present, explained the movement of the troops, which, though
he did not exactly state so, were in reality flying before the al-
lies; and shewed that the national guards were commanded, not
by officers of the line, but by members of that Chamber, viz.
Grenier, Sebastiani, and Valence; adding, that while he com-
manded there was no danger of treachery. This satisfied them
for the moment ; but every thing shewed the dreadful state
of doubt and perturbation in which France was placed. Her
379
leading men feared everything; dreaded every thing; and
doubted every one. The choosing of the executive council was
then resumed. The President inquired if they might be chos-
en in the Chambers" M. Flaiigargucs said that they needed
not restrain voting either in the Chambers or out of the Cham-
bers; " you have," said he, " occasion for National names, ior
European names;" for never was there a more important mis-
sion than that of the Provisional Government. It was then
decreed that three members should be chosen from the House
of Representatives, and that the appointment of commission-
ers to proceed to the armies should be left to the executive
government. M. Girad de 1'Aix then moved that an ad-
dress, with these proceedings, should be sent to the .people
and to the army. This M. Flaugergaes opposed. " You is-
sue addresses to day," said he, " to-morrow you will execute,
and there will be no government" Davoust then proposed to re-
cal all soldiers to their post, under the penally of being ac-
counted traitors for leaving these. This measure he stated, to
be necessary, as emissaries were busy in endeavouring . to en-
courage the national guards in the fortresses to desert. The
war was, therefore, declared national; and Davoust continued to
give them some trifling details about the towns on the frontiers
of the Netherlands, and the situation of Grouchy, who had lost
the Emperor, and did not know where to find him, though it
was " highly important for him to know where he was." To him
succeeded General Buvernet, who was newly arrived from Ly-
ons, who detailed to them the defence and situation in which
that city and other places in the South were.
In the meantime, the President, with his bureaux, went to
Napoleon to thank him for the facility with which he resigned
his crown. They were received as graciously as could be ex-
pected, in the situation of both parties ; Bonaparte thanking
them, and they him; and each conceiving more eagerly than the
other, how nicety ihey would entrap the. allies again. Bona-
parte thanked them for the sentiments of regard w fifth ti.ey
expressed towards him recommended them to re-enforce the
armies, and place all in a good-state of defence. " Do not,"
said he, . expose this great nation to the mercy of the foreign-
er, least you be disappointed in your hopes." From this lie
380
proceeded to state, that, wherever he was, he should be happy
if France was so. But, least they should misunderstand him,
lie reminded them that he only made ifhe great sacrifice which
lie had done for the " welfare of the nation, and the interests of
his soji, whom I therefore 'proclaim Emperor." This he was en-
titled to do, as the people of France had most judiciously bound
themselves not to have the power, from thenceforward and for-
ever to choose any person which they might wish. The Presi-
dent, with his bureaux, having returned to the Chamber, re-
ported his message, adding, that Napoleon had expressly stated
that he abdicated in favour of his son. M. Durbach instantly
noticed that the " hereditary law was not yet set aside, and
that as the son of Napoleon was a minor it became a Council
of Regency, to govern in his name, (a strong agitation here in-
terrupted the Speaker.) Several members called out, " this is
not the time ;" and the order of the day was again called for
and adopted. The members for the Provisional Government
were then chosen, and the choice fell on Carnot, Fouche, and
Grenier. The sitting, which had been declared permanent,
was next day resumed at eleven o'clock, and the debate turned
wholly upon the acknowledgement of Napoleon II. M. De-
fermont asked, " do we acknowledge or do we not acknowledge
an Emperor of the French? There is not a man among us,
who does not answer we have an Emperor in the name of
Napoleon II. (yes, yes, exclaimed the greater number of the
members.) He then proceeded to ask if the Confederate powers
would disregard the efforts of the nation, when it was seen that
the Constitution was their polar star, and that Napoleon II.
was its fixed point?" Napoleon I., continued he, reigned in
virtue of our fundamental laws. Napoleon II. is, therefore,
our Sovereign. There is no longer any doubt as to the main-
tainance of the Constitutional dynasty of Napoleon. A move-
ment of enthusiasm was here rapidly diffused through the
assembly, and cries of " Vive V Empcreur" were long heard
with effergy. A great number of Deputies waved their hats,
repeating the acclamation. This enthusiasm of the assembly
was ordered to be inserted in the minutes, where it remains
among many others, sad monuments of French levity and want
of judgment. Boulay de la Murerthe declared that there existed
381
factions, men who wished to place the Bourbons on the throne,
and stated, that he was perfectly aware that there was also an
Orleans faction; and said, that if they declared the throne vacant,
the country would soon experience the miserable fate of Poland,
(a member, and of Spain, J and that the allies would divide
their finest provinces. He therefore moved that the assembly
recognize and proclaim Napoleon II. for Emperor of the
French. M. Pignures wished to postpone the discussion, and a
member hinted that they had better consult Lord Wellington.
What, said Regnault, would you adjourn till Lord Wellington
is at the gates of Paris? fa great tumult. J M. Dupin asked
the assembly if they thought that Napoleon II. could do what
Napoleon I. could not do? Let the war be national, said he,
and we shall triumph over our enemies. M. Bigouet seemed
to think that the allies would put no faith in the abdication.
M. Manuel after stating that it was necessary and urgent to
proclaim Napoleon II., added that " if the Foreign powers
refuse to acknowledge him, there will still be time to come to
a determination, and no one will balance between one man and
twenty millions of men" He accordingly moved that Napoleon
II. was become Emperor of the French, by the abdication of
his father, which motion was adopted and a deputation was
directed to proceed to the ex- Emperor, to inform him of this
resolution; at the same time it was decreed, that the members
of the Provisional Government, should take an oath of obedi-
ence to the Constitutions of the Empire, and of fidelity to
Napoleon II. Emperor of the French. This done the Cham-
ber adjourned.
In the House of Peers, similar messages were received and
dispatched, and similar measures took place. When Davoust
came forward and made the statement regarding the army,
Ney rose in his place and contradicted him point blank. He
said that it was impossible that Soult and Grouchy could as-
semble 60,000 men. That the former could not rally any at
Rocroy, and that Grouchy could not have above S000 men
with him. He insisted that Soult could not muster 25,000 men,
and that with regard to any of the guard remaining, he was an
eye witness to their complete destruction; for but himself and
one corporal remained. He urged that no measure remained to
382
rave the country but immediate negotiation. Count Flaliaut
supported the Minister at War, and stated, that bis advices
authorized him to state that Grouchy had 4-0,000 men remain-
ing under him. Latour Maubourg stated that Ney's statement
came to them in no official shape, and could only be compared
to a newspaper statement. Ney, however, insisted that what
he said was correct, and certainly he had an opportunity of
knowing. Count Pontecoulant stopt the altercation, by mov-
ing " the closing," said he, " of this discussion, so painful to
us all." After some uninteresting discussion about forms,
Count Labodcyere moved to know " whether it is Napoleon
II. whom we proclaim ? Or whether it is a new Government
we wish to adopt ? We ought to remember Gentlemen," said
he, " the Provisional Government and its disastrous consequen-
ces " Levelling his fury against the Bourbons, he asked, " if
French blood was again to be shed to pass under the odious
yoke of the foreigner; to bow the heael to a degraded Govern-
ment?" Count Boissy stated that the proposition of Labodc-
yere was impolitic and unreasonable. The only question for
them was, to receive, or not to receive, the -abdication: and mov-
ed the order of the day. After some discussion the point was
settled by the adoption of an amendment proposed by Count
Pontecoulant, which was to adhere to the resolution of the
Chamber of Representatives, and afterwards ** express to
Napoleon the national gratitude for the illustrious manner in
which he terminated an illustrious political life." After some
details from the army, of an encouraging nature, presented by
Count Drouet, stating that 4000 chasseurs of the old Guard,
and 1200 horsemen had joined the other corps of the army,
and that the " artillenj of the old guard had recovered several
batteries" the Peers adopted the resolution of the other Mouse,
declaring the war national. These decrees were directed to be
expidated to the departments, which done, the sitting was sus-
pended. At nine at night it was resumed, when the debate
turned upon the negotiation of Napoleon II. and became more
interesting and important. The President then informed
them of the result of his mission to Napoleon, and his recep-
tion there ; and stated, that Bonaparte repeated to him that he
abdicated only in favour of his Sow." The Princes of the
383
blood rejoiced at this declaration, which was to maintain them
in their dignity, and Lucicn, in particular, was quit giy at the
thought. France, said he, is an independent and free nation.
" The Emperor is dead Vive V Empereur! The Emperor
is abdicated Vive V Emprrenr!" " For," said he, " there
can be no actual cessation between the Emperor who dies or
abdicates, and his successor." No> unless the times, as the
Emperor had informed tbem, were changed. Lucien then
moved that they should proclaim Napoleon II. and offered to
give the first example of swearing fidelity to him " Seconded"
said several members-. Count Pontecoulant, however, damped
the ardour of the former Speaker. However painful to him
it was, still he must express a different opinion. What he
would not have said during the prosperity of the Emperor, he
would now state when adversity had struck him. To him he
owed every thing, but he could not be brought to act in a
manner contrary to the proceedings of every deliberative assem-
bly. If, said he, I understand the Speaker, * it is wished
that isoe should adopt a proposition without deliberating upon it."
And reminding Lucien, that he was a Roman Prince only, and
that he was not sure if he was a Frenchman, or that he had any
right to speak in that assembly, he proceeded to move that they
should either enter upon the discussion of that subject, or pass
to the order of the day. This speech produced an angry reply
from Lucien, that he was a Frenchman, and there was no
ground for deliberation, as " the moment Bonaparte abdicated
his son succeeded him." Count de Boissy endeavoured to a-
vert this discussion, and calm the storm he saw rising, by mov-
ing, that they should appoint a Provisional Government; that
if they could not stop the progress of the foreigner, they might
not lose the means of treating with him. The furious Labode-
yere, - however, refused to depart from the previous subject.
He supported Lucien; and repeated that as Napoleon had
" only abdicated in favour of his son," therefore, that if the
Chambers did not accept the abdication on these terms, that it
was consequently M null and void." He upbraided some for
having surrounded the throne in prosperity, but who now
withdrew from it in adversity. They wished to receive the law
from the foreigner, whom they called allies. Napoleon had
384
been betrayed by some base Generals who might be present.
This accusation was levelled against Ney, as appears from his
letter to Fouche immediately after. " Shall we abandon Na-
poleon a second time ? We have sworn to defend him," said he,
"even in his misfortunes." " If we, therefore, declare that every
Frenchman who quits his standard shall be covered with in-
famy shall have his house seized and his family proscribed,
we shall have no more traitors, no more of these manoeuvres,
which have occasioned the late catastrophes, and some of
the authors of which perhaps sit here." A great tumult, and
cries of order, order, interrupted the Speaker. " Hear me,"
continued Labodeyere. No, said Count Valence, " I will not
listen to you, until that you have disavowed what you have
said." " It is not to you, Count," said Labodeyere, " I ad-
dress mvself." The tumult here continued to such a decree,
that the voice of Labodeyere was drowned amidst violent ex-
clamations. The President put on his hat, and tranquillity was
again restored. Count Cornudet then came forward, and told
them, that they were "disputing on words." That Napoleon II.
was out of France, and, in fact, a prisoner. Their first business
was the establishment of a Provisional Government, capable of
adopting measures for the public safety. Count Segur, while
he regretted the discussion, he acknowledged that reserve was
no longer necessary, and that Napoleon had declared to the
President, that his abdication was null unless they proclaimed
his son. The President, however, contradicted this. " I did
not say that. I said that the abdication was in favour of his
son." Count Segur then proceeded, and said that, by the con-
stitution, Napoleon II. was their Sovereign, and that the Pro-
visional Government would act in his name; and, in doing so,
ought to assume the title of Regency. The Duke of Bas-
sano followed on the same side; and added, that if the propos-
als of peace should be rejected, he doubted not but that the
rallying cry of the army would be, Napoleon II. and whom he
pointed out that it was necessary to proclaim. In course of
these debates, a discussion took place between Counts Biossy
and Car not, by which the important fact was ascertained, that
the Council of ministers had that morning decided that the
Emperor must abdicate his throne. Count Rccderer built
385
oreat hopes upon the acknowledgment of Napoleon II., that
Austria would enter into their views. This was, no doubt,
the object of those who contrived this scheme. " Can that
power," said he, " consider us an enemy, when we adopt for a
Sovereign a child, the issue of its Royal blood?" Counts
Thibadeau and Pontecoulant, insisted that the first object they
should attend to was to complete a Government. " Let us,"
said the latter, " wave every question but the nomination.
Why should we for disputes on words, leave Paris and France
without a Government." Count Flahaut still insisted that the
first thing which they should do was to proclaim Napoleon II.
He argued that if the Emperor had died, his son would have
succeeded him and, that as he was politically dead, so he
should be succeeded by his son also. To this speech Count
Decres replied with vehemence. " Is this a time to think of
individuals? the country before every thing it is in danger.
I move that the debate be closed." This motion was immedi-
ately adopted. The House then proceeded to choose the two
members for the Provisional Government, and the choice fell
upon Caulincourt and Quinette. These two, with Grenier,
Carnot, and Fouche, now formed the Government that was
to rule over and to save France, Of this conclave Fouche
was President.
The Provisional Government, being appointed, immediately
commenced its functions. A decree was passed authorizing the
Government to procure, by means of requisitions, supplies for the
army, and transports for the troops. Another decree was passed,
calling out the remainder of the conscription of 160,000, for
1815,decreed in 1813. Severe resolutions were passed against
all those who should desert the cause of the Government, or as-
sume any colours but the national ones. An address was issued
to the nation, in which the Provisional Government informed
them, " that in a few days glorious successes and dreadful reverses
had again agitated their destinies." Napoleon, they said, had
abdicated and his son was proclaimed. Their new Constitu-
tion was to be applied, purified, and extended, and after twenty-
five years of political tempests, the moment was come when
every thing " wise and sublime," that had been conceived re-
specting social institutions, was to be made perfect in their?,
CC 13
331}
Plenipotentiaries, they added, were gone to negotiate a peace
with the allies, which they had promised on one condition^-
which was fulfilled. They called upon France to be united;
and reminded the people that while armies may be in part
destroyed, the experience of all ages and of all nations proved-
that an intrepid nation, " combating/or liberty and justice"
could never be destroyed. Unfortunately, however, it was not
for these things that France was at this moment combating.
In addition to the deputies dispatched to the allied armies to
solicit peace, a messenger was dispatched to England; but he.
was ordered to return; and Monsieur Otto, who was sent on a-
similar journey, was forced to remain at Boulogne for want of
passports to proceed across the channel. It was generally
supposed that his mission related to negotiations concerning
the personal safety of Bonaparte, and to receive passports for
him to proceed to America. In the meantime every exertion-
was made to arm the national guards of Paris, and the neigh-
bouring, departments; to fortify the capital, to collect troops and
stores in order-to oppose the allies. Napoleon was almost for-
gotten; and passed from Paris to Mai nvaison, and from Mal-
maison to Paris, without any one noticing or paying any atten-
tion to him. All his honours were fled the guards from his*
palace were withdrawn, and nothing remained but the name*.
Such was the end of that boasted attachment, love and regard
for the person of Napoleon, whLh was to carry fire and sword
again throughout Europe; and such the proofs of that unalter-
able love, affection,, and support, which France, and the Pari-
sians in particular, had solemnly sworn, only three weeks be-
fore, -to retain for him at all hazards, and to maintain with their
blood against all enemies. It was another and a sad proof of the
complete demoralization of the French nation r that regarded
no tie but its own convenience and interested pursuits; and as-
these feelings had been inculcated and matured in a particular
manner under the auspices of Napoleon-, so a wise and a just'
Providence had ordered, that he in his person should witness-
and feel the sad effects of his own diabolical policy, which >
went about to subvert the pillars of human society, and to
carry disorder and confusion into the moral and political
w.orld* and ruin and misery, over a quarter of this globe. II<>
387
was now caught in the snares which he bad formed for others,-
and the conduct of the people of France at this moment, and
his fate, ought to be a lesson for all succeeding ages, to shun
the paths which conducted them to a scene of defeat, disgrace,
and humiliation, moral and political, so great, that while they
were the mark of the indignation of all nations, their conduct
was such as to procure for them no pity, but, on thecontrary,
universal scorn and contempt. Twenty.-livc years of misery
had passed over their heads, in which they had enjoyed the
utmost heights of prosperity, and the deepest gulphs of adver-
sity; yet it had made them no better. The same spirit still
agitated, and was nearly about to direct them again, which
*hd in 1792; and which brought upon them and upon Europe
such unutterable evils. Let any person attend to the debates
at this moment, and those in 1721 and ,1795, and they will
iind them but little dissimilar; and there can be little doubt,
but that, if the rapid approach of the allied armies had not
prevented it, similar scenes would have been acted. But in-
stead of having time to mature decrees, to construct Guillotines,
to take off 500 heads at one blow, they had not time to con-
struct a machine which could take off one. So far fortunate
for Napoleon lie was obliged to the Duke of Wellington for
this. It was remarkable, however, that the abdication of Bou-
parte a second time, though, it created general joy, , was unat-
tended with any of that strong enthusiasm with which the same
event was received the preceding year. Mankind were not only
taken by surprise, but they looked upon the whole as another
trick ^deceive Europe; and, therefore, withheld that joy they
would otherwise have expressed, as dubious of the event, and un-
certain whether good or evil whs to result from it. At all events
every one was now-satisfied that Bonaparte was not the- root ot
the evil; and mankind over Europe would not now be satisned
with anv thing less than the overthrow, not only of bins, but of
hk system. They went further, and expected that France
should be made to pay for the miseries she had inflicted upon
.the world, through their restless ambition; and that, tor the
future, she should be left in a situation that she would not have
it iu her power to annoy her neighbours; or pur.ue, for a
.long time to come, wars of aggression and ambition. They
saw that this restles; and ambitious feeling was not *o much the
3S8
vice and pursuit of one man, as it was of the nation : and,
therefore, till they saw this completely broken, chained, and
punished, they were aware their repose was distant; and that
but little good could accrue to mankind whoever might be the
Sovereign of France. Dominion and glory was her concern;
peace and security theirs.
" I propose to move this morning upon Nivelles, and not
discontinue my operations," said the Duke of Wellington,
after a few hours repose on the bloody field of Waterloo. He
kept his word most strictly. Bursting like a whirlwind through
the boasted iron frontiers of France, and her triple rows of
fortifications, the flood of war rolled along with irresistible
impetuosity towards Paris. On the 19th the Prussian army,
under Blucher, crossed the Sambre at Charleroy in pursuit of
the flying enemy. On the 21st both armies entered France:
the Prussians by Beaumont, and the army under Wellington
by Bavay. The former advanced upon the road to St. Quen-
tin and Laon, and the latter to Cambray and Peronne. On
the 24-th, Sir Charles Colville took the town of Cambray by
escalade, the governor retiring into the citadel, which he
afterwards surrendered on the 25th, when it was given up to
the order of Louis XVI II. St. Quentin was abandoned by the
enemy, and was occupied by Prince Blucher; and, on the
evening of the 24th, the castle of Guise surrendered to the
Prussian arms. The French army retreated on Laon in a
most wretched state. At this time, even from the accounts
of Davoust, not 20,000 remained^ together. " The soldiers
quitted their regiments in parties, and returned to their hornet;;
those of the cavalry and artillery selling their horses to the
people of the country."* In the meantime the corps of
Grouchy, which had remained in the neighbourhood of Wavre
till the 20th, made good its retreat to Namur and Dinant,
in which retreat, as we have already noticed, it suffered con-
siderably, and lost some of its cannon. "f Cut off 1 from the
wreck of the main army, and also from the direct road to Paris,
he was compelled to take the road to Rethel, from thence to
Rheims, and by forced marches endeavoured to reach the
capital before the allies. On the 2 1st Avesnes surrendered tp
Wellington's dispatch, Le Cateau, June 22d, 1815.
f Do. do, do rio.
S89
the Prussians, after an accident, occasioned by the blowing up
of a magazine, by which 400 men were destroyed. The gar-
rison, consisting of 439 men, were sent, the Officers to Wesel,
and the soldiers to Cologne; and all, said Marshal Blucher,
" are to be treated with the necessary severity."* The allied
armies, at least 140,000 strong, continued to advance. On the
27th Quesnoy surrendered to the allies. The garrison, which a-
mounted to 2800 men, chiefly national guards, obtained liberty
to retire to their homes. On the 26th Peronne was taken by
the British troops. The 1st brigade of guards, under Major
General Maitland, took by storm the horn work which covers
the suburbs on the left of the Somme, and the place immedi-
ately surrendered, upon the garrison obtaining leave to retire
to their homes. On the 28th the Prussians, under Blucher,
were at Cressy, Senlis, and La Fere Millon; and on the 29th
their advanced guards were at St. Denis and Gonasse. The re-
sistance experienced by the British army at Cambray and
Peronne, detained them one day behind the Prussian army;
but which forced marches enabled them to overtake in
the neighbourhood of Paris. In the meantime Soult was
displaced from the chief command of the army, which was
conferred on Marshal Grouchy. The reason of this remark-
able step, according to Soult, was because the Provisional
Government suspected his fidelity. This was very likely the
true reason; or they could scarcely at this moment have dis-
missed a man confessedly superior to his successor, in point of
abilities. The rapid advance of the allied armies caused
Grouchy to redouble his speed to reach Paris before them.
This he effected, after considerable loss, particularly on the
28th, at Villers Cotterets, where he fell in with the left wing of
the Prussian army, and afterwards with the division under Bu-
low, which drove him across the Marne, with the loss of six
pieces of cannon and 1500 prisoners. Grouchy fairly acknow-
ledged, that his troops would not fight, and that numbers de-
serted. In fact, though the French army was daily receiving
re-enforcements from the towns and depots in its route, and
also from the interior, the desertion from it was so great that
its number was little if any thing at all augmented. With the
* Blucber's dispatch, Noyalles-surSambre, June 21st.
390
remainder, however, Grouchy succeeded in throwing himselF
into Paris, where he joined the wreck of the main army, the
whole consisting of about 40 or 50,000 troops of the line, the
wretched remains (including also all re-enforcements) of 190,000
men, which fought at Waterloo. To these, however, were to
be added the National guards, a new levy called ics Tirailleurs
de la Garde, and the Fcdcres. According to Bonaparte's port-
folio, found at "Waterloo, these latter amounted to 14,000 mem
Altogether, these forces were at least 40,000 more, if not a
greater number. Paris was, therefore, still formidable, and
capable of much resistance. French accounts, daily issuing
from the press, assert that they had 70,000 regulars in Paris.
Davoust, on Key's trial, stated that he had 25,000 cavalry, and
00 pieces of cannon. At this rate, their force was nearly
equal to the allies, and yet they suffered Blucherand Welling-
ton to remain undisturbed, when separated, and also surrendered
Paris without a struggle. Lord Wellington is, however, bet-
ter authority, who states their regular force to have been only
from 40 to 50,000. The object of these exaggerated state-
ments, on the part of France, are all put forth to lessen their
loss at Waterloo; and further, that in consideration of their
numerous force, the allies, by a secret understanding, granted
conditions to induce them -to surrender, which afterwards, to
please the King, they violated.
Alarm and consternation now reigned in Paris, so lately the
scene of boasting and security. The commissioners dispatched
to the head-quarters of Bluchcr and Wellington could neither
procure an armistice, nor arrest the march of the armies. It
was to no purpose that they informed them of the abdication of
"Napoleon. That did not satisfy them. He might be recalled
if they gained time. Frenchmen could be trusted no longer.
The armies continued to advance, and were already before the
fates of Paris, when Davoust, then commander-in-chief, endea-
voured to make another effort to gain time, and procure a ces-
sation of hostilities. He wrote a letter to the Duke of Welling-
ton, stating, that as Napoleon had abdicated, therefore, agreeable
to the declarations of their Sovereigns, the motives for their mili-
tary movements no longer existed. He informed him that he had
just received a telegraphic message from Lyons, announcingj
39 1
that en the 29th, the Austrian General Frimont had concluded
an armistice with Suchet; insinuating, no doubt, that hi' had acted
according to superior orders, and thereby considered the war at
an end. This dispatch Davoust pledged his honour was cor-
rect; but he took care not to state the cause, nor the whole
truth. The fact was, that the abdication of Bonaparte wa:4
immediately transmitted by telegraph to Suchet, with direc-
tions by all means to procure an armistice with Frimont.
This was communicated to him. The Austrian General was
astonished he had not even heard of the battle of Waterloo,
and had received no account from his court, then at Manheim,
concerning any one of these events. He paid no attention to
the first application; but, next day, being satisfied that what
Suchet said was correct, but still doubting what might be
the intention and results of all this, he, on. the 29th, agreed to
an armistice for three days, by which time he was certain he
would hear from the grand headquarters something to guide
his future conduct. The armistice, however, was concluded
upon such terms as shewed the Austrian General did not mean
to trust to mere words. Suchet agreed to give up all the
country, from Geneva to the gates of Lyons. This Davoust
took special care not to mention. The conduct, however, of
the Austrian General, at so distant a point, where he could
either be but ill informed or intentionally misled, was no guide
to the British General. Davoust continued to argue that the
motives of their advance was " destroyed;" and boldly stated,
upon this conduct of the Austrian General, that " his Grace
could have no other instructions from his government than that
which the Austrian Generals had from theirs."* lie, there-
fore, demanded an armistice, in order to await the decision of
a Congress. A similar letter was sent to Blucher, to which he
O
replied, " that the French Marshal was wrong in supposing
all cause of war removed, as the abdication of Napoleon was
only in favour of his son; and that he must know the declara-
tion of the allies excluded from the throne " not only Napoleon,
but all the members of his family." General Frimont's conduct
he said was no rule to guide theirs; that they would certainly fol-
low up their victory, which " God had given them the means
Davoust's letter, La Vallette, June 2Cth.
392
and the will to do." He desired Davoust to beware bow he
brought ruin upon a great city; and asked him if he " wished
to bring down on himself the curses of Paris, as he had those
of Hamburgh." They were " resolved (he said) to enter Par-
is; and no armistice could be concluded except in" that place.
He called upon Davoust not to " misconceive" the situation in
which the allies stood with regard to his nation; and remarked,
that, if Davoust was so anxious to enter into negotiations with
them, w it was strange that he should detain, contrary to the
law of nations, their officers who were sent with letters and
packets;" and he concluded his answer by saying, that, " ac-
cording to the usual forms of established civility, I have the
honour to call myself M. Marshal, your servant Blucher."*
This was just and decided language. It was proper to tell op-
pression, though it was arrayed with power and clothed in pur-
ple, that as it never should merit the consideration due to virtue,
so it no longer was the object of fear to mankind. Davoust
was thus treated as he deserved. The character of the French
military leaders were now so well known, that, no person would
trust them, even if they told truth. It was only what they had
to expect, after their repeated violations of their word, in every
instance to Europe. " It would now be useless," said the
Journal de 1' Empire, " to put in motion the springs of in-
trigue, and of a "wicked policy. These practices are worn out. ,r f
Worn out indeed these were, as was also the patience of Eu-
rope. Still, however, we here find Davoust endeavouring to
use them. He wanted to disarm Wellington, by assuring him
that Austria was disarmed; forgetting to state the hard condi-
tions by which a small part of her force was so, or the short dur-
ation of the cessation of hostilities; and that even this was brought
round only by the directions sent to Suchet, that he would soon
receive more full and explicit intelligence from Paris. The same
day Davoust, Pajol, d' Erlon, Fressinet, Vandamme, and about
] 2 other Generals, commanding the troops in the lines before
Paris, addressed a letter to the House of Representatives, iu
which they informed them, " that in presence of their enemies
thev swore before the Representatives and the world to de-
* Blucher's answer, July 1st:
Journal dc le Empire, Paris, June 26th
393
fend, to their last sigh, the cause of their independence and
the national honour. They stated that it was intended to im-
pose the Bourbons upon them as Sovereigns, and that if their
return was subscribed by the Representatives it would be sign-
ing the testament of the army, which, for twenty-five years,
had supported the glory of France."* The whole of this fa-
mous epistle, addressed by an armed body, to a deliberative as*
sembly, solely regarding the rights and the safety of the former,
in a capital which that military commanded by their cannon,
contained the most bitter abuse against the Bourb6ns, and their
determination rather to die than yield to their sway. This
was another proof of who it was that had caused the revolu-
tion in France who it was that maintained it, and who now
came forward, with arms in their hands, to direct, nay, to dic-
tate to the Legislature. Such was French Liberty. This let-
ter was, however, received by the assembly with great applause.
It suited the principles of most of them. It was these Europe
had to dread. But if the assembly suffered themselves to be
directed by an armed body, they were no longer a Legisla-
ture. If they extolled such measures, they were either a gov-
ernment directed by the military, or a purely military govern-
ment, both of which Europe had equal reason to guard against*
Some of the members, however, began to lower their tone.
Some of the most violent to recal their words. They were a-
ware that the abdication of Napoleon was the return of tire
Bourbons; and, therefore, they prepared to make their peace
with them. Of these, M. Durbach was. the foremost. In the
sitting of the 1st of July, he begged to correct a typographical
error which had crept into his speech of the preceding day,
but now printed, and distributed among them. In that speech,
said he, I am made to have said, " I need not retrace to you
the picture of the crimes, faults, pretensions, perfidies of that
ephemeral reign." (of Louis XVIII.) The word crimes, con-
tinued he, should be rectified, and has been done by writing in
a certain number of copies distributed. I observed, said he,
" the proceedings of the royal government: 1 have recognised its
faults, its errors, and the abuses which it brought along with
it;" but I never made use of the expression which appeared i
*,La-Vllette, June 50th.
SB 1$
8Frace:" and,
concluding this harangue, he moved that five commissioners
from their body should be sent to be oonstantly with the army.
An address to the French people was then produced, and^read.
tn this address, they pointed out that Napoleon had abdicated
and his son was proclaimed -^t-hat Napoleon being removed, no
obstacle could remain to prevent peace, " If the promises of Kings
be not vain" Plenipotentiaries were dispatched to the allied
armies, said this document, but the Generals of two of these
powers have refused a suspension of arms; and, in a moment of
trouble and hesitation, have caused their troops to accelerate
their march. That they would soon learn whether or not they
were to have peace, and, that resistance, in the meantime, was
as necessary as legitimate. They stated that, as Representa-
tives, they were not chosen to stipulate for the interests of any
party whatever; but that they were collecting in order to estab-
lish the fundamental rules of a monarchical and representative
government, to secure to all -citizens the enjoyment of their sac-
red rights; and that they would never acknowledge, as the le-
gitimate chief of the State, he who, on ascending the throne,
should refuse to acknowledge the rights of the nation. If.com-
pelled to yield to force, they would protest, in the face of the
whole world, in support of the oppressed French people; and
for these rights they now appealed to the justice and the rea-
son of all civilized nations. The remainder of this day's sit-
ting was taken up with debates unimportant to the general
reader. Various resolutions were passed to ensure the distri-
bution amongst the army and the national guards of their pro-
ceedings. Next day many members had absented themselves,
. and the following day was occupied by the different oureaux m
completing the Constitution. No other subject would be list-
ened to, though alarm and confusion pervaded Paris.
The armies under Wellington in the meantime continued
their operations with unabating activity. The capital of France
was their object to gain; and neither intrigues, menaces, nor
protestations could turn them from their purpose; because they
could put no confidence in any of the men who made the
latter, and they despised the former. As the armies approach-
ed the capital, Fouche, President of the Government, wrote
to the Duke of Wellington, supplicating him, that after the
fresh glory he had gained over the French arms, he would
arrest the progress of war. " Your law of nations," said he,
*' has always been justice" The French nation wishes to
live under a monarch; but it wishes that that monarch live
under the empire of laws. The republic made us acquainted
with the extremes of liberty the Empire with the extremes of
despotism. We do not, continued lie, " wish to be more free
than England we do not wish to be less" and informing him
that the representatives of the nation were incessantly employed
in forming a social compact, which, as soon as it was finished,
and as soon as " it shall be signed by the Prince called to reign
over us, the Sovereign shall receive the sceptre and the crown
from the hands of the people;" he concluded by observing that,
in the existing state of Europe, M one of the greatest calamities
was hostility between France and England; and that no man ever
had it more in his power than his Lordship at that moment had,
to replace Europe under a better influence, and in a finer posi-
tion."* Certainly his Lordship's power had done much to ac-
complish that end, and was about to complete it. At present,
however, he was sent to fight, not to negotiate. Paris had been
strongly fortified on the North side. From the Seine, above the
city, along the heights of Belleville, by Montmartre, and to St.
Denis, it was one continued chain. To have forced these would
have cost many valuable lives; and it might have provoked the
total ruin of Paris. Conscious of their own strength, a move-
ment, at once decisive and appalling to the enemy, was resorted
to by the allies. On the 30th, Blucher having taken the village
of Auberviiliers, or Vertus, made a movement to his right, and
crossing the Seine at St. Germain, below the capital, threw his
* Fouche's letter to Wellington, read in House of Representatives, June 28th,
397 ^
whole ibrce upon the South side of the city, where no prepar-
ations had been made to receive an enemy. On the morning o
the 2d, he had his right at Pliesse Pique, and his left at Meudon,
with his reserves at Versailles. This was a thunderbolt to the
enemy; and it was then that his weakness and the allied strength
was seen in the most conspicuous point of view; because, at this
moment, the armies of Wellington and Blucher were separated,
and the enemy was, with all his force between them, yet they
could not move to prevent their junction. Carnot, who never
could do any thing that was wrong, and who foresaw every thing,
blames Bonaparte for not fortifying Paris on this side, and says
he forewarned him of this danger This is very well for Carnot
to state, after it happened; but the fact is, that neither Carnot
nor his master had any idea of seeing an allied army in that
direction or in that place. Carnot, however, must say some-
thing n the subject. He had taunted the allies, the preceding
year, of getting^ossession of the "forsaken" capital by means
of numbers, " ten to one" This year he could not say so
they were not two to one; and, therefore, as an excuse for not
making a longer defence, as he insinuated should have been
done on the preceding year; he now blamed Bonaparte for
having neglected fortifying the capital judiciously. Blucher
continued his operations with firmness. The enemy was
thus obliged to abandon all the works that he had construct-
ed for the defence of the capital, and threw himself over
the Seine to meet Blucher. It was the Sabbath: and for once
the inhabitants of Paris were obliged to forego their sports of
Matts de Cocagne, dancings theatres, Sfc. c. with which they
had so often profaned that sacred day, for employment of u
very different description. The thunder of the Prussian can-
non awakened them to a sense of their situation, and roused
them from their dream of security, into which treason, success-
ful for the moment, had thrown them. It was those eagles
which keenly followed and were ready to perch on their prey,
which the Parisians, a short time before, had, with a haughty
complacency, stated their suspicion that their troops would not,
when these were vanquished and taken prisoners, spare them
therefore, they now trembled. The contest, on this day, was
obstinate, but the Prussian* finally surmounted all difficulties,
398
and succeeded in establishing themselves firmly upon the
heights of Meudon, and in the village oflssy. The French
loss, on this day, was estimated at 3000 men. Next morning
by three o'clock, the Prussians were attacked in their positions
already mentioned; but the enemy were repulsed with much
loss. In the meantime the allied army, under Wellington,
had advanced to Gonasse. The right immediately threw a
bridge over the Seine at Argenteuil, crossed that river, and
opened the communication with Blucher; while another part
of the army advanced upon the city, from the east, by Neuilly.
All further resistance, it was now obvious, would prove una-
vailing. Paris lay at the mercy of the allies, and again has-
tened to place herself at the feet of the conquerors. All their
boasts of defence, and reducing the capital to ruins, rather than
see it submit to the conquerors, vanished. They perceived,
said Carnot, that Paris must soon surrender at li discretion "
and that the army must either " have passed under the Cau-
dine forks or been exterminated."* In this state the Govern-
ment Commission convoked, on the 1st July, an extraordinary
assembly, to which were called all the Marshals of France,
(except Davoust, absent on duty,) and several General Officers,
as well of the line as of the artillery, and the members of the
committees of the Ghambers of Peers and Representatives.
In this meeting it was unanimously decided by the military
men, amongst whom Soult and Massena took the lead, that
Paris was no longer tenable. Some members, however, of the
House of Representatives, were of a different opinion; and
demanded, that before any definitive judgment should be passed
upon this important point, some further investigation should
take place, ami information be obtained. Accordingly it was
resolved, that, on the night following, there should be held, at
the headquarters at la Vallette, a Council of defence, in winch
Davoust/- then War Minister and also Commander in chief,
should preside, and at which all the Marshals of France who
were then in Paris, f and the Lieutenant Generals commanding
the different corps of the army, were commanded to attend. The
result of the deliberations of this assembly was, that Paris could
no longer be defended. Accordingly it was impossible any
* Carnot's mi morial or defence, 1815. f Do. do.
393
longer to defer taking a decisive course; and on the 2d July, a
special commission, which was entrusted to M. Bignon, who
held, ad interim, the port folio of foreign affairs, General Guil-
leminot, chief of the general staff of the army, and the Count
de Bondy, Prefect of the department of the Seine, was direct-
ed to proceed to the English and the Prussian Generals.
These had it in charge from the Provisional Government,
" to propose a convention purely military, for the delivery of
the city of Paris into their hands, without taking into consider-
ation any political question, since we could not," said Carnot,
" form any opinion of the intention of the allies, when they
should be concentrated."* Yet every one of these men con-
cerned in this capitulation, had afterwards the hardihood to as-
sert that it was both a military and a political convention. Such
was their opinion,because it suited their interests and their safety;
and, therefore, they were to be allowed to be right in what they
thought upon the subject, and all else wrong who thought differ-
ently. Accordingly a purely military convention was entered in-
to, by which it was agreed that an armistice should take place.
That the French army should evacuate the capital, and in tea
days retire behind the Loire, carrying with it all its Materiel.
The capital was to be completely evacuated in three days; and,
by the 6th, the city and all its fortifications to be placed wholly
in the power of the allies. Public and private property, except
what belonged to war, was guaranteed. The national guard
was to do the duty of the city; and no person was to be troubled
by the allied commanders, in their offices or for their political
opinions. If hostilities were again to be resumed, ten days
notice was to be given by either party. Thus fell Paris! and
thus was completed the tremendous results of the battle of
Waterloo ! In three days after it the French Emperor termi-
nated his political life; and, in fifteen days, those banners which
were once denounced by him to be buried in the sea at Lisbon,,
were, in conjunction with the eagles of Prussia, waving in tri-
umph over the once haughty, still guilty, but now humbled
walls of Paris ! She once more escaped the fate she merited.
The prudence of a few, and the humanity of her conquerors,
aain rescued her from the indignant arm of Europe, and which
* Camel's memorial or defence, 181-5.
400
the policy of revolutionary madness would certainly have en^
couraged her to brave. Fortunately for her, it was, that this
capitulation took place; for if it had been taken by storm, the
exasperation of the Prussian troops was such, that they would
not have left one stone upon another. Thus fell Paris; and
with it, all the hopes of the enemy, and the sneers and ridicule
of faction. The allies, said the Moniteur, calculate, that in
two months campaign they will reach Paris. In two months!
echoed the Morning Chronicle in its usual sneering manner
in two months why, " we have been told that the allies ic-ill
march to Paris in a month, and that one campaign will finish
the business. But if this prediction should fail them as com-
pletely as all their prophecies of Bonaparte's overthrow by in-
ternal disaffection, what will become of the confederacy? and
what of our own finances?"* In one month! how arrogant
such expectations! yet fifteen days did the business; and less
than one month's campaign rendered the confederacy triumph-
ant, as well as our finances. In the midst of all this Bonaparte
was totally forgotten. He had decamped and left Paris, after
having secured property to a great amount. No person gave
themselves any concern about him. He whose name once fill-
ed the world, and whom, only three weeks before, the Parisians
followed as a superior being, was reduced to a private situation;
while none regarded him, and many were afraid to own him.
He had, however, decamped, and took the road to the coast,
as we shall by and by see more at length. The conduct of the
Parisians, at this moment, was silly and disgraceful. They
were without an object to fix either their courage or regard
they cared for no one, and no one seemed to care for them.
Revolutionary mania had worn out their energy, and tyranny
had debased them; they were the ready tools of any party; yet
tools which could render them no service in the hour of danger.
In general, they beheld without concern the humiliation, which
had overtaken them. They thought not either on their guilt
or their punishment. It was blended together; and they would
not take the trouble to separate it. They had not time to
spare for that important and useful purpose. Their levity and
thoughtlessness alone remained. The sight of the Prussian
Morning Chronicle, June 9th, 1815*
401
eagle, or the tri-coloured flag, waving over the heights of Mont-
martre, created equal concern and called forth equal admira-
tion. Nay, when the advance of the allied army, through fields
of blood, would have made any other nation either march to
resist or call out for mercy, they were differently employed.
On each side," said the Paris Journals, " the disposition of
the troops appeared to be finished the line was formed oppo-
site to each other we expected they would come to blows,"
when " many persons from cariosity went to the heights of
Chaillot, from whence they could plainly perceive the French
and the enemy's camp; every one had his telescope."* There
they enjoyed the delectable scene with transport, which every
other people would have beheld with anger or with sorrow.
They bad not time to reflect on the matter in this light.
While these things were going on in Pari*, and the allies
were preparing to occupy the capital, the Chambers continued
to meet and to deliberate. On the 4th they^received a message
from the Government, announcing the capitulation ot the city,
and informing them, that they had tried in vain to struggle
against the torrent; our efforts," said they, " have been impotent;
our means of defence exhausted ;" in consequence of which they
had concluded the capitulation, by which they had sacrificed nei-
" ther the principle of political administration, nor of the French
arms." In return the Chambers passed a vote of thanks, ap-
proving of the conduct of Government, thanking the army and
the national guard, declaring that they would continue to
attend to their wants, that they relied on their courage and
fidelity, and intrusted the protection of the national inde-
pendence and banners to their care. The Provisional Go-
vernment next issued an address to the nation on these events.
In this they laid before them, that in the difficult circumstan-
ces in which they were placed, it was found impossible to mas-
ter the course of events ; and that consequently it became their
duty to defend the interests of the people and the army, " e-
qually compromised in the cause of a Prince, abandoned by
fortune, and the national will" That it became their duty to
save the capital from the horrors of a siege, and to stop the
effusion of blood. No means of defence, that their resource*
Paris Journal, July 3d, 1815.
3E 13
40-2
unci time would allow, had been neglected; but all were una-
vailing. They relied- upon the declarations of the Sovereigns
of Europe, that their liberty, and interests would not be sacri-
ficed to victory. They were certain to receive guarantees,
which would prevent " those alternate and temporary triumphs
of factions," that had agitated them for twenty-five years ;
which would terminate their revolution ; and " confound in a
common protection all the parties to which it had given birth,
and all those which it had combated." They informed them
that peace was necessary for their commerce, " for the amelior-
ation of their manners" and the " development of their remain-
ing resources;" and, finally, bade them rely on the intentions of
Europe, whose repose and happiness were closely connected
with theirs. The House of Representatives continued to busy
themselves with a new Constitution, similar to the English
bill of rights. The last Constitution had lived its day. Na-
poleon I. was gone. Napoleon II. was forgotten ; and each
person now, as twenty-five years before, had his theory and Con-
stitution to propose. One author, as early as the 25th July,
presented a copy of a new Constitution to the assembly ; and
informed them, that he was sorry that he could not give each
member a copy, but that those who wished them would be
supplied at the Palais Hoyale.. Similar plans were daily
brought forward, some excited murmurs others laughter.
The one now to be narrated claimed their serious consideration.
In this the Chamber declared, that " the Government of
France, 'whoever' may be its chief, ought to comply with the
wishes of the nation legally expressed;" and that " a monarch
cannot offer a guarantee it he does not swear to observe the
Constitution framed by the national representation, and accept-
ed by the people." They declared that it could not be a
Government which depended upon " the acclamations of a
party/' and who would not adopt the national colours, and
guarantee " the liberty of the citizens; the equality of civil and
political rights; the liberty of the press; the iibcrty of worship;
the irrevocability of the sale of the national property; the in-
violability of property; the abolition of tythes, and of the old
and new hereditary nobility and feudality." These and a number
of other things similar, but frequently before mentioned, were
403
-declared essentially necessary to form a French monarch.
This declaration was ordered to be sent to the Chamber of
Peers on the 5th, after which Garat moved that the proclama-
tion of Louis XVIII. should be read, " Break up the sitting"
was the cry f many, " wait for -the Government message,"
said others, " and if it should not come?" said many voices.
Great noise succeeded this, when it was stated that the President
announced an adjournment. The tumult increased. Some
members wished to go away cries of u Ushers! shut the doors,"
resounded on all sides. Two secretaries were'ordereti to pro-
ceed to die Thuilleries, to learn if any message was coming
from the Government At eleven at night the secretaries re-
turned, and M. Badoch informed them that Fouche had gone
to the head-quarters of the Duke of Wellington, and was not
returned? consequently no message could be received till to-
morrow. At the Thuilleries, said he, we saw Count Ponte-
coulant, who said that the allied Sovereigns, and in particular
the Emperor Alexander, was animated with the best disposition.
That they did not " desire to oppose us in t/iejbrm of a Govern-
ment ; " and, that, with regard to the reports of intended distur-
bances, they had nothing to fear.; as Marshal Blucher was de-
termined to maintain order. The assembly adjourned till the
following day. Next day, the 6th, being again assembled, the
new Constitution was produced, read, and the discussion be-
o-un, when Dupont interrupted it by what he stated, as a mo-
tion of the highest importance, namely, that the declaration,
already noticed, should " be sent to the allied monarchs."
" The allies will enter Paris' to-morrow," said a member, " let
your deputation go" first' to Lord Wellington and Marshal
Blucher." ( Murmurs.) Dupont, La Fayette, Ilamoud, La-
fette, and General Sorbier, were appointed the deputation. The
discussion then continued. Plots and disturbances were ap-
prehended ; but, they were assured, that the Government, and
Massena, who was the commander of the national guards,
were acquainted with and proposed to frustrate these. At
eight in the evening the debate continued. A message was sent
to the Government to take into consideration the means to pay
the army, without which it was supposed the troops would not
leave Paris. Before proceeding to consider the new Constitu-
404
iion, a member moved that the statue of Napoleon, placed a*
bove the President's chair, should be removed; and that the
tri-coloured flag should be substituted in its place. Cries of
supported was echoed through the hall. The order was imme-
diately executed in part. The statue was removed, but instead
" of the tri-coloured flag, a scarf was substituted:' M. de la
Fayette, one of the commissioners who had been deputed to
the allied Sovereigns, then appeared, and informed them of the
result of their mission; and that, he could assure them, these
Sovereigns had no intention to interfere with the form of their
government. He also informed them, that, throughout their
journey, the public spirit in the departments was conformable
to their last declaration ; and that he and the others who were
absent, when it was adopted, fully acquiesced in it. The dis-
cussion on the new Constitution then commenced. Manuel,
the reporter, in the name of the committee, presented the ana-
lysis of its labours, and the system which it had produced.
" Men," said he, " are not a sufficient guarantee for States :
a durable security can only be found in institutions." He then
proceeded to state, " that France, for twenty-five years, had
been the victim of factions and despotism," and that in insti-
tutions alone she could seek an asylum against the disorders
and abuses to which she had been a prey. He informed them,
that a Constitutional monarchy was alone applicable to France,
because a " republic might seduce elevated souls ," and that
** such a form of Government, did not suit a great people in
the present state of their societies." The division of the Legis-
lative power into two Chambers., was just and necessary; but the
establishment of a hereditary Peerage offered many obstacles.
Their opinion, that the suppression of ancient and new nobility,
was necessary, is already given. Monarchy, however, required
such an institution; and, the committees were therefore of opi-
nion, that they ought to be hereditary, and unlimited in number,
in order to be a just counterpoise against the influence of the
Crown and the people. A strong guarantee for the liberty of
the subject, was, that no Sovereign, nor presumptive heir to the
crown, was to be allowed to command the armies; and another
was, that " no Officer was to be deprived of his rank without
a previous judgment." The abolition of the slave trade was
405
also an article in the Constitution. M. Manuel then read the
Constitution, article by article; and when he came to the 14th
of chap. 2d, which related to the oath to be taken by the Sov-
ereign, a member arose, and very properly observed, " that he
should take the oath of fidelity to the Constitution of 1815, as
it was impossible to know xotiat might happen in ten years:' This
observation excited much tumult: it was a severe satire and
bitter rebuke upon the conduct of the French nation, and could
not be very agreeable to many in that assembly. The King's
guard was henceforward to be composed of Frenchmen. No
Sovereign was to be allowed to cede any part of the French
territory, or incorporate any conquered from other nations,
without "the consent of the Chambers, which it, no doubt,
wouldj not have been difficult to obtain ; and they considered the
consent of no other nation necessary. The prerogative of par-
doning, vested in the monarch, occasioned some discussion; but
it was at last agreed that it would be improper to interfere with
or limit it. The question, that it should not be lawful to erect
any statue to the Sovereign, while living, was considered of
such importance, that, upon the motion of M. Flaugergues, it
was remitted back to the committee. The article relating to
granting subsidies to foreign powers by the Sovereign, appear-
ed to the committee to be attended with as much inconvenience
as allowing him the power to declare war without their author-
ity. No interference was to be made with the civil list, as that
belonged to the Sovereign alone. Next day the Chamber a-
gain assembled by eight o'clock in the morning. The new
institution continued to be the object of their attention.
The article relating to nobility occasioned a long discussion,
in which M. Deshayes observed, that whenever the French
wanted to obtain liberty, in their eagerness, they were sure to go
beyond tiieir object. M. Sawzey " proposed to try, first of all,
a peerage for life; and, if that did not answer, they might then
make it hereditary." This, after two consultations, was, however,
accounted doubtful; and the further consideration was deferred
till the following day; the Chamber then received from the Provi-
sional Government a rapssage informing them that they had been
' deceived with regard to the assurances of the allied monarch*.,
that they would not interfere with the internal government; be-
* cause their Ministers and Generals had declared yesterdaft in
406
the conferences they have haiUvith the President of the Commis-
sion (Fouche) that all the Sovereigns had engaged to replace
Louis XVIII. upon the throne," and that he was immediately
to enter that capital. " Foreign troops," continued they, " have
occupied the Thuilleries; and as they considered their deliber-
ations no longer free, they consequently conceived it their duty
to separate." Falsehood, it would thus seem, continued to be
the order of the day with this government of the revolutionary
school, to the last moment of their existence. The allied Sov-
ereigns had neither engaged to restore nor support Louis
XVHI. on the throne of France. What the conduct of France
might force them to, was another question. Foreign troops
indeed occupied the capital, as by the convention and conquest
they had a right to do ; but these troubled not their heads about
their government. It was not for that they had come to Paris.
The restoration of their legitimate Sovereign, to his throne, was,
no doubt, the wish of all ; as the best security for the repose of
Europe. The retreat of the Provisional Government proceeded
from another cause, as we shall presently notice. When the
reading of the above message was finished, silence, for a while,
ensued; and the members seemed to consult together. Man-
uel then came forward, and said, that as they had foreseen that
event, he called upon them to remain at their post " let us
say," said he, " that we are Representatives of the people; and
that we will not quit the place hut at the point of the bayonet."
Braxw! Bravo! Yes, yes! arose from all parts of the assembly.
It was moved to put the motion to the vote; but, notwithstand-
ing heh' bravos, it was not supported. The assembly was then
informed that the pay of the army was not only secured for
July, but for August also; but which had not been obtained
without " great sacrifices." M. Durbach, then moved that a
new Council of government should be formed with the minis-
ters; but General Carnot answered, that the ministers were at
that moment employed in placing the archives and important
papers in safety. The members then began to disperse, after
passing to the order of the day upon the message ; the Presi-
dent of the government announcing at the same time, that the
sitting was adjourned till the 8th, at eight in the morning. It
was, however, rendered unnecessary.
407
* The gates of my kingdom at last open before me," saki
Louis XVIII. Ye9, the arm of Wellington broke asunch r the
bars, and levelled the ramparts which opposed him. Immedi-
ately after the battle of Waterloo, he left Ghent r aecorapanied by
other members of his family, and by Talleyrand, Marmont,
Clarke, and other attendants, and advanced into France. On the
28th, he entered Cambray, where he was received with every
mark of respect. From that place he addressed a proclamation
to the French nation, in which he informed them, that he was
returned a second time to bring back " his misled subjects" to
their duty, " to mitigate the calamities of war; and to throw
himself between the allied and the French armies, hi the hope
that the feelings of consideration of which he was the object,
might tend to their preservation." He acknowledged that his
government might have committed errors, but none with an
evil intention. " Experience, however," said he, " alone can
teach ; it shall not be lost. All that can save France is my
' wish." He reminded tbem of the sufferings which they had
endured, and of the designing and malicious calumnies raised
against him by his enemies, with regard to the sales of national
property, which he had confirmed, and never intended to vio-^
late. He promised to choose from " among all Fretichmen" those
who should approach himself and his family ; an^l to exclude
none therefrom,. '* but those whose celebrity is matter of grief
to France, and of horror to Europe." He promised to par-
don misled persons; but, in consequence of the blood of his
people, which had been shed by the march of treason, without
example, " he owed it to the dignity of his crown, to the in-
terest of his people, to the repose of Europe, to except from
pardon the instigators and authors of this horrible plot. These
shall be designated to the vengeance of the laws by the two
Chambers, which I propose forthwith to assemble." Such,
said he, are the sentiments which 1 bring among you, whom
time has not been able to change, nor calamities, fatigue, or in-
justice, made to stoop."* From Cambray, the King proceeded
towards the capital, every where greeted by the people. On
the 7th, he arrived at St. Denis. There he issued an order,
dissolving both Chambers of the Legislature, assembled under
* Proclamation, Cambray, June 28th. Countersigned. Talleyrand.
4Q.8
the government of Bonaparte. Also another, restoring to their
places and posts all those who occupied official situations on the
1st of March preceding. General Desolles was declared com-
mander of the national guards of Paris, and directed to take
measures to close the meetings of the assemblies. This he ac-
cordingly did. On the 8th, the King entered his capital. It
was the approach of the King which made the Provisional
Government think it high time to separate; and, not as they
said, the alteration of the sentiments of the allied Sovereigns.
Preparations had been made, from the preceding day, to re-
ceive- his Majesty; and great crowds went out to meet him
He was, said the accounts from Paris, welcomed with greater
acclamation than on the preceding year. The white cockade
was universally hoisted the white standard displayed, and
cries of Vive le Hoi, were now the occupation of the surround-
ing multitudes. It is needless to repeat more of this mode of
reception. The world is sick of French cries of Vive le Hoi,
Vive le Empereur, la Nation, la Liberie, all equally ready; and
time, by deeds, not professions, must henceforth shew the world
which is the real sentiments of Frenchmen ; at present many of
them certainly cannot tell which they most approve; and others
will cry any thing, merely for the pleasure of doing so. At the
barrier of St. Denis the King was met by Count Chabrol,
prefect of the department of the Seine, accompanied by the
Municipal body, who addressed him in name of his compan-
ions, in a speech of considerable length. He recalled to his
memory that 100 days had then passed away since his Majesty
left his capital, M amidst tears and consternation." He declar-
ed that the good city of Paris raised its voice in vain, as faith-
ful subjects, to avert this dreadful calamity. " There are mo-
ments," said he,* " when Heaven does not permit the voice of
magistrates to be heard." Such were these, when no exertions
on their part could " prevent an error which has proved so
fatal. Heaven is overcharged with vengeance," said the speak-
er, " and returns you only to pardon us." He then proceed-
ed to state, that peace would be the consequence: that France,
imitating the capital, would rally round her legitimate Sove-
reign: that faction would be vanquished, passion tranquillized;
and that from henceforth, all the " great family" would approach
40i>
him with " only one rallying cry Vive le Ifoi, Vive Lotus
XVIH. Vive les Bourbons! This speech was accompanied by
the -eneral acclamation of the multitude; and the King in-
formed him, in answer, that he had left Paris with regret and
sorrow that its sentiments of fidelity had reached him that
" he returned with emotion" that he had foreseen the misfortunes
which was to come upon them; and that it was his wish to pre-
vent and repair them. The procession then proceeded through
the Boulevards, to the Thuilleries, where the King alighted, and
took up his abode in that palace, the scene of so much grief
and affliction to his family, and which many had expected he
would never again see, and very few that it could take place so
soon. In the evening the city was illuminated; and songs,
dances, and rejoicings, continued to a late hour. But these
things were nothing new in Paris. A change of government
seemed indeed to have become necessary, in order to afford them
amusement.
I have been the more particular in these details, in order
that we might see and appreciate the principles of the French
nation; and to judge with what ease they can justify, and with
what facility they can adopt any change. I have lengthened
them beyond due bounds, in order that we might contemplate
the last public exhibition of that revolutionary flame which had
laid Europe waste, and torn up social order from its founda-
tions. The spirit, we must observe, remained the same; but the
nerve was shaken. As confused and as obstinate as ever, they
would have abused the power which they coveted, and return-
ed like the dog to his vomit, had not the principles that opposed
them been different, and had not the indignant arm of assem-
bled Europe stretched the sword of Justice over their heads.
No doubt, we shall be told that Europe and France have deri-
ved benefits from the actions of these men. Doubtless she has;
but no thanks to them, nor their theories, nor their specula-
tion^. It is because the futility and folly of these are complete-
ly exposed, that France and Europe have derived advantage
therefrom; but this advantage has been dearly bought, and
much more might have been gained by safe and gentle means.
Fortunate it U for mankind, that a Being of infinite power and
unerring wisdom control? and directs the affairs of this world,
3 f !'
440
He can draw good out of evil, and' make even the wrath of
man redound to his praise. From the galling and odious ty-
ranny of Napoleon, arose the flame of freedom; but no thanks
to his actions or intentions for it. His evil passions, and the
unbridled ambition of the nation which he ruled, carried the
measure of iniquity as far as it coukl go; till the rod, wielded
by mortal strength, became exhausted, broke in the hand
which applied itj and produced the re-action which overturn-
ed him who used it. France may be a mightier nation, from
the dissemination of property amongst a greater number of
people; but no thanks- -nor justification is due to those who,
to gratify their own malice, avarice, and ambition, took the
life of the lawful owner to obtain it. France is perhaps
wiser she may. enjoy more freedom (though this is a point
extremely questionable, and, at all events, never was the
case from the murder of Louis XVI. to the recal of Louis
XVIII.) so she ought she has paid most dearly for it, and
it would be extraordinary if the experience of twenty years of
carnage and crimes should; bs lost on 2G,000,OQO of people.
It is not lost; and the first proof of it is their returning again,
as near as possible, to that state from whence they set out;
with the exception, no doubt, of some of its abuses being wip>
cd away by that flood which- carried away ever)' thing in its
course; but all of which abuses gentle means would have cor-
rected, without the violence that has been used to obtain the
end. It is no justification, of an action that because good re-
sults from it,- therefore it. may be compassed by evil means.
The principal actorsin the revolution were men of this stamps
while the majority were men of such principles as they could
not pursue a praise- worthy end by means that were good.
They followed evil for the sake of evil; and the consequences
were, that amongst themselves their own system returned upon
their heads as their punishment, and they were caught in the
snares that they laid for others. The survivors were not men
who regarded liberty or justice, though these were constantly
on their lips. If they had been so, they would not have recal-
led Napoleon to establish it. Their, exertions proceeded from
a principle of fear and hatred agayist that family, whom their
guilty consciences daily taught them that they had most cruci-
fy and unjustly oppressed and persecuted. These were the
411
men, and these were the principles which brought round the
fresh and extraordinary revolution in France; and who, as they
commenced their career in madness and fury, so they were de-
termined to terminate it amidst measures of weakness and folly.
In considering the termination of this drama, it would seem as
if Heaven, in anger, had brought round the events we con-
templated, not only to inflict severe chastisement upon France,
who had proved herself ungrateful for the mercy formerly
shewn to her; but at the same time to hold up the last remnant
of those who had survived the revolutionary storms, and who
were generally supposed less guilty and more moderate, to
the contempt and scorn of the universe. After having had
twenty Constitutions formed, from the extreme of liberty to
the extreme of despetism, they destroyed that which brought
them peace nd forgiveness, and which Europe could alone
trust. Omits ruins they made -a new one, with Napoleon at its
head, which was to secure their happiness within, and peace a-
.broad; which was to be their pole star in all storms, and
which they were never to desert; but, in. adversity, to cling
closer to both. The battle- of Waterloo terminated the po-
litical life of each. The son was declared his successor-
he was proclaimed he was abandoned. .His interests could
not be- put in competition with the interests of 26 millions ot
men. Carnot, and the other long distinguished and staunch
friends of liberty, as they had been generally called, shewed, at
this moment, what they really nought alterPower. They
were in place, and wished to preserve it; and he .and many o-
thers of his party, after recalling Napoleon, for the glory a*d
honour of France, got clear of him for the same reason. In-
stead, however, of restoring a republican form of government,
as their associates supposed, they continued the Imperial, under
which, in the hands of a minor, they could govern the nation.
Thus ended the boasted consistency of those -friends of liber-
tv, like their predecessors of the same school. Their conduct
made the Jacobins suspicious and distrustful, when they saw
those whom they had always considered as their best friends, de-
sert them and their cause. The consequence Wr their system
was overthrown. The allies approached Paris no time was to
.be lost. A new Constitution was brought forward; all declared
412
that it was excellent, because it was qualified with this condi-
tion, that it was to be accepted by the Sovereign, " whoever he
might be." Louis XVIII. appeared, and this Constitution was
no more. France accepts another, and the revolutionists hide
their heads; let us hope for ever. Yet, ere they did so, they
were destined, from their own lips, to deny all their former
doctrines, which first brought them into notice; and, after hav-
ing sworn hatred to all Kings and monarchical forms of govern-
ment, they were compelled to declare that such a government
was only adapted to the situation of France, as the souls of the
people wore so elevated, that they were seduced by a republican
form, to do what why, surely to commit excesses, and to do
evil. All these things were done with so much celerity, that the
mind can scarcely follow or comprehend them. They were all
done to guarantee the glory and the interests of France; which
lor the future, let us hope will be different from European
slavery, because hitherto there has been no distinction; nay,
every Constitution France has received, for twenty-five years,
was the signal for battle, and the war whoop of ambition, in
his aggressive career against the independence and prosperity
of Europe.
The levity of the French character could not, in these dis-
tracted moments, refrain from turning the memorials of their
former institutions, .and badges of their former rulers into ridi-
cule. When Dumoiard came to the place where the Cham-
ber of Representatives were accustomed to meet, and found
the place shut, by the King's order, he vociferated, said the
Journal de Paris, as he was wont to do in the Tribune, crying
against despotism and tyranny. lie demanded to be admitted,
but the porter refused, and sat, cooly, smoking his pipe in the
presence of the enraged Deputy. The spectators laughed at his
pathetic exclamation of, " France is lost! and comforted him by
assuring him that she was found again at St. Denis; and thev
cooly advised the frantic member to retire to Itochfort, where
he might rejoin the worthy founder of liberty."* Lapelletier,
who wanted, only a few weeks before, to decree Bonaparte the
JSaviour of hs Country, was found with a white cockade in his
hat the day the King entered Paris. " On the 20th of March
Pans, July 9th.
413
last," said the same Journal, " the shopkeepers of the Rue
Vivienne, St. Honore, of the Palais Royale, &c. hastened, by
means of water colours, to cover their signs of the Jleur de lys,
the royal crown and arms; to day those who have since adopt-
ed the Imperial arms, are eager to perform the same operation,
only the colouring is of oil. Many remark," continued they,
" that the tri-coloured flag placed over the House of Peers is
almost become white, from the action of the sun which has
made the blue and red colours singularly pale."* In this man-
ner did the Parisians continue to divert themselves with these
things they had formerly worshipped.
Having now carried Lord Wellington and Blucher to Paris.,
and seated Louis XVIII. again on the throne, with as much
rapidity as he was driven from the same, it is now time to turn
our attention to the operations of the allies in the other parts of
France. These had also been important and successful; and
at any other period than after the battle of Waterloo, with the
events which we have just related, would have claimed the
greatest attention and merited the applause of Europe. Al-
though the whole of the Russian army was not yet arrived and
in line, yet the accounts of the battle of Waterloo determined
the allies to enter France at this point, and animated them to
the utmost exertions. In their advance they had nothing to
dread from any force which the enemy could assemble, on their
right wing, as before the defeat of Bonaparte would have been
the case; while, on the other hand, the advance of Blucher
and Wellington, into France, rendered it necessary that they
should advance, in order to draw the attention of any troops
which might otherwise assemble on the Moselle and towards
Rheims, and prevent these from- harassing or endangering the
rear of the latter. To this they were solicited by both Blucher
and Wellington; who had requested Prince Schwartzenberg to
cause Marshal Wrede to advance rapidly .f Including all the
Russian force, I have already shewn, that from the environs of
Thionville to Manheim, and from thence to Baele, nearly
470,000 men, of the finest troops in Europe, lined that fron-
tier, ready to pass the Rhine at a moment's notice. This mighty
* Paris, July 7th, 1S15.
f Stewart's dispatch, Saarebourg, July 3d.
414
force was stationed, and had the line of its operations marked
out, in the following manner. Prince Wrede, with the Bava-
rians, which formed the advance of the Russian army, was to
a'dvance from Saarguimines, by Chateau Salines, to Nancy,
or otherwise as circumstances might require. Count Longer-
on's corps of Russians, was destined for the blockade of Metz,
Thionville, Pfalsboutg, and Bitsche. Part of the garrison of
Mayence, consisting of 4000 Bavarians, with some Austrian
battalions and the Sd corps de armee, under the direction of
the Archduke Charles, were destined to blockade Landau and
Strasburgh. The division of Count Walmoden assisted by the
.'3d corps, was to occupy the Quiesch and the lines of Wiessem-
bour and 'Lauterburo;, and the communications between these
corps and the Bavarian army, was to be constantly kept up,
as well as with the corps on their left. The Russians were
directed to take charge of constructing the bridges at Oppen-
heim and Manheim, and the Bavarians that of Germershiem,
and the Sd corps that at Fort Louis. Some battalion&of Wir-
temberg troops were destined to blockade Scheletstadt; and
General Count Hochberg, with General Volkman and some
Darmstadt and Baden troops, were to invest New Briesach.
The left column of the army, under thexommand of the arch-
duke Ferdinand, and consisting of the 1st and 2d corps de
armee, with the reserve, were to throw bridges over the Rhine
at Grensach, on the night of the 25th to the 26th, and to
move on Basle and occupy it. This fouce was entrusted with
the dispositions against Genernl Lecourbe. The two first corps
were to push on towards- Nancy, the one by Remiremont and
Espinal, and the other by Luneville. The 1st corps was to
march upon Langrcs, and to it was to be left the blockade of
Belfort and Iluninguen. For -the latter fortress eight batta-
lions of the regiment of Colleredo, under General Watzel,
were appointed. Two battalions of Austrians, one battalion
f Wirtembergers, and two battalions of Risers Chevcaux
Legers, under General Cullenberg, were to act against Belfort.
The chief command of the blockade of these places was to be
entrusted to the Archduke John. The head-quarters of Prince
Schwartzenberg were to march by Hagenau, Mutzig, and
Luneville, to Nancy. The forces which the enemy had to
415
oppose, these were Eecourbes corps and reserves at Besanctm,
Rapps corps complete at Strasbourg, and a corps under Bel-
liard on the Moselle, the strength of which is unknown. The
force was, therefore, considerable, amounting to perhaps 80 or
90,000 men, besides strong garrisons in. all the fortified towns,
such as Huninguen, New Brisach* Belfort, Schelcstadt, Lan-
dau, Strasbourg, Pfalzbourg, Bitche, Metz, and Thionville,
besides numerous free corps and national guards; still, however,
these forces were very much inferior to the force brought a-
jrainst them.
Such was the dispositions of this mighty force. These not
vet arrived on the Rhine, but known to be near at hand, were
directed to follow as fast as possible. Before letting slip the
dogs of war, Prince Schwartzcnberg issued a proclamation
addressed to the French nation,, in which he informed them,
that after the disasters of the dark ages having been produced
by the ambition of one man, and put down by the united in-
dignation of Europe, that she had it in her power to have
" exercised a just retribution upon France," which she bad,
however, forborne, and that, because France had thrown off
Napoleon, Bonaparte as the cause of all her woes; that, there-
fore, " the spoliation of so many countries, the death of millions
of brave men, who fell on the field of battle, or victims- of the
reourges- inseparable from war, all were buried in oblivion.''
That,, therefore, her astonishment and indignation was propor-
tionate to find Napoleon again in France, and that she had
acain arisen as one man to put him down; and Europe would
never again allow France, by choosing such a chief,, to disturb
her " repose," which repose, all were sensible, they never
could enjoy, while France was ruled, by Napoleon. " Already
on the plains of Brabant," continued he, " heaven has con-
founded this criminal enterprise," and told thcm.that peace and
security henceforth, depended upon themselves, for every one who
supported him Europe would consider as her enemies."* Bar-
day de Tolli followed in the same strain. He told- them Europe
in arms had come to inform them that, in their "declaration of
the 13th March last, they had not spoken in vain." That she
had, and never could have any amicable relations with the mart
Sdiwartzcuberg's proclamation, June 2t?d, 1815.
41 G
who pretended to govern her. The army of the North, on
the 18th of June, he said, might convince them that the power
which raised and supported him tottered, and " we," said he,
" are marching to convince you of it in our turn." God,
justice," continued he, '* and the wishes of all nations second
us;" come, therefore, " and meet us;" for the happiness and
repose of all the nations, marching to combat you, are inse-
parately connected with yours."* This vast force, collected
from the extremity of Europe, passed the Rhine at all points:
and like a mighty wave swept over the Vosges mountains, with
irresistible force, inundating the banks of the Marne and the
Seine, and sweeping before it all resistance. Saarguimines
was carried by storm and with trifling loss. Saarbruck shared
the same fate. It was defended by a General Menege with
some cavalry and 400 peasants, the enemy lost 100 men. The
Prince Royal of Wirtemberg passed the Quiesch, on the morn-
ing of the 25th, without resistance. The Mayors of all the
places had order's to cause a general rising of the people, but
they refused to resort to a measure which might prove so fatal
to them. The fortress of Bitsche was summoned, but the
Governor refused to surrender being determined to defend the
place. Continuing to advance with the utmost rapidity, on the
25th Marshal Wrede received a message from General Bel-
liard, making fresh propositions for an armistice, to which no
attention was paid. On the same day he arrived in the neigh-
bourhood of Nancy, when a deputation from the town came to
assure the General of their good will to the allied troops, and
that they were ready to give him the most favourable recep-
tion. They were accordingly received with cries of " Vivent
les Bourbons! Vivent les Allies." On the right of Prince
Wrede, General ChernichefF, with 4000 men, communicated
between General Lambert, the Bavarians, and Marshal Blu-
cher. On the left of the Moselle, between Metz and Lougrion,
he fell in with a force of 3000 French troops with some artil-
lery, which he attacked and drove back to Metz, and pushing
on to Chalons he made himself master of that place after a
brilliant affair. One division at first entered the town by con-
Barclay de Tolli's proclamation, June 23d, 1815.
m
vent oftlie inhabitants, but these were no sooner got in than
*he enemy closed the gates, and attacked them, whereupon the
party dashed forward to the Paris gate, and succeeded in ex-
tricating themselves from the unexpected danger. In the
meantime, Cbernicheff, irritated at this base conduct, advanced
with the main body of his force, brought forward some cannon,
and battering down the gate, entered at the head of his troops
and dispersed the enemy's force assembled in the place, which was
treated with great severity, as they had commenced the attack
upon the allied troops, after having opened the gates to them,
Blockading Toul, and throwing bridges over the Moselle,
Marshal Wrede continued to advance towards Paris, in the
neighbourhood of which he soon afterwards arrived without
much further opposition. On the side of the Prince Royal of
Wirtemberg, however, the opposition was more serious. On
the 26th he forced the enemy to abandon a position he had
taken up between Setz and Sarrbourg, and to retire through
the forest of Hagenau. Continuing to press the enemy under
General liapp, an obstinate engagement took place on the 29th,
in which the former was defeated with considerable loss, and
pursued under the guns of Strasbourg, into which place he
entered, and the blockade of which was quickly begun. Here
Ilapp was shut up, with a force of, at least, 35,000 men;"*
and, according to the accounts in the German Journals, watched
fey a force of about 50,000. The French lost many prisoners,
and five pieces of cannon. The Austrian, Baden, and Wir-
temberg, troops rivalled each other in courage. Here as
soon as" his corps was relieved by the Austrians, the Prince
Royal commenced his march upon Luneville and Nancy; and,
continuing his advance, came in contact with the army under
Prince Ferdinand; their united forces forming a mass of
200,000 men.
It is almost impossible to detail, or to bring into any connec-
ted form, the numerous skirmishes which took place between
the advance of the allied armies and the retreating enemy, and
the different engagements which took place between them and
the garrisons of the fortified towns, in which the allies were ge-
nerally successful, and in which a very considerable loss of men
Brooke Taylor's dispatch, July 6th: In page 218, bis force is estimated M
30,000, exclusive of the garrison of National Guard?.
3 g H
*
4?T8
was sustained on both skies. Crossing the Rhine in vast iorce r
and blockading the fortress of Pfalzbourg, the main body of
the allied army pushed on through the defde of the Veages-
mountains, on the great road from Strasbourg to Paris, but
for some time advanced with great difficulty. To avoid the for-
tress, a road was made in the course of a Few hours; and the guns
and carriages were dragged by parties of soldiers up rocky
steeps that appeared almost inaccessible;, after which the army
continued its march to Paris, without meeting with any serious
obstacle to oppose its movements. On the morning of the 2Gth,
the Archduke Ferdinand, with the force under his command, a-
mounting, according to accounts from Basle, to 160*000 men,
passed the Rhine at Ba&le ; and pushing on through the defiles
ofPorentrui, he succeeded in separating the force under Lecour-
be from that under Rapp; and after numerous engagements, in
which the enemy lost a great number of men, Leoourbe was-
finally obliged to shut himself up in Befort. Betwixt Ferdinand's
army and Lecourbe's, the severest fighting took place. On the
'28th Count Colloredo attacked the French rear-guard, and
drove it before him with much loss* and took many prisoners.
The Austrian loss was 300 killed and wounded. On the 2d
Colleredo took the town and citadel of Montbeillard by assault;
7 guns and a great number of prisoners fell into his hands.
On the 28th an enemy's force, of 8000 infantry and 300 caval-
ry, were driven through Chavannes at the point of the bayonet.
On the 1st Chevrcmont and Bescncourt, were carried by as-
sault; and 4000 men, with a detachment from the garrison of
Befort, under Lecourbc, were driven from the heights of
Beaumont. Ail the fortified towns were immediately invested;
and the Archduke, with the disposable part of the troops re-
maining from those duties, continued his march upon Langres.
All the armies continued their march towartls Paris, and on
the 14th Prince Schwartzenberg had his head-quarters at Fon-
tainbleau; the allied Sovereigns, viz. the Emperor of Russia,
the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Austria, having, some
days previous to that period, left the army, as soon as they heard
of the capture of Paris, and the entry of Louis XVIII. into
Jus capital, and proceeded to that place, where they arrived on
f he 9th. Some idea may be formed of the vast force of the
419
allies, which entered France in this direction, when it is known
that the Austrian force disposable ou the Upper Loire, ex-
clusive of the armies from Italy, amounted to 100,000 men.*
The advance of the main armies gave the numerous free corps
assembled in Alsace and the Vosges mountains, opportunities
to attack the line of the allied communication and carry off the
baggage. But the continued advance of fresh troops, gave
the allies an opportunity of organizing a sufficient force in
moveable columns, which soon cleared the country of these
mauruuders, who equally annoyed friend and foe; and whom
the allies treated with great severity, as they exercised the great-
est cruelties upon the allied troops who fell into their hands.
In this difficult undertaking, the hardy and indefatigable Sons
of the Don were employed; and whose perseverance soon ferret-
ed out, and destroyed these troublesome bands. The disposition
of a great part of the people of this part of France was, and
had always been, most hostile and rancorous against the allies;
and this hatred now showed itself in numerous instances, which
brought down destruction on their heads. The villages of Ho-
gentheim and Mulhausen gave the first example of the most
shocking excesses. In the former, a German soldier, after hav-
ing his eyes put out, was hung up alive. The most dreadful pu-
nishment followed upon the instant. The aged, the women, and
the children, suffered with the wicked perpetrators. At Mul-
hausen, two soldiers were shot by a clergyman. .His house was
surrounded, and he was destroyed with it. Haifa league from
this, six h uhlans inquired at a boy in a farm-house, the name
of the next village instead of answering, the man was shot from
his horse. The boy was immediately cut down by the side of
Jiis mother. .Similar was the conduct of the people in this paii
of France, and similar was their punishment. Wherever the
allied troops met wkh resistance from the country people, every
thing was destroyed. " For six days," said accounts from that
quarter, " the sky hits been red every day with the flames of
burning villages. Where a single shot is fired from them upon
the alltcs, ali'is levelled to the ground. A dreadfuljudgment
hangs over France the crimes of preceding times are visited
upon their descendants, who rival them in the commission o(
uiormities." Indeed, in numerous instances, the French peo-
* Stewart's dispatch, Treves, July 12th.
420
pie seem to have lost all sense of honour, justice, and regard
for truth; and seemed to make these principles their sport.
Such, at present, was the conduct of the garrison of Hunin-
gucn, and its infamous governor, Barbnegre. " Immediately
iifter the abdication of Bonaparte became known," said General
Bachrnan,in an official proclamation, "his generals immediate-
ly sent for a suspension of arms they promised no hostile opera-
tions should be undertaken, while that demand was considered;
and yet, while these communications were transmitted to the
proper authorities, the French troops in Huninguen, without
any reason, on the evening of the 28th, commenced the bom-
bardment of Basle."* For this infamous conduct, he called
upon the Swiss troops to arise and punish the authors of such
injustice, and to put it out of the power of such an enemy to
injure them. There was, indeed, no other way to deal with
such lawless people; and if Huninguen had been razed to its
foundations, and its garrison put to the sword, for such infam-
ous conduct, it was no more than they deserved. It is only by
the certainty of meeting with immediate and just retribution
that such characters can be kept within the bounds prescribed
by social order, or the law of civilized nations. Forgiveness
for offences has no influence upon their obdurate hearts.
On the side of Italy, the career of Suchet was soon stopped.
The arrival of the Austrian General, Frimont, with the Itali-
an army, above 60,000 strong, quickly changed the face of af-
fairs in that quarter. Passing Mount St. Bernard, he descended
the Rhone to St. Maurice, and pushing forward, soon cleared all
the South bank of the lake of Geneva. Bubna followed with
a further force over Mount Cenis, and took the direction of
Grenoble; while an army of Austrians, Piedmontese, and some
English troops, were preparing to enter France by Nice, upon
the shores of the Mediterranean. This completely tied up the
hands of Marshal Brune, stationed in that quarter, and pre-
vented him from sending any assistance to Suchet. It was at
this moment that Suchet communicated to the Austrian Gene-
ral the unexpected news of the abdication of Bonaparte, and
solicited an armistice, which was granted for twenty- four hours,
upon conditions that he should evacuate the whole valley of the
General Backman's official address, Basle, June^9t)i.
421
Arvc.* On the same day, Geneva was occupied, and the enemy
driven from the heights of Savonen with considerable loss.
At the same time, General Bubna advanced from Mount Cenis,
and, on the 29th, attacked the tcte-du-jwnt of Arly, near Con-
Hans, which the enemy held with 3000 men. The Sardinian
General, Dandesaire, occupied the enemy's attention on his
right; while General Frank, with the Austrian regiment, Duvas fl
carried the position of the tete-du-pont by assault. In this af-
fair the Austrians lost 1000 men. The Piedmontese behaved
with great bravery. Continuing his advance, the positions of
Conflans and Le Hopital were forced, and the enemy driven
ut of them. At the latter place, the defence was very obsti-
nate; the allies three times took it by assault, and were three
Aimes driven back, but, finally, succeeded. The position of
Aguibella was turned; and, without sustaining any loss, the al-
lied army forced the enemy to abandon it. An armistice was
solicited and granted for only forty-eight hours, in consequence
of which the Austrians occupied Montmelian, and the enemy
Gregis, Tournouz, and Gily. At the same time, Suchct re-
newed with greater earnestness, his desire for an armistice-;
which General Frimont at last granted for three days, upon con-
ditions that the enemy should give up the position of the Bogcs,
the passage of the Rhone at Seissel, and abandon every post on
that side, and retire upon Lyons with his army. Severe and
humiliating as these conditions were, Suchet was forced to ac-
cept them. The armistice was not renewed, and the Austrian
General immediately advanced upon Lyons. Fort P Ecluse
was taken. The fortified positions in the Jura mountains were
-abandoned by the enemy. The Austrian regiment of Esterhazv
carried by assault a redoubt which commanded the high road
from Geneva to Lyons, in which they took four guns, and one
standard ; considerable stores of all descriptions, also fell into
their hands* General Frimont then continued his march upon
13ourg en Eresse, where it was supposed Suchet would assemble
iris troops to oppose him. This, however, he did not find
practicable, but fell back upon Lyons. There he issued a pro-
clamation, stating his intention to defend Lyons to the utmost,
-extremity. The Austrians quickly advanced, and put it in h&
Stewart's dispatch, Nam-y. JuJy 6.
432
ltd Europe; and which, before the campaign began, boasWtf
that Wellington would not dare to attack any point where the
Emperor was, unless his force was double in numbers. While
these facts are so evident and incontrovertible, it is also clear
liow far a victory gained by Bonaparte at Waterloo would have
been, from rendering him Lord of the ascendant. The over-
whelming and still accumulating force assembled on the Upper
Rhine, was such, that it could have forced its way to Paris in
defiance of all the force destined to oppose it, and of all the as-
sistance Bonaparte could have lent it, even allowing that he had
been victorious at Waterloo. The above mentioned force of the
allies had not, as on the preceding year, any danger to appre-
hend on their rear, by any movement that could be made by the
forces of the enemy assembled between Lyons and Geneva; be-
cause armies much more numerous and powerful than theirs,
were continuing to pour upon them from Italy. The Generals
that led on these vast bodies of men were well known for their
courage and abilities. The bravery of their troops was unques-
tionable. Both had met Bonaparte and his army in all their
glory, with the sun of Austerlitz shining round their heads, and
iound that their strength was mortal. They, therefore, feared
them not. Each one was eager to fight; and all were anxious
to signalize themselves as their brethren at Waterloo had done;
and had an opportunity offered, there is no doubt but that they
would have come out of the combat with similar glory and hon-
our. *S It may be perceived," said General Stewart, " by the
vigour and the intrepidity with which the detached corps of
the armies, and tl)e Austrian army of Italy, have handled the
enemy, that opportunity is only wanting for them to emulate
the great erample of the l&th of June, which mil live in the me-
mory of these great military nations for ever"* Had the popu-
lation of France generally supported the contest, it would,
no doubt, have been rendered more tedious, bloody, and se-
vere; but the population of Europe brought against hers, as.
would have been the case, must have at last succeeded; for op-
position would only have created greater irritation, and brought,
forward greater means, till the issue of the struggle would have
proved such as would have rendered France a bye-word
* General Lord Stewart's dispufcb, July 5e interests of our country demands this sacrificed
He called upon them to defend their " unhappy country in the
name of Louis XVIII." and to follow the example of the Ven-
deans, who had agreed to unite with them to "combat the enemies
of France."f Several bodies of the troops, however, still refus-
ed to obey; and, under Excelhnans, and Lefebre Desnouettes,
continued a sort of maurauding life, living by contributions and
requisitions, where these eould be got. At last, after much-
difficulty, they were compelled to submit; the Generals after-
wards taking themselves off into concealment, in order to avoid
the King's decree for their degradation and arrest. The com-
mand was taken from Davoust, and given to Maedonald, when
the whole army was disbanded, and a new army organized
from the wreck of the old. This royal army was to consist oi
86 legions of infantry of three battalions each; eight regiments
of foot artillery; four regiments of horse artillery; a regiment
of royal carrabineers; six regiments of cuirassiers; ten regi-
* DUvoust's proclamation, Orleans, July 10th, f Do. July I6tfk. '
435
meuts of dragoons; twenty -four regiments of chasseurs, and six
regiments of hussars ;* the whole forming a mass of 200,000
men, larger than any force necessary for the defence of the
.country, had it been free from internal convulsions. The army
under Suchet soon followed the example of the army of the
Loire; and next, that under Clauzel, which were also disband-
ed and sent to their homes. In the meantime, the white .flag
appeared on all the sea ports and principal towns; the people
acquiescing in the change. In several places, however, this
-did not take place without bloodshed with the troops; and. for
a long period afterwards, continued brawls took place between
the two parties, which kept the minds of the peaceable in a
constant state of terror and alarm. Still, however, many places
refused to acknowledge the King, amongst which was Hunin-
guen, under the infamous Barbnegre. The place was, how-
ever, besieged and taken by the Austrians; the garrison, to the
surprise of every one, being allowed to retire behind the Loire.
]n other places the French garrisons hoisted the white flag, and
also a red onej in consequence of the allies continuing to press
their surrender, and they ..refusing to give them up to the for-
eign armies. Amongst these, Valenciennes, and several other
places on the frontier of the Netherlands, suffered much. It
was a strange and uncountable spectacle to see these places
attacked and defended, while peace and good will seemed to
reign betwixt the armies in the field, and the Government of
France, and, all the allies.
While these things were going on in various parts of France,
the great leader of all the mischief, and chief cause of all the
confusion, was endeavouring to make his escape out of France,
with the intention of going to America. He had lelt Paris on
tho 29th June, with a numerous retinue, and much property;
and taking the road by Tfcmrs, he directed his route to lloch-
fort. It was evident he travelled quite at his ease; and not on-
ly so, but that every facility was afforded him. Every where,
it was said, he was welcomed with acclamations, and treated
with the same respect as if he had been still Emperor. He
reached Rochfort, on the 3d of July, in safety; and immediate-
ly began to make preparations for his departure, in two fri-
* Decree of the King, July letli, 1815,
436
gates, La Suale and La Meduse. Every thing was embarked,
and ready for a start; but, unfortunately, every avenue for e-
scape was closed against him. Already, eleven British ships
of war lined the coast in such a manner, that no vessel of any
description could put to sea without being brought to by them.
This vigilant force was under the command of Captain IVIait-
land of the Bellerophon of 74? guns. Bonaparte remained at
the House of the Prefect, Becker, till the 8th, when he went
on board the frigate, La Suale, at ten o'clock in the evening.
He, however, durst not venture to put to sea. Next day he
landed and inspected t^e fortifications of the Isle d'Aix, pro-
bably with the intention of defending himself there against any
immediate attack. On the 10th, the winds were favourable;
but the short night, and it also being moonlight at the time,
left the frigates no hope to escape. He had sent on board the
Bellerophon to solicit permission to pass, as he said he was on-
ly waiting for his passports from England. This was, how-
ever, refused; and he was informed, that the moment that the
frigates attempted to come out, they would be attacked. Bon-
parte next proposed to. escape in a Danish ship; but this would
have been equally impracticable; and an attempt in two Chasse
Marees, of about twenty tons each, which had come from
Rochelle, on the night of the 12th, and in which he was to em-
bark, and to be carried to the Danish vessel waiting for him at
a distance,* seemed to promise no hopes of better success.
These plans also were abandoned. From the 1 lth to the 12th,
Bonaparte learned from his brother Joseph, the entrance of the
King into Paris, and the dispositions of the Chambers. To
the last moment, it is said, he cherished the idea that they
would recal him; but he was disappointed. Danger now
pressed upon him from a side where he never expected to
meet any. He could no longer remain in France in safety;
and he saw no possibility of making his escape to America.
He now felt in his own person, and in the moment of his se-
verest distress, what a British blockade was. Every avenue
being thus shut against him, but one refuge remained, which
was to surrender himself to the British. For this purpose,
Jiecker and Savary, Counts las Casas and Allemand, were sent
Devigney's letter to the minister of the Marine and Colonies.
437
#n board the Bellerophon on the 14th, where it was agreed that
Bonaparte and his suite should be received on the following day.
The whole went on board the French brig Epervier; and on the
morning of the 15th she proceeded to the Bellerophon, which
received the whole on board, and where Bonaparte was at last
secure from escape or from personal danger. He at first wished
to make terms with Captain Maitland; but he was told that the
latter could agree to none that all he could do was to receive
and " convey him and his suite to England, there to be re-
ceived in such a manner as his Royal Highness the Prince
Regent may deem expedient."* Previous to going on board,
or before sailing from Basque roads, Bonaparte wrote a letter
to the Prince Regent, in which he iuformed him, that " ex-
posed to the factions which divided his country, and to the
enmity of the great powers of Europe, he came like Themis-
tocles to throw himself upon the hospitality of the British
nation." Under the protection of the British laws, he said, he
placed himself, which he claimed from him as the most " power-
ful, the most constant, and most generous, of all his enemies."f
This letter was dispatched by the Slaney sloop of war, and ar-
rived in England before him. On the 16th July, about 1 p. m.
the Bellerophon, with this important company on board, set sail
for England; but, owing to light and baffling winds, it was the
afternoon of the 24th before she reached Torbay; which, when
she did, she found the most peremptory orders not to allow
any communication with the shore. The moment, however,
that it was known that the Bellerophon had this mighty pri-
soner on board, thousands of boats, and many thousands of
people, thronged about the vessel, to get a glimpse of the man,
who had formerly awed the world, and humbled all but those
in whose power he now was. The concourse of spectators
was immense, and continued to increase as long as the v^pel
remained with Bonaparte on board of her. Several accidents
happened, and lives were lost by the oversetting of boats in
their anxiety to get near the ship. From the time he came
on board the Bellerophon, this extraordinary man was treated
with the greatest respect; but soon after his arrival it was in-
* Maitland's dispatch, Basque roads, July 1 i^h.
f Bonaparte's letter to the Regent.
438
timated, that he could only be treated with the deference du
to a captive General. On board he spent his time in reading,
writing, and conversing with those around him, inquiring con-
cerning the use 'of every thing he saw about the ship, and
seemed quite at his ease and contented. He was very anxious
to get ashore; and had made himself certain that he would be
allowed to remain in England. He was, however, mistaken.
A different course had been determined on by the British
Government and Continental powers, with regard to this dan-
gerous being. These resolved that he should forthwith be sent
to St. Helena, an island in the midst of the Atlantic ocean,
and in the middle of the Southern Torrid Zoue, about 4000
miles from Europe. Of the suite of 60 persons, who had
come from France with him, only the following persons were
to be allowed to accompany him, viz. Bertrand and Madame
Bertrand with their children, Count and Countess Monthelon
and child, Count Las Cassas, General Gorga-ud, nine men and
three women servants. All the others were to be sent back to
France. When this intelligence was notified to Bonaparte he
was very dissatisfied, and those in his suite were thrown into con-
sternation. But the mandate was imperious, and must be obey-
ed. Against it, however, Napoleon protested, in the strongest
manner; and it appears from this document, that the disregard
for truth which he had so often shewn, and which had governed
all his actions, had not forsaken him. The present, like many
other of those documents which had been issued by him, was
calculated to keep a door open for future events, even where
present facts had prevented all possibility of gainsaying the pro-
ceedings with him. In this memorable document, he said, he
protested solemnly in the name of heaven and of men against the
violation of his most sacred rights, by the forcible disposal of his
person and his liberty. With that daring perversion of human
reason, for which he had been so remarkable, he asserted,
that he " came freely on board the Bellerophon," that " he
was not the prisoner," but " the guest of England." He stat-
ed broadly, that the British Government had laid a snare for
him, by directing the captain of the Bellerophon to receive him;
and that in doing so they had " sullied their honour and their
flag." If the act of sending him to St. Helena was consum-
4a?
jnated, he asserted that England need no longer talk of her
laws, integrity, and liberty that " British faith would be lost
in the hospitality of the Bellerophon." On this account he
appealed to history, which would one day judge him; who,
after making war for twenty years on the people of England,
now came freely, in his misfortunes, to seek an asylum amongst
them. " But," continued he, " how did they answer it in
England? They pretended to hold out an hospitable hand to
this enemy, and when he surrendered himself to them in good
faith, they sacrificed him:'* It is scarcely possible to suppose
or to find a more daring and willful perversion of truth than is
here exhibited, for the meanest and most dangerous of purposes.
Its object was obvious. It was to calumniate, if he could, to
future ages, the Government which he could not cajole nor
subdue. It was to be an excuse for any attempt which he
might afterwards make to disturb the peace of the world. It
was to leave all his rights, according to his way of reckoning,
open to be reclaimed again, by the charge of bad faith on the
part of his enemies, established merely by his ipse dixit, in
opposition to a cloud of witnesses, and those of unsullied vera-
city, which he was not. With regard to his coming freely on
board the Bellerophon, it is true he came freely, because he
could not in any shape resist or conceal himself any longer,
where he then was. He had tried every possible way to escape,
and could not effect it; and he, accordingly, came on board
the Bellerophon, as freely as every other prisoner comes to
surrender himself to his conqueror. He, indeed, attempted
to negotiate, and claim promises, and ensure articles but did
he gain them? Captain Maitland, aware of whom he had to
deal with, says expressly, in order " that no misunderstanding
might arise, I have explicitly and clearly explained to the Count
Las Cassas, that I have no authority whatever for granting terms
of any sort; but that all I can do is to convey him and his suite
to England, to be received in such a manner as his Royal
Highness the Prince Regent may deem expedient,"! His
Royal Highness and his allies, whose prisoner he was, as-
the whole were engaged in the same cause against him,*
* Bonaparte's protest, August 1 1th. Bellerophon, at sea.
f , Maitland's dispatch, Basgue roads, July 14th, aette
440
determined to send him to St. Helena; and in doing so it is quite
plain that Britain violated no faith and broke no promise to
him. It was, however, an old trick of the followers of the Re-
volutionary school, to assert, that because they asked conditions,
that, therefore, their opponents granted them; and that, ac-
cordingly, the latter broke their faith when they did not abide
by what the former had asked, but what the opposite party
had not granted and would not grant. Strange as it may
seem, there were numbers who believed the above falsehoods
to be true; nay, who went further, and asserted that Napoleon
was entitled to all the rights of a British subject; and that
neither England nor her allies had any right to confine him,
either in St. Helena or any where else; and that no law of
nations hitherto known authorized it. Although it was ridicu-
lous to hear the Law of Nations thus brought forward to
screen a man, the whole business of whose life had been to
treat these with contempt, and openly to violate them all; and
whose rancour against Great Britain was so great, that he had
trampled upon every law, civil and sacred, in order to accom-
plish not only her subjugation but her destruction; still it is not
upon his want of principle, that the acts of his adversaries are to
be defended or justified* For this there is no need. He was
their prisoner, and of course they had an unquestioned right
to confine him where they pleased, and where they conceived
that the general safety of the community was the least likely
to be disturbed. Bonaparte was no common prisoner he
could not be tried by the law of any one State as a subject
thereof. In this case, therefore, he was the prisoner of na-
tions, united in one grand cause; and if there had been no
law, no precedent to guide them in the manner which their
own safety required of them to do, still, as a grand commun-
ity of nations, their general voice and consent could make a
law applicable to the present extraordinary case; which they
did, and by which Bonaparte was by all the Sovereigns of
Europe, and through them as the organs of the united nations
of Europe, condemned for their security, and for the general
security and peace of the world, to be confined in a place where
he should have as little chance as possible of disturbing man-
kind any more. The right was unquestionable and imperious.
441
This protest was, therefore, what indeed the protestor well
knew, null and useless; but a good handle for factious quibble.
It produced, as every one must have seen, no alteration of the
determination with regard to him; and Bonaparte saw he must
immediately prepare to remove to St. Helena. The Northum-
berland of 74 guns, Captain Sir George Cockburn, was ap-
pointed for this purpose, and fitted out with the utmost dis-
patch. In this voyage, she was accompanied by the Ceylon
frigate, and Weymouth store-ship, on board of which vessels
were a detachment of artillery, much military stores, and the
.53d regiment, in order to strengthen and re-enforce the garri-
son of the island, and to guard the mighty prisoner. These
vessels, having been got ready with great dispatch, sailed from
Portsmouth, while, at the same time, the Bellerophon sailed
from Plymouth Sound to meet the Northumberland at sea, in
order to transfer their prisoners from the one to the other, at a
distance from the shore, to avoid the immense concourse of boats
that would otherwise have assembled about them. The ships
met off the Berry-head, in company with the Tonant, the flag
ship of Lord Keith, who, as admiral of the fleet, had the charge
of seeing the prisoners safe on board the Northumberland. El-
very necessary and accommodation for the voyage, which they de-
manded or wanted, had been readily furnished to them; amongst
the last articles of which were twenty fresh packs of cards, a
backgammon and domino table, ordered, as they were about to
sail. About two o'clock, on the 8th August, Bonaparte was sepa-
rated from all his followers, but those already mentioned, and
went on board the Northumberland. The parting, as may
easily be conceived, was of the most painful kind ; and notwith-
standing all the miseries which these men had occasioned to
Europe, still as men, their situation, at this moment, demand-
ed pity. Madame Bertrand appeared much distressed. The
Countess Monthelon said little. A Polish Officer, Colonel
Pistouzki, could scarcely be separated from Bonaparte ; and he
has since obtained liberty to go to St. Helena, to reside with
him. Bonaparte himself, in his usual way, broke out at times
into bitter invectives against the British government, for their
conduct to him. He was angry at being stiled only General;
stating, that he had been acknowledged as a Sovereign and
3 k 14
41-
chief of a state, by all the powers in. Europe. He was parti-
cularly inquisitive about St. Helena, where he was to reside,
and if there was plenty of hunting and shooting there. But I
forbear to enter into the minute details of his conversation at
this moment, as much of what is reported rests upon doubtful
authority, and at any rate is not very interesting, The ex-
Emperor, and his suite, being now safely on board the North-
umberland, Lord Keith took leave of him, and went on board
the Tonant ; and about two hours afterwards, Lord Lowther,
and Mr. Lyltleton, the Commissioners appointed by Govern-
ment to see their orders fulfilled, also took their leave, and
went ashore. The Northumberland being afterwards joined
by her consorts, spread her canvass to the breeze, and her en-
sign to the gale, then blowing fair from the East, and stood
down channel i'or her destination ; bearing witli her, let us hope,
for ever, from the scene of European politics, and from po-
litical life, one of the most extraordinary characters that ever
appeared in the world.
Thus fell Bonaparte a second time; lower and more abjecf.
than before; yet still to a less ignominious state than his con-
duct merited. He now experienced the fate of all those, who
in prosperity abuse their power, and enslave mankind. They
now beheld his humiliation without concern, and treated
him with contempt- He was another and a striking witness
of the punishment that lights upon political depravity, tyranny,
and injustice ; carried on for no other object, than the gratifi-
cation of vanity, pride, and ambition. He shared the fate of
Ins predecessors of ancient times; who, by their conduct, had
provoked the just indignation of the Judge of alL The world
which had been so long oppressed by this man, and alarmed at
his appearance again on the theatre of Europe ; now that he
was overthrown took up the song of exultation and triumph,
which the people of Judea did of old, and with them exclaim-
ed " How hath the oppressor ceased ! the golden city ceased k
The Loud hath broke the staff of the wicked, and the sce])t?>
of the rulers. He who smote the people in wrath with a con-
tinual stroke; he that ruled Hie nations in anger, is persecuted,
\nd none HiNDEitETH."* So sure is the justice of Infinite
* Issiah xiv. 4, 5, G.
413
wisdom; and so certain the decrees of Him who cannot err.
No time can impair their strength ; no human efforts or wisdom
an turn aside their steady course; nor can any occurrence in
human affairs take place, to which they are not applicable are
not applied. In this case they were conspicuously so. Bon-
aparte was persecuted, and none hindered. Not a friendly hand
was stretched forth to his relief, amongst those millions who
formerly adored him, and who promised never to forsake him.
He fell unlamented, and unpitied, by all the virtuous part of
mankind. His name and power were gone ; and his crimes
alone, not forgotten. Upon his re-appearance in France, it
was prognosticated, that his power would be more stable than
ever ; we were told in the most confident tone, " that die re-
presentatives of the French nation were perfectly agreed in
their sentiments of self-devotion to the independence of their
country; and perfectly agreed in their support of Napoleon,
as their chief magistrate, and as the person best qualified to
fight the battle which they had to endure."* Adversity
approaches them, and where is their unanimity: storms as-
sail them, and where is their friendship for, and support of
Napoleon. All vanish like the morning fog before the meridian
ray ! and leave not a vestige to shew such things had ever been.
He darted forth like a meteor, in the eyes of the world ; he
traversed with the lightning's wing a wintry sky, and sunk in
darkness for ever. His fall was more astonishing than his rise:
and his end was more strange than his beginning. If no indi-
vidual of ordinary birth, ever scaled such a precipice of haz-
ards, and secured such an eminence of grandeur; none, even of
those who were born to sovereignty, ever sunk by such a total
dissolution of the very ground on which they stood. They fell,
but their thrones remained; their heirs, or their rivals succeed-
ed them: Bonaparte fell, but where is the empire he created?
for he did create it, iu the only sense that a mortal can create.
He seized the territory, he usurped the power, he enslaved the
people, he dictated the laws, he exercised the authority, that
.constituted, and for a while consolidated, the monstrous em-
pire which he ruled ruled with a rod of iron, and dashed to
pieces with that rod. It is gone ! it is gone lor ever ! In hif
* Morning Chronicle, June 12th, 1815.
414
exaltation, both in the former part, but more especially in the
latter part of his career, his rise was so rapid, that the mind
could not follow. It becomes giddy at the prospect. It fears
to follow him up the eminence which he trodc; and, from the
tremendous steep, it dares not contemplate the gulph below it,
into which he was precipitated. Yet the extremes of danger
were his delight. In the storm he delighted to soar in the
tempest he loved to dwell. There only was he at home, and
himself. Amidst the wreck of nations alone he was pleased -
amidst the crush of political worlds alone be was satisfied.
Thus
" Soars the eagle 'midst the dark profound,
While roaring thunders replicate around."
And so the bolt of Heaven strikes him at that terrible height ;
from whence he descends headlong, and with a vapidity which
the eye cannot trace, and the mind shudders to follow. Such
has been the fate of this extraordinary man. Extraordinary,
whether we regard his elevation or his fall ; the talents he pos-
sessed, and -the talents he abused ; the crimes he committed
countless, enormous, unnecessary the difficulties he had to
overcome, and the means by which he overcame them. With
a- mind formed in no common mould, its strength and its exer-
tions were employed throughout life, only in devising mischief,
and spreading evil. He had it in his power to have done
good, to have been permanently great ; but he scorned to en-
ter the paths which would have guided him to these noble ob-
jects. His way was to be his own, and he must also make it.
The paths prescribed by infinite wisdom for man to abide in,
who wishes to do well, he despised, because he did not appoint
them. He wished to be above all, and to have none else be-
sides himself. Good he did do; but not for the sake of doing
so. Evil he overturned, but not because it was evil; wrongs
he redressed, not because he considered these as requiring re-
dress, but because his views, and his interests demanded it.
He destroyed partial errors, but sowed in their place general
injustice. He swept away local evils, and in their stead estab-
lished general wrongs. He tore up, in some places, supersti-
tion by the roots ; but planted in its place the most daring athe-
ism, and destructive immorality. He trampled upon the Pope,
r
44;
and proclaimed Mahomet* He confessed there was a God, but
defied his power; broke his commandments, and trampled up-
on his authority. He muzzled anarchy, but let loose despot-
ism; he spoke of knowledge, but fettered improvement; and he
broke asunder power, but chained liberty. All this, and much
more he did; till the patience of man and the mercy of Hea-
ven was exhausted. When that arm which can crush the Cre-
ation, in His anger, overturned in a moment, and to its found-
ations, that stupendous fabric of iniquity and oppression, which
this man's ambition had created and raised, from the materials
of former errors; good was thus brought out of evil ; and the
road to true knowledge left opeii, and made easy to mankind to
walk therein. Such has been the conduct of Napoleon such
its consequences- But, bad as he was, it is mean in France to
abuse him. He was her idol, which she fondly adored as long
as his ambition kept pace with her avarice and cupidity. As
soon as he was gone, she reproached and despised him. h,, cou '< ;
principled enent.es w I l p d J 7T ," '" t,,en '"' Un "
by the torce *JZZttlZ%* ~* walk
-o th,n g> he is an old enthusiast,^ n ?
vereT'' --** >o be Lnstetf S X
were the accusations, similar wer ,h i
overthrow of Napoleon - All 7 lamema " ons ' ">e
inc Chroni I f e P ros P cct . said the Morn-
Z b !; I ,T:" g '? ' he W0 '' d '' a -I' "ative sys-
tem bemg established , France, by the example of winch
-W k now unhappily obscured: and we Lve now Jam
-pate the return of our neighbours to that system o7m,"d pa-
ct md government, , it n can,,, amk[ b J t| so lQ D J
joyed the happmess of inventing fashions, rearing dancersfaml
g.vmg essons of frivolity to all around them.- Ifthe 'end
nat.on had really contmued to lollow their old trade o ear
< ancers, and mvent.ng fashions, and of giv.ng lessons ot> ,!
*y, mstead o. g.vmg lessons oU^oralHy, if would have be,
t ri2 , T* ""? n lt6S ' *~* f-ench li-
i kof h ' SPre ? d USe "' Ver Eur0 P e ' * "* as
ck o the po.sonous med.cme administered by ignorant ouacks
" , des, r; ,g naves ' umier the s P eci us <>*>*> -'I '>' ho
could coolly hope to see French li s h t md Uberly lmll cxteU( ,
over Europe again, argues a degree of mtelleu in him per-
verted, or so mischievous, that it is difficult to say which is
st to be reprobated, ,,s weakness or its wickedness. He
be a bold ,, who will, i . the iice of . ,,., -
. d.gnam world rumed by thetr eftos, stand lb. -w.nl ami tell
In,, that Iron, ] ranee came, or that from France can come,
enhcr poht.cal l, gllt C1 . , )olitica| ]ibcr
.wluch can never yield pure wmer. It is a corrupted S,
* -Morning Chronic'', July $3.
448
which can never teach just principles. When the Grand
Seignor shall teach morality, and the Dey of Algiers humanity
and justice; then may France be expected to teach the other
nations of Europe light and liberty, worthy their attention to
walk in, and to embrace. But this is not likely to take place
during the present generation; when it is hoped that, with the
knowledge which bitter experience has taught her, Europe will
be able to do without the assistance of that dangerous school.
That the nations of Europe were not likely to be perfectly atten-
tive scholars to their French masters of the revolutionary school,
there was the strongest reason to suppose. Therefore, their
admirers were inconsolable. But they consoled themselves
with the gentle reflection, that the assembled millions of Eu-
ropeans, combating in the proud fields of France, for European
independence, would, in all probability, imbibe so much of those
French principles of that French " light and liberty," which,
it was asserted, were so strongly rooted in France, " that the
living race of men must be exterminated, before they are sub*
dued;"* that it would, when they returned to their respective
countries, induce them to follow their footsteps, and emancipate
themselves from the chains of despotism under which it was
said they groaned. " May we not then say," said the writer
whom I have already quoted, ** that the 900,000 foreign soldi-
ers, now rioting in the rich plains and vineyards of France, may
learn lessons that will not be lost, when they return to their re-
spective homes? Will the stifling of the press, prevent the
strangers from catching a spark of the jlame, which still burns in
Trance? The talents of the French people at seduction, are uni-
versally admitted, and assuredly, as adepts in arts of intrigue, they
will not be idle in their attempts to make converts of the men
who are now their masters. We learn that the danger is fore-
seen by the potentates themselves and that foreign force can-
not be continued in the country, without melting into the
national character; nor withdrawn, without giving vent to the
ferment that is now suppressed."* And should this be the case,
what a prospect is it for Europe? but what can we think of
the feelings which would rejoice at, and wish to see ihejlani
which yet burns in France, scattered over Europe; that is
3Iorning Chronicle, August 10th.
(bet a similar flame shall first consume ajl the established go-
vernments in Europe; and then end, as it must inevitably end, in a
similar manner to what it has done in France. Etwope has had
quite sufficient of this French flame ; it can scorch her borders
no more; and must, in its dying embers, be confined to the dis-
tracted country which first gave it birth. That there was dan-
ger of some of the allies learning lessons which would not be
forgot, there is no doubt. As long as man follows and seeks
after what is evil, such could easily be believed would take
place. Let those who have visited, or do visit France, state,
how much useful knowledge they would learn from her people,
either in morality, religion, or political justice. The events we
have related, have not at all tended to make us forget that the
foundation of what France termed her political freedom, was the
grossest irreligion and immorality; and that the flame which
enlightened her, and is recommended yet to enlighten Europe,
was kindled by Atheism, and fed by the goddess of Reason.
The flame, no doubt, yet remains amongst them; but its
strength is decaying; its heat is only felt in a corner; it can no
more pass the Rhine; no, nor make that its boundary. Their
knowledge of intrigue may not forsake them. But its effects
will be useless. Their professions have deceived often, but are
too well understood to do so any longer. Their efforts in this
way, in place of gaining attention, will only meet contempt.
The sword of Wellington, on the plains of Waterloo, cut
asunder this Gordian knot; and no French ingenuity nor intrigue
can unite it again.
While Bonaparte was thus holding on his journey through
the billows of the Atlantic, safe from all personal danger, pro-
tected by that flag, whose firmness alone had curbed his ambi-
tion and broken his power, France continued in the most un-
settled state, and exhibited a picture, scarcely ever before known,
in any age or country. Nor could it be otherwise among a
people where all the elements of evil, discord, and confusion,
were set in motion, without any fixed object on which to lean*
for support, or bond that could control and direct them to any
given pursuit. All the evil passions which infest the human
breast, were let loose to scourge that devoted country. Her
time was now come, when she was to feel the consequences of
3 1. I*
4'56
that .demoralizing system she had reared in her own, and scat-
tered over every other country. She had taught mankind to
regard no tic, but convenience or interest; so that the better
feelings which unite man to man, and nation to nation, were
cither treated with contempt, or were unknown*. Their con-
stant followers now appeared amongst a distracted and disunit-
ed people. All tire horrors of war, anarchy, and confusion,,
seemed to hold equal sway throughout the French borders. A
discontented soldiery, humbled, yet thirsting for revenge; when
thoy no longer dared to face the enemies, which their arrogance
had provoked, next wished to impose shackles upon their sov-
ereign. While they trembled to reflect on their crimes; they
lamented because their days of aggression and triumph were
gone.. They were without employment, without the means of
obtaining, any, and without the wish to follow habits of indus-
try. A turbulent and giddy population, divided into factions,
each without confidence amongst themselves, because they
were without any fixed principles; and hating, at the same
time, with the most perfect hatred, all those who differed from
them in opinion, or opposed them. Their golden dreams, in
which alone they were unanimous, of lording it over Europe,
were vanished; and each party blamed the other, as having
brought round the catastrophe. Upwards of one million ot
foreign soldiers, whom their ambition had driven to betake
themselves to the trade of arms, now lived at will upon the
produce of their labours; and taught them, by ocular demon-
stration, and actual deedsj the nature and evil of the system
which France had established, and followed throughout Europe.
The expense thus heaped upon them was enormous. Yet,
however great, still it was only as a grain in the balance, when
compared to what her exactions had been over Europe. Con-
tributions, requisitions, military quarterings, and the expense of
military movements, she now supported, and most justly had
them all. She might complain, but without justice. It wa*
only her own system returning upon her guilty head, with a se-
vere retribution. Her fate, at this moment, was an awful
warning to every nation, to shun the paths of immorality and
injustice; and to avoid the pursuit of the gay bauble of military
g?ory, and the delirious system, of making a whole nation, fo*
+51
o other object but wars of aggression and ambition, a military
people. It has ite limits: broken once, it returns upon itself
the evils it scattered amongst others; while its very spirit im-
pels it on to that point, where it must produce the re-action
that occasions its destruction. But this is the smallest part oi'
the evil. It corrupts and misleads the heart, and hardens it a-
gainst all the softer feelings of our nature, which can only ren-
der life supportable; and leads the mind astray from all those
pursuits w'hich alone can exalt, and which ought to distinguish
tiie human character. It leaves behind it a stinj; which cannot
be extracted; a poison which no medicine can cure. Inured to
violence, blood, and carnage; and without any other class with
which to intermix to soften the asperity of his nature, or meli-
orate his feelings, man becomes like the savage, who delights
only "in ruin and blood. He is a scourge to himself, and a ter-
ror to his neighbours. Do not, however, let it be supposed
that it is here meant to stigmatize, indiscriminately, the mili-
tary profession. In it are found the brightest ornaments of
their country, and guardians of justice and honour. It is the
abuse, not the use of it, that is condemned. It is that evil spirit
which makes a nation become soldiers, purely for the love of
war; not that spirit which induces a nation, from honourable
motives, to take up arms to defend their independence, and to
feanish war from their land. This is a different spirit; and ex-
alts, as much as the other debases, the human character. The
history of every nation that has made war their only study,
proves the important fact, that war, followed for .the sake of
war, brutalizes the feelings, and corrupts the heart- A. career
of success is succeeded by a course of national debauchery and
wickedness; which, while it hardens the heart, enervates the
mind, and takes from human nature ail that manliness and
generosity which forms its distinguishing attribute; and ulti-
mately renders it the slave of every guilty impulse, and savage
propensity.
France, at this moment, was a striking example in point.
Dissensions and massacres amongst themselves; and secret as-
sassinations of the allied troops, wherever these were found in
email bodies, or by isolated individuals, took place. Subse-
quent to the armistice, day after day, many of the allied soldiers
452
were cut off in this manner; either while performing their
duty, or at a time that their behaviour gave no offence. A
striking instance of this occurred in the case of a detachment
of 30 Bavarians; who, near Bar-sur-Aube, were secretly and
cruelly set upon, without any reason, by the peasants of the
neighbourhood; and with hatchets, pitchforks, and other wea-
pons of a similar description, were maimed and wounded in
the most shocking manner. Such proceedings were numerous
and frequent, and occasioned munerous and severe orders for
"disarming and punishing the districts wherein those atrocities
took place. Foremost in this salutary work were the Austrian
generals. Severe fines were laid upon the communes where
these assassinations took place, and the perpetrators delivered
over to military tribunals to be punished with death.* That
individuals in the allied armies acted improperly, there is np
doubt; but such conduct was instantly punished whenever a
just complaint was made. Nevertheless, this odious conduct,
on the part of the Bonapartists, could not be checked. But
it was amongst themselves, that this ferocious disposition was
attended with the most disastrous consequences. Furious from
defeat, the Revolutionists or friends of Bonaparte, every whero
threatened and carried into effect, measures of vengeance simi-
lar to those of 1792 and 1793. Numerous assassinations and
massacres were the consequence. On the other hand, the party
who had so long and so severely suffered from the power and
insolence of their foes, perceiving that the power was broken
which had formerly treated them so barbarously; and seeing
no measures taken to bring them to justice, as quickly as they
anticipated, commenced, of their own accord, a similar system
of violence and personal vengeance, as had been exercised
against them. This occasioned numerous bloody quarrels, and
cruel massacres; where the evil disposed had only to assume
the colours of a part) 7 , to which, in his heart, he was a (oc, in
order to commit the most horrid crimes. In the south of
France, these things assumed the most serious appearance.
But of the real extent we are considerably in the dark, as
neither party were willing to publish details, which threw odium
/jpon each; while the designing and more malevolent, who did,
Archduke Ferdinand's proclamation, Dijon, August 1 Itb.
S
453
so exaggerated or palliated these, according to the party to
which he belonged. The evil was certainly of great extent;
and prevailed, not in one place, but less or more over all the
south of France. Throughout the Cevennes, the department
of the Garde, along the Rhone, and in the mountains of
Auvero-ue, these deadly feuds took place. These were also en-
couraged and augmented by the refractory chiefs; and soldiers
of Suchet's army, and the army of the Loire, who took refuge
in those places. At Thoulouse, General Ramel, formerly a
Bonapartist, but turned Royalist, was murdered by the popu-
lace, because he killed a centinel who refused to fire upon the
mob collected to punish some persons for crying Vive V Empc-
rcur. It was at Nismes, a town containing about 50,000 in-
habitants, and in the surrounding country, however, that
those commotions were attended with the bloodiest and most
alarming consequences. The partizans of Bonaparte recover-
in^ from their surprise, which his abdication had occasioned;
and encouraged and supported by the rebel chiefs of the armies,
became more insolent and daring. They acknowledged and
proclaimed Napoleon II. and defied the authority of the
Iloyal government.* Its friends armed in its defence. This
"quickly brought the hostile parties into collision, and the con-
sequences were most distressing. The system of the Revolu-
tion was renewed. Those who had no property, or who in
their own persons, or that of their friends, had been deprived
of it, during that odious period of terror and blood, now at-
tacked, murdered, and plundered, those who had. Private
hatred and deadly political opposition, assumed the garb of reli-
gious animosity; and all of which combined, disclosed the cor-
ruption and barbarity of the French character, in all its native
deformity. From the 5th July, to the 3d August, it was almost
one continued scene of terror and death. The people professing
the Protestant faith were the general sufferers; though with these,
there were others of a different persuasion, who had been on
the same political side. On the 5th July, several domains
belonging to the Protestants were burnt; and a still greater
pumber on the 6th. On the 5th, a pretended national guard,
headed by a fellow of the name of Toislajon, previously a
Bulletin of events at Nismes, August 26th.
454
cnimneysweep, but now become a captain, murdered all the
prisoners who were Protestants. The chimney-sweep i oasted
that he had killed fourteen. They broke open the grave of a
young Protestant girl, to throw her body into a common re-
ceptacle of filth. Giresseur, the steward of an estate, was
stretched over a fire. They exiled all whom they did not kill.
Several Royalists were among6t the former number. The 7th,
8th, and 9th, were passed in pillage. From the 10th to the
14th, no courier arrived from Paris. On the 16th, the King
was proclaimed. On the 17th, bands of armed peasants, and
the national guards of Beaucaire, came to disarm 200 military
who refused to submit. These were almost all massacred.
On the 18th, massacre and pillage was general; and the mad
perpetrators ran about, exclaiming " another Saint Bart bo-
lemew let us wash our hands in the blood of the Protestants."
On the 19th, several of the inhabitants who had fled, returned
by order of the Prefect, and were immediately put to death.
From the 20th to the 29th, these bloody scenes continued.
On that day the Prefect, appointed by the King, arrived, but hy
found the place in such a state of confusion, that he was glad to
leave it, after issuing a proclamation. On the 1st August, 16
Protestants were massacred. These unhappy people were seized
in their own houses, brought out, and their throats ad before
their doors. Many were massacred in the fields. As usual,
in French massacres, these cruelties were accompanied with
the most obscene and disgusting deeds. Even the women
readily joined in them, and whipped several Protestants of
their own sex, through the streets, in the most savage manner.
What they had suffered at the commencement of the Revolu-
tion, they now made others endure- All the horrors of that
ratal period were renewed. The night of the 1st of August
was most cruel. The former Prefect, Claviere, commanded
those who had fled to return, under pain of having the laws
concerning emigration, put in force against them. Many re-
turned, and were massacred. Claviere either wanted the in-
clination or the power to restrain the multitude, but most proba-
bly it was the latter. French impetuosity and ferocity defies
nil authority. It was the same in 1815, as in 1791 or 179S.
The number of murders were prodigious: but no accurate enu~
4S5
iteration has been obtained of them. The number has been
estimated at from 300 to 500. To quell these horrors, the
Austrian troops were commanded to advance. These, after
some resistance, on the part of bands wearing the tri-coloured
cockade, to which their first attention was directed, as being
their enemies, succeeded in restoring order, and restraining the
fury of both factions* The Bonapartists had the audacity to
demand a capitulation, but the Austrian general informed them,
that he could enter into no terms " with rebels."* The Aus-
trian troops were attacked by this band, and had 13 men kill-
ed and wounded. The rebel force were, however, attacked,
and after a smart action, defeated and dispersed. Order was
thus restored by foreign force. The Prefect appointed by
the King, returned and resumed his functions. Fresh horrors
under this deceitful calm were meditated. No sooner were
the Austrian troops withdrawn, than fresh massacres took place;
chiefly of the Protestants, whose places of worship had been,
shut up. The 16th October was a scene of fresh massacre
and blood, attended with the most dreadful cruelty. The
Kino-, after the first commotion, issued a proclamation threat-
ening the severest punishments upon all those concerned in
these enormities. " Our subjects in the south," said he,
" have recently proceeded to the most criminal excesses.
Under the pretence of making themselves ministers of public
vengeance, Frenchmen have, to satisfy private revenge, shed the
blood of Frenchmen. Most atrocious persecutions" continued
he, " had been exercised against his friends:" but he reminded
them that the punishment of these crimes should be " national,
solemn, and regular" and as these should not escape cogniz-
ance; so neither should those individuals, who usurped the
place of government, to satisfy their private hatred. They
also would be punished with the utmost severity, f Upon
the breaking out of these fresh scenes of bloodshed, the
King sent General La Gard, an officer of rank and reputa-
tion, to punish and repress them. But he was severely
wounded by a mob, while endeavouring to arrest the assassin
Trestailon. The military, however, being reformed under
the Royal authority; were brought in, and quartered in the-
* Antrim bulletin, | Proclamation, September let -
456
place; and in some degree have restored order, when these sheets
were put to press.* But the passions are not yet laid to sleep;
and it is evident, that the authority of Louis XVIII. is not yet
sufficiently strong to repress, or punish with firmness, this odious
spirit of mischief and blood, in that disorganized country.
These atrocious scenes created great interest over Europe,
and more particularly in Great Britain. Her inhabitants, ever
alive to the voice of distress, from whomsoever it proceeds,
were eager to express their disapprobation of such wanton and
unjustifiable proceedings, and also to relieve the distress of the
sufferers. This conduct proceeded from noble and from hon-
ourable motives. But these deadly feuds were by many repre-
sented as entirely betwixt religious parties, and on account of
religious principles. This is not the fact. It is not on ac-
count of religion, but for the want of it, that makes Frenchmen
commit such atrocities. It is to political animosity, imbittered
by all that, ignorance and demoralization, which had so long
despised, and so completely overturned every rational pursuit
or moral feeling in France, that we are to look for the origin
of these destructive evils. This system the revolution began,
and carried on, in order to exterminate the principles of real
religion; and the career of which folly has darkened, not en-
lightened; thrown backward, not improved the human mind.
Political immorality, moral depravity, and religious indiffer-
ence, had been too long followed and gloried in, by every pro-
fession of faith, and by those of no profession of faith, in France,
for any tie that can bind man to man in society, to remain un-
broken. A dreadful outcry was quickly raised, and eagerly cir-
culated, by the friends of Bonaparte, against the Bourbon gov-
ernment; as being the cause, and the secret promoter of these
calamities. Through them, as usual, party wanted to direct
its poisoned shafts at the whole alliance formed against France;
and particularly to accuse the British ministers, for their con-
duct in supporting this despotic and persecuting government,
which they had established in France, on the ruins of Napole-
on's authority. But these accusations were without foundation,
as it regards both. It was on the 5th July, that these mur-
ders began, at the time when the overthrow of the French ar-
* The Protestant churches, that bad been shut for seme time, were re- opened.-
457
my, and the consequent abdication of Napoleon, divided
France, and gave the adherents of Louis an opportunity to
raise their heads, and to contend against the remains of revo-
lutionary power. The King did not enter Paris till the 8th.
He was not acknowledged nor proclaimed at Nismes, till the
lGth; and, in many places in the south of France, till a latter
date. Armies hostile to him intervened between his capital and
the south, and' overspread these provinces; many parts of
which being without any fixed government, each individual
contended for that authority which he wished to see re-estab-
lished. In the situation in which France was placed, by the
sudden overthrow of an unprecedented usurpation; where the
elements of evil remained stupified, but not destroyed; some time
must necessarily have elapsed, before the King's authority
could be re-established: could act with effect; if, even yet, it
can in some places be said to do so. In the interim, between
the overthrow of one system and the re-establishment of another,
the passions of their adherents became so inflamed, that for
some time these despised all authority; and the latter treated
with contempt, even that authority which they desired, when it
stepped forward to shield those who were its political opponents,
and who also had been severe masters. Situated as France
was, nothing else was to be expected. But granting, for a
moment, that religious principles were the sole cause of the
present mischief, what does it prove? Two things, and too
serious things, which it has been the grand object of all those
who pretended to be more humane, enlightened, and wise, a-
mong us than their brethren, during the last twenty-five years,
to deny namely, that the Roman Catholic religion, where it
has the political power, is still as illiberal, bigotted, fierce,
and cruel in its principles, as ever it was. Yet we were told
by the same party, when it suited their manoeuvres, that it
was become o gentle and humane, that amongst ourselves, it
might safely be intrusted with a pow^r, which it is always cer-
tain to abuse. These things also prove that France has not
been in any manner, or in any shape enlightened or improved
by that revolution, which we were haughtily told by all our
sensible patriots, was to banish evil, first from France, and next
flora the world. If we could have believed them, (and how
% M 15
458
near were we of being politically persecuted, for not joining
in this belief,) France was as happy ami as innocent, as Adam
and Eve were in paradise. All things had been made new;
and the golden age was, therefore, restored to the world.
But when the indignant arm of Europe tore asunder the veil
thrown over France by the ambition- of Ifepoteerrr, and by the
vanity of the nation, we then beheld them cutting eaeh other"
throats for religion and politics; and roasting- their fellows over
slow firesyfor the crime of witchcraft.* All these things afford
incontestible evidence that every one of the different tyrannies
which have in fearful succession swayed France, during the
last twenty-five years,-have had totally different objects in view,
than cither the enlightening the minds or ameliorating the spirit
or institutions of her" people. These were neglected in order
to find time to establish the individual tyranny of her factious
demagogues,' and to oppress their' neighbours. This point
brings us to consider the true source of those evils which in
1815, desolated the south of France. It'recalsy and forces us
to recal, to the memory, (already beyond measure sickened and
tortured- by French folly, cruelty, and injustice, in every
quarter of the globe,) all those tremendous scenes of butchery
and .bloodshed perpetrated throughout the south of France,
but particularly at Nismes; .against the followers of Louis
XVI., his family, and those who professed the Catholic reli-
gion. It is not here meant to defend the religious principles
of the latter, much less to extenuate their present crimes. It is
to shew that the present horrors originate more in political feel-
ings, than in religious animosity. To shew this, facts must be
stated without partiality for either the one religion or the other,
The revolution divided France into two poHtical parties, of
Which nearly ail the Roman Catholics or aristocrats were
the adherents of the Bourbons; and the Protestants in gene-
ral, with all the Atheists, which latter at ihat period con-
sisted of the greater half of France, formed the democratic or
Jacobinical party, which planned, occasioned and suj ported.,
the revolution, in all its career of internal and external violence.
The justice or injustice of their conduct in doing so, it is not
* Two atrocious instances of the latter, is detailed in their Journals and Courts of*
Justice M'ithin-a fevf month?,
I
459
intended here to discuss. It is the fact -that they did so, which
is at present the object in view. And it is u lamentable fact,
nd one that must not be concealed, that the Protestants in
the south of France, under whatever profession these were
distinguished* were particularly active in the bloody scenes at
the commencement of the Revolution. Amongst them the abo-
* minablc principles of Voltaire and his associates, had roade^jrea-
ter progress than amongst others; principles which were sub-
versive, and then put in motion,, to subvert every law, and every
institution, human or divine. To murder a Roman Catholic,
or to persecute him on account ofhis political or religious opini-
ons, is. surely equally criminal, as to murder a Protestant for
liis. Yet, in those days, to murder, and to persecute ..them
without mercy; and by all the ways that, cruelty could invent,
by assassinations, guillotining, .and drowning, by hundreds, was
not only not accounted a, crime, but was praised as a patri-
otic and meritorious; deed. Their temples were polluted with
the most horrid mockery, burnt, or shut up. These were af-
terwards seized Uy the consent of the ruling power, occupied,
and appropriated by the Protestants to their, use, and, who,
previous to this convulsion, had very indiscreetly and publicly
marked (hem out for that purpose. Their worshippers. and
guardians were stripped of their all, and. their, families destitute
and forlorn, were scattered over the country, wandering un-
friended, .languishing in dungeons, or perishing on scaffolds.;
without trial and without accusation. The atrocities commit-
ted at that time over the south pi' France, and particularly ki
the town of Nismes, were such as absolutely exceed credibility,
and harrow .up every feeling of the soul with horror. My li-
mits prevent mefrom entering at great length into, these bloody
details, which would have disgraced the. savages of New. Zea-
land; and in which the horrors of 1815 were uot Only equalled,
but surpassed in 1790, and other subsequent years. Then, as
now, the people of this part of France, not only laughed at hu-
man suffering and misery, but they feasted on human blood.
Their present sovereign himself, charges them with this odious
.fact. Portraying the horrors of the revolution, and what its
consequences would be, he states with sorrow, that they had
?eft nothing " but hordes of robbers, rcgicidrs. and cannibals"*
Address of French Princes to Trance and Europe 1732.
460
Yes, cannibals i In the strong language of Mr. Burke in tiie Bri-
tish House of Commons, " Rebellion, perfidy, murder, and can-
nibalism! {hear! hear! from the opposition bench.) Gentle-
men, Mr. Burke said, might call out, hear, hear, as long as
they thought proper; he had asserted no more than what he
could prove; he would again assert cannibalism, for he had
documents to prove that the French cannibals after having
torn out the hearts of' those they had murdered, squeezed the blood
out of them into their wive, and drank it."* This was nei-
ther an exaggeration, nor a calumny. It was a melancholy and
disgraceful fact, which in more instances than one, occurred in
the south of France, at the commencement of the revolution.
Yet the perpetrators of these horrid deeds, were not only not
punished, but they were applauded and rewarded as the benefac-
tors of the human race. Nay, " solemn and public festivals were
decreed in honour of the basest and the greatest criminals,
particularly the assassins of Avignon, Aries, and NiSMES."f
Of the horrors committed at two of these cities, I shall en-
deavour to give a short account. Of the political causes
which produced them, I cannot enter into the details; but
those who wish to be further satisfied that it was polkical mat-
ters, which then occasioned the massacres which took place,
may consult the official proceedings of the Legislative Assembly
of that period, and the Annual Register vol. xxxiv. and other
authorities of the same date, where they will find these tilings
detailed at length, and from unquestionable authority. At
Nismes the Catholics and Protestants had constantly lived in
bonds of amity and friendship. When the horrors of Saint
Bartholemew deluged the Capital, and almost all the rest of the
provinces with blood ; Nismes, under the direction of the
consul Villars, and the vicar General Bertrand du Luc, enjoy-
ed tranquillity and peace! No 1 demon disturbed their happi-
ness, till the principles of Voltaire sapped the foundation of
human society ; and scattered over France " fire-brands, arrows,
and death." The revolution took place with honourable and
praise-worthy objects in view. These gained, Atheists and
revolutionary madmen overthrew them. Nearly all the Pro-
* Speech, May 1 1th, 1 792.
f Manifesto of the Emperor of Germany and King of Prussia, 1V92.
461
testants, or at least those that went under, and who at that
period disgraced the name, coalesced with the former ; joined
their ranks, assumed their banners, aided their schemes, and
followed their footsteps. Nismes once united and happy, was
thus quickly deluged with blood. Foiled in their object to
gain the chief power of the city into their own hands, though the
Protestants had, without any jealousy from the opposite party,
got 18 members of their party into the magistracy, out of 23 of
which it was composed; and although their number, in point of
population, was only one fourth, they established a Jacobin
club similar to alt others at that time established in France;
which calumniated the magistrates, blamed them for the evils
hatched by themselves; and planned the overthrow of the gov-
ernment, intending to divide Fiance into 83 federal Republics,
The parties separated. The Catholics were known under the
name of the red tufts, and the Protestants the white tufts, from
the colours of the feathers, which they wore as distinguishing
badges. The breach became wider; the danger increased.
Each viewed the motions of the other with hatred, jealousy,
and alarm. Repeated attempts were made by the Catholics to
accommodate their differences. Nothing less than the whole po-
litical power, and their constitution, would satisfy the revolu-
tionary party. Jacobinical lies, as usual, fanned the flame.
At length on the 2d May 1790, blood was shedMn earnest; a
rumour had been spread that the Catholics meant to murder
the Protestants. False as it was, it had the desired effect. The
Protestants had already seduced to their cause, many of the
Protestant soldiers, both of the line and of the national guards.
The Catholics were every where insulted and attacked; many
were wounded. Some of the leaders excited the soldiers at the
barracks to rebellion, by telling them that their comrades were
murdered; and others stood Ml the town- house, exclaiming,
" It was now the time to stick the Mayor's head on a bayon-
et!" Women were found giving money to the soldiers, and cal-
ling to them, " Courage! the day is ours! down with the Ca-
tholics!" By the firmness of the magistrates, however, further
mischief was at this moment prevented. Hut the Protestants
and the Jacobin club had now gained the ascendency. The
National Assembly, as usual, took their part. They became
462
more bold. Inflammatory publications were industriously cir-
culated over the neighbouring departments, by the Protestants.
Threatening letters were received by the Catholics at Nismes,
from the Protestant bodies of the neighbouring country, stat-
ing, that 12,000 Cevenols were ready to march to chastise all
who opposed the constitution. After numerous quarrels, and
much bloodshed, on the 12th June, tilings assumed a more
serious appearance^ and next day, a dreadful massacre took
place. Fifteen thousand men from the neighbouring Protest-
ant departments, viz. the Vannage, the Cevennes, and the Gar-
donenqne, in direct contradiction to the decrees and laws of
the Assembly, marched fco Nismes, with an express com-
mission to bring away the heads of the municipal officers.
Bands of abandoned and ferocious women followed ihem, who
collected the spoils, and stripped the mangled .bodies of the
slain. The revolutionary Junta in the city, had for some time
previous been preparing; ball cartridges were secretly procured*
Many of the Protestants withdrew their children on the 12th,
from the different seminaries in the city, preparatory to the con-
vulsion. On the 13th, the magistrates seeing the storm advanc-
ing, endeavoured to prevail on both parties to surrender their
arms. This the -Catholics, in general, obeyed. The Protestants
refused; and, in consequence, the former were immolated where-
cver they were met, without much resistance.* The Catholics,
when too late, endeavoured to defend themselves; but their a-
tagonists had completely the advantage, and the command of
all the magazines and posts. The Protestant part}- compelled
Abbe Belmont, after the most cruel treatment, to proclaim
martial law; which, while attempting to do, the blood gushed
from his mouth, from the blows which he had received. He
was rescued by the Catholics; but martial law was proclaimed:
and the contest began between the people of the city, nnd soou
afterwards, the Protestants were joined by the force from the
neighbouring departments, as already mentioned. Nismes then
suffered all the horrors of a town taken by storm. The confu-
sion and massacre became general, and lasted for three days,
* Les rues ri' eloient pas surcs: on ponrsuit les jtoufs rouges, en les immole ]tar-
Xout ou on les rencontre; is tlie account Coolly given by the commissioners of the
administration of the Department.
463
and over the country for two months. The houses of the
Catholics were demolished, all theii property in the town
and in the country was- destroyed, while every thing be-
longing to the Protestants was invariably spared. The
number of Catholics slaughtered, were estimated at from 4-
to 600 in the town, 200 of whom were fathers of families.
The total number butchered in the city, and in the surround-
ing country was estimated at 1500. Of the Protestants, 21
perished; of whom, seven were slain without the walls, by the
hands of those who considered themselves justified in avenging
the death cf their friends. Of these, two persons named
Maigre, father and son, perished innocent, and justly regretted
by both parties. As usual, the assassins were not content with
inflicting simple death upon the Catholics, but exercised the most
horrid cruelties. Some had their hands, feet, noses, or ears,
lopped away; others were ripped open, and their entrails
thrown in their faces, while yet alive: one man oi' the name of
Violet, was stuck by the throat upon a hook, at a butcher's
door, and there suffered to hang for an hour, in excruciating
pain, till his cries extorted death from those, whom nothing
could move to compassion. Barbarities too shocking to re-
late, were also perpetrated. The churches were profaned with
the most horrible mockery; the priests were murdered where-
ever they were found. One, an infirm old man of 82, was
hacked to pieces, in his bed, with sabres; another solicited five
minutes to prepare for death. His executioner, with his watch
in one hand, and a pistol in the other, stood by him, and
counted the minutes, while his victim knelt at the altar. The
short time expired; the assassin coolly dispatched him. Order
was at length restored, by the national guards of Montpellier;
who, in their march to this devoted spot, were, by every artifice
and falsehood, endeavoured to be detained, or induced to return,
by the inhabitants of the Protestant communes, through which
they passed. These asserted that order was restored, and that
the advance of their opponents, was contrary to the laws; though
that of their own party was looked upon in a different light.
These national guards of Montpeliier threatened to turn their
arms against all who disturbed the public peace, of whatever par-
ly they might be. Their firmness overawed men conscious of
464
guilt. Wearied with'carnage, and satiated with blood, the assas-
sins retired to their homes, laden with spoils: while, as if to mock
the misery of the sufferers, troops by order of the government,
were quartered upon them in particular; and they were besides
compelled to pay the expenses incurred by the national guard*
of those departments, who had been the principal instruments
of inflicting those evils upon them. The National Assembly
passed over the guilt of the assassins; and afterwards praised,
rewarded, and promoted them for the deed. In fact, all these
horrors were planned and encouraged by its most violent revo-
lutionary members; and the perpetrators were invariably de-
fended and screened by them. Every effort that the unfortun-
ate Catholics and friends of the Bourbon government made, av
precaution which they took, to guard themselves against the
plots and designs of avowed cut-throats, was construed into an
attempt against the constitution and majesty of the people, and
made the handle for treating them with the greatest brutality;
for disarming, and leaving them defenceless against the malice
of their foes. In midst of these bloody scenes, the Jacobin
Club at Nismes was corresponding with the Revolutionary
Committee in London, about humanity, justice, benevolence,
and freedom: which correspondence was thankfully received,
and graciously answered, with praise and exultation. As usual,
these horrors were denied, or charged upon the heads of their
opponents. This was a Jacobinical trick, which can now de-
ceive no one. Even Alquier, the famous and ferocious repub-
lican reporter, who had been employed by the Assembly to
draw up a report from the evidence of the assassins alone, was
so convinced of the truth of the manly and energetic account
given by M. Marguerites, Mayor of Nismes, to the National
Assembly,* that he went up to him, at their bar, to which the
latter had been dragged as a criminal, and in presence of the
members, told him " that he was touched to the quick with his
statements. That he adhered to them with all his heart and
soul; and if he were not obliged to consult the committee upon
it, he would immediately mount the tribune, and avow his opi-
Sec Annual Register, vol. XXXIV. page 94. These aocounts were takea
by it chiefly from Alquier's report; and the " Comte rendu les ~2'2d and 25d Fevri-
er a V Assembles nationnle au nom de la Municipalite dc Nismes, par M. dc Mar-
guerites, Maire de Nismes, ct JDcputc it* department de Garde, " tyc. <$;c.
465
rnon fo the assembly." Investigation was, however, hushed,
as it always was, when it turned out unfavourable to the Re-
volutionary Junta.
But it was not at Nismes alone, that the Protestants and their
friends visited their politieal opponents with vengeance. In the
subsequent year, they were deeply concerned in the horrible
butcheries at Avignon. This city, and territory attached to it,
contained apopulation of 200,000 souls. It belonged to the Pope,
from whom it was at this time wrested by violence, on the part
of the French government; and because the inhabitants wished to
live under their ancient religion and laws, they were proscribed,
banished, and butchered without mercy. In page 795, of the
former Narrative, the reader will find an account, horrible as
it is, of one part of these proceedings; taken not only from offi-
cial, but, as it regarded the perpetrators, friendly authority.
Eut, besides these, were many atrocious scenes. The infamous
Jourdan (not the General of that name,) commanded these
horrible massacres. The prisons were crowded with innocent
victims. They were daily dragged out, one by one, and mur-
dered. Jourdan always stood by with his drawn sabre, and
threatened the executioner when he hesitated. The Marquis
Rochegude, while ill of the gout, was dragged out, summarily
condemned, and hanged in such a manner that he lingered an
hour in torment; whiJe his executioners danced around him,
with the most insulting language, and pricking him with their
bayonets, till he died. Abbe Offray was murdered in a similar
manner. Several towns resisted these banditti led against
them. Cavaillon was taken by storm, and many of its inhabi-
tants massacred. In this attack, the Protestants of the South
bore an active part, and lost a number of men. Among other
instances of cruelty which here took place, is the following: A
French deserter having cut off the head of M. Rostang, a cap-
tain of artillery, brought it in triumph to his comrades; and
mingled the dripping blood, in the cups with the wine, with
which they were celebrating tiieir victory. At Carpentras, and
around it, even greater cruelties took place. There, the Pro-
testants from Nismes, were again particularly active. Girls were
not only violated, but mutilated; and infants were butchered
at their mother's breasts. A priest was martyred at the high
3 IS
*0&.
altar, for endeavouring to preserve the holy sacrament froiW
pollution. They murdered their own General, (an Irish ad-
venturer named Patrick, or Patris.) because he endeavoured to
save the life of a prisoner. Jourdan was then put in his place*
During the siege of Carpentras, Guerin de Mazin cut the throats*
of some unarmed prisoners; and, with his comrades, feasted on
their livers* The revolutionary soldiers wore in their hats in-
scriptions, with these words, " brave banditti of the army of the
department oi' Vaucluse;" and Jourdan and his followers made
it their common boast, that they wanted human headstoplay at
bowls. Preparatory to the greatest massaeres at Avignon, most
of the troops of the line, and the national guards of the neigh-
bourhood, were dismissed; and their places supplied by armed
revolutionists from Marseilles, Aries, Montpellier, the Protestant
towns of the Cevennes, and the Protestant companies of Nis-
mes. Four hundred of the latter, marched- into Avignon on
the 15th June, who threatened to hang every one who pro-
nouneed the name of the Pope. I pass- over the lighter enor-
mities,, or bare murders. The troops of the line, scandalized
at the disorders which they were not alio w-ed to prevent, desir*
ed permission to. evacuate their posts* and were accordingly re-
lieved by the national guards of Nismes. On the 21st, these
murderous scenes became more serious, Jourdan seized the
palace, the arsenal, the arms, and the cannon. The inhabi-
tants endeavoured to escape in every direction. Eighty were
imprisoned in the prisons _ of the palace; from* whence they
.were drawn out, one by one; and, after a mock trial, shot.
During the first three days, fifteen perished* in this mannerw
IVI. Forrestier was wounded with a pistol, had his two arms
hacked oh", and. was afterwards dispatched with a m unci tret,, and
his head carried in triumph on a pike. M.. Aime, one of the
earliest promoters of the revolution, who had fled from their
rage, was brought back stretched on a cart,, bathed in his own
blood; while his wife and children were, with insolence, pre-
vented from taking a last farewel. * These horrors continued
to increase. Guilty and innocent were imprisoned together, in
the dungeons of the palace; and, by the middle of October,
**La situation politique de Avignon, page 37 and SSi-
467
amounted, by some accounts, to the number of <]00.* Their
destruction was resolved on. On the night between the 16th
and I Till October, 1791, they were taken out, one by one; and
after being levelled to the ground by two ruffians, w ho stood
at the prison gate with bars of iron lor the purpose, the, were
dispatched, and hewn in pieces with sabres. M. Nolhac, a re-
markable clergyman, SO years old, was the last that was dis-
patched, after bestowing his benediction upon his ft 1 low suf-
ferers. To deprive their friends and families of the melancholy
consolation of weeping over their mangled remain-, the bodies
were thrown into the ice-house, and covered with loads of sand.
Compelled to notice, in some shape, these horrors, the Nation-
al Assembly sent -commissioners to investigate the affair. Up-
on their arrival, in order to ascertain the extent of the mas-
sacre, they attempted -to dig out the bodies. Amidst the most
heart-rending scene ever witnessed; many were brought forth;
but in such a putrid and mangled state, that they were com-
pelled to desist. Amongst those thus dug out, each of the
survivors endeavoured to find a friend or relative: all sought
with anxiety, for the remains of their venerable pastor. Tie
was found, distinguished bv his clerical dress, and his cru-
eifix beside him. They flocked >in -crowds round his muti-
lated body: his remains were exposed to view for several
days, to satisfy his weeping flock; who beheld these with feel-
ings bordering on idolatry, so much was he esteemed and belov-
ed. The National Assembly, in opposition to themselves, at first
heard of these scenes with horror. The paper dropped from
the hand of him who read the report of their own commission-
ers; and exclamations of horror and grief resounded through
their hall. Jourdan was imprisoned. He was strenuously de-
fended by Bazire, Thuriot, and M. Vassal 1, but more particu-
larly by M. La Source, a Calvinist minister, who, amidslthe- ap-
plause of the galleries, contended that the people (that is the
assassins) of Avignon might justly reproach the French, if an
amnesty was not granted to them, a: well 9s to those of Nis-
mes, Montaubau, and other places. lie then endeavoured to
turn their attention to M. Bouille, v^ho had assisted to deliver
the King from their tyra-nny. His sophistry, and that ot his
colleagues, succeeded. .Only four persons were selected for
Abbe Bar.-eul's history of the clergy; and Annual Register, vol. XXXIV.
463
punishment, for inferior offences. Jourdan returned to Avig*
non in triumph. The terrified inhabitants endeavoured to
obtain his mercy. The Mayor went forth to meet him, in
order to supplicate protection for the lives and properties of
his fellow citizens. Jourdan returned him the brutal and af-
flicting answer, that '' this time the ice-house should be full."
New murders ensued. The country was laid waste: from
30,000, the population of Avignon, was reduced to the num-
ber of 5000. Their destroyers were praised and rewarded;
and the men of the ice-house of Avignon, became afterwards a
title of revolutionary glory; and was boasted of as one of the
signal achievements of that calamitous period.*
It would be endless to relate the horrors of that period of
bloodshed; and in which, the inhabitants of the South of
Trance, bore the most conspicuous part. No conduct, on the
part of their religious or political opponents, could possibly
justify such cruel and unwarrantable proceedings against them.
Nor can it be dissembled, that the inhabitants from the Pro-
testant districts, w T ero amongst the most active in these revolu-
tionary broils. We again find many of the inhabitants of Kis-
jncs acting a conspicuous part at the brutal attack on the
Thuilleries, on the fatal 10th of August, 1192. - It is not to be
supposed, nor is it here meant to state, that there were none
who professed the Protestant faith, who did lament and ab-
hor these horrible proceedings. No doubt there were; as there
is also little doubt that many of the intelligent Catholics do the
horrors of 1815: but, unfortunately in these convulsions, the
iierce passions attend to no distinction. Guilty and innocent
frequently suffer alike; as was no doubt the case both in
3790 and in 1815. That the chief promoters of these diabol-
ical scenes, at the commencement of the French revolution^
were ferocious Atheists, is no doubt certain; but it cannot be
denied that the sufferers were almost exclusively Roman
Catholics, who remained stedfast to their religion and their
King, according to the Constitution of 1789; and it must
not be dissembled, that nearly all those who called themselves
iVoicstants, espoused the political principles of that infernal
banditti; in general following their banners, and joining in
Annual Register, vol. XXXIV. page 22* to 264.
469
their diabolical deeds. There is no doubt also, but the Cathol-
ics, particularly the clergy, were in many instances concerned
in plans to regain their lost rights and properties. The daily,
arbitrary, and unjust decrees of the Assembly, which at last
stripped them of every thing, infallibly led to this result. If
the late persecution against the Protestants is put wholly up-
on religious grounds, those of 1790, &c. against the Catholics,
may be so also; and would this mend the matter in favour
of the former? It would not. The sufferings of the Catholic
* clergy and their hearers, during the French revolution, were
horrible beyond description: and whatever their errors and
failings, nay, even in some instances, their guilt, may have
been; it is impossible for even the most ordinary feelings not to
feel something more than common indignation against their
persecutors. Their loyalty to their King; their devotion to
their God, according to the dictates of their conscience; in the
midst of unprecedented horrors and distress, drew even praise
from their enemies, and had a totally different effect to what their
persecutors anticipated. In the proceedings against them, the
members from the South were the most violent; and as these
were, as they themselves said, freely elected by their constitu-
ents, they must have spoke their sentiments. Those priests who
would not violate their duty to their King and to their God; who
refused' to take the oath to a Constitution daily assuming new
shapes, were proscribed, drowned, and butchered, in hundred?.
Nnv, to such a height did this hatred reach, that dead bodies of
both sexes were dug up, to be buried in unconsecrated ground;
because the deceased had not heard mass from a priest who had
taken the constitutional oath. These bodies were frequently left
to rot above ground. In one instance, a young man and woman
at Villeneuve near Cordes, having refused to be married by
the new priest, a band of ruffians entered the house on the wed-
ding day by force. The bridegroom having fled, they seized
the bride, subjected her by force to their brutal passion; and
then mutilating her and tearing off" her breasts with their nails,
left her to expire in torments.* I conceive it perfectly unne-
Abbe liarreul's history of the clergy; arul Annual Register vol. XXX I V.
If any thing was wanting to establish the extreme ferocity of the French cbarac-
ter'in 1791, and subsequent years, die two following facU would establish it a?
470
-ccssary to relate more of these horrible persecutions; all of which
arose from political principles, and political objects. It is well
known that the great contest during the French revolution was
for political power, not for religious pre-eminence. The former
was the cause of all the evils that afflicted France, and whose
consequences have desolated Europe. In these, the friends of
Louis, who were almost all Catholics, were the greatest sufferers.
The wrongs they suffered were of such a hideous and heinous na-
ture, that it was certainly beyond the power of human nature to
forget, or even to forgive them; in a country whose whole
business, from the period ot these deadly feuds, had been ex-
ternal war and violence. These things were therefore re-
membered, resentment cherished, and revenge anticipated, and
wanted only a fresh provocation to shew itself. That opportun-
beyond a parallel. Near Lyons, Guillon de Montct, an old man, formerly
governor x>f Senegal, was butchered without any cause. In vain his wife, with
her two children in -her arms, supplicated mercy from the assassins. The house
was set on fire de Montet escaped he was taken in sight of his wife and child-
ren; he was literally hacked to pieces alive. With his last breath he blessed his
wife and children. His head was cut off'; his bleeding limbs were carried in
triumph round the neighbouring villages. The rest of the assassins quarrelled about
his bleeding trunk ; they smeared their hands and faces with his blood. They
roasted and were devouring his flesh, when they were disturbed by the troops of
the police, in their horrid repast. Madame Montet appeared in the National
Assembly, and pled her cause with dignity; but she could not repeat these horrors,
but which she gave in writing, to be read in her absence She demanded redress.
The Assembly heard her with apparent commiseration, but no murderer was brought
to justice.
Defeated by the Austrians, ia 1 7 2, the cowardly troops murdered all their officers,
who they said had betrayed them, because they were aristocrats. Rochambeau though
wounded in battle, fell pierced by their t>rutal bayonets, as he entered Lille. His
body, after being insulted by every indignity and mutilated, was thrown into a fire
which they had kindled in the market-place, at Lille; round which they danced
like savages, wiih the most diabolical howlings. His heart was torn from his bleed-
ing body, and sent to a lady of the General's family; who, though newly delivered
of a child, had been confined for 56 hours in a damp cellar. She was informed
that she might either satisfy her hunger with it, or starvel The Assembly shud-
dered at the recital of these horrors. La Fayette 'branded theirr as " cowardly
cannibals," but that was all. These things were only looked upon as mere specks
in that blessed revolution, which was by its blessings to compensate for the blood
of all aristocrats ; a gentle swell on that ocean, which was to settle into eternal
calm. The whole language of those in authority always commanded to respect
nd to be lenient to those patriots who were willing to shed the last drop of their
hktod for liberty! Seer Annual Register, vol. XXXI V. pages 40J and 404.
471
ity } as we shall presently see, was most unfortunately afforded
them. Under the revolutionary ambition, and imperial tyr-
anny, no measures were taken to spread the light of benevo-
lence and mercy; to soften these resentments, or extract the dead-
ly poison from the sting which these tragic scenes had left.
Both had other objects in view. All their endeavours were on-
ly exerted to unite these fierce spirits against Europe. Those
passions were thus encouraged not repressed grew with the
growth of French power, and strengthened with its strength; but
were for a time directed by the tremendous power of the nation-
al vanity, exclusively to objects of external violence. It could not
however, escape the most ordinary penetration, that the mo-
ment in which Frenchmen were deterred and prevented from
murdering and oppressing Europe, that these fierce resent-
ments woukl break forth amongst themselves, in all their bitter-
est consequences. It was said Bonaparte repressed the violence
of this persecuting spirit on the part of the Catholics, and
that therefore the Protestants loved him. It is very unfor-
tunate, if their safety is alone to consist in the prosperity of a
power, which cannot exist with safety to Europe. But it can-
not be that either his power, or rather the revolutionary power,
is alone capable o and al solutely necessary to protect the Pro-
testants in the South of France from religious persecution.
When he fell first, there was no persecution either heard of, or
intended. During the short reign of Louis XVIII. in I814-, uni-
versal toleration was allowed and proclaimed. It was never even
surmised in all the factions and false accusations made against
him, that such things were ever* thought on. His faithful
friends in every part of France expressed, as they well might,
the most unfeigned joy lor the return of a iamily for whom
they had suffered so much. Yet this joy was construed by the
fears of their opponents, as expressions indicative of violence and
re-action against them. It was, therefore, political principles
alone, which could induce the Protestants to espouse so gener-
ally and so cordially as they did, the cause of Napoleon, after
his return from Elba, and to support the revolutionary system
which re-called him. The adherents and friends of the King,
in these places, were every where proscribed, banished, or
massacred; and it .was in the department of the Garde, where
47-2
the Duke de Angouleme was treated with every possible indig-
nity; and was arrested like a criminal, after a solemn conven-
tion'td the contrary. Some hundreds of his followers were mas-
sacred or banished, and no punishment whatever was inflicted
upon the perpetrators. Even when Napoleon was overthrown,
they still endeavoured, by supporting his son, to oppose the
Royal Government. This, as has been related, brought the
parlies into collision; old animosities were recollected; re-
sentments were given scope to, and the horrors of the revo-
lution were renewed. It was not because their opponents were
religious opponents, but because they had been political oppo-
nents and revolutionary enemies, which made the Catholics
now attack- them; but which nevertheless forms no justifi-
cation for the lawless and brutal proceedings against the for-
mer. But these are facts which must be attended to, in order
to ascertain the origin of the evil complained of. In examining
the details, while we condemn the one, we cannot acquit the
other; while the political principles of those who thus disgraced
the Protestant faith and the Protestant profession in f?90,
were also, unfortunately for them at variance, with the political
welfare of Europe. Whatever religious feelings were mixed in
these disgraceful proceedings, (and, no doubt, these were con-
siderable) still it is obvious to every one who will take a
particular view of the subject, that political motives were the
true origin of the mischief. These too were rooted in their
worst forms, from general ignorance, old and cruel injuries,
a total chan-e of property, and religious differences. These
combined, even if Louis XVIII. had been seated on hi*
throne at their commencement, as he was not, would have
required a power much stronger, more despotic, and less en-
cumbered with difficulties than his was, to have prevented or
punished with the severity such things deserved. How many
professions of religion there are in the South of France, where
so little of real religion seems to be understood, it is impossible
to determine; but the world cannot possibly forget that from
these departments in the South of France, where difference hi
religious principles prevail most, came all the most furious
an d ferocious of that banditti which scourged France, and
which disgraced human nature. The Girondists,, of which
473
the Federates from the south, took the lead; the Brissotines of
which Brissot was the head, and which parties were composed
chiefly of the members from the Southern departments, were
those who brought their King to the scaffold; who plunged
France into a war with the Continent, and in a more particular
manner with England. The people of that part of France, and
in a very particular manner, those who were not Roman Catho-
lics, have from first to lust most assiduously scattered over the
world those principles which sapped the foundations of society :
and during all its career, most cordially supported that hideous
system which, while it brutalized France, ravaged and endeavour-
ed to make the people of Europe slaves and barbarians. The
sad effects of all this profligate conduct with religion, and without
religion, in civil and in political proceedings, the inhabitants of
France are destined to feel. Her present situation is one of
those fatal legacies which her national revolution, injustice,
and crimes, have left her; and confirms in a strong manner
indeed, the truth of the enormities which Europe has suffered
from her hand, when they have exercised and do exercise such
cruelties upon each other. Where, in another nation that
ever was removed a degree from the savage state, did we hear
of human beings tearing out the hearts of their victims, and
squeezing the blood out of the same to mix with the wine which
they drank? Where, in this, globe, will we find a nation who
dwell where knowledge may be found, any part of whose peo-
ple would take out either their religious or political opponents
before the doors of their dwellings, and in sight of their fami-
lies cut their throats, the same as a butcher would a sheep?
Degraded and worthless race! whose conduct as a nation,
Atheist, Catholic, or Protestant, have justly made mankind
their foes, and whose barbarous spirit if they had a leader to
guide it, a politician to disunite their enemies, who, if they yet
saw an opportunity, or if they dared, would in a moment unite
these jarring and evil elements, to transfer the iron bars of Avig-
non, and the daggers of Nismes, to London, Petersburgh, Vien-
na, or Berlin. While we feel satisfaction at our own happy state,
we cannot help deploring the distracted situation of France,
whose present government is compelled to adopt the following
Hne of conduct in midst of such horrors. " It ought not," say
So 15
*7#
they, " to be regarded as a political heresy to assert, that
while there exist two parties so decidedly opposed, it is not
just to punish the re-action, before those are punished, who, by
their bad treatment, have given occasion, to that re-action. It
is because this- eternal truth has been disregarded, that disor-
der continues in that country."* Irr a country, like ibis it is
a chimera, for some time, to talk of free constitutions. It is
idle to talk of religion.. The latter is unknown,, and the former
cannot exist. From such a society we have seen what Repre-
sentatives have been chosen, and we may form some idea ot
what will. They must be votaries of ferocity, ignorance, su-
perstition* or Atheism. The amount of the knowledge which
France seems to have gained by. all her atrocities, internal
and external,, seems to be, that she has learned only political
injustice, moral depravity, and religious bigotry.
While these tragic scenes were passing in- the South of
France, numerous bands of armed robbers infested the public
roads, and carried terror and death over other parts of the
country. The free corps, in particular, wherever these ap-
peared spared neither friend nor foe, but carried desolation
over whole provinces. " The crops rot on the ground. The
inhabitants*." said Fouche, ".fly before bands of undisciplined
soldiers."^ To them the Cossacks were mild, and the Prussians-
merciful. In, Paris the rallying cries and {he ensign of rebel-
lion were still seen and heard;. The violet was thrown aside
for the red pink which designated the friends of Napoleon. The
presence, however, of the allied armies, prevented the occurrence
of scenes like those at Nismes. The gaiety of the Parisians ne-
vertheless,, continued undiminished.. The march and triumph-
ant reviews, of the allied armies which- should have recalled fo
their minds the humiliation and disgrace of their country, were
in general, to all outward appearance,, beheld with satisfaction
and exultation. The King issued ordinances for. the better
observation of the Sabbath and the duties of religion. But the
capital had not time to attend to such serious matters. The
theatres, more crowded on Sabbath than on any other day of
the week, afforded them greater pleasure. The receipts of
Narrative of the affairs at Ni=mes published by the French Government, 1SL3-
f Sbuche's report, afterwards mentioned.
475
these places of amusement for a month, ending September Mth,
was 462,-912 francs, (abo-it .23.000.*) Their joy for the
return of the King, and the overthrow of oppression, was not
shewn in the way that any other rational nation would have
expressed it. It was not by the silent thankfulness of tlic
keart, or the solemn voice of -religions obedience, No! "we
are assured,'' said their Journals, " that a great number of
our most elegant ladies mean to celebrate the return of the best
of Kings, by dancing, to-morrow (Sunday) evening, in the gar-
den of the Thuilleries under the windows of the palace. This
charming assembly would have taken place last Sunday, but for
the bad weather."f This " charming" employment. continued
afterwards to be their Sunday employment, except when com-
pelled to yield to the fury of the elements, or to the seditious
cries and wicked tricks of the Jacobins and pink wearers, to
whom all days were alike if employed in .mischief. A few, but
the smaller number, followed a more rational course. In the
above manner, Bonaparte was wont to allow the Parisians to
amuse themselves and him on the Sabbalh. The King was for-
ced to tolerate the system. Such proceedings, however, shewed
not that solidjudgment and reflection, which constitutes the cha-
racter of a man or a people; but merely displayed that giddy le-
vity which fixes itself on every object, and yet has affection or
care for none. Such things-may appear of little consequence. It
is because that they were in this instance trilling, that they be-
come dangerous. Followed in such perilous moments, in such
solemn hours, big with fate and heavy with collected vengeance,
these pursuits are beneath the dignity of the nobler feelings of the
human mind. Such proceedings are of much more importance
than the thoughtless are aware of, or the irreligious willing to
allow. In the minds of my countrymen, and in the breasts of
the generality of the people of Europe, such proceedings do,
and will continue to excite contempt and abhorrence. What-
ever Frenchmen may do, they will consider that six days are
quite sufficient for every enjoyment of rational mirth and pub-
lic diversion, in all times; but more especially when the anger
f Heaven, for national crimes, hangs over a guilty land in a
Gazette de France. September 11 th, 1815.
f Journal des Debats, J^ly 15tb. iai5.
476
most conspicuous manner. The Atheist may mock, the fool
may laugh at these truths; the immoral and irreligious may
treat these conclusions as erroneous; but let them turn their
attention to the walks of private life, and see, hear, and learn,
from die numerous victims of violated laws, the origin of a life
mispent, and these will tell them that thoughtless pleasures on
Sunday first led them to days of wickedness to weeks of dissi-
pationto months of crimes to trial to condemnation, and
an untimely and an ignominious death. Let them unfoid the
volume of the history of those nations which have enjoyed the pri-
vilege of revealed religion, and particularly that volume dictat-
ed by unerring wisdom, and from whose invulnerable pages the
darts of Voltaire, and, the shafts of the goddess of Reason, wield-
ed by her stoutest champions, rebound, discomfited and broken;
and they will see this important truth exemplified in a strong
and in a striking manner. It forms the severest complaint of the-
Lord of Hosts against his chosen people, and a continued
profanation of this day by them brought with it his anger,
foreign armies, captivity and desolation. And was not France
at this moment, experiencing a similar visitation for this, as
well as for other offences. Let infidelity herself, examine into
what the conduct of this people, in this respect, has been for
the last thirty years, and she must acknowledge the conclu-
sion to be just. Foreign armies now occupied the capital and
overspread the provinces of France; called together to secure
all that is valuable to mankind, and to beat down all that is
dangerous to them. But not in this instance only was the punish-
ment of France conspicuous. The following important fact ap-
pears to me to be so remarkable, that I shall notice it in a par-
ticular manner. In a general review of the allied forces under
the command of the Duke of Wellington at Paris, this chief,
accompanied by all the sovereigns of Europe, with their
suites, consisting of the chief men from every state, took their
triumphant stand upon that bloody spot, where Louis XVL
was murdered, where the first permanent Guillotine was
erected, and the numerous revolutionary murders or rather
massacres, were openly and exultingly perpetrated. It was
on the 24-th July that this review took place. The Duke
sef Wellington as commander in chief, having on his right the
477
Emperor of Russia, and on his left the Emperor of Austria,
with the King of Prussia, and accompanied with all their re-
tinues, took his stand upon this memorable and fatal spot: and
thus, a general of that nation, which had opposed with more
firmness than others the principles and the power which had
occasioned those catastrophes, and which had been pursued with
more than common hatred, was made the instrument before the
eyes of all Europe, to tread in triumph over that hideous spot,
the bloodiest in the annals of mankind. It was not because
Louis XVI. was a tyrant, but because he was a sovereign;
not so much because he was a Sovereign, as because he was
the head of regular government, order, and laws, that he was
cut off} and that those who supported him suffered. It was
not that here religion and morality were overthrown, derided,
denied. It was not that mere human laws and institutions
which were here violated and trampled upon; but it was that here
the safe guards of human nature were broken down, and the laws
of the Creator, for its protection, trampled upon with exultation,
and violated with mockery and scorn. At that moment the
good amongst mankind trembled: the opinions of many were
shaken. The consequences which followed these deeds, were
for a while eo successful and so dazzling, that amongst multi-
tudes of mankind these were stripped of their criminality.
Time passed: the events were faintly remembered; even
where these took place. But these were registered where they
could not be obliterated. These were laid up where (hey
could not be forgotten; and the hour advanced with giant steps,
which, by the voice of an united and indignant world, was to
redress and triumph over those crimes committed against hu-
man nature, on that spot where all its feelings were outrag-
ed; where ^ill its safeguards were broken down where all its
laws were violated. In the crime these commiited allj Eu-
rope was interested. Its consequences all Europe felt: and
it would seem as if the retribution of Heaven had collect-
ed the chiefs of Europe to that spot, on it to erect their pa-
vilions, whose appearance and security covered the mur-
derers of that Prince and so many other innocent victims,
with shame; and France, because she deserved it, with hu-
miliation. The perpetrators may, and still do, think other-
478
wise. They may deny these truths; they may treat with con-
tempt this awful inference. It is not expected to convince
them of their error, any more than in this instance of the just
application of the punishment. But, on the fatal 21st of Jan-
uarv 1793> had any one told them, that on the spot where
Santerre drowned the voice of his innocent Sovereign, and
where a horde of demons afterwards, with cries of " Vive la
Marat! Vive la N-ationJ" stifled the voice of nature and the
feelings of humanity; had he been told that all the sovereigns
of Europe, with their princes and servants, should, at no distant
day, take their stand upon it to review those conquering hosts
which, in defence of truth and justice, had laid France at their
feet the individual would no more have been believed or at-
tended to than what the prophet Jeremiah was by the obstinate
Jews, when, in the midst of Egyptian security* and in their
aio-ht, he hid the " great stones" in " the clay at the brick kiln,"
which was " at the entry of Pharoah's house in Tahpannes"
and there foretold to them that " the Lord of Hosts, the God
of Israel," would " send and take Nebuchadrezzar, the king of
Babylon," his " servant," and " set his throne upon these
stones," and " spread his royal pavilion over them.''* Yet the
event was literally fulfilled. And from the hand of unerring
Justice, violence and murder will, in every age, and in every
country, whether perpetrated by a nation or by an individual,
receive commensurate punishment.
While France was thus bleeding at every pore, from the ef-
fects of foreign invasion and internal commotion, the spirit of
revolt and rebellion had spread to her colonies in the Carib-
bean Ocean. The promptitude and decision, however, of the
British officers commanding on that station, with the loyalty
and firmness of Count Vangirard, governor^ of Martinique,
saved that fine colony from any convulsion. That island had
preserved its ancient affection for its legitimate Sovereign.
Captured by the British in 1 794, it was saved from all the hor-
rors of that spirit of evil which was beginning to work in the
western world. Except from the peace of Amiens till 1808,
it was constantly under the British flag, and had imbibed no
revolutionary or disorganizing principles. Its inhabitants,
# Jeremiah xliii. 9, 10.
479
therefore, were well affected to Louis XVIII. Bat the garri-
son, newly arrived from France, were not. To a man, they,
were for their former master; on which account they were, no
doubt, selected for that employment. No sooner was the ar-
rival of Bonaparte in France known, than the governor, arm-
ing the militia, on whom he knew he could depend, placed
them in the forts; and assembling the troops, he informed them
of what had taken place in the mother country, and declared
his intention to remain faithful to Louis XVIII. He called
upon the garrison to do so also, which they refused; and, to a
man, shouted out for their beloved Napoleon. Count Vangir-
ard then informed them, that so situated, they had but one
course left to choose, which was to return to France in vessels
which he had provided for that purpose; as he was determined,
with the aid of the inhabitants, to preserve the colony to the
King, till the assistance which he was certain he would re-
ceive from the British, put it in his power to do so with safety.
This expected assistance soon appeared, under Sir James Leith
and Admiral Durham. The refractory garrison were embark-
ed for France; and Martinique was put in possession of the
British, as a deposit for Louis XVIII. Having thus secured
this important place; the British officers immediately proceed-
ed to Guadaloupe, with the forces under their command, and
there offered Linois, who was governor of that valuable island,
and under him General Boyer, as the commandant of the
troops, any assistance they might wish, tc secure the colony to
Louis XVIII. This Linois declined, stating that his force was
sufficient to protect the place, which he assured the British
commanders he intended to retain for Louis XVIII. The
British Generals satisfied with this declaration, departed; and
no sooner were they gone, than the faithless Linois and his
odious .coadjutor, Boyer, abandoned the cause of Louis, . and
espoused that of Napoleon. Their former professions of fidelity
made to the British commanders were only made to deceive, and
to get them out of the way, with the force which they had at
that moment, under their command which was sufficient, in the
unprepared state in which they were to have reduced them to
obedience, and to have captured the colony. This island was
in a very different state to that of JViwrtinique. The horrors of
48a
the revolution had visited and taken up their abode in it: and
1794 saw in Guadaloupe horrors and crimes perpetrated, such
as yielded in no respect, or rather that surpassed the most bar-
barous proceedings of the Revolutionary Tribunal in France.
They too had such a judgment seat they too had their guillo-
tines; which, too slow in their operations to satiate their ven-
geance, the unhappy victims were taken out by hundreds, and be-
ing placed in trenches dug for the purpose, were murdered by
discharges of artillery, loaded with grape shot; and theirmangled
remains immediately covered over with quicklime and earth to
hide them from view, and prevent a pestilenee from their put-
rid remains. Under the infamous Victor Hughes, it became a
den of robbers, and the refuge for all that was evil in the
western world. The greater number of the ioyal and peace-
able inhabitants were dispoiled of their properties, which were
confiscated and sold to the children of the revolution; who
therefore preferred the government which succeeded it, to that
of their legitimate Sovereign. In Guadaloupe he had but few
friends, and those insulted and despised. Linois and Boyer
having assembled the garrison, and the leading men of the col-
ony, proclaimed their intention to declare for Bonaparte;
which resolution was heard with satisfaction, and eagerly put
in execution. An early day was appointed for that purpose.
It was a most inauspicious one; it was the 18th of June. On
this day the tri-coloured flag was hoistec} on all the forts of
Guadaloupe and its dependencies. On this occasion, Linois
addressed them in a proclamation, which it is needless to quote,
as it is similar to many we have already considered ; informing
them, in short, that Napoleon was the only man fit to govern
the French dominions, and swearing eternal love and obedience
to him, and hatred to his enemies; and congratulating the in-
habitants of Guadaloupe at the certain glory which awaited
their future destiny, under the gentle sway of Napoleon; and
applauding them for the very ready manner in which they had
then so clearly expressed their true feelings and genuine patri-
otism. Theft triumph and their exultation was very great;
but it was doomed to be very short indeed. No sooner was
this act of treachery, baseness and deception made knowa
to the British commanders, than- preparations were made to
4S!
attack the place. So vigorous were these measures, that with-
out any supplies from Britain, by the end of July a force cal-
culated as sufficient to capture the Colony, was assembled
under the directions of Sir James Leith and Admiral Durham.
The first division sailed from Carlisle Bay, Barbadocs, on the
31st July, and was met at the Saintcs, already occupied by the
British troops of the second division, assembled from the isl-
ands to Leeward. With this united force, the commanders pro-
ceeded to Guadaloupe, where Linois and Boyer had assembled
a force of 6000 men, regulars and militia, with armed negroes;
the whole considerably exceeding the number of the British
forces brought against them. The fortifications also, were ex-
tensive and strong; yet, nevertheless, so judicious and decided
were all the movements of the British commanders, that on the
10th of August, the British flag waved in triumph over all the
fortifications of Guadaloupe. All the garrison and militia who
were found in arms were to be sent to France, as prisoners of
war, under the directions of Lord Wellington; and all public
property of every description, was given up to the British gov-
ernment. No other terms would be granted to the garrison;
and little time was allowed for them to accept or reject these.
The British loss in this important operation was 16 killed, 51
wounded, and 4 missing. The capture of this island saved it
from another scene of revolutionary fury. That abominable
spirit was not laid to sleep; nor could it be expected under
such a wretch as Boyer, one of the most ferocious of all its
tools, as St. Domingo can bear witness. During the short pe-
riod that Linois and this man reigned, terror and proscription
became the order of the day. It is a fact, that many of the
royalists were already condemned to death, before the arrival of
the British armament; and, incredible as it may seem, were
reserved in dungeons, to celebrate the birth day of Napoleon
with greater eclat, by their murder. Such a set of monsters
were never produced since Nero made a sport of human mis-
ery. They are enemies of human nature, against whom all its
outraged principles call out for stern retribution. It was re-
markable how this atrocious, cool, and deliberate deed of wick-
edness was passed over, almost without notice, by those men
who were for ever conjuring up atrocities in the adherents of
3 P 16
48-ii
Louis XV III. Wc were even called- upon to disbelieve the
tact, which was indisputable. The pen of a British General
was never used in communicating falsehood; nor his, who drew
a sword under Wellington, in publishing exaggeration. Let
us hear his words in this instance: " Under the flag of the
most unprovoked rebellion," said Sir James Leith, " the slaves
had been called to arms, and many were wrought up to a pitch
of sanguinary phrenzy T threatening the immediate destruction of
the Colony- Every sanguinary measure had been devised, and
the worst scenes of the revolution were to be re-commenced; and
the 15th of August, the birth day of Bonaparte, was to have
been solemnized by the execution of the Royalists, already con-
demned to death."* These proceedings were in the pure and
unadultered style of the Goddess of Reason, and sufficiently e-
stablished the source from whence they sprang. When, in the*
month of April preceding, Bonaparte, or rather the party
which governed him, made him abolish the slave trade, few
were aware of their real views in this measure. It was not be-
cause this trade was inhuman, or unjust: it was not because by
abolishing it, that they and he might gain popular applause for
the moment:- No, they had a deeper object in view. If we lose
our Colonies, we shall at least make them useless to our ene-
mies, was their calculation; and if we are to have no Colonial
establishments, neither shall they. With these feelings, their
intentions, no doubt, were to emancipate again,, as they had
done before, all the slaves in their own islands; from whence
they would have scattered the firebrands of rebellion, insurrec-
tion, destruction and death, over all the British Colonies, which
they had once before attempted, and with too much success.
Such unquestionably were their real views; and the conduct of
their commanders at Guadaloupe iu this instance, in arming
the slaves, and working them " up to a pitch of sanguinary
phrenzy" was only the beginning of that system, which was to
have been scattered over the Caribbean Archipelago; and
which would have left every island in it, one general scene of.
mourning, misery, and ruin. Such are the ultimate views and
general pursuits of what are called French humanity, always,
dictated by a Machiavelian policy, which it would require the
Sir James Leith's dispatch, August 12th,
483
'-wings of a demon to follow in its progress, and the pen of a
.Machiavel to trace.
After considerable delay and apparent inaction, the King
-began to take more serious and decisive measures with re-
gard to the numerous traitors, whose treason had driven him
from his throne. A decree was issued, degrading some from
the rank of Peers of France, for having sat in the Assembly of
that name under Bonaparte's usurpation. Some were-ordered
to be arrested, and carried before a council of war for punish-
ment; and a still greater number were by this measure direct-
ed to place themselves under the surveillance of the police, and
to take up their abodes in whatever part of France it might
xlirect or command them. Amongst the former were Counts
Clement de Rio, Colchen, Cornudet, d' Abbeville, de Croix,
Dedelay d'Agier, Dejean, Fabre de P Aude, Gasscndi, Lace-
pede, Latour Maubourg, de Barral (Archbishop of Tours,)
Boissy de Anglas, de Conclaux, Cassabianca, de Montescjuiou,
Pontecoulant, Rampon, de Segur, Valnee, and Bel Hard; Mar-
snails the Dukes of Dant/ic, Elchingen, Albufera, Cornegli-
ano, Trcviso; and the Dukes of Praslen, Plaisance, and de
Cadore. From this mim-ber was to be excepted all those who
within one month, s"hould prove they had not sat, nor been will-
ing to sit in the soi-disanl House of Peers. Amongst -the number
directed to be arrested, and carried before a .-council, of war for
trial and punishment were, Ncy, Labodeyere, the two Lalle-
mand's, Drouet d' Br Ion, Lefebre Desnouettes, Amulfo, Bray-
er, Giily, Mouton Duvcrnet, Grouchy, -Ciauzel, Laborde, De-
bele, Bertrand, Drouet, Cambrone, Lavalette, and Rovigo.
Amongst those who were -commanded to -quit Paris in three
days, and to retire into the interior, to such places as were
pointed out to them by the police were, Soult, Alex, Excel-
mans, Bassano, Matbot, Felix Lcpelletier, Boulay de la Meur-
the, Mehec Fressinet, Thibadeau, Carnot, Vandamme, Lamar-
*]ue, Lobau, Hard, Pere, Barrcre, Arnard, Pommereuil,
Regnault de St. Jean de Angley, Arrighi (Padua) Dejean (the
son) Garnau, Real, Bouvier, Dumolard, Merlin of Douay,
Durbach, Dirat, Defremont, Bory St. Vincent, Felix Dcspor-
tes, Gamier de Saintes, Mellinet, Flullin, Cluys, Courtcn, For-
Mi Janson' (the eldest son) and Lorgue Didevillc. These men
484
were to remain in this situation, until the Chambers decided
whether they were to be sent out of the kingdom, or delivered
over for trial to the Tribunals. These were afterwards ban-
ished from France, by a fresh decree; but where they are to
take up their abodes is uncertain. St. Jean de Angley went to
America, as did also the King of Spain. This list was declared
to comprehend all whom it was found necessary to mark out for
punishment; and was never " to be extended to others for any
causes, and under any pretext whatever, other than in form
and according to the Constitutional laws, which were express-
ly departed from for this case alone."* Foremost on the ar-
rested list "were Labodeyere and Key. , The former was imme-
diately brought to trial, because he was the first who openly
espoused Bonaparte's cause; and, from his youth and respect-
able connexions, his fate excited considerable interest. He
denied having had any intercourse with Bonaparte previous to
his leaving Elba, and stated his belief that no such intercourse
any where existed: he and many others were discontented, but
he knew nothing of any determined plot." He said he had no-
thing personal to complain of; that he obtained nothing from
the King, and had done nothing for him. From the proceed-
ings in the court, it appeared, that as soon as he heaid of
Bonaparte's advance towards Grenoble, he left that garrison
in open defiance of the commanding officer, Marshal Devilliers,
The Field Marshal succeeded in bringing back to their duty
100 men of the 7th regiment of the line. Labodeyere, how-
ever, carried off the rest, exclaiming " Vive le Etvpereurf and
replying to Devilliers, " country and honour;" which words,
unfortunately, said the Marshal, he did not ' understand in
the same manner that I did." In his defence, Labodeyere
wished to impress upon the audience that it was his honour,"
not his life," that he was most anxious to defend. <* I
may have been deceived," said he; misled by false illu-
sions, by recollections, by false ideas of honour: it is pos-
sible that country spoke a chimerical language to my heart."
.He wished, he said, to preserve in his regiment the " esprit de
corps," and not to allow them to forget the warrior who had so
of ten. led them to victory. This spirit, he said, that he should
# Decree by the King, 24 th July, 1815.
485
\
Uave been happy to have taught to his troops, on account of the
Bourbons, whom so many great deeds had made illustrious.
" I do not conceal," said he, " that I set off with sad presen-
timents., but Napoleon was far from my thoughts." He could
not, he said, foresee that France under a new regime would
in three months resume a political attitude. <{ I had not,"
aaid he, "foreseen this coalition if all Europe-, but I was the
victim to a vague tmeasiness, of which, nevertheless, I could
explain, and perhaps justify the cause." He then proceeded
to state, that " in 18H, neither the nation nor the army could
any longer suffer the yoke of Bonaparte it was tired of a war
without motive exhausted by sacrifices without utility." Every
one, according to him, wanted a " repairing Government."
This they found in Louis J
he endeavoured to bend us under the yoke."* How had Eu-
rope been deceived. She had always been given to understand
differently. Upon their dismissal from office, they sent before-
hand their resignation to the King; in order to make it appeal-
in the eyes of the nation, that they could not attend to the
interests of the State, on account of the Councils which were
acted upon, and listened unto, from behind the throne.
They told the King, that the " love of their country was no
where to be found but under the tri-colourcdfag; they accused
* Who shall decide when doctors disagree." The Edinburgh Review, No. L.
pao-e .511, says, " the danger to the restored Emperor, therefore, was wholly frov*
without, while that to Louis XVIII. was wholly from within." CarnOt perhap*
told them this. Fouche and them cannot both be rigltf*
489
he allies of unjustly and unnecessarily " robbing* them of all
the " public monuments, the tokens of their former glory. They
seize the monuments of arts, which alone remain to us after
twenty years of conquest." They ravage" the provinces,
" dissipate" the funds, " devour" the provisions, and carry off
the magazines of arms, the ammunition of war, and the cannon
from the ramparts of our cities. The white flag floats only on
ruins. France contains two nations contending against each
other. The French humiliated and discontented are ready to
proceed to the last extremity." The allies have " presented a
treaty which would consummate the ruin of the nation, and
which would cover it with eternal shame." Therefore the mi-
nisters gave up their places and refused their assent to that trea-
ty, because by acting otherwise they would have rendered them-
selves " cidpable to the nation" This was their affair* not the
business of Europe. It was her safety, not their glory nor
security, which she had to consult.
The accusations brought against the allies by the honest peo-
ple of France, about robbing them of the pictures and monu-
ments of art, the fruits of their conquests and the remembran-
cers of their glory, tended only to excite in Europe feelings of
indignation and contempt. These the different nations were
determined to remove, and did remove. Italy, Germany,
Prussia, the Netherlands, Holland, and Spain, had each their
valuable property thus restored; and brought back from Paris,
that great storehouse of plundered goods. In this, as in every
thing else, the French nation wished to act, and did act, with
their wonted insincerity and duplicity. They wished to
have it inserted in the capitulation of Paris, that these things
should be considered as their property. This was instantly
objected to by the allied chiefs, and particularly by BlucherJ
who peremptorily declared, that he was resolved to take every
thing to which Prussia had any claim. The fate of these valu-
able treasures was, therefore, reserved to be determined by the
decision of the Sovereigns of Europe; and they very justly and
very wisely directed that these should be restored to their original
owners. Because, however, no claim was inserted in the
articles concerning the capitulation of the Capital, the French
*)Ation held that these things belonged to them by a right
3q - ie
490
conferred from the treaty of 1814. They argued strongly that
it would be most injurious to the arts, to scatter these thing*
again over different countries; when they could thus be seen
in a collected manner, by every admirer of them, in their com-
fortable and elegant habitation in the Louvre. Had this ar-
gument been attended to, it would have been a very convenient
thin*' for every one who was stronger than his neighbour; first
to compel the latter to erect an elegant mansion, or adorn and
enlarge it'with the fruits of his labour, and then tell mm that
he can set off all his best articles of furniture in it, better than
he could in his humbler dwelling; and that, therefore, these
must be forthwith placed there.. In vain the owner would
remonstrate, that the possession of them was all his wealth,
and their value all that he had to adorn his country or support
his family; the other who could not and would not occupy his
time in producing such pieces, must Have them to enrich him-
self, adorn his dwelling, and support his extravagant and
unprincipled family. Similar were the arguments; similar
were the views of France; but which were most justly spurned
by indignant Europe. No intention, however, was shewn
by France, to restore any part of this property. In conse-
quence of which, Blucher, without any ceremony, set about
packino- up, and sending off what formerly belonged to Prussia.
This inflexible veteran paid no attention to either their sorrow
or their anger, but took what was his own, in person superin-
tending their departure; and when the catalogues could not be
found, being kept up or mislaid on purpose, his memory and
the memory of others, enabled- him to be no loser by French
obstinacy. "As my conduct," said that resolute chie , has
been publicly animadverted upon for not having allowed
the property plundered- from Prussia, by a banditti, to remain
in the museum of the Louvre; I have only to remark, that
ably supported by the illustrious Wellington, I pursued the
thieves, who have despoiled many of the nations ol Europe o
their inestimable monuments of the fine arts; I attacked and
dispersed them, and restored to my country the plunder they
had unjustly taken; spurning the idea of negotiating with the
French commissioners on this- subject: they may now thank-
Providence far our not following their base example" Cer-
Blucbcr's letter to Count Muffling, Taris, October 13th.
*91
tainry they might do so, for had the Prussians demanded some
of their own, as interest for the use of theirs, they were justly
entitled to it. Other nations followed the example of.'Bluchcr.
The King of the Netherlands, through his General the Duke of
Wellington, demanded what belonged to the countries under
his sway. Application was accordingly made. Talleyrand
shifted the business to the shoulders of Denon, their keeper,
and lie shouldered it buck to Talleyrand; till wearied with
chicanery and delay, the articles were directed to be taken by
force, if opposition was made thereto. None, however was
made, though French ingenuity contrived it so, that the thing
was done in a manner, that in their opinion threw every possible
odium upon the allies, and the. British commander. Against
him a severe outcry was accordingly raised, which he, how-
ever, victoriously silenced by a complete exposition Of the con-
duct of all parties in this affair; wherein, as usual, French du-
plicity and insincerity were very conspicuous. Paris was
quickly stripped of her ill-gotten ornaments, and of these articles,
each, in -some measure got his own; though many of the paint-
ings were pilfered by the French keepers, and then pretended
to have been lost. The quantity and variety of articles now
carried off was incredible, and shewed that the iniquitous sys-
tem so long pursued by France, had been carried to a length
much greater than the public had generally conceived, or had
reason, great as it was, to believe. The exasperated popula-
tion of Europe, also stripped their former oppressors of all the
ornaments which had been been raised, and acquired at the
expense of bleeding nations. From every pillar, from every
post, from every hall, from every temple in i'aiis, all the memo-
rials of their .former defeats and disgrace brought upon them,
as these were by .French bad faith and domestic treason, were
completely obliterated, France had set them the example,
and they here only in justice visited her with her own maxims.
Grievous and humiliating, no doubt, to French vanity was all
this. As their conduct for haughtiness in the days of their
prosperity, had been unequalled; so their humiliation was
deeper than that of any nation on record, and yet still mer-
cy compared to their deserts. If the allies had assumed
the bare and unquestionable rights of conquerors and appro-
492
priated the whole collected store of paintings, statues, &c,
of which France had plundered other countries; and if closely
imitating her conduct, they had taken all that were her own to
divide amongst themselves, there was no law could blame them ;
because victory in a just cause, had given them the right. Such
a proceeding would have been sufficiently severe and humiliat-
ing. But when, instead of this, they touched none of hers;
none of these belonging to others, they thereby upbraided her
for her immoral conduct; and by restoring to each what had
been unjustly taken from them, they thereby marked in char-
acters, stronger than language can express, their detestation of
the conduct of France, and which they would not tarnish their
fame by imitating. This moral lesson must have sunk deep into
many reflecting minds in France; though upon others, it had only
the effect of rendering them more furious and distracted in their
hatred, and desire of revenge against the nations of Europe,
This, howeyer, she fearlessly told them, she wholly disregarded,
and was determined to repel. She feared not their anger;
she despised their hate; and continued to do what was just and
what was politic; and mark with her united anger, in a manner
very positive and very solemn, the odious light in which she
viewed the conduct of France, as exercised over others.
If thtir pride, however, was hurt, and vanity humbled at the
destruction of these monuments which their ambition had
raised, and the restoration of those ornaments which their
injustice had collected; their feelings were still more acutely
touched by the glorious system which they had so long pursued
with unfeeling hands, of making " war support war;" ad for
the doing of which, their former Emperor was idolized and ex
tolled, beyond all the warriors of ancient or of modern davs.*
Military governors from whose decisions there was no appeal,
according to her own system, now directed these measures.
The resolution of all the allies to live at the expense of France,
was no where concealed. Foremost in the ranks of those who
treated France after her own manner, in these things, were the
Prussians. None had suffered so much as those people had
done; none were so eager to repay their treatment upon the
fceads of their oppressors. They acted to France in some de-
^loniteur, October I8tb, lj815. See former Narrative,
4S3
gree, as France had acted to Prussia; and as far as they were
able, wisely and justly singled out for this purpose, their
former oppressors, their friends, or their relations. From tin
they took possession of their elegant mansions; drove their own-
ers from their best apartments to their garrets, perhaps to
their offices without doors; and then with the best of everv
thing which was in or about the dwelling, regaled them-
selves and their friends, making their landlord serve them.
When this was done, they made their astonished host judge
himself, (as Nathan did David), in condemning the conduct of
the Prussians as barbarous and oppressive in the extreme; by
informing their respective hosts that, similar to that conduct
which they had thus seen followed for one day by the Prussians
in France, had been the conduct of their fathers, husband:-.,
sons, brothers, and countrymen, for days for months for
vears, in unfortunate Prussia. But here the gallant Prussian
stopt. He carried his resentment no farther. He polluted
not the borders of the Seine with such crimes as were commit-
ted on the banks of the Oder. He acted with severity; but he
acted with justice: he neither courted their smiles, nor regard-
ed their anger. To all complaints and murmurings his invari-
able reply was, go into Prussia, see what you have there done;
see our wasted fields, our plundered homes, and our wretched
families; and then complain if you dare. Similar indeed, was
the conduct of all Europe. In the same manner they had
been treated, and similar was their reply. Injustice was thu*
taught in his den, that his conduct was oppression: and the
people of France were most justly taught, what the miseries of
war were, when conducted in the smallest degree after their
own fashion. Blncher expressly declared that the Prussian
*irmy, rather than draw money from their impoverished coun-
try, to enrich that " detested" country France, " would suffer
every privation, and serve without any thing, but what was ne-
cessary for the wounded."* The conduct of the Prussian*,
.Jiowever, in particular, and of the allies in general, in France,
was held up by the latter and her advocate*, as unjust and im-
politic in the extreme. They were reminded that nations never
rtlic; and, as if the allies had been equal, the only, and the first
Blurbe>:' letter to the King, Ctartrea, August 12th, 1815.
4S*
aggressors, they held out that France might one day have tlit?
opportunity; and the power of inflicting severe chastisement for
this. France very probably thinks after this manner. But they
are neither her friends, nor the friends of Europe, who would
try to persuade her to continue to -cherish such thoughts.
The times that are past, can no more be re-produced; and the
scale of Justice is not yet lightened of European wrongs.
The expenses occasioned to France by the invading armies,
we may form a tolerable accurate idea of, from the rations di-
rected to be given out to the Prussian soldiers. These were,
viz. for each man daily, 32 ounces rye or wheaten bread, 16
ounces fresh meat, one ounce salt, three ounces rice, and six
ounces beans, or other substances in lieu thereof; three ounces
butter, one demilitre (pint) wine, one decilitre (gill) brandy;
one ounce tobacco, one mattress, one pillow, one blanket, and
two sheets. For each horse, daily, nine lbs. oats, six do. hay,
six do. straw, all French weight and measure. These rations,
allowing that there was one million of men and 300,000 foreign
lior&es in France, calculating their stay at 120 days, would re-
quire, of bread, 240,000,000 lbs.; of meat, 120,000,000 lbs.; of
salt, 8,500,000 lbs..; of rice, 25,000,000 lbs.; of butter,
25,000,000 lbs.; of tobacco, 8,500,000 lbs.; of wine, 15,000,000
gallons; of brandy, 3,000,000 gallons; of mattresses, J ,000,000;
of pillows, 1,000,000; of blankets, 1,000,000; of sheets,
1,000,000 pairs; the whole worth at least 450,000/000 francs,
for the soldiers. For the horses, it would require 324,000,000
lbs. oats; 216,000,000 lbs. hay; and 216,000,000 lbs. straw;
the whole worth 90,000,000. francs. The pay, clothing,and lodg-
ing, would cost 150 millions; altogether, at least 690,000.000
francs, or .29,000,000 sterling: of itself, a tolerable sum to
have paid for three months of madness and folly.
Ney, who kid been one of the chief agents in the revolution,
was arrested, brought to Paris, and imprisoned in theConcier-
gerie prison, preparatory to his trial. His wife made every ex-
ertion through means of the allied Sovereigns, but particularly
the Emperor Alexander, to obtain his pardon, but without ef-
fect. Moncey, appointed President of the Council of War which
was to try him, refused to act, and was in consequence cashier-
ed, and imprisoned for three months. Though detested by both
*95
parties; the one for betraying the King, the other for his suppov
ed treachery to Bonaparte; an attempt was made by his counsel,
Berryer, to prejudice and feel the public mind, by the publica-
tion of his intended defence. This defence was" truly in the
French style; but I can only notice the more remarkable pas-
sages- of it. With a boldness only innocence should assume,
M. Berryer began by asking, what a sudden and a terrible
change had taken place id the public opinion, with respect to
Marshal Ney." * But a fault, and a serious lault, was commit-
ted by Marshal Ney, through a fatality which requires explan-
ation." This explanation brings him from his retirement,
where he had fled from the gaieties and follies of the court,
back to the giddy capital again, where he was " electrijied" by
the flattering manner in which the King addressed him. Di-
rected to proceed to Besancon, he there for a few days, a-
inongst other things desired every one to inform him " of every
thing interesting to the good of the King's service." From
Besancon, he went to Lons le Saulnier, where he " was lift iu
the rear of Bonaparte." On the 1.3th, " a cloud of seducers (not
Cossacks) had inundated his little army, and heated their im-
aginations by proclamations. On the evening of that day, the
emissaries of Bonaparte came to him, and found him in great
agitation; accessible to all impressions, and trembling for the
fate of France." Bertrand, by them, infoiimed him "that
Bonaparte had concerted his enterprize with Austria and Eng-
land; that Murat was advancing to the North of Italy trium-
phant; that the troops of Russia were returned to distant quar-
ters; that Prussia coidd not contend alone against France;" and
in short, that Ney's situation was hopeless, " unless he joined
Napoleon." Resistance, therefore, was vain; the means no
longer in his power, for " the sub-lieutenants a?id soldiers had
readied Bonaparte" If he resisted, " France would thus be
plunged into a civil war. These last words completed the
triumph over Marshal Ney's best resolutions. He was sub-
dued by illusions; but he was not gained in the sense of a
traitor." He joined Bonaparte, who was beaten; and Ne\
' too honest a man to compound with his conscience; too much
the friend of his country, to suffer it to be abused by fresh lies,
(Carnot's communication}, declared openly, that the ISth Juoe
495
}i3(l left no other alternative, than that of a speedy submission.**'
Considering all these things, " did it result that Marshal Ne>*
has committed the odious crime of treason," or " even a real
moral degradation?" It was " the error of the moment; the
effect of an unheard occurrence, of the most strange incidents;
a praise worthy principle ill-directed: in short an error which
served the usurper nothing; which profited nothing to the per-
son committing it;" therefore, such an error, was no more
** than a fatal mistake."
After a considerable lapse of time, Ney was at last brought
to trial. A council of war was assembled for that purpose, of
which Jourdan was president. In their proceedings, this
court, like every authority in France, began at the wrong end of
the business. They first constituted themselves a tribunal, heard
evidence on both sides, and the third day, when the prisoner
appeared and protested against their authority, they found out,
that in reality, they were not competent to try him. The evi-
vidence in his favour, beyond what has been already related,
all went to maintain, that he was an honest man till the 13th,
when, like the rest of France, he was drawn on by a fatality
and by illusions, he could not tell why nor wherefore, " as his
head ivas turned" at the time. He acknowledged, however,
that he kissed the King's hand, when he left him, and might
have promised to bring Bonaparte in an iron cage to Paris,
(it was proven that he said so); he had done wrong, he said,
but he was no traitor. The proclamation issued, was re-
ceived by him ready drawn tip; but which he acknow-
ledged that he published, and it was proven that he caressed
the troops for readily espousing the cause of Bonaparte.
He said Bonaparte approved much of Soult's plan, when
Minister of War under the King, of having two Lieutenant
Generals in each department, one of which corresponded
only with himself He was heard to have said, they must
have w a nnv dynasty,'" and that he " only caressed the King,
to deceive him the more easily." He stated that Bonaparte
was in the habit of drawing up papers in the name of his Ge-
nerals, which they never wrote, and giving them to the world
as their official communications. There was one point
which came out on his trial, and which concerned Europe;
unmely, that he bod stated upon the arrival of Bonaparte*
49:
if) at " they would find no difficulty in conquering the left lanlc
of the Rhine." Indeed, he had previously told the King
that he could re-conquer the Netherlands in three month*.
The Council of War having determined that they were not
competent to try him, he was indicted before the House of
Peers, which the Constitution in reality had fixed as his pro-
per judges. While the necessary arrangements were making,
Ney and his friends addressed a letter to all the ministers of
the allied powers, denying the right of any Tribunal in France
to try him at all; because he was included in, and protected by
the Convention for the capitulation of Paris, under which
he claimed protection, as lie insisted that it was not only a
military but a political Convention. He urged that this capi-
tulation was binding on all the allies, and also the King of
France as one of them; and he founded his proof upon the de-
clarations of the 13th and 25th March, forgetting, however,
two important facts: first, that France refused to listen to these.
Besides, the allies at the date of the last, did not know that
Louis had left France; when, the whole nation deserting him,
they could not consider him as an ally till again re-instated
on his throne. Next, the allies had again and again declared
that they would not interfere in the internal affairs of France,
either as to who was to be their ruler, (excepting Bonaparte),
or his conduct to his subjects. The Duke of Wellington, how-
ever, rebutted this false charge made against them, of having
violated their word or their honour. In his letter to Ney, he
told him, what Ney indeed knew well, that the capitulation of
Paris related " exclusively to the military occupation" of that
city; and that " it never was intended, and never could be in-
tended, to prevent either the existing French government, un-
der whose authority the French commander in chief (Davonst)
must have acted, or any French government which might suc-
ceed to it, from acting in this respect as it might seem fit."*
Upon turning to page 399, the reader will see this account of
his Grace fully confirmed, if confirmation was necessary, by
one of the members of the Provisional Government, (Carnot),
under whose orders Davoust acted after the solemn determina-
tion of a council, in which Ney himself was a member, and who*
Wcliingtop's letter, Parts, Norcmber ,13th,
SI 1*
498
.-ays exfesslj, that this Convention was "purely military ',' ' anel
embraced nothing concerning " any political opinion" Fouche
also,, who was President of that government, under whose au-
thority this convention was concluded, was perfectly aware that
this was its true nature; when r as Prime Minister of the King,,
he, on the 24th July, counselled and directed that decree which
commanded the arrest of Ney and others. The snare was art-
fully laid to save Ney. and catch the allies indirect interference
with their internal altltirs, in order to raise the national jealousy
against them. But the bait would not take. Madame Nejv
much to her honour, continued to interest herself with all the
foreign ministers, in order to get them to interfere, and to pre-
vent the ignominious fate of her husband. At length the
Peers met" to whom Ney had appealed as the only Tribunal
which could try him. The same objections were stated to
them; but these* were over-ruled, and the triaJ directed to pro-
ceed. A delay of ten days was, however, granted at the ear-
nest solicitations of Ney's counsel, in order to bring forward
his witnesses The 4th December, the day appointed for the
trial, at last arrived. It was opened with all due solemnity.
Beyond what has been stated, Berryer, Ney's counsel, endea-
voured ^o.impress upon the mind of the Chamber of Peers,
that the events of the month of March were connected with ft
fatality i that these were only "a relapse of the revolution ,".
and that Ney was a faithful servant of the King " till his sud-
den discouragement:' He asserted that Ney could not be ex-
pected to remain free from the contagion which had seized* so
many; and that he was " struck and stunned" with Bonaparte's
'dory, which all Europe had acknowledged; and compared the
proclamation of the 14th March to a common newspaper ar-
ticle, to which his client only called the attention of his soldiers
lie attempted, however, to rest his defence chiefly on the Con-
vention of Paris; which, notwithstanding the explanation giv-
i by Davofcst and others, so contrary to its nature, was over-
ruled. A defence still more extraordinary and untenable, was
then resorted to by M. Dupin, stating, that as Ney was a na-
tive of Saare Louis, which,- from the general treaty ol peace.,
no longer formed part of the French territories, so he was no
longeramcnable to their laws. This was, however, rejected-
i 99
t>ythe Chamber with murmurs; and even by Ney himself witl.
indignation. At this point farther investigation stopped, Ney,
-asserting that his defence being shackled, be would not allos\
his counsel to say any more. This, however was not true; ex-
cept in so far as he was prevented from wandering into unten-
able and improper arguments for his exculpation. Having
withdrawn, sentence of death was passed upon him, to be exe-
cuted within 24 hours. He received the account of his fate
with great firmness. The parting with his wife and family ear-
ly next morning, particularly with regard to the latter, was
.most affecting. Whatever were his crimes; to such sympathies
every heart must yield, and every bosom praise. Alter they
were withdrawn from him for the last time, and after some re-
luctance expressed against it, he accepted the assistance of the
Hector of St. Sulpice, in religious duties; and at eight in the
morning of the 7th, he left his place of .confinement, accom-
panied by the Rector already mentioned. He was carried to
the grand alley of the garden of the Luxemburgh, which was
fixed upon as the place of execution. Two hundred veterans
accompanied the coach. Arrived at the spot, the Marshal
embraced his confessor, gave him his snuff" box to give to his
wife, and some pieces of gold for the poor. He then.'j*gKanc-
cd with a quick step to within eight paces of the waif. There
he faced the detachment that was to fire; and taking off his hat
with his left hand, .and placing his right hand upon his heart,
he cried out in a strong and Joud voice, " Soldiers, I die inno-
ceflt: I appeal to God and to posterity; but do your duty.
Comrades, straight to the heart: Jive!" The officer command-
ing gave the signal with his sword; and the Marshal fell dead,
without a struggle. Twelve balls had taken effect; three in
the head. Tlie body, after having, according to military regu-
lations, remained exposed for a quarter of an hour, was remov-
ed for interment. But few people were present at the execu-
tion, as it was generally supposed the plain of Grenelle would
have been the spot chosen, and where a great crowd Was col-
lected. Thus terminated the life of Ney ; a complete soldier,
without any other qualification; loaded with the crime of trea-
son, of a nature- almost unprecedented: he fell unlamenttd bj
ioo
the honourable part of mankind; a sad example of the want of
principle, and the effects of a career of insatiable ambition.
Lavalette vvas the next person brought to trial. He was one
of the first to join in the conspiracy; and it was through his
means, and under his authority, that all the correspondence with
Elba was securely carried on. It was very easily substantiatetl
that he entered the Post-office on the 20th March, and took
possession of the office " in the name of the Emperor, several
hours before the King's government was dissolved." This he
attempted to deny; as also having refused " with vehemence"
to o-rant a passport to the Countess Ferrand, the wife of the
Director, in order to enable her and her husband to leave
Paris; he only, he said, for some time refused it for Ferrand to
proceed to Lille, and perhaps in doing so he might have spoke
" with too much vivacity." He was shewn several circular notes
issued by him on that day, to be carried to the departments by
couriers, and to be circulated in Paris, stating in substance that
" Paris was tranquil; no civil war would take place. That en-
thusiasm reigned in the capital for the Emperor's arrival, which
would take place in a few hours." The Postmasters were also
directed to give horses to none, but those who had an order
from him or the Emperor. These documents he acknowledg-
ed; and with regard to the former, he said that he merely
wrote them to prevent a civil war, which might have taken
place had the couriers spread the alarm, that Paris was in con-
fusion and commotion. His defence was foreign to the sub-
ject for which he was indicted; and was much the same in spirit,
to those we have already detailed. He vvas found guilty, con-
demned to death, but appealed to the Court of Cassation against
bis sentence. This appeal vvas rejected. Every means to save
him, by interceding with the King, was tried by his friends.
It is said the King of Bavaria exerted himself greatly in his fa-
vour, perhaps owing to his connection with Eugene Beauhar-
nois, the son of Josephine, To her niece, Lavalette vvas marri-
ed. His wife, much to her honour, was also unwearied in her
exertions to save him; and at last, when all hopes of forgive-
ness had vanished, and on the evening before the day intended
for his execution, she succeeded in her heroic efforts of extri-
cating him from immediate danger. Admitted into the prison.
SlRl OB EKT WIL ^ O^T
501
with Iicr daughter, she changed clothes with hef husband, and
in that disguise he safely made his escape; while his noble wife
remained in his place, where she was still detained when these
sheets were put to press. Her husband, it is understood, has
reached Bavaria in safety.
In the meantime, while the negotiations ibr peace continued
to be actively carried on at Paris, the troops belonging to the
countries most remote from France, began to make prepara-
tions to quit that country. Previous to this, however, they
were assembled according to their different nations, and review-
ed by their respective Sovereigns, accompanied by the other
Sovereigns and chiefs of Europe, assembled in Fiance. The
Russians were the first collected for that purpose. The num-
ber of troops brought forward by this power was immense.
Two hundred thousand had entered France, with 700 pieces
of artillery; 100,000, under Witgeflstein, were on the fron-
tiers; 60,000 under Beningsen, and 70,000 reserve guards and
grenadiers, were either ready or marching to the same point.
On this occasion 1(J0,000 were assembled on the plains of
Vertus. On an elevated spot, from which the eye could take
'in the whole army, the Sovereigns, the Generals, and their at-
tendants stood. The army went through the manoeuvres to
the satisfaction of the beholders; and were thanked by their
Emperor, for their bravery and good conduct. On the follow-
ing day a solemn thanksgiving took place; and at which all the
army, the Sovereigns, and the Generals* assisted. On the decli-
vity of Mount dormant, at a little distance from the spot where
the troops had manoeuvred on the preceding day, were erected
seven altars; that where the Sovereigns were, was more elevated
than the others, which stood nearer to the plain of Etrechv.
The army having formed in seven squares, one side of which
was open, the infantry without arms and the cavalry on foot,
and with the feelings and look of humility befitting men when
they approach the Almighty, advanced to these altars. At a
general signal all the squares put themselves in motion, and
marched in the order in which they were filmed, each towards
its respective altar; which, when the troops had halted, was
on the open side of the square. Divine service began, aud
502
ended at the same moment, at all the altars. The whole cere-
mony was grand and affecting. This done, these brave men
commenced their march, in columns, to re-cross the Rhine;
which, by the end of October, all those had done which were
for some to do so. They left France praised as much as they
formerly were blnmed. Even the Cossacks were represented
as the kindest and most gentle people imaginable. The Em-
peror Alexander, after having visited Brussels, the immortal
field of Waterloo, and then the review of the Austrian troops
at Dijon, set out for Berlin, where he was received with enthu-
siasm and respect; and from whence he proceeded to Warsaw,
where he was welcomed as King of Poland, with general joy
and satisfaction. From this he continued his march to Peters-
burgh, from whence he had been absent about three years.
On the 13th December, he reached his capital. Before
entering his palace, he went to the Church of Casan to
return thanks to Heaven, for his happy return. Whether
he and his gallant bands may again be re-called to the
south of Europe, by the unruly spirit of French ambition,
time must determine. But in the meantime we may rest as-
sured, that the repose of southern Europe is not, and cannot
be, a matter of indifference to Russia. The Emperor of Aus-
tria, having in a similar manner reviewed the principal part of
his forces assembled at Dijon set out to visit his Italian do-
minions, and the mighty states there united to his great Em-
pire. He was met in Italy; by the Empress, who had left
Vienna for that purpose; and together, they visited in great
state, Milan, Venice, and other places in Italy. In the mean-
time, the Austrian troops began to evacuate France. The
Kiu- Morning Chronicle, Dccemltor ftb, IS 1.5,
510
their country from the same principles. Let the Morning
Chronicle and their correspondent, Carnot, give up their er-
rors; and say to France, " go ye and do likewise."
Having considered so fully the important documents which
form the guarantees, and let us hope the complete termination
of the miseries of Europe, these naturally recal to the memory
those declarations which were promulgated to the world at the
commencement of this terrible struggle. Europe has been com-
pelled to end, as every unprejudiced and reflecting mind was sen-
sible that she would be, namely, by enforcing the principles with
which she began. The coincidence is so extraordinary that I
cannot omit the opportunity of calling the attention of the read-
er to these things at considerable length. I shall notice first
the conduct of the Continental powers, and then that of our
own Government; and from these shew, that it is to the princi-
ples of Pitt, and his colleagues, that we that France that
Europe owe independence and safety. It is true their declar-
ations were misrepresented; their intentions denied, vilified,
and turned into ridicule by the patriots of the day, as they
chose to denominate themselves. But it is equally true that
the sad experience of twenty- five years have not only tended to
confirm their justice and their truth; but that Europe has been
compelled in 1815, unanimously, and for her own security, t
do that which she professed in 1792. These resolutions so
justly taken, it is also unfortunately true (with the exception of
Great Britain,) the powers of Europe abandoned; and let the
ashes of Moscow and the blood of Madrid speak, and say how
dearly they have paid for this dereliction from their'duty.
The intentions and views of the European powers have at
this solemn and important moment been clearly defined and
strongly marked. The preamble of the treaty we have already
alluded to, states in a few words, what they required from
France; namely, "proper indemnities./^?- the past, and solid
guarantees^?' thcjuturc." The object of the treaties among
themselves, is to maintain with all their forces, as we have seen,
* ; the order of things- re-established in France;" because " the
repose of Europe is essentially interwoven with the confirma-
tion of the order of things, founded on the maintainance of the
511
Royal authority and of the Constitutional charter.** There i
no one who can say that their present resolutions are unneces-
sary or unjust. Precisely similar were their objects in 179*2.
In their able manifesto issued against France in that year, after
being attacked, the Emperor of Germany and the Kiinr of Prus-
sia very clearly state their views, and very justly trace the hor-
rors of that revolution; which they correctly stated, was not so
much directed against either a particular Sovereign, or a rcli jj
JEtas parentum pejor avis tulit
Nos nequiores, mox daturos
Progeniem vitiosiorum.
!No treat} 7 can exist on their good faith, independent of the
terms of peace. To make a treaty with them would only be
to afford them an opportunity of breaking it off before it i&a
finished, or violating it in its very commencement. The question
then is, whether in conjunction with our allies, with whom our
own prosperity is so intimately connected, we shall persevere
vigorously to oppose those destructive principles, with which,
even though baffled at present, we may expect to contend to the
the latest hours of our lives. And on this issue I allow it to
rest. I have trespassed so long on the patience of the house,
that I ought to be ashamed; but it is a subject which lies so near
my heart, that when I once begin to speak, I have scarcely the
power to stop. My duty to my country, to my King, and to
this House, and the strong impressions which the subject never
fails to make on my feelings, have obliged me to take up so
much of your time, and to declare, in the most explicit manner,
my sentiments; sentiments which must remain unaltered and
unimpaired with me, so long as reason holds her seat."
He who turns to the history of Europe with attention, and
who strips it of that denationalising jargon of falsehood and
deceit thrown over the same by Atheism and the Goddess of
lleason, will see that the principles as these concerned Europe
and the world in general, which contended against each other
in 1815, were the same as those in 1792; but better understood,
and their consequences fully appreciated. He will see and
applaud the wisdom, the firmness, and the foresight of those
counsellors of his native land; who, through every difficulty,
and through every danger, have preserved us from the effects of
those pernicious principles and their diabolical power, the
Constitution of his country uninjured, her honour inviolate,
and her power augmented: become, as she is, the saviour of all '
519
nations, the object of gratitude, and respect with all. He wifl
contrast it with the humiliating condition of her rancorous foes
justly despised, hated, and suspected, and learn to appreciate the
difference between right and wrong justice and violence good
and evil. The opinion of Europe on these subjects, has been
pronounced in a manner very public, very positive, and very so-
lemn. It requires no comment. They have a second time
told France, you deserve punishment; we again, in a great
measure forgive you, but beware. Do not provoke us again, for
our resolutions are fixed, if you do so, to prescribe " by com-
mon consent such conditions of peace, as shall hold out to
Europe a sufficient guarantee against the recurrence of a simi-
lar calamity." At the commencement of the revolution, as
we have seen, France, under the mask of regulating her in-
ternal affairs, planned the subjugation of Europe. While
confusing their private concerns, they never confused that great
object. While planning how each should send the other to
the block, it was only to change the measures not the object.
To accomplish this, all interests were the same all passions
were directed. Democrat or Aristocrat; Jacobin or Imperial-
ist; Catholic or Protestant; Atheist or Deist; still all had the
same views. The Constituent Assembly, with more activity
and less principle than Louis XIV., had as much ambition;
the Convention more than either the Directory as much as
all the former three, and Napoleon more than all. It is the
vice of the nation, which any fortunate individual who gets
lo its head and wishes to please, will find ambitious and ag-
gressive wars the best and the easiest road to do so. Europe
has seen re-established in France, that power, which as far as
xperience can go, she only can trust. It too may deceive
her; but when it does so, she is resolved to resent it. French
ambition, in every shape, she is determined to repel, and must
repel, be it directed by a Carnot, a Bonaparte, or a Bourbon.
Those who hate the latter, and who are the real enemies of
European independence, thunder in our ears that the object
of all the wars was the restoration of the latter family. This
was the dress in which faction shielded French ambition, till
mankind in general mistook the object. It was to repress the lat-
ter was the care of Europe. The object with her was to destroy
520
that ambition, and that the result of her labours produced the
other, is one of the strongest claims of that unfortunate family to
the regard and support of Europe. It is much in their favour,
that after twenty-five years of every political crime, injury, fraud,
violence, falsehood, and injustice, that Europe justly united and
indignant would not and could not, trust France under any
other form of government. Yet though the people of France
have been compelled to relinquish their ambitious pursuits, still
they have not abandoned their immoral and unprincipled con-
duct which prompted them to it. Till they do so, it is much to
be feared, that though Europe may unbuckle her armour, she
cannot with safety lay aside her arms. They hate Austria
they abhor Russia they breathe vengeance against Prussia,
and they cordially hate, but fear Britain. On the latter
Europe depends, therefore all their Revolutionary emissaries will
be set to work in every land, in order to libel our character, man-
ners, pursuits, and to describe our finances as ruined. Every
thing that is fake, mean, or base, will be said of the character of
Great Britain, in order to rouse the rancour of the whole French
people against her again. In these endeavours she will be but
too ably seconded by the discontented politicians among us, who
for ever describe our burdens as insupportable, and our resources
as ruined; thereby encouraging our inveterate foes to make
another attack against us. It is their endeavours which pro-
longed the late, and may yet plunge us into a fresh war. Ask
the exile of St. Helena, why he persevered to destruction-
why he trampled upon the neck of Europe to ensure our ruin.
He will say it was the gloomy accounts of instant national ruin
so strongly drawn by the opposition in Britain. But another
year; but another outrageous decree against her and against
justice, and proud England will own me as her Lord-
They caR'd, Napoleon march'd, and thus he sped.
France complained loudly and most bitterly of the conditionsr
of peace, which she choosed to term harsh and severe. Gall-
ing and humiliating it no doubt was, to a nation which only
three years before, with her arms, threatened the confines of
Asia with chains; not only to have lost every thing, but thus to
have the bridle of Europe placed in her jaws, in order to curb
her future motions. But she is yet too strong for any of hex
m
nearest neigh hours, and the petty States of Germany complain,
and complain most justly, that their security has lucu neglect-
ed by not dismembering some of the provinces formerly wi
from Germany by France, in similar unjust wars, to those
that had so lately been carried on against them, and erecting
them into an independent state; or adding them to the terri-
tories of the powers bordering on France, in order to secure
Germany from her future vengeance. They are sensible that in
the first movement of aggression on the part of France, when
once she has recruited her strength, their territories will be the
heat re of war. No wonder, therefore, that they are anxious
to see her power sufficiently curbed and chained. For this
purpose, they insisted upon Alsace, Loraine, and the territories
from thence to the Netherlands, being separated from France.
These contain about 4| millions of inhabitants, which still
leave 23,000,000 of a condensed population for France.
Prussia alone supported this measure with energy, and by doing
so, she has gained the friendship of all the western and northern
parts of Germany, so deeply interested in proper measures of
defence against French ambition; which, whoever, may be their
Sovereign, will still cry out for, and maintain that the Rhine
*hould be the boundary of France. This unreasonable idea
lias taken such a deep hold of the minds of the whole popula-
tion of France, that scarcely any reverses or misfortunes will
induce them to abandon it. But with regard to this idea of
natural boundaries, does not any one who will take up a good
map, see that the natural boundaries of France are from the
Mediterranean to Geneva, along the line as it run before the
revolution. But she will say the highest barriers of the Alps,
and therefore the natural boundary, is on the eastern side of
Savoy; and, therefore, that kingdom should belong to her.
Upon the same principle she may claim all Switzerland. From
Geneva, the Jura mountains form a natural boundary, till these
passing the bend of the river Doubs join the Vosges, which
chain forms another boundary, but deviating in a north west
direction, the line should run along that elevated chain, which
passing between the springs of the Saone, Maine, Seine, &c.
and the Mozelle, Mouse, and other rivers, is continued be^
tween the Aisnc, Sommc, Scheldt, and Sambre, to the easS
Str 17
522
end of the Straits of Dover, thereby separating all the
waters which flow into the Rhine or its estuary, from those
which flow into the Rhone, the Seine, and the English channel.
This* in reality, is what may be called a natural boundary;
and what, after all, may one day become the boundary of
France, if not confined to narrower limits. In fact, France
should never be allowed- to look over the summits- of the Vosges,
If she sees the Rhine, she will be for reaching it. If she reaches
it, she will cross it if she can, cost what it may: then the Elbe r
then the Oder, and then the Vistula, will, each in its turn,,
become a natural boundary to her ideas; and lastly, the confines
Asia of will inspire her ambition to reach them.
Short as the last revolution has been, it has been most fatal
to France. Half a century will not repair the sad consequences
of three months of folly. Low as her moral character before
wasj this has most justly sunk it deeper in* the scale. Last
year her word was believed; this* it is treated with derision,
however candid and sincere. Something more tangible than
words more stable than promises, has been exacted by indig-
nant Europe. As France had oppressed every nation, so she
brought them all to view her disgrace, and to confirm and
continue it. Let us put into a short compass what it has cost
her.
Frariss,
tier own expenses^ estimated at 1,500,000,000
Contributions by allies, ------ 700,000,000
Requisitions, food, clothing, &c. &c - 690,000,000
Maintenance, 150,000 men, five years, - 650,000,000
Total, 3,540,000,000
or about 14$ millions sterling, in money; and at least 150,000
lives in France, and 50,000 in Italy. The above sum added
to her national debt, makes it nearly double what her public
burdens- were before the revolution. Her colonies lost, her
navy ruined, her trade and her commerce gone, and her name
rendered infamous and detested over the whole Continent of
Europe, whose wrongs have been such, that these will be re-
membered by succeeding generations with feelings as strong as
at the present moment. Her morals are vitiated. Her religi-
52$
oil's establishments an empty name. She is torn by faction^
and by a set of men as devoid of feeling, as they are of princi-
ple: who thirst only for plunder and for blood, and whom no
government with ordinary measures can control. Many of
her peaceable and industrious inhabitant*, are tawing a land
where wickedness, and her usual attendant misery, have taken
up their abode. They are passing in crowds to seek an asylum
in distant lands under the Russian flag, around the bordeN
of the Don, and in the territories of the -Crimea. From Al-
sace, the emigration for this purpose is great. Europe has also
suffered much. One hundred millions sterling, at least, has
been exacted from the pockets of labour and industry, to guard
against, and to overthrow the lawless military banditti of France;
and at least, 60,000 valuable lives, have been sacrificed around
her cursed borders, and still she seems eager that these should
be moistened with blood; and though humbled, yet as vain and
as thoughtless as ever \ she still. looks forward to be able to inflict
vengeance on Europe.
Those who, for thirty years, have advocated the cause and
admired the conduct of France, under whatever anarchy she
was controlled, had now the assurance to call upon Europe to
consult French honour and French feelings, in their proceed-
ings; and to charge the nations of Europe with injustice and
unnecessary severity towards France. These men forgot that
France was the aggressor, that it was her conduct -which 6rst
provoked the nations of Europe to general unanimity and an
universal cry for justice. Do they think that France can beat
down this power? Dare she again try -it? What has France
suffered in comparison to what she has made other nations en-
dure? Has she paid a tenth of the sums she has exacted in an
unjust cause? has she felt one hundredth part of the miseries
she has made Europe feel? Let her examine the population of
the latter, and she will hear such tales as will terrify her heart;
and meet such anger as will shake her soul. Let then some
other plea for lenity be advanced, than delicacy for French
feeling than tenderness for French honour. These cannot
be admitted they have outraged every honourable principle
they have trampled upon every generous- feeling, and mus
we must Europe must the world, be bereft of peace &
5-24-
happiness for a whole generation our strength wasted our
resources scattered
" Tax'd till the brow of labour sweats in vain,"
in order to guard the liberty we enjoy, the small part of the fruits
of our labours which have been left us, from protecting our
wives from dishonour, our daughters from violation; in short,
from guarding against the dark designs, the mad ambition, the
treachery, and the baseness of France. Must we be compelled
to do all this, and when Europe has beat theseHo the ground,
fchall she then be told that she must pursue such measures as wiU
not wound the feelings of the former; or, in other words, that
will enable her to pursue, in a short period, her former course.
,A.way with such idle reasoning to hear it advanced
" Fear, justice, passion, indignation start,
Jear off reserve, and bare the swelling heart.''
And we are ready to accuse even Blucher of weakness, when
irritated at their unjust accusations, he tells them, that " they
may thank Providence for the allies not having followed their
base example." In truth they may do so. The allies have,
in this instance, only taken what was their own; demanded the
one third of the expense the campaign has cost them, and, let
us hope, guarantees not less than is sufficient for their own se-
curity. How much they require the latter, the unprecedented
events of the year which we have related, but too fully establish.
How much they have to dread French ambition, and above all,
French principles, the situation of every nation in Europe
proclaims in sorrow and in anguish. I might fill volumes on
this lamentable subject, but I shall content myself with the
following short account, which I believe is but too accurate a
description of the situation of all the nations of the .Continent,
where either French liberty or French tyranny extended. The
former indeed was even more destructive to the principles of
nations than the latter. In an address of the Evangelical
Prelates of Wirtemburgh to their Sovereign, they proceed:
Pressed down to the dust of the earth by poverty, distress,
and despair, thousands can scarcely any longer rise above
visible things and are become deaf to the voice of religion.
52J
Struggling with present burdens, and anxious cares respecting
a still more gloomy future, the fruits which the preaching of
the Gospel should produce on their minds are choaked in their
first germs. The hope of a better period, and the trust in a
Divine Providence regulating every thing for the best, which
for several years communicated spirit and strength for endur-
ance under the severe pressure of the concussions of the world,
disappear, and sink into comfortless unbelief; and the hard-
ships under which the people sigh, by their long continuance,
surpass the power of human endurance. The decay of mo-
rality amongst all ranks cannot be misunderstood. Luxury
ami dissipation increase, not because property increases, but
because it is sunk; because want and despair diminish incli-
nation for the domestic virtues, and men seek to drown in
the noisy enjoyments of' sensuality, the bitter feelings which
their hardships inspire. Instead of the old German upright-
ness, honesty, and truth; falsehood, dishonesty, and fraud, be-
come daily more general, and poison the lives of men; while
exhausting taxes, and continually increasing burthens, appear
to deprive the suffering and the poor of all means of existence,
and of improving their station. The efficacy and respectabili-
ty of the servants of religion, are things despised. Such, gra-
cious Sovereign, is a lamentable, but true picture of the situa-
tion of things, which the recent periods, so destructive to the old
establishments of our country, have introduced, with regard to
things the most sacred to man, morality and religion."* Such,
no doubt, is a true picture of Europe, from the Straits of Gib-
raltar to the banks of the Nieman; but more particularly in
Germany. And to whom are they indebted for all this? To
revolutionary France; to her ambition, in every stage; to her
principles; to her practice, and to her constant pursuits; to
Brissot, Danton, llobespicre, Fouche, and Carnot, and to
Bonaparte !
To them to hi in we owe it alL
Let France look across the Rhine, and sec the deplorable
consequences of her own wickedness. Let her fear to pro-
voke those passions she has raised; those principles which she
October, 1815.
526
has corrupted. Can she suppose that such a population will
be averse to war, and that they will not conceive that they
could live as well in the rich plains of France, as in the ruined
fields of Germany- Why, they will leap at the prospect with
as great alacrity, as a giddy Parisian jumps at a " Matt de Co-
cagnc" on a Sunday; and in doing so, they will most as uredly
not fall short of their prize-
As the King's .government gained strength, many of the
revolutionary characters began to disappear; either by leav-
ing the country, or sinking into insignificance. Some went to
America, and others to Germany. Amongst those who re-
mained in France, and who soon made their appearance again,
justifying their conduct before the world, was Carnot. This
man published a book containing a defence of his conduct. He
asserted that he had no hand in, nor knowledge of Bonaparte's
return; though he was the first to visit him, and to be employed
and exalted by him. These assertions, however, few will cred-
it, and fewer will pay any attention to. Carnot's name is in-
scribed in registers where the characters are wrote in letters
with the blood of innocence, which only the tears of the record-
ing angel can blot out; and which all the logic of Carnot and
his friends, will never be able to erase or conceal. It might
have been supposed that this hoary headed traitor, and even
from the authority of his admirers, a wholesale murderer, would
have been suffered to remain hid from the world, unless where
he forced himself into notice. But not so. He has friends; he
has defenders; and these too in Britain, against which he organ-
ized and directed "fourteen armies" to destroy. Annexed there
is a defence of this man's conduct, the most extraordinary and au-
dacious that ever was promulgated, since Robespiere thundered
murder from the Mountain, and Barrere insulted humanity from
the Tribune.* Against the learned clamour of persons, who
thus outrage truth and insult humanity, the world has a right
* Bringing forward the abandonment of tbe accusation made against Carnot, im-
mediately after Robespiere's fall, as a proof of the innocence of the former ; the
reviewer thus proceeds: " It ought to go a great way, and, at this time, it would be
rash, not to say unjust, in the extreme, to pronounce a contrary sentence. 1 it let
us look a little into the merits of the case. The only matters alleged against
Carnot, are reduced to a very small number of signatures, officially given by him
52~
to protest and condemn. But in reality, Carnot's iniquity is
drawn by his defenders in glowing colours, into a short com-
pass, and making bad worse, consists in the following " details"
namely, that from economy or secrecy, in saving the ex|
and prying eyes of a secretary, Carnot signed, without examin-
ing into the subject, the death warrant of thousands. I am
bent upon the conquest of Belgium; I am determined to make
the Rhine the boundary of France; I am resolved to blot
royalty from the face of Europe: therefore,, my dear colleague^
though I know you are great blockheads in warlike aflairs, and
no better than you should be in some of your other deeds, still
if you will lend me your assistance to procure the means neces-
sary to accomplish these objects, I will allow you, without en-
quiry or comment, to murder whom you please; and, " in ro-
tation," 1 will " nominally and officially" lend you my signa-
ture, " out of my office" to sanction " your worst deeds." Pre-
cisely similar is this defence of Carnot, when collated with facts*
But what was the Committee of Public Safety, that terrible
body over which Carnot presided in rotation, and which it is
alleged he aided? It was the Executive Government of Revo-
lutionary France, in its worst and bloodiest shape. It was
composed of nine members, chosen monthly from the worst
men in the Convention, and of which Robespiere was long the
to the decrees of the Committee of Public Safbty. Upon this it is to be observed.
that he confined himself wholly to the affairs of his own department, the conduct of
the war; and that, though he presided in rotation over the terrible body to which
he belonged, and as President nominally issued, that is, signed its orders^ he did *o
m virtue of the arrangement, that each should affix his authority to the acts of his
colleagues, and that no one should inter/ere in another's department. Had he re-
fused his concurrence to them, they would have refused their ratifictitio* of his mili-
tary proceedings; and in order to shew how little he could, by possibility, have
known of the orders signed out of his own department, he informs us of the extra-
ordinary fact; that he was, at the time, carrying on the whole correspondence with
fourteen armies, without a secretary. After all, situated as he then was he had but
one alternative; either to continue in this dreadful situation, co-operating with mni
he abhorred, and lending his name to their worst deeds, whilst he was fain to close
his eyes upon their details; or to- leave the tremendous war which France was then
waging for her existence, into the hands of men so totally unfit to conduct the ma-
chine an instant, that immediate conquest, in its worst shape, must have been tho
consequence of his desertion." Further, " we protest against the ignorant d
of persons, who, upon ordinary grounds, object to Carnot's conduct, unacquainted
with the facts, and quite unaware that his country exalted kim in a transport of
gratitude, at the very moment of Robespiere's fall." Edin. Rev. No. 5a p. 448.
62&
head, for the enormity and wickedness of whose conduct anc*
actions, as a body, and as individuals, the English language does
not supply an epithet strong enough to express.* They were
allowed to carry on their proceedings in secret, and to act di-
vided into sections. Their business was to decree the arrest and
imprisonment of all suspected persons. To order before the
Revolutionary Tribunal, so notorious in the annals of blood,
and which was so much their mouth-piece, that it was the same
as to try, condemn, and order for execution, persons of every
age, sex, class, or degree, guilty or innocent, but chiefly the latter.
It was this " terrible body" which appointed, sanctioned, and
directed similar "terrible bodies," with similar terrible tribunals,
m every town and in every village throughout France, and even
ambulating ones, to traverse the country; the labour of alL of
which terrible bodies imprisoned, shot, drowned and guillotined,
thousands upon thousands of innocent victims. In Paris alone,
in the course of a few months, 2500 persons were guillotined;
and in eight months, 8000 were imprisoned, and ten times as
many over the rest of France; the proportionate number of
which, every ninth day, Carnot, when chosen, (and it was during
the periods when he was so, that its conduct was most atroci-
ous,) " in rotation nominally and officially," sent to the block
without inquiring into the details; and in doing which, though he
might " close his eyes," the orders for it became his orders, not
" its orders." The only rational reason his fellow monsters gave
for their conduct was, that they punished only such as were trai-
tors, after a patient investigation; not so Carnot: he shut his eyes,
signed, and inquired nothing about the matter. Besides all this r
Carnot, with his eyes open, confined himself wholly to the affairs-
of his own department;" that is, directing all the military ope-
rations when half a million of men were immolated in the in-
It was first instituted on Sunday April 7th, 1793. The members for the
first month were, Barrens, Delmas, Breard, Cambon, Jean de Brie, Danton, Guit-
on Morveau, Trielhard, Cacroix of Eure and Loire. For the third month, Bar-
rere, Couthon, Gasparin, Heraut, Seehelles, Thomas Lindet, Prieur of Marne, St.
And.*, St. Just, and Thuriot. On the 50th July, Prieur, the President, complain-
ed that this terrible body - was loo much overburdened with prosecutions;" and con-
sequently its members were doubled. They frequently attended in secret apart-
ments near the Revolutionary Tribunal, to hear its proceedings, and to compel it tc
condemn. From October 1 795, when Robespiere's influence became predominant,
tm members were not changed; but their powers rented from month to month.
529
terior of France, by civil war and military massacres, because
they would not abandon their King and their Got!; and some
of her finest provinces laid waste by ferocious villains appoint-
ed by Carnot, and advanced and rewarded by him according
as they exerted themselves in these bloody so n coun-
try at that time " exalted in a transport of gratitude," many a
desperate villain, and many a similar tyrant, from the murder-
ers of Avignon to the murderers of the King; from Bri
Danton, Pethion, Marat, Collot de Herbois, Carrier, Kohes-
piere, and Carnot, to Bonaparte. And if my Lord Castlereagh
should, for want of a secretary, " close his eyes," and out of hi*
own office, or even in it, sign a warrant to send half the House
of Commons to Botany Bay, and the other halt* to the block, it
would be neither " rash" nor " unjust in the extreme" to pro-
nounce a sentence of condemnation against him, though a hun-
dred years hence. Yet how many similar documents, and even
much worse, did Carnot " close his eyes" and sign. Carnot also
became minister of the interior to Bonaparte alter his return,
when orders were given to General Lamarque, in La Vendee,
to " bloiv up and destroy the hotises of the Vendean chiefs; to de-
stroy the bells, and to carry off hostages, and to condemn and
immediately shoot the chiefs w/w might fall into his hands."*
The utmost, therefore, that can be said in the defence of Car-
not, is, that perhaps he was less guilty than Robespiere; a
point, however, which only the Judge of all can determine.
But the least share which Carnot had in these guilty deeds,
forms a load sufficient to sink a navy.
To Carnot succeeded Soult: he also dared to defend himself
for having basely deserted his King. He was, he said, per-
fectly innocent. The order of the day published by him (see
page 229,) was not his work, but the work of the government.
He denied having had any knowledge of Bonaparte's intention
to return; advised immediate submission to the King after the
disasters at Waterloo, and at which place, as " he fought the
English and Prussians," he ventured to persuade himself there
was nothing criminal in his conduct. He accused the English for
sacrificing the emigrants at Quiberon; and concluded some
equally irrelevant declamation, by saying, that " a Prince who
Lairurque's letter to Louis XVIII. Dee 181j.
3 X 1_
5-30
is reduced by force to leave his States, cannot exact ebcd!ence T
while he is unable to afford protection.'' Upon which princi-
ples, if satan, should, drive the French Sovereign from the
Thuillerics, compel him to pass the frontiers, and set himself in
his place, all France was bound to obey, him, and could not be
punished for having done so, and having fought under his banners
to prevent the return of the lawful Sovereign. But, certainly*
when the legitimate Sovereign returned, if he could not catch his
sable Majesty, he might at least justly hang those adherents, who-
did not do their duty in resisting him. To Souk succeeded the
gentle Vandamme, who was quite astonished why, after his re-
turn from the custody oP Rostopchin, lie never was permitted
to visit the King, and why he was- commanded not to attempt
it. lie consequently was compelled to leave Paris and stay
upon his estate, till the King having left- Lisle, he made his ap-
pearance at the court of Napoleon*. This man, before the re-
volution, had been condemned to be hanged, for the crime of
robbery; but, by the humanity of his judge, his sentence was
commuted to be branded on both shoulders, and confined in
the gallies at Brest for ten years; from thence he escaped, when
the rights of man set villains free; he became Jacobin, then a
General ;. murdered the judge who had formerly saved him, even
after Robespiere had liberated the former; and then purchased
the estate, once his property, for a trifle. He shot the emigrant
prisoners; and was the first who put the bloody decree for giv-
ing no quarter into execution, by shooting a Hanoverian offi-
cer with his own hand. He was disgraced by Moreau; and re-
warded by Bonaparte. He could not then be astonished at the
coldness of the King shewn to him; and instead of thrust-
ing themselves forward to public notice, in this manner, these
men would do well to take the advice of Anaxagoras: he being
at sea in a great tempest, all the crew ami passengers fell on iheir
knees to implore the protection of the gods. One of the pas-
sengers, a man of very bad character, was louder in his prayers
than the rest. " Prithee be silent," said Anaxagoras, " for if
the gods find out that you arc here, they will punish us all.
and we shall certainly be shipwrecked." The less Vandamme
and his colleagues say the better.
In the proceedings of the French Chambers there was fo similar in its import to the mimh-umom of
the Habeas Corpus act iu Great Britain, in order to clack the
daring attempts of treason and sedition. These attempts to
kindle fresh revolutions, were carried Inmost alarming lengths.
To check these, the old Prevotal Courts were re-established. In
the act now passed, upon an amendment unanimously adopted,
a clause was inserted, that the punishment it decreed shou id be
indicted upon the usurper, a person of his family, or, " any>e-
thcr chief of rebellion"* winch important amendment pointed out
that other Competitors for the French crown might be brought
forward, besides Bonaparte, or any of his dynasty. It was up-
on the question of the amnesty bill, however, that the true feel-
ings cf the Representative! were discovered. The King and
Ids -ministers wanted a general amnesty passed, except lor those
persons included in his Ordinance of 21-th July, 1815. This
the KejH'esentativeK wanted to prevent, and to extend the pun-
ishment of banishment, death, and confiscation of goods, to a
much greater number- Ministers, after a hard contest, were
obliged to yield so -far, but no further, that all those who voted
for the death of Louis XXI. and wlu> liad been pardoned in
I814-, but again joined Bonaparte in 1815, should be banished
from France for ever. The numbers lor still further in-
creasing the exemptions from riie Ordinances were 175 to
184. Consequently, the moliun was rejected. 1" the num-
ber of regicides was Fouche, who had been previously dis-
graced from his embassy. At this time it was ascertained
that only 33 f out of 380, who voted for that atrocious duvd,
were in existence; and almost every one of the latter num-
ber had perished in a miserable and untimely manner. The
law passed the Upper House without any opposition: and,
in one month, all the remaining regicides were compel-
* Sitting of Chambers, 28th Cutobor, 1815.
+ From tle most accurate accounts which can l>e procured, tbere only remain
the following persons of all that dreadful crew; namely. Ducon (Jamlwcwres, Fouche,
I'avaignac, Lecarpantier, Tons, David, Carnot. Harrcre. Richard, Sicyes, Alquier.
Taliien, Albitte, Cochon, Andre Dumond, lianas, (.aro% Thibadeau, Guy Ver-
non, Merlin de Douay, Quinette, Jean de Iky, Gainon, Garnitr, Una* Duhoi*.
Dubais, Milhaud, Foucher, Midland, Ikmnnc.nnd Boulay deli Mouithe These
-done remain out of upward* of 3 SO. Tue national razor settled nearly all the res*.
52,2
led to leave France. Thus justice at last overtook the few
survivors, and the most dangerous; because the most able and
cunnino- of all- that terrible band. These survivors were un-
questionably the great cause of the last revolution, as they cer-
tainly were of the horrors of the first. Their banishment from
France shewed the confidence, the wisdom, and the strength
of the royalist party. But, though banished because they were
regicides, let it not be forgotten that the murder of their King
was but a part of their guilt an item in their enormities.
During 1793 and 1794, when these men reigned most conspi-
cuous and triumphant, the lawless rabble of Paris was paid to
insult and violate justice, to deride and trample upon human-
ity.* When we trace that fatal period, wherein to acknow-
ledge the Creator was a crime; and to suffer the sigh of an-
guish, or tear of pity to escape at the fate of the dearest friend,
was immediate death when we remember their diabolical
accusations against their unhappy Queen, and which it requir-
ed their cruel authority to extort even from villains when,
at their command, we behold the darkest dens of ferocity in the
Parisian Fauxbourgs set loose to accompany with derision, and
insult the innocent victim to the scaffold when we hear
those horrible bravos, which, issued from the mouths of a pen-
sioned multitude of women and men, degraded below the most
savage tribes, and which assailed her ears in her passage to the
fatal spot. When we have studiod all this, we have still only-
studied one bloody line in the ponderous volume of these mens'
enormities. But the hour of retribution did not stand still, nor
the sword of Justice rest in its scabbard. Their adherents fell,
and they are at last overtaken. Though at a first view we may
suppose that the present punishment of these men is light and
inadequate; yet, upon a serious consideration, it is the severest
could possibly have befallen them. Driven from a country
which they ruled and misled; which they have corrupted, de-
* Amidst the various shews at this time devised to amuse the rabble of Pari*
there were erected in the streets places of exhibition, where monsters paid by gov-
ernment, imitated the gesture, attitude, and manner of those guillotined; and to
which places the mob, after having applauded the latter spectacle, retired to laugh
at the former; and these were the villains who were to enlighten Europe. To Wa-
terloo they continued the same. There they mimicked the last pangs of their dying
comrades.
533
graded, and ruined; scattered over a world which their princi-
ples and their pursuits have covered with irreligion, immoral-
ity, sorrow, and misery, they must unpitied drag on a short
and wretched existence, amidst the awful contempt of an in-
jured and an indignant world. No conduct of theirs can ever
again replace them in that society which they so grossly out-
raged, and whose bonds they have so cruelly broken. Despair
and anguish must be their portion here; happy if their sorrow
shall appease that unerring and impartial Justice which shall
judge them hereafter.
While the events we have considered were passing in Europe,
the Northumberland held on her way through the vast Atlantic,
bearing far from Europe her former oppressor and scourge. On
the 24th August they reached Madeira, and left it again on the
26th. After a tedious voyage, the convoy, with the most extraor-
dinary cargo ever conveyed to St. Helena, made that island on
the loth October. On theevening of the 15th, about 7 p- M. t
the debarkation took place. Bonaparte took up his lodgings
in the town till a house, in the country, was prepared
for his reception. The greater part of his companions were,
by this time, completely sick of the expedition. It is a curi-
ous fact, that the Northumberland, which conveyed him to
St. Helena, was the vessel which, in the action off St. Domingo,
took the " Iinperiale" much her superior in point of force,
and the only vessel in the French navy named after the Imperial
dynasty. It is also a remarkable coincidence of events, that
Bonaparte, from the consequences of the battle of Waterloo,
should land in St. Helena on the 18th of October, the anni-
versary of the memorable battle ofLeipsic, whose consequences
sent him to Elba; and also of the anniversary of the battle of
the Nara in Russia, which compelled him to leave Moscow on
the following morning.
St. Helena, the present residence of Bonaparte, is a small
island in the South Atlantic ocean, situated in lat. 15 55'
South, and 5 4.9' West Longitude from Greenwich. From
the Lands End in England, it is 4600 English miles distant in 3
direct line; and by the nearest course which a ship can take
thereto, it is about 5800 miles from the same place. It is dis-
tant from the coast of Congo, in Africa, 1100 English miles;
53*
and from the coast of the Brazils, in South America, nearly
2100. The nearest laud is the small island of Ascension about
?00 miles N. W. from it, a.nd which, like St. Helena, is equally
distant from either Continent. The latter remarkable island
is either the highest peak and remains of some vast Continent,
overwhelmed in some tremendous convulsion of nature by the
Atlantic billows; or, more probably, the production of some
tremendous volcano in a convulsion of a different kind. In
either case, it is a fit prison for him who had so long convulsed
the world. The island was first discovered by the Portuguese,
who stocked it with hogs, goats, and poultry, and at which
they were accustomed to touch for provisions. It was afterwards
neglected by them, and taken possession of by the English
in 1600. In 147 S, the Dutch took it by surprise, but it was
soon after re-taken by the brave Captain Munden; since which
period it has remained in the possession of England, and under
the control of the East India Company, forming a great ren-
dezvous for all the outward and homeward bound trade from
the Eastern world. It is about 20 miles in circumference.
The land rises to a great elevation, so that it can be seen from
sea at the distance of 70 miles. It consists indeed of one vast
rock, perpendicular on every side, like a castle in the middle
of the ocean, whose natural walls are too high to be attempted
by scaling ladders., There is not the least beach except at the
bay called Chapel Valley Bay, which is fortified with 50 piece*,
of cannon planted even with the water, while other batteries
rise in rows above these at a greater elevation. It is further de-
fended by a heavy sea, which continues to dash its foaming
billows against its rocky walls. There is a small creek where
two or three men may land from a small boat, but now ren-
dered inaccessible by a battery. At Chapel Bay i^ the only
anchorage; and as the prevailing wind is from the South East,
it is not only difficult to land, but equally so to fetch the island,
if a vessel overshoot the port ever so little. Although the
island at a short distance, appears to be a vast barren rock; yet
the surface is covered with good mould though not very deep,
but which produces excellent crops. Few large trees are to be
seen, as the soil is not of sufficient depth to bear them. After as-
cending the rock the country appears prettily diversified with
533
rising hills end vallies. The soil produces grain, grass, roofs,
and vegetables, in plenty and in perfection. Lemons, oranges,
pomegranates, and a variety of other tropical fruits grow in
considerable quantities. Partridges and pheasant*, are numer-
ous. Large herds of cattle are k\\ in the rallies, both for the
use of the inhabitants and of the shipping. Innumerable
swarms of rats here, as in many other tropical islands, annoy
the inhabitants and consume their crops. These live in the
fields, during every season, and form their homes in the thick
brushwood with which the country abounds. It is thus im-
possible to extirpate an animal that is so extremely prolific.
In the vallies are situated the houses and elegant plantations
of the settlers, wherein they attend to their cattle, hogs, poul-
try, fruits, and gardens; and seldom visit the town except on
Sunday, or when the shipping arrives, when almost every
house is converted into a punch house and lodging; for their
guests, with whom they baiter their commodities. They rc-
eeive ia return, by the ships from India, all the rich and valu-
able productions of the East; and from Europe wines, brandy,
beer, malt, calicoes, chintzes, muslins, ribbons, woollen
wloths, &c. The vine has been attempted to be cultivated, but
it does not succeed, probably from the exposed situation of
the island. The number of inhabitants may amount to about
300 English families, or such as are descended from them,
exclusive of the garrison. Centinels are placed in the centre
of the iskmd, in order to give notice of the approach of any
vessels; which, from the general clearness of the atmosphere,
plit. The arts of France, however, with regard to Russia,
are likely to be counteracted by the proposed family alliance
between the Imperial famiiy of Russia and the Prince of Or-
ange. This will bring the interest of Russia and that of France
into immediate contact, in a part which nothing can ever lead
France away from casting an anxious rye upon. But however
512
far French policy may succeed in misleading the Russian gov-
ernment, it can only be for the moment; because, betwixt the
people of the two countries a lasting hatred .must remain. The
Russian population never can forget the unprovoked French
invasion; however, the policy of the government may, if ever
it should, induce them to pass it over. Turkey, however,
forms the immediate object of Russian power. Instigated by
France in 1812, the former power was preparing to break the
treaty which she had so shortly concluded, when the disasters
of Bonaparte held her hand. The return of Napoleon again
set French intrigue to work at Constantinople, and prompted
the Turks to make hostile movements against their formidable
opponent. In this, Turkey only accelerates her own ruin.
The war that is waged with Russia will inevitably end in her
destruction. A few months will see the Russian eagle hover-
ing over the spires of St. Sophia, and their cannon controlling
the waves of the Hellespont- These will be the first and the
more immediate objects of Russia. Austria has the consolida-
tion of her Italian Empire to attend to. To this France will
also cast a greedy eye; which will induce Austria firmly to co-
alesce with Prussia, that France may not, as she lias already
done, be able to overthrow each separately. Prussia will also
most assuredly become a leading power on the Continent.
Her territories come into immediate contact with France,
therefore she must be constantly on her guard to watch them.
She has at the present moment stood forward with more firm-
ness than any other, for the interests and. safety of the smaller
states. She has thereby gained their confidence and their
gratitude; and they will all most cordially unite with her, either
to resist or to attack French ambition. A coalition more for-
midable, or more to be dreaded by France than what this will
form, is not to be conceived. It will come forward heart and
soul bone and nerve, with a force that can hardly be.calculat-
ed upon; with a fury proportionate to the miseries which they
have endured. Prussia, as is well known, has suffered; and
appreciates, and will continue to appreciate the conduct of
France. The rest of Germany has equally suffered, thougli
these sufferings arc in some measure forgotten by the world.
Let me for a moment rccal to the memories of my readers n
513
few instances of republican atrocity in that unhappy country,.
during the invasion of 1796, that we toay be the Inner able to
judge of what the feelings of the inhabitants in that part of
Germany may now be.
At Pfullendorf, under the eyes of Morcau, the most human
of all their generals, a poor woman of GO was thrown down by
a republican soldier, while another stood by her aged husband
with hisbayonetj and threatened him with death, if he interfer-
ed with his comrade in the gratification of his brutal desires.
They rifled the church and the minister's house; and when
Moreau was applied to in order to check their wanton acts of
barbarity, he answered, contemptuously, I cannot prevent it.
At a hamlet near Markdorf, ten brutal French soldiers, in the
presence of her husband, alternately violated the chastity of m
woman, who was hourly- expected to be taken in labour. At
the moment they were perpetrating the dcei], one of their olli-
cers entered the house. lie was applied to, in order to refrain
them; when, horrible to relate, instead of doing so, he follow-
ed the example of his men. In another village, a woman who
had born a child only eight days before, was treated in a si-
milar manner; and, when in her shift, and with her infant in
her arms, she endeavoured to escape from her persecutors, she
was pursued with taunts- and loose jokes, by these Gallic bar-
barians. On the 6th October, in the village of Bremen, nei-
ther maiden, wife, nor widow, escaped being forcibly dishon-
oured; and not only their husbands and fathers, but even young
children, were compelled to view these horrid scenes of violence
and iniquity. One woman who, with her husband, had inef-
fectually endeavoured to resist these furies, was pursued over
hedges and ditches, repeatedly dishonoured and left for dead;
while her husband was most cruelly beaten with sabres. Others
at this place, and in the other villages, were first tied to I
and then violated by successive numbers. The enemy then
rifled the churches with the most blasphemous expressions.
They destroyed the altars, polivted the communion table frith
their ordure; pulled down and reviled the image of our Saviour ;
trampled the host under foot, and then threw it to the dogs. In
one church, after pillaging it, they placed in mockery and deri-
sion, a figure of Satan upon the altar: which figure they had got
>u
from a representation of the temptation in the wilderness. In
another place they placed the crucifix before the fire, and amidst
shouts of the most indecent mirth, turned it round like mea?
roasting on a spit; while the grey headed minister of the par-
ish, a^ed 83, after being plundered of his all, was forced to wit-
ness it. Every thing indeed that belonged to religion was the
peculiar object of republican hatred. In the environs of their
camp, numerous bodies of women were found who had been a-
bused unto death. The monsters, worse than the brutal ape
or ferocious tiger, even satisfied their beastly appetites with
dead corpses. They also murdered the children which the un-
fortunate women who followed them had born unto them.
Bodies of young women, who had expired under their treat-
ment; and women, who but a few days before had been in la-
bour, were made use of to satiate the lusts of these monsters*
deoraded by such conduct far below the beasts of the fieid.
Girls from ten years of age were deprived f their innocence
and their health by these demons. Ten, twelve, and eve
twenty successively gratified their passions with the same ob-
ject; while their shameless and brutal comrades either kept
guard at the door, or held loaded pistols or fixed bayonets at
the heads of the unhappy sufferers. Even persons labouring
under maladies which precluded them from communication with
mankind, were forced to submit to their desires. At the village
ofWaterdengen, three women who had passed their 70th year,
six lying in women, four far advanced in pregnancy, and twelve
young girls, were by the cruel treatment which they experien-
ced, brought almost to the gates of death. At Emmengen, an
old'woman near 70, was successively dishonoured by four of
them. Crimes unheard of, and cruelty hitherto unknown,
were every where perpetrated by them. General Turreau, one
of the most furious and ferocious of all these pests which insult-
ed, and at this time scourged humanity, exacted contributions,
and plundered in the most arbitrary and lawless manner. He
allowed his followers to do as they pleased. The rich were
stripped of their wealth, and beggars of their rags. Turreau
said " he only repented of having at any time acted with hu-
manity, and of not having converted into dust all the cities,
villages, and convents, he had seen on his march." In fact, lit-
545"
tie escaped. Desolation marched in their rear, and cruelty in
their ranks. They burnt, they plundered, and they slew air
that came in their wny. They mixed together all kinds of
grain, farming and instruments of cultivation, and then de-
stroyed them. The country was laid waste. The cities plun-
dered of their wealth.* But it is impossible to record a tenth
part of their atrocities. Nor are these related from doubtful
authority. " Their conduct," said Sir Robert Anstruther,
" during their abode in this country, has exhibited a scene of
depravity which is degrading to human nature: robbery and
peculation have been universal in every rank and in every de-
partment of the army. Every species of violence has been ex-
ercised upon the persons as well as the properties of individu-
als; many villages have been reduced to ashes, without even a
pretext for this act of barbarity; and the countries through,
which their armies have passed, exhibit every where a spectacle
of the utmost desolation and distress."-}-.
Has the thoughtful and reflecting German forgot these atro-
cities? Did the tyranny of Napoleon help to wipe them away?
No, certainly. These altered, but not obliterated their griefs
and their wrongs: and those cruel conscriptions which broke
asunder all the finest tics of nature, and carried the victim of
ambition to perish on the banks of the Tagus, or amidst Rus-
sian snows, are not forgotten. Look at the reception which
the veteran Blucher has received on his return from France.
In every town in Germany through which he passed, all ranks,
and particularly the lower classes of people, thronged around
him, and greeted him with unfeigned joy and the most heart-
felt satisfaction. His conduct in France, so much approved of
by them, sufliciently explains their sentiments and their feelings.
France is not sufficiently aware of this deadly, and, as it regards
her, this dangerous animosity; and which time can hardly
soften or impair. Divided as Germany is, into small States,
disunited she can do little. But each is animated with a spirit
which will firmly unite and cheerfully embrace, coalesce with,
and support any great power who will stand forward to advo-
cate their cause, assist them to secure their future safety, and
Address by Anthony Aufere, Esq. to the people of Great Britain.
> Si* R. Anstruther's dispatch, loth Sept. 1 Toe. London Gwette Extraordinary.
54,6
enable them to avenge their wrongs. Prussia is that power.
A Rhenish confederation was instituted by France to trample
upon Germany. A Rhenish confederation, sanctioned by
Germany, will certainly be formed to curb and to overawe
France. Austria will sanction such a proceeding. England
will not oppose it; because the more that is wrested from
France, in Alsace and Loraine, to which points the views of this
confederation will certainly turn, the more secure does the
kino-dom of the Netherlands become,* ami which it concerns the
near and the deep interests of Britain, at all times to see ren-
dered stable. The strength of a coalition formed upon such
principles, will be such as that without assistance from any o-
ther power, France would find herself unable to withstand; and
the policy which would make her believe that she might with
safety threaten its security or provoke its anger, will be found to
be the scourge and the bane of the latter power. The popula-
tion of France y however, united, cannot much exceed 26 mil-
lions. That of Prussia, together with all the smaller German
States, is not much short of that number; without reckoning any
thing upon the kingdom of the Netherlands, and the Austrian
Monarchy with a population equal of itself to that of France.
The Austrian Empire is now more consolidated, and conse-
quently more powerful, than ever. Her communication with
the sea, from the possession of the Venetian States situat-
ed along the shores of the Adriatic, is of immense advantage to
her; and has none of those restraints upon it, that the commun-
ication of Belgium with the sea formerly had. Situated as
each power therefore now is, unless the folly of Turkey, and
the rashness and impetuosity of the French character, shall a-
<;ses nlaces, and districts. ,
Art 3 The fortifications of Hunin ? n,n having been constantly
n ob fee of uneasiness to the town of Bate, the High Contracting
"artuTin order to give to the Helvetic Confederacy a new proof ot
Stood will and of their sohcitude for its welfare, have agreed a-
ongCrnselves to demolish the fortifications of Huningueu and
he French Government engages from the same moUveijot to e-e,-
ablish them at any time, and not to replace them by other foit.hca-
ion, at a d'tancl of less than that of three leagues from the town
f Sle The neutrality of Switzerland shall be extended to tne ter-
L.-Y * ituat d to the north of a line to be drawn from Ugine, that
own be n ncludedto the south of the Lake of Annaey,by laverge,
X b ;S^ and from thence, by the lake of Bourget as far
s the Rhone in like manner as it was extended to the 1 province* ot
CbftS* and of Faucigny, by the 92d Article of the bual act ot the
C in Tlu^pe'cuniary part of the indemnity to be furnished by
France to the Allied Powers, is fixed at the sun, of 700 nulhons o
Vane" The mode, the periods, and the guarantees for the paym nt
rfS sum, shall be regulated by a Specal Coi.vetH,n wh eh ^ dl
.have the same force and effect as if it were inserted, word tor wo. a,
*!&Tt?S uneasiness and of fermentation which after
sotm;"violent convulsions, and particularly after the >*#*
troX France must still experience, notwithstanding the paternal
2nti'>ns of her KhTg, and the advantages secured to every class of
hil suole ts by the Constitutional Charter, requiring, for the secur, y
f thP neWibourin- States, certain measures of precaut.on, and ot
of the neighbourly e ut indispensable to occupy
temoorarv guarantee, it has been jac.geu mu^ m .,.,, ..,,.;
SJa fixed time, by corps of Allied Troops, certam mihtaiy p .
t^alon^e frontiers of France, under the express reserve that
luch occupation shall in no way prejudice the Sovereignty ; o Ins
Si Chitian if*,, ~ *^g%? g* ^leV of
553
of the duration of this military occupation, is fixed at five years. It
may terminate before that period, it; at the end of three years, the
Allied Sovereigns, after having, in concert with his Majesty the King
of France, maturely examined their reciprocal situation and interests,
and the progress which shall have been made in France in the re-es-
tablishment of order and tranquillity, shall agree to acknowledge that
the motives which led them to that measure have ceased to exist.
But whatever may be the result of this deliberation, all the fortresses
and positions occupied by the allied troops, shall, at the expiration of
live years, be evacuated without further delay, and given up to his
Most Christian Majesty, or to his heirs and successors.
Art. 6. The Foreign Troops, not forming part of the Army of Oc-
cupation, shall evacuate the French Territory within the term fixed
by the 9th Article of the Military Convention annexed to the pre-
sent Treaty.
Art. 7. In all countries which shall change Sovereigns, as well in
virtue of the present Treaty, as of the arrangements which are to be
made in consequence thereof, a period of six years from the date of
the exchange of the ratifications shall be allowed to the inhabitants,
natives or foreigners, of whatever condition and nation they may be,
to dispose of their property, if they should think fit to do so, and to
retire to whatever country they may choose.
Art. 8. All the dispositions of the Treaty of Paris of the 30th of
May, 1814, relative to the Countries ceded by that treaty, shall
equally apply to the several territories and districts ceded by the pre-
sent treaty.
Art. 9. The High Contracting Parties have caused representation
to be made of the different claims arising out of* the non-execution of
the nineteenth and following Articles of the Treaty of the 30th of
May, 1814, as well as of the Additional Articles of that Treaty sign-
ed between Great Britain and France, desiring to render more effica-
cious the stipulations made thereby, and having determined, by two
separate Conventions, the line to be pursued on each side for that
purpose, the said two Conventions, as annexed to the present Treaty,
shall, in order to secure the complete execution of the above-men-
tioned Articles, have the same force and effect as if the same were
inserted, word for word, herein.
Art. 10. All Prisoners taken during the hostilities, as well as all
Hostages which may have been carried off or given, shali be restor-
ed in the shortest time possible. The same shall be the case with
respect to the Prisoners taken previously to the Treat}' of the 30th
of May, 1814, and who shall not already have been restored.
Art. 11. The Treaty of Paris of the 30th of May, 1814, and the
final Act of the Congress of Vienna of the 9th of June, 1815, are
confirmed, and shall be maintained in all such of their enactments
which shall not have been modified by the Articles of the present
Treaty.
Art. 12. The present Treaty, *rih the Conventions annexed there-
to, shall be ratified in one act, and the ratifications thereof shall be
exchanged in the space of two months,, or sooner if possible.
556
In witness whereof, the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the
same, and have affixed thereunto the seals of their arms
Done at Paris, this 20th day of November, m the year of our
Lord, 1815.
(Smned , i (Signed)
(L. S.) CASTLEREAGH. (L. S.) RICHELIEU.
(L. S.) WELLINGTON.
ADDITIONAL ARTICLE.
The High Contracting Powers, sincerely desiring to give effect to
the measures with which they occupied themselves at the Congress
of Vienna, relatively to the complete and universal abolition ot the
African Slave Trade; and having already, each in Ins respective
States prohibited, without instruction their colonies and subjects
from taking any part whatever in this traffic, engage to unite again
all their efforts" to ensure the final success of the principles which
they have proclaimed in the Declaration of the 4th of February
1815 and to concert, without loss of ttaie, by their Ministers at the
Courts of London and Paris, the most efficacious measures to obtain
the entire and definitive abolition of a traffic so odious and so highly
repugnant to the laws of religion and of nature- The present Addi-
tion?* Article shall have the same force anu validity, as if it were
Inserted word for word in the Treaty of this day. It shall be com-
-nreh nd<>d in the Ratification of the said Treaty.
V In testimony whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed
it, and affixed to it the seal of their arms.
Done at Paris, the 20th November, in the year of Grace, 181 o.
[Signatures.]
PThe same day, in the same place, and at the same moment the
same Treaty, as well as the Conventions and Art.cles annexed to it,
wafaigJSi between France and Great Britain, France and Prussia,
France and Russia.]
SEPARATE ARTICLE (Signed with Russia alone.)
In execution of the Additional Article of the 30th May, 1814,
his Most Christian Majesty engages to send, without delay to , U ai-
1 one or more Commissioners, to concur in his name, acco d ng
to the terms of the said Article, in the examination -d hquida on
of the reciprocal claims of France and * e j^*"^S
and in all the arrangements relative to the*. H Most Chmtian
Majesty recognises, in respect to the Emperor of Russia, m his
ffi f Km g g of Poland, /he nullity of the Convention of Bayonne,
S vik rstood, that this disposition cannot receive any apP^
but conformably to the principles established m the Conventions
mentioned in the 9th article of the Treaty of this day.
557
The present Separate Article shall have the same force and vali-
dity, as if it were inserted word for word in the Treaty of this day.
It shall he ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at the
same time.
In testimony whereof the Plenipotentiaries have signed it, and
affixed to it the Seal of their arms.
Done at Paris, the 20th November, in the year of Grace, 1815;
CONVENTION
CONCERNING THE OCCUPATION OF A MILITARY LINE IN FRANCE.
Art. 1. Composition of the army, and choice of its Commanders.
Art. 2. The Fiench furnish it with fire, candle, lodging, provi-
sions, and forage, in kind. However, the portions which are to be
delivered, according to a fixed tariff, are not to exceed 200,000,
and the rations lot 50,000. For pay, equipments, clothing, and
other necessaries, the Government is to pay 50 millions annually;
but the Allies, in order to assist France as much as possible, will be
content with 30 millions for the first year, on condition that the
deficiency shall be paid in the following years.
Art. 3. France provides for the keeping up of the fortications, as
well as of the builcings belonging to the civil and military adminis-
tration, and for the provisioning of the fortresses in the occupation
of the Allies. The furnishing of what is necessary for these pur-
poses, in which the maxims of the French military administration
are observed, is nude upon the application of the Allied armies to
the French Government, which has to arrange with them the means
of providing for these supplies and works in a manner suitable to
both parties.
Art. 4. Accordirg to the Fifth Article of the principal Conven-
tion, the line to be occupied by the Allied Troops extends along
the frontiers which livide the Departments of the Pas de Calais, the
North, the Ardennts, the Maese, the Mozelle, the Lower Rhine,
and the Upper Rhiie, from the interior of France. It is further
agreed, that (unless particular reasons should, with the consent of
both parties, cause ai alteration to be made,) the following districts
and territories shall aot be occupied either by Allied or French
troops. In the department of the Somme, the whole country north-
wards of that river rem Ham, to its falling into the sea; in tin-
department of the Aime, the districts of St. Quentin, Vervin. and
Laon; in the department of the ?vlarne, those of Rheims, St. Mcnc-
haud, and Vitry; in th> department of the Upper Marne, St. Dizier
and Joinville; in the department of the Meurthe, Toul, Dienze,
Saarburg, and Iilamont; in the department of the Vosges, those of
St. Diez, Bruyeres, Bra Premeremont ; in the department of the
Upper Saone, the district of Leere; in the department of theDoubs,
that of St. Hypolite. 'he King of France may have garrison in the
towns which lie in the terjtory occupied by the Allies, the strength of
558
which garrisons is limited as follows: In Calais, 1,000 men; Grave-
lines, 500; Bergin, 500; St. Omer, 1,500; Bethune, jOO; Montreuil,
500; Nisden, 250; Andres, 250; Acre, 500; Arras, 1,000; Bou-
logne, 300; St. Venand, 300; Lille, 3,000; Dunkirk and its forts,
1,000; Douay and Le Louche, 1,000; Verdun, 50); Metz, 3,000;
Lauterberg, 200; Weissemberg, 150; Petite Pierre, 100; Strasburg,
. : 000; Scheleststadt, 1,000; New Brisach and Port Mortier, 1,100;
Befort, 1 ,000. It is, however, agreed, that the materiel of the en-
gineer and artillery departments, and the arms not properly belonging
to these places, shall be removed from them to o her places at the
option of the French Government, which must, hovever, lie without
the lines occupied by the Allied troops, and without the line not
occupied by the troops of either party. If the Coiimander in Chief
is informed of a violation of these arrangements, he makes a remon-
strance to the French Government, which promises to pay due
attention to it. As the above places are at present without garrisons,
the French Government may send thither the stipulated number of
troops as soon as it pleases, first, however, informing the Com-
mander in Chief.
Art. 5. The military command in the whole extent of the de-
partments, through which passes the military lne formed by the
Allied troops, belongs to the Commander in Chief of the Allies*
The places mentioned in article ith, are to be ga-risoned by French
troops, together with a rayon of 1,000 toises, are excepted from
this military command.
Art. 6. The Civil Administrative Justice, levying of taxes re-
main in the hands of the French Government. Ihe same is the case
with the Customs. They remain in their present state; and the
Commanders of the Allied troops not only put no obstacles in the
way of their Officers, but in case of need lend thirn assistance.
Art. 7. To prevent all abuses in rpspect ol the Customs, the
clothes, &c. for the troops, shall not be imported, except provided
with certificates of origin, and in consequence jf a previous com-
munication of the Commander of the Corps to tie General in Chie
who on his side gives information to the Custom-house officers.
Art. 8. The Gens d'Armes continue to do cuty in the countries
occupied by the Allies.
Art. 9. The troops not belonging to the Army of Occupation
leave France in days, after the signature ofthe principal Treaty.
The territories ceded to the Allies, as well as the places Landau,
Saar-Louis, and Versoix, will be evacuated ir days from the
same time. The places will be given up in tie condition in which
they were on the 28th September. Commissioners will be named
on both sides to report on this situation, and to deliver up and re-
ceive the military stores, plans, models, andarchives, belonging to
the ceded places and districts. Commission? will be also named
to examine and report the situation of the phces to be given in depot
to the Allies, which are still in the hands of France, are to be
delivered up in days. Commissioners stall also report the state
ofthe fortresses already in the hands of the Allies, on the day when
they are considered as occupied. The AUflfl promise to restore, at
55
the end of the occupation, all the places named in article 5th of the
principal Treaty, in the same state in which they found theiu, with-
out, however, being answerable for the dilapidations caused by time,
which the French Government has not prevented by the necessary
repairs.
PROTOCOL
respecting the partition of Tiir seven hundred millions to sr. paid bt France to
THE ALLIED TOWERS, AND WHICH PROTOCOL IS TO BE INSTEAD OE A SPECIAL CONVENTION
ON THAT SCBJECT.
The undersigned Plenipotentiaries, agreeing to fix the principles
of the partition of the sums to he paid by France, in virtue of the
Treaty of Paris, of the 20th of November, 1815, among their res-
pective Courts and the other Allied States; and taking into consi-
deration, that it appears to be superfluous to conclude a special
Convention on the subject of this agreement, have resolved to set
forth in the present Protocol every thing that relates to this object,
and to regard this Protocol as having the same force and effect as a
special and formal Convention, in virtue of their full powers and
instructions from their respective Courts.
Art. 1. The Allied Powers convinced of the necessity of securing
the tranquillity of the countries bordering on Fiance, by the lortiii-
cation of some of the most threatened paints, destine for this purpose
a part of the sums which Fiance has to pay, whilst they appropriate
the remainder of those sums for generai partition, as indemnities.
The sums destined for the erection of these fortresses shall form the
fourth part of the total which Fiance has to pay; but as the cession
of the fortress of Saar-Loius, a measure equally founded on motives
of general security, renders the erection of new fortifications, on the
side where that fortress is situated, superfluous: and as the sums for
the above purpose were estimated by tiie Commission appointed by
the Council of Ministers, at 50 millions, therefore, this fortress, in
the amount of the sums destined for fortifications, shall be reckoned
at 50 millions, in such way that the above-mentioned fourth shall
not be deducted from the actual TOO millions, promised by France,
but from 750 millions, thus including the cession of Saar-Louis. In
conformity to this regulation, the sum destined for the erection of
fortresses is fixed at J iu-\ millions, viz. at 137.1 millions of actual
money, and 50 millions included }Q the valued cession of the for-
tresses of S;iar-Louis.
Art. 2. In the partition of these 137,1 millions, among the States
bordering on France, the undersigned Ministers take into consider-
ation partly the more or less urgent wants of these States to establish
new fortresses, the more or less considerable expense in their erection,
and partly the means whicn those States possess or may acquire
through the present Treaty. In consequence of these principles,
the Kin"- of the Netherlands receives 60 millions; the King of Prus-
sia 20 inill ions: the King of Bavaria, or any other Sovereign of the
BBS
which garrisons is limited as follows: In Calais, 1,000 men; Grave-
lines, 500; Bergin, 500; St. Omer, 1,500; Bethune, jOO; MontreuiJ,
500; Nisden, 250; Andre;--, 250; Acre, 500; Arras, 1,000; Bou-
logne, 300; St. Venand, 300; Lille, 3,000; Dunkirk and its forts,
3,000; Douay and Le Louche, 1,000; Verdun, 50); Mete, 3,000;
Lauterberg, 200; Weissemberg, 150; Petite Pierre. 100; Strasburg,
55,000; Scheleststadt, 1,000; New Brisach and Fort Mortier, 1,100;
Befort, 1,000. It is, however, agreed, that the mat oriel of the en-
gineer and artillery departments, and the arms not properly belonging
to these places, shall be removed from them to o.her places at the
option of the French Government, which must, hovever, lie without
the lines occupied by the Allied troops, and witiout the line not
occupied by the troops of eith-jr party. If the Coumander in Chief
is informed of a violation of these arrangements, he makes a remon-
strance to the French Government, which promises to pay due
attention to it. As the above places are at present without garrisons,
the French Government may send thither the stipulated number of
troops as soon as it pleases, first, however, informing the Com-
mander in Chief.
Art. 5. The military command in the whole extent of the de-
partments, through which passes the military lne formed by the
Allied troops, belongs to the Commander in Caief of the Ailies.
The places mentioned in article 4th, are to be ga-risoned by French
troops, together with a rayon of 1,000 toises, ire excepted from
this military command.
Art. 6. The Civil Administrative Justice, levying of taxes re-
main in the hands of the French Government. Ihe same is the case
with the Customs. They remain in their present state; and the
Commanders of the Allied troops not only put no obstacles in the
way of their Officers, but in case of need lend thirn assistance.
Art. 7. To prevent all abuses in respect ol the Customs, the
clothes, &c. for the troops, shall not be imported, except provided
with certificates of origin, and in consequence of a previous com-
munication of the Commander of the Corps to tie General in Chiefs
who on his side gives information to the Customhouse officers.
Art. 8. The Gens d'Armes continue to do tuty in the countries
occupied by the Allies.
Art. 9. The troops not belonging to the Army of Occupation
leave France in days, after the signature ofthe principal Treaty.
The territories ceded to the Allies, as well a,' the places Landau,
Saar-Louis, and Versoix, will be evacuated ir days from the
same time. The places will be given up in tie condition in which
they were on the 28th September. Commi.sioners will be named
on both sides to report on this situation, and to deliver up and re-
ceive the military stores, plans, models, andarchives, belonging to
the ceded places and districts. Commissioners will be also named
to examine and report the situation of the plices to be given in depot
to the Allies, which are still in the hand.' of France, are to be
delivered up in days. Commissioners siall aUo report the state
ofthe fortresses already in the hands of the Allies, on the day when
they are considered as occupied. The Alles promise to restore, at
the end of the occupation, all the places named in article 5th of the
principal Treaty, in the same statu in which they found them, with-
out, however, being answerable for the dilapidations caused by time,
which the French Government has not prevented by the necessary
repairs.
PROTOCOL
RESITCTING THE PARTITION OP THF. SEVEN HL'NI)RET> MILLIONS TO UK PAID BT FRANCE TO
TilK A LLIKl) TOWERS, AND WHICH PROTOCOL IS TO BE INSTEAD 09 A .Sfl.ClAL CONVENTION
ON THAT SUBJECT.
The undersigned Plenipotentiaries, agreeing to fix the principles
of the partition of the sums to he paid by France, in virtue of the
Treaty of Paris, of the '20th of November, 1815, among their res-
pective Courts and the other Allied States; and taking into consi-
deration, that it appears to be superfluous to conclude a special
Convention on the subject of this agreement, have resolved to set
forth in the present Protocol every thing that relates to this object,
and to regard this Protocol as having the same force and effect as a
special and formal Convention, in virtue of their full pouers and
instructions from their respective Courts.
Art. 1. The Allied Powers convinced of the necessity of securing
the tranquillity of the countries bordering on Prance, by the fortifi-
cation of some of the most threatened paints, destine for this purpose
a part of the sums which France has to pay, whilst they appropriate
the remainder of those sums for general partition, as indemnities.
The sums destined for the erection of these fortresses shall form the
fourth part of the total which Fiance has to pay; but as the cession
of the fortress of Saar-Louis, a measure equally founded on motives
of general security, renders the erection of new fortifications, on the
.side where that fortress is situated, superfluous: and as the sums for
the above purpose were estimated by the Commission appointed by
the Council of Ministers, at 50 millions, therefore, this fortress in
the amount of the sums destined for fortifications, shall be reckoned
at 50 millions, in such way that the above-mentioned fourth shall
not be deducted from the actual 700 millions, promised by France,
but from 750 millions, thus including the cession of Saar-Louis. In
confoimity to this regulation, the sum destined for the erection of
fortresses is fixed at ' W7-\ millions, viz. at I :> 7 A millions of actual
monev, and 50 millions included in the valued cession of the for-
tresses of Saar-Louis.
Art. 2. In the partition of these 187$ millions, among the States
borderin" on France, the undersigned Ministers take into consider-
ation partly the more or less urgent wants of these States to establish
new fortresses, the more or less considerable expense in their erection,
and partly the means whicn those Stans possess or may acquire
through the present Treaty- In consequence of these principles,
the Kin"- of the Netherlands receives 60 millions; thi King of Prus-
sia 20 mill ions; the King of Bavaria, or any other Sovereign of the
562
Russia,....,...* 7,142,857 franc;.
Austria, 10,714,285
England, ~... ,10,714/285
Prussia, , ., 10.714,285
The other Allies,.,...,........, *. 10,714,285
If France, as shall be the Case in the first years, shall pay only'
-30 millions, or any other sum than 50 millions, for the above object,
the same proportion shall take place in the partition of the sums thu*
modified. The money here mentioned shall be received and divided
by the Commission to be appointed, according to the 13th article of
this Protocol, to receive the indemnity in money.
Art. 15. Worn copies of this Protocol shall be made- out, whicb
shall be provided with the signatures of the undersigned Plenipoten-
tiaries, and shall have the force and validity above-mentioned.
JV. JO. No. 5. relates to the mode of paying the contributions of 700 millions,
at the rate of 140 millions annually. No. 4. relates to the adjustment of the
claims made by the different nations against France. No. 5. relates to the
mode of* payment of the sums due to British subjects by France j and are not
generally interesting or important.
TREATY OF ALLIANCE AND FRIEND-SHIP,
BETWEEN HIS
BRITANNIC MAJESTY and thcEMPEROR of A USTRIA,
SIGNED AT PARIS THE 20th NOVR. 1315.
IN THE NAME OF THE MOST HOLY AND UNDIVIDED TRIKITV.
The purpose of the Alliance concluded at Vienna, the 25th day
of March 1815, having been happily attained by there-establishment
in France of the order of things which the last criminal attempt of
Napoleon Buonaparte had momentarily subverted; their Majesties
the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, the Emperor
of all the Russias, and the King of Prussia, considering that the
repose of Europe is essentially interwoven with the confirmation of
the order of things founded on the maintainance ef the Royal Au-
thority and of the Constitutional Charter, and wishing to employ all
their means to prevent the general tranquillity (the object of the
wishes of mankind and the constant end of their efforts,) from being
again disturbed; desirous, moreover, to draw closer the ties which
unite them for the common interests of their people, have resolved
to give to the principles solemnly laid down in the Treaties of Chau-
mont of the 1st March, 1814, and of Vienna of the 25th March,
3 815, the application the most analogous to the present state of
affairs, and to fix beforehand, by a solemn treaty, the principles which
they propose to follow, in order to guarantee Europe from the dan-
gers by which she may still be menaced; for whiclk purpose the
Hrgh Contracting Parties have named to discuss, settle, and sigo^.
563
the conditions of tin's Treaty, namely [Here follow the name* ami
titles of the Plenipotentiaries, viz. Lord Castlereogh, Duke of
Wellington. Prince of Metternich, and Baron of Wetoenbtirg,] wh-
after having exchanged their full powers, found to be in good ami
due form, have agreed upon the following Article?:
Art. 1. The High Contracting Parties reciprocally promise to
maintain, in its feres and vigour, the Treaty signed this day with hia
Most Christian Majesty, and to sec that the stipulatio is of the said
Treaty, as well as t.'iose of the particular Conventions which I
reference thereto, shall be strictly and faithfully executed in their
fullest extent.
Art. 2. The High Contracting Parties, having engaged in the war
which is just terminated, for the purpose of maintaining inviolably
the arrangements settled at Paris last year, for the safety and in;
of Europe, have judged it advisable to renew the said engagements
by the present Act, and to confirm them as mutually obligatory,
subject to the modifications contained in the Treaty signed this day
with the Plenipotentiaries of his Most Christian Majesty, and par-
ticularly those by which Napoleon Buonaparte and his family, in
pursuance of the Treaty of the 11th of April, 1814, have been for
over excluded from supreme power in France, which exclusion the
Contracting Powers bind themselves, by the present Act, to main-
tain in full vigour, and, -should it be necessary, with the whole of
their forces. And as the same Revolutionary principles which upheld
the last criminal usurpation, might again, under other forms, con-
vulse France, and thereby endanger the repose of other States; under
these circumstances the High Contracting Parties, solemnly admit-
ting it to be their duty to redouble their watchfulness for the tran-
quillity and interests of their people, engage, in case so unfortunate
an event should again eccv'', to concert amongst themselves, and
with his Most Christian Majesty, the measures which they may judge
necessary to be pur-sued for the safety of their respective States, and
for the general tranquillity of Europe,
Art. 3. The High Contracting .Parties, in agreeing with his
Christian Majesty, that a. line of military positions in France should
be occupied by a corps of allied troops during a certain number of
years, had in view to secure, as far as lay in their power, the effect
of the stipulations contained in articles 1st and 'id of the present
Treaty, and uniformly disposed to adopt every salutary measure
calculated to secure the tranquillity of Europe by maintaining the
order of things re-established iu France, they engage, that in
the said body of troops should be attacked or menaced with an attack
on the part of France, that the said Powers should be again obliged
to place themselves on a war establishment qgaipst that Power, in
order to maintain either of the said stipulations, or to secure and
support the great interests to which they relate, each of the High
Contracting Parties shall furnish, without delay, according to the
stipulations of the Treaty of Chaumont, and especially m pursuance
of the 7th and 8th articles of this Treaty, its full Contingent of sixty
thousand men, in addition to the forces left in France, or such part
of the said Contingent as the exigency of the case may require should
be put in motion. #
564
Art. 4. If, unfortunately, the forces stipulated in the preceding
article should be found insufficient, the High Contracting Parties will
concert together, without loss of time, as to the additional number of
troops to be furnished by each, for the support of the common cause;
and they engage to employ, in case of need, the whole of their forces,
in order to bring the war to a speedy and successful termination;
reserving to themselves the right to prescribe, by common consent*
such conditions of Peace as shall hold out to Europe a sufficient
guarantee against the recurrence of a similar calamity.
Art. 5. The High Contracting Parties having agreed to the dis-
positions laid down in the preceding articles, for the purpose ot
securing the effect of their engagements during the period ot the
temporary occupation, declare, moreover, that even after the ex-
piration of this measure, the said engagements shall still remain in
full force and vigour, for the purpose of carrying into effect such
measures as may be deemed necessary for the maintamance ot the
stipulations contained in the articles 1st and 2d of the present Act.
Art. 6. To facilitate and to secure the execution of the present
Treaty, and to consolidate the connexions which at the present^
moment so closely unite the four Sovereigns for the happiness ot
the world, the High Contracting Parties have agreed to renew their
meetings at fixed periods, either under the immediate auspices of the
Sovereigns themselves, or by their respective Ministers, tor the pur-
pose of consulting upon their common interests, and for the consider-
ation of the measures which, at each of those periods, shall be con-
sidered the most salutary for the repose and prosperity of nations,
and for the maintainance of the peace of Europe. _
Art. 7. The present Treaty shall be ratified, and the ratifications
shall be exchanged within two Months, or sooner, if possible.
In faith of which the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed ip,
and affixed thereto the seals of their arms.
Done at Paris, the 20th of November, A. D. 1815.
( Signed") (Signed)
(L.S.) CASTLEREAGH, (L. S.) METfERNICH,
(L.S.) WELLINGTON, (L. S.) WESSENBERG.
Note Similar Treaties were signed on the same day by the
Plenipotentiaries of his Majesty, with those of the Emperor of Russia
aud the King of Prussia, respectively.
COPY
OF A NOT* ADDEKSSED M THK MIMSTEBS OF THE IWR 0M COTS, TO TI>. I>UKE Qi
KICHEL1EU, ON TUK 20TH NOVEMBER.
The undersigned, Ministers of the United Cabinets, have the hon-
our to communicate to his Excellency the Duke of R.cheheu, the
new Treaty of Alliance which they have signed m the name, and by
1 To der of their august Sovereigns-a Treaty, the object of which
s to give the pnnciples consecrated by the Treaties of Chaumont and
565
Vienna, the application most analogous to present circumstai.tf*.
anil to connect the destiny of France with the common interests of
Europe.
The Allied Cahinets regard the stability of the order of things
happily re-established in that country, as one of the essential bases
of a solid and durable tranquillity. To that object their united ef-
forts have constantly been directed, and their sincere desire to main-
tain and consolidate the result of those efforts, has dictated all the
stipulations of the new Treaty. His Most Christian Majesty will in
that act recognize the solicitude with which they have concerted the
measures most proper for removing whatever might hereafter com-
promise the internal repose of Fiance, and prepared remedies against
the dangers with which the Royal authority, the foundation of pub-
lic order, might yet be menaced. The principles and intentions of
toe Allied Sovereigns are in this respect invariable. Of this, the en-
gagements which the\' have now contracted, furnish the most une-
quivocal proof; but the lively interest they take in the satisfaction of
his Most Christian Majesty, as well as in the tranquillity and pros-
perity of the kingdom, induces them to hope that the occurrences
provided against in these engagements will never he realized.
The Allied Cabinets perceive the first guarantee of this hope in
the enlightened principles, magnanimous sentiments, and personal
virtues of his Most Christian Majesty. His Majesty has recognized
with them, that in a State which has, during the quarter of a century,
been torn by revolutionary movements, it does not belong to force a-
lone to re-produce calm in the minds, confidence in the hearts, and
equilibrium in the different parts of the social body; and that wisdom
must be jointd with vigour, and moderation with firmness, in order
to operate these happy changes. Far from fearing that his Most
Christian Majesty will ever lend an ear to imprudent or passionate
counsels tending to nourish discontent, renew alarm, reanimate hat-
red and divisions, the Allied Cabinets are completely assured by the
equally wise and generous dispositions which the King has announc-
ed in all the epochs of his reign, and particularly that of his return
after the late criminal usurpation. They know that his Majesty will
oppose to all the enemies of the public welfare and tranquillity of his
kingdom, under whatever form they may present themselves, his at-
tachment to the constitutional laws promulgated under his own aus-
pices; his will decidedly pronounced, to be the father of all his sub-
jects, without any distinction of class or religion; to efface even the
recollection of the evils which they have suffered, and to preserve, of
past times, only the good which Providence has caused to arise even
amidst public calamities. It is only thus that the wishes formed by
the Allied Cabinets, for the preservation of the constitutional authority
of his Most Christian Majesty, for the happiness of his country, and
for the maintainance of the peace of the world, can be crowned with
a complete success, and that France, re-establishcd'on her ancient
basis, can resume the place to which she is called in the Europen
system.
566
The undersigned have the honour to reiterate to his Excellency
the Duke of Richelieu their high consideration.
(Signed) METTERNICH, HARDENBERG,
CASTLE REACH, CAPO D'ISTHIA.
Paris, November 20th, 1815.
TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE DUC DE RICHELIEU.
The Allied Sovereigns having confided to Marshal the Duke of
Wellington the command in chief of those of their troops, which, ac-
cording to the 5th article of the Treaty, concluded this day with
Prance, are to remain in this country during a certain number of
years, the undersigned Ministers, &c &c. &c. think it their duty to
give some explanation to his Excellency the Duke de Richelieu, as
to the nature and extent of the powers attached to this command.
Although chiefly guided with respect to this measure, by motives
tending to the safety and welfare of their subjects, and being very
far from having any intention of employing their troops in aid of the
Police, or of the internal Administration of France, or in any manner
that might compromise or interfere with the free exercise of the
Royal authority in this country, the Allied Sovereigns have, how-
ever, in consideration of the high interest which they take in sup-
porting the power of legitimate Sovereigns, promised to his Most
Christian Majesty to support him with their arms against every revo-
lutionary convulsion which might tend to overthrow by force, the or-
der of things at present established, and to menace also, again the
general tranquillity of Europe. They do not, however, dissemble
that in the variety of forms under which the revolutionary spirit
might again manifest itself in Prance, doubts might arise as to the
nature of the case which might call for the intervention of a foreigu
force; and feeling the difficulty of framing any instructions precisely
applicable to each particular case, the Allied Sovereigns have thought
it better to leave it to the tried prudence and discretion of the Duke
of Wellington, to decide when, and how far it may be advisable to
employ the troops under his orders, always supposing that he would
not in any case so determine without having concerted his measures
with the King of Fiance, or without giving information as soon as
possible to the Allied Sovereigns of the motives which may have in-
duced him to come to such a determination. And, as m order to
guide the Duke of Wellington in the choice of his arrangements, it
will be important that he should be correctly informed of the events
which may occur in France, the Ministers of the four Allied Courts,
accredited to his Most Christian Majesty, have received orders to
maintain a regular correspondence with the Duke of Wellington, and
to provide at the same time for an intermediate one between the
French Government and the Commander in Chief of the Allied
troops, for the purpose of transmitting to the French Government
the communications which the Duke of Wellington may have occa-
sion to address to it, and of communicating to the Marshal the sug-
gestions or requisitions which the Court of Trance may wish ii
tore to make to him. The undersigned flatter themselves that the
Duke de Richelieu will readily recognize in these arrangements the
Kitme character and the same principles, which may have been mani-
fested in concerting and adapting the measures of the military occu-
pations of a part of France. They carry with thenialso, on quitting
this country, the consoling persuasion, that notwithstanding the ele-
ments of disorder which France may still contain, the effect of Revo-
lutionary events, a wise and paternal government proceeding in a
proper manner to tranquilize and conciliate the minds of the people,
and abstaining from every act, contrary to such a system, may not
only succeed in maintaining the public tranquillity, but also in re-es-
tablishing universal union and confidence, relieving likewise as much
as the proceedings of the government can effect it, the Allied Powers,
from the painful necessity of having recourse to these measures,
which, in case of any new convulsion, would be imperiously prescrib-
ed to them by the duty of providing for the safety of their own sub-
jects, and the general tranquillity of Europe, Sec.
The undersigned have the honour, &c.
(Signed) METTERNICH,
CASTLEREAGH,
HARDENBEKG,
CAPO DISTRIA.
Paris, Norember 20th, 1815.
TREATY
BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND RUSSIA, RESPECTING THE IONIAN ISLANDS, SIC5ED AT
PARIS, 5th NOVEMBER, 1815.
In the name of the Most Holy and Undivided Trinity.
His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and
Ireland, his Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, his Majesty the
Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his Majesty
the King of Prussia, animated by the desire of prosecuting the Negoti-
ations adjourned at the Congress of Vienna, in order to fix the destiny
of the Seven Ionian Islands, and to insure the independence, liberty,
and happiness of the inhabitants of those Islands, by placing them and
their Constitution under the immediate protection of one of the Great
Powers of Europe, have agreed to settle definitively by a special Act,
whatever relates to this object, which, grounded upon the rights re-
suiting from the Treaty of Paris, of the 30th May, 18 14-, and like-
wise upon the British Declarations at the period when the British
armfl liberated Cerigo, Zante, Cephalonia, Santa Maura, Ithaca, and
Paxo, shall be considered as forming part of the General Treaty con-
cluded at Vienna on the 9th of June, 1815, on the termination of the
Congress, and in order to settle and sign the said Act, the Ili^h
Contracting Powers have nominated Plenipotentiaries, [here follow
the names of the Plenipotentiaries,] who. after having exchanged
568
their full powers, found to be in good and due form, have agreed up-
on the following Articles:
Art. 1. The islands of Corfu, Cephalonia, Zante, Maura, Ithaca,
Cerigo, and Paxo, with their dependencies, such as they are describ-
ed in the Treaty between his Majesty the Emperor of All the Ilus-
sias and the Ottoman Porte, of the 21st of March, 1800, shall forma
single, free, andindependent State, under the denomination of the
United States of the Ionian Islands.
Art. 2. This State shall be placed under the immediate and exclu-
sive protection of his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Ireland, his heirs and successors. The other
Contracting Powers do consequently renounce every right or par-
ticular pretension which they might have formed in respect to
them, and formally guarantee all the dispositions of the present
Treaty.
Art. 3. The United States of the Ionian Islands shall, with the ap-
probation of the protecting Power, regulate their internal organiza-
tion; and in order to give to all the parts of this organization the
necessary consistency and action, his Britannic Majesty will employ
a particular solicitude with regard to the legislation and the general
administration of those States, his Majesty will therefore appoint a
Lord High Commissioner to reside there, invested with all the neces-
sary power and authorities for this purpose.
Art. 4. In order to carry into execution without delay the stipu-
lations mentioned in the Articles preceding, and to ground the poli-
tical re-organization which is actually in force, the Lord High Com-
missioner of the Protecting Power shall regulate the forms of convo-
cation of a Legislative Assembly, of which he shall direct the pro-
ceedings, in order to draw up a new Constitutional Charter for the
States, which his Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain. and Ireland shall be requested to ratify.
Until such Constitutional Charter shall have been so drawn up,
and duly ratified, the existing Constitutions shall remain in force in
the different islands, and no alteration shall be made in them, except
by his Britannic Majesty in Council.
Art. 5. In order to insure without restriction to the inhabitants of
the United States of the Ionian Islands, the advantages resulting
from the high protection under which these States are placed, as well
as for the exercise of the rights inherent in the said protection, his
Britannic Majesty shall have the right to occupy the fortresses and
places of those States, and to maintain garrisons in the same. The
military force of the said United States shall also be under the or-
ders of the Commander in Chief of the troops of hrs Britannic Ma-
J est y-
Art. 6. His Britannic Majesty consents, that a particular Conven-
tion with tlie Government of the said United States shall regulate,
according to the revenues of those States, every thing which may re-
late to the maintainance of the fortresses already existing, as well as
to the subsistence and payment of the British garrisons, and to the
number of men of which they shall be composed in time of peace.
The same Convention shall likewise fix the nation* which are to
9i*t between the said armed force and the Ionian Government.
Art. 7, The Trading Flag of the United Status of the Ionian Isl-
ands shall be acknowledged by all the Contracting : n the
1 lag of a Free and Independent State. It shall carry with tin- col-
ours, and above the armorial bearings thereon dispi. re the
year 1807, such other as his Britannic Majesty may think pro)
grant, as a mark of the protection under which the said In
are placed, and for the more effectual furtherance of th tttiou,
ail the ports and harbours of the said States are her
be, with respect to honorary and military rights, within British
diction. The commerce between the United Ionian States an 1 the
dominions of his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty sliall enjoj
the same advantages and facilities as that of Great Britrin with the
said United Ionian States. None but Commercial Agents, or Con-
suls charged solely with the carrying on commercial relation*, and
subject to the regulations to which Commercial Agents or Consuls
are subject in other Independent States, shall be accredited to the
United States of the Ionian Islands.
Art. 8. All the Powers which signed the Treaty of Paris of the
30th of May, 1814, and the Act of the Congress of Vienna of the
9th of June, 1815; and also his Majesty the King of the Two Sici-
lies, and the Ottoman Porte, shall be invited to accede to the present
Convention.
Art. 9. The presenf Act shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall
be exchanged in two months or sooner, if possible.
In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed it,
and have affixed thereunto the seals of their arms.
Done at Paris, the 5th day of November, in the year of our
Lord, 1815.
CASTLEREAGH, (L. S.)
WELLINGTON, (L. S.)
Le Prince de RASOU.MOFFSKY, (L. S.)
Le Compte CAPO DTSTRIA, (L. S.)
EXTRACT
which hit
said Majesty might lay claim, shall serve .towards putting the in-
demnities of Austria and Prussia on the level of a just proportion.
N. B. The previous Treaties, with alterations .yet to take place, but concluded
have rendered the Acts td' Congress comparatively oi little use, therefore they
.are ommitted.
-WAR- OFFICE, December 23, 1815.
His Royal Highness, the Prince Regent, has been pleased, in the
name and on the behalf of his Majesty, to approve of the under-
mentioned regiments being permitted to bear on their colours and
appointments, in addition to any other badges or devices which may
have been heretofore granted to those regiments, the word " Water-
loo" in commemoration of their distinguished services on the 18th of
June, 1815.
1st Life Guards,
*.'d Life Guards,
Royal Horse Guards,
1st Dragoon Guards,
Royal Dragoons,
2d Royal North British Dragoons,
O'th Regiment of Dragoons,
7th Regiment of Light Dragoons,
10th do. do. do.
1Kb do. do. do.
Ji'th do. do. do.
I. "5th Regiment of Light Dragoons*
15th do. do. do.
IGth do. lo. do.
18th do. do. do.
23d do. do. da
Royal Waggon Train,
Royal Artillery,
Royal Engineers,
1st German Light Dragooq&
2d do. do.
m
1st German Hussars,
3d do. do.
Grenadier Guards, 2d battalion,
Do. do. 3d do.
Coldstream Guards, 2d battalion,
3d Foot Guards. 2d battalion,
Royal Scots, 2d battalion,
4tb Regiment of Foot, 1 st battalion,
14th
23d
27th
28th
SOth
5 2d
53d
40th
42d
44th
51st
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
o.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
do.
1 st battalion.
2d do.
1st do.
2d do.
do,
do
do. 1 st do
2d
da
do. Gcomp.
do. 3d do. 2comp.
5 2d Regimeiilot'Faot,
69th do. do. 2d battalion,
71st do. do. 1st do.
73d do. do. 2d do.
79th do. do. 1st do.
92d do.
95th do.
95th do.
95th do.
Royal Staff Corps,
1st German Light Battalion,
2d do. do.
1st do. do.
2d do. do.
3d do. do.
4 th do. do.
5 th do. do.
8th do. do,
German Artillery.
After that part of this work relating to the affairs of Nismes
was published, the following official and important letter from
the Duke of Wellington was made public. It was wrote in
answer to one addressed to him from the Society for the pro-
tection of Religious Liberty, established in London, requiring
from him, in his official capacity, information concerning these
affairs. It completely confirms that it was not religious, but
political feelings and principles which were the great cause of
all these horrors.
(Copy.)
Paris, 28th November, 1815.
Gentlemen,
I have had the honour of receiving your letter of the 24th instant,,
and I take the earliest opportunity of replying to it.
I have eyery reason to believe that the public, and the Society of
which you are Secretaries, have been misinformed regarding what
is passing in the South of France.
It is natural that there should be violent contests iu a country in
which the people are divided, not only by a difference of religion,
but likewise by a difference of political opinion; and that, the religion
of every individual being in general the sign of the political party to
which he belongs, and at a moment of peculiar political interest, and
of weakness in the Government, on account of the mutiny of the ar-
my, that the weaker party should suffer, and that much injustice
573
And violence should be committed by individuals of the more numer-
ous preponderating party. But as far as I have any knowledge,
acquired during my residence at this Court last year, and since the
entrance of the Allies into Paris, the Government have done every
thing in their power to put an end to the disturbances which have
prevailed in the South of France, and to protect all his Majesty's
subjects, in conformity with his Majesty's promise in his Royal
Charter, in the exercise of their religious duties according to theic
^several persuasions, and in the enjoyment of their several privileges,
whatever may be their religious persuasions.
In a recent instance, an officer, General La Garde, was sent
down to Nismes, specially by Government, to inquire into the state
of affairs in that country, and upon his first report he had order*
to open the Protestant Churches, which, in the course of the contest
between the parties, had been closed. He was severely wounded
when in the execution of these orders; and I have been informed by
good authority, that his Royal Highness the Due d'Angouleroe has
since marched at the head of a body of troops against those who
had opposed themselves to the execution, by General La Garde, of
the orders of the Government.
I inclose a copy of the King's Ordinance issued in consequence
of this event, which sufficiently shews the views and intentions of
the Government.
I have further to inform you, that it is not true that the salaries
of the Protestant Ministers have been discontinued by the King of
Trance.
I trust that what I have above stated will convince the Society,
of which you are the Secretaries, that the King of France's Gov-
ernment, at least, are not to blame on account of the unfortunate cir-
cumstances which have occurred in the South of France.
I have, &c.
(Signed) WELLINGTON.
Mr. T. Wilks and Mr. T. Pki.iat, Secretaries
to the IVotestant Society fjor Protection of
llcligious JJkertv. W .
K-AR XRL'tt, AND CO. FBIKTE1S, Clf M l H tf.
ERRATA.
Page 46, line 8, for in read as. p. 74, 1. 52, for his read their. p. 133, 1. 6
fir present the read the present. p. 156, 1. 2, for 120 read 12 p. 152, L 18,
'after infantry read and. p. 158, 1. 24, for me read men. p. 177, 1. 54, for that
read those. p. 200, 1. 26, for peevish read feverish. p. 200, 1, 35, for occasions
read occasion. p. 204. 1. 28, for denied read decreed. p. 226, 1. 11 and 12, for
Babylon.an read Babylonian. p. 251, 1. 30, for a division of Gerard's corps reai
Gerard's division of the second corps p. 265, 1. 8, for the read their. p. 280,
L 20, and in the note, for Stewart read Stuart. p t 302, 1. 1 2, Jor egg read breast,
p. 360, 1. 35, in a few copies, for he read be. p. 382, L 35, for negotiation
read recognition. p. 410, 1. 22, for wiped read swept p. 411, 1. 3d, for deter-
mined read destined. p. 425, 1. 34, for the secret which springs read the secret
springs. p. 444, 1. 10, for crush read crash. p. 467, 1. 7, for remarkable reait
respectable. p. 470, 1. 16, in note, for Hocbambeau read Dillon. p. 477, L 16.
for which were here read were here. p. 482, I. 14, Jor unadultered read unadul*
terated. p. 543, lc 17, for refrain read restrain.
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