/C)5-9,^ 3D la ^ THE HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN ¥^-#^'' Ex Libris C. K. OGDEN ;ir^ This History of the Empire of Japan, comprising an eptiome of salient facts from early ages down to the present time, was compiled under the direction of the Department of Education, at the request of the Imperial Japanese Com- mission, and is intended for the use of visitors to the Japanese Section of the World's Columbian Exposition in Chicago, U.S.A., 1893. The work contains Nine Chapters, which were com- piled by Takatsu Ku\vasa];ur<), Bungakushi ; Mikami Sanji, BungakusJii ; and Isoda Masaru, Bungakushi ; the whole having been revised by Shigeno Yasuy<:)ri, Buiigakuhakushi, and Hosiiixo HiSASin, Bungakuha- kus/ii, members of the Committee of Historiographical Compilation in the Imperial University ; and translated into English by Captain Brink li:v (late Royal Artillery), Editor of the Japan Mail. PREFACE. In ancient times Japan possessed no literary script. All events had to be transmitted from generation to gene- ration by oral tradition. The use of writing was imported from China, but it is not possible to determine exactly at what period the event took place. Japanese investigators are disposed to think that it occurred five or six hundred years after the Emperor Jimmu, which would bring it to the reign of the Emperor Kaika, or the Emperor Sujin, a period one or two hundred years prior to the Christian era. Investigations refer it to the commencement of the reign of the Emperor Ojin, but the general use of letters for the purpose of recording events dates from the beginning of the reign of the Emperor Richiu, a period corresponding to the year 403 a.d. approximately, and the compilation of national annals began in the reign of the Emperor Suiko (620 a.d.). But such historical records as were then compiled, suffered almost total destruction a short time afterwards by fire, and do not seem to have ex- ercised any appreciable influence upon subsequent annals. Our reliance for information about the history of antiquity has to be placed upon the Kojiki and the Nihoii Shoki, the former of which was compiled in the fourth year of the Wado era of the Emperor Gemmyo (711 a.d.), the second 1059S30 II in the fourth )'ear of the Vord era of the Emperor Ciensho (720 A.T).). These works, therefore, carry us back to a period some thirteen hundred jears after the Emperor Jimmii. But thouo^h the events of earl)- da)s were thus committed to writing" and transmitted b) \arious authors to posterit)-, tliere were orounds for suspecting- that the oral records of remote antiquit)- had been disfigured b)- omis- sions, errors, and confusion of facts. Reoretting this, and perceiving that unless steps were then taken to correct the annals, subsequent generations would be without an) trustworth)- record of remote events, the Emperor Tenmu ordered an eminent scholar, Hieda-no-Are, to prepare a chronolog)- of sovereigns and a digest of the e\ents of the successi\-e dynasties. Unfortunatel)- the death of the Emperor interrupted this work. Twent)- )'ears later, in the fourth )ear of the Wado era (711 a.d.), the Em- press Gemm)-o instructed Futo-no-Yasumaro to complete the compilation of Hieda-no-Are's annals. The work thus completed is the Kojiki as we now possess it. This com- pilation must be regarded as the most trustworth) record extant of the events of ancient times. Eight )-ears after the apjjearance of the Kojiki, the N'ihon SJioki was compiled. We find, on comparing these works, that although, on the whole, the)- agree, discrepancies exist as to the titles of the " celestial " and terrestrial rulers (kanii ), and the; order of their succession. b\irther. judging from the fact that frequent reference is n-»ade in the Nilion S/ioki to state- ments of imnamed writers, it would api)ear that the dixergent records transniitted b)- \-arious authors were enibodied in the work, which records had un(|uestionably been handed down b) oral tradition. '\\\v. aboxe two works arc- tlu- chief sources of material Ill for constructinor the annals of ancient Japan. No resource offers but to rely upon their contents. If curious super- natural incidents figure in their pages, we have to remember that literature being then in its infancy and a long interval having elapsed since the era of many of the events recorded, the annalists Avere not yet skilled in the selection of matter qualified to find a place in authentic history, while, at the same time, in the oral traditions on which they depended, errors had doubtless been included, and, ordinary events drifting out of sight, extr^ordinar)- and supernatural had alone survived. Without the use of almanacks it is impossible to have trustworthy chronologies. Almanacks first came into use in Japan in the 12th year of the Empress Suiko's reign (604 A.I).). Previously to that time, the Chinese calendar had been imported in the early part of the reign of the Emperor Kimmei (540-571 a.d.). The compilation of annals, as already stated, had preceded that event by a considerable interval, havino- been inaugurated in the reip;n of the Emperor Richiu. We may therefore conjecture that some method of reckoning months and years had been practised from an early era, but no certain knowledge of this matter is available. In the Nikon Shoki the years and months from the time of the Emperor Jimmu are recorded, but such is not the case in the Kojiki. In Japan from ancient time chronology was not based on an era. Year periods were used. Originally the method pursued was to speak of such and such a year after the coronation of an Emperor. But from the early part of the reign of the Emperor Kotoku (645-654 a.d.), the Chinese fashion coming into vogue, year periods were employed. lY The name of a year period was altered, as a matter of course, witli each-dynasty ; but it was also habitually changed on the recurrence of a cyclical year of ill-omened designation, as well as on occasions of inundation, pesti- lence, rebellion, or exceptional good fortune. There are instances of several changes of designation within the reign of one Emperor. To quote extreme cases, five such changes occurred during the seven years' reign of the Emperor Nijo and six during the ten }'ears' reign of the Emperor Shijo. It results, of course, that a troublesome effort is required to commit to memory the sequence and dates of the various year periods. The Chinese, in the reign of the Ming Sovereign Taitsu, decided that there should be no change in the designation of a year period throughout the reign of a Sovereign. A similar ruling was made on the accession of the present Emperor of Japan, from which time also the era of Jimmu began to be used as a chronological basis. In the following pages the administrative and political events from the founding of the empire will be divided into three great series, or periods. The h'irst Period, commencing with the birth of im- perialism, covers the ages tluring which the Sovereign and the Administratian were one. Speaking accurately, how- ever, this peri(3d includes not only eras when administratrative orders actually (emanated from the Emperor, but also eras during wliicli powerful families, like those of Oomi and Omuraji, controlled administrative affairs; eras when the reins of state were restored to the Sovereign, and eras when they passed into the hand of regents and prime ministers ; eras when the administrative authority was exer- cised by the Throne, and eras when it was exercised by military nobles. But these minor distinctions are merged in the fact that throui^hout the period the power of Im- perialism was paramount and the mandates of the Sovereii^n were effective in all parts of the realm. The Second Period is that durin^- which the admini- strative power was wielded by military nobles ; in other words, the period of military autocracy. This period com- mences with the time when the Minamoto chieftain, Yori- tomo, established a Shogunate at Kamakura, and concludes with the time when, Tokugawa having restored the admini- stration to the Sovereign, the Edo Shogunate came to an end. During this period, the families controlling admihi- strative affairs underwent many vicissitudes and the pos- session of the Shogunate often changed, but the general character of the national polity was feudal, and the reposi- tories of administrative power were all military nobles. Hence the whole series of events here included in one period. The Third Period is the modern era of Alciji. It is the period when administrative power has reverted to the Emperor ; when the Constitution has been promulgated ; when the Diet has been opened ; when representative in- stitutions have wholly replaced autocratic ; when the ancient aspect of all things has been metamorphosed. Therefore it is here regarded as the Third Period. In the Occident, it is customary to divide the period of a nation's history into ancient, mediaeval, and modern* This method has of late begun to come into vogue in Japan also. It is doubtless a suitable method in the case of YI other countries. But in Japan the salient incidents of his- toi')' do not lend themseh^es to the adoption of such a system of division. Therefore it is not followed in the com- pilation of these annals. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE. Preface i — 16 National Polity — Emperor and People i6 — 19 Chapter I. History of Remote Antiquity. — Izanagi-no-Mikoto (Deity) and Izanami-no-Mikoto (Deess). Amaterasu- Omikami (Deess) and Susanoo-no-Mikoto (Deity). — Okuninushi-no-Mikoto, and the establishment of the Seat of Government in Hyuga 19 — 23 Chapter II. SECTION I. From the Emperor Jimmu to the Taikwa Reformation. — The Emperor Jimmu's Invasion of the Eastern Pro- vinces 23 — 25 SECTION II. Administration and Condition of the Nation in the eary Era 26 — 31 SECTION III. Administrative Records 31 — 38 SECTION IV. Communication with Foreign Countries. — Conquest of Korea... 38 — 42 SECTION \'. The Introduction of Chinese Literature 42 — 45 SECTION VI. Introduction and spread of Buddhism 46 — 50 II SECTION VII. Development of Administration by Hereditary Officials. 50 — 52 SECTION VIII. Ascendency of the Nobles 52 — 55 SECTION l.\. Influence of Chinese and Korean Civilization on Japan. 55 — 60 SECTION X. Progress of Industries and Arts 60 — 63 SECTION XI. Development of Agriculture and Commerce 6^ — 64 SECTION XII. Planners and Customs of the Age '. 64 — 6S ClIAPTlCR III. From the Taikwa Reformation to the Heian Era. SECTION I. The Taikwa Reformation 68 — jy SECTION II. Enlargement and Reduction of the Dominions of Japan. (Subjugation of the Ezo Aborigines and abandon- ment of Korea.) jy — 82 SECTION III. Troubles in connection with the Imperial Succession ... 82 — 85 SECTION. IV. The compilation and promulgation of the Code of Laws called the Taihoryo 85 — 91 SECTION v. The Prosperity of the Nara Epoch. — The Spread of Buddhism. — The Progress of Art and Industry. — Learning. — Literature 91 — 102 SECTION VI. Transfer of the Capital to Kyoto. — Creation of New Offices. — Progress of Buddhism. — Learning 102 — 115 SECTION VII. Administration of the Fujiwara Family. — Rise of Suga- wara Alichizane to power. — Arbitrary exercise of Power by the Fujiwara 115 — 123 Ill SECSIOX VIII. The Condition of the Upper Classes. — Tlie development of Poetical and Prose Composition 123 — 132 SECTION IX. Local Government System. — Private Ownership of fixed Property. — The Four Great Clans ; Minamoto, Taira, Fujiwara, and Tachibana. — Military Institutions. — The Tenkei Rebellion 133 — 140 SECTION X. Interference of abdicated Emperors in State Affairs ... 140 — 146 SECTION XI. The Hogen and Heiji Insurrections. — The Rise and Fall of the Taira Family 146 — 158 SECTION XII. Ac^riculture. — Commerce. — Industry 158 — 163 Chapter IV. The Kamakura Era. SECTION I. The Minamoto (Gen) Family 164 — 168 SECTION II. Organization of the Shogun's Government (Bakufu) ... 168 — 173 SECTION III. The Shokiu W^ar 173 — 177 SECTION IV. The Hojo Family 177 — 181 SECTION V. Legislation of the Shogunate ... 181 — 183 SECTION VI. The Chinese Invasion 183 — 186 SECTION VII. Customs 186 — 192 SECTION VIII. Literature 192 — 195 SECTION IX. New Sects of Buddhism 195 — 199 IV SECTION X. Agriculture 199 SECTION XI. Industry and Arts 199 — 203 SECTION XII. Trade and Commerce 203 — 205 Chapter V. SECTION I. Emperors reigning alternately 206 — 209 SECTION II. The Genko War 209 — 214 SECTION III. The Northern and Southern Dynasties 214 — 223 Chapter VI. The Muromachi Epoch. SECTION I. The Administration of the Ashikaga Family 223 — 236 SECTION II. Foreign Intercourse 237 — 244 SECTION HI. Literature of the Ashikaga Dynasty 244 — 249 SECTION IV. Industry and Fine Arts 249 — 254 SECTION V. Autonomy of Territorial Nobles 254 — 262 ClIAl'TER VTI. Restoration of the Domestic Tranquillity. SEC'ITON 1. The Ota Family 263—270 SECTION H. The Toyotomi Family 270 — 277 SECTION IH. The Invasion of Korea 277 — 286 Chapter VIII. Administration of the Edo Shoguns. SECTION I. Establishment of the Shogun's Government 286—293 SECTION II. Policy of the Shogunate.— Relations between the Sho- gunate and the Emperor and between the Shogunate and the other Nobles.— Organization of the Shogun's Government ^^, ^^^ SECTION III. Foreign Intercourse and the Foreign Trade 304—309 SECTION IV. Insurrection of the Christian Converts.— The Question ^^^e^'g'O" 309-315 SECTION V. The Genroku Era (1688 1703 a.d.).— Literature.— Edu- cation. — Finance -,.- ^_, 0^5 j-j SECTION \T. Middle Period of the Shogunate.— The Kyoho Peace. —Industry.— Agriculture.— Criminal Law. — Military Equipment 323—332 SECTION VII, The Kwansei Peace— The repose of the Military Classes.— Social Conditions. — Public Sentiments and Customs -j-^-y -.A-^ ij- — 042 SECTION VIII. Industry and Fine Arts 342—346 SECTION IX. Latter Days of the Shogunate.- Visit of the American ^^'^' 346-353 SECTION X. The closing Days of the Tokugowa Government.— The growth ot the Imperial Spirit 353—360 SECTION XI. Closing Days of the Tokugawa Government (concluded). —Dissensions in Mito.— Expedition against Choshu. —Imperial Sanction of Foreign Treaties.— Restora- tion of the Administration to the Emperor 360—365 VI Chapter IX. The Period of the Restoration of Administrative Power to the Sovereign and of the Introduction of Constitutional Government. SECTION I. Restoration of the Administration to the Emperor — Removal of the Capital from K)-oto to Tokyo 365 — 373 SECTION II. Abolition of Han and establishment of Ken 373 — 378 SECTION III. Organization of the J/rz)V Administration 378 — 389 SECTION IV. Domestic Disturbances 389 — 396 SECTION V. Foreign Affairs 396 — 408 SECTION VI. The Introduction of Western Civilization 408 — 410 SECTION VII. Industries and Manufactures 410^416 SECTION viri. Trade and Commerce 416 — 419 SECTION IX. Laws 419 — 424 SECTION X. Learning and Religion 424 — 42S HISTORY OP THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN, INTRODUCTION. GEOGRAPHY. The Empire of Japan consists of a group of islands marshalled in the north-west corner of the Pacific Ocean off the eastern coast of the Asiatic Continent. These islands lie between the parallels of 50^ 56' and 24^ 6' north latitude, and the longitudes of their extreme eastern and western points are 156^ 32' and 122^ 45', respectively, east of Greenwich. The Empire thus covers 26 50' of latitude and 33° 47' of longitude. On the east, they face the Pacific Ocean ; on the south-west, they look across the China Sea to the mainland of China ; on the north-west, the Sea of Japan separates them from Korea and Manchuria. The Strait of Soya (Strait de la Perouse), lies between their most northerl)' part, Hokkaido, and Karafuto in Russia, and the Kururi Strait (Kuriles Strait) divides the Chishima group of islands on the north from the Russian peninsula of Kamtschatka. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. The whole group includes 40 islands and a number of islets. The large island lying in the centre constitutes the mainland ; the island on the north of the latter is called Hokkaido ; that on the south, Kiushu (the Nine Provinces) ; that on the south-west of the mainland and the east of Kiushu, is Shikoku ; and stretching in a northwesterly direction from Hokkaido, we have the Kuriles. Like chains linking the mainland with the continents of Asia and North America, there extend, from the southern extremity of Kiushu and the centre of the mainland, respectively, two lines of islets called Riukiu (Loochoo) and Hichi-to (the Seven Islands). Floating, as it were, in the Sea of Japan are the islets of Sado and Oki. Scattered in the Pacific Ocean, at a distance of 200 ri (488 English miles) from the south-west coast of the mainland, lies the Ogasawara group (Bonins). Between the mainland and Shikoku is the island of Awaji. On the north-west of Kiushu, in the channel that separates it from Korea, are the islands of Iki and Tsu- shima, the latter only 50 ri (122 English miles) from the port of Fusan in Korea ; and to the west of Kiushu, in the route of shi{)s travelling Chinawards, lies the Goto group. The area of the whole empire is 24,790 square ri (147,063 English square miles). More than half of this superficies is comprised in the main island, and next in magnitude come Hokkaido, Kiushu, and Shikoku, in that order. The coast line stretches to a length of about 15,300 ^^ (37'33- English miles). Little indended, the coast along the Sea of Japan offers few ba)'s or promontories ; iDut the coasts washed by the Pacific Ocean and the China Sea are broken into innumerable capes and inlets, and abound in good harbours. No part of the inland being removed from the sea to a greater distances than 60 or 70 I-IISrOR y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAW ri (146 to 170 English miles), the facilities for transport are very great. The country is mountainous, and has comparatively little fiat land. Two systems of mountain chains extend north and south and east and west, each having numerous branches. The highlands of the empire are two provinces, Shinano and Kai, in the centre of the main island. Fuji- san, capped v^^ith eternal snows, lies at the boundary of Suruga and Kai : the loftiest peak in the empire, its summit rises 12,300 feet above the sea level. Following it, in order of height, are the mountains of Mitake (10,700 ft.) and Akaishi (10,214 ft.), in Shinano province; and Shirane (10,212 ft.) and Komagatake (9,905 ft.) in Kai. Many other peaks of 8,000 ft. and upwards are to be found in the provinces of Kai, Shinano, Etchu, and Kaga. The mountains of the main island are, for the most part, volcanic. Many of them are still in an active condi- tion. The active volcanoes number 170, and the ranges comprising them stretch across the extent of the country. Mines and mineral springs consequently abound. They are to be found in about 388 places, independently of Hokkaido. The most celebrated thermal springs are at Kusatsu and Ikaho in Kozuke ; at Hakone in Sagami ; at Atami in Izu ; at Arima in Settsu ; at Shirosaki in Tajima, and at Dogo in lyo. Frequency of earthquakes results from this abundance of volcanoes. Minor shocks average from thirty or forty to several hundreds annually, and of severe shocks history shows that there have been some two or three in each century, entailing overthrow of dwellings, destruction of human and animal life, crumbling away of mountains and interchanges of seas and lands. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Owino- of the insular and narrow form of the country, great ri\'ers with long' courses are few, but numerous streams of lesser magnitude traverse all parts of the empire, afford- ing excellent facilities for drainage and irrigation. Among them man)- of the larger are navigable. The I shikari River in Hokkaido has a length of 167 ri (407 English miles), being the longest in the empire. Next in order comes the Shinano, in the main island, with a course of nearl}- 100 ri (244 English miles). Other conspicuous streams are the Kitagami, the Tone, the Oi, the Tenriu, and the Kiso, with courses of 50 ri (122 English miles) and upwards, in the main island ; to which may be added the Yoshino in Shikoku and the Chikugo in Kiushu, with courses of 30 ri (73 English miles) and upwards. Owing to the mountainous character of the countr)-, few plains of large area exist. Valle)-s lying deep in the bosoms of the hills, plateaux along the margins of the great rivers, gentle slopes at the feet of mountain ranges, or stretches by the sea shore, are the only comparatively level places to be seen. The Ishikari Moor, bordering the Ishi- kari River in Hokkaido, is the most extensive of these. Its soil is rich, and it abounds in timber and verdure. Other well known plains in the north lie along the course of the Tokachi River and by the sea-shore at Kushiro and Nemuro. Passing to the main island, we find, in the north-easterl)- section, the Oshu plateau, traversed by the Kitagami and Abukuma rivers, and extending over the provinces of Riku- chu. RikuzcMi. Iwashiro, and Iwaki. There, too. the soil is rich, and cropped lands cover a wide area. In the central section, the valley of the Tone River forms the Hasshu plain of the Kwanto. spreading into the four provinces of HISTORY OF rilE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. J Musashi, Kozuke, Hitachi, and Shimosa. Thickly popu- lated and highly fertile, this plain is the most extensive in the main island. Next in order of magnitude comes the valley of the Kiso River, forming a part of the provinces of Mino and Owari. This plain has conspicuously rich soil and constitutes one cr^eat cultivated field. The Echicro plain, along the lower waters of the Shinano River, is the most extensive of all the littoral plains of Japan. For the rest, very wide plains exist in Kinai, along the banks of the Yodo and Yamato Rivers ; while in Shikoku, the most extensive flat-lands are found along the course of the Yoshino River, and in Kiushu the lands by the banks of the Chikugo down to the Ariyake sea-beach give to the provinces of Chikugo and Hizen a broad area of irri- gated fields. Lakes, great and small, are scattered all over the main island. The largest of them is Biwa Lake in Omi. It has a shore line of over 73 miles, and its waters are deep enough to be navigable, for the most part, by steamers. After Lake Biwa in order of magnitude come Kasumi-o;a-ura in Hitachi province, Inawashiro in Iwashiro, Hachirogata in Ugo, Naka-no-umi and Shishidi-ko in Izumo, Imbanuma in Shimosa, and Towada-ko in Mutsu. All of these have circumferences of ten ?'/ (24.4 English miles) and upwards. In Hokkaido, Shikoku and Kiusho very few lakes are found. The main island of Japan, being situated in the Tem- perate Zone, enjoys, for the most part, a medium degree of temperature. But since, owing to its elongated shape, the country extends over 26"^ 50' of latitude, since two currents, a warm and a cold, flow past its shores, and since its surface offers wide differences of elevation and depression, the climate IJ J STORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. is b}- no means uniform. Thus, in the northern part of Hokkaido and in the Chishima Islands, the snow never dis- appears, the sea freezes in winter, and sleet and fogs pre\'ail. On the other hand, in the southern district, as well as in the Riukiu and Ogasawara groups, the heat is very great, and neither snow nor ice is seen in winter. In the central parts, again, the temperature varies according to the eleva- tion of the land, and according to the configuration of the mountains and seas. \\ ith regard to ocean currents, there is one which, laving the southern part of the Riukiu Islands, flows from the south west to the north east. In cloudy weather the waters of this ocean river display a deep black colour. Hence it is called the Black Stream [Kiiro-shio). Coming from the distant Equator, the Black Stream has an average temperature of 27 8' Cent, in summer. Immediately after leaving the Equator it travels along the eastern coast of China, and thence passing northward, approaches the coast of Kiushu, where it bifurcates. The branch stream enters the Sea of Japan, and flows to the north ; the principal stream passes by the southern coast of Shikoku and the main island, until it reaches the north of Cape Inubo in Shimosa, where it again bifurcates, a branch turning northward, and the river itself travelling in an eastern and northern direc- tion until it leaves the main island. In consequence, perhaps, of the heat received from this warm current, all the provinces of Kiushu. Shikoku. Sanyodo and Tokaido have a warm climate, and snow seldom lies there. There is also a cold stream called the 0)-a-shio. of which the average summer temperature is as low as 28' Cent. Its source is in the Sea of Ohkotsk, whence it passes through the Chishima Islands, and flowing by Hokkaido HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. and the eastern coast of the main island's northerly section, reaches the neighbourhood of Cape Inubo and there dis- appears, Alread)' situated in a high degree of latitude, Hokkaido and the northern part of the main island, being further exposed to the influence of this cold stream, have a very cold climate. The snow lies there in masses for many days and the winter is ver)^ long. The rain-fall is heavy in summer, and light in winter. It is greatest along the coasts washed by the Pacific Ocean and the Sea of Japan, and least in the central portions of the country, along the two coasts of the Inland Sea as well as in the O-u district. Hokkaido has an average fall. Rich soil, a genial climate, and a sufficient rain-fall produce luxuriant vegetation. Cultivated fields and gardens succeed each other through wide areas. Moreover, since the main island extends into the three Zones, it possesses corresponding varieties of vegetation. Thus in Kiushu and the provinces of Nankaido (southern-sea highway region), thick, verdant forests are to be seen, abounding in giant trees. Sugar-canes, tobacco, and cotton find a soil con- genial to their growth. The cocoa, the banyan tree, the banana and their congeners flourish in the Riukiu and Oga- sawara Islands. In short, the general aspect is tropical. Passing thence to the central districts, great varieties of vegetation are found. The pine (pimis densiflora and pimis iiiassoniana) the oak fqiicrcus dcntata), the hi-no-ki (tJuLya obtusa ). the sugi (cryptomcria japonica ), the cam- phor and the bamboo grow in the woods ; while the mulberry, the tea plant, the lacquer tree, millet, the five cereals, vege- tables, and various kinds of fruits are seen in the fields and gardens. Finally, even in Hokkaido, though the cold is HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAX. great and the cultivated area limited, the soil is fruitful, the vegetation luxurious, and the district invites agriculture. The varieties of animal life are not numerous. Of domestic animals we have the ox, the horse, the pig, the dog, and the cat ; of wild animals, the hog. the deer, the hare, the fox, the badger, and the monkey. Ferocious beasts and noxious reptiles are limited to the bear of the northern districts and the habit (a kind of snake) of Riukiu. In the waters that lave the Hokkaido coasts sea-otters and fur-seals abound ; whales frequent the seas in the north and those adjacent to Shikoku and Kiushu ; and along all the coasts fish and crustaceans are found in such abundance that they more than suffice for the ordinary food of the inhabitants. Of birds there is great abundance, some pos- sessing beautiful plumage, others melodious notes, and others being suitable for food. To the last mentioned class belong barn-door fowl and ducks. Among insects, the silk-worm is largely reared throughout the main island, the climate and soil being particularly suitable for the purpose. When we come to enumerate the natural products, gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, coal, sulphur, porcelain clay, granite, rock-crystal, and agate occupy the principal place among minerals ; while in the agricultural section, rice and barley, since they constitute the chief staples of national food, are most extensively cultivated, but beans, the sweet potato, the common potato, cotton, hemp, tobacco, and millet are also grown in considerable quantities ; while of fruits we have the orange, the persimmon, the pear, the grape, and the apple ; of living things, the ox, the horse, the pig, the barn-door fowl, and the duck. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. With regard to marine products, the principal of the fish class are the whale, the sardine, the mackerel, the salmon, the salmon-trout, the cod, the tunny fish, the sitrmne (onycJioteuthis banksii), the sea-ear ( awabi ) and the bcche-de-mer ; while among sea- weeds we have konibii (laininaria japonica), tokorotcn-g2isa and nori. Of articles into the production of which human labour enters, the principal are silk, woven fabrics, tea, sugar, paper, silk-worm ^<■=> In Kiushu, Yabakei is renowned for its landscape, and Usa-jingu shrine for its architecture. Still more celebrated is Ama-no-Hashidate in Sanindo. Here a sandy promontory completely covered with pine-trees stretches far into the sea, offering a scene of beauty which Matsushima and Itsukushima make the three most celebrated views in Japan. Places of note in the neighbourhood of Tokyo are Kamakura, Enoshima, Miho-no-Mastubara, and Kiyomigata on the south-east coast. Kamakura is the place which 1 6 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Yoritomo, the Minamoto Chief, chose as the seat of feudal administration. It retained that status until the fall of the Hojo family, an interval of more than a hundred and fifty years. Hence it offers man)- spots of note and interesting relics ; among which may be specially mentioned the shrine of Hachiman at Tsurugaoka, and the temples of Kenchoji and Enkakuji. On the north of the capital the most cele- brated place are Nikko and Matsushima. At Nikko is the mausoleum of Tokugawa leyasu. The beauties of its ar- chitectural decoration, the fineness of its carvings, and the loveliness of its scenery have inspired a popular saying that without seeing Nikko a man is not qualified to speak of the beautiful. Matsushima, one of the three landscapes of Japan, is on the sea-shore of Rikuzen. Hundreds of tiny islets are here scattered over the face of the bay, every one clothed in a luxury of pine-trees. Viewed from the top of the hills, the scene is like a creation of fancy rendered on the can\'as of a skilful painter. In addition to the above places of note Obasuteyama in Shinano, Myogisan in Kodzuke, and Koshinzan in Shimotsuke are worthy of mention. The principal places of Buddhist worship, sanctit)', and pilgrimage are Koyasan, Minobusan, and Zenkoji. NATIONAL POLITY.--EMPEROR AND PEOPLE. Tlie Japanese empire has an origin different from that of other States. It owes nothing to aggression or conquest, but is founded entirely upon the lo)al deference and obedi- ence rendered b)- its people to the virtues and power of an General Vie^v of Torii ("Votive Gate) and tlie Five Stoiiecl Pagoda at Nikko. Interior of the Haiden (Sanctum) of lyeyasu's Slirine at Nikko. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. I "J unbroken line of illustrious sovereigns. From the time that Amaterasu-Omikami made Ninigi-no-mikoto descend from the heavens and subject to his administrative sway Okuninushi- no-mikoto and the other offspring of the deities in the land, descendants of the divine beings have sat upon the throne generation after generation in succession. Each sovereign, faithful to the spirit of his ancestors and to the administra- tive policy bequeathed by the divine descendants, trans- mitted the reins of power to his successor, thus preserving the continuity of the Imperial dynasty and achieving the aim of good government. As time went by and the num- bers of the Imperial descendants increased, the Emperor conferred titles on them and gave them fitting rank ; and as the number of the Imperial family increased, these also received titles and were included among the people. But the Emperor himself, being a descendant of heaven, invested with rank and reverence higher than any title could confer necessarily remained without titular distinction. After the subjugation of the three kingdoms of Korea, a number of Chinese and Koreans came to settle in Japan. In order to avert confusion in family names and titles which might have arisen from this cause, an investigation of family names was made in the 1430th year after the Emperor Jim- mu. The three great distinctions of Emperor, subject, and foreigner were then established, and steps were taken to pre- vent mutual confusion. In the term Emperor were included the Sovereign and his direct descendants ; in the term sub- ject, the descendants of the various princes, and in the term foreigner, the descendants of the aliens who had settled in the land. From the most ancient times the eovernine classes in Japan having had a common origin and the administrative functions havino- been discharged as stated l8 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. above by i:^eneration after s:^eneration of the same lineage, great importance naturally attached to questions of genealogy and rank : the distinction of governing and governed was always rigidly observed and guaranteed against confusion. In the long period of more than twenty-five centuries that separates the present time from the era of the Emperor Jimmu, the country has not been without disturbances and vicissitudes or entirely free from rebellion and riot. But never has there been found a single subject of the realm who sought to impair the Imperial prestige. Descended in a direct line from the heavenly deities, the Emperor has stood unshaken in his high place through all generations, his prestige and dignity immutable from time immemorial and independent of all the vicissitudes of the world about him. But though the distinction between ruler and ruled has been thus distinctly preserved from ancient eras, the relation between the Emperor and his subjects has been that of father and child rather than of master and servant. The Imperial family was the parental house ; the subjects were as relatives and connexions. Thus, though in the long course of ages immunity from internecine trouble was not absolute, the country, guarded by a perfect union of sovereign and subject, of rulers and ruled, has never once felt the shame of foreign conquest. It is doubtful whether, wide as the world is and numerous as are the states composing it, there has ever elsewhere been known a country happy in the possession of such an unbroken live of Sovereigns and so uniformly loyal a nation of subjects. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. IQ ABRIDGED (GENEALOGY OF THE DIVINE SOVEREIGNS. Izanagi-no-mikoto (male). Izanami-no-mikoto (female). Amaterasu-Omikami. Tsitkiyomi-no-mikoto. Sitsanoo-no-iuikoio. Ameno oshihomimi-no-mikoto. Ameno-hohi-no-mikoto . Okiinintishi-no-mikoto. I Hikoho-no-ninigi-no-mikoto. Hikoliohodemi-no-mikoto. Iloztiseri-iio-mikolo. I Ugayafukiaezu-no-mikoto. I Jimmu Tenno. Mikenu-no-mikoto . Inahi-no-vnkoto. Itsuse-no-imkoto. Period during which the Empire was administered by THE Sovereign in Person. chapter I. History of Remote Antiquity — hanagi-no-Alikoto {deity') and hanami-no-Mikoto {dcess). Amaterasit-Omikaini (deess) and Susanoo-no- Mikoto {deity). — OkitnimtsJii-no- JMikoto, and the establishment of the seat of government in Hyuga. The period prior to the reign of the Emperor Jimmu is called by the Japanese " findai',' or the age of the deities. Strange and incredible legends have been transmitted from that era. In order, however, to understand the history of the Empire's beginnings, the traditional incidents of the age, however singular, must be studied. We proceed, therefore, to a brief statement. 20 HIS TORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Tradition says that in remote times the deity Izanagi and the deess Izanami were commanded by the God of Heaven to form a country out of the islets floating in space. In obedience to this command they descended to an island called Onokoro. and there, becoming husband and wife, created Awaji, Shikoku, Oki, Tsukushi, Iki, Tsushima, Sado, and Oyamato-toyo-akitsushima, to which group the name of Oyashima, or the Eight Great Islands, was given. There- after were created deities to rule the sea, the mountains, the winds, fire, herbs and trees. Subsequently the divine pair gave birth to i\materasu-Omikami and the deities Tsuki- yomi and Susanoo. These newly-born divine beings proving themselves greatly superior to other deities, found high favour with the deity Izanagi. He commissioned Ama- terasu-Omikami to govern Takama-no-hara ; Tsukiyomi-no- mrkoto to govern Yo-no-osukuni ; and Susanoo-no-mikoto to govern Unabara. But this last deity proving unfaithful to his father's commands, Izanagi-no-mikoto, in anger, expelled him from his kingdom, whereupon he ascended to Takama- no-hara to convey to his sister Amaterasu-Omikami the news of his misfortune. The fierce and enraged demeanour of the dethroned deit}- led his sister to imagine that he had come with aggressive intentions, and she hesitated to receive him. But Susanoo-no-mikoto vehemently declared the integrity of his purpose and succeeded in partiall)- reassuring the deess. Nevertheless, his behaviour was so disorderly that Amaterasu-Omikami, becoming fearful, seclud- ed herself in a cave, with the result that total darkness over- shadowed her realm and troubles of various sorts ensued. The other deities thereupon met in conclave and took measures to pacify the deess, so that she finally emerged from her retreat and light once more shone upon Takama-no-hara and Nakatsu-kuni. The deities then inflicted upon Susanoo- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 21 no-mikoto the punishment of exile. Driven from heaven, he proceeded to Idzumo, and there destroyed an eight- headed dragon, obtaining from its body a precious sword which he presented to his sister Amaterasu-Omikami. Subsequently he married the daughter of an earthly deity and settled at Suga in Idzumo. At a later date, leaving one of his sons, Okuni-nushi-no-mikoto, to govern the land, he himself proceeded to Korea, Okuni-nushi-no- mikoto had many brothers. They all engaged in a struggle for the sovereign power. The victory remained with Okuni- nushi-no-mikoto, but his realm continuing to be more or less disturbed, Sukunahikona-no-mikoto, a son of the Deity of Heaven, came to Idzumo, over the sea, having received his father's command, and aided in restoring peace. The celestial visitor was also the bearer of certain medicines and amulets, which having presented to Okuni-nushi-no-mikoto, he went away to a foreign country. Thenceforth Okuni- nushi-no-mikoto and his sons administered the realm in tranquillity. Meanwhile, in Takama-no-hara, Amaterasu-Omikami, concluding that Toyo-ashihara-no-Midzuho-no-kuni (fertile land) ought to be governed by her son, Ame-no-oshiho- mimi, commanded him to descend and assume authority in the land. Inasmuch, however, as he represented his proposed realm to be in a very disordered state, Amaterasu- Omikami, by order of the Deity of Heaven, held a council of deities, by whom a mandate to restore peace was given to Ameno-hohi-no-mikoto. He failed to accomplish his purpose, and Amewakahiko was afterwards sent on the same errand. They were both conquered, however, by Okuni-nushi-no-mikoto and did not return to heaven. Once more, therefore, a council of deities was convened, and HISTORY OF THE E:\lPn-:E OF JAP AX. Nanakime was despatched to reconnoitre the land. She, however, was killed by Amewakahiko. Finally, Takemika- dzuchi-no-kami, being entrusted with the duty, proceeded to Idzumo and informed Okuni-nushi-no-mikoto of the com- mand given by the Deity of Heaven that -the son of Amaterasu-Omikami should assume sovereignty over the country then ruled by Okuni-nushi-no-mikoto. The com- mand thus communicated was obeyed. Okuni-nushi-no- mikoto ceded his kingdom to the son of the deess, and, with his sons, left the region. Takemikadzuchi-no-kami having carried this intelligence to Amaterasu-Omikami, she, con- forming always with the commands of the Deity of Heaven, summoned her son, Ame-no-oshihomimi-no-mikoto, and informed him that, peace having been restored in Midzuho- no-kuni, he must proceed to govern it. He, however, prayed that his son, Ninigi-no-mikoto, might be sent in his stead, and the deess consenting, gave to Ninigi-no- mikoto a mandate to rule over Toyoashihara-no-Midzuho- no-kuni, and to maintain its prosperity so long as heaven and earth should endure. She further gave him the Ya- sakani Jewel, the Yata Mirror, and the Kusanagi Sword, saying : " This mirror is my spirit, regard it as myself." Thenceforth the Jewel, Mirror, and Sword, venerated, as the three precious relics of the deess, were transmitted from Emperor to Emperor through all generations. The terrestrial deity, Sarudahiko, receiving news of the approach of Ninigi-no-mikoto and his divine retinue, came out to greet him. Under his guidance Ninigi-no-mikoto passed to Takachiho Mountain in Hyuga, and took up his abode at Kasasa IVomotor)- in Ada (now Kaseda port in Satsuma). Ninigi-no-mikoto took to wife the daughter of a terrestrial dcit)-, and b)- her had two sons, Hozuseri-no- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2J mikoto and Hikohohodemi-no-mikoto. These deities fell out and fought, with the result that the younger subdued the elder by the aid of the deit)' of the sea whose daughter he had married. The victor's son, Ugayafukiaezu, also married a daughter of the marine deity and had four sons, Itsuse-no-mikoto, Inahi-no-mikoto, Mikenu-no-mikoto, and Iwarehiko-no-mikoto, of whom the fourth and youngest afterwards became the the Emperor Jimmu. Inahi-no-mikoto went to the dominion of his mother over the waves and Mikenu-no-mikoto to the far-distant Tokoyo. CHAPTER II. SECTION I. Frovi the Einperor yiininu to the Taika Restoration. — The Emperor yirnvms hivasion of the Eastern Provinces. Itsuse-no-mikoto and Iwarehiko-no-mikoto, residing in Takachiho Palace of Hyuga, took counsel together one day as to the place most suitable for the seat of admini- stration. Their deliberations ending in a resolve to proceed eastwards, they left Hyuga, and, travelling to Hayasuinoto, were there met by Udzuhiko, a terrestrial deity who, having been informed of the coming of the descendants of the celestial deities, had gone out to re- ceive them. Under his guidance they reached Usa in Toyo, where the inhabitants built a palace for them and treated them hospitably. Passing next to Chikuzen, they subsequently crossed the sea to Aki. and thence journeyed to Kibi, ten years being devoted to these travels. From Kibi they passed over by Naniwa to Tadetsu in Kusaka (some- where in the neighbourhood of the present Oshima District of Idzumi province). There was then ruling at Tomi in Yamato 24 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. (now the Shikikami Division), a chieftain named Nagasune- hiko, who had received with all reverence the coming of Nigi- hayabi-no-mikoto, a scion of the God of Heaven, and had aid- ed him to extend his sway over the surrounding district. This chieftain, learning of the approach of the deities and their following, and imagining that they had come to deprive him of his territories, marshalled his forces to oppose them. In the battle that ensued, the deity Itsuse-no-mikoto was wound- ed by an arrow. His party therefore turned their prows to Onominato (now the Hine district of Idzumi) in Kii by the sea of Chinu. There Itsuse-no-mikoto died of his wound. Iwarehiko-no-mikoto then advanced to the Arasaka ford in Kumano, and having there killed a local chieftain, pushed on to Yoshino under the guidance of Prince Michinoomi (an- cestor of the Otomo family), and Prince Okume (ancestor of the Kume family). The inhabitants, cave-dwellers, learning that a scion of the God of Heaven had arrived, went out to meet him and made submission. Prosecuting his campaign, Iwarehiko-no-mikoto killed Eukeshi, Yasotakeru, Eshiki, and other rebels, and once more planned an expedition against Nagasunehiko of Tomi. The letter, however, sent an envoy with this message : — " Prince Nigihayabi, son of the Deity of Heaven, came hither in a stone boat, and married my sister Kashiya, by whom he has a son, Prince Umashimate. I have made obeisance to Prince Nigihayabi as sovereign of the land. There can not possibly be two legitimate repre- sentatives of the Heavenly Deity. You must have come to deprive us wrongfully of the realm under pretext of celestial origin." To this Iwarehiko-no-mikoto replied : — " There is more than one son of the Deity of Heaven. If your sovereign be in truth the offspring of the Celestial Deity, he must pos- sess some proofs. Let me see them." Nagasunehiko there- upon produced arrows and an arrow-case which the Prince HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2$ Nigihayabi had brought with him. The Emperor, having examined them, declared them to be genuine, and showed his own arrows and arrow-case to Nagasunehiko. But the latter, though fully sensible that the Emperor was of celestial origin, maintained an obstinate mien and would not change his view. Prince Nigihayabi, therefore, clearly perceiving his unreasonable disposition, put him to death, and passed over with all his men to serve in the Imperial Army. Well pleased by this act, the Emperor treated the Prince kindly and rewarded his loyal conduct. Orders were then issued to the Imperial captains to exterminate all the insurgents in the land, and the Yamato district having been brought into complete subjection, the Emperor established his capital at Kashihabara in Yamato, and ordained the duties of the various officials of his court, the Imperial power being thus extended and the administration placed on a fixed basis. This was the opening year of Japanese history. After the death of the Emperor Jimmu, his eldest illegitimate son. Prince Tagishimimi, sought to usurp the sove- reignty. But his eldest son. Prince Kamyaimimi, suspecting the plot, revealed it to his younger brother, Kannunakawa- mimi, who shot the usurper. Prince Kamyaimimi, applaud- ing his brother's valour, gave him the throne, and he thus became the second Emperor, Suisei. After him followed the Emperors Annei, Itoku, Kosho, Koan, Korei, Kogen, and Kaika, The interval covered by the reigns of these Sovereigns was 450 years, but beyond the fact that they succeeded to the throne in the above order, no records of the era have been transmitted to posterity. 26 HIS TOR Y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. SECTION II. Administration and Conditio7i of tJic Nation in the Early Era. Tradition gives no satisfactory information as to the form of Government or the condition of the nation in the days prior to the Emperor Jimmu. Our knowledge of these things is very limited. That the government was not carried on by any absolute exercise of the Sovereign prerogative, may be inferred from the fact that administrative acts, in almost every instance, were determined by the resolutions of a council. For example, when, during the reign of Amaterasu-Omikami in Takama-no-hara, the deity Susanoo behaved riotously and the deess hid herself to escape him, it is recorded that her Ministers assembled to placate her, and that Susanoo was punished in accordance with their decision. Again, on the occasion of surrendering the empire to the son of the Celestial Deity, Okuninushi-no-mikoto did not act id- dependently : he took counsel with his sons. Further, when there was question of subjugating Okuni-nushi-no-mikoto, Amaterasu-Omikami asked the advice of her Ministers, and sent an envoy to Idzumo according to their suggestion. These various incidents go to show that the system of autocracy did not then exist. During the period extending from the deit)- Ninigi's settlment in Hiuga to the commencement of the Emperor Jimmu's conquests in the eastern districts, we find the celestial rulers inhabiting a portion of Kiushu. their sway comparative!)' limited and their times uneventful. In the interior a number of chieftains ruled, each exercising sovereignt)- in his own district, as may be gathered from the annals of Sarudahiko, Udzuhiko, Nagasunehiko, Eukeshi, HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A FAX. 2/ Eshiki, and Tsuchigumo. It is further evident that these autocthons subsequently surrendered to the power of the deities of heaven. The presumption is that in some age prior to the reign of the Emperor Jimmu the sway of the so-called Amatsu-kami (heavenly deities) was extended throughout the land. When the Emperor Jimmu had restored tranquillity throughout the empire and established his capital at Kashi- habara, he erected a shrine to obtain the guardianship of heaven for the nation. The three celestial treasures, the Jewel, the Mirror, and the Sword, were deposited in the main building where the Emperor resided and governed. No distinction of shrine and palace was observed, neither was there any warehouse to keep public property apart from imperial property. The office of Minister was, in every case, hereditary. Prince Ame-no-Taneko (ancestor of the Nakatomi family), and Prince Ame-no-tomi (ancestor of the Imbe family), superintended religious observances and assisted in the administration, the worship of the Gods and the conduct of State affairs being one and the same. Prince Umashimate (ancestor of the Mononobe family) commanded the troops organized to guard the imperial buildings within, and Prince Okume (ancestor of the Kume family) was captain of the guards of the palace gates. Those who had achieved deeds of merit in subduing the eastern regions and those that had submitted, were ap- pointed governors of provinces or heads of districts, the functions of local administration beine entrusted to them. 'fc. Differences in moral capacity, in manner of living, in fashion of dress and in style of dwelling, undoubtedly existed between the race of Takamanohara and the autocthons 28 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. of Japan. But there must have been some general resem- blances. The occupations of both were to fish in the rivers and seas, to hunt birds and animals in the plains and mountains, to pick fruits or gather mushrooms. Some also, taking advantage of a fertile soil suitable for rice cultivation, devoted themselves to agricultural pursuits. The principles of rice-culture were known during the reign of Amaterasu- Omikami, and in the era of the Emperor Jimmu the people lived principally on rice and fish or the flesh of animals. Bows and arrows or snares were the chief implements used in hunting, and hooks, cormorants, and weirs served for pur- poses of fishing. Methods of preparing food had already been elaborated, and the art of brewing sake was known. Marked progress had also taken place in matters of dress. Hats, robes, and pantaloons were worn, textile fabrics woven from hemp or the skins of animals being employed as material. The art of weaving was practised as early as the reign of Amaterasu-Omikami, and it is on record that the Emperor Jimmu caused investigations to be made into cloth- ing stuffs and directed that the cultivation of hemp should be extended. For dyeing purposes the juices of herbs were utilized, giving red and green colours ; and ornaments for the neck, arms, and legs were worn, consisting of beads of crystal, agate, glass, serpentine, and polished gems, shaped into cylinders or crescents and strung together. For dwellings there were houses and pits ; the aristoc- racy inhabiting the former, the autocthons the latter. Wood was used for building houses, posts being sunk in the ground as supports for a roof to which they were bound with ropes of wistaria and other creepers, a rude thatch completing the structure. This model survives in the Shinto shrines of the present day. "^ J^ *<^ "X nL: n m %. U'llff 'M f// ^ii Mm ' i y 1 Weaponf War, etc. /■•- r N ^ / c_ -— — " ^-'-^ HIS 7 OK y OF THE EMPH^E OF JAP AX. 2g The population was small, and as little communication took place between the different parts of the empire, roads were not constructed, and travelling was a matter of great difficulty. Nevertheless, people were familiar with the use of vehicles, and navigation had been greatly developed. Oars, however, seem to have been the only known means of propelling a boat : sails had not yet been conceived. More- ever, though the aristocrats habitually wore foot-gear, the)- often went barefoot when crossing the countr)-. Horses and cormorants were kept, not for purposes of food, how- ever, but for use. The implements employed in war were bows of wood, arrows of bamboo, spears and swords of copper, iron, or stone. Arrow-heads of stone as well as arrow-cases and shields Avere also used. In addition to culinary utensils of pottery, ploughs for agricultural purposes and hatchets for hewing timber had been invented. The arts of mining and smelting ores as w^ell as of casting metal were known, for we read that during the reign of Amaterasu-Omikami a metal was extracted from the celestial mines for the purpose of manufacturing a mirror; that the deity Hikohohodemi caused a great many hooks to be cast from his sword, and that the deity Ameno-ma-hitotsu had various kinds of swords and axes made. Further, in the time of Amaterasu-Omikami, minerals from the bed of the Ame-no- Yasukawa were shaped into crescents for ornamental purposes ; the deess herself instructed female artisans in the craft of weaving, and potter)- vessels were manufactured for culinary and sacrificial uses. All these facts oo to show that the industrial arts had been developed considerably. A reverential habit of mind towards the deities pre- JO ins TORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. vailed everywhere. Neither in the upper nor in the lower classes was there found anyone without this senti- ment of profound awe and respect. If the people sub- mitted readily to the sway of the Emperor Jimmu, it was because they regarded him as a scion of the gods. The Emperor, on his side, firmly convinced that good and evil were controlled by divine will, never neglected to perform sacrificial rites. The worship of heaven was instituted in the time of Amaterasu-Omikami, and the Emperor Jimmu invariably invoked the aid of the gods before setting out on a campaign. Further, when he established his seat of govern- ment in Yamato, we find him erecting a shrine, and sacred place was subsequently established on the mountain called Tomi in commemoration of heavenly assistance and in memory of the divine ancestors. Out of the custom of extreme reverence towards the deities grew abhorrence for impurity in any form, so that separate huts came to be built for the bodies of the dead or for women at times of parturition, and if any man came in contact with an unclean object, he bathed in a river or purify himself. When marriage took place, the bridegroom w^ent to the house of the bride. A man was permitted to have concu- bines as well as a wife, but women were never allowed to Ijave more than one husband. Divination was always em- ployed to resolve doubtful questions. Music and dancing were already known, the koto and the flute being employed as musical instruments. Emotions of grief or joy, love or disappointment were expressed in song. The most ancient song now extant is attributed to the deity Susanoo. The Emperor Jimmu also frequently commemorated brave deeds of war in song, thus encouraging and reviving the spirit of his warriors. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EMPERORS. I .--Emperor Jimmu. (660—585 B.C.) I 2.— Emperor Suisei. (581—549 B. c.) I 3. — ^Emperor Annei. (548— 5 10 B.C.) 4. — Emperor Itoku. (510-475 B.C.) I 5. — Emperor Kosho. (475—392 B.C.) 6. — Emperor Koan. (392 — 290 B.C.) 7. — Emperor Korei. (290—214 B.C.) I 8. — Emperor Kogen. (214— 157 B.C.) 1 g. — Emperor Kaikwa. (157—97 B.C.) I lo.- — Emperor Sujin. (97—29 B.c ) I 1 1. — Emperor Suinin. (29 B.C.— 71 A.D.) I 12. — Emperor Keiko. (71— 131 A.D.) 13. — Emperor Seimu. (131— 192 A.D.) I 14. — Emperor Chuai, (192 — 270 A.D.) (including the regency of the Empress Jingu). I _ 15. — Emperor Ojin. (270—310 A.D.) .SECTION III. Adininistrative Records. From the time when the Emperor Jimmu established his capital in Yamato to the reign of the Emperor Sujin, a period covering nine generations and more than five and a half centuries, the three sacred insignia of sovereignty were kept in the throne-room of the palace and affairs of state were conducted in their presence. The Emperor Sujin, however, fearing that the insignia might be polluted, caused facsimilies to be made of the Mirror and Sword, and dis- posing them in the throne-room with the Jewel, treated them as the insignia, the original Mirror and Sword being deposited in a shrine at Kasanui in Yamato, where one of the Imperial Princesses was entrusted with the duty of guarding them and performing sacrificial rites. It was thus that shrine and palace were separated. Subsequently, in obedience to a mandate of the deities, these sacred objects were removed to Ise, and placed in the shrine now HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAiY. existino- there. The Sword however, was afterwards carried to Atsuta in Owari, where it now lies in the Atsuta Shrine. During the earl)' days of the Emperor Sujin's reign the land was visited by a pestilence. Great numbers of the people died, others began to take refuge in distant regions, and not a few rebelled. The Emperor, grieving greatly at these untoward events and regarding them as a punishment from heaven, consulted the soothsayers, and by their in- terpretation of the divine will, worship of the Omiwa deity was instituted on Mimoro Mountain, shrines for the celestial deities and the terrestial deities were fixed in \'arious places, offerings of periapts [gohci) were made, and detailed religious rites were instituted. The pestilence was soon stayed and peace restored to the people. The Emperor Jimmu's swa)' was limited to a few districts in the neighbourhood of Yamato. The fact that the Im- perial authorit)' extended to these regions only is inferred from the positions of the local administrators' seats and from the rules applicable to their districts. In the reign of the Emperor Sujin the Imperial authority had much wider bounds, but even then many distant regions were still un- conquered. The Emperor therefore despatched generals to Koshi (Hokurikudo), Tokaido, Saikaido, and Tamba. to bring the inhabitants of those districts into subjection. On the eve of the departure of the generals. Prince Takeha- niyasu, a step-brother of the Emperor, collected a force of soldiers and, accompanied by his consort, organised an attack upon the Imperial Palace, luit the Emperor's forces routed the army of the Prince and Princess and put them both to death. Thereafter the generals set out on their mission of conquest and quickly subdued the designated HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. provinces. Afterwards, the Emperor's son Toyokiirihiko was sent eastward to subdue and govern the districts in that quarter. Thus in the reign of Sujin the whole Empire was brought under the Imperial sway, peace was restored, and the people enjoyed tranquillity and prosperity. At this era the first mention of taxation occurs in the history of Japan. The Emperor issued orders that male subjects should present to the throne the produce of the bow and arrow, and that female subjects should make offerings of handiwork. By the produce of the bow and arrow, we must obviously understand the skins, tusks, and horns of animals shot in hunting ; and by offerings of female handiwork, textile fabrics. The Emperor took much interest in the duties of national administration. He caused irrigating ponds and canals to be dug for the promotion of agriculture, and he built ships for the people along the coasts to facilitate navigation. Thus the men of the time gave to him the title of " the first country- pacifying emperor" (Hatsukuni-shirashishi Sumera-mikoto). The next Emperor was named Suinin. During his reign Saohiko, the elder brother of the Empress, sought to persuade the Empress to engage in a plot against the Em- peror's life. The Empress, however, divulged, the plot and soldiers were despatched to attack and kill Saohiko. This sovereign also took measures to promote agriculture. He caused some 800 ponds and canals to be constructed in Yamato, Kawachi, and other provinces, and he built maga- zines at Kume and in other places for storing rice and various kinds of grain. The next occupant of the throne after Suinin was Keiko. From the time of the Emperor Jimmu to this monarch's reign, though there had been a few petty insur- J^ HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. rections in the neighbourhood of the palace, no rel^ellion had occurred in far-off provinces. But when the Emperor Keiko ascended the throne the Kumaso of Tsukushi rose in arms. The Emperor went in person to subdue them, and when he reached the province of Suo a female rebel, named Kamkashi-hime, came to do homage and to convey information about the rebels in the district, where- upon the Emperor ordered one of her generals, Take- morogi, to undertake their subjection. Meanwhile, the Sovereign himself advanced towards Tsukushi. On his arrival at Oita, another female rebel, Hayatsu-hime, came to make act of submission and to convey intelligence about a body of insurgents called the Tsuchi-gumo who lived in the neighbouring mountains and defied the Imperial authority. The Emperor conducted the campaign against these rebels in person and killed their leader. After six years spent in that district, peace having been completely reestablished in the province of Oso, the Emperor continued his campaign from place to place in Kiushu, and having l)roken the power of all the rebels, returned to the capital. Not many years had elapsed, however, before the Kumaso once more rose in arms. Prince Yamatodake, the son of the Emperor, was then only 1 6 years of age, but had given proofs of such bravery and strength that the Emperor ordered liim to proceed against the rebels. llie Prince made his way to Tsukushi, and having disguised himself as a girl, obtained entry into the house of the Kumaso chief, where he killed the chief while his warriors were lying drunk. On his return journey he overthrew many rebellious princes, and having killed the chieftain in Idzunio, reentered the capital in triumph. Meanwhile the Emperor, after his con- quest of the Kumaso, had commissioned Takenouchi-Sukune to travel in the north-eastern districts and examine the state HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. JJ of the country and the habits of the people. Takenouchi, returning, reported that he had found in the East a province named Hidakami where the people of both sexes wore their hair tied up, tattoed their bodies, and performed deeds of valour. They were known as the Emishi, and their land, being extensive and fertile, ought to be added to the Im- perial domain. These Emishi rose in rebellion shortly after the return of Prince Yamatodake from the conquest of the Kumaso. Thereupon Prince Yamatodake declared that, since only a brief interval separated the conquest of the Kumaso from this intelligence of the Eastern barbarians' revolt, it was plain that without resolute measures the peace of the Empire could never be achieved. He therefore boldly offered to undertake the conquest of the new insurgents. The Emperor, assenting, gave the Prince an eight-fathom spear {^ya-hiro-bokd) and also commissioned Kibi-no-Take- hiko and Otomo-no-Takehi to accompany him. The Prince proceeded to the Suruga country ; via Ise and Owari, and conquered the rebels there. Embarking in ships at Sagami, he crossed to Kadzusa, add thence coasted along to Mutsu. As he sailed toward the region of the Emishi, he displayed a large mirror at the prow of his vessel, and when the rebel chieftains and their followers sighted the ships, they were terrified by such evidences of pomp and power, and throwing away their bows and arrows, made submission. The Prince accepted their homage, anci enlisting their aid, conquered other rebels who still resisted the progress of the imperial forces. It seems probable that on that occasion Prince Yamato-dake advanced as far as the present province of Iwaki. On his return journey, he passed through the province of Hidachi, and reached the Usui Pass by way of Musashi, Sagami, Kai, and Kodzuke. At that Pass he detached a force under Kibi-no-Takehiko to make a detour j6 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. by the Koshi country — the provinces of Echizen and Echigo — for the purpose of reconnoitering the positions of import- ance and inspecting the condition of the inhabitants, while he himself proceeded to Mino passing through the province of Shinano. At Mino the Prince was rejoined by Kibi-no- Takehiko, and the two entered the province of Owari. Learning there that a certain chieftain had raised a revolt at the mountain of Ibuki in Omi, the Prince went alone to attack him. But he was seized cii route by a severe illness which compelled him to remain at Ise. His malady threaten- ing to end fatally, he sent Kibi-no-Takehito to the capital to report that the Sovereign's orders had been performed and shortl)' afterwards he died at Ise. The Emperor, bitterly grieved at the news of his illustrious son's death, set out and made the tour of the districts subdued by Yamato-dake. His Majesty appointed Prince Mimorowake to govern the fifteen provinces of Tosando and to rule the Emishi of the north-east. There were at that time no less than seventy- seven Princes of the Blood, all of whom were appointed to governorships of districts ( Kimi or Wake) or other local offices of inferior grade. Thus not only the Kumaso in the west but also the Emishi in the east were brought into subjection and the imperial sway was materially extended. P^urther, the Emperor conferred on Takenouchi-Sukune the post of Minister President, and commissioned him to assist in the administration. He also caused a survey to be made of cultivated lands and established an imperial domain as well as imperial granaries. PVom all these facts it may be in- ferred that the Sovereign did not devote himself solely to extending his sway, but that he also took steps to place the governmental organization on a well ordered footing. The Emperor Seimu succeeded Keiko. FaiUiful to HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 37 the injunctions bequeathed to him by his father, this Sovereign applied himself diligently to administrative or- ganization. He retained Takenouchi-Sukune as Minister President, and observing that, despite the conquests of the late Emperor and despite the fact that Princes of the Blood had been appointed to direct local affairs, considerable dis- order still prevailed in the country, he concluded that defects in the system of local administration and a want of ability on the part of the administrators must be held responsible. He therefore issued a rescript appointing Heads of Districts and of Divisions, whose insignia of office were to be shields and spears, and dividing the land accord- ing to its geographical features, rivers and mountains being taken as the boundaries of provinces, and roads as the limits of towns and villages. Governors of Provinces and Heads of Districts were appointed in accordance with this arrange- ment, and a high degree of order was introduced into the local administrative organization. When the Emperor Jimmu established the office of local governor, there were only nine provinces, but the num- ber was increased by more than ten during the reigns of Kaika, Sujin, and Keiko and become sixty-three in the time of the Emperor Seimu. The Imperial sway then extended northwards as far Shinobu (the present Mutsu), Sado and Noto ; eastwards to Tsukuba (now Hitachi) ; westward to Amakusa, and southward to Kii. Throughout the whole of this district, governors were appointed to administer local affairs. Subsequently the process of division continued until, in the reign of the Empress Suiko, the total number of provinces reached 144 at which figure it remained until the Taika Reformation, These local divisions, though here spoken of as provinces, had in fact different appellations — j8 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAP AX. as kiini, a province, or agata, a district — and were not of uniform area. The term Jaini was employed to designate an area bounded b)- mountains or rivers, whereas the agata had no such geographical limits. In general the former was the more extensive, but in consequence of the natural features of the countr}- the agata was sometimes the larger. SECTION IV. CouiDinnication luitJi Foreign CoiLutrics. — Conquest of Ko7^ea. The first foreign countr)' with which the Japanese esta- blished communications was Korea, then known as Sankan. In remote times, the celestial Prince Susanoo-no-mikoto is said to have gone from Idzumo to the Kan State (one of the divisions of Korea) and a Korean Prince Ame-no-hiboko crossed from the same State and settled in Tajima. Subse- quently Prince Inahi, elder brother of the Emperor Jimmu, went to Shiragi (another division of Korea), and became its king. During the reign of the Emperor Sujin, a Prince named Tsunuga-arashito and others came to Japan from the state of Okara and were received in audience by the succeeding Em- peror Suinin. On that occasion the Emperor is said to have expressed regret that the visitors had not been presented to his father, and in order to commemorate the era of their coming, he desired the Prince to call the State over wqich he ruled Mimana. that being the second name of the Em- peror Suinin. When the Prince and his suit were leaving the countr)-, the Emperor gave them a present of scarlet silk. This the people of Shiragi State stole on the Prince's arrival in his countr)- and the incident led to war between HISTORY OF Tim EMPIRE OF JAPAN. jp Shiragi and Mimana. The contest was continued in con- nection with the ownership of a district named Sampamon, and finally the King of Mimana despatched an ambassador to Japan praying that some skilled generals might be sent to his assistance. The Emperor Suinin, after counsel with his Ministers, commissioned Shionoritsuhiko to restore peace to the state of Mimana. This was the first expedition ever sent by Japan to a foreign country. It is also recorded that the same Emperor despatched Tadimamori, a de- scendant of Ame-no-hiboko, to Tokoyo, a distant country not identified. During the reign of the Emperor Sujin, it would seem that some of the local officials in Kiushu had secret relations with China, for in the reign of the Emperor Kwangwu, of the later Han dynasty in China, certain Japanese went to that Sovereign's court as envoys from Ito district, and received official positions there. At that era communication with China was effected through Korean territory and many Chinese scholars came to Ito-fu or to Satsuma by way of Tsushima, Iki, and Matsuura. The Emperor Seimu having died childless, the son of Prince Yamatodake, his brother, succeeded to the throne under the name of Chuai. During this reign the Kumaso or Tsukushi again rebelled. These constant disturbances in Tsukushi were due to assistance received from Korea. On this occasion the Emperor himself assumed command of the Navy and proceeded to the province of Nagato, to which place the Empress was subsequently summoned, and the Imperial couple remained there for several years, ultimately moving to Tsukushi where a council was held to discuss the best means of destroying the Kumaso. The Emperor ordered Takenouchi-sukune to pray for the guidance of the deities, who answared the prayer by in- 4-0 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAX. spiring the Empress to declare that the Kumaso were not worth destroying, but that if the state called Shiragi, lying westward of Japan, were conquered, the Kumaso would make submission. The Emperor, however, hesitated to take this advice, and the deities punished his disobedience by death. Awed by this startling event, the Empress gave directions that her consort's death should be kept secret, and having entrusted to the Emperor's generals the duty of guarding the temporary palace in Tsukushi, she sent Takenouchi to convey the Emperor's remains to Nagato by sea, while she herself remained to mourn the sudden death of her husband in his prime. Sacrifices were again offered to the deities, and pra)'ers addressed to them for counsel. The repl)' was the same as it had been previously. Thereupon the Empress performed rites of worship and despatched Kamowake to subdue the Kumaso, a task soon accomplished. She herself proceeded to the conquest of the Tsuchigumo and of the rebels in the neighbourhood, and then, proceeding to a river in the Tamashima district of Matsura, she sought by fish- ing to obtain an omen as to whether the conquest of Korea should be attempted. The indications being in the affir- mative, she finally resolved to lead an expedition in person across the sea. Sacrificial rites were again performed to all the deities, and the Empress, returning to Kashihi Bay, ordered the people to build ships, antl sent sailors west- ward to reconnoitre the land which she contemplated in- vading. By and by, a lucky day having been chosen, the Japanese fleet set out from Wanizu in Tsushima, and aided by a favourable wind, soon reached the Shiragi Coast. Hasankin, the King of Shiragi, was so much alarmed by the appearance of the invading force tliat, without offering any resistance, he came to sue for peace, and made solemn HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAP/LV. 41 promise that he should serve the Empress continually in the capacity of groom and that annual tribute should be offered by his country to Japan. The Empress ordered that some of the King's relatives should be given as hostages and that a tribute of eighty shiploads of gold, silver, and silk, should be paid annually. Learning of these things and having ascertained from the reports of soldiers sent to reconnoitre the invading forces that successful resistance was out of the question, the Kings of Koma and Kudara also came and made submission, engaging to serve as tributaries and to send annual gifts to Japan. The Empress nominated the King of Shiragi superitendent of the Imperial mews, and the King of Kudara superintendent of tribute, and leaving behind her various officials, returned to Japan in triumph. Korea thus became a tributary of Japan. The Empress carried on the regency for 69 years, after which Ojin, her son, succeeded to the throne. Subsequently to the return of the Empress from Korea the Princes Kagosaka and Oshikuma, step-brothers of Ojin, rebelled against him, but were soon overcome. Throughout the Empress's regency that most faithful of servants Takeno- uchi-sukune. Minister President, assisted her Majesty to discharge the administrative functions and established a special claim to the gratitude of the nation in connection with the conquest of Korea and the subjugation of the re- bellious princes. The Sovereign of Shiragi afterwards behaved with contumely on more than one occasion. An- other expedition was also sent against Tsukushi under the command of Takenouchi, and at this time the local government of Tsukushi was established for the first time. There were then many Japanese officials serving in Shiragi and Kudara, their administration being directed by the 42 HISTORY OF 7 UK EMPIRE OF JAPAA\ Japanese local government established in Mimana, which in turn was controlled by the Tsukushi government. Thus the administration of Korean affairs appears to have been or- ganized on a tolerably competent basis. SECTION V. The Introduciion of Chinese Literature. In the most ancient times the state of affairs was exceedingl)' primitive. No method of writing had yet been invented and all information was transmitted orally. But in China civilisation had progressed much more rapidly and literature was in an advanced condition. The art of writing; was introduced to Korea by Kitsei, a prince of the house of In, who was appointed king of that countr}-. Japan's inter- course with China and Korea began in the reign of the Emperor Sujin and increased steadily during succeeding eras. The reign of the Emperor Sujin was contemporaneous with the era of the Han d)nasty in China, which was about 450 years after the time of Confucius and 300 )'ears after that of Mencius. Korea, having been conquered by Wati of the Han dynasty prior to the reign of the Emperor Sujin, Chinese literature had already become familiar in the King- dom before intercourse with Japan commenced. As com- munications between Korea and Japan increased, many inhabitants of the former countr)- came to settle in the latter, and there can be no doubt that they gave instruction to the Japanese in literature and art. Moreover, since many Jajja- nese had gone to China and Korea before the conquest of the latter b)- the Empress Jingo, it ma}' fairl)- be inferred that not a few peoplt- in Japan were able to read and write HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. ^J Chinese before the conquest. It would seem, however, that the Japanese who proceeded to Korea or China were chiefly high local officials of Kiushu and the neighbouring districts, very few being despatched by the Imperial Govern- ment. But after the conquest of Korea things changed in this respect. The intercourse between the tributary country and its suzerain was necessarily close. Many Koreans accompanied the commissioners who brought the annual tribute to Japan, and the literature and art of the West were gradually introduced. Japanese annals attribute the beginning of Japanese literature to the reign of the Emperor Ojin, when, at a time corresponding with 218 a.d., a cele- brated scholar called Achiki visited Japan and was appointed by the Emperor tutor to his son, Wakairatsuko. At the suggestion of Achiki, another learned man named Wani was sent for, and at his coming in the following year this Wani is said to have brought with him blacksmiths, weavers, and brewers, as well as 10 copies of the Lon-yii (book of argu- ment) and one copy of the Chien-tze-wen (book of the thousand characters), which volumes were presented to the emperor. Under Wani's tuition, the Imperial Prince acquired a thorough knowledge of the Chinese classics. This is the first recorded instance of the teaching of Chinese literature in Japan. Achiki and Wani were naturalized in Japan and received official positions, and their descendants, during several gene- rations, continued to hold professorships at Court. About 1 10 years after the introduction of Chinese literature, the Emperor Richo being on the throne, historiographers were appointed in all the local districts, their duty being to chronicle the chief events of the locality. This was the first organized attempt to compile regular records, and we may infer that civiliza- 44- HISTOR Y OP THE EMPIRE OP JAPAN. tion had greatly advanced and that the intellectual standard had been materially raised. Subsequently, as the administra- tive machinery grew more complex, the necessity of recourse to writing became more and more imperative, and, in con- sequence, descendants of the naturalised Koreans were re- garded as particularly eligible for office. Moreover, after the coming of Achiki and Wani, men of learning began to arrive from Korea in increasing numbers. Thus, in the reign of the Emperor Keitai, there came from Kudara to teach Chinese literature Danyoji and Kankoanmo, doctors in the Five Classics (gokyo hakasc). Again, while Kimmei was on the throne, doctors in medicine and astronomy and other savants settled in the country, and opened classes to instruct the Japanese in their special branches of study. Nevertheless, the knowledge of Chinese literature did not make such progress as to take the form of literary labours until after the introduction of Buddhism, nor did Japanese scholars compose classical works until after intercourse with China during the Sui and Tang dynasties. During the reign of the Emperor Suiko, Prince Shotoku, in conjuction with Soga-no-Umako, composed a histor)- of Japan, the first known work of the kind. This book was destroyed by fire on the occasion of the fall of the Soga family, and as no copy has been handed down to posterity, the exact plan of the work and its literary form are unas- certainable, but without doubt it was compiled after Chinese models. Prince Shotoku was an accurate student of Chinese literature and was also well versed in Buddhism. He wrote a commentary on the Buddhist Sutras and compiled a Con- stitution of I 7 Articles, both of which works are in finished classical style. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 45 In addition to the above documents, variaus monu- mental inscriptions have been transmitted from those ages, but they are chiefly in the Chinese style of composition. It was not yet possible at that era to write the language of the country freel}' by means of Chinese ideographs. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF EMPERORS. I5tli Emperor Ojin, 270-313. a d. 1 i6th Emperor Nintoku, 313-400. 17th Emperor Ric'nu, — iSth Emperor Ilansho, — 19th Emperor Iiikyo, 411-453. 400-405. 405-411. Prince Ichinobe-Qshiwa. 20th Emperor Anko, — 21st Emperor Yuryaku, 453-456. 456-479- I I ] 22nd Emperor Seinei. ?,3rd Emperor Kenso, — 24th Emperor Ninken, 487-498. 479-484. 484-487. I _ 25th Emperor Buretsu, 498-506. Emperor ( )jin. Empc-or Nintoku. — Prince Wakamikenofutamata. I Prince Ohoto. I Prince Plikoushi. I 26th Emperor Keitai, 506-534. 27th Emperor Ankan, — 28th Emperor Senkwa, — 29th Emperor Kimmei, 540-572. 534-536. 536-540. I 30th Emperor Bidatsu, — 31st PZmperor Yomei, — 32nd Emperor Sushun, — 33rd Empress 572-586. . 586-588. 5S8-591. Suiko, 591-629. Prince Oshisakahikonushi. 34tli Emperor Yomei, 629 642. — Prince Shotoku. I Prince Chinu. 35tli Empress Kokyoku, 642-645. — 36th Emperor Kotoku, 645-655. 4-6 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. SECTION VI. Introduction and spread of Bnddhisni. Before proceeding to describe the introduction of Buddhism into Japan, brief reference must be made to the Imperial House. During the thirteen reigns covering a period of 220 years from the Emperor Nintoku to the Emperor Senkwa, we find not a little worthy of note in the affairs of the Imperial Household. The Emperor Nintoku's beneficent sway, which secured to the Empire an era of perfect tranquillity, and the Emperor Yuryaku's austere administration, which added not a little to the power of the Throne, are both salient features. The Emperor Seinei, having died without issue, the continuity of the lineal succession was in danger of interruption, when two grandsons of the Emperor Richu were discovered living among the people. These, in turn, wielded the Imperial power, and are known in history as the Emperor Kenso and Ninken. The Emperor Buretsu, again, died without issue, and the Ministers of State, after conference, invited from the province of Echizen, where he was living, a prince fifth in descent from the Emperor Ojin and placed him upon the Throne. This was the Emperor Keitai. He reigned 25 )'ears, and having abdicated in favour of his son, died on the \'er)- tlay of laying down the reins of power. Prior to the time of this Emperor, the Throne had never been ascended by the heir-apparent while its former occupant still lived. These facts call for special notice in relation to the histor)- of the Imperial succession. In the reign of the Emperor Keitai (507-531 a.d.), there came to Japan from the State of Southern Lian in IIISTOR V OF rilli EMPIRE OF JAPAX. 47 China a man named Sumatah. He settled in the province of Yamato, and, being a profound behever in Buddhism^ sought to propagate its doctrines. But the people regard- ing Buddha as a foreign god, no one embraced the new religion. Afterwards, during the reign of the Emperor Kimmei, in the year 555 a.d., the King of Kudara, in Korea, sent to Japan an envoy bearing an image of Buddha and a copy of the Sutras. These the ambassador presented to the Emperor, with a message to the effect that the creed of Buddha excelled all religious beliefs, and that boundless happiness in this world, as well as in the next, was insured to its disciples. The ambassador added an assertion that all peoples from India to Korea were followers of Buddha, Much impressed by this message and the gifts accom- panying it, the Emperor was disposed to worship the image, but before doing so, he summoned his Ministers to debate the advisability of the step. Soga-no-Iname, Minister Pre- sident, expressed the opinion that as all western nations worshipped Buddha, there was no reason why Japan alone should reject his doctrine ; but Mononobe-no-Okoshi and Nakatomi-no-Kamako, Ministers of vState, took the opposite view. They pointed out that from the most ancient times the Japanese had worshipped the celestial and terrestial deities, and that if reverence were paid now to any alien deity, the wrath of the tutelary gods of the land might be provoked. The Emperor approved the latter view, and gave the image of Buddha to Iname with permission to worship it by way of trial. Iname was greately pleased with the behest. He lost no time in converting his residence into a temple, where he placed the image of the Buddha. Soon afterwards the Empire was visited by a pestilence which swept away numbers of the people. Okoshi and Kamako thereupon having represented to the Sovereign that this was 4^ ni STORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. obviously a punishment inflicted by deities, the temple was burned down, and the ima<^e of Buddha thrown into the canal in Naniwa. The Emperor, however, did not altogether abandon his predilection for the worship of Buddha, and I name secretl)- sent to Korea for another image of the god. Thus, in the reign of the Emperor Bitatsu, images of Buddha, copies of the Sutras, priests, and manufacturers of Buddhist paraphernalia, were in- troduced from the kingdoms of Kudara and Shiragi, Subsequently (584 a.d,), Soga-no-Umako, who had suc- ceeded his father, I name, as Minister President, again built temples and pagodas dedicated to Buddha. Once again, however, a pestilence visited the country, destroying many people, and once again Mononobe Moriya, the son of Okoshi, and Katsumi, the son of Kamako, presented an Address to the Throne averring that the pestilence must be attributed to the worship of Buddha by the Soga family. An Imperial Rescript was issued prohibiting the worship of Buddha ; all the temples and pagodas dedicated to the foreign god were demolished or burned, and the images of Buddha were thrown into the canal in Naniwa. But the people's sufferings were not relieved. A plague of boils ensued, and inasmuch as the pain caused b)- the sores resembled that of burning or l)eating, old and young alike concluded that they were the victims of a punishment of burning inflicted by Buddha, h'rom this it ma)- be inferred that Buddhism had already established a hold upon popular imagination. Shortly afterwards Soga-no-Ujiiako, having applied for per- mission, was allowed to worship Buddha with himself alone. When the Emperor Yomci ascended the throne, he suffered so much from bodil}- infirmity that the idea of worshipping Buddha occured to him. He assembled his t Image of Prince Shotoku. / HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 49 Minister to discuss the matter. The influence of the pro- Budclhists l^eing- now very great, they took advantage of this occasion to kill Nakatomi-no-Katsumi. the leader of the anti-Buddhist party ; and Prince Shotoku, with Soga-no- Umako. led a body of troops to attack Mononobe-no-Mori- ya, the other most prominent anti-Buddhist, whom also they killed. The opponents of Buddhism were thus deprived of all effective influence, and b)- the combined energy of Umako and Prince Shotoku, the propagandism of the foreign faith proceeded vigorousl}". In the reign of the Empress Suiko, there was issued an Imperial Rescript encouraging the spread of Buddhism. Orders were also given to the Crown Prince, the Princes of the Blood, and the Ministers of State to have images of Buddha made. Ranks were conferred on the manufacturers of these images and their labours were rewarded with grants of rice-land. In the year 607 a.d., the Empress Suiko being on the throne of Japan, and the Sui dynasty reigning in China, Ono-no-Imoko was sent to the latter country to obtain copies of the Sutras. This was the commence- ment of direct intercourse with China. The preamble of the despatch sent on that occasion from the Empress of Japan to the Sovereign of China was couched in the following words : " The Sovereign of the Emperor of the Rising Sun to the Sovereign of the Empire of the .Setting Sun sends greeting." Doubtless the name '' Nippon " (Land of the Rising Sun) had its origin in this incident. By and by, as the number of priests and nuns increased, disorders occurred amongst them, and for purposes of superinten- dence the offices of Sojo (archbishop) and Sozu (bishop) were established. Prom the introduction of Buddhism in the reign of the Emperor Kimmei to the time of which we are HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J APAX. now speakino^, 75 years clasped. During the first 32 years of that period, Buddhism failed to obtain a footing in Japan, but from the 13th )ear of the reign of the Emperor Bitatsu (584 A.D.), and during the succeeding 43 years, it gradually extended throughout the Empire. In the year 627 A.D. there were 46 temples, 816 priests and 569 nuns in Japan. SECTION VII. Development of Adniiuist rat ion by Heredita7y Officials. In the earliest days, the administration was conducted by hereditary officials : the original holder of an office bequeathed it to his son, and the latter to his son in succession. It thus resulted that family names were derived from official titles. For example, the official title for persons who discharged duties connected with religious ceremonies was Nakatomi and Imbe, and these became family names of holders of that office. Similarl)- Otomo and Mononobe were family names of officials having con- trol of troops or direction of military affairs. Among com- moners, again, some performed a certain kind of work for the Government from generation to generation. These were called Shinabe. Each class of such workers was under the control of a Headman who ofencralh' belon-'cd to an influential Court family. The Headmen bore the surnames of " Omi," " Muraji," " Atai," " Obito," and so forth — surnames corresponding with titles of rank, which distinguished the nobles from the commoners and were conferred b)- the Sovereign in recognition of deeds of merit. For example, one section of commoners comissioned to discharge ceremonial functions being called " Nakatomi- be," and another " Imbe," the head of the former became J/JS7\Ui y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. J/ " Nakatomi-no-Muraji, " and the head of the latter, " Imbe- no-Obito." Again. " Yugiye-be," " Otomo-be," and " Mono- no-be " being the designations of departments for the management of military affairs, their Headmen were styled *' Otomo-no-Muraji," " Mononobe-no-Muraji," and so forth. These Headmen all belonged to influential families of the governing classes. Another department, called " Shinabe," comprised all officials charged with sumptuary duties, and these too were under the control of Headmen. The " Tama- tsukuribe " was a department where jade and other precious minerals were cut and polished. Its chief officer was " Tamatsukuri-no-iMuraji." The " Hanishi " were concerned with the manufacture of keramic wares under the direction of " Hanishi-no-Omi." The " Hatori " were weavers of apparel, under " Hatori-no-Muraji." The " Sakabe " brewed wine, and were controlled by " Sakabe-no-Kimi." Thus each occupation had its department and each department its head. The varieties were very numerous, and with reference to this fact they were collectively spoken of as " Yasoto- monoo " {^yaso signifies eighty), or Momoyasobe " {juoino signifies a hundred), while the Omi, Muraji, Atai, Obito, and other heads of departments were included in the term " Tomo-no-Miyatsuko." Among these the Omi and the Muraji especially belonged to conspicuously influential Court families. At the period when the Emperor Jimmu reigned, the administrative functions were very simple. But as years went b)\ the governmental organization became devoloped and fixed. In the reign of the Emperor Suinin the office of Omuraji was instituted ; in the reign of the Emperor Seimu, that of Oomi, and from the reign of the Emperor Yuryaku the two offices of Oomi and Omuraji existed side by side. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. The most influential among' the members of the Muraji family was called Omuraji. and regarded as the head of the famil)", while in the Omi famil)- the corresponding title was Oomi. B)' command of the Emperor these terms were subseqiientl)- used to designate the highest official titles. In the reign of the Emperor Yomei, the Mononobe family, b)' which the rank of Omuraji was then held, became ex- tinct, and the title was ultimately abolished. Similarl)-, the Soga famil)', which held the rank of Oomi, becoming extinct in the reign of the Empress Kok)'oku, the title also was thenceforth abolished. SECTION VII r. Ascendancy of the N'ohlcs. In proportion as the s)-stem of famil)' government de- veloped, the influence of the aristocrats naturally increased. In the reign of the Emperor Jimmu, the Nakatomi and Inibe families discharged functions connected with religious ceremonies, and tht; Otomo, Kume, and Mononobe families were charged with militar)' duties. 1 he influence of these families was then about equal. But in the reign of the Emperor Keiko, the head of the Otomo family. Takehi, performed such meritorious service that he was entrusted with the control of th(" Kumebe department in addition to his own. Thus the influence of the Kume family began to decline, whereas the heads of the Otomo and Mononobe families held the rank of Omuraji, and. in conjunction with the Oomi. acted as the Sovereign's chief administrative assistants. Subsequently, when Iwa and Sadehiko were the heads of the ( )tom() famil) . the control of Korean affairs was entrusted to that family, and in consequence the domt;stic administration remained chiefly in the hands of the Omuraji HISTORY or THE EMPIRE OPyAPAW S3 of Mononobe and the Oomi of Soga. The Soga family was descended from Takenouchi-sukune, who had assisted the Empress Jingo in her conquest of Korea. This house therefore was of much more recent creation than the houses of Mononobe and ( )tomo ; nevertheless, it always occupied a more influential position in the Government. From a very early time the Soga and Mononobe families began to fight for the administrative power, and the introduction of Buddhism had the effect of greatly accentuating their hostility. The Mononobe family adhered steadily to con- servative principles and opposed the spread of Buddhism. The Sog'a family, on the contrary, took a liberal attitude and favoured the foreign faith. At the outset, however, since both families bowed implicitly to the Imperial com- mands, their dispute did not attain serious proportions. But in the reign of the Emperor Yomei, not only was the Empress Dowager a daughter of the Soga family, but also the Emperor himself inclined to the worship of Buddha. Hence the final struggle between the two families could no longer be deferred. On the death of the Emperor, Mononobe-no-Moriya sought to secure the succession for Prince Anahobe, brother of the deceased Sovereign, but Soga-no-Umako discovered the design and sent men to attack the Prince. Simultaneously Prince Shotoku, acting in conjunction with Prince Hatsusebe, led a force of soldiers against the Mononobe partizans, and killed Moriya. The Mononobe family being thus overthrown, the supremacy rested with the Soga House. Umako, head of the latter, took council with the Empress Kashiya, consort of the Emperor Bitatsu, and the Ministers of State, and it was decided that Prince Hatsusebe, of the Soga family, should succeed to the Throne. Subsequently, Soga-no- Umako relying on his great achievements, behaved in an arbitrary HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JATAX. manner and incurred the dislike of the Sovereign. He did not await the consequences of this estrangement, but caused the Emperor to be assassinated, and placed the Empress Kashi)a on the Throne, under the title of the Empress Suiko. This was the first instance of the sceptre being- held by a female, for although the administrative functions were discharged during a long series of )'ears by the Empress Jingo, she did not actuall}' ascend the Throne but simply held the post of Regent. Suiko, however, became Sovereign despfte the presence of direct successors in the male line ; an extraordinar)' occurrence ascribable to her consanguinity with the Soga famil)\ who sought, through her, to enhance their power. The strength of the Mononobe house, which alone had stood between the Soga and supremacy, being now completel)' broken, and the sceptre being held b)- a Sovereign who was not onl)- a woman but also a member of the Soga famil)-, the autocratic arbitrariness of the latter increased sensibly. On the death of Umako, his son, Emishi, succeeded him as Oomi. and wielded even larger influence than his father. Another opi)ortunit)' for the exercise and development of that influence soon arose. The Crown Prince, l'ma)ado. son of the Empress Suiko, died, and no successor haxing been nominated, Soga-no-Emishi desired to secure the succession to Prince Tamura. grandson of the Emperor Bitatsu. But Sakaibe Marise. luuishi's uncle, being a close friend of Prince Shotoku. planned to obtain the Throne for the latters's son, Prince Yamashiro. h'orth- with Emishi caused his uncle to be assassinated, and had Prince Taniura proclaimed Emperor, pretexting the will of the deceased P^mpress. The new Sovereign was st)led Jomei. These successes had \\\v. effect of accentuating the arbitrar)^ behaviour of the Soga Chief. All the other Ministers of the Crown cowered before him. After Joiikms HISTORY OF THE EMF/KE OFyAPAX. SS death, his consort ascended the Throne under the name of Kokyoku, Emishi then received the position of Oomi, his son Iruka discliarging- the administrative functions, and exer- cising even greater power than his father. Iruka's object was to obtain the Throne for Prince Furuhito-no-oye, a relation of the Soga family. But an obstacle existed in the person of Prince Yamashiro. whose goodness and discretion had won popular respect. Steps w^ere therefore taken to have this Prince assassinated, after which event Iruka show- ed himself so arbitrary and unscrupulous that there appeared to be danger of his compassing the destruction of the lineal successors to the Throne and usurping the Sovereignty him- self. Thereupon Nakatomi Kamatari, a loyal subject, con- ferred with Prince Naka-no-oye, son of the Emperor Jomei, as to the expediency of making away with Iruka. This plot culminated in the killing of Iruka in the Throne-room, on a day when Korean Ambassadors were received at the Court. Iruka's father. Emishi, was also killed, and the family of Soea fell. SECTION IX. Influciicc of CJiincsc and Korean Civilization on Japan. The development of Japan's civilization was materially affected by her relations with China and Kerea. Literature, in the form of the Chinese classics, religion in the form of Buddhism, together with art, sciences, and other elements of civilization, introduced from those countries, changed the simplicity of Japanese life and imparted to it a character of refinement and pomp. Chinese literature, in short, and the creed of Buddha must be regarded, as the influences that vivified the heart of Japanese national progress. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. The coming of Chinese literature taught Japan not only the uses of letters, but also the significance of fidelity, piety, benevolence, and justice. The Emperor Ojin's son, who was the first Japanese student of Chinese literature, had acquired such an accurate knowledge of the rules ot composition and caligraphy that when a memorial was pre- sented to the Throne by Korean Ambassadors, he detected the presence of disrespectful ideographs and rebuked the envoys. His attainments won for him the fa\our oi his father who nominated him heir in preference to his elder brother ; nevertheless, on the death of the Emperor, the Prince resigned his claim in behalf of his brother. For such self-denial his scholarship had prepared him. So, too, the erudite Emperor Nintoku dwelt for the space of three )-ears in a dilapidated palace, in order that his people might have relief from taxation, and might know the love his learning had taught him. The prosperity of the nation. His Majesty said, was his own prosperity ; therefore, the povert)- of his people must also be his own. Natural benevolence doubt- less dictated this noble conduct, but the doctrine of Confucius must have greatly helped the result ; for the doctrine incul- cated reverence towards heaven, respect for ancestors, loyal- ty to the Sovereign, and discharge of the duties ot filial piety. These principles had been known, indeed, to the Japanese people from an early era, but their active influence dated from the introduction of Buddhism ; and, as Buddhism extended, the Confucian philosophy grew by its side. The coming of Buddhism wrought a complete cliange in the mind of the nation. Hitherto tlie people's conception of religion had been of a most nulimentar)' character. They merely believed that the gods must be revered, relietl on, and fc^ared. In their simple faith, they attributed every HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAP-LX. S7 happy or unhappy event, every fortunate or unfortunate incident, to the volition of the deities ; to whom, therefore, they offered sacrifices that evil might be averted. Thus, we find it recorded that when the Emperor Sujin worshipped the gods, a pestilence prevailing throughout the land dis- appeared and health was restored to the people. The Emperor Chuai, again, failing to comply with the mandate of heaven, died suddenly, whereas the Empress Jingo, obey- ing it, achieved the conquest of Korea. In a word, the men of olden time believed that the world was governed by deities wielding supernatural powers, and that everything, whether good or evil, emanated from them. This faith inspired the worship that heaven received. It was believed, also, that the gods resembled men in appearance and con- ducted themselves like human beings ; out of which laith grew the firmly entertained conception that some men were scions of the deities, and that the deities themselves were of various species. In the highest rank stood the Celestial and Terrestrial Gods ; in the lowest, certain wild animals and venomous snakes, which also were propitiated by worship. The term Kami (god) had many significations. The hair of the head was called kanii. as was also the upper part of any object. In later times, the governors of provinces re- ceived the same appellation, and the Government itself was designated " OkaiinT In brief, the word was emplo)'ed to signify anything above or superior. When the Emperor Jimmu reigned, no distinction existed between gods and men ; nor did the national conception of a deity undergo any material change after the introduction of the Confucian philosophy, the tenets of which offered no contradiction to the ancient idea. But although the leading doctrine of Buddha — as, for example, " Thou shalt do no evil thing," or " thou shalt do only that which is good " — marked I/ISTORV OF THE EIMPIRK OF JAPAN. no departure from the teachings of Confucius. Buddhism told of a past and of a future ; announced the doctrine that virtue should be rewarded and vice punished in a future state ; and taught that the Buddha was the Supreme Being and that whosoever had faith in him should receive unlimited blessings at his hands. All this differed radically from the pristine creed of the Japan- ese. They had hitherto held that above all. and to be re- \'erenced and feared exclusively, were the deities and the sovereign. The ruler being regarded as an incarnate god, his commands had received the implicit obedience due to the mandates of heaven. But when the creed of Baddha came, the Sovereign, hitherto the object of his subjects, worship, began himself to worshijj the Sepreme Being. Nevertheless, so deeply had the old reverential awe of the deities struck its roots into the heart of the people, that on the first appearance of a pestilence, the)- counted it a punishment of the gods of the land, destroyed the images of Buddha, and burned the places consecrated to his wor- ship. But with fuller knowledge of the Buddhist doctrines^ came a growing disposition to embrace them. Onl)- a few )'ears after the rejection of the foreign faith on account of a pestilence, we find the Emperor Bidatsu interpreting the sickness of Umako as a sign that the worship of Buddha must be ptirmitted to that Minister, and after the lapse of another brief interval, we have the people themselves infer- ring that a plague of boils had been ordained b)' the Buddha. The Emperor Yomei was a devout Buddhist, and in his reign Prince Shotoku. among the Princes of the Blood, and S()ga-no-l'mak(). among th(; Ministers of the Crown were conspicuous devotees of the faith, while Mononobe-no- Moriya, Nakatomi-no-Katsumi, .and other anti-Buddhist leaders met with violent deaths. Ignorant folks, observing HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. SQ that the So\'ereicrn himself as well as his chief Minister be- lieved in Buddhism, and seeing the golden images of Buddha, the imposing structures where they were enshrined, the gor- geous paraphernalia of the temples and the solemnity of the rites performed there, were awed into faith ; while the cultured classes were gradually won over by study of the profound and convincing doctrines of the creed. So deeply had the tenet of unswerving fate sunk into the national mind before the close of the sixth century, that when the Emperor Sushun was murdered by Umako, Prince Shotoku maintained that the Sovereign had suffered in consequence of some evil deed committed in the past, and no punish- ment was inflicted on the murderer. Yet the people saw nothing strange in the incident. Buddhism had already wrought a distinct change in the national character. The progress of the imported creed was materially hastened b)- a rescript which the Emperor Suiko issued inculcating its propagandism. Prince Shotoku also con- tributed to the movement, for, in 604 a.d., he compiled a constitution of seventeen articles, based on the doctrines of Confucianism and Buddhism. This was the first written law in Japan, but it differed from the laws promulgated in subsequent ages, inasmuch as instructions as well as prohi- bitions and sanctions were embodied in its text. In recording the histor)- of the propagandism of the creed of Buddha in Japan, one fact must not be forgotten, namely, that the people's reverence for the ancient gods did not perish in the presence of the new faith. The supernatural power of the deities was still credited. Budd- hist priests in later ages went so far as to declare that these deities owed their origin to Buddha, a dogma evidently 6o HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. conceived in the interests of Buddhist propagandism. To this latter circumstance fuller reference will be made elsewhere. SECTION X. Progress of Industries and Arts. That the people had some knowledi^^e of industr)- and art prior to the rei^n of the Emperor Jimmu, is apparent from the annals. But progress in these directions dates chiefly from the opening of intercourse with China and Korea. Subsequently to the conquest of the latter King- dom, weavers and embroiderers arrived from Kudara in the reign of the Emperor Ojin, and Yudzuki-noTinL^ off the coasts of Satsuma and Osumi, were added to the Japanese dominions. On the west, however, a less favourable state of affairs existed. From the time of Korea's conquest by the Empress Jingo, that kinodom occupied the rank of a tributary State, in which capacity it did not fail to send annual tribute. More- over, it conferred no small benefit on its Suzerain by con- tributing to the latter's material and moral civilization. Ne\-ertheless, the interval that separated the two countries rendered communication difficult, and although Japan established a branch government in Korea at a place called Mimana, the Koreans, relying upon the distance of the latter from head-quarters, frequently acted in a rebellious manner. During an inter\'al of 460 )'ears after the invasion of the Empress Jingo, no less than thirty instances are recorded when the Koreans either failed to send tribute, or insulted Japanese envoys, or broke into open revolt. On e\'er)- one of these occasions Japan sent embassies to demand explanation and redress, or re-asserted her supremac)- b)- force of arms. Shiragi in those days stood at the head of the districts into which Korea was divided, and in the 23rd year (562) of the reign of the Emperor Kimmei, the people of Shiragi rose against Mimana and succeeded in expelling the Japanese officials and obtaining possession of the place. This disaster weighed greath' on the mind of the Emperor Kimmei, The last behest uttered b)- him on his death-bed was that Mimana should be recovered. In obedience to his dying wish, a great army was collected and sent against Shiragi. I>ut success did not crown the Japanese arms. Not only was it found impossible to reduce Shiragi, but even the maintenance of tht^ local government at Mimana proved a task l.)e)ond the military strength of the time. Thenceforth, therefore, the recovery of Mimana HISTORY 00 THE EMPIRE 00 JAPAN. 8 1 became an object upon which Japan'a attention was con- stantly concentrated. During- the TaiJxiva era China fell under the powerful sway of the Tang dynast)', and the people of Shiragi, relying on Chinese assistance, conceived the project of bringing under their rule the neighbouring district of Kudara. Reduced to extremities, Kudara, in the 1 5th year of the Empress Saimei's reign (660 a.d.) sent envoys seeking succour from Japan. After considerable discussion it was resolved that, in consideration of this re- quest, measures should be organized for the invasion of Shiragi. Great preparations were set on foot. The Sove- reign herself proceeded to Tsukushi and thence superin- tended the despatch of a fleet of a hundred war vessels under the command of Azumi-no-Hirafu, whose instructions were to attack Shiragi and rescue Kudara. But the latter was found to be in a helpless condition. Invaded simultane- ousl)' by the forces of China and Shiragi, it was also torn by internal dissensions, and could not co-operate in an)- effective manner with the Japanese navv, which consequently withdrew, leaving Kudara to its inevitable fate. The final fall of Kudara occurred in the second year of the Emperor Tenchi's reign (670), and a few years later the third Korean district? of Koma was also defeated by China. Shiragi sub- sequently sent occasional tribute to Japan, but was never afterwards included in the Japanese dominions. The Em- peror Tenchi, reviewing the histor)- of his country's relations with Korea, seems to have arrived at the definite conclusion that Japan's true policy was to abandon all idea of reco\'er- ing Kudara, and to devote her energies solely to organiz- ing measures of defence against foreign attack. He accordingly adopted ever)- possible means of promoting military efficienc)-. During his reign the Emperor of China sent an envo)- named Riutokuko to the Court of S2 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPA-V. Japan, and the latter country despatched an embassy in return, so that the two empires were brought into friendly relations. Summarizing the above events, it may be briefly stated that during the reigns of the Empress Saimei and Emperor Tenchi, the extent of the Japanese dominions suffered reduc- tion in the west, but received an increment in the east and north. The Emperor Tenchi's resolve to abandon Japan's conquests in Korea did not escape the criticism of subsequent generations, but, on the whole, in view of the great expendi- ture of life and treasure involved in maintaining her hold on the peninsula, Japan must be judged to have adopted not only the more prudent but also the more civilized policy W'hen she decided to leave Korea in peace and establish amicable relations with China. SKCTIOX III. Trouble in connection with tJic Imperial Succession. In the eighth year of the Emperor Tench's reign Nakatomi-no-Kamatari died. He had been raised by his Sovereign to the position of Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, and had received the famil)- name of Eujiwara, in recognition of his meritorious services. Kamatari was a man of thorough loyalty and integrity. His zeal in the Emperor's service was unflagging, and he showed great ability in framing useful laws and regulations, so that, after his decease, people spoke of him as a model of fidelity. Two years later, the Emperor himself died, leaving behind him a reputation for good government that posterity fully recognised. More than a century later the IIISTOR y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Emperor Kwammu promulgated a law dispensing with the observance of religious ceremonies on the anniversaries of the deaths of Sovereigns deceased at remote periods. But the sentiment of the nation did not permit the ap- plication of this rule to the case of the Emperor Tenchi. Long after his decease, his memory continued to be peri- odically honoured. Yet he had scarcely been laid to rest when a serious disturbance took place with reference to his successor. In accordance with the general rule of primogeniture followed in Japan, the vSovereignty was succeeded to by the eldest Prince of the Blood with almost unvarying regularity during the thirteen generations from the Emperor Jimmu to Seimu ; and throughout the thirty- two generations from Jimmu to Sujun no female held the sceptre, for although Jingo administrated the Government during an interval of 69 years, she did not take the title of Empress. The accession of the Empress Suiko was due to exceptional circumstances, and did not mark a recognised departure from the old rule. Subsequently, however, not a few instances occurred of the sceptre falling into the hands of an uncle or niece of a deceased Emperor, and on these occasions more or less disquiet accompanied the event. But no disturbance connected with such a cause attained anything like the dimensions of the trouble that followed Tenchi's death. On the occasion of the Emperor's visit to Tsukushi to make arrangements for the invasion of Korea, he entrusted the administration of affairs in Kyoto during his absence to his younger brother. Prince Oama, and caused the Heir Apparent, Prince Otomo, to ac- company him to Tsukushi. Prince Otomo, though young in years, had already given evidence of great capacity and was exceptionally learned. The Sovereign entertained a strong affection for him, and after returning from Tsukushi S^ HISTORY OF THE EMPn Hoku, Skiki, and Kyo families of nobility. It should be notddthdit pari passu with the growth of the power of the Throne, the influence of the Fujiwara family grew also. Among the events of the Nara Epoch, none is more worthy of note than the marked spread of Buddhism. This result may be attributed, first, to the profound faith placed in the faith by the Imperial Court, and, secondly, to the exertions of priests of high talent who laboured in the cause of their creed with remarkable zeal and tact. Ever since the days of the Emperor Kimmei. when Buddhism was brought to Japan, its progress had been sure and strong, despite all opposition, until there came a time when the Emperor Temmu went so far as to order that every private house should have an alter for the worship of the Buddha. Subsequent Sovereigns caused copies of the HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. pj Sutras to be made and idols to be graved for all the pro- vinces of the realm ; and the Emperor Shomu supplemented those measures b)' an edict requiring' that provincial tem- ples ( Kokitbunji ) should everywhere l^e built for the priests and nuns. The ruling classes contributed liberally to the support of these places of worship, it being generally be- lieved that by such means individual prosperity and national tranquillity could be secured. A huge image of Buddha — the " Birushanabutsu," — -fifty-three feet high, was made of copper and gold, during the Nara Epoch, and survives to this day in the temple where it was originally placed, the Todai-ji, at Nara. It is also on record that the Emperor Shomu adopted the tonsure and took a Buddhist appellation. The mother of that Sovereign, Miyako, and his consort, Komyo, — both daughters of Fujiwara Fubito, — were most zealous devotees of Buddhism, and with their cooperation the Sovereign established in Nara a charity hospital, where the poor received medical treatment and ^xwg^ gratis, and an asylum for the support of the destitute. Measures were also taken to rescue foundlings, and in general to relieve poverty and distress. Nothing could exceed the devotion shown by the Imperial personages towards Buddhism, and if the}' won the plaudits of the priests and promoted the cause of the creed, they also incurred the criticism of later generations ; criticism certainly not without just bases in the facts that great sums were expended for building- temples and graving idols, and that the laws of the land were subserved to the interests of religion. Among the subjects of the realm we find instances such as those of Kamatari and Fubito, of whom the former, built a temple and made his eldest son take orders, and the latter erected the temple of Kofuku-ji and endowed it as the place of worship of the Fujiwara famil}-. Man)- similar proofs might g4 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAX. be adduced of the extreme reverence in which the faith was held by the nation. Amon^;" the priests of high rank, one whose name has been transmitted to posterity was Gyoki. He began to be famous in the reign of the Empress Gensho, and having won the confidence and respect of the next Sovereign, Shomu, he attained the rank of Daisojo (archbishop) and was subsequently worshipped as a saint under the title of " Bosatsu." It was by this prelate that the doctrine of successive incarnations of the Buddh was first enunciated, a doctrine whose skilful application greatly served the cause of Buddhism. For though the creed obtained such in- fluence and success in the times now under consideration, its universal acceptance by the people encountered a strong obstacle in their traditional belief that the Shinto deities themselves had founded the State, bequeathed its sceptre to their posterity, and prescribed a creed with which the very existence of the nation was bound up. This difficulty, however, the Buddhist priests adroitly met by the aid of the doctrine that (j}oki taught. For they explained that the Deiess Amaterasu had been only an incarnation of Birushanabutsu. and further, that all the deities of the land were simpl}- the l^uddh himself, one god in various human forms. By this adroit reasoning they dispelled the inherited prejudices of the people and gave a great impulse to the spread of their creed. Gydki, Dosho, Ryoben, and others acquired notable influence with the masses, and, aided by their pupils, preached in such manner as to popularize Buddhisn throughout the land. About this era, also, many priests came to Japan from China. It would appear, nevertheless, that side by side with the spread of Buddhist conviction the doctrine of fate and fortune was taught and -^ ^^ rp :-;^ The Budd t Temple Hoiyu. K "^^^t ^ £ .u^ioH HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. gs the necessity of vows and penances inculcated, to the delusion and demoralization of ignorant folks. In every direction priestly sway made itself felt, even the Imperal Court being largely under the influence of Gembo, Dokyo, and their following. A notable factor in the development of material pro- sperity at that epoch was the extraordinary ability of the priests. Many of them made voyages to China to study the arts and science of that empire, and on their return to Japan, travelled up and down the land, opening regions hitherto left barren, building temples, repairing and extend- ing roads, bridging rivers, establishing ferries, digging ponds, canals, and wells, encouraging navigation, and con- tributing not less to the material civilization of the country than to the moral improvement of the people. It may be truly said that the spread of Buddhism was synchronous with the rise of art and science. Carpenters, from the practice acquired in building temples, learned how to construct large edifices ; sculptors and metallurgists became skilful by casting and graving idols of gold and bronze ; painting, decorative weaving, the ornamentation of utensils, and the illumination of missals owe their expert pursuit to the patronage of Buddhism ; the first real impetus given to the potter's art is associated with the name of a priest ; in short, almost every branch of industrial and artistic development owes something to the influence of the creed. In a store- house called the Shoso-in, forming part of the Todai-ji, and in the temple of Horiu, both buildings at Nara, there are preserved a number of household utensils, objects of apparel, musical instruments, and so forth, handed down from the Nara Epoch, every one of which bears witness to a refined and artistic civilization, not surpassed by succeeding gene-. 9^ HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. rations. Amono^ glyptic artists there have been handed down from the da)'s of the Emperor Kotoku the name of Yamaguchi-no-Atae-Okuchi, and from the time of the Em- jDeror Shomu those of Keibunkai and Keishukun, men famous for their skill in sculpting idols. The two latter were called " Kasuga " after the place where they lived, and were held in the highest honour. It is true that architecture, sculpture, dyeing, and weaving, introduced originally from China and Korea, had long been practised with considerable success but during the Nara Epoch these arts were in the hand of men celebrated then and subsequently for their proficienc)'. The same ma)- be said also of the arts of the lacquerer and the sword-smith which at that time were carried far beyond ancient standards of achievement. It is further worth)- of note that the methods of manufacturing glass and soap were known in the eighth centur)-. Nara and its temples, remainino^ outside the ranp;e of battles and the reach of con- flagrations, have escaped the destruction that periodicall)- overtook other Imperial capitals, so that those who Aasit the place to-da)- can see objects of art and dail)- use more than a thousand )ears old. Simultaneously with the progress thus made in art and industr)-, learning received a great impetus. The Emperor Tenchi was the first to appoint officials charged with educa- tional functions, and in accordance with the provisions of the Taihoryo, a university was established in the; capital as well as public school in the various localities throughout the provinces. The subjects chieH)- taught in the uni\ersit)- were histoi')-, the Chinese classics, law. and mathematics. These were called the s/u'do, or four paths of learning. In the succeeding reign, education continued to receive power- ful encouragement, but the j)rincipal object in view being I HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 97 the training of Goverment officials, instruction for the masses remained in a ver)- unsatisfactory state. Learning in that age virtually signified a knowledge of the Chinese classics. Hence, in the Nara Epoch, scholars versed in that kind of erudition were ver)- niuiierous. conspicuous among them being Awada-no-Mahito, O-no-Yasumaro. Kibi-no-Makibi and so forth. Intercourse with China being then tolerably close, there were frequent instances of priests and students proceeding thither, the former to investigate religious subjects, the latter to stud)- Chinese literature by order of the Government. Among those w^ho made the voyage were Kibi-no-Makibi, and Abe-no-Nakamaro. Even in China these men obtained a high reputation for learning. The former, on his return to Japan, was appointed a Mini- ster of State, but the latter never saw his native countr)' again. Encountering a violent gale on his homeward voyage, he was driven back to China. There he received an important official position, and there he remained until his death, constantly hoping to return to Japan but always unable to realize his hope. It appears that Japan in those da)'s possessed not a few scholars who could write Chinese fluently. The composition of Chinese poetry was com- menced in the reign of the Emperor Kobun, the first book of verses ever published in Japan — The " Kwaifuso " — making its appearance at that time. It is on record that, at an earlier epoch — during the reign of the Empress Suiko — Prince Shotoku, Soga-no-Umako, and so forth, jointly compiled such books as a " Biograph)' of the Emperors " (Tcnno-ki ) ■AwA "National History ( Kokki ). But unfor- tunately these manuscripts were almost totally destroyed at the time of the overthrow of the Soga Family. Sub- sequently, the Emperor Temmu instructed Prince Kawa- shima and others to write a history, and further directed g8 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAR A A\ Hieda-no-Arc to dictate for transcription the annals of the successive reigns. Again, in the 5th year of tlie Wado era (1372 of the Japanese chronology; 712 a.d.), O-no-YasLi-maro, by command of the Empress Gem- myo, compiled a history of the empire from the earliest days to the reign of Suiko. This work was called the " Kojiki." A year later, the various province received Imperial instructions to prepare geographical accounts, each, of itself, and these were collated into the " Fudoki.' During the next reign, the Empress Gensho continued this literary effort by causing Prince Toneri and others to compile the " Nihon Shoki," comprising a historical narrative from the beginning of the empire to the reign of Jito. In these works, the " Kojiki " and the " Nihon Shoki," the most ancient traditions of the country are to be found. Shortly afterwards, six national histories were successively undertaken, the compilation of which continued down to the reign of the Emperor Daigo. All these books were written in Chinese ideographs. To the Japanese poetry of the Nara Epoch, however, must be assigned the first place among the literary efforts of the time. While Kogen was on the Throne, Tachibana Moroye collected all the poems then extant, and these, being after- wards supplemented by Otomo-no-Yakamochi, constitute the " Manyoshu," a work containing stanzas full of nerve and imagination, simple yet by no means deficient in taste. The; longer compositions are especially admirable, and have ever since served as models for writers of Japanese verse. Among the poets whose works an; included in the " Man- yoshu," the most famous masters were Kakinomoto-no- Hitomaro and Yamabe-no-Akahito, and after them in order come Yamanouye-no-Okura, Kasa-no-Kanamura, Otomo-no Tabito, and Otomo-no-Yakamochi. Th(!se litcratciirs wrote JllSTORV OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAX. pr} their verses in a script thenceforth known as the " Manyo- Kana," a kind of Japanese syllabary. After the introduction of Chinese ideographs much progress was made in learning. Great difficulty was at first experienced in writting the ideographs, and still greater in composing sentences with them. Moreover, even in the case of scholars competent to compose with the ideographs, the task of giving Chinese equivalents for Japanese words proved insuperable. Hence the people began to use Chinese ideographs, without regard to their meaning, as phonetic instruments for expressing Japanese words. Thus employed they were called the Manyd-kaim, and formed a syllabary which, after certain modifications, shbsequently became the Kata-kana. This is an important event in Japanese literary history.. Later generations took the " Manyoshu " as a nieans of studying the ancient language of the countr\' prior to the Nara Epoch, and from it they also derived a knowledge of the customs and sentiments of early times. Consequently this book, together with the " Kojiki " and the " Nihon Shoki," came to be regarded as most precious sources of historical information. Such, in brief, was the state of affairs during the Nara Epoch ; a state of affairs not inaptly described by a sub- sequent poet in the stanza : — " Nara, the Jinpcrial Capital, Blooms with prosperity. Even as the blossom blooms With rich colour and sioeet frao- ranee." But the provinc('S were in a very different state. In districts ICO HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAX. remote from the capital education had made little progress, and people were for the most part ignorant and poor. The Emperor Shomu ha\'ing died without male issue, the Throne was occupied b}' his daughter Kogen (749 to 758 A.I).). During the reign of this Empress, Funado, a son of Prince Niitabe. was adopted as heir. Tachiba-no- Moroye and Fujiwara-no-Toyonari (son of Muchimaro) were then Ministers of the Left and Right. It happened, however, that Nakamaro. the younger brother of To)'onari, being ver\- clex'er and enjoying high fa\our with the Empress, wielded such influence that he was able to procure the dismissal of the two Ministers of the Left and Right, and to cause the Heir Apparent to be changed to Prince Oi. those w^ho opposed his designs being treated as rebels, whether Princes of the Blood or relatives of the \\w- perial Famil)-. and man)- of them compelled to conimit suicide. The Sceptre coming soon afterwards into the hands of Prince Oi. Nakamaro's power became greater than ever. He caused the official titles to be completel)- changed, procured for himself the post of Taishi (Prime Minister, the former Dajo Daijin). received from his Sovereign the aj)- pellation of P^mi-no-Oshikatzu. and to rose first class of the first official rank. The Enij^ress Dowager Kogen was a profound believer in Buddhism, and after descending from the Throne she adopted the tonsure. A priest named Dokyo at die time held the office of Palace Prelate. Prior to this, in the da\s of the Plmperor Shomu. a priest named (lembd had obtained great influence at Court, and had been instrumental in causing disturbances in which P\ijiwara-noTiirotsugu pla)'ed the chief role. Dokyo brought about a similar tumult. P^or being the prime favourite of the P2mpress I )owager. his power assumed n IS TORY OF T/IE EMPIRE OF JAFA.W lOI such proportions tliat Oshikatzu took up arms against the _L(overnnient. The forces of the i^overnment and the rebel met in ()mi province, with the result that Oshikatzu was completely routed, his adherents exterminated, and he himself killed. All the administrative changes he had effected were abolished and things were restored to their former state. As for the Emperor, having ascended the Throne by the influence of Oshikatzu, and being, moreover, on bad terms with the Empress Dowager, he was dethroned and exiled to Awaji, the retired Empress again assuming the Sceptre (764 a.d.). This was the first instance of an Emperor being exiled since the empire had been established, fourteen centuries previously. Posterit)' gave to the Sove- reign thus unfortunately distinguished the name of the " Dethroned Emperor of Awaji " fAzuaji no Haitci), but in the third year of the Mciji era (1871) the tide of Junnin Tenno was conferred on him. At the time of his exile many Princes of the Blood were either banished with him or killed, with the result that the princely adherents of the Imperial House were materially reduced in number. There- after Dokyo received the posts of Prime Minister and Second Prelate of the Realm (Zcnshi). ultimately attaining the position of First Prelate (Hd-o). His food, raiment, and body-guards were similar to those of the Empress, and so great was his influence that the whole Administration rested in his hands. His partisans went so far as to say openly that were the Prime Minister made Emperor, the realm would enjoy peace. Profound, however, as was the nation's belief in Buddhism at that epoch, there were just men who could not tamely endure such evil« doings. Conspicuous among them was a brave and upright subject named Wake- no- Kiyomaro. Having addressed himself to the Shrine of the Shinto deity Usa-Hachiman, he obtained an oracle r02 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. couched in the following' terms, which he presented to the Empress : — " The distinction of Sovereig;n and subject is fundamental. Never can a subject become Emperor. The Emperor must ahvays be of the Imperial line. Let the unrighteous subject who would cut off the Imperial succes- sion be at once removed." Dokyo was much incensed b}' this procedure and caused Ki)-omaro to be banished. But the oracle produced its effect on the Empress. She repent- ed the thing's that had been done, and all idea of raising Dok)t) to the Throne was abandoned. The next year Her Majest)- died, and by the contrivance of Fujiwara-no- Momokawa, who held the post of Court Councillor, and Fujiwaro-no-Nagate, Minister of the Left, Shirakabe-no-o. grandson of the Emperor Tenchi, was raised to the Throne under the title of Konin. At this point the descendants of the Emperor Temmu ceased to hold the succession, and those of the Emperor Tenchi assumed it. No sooner had he obtained the Sceptre than Konin banished Dokyo to Shimotsuke, and would ha\'e punished him more severely had not the affection borne for him by the late Empress been regarded as a title to clemenc)-. Ki)'omaro was recalled to Court and appointed to a high post. Posterity, not without reason, regards his memory with almost religious respect. SKCriON VI. 'jyansfcj- of the Capital to Kyoto. — Creation of lYc:,' Officrs. ProQTess of Ihiddhisni. — LcaniiuQ-. '\\\v. T'jiiperor Konin abdicated in favour of his son. who reigned under the name of Kwammu. This Sovereign gave evidence of the jjossession of great sagacity and vigour. A remarkable e\ent of his reign was the transfer • N • X ® X ® X • ^ • > ^ X ^ X -fe X y^\ ^ > , X <& X -X^ X Image of the Emperor Kwammu. ■J.\ ^ c<>.. (', '-■-" S^: ^v1 ^r\ f I % L^ :J-^ "-^ ^^ "^ -tSi ml HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OFJAPAA'. lOJ of the capital to Ucla in the Kadono district of Yamashiro province, which took place in the thirteenth year of the Enryakn era (794 a.d.). From ancient times it had been the custom for the Emperor and the Hair Apparent to live apart, and it thus resulted that when a Sovereign died and Ilia son succeeded to the Throne, the latter usually trans- ferred the capital to the site of his own palace. In addition to this source of change, it sometimes happened that the residence of the Imperial Court was altered as often as two or three times during the same reign. Rarely however, did the Court move out of the contiguous provinces known as the Gokinai, the great majorit)' of the seats of Govern- ment being in the province of Yamato. Among the most celebrated places selected by ancient emperors were Kashi- wara, by the Emperor Jimmu ; Naniwa, by the Emperor Nintoku ; Otsu, by the Emperor Tenchi ; and Fujiwara by the Emperor Mommu. But in those age of comparative simplicit)' the seat of Government was not invested with any attributes of special pomp or grandeur, and its transfer from place to place involved no serious effort. As civilization progressed, however, as the business of Administration became more complicated, and, above all, as intercourse with China grew more intimate, the character of the Palace assumed magnificence proportionate to the Imperial ceremonies and national receptions that had to be held there. Hence the capital established at Nara by the Em- press Gemmyo was on a scale of unprecedented magnitude and splendour. There seven Sovereigns reigned in suc- cession without an)' thought of moving elsewhere. But when the Emperor Kwammu assumed the reins of Govern- ment, he found that Nara was not a convenient place for administrative purpose, and he therefore adopted a resolve to build his Palace at Nagaoka in the Otokuni district of 10^ HISTORY OF THE EM TIRE OF JAPAN. Yamashiro province. A brief residence at the latter place convinced him that liis choice had not been well guided, and in the thirteenth year of the Enryaku era, he again moved to Uda in the Kadono district of the same province. Simultaneously with this transfer a different method of writing the name of the province was adopted. Phonetically it underwent no change, but ideographically it became the " Mountain Castle " instead of " Behind the Mountains." The event was treated as a subject of national rejoicing, and the people called the new capital " Heian-k)'o," or the " citadel of tranquillity." This is the modern Kyoto. It continued to be the capital of the empire during a period of 1,074 years until the seat of- Government was removed to Tokyo at the time of the great Mciji Reformation. Seventy-seven Emperors held their courts successively in Kyoto. The interval that separated the choice of K)^oto as capital from the establishment of the Shogun's seat of administration at Karnakura by Yoritomo — an interval of 392 years, from 794 to 1196 a.d. — is known in history as the " Heian Epoch." The most noteworthy events of the " Heian Epoch " occurred chiefly at the seat of Government. The new capital was built after the model of Nara, with some modifications introduced from the metoropolis of the Tang dynasty in China. Its granduer bears withness to the character of Kwammu and to the foresight the distinguished all his actions. From north to south it measured 17,530 feet and from east to west 15,080 feet, the whole being surrounded by moats and palisades, and the Imjierial I'alace being situated in the centre of the northern portion. Trom the southern palace gate ( Shujaku-vion) to the southernmost city gate ( Rajo-mou) a long street, 280 feet s.\ '.oy;>l JZODDDDn \'GG[. CUCC □ULi-acaLr, aanGDDDG. nannooac . □□(DnDGDc;.^: . . LiaoanacLjL:.! jCT' i_„„,__,i- nnnnnnnr:i-ii-|— . DDaoannnanriaaDDnDDnnnGitD'iinDDDLijng DDpnmDDduDnnmflnqqmimpDmuiLjpD " nGcnnnnnaaQD □□DnnnDDEn DananGaann DDDnaDDGaD DDaDnaaDDn DcnnaDDDna an Rgjunm 'afBffi iJ-T_(Tja DDDDnaDnDn DnncnDGDDD nnnDGGDGDa nnDDnmnan naDnnDDDDD panDDDDnnD GnacQaDGGG DanGGcaana □DGGacnGDG DnQDacaDGD naaGGQDnaa DGaDDDnDGn DDDDanDDna CDoaDnDnnn CaDDDDDDDD DDGGaDDnDn nanDDnonna uDaanaannn DDDnaDaDGaDa DDDnnDnnDD GaaGGnncinn DaDDDP-jnGn mDDDLinijjr: DnDDDULJ. .;gl. nDDDDDGL aGDDaDGDaaan GG nana Dana CD GnnDnDnnDnDO annannnaanDDi DDDDDDDnDDnO' DG GDGD anaa ggJgg aana ddgg ,„ rGDGDG DDGDaa GOnaDD QGGG „ CG DDDG nDGD aDDD DDDG DGGD 1 1 Gc DDnn 0000 no pa nnnn nnnn L jGG DDGD DDDG DD GG DDDG DGnD '""' bn DDDa GDDG GDGD DGOG nuGD pnaDnnnnDQuDnanDDncnnn □□ DDDD DDDG DDDG DDGG DGGD ac nnnD ccsgh dd □□ nann anaa IDG naDD GDDG DG Dp DDDG CDDD pn DDDD DiBOD DDIDQ DOnD OnCQ pnDDDD ngiDa nupa nocn ajno K, aGDDDDDD DGGD DDDD acllDD DDpn 0000 rjGDD ""■ LjDGDnDDDnqcacDnnnajaaaanaDanLinnna GIDGDGGDGGDpGDGGGaGaGnDCauaDlJnGnD Plan of the " Heiai\-kyB." o Nl 0. ^ X w a 9 a a 4 R n n L/ ■ I 6 i i S Plan of the C/io. The bo in the sa^yo (left capital), is numbered from west to east, and the do in the tdyo (right capital) from east to west. The c//o (street) in the left capital is numbered from north-west to ^oulh, and then from south-cast to north- east ; and the c/io in the right capital from north-east to south and then again from south-west to north-west. Theg}0 (row) in the left capital is arranged from west to east, and the ^yo in the right capital from east to west. The mon (gates) in the left capital begin at the north- west and extend to the south, and the gates in the right capital extend from the north-east to the south. The passage dividing the c/io is a road. All the other .^ides of the c//<7 are likewise flanked by passages of the same width. '.E A. The First Western Gyo (row). B. The Second \Ye5tcrn Gyo. C. The Tliird Western Gyo. D. The Fourth Western Gyo. a. The Nortliern lilon (gate) No. i. Plan of the Bo. N b. The Northern Mon No. 9. Plan of the JIo. v\ v\. V. \ 'd HISTORY OF THE EM TIRE GF J AT AN. lOj wide, (called Siijaku-dji\ or the main Shujaku thorouo-h- fare) extended in one straiij^ht line, separating the city into two parts, of which the eastern was designated Sakyo, or the left capital, and the western, Ukyo, or the right capital. The whole city, from east to west, was divided into nine district (jo), and between the first and second districts lay the Imperial Palace. An elaborate system of subdivision was adopted. The unit, or ko (house), was a space measuring lOO feet by 50. Eight of these units made a row (gyo) ; four rows, a street (cho) ; four streets, a ho\ four Jio, a bd\ and four bo, ayJ. The entire capital contained 1,216 cJio and 38,912 houses. The arrange- ment of the streets vv^as perfectly regular. They lay parallel and at right angles like the lines on a checkers board. The Imperial citadel measured 3,840 feet from east to west, and 4,600 feet from north to south. On each side were three gates, and in the middle stood the Emperor's Palace, surrounded by the buildings of the various Administrative Departments. This palace was environed b)- double walls, and contained altogether seventeen large and five small edifices, everyone of them picturesque and handsome. Great and fine as was this metropolis, it suffered such ravages during the disturbances of succeeding centuries that the Kyoto of to-day, the " Saikyo," or Western Capital, is but a shadow of the Saikyo of ancient times. Not even the Imperial Palace escaped these ravages. Again and again impaired or destroyed by conflagrations, it gradually assumed smaller and smaller dimensions until onh' a trace remained of the splendid edifice that had once stood in the centre of the citadel. But the regularity of the streets could not be obliterated. That at least survives to tell the story of the plan on which the city was constructed. T06 ins 'JOKY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Allusion has already been made to the powerful military- expedition despatched at this era, under the command of Sakanouye-no- lamuramaro, against the insurgents in the eastern provinces. This event. tOL^ether with the transfer of the capital to Kyoto, constitute the salient incidents of Kwammu's reign. Among the statesmen of the time, Fuji- wara-no-Korekimi, Fujiwara-no-Tsuginawa, Fujiwara-no- Otsugu, and Wake-no-Kiyomaro were the most renowned ; among the military captains. Sakanou)'e-no-Tamuramaro and Bun)'a-no-Watamaro. It was in this reign that Omi-no- Mifune, President of the University and Master of Arts ( Binisho-Jiakasc ), acting under Imperial instructions, se- lected suitable posthumous names for the successive So- vereigns from the time of the Emperor Jimmu to that of Konin. Hitherto the Sovereigns had been designated b)- the names of their capitals or b}- their personal names, but thenceforth they were known under speciall}' selected appellations. ^' J, i~i y---y ,j -^l!:iJ^ // ,/> .__/// / ^7ZZ/z7Z?22772Z2Z7Z:' s: rtTtnrnTTTrmi-[Ti rrrrrm Mil III! II II I I M t:: The Ha m o:v:5:\!333SS3: MUJQXilpLD'ir ^ " Daig-okuden. >^^ \ .1 at HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J. I TAX. lOJ TAIiLE SHOWING LINKAGE AND CHRONOLOGY OF SOVEKKIGNS. 49tli Emperor Koiiiii (770-782 A. d ) ! 50th Emperor Kwammu (782-806 A. D.) i ! I 51st Emperor Heizei S2nd 1-mperorSaga 53VCI Emperor Junna (806-810 A. D.) (810-824 A. D.) (824-834 A. D.) I 54th Emperor Nimmyo (8'^4-85i a. u.) I I I 55th Emperor Montoku (851-S56 a. D.) sStli Emperor Koko (885-893 a. D.) I I 56th Emperor Heiwa (856-S77 A. n.) 59th Emperor Uda (893-89S A. D.) 1 I 57tli Emperor Yozei (877-885 A. D.) 60th Emperor Daigo (89S-931 A. d.) 6ist Emperor Shujaku (031-947 A. d.) 62ikI Emperor Murakami (947-96S A. d.) ! \ 63rd Emperor Reizei (968-970) a. d.) 64th Emperor Enyti (970-9S5 A. d.) 65th Emperor Kwazan 67th Emperor Saiij") 66th Emperor Ichijo (985-987 A. i\) (,1012-1017 a. 1). (987-1012 a. d.) 6StIi Emperor Goichijo (1017-1037 A. ii.i 69th Emperor Goshujaku (1037-1046 A. n.) 70th Emperor Goreizei (1046-1069 a. d.) 71st Emperor Gosanjo (1069-1073 a. d.) The Emperor Kwammu was succeeded b)- his son Hei- zei, l^ut the latter, suffering;' from delicate health, abdicated in favour of his brother Saga, himself assuming- the title of " Jo-ko " (ex-Emperor). Although the recognised custom was that the Sceptre should pass to the Heir Apparent after the Emperor's death and should not be transferred during the Sovereign's life-time, there were many examples to the contrary. The first instance was that of Keitai, the tAventy-sixth Emperor, who resigned the Throne to xA.nkan. The Empress Kogyoku, thirt)-fifth Sovereign, adopted a similar course with regard to her successor Kotoku. That was before the Taikwa Reformation. Shomu, aijain, be- 20S mSTORY OF THE EM TIRE OF J A PAW cause of his profound devotion to Buddhism, laid aside the Imperial power, and after his time history records many cases of abdication. On the assumption of the Sceptre by Saga, his predecessor's favourite concubine, Kusuko, con- spired with her elder brother to place Heizei once more on the Throne, and transfer the capital to its former site (Nara). But the plot was discovered and the plotters suffered punish- ment. Shortly afterwards, Saga abdicated in favour of his brother Junna, and it thus happened that there were two ex-Emperors at the same time, Heizei and Saga ; a state of affairs followed by one still more anomalous when Junna, in turn, resigned the Sceptre to Saga's son, Nimmyo. These transfers of the Throne by three successive Emperors to their brothers or to the son of a former Sovereign, in- stead of bequeathing it to their own progeny, seem to have been prompted by motive either of magnanimity or grati- tude. But the result was to impair the prestige of the Heir Apparent and to create opportunities for the ambitious designs of powerful subjects. Several incidents attract attention during the reign of the Emperor Saga. Perhajos the most noteworthy was the creation of two new officials, the Kurando, whose fimctions were to deal with secret court documents and with petitions addressed to the Throne, and the Kcbi- iski, whose tluty was to in(]uire into and judge cases of robbery or acts of viloence. Subsequentl)-, all the functions hitherto discharged by the SJionagon (Assistant- Vice-Minister), and Chamberlains, were included in the province of the Kuraiido. Hence that office became an important branch of the Administration. Under the Administrative organization fixed b\' the Taiho Code, the duty of apprehending offenders had fallen to the I\iit, or HISTORY OF THE EM TIKE OF J A PAX. I Op iijuards ; that of examining" into oft'ences, to the Danjodai ; that of passino- judgment, to the Gyobushd, and that of deciding" civil suits, to the Kyoshokit. But all these niatters were now included in the functions of the Kcbiislii-clw (Board of. Kebn's/ii), which consequently exercised wide administrative sway. Notifications issued by this Board had equal power with Imperial Ordinances, and per- sons offending' against them were treated as though the)- had violated the Sovereign's commands. The office of KcbiisJii thus came to be an object of special ambition to military men, and history indicates that its creation posses- sed a close relation to the rise of the military class. It will be observed that the laws of the Taiho Code thus underwent, little by little, considerable changes. Offices not contemplated by the Code and established after its promulgation in the times here treated of, as those of N'aidaijin (Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal), Sangi (Priv)- Councillor), and so forth, together w^ith Kurando and Kcbiis/iL were collectivel)- designated Ryd-o-iuai-no-Kwan, or Extra-Code offices. During the reign of Nimmyo there lived two remark- able priests, Saicho and Kcikai, known to posterit)- as L)eng)'o-daishi and Kobo-daishi respectively. Buddhism, as has been related, attained a state of great prosperity during the Nara Epoch. Nevertheless, Shintoism also exercised considerable swa)-, though the preponderance of Buddhism was very marked down to the commencement of the Heian Epoch. That this was chiefly due to the actual spread of the imported creed can not be doubted, but under an)- circumstances men like Saicho and Kukai must have con- tributed materiall)' to the influence of the faith professed UO in STORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAX. by them. Not only do the\' stand in the very highest places among Japanese religionists, but the impetus given by their talents to the progress of civilization was most marked. Travelling to China, they studied the profoundest doctrines of Buddhism and gained for themselves a great reputation. Saicho founded the sect called Tendai, and built the celebrated temple Enr^aku-ji, at Hiyei-zan, to guarantee the Imperial Palace against maleficent influences from the north-east. Kukai, founded the Shingon Sect, and built the not less famous temple of Kongobu-ji, at Koya-san. In earlier days, Ryoben, Gyoki, and other priests had preached the identity of the Shinto deities and the Buddhist god. Saicho and Kukai pushed this doctrine still further. They taught that the Hotoke was the one and only divine being, and that all the Kami were mani- festations of him. On that basis they established a new doctrine called SJiinto, or the wa)- of the deit\', the tenets of which mingled Shintoism and Buddhism inextricably. In consequence of the spread of this doctrine, it be- came a not uncommon occurrence to find Buddhist relics in a Shinto shrine, or a Shinto idol in a Buddhist temple, while the names of Shinto deities (Kami) were confused with Buddhist titles such as Jyosafsu or (ioji- X'l'^i. Priests wandered ever3''where throughout the land, preaching their doctrine and founding temple^ at choice sites, on high mountains or in deej) dells. To all this move- ment of propagandism music lent its aid, for the melody of the Buddhist chants touched the heart of the people. De- votees constantly grew in number. Many of the highest personages in the land spent great sums upon the building of temples ; the consort of the F.mperor vSaga, for example, constructing 1 )anrin-ji, and the. Prime Minister Michinaga ♦erecting Hnjo-ji. P'veii in cas4._Jf-v^i^H' ^■°~T — TD ^OT — m ■>.J " JJ MJ i JJ m u r vi i i i m . .. . . . ■ , ~ . .T ... =ZZ:Z ij vj yj ^ij Mj Mj ^u ■^ vu vu vjj ^3 ^ ^ ;ct" Gosaiye ( VJ" ■ ==0 "^D %j "^Tj TIj n1 ^T3 "^J ^EJ TU Idhistic ceremony). \^r- - ci." - a M- 1 z:? — -. : -TP ;27- — »- T"ri~m" '■■JA. O*. .1 L j-i — r •iV^ yr.:\' ' yi'J '■s^'' <^-J The Hachima hrine at Iwashimizu "^■'/'r <-*' -uT-c: " ■' - «a; -;gra--Tieg u >. ' .i v:» / 7^ i^ \t n. ha Undoubtedly the people of Japan may claim great credit for having reduced the complicated and troublesome ideographs of China to a simple and easy, syllabary, and may justly congratulate themselves on having acquired ability to record their sentiments and ideas in a script en- tailing little labour or mental effort. SECTION VII. Administration of the Fnjiwara Family. — Rise of Suga- zvara Michizane to power. — Arbitrary Exercise of Poiuer by the Fujiwara. It will not fail to have been noticed that in the era subsequent to the Taikwa reforms, a large majority of the Ministers of the Crown were men of the Fujiwara Family. The great deeds of Kamatari and the scarcely less dis- tinguished services of his son Fubito established the renown of the Family, and in the marriage of the Emperor Shomu with Komyoshi, the daughter of Fubito, we have the first instance of a procedure which afterwards became common, namely, the elevation of a subject to the position of Imperial con- sort. Each of Fubito's four sons became the founder of a great family, namely, the Houses of Nan, Hoku, Shiki, and Kyo. Of these, the least fortunate was the Kyo-ke (/' V^^.-.-A A r V •' '^ • •• A-. •■• i, ••.'"A •■■■■ N ■'■■' A -. A ..r« ■-^<>^-j.? ■.•■? •-.•T* -•>.'' -■•'■.'> .-:-■->> ---■.* .•.v-4-'---' i? « Image of the HO-U Uda. .£h'l XS •■' lo OQ:Urif HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. IIQ put a check on the arbitrary power exercised by the Fuji- wara Family. Mototsune had died before the time of which we write, and had been succeeded by his son Tokihira. To the latter, therefore, in conjunction with Michizane, the Emperor entrusted the joint management of all admini- strative affairs. Some years after this appointment Uda abdicated in favour of Daigo, and, taking the tonsure, became Hd-o, that is to say, an Imperial religious devotee. He left to his successor a document of instructions, known in history as the Kwampyo-go-ikai (Imperial precepts of the Kzvampyo era). W^hen Daigo ascended the Throne he was only thirteen years of age. Tokihira then filled the office of Minister of the Left (the highest Administrative post after that of Chief Minister of State), and Michizane was Minister of the Right. With the exception of Michizane and Kibi-no-Makibi, no man of the middle class had ever held such an important office. The ex-Emperor would have had Michi- zane raised still hioher, and urQfed the reiornino^ Sovereio'n in that sense. But this design precipitated Tokihira's resolve to contrive the downfall of a man whose great reputation with the nation and marked favour at Court dimmed the prestige of the Fujiwara Famil}-. Michizane was also an object of keen jealousy to Minamoto-no-Hikaru, a son of the Em- peror Nimmyo, who held the office of Dainagon (Vice- Minister), as well as to Fujiwara-no-Sadakuni, who like Hikaru, was incomparably superior to Michizane in lineage, but inferior to him in official position. These men conspired against Michizane, and conveyed to the Sovereign a false charge that the Minister of the Right was plotting to de- pose him and place his younger brother, Michizane's son-in- law, Prince Tokiyo, on the Throne. Daigo believed the accusation, and reduced Michizane to the post of Dazai-no- Gon-no-sotsu, or head of the Kiusho local government, a posi- 120 niSTOK Y OF-' THE EMPIRE OE J A PAX. tion which it had become customary to fill with disgraced officials of the Imperial Court. The order amounted in effect to a sentence of exile. The ex- Emperor did every- thing in his power to save Michizane, but in vain. Hikaru succeeded to the office of Minister of the Right. In all this affair the members of the Fujiwara Family left nothing undone to sweep away every obstacle to their own supremacy. Treating as opponents all that did not take active part with them, they contrived to have them involved in the disgrace of Michizane. The exiled Minister died after two years of banishment. His popularity had been so great that the nation was filled with orrief for his unmerited sufferini^s, and when, after his decease, the partizans of Tokihira died one after another, and a series of calamities occured in the capital, people did not hesitate to regard these evils as re- tribution inflicted by heaven for the injustice that had been wrought. Subsequently Michizane received the posthumous honour of being raised to the first class of the first rank and to the post of Chief Minister of State, and posterity built a shrine in Kitano to his memory, where he is worshipped to this day as the tutelary saint of learning, under the canon- ized name of Kitano-no-Tenjin. A fact worthy of notice is that the custom of sending ambassadors to China was abandoned at the suggestion of Michizane. From the time of the Empress Suiko. when Ono-noTmoko was sent to the Court of the Sui Sovereigns, envoys had been frequently despatched from Japan to China, and intimate relations had been established between the two empires. In the 6th year of Kzuauipyo era (894 A.I).), Michizane was appointed Ambassador Plenipotenti- ar)-, and Ki-no-Haseo, Assistant-Ambassador. But when hey were on the point of starting, news reached them that HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 121 China was in a state of the greatest tumult and disorder owing to the dispute between Chuwen and Likeiyong, and that it would be entirely futile to send ambassadors who would merely have to run serious risks and incur heavy expenditure without effecting anything. Michizane reported this intelligence to the Emperor, which the result that the embassy project was abandoned, and official intercourse with China ceased for the time. But trade between the two countries suffered no interruption : it continued as brisk as ever. Not long afterwards information was received of the fall of the Tang Dynasty, then of the rise and rapid decline of the Five Small Dynasties, and finally of the accession of the Sung Emperors. Daigo's reign extended over thirty years. His admini- stration was based on care for the people. It is recorded that, on a certain bitterly cold night, he stripped himself in order to gain practical experience of the distress of the poor in winter. The period of his rule is regarded by posterity as the golden age of Japanese history. But long-continued tranquillity entailed the usual evils of effeminacy and luxury. Under an appearance of great prosperity there lurked ele- ments of social corruption. Miyoshi Kiyotsura, who held the title of Doctor of Literature in the Imperial Court, addressed to the Throne a memorial setting forth the abuses of the age. The story of the time recalls the lesson of experience that prosperity always precedes decline. It is to that era of affluence and ease that we must look for the beginnings of the Teng}^o and Hogen tumults. After the exile of Michizane, the power of the Fujiwara Family grew steadily. During a j^eriod of about a century and a half after that event, the Administration was virtually in their hands. 122 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPA.W On the death of the Emperor Daigo, his sons Shujaku and Murakami reigned in succession. They were Sovereigns of good intention but their administrative policy lacked firm- ness. Hence, in the second year of the Tcngyo era (1599 of the Japanese Empire ; 939 a.d.) the standard of rebellion was raised by Taira-no-Masakado and Fujiwara-no-Sumi- tomo, with the result that wide-spread disturbance ensued and in the capital itself bands of marauders roved at will. Tlienceforth. during eight decades, the Imperial power declined uniformly, its impairment continuing throughout the successive reigns of Reizei, Enyu, Kwazan, Ichijo, Sanjo, Goichijo, and Goshujaku, even down to the days of Goreizei and Gosanjo. On the other hand, it is recorded that Lujiwara-no-Tadahira occupied the post of Chief Minister of State, while his sons, Saneyori and Morosuke, held the offices of Minister of the Left and Minister of the Right respectively, the three highest posts in the Administration being thus filled simult- aneousl}- b)- a father and his two sons. Among the de- scendants of these three nobles, those of the last-named, Morosuke, attained the greatest prosperit}-. It has been already noted that the Fujiwara Ministers always contrived to have the Sovereicrn choose his consort from amonir their daughters. Nay more, when a son was born of such a union, they had him brought uj) in their own house, and when he ascended the Throne, the Fujiwara Minister who was his grandfather became either Regent or Kwavipakiiy was recognised as the head of the T^ujiwara family, and received a large grant of State land. Under these circum- stances the choice of an Imperial consort or the nomination of an Heir Apparent being s)'nonymous with the acquisition of complete control over administrative and financial affairs the? branches of the I'ujiwara I'amil)- often intrigued and HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAX. I2J fought among' themselves to secure the great prize. Michinaga, youngest son of Kaneiye, was a man of re- markable strength of purpose and tact. He held the office of Kwampakn during the reigns of three Emperors, Ichijo, Sanjo, and Goichijo ; his three daughters became the consorts of three successive Sovereigns ; he was grand- father of a reigning Emperor and an Heir Apparent at the same time, and his power and affluence far surpassed those of the Imperial House itself. To this great noble every official paid court, except Fujiwara-no-Sanesuke, who main- tained his independence and was consequently relied on by the Emperor, It is on record that Michinaga once com- posed a stanza the purport of which was that all the world seemed to have been created for his uses, and that every desire he felt was satisfied as completely as the full moon is perfectl)' rounded. In truth the power of the Fujiwara Family culminated in his days, A contemporary writer de- scribed the conditions of the time in a work for which he found no title more appropriate than " the Stor}^ of Gran- deur " ( Eio-zua Monogatari ). The sons of Michinaea, Yorimichi and Norimichi, be- came Kivampaku in succession, and retained immense in- fluence. But the gradual decline of the Fujiwara power dates from that time. SECTION VIII. TJic Condition of the Upper Classes. — The development of Poetical and Prose Composition. The rude and unpolished but frugal and industrious habits graduall}- disappeared as the Heian Epoch grew older. 12^ in STORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Instead of vigour and simple strengdi, luxury and efTeminate gaud became the fashion. Society grew more and more enervated and self-indulgent. The metropolis, Heianjo, was the centre magnificence and the focus of pleasure. Re- ference has already been made to the spaciousness and grandeur of the Imperial Palace. The Princes and great nobles were scarcely less superbly housed. Every aristo- cratic dwelling consisted of a number of buildings. Within the principal gates stood places for vehicles — carriages drawn by oxen — and passing these, a second gate was reached, giving entrance to the enclosure within which the main edifice stood. On its east and west, as well as behind it, were buildings (called fai) containing private rooms for the members of the family, kitchens, and various other cham- bers, these wings being connected with the main edifice by corriders (zuatadono), and the whole cluster having about it beautifully laid out grounds, for the art of decorative gardening had already reached a high stage of development. The residence of the chief Minister of State, Kaneiye, stood in the district Higashi-sanjo, and was constructed after the model of one of the Imperial Palaces, the Seiryoden. There had also grown up among nobles and men of affluence the habit of choosing in the suburbs some spot noted for scenic charms, and there building for themselves retreats on which all the artistic and decorative resources of the time were lavished. As for the Imperial Palace, however, from the time when it was destroyed by a conflagration (960 A.I).), it suffered a steady diminution of size and splend- our, whereas the mansions of the Ministers of the Crown grew constantly larger and more magnificent, their inmates wearing gorgeous garments of rich brocades and elabo- rately embroidered silk. It had, indeed, been ordered by the Government that subjects should wear clothes HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 12^ of a definite colour according to the rank they held. But the enactment ceased to be operative in the times of which we write. Officials, courtiers, and their families emulated one another in the richness of their apparel. When they went abroad, they rode in carriages resplen- dent with Q-old and silver. To those born in the house of a Minister, the reins of the Administration belonged as a birthright. All the inferior officials were nominated by them. The conduct of State affairs rested really in the hand of a few families, Sakanouye, Nakahara, Miyoshi, Kotsuki, Kiyowara, and others. By and by, the active dis- charg-e of official and administrative functions began to be despised by the higher classes, military training and the rude exercises of arms falling into especial disfavour. Thus it fell out that the nobles of the Court, having abundant leisure, were enabled to devote their time to literary culture, the elaboration of etiquette, and the pursuit of luxurious pleasures. Ariwara Narihira, the celebrated beau and dilet- tante of the times of the Emperors Montoku and Seiwa, was a typical specimen of these devotees of refinement. In the Imperial Court, at pleasant times in the fair seasons, on fine spring mornings or under the soft moon- lights of autumn, reunions were held at which the guests vied with one another in making music and composing poetry. There were also specially appointed festive occa- sions : as, for example, entertainments in April (third month of the old calendar) when wine-cups were floated down stream ; or in February (first month of old calendar) when young pines grov/ing on the hills or in the fields were pulled up by the roots ; or in the fall, to view the changing tints of the maples ; the most aristocratic of all these festivities being one in which three picturesquely decorated boats were launched upon some river or lake and 126 ///STORY OF THE EMP/RE OF y.lP.LV. filled exclusively with persons who excelled in some one of the " three accomplishments," namely, Chinese poetry, Japanese poetry, and music. In the reign of the Em- peror Uda five fete days were established : New Year's Da)' ; the 3rd of the 3rd month ; the 5th of the 5th month ; the 7th of the 7th month, and the 9th of the 9th month ; to which were also added the festival of the "late moonlioht " (13th of the 9th month), and the festival of " the last chrysanthemums." Of games played in-doors checkers fgoj and a kind of dice [sngo- roku) were much in vogue ; while the favourite out-door sports were foot-ball, polo, and hawking, together with horse-racing and equestrian archery. At wine-feasts, various kinds of songs, some classical, some popular, were chaunted with dancing, and Chinese and Japanese stanzas were composed and sung. In the reigns of the Emperors Shirakawa, Horikawa, Toba, and others, per- sonal adornment was carried so far that even men began to imitate women in the matter of painting their eye-brows and blackening their teeth, much as though they sought to disguise themselves in the likeness of the puppets set up at the festi\'al of the 3rd month. Not inaptly did the wits of the time dub these mummers •' lunar courtiers," or " elegants from cloud-land." On such occasions of festival and sport men and women of noble rank mixed freely, and laxity of morals ensued. The ceremony of marriage had been dul)- established, but wives still continued to live in their own houses, where they received the visits of their husbands. In short, pleasure was the first object of the time, antl if men thought of anything more serious, it was onl)- the building and endowment of a temple where prayers might be said and litanies sung for the prosperity of themselves and ^> ;^flr''^"" 4cJ^«j4(, ^ '■ y ^^r^' ^ .-^tfc fit-cfUfi^ J . .:^ ,/V-fv?^^' '^ ;^ I ^ rhe River Oi. I — ■1^\^ *fiS« ■». 'd ji!i....^'^r^!hi ^ ■^^^^k Xi :i ! yTTiK- -/^u ■T^. --* .<*+ w^ str* -:-i / -/ t x^i ^m. • « ^ii "liJ iii. Jii;^: Scene in the House of On f the Nobles. .^■.^- Jn V • .-. r^.* HISTORY OF THE EMP/KE OF JAPAN. I2J their children in this world and their happiness in a future state. As to the Japanese poetry on which so much of the attention of the time was concentrated, it is to be noted that from the establishment of the capital at Kyoto down to the reign of the Emperor Seiwa (793 to 873 a.d.), Chinese literature and Chinese poetry engrossed the whole intellect of the nation, Japanese poetry, which had made such remarkable progress during the Nara Epoch, being comparatively neglected. But in the days of Seiwa the tide flowed once more in the direction of Japanese poetry, and many poets worthy of note made their appearance in succession. Thus, in the Engi era (901 to 922 a.d.), the poet Ki-no-Tsurayuki attained to the rank of the cele- brated Hitomaro and Akahito, and under the directions of the Emperor Daigo compiled a work called " Kokinshu," embodying all the best poems composed during the century and a half that followed the Manyo period. It was a book of twenty volumes, and it enjoys the distinction of being the first compilation of selected poems undertaken by order of the Sovereign. The most celebrated writers whose productions are included in the work are Sojo- Henjo, Ariwara Narihira, Bunya-no-Yasuhide, Kisen-hoshi, Otomo-no-Kuronushi, and Ono-no-Komachi. Poems of many stanzas were not approved in those times, but short couplets were much affected. The art of composing them made great progress, and many that have been handed down from the era show considerable refinement of thought and language. Erom this epoch dates the distinction be- tween poetical terms and the speech of every-day life. During the reign of the Emperor Murakami, fifty years after the compilation of the " Kokinshu," a school of poetry I2S HJ STORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. ( ittadokoro ) was established in the Imperial Palace, and the Sovereign instructed five poets, headed by Minamoto Shi- tago and Kiyowara Motosuke, to compile a poetical work by way of sequel to the " Kokinsho." Thenceforth Chinese poetry was subserved to Japanese, and the latter's composi- tion became one of the chief pastimes in fashionable circles. All the Court nobles and high officials devoted themselves to the cultivation of the kind of literature, the business of the Administration being relegated to an altogether secondary place. Despite the ennervation and perfunctoriness that disfigured the life of the epoch, men continued to employ strength and zeal in the writing of poetry, so that no less than seven poetical compilations date from the period between the appearance of the " Kokinshu " and the early years of the Kamakura Shogunate. From the latter time, throughout the years when the administrative power was vested in the hands of the military class, down to the division of the empire into the northern and southern sove- reignties, fourteen poetical compilations were added to the literature of the country. These, with a former seven, are called the " Twenty-one Compilations," but it must be con- fessed that the later works of the series lack nerve and are disfigured by redundancy, their authors losing themselves in mere tricks of phraseology and flowers of speech. As might have been expected, the emasculation which the national character was undergoing left its mark upon the literature of the age. Tsurayuki was skilled in prose writing as well as verse composition. A diary of travel, called the Tosanikki, is his most celebrated work in the former class. After the inven- tion of the Kana syllabary, as already described, at the close of the Nara and the commencement of the Heian Epoch, HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAY. T2g prose writing began to attract a wider field of students. Many varieties of composition, fictions, diaries, travels, and fugitive sketches, were added to the literature of the time. But as men who aspired to the title of scholar continued to write in Chinese ideographs, the domain of Japanese prose was occupied, almost exclusivel}\ by women. It is recorded of the Emperor Ichijo (987-1012 a.d.) that he boasted that, although his own abilities did not entitle him to wear the Crown, his reign was not less rich in talented subjects than had been the reigns of even Daigo and Murakami, histori- cally regarded as the best Sovereigns of the whole Imperial line. The boast had warrant. For in the eva flourished Minamoto Tsunenobu, Fujiwara Kinto, Minamoto Toshikata, and Fujiwara Yukinari, to whom the title of the Four " Nagon" {iiagon was the name of an office) has been given. Of female writers, too, quite a number rose to eminence. Among them may be mentioned Murasaki-Shikibu, Sei-Shonagon, Akazome-Emon, Idzumi-Shikibu, and Ise-Osuke. Of these, Murasaki-Shikibu especially attracts attention, on account of her celebrated work, the Genji-rnonogatari, a book of fift}-- four volumes. Sei-Shonagon's name is remembered on account of the Makura-no-soshi , one of the most polished literary sketches ever produced in Japan, as the Gcnji ino- nogatari was a peerless novel. In respect of flowery and artistic style, these two works have always been placed at the head of Japanese prose compositions, though from the point of view of strict morality they are condemned. In has already been noted that during the Nara Epoch there was a vast difference between the conditions of the people inhabiting the metropolis and those living in the country districts. A similar comment applies to the Heian Epoch. For while the nobility about the Court and the rjO HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAAL high Administrative officials devoted themselves almost entirel)' to pleasure and vied with one another in luxury, simplicity and frugality prevailed in the country districts, and in some places the people's mode of life may almost be described as rough and uncivilized. Thus, while tiled roofs were common in Kyoto, the country folks dwelt in rude, lowly buildings thatched with straw or boards, devoting themselves chiefly to agriculture and in a less degree to industrial pursuits, and occupying their leisure hours with innocent games and sports in their rustic hamlets and huts. From the middle of the Heian Epoch we find a large variety of rural pastimes, the repertoire being in- creased by dwarf's dances, puppet shows, juggling, bizua minstrelsy, and other diversions. On the other hand, the administration of local affairs was very defective : sometimes, indeed, such abuses existed that the inhabitants of a district deserted their homes and wandered in search of more favour- able conditions. The state of the roads left much to be desired : regulations for carriers and post-horses existed, but were put into operation for official convenience only ; people of the inferior classes, if they desired to travel, were obliged to carry on their backs not only food but also utensils for cooking it ; at sunset, they had no choice but to seek shelter in temples and shrines ; highway robberies were common ; means of communication and transport had only been par- tially established ; even when voyaging b)^ river or sea, the most convenient way of getting from place to place, pirates had to be apprehended ; and altogether the state of affairs outside the capital compared very unfavourably with the luxury and refinement of life within its precints. A notice- able trait of the national character was strong love of cleanliness. People entertained an innate aversion to pollu- tion, whether moral or physical. One consequence of this The ^.Ife of Commoners, K'^ J^TJnoifiiito .■ Tn HJSTOR V OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. IJT disposition was that superstition prevailed greatly. Despite the issue of several proclamations, especially after the Taikwa Reforms, people were governed by such a strong aversion to the sight of sickness that travellers were often left to die by the roadside from thirst, hunger, or disease, and householders even went to the lenc^th of thrustine out of doors and abandoning to utter destitution servants who suf- fered from chronic maladies. When a man had witnessed something unclean, or when he considered himself polluted for any reason, it was the traditional custom to undergo a process of purification by strewing salt or pouring out briny water. In case of sickness, recourse was had to prayer in the first place, medical aid and drugs being regarded as secondary aids. In the capital, patients could consult physicians of repute, as Wake and Tamba, but in the country medical assistance was very difficult to jDrocure. Thus, whenever, an epidemic occurred, the number of death that resulted was enormous. A school existed in every province, but as the students taught there were chiefly the sons of local governors and officials, education was not by any means general. The basis of all instruction was the inculcation of moral precepts. Even a devoted Buddhist like the Emperor Kogen issued an order that in every house there must be kept a copy of the Confucian classic, Kokyo. Examples of loyalty, filial piety, chastity, and fidelity were held up for public imitation, and the first aim of the anthers of the age was to familiarize the people with these object lessons in morality. 1^2 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. SECTION IX. Local Gtyvcrnnicnt System — Private Ownership of fixed Property — The Four Great Clans : Minamoto, Taira, FiLJiwara, and Tachibano. — Military Instittitions. — TJic Tengyo Rebellion. A feature of the great Taikwa Reforms had been that all the land in the country became the recognized propert)- of the State, and at the same time the principle of allotment to individuals was established. Uncultivated lands, how- ever, were suffered to remain in the possession of local officials and farmers. Originally the term of service for the governor of a province was fixed at four years, but in the reign of the Empress Kogen it was extended to six. Re- appointment was generally an object of keen desire to these officials. They employed every possible means to compass it, since to remain in administrative control of a province for a long period signified opportunities of appropriating fertile land and the ultimate acquirement of large territolial possessions. In the case of the headman of a district, office was originally supposed to be for life. But even that limit soon fell into neglect, and the post was handed down from father to son through many generations. To check the abuses arising out of such a state of affairs, visiting in- spectors were appointed in the reign of the Empress Gensho. These inspectors were chosen from among the ablest of the provincial governors. In a report addressed b)^ one of them (762 A.D.) to the Emperor Junnin. this remarkable declaration occurs : — " No such thing as justice is now executed by any provincial governor in the realm." During the Heian Epoch the Emperor Heizei sought to mend matters b)- instituting the office of superintendent of pro- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. vincial administrations, one superintendent being appointed for each of the eight circuits (ddj. Other Sovereigns frequently issued instructions designed in the same sense, but despite the orders of the Central Government and the influence of the superintendents, provincial governors con- tinued to tread the old wonted paths, their selfish arbitrari- ness becoming more unbridled in proportion as the prestige of the administration in the capital grew feebler and the official orofanization more lax. Nor were these habits of illegal land-appropriation con- fined to rural districts. Even in the metropolis men began to obtain territorial possessions. Under the terms of the Taiho statutes the incomes of members of the Imperial Family, of Ministers, and of other officials, were fixed. The emoluments of the Chief Minister of State were of four kinds ; first, revenue from fixed property, amounting to three thousand houses ; secondly, revenue on account of office, which was forty did ; thirdly, revenue on account of rank, which was 80 cho\ and fourthly, a semi-annual allowance consisting of thirty pieces of silk (the kind called " pongee ") ; thirty bundles of cotton wadding, three hundred pieces of linen and one hundred and forty ploughs. He was also given personal guards, who, from the name which they bore (sliijin), seem to have acted in the capacity of vassals. (The guards attached to members of the Imperial Family were called chonai, or " men within the curtain.") Sometimes special grants of land were made by the Sovereign, and to mark the Imperial apprecia- tion of distinguished- services it was customary to bestow ''land for merit." The other Minister of the Crown received salaries on a proportionate scale. But as the prosperity of the capital increased and the scale of living 134 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. grew more luxurious, it became difficult for the Imperial Princes and Administrative officials to support their dignit\- b)- means of their salaries and allowance alone. Hence they set themselves to reclaim and cultivate waste lands, the produce of which supplemented their emolu- ments. Such lands were called " estates " (slioycu), a term originally limited to lands granted to Princes and Ministers of State for the purpose of defra)ing expenditures incurred in connection with their positions, but now extended so as to apply also to land reclaimed and appro- priated by these nobles. Even as earl)- as the reigns of Kwammu and Saga the area of such estates was very great. Reference has already been made to the system of resuming and re-assigning allotted lands once in every six years, but the practice ceased to be operative, and when Seiwa was on the Throne (860 a.d.) land were found which had not been resumed for as much as hft)' or sixty years. People not disposed to till their lands sold them, and rich folks began to acquire large tracts. This monopolization of the land b}- the wealthy classes was prohibited more than once by Notification, but it continued unchecked. Cunning people evaded the public obligations devolving on land-owners by nomi- nally transferring their lands to powerful nobles or to temples, and themselves taking the position of stewards or superintendents. In tliat capacity they were called either " intendants " or " retainers," the ostensible holders of the land being known as " landlords." By degrees all the fertile districts and all the newly reclaimed lands were in that manner absorbed into the estates of the great nobles or of the temples, and since the)- were thus exempted from the control of the provincial governors as well as from the necessity of paying taxes, not onl)- the power of the local HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. TJj authorities but also the revenues of the centural Government gradually suffered diminution. During the reign of the Emperor Kwammu the plan was introduced of reducing to the rank of subjects and giving family names to such of the Imperial Princes as were of inferior descent on the mother's side. Kwammu 's son, Saga, who had so many children that the revenue of the Imperial Household did not suffice to maintain them, followed the precedent established by his father, giving the name " Minamoto " to several of his sons. Thenceforth the device passed into a custom, and Imperial Princes were frequently appointed to official positions in the Central or Local Governments under the family names of Minamoto or Taira. Those who obtained the posts of Provincial Gover- nors acquired large influence in the districts administered by them, their descendants becoming military chiefs with great followings of relatives and retainers. The Minamoto Clan comprised no less than fourteen families, among them the descendants of the Emperor Seiwa being the most numerous and conspicuous. It was from that clan that the celebrated Yoritomo subsequently sprang. The Taira Clan, on the other hand, consisted of four families, prin- cipally descendants of the Emperor Kwammu. To it be- longed the great Kiyomori. Such was the origin of the clans in Japanese history. Thenceforth the four clans, Minamoto, Taira, Pujiwara, and Tachibana overshadowed all other families and played the leading parts on the Japa- nese national stage. It has already been noted that an office called Kcbii- shi-cJw was created, exercising wide functions of police and so forth. Under the system elaborated by the Taiho re- 7j6 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAA'. formers, earrisons of fixed strenijth were established in all the provinces, and in the metropolis were g'uards of five kinds. Men for service in the garrisons and guards were levied by conscription from among the people, those upon whom the lot fell being required to join the nearest garrison. Persons owing horses were drafted into the cavalry ; the rest into the infantry. Of the soldiers thus levied, a part were sent to Dazai-fu, in Kiushu to defend the Western coast ; and a part to Kyoto, which they were required to guard. The military organization was very complete. Equestrian arch- ery, the use of the sword, and the manipulation of long spears, were the arts taught to the soldiers. For the defence of the coasts catapults also were used. The metropo- litan troops grew more and more effeminate as years of peace succeeded each other. The Six Guards also ceased to be serviceable, and the high police court ( Danjotai ) was so inactive that it failed either to prosecute unjust officials or to arrest offenders against the law. Hence the power and influence of the KcbiisJii increased constantly. As time went by, bandits and marauders pillaged the pro- vinces, especially those in the east, and the coasts of Nan- kaido and Chugoku were infested by pirates. Consequently, from the reign of the Emperor Montoku (850 a.d.) KcbiisJii were stationed in every province, and in the days of the Emperor Shujaku (930 a.d.) an Inspector-General ( Oryoshi ) was appointed in the eastern districts. These various offices were eagerly sought after by the samurai (military men) of the Minamoto, Taira, and Fujiwara clans, who regard- ed them as means of showing their capacity and satisfying their ambition. In this way the ascendency of the military classes was gradually established. In the second year of the Tcngyo era (939 a.d.), the HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPA.Y. IJJ Emperor Shujaku being on the Throne, a family of the Taira Clan rebelled against the Imperial authority. This was in the eastern provinces. Taira-no-Takamochi, a great- grandson of the Emperor Kwammu, had been appointed Vice-Governor of the province of Kadzusa. There his family gradually grew in numbers and influence, some of them becoming governors of the Provinces of Kadzusa, Shimoosa, and Hidachi. Among Takamochi's grandsons there was a daring but fierce soldier, by name Masaka- do. Though of Imperial descent, he obeyed the custom of the time, namely, that every Samurai must obtain a livelihood by entering the service of the Fujiwara Clan. Masakado became a vassel of Fuji\vara-no-Tadahira, through whose influence he hoped to obtain the office of KcbiisJii. But his aspiration was not satisfied, and being incensed by failure, he returned to the province of Shimoosa, gathered a number of disaffected warriors to his standard, and made organized attacks upon the Governors of the neighbour- ing provinces. He established his head-quarters at Ishii, in the district of Sashima, nominated certain of his followers to be officers of his court, after the model of the Governmental system in Kyoto, and on the strength of being descended from a Sovereign, proclaimed himself Emperor. In the whole course of Japanese history this is the only instance of a rebellion directed against the Throne. Simultaneously with this disturbance in the eastern pro- vinces, Fujiwara-no-Sumitomo, who held the third post in the government of lyo province, revolted against the con- stituted Authorities. These two rebellions shook the whole empire. Yet the Imperial Court remained for a long time ignorant of the dangers that were impending. When finally the news reached Kyoto, it caused much consternation. A general was quickly despatched against the rebels in the Tj8 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. eastern provinces, but befor he arrived there, Masakado's cousin, Taira-no-Sadamori, and Fujiwara-no-Hidesato, In- spector-General of Shimotsuke, defeated and killed Masa- kado. In the west, Sumitomo was able for a brief period to retain the ascendency, but he too was ultimately defeated and taken prisoner by Ono-no-Yoshifuru and Minamoto- no-Tsunemoto, who had been sent to attack him. These two revolts are known in history as the Tengyo Re- bellions." Tsunemoto was a gradson of the Emperor Seiwa. He founded the renowned clan of Minamoto. The precedent thus established, namely, that of one military clan applying itself to quell the rebellion of another, was followed in after years, with the inevitable result that the military clans became the chief factors in the State. Ninety years after the Tengyo Rebellions, that is to say, in the reign of the Emperor Goichijo, Taira-no-Tada- tsune, Vice-Governor of the province of Kadzusa. revolted and obtained possession of the provinces of Kadzusa and Shimoosa. He was defeated, however, by Minamoto-no- Yorinobu. a grandson of Tsunemoto. At that time. Yori- nobu's father. Mitsunaka, and his brother. Yorimitsu, were famed for excellence in the science of arms and strategy, as well as for bravery, and were regarded as the mainstays of the Imperial authority. Twenty years after the rebellion of Tadatsune. during the reign of Goreizei. Abe-no-Yori- toki, chieftain of an inferior tribe in Mutsu. together with his son Sadato. raised an insurrection, the dis- turbances resulting from which lasted for nine years, and were known as the Nine Years' War. Yet again, thirty years later, Kiyowara Takehira and his nephew lye- hira rebelled, throwing the provinces of Mutsu and Dewa into a state of tumult. This revolt was called the Three HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. T^g Years' War. The two insurrections were quelled respec- tively b)' Yoriyoshi, the son, and Yoshiiye, the grandson of Yorinobu. Thus the influence of the Minamoto Clan be- came paramount among the military men of the eastern pro- vinces. Nobles who possessed large tracts of land were called Daimyo (lit. great name), their vassals going by the name of lycnoko (servitors) or Rodo (retainers). As the mili- tary class increased in numbers, it became expedient to distinguish one house from another, and many appellations were consequently formed by suffixing to the name of a clan the name of the place where the person resided or of the hereditary office which he held. SamiLrai beloneine to the Fujiw^ara Clan began to call themselves Saito, Sato, Kondo, Kudo, and so forth, while the branch families of the Minamoto employed such names as Yamato Genji, Tada- Genji. Watanabe, Matsura, etc. Eight families, all of Taira kinship, were located in the eastern provinces. Family names thus adopted were designated vtyoji. It was in this era that the house names now used in Japan had their origin. Almost all the provinces were parcelled out among the military class. That was especially the case with the east- ern provinces. It is true that appointments of provincial governors continued to be made. But their functions were purely nominal. The control of local administration rested with the holders of the land. The so-called " governors " did not proceed to the places of their appointment, but re- mained quietly in the capital. Courtiers and officials of the Central Government des- pised administrative duties, whether civil or militar)-. Hence, 140 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. in the event of a disturbance, or of a feud among themselves about the grasp of power, they were driven to rely upon the miHtary classes, thus involuntary but surely strengthening the influence of the men whom they professed to contemn. Briefly speaking, although the Fujiwara remained in Kyoto and filled all the important posts in the Central Government, their sway was only apparent. The reins of State affairs were in reality held by the military classess dispersed through- out the provinces. SECTION X. Interference of abdicated Emperors in State Affairs . TABLE SHOWING LINEAGE AND SUCCESSION OF SOVEREIGNS. 71st Emperor Go?anj6 (1009-1073 a.d.) I 72nd Emperor Shirakawa (1073-1087 A.D.) 73rd Emperor Horikawa (1087-1 109 a.d.) I 74th Emperor Toda (1109-1124 A.r>.) \ \ I 75th Emperor Sutoku 77th Emperor Goshiralcawa 76tli Emperor Konoye (II24-II42 A.D.) (II56-II59 A.D.) (^1142-1156 A.D.) 78th Emperor Nijo (i 159-1 166 a.d.) 80th Emperor Takakura ( 1 169-1 iSo a.d.) 79th Emperor Rokujo Sist Emperor Aiitoku 82nd Emperor Goloba (II66-I169 A.D.) (II80-I186 A.D.) (1 189-1 199 A.D.) Fujiwara Michinaga, the most powerful chief of the great clan, died in the third year of the 77/^;^;'/^ era (1687 of the Japanese Empire; 1027 a.d.), during the reign of Goichijo. His son, Yorimichi, succeeded to his official position and remained Chief Minister of State during fifty years. The power and influence of the r\ijiwara reached their zenith at that epoch. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 141 The Emperor Goshujaku abdicated in favour of the Heir Apparent — who reigned as Goreizei — and at the same time appointed his second son, Takahito, to be Heir Apparent in succession to Goreizei. Takahito's mother did not belong to the Fujiwara Clan : she was a daughter of the Emperor Sanjo. This departure from the establish- ed custom that the Sovereign or Heir Apparent should always choose his consort from the Fujiwara Family, caused much umbrage to the Chief Minister of State, Yorimichi, but the latter's brother, Yoshinobu, supported the Em- peror's choice, and Yorimichi was induced to accede. The Prince whose consort had been the subject of this friction, subsequently succeeded to the Throne as the renowned Emperor Gosanjo (1069- 107 3 a.d.) Having been Crown Prince during a long interval, he had acquired familiarity with State Affairs. Moreover, his erudition was extensive, and his character vigorous, enterprising, and austere. He had conceived a strong aversion for the over-bearing manners of the great nobles of his time, and immediately after his succession he declared that, so far , as he was concerned, the Fujiwara Clan were not Imperial relatives. Yorimichi was obliged to resign office and retire to Uji. It is true that he was succeeded in the post of Chief Minister by his brother Norimichi. But the appointment was only in name : the political power reverted in reality to the Imperial Family. This Soverign devoted all his energies to restore order in administrative affairs. He urged the duty of economy ; interdicted the re-appointment of pro- vincial governors to the same districts on the expiration of their official terms ; and eliminated many other abuses. But after a brief reign of only four years, this sagacious monarch resigned his Throne to the Heir Apparent, who became the Emperor Shirakawa. Gosanjo's purpose seems 14-2 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. to have been to continue and complete his reforms after abdicating. But heaven was not propitious. He died within the year of his resignation, regretted by the whole nation. Even Yorimichi, whose loss of power might have inspired a sentiment of hostility, was constrained to admire the Sovereign's character and to mourn his death, saying that no greater calamity had befallen the country. The Emperor Shirakawa resembled his father in energy of character. Administrative affairs were all controlled by him, the Fujiwara Family being reduced to a condition of comparative dependence. He reigned fourteen years, and abdicated in favour of his son, Horikawa. But despite this transfer of the sceptre, the administrative power remained in the hands of the ex-Emperor. Then, for the first time, was the ex-Emperor's Court duly organized. His Ministers were called Bdto. A considerable force of soldiers was under his orders. He virtually directed affairs of State. The title of the ex-Emperor was Iiisci (camera Admini- strator). Thenceforth the reigning Sovereign had onl)- to fold his hands and follow the counsels of his predecessor. His own orders carried no weight. His Ministers and officials had no functions to discharge except to be present at occasional Court ceremonials. Thus was effected the transfer of Administrative power from the reigning to the ex-Emperor with corresponding diminution of the former's visi])le responsibility — a singular phase of Japanese history. The Emperor Gosanjo made earnest endeavours to check the growdi of great landed estates, l^ut the ac- cumulated evils of that abuse proved too much for his control. His successor, Shirakawa, though exercising full administrative sway, was not so frugal as his father had HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. I4.J been. He levied taxes for the purpose of building a palace at Toba. That Imperial edifice was on a scale of great magnificence and the grounds surrounding it were laid out in elaborate style, with artificial hills, lakes, and rockeries of unprecedented extent. Other palaces and parks were also constructed ; new kinds of entertainment were devised, and luxury was carried to an extravagant height. Further, the Emperor Shirakawa was deeply devoted to Buddhism. His enthusiasm in that respect did not fall short of the zeal of his predecessor Shomu. More than ten State visits were paid by him to the temples at Koya and Kumano. Many religious edifices were built under his patronage. In truth, the Buddhist images and richly- decorated temples erected at that epoch might be counted by thousands, immense sums of money being lavished for such purposes, as well as for the celebration of religious rites or for alms which the priests distributed. To kill animals, birds, or insects was strictly interdicted in every part of the Empire. The repasts in the Palace itself con- sisted of vegetables only, fish or flesh not being used. Many Princes of the Blood took the scarf and cowl, thus establishing a precedent afterwards largely followed under the name of Ho-shimw (priest princes). Indulgence in luxury and lavish devotion to Buddhism naturally depleted the coffers of the State. Offices began to be sold for money. It is true that the lands through- out the country were, for the most part, in the possession of territorial magnates, and that the area fallinor under the control of provincial governors was small. Nevertheless, men were found who aspired to possess the title of gover- nor and were willing to purchase it with large quantities of grain and silk. In this way the office of provincial 14^ HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN: governor became hereditary in more than thirty instances, and the purpose of the TaiJio statutes was completely frus- trated. The Penal Code enacted and promulgated in the same era ( TaiJw) had already long ceased to be operative. The facts that, from the Nara Epoch onwards, men of all ranks, from Ministers of State to private persons, gave zealous allegiance to Buddhism, and that priests of the highest talents and erudition applied themsevles to propagate the faith so that it spread tliroughout the land, have been sufficiently emphasized above. It must be noted, however, that, as we learn from a memorial presented by Miyoshi Kiyotsura in the Eiigi era (901-922 a.d.), the priests of Buddha, inflated by the reverence which they received from the people, grew haughty and overbear- ing. The temples, in many cases, became possessed of extensive estates ; that disputes arose among the sects, and that military forces were maintained at some of the monasteries. Conspicuous among all the temples for wealth and magnificence were the EnryakiL-j i at Hieizan. founded by Dengyo Daishi, and the Kofuku-ji at Nara, the family mausoleum of the great Fujiwara House. These two build- ings were termed Hoktirei and Nanto, respectively. The temple Onjo-ji, or Miidera. was scarcely less prosperous than either of the above, and in a cagetory not much lower may be placed such temples as ShicJiidai-ji, yudai-ji, and yu(^odai-ji. It was at the EnryakiL-ji that the custom had its origin of employing military forces to protect Buddhism. There, for the first time, priests were trained in the arts of war. These, sacerdotal soldiers were called So/ici. Ihe principle of maintaining them was adopted at many temples, but nowhere did the SoJici exhibit such truculence as in the case of Enryaku-ji. When the Lord High Abbot of a J^^^ fff ' ^:' .^" ^!> Qp I W * I m J Sohei {sac( tal soldiers). \ Vi ^^^ ? -^-o/ ^1 niSTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAA. 1 45 temple was appointed, it was the custom that the priests of the temple, if they objected to the appintment, or if, sub- sequently, they had cause of complaint against his ministra- tion, should appeal to the Imperial Court for his removal. On such occasions, it became habitual for the complainants to wear armour and carry bow and spear when they sub- mitted their grievance. They did not shrink even from attacking the residence of the Kwampakit. During the reign of Shirakawa, the military priests, relying on the Sovereign's marked devotion to their creed, developed such lawless independence that on more than one occasion they entered Kyoto in turbulent force, dragging with them the sacred cars of Hie, Kitano, and so forth. This conduct caused the Emperor grave anxiety, but he appears to have been unable to check it. On one occasion, lamenting the arbitrary conduct of the Buddhists, he said : — '' There are but three things in my dominions that do not obey me : the waters of the Kamo River, the dice of Sugoroku players, and the priests of Buddha." Finally, the Sovereign was driven to invite the Minamoto Clan to defend him against the rebellious proceedings of the priests, and from that time dates an era of feuds between the followers of religion and of the sword. The priests of Enryakii-ji were not alone in their contumacious conduct. From the N^anto also came a body of Sohci, carrying with them the sacred car of Kasuga and menacing the Palace. Against these rioters it was difficult for the martial defenders of the Court to adopt efficient measures, their hands being restrained by respect for the sacred symbols which the truculent priests escorted. So, too, at other temples in the environs of the city soldiers were trained, and the disorders and bloodshed resulting from this system seriousl)^ disturbed the tranquillity of the capital. It is on record that there were included 14^ ins TORY OF THE EjIPIRE OF JAPAN. among these fighting priests men originary belonging to the military class, who, failing to obtain promotion in the regular routine of feudal administration, adopted the cowl as a means of working out their ambitious designs. SPX'TKW XI. The Hogcu and Hciji Insurrections. — The Rise and Fall of the Taira. ( Hei ) Family. llie ex-Emperor Shirakawa ultimately became a Ho-d, that is to say, adopted the tonsure and devoted himself nominally to a life of religion. His son Horikawa, a man of mucli intelligence, brought great zeal to the discharge of his Imperial functions, but failed to eichieve anything note- worthy, the administration being virtually directed and con- trolled by the cx-Emperor, even after he had ostensibly retired from public life. The succeeding Sovereigns, Sutoku and Toba, continued in the same groove of unreal authority, the Ho-d being always the actual ruler. Shirakawa died in the 4th year of the Daiji era (1130 a.d.), while the Emperor Sutoku occupied the Throne, and after his death, the ex-Emperor Toba assumed charge of administrative affairs and held it for 2S years. During that interval the Buddhist soldiers behaved with the greatest lawlessness, constantly disturbing the peace of the capital, and the military class simultaneously became turbulent and vicious. Among these scenes of tumult and violence, the Court itself was torn by tlisputes and its corruption became a subject of public scandal. Toba, after he became Hd-o, had many female favourites, of whom Bifuku-mon-in enjoyed the largest share of his affections. Being on bad terms with his eldest son, the reigning Sovereign, Toba took advantage of 1 J IS TORY OF THE K.MPIRE OF JAPA.V. 147 the birth of a son by Bifuku-mon-in to bring- about the abdica- tion of the Emperor and cause his favourite's child to succeed to the Throne at the age of two years. This was the Emperor Konoye. His uncle, Fujiwara-no-Tadamichi, was appointed Regent. The ex-Emperor, Sutoku, being still young, was much incensed at having been obliged to abdi- cate. Hence when Konoye died, after a reign of 14 years Sutoku desired ardently that his son, Prince Shigehito, should succeed to the Throne. The Regent Tadamichi had a brother named Yorinaga, whose partial treatment by their father had produced a feud between them. Yorinaga, a man of activity, erudition, and ability, then held the post of Second Minister of State. He strongly supported the cles!o;n of the ex-Emperor Sutoku. Bifuku-mon-in and Tada- michi, on their side, acting in concert with the Ho-o, Toba. opposed the accession of Prince Shigehito, and alleged in objection that the untimely death of the Emperor Konoye had resulted from sorcery practised by Sutoku. The can- didate to whom they gave their support was Goshirakawa, brother of Konoye, who was counted a youth of inferior capa- cit)'. Sutoku's anger against these proceedings was intense. Being informed just then of the death of the Hd-o, Toba, he proceeded to the latter's palace, but the guards refused to admit him, pretending that the deceased had desired the exclusion. This insult incensed Sutoku beyond endurance. Repairing to the residence of Yorinaga, he took council with him, and finally, retiring to the Shirakawa Palace, declared open war against his opponents, being bravel)' succoured by Minamoto-no-Tameyoshi, Taira-no-Tadamasa, and their followers. Bifuku-mon-in and Tadamichi placed the young- Emperor, ("ioshirakavv^a, in the Higashi Sanjo Palace. They counted among their chief allies Yoshitomo, the eldest son of Tame)oshi, Minamoto-no-Yoshimasa, and Kiyomori, the T^S HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAP AX. nephew of Tadamasa. One sang-uinary engagement sufficed to break the power of Sutoku. He became a priest, but was ultimately exiled to Sanuki. Yorinaga died of an accidentally inflicted arrow-wound, and Tameyoshi and Tadamasa. together with man\' other men of note, were slain. The name ©f the era being thereafter chanoed to Hogcn, this affair was spoken of by posterity- as the Hogen Insurrection. The battle that ended the lono- strueelc lasted for onl)- one day, but its character and circumstances can never be forgotten. It was veritably an internecine fight ; Sutoku against his brother Goshirakawa ; Tadamichi against his brother Yorinaga ; Tameyoshi against his son Yoshitomo ; Tadamasa against his nephew Kiyomori. From time immemorial no such unnatural contest had been waged in Japan. Men spoke of it in after years as the battle that destroyed human relations and ignored all the principles of moralit)'. Four hundred and eighty-five years previousl}-, there had occurred a quarrel of a similar nature between two Emperors. It was the Jinsliin Insurrection, a sufficiently lamentable incident, but not comparable in some respects with the afiair just related. The origin of the Hogen distur- bance is to be ascribed to the fact that the ex-Emperor Toba had man)- female favourites who interfered in the Administra- tion of State affairs, with the result that the councils of the Court were swaj'ed by partiality, and that just cause of in- dignation was given to men of c-minence. But these sources of troul)]e were greatly accentuated b\ the struggle then in progress between the F^ujiwara brothers, each of whom aimed at obtaining the chief office in the Government. If, however, the histor)- of the time be studied still more closely, we find that while the above factors were proxi- matel)- responsible for what occurred, the more remote causes may be traced to the early years of the Heian Epoch, \ -^>.- «8**St. ■•>A.;' •***i«.;- -A J ^^ i(fe^ Cl^ a^^- .jjl^-7 Jt' ,.-S*^'' Battle at e Taiken Grate. iv-i % jtaSSE >*f. **«! ' •) I .!^. *% HISTORY OF THE EMPUiE OF JAPAN. T^Q when public moralit)- began to be corrupted, and men de- voted themselves to the attainment of unworthy objects, careless of name and fame. The Hogen disturbance had not long been settled when fresh troubles arose. Among the Councillors of State at that era, Fujiwara-no-Michinori, who had stood high in the esti- mation of the Emperor Goshirakawa, was a conspicuously able politician. Even after the accession of the Emperor Nijo. Michinori continued to enjoy the Imperial confidence. But he had many enemies. In connection with some private affair he had given deep umbrage to Fujiwara-no-Nobuyori, an official holding the office of Chunaoon Krhiishi (Council- lor of State and Chief Police Official), who had been a favourite of the Emperor Goshirakawa after the latter's abdication. Minamoto-no-Yoshitomo also was disafiected. Believing that his services in the Hogen disturbance had been more meritorious than those of Taira-no-Kiyomori, he nevertheless saw the latter rewarded with much greater liberality ; and having offered his own daughter in marriage to a son of Michinori, the proposal had been abruptly declined, Michinori choosing .Kiyomori's daughter in pre- ference. Nobuyori and Yoshitomo ultimately raised the standard of revolt, in the first year of the Hciji era (1159 A.T).), and having secured the cooperation of the ex-Emperor (Goshirakawa) by intimidation, forced their way into the Palace and obtained possession of the person of the reign- ing Sox-^ereign. Nobuyori then procured for hiniselt the posts of Chief Minister of State and Generalissimo, pro- moted Yoshitomo, and caused Michinori to be put to death. The revolution was short-lived. Nobuyori had not admin- istered the affairs of State for ten days before the Emperor made his escape to the Mansion of Taira-no-Kiyomori, and /fO HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. the ex-Emperor to the temple Xinnaji. Thereupon Kiyo- mori with his son Shigemori attacked the insurgents and utterly routed them. Nobu)ori was captured and slain. Yoshitomo succeeded in effecting;" his escape to Owari, but was finall)- put to death by the Taira adherents. All the other leaders of the rebellion and those who had prominently participated in it, were exiled. This affair is known as the Heiji Insurrection. The power of the Minamoto Clan had been greatly broken in the Hogen disturbance, when Tame- yoshi and his followers fell, and the loss of Yoshitomo and his adherents in the Heiji trouble brought the great Clan almost to complete ruin. Among the few of its scions who survived was Yoritomo, the son of Yoshitomo. He was exiled to the eastern provinces, thence to emerge at a later date and win one of the greatest names in Japanese histor)-. After the cjuelling of the Heiji disturbance, the Taira I'amily attained preeminent prosperity and power. The fortunes of this great house had been materially advanced by Tadanori, a brave and able captain, who enjoyed the favour of the ex-Emperor Toba. His son Ki)omor!, also a man of daring and decision, raised the famil)'s prestige still higher by his services at the Hogen crisis, and carried it to its zenith by the conspicuous ability of his action in the Heiji disturbiince. On the odier hand, the rival famil\- of Minamoto having been reduced to insignificance b)- the death of its chief, Yoshitomo, and b\- the events that immediately ensued, the whole militar}' power of the empire came into the; hands of the Taira I-'amily. Kiyomori was promoted to the position of Condainagon (\'ice-Councillor of State), an event that attracted much attention. The Taira r^amil)-, though of Imperial lineage, had been looked down upon 1))' the high Court nobles on account of its HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Tjl military career, and it was considered a notable occurrence that Kiyomori should have been nominated to a post of such consequence. This was, in truth, the first instance of a military noble's participation in the administration of State affairs, and it may be regarded as the dawn of an era when they were to fall entirely under military control. The sister of Ki)omori's wife bore a son to the ex- Emperor Goshirakawa. Kiyomori's favour at Court was so great that he succeeded in getting this child named Heir Apparent, and it ultimately ascended the Throne as Taka- kura Tenno, after the abdication of Rokujo. Throughout the reign of Takakura the ex-Emperor Goshirakawa was the actual ruler. Meanwhile, Kiyomori had steadil)' pro- gressed in Imperial favour, until, in the second )-ear of the Ninnan era (1167), he became chief minister of State. Shortly afterwards, however, he resigned that post, and taking the tonsure, became a priest under the name of Jokai. None the less he remained at his previous place of residence, Rokuhara attending to the management of State affairs as before. From that time dates the custom subsequently followed by the military class of making Rokuhara the seat of administration. When the influence of Kiyomori reached its zeinith, he conceived the design of securing permanent official supremacy for himself and his heirs by contriving that the consort of the Sovereign should be taken from his family, as had been the habit in the case of the Fujiwara. In pursuance of that project, he induced the Emperor to marry his daughter. Shigemiori, his son, held the important offices of Lord Keeper of the Priv)- Seal and Genera- lissimo of the Left, while almost the whole of his kinsmen 152 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. and followers occupied prominent positions in the central and local Governments, The number of provinces over which the sway of the clan extended was more than thirty, and it came to be a saying of the time that nobody who was anybody belonged to an)- family except that of Taira. The members of the Fujiwara Clan could not compete with those of the Taira. Even the Regent. Motofusa, and the Chief Minister of State, Motomichi, saw them- selves reduced to comparative insignificance. Naturally such conspicuous ascendency caused offence in many quarters. Thus, the Court Councillor Fujiwara-no-Nari- chika, a favourite official of the ex-Emperor Goshirakawa, in combination with several others, elaborated a plot to overthrow the Taira sway. But the scheme was de- tected, and its authors and promoters were all put to death by order of Kiyomori. Having been informed that the ex- Emperor — then Ho-o — had countenanced the plot, Kiyomori conceived for him a strong hatred, which was greatly accentuated when, on the death of the Taira chief's son Shigemori, the ex-Emperor, after consultation with Motofusa, caused the estates of the deceased noble- man to be confiscated. Too haughty to brook such a slight, Kiyomori set out from his mansion at Fukahara, and entering Kyoto, caused the ex-Emperor to be seized and confined in the Toba Palace, thirt) -nine of his Majest)'s high officials being dismissed at the same time. Even towards the reigning Sovereign himself the demeanour of the Taira chief was so arrogant and his methods were so arbitrary, that the Emperor finally abdicated in favour of the Crown Prince, who reigned under the name of Antoku. This Sovereign was the son of the retiring Emperor and his mother was Kiyomori's daughter, so that the Taira Family then stood towards the Imperial House in the same relation IllSTOR y OF T//E EMPIRE OF JAPAN. /f? as that formerly occupied by the Fujiwara. Moreover, not only did they stand in such a relation and enjoy all the administrative privileges that it conferred, but they slso possessed the whole military power of the time, their position thus being one of unprecedented influence and supremacy. Nevertheless, even among the members of a family so puissant, there were to be found some feeble nobles who had no skill in military exercises nor could boast any accomplishment except the art of composing stanzas, playing on musical instruments, or practising some effeminate pastime. Among the members of the Minamoto Family at the time of which we write was one Yorimasa, who, incensed by the arbitrary proceeding of the Taira officials, persuaded Prince Mochihito, son of the ex-Emperor Goshirakawa and brother-in-law of the Emperor Takakura, to form an alliance with the priests of Oiijo-ji and Kofukit-ji, their object being to expel Kiyomori from Court and to rescue the ex-Emperor from his confinement in the Toba Palace. In the fifth month of the year of Antoku's succession (iiSoa.d.), Prince Mochihito sent Yukiiye, younger brother of the late Yoshitomo, to the Minamoto Family in the eastern pro- vinces, carrying an edict which summoned them to rise and overthrow the Taira Family. Meanwhile, the scheme having been discovered in Kyoto, the Prince set out, es- corted by Yorimasa, for Nanto or Nara, where he purposed to take refuge. On their way thither, however, they were attacked and their force defeated at Uji by a body of troops under Shigehira who had been sent by Kiyomori to intercept them, Yorimasa committed suicide, and the Prince died of a wound received from a stray arrow. Therep.fter the con- finement of the ex-Emperor became still more rigorous. In T34 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAX. Kyoto Ki)omori found himself threatened from time to time by the Buddhist troops of A^anto and Hokurci, so that finall)-. despite the opposition of man)- notables, he decided to remove the capital to Fukuhara, where his own mansion was situated. He constructed a fine harbour at the site of Fuku- hara near Hyogo, and caused a canal to be cut between Aki and Bingo to facilitate navigation. That excavation v\'as called Ondo-no-seto. In the eighth month of the year 1180 a.d., the exile, Minamoto-no-Yoritomo, in obedience to the mandate of Prince Mochihito, raised a force of troops in the island of Izu. Many partizans flocked to his standard from Kwanto, the former seat of Minamoto influence. In the ninth month another Minamoto chief Yoshinaka, also took the field in the Prince's cause, his head-quarters being at Kiso, in Shinano, where he collected a large body of soldiers. Kiyomori lost no time despatching a powerful army against the rebels, but his forces suffered defeat and were driven back to Fukuhara. Meanwhile, Kiyomori, finding that public opinion resented the removal of the capital to Fukuhara, transferred it again to Kyoto, whither also the Emperor and the ex-Emperor returned. After the discomfiture of the arm}- sent b) the Taira chief against \V)ritomo and Yoshinaka, man)- ])uissant warriors of the Hokuriku region threw in their lot with ihc Minamoto, and the force at the latter's disposal assumed formidable dimensions. Even the great temples in the vicinity of the capital opened communications with the insurgents. Exasperated b)- this action on the part of the priests, Ki)'omori sent troops to attack tht; temple 0?ij'o-ji\ which was reduced to ashes. A11 arm) was also HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. IJj marched against Nanto, and the celebrated temples Todai-ji and Kofukii-ji were burned to the ground, all the lands attached to them being confiscated. These extreme measures served to temporarily check the active exercise of priestly power, but did not affect the prestige of the Minamoto, whose strength continued to grow rapidly. Kiyomori finally saw himself compelled to relax the ex- Emperor's confinement, and even to allow him to resume an active part in the administration of State affairs. But in the year 1182, the great Taira chief was stricken by a fatal malad}% and expired after a brief illness. He was succeeded b}- his son Munemori, who did not spare to direct all the strength of the clan against the Minamoto, But fortune shone on the latter's arms in several encounters, until, in the seventh month of 1183 a.d.. Minamoto-no- Yoshinaka inflicted a signal defeat on the Taira forces in a pitched battle, and dividing his own army into two bodies, pushed, via the Tosan and Hokuriku routes, as far as the temple Eiiryaku-ji in the immediate vicinity of Kyoto, where he was secretly visited at night by the ex-Emperor Goshirakawa. The Emperor Antoku now fled westward, carrying with him the Three Sacred Insignia, and escorted by Munemori and the Taira forces. Efforts were made by the ex-Emperor to induce the Sovereign to return, but Munemori would not suffer anothing of the kind. In the eighth month of that year (1183 a.d.) Antoku and his train reached Dazaifu, in Kyushu. The Taira clan wielded great influence in that part of the empire. Munemori was joined by all the principal fighting men of the locality, and being fur- ther re-inforced by many warriors from the island of Shikoku, found himself once more at the head of a powerful arm)'. After the departare of the Emperor Antoku from /f(5 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPA\'. Kyoto, the capital was without a Sovereign and the Govern- ment without a head. The ex-Emperor, after counsel with his ministers, caused the fourth son of the late Emperor, Takakura. to ascend the Throne under the name of Gotoba. The designation of the era was, at the same time, chano-ed to Gairyakit. This was the first coronation ceremony ever conducted without due transfer of the Three Sacred In- signia to the new monarch. There were thus two Emperors simultaneously ruling ; a situation almost analogous with that created at a later date v\hen Imperial Courts were organized in the north and in the south at the same time — the A^anchd and the Hokuc/io. The forces of the Taira and the Minamoto fought many battles in the Kyushu and Chugoku districts, the gains and losses being tolerably even on both sides. But by degrees the military magnates along the Sanyo, Nankai, and Saikai lines joined the Taira army, and its strength became so irresistible that it marched toward Kyoto, escorting Antoku. Thus the Taira saw themselves once more esta- blished at Eukuhara. They organized their lines of defence, making Eukuhara their base, and Ikuta and Ichinotani their eastern and western outposts, respectively. Meanwiiile Yoshinaka, the Minamoto leader, had become so insolent as to be imprecated and dreaded by friend and vassal alike. He also cjuarrelled with Yoritomo, who had hitherto confined his military operations to the eastern provinces, but who now sent his two brothers, Nori- )ori and Yoshitsune, to attack Yoshinaka. Tlic two former generals gained battles at l^ji and Seta, N'oshinaka's HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. Tj/ forces suffered a sig'iial defeat, Yoshinaka himself being slain, and the victors pushed on in triumph to Ichinotani to attack the Taira. The first conflict went in favour of the Minamoto. Their opponents were broken with loss of many stout soldiers. Munemori and the remnant of his troops retreated to Yashima, in Sanuki, continuing as before to carry with them the child Emperor, Antoku. In the second month of the fourth year of the J-'uei era (or the first year of the Biinji era, namely 1184 a.d.), Yoshitsune and his brother reached Yashima, in pursuit, and after a fierce fight the Taira were again defeated. Resuming their retreat and still carrying with them the Emperor, Antoku, they sailed for Dannoura in Nagato. There the decisive battle was fought, and there, for the third time, the Taira were utterly routed. Nearly all their warriors vv^ere killed. When the issue of the battle had ceased to be doubtful, the Em- peror Antoku, carrying with him the Sacred Sword and the Great Seal, plunged into the sea and was drowned. His mother, Kenreimon-in, the Taira chief Munemori, and the latter's son were taken prisoners ; and Munemori and his son were subsequently executed. The Great Seal was afterwards recovered from the sea, but the Sacred Sword was irrevoca- bly lost. Thenceforth the sword called Hirunogoza-no-tsnrugi was employed for ceremonial and official purposes. The sword buried under the waves at Dannoura was not, however, the original Sacred Sword, but only a copy of the latter, forged during the reign of the Emperor Sujin. The original blade, as has been already stated, namely, the Kusanagi- no-tsurugi, was carefully kept in the Shrine at Atsuta, even as the Sacred Mirror was preserved in the Ise Shrine. Thus, after some twenty years of power and prosperity, the Great Taira clan was broken and destroyed. Often in HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J AT AX. subsequent centuries men talked of the meteor-like rise of the Taira. of the extraordinary heights of autocracy and affluence to which the illustrious family attained, and of the terrible and tragic scenes that marked its rapid and final fall. SECTION XII. Agricultit re. — Com mcrcc. — Industn '. We conclude this chapter with a brief reference to the productive condition of the country during the epoch cover- ed by the events related above. Atrriculture beine refjarded as the chief source of na- tional wealth, every possible encouragement was given to its development from the time when the capital was at Nara through succeeding eras. In the reign of the Emperor Temmu a law^ was enacted providing that a portion of the State tax might be remitted in the case of farmers of the middle and lower classes, to facilitate the accumulation of capital for agricultural enterprise. During the reigns of Jito, Gensho, and Shomu the cultivation of wet-fields, for rice-grow- ing, was principally in vogue. In order, therefore, to encour- age the growing of other food-stuffs, grants of uplands were made in addition to the regular allotments, and steps were taken to promote the raising of barley, wheat, Indian corn' sesamum, together with such vegetables and fruits as turnips, peaches, chestnuts, oranges, mulberries, hemp, and so forth, The colonization of uninhabited districts was also encour- aged, and people were allowed to take possession of land wherever they found it possible to setde. These various measures indicate a strong desire on the part of the Go- \ernment to develop agricultural pursuits. Unfortunately, a considerable i)art of the land thus grant(;d to enterprising HISTORY OF THE EM TIRE OF JAPAN. /Jp settlers, was subsequently absorbed into the o;-reat estates of the nobles. Laws were further enacted providing that men who cultivated waste lands and obtained a good harvest, should be proportionately rewarded, and that monetary aid should be given to persons excavating reservoirs or trenches for purpose of drainage or irrigation. Regulations also existed binding farmers to store a certain quantity of millet each year, so as to avert the calamity of famine. When it was found that the condition of a province was prosperous, rewards were bestowed on the Governor, whereas punishments were meted out to the officials administering districts where agriculture was 'neglected. In a word, whereas farming methods were still more or less primitive, the Government's efforts to encourage agriculture were unremitting. Hence, although the condition of some districts was backward owing to the perfunctoriness or mismanagement of local officials, works of embankment, drainage, and irrigation pro- gressed, on the whole, from year to year, and agricultural impleitients and methods gradually improved. In the reign of the Emperor Kwammu, cotton Vvas for the first time, grown for manufacturing purpose, but this industry did not long remain in favour. The planting of tea dates from the reign of Saga, and buckwheat as well as large and small beans were added to the agricultural list in the days of the Emperor Nimmyo. It was in the reign of the latter Emperor, also, that people conceived the idea of erecting in rice-fields a wooden frame on which to hang the sheaves during the process of drying ; a device which, simple as it was, added materially to harvesting conveni- ence. The procedure hitherto in vogue had been to strew l6o HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. the rice-Stalks on the ground in order to dry them, the con- sequence not infrequently being that inclement weather in\'olved the loss of large quantities of grain. It is further worthy of special notice that Prince Yoshimine-no- Yasuyo, son of the Emperor Kwammu. invented the water-wheel, a contrivance of incalculable value in seasons of drought. There is also a record in the annals of the age that encour- agement was given to fishing and cattle pasturing. Commerce began to attain noticeable dimensions and to attract official attention from the time of the enactment and promulgation of the Tai/io statutes. All matters relat- ing to weights, measures, barter, and the regulation of market prices were supervised in the capital by the City Offices of the Left and Right and their junior branches, similar affairs in the provinces being superintended by local Governors, the whole under the control of the Finance Department. The markets opened at noon and closed at dusk, three strokes on the drum being the signal preparator)- to closing. Places where articles were exposed publicly for sale went b)' the name of Ichinokura. and houses where goods were arranged on shelves for a similar purpose were called Machi-ya. In the markets, the sections where business was conducted by men were separated from those where females traded, and the prices of the various classes of articles were fixed by the Mayor. Manufacturers of swords, spears, saddles, and laccjuer utensils were required to in- scribe their names on their work, a provision evidently inspired by the aim of fostering and encouraging technical skill. In countr)- districts the markets were held on fixed da)s, a fact permanentl)' recorded in the names given to some of the niarket sites, as for example, the towns of Yokkaichi and Itsukaichi (fourth-da)- market and fifth-day HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. l6l market). Trade with foreign nations occurred publicly only when Chinese vessels visited the shores of the country, and even then it was limited to transactions- by officials or Court nobles, very few of the non-official classes being allowed to take part in such transactions. It would appear, nevertheless, that the restrictions imposed in this respect were not effective, for not a few instances are on record of punishments inflicted on persons who secretly crossed to China for purposes of trade in the times of the Tang and Sung Dynasties. The great Taira chief, Kiyomori, with a view to establishing trade between Japan and China — which empire being then under the sway of the Sung Dy- nasty, was spoken of in Japan as the " So country " (6'J is the Japanese pronunciation of Sung) — caused improvements to be effected in the port at Hyogo, and took steps to promote intercourse with the people of the neighbouring empire, granting an interview at Fukuhara to travellers from China. But the domestic disturbances that supervened at that juncture compelled him to turn his attention to other matters. In the early days when commerce was conducted on a system of barter, rice, grass cloth, cotten, and such things served the purposes of currency, though Chinese coins were occasionally employed. In and after the Taikzua era (645- 649 A.D.), deposits of gold, silver, and other metals were found in various localities, and in the fifth year of the Kciun era (708 a.d.), during the reign of Gemmyo, the inhabitants of Musashi province presented to the Sovereign some pure copper, whereupon the year-name was changed to Wado (pure copper), to commemorate so fortunate an event. Copper and silver coins were then cast, and were known as Wado Kaichin (precious things of the ]]\idd i62 insroKY of the em tire of japa.v. era). These were the first coins made in Japan. But the people of the time being entirely unfamiliar with the use of metallic "media- of exchange, the Government had to adopt various means of promoting the circulation of the new tokens. The Sovereign conferred rank on men who made accumulations of coin ; travellers were urged to carry coins with them on their journeys ; rice-growers were ex- horted to sell their produce for coin ; and the people were allowed to substitute payments of coin for the forced labour hitherto required of them, or for taxes in kind. Sub- sequently, coinage operations were undertaken from time to time, gold, silver, and copper pieces being struck, and as these gradually found their way into general use, it goes without saying that commercial convenience was greatly promoted. No small impulse was given to material progress by the efforts of Buddhist priests, who encouraged the repair- ing of roads, the dredging of rivers, and other useful works. Their beneficent influence was conspicuously exercised in the early years of the Heian Epoch. The most prosperous towns at that time were Kaya, Otsu, Eguchi, Kanzaki, and Naniwa, in the vicinity of Kyoto, while in the provinces Hakata and Shikama were marts of note. It has already been stated that industrial pursuits made marked progress during the century, while Nara was the seat of Government. There was established at that time in the Imperial Household Department an office called KyotdsJii (bureau of Keramic utensils), to which was entrusted the duty of superintending works of pottery throughout the empire. In the Department of Finance the Shitsubushi (lacquer bereau) performed similar functions The Coin called Wadokalchin. ^A HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J ARAN. 163 with regard to the manufacture of lacquer. Tlienceforth, these two branches of inckistly made marked progress, com- mensurate with the general development of civilization. Notably in the early years of the Heian Epoch, when the standard of living was raised to a height of great luxury and refinement, gold lacquer, inlaying with mother-of-pearl, and dusting with gold with largely employed for interior deco- ration and in the manufacture of utensils and articles of daily use. Fujiwara-no-Yorimichi caused the ceiling of the Phcenix Yic^f Ho-o-do) at Uji to be inlaid with mother- of-pearl, and Fujiwara-no-Hidehira, Governor-in-Chief of Mutsu, had the interior of the temple Chnsvnji decorated with gold dust and mother-of-pearl. The glyptic art also improved rapidly with the spread of Buddhism. Great skill in this branch was developed during the reigns of Ichijo, Sanjo, and Goichijo, when there flourished two famous carvers of Buddhist images, namely, Kosho, a descend- ant of the Emperor Koko, and his son Jocho. The family of these celebrated artists inherited and applied their skill successfully through many generations. As for woven stuffs, rich brocade, sarcenet, pongee, and grass-cloth were abundantly manufactured in various parts of the empire. With regard to the art of forging swords, which at that epoch began to attract much attention, it will be referred to in a later chapter. After the disturbances of the Tcngyd era, Avhen the administration of State affairs fell into disorder, signs of deterioration made themselves apparent in all branches of industry throughout the provinces, but Kyoto had become such a centre of prosperity and refinement that it remained more or less independent of these discouraging influences. l6^ HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. PART II. Period durinc; which the AD^HNISTRATIo^' was in THE Hands of the Military Classes. CHAPTER IV. The Kaiiiakiira Era. SECTION L TJic Minanioto (Gen) Family. The circumstances connected with the rise of the Minamoto Family having- been recounted in the preced- ing Chapter, it remains now to describe how the Taira's destruction was compassed b)' the Minamoto, and how the latter, in their turn, fell from their high estate. When \^oshitsune, the )-ounger brother of ^'oritomo, had inflicted a final and crushing defeat on the Taira Clan at Dan-no-ura, he returned to Kyoto, and was appointed Mini- ster of Justice by the ex-Emperor, who treated him with marked favour. Yoritomo, however, jealous of his great renown, and not without apprehension that the young war- rior's fealty might yield to ambition, assumed an attitude of umbrage, so that Yoshitsune f- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J. I PA. W l6s kiira, where Yoritomo had established his head-quarters, was refused admission, and had to return to Kyoto without receiving the recognition to which his noteworthy achieve- ments entided him. Shortly afterwards Yoritomo sent to Kyoto a man of proved valour and strength, Tosabo Shoshun, with orders to kill Yoshitsune, but Tosabo himiself fell under Yoshitsune's sword in the attempt. Thereafter, Yukiiye, Yoshitsune's uncle — who had been originally de- spatched by the ex-Emperor with the mandate commission- ing Yoritomo to take up arms — acting in concert with Yoshitsune, induced the ex-Emperor to authorize them to destroy Yoritomo. But when Yoritomo received intelligence of these things, he addressed himself with such persistence and ability to persuade the ex-Emperor of his innocence that he succeeded in obtaining the iussue of an Imperial mandate to all the provincial authorities ordering them to arrest Yoshitsune and Yukiiye. Yoritomo thereupon de- spatched Hojo Tokimasa to Kyoto to quell the partisans of the prescribed nobles and restore order in the capital. Yukiiye was subsequently killed in the province of Idzumi, but Yoshitsune effected his escape to Mutsu, where he placed himself under the protection of the Governor-Gene- ral, Fujiwara Hidehira, a relative of his family. Not long afterwards Hidehira died. Before his decease he en- trusted Yoshitsune to the protection of his son Yasuhira. For a time Yasuhira observed this injunction, but finally received from Yoritomo explicit orders to kill the fugi- tive. So great and far-reaching was the authority of the Minamoto Chief at that time that Yasuhira had no choice but to comply with the mandate. He caused Yoshitsune to be put to death, and sent his head to Kamakura. Tradition maintains that Yoshitsune did not perish, but effected his escape to Ezo. No valid evidence is forth- l66 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPA.Y. coming; in support of such a theor)". Probably it derived some fictitious weight from the representations of per- sons interested in convicting Yasuhira of negligence. Yoritomo himself lent a willing ear to such stories. They harmonized with a desire he had entertained for some time to bring Mutsu into subjection. Pretexting that Yasuhira had shown tardiness in compassing the death of Yoshitsune, the Minamoto chief led a powerful army against him in the year 1189 a.d. Within the space of some forty days after the setting out of his expedition from Kamakura, Yasuhira and all his famil)- were destroyed ; the provinces of Mutsu and Deba were completely over-run, and the whole of Japan came under the sway of the Kamakura Government. In the opening year of the Kenkiu era (i 190 a.d.), Yori- tomo repaired to Kyoto and had his first audience of the Emperor and the ex-Emperor. The latter treated him with great consideration, and after the lapse of a year conferred upon him the tide of Seii-taishogun, or Generalissimo. On the occasion of receiving that high distinction, the Minamoto Chief again proceeded to Kyoto, and conducted a ceremonial in connection with the rebuilding of the temple Todai-ji. which had been burned down by Kiyomori. In the second year of the Shoji era (1200 a.d.), he died at the age of fifty-three, his eldest son, Yoriiye. succeeding to the title of Generalissimo. But Yoriiye being only eighteen years of age, and having given no evidence of ability, his mother, Masako, feared to entrust him widi the atlministration of affairs. She therefore commissioned her own father Hojo Tokimasa, together with Oye Hiromoto, Hiki Yoshikazu. and ten others to assume the direction of the Government at Kamakura. Among these thirteen Ministers. Hojo Toki- masa's relationship to Masako gave him the preeminence. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. t6j In the year 1203 a.d,. Yoriiye fell ill, and his mother, acting in concert with Tokimasa, planned to relieve him of his office of Generalissimo, and to appoint his son Ichiman to be lord and governor-general of the twenty-eight provinces forming Kwanto, and his younger brother Senman after- wards called Sanetomo — to be lord of the thirty-eight provinces forming Kwansai. But Yoriiye, having received information of the project, was greatly angered, and sum- moning his wife's father, Hiki Yoshikazu, took counsel with him to exterminate the Hojo Family. Tokimasa frust- rated the design by having Yoshikazu assassinated, and then attacking and slaying all his blood relations together with Ichiman. Yoriiye he afterwards shut up in the temple SJnizcn-ji, where he ultimately caused him to be put to death. Sanetomo, Yoriiye's younger brother, succeeded him, but exercised no administrative authority, the Hojo holding everything in their own grasp. Sanetomo conse- quently devoted himself to literature rather than to military exercises. Moreover, foreseeing that fortune would not long continue to smile upon the Minamoto Family, he thought to obtain a high position in the central Government, so as to add lustre to the Family's renown while there was yet time. Hence he was promoted to the post of Chief Councilor of State ( Dainagon), in conjunction with that of Commander-in-Chief of the Guards of the Left, his official rank being raised to the First of the Second Class. Shortly afterwards, he became Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and then Minister of the Right. But in the first year of the Shokiu era (12 19), on the occasion of worshipping at the Shrine of Tsurugaoka Hachiman in Kamakura, to return thanks for his promotion, he was stabbed to death by Kugyo, a son of Yoriiye. This event put an end to the descendants of the Minamoto Family in the direct line. A 1 68 UISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. brief interval of thirty-five years, or three generations, from the time when Yoritomo had risen to the head of the Goven- ment, sufficed to terminate the supremacy of the great clan. SECTION II. Organization of the SJwguns Govcrnniciit ( Bakufu ). When, in the 8th month of the fourth year of Chijo (1 1 86), Yoritomo marched southward against the Taira, and two months later beat back their great army from the Fuji River without bloodshed, he would have followed up his advantage and pushed on to Kyoto, had not his most trusted generals, Chiba Tsunetane, Miura Yoshizumi, and others, counselled him against doing so, on the ground that a number of strong enemies still held the north-eastern pro- vinces, and that it would not be safe to move to the south leaving them unsubdued in his rear. Yoritomo admitted the wisdom of this advice, and applied himself, in the first place, to consolidate his power in Kwanto. The twenty-eight provinces of the latter were under his sway, and as Kama- kura was best suited, topographicall)- and strategically, to be his head-quarters, he chose it for his capital and caused a residence for himself to be built there. The captains and officials following his banner settled at the same place, and thus, in a brief interval, Kamakura, which had hitherto been a little-frequented fishing village became a prosperous and populous cit>'. Thenceforth the people of the time called Yoritomo " Kamakura-dono " (the lord of Kama- kura), though his official tide was Shogun, or Generalis- simo. One of the first steps taken by the Minamoto Chief to consolidate his power was to establish the relation ot lord and vassal between himself and the great local magnates HISTORY 01' THE EMPIRE OF JAPA.W l6g of the eastern provinces who had espoused his cause, and to secure their allegiance by confirming them in the posses- sion of their estates. For the better organization of his military forces he created an office called Sanutrai-dokoro, a species of head-quarter staff department, which was pre- sided over by Wada Yoshimori in the capacity of Betid, a title originally given, as we have seen, to the Ministers of ex-Emperors. Thus all the military men throughout Kwanto were brought completely under his sway. While these things were in progress, J\Iinamoto-no- Yoshinaka was conducting his campaign in the south against the Taira. Having routed their forces, he entered Kyoto in triumph, and soon began to wield his newly acquired authority in such an arbitrary and arrogant manner that the ex-Emperor, Goshirakawa, despatched a mandate for his punishment to Yoritomo, which the latter obeyed, as has been described above, by despatch- ing his younger brother Noriyori and Yoshitsune to drive Yoshinaka out of the capital. The two youthful generals, having successfully performed that commission, turned their arms against the Taira, and having gained a signal victory at Ichinotani. finally annihilated the great clan's power at the battle of Dan-no-ura. During the three years covered by the struggle between the Taira and the Minamoto, the three years commencing with Yoritomo's taking the field and ending with the battle of Dan-no-ura, the partizans of both sides made levies simultaneously on the provincials for means to carry on the war, and the agricultural classes were consequently reduced to a state of much embarrassment. Yoritomo, who was conspicu- ously solicitous for the material welfare and good govern- ment of the people, having established a Staff Depart- I JO HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. ment, as alread}' stated, caused the officers presiding over it to take efficient steps for the control of the military in the various localities. F"urther, after Yoshi- naka's defeat and death, and after the remnants of the Taira clan had fled westward, the Shogun summoned from Kyoto men skilled in the administration of affairs, as Oye-no-Hiromoto, Nakahara Chikayoshi, Miyoshi Yasu- nobu, and so forth, and having created a Department of Public Archives ( Kwnonjo), made Oye-no-Hiromoto its Minister, and Nakahara Chikayoshi its Vice- Minister. By that Department the administration of civil affairs was chiefly conducted, as was the administration of militar)- affairs by the Staff Department ( Samurai-dokoro). A De- partment of Justice ( Moiichu-jo) was also organized with Miyoshi Yasunobu at its head, its functions being the hear- ing of all civil suits, and the management of matters re- lating to civil law. These various appointments were made in the eighth month of the first )-ear of the Gcnryakii era (1 184). The organization of the Shogun's Government was thus completed. Thenceforward down to the days of the Ashikaga, the descendants of the three statesmen summoned from Kyoto to assist the Minamoto chief continued to direct the administration of affairs at Kamakura. After the final rout of the Taira Clan, such of its partizans as survived scattered themselves throughout the provinces, constituting an clement of disturbance, which was further accentuated by followers of Yoshitsune and Yukiiye, similarly fugitives. Owing to these causes, con- siderable disorder still existed throughout the empire. To correct this state of aftairs. Yoritomo, acting on the HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN: IJI advice of Oye-no-Hiromoto, made such strong- representa- tions to the ex-Emperor that His Majesty sanctioned the appointment of High Constables ( SIiiioo) in the various provinces and Superintendents (yido) of the great estates, the whole being under the control of the Shogun himself. By the energy of these officials numbers of the insurgents were arrested in different localities, and order was every- where restored. Furthermore, an edict was issued requiring that all cultivators of land throughout the empire, without distinction of Kinai, Sanin, Sanyo, Nankai, Saikai, or other local divisions, and in the case of all kinds of land, whether hereditary estate ( Shocn) or public allotment, should con- tribute to the military exchequer a tax at the rate of five sJio (.256 bushels) of grain per tan (one-fourth of an acre). But in consideration of the harsh treatment that had been meted out to the Buddhist priests under the Taira administration, temple lands were exempted from this impost. Thenceforth the power of the former provincial Gover- nors and head-men gradually declined, and the authority of the newly appointed High Constables and Superintendents increased proportionally. The Shogun, of course, took care that the occupants of the new officers should be chosen from among his own relatives and partizans, so that his sway was eventually consolidated everywhere, and the control of the empire virtually passed into his hands. He had already nominated Doi Sanehira and Kajiwara Kage- toki to be Governors-in-Chief of the Kinki region (the pro- vinces in the vicinity of Kyoto), with authority to administer all agrarian affairs, and he now appointed Chiba Tsunetane and Shimokobe Yukihira to be High Constables of K)'oto, with special instructions to put an end to the marauding- practices of the time. Subsequently, Hiromoto and Chika- 172 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. yoshi were recalled from Kamakura and sent to Rokuhara, the former head-quarters of the Taira Chief, near Kyoto, there to preside over the conduct of civil affairs. i\s for the western provinces, whither the remnants of the Taira Clan had fled for refuge, Amano Tokage was despatched thither to arrest the fugitives, and at the same time to deal with all matters relating to the territorial nobles and their vassals in those districts. At a later period, Muto Suke- yori was appointed Lord Lieutenant of the Dazai-fu, an office that had long been charged with the adminis- tration of affairs in Kiushu, and Nakahara Chikayoshi succeeded Tokage as Lord Constable of the W^est. The latter's adopted son afterwards became Governor ( Bugyo) of the West, under the name of Otomo, and in conjunction with Muto, Lord Lieutenant of the Dazai-fu, carried on the administration of Kiushu, Finally, in the north, where the great Fujiwara noble, Hidehira, holding the commission of Commander-in-Chief in the O-u Provinces, had oriven refus^e and protection to Yoshitsune, it has been shown how his son was defeated and his district over-run by the forces of Yoritomo. The Shogun placed Kasai Kiyoshige in the office of Governor of O-u, and shortly afterwards Izawa lyekage having been appointed Constable of islutsu, these two and their descendants, for several generations, continued to administer the district. Yoritomo's administrative reforms were not limited to local affairs. He also effected changes in the organization of the Central Government. With the consent of the ex- Emperor, he appointed Fujiwara- Kanezane, to be Court Controller ( Nairan) — in order to divide the absolute power of the Regent — and President of a deliberative Council of ten Kugyo, among whom the functions of administrative IJISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. TJJ direction were divided. Thencefordi, all die business of die Central Government was managed in the sequel of this Council's deliberations. Kanezane was a man of ripe ex- perience, will versed in every detail of governmental func- tions. Thus, with Kenezane directing the Central Govern- ment, and Hiromoto conducting the affairs of the Shogunate, the stream of administration flowed smoothly in its channels, alike in the east and in the west, and Yoritomo's policy was. everywhere carried out undeviatingly. TABLE SHOWING LINEAGE AND CHRONOLOCIV OF SOVEREIGNS. Sotli Emperor Takakura (1169-11S1 a.d.) \ j r I Sist Enineror Antoku Gotakakura. 82nd Emperor Gotoba (1181-1186 A.l>.) I (I186-II99 A.D.) I i I 86tli Emperor Gohorikawa 84th Emperor J untoku S3rd Emperor Tsuchimikado (I222-I233 A.D.) (I2II-I222"a.D.) (I I99-I21 1 A.D.) 871!'. Emperor Shijo Sstli Emperor Cliukyo 88th Emperor Gosaga (I233-I243 A.D.) (I222-I222 A.D.) (I243-I247 A.D.) 90th Emperor Kameyama (1266-1276 A.D.) 89th Emperor Gofukakusa (1247-1266 a.d.> 1 I 91st Emperor Gouda (1276-1288 A.D.) | 96tli Emperor Godaigo 94111 luiiperor Goniju 921KI Emperor Fushimi (I3I9-I339 A.D.) ' (1 301 -1 308 A.D.) (I2S8-I299 A.D.) 95th Emperor Hanazono (1308-1319 a.d.) 93rd Emperor Gofushimi (1299-1301 a.d.). SECTION III. T/ic Shokin War. Yoritomo, having thus organized the Shogunate ( Bakit- fn) and placed the administration on a skilfully elaborated 1^4 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. footing, was able to control State affairs without moving from his capital, Kamakura. Meanwhile, the ex- Emperor Gotoba, who occupied the Throne between the years 1 186 and 1 199 A.D., when the Minamoto Chief was extending and con- solidating his authority, had from the time of his accession cherished the hope of recovering the control of administra- tive affairs, and with that object had stationed military men of his own choosing in the West, in addition to those already stationed in the North, conferring on their leaders swords forged by his own hands, and otherwise sparing no pains to organize a strong military following. So long, however, as Yoritomo lived and governed, this project of Gotoba — now occupying the position of ex-Emperor — could not possibly be realized. But wdien Sanetomo, the third Shogun of Yoritomo's line, fell under the sword of Kugyo, and the sun of the Minamoto Family was effectually eclipsed, the ex- Emperor thought that he descried an opportunity to attain his purpose. The post of Shogun, after Sanetomo's death, was held by a relative of Yoritomo, one of the Fujiwara Family, who owed his elevation to Yoshitoki, the son of Hojo Tokimasa. Yoshitoki's motives in this business were selfish, and after obtaining the Shogunate for his protege he himself exercised the administrative authority in a markedly arrogant and arbitrary manner. The ex-Emperor's original purpose was strengthened b)^ the umbrage which these doings inspired. He selected a son of Nishina Moritoo, a Kamakura vassal, and appointed him Warden of the West- ern marches. INToritoo, highly flattered by such a distinc- tion, took up his residence in Kyoto. But Yoshitoki was indignant at the notion that a vassal of Kamakura should accept office under the Central Government without permis- sion. He punished Moritoo by confiscating all the lands that belonged to him. Thereupon an Imperial mandate HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. IJS was issued, directing that the Nishina estates should be restored. But Yoshitoki paid no attention to the order. A further instance of contumacious indifference to the Im- perial instructions occurred in connection with an estate which the ex-Emperor had conferred on one of his favourte mistresses. The Headman of the estate having betrayed discontent at the measure, Yoshitoki was ordered to punish him and deprive him of his office. But again the order was disregarded. Stung by these insults, the ex-Emperor finally resolved to overthrow the Kamakura Government. He was strongly supported in this design by Juntoku, who had just abdicated in favour of his son, Chukyo. There were then three ex- Emperors : Gotoba, Tsuchimikaclo, and Juntoku. Of these the second opposed the project of the other two, urging that its execution was still premature. But they would not be guided by his counsels. Residing in Kyoto at that time was a certain Miura Taneyoshi, a Kamakura vassal, whose elder brother, Yoshimura, possessed great estates in the west. Taneyoshi had been sent from Kama- kura to the capital on guard duty, but having conceived bitter enmity on his wife's account against the Kamakura potentate, Yoshitoki, he declined to return at the expiration of his term of service, and continued to live in the capital. The ex-Emperor Gotoba took skilful advantage of this dis- affection. He prompted Fujiwara-Hideyasu, Warden of the Northern marches, to invite Taneyoshi to his district, and seek to enrol him among the number of those affiliated for the overthrow of the Kamakura Govern- ment. Taneyoshi readily consented, and further contrived to open with his elder brother, Yoshimura, in Kamakura, correspondence which won the latter's allegiance to the same cause. The ex- Emperor, encouraged by these events, resolved to raise the standard at once in the Kinki pro- Ij6 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPA.X. vinces. Seventeen hundred warriors assembled to support him. The nobles whose function was to guard the Sovereign in K)oto — the Oban-no-Dair,iyo, as they were called — for example. Kono, Kikuchi, Kawabe. and so forth, obeyed the Imperial summons to arms, but the High Constable of Kyoto, Iga Mitsuzuye, refusing to give his allegiance, was put to death by Hideyasu. Taneyoshi, and others, acting under commission from the ex-Emperor. In the fifth month of the third )'ear of the SJidkiu era (122 1 A.D.) an Imperial mandate was circulated through all the provinces of the empire ordering the destruction of the Hojo Family. It was speciall)' addressed to Miura Yoshimura. But. instead of obeying, he conveyed secret information of the fact to Yoshitoki. who in turn informed Masako, the widow of Yoritomo. She thereupon summoned all the military leaders of the surrounding provinces, and having reminded them of the possessions and ranks bestowed by the Minamoto chief on the Sanuirai of Kwanto. said that an occasion had now arisen to repay her deceased husband's favours. The result was that none of these captains espoused the Sovereign's cause in the struggle that ensued. Meanwhile, Yoshitoki took counsel of his generals as to a plan of campaign, and finally adopted the proposal of Oye Hiromoto that the bulk of the forces at the disposal of the Hojo should march against Kyoto, under the command of Hojo Yasutoki and Hojo Tokifusa, by the three trunk routes, the Tokaido. the Tosando, and the Hokurikudo. On receipt of this intel- ligence in K}oto. the Imperial troops were divided into two bodies under Hideyasu and Taneyoshi. and moved north- ward to meet the invaders in Owari and Mino provinces. But the defending forces suffered se\'eral defeats, and were HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. /// finally driven back, so that Yasutoki and Tokifusa were able to enter Kyoto at the head of a large army. They forced the reio^ninor Sovereio-n to abdicate in favour of Gohorikawa. and they banished the three ex-Emperors, Gotoba to Oki Island, Juntoku to Sado Island, and Tsuchi- mikado to the province of Tosa. Gotaba's son was also sent into exile. A number of Court nobles who had assisted and promoted the attack upon the Kamakura Government, were put to death. Three thousand estates belonging to these nobles and to Saniiirai who had espoused the Imperial cause, were confiscated and divided among the Hojo followers. Yoshitoki then stationed Yasutoki and Tokifusa at Rokuhara to preserve the peace in Kyoto. Even in the days of Yoritomo, affairs of State had been administered by Nakahara Chikayoshi and Oye Hiromoto in consulta- tion with the Court nobles and the Fujiwara Ministers, but the Hojo recognised no such cooperative obligation. Yasu- toki took up a position on the north of Rokuhara, and Tokifusa on the south, from whence they carried on the Government independently of the Court officials. This dual administration by the Hojo chiefs received from the people the name of " Ryo Rokuhara," or the two Rokuhara. The reins of Government at this epoch were held absolutel)' by the Hojo. SECTION IV. TJic Hojo Family. The Hojo Family was of Taira origin, its founder being Taira-no-Sadamori. The name " Hojo " was derived from the fact that the family's head-quarters were at Hojo in Izu. During the period of Yoritomo's exile in Izu, he experienced lyS HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. generous and hospitable treatment from Hojo Tokimasa, whose daughter he married. Wlien the mandate for the destruction of the Taira Famil)- was issued by Prince Mochihito, Tokimasa, although related to that family, as- sisted Yoritonio to carry out the order, and after the death of the Minamoto Chief and the succession of his son, Yori- iye, to the Shogunate, Tokimasa enjoyed the widest popu- larity and wielded the greatest power of all the military nobles of the time. His relationship to Yoriiye afforded additional opportunit)' for the exercise of the Hojo authority, and he virtually decided all matters relating to the admini- stration of the Shogunate. Yoriiye, as has been recorded, was put to death by Tokimasa's orders, and the new Shogun, Sanetomo, enjoyed even less power than his pre- decessor, the Hojo being omnipotent. But Tokimasa allowed himself to be controlled by the counsels of his wife. At her slanderous instance he brought about the overthrow of a great territorial noble, Hatakeyama, and by her advice he conceived the project of elevating to the Shogunate his dau";hter's husband, Hiracfa Tomomasa. Sanetomo. then a mere youth, was an inmate of Tokimasa's house at the time of this plot. His mother, Masako, learning what was on foot, caused him to be removed to the house of Yoshitoki, with the assistance of the military vassals of the INIinamoto, and succeeded not onl)- in having Tokimasa and his intrigu- ing wife sent back to Hojo, but also in compassing the death of Tomomasa in Kyoto. These events transferred the territorial and militar\- ascendancy among the Kama- kura nobility to ^'oshitoki. the Hojo chief in Kamakura. Moreover, in hopes of obtaining supremac)' of the Kama- kura Government, Yoshitoki prompted Kugyo to assas- sinate Sanetomo, the last of the Minamoto Family, the result of the deed being that Inijiwara ^'oritsune was HISTORY OF THE EM TIRE OF JAPAN. IfQ summoned from Kyoto to assume the office of Shogun> Masako, the widow of Yoritomo exercising the controlling power and Yoshitoki holding the office of Regent {^Shikkcu, an office virtually corresponding with the Scsshd of the Central Government), in which capacity he administered all the affairs of the Bakufu in the name of the young Shogun. The Emperor Gotoba, indignant at the arbitrary conduct of Yoshitoki, attempted to bring about the re- storation of the Throne's administrative authority, but in vain. His failure served only to strengthen the supre- macy of the Shogunate, and in the sequel of the contest precipitated by this attempt, Yoshitoki, as described in the preceding Section, stationed members of his family at the two Rokuhara, and moreover organized the Kama- kura Administration in such a manner that the office of Regent should become hereditary in his own family, and that the offices of Assistant Regent — a post then created — should fall to the most influential members of the Hojo. He further created at Kamakura an Ad- ministrative Council ( Hydjoshu ) and a Secretariat ( Hiki- tsnkcshu), corresponding offices being established at Roku- hara also. Yasutoki succeeded to the post of Northern Regent (we use the term " Northern " to distinguish the Kamakura Shikken from the Kyoto Scssho) after the death of his father Yoshitoki. He devoted himself zealously to political affairs, treated the agricultural classes with much consider- ation, and sought earnestly to win the love of the people. He treated his relatives with uniform kindness, and those under his sway Avith condescension, never abandoning himself to passionate impulses nor ever employing his power wantonl)'. He framed a law of fifty-one articles setting I So HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. forth the principles of administration and suppl)ing' regula- tions to ouide the dischari^e of official functions. Rulino- wisel)' and living uprightly, he died lamented b)- people of all classes. Yasutoki's son. Tokiuji, having died before him, he was succeeded by his grandson. Tsunetoki. the latter's successor being his younger brother. Toki)ori. This last, like his grandfather, practised economy in his administration and showed much consideration for the agricultural classes. His son, Tokimune, who followed him in the office of Re- gent at Kamakura, was a man of conspicuous courage and resolution. His exercise of power was distinguished by the signal defeat of a Chinese invasion. At this epoch a struggle for the succession to the Throne occurred between Gofukakusa and Kameyama, which event was taken advant- age of by the Hojo to bring about an arrangement to the effect that the descendants of the rival Sovereigns should reign for ten years alternately. In this way the dependence of the Imperial House upon the Kamakura rulers became more marked than ever. As for Fujiwara Famil)". all possibility of its developing inconvenient puissance was obviated by an adroit arrangement, namel}', the di\'ision of the Family into five branches, each entitled to hold the office of Kivambaku, the five thus becoming naturally a check upon each other. Tokimune was succeeded b)' his son Sadatoki. But owing to the youth of the new Minister, and to disputes among the leading officials at Kamakura, Adachi Yasumori and his son contending witli the A^aih^'aiiryo, Nagasaki Yoritsuna, for administrative power, the go\ernment of the Hojo tell into some disorder. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. l8l Sadatoki's son, Takatoki, came to the head of the Kama- kura Administration after his father, but being a man of indolent disposition, he entrusted the control of affairs wholly to the Naikwanryo Nagasaki Takasuke, and the latter was betrayed by avarice into such abuses of power that men's hearts were altogether estranged from the Government, and the fall of the Hojo finally ensued, a hundred and fifty )ears after the first of those powerful rulers had risen from the position of a rear-vassal to the most puissant office in the Administration. SECTION V. Legislation of the SJiogunatc. Minamoto Yoritomo, having chosen Kamakura as his seat of government, despatched military and civil officials of his own selection and from among his own partizans to administer local affairs throughout the empire, thus or- ganizing the Buke-seiji, or military feudalism. He affected legislative simplicity, and to that end classified capital crimes into three great divisions, namely, contumely towards the Sovereign, rebellion, and murder. Persons committing any of these crimes were dealt with according to the utmost rigour of the law. His reforms, however, did not extend to unification of the laws for all sections of the nation. The Central Government continued to rule according to the statutes of the early Heian Epoch, while the administration of the Shogunate was based on the system of feudal aristo- cracy. But after the Shokiu disturbance the power of the Imperial Court suffered palpable diminution while that of the Shogunate increased proportionately. Circumstances were therefore favourable for further measures of admini- tS2 history of the empire of japan. strative reform, and Hojo Yasutoki made wise use of the occasion. Carefull)^ collating the administrati\'e systems of the Central Government and of the Shogunate, he compiled a code of fifty-one laws, in strict accordance with which all officials holding office under the Shogunate were required to decide civil suits. Matters relating to the interests of the people in general were not altogether excluded from this code, but its principal aim was to provide for the settlement of questions between vassals of the Kamakura Regents. It was not definitely intended or explicit)- pro- vided that subjects under the direct control of the Central Government should be brought within the purview of the Kamakura statutes, or that the codes and regulations of the former Government should be replaced by those of the latter. Nevertheless, such extension of the scope of the Shogunate laws and such restriction of the operation of the Central Government's, did naturally follow as a con- sequence of the decay of the Imperial authorit)' and the development of feudal sway, so that finally the legislative enactments of the Kamakura Administration came to be enforced throughout the whole empire. The fifty-one laws referred to above, set out b)' in- culcating the duty of reverencing the Shinto and Buddhist deities. They then went on to prescribe that Lord Con- stables and territorial nobles must not exceed the limits of their legitimate authority, and that the promotion and retire- ment of the greater and lesser territorial nobles must not be subject to interference by the Kamakura Administration. These general provisions were followed by rules relating to land, to successron, to ])ropert)-, to civil suits, to marriage, to rebellion, to murder, and to lesser crimes. Translated into the terminology of the present times, these laws ma)- be II I ST OR Y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. l8j called a combination of a Constitution, a Criminal Code, a Civil Code, and a Code of Civil Procedure. The)- were not promulgated, however. Placed only in the hands of those concerned in their administration, they were not brought to the knowledge of the nation at large. The same is true of the hundred laws enacted b)' the Tokugawa Shogunate in later ages. SECTION VI. T/ic Chinese Invasion. Turning our attention to the foreign relations of the empire, we find that from the Antci era (1227-28 a.d.) onwards, freebooters, from the Island of Tsushima made raids into Koma in Korea, and plundered the inhabitants of the peninsula. These lawless proceedings proved more or less determinental to the growth of commerce. But, at the same epoch, tradal intercourse with China received a con- siderable impetus from the going and coming of priests of the Zen Sect of Buddhism, though inter-governmental re- lations had not existed since the close of the ninth century when, as related in a previous chapter, the wonted embass)- from Japan to the neighbouring empire had been abandoned by the advice of Sugawara-no-Michizane. Several over- tures for the re-establishment of official relations were made by the Sung emperors, but Japan did not lend a ready ear. Subsequently China became the scene of continuous dis- turbances. The power of the Sung dynasty graduall)- declined. In Mongolia, on the north east of China, there ap- peared a conqueror of world-wide fame, Temujin (called by the Japanese " Tetsubokushin "), the great Genghis Kahn. Against his armies the Tartar Kings were unable to hold 1S4 JUS Ton Y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. their ground, and ultimately the wave of Mongol conquest flowed into the dominions of the Siuig Sovereign in the south of China. Temujin's grandson, Kublai, possessed himself of a great part of Korea, and having concerted measures for overthrowing the Sinig- Dynasty and bringing all China under Mongol rule, he conceived the project of subjugating Japan also. His first step towards consum- mating that design was to send envoys via Korea, who were instructed to remonstrate with the Japanese Sovereign for his indifferent attitude towards the Mongol autocrat. But the Koreans dissuaded these envoys from prosecuting their voyage. Two )'ears later, in the fifth year of the Biinyei era (1268 a.d.) Kameyama being on the Throne of Japan, Kublai despatched another embassy to Dazaifu in Kiushu. This embassy carried letters to the Governor of Dazaifu as well as to the Emperor of Japan, the ostensible object cf the communications being to establish amicable relations between the two countries. From Dazaifu intelligence of the embassy's coming and of the nature of its documents was forwarded to Kamakura, thence to be sent in turn to the Court in Kyoto. Considerable anxiety was caused by the news, both in official and in civilian circles. In the fourth month of the same year, the Emperor Kameyama laid before the Shrine of Daijingu an autographic supplica- tion for the heavenly protection of the empire, and caused prayers of a similar purport to be said at all the shrines and temples throughout tlie realm. Careful measures were also taken to guard the coasts, more particularly the points of strategical importance in Hizen and Chikuzen. A draft reply to Kublai s despatch was prepared at the Court in Kyoto, and shown to Hojo Tokimune, who, however, gave it as his opinion that inasmuch as the communication from China lacked the forms of prescribed courtesy, Japan's HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. iS^ dignity precluded the sending of any answer. Orders were therefore conveyed to Dazaifu for the immediate expulsion of the Chinese envoys. In March of the following year, Korean officials again arrived in the island of Tsushima escorting Mongolian envoys, who asked for a reply to the despatch sent by their Sovereign the preceding year. These envoys became involved in quarrels with the people of Tsu- shima, and finally took their departure, carrying away two of the latter as prisoners. In the eighth month of the same year, Kublai caused these two men to be restored to Japan, and made the act an occasion for addressing another des- patch to the Japanese Emperor. Again Japan refrained from making reply. Two years now passed without any further step on the part of the great Khan. But in the eighth month of the eighth year of Buuyci (1271 a.d.), he sent another ambassador, Chiu Liungpat, with a train of a hundred followers. This embassy, accompanied as usual by Korean officials, landed at Imatsu in Chikuzen. The ambassador's instructions were to present the despatch of which he was bearer either to the Imperial Court or to the Shogun in Kamakura. He did not, however, entrust the original document to the Dazaifu officials, but gave them a copy only. This was at once forwarded to Kamakura, being from thence communicated to the Court in Kyoto. On receiving it, the Kiuanibaku took counsel of the other Ministers of the Crown and came to the decision that no reply should be given. By this time the people of Japan had acquired full knowledge of the immense power wielded by Kublai Khan, and of the vast conquests achieved by him in succession to his grandfather Genghis. Hence there was no little anxiety as to the out- come of these futile embassies. In December, information of the Emperor's resolve to give no answer was conveyed l86 HISTORY OF THE EMPHUi OF JAPAN. to the Dazaifu officials, His Majesty at the same time caus- ing^ prayers to be offered up as before at the shrines and temples throughout the empire. Kublai Khan had now brought almost the whole of China into subjection and established his dynasty there under the title of Yuan. He continued to send embassy after embassy to Japan, and Japan, on her side continued, with equal persistence, to make no reph' to messages which she construed as national insults. Enraged by this indifference, Kublai Khan finally sent against Japan a fleet of a hundred and fifty war- vessels under the command of Liu Fok-heng, at the same time ordering Korea to reinforce this expedition. In the eleventh month of the eleventh year of Bunyci (1274 a.d.). Gouda being on the Japanese Throne, the invaders arrived at Tsushima, where the}- killed the Governor. Thence they passed to the island of Iki, where they killed the acting High Constable, and thereafter directed their forces against Imatsu in Chikuzen. The military nobles of Kiushu^ — Shoni, Otomo, Matsura, Kikuchi, and others — collected troops and made a stand at Hakozaki. The Yuan invaders, armed with guns, caused great havoc among the Japanese army, but the Chinese leader. Liu, received a wound that compelled him to retire, and a heavy gale arising destroyed numbers of the foreign war-vessels. The Korean general's ship was cast away and he himself drowned. Tinally, the remnant of the invading force escaped under cover of darkness. Once again, in the fourth month of the following year (1275 A.D.), the Yuan Sovereign sent another envoy, named IV) Scchung, who landed at Murotsu in Nagato, and in the eighth month of the same year this ambassador was sent up to Kamakura, where he was put to death b)- Hojo Tokinuiiic. Mojo Sanemasa was now appointed to the chief coinmand at Dazaifu, and instructions were issued for ^^^■p '"% >-'^^; ...o\\ ^-^■5,-M The Invasio Dy the Mongol Tartars. t* .-^ V'%j:e"7 -:- , \ ;iitf ■T \^-^*~' HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J A PAX. iSj the vigilant guardino- of all the coast line in the south. Further, the Imperial Guards were temporarily withdrawn from K}oto, and drafted into a large army recruited from the east of the empire and stationed at Dazaifu as well as at other important positions along the coast. Hojo Sanemasa was given the command of this army, and other members of the Hojo Family were despatched to direct and superintend the military preparations in Harima and Nagato. Further, the territorial nobles of Kiushu re- ceived orders to construct fortresses along the coast, and this work being vigorously carried on, was completed in 1279 A.I). That year the Chinese Emperor again sent envoys, Cheu Full and Lwan Chung, seeking to establish friendship and intercourse. They landed at Hakata, but were put to death by order of the Shogun's Government. In the tenth month of the same year, Hojo Tokimune, foreseeing the con- sequences of these complications, despatched large bodies of troops from Kamakura to Kiushu, to repel the renewed attack inevitably pending from the west. Kublai Khan had now completed his conquest of China, and, having attained the zenith of his power, resolved to gratify his long cherished desire, supplemented as it was by indigna- tion at the repeated slaughter of his ambassadors in Japan. In the fifth month of the fourth year of the Koan era (128 1 A.i).), the Emperor Kublai Khan assembled a force of 100,000 soldiers, and these, together with a contingent of 10,000 Koreans, were sent against Japan under the com- mand of Hwan Bunko. The invading army touched at the island of Iki, and after a cruel massacre of its inhabitants, resumed their voyage towards Dazaifu. Thither the Japan- ese troops flocked from Kiushu, Chugoku, and Shikoku to defend their countr)-. Aided by the fortresses that had fSS HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. been erected along the coast, they fought stoutly. The Chinese, however, enjoyed the great advantage of possess- ing heavy ordnance, with which they bombarded the forts and slaughtered such multitudes of the Japanese soldiers that the latter were unable to meet them in open contest. Nevertheless, the defenders continued to resist obstinately, so that, although the contest waged for sixty days, the enemy could not effect a landing. Meanwhile, a rumour reached Kyoto that the Yuan invaders, having borne down all resistance in Kiushii, had pushed on to Nagato, and were on the point of advancing against Kyoto itself, thence to carry their arms into the Tokaido and Hokurikudo. The Emperor, deeply disquieted by these tidings, proceeded in person to the shrine of Iwashimizu Hachimangu to pray for the safety of the country, and moreover despatched an autographic supplication to the shrine of Daijingu in Ise, vowing that he would offer himself as a sacrifice to preserve the honour of his empire. But in Kiushu the contest con- tinued fiercely when, on the 30th of the 7th month, a north- westerly storm swept down on the Chinese fleet and wrecked a number of the ships with immense loss of life. Those that survived the tempest, several thousands in number, took refuge in the island of Takashima off the coast of Hizen, and there, under the command of Chang Pak — Hwan Bunko having fled away in a vessel of exceptional strength — set themselves to cut timber and build new ships carry them back to China. But Shoni Kagesuke, at the head of a body of the Kiushu troops, followed and attacked the fugitives, killing several hundreds and taking over a thou- sand prisoners, so that, in the end, only three out of the hundred thousand Yuan invaders succeeded in escaping alive to China. After this success the Kamakura Govern- ment redoubled its efforts to place the defences of the HISTORY OF THE EMPHiE OF JAPAN. rSg country on a strong footing. As for the Chinese Emperor, he would fain have sent another army against Japan, but the effort seems to have been beyond his power. It is worthy of notice that during this national crisis great sums of money were devoted to maintaining constant re- ligious services at the shrines and temples throughout the empire. The expense incurred on that account is said to have been greater even than the outlay in connection with military affairs. Moreover, after the invaders had been defeated and the danger averted, the rewards granted to Buddhist priests and Shinto officials far exceeded in monetary value the recompense given to the troops and their leaders. The priests of the Buddhist temples Enryaku- ji, Onjo-ji, and Kofuku-ji, as well as of the Shinto Shrines of Gion, Iwashimizu. and so forth, took arrogant advantage of the occasion to press the Government for still heavier payments, but as great sums were being expended on account of the services at other temples, it was impossible to satisfy such demands. On the other hand, the Wardens and territorial nobles, also, on whom the duty of defending the country had fallen, found the drain on their resources so heavy that they began to murmur. Thus the popularity of the Shoeunate at Kamakura commenced to wane. SEC'I'IOX MI. From the earl)- years of the Heian Epoch, the customs of the nation were of two distinct kinds, those prevailing in Kyoto among the Court nobles fKitgcJ and those of the military classes at Kamakura. When the soldier element I go HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. was in the ascendant, its manners and customs were more or less taken as a model in Kyoto, while, on the other hand, Kyoto sometimes impressed its own fashions on the military. An instance of the latter case is furnished by the story of the Taira Family, whose fighting men gradually fell under the influence of the Kyoto Court's example, and losing their hardy habits, succumbed with comparative ease to the misfortunes that afterwards over- took them Minamoto Yoritomo, however, on attaining the rank of Shogun, fixed his head-quarters at Kamakura and did not visit Kyoto except for very brief intervals. His habits of life were frugal and simple ; he encouraged the Samurai to adopt a severe military regimen, and he se.t his face resolutely against costly ostentation and ener- vating excesses. But in the time of Sanetomo continued peace produced its usual effects : the austerit)- of military customs underwent relaxation even at Kamakura, and refinement and luxury began to come into vogue. So, too, in Kyoto, when the city passed under militar)- rule after the Shokiu troubles and when the power of the Court nobles declined correspondingly, the customs of the soldier class prevailed over those of the Kusrc. Speaking generally, however, it may be said that Kamakura was the nursery of military customs and Kyoto the centre of courtly effeminacy. The Kuoc customs entered upon a stage of high tleve- lopment in Kyoto during the Hcian era. Their principal features were love of elegance and rich display, devo- tion to literar\' jjursuits, and contempt for military exercises. These customs obtained additional vogue in Kyoto after the decline of the P^mperor's administrative power. The military ethics at Kaniakura, on the other hand, prescrib- ed frugality and simplicit}-, inculcated love of 'soldierly ^ ^ '■^^ikS^ \ Yal >usaine ooiing on horseback). / — ^-TT-^SaBC 5, ^ 'iii -vr Jiil ll'ljiiA -/ — '1 ■7 'tk .(^bEcloaioit liO HIST OK Y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAh\ IQI pursuits and encouraged feelings of gratitude and devoted loyalty in the relations between lord and vassal. To such a pitch were these latter sentiments carried that a vassal would choose rather to be estranged from his parents or find himself opposed to his ov/n brothers and sisters, than to show want of fealty to his lord. Everything, in short, must be sacrificed in the cause of one's lord death and life alike being shared with him. The rules of etiquette were strictly obeyed, and the provisions of the code of honour carefully observed. Even when a samurai went into battle, he did not set himself to slaughter indiscriminately, but having first recounted the achievements of his ancestors, crossed swords with his foe in a leisurely and dignified manner. Were he guilty of any fault, it was expected of him to die by his own hand before the disgrace of law- ful punishment could overtake him. The obligations of honour were absolutely binding on him in all conjunctures. The costume of the military classes during the Kama- kura Epoch was not elaborate. They generally wore a kind of cap, called Eboshi, and a long loose surcoat (the Hitatarc), on which the crest of the wearer's family was woven or embroidered. The robe under the Hitatare was confined by a broad silk girdle into which were thrust two swords of different lengths. In the matter of amusements, those most affected were a dance, the shirabydshi, performed by females appa- relled in flowing garments — the beauty of the performance consisting in the slow grace of its measured movements — and a species of theatrical entertainment called dcii- gakiL. Another kind of theatrical performance called sarugakiL, which had its origin in the days of the Emperor T()2 HISTORY OF THE EMPUiE OF JAPAN. Gosaga. was also favoured. In addition to these pas- times, there were the Inn-oi (an equestrian exercise which took place within a fenced arena, the riders pursuing, and shooting with padded arrows at, a dog) ; Yabiisamc . (shooting from horseback with bow and arrow at a target) ; hawking, wrestling, hunting, and other active forms of amusement. SECTION VIII. Literature. After the Hogen and Heiji insurrections even the capital itself, the seat of refinement and splendour, became like a deserted battle-field, and when Minamoto Yoritomo made Kamakura the head-quarters of his military govern- ment, the science of war absorbed men's attention so com- pletely that little or no heed was paid to literary pursuits. With the restoration of peace, however, literature did not fail to re-enter the path of progress. The Kyoto Universit)- and the j^rovincial schools which were the fountain-heads and props of the nation's educa- tion, entered upon a period of decline after the Heian Epoch. With the exception of the founding of the Kcina- zaii'a Jhiiiko by Hojo Akitoki, in the fifth )'ear of the S/io-ZL'a era — a librar)- in which Chinese and Japanese books were collected for the convenience af students— there is recorded no evidence of official effort to encourage literary pursuits. The study of Chinese literature passed greatly out of fashion in the era succeeding the reign of Daigo, so that, during the period of the Hojo's supremac)-, there were few military men or civilians comp(;tent to compose in Chinese style. HISTORY OF THE EMPH 8 #= k: ^ f^-r L N r^ .()t:','i...l^ {' ^^J Ni-o by Unkei s^-y, / <^ ^rr.K HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 20J favour in Japan. From that time also dates the Sumi-c, or Indian-ink picture, in which refinement of style was regarded as the chief desideratum. This fashion of paint- ing subsequently obtained such development as to take precedence of even the Yamato school. SECTION XII. Trade and Commerce. After the organization of the Shogunate, merchants from various parts of the empire assembled at Kamakura, which therefore became the commercial centre of the country, whereas in Kyoto commerce gradually declined. There were at that epoch seven kinds of markets where articles were sold at small stores specially designed and constructed, and the custom of peddling merchandise also existed. In the case of business transacted at a distance, the system of using bills of exchange had already come into voCTue. o While Sanetomo administrated the Shogunate, an offi- cial limit was fixed for the number of merchants conducting business in Kamakura. This was the origin of hereditary privileges of trade. The prices for the various staples of commerce were determined, according to the custom of previous times. In the fourth year of the Keiikiu era (1193 7\.i).), while Gotoba was on the Throne, an Imperial Notification declared that rice should be sold at one thousand cash (one Kivammoii), or the tenth of a Riyo, — that is to say nominally ten sen according to present deno- minations, but of course representing a much large sum 20^ HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. at that time. Again, in the fifth year of the Kencho ^X2i (1253 A.D.), fire-wood, charcoal, and other necessaries having risen in price, Hojo Tokiyori proclaimed the rate at which each must be sold. Gold was at that time constantly mined in Oshu, but it did not serve for coinage purpose. The media of exchange used by the people were Chinese copper and iron cash of the Sung Dynasty and similar Japanese coins of earlier days. Owing to this mixture of media difficulties were ex- perienced in fixing the average prices of staples, and the Emperor Gotoba consequently issued an order, in the fourth year of the Kenkiu era (1193 a.d.), forbidding the use of Chinese coins. Another edict, issued by the Emperor Kame^^ama in the third year of the Kocho ^X2i (1263 a.d.), interdicted the circulation of clipped coins ; that is to say, portions of whole coins. At that epoch also grass cloth was employed as a medium of exchange, and prices were quoted in terms of it, the name given to it h&mgjinnpit. In the second year of the Karoku era (1220 a.d.), Gohori- kawa being on the Throne, Hojo Tokimune despatched to China a merchant who was instructed to exchange Japan- ese gold for Chinese copper coins. Operations of borrowing and lending money were largely carried on in this epoch, evidently with abuses incidental to all such transactions in early times, for we find that, in the second year of the Karoku era (1266 a.d.), the Emperor Gohorikawa revived the Kdnin-kcnkiu statutes, by which the period of a loan was fixed at one year, and the interest was limited to fifty per centum of the principal, with the further proviso that the debt should not increase with lapse of time, neither should the debtor be liable for HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 20^ interest over and above the rate entered in the original promissor note. Loans were made, for the most part, at from five to eight per cent monthly. About tlie seventh year of the A^v/r/zJ era (1255 a.d.), the custom of pledging garments and other articles when making loans was much in vogue, and money does not seem to have been lent with- out security. As for lands, it was provided that they must not be mortgaged for a period exceeding twenty years. Trade with China, under the Sung Dynasty, and with Korea — or Koma, as it was then called — was carried on largely at Hakata in Chikuzen and Bonotsu in Satsuma. Import duties upon foreign goods was levied at the various ports of entry when Amano Tokage became Governor of Kiushu. A tax had previously been imposed by the Konoye Family upon Chinese articles entered at the port of Bono- tsu. The j^rincipal imports from China were raw silk, indigo, Chinese ink, porcelain vessels, mats, and so forth, while the staple exports from Japan were rice, other cereals, and timber. In the sixth of the Kciicho era (1254 a.d.), Hojo Tokiyori limited the number of ships engaged in the China trade to five, and ordered all except these licensed vessels to be destroyed. But the trade continued as brisk as ever. Subsequently, however, during the interval that separated the decline of the Swig Dynast}^ from the es- tablishment of the Yuan, intercourse between Japan and the neighbouring empire underwent some diminution, and was suspended altogether for a time after the Mongol invasion of Japan. 206 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. CHArTER II. SECTION I. Emperor reigning alternately. The establishment of the Shogun's government at Kamakura and the extensive authority wielded by it, pro- voked dissatisfaction in the Court in Kyoto, and inspired a desire to strip the Shogunate of its paramount power should any favourable occasion offer. But although the Minamoto Family fell, no such opportunity presented itself The Hojo succeeded the Minamoto, and the sceptre of affairs remained as before in Kamakura. The outcome of this Imperial umbrage on the one side and military usurpation on the other, was the Shokiu disturbance, the outlines of which have already been related. It did not further the cause of the Court. On the contrary, the three ex-Emperors, Gotoba, Tsuchimikado, and Juntoku, were sent to distant is- lands by Hojo Yoshitoki, and many Court nobles and military men who had espoused the Imperial side were either killed or banished. Thenceforth the influence of the military class became more supreme than ever, and culminated in interference even with the order of Imperial Succession. This unprecedented incident of Japanese history occurred on the death of the Emperor Shijo. There being no direct heir, the Kyoto Regent, Fujiwara Michiiye, advocated the accession of the ex-Emperor Juntoku's son, but the Kama- kura Regent, Hojo Yasutoki, opposed the project on the ground that the ex-Emperor had been a party to the Shokiic disturbance. On the other hand, the ex-Emperor Tsuchi- mikado had raised his voice against the Shokiu affair, and his son consequently receiving Yasutoki's support, came to the Throne as Gosaga. This Sovereign married a lady of HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 20J the Saionji Family, which had supported the fortunes of the Hojo in the Slwkiu war. Moreover, His Majesty refrained from all direct interference in administrative affairs, leaving everything in the hands of the Hojo, and thus contributing materially to the decline of the Imperial power. Upon Gosaga's abdication, the two Princes Gofukakusa and Kameyama succeeded him in turn, Gosaga, as ex-Emperor continuing to take part in governmental affairs during a period of thirty years. Gofukakusa was older than his brother Kameyama, but the latter possessed abilities of a much higher order, and the possibility of his restoring the Imperial prestige was regarded hopefully by the ex-Emperor. Hence it fell out the Gosaga, at his death, left a will securing to Kameyama and his descendants the sword of the Shogun Sakanouye and the right to rule in perpetuity, while at the same time he willed to Gofukakusa and his de- scendants the domain of Chokodo, a temple which the ex- Emperor Goshirakawa had built and endowed with great estates in eighty localities. In accordance with this testa- ment, Gouda, the eldest son of Kameyama, ascended the Throne, his father, as ex-Emperor, controlling Court affairs. This phase of events roused the indignation of the other ex- Emperor, Gofukakusa, who appealed for aid to the Hojo Family. The appeal met with a favourable reception. Hojo Tokimune insisted upon the Sceptre being given to Fushimi, son of Gofukakusa, alleging that the Succession properly belonged to the latter's line, and that, moreover, the virtues of Gofukakusa warranted such a choice. The ex-Emperor Kameyama took strong objection to this ruling, but emis- saries of Gofukakusa defamed Kameyama to the Hojo Family, alleging that His Majesty harboured resentment on account of the sequel of the Shokiu trouble, and was always planning some scheme of revenge ; representations 208 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAP Ah'. which led the Shogun to believe that the interest of the Hojo would be imperilled were the Throne occupied by the descendants of Kameyama, so that he finally took steps to secure the Succession to Fushimi's son, Gofushimi. Here, however, interference arose in another quarter. The ex- Emperor Gouda despatched an envoy to Kamakura to inquire why the terms of Gosaga's will were not observed. Hence Hojo Sadatoki decided that the descendants of Go- fukakusa and Kameyama should reign alternately, each for ten )ears. Kameyama's line came first to the Throne in the person of Gonijo, eldest son of Gouda, the Prince Imperial being Hanazono, younger brother of Gofushimi. Hanazono in turn abdicated in favour of Godaigo, grandson of Kameyama and younger son of Gouda (reference to the Table below will make these alternations clear). Gouda, the ex-Emperor, lived at the temple Daikaku-ji in Saga, and Fushimi, ex-Emperor of the other line, was confined in the temple Jimyo-in. Thus the descendants of Gofukakusa came to be called the Line of Jimyo-in, while those of Kameyama were know^n as the Daikaku-ji Line. taiile showing lineage and chronology of sovereic;ns. 88th Emperor Gosaga (1243- 1247 A.D.) Jiviyo-i n Line. j Daikaku -ji Line, 89th Emperor Gofukakusa (1247-1266 A.D.) 90th Emperor Kameyama (1266- 1276 A.D.) 92nd Emperor Fushimi (1288-1299 a.d.) 91st Emperor Gouda (1276-1288 A.D.) 9Vd Emperor 95th Emperor 94th Emperor 96th Emperor "Gofushimi Hanazono Gonijo Godaigo (1299.1301 A.D.) (1308-1319 A.D.) (1301-1308 A.D.) (I3'9-I339 A.iJ.) The system that the descendants of the two lines should reign alternately was devised with the object of HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 20Q securing undisturbed tenure of power to the Hojo Family. Just as in the Government at Kyoto the Hojo, seeking to nullify the influence of the Fujiwara, had arranged that the office of Regent should be held in succession by the five branches of that Family, namely, the Konoye, the Kujo, the Nijo, the Ichijo, and the Takadzukasa, so, in the case of the Sovereignty itself, they conceived the scheme of a divided house, which rule, had it remained in operation, must have inured steadily to the advantage of the Kama- kura potentates. But the project was inherently impractic- able. For though, when a Prince of the Jimyo-in Line came to the Throne, the revenue of the Choko-do domains enabled him to support his Imperial state and to reign without pecuniary embarrassment, the case was very different with the Princes of the Daikaku-ji Line. Find- ing themselves always in straitened circumstances, they were discontented and sought constantly to introduce re- forms. On the one side were the prosperous sovereigns of the Jimyo-in Line, conservative and well disposed towards the Shogunate at Kamakura ; on the other were the penurious monarchs of the Daikaku-ji Line, anxious only to see the Shogunate overthrown. Out of such a state of affairs it was almost inevitable that a war should be evolved, and that a dual Sovereignty should take, the place of the single Emperor system. Such indeed was the issue, as we proceed now to relate. SECTION II. The Gc7ikd War. As the power of the Hojo declined, the administration of justice fell into disorder. The Kamakura Regent, Taka- 2IO HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. toki, was a man of little intelligence and dissolute habits. He spent his time looking at the dance called Dengaku or witnessing dog-fights, and paid no attention whatever to the business of government. Thus it fell out that the A^ai- kwanryo, Nagasaki Takasuke, who directed the affairs of the Hojo Family, found himself altogether untrammelled in the exercise of his authority. Bribery became frequent ; partiality presided at the tribunals of justice, and dissatis- faction with the Hojo rule began to prevail. Indignant at the arbitrariness and injustice of the Kamakura administra- tion, and still smarting under a sence of the indignities suffered by the Sovereigns in the sequel of the SJwkiiL war, the Emperor Godaigo, of the Daikaku-ji Line, conceived the design of overthrowing the Shogunate. In pursuance of this project, Assistant Councillor of State, Hino Suke- tomo, and the Ktirando, Hino Toshimoto, secretly proceed- ed to Kamakura and entered into a compact with the discontented Samurai there, and in the first )-ear of the Shochiu era (1324 a. d.) two military nobles of Mino, Toki Yorikane and Tajimi Kuninaga, went to Kyoto to co- operate with the Emperor. These four men were, however, arrested by the Hojo officials at Rokuhara, and sent under escort to Kamakura. The Northern Regent now took steps to dethrone Godaigo and replace him by a Sovereign better disposed to the Hojo House, but the Emperor averted that result by addressing to Takatoki a solemn pro- fession of innocence and goodwill. The Kurando, Toshi-- moto, was thereupon released, and Suketomo alone was punished by exile to Sado. Another cause of dissension was furnished b)' the Succession. The Prince Kuninaga, son of the Emperor Gonijo, had been named Heir Apparent by the retired Image of the Emperor Godaigo. ES^ ...- ■ .tx:;:^ r\ .-"*:^: r:^^ .'^.- .o;gix5boO loisqm/T orb lo o-^x.^: HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 211 Emperor Gouda, and should therefore have succeeded Godaioo. But both the ex-Emperer and the Prince having died, Godaigo thought that he saw an opportunity to break through the rule of alternate Succession, and sought to have his own son named Heir Apparent. This project was peremptorily opposed by the Shogun, who insisted upon rigid observance of the rule of alternate Succession, and caused Prince Kazuhito to be nominated Heir Apparent. The umbrage produced by this failure was accentuated when another project of the Emperor's, namely, the transfer of the Choko-do estates to the Daikaku-ji Line, met with a similarly implacable veto at Kamakura. Godaigo was now full of anger against the Hojo, but the latter's immense military following rendered hopeless all schemes of open defiance. Under the circumstances the Emperor conceived the idea of having recourse to priestly aid. He placed his son. Prince Morinaga, in the post of Lord Abbot of En- ryaku-ji, and he himself proceeded to Hiyeizan and Nara, where he succeeded in winning the affection of the priests, and in elaborating with them a scheme for the overthrow of the Hojo Family. But this plan also was divulged, and Toshimoto, who had been a party to it, was again arrested. The JVaikwanjyo, Takasuke, now urged that the Emperor and his son should be sent into exile, inasmuch as they had plotted the destruction of the Hojo rule, and the Regent accepted this counsel contrary to the advice of one of his principal generals, Nikaido Sadafuji. In August of the first year of the Genko era (1331 a.d.), the Regent sent Sada- fuji at the head of three thousand men to Kyoto, with orders to arrest the Emperor. But Prince Morinaga having obtained intelligence of what was pending, Godaigo escaped from the Palace during the night, carrying with him the Three Insignia — the Mirror, the Sword, and the Jewel — 212 HISTORY OF TBE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. and took refuge on Mount Kasagi, where he mustered his partizans from the neighbouring- provinces and jDOSted them for the protection of his temporary residence. Taka- toki thereupon caused the Heir Apparent, Kazuhito, to be raised to the Throne as Kogon, and directed his troops against the retreat of Godaigo, which place was destroyed, the dethroned Emperor being captured and carried to Rokuhara, and the Insignia being restored the reigning Sovereign. In March of the following year, the Regent Takatoki removed Godaigo to Oki, and sent the two Princes, his sons, into banishment in Sado and Sanuki.. About this time a warrior destined to become very famous, Kusunoki Masashige, raised the standard of revolt in Kawachi and declared in favour of the exiled Emperor. He constructed a castle at Akasaka, and though it was destroyed by the Hojo partizans, he retired to Mount Kongo and held his ground there, subsequently developing sufficient strength to restore the fortifications at Akasaka. Meanwhile Prince Morinaga raised troops and fought against the Hojo at Yoshino in Yamato, and afterwards at Koya in Kii. The time had now come for the Hojo to put forth their strength. In February of the third year of Gcnko (1333 a.d.) a large army was sent from Kamakura against Kyoto, but great numbers of fighting men flocked to the Imperial standard in Sanyo and Nankai. and in the following month the exiled Emperor escaped from Oki and proceeded to Hoki, being supported by Nawa Nagatoshi, who raised troops in the San-in districts. The provinces of Hizen and Higo were also on the Emperor's side, as was the powerful Yuki Family of Mutsu. Thus it fell out that the Hojo's army which had been despatched against Kyoto, suffered defeat in several engagements. Takatoki HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2r- now sent Ashikaga Takauji to assume charge of the campaign in Kyoto and its neighbourhood. This was a fatal choice. For not only was Takauji closely related to the Minamoto Family whom the Hojo had overthrown, but he also viewed with strong disfavour the oppressive arbi- trariness of the latter. Hence, no sooner hed he reached Kyoto than he declared for the Imperial cause, and, in concert with Minamoto Tada-aki, Akamatsu Norimura, and other generals, attacked and destroyed Rokuhara, the head- quarters of the Hojo Administration in Kyoto. This event occurred in May, 1333 a.d. The Imperial forces then re- occupied Kyoto. About this time Nitta Yoshisada, a renowned member of the Minamoto Family, laid seige to the fortress which Kusunoki Masashige had con- structed on Mount Kongo, combining the forces of Hojo for the purpose. But Prince Morinaga opened relations with him, and, in obedience to the Prince's secret instruc- tions, he pretexted illness, retired to his own province of Kozuke, and after consultation with his relative and par- tizans, raised the standard of revolt against Kamakura. Events now marched rapidly. All the blood relatives of the Minamoto Family in Echigo and Shinano came to- gether, and marching against Kamakura in great numbers, demolished or burnt all the offices and public buildings there. On the 22nd of May in the same year, the Regent Takatoki, together with all the members of his family, com- mitted suicide, and the rule of the Hojo came to an end. A month later — on the 5th of the 6th month, 1333 A.D. — the exiled Emperor returned from Hoki and re-entered Kyoto in state. He altered to Kcmbn the year name (Sliokyo), adopted by the Emperor Kogon, and cancelled all the rank and appointments conferred by that Sovereign. 214- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. He also confiscated the estates of the Hojo Family, and in recognition of the eminent services rendered by Ashikaga Takauji, Kusunoki Masashige, Nitta Yoshisada, and Nawa Nagatoshi, they were all appointed Lord Wardens. As for Prince Morinaga, who had shown such address and valour, the Emperor nominated him Shogun. This Prince subse- quently forfeited the Imperial favour and was deprived of his high office, being succeeded in it by Prince Narinaga. Tadayoshi, the younger brother of Ashikaga Takauji, accom- panied Prince Narinaga to Kamakura, and assisted him to bring the eastern provinces into complete subjection ; while Kitabatake Chikafusa and his son Akiiye were sent, under the leadership of Prince Yoshinaga, to Mutsu for the pur- pose of establishing the Imperial sway in Mutsu and Deba. Prince Yoshinaga established tribunals of justice in the north, and sought to confer on the people the blessing of security of life and property. Meanwhile, the military men and landholders of the various provinces flocked to Kyoto to urge their merits at Court and to obtain confirmed possession of their holdings or additional grants. But great difficulty was experienced in determining the truth or false- hood of the statements made by these ambitious claimants. Moreover, the Sovereign having already made large gifts of land to his favourites, little remained for division among the warriors whose exploits in the Imperial cause had merited munificent treatment. Thus discontent and dis- appointment began to be felt, and men's minds once more turned to the sword. SECTION III. Tlic N'ortJicrn and SoiitJicrn Dynasties. Nitta Yoshisada's ancestor, beincf on bad terms with HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 21 S Yoritomo, had lived in retirement at Nitta in Kozuke. Men knew and thought very little about him. On the other hand. Ashikaga Takauji was not only a blood relative of the Minamoto Family, but could also claim close con- nection with the Hojo through marriages effected by his ancestors. He enjoyed both influence and popularit)-. When the day had been won for the Imperial cause, and the Hojo head-quarters at Rokuhara had fallen, the Emperor, greatly pleased by Takauji's achievements, conferred on him rewards such as no one else received, and authorized him, among other things, to take the name of " Taka," which was one of the ideographs in the name of the Sovereign himself. Prince Morinaga entertained a strong dislike of Takauji, and sought to compass his ruin, which pro- ject, having become known to the Ashikaga chief, was by him exposed to the Sovereign, with a prayer that the Prince should be punished. The Emperor finally yielded to these representations, and causing the Prince to be arrested, placed him in confinement in Kamakura. Shortly afterwards, the remaining partizans of the Hojo assembled in Shinano and marched against Kamakura. Tadayoshi, who was in military charge of the place, finding himself unable to defend it, retreated to Mikawa, having first caused Prince Morinaga to be put to death. Takauji sought the Emperor's permission to proceed to the scene of disturbance, and having affected a union with Tadayoshi, he destroyed the Hojo Partizans, re-occupied Kamakura, and bestowed rewards on the captains and warriors who had aided him. Takauji now gave the reins to his own ambi- tion. Established at Kamakura, he called himself Shogun, and under pretext of subduing Nitta Yoshisada, sent orders throughout the provinces directing that troops should be raised. In consequence of these doings the Emperor con- 2l6 II J STORY OF THE EI\]FIRE OF JAPAN. certed measures for the overthrow of Takauji.- He ap- pointed Prince Takanaga the chief command of a large army, with Nitta Yoshisada as chief of staff, and at the same time he instructed Kitabatake of Mutsu to attack Takauji 's rear. In November of the second year of Kaiibii (1335 A.D.), Yoshisada encountered the forces of Takauji in Suruga and Mikawa, and defeated them in successive engagements ; but Takauji, and Tadayoshi subsequently, established themselves at strong positions in the Hakone district, and Yoshisada's army attempting to dislodge them, suffered a signal defeat and was driven westward. This event determined the various provincial magnates who had formerly supported the Shogunate to declare for Takauji, and the Ashikaga chief found himself strong enough, in the following year, to pursue Yoshisada and push on to K}'oto, where, though stoutly opposed by Kusunoki Masashige, Nawa Nagatoshi, and others, he gained the victor)% the Emperor retreating to the temple Enryaku-ji. Meanwhile, Kitabatake Akiiye, High Constable of Chinjufu, with an army under the command of Prince Yoshinaga, followed Takauji to Kyoto, ond having effected a junction with the forces of Nitta Yoshisada and Kusunoki Masashige, succeeded in defeating the Ashikaga chief. Shortly after- wards, Takauji sustained another severe defeat in H)ogo at the hands of Yoshisada, Masashige, and others, and was compelled to retreat precipitately westward, the Imperialists once more re-occupying Kyoto. The restoration of the Imperial authority by Godaigo was the signal for a loss of power by the Princes of the Jimyo-in Line, who found themselves thrust completely HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 21^ into the background. Takauji descried an opportunity in this circumstance. Addressing himself to the dethroned Emperor Kogon, he obtained a mandate to raise an army. With remarkable energy he got together troops from all parts of the empire and once more renewed the contest, defeating Kikuchi, Aso, Akidzuki and other supporters of the Daigaku-ji Princes at Tataranohama. Stationing a trusted general in Kiushu, with instructions to bring the provinces in that quarter under control, he himself advanced east- ward by land and by sea at the head of troops raised in Nankai and Chiugoku. Yoshisada and Masashige made a desperate stand in Hyogo against the Ashikaga Army, but were defeated, Masashige falling on the field of battle at Minatogawa. The Imperial cause suffered seriously by his death. The beginning of the Genko era had seen Kusunoki Masashige shut up with a handful of soldiers in an inde- pendent castle, heroically defending himself against the great armies of the Kwanto. Sacrificing everything in the cause of loyalty, he steadily supported his Sovereign. A captain of wonderful resource, he often planned stratagems that brought disaster on the foe. An enthusiastic servant of the Emperor, he taught the public by example and precept the duty of supporting their Sovereign. To him more than to any other was due the restoration of the Im- perial authority. But when selfish ambition began to divide the Sovereign's supporters Masashige's wise counsels were no longer followed, and he fell at last in battle. With his dying breath he exhorted his son, Masatura, to fight for the success of the cause on account of which he had given his own life ; and Masatsura, imbued with the same spirit as his noble father, died loyally for his Sovereign. From 2lS HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF yAPAX. the rise to the fall of the Ashikaga Family, Masashige and his descendants stood in the van of the Imperial cause, giving their lives and possessions to support the Southern (Daikaku-ji) Dynast)^ and to overthrow the Shogun's go- vernment. By subsequent generations this distinguished man and his descendants have been regarded as types of loyalty and fidelit)-. Takauji having occupied Kyoto, caused the dethroned Emperor Kogon to be escorted thither, and sent Tadayoshi to attack the temporary palace at Hiyeizan. In the eighth year of the Engcn era, he placed Kogon's son upon the Throne, calling him Komyo. In October of the same year, the defenders of Hiyeizan finding themselves without pro- visions, the Emperor concluded peace with his assailants, hoping to renew the com.bat at some future date. Takauji then placed the defeated Emperor in confinement, assumed control of the army, and established the Shogunate at Muromachi. Fighting, however, still continued, and after a time the fortune of war turned in favour of the Southern Dynasty, so that, in December of the same year, the Emperor Komyo was obliged to leave Kyoto and retire to Yoshino in Yamato. During a period of fifty-seven years subsequent to that event, the government of the country was divided into two, the Sovereigns of the Northern and Southern Dynasties reigning simultaneously. Much dis- order necessarily ensued in State affairs. The reader will have perceived that, from an early date in the struggle, the Daikaku-ji Line of Princes, that is to say, the descendants of the Emperor Kameyama, had come to be called the " Southern Dynasty " (N'aji-c/ioJ, while the Princes of the Jimyo-in Line, descended from Gofukakusa, were known as the " Northern Dynasty " ( HoJm-chd). HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2IC) TABLE SHOWING GENEALOGY AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN DYNASTIES. DYNASTY OF THE SOUTH. 96th Emperor Godaii^^o (1319-1339 A.D.) I 97th Emperor Gomurakami (1339-136S A.D.) 98th Emperor Chokei (1368-1370 a.d.) 99th Emperor Gokameyama (1370-1393 A D.) DYNASTY OF THE NORTH. I. Kogon (1332-1336 A.D.) II. Komyo (1336-1349 a.d.) I I I HI. Suku (1349-1352 A.D.) IV. Gokogon (1352-1372 A.D.) I V. Goenyu (1372-13S3 A.D.) VI. Gokomatsu (1383-1393 a.d.) N.B. — In the year 1393 a.d. the two Dynasties became united in the person of a single Sovereign, Gokomatsu. Under this dual sovereignty, the great territorial magnates opposed to the Kamakura shogunate sided with the southern IJynasty, all others supporting the Northern. It was an era of perpetual conflict. Among the partizans of the southern Dynasty the most puissant and popular were Nitta Yoshisada and Kitabatake Akiiye, of whom the former had his head-quarters in Echizen, where he guarded the Heir Apparent, while the latter, under the auspices of Prince Yoshinaga, held Mutsu under control, the Emperor himself organizing his Court in Kinki (the provinces contigu- ous to Kyoto.) After a time, His Majesty conceived the project of restoring the Imperial city to something of its former grandeur, and in pursuance of that design would have summoned Akiiye thither. But reverses overtook the Imperial arms and the Sovereign had to abandon his pro- ject. The armies of the Shogun invaded Echizen and destroyed the castle of Tsuruga. The great commander, Nitta Yoshisada, committed suicide, and the Imperial 220 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Strength declined appreciably. Kitabatake Chikafusa, how- ever, maintained himself stoutly in Hitachi, whence he carried the Imperial sway into the eastern provinces. Prince Yoshinaga, holding the office of Generalissimo, exer- cised control in Kiushu, and other Imperial Princes were despatched to Nankai and Tokai. On the other side, Ashikaga Takauji concentrated a part of his forces for the defence of Kamakura, and sent others to fight against the Imperialists in Chiugoku, Kiushu, and Nankai. He himsilf received from the Northern Sove- reign the title of Shogun, and make Muromachi his seat of administration, exercising complete control of governmental functions as entrusted to him by the Northern Dynasty. In the third year of the Engcn era (133S a.d.), the Emperor Godaigo died in the temporary palace at Yoshino. From the time of his exile he had always retained possession of the Sacred Jewel, and on his death-bed he summoned all the Imperial Princes to his side, and laid upon them his earnest injunctions never to rest until the Im- perial power had been restored. He was succeeded by Prince Yoshinaga, who ascended the Throne as Gomurakami. A series of reverses now overtook the Imperialists. One after another their armies were defeated in the pro- vinces, until Kitabatake Chikafusa alone remained un- conquered in Hitachi. But Chikafusa, too, were soon overpowered by the Shogun's forces. He effected his escape to Yoshino, and the Emperor issued a summons to the warriors of Chiugoku and Nankai to reenforce the Imperial arm)' in Kiushu. The Shogun Kanenaga was thus enabled to bring Kiushu completely under the Imperial HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAA'. 221 sway, and this success encouraged Chikafusa, who now made one supreme effort Assembling a force in Kyoto and its neighbourhood, he attempted to re-occupy the city, and the suddenness of his effort gave him a temporary advant- age. But Takauji and Tadayoshi sent Kono Moronao, Moroyasu, and others to attack the temporary palace at Yoshino, the defenders of which saw themselves utterly out- numbered. Kusunoki Masatsura, son of the great Masa- shige, had hitherto, guarded the palace with stubbon bra- very. But now he and his captains bade a final farewall to their Sovereign and marching out to encounter the foe, fought their last battle at Shijo-nawate, and fell fighting. After this victory, the Shogun's army burned the temporary palace at Yoshino, and the Emperor escayed to Anafu in Yamato. Despite all these successes, the Shogun's forces were unable to crush by a single effort the resistance of the Southern Dynasty's defenders, the effective strength of the Northern armies being seriously impaired by disloyalty and jealousy among the nobles that espoused the Shogun's cause. Takauji received in his campaigns the faithful and stout support of his brother, Today oshi, and between these two unity prevailed for a season. But when Kono Moronao, one of Takauji's principal generals, won a victory over the Southern forces, he over-estimated his exploits, and so greatly abused his authority as to incur the jealousy and hatred of Tadayoshi. The latter, therefore, in conjunction with his son Tadafuyu, sought to compass the destruction of Moronao, but the plot became known, and Moronab pre- vailed upon Takauji to condemn Tadayoshi to death. Tada- yoshi consequently espoused the cause of the Southern Dynast}', but his son Tadafuyu established himself iu Chiu- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. goku and refused to follow his father's example. In the following year good relations were restored beetween Taka- Liji and Tadayoshi, but they soon again became enemies, with the result that Tadayoshi passed to Kamakura and Takauji joined the Southern side. These changes materi- ally affected the course of the struggle. Takauji's son, Yoshiaki, acquired so much influence in Kyoto that he was able to bring about the abdication of the Emperor Suko, of the Northern Line, as well as the deposition of the Heir Apparent. The Southern Dynasty was now invited to re- turn to the capital and the Emperor came as far as Otoko- yama, in the vicinity of Kyoto. Takauji had by this time effected the death of Tadayoshi, but Yoshiaki took part against his father, and succeeded in re-occupying Kyoto. The Emperors therefore retired again to Anafu, and the three ex-Emperors of the Northern Dynasty having been placed in confinement, Yoshiaki made Kogon Sovereign of the Northern Line. Thus discord and dissension prevailed constantly in the Ashikaga Family, generals and warriors repeatedly throwing off their fealty, and some going so far as to join hands with the Southern Dynasty out of motives purely interested. Meanwhile, Prince Kanenaga, who held the post of Shogun under the Southern Dynasty, brought the greater part of Kiushu under his sway, and wielded wide influence. Gomurakami, of the Southern Dynasty, died at this time, and was succeeded by his son, Chokei, who, after a very brief interval, abdicated in favour of his brother, Gokameyama. Meanwhile, Takauji having died in Kyoto, his office was given to his son Yoshiaki and Yoshi- aki, in turn, handed over the administrative direction to Yoshimitsu, who l^ecame the tliird Sei-i Taishogun HISTORY OF 7 HE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 22^ of the Ashikaga Family. The fortunes of the Northern Dynasty now improved materially. The Ashikaga troops inflicted a severe defeat on the Southern army in the eastern provinces, and great numbers of the Sourthern Dy- nasty's adherents surrendered. Its power being thus broken, the Sourthern Dynasty was not averse to entertaining pro- posals for peace made, in the ninth year of the Gcnchu era (1392 A.I).), by the Shogun Yoshimitsu. The Southern Sovereign, Gokameyama, handed over the Imperial Insignia to his Northern rival, Gokomatsu, and the two Dynasties being thus united, Gokomatsu ascended the Throne as the hundredth Emperor of Japan. CHAPTER III. The MtLroniachi Epoch. SECTION I. The Administration of the Ashikaga Family. The long struggle between the two Dynasties having been brought to an end, peace once more reigned in Kyoto. But in the south and the north tranquillity was not yet restored. Shoni and Kikuchi, powerful nobles of Kiushu, defied the authority of the Governor, Shibukawa Mitsuyori, who held his commission from the Ashikaga, but were finally reduced to subjection by the aid of Otomo, Shimadzu, Ouchi, and other great Barons of the district. In Mutsu and Dewa, also, Date and Ashina took up arms and over-ran the neighbouring provinces. The Shogun accordingly entrusted to a Governor and an officer called Kwanryo the manage- ment of all matters in Kiushu and Togoku (North-Eastern 224- HISTORY Of THE EMPIRE OF JAPAS\ province) and took no further thought for them. The Ashikaga potentate received much vakiable assistance and advice from Hosokawa Yoriyuki, a noble of conspicuous braver)' and wide literary attainments, so that by degrees a stricter system of discipline was introduced, and the fealty of the Shogun's generals and warriors ceased to be constantly untrustworthy. The administrative institution of the Ashikaga Family were now, for the first time, placed on a well ordered footing. When Takauji conceived the project of establishing an Ashikaga Shogun, the power, of the Southern Dynast)- was at its height, and the tide of battle swept again and again as far as Kyoto itself. Hence the exigencies of the struggle required that Kyoto should be the head-quarters of the Shogunate, and Takauji establishing himself there, entrusted the Government of the Eastern pro- vinces to his son Motouji, who resided at Kamakura holding the office of Kwanryo. The Shogun further despatched a trusted general to Kiushu, and made him Governor there in order to protect that district against the partizans of the Southern Dynasty. In the fourth year of the Kcmbii era (1339 (a.d.) a body of laws called the Kcmbit Statutes ( Kcmbit Shikimoku) was promulgated. The provisions of these Statutes were based on the Goscibai laws, a criminal code previously enacted. Further, in conformit)- with laws framed b)- the Hojo Regents, various offices — such as the Mcnidokoro, the MoncJiujo, the Saimirai-dokoro, and so forth — were estab- lished for the control of matters relating the finance, literature, criminal and civil business. The organization of the office of the Kamakura Kwanryo was determined in accordance with the same laws. During the Shogunate of Takauji and Yoshiaki, however, fighting went on continuously, to the HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAiW 22 j inevitable detriment of the administration of justice and State affairs in general. When, however, the third Ashi- kaga Shogun, Yoshimitsu, succeeded to that high office and established himself at Muromachi, an era of peace commenced and the functions of Government began to be discharged with regularity " and thoroughness. The office of Kwanryo was then declared hereditary in the families of Shiba, Hosokawa, and Hatakeyama, and extensive estates in the neighbourhood of Kyoto were bestowed on these nobles. Yamana, Ishiki, Kyogoku, Akamatsu, and others, who received the appointment of Wardens of provinces, were also called Lords of Provinces ( KuiiinwcJii-sJin), and these nobles and their families shared in the administration of the Shogunate in various capacities, as officials of the Samurai -dokoro, the Hyojo-shu, and so forth. Special officials were also appointed to superintend the affairs of temples and shrines, as well as matters connected with re- wards and foreiofn trade. In the first year of the Oyci era (1394 a.d.) Yoshimitsu ceded the Shogunate to his son Yoshimochi and received for himself the appointment of chief Minister of State (Dajo Daijin). After a brief interval, however, he resigned that post also, and having adopted the tonsure, retired nominally from official life, calling himself Tenzan Dogi. Always prone to luxury, he now gave the reins more freely than ever to his fancy for pomp and splendour. Whenever he moved abroad, he was accompanied by an escort large enough for an ex-Emperor, and such was the magnificence of his mansion at Muromachi and so great the profusion of blossoming trees among which it stood, that men gave to it the name of the Palace of Flowers. After his retirement from official life he established his residence at Kitayama, 226 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. building there a three-storied house with timbers and stones of the finest quahty which the Wardens and territorial magnates were required to contribute. The columns, doors, alcoves, ceilings, and floors were decorated with gold dust. Nothing could exceed the elegance and splendour of this edifice. The people called it " Kinkaku-ji," or the golden temple, and it stands to this day one of the most interesting relics of ancient Kyoto. On the completion of this gorgeous mansion, Yoshimitsu — or Tenzan Dogi as he was then called — took up his residence there, and thither all the magnates of State had to repair in order to obtain his sanc- tion for administrative measures. Banquets were often given there on a sumptuous scale, the illustrious host amusing himself and his guests with displays of music and danc- ing — Buto, Sarugaku, and ShirabyosJii . The example thus set by the ex-Shogun was readily imitated by the military men of the time, and to support all this luxury, it became necessary to increase the burden of taxation. Yoshimitsu had strong faith in Buddhist doctrines, and devoted large sums to the building of temples. The doctrines of the Zen Sect found special favour with him, and its priests were the recipients of much munificence at his hands. He levied contributions on all the provinces for the purpose of erecting for the sect in Kyoto a temple of unparalleled magnificence called Shokoku-ji. Amid the exercise of all this pomp and while the power of the Shogunate was thus supreme from end to end of the country, the seeds of future misfortune were naturally sown. Not long after the death of Yoshimitsu the country began to fall into disorder. The generals and military partizans of the Southern Dynasty supposed that a return to the system of alternate Succession between the two lines of Jimyo-in niSTOKV OF rilE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. -22/ and Uaigaku-ji had formed part of the arrangement under which peace was restored and Gokomatsu raised to the Throne. Hence, after the demise of that Sovereign, they looked to see a Prince of the Southern Line assume the Sceptre. But the Shogun's government crowned Shoko, of the Northern Line. Discontented with this act, Kita- batake Mitsumasa, Warden of Ise, declared war in that province against the Shogun, and a number of military men in or about Kyoto and in Mutsu raised the standard of revolt. Serious disturbance was averted on that occasion by the Shogun's promising that a Prince of the Southern Line should be the next Sovereign. The partizans of the latter Dynasty imagined, therefore, that at the death of Shoko, Prince Ogura, a son of Gokameyama, would come to the Throne, whereas the Ashikaga Family, disregarding the engagement entered into by its chief, again secured the Succession to a Prince of the Northern Dynasty. TABLE SHOWING CHRONOLOGY AND LLXEAGE OF SOVEREIGNS looth Emperor Gokomatsu (1383-1413 a. d.) I loist Emperer Shoko (1413-1429 A. D.) io2ik1 Emperor Gohanazono (1429-1465 A. n.) I 103rd Emperor Gotsucliimikado (1465-1501). The above breach of faith on the part of the Ashikaga Family led to a renewed demonstration by Kitabatake, who, in collu- sion with the military men at Kamakura, unsheathed the sword in behalf of the son of Prince Ogura. At the same time, Echi Koremichi raised the standard of revolt in Yamato, assisted by the forces at Yoshino and Totsugawa. The Ashikaga Family fought vigorously with these insurgents, 228 HISI'ORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. but after a time made peace with them. Subsequent attempts to restore the Southern Line proved equally abortive, and in the end it became extinct without any material success having- been achieved in its behalf. Before that end was reached, however, combats and tumults of the most inveterate character devastated the land. The Ashi- kaga Shoguns found themselves perpetually confronted by disturbance and disaffection. Kusunoki Mitsumasa, for example, formed a plot to destroy the sixth Shogun, Yoshi- nori, but fell without accomplishing his purpose. Then again, the remnants of the Southern Dynasty's partizans were seldom unable to find some powerful nobleman to make common cause with them. One, probably the principal, cause of these frequent insurrections, was that the Ashikaga made immense grants of land to their sup- porters without, at the same time, elaborating some efficient system for the control of the territorial magnates thus created. Many nobles developed such puissance under these circumstances, and acquired command of such vast local resources, that they gave themselves no concern what- ever about any government, whether that of Kyoto or that of Muromachi, and sided with whatever party they found most convenient. Personal ambition and individual aggran- disement were too often the ruling motives of the time. No bonds proved strong enough to secure men's union amid these scenes of tumult. Even brothers, as in the time of Takauji and Yoshinori, did not hesitate to belong to opposite camps, nor were other family ties considered more sacred. So soon as a noble became powerful enough to play for his own hand, he did not shrink from doing so. In the days of Yoshimitsu. the third Ashikaga Shogun, a great territorial magnate, Yamana Ujikiyo, whose estates extended over ten provinces so that men spoke of him as HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 22g Rokiibiui-u/ii-kd (lord of a sixth of Japan), took up arms against the Ashikaga. So, too, Ouchi Yoshihiro rebelled because his success in subjugating Kiushu had given him confidence in his own powers. The Kiuanryo of Kwanto, again, to whom was entrusted the government of the eastern provinces, became so puissant that his influence almost equalled that of the Muromachi Shogun, who re- garded the growth of his relative's power with no little uneasiness. So independent was the attitude of this Kama- kura official and so openly did he affect autonomic state, that we find him adopting the procedent of the Muromachi ruler and nominating two of the Uyesugi Family — Yamano- uchi and Inugake — to the office of Kzaanryo. Immense estates were also held by the branch house of Ogigayatsu Mitsukane, grandson of the first Kamakura Kiuanryo. Motouji (son of Ashikaga Takauji), carried way appa- rently by his wealth and strength, supported the insurrection of Ouchi Yoshihiro, mentioned above, but had no difficulty in making peace with the Muromachi Shogun on the defeat and downfall of Yoshihiro. Thus feud succeeded feud, and campaign, campaign. Mitsukane, the third Kamakura Kwanryo, was succeeded by his son Mochiuji, a man of no capacity. He removed from office Uyesugi Ujinori, who thus became disaffected. It happened at that time that Yoshitsugu, younger brother of Yoshimochi and favourite son of the third Ashikaga Shogun, Yoshimitsu, was plotting to become Shogun. Ujinori allied himself with Yoshitsugu, and being secretly assisted by Kitabatake and Nitta, partizans of the Southern Dynasty, took the field in the 23rcl year of the Oyei era (141 6 a.d.). Under pretence of orders from the Muromachi Shogun, he dismissed Mochiuji from the head of the Kamakura Administration and replaced him by his younger brother, Mochinaka. A conflict ensued be- 2JO HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. tween these insurgents and the troops of the Shogun Yoshimochi, the issue being that Mochinaka and Ujinori committed suicide and Yoshitsugu was killed. Just as in the first generation of the xA.shikaga potentates, Takauji and his brother Tadayoshi were arrayed against each other, so in the fourth generation we find the brothers Yoshimochi and Yoshitsugru eno-ao;ed in strife. In short, wealth and strencrth had become the only guiding principles in this era of perpe- tual battle and bloodshed. The histories of the Taira, of the Minamoto, of the Hojo, and of the Ashikaga, had in- sensibly established the creed that a prize scarcely inferior to the Sceptre itself lay within reach of any noble whose territorial influence and military puissance enabled him to grasp it. On the death of the fourth Ashikara Shoi2:un, Yoshi- mochi, there was no heir in the direct line to succeed him, his son Yoshikazu having died in childhood. Under these circumstances the Kzvaniyo, in compliance with the testament of the deceased potentate, proceeded to the Shrine of Iwashimizu, and having obtained the guidance of heaven by means of divining sticks, announced that Giyen, younger brother of Yoshimochi, should succeed to the Shogunate. Giyen was a Bonze, but he now abandoned the priesthood, and became Shogun under the name of Yoshinori. The Kamakura Administrator, Mochiuji, who had coveted the office of Shogun for him- self, was much chagrined at its falling to Yoshinori. He spoke of the latter publicly as the " apostate-priest Shogun," and made preparations to attack Kyoto. Uye- sugi Norizane, who then held the post of Kwanryo at Kamakura, sought to dissuade Mochiuji from this project, JHit his counsels were rejected, and a rupture finall)^ arising HISTORY OF THE EMFHiE OF JAPAN 2JI between the two, Mochiuji turned his arms against Nori- zane. When the news of these things reached the Shogun, he sought and obtained the Emperor's mandate to march against Kwanto. Two armies were organized for the purpose, their routes of approach being Hakone and Ashigara, respectively. Before they reached Kamakura, however, Norizane had inflicted a signal defeat on Mochi- uji, and the latter had committed suicide, the powerful Yuki Family carrying off his two sons to the castle of Koga in Shimosa, where they defied the Shogun's forces. Victory rested, however, with the invading army. The castle was demolished, and the two children were seized and put to death, the House of Motouji thus becoming extinct, while to the Family of Uyesugi was entrusted the sole administrative control in the eastern provinces. Yoshinori was bold in action and of sound judgment. He possessed the faculty of controlling the most fractious vassals. After havinof defeated the Kamakura insurgents, he brought the remaining adherents of the Southern Dynasty into subjection, and caused Ouchi to undertake successful campaigns against the Kiushu rebels, Shoni, Otomo, and Kikuchi. His administration did much to raise the prestige and widen the power of the Shogunate. On the other hand, he was vain and profligate, and treated his generals and SamuTai with contempt. An object of his constant dislike was Akamatsu Mitsusuke, whom he ridiculed because of his short stature and upon whom he put many sleights. This Mitsusuke was the grandson of Akamatsu Norimura, who, in consideration of conspicuous services rendered to the Ashikaga in the da}'s of Taka- uji, had received, and bequeathed to his children, broad estates. The Shoeun's dislike for Mitsusuke was exceeded HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. only by his affection for a relative of the latter, Sadamura. He would fain have deprived Mitsusuke of his domains in the three provinces of Bizen, Harima, and Mimasaku, in order to bestow them on Sadamura. Mitsusuke was inclio-nant at the notion of such confiscation in the absence of any mis- deed to justify it. In June of the first year of the Kakitsu ere (1441 a.d.), he invited the Shogun to his mansion, where a splendid banquet was spread and a new kind of dancing was displayed. While the entertainment was in progress, Mitsusuke killed and decapitated Yoshinori, set fire to the house, and carrying with him the head of the Shogun, fled to Harima. Thereafter Yoshikazu, eldest son of Yoshinori was proclaimed Shogun by the Kwanryo. Hosokawa Mochi- yuki and Yamana Mochitoyo, having received the Em- peror's mandate, marched against Mitsusuke, destroyed his castle of Shirahata and killed him. Yoshikazu com- missioned Mochitoyo to govern the three provinces over which Mitsusuke had ruled, and the Akamatsu Family was exterminated. Yoshikazu died in childhood and was succeeded in the Shogunate by his younger brother Yoshimasa, who thus became the eighth Ashikaga Shogun, the Kz^'anj-yo, Hata- keyama Mochikuni, being entrusted with the administration of affairs and showing great zeal in the service of the Shogunate. As Yoshimasa grew older he gave himself up to sensual excesses, and paid no attention to business of State, leaving everything in the hands of favourite officers. Thus by degrees disaffection began to appear among his generals and Samurai. Moreover, the two Kzvanryo, Hata- keyama and Shiba, ceased to work harmoniously and en- gaged in competition for the possession of power. Taking advantage of this state of affairs, the partizans of the niSTORY OF THE EMPIRt: OF J A PAX. Southern Dynasty once more raised their heads and Kyoto again witnessed scenes of disorder, while IMochiuji's party renewed their opposition in the Kwanto and the rebellion of the Shoni Family still continued in the West. Yoshimasa, nevertheless, continued his life of extravagance, devoting great sums to the gratification of his pleasures and to the building of a magnificent mansion. Careless of the dilapi- dated condition of the capital, Kyoto, he caused the celebrated pavilion Ginkakuji to be constructed at Higashi- yama, covering the doors, walls, and ceilings with dust of silver in order to rival the golden pavilion (Kinkaku-ji) at Kitayama. In this new building he brought together rare paintings and costly objects of virtue, Chinese and Japanese, and there also, in chambers specially planned for the pur- pose, he inaugurated the tea ceremonial ( Cha-no-yu), after- wards so fashionable in Japan, devoting his days to the practice of effeminate dilettanteism. His official duties received no manner of attention, and by degrees his finan- cial circumstances became so straitened that, finding it impossible to procure money for the indulgence of his whims, he began to lay heavy imposts on the people of the provinces and on the merchants of Kyoto espe- cially, who were taxed five or six times in the course of the year. Under these circumstances, great discontent pre- vailed and riots occurred, the poor breaking into the houses of the wealthy, and destroying all certificates of debt that were found there, by which means the Shogun himself was simultaneously relieved of his monetary obligations. To this device, endorsed in effect, as it was, by the authorities, the people gave the name of TokiLsei, or the government of virtue, and Yoshimasa found it altogether to his taste since it extricated him from many of his financial em- barrassments. The Shoeun did not even shrink from the 234 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. resource of sending envo)s to China with instructions to prefer requests for money to the Chinese Government, and the latter were not unwilling thus to purchase immunity from the raids to which their ports were exposed at the hands of Kiushu pirates. Thus under the administration of Yoshimasa the power and prestige of the Shogunate declined sensibly ; the affairs of State fell into confusion ; the most cruel mandates were frequently issued ; customs opposed to the dictates of humanity and the principles of morality prevailed ; the Kwanryo, following the Shogun's example, subserved the duties of their office to selfish ends, and finall)- this hopeless misgovernment culminated in the Onin rebellion. The proximate causes of the Onin conflict are to be sought in personal ambition. Yoshimasa, v/eary of official duties, determined to entrust to his younger brother, Gijin, the task of administering affairs. Gijin had entered the priesthood. He was not averse, however, to fall in witli Yoshimasa's plan on condition that in the event of a child being born to the latter, it should be devoted to a life of religion. This compact having been made, Gijin abandoned the priesthood, and taking the name of Yoshi- mi, assumed the direction of the affairs of the Shogunate, Hosokawa Katsumoto acting as controller of his household. By and by, however, Yoshimasa's wife bore a son, Yoshi- hisa. and being ambitious that her child should succeed to the Shogunate instead of retiring to the cloister, she took into her confidence Yamana Sozen, a nobleman possessing domains as ample and power as extensive as Hosokawa Katsumoto himself, the idea of the confederates being to contri\e the abdication of Yoshimi. A parallel conjuncture occurrc(l in the famil)' of Hatakeyama Mochikuni, the 4- ^ ^1 ^ .rr''t- \ \ ^r^Mi :j :::f-: 'rH m^ii: ?? liAmiJmM^^ — . -nr — TC^ 1 _-r-_:T^rLr_ fe5^^ ■^ /.V-". \ ,>^1l - . :1N VJSj, ^^ JaiilbhjjH 3ilT The Buddhist n ! I HIM r^ Ifc .iv/ '>** '^^ ^^p. I *.» . *«■">■ v >iii nple Kinkakuji. e f /-.■f-<\* */,,-», [ -Hi- I", vV 7' ^■^^^'^■■'^^ II H 'W. i- ,(1m «^/" ^^>^ --' ^^• 'll/.k'vlA,l, \'.. tJI:2je^ .ijjj-jU^m^l '^Iqt HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. 2Jj Kivanryo. Having no son, he nominated his nephew Masa- naga to succeed him, but on the subsequent birth of his son Yoshinari, he resolved to deprive Masanaga of the dis- tinction. Further, the vassals of the other Kiuaiiyro, Shiba, became split up into two parties, one espousing the cause of Yoshikado. the other that of Yoshitoshi. Hence Yoshikado and Yoshinari allied themselves with Yamana Sozen, and Masanaga and Yoshitoshi were supported by Hosokawa Katsumoto. The enmity between these rival factions gra- dually deepened. In the first year or the Qyiin era (1467 a.d.) Yamana Sozen attempted to remove Hatakeyama Masanaga from the office of Kivanryo, and to replace him by Yoshi- nari, at the same time expelling the partizans of Katsu- moto from the Hatakeyama House. A collision ensused between the parties of Masanaga and Yoshinari in Kyoto, and the Shogun Yoshimasa gave orders that they should settle their dispute by a combat, the guards attached to them alone taking part in the duel. Yamana Sozen, how- ever, contrived secretly to render aid to Yoshinari so that Masanaga suffered defeat. This result caused much chagrin to Hosokaya Katsumoto, who considered that his honour was tarnished by his failure to assist Masanaga. He therefore privately assembled all his troops and partizans, to the number of about a hundred thousand, and posting them to east of Muromachi, guarded the residence of Yoshimasa. Sozen, on his side, mustered a force of some ninety thousand, and encamped on the west of Muromachi. Then commenced a long series of fights in which victory nearly alwa)s rested with Katsumoto's side. Katsumoto had the countenance of the retired Shogun, Yoshimasa, and also procured the recognition of the Emperor and ex-Emperor, 2 JO HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAP AW while Sozen, takins: advantage of the strained relations between Yoshimasa and his successor Yoshimi, invited the latter to join him, and also obtained the support of the for- mer partizans of the Southern Dynasty by declaring in favour of the grandson of Prince Ogura. Combats occurred every day, and were accompanied by numerous conflagra- tions. The citizens of Kyoto fled from the city carrying with them their old and their young,' and the streets were left desolate. In the fifth year of the BiLiuuici era (1470 A.D.) Sozen and Katsumoto both died, but their parties con- tinued to fight as fiercely as ever. Not untill the ninth year of that era (1477 a.d.), when Yoshimi had escaped to Mino, did the generals abandon the campaign and retire to their ■castles. Kyoto had then been a battle-field for over eleven years, and during the course of the fierce fighting, the Imperial Palace, the mansions of the noble, the residences and warehouses of the people, and many of the largest temples, as Tenriu-ji Shokoku-ji, and so forth, had been burned to the ground, many books and documents trans- mitted from ancient times and many invaluable heirlooms and works of art being destroyed at the same time. In truth, the once splendid city was reduced, after this war, to a state of desolation and ruin. The military and civilian classes alike were plunged in poverty. The laws were not operative. The administration of justice was in disorder. The territorial magnates in the provinces discontinued the payment of taxes, closed their districts against communica- tion from without, and governed according to their own will. The mandates of the Sovereign commanded no respect. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2JJ SECTION II. Foreign Intercourse. After the repulse of Kublai Khan's invasion in the Koai! era, the Sovereign and people of China conceived sufficient respect for the prowess of die Japanese to refrain from any renewed onset. The Bonzes of the two empires alone continued to hold free intercourse. But when the long struggle between the Northern and Southern Dynasties brought about its inevitable financial result, and the country began to feel impoverished, the great provincial nobles sought to replenish their exchequers by engaging in trade with China and Korea. When Takauji built the temple Tenriu-ji, in the third year of the KokokiL era (1342 a.d.), his brother Tadayoshi despatched a priest called Soseki to China to procure some of the furniture of the temple from that country. The custom of officially recognised trading with China came into vogue from that time, restrictions being imposed on the number of ships engaged and the amount of capital in^'olved. The vessels thus employed were called " Tenviiiji-luLne',' in allution to the origin of the commerce. About this time the Japanese living on the south-western coasts began to make raids upon the sea-side towns of China and Korea, taking advantage of the internal dissensions then prevailing in those countries. The Japanese raiders were aided by Chinese insurgents, and entered the districts of Shantung, Fohkien, and Sikkong, burning towns there and putting the inhabitants to the sword. In China the name of " Wako " was given to these pirates and they were greatly dreaded. In the twenty-third year of the Shohci era (1368 A.I).), a change of dynasty occurred in China, the country passing under the rule of the Ming. Next year, the Chinese Government sent an envoy to Chinzei-fu in 2jS HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Japan, urginc^ that steps be taken to prevent the raids of Japanese pirates into Chinese territory, but as the de- spatch was couched in haughty terms, Japan made no reply. In the following year, the Ming Sovereign de- spatched another envoy, Chao Chih, bearer of an Im- perial letter, which was delivered to the local authorities in Kiushu. This Ambassador was received in audience by Prince Kanenaga, of the Southern Dynasty, the request embodied in his despatches was granted, and he was sent back to China, in company with a Bonze called Sorai, various orifts of books and armour beinor transmitted to China at the same time. The Ming Emperor, much pleased with these presents, sent in return a quantity of rich brocade. But despite these interchanges of courtesy pirates continued their raids as before. The Chinese having now learned that there were two dynasties in Japan, the Southern and the Northern, sent, in the second year of the BunchU era (1373 a.d.), two priests, Sotan and Kokukin, with a message to the Lord Abbot of the Tendai Sect, requesting him to procure for them audience of the Emperor of the yiniyo-in Line on the subject of the piratical raids. The two priest proceeded to Kyoto and were there received by the third Ashikaga Shogun, Yoshi- mitsu, who treated them with much consideration. In the first year of the Genchu era (1384 a.d.) Prince Kanenaga of the Southern Dynasty despatched an envoy to China, and this messenger entered into a plot, in collusion with one of the Chinese Ministers, Hu Weiyung (Ko-iyo), to assassinate the father of the Chinese Emperor. The plot was discovered,^ and its intended victim, justly incensed, would have sent an expedition against Japan had he not recalled the ill success attending the Chinese arms in previous conflicts with the Japanese. He therefore con- IJISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. tentled himself with the issue of an edict forbidding all further intercourse with the Japanese. Stringent measures were at the same time taken for the defence of the coasts. Korea also had suffered severely from the attacks of Japanese pirates. The inhabitants of the south-west coasts of Japan made raids into Kyosai, Goho, and Junten- fu in the Korean peninsula, engaging in open conflict with the Korean troops, killing their generals, destroying their barracks, and plundering houses, ships, and grain-stores. In these encounters the arrt^y of Korea showed much lack of courage, frequently retreating before the Japanese raiders without striking a blow. In the twenty-second year of the Slwhei era (1367 a.d.), the King of Korea sent an envoy to Japan, requesting that measures should be adopted to repress the pirates. But the Japanese Government taking no notice of the appeal, the King of Korea himself attacked the raiders and suffered defeat at their hands. Again, in the first year of the Tcnju era (1375), the King despatched another envoy to Japan, bearer of various gifts, with the object of establishing relations of amity. But Yoshimitsu declined to entertain the proposal on the ground that Japan was still in a disordered condition. Thereafter the pirates plundered Korea with constantly increasing audacity, until at last they took Koshu and Zenshu and over-ran the districts of Shinshu, Rashu, Utshu, and so forth. In 1377 A.D., Korea sent another envoy with whom, on his de- parture from Japan, Imagawa Sadayo, Governor of Kiushu, returned to their country several hundreds of Koreans who had been taken prisoners by the Japanese pirates and brought to Japan. No check was put, however, on the inroads of the pirates. They raided district after district of the Korean peninsula, and showed such bold- 24-0 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAA^. ness that the King of the country adopted special mea- sures to protect the capital against possible attack. In the first year of the GcncJiu era (1392 a.d.), Li Seikei, a Korean General who had been commissioned to beat back the Japanese, raised the standard of revolt and usurped the Sovereignt)', changing the name of the country from Korai to Chosen, He despatched an envoy to Japan, seeking to establish amicable relations, and the Shogun Yoshimitsu ordered Ouchi, Governor of Kiusho, to treat the delegate with all courtesy. Thereafter Japan often asked for books of various kinds and Buddhist manuscripts, and the Koreans showed the utmost goodwill in acceding these requisi- tions. Nevertheless the littoral population of Japan did not desist from raiding the Korean coasts. After the combina- tion of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the ex-Shogun Yoshimitsu frequently sent envoys to China, and on several occasions caused the pirates to be arrested and handed over to the Chinese. The Chinese Emperor was much pleased at this action. In the eleventh year of the Oyci 0x2. (1404 A.I).), he sent to Japan a hundred tickets (Kango) oj the nature of passports, and from that time, once in every ten years, gifts were forvvarded from China in a fixed number of ships with a fixed personnel, the articles sent being head-gear, garments, brocade, gold, antiquities, and old pictures. An Imperial commission of investiture was also sent. When Yoshimitsu died, the Ming Sove- reign despatched an envoy to confer on the deceased vShogun the posthumous title of Kyoken-o (the King Kyoken) and to offer various gifts. The Shogun Yoshi- mochi, however, politely but emphaticall)^ declined to receive these marks of favour, and the incident terminated the official intercourse between Japan and China. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2,J.I In the twenty-sixth year of the Oyei era (1419 a.d.) a flotilla of thirteen hundred ships of war from Mongolia, Korea, and Namban (the countries south of China) appeared off Tsushima, but the Kiushu barons, headed by the So and the Shibukawa Families, who held the office of governor of Kiushu, beat off the invaders and slaughtered an immense number of them. Thenceforth Korea held Japan in awe and made no attempts against her. In the third year of the KakitsiL era (1440 a.d.), the Korean Government establish- ed amicable relations with the So Family, sent presents of valuable books and opened commercial intercourse. The same year another Chinese envoy arrived with despatches demanding, in a peremptory tone, the establishment of amity between the two empires, but the Shogun Yoshimochi declin- ed to entertain the proposal. In the time of the Shogun Yoshinori, however, official intercourse with China was re- opened, the Emperor sending to Japan two hundred tickets in the nature of passports which were placed by the Shogunate in the charge of the Ouchi Family. The So Family was then appointed to control the trade with Korea, that with China being entrusted to Ouchi. In the days of the Shogun Yoshimasa intercourse with China received considerable development, and parcels of books as well as quantities of copper coin were frequently forwarded to Japan at her request. The Min Sovereigns always complied with Japan's wishes in these matters, but considerable irregularities occurred in the trade between the two nations owino- to selfish disregard of the regulations issued for its control. Moreover, Japanese from Kiushu and other places crossed over to China carrying with them not only legitimate articles of trade but also implements of war. They pretended that the latter were gifts from the Japanese Government to China, but they did not hesitate 24-2 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. to use them for purposes of intimidation when they found an opportunity to plunder the Chinese. In the third year of the Daiyei era (1523 a.d.), two envoys sent by the Ouchi Family on behalf of the Shogun's Government proceeded to China, and there became involved in a dispute as to their representative capacities. The envoy sent from the Shogun's Government finally met his death in China. Further, in the closing years of the Ashikaga Shogun- ate, outlaws from Kiushu entered China and Korea in constantly increasing numbers for purposes of plunder, the provinces on the Chinese littoral sustaining great injury at the hands of these marauders. On the flags of the Japanese piratical ships were inscribed the ideographs " Hachiman-gu " (Hachiman, the God of War). The Chinese consequently termed these vessels " Papan-sen " (" Papan " is the Chinese pronunciation of " Hachiman "), and regarded them with the greatest apprehension. With these marauders Chinese pirates were associated, and the people of China suffered so much from their raids that the Emperor deputed two of his principal general to attack and destro)' the raiders, but the task could not be success- fully accomplished. From Korea, too, came a request to the So Family that they would restrain the Japanese from further incursions into the peninsula, but the head of the Family paid no heed, and the result was that the Koreans treated with great cruelty a number of the inhabitants of Tsushima who happened to be sojourning in the peninsula. This procedure so enraged the people of Tsushima that they attack Fusan in force, and having destroyed its fortifica- tions, returned unmolested to Tsushima, which event happened in the seventh year of the EisJio 0x2^ (1510 a.d.). After this, the pillage of the Korean coast towns by Japan- nese pirates continued without intermission. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2^J On the fall of the Ashikaga Shogunate and the death of Nobunaga at the hands of one of his own vassals. Hide- yoshi, the Taiko, obtained control of the whole empire, and finally declared war with Korea, sending thither a large ex- pedition to which reference will be made hereafter. Towards the close of the x^shikaga Shogunate, Japan entered into tradal relations with the Portuguese. Mer- chantmen of Portugal arrived for the first time at the island of Tanegashima off the coast of Osumi in the tenth year of the Teinnion era (1541 a.d.). They subsequently visited Kagoshima, and thence proceded to Bungo, where their captains concluded with the nobleman Otomo Sorin a convention opening commercial intercourse. Thenceforth Portuguese vessels often came to the provinces of Kiushu for purposes of trade, the people competing with each other to purchase the rare and valuable articles offered by the strangers. Fire-arms were then introduced for the first time into Japan, and the military class, fully appreciating the advantage of such a weapon, set themselves eagerly to learn the method of handing and manufacturing it. In the seventeenth year of the Temmon era (1548 A.I).), Francis Xavier, a Jesuit missionary, together with two disciple, arrived at Kagoshima, and by permission of the Shimazu Famil)-, began to preach Chistianity throughout the provinces of Kiushu. This was the first time since the introduction of Buddhism that the tenets of a foreign reli- gion were laid before the Japanese people. The alien creed soon began to spread in Kiushu, in the neighbourhood of Kyoto, and afterwards in Kwanto, Oshu, and Dewa. Its most numerous converts were in Kiushu, where the people built chapels for the purpose of Chistian worship. The 244 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. great noble Otomo Sorin was an earnest beliver, and Oiichi Yoshitaka as well as the Shogun Yoshiteru were also con- verts. So successful was Christian propagandism in those early days, that in the ninth year of the Tcnsho era (1581 A.D.) the Omura and Arima Families of Hizen sent envoys to Rome with letters and articles of Japanese production for presentation to the Pope. SECTION. III. Literature of the Ashikaga Dynasty. The Ashikaga Family having usurped the administra- tive power by violence, their tenure of it was marked by scenes of disorder, frequent disaffection on the part of their generals and insurrections among their military followers producing an era of disturbance which finally developed, as we have seen, into the fierce conflict of the Oiiin era. Duriiig this period of fighting and confusion, great destruc- tion of property necessarily occurred. Mansions of nobles, storehouses of merchants, offices of the Government, and libraries of the State as well as of private individuals, were reduced to ashes. Men of conspicuous valour asserted their independence of law and fought for their own hand. Disorder prevailed everywhere, and not a day passed that did not witness some catastrophe. Lord and liege alike, when they grew weary of fighting, devoted themselves to exercises of equestrianism or archer)-, and the study of books received no attention from private individuals, so that literture fell into a e^eneral state of the utmost nes^lect and decline. Nevertheless, during the period when the Southern and Northern Dynasties ruled simultaneously men still cared for literery pursuits. The Emperor Godaigo in\^ited students HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 24.J of note to his Court, and in conjunction with them stu- died the Chinese classics and history. Ashikaga Takauji and his brother Tadayoshi also patronized learning. In those days the study of books had, for the most part, been relegated to priestly circles. A bonze named Genye en- joyed the reputation of being a great literati and also a poet of no mean order. Thoroughly versed in the Classics, history and laws of China, he was the first to make known to the Japanese nation the Commentaries of Shu Ki. Other men noted for learning were Soseki and Shiren. The former, possessing a thorough knowledge of the tenets of the Zen Sect and their basis, was the founder of the great temple Tenriuji, and the latter compiled and published a celebrated work, the Genkd-sJiak2L-sho , a kind of Buddhist history. But to the yinkoslioto-ki of Kitabatake Chikafusa, a noble as skilled with his pen as with his sword, and to the Taihei-ki of a priest named Kojima, belong the distinctive title of models of literature during the epoch of the Northern and Southern Dynasties. In the section of essays, the Tsm^e-zitrc-gusa, by Urabe Kenko, deserves special mention. Kitabatake Chikafusa's name has appeared in a pre- vious section. It was while the tumult of unceasing war w^as at its height that he published his work, the yinkoshotd-ki. It contained an elaborate and lucid argu- ment about the Imperial genealogy and the Three Insignia, and its perusal produced a most inspiriting effect upon the troops of the Southern Dynasty. The gallant author's style is serious and solid, and his reasoning is close and accurate, so that his work has proved of great value to compilers of history. He compiled another work also, the Skok iLgcn-sho. 24-6 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. The TaiJici-ki of Kojima comprises an account of all the principal events from the Gcnko war to the com- mencement of the Ashikaga Administration. Its facts are open to much criticism, but its style is easy and flowing, and its reflects the life of the time with much accuracy. Interwoven throughout the text are many re- ferences to points of Japanese and Chinese ancient history and many subtle expositions of Buddhist doctrine. It was published anonymously, but careful investigation revealed the fact that the Bonze Kojima had compiled it. The con- tents of this work indicate a writer of exceptional erudition. The Tsitrc-ziLrc-gnsa was from the pen of the priest Kenko. He set down in its pages not only what he saw or heard, but also what he himself felt. It is in truth what its name indicates, an outcome of idle mo- ments. In style it resembles the work of earlier authors, but Chinese and Japanese expressions are mingled in the text, and many passages occur of great beauty and verve. Kenko, in this well-known work, gives his readers a skilful insight into the Japan and China of antiquity, familiarizes them with the views of Confucius and Mencius, and inculcates the tenets of the Buddhist faith, reasoning tho whole with wit and humour. -The work holds high rank among Japanese literary compositions in respect alike of its conception and of its tone. Coming down to the period of the Muromachi Sho- gunate, it may be said that the most noteworthy compila- tions were those of Ichijo Kanenaga and his son Fuyunaga. Despite the disturbance and disorder incidental to the strife between the Northern and Southern Dynasties, the HISTORY OF THE EMPHiE OF JAPAN. 24.^ cultivation of Japanese poetry continued to prosper. The Emperor Hanazono himself compiled a work called Fuga- shu ; Fujiwara Tamesada published the Shinscnzai-shu, and Fujiwara Tameaki and the priest Ton-a were joint authors of the Shinshui-sJiu, while the epoch produced also such works as the Shmgoshui-shu and the Shinzokukokin-shu- All the poetical works that had appeared from the Kokinshu of Ki-no-Tsurayuki to the Ashikaga times were included in the term Nipdchidai-shu. Japanese poetry now entered upon a period of decline. No poetical works of any note appeared, though in private circles the art continued to be practised. Among the disciples of Buddhism and the devotees of arms many students of poesy existed, and to the Ashikaga era is attributable the prevalence of a style of versification called " Rcnkay From the days of the Muromachi Shogunate there dates also a kind of composition called, Yokyoku, or romanza. This had its origin in the (^r^/ era (1394- 1427 a.d.) when Kwanami and his son Seami collated the dances long in vogue, called SarngakiL and Dcngaku, supplementing the music and elaborating the libretto. The Yokyoku then came into existence, but its author has not been identified. It was a compound of Chinese and Japanese poetry inter- mingled with contemporary colloquialism, the whole skil- fully woven into consecutive verse. The subjects were taken from history, from mythology, from tradition, from Buddhist lore, and the aids of rhetoric and literary orna- mentation were abundantly used to heighten the effect. There was a large admixture of religious doctrine, and in many places the uncertainty of human life and the relations of the present to the future existence were inculcated, while the resources of ancient Chinese and Japanese erudition 24-8 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. were freely enlisted. These features of the work have been interpreted as indicating that its author was a priest. Such were the principal literary productions during the epoch of the Muromachi Shogunate. When we turn to consider the conditions under which education was con- ducted at the time, we find that the disorder and tumult of the era were fatal to the prosperous existence of any school. There w^as, however, in Shimotsuke an institution called " Ashikaga-gakko " (the Ashikaga School), which is said to have been established by Ono-no-Takamura, and to have been a place for giving instruction in Japanese literature. Th'is institution was closed for a time, but in the eleventh year of the Eikyo era (1438 a.d.), it was re-opened by Uyesugi Norizane, the Kwanryo of Kwanto, who endowed it liberally with land and engaged men of learnino- to act as teachers there. Books had been obtained from China in previous times, and the school possessed volumes such as could no longer be found in China itself without difficulty. In Kanazawa also there was a valuable library called the " Kanazawa Bunko," which had been established by Hojo Sanetoki, during the period of the Hojo rule. Its founder had spared no pains to furnish it with valuable Chinese and Japanese books, and had encouraged his family to devote themselves to the study of literature. In the mid-period of the Muromachi Shogunate, Ota Dokan enlarged the organization of this library ; and at a later era of the same rule Ouchi Yoshitaka purchased many books from China and himself set the example of close studentship. Moreover he sent Japanese paper to China for the purpose of having books printed on it. Still more HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2^g solid services to the cause of literature were rendered, however, by the priests in Hiei-zan and Nara, and the five principal Buddhist temples of Kyoto. Buddhist priests, on the whole, have contributed materially to the progress of literature in Japan, and especially during the period of the Muromachi Shogunate. The Ashikaga Family in every generation were devout believers in Buddhism, and paid great respect to its representatives. Thus patronized, the priests were in a position to exercise considerable influence. Communication with China was conducted chiefly by them, notably after the renewal of official intercourse between the two empires, when they established very close relations with the neighbouring nation, and so successfully utilized their opportunities for acquiring knowledge, that numbers of men of wide erudition appeared in their ranks. Among them may be mentioned, as stated above, Shiren, Genye, Soseki, Myocho, and others. In the days of Yoshimasa, a priest named Seikei supplemented the work of Genye in fami- larizing Japanese scholars with the annotations of the Chinese classics by Teishi and Shu Ki, and Chinese litera- ture of the Sung Dynasty found many students in the country. The priests, in short, were conspicuously instru- mental in preserving and developing Japanese literature, and it may be added that their services in the cause of fine art were not less marked. SECTION IV. Industry and Fine Arts. Despite the fact that, as stated in the previous Section, many scholars of note flourished during the epoch of the Ashikaga Shogunate, the nation at large was too much en- 2^0 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. grossed in the business of war to pay serious attention to literature, and among the Savmrai numbers were to be found almost entirely without erudition. In short, literature must be said to have suffered great neglect as compared with the attention bestowed on it in earlier ages. But the contrary is true of the fine arts. During the period of the Southern and Northern Dynasties many Japanese priests travelled to China for the purpose of studying the books and paintings of the Sung and Yuan Dynasties. More- over, from the time of Yoshimitsu, and especially in the days of Yoshimasa, a general tendency prevailed to refined pleasure and artistic display of all kinds, so that objects of virtu and paintings by the old masters w^ere enthusiastically admired and sought after. Under such circumstances art industry naturally made great progress in Kyoto. Imperial patronage was extended to painters, an office being esta- blished in the Court, under the name of Edokoro, where affairs relating to pictorial art were controlled. During the reign of Gotsuchimikado the great painter Tosa Mitsunobu, founder of the Tosa School, flourished. His style was elaborate, his use of colours skilful and striking, and his brushwork showed great delicacy and boldness combined. Previously to his time, Chinese paintings of the Siing mas- ters, distinguished by refined simplicity of conception and execution, had stood very high in Japanese cstimiation, their vogue being increased by the wide-spread popularity of the Zen Sect of Buddhism, which had been brought from China to Japan during the era of the Sung sovereigns. People's taste had been educated to prefer simple water-colour sketches to the more show)' aijd laboured productions of the Yamato School. A priest named Kao was the first to introduce into Japan the methods of the Sung masters. He painted figure subjects, Buddhas, Arhats, and so forth, HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2^1 adopting the colouring methods of Ngan Hwai (Ganki), and the soft sketchy style of Miih Ki (Bokkei). The sacred figures of Myotaku, the birds and flowers of Dompo, and the landscapes of Tesshu were not less remarkable. During the Oyci era (i 394-1427 a.d.), three celebrated painters, Myocho, Josetsu, and Shubun, flourished. Myocho's second art name was Chodensu. His skill in painting figure subjects, Buddhas, Rishi, Arhats, and so forth, was most remarkable. His pictures were generally of large size ancl the few that remain are immensely prized. Josetsu took for his models the masters of the Sung and Yiian Dynasties, and developed great skill in depicting figure subjects, landscapes, birds, and flowers. Shubun was a pupil of Josetsu. His favourite subjects were those of his master, and he excelled in lightly tinted water-colours. Among his pupils were the renowned artists Oguri Sotan, Soga Dasoku, Sessho, the priest Shokei, and others. Sotan painted landscapes of the most charm- ing and faithful character, and was also great in figure subjects, birds, and flowers. Dasoku was conspicuous for the boldness and strength of his touch. Shokei, who is often called Keishoki, was famous for his pictures of sacred figures and landscapes, and Sesshu excelled even his master in the chrectness of his methods, the sentiment of his pictures, and the delicacy of his execution. During the Kansci era (1460- 1465), he crossed to China in order to study the landscapes and foliage of that country. The journey added to his fame, for in the neighbouring empire he found no peer, and the Emperor of China as well as the people paid him great honour. At the beginning of the reign of Gotsuchimikado, Sesshu returned to Japan and took up his residence at the temple Unkoku-ji in Yamaguchi of Suwo. He supplemented his master's methods by a style of his own called ''Unkokii-hay Sesshu has had feAV 2j2 HISTOR V OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. equals in the art of depicting landscapes, figures, floral subjects, dragons, and tigers. Students of his style were Sesson, Soy en, and Tokan (called also Shugetsu), all artists of note. A contemporary of Sesshu, Kano Oinosuke, was taken under the special patronage of the Shogun Yoshinori, and his. son, Kano Masanobu, who had studied under Oguri Sotan, was employed in the decoration of the Golden Pavilion, where, by order of the ex- Shogun Yoshi- masa, he painted the Eight Siao-siong Views. His eldest son, Kohogen Motonobu, was the auther of a new style based on the Yamato school of Nobuzane and the methods of the Sung and Yuan Dynasties. His colours were applied with the greatest feeling and delicacy, and the facility and force of his brush were evidenced by noble paintings of landscapes, figure subjects, and foliage. He was the ancestor of the Kano Family, and his son Shoyei and grand- son Eitoku worked on his lines with conspicuous success. Sculpture and the Keramic industry made progress not less remarkable than that of painting during the Muro- machi epoch. Muneyasu of the Myochin Family stood at the head of v/orkers in metal. He made for the Shogun Yoshimitsu a helmet of extraordinary beauty. A helmet equally remarkable for the grace and fineness of its work- manship was forged for Takeda Shingen by Nobuiye, also a Myochin. The era was further rich in swordsmiths of note. Of these Goto Sukenori was the most famous. A short sword made by him for Yoshimasa was considered a marvel of skilled forging. Glyptic work in various metals found masters of the highest craft in the representatives of the Goto Famil}-. They took their decorative designs from pictures painted by the artists of the Kano school, and repro- duced these charming conceptions on sword furniture with ^r^^""^"^^^^ ^'" '[ X^^^^.^3 % r I* .J7 Vessels of tl- Higashiyama Period. JC^' HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2SJ extraordinay fidelity, usin(T the chisel as though it were a painter's brush. Aoki Kaneiye and Myochin Nobuiye were specially celebrated as makers of sword-guards, as part of the warrior's equipment on which much manufacturing care was lavished. The vogue attained by the Cha-no-yu (tea ceremonial) cult under the Ashikao-a Shosfuns and owincr to the efforts of Sen-no-Rikiu a celebrated dilettante of Hideyoshi's time, had a marked influence in encouraging the development of Keramics, and several experts of the craft made their ap- pearance. During the reign of Gokashiwabara, a potter named Shouzui travelled to China to study the processes of his art, and on his return he established a kiln in Hizen, where the first Japanese translucid porcelain was produced. Shouzui adapted his methods to the canons of the Cha-no-yii cult making simplicity and purity of style his chief objects. The lacquerer's art also made great progress in this era. Its experts found munificent patronage owing to the luxurious and costly tastes which prevailed at the time in obedience to the example set by the Ashikaga rulers. Objects of extraordinary richness and delicacy were pro- duced, especially in the line of gold lacquer, where the Japanese workers developed unique skill. Their clicfs- d' ceiLvrc were not more valued in Japan than in China, v/here they were known as " Yatpun T'sat-ki." It is on record that an envoy of the Chinese Government took with him, on his return to China, an expert in gold lacquering. Two other famous varieties of lacquer work had their origin in this era, namely, tsuisJuL or red lacuqer chiselled in high relief, and tsiiikok^L, or lacquer laid on in alternate layers of red and black and carved deeply, the edges of the design 2j-}. HISrOR V OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. being sloped so as to show the gradation of layers. Despite the continued warfare and unceasing disturbance of the Muromachi epoch, the Shoguns and the great nobles and generals affected a most luxurious and refined manner of life, and it consequently resulted that the blackest era of Japanese history, so far as concerned the preservation of public peace and order and the securit}' of life and property, was nevertheless a time of marked artistic development, thus differing essentially from the dark age produced in Europe by the shadow of the sword. SECTION. V. Autonomy of Territorial A'oblcs. From the Onin era onward the country was in a state of disorder. The power of the Imperial Court had materi- ally declined, and the Shogun's Government exercised comparatively little influence. Administrative authority rested v/ith the Kwamyo alone, and even they were more or less under the control of their chief vassals. The fall of the Ashikaga Family was due to this excessive decentralization of power. By degrees the great nobles and territorial mag- nates established themselves in various localities, and began to make war upon each other. The victories gained in such contests were, however, short-lived. In a period of such universal unrest and confusion no element of permanency existed anywhere. The easiest method of arriving at a clear idea of the numerous impcria in inipcrio that existed in those feudal days, is to refer briefly to the principal of them in detail. In the Onin era (1467-1468 a.d.), the city of Kyoto was burned during the fighting, and the Imperial Palace, HISTORY OF THE EMPHiE OF JAPAN. 2jj together with ■ offices of State and the mansions of the Court Nobles, were levelled with the ground. Subsequently the inner buildings of the Palace were re-constructed, but inasmuch as the territorial magnates ceased to pay taxes to the Central Government, the Court nobles found them- selves without revenues and the administrative officials were without salaries, so that some of them had no resource but to wander about the country and depend on the farmers for means of sustenance. Under such circumstances the usual Court ceremonials were, of course, dispensed with. Such was the impecuniosity in Kyoto that the Emperor Gotsuchimikado was unable to hold the wonted ceremony on the occasion of his accession, and at the time of his death, his funeral rites could not be performed owing to lack of funds for the funeral. It was not until the utmost exertions had been employed that the sum of a thousand hiki {2,^00 yen) was collected and the burial rites were performed. On the succession of Gokashiwabara the coro- nation ceremony had to be abandoned for similar reasons, nor could it be performed until twenty-two )^ears had elapsed, when the Lord Abbot of Hongwan-ji contributed a sum of ten thousand pieces of gold for the purpose. While Gonara was on the Throne, even the daily necessaries of life could not be procured in the Imperial Court without difficulty, neither could the Palace buildings be repaired though they had fallen into a state of much dilapidation. The Court, at that era, experienced the extremity of poverty. It is on record that Sanjonishi Sanetaka, one of the Courtiers, persuaded Ouchi Yoshitaka to provide funds for carrying out the coronation ceremony, which must other- wise have been left in obeyance ; and that the Emperor Ogimachi, under similar circumstances, had recourse to the pecuniary assistance of Mori Motonari. 2^6 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. TABLE SHOWING LINEAGE AND GENEALOGY OF SOVEREIGNS. 103rd Emperor Gotsucliimikado (1465-1506 a.d.) 1 104th Emperor Gokashiwabara (1506-1527 A.D.) 105th Emperor Gonara (1527-1558 A.D.) io6th Emperor Oghnachi (1558-1537 a.d.) I Yoho. I 107th Emperor Goyozei (1587-1612 a.d.) The Shogun Yoshitane, driven from office by the Kivanryo Hatakeyama, fled westward, but being succoured by Ouchi Yoshioki of Suwo, was invited back by the party of Hosokawa Takakuni and became again Shogun. Takakuni, however, subsequently abandoned his cause, and expelling him from power, set up in his stead Yoshiharu, grandson of Yoshinori. But the partizans of Hosokawa Harumoto would not agree to this change. They attacked and killed Takakuni, and Hosokawa Harumoto became Kwanryd. He too was thrust from office by the disloyalty of his principal vassal Miyoshi, and the Hosokawa Family sunk into in- significance. Thereafter Miyoshi, in turn, suffered a similar fate at the hands of his vassal Matsunaga Hisahide, who, becoming embroiled with the Shogun Yoshiteru, attacked the latter's palace, killed the Shogun and, depriving Miyoshi of office, himself assumed the administrative control. But Yoshiaki, )oungcr brother of Yoshiteru, escaped, and being joined by a number of partizans and aided by Ota Nobu- naga, succeeded in obtaining the Shogunate. Unable, however, to brook the overshadowing power of Nobunaga, Yoshiaki took means to compass the latter's death. De- prived of the aid of this great soldier, Yoshiaki could not make head against his foes. In the first year of the Tcnsho HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2^7 era (1573 a.d.), he and his partizans being completely routed, he fled to the province of Kawachi, and the Ashi- kaga Family finally fell from power, after holding the office of Shogun through fifteen generations and during a period of two hundred and thirty-eight years. Examining the state of affairs throughout the provinces during the epoch now under review, it is seen that the authority of the Central Gevernment declined steadily, and that, from the Onin era onwards, men of valour, ambition, and capacity, making their appearance in various places, effected the overthrow of their lieges' houses, and worked to secure independence for themselves. Turning now to Kwanto, we find that, after Ashikaga Shigeuji had escaped to Koga, Masatomo, younger brother of the Shogun Yoshimasa, became lord of Kwanto. Uye- sugi Akisada of Yamanouchi, Uyesugi Noritomo of Ogiga- yatsu and others, assisted by Masatomo of Izu, marched against Koga, and routing the partizans of Shigeuji, compelled him to fly to Chiba. In this affair the lords of Yamanouchi and Ogigayatsu received conspicuous aid from their chief vassals, Nagao Kanenobu and Ota Dokan, re- spectively. Thenceforth the two Uyesugi Kivanryo enjoyed great popularity and wielded large influence in Kwanto. But Akisada's methods of administration not being efficient, Kageharu, son of Kagenobu, became strong enough to revolt, and Ota Dokan, a man of great fertility of resource and military skill, selected Edo as the site for a castle and invited thither the most noted scholars of the empire, himself studying under them. Many of the captains and Saniwai who had hitherto acknowledged the lordship of Uyesugi Aki- sada, were so much attracted by the methods of Ota that 2^8 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. they attached themselves to his master, Uyesugi Norimoto of Ogigayatsu, and the jealousy of Akisada being thus aroused, he contrived the death of Ota in collusion with Sadamasa, son of Norimoto. From that time the power of the two Uyesugi Families being to decline, and their authority, exercised through the Knbo of Horikoshi {i.e. Masatomo), ceased to receive practical recognition. In the second year of the YeiitoktL era (1490 a.d.) Masatomo was murdered by his son Chacha and the government of the province of Izu fell into disorder. At this juncture there appeared upon the scene Ise Nagauji, a man of exceptional talent and military capa- city. Proceeding to Suruga, he obtained the assistance of the Imagawa Family, and at the head of the latter's forces prepared to attack Izu, seeing his opportunity in the disaffec- tion and disorder then prevailing in that province. Nagauji sacrified everything in the cause of his ambition, giving away all his personal property to purchase popularity. Finally, when his preparations were complete, he attacked the Horikoshi head-quarters and obtained possession of the province of Izu. He then built a castle at Hojo, the original seat of the Hojo Family, and having adopted the tonsure, called himself Hojo Soun. Subsequentl)- he over- ran the province of Sagami and made Odawara Castle his head-quarters. Nagauji's son, Ujitsuna, showed great valour and skill in war, and his son, Ujiyasu, continued the ambi- tious career of his father and grandfather, gradually en- croaching upon the neighbouring provinces, until the extent of his domains and the magnitude of his arm)-, provoked the jealousy of the Imagawa Family, who formed an alliance for his over-throw with Uyesugi Norimasa. Ujiyasu, how- ever, defeated these foes at Kawagoye, and having gradually over-run the provinces ruled 1)y the Uyesugi Family, became finally lord of all Kwanto. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 2S9 One of the generals of the Uyesugi Family, Nagao Tamekage, threw off his allegiance and obtained possession of the province of Echigo, in the administration of which he was succeeded by his second son, Kagetora, a man of prudence and ability. When Uyesugi Norimasa of Yama- nouchi found himself attacked by the Hojo Family, he sought aid of Kagetora, on whom he conferred the name of Uyesugi and the post of Kwaiiryo. In the fourth year oi\}i\^ Eirokii era (i 561 a.d.), Kagetora proceeded to Kyoto where he was received in audience by the Shogun Yoshi- teru, confirmed in his adoption of the name Uyesugi, and nominated Ivwanryd of Kwanto. The Shogun autho- rized him to incorporate the ideograph Tertc in his name, which thus became Uyesugi Terutora, and commissioned him to take the field against Ujiyasu. In the meanwhile, Takeda Harunobu had raised his standard in the province of Kai, and marching into Shinano, fought with Terutora. Takeda Harunobu and Uyesugi Terutora marshalled their troops so skilfully and handled them so ably on that occa- sion that their methods became an example to future tacticians. Terutora suffered a signal defeat. Takeda Harunobu was an ardent disciple of Buddhism. After this military success, he adopted the tonsure and called himself Shingen. He displayed remarkable ability in administra- tive and financial affairs. Under his auspices gold mines were opened, and considerable reductions of taxation were effected. In Togoku (eastern provinces), the Imagawa Family was not only the oldest but also the most puissant. Its representatives from generation to generation were Wardens of Suruga, and when Uyesugi Zenshu revolted against the Shogun, it was to the Imagawa Family that the latter 26o HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. issued orders to bring Kwanto into subjection. In the times of Imagawa Yoshitada, that family possessed Totomi and jNIikawa as well as Suruga, and Yoshitada's grandson, Yoshimoto, showed a conspicuous disposition to raid and intimidate the neighbouring provinces. In addtion to the great nobles enumerated above. Date Shigemune held independent military state in Mutsu ; Saito Hidetatsu expelled the Toki Famil)- fi'om Mino by force of arms, and established himself in that province ; while in Owari the Ota Family held the position of acting Warden and developed great power during the generations of Toshisada, Toshinobu, Nobuhide, and Nobunaga. In the Western provinces, the Ouchi Family stood at the head of all the orreat territorial mao;nates. In the days of Yoshioki that family possessed the six provinces of Suwo, Nagato, Buzen, Chikuzen, Aki, and Iwami. They also carried on commerce with China and Korea, and were not only powerful but wealth)-. When Yoshioki's son Yoshitaka. represented the family, a noble named Amako Haruhisa over-ran Bizen and Aki in succession and defied the Ouchi partizans. Yoshitaka issued orders to Mori Motonari of Aki to attack and destroy this insurgent. In Hizen, also, resistance to the Ouchi rule was organized by Shoni Fuyuhisa, whom, however, Yoshitaka routed without difficulty. Otomo Yoshishige, the richest and most powerful noble in Bungo, was a near relative of the Ouchi Family, and thus by conqest or consanguinity the puissance of Yoshitaka extended throughout Sanyo and Kiushu. It be- came a frequent practice for the Court nobles, when driven from Kyoto by the wars that devastated that city, to seek refuse in the Ouchi castle at Yamaguchi. Yoshitaka, how- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 26 T ever, neglected military affairs for the sake of .literature. Addicted to the composition of Chinese and Japanese poetry, to the tea ceremonial, and to the game of mart (ball), he paid little attention to administrative affairs, and such of his vassals as enjoyed his favour were enabled to commit unjust acts with impunity. Suye Harukata, one of the Ouchi generals, a man of proud and arbitrary disposition, entered into a plot with Otomo Sorin, and having contrived the death of Yoshitaka, made Sorin's younger brother the head of the Ouchi Family, himself assuming a leading part in the government of the provinces. This occurred in the twentieth year of the Tcmmon era (1551 a.d.), and three years later Mori Motonari, with his two sons, Kikkawa Motoharu and Kobayakawa Takakage, engaged Harukata at Itsukushima and destroyed the whole of his army, Haru- kata himself being killed. This event placed the Mori Family at the head of the Chiugoku provinces, and ended the supremacy of the Ouchi. Shoni also was attacked and defeated by Riuzoji Takanobu, and at this time the House of Shimazu began to develop great strength, obtaining possession of the two provinces of Satsuma and Osumi. Turning to Nankai, again, we find the families of Hoso- kawa and Kono in a state of decline, and only Chosokabe in Tosa prosperous. In a word, the feature of the time was the fall of the old aristocracy and the rise of their chief vassals, who in turn fought among themselves for the possession of the provinces. While the Samm-ai were thus winning for themselves independent status here and there throughout the country, the spirit of ambition affected even the priests of Buddha. A sect called the Ikkd-sliu was conspicuous for the agita- tion it created. The origin of this sect dated from the 262 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. days of the Hqjo Shogunate. It had been founded by a priest named Shinran, whose daughter also exercised much influence and established in Kyoto the afterwards cele- brated temple Hongwan-ji. Shinran's seventh grandson, Kenju — called also Rennyo — was a man of remarkable eloquence and power of appealing to men's hearts. He won many followers, who not only believed firmly in his doctrines but also contributed large sums of money to the cause. His success provoked keen animosity on the part of other sects, and he was finally expelled from Kyoto. Escaping to Echizen, he adopted a militant form of pro- pagandism, employing armed force to compel adherence to his doctrines. In this way there were gathered to his cause numbers of vasfabond soldiers who belono^ed to no fixed service, and at the head of a large force he entered Kaga and assailed several temples there, defeating the troops of the Warden, Togashi, and subsequently over- throwing the partizans of the Hatakeyama and Asakura Famrlies, and over-running the three provinces of Kaga, Echizen, and Noto. At a later date, the priests of twenty- one Nichiren temples in Kyoto, who were bitterly hostile to the Ikko sect, attacked Kokyo, the great grandson of Ren- nyo, and set fire to the temple Hongwan-ji, Kokyo retiring to Ishiyama (the pn-sent Osaka) in Settsu, where he built another great temple, giving to it also the name of Hon- gwan-ji. His reverses in Kyoto did not impire the pro- pagandism of his doctrines. The disciples of the Ikko-sJiu increased steadily in number, until they over-spread Kinai, Hokuriku, and Tokai. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 26 J CHAPTER IV. Restoration of Domestic Tranquillity. SECTION I. The Ota Family. The tendency of the Ashikaga times, as has been shown in preceding sections, was to encourage individual ambition. Military chieftains devoted themselves to or- ganizing armies and equipping soldiers in the most efficient manner, in order to overcome rivals and establish their own independence. But none of them ever succeeded in introducing order into the provinces they over-ran or organizing their administration on a permanent basis. Probably the origin of this defect is to be sought, not in the administrative incompetence of these chieftains, but rather in the absence of any supreme head to issue general orders. The power of the Imperial Court, indeed, had greatly declined during the epoch of the Ashikaga Sho- gunate, but the nation nevertheless regarded the Sovereign with the utmost respect, and whatever the prowess of mili- tary nobles or however great the number of their following, it was impossible for them to undertake any decisive cam- paign against Kyoto because, in traversing the interval that separated their basis of operations from the capital, they would have found themselves environed by enemies ready to protect the Court against violence, as well as by rivals whom the prospect of any one noble's supremacy would have moved to union against him. Nothing remained, therefore, but to establish local autonomy. Beyond that none of the great nobles succeeded in attaining until the Ota Family appeared in Owari. and owing to their sagacity 264 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. and valour, as well as so to the strate^^ical advantages of their position, accomplished more than any of their predecessors. This remarkable family v/as descended from the Taira. Their ancestor served Shiba, Warden of Echizen, and be- came his chief vassal. On the downfall of the House of Shiba, Ota Toshisada removed to the province of Owari, and in the time of his son Nobuhide, the family had grown wealthy and powerful. Nobuhide, from his early youth, was an ardent Imperialist. He made large pecuniary sacrifices to effect the repairs of the Emperor's Palace, and the recon- struction of the Geku, one of the principal shrines in Ise. His son Nobunaga, a man of daring, harboured ambitious designs, and following his father's example, treated the Sovereign with the utmost deference and constantly revolved plans for the general pacification of the country and the restoration of order. In his )^outh he showed a disposition to profligacy, but the Chief Seneschal of his house having committed suicide to emphasize a protest against these dissolute courses, Nobunaga completely reformed his conduct. At that epoch large influence was wielded by tlie Rokkaku Family in Omi, the Saito Family in T'Jino, and the Asakura Family in Echizen. Imagawa Yoshimoto, lord of Suruga, Totomi, and Mikawa, was also a puissant magnate ; Takeda Shingen was supreme in Kai and Shinano, and the Hojo and Uyesugi Families held sway in the north-eastern provinces. The Imagawa Family showed a conspicuous disposition to attack and raid the territories of neighbouring chieftains, and in the third year of the Eiroku era (1560), Yoshimoto, the chief of that Family, invaded Owari at the head of a great army, over- bearing all resistance and destroying several strongholds. Pushing on to Okehazama, the Imagawa Chieftain rested HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 265 there, and organized an immense banquet to celebrate his successes. During the Progress of these festivities, Ota Nobunaga a command of a comparatively small force, surprised the Imagawa camp, inflicted a crushing defeat on the invaders, and killed Yoshimoto, a disaster, from which the Imagawa Family never recovered, their remaining power being afterwards completely stripped from them by the Takeda partizans. Having achieved this success, Nobu- naga turned his eyes to Mino. In that province Tatuoki, the son of Saito Yoshitatsu, had Impaired the fealty of his captians by an extravagant course of life. Nobu- naga seized the opportunity, and leading an army into Mino, attacked Tatsuoki, who failed to make any effec- tive stand, his captains and Samurai having, for the most part, espoused the cause of Nobunaga. The Ota chief did not rely on force of arms alone. He obtained the friendship of the Takeda Shingen and the Matsudaira Fa- milies by contracting marital relations with them, thus securing himself against molestation from the east. He now watched closely for a favourable opportunity to direct his arms against the military magnates in K)^oto. Just as this epoch, Matsunaga Hisahide, as described in a previous Section, had killed the Shogun Yoshiteru, and the latter's brother Yoshiaki escaping first to the province of Omi, and afterwards to Echizen, had sought the succour of the Asakura Family in order to avenge his brother's death. After a time, finding himself coldly treated by the Asakura partizans, he made his way to Mino, and solicited the aid of Nobunaga, who received him with the utmost cordiality and maintained him in the Ota mansion. Thereafter, having taken the field against the Rokkaku Family and brought Omi under his sway, Nobunaga entered Kyoto, escorting Yoshiaki, and having, shortly afterwards, obtained the sub- 266 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. mission of Miyoshi and Matsunaga, found himself lord of all Kinai. About this time the Shogun Yoshihide died, and was succeeded, in the eleventh year of the Eiroku era (1568 A.D.) by Yoshiaki. Nobunaga now caused a castle to be constructed at Nijo summoning the people of Kinai and other districts to contribute to its completion either in money or labour. This place he assigned as residence to the Shogun Yoshiaki, entrusting the duty of guarding him to Kinoshita Hideyoshi, afterwards called the Taiko. Pre- viously to these events, the Emperor Ogimachi had com- municated privately with Nobunaga, asking him to repair the Imperial Palace, and so soon as the Ota Chief had restored order in Kyoto and its neighbourhood, he instructed Murai Sadakatsu and others to undertake the restoration of the Palace, which once more assumed its ancient aspect of splendour. One of methods employed by Nobunaga to obtain funds for the preservation of the Imperial buildings was to lend rice to the people, the interest occuring on the loans beinof devoted to the maintenance of the Palace. Another occasion now presented itself for extending Nobu- uaga's sway. Kitabatake Tomonori, Warden of Ise, had become embroiled with certain members of his family, and disorder prevailed in the province. Taking advantage of this state of affairs, the Ota chief led his forces into Ise, and beseiged Tomonori, who was compelled to capitulate through want of provision, one of the terms of captitulation being that he should nominate Nobunaga's son, Nobukatsu, to be his successor as head of the Kitabatake Family. Ise having thus been subdued, Nobunaga directed his arms against Echizen, and attacked Asakura Yoshikage. The latter having been engaged in a project with Rokkaku Shotei and Asai Nagamasa for the overthrow of the Ota Family, Nobukaga, acting in concert with Tokugawa lye- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 26-/ yasu, included these nobles in his campaign, and succeeded in killing both Nagamasa and Yoshikage and in completely overthrowing the Rokkaku Family. The priests of Eizan, however, succoured the Asakura partizans and defied all control. Nobunaga, indignant at their insubordination and general misconduct, concerted measures to punish all priests who indulged in meat diet or violated the law of celebacy. His generals would fain have dissuaded him from this project in view of the great influence wielded by the Eizan priests at the Imperial Court ever scince the Enry- aku era (782-805 a.d.). Disregarding their remonstrances, however, he destroyed several of the temples, putting the priests to death as well as the women and children who lived with them, confiscating their lands, aud bestowing them on his vassal Akechi Mitsuhide. Thus fell the con- tumacious and powerful priests who, relying on the authority of their religion, had treated even the Imperial mandates with contempt. Nothing remained of them but a few of their temples, and the doctrines they had taught. Kosa, however, the Lord Abbot of Hongwan-ji, was at Ishiyama, and thither large numbers of partizans collected from the provinces about the capital and defied Nobunaga. Notable among these religious warriors was a section assembled at Nagashima in Ise. Against these the generals of Nobunaga took the field, and after many reverses, succeeded in overthrowino- them. There remained, how- ever, the priests in Settsu and Kaga, who possessed great strength. Nobunaga sent his troops against them, and Kosa was finally obliged to retreat to Sagimori in Kii. Eleven years were spent before Nobunaga succeeded in entirely reducing the priests of Ishiyama. Meanwhile the Shogun, Yoshiaki, rendered uneasy by the immense power which Nobunaga was acquiring, raised an army to attack 26S HISTORY Of THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. him. Nobunaga made every effort to convince the Shotgun of the loyalty and propriet)^ of his conduct, but Yoshiaki declined to entertain these overtures, and Nobunaga was at last compelled to take the field against him. The cam- paign ended in the defeat of the Shogun. He escaped to the province of Kawachi, and the supremacy of the Ashikaga Family came to an end. Nobunaga now completed the subjugation of Kinai, Omi, Mino. Kaga, Echizen, and Ise. In the fourth year of the Tensho era (1576 a.d.), he built a castle of unprece- dented strength at Azuchi in Omi. The keep was a hundred feet in height. It stood on the stone walls of seventy feet in height, with moats constructed of larore masses of ";ranite» t3 At this time Uyesugi Kenshin died, and a dispute arose among his sons about the succession, Kagekatsu at last getting the upper hand. Nobunaga sent Shibata Ka- tsuiye to bring the northern provinces into subjection, his ultimate intention being to compass the overthrow of the Uyesugi Family. In Kwanto, in the ninth year of the Te/is/io QV2L (15 18 A.D.), Takeda Shingen died, and his son, Katsuyori, succeeded him. Katsuyori, however, was extra- vagant and haughty. He treated his captains and soldiers with disdain and placed confidence in flatterers, so that the administration of the district gradually fell into disorder. In the tenth )'ear of the TcnsJio era, Nobunaga, together with his son Nobutada and Tokugawa lyeyasu, invaded Kwanto and killed Katsuyori, completely overthrowing the Takeda Family, and seizing the three provinces hitherto ruled by it, Kai, Shinano, and Suruga, which he divided among Takikawa Kazumasa, Tokugawa I}eyasu, and others, himself returning to Kyoto. k I iU ID II' mmimim 7V/r//fz )^.^.k_ii] J^^. ^. .^-e- — • SsJ The ( m m m m □□ le ol Nagoya. I^ r i ■l:ir:lHll -millMk i'^ h=\ \ J 1-^; y L' H^ii..Q -ol_E.i;_u_ii, l'=J WSE--3 Vt- LO DLL 7 — rf- n-yy-y—^—r^ - - .^ ///S70RY OF TflE EMPIRE OF yAPA.V. 26g Previously to this Nobunaga had conceived the inten- tion of subjugating the southern provinces, where, at that epoch, the Family of Mori Motonari was very powerful, having defeated x^mako Kazuhisa, overthrown the Ukida Family, and obtained complete control in the ten provinces af Sanin and Sanyo. Thereafter, taking the field against Otomo Yoshishige, and forming an alliance with the Cho- sokabe Family of Tosa, Mori extended his sway through- out Kiusho and Nankai. In the fifth year of the Tcnsho era (1577 a.d.) Nobunaga made his General, Hashiba Hideyoshi, Lord of Harima, with orders to bring into sub- jection the provinces of Chiugoku. i\mako Kazuhisa forth- with made act of submission to Hideyoshi, and the latter, entering Bitchu, engaged the troops of Mori. By diverting the course of a river, Hideyoshi inundated the castle of Takamatsu, and then sent to Nobunaga asking for re~ inforcements. Just at that time Nobunaga had brought the eastern provinces under his sway, and was about to despatch his forces westward under the command of vari- ous generals to whom plans of campaign were furnished. But one of these generals, Akechi Mitsuhide, suddenl)- attacked Nobunaga and Nobutada, and succeeded in killing both. This event occurred in the early morning of June 2nd in the tenth year of the Tcnsho era (1582 a.d.). The great strategic skill, Nobunaga added the facult)- of choosing the best men for the various posts of command in the provinces conquered by him. He had at his disposal a remarkable number of sagacious and valiant commanders, whose services he freely regarded by ample grants of land, and his conquests extended over Tokai, Tosan, Hokuriku, Sanin, and Sanyo. Death prevented him from carrying out his design of subjugating Kiushu as he had subjugated ^/O HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. the Other district of the empire. Towards the Imperial Court he showed unvarying reverence. He devoted con- siderable sums to renovating the Shrines. He adopted effective measures for the repair of roads and bridges. He facilitated travel by abolishing military barriers. But his character was austere, and his administrative measures were strict and uncompromising. It was by the exercise of these traits that he provoked the anger of Mitsuhide, and thus unfortunately met an untimely end without achieving the great ambition of his life. SECTION • II. The Toyotomi Faintly. Mitsuhide having compassed the death of Nobunaga, proceeded to Adzuchi, Nobunaga's castle, and having there possessed himself of a large supply of money and other valu- ables, returned to Kyoto. Meanwhile, Hashiba Hideyoshi, who had received the province of Bitchu from Nobunaga, was engaged in a campaign against the Mori Terumoto, whose castle of Takamatsu he destroyed. Terumoto thereupon made overtures of peace, offering to surrender five of the provinces held by him, and Hideyoshi, carefully concealing the fact of Nobunaga's death, news of which had just reached him, agreed to these proposals, and con- cluded a compact with the Mori Family. Immediately, act- ing in conjunction with Ota Nobutaka, he turned his arms against the rebel Mitsuhide. The latter fought at Yama- zaki in Settsu, experiencing a crushing defeat. He directed his flight to Omi, but was killed cji route, his death hap- pening only thirteen days after he had raised the standard of revolt. Kitabatake Nobukatsu, Niwa Nagahide, Shibata |TH i 1 1 Mil I ^\ 1 1 ^\ I I k| 1 1 I \4\ 1 \W\ Z/ . .1 L Image oi Hideyoshi. vV>:^ — csii ^? N <5JtvV ' i<^' HISTORY OF THE EMFmE OF JAPAN. 2^1 Katsuiye, Takikawa Kazumasa, and other nobles hastened from their provinces to avenge the death of Nobunaga, but on their arrival they found that Hideyoshi had forestalled them, and that Mitsuhide was dead. A consultation was now held between Hideyoshi and these generals with regard to Nobunaga's successer, his two sons, Nobukatsu and No- butaka, being keen rivals for the honour. Hideyoshi, appre- hending that their mutual enmity might prove disastrous if either were nominated, would not listen to the advice of his colleagues, but insisted that Samboshi, son of Nobutada, should be appointed. Samboshi was then a child only three years of age, so that the power of the Ota Family devolved upon Hideyoshi. The other generals, however, refused to endorse this arrangement. Nobutaka especially was hostile to the influence of Hideyoshi. Acting in collusion with Shibata Katsuiye and Takikawa Kazumasa, he attempted to destroy Hideyoshi. But the celerity of Hideyoshi's movement defeated these projects. Falling first upon Kazumasu, he defeated him completely, and then marching against Katsuiye, overthrew him at Shizugatake in Omi, the discomfited general commiting suicide. The northern pro- vinces were thus brought into subjection, and soon after- wards Hideyoshi, in conjunction with Nobukatsu, attacked and killed Nobutaka in Gifu. Kazumasa also surrend- ered, and Hideyoshi destroyed all those who had espoused the Ota cause against him. The Emperor now con- ferred on him the tide of Smigi (Councillor of State), and he established his head-quarters in Osaka, judging that place convenient for purposes of transportation and ad- ministration alike. Instructions were issued to the various territorial noble to furnish timber and stones, with which Hideyoshi caused to be constructed in Osaka a castle of unprecedented strength and magnificence. Meanwhile, 2^2 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Nobukatsu had conceived hostility towards Hideyoshi, and in conjunction with Tokugawa lyeyasu, raised an army and occupied a strong position at Komaki in Owari. Hideyoshi, finding himself unable to overcome these adversaries, con- cluded peace with them. Meanwhile, taking advantage of his absence in the east, the Chosokabe Family of Shikoku laid plans for an attack upon Osaka, but Hideyoshi, marching his forces back rapidly, attacked and defeated Chosokabe Motochika and brought Nankai into subjection. Thereafter he appointed Hachisuka lyemasa to be lord of Awa, and gave Sanuki to Sengoku Hidehisa and Fuku- shima Masanori. In the following year he invaded Etchu and conquered Sassa Narimasa, receiving also the sub- mission of Uyesugi Kagekatsu of Echigo. The northern provinces were thus brought under his sway. The Shimadsu F"amily were then very wealthy and possessed a powerful army, so that their influence through- out Kiushu was great, the Otomo and the Riuzoji Families being overshadowed by them. Otomo Yoshishige therefore sent a message to Kyoto soliciting aid from Hideyoshi, who despatched Chosokabe Motochika and Sengoku Hidehisa to succour him. They attacked Shimadsu, but were defeated b)- him. Hence, in the fifteenth year of the Toisho era (1587 A.D.) Hideyoshi took the field in person. Moving southward by land and by sea at the head of a great force, he assaulted and destroyed several of the Shimadsu stronghold in Kiushu, and finally drew near to Kago- shima itself, whereupon Shimadsu Yoshihisa and his younger brother, Yoshihiro, offered to surrender. Hideyoshi. who perfectly understood the value of moderation, accepted these proposals. He took from the Shimadsu Family the lands of which they had arbitrarily ol^tained possession, IIISTOK V OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. 2yj but ga\'e them the. three provinces of Hiuga, Satsuma, and Osumi. Prior to these events Hicle)oshi built in K)'oto a mag- nificent mansion to which he gave the name of Shuraku. There, in the sixteenth year of the 7l72i'// 08 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAP AX. fatally interrupted the course of the country's foreign trade. The Dutch settlers made a discovery, real or pretended, that the Portuguese and Spanish missionaries, leaguing themselves with the Japanese Christians, were plotting to overthrow the Japanese Government. Many proofs of the truth of this accusation were submitted to the Shogun by the Dutch, and colour was lent to the charge by evidence that the missionaries themselves or their converts behaved with much intolerance and arrogance. The Suogun's Ad- ministration was moved by these accusations and by the doings of the missionaries to take active steps against them. Several of the principal were put to death and the rest were expelled. Shortly afterwards, an order was issued against the voyages of the SJmin-biinc, spoken of above, and it was further declared unlawful to construct ships of more than a certain size, while, at the same time, the method of construction was so modified that distant vo)-ages became impossible. Travel to foreign countries was also strictly interdicted, and as a necessary consequence the arts of ship-building and navigation sensibly declined. At this epoch, too, the Christian rebellion of Shimabera oc- curred, culminating in the batde of Amakusa. In its sequel the entry of all foreign ships, except those ot China and Holland, into Japanese ports was peremptorily forbid- den. Neither the Chinese nor the Dutch entertained any idea of religious propagandism. Their unique purpose was commercial. Hence the exemption made in their favour and the confidence with which the)- were treated b)' the Shogun's Government. The Dutch, indeed, having shown a disposition to assist Japan in ever)- way, enjoyed great credit with the Japanese, as will be more fully set forth in the next Section. At first no restrictions were imposed on the commercial transactions of the Chinese and the Dutch. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. JOp but subsequently a limit was set to the volume of the transac- tions and to the number of ships engaged in the trade, and the prices at which imported articles must be offered for sale were also determined officially. These restric- tions were suggested by the fact that the trade involved a heavy drain of the precious metals. Indeed, the quantity of gold and silver exported from Japan during the interval between the inauguration of foreign commerce and the im- position of the above restriction was so large that Japan's resources were seriously impaired. Hence it was found neces- sary to strictly interdict the shipping away of the precious metals, but there is strong reason to doubt Avhether the in- terdict effected much, for foreigners, disregarding the laws of Japan, contrived to carry on clandestine commerce in waters beyond the purview of the Government's officials. SECTION IV. rnsurrcction of the Christian Converts. — The Question of Religion. On the accession of lyemitsu, the third Tokugawa Shogun, he summoned to the Palace in Edo all the Tozama Barons, and addressed them as follows : — " Our ancestor having been originally of the same rank with yourselves and having been enabled to pacify the country through your assistance, was prompted by a sentiment of deference to refrain from classing you with the Fudai Barons. But I differ from my ancestor in the fact that I was born to the position which he acquired. It is therefore my intention to place you on the same footing as the Fudai Barons, since I am under no obligation to preserveany distinction. Should JIO HISTORY OF THE EM FIRE OF J A FA A. this resolve be displeasing to any of you, an interval of three years will now be given you. During that time, it is ex- pected that you will consider the matter maturely in )our oivn dominions and come to a final decision. " Then, adding that the creed of the Saiuitrai was to guard with weapons of war the things acquired b)- such means, he presented to each of the Barons a sword. This injunction of the Sho- gun evoked no dissent. The Barons acquiesced respect- fully, and the Shogun's Government being now established on a firm basis, tranquillity and a sense of security prevailed throughout the empire. But this happy state of affairs was disturbed in the fourteenth year of the j!^c^;/;r/ era (1637 A.D.) when there occurred in Kiushu a serious insurrection, known in history as the Shimabara Rebellion, or the Ama- kusa War. At the time of the first introduction of Christianity into Japan, it spread very rapidly throughout the Empire, receiving no check until the arrogance and intolerance of the missionaries provoked the anger of Hideyoshi and in- duced him to issue an edict forbidding the propagandism of the foreign faith. This law, however, was not rigorously enforced, and moreover official attention was shortly after- wards diverted from the Christians to the war with Korea. Thus things remained in statu quo until the administrative power came into the hands of lyeyasu, and he, being assured by [investigation that the spread of Christianity tended to foster a spirit of intolerance and to provoke sectarian quar- rels, took measures to put an end to it. For that purpose he expelled the foreign missionaries from Japan and deputed Buddhist priests to reconvert the Japanese who had em- braced the Christian creed, the efforts of these priests being re-inforced by an edict that all who refused to abjure Christianity should be either exiled or put to death. T^ut it aj)peared that man)- of the Japanese Christians niSTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. JTT had adopted the new faith with such sincerity and de- votion that neither teaching nor threats could shake their steadfastness. Above all, in the provinces of Bungo and Hizen, where even the feudal barons themselves had become converts to the Western creed, such large num- bers of the people were professing Christians, and so zealous was their attitude, that these districts were virtu- ally Christian in their entirety, and were moreover the sources whence the forces of propagandism made them- selves felt elsewhere. Shimabara, in Hizen, was especially regarded as the head-quarters of the foreign faith, and the Shogun accordingly nominated as feudal chief of that place Matsukura Shigemasa, a bitter foe to Christianity. Shige- masa quickly showed his resolve to root out the strange religion. He issued strict proclamations against its profes- sion, and inflicted most cruel punishments on its votaries. The people suffered in silence. Shigemasa's military following was so great that resistance offered no hope whatever. But when, on Shigemasa's death, his son vShigetsugu succeeded him, popular discontent began to take a concrete form. For the new Baron lacked the administrative ability and military skill of his father^ and nevertheless imposed crushing taxes on the people, subjecting them, at the same time, to all kinds of oppres- sion. Gradually the doctrine of combination for open resistance found preachers. Among the generals on the defeated side in the battle of Sekigahara had been one Konishi Yukinaga, an ardent believer in Christianity. After the battle his principal retainers retired to the island of Amakusa off the coast of Hizen. Among them the most influential, Oyano, Senzoku, Mori and others, constantly sought means to be revenged on the Tokugawa and to promote the spread of Chirstianity. They found a youth U2 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. named Masuda Shiro who to remarkable graces of person added a mind of great craftiness, and they presented him to the people, alleging that he was the heavenly messenger of whom Francis Xavier had spoken twenty-five years pre- viously when leaving Japan, and who was destined to establish the supremacy of the Christian faith everywhere. They also spread rumours that the Shogun had died in Edo, and the people, much encouraged by these things, assembled in great number and openly offered thanks- givings to heaven. The officials in vShimabara endeavoured to disperse this meeting and to arrest the leaders, but a con- test ensued in which the Christians remained victorious, and the result of their success was that the insurrection spread throughout Shimabara, Amakusa and the neighbouring dis- tricts. The insurgents numbered over thirty thousand, and were under the command of Masuda Shiro. At first the Shogun's Government regarded the rebels as a mere mob of peasants, and despatched a petty baron, Itakura Shigemasa to restore order. But Itakura's inability to cope with the trouble having afforded a gauge of its true dimensions, the commission was given to Matsudaira Nobutsuna, a power- ful Rqjiu. The insurgents fought with desperate resolution and inflicted numerous defeats on the Government's troops, Shigemasa himself falling in battle. But the end came at last. In the second month of the fifteenth year of Kwanyei (1638 A.D.) the stronghold of the rebels was taken, and its defenders were either burned in the flames kindled by their own hand or put to the sword. This experience taught the Government that the spread of Christianity was attended with the gravest dangers to public tranquillity. Strict laws were therefore enacted for its suppression. Foreigners who came to Japan for the HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAh^. purpose of propagating the faith were refused admission, and those who declined to depart despite the edicts were put to death. Thenceforth Buddhism was adopted as the national religion, receiving the allegiance of all classes, high and low. It was enacted that births, deaths and marriages must be registered in books kept by the priests, and the status of Buddhism thus received powerful recognition. A radical change in the methods of taking the census was introduced at this epoch, much greater strictness and exactness being observed than had previously been the case, and the whole thing being placed on a religious basis. Coming to the time of Yoshimune, the eighth Tokugawa Shogun (1716 A.D.), we find a regulation that the census should be taken and the results duly reported every six years. In each fief officials were duly appointed to take charge of matters relating to the census. They were required to conclude their labours within a certain period, and the operation was called Shiwnon-aratainc, or the examination of religious sects. All these things con-- tributed materially to the influence of the Buddhist priests, for whom the era of the Tokugawa swa)^ was a time of marked prosperity. Nevertheless, the Government was careful to avoid anything tending to the excesses of former days. The building of new temples was fosbidden ; the lands assigned for the support of those already in existence were rigidly defined, and the people were encouraged to study Chinese literature. Thus the corruption that disfigured the Buddhist priesthood in earlier ages was, in great part, cor- rected. Chief amongr the sects of Buddhism that flourished at that epoch were the Hosso, the Shingon, the Ritsit, the yi, the Yuzu-ncnbiUsu, the Tcndai, the Jodo, the Zen, the Nichircn, and the Shi)i or the Ikko ; among which the 314- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Shin was most popular and prosperous, next in order coming the Zen, the Jodo, the Tendai, the AHcJiircn and the Shin- gon, the others being comparatively uninfluential. The num- ber of temples throughout the empire aggregated four hund- red thousand. Attention must also be directed to the chancres that overtook the affairs of the Shinto faith during the same epoch. The term " Shinto," as -will have been seen from what has already been written, had its origin when Buddhism began to spread in Japan, and was employed to distinguish the original creed of the countr)- from the creed carried thither from Korea and China. But from the time of the two Daishi, Dengyo and Kobo, the priests, doubtless influenced by reasons of policy, applied the doctrine of the Shingon sect of Buddhism, for the most part, to expound Shintoism, and even the educated classes believed in the compound creed thus enunciated, so that it obtained wide vogue under the name " Ryobii Shinto'' or the " combined way of heaven." From time immemorial the department of State (yingi-Kioan), entrustecl with the management of Shinto affairs, had been presided over b)- the Shirakawa Family, which traced its descent from the Emperor Kwasan. This department took charge of festivals and had control of the Shinto priests in all the provinces. But during the Ashikaga Shogunate, the Yoshida (or Urabe) Family attained great influence in the sphere of religion, and when the Tokugawa came into power, this Family was appointed to the Vice-Ministry of the yingi-kwan, where it exercised authority superior even to that of the Shirakawa themselves, directing all matters connected with festivals and with the appointment or removal of Shinto HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF yAPAiY. JIj officials. The Yoshida Family were further instrumental in establishing a new branch of Shinto, the Yiiiitsu Shinto whose functions were connected solely with ceremonies of worship and festivals. Neither the Ryobu Shinto nor the Yniitsii Shinto had any special doctrinal basis of its own. The sphere of both alike was virtually limited to rituals and religious observance. But a change was effected in the Kwambicn era (1661-1672 a.d.) when Watarae Enka, a Shinto priest of Ise, and Yamasaki Ansai, a Kyoto student of Chinese literature, together with others, expounded the Shinto creed by means of the doctrine of 5 elements in the E-king, or of the philosophical doctrines of the Chinese Sung sages. The Shinto creed thus came to possess definite prin- ciples of its own. Soon afterwards, such scholars as Motoori Norinaga and Hirata Atsutane appeared, and taught a new doctrine, founded purely on nationalistic principles, namely, that the world had been created by the deities of Japan. The priests of present-day Shintoism belong, for the most part, to the sect established by Motoori and Hirata. They preach, pra)- and concern themselves with ritualistic matters, so that their practice invests them v\ath the character of a religious bod)-. SECTION v. The GcnrokiL Era ( 1688-ijoj A.D.) — Eitcratnrc. — Edu- cation . — Fina ncc. lyemitsu, the third Shogun, being a man of more than ordinary ability, and having the assistance of such able Ministers as li Naotaka, Doi Toshikatsu, Sakai Tadakatsu, Matsudaira Nobutsuna. Abe Tadaaki, and so forth, his Jl6 niSTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. administration was thoroughly efficient, and the empire enjoyed under his rule complete tranquillity broken only by the Christian insurrection of Shimabara. It is true that feuds sometimes occurred between the sons of territorial magnates by their lawful wives and their sons by con- cubines, as well as between their officers of influence and experience. But these were petty affairs, not constituting any real break of the uniform peace that prevailed. It is also to be noted • of this era that the feudal barons followed the example of the Shogun in selecting men of light and learning to administer the affairs of their fiefs, a tendency which contributed not a little to the general good order. Thus Ikeda Mitsumasa, Lord of Bizen, appointed Kumazawa Hakkei, whose literary name was Banzan, to be his chief officer, and Yamanouchi Tadatoyo, Lord of Tosa, adopted a similar course with Nonaka Yoshitsugu (Kenzan). On the death of lyemitsu and the succession of lye- tsuna, the 4th Shogun (in the third year of tlie Keiaji era, 1750 A.D.) Yui Shosetsu and Marubashi Chuya, two military captains not attached to an)^ feudal baron, col- lected a great number of Ronin (unattached Samurai^ in Suruga and in Edo, their project being to raise the standard of revolt simultaneously in the west and in the east. Their attempt was unsuccessful, but its failure did not deter two other Ronin, Bekki Shozaemon and Hayashi Toyemon, from plotting a similar insurrection in Edo the following year. They, too, were discovered and punished before their plans matured. Thereafter, for a time, owing doubtless to the fact that the feudal barons being too frequently deprived of their estates, their vassals found themselves homeless and resourceless, the peace of the HISTORY 01' THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. JTJ country was broken here and there by bands of Ron in. These troubles, however, were speedily dealt with. lyetsuna's Shogunate lasted thirty years, and towards its close the Tairo, Sakai Tadakiyo, acquired so much influence that the authority of the Shogun himself was somewhat impaired. When, however, the brave and reso- lute Tsunayoshi, fifth Shogun, succeeded lyetsuna, Tada- kiyo was released from the office of Tairo, and Hotta Masatoshi, a statesman of great acumen, was appointed in his stead. The Shogun and his ministers alike devoted themselves unwearyingly to promote the welfare of the country. This era is worthy of close attention. We find, among other things, that the Shogun greatly encouraged the study of literature. Tokugawa lyeyasu, though essentially a soldier and statesman, fully appreciated the importance of literature, and understood what an indispensable factor it is in encouraging the pursuit of virtue and promoting the peace of society. Even when his hands were occupied fully with campaigns and battles, he did not fail to invite to his fief great savants, such as Fujiwara Shuku, (Seigwa) and to have courses of lectures delivered by them on the Chinese classics. Soon afterwards he granted a perpetual annuity to Hayashi Doshun, a pupil of Seigwa — and throughout the era of warfare that preceded his Shogunate he caused his officers to collect and reprint valuable books that would otherwise have been lost to the nation. His efforts in promoting and encouraging literature were un- questionably great. His three successors followed his ex- ample in this respect. But it was the fifth Shogun, Tsuna- yoshi, who abo\'e all contributed to the spread of literary pursuits. Devoted from his youth to the study of the Chinese classics, he made a habit, after his succession, of US BIS TORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAi\. delivering lectures to the feudal barons, Samurai, Shinto and Buddhist priests, and it may well be supposed that this action gave a great impetus to literar)- pursuits. He ap- pointed Nobuatsu, grandson of Doshun, to the post of Professor of Chinese Literature. Prior to this time, it had been customary with military men to neglect the study of reading and writing. Such occupations were abandoned to the priests, and it resulted that, even after the con- clusion of the wars, men having a predilection for litera- ture generally drifted into the ranks of the priests. The fifth Shogun Tusnayoshi required such persons not to adopt the tonsure or to give up their position as Samurai. The Hayashi Family were a case in point. The title of " Professor " was transmitted in the famil)^ from genera- tion to generation, and they presided over affairs relating to literature. A school founded by them, at first in the character of a private establishment, was afterwards taken under Government protection, and grew into a institu- tion of much importance under the name of the Sliohci- ko W'hen we speak of the literature of these days, we mean Chinese literature of the Confucian vSchool, of the Sung Dynasty. Prior to the time, Kumazawa Hakkei^ a learned minister of the Bizen clan, following in the foot- steps of Nakai Toju, a savant of Omi, had studied the philo- sophy of Wong Yeng-ming. Thereafter, during a period of fifty-years, Ito Jinsai and his son Togai, stood at the head of those who taught in Kyoto the paths of the ancient liter- ature, a similar function being performed in Edo by Butsu Shorai and his pupil Dazai Shuntai. These great literati of the east and the west attained wide-spread reputation, and were counted masters of the Han and Tang philosophies which they expounded. At the head of students of prac- tical affairs stood Kinoshita Junnan, whose pupils, Arai HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Jip Hakiiscki and Muro Kiuso, played an important part in the administration of the sixth and eighth Shoguns. So far was the study of Chinese literature carried by the Japanese of the time, that some of their publications in that line eli- cited the hearty approval of the Chinese themselves. In a word, the Edo epoch may be described as the golden era of Chinese literature in Japan. Unfortunately this record is marred by disputes that sprang up among the different schools of philosophy, disputes so acute that the study of literature was prostituted to the business of sarcasm, abuse, and slander, some of the acrimonious disputants even going so far as to condemn the literature of the Sinig Dynasty without any consciousness of their own inferior attainments. With the view of putting an end to this evil state of affairs, Matsudaira Sadanobu, Minister of lyenari, eleventh Shogun, interdicted the appointment to office of any person who adopted commentaries other than those of Shushi. To this prohibition men gave the name of Igakuno-kin, or the forbidding of strange learning. The measure produced an appreciable influence on the literature of the country. But at a later date schools of philosophy known as the Kosho- gakii (the study of evidence) and Sdchugakit (the study of eclecticism) made their appearance. Literature and education being thus cared for by the Central Government, the feudal barons followed the Sho- gun's example, and established schools in their respective fiefs. Noteworthy among these schools — which went by the general name of " Hangakii " or clan schools — were the Kojokwau in Yonezawa, the Yokcndo in Sen- dai, the Scitoknshoin in Sakura, the Mcirindo in Nago- ya, the Gakkwan in Okayama, the Mcirinkiuan in Hagi, the Kodokwan in Saga, the yishukii^an in Kumamoto, J20 HJSTOKY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. the Zoshikwaii in Kagoshima, and so forth. The most distinguished among the pupils of these Schools were selected and sent to the Shohei-kd, established under the auspices of the Shogunate, for purposes of further study. Classics. Chinese and Japanese history, poetry and composition were the subjects of study in all these schools. There were also many private schools of a similar scope ; and for the instruction of the children of farmers, merchants, and artizans in reading, writing, and arithmetic, almost every temple organized an institution called Tcra-Koya. During the Tokugawa dynast)-, not only did Chinese literature receive profound attention, but also a kind of dramatic versification called Joruri, and the writ- ing of novels were in great vogue. Notably popular was the drama of Chikamatsu Monzayemon. In the sphere of Hai- y6«z (another kind of Japanese poetry), Basho and his ten chief pupils attained much celebrity, and among novel-writers K)okutei Bakin, Riutei Tanehiko, and Shikitei Samba were known and read throughout the empire. No Japanese writer of verses has ever stood on the same level as Chika- matsu in the line of the Drama, and Basho in that of the Haikai. These two men are known as the Buugakii (literati) of the Gcnroku era (1688- 1703 a.d.). At a somewhat earlier date than that just spoken of, Mitsukuni, representative of the second generation of the Mito Baron, grandson of lyeyasu, was a distinguished scholar and munificent patron of literature. He was known among students as " Giko," and he established in his Edo mansion a histriographical bureau, where, under his direction, a num- ber of savants undertook the compilation of the history of Japan from the days of the Kmperor Jimmu. This work required many years for its completion. It consisted of HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. JST 243 volumes, and was called the " Dai-N'ippon-shiy It stands at the head of Japanese histories, the second in order being the " Ho7ichd-tsugan " (300 volumes), compiled under the direction of Hayashi by order of the Shogun's Govern- ment. In the same category may be placed the " Fusoshu- yoshu'' (30 volumes) of Mitsukuni, and the "■ Reigirttitcn'' (510 volumes) of the same author. It will thus be seen that students of literature, history, and poetry were very numerous in the Edo Epoch. In addition to those already enumerated we may mention Shimokobe Choriu, Keichu, a priest, and Kitamura Kigin, who were fol- lowed by Kada Adzumamaru, Kamo Mabuchi, Motoori Nori- naga, Hanawa Hokiichi, and others. Of historical publi- cations, the above list may be supplemented by the Kwansei Choshu Shokafii (1,053 volumes), the CJioya Kyubuiihoko (1,083 volumes), the Tokiigazva yikki (516 volumes), and others. There was also a large work on botany called SJiobittsuriiisan (1,054 volumes). Hanawa Hokiichi, a renowned scholar, though blind, made a business of collect- ing old and rare works, as the GtmsJio Ritiju (1,821 volumes). Arai Hakuseki was the author of over three hundred books on classics, history, and law. The novels of Kyokutei Bakin aggregated more than two hundred. And in addition there were numerous works by less prolific students. On the whole, the Tokugawa period was the golden era of Japanese literature. When Tsunayoshi was Shogun, not only did literary pursuits attract wide attention, but scientific study also found followers. Thus Yasui Santetsu served under the Government in the capacity of astronomer, and showed himself a skilled calculator and compiler of almanacks. He abolished the Senmei-reki almanack, which contained 322 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. several errors, and substituted for it the yiokid-rcki. In matters of Shinto erudition, Yoshikawa Koretaru, and in the field of painting, Sumiyoshi Hirozumi, were patronized liberally by the Government, as were many others con- spicuous for their talents or accomplishhients. It was indeed an age abounding in capable men, though in some respects its suffers by comparision with periods that preceded it. For example, the Shogun Tsunayoshi (fifth Shogun) unduly promoted Yanagisawa Yoshiyasu, a man of humble origin, and treated him with unbecoming favour. Peace had then lasted for eighty years, and both the Go- vernment and the people had begun to fall into luxurious and extravagant ways, so that, for the first time in the history of the Tokugawa, the Government found itself straitened for funds. The total revenue of the empire derived from land amounted at the epoch to 30,000,000 koku, of which 23,000,000 koku belonged to the feudal barons, and 3,000,000 kokii, to the bannerets, shrines, and temples, the remaining 4,000,000 representing the income the Shogun's Government. A pultry sum of 150,000 koktL was considered sufficient for the maintenance of the Sovereign, the payment of the Court nobles' allowan- ces, and the other expenses of the Court in Kyoto. The method of taxation varied according to provinces, but the general rule was that the Government, or the feudal lord, took forty per cent., and the cultivator sixty per cent., of the gross produce. In the early years of the Shogunate large reserves of money were accumulated by lyeyasu, Hidetada, and lyemitsu, but Tsunayoshi ex- pended the whole, and found himself reduced to consider- able straits. Yoshiyasu prevailed upon him to adopt a scheme proposed by Ogiwara Shigehide, namely, the issue of a debased currency. The coins issued in the early years HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 32J of the Tokugawa, namely, the Keichd-kingin (gold and silver of the Kcicho era), were very pure, but in the re- coinage of Tsunayoshi, gold was alloyed with silver and copper, and copper with lead and tin, so that the cost of the coins was much less than their face value. Many hundreds of thousand of ryo were obtained by this device, and order was restored to the embarrassed finances of the Shogun. But the evils incidental to currency debasement did not fail to ensue. Prices appreciated suddenly and counterfeiting took place on a large scale. Subsequently, however, the Government corrected these abuses by restoring the cur- rency to its pristine purity, and substitutiting administrative economy for false finance. The feudal barons, also, finding themselves in an impecunious state, began to issue fiat paper money (HansatsuJ for circulation within their own fiefs. It is a point well worthy of the attention of students of history, that from the time of their accession to power until the day of their downfall, the Tokugawa Shoguns never resorted to the device of issuing fiduciary notes, nor increased the rate of taxation. SECTION. VI. Middle Period of the SJwgunate. — The Kyoho Peace. — Industry. — Agriculticre. — Criminal Lazu. — Military Eqinpment. The Shogun Tunayoshi was succeeded on his death by his cousin lyenobu, who became the sixth vShogun of the Tokugawa line. lyenobu reposed great confi- dence in Arai Hakuseki, the most learned and capable man of the time, and freely adopted his advice in administrative affairs. The Shogun himself had con- 324. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. ceived the idea of accomplishing important reforms in the Government, but he died before practical effect could be given to this design. His son, lyetsugu, then became Shugun, but lyetsugu also died very soon, and was succeeded, in 17 16, by Yoshimune, who belonged to the Kii Family, being the great grandson of lyeyasu and the grandson of Yorinobu. Gifted with exceptional talent, this ruler, soon after his accession to power, effected reforms in the administration of civil affairs, and placed the Govern- ment on a sound and strong basis. He directed the administration, as eighth Shogun, during a period of thirty years, known in history as the " peace of the Kyoho era," and he left behind him a reputation second to none obtained by any of the Tokugawa rulers. At this period the impecuniosity of the Government, which had been going from bad to worse under succeeding Shoguns, and which resulted chiefly from extravagant and useless expenditure in the Tokugawa household, began to be a subject of serious embarrassment. Yoshimune had no sooner assumed administrative control than he set himself to restore financial order by closing or destroying several of the splendid mansions kept for the Shogun's amusement, and dismissing their female and male inmates, while he himself sought to set an example to his people by wearing rough garments and faring in the simplest manner. Finally, he issued an edict urging the necessity of economy in all affairs both public and private, and as the nation had practical evidence of this spirit in the conduct of its rulers, not alone the Ministers of State but also the feudal barons adopting and following the admonition of the Shogun by the exercise of strict frugality, economy became one of the most marked features of the era. IIISTOR Y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 32J Yoshimune not only sought to foster this spirit of fru- gality, but also endeavoured to promote industrial and agricultural enterprise. He encouraged the cultivation of Korean ginseng as well as Batavain and sweet potatoes ; he inaugurated the planting of Japanese sugar cane, and at the same time he despatched officials to various parts of the empire to promote the growth of other products. Thus many persons in the different clans devoted themselves to industry and agriculture. Enumerating the principal devel- opments of the time, we find that sericulture was greatly extended and that its methods were improved throughout the district extending from the provinces of Kai, Shinano, Kotsuke, and Shimotsuke, to Oshu and Dewa ; that indigo was cultivated in Awa ; that oranges were grown in Kishu ; that the raising of tobacco and the operation of drying bonito were considerably encouraged in Satsuma ; that salt was manufactured in Shikoku and Chugoku, and that the hardware, lacquer, gold-smith's and furrier's trades were greatly developed. In the realm of agriculture, the Shogun, recognising that husbandry was the staple occupation of the people and rice the chief article of national diet, enacte.d regula- tions for the protection and encouragement of farmers, among these regulations being one which provided that, in the event of a farmer being prevented from carrying on the necessary operations of agriculture, his nearest neighbours must assist him. Transactions in real estate were not permitted indis- criminately. The sale and purchase of land were forbidden ; measures were framed to prevent the undue growth of large estate, as well as to protect the humble classes and obviate their dispersal through poverty. Further, the Shogun en- couraged the development of water-ways for the transport of goods and for the irrigation of lands. The result of all this beneficent administration such a was marked increase J 26 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OFJAPAA'. of the production of rice that the people called Yoshimune " Kovie Shogun " (the Rice Shogun). His policy, so far as concerned the promotion of industry and agriculture, was adopted and pursued by several of his successors. From the middle ages of Japanese history taxes on land constituted the chief item of State revenue. During the Tokugawa period, four-tenths of the produce of the land went to the Government and six-tenths to the farmer. There were two methods of collecting the tax. One was called '' Kenmi-doriy According to this system, the qua- lity of the rice had to be determined and the rate of tax fixed accordingly. The procedure was tedious, and Yoshi- mune accordingly gave preference to the other method, " ydmeii-doi'i," the principle of which was to fix the rate of tax according to the average rice-harvest of the proceding five or ten years, and thenceforth, during the interval of years to which this rate applied, the farmers were required to pay the tax thus determined whatever might be the nature of the crops, exceptions being made, however, in the event of drought, tempest, or floods. During the administration of this Shogun the afterwards celebrated rice-guild of Dojima in Osaka made its appearance. Throughout the government of I)'e)'asu and the early Tokugawa Shoguns no code of criminal law was specially enacted, the administrative maxim of the time being that moral doctrines should guide all officials, and that the judges should consult the dictates of their own conscience in dealing with criminals. But as popular knowledge in- creased, it became obviously necessary that uniformity of punishments should be secured by fixed and universally applicable laws. Yoshimune was at first averse to criminal HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 327 legislation, but he nevertheless appreciated the difficulty of conducting" judicial administration in the absence of duly sanctioned legal provisions, and he therefore caused the various old laws to be collated and embodied into a fifteen- volume code, called Hatto-gaki. This code bore a close resemblance to the Kyaku-shiki of the Heian period. Fur- ther, after consultation with various jurists and officials, the Shogun directed the preparation of another volume of law, namely the Kiijikata-sadamegaki, popularly called Gojd-sJio Hyakka-jo. These various enactments constituted the com- clete criminal code of the Tokugawa. From its provisions were expunged all punishments such as had been practised in times of war ; examination by torture was restricted to cases the circumstances of which obviously dictated its applica- tion, and on the whole the object aimed at was to lighten the scale of punishment as far as possible. These criminal laws were not, however, made public. The people to whom they applied knew nothing of their provisions. Only the officers charged with the duty of administering them had cognisance of their purport. In a word, the public knew only that certain interdictions existed but as to the punishment involved in the violation of such interdictions, they knew nothing until it fell to their lot to suffer them. The object of this system was to inculcate respect for the laws themselves rather than fear of the consequences of violating them. Among the judicial officers of the time was one Ooka Tadasuke, whose acumen in judging offences was so remarkable that the people credited him with super- natural ability. Many of his judgments were such as to be thought worthy of perpetual record. As to the punishments commonly inflicted, we find manacling, scourging, exile, and so forth, the most severe being transportation to a distant island and death. The degree of punishment in the same J> 2S HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. class varied with the nature of the crime. There were also other punishment, as branding, public exposure, confisca- tion of property, and so forth. In the case of men holding SainiLrai rank or higher, it was assumed that, being suffi- ciently conversant with the code of etiquette and the principle of morality, minor penalties were not required for their control. Hence the methods resorted to with them were confinement to their own residence, or shutting them oft' from general intercourse, or dismissal from office, or compulsory suicide, and so forth. Samitrai who had been guilty of an offence were first degraded from the class of Samurai and then suitably punished. With regard to priests, also, special penalties were applied ; as for example, exposure to public view, expulsion from the temple at which they officiated, or suspension from religious duties alto- gether. In all the fiefs care was taken to preserve a close relation between local penalties and those inflicted by the Central Government, but difference in the degree of severity exercised made themselves apparent in the sen- tences of different judges, and further, since the judiciary was not independent of the executive, miscarriages of justice were not infrequent. The empire having now been at peace during many years, the military equipment began to be -neglected and the Sanmrai no longer devoted themselves to martial exercise. The Shogun, Yoshimune, regretting this state of affairs, strongly rebuked the Samuj-ai ; encouraged them to practise equestrian archery, fencing, spear-exercise, swimming, gymnastics (jiujutsu), and so forth, and revived the pastime of pursuing game with hawks on the Kogane Plain. Originally fond of such pursuits, he applied himself to them with added ardour in order to popularize them among HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. J2p the Samurai. The Shogun's Government being essentially a military feudalism, all provisions relating to military affairs were of the most strinQfent character. In the event of the Shogun himself taking the field, he had to be accompanied by all the feudal barons, the Ministers of State ( Rojiu) be- coming generals and the WaJzadoshiyori holding chief com- mand over the bannerets. When the Shogun himself did not take the field, the •Rojiu and IVakadoshiyori commanded in his place. All the officials from the RojitL downwards served in civil capacities under ordinary circumstances, but held military command in time of war. Feudal barons whose income did not exceed ten thousand kokiL of rice were required to furnish ten horsemen and two hundred and thirty-five foot-soldiers, with full equipment of bows, guns, spears, banners, and so forth ; while those who enjoyed a larger revenue were under obligation to furnish more ample contingents in proportion to their income. The Shogun himself had a large body-guard, consisting of 30,000 men or upwards, of which Obangumi, Koshogumi, and Shoinban were most powerful. The Samurai of these troops discharged civil duties in times of peace. Throughout the various clans a military system closely resembling that of the Shogunate prevailed. Among all martial exercises fencing was most practised and most esteemed. The Samurai regarded his two swords with the utmost love and veneration, and the skill and spirit shown by him in their use were justly a source of pride to Japan. Every member of the military class, from the Shogun downwards, received regular instruction in fencing with the sword. Spears and fire-arms were also widely employed, and the practice of yujutsu — a species of gym- nastics directed to purposes of self-defence — received gene- JJO HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPA.Y. ral attention. Men conspicuous for skill in fencing and other martial exercises built schools and became teachers of their respective specialties. Thus theoretically the military training was very perfect, but as there had been no occasion for the practical exercise of the art of war during many years, the SannLi'ai became gradually unfit for service in the field and would doubtless have lapsed into a even worse condition but for the strenuous efforts made by Yoshi- mune on his accession to power. Subsequently, during the Kiuansei era (i 789-1800 a.d.), Matsudaira Sadanobu, a Minister of State, spared no pains to encourage the pursuit of martial exercises, but the continued absence of any military need of such attainments told steadily upon the Samurai, and towards the close of the Shogunate not only had the nation become comparatively ennervated, but also its military systems were old-fashioned and inefficient from foreign points of view. Hence the Government found it neces- sary to remodel the organization, creating such offices as Rihigitii Bugyo (Minister of War) and Kaigttn Bii- gyo (Minister of the Navy), adopting the European system, adding cavalry, artiller}-, engineers, and so forth to the Army, and establishing iron foundries, docks, and so forth for the use of the Navy. At ihe same time, the restrictions imposed upon ship-building were removed, and official encouragement was given to the construction of sea-going vessels and to the art of navigation. Thus the foundations of the present Army and Navy were laid. To Yoshimune's initiative belongs, also, the establish- ment of a fire-brigade in Edo. In earlier times, during the period of the fourth Shogun, lyetsuna, in January of the third year of the Meircki era (1657 a.d.) a conflagration broke out in Edo, reducing nearly the whole city to ashes, HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. and entailing the loss of many lives. After this cata- strophe, Matsudaira Nobutsuna, who then held the office of Rdjhi, effected great improvements in the division of the city, repaired and widened the streets, removed the great Buddhist temples to the suburbs, created large spaces to which the citizens could fly for refuge in the event of fire, and built embankments to prevent the overflow of the rivers, thus greatly augmenting the prosperity of the capital. Prior to this, three aqueducts had been constructed in the Kanda, Tamagawa, and Senkawa districts, by which means immense facilities were conferred in the matter of water- supply. After the MeireJzi conflagration, however, the crime of incendiarism became common, and owing to the high winds so often prevailing in Edo, fires thus kindled proved very destructive, as many as ten thousand houses being sometimes reduced to ashes. Perpetual exposure to such a destructive agency naturally exercised an injurious effect upon the methods of house construction. The citizens contented themselves with flimsy dwellings, in many cases thatched, not tiled, and the decoration of the nobles' mansions began to be materially reduced. On the other hand, the prosperity of the city increased so greatly that its area extended over four square ri (25 square miles) and its population aggregated two millions. Conflagra- tions, however, continued as frequent as ever. Yoshimune, therefore, encouraged the people to build houses of stone or other fire-proof materials, and in streets of prime importance, like those in the Kanda and Nihonbashi districts, the Shogun did not hesitate to have the houses pulled down in order to widen the thoroughfares. At the same time, Ooka Tadasuke, Municipal Governor, established the fire-brigade system. All these improvem.ents had some effect in re- ducine the number of conflagrations, but to the end of the HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Tokugawa dynasty the ravages of fire continued to be the curse of the capital. Yoshimune, who in addition to military, financial, and administrative aptitudes, had a strong scientific bias, de- voted much of his spare time to astronomy, and caused instruments to be constructed for the purpose of taking observations. He also ordered surveys to be undertaken for the purpose of making a map. The encouragement of medicine and the building of hospitals were further among his reforms, and even the promulgation of a law of copy- right was not neglected, while we find him turning to such a matter as the planting of cherry, willow, and peach trees at Asukayama, along the banks of the Sumida River, in Kanda, in Koganei, in Nakano, and other parts of the capital, with the result that the citizens are now in posses- sion of beautiful pleasure resorts both in the suburbs and in the business districts of Tokyo. SECTION VII. TJie Kzuansei Peace. — The Repose of the Military Classes. — Social Conditions. — Public Sentiments and Customs. The astute and comprehensive reforms of Yoshimune, followed by the prudent rule of his son lyeshige, carried the administration of the Shogunate to its acme of efficiency and power, though even this exceptionally prosperous and peaceful era was not entirely free from abuses of power on that part of military men whose position enabled them to perpetrate excesses. Throughout the period of Yoshimune's and I)'eshige's rule the empire enjoyed profound peace, but HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. this happy state of affairs suffered some interruption during the government of lyeharu, son of lyeshige. That Prince's favourite, Tanuma Okitsugu, became Rojui. and his son Okitomo received the office of WakadosJiiyori. Thus the influence of the Tanuma Family became overwhelming, and as its members consulted their private interests rather than those of the public, the evils of bribery and sycophancy began to prevail and the administrative excellence of the Kyoho era suffered in consequence. The country was also visited by droughts and inundations, such discontent being engendered among the poorer classes that mobs assembled and attacked the residences of wealthy merchants. lyeharu, on his demise, was succeeded by lyenari, great grandson of Yoshimune, of the Hitotsubashi line. On his death-bed, lyeharu left an injunction which led to the dismissal of the Rojm, Tanuma. Matsudaira Sada- nobu, feudal baron of Shirakawa, was appointed to the former's office. Sadanobu was a grandson of Yoshi- mune, and consequently uncle of lyenari. He became Regent during the minority of the Shogun. A man of great wisdom and wide erudition, he set himself earnestly and with ultimate success to reform the evil practices that had crept into the administration and to restore the prosperous tranquillity of the Kyoho era. The Gov- ernment of his time was fortunate in the possession of many other able officials, and the united efforts of these brought about a state of affairs known in history as the '' Kzvansci (1789- 1800) Peace." Many feudal barons were distinguished at this period for administrative ability, notably Uesugi Harunori, Lord of Yonezawa ; Matsu- daira Katanobu, Lord of Aizu , Tokugawa Harusada, Lord of Kishu ; Ikeda Harumasa, Lord of Bizen ; Asano 334 HISTORY OF rim empire of japan. Shigeakira, Lord of Aki ; Nabeshima Narimasa, Lord of Saga ; and Hosokawa Shigekata, Lord of Higo, widiin whose fiefs the management of affairs left nothing to be desired. Moreover, the Throne was then occupied by Kokaku, a Sovereign of great sagacity, so that the people habitually spoke of both the Sovereign in Kyoto and Sadanobu in Kwanto as being eminently fitted for their high offices. With reference to the Imperial succession, it may here be stated that in the sixth year of the Hoyci era (1706 A.D.) the Emperor Higashiyama died, and after his death, during a period of seventy years, the Throne was occupied by five Emperors, whose names, in the order of their succession, were Nakanomikado, Sakuramachi, Momo- zono, Gosakuramachi, and Gomomozono. The last of these five having no male issue. Prince Kan-in Tomohito great- grandson of the Emperor Higashiyama, became Sovereign under the name of Kokaku. Matsudaira Sadanobu exercised the duties of Regent during seven years, and having resigned that office on the Shogun's attaining majority, he devoted himself ex- clusively to literature. The Shogun lyenari himself took an active part in the transaction of administrative affairs. He was promoted by the Emperor to the Second Grade of the First Rank and to the post of Chief Minister of State, thus enjoying the distinction of reaching the highest posi- tion ever attained by a Shogun of the Tokugawa line while in office. His Shogunate lasted fifty years, and throughout that long era the military class remained perfectly tranquil and the feudal system attained its highest stage of efficiency. Turning our attention now to the state of Society, we find worthy of first notice the attitude of the popular mind. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. JJS During the early years of the Tokugawa period, the memory of the nation being still freshly imbued with incidents of battle and bloodshed, both the Government and the people regarded the military spirit with the utmost reverence and considered its development essential to the well-being of the State. Samicrai even of the lowest rank wore two swords whenever they walked abroad, and one and all these men of war were disciples of a cult which placed honour and justice at the head of a soldier's characteristics and rele- gated selfishness to the lowest place. It was a common practice with the Samurai of the time to take their own lives for the purpose of expiating some event which they considered injurious to the prestige of their feudal lord. Even the inferior classes and the merchants of that day, living in or near Kyoto, attached more importance to the dictates of integrity and honour than to questions of pecu- niary interest. An evidence of the spirit that governed monetary transactions is furnished in the form of promissory note in vogue at the time. It contained such clauses as the following : — " In the event of my failure to repay the money borrowed by me, I shall submit to be made an odject of public ridicule ;" or, " Should I fail to dis- charge my obligation at the fixed time, I shall cease to be worthy of human consideration." In order to render distinct the boundaries between the upper and lower classes, and to maintain social order, strict attention was paid by the Government to etiquette and conventional observances, on the one hand, and the study of literature by men of position was encouraged, on the other. Nevertheless, instances of rude and disorderly conduct on the part of the people were not infrequent. During the administrations of the third, fourth, and fifth Jj6 FJISrORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Shoguns, the popular mind set ideal store by displays of courage and resolution exercised in the pursuit of some purpose however difficult of attainment, and such a habit of thought naturally degenerated in the case of the unre- fined or illiterate into mere truculence and roughness. The Samttrai themselves were not free from this reproach, but it attached chiefly to a class of commoners who went by the name of " Otokodate," and were divided into bands known as " yingi-gtnni^' " Shiratsiika-gtcnii," " Sckirei- g7Lmi" and so forth under the leadership of Mizuno Jurozae- mon, Banzuiin Chobei, and others. The proceedings of these affiliations exercised a most injurious effect on the customs and morals of the people. Such organizations were therefore strictly interdicted by the fifth Shogun, and their leaders were put to death. The same ruler forbade the wearing of swords by merchants and farmers, and by these means succeeded in correcting the rough habits of the lower orders, but it is questionable whether the evils thus removed were not replaced by still greater. As for the Samurai, demoralized by the long peace, they indulged in various kinds of amusements, song-singing, theatricals, and so forth beinof amone the number. Durincr the Gcnrokit era (1688- 1703 A.D.), a remarkable example of the vendetta occurred, the principal actors being forty-seven Saimtrai who killed the enemy of their feudal lord. The affair had its origin in an act of violence perpetrated by Asano Naganori, feudal chief of Ako, who, being insulted by his rear-vassal Kira Yoshinaka, drew his sword within the precincts of the palace and wounded the offender, for which breach of etiquette he was condemned to take his own life, and his family estate was confiscated, an exceptionally severe sentence, due to the fact that the Government of the Shogun was just then exercising every effort to check the rough-and-ready habits 4 r«^ I r - ; *!■ .ff! M-' Tl.e Harakiri (suicide by cutting open the abdomen). Anx\ttack for Revengfe. '\r\ J t km V />-i¥^*^ Ji 'I! \ III % M ^j IIJSTOR V OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. of the time. Asano's vassals, forty-seven in number, under the leadership of Oishi Kuranosuke, after a long period of patient watching and much hardship, succeeded in forcing their way into Yoshinaka's residence in Edo and decapitat- ing him. Having accomplished this act of fierce retribution, they surrendered themselves to the authorities and were sentenced to die by suicide. But their achievement excited the nation's strong admiration. The name of " GisJW (loyal Samurai) was popularly bestowed on them ; their memory was universally respected ; their act was dramatized into one of the greatest of Japanese plays, called " Chushingura',' and through all succeeding generations theatrical representa- tions of their loyal conduct never failed to attract deeply sympathetic audiences. Similar deeds were already on re- cord. Early in the Kamakura Period, the Soga brothers, Sukenari and Tokimune, killed their father's foe. Kudo Su- ketsune ; and under the Tokugawa rule, Araki Matayemon, the renowned swordsman, together with Watanabe Kazuma, put to death Kawai, the hereditary enemy of his family, at Ueno in Iga. These and other achievements, some filial, some loyal, fired the imagination of the nation. It became a popular creed that orphans, faithful vassals, and even wi- dows should devote their lives to vindicating the memory or avenging the death of parents, chiefs, or husbands, and this conviction was constantly translated into action during the early years of the Tokugawa rule. It was undoubtedly a custom in some respects worthy of only a military feudalism, but its effect in fostering a spirit of chivalry was beyond question. As years went by and the empire continued to enjoy profound tranquillity, ostentation, luxury, and effeminate habits began to prevail. Against these evil practices not JjS HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. a few of the statesmen and nobles of the time, notably the Regent Sadanobu, as already related, earnestly coun- selled the people. Dissipation and vain display reached their height in the time of lyenari, a period to which the name of" Ogosho Jidai'' (ex-Shogun era) was given. It is a well recognised historical fact that, just as had been the case in the closing years of the Heian Epoch, the superficial and licentious habits, the corruption and the demoralization which grew out of unbroken peace and prosperity and which culminated in the days of lyenari, marked the beginning of the decline of the Tokugawa Shogunate. No matter was deemed of greater importance, alike from a political and a social point of view in Japan, than to preserve distinctions of birth. During the Tokugawa Epoch, the lines of demarkation were clearly and sharply main- tained between Samurai, Farmers, Artizans, and Merchants, the four classes ranking in the order here given. Kyoto was the place of residence of the Imperial Princes, among whom Fushimi, Arisugawa, Katsura, and Kan-in were most closely connected with the Imperial House. The Court Nobles aggregated over 1 30 families, including the five families called " Sckke," from which Prime Ministers were appointed and Empresses chosen ; the seven families, called " Seio-a " from which the Ministers of the Right and Left were selected ; and other families directly descended from Kandachimc and Tenjobito of the Nara and Heian Epochs. These nobles filled the various offices in the Im- perial Court. The Shogun, on his part, administered all the civil and military affairs of the State, under the authority of the Sovereign, and controlled the feudal barons, who num- bered over 360. At the outset large tracts of territory were given to the direct descendents of lyeyasu, on whose HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. JJQ support the Shogun chiefly relied. But subsequently spe- cial treatment was extended to the feudal barons of Bishu, Kisho and Mito, and they were regarded as the principal bulwarks of the Edo Administration. The heads of these three families — which were called " Sanke " — were author- ized to act in the capacity of advisers to the Shogun with reference to the principal political affairs of the realm, and they were invested with the right to succeed to the Shogun- ate in the event of a failure in the direct line of male de- scent. Further, the two Shoguns Yoshimune and lyeshige founded three new families at the head of which they placed their own sons, namely, the houses of Tayasu, Hitotsubashi, and Shimizu. These were called the " Sa?dyo." They enjoyed the same special privileges and distinctions as the " Sanke." Immense power and influence were wielded by the " Sa7ikc " and the " Sankydy None of the other feudal barons could compare with them. In addition to the above, many feudal chiefs were the recipients of exceptional favour at the hands of the Shogun. Classifying the barons with re- ference to their position towards the Shogunate, we have the broad distinctions already mentioned, namely, Tozama and Fiidai ; while, if classified accordino- to the extent of their ter- ritory, they fall into the three divisions oi Kokushtt, ydshic, and Ryoshit. Lands of varying extent were granted in perpetuity, such estates being classed into four kinds, namely, those of 10,000 kokii annually and upwards ; those of 50,000 kokic and upwards ; those of 100,000 koku and upwards, and those of 300,000 koku and upwards. Accorking to these property qualifications the relative ranks of the feudal nobles were determined, as well as their ceremonial robes, their treat- ment at the Shogun 's Palace and the places assigned to them there. It was prescribed that, whenever the feudal barons repaired to Edo or visited the Shogun's Palace, they J^O HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. had to be attended by a fixed retinue of retainers, the num- ber varying with their rank. On these occasions bows, muskets, spears, and halberds were borne by the retinue, several of whom were mounted on horseback. The bag- gage was carried in handsome cases, called hasami-bakoy and the utensils used en route were also enclosed in orna- mented coverings, so that the whole procession formed an imposing and picturesque spectacle. These progresses of the feudal nobles were most frequently met with on the Tokaido, after which the commonest routes were the Naka- sendo, the Ou-kaido, the Saikoku-kaido, the Shikoku-kaido, and so forth. As for the Samurai^ they derived their means of support from lands granted them for life or in perpetuity by the Shogun's Government or the feudal nobles. Their duties were to master all branches of military exercises and to devote themselves faithfully to the service of their lords. They studied literature with assiduity, and occupied a position of vital importance in the feudal system. Speaking broadly, they were divided into two classes. Those belong- ing to the higher class were called " Bajo-kakiL " (mounted officers) : they took the field on horseback and held comparatively high social positions. Those belonging to the second class called '' A'^ei/iai" went on foot, and were subdivided into various grades, as ''/Cac/i?'," "/Cod/to," ''Ashi- garu,'' &c. The Samurai who directly served the Shogun's Government were called " yikisan,' and occupied the most respected position among their class, the higher among them being " Hatamoto " (bannerets) and the lower •' Keniny Turning to the people, we find that the great majority of them consisted of farmers, artizans, and merchants. Agriculture being regarded as the staple national industry, farmers ranked above both artizans and merchants, the low n :r- ^ -.,i2-« HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. J^T place assigned to the mercantile class being due to the con- sideration that they worked in their own interests only. Apart from this fact, however, the traders of the time were, for the most part, mean persons, well suited to the low grade assigned to them. Neither farmers, artizans, nor merchants were permitted to use family names, so they called themselves simply " farmer this," or " tradesmen that," but it was possible to acquire the privilege of using a family name on account of some meritorious public service, and many farmers were so privileged. Lower still than any of the classes hitherto mentioned were the " Bta " and " Hininl' who were not deemed worthy to be included in any of the above categories. The regular holidays observed in the Court of Edo were the I St, 15th, and 28th of each month. These days were called " saiijitsu." The ist of January was, of course, a speci- al holiday, as were the 3rd of the 3rd month, the 5th of the 5th month, the 7th of the 7th month, and the 9th of the 9th month, which five days were called " Go-sekhi." The i6th of the 6th month — called "■ Kajo'' and the ist of the 10th month — called " Gen-cJw " — were also festivals. On special fete days, as fixed officially, the feudal barons, dressed in magnificent costumes, had to visit the Shogun's Palace, and the Saniztrai and other classes of the people celebrated the time according to duly fixed codes of ceremony. The holy days of the Chinjtc shrines in the various districts were strictly observed by all, and farmers, artizans, and merch- ants had rest-days of their own according to the convenience of their occupations. The most refined pastimes of the people were playing on the koto — a stringed instrument — the game of go (checkers), caligraphy, and painting. Wrestling, singing, and dancing, and various kinds of J4-2 HISTORY OP THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. music were also much affected, and in the cities there were public story-tellers of great ability. A favourite amusement with all classes was to visit places where differ- ent kinds of flowerinor trees and shrubs were to be seen at the different seasons. A species of pantomimic dancing aalled A^d was very fashionable among the Samitrai, and had been so ever since the Ashikaga era. Of a less refined though often very accomplished character was the ydruri, a kind of recitative with accompaniment oi sainisen. This remains even to-day as much esteemed as ever. The theatre, too, had gradually developed from a mere puppet show to fully organized performances with a revolving stage and elaborate scenic effects, and was very popular for a time. But inasmuch as it was considered that the plays put upon the stage had a demoralizing effect, many of the comic pieces especially being of a coarse character, Samu- rai were forbidden to attend the theatre, and ultimately the Government interdicted association between actors and ordinary folks. The strict discipline applied to the Sanntrai may be inferred from this fact. SECTION VIII. Industry and Fine Arts. In the sphere of industrial pursuits, the business of weaving made great progress owing to the use of fine costumes by the upper and middle classes. Dur- ing the Kcian era (1640 a.d.) the artizans of Kyoto began to manufacture velvet after the Dutch method ; in the Kwambun era (1661 a.d.), habutaye (a kind of white silk) began to be woven; in the Tcnna era (1680 A.D.), mon-chirimcn (a fine silk crape) was produced, .•^^:..: r •.> ♦<• ft '-^.. -^ 4^ ■ * 7 :'i ' • . ':l *"« 5 -Hi. j»' > ":■ ■ C . ;:; 4••^^;^twM- ./! ■(:W S!.i '-^^ x^ ' .-.y '<'!i '^5^ ^"^ :^--. .^iK^ A Ficiiic on the A si; Hill in the Flowery Season, ^^• *^ ^;HV^^^'"^ (M* /^'^=^_ k5»jL.- V^Al- .^*; ^/-'M.i •^ -^ *«^^- ^T/' #-^-:i^ P % .^1 4, Yi^^~ A The Priest Bcnkei on a ge (a scene in the ^d dance). y0^ ^) r! i iftl L 1" c^:^ /. =1 ^ L HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 343 and in the Hoyci era (1703 a.d.), yuzen-zomc (a species of figured silk or cotten fabric ornamented by painting designs which were afterwards fixed by special processes) made its appearance. In Omi, also, hama-chiritnen (another kind of fine silk crape) was woven, and in Echigo an exceedingly delicate fabric called sttkiya. The eastern provinces were especially notable for the progress made by them in silk weaving from the period of the 8th Shogun, the districts most successful in this respect being Kiriu and Isezaki in Kotsuke, Ashikaga, in Shimotsuke, Chichibu and Hachioji in Musashi, and Fukushima in Mutsu. After silk, the fabrics most worthy of mention are cottons. From the earliest period cotton had been produced in Nagasaki, Nara, Satsuma, and Owari, and at a later date, as the dur- ability and protective character of cotten fabrics came to be more generally appreciated, the cultivation of the plant was greatly extended. Hemp and Kozo (Moms papyrifera) were also grown, but their employment was limited to the manufacture of summer garments. Various fabrics of considerable beauty and displaying much ingenuity of workmanship were also produced, as, for example, Satsitma- gasurt, Kokicra-ori, Choshi-chijimi, Aj^iinatsu-shibori, and so forth. In the keramic field, the process of decorating faience with vitrifiable enamels over the glaze was intro- duced by Nomura Ninsei in the Genua era (1614 a.d.). This ware was known as Kyo-yaki, or Kyoto faience. Subsequently it became divided into two kinds, Aiuada-yaki and Kiyo7nidzu-yaki, and afterwards special varieties, as Kenzan-yaki, Ddhacki-yaki, and so forth, were produced the various kinds being distinguished by peculiarities of techique and decoration. Kobori Masakadzu (commonly called " Enshu "), a vassal of the Tokugawa, and Matsu- daira Harusato (known as " Fumai "), feudal baron of 344 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J APAjV. Matsuye, supplied the keramists with special designs and caused pieces to be potted which possessed highly artistic qualities. In addition to these wares these existed the well known and much esteemed Lnari-yaki and Satsinna-yaki in Kiushu ; the Banko-yaki in Ise ; the Scto-yaki and the Inuyaina-yaki in Owari — the latter commenced in the Kyoho era ( 1 7 1 6 a.d.) ; the Kiitani-yaki, which began to be made in Kaga in the Kiuanyci era (1624 a.d.) ; and the Soma-yaki in Mutsu, dating from the Kcian era (1648 a.d.). The various factories remained more or less prosperous throughout, and still continue to produce wares which find a large market at home and abroad. With regard to the glyptic art, Hidari Jingoro, who flourished in the days of lyeyasu, left a reputation that has not been surpassed ; and in the matter of metal engraving, the various generations of the Goto family enjoyed wide popularity. In painting, we find the great Kano Morinobu — commonly known as " Tannyu " — who began to produce his admirable pictures in the days of lyeyasu and continued until the time of the 4th Shogun, fully restoring the name of the Kano family. This artist together with Sumiyoshi Hirozumi received the distinction of being nominated " Edokoro," or special artists to the Tokuerawa Government, and their descendants not unworthily supported their reputation. Tannyu was cele- brated among all the painters of his age for the combined strength and delicacy of his work, and Sumiyoshi for his elaborate painstaking after the Tosa style. Many schools have been founded on the Kano as a basis, as, for example, that of Hanabusa Itcho. From the GcJiroktc era (1688 A.D.), men devoted much care to studying the paintings of the Chinese Ming or Tsiii artists, and modified their styles according to Japanese ideals. In the Bnnkwa era (1804 A.D.), Maruyama Okyo founded in Kyoto the Shijo School, HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 345 of which the characteristic was fidelity to nature, and such was the influence of his genius that for a time no artist escaped the infection of his admirable style. Ikeno Taiga and Tani Buncho, are also notable. The style called Ukiyo- ye {genre painting) owes it origin to the genius of Iwasa Katsushige, an artist of lyeyasu's time. Iwasa consequently received the title of Ukiyo-matabyoe. This school attained great popularity in the days of its renowned m^asters Hishi- kawa Moronobu, Miyagawa Choshun, and so forth. It furnished the well-known nishiki-ye (chromo-zylographs) and book illustrations for which Japan was then famous. Katsushika Hokusai belonged to this school, and was its greatest master. His " Mangzva " was one of the most popular works ever published in Japan. Great numbers of nobles and Samurai also became painters, as, for ex- ample, Riurikyo (Yanagisawa Kiyen), Watanabe Kwazan, and so forth. Caligraphy also was cultivated almost to the extent of a fine art. Some of the Samurai developed remarkable skill in this line, and established schools where instruction was given in penmanship. Such masters were called " Shoka." Chief among them was Hosoi Kotaku. From the earliest times writing;' had been reo-arded with respect and assiduously cultivated in Japan, the auto- graphs of celebrated scholars, statesmen, or caligraphists being framed or put into scrolls, and preserved from generation to generation with all the care bestowed on objects of art. Much of the industrial progress and other useful or artistic developement referred to above, dates from the era, and may be referred to the sagacious administration, of the Shogun Yoshimune. The precious metals, too, were plenti- ful in those days, and we find them use w^ith profession in the field of art. Gold, silver, copper, and iron were pro- 34-^ HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAM. duced cheifly in the domains of the lords of the Sado, Echigo, Iwami, Tajima, lyo, and Izu, where great prosperity ex- isted during the period of prolific production. The upland soil of Japan being best adapted for the culture of wheat, beans, tea, and various kinds, of vegetables, these were always growo with success, while the lowlands were de- voted to the culture of rice, and the neighbouring seas, which abound in marine products of all kinds, afforded a rich field for the exploitation of the coastwise population. With regard to domestic commerce, business was freely carried on between Edo and Osaka, and fairly good facili- ties for transportation existed throughout a great part of the empire. As for foreign trade, during more than two centuries the Chinese and Dutch had been permitted to carry on commerce, but their operations were restricted to Nagasaki, partly because of the prejudices created by early troubles in connection with foreign vistors, and partly be- cause Japan being virtually self-supplying in the matter of necessaris of daily life, no special need of importations from abroad was felt. SECTION IX. Latte}' days of the SJiogttnatc. — Visit of the American Fleet. In the eighth year of the Tempo Q.X2. (1837), that is to say, in the latter days of the Shogun lyenari's administra- tion, a police officer (yoriki) in Osaka, named Oshiwo Hei- hachiro collected a force of men and attacked the castle in that city. He failed, however, and in consequence died by his own hand. A man of considerable erudition and energy, HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. J4J he had found himself unable to gain any credit owing to his inferior position, and so, taking advantage of the popular discontent caused by a famine, he raised the standard of revolt. This was the first armed disturbance since the Amakusa rebellion two hundred years before. The Govern- ment was far too powerful to be shaken by such cnieutes. It crushed them as the wheel of an ox-cart crushes a mantis. In the same year lyenari resigned the control of the administration, and his son lyeyoshi succeeded him. Mizu- no Tadakuni, an official of strong partiotism who emulated the virtues of the celebrated Sadanobu, held the office of Rojin, and being much concerned about the gradual decay of the administrative power, planned to bring about a state of affairs such as had prevailed in the Kyoho and Kwansei eras. With that view he attempted to effect various changes in the manners and methods of the official classes. This was called the " Mizunds Tempo Reform," but owing to the too sudden character of the changes, they led to the dismissal of the Rojm. Another Minister who attained considerable fame at this era was Abe Masahiro (Ise-no-Kami). On the 3rd of the 6th month of the Kayei era (1863), Commodore Perry, Ambassador of the United States of America, entered the Bay of Uraga with a squadron con- sisting of two men-of-war and two merchant ships, and sought to open commercial relations with Japan. His visit exercised a powerful influence on the domestic affairs of the country. Ever since the early part of the seventeenth century, anti-foreign feeling, as related above, had been so intense that only the Chinese and the Dutch had been allowed to carry on trade at Nagasaki, and other European 34^ HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN: nations, owing to various circumstances, gave themselves little, if any, concern about Japan. But from the beginning of the nineteenth century the spirit of aggrandisement made itself felt in the Occident, and Western States began to vie with one another in attempts to extend their territories and commerce. Eastward to Japan across the Pacific lay the United States of America, which had shaken of the yoke of Great Britain, and the latter, deprived of this flourishing colony, sought compensation in India and farther eastward, while France also as well as Russia turned covetous eyes to the Orient. Nine years before the arrival of the Ame- rican squadron in Uraga Bay, that is to say, in the first year of the Kokzoa era (1844 a.d.), the Dutch addressed a letter to the Tokugawa Government advising that Japan be opened to all foreign nations, and subsequently they often repeated this counsel, at the same time explaining the con- ditions of the various states of Europe. Among the Japan- ese, many who had studied the Dutch language and acquired some knowledge of Western affairs, where in favour- of a liberal foreign policy, but among the bulk of the nation the prejudices engendered by the violent and lawless con- duct of the early Christian propagandists remained as strong as ever. Moreover, fresh reasons for resentment had been furnished by various encroachments of the Russians between the Kwansci (1789- 1800 a.d.) and Bunkwa (1804- 181 7 A.D.) eras, and by disorderly conduct of English sailors in Nagasaki, Indeed, the Tokugawa Government had once gone so far as to order that any foreign ship approach- ing the coast of Japan should be fired on, and any Japanese whose studies of Dutch led them to advocate the opening of the country were deprived of their official positions or otherwise punished. In the Awiz;^jposed to the intro- duction of Occidentalism. In ( )ctober, i.Sjb. about one hundred and sc;\-ent)- members, of tliis part)- UKule a sudden and desparate attack on the barracks of the Kumamoto Garrison Cor})s, set the l)uildings on fire, killed the Com- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPA.W 3gi mandant, and subsequent!)' the Governor of the Prefecture, and proceeded to assault the Prefectural offices. On the following day, however, the)' were completel)' routed b)' the troops, whereupon their three ringleaders committed suicide and the rest were suitably punished. Simultaneous!)' with this cniciitc, another insurrection occurred at Hagi in tlie province of Nagato. This, too, had its origin in a difference of opinion between the states- men of the time. Mayebara Issei, a Samurai of Yama- guchi Prefecture, had played an important part in the Restoration, and was afterwards appointed Vice-Minister of the War Department, his ' office carrying with it a seat in the Cabinet. Differing, subsequently, from the views held by his colleagues, he left the Government and retired to his native province. There he collected a band of fellow- thinkers, and so soon as the news of the Kumamoto Insur- rection- reached them, the)' made a fierce attack upon the Prefectural buildings. Being defeated b)- the Imperial troops, IVTayebara tried to escape eastward b)- sea, but was intercepted, and he and liis principal associates were put to death. The Kagoshinia Rebellion. Saigo Takamori, Commander-in-Chief of the Arm)-, being opposed by the majority of his colleagues in the Cabinet with reference to the polic)^ to be pursued towards Korea, retired to Kagoshima, and acting in concert with Kirino Toshiaki and Shinowara Kunimoto, both of whom held the rank of Major-General, established a private mili- tary school to which nearl)' all the youth of the province eagerly flocked. Many came from other Prefectures also, .?p^ HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. for Saigo's reputation, as the chief aoent in bringing about the Restoration, was immense, and his personality com- manded universal love and respect. These students paid little attention to study and much to athletics. They pre- pared to seize the first favourable opportunity for revolt, and nothing interrupted their preparations, for Oyama Tsuna- yoshi, Governor of the Prefecture, made no attempt to inquire into their doings. When the Hagi and Kumamoto Insurrections broke out, these truculent students main- tained correspondence with the rebels, but refrained from openly imitating their example. B)' and by, some officials of the Imperial Government visited the province, and being seized by the students were tortured into a false confession that they had come with a secret commission to assassinate vSaigo Takamori. The War Department, apprehending dangerous contingencies, now ordered that the powder stored in Kagoshima should be transferred to Osaka, but tlie powder was seized en route by the students, who also managed to possess themselves of the Arsenal and imple- ments of War belonging to the Naval Department in Kagoshima, their operations being materially facilitated by the perfunctoriness of the Governor. Saigo earnestly en- deavoured at first to restore order and discipline among these turbulent students, but hi- finally yielded to the persuasion of Kirino and others, who represented that on him devolved the patriotic duty of clearing away disloyal and crafty subjects from the foot of the Throne, and who showed him, at the same time, the false confession extorted by torture from ( iovernment officials. Saigo thereupon circulated a letter throughout the adjacent provinces, ex- plaining the necessity of resorting to arms. News of these events reached the Emperor in Kyoto, whither he had gone to burn incense at the tomb of his father Emperor Komei. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. jpj His ]\Iajesty made that city his head-quarters, and gave to Prince Arisiiga\va-no-Miya a commission to quell the rebel- lion, Yamagata Aritomo, Minister of War, and Kawamura Sumiyoshi, Vice- Minister of the Navy, being appointed Chiefs of Staff to His Imperial Highness. The brigades despatched to the scene of disturbance were commanded by jMajor-Generals Nozu, Miyoshi, Miura and others, and Saigo Takamori and his fellow-conspirators were stripped of all their ranks and honours. The Insurgents assembed in Kagoshima now numbered some twent)' thousand picked Sainiirai of desperate courage and great skill in the use of their weapons. At the head of this force Saigo set out for Kumamoto on February 15th, 1876, and on the 22nd of that month he sat down with his whole army before Kumamoto Castle, an error of strategy which ultimately enabled the Government to con- fine the insurrection to Kiushu. Major-General Tani Tateki, who held command of the garrison, made a stub- born resistance, though many of the SaimL^-ai among his troops went over to the rebels. The Imperial Army arriving in the province of Higo, endeavoured to reach Kumamoto from the north-west via Takase. Severe fight- ing took place, but the forces of the Government pushed steadily on. At point after point the rebels made stubborn stands, especially in the strong position of Tawara-saka, where a great number of lives were sacrificed, and the whole district was devastated. The Government troops, though victorious, found themselves jnuch weakened, and the insurgents fought with undiminished desperation. Shortly before this, Yanagiwara Sakimitsu, a Senator, was sent by the Emperor to Kagoshima to warn Shimazu Hisa- mitsu the former feudal chief of Satsuma, and his son. ^?p^ HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Tadayoshi. against connecting themselves with the in- surgents. He was accompanied on this mission by Lieut.- Generai Kuroda Kiyotaka. an influential member of the Satsuma clan, and the two laboured so successfully that the Dockyard and Arsenal, which had been dismantled by the rebels, were restored to a defensible condition, and Oyama Tsunayoshi, Governor of the Prefecture, who had so palpabl}- neglected his dut}-, was placed under arrest. It now became possible to advance upon the rear of the rebels, and General Kuroda, being appointed Chief of the Staff, landed a body of troops at Yatsuhiro in order to attack Saigo from the south. The insurgents were now assaulted from two directions, but they fought so sub- bornl)- that the Imperial Arm)- could not yet effect the relief of Kumamoto Castle, which, having been beseiged for over fift)" days, was beginning to be reduced to straits for want of provisions. The Commander of the Garrison now managed to send an officer through the beseiging army with intelligence of his perilous condition, and on receipt of the message, General Kuroda set all liis troops in rapid motion, and forced his wa)' to Kumamoto on the 14th of April, the insurgents breaking up into two bodies, one of which retreated into the province of Bungo and the other into the Hitoyoshi in Higo, where the country- offered excellent facilities for resistance. Upon the retreat of the rebels from Kumamoto, \^ice- Minister Kawamura Sumiyoshi was sent to Kagoshima, at the head of 8,000 men, to attack the rebellion at its root, whereupon Saigo. who was with the Hitoyoshi branch of the rebels, issued orders for a retreat in the directions of Kagoshima. Several battles and skirmishes ensued, in Higo and Hiuga. The Imperial forces were now concentrated about Kagoshima, and after a sanguinary engagement lasting ten da}s, the HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 393 rebels were driven to Shiroyama. where their last fight was fought on the 24th of September. SaigO Takamori com- mitted suicide, and Kirino and the other rebel chiefs fell on the field of battle, the rebellion being thus finall)- crushed. A provisional court was organized in Kiiishu, under the presidenc}- of Kono Togama, a Secretar)- of the Senate, for the trial of those taken in the fighting, sexenteen of whom were sentenced to death. In this sanguinary struggle, the whole of the Army and Na\y had been en- gaged ; the old Imperial Body Guard had been reorganized ; a band of swordsman volunteers had been enrolled, and a compan)- of policemen, also for sword service, had been sent to the scene of the fighting, for the great skill shown by the rebels in the use of the Japanese sword, and the deadly nature of that weapon, had rendered it necessary- to employ a similar means of attack and defence on the Imperial side. To total number of men engaged on the Government side was 60,000, and the total outlay involved was about 42 million yen. At one time, indeed, the affairs had threatened to as- sume almost uncontrollable dimensions, for in the earl)' days of the rebels' valiant fighting, ominous signs of disaffection made themselves apparent in the Prefectures of Yamaguchi, Kochi, Fukuoka, and elsewhere. Much as the trouble cost, however, in blood and treasure, its national uses were very great. By it the Army and Nav)- gained invaluable experience, and all the institutions of the Central Go\ern- ment were subjected to the test of severe practice, while the people learned, once and for all that armed efforts to disturb the new order of things were utterl}' hopeless, and that adverse opinion must be limited to the channels of speech and pen. The Treasury, however, found itself seriousl}- embarrassed. It had been obliged to borrow fifteen million yen from the fifteenth National Bank, and _;p6 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. also, most reluctantly, to issue fiduciary notes aggregating twenty seven million yen in addition to those already issued for the purpose of redeeming the first paper of the Dajokzvan, the MiuibusJw. and the former feudal barons. SECTION V. Foreign Affairs. Although the policy of national isolation was definitely abandoned by the Imperial Government at the Restoration, hereditary antipathy to foreigners continued to be active in the breasts of many Japanese, leading to several outrages. Thus the retainers of Ikeda, Baron of Bizen, wounded an Englishman and fired a volley in the direction of the foreign settlement in Kobe ; Saninrai of Tosa killed a number of French marines at Sakai ; and two men attacked the retinue of the British Minister as he was en route for the Imperial Palace in Kyoto. The perpetrators of these acts were all duly punished by the Government. In February, 1867, the F"rench and Dutch Representa- tives were received in audience by the Sovereign in Kyoto, and the British Representative had the same honour a few days afterwards. In |ul\-, I S70, war having broken out between France and (lermans', Japan declared herself neutral, and sent to all her ports instructions against Jiarbouring or succouring the ships of either belligerent, men-of-war being stationed at Yokohama. Hyogo, Nagasaki, and Hakodate to provide against emergencies. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. ^?p7 When the first treaties were concluded with five Fo- reign Powers, the Japanese plenipotentiaries being entirely ignorant of foreign affairs, entrusted the drafting of the articles to the American Minister, and merely endorsed the provisions proposed by him. A clause was added, how- ever, providing for revision after the lapse of fourteen years, and when it was found that the Treaties contained much which was injurious to Japan's dignit)' and embarrassing to her independence, a strong desire to effect revision began to be generally felt. Moreover, in the sequel of the firing upon foreign ships b)- the forts at Shimonoseki, England and France, in addition to exacting an indemnity out of all proportion to the injury suffered b)' the ships, took advantage of Japan's internal dissensions to impose upon her greatly lowered tariff rates. At subsequent dates trea- ties were concluded, necessaril}- on the same lines, with Portugal, Prussia, Switzerland, Belgium, Ital)", Denmark, Sweden, Spain. Austria-Hungar)-, and Hawaii, and Mini- sters Plenipotentiar)' were accredited to most of these countries. The knowledge thus gradually acquired of Western States and of the international usages prevailing among them, served to increase Japan's impatience against the conventional conditions to which she was herself com- pelled to submit. The Government, not less swayed by this sentiment, did everything in its power to remove obstacles which foreigners alleged to be fatal to equal international treatment of Japan. The penal laws were radicall)- altered, and codes consistent with the principles of Western Jurisprudence were promulgated. Meanwhile, the term of fourteen years fixed b)' the Treaties had elapsed, and the time for revision having arrived, it was resolved to despatch an embassy to Europe and America, for the purpose of making known Japan's real condition and ac- ^^pS' IJISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. quirinL,^ knowledge of foreign affairs. In October, 1871, Iwakura Tomomi, Minister of the Right, was sent upon this mission, together with a number of other prominent officials. In the United States of America he met with a cordial reception, the president promising to favourably consider the question of revision, and Congress show- ing a disposition to return America's share of the in- demnity unjustly exacted from Japan in connection with the Shimonoseki affair. (The indemnity was actually returned twelve years later.) In other countries, also, as Fngland, Holland, Germany, Russia and Austria, the Ambassador was courteously received, but he failed to obtain any serious attention for the subject of Treaty Revision, and returned to Japan in 1873 entirely un- successful in that respect. During the years immediately subsequent to these events, domestic affairs engrossed the attention of the Government to the virtual exclusion of everything else, and it was not until after the termination (1877) of the Satsuma Rebellion, that the (government found itself in a position to approacli Fore^ign Powers with the object of recovering tariff autonomy and reserving the coastwise trade. This effort pro\'ed (juitc abortive. In 1H79, however, an agreement was concluded with the United States of America, that latter agreeing to a revised treaty 1))- whicli Japan's tariff and judicial autonom)- was to be restored and her coastwise trade reserved, with the proviso, however, that the revised treat)- should not go into force until a similar treaty had been concluded with the other Powers. In 1880, Mr. ln()U)e Kaoru, Minister for P'oreign Affairs, opened negotiations with the Plenipotentiaries of the PLuropean Powers in Tokyo, but the proposed revision having been improperly dis- closed to tlie public, the negotiations were suspended. inS7VKy OF THE EMPJRK OF JAPAN. JQQ Renewed shortly afterwards, they were brought within ap- parent reach of conclusion in 1887, ^fter long and weary discussions. But in the meanwhile public opinion in Japan had been growing more and more impatient of the treatment meted out to the empire by Foreign States, and more and more sensible of the rights appertaining to an independent country. On the other hand, the rivalry of Foreign Powers, the diversity of their interests, and the difficulty of dealing with them all together, had involved the introduction of many irksome and humiliating conditions into the draft of the revised treaty, and when it was published in 1887, it proved opposition that caused its abandonment, Count Inouye retiring from office. He was succeeded by Count Okuma Shigenobu, who re-opened the negotiations, but was enabled, owing to Japan's improved position vis-a-z'is the outer world, to insist on conducting them independently with each Power, thus avoiding the insuperable difficulty of simultaneously placating seventween States all influenced by more or less divergent interests. A revised treaty, on lines more favourable to Japan than the former draft had been, was now concluded and signed by America and Germany. But no sooner were its provisions published than the nation again became excited, especially on account of an article providing that foreigners should be appointed to the Japanese Judiciary. The Cabinet decided to again suspend the negotiations, and a fanatic threw a bomb at Count Okuma which wounded him severely, necessitating the amputation of his right leg. Some time afterwards, he retired from office, together with the Minister President, Count Kuroda, and in 1889 Count Yamagata became Minister President, Viscount Aoki taking the portfolio of Foreign Aft'airs. The latter, together with Count Goto, Minister of Communications, and Count Saigo Tsuorumichi, 400 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Minister of Home Affairs, were appointed joint plenipoten- tiaries for tlie purposes of Treaty Revision. But in 1891, Count Yamagata and Viscount Aoki retired, the latter being succeeded by Viscount Enomoto, who, in 1892, gave place to Mr. Mutsu Munemitsu. The problem of Treats- Revision remained, however, unsolved, and Foreion States still continue to withhold from Japan the Tariff and Ju- dicial Autonomy justly belonging to her as an independent empire. The people cannot suffer this injustice any longer and are longing earnestl)- and unanimously for its redress. Meanwhile, the intercourse with foreign nations had grown more and more intimate. Many princes, nobles, and celebrities came from the West to visit Japan, and many Japanese statesmen and students travelled or sojourned in Europe and America. No vestige remained of the old sentiment of national seclusion. Although the intercourse between Japan and Western States was thus intimate, her friendship with neighbouring Asiatic countries sometimes suffered interruption. In the year 1866, owing to the misconduct of Chinese; settlers, it became necessar) to enact special regulations for their control and to restrict the limits of ther residence at the open ports. When the; war betwc'en the Emperor and the Shogun broke out. all the Foreign Powers declared and maintained neutralit\- except the Chinese, who secretl)' sold arms to the Tokugawa. Hence their access to non-treaty ports was strictl)' prohibited. They also contrived to kid- nap and sell tlie cliildren of indigent Japanese, and instruc- tions were consequently issued to local governments to guard strictly against this outrage. In July, 1871, however, a treat)- of friendshijj and amit)- was concluded between the two Empires. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 40r In the winter of 1872, some inhabitants of Loochoo were cast away on the eastern coast of Formosa, and murdered by the natives, and in the following year some shipwrecked sailors from the province of Bitchu ex- perienced the same fate. Soyeshima Taneomi was sent by the Government as Plenipotentiary to Peking to com- plain of these outrages against Japanese subjects, but the Chinese Government made no satisfactory reply and declined to aknowledge their responsibility for the acts of the natives of Formosa. The Japanese Government was thus compelled to take into its own hands the task of exacting reparation. In April, 1 874, Lieutenant-General Saigo Tsugu- michi was appointed to the command of a punitory expedi- tion to Formosa. No serious opposition was encountered except at the hands of one tribe, which, however, was over- come after some fighting. On the eve of sending this expedition, Yanagiwara Sakimitsu was despatched by the Japanese Government as Ambassador to China, but as he found the Chinese much incensed about Japan's action and very anxious that her troops should at once leave Formosa, Okubo Toshimichi, a leading member of the Cabinet, was despatched as Plenipotentiary to Peking. Meeting only with procrastination and inconsistency on the part of the Chinese, he broke off the negotiations and announced his intention of returning to Japan. But at this stage the British Minister in Peking mediated between the two Em- pires, and the Chinese finally agreed to pay 100,000 Taels to the families of the murdered Japanese subjects and 400,000 Taels indemnity to Japan for the cost of the ex- pedition, undertaking at the same time to prevent the recurrence of similar outrages in Formosa. After the Formosan trouble, another complication arose 402 HISTORY Ob THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. between Japan and China with regard to the islands of Loochoo. These islands had long been a dependency of Japan. In the middle of the 1 2th century, the Minamoto leader, Tametomo, driven to the province of Idzu, made his way thence to Loochoo and having quelled a civil war raging in the islands, placed his son Shunten on the throne. Afterwards, the Ashikaga Shogun, Yoshinori, gave the islands to the Shimazu family as an adjunct of the Satsuma fief, but from the time of Hideyoshi's Korean expedi- tion, Loochoo having neglected to discharge its duties as a dependency, the Satsuma chief sent a force to the islands in the 14th year of the Keicho era (1609 a.d.)» took the king prisoner and conveyed him to Edo, whence he was soon after restored to his country. Shimazu then sent officials to superintend the affairs of Loochoo, and from that time forth the revenue of the islands was included in the yearly income of the Shimazu family. In 1873 •^•^•' Sho Tai, King of Loochoo, came to Japan and was formally invested with the title of feudal chief of Loochoo, a residence in Tokyo being assigned to him at the same time. Shortly afterwards, the name of the year period and the Loochooan calender were changed for those in use in Japan, and the laws of the empire were declared operative in Loo- choo. Finally in April, 1879, a.d,, the feudal title of the ex- King of Loochoo was abolished and the islands were turned into the Prefecture of Okinawa. The Chinese Government thereupon advanced a claim that Loochoo had once been a tributary of the Middle Kingdom, and that it therefore belonged to China not less than to Japan. The weight of evidence was on Japan's side, however, and by the arbitration of General Grant, ex- President of the United States of America, who happened to be on a visit to the East at the time, the question was settled in Japan's favour. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 40J During- the Tokugawa Period, a treaty concluded between Japan and Russia, recognised Karafuto (Saghalien) to be a joint possession of the two empires, and in the year 1872 A.D., the Tokugawa Government sent an envoy to St. Petersburg, with a proposal that the 50th parallel of north latitude should be the boundary between the two countries. No final decision was arrived at, however, on that occasion, and it was resolved that each country should send an ambassador to Karafuto the following year to survey the island and determine the bounday. But owing to the domestic embarrassments that beset the Shogun's Govern- ment at the time when this arrangement should have been carried out, the promised envoy was not sent from Japan. In 1866, there was talk of depatching an ambassador for the purpose, but nothing was done, and Russia, gradually pushing sourthwards, finally encroached even upon the region indisputably recognised as Japanese territory. The Government of the Shogun was powerless at the time to offer any opposition, and shortly afterwards it had to surrender the administration to the Emperor. His Majesty's Minister now proposed, through the intermediary of the United States, that the parallel of 50" north latitude should be taken as the boundary, but the Russian Government rejected the proposal. Subsequently, Admiral Enomoto was sent as Japanese Representative to St. Petersburg, and after much discussion it was decided, by a convention concluded in 1875, that the whole of Saghalien should become Russian property, Japan receiving in exchange the Chishima Islands. Turning now to Korean affairs, it has already been related that an envoy was sent from Japan at the time of the Restoration, but that Korea refused to receive him. Thereupon Saigo Takamori proposed that he himself should 4-04 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. proceed to the Peninsular Kingdom in the capacity of Ambassador, and that if Korea persisted in her unfriendly attitude, an armed force should be sent against her. But this proposal did not meet with the approval of the Cabinet. In 1875, Japan sent another envoy, but again Korea declined to open amicable relations. An event then oc- curred which nearly involved the two countries in war. A Japanese man-of-war, ai route for China whither she was carrying a Japanese plenipotentiary, called at Chemulpo to obtain fuel and water in August, 1875, but her boats were fired on by the Koreans and two of her men were wounded. Insensed at this outrage, the crew of the vessel attacked and burned the Korean fortress. When the matter was reported in Tokyo, the Government sent Lient.-General Kuroda, a member of the Cabinet, and Mr. Inouye Kaoru to Korea, in the capacity of Ambassador and Vice-Ambas- sador, respectivel}-. This mission met with success. Korea sent a letter of apology to Japan and declared her desire to contract friendly relations. Lieut.-General Kuroda accord- ingly concluded a treaty of commerce and amity, in which Korea's independence was recognised b)' Japan, and in Ma)', 1876, Korea sent an envoy to Japan, opened the ports of Juensan and Ninsen, and agreed that each countr)- should be represented at the Court of the other. Thence- forth, Korea began to make considerable progress in Western civilization. She improved her administrative organization, established a militar)- training school where Japanese instructors were employed, and sent youths to Japan to be educated. These innovations proved very distasteful to man)- conservatives in Korea, especiall)' to the Taiwon-kun, father of the King, who had always been on bad terms with the Bin famil)- to which the Queen belonged and which was favourable to reform. Affairs HISTORY OF riJE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 4.OS were precipitated by discontent among the soldiery with reference to the removal of a Minister, and being incited by the Taiwon-kun, the troops attacked the place in July, 1882, and killed many of the Bin family as well as several Japanese military officers. The same night, the Japanese Legation was attacked by a mob, and the Minister, Mr. Hanabusa Yoshimoto, had to force his way through the city, escorting the women and children of the Legation, and push on through the darkness to Ninsen, where he escaped by boat, and being picked up by an English man-of-war, the Flying Fish, returned to Nagasaki in her. He was speedily sent back by his Government in a vessel- of-war, and entering Soul, demanded an explanation from Korea. China, meanwhile, had despatched a squadron to the scene, seized the Taiwon-kun, and carried him prisoner to Tientsin. . Mr. Hanabusa subsequently concluded with Korea a convention providing for the punishment of the malefactors, the payment of an indemnity of 50,000 yen to the sufferers and their families, and of 500,000 yen to the Japanese Empire, the guarding of the Japanese Legation by troops, and the despatch of an ambassador to apologise for the outrage. (Japan afterwards returned to Korea 400,000 yen of this indemnity.) China and Japan both stationed bodies of men in the Korean capital, and Korea divided her forces into two bodies, one of which was trained according to Japanese tactics, the other according to Chinese. There were then two parties in the peninsular kingdom, the Independents and the Conserva- tives, between whom a state of strained relations constantly existed. In December, 1884, they resorted to open hosti- lities, and the King, finding himself in danger, sent an autograph letter to the Japanese Legation, asking for help. The Japanese Charge d' Affaires thereupon proceeded to 406 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. the Palace with a small body of men. There he was attacked by a combined force of Chinese and Koreans. During the fighting, the King's mother was seized by the Chinese soldiers, and the King having declared his inten- tion of placing himself in the hands of the Chinese in order to be with her, the Japanese retired to their Legation, which was afterwards assaulted b}- a Korean mob and set on fire. The Charge d' Affaires made his way to Ninsen and once more Japan was obliged to demand reparation from Korea. This time the task of effecting an arrangement was en- trusted to Count Inouye Kaoru, who, proceeding to Korea as Ambassador, escorted by two men-of-war, concluded a treaty providing that Korea should send an envoy to Japan to tender apologies ; that the Koreans who had injured Japanese persons and property should be duly punished, and that an indemnity of wo, ooo yen, together with 20,000 yen for the re-building of the Legation should be paid. In March of the same year, Count Ito Hirobumi, a member of the Cabinet, accompanied by Lieut. -General Saigo, proceeded to China, and concluded with Viceroy Li at Tientsin a con- vention providing that China and Japan should withdraw their troops from Korea ; that neither Power should there- after send a force thither without giving previous notice to the other, and that the Chinese soldiers who had taken part in the attack on the Japanese in Soul should be punished. Friendly relations were thus established between Japan and China. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE 01 JAPAN. 40y SECTION VI. T/ic Introduction of Western Civilization. The antipathy felt by the Japanese towards foreigners disappeared so soon as intercourse with the outer world was fully established after the Restoration, and was quickly replaced by a strong desire to study foreign sciences and adopt the better elements of foreign civilization. The first railway was built between Tokyo and Yokohama in the early years of the Mciji era ; a line of telegraph was lairl between Tokyo and Nagasaki ; gas was introduced for lighting the streets of Tokyo ; and carriages drawn by the horses as well diS jinrikisha or man-pulled cars, the invention of a citizen of Tokyo, replaced the old-fashioned kago, the jinrikisha especially coming rapidly into general vogue. Changes of costume also were soon introduced, Western dress being substituted for Japanese on official occasions. The custom of kneeling at formal interviews was abolished. The Samurai were forbidden to carry the two swords which they had long considered the insignia of their class. The manner of dressing the hair was altered to Eurapean style. Name of opprobrium hitherto used to denote the lowest classes of the people, such as " Eta " and " Hinin " were abolished, and persons belonging to these classes were relieved from the disabilities under which they had pre- viously laboured. Inter- marriages were permitted between all classes of the people. The Lunar Calendar, which had been in use for about a thousand years, was replaced by the Gregorian. Coins were struck after Western models, National banks were established. The systems of exchange and cheques were greatly improved. Post-offices with regular and frequent mail services took the place of the 40S HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN, couriers who had travelled only on fixed days at long intervals. The organization and equipment of the naval and military forces were changed according to Western principles. The st}'le of architecture was greatly altered, edifices of brick and stone on Occidental lines and furnished in Occidenlal style being gradually erected for the use of colleges, schools, business firms, and as private residences. At a later date, companies were formed in many of the principal cities of the Empire to supply the citizens with electric light. New facilities of communication were furnished by telephones. The city of Tokyo, the capital and commercial centre of the Empire, under- went many improvements. Its crooked, narrow streets, always inconvenient for traffic, dangerous in times of con- flagration, and to be condemned from a sanitary point of view, became doubly objectionable under the altered cir- cumstances of the town, and a committee for city improve- ment having been organized, a special tax was levied on the citizens ; lands and houses which obstructed the scheme of improvement were gradually purchased by the Municipality ; the width of the streets was largely increased ; canals and bridges were re-built or repaired ; parks, markets, abattoirs, and cemeteries were laid out, and altogether a programme was undertaken which when completed would radically change the aspect of the city. In such cities as Osaka, Yokohama, Nagasaki, and Hakodate the non-ex- istence of aqueducts being severely felt, steps were taken, or are now in progress, to remedy this deficiency, In Tokyo aqueducts had existed since the 17th century, but the methods of distributing the water being defective, a system of waterworks on Western lines is now in course of con- struction. In all these and in many other directions the in- fluence of Western civilization has made itself sensibly felt. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 40g During the early years of the Alciji era, any knowledge, however slight, of Western sciences and arts was regarded as a qualification for official employment. Students who had shown themselves intelligent were sent to Europe or America to inspect and report upon the conditions existing there, and as each of these travellers found something new to endorse and import, the mania for Occidental innovations received constant increments. To preserve or reserve old customs and fashions was regarded with contempt, and so far did the fancy run that some gravely entertained the project of abolishing the Japanese language and substitut- ing English for it. By degrees, however, men's eyes began to be opened to the fact that while they were uprooting and abandoning much which had the sanction of tradition and the approval of long practice, they were planting in its stead institutions and customs not necessaril}^ suitable to the Japanese and possibly injurious to any people. Out of this sense of rash denationalization and unpatriotic radical- ism a strong reaction ultimately grew, and men's minds turned once more to the customs and cannons handed down from their ancestors. The reaction is now paramount, but the introduction of western civilization is, at the same time, never neglected. SECTION VII. Ind^Lstries and Manufactures. Owing to its long and narrow configulation the Empire of Japan stretches over many degrees of latitude, the north lying within the temperate zone and the south within the torrid. These climatic conditions, supplemented by great fertility of soil, are productive of very varied vegetation, and as the seas that lave the long coast-line teem with fish 4-1 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAP AX. and marine riches, the people have ever)- encouragement to prosecute industries and engage in manufacture. The Go- vernment of the Restoration, sensible of these natural advantages, has spared no pains to encourage the people to utilize them. Waste lands have been reclaimed. The arts of mining and fishing have been improved. Several new manufacturing enterprises have been started or old ones modified. Machinery has been largely imported from Europe and America and the manner of using it diligently studied. Special attention has been directed to the northern island. In the Tokugawa days, everything relating to the govern- ment of Ezo was entrusted to the Matsumae family, and shortly before the Restoration some efforts were made by the Matsumae chief to develop the resources of the island. But these attempts were not attended with success. The Mciji Government established a special office, the Colo- nization Bureau, to open up the island, the name of which was changed to Hokkaido, and its division into eleven provinces was effected. Arrangements were made for granting land to any one wishing to settle there. Con- siderable sums were spent upon building railways and roads and upon harbour improvement, and various industries were started under official auspices. Much remains still to be done, but from a comparatively barren region Hokkaido has now become a rich source of national wealth. Other extensive tracts of land in the main island have been brought under cultivation or converted into grazing pas- tures, though great tracts believed to posses productive capacities still await some exercise of human industry. The chief agricultural products are rice and wheat, besides which millet, sorghum, Indian corn, beans, buck- wheat, potatoes, rape-seed, cotton, flax, Indigo, tobacco, HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAX. 41 1 and sugar are abundantly grown. The latest returns of rice and wheat production are those for 1891 : — AREA. VRODUCE. Rice 2,757,132.1 38,123,548 Wheat I7I3-655-3 18,071,373 Another important staple of production is tea, which is grown chiefly in the Prefectures of Shizuoka and Miye and in the urban districts of Kyoto. The returns of production for 1 89 1 are : — QUANTITY. PLACE. Kzuanf'-' Shizuoka i '573-377 Miye 629,572 Kyoto 391,762 Total throughout the whole empire 7'398.573 Silk is also a production of great value. Since the opening of the country to foreign intercourse, the demand of foreign markets has given an immense impetus to the sericultural industry. Every year it shows a large increase. The following table contains the figures for 1891 : — RAW SILK-WORM COCOONS. SILK. EGGS. PLACE. Koku!^ Kin:- Cards. Nagano Prefecture 268,889 i'337'659 1,216,675 Gumma Prefecture 191,461 1,265,652 223,756 Fukushima Prefecture... 137,649 534,426 464,031 Total for the whole country. 1,499,222 6,899,000 2,792,542 * N. B. — A cho = % acres, approximate^ly ; a hohi^^\ bushels; a kivan = ^ ^ lb. av. ; a kin-\\ lb. av. ^12 HIST OR Y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Tobacco is grown more or less throughout the whole empire, the prefectures most remarkable for its produc- tion being Kagoshima, Kumamoto, Okayama, Ibaraki, Kanagawa, and Fukushima. Sugar is the exclusive pro- duct of Nankaido and Saikaido. The Prefecture of Toku- shima is famous for Indigo. Cotton is produced most largely in Kinai (five province surrounding Kyoto) ; vegetable wax in Fukuoka Prefecture, and the lacquer trees flourishes chiefly in Ibaraki and Ishikawa. The fishing industry, one of the country's richest sources of wealth, is carried on along the coast and also in many rivers and lakes. Some of the fish are dried, some salted, and some used for manure. Oil of diflerent kinds is also expressed from the fish. Crustaceans and sea-plants are numerous, as are sea-animals, whose skins, teeth, and bones are of great value. Spacious tracts along the coasts invite salt-manufacture, and large quantities of it are obtained along the coasts of the Inland Sea. Mining, one of the oldest industries of the country, has undergone great improvements during the Mciji era, and the output of minerals is correspondingly increased. The principal gold mines are found in Sado, Rikuchu, Osumi, and Satsuma, and the pricipal silver mines at Ikuno in Tajima,, as well as .at Ani and Innai in Ugo, Handa in Iwashiro, and several places in Rikuchu. As for copper, the Ashiwo mine in Shimotsuke is famous, and after it come Osarizawa in Rikuchu and mines in lyo and Iwami. Men- tion may also be made of the iron sand of Izumo and Iwami, the iron ore of Aki, the petroleum of Totomi and Echigo, the sulphur of Esan and Oshima (in Hokkaido), and the coal mines of Miike in Chikugo, Takashima in HISTORY OF THE EMPH^E OF JAPAN. 4.13 Hizen, Tagawa in Buzen, Horonai in Ishikari, and Iwanai in Shiribeshi. Other branches of industry are successfully carried on and many manufactures have been started. Sake brewing has its centre in the vicinity of Kyoto and Osaka, and scarcely any province is without a flourishing brewery. For reeling silk, Tomioka in Kotsuke took the lead in using machinery imported from the West, and its example was soon imitated elsewhere. Cotton spinning also flourishes, and numbers of spinning factories have sprung up of late years. Kyoto is famous for silk weaving and dying in general, but several other places enjoy a high reputation for silk farbrics of special kinds, as Hachioji, Ashikaga, Gunnai, Yonezawa, Chichibu, Fukui, Ishikawa, and Fuku- shima. For cotton cloth the great places are Osaka, Saitama, Aichi, and Nara. Porcelain and faience are manu- factured chiefl)^ in Hizen, Gifu, Aichi, Kutani, Kyoto, Aizu, Soma, and Kagoshima, at all of which places the materials employed being different, corresponding differences exist in the wares. Bronze utensils and works of art are abundantly manufactured in Kyoto, Tokyo, and Toyama Prefecture ; lacquer in, the three Prefectures of Wakayama, Ishikawa, and Fukushima, and companies have been formed for the production of glass, bricks, and cement. In the early years of the Mciji era, a bureau for the encouragement of industries was established in the Depart- ment of Home Affairs, and offices on a smaller scale for the same purpose were organized in each Prefecture and City. In the year 1877, an Industrial Exhibition was opened for the first time in Tokyo, and the Government decided that a similar enterprise should JDe undertaken in every fourth year. 4^4 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Minor exhibitions for special staples, as rice, tea, silk, wheat, marine products, porcelains, art manufactures, and so forth, have frequently been held in various localities. These competitive displays have doubtless contributed materially to the remarkable progress made by the country since the Restoration. With the advance of commerce and industry facilities of communication and transportation have also been greatly extended. In the Tokugawa Epoch, barriers and guard- houses existed at the boundaries of fiefs and in other im- portant positions, and it often happened that on account of strategical considerations rivers were not allowed to be bridged, to the great impediment of travel and transport. But after the Restoration all such barriers and guard-houses were finally removed ; roads were repaired or built ; bridges, tunnels, and canals were constructed, and every effort was made to facilitate intercourse. Postal and telegraph sys- tems were established throughout the empire, and telephones came into use, while the work of railway building was under- taken with energy, some lines being constructed by the Government and some by private individuals, the important cities and districts being fully connected within a few years. With regard to marine transport, the facilities conferred by nature on an island empire with an exceptionally long coast- line and many excellent harbours, were rendered more or less nugatory under the feudal system by restrictions upon ship-building and by inter-fief isolation. Steps to alter this state of affairs were taken early in the Mciji era. A line of mail steamers was established between Yokohama and Nagasaki, and soon afterwards an important company, the Mitsubishi, started by private enterprise and subsequently aided by the Government, developed large proportions. A HISTOR y OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. ^IS second company, the Kyodo Unyu Kiuaisha, inaugurated under Government auspices, came intn existence at a later date, but was ultimately amalgamated with the Mitsubishi under the title of the A^ppoii Yuseii Kzuaiska, whose ships ply between all the chief ports of the empire, extending their voyages outwards to Shanghai, Hongkong, Vladivos- tock, Siam, India, and Australia. Several minor companies also exist, their steamers carrying goods and passengers in most of the inland waters. Meanwhile, an extensive system of light-houses, buoys, and light-ships has been organized at considerable outlay, and steps have been taken to survey the coasts. Dockyards also have been constructed by State and private enterprise, and excellent facilities now exist for the building and repairing of ships. SECTION VIII. Trade and Commerce. The provision of transport facilities, as described in the last Section, naturally gave a great impetus to commercial development. Tokyo and Osaka are the centres of the empire's trade and industry. The former, being within a few miles of Yokohama, the chief depot of the country's foreign commerce, receives and distributes large quantities of foreign domestic productions and manufactures ; and Osaka, being similarly situated with regard to Kobe, the second centre of foreign trade, as well as in touch with most of the towns along the coast of the Inland Sea and in Nankaido and Saikaido, enjoys prosperity scarcely inferior to that of the Eastern Capital. Other important marts are Kyoto in Kinai ; Nagoya and Shizuoka in Tokaido ; Niigata, Kanazawa, and Tsuruga in Hokurikudo ; Sendai and Fuku- ^l6 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. shima in Tosando : Matsuye, Okayama, and Hiroshima in Chugoku ; Kumamoto and Nagasaki in Saikaido ; Hako- date and Otaru in Hokkaido. The Tokugawa policy of interdicting all foreign trade except with China and the Netherlands, having been abandoned, and five ports — Yokohama, Kobe, Nagasaki, Niigata. and Hakodate — opened to the ships of the Treaty Powers, • the advantages of commercial intercourse with the west soon came to be appreciated, and ultimately ten special ports of export were added to the above namely, Yokkaichi, Shimonoseki, Hakata, Moji, Kuchinotsu, Kara- tsu, Misumi, Fushiki, Otaru and Kushiro. Owing, however, to the briefness of the time durinsf which foreis^n trade has been freely conducted and the inexperience of the people, there is as yet no Japanese shipping Company engaged in the transports of merchandise to foreign countries, except the Nippon Ynscn Kzvaisha, referred to above. Japan's chief customers in her foreign trade are the United States of Ameaica, and next in order come Hongkong, France, England, and China. Japan purchases the greatest part of her imports from England and then from British India, China and the United States in that order. In 1882, ex- ports began to exceed imports in value, but in 1890, under exceptional circumstances, imports exceeded exports by twent)'-five million oi yen. The chief articles of export are raw silk and tea. Ever since the Restoration, the export of silk to Europe and America has increased steadil)' and appears to be capable of still further expansion. Thus the quantity exported in 1891 was 291 millions oi yen in value, whereas this figure rose in the following year to thirty-six and a quarter millions. HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. ^Z/ The processes of sericulture, the methods of inspection, and other matters relating- to the trade, have undergone great improvement of late years. The value of the tea exported during 1891 was /A millions oi yen, nearl)' the whole being taken by America. Other exports of importance are rice, Avheat, tobacco, ginseng, dried mushrooms, dried fish, edible seaweed, and so forth. In no branch of trade has the West shown itself a better customer of Japan than in art manufactures. The reputation of the country for such objects was established at a very early date of her renewed foreign intercourse, and has since been steadily enhanced by the exhibits sent to exposi- tions in Paris, Vienna, Philadelphia, and elsewhere. Among articles of this class, the principal are porcelain, lacquer, bronzes, embroideries, cloisonne enamels, and carvings in wood and ivory. England, Hongkong, France, and Ame- rica take the bulk of Japan's keramic wares, the export of which aggregates i^ million ycji annually. Lacquer wares, of which foreign countries purchase more than \ million yen worth annually, go chiefly to England, and in part to Germany, Hongkong, and France. Fans, paper of various kinds, and articles made of straw-braid are also abundantly exported. Iron, tin, lead, copper, and antimony are sold in considerable quantities, the yearly export of these, as well as of articles manufactured from them, aggregating 6^ million yen. The reputation of Japanese objects of art in foreign countries has suffered somewhat owing to the export of specimens in the making of which cheapness was considered rather than excellence, but the error of such methods has been recognised and, for the most part, corrected. Encouragement has been freely given to foreign trade 4lS HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF J APAX. by the Imperial Government. In the early years of the Mciji era, public funds were freely advanced to merchant manufacturers in order that they might visit foreign coun- tries, acquire a knowledge of the demands of the markets there, and study the industrial and tradal processes of the Occident. Official aid was also given to companies organized for the purpose of encouraging art industry and bringing its products to the notice of foreigners. Schools were at the same time established for giving instruction in com- merce and industry ; machinery was imported from abroad ; and manufactories, as for example, spinning, match-making, carpet weaving, and so forth, were opened under official aus- pices, the policy of the Government being to lead the people into the routes of industrial enterprise until they should have acquired sufficient skill and experience to march alone. In 1885, the system of granting patents and registering trade- marks was commenced, to receive considerable extension four years later. The present tendency of the Japanese nation seems to be distinctly industrial, and there can be very little doubt that development of manufacturing enterprise will proceed steadily and vigorously. SECTION IX. Laws. Among the many changes and improvements effected in the Mciji era, the question of the country's laws did not fail to receive attention, Japan's statesmen fully recognising the vital importance of good legislation to a nation's well being. At an early period after the Restoration this prob- lem was taken in hand, and the revision or compilation of various laws was undertaken with a view to eliminate or HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAA: 4TQ alter such of their provisions as betra)'ecl the severe spirit of military feudalism, to add such others as were required by the altered and altering state of the times, and to bring the whole into consonance with a principles of modern civilization. The work was approached with all care, and many years were devoted to its proper completion. In the first year of the Mciji era (1867), a Bureau of Criminal Laws was organized in the Dajokwan, and by it the various laws and statutes of the Tokugawa Government were remodelled, the legislative task being commenced in the month of April of that year and temporarily concluded in the month of October. Three kinds of penalties were enacted, capital punishment, penal servitude and scourging, and each of these was divided into three classes. Thus the death penalty included decapitation with exposure of the head, simple decapitation, and hanging ; penal servi- tude was for the three periods of seven years, five years, and three years, with hard labour for two years, a year and a half, or one year ; and in scourging the numbers of blows were a hundred, fifty, or twenty. It was further ordained that the death penalty must be sanctioned by the Sovereign before being put into operation, and while the penalty of burning was altogether abolished, that of trying to a cross and killing with spears — a special penalty not included in the regular list — was restricted to parricides or persons who had killed their lieofe lords. These chanofes havingf been effected rapidly to meet the exigencies of the moment, were followed by maturer reforms. In August, 1868, the Criminal Law Bureau was abolished and a Legislative Department esta- blished. This Department immediately selected a number of legal experts, and directed them to undertake the work of revising and recasting the old codes of the empires, and the task having been prosecuted with the utmost dili- 420 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. gence, a new code, the Sliiritsu Ko-ryo. v/as promulgated in December of the following year. It was supplemented by special provisions relating to penalties available in the cases of the Shizoku, Kwazoku, and officials, only, confinement in their own houses being enacted for the first, while to the two latter was secured the privilege of commuting penalties by money payments. Laws for regulating the nature of penal servitude and for improving prisons and their manage- ment were, at the same time, promulgated. In July, 1871, the Legislative Department was replaced by a Department of Justice, and another extensive work of legal revision was effected, the result being a Criminal Code called the Kaitci- Ritsu-ryo, in the compilation of which the laws and legal procedure of foreign nations were taken into account. The chief reforms effected by this code were the abolition of death on the cross ; the substitution of penal servitude for life for decapitation with exposure of the head ; simplifica- tion of nomenclature ; certain restrictions of the privileges hitherto reserved to the military classes, and the limitation of the death penalty to cases of murder, incendiarism, and robbery with violence. It was further provided that reduc- tion of the penalties might be made by judges in considera- tion of special circumstances. In 1873 a body of new civil laws was promulgated of a more or less complex character, among them being a statute providing for the employment of barristers and the general facilitation of legal procedure as to documents and evidence. In January, 1879, another most important reform was effected, namely, the abolition of examination by torture which had hitherto been used to extort confessions, the theory of criminal legislation in Japan having been that confession must necessarily precede con- demnation. It was enacted that the evidence of witnesses, documents or circumstances, or the admission of accused //J STORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 42 1 persons should alone be taken as bases, for determining guilt. Remarkable misapprehension has existed in foreign countries with regard to this feature of Japanese criminal procedure. Again and again it has been stated in European publications that torture to extort confession is a recognised practice in Japan, whereas, in point of fact, its cessation from the year 1879 was complete and final. In 1880, the regula- tions relating to barristers, as well as those relating to evidence, were revised and greatly improved. These codes of law referred to above, having their origin in the principles that governed Chinese and Japanese jurisprudence from ancient times, were in many respects at palpable variance with the spirit of Japan's modern civiliza- tion. This fact had been fully recognized for some time, and the Department of Justice made all possible haste to prepare for an effort of thorough-going revision and re- compilation, foreign experts of note being engaged and employed in cooperation with Japanese, schools of law being established, men who showed aptitude in legal studies being sent abroad at public expense to perfect their training, and various other means being employed to concentrate the best available talent upon this vital work. After arduous labour and repeated revisions a new Criminal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure were promulgated in July, 1880, to go into operation from the ist of January, 1882. This Criminal Code is divided into four chapters, compris- ing 430 Articles. Together with the Code of Criminal Procedure, which comprises six chapters containing 480 Articles, it forms a body of law in unison with the most advanced principles and the most approved procedure of Western jurisprudence, all punishment not recognized as consonant with modern civilization being abolished, due 422 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. provision being made for adapting penalties to degrees of crime, the rights of suspects and of criminals being amply guarded, the privilege of appeal, fully guaranteed and the dictates of clemenc)- followed to the limits of consistency with effective control. Almost simultaneously with the commencement of the above work of compilation, the task of revising the Civil Law was undertaken in a not less thorough manner, and with similar provision of expert aid. The constitution, having been promulgated in 1889, was followed in 1890 by the promulgation of a Civil Code, a Commercial Code, and a Code of Civil Procedure, together with a Law of Organiza- tion of Law Courts. This last named Code, one feature of which was that it instituted the system of collegiates courts, went into operation a few months after the date of its oper- ation. The time originally fixed for putting the other Codes into effect was, however, postponed by His Majesty in consideration of the wishes of the Diet, a majorit)' in both Houses having declared the expediency of further revision before these extensive bodies of law should become opera- tive. In view of the tradal and industrial needs of the time special expedition was employed in the revision of the Com- mercial Code, so that virtually the whole Code could be put into operation with the approval of the Diet from the i st of June, 1893. Meanwhile, the revision of the Civil Code and Code of Civil Procedure is in progress, and, in accordance with the Diet's decision, such parts of these Codes as shall have been brought into a satisfactory form will take effect forthwith. The whole work is to be completed by the ist of January, 1895. These Codes, like the Criminal Code and Code of Criminal procedure, arc fully abreast of the requirements of the time, and thoroughly adapted to the HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. 423 dictates of modern and Western civilization. Simultane- ously with the progress of this legislatives work, prison reform was carried out on an extensive scale. The organi- zation of jails, the treatment of prisoners, the system of forced labour, including the training of criminals in industrial pursuits, and all other matters falling within this sphere re- ceived a full share of legislative and administrative attention. SECTION X. Learning and Religion. During the era of the Tokugawa Governmental pro- vision for the education of the people was made in the Sk-d/ieiko, and the various feudal chiefs took steps of vary- ing liberality for a similar purpose. As for the children of farmers, artisans, and merchants, they received instruction in private schools and in schools attached to the Buddhist temples. In the closing years of the Bakufn administra- tion, a school, in the curriculum of which Western learning occupied a prominent place, was established under the name YogaktL-sJio (subsequently called the Kaisei-jd). \ school of medicine was also organized, and these two formed the embryo of the present Imperial University. At the com- mencement of the Meiji era, the name Shdheiko was changed to Daigaku Honko (main department of the University). Here Japanese and Chinese literature were taught. Subse- quently the Kaisei-jo became the AW?iko, and its curriculum was extended so as to include foreign languages. The School of Medicine now received the name Daigaku To/co, and arrangements were made for courses of instruction in foreign medicine. In the year 1870, the Daigaku Honko ^4- HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. Avas closed and the educational scope of the N^anko was enlarged, a number of foreign instructors being added to its staff. The Government at the same time instructed the various clans to select and send so the capital for education in this college youths of aptitude and promise. The plan of sending students abroad for educational purposes was largely adopted, several of the Imperial Princes, as well as young Saninrai from the clans and scholars of the N^anko being thus treated. In 1871, a Department of Education was established, and soon afterwards a new educational system was introduced, the country being divided into eight school- districts and attendance at school being de- clared compulsory for all children six )'ears old and upwards. A separate college, the Gwaikoku Gogakko. was now organized for the special purpose of teaching foreign languages, and normal schools were at the same time established in several localities. After some years' paractical experience of this system, modifications were deemed expedient and a new body of educational regulations was promulgated. Among the changes then introduced was included the amalga- mation of the Daigakii 'foko and the N'ankd, which now became the Tokyo Universit}', the courses of study being also modified so as to include law, science, literature, and medicine. There was also in existence at that time a College of Engineering, under the- control of the Depart- ment of Public Works. This, too, was subsequently ab- sorbed into the Imperial University, which in 1890 received a further increment in the form of the Dendrological School which had hitherto been under the control of the Depart- ment of Agriculture and Commerce. There are now nine kinds of educational institutions under the direct control of the Department of Pxlucation, HISTOR V OF rilE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. ^2^ namely, the Imperial University, the Higher Normal School (male), the Higher Normal School (female), the Higher Middle Schools, the Higher Commercial School, the Tokyo Technical School, the Tokyo Fine Arts School, the Tokyo Music School, and the Tokyo Blind and Dumb School. The number of elementary schools throughout the Empire is 25,374, with an attendance of 3,153,813 children. Besides the institutions above enumerated, there are many other schools and colleges, both Government and private, and there are also museums and libraries to which the public have free access. Western learning has for several years been so popular in Japan that there are now few schools at which the English language is not taught, nor do French and German fail to attract a large number of students. The first newspaper published in Japan dates from the closing years of the Tokugawa Administration. In the I St year of the Meiji era, an Official Gazette {Dajo- kwan Nisshi) appeared, and thereafter newpaper enterprise received a great impetus, the values of the Press being so fully recognized that there are now many hundreds of jour- nals and periodicals circulating among all classes of the people. One of the first acts of the Government of the Restoration was to encourage the Shinto creed, a policy naturally dictated by the relation in which this forms of faith had stood to the Imperial House from the earliest times. In pursuance of that purpose, the nobles were for- bidden to become Buddhist priests, and a still more drastic measure was adopted at a later date when, simultaneously with the restoration of the fiefs to the Emperor, the Govern- ment resumed possession of the large estates hitherto attached' the temples and constituting their chief source 426 HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. of revenue. An Ecclesiastical Department {yingi-sha) was also established, and the tendency of its administration, coupled with the above measures, had the effect of greatly promoting the cause of Shintoism, and impairing that of Buddhism. Tlie Buddhist faith, however, had established itself too strongly in the hearts of the people to be fatally hurt by any official policy. There are at present ten differ- ent sects of Buddhism in Japan, with over 72,000 temples and vast numbers of believers whose zeal needs only an occasion to be vividly shown. The Shinto shrines aggre- gate more than 56,500. ^ , With regard to the Christian religion, its strict interdic- tion by the Tokugawa Government has already been related, • as well as the fact that this policy of prohibition was dictated by experience of the injury done to the cause of public order by the violently militant character of the faith and by apprehensions that 'its free propagandism might have far-reaching national effects. But when, in 1871, Iwakura Tomomi and the other prominent Japanese con- stituting his suite visited the Occident, it was strongly imjjressed on them by the United States of America, above all that nothing could be less conducive to the improve- nient ofj Japan's international relations than persistence in this exclusive attitude towards the creed of Christendom. In deference to these representations, the justice of which was appreciated by the Japanese Government, the prohibi- ' tion against Christianity was removed and the fact intimated to the Foreign Representatives. The freedom of conscience thus inaugurated was finally confirmed in the year 1889 by the provisions of the Constitution. \ SOliTucoM"il?P''>' °' California A 000 035 316 9 V 48^