Ofc- 
 
 
 'REESE LIBRARY 
 
 JN1VERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. 
 
 /^^yQ.._ Shelf No 
 

 *' l ; ' K A H \ 
 
"COPIED FROM A FRONTISPIECE TO THE EDITION BY FRONTO DUCXEUS, A.D. 
 1636, OF ST. CHRYSOSTOM'S WORKS (IN THE CATHEDRAL LIBRARY, CHICHESTER). 
 THE ORIGINAL IS STATED TO HAVE BEEN ENGRAVED FROM AN EIKON OF GREAT 
 ANTIQUITY, AT CONSTANTINOPLE, AND AGREES WITH THE NOTICES OF CHRYSO- 
 STOM'S APPEARANCE BY GREEK WRITERS, WHO DESCRIBE HIM AS SHORT, WITH A 
 LARGE HEAD, AMPLE, WRINKLED FOREHEAD, EYES DEEP-SET BUT PLEASING, 
 HOLLOW CHEEKS, AND A SCANTY GREY BEARD." 
 
SAINT JOHN CHRYSOSTOM 
 
 HIS LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 A SKETCH OF THE CHURCH AND THE EMPIRE IN 
 THE FOURTH CENTURY. 
 
 BY W. K W. STEPHENS, M.A. 
 
 i rHICHESTER AND RECTOR OF WOOLBEDING J AUTHOR OF "LIFE AND LETTERS OF 
 WALTER FARQUHAR HOOK, D.D.," "CHRISTIANITY AND ISLAM," ETC. 
 
 SECOND EDITION. 
 
 
 L I B R A R Y 
 
 U N I \' K K S IT Y' O I 
 
 CALIFORNIA. 
 
 . 
 
 LONDON 
 JOHN MURKAY, ALBEMARLE STREET 
 
 1880. 
 
 The right of translation is reserved. 
 
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. 
 
 THE present edition of this Essay is substantially 
 a reproduction of the first. It is possible, indeed, 
 and I hope probable, that the fruits of nine years' 
 more experience and study would have manifested 
 themselves in some marked improvements upon the 
 former work had I rewritten or recast the whole 
 of it. But after mature consideration it did not 
 seem to me that the defects of my original attempt 
 were sufficient to warrant such an expenditure of 
 time and toil. 
 
 I have therefore contented myself with carefully 
 revising the text and references, and making here 
 and there a few slight alterations in the way either 
 of addition or omission. 
 
 WOOLBEDINQ RECTORY, 
 
 Feby. 20, 1880. 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 THE considerations which induced me to undertake this 
 monograph are mentioned in the introductory chapter. 
 How far the design there indicated has been satisfactorily 
 fulfilled, it is for others to decide. I am of course conscious 
 of defects, for every workman's ideal aim should be higher 
 than what he can actually accomplish. The work has 
 incurred a certain risk from having been once or twice 
 suspended for a considerable period; but I have always 
 returned to it with increased interest and pleasure, nor can 
 I charge myself with having wittingly bestowed less pains 
 on one part than another. I have endeavoured to make it 
 a trustworthy narrative by drawing from the most original 
 sources to which I could gain access; and where, as in 
 those portions which touch on secular history, the lead of 
 general historians, such as Gibbon or De Broglie, has been 
 followed, I have, as far as possible, consulted the authorities 
 to which they refer. To modern authors from whom I have 
 derived valuable assistance for special parts of the work, 
 such as M. Amedee Thierry and Dr. Foerster, my obligations 
 are acknowledged in their proper place. 
 
 Neander's Life of St. Chrysostom has, of course, throughout 
 been frequently consulted. It is marked by the customary 
 
viii PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 merits and defects of that historian. It is full of research, 
 information, thought, and refined religious sentiment; but 
 he fails to bring out strongly the personality of his subject. 
 We have abundance of Chrysostom's sayings and opinions, 
 but somehow too little of Chrysostom himself. The fact is 
 that Neander seems always to be thinking more of those 
 views and theories about the growth of Christian doctrine 
 and the Church, which he wishes to impress upon men's 
 minds, than of the person about whom he is writing. Thus, 
 the subject of his biography becomes too much a mere 
 vehicle for conveying Neander's own opinions, and the 
 personality of the character fades away in proportion. 
 Some passages in the life of his subject are related at 
 inordinate length ; others, because less illustrative of 
 Neander's views, are imperfectly sketched, if not omitted. 
 
 In extracts from the works of Chrysostom, the somewhat 
 difficult question of the comparative advantages of transla- 
 tion and paraphrase has been decided, on the whole, in 
 favour of the latter. The condensation of matter gained by 
 a paraphrase is an important, indeed necessary, object, if 
 many specimens are to be given from such a very volumi- 
 nous author as Chrysostom. A careful endeavour, at the 
 same time, has been made to render faithfully the general 
 sense of the original ; and wherever the peculiar beauty of 
 the language or the importance of the subject seemed to 
 demand it, a translation has been given. 
 
 From an early date in the sixteenth century down to the 
 present time the works of Chrysostom have occupied the 
 attention of learned editors. The first attempts, after the 
 invention of printing, were mainly confined to Latin trans- 
 lations of different portions. Afterwards appeared 
 
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. ix 
 
 (1.) In 1529 the Greek text of the Homilies on St. Paul, 
 published at Vienna, " typis Stephani et fratrum," with a 
 preface by Maximus Donatus. This was followed by the 
 Commentaries on the New Testament, published by Com- 
 melin, a printer at Heidelberg, four vols. folio, A.D. 1591- 
 1602. 
 
 (2.) In 1612 appeared a magnificent edition of the whole 
 works, in eight thick folio volumes, printed at Eton, and 
 prepared by Sir Henry Savile. Savile, born in 1549, was 
 equally distinguished for his knowledge of mathematics and 
 Greek, in which he acted for a time as tutor to Queen 
 Elizabeth. He became Warden of Merton in 1585, and 
 Provost of Eton in 1596. Promotion in Church and State 
 was offered to him by James i., but declined, though he 
 accepted a knighthood in 1604. His only son died about 
 that time, and he devoted his fortune henceforth entirely to 
 the promotion of learning. The Savilian Professorships of 
 Geometry and Astronomy in Oxford were founded by him, 
 and a library furnished with mathematical books for the use 
 of his Professors. He spared no labour or expense to make 
 his edition of St. Chrysostom handsome and complete. He 
 personally examined most of the great libraries in Europe 
 for MSS., and, through the kindness of English ambassadors 
 and eminent men of learning abroad, his copyists were 
 admitted to the libraries of Paris, Basle, Augsburg, Munich, 
 Vienna, and other cities. He used the Commelinian edition 
 as his printer's copy, carefully compared with five MSS., the 
 various readings of which are marked (by a not very distinct 
 plan) in the margin. The chief value of the work consists 
 in the prefaces and notes, contributed some of them by 
 Casaubon and other learned men, though by far the best are 
 
xii PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. 
 
 of fifty years in literary work of a most laborious descrip- 
 tion. He died in 1741. 
 
 (5.) The last edition, which leaves little or nothing to be 
 desired, is that which I have used in preparing this volume 
 
 the Abbe* Migne's, in 13 vols., Paris, 1863. It is substan- 
 tially a reproduction of the Benedictine, in a rather less 
 cumbrous size, and embodies some of the best corrections, 
 notes, and prefaces of modern commentators, especially those 
 of Mr. Field to the Homilies of St. Matthew, and some by 
 the learned editor himself. 
 
 A brief sketch of the principal forms in which Chrysostom's 
 works have appeared seemed an appropriate introduction to 
 the history of the man himself. If the perusal of that 
 history shall afford to readers half as much interest, pleasure, 
 and instruction as I have myself derived from the composi- 
 tion of it, I shall feel amply rewarded for my labour ; and I 
 gladly take this opportunity of expressing my gratitude to 
 my father-in-law for originally suggesting a work of this 
 kind, and to many friends, and especially my wife, for 
 constant encouragement, without which a mixture of indol- 
 ence and diffidence might have prevented the completion of 
 my design. 
 
 DENSWORTH COTTAGE, CHICHESTER, 
 All Saints Day 1871. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAOB 
 
 Introductory, 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 From his Birth to his Appointment to the Office of Reader, A.D. 345 
 
 or A.D. 347 to A.D. 370, 9 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Commencement of ascetic life Study under Diodorus Formation 
 
 of an ascetic Brotherhood The Letters to Theodore. A.D. 370, 24 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Chrysostom evades forcible Ordination to a Bishopric The Treatise 
 
 " On the Priesthood." A.D. 370, 371, 40 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Narrow Escape from Persecution His Entrance into a Monastery 
 
 The Monasticism of the East. A.D. 372, .... 57 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Works produced during his monastic life The letters to Demetrius 
 and Stelechius Treatises addressed to the Opponents of 
 Monasticism Letter to Stagirius, ...... 69 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Ordination as Deacon Description of Antioch Works composed 
 
 during his Diaconate. A.D. 381-386, 86 
 
xiv CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Ordination to the Priesthood by Flavian Inaugural Discourse in 
 the Cathedral Homilies against the Arians Animadversions 
 on the Chariot Races. A.D. 386, 103 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Homilies against Pagans and Jews Condition of the Jews in 
 Anfcioch Judaising Christians Homilies on Christmas Day 
 and New Year's Day Censure of Pagan Superstitions. A.D. 
 386,387, 120 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Survey of the first Decade of the Reign of Theodosius His 
 Character His Efforts for the Extirpation of Paganism and 
 Heresy The Apologies of Symmachus and Libanius. A.D. 
 379-389, 139 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 The Sedition at Antioch The Homilies on the Statues The 
 
 Results of the Sedition. A.D. 387, 150 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Illness of Chrysostom Homilies on Festivals of Saints and Martyrs 
 Character of these Festivals Pilgrimages Reliques Char- 
 acter of Peasant Clergy in neighbourhood of Antioch. A.D. 387, 177 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Survey of Events between A.D. 387 and A.D. 397 Ambrose and 
 Theodosius Revolt of Arbogastes Death of Theodosius 
 The Ministers of Arcadius Rufinus and Eutropius, . .186 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Death of Nectarius, Archbishop of Constantinople Eager Competi- 
 tion for the See Election of Chrysostom His compulsory 
 Removal from Antioch Consecration Reforms Homilies on 
 various subjects Missionary Projects, . . . . .212 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The Fall of Eutropius His Retreat to the Sanctuary of the Church 
 Right of Sanctuary maintained by Chrysostom Death of 
 Eutropius Revolt of Gothic Commanders Tribigild and 
 Ga'inas Demand of Gainas for an Arian Church refused by 
 Chrysostom Defeat and Death of Gainas. A.D. 399-401, . 240 
 
CONTENTS. xv 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chrysostom's Visit to Asia Deposition of six simoniacal Bishops 
 Legitimate Extent of his Jurisdiction Return to Constantinople 
 Rupture and reconciliation with Severiau, bishop of Gabala 
 Chrysostom's increasing unpopularity with the Clergy and 
 wealthy Laity His Friends Olympias the Deaconess ^For- 
 mation of hostile Factions, which invite the aid of Theophilus, 
 Patriarch of Alexandria. A.D. 400, 401, .... 265 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 Circumstances which led to the interference of Theophilus with the 
 affairs of Chrysostom Controversy about the Writings of 
 Origen Persecution by Theophilus of the Monks called " The 
 Tall Brethren" Their Flight to Palestine To Constantinople 
 Their Reception by Chrysostom Theophilus summoned to 
 Constantinople. A.D. 395-403, 286 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 Theophilus arrives in Constantinople Organises a Cabal against 
 Chrysostom The Synod of the Oak Chrysostom pronounced 
 contumacious for Non-appearance and expelled from the city 
 Earthquake Recall of Chrysostom Ovations on his Return 
 Flight of Theophilus. A.D. 403, 306 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 An Image of Eudoxia placed in front of the Cathedral Chryso- 
 stom denounces it Anger of the Empress The enemy re- 
 turns to the charge Another Council formed Chrysostom 
 confined to his Palace Violent scene in the Cathedral and 
 other places Chrysostom again expelled. A.D. 403, 404, . 326 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Fury of the people at the removal of Chrysostom Destruction of 
 the Cathedral Church and Senate-house by Fire Persecution 
 of Chrysostom's followers Fugitives to Rome Letters of 
 Innocent to Theophilus To the Clergy of Constantinople To 
 Chrysostom Deputation of Western Bishops to Constanti- 
 nople repulsed Sufferings of the Eastern Church Triumph 
 of the Cabal. A.D. 404, 405, 341 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 Chrysostom ordered to be removed to Cucusus Perils encountered 
 at Csesarea Hardships of the Journey Reaches Cucusus 
 Letters written there to Olympias and other Friends. A.D. 404, 361 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chrysostom's Sufferings from the winter cold Depredations of the 
 Isaurians The Mission in Phoenicia Letters to Innocent and 
 the Italian Bishops Chrysostora's enemies obtain an order 
 for his Removal to Pityus He dies at Comana, A.D. 407 
 Reception of his Reliques at Constantinople. A.D. 438, . . 379 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 Survey of Chrysostom's Theological Teaching Practical tone of 
 his Works Reason of this Doctrine of Man's Nature 
 Original Sin Grace Free-will How far Chrysostom Pela- 
 gian Language on the Trinity Atonement Justification 
 The two Sacraments No trace of Confession, Purgatory, or 
 Mariolatry Relations towards the Pope Liturgy of Chryso- 
 stom His character as a Commentator Views on Inspiration 
 His Preaching Personal Appearance References to Greek 
 Classical Authors Comparison with St. Augustine, . . 390 
 
 APPENDIX, 433 
 
 INDEX, 435 
 
L I B R A Iv V 
 
 rx i v K IJSITY OF 
 CALIFOUNLA. 
 
 
 LIFE AND TIMES 
 
 OF 
 
 ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 I. THERE are many great names in history which have 
 been familiar to us from almost our earliest years, but of 
 the personal character, the actual life of those who bore 
 them, we are comparatively ignorant. We know that they 
 were men of genius ; industrious, energetic workers, who, as 
 statesmen, reformers, warriors, writers, speakers, exercised 
 a vital influence for good or ill upon their fellow-men. 
 They have achieved a reputation which will never die; 
 but from various causes their personality does not stand 
 out before us in clear and bold relief. We know some- 
 thing about some of the most important passages in their 
 life, a few of their sayings, a little of their writings ; but 
 the men themselves we do not know. 
 
 Frequently the reason of this is, that though they occupy 
 a place, perhaps an important place, in the great drama 
 of history, yet they have not played one of the foremost 
 parts; and general history cannot spare much time or 
 
 A 
 
2 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. i. 
 
 space beyond what is necessary to describe the main pro- 
 gress of events, and the actions and characters of those 
 who were most prominently concerned in them. Other 
 men may have been greater in themselves ; they may have 
 been first-rate in their own sphere, but that sphere was 
 too much secluded or circumscribed to admit of the exten- 
 sive and conspicuous public influence of which alone his- 
 tory takes much cognisance. They are to history what 
 those side or background figures in the pictures of great 
 medieval painters are to the grand central subject of the 
 piece: they do but help to fill up the canvas, yet the 
 picture would not be complete without them. They are 
 notable personages, well worthy of being separately depicted, 
 though in the large historical representation they play a 
 subordinate part. 
 
 To take out one of these side figures of history, and to 
 make it the centre of a separate picture, grouping round 
 it all the great events and characters among which it 
 moved, is the work of a biographer. And by many it will 
 be felt that nothing invests the general history of any 
 period with such a living interest as viewing it through 
 the light of some one human life. How was this individual 
 soul affected by the movement of the great forces with 
 which it was surrounded ? How did it affect them, in its 
 turn, wherever in its progress it came into contact with 
 them ? This one consideration will confer on many details 
 of history an importance and freshness of which they 
 seemed too trivial or too dull to be susceptible. 
 
 II. Among these side characters in history, characters 
 of men in themselves belonging to the first rank, men 
 whose names will be renowned and honoured to the end of 
 time, but precluded, by disposition or circumstances, from 
 taking the foremost place in the larger canvas of general 
 history, must be reckoned many of the great ecclesiastics 
 of the first four or five centuries of Christianity. Every 
 
CH. i.] INTRODUCTORY. 3 
 
 one recognises as great such names as Origen, Tertullian, 
 Cyprian, Basil, the two Gregories, and many more. Every 
 one would admit that the Church owes them a debt, but it 
 may be safely affirmed that here the acquaintance of many 
 with these eminent men begins and ends. A few scraps 
 from their writings quoted in commentaries, one or two 
 remarkable acts or sayings which have been thought worthy 
 to be handed down, a few passages in which their lives flit 
 across the stage of general history, complete the knowledge 
 of many more. Such men, indeed, as Athanasius and 
 Ambrose are to some extent exceptions. The magnitude 
 of the principles for which they contended, the energy and 
 ability which they displayed in the contest, were too con- 
 spicuous to be passed over by the general historian, civil 
 or ecclesiastical. The proverbial expression "Athanasius 
 contra numdum " attests of itself the pre-eminent greatness 
 of the man. But with other luminaries of the Church, 
 whose powers were perhaps equally great, but not exercised 
 on so public a field or on behalf of such apparently vital 
 questions, history has not dealt, perhaps cannot consistently 
 with its scope deal, in any degree commensurate with 
 their merits. Nor does this remark apply entirely to civil 
 history. Ecclesiastical history also is so much occupied 
 with the consideration of subjects on a large scale and 
 covering a large space of time, the course of controversies, 
 the growth of doctrines, the relations between Church and 
 State, changes in discipline, in liturgies, in ritual, that the 
 history of those who lived among these events, and who by 
 their ability made or moulded them, is comparatively lost 
 sight of. The outward operations are seen, but the springs 
 which set them going are concealed. How can general 
 history, for instance, adequately set forth the character and 
 the work of such men as Savonarola or Erasmus, both in 
 their widely different ways men of such incomparable genius 
 and incessant activity ? It does not ; it only supplies a 
 
4 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [OH. i. 
 
 glimpse, a sketch, which make us long for a fuller vision, a 
 more finished picture. 1 
 
 III. It is designed to attempt, in the following pages, 
 such a supplementary chapter in ecclesiastical history. An 
 endeavour will be made not merely to chronicle the life and 
 estimate the character of the great preacher of Antioch 
 and Constantinople, but to place him in the centre of all 
 the great movements, civil as well as religious, of his time, 
 and see what light he and they throw upon one another. 
 
 The age in which he lived was a troublous one. The 
 spectacle of a tempestuous sea may in itself excite our 
 interest and inspire us with awe, but place in the midst of 
 it a vessel containing human life, and how deeply is our 
 interest intensified ! 
 
 What was the general character and position of the 
 clergy in the fourth century? What was the attitude of 
 the Church towards the sensuality, selfishness, luxury, of 
 an effete and debased civilisation on the one hand, and the 
 rude ferocity of young and strong barbarian races on the 
 other? To what extent had Christianity leavened, or had 
 it appreciably leavened at all, popular forms of thought and 
 popular habits of life? What was the existing phase of 
 monasticism? what the ordinary form of worship in the 
 Catholic Church ? what the established belief respecting the 
 sacraments and the great verities of the Christian faith? 
 In answer to such inquiries, and to many more, much useful 
 information may be extracted from the works of so prolific a 
 writer and preacher as Chrysostom. Being concerned also, 
 as a preacher, with moral practice more than with abstract 
 theology, his homilies reflect, like the writings of satirists, the 
 manners of the age. The habits of private life, the fashion- 
 able amusements, the absurdities of dress, all the petty foibles, 
 as well as the more serious vices of the society by which 
 
 1 In the case of Savonarola such a "Erasmus, his Life and Character," 
 
 want has now been fairly well sup- by Robert Blackley Drummond, B.A. 
 
 plied by Villari and other writers. 2 vols., 1873. 
 For a good portrait of Erasmus, see 
 
en. T.] INTRODUCTORY. 5 
 
 he was surrounded, are dragged out without remorse, and 
 made the subjects of solemn admonition, or fierce invective, 
 or withering sarcasm, or ironical jest. 
 
 IV. Nor does secular history, from which not a single 
 chapter in ecclesiastical history can without injury be dis- 
 sociated, want for copious illustration. Not only from the 
 memorable story of the sedition at Antioch, and from the 
 public events at Constantinople, in which Chrysostom 
 played a conspicuous part, but from many an allusion or 
 incidental expression scattered up and down his works, we 
 may collect rays of light on the social and political con- 
 dition of the Empire. We get glimpses in his pages of a 
 large mass of the population hovering midway between 
 Paganism and Christianity ; we detect an oppressive system 
 of taxation, a widely-spread venality in the administration 
 of public business, a general insecurity of life arising from 
 the almost total absence of what we understand by police 
 regulations, a depressed agriculture, a great slave population, 
 a vast turbulent army as dangerous to the peace of society 
 as the enemies from whom it was supposed to defend it, the 
 presence of barbarians in the country as servants, soldiers, or 
 colonists, the constantly-impending danger from other hordes 
 ever hovering on the frontier, and, like famished wolves, 
 gazing with hungry eyes on the plentiful prey which lay 
 beyond it. But in the midst of the national corruption we 
 see great characters stand out; and it is remarkable that 
 they belong, without exception, to the two elements which 
 alone were strong and progressive in the midst of the general 
 debility and decadence. All the men of commanding genius 
 in this era were either Christian or barbarian. A young 
 and growing faith, a vigorous and manly race : these were 
 the two forces destined to work hand in hand for the 
 destruction of an old and the establishment of a new order 
 of things. The chief doctors of Christianity in the fourth 
 century Augustine, Chrysostom, Ambrose are incompar- 
 
6 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. i. 
 
 ably greater than their contemporary advocates of the old 
 religion and philosophy, Symmachus or Libanius ; even as 
 the Gothic Alaric and Fravitta, and the Vandal Stilicho, were 
 the only generals who did not disgrace the Roman arms. 
 
 V. Some remarks on the theology of Chrysostom will 
 be found in the concluding chapter. The appellation of 
 preacher, 1 by which he is most generally known, is a true 
 indicator of the sphere in which his powers were greatest. 
 It was in upholding a pure and lofty standard of Christian 
 morality, and in denouncing unchristian wickedness, that 
 his life was mainly spent, rather than, like Augustine's, in 
 constructing and teaching a logical system of doctrine. 
 The rage of his enemies, to which he ultimately fell a 
 victim, was not bred of the bitterness of theological con- 
 troversy, but of the natural antagonism between the evil 
 and the good. And it is partly on this account that neither 
 the remoteness of time, nor difference of circumstances, 
 which separate us from him, can dim the interest with 
 which we read his story. He fought not so much for any 
 abstract question of theology or point of ecclesiastical dis- 
 cipline, which may have lost its meaning and importance 
 for us, but for those grand principles of truth and justice, 
 Christian charity, and Christian holiness, which ought to be 
 dear to men equally in all ages. 
 
 VI. But there is also in the struggle of Chrysostom with 
 the secular power an ecclesiastical and historical interest, as 
 well as a moral one. We see prefigured in his deposition 
 the fate of the Eastern Church in the Eastern capital of the 
 Empire. As the papacy grew securely by the retreat from 
 the old Eome of any secular rival, so the patriarchate of 
 the new Eome was constantly, increasingly depressed by the 
 presence of such a rival. Of all the great churchmen who 
 flourished in the fourth century, Athauasius, Basil, the 
 
 "That godly clerk and great preacher" is the description of him in the 
 English Homilies Hom. i. 
 
CH. i.] INTRODUCTORY. 7 
 
 Gregories, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Chrysostom, 
 the last three alone survived into the fifth century. But the 
 glory of the Western Church was then only in its infancy ; 
 the glory of the Eastern culminated in Chrysostom. From 
 his time the patriarchs of Constantinople fell more and more 
 into the servile position of court functionaries. The work- 
 ing out of that grand idea, a visible organised Catholic 
 Church, uniform in doctrine and discipline, an idea which 
 grew more and more as the political disintegration of the 
 Empire increased, was to be accomplished by the more com- 
 manding, law-giving spirit of the West. Intrepid in spirit, 
 inflexible of purpose, though Chrysostom was, he could not 
 subdue, he could only provoke to more violent opposition, 
 the powers with which he was brought into collision. 
 Ineffectual was his contest with ecclesiastical corruption 
 and secular tyranny, as compared with a similar contest 
 waged by his Western contemporary, Ambrose ; ineffectual 
 also were the efforts, after his time, of the Church which he 
 represented to assert the full dignity of its position. 
 
 VII. Chrysostom, and the contemporary fathers of the 
 Eastern Church, naturally seem very remote from us ; but, 
 in fact, they are nearer to us in their modes of thought than 
 many who in point of time are less distant. They were 
 brought up in the study of that Greek literature with which 
 we are familiar. Philosophy had not stiffened into scholas- 
 ticism. The ethics of Chrysostom are substantially the same 
 witli the ethics of Butler. So, again, Eastern fathers of the 
 fourth century are far more nearly allied to us in theology 
 than writers of a few centuries later. If we are to look to 
 " the rock " whence our Anglican liturgy " was hewn," and 
 " to the hole of the pit " whence Anglican reformed theology 
 "was digged," we must turn our eyes, above all other direc- 
 tions, to the Eastern Church and the Eastern fathers. It 
 was observed by Mr. Alexander Knox, 1 that the earlier days 
 
 1 "Remains," vol. iii. Letters to Dr. Woodward and Mrs. Hannah More. 
 
8 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. i. 
 
 of the Greek Church seem resplendent with a glow of simple, 
 fervent piety, such as in a Church, as a whole, has never 
 since been seen ; and that this character is strikingly in 
 harmony with our own liturgy, so overflowing with sublime 
 aspirations, so Catholic, not bearing the impress of any one 
 system of theology, but containing what is best in all. We 
 may detect in Chrysostom the germ of medieval corruptions, 
 such as the invocation of saints, the adoration of relics, and 
 a sensuous conception of the change effected in the holy 
 elements in the Eucharist ; but these are the raw material 
 of error, not yet wrought into definite shape. The Bishop 
 of Rome is recognised, as will be seen from Chrysostom's 
 correspondence with Innocent, as a great potentate, whose 
 intercessions are to be solicited in time of trouble and diffi- 
 culty, and to whose judgment much deference is to be paid, 
 but by no means as a supreme ruler in Christendom. 
 
 Thus, the tone of Chrysostom's language is far more akin 
 to that of our own Church than of the medieval or present 
 Church of Rome. In his habit of referring to Holy Scrip- 
 ture as the ultimate source and basis of all true doctrine, 
 " so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved 
 thereby, is not to be required of any man as an article of 
 faith ;" in his careful endeavour to ascertain the real mean- 
 ing of Scripture, not seeking for fanciful or mystical inter- 
 pretations, or supporting preconceived theories, but patiently 
 labouring, with a mixture of candour, reverence, and common 
 sense, to ascertain the exact literal sense of each passage ; 
 in these points, no less than in his theology, he bears an 
 affinity to the best minds of our own reformed Church, and 
 fairly represents that faith of the Catholic Church before the 
 disruption of East and West in which Bishop Ken desired to 
 die; while his fervent piety, and his apostolic zeal as a 
 preacher of righteousness, must command the admiration of 
 all earnest Christians, to whatever country, age, or Church, 
 they may belong. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM HIS BIRTH TO HIS APPOINTMENT TO THE OFFICE OF READER, 
 A.D. 345 OR A.D. 347 TO A.D. 370. 
 
 IT has been well remarked by Sir Henry Savile, in the 
 preface to his noble edition of Chrysostom's works, pub- 
 lished in 1612, that, as with great rivers, so often with great 
 men, the middle and the close of their career are dignified 
 and distinguished, but the primary source and early progress 
 of the stream are difficult to ascertain and trace. No one, 
 he says, has been able to fix the exact date, the year, and 
 the consulship of Chrysostom's birth. This is true ; but at 
 the same time his birth, parentage, and education are not 
 involved in such obscurity as surrounds the earliest years of 
 some other great luminaries of the Eastern Church ; his own 
 friend, for instance, Theodore, Bishop of Mopsuestia, and 
 yet more notably, the great Athanasius. 
 
 There is little doubt that his birth occurred not later than 
 the year A.D. 347, and not earlier than the year A.D. 345 ; 
 and there is no doubt that Antioch in Syria was the place of 
 his birth, that his mother's name was Anthusa, his father's 
 Secundus, and that both were well born. His mother 
 w r as, if not actually baptized, very favourably inclined to 
 Christianity, 1 and, indeed, a woman of no ordinary piety. 
 The father had attained the rank of " magister militum " in 
 the Imperial army of Syria, and therefore enjoyed the title 
 
 1 Wall, on Infant Baptism, endea- Chrysostom's baptism, but his reasons 
 vours to prove that she was a Pagan, are far from convincing, 
 in order to account for the delay in 
 
10 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. ir. 
 
 of " illustris." He died when his son John was an infant, 
 leaving a young widow, about twenty years of age, in 
 comfortable circumstances, but harassed by the difficulties 
 and anxieties of her unprotected condition as mistress of 
 a household in days when servants were slaves, and life in 
 large cities altogether unguarded by such securities as are 
 familiar to us. Greatly did she dread the responsibility of 
 bringing up a son in one of the most turbulent and dissolute 
 capitals of the Empire. Nothing, she afterwards 1 declared 
 to him, could have enabled her to pass through such a 
 furnace of trial but a consoling sense of divine support, 
 and the delight of contemplating the image of her husband 
 as reproduced in his son. How long a sister older than 
 himself may have lived we do not know ; but the conversa- 
 tion between him and his mother, when he was meditating 
 a retreat into a monastery, seems to imply that he was the 
 only surviving child. All her love, all her care, all her 
 means and energies, were concentrated on the boy destined 
 to become so great a man, and exhibiting even in childhood 
 no common ability and aptitude for learning. But her chief 
 anxiety was to train him in pious habits, and to preserve 
 him uncontaminated from the pollutions of the vicious city 
 in which they resided. She was to him what Monica was 
 to Augustine, and Nonna to Gregory Nazianzen. 
 
 The great influence, indeed, of women upon the Chris- 
 tianity of domestic life in that age is not a little remarkable. 
 The Christians were not such a pure and single-minded 
 community as they had been. The refining fires of persecu- 
 tion which burnt up the chaff of hypocrisy or indifference 
 were now extinguished ; Christianity had a recognised posi- 
 tion ; her bishops were in kings' courts. The natural conse- 
 quences inevitably followed this attainment of security; there 
 were more Christians, but not more who were zealous ; there 
 were many who hung very loosely to the Church many 
 
 1 De Sacerdot. lib. i. c. 5. 
 
CH. ii.] CHRISTIAN WOMEN AT ANTIOOH. 11 
 
 who fluctuated between the Church and Paganism. In the 
 great Eastern cities of the Empire, especially Alexandria, 
 Antioch, Constantinople, the mass of the so-called Christian 
 population was largely infected by the dominant vices 
 inordinate luxury, sensuality, selfish avarice, and display. 
 Christianity was in part paganised long before it had made 
 any appreciable progress towards the destruction of Paganism. 
 But the sincere and ardent piety of many amongst the 
 women kept alive in many a home the flame of Christian 
 faith which would otherwise have been smothered. The 
 Emperor Julian imagined that his efforts to resuscitate 
 Paganism would have been successful in Antioch but for 
 the strenuous opposition of the Christian women. He com- 
 plains " that they were permitted by their husbands to take 
 anything out of the house to bestow it upon the Galileans, 
 or to give away to the poor, while they would not expend 
 the smallest trifle upon the worship of the gods." 1 The 
 efforts also of the Governor Alexander, who was left in 
 Antioch by the Emperor to carry forward his designs of 
 Pagan reformation, were principally baffled through this 
 It-male influence. He found that the men would often 
 consent to attend the temples and sacrifices, but afterwards 
 generally repented and retracted their adherence. This 
 relapse Libanius the sophist, in a letter 2 to the Governor, 
 ascribes to the home influence of the women. " When the 
 men are out of doors," he says, " they obey you who give 
 them the best advice, and they approach the altars; but 
 when they get home, their minds undergo a change; they 
 are wrought upon by the tears and entreaties of their 
 wives, and they again withdraw from the altars of the 
 gods." 
 
 Anthusa did not marry again; very possibly she was 
 deterred from contracting a second marriage by religious 
 scruples which Chrysostom himself would certainly have 
 
 1 Julian : Misopogon, p. 363. 2 Epist. 1057. 
 
12 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. n. 
 
 approved. 1 The Pagans themselves admired those women 
 who dedicated themselves to a single life, or abstained from 
 marrying again. Chrysostom himself informs us that when 
 he began to attend the lectures of Libanius, his master 
 inquired who and what his parents were ; and on being told 
 that he was the son of a widow who at the age of forty had 
 lost her husband twenty years, he exclaimed in a tone of 
 mingled jealousy and admiration : " Heavens ! what women 
 these Christians have !" 2 
 
 What instruction he received in early boyhood, beside 
 his mother's careful moral and religious training; whether 
 he was sent, a common custom among Christian parents 
 in that age, 3 to be taught by the monks in one of the 
 neighbouring monasteries, where he may have imbibed an 
 early taste for monastic retirement, we know not. He was 
 designed, however, not for the clerical but for the legal 
 profession, and at the age of twenty he began to attend 
 the lectures of one of the first sophists of the day, capable 
 of giving him that secular training and learning which 
 would best enable him to cope with men of the world. 
 Libanius had achieved a reputation as a teacher of general 
 literature, rhetoric, and philosophy, and as an able and 
 eloquent defender of Paganism, not only in his native city 
 Antioch, but in the Empire at large. He was the friend and 
 correspondent of Julian, and on amicable terms with the 
 Emperors Valens and Theodosius. He had now returned to 
 Antioch after lengthened residence in Athens (where the 
 chair of rhetoric had been offered to him, but declined), in 
 Nicomedia, and in Constantinople. 4 In attending daily 
 lectures at his school, the young Chrysostom became con- 
 versant with the best classical Greek authors, both poets 
 and philosophers. Of their teaching he in later life retained 
 little admiration, 5 and to the perusal of their writings he 
 
 1 Epist. ad viduam jun. , vol. i. 4 Liban. de fortuna sua, pp. 13- 
 
 2 Ibid. p. 601. 137. 
 
 3 Adv. Oppug. Vit. Monast. lib. iii. c. 11. 5 See concluding Chapter. 
 
CH. ii.] THE SCHOOL OF LIBANIUS. 13 
 
 probably seldom or never recurred for profit or recreation, 
 but his retentive memory enabled him to the last to point 
 and adorn his arguments with quotations from Homer, 
 Plato, and the Tragedians. In the school of Libanius also 
 he began to practise those nascent powers of eloquence 
 which were destined to win for him so mighty a fame, as 
 well as the appellation of Chrysostomos, or the Golden 
 Mouth, by which, rather than by his proper name of John, 
 he will be known to the end of time. 1 Libanius, in a letter 
 to Chrysostom, praises highly a speech composed by him in 
 honour of the Emperors, and says they were happy in having 
 so excellent a panegyrist. 2 The Pagan sophist helped to 
 forge the weapons which were afterwards to be skilfully 
 employed against the cause to which he was devoted. When 
 he was on his deathbed, he was asked by his friends who 
 was in his opinion capable of succeeding him. " It would 
 have been John," he replied, " had not the Christians stolen 
 him from us." 3 But it did not immediately appear that the 
 learned advocate of Paganism was nourishing a traitor ; for 
 Chrysostom had not yet been baptized, and began to seek an 
 opening for his powers in secular fields of activity. 4 He 
 commenced practice as a lawyer ; some of his speeches 
 gained great admiration, and were highly commended by his 
 old master Libanius. A brilliant career of worldly ambition 
 was open to him. The profession of the law was at that 
 time the great avenue to civil distinction. The amount of 
 litigation was enormous. One hundred and fifty advocates 
 were required for the court of the Praetorian Prefect of the 
 East alone. The display of talent in the law-courts fre- 
 quently obtained for a man the government of a province, 
 whence the road was open to those higher dignities of vice- 
 prefect, prefect, patrician, consul, which were honoured by 
 the title of "illustrious." 5 
 
 1 See concluding Chapter. 4 Isidore Pel., lib. ii. ep. 42; De 
 
 2 Quoted by Isidore of Pelusiura, Sacerdot. i. c. 4. 
 
 lib. ii. ep. 42. 5 Gibbon, iii. 52, note ; Milman's 
 
 3 Sozomen, viii. c. 2. edition. 
 
14 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. 11. 
 
 But the pure and upright disposition of the youthful 
 advocate recoiled from the licentiousness which corrupted 
 society ; from the avarice, fraud, and artifice which marked 
 the transactions of men of business ; from the chicanery and 
 rapacity that sullied the profession which he had entered. 1 
 He was accustomed to say later in life that " the Bible was 
 the fountain for watering the soul." If he had drunk of the 
 classical fountains in the school of Libanius, he had imbibed 
 draughts yet deeper of the spiritual well-spring in quiet 
 study of Holy Scripture at home. And like many another 
 in that degraded age, his whole soul revolted from the 
 glaring contrast presented by the ordinary life of the world 
 around him to that standard of holiness which was held up 
 in the Gospels. 
 
 He had formed also an intimate friendship with a young 
 man, his equal in station and age, by whose influence he was 
 diverted more and more from secular life, and eventually 
 induced altogether to abandon it. This was Basil, who will 
 come before us in the celebrated work on the priesthood. 
 He must not be confounded with the great Basil, 2 Bishop of 
 Csesarea, in Cappadocia, who was some fifteen years older 
 than Chrysostom, having been born in A.D. 329, nor with 
 Basil, Bishop of Seleucia, who was present at the Council of 
 Chalcedon in A.D. 451, and must therefore have been con- 
 siderably younger. Perhaps he may be identified with a 
 Basil, Bishop of Eaphanea in Syria, not far from Antioch, 
 who attended the Council of Constantinople in A.D. 381. 
 
 Chrysostom has described his friendship with Basil in 
 affecting language : 3 " I had many genuine and true friends, 
 men who understood and strictly observed the laws of 
 friendship ; but one there was out of the many who ex- 
 ceeded them all in attachment to me, and strove to leave 
 them all behind in the race, even as much as they themselves 
 
 1 Gibbon, iii. 53 ; for an account of 2 As Socrates, book vi. chap. 3, has 
 
 the character of lawyers at this period done, 
 see Aram. Marcellinns, Ixxx. c. 4. 3 De Sacerdot. lib. i. c. L 
 
en. ii.] FRIENDSHIP WITH BASIL. 15 
 
 surpassed ordinary acquaintances. He was one of those 
 who accompanied me at all times ; we engaged in the same 
 studies, and were instructed by the same teachers ; in our 
 zeal and interest for the subjects on which we worked, we 
 were one. As we went to our lectures or returned from 
 them, we were accustomed to take counsel together on the 
 line of life it would be best to adopt; and here, too, we 
 appeared to be unanimous." 
 
 Basil early determined this question for himself in favour 
 of monasticism ; he decided, as Chrysostom expresses it, to 
 follow the "true philosophy." This occasioned the first 
 interruption to their intercourse. Chrysostom, soon after 
 the age of twenty, had embarked on a secular career, and 
 could not immediately make up his mind to tread in the 
 footsteps of his friend. " The balance," he says, " was no 
 longer even;" the scale of Basil mounted, while that of 
 Chrysostom was depressed by the weight of earthly interests 
 and desires. 1 But the decisive act of Basil made a deep 
 impression on his mind ; separation from his friend only 
 increased his attachment to him, and his aversion from life 
 in the world. He began to withdraw more from ordinary 
 occupations and pleasures, and to spend more of his time 
 in the study of Holy Scripture. He formed acquaintance 
 with Meletius, the deeply respected Catholic Bishop of 
 Antioch, and after three years, the usual period of probation 
 for catechumens, was baptized by him. 
 
 A natural question arises : Why was he not baptized 
 before, since his mother was a Christian, and there is 
 abundant evidence that infant baptism was and had been 
 the ordinary practice of the Church ? 2 In attempting a 
 solution of the difficulty, it will be proper to mention first 
 certain reasons for delaying baptism which were prevalent in 
 that age, and which may partially have influenced the mind 
 
 1 De Sacerdot. c. iii. 
 
 2 See references in Bingham, vol. iii. b. xi. Wall, vol. ii. 
 
16 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. ir. 
 
 of Chrysostom's mother or himself. It may sound para- 
 doxical to say that an exaggerated estimation of the import 
 and effect of baptism contributed in two ways to its delay. 
 But such appears to have been the case. It was regarded 
 by many as the most complete and final purgation of past 
 sin, and the most solemn pledge of a new and purified life 
 for the future. To sin, therefore, before baptism was com- 
 paratively harmless, if in the waters of baptism the guilty 
 stains could be washed away ; but sin after the reception of 
 that holy sacrament was almost, if not altogether, unpardon- 
 able at least fraught with the most tremendous peril. 
 Hence some would delay baptism, as many now delay re- 
 pentance, from a secret or conscious reluctance to take a 
 decisive step, and renounce the pleasures of sin ; and under 
 the comfortable persuasion that some day, by submitting to 
 baptism, they would free themselves from the responsibi- 
 lities of their past life. Others, again, were deterred from 
 binding themselves under so solemn a covenant by a distrust 
 of their ability to fulfil their vows, and a timorous dread 
 of the eternal consequences if they failed. Against these 
 misconceptions of the true nature and proper use of the 
 sacrament, the great Basil, the two Gregories, and Chryso- 
 stom himself contend l with a vehemence and indignation 
 which proves them to have been common. Many parents 
 thought they would allow the fitful and unstable season of 
 youth to pass before they irrevocably bound their children 
 under the most solemn engagements of their Christian call- 
 ing. The children, when they grew up, inherited their 
 scruples, and so the sacrament was indefinitely deferred. 
 
 It is not impossible that such feelings may have influenced 
 Chrysostom's mother and himself; but considering the 
 natural and healthy character of his piety, which seems to 
 have grown by a gentle and unintermitting progress from 
 
 1 Basil : Exhort, ad Baptisranm ; Apost. vol. ix. horn. i. in fine, and 
 Greg. Nazianz. Orat. 40 de Bapt. ; in Illumin. Catechesis, vol. ii. p. 
 Nyssen, de Bapt. ; Chrysost. in Acta 223. 
 
CH. IL] REASONS FOR DELAY OF BAPTISM. 17 
 
 his childhood, they do not seem very probable in his case. 
 A more cogent cause for the delay may perhaps be found in 
 the distracted state of the Church in Antioch, which lasted, 
 with increasing complications, from A.D. 330, or fifteen years 
 prior to Chrysostom's birth, up to the time of his baptism 
 by Meletius, when a brighter day was beginning to dawn. 
 
 The vicissitudes of the Church in Antioch during that 
 period form a curious, though far from pleasing, picture of 
 the inextricable difficulties, the deplorable schisms, into 
 which the Church at large was plunged by the Arian con- 
 troversy. Two years after the Council of Nice, A.D. 327, 
 the Arians, through the assistance of Constantia, the 
 Emperor's sister, won the favour of Constantine. He lost 
 no time during this season of prosperity in procuring the 
 deposition of Catholic bishops. Eminent among these 
 was Eustathius, Bishop of Antioch. He was ejected by 
 a synod held in his own city on false charges of Sabellianism 
 and adultery. 1 An Arian Bishop, Euphronius, was ap- 
 pointed, but the Catholic congregation indignantly with- 
 drew to hold their services in another quarter of the town, 
 on the opposite side of the Orontes. 2 The see remained for 
 some time entirely in the hands of the Arians. When the 
 Council of Sardica met in A.D. 342, and the Arian faction 
 seceded from it to hold a Council of their own in Philippo- 
 polis, Stephen, Bishop of Antioch, was their president. 
 He was deposed in A.D. 349 by the Emperor Constantius, 
 having been detected as an accomplice in an infamous plot 
 against some envoys from the Western Church. 3 But " uno 
 avulso nou deficit alter;" he was succeeded by another 
 Arian, the eunuch Leontius. 4 He tried to conciliate the 
 Catholics by an artful and equivocating policy, of which his 
 
 1 Philostorgius, ii. 7; Socrates,!. 23; 4 Socr. ii. 26 ; he had been deposed 
 Theod. i. 21. from the rank of presbyter because he 
 
 2 Socr. i. 24 ; Theod. i. 22. was a eunuch, in accordance with the 
 
 3 Athanas. Hist. Arian. 20, 21 ; provision of the Council of Nice, c. i. 
 Theod. ii. 9, 10. Labbe, i. p. 28. 
 
18 LIFE OF ST, JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. n. 
 
 manner of chanting the doxology was an instance. The 
 Arian form of it was " Glory be to the Father BY the Son in 
 the Holy Ghost ;" this the bishop was accustomed to slur in 
 such an indistinct voice that the prepositions could not be 
 clearly if at all heard, while he joined loudly in the second 
 part of the hymn where all were agreed. 1 He died towards 
 the close of A.D. 357, when the see was fraudulently seized 
 by Eudoxius, Bishop of Germanicia. He favoured the 
 extreme Arians so openly that the Semi-Arians appealed 
 to the Emperor Constantius to summon a General Council. 
 Their request was granted ; but the Arians, fearing that the 
 Catholics and Seini-Arians would coalesce to overwhelm 
 them, artfully suggested that Rimini, the place proposed for 
 the Council, was too distant for the Eastern prelates, and 
 that the Assembly should be divided, part meeting at Rimini, 
 and part at Nice. 2 Their suggestion was accepted, and the 
 result is well known. Partly by arguments, partly by 
 artifices and delays which wore out the strength and patience 
 of the members, the Arians completely carried the day ; the 
 creed of Rimini was ordered by the Emperor to be every- 
 where signed, and in the words of Jerome, "the world 
 groaned and found itself Arian." 3 An Arian synod sat at 
 Constantinople. Macedonius, the archbishop, being con- 
 sidered too moderate, was deposed, and Eudoxius, the 
 usurper of Antioch, was elevated to the see in his stead ; 4 
 and Meletius, Bishop of Sebaste, in Armenia, was translated 
 to the vacant see of Antioch, A.D. 361. But in him the 
 Arians had mistaken their man. He was one of those who 
 attended more to the practical moral teaching than to the 
 abstract theology of Christianity; and, being not perhaps 
 very precise in his language on doctrinal points, he had been 
 
 1 Sozom. iii. 20 ; Theod. ii. 24. Kufin. i. 21 ; Socr. ii. 36, 37 ; 
 
 2 Sozom. iv. 12-16 ; Theod. ii. 26. Sozom. iv. 19 ; Jerome c. Lucif. 18, 
 In consequence of an earthquake at 19. 
 
 Nice, it was removed to Seleucia in 
 
 Isauria. 4 g ocr . ii. 42, 43. 
 
CH. ii.] ARIAN BISHOPS OF ANTIOCH. 39 
 
 reckoned an Arian. 1 After his elevation to the see of 
 Antioch, he confined himself in his discourses to those 
 practical topics on which all could agree. But this was not 
 allowed to last long. The Emperor Constantius paid a visit 
 to Antioch soon after the appointment of Meletius, and he 
 was instigated by the Arians to put the bishop to a crucial 
 test. He was commanded to preach on Proverbs viii. 22 : 
 " The Lord possessed me " (Septuagint etcTiae, that was the 
 fatal word) " in the beginning," etc. The interpretation put 
 on the word " formed " (e/cTio-e) would reveal the mail. Two 
 other bishops discoursed first upon the same text: George 
 of Laodicea, Acacius of Csesarea. The first construed the 
 passage in a purely Arian sense : the Word was a /crlo-fMa, 
 " a created being," though the first in time and rank ; the 
 second preacher took a more moderate line. Then came the 
 turn of Meletius ; short-hand writers took down every word 
 as it fell. Meletius was a mild and temperate man, but he 
 had his convictions, and he was no coward. To the horror 
 of the Arians (the secret joy, perhaps, of those who disliked 
 him) he entirely dissented from the Arian interpretation. 
 The people loudly applauded his sermon, and called aloud 
 for some brief and compendious statement of his doctrine. 
 Meletius replied by a symbolical action : he held up three 
 fingers, and then closing two of them, he said : " Our minds 
 conceive of three, but we speak as to one." 2 This was con- 
 clusive ; the objectionable prelate was banished to Melitene, 
 his native place in Armenia, thirty days after he had 
 entered Antioch. Euzoius, who had been an intimate friend 
 and constant associate of Arius himself, was put into the 
 see. The Church of Antioch now split into three parties : 
 the old and rigid orthodox set, who, ever since the deposition 
 of Eustathius in A.D. 327, had adhered to his doctrine, and 
 were called after his name ; the moderate Catholics, who 
 regarded Meletius as their bishop: and the Arians under 
 
 i Sozom. iv. 23. 2 Tlieod. ii. 31 ; Sozom. iv. 28. 
 
20 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. n. 
 
 Euzoius. The synod which had deposed him published 
 a thoroughly Arian creed, which declared the Son to have 
 been created out of nothing, and to be unlike the Father 
 both in substance and will. 1 
 
 This first banishment of Meletius, which occurred in A.D. 
 361, did not last long. Julian, who became Emperor 
 the same year, recalled all the prelates who had been 
 exiled in the two preceding reigns ; partly, perhaps, from a 
 really liberal feeling, partly from a willingness to foment 
 the internal dissensions of the Church by placing the 
 rival bishops in close antagonism. Athanasius returned to 
 Alexandria amidst great ovations. 2 One of the questions 
 which occupied the attention of a synod convened by him 
 was the schism of Antioch. Eusebius, Bishop of Vercelli, 
 a staunch Italian friend of Athanasius, was despatched to 
 Antioch in order to heal the division ; but he had been 
 unhappily anticipated by another Western prelate, Lucifer 
 of Cagliari, in Sardinia, a brave defender of orthodoxy, 
 for which with Eusebius he had suffered exile, but a most 
 unskilful peacemaker. He only complicated the existing 
 confusion by consecrating as bishop a priest of the old 
 Eustathian party, named Paulinus, instead of strengthening 
 the hands of Meletius. 3 The unhappy Church at Antioch, 
 where the whole Christian community amounted to not 
 more, than 100,000 souls, 4 was thus torn to tatters. There 
 were now three bishops : the Arian Euzoius, Meletius, gen- 
 erally acknowledged by the Eastern Church, and Paulinus 
 by the Western. And, as if three rival heads were not 
 sufficient, the Apollinarians soon afterwards added a fourth. 
 But the mild, prudent, and charitable disposition of Meletius 
 procured for him the affection and esteem of the largest and 
 most respectable part of the population, as well as of the 
 
 1 Socr. ii. 45. 3 R u fi n> i 27 ; Socr. iii. 6 ; Sozom. 
 
 2 The Arian Bishop George having v. 12. 
 
 been murdered by the Pagan popula- 4 Chrysost. Horn, in Matt. 85, vol. 
 
 tion, Socr. iii. 5. vii. p. 762. 
 
CH. ii.] DIVISIONS IN THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH. 21 
 
 common people. Even when he was banished for the first 
 time after he had been only a month in Antioch, the popu- 
 lace endeavoured to stone the prefect as he was conducting 
 the bishop out of the city. He was saved by Meletius 
 himself, who threw a part of his own mantle round him, to 
 protect him from their fury. And after he returned from 
 exile the popularity of Meletius increased. In paintings on 
 the walls of houses and engravings on signet rings, his face 
 was often represented, and parents gave his name to their 
 children both to perpetuate his memory and to remind them 
 of an example which was worthy of their imitation. 1 Once 
 more in A.D. 367, and yet again in A.D. 370 or A.D. 371, when 
 the Arians recovered the favour of the Court under the 
 Emperor Yalens, he was sent into exile, but he returned 
 after the death of Valens in A.D. 378 ; and it was as Bishop 
 of Antioch that he presided over the Council of Constan- 
 tinople in A.D. 381, and died during its session. 2 His funeral 
 oration, pronounced by Gregory Nyssen, is extant. The 
 iinul reparation of that schism which he nobly and constantly 
 endeavoured to heal was not effected for nearly twenty 
 years, when Chrysostom, then Archbishop of Constantinople, 
 accomplished that good service for his native city. 
 
 It is interesting to dwell at some length upon the history 
 of the Church in Antioch at this period, because it repre- 
 sents the painful feuds in which the Church at large became 
 entangled through the baneful influence of the Arian contro- 
 versy, that first great blow to the unity of Christendom; 
 when bishop was set up against bishop, and rival councils 
 manufactured rival creeds, when violence, and intrigue, and 
 diplomatic arts were employed too often by both sides to 
 gain their ends. But the distracted state of the Church at 
 Antioch also supplies a possible answer to the question why 
 the baptism of Chrysostom was delayed so long. One of 
 the reasons frequently alleged for deferring the reception of 
 
 1 Chrysost. Horn, iii Melet. 2 Tillemont, viii. 374. 
 
22 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. n. 
 
 that sacrament was the desire of the candidate to receive it 
 at the hands of some particular bishop. 1 Now who were 
 the bishops of Antioch during the infancy and boyhood of 
 Chrysostom ? The Arians were in possession of the see at 
 the time of his birth, and retained it till A.D. 361, when 
 Meletius was appointed, but banished almost immediately. 
 The pious sensible mother and the well-disposed youth 
 would not unnaturally hold aloof from a Church over which 
 presided such prelates as Stephen, Leontius, Eudoxius, 
 Euzoius. Their minds may well have been so sorely per- 
 plexed and suspended between the claims of opposing factions 
 as to delay the reception of baptism from the hands of any. 
 
 But the prudent, conciliatory policy, the mild and amiable 
 disposition of Meletius, would engage the sympathy and 
 respect of an affectionate, pious, and sensible youth, such as 
 Chrysostom was. He was about twenty when Meletius was 
 banished in 367 by the Emperor Valens; but the bishop 
 returned in a short time, when Chrysostom's friend Basil 
 had withdrawn into religious seclusion, and he himself was 
 feeling an increasing repugnance to the world. He presented 
 himself as a candidate for baptism to the bishop, and after 
 the usual three years of preparation as a catechumen, was 
 admitted into the Christian Church. 
 
 There can be no doubt that baptism, from whatever cause 
 delayed, must on that very account have come home to the 
 recipient with a peculiar solemnity of meaning. It was an 
 important epoch, often a decisive turning-point in the life, 
 a deliberate renunciation of the world, and dedication of the 
 whole man to God. So Chrysostom evidently felt it ; from 
 this point we enter on a new phase in his life. He becomes 
 for a time an enthusiastic ascetic, and then settles down into 
 that more tranquil and steady, but intense glow of piety and 
 love to God which burned with undiminished force till the 
 close of his career. 
 
 1 Greg. Nazian., Orat. de Bapt. 40; Chrysost. Ep. 132, ad Gcmellum. 
 
CH. ii.] BAPTISM OF CHRYSOSTOM BY MELETIUS. 23 
 
 T]ie wise Bishop Meletius, however, desired to employ his 
 powers in some sphere of active labour in the Church. As 
 a preliminary step to this end, he ordained him soon after 
 his baptism to the office of reader. This order appears not 
 to have been instituted in the Church before the third 
 century ; at least there is no allusion to it in writers of the 
 first two centuries, and frequent references in writers of the 
 third and fourth. 1 The duty of readers was to read those 
 portions of Scripture which were introduced into the first 
 service or "Missa Catechunienorum," which preceded the 
 Communion, or " Missa Fidelium," so called because only 
 the baptized were admitted to it. They read from the 
 Pulpitum or Tribunal Ecclesiae, or Ambo, the reading-desk 
 of the Church, which must not be confounded with the 
 Bema, or Tribunal of the Sanctuary. This last was identical 
 with the altar, or rather the steps of the altar, and no rank 
 lower than that of deacon was permitted to read from this 
 position. By the Novells of Justinian, 2 eighteen was fixed 
 as the youngest age at which any one could be ordained to 
 this office. But previous to this limitation, it was not un- 
 common to appoint mere children. Csesarius of Aries is said 
 to have been made a reader at the tender age of seven, and 
 Victor Uticensis, describing the cruelties of the Vandalic 
 persecution in Africa, affirms that among 500 clergy or more 
 who perished by sword or famine, were many "infant readers." 3 
 
 The ceremony of ordination appears to have been very 
 simple. The Fourth Council of Carthage ordains that the 
 bishop should testify before the congregation to the purity, 
 the faith, and conversation of the candidate. Then in their 
 presence he is to place a Bible in his hands with these words : 
 " Take thou this book, and be thou a reader of the word of 
 God, which office if thou discharge faithfully and profitably 
 thou shalt have part with those who have ministered the 
 word of God." 4 
 
 1 Tertullian is the first who men- 3 Quoted in Bingham, vol. i. p. 378. 
 tions it ; de Prescript, c. 41. 4 Cone. Carth. iv. c. 8 ; Labbe, 
 
 2 Just. Nov. cxxiii. c. 13. vol. ii. 
 
iv A it 
 
 v MVKKS1TV Ob 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 COMMENCEMENT OF ASCETIC LIFE STUDY UNDER DIODORUS-FORMA- 
 TIO'N OF AN ASCETIC BROTHERHOOD THE LETTERS TO THEODORE. 
 A.D. 370. 
 
 THE enthusiasm of minds newly awakened to a full per- 
 ception of Christian holiness, and a deep sense of Christian 
 obligations, was in early times seldom contented with any- 
 thing short of complete separation from the world. The 
 Oriental temperament especially has been at all times 
 inclined to passionate extremes. It oscillates between the 
 most abandoned licentiousness and intense asceticism. The 
 second is the corrective of the first ; where the disease is 
 desperate, the remedies must be violent. Chrysostom, as 
 will be perceived throughout his life, was never carried to 
 fanatical extremes ; a certain sober-mindedness and calm 
 practical good sense eminently distinguished him, though 
 mingled with burning zeal. But in his youth especially he 
 was not exempt from the spirit of the age and country in 
 which he lived. He irresistibly gravitated towards that kind 
 of life which his friend Basil had already adopted a life of 
 retirement, contemplation, and pious study "the philo- 
 sophy" of Christianity, as it was called at that time. 1 
 
 It does not appear that Basil had actually joined any 
 monastic community, but merely that he was leading a life 
 of seclusion, and practising some of the usual monastic 
 austerities. Chrysostom, indeed, distinctly asserts that, 
 
 1 Vide quotations in Suicer, Thesaur. sub verlo 
 
CH. in.] PROJECT FOR RETIRING INTO SECLUSION. 25 
 
 previous to his own baptism, their intercourse had not 
 been entirely broken off; only that it was impossible for 
 him, who had his business in the law-courts and found his 
 recreation in the theatre, to be. so acceptable as formerly to 
 one who now never entered public places, and who was 
 wholly devoted to meditation, study, and prayer. 1 Their 
 intercourse was necessarily more rare, though their friend- 
 ship was substantially unshaken. " When, however, I had 
 myself also lifted my head a little above this worldly flood, he 
 received me with open arms" (probably referring here to his 
 baptism or preparation for it) ; " but even then I was not 
 able to maintain my former equality, for he had the advan- 
 tage of me in point of time, and having manifested the 
 greatest diligence, he had attained a very lofty standard, and 
 was ever soaring beyond me." 2 
 
 This disparity, however, could not diminish their natural 
 affection for one another; and Basil at length obtained 
 Chrysostom's consent to a plan which he had frequently 
 urged that they should abandon their present homes and 
 live together in some quiet abode, there to strengthen each 
 other in undisturbed study, meditation, and prayer. But 
 this project of the young enthusiasts was for a time frus- 
 trated by the irresistible entreaties of Chrysostom's mother, 
 that he would not deprive her of his protection, companion- 
 ship, and help. The scene is described by Chrysostom 
 himself, 3 with a dramatic power worthy of Greek tragedy. 
 It reminds the reader of some of those long and stately, yet 
 elegant and affecting, narratives of the messenger who, at the 
 close of the play, describes the final scene which is not repre- 
 sented. Certainly it bespeaks the scholar of a man who had 
 made his pupils familiar with the best classical writers in 
 Greek. "When she knew that we were meditating this 
 course, my mother took me by the right hand and led me 
 into her own chamber, and there, seating herself near the 
 
 1 De Sacerdot. i. c. 4. 2 ILid. c. 3. 3 Ibid. c. 5. 
 
26 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. in. 
 
 bed on which she had given birth to me, wept fountains of 
 tears ; to which she added words of lamentation more 
 pitiable even than the tears themselves. ' I was not long 
 permitted to enjoy the virtue of thy father, my child : so it 
 seemed good to God. My travail-pangs at your birth were 
 quickly succeeded by his death ; bringing orphanhood upon 
 thee, and upon me an untimely widowhood, with all those 
 miseries of widowhood which those only who have ex- 
 perienced them can fairly understand. Tor no description 
 can approach the reality of that storm and tempest which is 
 undergone by her who having but lately issued from her 
 father's home, and being unskilled in the ways of the world, 
 is suddenly plunged into grief insupportable, and compelled 
 to endure anxieties too great for her sex and age. For she 
 has to correct the negligence, to watch against the ill-doings, 
 of her slaves, to baffle the insidious schemes of kinsfolk, to 
 meet with a brave front the impudent threats and harshness 
 of tax-collectors.' " l 
 
 She then describes minutely the expense, and labour, and 
 constant anxiety which attended the education of a son ; 
 how she had refrained from all thoughts of second marriage, 
 that she might bestow her undivided energies, time, and 
 means upon him ; how amply it had all been rewarded by 
 the delight of his presence, recalling the image of her hus- 
 band ; and now that he had grown up, would he leave her 
 absolutely forlorn ? " In return for all these my services to 
 you," she cried, " I implore you this one favour only not to 
 make me a second time a widow, or to revive the grief 
 which time has lulled. Wait for my death perhaps I shall 
 soon be gone ; when you have committed my body to the 
 ground, and mingled my bones with your father's bones, 
 then you will be free to embark on any sea you please." 
 Such an appeal to his sense of filial gratitude and duty could 
 
 1 For the oppressive manner in which taxes were collected see Gibbon, iii. 78 
 etseq., Milman's edit. 
 
en. in.] CHAEACTEE OF ASCETIC BEOTHEEHOOD. 27 
 
 not be disregarded. Clirysostom yielded to his mother's 
 entreaties, although Basil did not desist from urging his 
 favourite scheme. 1 
 
 At the same time he assimilated his life at home as much 
 as possible to the condition of a monk. He entirely with- 
 drew from all worldly occupations and amusements. He 
 seldom went out of the house ; he strengthened his mind by 
 study, his spirit by prayer, and subdued his body by vigils 
 and fasting, and sleeping upon the bare ground. He main- 
 tained an almost constant silence, that his thoughts might 
 be kept abstracted from mundane things, and that no irrit- 
 able or slanderous speech might escape his lips. Some of 
 his companions naturally lamented what they regarded as a 
 morose and melancholy change. 2 
 
 But the intercourse between, him and Basil was more 
 frequent than before ; and two other young men, who had 
 been their fellow-students at the school of Libanius, were 
 persuaded to adopt the same kind of secluded life. .These 
 two were Maximus, afterwards Bishop of Seleucia, in 
 Isauria ; and Theodore, who became Bishop of Mopsuestia, 
 in Cilicia. 3 This little fraternity formed, with some others 
 not named, a voluntary association of youthful ascetics. 
 They did not dwell in a separate building, nor were they in 
 any way established as a monastic community, but (like 
 Wesley and his young friends at Oxford) they lived by rule, 
 and practised monastic austerities. The superintendence of 
 their studies and general conduct they submitted to Diodorus 
 and Carterius, who were presidents of monasteries in the 
 vicinity of Antioch. 4 In addition to his own intrinsic merits 
 and eminence, Diodorus claims our attention, because there 
 can be no doubt that he exercised a great influence upon the 
 minds of his two most distinguished scholars, Chrysostom 
 and Theodore. Indeed, judging from the fragments of his 
 
 1 De Sacerdot. i. c. 6. 8 Socr. vi. c. 3. 
 
 2 Ibid. vi. c. 12. 4 Ibid. vi. 3. 
 
28 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [cir. in. 
 
 works, and the notices of him by historians, it is not too 
 much to say that he was the founder of a method of Biblical 
 interpretation of which Chrysostom and Theodore became 
 the most able representatives. 
 
 He was of noble family, and the friend of Meletius, who 
 confided to him and the priest Evagrius the chief care of his 
 diocese during his second exile under Valens about A.D. 370. 
 And one of the first acts of Meletius, on his return in A.D. 
 378, was to make Diodorus Bishop of Tarsus. His writings 
 in defence of Christianity were sufficiently powerful and 
 notorious to provoke the notice of Julian, who, in a letter to 
 Photinus, attacks him with no small asperity. 1 The Em- 
 peror finds occasion for ridicule in the pale and wrinkled face 
 and the attenuated frame of Diodorus, wasted by his severe 
 labours and ascetic practices ; and represents these dis- 
 figurements as punishments from the offended gods against 
 whom he had directed his pen. Being well known as a 
 warm, friend of Meletius, Diodorus was exposed to some risk 
 from the Arian party during the exile of the bishop from 
 A.D. 370-378. But he was not deterred from frequenting 
 the old town on the south side of the Orontes, where the 
 congregation of Meletius held their assemblies, and dili- 
 gently ministering to their spiritual needs. He accepted 
 no fixed stipend, but his necessities were supplied by the 
 hospitality of those among whom he laboured. 2 Of his 
 voluminous writings, a commentary on the Old and New 
 Testament is that most frequently quoted by ecclesiastical 
 writers. They expressly and repeatedly affirm that he 
 adhered very closely to the literal and historical meaning 
 of the text, and that he was opposed to those mystical and 
 allegorical interpretations of Origen and the Alexandrian 
 school, which often disguised rather than elucidated the true 
 significance of the passage. 3 One evil of the allegorical 
 
 1 In Facund. Hermiana, Pro Def. 2 Chrysost. Horn, in Diodor., vol. 
 
 triura capit., lib. iv. c. 2, in Gall, and iii. p. 761. 
 bibl. patr. xi. p. 706. 8 Socr. vi. 3. 
 
CH. in.] THEOLOGY OF DIODOKUS. 29 
 
 method was, that it destroyed a clear and critical perception 
 of the differences between the Older Eevelation and the New. 
 The Old Testament was regarded as a kind of vast enigma, 
 containing implicitly the facts and doctrines of the New. 
 To detect subtle allusions to the coming of our Saviour, to 
 the events of his life, to his death and resurrection, in the 
 acts, speeches, and gestures of persons mentioned in the Old 
 Testament, was regarded as a kind of interpretation no less 
 satisfactory than it was ingenious. To believe indeed that 
 the grand intention running through Scripture from the 
 beginning to the end is to bring men to Jesus Christ ; that 
 the history of the fall of man is given to enable us to 
 appreciate the need of a Restorer, and to estimate his work 
 at its proper value ; that the history of a dispensation based 
 on law enables us to accept with more thankfulness a dis- 
 pensation of spirit ; that the history of the Jewish system of 
 sacrifices is intended to conduct us to the one great Sacrifice 
 as the substance of previous shadows, the fulfilment of 
 previous types; that, alike in the law and the prophets, 
 intimations and hints and significant parallels of the sub- 
 sequent history to which they lead on are to be discerned ; 
 this may be reasonable, profitable, and true : but it can 
 be neither profitable nor true to see allusions, prophecies, 
 and parallels in every minute and trivial detail of that 
 earlier history. 
 
 From this vital error Diodorus appears to have eman- 
 cipated himself and his disciples. He perceived, as we 
 shall see Chrysostom perceived, a gradual development in 
 Revelation : that the knowledge, and morality, and faith of 
 men under the Old Dispensation were less advanced than 
 those of men who lived under the New. One instance must 
 suffice. He remarks that the Mosaic precept, directing the 
 brother of a man who had died childless to raise up posterity 
 to his brother by marrying his wife, was given for the con- 
 solation of men who had as yet received no clear promise 
 
30 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. m. 
 
 respecting a resurrection from the dead. 1 There is an 
 approach to what some might deem rationalistic criticism, 
 when he affirms that the speech of God to men in the Old 
 Testament was not an external voice, but an inward spiritual 
 intimation. When, for instance, it is said that God gave a 
 command to Adam, it is evident, he says, that it was not 
 made by a sound audible to the bodily ear, but that God 
 impressed the knowledge of the command upon him accord- 
 ing to his own proper energy, and that when Adam had 
 received it his condition was the same as if it had come to 
 him through the actual hearing of the ear. And this, he 
 observes, is what God effected also in the case of the 
 prophets. 2 A similar rationalistic tendency is observable in 
 his explanation of the relation between the Divine and 
 human elements in the person of our blessed Lord. His 
 language, in fact, on this subject is Nestorian : a distinction 
 was to be made between Him who, according to his essence, 
 was Son of God the Logos and Him who through Divine 
 decree and adoption became Son of God. He who was born 
 as Man from Mary was Son according to grace, but God the 
 Logos was Son according to nature. The Son of Mary 
 became Son of God because He was selected to be the 
 receptacle or temple of God the Word. It was only in an 
 improper sense that God the Word was called Son of David ; 
 the appellation was given to Him merely because the human 
 temple in which He dwelt belonged to the lineage of David. 3 
 It is clear that Diodorus would have objected equally with 
 Nestorius to apply the title of "God-bearer" (Oeoro/cos) to 
 the blessed Virgin. Sixty years later, in A.D. 429, the streets 
 of Constantinople and Alexandria resounded with tumults 
 excited by controversy about the subject of which this was 
 the watchword. But Diodorus happily lived too early for 
 these dreadful conflicts, and his scholar Theodore was not 
 
 1 Niceph. <rfipd, vol. i. pp. 524 and 3 Leont. Byzant. contra Nestor., et 
 436. Eutych. lib. iii.,in Basuage, Thesaur. 
 
 2 Ibid. vol. i. p. 80. monura. i. 592. 
 
CH. in.] RETREAT OF THEODORE. 31 
 
 personally disturbed; though long after his death, in A.D. 
 553, his writings were condemned by the Fifth (Ecumenical 
 Council, because the Nestorians appealed to them in confir- 
 mation of their tenets, and revered his memory. The 
 practical element in Diodorus, his method of literal and 
 common-sense interpretation of Holy Scripture, was in- 
 herited chiefly by Chrysostom ; the intellectual vein, his 
 conceptions of the relation between the Godhead and Man- 
 hood in Christ, his opinions respecting the final restoration 
 of mankind, which were almost equivalent to a denial of' 
 eternal punishment, were reproduced mainly by Theodore. 
 
 It was inevitable that those who, in an access of religious 
 fervour, had renounced the world and subjected themselves 
 to the sternest asceticism, should sometimes find that they 
 had miscalculated their powers. The passionate enthusiasm 
 which for a time carried them along the thorny path would 
 begin to subside ; a hankering after a more natural, if not 
 more worldly, life ensued ; and occasionally the reaction 
 was so violent, the passions kept down in unnatural con- 
 straint reasserted themselves with such force, that the 
 ascetic flew back to the pleasures and sometimes to the 
 sins of the world, with an appetite which was in painful 
 contrast to his previous abstinence. The youthful Theodore 
 was for a time an instance, though far from an extreme 
 iD stance, of such reaction : the strain was too great for 
 him ; he relapsed for a season into his former habits of life ; 
 he retired from the little ascetic brotherhood to which Chry- 
 sostom and Basil belonged. There is no evidence that he 
 fell into any kind of sin ; he simply returned to the occupa- 
 tions and amusements of ordinary life. He was in love 
 with and desirous of marrying a young lady named Her- 
 niione. But Chrysostom was at this period such an ardent 
 ascetic ; he was so deeply impressed with the evil of the 
 world; and regarded an austere and absolute separation from 
 it as so indispensable to the highest standard of Christian 
 
32 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. in. 
 
 life, that to him any divergence from that path, when once 
 adopted, seemed a positive sin. The relapse of Theodore 
 called forth two letters of lamentation, remonstrance, and 
 exhortation from his friend. They are the earliest of his 
 extant works, and exhibit a command of language which 
 does credit to the training of Libanius as well as to his own 
 ability, and an intimate acquaintance with Holy Scripture, 
 which proves how much time he had already spent in 
 diligent and patient study. Since these epistles have been 
 justly considered among the finest of his productions, and 
 represent his opinions at an early stage of his life respecting 
 repentance, a future life, the advantages of asceticism and 
 celibacy, some paraphrases from them will be presented to 
 the reader. 
 
 He begins his first letter by quoting the words of Jere- 
 miah : " Oh that my head were waters, and mine eyes a 
 fountain of tears ! " 
 
 "If the prophet uttered that lamentation over a ruined 
 city, surely I may express a like passionate sorrow over the 
 fallen soul of a brother. That soul which was once the 
 temple of the Holy Spirit now lies open and defenceless 
 to become the prey of any hostile invader. The spirit of 
 avarice, of arrogance, of lust, may now find a free passage 
 into a heart which was once as pure and inaccessible to evil 
 as heaven itself. Wherefore I mourn and weep, nor will 
 I cease from my mourning until I see thee again in thy 
 former brilliancy. For though this may seem impossible to 
 men, yet with God it is possible, for He it is who lifteth 
 the beggar from the earth and taketh the poor out of the 
 dunghill, that He may set him with the princes, even with 
 the princes of his people." An eminent characteristic of 
 Chrysostom is that he is always hopeful of human nature ; 
 he never doubts the capacity of man to rise, or the willing- 
 ness of God to raise him. Theodore himself appears to have 
 been stricken with remorse, and to have drooped into 
 
CH. in.] CHRYSOSTOM'S LETTERS TO THEODORE. 33 
 
 despondency, to rouse him from which and lead him to re- 
 pose more trustfully on the goodness of God, was one main 
 purpose of Chrysostom's letters. " Despair was the devil's 
 work;" "it is he who tries to cut off that hope whereby 
 men are saved, which is the support and anchor of the soul, 
 which, like a long chain, let down from heaven, little by 
 little draws those who hold tightly to it up to heavenly 
 heights, and lifts them above the storm and tempest of 
 these worldly ills. The devil tries to extinguish that trust 
 which is the source and strength of prayer, which enables 
 men to cry, ' as the eyes of a maiden look unto the hand of 
 her mistress, even so our eyes wait upon the Lord our God 
 until He have mercy upon us/ Yet if man will only believe 
 it, there is never a time at which any one, even the most 
 abandoned sinner, may not turn and repent and be accepted 
 by God. For God being impassible, his wrath is not a 
 passion or an emotion ; He punishes not in anger, since He 
 is unsusceptible by nature of injury from any insult or 
 wrong done by us, but in mercy, that He may bring men 
 back to Himself. 1 The many instances of God's mercy ; his 
 relenting towards the Jews, and even to Ahab, when he 
 humbled himself; the repentance of Manasseh of the 
 Ninevites of the penitent thief all accepted, although 
 preceded by a long course of sin, prove that the words ' to- 
 day if ye will hear his voice ' are applicable to any time : 
 it is always ' to-day ' as long as a man lives ; repentance is 
 estimated not by length of time, but by the disposition of 
 the heart." He acutely observes that "despondency often 
 conceals moral weakness ; a secret though perhaps uncon- 
 scious sympathy with the sin which the man professes to 
 deplore and hate." "To fall is natural, but to remain 
 fallen argues a kind of acquiescence in evil, a feebleness 
 of moral purpose which is more displeasing to God than the 
 fall itself." 2 
 
 i C. 2-5. 2 I. c. 8, 9. 
 
 C 
 
34 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. m. 
 
 But although he speaks in the most hopeful, encouraging 
 language of the efficacy of repentance, however late, if 
 sincere, in this life, no one can assert more strongly the 
 impossibility of restoration when the limits of this present 
 existence have once been passed. In this respect he 
 differs alike from Origen, Diodorus, and his fellow-student 
 Theodore, and from believers in the later developed doctrine 
 of purgatory. " As long as we are here, it is possible, even 
 if we sin ten thousand times, to wash all away by repent- 
 ance; but when once we have been taken to that other 
 world, even if we manifest the greatest penitence, it will 
 avail us naught, but however much we may gnash with our 
 teeth, and beat our breasts, and pour forth entreaties, no one 
 will be able even with the tip of his finger to cool us in the 
 flame ; we shall only hear the same words as the rich man : 
 'between us and you there is a great gulf fixed.'" 1 Nothing 
 is more remarkably characteristic of Chrysostom's produc- 
 tions, especially the earlier, than a frequent recurrence to 
 this truth : the existence of a great impassable chasm 
 between the two abodes of misery and bliss. Heaven and 
 hell were no distant dreamlands to him, but realities so 
 nearly and vividly present to his mind that they acted as 
 powerful motives, encouraging to holiness, deterring from 
 vice. He paints the two pictures in glowing colours, and 
 submits them to the contemplation of his friend. " When 
 you hear of fire, think not that the fire in that other world 
 is like it; for this earthly fire burns up and consumes 
 whatever it lays hold of, but that burns continually those 
 who are seized by it and never ceases, wherefore it is called 
 unquenchable. For sinners must be clothed with immor- 
 tality, not for honour, but merely to supply a constant 
 material for this punishment to feed upon ; and how terrible 
 this is, a description would indeed never be able to present, 
 but from our experience of small sufferings it is possible 
 
 1 C. 9. 
 
en. in.] THE LETTERS TO THEODORE. 35 
 
 to form some little conception of those greater miseries. 
 If you should ever be in a bath which has been overheated, 
 then I pray you consider the fire of hell; or if ever you 
 have been parched by a severe fever, transfer your thoughts 
 to that flame, and you will be able clearly to distinguish the 
 difference. For if a bath or a fever so distress and agitate 
 us, what will be our condition when we fall into that 
 river of fire which flows past the terrible Judge's throne." 1 
 " Heaven is, indeed, a subject which transcends the powers 
 of human language, yet we can form a dim image of what 
 it is like. It is the place 'whence sorrow and sighing 
 shall flee away' (Is. xxxv. 10); where poverty and sickness 
 are not to be dreaded ; where no one injures or is injured, 
 no one provokes or is provoked ; no one is harassed by 
 anxiety about the necessary wants, or frets over the loftier 
 ambitions, of life; it is the place where the tempest of 
 human passions is lulled; where there is neither night 
 nor cold nor heat, nor changes of season, nor old age ; but 
 everything belonging to decay is taken away, and incor- 
 ruptible glory reigns alone. But far above all these things, 
 it is the place where men will continually enjoy the society 
 of Jesus Christ, together with angels and archangels and 
 all the powers above." 2 "Open your eyes," he cries in a 
 transport of feeling, " and contemplate in imagination that 
 heavenly theatre crowded not with men such as we see, 
 but with those who are nobler than gold or precious stones 
 or sunbeams, or any brilliant thing that can be seen ; and 
 not with men only, but angels, thrones, dominions, powers 
 ranged about the King whom we dare not describe for his 
 transcendent beauty, majesty, and splendour. If we had 
 to suffer ten thousand deaths every day; nay, if we had 
 to undergo hell itself, for the sake of beholding Christ 
 coming in his glory, and being numbered among the band 
 of saints, would it not be well to submit to all these things ? 
 
 i C. 10. 2 Theod. i. c. 11, in initio. 
 
36 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. m. 
 
 'Master, it is a good thing for us to be here:' if such an 
 exclamation burst from St. Peter on witnessing a partial 
 and veiled manifestation of Christ's glory, what are we 
 to say when the reality shall be displayed, when the royal 
 palace shall be thrown open and we shall see the King 
 Himself ; no longer by means of a mirror, or as it were in 
 a riddle, but face to face; no longer through faith, but 
 actual sight." 1 He passes on to some remarks upon the 
 soul, which are Platonic in character: "Man cannot alter 
 the shape of his body, but God has conceded to him a 
 power, with the assistance of Divine grace, of increasing 
 the beauty of the soul. Even that soul which has become 
 deformed by the ugliness of sin may be restored to its 
 pristine beauty. No lover was ever so much captivated 
 by the beauty of the body as God loves and longs for the 
 beauty of the human soul. 2 You who are now transported 
 with admiration of Hermione's beauty" (the girl whom 
 Theodore wished to marry) "may, if you will, cultivate a 
 beauty in your own soul as far exceeding hers as heaven 
 surpasses earth. Beauty of the soul is the only true and 
 permanent kind, and if you could see it with the eye, you 
 would admire it far more than the loveliness of the rainbow 
 and of roses, and other flowers which are evanescent 
 and feeble representations of the soul's beauty." 3 He tells 
 some curious stories of men who had relapsed from monastic 
 life and subsequently been reclaimed to it. One, a young 
 man of noble family and heir to great wealth, had thrown 
 up all the splendour which he might have commanded, and 
 exchanged his riches and his gay clothing for the poverty 
 and mean garb of a recluse upon the mountains, and had 
 attained an astonishing degree of holiness. But some of his 
 relations seduced him from his retreat, and once more he 
 might be seen riding on horseback through the forum 
 followed by a crowd of attendants. But the holy brethren 
 1 c. 11. * c. 13. 3 c. 14. 
 
en. in.] THE LETTERS TO THEODORE. 37 
 
 whom he had deserted ceased not to endeavour to recover 
 him ; at first he treated them with haughty indifference, 
 when they met and saluted him, as he proudly rode through 
 the streets. But at last, as they desisted not day by day, 
 he would leap from his horse when they appeared, and 
 listen with downcast eyes to their warnings ; till, as time 
 went on, he was rescued from his worldly entanglements, 
 and restored to his desert and the study of the true philo- 
 sophy, and now, when Chrysostom wrote, he bestowed his 
 wealth upon the poor, and had attained the very pinnacle 
 of virtue. 1 Earnestly, therefore, does he implore Theodore 
 to recover his trust in God, to repent and return to the 
 brotherhood which was buried in grief at his defection. 
 "Xow the unbelieving and the worldly rejoice ; but return to 
 us, and our sorrow and shame will be transferred to the 
 adversary's side." " It was the beginning of penitence which 
 was arduous ; the devil met the penitent at the door of the 
 city of refuge, but, if defeated there, the fury of his assaults 
 would diminish." He warned him against an idle confession 
 of sinfulness not accompanied by any honest effort to amend. 
 " Such was no true confession, because not joined with the 
 tears of contrition or followed by alteration of life." 2 But 
 of Theodore he hoped better things ; as there were different 
 degrees of glory reserved for men, implied in our Lord's 
 mention of " many mansions/' and his declaring that every 
 one should be rewarded according to his works, he trusted 
 that Theodore might still obtain a high place ; that he might 
 be a vessel of silver, if not of gold or precious stone, in the 
 heavenly house. 3 
 
 In the second epistle Chrysostom expresses more distinctly 
 his view respecting the solemn obligations of those who 
 joined a religious fraternity. " If tears and groanings could 
 be transmitted through a letter, this of mine would be filled 
 with them ; I weep that you have blotted yourself out of the 
 
 i C. 17. 2 C. 16 and 19. 3 C. 19. 
 
38 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. HI. 
 
 catalogue of the brethren, and trampled on your covenant 
 with Christ." " The devil assaulted him with peculiar fury, 
 because he was anxious to conquer so worthy an antagonist ; 
 one who had despised delicate fare and costly dress, who had 
 spent whole days in the study of Holy Scripture, and whole 
 nights in prayer, who had regarded the society of the 
 brethren as a greater honour than any worldly dignity. 
 What, I pray you, is there that appears blessed and enviable 
 in the world ? The prince is exposed to the wrath of the 
 people and the irrational outbursts of popular feeling to 
 the fear of princes greater than himself to anxieties about 
 his subjects ; and the ruler of to-day is to-morrow a private 
 man : for this present life no way differs from a stage ; as on 
 that, one man plays the part of a king, another of a general, 
 a third of a common soldier; but when evening has come 
 the king is no king, the ruler no ruler, the general no general ; 
 so will it be in that day ; each will receive his due reward, not 
 according to the character which he has enacted, but accord- 
 ing to the works which he has done." l Theodore had clearly 
 expressed his intention of honourably marrying Hermione ; 
 but though Chrysostom allows that marriage is an honourable 
 estate, yet he boldly declares that for one who like Theodore 
 had made such a solemn renunciation of the world, it was 
 equally criminal with fornication. He had wholly dedicated 
 himself to the service of God, and he had no right to bind 
 himself by any other tie : to marry would be as culpable as 
 desertion in a soldier. He points out the miseries, the 
 anxieties, the toils, often fruitless, which accompanied 
 secular life, especially in the married state. From all such 
 ills the life of the brotherhood was exempt : he alone was 
 truly free who lived for Christ; he was like one who, 
 securely planted on an eminence, beholds other men below 
 him buffeting with the waves of a tumultuous sea. Tor 
 such a high vantage-ground Chrysostom implores Theodore 
 
 1 C. 3.. 
 
en. in.] THEODORE RETURNS. 39 
 
 to make. He begs him to pardon the length of his letter : 
 " nothing but his ardent love for his friend could have con- 
 strained him to write this second epistle. Many indeed had 
 discouraged what they regarded as a vain task and sowing 
 upon a rock ; but he was not so to be diverted from his 
 efforts : he trusted that by the grace of God his letters would 
 accomplish something ; and if not, he should at least have 
 delivered himself from the reproach of silence." 1 
 
 These letters are the productions of a youthful enthusiast, 
 and as such, allowances must be made for them. They 
 abound not only in eloquent passages, but in very fine and 
 true observations upon human nature on penitence on 
 God's mercy and pardon. It is only the application of them 
 to the case of Theodore which seems harsh and overstrained. 
 At a later period Chrysostom's views on ascetic and monastic 
 life were modified ; but in early life, though never fanatical, 
 they were what we should call extreme. His earnest efforts 
 for the restoration of his friend were crowned with success. 
 Theodore abandoned the world once more and his matri- 
 monial intentions, and retired into the seclusion of the 
 brotherhood. Some twenty years later, in A.D. 394, he was 
 made Bishop of Mopsuestia, which is pretty nearly all we 
 know about him, but the extant fragments of his volumin- 
 ous writings prove him to have been a man of no ordinary 
 ability, and a powerful commentator of the same sensible 
 and rational school as Chrysostom himself. We may be dis- 
 posed to say, What of Hermione ? Had she no claims to be 
 considered? But the ascetic line of life was regarded by 
 the earnest-minded as so indisputably the noblest which a 
 Christian could adopt, that her disappointment would not 
 have been allowed to weigh in the balance for a moment 
 against what was considered the higher call. 2 
 
 1 C. 5. Chrysostom and eventual Bishop of 
 
 2 Tillemont maintains that the Mopsuestia, but he stands alone in 
 Theodore to whom the first letter is this opinion, and his reasons for it 
 addressed must have been a different seem inadequate. Till. xi. note vi. 
 person from the fellow-student of p. 550. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM EVADES FORCIBLE ORDINATION TO A BISHOPRIC THE 
 TREATISE " ON THE PRIESTHOOD." A.D. 370, 371. 
 
 WE now come to a curious passage in Chrysostom's life ; 
 one in which his conduct, from our moral standpoint, seems 
 hardly justifiable. Yet for one reason it is not to be 
 regretted, since it was the originating cause of his treatise 
 " De Sacerdotio ;" one of the ablest, most instructive, and 
 most eloquent works which he ever produced. 
 
 Bishop Meletius had been banished in A.D. 370 or 371. 
 The Arian Emperor Valens, who had expelled him, was 
 about to take up his residence in Antioch. It was desirable 
 therefore, without loss of time, to fill up some vacant sees 
 in Syria. The attention of the bishops, clergy, and people 
 was turned to Chrysostom and Basil, as men well qualified 
 for the episcopal office. 
 
 According to a custom prevalent at that time, they 
 might any day be seized and compelled, however reluctant, 
 to accept the dignity. So St. Augustine was dragged, weep- 
 ing, by the people before the bishop, and his immediate 
 ordination demanded by them, regardless of his tears. 1 So 
 St. Martin, Bishop of Tours, was torn from his cell, and 
 conveyed under a guard to his ordination. 2 The two friends 
 
 1 Possid. Vit. August, c. iv. the Coptic Church. The patriarch- 
 
 designate of Alexandria is at this day 
 
 2 Snip. Sever. Vit. St. Martin, lib. i. brought to Cairo, loaded with chains, 
 p. 224. The affectation of reluctance as if to prevent his escape. Stanley, 
 to be consecrated became a fashion in Eastern Church, lect. vii. p. 226. 
 
en. iv.] BASIL REMONSTRATES WITH CHRYSOSTOM. 41 
 
 were filled with apprehension and alarm. Basil implored 
 Chrysostom that they might act in concert at the present 
 crisis, and together accept or together evade or resist the 
 expected but unwelcome honour. 
 
 Chrysostom affected to consent to this proposal, but in 
 reality determined to act otherwise. He regarded himself 
 as totally unworthy and incompetent to fill so sacred and 
 responsible an office ; but considering Basil to be far more 
 advanced in learning and piety, he resolved that the Church 
 should not, through his own weakness, lose the services 
 of his friend. Accordingly, when popular report proved 
 correct, and some emissaries from the electing body were 
 sent to carry off the young men (much, it would seem from 
 Chrysostom's account, as policemen might arrest a prisoner), 
 Cliiysostom contrived to hide himself. Basil, less wary, 
 was captured, and imagined that Chrysostom had already 
 submitted ; for the emissaries acted with subtlety when he 
 tried to resist them. They affected surprise that he should 
 make so violent a resistance, when his companion, who had 
 the reputation of a hotter temper, had yielded so mildly to 
 the decision of the Fathers. 1 Thus Basil was led to suppose 
 tint Chrysostom had already submitted; and when he 
 discovered too late the artifice of his friend and his 
 captors, he bitterly remonstrated with Chrysostom upon his 
 treacherous conduct. " The character of them both," he 
 complained, " was compromised by this division in their 
 counsels." " You should have told us where your friend 
 was hidden," said some, " and then we should have con- 
 trived some means of capturing him ;" to which poor Basil 
 was ashamed to reply that he had been ignorant of his 
 friend's concealment, lest such a confession should cast a 
 suspicion of unreality over the whole of their supposed 
 intimacy. " Chrysostom, on his side, was accused of 
 
 1 C. 5. This word may refer to the they had elected him bishop. Corn- 
 bishops or the people. Ambrose calls ment. in Luc. 1. viii. c. 17. 
 the people his " parentes," because 
 
42 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. iv. 
 
 haughtiness and vanity for declining so great a dignity; 
 though others said that the electors deserved a still greater 
 dishonour and defeat for appointing over the heads of wiser, 
 holier, and older men, mere lads, 1 who had been but yester- 
 day immersed in secular pursuits ; that they might now for 
 a little while knit their brows, and go arrayed in sombre 
 robes and affect a grave countenance." 2 Basil begged 
 Chrysostom for an explanation of his motives in this pro- 
 ceeding. " After all their mutual protestations of indivisible 
 friendship, he had been suddenly cast off and turned adrift, 
 like a vessel without ballast, to encounter alone the angry 
 tempests of the world. To whom should he now turn for 
 sympathy and aid in the trials to which he would surely be 
 exposed from slander, ribaldry, and insolence ? The one 
 who might have helped him stood coldly aloof, and would 
 be unable even to hear his cries for assistance." 3 
 
 We may be strongly disposed to sympathise with the 
 disconsolate Basil. But the conscience of Chrysostom 
 appears to have been quite at ease from first to last in 
 this transaction. He regarded it as a " pious fraud." 
 " When he beheld the mingled distress and displeasure of 
 his friend, he could not refrain from laughing for joy, and 
 thanking God for the successful issue of his plan." 4 In the 
 ensuing discussion he boldly asserted the principle that 
 deceit claims our admiration when practised in a good cause 
 and from a good motive. The greatest successes in war, he 
 argues, have been achieved through stratagem, as well as 
 by fair fighting in the open field ; and, of the two, the first 
 are most to be admired, because they are gained without 
 bloodshed, and are triumphs of mental rather than bodily 
 force. 5 But, retorts poor Basil, I was not an enemy, and 
 ought not to have been dealt with as such. " True, my 
 excellent friend," replies Chrysostom, "but this kind of 
 
 1 fj.ipdKia vide note at end of Chapter. 2 I. c. 5. 3 C. 7. 
 
 4 C. 6. s c. 8. 
 
CH. iv.]' DIGNITY, ETC., OF THE PRIESTLY OFFICE. 43 
 
 fraud may sometimes be exercised towards our dearest 
 acquaintance." " Physicians were often obliged to employ 
 some artifice to make refractoiy patients submit to their 
 remedies. Once a man in a raging fever resisted all the 
 febrifugal draughts administered to him, and loudly called 
 for wine. The physician darkened the room, steeped a 
 warm oyster shell in wine, then filled it with water, and 
 put it to the patient's lips, who eagerly swallowed the 
 draught, believing it, from the smell, to be wine." 1 In the 
 same category of justifiable stratagem he places, not very 
 discriminatingly, the circumcision of Timothy by St. Paul, 
 in order to conciliate the Jews, and St. Paul's observance 
 of the ceremonial law at Jerusalem (Acts xxi. 26), for the 
 same purpose. Such contrivances he calls instances, not of 
 treachery, but of "good management" (ol/covofjiia). There 
 is something highly Oriental, and alien to our Western 
 moral sense, in the sophistical tone of this whole discussion. 
 If Basil really submitted to such arguments, he was easily 
 vanquished. He says, however, no more about the injustice 
 of his treatment, but, apparently accepting Chrysostom's 
 position that for a useful purpose deceit is justifiable, he 
 begs to be informed " what advantage Chrysostom thought 
 he had procured for himself or his friend by this piece 
 of management, or good policy, or whatever he pleased to 
 call it." 
 
 The remaining books on the Priesthood are occupied with 
 the answer to this inquiry. The line which Chrysostom 
 takes is to point out the pre-eminent dignity, difficulty, 
 and danger of the priestly office, and then to enlarge upon 
 the peculiar fitness of his friend to discharge its duties. 2 
 "What advantage could be greater than to be engaged in 
 
 1 C. 9. the original without much apparent 
 
 2 The words priest and bishop are distinction. Chrysostom is speaking 
 employed, in the following translations of the priesthood generally, and it is 
 and paraphrases, to correspond with not easy to say which Order he has in 
 iepet)s and eTr^r/coTros, which are used in his mind at any given moment. 
 
44 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. iv. 
 
 that work which Christ had declared with his own lips to 
 be the special sign of love to Himself ? For when He put 
 the question three times to the leader of the apostles 
 (/copv<f)a1o<i), 'Lovest thou me?' and had been answered 
 by a fervent asseveration of attachment, he added each time. 
 ' Feed my sheep/ or ' Feed my lambs.' ' Lovest thou me 
 more than these?' had been the question, and the charge 
 which followed it had been always, ' Feed my sheep ; ' not, 
 If thou lovest Me, practise fasting, or incessant vigils, and 
 sleep on the bare ground, or protect the injured and be to 
 the orphans as a father, and to their mother as a husband ; 
 no, he passes by all these things, and says, ' Feed my sheep.' 
 Could his friend, therefore, complain that he had done ill 
 in compassing, even by fraud, his dedication to so glorious 
 an office? 1 As for himself, it was obvious that he could 
 not have refused so great an honour out of haughty contempt 
 or disrespect to the electors. On the contrary, it was 
 when he considered the exceeding sanctity and magnitude 
 of the position, and its awful responsibilities the heavenly 
 purity, the burning love towards God and man, the sound 
 wisdom and judgment, and moderation of temper required 
 in those who were dedicated to it that his heart failed 
 him. He felt himself utterly incompetent and unworthy 
 for so arduous a task. If some unskilled person were 
 suddenly to be called upon to take charge of a ship laden 
 with a costly freight, he would immediately refuse; and 
 in like manner he himself dared not risk by his present 
 inexperience the safety of that vessel which was laden 
 with the precious merchandise of souls. 2 Vain-glory, in- 
 deed, and pride would have induced him not to reject, but 
 to covet, so transcendent a dignity. The office of priest 
 was discharged indeed on earth, yet it held a place among 
 heavenly ranks. And rightly ; for neither man, nor angel, 
 nor archangel, nor created power of any kind, but the 
 1 II. c. 2. a in. c. i, 2, 5. 
 
en. iv.] MODE OF ELECTING TO BISHOPRICS. 45 
 
 Paraclete Himself, ordained this ministry. Therefore, it 
 became one who entered the priesthood to be as pure as if 
 he had already taken his stand in heaven itself among the 
 powers above. 'When thou seest the Lord lying slain, 
 and the priest standing and praying over the sacrifice, 
 when thou seest all sprinkled with that precious blood, 
 dost thou deem thyself still among men, still standing 
 upon this earth ? art thou not rather transported imme- 
 diately to heaven, and, every carnal imagination being 
 cast out, dost thou not, with soul unveiled and pure mind, 
 behold the things which are in heaven ? miracle ! 
 the goodness of God ! He who is sitting with the Father 
 is yet at that hour held in the hands of all, and gives 
 Himself to be embraced and grasped by those who desire it. 
 And this all do through the eye of faith. Do these things 
 seem to you to merit contempt? does it seem possible to 
 you that any one should be so elated as to slight them ?' 1 
 
 "Human nature possessed in the priesthood a power 
 which had not been committed by God to angels or arch- 
 angels ; for to none of them had it been said, ' Whatsoever 
 ye shall bind on earth or loose on earth shall be bound or 
 loosed in heaven.' Was it possible to conceive that any 
 one should think lightly of such a gift ? Away with such 
 madness ! for stark madness it would be to despise so 
 great an authority, without which it was not possible for 
 man to obtain salvation, or the good things promised to 
 him. For if it were impossible for any one to enter into 
 the kingdom of heaven, except he were born again of water 
 and the Spirit ; and if he who did not eat the flesh of the 
 Lord and drink his blood was ejected from life eternal, 
 and if these things were administered by none but the 
 consecrated hands of the priest, how would any one, apart 
 from them, be able to escape the fire of hell, or obtain the 
 crown laid up for him ?" 2 
 
 1 III. c. 4. 2 in. 5. 
 
46 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. iv. 
 
 There are, perhaps, no passages elsewhere in Chrysostom 
 expressed in such a lofty sacerdotal tone; but it must be 
 remembered that on any supposition as to the date of this 
 treatise, he was young when it was composed, holding 
 therefore, as on the subject of rnonasticism, more enthu- 
 siastic, highly-wrought opinions than he afterwards enter- 
 tained; and moreover, that the whole treatise is written 
 in a somewhat vehement and excited style, as by one who 
 was maintaining a position against an antagonist. 
 
 Having proved that his evasion of the episcopal office 
 could have arisen from no spirit of pride, but from a con- 
 sciousness of his infirmity and incapacity, he proceeds to 
 point out the manifold and peculiar dangers which en- 
 compassed it. " Vain-glory was a rock more fatal than 
 the Sirens. Many a priest was shipwrecked there, and 
 torn to pieces by the fierce monsters which dwelt upon 
 it wrath, despondency, envy, strife, slander, falsehood, 
 hypocrisy, love of praise, and a multitude more. Often 
 he became the slave and flatterer of great people, even 
 of women who had most improperly mixed themselves 
 up with ecclesiastical affairs, and especially exercised great 
 influence in the elections." * 
 
 The scenes, indeed, which often took place about this 
 period at the elections to bishoprics occasioned much 
 scandal to the Church. In earlier times, when the Chris- 
 tians were less numerous, more simple in their habits, 
 more unanimous, when liability to persecution deterred 
 the indifferent, or pretenders, from their ranks, the epi- 
 scopal office could be no object of worldly ambition. The 
 clergy and the people elected their bishop; and the fair- 
 ness and simplicity with which the election was usually 
 conducted won the admiration of the Emperor Alexander 
 Severus. 2 But when Christianity was recognised by the 
 State, a bishopric in towns of importance became a position 
 
 1 III. 9, 10. 2 Lamprid. Vita Alex. Sev. c. 45. Paris edit. 
 
CH. iv.] VIOLENCE AT ELECTIONS. 47 
 
 of high dignity; and warm debates, often fierce tumults, 
 attended the election of candidates. Up to the time of 
 Justinian at least, the whole Christian population of the 
 city or region over which the bishop was to preside pos- 
 sessed a right to eleck Their choice was subject to the 
 approval of the bishops, and the confirmation of the metro- 
 politan of the province; but, on the other hand, neither 
 the bishops nor the metropolitan could legally obtrude a 
 candidate of their own upon the people. A charge brought 
 against Hilary of Aries was, that he ordained several 
 bishops against the will and consent of the people. A 
 just and legitimate ordination, according to Cyprian, was 
 one which had been examined by the suffrage and judg- 
 ment of all, both clergy and people. Such, he observes, 
 was the election of Cornelius to the see of Koine in A.D. 
 2 5 1. 1 If the people were unanimous, there were loud 
 cries of afto?, dignus, dvd&os, indignus, as the case might 
 be ; but if they were divided, it was usual for the metro- 
 politan to give the preference to the choice of the majority ; 
 or, if they appeared equally divided, the metropolitan and 
 his synod selected a man indifferent, if possible, to both 
 parties. Occasionally also, as in the case of Nectarius, the 
 predecessor of Chrysostom in the see of Constantinople, the 
 Emperor interposed, and appointed one chosen by himself. 
 Sanguinary often were the tumults which attended contested 
 elections. The greater the city, the greater the strife. In the 
 celebrated contest for the see of Rome in A.D. 366, between 
 Dam as us and Ursicinus, there was much hard fighting and 
 copious bloodshed. Damasus, with a furious and motley mob, 
 broke into the Julian Basilica, where Ursicinus was being 
 consecrated by Paul, Bishop of Tibur, and violently stopped 
 the proceedings. Frays of this kind lasted for some time. 
 On one occasion, one hundred and thirty dead bodies strewed 
 the pavement of the Basilica of Licinius till Damasus at 
 
 1 Cyprian, Epis. 52. 
 
48 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. iv. 
 
 last won the day. It is especially mentioned that the ladies 
 of Eome favoured his side. 1 It seems scarcely possible to 
 doubt that as these events must have been fresh in Chryso- 
 stom's recollection, he must be specially referring to them 
 when, insisting on freedom from ambition as one grand 
 qualification for the priesthood, he says " that he will pass 
 by, lest they should seem incredible, the tales of murders 
 perpetrated in churches, and havoc wrought in cities by 
 contentions for bishoprics;" and when also he alludes indig- 
 nantly to the interference of women in the elections. " The 
 elections," he says, " were generally made on public festivals, 
 and were disgraceful scenes of party feeling and intrigue. 
 The clergy and the people were never unanimous. The 
 really important qualifications for the office were seldom 
 considered. Ambitious men spared no arts of bribery or 
 flattery by which to obtain places for themselves in the 
 Church, and to keep them when obtained. One candidate 
 for a bishopric was recommended to the electors because he 
 belonged to a distinguished family ; another because he was 
 wealthy, and would not burden the funds of the Church." 2 
 The provocations to ambition and worldly glory were so 
 great, both in the acquisition and in the exercise of the 
 episcopal office, that Chrysostom says he had " determined 
 partly for these reasons to avoid the snare." 3 He shrank 
 also from many other trials incident to the office. There 
 were always persons ready to detect and magnify the 
 slightest mistake or transgression in a priest. One little 
 error could not be retrieved by a multitude of successes, but 
 darkened the man's whole life; for a kind of immaculate 
 
 1 Ammian. Marcell. lib. xxvii. c. 3. any secular office. To win glory and 
 Socrat. lib. iv. c. 29. See a multitude honour among men we peril our salva- 
 of evidence carefully collected on this tion. . . . Consuls and prefects do 
 subject in Bingham, vol. i. b. iv. ch. 2. not enjoy such honour as he who pre- 
 
 2 sides over the Church. Go to court, 
 
 or to the houses of lords and ladies, 
 
 3 Comp. in Act. Apost. Horn. iii. 5. and whom do you find foremost there ? 
 " Men now aim at a bishopric like no one is put before the bishop." 
 
CFI. iv.] QUALIFICATIONS FOB THE PRIESTHOOD. 49 
 
 purity was exacted by popular opinion of a priest, as if he 
 were not a being of flesh and blood, or subject to human 
 passions. Often his brethren, the clergy, were the most 
 active in spreading mischievous reports about him, hoping 
 to rise themselves upon his ruin ; like avaricious sons wait- 
 ing for their father's death. Too often St. Paul's description 
 of the sympathy between the several parts of the Christian 
 body was inverted. ' If one member suffered, all the others 
 rejoiced ; if one member rejoiced, the others suffered pain/ 
 A bishop had need be as impervious to slander and envy as 
 the three children in the burning fiery furnace. 1 What a 
 rare and difficult combination of qualities was required for 
 the efficient discharge of his duties in the face of such 
 difficulties ! ' He must be dignified, yet not haughty ; for- 
 midable, yet affable; commanding, yet sociable; strictly 
 impartial, yet courteous ; lowly, but not subservient ; strong, 
 yet gentle ; promoting the worthy in spite of all opposition, 
 and with equal authority rejecting the unworthy, though 
 pushed forward by the favour of all ; looking always to one 
 thing only the welfare of the Church ; doing nothing out 
 of animosity or partiality.' 2 The behaviour also of a priest 
 in ordinary society was jealously criticised. The flock were 
 not satisfied unless he was constantly paying calls. Not the 
 sick only, but the sound desired to be 'looked after* 
 (eTTio-KOTrelcrdai), not so much from any religious feeling, as 
 because the reception of such visits gratified their sense of 
 their own importance. Yet if a bishop often visited the 
 house of a wealthy or distinguished man to interest him in 
 some design for the advantage of the Church, he would soon 
 be stigmatised as a parasitical flatterer. Even the manner 
 of his greetings to acquaintance in the streets was criticised : 
 ' He smiled cordially on Mr. Such-an-one, and talked much 
 with him; but to me he only threw a commonplace 
 remark/" 3 
 
 1 III. c. 14. 2 IIL 16. 3 in. 17. 
 
 D 
 
50 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [en. iv. 
 
 It is amusing and instructive to read these observations. 
 They prove what important personages bishops had become. 
 The interests of the people were violently excited over their 
 elections. They were subjected to the mingled reverence, 
 deference, and court, criticism, scandal, and gossip, which 
 are the inevitable lot of all persons who occupy an exalted 
 position in the world. 
 
 In the fourth book Chrysostom speaks of some of the 
 more mental qualifications indispensable for a priest. Fore- 
 most among these was a power of speaking : " That was the 
 one grand instrument which enabled him to heal the diseases 
 of the body intrusted to his care. And, in addition to this, 
 he must be armed with a prompt and versatile wit, to 
 encounter the various assaults of heretics. Jews, Greeks, 
 Manich&ans, Sabellians, Arians, all were narrowly watching 
 for the smallest loophole by which to force a breach in the 
 walls of the Church. And, unless the defender was very 
 vigilant and skilful, while he was keeping out the one he 
 would let in the other. While he opposed the blind defer- 
 ence of the Jews to their Mosaic Law, he must take care not 
 to encourage the Manichseans, who would eliminate the Law 
 from the Scriptures. While he asserted the Unity of the 
 Godhead against the Arians, there was danger of slipping 
 into the Sabellian error of confounding the Persons ; and, 
 while he divided the Persons against the Sabellians, he must 
 be careful to avoid the Arian error of dividing the substance 
 also. The line of orthodoxy was a narrow path hemmed in 
 by steep rocks on either side. Therefore it was of the 
 deepest importance that the priest should be a learned and 
 effective speaker, that he might not fall into error himself 
 or lead others astray. For, if he was seen to be worsted in 
 a controversy with heretics, many became alienated from 
 the truth, mistaking the weakness of the defender for a 
 weakness in the cause itself." 1 
 
 1 IV. c- 3-5 and c. 9. 
 
CH. iv.] REMARKS ON PREACHING. 51 
 
 " But there was yet another task fraught with peril the 
 delivery of sermons. The performances of a preacher were 
 discussed by a curious and critical public like those of 
 actors. Congregations attached themselves to their favourite 
 preachers. Woe to the man who was detected in plagi- 
 arisms ! He was instantly reprobated like a common thief. 
 
 " To become an effective preacher two things were neces- 
 sary : first, indifference to praise ; secondly, power of speech ; 
 two qualities, the one moral, the other intellectual, which 
 were rarely found coexisting. If a man possessed the first 
 only, he became distasteful and despicable to his congrega- 
 tion ; for if he stood up and at first boldly uttered powerful 
 words which stung the consciences of his hearers, but, as he 
 proceeded, began to blush and hesitate and stumble, all the 
 ml vantage of his previous remarks would be wasted. The 
 persons, who had secretly felt annoyed by his telling reproofs 
 would revenge themselves by laughing at his embarrassment 
 in speaking. If, on the other hand, he was a weighty 
 speaker, but not indifferent to applause, he would probably 
 trim his sails to cateh the popular breeze, and study to be 
 pleasant rather than profitable, to the great detriment of 
 himself and of his flock." 1 
 
 lie makes some remarks eminently wise and true on the 
 necessity of study for the preparation of sermons. " It 
 might seem strange, but in truth study was even more indis- 
 pensable for an eloquent than for an ordinary preacher. 
 Speaking was an acquired art, and when a man had attained 
 a high standard of excellence he was sure to decline unless he 
 kept himself up by constant study. The man of reputation 
 was always expected to say something new, and even in 
 excess of the fame which he had already acquired. Men sat 
 in judgment on him without mercy, as if he were not a human 
 being subject to occasional despondency, or anxiety, or irrita- 
 tion of temper ; but' as if he were an angel or some infallible 
 
 i V. c. 1-4. 
 
52 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. iv. 
 
 being, who ought always to remain at the same high level 
 of excellence. The mediocre man, on the other hand, from 
 whom much was not expected, would obtain a dispropor- 
 tionate amount of praise if he said a good thing now and 
 then. 1 The number of persons, however, in any congrega- 
 tion, who were capable of appreciating a really learned and 
 powerful preacher, was very small ; therefore a man ought 
 not to be much disheartened or annoyed by unfavourable 
 criticisms. He should be his own critic, aiming in all his 
 work to win the favour of God. Then, if the admiration of 
 men followed, he would quietly accept it; or, if withheld, 
 he would not be distressed, but seek his consolation in honest 
 work and in a conscience void of offence. 2 But if a priest 
 was not superior to the love of admiration, all his labour 
 and eloquence would be wasted; either he would sacrifice 
 truth to popularity, or, failing to obtain so much applause as 
 he desired, he would relax his efforts. This last was a 
 common defect in men whose powers of preaching were only 
 second-rate. Perceiving that even the highly gifted could 
 not sustain their reputation without incessant study and 
 practice, while they themselves, by the most strenuous 
 efforts, could gain but a very slender meed of praise, if any, 
 they abandoned themselves to indolence. The trial was 
 especially great when a man was surpassed in preaching by 
 one who occupied an inferior rank in the hierarchy, and who 
 perhaps took every opportunity of parading his superior 
 powers. A kind of passion for listening to preaching pos- 
 sessed, he says, both Pagans and Christians at this time; 
 hence it was very mortifying for a man to see a congregation 
 looking forward to the termination of his discourse, while to 
 his rival they listened with the utmost patience and attention, 
 and were vexed only when his sermon had come to an end." 3 
 In the sixth book, Chrysostom enlarges on the dangers 
 and trials which beset the priest as compared with the 
 
 1 V. c. 5. 2 y. c. 6, 7. 3 V. c. 8. 
 
CH. iv.] REASONS FOR DECLINING BISHOPRIC. 53 
 
 tranquillity and security of the monk that life to which 
 he still felt himself powerfully attracted. " ' Who watch for 
 your souls as they that must give an account. The dread 
 of the responsibility implied in that saying constantly 
 agitated his mind. For if it were better to be drowned in 
 the sea than to offend one of the little ones of Christ's flock, 
 what punishment must they undergo who destroyed not one or 
 two but a whole multitude ? " l " Much worldly wisdom was 
 required in the priest ; he must be conversant with secular 
 affairs, and adapt himself with versatility to all kinds of 
 circumstances and men ; and yet he ought to keep his spirit 
 as free, as unfettered by worldly interests and ambitions as 
 the hermit dwelling on the mountains." 2 
 
 The trials, indeed, which beset the priest so far exceeded 
 those of the monk, that Chrysostom considered the monastery, 
 on the whole, a bad school for active clerical life. "The 
 monk lived in a calm ; there was little to oppose or thwart 
 him. The skill of the pilot could not be known till he had 
 taken the helm in the open sea amidst rough weather. Too 
 many of those who had passed from the seclusion of the 
 cloister to the active sphere of the priest or bishop proved 
 utterly incapable of coping with the difficulties of their new 
 situation. They lost their head (tX^yytwo-fcz/), and, often, 
 instead of adding to their virtue, were deprived of the good 
 qualities which they already possessed. Monasticism often 
 served as a screen to failings which the circumstances of 
 active life drew out, just as the qualities of metal were 
 tested by the action of fire." 3 
 
 Chrysostom concludes by saying that he was conscious of 
 his own infirmities ; the irritability of his temper, his liability 
 to violent emotions, his susceptibility to praise and blame. 
 All such evil passions could, with the help of God's grace, 
 be tamed by the severe treatment of the monastic life ; like 
 savage beasts who must be kept on low fare. But in the 
 
 i VI. c. 1. 2 vi. c. 4. 3 VI. c. 6-8. 
 
54 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. iv. 
 
 public life of a priest they would rage with incontrollable 
 fury, because all would be pampered to the full vain-glory 
 by honour and praise, pride by authority, envy by the 
 reputation of other men, bad temper by perpetual provoca- 
 tions, covetousness by the liberality of donors to the Church, 
 intemperance by luxurious living. 1 He bids Basil picture 
 the most implacable and deadly contest between earthly 
 forces which his imagination could draw, and declares that 
 this would but faintly express the conflict between the soul 
 and evil in the spiritual warfare of the world. "Many 
 accidents might put an end to earthly combat, at least for a 
 time the approach of night, the fatigue of the combatants, 
 the necessity of taking food and sleep. But in the spiritual 
 conflict there were no breathing spaces. A man must always 
 have his harness on his back, or he would be surprised by 
 the. enemy/' 2 
 
 It is not surprising that Basil, after the fearful respon- 
 sibilities and perils of his new dignity had been thus power- 
 fully set before him, should declare that his trouble now 
 was not so much how to answer the accusers of Chrysostom 
 as to defend himself before God. He besought his friend to 
 promise that he would continue to support and advise him 
 in all emergencies. Chrysostom replied that as far as it was 
 possible he would do so ; but that he doubted not Christ, 
 who had called Basil to this good work, would enable him to 
 discharge it with boldness. They wept, embraced, and 
 parted. And so Basil went forth to the unwelcome honours 
 and trials of his bishopric, while Chrysostom continued to 
 lead that monastic kind of life which was only a preparatory 
 step to the monastery itself. His friendship with Basil is 
 curious and romantic. Their intercourse was brought to a 
 singular conclusion by the stratagem of Chrysostom. Basil 
 -may have, according to his own earnest request, continued 
 to consult his friend in any difficulty or distress ; but he is 
 i VI. c. 12. 2 vi. c. 13. 
 
en. IT.] DATE OF BOOKS ON PEIESTHOOD. 55 
 
 never mentioned again. Although so intimately bound up 
 with this passage in Chrysostom's life, there is something 
 indistinct and shadowy about his whole existence. He flits 
 across the scene for a few moments, and then disappears 
 totally and for ever. 
 
 The books on the Priesthood may be regarded as contain- 
 ing partly a real account of an actual conversation between 
 the two friends. But, as in the dialogues of Plato, far more 
 was probably added by the writer, so that in parts the 
 dialogue is only a form into which the opinions of the author 
 at the time of composition were cast. It is impossible to 
 decide with certainty the exact time at which the treatise 
 may have been written. It is not likely to have been later 
 than his diaconate in 38 1, 1 but more probably 2 the work 
 may be assigned to the six years of leisure spent in the 
 seclusion of the monastery and mountains that is, to the 
 period between Basil's election to the bishopric, and his own 
 ordination as deacon. The treatise reads like the production 
 of one who had acquired considerable experience of monastic 
 life ; who had deliberately calculated its advantages on the 
 one hand, and, on the other, had keenly observed and 
 seriously weighed the temptations and difficulties whicli 
 attended the more secular career of priest or bishop. It is a 
 more mature work than the Epistles to Theodore, and is free 
 from such rapturous and excessive praise of the ascetic life 
 as they contain. 
 
 NOTE TO FOREGOING CHAPTER. 
 
 It may excite surprise that men so young as Chrysostom 
 and Basil, the former at least being not more than twenty-five 
 or twenty-six, and not as yet ordained deacon, should have 
 
 1 Which is the date assigned by the Latin translation by Ambrose 
 Socrates, vi. 3. Carnal dulen sis. 
 
 a As stated by Palladius, at least in 
 
56 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. iv. 
 
 been designated to the highest office in the Church. The 
 Council of Neocsesarea (about A.D. 320 vide Hefele, vol. i., 
 Clark's transl. p. 222) fixed thirty as *the age at which men 
 became eligible for the priesthood. The same age, then, at 
 least, must have been required for a bishop. 
 
 The Constitutions called Apostolical fix the age at fifty, but 
 add a clause which really lets in all the exceptions, " unless he 
 be a man of singular merit and worth, which may compensate 
 for the want of years." And, in fact, there are numerous 
 instances of men, both before and after the time of Chrysostom, 
 who were consecrated as bishops under the age of thirty. 
 The Council of Nice was held not more than twenty years 
 after the persecution of Maximian, which Athanasius (Epist. 
 ad Solitar., p. 382, Paris edition) says he had only heard of 
 from his father, yet in five months after that Council he was 
 ordained Archbishop of Alexandria. Eemigius of Eheims was 
 only twenty-two when he was made bishop, in A.D. 471. In 
 like manner, though it was enacted by the Council of Sardica, 
 A.D. 343-344, that none should rise to the Episcopal throno 
 per saltum, yet there are not a few examples of this rule being 
 transgressed. 
 
 Augustine, when he created a See at Fassula, presented 
 Antonius, a reader (the very position Chrysostom now filled) 
 to the Primate, who ordained him without scruple on .Augus- 
 tine's recommendation (Aug. Ep. 261, ad Cselest.). Cyprian, 
 Ambrose, and Nestorius are celebrated instances of the conse- 
 cration of laymen to bishoprics. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 NARROW ESCAPE FROM PERSECUTION HIS ENTRANCE INTO A MONASTERY 
 THE MONASTICISM OF THE EAST. A.D. 372. 
 
 ABOUT this time, 372-373, while Chrysostom was still re- 
 siding in Antioch, he narrowly escaped suffering the penalties 
 of an imperial decree issued by Valentinian and Valens 
 against the practisers of magical arts, or possessors even of 
 magical books. A severe search was instituted after sus- 
 pected persons ; soldiers were everywhere on the watch to 
 detect offenders. The persecution was carried on with 
 peculiar cruelty at Antioch, where it had been provoked by 
 the detection of a treasonable act of divination. The twenty- 
 four letters of the alphabet were arranged at intervals round 
 the rim of a kind of charger, which was placed on a tripod, 
 consecrated with incantations and elaborate ceremonies. 
 The diviner, habited as a heathen priest, in linen robes, 
 sandals, and with a fillet wreathed about his head, chanted 
 a hymn to Apollo, the god of prophecy, while a ring in the 
 centre of the charger was slipped rapidly round a slender 
 thread. The letters in front of which the ring successively 
 stopped indicated the character of the oracle. The ring on 
 this occasion was supposed to have pointed to the first four 
 letters in the name of the future Emperor, E O A. Theo- 
 dorus, and probably many others who had the misfortune to 
 own the fatal syllables, were executed. There were, of 
 course, multitudes of eager informers, and zealous judges, who 
 
58 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [en. v. 
 
 strove to allay the suspicious fears of the Emperors, and to 
 procure favour for themselves by vigorous and wholesale 
 prosecutions. Neither age, nor sex, nor rank was spared; 
 women and children, senators and philosophers, were dragged 
 to the tribunals, and committed to the prisons of Borne and 
 Antioch from the most distant parts of Italy and Asia. 
 Many destroyed their libraries in alarm so many innocent 
 books were liable to be represented as mischievous or criminal; 
 and thus much valuable literature perished. 1 It was during 
 this dreadful time, when suspicion was instantly followed by 
 arrest, and arrest by imprisonment, torture, and probably 
 death, that Chrysostom chanced to be walking with a friend 
 to the Church of the Martyr Babylas, outside the city. As 
 they passed through the gardens by the banks of the Orontes, 
 they observed fragments of a book floating down the stream. 
 Curiosity led them to fish it out ; but, to their dismay, on 
 examining it, they found that it was inscribed with magical 
 formulae, and, to increase their alarm, a soldier was approaching 
 at no great distance. At first they knew not how to act; they 
 feared the book had been cast into the river by the artifice 
 of an informer to entrap some unwary victim. They deter- 
 mined, however, to throw their dangerous discovery back 
 into the river, and happily the attention or suspicions of the 
 soldier were not roused. Chrysostom always gratefully 
 looked back to this escape as a signal instance of God's 
 mercy and protection. 2 
 
 It must have been soon after this incident and previous 
 to the edict of persecution against the monks issued by 
 Valens in 373, that Chrysostom exchanged what might be 
 called the amateur kind of monastic life passed in his own 
 home for the monastery itself. Whether his mother was 
 now dead or had become reconciled to the separation, or 
 whether her son's passionate enthusiasm for monastic 
 
 1 Zosimus, lib. iv. 13-15. Ammian. 2 Tn Act. Apost. Horn. 38, in fine. 
 
 Marcell. xxix. c. L 
 
CH. v.] EISE OF MONASTICISM. 59 
 
 retirement became irresistible, it is impossible to determine. 
 His mother is not mentioned by him in his writings after 
 this point, except in allusion to the past, which is a strong 
 presumption that she was no longer living. Bishop Meletius 
 would probably have endeavoured to detain him for some 
 active work in the Church, but he was now in exile ; and to 
 Flavian, the successor of Meletius, Chrysostom was possibly 
 not so intimately known. 
 
 During the first four centuries of the Christian era, the 
 enthusiasm for monastic life prevailed with ever increasing 
 force. We are, perhaps, naturally inclined to associate 
 monasticism chiefly with the Western Christianity of the 
 Middle Ages. But the original and by far the most prolific 
 parent of monasticism was the East. There were always 
 ascetics in the Christian Church; yet asceticism is the 
 product not so -much of Christianity as of the East; of the 
 oriental temperament, which admires and cultivates it; of 
 the oriental climate, which makes it tolerable even when 
 pushed to the most rigorous extremes. Asceticism is the 
 natural practical expression of that deeply-grounded con- 
 viction of an essential antagonism between the flesh and 
 spirit which pervades all oriental creeds. Even the mon- 
 astic form of it was known in the East before Christianity. 
 The Essenes in Judaea, the Therapeuta3 in Egypt, were 
 prototypes of the active and contemplative communities of 
 monks. 
 
 The primitive ascetics of the Christian Church were not 
 monks. They were persons who raised themselves above 
 the common level of religious life by exercises in fasting, 
 prayer, study, alms-giving, celibacy, bodily privations of all 
 kinds. These habits obtained for them great admiration 
 and reverence. Such persons are frequently designated by 
 writers of the first three centuries as " an ascetic," " a fol- 
 lower of the religious ascetics." 1 But they did not form a 
 
 1 Cyril. Catech. x. u. 19. Athanas, Synopsis. 
 
60 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. v. 
 
 class distinctly marked off by dress and habitation from the 
 rest of the world, like the monks or even the anchorites of 
 later time. They lived in the cities or wherever their home 
 might be, and were not subject to any rules beyond those 
 of their own private making. Eusebius calls them O-TTOV Satot, 
 " earnest persons ;" and Clemens Alexandrinus e/cXe/crcov 
 e/cXeKTorepot,, " more elect than the elect." 1 Midway between 
 the primitive ascetic and the fully-developed monk must be 
 placed the anchorite or hermit, who made a step in the direc- 
 tion of monasticism by withdrawing altogether from the city 
 or populous places into the solitudes of mountain or desert. 
 Persecution assisted the impulse of religious fervour. Paul 
 retired to the Egyptian Thebaid during the persecution of 
 Decius in A.D. 251, and Antony during that of Maximin in 
 A.D. 312. They are justly named the fathers or founders 
 of the anchorites, because, though not actually the first, 
 they were the most distinguished; and the fame of their 
 sanctity, their austerities, their miracles, produced a tribe 
 of followers. The further Antony retired into the depths of 
 the wilderness the more numerous became his disciples. 
 They grouped their cells around the habitation of the saintly 
 father, and out of the clusters grew in process of time the 
 monastery. A number of cells ranged in lines like an en- 
 campment, not incorporated in one building, was called a 
 " Laura " or street. 2 This was the earliest and simplest kind 
 of monastic establishment. It was a community, though 
 without much system or cohesion. 
 
 The real founder of the Ccenobia or monasteries in the 
 East was the Egyptian Pachomius; he was the Benedict 
 of the East. His rule was that most generally adopted, not 
 only in Egypt but throughout the oriental portions of the 
 Empire. He and Antony had now been dead about twenty 
 years, and Hilarius, the pupil and imitator of Antony, had 
 
 1 Euseb. lib. vi. c. 11. Clemens whence it appears that Laura, or Labra, 
 Alex., Horn., Quis Dives salvetur ? was the name of an ecclesiastical dis- 
 
 3 Vide Epiphan. 69. Haeres. n. i., trict in Alexandria. 
 
CH. v.] PEOGRESS OF MONASTICISM. 61 
 
 lately introduced monasticism on the Pachomian model into 
 Syria. In about fifty years more, the nomadic Saracens 
 will gaze with veneration and awe at the spectacle of Simeon 
 on his pillar, forty miles from Antioch. Thousands will 
 come to receive baptism at his hands ; his image will have 
 been placed over the entrance of the shops in Home. 1 The 
 spirit had been already caught in the West. The feelings 
 of abhorrence with which the Italians first beheld the wild- 
 looking Egyptian monks who accompanied Athanasius to 
 Borne had soon been exchanged for veneration. The ex- 
 ample of Marcellina, and the exhortations of her brother 
 Ambrose of Milan, had induced multitudes of women to 
 take vows of celibacy. 2 Most of the little islands on the 
 coasts of the Adriatic could boast of their monasteries or cells. 3 
 St. Martin built his religious houses near Poitiers and Tours, 
 and was followed to his grave by two thousand brethren. 4 
 But St. Jerome, perhaps, more than any one else, promoted 
 the advance of monasticism in the West. Born on the 
 borders of East and West, 6 he mingled with the Eastern 
 Church at Antioch and Constantinople, and in the desert 
 of Chalcis had inured himself to the most severe forms of 
 oriental asceticism, and returned to Eome eager to impart 
 to others a kindred spirit of enthusiasm for the ascetic life. 
 A little later, early in the fifth century, John Cassianus, 
 president of a religious establishment in Marseilles, pro- 
 pagated monastic institutions of an oriental type in the 
 south of France, and made men conversant with the system 
 by his work on the rules of the cloister. These were the 
 scattered forces which in the West awaited the master mind 
 and strong hand of Benedict to mould and discipline them 
 into a mighty system. The nearest approach in the West 
 
 lr nieod. Lector, n. 1. c. col. 102- 3 Baron. 398, 49-52; Giesel. I. 
 
 104. 251. 
 
 4 Sozom. iii. 14 ; Sulp. Severus. 
 
 2 Jerome, Ep. 77, 5 ; Ambrose, de 6 At Stridon, on the frontiers of 
 
 Virgin, i. 10, 11. Pannonia and Dalmatia. 
 
62 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. v. 
 
 to the Egyptian system of Pachomius was among the Bene- 
 dictines of Camaldoli. 
 
 There is every reason to suppose on general grounds, and 
 the supposition is corroborated by notices in the writings of 
 Chrysostom, that the monasteries near Antioch, like the 
 rest of the Syrian monasteries, were based on the Pacho- 
 mian model. Pachomius was a native of the Thebaid, born 
 in A.D. 292. He began to practise asceticism as a hermit, but, 
 according to the legend, was visited by an angel who com- 
 manded him to promote the salvation of other men's souls 
 besides his own, and presented him with a brazen tablet, 
 on which were inscribed the rules of the Order which he 
 was to found. He established his first community on 
 Tabennse, an island in the Nile, which became the parent 
 of a numerous offspring. Pachomius had the satisfaction 
 in his lifetime of seeing eight monasteries, containing in all 
 3000 monks, acknowledging his rule; and after his death, 
 in the first half of the fifth century, their numbers had 
 swelled to 50,000^ Chrysostom exulted with Christian 
 joy and pride over the spectacle of "Egypt, that land 
 which had been the mother of pagan literature and art, 
 which had invented and propagated every species of 
 witchcraft, now despising all her ancient customs, and 
 holding up the Cross, in the desert no less if. not more 
 than in the cities : ... for the sky was not more beautiful, 
 spangled with its hosts of stars, than the desert of 
 Egypt studded in all directions with the habitations of 
 monks," 2 
 
 By the Pachomian rule no one was admitted as a full 
 monk till after three years of probation, during which period 
 he was tested by the most severe exercises. If willing, 
 after that period, to continue the same exercises, he was 
 admitted without further ceremony beyond making a 
 
 1 Sozom. iii. 14. Palladius, Hist. Lausiaca, 38. 
 
 2 In Matt. Horn. 8, p. 87. 
 
CH. v.] PACHOMIAN MONASTERIES. 63 
 
 solemn declaration that he would adhere to the rules of the 
 monastery. That no irrevocable vow was taken by the 
 members of the monastery near Antioch which Chrysostom 
 joined seems proved by his return to the city after a resi- 
 dence in the monastery of several years' duration. Accord- 
 ing to Sozomen, the several parts of the dress worn by 
 Pachomian monks had a symbolical meaning. The tunic 
 (a linen garment reaching as far as the knees) had short 
 sleeves, to remind the wearers that they should be prompt 
 to do such honest work only as needed no concealment. 
 The hood was typical of the innocence and purity of infants, 
 who wore the same kind of covering ; the girdle and scarf, 
 folded about the back, shoulders, and arms, were to admonish 
 them that they should be perpetually ready to do active ser- 
 vice for God. Each cell was inhabited by three monks. They 
 took their chief meal in a refectory, and ate in silence, 1 with 
 a veil so arranged over the face that they could see only 
 what was on the table. No strangers were admitted, except 
 travellers, to whom they were bound, by the rule of their 
 Order, to show hospitality. The common meal or supper 
 took place at three o'clock, 2 up to which time they usually 
 fasted. When it was concluded, a hymn was sung, of which 
 Chrysostom gives us a specimen, though not in metrical 
 form : 3 " Blessed be God, who nourisheth me from my youth 
 up, who giveth food to all flesh : fill our hearts with joy and 
 gladness, that we, having all sufficiency at all times, may 
 abound unto every good work, through Jesus Christ our 
 Lord, with Whom be glory, and honour, and power to Thee, 
 together with the Holy Ghost, for ever and ever, Amen. 
 Glory to Thee, Lord ! Glory to Thee, Holy One ! Glory 
 to Thee, King, who hast given us food to make us glad ! 
 Fill us with the Holy Spirit, that we may be found well 
 
 1 The custom of one monk reading Cass. lib. iv. c. 17 ; Sozom. iii. 14 ; 
 
 the Scriptures aloud during dinner Jerome's translation of the rule, 
 
 was first adopted, according to Cassian, 2 But sometimes later, 
 
 in the Cappadocian monasteries. 3 Horn, in Matt. 55, vol. vii. p. 545. 
 
64 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. v. 
 
 pleasing in thy sight, and not ashamed when Thou rewardest 
 every man according to his works." 
 
 The whole community in a Pachomian monastery was 
 divided into twenty-four classes, distinguished by the letters 
 of the Greek alphabet; the most ignorant, for instance, 
 under class Iota, the more learned under Xi or Zeta, such 
 letters being in shape respectively the simplest and the 
 most complicated in the alphabet. Those hours which were 
 not devoted to services or study were occupied by manual 
 labour, partly to supply themselves with the necessaries of 
 life, partly to guard against the incursion of evil thoughts. 
 There was a proverbial saying attributed to some of the old 
 Egyptian fathers, that " a labouring monk was assaulted by 
 one devil only, but an idle one by an innumerable legion." 
 They wove baskets and mats, agriculture was not neglected, 
 nor even, among the Egyptian monks, ship-building. Pal- 
 ladius, who visited the Egyptian monasteries about the close 
 of the fourth century, found, in the monastery of Panopolis, 
 which- contained 300 members, 15 tailors, 7 smiths, 4 car- 
 penters, 12 camel-drivers, 15 tanners. Each monastery in 
 Egypt had its steward, and a chief steward stationed at the 
 principal settlement had the supervision of all the rest. All 
 the products of monkish labour were shipped under his 
 inspection on the Nile for Alexandria. With the proceeds 
 of their sale, stores were purchased for the monasteries, and 
 the surplus was distributed amongst the sick and poor. 1 
 
 A monastery founded on this model might be fairly 
 described as a kind of village containing an industrial and 
 religious population; and had the Eastern monks adhered 
 to this simple and innocent way of life, such communities 
 might have become more and more schools of learning, 
 centres of civilisation, and homes of piety. But they were 
 increasingly forgetful of the wholesome saying of Antony, 
 that a monk in the city was like " a fish out of water." 
 
 1 Sozom. iii. 14, 15 ; Cassian., de Coenob. Instit. iv. x. 22. 
 
CH. v.] EASTERN AND WESTERN MONKS. 65 
 
 Instead of attending exclusively to their pious and industrial 
 exercises, they mixed themselves up with the theological 
 and political contests which too often convulsed the cities 
 of the Eastern Empire. Their influence or interference was 
 frequently the reverse of peace-making, judicious, or Christian. 
 They would rush with fanatical fury into the city, to rescue 
 the orthodox, or to attack those whom they considered here- 
 tical. The evil had grown to such a height by the reign of 
 Arcadius, that a law was passed by which monks were 
 strictly forbidden to commit such outrages on civil order, 
 and bishops were commanded to prosecute the authors of 
 such attempts. 1 Eastern monasticism, in fact, partook of 
 the character which distinguished the Eastern Church as a 
 whole, and which we may regard as one principal cause of 
 its corruption and decay. A certain stability, sobriety, self- 
 control, a law-making and law-respecting spirit, as it is the 
 peculiar merit of the Western, so the want of it is the 
 peculiar defect of the Oriental temperament. Hence a 
 curious co-existence of extremes ; the passions, unnaturally 
 repressed at one outlet by intense asceticism, burst forth 
 witli increased fury at another. He who had subdued his 
 body in the wilderness or on the mountains by fastings and 
 macerations entertained the most implacable animosity 
 towards pagans and heretics, and fought them like a ruffian 
 (the word is not too strong for truth), when some tumult in 
 an adjacent city afforded him an opportunity for this robust 
 mode of displaying and defending his orthodoxy. Western 
 monasticism, on the other hand, is distinguished by more 
 gravity, more of the old Eoman quality, a love of stern 
 discipline. It did not run to such lengths of fanatical 
 asceticism, and consequently was exempt from such disas- 
 trous reactions. It never produced such a caricature of the 
 anchorite as Simeon Stylites, or such savage zealots as the 
 monkish bands who dealt their sturdy blows in the religious 
 
 i Cod. Theod. ix. 40. 16. 
 E 
 
G6 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. v. 
 
 riots of Constantinople and Alexandria. From the notices 
 scattered up and down Chrysostom's writings of the monas- 
 teries in the neighbourhood of Antioch, it appears that they 
 conformed in all essential respects to the Pachomian model. 
 "We might anticipate, indeed, that, where such a man as 
 Diodorus was president or visitor, they would be conducted 
 on a simple and rational system. 
 
 South of Antioch were the mountainous heights of Silpius 
 and Casius, whence rose the springs which in a variety of 
 channels found their way into the city, provided it with a 
 constant and abundant supply of the purest water, and 
 irrigated the gardens for which it was celebrated. 1 In this 
 mountain region dwelt the communities of monks, in separate 
 huts or cells (tcaXv^at, 2 ), but subject to an abbot, and a com- 
 mon rule. Chrysostom has in more passages than one fur- 
 nished us with a description of their ordinary costume, fare, 
 and way of life. He is fond of depicting their simple, frugal, 
 and pious habits, in contrast to the artificial and luxurious 
 manners of the gay and worldly people of the city. They 
 were clad in coarse garments of goat's hair or camel's hair, 
 sometimes of skins, over their linen tunics, which were worn 
 both by night and day. 3 Before the first rays of sunlight, the 
 abbot went round, and struck those monks who were still 
 sleeping with his foot, to wake them. When all had risen, 
 fresh, healthy, fasting, they sang together, under the pre- 
 centorship of their abbot, a hymn of praise to God. The 
 hymn being ended, a common prayer was offered up (again 
 under the leadership of their abbot), and then each at sunrise 
 went to his allotted task, some to read, others to write, others 
 to manual labour, by which they made a good deal to supply 
 the necessities of the poor. Four hours in the day, the 
 
 1 Vide Miiller de Antiq. Antioch. they received the Eucharist, which 
 c. 3. they did twice a week, on Sundays 
 
 2 Chrysost. in Matt. Horn. 69, vol. and Saturdays, they threw off their 
 vii. p. 652. coats of skin, and loosened their 
 
 3 In Matt. Horn. 68, c. 3. When girdles. Sozom. iii. 14. 
 
CH. v.] DAILY LIFE OF THE MONKS. 67 
 
 third, the sixth, the ninth, and some time in the evening, 
 were appointed for prayers and psalms. When the daily 
 work was concluded, they sat down, or rather reclined, on 
 strewn grass, to their common meal, which was sometimes 
 eaten out of doors by moonlight, and consisted of bread and 
 water only, with occasionally, for invalids, a little vegetable 
 food and oil. This frugal repast was followed by hymns, 
 after which they betook themselves to their straw couches, 
 and slept, as Chrysostom observes, free from those anxieties 
 and apprehensions winch beset the worldly man. There 
 WMS no need of bolts and bars, for there was no fear of 
 robbers. The monk had no possession but his body and 
 soul, and if his life was taken he would regard it as an 
 advantage, for he could say that to live was Christ, and to 
 die was gain. 1 Those words " mine and thine," those fertile 
 causes of innumerable strifes, were unknown. 2 No lamen- 
 tations were to be heard when any of the brethren died. 
 They did not say, " such a one is dead," but, " he has been 
 perfected" (rereXetWat), and he was carried forth to burial 
 amidst hymns of praise, thanksgiving for his release, and 
 the prayers of his companions that they too might soon see 
 the end of their labours and struggles, and be permitted to 
 behold Jesus Christ. 3 Such was the simple and industrial 
 kind of monastic body to which Chrysostom for a time 
 nttaclu'd himself; and to the end of his life he regarded such 
 communities with the greatest admiration and sympathy. 
 But he never failed to maintain also the duty of work 
 against those who represented the perfection of the Christian 
 life as consisting in mere contemplation and prayer. Such a 
 doctrine of otiose Christianity he proved to be based on a too 
 exclusive attention to certain passages in the New Testament. 
 If, for instance, our blessed Lord said to Martha, " Thou art 
 careful and troubled about many things, but one thing is 
 
 1 In Matt. Horn. 68, c. 3 ; 69, c. 3 ; 2 i n Matt. Horn. 72, vol. vii. p. 671. 
 
 in 1 Tim. Horn. 14, c. 4, 5. 3 i n i Tim. Horn. 14, c. 5. 
 
68 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. v. 
 
 needful;" or again, "Take no thought for the morrow;" 
 or, "Labour not for the meat that perisheth" all such 
 passages were to be balanced and harmonised by others, as, 
 for example, St. Paul's exhortation to the Thessalonians to 
 be " quiet and to do their own business," and " let him that 
 stole steal no more, but rather let him labour, working with 
 his hands that which is good, that he may have to give to 
 him that needeth." He points out that the words of our 
 Lord do not inculcate total abstinence from work, but only 
 censure an undue anxiety about earthly things, to the 
 exclusion or neglect of spiritual concerns. The contem- 
 plative form of monasticism, based on misconception of 
 Holy Scripture, had, he observes, seriously injured the cause 
 of Christianity, for it occasioned practical men of the world 
 to deride it as a source of indolence. 1 
 
 1 In Joh. Horn. 44, c. 1. 
 
CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 WORKS PRODUCED DURING HIS MONASTIC LIFE-THE LETTERS TO 
 DEMETRIUS AND STELECHIUS TREATISES ADDRESSED TO THE 
 OPPONENTS OF MONASTICISM LETTER TO STAGIRIUS. 
 
 SEVERAL treatises were composed by Chrysostom during his 
 monastic life. Among the first must be placed two books 
 addressed to Demetrius and Stelechius. Of these the former 
 was evidently written soon after the commencement of his 
 retreat, for he speaks of having recently determined to take 
 the step, and of the petty anxieties about food and other 
 personal comforts which had at first unsettled his purpose a 
 little. But he had soon conquered these hankerings after 
 the more luxurious life which he had abandoned. It seemed 
 to him a disgrace that one to whom heaven and celestial joys 
 were offered, such as eye had not seen nor ear heard, should 
 be so hesitating and timorous, when those who undertook 
 the management of public affairs did not shrink from dangers 
 and toil, and long journeys, and separation from wife and 
 children, and perhaps unfavourable criticism, but only 
 inquired whether the office were honourable and lucrative. 1 
 
 The aim of the books is to animate torpid characters to 
 a warmer piety, first by drawing a lively picture of the 
 depravity of the times, secondly by a glowing description of 
 the fervent energy of apostles and apostolic saints, and 
 insisting that those lofty heights of Christian holiness were 
 not unattainable by the Christian of his own day, if he bent 
 
 1 De Compunct. i. c. 6. 
 
70 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vi. 
 
 the whole energy of his will, aided by Divine grace, to the 
 attempt. 
 
 " So great," he observes, " was the depravity of the times 
 that if a stranger were to compare the precepts of the Gospel 
 with the actual practice of society, he would infer that men 
 were not the disciples, but the enemies of Christ. And the 
 most fatal symptom was their total unconsciousness of this 
 deep corruption. Society was like a body which was out- 
 wardly vigorous, but concealed a wasting fever within; or 
 like an insane person who says and does all manner of shock- 
 ing things, but, instead of being ashamed, glories in the 
 fancied possession of superior wisdom." 1 Chrysostom ap- 
 plies the test of the principal precepts of morality in the 
 Sermon on the Mount to the existing state of Christian 
 morals. Every one of them was shamelessly violated. A 
 kind of regard, superstitious or hypocritical, was paid to the 
 command in the letter, which was broken in the spirit. 
 Persons, for instance, who scrupled to use the actual ex- 
 pressions " fool " or " Kaca," heaped all lands of opprobrious 
 epithets on their neighbours. 2 So the command to be 
 reconciled with a brother before approaching the altar was 
 really broken though formally kept. Men gave the kiss of 
 peace at the celebration of Holy Communion when ad- 
 monished by the deacon so to do, but continued to nourish 
 resentful feelings in the heart all the same. 3 Vainglory 
 and ostentation robbed prayer, fasting and almsgiving of 
 their merit; and as for the precept "Judge not," a most 
 uncharitable spirit of censoriousness pervaded every class of 
 society, including monks and ecclesiastics. 4 Contrast with 
 this false and hollow religion of the world the condition 
 of one in whom a deep compunction for sin, and a genuine 
 love of Jesus Christ, was awakened. The whole multitude 
 of vain frivolous passions was dispersed like dust before 
 the wind. So it was with St. Paul. Having once turned 
 
 i De Compunct. i. c. 1. 2 C. 2. C. 3. 4 C. 4, 5. 
 
CH. vi.] EPISTLE TO DEMETEIUS. 71 
 
 the eye of his soul towards heaven, and being entranced by 
 the beauty of that other world, he could not stoop to earth 
 again. As a beggar, in some gloomy hovel, if he saw a 
 monarch glittering with gold and radiant with jewels, might 
 altogether for a time forget the squalor of his dwelling-place 
 in his eagerness to get inside the palace of the king, so 
 St. Paul forgot and despised the poverty and hardship of this 
 present world because the whole energy of his being was 
 directed to the attainment of that heavenly city. 1 But men 
 objected to the citation of apostolic examples. Paul and 
 Peter, they said, were superhuman characters; models 
 beyond our limited powers. " Nay," Chrysostom replies, 
 " these are feeble excuses. The Apostles were in all essential 
 points like ourselves. Did they not breathe the same kind 
 of air ? eat the same kind of food ? were not some of them 
 married men ? did they not follow mechanical trades ? nay 
 more, had not some of them deeply sinned ? Men at the 
 present day did not indeed receive grace at baptism to work 
 miracles, but they received enough to enable them to lead a 
 good and holy Christian life. 2 And the highest blessing of 
 Christ his invitation to those who were called ' blessed 
 children' to inherit the kingdom prepared for them was 
 addressed, not to those who had wrought miracles, but to 
 those who had ministered to himself through feeding the 
 hungry, entertaining the stranger, visiting the sick and the 
 prisoners, who were his brethren. But grace, though un- 
 doubtedly given by God, required man's own co-operation 
 to become effectual. Otherwise, since God is no respecter 
 of persons, it would have resided in equal measure in all 
 men ; whereas we see that with one man it remains, from 
 another it departs ; a third is never affected by it at all." 3 
 The second book on the same subject, addressed to another 
 friend, named Stelechius, is an expression of more rapturous 
 and highly-wrought feeling, and is more rhetorical in style. 
 i c. 7. 2 c. 8. 3 c. 9. 
 
72 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vi. 
 
 His description in the beginning of the blessed freedom of 
 the monk's life from secular vanities and cares, his remarks 
 on David and St. Paul, 1 two of his most favourite char- 
 acters, and still more his masterly enumeration of the 
 manifold ways in which God manifests his providential care 
 for man, 2 well deserve to be read. They are too long to be 
 translated here in full, and a paraphrase would very inade- 
 quately represent such passages, of which the peculiar beauty 
 consists in the language more even than in the ideas. One 
 special interest of these books, written immediately after his 
 retirement from the world, is that they put clearly before us 
 what it was which drove him and many another to the 
 monastic life. It was a sense of the glaring and hideous 
 contrast between the Christianity of the Gospel and the 
 Christianity of ordinary society. A kind of implacable 
 warfare, 3 as he expresses it, seemed to be waged in the 
 world against the commands of Christ; and he had there- 
 fore determined, by seclusion from the world, to seek that 
 kind of life which he saw exhibited in the Gospels, but 
 nowhere else. 4 
 
 But the largest and most powerful work which Chrysostom 
 produced during this period was occasioned by the decree of 
 the Emperor Yalens in A.D. 373 a decree which struck 
 at the roots of monasticism. It directed that monks should 
 be dragged from their retreats, and compelled to discharge 
 their obligations as citizens, either by serving in the army, 
 or performing the functions of any civil office to which they 
 might be appointed. 5 The edict is said to have been enforced 
 with considerable rigour, and in Egypt this seems to have 
 been the case. But it was evidently far from complete or 
 universal in its operation. None of Chrysostom's brethren 
 
 i De Compunct. ii. 1-3. 2 C. 5. military. Vide Suicer, sub v. <rrpa- 
 
 3 2x6 P a o,K7]pvKT03, lib. i. c. 5. reveiv. The Egyptian monks, how- 
 
 4 Lib. i. c. 4. ever, do seem to have been specially 
 
 5 The word in the decree is "mili- forced into the army. De Broglie, v. 
 tare," but this term appears to be 303 ; Gibbon, iv. ; Milman, History 
 applied to civil duties as well as of Christianity, iii. 47. 
 
CH. vi.] PEESECUTION OF MONKS BY VALENS. 73 
 
 appear to have been compelled to return to the city ; certainly 
 he himself was not. But they were liable, of course, to the 
 persecution which, under the shelter of the decree, all the 
 enemies of their order directed against them. These enemies 
 of monasticism were of several kinds. There were the 
 zealous adherents of the old paganism ; men like Libanius, 
 who were opposed to Christianity on principle, and especially 
 to the monastic form of it, as encouraging idleness, and the 
 dereliction of the duties of good citizens. There were also 
 the more worldly-minded Christians who had adopted Chris- 
 tianity more from impulse or conformity than from convic- 
 tion, and who disliked the standing protest of monastic life 
 against their own frivolity. They were irritated also by the 
 influence which the monks often acquired over their wives 
 and children, sometimes alluring the latter from that lucra- 
 tive line of worldly life which their fathers had marked out 
 for them. And lastly, there were those who regretted that 
 some men should have taken up a position of direct antagonism 
 to the world, instead of mingling with it, and infusing good 
 leaven into the mass of evil. The treatise of Chrysostom 
 addressed " to the assailants of monastic life " was intended 
 to meet most of these objections. 
 
 A friend had brought the terrible tidings to his retreat of 
 the authorised persecution which had just broken out. He 
 heard it with indescribable horror. It was a sacrilege far 
 worse than the destruction of the Jewish Temple. That an 
 Emperor (an Arian, indeed, yet professing himself Christian) 
 should organise the persecution, and that some actually 
 baptized persons should take, as his friend informed him, a 
 part in it, was an intolerable aggravation of the infliction. 
 He would rather die than witness such a calamity, and was 
 ready to exclaim with Elijah, " Now, Lord, take away my 
 life ! " His friend roused him from this state of despondency 
 by suggesting that, instead of giving way to useless lam- 
 entations, he should write an admonitory treatise to the 
 
74 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vi. 
 
 originators and abettors of this horrible persecution. At first 
 Chrysostom refused, partly from a feeling of incompetency, 
 partly from a dread of exposing to the pagans by his writings 
 some of the internal corruptions, dissensions, and weaknesses 
 of the Church. His friend replies that these were already 
 but too notorious ; and as for the sufferings of the monks, 
 they formed the topic of public conversation, too often of 
 public jest. In the market-place and in the doctors' shops 
 the subject was freely canvassed, and many boasted of the 
 part which they had taken against the victims. " I was the 
 first to lay hands on such a monk," one would cry, " and to 
 give him a blow;" or, " I was the first to discover his cell ;" 
 or, " I stimulated the judge against him more than any one." 
 Such was the spirit of cruelty and profanity by which even 
 Christians were animated ; and, as for the pagans, they 
 derided both parties. Eoused by these dreadful communi- 
 cations, the indignation of Chrysostom no longer hesitated 
 to set about the task. 1 
 
 His pity, he says, was excited chiefly for the persecutors ; 
 they were purchasing eternal misery for themselves, while 
 the future reward of their victims would be in proportion to 
 the magnitude of their present sufferings, since "Blessed 
 were those whom men should hate, persecute, and revile for 
 Christ's sake, and great was to be their reward in heaven." 2 
 
 To persecute monks was to hinder that purity of life to 
 which Christ attached so deep an importance. It might be 
 objected, Cannot men lead lives uncontaminated at home ? 
 to which Chrysostom replies that he heartily wishes they 
 could, and that such good order and morality might be 
 established in cities as to make monasteries unnecessary. 
 But at present such gross iniquity prevailed in large towns, 
 that men of pious aspirations were compelled to fly to the 
 mountain or the desert. The blame should fall, not on those 
 who escaped from the city, but on those who made life there 
 
 1 Adv. Oppng. Vita? Hon., lib. i. c. 1-3. 2 C. 4. 
 
CH. vi.] MONASTICISM : WHY NECESSARY. 75 
 
 intolerable to virtuous men. He trusted the time might 
 come when these refugees would be able to return with 
 safety to the world. 1 
 
 If it was objected that on this principle of reasoning the 
 mass of mankind was condemned, he could only reply, in the 
 words of Christ himself, " Narrow is the way which leadeth 
 unto life, and few there be that find it." We must not 
 honour a multitude before truth. If all flesh was once 
 destroyed except eight persons, we cannot be surprised if 
 the number of men eventually saved shall be few. " I see," 
 he says, "a constant perpetration of crimes which are all 
 condemned by Christ as meriting the punishment of hell 
 adultery, fornication, envy, anger, evil speaking, and many 
 more. The multitude which is engaged in this wickedness 
 is unmolested, but the monks who fly from it themselves, 
 and persuade others to take flight also, are persecuted with- 
 out mercy." So much for the Christianity of the world. 2 
 
 In Book II. he expresses his astonishment that fathers 
 should so little understand what was best for their sons as 
 to deter them from studying " the true philosophy." But 
 in combating this error he will put forward all that can be 
 urged on their side. He imagines the case of a pagan father, 
 possessed of great worldly distinction and wealth. He has 
 an only son, in whom all his pride and hopes are centred ; 
 one whom he expects to surpass himself in riches and honour. 
 Suddenly this son becomes converted to monasticism ; this 
 rich heir flies to the mountains, puts on a dress coarser than 
 that of the meanest servant, toils at the menial occupations 
 of gardening and drawing water, becomes lean and pale. All 
 the schemes of his father for the future are frustrated, all 
 past efforts for his education seem to have been squandered. 
 The little vessel which was his pride and pleasure is wrecked 
 at the very mouth of the harbour from which it was setting 
 out on the voyage of life. The parent has no longer any 
 1 c. 5-7. 2 c. 8. 
 
76 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vi. 
 
 pleasure in life ; he mourns for his son as for one already 
 dead. 1 
 
 Having thus stated the case on his adversary's side as 
 strongly as possible, Chrysostom begins his own defence by 
 asking which would be best: that a man should be subject 
 to thirst all his life, or wholly exempt from it ? Surely to 
 be exempt from it. Apply this to the moral appetites 
 love, avarice, and the rest. The monk is exempt from them ; 
 the man of the world is distracted by them, if not over- 
 whelmed. Again, if the monk has no wealth of his own, 
 he exercises a powerful influence in directing the wealth of 
 others. Eeligious men will part with much of their riches 
 according to his suggestions; if one refuses, another will 
 give. The resources, in fact, of the monk are quite inex- 
 haustible; many will subscribe to supply his wants or to 
 execute his wishes, as Crito said that he and his friends 
 would subscribe for Socrates. It is impossible to deprive 
 the monk of his wealth or of his home ; if you strip him of 
 everything he has, he rejoices, and thanks you for helping 
 him to live the life which he desires ; and as for his home, 
 the world is his home ; one place is the same as another to 
 him ; he needs nothing but the pure air of heaven, whole- 
 some streams, and herbs. As for high place and rank, 
 history suffices to teach us that the desert does not destroy, 
 and the palace does not give, true nobility. Plato planting, 
 watering, and. eating olives was a far nobler personage 
 than Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily, amidst all the wealth and 
 splendour of a monarch. Socrates clad in a single garment, 
 with his bare feet and his meagre fare of bread, and dependent 
 upon others for the mere necessaries of life was a far more 
 illustrious character than Archelaus, who often invited him, 
 but in vain, to court. Eeal splendour and distinction con- 
 sisted not in fine raiment, or in positions of dignity and 
 power, but only in excellence of the soul and in philosophy. 2 
 
 1 Lib. ii. c. 1, 2. 2 C. 2-5. 
 

 CH. vi.] INFLUENCE OF THE MONK. 77 
 
 He then proceeds to maintain that the influence of the 
 monk was more powerful than that of the man of the world, 
 however distinguished he might be. If he descended from 
 his mountain solitude, and entered the city, the people 
 flocked round him, and pointed him out with reverence and 
 admiration, as if he were a messenger from heaven. His 
 mean dress commanded more respect than the purple robe 
 and diadem of the monarch. If he was required to inter- 
 fere in matters of public interest, his influence was greater 
 than that of the powerful or wealthy; for he could speak 
 before an emperor with boldness and freedom, and without 
 incurring the suspicion of self-interested or ambitious 
 motives. He was a more effectual comforter of the mourners 
 than any one in a prosperous worldly condition was likely 
 to be. If a father had lost his only son, the sight of other 
 men's domestic happiness only revived his grief; but the 
 society of the monk, who disdained the ties of home and 
 family, and who talked to him of death as only a sleep, 
 soothed his grief. Thus the man who wished his son to 
 possess real honour and power would permit him to become 
 a monk ; for monks who were once mere peasants had been 
 visited in their cells and consulted by kings and ministers of 
 state. 
 
 Chrysostom concludes this book by relating the history 
 of one of his own brethren in the monastery, who, when first 
 he desired to become a monk, had been disowned by his 
 father, a wealthy and distinguished pagan, who threatened 
 him with imprisonment, turned him out of doors, and allowed 
 him almost to perish with hunger. But, finding him inflexible 
 in his purpose, the father at last relented, and, at the time 
 when Chrysostom wrote, honoured, he might say venerated, 
 that son, considering the others, who occupied distinguished 
 positions in the world, scarcely worthy to be his servant. 1 
 
 As the second book was intended to meet the objections 
 1 c. 6-10. 
 
78 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. vi. 
 
 of a pagan father, so the third contains admonitions to one 
 who was professedly Christian, but worldly-minded, on the 
 duty of parents in regard to the moral and religious educa- 
 tion of their children. 
 
 It appeared to him that the fathers of that day gave their 
 sons none but worldly counsel, inculcated none but worldly 
 industry and prudence, and encouraged to the emulation 
 of none but worldly examples. 1 The force of habit was 
 intensely strong, especially when pleasure co-operated with 
 it, and parents, instead of counteracting habits of worldliness, 
 promoted them by their own example. God led the Israelites 
 through the wilderness as a kind of monastic training, to 
 wean them from the luxurious and sensual habits of an 
 Egyptian life ; yet even then they hankered after the land 
 of their bondage. How, then, could the children of parents 
 who left them in the midst of the Egypt of vice, escape 
 damnation ? If they achieved anything good of themselves, 
 it was speedily crushed by the flood of worldly conversation 
 which issued from the parent. All those things which were 
 condemned by Christ as wealth, popularity, strife, an evil 
 eye, divorce were approved by parents of that day, and 
 they threw a veil over the ugliness of these vices, by giving 
 them specious names. Devotion to the hippodrome and 
 theatre was called fashionable refinement; wealth was 
 called freedom; love of glory, high spirit; folly, boldness; 
 prodigality, benevolence; injustice, manliness. Virtues, on 
 the contrary, were depreciated by opprobrious names : tem- 
 perance was called rusticity ; equity, cowardice ; justice, 
 unmanliness ; modesty, meanness ; endurance of injury, 
 feebleness. He truly remarks, that nothing contributes so 
 much to deter men from vice as calling vices plainly by 
 their proper names. 2 
 
 " How can children escape moral ruin, when all the labour 
 
 Lib. iii. c. 6. 
 
 2 Compare similar remarks by Thu- the Corcyrsean sedition, on the mis- 
 cydides, book iii., in his account of application of names to vices. 
 
CH. vi.] WOELDLINESS OF PARENTS. 79 
 
 of their fathers is bestowed on the provision of super- 
 fluous things fine houses, dress, horses, beautiful statues, 
 gilded ceilings while they take no pains about the soul, 
 which is far more precious than any ornament of gold?" 1 
 And there were worse evils behind : vice too monstrous 
 and unnatural to be named, but to which he was constrained 
 to allude, because he felt that it was poisoning with deadly 
 venom the very vitals of the social body. "Well," but 
 worldly men reply, "Would you have us all turn philo- 
 sophers, and let our worldly affairs go to ruin ? Nay," says 
 Chrysostom, " it is the want of the philosophic spirit and rule 
 which ruins everything now; it is your rich men with 
 troops of slaves and swarms of parasites, eager for wealth and 
 ambitious of distinction, building fine houses, adding field 
 to field, lending money at a usurious rate of interest who 
 propagate the strife and litigation, and envy, and murder, 
 and general confusion, by which life is distracted. These 
 are they who bring down the vengeance of Heaven, in the 
 shape of droughts, and famines, and inundations, and earth- 
 quakes, and submersion of cities, and pestilences. It is not 
 the simple monk, or the philosophic Christian, who is con- 
 tented with a humble dwelling, a mean dress, a little plot of 
 ground. These last, shining like bright beacons in a dark 
 place, hold up the lamp of philosophy on high, and endea- 
 vour to guide those who are tossing on the open sea in a 
 dark night into the haven of safety and repose." 2 
 
 "In spite of law, disorder prevailed to such an extent, 
 that the very idea of God's providence was lost. Men 
 assigned the course of events to fate, or to the stars, or to 
 chance, or to spontaneous force. God did, indeed, still rule ; 
 but He was like a pilot in a storm, whose skill in managing 
 and conducting the vessel in safety was not perceived or 
 appreciated by the passengers, owing to the confusion 
 and fright caused by the raging of the elements. In the 
 
 i Lib. Hi. c. 6, 7. 2 C. 8, 9. 
 
80 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vi. 
 
 monastery, on the other hand, all was tranquillity and peace 
 as in a community of angels. He strenuously combated 
 the error of supposing that sin was more pardonable in a man 
 of the world than in a monk. Anger, uncleanness, swearing, 
 and the like, were equally sinful in all. Christ made no 
 distinctions, but propounded one standard of morality for 
 all alike. Nothing had inflicted more injury on the moral 
 tone of society than the supposition that strictness of life 
 was demanded of the monk only." 1 He strongly urges 
 the advantage of sending youths for education to monas- 
 teries, even for so long a period as ten or twenty years. 
 Men consented, he says, to part with their children, for the 
 purpose of learning some art or trade, or even so low an 
 accomplishment as rope-dancing ; but when the object was 
 to train their souls for heaven, all kinds of impediments 
 were raised. To object that few attained through residence 
 in a monastery that perfection of spiritual life which some 
 expected of them, was a mere excuse. In the case of 
 worldly things, on which men's hearts were set, they thought 
 of getting as much as they could, not of reaching absolute 
 perfection. A man did not prevent his son from entering 
 military service because the chances of his becoming a 
 prefect were small ; why, then, hesitate to send your son to 
 a monastery because all monks do not become angels ? 2 
 
 These treatises are remarkable productions, and deserve 
 to be read, not only because they exhibit Chrysostom's best 
 powers of argument and style, but also because they throw 
 light upon the character of the man and the times in which 
 he lived. He pleads his cause with the ingenuity, as well 
 as eloquence, of a man who had been trained for the law 
 courts. We find, indeed, that his opinions on the advantages 
 of the monastic life were modified as he grew older; but 
 his bold condemnation of worldliness, his denunciation of a 
 cold secularised Christianity, as contrasted with the purity 
 
 i Lib. iii. c. 14, 15. 2 c. 18, 19. 
 
CH. vi.] CHARACTER OF THE TREATISES. 81 
 
 of the Gospel standard, the deep aspirations after personal 
 holiness, the desire to be rilled with a fervent and overflow- 
 ing love of Christ, the firm hold on the idea of a superin- 
 tending Providence, amidst social confusion and corruption ; 
 these we find, as here, so always, conspicuous characteristics 
 of the man, and principal sources of his influence. 
 
 From the frightful picture here drawn of social depravity, 
 we perceive the value we might say, t the necessity of 
 monasteries, as havens of refuge for those who recoiled in 
 horror from the surrounding pollution. It is clear also 
 that the influence of the monks was considerable. Monas- 
 teries were recognised places of education, where pious 
 parents could depend on their children being virtuously 
 brought up. The Christian wife of a pagan or worldly 
 husband could here find a safe home for her boy, where he 
 could escape the contamination of his father's influence or 
 example. Chrysostom relates, in chapter 12, how a Christian 
 lady in Antioch, being afraid of the wrath of a harsh and 
 worldly-minded husband if she sent away her son to school 
 at the monastery, induced one of the monks, a friend 
 of Chrysostom's, to reside for a time in the city, in the 
 character of pedagogue. The boy, thus subjected to his 
 training, afterwards joined the society of the monks; but 
 Chrysostom, fearing the consequences both to the youth and 
 to the monastic body, should his father detect his secession, 
 persuaded him to return to the city, where he led an ascetic 
 life, though not habited in monkish dress. Out of these 
 monastic schools, after years of discipline and prayer, and 
 study of the Word, there issued many a pastor and preacher, 
 well-armed champions of the truth, strong in the Lord, and 
 in the power of His might ; like Chrysostom himself, instant 
 in season and out of season; stern denouncers of evil, 
 even in kings' courts ; holding out the light of the Gospel 
 in the midst of a dark and crooked generation. 
 
 The foregoing extracts and paraphrases from these treatises 
 
 F 
 
82 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vi. 
 
 prove also that as philosophy was considered the highest 
 flight in the intellectual culture of the pagan, so was asceti- 
 cism regarded as the highest standard of Christian life ; it 
 was to the education of the soul what philosophy was to 
 the education of the mind, and hence it was called by the 
 same name. Possessed by this idea, Chrysostom threw 
 himself at this period of his life into the system with all 
 the ardour of his nature. If asceticism was good, it was 
 right to carry it as far as nature could bear it. He adopted 
 the habits of an old member of the brotherhood named Syrus, 
 notorious for the severity of his self-inflicted discipline. 
 The day and greater part of the night were spent in 
 study, fastings and vigils. Bread and water were his only 
 habitual food. At the end of four years he proceeded a 
 step further. He withdrew from the community to one of 
 those solitary caves with which the mountains overhanging 
 Antioch on its southern side abounded. In fact, he ex- 
 changed the life of a monk for that of an anchorite. His 
 frame endured this additional strain for nearly two years, 
 and then gave way. His health was so much shattered 
 that he was obliged to abandon monastic life, and to return 
 to the greater comfort of his home in Antioch. 1 
 
 Meanwhile a friend of his, Stagirius by name a person 
 of noble birth, who, in spite of his father's opposition, had 
 embraced monasticism was reduced to a more deplorable 
 condition. While Chrysostom was confined to his house by 
 illness, a friend common to him and Stagirius brought him 
 the sad intelligence that Stagirius was affected with all the 
 symptoms of demoniacal possession wringing of the hands, 
 squinting of the eyes, foaming at the mouth, strange inarti- 
 culate cries, shiverings, and frightful visions at night. 2 We 
 shall perhaps find little difficulty in accounting for these 
 distressing affections, as the consequence of excessive 
 austerities. The young man, who formerly lived a gay 
 
 1 Pallad. Dial. c. v. 2 Ad Stag, a Dsem. vex., vol. i. lib. i. c. 1. 
 
CH. vi.] EPISTLE TO STAGIEIUS. 83 
 
 life in the world, and in the midst of affluence, had in the 
 monastery fared on bread and water only, often kept vigil 
 all night long, spent his days in prayer and tears of peni- 
 tence, preserved an absolute silence, and read so many hours 
 continuously, that his friends and brother monks feared 
 that his brain would become disordered. 1 Very probably 
 it was, and hence his visions and convulsions ; but those 
 were not days in which men readily attributed any strange 
 phenomena, mental or bodily, to physical causes. We may 
 believe in the action of a spirit-world on the inhabitants of 
 this earth ; but we require good evidence that any violent 
 or strange affection of mind or body is due to a directly 
 spiritual agency, rather than to the operation of God accord- 
 ing to natural law. The cases of demoniacs in the Gospel 
 stand apart. Our Lord uses language which amounts to a 
 distinct affirmation that those men were actually possessed 
 by evil spirits. To use such expressions as " come out of 
 him," "enter no more into him," and the like, if there was 
 no spirit concerned in the case at all, would have been, to 
 say the least, a mere unmeaning piece of acting, of which it 
 would be shocking to suppose our Lord capable. But to 
 admit the direct agency of spirit, when confirmed by such 
 authoritative testimony, is widely different from the hasty 
 ascription to spiritual agency, by an uncritical and unscientific 
 age, of everything which cannot be accounted for by the 
 most superficial knowledge and observation. Chrysostom, of 
 course, not being beyond his age in such matters, did not for 
 a moment dispute the supposition that Stagirius was actually 
 possessed by a demon, but he displays a great deal of good 
 sense in dealing with the case. As the state of his own 
 health did not permit him to pay Stagirius a visit in person, 
 he wrote his advice instead. He perceived the fatal tempta- 
 tion to despair in a man who imagined that the devil had 
 got a firm hold upon him, and that every evil inclination 
 
 i Ibid. lib. ii. c. 1. 
 
84 . LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vi. 
 
 proceeded directly from this demoniacal invader. He will 
 not allow that the suggestion to suicide, of which Stagirius 
 complained, came direct from the demon, but rather from 
 his own despondency, 1 with which the devil had endeavoured 
 to oppress him, that he might, under cover of that, work his 
 own purposes more effectually, just as robbers attack houses 
 in the dark. But this was to be shaken off by trust in God ; 
 for the devil did not exercise a compulsory power over the 
 hearts of men ; there must be a co-operation of the man's 
 own will. Eve fell partly through her own inclination to 
 sin : " When she saw that the tree was good for food, and 
 pleasant to the eyes, she took of the fruit thereof and did 
 eat;" and if Adam was so easily persuaded to participate in 
 her sin, he would have fallen even had no devil existed. 
 
 Chrysostorn endeavours also to console his friend by going 
 through the histories of saints in all times who have been 
 afflicted. His sufferings were not to be compared to those of 
 Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Moses, David, and St. Paul. " These 
 afflictions were sent for remedial, purgatorial purposes that 
 the soul might be saved in the day of the Lord. It was not 
 easy to say why such a person was tried by this or that form 
 of suffering, but if we knew exactly God's motives, there 
 would be no test of faith. The indispensable thing was to 
 be firmly convinced that whatever God sent was right. 
 Some men were disturbed because the good were often 
 troubled, and the wicked prosperous ; but such inequality in 
 the distribution of reward and punishment in this life sug- 
 gested a future state where they would be finally adjusted. 
 The wicked who had here received his good things would 
 there receive his evil. 2 Stagirius had not been attacked by 
 any demon when he was living in carelessness and worldly 
 pleasure, but when he had buckled on his armour and 
 appeared as an antagonist, then the devil descended to the 
 Assault. Hence he had no need to be ashamed of his afflic- 
 
 i Ad Stag., vol. i. lib. ii. c. 1. 2 Ibid. c. 5-9. 
 
en. vi.] CONSOLES STAGIKIUS. 85 
 
 tion ; the only thing to be ashamed of was sin, and it was 
 owing to his renunciation of sin that the devil assailed him. 
 The real demoniacs were those who were carried away by 
 the impulses of unregulated passions." His summaries of 
 the lives of the Old Testament saints, which fill the rest of 
 the second book and most of the third, are very masterly, 
 and display most intimate acquaintance with Holy Scripture 
 in all its parts. A powerful mind and retentive memory 
 had profited by six years of retirement largely devoted to 
 study. 
 
 
 LIBRARY 
 
 I' X I V K i;s IT Y OK 
 
 CALIFORNIA, 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 ORDINATION AS DEA'CON DESCRIPTION OP ANTIOCH WORKS COMPOSED 
 DURING HIS DI AGON ATE. A.D. S81-386. 
 
 PKOBABLY one of the last acts of Bishop Meletius before 
 he left Antioch to attend the Council of Constantinople in 
 381, was to ordain Chrysostoin a deacon. The bishop 
 never returned. He died during the session of the council 
 of which he was president, leaving both that and the see of 
 Antioch distracted by the most deplorable factions. It will 
 be remembered 1 that the Catholics of Antioch had, ever 
 since the ill-judged mission of Lucifer of Cagliari, been 
 divided between allegiance to Paulinus, a priest of the old 
 Eustathian party, who had been consecrated bishop by 
 Lucifer, and Meletius, bishop of the more moderate party. 
 With the laudable purpose of healing this schism, it is said 
 that several of the clergy at Antioch, who were considered 
 most likely to succeed to a vacancy, bound themselves under 
 an oath, that in the event of either bishop dying, they would 
 decline the offer of the see, if made, and acknowledge the sur- 
 vivor. But on the death of Meletius, their plan was frustrated. 
 Either the Asiatics, who generally favoured Meletius, refused 
 to submit to the authority of Paulinus, because he had been 
 ordained by a Western prelate, or the Eustathians who ac- 
 knowledged Paulinus were unwilling on their side to admit 
 Meletians into their fold. In any case, the earnest endeavours 
 of Gregory of Nazianzum, now President of the Council, to 
 
 i See ante, Chapter II. 
 
en. vii ] DUTIES OF A DEACON. 87 
 
 unite the two factions under one prelate were unsuccessful. 1 
 The Meletians elected Flavian to be their bishop, one of 
 the very priests who had, under oath, renounced their pre- 
 tensions to the see. This appointment of course exposed 
 Flavian to the imputation of perjury, but we may hope that, 
 like Gregory, he yielded to a pressing necessity only, and to 
 a conviction that the dissension would have been aggravated 
 and protracted if he had obdurately refused. 2 At any rate, 
 as will hereafter appear, his conduct, wherever it comes 
 before us, is worthy of all admiration, and Chrysostom must 
 have filled the office of deacon with happiness under his 
 administration. A greater contrast than the initiation of 
 Chrysostom into clerical life, and that of a young deacon in 
 modern times, can scarcely be imagined. He was in his 
 thirty-seventh year, and had supplemented the good liberal 
 education of his youth by several years of devotion to close 
 study of Scripture, to rigorous mortification of the body, to 
 prayer and meditation, and to every means of promoting the 
 culture of the soul. After this long and careful training, he 
 enters the subordinate rankS of the clergy, not to discharge, 
 like a modern deacon, duties as laborious, and often as 
 responsible, as those which pertained to the priest, but such 
 light and irresponsible tasks as were suitable to men who 
 might be young, and were necessarily inexperienced in 
 pastoral work. The deacons were sometimes called the 
 Levites of the Christian Church. 3 It was their office to take 
 care of the holy table and its furniture, to administer the 
 cup to the laity, but not to a priest or a bishop, and occasion- 
 ally to read the Gospel. 4 They were in most churches 
 permitted to baptize. 5 But their peculiar duty in the ser- 
 vices of the Church was to call the attention of the people to 
 
 1 See preface to his Orat. xliii. Flavian was obtained in A.D. 398. 
 
 2 The bishops of Egypt and the 3 So Jerome, Ep. xxvii. 
 
 West generally adhered to Paulinus, Cone. Nic., can. 18. (Hefele, 
 
 Sozom. vii. 11, till by the united p. 426.) 
 
 efforts of Chrysostom and Theophilus 5 Tertull. de Bapt. cxvii. Jerome 
 
 the universal acknowledgment of Dial, contr. Lucif. 
 
88 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. VH. 
 
 every fresh movement, to use a musical expression, in the 
 progress of the service. Thus at the close of the sermon, 
 the deacon's voice was heard crying : " Let the hearers [i.e. the 
 second order of catechumens who were permitted to hear the 
 sermon, but not the conclusion of the Eucharistic service] 
 and the unbelievers depart ! " l Then he bid the remaining 
 orders of the catechumens, i.e. the energumens, the compe- 
 tentes, and the penitents to pray for one another, and the 
 people also to pray for them; k/crevcos SerjOwfjiev, "let us 
 ardently pray for them " such was the form. Again when 
 they were dismissed by the command cnrokvecrOe, " disperse," 
 the faithful were invited by the deacon to pray for the whole 
 state of Christ's Church. 2 Thus the deacons were the sacred 
 criers or heralds of the Church; they "proclaimed or bid 
 prayer," they announced each part as it was unfolded in the 
 sacred drama of the Liturgy. The frequent recurrence in 
 our own Liturgy, without much apparent significance, of the 
 form " Let us pray," is a remnant of these old diaconal invi- 
 tations. The deacons were not permitted to preach except 
 by a special direction of the bishop. Their duty in part 
 corresponded to that of our churchwardens; they were to 
 reprove any improper behaviour during divine service, 3 to 
 bring cases of poverty and sickness before the notice of the 
 bishop, to distribute the alms under his direction, and also 
 to report to him grave moral offences. 4 They were essen- 
 tially, as the name implies, ministers to the bishops and 
 priests, and were often styled, in symbolical language, " the 
 bishop's eyes," or " ears," or " right hand." The attitude of re- 
 spect, which they were bound to maintain in church towards 
 bishops and priests was in keeping with the servitorial 
 character of their office as a whole. While the priests had 
 their chairs ranged on either side of the central chair of 
 the bishop in the choir, the deacons stood humbly by, as if 
 
 1 Chrysost. Horn. ii. in 2 Cor. Chrysost. Horn. xxiv. in Act. 
 
 2 Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 10. 4 Constit. Apost. lib. ii. c. 31, 32. 
 
 3 Constit. Apost. lib. ii. c. 57. Cyprian, Ep. xlix. 
 
en. vii.] CHKYSOSTOM AS A DEACON. 80 
 
 ready to receive and execute the directions of their superiors. 1 
 Even the Konian deacons, who rose rather above the natural 
 lowliness of their office, did not presume to sit in the church. 2 
 
 The duties of the diaconate must have brought Chrysostom 
 into constant intercourse with the Christian population of 
 Antioch, and especially with the poorer portion of it. The 
 whole population of the city amounted, according to Chryso- 
 stom's statement, to 200,000, 3 and the Christians to 100,000, 4 
 of whom 3000 were indigent, and mainly supported by the 
 bounty of the Church. 5 The deacon's function of searching 
 out and relieving the necessitous by distribution of alms 
 must have been peculiarly congenial to him. There is no 
 Christian duty on which he more constantly and earnestly 
 insists than that of almsgiving, not only in order to alleviate 
 the sufferings of poverty, but as a means of counteracting 
 the inordinate avarice and selfish luxury which were the 
 prevailing vices in the higher ranks of society, both in 
 Antioch and Constantinople. His hold upon the affections 
 of the common people, partly no doubt through his sympathy 
 with their needs, partly by his bold denunciation of the 
 vices of the wealthy, partly by his affectionate and earnest 
 ])la in-speaking of Christian truth, was remarkably strong 
 throughout his life. As during the secluded leisure of his 
 monastic life he had acquired a profound intimacy with 
 Holy Scripture, so in the more active labours of his diaconate 
 he enlarged his knowledge of human nature, and stored up 
 observations on the character and manners of the people 
 among whom he moved ; qualifications no less important for 
 the formation of a great and effective preacher. 
 
 It may not be uninteresting to take a brief glance at the 
 character of the city and its inhabitants among whom he was 
 destined to labour for the next seventeen years of his life. 
 
 Both nature and art combined to make Antioch one of the 
 
 1 Cone. Nic., can. 18. (Hefele, p. 426.) Ibid. vol. vii. p. 762. 
 
 2 Jerome, Epist. Ixxxv. ad Evang. 5 ibid. p. 629. 
 
 3 Chrysost. vol. ii. p. 591. 
 
90 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vn. 
 
 most delectable and luxurious residences in the world. The 
 advantages of its situation, in some most important respects, 
 could scarcely be exceeded. The river Orontes, connecting it 
 with the sea about three miles distant, was the throat through 
 which the city was fed with merchandise from all parts of 
 the world. The wooded shores of the large lake of Antioch 
 some miles above the city, supplied the inhabitants with 
 fuel, and its waters yielded fish in great abundance. The 
 hills which impended over the town on the southern side 
 sent down numerous and copious streams, whose water, 
 unsurpassed in purity, bubbled up through the fountains 
 which stood in the court of every house. Northwards ex- 
 tended a fertile plain between the Orontes and Mount Cory- 
 phseus. The northern winds were occasionally keen and 
 searching, but the prevailing western breezes coming up 
 from the sea were so delicately soft, yet refreshing, that the 
 citizens delighted in summer to sleep upon the flat roofs of 
 their dwellings. These advantages, however, were in some 
 degree balanced by a liability to inundations and earth- 
 quakes. Those hill-streams, the blessing and delight of the 
 inhabitants in summer, were sometimes swollen in winter 
 by excessive rains into torrents of incontrollable fury, and 
 caused much damage to the buildings which were situated 
 near their course. But far more destructive were the earth- 
 quakes. More than once, indeed, especially in the reigns of 
 Caligula, Claudius, and Trajan, the whole city was almost 
 shattered to pieces; but on each occasion, through public 
 and private exertions, it arose from its ruins in new and, if 
 possible, increased magnificence. The peculiar glories of 
 Antioch were its gardens, and baths, and colonnaded streets. 
 As in its population, and religion, and customs, so also in its 
 architecture, it presented, as time went on, a remarkable 
 mixture of Asiatic, Greek, and Eoman elements. The aim 
 of each Greek king and Eoman emperor was to leave it more 
 beautiful than he had received it from the hands of his 
 
CH. vii.] DESCRIPTION OF ANTIOCH. 91 
 
 predecessor. Each marked his reign by the erection of a 
 temple or basilica, or bath, or aqueduct, or theatre, or column. 
 The church in which Chrysostom officiated, usually called 
 " the great Church," to distinguish it from the smaller and 
 older church, called the Church of .the Apostles, was begun 
 by Constantine and finished by Constantius. In the main 
 principles of structure, we may find some parallel to it in 
 St. Vitale at Eavenna. It stood in the centre of a large 
 court, and was octangular in shape ; chambers, some of them 
 subterranean, were clustered round it ; the domed roof, of an 
 amazing height, was gilded on the inside; the floor was 
 paved with polished marbles ; the walls and columns were 
 adorned with images, and glistened with precious stones; 
 every part, indeed, was richly embellished with bronze and 
 golden ornament. 1 Among the principal wonders of Antioch 
 was the great street constructed by Antiochus Epiphanes, 
 nearly four miles in length, which traversed the city from 
 east to west; the natural inequalities of the ground were 
 filled up, so that the thoroughfare was a perfect level from 
 end to end; the spacious colonnades on either side were 
 paved with red granite. From the centre of this magnificent 
 street, where stood a statue of Apollo, another street, similar 
 in character, but much shorter, was drawn at right angles, 
 leading northwards in the direction of the Orontes. Many 
 of the other streets were also colonnaded, so that the inhabi- 
 tants, as they pursued their errands of business or pleasure, 
 were sheltered alike from the scorching sun of summer and 
 the rains of winter. Innumerable lanterns at night illumin- 
 ated the main thoroughfares with a brilliancy which almost 
 rivalled the light of day, and much of the business, as well 
 as the festivity, of the inhabitants was carried on by night. 2 
 
 1 Euseb. Vita Const, iii. 50. Chry- mainly collected from M tiller's ad- 
 sost. vol. iii. p. 160 and vol. xi. p. 78. mirable and exhaustive work on the 
 Vide also Mliller de Antiq. Antioch., Antiquities of Antioch. or from the 
 p. 103. authorities referred to therein. 
 
 2 This description of Antioch is 
 
92 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHBYSOSTOM. [CH. vn. 
 
 The character of the inhabitants partook of the various 
 elements Asiatic, Syrian, Greek, Jewish, Roman which 
 composed the whole population. But the impulsive oriental 
 temperament, subject at times to fits of gloomy despondency, 
 and to outbursts of wild ferocity, was undoubtedly the most 
 dominant. When not driven under the pressure of excite- 
 ment to either of these extremes, they abandoned themselves 
 very freely to those voluptuous recreations for which the 
 character of their city and climate afforded every facility 
 and inducement. The bath, the circus, the theatre, were the 
 daily amusements of the citizen ; the Olympic games (insti- 
 tuted in the time of Commodus), which were celebrated in 
 the grove of Daphne, and the festivities held at particular 
 seasons in honour of different deities, were the greater 
 occasions to which he looked forward with all the eagerness 
 of a pleasure-loving nature. 
 
 These main characteristics of the people are abundantly 
 illustrated in detail, as will be seen hereafter, in the homilies 
 of Chrysostom. He is ever, in them, labouring with inde- 
 fatigable industry and earnestness to lift the Christians above 
 the frivolity and vices of the rest of the population. His 
 opportunities for investigating the condition of the Christian 
 community were great during his diaconate. He did not as 
 yet preach ; but by observations on life and manners, he laid 
 up copious materials for preaching. And he was not idle in 
 the use of his pen, for to this period may be assigned the 
 treatise on Virginity ; a letter addressed to a young widow ; 
 a book on the martyr Babylas; and, perhaps, though this 
 cannot certainly be determined, the six books on the Priest- 
 hood. 1 
 
 The letter to a young widow must have been written soon 
 after the destruction of the Emperor Valens and his army by 
 the Goths in A.D. 378, since it contains a reference to that 
 
 1 See Socrates vi. 1, and Montfaucon's preface to "De Sacerdotio." 
 
CTI. VIL] LETTER TO A YOUNG WIDOW. 93 
 
 event as a recent occurrence, 1 yet it must have been ante- 
 cedent to the crushing defeats inflicted on them by Theo- 
 dosius in A.D. 382, because the writer implies that at the 
 time of composition the Goths were overrunning large tracts 
 of the empire with impunity, and mocking the helplessness 
 and timidity of the imperial troops. 2 The whole book is 
 penetrated with that profound sense of the misery and in- 
 stability of things human, which the corruption of society 
 and recent calamities of the empire impressed with peculiar 
 force on the minds of reflecting persons; which produced 
 among pagans either melancholy or careless indifference, but 
 made Christians cling with a more earnest and tenacious 
 trust to the hopes and consolations of the Gospel. 
 
 Therasius, the husband of the young widow, had died 
 after five years of married life. He is described by Chryso- 
 stom as having been distinguished in rank, in ability, and, 
 above all, in virtue ; as having held a high position in the 
 army, with a reasonable expectation of soon becoming a 
 prefect. But these very excellencies and brilliant prospects, 
 which seemed to aggravate the sense of his loss, "ought," 
 Chrysostom observes, " to be regarded as sources of consola- 
 tion. If death were a final and total destruction, then 
 indeed it would have been reasonable to lament the extinc- 
 tion of one so benevolent, so gentle, so humble, prudent, and 
 devout, as her late husband. But if death was only the 
 landing of the soul in a tranquil haven, only a transition 
 from the worse to better, from earth to heaven, from men 
 to angels and archangels, and to Him who is the Lord 
 of angels, then there was no place left for tears. It was 
 better that he should depart and be with Christ, his true 
 King, serving Whom in that other world, he would not be 
 exposed to the dangers and animosities which attended the 
 service of an earthly monarch. They were, indeed, separated 
 
 1 Ad via. jun. c. 5. 2 C. 4. 
 
94 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. vir. 
 
 in body, but neither length of time nor remoteness of place 
 could sunder the friendship of the soul. Endure patiently 
 for a little time, and you will behold again the face of your 
 desire ; perhaps even now, in visions, his form will be per- 
 mitted to visit you." 1 If it was the loss of the prefecture 
 that she specially deplored, let her think from what dangerous 
 ambitions her husband had been preserved; think of the 
 fate of Theodorus, who was tempted by his high station to 
 lay a plot against the Emperor, and suffered capital punish- 
 ment for his treason. 2 The loftier a man's ambitions in life, 
 the more probable a disastrous fall. Look at the tragical 
 fate of the Emperors in the course of the past fifty years. 
 Two only, out of nine, had died natural deaths ; of the other 
 seven, one had been killed by a usurper, 3 one in battle, 4 one 
 by a sedition of his domestic guards, 5 one by the man who 
 had invested him with the purple. 6 Julian had fallen in 
 battle in the Persian expedition. Valentinian i. died in a 
 fit of rage, and Valens had been burnt, together with his 
 retinue, in a house to which the Goths set fire. And of 
 the widows of these Emperors, some had perished by 
 poison, others had died of despair and broken hearts. Of 
 those who yet survived, one was trembling for the safety of 
 an orphan son, 7 another had with difficulty obtained per- 
 mission to return from exile. 8 Of the wives of the present 
 Emperors, one was racked by constant anxiety on account of 
 the youth and inexperience of her husband, 9 the other was 
 subject to no less anxiety for her husband's safety, who 
 ever since his elevation to the throne had been engaged in 
 
 1 Advid.jun., c. 3. The two who died natural deaths 
 
 2 C. 4. Executed in 371 in the were Constantine the Great and his 
 reign of Valentinian, Valens, and Gra- son Constantius. 
 
 tian ; Ammian. Marcell. xxix. 1, who 7 The widow of Jovian, whose son 
 
 calls him a Gaul, not, as Chrysostom, Varronian was deprived of an eye. 
 
 a Sicilian. See Gibbon, vol. iv. p. 222. 
 
 3 Constans by Magnentius. 8 Doubtful ; possibly first wife of 
 
 4 Constantine the younger. Valentinian i., divorced from him and 
 6 Jovian. sent into exile. 
 
 fi Callus Caesar by Constantius. Constantia, wife of Gratian. 
 

 en. viz.] FATE OF EMPEKORS. 95 
 
 incessant warfare with the Goths. 1 Human ambition was a 
 hard taskmistress, who employed arrogance and avarice as 
 her agents ; " do not then, mourn that your husband has been 
 emancipated from her tyranny." Most of the wisest and 
 noblest characters even of the pagan world had resisted the 
 allurements of ambition Socrates, Epaminondas, Aristides, 
 Diogenes, Crates. Shall the Christian then complain, if 
 God takes one away from these temptations ? He who 
 cared least about glory, who was natural and modest, and 
 unambitious, often acquired most glory, whereas he who was 
 most eager and anxious to secure it, often obtained nothing 
 but derision and reproach. She believed that her husband 
 might have obtained the prefecture; it was a reasonable 
 hope, but there was many a slip betwixt the cup and the lip, 
 and he who was king to-day was dead to-morrow. " Strive, 
 then, to equal and even surpass your husband in piety and 
 goodness, that you may be admitted into the same home, 
 and reunited to him in a bond far more lovely and enduring 
 than that of earthly wedlock." 
 
 In the long treatise " De Virginitate," Chrysostom boldly 
 declares his preference for celibacy, but at the same time 
 he exposes and denounces the mischievous error of Mar- 
 cionites and Manichseans, who condemned marriage altogether 
 as positive sin. "They were mistaken in supposing that 
 abstinence from marriage would procure them a high place 
 in heaven, because, even if it were granted that marriage 
 was a positive sin, it must be remembered that not those 
 who abstained from sin, but those who did positive good, 
 would receive the highest rewards; not one who abs- 
 tained from calling his brother 'Eaca/ but he who loved 
 his enemies. The celibacy of heretics, such as the Mani- 
 cheeans, was based on the false conception that all created 
 
 1 Flacilla, wifeofTheodosius. Com- of sovereigns with the splendid pas- 
 pare this mournful list of tragic deaths sage in Shakespeare's Richard n. : 
 " For Heaven's sake let 's sit upon the ground, 
 And tell sad stories of the death of kings," etc. 
 
96 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. vn. 
 
 matter was evil, and that the Creator Himself was an 
 inferior being to the Supreme Deity. Hence their celibacy 
 was the work of the devil; they belonged to those men- 
 tioned only to be condemned in 1 Tim. iv. 1-3 'as forbid- 
 ding to marry.' 1 Chastity of body was worthless, if the 
 soul within was depraved; but celibacy rightly cultivated, 
 to preserve the purity of the soul towards God, was better 
 than marriage, better as heaven was better than earth, and 
 angels better than men." He confronts the common objec- 
 tion : if all men embraced celibacy, how would the race be 
 propagated? "Myriads of angels inhabit heaven, yet we 
 believe they are not propagated by matrimony, and it was 
 only by the special provision and will of God, that matri- 
 mony itself produced offspring. Sarah was barren till God 
 vouchsafed her Isaac. Marriage was the inferior state to 
 conduct us to the higher ; it was to celibacy as the Law to 
 the Gospel, it was a crutch to support those who would 
 otherwise fall into sin, but to be dispensed with when 
 possible. Let those, then, who reproached and derided 
 celibacy, put a restraint upon their lips, lest like Miriam, 
 or the children who mocked Elisha, they should be severely 
 punished for pouring contempt on so holy a state." 2 
 
 We are enabled to understand from this work why the 
 best Christianity in the East was so disparaging of the 
 married state. The woman had not attained her proper 
 place in society. She seems to have been ill-educated, to 
 have been kept, especially before marriage, in a state of 
 unnatural seclusion, which she broke when she could, and 
 was too often treated by the husband like a slave, with 
 severity and distrust. This degrading position was partly 
 a remnant of a pagan state of society, partly the offspring 
 of oriental character and habits of life. Christianity per- 
 ceived the evil, but had not effected much towards a remedy. 
 Instead of endeavouring to elevate, to soften, and refine the 
 
 1 De Virginitate, c. 15. 2 c. 14-22. 
 
CH. viz.] TREATISE OX CELIBACY. 97 
 
 relation of one sex to the other, it encouraged rather a total 
 separation. The treatise now under notice presents curious 
 pictures of domestic life, if such it can be called, in that 
 age. Matrimonial matches were arranged entirely by the 
 parents, the attentions of the suitors were paid to the parents, 
 not to the maiden herself. She suffered an agony of sus- 
 pense, while the favourite of yesterday was supplanted by 
 the superior charms of some rival of to-day, who in his turn 
 was superseded by a third. Sometimes, on the very eve of 
 marriage, the suitor whom she herself preferred was dis- 
 missed, and she was finally handed over to another whom 
 she disliked. The suitors also, on their side, were racked 
 by anxiety ; for it was difficult to ascertain what the real 
 character, personal appearance, and manners were of the 
 maiden, who was always kept in the strictest seclusion. 
 Then there was often great difficulty in getting the dowry 
 paid by the father-in-law, which was an annoyance to each 
 of the newly -married pair. 1 
 
 He draws a highly-wrought picture, with some caustic 
 humour, of the miseries of jealous wives and husbands. 
 When a man constantly suspects "his dearest love," 2 for 
 whom he would willingly sacrifice life itself, what can console 
 him ? By day and night he has no peace, and is irritable 
 to all. Some men have even slain their wives, without? suc- 
 ceeding in cooling their own jealous rage. The trials of the 
 wife were more severe ; her words, her very looks and sighs, 
 were watched by slaves, and reported to her husband, who 
 was too jealous to distinguish false tales from the true. The 
 poor woman was reduced to the wretched alternative of 
 keeping her own apartment, or, if she went out, of rendering 
 an exact account of her proceedings. Untold wealth, sump- 
 tuous fare, troops of servants, distinguished birth, amounted 
 to nothing when placed in the balance against such miseries 
 as these. If it was the woman who was jealous, she 
 
 3 De Virginitate, c. 57. 2 rty /xdXurra, TTO.VTWV dyairai/j^v^v, c. 52. 
 
 G 
 
98 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vn. 
 
 suffered more than the man, for she could not keep him at 
 home, or set the servants to watch him. If she remonstrated 
 with him, she would be told that she had better hold her 
 tongue, and keep her suspicions to herself. If the husband 
 instituted a suit against the wife, the laws were favourable 
 to him, and he could procure her condemnation, and even 
 death ; but if she were the petitioner, he would escape. 1 
 
 It was very natural that the woman, who, before marriage, 
 was cooped up like a child in the parental home, should 
 break out afterwards into extravagance, dissipation, and 
 frivolity, if not worse. An inordinate amount of time and 
 money was bestowed upon dress, though perhaps not more 
 than by the fashionable ladies of modern times. Women 
 loaded themselves with ornaments, under the delusion that 
 these added to their charms, whereas, Chrysostom observes, 
 if the woman was naturally beautiful, the ornaments only 
 concealed and detracted from her charms. If she was ugly, 
 they only set off her ugliness by the glaring contrast, and 
 the effect on the spectator was ludicrous or painful. But 
 the adornment of the virgin who had dedicated herself to 
 God was altogether spiritual. She arrayed herself in gentle- 
 ness, modesty, poverty, humility, fasting, vigils. Incorporeal 
 graces and incorporeal beauty were the objects of her love 
 and 'contemplation. She treated enemies with such perfect 
 courtesy and forbearance, that even the depraved were put 
 to shame in her presence. The goodness of the soul within 
 overflowed into all her outer actions. 2 From this rapturous 
 description of a highly spiritual kind of life, Chrysostom 
 passes, with versatile quickness, to a somewhat ludicrous 
 picture of the petty cares of life in the world. " The worldly 
 lady thinks it a fine thing to drive round the Forum ; how 
 much better to be independent, and use her feet for the 
 purpose for which God gave them ! There was always some 
 difficulty about the mules : she and her husband wanted 
 
 1 De Virginitate, c. 52. 2 C. 62, 63. 
 
CH. vii.] TRIALS OF MARRIED LIFE. 99 
 
 them at the same time; one or both were lame or turned 
 out to grass. A quiet and modestly-dressed woman needed 
 no carriage and attendants to protect her in her passage 
 through the streets, but might walk through the Forum, free 
 from any annoyance. Some might say it was pleasant to be 
 waited on by a troop of handmaids ; but, on the contrary, such 
 a charge was attended with much anxiety. Not only had the 
 sick to be taken care of, but the indolent to be chastised, 
 mischief, quarrels, and all kinds of evil doings to be corrected; 
 and if there happened to be one distinguished by personal 
 beauty, jealousy was added to all these other cares, lest the 
 husband should be so captivated by her charms as to pay 
 more attention to her than to her mistress. 1 If it was 
 replied to all these objections against married life, that 
 Abraham and other saints in the -Old Testament were all 
 married men, it must be remembered that a much higher 
 standard was required under the New Dispensation. There 
 were degrees of perfection. When Noah was said to be 
 ' perfect in his generation,' it meant relatively to that age in 
 which he lived, for what is perfect in relation to one era 
 becomes imperfect for another. Murder was forbidden by 
 the Old Law, but hatred and wrath under the New. A 
 larger effusion of the Holy Spirit rendered Christian men 
 fully grown as compared with the children of the Old 
 Dispensation. Degrees of virtue, impossible then, were 
 attainable now ; and as the moral standard under the Old 
 Dispensation was lower, so the rewards of obedience were 
 less exalted. The Jews were encouraged to obedience by 
 the promise of an earthly country, Christians by the prospect 
 of heaven. The Jews were deterred from sin by menaces 
 of temporal calamity ; the Christian, of eternal punishment. 
 Let us, therefore, not spend our care upon money-getting 
 and wives and luxurious living, else how shall we ever 
 become men rather than children, and live in the spirit ? for 
 
 1 C. 66, 67. 
 
100 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vn. 
 
 when we have taken our journey to that other world, the 
 time for contest will have passed ; then those who have not oil 
 in their lamps will be unable to borrow it from their neigh- 
 bours, or he who has a soiled garment to exchange it for 
 another robe. When the Judge's throne has been placed, 
 and He is seated upon it, and the fiery stream is c coming 
 forth from before Him' (Dan. vii. 10), and the scrutiny of 
 past life has begun : though Noah, Daniel, and Job were to 
 implore an alteration of the sentence passed upon their own 
 sons and daughters, their intercession would not avail." 1 
 
 The long treatise "De S. Babyla contra Julianum et 
 Gentiles " presents several interesting subjects for considera- 
 tion. In the history of the grove of Daphne we have a 
 singular instance of the way in which Grecian legend was 
 transplanted into foreign soil. Daphne, the daughter of the 
 Grecian river-god Ladon, was, according to the Syrian version 
 of the myth, overtaken by Apollo near Antioch. Here it 
 was, on the banks, not of the Peneus, but of the Orontes, 
 that the maiden prayed to her mother earth to open her 
 arms and shelter her from the pursuit of the amorous god, 
 and that the laurel plant sprang out of the spot where she 
 disappeared from the eyes of her disappointed lover. The 
 horse of Seleucus Nicator, founder of the Syrian monarchy, 
 was said to have struck his hoof upon one of the arrows 
 which Apollo had dropped in the hurry of his chase ; in con- 
 sequence of which the king dedicated the place to the god. 
 A temple was erected in his honour, ample in proportions, 
 and sumptuous in its adornments; the interior walls were 
 resplendent with polished marbles, the lofty ceiling was of 
 cypress wood. The colossal image of the god, enriched with 
 gold and gems, nearly reached the top of the roof; the 
 draped portions were of wood, the nude portions of marble. 
 The fingers of the deity lightly touched the lyre which hung 
 from his shoulders, and in the other hand he held a golden 
 
 i De Virginitate, c. 83. 
 
CH. vii.] THE GKOVE OF DAPHNE. 101 
 
 dish, as if about to pour a libation on the earth, "and 
 supplicate the venerable mother to give to his arms the cold 
 and beauteous Daphne." 1 The whole grove became conse- 
 crated to pleasure, under the guise of festivity in honour of 
 the god. A more beautiful combination of delights cannot 
 well be conceived. The grove was situated five miles to the 
 south-west of Antioch, among the outskirts of the hills, 
 where many of the limpid streams, rushing down towards 
 the valley of the Orontes, mingled their waters. The road 
 which connected the city with this spot was lined on the 
 left hand with large gardens and groves, baths, fountains, 
 and resting-places ; on the right were villas with vineyards 
 and rose-gardens irrigated by rivulets. Daphne itself was, 
 according to Strabo, 2 eighty stadia, or about ten miles, in 
 circumference. It contained everything which could gratify 
 and charm the senses ; the deep impenetrable shade of cypress 
 trees, the delicious sound and coolness of falling waters, 
 the fragrance of aromatic shrubs. Such a combination of 
 all that was voluptuous told with fatal and enervating effect 
 upon the morals of a people who were at all times disposed 
 to an immoderate indulgence in luxurious pleasures. Roman 
 troops, and even Roman emperors, fell victims to the allure- 
 ments of the spot. 3 The annual celebration of the Olympian 
 games instituted here by Commodus was especially the 
 occasion of shocking excesses of every kind. But by the 
 order of Gallus Ca?sar an attempt was made to introduce a 
 pure association into the spot hitherto abandoned to the 
 licentiousness of pagan rites. The remains of Babylas, the 
 Bishop of Antioch, who had suffered martyrdom in the reign 
 of Decius, were transferred from their resting-place in the 
 city to the grove of Daphne. The chapel or martyry erected 
 over the bones of the Christian saint stood hard by the 
 temple of the pagan deity. Here it confronted the Christian 
 
 1 Gibbon, iv. p. 111. ' Strabo, p. 750. 
 
 3 As Verus, Pescennius Niger, Macrinus, and Sevems Alexander. Herodian, 
 ii. 7, 8, v. 2, vi. 7. 
 
102 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vn. 
 
 visitor, as a warning to him not to take part in pagan and 
 licentious rites, abhorrent to the faith for which the Bishop 
 had died. But the remains of the martyr were not permitted 
 to rest in peace. When Julian visited Antioch, he consulted 
 the oracle of Apollo at Daphne respecting the issue of the 
 expedition which he was about to make into Persia. But 
 the oracle was dumb. At length the god yielded to the 
 importunity of repeated prayers and sacrifices so far as to 
 explain the cause of his silence. He was disturbed by the 
 proximity of a dead body : " Break open the sepulchres, take 
 up the bones, and remove them hence." The demand was 
 interpreted as referring to the remains of Babylas, and the 
 wishes of the crestfallen oracle were complied with. 1 But 
 the insult done to the Christian martyr was speedily avenged. 
 Soon after the accomplishment of the impious act, a violent 
 thunderstorm broke over the temple, and the lightning con- 
 sumed both the roof of the building and the statue of the 
 deity. At the time when Chrysostom wrote, some twenty 
 years after the occurrence, the mournful wreck was yet 
 standing ; but the chapel again contained the relics of the 
 saint and martyr, and conferred blessings on the pilgrims 
 who resorted thither in crowds. The ruined and deserted 
 temple, side by side with the carefully-preserved church of 
 the martyr, thronged by devotees, presented a striking 
 emblem of the fate of paganism, crumbling and vanishing 
 away before the presence of the new faith, blasted by the 
 lightning flash of a mightier force. A great portion of the 
 treatise of Chrysostom is occupied by an analysis of his old 
 master Libanius's elegy over the fate of the stricken shrine 
 of pagan worship. The affected and inflated tone of the 
 sophist's composition deserves the sarcasm and scorn which 
 his pupil unsparingly pours upon it. 
 
 i De S. Babyla, c. 14-16. 
 

 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ORDINATION TO THE PRIESTHOOD BY FLAVIAN INAUGURAL DISCOURSE 
 IN THE CATHEDRAL HOMILIES AGAINST THE ARIANS ANIMADVER- 
 SIONS ON THE CHARIOT RACES. A.D. 386. 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM had used the office of a deacon well. The lofty 
 tone of Christian piety, the boldness, the ability, the com- 
 mand of language manifested in his writings, marked him 
 out as eminently qualified for a preacher. His treatises, 
 indeed, are distinguished by a vehemence and energy which 
 belong more to the fervour of the orator than to the calmness 
 of the writer. No doubt also men had not forgotten the 
 talent for speaking which he had displayed when he began 
 to practise, nearly twenty years before, as a lawyer. The 
 Bishop Flavian ordained him a priest in 386, and imme- 
 diately appointed him to be one of the most frequent 
 preachers in the church. The bishop of a see like Antioch 
 at that time rather resembled the rector of a large town 
 parish than the bishop of modern times. He resided in 
 Antioch, and discharged the duties of a chief pastor, assisted 
 by his staff of priests and deacons. Where the whole 
 Christian population amounted to not more than 100,000 
 souls, as in Antioch, 1 that division into distinct districts, 
 such as were formed in Alexandria, 2 Rome, and Constan- 
 
 1 Horn, in Matt. vol. vii. p. 762. In Home, however, and Constan- 
 
 tinople, though the churches were 
 
 2 To the establishment of parochial numerous, the clergy seem to have 
 divisions with separate pastors in Alex- been more or less connected with the 
 audria we have the direct testimony mother Church. Vide Bingham, chap, 
 of Epiphanius, Ha-res. 69; Arian. c. 1. viii. 5, book ix. 
 
104 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [cii. vm. 
 
 tinople, with separate churches, served by members of the 
 central staff in rotation, or by pastors especially appropriated 
 to them, does not seem to have been made. Chrysostom 
 officiated and preached in the great church, where the 
 bishop also officiated. The less learned and less able priests 
 were appointed to the less responsible duties of visiting the 
 sick and the poor, and administering the sacraments. The 
 vocation of Chrysostom, however, was especially that of 
 a teacher. It will be readily acknowledged how difficult, 
 how delicate an office preaching was, in an age when Chris- 
 tianity and Paganism were still existing side by side, and 
 when the opinions of many men were floating in suspense 
 between the old faith and the new, and were liable to be 
 distracted from a firm hold upon the truth by Judaism and 
 heresies of every shade. 
 
 Either on the occasion of his ordination, or very soon after 
 it, Chrysostom preached an inaugural discourse, in the pre- 
 sence of the bishop. It is distinguished by that flowery and 
 exaggerated kind of rhetoric which he occasionally displays 
 in all its native oriental luxuriance, and which is due to the 
 school in which he was brought up, rather than to the man. 
 On such a public and formal occasion he appears less as the 
 Christian teacher than as the scholar of Libanius the 
 Ehetorician. His self-disparagement at the opening of his 
 discourse, and his flattering encomiums on Flavian and 
 Meletius at the close, would to modern, certainly at least to 
 English, ears sound intolerably affected. No doubt, how- 
 ever, they were acceptable to the taste of his audience at 
 Antioch ; and, indeed, the whole discourse contains nothing 
 more overstrained or ornate than is to be found in some of the 
 most celebrated performances of the great French preachers 
 in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 
 
 A few paraphrases will suffice to illustrate the character 
 of his discourse. 
 
 " He could scarcely believe what had befallen him, that 
 
CH. viii.] CHRYSOSTOM'S FIRST DISCOURSE. 105 
 
 he, an insignificant and abject youth, 1 should find himself 
 elevated to such a height of dignity. The spectacle of so 
 vast a multitude hanging in expectation on his lips quite 
 unnerved him, and would have dried up fountains of elo- 
 quence, had he possessed such. How, then, could he hope 
 that his little trickling stream of words would not fail, and 
 that the feeble thoughts which he had put together with so 
 much labour would not vanish from his mind ? 
 
 " Wherefore he besought them to pray earnestly that he 
 might be inspired with courage to open his mouth boldly in 
 this hitherto unattempted work. 2 He wished to offer the 
 first-fruits of his speech in praise to God. As the tiller of 
 the ground gave of his wheat, grapes, or olives, so he would 
 fain make an offering in kind; he would 'praise the name 
 of God with a song, and magnify it with thanksgiving.' But 
 the consciousness of sin made him shrink from the task, for 
 as in a wreath not only must the flowers be clean, but also 
 the hands which wove it, so in sacred hymns not only must 
 the words be holy, but also the soul of him who composed 
 them. The words of the wise man who said, ' praise is not 
 becoming in the mouth of a sinner/ 3 sealed up his lips, and 
 when David invited all creation, animate and inanimate, 
 visible and invisible, to ' praise the Lord of Heaven, to praise 
 him in the height/ he did not include the sinner in the 
 invitation. He would rather therefore dilate on the merits 
 of some of his fellow-men who were worthier than himself. 
 The mention of their Christian virtues would be an indirect 
 way, legitimate for a sinner, of paying glory and honour 
 to God himself. And to whom -should he address his praises 
 first but to their bishop, whom he might call the teacher of 
 their country, and through their country of the world at 
 large ? To enter fully, however, into his manifold virtues 
 
 eureXrjs Kal dirffipi/j.- 2 nyStiru irpfrrepov. This seems to 
 
 fj.fr os -applied by rather a strong rhe- prove that he had not preached during 
 
 torical licence to a man forty years his diaconate. 
 old. 3 Ecclus. xv. 9. 
 
106 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. vm. 
 
 was to dive into so deep a sea that he feared he should lose 
 himself in its profundities. To do justice to the task would 
 require an inspired and apostolic tongue. He must confine 
 himself to a few points. Although reared in the midst of 
 affluence, Flavian had surmounted the difficulties which 
 impeded the entrance of a rich man into the kingdom of 
 heaven. He had been distinguished from youth by perfect 
 temperance and control over the bodily appetites, by con- 
 tempt of luxury and a costly table. Though untimely 
 deprived of parental care, and exposed to the temptations 
 incident to wealth, youth, and good birth, yet had he 
 triumphed over them all. He had assiduously cultivated his 
 mind, and had put the bridle of fasting on his body sufficient 
 to curb excess, without impairing its strength and usefulness ; 
 and though he had now glided into the haven of a calm old 
 age, yet he did not relax the severity of this personal disci- 
 pline. The death of their beloved father Meletius had caused 
 great distress and perplexity to the Church, but the appear- 
 ance of his successor had dispersed it, as clouds vanished 
 before the sun. When Flavian mounted the episcopal throne, 
 Meletius himself seemed to have risen from his tomb." 
 
 All that can be collected from history respecting Flavian's 
 character confirms and justifies these eulogiums, though 
 English taste would prefer them to have been uttered after 
 his death rather than in his actual presence. Chrysostom con- 
 cludes by saying that he had prolonged his address beyond the 
 bounds which became his position, but the flowery field of 
 praise had tempted him to linger. " He would conclude his 
 task by asking their prayers: prayers that their common 
 mother the Church might remain undisturbed and steadfast, 
 and that the life of their father, teacher, spiritual shepherd, 
 and pilot, might be prolonged ; prayers finally that he, the 
 preacher, might be strengthened to bear the yoke which was 
 laid upon him, might in the great day restore safely the 
 deposit which his Master had committed to his trust, and 
 
en. vni.] STATE OF CHRISTIANITY AT ANTIOCH. 107 
 
 obtain mercy for his sins through the grace and goodness of 
 the Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be glory, and power, and 
 worship for ever and ever." 
 
 We now enter on a period of ten years, during which 
 Chrysostom constantly resided in Antioch, and was occupied 
 in the almost incessant labour of preaching. The main bulk 
 of those voluminous works which have been preserved to 
 our times belongs to this period ; yet there can be no doubt 
 that, numerous as are the extant works, they represent but a 
 fraction of the discourses which he actually delivered. For 
 we know, on his own authority, that he frequently preached 
 twice, occasionally oftener, in the course of a week. 1 
 
 It does not fall within the scope of this essay to determine 
 how many of the homilies which we possess were delivered 
 in each year, or to enter into a critical examination of every 
 set. But an attempt will be made to extract from them 
 whatever seems to throw light upon the life and times of 
 their author, upon events in which he played a conspicuous 
 part, or which were of great public importance ; whatever 
 also illustrates the special condition of the Church, her 
 general practice, her merits and defects, the dangers and 
 difficulties with which, from dissension within or heresy 
 without, she had at this era to contend. 
 
 The field of subjects on which the preacher was called to 
 exercise his powers was varied and extensive. Christianity 
 was imperilled by corruption of morals and corruption of 
 faith. Not the laity only, but the clergy also, at least in the 
 great towns, had become deeply infected by the prevalent 
 follies and vices of the age. Again, between the orthodox 
 Christian and the Pagan every variety of heresy intervened. 
 The Arian, the Manichsean, the Marcionite, the Sabellian, the 
 Jew, all were, so to say, touching and fraying the edge of 
 pure Christianity ; the danger was, lest they should gradually 
 so wear it away as to injure the very vitals of the faith. 
 
 1 Horn. xi. in Act. Apost. in fine. 
 
108 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [CH. vm. 
 
 Such were the evils which Chrysostom bent his energies to 
 redress, such the enemies whom he manfully endeavoured to 
 repel. He is alternately the champion of a pure morality 
 and of a sound faith. 
 
 Among the discourses which belong to the first year of his 
 priesthood falls one delivered in commemoration of Bishop 
 Meletius, the predecessor of Flavian. 1 He had died at Con- 
 stantinople about the end of May A.D. 381, and Chrysostom 
 in the commencement of his homily remarks, that five years 
 had now elapsed since the bishop had taken his journey to 
 the "Saviour of his longings." The tone of the discourse 
 illustrates a characteristic of the times ; a passionate devotion 
 to the memory of departed saints which was rapidly passing 
 into actual adoration ; a subject on which more will be said 
 hereafter. The shrine which contained the reliques of 
 Meletius was placed in the sight of the preacher and the 
 congregation, who swarmed round it like bees. 2 When 
 Chrysostom looked at the great multitude assembled he con- 
 gratulated the holy Meletius on enjoying such honour after 
 his death, and he congratulated the people also on the endur- 
 ance of their affection to their late spiritual father. Meletius 
 was like the sound root which though invisible proved its 
 strength by the vigour of its fruit. When he had returned 
 from his first banishment the whole Christian population 
 had streamed forth to meet him. Happy those who suc- 
 ceeded in clasping his feet, kissing his hand, hearing his 
 voice. Others who beheld him only at a distance felt that 
 they too had obtained a blessing from the mere sight. A 
 kind of spiritual glory emanated from his holy person, even 
 as the shadows of St. Peter and St. John had healed the sick 
 on whom they fell. " Let us all, rulers and ruled, men and 
 women, old and young, free men and slaves, offer prayer, 
 taking the blessed Meletius into partnership with this our 
 prayer (since he has more confidence now in offering prayer, 
 
 1 Vol. ii. p. 515. 2 c. 3. 
 
CH. vin.] AKIANISM AT ANTIOCH. 109 
 
 and entertains a warmer affection towards us), that our love 
 may be increased and that as now we stand beside his 
 shrine, so one day we may all be permitted to approach his 
 resting-place in the other world." 
 
 The discourses of Chrysostom against Arians and Jews fall 
 within the first year of his priesthood. 1 They are among the 
 finest of his productions, and deserve perusal on account of 
 their intrinsic merit no less than of the important points of 
 doctrine with which they 'are concerned. Antioch, indeed, 
 may in some sort be regarded as the cradle of Arianism. 
 Paul of Samosata, who was deposed from the see of Antioch 
 in A.D. 272, advocated doctrines of a Sabellian character, but 
 that sophistical dialectical school of thought of which the 
 Arians were the most conspicuous representatives may be 
 traced to him. His original calling had been that of a 
 sophist, and he was therefore by training more fitted to attack 
 established doctrines than to build up a definite system of 
 his own. Hence it is not surprising that, though his own 
 tendency was to Sabellian opinions, Lucian, his intimate 
 friend and fellow-countryman, held doctrines diametrically 
 opposite, or what were afterwards called Arian. 2 Lucian, 
 when presbyter at Antioch, was the teacher of Eusebius, 
 Bishop of Nicomedia, of Leontius, the Arian Bishop of 
 Antioch, and perhaps also of Arius himself. 3 Aetius, and his 
 pupil Eunomius, originators of the most extreme and undis- 
 guised form of Arianism, resided in the beginning of their 
 career at Antioch. Eunomius, in fact, was the founder of 
 a sect which was called Eunomian after him ; or sometimes 
 Anomcean, because it denied not only equality but even 
 similarity (o/jLoiorrjs) between the Father and the Son in the 
 Holy Trinity. It was the most materialistic phase which 
 Arianism developed. Mystery was to be eliminated from 
 
 1 See the Monitum to these Homi- 8 Arius, in a letter to Eusebius, 
 lies, vol. i. p. 699. addresses him as <rv\\ovKiaviaTd } 
 
 2 See Newman's Arians, chap. i. " fellow Lucianist," Theod. i. 5. 
 sect. i. 
 
110 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [cri. vm. 
 
 revelation as much as possible, sacramental grace was little 
 recognised, asceticism disparaged. Adherents of this school 
 seem to have existed still in some force at Antioch. A 
 system marked by so much of cold intellectual pride "was 
 especially repugnant to the fervid and humble faith of 
 Chrysostom. Yet in his assaults upon it he was neither 
 precipitate nor harsh. In his first homily " On the incom- 
 prehensible Nature of God," he says that, having observed 
 several persons who were infected by this heresy listening to 
 his discourses, he had abstained from attacking their errors, 
 wishing to gain a firmer hold upon their interest before 
 engaging with them in controversy. But having been in- 
 vited by them to undertake the contest, he could not decline 
 it, but would endeavour to conduct it in a spirit of gentleness 
 and love, since " the servant of the Lord must not strive, but 
 be gentle towards " all, as well as " apt to teach." He urges 
 all disputants to remember our Lord's answer when He was 
 buffeted, " If I have spoken evil, bear witness of the evil ; 
 but if well, why smitest thou me ? " 1 
 
 He dilates on the arrogance of the Anomceans in pretend- 
 ing to understand and to define the exact nature of God. 
 " Professing themselves wise they only discovered their folly. 
 Imperfect knowledge on so profound a subject was an in- 
 evitable part of the imperfection of our human state. The 
 condition of our present knowledge was this : we know many 
 things about God, but we do not know how they are or take 
 place. Tor example, we may know that He is everywhere 
 and without beginning or end, but how He is thus, we know 
 not. "We know that He begat the Son, and that the Holy 
 Spirit proceeded from Him, but how these things can be we 
 are unable to tell. This is analogous to our knowledge of 
 many things which are called natural. We eat various kinds 
 of food, but how they nourish us and are transmuted into 
 the several humours of the body we do not understand." 2 
 1 I. c. 6, 7. 2 c. 3. 
 
CH. viii.] HOMILIES AGAINST ARIANS. Ill 
 
 "Again, if the wisest and holiest men have confessed 
 themselves incompetent to fathom the purposes and dispensa- 
 tions of God, how far more inscrutable must His essence be ! 
 If David exclaims ' Such knowledge is too wonderful and 
 excellent for me, I cannot attain unto it ;' and St. Paul, 
 ' Oh the depth of the riches and wisdom of God ! how un- 
 searchable are His judgments, how untraceable His ways!' 
 if the very angels do not presume to discuss the nature of 
 God, but humbly adore Him with veiled faces, crying ' Holy, 
 Holy, Holy/ how monstrous is the conceit and irreverence 
 of those who curiously investigate and pretend to define the 
 exact nature of the Godhead ! " l 
 
 He proceeds to dwell upon the littleness and feebleness of 
 man, as contrasted with the amazing and boundless power 
 of God. The Eunomians maintained that man could know 
 the nature of God as much as God Himself knew it. " What 
 mad presumption was this ! The Prophets exhaust all avail- 
 able metaphors to express the insignificance of man as com- 
 pared with God. Men are ' dust and ashes/ ' grass/ and the 
 ' flower of grass/ ' a vapour/ ' a shadow.' Inanimate creation 
 acknowledges the irresistible supremacy of His power; 'if 
 He do but touch the hills they shall smoke/ ' He shaketh 
 the earth out of her place, and the pillars thereof tremble ' 
 (Job ix. 6)." " Seest thou not yon sky, how beautiful it is, 
 how vast, spangled with what a choir of stars ? Five 
 thousand years and more has it stood, yet length of time has 
 left no mark of old age upon it: like a youthful vigorous 
 body it retains the beauty with which it was endowed at 
 the beginning. This beautiful, this vast, this starry, this 
 ancient firmament, was made by that God into whose nature 
 you curiously pry, was made with as much ease as a man 
 might for pastime construct a hovel: 'He established the 
 sky like a roof, and stretched it out like a tent over the 
 earth' (Isa. xl. 22). The solid, durable earth He made, and 
 
 i i. c. 4. 
 
112 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vm. 
 
 all the nations of the world, even as far as the British Isles, 
 are but as a drop in a bucket ; and shall man, who is but an 
 infinitesimal part of this drop, presume to inquire into the 
 nature of Him who made all these forces and whom they 
 obey?" 1 "God dwells in the light which no man can 
 approach unto. If the light which surrounds Him be inac- 
 cessible, how much more God Himself who is within it ? 
 St. Paul rebukes those who presume to question the dispen- 
 sation of God. ' Nay but, man, who art thou that repliest 
 against God? Shall the thing formed say unto him that 
 formed it, Why hast thou made me thus ?' How much more, 
 then, would he have reproved dogmatic assumptions respect- 
 ing the nature of the great Dispenser ? 2 The declaration of 
 St. John, that no man had seen God at any time, might 
 appear at variance with the descriptions in the prophets of 
 visions of the Deity. As : ' I saw the Lord sitting on His 
 throne, high and lifted up' (Isa. vi. 1). 'I saw the Lord 
 standing above the altar' (Amos ix. 1). 'I beheld till the 
 thrones were cast down, and the Ancient of days did sit, 
 whose garment was white as snow,' etc. (Dan. vii. 9). But 
 the very variety of forms under which God is said to ha.ve 
 appeared proves that these manifestations were merely 
 condescensions to the weakness of human nature, which 
 requires something that the eye can see and the ear can hear. 
 They were only manifestations of the Deity adapted to man's 
 capacity; not the Divine Nature itself, which is simple, 
 incomposite, devoid of shape. So also, when it is said of 
 God the Son that He is ' in the bosom of the Father/ when 
 He is described as standing, or sitting, on the right hand of 
 God, these expressions must not be interpreted in too 
 material a sense ; they are expressions accommodated to 
 our understandings, to convey an idea of such an intimate 
 union and equality between the two Persons as is in itself 
 incomprehensible." 3 
 
 i II. c. 3, 4. 2 ii. c. 4, 5 ; III. 3, 4, 5, 6. 3 iy. 4. 
 
CH. VIIL] HOMILIES AGAINST ARIANS. 113 
 
 And this leads him on to consider the second error of the 
 Allans their denial of absolute equality between the three 
 Persons in the Godhead. His arguments are based, as usual, 
 entirely on an appeal to Holy Scripture. He makes a 
 skilful selection and combination of texts to prove his point : 
 that the titles " God " and " Lord " are common to the first 
 two Persons in the Trinity the names Father and Son being 
 added merely to distinguish the Personality. Had the 
 Father alone been God, then it would have been superfluous 
 to add the name Father at all : " there is one God " would 
 have been sufficient. But, as it was, the titles " God " and 
 " Lord " were applied to both Persons to prove their equality 
 in respect of Godhead. That the appellation of Lord no 
 way indicated inferiority was plain, because it was frequently 
 applied to the Father. "The Lord our God is one Lord," 
 Exod. xx. 2. " Great is our Lord, and great is his power," 
 Ps. cxlvii. 5. On the other hand, Christ is frequently 
 entitled God, e.g. " Immanuel God with us." " Christ 
 according to the flesh, who is over all, God blessed for ever." 
 In some instances the Father and the Son are both called 
 Lord, or both God, in the same passage; as, for example, 
 " The Lord said unto my Lord, . . . Thy throne, God 
 (the Son), is for ever and ever; . . . wherefore God (the 
 Father), even thy God, hath anointed thee with the oil of 
 gladness," etc. 1 
 
 The reason why Christ sometimes acted and spoke in a 
 manner which implied human infirmity and inferiority to 
 the Father was twofold : First, that men might be convinced 
 that He did really, substantially, exist in the truth of our 
 human nature ; that He was not a mere phantom the error 
 of Marcion, Manes, and Valentinus an error which would 
 have been still more prevalent had He not so clearly mani- 
 fested the reality of his humanity. On the other hand, He 
 was reserved and cautious in declaring the highest mystery 
 
 1 v. 2, 3. 
 H 
 
114 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [en. vm. 
 
 his divine union and equality with the Father out of 
 condescension to the weakness of man's intellect, which 
 recoiled from the more recondite mysteries. When He told 
 them that " Abraham rejoiced to see his day," that " before 
 Abraham was He was," " that the bread from heaven was 
 his flesh, which He would give for the life of the world," 
 that " hereafter they should see the Son of Man coming in 
 the clouds," they were invariably offended. But, on the 
 contrary, He was chiefly accepted when He spoke words 
 implying more humiliation for example, " I can of my own 
 self do nothing, but as my Father taught me, even so I 
 speak." " As He spake these words," we are told, " many 
 believed on Him." 1 
 
 Two other reasons might be assigned for this language 
 of self-abasement. One was, that He came to teach us 
 humility, " Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly of heart." 
 He " came not to be ministered unto but to minister." He 
 who bids others be lowly must first and pre-eminently be 
 lowly himself. Therefore He performed such acts as wash- 
 ing his disciples' feet; and the Incarnation itself was no 
 sign, as the Arian maintained, of inferiority, but only the 
 highest expression of that great principle of self-sacrificing 
 love which He came to teach. Lastly, by such language He 
 directs our minds to the apprehension of a clear distinction 
 between the Persons in the Godhead. If his sayings about 
 Himself had all been of the same type as "I and my 
 Father are one," the Sabellian error of confounding the 
 Persons would have become yet more prevalent than it was. 
 Thus, we find throughout our Lord's life, in his acts and 
 language, a careful mixture and variation of character in 
 order to present the two elements the human and divine 
 in equal proportions. He predicts his own sufferings and 
 death, yet quickly afterwards He prays the Father that He 
 might be, if possible, spared undergoing them. In the first 
 
 i VII. c. 3, 4. 
 
CH. viii.] HOMILIES AGAINST ARIANS. 115 
 
 act is pure divinity ; in the second, humanity shrinking from 
 that pain which is abhorrent to human nature. 1 
 
 This very fact, however, of our Lord's praying, was laid 
 hold of by the Arians to prove the inferiority of his nature. 
 This argument Chrysostom meets in Homilies IX. and x. 
 The raising of Lazarus had been read in the Gospel for the 
 day. " I perceive," he says, " that many of the Jews and 
 heretics will find an excuse, in the prayer offered by Christ 
 before performing this miracle, to impugn his power, and 
 say He could not have done it without the Father's assist- 
 ance." But this fell to the ground, because on most other 
 occasions our Lord wrought his miracles without any prayer 
 at all. To the dead maiden he simply said, " Talitha cumi," 
 and she arose ; the woman with an issue of blood was healed 
 without any word or touch from Him. In the case of 
 Lazarus He prayed, as He Himself declared, for the sake of 
 the people, that they might perceive that God heard his 
 prayers that there was a perfect unanimity between the 
 Father and the Son. Martha, in fact, had asked for a 
 prayer " I know whatsoever thou shalt ask of God God will 
 give it thee;" therefore He prayed; just as, when the cen- 
 turion said, " Speak the word only," He spake the word and 
 the servant was healed. If He had needed help He would 
 have invoked it before all his miracles. In fact there was 
 no kind of sovereign power which He hesitated to exercise. 
 " Son, be of good cheer, thy sins be forgiven thee " . . . " the 
 Son of man hath power on earth to forgive sins ; " to an evil 
 spirit, " / charge thee, come out of him, and enter no more 
 into him;" . . . "to them of old it was said, Thou shalt 
 not kill ; but / say, whosoever is angry with his brother 
 without a cause," etc. He represents Himself as saying on 
 the final day, " Come, ye blessed ; " or " Depart, ye cursed." 
 Thus He claims authority to absolve, to judge, to legislate. 
 
 Homilies XL and xn., against the Anomceans, were 
 
 i VII. c. 6, 7. 
 
116 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. vm. 
 
 delivered some ten years later at Constantinople, but as they 
 contain no special references to the events of that time, the 
 continuity of this 'subject may be maintained by extracting 
 from them the argument there employed to prove the 
 equality of the Son with the Father. It is based on the 
 passage, " My Father worketh hitherto, and I work " (St. 
 John v. 17); by which our Saviour justified Himself from 
 the accusation of breaking the Sabbath when He healed the 
 paralytic. The words "My Father worketh," Chrysostom 
 observes, refer to the daily operations of God's providence, 
 by which he sustains in being those things which he com- 
 manded into existence. 
 
 This upholding energy, our Lord declares, is active at all 
 times and on all days alike ; and if it were not, the fabric of 
 the universe would fall to pieces. He claims a similar right 
 to providential rule, which implies equality with the Father. 
 " My Father worketh, and I work." If the Son had been 
 inferior, such a method of justifying Himself would only 
 have added force to the charges of his enemies. If a subject 
 of the Emperor were to put on the imperial diadem and 
 purple, it would be no excuse to say that he wore them 
 because the Emperor wore them " the Emperor wears them, 
 and I wear them ; " on the contrary, it would augment the 
 offensiveness of his presumption and arrogance. If Christ 
 were not equal with the Father, it was the height of pre- 
 sumption to use those words, " My Father worketh hitherto, 
 and I work." 
 
 In dealing with such lengthy homilies, it has been impos- 
 sible to do more than give specimens in a very condensed 
 form of the main lines of argument which Chrysostom 
 adopts. They vary greatly in value ; but two points cannot 
 fail to arrest the notice of any one who reads these homilies 
 through : First, the profound acquaintance of their author 
 with Holy Scripture ; extending apparently with equal force 
 to every part of the sacred volume. Old and New Testament 
 
en. viii.] CONGREGATION REBUKED. 117 
 
 and Apocrypha are almost equally employed for argument, 
 illustration, adornment ; he is at home everywhere. Secondly, 
 upon Scripture all his arguments are based : in none of his 
 controversial homilies does Chrysostom take his stand upon 
 the platform of existing tradition, or rely on the authority of 
 the Church alone; "to the law and to the testimony" is 
 always the way with him. And this was a test at that time 
 universally accepted. The dispute with the most rational- 
 istic and critical Arians seems never to have turned on the 
 authority, but only on the interpretation of Scripture. Scrip- 
 ture is appealed to as the supreme court for trying all their 
 differences ; the only question was, as to the exact meaning 
 of its decisions. 
 
 Again, we cannot fail to be struck by the ease and 
 rapidity with which he glances off from the most contro- 
 versial and theological parts of his discourse to practical 
 reproof and exhortation. Nothing provoked him more than 
 to see the bulk of that large concourse of people, who had 
 been listening with profound attention to his address, leave 
 the church just as the celebration of the Eucharist was 
 about to commence. " Deeply do I groan to perceive that 
 when your fellow-servant is speaking, great is your earnest- 
 ness, strained your attention, you crowd one upon another, 
 and stay till the very end ; but that, when Christ is about 
 to appear in the holy mysteries, the church is empty and 
 deserted. ... If my words had been laid up in your hearts 
 they would have kept you here, and brought you to the 
 celebration of these most solemn mysteries with greater 
 piety ; but as it is, my speech seems as fruitless as the per- 
 formance of a lute-player, for as soon as I have finished 
 you depart. Away with the frigid excuse of many : I can 
 say prayers at home, but I cannot at home hear homilies 
 and doctrine. Thou deceivest thyself, man; you may 
 indeed pray at home, but it is impossible to pray in the same 
 manner as at church, where there is so large an assembly of 
 
118 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. vin. 
 
 your spiritual fathers, and the cry of the worshippers is 
 sent up with one accord ; where there is unanimity and 
 concert in prayer ; and where the priests preside, that the 
 weaker supplications of the multitude being supported by 
 theirs, which are more powerful, may ascend together with 
 these to heaven. First prayer, then discourse; so say the 
 Apostles " But we will give ourselves to prayer and to the 
 ministry of the word." 1 
 
 Again, as frequently in other discourses, he reproves the 
 congregation for testifying their admiration of his words by 
 applause. " You praise what I have said, you receive my 
 exhortation with tumults of applause ; but show your appro- 
 bation by obedience ; that is the praise which I seek, the 
 applause which comes through deeds." 2 
 
 His hearers, in fact, were so closely packed, and so much 
 absorbed in listening to his discourse, that pickpockets often 
 practised on them with some success. Chrysostom advises 
 them, therefore, to bring no money or ornaments about their 
 persons to church. It was a device of the devil, who hoped 
 by means of this annoyance to chill their zeal in attending 
 the services, just as he stripped Job of everything, not 
 merely to make him poor but to rob him if possible of his 
 piety. 3 
 
 But the most inveterate enemy with which Chrysostom 
 had to contend was the circus. Against this he declaims 
 with all the vehemence of Evangelical invectives against 
 horse-racing in modern times. The indomitable passion 
 for the chariot-races, and the silly eagerness displayed about 
 them by the inhabitants of Eome, Constantinople, and 
 Antioch, are among the most remarkable symptoms of the 
 depraved state of society under the later Empire. The 
 whole populace was divided into factions distinguished by 
 the different colours adopted by the charioteers, of which 
 green and blue were the two chief favourites. The ani- 
 
 1 III. c. 6. 2 III. c. 6, in fine. 3 IV. in fine. 
 
en. VIIL] CENSURE ON CHARIOT RACES. 119 
 
 mosity, the sanguinary tumults, the superstitions, 1 folly, 
 violence of every kind, which were mixed up with these 
 popular amusements, well deserved the unsparing severity 
 with which they were lashed by the great preacher. 
 
 A few specimens shall be collected here from other 
 homilies, as well as from those immediately under con- 
 sideration. 
 
 " Again we have the horse-races ; again our assembly is 
 thinned. There were many indeed whose absence he little 
 regretted : they were to the faithful amongst the congrega- 
 tion only as leaves to fruit. 2 Sometimes, however, the church 
 was deserted by those of whom he had expected more fidelity. 
 He felt disheartened, like a sower who had scattered good 
 seed plentifully, but with no adequate result. Gladly and 
 eagerly would he continue his exertions could he see any 
 fruit of his labours ; but when, forgetful of all his exhorta- 
 tions and warnings, and solemn remindings of the terrible 
 doom, the unquenchable fire, the undying worm, they again 
 abandoned themselves to the diabolical exhibitions of the race- 
 course, with what heart could he return to the unthankful 
 task ? They manifested, indeed, by applause, the pleasure 
 with which they heard his words, and then they hurried off 
 to the circus, and, sitting side by side with Jew or Pagan, 
 they applauded with a kind of frenzied eagerness the efforts 
 of the several charioteers ; they rushed tumultuously along, 
 jostling one another, and shouting, 'that horse didn't 
 run fairly,' 'that was tripped up and fell,' and- the like. 3 
 Various excuses were pleaded for absence from church the 
 exigencies of business, poverty, ill health, lameness; but 
 these impediments never prevented attendance at the Hip- 
 podrome. In the church the chief places even were not 
 always all occupied, but there old and young, rich and poor, 
 crowded every available space for standing or sitting; 
 
 1 The colours represented the sea- prosperous navigation was indicated, 
 sons, and according as one or other 2 Contra Anom. vii. c. i. 
 
 was victorious a plentiful harvest or 3 De Laz. vii. c. 1. 
 
120 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [CH. vm. 
 
 pushing, and squeezing, and trampling on one another's feet, 
 while the sun poured down on their heads : yet they appeared 
 thoroughly to enjoy themselves, in spite of all these dis- 
 comforts; while in the church the length of the sermon, 
 or the heat, or the crowd, were perpetual subjects of com- 
 plaint." 1 
 
 Such are a few illustrations of one, but perhaps the most 
 notable, form among many in which the impulsiveness and 
 frivolity of the people of Antioch were displayed. " The build- 
 ing which the preacher had so laboriously and industriously 
 reared in the hearts of his disciples was thus cruelly dashed 
 down and levelled to the very ground by a few hours of 
 dissolving pleasure and iniquitous frivolity." 2 
 
 Truly indeed might the lamentation of the prophet over 
 the evanescent piety of Ephraim and Judah have been 
 applied to these people : " Your goodness is as a morning 
 cloud, and as the early dew it goeth away " (Hos. vi. 4). 
 
 1 De Anna, iv. 1. 2 De Laz. vii. c. 1. 
 
CHAPTEE IX. 
 
 HOMILIES AGAINST PAGANS AND JEWS-CONDITION OF THE JEWS IN 
 ANTIOCH JUDAISING CHRISTIANS HOMILIES ON CHRISTMAS DAY AND 
 NEW YEAR'S DAY CENSURE OF PAGAN SUPERSTITIONS. A.D. 386, 387. 
 
 IN dealing with the Arians, the contest mainly turned, as 
 has been pointed out in the previous chapter, on the inter- 
 pretation of Scripture ; but in doing battle with Pagans and 
 Jews, with the former especially, Chrysostom had of course 
 to take up a different attitude. The method which he adopts 
 towards the Jew is to demonstrate the fulfilment of Old 
 Testament prophecy in the person and work of Jesus Christ, 
 and to insist on the consequent abrogation of the Jewish 
 dispensation. The ground on which he mainly relies against 
 the Pagan is the miraculous establishment and progress of 
 Christianity in the face of unprecedented opposition, as an 
 evidence of its divine origin. 
 
 The treatise addressed to Jews and Gentiles combined 
 exhibits a powerful application of both these methods. 1 
 "He would first of all enter the lists against the Pagan. 
 And here caution was requisite. He would not say, when 
 the Pagan asked how the divinity of Christ was to be 
 proved, that Christ created the world, raised the dead, healed 
 the sick, expelled demons, promised a resurrection and a 
 
 1 It is a treatise, because too long promise we find redeemed in the homi- 
 
 for a homily, though mutilated of its lies against the Jews, and these homi- 
 
 proper conclusion. It must belong to lies, again, can be proved, by internal 
 
 the first two years of his priesthood, evidence, to have been delivered not 
 
 because it promises a more ample later than A.D. 387. See Montfaucon's 
 
 discussion of several points, which Monitum, vol. i. pp. 811 and 839. 
 
122 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. ix. 
 
 heavenly kingdom, because these were the very questions 
 upon which they joined issue. But he would start from a 
 ground which even the Pagan would accept : no one would 
 venture to deny that the Christian religion was founded by 
 Jesus Christ, and from this simple fact he would undertake 
 to prove that Christ could be no less than God. No mere 
 man could, in so short a time, with such feeble instruments, 
 and in the face of such opposition arising from inveterate 
 custom and forms of faith, have subdued so many and such 
 various races of mankind. 1 How contrary to the common 
 course of events, that He who was despised, weak, and put 
 to an ignominious death, should now be honoured and adored 
 in all regions of the earth ! Emperors who have made laws, 
 and altered the constitution of states, who have ruled nations 
 by their nod, in whose hands was the power of life and 
 death, pass away ; their images are in time destroyed, their 
 actions forgotten, their adherents despised, their very names 
 buried in oblivion : present grandeur is succeeded by 
 nothingness. In the case of Jesus Christ all is reversed. 
 During his lifetime, all seemed failure and degradation, but 
 a career of glory and triumph succeeded his death. 2 Before 
 his death Judas betrayed him, St. Peter denied him ; after 
 his death, St. Peter and the rest of the Apostles traversed 
 the world to bear witness to his truth, and thousands of 
 people have died rather than utter what the chief of the 
 Apostles once uttered from fear of a maid-servant's taunts. 
 ' His rest shall be glorious : ' this was true, not only of the 
 Master, but also of his disciples. In that most royal city 
 of Rome, monarchs, prefects, generals, flocked to the sepul- 
 chres of the fisherman and the tent-maker ; and in Constan- 
 tinople they who wore the diadem were content to lay their 
 bones in the porch of the Apostles' Church, and to become 
 as it were the door-keepers of humble fishermen. 3 Christ 
 
 1 C. 1. remarks on Christianity : " Table 
 
 2 See a singular parallel to this Talk and Opinions of Napoleon I." 
 thought in the Emperor Napoleon i.'s 3 C. 9. 
 
CH. ix.] POWER OF THE CHURCH. 123 
 
 had made the most ignominious death, and the instrument of 
 it, glorious. It was written, ' Cursed is he that hangeth on a 
 tree,' yet the cross had become the object of desire and love ; 
 it was more honourable than the whole world, for the 
 imperial crown itself was not such an ornament to the head : 
 princes and subjects, men and women, bond and free, all 
 delighted to wear it imprinted on the brow. It was con- 
 spicuous on the Holy Table, and in the ceremony of ordain- 
 ing priests ; in houses, in market-places, by the wayside, 
 and on mountain sides, on couches and on garments, on 
 ships, on drinking vessels, in mural decorations, the cross 
 was depicted. Whence all this extraordinary honour to a 
 piece of wood, unless the power of him who died upon it 
 was divine?" 1 
 
 Christ had declared that the gates of hell should not 
 prevail against his Eock- founded Church. How far had 
 this prediction been verified ? In a short space of time 
 Christianity had abolished ancestral customs, plucked up 
 deeply-rooted habits, overturned altars and temples, caused 
 unclean rites and ceremonials to vanish away. Christian 
 altars had been erected in Italy, in Persia, in Scythia, in 
 Africa. " What say I ? even the British Isles, which lie 
 outside the boundaries of our world and our sea, in the 
 midst of the ocean itself, have experienced the power of the 
 Word, for even there churches and altars have been set up." 
 Thus the world had been, so to say, cleared of thorns, and 
 purified to receive the seed of godliness. What a proof of 
 superhuman power ! The progress of the Church had been 
 encountered by customs which were not only venerated but 
 pleasant; yet these traditions, handed down through long 
 lines of ancestors, were abandoned for a religion far more 
 severe and laborious, a religion which substituted fasting 
 for enjoyment, poverty for money-getting, temperance for 
 lasciviousness, meekness for wrath, benevolence for ill-will. 
 
 i c. 9. 
 
124 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYS03TOM. [en. ix. 
 
 Men who had long been enervated by luxury, and accus- 
 tomed to the broad way, had been converted into the narrow, 
 rugged path, not by tens or twenties, but by multitudes 
 under the whole heaven. By whose agency had these 
 mighty results been wrought ? By a few unlearned obscure 
 men, without illustrious ancestors, without money, without 
 eloquence. 1 And all this in the teeth of opposition of the 
 most varied kind. For where the new doctrine penetrated, 
 it excited divisions and strife ; children were set at variance 
 with parents, brother with brother, husband with wife, 
 master with servant. Yet, in spite of persecution and dis- 
 ruption of social ties, the new faith grew and flourished. 
 How could such unprecedented marvels have come to pass 
 but through the divine power, and in obedience to that Word 
 of God which is creative of actual results ? Just as, when 
 He said " Let the earth bring forth grass," the wilderness 
 became a garden, so when the expression of His purpose had 
 gone forth, " I will build my Church," straightway the pro- 
 cess began, and though tyrants and people, sophists and 
 orators, custom and religion, had been arrayed against it, 
 yet the Word, going forth like fire, consumed the thorns, 
 and scattered the good seed over the purified soil. 2 
 
 In attempting to convince the Jews of the divinity of 
 Jesus Christ by proving the exact fulfilment of Old Testa- 
 ment prophecy in his person and work, Chrysostom displays 
 that intimate familiarity with every part of Scripture which 
 is his eminent characteristic. 
 
 The passages are, on the whole, most judiciously selected ; 
 some corresponding passage from the New Testament being 
 placed, if possible, against each, with a careful attention even 
 to verbal parallelism. For instance, against the passage in 
 Isaiah, " The Spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him," he 
 places the verse from St. John i. 32, " I beheld the Spirit 
 descending like a dove, and it abode upon him." 3 He refers 
 i c. 12. 2 c. 13. 3 c. 2. 
 
en. ix.] HOMILIES AGAINST JEWS. 125 
 
 each event in Christ's life, his Incarnation, his rejection by 
 the Jews, his betrayal, crucifixion, burial, resurrection, the 
 descent of the Holy Ghost, and the beginning of the Apostolic 
 labours to some corresponding prediction. 1 He sometimes, 
 however, falls into the error, less common in him than in 
 other patristic interpreters, of seeing direct references to the 
 Messiah and the Messianic kingdom, to the almost total 
 exclusion of any other meaning. For instance, such passages 
 as " Their sound is gone out into all lands," " That thou 
 mayest make princes in all lands," are cited as if exclusively 
 predictive of the propagation of Christianity. In such words 
 as " The virgins that be her fellows shall bear her company," 
 he sees a distinct foreshadowing of the honour to be paid to 
 virginity under Christianity. 2 In other passages, again, he is 
 misled by ignorance of the Hebrew, and a too literal adher- 
 ence to the Septuagint translation. In the passage, " I will 
 make thy officers peace," thine " exactors " being rendered in 
 the Septuagint bishops or overseers, he extracts from this 
 word a direct reference to the Christian priesthood. 3 " He 
 shall descend like rain into a fleece of wool " is interpreted 
 as significant of the extreme secrecy of Christ's birth, and 
 the noiseless gentleness with which his kingdom was founded. 4 
 Whereas, the strict translation being " like rain upon new- 
 mown grass," it is rather illustrative of the fruitful results of 
 Christ's advent. 5 
 
 Such occasional defects, however, will not prevent us from 
 according the praise due to the great skill with which, on 
 the whole, he has worked out this method of argument, and 
 the noble vindication of Christianity in this treatise has 
 seldom if ever been surpassed by Chrysostom elsewhere. The 
 several parts of his argument are unfolded in orderly proces- 
 sion, and expressed with an eloquence at once luminous and 
 earnest, and which, though at times copious and ornate, does 
 
 1 C. 2-5. 2 C. 6. 3 C. 7. 4 C. 3. 
 
 5 See Perowne, vol. i. in loco ; Ps. Ixxii. 6 ; and Delitzsch in Isa. Ix. 17. 
 
126 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. ix. 
 
 not degenerate into the mere redundancy, still less into the 
 affectations and flowery artifices, of rhetoric ; he is always 
 real and earnest, he is sometimes sublime. 
 
 Closely connected with this treatise in subject, and not far 
 distant in time of composition, are the Homilies directed 
 against Jews and Judaising Christians. The Jews, ever since 
 the time of Antiochus the Great, were a considerable body in 
 Antioch, and over the Christian population exerted a seriously 
 pernicious influence. Their position, indeed, in the Empire 
 at large had been increasingly favourable from the reign of 
 Hadrian to Constantine. Though they were not permitted 
 to approach Jerusalem, yet the worship in their synagogues 
 was freely tolerated ; they were permitted to circumcise their 
 own children though not the children of proselytes ; and their 
 religious organisation in the Empire was held together under 
 the sway of the Patriarch of Tiberias. 1 After the recognition 
 of Christianity by the Empire, the Jews, as a natural con- 
 sequence, were less favourably treated. The statutes of 
 Constantine and Constantius were severe. Those Jews who 
 attempted the life of a Christian were to be burned. No 
 Christians were to become Jews, under pain of punishment. 
 Jews were forbidden to marry Christian women or to possess 
 Christian slaves. The national character of the Jew seems to 
 have deteriorated, as the race became more widely dispersed, 
 and as their wealth and importance increased. They were no 
 longer indeed so morosely and sullenly proud as when they 
 gloried in the possession of a holy city and distinct religious 
 ordinances, and a geographical position which isolated them 
 from the rest of mankind, but neither were their faith or 
 morals so pure. Self-indulgence, sensualism, and low cunning 
 corrupted their life; a superstitious and material cast of 
 thought depraved their faith. Their habits harmonised too 
 well with that propensity to luxury and licentiousness which 
 was the besetting vice of the people of Antioch ; their 
 
 1 Milman's History of the Jews, vol. ii. book xix. 
 
en. ix.] CHARACTER OF THE JEWS. 127 
 
 materialism worked hand in hand with the prevailing Arian- 
 ism, if, indeed, Arianism may not be regarded as in some 
 sort its product. Certainly, whenever popular insurrections 
 caused by religious dissensions occurred either in Antioch or 
 in Alexandria, the Jews ranged themselves on the Arian side, 
 as if the spirit and character of the Arian sect were the most 
 congenial to their own. 1 
 
 Allowing for some exaggerations in the preacher, carried 
 away by the impulse of the moment, the invectives of 
 Chrysostom must be permitted to prove that the Jewish 
 residents in Antioch were of a low and vicious order. They 
 seem to have been regarded by the common people with a 
 mixture of dislike and awe ; the age was superstitious, and 
 the Jews availed themselves of superstitious terrors to make 
 a livelihood, especially through a kind of quackery in medicine. 
 Their quarters are denounced by Chrysostom as dens of 
 robbers and habitations of demons. 2 A whole day would not 
 suffice to tell the tale of their extortions, their thefts, their 
 deceptions, their base methods of traffic, such as the sale of 
 amulets and charms. 3 Their priests were no better than 
 counterfeits, because they had not gone through all the 
 elaborate rites of consecration. They had no sacred ephod, 
 no Urim and Thummim, no altar, no sacrifice, no prophecy. 
 
 The Festival of Trumpets was a scene of great debauchery, 
 more iniquitous than the proceedings in the theatre. Any 
 catechumen who was detected attending that festival was to 
 be excluded from the porch of the church ; any communicant 
 so detected was to be denied access to the Holy Table. The 
 booths erected at the Feast of Tabernacles were like taverns, 
 crowded with flute-players and ill-conditioned women. The 
 synagogues were frequented by the most abandoned charac- 
 
 1 Basnage's Hist, des Juifs, vi. 41. Ben Jochai went to Rome as ambas- 
 Newman's Arians, ch. i. sect. i. sador, in the reign of Antoninus Pius, 
 
 2 V. in fine ; robbers may possibly to obtain the abrogation of persecu- 
 be used in a figurative sense. ting edicts, he won the favour of the 
 
 3 I. c. 7. They seem early to have Emperor by curing his sick daughter, 
 claimed medical skill. When Simon Milman, ii. 443. 
 
128 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. ix. 
 
 ters of both sexes, and dancers, actors, and charioteers were 
 largely drawn from the Jewish population. In spite of this, 
 many Christians were seduced to attend the Jewish festivals 
 and fasts, and even to swear Jewish oaths in the syna- 
 gogues, under the superstitious impression that such were 
 more solemn and binding than any Christian forms. He had 
 himself, only three days ago, rescued a woman being dragged 
 off, against her will, to take an oath of this kind, by a man 
 who professed himself a Christian. On stopping to rebuke 
 him in the sternest language, Chrysostom was shocked to 
 learn that the practice was extremely common among 
 Christians. He passionately exhorts the faithful to reclaim 
 their deluded brethren from these pernicious ways : If 
 twelve Apostles had converted the larger part of the world, 
 it would be a shame that the Christians, who were the 
 majority in the population of Antioch, should fail to allay 
 the plague of Judaism. What treason ! what inconsistency, 
 that they, who worshipped the Crucified One, should associate 
 with the race which crucified Him. 1 The synagogue ought 
 not to be an object of reverence because it contained the 
 Books of the Law and the Prophets, but rather of abhorrence, 
 because those who possessed the Prophets refused to recog- 
 nise Him of whom their writings spoke. Was the temple of 
 Serapis holy because it contained the Septuagint, deposited 
 there by Ptolemy Philadelphus ? 2 
 
 Christians seem to have attended Jewish services much 
 in that spirit of curiosity with which Protestants sometimes 
 go to Eoman Catholic churches, to be entertained by music, 
 incense, and a grand ritual. They maintained that the 
 effect was solemnising ; but, observes Chrysostom, the value 
 of the offering to God depends not on the nature of the 
 offering, but on the heart of the offerers. The worshippers 
 sanctify the temple, not the temple the worshippers. You 
 1 would not touch or address the murderer of your own son, 
 
 i II. 3 ; vii. in initio ; i. c. 3, 4. 2 I. c. 6. 
 
CH. ix.] JUDAISING CHRISTIANS. 129 
 
 and will you court the society of those who slew the Son of 
 God ? 1 Let them consider that cry uttered by the deacon 
 from time to time in the celebration of the holy mysteries : 
 " Discern one another." 2 So let them do. " If you discern 
 any one Judaising, hold him fast and expose him, that you 
 may not yourself participate in the danger." 
 
 " In military camps, if any soldier be detected sympathis- 
 ing with the barbarian or the Persian^ not only does he 
 himself run a risk of his life, but also any of his comrades 
 who were conscious of his defection, but did not represent it 
 to the general. Since, then, you are the army of Christ, 
 search diligently whether any stranger has intruded into 
 your camp, and expose him, not that we may put him to 
 death, but that we may punish him, deliver him from his 
 error and impiety, and render him wholly our own ; but if 
 you willingly conceal him, be well assured that you will 
 sustain the same punishment with him." This homily is 
 concluded by a solemn adjuration : " In the words of Moses, 
 I call heaven and earth to record against you this day, that 
 if any of you now present or absent attend the Feast of 
 Trumpets, or enter a synagogue, or observe a fast, or a 
 sabbath, or any Jewish rite whatever, I am guiltless of your 
 blood. These discourses will rise up for both of us in the 
 great day of our Lord : if you shall have obeyed them, they 
 will give you confidence ; but if otherwise, they will stand 
 as severe accusers against you." Therefore he implored 
 them to institute the most rigorous search after the Judais- 
 ing brethren. "When their mother the Church had lost a 
 child, it was criminal to conceal either the captor or the 
 captured; let the men seek out the men, the women the 
 women, the slave his fellow-servant, and present the culprit 
 to him before the next assembly. 
 
 1 i. c. 7. So the idle youth of This admonition "Discern one an- 
 Rome turned for amusement into the other" was uttered just at the close 
 Synagogue. Horace, Sat. ix. 69. of the Missa Catechumenorum, when 
 
 2 tirtyivuffKere dXX^Xovs. i. 4. all but the baptized had to depart. 
 
130 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. ix. 
 
 Another Judaising practice, which he condemns in the 
 severest language, was the custom of keeping Easter on 
 the 14th day of the month, according to Jewish calcu- 
 lation, irrespective of the week-day on which it might fall ; 
 thus sometimes feasting when the rest of the Church was 
 fasting, or fasting when the rest was feasting. The existence 
 of such a practice at this time was a remarkable instance of 
 the increasing influence of the Jews in Antioch and the 
 neighbouring regions. For up to the year A.D. 276, the 
 Antiochene patriarchate had observed Easter in conformity 
 with the Catholic usage ; the adoption of the Jewish cal- 
 culation was made after that date, when most of the rest of 
 Christendom had dropped it, and was therefore the subject 
 of special condemnation at the Council of Nice. 1 Such a 
 discrepancy in practice was regarded as a most serious rent 
 in the unity of the Church. Chrysostom denounces it 
 especially as a contumacious disregard of the Council of 
 Nice, which had distinctly ordained by the mouths of three 
 hundred bishops that Easter should be kept at one and 
 the same time throughout Christendom. He implores the 
 Judaisers to desist from the idle inquiry into the exact 
 dates of seasons ; to follow the Church, and to place harmony 
 and charitable peace before all things. It was impossible, 
 in fact, to fix the actual day on which Christ rose ; therefore 
 let them observe that day which the Church through her 
 bishops had prescribed. It was a less offence to fast on the 
 wrong day than to rend the unity of the Church. " How 
 long halt ye between two opinions?" if Judaism be true, 
 embrace it altogether, and " cease to annoy the Church ; if 
 Christianity be true, abide in it, and follow it." 2 
 
 The Jews themselves could not, in Chrysostom's opinion, 
 legally perform sacrifices, or observe festivals of any kind. 
 Jerusalem was the only place in which such observances 
 
 1 Newman's Arians, ch. i. p. 16. Hefele, pp. 305, 306. 
 
 2 In Jud. iii. c. 6, iv. c. 4. 
 
en. ix.] QUARTO-DECIMANS. 131 
 
 were commanded ; and Jerusalem being destroyed they 
 became void. 1 They had been suspended during the Cap- 
 tivity, to be resumed when the people returned to the holy 
 soil. If the Jews of the present day also expected restora- 
 tion, let them likewise suspend their rites ; but, in fact, this 
 never would occur. The Temple never would be rebuilt, 
 and restoration was a vain hope. Jerusalem was to be 
 trodden down of Gentiles till the times of the Gentiles were 
 fulfilled ; and by the fulfilment of those times Chrysostom 
 understood the end of the world. 2 All four Captivities of 
 the Jews their subjection to the Egyptians, Babylonians, 
 Antiochus, and the Romans had been distinctly foretold. To 
 each of the first three prophecy had assigned a limit ; but to 
 the last none it reached into all time ; there was no sign or 
 intimation of any probable cessation. 3 The revolt of the 
 Jews under Hadrian, and under Constantine, 4 had ignomini- 
 ously failed ; the attempt of Julian to rebuild the Temple 
 had been frustrated by portents: fire issuing from the 
 foundations had consumed some of the workmen, and scared 
 the spectators; the naked substructions, left just as they 
 were when the work was abandoned, presented a visible 
 monument of the divinely-arrested work. 5 
 
 The eager exhortation reiterated in his last homily, that 
 the faithful should seek out their brethren who had been 
 caught in the Jewish snare, is a powerful rush of indignant 
 eloquence, and a wholesome admonition on the responsibility 
 of all for the spiritual welfare of their fellow-men. " Say 
 not within thyself, I am a man of the world ; I have a wife 
 and children ; these matters belong to the priests and the 
 
 1 According to Theod. iii. 20, the 2 In Jud. v. c. 1. 
 
 Jews had ceased to offer sacrifices by 3 Ibid. c. 4-7. 
 
 the reign of Julian, and when he in- 4 He punished the captives by 
 
 quired the reason, said, because it was cutting off their ears. It is singular 
 
 unlawful except on the site of the that there is no record of this rebellion 
 
 Temple ; and this was one chief reason in history. 
 
 why Julian commanded the Temple to 5 For a full relation of this singular 
 
 be restored. event, see Milman's Jews, book xx. 
 
132 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [OH. ix. 
 
 monks. The Samaritan in the parable did not say, Where 
 are the priests ? where are the Pharisees ? where are the 
 Jewish authorities ? but seized the opportunity of doing a 
 good deed, as if it was a great advantage. In like manner, 
 when you see any one requiring bodily or spiritual care, say 
 not within thyself, Why did not this or that man attend to 
 him ? but deliver him from his infirmity. If you find a 
 piece of gold in your path, you do not say, Why did not 
 some other person pick it up ? but you eagerly anticipate 
 others by seizing it yourself. Even so, in the case of your 
 fallen brethren, consider that you- have found a treasure in 
 them and give the attention necessary for their wants." 
 He besought them not to proclaim the calamity of the 
 Church by idly gossiping about the numbers of those who 
 had observed some Jewish custom, but to- -search them out; 
 and, if necessary, to enter their houses, tax them with their 
 guilt, and solemnly warn them against the iniquity of con- 
 sorting with the enemies of Jesus Christ. " Listen not to 
 any excuses which they may plead on the ground of cures 
 effected by the Jews ; expose their impostures, their incan- 
 tations, their amulets, their charms, their drugs." Even if 
 they really effected cures, it would be better to die and save 
 the soul, than resort to the enemies of Christ to heal the 
 body. Let them rather appeal to the assistance of the 
 martyrs and saints who were His friends, and had great 
 confidence in addressing Him. " Why did the Son of Man 
 Himself enter the world ? Was it not to seek and to save 
 wandering sheep ? This do thou, according to thy ability. 
 I will not cease to speak, whether you hear or whether you 
 forbear. If you heed not, I shall do it, but with grief ; if 
 you listen and obey, I shall do it, but with joy." l 
 
 It is difficult for us, in our altered position towards Jews 
 and heretics of all kinds, to sympathise with the vehemence 
 of Chrysostom's feelings and language. Yet there can be no 
 
 1 Horn. viii. 4, and. in fine. 
 
CH. ix.] MISCHIEVOUS INFLUENCE OF JEWS. 133 
 
 doubt that such dabbling, if the word may be used, in the 
 customs, the observances, the ritual of an obsolete dispensa- 
 tion, and a debased people, did seriously imperil purity of faith 
 and morals, and unity of discipline, in the Christian Church. 
 Towards dissentient Christians, not infected by Judaism, 
 Chrysostom adopts a milder tone, and indeed restrains the 
 immoderation of party feeling in others with wholesome 
 censure. He laments 1 the distracted state of the Church 
 in Antioch, which was now divided into the three sections 
 of Meletians, Eustathians, and Arians; but he denounces 
 the practice of anathematising. .It was uncharitable and 
 presumptuous. St. Paul anathematised once only ; the cast- 
 ing off of a heretic ought to be as painful as plucking out an 
 eye or cutting off a limb. A holy man before their times, 
 one of the successors of the Apostles, and judged worthy of 
 the honour of martyrdom, used to say, that to assume the 
 right to anathematise was as great a usurpation of Christ's 
 authority as for a subject to put on the Imperial purple. 
 In dealing with erring brethren, the Christian should "in 
 meekness instruct those that oppose themselves, if God, 
 peradventure, will give them repentance to the acknowledg- 
 ing of the truth." " If a man accepts your counsel and 
 confesses his error, you have saved him, and delivered your 
 own soul also ; but if he will not, do you nevertheless con- 
 tinue to testify with long-suffering and kindness, that the 
 Judge may not require his soul at thy hand. Hate him not ; 
 turn not from him ; persecute him not, but catch him in the 
 net of sincere and genuine charity. The person whom you 
 anathematise is either living or dead; if living, you do 
 wrong to cut off one who may still be converted ; if dead, 
 much more you do wrong ; ' to his own master he standeth 
 or falleth ;' and ' who hath known the mind of the Lord, or 
 who hath been his counsellor?' You may anathematise 
 
 1 Honi. de Anathemate, delivered soon after the discourses against the 
 Aiiomceans. See Monitum, vol. i. 944. 
 
134 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. ix. 
 
 heretical dogmas, but towards the persons who hold them 
 show the greatest possible forbearance, and pray for their 
 salvation." 
 
 In the winter of 386, Chrysostom preached a sermon on 
 Christmas Day, which, though not distinguished by any 
 unusual merit, possesses an interest of its own. We learn 
 from it, that this festival was not originally celebrated in 
 the Eastern Church; it had been adopted from the West, 
 and, in Antioch at least, less than ten years before the year 
 of Chrysostom 's discourse. It had gradually increased in 
 popularity, and this year Chrysostom rejoiced to observe 
 that the church was crowded to overflowing. Eome had 
 fixed the observance of the 25th of December, and this was 
 the day kept throughout Christendom from Thrace to Gades; 
 but the propriety of the date was much debated in the 
 Eastern Churches, and the observance of the festival at all 
 was considered by some as a questionable innovation. 
 Chrysostom energetically vindicates the dignity of the 
 festival and the correctness of the date. 1 It was the metro- 
 polis, so to say, of all other festivals, and as such it was the 
 most solemn and awful. For the incarnation of Christ was 
 the necessary condition of all the succeeding events of His 
 career on earth, and in the profundity of its mystery it 
 exceeded them all. That Christ should die was a natural 
 consequence of human nature once assumed ; but that He, 
 being God, should have stooped so low as to assume that 
 nature, was a mystery unfathomable to the mind of man ! 
 " Wherefore I specially welcome and belove this day, and 
 desire to make you partakers in my affection. I pray and 
 implore you all to come with zeal and alacrity, every man 
 first purging his own house, to behold our Lord wrapped in 
 swaddling clothes and lying in a manger; for if we come 
 with faith, we shall indeed behold Him lying in the manger; 
 
 1 The former chiefly in the Horn. the Horn, in Nat. Diem Christi, vol. ii. 
 cle Philog. vol. i. 752 ; the latter in p. 552. 
 
CH. ix.] SERMON ON CHRISTMAS DAY. 135 
 
 for this Table supplies the place of the manger, and here 
 also the body of the Lord will lie, not wrapped in swaddling 
 clothes, but invested on all sides by the Holy Spirit. The 
 initiated (or the baptized) understand what I mean." 1 But 
 he warns his hearers against crowding in a tumultuous and 
 disorderly manner to partake of the holy feast. " Approach 
 with fear and trembling, with fasting and prayer, not making 
 an uproar, hustling and jostling one another: consider, 
 man, what kind of sacrifice thou art about to handle ; con- 
 sider that thou, who art dust and ashes, dost receive the 
 body and blood of Christ." 2 This irreverent conduct at the 
 reception of the Eucharist frequently provoked the indig- 
 nation and censure of Chrysostom. It occurred especially 
 at the greater festivals, because on those days multitudes 
 received the Eucharist who did not enter the church at 
 other times. " How," he cries in the homily on the Epiphany, 
 " shall we teach you what is necessary concerning your soul, 
 immortality, the kingdom of heaven, the long-suffering and 
 mercy of God, and a future judgment, when you come to us 
 only once or twice in the year ?" Many of those who pushed 
 and kicked one another in the eagerness of each to get 
 foremost to the holy Table, withdrew from the church 
 before the final thanksgiving. " What," Chrysostom cries, 
 " when Christ is present, and the angels are standing by, 
 and this awe-inspiring Table is spread before you, and your 
 brethren are still partaking of the mysteries, will you hurry 
 away ? " Too often they who thronged the church on these 
 great occasions led worldly and even vicious lives; they 
 hurried away before the sacred feast was ended, like Judas, 
 to do the devil's work. 3 Such is one among many examples 
 which may be elicited from Chrysostom's works of that 
 Pagan grossness and superstition which was mingled 
 with the faith and the most solemn observances of Chris- 
 
 1 De Beato Philog. vol. i. p. 753. 2 j n N at cimsti, vol. ii. p. 560. 
 
 3 De Bapt. Cbristi, c. 4. 
 
136 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. ix. 
 
 tianity. The vitality of superstitious customs, the subtlety 
 with which they have grafted themselves upon Christianity, 
 the tenacity with which they have clung to 'men in spite of 
 it late into modern times, is indeed extraordinary ; but for 
 centuries their existence and influence were not appreci- 
 ably if at all affected by Christianity. A half Oriental, half 
 Greek, partly Jewish population, like that of Antioch, whose 
 purer feelings and nobler reason were seriously impaired by 
 habits of licentiousness and luxury, was naturally liable to 
 superstitious terrors, and addicted to superstitious practices 
 of all kinds. Chrysostom is frequently reproving his people 
 for being anxious and afraid where there was no cause, while 
 they abandoned themselves to vice, the only worthy cause 
 for fear, without scruple or alarm. If Christmas Day was 
 observed as a Christian festival, though without becoming 
 reverence, New Year's Day was given up to riotous festivity, 
 thoroughly Pagan in character. The houses were festooned 
 with flowers, the inns were scenes of the most disgraceful 
 intemperance; men and women drinking undiluted wine 
 there from an early hour in the morning; auguries and 
 omens were consulted by which the horoscope of the year 
 was cast. Good luck in the coming year was supposed to 
 depend (how is not clearly stated) on the manner in which 
 the first day was spent. This is the theme of the preacher's 
 righteous indignation. The real happiness of the year was 
 determined, not by the observation of particular feasts, but 
 by the amount of goodness which we put into it. Sin was 
 the only real evil, virtue the only real good ; therefore, if a 
 man practised justice, almsgiving, and prayer, his year could 
 not fail to be propitious ; for he who had a clean conscience 
 carried about with him a perpetual holy day, and without 
 this, the most brilliant and joyous festival was obscured by 
 darkness. "When thou seest the year completed, thank 
 God that He has brought thee safely to the conclusion of 
 the cycle : prick thine heart, reckon up the time of thy life, 
 
CH. ix.] PAGAN SUPERSTITION. 137 
 
 and say to thyself, The days are hurrying along, the years 
 are being fulfilled, I have advanced far on the road, the 
 judgment is at the doors, my life is pressing on towards old 
 age : well ! what good have I done ? shall I depart hence 
 destitute and empty of all righteousness ?" 1 
 
 There is a fuller notice, in some of his homilies on the 
 Epistle to the Ephesians, of the many gross and senseless 
 forms of superstition which prevailed even among the com- 
 municants in the Christian Church. He laments the decay 
 of discipline, by which a more rigorous scrutiny was once 
 instituted into the characters of those who came to the holy 
 feast. If any one were to examine the lives of all those who 
 partake of the mysteries on Easter Day, he would find 
 amongst them persons who consulted auguries, who used 
 drugs, and omens, and incantations ; even the adulterer, 
 curser, and drunkard, dared to partake. Iniquitous, men 
 had crept into the Church, the highest places of command 
 were bought and sold, till the pure livers had betaken them- 
 selves to the mountains to escape from the contamination. 2 
 Some of the vulgar superstitions of the day were ludicrously 
 puerile. " This or that man was the first to meet me as I 
 walked out; consequently innumerable ills will certainly 
 befall me : that confounded servant of mine, in giving me 
 my shoes, handed me the left shoe first; this indicates dire 
 calamities and insults : as I stepped out, I started with the 
 left foot foremost ; this too is a sign of misfortune : my right 
 eye twitched upwards as I went out ; this portends tears." 3 
 To strike the woof with the comb in a particular way, the 
 braying of a donkey, the crowing of a cock, a sudden sneeze, 
 all these were indications of something or other. " They 
 suspect everything, and are more in bondage than if they 
 were slaves many times over. But let not us, brethren, fear 
 such things, but laughing them to scorn as men who live in 
 
 1 In Kalend. c. 2. 3 Perhaps that convulsive twitching 
 
 2 In Ephes. Horn. vi. c. 4. which we call "quick blood." 
 
138 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [OH. ix. 
 
 the light, and whose citizenship is in heaven, and who have 
 nothing in common with this earth, let us regard one thing 
 only as terrible, and that is, sin." 1 
 
 1 InEphes. Horn. xii. c. 3. In Horn. it that name which was attached to 
 
 viii. and xii. on 1 Cor. he rebukes the the candle that burned longest out of 
 
 heathenish ceremonies performed at a row of candles, 
 the birth of a child. One was, to give 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 SURVEY OF THE FIRST DECADE OF THE REIGN OF THEODOSIUS-HIS 
 CHARACTER HIS EFFORTS FOR THE EXTIRPATION OF PAGANISM AND 
 HERESY THE APOLOGIES OF SYMMACHUS AND LIBANIUS. A.D. 379-389. 
 
 BEFORE Chrysostom had laboured two full years in " con- 
 firming the souls of the disciples" at Antioch, that city 
 became the scene of events memorable in history; and 
 events in which the great preacher played an honourable 
 and distinguished part. 
 
 The foremost man of the age, not only by position but 
 also to a great extent in character, was Theodosius the 
 Emperor ; Theodosius the Great, deservedly so called in spite 
 of one prominent defect in character, and a few glaring 
 misdeeds which tarnish his reputation. The military exploits 
 of his father, Theodosius the elder, had provoked the jealousy 
 of the court 1 and cost him his life, and the son, who had 
 manifested ability almost equal, in serving under him both 
 by land and sea against Scots and Saxons, Moors and Goths, 
 was glad to escape a similar ungrateful return for his 
 services, by retiring to the obscurity of his native village 
 in Spain. He was disgraced when the Empire had been 
 liberated from danger by the exertions of his father and 
 himself ; but in the hour of its utmost jeopardy, and direst 
 distress, he was recalled to more than his former position. 
 The total defeat and death of Valens, and the almost 
 extermination of his army before Hadrianople in A.D. 378, 
 
 1 He was executed at Carthage in A.D. 376. 
 
140 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. x. 
 
 placed the Empire at the mercy of victorious barbarians 
 within the frontier, and on the edge of the horizon more 
 storm-clouds of Gothic or Hunnish invasion were lowering. 
 There was but one person to whom the mind of Gratian, 
 the young Emperor of the West, and his advisers, over- 
 whelmed by the prospect of impending calamity, instinc- 
 tively turned as capable of saving the State in this crisis. 
 For three years Theodosius had been quietly cultivating 
 his farm between Valladolid and Segovia, when he was 
 summoned to accept the title of Augustus, together with all 
 the responsibilities and perils which attended the possessor, 
 at such a time, of that venerable name. He was equal to 
 the situation; handsome with a manly beauty, courageous 
 and determined of purpose, just and politic in intention if 
 not always in act, he was endowed with some of the noblest 
 qualities of a soldier and a statesman, by which to rescue 
 and reorganise a panic-stricken and crumbling State. This 
 is not the place to narrate the military achievements of 
 Theodosius. The original materials for information respect- 
 ing them are scanty; but they have been collected and 
 arranged by that historian whose indefatigable industry 
 brings order out of confusion, and whose luminous style lights 
 up with interest even the darkest and most meagre annals. 1 
 It is sufficient to remind the reader of Gibbon, that Theo- 
 dosius subdued the Goths, not in any one or two great 
 battles, but by frequent and skilfully contrived engage- 
 ments on a smaller scale. He thus gradually revived the 
 drooping courage and discipline of the imperial troops, and 
 wore out the enemy. The several tribes, on their submission, 
 were settled in the waste tracts of country, which they were 
 to occupy free of taxation, on the wise condition that they 
 kept the land in a state of cultivation. So a numerous 
 colony of Visigoths was established in Thrace, and of Ostro- 
 goths in Phrygia and Lydia, The ability of Theodosius is 
 
 1 See Gibbon, c. xxvi. xxvii. 
 
CH. x.] THEODOSIUS MADE EMPEROR. 141 
 
 proved more by the results of his energy than by anything 
 that we know of the manner in which he accomplished 
 them. He not only vanquished the Goths, but arrested the 
 progress of the usurper Maximus in the West, who was 
 leading his victorious legions to Italy, flushed with success 
 after the ignominious flight and assassination of Gratian. 
 Theodosius was not in a position, surrounded as he was 
 by half- vanquished barbarians, to dispute the passage of the 
 conqueror ; but by assuming a firm tone in negotiations, he 
 secured for Valentinian, Gratian's brother, and successor, the 
 sovereignty of Italy, Africa, and Western Illyricum, sur- 
 rendering for the present to the usurper the regions north 
 of the Alps. 
 
 Theodosius was a Christian; as a Spaniard he was a 
 Trinitarian, and as a soldier he was anxious to establish one 
 uniform type of religious faith and ecclesiastical discipline 
 throughout the Empire. But such a task proved more 
 impracticable than the reduction of military foes. Neither 
 Paganism nor Arianism could be extinguished in a few 
 years by suppressive edicts. Theodosius himself had been 
 baptized in the first year of his reign, A.D. 380, when his 
 life was threatened by a severe illness, and he had then 
 announced his will and pleasure that his own solemn 
 declaration of faith should be accepted by his subjects 
 also. That faith which was "professed by the Pontiff 
 Damasus, and Peter, Bishop of Alexandria " was to be the 
 faith of the Empire. " Let us believe the sole deity of the 
 Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, under an equal 
 majesty and a pious Trinity. We authorise the followers 
 of this doctrine to assume the title of Catholic Christians, 
 and as we judge that all others are extravagant madmen, 
 we brand them with the infamous name of heretics." 1 Their 
 places of assembly were not to enjoy the title of churches, 
 and they themselves were to expect severe civil penalties 
 
 i Cod. Theod. xvi. 1, 2. 
 
142 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. x. 
 
 as well as the Divine condemnation. Damophilus, the 
 Arian Bishop of Constantinople, preferred exile to signing 
 the creed of Nice ; and Gregory of Nazianzus was con- 
 ducted by the Emperor in person through the streets of 
 Constantinople (though not without a strong guard) to 
 occupy the episcopal throne. A project for another general 
 council (after the Council of Constantinople, A.D. 381) was 
 entertained but abandoned, for the factious demeanour of the 
 several prelates and their partisans on their arrival did not 
 augur a very successful settlement of differences by that 
 method. The Emperor fell back, for the accomplishment 
 of his object, on his own authority. On July 25, A.D. 383, 
 an edict was posted in Constantinople, prohibiting all the 
 heretics therein named, Arians, Eunomians, Macedonians, 
 and Manichseans, from holding any kind of assembly, public 
 or private, either in the cities or in the country. Any 
 ground or building used for such illegal purpose was to be 
 confiscated to the State ; and the penalty of banishment was 
 pronounced against those who allowed themselves to be 
 ordained priests or bishops of the heretical sects. Historians 
 concur in the opinion that few of these penalties were 
 actually enforced. The heretical sects were not animated 
 by a spirit of martyrdom; the intimidation was generally 
 sufficient. 1 The hypocrite or the indifferent conformed, the 
 more conscientious retired into obscurity. There seem to 
 have been few if any Arian prelates of great and command- 
 ing ability. All the leading ecclesiastics of the day 
 Chrysostom, Jerome, Basil, the two Gregories, and Ambrose 
 were by conviction on the side of the Emperor, and added 
 all the weight of their influence to his decrees. 
 
 When measures had been taken for the suppression of 
 heresy, it was the Pagan's turn to suffer. The spectacle of 
 temples standing open for worship side by side with Chris- 
 
 1 Sozom. vii. c. 12 ; Gibbon, c. xxvii. ; De Broglie, " L'Eglise et 1'Empire," 
 vi. p. 93. 
 
CH. x.] LAWS AGAINST HERETICS AND PAGANS. 143 
 
 tian churches was a painful incongruity in the eyes of 
 Theodosius, with his soldier-like ideas of uniformity and 
 discipline. The first blow was directed against those dis- 
 loyal sons of the Church who had seceded to Paganism. 
 They were deprived of the power to make wills or to receive 
 bequests. 1 The second step was absolutely to prohibit all 
 sacrifices in those temples which were still open. Nearly 
 twenty years before, the sacrifice of animals had been 
 forbidden by Valentinian and Valens, owing to their con- 
 nection with arts of divination, which were used for political 
 purposes. As long as such sacrifices were permitted, the 
 priests could not refrain from consulting the entrails of the 
 victims, and pretending to read therein future events : the 
 death of this Emperor, the elevation of that, the success or 
 failure of expeditions, and the like, were intimated to the 
 people, always eager to know what is beyond the limits of 
 human knowledge. Such divinations encouraged a restless 
 spirit in the subjects, and often disaffected them towards the 
 ruling power. That these laws of Valentinian were renewed 
 by Theodosius in 381, and again in A.D. 385, proves that 
 they had been imperfectly obeyed. 2 
 
 They were followed up by a yet more decisive step in 
 A.D. 392. Cynegius, the Praetorian Prefect of the East, the 
 Counts Jovinus and Gaudentius in the West, were com- 
 missioned to shut up the temples, to destroy their contents, 
 images, and vessels, and to confiscate their property. In 
 many instances the executors of the edict, aided by the 
 fanatical fury of monks, seem to have exceeded their in- 
 structions. The great temple of Jupiter, at Apamea, in 
 Syria, of which the roof was supported on sixty massive 
 columns, fell, but not unavenged ; for the Bishop Marcellus, 
 who headed the assailants, fell a victim to the rage of the 
 
 1 Cod. Theod. xvi. v. 7, lib. 1, 2. Eugenius, the usurper, after the death 
 
 2 Cod. Theod. xvi. v. 10, lib. 7. 9. of Valentinian II., was persuaded by 
 Sozomen informs us (vii. 22) that divinations to take up arms. 
 
144 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. x. 
 
 exasperated rustics who defended it. 1 The safety of the 
 universe was represented by Pagans to depend on the pre- 
 servation of the colossal gold and silver image of Serapis at 
 Alexandria. Even Christians beheld with some trepidation 
 an audacious soldier deal a blow with a battle-axe on the 
 cheek of this awful deity ; but as the only result of the gash 
 was the issue of a swarm of rats who had harboured in the 
 sacred head, instead of the avenging thunders which had 
 been expected, a revulsion of feeling was experienced. The 
 huge idol was hewn to pieces, the limbs were dragged 
 through the streets, and the remains of the carcase burned 
 in the amphitheatre, amidst the derision of the populace. 
 
 These were shattering blows to Paganism. But the 
 religion of sentiment and custom long survives the extinc- 
 tion of more solid if not reasonable convictions. Chryso- 
 stom's homily on New Year's Day is only one among many 
 illustrations of the way in which Pagan rites and superstitions 
 lingered, especially in connection with public festivals. All 
 the Pagan concomitants of these festivals in the country 
 districts hymns, libations, garlands, incense, lights were 
 strictly prohibited, under heavy penalties, by Theodosius in 
 A.D. 392, but, in the "West especially, the extirpation was 
 very incomplete. The Bishops of Verona and of Brescia 
 protested, but in vain, against the proprietors of land in- 
 dulging their tenantry in these practices. Sicily, Corsica, 
 and Sardinia, were strongholds of Paganism as late as 
 A.I). 600. Sacrifices were offered to Apollo on Monte Casino 
 till the establishment of St. Benedict's monastery in A.D. 
 529. 
 
 The riotous populace of towns, and the simple country folk 
 attached to old customs, thus evinced some spirit in their 
 resistance to repressive enactments. But the hold which 
 Paganism retained upon intellectual people was feeble indeed. 
 Two apologists only, with any pretensions to ability, stepped 
 
 1 Sozomen, vii. 15. Theod. v. 21. 
 
en. x.] SYMMACHUS AND AMBROSE. 145 
 
 forward to plead for the sinking cause : Symmachus 1 in the 
 West, and Libanius in the East ; and their intercessions are 
 addressed to sentiments of affection for .antiquity, and com- 
 passion for oppressed weakness, rather than to the reason. 
 Symmachus, as is well known, pleaded twice for the retention 
 of the altar and statue of Victory in the senate-house at 
 Eome. Eloquent and touching, his appeal is directed to 
 patriotic feeling and a sense of political expediency, not to 
 religious conviction. He does not profess to believe in the 
 Pagan deities, but regards with a philosophic eye the various 
 kinds of faith in the world as so many forms of homage to 
 the great unknown Being who presides over the universe. 
 " It is right to recognise that what all adore can be at bottom 
 but one Being only. We contemplate the same stars ; the 
 same sky covers us ; the same universe encloses us. What 
 matters it by what reasonings each seeks the truth ? a single 
 path cannot conduct us to the grand secret of nature. As 
 an individual, a man may be a worshipper of Mithras, or 
 of Christ, but as a citizen it is his duty to conform to 
 that worship which is bound up with the history and 
 glory of his country; to part from it is heartless and dis- 
 loyal." 2 
 
 The memorial of Symmachus got into the hands of Ambrose, 
 and was rather rudely treated by him. He subjects it to a 
 stern test of facts. Had the national gods indeed protected 
 the Eomans from disaster ? It was maintained that by their 
 aid the conquest of Italy by Hannibal had been averted. 
 Why then did they permit the invader to inflict such ravages 
 as he had done ? Would not the Gauls also have captured 
 the Capitol, but for the timely cry of the goose ? Where was 
 Jupiter then ? but perhaps he was speaking through the 
 goose. The Carthaginians worshipped some of the same 
 
 1 The most distinguished scholar tor, praetor, and proconsul of Africa, 
 and orator, and one of the most up- 2 Fragments of his speeches pre- 
 
 right statesmen of his time quses- served in Mai's collection, vol. i. 
 
146 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. x. 
 
 deities as the Eomans. If then the gods conquered with the 
 Eomans they yielded with the Carthaginians. Paganism 
 declined, notwithstanding support ; the Church flourished, in 
 spite of opposition. As to the abandonment of ancient 
 customs, was not progress the law of improvement ? The 
 glimmering dawn gradually brightened into the full and 
 perfect day ; the riches of harvest and vintage came in the 
 maturity of the year ; even so the faith of Christ had gradually 
 planted itself on the ruins of a worn-out creed, and was now 
 reaping an abundant harvest among all nations of the earth. 1 
 The whole reply of Ambrose is pitched in the positive, confi- 
 dent, authoritative tone of one who speaks from a conviction 
 that he stands on the platform of absolute truth, and that his 
 cause is therefore inevitably destined to win. 
 
 If the appeal of Symmachus was addressed to the sentiment 
 of reverence for national antiquity, that of Libanius was 
 directed to a sentiment of attachment to classical antiquity. 
 The citizen mourns over the suppression of a worship which 
 was bound up with the history and the glory of his country ; 
 the scholar sighs over the degradation of that which was 
 connected with all that was most beautiful in the literature 
 and life of the olden time with the poetry of Homer and 
 the tragedians with the festive song and dance with the 
 hills, and fountains, and groves of Greece. He clings to the 
 past with the love of the antiquarian. Though his actual 
 belief in the myths of the classical era may not have been 
 very deep or earnest, there is no doubt that he entertained a 
 genuine animosity towards the new faith which was usurping 
 their place. A flowery description of the origin and antiquity 
 of the honour paid to the gods is followed by a vehement 
 invective against the monks, " those black-robed creatures, 
 more voracious than elephants, who rush upon the temples, 
 armed with stones, wood, and fire ; who break up the roofs, 
 destroy the walls, throw down the statues, raze the altars." 
 
 1 Ambrose, Op. vol. ii. Ep. 18. 
 
CH. x.] APPEAL OF LIBANIUS. 147 
 
 They glaringly exceeded the edicts of the Emperor, which had 
 forbidden the offering of sacrifice in the temples, but had not 
 commanded the actual destruction of the buildings. 1 There 
 is real feeling also in his description of the distress caused in 
 country districts by the demolition of the temples. " They 
 were the centres round which human habitations and civilisa- 
 tion grew ; in them the labourer placed all his hopes ; to them 
 he commended his wife, his children, his plantation, his crops. 
 Deprived of the gods, from whom he expected the rewards 
 of toil, he felt as if henceforth his labours would be vain. 
 Sometimes the very land was wrested from them on the 
 pretext that it had been consecrated to gods; if the poor 
 despoiled owners sought redress from the pastor (i.e. the 
 bishop) of the neighbouring town (falsely called pastor, since 
 there was no gentleness in his nature), he praised the robber 
 and dismissed the complainers." No doubt to a great extent 
 this was a true picture, and such harshness and injustice 
 must have retarded (as always happens when an attempt is 
 made to coerce opinion) the cause of Christianity, which the 
 law was intended to promote. 
 
 Theodosius, however, was in principle far too upright to 
 treat the Church with a blind partiality. Cynegius, the 
 Prefect, was ordered to enforce the law at Alexandria with 
 full rigour against those despicable beings who sought to 
 make traffic by informing against Pagans. Constantine had 
 exempted the clergy from serving in curial offices; Theo- 
 dosius compelled them to pay for substitutes, and renounce 
 their claims to patrimony. They were to enjoy immunity 
 from torture when brought to trial, but if detected in false- 
 hood were to be visited with penalties of peculiar severity, 
 because they had abused the shelter of the law which 
 favoured them. 2 
 
 1 Libanius : Pro templis non exscind. The oration was certainly not spoken 
 before the Emperor, and probably not even sent to him. 
 
 2 Cod. Theod. xii. 104-115. 
 
148 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. x. 
 
 Such was Theodosius a prudent and skilful general, a 
 firm and upright ruler ; a sincere and simple-minded believer 
 in Christianity, who did his best, as head at once of the 
 army, the civil government, and the Church, to consolidate 
 the fabric of the Empire. The barbarians were repelled, or 
 held down ; taxes were collected with honesty and firmness, 
 some of the most burdensome were taken off; Paganism 
 and heresy languished, however far from being extinguished, 
 and the Emperor fondly hoped that uniformity in faith and 
 discipline would soon be established throughout Christen- 
 dom. 
 
 The good genius of his life was the Empress Flacilla ; she 
 was a Christian of a pure and noble type ; imperial state 
 had not corrupted the simplicity or hardened the tenderness 
 of her disposition. She was accustomed to visit the hospitals 
 in Constantinople, not attended by a single slave or waiting- 
 woman; administered food and medicine to the patients, 
 and dressed their wounds with her own hands. She was 
 wont to remind her husband of the great change in their 
 worldly position, as a motive to humility and gratitude to 
 God. " It behoves thee to consider what thou wert and 
 what thou hast become ; by constantly reflecting on this 
 thou wilt not be ungrateful to thy benefactor, but wilt guide 
 the kingdom which thou hast received with a due regard to 
 law, and by so doing wilt pay homage to Him who gave it 
 thee." 
 
 She, we may well believe, restrained the impulses of that 
 choleric temper which was the principal defect in the 
 Emperor's character, and which occasionally after her death 
 burst forth into acts of deplorable violence. This wise and 
 pious monitress was taken from him in A.D. 385. She died 
 at a watering-place in Thrace, whither she had gone to 
 recover her health after the shock caused by the death of the 
 infant Princess Pulcheria. Her body was brought back to 
 Constantinople on a melancholy day in autumn, when the 
 
CH. X.] 
 
 THE EMPRESS FLACILLA. 
 
 149 
 
 skies poured down a gentle rain, as if mingling their tears 
 with those of the disconsolate people. 1 
 
 This condensed survey of the character and work of 
 Theodosius, during the first ten years of his reign, will assist 
 us in forming a proper estimate of his conduct in that 
 memorable occurrence which brings his life into contact 
 with the life of Chrysostom. 
 
 1 Theodor. v. 19. A funeral ora- 
 tion on her and the infant was pro- 
 
 nounced by Gregory Nyssen, Op. vol. 
 iii. pp. 515, 527, 533. 
 
 L I H K A K Y 
 
 ' V KKSITY OF 
 
 \U1-X>!,'N!.\. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 THE SEDITION AT ANTIOCH THE HOMILIES ON THE STATUES THE 
 RESULTS OF THE SEDITION. A.D. 387. 
 
 THE wise counsel and softening influence of the Empress 
 were removed from her husband at an inopportune season. 
 Political storms were approaching, and the passionate temper 
 of Theodosius was soon to be subjected to a most severe 
 trial. 
 
 The year 388 would have completed the first decade of 
 his reign. The year 387 was the fifth of the reign of his son 
 Arcadius, whom he had nominally associated with himself 
 in the government. The celebration of these two events 
 Theodosius, from motives of prudent economy and con- 
 venience, resolved to combine. The army on such occasions 
 claimed a liberal donative, five gold pieces to each man. It 
 was obviously desirable, therefore, to avoid, if possible, the 
 repetition of such a donative within a short space of time. 
 It was always a strain on the royal treasury, and at the pre- 
 sent juncture the strain was increased, for the Goths were 
 assuming a menacing attitude on the Danubian frontier. It 
 was necessary to mass troops in that direction, and, with a 
 view to provide for these expenses, it was proposed to raise 
 a special subsidy from the opulent cities of the Eastern 
 empire. But the inhabitants of Alexandria and Antioch 
 were loath to part with any of the wealth which they had 
 accumulated during nearly ten years of peace and exemp- 
 tion from onerous taxation. Large meetings were held by 
 the citizens of Alexandria in the theatres and other public 
 
en. XL] THE SEDITION AT ANTIOCH. 151 
 
 places; inflammatory and seditious speeches were made. 
 " If we are to be treated thus," they cried, " a simple remedy 
 is open : we will appeal to Maximus in the West ; he knows 
 how to shake off a troublesome tyrant." Fortunately the 
 Prefect Cynegius was a man of firmness and promptitude ; 
 lie made some arrests of the most conspicuous leaders of the 
 mutinous faction, and enforced an immediate payment of the 
 tribute, and by these decisive measures public order was 
 restored. Either the people of Antioch were more deeply 
 disaffected, or no such energetic officer was in that city to 
 nip the spirit of rebellion in the bud. It is said that the 
 inhabitants entertained a grudge against the Emperor, 
 because he had never visited their city, which had been 
 frequently graced by the royal presence of his predecessors. 1 
 The edict which enjoined the levying of the tribute was 
 proclaimed by a herald on February 26. Large numbers 
 of the people assembled on the spot, collected chiefly into 
 groups, amongst which were some persons of distinction, 
 senators and other civic functionaries, noble ladies, and 
 retired soldiers. An ominous silence succeeded the an- 
 nouncement of the edict. The crowd then dispersed, but 
 reassembled about the prsetorium, where the governor 
 resided. 2 There they stood in gloomy silence, save that 
 the women, from time to time, raised a wailing lamenta- 
 tion, crying that the ruin of the city was determined, and 
 that since the Emperor had abandoned them, God alone 
 from henceforth could come to their succour. At last a 
 little band detached itself from the mass, shouting that 
 they must go and seek the Bishop Flavian, and constrain 
 him to intercede with the Emperor on their behalf. 
 Flavian, by accident or design, was absent from the epi- 
 scopal residence, and the mob returned to the prsetorium, 
 
 1 Libanius, Or. 12, pp. 391-395. of the East, \vho from that time re- 
 
 2 Probably the praetorium built in sided in Autioch ; vide Muller, Antiq. 
 the reign of Constautine for the Count Antioch., ii. 16. 
 
152 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xi. 
 
 crying that the governor must do them justice. The people 
 appear to have been excited to violence chiefly by those 
 turbulent foreign adventurers who abounded in Antioch, 
 sordid venal creatures, often hired by actors to get up 
 applause in the theatres, or by great men not over popular 
 to raise cheers when they appeared in public places. But 
 however stimulated, the passions of the mob were thoroughly 
 roused, and their fury vented itself in a tumultuous rush 
 into one of the great public baths, where they soon tore 
 everything to pieces. Having completed this work of de- 
 struction, they hurried back once more to the hall of the 
 unfortunate governor. Here they were kept at bay by a 
 guard for a sufficient time to enable the governor to escape 
 by a back-door, and when they at last succeeded in bursting 
 in, the vacancy of the place aggravated their rage. The 
 governor was not seated in the judicial chair, but they found 
 themselves face to face with the statues of the imperial 
 family, which as emblems of authority were ranged above it. 
 They paused for a few moments; highly excited as they 
 were, imperial majesty, even so represented, had some deter- 
 rent influence upon their fury. 
 
 But, unfortunately, there were boys in the crowd; the 
 love of stone-throwing without respect of persons was as 
 ardent in boy nature fifteen hundred years ago as it is now. 
 A stone was cast by one of these juvenile hands, which hit 
 one of the sacred statues. The momentary feelings of rever- 
 ence which had arrested the people were dissipated. The 
 images were mutilated, almost battered to pieces, and the 
 fragments dragged through the streets. Other images of the 
 imperial family with which the city was adorned were 
 treated in the same manner ; the equestrian statue of Count 
 Theodosius, father of the Emperor, was dislodged from its 
 pedestal and hacked about, amidst derisive shouts of " Defend 
 thyself, grand cavalier !" 1 
 
 i Liban. Or. 12, p. 395, and p. 527. Theod. vii. 20. Sozom. vii. 23. Zos. iv. 41. 
 
CH. XT.] OUTRAGE ON THE ROYAL STATUES. 153 
 
 The unrestrained fury of the people was inflamed by 
 success ; they began to bring up torches and actually set 
 fire to one of the principal buildings of the city, when the 
 governor, who had escaped their hands, returned at the head 
 of a company of archers. As usual with disorderly mobs, 
 however furious, they were unable to face the discipline of 
 military force; the soldiers were no sooner drawn up and 
 preparing to fix their weapons than rage turned to panic, 
 and the mob, lately so formidable, melted away. 
 
 The whole tumult had not lasted more than three hours ; 
 before noon, every one had returned to his home, the streets 
 and squares were empty, and a death-like stillness pervaded 
 the city. Eemorse was mingled with great terror respecting 
 the consequences of the outrage which had been perpetrated. 
 The Emperor, indeed, was humane and forgiving of wrongs 
 which concerned himself alone, but how would he brook the 
 insults done to the memory of his father and his tenderly 
 beloved Empress ? One hope remained : Flavian, the bishop, 
 was a favourite at court ; his intercessions might avail ; the 
 people besought him with tears to stand their friend in this 
 distress. From Antioch to Constantinople was a long and 
 perilous journey of 800 miles, and the winter was not yet 
 ended. Flavian was old, his only sister was seriously ill, 
 and the approaching season of Lent required his presence at 
 Antioch, but a sense of the emergency prevailed over all 
 these obstacles. Animated by the spirit of the Good Shep- 
 herd the intrepid old man was ready to lay down his life 
 for his flock, and set out upon his errand of mercy with all 
 possible speed, in the hope of overtaking the messengers 
 who had started before him, but had been detained at 
 the foot of Mount Taurus by a fall of snow. 1 
 
 During the absence of Flavian all the powers of Chryso- 
 
 1 Chrys. Horn, de Stat. iii. 1 ; trace of his having gone, either in his 
 
 xxi. 1. Zosimus (iv. 41) sends Li- own Orations or in any other his- 
 
 banius also to Constantinople, but torian. 
 this is a palpable error. There is no 
 
154 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. XL 
 
 stom as an orator, a pastor, and a citizen, were called forth 
 in attempting to calm the fears and revive the deeply- 
 dejected spirits of the people. Perseveringly did he dis- 
 charge this anxious and laborious task ; almost every day, 
 for twenty-two days, that small figure was to be seen either 
 sitting in the Ambo, from which he sometimes preached on 
 account of his diminutive stature, or standing on the steps 
 of the altar, the preacher's usual place; 1 and day after day, 
 the crowds increased which came to listen to the stream of 
 golden eloquence which he poured forth. With all the 
 versatility of a consummate artist, he moved from point to 
 point. Sometimes a picture of the city's agony melted his 
 hearers to tears, and then again he struck the note of en- 
 couragement and revived their spirits by bidding them take 
 comfort from the well-known clemency of the Emperor, the 
 probable success of the mission of Flavian, and, above all, 
 from trust in God. 
 
 " The gay and noisy city, where once the busy people 
 hummed like bees around their hive, was petrified by 
 fear into the most dismal silence and desolation; the 
 wealthier inhabitants had fled into the country, those who 
 remained shut themselves up in their houses, as if the town 
 had been in a state of siege. If any one ventured into the 
 market-place, where once the multitude poured along like 
 the stream of a mighty river, the pitiable sight of two or 
 three cowering dejected creatures in the midst of solitude 
 soon drove him home again. The sun itself seemed to veil 
 its rays as if in mourning. The words of the prophet were 
 fulfilled, ' Their sun shall go down at noon, and their earth 
 shall be darkened in a clear day ' (Amos viii 9). Now they 
 might cry, ' Send to the mourning women, and let them come, 
 and send for cunning women that they may come' (Jer. ix.' 
 17). Ye hills and mountains, take up a wailing, let us invite 
 
 1 Socrat. vi. 5. The most common practice was for the preacher to sit, the 
 people to stand. 
 
CH. XL] MISSION OF FLAVIAN. 155 
 
 all creation to commiserate our woes, for this great city, this 
 capital of Eastern cities, is in danger of being destroyed out 
 of the midst of the earth, and there is no man to help her, 
 for the Emperor, who has no equal among men, has been 
 insulted ; therefore let us take refuge with the King who is 
 above, and summon Him to our aid." l 
 
 The chief reason of the people's extreme dejection was, 
 that the governor and magistrates, probably to disarm any 
 suspicion at court of their own complicity in the sedition, 
 were daily seizing real or supposed culprits, and punishing 
 them with the utmost rigour. Even those who might have 
 been pardoned on account of their tender age were merci- 
 lessly handed over to the executioner. Chrysostom speaks 
 of some even having been burnt, and others thrown to wild 
 beasts. The weeping parents followed their unhappy off- 
 spring at a distance, powerless to help but fearing to plead, 
 like men on shore beholding with grief shipwrecked sailors 
 struggling in the water, but unable to rescue them. 2 
 
 But the object of Chrysostom was, not to utter ineffectual 
 lamentations. He aimed at rousing the people from their 
 profound dejection, and printing, if possible, on their hearts, 
 humbled and softened by distress, deep and lasting impres- 
 sions of good. He* told them that there was everything to 
 be hoped for from the embassy of Flavian. " The Emperor 
 was pious, the bishop courageous, yet prudent and adroit; 
 God would not suffer his errand to be fruitless. The very 
 sight of that venerable man would dispose the royal mind 
 to clemency. Flavian would not fail to urge how especially 
 suitable an act of forgiveness was to that holy season, in 
 which was commemorated the Death of Christ for the sins 
 of the whole world. He would remind the Emperor of the 
 parable of the two debtors, and warn him not to incur the 
 risk of being one day addressed by the words, ' Thou wicked 
 servant, I forgave thee all that debt ; shouldest not thou also 
 
 1 Horn. ii. 2. 2 iii. 6. 
 
156 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xi. 
 
 have had compassion on thy fellow-servants?' He would 
 represent that the outrages had not been committed by the 
 whole community, but chiefly by some lawless strangers. 
 He would plead that the inhabitants, even had they all 
 offended, had already undergone sufficient punishment in 
 the anxiety and alarm which they endured. It would be 
 unreasonable to visit the crime of a few by the extirpation 
 of a whole city, a city which was the most populous capital 
 of the East, and dear to Christians as the place where they 
 had first received that sweet and lovely name." l 
 
 Meanwhile he earnestly calls upon the people to improve 
 this season of humiliation by a thorough repentance and 
 reformation in respect of the prevailing vices and follies. 
 The words of St. Paul in writing to the Philippians, "To 
 write the same things to you, to me indeed is not grievous, 
 and for you it is safe," might be aptly applied to Chrysostom. 
 He is never tired of denouncing special sins and exhorting 
 to the renunciation of them in every variety of language. 
 Ostentatious luxury, sordid avarice, religious formalism, a 
 profane custom of taking rash oaths, were the fashionable sins 
 against which he waged an incessant and implacable warfare. 
 
 His exhortations are generally based on some passage 
 read in the lesson of the day. " What have we heard to- 
 day ? ' Charge them that are rich in this world, that they 
 be not high-minded.' He who says ' the rich in this world ' 
 proves thereby that there are others rich in regard to a 
 future world, like Lazarus in the parable." Wealth of this 
 world was a thankless runaway slave, which, if bound with 
 thousands of fetters, made off, fetters and all. Not that he 
 would quarrel with wealth ; it was good in itself, but became 
 evil when inordinately desired and paraded, just as the evil 
 of intoxication lay not in wine itself, but in the abuse of it. 
 The Apostle did not charge those who were rich to become 
 poor, but only not to be high-minded. " Let us adorn our 
 
 * iii. 1, 2. 
 
CH. XL] HOW TO KEEP LENT. f , 'iff. 
 
 ^y ' s / 
 
 own souls before we embellish our houses. Is it n6i/dis- /' j 
 graceful to overlay our walls with marbles and to negleofj'> 
 Christ, who is going about unclothed ? What profit is v / } 
 there, man, in thy house ? Wilt thou carry it away with 
 thee ? Nay, thou must leave thy house ; but thy soul thou 
 wilt certainly take with thee. Lo ! how great the danger 
 which has now overtaken us : let our houses, then, be our 
 defenders ; let them rescue us from the impending peril ; 
 but they will not be able. Be those witnesses to my words 
 who have now deserted their houses, and hurried away to 
 the wilderness as if afraid of nets and snares. Do you wish 
 to build large and splendid houses ? I forbid you not, only 
 build them not upon the earth ; build yourselves tabernacles 
 in heaven tabernacles which never decay. Nothing is more 
 slippery than wealth, which to-day is with thee and to-morrow 
 is against thee ; which sharpens the eyes of the envious on all 
 sides ; which is a foe in your own camp, an enemy in your 
 own household. Wealth makes the present danger more in- 
 tolerable ; you see the poor man unencumbered and prepared 
 for whatever may happen, but the rich in a state of great 
 embarrassment, and going about seeking some place in which 
 to bury his gold, or some person with whom to deposit it. 
 Why seek thy fellow-servants, man ? Christ stands ready 
 to receive and guard thy deposits yea, not only to guard, 
 but also to multiply and to return with rich interest. No 
 man plucks out of His hand; men, when they receive a 
 deposit from another, deem that they have conferred a favour 
 upon him ; but Christ, on the contrary, declares that He 
 receives a favour, and, instead of demanding a reward, 
 bestows one upon you." l 
 
 He entreated them to make the present Lent a season of 
 spiritual renovation. Lent fell in the spring, when the 
 stream of industry which the winter had frozen began to 
 flow again. The sailor launched his vessel, the soldier 
 
 i ii. 5. 
 
158 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xi. 
 
 furbished his sword, the farmer whetted his scythe, the 
 traveller set out confidently on his long journey, the athlete 
 stripped for the contest. " Even so let this fast be to us a 
 spiritual spring- tide ; let us polish our spiritual armour, let 
 us breast the waves of evil passions, set out like travellers 
 on our journey heavenwards, and prepare like athletes for 
 the combat. For the Christian is both husbandman, and 
 pilot, and soldier, and athlete, and traveller. Hast thou seen 
 the athlete? hast thou seen the soldier? if thou art an 
 athlete thou must strip to enter the lists; if thou art a 
 soldier thou must put on armour before taking thy place in 
 the ranks. How then to the same man can both these 
 things be possible ? How, dost thou ask ? I will tell 
 thee. Strip thyself of thy worldly business, and thou hast 
 become an athlete ; clothe thyself with spiritual armour, and 
 thou hast become a soldier. Strip thyself, for it is a season 
 of wrestling ; clothe thyself, for we are engaged in a fierce 
 warfare with devils. Till thy soul, and cut away the thorns ; 
 sow the seed of piety, plant the good plants of philosophy, 
 and tend them with much care, and thou hast become a 
 husbandman, and St. Paul will say to thee, ' The husbandman 
 which laboureth must first be a partaker of the fruits.' 
 Whet thy sickle which thou hast blunted by surfeiting; 
 sharpen it, I say, by fasting. Enter on the road which leads 
 to heaven, the rugged and narrow road, and travel along it. 
 And how shalt thou be able to set out and travel ? By 
 buffeting thy body and bringing it into subjection ; for where 
 the road is narrow, obesity, which comes from surfeiting, is 
 a great impediment. Repress the waves of foolish passions, 
 repulse the storm of wicked imaginations, preserve the vessel, 
 display all thy skill, and thou hast become a pilot." l The 
 originator and instructor of all these arts was abstinence ; 
 not the vulgar kind of abstinence, not abstinence from food 
 only, but also from sins. " If thou fastest, show me the 
 
 i iii. 3. 
 
CH. XL] AGAINST RASH OATHS. 159 
 
 results by thy deeds. What deeds, do you ask ? If you see 
 a poor man, have pity on him ; if an enemy, be reconciled ; 
 if a friend in good reputation, regard him without envy. 
 Fast not only by thy mouth, but with thine eyes, thine ears, 
 thy hands, thy feet ; avert thine eyes from unlawful sights, 
 restrain thy hands from deeds of violence, keep thy feet from 
 entering places of pernicious amusement, bridle thy mouth 
 from uttering, and stop thine ears from listening to tales of 
 slander." This kind of fast would be acceptable to God, 
 only it should be co-extensive with life. To spend a few 
 days in penance and then to relapse into the former course 
 of life was only an idle mockery. 1 He disparaged that 
 rigorous kind of fasting which some had carried to the 
 extent of taking no food but bread and water. Many boasted 
 of the number of weeks they had fasted; this excessive 
 abstinence was likely to be followed by a reaction. Let 
 them seek rather to subdue evil passions and habits ; let one 
 week be devoted to the suppression of swearing, another of 
 anger, a third of slander, and so gradually advancing they 
 might at last attain the consummation of virtue, and pro- 
 pitiate the displeasure of God. 2 " Let us not do now what 
 we have so often done, for frequently when earthquakes, 
 or famine, or drought have overtaken us, we have become 
 temperate for three or four days, and then have returned to 
 our former ways of life. But, if never before, now at least 
 let us remain steadfast in the same state of piety, that we 
 may not again require to be chastised by another scourge." 3 
 
 Almost all the homilies are concluded by an admonition 
 against the sin of swearing, and the greater portion of some 
 is devoted to this topic. The passionate impetuous people of 
 Antioch seem to have been constantly betrayed into the 
 folly of binding themselves by rash oaths. The master, for 
 instance, would take an oath to deprive his slave of food, or 
 the tutor his scholar, till a certain task was accomplished, a 
 
 1 Hi. 4, 5. 2 xvj. 6. 3 m 7. 
 
160 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xi. 
 
 threat which it was of course often impossible to enforce. 
 Hence perjury on the part of a superior, and loss of respect 
 on the side of the subordinate. Chrysostom himself had 
 often dined at a house where the mistress swore that she 
 would beat a slave who had made some mistake, while the 
 husband would with another oath forbid the punishment. 
 Thus one of the two would be inevitably involved in 
 perjury. 1 He frequently exhorted his hearers to form a 
 kind of Christian club amongst themselves for the suppres- 
 sion of this vice. In one place he suggests a stern remedy : 
 " When you detect your wife or any of your household 
 yielding to this evil habit, order them supperless to bed, 
 and if you are guilty impose the same penalty on yourself." 2 
 Near the close of Lent he declares that he will repel from 
 the holy Table at Easter those whom he detects still addicted 
 to this vice. 3 
 
 On the whole, the eager and earnest pastor may be said 
 to have rejoiced at the grand opportunity afforded by the 
 humiliation of the city, to effect a reformation in the moral 
 life of the people. He observed with great satisfaction, that 
 if the forum was deserted the church was thronged, just as 
 in stormy weather the harbour is crowded with vessels. 4 
 Many an intemperate man had been sobered, the head- 
 strong softened, or the indolent quickened into zeal. Many 
 who once assiduously frequented the theatre now spent 
 their day in the church. Meanwhile they must abide God's 
 pleasure for the removal of their affliction. He had sent it 
 for the purpose of purifying and chastening them ; He was 
 
 1 xiv. 1. was a paltry excuse, perseverance 
 
 2 v. 7. could conquer any difficulty. To un- 
 
 3 xx. 9. A passage in another learn a habit of swearing could not be 
 homily on this subject is curious, as more impossible than to acquire the 
 proving that just the same jugglers' art of throwing up swords, and catch- 
 feats were performed in Antioch in ing them by the handle, or balancing 
 the fourth century as at the fairs and a pole on the forehead with two boys 
 races of the present day : "Persons at the top of it, or dancing on a tight- 
 pretended it was next to impossible rope." Horn, in Dom. Serv. 
 
 to conquer an inveterate habit : this 4 iv. 1. 
 
en. XL] SIGNS OF A CREATOR. 161 
 
 waiting till He saw a genuine, an unshakeable repentance, 
 like a refiner watching a piece of precious nietal in a crucible, 
 and waiting the proper moment for taking it out. 1 As for 
 those who said what they feared was not so much death, as 
 ignominious death by the hand of the executioner, he pro- 
 tested that the only death really miserable was a death in 
 sin. Abel was murdered and was happy, Cain lived and 
 was miserable. John the Baptist was beheaded, St. Stephen 
 was stoned, yet their deaths were happy. To the Christian 
 there was nothing formidable in death itself. To dread 
 death but not to be afraid of sin was to act like children 
 who are frightened by masks whilst they were not afraid of 
 fire. " What, I pray you, is death ? It is like the putting 
 off of a garment, for the soul is invested with a body 2 as it 
 were with a garment, and this we shall put off for a little 
 while by death, only to receive it again in a more brilliant 
 form. What, I pray you, is death ? It is but to go a jour- 
 ney for a season, or to take a longer sleep than usual." 
 Death was but a release from toil, a tranquil haven. 
 " Mourn not over him who dies, but over him who, living 
 in sin, is dead while he liveth." 3 
 
 Chrysostom's own calmness, and his skill in diverting the 
 thoughts of his flock from present alarm, are manifested by 
 the power and ease with which he dilates on such grand 
 topics as the creation, Divine Providence, the nature of man, 
 and his place in the scale of created beings. His best 
 thoughts, expressed in his best style on these subjects, are 
 to be found in the homilies now under consideration. 
 
 The size and beauty of the universe, but still more the 
 perfect regularity with which the system worked, proclaimed 
 a designing power. The succession of day and night, the 
 series of the seasons, like a band of maidens dancing in a 
 circle, the four elements of which the world was composed, 
 
 1 iv. 2. " When we have shuffled off this mortal 
 
 2 v. 3. 7-6 <7u)/ia TT; t/'i'xi? ireplKfLTai coil." 
 
 ep 1/j.dTiov. Coinp. Shakespeare : 3 v. 3. 
 
 L 
 
162 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. XT. 
 
 mingling in such exquisite proportions that they exactly 
 balanced one another, the sun tempering the action of water, 
 the water that of the sun, the sea unable to break its bounds 
 or reduce the earth to a mass of clay ; who could contem- 
 plate all these forces at work and suppose that they moved 
 spontaneously, instead of adoring Him who had arranged 
 them all with a wisdom commensurate with the results ? 
 As the health of the body depended on the due balance of 
 those humours of which it was composed, if the bile in- 
 creased fever was produced, or if the phlegmatic element 
 prevailed many diseases were engendered, so was it in the 
 case of the universe: each element observed its proper 
 limits, restrained, as it were, with a bridle by the will of the 
 Maker; and the struggle between these elements was the 
 source of peace for the whole system. As the body failed, 
 languished, died, in proportion as the soul was withdrawn 
 from it, so if the regulating and life-giving power of God's 
 providence were removed from the earth, all would go to 
 rack and ruin, like a vessel deserted by her pilot. 1 
 
 In treating this subject, he manifests a keen appreciation 
 of natural beauties. The infinite varieties of flowers and 
 herbs, trees, animals, insects, and birds the flowery fields 
 below, the starry fields above the never-failing fountains 
 the sea receiving countless streams into its bosom, yet 
 never overflowing, all proclaimed a Creator and an Up- 
 holder, and drew from man the exclamation, " How manifold 
 are Thy works; in wisdom hast Thou made them all!" 
 Yet, lest they should be worshipped instead of the Maker, 
 conditions of change, as decay or death, were imposed upon 
 all. 2 His observation of nature appears in some of his 
 similes. The poor female relatives hovering about the 
 courts of justice, when the culprits of the outrage on the 
 statues were being tried, he compares to parent birds, which 
 wildly flutter round the hunter who has stolen the young 
 
 i ix. 3, 4. 2 x. 2, 4. 
 
CH. xi.] ETHICAL DOCTRINE. 163 
 
 from their nest, in an agony of grief, but impotent from 
 weakness and fear. 1 He perceives in some of the lower 
 animals characteristics to be imitated or avoided, and de- 
 scribes them with a kind of humour. The bee especially 
 was a pattern for imitation, not merely because it was 
 industrious, but because it toiled with an unconscious kind 
 of self-sacrifice for the benefit of others as well as itself. It 
 was the most honourable of insects ; the spider, on the con- 
 trary, was the most ignoble, because it spread its fine web 
 for its own selfish gratification only. The innocence of the 
 dove, the docility of the ox, the light-heartedness of birds, 
 were all examples for imitation. The ferocity, or the cunning 
 of other animals or insects, were examples for avoidance. 
 The good which brutes had by nature man might acquire 
 by force of moral purpose ; and the sovereign of the lower 
 animals ought to comprise in his nature all the best qualities 
 of his subjects. 2 The plumage of the peacock, excelling in 
 variety and beauty all possible art of the dyer, evinced the 
 superhuman power of the Maker of all things. 3 
 
 His ethical doctrine bears singular resemblance to that of 
 Butler. God has bestowed on man a faculty of discerning 
 right from wrong ; He has impressed upon him a natural law, 
 the law of conscience. Hence some commands are delivered 
 without explanation : for instance, the prohibition to kill, or 
 to commit adultery, because these merely enjoin what is 
 already evident by the light of the natural law. On the 
 other hand, for the command to observe the Sabbath a reason 
 is assigned, because this was a special and temporary enact- 
 ment. The obligation of the law of conscience was universal 
 and eternal. As soon as Adam had sinned, he hid himself, 
 a clear evidence of his consciousness of guilt, although no 
 written law existed at that time. 
 
 The Greeks might attempt to deny the universality of this 
 inherent law, but to what other origin could they ascribe the 
 
 1 xiii. 2. 2 xii. 2. 3 x. 3. 
 
164 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xi. 
 
 laws which had been made by their own ancestors concerning 
 respect for life, the marriage bond, covenants, trusts, and the 
 like ? They had indeed been handed down from generation 
 to generation ; but whence did the first promulgators derive 
 the idea of them, if not from this moral sense ? To the law 
 of conscience was added the energy of a moral purpose, 77730- 
 aipeaw, which enabled man to practise what conscience pre- 
 scribed : conscience informs man that temperance is right ; 
 moral purpose enables him to become temperate. God had 
 also endowed man with some natural virtues : indignation at 
 injustice, compassion for the injured, sympathy with the joys 
 and sorrows of our fellow-men. 1 At the same time Chryso- 
 stom fully allows the value of training and teaching as 
 supplementary to and co-operating with all these natural 
 gifts. 2 If conscience grew languid, the admonition of parent 
 and friend, and, in the case of public offences, the law, stepped 
 in, to effect what conscience failed to do ; and frequently 
 God sent afflictions for the same remedial purpose. 3 
 
 Thus day after day the indefatigable preacher sounded the 
 note of encouragement, or warning, or instruction. He not 
 only held the Christian flock together, but largely increased 
 its numbers. His eloquence frequently excited rapturous 
 applause, which was invariably repressed with sternness. 
 On one occasion the congregation yielded to a panic ; a false 
 rumour was circulated that a body of troops was entering 
 the city, to take vengeance on the inhabitants. The Prefect 
 entered the church to allay the fears of the affrighted people 
 who had fled thither, but Chrysostom was overwhelmed with 
 shame, and sharply upbraided them that a Christian con- 
 
 1 xii. 2-4 ; xiii. 3. Corap. Aris- 2 Comp. again what Aristotle says 
 totle's distinction between natural and of the necessity of training to improve 
 conventional law or justice, Eth. v.7. 1: the natural gifts, b. x. 9, and of the 
 <t>v<jiKt)v and VO^IKOV S'IKOLLOV. Com- formation of habits by repeated acts. 
 pare also his description of irpoalp<rts Comp. Chrys. Horn. xiii. 3, with Arist. 
 as the d/3%77 /cw^crews in b. iii. , and Eth. ii. 4, 5. 
 of <f>p6i>rj<ris (nearly = Butler's " Con- 
 science") in b. vi. 3 xiii. 4. 
 
CH. XL] ANTIOCH DEGRADED. 165 
 
 gregation should owe the restoration of calmness to a Pagan, 
 whom they ought to have impressed, like Paul before 
 Agrippa, by a display of Christian firmness and fortitude. 1 
 
 About the middle of Lent, two commissioners, Hellebicus 
 and Csesarius, arrived at Antioch, invested with full powers 
 to inquire into the late outrage. Their authority was 
 backed by a considerable military force. They were men 
 not only of intelligence and humanity, but Christians in 
 faith ; and they had many friends in Antioch. They entered 
 the city, surrounded by a large multitude, who turned weep- 
 ing faces and held out supplicating hands towards them. 
 The commissioners were moved, and in deep silence entered 
 the lodging provided for them; but it was necessary for 
 them to perform their duty, which was in the first place to 
 announce that Antioch was degraded from the rank of 
 capital of Syria, and its metropolitan honours were trans- 
 ferred to the neighbouring city of Laodicea. Secondly, all 
 the public baths, circuses, theatres, and other places of 
 recreation, were to be closed for an indefinite time. Thirdly, 
 the commissioners were to revise the trials already held by 
 the local governor, and to inflict rigorous sentences upon 
 all the guilty, especially any persons of distinction. These 
 judicial proceedings were to begin on the following day. 
 
 The scene at the entrance of the court was a melancholy 
 spectacle; the wives and daughters of the accused hung 
 around it in mean garments sprinkled with ashes, and in 
 attitudes of supplication or despair. 
 
 There were no lawyers to plead for the prisoners ; they 
 had run away or concealed themselves, to evade the perilous 
 duty. Libanius alone, towards evening, crept timidly into 
 the court. Cfesarius, to whom he was known, observed him, 
 beckoned him to approach, and placed him by his side. In 
 a low voice he bade him take courage ; he and his colleague 
 would endeavour as much as possible to spare life. Libanius 
 
 i xvi. 1. 
 
166 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xi. 
 
 earnestly thanked him, and promised if he kept his word to 
 immortalise him by an oration in his honour. 1 
 
 An appeal, however, more effectual, was made to the 
 mercy of the commissioners, by persons widely different 
 from Libanius. As they were riding in state to the hall of 
 justice on the second day, they saw amongst the people a 
 group of strange half-wild-looking beings, in rough coarse 
 garments, with long unkempt hair. These were hermits, 
 who had descended from their solitudes in the neighbouring 
 mountains some who for years had not been seen in the 
 streets of the city, but now appeared to plead on behalf of 
 the offending people. An old man, diminutive in stature, 
 whose clothing was in tatters, started forward from the 
 group as the commissioners passed by, seized the bridle of 
 one, and commanded them in a tone of authority to dis- 
 mount. "Who is this mad fellow?" inquired the commis- 
 sioners. They were informed that he was the revered hermit 
 Macedonius, surnamed Crithophagus, or the barley-eater, 
 because barley was his only sustenance. Hellebicus and 
 Csesarius immediately alighted, and, falling on their knees 
 before him, craved his pardon for having received him so 
 rudely. " My friends," replied the solitary, " go to the 
 Emperor and say, ' You are an emperor, but also a man, and 
 you rule over beings who are of like nature with yourself. 
 Man was created after a Divine image and likeness ; do not, 
 then, mercilessly command the image of God to be destroyed, 
 for you will provoke the Maker if you punish his image. 
 For, consider that you are doing this from displeasure at the 
 injury inflicted on a statue of bronze ; and how far does a 
 living rational creature exceed the value of such an inani- 
 mate object ! Let him consider that it is easy to manufacture 
 many statues in the place of those destroyed, but it is wholly 
 impossible for him to make a single hair again of those men 
 who have been put to death.' " 2 The other hermits declared 
 
 i Liban. Or. 21, in Helleb. and 20, 517. 2 Theodor. v. 20. 
 
CH. XL] INTERCESSION OF HERMITS. 167 
 
 that they were all prepared to shed their blood and lay down 
 their lives for the culprits ; that they would not withdraw 
 from the city until they were sent as ambassadors to the 
 Emperor, or until the city itself had been acquitted. The 
 joy of Chrysostom at the courage displayed by these hermits 
 was extreme ; their noble conduct compensated for the sad 
 pusillanimity lately exhibited by the congregation in the 
 church. He triumphantly contrasts them with the so-called 
 philosophers of Antioch, who appear to have displayed any- 
 thing but philosophic calmness in the hour of danger. 
 " Where now are those long-bearded, cloak- wearing, stafi'- 
 bearing fellows cynic refuse, more degraded than dogs 
 licking up the crumbs under the table, doing everything 
 for their belly ? Why, they have all hurried out of the city 
 and hidden themselves in caves and dens, whilst those who 
 inhabited the caves have entered the city, and boldly walk 
 about the forum as if no calamity had happened. Their 
 conduct illustrates what I have never ceased to maintain, 
 that even the furnace cannot injure one who lives in virtue. 
 Such is the power of philosophy introduced to man by 
 Christ." 1 The result of this singular intercession was, that 
 the commissioners consented to suspend the execution of 
 their sentence on those pronounced guilty, until an appeal 
 had been made to the Emperor. Meanwhile the prisoners 
 were to remain in confinement, and their property to be 
 held by the State. 
 
 The hermits were anxious to repair to the court of Theo- 
 dosius, but the commissioners wisely refused, making the 
 length of the journey an objection, but perhaps really 
 because they feared such excitable zealots might frustrate 
 the object of their embassy by imprudent behaviour. It 
 was finally decided that Hellebicus should remain to pre- 
 serve order in Antioch, while his colleague went to Constan- 
 tinople, carrying with him an intercessory letter signed by 
 
 i xvii. 1, 2. 
 
168 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xi. 
 
 the hermits, and declaring that they were ready to give their 
 own lives in ransom for the city. 
 
 Csesarius departed amidst the blessings and acclamations 
 of the people. 1 
 
 What had the energetic preacher, who had sustained the 
 spirits of the people so long, been doing, since the arrival of 
 the Emperor's legates ? It had been, indeed, a relief to find 
 that the city was not to be surrendered to the sword ; but to 
 a proud and luxurious people the loss of metropolitan rank, 
 and the closing of the public baths, theatres, and public 
 places of amusement, were severe blows. Loud and general 
 was the lamentation over their fallen grandeur and their 
 lost enjoyments. Chrysostom expostulated with them on 
 their discontent. The real dignity of a city did not con- 
 sist in pre-eminence of rank or vastness of population, but 
 in the virtue of its citizens. What constituted the noblest 
 distinction of Antioch ? the fact that the disciples there 
 were the first to be called Christians that they had sent 
 relief to the distressed brethren in Judaea in the time of the 
 famine (Acts xi. 28, 29) that they had sent Paul and 
 Barnabas to that Council at Jerusalem which had emanci- 
 pated the Gentile Christians from Judaic bondage. These 
 were honourable distinctions, which no other city, not even 
 Eome itself, could rival. They enabled Antioch to look the 
 whole Christian world in the face, for they proved how 
 great had been her Christian courage and her Christian love. 
 These were her true metropolitan honours ; and, if these 
 were in aught diminished, not by the size or beauty of her 
 buildings, not by her airy colonnades or her spacious 
 porticos and promenades, 2 not by the sacred Grove of 
 Daphne, not by the number and loftiness of her cypresses, 
 not by her fountains or her multitudinous population, or her 
 
 1 Liban. Orat. 20. De Broglie, vi. through the city from east to west ; 
 150, 151. Chrys. Horn. xvii. 2. the Trepnrdrovs or promenades were 
 
 2 xvii. 2. The colonnades, espe- lined by colonnades with seats. Vide 
 cially of the great street which ran Mu'ller, Antiq. Ant. ii. 12. 
 
CH. xi.] THE PUNISHMENT OF ANTIOCH. 169 
 
 genial climate, not by these could she recover her tarnished 
 reputation, but by equity, almsgiving, vigils, prayers, tem- 
 perance. External size and beauty did not constitute real 
 greatness. David was little of stature, yet he prostrated by 
 a single blow a very tower of flesh. Away with these 
 womanish complaints ! " I have heard many in the forum 
 saying, ' Woe to thee, Antioch ! what has become of thee ? 
 how art thou dishonoured !' and when I heard I laughed 
 at the childish understanding of those who say such things. 
 It behoves you not to speak thus now ; but, when you see 
 dancing, and drunkenness, and singing, and blaspheming, 
 and swearing, then utter the cry, ' Woe to thee, city ! 
 what has become of thee ? ' but when you see only a few 
 equitable, temperate, and moderate men in the forum, then 
 call the city happy." 1 
 
 He remonstrates indignantly with them for their queru- 
 lous complaints of the prohibition to use the public baths. 
 Bathing, indeed, was a luxury so indispensable to the bodily 
 health and comfort of the people, that they now resorted to 
 the river in large numbers, with very little regard to decency. 
 He reminds those who murmured over this deprivation of 
 their favourite indulgence, that a short time ago, when they 
 were daily expecting an incursion of soldiers, and were 
 flying to the desert and mountains, they would have been 
 too thankful to escape with so cheap a penalty. He urges the 
 duty of reconciliation with enemies as specially incumbent 
 on them when such great efforts were being made to obtain 
 mercy for themselves. They should have one enemy alone, 
 the devil, with whom they should wage an implacable warfare. 2 
 
 Thus the prophet, ever vigilant for the true welfare and 
 honour of his people, ceased not to lift up his voice. 
 
 Csesarius travelled day and night, and in the course of a 
 week accomplished the eight hundred miles which separated 
 Antioch from Constantinople. But his arrival and his 
 
 1 xvii. 2. 2 xx. 5, and xviii. in fine. 
 
170 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xi. 
 
 errand had been anticipated. Flavian had reached the 
 court a week before, and the pardon of Antioch was already 
 secured. The aged bishop returned to Antioch just in time 
 to celebrate Easter, and to augment the natural joyfulness of 
 the festival by the tidings which he brought. He had, how- 
 ever, been preceded a few days by an express courier, who 
 delivered the imperial rescript to Hellebicus. When the 
 contents were publicly proclaimed, the pent-up feelings of 
 the people burst forth into demonstrations of almost frantic 
 joy. Hellebicus was received with ovation wherever he 
 went. Libanius walked by his side, reciting passages from 
 his orations, in honour of Theodosius and praise of the two 
 commissioners. 1 On Holy Saturday, Flavian himself entered 
 the city, partly attended, partly borne along, by vast crowds 
 of grateful people. On that night the forum was decorated 
 with garlands and illuminated by lanterns. On the next 
 morning, Easter Day, a vast concourse thronged the church, 
 and once more the well-known voice, which had exhorted 
 and encouraged and warned, during the days of their gloom, 
 now poured forth in the sunshine of their joy a paean of 
 thanksgiving and praise. 
 
 " Blessed be God, who hath vouchsafed us to celebrate 
 this holy feast with great joy and gladness, who has restored 
 the Head to the body, the Shepherd to the sheep, the Master 
 to his disciples, the Pontiff to the priests. Blessed be God, 
 who hath done exceeding abundantly above all that we ask 
 or think, for it seemed to us sufficient to be for a time 
 released from the impending calamities ; but the merciful 
 God, ever exceeding in His gifts our petitions, has restored 
 to us our father sooner than all our expectation. And not 
 only has our beloved prelate escaped all the perils incident 
 to so long a journey in the winter season, but has found his 
 sister, whom he left on the point of death, still living to 
 welcome his return." 2 
 
 i Liban. Or. 21, p. 536. 2 xxi. 1. 
 
c;i. XL] FLAVIAN AND THE EMPEROR 171 
 
 He then proceeds to describe the interview of Flavian 
 with Theodosius, as it had been related to him by an eye- 
 witness. The bishop, when introduced into the royal pre- 
 sence, stood at a distance, silently weeping, bending low, 
 and covering his face, as if he himself had been the author 
 of all the late offences. By this attitude he hoped to expel 
 emotions of anger, and introduce the emotion of pity into 
 the Emperor's breast, before he undertook the actual defence 
 of the city. 
 
 Theodosius was moved ; he advanced to the bishop, and 
 used no harsh or indignant language, but only mildly re- 
 proached with ingratitude a city which he had always 
 treated with lenity, and had long desired and intended to 
 visit. Even had the people been able to accuse him of any 
 injury done to them, they might at least have respected the 
 dead, who could do them no harm (alluding to the destruc- 
 tion of his wife's and father's images). 
 
 The aged prelate no longer remained silent. With a fresh 
 flood of tears, he poured forth his pathetic appeal to the 
 Christian clemency and forbearance of the Emperor. " He 
 would not attempt to extenuate the offence, the sense of 
 their ingratitude caused them the deepest distress, and they 
 frankly confessed that it deserved the severest chastisement 
 which could be inflicted. Yet the noblest kind of revenge 
 which he could take was freely to forgive the insult ; thereby 
 he would defeat the malice of those demons who had tried 
 to work the ruin of the people by seducing them from their 
 allegiance. In like manner, the devil had tried to compass 
 the death of the human race, but his malevolence had been 
 frustrated by God, who offered even heaven to those who 
 had been excluded from paradise. A free pardon would 
 secure for him a station in the hearts of all his subjects, far 
 more enduring than those statues which had been broken 
 down. He reminded him, how once his great predecessor, 
 Constantine, when urged to revenge some insult done to 
 
172 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xi. 
 
 one of his statues, passed his hand over his face, and 
 observed, with a quiet smile, that he did not feel the blow ; 
 a saying which had endeared him to his people more than 
 his military exploits. But why need he refer to Con- 
 stantine? Theodosius himself, on a previous Easter, had 
 commanded a general release of prisoners, and had nobly 
 exclaimed, ' Would that it were possible also for me to recall 
 the dead to life I' 1 Now he might in some sort realise that 
 wish, by restoring to life a whole city, which lay, as it were, 
 dead under remorse and fear. Such an act of clemency 
 would both strengthen his own throne and the cause of Chris- 
 tianity. Greeks, Jews, and barbarians were waiting to hear 
 his decision. If it was on the side of mercy, all would 
 applaud it, saying, ' Heavens ! how mighty is the power of 
 Christianity, which has restrained the wrath of a monarch 
 who has not his peer in the world.' How noble a tale for 
 posterity to hear, that what the governor and magistrates 
 of a great city dared not ask, had been granted to the prayer 
 of an old man, because he was the priest of God, and from 
 reverence to the Divine laws. He would solemnly remind 
 him of the words, ' If ye forgive not men their trespasses, 
 neither will your Father which is in heaven forgive you 
 your trespasses.' He begged him to remember that there 
 was a day coming in which all men would render an account 
 of their actions, and to imitate the example of God, who, 
 though daily sustaining insults from man, did not cease to 
 bestow blessings upon him. He concluded by declaring that 
 he would never return to Antioch unless he could take back 
 the imperial pardon, but would enrol himself in another city." 2 
 
 1 It was the custom to signalise the in A.D. 384-385, that it should apply 
 
 great festivals by acts of mercy. "The only to those accused of petty offences : 
 
 oil of mercy glistens on the Festivals the grosser crimes of robbery, adultery, 
 
 of the Church," says Ambrose, Serm. magic, murder, sacrilege, were to be 
 
 14, on Ps. cxviii. 7. Leo the Great excepted from claims to this indulg- 
 
 also, Serm. 39, alludes to the custom. ence. 
 But, to prevent any abuse of the 
 practice, it was enacted by Theodosius 2 xxi. 1-4. 
 
CH. XL] ANTIOCH PARDONED. 173 
 
 If Flavian's intercession was thrown into the form of an 
 oration at all, it is clear that Chrysostom's version of it, 
 which has been here greatly condensed from the original, 
 must be his own, rather than the speech actually delivered. 
 If it had been only half as long, it could not have been ac- 
 curately related to him from memory, or faithfully rehearsed 
 by him afterwards. The excitement of addressing so large 
 an audience, on so great an occasion, would naturally stimu- 
 late him to amplify and embellish. 
 
 There is, however, no reason to doubt that Chrysostom 
 has furnished us with an accurate description of Flavian's 
 conduct in the interview, and given us the main substance 
 of his arguments. The whole narrative of the occurrence 
 illustrates the difference between the Eastern and Western 
 character. Compare the demeanour of Ambrose and of 
 Flavian. The first speaks in a tone of majestic authority, 
 which brooks no disputing; the other, though far from 
 deficient in courage, approaches the Emperor with that 
 deferential and submissive manner which the Oriental is 
 accustomed to adopt in the presence of a potentate. His 
 tone is that of an appeal, though based upon the highest 
 grounds ; not of a command. There is something of the 
 courtier in Flavian; in Ambrose there is more of the 
 pope. 
 
 To conclude Chrysostom's account: the Emperor was 
 deeply affected, though, like Joseph, he refrained himself in 
 the presence of spectators. He declared his intention of 
 granting a free pardon, in language eminently Christian. 
 " If the Lord of the earth, who became a servant for our 
 sakes, and was crucified by those whom He came to benefit, 
 prayed for the pardon of his crucifiers, what wonder was it 
 that a man should forgive his fellow-servants ?" He begged 
 Flavian to return with all expedition, that he might release 
 the people from the agony of their suspense. The bishop 
 entreated that the young prince Arcadius might accompany 
 
174 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xr. 
 
 him as a pledge of imperial favour to the city. But Theo- 
 dosius said that he designed to confer on Antioch a greater 
 honour. He requested the bishop to offer up prayers for 
 the termination of the present war, that he might ratify 
 his pardon by a visit to the city in person. The express 
 courier was then despatched, while Flavian followed at a 
 pace more suitable to his dignity and advanced age. 
 
 Chrysostom concludes his discourse by a moral exhorta- 
 tion suggested by those festive demonstrations of joy already 
 described. " Let the lanterns and the chaplets be to them 
 emblems of spiritual things. Let them not cease to be 
 crowned with virtue or to light up a lamp in their soul by 
 the diligent practice of good works ; let them rejoice with 
 holy joy, and thank God not only for rescuing them from 
 destruction, but for sending them so wholesome a chastise- 
 ment, the salutary effects of which would, he trusted, extend 
 to many generations." 1 
 
 Thus terminated the celebrated sedition of Antioch. It 
 is a singular and instructive picture of the times : the im- 
 pulsive character of the people in the great Eastern cities 
 of the Empire, alternating between frantic rage and abject 
 despondency ; the expectation of violent imperial vengeance, 
 nothing less than the extermination of the city ; the remark- 
 able veneration paid to monks, these are points which 
 stand out in vivid colours. But still more remarkably does 
 this event supply an example of the softening, humanising 
 influence of Christianity, in a fierce and heartless age. The 
 issue reflects the greatest honour on those who brought it 
 to pass ; and they were all Christians : the intrepid old 
 bishop, sacrificing comfort and risking life to intercede, the 
 generous Emperor who yielded to the persuasion of his 
 Christian arguments ; the humane commissioners ; and last, 
 but. not least, the pastor and preacher, who with unwearied 
 patience, invincible courage, unfailing eloquence, sustained 
 
 i xxi. 4. 
 
CH. XL] CONVERSION OF PAGANS. 175 
 
 the fainting spirits of his flock, and endeavoured to convert 
 their calamity into an occasion of lasting good. 
 
 One great and happy result of the recent trouble was 
 a large accession of Pagans to the ranks of the Church. 
 When the city lay under ban, the baths, theatres, and circus 
 were closed, and the panic-stricken people had no heart to 
 pursue their ordinary business. But one place had been 
 constantly open. All knew that in the church prayer was 
 being offered up day by day ; and to the first portion of the 
 service, up to the end of the sermon, there was free admission 
 for all without respect of creed. Curiosity alone, if not any 
 deeper feeling, would lead many Pagans to turn into the 
 church, to hear what consolations, what encouragements, the 
 Christian preacher had to offer in this season of general 
 distress and painful suspense. And what had they heard ? 
 They had heard an unsparing exposure and denunciation of 
 the follies and vices which prevailed in that great and 
 dissolute city, a trumpet-call to repentance and reformation ; 
 they had heard the fleeting nature of earthly honour and 
 earthly riches, their impotence to satisfy the heart or to save 
 the life in the time of danger and distress vividly contrasted 
 with the Christian's aim of laying up incorruptible treasure 
 in an imperishable world ; they had heard of the Christian's 
 faith that righteousness was the only permanent good, as 
 sin was the only real evil, that to a good man death was 
 only the transition to a more blessed life, and that affliction 
 was useful in purifying and elevating the soul. They had 
 heard the proofs of a Creator, and of His providential care 
 for the things which he had made as evinced by the majesty, 
 beauty, and organisation of the universe, by the conscience 
 and moral faculties of man, as well as by the more direct 
 testimony of the written word. 1 There is no evidence as 
 to the number of converts reclaimed from Paganism. 
 
 1 Horn. i. de Anna, vol. iv. c. 1, which he had used in the Homilies on 
 where he recapitulates the arguments the Statues. 
 
176 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xi. 
 
 Chrysostom only informs us 1 that he was occupied for 
 some time after the return of Flavian with confirming in 
 the faith those who " in consequence of the calamity had 
 come to better mind and deserted from the side of Gentile 
 error." 
 
 The sermons themselves are lost. 
 
 1 Horn, de Anna, i. 1. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 ILLNESS OF CHRYSOSTOM HOMILIES ON FESTIVALS OF SAINTS AND 
 MARTYRS - CHARACTER OF THESE FESTIVALS PILGRIMAGES 
 RELIQUES CHARACTER OF PEASANT CLERGY IN NEIGHBOURHOOD 
 OF ANTIOCH. A.D. 387. 
 
 VERY probably the physical labour and mental strain which 
 Chrysostom had undergone during the events recorded in 
 the previous chapter may have brought on the illness to 
 which he alludes in the homily preached on the Sunday 
 before Ascension Day. 1 He was prevented by this attack 
 from taking part in the services which were held some time 
 after Easter under the conduct of Bishop Flavian at the 
 chapels built over the remains of martyrs and saints. 2 A 
 variety of homilies delivered by Chrysostom at such " niar- 
 tyries " on other occasions are extant, and it may be as well 
 to introduce here such indications as can be collected from 
 them of the general feeling of the Church, as well as of 
 himself, with regard to saints, and such kindred subjects as 
 pilgrimages and reliques. 
 
 Churches had in most instances been erected to com- 
 memorate the death of a martyr, or to mark the spot where 
 he died. Tertullian's saying that " the blood of martyrs was 
 the seed of the Church " thus became verified in a literal, 
 
 1 Called Kvpiaic}) TT?S ^Trto-wfo/i&T/s, completed by his return into heaven, 
 
 this last word being the name of ( Vide Leo Allatius, quoted in Suicer, 
 
 Ascension Day among the Cappado- Thesaur., sub verbo " Episozomene," 
 
 cians, possibly because Christ's work and Bingham, Antiq. b. xx. sect. 5.) 
 on earth for man's redemption was 2 Horn, de Stat. xix. 1, vol. ii. 
 
 M 
 
178 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xn. 
 
 material sense. Socrates (iv. 23) even speaks of the churches 
 of St. Paul and St. Peter at Eome as their " martyries," as 
 Eusebius 1 also calls the church which Constantine built 
 on Golgotha the " martyry" of our Saviour. By the age of 
 Chrysostom the festivals of martyrs and saints had grown 
 so numerous that frequently more than one occurred in the 
 same week. 2 Good Friday and Ascension Day, and the 
 Sunday after Whitsun Day (not observed as Trinity Sunday 
 till much later), were especially dedicated to the com- 
 memoration of saints. 3 The congregation kept a vigil the 
 night before, or very early before dawn on the Saints' day 
 itself. The vigil consisted of psalms, hymns, and prayers, 
 and was followed early in the day by a full service, when, 
 in addition to the ordinary lessons of the day, the acts or 
 passions of the saint or martyr were read. St. Augustine 
 permitted his people to sit during the reading of them 
 because they were often of great length. Pope Gelasius 
 forbade them to be read because they were so seldom 
 authentic. 4 The martyries were generally outside the city 
 walls, not always built over the grave of the saint, but 
 close to it; in which case the congregation assembled at 
 the grave first, and walked in procession from it to the 
 church, singing hymns as they went. There can be no 
 doubt that Chrysostom believed in the intercessory power of 
 departed saints, and encouraged the invocation of their inter- 
 cession. They were nearer to the Divine ear, and by virtue 
 of their glorious deaths had justly obtained more confidence 
 in making their requests to God than had the inhabitants 
 of earth. He implores Christians not to resort for medical 
 assistance to Jews, who were the enemies of Christ, but 
 
 1 Euseb. de Vita Constant, lib. iv. All Saints' Day. SeeBingham, b. xx. 
 
 2 Chrys. Horn. xl. in Juvent. c. 7, sect. 14. 
 
 3 Horn, de Csemet. et Cruce, vol. ii. 4 Aug. Horn. xxvi. Gelas. Decret. 
 c. i. in Ascens. Christi, vol. ii., and de in Grabe, vol. i. The word "legend" 
 Sanct. Martyr, vol. ii. p. 705. The is perhaps derived from these Acts of 
 Sunday corresponding to the present the Saints, which were to be read 
 Trinity Sunday was kept as a kind of " legenda." 
 
CH. xii.] HOMILIES ON MARTYRS. 179 
 
 to seek aid from His friends the saints and martyrs, who 
 had much confidence in addressing God. 1 At the close of 
 his homily on the festival of two soldiers who had been 
 beheaded by Julian for obstinate adherence to Christianity, 
 he says : " Let us constantly visit them, touch their shrine, 
 and with faith embrace their reliques, that we may derive some 
 blessing therefrom; for like soldiers who converse freely 
 with their sovereign when they display their wounds, so 
 these, bearing their heads in their hands, are easily able to 
 effect what they desire at the court of the King of Heaven." 2 
 So, again, in the homily on Bernice and Prosdoke : " Let us 
 fall down before their reliques ... let us embrace their 
 shrines : not only on their festival, but at other times, let us 
 resort to them and invoke them to become our protectors ; 
 for they can use much boldness of speech when dead, more, 
 indeed, than when they were alive, for now they bear in 
 their bodies the marks of Jesus Christ ... let us there- 
 fore procure for ourselves, through them, favour from God." 3 
 Thus the saint is to be appealed to as a kind of friend at 
 court, who will present petitions, and use his influence to 
 obtain a favourable answer from the Monarch; but the 
 further step of invoking saints as the direct dispensers of 
 spiritual and other benefits had not yet been taken. The 
 feeling of the Church of Smyrna towards their beloved 
 martyr and bishop Polycarp, as expressed in A.D. 160 to the 
 Church of Philomelium, still represented the general state of 
 feeling in the Church. 4 The Jews and other malignants had 
 suggested, when the remains of Polycarp had been earnestly 
 asked for, that the Christians intended to worship him ; and 
 " this they said, being ignorant that we should never be able 
 to desert Christ, or worship any other Being. For Him, 
 being the Son of God, we adore, but the martyrs, as the 
 
 1 Adv. Judseos via. c. 7. 3 De Bern, et Prosd. vol. ii, p. 640. 
 
 2 Horn, in Juvent. et Maxim, vol. ii. 4 See the letter in Euseb. lib. iv. 
 p. 576. c. 15. 
 
180 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xn. 
 
 disciples and imitators of the Lord, we love with a deserved 
 affection ; desiring to become partners and fellow-disciples 
 with them." The language of St. Augustine and St. Chryso- 
 stom thoroughly corresponds to that in the passage just 
 cited. " Our religion," says Augustine, " consists not in 
 the worship of dead men ; because if they lived piously they 
 are not considered likely to desire that kind of honour ; but 
 would wish Him to be worshipped by us through whose 
 illumination they rejoice to have us partners with them in 
 their merit. They are therefore to be honoured for the sake 
 of imitation, not to be worshipped as a religious act." 1 And 
 in another place : " Christian people celebrate the memory 
 of martyrs with religious solemnity, to stimulate imitation, 
 to become partners in their merits, and to be assisted by 
 their prayers ; but in doing this we never offer sacrifice to a 
 martyr, but only to Him who is the God of martyrs." 2 A 
 multitude of passages might be cited from Chrysostom's 
 homilies on Saints' Festivals, in which he passionately 
 exhorts to the imitation and emulation of their noble lives 
 and glorious deaths, and dwells on the great advantages to 
 the Church arising from these solemn commemorations. 
 The very memory of the martyrs wrought upon the minds 
 of men in confirming them against the assaults of wicked 
 spirits, and delivering them from impure and unseemly 
 thoughts ; . . . the death of the martyrs was the exhortation 
 of the faithful, the confidence of Churches, the confirmation 
 of Christianity, ... the reproach of devils, the condemna- 
 tion of Satan, a consolation in affliction, a motive to patience, 
 encouragement to fortitude, the root, fountain, mother of all 
 which is good. 3 
 
 But if no inculcations to direct worship of saints are to be 
 found in Chrysostom, it is evident that no small virtue was 
 ascribed by popular faith (and, in his opinion, justly) to 
 
 1 Aug. de Vera Relig. c. 55. 2 Aug. contra Faustum, lib. xx. c. 21. 
 
 3 Da Droside, vol. ii. p. 685. 
 
CH. xii.] VENERATION OF SAINTS. 181 
 
 their remains. 1 Miracles of healing were wrought, or sup- 
 posed to be wrought, at their tombs ; demons were expelled 
 by the application of their ashes to the persons possessed. 
 It is obvious that, where such a belief has taken possession 
 of the popular mind, prayer will very soon be addressed to 
 the saint for the direct bestowal of those advantages which 
 are supposed to be derivable from his reliques. Pilgrimages 
 were fashionable in all parts of Christendom. Prefects and 
 generals, when they visited Eome, hastened to pay their 
 devotion at the tombs of the tentmaker and fisherman ; 
 journeys were made into Arabia to visit the supposed site of 
 Job's dunghill. 2 
 
 Two different causes seem to have led on the mind of the 
 Church to an increasing veneration of martyrs. First, the 
 Church owed to them a real debt ; the heroic steadfastness 
 of their deaths contributed much to promote and establish 
 Christianity. Chrysostom observes how the sight of the 
 aged Ignatius going to die at Home for his faith going not 
 only with calmness, but even with alacrity mightily con- 
 firmed the souls of the disciples in the several cities through 
 which he passed. 3 " As irrigation made gardens fruitful, 
 so the blood of martyrs gave drink to the Churches." 4 
 Honour, affection, veneration, easily pass into actual adora- 
 tion. 
 
 Secondly, there is a natural desire to bridge over the 
 chasm which divides the human nature from the Divine, 
 and earth from heaven, by enlisting the agency of some 
 intermediate being. In its earliest conflicts with heresy, 
 theology was chiefly engaged in zealously defending the 
 
 i Flavian caused the remains of the remains of less saintly, if not here- 
 
 some much-revered saints who were tical, characters. Horn, in Ascen. 
 buried beneath the pavement of the 2 D e S Babyla, c. 12. De Stat. 
 
 church to be taken up, and placed in . 2 and ' yiii 2 . Quod Christus sit 
 
 another separate grave, because the j^ c 7 De Sta t. v. 1. 
 people were distressed that the re- 
 liques of such venerated personages J In S - I S nat Mart ' c ' 4> 
 should repose in the same vaults with 4 In Juvent. et Maxim, c. 1. 
 
182 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xn. 
 
 pure divinity of Christ his co-equal, co-eternal power and 
 majesty with the Father. The more He was withdrawn 
 into a less accessible region of exalted deity, the more this 
 need of the half-deified human interpositor was felt, and 
 worked itself out at last into a distinct article of faith. 
 
 Some of those abuses of saints' days, which we are apt to 
 associate more especially with medieval times, were far 
 from uncommon in the days of Chrysostom. The day which 
 had begun in fasting, and was preceded by a vigil, too often 
 terminated in a very carnal kind of revelry. " Ye have 
 turned night into day by your holy vigils : do not turn day 
 into night by drunkenness, surfeiting, and lascivious songs ; 
 let not any one see you misbehaving in an inn on your 
 return home/' 1 A custom prevailed of holding a "love- 
 feast," at or near the tomb of the saint, which was furnished 
 by the oblations of the wealthier devotees. Chrysostom 
 on one occasion urges his congregation to attend such a 
 sacred banquet when they dispersed after service, instead 
 of hurrying off to the diabolical entertainments at Daphne. 
 The sight of the martyrs, standing as it were near their 
 table, would prevent their pleasure from running to excess. 2 
 But there is abundant evidence in other contemporary 
 writers that these meetings too often did degenerate into 
 scenes of mere conviviality and intemperance. St. Augus- 
 tine speaks of those who "made themselves drunk at 
 the commemoration of martyrs." 3 St. Ambrose prohibited 
 all such feasts in the churches of Milan; and St. Augus- 
 tine cited his example to obtain a similar prohibition 
 from Aurelius, the Primate of Carthage. 4 St Basil repro- 
 bates a growing custom of trading near the martyries on 
 festival days, under pretence of making a better provision 
 for the feasts, to which we may fairly, perhaps, attribute 
 
 1 Horn, in Martyres, vol. ii. p. 663. 4 Aug. Confess, lib. vi. 2. Epist. 
 
 2 In Sanct. Jul. vol. ii. p. 673. 64, ad Aurel. Cone. Carth. iii. c. 
 8 Aug. cont. Faustura, lib. xx. c. 21. 30. 
 
en. xii.] ABUSE OF SAINTS' DAYS. 183 
 
 the universal custom in Christendom of holding fairs on 
 saints' days. 1 As they were in medieval times, so in 
 Eoman Catholic countries at the present day, the booths of 
 the fair are in close contiguity with the walls of the church, 
 and they who attend mass in the morning, as well as those 
 who do not attend it at all, may disgrace themselves by 
 drunkenness and all kinds of folly in the evening. Such 
 abuses are an inevitable consequence of keeping up the 
 observance of days after the real enthusiasm for the person 
 or cause which they commemorate has begun to grow, or has 
 altogether grown, cold. Little may ever have been really 
 known about the saint whose memory is celebrated, and that 
 little ceases to speak with any meaning to the minds of later 
 generations. The service, which was once a living reality, 
 becomes a cold and empty form, or the place of religious 
 enthusiasm is supplied by some form of sensual excitement. 
 Crowds of peasants will not fail to be attracted to a church 
 which blazes with thousands of candles arranged in fantastic 
 patterns, and which rings with noisy sensational music : 
 they probably place a superstitious faith in the tutelary 
 power of their patron : but how different is all this from the 
 hearty, genuine, reasonable devotion of more enlightened 
 worshippers to the Lord Himself, and the less strong but 
 more real respect and honour paid by such to His day! It is 
 surely one among many proofs of the deep and lasting hold 
 of Christ's character upon the mind of men, of the applica- 
 bility of its influence to all times and places, and of its 
 Divine superiority to that of all His followers, however 
 exalted, that abuses which have accompanied the com- 
 memorations of saints have never extended in the same 
 degree to His day. 2 
 
 As already remarked, Chrysostom was prevented this year 
 by illness from attending the festivals of saints and martyrs, 
 
 1 Basil. Regul. Major., quaest. 40. 
 
 2 See Dr. Hessey's Bampton Lectures, " on Sunday." 
 
184 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xn. 
 
 which fell very thickly between Easter and Whit-sun Day. 
 He commences his homily preached on the Sunday before 
 Ascension Day with an allusion to his recent sickness, and 
 tells his congregation that, though absent in body from their 
 sacred festivities, he had been present and rejoiced with 
 them in spirit ; and now, though he had not fully recovered 
 his health, he could not refrain from meeting his beloved 
 and much-longed-for flock again. He was the more anxious 
 also to occupy his accustomed place on that day, because 
 large numbers of the rustic population from the neighbour- 
 ing country had flocked into the city and attended the 
 services of the church. They spoke a different dialect, but 
 they were one with the Christian inhabitants of the town in 
 the soundness of their faith ; and their habits of simple piety, 
 pure morality, and honourable industry, put to shame the 
 dissolute manners and indolence which prevailed in the city. 
 Their peasant clergy were a noble race of men ; they might 
 be seen, one while yoking their oxen to the plough, and 
 marking out furrows in the soil, another while mounting 
 the pulpit and ploughing the hearts of their flock ; now 
 cutting away thorns from the ground with a sickle, now 
 cleansing men's minds from sin by their discourse : for they 
 were not ashamed of hard work, like the people of the city, 
 but of idleness, knowing that it was idleness which taught 
 men vice, and had been from the beginning to those who 
 loved it the schoolmaster of all iniquity. Though little 
 skilled, by training, in reasoning or rhetoric, they proved 
 more than a match for those counterfeit philosophers who 
 paraded themselves about the streets with their professional 
 cloak, staff, and beard, but who could not give any satisfac- 
 tory information on the subjects upon which they expended 
 such a heap of words, as the immortality of the soul, the 
 creation of the world, Divine Providence, a future world and 
 judgment. The rustic pastor, being simply and firmly per- 
 suaded of the truth of these things, could instruct men with 
 
en. xii.] PRAISE OF PEASANT CLERGY. 185 
 
 clearness and decision about them ; he could give solid 
 matter, the others only polished language, like a man who 
 should have a sword with a silver ornamented hilt, but a 
 weak blade. Their wives were not luxurious creatures, 
 covering themselves with unguents, paints, and dyes, but 
 simple, sober, quiet matrons ; which increased the influence 
 of the pastor over the people committed to his charge, and 
 caused the precept of St. Paul, " having food and raiment, 
 let us be therewith content," to be strictly observed l among 
 them. 
 
 1 Whether it was a regular custom the first great influx for trade and 
 for the rustic population to visit An- legal business after the recent suspen- 
 tioch on this day, or whether it was sion of all business, does not appear. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 SURVEY OP EVENTS BETWEEN A.D. 387 AND A.D. 397 AMBROSE AND 
 THEODOSIUS-REVOLT OF ARBOGASTES DEATH OF THEODOSiUS 
 THE MINISTERS OF ARCADIUS RUFINUS AND EUTROPIUS. 
 
 SOME account has now been given of the most remarkable 
 among the homilies delivered by Chrysostom during the first 
 year of his priesthood ; not only because to follow the course 
 of the Christian seasons through the cycle of one year seemed 
 the most convenient method of giving specimens of his 
 ordinary style of preaching, but also because these first 
 efforts were seldom if ever surpassed in power and beauty 
 by his later productions. A more extensive survey of his 
 theology, under its several heads, is reserved for the conclud- 
 ing chapter; and the remainder of the ten years during 
 which he resided at Antioch being uneventful as regards his 
 life, it will be profitable to fill up the gap by taking a glance 
 at the world outside his present sphere. Some knowledge of 
 contemporary events and men is indeed necessary to a just 
 appreciation of his position and conduct, when he is sum- 
 moned to occupy a more public and exalted station. 
 
 It is a melancholy scene which meets the eye. The 
 mighty fabric of the Empire crumbles, perhaps more rapidly 
 in this decade than in any previous period of equal length 
 like an old man whose constitution is thoroughly broken. 
 
 Effeminate luxury in the civilised population is matched 
 by .the rude ferocity of the barbarians who hem it in or 
 mingle with it, and the new barbarian patch agrees ill with 
 the old garment, which is not strong enough to bear it. The 
 
CH. XIIL] AMBROSE AND CHRYSOSTOM. 187 
 
 pages of historians are filled with tales of murder, massacre, 
 treachery, venality, corruption, everywhere and of all kinds. 
 There is no national greatness, but great men move across 
 the stage : Theodosius himself, generous, just though pas- 
 sionate, vigorous when roused to a sense of emergency ; the 
 last Emperor who deserved the name of " great ;" Ambrose, 
 the intrepid advocate of religious duty to God and man, the 
 champion of the rights of Church and hierarchy ; Stilicho, 
 the skilful commander of armies and able guardian of the 
 Empire after the death of Theodosius ; Alaric, the very type 
 of Gothic force ; Eufinus and Eutropius, the clever, scheming 
 adventurers, destitute of all nobility, who in a degenerate 
 court contrive to raise themselves to the pinnacle of power, 
 and are suddenly toppled headlong from it. 
 
 The most commanding public character in the West at 
 this time was, and for some years had been, Ambrose, 
 Archbishop of Milan. Disliked but feared by the Arian 
 court, respected and beloved by the people, he fought in 
 some respects a similar battle to that in which Chrysostom 
 was afterwards engaged in the East, and amidst many differ- 
 ences there are also many parallels in the character and 
 history of the two men : the same fearless courage to speak 
 what they believed to be God's truth, in the face of royalty 
 itself, animated both ; in both cases was it rewarded by 
 virulent persecution; both had to contend with an imperious, 
 passionate woman ; both were protected from her fury by 
 the populace keeping guard night and day before the walls 
 of the church. In A.D. 384, Ambrose had been summoned 
 before a royal council, and, in the presence of the young 
 Emperor Valentinian II. and the Queen-mother Justina, had 
 been commanded to surrender the Portian Basilica for the 
 use of the Arians. But Ambrose had replied undauntedly, 
 that not one inch of ground which had been consecrated to 
 truth would he concede to error. 1 For more than two years 
 
 1 Ambr. Ep. xx. 
 
188 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xm. 
 
 Ambrose maintained his ground against all the stratagems 
 of his adversaries. On one occasion they seized the Portian 
 Basilica, but dared not hold it in the face of the infuriated 
 people. Messengers from court endeavoured to maintain 
 before the archbishop that the Emperor had a right to dispose 
 of the churches as he pleased, but the argument was con- 
 temptuously dismissed as a base sophistry. "What!" he 
 cried ; " the Emperor has no right to violate the house of a 
 private individual, and think you that he may do violence 
 to the house of God ? No ! let him take all that is mine 
 my land, my money, though these belong to the poor ; if he 
 seeks my patrimony, let him seize it ; if my person, I will 
 present it to him : but the church it is not lawful for me to 
 surrender, or for him to accept." 1 Force was not more 
 successful than argument. Soldiers were sent to dislodge 
 him and his congregation from one of the basilicas, but 
 instead of drawing their swords they fell on their knees, and 
 declared that they came not to attack the archbishop, but to 
 pray with him. The effect of an edict was tried in A.D. 386, 2 
 which permitted free worship to all who professed the creed 
 of Eimini (an Arian creed), and rendered liable to capital 
 punishment any who should impede the action of the edict, 
 as offenders against the imperial majesty. Under shelter of 
 this edict, the Portian Basilica was again demanded, but 
 Ambrose refused to recognise such an edict, which militated 
 against his sense of duty to a higher power. " God forbid 
 that I should yield the heritage of Jesus Christ. Naboth 
 would not part with the vineyard of his fathers to Ahab, 
 and should I surrender the house of God ? the heritage of 
 Dionysius, who died in exile for the faith; of Eustorgius 
 the confessor ; of Miroclus, and all the faithful bishops which 
 were before me?" 3 But though Ambrose disobeyed, the 
 penalties of the edict were not enforced upon him. An 
 
 1 Ambr. Ep. xx. p. 854. 3 Ambr. Ep. xxi. Sermo contra 
 
 2 Sozomen, vii. 13. Ruf. ii. 16. Aux. p. 868. 
 
CH. XIIL] AMBROSE AND AUGUSTINE. 189 
 
 order of banishment was served upon him, expressed in 
 vague terms : " Depart from the city, and go where you 
 please." But Ambrose did not please to go anywhere, and 
 remained where he was, moving up and down the city, and 
 officiating as usual in the churches, using in his sermons 
 the same Scripture parallels to indicate the Queen-mother, 
 " Herodias " and " Jezebel," which Chrysostom afterwards 
 applied to the Empress Eudoxia. He preaches day after 
 day, guarded by his faithful flock, who during passion-tide 
 suffered him not to quit the cathedral for fear of violence to 
 his person. Amongst that crowd, touched by the spell of 
 the chants and hymns which Ambrose taught the people 1 
 to beguile the tediousness of their watch, and impressed by 
 his pungent and decisive doctrine, are two remarkable 
 persons, a mother and her son. They are Monica and 
 Augustine. Monica is among the most faithful in watch- 
 ing, the most earnest in praying for the welfare of the bishop 
 and the church. Augustine is about thirty-two years old ; 
 he has been in many places and passed through many phases 
 of thought. He has subdued the vices and follies which 
 stained his youth ; he has shaken off the errors of Mani- 
 cheism which for a time enthralled him; he has been a 
 teacher of rhetoric at Tagaste, at Carthage, at Eome ; and 
 Symmachus has now obtained for him a professorial chair 
 at Milan. But Pagan literature is losing its hold upon him. 
 Plato no longer fascinates him equally with Holy Scripture. 
 He is gravitating steadily towards Christianity, and in 
 another year, April 38 7, just about the time that Chrysostom 
 is delivering his homilies on the Statues, he will crown his 
 mother's hopes by making a public confession of his faith, 
 and receiving baptism at the hands of Ambrose. 2 
 
 1 Ignatius is said to have first intro- allowed to have introduced it to the 
 
 duced antiphonal singing at Antioch, Western Church, and on this occasion. 
 
 Flavian and Diodorus to have estab- Vide Suicer. 
 lished it there ; Socr. v. 8 ; Theod. 
 
 ii. 19. Basil refers to it as a common 2 Aug. Conf. ix. 7, and preceding 
 
 practice, but Ambrose is generally books. 
 
190 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xm. 
 
 One more effort was made to win the contest, this time 
 through diplomacy. The court proposed that the question 
 under dispute should be settled by arbitration, the judges to 
 be selected by Ambrose and Auxentius the Arian bishop. 
 But Ambrose would not accept the arbitrators nominated by 
 Auxentius, four of whom were Pagans and one a catechumen. 
 In the name of himself and the clergy of his province he 
 denied the validity of the tribunal. In an address to the 
 people the same lofty tone of independence was maintained. 
 " He would pay deference to the Emperor, but never yield 
 in things unlawful : the Emperor was ' in the Church, not 
 above it.' " x So he remained master of the field. The 
 unfinished basilica, which had been the prize contended for, 
 was consecrated by Ambrose with great pomp, and the joy 
 of the people was completed by the discovery of the martyrs' 
 skeletons beneath the pavement, pronounced to be those of 
 Gervasius and Protasius, who had suffered in the persecution 
 of Diocletian. When demoniacs shuddered on being placed 
 in proximity to these reliques, and a blind man was cured 
 by the application to his eyes of a handkerchief which 
 had been placed in contact with these same reliques, the 
 crown was put on the triumph of Ambrose ; the people 
 were more firmly convinced than ever that his cause was 
 the cause of God. 2 
 
 He was so indisputably the ablest man of the time in 
 the West, that, when danger impended over the state, the 
 very court which persecuted him turned to him to rescue 
 the country. Threatening messages came from the court 
 of Maximus at Treves. Ambrose was the ambassador 
 selected to go and pacify or intimidate the tyrant. Maxi- 
 mus was a Catholic, and a ruthless persecutor of those whom 
 he deemed heretics, especially Priscillianists ; yet Ambrose 
 did not hesitate to denounce his cruelty to brethren who 
 were Christians, however erring, as well as his disloyal 
 
 1 Ambr. Ep. xxi. 2 Ambr. Ep. xxii. Aug. Conf. ix. 7. 
 
CH. xni.] AMBROSE AND MAXIMUS. 191 
 
 attitude towards Valentinian. The embassy was unsuccess- 
 ful, but the dignity of the ambassador and of the court 
 which he represented was fully maintained. The artifices 
 by which another ambassador, the Syrian Domninus, was 
 blinded to the preparations of Maximus for the invasion of 
 Italy ; the passage of the Alps by the usurper ; the flight of 
 Justina and her son to Thessalonica ; the prompt march of 
 Theodosius to the succour of Italy, and his complete victory 
 over Maximus, near Aquileia, belong to the secular 
 historian; but the connection between Theodosius and 
 Ambrose will be related here more in detail. 
 
 There is no account of the first meeting between the two 
 great characters of the day the Emperor and the arch- 
 bishop. That Ambrose immediately exercised influence 
 over the imperial mind may be inferred from the mildness 
 of the measures by which the embers of the late revolution 
 were extinguished. No bloody executions took place ; no 
 rigorous search for rebels was made ; the mother and 
 daughter of Maximus who had been himself beheaded 
 were provided with a maintenance. Ambrose, in one of his 
 letters, thanks the Emperor for granting liberty, at his 
 request, to several exiles and prisoners, and for remitting 
 the sentence of death to others. 
 
 Theodosius c.ould be generous to enemies, and was the 
 zealous friend of Catholic Christianity, but he was a strict 
 punisher of any violations of civil order, even when the 
 offenders were Christian. The people of Callinicum in 
 Osrhoene, instigated by the bishop and some fanatical monks, 
 had set fire to a Jewish synagogue, and to a church of the 
 sect of Valentinians. The Emperor directed the Count of 
 the East to punish the offenders, and commanded the bishop 
 to restore the buildings at the expense of the Church. But 
 the extension of such favour to heretics was in the sight of 
 Ambrose intolerable. It might, indeed, have been wrong to 
 disturb civil order, but it was far more wrong to reinstate 
 
192 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xin. 
 
 error : to order Christians to rebuild a place of worship for 
 those who set Christ at naught was, in his eyes, simple pro- 
 fanity. He expressed his opinion to the Emperor in a letter. 
 It is the first great instance of the Church distinctly claim- 
 ing a pre-eminence of authority superseding that of civil 
 law. " If I am not worthy to be listened to by you, how 
 can I be worthy to transmit, as your priest, your vows and 
 prayers to God ? " Basing on this ground his right to speak 
 out his mind, he declares that " if the Bishop of Callinicum 
 obeyed the imperial command, he would be guilty of culp- 
 able weakness, and the Emperor would be responsible for it. 
 If he refused to obey, the Emperor could execute his will by 
 force of arms only ; the labarum, perhaps the standard of 
 Christ, would be employed to rebuild a temple where Christ 
 would be denied. What a monstrous inconsistency ! " The 
 last words which it contained were : " I have endeavoured to 
 make myself heard in the palace ; do not place me under 
 the necessity of making myself heard in the church ; " but 
 the letter was unanswered, and so Ambrose put his threat 
 into execution. He preached in Milan in the presence of 
 the Emperor ; " he compared the Christian priest to the pro- 
 phets of the Old Testament, whose duty it was to proclaim 
 God's message to the king himself, as Nathan did to David. 
 As the Israelites were warned not to say, when they entered 
 the land of Canaan, ' My virtue has deserved these good 
 things,' but ' the Lord God has given them,' so the Emperor 
 should remember that he was what he was by the mercy of 
 God. Therefore, he ought to love the body of Christ, the 
 Church to wash, kiss, and anoint her feet, that all the 
 dwelling where Christ reposes might be filled with the 
 odour ; that is, he ought to honour his least disciples, and 
 pardon their faults; every one of the members of the 
 Christian body was necessary to it, and ought to receive his 
 protection." 
 
 Having uttered such words, he descended from the altar 
 
CH. xiii.] AMBROSE AND THEODOSIUS. 193 
 
 steps. Theodosius perceived that the archbishop had taken 
 up his parable against him, and as Ambrose was going out 
 of the church he stopped him, saying, " Is it I whom you 
 have made the subject of your discourse?" "I have said 
 that which I deemed useful for you," Ambrose replied. " I 
 perceive it is of the synagogue that you would speak," re- 
 joined Theodosius. " I own that my commands have been 
 a little severe, but I have already softened them, and these 
 monks are troublesome men." " I am going to offer the 
 sacrifice," said Ambrose ; " enable me to do so without fear 
 for you; deliver me from the load which oppresses my 
 spirit." " It shall be so," responded the Emperor ; " my 
 orders shall be mitigated; I give you my promise." But 
 Ambrose was not satisfied with so vague an assurance. 
 " Suppress the whole matter," he said ; " swear it to me, and, 
 on your sworn promise, I proceed to offer the sacrifice." 
 The Emperor swore ; Ambrose celebrated mass ; " and never," 
 said he, in a letter written the day after to his sister, " did I 
 experience such sensible marks of the presence of God in 
 prayer." 1 
 
 In the spring of A.D. 389, Theodosius made his triumphal 
 entry into Kome, accompanied by Valentinian and his own 
 son Honorius, a boy of ten. His arrival was preceded by 
 two popular enactments : one a decree, renouncing for him- 
 self and family all bequests made by codicils striking a 
 blow at a vicious custom, which had long prevailed, of bribing 
 imperial favour for particular families, by bequeathing large 
 legacies to the reigning sovereign. By heathen emperors 
 these bequests had been sought with great cupidity ; sick or 
 old men were sometimes threatened with an acceleration of 
 death, unless they satisfied the royal expectations in this 
 way. The other, no less popular, decree was, to abolish the 
 custom by which royal couriers, when conveying news of 
 victory, exacted donations from the villages through which 
 
 1 Ambr. Ep. xl. and xli. 
 N 
 
194 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [CH. xm. 
 
 they passed. The victory of Theodosius over Maximus was 
 the first which had been gratuitously proclaimed along the 
 route to Rome ; and the people greeted the Emperor as he 
 made his progress to the capital with all the warmer welcome 
 in consequence. 1 
 
 Eome had at this period scarcely recovered from the fer- 
 ment into which society had been thrown by the three years' 
 residence of Jerome, A.D. 382-385. His denunciations of 
 clerical luxury ; his cutting satires on the vices and follies 
 of the laity; his allurement to monastic life of some of the 
 wealthiest and noblest of the Roman ladies, had stirred up 
 a tumult of feeling for the most part adverse to him. But 
 Theodosius prudently abstained from interfering with the 
 religious debates of Rome. In Constantinople he was the 
 absolute sovereign ; in Rome he desired to appear simply as 
 the successful general and the foremost citizen. He assumed 
 no imperial or Asiatic splendour ; he exhibited no fastidious 
 abhorrence of statues, temples, and other remnants of 
 Paganism. Symmachus, the most eminent Pagan citizen, 
 was cordially received, and gratified by the promise of consul- 
 ship. The result of this amiable and moderate conduct was 
 that some of the most powerful Roman families embraced 
 the faith of the Emperor. 
 
 A.D. 390. But the generosity which Theodosius had 
 manifested towards the people of Antioch, his moderation 
 after the defeat of Maximus, and during his triumphal resi- 
 dence in Rome, was presently stained by one of those 
 paroxysms of anger to which he was occasionally subject. 
 The intercession of Flavian had averted any such outburst in 
 the case of the sedition of Antioch ; the authority of Ambrose, 
 too late to prevent the crime, enforced penance for the cruel 
 vengeance executed on the people of Thessalonica. 
 
 Botheric, the governor of Thessalonica, had imprisoned a 
 favourite charioteer for attempting to commit a disgusting 
 
 1 Cod. Theod. iv. v. 4, lib. 2. De Broglie, vi. 257. 
 
en. xiii.] SEDITION AT THESSALONICA. 195 
 
 crime. The people, passionately attached to the races of the 
 circus, demanded his release on a certain day to take part 
 in the contest. The governor refused, and the people then 
 broke out into rebellion ; the tumult was with difficulty 
 quelled by the troops, and not before Botheric had been 
 mortally wounded, several other officers torn to pieces, and 
 their mangled remains dragged through the streets. The 
 irritation of the Emperor, on hearing of this barbarous 
 violence, was extreme ; and all the more so, because of 
 Thessalonica he could have expected better things. It did 
 not contain, like Antioch, Kome, or Alexandria, a large 
 mixed population, but one almost exclusively Christian, and 
 for the most part even Catholic. The city was the scene of 
 his early triumphs, and frequently honoured by his visits. 
 It is possible that Ambrose may have pushed his exhorta- 
 tions to clemency too far in the first glow of the Emperor's 
 resentment. At any rate, the counsel of those rivals or 
 enemies of Ambrose, who represented that the affair belonged 
 purely to civil government, and should be decided inde- 
 pendently of all clerical interference, prevailed. Rufinus, 
 the flattering, heartless courtier, persuaded Theodosius that a 
 public offence of such magnitude deserved the most merciless 
 punishment which could be inflicted. Orders were issued to 
 the officials at Thessalonica to assemble the populace, as if 
 for a fete, in the circus, and then to let in the troops upon 
 them. This barbarous mandate was too faithfully executed. 
 The unsuspecting victims crowded into their favourite place 
 of amusement ; at a given signal the soldiers rushed in, and 
 in the course of two or three hours the ground was strewn 
 with some 7000 corpses of men, women, and children. 1 The 
 horror of the people of Milan was only equalled by their 
 astonishment. Was it possible that he who had displayed 
 such magnanimity and Christian moderation could be guilty 
 of an act which savoured of the most heathen treachery and 
 
 1 Sozom. vii. 25. Theod. v. 17. Ambr. Ep. li. De Broglie, vi. 302, etc. 
 
196 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xin. 
 
 ferocity ? When the Emperor returned from Rome, Ambrose 
 withdrew from Milan into the country, and thence wrote to 
 him a letter expressing his horror at the recent massacre ; 
 exhorting him to the deepest repentance and humiliation as 
 the only hope of obtaining mercy from God, and declaring 
 that he could not celebrate mass again in his presence. The 
 mode by which the Emperor was to expiate his guilt is not 
 indicated in this epistle, and he presented himself soon after- 
 wards at the doors of the cathedral church with his usual 
 royal retinue. But he was confronted by Ambrose in his 
 pontifical robes, who with flashing eyes expressed his astonish- 
 ment at such audacity, and barred the entrance with his 
 person. " I see, Emperor, you are ignorant of the flagrancy 
 of the murder which you have perpetrated. Perhaps your 
 unlimited power blinds you to your guilt, and obscures your 
 reason. Yet consider your frail and mortal nature ; think of 
 the dust from which you were formed, and to which you will 
 return, and beneath the splendid veil of your purple recog- 
 nise the infirmity of the flesh which it covers. You rule over 
 men who are your brethren by nature, and by service to a 
 common King, the Creator of all things. How then will you 
 dare to plant your feet in His sanctuary, and elevate your 
 hands towards Him, all dripping as they are with the blood 
 of men unjustly slain ? How will you take into your 
 hands the sacred body of the Lord, or dare to put His 
 precious blood to those lips, which by a word of anger have 
 spilt the blood of so many innocent victims ? Withdraw, 
 then, and add not a fresh crime to those with which you are 
 already burdened." The Emperor returned, conscience - 
 stricken and weeping, to his palace. For eight months no 
 intercourse took place between him and Ambrose. Christ- 
 mas approached ; exclusion from the church at such a season 
 seemed insupportable to the Emperor. Eufinus found him 
 one day dissolved in tears. " The church of God," he cried, 
 " is open to the slave and the beggar, but to me it is closed, 
 
CH. xiii.] PENANCE OF THEODOSIUS. 197 
 
 and Avith it the gates of heaven ; for I remember the words 
 of the Lord : ' Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be 
 bound in heaven.' " Rufinus sought to console him : " I will 
 hasten to Ambrose, and force him to release you from this 
 bond." " No" said the Emperor, " you will not persuade 
 Ambrose to violate divine law from any fear of imperial 
 power." Rufinus, however, sought an interview with the 
 archbishop ; but Ambrose spurned him indignantly from him, 
 as being the chief counsellor of the late massacre. Rufinus 
 informed him that the Emperor was approaching. " If he 
 comes," said the prelate, " I will repel him from the vestibule 
 of the church." The minister returned to the Emperor 
 discomfited, and advised him to abstain from visiting the 
 church ; but Theodosius had subdued all pride, and replied 
 that he would now go and submit to any humiliation which 
 Ambrose might see proper to impose. He advanced to the 
 church. Perceiving the archbishop in the exterior court or 
 ;itiium, he cried, " I have come ; deliver me from my sins." 
 " What madness," replied Ambrose, " has prompted you to 
 violate the sanctuary, and to trample on divine law?" " I 
 ask for my deliverance," said the humbled monarch ; " shut 
 not the door which God has opened to all penitents." " And 
 where is your penitence?" said the archbishop; " show me 
 your remedies for healing your wounds." " It is for you to show 
 them to vie" Theodosius replied; " for me to accept them." 
 Once more Ambrose had gained the day. He could prescribe 
 his own terms. First, he required that the recurrence of a 
 similar crime should be guarded against by a decree which 
 should interpose a delay of thirty days between a sentence of 
 confiscation or death and the execution of it. At the expira- 
 tion of this period the sentence was to be presented to the 
 Emperor for final reconsideration. Theodosius consented, 
 ordered the law to be drawn up, and subscribed it with his 
 own hand. He was then admitted within the walls, but in 
 deeply penitential guise ; stripped of imperial ornaments, 
 
198 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xin. 
 
 prostrate on the pavement, beating his breast, tearing his 
 hair, and crying aloud, " My soul cleaveth unto the dust, 
 quicken thou me according to thy word." So he remained 
 during the first portion of the Liturgy. When the offertory 
 began, he rose, advanced within the choir to present his 
 offering, and was about to resume the place which at Con- 
 stantinople he usually occupied a seat in the midst of the 
 clergy, in the more elevated portion of tlie choir. But 
 Ambrose determined, by taking advantage of the Emperor's 
 present humiliation, to put a stop to this custom. An 
 archdeacon stepped up to Theodosius, and informed him 
 that no layman might remain in the choir during the cele- 
 bration. The submissive Emperor withdrew outside the rails. 
 When he had returned to Constantinople, he was invited 
 by Nectarius, the archbishop, to occupy his accustomed 
 chair in the choir. " No !" replied Theodosius, with a sigh ; 
 " I have learned at Milan the insignificance of an Emperor 
 in the Church, and the difference between him and a 
 bishop. But no one here tells me the truth. I know not 
 any bishop save Ambrose who deserves the name." 1 He 
 had hit the truth. The difference between the conduct of 
 Ambrose and of Nectarius symbolised the difference between 
 the character of the Western and Eastern Church generally : 
 the one stern, commanding, jealous of any encroachment of 
 the civil power ; the other, subservient, submissive, courtier- 
 like ; the one aspiring and advancing, the other receding and 
 decadent. Chrysostom would have told him the truth ; but 
 Chrysostom, in his uncompromising and fearless honesty of 
 purpose and speech, is such a grand exception among the 
 patriarchs of Constantinople, that he proves the general rule. 
 Even Flavian had only supplicated mercy from the Emperor ; 
 Ambrose commanded it. 
 
 On one subject the deference of Theodosius for the opinion 
 of Ambrose caused him some embarrassment. Ambrose, in 
 
 1 Theod. v. 18. De Broglie, vi. 302 et seq. 
 
CH. xiii.] STRIFE ABOUT THE SEE OF ANTIOCH. 199 
 
 common with the other Western prelates, had recognised 
 Paulinus as Bishop of Antioch the priest of the Eustathian 
 party who had been consecrated by Lucifer of Cagliari ; and 
 he now acknowledged Evagrius, his successor. Theodosius 
 was distracted between his friendship for Flavian, the rival 
 of Evagrius, and for Ambrose. Flavian was summoned to 
 court. The Emperor implored him to go to Rome and 
 justify his claims before the Pope ; but Flavian refused. At 
 the suggestion of Ambrose, the Western Bishops assembled 
 in council at Capua, and there delegated the decision to 
 Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria. Once more Flavian 
 was summoned to court, and advised to submit to the 
 arbitration of Theophilus; but he was still intractable. 
 " Take my bishopric at once, and give it to whom you 
 please ; but I will submit neither my honour nor my faith 
 to the judgment of my equals." Nearly eighteen months 
 were consumed in these negotiations. The West grew 
 impatient. The letters of Ambrose took a severer tone : 
 "Flavian has something to fear; that is why he avoids 
 examination. Will he place himself outside the Church, the 
 communion of Rome, and intercourse with his brethren?" 
 The strife was mercifully broken off by the sudden death 
 of Evagrius, before he had time to designate a successor ; 
 and the wound was salved, though not healed. That final 
 good work was destined to be accomplished by Chrysostom. 1 
 A.D. 392. Only a few years more of life remained for 
 Theodosius, and his reign was occupied at the -end as at the 
 beginning by quelling rebellion in the West. When he 
 returned to the East, in A.D. 391, after the defeat of Maxi- 
 mus, he had generously left the youthful Valentinian in full 
 possession of all his hereditary dominions, which he had 
 rescued for him from the usurper. Arbogastes, a Gaul, was 
 appointed general of the forces ; Ambrose was a kind of 
 general counsellor. But Arbogastes was bold, ambitious, 
 
 i Sozom. vii. 15. Socr. v. 15. Ambr. Ep. Ivi. TLeod. v. 23. 
 
200 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xnr. 
 
 unscrupulous. He possessed much power; he determined 
 to acquire the whole. He obeyed the commands of his 
 young sovereign or not, as suited his pleasure and purposes, 
 and surrounded him with creatures of his own, who, under 
 the semblance of courtiers, acted as spies and gaolers. 
 Valentinian's residence at Yienne, in Gaul, became his 
 prison rather than his palace. The sequel belongs to secular 
 history, and is well known. An open rupture took place. 
 Arbogastes threw off the mask. Yalentinian was found 
 strangled, too late to receive baptism at the hands of Am- 
 brose, whose coming he had awaited with great eagerness 
 as soon as he knew that his life was in danger. 1 Once more 
 Italy became the prey of a usurper ; once more the veteran 
 Emperor of the East roused himself from his well-earned 
 repose, collected a huge force, consulted John, the hermit of 
 the Thebaid, on the issue of the war, solicited the favour of 
 Heaven by visiting the principal places of devotion in the 
 city, and kneeling on flint before the tombs of martyrs 
 and apostles, then set out on his inarch, and by the summer 
 of A.D. 394 again looked down from the Alps on the plains 
 of Venetia, near the scene of his former victory over one 
 usurper, and now covered with the tents belonging to the 
 army of another. He prosecuted the campaign in the same 
 religious spirit in which he had undertaken it. The first 
 assault made on the 5th of September against the enemy was 
 repulsed. Theodosius rallied and harangued the troops 
 lifted up his eyes to heaven, and cried: "0 Lord, Thou 
 knowest that I have undertaken this war only for the 
 honour of thy Son, and to prevent crime going unpunished ; 
 stretch forth, I pray Thee, thy hand over thy servants, that 
 the heathen say not of us, 'Where is their God?" 3 The 
 second assault was more successful ; the night was spent by 
 the Emperor in prayer, who was rewarded towards dawn by 
 a vision of two horsemen, clothed in white, who bade him be 
 
 i Ambr. de ob. Val. 
 
CH. xiii.] DEFEAT OF AKBOGASTES. 201 
 
 of good cheer, for that they were the apostles St. Philip and 
 St. John, and would not fail to" come to his succour on the 
 following day. The issue of that L day was decisive ; the 
 overthrow of Arbogastes complete ; his army routed ; him- 
 self slain. 1 
 
 The conqueror was received by Ambrose, at Milan, with 
 transports of joy. The victory was nobly signalised by a 
 display of Christian clemency. Free pardon was proclaimed 
 in the church (whither the offenders had fled for refuge) 
 to all those Milanese who had joined the side of the usurper. 
 Among them were the children of Arbogastes, and of the 
 puppet king whom he had set up, Eugenius. They were 
 made to expiate the crimes of their Pagan fathers by sub- 
 mitting to baptism. 2 
 
 Hut there was an increasing shade of gloom which over- 
 cast the general sunshine of joy. The health of Theodosius, 
 long undermined by a disease, was now manifestly fast 
 giving way. He was sensible of his danger, and despatched 
 a message to Constantinople, desiring that his younger son, 
 Honorius, should be sent to join him at Milan. The young 
 prince, accompanied by his cousin Serena (the wife of 
 Stilicho) and his little sister Placidia, set off without delay. 
 They reached Milan early in the year A.D. 395. Some shocks 
 of earthquake, and terrific storms, which coincided with 
 their arrival, were regarded as portents of future evil. The 
 malady of Theodosius, a dropsical disorder, was rapidly gain- 
 ing ground. He revived a little at the sight of his son, and 
 received the Eucharist from the hands of Ambrose, which 
 he had hitherto refused, as having too recently been engaged 
 in the sanguinary scenes of war. He gave audience to a 
 deputation of Western bishops, who came to pay him homage, 
 and besought them to heal the schism of Antioch by acknow- 
 ledging Flavian. He besought the Pagan members of the 
 
 1 Theod. v. 24. Socr. v. 25. Sozom. vii. 24. De Broglie, vi. 8. 
 - Ainbr. Ep. Ixi. Ixii. 
 
202 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xni. 
 
 senate of Rome to embrace the Christian faith, adding the 
 somewhat potent argument, that Pagan worship must no 
 longer expect any pecuniary aid from the State. He ap- 
 peared for a few times at the circus, where races were held 
 in honour of his victory and the arrival of the young prince ; 
 but one day, while dining, he was taken suddenly worse, and 
 expired early the next morning, Jan. 17th, A.D. 395, in the 
 fiftieth year of his age, and the sixteenth of his reign. Those 
 who watched by his bedside thought they detected the name 
 of Ambrose faintly murmured by his dying lips. 1 
 
 So passed away the last great Emperor of the Eoman 
 world. 2 He had persistently kept in view a single and 
 noble aim the consolidation of the Empire. He had re- 
 pelled invasion, crushed rebellion, laboured to extirpate 
 heathenism, to suppress heresy, to reconcile opposing fac- 
 tions in the Church ; and the work seemed advancing 
 when he was called away, and years ensued of misrule and 
 disorder, Gothic devastation, and internal corruption and 
 decadence. 
 
 The history of the Empire under Arcadius and Honorius 
 presents a pitiable picture of imbecility on the part of the 
 sovereigns ; of infidelity and unscrupulous ambition on the 
 part of their ministers. Theodosius himself, as he lay on 
 his death-bed, was perhaps conscious of impending troubles. 
 The words supposed by Claudian to be spoken by the shade 
 of Theodosius to his son Arcadius .: " Kes incompositas fateor 
 tumid asque reliqui," 3 express at any rate the true condition 
 of affairs. To Stilicho he commended his younger son, 
 Honorius, and the interests of the Western Empire, but 
 added a request that he would not neglect Arcadius and the 
 
 1 Socr. v. 26. Sozom. vii. 29. Am- turies more, but the elevation of 
 brosii Vita a Paul, scripta, de obit. Charles the Great was a revolt against 
 Theod. the old order of things. He can 
 
 hardly be regarded as a successor of 
 
 2 Of course I do not forget that the Theodosius so truly as Theodosius was 
 idea and name of Roman Emperor a successor of Augustus. 
 
 and Roman Empire lived on for cen- 3 Claud, de Bello Gild. 293. 
 
CH. xin.] CHARACTER OF RUFINUS. 203 
 
 Eastern portion of the Empire also. The legal guardian, 
 however, of Arcadius was not a man who would tamely 
 submit to any supervision, or to any encroachment, fancied 
 or real, upon the rights of his office. He was as jealous 
 of Stilicho as Constantinople was of Rome. Discernment of 
 character cannot be reckoned among the great qualities of 
 Theodosius; otherwise he would not have intrusted his 
 two sons to the guardianship of two men dissimilar in all 
 respects but one an insatiable love of power. He had 
 placed the two weak princes in the hands of deadly rivals. 
 
 Rufinus, the guardian of Arcadius and regent of the East, 
 was an Aquitanian Gaul, born at Elusa, the modern Eauze, 
 at the foot of the Pyrenees. 1 He was the very model of 
 an accomplished adventurer. Sprung from poverty and 
 obscurity, he was gifted by nature with a handsome figure, 
 a noble demeanour, a ready tongue, an inventive, versatile 
 wit. 2 He made his way, after residing in Milan and Rome, 
 to the court of Constantinople ; and found in Theodosius a 
 patron who could appreciate his talents without detecting 
 his vices. He rapidly rose till he had attained the high dis- 
 tinction of " Master of the Offices," in A.D. 390 ; of consul, in 
 connection with Arcadius, in A.D. 392; and, in A.D. 394, 
 praetorian prefect in presenti, a position second only to that 
 of the Emperor himself. 3 He affected the warmest zeal for 
 the Catholic faith, and threw himself heartily into the 
 schemes of Theodosius for the suppression of heresy, no less 
 than into those for the consolidation of the social and 
 political fabric. 
 
 But underneath this appearance of patriotic enthusiasm 
 he indulged what Claudian terms an " accursed thirst " for 
 gain. 4 By unjust law-suits he wrested patrimonies from the 
 
 1 Claud, in Ruf. i. v. 137. work by M. Amedee Thierry : " Les 
 
 2 Philostorg. xi. 3. For much as- trois mmistres des fils de Theodose " 
 sistance in his notices of Rufinus and Rufin, Eutrope, Stilicon. 
 Eutropius, the writer must pay his 3 Gibbon, iii. 67. Zosim. iv. 51. 
 acknowledgments to the admirable 4 Claud, in Ruf. i. v. 220. 
 
204 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xm. 
 
 poor, and manoeuvred to marry the daughters and widows of 
 the wealthy to his own favourites, in order that he might 
 reap their legacies and gifts. If any exposure of these 
 iniquities was threatened, he stopped the mouths of accusers 
 by large bribes, and compensated his extortions from towns 
 by making presents to their churches or enlarging their 
 public buildings. 
 
 When Theodosius departed for the Italian war, Eufinus, 
 being left as guardian of Arcadius, began to conceive the 
 project of elevating himself to the imperial throne. He 
 made a magnificent display of his piety. Hard by his villa, 
 or rather palace, in the suburb of Chalcedon, called the Oak, a 
 spot which afterwards acquired a melancholy notoriety in the 
 history of Chrysostom, he had built a church and a monastery 
 attached to it. This church he now determined to .dedicate 
 with great pomp, and at the same time to be baptized himself. 
 For this purpose he assembled nineteen Eastern bishops, 
 chiefly metropolitans, and a number of Egyptian hermits; 
 strange-looking figures, who, with their raiment of skins, 
 their flowing beards and long hair, excited much supersti- 
 tious reverence. In the midst of this august assembly, the 
 depredator of the East descended into the baptismal waters, 
 arrayed in the white robes typical of innocence. The cele- 
 brated Egyptian solitary, Ammonius (who will come before 
 us again), administered the sacrament, and Gregory of Nyssa 
 delivered a discourse. 1 Eufinus now surrounded himself 
 with a powerful party of followers ; Arcadius was too stupid 
 to see, or too timid to oppose, the dangerous ambition of his 
 so-called protector. 
 
 But the death of Theodosius and the elevation of Stilicho 
 to the guardianship of the West brought the intriguer face 
 to face with an able and determined soldier, who united 
 some of the ferocity of the barbarian with the steadfast 
 patriotism of an old Eoman. This last, indeed, was the 
 
 1 See references in Thierry, p. 19. 
 
en. xni.] CHARACTER OF STILICHO. 205 
 
 character which Stilicho, a Vandal by birth, but educated at 
 Kome, more especially emulated. It was his ambition to be 
 compared to Fabricius, Curtius, Camillus. 1 Great was his 
 delight when Claudius, himself called a second Virgil, 
 likened him in his verses to Scipio. 2 The poet declared that 
 Theodosius had never fought without Stilicho, though Stilicho 
 had fought without Theodosius. He was made not only the 
 guardian but father-in-law of Honorius, who was betrothed 
 to his eldest daughter beside the death-bed of Theodosius ; 
 the father dying in the happy assurance that, by creating 
 this parental tie, he had secured the fidelity of his minister. 
 The boy and girl were brought into the sick-room, ex- 
 changed rings, and repeated the words which were dictated 
 to them. 3 
 
 The regent of the East naturally became profoundly 
 jealous of the regent of the West, and in point of royal con- 
 nection determined to be even with him. He humoured 
 Arcadius into a consent to marry his own daughter ; and his 
 scheme seemed on the point of completion when an inoppor- 
 tune matter of business took him away to Antioch, and his 
 enemy, the chamberlain Eutropius, took advantage of his 
 absence to frustrate the plan. A Frankish general, called 
 Bautho, who had been elevated to the consulship, but had 
 prematurely died, left a daughter of rare beauty named 
 Eudoxia. The orphan girl was brought up by a friend of 
 Bautho, the son of Promotus, a magister militum, whom 
 Eufinus, in revenge for an insult, had caused to be assassi- 
 nated. Eutropius introduced a portrait of the young beauty 
 to the notice of Arcadius. Curiosity, and soon a tenderer 
 sentiment, were excited in the young Emperor's breast ; the 
 cunning chamberlain fanned the flame, till he was able to 
 persuade the royal youth that Eudoxia was a more eligible 
 
 1 De Laud. Stil. ii. v. 379. 
 
 2 "Noster Scipiades Stilicho." De Consulat. Stilic. praef. v. 21. 
 
 3 Claud, de Nupt. Honor, et Mariae. 
 
206 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xm. 
 
 bride than the daughter of the low-born Gaul. 1 The intrigue 
 was conducted with such secrecy that Eufinus, on his return 
 from Antioch, remained unsuspicious, and his boastful re- 
 marks on the approaching nuptials excited the indignation 
 of the public. The wedding-day was fixed for April 25, 
 A.D. 395. Eutropius selected from the imperial wardrobe 
 some of the costliest female robes and jewels which it con- 
 tained. They were placed on litters, which, escorted by a 
 large train of splendidly apparelled serving -men, paraded 
 the streets, on the way, as was supposed, to the house of 
 Eufinus. What was the astonishment of the populace when 
 the procession suddenly turned in another direction, and 
 presently stopped in front of the house of Prornotus ! A 
 loud shout of joy burst from the lips of the multitude, and 
 proclaimed to Eufinus the unpopularity of his project, and 
 the general satisfaction at its'* defeat. The bride thus cun- 
 ningly substituted was destined to play a conspicuous part 
 in the later scenes of Chrysostom's career. She inherited 
 the fair beauty, the energetic spirit, the impulsive, sometimes 
 fierce, temper of the race from which she sprang. Her 
 father had remained firmly attached to the Pagan religion of 
 his ancestors, but, in deference to Theodosius, his patron, he 
 had allowed his daughter to be baptized and educated in the 
 Christian faith. 2 Impatient of control, she resolved to 
 possess herself of her husband's confidence in order to govern 
 through him, and gradually to disengage herself from the 
 management alike of Eufinus and Eutropius. 
 
 Eufinus had been thoroughly outwitted in his matrimonial 
 scheme, but his resources were far from being exhausted. 
 The sequel of his life belongs too exclusively to secular 
 history to be more than glanced at here. He played a 
 subtle and desperate game, seldom if ever surpassed in 
 villainy. Some Hunnish tribes, encouraged by him, made 
 incursions into Armenia, Pontus, Cappadocia, and even as 
 
 1 Zosim. v. 3. 2 Symmach. Ep. iv. 15 and 16. 
 
cii. XIIL] DESCENT OF ALARIC. 207 
 
 far as the vicinity of Antioch. 1 The court was in the 
 extremity of alarm, for the main forces of the army and 
 treasury had been drained to the West when Theodosius 
 marched against Arbogastes, and remained in the hands of 
 Stilicho. Worse still, the formidable chieftain Alaric, of 
 the royal race of the Visigoths, who had lately distinguished 
 himself in the Italian wars under Theodosius, began to 
 complain of unrequited services, and with a motley force of 
 Huns, Alani, Sarmatians, and Goths, descended into Thrace, 
 and ravaged the country up to the walls of Constantinople. 
 The inhabitants were convulsed with panic ; all except the 
 artful intriguer, who had already struck his bargain with 
 the invaders. He rode out of Constantinople accoutred as 
 a Gothic warrior, went through the farce of an interview 
 with Alaric, and returned with the joyful intelligence that 
 his intercessions had saved the city, and that the Gothic 
 prince had consented to withdraw his troops. And so he 
 did ; not, however, to retire to the Gothic settlements in the 
 north, but to pour southwards in a devastating flood over 
 Greece. This was the plot of Rufinus. The possession of 
 the Illyrian provinces was disputed between the courts of 
 East and West. Alaric occupied these. Stilicho, with ex- 
 traordinary energy, collected a large army, advanced against 
 the devastator, who was supposed to be the common enemy 
 of the whole Empire ; but when on the point of attacking 
 him, he was arrested by a message from Constantinople, 
 which commanded him to abstain from any hostilities 
 against the ravager of Greece. " He was the good friend of 
 Arcadius : he occupied the province of Illyria as his ally, 
 which Stilicho was to evacuate immediately, and to restore 
 the troops and treasure which belonged to the East." The 
 troops were sent back by Stilicho under the command of 
 
 1 Possibly alluded to by Chrysostom among other recent calamities. These 
 in Horn. iv. de Penitentia, c. 2, where homilies were probably delivered in 
 he mentions "incursions of enemies" A.D. 395. 
 
208 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [OH. xm. 
 
 Gainas, but with the secret understanding that he should 
 compass the death of Eufinus. The result is well known. 
 Eufinus fell just as he was placing his foot on the topmost 
 round of his ladder of ambition. He was standing on the 
 tribune, where Arcadius was to proclaim him Caesar, in 
 the presence of a vast multitude ; he was making a flowery 
 harangue to the troops, complimenting them on their exploits, 
 congratulating them on their restoration to their homes, when 
 those very troops closed in upon him, plunged their swords 
 into his body, and presently hacked it to pieces. A soldier 
 who got hold of his right arm, and having crooked the fingers 
 of the hand, went about the town, holding it in front of him, 
 and crying, " An obol, an obol for him who never had enough," 
 collected a large sum by his grim and savage jest. 1 
 
 Arcadius was quite incapable of handling the reins of 
 government himself, and the downfall of one all-powerful 
 minister would in any case have been quickly followed by 
 the rise of another ; but, as it happened, there was one ready 
 to step immediately into the vacant place. The fortunes of 
 this person, the eunuch Eutropius, ran a strange career. 
 Born a slave, somewhere in the region of the Euphrates, and 
 condemned in infancy to the most degraded condition pos- 
 sible even to slavery, he passed in boyhood and youth through 
 the hands of many owners. He performed the most menial 
 offices as a household slave, cutting wood, drawing water, or 
 whisking the flies from his mistress's face with a large fan. 
 Arinthus, an old magister militum, who had become pos- 
 sessed of him, presented him to his daughter on her marriage ; 
 and, in the words of Claudian, "the future consul of the 
 East was made over as part of a marriage dowry." 2 But the 
 young lady grew tired of the slave, who was getting elderly 
 and wrinkled, and without attempting to sell him, simply 
 turned him out of doors. 3 He lived for a time, picking 
 
 1 Thierry, pp. 35-78. Claud, in Ruf. lib. ii. 
 
 2 In Eutrop. i. v. 104, 105. 
 
 3 " Contemptu jam_liber erat." Claud, in Eutrop. i. v. 132. 
 
CH. xiii.] RISE OF EUTROPIUS. 209 
 
 up a precarious livelihood, and often in great want, till an 
 officer about court at Constantinople took pity on him, and 
 with some difficulty obtained for him a situation in the 
 lowest ranks of the imperial chamberlains. 1 This was the 
 beginning of his rise. By the diligence and precision with 
 which he discharged his ordinary duties, by occasional witty 
 sayings, and the semblance of a fervent piety, he attracted 
 the notice of the Emperor Theodosius, and gradually acquired 
 his confidence so as to be employed on difficult and delicate 
 missions. He it was whom the Emperor sent to consult the 
 hermit John in Egypt before undertaking the Italian cam- 
 paign in A.D. 394. 2 
 
 On the death of Theodosius he became, in the capacity 
 of grand chamberlain, the intimate adviser and constant 
 attendant of Arcadius ; and, when Eufinus was removed, the 
 government was practically in his hands, though he was 
 careful to avoid the error of his late rival, and was content 
 with the reality without the display of power. He con- 
 tinued to execute all the household duties which fell to his 
 lot as chamberlain with humble assiduity, and sought no 
 other title than what he possessed. 3 But it was soon 
 apparent, to the amusement of the East and the indignation 
 of the West, that the eunuch slave was really master of the 
 Emperor of half the Roman world. He gradually removed 
 by his arts the friends of Theodosius from the principal posts 
 of trust, and replaced them by creatures of his own. By 
 surrounding his royal charge with a crowd of frivolous com- 
 panions; by dissipating his thoughts amidst a perpetual 
 round of amusement, public spectacles, chariot races, and 
 the like ; by taking him evrry spring to Ancyra in Phrygia, 
 where he was subjected to the soft enchantments of a de- 
 licious climate and luxurious manner of life, he made the 
 naturally feeble mind of Arcadius more feeble still, and 
 
 1 Claud, in Eutrop. i. v. 148, ]49. 
 
 2 Sozom. vii. 22. 3 philostorg. xi. 5. 
 
210 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xm. 
 
 withdrew it from the influence of every superior intellect 
 but his own. 1 
 
 Whilst the effeminate monarch languished in inglorious 
 ease in Phrygia, the fairest and most renowned portions of 
 his Empire were overrun by the barbarian forces of Alaric. 
 The sacred pass of Thermopylae was violated by the Gothic 
 prince, and the ravager spread his devastations over Pelo- 
 ponnesus. Once more Stilicho hastened to the rescue; 
 once more his hand was stayed by the astonishing an- 
 nouncement that Alaric was rewarded for his career of 
 spoliation by being made commander-in-chief of the forces 
 of the East. Thus the invader was turned into the position 
 of friend, and the defender into the position of rebel, who 
 had to withdraw with feelings of shame, disappointment, 
 and rage. To such base arts did the court of Arcadius, 
 under the direction of Eutropius, stoop to protect itself in 
 its pitiful jealousy of its rival in the West. 2 
 
 Eutropius mounted to the summit of power by the simple 
 process of putting all dangerous competitors out of the way, 
 under various pretexts, as treasonable or otherwise public 
 offenders. 3 He deprived them of their last hope of escape, 
 by abolishing the right of the Church to afford asylum to 
 fugitives. 4 He sold the chief functions of the State, and the 
 command of the provinces, to the highest bidders. He was 
 ambitious even of military glory ; and, to the amusement of 
 the enemy, as well as of the imperial army, appeared in 
 military costume at the head of the troops, to repel an 
 incursion of Huns. He succeeded, however, more in his 
 negotiations by which he bought off the enemy, than in his 
 martial exploits, and returned mortified by the ridicule 
 which had attended his attempts in war. 5 
 
 From the pettiest detail of domestic life to the most 
 serious affairs of state, the minister was supreme. Arcadius 
 
 1 Claud, in Eutrop. i. 427, etc. ; ii. 3 Zosim. v. 8, 9, 12. 
 97, etc. 
 
 2 Thierry, pp. 97-126. Zosim. v. 5. 
 
 Claud, in Eutrop. ii. * Claud, in Eutrop. i. 235, etc. 
 
CH. xni.] TYRANNY OF EUTROPIUS. 211 
 
 was little more than a magnificently dressed puppet. The 
 descriptions of his palace read like accounts in fairy tales : it 
 swarmed with slaves of every conceivable variety of race, 
 profession, and costume ; the floors of the imperial apart- 
 ments were sprinkled with gold dust, in the carriage of 
 which from Asia a special service of vessels and wagons 
 was constantly engaged. 1 The great annual public spectacle 
 was the departure of the Emperor for his summer sojourn 
 in Phrygia. From an early hour the streets were thronged 
 with people eagerly waiting for the pageant. At length, 
 from the portals of the palace there issued a gorgeous 
 procession; soldiers in white uniform, with gold-brocaded 
 ensigns ; then the body guard, called domestics, with their 
 tribunes and generals arrayed in robes flashing with gold, 
 mounted on horses with golden caparisons ; each rider bore 
 a gilded lance in the right hand, and in the left a gilded 
 shield studded with precious stones. In the rear, surrounded 
 by a grand cortege of state officials, came the imperial car, 
 drawn by milk-white mules, clothed in purple housings, 
 which were tricked out with gold and jewels. The sides of 
 the car also were gilded, and flashed out rays of golden light 
 as it moved along towards the harbour, where rode a fleet 
 of barges richly decorated, waiting to convey the royal 
 traveller to the opposite shore of the Bosporus. In strange 
 contrast to all this splendour appeared in the centre of the 
 car the dull and somnolent countenance of the young 
 Arcadius and the wrinkled visage of his old minister. The 
 multitude, ever greedy of show, would eagerly strain forward 
 their necks to catch a glimpse, if it were only of the imperial 
 ear-rings, or the circlet of his diadem, or the strings of pearls 
 upon his robe. With such empty exhibitions of their 
 puppet king did the wily minister seek to amuse the 
 frivolous inhabitants of the capital, while he himself enjoyed 
 the exercise of real power. 2 
 
 1 Synes. de Regno, p. 16. 
 
 2 Claud, in Eutrop. ii. 95. Thierry, p. 162, etc. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 DEATH OF NECTARIUS, ARCHBISHOP OF CONSTANTINOPLE EAGER COM- 
 PETITION FOR THE SEE ELECTION OF CHRYSOSTOM-HIS COMPUL- 
 SORY REMOVAL FROM ANTIOCH CONSECRATION REFORMS -HOMILIES 
 ON VARIOUS SUBJECTS MISSIONARY PROJECTS. 
 
 SUCH was the political and social condition of the Empire 
 in the year A.D. 397. In September of that year died 
 Nectarius, Archbishop of Constantinople, a man of an easy, 
 amiable disposition, who, not taking a very elevated or 
 severe view of the duties of his position, had administered 
 the see for sixteen years, without annoyance, but without 
 distinction. 1 A conscientious discharge, indeed, of episcopal 
 duties was at this epoch beset by no small difficulties in the 
 great cities of the Empire. Bishops of important sees now 
 occupied a high social rank. 2 This had to be assumed 
 (in Constantinople at least) in the midst of an intriguing, 
 factious court, a corrupt, frivolous people, and a demoralised, 
 or at least secularised, clergy. " Nothing," said St. Augustine, 
 "can in this life, and especially at this time, be easier or 
 more agreeable than the office of bishop, presbyter, or deacon, 
 if discharged in a perfunctory and adulatory manner; no- 
 thing can in this life, and especially at this time, be more 
 laborious and perilous than such an office, if discharged as 
 our heavenly Commander bids us." 3 And the testimony of 
 Chrysostom's friend, Isidore, Abbot of Pelusium, is to the 
 
 1 Socr. vi. 2. in Ch. iv., and in Act. Apost. Horn. 
 
 2 See Chrysostom's own remarks in iii. 5. 
 
 De Sacerdotio, lib. iii., cited above 3 Epist. xxi. ad Valerium. 
 
CH. xiv.] COMPETITION FOK THE SEE. 213 
 
 same effect : " True freedom and independence are not to be 
 found in these distinguished positions : it is so difficult to 
 rule some, and to submit to others ; to direct some, and to 
 be directed by others ; to be complaisant to some and severe 
 to others." Into this difficult and delicate position the 
 pious, single-minded, unworldly, but courageous preacher of 
 Antioch was to be suddenly transplanted, and that in a city 
 where the difficulties incident to such a position existed in 
 peculiar force. 
 
 At the time of the decease of Nectarius, several bishops 
 happened to be sojourning in Constantinople on business, 
 and as tidings of the vacancy of the see got abroad, the 
 number of episcopal visitors largely increased ; some coming 
 as candidates, others by the invitation of the Emperor, who 
 wished to make the ceremony of consecration as dignified 
 and august as possible. 1 Constantinople became convulsed 
 by all those factious disputes and dissensions which usually 
 attended the election of a bishop to an important see, and 
 which Chrysostom has so vividly described in his treatise 
 on the priesthood. 2 From dawn of day the places of public 
 resort were occupied by the "candidates and their partisans 
 paying court, or paying bribes to the common people ; can- 
 vassing the nobles and the wealthy not without the potent 
 aid of rich and costly gifts, some statue from Greece ur silk 
 from India, or perfumes from Arabia. 3 One of the most 
 conspicuous candidates was ^ Isidore, a presbyter of Alex- 
 andria. His claims were eagerly pushed by Theophilus, 
 Archbishop of Alexandria, who had a strong personal interest 
 in securing his success. For Isidore was in possession of a 
 rather awkward secret in the past history of Theophilus 
 himself. When the war between Theodosius and the usurper 
 Maximus was impending, Isidore had been despatched by 
 the Archbishop to Italy with letters of congratulation to be 
 
 1 Socrat. vi. 2. Sozom. viii. 2. 
 
 2 Lib. iii. c. 15, 17. 3 Pallad. Dial. c. 5. 
 
214 . LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 presented to him who should prove the conqueror. Isidore 
 waited till victory had declared itself in favour of Theo- 
 dosius ; presented the humble felicitations of the patriarch, 
 and returned to Alexandria. But he was unable on his 
 return to produce the other letter, designed for Maximus had 
 he proved the victor. According to his own account, it had 
 been abstracted by the reader who had accompanied him on 
 the journey. Theophilus, however, suspected the fidelity of 
 Isidore himself, and that some ugly stories which began to 
 circulate respecting the affair had emanated from him. The 
 see of Constantinople, if secured through his interest, would 
 be an effectual means, he thought, of stopping the mouth of 
 Isidore. 1 But he was doomed to disappointment. While 
 the several candidates and their patrons were exhausting all 
 their arts on the spot to obtain the favour of the electors, the 
 clergy and people, distracted by conflicting bribes and argu- 
 ments, unanimously decided to summon a man from a 
 distance who had not come forward at all. They submitted 
 the name of Chrysostoni to the Emperor, who immediately 
 approved their choice. 2 In fact, the election of Chrysostoni 
 was in all probability the suggestion of Eutropius. During 
 a recent visit on public business to Antioch, he had heard 
 and recognised the eloquence of the great preacher. Even 
 if the heart of the man was not touched by the pungent 
 warnings, or warmed by the kindling exhortations of Chryso- 
 stoni, he had plenty of astuteness to perceive, if only such an 
 eloquence could be employed in the service of the Government, 
 what a powerful engine it would be. 3 The appointment, at 
 any rate, was certain to be welcomed by the people, and of 
 popularity Eutropius stood greatly in need. By the people 
 of Antioch indeed Chrysostom was so deeply and ardently 
 beloved, that the question was how to remove him without 
 causing a disturbance of the public peace. The excitable 
 
 1 Socr. vi. 2. Sozom. viii. 2. Pallad. 2 Socr. vi. 2. Sozom. viii. 2. 
 Dial. 3 Pallad. Dial. c. 5. 
 
'>,,** 
 
 CH. xiv.l JOURNEY TO CONSTANTINOPLE. ( , 2L6 
 
 * / / ' ''> 
 
 feelings of the populace at Antioch were at all times a ty&yn, v> 
 
 of powder which needed but the application of a spark to ^/^ 
 cause a serious explosion of tumult. The difficulty was Vf 
 solved by a mixture of force and fraud highly characteristic 
 of the chief designer and executor of the project. Eutropius 
 addressed a letter to Asterius, the Count of the East, who 
 resided in Antioch, and who promptly acted on his instruc- 
 tions. He proposed to the unsuspecting Chrysostom that 
 they should pay a visit together to one of the martyries 
 outside the^city walls. Well pleased to make this pious 
 pilgrimage, the saintly preacher accompanied his captor 
 through the Eoman gate, and turned his back on his beloved 
 native city, which he was destined never to revisit. At the 
 martyxy he was seized by some Government officials, and 
 carried on to Pagrae, the first station on the high road for 
 Constantinople. Here a chariot and horses awaited them, 
 together with one of the imperial chamberlains, a " magister 
 militum," and an escort of soldiers. The bewildered Chry- 
 sostom was hurried into the chariot, without any attention 
 being paid to his remonstrances or inquiries ; the horses were 
 put into a smart gallop, and the pace well kept up to the 
 next stage, where a similar equipage was in waiting. Such 
 was the rapid, but, considering all the circumstances, 
 undignified approach of the future archbishop to take pos- 
 session of his see. 1 
 
 Great was the joy of the people on his arrival, great the 
 mortification and consternation of the rival candidates. 
 Theophilus loudly declared that he would take no part in 
 the ordination. " You will ordain him," said Eutropius, " or 
 take your trial on the charges contained in these documents ;" 
 producing certain papers of accusations brought against him 
 from various quarters, at the sight of which Theophilus 
 turned pale. His opposition was effectually silenced, though 
 he nourished his revenge for a future day. 2 And we may 
 
 1 Sozora. viii. 2. Pallad. Dial. 5. 2 Socr. vi. 2. 
 
216 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xiv. 
 
 presume that he took the lead, by virtue of his rank, in the 
 ceremony of consecration that is, that he pronounced the 
 consecration prayer and blessing, while two other bishops 
 held the gospels over the head, and the other prelates who 
 were present laid their hands on the head of the recipient of 
 consecration. 1 The ceremony took place on February 26, 
 A.D. 398, in the presence of a vast concourse of people, who 
 came, no doubt, not only to witness the spectacle, but to hear 
 from the lips of one so famed for eloquence the " Serino 
 enthronisticus," or homily on the lesson for the day, which 
 was delivered by the new Patriarch 2 after he had been con- 
 ducted to his throne, and which was regarded as a test of his 
 powers. This discourse has not been preserved, but Chryso- 
 stom alludes to it in the homily numbered xi. against the 
 Anomceans, which was the second discourse he delivered as 
 archbishop. He there reminds his hearers how in his first 
 discourse he had promised, in his warfare with heretics, to 
 trust, not in the carnal weapons of human dialectic, but in 
 the spiritual armour of Holy Scripture, even as David had 
 confronted and prevailed over the Philistine with weapons 
 which the warrior despised, but which were crowned with 
 success because blessed by God. 3 In the review already 
 taken of his discourses against Arians and other heretics, 
 it has been seen how faithfully he adhered to this prin- 
 ciple. 
 
 The disadvantages of a monastic, secluded training, in one 
 who was called upon to occupy a large and important see, 
 have been pointed out by no one better than by Chrysostom 
 himself, 4 and he now experienced the truth of his own 
 
 1 Bingham, b. ii. c. 11, sec. 8. acts of the Council of Chalcedon, A.D. 
 
 2 The title Patriarch is occasionally 451, where it is applied especially to 
 used in the following pages, although Leo i. of Rome. Can. 28. Labbe, 
 it does not appeal 1 to have been a for- vol. iv. 
 
 mally recognised title till fifty years 
 
 later Socrates (A.D. 440 about) uses ' Hom ' X1 " m Anom ' Vo1 ' L *>' 795 ' 
 
 it (vide c. 8), but the first occurrence 4 De Sacerd. lib. vi. c. 6-8, quoted 
 
 of it in any public document is in the above, p. 53. 
 
CH. xiv.] UNPOPULAR REFORMS. 217 
 
 observations. His genius was not of that practical order 
 which displays itself in great discernment of character and 
 tact in the management of men ; and his virtues were of that 
 austere kind, the virtues of the monk rather than of the 
 Christian citizen, joined to a certain irritability of temper and 
 inflexibility of will, which were ill calculated to first con- 
 ciliate and then delicately lead on to a purer way of life the 
 undisciplined flock committed to his care. 1 If Nectarius 
 had been too much the man of the world, his successor was, 
 for the position in which he was placed, too much the saint of 
 the cloister. The new wine burst the old bottles. He began 
 immediately to reform with an unsparing hand first of all 
 within the limits of his own palace. The costly store of 
 silken and gold-embroidered robes, the rich marbles, orna- 
 ments, and vessels of various kinds which his courtly 
 predecessor had accumulated, were sold in exchange for 
 homelier articles, and the surplus was applied to the aid of 
 hospitals and the relief of the destitute. 2 The bishop, and 
 many of the clergy of Constantinople, had been accustomed 
 to entertain and be entertained by the wealthy and the great. 
 Aminianus Marcellinus contrasts the luxurious style of 
 living affected by the bishops of great cities, who "rode 
 about in their carriages, elaborately dressed, and gave 
 princely banquets," with the frugal fare, the cheap clothing, 
 the modest deportment of the provincial bishops. 3 The 
 admonition of Jerome also to an episcopal friend demon- 
 strates the tendency at this period to an immoderate and 
 worldly hospitality on the part of the clergy. " Avoid," he 
 says, "giving great entertainments to the laity, and especially 
 to those who occupy high stations ; for it is not very reput- 
 able to see the lictors and guards of a consul waiting outside 
 the doors of a priest of Jesus Christ, nor that the judge of a 
 province should dine more sumptuously with you than in 
 
 1 Soc. vi. 3. Sozom. viii. 9. 
 
 2 Pallad. Dial. c. v. p. 20. 3 Lib. xxvii. c. 3. 
 
218 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 the palace. If it be pretended that you do this only to be 
 able to intercede with him for poor criminals, there is no 
 judge who will not pay greater respect to a frugal priest 
 than to a rich one, and show more deference to your piety 
 than to your wealth." 1 Chrysostom, like Jerome, was an 
 uncompromising ascetic in his views on clerical life. He 
 ate in solitude the spare and simple diet of a monk, and 
 declared that he would never set foot at Court except on 
 pressing affairs concerning the welfare of the Church. 
 When one considers what the character of that Court was, 
 it must be confessed that the resolution highly became a 
 Christian bishop. 2 His own seclusion might have been 
 easily tolerated if he had not exacted the same severe 
 simplicity of life in his clergy. He denounced their para- 
 sitical flatteries, and their propensity to seek entertainments 
 at the tables of the wealthy, and insisted that their stipends 
 must be quite sufficient to supply them with the necessaries 
 of life. He suspended many from their cures on account 
 of worldly or immoral conduct, and repelled others from 
 the Eucharist. Several of these became the most active 
 organisers of hostile cabals. 
 
 But there was another cause of the archbishop's unpopu- 
 larity with his clergy, which arose from his vigorous assaults 
 upon a deep and apparently most prevalent evil. 
 
 Celibacy appears never to have been made obligatory on 
 the clergy of the Eastern Church. The Synod of Elvira, 
 which enjoins celibacy, was a purely Spanish synod ; 3 and 
 the decree of Pope Siricius to the same effect, in A.D. 385, 
 could not affect any countries beyond Italy, Spain, and 
 perhaps Southern Gaul. That decree is a remarkable in- 
 stance of the law-giving spirit of the Western Church, which 
 hardened tendencies into binding statutes. But sentiment 
 and opinion were quite as strong in favour of clerical celibacy 
 
 1 Epist. ii. ad Nepotianum. 3 See Hefele, p. 131, and on the date 
 
 2 Fallad. Dial. c. v. and xii. of this synod. 
 
CH. xiv.] CLERICAL CELIBACY. 219 
 
 in the East as in the West. It was proposed at the Council 
 of Nice that a canon should be passed enforcing it upon 
 every order of the clergy; a proposal which was defeated 
 only by the influence of the aged Egyptian monk Paphnu- 
 :ius, who, though he had never been married, and had always 
 lived an ascetic life, earnestly deprecated the imposition of 
 :i burden upon all men which some men only were able to 
 bear. The result was that the clergy were permitted to 
 retain their wives whom they had married before ordination, 
 but were forbidden to marry after ordination. And this is 
 called " the ancient tradition of the Church." 1 There can be 
 no doubt, however, that a profound conviction possessed the 
 minds of all the most earnest Christians in Eastern Christen- 
 dom that the unmarried life was inherently better than the 
 married; and, consequently, clerical celibacy was honoured 
 and encouraged, though marriage was allowable. On the 
 other hand, there grew up, side by side with the practice of 
 celibacy, a custom which broke it in the spirit while it was 
 preserved in the letter. The same Council of Nice which 
 by one canon freely granted to the clergy the society of their 
 lawful wives, by another prohibits unmarried clergy of every 
 rank to have any woman dwelling under the same roof who 
 was not their mother, sister, or aunt. 2 It was the transgres- 
 sion of this canon which was indignantly complained of by 
 several writers 3 and at councils 4 in or near the time of Chry- 
 sostom, as well as by Chrysostom himself. Under the name 
 of spiritual sisters, young women, often consecrated virgins 
 of the Church, lived, as they maintained, in all innocent and 
 sisterly affection with unmarried priests. But the risk to 
 the morals of both was imminent, and the scandal which it 
 brought upon the clergy in the eyes of the world was certain. 
 
 i Stanley, Eastern Church, lecture v. 2 Can. 3. Hefele, p. S79. 
 
 Socr. i. 11. Sozom. i. 23. The truth Jerome, Ep. xxii. ad Eustoch. 
 
 of the story has been disputed, but Epiphan. Haer. 63. 
 
 apparently on insufficient grounds. 4 See references in Bingham, b. vi. 
 
 Vide Hefele, p. 436. c. ii. 13. 
 
220 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHKYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 Chrysostom denounces the custom on both these grounds. 
 Whether two treatises, one addressed to the men, the other 
 to the women, were composed at Constantinople, or, as 
 Socrates says, during his diaconate, they embody his views 
 on the whole subject, and afford a curious insight into 
 clerical life in the great cities at this epoch. 1 
 
 He places the offenders on the horns of a dilemma. " If 
 you are weak, the temptation to evil is so great, that for 
 your own sake you ought to avoid it ; if you are strong, you 
 ought to abandon the practice for the sake of those who are 
 weak." They brought a great scandal on the Church and 
 opened the mouths of adversaries. An isolated sin would 
 be less severely visited than one which, though comparatively 
 small in itself, caused others also to offend. They should 
 imitate the wisdom of St. Paul, who would not do a thing in 
 itself desirable or harmless, if the evil resulting to some 
 exceeded any possible advantage to others. 2 A pretext for 
 the reception of these unmarried women was made on the 
 ground that they were orphans who had no protectors. But 
 this became a great snare both to the women and the clergy: 
 they were occupied with the management of property instead 
 of devoting themselves to spiritual concerns. It would be 
 far better that a maiden should marry, than, by abstaining 
 from marriage, involve herself and others in worldly business 
 who ought to be free from it. If poor, it was better she 
 should remain poor and friendless, than be received into 
 a home where the danger incurred by the soul would far 
 exceed the advantages procured for the body. There were 
 many aged women who were poor, friendless, maimed, or 
 diseased ; the city was full of them. These were the most 
 deserving objects of clerical charity, and on them it could 
 be exercised without fear of reproach. 3 These "spiritual 
 sisters" appear from Chrysostom's account to have often 
 lived very much like fine ladies of fashion. " How incon- 
 
 i Contra eos, etc., vol. i. p. 495. 2 Ibid. c. 3, 4. 3 Ibid. c. 7. 
 
CH. xiv.] "SPIRITUAL SISTERS" OF PRIESTS. 221 
 
 gruous and ludicrous," he says, " when you enter the house 
 of one who calls himself a single man, to see articles of 
 female dress and instruments of female occupation lying 
 about girdles, head-gear, wool-baskets, spindles, distaffs ! " 
 In the elaboration of their dress these companions often 
 surpassed actresses ; they were gossips and match-makers. 
 The man who ought to have renounced all worldly calls 
 might be seen inquiring at the silversmith's if his lady's 
 mirror was ready, her casket finished, her flask returned; 
 from the silversmith's he hurried to the perfumer's to see 
 about her scents; from the perfumer to the linen-draper, 
 and so on upon a round of shopping. All this business and 
 worldly worry made them harsh to the servants, who retali- 
 ated by secretly abusing their master and mistress. 1 This 
 was bad enough, but the clergy were not ashamed to display 
 their servile attachment to these women even in the churches. 
 They received them at the doors, forced others to make way 
 for them, and walked in front of them with a proud air, 
 when they ought not to have been able to lift up their heads 
 for shame. 2 
 
 Chrysostom implores the clergy as a suppliant, to free 
 themselves from these disgraceful and degrading connections. 
 "Christ would have them be strenuous soldiers and com- 
 batants. He did not arm them with spiritual weapons to 
 help women sew and weave, biit to engage with the invisible 
 powers, to put to flight the forces of Satan, and to lead 
 captive the rulers of spiritual darkness. If a soldier who 
 was fully equipped were to run in- doors and sit down with 
 the women just at the moment of the enemy's attack, when 
 the trumpet summoned every one to the combat, would you 
 not run your sword through the craven on the spot ? How 
 much more would God be offended with the Christian 
 soldier who evaded the combat with the spiritual enemy ? " 3 
 
 The rigour with which Chrysostom pressed reformation 
 
 i Contra eos, etc., c. 9. 2 Ibid. c. 10. 3 Ibid. c. 10. 
 
222 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 upon the clergy in these and many other points, not being 
 tempered by a conciliatory manner or genial way of life, 
 excited a vehement spirit of opposition. He was encouraged 
 in his severity by his Archdeacon Serapion, who on one 
 occasion had said, in the hearing of a large body of clergy : 
 " You will never subdue these mutinous priests, my Lord 
 Bishop, till you drive them all before you as with a single 
 rod." l In fact, a large body of the more worldly clergy 
 seem to have regarded the archbishop and his deacon with 
 much the same mingled feelings of fear and aversion which 
 unruly schoolboys entertain towards an austere master. 
 
 The rigorous discipline exacted from the clergy was 
 probably by no means distasteful to the people or the Court, 
 and by the eloquence of their new bishop they were en- 
 tranced so long as his declamations were poured forth 
 against the vices and follies of society in general. The 
 Empress and archbishop stood for a time high in each 
 other's favour. She conducted with him a vast torchlight 
 procession in which the reliques of some martyrs were 
 conveyed to the martyry of St. Thomas in Drypia, a con- 
 siderable distance outside the city. A rapturous homily 
 was delivered by Chrysostom when they reached the chapel 
 at dawn of day. "What shall I say? I am verily mad 
 with joy ; yet such a madness is better than even wisdom 
 itself. Of what shall I most discourse ? the virtue of the 
 martyrs, the alacrity of the city, the zeal of the Empress, the 
 concourse of the nobles, the worsting of the demons ? " . . . 
 " Women, more delicate than wax, leaving their comfortable 
 homes, emulated the stoutest men in the eagerness with 
 which they made this long pilgrimage on foot. Nobles, 
 leaving their chariots, their lictors, their attendants, mingled 
 in the common crowd. And why speak of them when she 
 who wears the diadem, and is arrayed in purple, has not 
 consented along the whole route to be separated from the 
 
 i Socr. vi. 4. 
 
CH. xvi.] CHRYSOSTOM AND THE EMPRESS. 223 
 
 rest even by a little space, but has followed the saints like 
 their handmaid, with her finger on the shrine and upon the 
 veil covering it she, visible to the whole multitude, whom 
 not even all the chamberlains of the palace are usually per- 
 mitted to see ?" The mixture of races in Constantinople is 
 indicated in one passage, where, comparing the Empress to 
 Miriam leading the chorus of triumphant Israelites, he says : 
 " She, indeed, led forth a people of one language only, but 
 thou innumerable bands, chanting the Psalms of David, 
 some in the Eoman, some in the Syrian, some in a barbarian, 
 some in the Greek tongue." The procession moved along 
 like a stream of fire, or continuous golden chain ; the moon 
 shone down upon the crowd of the faithful, and in the midst 
 the Empress, more brilliant than the moon itself; for what 
 was the moon compared to a soul adorned with such faith ? 
 He called her blessed, for the ends of the earth would hear 
 of and extol this glorious act of piety. If the deed of the 
 poor sinful woman in the Gospel, who anointed our Lord's 
 feet, was to be proclaimed throughout the world, how much 
 more that of a modest, dignified, chaste woman, who dis- 
 played such piety in the midst of imperial state. And 
 there is much more of the same Oriental, rhapsodical, 
 rhetoric. 1 
 
 The Emperor made a pilgrimage on the following day 
 to the shrine, accompanied by all the great officials of the 
 Court; and another discourse, similar in tone though not 
 quite so extravagantly rapturous, was delivered by the 
 archbishop. 
 
 As in Antioch, so also and with still greater vehemence 
 in Constantinople, the voice of Chrysostom was incessantly 
 lifted up against those vices which specially beset a large 
 mixed population living under a corrupt despotism. Here, 
 as there, the avarice and luxury of the wealthy are the 
 themes of his indignant invective ; the wrongs and pitiable 
 
 i Vol. xii. p. 468. 
 
224 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 poverty of the poor the occasions of his pathetic appeal. 
 One day lamenting the paucity of worshippers, he exclaims : 
 " tyranny of money which drives the greater part of our 
 brethren from the fold ! for it is nothing but that grievous 
 disease, that never-quenched furnace, which drives them 
 hence ; this mistress, more ferocious than any barbarian or 
 wild beast, fiercer than the very demons, taking her slaves 
 with her, is now conducting them round the Forum, inflict- 
 ing upon them her oppressive commands, nor suffers them 
 to take a little breath from their destructive labours." . . . 
 " May you derive great good from the zeal with which you 
 listen to these words, for your groanings and the smitings of 
 'your foreheads prove that the seed which I have sown is 
 already bearing fruit." 1 
 
 A signal instance of the passionate attachment of the 
 people to the Circensian and theatrical exhibitions occurred 
 about the close of the first year of his episcopate. 2 A violent 
 rain had half inundated the fields and almost destroyed the 
 growing crops; solemn processional litanies were made to 
 the churches of the Apostles on both sides of the Bosporus ; 
 yet two days later the majority of that multitude, which 
 had just been invoking the intercession of saints and sup- 
 plicating the mercy of God, poured into the circus, and 
 might be seen wildly applauding and cheering on the chariots ; 
 and from that they hastened to witness with eager eyes 
 the indecent performances of the theatre: "while I," said 
 the archbishop, " sitting at home and hearing your shouts, 
 suffered worse agonies than those who are tossed by storms 
 at sea." 3 . . . " What defence will you be able to make when 
 you have to render an account of that day's work ? For 
 thee the sun rose, the moon lit up the night, choirs of 
 stars spangled the sky ; for thee the winds blew, and rivers 
 ran, seeds germinated, plants grew, and the whole course of 
 
 1 Vol. xii. p. 485. 
 
 2 Contra Lud. et Theat. vol. vi. p. 269, in fine. 3 Ibid. c. 1. 
 
CH. xiv.] DENUNCIATIONS OF THE CHAEIOT RACES. 225 
 
 nature kept its proper order : but thou, when Creation is 
 ministering to thy needs, thou fulfillest the pleasure of the 
 devil." 1 . . . "Say not that few have wandered from the 
 fold ; though it were but five or two or one, the loss would 
 be great. The shepherd in the Gospel left the ninety-and- 
 nine, and hastened after the one, nor did he return till he 
 had made up the complete number of the flock by its 
 restoration. Though it be only one, yet it is a soul for 
 which this visible world was created, for which laws and 
 statutes and the diverse operations of God have been put 
 in motion, yea, for whose sake God spared not His only 
 Son." ..." Therefore I loudly declare that if any one after 
 this admonition shall desert the fold for the pestilent vice 
 of the theatre, I will not admit him inside these rails. 2 
 I will not administer to him the holy mysteries or allow 
 him to touch the holy table, but expel- him as shepherds 
 drive out the diseased sheep from the fold lest they should 
 contaminate the rest." 
 
 The iniquity of the people's defection had been aggravated 
 on this occasion by the fact that the days on which they 
 had rushed in such crowds to the circus and theatre were 
 Good Friday and Holy Saturday. On the Sunday following 
 Easter Day the church was fully thronged. An aged 
 Galatian bishop, being present, was requested, according to 
 a polite custom of that time, to preach. But the congrega- 
 tion expressed their disapproval by shouts of dissent, and by 
 withdrawing in large numbers. They wanted to hear what 
 more their eloquent castigator had to say on the subject 
 on which he had so vehemently declaimed on Easter Day. 
 Chrysostom was so much gratified and encouraged by the 
 alacrity which the people had thus manifested to listen to 
 his objurgations that his censures of the chariot races, the 
 
 1 Contra Lud. et Theat. c. 2. to the altar. This was the most pri- 
 
 2 From this and what follows it mitive custom. Sometimes the reel- 
 would appear that communicants went pients stood; vide passages cited iu 
 within the rails to receive, and close Bingham, b. viii. ch. 6', sec. 7. 
 
 P 
 
226 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 next time he preached, were milder than usual. He con- 
 tents himself with observing that the shocking accident of 
 the day before, when a young man about to be married had 
 been run over in the course and cut to pieces by the chariot 
 wheels, was a damning proof of the wild folly and wicked- 
 ness of these spectacles. Nor does he rebuke them very 
 sharply for their discourtesy to the Galatian prelate. 1 They 
 always resented the preaching of a stranger; on several 
 occasions Chrysostom had to appeal to their feelings of 
 respect for the custom of the Church, or enlarge on the 
 reverence due to the preacher, either on account of his age 
 or his great virtues, before they would listen patiently. 
 
 It is impossible to determine in the case of every homily 
 or set of homilies whether they were delivered at Antioch or 
 Constantinople, but the character of society seems to have 
 been in its main features so similar in the two cities that 
 it may be allowable to collect into one place notices on 
 various social subjects scattered up and down Chrysostom's 
 works. 
 
 The extremes of wealth and poverty, barbaric splendour, 
 and abject beggary, existed side by side in hideous and 
 glaring contrast. The passion for the use of the precious 
 metals was amazing. Vessels for the meanest purposes 
 were made of silver ; superfluous display without regard to 
 utility prevailed everywhere. " If it were in their power, I 
 verily believe that some men would have the ground they 
 walk on, 2 the walls of their houses, and perhaps even the 
 sky and air, made of gold." Clothes were in the opinion of 
 Chrysostom a memorial of man's fall from that state of 
 innocence in which they had been unnecessary, and were 
 therefore to be made of as little consequence as possible. 
 " Say, ye who indulge in such grandeur as to discard all 
 woollen garments and array yourselves in silk only, and have 
 even advanced to such a height of madness as to weave gold 
 
 1 Vol. xii. Horn. ix. 2 In Coloss. Horn, vii., vol. xi. p. 350. 
 
CH. xiv.] DENUNCIATIONS OF FASHIONABLE FOLLIES. 227 
 
 into your robes (for most women do this), to what purpose 
 do you deck out your persons in these things, not perceiving 
 that the covering of dress was devised for us after the trans- 
 gression in the place of a severe punishment ? >a 
 
 The particular make of shoes worn by the fashionable 
 young ladies and gentlemen of the day seems to have excited 
 his special indignation. " To put silk threads into your 
 boots, how disgraceful, how ridiculous! 2 Ships are built, 
 sailors hired, pilots appointed, the sails are spread, the sea 
 crossed, wife, children, and home left behind, the country of 
 the barbarian entered, and the life of the merchant exposed 
 to a thousand perils, in order that after it all you may trick 
 out the leather of your boots with these silken threads : what 
 form of madness can be worse?" . . . "He who ought to 
 bend his thoughts and eyes heavenwards casts them down 
 upon his shoes instead. His chief care, as he walks delicately 
 through the Forum, is to avoid soiling his boots with mire 
 or dust. Will you let your soul grovel in the mire while 
 you are taking care of your boots ? Boots were made to be 
 soiled ; if you cannot bear this, take them off and wear them 
 on your head instead of on your feet. You laugh when 1 
 say these words, but I rather weep for your folly." 3 Again, 
 " You may see one sitting in his chariot with haughty brow, 
 touching as it were the clouds in the senseless pride of his 
 heart ; but think him not really lofty, for it is not the 
 sitting up in a chariot drawn by mules, but only virtue 
 mounting to the vault of heaven which really elevates a 
 man. Or if you see another on horseback, attended by a 
 troop of lictors driving the multitude out of his way in the 
 
 1 Horn, xviii.in Genes., vol.iv.p.150. hitherto confined to female dress. See 
 
 2 The use of silk seems from its Gibbon, vol. vii. c. 40, and his in- 
 first introduction into the Empire to teresting account of the introduction 
 have been regarded as the ne plus of silk-worms from China to Constan- 
 ultra of luxury. It was condemned by tinople by some Persian monks in the 
 Pliny, vi. 20, xi. 21. Elagabalus was reign of Justinian. 
 
 the first man as well as the first Em- 3 In Matt. Horn, xlix., vol. vii. p. 
 
 peror who ventured to wear a material 501. 
 
228 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xiv. 
 
 Forum, call him not happy on that account. How ridicu- 
 lous ! why, prithee, do you drive your fellow-creatures before 
 you ? Were you made a wolf or a lion ? Your Lord Jesus 
 Christ raised man to heaven; you do not condescend to 
 share even the market-place with him. When you put a 
 gold bit on your horse, a gold bracelet on your slave's arm, 
 when your clothes even to your shoes are gilded, you are 
 feeding that most ferocious of monsters, avarice; you are 
 robbing the orphan, denuding the widow, and acting as the 
 common enemy of all. When your body is committed to 
 the ground the memory of your ambition will not be buried 
 with you, for each passer-by, as he contemplates the height 
 and size of your grand mansions, will say to himself or his 
 neighbour, ' How many tears did it cost to build that house ! 
 how many orphans were left naked! how many widows 
 wronged! how many persons deprived of wages !' Thus the 
 exact contrary of what you expected comes to pass: you 
 desired to obtain glory during your life, and lo ! even after 
 death you are not delivered from accusers." 1 
 
 Such are the natural expressions of indignation on the 
 part of one trained in a monkish school of piety and austere 
 simplicity of life, when brought into practical contact with 
 a corrupt civilisation. Every denunciation of inordinate 
 luxury is coupled with an exhortation to the relief of dis- 
 tress. Almsgiving is represented as the one certain method 
 of laying up treasure in heaven, and the true riches are 
 increased in proportion as this world's goods are given away. 
 He lived in the days when social science and political 
 economy did not exist ; he only perceived the moral wrong 
 of profuse luxury and extreme destitution side by side, and 
 the only method which he could suggest for rectifying the 
 evil was to impress on the wealthy the duty of almsgiving 
 on a large scale. Beggars swarmed in the streets, and 
 thronged the entrances of the churches and public baths; 2 
 
 1 In Psalm, xlviii., vol. v. p. 514. 2 Horn. i. de Lazaro, c. 8. 
 
CH. xiv.] PORTRAIT OF A CHRISTIAN WIFE. 229 
 
 and he is for ever exhorting his congregations to relieve 
 these unfortunate people. All honour to his simple Chris- 
 tian charity ! though of course he could not have given worse 
 advice with a view to curing the evil which he deplored. 
 The man who wore shoes inwoven with silk or gold threads 
 may have been a ridiculous fop, and yet have done more 
 good by buying his finery, the produce of honest labour, than 
 did the pious member of Chrysostom's congregation who 
 flung his money to the beggars congregated at the church 
 doors. 
 
 The luxurious habits and extravagant dress of the ladies 
 were especial objects of Chrysostom's attack ; but he draws 
 a charming picture, on the other side, of the influence which 
 good Christian wives might, and which many did, exercise 
 upon their husbands. The close of the exhortation in our 
 own " Marriage Service " seems almost as if suggested by a 
 passage in which he quotes Sarah the wife of Abraham as a 
 pattern of dutiful obedience to her husband, as adorned with 
 virtue, instead of the outward adorning of " plaiting the hair 
 and putting on of apparel." 1 " The good wife, as she remains 
 more at home than the man, and has more leisure for 
 ' pious contemplation ' (<fc\ocro</>/a), can calm and soothe the 
 husband when he returns harassed by business, cut off his 
 superfluous cares, and so send him back free of the troubles 
 contracted in the Forum, and carrying with him the good 
 lessons which he has learned at home." ..." No influence 
 is more potent than that of a careful and discreet wife to 
 harmonise and mould the soul of a man." ..." I could 
 mention many hard, intractable men who have been 
 softened in this manner." And this influence would be in 
 proportion to the Christian purity and simplicity of her own 
 life. " When thy husband shall see thee modest, not a lover 
 of ornament, not demanding an unnecessary allowance, then 
 he will listen to thy counsel. When you seek not gold 
 
 1 In Gen. Horn, xli., p. 382. 
 
230 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 or pearls, or costly array, but modesty, temperance, and 
 benevolence, in proportion as you manifest these virtues 
 yourself, you may demand them of him ; these are the 
 ornaments which never fail to attract ; this is the adornment 
 which old age does not dissolve or disease destroy." . . . 
 " When your husband sees you laying aside luxury, he will 
 lay aside the love of gain, and will be more inclined to deeds 
 of charity. With what face, ye wives, can you exhort 
 your husbands to almsgiving, when you consume the largest 
 portion of his means on the decoration of your own per- 
 sons ? " l 
 
 He urgently represents to the wealthy proprietors of land 
 in the country the solemn duty incumbent on them of pro- 
 viding for the spiritual welfare of the people on their estate, 
 by building a church and maintaining a pastor among them. 
 " There are many who possess farms and fields, but all their 
 anxiety is to make a bath-house to their mansion, to build 
 entrance courts and servants' offices ; but how the souls of 
 their dependants are cultivated they care not." ..." If you 
 see thorns in a field, you cut them down and burn them ; 
 but when you see the souls of your labourers beset with 
 thorns and cut them not down, tell me, do you not fear 
 when you reflect on the account which will be exacted from 
 you for these things ? Ought not every Christian estate - 
 holder to build a church and to make it his aim before 
 all things else that his people should be Christian ? " . . . 
 " Therefore I exhort, I supplicate as a favour, or rather I 
 affirm it as a principle, that no one should be seen in pos- 
 session of an estate which is not provided with a church." 
 He concludes by drawing a pleasing picture of the benefit 
 derived from the residence of a pastor in the quiet country 
 village ; the softening, humanising, civilising effect of his 
 presence ; the relief given to the needy, the comfort to the 
 sick and dying; the pleasant repose which the proprietor 
 
 i In Joau. Horn. Ixii., p. 340, and Horn. Ixix., p. 380. 
 
CH-. xiv.] CHKISTIAN KESPONSIBILITIES. 231 
 
 may enjoy when he withdraws for a time from the turmoil 
 of city life, and worships among his grateful people in the 
 church which he has founded, and where his name will be 
 blessed for many future generations. "And think of the 
 reward in heaven ; Christ said, ' If thou lovest me feed my 
 sheep.' If you were to see any of the royal sheep or horses 
 destitute of shelter and exposed to attack, and were to house 
 them, provide stabling for them, and appoint some one to 
 tend them, with how great a gift would the sovereign requite 
 you. And think you that, if you fold Christ's flock and set 
 a shepherd over them, He will not do some great thing for 
 you ?" l 
 
 The responsibility indeed of every Christian man to pro- 
 mote the spiritual welfare of his brethren is one of the 
 topics on which Chrysostom most constantly and earnestly 
 dilates. " Nothing can be more Chilling than the sight of a 
 Christian who makes no efforts to save others. Neither 
 poverty, nor humble station, nor bodily infirmity can exempt 
 men and women from the obligation of this great duty. To 
 hide our Christian light, under pretence of weakness, is as 
 great an insult to God as if we were to say that He could 
 not make His sun to shine." 2 
 
 The practice of swearing deep oaths about trifles appears 
 to have been as prevalent at Constantinople as at Antioch, 
 
 1 In Act. Apost. p. 147 et seq. their authenticity. In a letter to 
 
 Tonstal, Bp. of Durham, he declares 
 
 2 Horn. xx. in Act. Apost. p. 162. that he could have written better 
 This set of fifty-five Homilies on the matter himself even when "ebrius ac 
 Acts of the Apostles, of which much stertens." But most persons familiar 
 use is made in this chapter, was de- with Chrysostom's productions will 
 livered in A.D. 400, between Easter agree with Montfaucon and Savile that 
 and Whitsuntide, in which interval it these homilies could have flowed only 
 was customary to read through the from that golden vein, though the ore 
 Acts in the Lessons for the day : vide is not so much refined as usual, and 
 Bingham, vol. iv. These homilies are that some passages are in bis very 
 among the least polished of Chryso- best style. None of his homilies, 
 stem's productions. Erasmus, who except those on the Statues and St. 
 translated them into Latin, was tho- Matthew, contain more curious reve- 
 roughly disappointed and out of hu- lations of the manners and customs 
 mour with them, and even doubts of the age. 
 
232 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 and equally to have excited the indignation of the Arch- 
 bishop. He would not cease to denounce this devilish habit, 
 and that vehemently, lest he should incur the condemnation 
 pronounced on Eli, who rebuked, but not with sufficient 
 severity. He would unsparingly repel from the threshold of 
 the Church any who persisted in this pernicious vice, were he 
 emperor or prince. Men might deride his vehemence, but 
 they forgot that he was only the servant of Jesus Christ ; 
 their mockery fell on the Master rather than the minister. 
 Let them laugh and jest as much as they would ; he was 
 placed there to suffer it. " Obey my voice or depose me 
 from this my office. I cannot consent to mount this throne 
 unless I accomplish something great. If I cannot do this, it 
 were better for me to stand below. As long as I sit here I 
 cannot refrain, not so much out of fear of punishment to 
 myself as on account of your salvation, which I earnestly 
 desire." 1 
 
 Immoderate addiction to the pleasures of the table is a 
 frequently recurring subject of censure. He depicts in lively 
 terms the freshness, activity, and good health of the tem- 
 perate man; the lethargy, the headaches, the cramps, the 
 gout, the sickness of the glutton. Here is his portrait of a 
 fat gourmand : " To whom is not the man disagreeable who 
 makes obesity his study, and has to be dragged about like a 
 seal ? I speak not of those who are such by nature, but of 
 those who, naturally graceful, have brought their bodies into 
 this condition through luxurious living. The sun has risen, 
 he has darted everywhere his brilliant rays, he has roused 
 every one to his work : the tiller has taken his hoe, the 
 smith his hammer, each workman his proper tool; the 
 woman sets to work to spin or weave ; while he like a hog 
 goes forth to the occupation of filling his stomach, seeking 
 how to provide for a costly table. When the sun has filled 
 the market-place, and other men have already tired them- 
 
 i In Act. Apost. pp. 74 and 98. 
 
CH. xiv.] CHARACTER OF CHRYSOSTOM'S FLOCK. 233 
 
 selves with work, he rises from his bed, stretching himself 
 like a fatting pig. Then he sits a long time on his couch 
 to shake off the drunkenness of the previous evening, after 
 which he adorns himself and walks out a spectacle of ugli- 
 ness, not so much like a man as a man-shaped beast." . . . 
 " Who might not justly say, ' this fellow is a burden to the 
 earth ; he has come into the world in vain ; nay, not in vain, 
 alas ! but to the injury both of himself and other people ?' 5>1 
 Such passages as these prove that the power of Chry- 
 sostom to captivate his hearers consisted not always in 
 eloquence or ornate rhetoric, but in a kind of bold and 
 rough plain-speaking, which dragged out into broad day- 
 light the most flagrant evils of the time, and painted them 
 in strong coarse colours, to excite derision or disgust. But 
 the fickleness and impulsiveness of the people were fatal 
 obstacles to the retention of fixed and durable impressions. 
 The population upon whom Chrysostom poured forth his 
 torrents of exhortation or invective was more debased than 
 that to which Savonarola preached ; not so vigorous, not so 
 homogeneous, not so much animated by a sentiment of 
 citizenship, not under the refining influence of a taste for 
 literature and art. 2 It was a vast, disorderly medley of 
 incoherent elements, destitute of those political privileges, 
 and of that industrial commercial spirit, which inspire the 
 character with manly energy and independence. A pas- 
 sionate, invincible love of pleasure, an abandoned devotion 
 to such public amusements as in no way appealed to the 
 intellect, and were calculated to debase and relax the finer 
 moral feelings, these were insuperable bars to the sub- 
 stantial success of the Christian reformer. A large propor- 
 tion of his hearers seem to have listened to his discourses as 
 pleasant exhibitions of bold satire and eloquent declamation ; 
 they applauded, they laughed, they wept, they were smitten 
 with something like compunction ; and Chrysostom confesses 
 
 1 In Act. Apost. p. 256. 2 See Villari's Life of Savonarola, b. i. c. 3. 
 
234 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 that at the moment he could not repress a natural feeling of 
 gratification at the effect produced ; but that when he went 
 home, and reflected that the benefit which his hearers should 
 have derived generally evaporated in empty applause, instead 
 of manifesting itself in some solid improvement, he wept and 
 groaned from vexation. What men learned in the church 
 was undone in the theatre : " his work was like that of a 
 man who attempted to clean a piece of ground into which a 
 muddy stream was constantly flowing." 1 
 
 His letters to individuals, and the eulogia which he passes 
 at the beginning of some of his homilies on the zeal, piety, 
 and attention of his flock, prove indeed that there were 
 bright exceptions, but the mass of the people remained 
 irreclaimable. On grand festivals, such as Easter Day, vast 
 crowds attended the church ; the very precincts were 
 thronged, and the multitude surged backwards and forwards 
 like the waves of the sea. A large portion was composed of 
 the fashionable and rich ; but Chrysostom greatly preferred 
 those smaller congregations, consisting chiefly of poor, who 
 attended regularly, and on whose attachment to the Church 
 he could depend. He enjoyed these quiet services, free from 
 the bustle and disturbance of large crowds. 2 The wealthy 
 and the gay spared little time for the services of the 
 Church, though they never pleaded business as an excuse 
 for absence from the theatre. If they came now and then, 
 they did so as a kind of condescension and favour shown to 
 God and his priest. They lazily slumbered, or idly gossiped 
 during the service ; yet they boasted of their attendance 
 afterwards. 3 
 
 After the account in previous chapters of Chrysostom's 
 method of dealing with the prevalent heresies of the day at 
 Antioch, there is no occasion to say much more. The same 
 forms of error had to be encountered at Constantinople by 
 
 1 In Act. Apost. p. 191. 2 Horn, in Inscrip. Altaris, i. in initio. 
 
 3 In Act. Apost. pp. 189, 190. 
 
CH. xiv.] NOVATIANS AND ARIANS. 235 
 
 much the same arguments. Only one, Novatianism, appears 
 to have been more prominent in this city than at Antioch. 
 The exclusive pretensions to purity of doctrine and moral 
 life made by the Novatians excited his special indignation. 
 " What arrogance ! what boastfulness is this ! Can you, 
 being a man, call yourself clean ? Nay, what madness is it ? 
 As well call the sea free from waves ; for as waves never 
 cease to move on the sea, so do sins never cease to work in 
 us." 1 The harshness of the Novatians, in refusing the re- 
 admission of apostates on repentance, was peculiarly offen- 
 sive to his merciful and hopeful view of human nature. 
 Sicinnius, the Novatian bishop in Constantinople, wrote a 
 book against him, in which he makes a handle of particular 
 expressions in Chrysostom's homilies detached from their 
 context ; such as, " Eepent a thousand times, and enter the 
 Church;" . . . "let the unclean person, the adulterer, the 
 thief, enter;" but omitting the words which follow "that 
 he may learn to do these things no more. I draw all, I 
 throw my net over all, desiring to catch not those only who 
 are sound, but those who are sick." 2 A hopefulness and 
 love, which never despaired of the sinner, are eminently 
 characteristic of Chrysostom ; and the strong words of 
 encouragement and comfort which he used were of course 
 susceptible of a construction injurious to him, by those 
 who prided themselves on enforcing a very rigid standard 
 of moral and ecclesiastical discipline. 
 
 Twenty years had elapsed since Gregory Nazianzenus, 
 with much reluctance and trembling, had accepted the See 
 of Constantinople. The city was at that time a very strong- 
 hold of Arianism. Arians had held the see for nearly forty 
 years. The sendees of the orthodox were held in a private 
 house, and were at first exposed to violent disturbance from 
 
 1 Vol. xii. Horn. vi. adv. Cath. pp. may estimate the man from the ac- 
 143 and 491. count by Socrates, his admirer, who 
 
 2 Vol. xii. Horn, i., "Quod fre- relates a number of his so-called wit- 
 queuter," etc. Socrates, vi. 22. If we ticisms, the book is no great loss. 
 
236 LIFF OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [en. xiv. 
 
 the populace, which, hounded on by the Arian clergy, hooted 
 and threw stones at the worshippers. But the eloquence, 
 combined with the holiness, of Gregory had subdued this 
 violent opposition. The ranks of the orthodox were swelled, 
 and the little house was enlarged into a noble church, under 
 the name of Anastasia, as significant of the revival of the 
 true faith. 1 Imperial authority completed the work which 
 Gregory had begun. The Arians and other sectaries were 
 prohibited by various enactments from assembling for wor- 
 ship within the city walls ; 2 but in the time of Chrysostom 
 they began again to molest the faithful. On Saturdays and 
 Sundays they made a practice of assembling in colonnades 
 and public places, and there loudly singing Arian songs 
 songs, that is, embodying Arian doctrine, like the Thalia 
 composed by Arius; abstract statements of theology, very 
 unpoetical in form, very incapable, as we should have sup- 
 posed, of exciting popular feeling. 3 This noisy singing went 
 on during the greater part of the night ; at dawn they 
 marched through the streets singing antiphonally, and then 
 held assemblies for worship outside the gates. Chrysostom, 
 with more of zeal perhaps than wisdom, organised rival 
 processions of antiphonal singers ; the Empress supplied 
 them with tapers mounted on silver crosses. Street frays 
 were the inevitable consequence of these counter demonstra- 
 tions ; the Arians took to their old practice of stone-throw- 
 ing ; Briso, one of the Emperor's chamberlains, was wounded 
 by a stone in the forehead, and several persons killed on 
 both sides, after which the Arian assemblies were suppressed 
 by royal order. 
 
 The practical energy of Chrysostom was not confined 
 within the limits of his own diocese. He did not forget his 
 native city, but laboured, and laboured successfully, to heal 
 
 1 Greg, de Vita sua, pp. 585-1097. Eastern Church, pp. 131, 132, for 
 Orat. xxii., xxvii., xxxii. specimens of these Thalia; e.g. one 
 
 2 Vide Gibbon, v. p. 30. commences," Where are those who say 
 
 3 Socrates, vi. 8. Vide Dean Stanley, that the Three are but one power?" 
 

 CH. xiv.] MISSIONS IN SCYTHIA, SYRIA, PALESTINE. 237 
 
 the schism by which the Church of Autioch had been so 
 long distracted. Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria, con- 
 sented at his earnest request to join with him in the despatch 
 of an embassy to Eome, to supplicate the recognition of 
 Flavian as sole bishop. Acacius, Bishop of Bercea, and 
 Isidore, for whom Theophilus had striven to obtain the See 
 of Constantinople, were selected to carry the petition, and 
 they returned with a favourable answer from the Bishops of 
 the West. It is a satisfaction to find Chrysostom united in 
 this charitable work with those who afterwards became his 
 most malignant enemies. 1 
 
 His missionary efforts extende northwards to the Danube, 
 and southwards to Phoenicia, Syria, and Palestine. He 
 sought out men of apostolic zeal to evangelise some Scythian 
 tribes on the banks of the Danube, and appointed a Gothic 
 bishop, Unilas, who accomplished great things, but died in 
 A.D. 404, when Chrysostom was in exile, and unable to 
 appoint a successor. 2 A novel spectacle was witnessed one 
 day in the Church of St. Paul. A large number of Goths 
 being present, Chrysostom ordered some portions of the 
 Bible to be read in Gothic, and caused a Gothic presbyter to 
 address his countrymen in their native tongue. The Arch- 
 bishop, who preached afterwards, rejoiced in the occurrence 
 as a visible illustration of the diffusion of the Gospel among 
 all nations and languages, a triumph before their very eyes 
 over Jews and Pagans, and a fulfilment of such prophecy as 
 " Their sound is gone out into all lands ; " " The wolf and the 
 lamb shall feed together, and the lion shall eat straw like 
 the ox." " Where is the philosophy of Plato and Pythagoras ? 
 Extinguished. Where is the teaching of the tent-maker and 
 the fisherman? Not only in Judaea, but also among the 
 barbarians, as ye have this day perceived, it shines more 
 brilliantly than the sun itself. Scythians, and Thracians, 
 Samaritans, Moors, and Indians, and those who inhabit the 
 
 1 Sozom. viii. 3. Socrat. v. 15. 2 Epist. xiv. vol. iii. 
 
238 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xiv. 
 
 extremities of the world, possess this teaching translated 
 into their own language; they possess such philosophy as 
 was never dreamed of by those who wear a beard and thrust 
 passengers aside with their staff in the Forum, and shake 
 their wise locks, looking more like lions than men." . . . 
 "Nay ! our world has not sufficed for these evangelists ; 
 they have betaken themselves even to the ocean, and 
 enclosed barbarian regions and the British Isles in their 
 net." 1 Chrysostom assigned a church in Constantinople for 
 the use of the Scythian inhabitants (probably Gothic, for 
 the Greek historians used the word Scythian very vaguely), 
 ordained native readers, deacons, and presbyters, and fre- 
 quently preached there himself through the medium of an 
 interpreter. 2 Some of his letters when in exile are addressed 
 to Gothic monks, who occupied the house where Promotus 
 had lived. 3 They were staunch friends to him during his 
 exile, and the monastic body established in this house 
 existed in the seventh century. 
 
 Porphyry, Bishop of Gaza, wrote a letter to Chrysostom 
 in A.D. 398, urging him to obtain an order from the Emperor 
 for the destruction of Pagan temples in that city. Chryso- 
 stom did not cease to solicit Eutropius till he had procured 
 an edict, not indeed for the destruction, but for the closing 
 of the temples, and the demolition of the idols which they 
 contained. In the following year, however, A.D. 399, an 
 edict was issued addressed to Eutychianus, Prefect of the 
 East, directing that the temples should be demolished 
 throughout the country. This appears to have been obtained 
 chiefly through the influence of Chrysostom ; and large 
 bodies of monks were sent by him into Phoenicia, where 
 especially paganism prevailed, who were to use every 
 effort to extirpate it, both by assisting in the destruction 
 of temples, and by the propagation of Christian truth. The 
 
 i Vol. xii. Horn. viii. 2 Theod. v. 30. 
 
 3 Epist. xiv. and ccvii. 
 
CH. xiv.] MISSIONS IN SCYTHIA, SYRIA, PALESTINE. 239 
 
 money required for this missionary expedition was supplied 
 by the liberality of some ladies in Constantinople, rich not 
 only in faith, but also in the wealth of this world. The 
 welfare of these missionary projects continued, as will here- 
 after be seen, to engage his most anxious attention through- 
 out his exile to the very close of his life. 1 
 
 i Theod. v. 29. Tillemont, xi. p. 155. 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE FALL OF EUTROPIUS HIS RETREAT TO THE SANCTUARY OF THE 
 CHURCH RIGHT OF SANCTUARY MAINTAINED BY CHRYSOSTOM 
 DEATH OF EUTROPIUS REVOLT OF GOTHIC COMMANDERS TRIBIGILD 
 AND GAlNAS DEMAND OF GAlNAS FOR AN ARIAN CHURCH REFUSED 
 BY CHRYSOSTOM DEFEAT AND DEATH OF GAlNAS. A.D. 399401. 
 
 THE Empress Eudoxia had rejoiced to discover that the new 
 Archbishop, although he mainly owed his promotion to the 
 supreme minister of the Court, was by no means disposed to 
 be ruled by him. If, indeed, Eutropius had expected to be 
 rewarded for the elevation of Chrysostom by finding in him 
 a complaisant servant, he sustained a severe disappointment. 
 Some little pretences which the minister made of assisting 
 the Church, by patronising Chrysostom's missionary projects, 
 could not disguise the iniquitous venality of his administra- 
 tion, or protect him from the solemn warnings and severe 
 censure of one who was no respecter of persons. In fact, 
 when the Archbishop declaimed against the cupidity, in- 
 justice, and extortions of the rich, it was obvious to all that 
 Eutropius was the most signal example of those vices. 
 Eudoxia was anxiously aiming to compass the fall of the 
 detested minister ; detested by her more especially, not only 
 because he thwarted her influence with Arcadius generally, 
 but had also persuaded him to withhold from her the title 
 of Augusta until she should present a male heir to the 
 throne. She spared no pains therefore to conciliate the 
 Archbishop, who might prove a valuable ally to her cause. 
 
CH. xv.] EUTROPIUS MADE CONSUL. 241 
 
 It has been seen with what an appearance at least of humble 
 piety she took part in the nocturnal procession which con- 
 ducted some sacred reliques to their resting-place outside 
 Constantinople. 
 
 Her chamberlain, Amantius (himself distinguished for 
 unaffected Christian piety), was the frequent bearer to the 
 Archbishop of her liberal contributions to the support of 
 churches, or the relief of the poor. With her own hands, 
 it is said, she traced designs for basilicas to be erected at her 
 expense in some of the country districts. 1 Chrysostom was 
 always ready to welcome as genuine any manifestations of 
 religious feeling. Such practical proofs of her attachment 
 to the Church completely captivated him, and for the 
 present his rich vocabulary could hardly furnish language 
 adequate to express his admiration and gratitude. 2 
 
 Meanwhile, the poor doomed minister, not content to 
 remain as he began, enjoying the reality of power without 
 the name, prepared the way for his own destruction by 
 inducing the Emperor to bestow on him the titles of 
 Patrician and Consul. The acquisition of these venerated 
 and venerable names by the eunuch slave caused a profound 
 emotion of indignation and shame throughout the Empire, 
 but especially in the Western capital, where they were 
 bound up with all the most noble and glorious memories in 
 the history of the nation. It is true the consulship was now 
 an empty honour, destitute of all the great duties and respon- 
 sibilities which formerly were attached to it. But the year 
 was still named after the consul, and the character of the 
 man was by a superstitious feeling projected on to the year 
 which he inaugurated. The name of the odious Eutropius, 
 eunuch and slave, if prefixed to the year, would seem to 
 overshadow it with a kind of ominous and baleful blight, 
 
 1 Marc. Diac. ap. Baron, an. 401, 49. till after his return from his first 
 
 2 Vol. xii. 471. The titles " mother exile, vol. iii. p. 446. M. Thierry 
 of churches," "nurse of monks," "staff has erroneously introduced them into 
 of the poor," etc., were not bestowed this earlier stage of his life. 
 
242 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 and to be in itself a portent of incalculable disaster. In 
 short, after their indignation had vented itself in much bitter 
 sarcasm, the Eomans resolved that the consulship of 
 Eutropius should never be inscribed at the Capitol. A 
 solemn deputation from the people and senate waited on 
 Honorius and Stilicho at Milan, to submit their decision, 
 and to implore the imperial assent. Their spokesman 
 recounted the glorious exploits of Theodosius and (by a 
 flattering courtesy) of his son. The Saxon by the ocean, 
 defeated ; Britain delivered from the Picts ; Gaul protected 
 from the menaces of Germany ! " Through thee Eome 
 beholds the Frank humbled at her feet, the Suevian discom- 
 fited, and the Ehine, submissive to thy rule, salutes thee 
 under the name of Germanicus. But the East, alas ! envies 
 us our prosperity; abominable conspiracies are fermenting 
 there which tend to break up our unity "... the revolt of 
 Gildo, the destruction of African towns, the famine of Eome, 
 all these calamities were the work of Eutropius, and for 
 these he was rewarded with the consulship ! The East, 
 accustomed to stoop under the sceptre of women, might 
 accept the rule of a eunuch slave ; but that to which the 
 Orontes and the Halys submitted as ordinary custom would 
 be a foul stain on the waters of the Tiber. The image of 
 Eutropius should never be placed in the same rank with 
 those of JEmilius, of Decius, of Camillus, the saviours and 
 supporters of their country, the champions of Eoman 
 freedom ! . . . " Eise from your tombs, ancient Eomans, 
 pride of Latium ; behold an unknown colleague on your 
 curule chairs ; rise and avenge the majesty of the Eoman 
 name!" 1 
 
 Honorius, prompted no doubt by Stilicho, accorded a 
 
 1 Claud, in Eutrop. lib. i. The probably have assisted at this audi- 
 
 pathetic appeal is by Claudian put ence. He is a valuable guide to the 
 
 into the mouth of an allegorical ira- history of this period, and especially 
 
 personation of the city. Claudian as an indicator of public opinion on 
 
 was the intimate friend and com- the great events of his day. 
 panion of Stilicho, and may not im- 
 
CH. xv.] INDIGNATION IN THE WEST. 243 
 
 favourable reply to the supplication of the Eoman people. 
 Mallius Theodoras, praetorian prefect of Italy, a man eminent 
 in virtue and ability as lawyer, soldier, and writer, and 
 not less popular than distinguished, was nominated Consul 
 by Honorius amidst general approbation, and his name 
 appears in the Fasti of the West without a colleague. 1 
 
 No doubt some of the virtuous indignation of the Komans 
 is to be attributed to the jealousy which now ran high 
 between East and West, but we may also not fancifully 
 discern genuine sparks of the independent spirit of their 
 forefathers. Amidst the general decadence and degeneracy 
 of the whole Empire, the West did not descend, could not 
 have descended, to such depths of servile adulation as did 
 the Byzantines on the occasion of the inauguration of 
 Eutropius as Consul. When, arrayed in an ample Roman 
 robe, he assumed his seat in the palace of the Caesars, the 
 doors were thrown open to an eager crowd of flatterers. The 
 senate, the generals, all the high functionaries of the state, 
 poured in to offer their homage to the great personage; 
 emulated each other in the honour of kissing his hand, and 
 even his wrinkled visage. They saluted him as the bulwark 
 of the laws, and the parent of the Emperor. Statues of 
 bronze or marble were placed in various parts of the city, 
 representing him in the costume of warrior or judge, and 
 the inscriptions on their pedestals styled him third founder 
 of the city after Byzas and Constantine. 
 
 No wonder that Claudian declaimed with bitter sarcasm 
 against " a Byzantine nobility and Greek Quirites," and 
 even invokes Neptune by a stroke of his trident to unseat 
 and submerge the degenerate city which had inflicted such 
 a deep disgrace upon the Empire. 2 
 
 And in truth a blow of no mean force, though directeu 
 not by the hand of a mythic deity, but of a stout barbarian 
 
 1 Gibbon, vol. v. p. 3ol. Claudian, De Consul. Mall. Theod. 
 
 2 In Eutrop. ii. 39, 136. 
 
244 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 was about to descend on the Eastern capital. The con- 
 sequences of it were averted only by the sacrifice of the 
 new consul who had chiefly provoked it ; upon him it came 
 with crushing effect: he fell never to rise again. In the 
 final scene of this curious drama the Archbishop plays a 
 conspicuous part, and therefore it must be unfolded from 
 the beginning. But, independently of this, it throws light 
 upon the condition of the Eastern Empire at that period. 
 
 Tribigild, a Gothic soldier of distinction, had been, accord- 
 ing to a usage now prevalent, promoted to the rank of Tribune, 
 and placed in command of a military colony of Gruthongi (a 
 large branch of the Ostrogoths), established in the region of 
 Phrygia, near the town of Nacolea, The recent elevation of 
 Alaric to the rank of Commander-in-chief of the Koman 
 forces in the East had encouraged the pretensions and raised 
 the expectations of all barbarian commanders. In the 
 February or March next after the appointment of Eutropius 
 to the consulship, Tribigild appeared at court to solicit pro- 
 motion for himself and a higher rate of pay for his martial 
 colonists, who, too ignorant or too proud to maintain them- 
 selves by cultivating the soil, were perishing of hunger in 
 the midst of the most productive regions of Asia Minor. 
 His suit was one among many of similar applications at 
 that time constantly brought before the Court, and it was 
 coldly dismissed by the Emperor's minister. Tribigild was 
 not one to return home and brood in sullen and ineffective 
 silence over his repulse. Gainas, the Gothic leader, to whom 
 it will be remembered Stilicho had confided the task of 
 putting Eufinus to death, was still in Constantinople ; and 
 he was a relation of Tribigild, who found in him a sym- 
 pathiser to inflame rather than soothe his sense of wrong. 
 In this irritated frame of mind, like a train of powder only 
 needing the application of a match to produce an explosion, 
 he returned to Phrygia. According to Claudian, -that match 
 was applied by his wife. He dramatically describes her 
 
CH. xv.] TRIBIGILD REVOLTS. 245 
 
 welcome of the returning husband : " She flies to meet him, 
 embraces him with her snow-white arms, and eagerly 
 inquires what honours or rewards he brings back from the 
 generous prince." When the chieftain relates his ineffectual 
 errand, and the cold disdain with which he had been treated 
 by Eutropius, the chieftainess tears her face with her nails, 
 and with bitter irony bids her husband sheathe his sword 
 and attend to his plough or his vine. She contrasts her 
 own condition with the happy wives and sisters of other 
 warriors; they enjoyed rich spoils in the shape of adorn- 
 ments or of beautiful Grecian handmaids. "Alaric, who 
 broke treaties, was rewarded for it, but those who observe 
 them remain poor. Alaric invaded and pillaged Epirus, and 
 was made commander of the forces ; you go humbly to 
 solicit your due and are repulsed. Enrich yourself with 
 booty, and you will be a Roman citizen as soon as you 
 please." l No doubt this scene, whether wholly imaginary 
 or not, faithfully represents the feelings which, since the 
 fatal promotion of Alaric, must have encouraged treasonable 
 designs on the part of many barbarian chiefs. At any rate, 
 whether the resentment of Tribigild was inflamed or not by 
 the irony of his wife, he resolved to cast off allegiance to 
 the Empire. He mustered his forces, which gladly aban- 
 doned their feeble attempts at husbandry to return to the 
 more congenial pursuit of war and plunder. The rich 
 country of Phrygia was rapidly overrun, and some of the 
 fortified towns, owing partly to the decay of their walls, 
 were captured. All Asia Minor was convulsed with appre- 
 hension, and appealed to Constantinople for protection. 
 
 Eutropius affected to treat the rebellion as a petty insur- 
 rection, the suppression of which belonged rather to the 
 judge armed with instruments of torture than to a military 
 force. He declined the proffered assistance of Gainas, but 
 secretly negotiated with Tribigild, in the hope of subduing 
 
 1 Claud, iu Eutrop. ii. 187 et seq. 
 
246 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 him by means of promotion or of a bribe in money. The 
 Goth, proud to have turned the tables upon the minister 
 who had recently treated him with scorn, steadfastly declined 
 to accept any satisfaction but one the head of Eutropius 
 himself. Thus war was inevitable ; but who was to conduct 
 it? Eutropius dared not trust Gainas to act against his 
 own countryman and kinsman. He retained him therefore 
 at Constantinople in command of the city troops, and com- 
 mitted the management of the legions to one of his favourites, 
 Leo, described by Claudian as a man " abounding in flesh, 
 but scant of brains;" 1 once a wool-carder, but, under the 
 administration of the eunuch, a military commander. His 
 obesity made him an object of derision to the army, and, 
 joined to his natural incapacity and ignorance, rendered him 
 the most unfit man to conduct an expedition against the 
 subtle and active barbarian. Leo crossed the Bosporus 
 with a large, ill-disciplined army, whose approach was 
 welcomed by the devastated provinces, which vainly rejoiced 
 at the prospect of speedy deliverance from the ravager. 
 The enemy, meanwhile, had retreated southwards through 
 Pisidia, and after a narrow escape from destruction in the 
 defiles of Mount Taurus, where the inhabitants made a fierce 
 stand, he emerged into Pamphylia, and awaited Leo in the 
 vast plain of the Eurymedon and Melas, which extends 
 between the chain of Taurus and the sea. The doughty 
 commander of the imperial forces eagerly pursued the Goths, 
 and flattered himself, as the artful chieftain pretended to 
 retreat in alarm, that he had cooped him up by the sea. 
 In the confident anticipation of success, the discipline, such 
 as it was, of Leo's camp became still more relaxed. Little 
 or no watch was kept ; festivity, drunkenness, and disorder 
 of all kinds prevailed ; while the general had allowed him- 
 self to be drawn into a fatal position between a wary enemy 
 in front and an impassable morass in his rear. In the depth 
 
 i In Eutrop. ii. 377. 
 
CH. xv.] TRIBIGILD DEFEATS LEO. fc47 
 
 of a dark night, the Goth swooped down upon his prey : all 
 were asleep in the camp, the slumbers of many deepened by 
 drunkenness. Those who were not killed on the spot fled 
 in wild confusion, but only to flounder in the marsh, in the 
 oozy bed of which large numbers were absorbed. A few 
 scattered remnants reached the Bosporus by devious routes, 
 to carry tidings of the disaster to Constantinople. Leo him- 
 self had plunged on horseback into the morass ; the animal 
 soon sank under the weight of his bulky rider, who, after 
 vain struggles to extricate himself, was finally sucked beneath 
 the quag. To such a bathos have the annals of Roman war- 
 fare descended ! A Roman general suffocated in mud I 1 
 
 The news of this disaster struck panic into the popula- 
 tion and Court of Constantinople. There was but one who 
 rejoiced, for he saw himself master of the situation. This 
 was Gainas ; he was the only man at hand capable of con- 
 fronting Tribigild, and he was despatched across the Bos- 
 porus with his barbarian auxiliaries. But he did nothing to 
 check the enemy, who had resumed his career of pillage. 
 He represented that the forces opposed to him were insuper- 
 able, but expressed a firm conviction that Tribigild would 
 become as loyal a servant as himself on one condition the 
 surrender of the minister Eutropius, the principal author of 
 all the evils of the State. 2 
 
 Arcadius was placed in a state of cruel perplexity. We 
 need not suppose that he was attached to Eutropius, but 
 his weak and indolent nature shrank from the responsibility 
 and labour to which, through the industry of his ambitious 
 minister, he had been a stranger. Now, however, from all 
 quarters the truth was forced upon him, that if he would 
 save his throne, he must part with his newly-made consul. 
 Ugly rumours were prevalent that Stilicho was meditating 
 a march to the East, and at the same time a new king, 
 
 1 The above account is taken from Zosimus, lib. v. ; Claudian in Eutrop. ii. 
 Thierry, "Trois Ministres ; Eutrope." 2 Zosim. v. 17. 
 
248 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 hostile to the Empire, had ascended the throne in Persia. 1 
 But a nearer and more persuasive enemy of Eutropius was at 
 nand to give the finishing impulse to his fall. The profound 
 jealousy of his power entertained by Eudoxia has been 
 already intimated. Not only had the title of Augusta been 
 withheld from her through his influence, but he had even 
 carried his arrogance so far at this time as to declare that 
 his hand, which had elevated her, could also depose her from 
 her present position altogether. The proud Frankish blood 
 of the Empress could ill brook such words from the lips of 
 an upstart menial, consul though he now was. With a 
 passionate gesture she dismissed him from her presence, 
 hastened to her two young children, Flaccilla and Pulcheria, 
 and with them made her way into the apartment of Arca- 
 dius. To his inquiries as to the purpose of her sudden 
 appearance she made at first no reply save by a flood of 
 tears, in which the children, from natural sympathy, joined ; 
 but presently, in language broken by sobs, she related a tale 
 of insults received at the hands of Eutropius, an'd the 
 crowning insult of the whole series. This was the blow 
 which was completely to fell the tottering minister. He 
 was summoned to the imperial presence, and having been 
 informed that he was deprived of his official dignity, and his 
 property confiscated, he was commanded instantly to quit 
 the palace under pain of death. 2 
 
 The poor wretch, who had mounted from the lowest dregs 
 of society to the grandest position a subject could occupy, was 
 thus by a single blow suddenly reduced to the position from 
 which he had started ; and even worse, for death stared him 
 in the face. The bows and smiles with which courtiers had 
 greeted him that morning, when he was still the royal 
 favourite, concealed, he well knew, a hatred and a scorn 
 which were not confined to them, but animated the whole 
 population, and only needed opportunity to declare them- 
 
 1 Claud, in Eutr. ii. 474 and 534, etc. 2 Philostorg. xi. 6. Zosim. v. 18. 
 
CH. xv.] EUTROPIUS DEGRADED. 249 
 
 selves. That opportunity had come. He had no friends ; 
 whither should he fly ? There was but one place to which 
 he could in his extremity naturally turn the sanctuary of 
 the Church ; but here, by the cruel irony of his fate, a law 
 emanating from himself barred his entrance. 
 
 The right of asylum, which was once possessed by many 
 of the Pagan temples, passed over, by a natural transition, 
 about the time of Constantiue, to Christian churches. How- 1 
 ever useful in ages of great rudeness and ferocity this right 
 may be, either to shelter the innocent from lawless violence, 
 or to give offenders protection from vindictive rage till the 
 time of equitable trial, it inevitably becomes, sooner or later, 
 an intolerable interference with the natural course of law 
 and justice. Tiberius had found it expedient to restrict or 
 abolish such rights attached to many of the Greek and 
 Asiatic temples. Their suppression was resisted partly 
 from feelings of pride, partly of mercenary interest, partly 
 of respect for the sanctity of the places, as in the case in our 
 own country of the sanctuary of Westminster. 1 In the reign 
 of Theodosius I. a law was passed which excepted gross 
 criminals and public debtors, and another in the reign of 
 Arcadius, which excepted Jewish debtors who pretended to 
 be Christians, from the privileges of asylum ; 2 but by a law 
 of September, A.D. 397, suggested by Eutropius, clergy and 
 monks, in whose churches or convents fugitives might shelter, 
 were obliged to surrender them to the officers of justice, 
 though they might appeal to the Court in their favour. 3 
 The special object of Eutropius had been to cut off all 
 retreat from the victims of his jealous ambition or avarice ; 
 and now he was one of the first to want the protection 
 which he had himself abolished. But he knew, no one 
 better, that the law had excited much resentment and 
 resistance on the part of the Church ; and it might well be 
 
 1 Stanley, (Appendix,) Memorials of Westminster." 
 
 2 Cod. Theod. lib. ix. tit. 45. 3 Tbid. 
 
250 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 that the Archbishop would gladly connive at the violation 
 of the obnoxious measure by the very person who had 
 framed it. He resolved to make the attempt. In the 
 humblest guise of a suppliant, tears streaming down his 
 puckered cheeks, his scant grey hairs smeared with dust, he 
 crept into the cathedral, pushed aside the curtain which 
 divided the chancel or sanctuary from the nave, and, clinging 
 closely to the holy table, 1 awaited the approach of the Arch- 
 bishop or any of the clergy. 2 The enemy was on his track. 
 As he lay quaking with terror, he could hear on the other 
 side of the thin partition the trampling of feet, mingled with 
 the clattering of arms and voices raised in threatening tones 
 by soldiers on the search. At this crisis he was found by 
 the Archbishop, in a state of pitiable and abject terror ; his 
 cheek blanched with a death-like pallor, his teeth chattering, 
 his whole frame quivering, as with faltering lips he craved 
 the asylum of the Church. 3 
 
 He was not repulsed as the destroyer of that shelter which 
 he now sought. Chrysostom rejoiced in the opportunity 
 afforded to the Church of exhibiting at once her clemency 
 and power, by taking a noble revenge upon her former adver- 
 sary. The clamour of the soldiers on the other side of the 
 veil increased. Chrysostom led the unhappy fugitive to the 
 sacristy ; and having concealed him there, he confronted his 
 pursuers, asserted the inviolability of the Church's sanctuary, 
 and refused to surrender the refugee. " None shall penetrate 
 the sanctuary save over my body ; the Church is the Bride 
 of Jesus Christ, who has intrusted her honour to me, and I 
 will never betray it." The soldiers threatened to lay violent 
 hands on the Archbishop ; but he freely presented himself 
 to them, and only desired to be conducted to the Emperor, 
 that the whole affair might be submitted to his judgment. 
 
 1 The altar was sometimes called &<rv\os rpdnefa (Synesius, Ep. Iviii.) 
 
 2 Claud. Prolog, in Eutrop. ii. 25. Chrysost. in Eutrop., c. 3. vol. iii. 
 
 3 Chrysost. in Eutrop. c. 2. 
 
en. xv.] EUTROPIUS PROTECTED BY CHRYSOSTCM. 251 
 
 He was accordingly placed between two rows of spearmen, 
 and marched like a prisoner from the cathedral to the palace. 1 
 
 The populace meanwhile had heard of the wonderful event 
 of the day. The news of the detested minister's degradation 
 had circulated through the Hippodrome, where a grand per- 
 formance had attracted large multitudes. The spectators 
 rose in a mass, uttered a shout of exultation, and vociferously 
 demanded the head of the culprit. 2 
 
 Chrysostom meanwhile maintained before the Emperor 
 his lofty tone of authority in vindication of the Church's 
 right of asylum. Human laws could not weigh in the 
 balance against divine ; the very man who had assailed the 
 Church's divine right was now forced, in his day of distress, 
 to plead in favour of it. The Emperor was moved, as he 
 always was by any one who possessed some of that force 
 of character which he himself lacked. Some feelings of 
 compassion also for his late minister's humiliation may 
 have mingled themselves with superstitious dread of incur- 
 ring Divine wrath. He promised to respect the retreat of 
 Eutropius. But, on learning his decision, the troops which 
 were in the city became indignant and furious in their 
 demands that the culprit should be surrendered to justice. 
 The Emperor made an address to them, entreating them 
 even with tears to remember that they had received benefits 
 as well as wrongs from the object of their present rage, and, 
 above all things, imploring them to respect the sanctity of 
 the holy table, to which' the suppliant was clinging. By 
 such words he restrained them with difficulty from the 
 commission of any immediate violence. 3 
 
 The following day was Sunday ; but the places of public 
 amusement and resort were deserted, and such a vast con- 
 course of men and women thronged the cathedral as was 
 rarely seen except on Easter Day. 4 All were in a flutter of 
 
 1 De Capto Eutrop. vol. iii. 3 De Capto Eutrop. c. 4. 
 
 2 In Eutrop. i. 4 In Eutrop. c. 3. 
 
252 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 expectation to hear what the "golden mouth" would utter, 
 the mouth of him who had dared, in defence of the Church's 
 right, to defy the arm of the law, and to stem the tide of 
 popular feeling. But few perhaps were prepared to witness 
 such a dramatic scene as was actually presented, and which 
 gave additional force and effect to the words of the preacher. 
 It was a common practice with the Archbishop, on account 
 partly of his diminutive stature and some feebleness of voice, 
 to preach from the " ambo," or high reading-desk, which 
 stood a little westward of the chancel, and therefore brought 
 him into closer proximity with the people. 1 On the present 
 occasion, he had just taken his seat on the ambo, and a sea 
 of upturned faces was directed towards his thin pale counte- 
 nance in expectation of the stream of golden eloquence, 
 when the curtain which separated the nave from the chancel 
 was partially drawn aside, and disclosed to the view of the 
 multitude the cowering form of the unhappy Eutropius, 
 clinging to one of the columos which supported the holy 
 table. Many a time had the Archbishop preached to light 
 minds and unheeding ears on the vain and fleeting character 
 of worldly honour, prosperity, luxury, wealth ; now he would 
 enforce attention, and drive his lesson home to the hearts of 
 a vast audience, by pointing to a visible example of fallen 
 grandeur in the poor unhappy creature who lay grovelling 
 behind him. Presently he burst forth : " ' ^araior^ pa- 
 TcuorrjTtov ! vanity of vanities !' " words how seasonable 
 at all times, how pre-eminently seasonable now. " Where 
 now are the pomp and circumstance of yonder man's consul- 
 ship ? where his torch-light festivities ? where the applause 
 which once greeted him ? where his banquets and garlands ? 
 Where is the stir that once attended his appearance in the 
 streets, the flattering compliments addressed to him in the 
 amphitheatre ? They are gone, they are all gone ; one rude 
 blast has shattered all the leaves, and shows us the tree 
 
 1 Socrat. vi. 5. 
 
en. xv.] HIS SERMON ON EUTROPIUS. 253 
 
 stripped quite bare, and shaken to its very roots." . . . 
 " These things were but as visions of the night, which fade 
 at dawn ; or vernal flowers, which wither when the spring is 
 past ; as shadows which flitted away, as bubbles which burst, 
 as cobwebs which rent." ..." Therefore we chant con- 
 tinuously this heavenly strain : ^araior^ ^araconjrcov teal 
 Trdvra /zarator???. For these are words which should be 
 inscribed on our walls and on our garments, in the market- 
 place, by the wayside, on our doors, but above all should 
 they be written in the conscience, and engraved upon the 
 mind of every one." Then, turning towards the pitiable 
 figure by the holy table : " Did I not continually warn thee 
 that wealth was a runaway slave, a thankless servant ? but 
 thou wouldst not heed, thou wouldst not be persuaded. 
 Lo ! now experience has proved to thee that it is not only 
 fugitive and thankless, but murderous also; for this it is 
 which has caused thee to tremble now with fear. Did not 
 I declare, when you rebuked me for telling you the truth, 
 ' I love thee better than thy flatterers ; I who reprove thee 
 care for thee more than thy complaisant friends ? ' Did I not 
 add that the wounds inflicted by a friend were to be valued 
 more than the kisses given by an enemy? If thou hadst 
 endured my wounds r the kisses of thy enemies would not 
 have wrought thee this destruction." ..." We act not like 
 thy false friends, who have fled from thee, and are procuring 
 their own safety through thy distress ; the Church, which 
 you treated as an enemy, has opened her bosom to receive 
 thee ; the theatre, which you favoured, has betrayed thee, and 
 whetted the sword against thee." 1 He thus depicted, he 
 said, the abject condition of the minister, not from any desire 
 to insult the prostrate, not to drown one who was tossed on 
 the billows of misfortune ; but to warn those who were still 
 sailing with a fair wind, lest they should be hurried into the 
 same abyss. Who had been more exalted than this man ? 
 
 1 In Eutrop. c. 1. 
 
254 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 Had lie not surpassed all in wealth ? had he not climbed to 
 the very pinnacle of grandeur ? yet now he had become more 
 miserable than a prisoner, more pitiable than a slave. . . . 
 It was the glory of the Church to have afforded shelter to 
 an enemy ; the suppliant was the ornament of the altar. 
 " What ! " you say, " is this iniquitous, rapacious creature an 
 ornament to the altar ?" Hush ! the sinful woman was per- 
 mitted to touch the feet of Jesus Christ Himself, a permis- 
 sion which excites not our reproach, but our admiration and 
 praise. . . . The degradation of Eutropius was a wholesome 
 example both to the rich and poor. " Let some rich man 
 enter the church, and he will derive much advantage from 
 what he sees. The spectacle of one, lately at the pinnacle of 
 power, now crouching with fear like a hare or a frog, chained 
 to yonder pillar not by fetters, but by fright, will repress 
 arrogance, and subdue pride, and will teach him the truth of 
 the Scripture precept : * All flesh is grass, and all the glory 
 of man as the flower of grass/ On the other hand, let a poor 
 man enter, and he will learn not to be discontented, or to 
 deplore his lot ; but will be grateful to his poverty, which 
 is to him as a most secure asylum, a most tranquil haven, a 
 most impenetrable fortress." 1 The Archbishop concluded by 
 exhorting the people to mercy and forgiveness, following the 
 example of their Emperor. How else could they with a clear 
 conscience join in the Holy Mysteries about to be celebrated, 
 or join in the prayer : " Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive 
 them that trespass against us ? " He did not deny that the 
 offender had committed great crimes, but the present was a 
 season not for judgment but for mercy. If they would enjoy 
 the favour of God, who had declared, " I will have mercy and 
 not sacrifice," they would intercede with the Emperor for the 
 life of their enemy. So would they obtain the mercy of 
 God for themselves, and remission of their own sins; so 
 would they shed glory on their Church, and win the praise 
 
 1 In Eutrop. c. 2-4. 
 
CH. xv.] FLIGHT OF EUTROPIUS. 255 
 
 of their humane sovereign, while their own clemency would 
 be extolled to the ends of the earth." 
 
 The people probably thought that sufficient mercy had 
 already been exercised by respecting the asylum of the 
 Church as against the law, and no further effort, so far as 
 is known, was made on behalf of the fallen minister. He 
 remained for several days more in the sanctuary, and then 
 secretly and suddenly quitted it. Whether he fled designedly, 
 mistrusting the security of his retreat, perhaps even, with 
 the suspiciousness natural to a deceitful person, mistrusting 
 the fidelity of his protectors, and hoping to make his escape 
 from Constantinople in disguise ; or whether he surrendered 
 himself on the condition that exile should be substituted for 
 capital punishment, cannot with perfect certainty be deter- 
 mined. It is implied by one writer 1 that he was seized and 
 forcibly removed from the sanctuary. Chrysostom, on the 
 other hand, declares that he would never have been given up, 
 had he not abandoned the Church. 2 However and wherever he 
 may have been captured, some promise appears to have been 
 made that his life at least should be spared. He was put on 
 board a vessel which conveyed him to Cyprus, that island 
 being designed, it was said, to be the place of his banish- 
 ment for the remainder of his life. 3 But his enemies had 
 determined that his life should be brief. A suit was insti- 
 tuted against him at Constantinople on a variety of charges 
 under the presidency of Aurelian, Praetorian Prefect. Over 
 and above all his other crimes, he was found guilty of 
 mingling with the ordinary costume of the consul certain 
 ornaments or badges which belonged exclusively to the 
 Emperors, and even of harnessing to his chariot animals of 
 the imperial colour and breed. These were found to be 
 treasonable offences, on the strength of which, in spite of 
 some misgivings and hesitation on the part of Arcadius, 
 which were overruled by Eudoxia and Gainas, the miserable 
 
 1 Zosinms, v. 18, (^apTrdaavres. 2 De Capto Eutrop. c. 1. 3 Zosim. v. 18. 
 
256 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHKYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 culprit was recalled from Cyprus to Chalcedon, and there 
 beheaded. As he entered that city, he might have seen 
 affixed to the walls the imperial sentence, by the terms of 
 which his property was declared confiscated to the State, his 
 acts as consul were cancelled, the title of the year was 
 changed, the world invited to rejoice at the purification of 
 the consulship, and to cease to groan over the sight of the 
 monstrosity which had disgraced and disfigured the divine 
 honour of that sacred office. Finally, it was commanded 
 that all statues or representations whatever of Eutropius 
 in public places should be thrown down and broken in 
 pieces. 1 
 
 Thus the earnest desire of Eudoxia was accomplished: 
 she remained mistress of the field, mistress, as she fondly 
 hoped, of the Empire. The government for the present 
 passed from the hands of a eunuch and slave into the hands 
 of a woman. The possible rivals to her supremacy were 
 the Gothic commander Gainas and the Archbishop. In 
 what manner she was brought into hostile collision with 
 these two very different personages remains now to be 
 related. The Goth was determined in the ambitious pursuit 
 of power, the Archbishop equally determined in the con- 
 scientious discharge of duty. The collision of the ruling 
 powers with him was yet to come, but the contest with 
 Gainas immediately succeeded the fall of Eutropius. 
 
 The Empress procured the elevation of Aurelian, Prae- 
 torian Prefect, to the consulship, and of her favourite (some 
 said her criminal lover 2 ), Count John, to the office of Comp- 
 troller of the Eoyal Treasury, or sacred largesses. The 
 public affairs of the Empire were discussed and settled in 
 a sort of cabinet council by her and her friends, of whom 
 three wealthy but avaricious ladies, Castricia, Eugraphia, 
 and Marcia, were the most influential. The haughty and 
 manly spirit of the Gothic warrior naturally disdained to 
 
 i Zosim. v. 18. Cod. Theod. ix. 40, 17. Fhilostorg. xi. 6. 2 Zosim. v. 18. 
 
; x /> 
 
 ' l //. "/^ 
 
 en. xv.] SURRENDER OF THE THREE FAVQUtflTES. /257 / 
 
 be directed by a coterie of women. He united n'is/jyrniy /^ 
 with that of Tribigild, and the two forces assumed a meiia6 r t 
 ing attitude in the vicinity of Constantinople, on the Asiatic- 
 side of the Bosporus. Gainas opened negotiations with the 
 Emperor, refusing to communicate with any lesser power, 
 complained that his services had been inadequately requited, 
 and demanded, as a preliminary to any further correspond- 
 ence, the surrender of three principal favourites at Court 
 Aurelian the Consul, Saturninus the husband of Castricia, 
 and the Count John. The embarrassment of the Court was 
 extreme ; but the three ministers, in a genuine spirit, to all 
 appearance, of Roman courage and self-sacrifice for the good 
 of the State, crossed the Bosporus, and sent word to the 
 camp of Gainas that they had come to surrender themselves 
 into his hands. The chieftain subjected them to a grim 
 practical jest. He caused them to be loaded with chains, 
 and received them in his tent in the presence of an execu- 
 tioner. After all manner of insults had been heaped upon 
 them, the executioner approached and swung his sword over 
 them with a furious countenance as if on the point of decapi- 
 tating, but, checking the impending blow, only made a 
 slight scratch on their necks so as just to draw blood. 
 This savage farce having been' performed, the three were 
 simply detained in the camp without suffering further 
 violence. 1 
 
 Chrysostora appears to have laboured diligently to miti- 
 gate the demands of Gainas. His language, in a homily 
 delivered just after the surrender of the three captives, 
 implies that some degree of success had attended his efforts, 
 but it manifests also a feeling of great depression, caused 
 by the unsettled, indeed anarchical, state of public affairs. 
 
 "After a long interval of silence, I return to you, my 
 beloved disciples a silence occasioned, not by any indif- 
 ference or indolence, but by my absence spent in earnest 
 
 1 Zosim. v. 18. Socrat. vi. 6. Sozom. viii. 4. 
 
258 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 endeavours to allay a tempest, and to bring into a haven 
 those who were beginning to drown." . . . "For this pur- 
 pose I have withdrawn from you for a time, going back- 
 wards and forwards" [across the Bosporus], "exhorting, 
 beseeching, supplicating, so as to avert the calamity which 
 was impending over the higher powers. But now that these 
 dismal matters have been concluded I return to you. . . ." 
 He had gone to rescue those who were falling and tempest- 
 tossed ; he came back to confirm those who were still stand- 
 ing and at rest, lest they should become victims of some 
 calamity. " For there is nothing secure, nothing stable in 
 human affairs; they are like a raging sea, every day pro- 
 ducing strange and fearful shipwrecks. The world is full of 
 tumult and confusion ; everywhere are cliffs and precipices, 
 rocks and reefs, fearfulness and trembling, peril and sus- 
 picion. No one trusts any one ; each man is afraid of his 
 neighbour. The time is at hand which the prophet depicted 
 in those words : ( Trust not in a friend, put not confidence in 
 a guide ' (Micah vii. 5) ; civil strife prevails everywhere, 
 not honest open warfare, but veiled under ten thousand 
 masks. Many are the fleeces beneath which are concealed 
 innumerable wolves; so that one might live more safely 
 among enemies than among those who appear to be friends." 1 
 It is possible that the intercessions of Chrysostom may 
 have saved the lives of the three captives, or averted any 
 immediate assault of the Gothic army ; but Gainas was in 
 a position to dictate any terms he pleased, and his army 
 was like a great swelling wave, threatening at any moment 
 to break in overwhelming force upon the capital. An inter- 
 view with the Emperor, protected from any insidious attack 
 by the solemn oath of each party, took place in the church 
 of St. Euphemia, situated on a lofty eminence above the city 
 of Chalcedon. The Gothic leader no longer pretended to 
 disguise his ambitious designs. He demanded to be made 
 
 1 Horn, cum Saturn, et Aurel. vol. iii. 
 
CH. xv.] GAINAS MADE CONSUL. 259 
 
 Consul and Commander-in-chief of the Imperial army, 
 cavalry and infantry, Koman as well as barbarian troops ; in 
 short, he aspired to be in position the Stilicho of the East. 
 The Emperor yielded to these ignominious terms, which in 
 effect placed his capital at the mercy of a foreign invader. 
 The troops were rapidly transported from the Asiatic side 
 of the Bosporus and occupied Constantinople. They waited 
 but the word of their commander to fly upon the booty with 
 which the wealthy and luxurious city teemed, and which 
 they beheld with hungry eyes; but for a time the signal 
 was not given. 1 
 
 Gainas, either from sincere attachment to the Arian form 
 of faith, or possibly from ambition to display his power 
 to his countrymen, who were mainly of the Arian persua- 
 sion, demanded the abolition of that law of Theodosius by 
 which Arians were prohibited from public worship inside 
 the city walls. He represented that it was specially in- 
 decorous for the Commander-in-chief of the Imperial forces 
 to go outside the city to pay his public devotions. Arcadius, 
 intimidated, and as usual on the point of yielding, referred 
 the matter to the Archbishop. Chrysostom earnestly and 
 indignantly deprecated any concession ; to give up one of 
 the Catholic churches to the Arians would be to cast things 
 holy to the dogs, and to reward the impious at the expense 
 of the reverent worshippers of Jesus Christ. He begged 
 the Emperor to allow the whole matter to be discussed 
 between himself and Gainas in the royal presence, when 
 he trusted that, by the help of God, he should succeed 
 in silencing the Gothic heretic, and in repressing any re- 
 petition of his profane demand. 2 Gainas was not averse 
 from the interview ; he rather prided himself on his skill 
 in theological debate, and boasted of having vanquished 
 the monk Nilus on the question of the identity, or 
 
 1 Socr. vi. 6. Sozom. viii. 4. Theocl. v. 31. 
 
 2 Sozom. viii. 4. Theod. v. 32. 
 
260 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 similarity, of substance in the first two Persons of the Holy 
 Trinity. 1 The Emperor was well satisfied to act the part of 
 a quiet, irresponsible auditor. Accordingly, on the following 
 day, Chrysostom appeared at the palace, accompanied by all 
 those bishops who were in- Constantinople at the time. 
 Gainas put forward his demand. The Archbishop replied 
 that it was impossible for a prince who laid claim to piety 
 to take any step adverse to the interests of the Catholic 
 faith. If Gainas wished to worship inside the walls, all the 
 churches in the city were open to him. When the Goth 
 claimed a right to possess one for his own sect, in considera- 
 tion of his great services to the State, Chrysostom repelled 
 the demand with indignant scorn. " You have already 
 rewards far exceeding your deserts ; you are Commander-in- 
 chief and Consul. Consider what once you were, and what 
 now you are; consider your former destitution and your 
 present abundance. Look at the magnificence of your con- 
 sular robes, and remember the rags in which you crossed 
 the Danube. Speak not then of ingratitude on the part of 
 those who have laden you with honours. Eem ember the 
 oaths by which you swore fidelity to the great Theodosius 
 and to his children." He then cited the prohibitory law 
 issued by Theodosius in A.D. 381, called upon the Emperor to 
 enforce it, and on the Gothic commander to observe it. The 
 ecclesiastical historians concur in affirming that the Goth 
 was completely vanquished by the authoritative demeanour 
 and eloquence of the Archbishop, and for the time at least 
 desisted from pressing his demand; but it appears that 
 Arcadius was obliged to satisfy his rapacity by melting the 
 plate of the Apostles' Church. 2 
 
 Possibly, indeed, extortion of money had been the object 
 of Gainas from the beginning in making his demand for an 
 Arian church. The plunder-loving spirit of his army was 
 
 i Nili Mon. Epist. i. 70, 79, 114, 2 Sozom. viii. 4. Socr. vi. 6. Theod. 
 
 116, 205, 206, 286. v. 32. 
 
CH. xv.] FLIGHT OF GAlNAS. 261 
 
 aroused, and the gold and silver visible on the counters of 
 money-changers, and in the shops of wealthy jewellers, was 
 a temptation constantly dangling before their eyes, till a 
 rumour of violent intentions, or perhaps common prudence, 
 caused the owners to remove these alluring treasures into 
 secret places of safety. If the enemy had entertained any 
 design upon the shops, it was transferred from them to the 
 palace, upon which they made a nocturnal assault. Accord- 
 ing to some accounts, it was repulsed by the vigorous 
 courage of the citizens, who fell with arms upon the assail- 
 ants ; according to others, Gainas was scared in several 
 attempts by a vision of an angelic host planted in bright 
 array around the walls of the palace. 1 The materials for 
 the history of these occurrences are so meagre that it is 
 impossible to ascertain details, but, from whatever cause, 
 Gainas resolved to escape from the city. Fearing that if 
 he attempted to quit it openly with his troops, he might 
 be forcibly stopped or impeded in his departure, he 
 pretended to be under the influence of a demon and that 
 he desired to offer up prayers for relief from his affliction at 
 the martyry of St. John at Hebdornon, seven miles outside 
 Constantinople. 
 
 As he was going out, however, by one of the gates on this 
 pretext, the guards stationed at the gate perceived that his 
 followers were taking with them a quantity of arms which 
 they endeavoured to conceal. The guards refused to let 
 them pass ; a fray ensued in which the guards were killed. 
 The inhabitants were seized with mingled rage and terror. 
 Gainas was declared by royal decree a public enemy. He 
 himself was outside the walls, and the city gates were now 
 all closed to cut him off and such forces as were with him 
 from those who were left inside Constantinople. A large 
 number of these assembled in and around the church of the 
 
 1 Sozom. viii. 4. Rocr. vi. 6. Zosirn. v. 19. 
 
262 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 Goths. Here they were attacked by the infuriated populace, 
 which set fire to the building. The Goths perished whole- 
 sale in the flames or by the sword. Gainas, with the re- 
 mainder of his followers, betook himself to a life of plunder 
 in the Thracian Chersonese. But he found the inhabitants 
 generally prepared to offer a stout resistance to his pillaging 
 bands, which were soon reduced to great straits for subsist- 
 ence. Meanwhile, a countryman of his in Constantinople 
 was organising measures for his destruction. Fravitta was 
 one of those Goths who had become assimilated to the people 
 among whom they lived. He had married a Eoman lady, 
 and was eminent alike for refinement of manners, for valour 
 in arms, and for honest fidelity to the government which he 
 served. 1 He offered to lead out such forces as could be 
 placed at his disposal, pledged himself to clear the Chersonese 
 of the rebels, and drive them, if necessary, beyond the 
 Danube. The offer was accepted with joy, and Fravitta 
 defeated the enemy in several engagements. Gainas 
 attempted to cross the Hellespont, and throw his troops 
 again into the fertile regions of Asia Minor ; but his flimsy 
 fleet of hastily-constructed rafts, being attacked by a well- 
 managed body of galleys in the middle of the passage, was 
 dispersed or broken in pieces, and a large part of his army 
 was drowned. Gainas then determined, with the remnant 
 of his followers, to beat a hasty retreat in the direction of 
 the Danube, where he hoped to be joined by some of his 
 own countrymen, and renew the offensive. The accounts of 
 his march are not quite harmonious, and somewhat obscure. 
 According to Zosimus, 2 he was hotly pursued by Fravitta 
 from place to place, across the range of Hsemus up to the 
 shores of the Danube, into the waters of which he plunged 
 on horseback, and with a scanty band of followers gained 
 the opposite bank, intending thence to make his way to the 
 
 i Eunap. Sard. Pragm. 60. Sozom. viii. 4. 2 vide c. 21. 
 
CH. xv.] HIS DEFEAT AND DEATH. 263 
 
 settlements of his forefathers on the banks of the Pruth or 
 Borysthenes. But his design was frustrated by an unex- 
 pected enemy. The Huns occupied at that time the region 
 immediately north of the Danube, and their king, Uldes or 
 Uldin, was disposed to enter into friendly relations with 
 the Eoman Empire. He took up the pursuit which Fravitta 
 had abandoned at the river frontier, chased the unhappy 
 Goth like a wild beast from one hiding-place to another, till 
 at last the prey was caught and killed. His head was 
 carried on the point of a lance to Constantinople, as a visible 
 pledge of the good-will of the Hunnish chief. Sozomen and 
 Socrates, 1 on the other hand, represent him to have been 
 overtaken, routed, and slain by Eoman troops in Thrace. 2 
 
 Theodoret has a vague story of his own, that when Gainas 
 was ravaging Thrace, neither warrior nor ambassador could 
 be found courageous enough to encounter him but Chryso- 
 stom, who, yielding to the public appeal, set forth to inter- 
 cede, and was most respectfully received by the barbarian, 
 who placed the right hand of the Archbishop on his own 
 eyes, and brought his children to his knees it may be pre- 
 sumed, to receive his blessing. Theodoret does not venture 
 to affirm that the mission availed to induce the Goth to lay 
 down his arms, and the whole story has an unreal and 
 romantic character. 3 
 
 Three aspirants to the absolute control of the Eastern 
 Empire, widely different in race, character, and original 
 condition of life Eufinus, Eutropius, Gainas had alike 
 perished by a violent death. Fravitta was made consul, but 
 he was too loyal or too unambitious to go beyond the line 
 of his legitimate power. Eudoxia now stood without a rival 
 
 1 Sozom. viii. 4. Socr. vi. 6. which his head was brought into Con- 
 
 2 The Alexandrian Chronicle is pre- stantinople. This certainly leaves a 
 cise in fixing Dec. 23, A.D. 400, as the very insufficient interval for the events 
 date of his defeat on the Hellespont, recorded in Zosimus. 
 
 and Jan. 3, A.D. 401, as the day on 3 Vide c. 33. 
 
264 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xv. 
 
 in the management of the Emperor and the kingdom. Her 
 influence over her husband was enhanced by the birth of a 
 prince, who afterwards mounted the throne as Theodosius n. ; 
 and thus the final obstacle was removed to her being solemnly 
 proclaimed Empress under the venerable title of Augusta. 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM'S VISIT TO ASIA-DEPOSITION OF SIX S1MONIACAL BISHOPS 
 -LEGITIMATE EXTENT OF HIS JURISDICTION RETURN TO CONSTAN- 
 TINOPLERUPTURE AND RECONCILIATION WITH SEVERIAN, BISHOP 
 OF GABALA-CHRYSOSTOM'S INCREASING UNPOPULARITY WITH THE 
 CLERGY AND WEALTHY LAITY HIS FRIENDS-OLYMPIAS THE DEACON- 
 ESS-FORMATION OF HOSTILE FACTIONS, WHICH INVITE THE AID OF 
 THEOPHILUS, PATRIARCH OF ALEXANDRIA. A.D. 400, 401. 
 
 UP to this point the episcopal career of Chrysostom may be 
 pronounced eminently successful. He had distinguished 
 himself not only as a vigorous reformer of ecclesiastical 
 discipline, an eloquent master of pure Christian doctrine, 
 and preacher of lofty Christian morality, but he had done 
 good service to the State ; and even while he upheld with 
 inflexible firmness the full rights of the Church, he had not 
 by overbearing or haughty independence forfeited the good- 
 will, respect, and admiration of the Emperor and Eudoxia. 
 But now the horizon gradually darkens. We have to begin 
 unravelling a tangled skein of troubles, to trace a series of 
 subtle intrigues, against which the single-minded honesty of 
 Chrysostom was ill matched, ultimately bringing about his 
 degradation, exile, and death. We are fortunate in possess- 
 ing, to guide us among these complicated proceedings, the 
 narrative of one who was not only an eye-witness, but an 
 actor in many of the scenes which he relates. 1 
 
 i Palladius, author of the Dialogue . the same Bishop of Hellenopolis who 
 
 prefixed to Migne's edition of Chry- wrote the Lausiaca, vide Tillemont, xi. 
 
 sostonx's works. On the debated " Vie de Pallade." 
 question whether this Palladius was 
 
266 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [CH. xvi. 
 
 In the spring of the year A.D. 400, during the military 
 usurpation of Gainas, twenty-two prelates had assembled in 
 Constantinople to confer with the Archbishop on ecclesias- 
 tical business. 1 Palladius has mentioned the names of a 
 lew, Theotimus from Scythia, Ammon an Egyptian from 
 Thrace, Arabianus from Galatia. One Sunday when the 
 conclave was sitting, Eusebius, bishop of Valentinopolis in 
 Asia, apparently not himself a member of the synod, entered 
 the place of assembly, and presented a document addressed 
 to the Archbishop as President, which contained seven grave 
 charges against Antoninus, bishop of Ephesus : " He had 
 melted down some of the sacred vessels to make plate for 
 his son ; he had transferred some of the marble at the 
 entrance of the baptistry to his own bath ; he had placed 
 some fallen columns which belonged to the Church in his 
 own dining-room ; he had retained in his employment a 
 servant who had committed murder ; he had taken posses- 
 sion of some property in land which had been left to the 
 Church by Basilina, the mother of Julian ; he had resumed 
 intercourse with his wife, and had children born to him, 
 after his ordination ; lastly, the worst offence of all, he had 
 instituted a regular system of selling bishoprics on a scale 
 proportioned to the revenue of the sees." Chrysostom pro- 
 bably perceived, or suspected from the eagerness of the 
 accuser, that he entertained some personal animosity towards 
 the accused. He replied with calmness and caution: 
 " Brother Eusebius, since accusations made under the in- 
 fluence of agitated feelings are often not easy to prove, 
 let me beseech you to withdraw the written accusation, 
 while we endeavour to correct the causes of your annoy- 
 ance." Eusebius waxed hot, and repeated his tale of 
 charges with much vehemence and acrimony of tone. The 
 hour of service was approaching; Chrysostom committed 
 
 1 There was in fact what might be the Patriarch being ex officio Presi- 
 called a floating synod of this kind dent. Tillemont, xv. 703, 704. 
 always in existence in Constantinople; 
 
en. xvi.] THE AFFAIR OF ANTONINUS. 267 
 
 to Paul, bishop of Heraclea, who appeared friendly to 
 Antoninus, the task of attempting to conciliate Eusebius, 
 and passed with the remainder of the prelates into the 
 cathedral. 
 
 The opening salutation, " Peace be with you," was pro- 
 nounced by the Archbishop as he took his seat in the centre 
 of the other bishops, ranged, according to custom, on either 
 side of him round the wall of the choir or tribune. The 
 service was proceeding, when, to the amazement alike of the 
 clergy and the congregation, Eusebius abruptly entered the 
 choir, hurried up to the Archbishop, and again presented 
 the document of charges, adjuring him by the life of the 
 Emperor and other tremendous oaths to attend to its con- 
 tents. From the agitation of his manner, the people 
 imagined that he must be a suppliant entreating the Arch- 
 bishop to intercede with the Emperor for his life. To avoid 
 a disturbance in the face of the congregation, Chrysostom 
 received the paper of charges, but when the lessons for the 
 day had been read, and the Liturgy of the Faithful (Missa 
 Fidelium) was about to begin, he desired Pansophius, bishop 
 of Pissida, to "offer the gifts," and, with the rest of the 
 prelates, quitted the church. His serenity of mind was 
 ruffled by the impetuous behaviour of Eusebius, and he 
 dreaded the possibility of infringing our Lord's command 
 to abstain from bringing a gift to the altar when "thy 
 brother hath aught against thee." After the conclusion of 
 the service, he took his seat with the other bishops in the 
 baptistry, and summoned Eusebius into the presence of the 
 conclave. Once more the accuser was warned not to 
 advance charges which he might not be able to substantiate, 
 and was reminded that when once the indictment had been 
 formally lodged, he could not, being a bishop, retract the 
 prosecution. Eusebius, however, intimated his willingness 
 to accept all the responsibility of persevering with the 
 accusation. The list of charges was then formally read. 
 
268 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHKYSOSTOM. [en. xvi. 
 
 The bishops concurred in pronouncing each of the alleged 
 offences to be a gross violation of ecclesiastical law, but 
 recommended that Antoninus should be tried upon the 
 cardinal crime of simony, since this transcended, and in a 
 manner comprehended, all the rest. " Love of money was 
 the root of all evil ; " and he who would basely sell for 
 money the highest spiritual office, would not scruple to 
 dispose of sacred vessels, marbles, or land belonging to the 
 Church. The Archbishop then turned to the accused : 
 " What say you, brother Antoninus, to these things ?" The 
 Bishop of Ephesus replied by a flat denial of the charges. 
 A similar question being addressed to some of the bishops 
 there present, described as purchasers of their sees, was 
 answered by a similar denial. An examination of such 
 witnesses as could be procured lasted till two o'clock in the 
 day, when, owing to the lack of further evidence, the pro- 
 ceedings were adjourned. Considering the gravity of the 
 affair, and the inconvenience of collecting the witnesses 
 from Asia, the Archbishop announced his intention of paying 
 a visit to Asia Minor in person. Antoninus, conscious of 
 guilt, and aware of the rigorous scrutiny to which his con- 
 duct would be subjected, was now thoroughly alarmed. He 
 made interest with a nobleman at court, whose estates he 
 managed (contrary to ecclesiastical law) in Asia, and be- 
 sought him to prevent the visit of the Archbishop, pledging 
 himself to present the necessary witnesses at Constantinople. 
 The Archbishop, accordingly, found his intended departure 
 opposed by the Court. It was represented that the absence 
 of the chief pastor from the capital, undesirable at all times, 
 might be especially inconvenient at a crisis when tumults 
 were apprehended from the movements of Gai'nas; and it 
 was unnecessary, as the appearance of witnesses from Asia 
 in due time was guaranteed. 1 Any delay was an immediate 
 
 1 We are in the summer of A.D. 400, and the capture and death of Gaiuas 
 occurred in Jan. A.D. 401. 
 
en. xvi.] CHRYSOSTOM VISITS ASIA. 269 
 
 relief to the accused; and there was a further hope that, 
 by bribery or intimidation, the ultimate production of the 
 witnesses might be prevented. But he was disappointed; 
 for though the Archbishop consented to defer his own visit 
 to Asia, he appointed, with the sanction of the synod, three 
 delegates to proceed thither immediately and institute an 
 inquiry into the case of Antoninus. 
 
 The delegates were instructed to hold their court at 
 Hypcepoe, a town not far from Ephesus, in conjunction with 
 the bishops of the province ; and the Archbishop and his 
 synod further determined, that if .either the accuser or 
 accused failed to appear there within two months, he should 
 lie excommunicated. One of the delegates, Hesychius, 
 bishop of Parium on the Hellespont, was a friend of 
 Antoninus, and withdrew from the mission under the pre- 
 tence of illness; the other two, Syncletius, bishop of 
 Trajanopolis in Thrace, and Palladius, bishop of Helleno- 
 polis in Bithynia, proceeded to Smyrna, announced their 
 arrival to the accuser and defendant by letter, and sum- 
 moned them to appear at Hypcepce within the appointed 
 time. The summons was obeyed, but the appearance of the 
 two was only for the purpose of playing off a farce before 
 the commissioners. Strange to relate, a reconciliation had 
 taken place between Antoninus and his apparently impla- 
 cable accuser. Eusebius had yielded to the temptation to 
 commit the very crime which he had so vehemently de- 
 nounced. A bribe of money had quelled his righteous 
 indignation ; plaintiff and defendant were now accomplices, 
 whose one interest was to conceal their joint iniquities. 
 They professed great willingness to produce their witnesses, 
 but pleaded the difficulty of collecting persons who lived in 
 different and distant places, and were engaged in various 
 occupations. The commissioners requested the accuser to 
 name a period within which he could guarantee the appear- 
 ance of his witnesses. Eusebius required forty days. As 
 
270 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xvi. 
 
 this space of time covered the hottest part of the summer, it 
 was hoped that the patience or health of the commissioners 
 would be too much exhausted at the expiration of it to 
 prosecute the inquiry. Eusebius then departed, ostensibly to 
 search for witnesses ; but, in fact, he quietly sneaked away 
 to Constantinople, and concealed himself in some obscure 
 corner in that great city. The forty days expired, and, 
 Eusebius not * appearing, the two delegates wrote to the 
 bishops of Asia, pronouncing him excommunicated for con- 
 tumacy. They lingered a whole month longer in Asia, and 
 then returned to Constantinople. Here they chanced to 
 light upon Eusebius, and upbraided him with his faithless 
 conduct. He affected to have been ill, and renewed his 
 promises to produce witnesses. During these prolonged 
 delays Antoninus died; and Chrysostom now received 
 earnest solicitations from the clergy of Ephesus, and from 
 the neighbouring bishops, to apply a healing hand to the 
 wounds and diseases of the Asiatic Church. "We beseech 
 your Dignity 1 to come down and stamp a divine impress on 
 the Church of Ephesus, which has long been distressed, 
 partly by the adherents of Arius, partly by those who, in the 
 midst of their avarice and arrogance, pretend to be on our 
 side ; for very many are they who lie in wait like grievous 
 wolves, eager to seize the episcopal throne by money." 2 
 
 The death of Gainas in January, A.D. 401, set Chrysostom 
 free to comply with this earnest appeal to his authority and 
 aid. It was the depth of the winter season ; his health was 
 infirm and impaired by the strain of the past year's anxiety 
 and toil; but the zeal of the Archbishop disregarded these 
 impediments. He embarked at Constantinople without 
 delay, leaving Severian, Bishop of Gabala, to act as deputy 
 bishop in his absence. Such a violent north wind sprang up 
 soon after starting, that the crew of the vessel, afraid of being 
 
 ; sometimes we have oo-iuTrjra, "your Holiness." 
 2 Pallad. Dial. c. 14 and 15. 
 
CH. xvi.] HOLDS SYNOD AT EPHESUS. 271 
 
 driven on Proconnesus, lay at anchor for two days under 
 shelter of the promontory of Trito. On the third day they 
 took advantage of a southerly breeze to land near Apamea 
 in Bithynia, where Chrysostom was joined by three bishops, 
 Paul of Heraclea, Cyrinus of Chalcedon, and Palladius of 
 Hellenopolis. With these companions he proceeded by land 
 to Ephesus. There he was received with hearty welcome by 
 the clergy and by seventy bishops. 
 
 The first business to which the Archbishop and this 
 council of prelates addressed themselves was the election of 
 a new bishop to the see of Ephesus. As usual there were 
 many rival candidates, and factions supporting each with 
 equal vehemence. Chrysostom fell back on the expedient of 
 putting forward a candidate regarded with indifference by all 
 parties. The plan succeeded, and Heracleides was elected. 
 He was a deacon of three years' standing, ordained by Chryso- 
 stom, and in immediate attendance on him; a native of 
 Cyprus, who had received an ascetic training in the desert of 
 Scetis, a man of ability and learning. He comes before us 
 again as a fellow-sufferer with the Archbishop, to whom he 
 had owed his elevation. 
 
 Not long after the arrival of Chrysostom, Eusebius, the 
 original persecutor of Antoninus and of the simoniacal 
 bishops, appeared, and requested to be re-admitted to com- 
 munion with his brethren. The request was not immediately 
 granted ; but it was determined to proceed with the trial of 
 the accused bishops, to prove whose guilt Eusebius affirmed 
 that he could produce abundant evidence. The witnesses 
 were examined, and the crime being considered fully proven 
 in the case of six bishops, the offenders were summoned into 
 the presence of the council. At first they stoutly denied 
 their guilt, but finally gave way before the minute and 
 circumstantial depositions of lay, clerical, and even female 
 witnesses as to the place, time, and quality of the purchases 
 which they had transacted. They pleaded partly the pre- 
 
272 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvi. 
 
 valence of the custom in excuse for their crime, and partly 
 their anxiety to be exempted from the burden of discharg- 
 ing curial duties ; that is, from serving on the common and 
 municipal council of their city. Every estate-holder to the 
 amount of twenty-five acres of land was bound to serve in 
 the curia of his city. Many of the functions incident to 
 that office, such as the assessment and collection of imposts, 
 were (especially under an ill-administered despotism) in- 
 vidious and onerous. Constantine had exempted the clergy 
 from curial office, and the consequence was that many men 
 got themselves ordained simply to evade the disagreeable 
 duty; and this becoming detrimental both to the Church 
 and State, the law of Constantine underwent modifications 
 by his successors. The Church passed canons forbidding 
 those who were curiales to be ordained, the effect of which 
 was to diminish the number of wealthy men who entered 
 the ranks of the clergy. 1 The Asiatic bishops, therefore, if 
 curiales when ordained, had acted against the laws of the 
 Church, and could not legally have claimed exemption from 
 curial duties on the ground of their orders. They sued for 
 mercy to the council; they entreated that, if deprived of 
 their sees, the money which they had paid to obtain them 
 might be returned. In many cases it had been procured 
 with much difficulty ; some had even parted with the furni- 
 ture of their wives to raise the requisite amount. The 
 Archbishop undertook to intercede with the Emperor for 
 their exemption from curial duty ; the ecclesiastical question 
 he submitted to the council. The decision of the prelates, 
 under the influence of their president, was temperate and 
 wise. The six bishops were to be deprived of their sees, but 
 allowed to receive the Eucharist inside the altar rails with 
 the clergy, and the heirs of Antoninus were required to 
 restore their purchase-money to them. The deposed prelates 
 
 1 See, on this whole subject, Bing- 187 and 318, and the authorities there 
 ham, viii. 13. 6 ; and Eobertson, i. pp. cited. 
 
en. xvi.] DEPOSITION OF GERONTIUS. 273 
 
 were superseded by the appointment of six men, unmarried, 
 eminent for learning and purity of life. 1 
 
 On his return through Bithynia the Archbishop was 
 detained by a not less difficult and delicate piece of business. 
 Gerontius, Archbishop of Nicomedia, the metropolitan of 
 Bithynia, was a singular specimen of an ecclesiastical 
 adventurer. He had been a deacon at Milan, but was 
 expelled by Ambrose for misconduct. He made his way to 
 Constantinople, where, by general cleverness, and by some 
 real or pretended skill in medicine, he became a favourite 
 with people of rank, and through the interest of some in- 
 fluential friends obtained the See of Nicomedia. He was 
 consecrated by Helladius, bishop of Heraclea, for whose son 
 Gerontius had managed to procure a high appointment in 
 the army. The new bishop of Nicomedia gained the attach- 
 ment of his people, again it is said, through his skill in 
 curing diseases of the body rather than of the soul. Ambrose 
 incessantly demanded of Nectarius, then Patriarch of Con- 
 stantinople, that he should be deposed ; but Neetarius did 
 not venture to incur the displeasure of the Nicomedians. 
 The bolder spirit and more scrupulous conscience of Chry- 
 sostom did not hesitate to strike the blow which his more 
 worldly and courtly predecessor had shrunk from striking. 
 Gerontius was deposed, whether by the sole authority of the 
 Archbishop, or by the decree of a council acting under his 
 influence, is not stated. Pansophius, formerly tutor to the 
 Empress, a man of piety, wisdom, and gentleness, was pro- 
 moted to the see. But the Nicomedians bewailed the loss of 
 their favourite ; they went about the streets in procession, 
 singing litanies, as if in the time of some great national 
 calamity. 2 
 
 Before quitting Asia, Chrysostom is also said to have 
 
 1 Pallad. Dial. c. 14, 15. Sozomen synod may have inquired into other 
 
 (viii. 6) says that Chrysostom deposed simoniacal cases beyond the original 
 
 thirteen bishops of Asia, Lycia, and six. 
 
 Phrygia. This is possible, as the 2 Sozom. viii. 6. 
 
274 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvi. 
 
 taken active measures for the suppression of the worship 
 of Midas at Ephesus, and of Cybele in Phrygia. 1 All 
 these proceedings are worth recording, not only as of 
 some ecclesiastical interest in themselves, but also because 
 they were all remembered and turned against him by his 
 enemies. It has been much debated whether Chrysostom, 
 by his acts in Asia, overstrained his legal powers, or rather, 
 whether he exceeded the legal boundaries of his jurisdiction 
 as Patriarch of Constantinople. The fact seems to be that 
 the importance of his see was in that growing state which 
 enabled the possessor of it, if a man of energy and ability, to 
 go great lengths without any exception being taken to his 
 authority, unless and until a hostile feeling was provoked 
 against him. By the Council of Constantinople, A.D. 381, 
 the Patriarch of that city was restricted in his jurisdiction to 
 the diocese of Thrace. 2 His authority over the dioceses of 
 Asia Minor and Pontus was not established till the Council 
 of Chalcedon, A.D. 451, when there was a long discussion on 
 the subject, and the papal legates especially resisted any 
 claim to such an extension; but it was affirmed that the 
 Patriarchs had long enjoyed the privilege of ordaining metro- 
 politans to the provinces of those dioceses, and so it was 
 finally conveyed to them by that Council ; and the additional 
 right was granted them of hearing appeals from these 
 metropolitans. 3 Theodoret (c. 28) simply observes that the 
 jurisdiction of Chrysostom extended not only over the six 
 provinces of Thrace, but also over Asia and Pontus. The 
 Council of Constantinople gave the bishop of that see the 
 first rank after the Bishop of Eome, because Constantinople 
 
 1 Tillemont, xi. p. J70. and twenty provinces. The Ecclesi- 
 
 2 Labbe, ii. p. 947. It must always astical divisions followed more or less 
 be borne in mind that Diocese was the plan of the civil. An archbishop 
 the name of the largest civil division of was bishop of the metropolis of a 
 the Boman Empire. Each diocese con- Province, a Patriarch of one or more 
 tained several provinces, e.g. Thrace, Dioceses. 
 
 six ; Asia, ten ; Pontus, eleven. The 
 
 whole Empire was divided into thir- 3 Can. xx\iii. ; and Can. ix. Chalced. 
 
 teen dioceses, and about one hundred in Labbe, iv. pp. 769 and 798. 
 
CH. XVL] CHKYSOSTOM RETURNS. 275 
 
 was " a new Eome." The Council of Chalcedon declared 
 him for the same reason to be invested with equal privileges. 
 
 Chrysostom was welcomed, on his return to Constanti- 
 nople, with hearty demonstrations of joy. On the following 
 day he was at his post in the cathedral, and once more 
 addressing his beloved flock. In somewhat rapturous lan- 
 guage he expresses his thankfulness at learning that their 
 fidelity to the Church, and their attachment to their spiritual 
 father, had not been impaired by his absence, which had 
 lasted more than a hundred days. They were disappointed 
 that he had not returned in time to celebrate Easter with 
 them. But he consoles them by representing that every 
 participation of the Eucharist was a kind of Easter. " As 
 often as ye eat this bread, ye do show forth the Lord's death 
 till He come." " They were not tied to time and place like 
 the Jew. Wherever and whenever the Christian celebrated 
 that holy feast with joy and love, there was the true Paschal 
 Festival." 1 They regretted also that so many had been 
 baptized by other hands than his. " What then ? that does 
 not impair the gift of God ; / was not present when they 
 were baptized, but Christ was present." " In a document 
 signed by the Emperor, the only question of importance is 
 the autograph ; the quality of the ink and paper matters not. 
 Even so in baptism, the tongue and the hand of the priest 
 are but as the paper and pen : the hand which writes is the 
 Holy Spirit Himself." 2 
 
 The thankfulness and joy of Chrysostom at the affectionate 
 reception with which he was greeted by the people were 
 probably felt and expressed the more warmly, owing to some 
 unpleasant accounts which had been forwarded to him by 
 his deacon Serapion, that Severian, Bishop of Gabala, had 
 been endeavouring to undermine his influence in his absence. 
 
 1 Comp. Keble, Christian Year, for Easter Day : 
 
 " Sundays by thee more glorious break, 
 
 An Easter Day in every week. " 
 " Vol. iii. p. 421. 
 
276 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xvi. 
 
 It will be remembered that to Severian Chrysostom had 
 intrusted his episcopal duties during his visitation journey 
 in Asia. The circumstance of a bishop of Syria residing for 
 so long a time in Constantinople is worth considering, and 
 affords a curious insight into the character of the times. 
 Antiochus, Bishop of Ptoleniais in Phcenicia, had a reputation 
 as a learned and eloquent man ; he paid a visit to Constanti- 
 nople, and excited much admiration by his discourses. 
 Severian, hearing of his success, was animated by a spirit of 
 emulation, if not envy, which could not be satisfied till he 
 had exhibited his powers on the same theatre. He carefully 
 composed a large stock of sermons, and set out to try his 
 fortune in the capital. The unsuspicious and generous 
 Archbishop received him cordially, and frequently invited 
 him to preach. Severian possessed some powers of speaking, 
 though he had a harsh provincial accent, and he exerted all 
 his eloquence in the church, and all his arts of flattery out 
 of it, to win the confidence and admiration, not only of the 
 Archbishop, but also of the chief personages at court, and 
 even the Emperor and Empress. It was with their full 
 approval that he remained as deputy of the Archbishop 
 during his sojourn in Asia. But he found himself narrowly 
 and suspiciously watched by the Archdeacon Serapion, who 
 opposed some of his proceedings as arbitrary, and made no 
 concealment of his dislike. One day after the return of 
 Chrysostom, Severian passed through an apartment of the 
 episcopal palace where Serapion was sitting. Serapion rose 
 not to make the customary salutation of respect. Severian, 
 irritated by his discourtesy, exclaimed in a loud voice : " If 
 Serapion dies a Christian, then Jesus Christ was not incar- 
 nate." The last clause only of the sentence was repeated by 
 Serapion to Chrysostom. It was corroborated by witnesses ; 
 the indignation of the Archbishop was excited. Severian 
 was peremptorily commanded to quit the city. The Empress 
 resented the expulsion of a favourite preacher, and com- 
 
CH. xvi.] SEVEKIAN EECALLED. 277 
 
 manded the Arclibisliop to recall him. Chrysostom yielded 
 so far, but was inflexible in his refusal to admit the offender 
 to communion, till Eudoxia came in person to the Church of 
 the Apostles, placed her infant son Theodosius on his knees, 
 and conjured him by solemn oaths to listen to her request. 
 The Archbishop then, but with some reluctance, consented. 1 
 He was, however, thoroughly honest in doing that to which 
 he had once made up his mind. Fearing that his congrega- 
 tion, in their zealous attachment to him, might disapprove of 
 the reconciliation, he delivered a short address on the subject. 
 He was their spiritual father, and he trusted therefore they 
 would extend to him the respect and obedience of affectionate 
 and dutiful children. He came to them with the most 
 appropriate message that could be delivered by the mouth of 
 a bishop a message of peace and love. There was also a 
 further duty incumbent on all respectful submission to the 
 civil powers. If the apostle Paul said, " Be subject to 
 principalities and powers" (Tit. iii. 1), how especially was this 
 precept incumbent on the subjects of a religious sovereign 
 who laboured for the good of the Church ? He besought them 
 to receive Severian with a full heart and with open arms. 
 The request was received by the congregation with expres- 
 sions of approbation. He thanked them for their obedience, 
 and concluded with a prayer that God would grant a fixed 
 and lasting peace to His Church. 
 
 Severian addressed them the next day in a rhetorical and 
 artificial discourse on the beauty and blessings of peace a 
 subject painfully incongruous with the subsequent conduct 
 of the speaker ; for this misunderstanding with the Bishop of 
 Gabala was the first muttering of the storm which was soon 
 to burst over the head of the doomed Archbishop. 2 
 
 The inevitable fate of one who attempts to reform a deeply 
 corrupt society, and a secularised clergy, on an ascetic model 
 befell Chrysostom. He lashed with almost equal severity 
 
 1 Socrat. vi. 11. Sozom. viii. 10. 2 y^. m p . 424 et seq. 
 
278 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvi. 
 
 the most unpardonable crimes and the more venial foibles 
 and follies of the age. His denunciations of heartless 
 rapacity, sensuality, luxury, addiction to debasing and 
 immoral amusements, might have been borne ; but he pre- 
 sumed an intolerable offence ! to censure the fashionable 
 ladies for setting off their complexions with paint, and sur- 
 mounting their heads with piles of false hair. The clergy, 
 too, might have tolerated his condemnation of the grosser 
 offences, such as simony or concubinage, but they resented 
 his restraint of their indulgence in the pleasures of society, 
 and of their propensity to frequent the entertainments of the 
 noble and wealthy. He was, as Palladius expresses it, " like 
 a lamp burning before sore eyes," for what he bade others 
 be, that he was pre-eminently himself. 1 None could say that 
 he was one man in the pulpit and another out of it. To set 
 an example to his worldly clergy, and to avoid contamina- 
 tion, he gave up his episcopal income, save what sufficed to 
 supply his simple daily wants. He resolutely abstained from 
 mingling in general society, and ate his frugal meals in the 
 seclusion of his own apartment. Thus, with the exception 
 of a few deeply attached friends, who measured practical 
 Christianity by the same standard as himself, he became 
 deeply unpopular among the upper ranks of society. With 
 the poor it was otherwise ; they regarded him as a kind of 
 champion, because he denounced the oppressions and extor- 
 tions of the rich, and the tyranny of masters over slaves, 
 and because he was ever inculcating the duty of almsgiving. 
 In the eyes of his friends he was the saint, pure in life, severe 
 in discipline, sublime in doctrine ; in the eyes of his enemies 
 he was the sacerdotal tyrant, odious to the clergy as an 
 inexorable enforcer of a rule of life intolerably rigid, odious 
 to clergy and laity as an inhospitable, if not haughty recluse; 
 a vigilant and merciless censor who rode roughshod over 
 established customs. Individuals at last, among clergy and 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. c. 18, pp. 62 and 67. 
 
CH. xvi.] HIS FRIENDS. 279 
 
 laity, who conceived that they themselves, or at any rate 
 the section of society to which they belonged, were the butts 
 at which more especially the Archbishop aimed his shafts, 
 began to discuss their grievances, till their conferences 
 gradually assumed the shape of positive organised hostility 
 against the disturber of their peace. But before entering on 
 the troublous history of his enemies' machinations, it may 
 be well to take a glance at the most conspicuous of Chryso- 
 storn's friends. 
 
 The list of those who are known to us by more than their 
 mere names is soon exhausted. Among the clergy may be 
 reckoned Heracleides, made Bishop of Ephesus in the place 
 of Antoninus; Proclus, afterwards (in A.D. 434) Patriarch 
 of Constantinople, at present the receiver of those who 
 demanded audiences with the Patriarch ; Cassianus, founder 
 of the Monastery of St. Victor at Marseilles, and his friend 
 and companion Germanus; Helladius, the priest of the 
 palace, probably equivalent to private chaplain; Serapion, 
 the deacon 1 or archdeacon, 2 afterwards made Bishop of 
 Heraclea in Thrace, from which see he was expelled in the 
 persecution which befell Chrysostom's followers. With 
 most of these men he maintained a constant and affectionate 
 intercourse or correspondence during his exile to the close 
 of his life. With such intimate companions and friends the 
 austerity and reserve of manner which he assumed towards 
 those outside this circle vanished. All the natural amiability 
 and playful humour of his disposition shone out when he 
 was in their company ; he called some of them by nicknames 
 of his own invention, especially those who practised such 
 ascetic exercises as he specially approved. 3 
 
 Three ladies are distinguished as among his most faithful 
 friends. Salvina was the daughter of the African rebel 
 Gildo, and had been married by Theodosius to Nebridius, 
 nephew of his Empress, in the hope a vain one as it proved 
 
 1 Socrat. vi. 4. 2 Sozom. viii. c. 9. 3 Pallad. Dial. c. 19. 
 
280 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvi. 
 
 that this tie would attach Gildo to the Empire. Her 
 husband died young ; she vowed perpetual widowhood, and 
 became the patroness and protectress at the court of Arcadius 
 of oriental churches and ecclesiastics. 
 
 Pentadia was wife of the consul Timasius ; and when her 
 husband was banished by Eutropius to the Oasis of Egypt, 
 she had been persecuted by the merciless tyrant, and fled 
 for refuge to the Church, where she was protected in 
 sanctuary by the Archbishop in spite of the opposition of 
 her persecutor. 
 
 But by far the most eminent of Chrysostom's female 
 friends was the deaconess Olympias. She sprang from a 
 noble but Pagan family. Her grandfather, Ablavius, was a 
 praetorian prefect, highly esteemed and trusted by Constan- 
 tine the Great, and her father, Seleucus, had attained the 
 rank of count. She was early left an orphan, endowed with 
 great personal beauty, and heiress to a vast fortune. Her 
 uncle and guardian, Procopius, was a man of probity and 
 piety, a friend and correspondent of Gregory Nazianzenus. 
 Her instructress also, Theodosia, sister of St. Amphilocius, 
 was a woman of piety; one whom Gregory recommended 
 Olympias to imitate as a very model of excellence in speech 
 and conduct. Under this happy training, the girl grew 
 up to emulate and surpass her preceptress in goodness. 
 Gregory delighted to call her " his own Olympias," and to 
 be called " father " by her. 1 There could be no difficulty in 
 finding a suitor for a lady possessed of every attraction. 
 The anxiety of Procopius was to secure a worthy one. 
 Nebridius was selected ; a young man, but high in official 
 rank; Count or Intendant of the Domain in A.D. 382, Prefect 
 of Constantinople in A.D. 386. They were wedded in A.D. 
 384. Many bishops assisted at the ceremony, but Gregory 
 was prevented from attending by the state of his health. 
 He wrote a letter to Procopius, saying that in spirit, never- 
 
 1 Greg. Naz. Epp. Ivii. Iviii. 
 
CH. xvi.] HISTORY OF OLYMPIAS. 281 
 
 theless, he would join their hands to one another and to 
 God. Part of the letter is written in a vein of sprightly 
 humour. " It would have been very unbecoming for a gouty 
 old fellow like himself to be seen hobbling about among the 
 dancers and merry-makers at the nuptials." 1 He also 
 addressed a poem to Olympias, in which he gives her advice 
 how she ought to conduct herself as a married woman. She 
 did not long need his counsel. Nebridius died about two 
 years after their marriage. Olympias regarded this early 
 dissolution of the marriage-bond as an intimation of the 
 Divine will that she should henceforth live free from the 
 worldly entanglements and cares incident to married life. 
 The Emperor Theodosius desired to unite her to a Spaniard 
 named Elpidius, a kinsman of his own, but she steadfastly 
 refused. The Emperor acted in that despotic manner which 
 occasionally marred his usually generous character. He 
 ordered the property of Olympias to be confiscated till she 
 should be thirty years of age ; she was even denied freedom 
 of intercourse with her episcopal friends, and of access to 
 the Church. But she only thanked the Emperor for those 
 deprivations, which were intended to make her hanker after 
 worldly life. "You have exercised towards your humble 
 handmaiden a virtue becoming a monarch and suitable even 
 to a bishop ; you have directed what was to me a heavy 
 burden, and the distribution of it an anxiety, to be kept in 
 safe custody. You could not have conferred a greater 
 blessing upon me, unless you had ordered it to be bestowed 
 upon the churches and the poor." The Emperor was softened; 
 at any rate he perceived the uselessness, if not the injustice, 
 of his treatment. He cancelled the order for the confiscation 
 of her property, and left her in the undisturbed enjoyment 
 of single life and of her possessions. Henceforward her 
 time and wealth were devoted to the interests of the Church. 
 She was the friend, entertainer, adviser of many of the most 
 
 1 Greg. Naz. Ep. Ivii. 
 
282 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvi. 
 
 eminent ecclesiastics of the day; the liberal patroness of 
 their works in Greece, Asia, Syria, not only by donations of 
 money but even of landed property. We may not admire 
 what was regarded in those days as among the most admir- 
 able traits of saintliness, a total disregard to personal neatness 
 and cleanliness ; but we can admire her frugal living, and 
 entire devotion of her time to ministering to the wants of 
 the sick, the needy, and the ignorant. Her too indiscriminate 
 liberality was restrained by Chrysostorn, who represented to 
 her that, as her wealth was a trust committed to her by God, 
 she ought to be prudent in the distribution of it. This 
 salutary advice procured for him the ill-will of many 
 avaricious bishops and clergy, who had profited, or hoped 
 to profit, by her wealth. 1 She, on her side, repaid the Arch- 
 bishop for his spiritual care by many little feminine atten- 
 tions to his bodily wants, especially by seeing that he was 
 supplied with wholesome food, and did not overstrain his 
 feeble constitution by a too rigid abstinence. 2 
 
 The leaders of the faction hostile to Chrysostorn among 
 the clergy were the two bishops already mentioned Severian 
 of Gabala and Antiochus of Ptolemais. To these was added 
 a third in the person of Acacius, Bishop of Beroea, He had, 
 in A.D. 401 or A.D. 402, paid a visit to Constantinople, and, 
 in a fit of rage at what he considered the mean lodging and 
 inhospitable entertainment of the Archbishop, had coarsely 
 exclaimed, in the hearing of some of the clergy, " 1 11 season 
 a dainty dish for him." 3 The ladies who acquired a melan- 
 choly pre-eminence among the enemies of the Archbishop 
 were the intimate friends of the Empress, already mentioned 
 Marsa, widow of Promotus, the consul whom Eufinus 
 murdered ; Castricia, wife of the consul Saturninus ; and 
 
 1 Theophilus is said to have fallen 2 Pallad. Dial. c. 16, 17. Sozom. 
 
 down before her and kissed her knees, viii. 9. 
 an obeisance prompted by avaricious 
 
 hopes on his part, and repelled by 3 Pallad. Dial. c. 6. Tillemont xiv. 
 
 genuine humility on hers. p. 219 seq.: ^yu> avr$ aprvw 
 
en. XVL] CHRYSOSTOM'S ENEMIES. 283 
 
 Eugraphia, a wealthy widow, all rich women " who used 
 for evil the wealth which their husbands had through 
 evil obtained." Proud, intriguing, licentious, they were all 
 exasperated against the Archbishop for the censure which 
 he had unsparingly pronounced upon their moral conduct, as 
 well as their vain and extravagant display in dress. The 
 house of Eugraphia became the rendezvous of all clergy 
 and monks, as well as laity, who were disaffected to him. 
 Among the clergy was Atticus, who was obtruded on the 
 see as Archbishop after the banishment of Chrysostom. 
 This worthy cabal collected, and disseminated with praise- 
 worthy industry, whatever tales could damage the character 
 and influence of the Archbishop. His real failings were 
 exaggerated, others were invented, and his language mis- 
 represented. He was irascible, inhospitable, uncourteous, 
 parsimonious ; he had unmercifully assailed Eutropius with 
 harsh language when he fled for refuge to the Church ; he 
 had behaved disrespectfully to Gaiuas when he was "magister 
 militum ;" but, worse than all, he had audaciously attacked 
 the Augusta herself, and had insulted her sacred majesty by 
 indicating her under the name of Jezebel. This is scarcely 
 credible in itself, and is distinctly contradicted by the most 
 trustworthy authorities ; but it is stated that he had reproved 
 the Empress for appropriating with harshness, if not 
 violence, a piece of land ; and of course the blows which he 
 directed against inordinate luxury, unseemly parade of dress 
 and the like, fell heavily upon the most prominent leader in 
 these follies. She was probably mortified also to find that 
 her display of religious zeal, her pious attendance on the 
 services of the Church, her pilgrimages, her really liberal 
 donations to good works, did not protect her from censure in 
 other things. Chrysostom was not one of those who would 
 connive at evil for the benefit, as some might have repre- 
 sented it, of the Church. He would not sacrifice what he 
 believed to be the interests of morality, for the supposed 
 
284 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvi. 
 
 advantage either of himself or of the Church over which he 
 ruled. Wrong was wrong and must be rebuked, though 
 the actor was the Empress herself, though that Empress 
 was inclined to be the benefactress and patroness of the 
 Church, and though she might become, as she did become, 
 his implacable foe. 
 
 The clergy only needed an equally potent leader on their 
 side, and then the organisation of the hostile forces would 
 be complete. Such a chief was to be found in the Patriarch 
 of Alexandria, Theophilus, who had already displayed a 
 malignant spirit at the ordination of the Archbishop, though 
 intimidated by Eutropius into submission. He was only 
 waiting his opportunity for revenge, which a concurrence of 
 circumstances now put into his hands. 
 
 After making the most of such charges as gossip, aided 
 by malice, could manufacture at Constantinople, the enemy 
 employed one of the party, a despicable Syrian monk named 
 Isaac, to make a scrutinising inquiry at Antioch into the 
 previous life of Chrysostom. A youth passed in such a 
 licentious and voluptuous city could not fail, they thought, 
 to betray some stains if submitted to a rigorous inspection. 
 But their malevolent expectations were disappointed, for 
 their miserable spy could bring back nothing but unmixed 
 praise of an immaculate youth and a pious manhood. 1 
 
 At this juncture the intriguers applied to Theophilus, and 
 they could not have secured a more willing and able director 
 of their plans. The character of this prelate, and his pro- 
 minent position in the final events of Chrysostom's career, 
 demand some notice. Of his family and early life little is 
 known. He had a sister who sympathised with him in his 
 ambitious schemes; and Cyril, who succeeded him in the 
 patriarchate, and too largely inherited his spirit, was his 
 nephew. He spent a portion of his younger manhood as a 
 recluse in the Mtrian desert, where he became familiar with 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. c. 5, 6, 18, 19. 
 
CH. xvi.] THEOPHILUS OF ALEXANDEIA. 285 
 
 the most eminent anchorites of that period, Elurion, Ammon, 
 Isidore, and Macarius. He was secretary to Athanasius, 
 and a presbyter of Alexandria under Peter, his successor ; 
 and, on the death of Timothy in A.D. 385, who succeeded 
 Peter, he was elevated to the see. All historians concur in 
 admitting that he possessed great ability ; that he was cap- 
 able of conceiving great projects, and executing them with 
 courage and address. Jerome has described him as deeply 
 skilled in science, especially mathematics and astrology, and 
 highly praises his eloquence. 1 He had a passion for building, 
 and his episcopate was distinguished equally by the de- 
 struction of Pagan temples and the erection of Christian 
 churches. The most splendid of these were the church of 
 St. John the Baptist at Alexandria, and another at Canopus. 
 l>ut to gratify this expensive taste he was grasping of money, 
 too often to the neglect of those indigent people who were 
 dependent on the alms of the Church. He combined his 
 efforts with Chrysostom's, as has been already related, in 
 healing the schism of Antioch in A.D. 399, after which little 
 is known of his history, till he becomes Chrysostom's im- 
 placable and too successful foe. 2 
 
 1 Jerome in Ruf. lib. ii. c. 5. Ep. xxxi. p. 203. 
 
 2 Tillemont, xi. : Vie de Theophile. 
 
CHAPTEE XVII. 
 
 CIRCUMSTANCES WHICH LED TO THE INTERFERENCE OF THEOPHILUS 
 WITH THE AFFAIRS OF CHRYSOSTOM CONTROVERSY ABOUT THE 
 WRITINGS OF ORIGEN PERSECUTION BY THEOPHILUS OF THE MONKS 
 CALLED "THE TALL BRETHREN" THEIR FLIGHT TO PALESTINE TO 
 CONSTANTINOPLE THEIR RECEPTION BY CHRYSOSTOM THEOPHILUS 
 SUMMONED TO CONSTANTINOPLE. A.D. 395-^03. 
 
 IN tracing to its starting-point the interference of Theo- 
 philus with the affairs of Chrysostom, we have to unravel a 
 curious and tangled skein of controversy. The doctrines of 
 Origen were as much an occasion of strife a hundred and 
 fifty years after his death, as he himself had been during his 
 life. With one hand holding on to the philosophy of the 
 past, and with the other firmly grasping the Christianity of 
 the present, he was persecuted by Pagans, yet never univer- 
 sally accepted and cordially trusted by the Church. 1 So 
 with his system of doctrine ; it became a sort of debatable 
 ground for the possession of which contending parties 
 strove. The prize was worth the struggle ; for the genius 
 of Origen could not be questioned, but the quantity of 
 his writings being enormous, 2 and the range of his doctrine 
 wide and many-sided, narrow-minded partisans, grasping 
 only a part of it, condemned or extolled him unfairly 
 on a single issue. The mystical element in his teach- 
 ing was carried by some of his admirers to extremes 
 of fanciful, allegorical, interpretation of Scripture, such 
 
 1 Euseb. Hist. vi. 3, 19. composed more books than most men 
 
 2 Jerome declared that Origen had would find time to copy. Epist. xxix. 
 
CH. XVIL] WRITINGS OF ORIGEN. 287 
 
 as he himself would never have devised or approved. 
 To others of a more prosaic, material cast of thought 
 this same mystical vein was repugnant, and was denounced 
 by them with characteristic coarseness. Men of larger 
 minds, who had patience to peruse his voluminous works, 
 and ability to criticise them, admired his genius, recognised 
 his great services to Christianity, heartily embraced much of 
 his teaching, questioned some portions, and rejected others. 
 Such were Gregory Nazianzenus, Basil, Chrysostom, and 
 Jerome, who would never have been so great as writers, or 
 commentators, had they hot been students of Origen. As a 
 general statement, it may be true to say that he was less 
 acceptable to the colder, more practical, more realistic mind 
 of the Western Church, than to the lively imagination and 
 speculative spirit of Oriental churchmen. The most contro- 
 verted points, indeed, in his system were of a kind with 
 which the Western mind did not naturally concern itself. 
 The pre-existence of souls ; their entrance into human bodies 
 after the fall as the punishment of sin ; their emancipation 
 from the flesh in the resurrect: on ; the ultimate salvation of 
 all spirits, including Satan himself, these are questions 
 singularly congenial to Oriental, singularly alien from 
 Western, thought. The Origenistic controversy fell into 
 abeyance before the engrossing interest and importance of 
 the Arian contest ; but when that wave had spent itself, it 
 revived, and just at this period all the greatest names of the 
 day became engaged on one side or the other. As usual, 
 the real questions at issue were too often forgotten amidst 
 the personal jealousies, intrigues, angry recriminations to 
 which the discussion of them gave birth. 
 
 In spite of his doubtful orthodoxy, the Egyptian Church 
 could not fail to be proud of so distinguished a son as 
 Origen, and Theophilus was at first his earnest defender. 
 Some of the more illiterate Egyptian monks had recoiled 
 from Origen 's highly spiritual conception of the Deity into 
 
288 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHKYSOSTOM. [CH. XVH. 
 
 an opposite extreme. Interpreting literally those passages 
 of Scripture where God is spoken of as if possessing human 
 emotions and corporeal parts, they altogether humanised His 
 nature; they conceived of Him as a Being not "without body, 
 parts, or passions ;" they obtained, in consequence, the 
 designation of " Anthropomorphites." Against this humanis- 
 ing, material conception Theophilus, in a paschal letter, 
 directed argument and proof. 1 It was received by many of 
 the monks with dismay, sorrow, and resistance. Serapion, 
 one of the most aged, burst into tears when informed that 
 the mind of the Eastern Church concurred, on the whole, 
 with the doctrine of Theophilus, and exclaimed, " My God 
 is taken away, and I know not what to worship." 2 
 
 Eufinus, a monk of Aquileia, and for a time the ardent 
 friend of Jerome, was, during a visit to Egypt, initiated by 
 Theophilus into the doctrines of Origen, conceived a warm 
 admiration for them, extolled him as the light of the Gospel 
 next to the Apostles, and imparted some of his own enthu- 
 siasm to John, bishop of Jerusalem, whom he soon after- 
 wards visited. Jerome fully appreciated the merits of 
 Origen, though his larger mind and more extensive knowledge 
 were not blind to his defects. 
 
 Such were the amicable relations between the leading 
 churchmen of the East in A.D. 395, when a visitor from the 
 West threw among them the apple of discord. This was 
 Aterbius, a pilgrim, who had a reputation as a subtle theo- 
 logian, and appears, immediately on his arrival in Jerusalem, 
 to have applied himself to the business of detecting heresy. 
 He entered into friendly intercourse for a short time with 
 the bishop and Eufinus, and then suddenly included Jerome 
 with them both in a public denunciation as Origenists, and 
 
 1 The Paschal Letter was a circu- Lent and of Easter Day, whence the 
 
 lar addressed to clergy and monks name ; but other matters were, as in 
 
 throughout the diocese soon after the the present instance, frequently intro- 
 
 Epiphany ; the primary object was to duced. See Tillemont, xi. 462. 
 
 announce the date of the first day of 2 Socrat. vi. 7. Sozom. viii. 11, 12. 
 
CH. xvii.] STRIFE ABOUT ORIGEN. 289 
 
 declared the whole diocese of Jerusalem to be infected with 
 that heresy. Jerome immediately and indignantly repudiated 
 the charge ; he declared that he was not an Origenist, for 
 that he merely read the works of Origen with reservations, 
 as he might those of a heretic. 1 Eufinus would not con- 
 descend to make any defence, oral or written, but shut 
 himself up in his cloister in sullen silence till Aterbius had 
 quitted Jerusalem, fearing, so Jerome affirms, to condemn 
 what he really approved, or to incur the reproach of heresy 
 by an open resistance. 2 John of Jerusalem was equally 
 indignant at the accusation, but displeased with Jerome for 
 publicly exculpating himself independently of his bishop. 
 In fact, the episcopal pride -of the Bishop of Jerusalem was 
 severely wounded at this time, both by the pre-eminence of 
 the metropolitan see of Csesarea, 3 and by the reputation 
 of Jerome's monastic establishment at Bethlehem, which 
 attracted visitors from all parts of Christendom. 
 
 When the minds of all were thus ruffled, a second and far 
 more mischievous visitor arrived in the person of Epiphanius, 
 the octogenarian Bishop of Constantia, Metropolitan of 
 Cyprus. He was one of those men who, joining some 
 erudition and a high reputation for rigid orthodoxy to a 
 narrow mind and impulsive temper, figure prominently in 
 theological warfare as the very personifications of discord. 
 Shocked at the intelligence of the heretical tendency in 
 Palestine, and vexed that it should have been detected by a 
 stranger rather than by himself, who was a native of Palestine, 
 and the visitor of a monastery between Jerusalem and 
 Hebron, he lost not a moment in setting out for the Holy 
 City. He accepted the hospitality of the Bishop John, and 
 spent the evening in all amity with him, nor was the 
 obnoxious subject of dispute mentioned between them. 4 
 
 1 Jerome in Ruf. iii. ; and Ep. Ixi. archate in the reign of Theodosius u., 
 
 2 In Ruf. iii. 33. and its jurisdiction fixed to the three 
 
 3 The contest for precedence was Palestines by the Council of Chalce- 
 eventually decided in favour of Jem- don, A.D. 451. 
 
 salem. The see was made a Patri- 4 Jerome, Ep. xxxviii. 
 
 T 
 
290 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvn. 
 
 . A strange scene took place on the following day. 
 
 In the church of the Holy Sepulchre, in the presence of 
 a large congregation, Epiphanius fulminated a discourse 
 against Origen, his doctrines, and all who favoured them. 
 Bishop John and his clergy expressed their contempt by 
 grimaces, sneers, and impatient scratchings of their heads. 
 At last an archdeacon stepped forward, and required 
 Epiphanius, in the name of the bishop, to desist from his 
 discourse. The assembly was dissolved, but met again in 
 the afternoon, largely augmented, in the church of the Holy 
 Cross. This time Bishop John discoursed, and denounced 
 the Anthropomorphites, or Humanisers, under which oppro- 
 brious name the partisans of Origen endeavoured to include 
 all their opponents. Pale and trembling, and in a voice 
 quivering with passion, the bishop directed his discourse, 
 and turned his body, towards Epiphanius, who sat motion- 
 less in his chair. The invective being concluded, the aged 
 Bishop of Constantia rose and pronounced these words with 
 solemn deliberation : " All that John, my brother in the 
 priesthood, my son in age, has just said against the heresy 
 of the Anthropomorphites I thoroughly approve ; and as we 
 both condemn that absurd belief, it is only just that we 
 should both denounce the errors of Origen." 1 A general 
 laugh and acclamation on the part of the assembly pro- 
 claimed their sense of this speech as a successful hit. John 
 made one more effort to right himself. He preached again 
 in the church of the Holy Cross, this time on the chief 
 verities of the faith, the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Atone- 
 ment, the condition of souls before and after this life. It 
 was intended to be a grand and convincing display of his 
 orthodoxy, and at the moment Epiphanius expressed even 
 approbation. On subsequent reflection, however, the aged 
 critic thought he discovered that it teemed with error. He 
 abruptly quitted Jerusalem, repaired to Bethlehem, resisted 
 
 1 Jerome, Ep. xxxviii. 
 

 en. xvii.] AT JERUSALEM. ( 
 
 the solicitation of Jerome and his friends to' be recOtffejIed, 
 and addressed a circular letter to all the monasteries'* of \. 
 Palestine, requiring them to break off communion with the % 
 Bishop of Jerusalem. 
 
 Eufinus ranged himself immediately on the side of Bishop 
 John ; but Jerome, though with somewhat balanced feelings, 
 sided on the whole with Epiphanius. Then the pent-up 
 jealousy of John towards the monasteries of Bethlehem burst 
 forth ; they were placed under interdict, and the church of 
 the Holy Manger closed against them. They were in despair 
 for want of a priest to celebrate the Eucharist; but Epi- 
 phanius provided one through a forcible ordination. The 
 young Paulinian had always steadfastly declined holy orders, 
 though considered eminently qualified by his learning and 
 virtue. He was now on a visit to the monastery of Epi- 
 phanius, near Eleutheropolis. When Epiphanius was cele- 
 brating the Eucharist, the young man was seized by the 
 deacons, dragged to the steps of the altar, and there made to 
 kneel. Epiphanius approached, cut off some of his hair, 
 ordained him deacon, and obliged him to assist in the cele- 
 bration on the spot. At a fresh sign from the bishop he 
 was a second time seized, gagged to prevent his adjuring the 
 bishop in the name of Jesus Christ, and when he rose from 
 his knees he was declared to be a priest. 1 The joy which 
 filled the monasteries of Bethlehem was only to be equalled 
 by the indignation of their opponents at Jerusalem. John 
 actually applied (not without money, it is said) to Eufinus 
 at Constantinople, then Praetorian Prefect, and even pro- 
 cured a decree of banishment against Jerome; 2 but, the 
 murder of Kufinus taking place soon afterwards, the gover- 
 nor of Csesarea evaded the execution of the decree. Jerome 
 retaliated by one of those fierce, nervous philippics which 
 exhibit more command of language than of temper. The 
 governor of Palestine made a praiseworthy but ineffectual 
 
 1 Jerome, Ep. ex. 2 Ibid. Ep. xxxviii. and xxxix. 
 
292 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvn. 
 
 effort to bring about a reconciliation. John had determined 
 to invite an arbitrator, from whom he expected a strong 
 partiality for his own cause. He appealed to Theophilus, 
 from whom Kufinus, the monk, had derived his first 
 acquaintance with Origen. Jerome indignantly complained 
 of this invocation of a foreign jurisdiction. Was not Csesarea 
 the metropolitan see of Palestine ? why this contempt of 
 ecclesiastical law ?* Theophilus, however, had no scruples in 
 accepting the appeal. It was just one of those recognitions 
 of pre-eminence which the Patriarch of Alexandria, like 
 the Bishops of Eome, joyfully welcomed. The gratification 
 of ambition was pleasantly disguised from others, and per- 
 haps from themselves, under the semblance of peacemaking. 
 Theophilus despatched Isidore as his legate to Palestine. 
 His arrival was preceded by two letters, one intended for 
 the Bishop of Jerusalem, the other for Vincentius, the pres- 
 byter and friend of Jerome at Bethlehem. 
 
 Unfortunately the letter intended for the bishop was 
 delivered to Vincentius, and he and Jerome read with indig- 
 nation assurances of sympathy and friendship towards John, 
 and expressions of contempt for Jerome and his party, the 
 language, in short, of an accomplice rather than of an arbi- 
 trator. It set forth in flowery oriental terms the confi- 
 dence of the legate in the success of his mission ; " as smoke 
 disperses in the air, as wax melts before the fire, so will 
 these enemies, who always resist the faith, and seek to dis- 
 turb it now, by means of simple ignorant men be dispersed 
 on my arrival." 2 The legate took up his abode at Jerusalem, 
 and spent his time in familiar intercourse with the bishop 
 and Eufinus. To Bethlehem he paid occasional visits, where 
 he conducted himself with dictatorial haughtiness. Jerome 
 and the monks plainly perceived that the so-called arbi- 
 trator was committed to one side which was not theirs. 
 But on a sudden, in A.D. 398, the Patriarch wheeled 
 
 1 Jerome, Ep. xxxviii. 2 Ibid. 
 
CH. XVIL] THEOPHILUS CHANGES SIDES. 293 
 
 round ; he discovered that he had been in error. " The 
 writings of Origen were fraught with danger to the un- 
 learned, however profitable to philosophic minds." Such 
 was the reason alleged for this sudden revulsion of opinion. 
 The real reasons appear to have been of a less calm and 
 philosophic character. One of the most distinguished pres- 
 byters in Alexandria at this time was Isidore, an octo- 
 genarian. His youth had been spent in pious seclusion, 
 among the monks of Scetis and Mtria, and his piety had 
 attracted the notice of Athanasius, whom he accompanied to 
 Eome in A.D. 341, and by whom he was afterwards ordained 
 priest. He became the Hospitaller of the Church in Alex- 
 andria, whose duty it was to attend to the reception of 
 Christian visitors. In spite of great personal austerity, he 
 was, as became his position, gentle and amiable to all men, 
 even Pagans, when brought into contact with them. In 
 A.D. 398, at the age of eighty, he had been employed to carry 
 to Eome the recognition by Theophilus of Flavian as bishop 
 of Antioch ; and now, in the extremity of age, he was 
 destined to become the first victim of a persecution by 
 Theophilus, which, beginning with him, culminated in the 
 deposition and exile of Chrysostom. 1 
 
 An opulent widow committed to Isidore a large sum of 
 money to be expended on clothing for the poor of Alexandria, 
 and adjured him by a solemn oath to conceal the trust from 
 Theophilus, lest the Patriarch's well-known cupidity should 
 be tempted to appropriate the money to aid his grand 
 operations in building. The precaution, however, was vain : 
 nothing said or done in his diocese could escape the vigi- 
 lance of informers in the employ of Theophilus. Isidore 
 was questioned by the Patriarch concerning the charitable 
 gift, and required to place the money at his disposal ; but 
 the hospitaller refused, and boldly maintained that it would 
 be better bestowed on the bodies of the sick and poor, which 
 
 1 Pallad. Lausiaca, p. 901. Tillemont, vol. xi. 
 
294 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvn. 
 
 were the temples of God, than on the erection of buildings. 
 The Patriarch was astounded at the temerity of his dis- 
 obedience, but dissembled for the moment the depth of 
 his resentment. Two months later, in a convocation of the 
 clergy, he produced a paper containing the charge of a 
 horrible and unmentionable crime against Isidore, which the 
 Patriarch said he had received eighteen years ago, but had 
 been unable to prove from the absence of the principal 
 witness. The whole charge turned out to be a baseless 
 fabrication; but Isidore was ejected from the priesthood 
 by the contrivance of Theophilus. 1 
 
 The aged hospitaller fled to the peaceful retreat of his 
 earlier days, the desert of Nitria. The most distinguished 
 of the monks in this seclusion were four brothers Ammon, 
 Dioscorus, Eusebius, and Euthymius eminent alike for their 
 piety and the height of their stature, whence they were 
 known by the name of the " tall brethren." They were vener- 
 ated as the fathers of the Mtrian monks. Theophilus had 
 in former times professed the highest admiration and respect 
 for their virtues. He had made the eldest, Dioscorus, bishop 
 of Hermopolis, and had persuaded, if not compelled, Eusebius 
 and Euthymius, much against their will, to be presbyters in 
 Alexandria. 2 Their simple piety was so much shocked by 
 the avarice and other failings of the Patriarch, that they 
 implored him to release them from clerical duties and 
 restore them to the freedom of the desert. When Theophilus 
 discovered their real reason for requesting this permission he 
 was furious, and tried to intimidate them into submission 
 by fierce menaces, but in vain. They withdrew, and for a 
 time the Patriarch was at a loss how to execute vengeance 
 on men who had few possessions of any kind to be deprived 
 of. But now the opportunity arrived. Isidore, the excom- 
 municated hospitaller, had been sheltered in their friendly 
 
 1 Pallad. Dial. c. 6. Other causes viii. 12, but not incompatible with the 
 of the enmity of Theophilus are men- account of Palladius. 
 tioned by Socrates, vi. 9, and Sozomen, 2 Socrat. vi. 7. 
 
CH. xvii.] PERSECUTES THE " TALL BRETHREN." 295 
 
 retreat. Theophilus devised a malignant plan for disturbing 
 their peace. The "tall brethren" belonged to that more 
 mystical order of monks which embraced Origen's doctrine 
 of a purely spiritual Deity, and were determined adversaries 
 of the more sensuous and anthropomorphite school. Theo- 
 philus now scrupled not to declare himself in favour of the 
 Anthropomorphites, whom he had formerly denounced. He 
 encouraged the more coarse and ignorant to make violent 
 and tumultuous assaults on the monastic retreat of Nitria, 
 and directed the bishops of the neighbourhood to eject 
 several of the most distinguished monks, including Ammon. 
 They repaired to Alexandria, sought an interview with 
 Theophilus, requested to hear the cause of their ejection, 
 and remonstrated on the treatment of Isidore. Theophilus 
 burst into a violent rage, changed colour at every moment, 
 glared on them with bloodshot eyes, dealt blows to Ammon 
 on his face, and, while the blood trickled down, shouted, 
 " Heretic, anathematise Origen." One of the number was 
 put in prison to intimidate the rest ; but they all entered it 
 voluntarily together, and refused to come out unless their 
 companion also was released. This was at length permitted, 
 but the design of persecution was followed up. The Patri- 
 arch's paschal letter of A.D. 401 is chiefly occupied with a 
 condemnation of Origen and his disciples. He confesses, 
 indeed, that he had himself at one time been cast into that 
 fiery furnace of error, but, like the three children, he had 
 come out unscathed; "not even his hair or garments had 
 been singed." He describes himself as having now returned 
 from the land of captivity to the true Jerusalem ; Origen 
 and his doctrines are condemned with much heat; and a 
 prominent place is assigned to him and all his disciples in 
 the infernal regions. 1 
 
 But Theophilus was far from being contented to stop at 
 
 1 Pasch. Epist. of Theoph. quoted in Tillemont, xi. p. 470. Pallad. Dial. 6. 
 Sozom. viii. 12. 
 
296 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvn. 
 
 this point. He convoked a synod of neighbouring bishops. 
 The monks were not informed of it, nor invited to appear 
 and make their defence. Three of the most eminent were 
 excommunicated as heretics and magicians. It was in vain 
 that the monks protested against the injustice of condemn- 
 ing Origen or his readers on the strength of a few passages 
 only, and those, as they maintained, in many instances 
 garbled or interpolated. A synodical letter was published, 
 addressed to the Catholic world, reprobating the writings of 
 Origen. It produced a profound sensation in Eome, where 
 the Pope Anastasius anathematised Origen. 1 But the humi- 
 liation of the Mtrian brethren was not yet complete. Five 
 most insignificant monks, scarce worthy, according to Pal- 
 ladius, to discharge menial offices as lay brethren, were 
 ordained by Theophilus, one to a bishopric, one to be priest, 
 and the three others to be deacons. A small town was 
 created a see, there being none vacant to receive the new 
 bishop. With these tools the Patriarch could rapidly 
 execute his designs. His creatures prepared, under his 
 direction, a list of complaints and charges against the 
 Nitrian monks, which they publicly presented to him in 
 church. Armed with this, he had an interview with the 
 governor of Egypt, and obtained from him an order for the 
 forcible expulsion of insubordinate monks from the settle- 
 ment at Nitria. With a troop of soldiers and a rabble of 
 rascals, such as in all large towns are ready for the perpetra- 
 tion of any mischief, whom he had previously primed with 
 drink, the Patriarch fell by night upon the monastic dwell- 
 ings. Dioscorus was the first victim of his rage. He was 
 one of the "tall brethren," who had been compelled by 
 Theophilus to become bishop of Hermopolis. He was now 
 dragged before the Patriarch by some rude Ethiopian slaves, 
 and told that he was deprived of his see. Diligent search 
 was made for the three other brethren, but they were undis- 
 
 1 Sulpic. Sever, lib. i. c. 3. 
 
en. XVIL] THEY FLY TO PALESTINE. 297 
 
 coverably hidden in a well. The fury of the Patriarch 
 expended itself principally upon inanimate objects; the 
 dwellings of the monks were pillaged and burned, together 
 with their valuable libraries, and, to the horror of the pious, 
 even some of the Eucharistic elements 1 were consumed in 
 the general destruction. 
 
 The havoc being completed, Theophilus returned to 
 Alexandria. The terrified monks came out of their hiding- 
 places, and, wrapping themselves in their sheepskins, their 
 only remaining property, set out from their beloved solitudes 
 to seek shelter and a new home elsewhere. Three hundred, 
 following the "tall brethren," took their journey towards 
 Palestine; the rest dispersed in different directions. Not 
 more than eighty arrived with the four brethren at Jeru- 
 salem, whence they shortly afterwards withdrew northwards 
 to Scythopolis, a place eminently adapted to their wants by 
 its situation in a well- watered valley rich in palm-trees, of 
 which the leaves furnished materials for mats, baskets, and 
 the other articles usually wrought by monkish labour. 2 But 
 distance did not dimmish the malice of their persecutor. 
 They were pursued by letters from Theophilus addressed to 
 all the bishops of Palestine, who were admonished not to 
 grant ecclesiastical communion or shelter to the heretical 
 fugitives. Jerome mentions two commissioners who scoured 
 Palestine, and left no hole or cave unexplored in the dili- 
 gence of their search for the offenders. 3 Thus hunted and 
 harassed, the poor monks at length resolved to embark for 
 Constantinople, throw themselves on the generosity of the 
 Emperor and Archbishop, and submit their cause to their 
 decision. They reached the capital, fifty in number ; their 
 foreign aspect, bare arms and knees, and primitive garb of 
 white sheepskins, excited much curiosity and interest among 
 the people of Constantinople. . They repaired first of all 
 to Chrysostom, in the hope that his authority would be 
 
 1 Pallad. Dial. c. 7. 2 Sozom. viii. 13. 3 Jer. Ep. Ixx. 
 
298 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvn. 
 
 sufficient to procure them justice, without an application to 
 the civil powers. The Archbishop received them with great 
 kindness and respect, and shed tears of compassion when he 
 heard the tale of their sufferings and wanderings. But he 
 acted with caution ; he consulted some Alexandrian clergy 
 who were at this time in Constantinople engaged in distri- 
 buting presents to conciliate, or, more properly speaking, to 
 bribe, the favour of persons just appointed to civil offices in 
 Egypt. They admitted the virtues and hard usage of the 
 monks, but recommended him not to incur the displeasure 
 of Theophilus by admitting them to communion. The monks 
 were lodged in the precincts of the church of Anastasia; 
 Olympias and other pious women attended to their wants, 
 which were to some extent supplied by the produce of their 
 own manual labour. They were admitted to prayer in the 
 church, but excluded from the Eucharist until the merits of 
 their cause should have been carefully sifted, and their 
 excommunication revoked. Chrysostom, unsuspicious of 
 others, in his own innocence, was sanguine of his power to 
 obtain their restitution. He despatched a letter to Theo- 
 philus, in which he besought him in courteous and friendly 
 terms to be reconciled with the fugitives, and thereby to 
 confer a favour on himself, his spiritual son and brother. 
 But no notice was taken of the request ; and meanwhile the 
 agents of Theophilus were busily employed at Constantinople 
 in disseminating injurious tales about the monks they were 
 heretics, magicians, rebels. 
 
 Throughout the rest of Christendom Theophilus pursued 
 a different method. He toiled with diligence worthy of a 
 better cause to obtain a wide condemnation of Origen and 
 his works. Could he once secure such a general condemna- 
 tion, and then prove Chrysostom and the monks to be at 
 variance with it, he would possess a powerful engine in 
 working the ruin of both. It is difficult to believe that 
 even Theophilus would have pursued the monks with such 
 
en. xvii.] IX CONSTANTINOPLE. 299 
 
 insatiable animosity had they not fled to the patriarch of 
 that see which was regarded with peculiar jealousy by the 
 bishops of Alexandria, and had not the present occupant 
 of that see been elected in preference to the candidate put 
 forward by himself. Thus he clutched at the opportunity 
 of depressing his rival, and punishing his victims, the 
 monks, at the same time. 
 
 He found a faction hostile to the Archbishop already 
 existing in Constantinople, and quite ready to submit the 
 management of their interests to his skilful direction. The 
 persecution of the monks was quickly dropped. Their sup- 
 posed offence was only the handle by which to compass the 
 destruction of a more formidable foe. Jerome contributed 
 powerful aid to the designs of Theophilus by favourable 
 notices of him in his letters, depreciating the conduct of the 
 monks. 1 But a more active auxiliary appeared in the 
 Bishop of Constantia, whose advanced age seems never to 
 have diminished the alacrity with which he entered the 
 lists of controversy. Theophilus, in his Origenistic days, 
 had attacked Epiphanius with some vehemence as an an- 
 thropomorphite ; but he now wrote a letter to the bishop 
 expressing regret for his former language, and his increasing 
 conviction of the mischievous tendency of Origen's doctrines. 2 
 He implored his holy brother to convene a council of the 
 bishops of Cyprus without delay, for the purpose of con- 
 demning the heretic, and of drawing up letters, announcing 
 their decision, to be sent round to the principal sees, espe- 
 cially Constantinople, where the heretical and contumacious 
 monks were harboured. Epiphanius flattered himself that 
 he had converted the Patriarch, and was delighted to receive 
 such a powerful accession to his side. The council was 
 summoned, the condemnation carried, and the letters de- 
 spatched. 3 Theophilus himself, at the commencement of 
 
 1 Jer. Ep. Ixxviii. in Ruf. Epp. Ixvii. 3 Socrat. (vi. c. 13) says that the 
 Ixxiii. writings only of Origen, not the man 
 
 2 Socrat. vi. 9. Sozom. viii. 14. himself, were condemned. 
 
300 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvn. 
 
 A.D. 402, issued a paschal letter, which contained a subtle 
 exposition and refutation of the Origenistic errors. The 
 letter was translated, and highly commended, both for 
 matter and expression, by Jerome. 1 
 
 To Chrysostom himself Theophilus wrote a sharp com- 
 plaint of his protecting heretics, and violating the canon of 
 Nice, which prohibited any bishop from exercising jurisdic- 
 tion in matters relating to another see. The cause of the 
 Mtrian monks, he asserted, could not be decided legally 
 anywhere but in a council of Egyptian bishops. It will be 
 borne in mind, however, that Chrysostom had carefully 
 abstained from pronouncing any decision, through a council 
 or otherwise, on the affair of the monks. They, indeed, 
 became provoked with him that he did not espouse their 
 cause more heartily. The agents of Theophilus were busily 
 engaged in damaging their character ; a little money easily 
 persuaded the sailors and others employed in the Alexan- 
 drian corn trade to point at the monks in the streets as 
 magicians and heretics. The monks declared to Chrysostom 
 their resolution to appeal to the civil powers to obtain a formal 
 prosecution of their accusers as base calumniators. Chryso- 
 stom remonstrated, and declined, if that step were taken, to 
 mediate any more in their affair. Some of his enemies in 
 Constantinople did not fail to represent this as a cruel 
 desertion of those whom he had at first befriended. 2 
 
 Thus hostile forces were on all sides closing round the 
 Archbishop, but he continued apparently unconscious of the 
 snares which were being woven for him. The Origenistic 
 controversy, into the vortex of which his enemies sought 
 to drag him, possessed little interest for him. The more 
 mystical, abstract speculations of Origen's theology were 
 alien from his practical sphere of work and practical habit 
 of mind ; and, in common with the other chief representa- 
 tives of the Antiochene school, Diodorus and Theodore, he 
 
 1 Ep. Ixxviii. 2 Pallad. Dial. c. 8. 
 
 
CH. xvii.] PLOTS OF CHRYSOSTOM'S ENEMIES. 301 
 
 neither wholly embraced nor wholly rejected his system of 
 doctrine. At any rate, he paid no attention to the letter 
 from Cyprus, which requested him to join in the condemna- 
 tion of Origen and his writings. This was precisely what 
 his enemies wanted. 
 
 The Nitrian monks, cast off by the Archbishop when 
 they had announced their intention of appealing to secular 
 authority, drew up documents filled with charges of the 
 most flagrant crimes against their accusers and against 
 Theophilus. They demanded that their calumniators in 
 Constantinople should be immediately tried by the prefect, 
 and that Theophilus should be summoned to defend his 
 conduct before a council under the presidency of Chryso- 
 stom. One day, as the Empress was riding in her litter to 
 worship in the church of St. John the Baptist at Hebdomon, 
 she was accosted by some of those strange skin-clad beings 
 of whom, and of whose wanderings and wrongs, she had 
 heard much. She caused her litter to stop, bowed graciously 
 to the monks, and implored the favour of their prayers for 
 the Empire, the Emperor, herself, and her children. The 
 monks presented their petition; Eudoxia courteously ac- 
 cepted it, and promised them that the council which they 
 desired should be convened; that Theophilus should be 
 summoned to attend it, and that the accusers now in Con- 
 stantinople should either substantiate their charges, or suffer 
 the penalties of calumnious defamation. This inquiry was 
 immediately instituted; the poor culprits confessed that 
 they had been paid agents of Theophilus, and that their 
 accusations had been dictated by him. They therefore 
 entreated that their trial might be deferred till his arrival. 
 Meanwhile, however, they were put in prison, where one of 
 them died; and as the arrival of Theophilus continued to 
 be delayed, they were banished to Proconnesus for libel. An 
 officer was despatched to Alexandria to serve Theophilus 
 with a peremptory summons to appear at Constantinople, 
 
302 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [CH. xvn. 
 
 and empowered to enforce his obedience, if he was reluc- 
 tant. 1 
 
 Thus the preparations for a judicial investigation of the 
 affair of the monks emanated not from Chrysostom, but 
 from the throne, although he was represented by his enemies 
 as the originator, and by Jerome he is styled a parricide 
 for labouring to condemn Theophilus. 2 Chrysostom seems, 
 in fact, to have dismissed alike the business of the monks 
 and the theological question of Origenism from his mind. 
 Intent on edifying the Church, instead of agitating it by 
 personal or polemical strife, he quietly pursued his daily 
 routine of duties as chief pastor, feeding his flock with the 
 wholesome food of the Word and of the bread of life. 
 
 Theophilus was unable to evade obedience to the summons 
 which commanded him to repair to Constantinople. His 
 only hope now was to change his position from that of the 
 accused into that of the accuser. The council which was 
 called together for the purpose of investigating his conduct 
 should, by his contrivance, be transferred into a council for 
 arraigning Chrysostom of heresy and misdemeanour. The 
 letters of Epiphanius and Theophilus having failed to obtain 
 from Chrysostom that condemnation which they demanded 
 of the writings of Origen, the Bishop of Constantia, at the 
 urgent request of Theophilus, set forth at the beginning of 
 A.D. 403 for Constantinople, bringing the decree of the 
 Council of Cyprus for the signature of the Archbishop. 
 Theophilus slowly proceeded overland from Egypt through 
 Syria, Cilicia, and Asia Minor, in order to bring up as many 
 bishops as possible to the council, who would be prepared 
 to act under his direction. Epiphanius, having landed, 
 halted at the church of St. John, outside Constantinople, 
 held an assembly of clergy, and even, it is said, committed 
 the irregularity of ordaining a deacon. 3 Chrysostom, how- 
 ever, acted with all due courtesy and discretion. He sent 
 
 i Sozorn. viii. 13. Pallad. Dial. c. 8. 2 Ep. xvi. 3 Socrat. vi. c. 12. 
 
CH. xvii.] ARRIVAL OF EPIPHANIUS. 303 
 
 out a large body of clergy to welcome the visitor by inviting 
 and conducting him to the hospitable lodging prepared for 
 him in the archiepiscopal palace. Epiphanius, acting on 
 preconceived judgment of the two chief subjects in dispute, 
 declined the offer unless the Archbishop would consent to 
 expel the monks, and to sign the decree against Origen. 
 Chrysostom justly replied that he could not anticipate 
 the decision of a council which was being summoned for 
 the very purpose of considering both these questions. 
 Epiphanius, therefore, found a lodging elsewhere, and dili- 
 gently strove to induce such bishops as he could collect to 
 sign the decree. 1 His reputation for learning, orthodoxy, 
 and piety secured the consent of many, but on the part of 
 many more there was determined opposition. Eminent 
 among these was Theotimus, a Goth by birth, but educated 
 in Greece, who had been made Bishop of Tomis and Metro- 
 politan of Scythia. He was a man of genuine sanctity, 
 ascetic habits, and courageous spirit. Tomis was a great 
 central market of Gothic and Hunnish tribes, and the bishop 
 used boldly to enter the motley concourse and try to win 
 converts. He would invite savage Huns to partake of some 
 hospitable entertainment in his house, and by gifts and little 
 attentions, and courteous treatment, he sought to soften their 
 ferocity, and effect an opening in their hearts for the recep- 
 tion of Christian teaching. He came to be regarded by them 
 with a kind of superstitious reverence, and was commonly 
 called by them " the god of the Christians." Over his half- 
 episcopal, half-barbarian costume flowed the long hair which 
 betokened his Gothic origin. He lifted up his voice with 
 boldness to denounce the present ill-considered condemnation 
 of the works of Origen. It was unseemly and unjust, he 
 maintained, to pass a coarse and sweeping sentence on the 
 entire works of one whose genius had been acknowledged by 
 the whole Church. He produced a volume of Origen, and 
 
 1 Socrat. vi. 12. Sozom. viii. 14. 
 
304 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. XVIT. 
 
 from it read some beautiful, powerful passages of irreproach- 
 able orthodoxy. Then, turning to Epiphanius, he asked 
 him how he could attack a man to whom the Church owed 
 a thousand similar, and even more beautiful, passages. " How 
 call him a son of Satan ? Place what is good in him on one 
 side, and what is bad on the other, and then choose." l 
 
 This courageous protest, however, did not divert Epiphanius 
 and his partisans from their course of action. In fact, they 
 proceeded a step further. It was arranged that when a 
 large congregation was collected in the Church of the 
 Apostles, Epiphanius should enter and harangue the assembly, 
 denouncing both the writings of Origen and his admirers, 
 especially the " tall brethren," and even Chrysostom himself 
 as their protector. Chrysostom, however, received intimation 
 of their design, and by his direction Serapion confronted 
 Epiphanius at the entrance of the church, and told him that 
 " he had already violated ecclesiastical law by ordaining a 
 deacon in the diocese and church of another bishop, but to 
 minister and preach without permission was a still grosser 
 outrage; a popular tumult would probably ensue, and 
 Epiphanius would be held responsible for any violence 
 which might be committed." Epiphanius, though not 
 without angry remonstrances, desisted. 2 
 
 Eudoxia seems to have placed special faith in the inter- 
 cessions of ecclesiastical visitors of distinction. As she had 
 formerly asked the prayers of the " tall brethren," so now, 
 the young prince her son (afterwards Theodosius u.), being 
 attacked by an alarming illness, she implored the prayers 
 of Epiphanius on his behalf. The bishop replied that her 
 child's recovery depended on her repudiation of the heretical 
 refugees. The Empress, however, declared that she should 
 prefer simply to resign her son's life to the will of God 
 who gave it without complying with the requisition of 
 Epiphanius. 3 
 
 1 Sozom. viii. 14 and 26. 2 Socrat. vi. 14. 3 Sozom. viii. 14. 
 
CH. xvii.] DEPARTURE OF EPIPHANIUS. 305 
 
 It may be that these incidents were beginning to tell 
 upon the reason of the aged zealot, and open his eyes to the 
 irregularity of his proceedings; at any rate, shortly after 
 this, he granted an interview to Ammon and his brothers. 
 The record of the conversation is instructive. " Allow me 
 to ask, holy father," said Ammon, " whether you have ever 
 read any of our works or those of our disciples?" Epi- 
 phanius was obliged to confess that he had not even seen 
 them, and that he had formed his judgment simply from 
 general report. " How then," replied Ammon, " can you 
 venture to condemn us when you have no proof of our 
 opinions? We have pursued a widely different course. 
 We conversed with your disciples, we read your works, 
 among others one entitled the 'Anchor of Faith;' and when 
 we met with persons who ridiculed your opinions, and 
 asserted that your writings were replete with heresy, we 
 have defended you as our father. Is it just, on such slender 
 ground as common report, to condemn those who have so 
 zealously befriended you ?" These bold and pungent remarks 
 are said to have wrought compunction in the heart of the 
 aged bishop. He began to perceive that he had been made 
 the agent of a plot, and he lost no time in extricating himself 
 from it by departing from Constantinople. His farewell 
 words to some of the bishops who accompanied him to the 
 ship were : " I leave to you the city, the palace, and this 
 piece of acting." l 
 
 1 Sozom. c. 15. 
 
CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THEOPHILUS ARRIVES IN CONSTANTINOPLE ORGANISES A CABAL AGAINST 
 CHRYSOSTOM THE SYNOD OF THE OAK CHRYSOSTOM PRONOUNCED 
 CONTUMACIOUS FOR NON-APPEARANCE AND EXPELLED FROM THE 
 CITY EARTHQUAKE-RECALL OF CHRYSOSTOM OVATIONS ON HIS 
 RETURN FLIGHT OF THEOPHILUS. A.D. 403. 
 
 REGARDLESS of the forces which had been set in motion 
 against him, Chiysostom pursued his usual course of work 
 without any variation. The reins of discipline were held 
 tightly as ever ; the Word was preached, in season and out 
 of season, with unabated diligence ; the people were exhorted, 
 admonished, rebuked with the same irrepressible earnestness. 
 His enemies took advantage of a sermon, specially directed 
 against the follies and vices of fashionable ladies, to represent 
 it as an attack upon the Empress herself. 1 Eudoxia, credu- 
 lous and impulsive by nature, and probably irritated because 
 the Archbishop did not pay her servile homage, complained 
 to the Emperor of the insult which had been cast upon her, 
 and was induced by the hostile party to expect the arrival 
 of Theophilus as an opportunity for redressing her wrongs. 
 That prelate was now rapidly approaching, with a large 
 number of bishops collected from Egypt, Syria, and Asia 
 Minor. Twenty-eight, on whose partisanship he could 
 reckon, travelled by sea to Chalcedon. Many bishops had 
 become disaffected to Chrysostom in Asia Minor, owing to 
 the rigorous investigation recently made by him into the 
 
 1 Socrat. vi. 15. Sozom. viii. 15. 
 
en. XVIIL] ARRIVAL OF THEOPHILUS. 307 
 
 state of the Church in that region, and they readily joined 
 the camp of Theophilus. Prominent among them was 
 Gerontius of Nicomedia, whom, as will be remembered, he 
 had deposed. The whole force was at length (June 403) 
 assembled at Chalcedon, and a council of war was held, to 
 determine the plan of operations. None was more virulent 
 in his denunciation of Chrysostom, as tyrannical, proud, and 
 heretical, than Cyrinus, bishop of Chalcedon. He was an 
 Egyptian by birth, and Theophilus reckoned on him as a 
 valuable ally, but was deprived of his services by a curious 
 incident. Maruthas, bishop of Mesopotamia, accidentally 
 trod on the foot of Cyrinus : a wound ensued, the wound 
 gangrened, the foot had to be amputated, but the mortifi- 
 cation spread, and, after two years of lingering pain, put an 
 end to his life. 1 
 
 Theophilus made his entrance into Constantinople about 
 the middle of June. He had been summoned as a defendant, 
 but, according to his design already indicated, he appeared 
 surrounded by all the pomp and dignity of a judge. None 
 of the bishops, indeed, or clergy of Constantinople came to 
 greet him on landing, but the crews of the Alexandrian corn- 
 fleet gave him a hearty welcome, and he was accompanied 
 by a large retinue, not only of bishops and clergy, but of 
 Alexandrian sailors, laden with some of the costliest produce 
 of Egypt and the East, a very potent auxiliary in obtaining 
 partisans. As on the arrival of Epiphanius, so now, Chryso- 
 stom did not fail to offer the customary hospitality due to 
 a brother bishop ; but Theophilus disdainfully declined it, 
 passed by the palace and the metropolitan church, which 
 episcopal visitors usually entered on their arrival, and pro- 
 ceeded to the suburb of Pera, where a lodging had been 
 prepared for him in a house of the Emperor's, called the 
 Palace of Placidia. 
 
 During the three weeks that he resided here, he refused to 
 
 1 Socrat. vi. 15. Sozom. viii. 16. 
 
308 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvin. 
 
 hold any communication with Chrysostom, or to enter his 
 church; nor did he vouchsafe any reply to the frequent 
 entreaties of the Archbishop that he would state his reasons 
 for such conduct. His house became the resort of all the 
 disaffected clergy or affronted ladies and gentlemen in the 
 city, who were drawn thither, not only by a common hatred 
 to Chrysostom, but also by the handsome gifts, the elegant 
 and dainty repasts, and the winning flattery with which 
 they were treated by Theophilus. 1 These arts were the 
 more necessary because Theophilus had a double part to 
 play : to arrest the course of the accusation instituted against 
 himself, as well as to organise a powerful cabal against 
 Chrysostom. In the former he was helped by the scruples 
 or peacefulness of Chrysostom himself. The Archbishop 
 was directed by the Court to repair to Pera, and preside over 
 an inquiry into the crimes of which Theophilus was accused. 
 But he declined, on the plea that the ecclesiastical affairs of 
 one province could not, according to the Canons of Nice, be 
 judged in another ; partly also, as he affirmed, out of respect 
 for his brother Patriarch. The truth probably was, that he 
 foresaw the vindictive and turbulent spirit of Theophilus 
 would never submit to the decisions of a council under the 
 presidency of his rival in that see of which Alexandria was 
 especially jealous. Otherwise there is no doubt that a 
 General Council at Constantinople would have been com- 
 petent to judge the Patriarch of Alexandria ; whereas a Pro- 
 vincial Council in Egypt could not have judged him, he being 
 supreme there by virtue of his position as Patriarch. 2 
 Chrysostom himself also might legally have been arraigned 
 before a General Council ; but, as will be seen, the synod 
 composed by Theophilus was far from being entitled to that 
 appellation. 
 
 The obstacle of his own trial being thus disposed of, it 
 
 1 Pallad. Dial. c. 2 (Epist. of Chrys. to Innocent), and c. 8. 
 
 2 See Tillemont, vol. xi. ch. 71. 
 
CH. xviii.] SYNOD MEETS AT "THE OAK." 309 
 
 only remained for Theophilus to prosecute his design against 
 his rival with mingled subtlety and boldness. The first step 
 was to secure a sufficient number of witnesses, and a list of 
 accusations, which, being presented to the Emperor, would 
 furnish a plausible reason for summoning a council. The 
 next step would be to pack that council with bishops hostile 
 to Chrysostom. Two despicable deacons, who had been 
 expelled from their office by the Archbishop for homicide 
 and adultery, were well content to draw up a list of charges 
 on a promise from Theophilus that they should be restored 
 to their former position. The accusations seem to have been 
 of a puerile character ; and if the source of them was known, 
 it would seem inconceivable that the Court should have 
 entertained them, did we not remember that the influence 
 of the Empress, as well as of many of the most powerful 
 courtiers, was now turned or rapidly turning against the 
 Archbishop, and that the bribes of Theophilus were per- 
 meating the whole city. 
 
 The attachment of the people, however, to Chrysostom 
 was known to be so strong, that it was deemed prudent by 
 the enemy to hold the synod at a safe distance from the city. 
 A suburb of Chalcedon, called " The Oak," where Eufinus, 
 the late prefect, had built a palace, church, and monastery, 
 was selected as a convenient place for the assembly. 1 The 
 bishops, after all the exertions of Theophilus, did not amount 
 to more than thirty-six, of whom twenty-nine were 
 Egyptians. 2 Among the latter was Cyril, the successor of 
 Theophilus. . Chrysostom was summoned to appear before 
 the synod. The scene in the archiepiscopal palace imme- 
 diately preceding the summons has been described by 
 Palladius, with the vivid and minute exactness of an eye- 
 witness. 
 
 l . Vide ante, Ch. xin. the most trustworthy authority. 
 
 Photius, Biblioth. (c. 59), says there 
 2 So Palladius, c. 8, on the whole were ibrty-nve. 
 
310 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xvni. 
 
 " We were sitting, to the number of forty bishops, in the 
 dining-hall of the palace, marvelling at the audacity with 
 which one, who had been commanded to appear as a culprit 
 at Constantinople, had arrived with a train of bishops, had 
 altered the sentiments of nobles and magistrates, and per- 
 verted the majority even of the clergy. Whilst we were 
 wondering, John, inspired by the Spirit of God, addressed 
 to us all the following words : ' Pray for me, my brethren, 
 and, if ye love Christ, let no one for my sake desert his see, 
 for I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my 
 departure is at hand. Like him who spoke these words, I 
 perceive that I am about to relinquish life, for I know the 
 intrigues of Satan, that he will not endure any longer the 
 burden of my words which are delivered against him. May 
 ye obtain mercy, and in your prayers remember me.' Seized 
 with inexpressible sorrow, some of us began to weep, and 
 others to leave the assembly, after kissing, amid tears and 
 sobs, the sacred head and eyes, and eloquent mouth, of 
 the Archbishop. He, however, exhorted them to return, 
 and, as they hovered near, like bees humming round their 
 hive, ' Sit down, my brethren,' he said, ' and do not weep, 
 unnerving me by your tears, for to me to live is Christ, to 
 die is gain. Recall the words which I have so frequently 
 spoken to you. Present life is a journey; both its good and 
 painful things pass away. Present time is like a fair : we 
 buy, we sell, and the assembly is dissolved. Are we better 
 than the Patriarchs, the Prophets, the Apostles, that this life 
 should remain to us for ever ? ' Here one of the company 
 uttering a cry exclaimed : ' Nay, but what we lament is our 
 own bereavement and the widowhood of the Church, the 
 derangement of sacred laws, the ambition of those who fear 
 not the Lord, and violently seize the highest positions ; the 
 destitution of the poor, and the loss of sound teaching.' 
 But John replied, striking, as was his custom when cogitat- 
 ing, the palm of his left hand with the forefinger of his 
 
en. XVIIL] CHEYSOSTOM SUMMONED TO THE SYNOD. 311 
 
 right : c Enough, my brother no more ; only, as I was 
 saying, do not abandon your churches, for neither did the 
 office of teaching begin with me, nor in me has it ended. 
 Did not Moses die, and was not Joshua found to succeed 
 him ? Did not Samuel die, but was not David anointed ? 
 Jeremy departed this life, but Baruch was left ; Elijah was 
 taken up, but Elisha prophesied in his place ; Paul was 
 beheaded, but did he not leave Timothy, Titus, Apollos, and a 
 host of others to work after him V To these words Eulysius, 
 bishop of Apamea, in Bithynia, observed : ' If we retain our 
 sees, it will become necessary for us to hold communion with 
 the authors of your deposition, and to subscribe to your con- 
 demnation/ 1 To which the holy John replied : * Communi- 
 cate by all means, so as to avoid rending the unity of the 
 Church ; but abstain from subscribing, for I am not conscious 
 of having done anything to deserve deposition.' " 
 
 At this point in the conference it was announced that 
 certain emissaries from the " Synod of the Oak " had arrived. 
 Chrysostom gave orders that they should be admitted, 
 inquired, when they entered, to what rank in the hierarchy 
 they belonged, and, on being informed that they were 
 bishops, requested them to be seated, and to declare the 
 purpose of their coming. The two bishops, young men 
 recently raised to the episcopate in Libya, replied, " We are 
 merely the bearers of a document which we request that you 
 will command to be read." Chrysostom gave the order, and 
 a servant of Theophilus read the missive. " The holy Synod 
 assembled at the Oak to John" (thus did his enemies deprive 
 him of all his titles). " We have received a list containing 
 an infinite number of charges against you. Present yourself, 
 therefore, before us, bringing with you the priests Serapion 
 and Tigrius, for their presence is necessary." The bishops 
 who were with Chrysostom were very indignant at the 
 
 1 The language is not very clear in this passage, but such is, I conceive, the 
 drift of it. c. 8. 
 
312 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvm. 
 
 insolent tenor of the message. A reply to the following 
 effect was drawn up, addressed to Theophilus, and despatched 
 by the hand of three bishops and two priests : " Subvert 
 not nor rend the Church for which God became incarnate ; 
 but if, in contempt of the canons framed by 318 bishops at 
 Nice, you choose to judge a cause beyond the boundaries of 
 your jurisdiction, cross the straits into our city, which is at 
 least strictly governed by law, and do not, after the example 
 of Cain, call Abel out into the open field. For we have 
 charges of palpable crimes against you, drawn up under 
 more than sixty heads ; our synod, also, is more numerous 
 than yours, and is assembled, by the grace of God, after a 
 peaceful manner, not for the disruption of the Church. For 
 you are but thirty-six in number, collected out of a single 
 province; 1 but we are forty, from several provinces, and 
 seven are metropolitans. It is only reasonable that the less 
 should be judged, according to the canons, by the greater." 
 
 Chrysostom approved of this answer of the bishops, but 
 sent a separate letter on his own behalf : " Hitherto I am 
 wholly ignorant whether any one has anything to say against 
 me ; but if any one has assailed me, and you wish me to 
 appear before you, eject from your assembly my declared 
 enemies. I raise no question respecting the place where I 
 ought to be tried, although the most proper place is the 
 city." He proceeds to say that he objected to his declared 
 and implacable enemies, Theophilus, Acacius, Severian, and 
 Antiochus, being allowed to sit on the council at all. " He 
 could convict Theophilus of having said in Alexandria and 
 Lycia, ' I am setting out for the capital to depose John ; ' 
 which, indeed, is true, for, since he set foot in Constanti- 
 nople, he has refused to meet or communicate with me. 
 What, then, will one do, after the trial, who has acted as my 
 enemy before it?" When these men should have been 
 
 1 This must have been a slight exaggeration, but the members do seem to have 
 been mainly Egyptian. 
 
CH. xviii.] THE SYNOD OF THE OAK. 313 
 
 eliminated from the synod, or legally constituted as his 
 accusers, he would appear before a council, even if composed 
 of members from all Christendom ; but till this condition 
 was complied with, he would refuse to present himself 
 though summoned ten thousand times over. l 
 
 He demanded, in short, to be tried by an oecumenical 
 synod, as the only tribunal which could legally exact obedi- 
 ence from him. The Synod of the Oak, composed as it was 
 mainly of Egyptians and of declared enemies, could not 
 possibly pretend to that character. If the Imperial Court had 
 been upright and courageous, not susceptible of flattery and 
 bribes, not induced by personal animosity against the Arch- 
 bishop to favour or connive at the proceedings of his 
 enemies, such a synod could not have been held. That it 
 was held, and succeeded in the purpose for which it met, 
 will ever be a stain upon the Church and the Empire of the 
 East. 
 
 But although viciously constituted, and, indeed, all the 
 more on that very account, the synod made much display of 
 complying in formalities with the established order of an 
 ecclesiastical court of judicature. The prosecution was to be 
 carried on in the name of a plaintiff who was to be present, 
 and to submit his charge in writing. The defendant was to 
 be cited to appear and defend himself ; and if he failed to 
 appear after three or four citations, he would be pronounced 
 contumacious, and as such be punishable by the synod with 
 excommunication and deposition. The further penalties of 
 imprisonment, exile, or death could not be inflicted by any 
 but the secular power. 
 
 Theophilus was president of the synod, and the prosecu- 
 tion was conducted in the name of John, Archdeacon of 
 Constantinople, who cherished malice against Chrysostom 
 because he had once been suspended by him for ill-treating 
 a slave, though afterwards restored. The charges were 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. c. 8. 
 
314 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xvm. 
 
 drawn up under twenty-nine heads. The evidence of most 
 worthless witnesses was accepted, or, more properly speak- 
 ing, invited. A strange medley of monstrous and incredible 
 offences was included in the list of charges prepared by the 
 Archdeacon John acts of personal violence, as well as 
 violations of ecclesiastical discipline. " He had struck people 
 on the face, had calumniated many of his clergy, had called 
 one Epiphanius fool and demoniac, had imprisoned others, 
 had accused his archdeacons of robbing his pallium for an 
 unlawful purpose ; he had despotically and illegally deposed 
 bishops in Asia, and had ordained others without sufficient 
 inquiry into their qualifications, mental or moral; he had 
 alienated the property and sold the ornaments of the Church ; 
 he held private interviews with women, he dined on Cyclopian 
 fare, he ate a small cake after holy communion, he had 
 administered both sacraments, after he himself or the re- 
 cipients had eaten." 1 The crowning charge was that of 
 treasonable language against the Empress " he had called 
 her Jezebel." This was the trump card of the cabal. If 
 the Emperor's Court could be persuaded to believe him 
 guilty on this point, exile at least, and probably death, 
 would be the inevitable consequence. 
 
 Such were the principal charges in the list presented by 
 the Archdeacon John. A second list, presented by Isaac 
 the monk, accused him of extending sympathy and hospitality 
 to Origenists, of instigating the people to sedition, of using 
 unseemly expressions in his sermons, such as " I exult, I am 
 
 1 Phot. c. 59. Chrys. Ep. 125 ad in horror from the supposition of such 
 
 Cyr., where he indignantly repels the a gross violation of ecclesiastical rule 
 
 charge : " had he done so, might his as the act in his case would have 
 
 name be blotted out from the roll of been, but refuses to place it on the 
 
 bishops ;" but at the same time he same footing with the commission of 
 
 deprecates the treatment of such an a flagrant moral crime, or direct dis- 
 
 oflfence (had it been committed) with obedience to any command of Christ, 
 
 extreme severity : for had not our Lord There are, however, some doubts 
 
 Himself instituted that holy feast, and whether this letter is genuine. See 
 
 had not St. Paul baptized without pre- infra, p. 317, and note, 
 viously fasting ? Chrysostom shrinks 
 
en. XVIIT.] CHEYSOSTOM EEFUSES TO ATTEND IT. 315 
 
 beside myself with joy," or language which gave a dangerous 
 encouragement to sinners ; for example, " as often as you sin 
 come to me and I will heal you." 
 
 By artfully making slight alterations in expressions actu- 
 ally used, and tearing them from their context, it was easy 
 to represent them as mischievous or blasphemous. It is not 
 surprising then that Chrysostom steadfastly refused to answer 
 in person such a list of partly monstrous, partly puerile, accu- 
 sations before such a synod. He pursued the only dignified 
 course possible under the circumstances. When a notary 
 from the Emperor came to him with a rescript, and showed 
 him the petition inserted in it from the synod, that the 
 Emperor would compel the attendance of the Archbishop ; 
 and when, presently, a second deputation from the synod, 
 consisting of a renegade priest of his own clergy, and Isaac 
 the monk, brought a peremptory summons from the synod, 
 he inflexibly maintained the same attitude. " I will not 
 attend a synod which is composed of my enemies, and to 
 which I am summoned by my own clergy. I appeal to a 
 lawfully constituted General Council." The citations were 
 rapidly repeated three or four times, and always met by 
 the same response. The cabal expended their fury on 
 the messengers of the Archbishop; they beat one bishop, 
 tore the clothes of another, and placed on the neck of a 
 third the chains which they had designed for the person 
 of Chrysostom himself, their intention having been to put 
 him secretly on board ship, and send him off to some remote 
 part of the Empire. Some of the clergy were so much 
 intimidated by these violent proceedings that they dared not 
 return to Constantinople. Demetrius, however, Bishop of 
 Pessina, denounced the conduct of the synod, quitted it, and 
 returned to the Archbishop. After several more ineffectual 
 citations, the synod, at its twelfth session, declared that it 
 Avould proceed to judgment against Chrysostom as contuma- 
 cious. Either by a happy coincidence, or by the contrivance 
 
316 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xvm. 
 
 of Theophilus, a message arrived from the Court on the same 
 day, urging the bishops to decide the cause as speedily as 
 possible. With much alacrity the request was obeyed. 
 They drew up a despatch to the Emperor a formal state- 
 ment : " Whereas John, being accused of crimes, has declined 
 to appear before us, and that in such cases ecclesiastical law 
 pronounces deposition, we have hereby deposed him ; but as 
 the indictment against him contains charges of treason as 
 well as ecclesiastical offences, we leave these to be dealt 
 with by you, since it belongs not to us to take cognisance of 
 them." The synod waited for the Imperial ratification of 
 their verdict, and meanwhile issued a circular to the clergy 
 of Constantinople, informing them of the deposition of their 
 spiritual father. 1 
 
 Having attained, as he believed, the object of his intrigue, 
 Theophilus went through the form of reconciliation with the 
 " tall brethren " in the presence of the synod. The facility 
 with which they were restored to favour on a simple request 
 for pardon is in strange contrast to the relentless animosity 
 with which they had been hitherto pursued, and indicates 
 that their persecution had been maintained simply as the 
 means to securing a more important victim. 
 
 Both Dioscorus and Ammon had recently died, the latter 
 predicting with his dying lips that the Church was about to 
 be distressed by a furious persecution, and torn by a deplor- 
 able schism. He was buried in that church of the Apostles, 
 in the suburb of The Oak, where, nine years before, he had 
 baptized the founder, the Prefect Rufinus. The monks of 
 the foundation celebrated his obsequies with great pomp ; 
 and Theophilus, his bitter persecutor, condescended to weep 
 over his death, and publicly declare that he had never known 
 a monk of more exalted saintliness. 2 
 
 The triumph of the synod seemed to be completed by the 
 receipt of an Imperial rescript, ratifying the sentence of 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. 8. Socr. vi. 15. Soz. viii. 17. 2 Tillemont, vol. xi. 
 
en. xvm.] HIS SERMON BEFORE DEPARTING. 317 
 
 deposition, and announcing that the Archbishop would be 
 banished. Many members of the synod were probably dis- 
 appointed at the mildness of the penalty ; but the people of 
 Constantinople were enraged, and impeded the execution of 
 the sentence. It was evening when the impending degrada- 
 tion of their Archbishop became known. During the whole 
 of the night, crowds of people watched outside the Arch- 
 bishop's palace and the cathedral to guard against his forcible 
 abduction. Early in the morning they thronged the church, 
 loudly protested against the injustice of the sentence, and 
 demanded with shouts the submission of his cause to a 
 General Council. For three days and nights the flock inces- 
 santly guarded their beloved pastor. Under their protection 
 he passed to and from the palace and the church. On the 
 second day he delivered a discourse to them in the cathedral. 
 The first portion of it is in all respects worthy of Chryso- 
 stom; the conclusion, involved and rugged, seems to have 
 IMM-H added by another hand, and extracts will not be made 
 from it here. 1 
 
 " Many are the billows, and terrible the storms, which 
 threaten us; but we fear not to be overwhelmed, for we 
 stand upon the rock. Let the sea rage, it cannot dissolve 
 the rock ; let the billows rise, they cannot sink the vessel 
 of Jesus Christ. Tell me, what is it we fear? death ? 'To 
 me to live is Christ, and to die is gain.' Or exile ? ' The 
 earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof.' Or confiscation 
 of goods ? ' We brought nothing into this world, and it is 
 certain we can carry nothing out.' " ..." I fear not poverty, 
 I desire not wealth ; I dread not death, I do not pray for 
 life, save for the sake of your advancement. I beseech you 
 be of good courage ; no man will be able to separate us, for 
 
 1 It contains the celebrated passage : indignant repudiation of the offence 
 
 " Herodias again dances and demands of administering baptism after eating, 
 
 the head of John;" which recurs as vol. iii. 427. Socrates, vi. 16. 
 
 the exordium of another and spurious Sozom. viii. 17, 18. 
 homily (vol. viii. p. 485), and also an 
 
318 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xvm. 
 
 'that which God hath joined together no man can put 
 asunder.' If man cannot dissolve marriage, how much less 
 the Church of God ! Thou, oh my enemy ! only renderest 
 me more illustrious, and wastest thine own strength, ' for it 
 is hard to kick against the pricks/ Waves do not break the 
 rock, but are themselves dispersed into foam against it. 
 Nothing, oh man ! is stronger than the Church, ... it is 
 stronger even than Heaven, 'for Heaven and earth shall 
 pass away, but my words shall not pass away.' What words ? 
 ' Thou art Peter, and on this rock I will build my Church, 
 and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it.' If thou 
 disbelievest the words, yet believe the facts. How many 
 tyrants have attempted to overcome the Church ; how often 
 have wild beasts, and the sword, and the furnace, and the 
 boiling caldron, been employed against it, yet have they no1 
 prevailed. Where are those who made war upon it ? The} 
 have been silenced and consigned to oblivion. Where is th( 
 Church ? It shines above the brightness of the sun. Le 
 none of the things that have been done disturb you. Granl 
 me one favour only, unwavering faith. Was not St. Petei 
 on the point of sinking, not because of the uncontrollable 
 onset of the waves, but because of the weakness of his faith 
 Did man's votes bring me here, that man should put me 
 down? I say not this in a spirit of boastfulness God 
 forbid but in the desire to settle your agitated minds.' 1 
 ..." Let no one trouble you ; give heed to your prayers. 
 This disturbance is the devil's work, that he might destroy 
 your zeal in the sacred Litanies ; but he does not succeed. 
 We find you even more earnest than before. To-morrow I 
 shall go out with you in the Litany, for where you are, there 
 I am. Though locally separated, we are in spirit united ; 
 we are one body, the body is not separated from its head ; 
 even death cannot separate us." ..." For your sakes I am 
 ready to be slaughtered ten thousand times over, since death 
 is to me the warrant of immortality. These intrigues are to 
 
en. XVIIL] HIS SERMON BEFORE DEPARTING. 319 
 
 me but the occasion of security. I say these things to listen- 
 ing ears ; so many days have you watched, and nothing has 
 moved you from your purpose. Neither length of time nor 
 threats have enervated you; you have done what I have 
 always been desiring, despised the things of this world, 
 bidden farewell to earth, released yourselves from the, fetters 
 of the body : this is my crown, iny consolation, my anointing; 
 this the suggestion to me of immortality." 
 
 Another discourse 1 contains much to the same effect, and 
 a declaration of his belief that the real cause of his deposi- 
 tion was his sturdy opposition to the corrupt manners and 
 morals of the age. " You know," he says, " why they are 
 going to depose me because I spread no fine carpets, and 
 wear no silken robes; because I have not pampered their 
 gluttony, or made presents in gold and silver." He would 
 comfort and encourage himself with the prospect of being 
 reckoned among those who had suffered for righteousness' 
 sake. The cruel and capricious woman, who one day called 
 him " a thirteenth apostle," and the next " a Judas," would 
 receive a just retribution for her conduct. 
 
 The attachment of the people to the Archbishop, and 
 their sense of the injustice with which he was treated, were 
 so strong that, with his powers of swaying their feelings, he 
 ini^lit easily have raised a formidable sedition, and defied, 
 for an indefinite time, the sentence of the synod and the 
 edict of the Emperor. But his sentiments were too loyal, 
 too Christian, too peaceful, for any such desperate and 
 violent measures. He might have continued to demand the 
 reference of his cause to a General Council ; but, had this 
 been granted, there was the extreme probability that his 
 enemies would refuse, and persuade many more to refuse, 
 a recognition of its decision. Then would follow one of those 
 
 1 The authenticity of which has from exile he apparently alludes to 
 
 been questioned. The style is perhaps some quotations from Job made in 
 
 not quite worthy of Chrysostom ; but this discourse. 
 in one of his sermons after his return 
 
320 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xvm. 
 
 melancholy schisms, of which the Church already knew too 
 well the misery. He determined to bow to the storm. On 
 the third day after his deposition by the council, and about 
 noon, when the people were not guarding the approaches to 
 the church quite so vigilantly, he passed out, unperceived, 
 by one of the side entrances, and surrendered himself to 
 some of the Court officials, who conducted him at nightfall 
 to the harbour. In spite of the darkness, he was recognised 
 by some of the people, who followed him with loud cries of 
 distress. He besought them to abstain from the commission 
 of violence, commended them to the care of Jesus Christ, 
 cited the example of Job blessing and thanking God in the 
 midst of trouble, and declared that he patiently waited for 
 the decision of an (Ecumenical Council. The vessel in which 
 he embarked conveyed him the same night to Hieron, 1 on 
 the Bithynian coast, at the mouth of the Euxine. Perhaps 
 owing to the dangerous proximity of this place to Chalcedon, 
 the headquarters of his enemies, he removed (being appar- 
 ently uncontrolled in his movements) to a country-house 
 belonging to a friend, near Prsenetum, on the Astacene gulf 
 opposite Mcomedia. 
 
 When the departure of the Archbishop became generally 
 known on the succeeding day, the indignation of the people 
 burst into a blaze. The places of public resort were thronged 
 with clamorous crowds denouncing the synod and demanding 
 a General Council. They flocked into the churches to pour 
 forth their lamentations, and to invoke the Divine interven- 
 tion on behalf of their injured Patriarch. A revulsion of 
 feeling in his favour took place among many of the clergy 
 who had hitherto been opposed to him. The arrival of 
 Theophilus with a large retinue was not calculated to allay 
 the agitation. Force was employed to dislodge the people 
 
 1 More strictly speaking, "the Hier- offered sacrifice to Zeus on their re- 
 on," "the sacred spot" where the turn from Colchis. 
 Argonauts were supposed to have 
 
CH. xviii.] EARTHQUAKE CHRYSOSTOM RECALLED. 321 
 
 from the churches ; the struggle occasioned bloodshed, and 
 even some loss of life, chiefly among monks. The worthless 
 clergy who had been deposed by Chrysostom, some of them 
 for flagrant crimes, were restored by Theophilus. Severian 
 of Gabala mounted a pulpit in one of the churches, and 
 extolled the act of deposition. " Even were the Patriarch," 
 he said, " guiltless of other offences, the penalty was due to 
 his arrogance, for ' God resisteth the proud,' even if He for- 
 gave other sins." The people were furious at this barefaced 
 attempt to justify injustice. They thronged the approaches 
 to the Imperial palace itself, and with loud shouts demanded 
 the restoration of the Patriarch. 1 
 
 A natural phenomenon, not rare in Constantinople, but 
 regarded under the circumstances as a Divine visitation, 
 opportunely concurred with this demand. The city, the 
 palace, but more especially the bedchamber of the Empress, 
 were agitated by a severe shock of earthquake. The friends 
 of Chrysostom rejoiced at this manifestation of the wrath of 
 Heaven ; his enemies were alarmed. The terrified Empress 
 eagerly promoted the demand of the people for the restora- 
 tion of the exile. Messengers were sent across the Bosporus 
 to seek him, for the exact place of his retreat appears to have 
 been unknown. Briso, the Empress's chamberlain, a man 
 of Christian piety and a personal friend of Chrysostom, dis- 
 covered him at Praenetum. He was the bearer of a humble, 
 we might say abject, letter of self-exculpation from the 
 Empress. " Let not your holiness (77 ar/uaa-vvrf) imagine that 
 I was cognisant of what has been done. I am guiltless of 
 thy blood. Wicked and corrupt men have contrived this 
 plot. I remember the baptism of my children by thy 
 hands. God whom I serve is witness of my tears." She 
 informs him how she had fallen at the feet of the 
 Emperor, and had represented to him that there was no 
 
 1 Sozom. viii. 18, 19. Socrat. vi. 16, 17. Zosim. v. 23. 
 X 
 
322 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvm. 
 
 hope for the Empire except through the restoration of the 
 Archbishop. 1 
 
 Chrysostom yielded to the solicitation so far as to embark 
 and cross the Bosporus, but he declined at first to advance 
 nearer Constantinople than the suburb of Mariamna, two 
 leagues from the capital by sea. He declared that he would 
 not enter the city until he had been acquitted by a General 
 Council. But the impetuosity of the people would brook 
 no delay. Tidings of his approach had preceded him. The 
 Bosporus was studded with boats crowded with his friends, 
 bearing torches and chanting psalms of welcome. The halt 
 at Mariamna was suspected to be a contrivance of the enemy, 
 who wished to deprive the Patriarch of the honours await- 
 ing him. Their denunciations of the Emperor and Empress 
 grew loud and menacing. An Imperial secretary arrived at 
 Mariamna, urging Chrysostom to enter the city without loss 
 of time. The Archbishop consented, and, attended by about 
 thirty bishops, amidst the acclamations of the populace, was 
 conducted to the Church of the Apostles. Again he remon- 
 strated, and expressed scruples at entering till the sentence 
 of deposition should have been revoked by a legitimate 
 council. But the eagerness of the people was irrepressible. 
 He was borne into the church, and compelled to take his seat 
 on the episcopal throne and pronounce a benediction upon 
 the assembly. When he had complied with their request, 
 they would not be satisfied till he had addressed them in an 
 extempore discourse. The address exists only in a Latin 
 translation. Its brevity, and the abrupt style of the opening 
 sentences, indicate the extemporaneous character of it. 2 
 
 " What shall I say, or how shall I speak ? ' Blessed be 
 God.' So spoke I when I departed, and I utter the same 
 again : yea, even in my exile I did not cease to say these 
 words. Ye remember how I quoted Job, and said, ' Blessed 
 
 1 Theod. v. 34. Chrys. vol. iii. p. 446. 
 
 2 Socr. vi. 16. Soz. viii. 18. Chrys. Ep. ad Innoc. in Dial. Pall. p. 10. 
 

 CH. XVIIL] SERMON AFTER RECALL. 323 
 
 be the name of the Lord for ever.' Such was the pledge I 
 left with you when I set forth ; such is the thanksgiving I 
 repeat on my return. ' Blessed be the name of the Lord for 
 ever.' Our lot varies, but our manner of giving glory is one. 
 I gave thanks when I was expelled, I give thanks when I 
 return. The conditions of summer and winter are different, 
 but the end is one the prosperity of the field. Blessed be 
 God who permitted the storm, blessed be God who has dis- 
 persed it and wrought a calm. These things I say, that I 
 may prepare you to bless God at all times. Have good 
 things happened to you ? Bless God, and the good remains ; 
 have evil things occurred ? bless God still, and the evil is 
 removed." ..." Behold what great results have been 
 wrought by the stratagems of my enemies. They have 
 augmented your zeal, inflamed your affectionate longing for 
 me, and procured me lovers in hundreds. Formerly I was 
 beloved by my own people only ; now even the Jews pay 
 me respect. My enemies hoped to sever me from my own 
 friends; and, instead, they have brought even aliens into 
 our ranks." ..." To-day the Circensian games take place, 
 but no one is present there ; all have poured like a torrent 
 into the church, and your voices are as streams which flow 
 to Heaven and declare your affection towards your father." 
 He congratulates them on putting the enemy to flight. 
 " Many are the sheep, yet nowhere is the wolf seen ; the 
 devouring beasts are overwhelmed, the wolves have fled. 
 Who has pursued them ? Not I the shepherd, but ye the 
 sheep. noble flock ! in the absence of the shepherd ye 
 have routed the wolves. beauty and chastity of the wife! 
 how hast thou repulsed the adulterer, because thou lovedst 
 thy husband !" . . . " Where are our enemies? in ignominy; 
 where are we ? in triumph." 1 
 
 1 It appears from subsequent events discomfited from the field of active 
 
 that Theophilus had not yet actually opposition ; and this would justify 
 
 quitted Constantinople, but he and the language of Chrysostom, who is 
 
 his partisans had retired for the time speaking under excitement. 
 
324 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xvm. 
 
 On the following day the Archbishop delivered another 
 address, pitched in the same strain, but amplified and more 
 ornate. It opens with a singular comparison between the 
 meditated seduction of Abraham's wife by Pharaoh, and the 
 plot of Theophilus to corrupt the chastity of the Church of 
 Constantinople. The courage and faith of the flock in 
 resisting the wolf during the absence of their shepherd, their 
 enthusiastic welcome of his return, when the sea, as he 
 expresses it, became a city (alluding to the crowds who had 
 gone out to meet him on the Bosporus), and the market- 
 place was converted into one vast church these are again 
 the topics on which he dilates with thankful joy. He 
 applies to himself the verse : " They that sow in tears shall 
 reap in joy ; he that now goeth on his way weeping, and 
 beareth forth good seed, shall doubtless come again with joy, 
 and bring his sheaves with him." The Empress is extolled 
 in language which to any but oriental ears must sound 
 painfully fulsome and adulatory. She had sent a message 
 to him on the previous evening, saying, " My prayer is ful- 
 filled, my object accomplished. I have obtained a crown 
 better than the diadem itself. I have received back the 
 priest, I have restored the head to the body, the pilot to the 
 ship, the shepherd to the flock, the husband to the home." 
 In return for this complimentary greeting (complimentary, 
 it must be confessed, to herself as much as to the Arch- 
 bishop) she is styled by him " most devout Queen, mother 
 of the churches, nurse of monks, protectress of saints, staff 
 of the poor." The people were so much delighted with 
 these laudations of the Empress, that the address was con- 
 stantly interrupted by their acclamations. 1 
 
 When the object of the Synod at the Oak had eventually 
 failed through the recall of Chrysostom, many of the members 
 lost no time in returning to their several sees. Theophilus 
 and a few of his most resolute partisans appear to have 
 
 1 Sermones 1 and 2, post red. ab exsil. vol. iii. 
 
CH. xviii.] FLIGHT OF THEOPHILUS. 325 
 
 lurked in the city, waiting a possible opportunity for resum- 
 ing their intrigues. This they attempted, according to two 
 historians, 1 by instigating accusations against Heracleides, 
 who had been consecrated Bishop of Ephesus by Chrysostom. 
 The friends of Heracleides and of the Archbishop protested 
 against the illegality of such proceedings in the absence of 
 the defendant. The question was taken up by the populace. 
 Fierce and sanguinary frays were fought in the streets 
 between the citizens and the Alexandrian followers of 
 Theophilus. At length he and his followers consulted their 
 safety by a precipitate flight. This account is not incom- 
 patible with the assertion of Chrysostom himself in his letter 
 to Innocent, that after his recall he incessantly demanded 
 the convocation of a General Council to absolve him from 
 the verdict of the false synod, and to reinstate him in pos- 
 session of his see ; that the Emperor consented, and that, as 
 soon as the imperial summonses were issued in all direc- 
 tions, Theophilus, dreading the scrutiny of his conduct, 
 cmliarkuil in the dead of night, and sailed in haste for Alex- 
 andria. 2 The citation of the council, and the hostility of the 
 people, may well have concurred to hasten his departure. 
 The General Council seems never to have regularly assem- 
 bled. Theophilus was cited to attend it after he had 
 returned to Alexandria, but excused himself on the plea 
 that the Alexandrians were so deeply attached to him, he 
 feared a sedition would take place if he were again to absent 
 himself. No less than sixty bishops, however, who had 
 congregated in Constantinople, though not apparently con- 
 vened in synodal form, solemnly declared their sense of the 
 illegality and injustice of the late proceedings at the Synod 
 of the Oak, and confirmed Chrysostom in the resumption of 
 his see. 
 
 1 Socrat. vi. 17. Sozom. viii. 19. 
 
 2 Ep. ad Innoc. in Pallad. Dial. p. 10. 
 
CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 AN IMAGE OF EUDOXIA PLACED IN FKONT OF THE CATHEDRAL- 
 CHRYSOSTOM DENOUNCES IT ANGER OF THE EMPRESS THE ENEMY 
 RETURNS TO THE CHARGE ANOTHER COUNCIL FORMED- CHRYSO- 
 STOM CONFINED TO HIS PALACE-VIOLENT SCENE IN THE CATHEDRAL 
 AND OTHER PLACES CHRYSOSTOM AGAIN EXPELLED. A.D. 403, 404. 
 
 THE storm had passed over for the moment, and the atmo- 
 sphere seemed serene : but in reality it was charged with all 
 the old elements of disturbance. The Archbishop owed his 
 restoration to a mere superstitious impulse on the part of the 
 Empress, seconded by the enthusiastic devotion of the com- 
 mon people to his person and his cause. But as the revul- 
 sion of feeling which had led to his recall died away, and 
 he himself resumed with unabated zeal his former work 
 of moral and ecclesiastical reformation, the irritation and 
 animosity of the more corrupt portion of the clergy and 
 laity revived. In two months after his return an occasion 
 arose which brought him into serious collision with the 
 Court. This was the signal for the reappearance of his 
 enemies; they flocked from far and near Egypt, Syria, 
 Asia, as well as his own more immediate diocese and 
 swooped down upon their prey with the avidity of vultures. 
 The pride and ambition of Eudoxia were not satisfied by 
 the enjoyment of a power really greater than her husband's, 
 and of respect outwardly equal; she was determined to 
 receive that half-idolatrous kind of homage which custom, 
 handed down from Pagan times, still paid to the Emperor, 
 
en. xix.] IMAGE OF EUDOXIA. 327 
 
 but to him alone. The smaller forum of Constantinople 
 was a great square, 1 on one side of which stood the grand 
 curia or senate-house, which Constantine had enriched with 
 the sumptuous spoils of many Pagan temples, and especially 
 with the statues of the Muses brought from the grove of 
 Helicon ; opposite to it was the entrance of St. Sophia, and 
 the remaining sides of the forum were bounded by hand- 
 some public and a few private buildings all faced with 
 colonnades. Tn the centre was a stone platform paved with 
 various marbles, from which speeches were delivered on 
 great public occasions. On this platform the Empress 
 determined to gratify her vanity by the erection of a lofty 
 column of porphyry surmounted by a silvern image of 
 herself. This design was accomplished in September A.D. 
 403, and the erection of the statue was celebrated by all 
 the Pagan ceremonies and festivities, including music and 
 dancing, with \vliich the adoration of the Emperor's image 
 was usually attended. These rites had been retained by 
 the Christian Emperors because they were supposed to be 
 useful in maintaining a loyal spirit among the people, 
 but the Pagan elements were afterwards suppressed by 
 Theodosius n. 2 
 
 The position of Eudoxia's column in front of the vestibule 
 of St. Sophia, and the disturbance caused to the sacred 
 services within by the noisy, tumultuous proceedings out- 
 side, were regarded by the Patriarch as a disgrace to an 
 Empress calling herself Christian, an outrage and insult 
 flung in the very face of the Church. He denounced the 
 heathenish ceremony with his usual vehemence before the 
 people, and complained of it to the prefect of the city. The 
 prefect was a Manichaean, and no friend to Chrysostom. 
 Instead of endeavouring to conciliate both parties, he reported 
 to the Empress, probably with some exaggeration, the con- 
 
 1 As distinguished from the Forum of Constantine, which was elliptical in 
 shape. 2 Cod. Theod. vi. 102. 
 
328 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xix. 
 
 damnation . pronounced by the Patriarch on the indulgence 
 of her pride. The resentment of Eudoxia was fierce. She 
 rallied the enemies of Qhrysostom around her to devise 
 means for crushing the audacious prelate. Acacius, Severian, 
 and others of the old troop were soon upon the scene, and 
 conferring with their old confederates, the Marsas and 
 Castriccias, the rich worldly dames, and the dandy young 
 clergy of Constantinople. There was no diminution mean- 
 while in the tide of invective poured forth from the golden 
 mouth, and the pungency of his sarcasms did not lose force 
 in the reports of them which were carried to the royal 
 ears. 1 
 
 Once more the faction applied to the Patriarch of Alex- 
 andria, inviting him to come and conduct their operations. 
 But he was too wary to involve himself personally in another 
 campaign, to terminate perhaps in a second ignominious 
 flight. His influence, however, even at a distance, was 
 potent. The stratagem adopted this time was to counterfeit 
 that General Council which had been constantly demanded 
 by Chrysostom ; packing it with hostile bishops who were 
 ostensibly convened to revise, but in reality to confirm, the 
 decision issued by the Synod of the Oak. Theophilus, then, 
 having excused attendance at Constantinople in person, sent 
 three " pitiful bishops " (e\eelvov 9 eTrio-KOTrovs) , creatures of 
 his own on whom he could rely, to execute his designs. 2 
 They were armed with the 12th Canon of the Council of 
 Antioch held in A.D. 341, which declared that any bishop 
 who, after deposition, appealed to the secular power for 
 
 1 The celebrated exordium of a their verdict seems reasonable. The 
 
 homily supposed to be directed against discourse is the production of a 
 
 Eudoxia " Again Herodias rages, again thorough misogynist, describing with 
 
 she demands the head of John" if much coarseness and acrimony the 
 
 actually spoken with reference to John misery and trouble caused by the 
 
 the Baptist, may easily have been re- wickedness of women. Most will 
 
 presented by the malevolent as aimed agree with Savile, that it is "scarcely 
 
 at the Empress. But the whole homily worth reading, and quite unworthy 
 
 has been pronounced spurious by Savile emendation." Vol. viii. p. 485. 
 
 and Moutfaucon, and on perusal of it 2 Pallad. Dial. c. 9. 
 
CH. xix.] FRESH PLOTS OF ENEMIES. 329 
 
 restoration, should, for that very act, he regarded hy.the 
 Church as permanently and irrevocably deposed. The 
 Council of Antioch had been swayed by Arian influence, and 
 this same canon had been aimed against Athanasius, who 
 had returned from exile to Alexandria under the Imperial 
 sanction. It had been repudiated by the Western bishops, 
 and some of the Eastern, at the Council of Sardica, and 
 indeed by all who maintained communion with Athanasius. 
 Theophilus, however, proposed to base the present proceed- 
 ings against Chrysostom on this foundation; to* turn, in fact, 
 against the greatest luminary of Constantinople the engine 
 which had been originally constructed against the greatest 
 ornament of the Alexandrian see. The instrument would 
 work well if proper hands could be procured to work it. 
 Syria, Cappadocia, Pontus, Phrygia, were once more ran- 
 sacked to supply the council with disaffected prelates. To 
 the old names of Acacius of Bercea, Severian of Gabala, 
 Antiochus and Cyrinus, may be added, as leaders of the 
 malignants, Leontius, bishop of Ancyra in Galatia, Brison of 
 rhilippopolis in Thrace, Animon of Laodicea in Pisidia ; 
 among those honourably distinguished as friendly to the 
 Patriarch were Theodore of Tyana, Elpidius of Laodicea, 
 Tniuquillus (see unknown), and Alexander of Basilinopolis 
 in Bithynia. Theodore, however, perceiving the malevolent 
 intention with which the council was convoked, quitted 
 Constantinople soon after bis arrival 
 
 The council met about the close of the year A.D. 403. It 
 was customary for the Emperor to attend Divine service in 
 state on Christmas Day, but he was induced by the enemies 
 of Chrysostom to refuse on this occasion, alleging that it was 
 impossible to be present where the Patriarch officiated till 
 he had been cleared of the serious charges brought against 
 him. It was proposed at first to affect to meet the demand 
 of Chrysostom for an equitable trial, and to hear all the 
 charges which had been preferred at the Synod of the Oak. 
 
330 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xix. 
 
 But. the witnesses were so backward to appear, and the 
 attitude of the defendant betokened such confidence in his 
 cause, that it was deemed more prudent by his enemies to 
 stake the whole issue on the canon of the Council of 
 Antioch. If that was once admitted, there would be an end 
 of the whole matter. The Archbishop, having been deposed 
 already once for all, was not competent to appear and plead 
 his cause before a council. Chrysostom and his friends 
 opposed the adoption of such a course with two powerful 
 arguments. They represented that the Council of Antioch 
 had been managed by an Arian bishop and influenced by an 
 Arian emperor, and the object of it had been to harass the 
 great Athanasius. In the next place, the Synod of the 
 Oak had been illegally constituted; sixty-five bishops had 
 repudiated its decision ; Chrysostom, therefore, was not 
 legally deposed, and the canon of Antioch was in conse- 
 quence not applicable to his case. This last objection was 
 not permitted by his enemies. Leontius boldly declared, 
 what appears to have been a palpable lie, that a larger 
 number of bishops than sixty-five had voted against Chryso- 
 stom in the Synod. 1 
 
 Thus the question as to the validity of the Council of 
 Antioch became the knot of the whole affair. It was 
 debated with such vehemence on both sides, that at length 
 the adversaries of the Patriarch proposed that a deputation 
 from the two contending parties should plead the case before 
 the Emperor, and submit the decision to him. It may be 
 presumed from their making the proposal that they felt 
 secure of a verdict favourable to their side, and, at the same 
 time, by this step a semblance of impartiality would be 
 imparted to the proceedings. The deputies met in the 
 royal presence. When the heat which marked the begin- 
 ning of the discussion had cooled down a little, Elpidius of 
 Laodicea with much gentleness of manner made an astute 
 
 i Sozom. viii. 20. Socrat. vi. 18. Pallad. Dial. c. 9. 
 
en. xix.] PROPOSAL OF ELPIDIUS. 331 
 
 proposal. He was an old man, eminent for stainlessness of 
 character, as well as for learning in ecclesiastical lore. " Let 
 us not/' he said, " weary the clemency of your Majesty any 
 longer ; only let our brethren, Acacius and Antiochus, sub- 
 scribe a declaration that they are of the same faith with 
 those who promulgated these canons, which they maintain 
 to be the production of orthodox men, and the controversy 
 will be at an end." The Emperor perceived the adroitness 
 of the proposal, and observed with a smile to Antiochus, 
 that the plan struck him as the most expedient which could 
 be devised. Antiochus and his colleagues turned livid with 
 perplexity and rage, but, being fairly caught in the dilemma, 
 were forced to dissemble their feelings, and simulated a 
 willing consent to sign the proposed declaration. The 
 promise was made, but never executed. The deputies retired, 
 and the adversaries of the Patriarch laboured with redoubled 
 energy to procure his final condemnation ; but we have no 
 record of any formal session or formally declared sentence. 
 Chrysostom continued to preach and discharge his other 
 functions with, if possible, increased diligence, and still 
 acted as president over the floating synod of more than forty 
 bishops who constantly adhered to his cause. His enemies, 
 on the other hand, acted as if the sentence of condemnation 
 had been passed, and continually requested the Emperor to 
 put it into execution. 1 
 
 A.D. 404. As Easter approached, they became more im- 
 portunate in their demand. They dreaded the demonstra- 
 tions which might be made in favour of their victim by the 
 large congregations which on Holy Saturday and Easter Day 
 were wont to assemble in the churches. They succeeded in 
 prevailing on the Emperor to prohibit the Patriarch, as 
 having been deposed and excommunicated by two councils, 
 from entering or officiating in the church at Easter-tide. 
 Chrysostom had always expressed an earnest desire to be 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. c. 9. 
 
332 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [CH. xix. 
 
 tried before a lawful council, and to abide by its decision. 
 This request had been systematically evaded even when 
 ostensibly complied with. His whole soul rebelled with 
 honest indignation against these insidious and persistent 
 attempts to misrepresent his conduct, and he determined 
 now to resist them by taking his stand on the lofty ground 
 of his Divine mission. " I received this church from God 
 my Saviour, and am charged with the care of the salvation of 
 this flock, nor am I at liberty to abandon it. Expel me by 
 force if you will, since the city belongs to you, that I may 
 have your authority as an excuse for deserting my post." 1 
 
 The Emperor, though with some shame, sent officials who 
 removed the Archbishop from the church to his palace, with 
 a strict injunction that he should not attempt to leave it. 
 This was a cautious preliminary to final expulsion, suggested 
 by superstitious dread of any earthquake or other manifesta- 
 tion of Divine displeasure. Should any such occur again, 
 the Archbishop could be released in a moment ; if not, they 
 might proceed to further measures. 
 
 Easter Eve arrived, the greatest day in the year for the 
 baptism of converts. Three thousand were to be " initiated " 
 this year. Chrysostom was again commanded to abstain 
 from entering the church, but answered according to the 
 tenor of his former reply, that he would not desist from 
 officiating unless compelled by actual force. The feeble 
 Arcadius was alarmed, and hesitated how to act. He 
 scrupled to use force on so sacred a day, and dreaded an 
 insurrection of the populace. As usual, he tried to shift 
 responsibility from his own shoulders. He sent for Acacius 
 ant ^tiochus, and requested their advice in the present 
 emei^ y. They were too far committed now to draw back, 
 and promptly replied that they would take on their heads 
 the deposition of the Archbishop. 
 
 One more effort was made to avert the impending cala- 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. c. 9. 
 
CH. xix.] TUMULT IN ST. SOPHIA. 333 
 
 niity. The forty bishops who maintained a close friendship 
 with Chrysostom accosted the Emperor and Empress as they 
 were visiting, according to their custom at this season, some 
 of the martyr chapels outside the city. They entreated 
 their majesties with tears to spare the Church her chief 
 pastor, especially on account of the season, and for the 
 sake of those who were about to be baptized. But Arcadius 
 and Eudoxia turned a deaf ear to their piteous appeal. The 
 bishops retired, grief-stricken, to mourn over the wrongs of 
 their Church and Patriarch; but not before one of them, 
 Paul, bishop of Crateia, had lifted up his voice in bold and 
 solemn warning: "Take heed, Eudoxia; fear God; have 
 pity on your children. Do not outrage by bloodshed the 
 sacred and solemn festival of Jesus Christ." 1 
 
 The church of St. Sophia became the scene, on the night 
 of that Easter Eve, of shocking tumult. A vast congrega- 
 tion from the city and surrounding towns, including many 
 of the catechumens, was keeping vigil to greet the dawn of 
 the Eesurrection morning. Suddenly a body of soldiers 
 burst in with noise and violence, and took possession of the 
 choir. The confusion may be imagined. Women and chil- 
 dren fled shrieking in wild disorder. Many of the female 
 catechumens, only half-dressed, in preparation for the recep- 
 tion of baptism, were hurriedly driven out of tho baptistry 
 witli the deaconesses who attended them. Some were even 
 wounded, and the sacred fonts stained with blood. Some of 
 the soldiers, unbaptized men, penetrated even to the chamber 
 where the Eucharistic elements were kept, and profaned 
 them with their gaze and touch. The clergy were forcibly 
 ejected in their vestments, and several were wounded ' ffhe 
 pitiable spectacle of the mingled troop of men, -yvmen, 
 children, and clergy, violently chased along the streets by 
 the brutal soldiery, moved even Jews and Gentiles to com- 
 
 Pallad. Dial. c. 9. Chrysostom (Ep. ad Innoc. vol. iii.) speaks of more than 
 forty friendly bishops. 
 
334 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xix. 
 
 passion. The clergy, however, rallied the scattered flock in 
 the Baths of Constantine, the largest public baths in the 
 city. Here they proceeded with the Easter services in due 
 order ; some reading the Scriptures, others baptizing. The 
 churches of Constantinople were deserted, which the adver- 
 sary wished to force the people to attend in the absence of 
 the Archbishop, in the hope that the Court might thus 
 suppose him to be unpopular. 
 
 Such is the description of these violent scenes as drawn 
 by the pen of Chrysostom himself, in a letter 1 written soon 
 after the occurrences, and addressed to Innocent I., bishop 
 of Home, Yenerius, bishop of Milan, and Chromatius, bishop 
 of Aquileia. " You may imagine the rest," he concludes ; 
 " great as these calamities are, there is no prospect of their 
 immediate termination ; on the contrary, the evil extends 
 every day. The spirit of insubordination is rapidly spread- 
 ing from the capital to the provinces, from the head to the 
 members. Clergy rebel against their bishop, and one bishop 
 assails another. People are, or soon will be, split into 
 factions. All places are racked by the throes of coming 
 trouble, and the confusion is universal. Having been in- 
 formed of all these things, then, my most reverend and 
 prudent lords, display, I pray you, the courage and zeal 
 which becomes you in restraining this lawlessness which has 
 crept into the churches. For if it were to become a prevail- 
 ing and allowable custom, for any at their pleasure to pass 
 into foreign and distant dioceses, and to expel whomsoever 
 any one may choose, and act as they like on their own private 
 authority, be sure that all discipline will go to pieces, and a 
 kind of implacable warfare will pervade the world, all expel- 
 ling or being themselves expelled. Wherefore, to prevent 
 the subjection of the world to such confusion, I beseech you 
 to enjoin that these acts so illegally performed in my absence, 
 when I had not declined fair judgment, may be reckoned 
 
 1 Vol. iii. p. 533. 
 
CH. xix.] CHRYSOSTOM WRITES TO INNOCENT. 335 
 
 invalid, as indeed in the nature of things they are, and that 
 those who have been detected taking part in these iniquitous 
 proceedings may be subjected to the penalty of ecclesiastical 
 law ; while we who have not been proved guilty may con- 
 tinue to enjoy your correspondence and friendship as afore- 
 time." He closes his letter by affirming that he was still 
 prepared to prove his innocence and the guilt of his accusers 
 before a legally constituted council. 
 
 This letter is interesting not only in itself, but because it 
 illustrates remarkably the growing tendency of Christendom 
 to appeal to the arbitration of the Western Church, and 
 especially of the Bishop of Rome, in matters of ecclesiastical 
 discipline. The law-making, law-protecting spirit of the 
 West is invoked to restrain the turbulence and licentiousness 
 of the East. The Patriarch of the Eastern Rome appeals to 
 the great bishops of the West, as the champions of an 
 ecclesiastical discipline which he confesses himself unable to 
 enforce, or to see any prospect of establishing. No jealousy 
 is entertained of the Patriarch of the old Rome by the 
 Patriarch of the new. The interference of Innocent is 
 courted, a certain primacy is accorded him, but at the same 
 time he is not addressed as a supreme arbitrator ; assistance 
 and sympathy are solicited from him as from an elder 
 brother, and two other prelates of Italy are joint recipients 
 with him of the appeal. The effect of this letter will 
 shortly be related ; for the present, the course of events at 
 Constantinople must be followed. 
 
 It did not suit the purpose of Acacius and his party to 
 allow the congregation which had been hunted out of St. 
 Sophia to proceed with their service in the baths unmolested. 
 If the Emperor entered the church in the morning and found 
 it deserted, the vacancy on so great a day would reveal too 
 plainly the intense devotion of the people to their bishop. 
 The aim of the conspirators was to force the people to attend 
 the services, which were to be marked by the absence of 
 
336 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xrx. 
 
 Chrysostom alone. They accordingly applied to Anthemius, 
 Master of the Offices, to disperse the congregation, if neces- 
 sary by force. Anthemius, however, was a moderate, pru- 
 dent man, and kindly disposed towards the Patriarch. He 
 refused to interfere, pleading the advanced hour of the night, 
 the vastness of the assembly, and the risk of serious tumult. 
 He yielded, however, to their persevering and urgent de- 
 mands so far as to direct Lucius, a subordinate officer, com^ 
 mander of a Thracian corps called the Scutarii, to present 
 himself with his troops at the entrance of the baths, and 
 exhort the people to return to the church, as the more 
 proper place for conducting the services. He was strictly 
 charged to abstain from violence. He acted on his instruc- 
 tions, and harangued the congregation, but without effect. 
 The chanting of the Psalms and the administration of 
 baptism to crowds of catechumens were proceeded' with. 
 Lucius returned and reported his errand ineffectual. Acacius 
 and his colleagues urged him with all their eloquence, and 
 with promises of rich reward, probably more effective than 
 their golden words, to make another effort, and to use force 
 if persuasion were not regarded. They gave him some 
 ecclesiastics to accompany him and, as it were, sanction 
 their proceedings. Whether they began by exhortation is 
 not recorded ; at any rate, if it was given, no attention was 
 paid to it, and it was quickly seconded by barbarian 
 violence. Lucius himself pushed his way to the place of 
 baptism, and laid about him with a truncheon upon candi- 
 dates, deacons, and priests, some of them aged men, and 
 dispersed them in all directions. The soldiers seized and 
 plundered the women of their ornaments, the clergy of their 
 vestments, and the sacred vessels belonging to the Church ; 
 they beat the fugitives and dragged them off to the prisons. 
 The natural solitude and silence of the streets, in the hour 
 immediately preceding dawn, were disturbed by the cries of 
 the captives and the shouts of their brutal captors. 
 
en. xix.] FRESH SCENES OF VIOLENCE. 337 
 
 In the morning the street walls were covered with pro- 
 clamations, menacing with severe punishment any who 
 persisted in maintaining intercourse with the Patriarch. 1 
 
 The baths were effectually emptied of the congregation ; 
 but to fill the churches could not so easily be accomplished ; in 
 fact, they were entirely deserted. Large numbers of the dis- 
 persed congregation who had escaped the hands of the soldiers 
 fled outside the walls of Constantinople,and, with indefatigable 
 zeal, sought to complete the celebration of the Paschal rites 
 as best they could in the secure recesses of woods or valleys. 
 A large number assembled in a field called Pempton, because 
 five miles from the Forum of Constantine, an open space 
 surrounded by wood and intended to be used as a Hippo- 
 drome. In the course of the day Easter Day the Emperor 
 and his retinue happened to ride, or perhaps were maliciously 
 conducted, near the spot. The eye of Arcadius was attracted 
 by the sight of a large body of people, many of them clothed 
 in white, crowded together outside the Hippodrome. Un- 
 happily, the Emperor was attended by courtiers inimical to 
 the Archbishop. They replied to his inquiries respecting 
 the nature of the concourse, that it was a body of heretics 
 who had met to worship there in order to escape interference. 
 Arcadius was weak enough to allow, without further inquiry, 
 a number of soldiers who formed part of his escort to ride in 
 upon the assembly and seize the most conspicuous leaders. 
 A number of priests were captured, and several rich and 
 noble ladies, whom the soldiers despoiled of their head- 
 dresses and earrings with great barbarity, in one instance 
 even tearing away with the appendage a portion of the ear 
 itself. 
 
 One more attempt was made to assemble in a wooden 
 hippodrome, built by Constantine, called the Xulodrome; 
 but once more they were driven out, and hunted from place 
 to place with relentless diligence. These repeated assaults 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. c. 9. 
 Y 
 
338 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xix. 
 
 broke up the flock of Clirysostom ; the prisons were filled 
 with the Johnites, as they were called after the name of 
 their bishop, and the churches were empty. The prison 
 walls echoed to the sound of the chants and hymns of the 
 martyrs, but the churches to the noise of scourge and fierce 
 threats administered to those who ventured to enter. This 
 was done in the hope that they might be coerced by torture 
 to anathematise the Archbishop. 1 
 
 He himself, however, meanwhile continued to reside two 
 months in his palace, though not without risk. Twice, as it 
 was believed, attempts were made to assassinate him, but 
 frustrated. Suspicion fell first on a man who affected demo- 
 niacal possession, and hovered much about the precincts 
 of the palace. A dagger was found upon his person ; the 
 people seized him and dragged him before the prefect ; but 
 Chrysostom procured his release through the intercession of 
 some bishops, just as he was about to be examined by torture. 
 A second attempt was supposed to be intended by a slave, 
 who ran at full speed towards the entrance of the palace, and 
 plunged a dagger, in some instances with fatal effect, into 
 several passers-by who endeavoured to stop him. He was 
 at last surrounded and captured by the people, when he 
 confessed that he had been bribed by his master, a priest 
 named Elpidius, to try and assassinate the Archbishop. 
 The fury of the people was appeased by the imprisonment 
 of the man ; but they now resolved to take the protection of 
 their Archbishop into their own hands. They divided them- 
 selves into companies, which kept watch by turns, night 
 and day, over the episcopal palace. The hostile party, 
 dreading any further impediments to the execution of their 
 iniquitous sentence, now hurried matters to their conclusion. 
 Five days after Pentecost, four bishops Acacius, Antiochus, 
 Severian, and Cyrinus ; obtained an interview with the 
 Emperor. They represented that the city never would be 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. c. 9. Sozom. viii. 21. 
 
CH. xix.] CHRYSOSTOM AGAIN EXPELLED. 339 
 
 tranquil till the removal of the Archbishop had been effected, 
 and that his remaining in the palace after his condemnation 
 was a gross violation of ecclesiastical law. They avowed 
 themselves willing to take the responsibility of his de- 
 position on their own heads, and besought the Emperor 
 not to be more lenient and concessive than were bishops 
 and priests. 1 
 
 June, A.D. 404. The long-hoped-for mandate was at 
 length issued. It was conveyed to the Archbishop by the 
 notary Patricius, and informed him that Acacius and three 
 other bishops having charged themselves with the responsi- 
 bility of his deposition, he must commend himself to God, 
 and quit the church and the palace without delay. The 
 martyr received the cruel order with meek submission, and 
 prepared to act upon it with prompt obedience. He passed 
 from his palace to his church, saying to the bishops who 
 accompanied him, " Come, let us pray and say farewell to 
 the Angel of the Church. At my own fate I can rejoice, 
 I only grieve for the sorrow of the people." One of his 
 friends, a nobleman, conveyed a warning to him to avoid 
 by a secret departure the risk of exciting popular tumult. 
 He informed him that Lucius was waiting with troops in 
 one of the public baths to compel his removal in the event of 
 any delay or resistance, and that the consequences of any 
 attempt at a rescue by the populace might be serious. 
 
 Chrysostom acted on his advice. He entered the choir 
 with his friendly bishops, bestowed on them a farewell kiss 
 and farewell words ; then bidding them wait for him there 
 while he went to repose, he entered the baptistry, and sent for 
 the deaconesses, Olympias, Pentadia, Procla, and Salvina. 
 " Come hither, my daughters," he said, " and hearken to me : 
 my career, I perceive, is coming to an end ; I have finished 
 my course, and perchance ye will see my face no more. 
 Now I exhort you to this : let not any of you break off her 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. 10. Sozom. viii. 21, 22. Socrat. vi. 18. 
 
340 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [CH. xix. 
 
 accustomed benevolence towards the Church. If any man 
 is appointed my successor without having canvassed the 
 office, and against his own will, but by the common consent 
 of all, submit to his authority as if he were Chrysostom 
 himself ; so may ye obtain mercy. Kemember me in your 
 prayers." The women threw themselves at his feet dissolved 
 in tears. The Archbishop made a sign to one of the priests 
 to remove the women, lest, as he said, their wailing should 
 attract the attention of the people outside. He directed 
 that the mule on which he was accustomed to ride should 
 be saddled and taken to the western gate of the cathedral ; 
 and while the people's attention was diverted by this feint, 
 he passed out, unobserved, by a small door near the east 
 end, and surrendered himself to some soldiers who were at 
 hand to convey him to the port. So he departed from the 
 church, the scene of his indefatigable labours, whose walls 
 were never again to resound to his eloquence. He went 
 out, and, in the emphatic words of the historian to whose 
 narrative we are indebted for the minute picture of these 
 occurrences, " the Angel of the Church went out with him." 
 Two bishops, Cyriacus of Synnada in Phrygia, and Eulysius 
 of Apamea in Bithynia, accompanied him on board the vessel 
 which conveyed him across the straits to the Bithynian 
 coast. 1 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. c. 10. 
 
CHAPTER XX. 
 
 FURY OF THE PEOPLE AT THE REMOVAL OF CHRYSOSTOM DESTRUCTION 
 OF THE CATHEDRAL CHURCH AND SENATE-HOUSE BY FIRE PERSECU- 
 TION OF CHRYSOSTOM'S FOLLOWERS FUGITIVES TO ROME LETTERS 
 OF INNOCENT TO THEOPHILUS TO THE CLERGY OF CONSTANTINOPLE 
 TO CHRYSOSTOM DEPUTATION OF WESTERN BISHOPS TO CONSTAN- 
 TINOPLE REPULSED SUFFERINGS OF THE EASTERN CHURCH TRIUMPH 
 OF THE CABAL. A.D. 404, 405. 
 
 THE people, meanwhile, both within the church and outside, 
 were not long in discovering that the Archbishop had dis- 
 appeared from the building and its precincts. They became 
 furiously agitated : some rushed to the harbour, but too late 
 to obstruct the embarkation. The doors of the cathedral, 
 which had been locked by some of the cabal, who anticipated 
 a rush of the people as soon as the departure of Chrysostom 
 should have been discovered, were fiercely battered by the 
 crowd on both sides. Jews and Pagans looked on, and jeered 
 derisively at the tumult. The horror of this scene of wild 
 confusion was suddenly increased by the apparition of fire 
 bursting forth from the building. How kindled, by accident 
 or design, it is impossible to determine. Each party fiercely 
 charged the other with the guilt of the catastrophe, and some 
 attributed it to miraculous interference of heavenly powers. 
 The conflagration broke out in or near the throne of the 
 Archbishop, which it consumed, and then spread to the roof. 
 In three hours the edifice, whose erection and embellishment 
 had been the work of many years, was reduced to a heap of 
 cinders. The only portion not destroyed was the treasury 
 
342 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xx. 
 
 which contained the sacred vessels of silver and gold, as if 
 expressly to confute one of the charges made against the 
 Archbishop, that he had sold all the most valuable ornaments 
 belonging to the church. Germanus and Cassian, the 
 custodians of the treasury, when they fled to Kome, carried 
 with them a copy of the inventory of all these articles, 
 which, when they surrendered their office, had been handed 
 over to the prefect and some of the other chief functionaries 
 of the city. 
 
 The conflagration, however, did not confine itself to the 
 cathedral. A violent north wind carried the flames across 
 the Forum, and ignited the great curia or senate-house ; not, 
 however, that side of it which faced the cathedral, but the 
 further side, which looked into the little forum where the 
 royal palace was situated. The whole senate-house was 
 destroyed. The statues of the' Muses which Constantine 
 had brought from Helicon were consumed, and all the 
 other principal adornments. The images of Zeus and Athene 
 alone were found intact, beneath a heap of ruins and of 
 masses of molten lead which had dropped upon them from 
 the burning roof. 1 
 
 The real or affected suspicion that the Archbishop and his 
 flock were the incendiaries was quite a sufficient pretext for 
 treating them with rigour. He himself, with Cyriacus and 
 Eulysius, was detained in chains under a strict guard in 
 Bithynia. These two companions were taken from him and 
 conveyed bound to Chalcedon, but after examination were 
 dismissed as innocent. But at Constantinople the persecu- 
 tion was enforced with merciless severity under the auspices 
 of Optatus, a Pagan, now prefect in the place of Studius. 
 All the followers of the Archbishop, clerical and lay, high 
 and low, were subjected, if caught, to rigorous inquisition, 
 and most of them to severe punishment. Chrysostom wrote 
 a letter from Bithynia to the Emperor, imploring that he 
 
 i Pallacl. Dial. c. 10. Zosim. v. 24. Sozom. viii. 2. 
 
CH. xx.] CHRYSOSTOM'S FRIENDS PERSECUTED. 343 
 
 might at least be allowed to appear and defend himself and 
 his clergy from the atrocious charge of incendiarism, but the 
 letter received no attention ; and as the poor exile continued 
 his journey to Nice, his sufferings were enhanced by pitiable 
 intelligence of the persecution inflicted on bishops, priests, 
 and deacons who refused to anathematise him or recognise the 
 validity of his deposition. But the spirit of the exile was 
 not only brave to support his own troubles, but could spare 
 some of its energy to encourage those, who were suffering in 
 his cause, to patience, fortitude, resignation, and even joy. 1 
 
 In times of religious persecution, the language of the New 
 Testament, about the blessedness of tribulation as a pledge 
 of future happiness and a means of preparation for it, comes 
 home to men's hearts with a reality and force which seem to 
 exceed our present application of it to the troubles and 
 sorrows of ordinary life. Those who were firmly persuaded 
 that their cause was the cause of truth and of Jesus Christ 
 read the words, " Blessed are ye when ye are persecuted for 
 righteousness' sake," or, " Happy are ye when men revile you 
 and persecute you," as if spoken directly to themselves ; and 
 they really did " rejoice in that day, and leap for joy." Such 
 are the texts which Chrysostom cites for the consolation 
 of his suffering friends. He speaks of their exposure to 
 intimidation by threats, imprisonment, frequent appearance 
 in judges' courts, torture at the hands of the executioner, 
 shameless false evidence, coarse ribaldry, and scurrilous jests; 
 but " blessed were they, yea, thrice blessed, and more than 
 that, to endure imprisonment and chains, for not only was 
 their fortitude the subject of admiration everywhere, but 
 their present sufferings were the measure of their future 
 happiness, and their names had been inscribed in the Book 
 of Life." 2 
 
 The destruction of the church and senate-house was the 
 first pretext for instituting persecution against the adherents 
 
 1 Fallad. Dial. c. 11. 2 p. ad Episcop. vol. iii. pp. 541 and 673. 
 
344 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xx. 
 
 of Chrysostom ; the second was, their refusal to recognise 
 his successor. One week after his deposition, Arsacius, 
 brother of Nectarius the predecessor of Chrysostom, was, 
 apparently by the simple exercise of Imperial authority, 
 elevated to the see. He was eighty years old, and is 
 quaintly described by Palladius as " muter than a fish, and 
 more incapable than a frog." 1 The probable aim of the 
 Empress was to secure a man whose servility might be 
 depended on. His brother, ISTectarius, had once desired 
 to make him Bishop of Tarsus; and, on his declining to 
 accept the promotion, had taunted him with ambitiously 
 reserving himself for the see of Constantinople ; whereupon 
 Arsacius had taken an oath that he never would accept any 
 bishopric. But ambition and Imperial authority overcame 
 his scruples. He is described by the historians as a man of 
 pious disposition and mild conduct ; with one exception : 
 that he persecuted with relentless vigour the contumacious 
 adherents of his predecessor. By Chrysostom he is 
 denounced as a wolf, and in a figurative sense as an 
 adulterer, on account of his usurpation of the see during 
 the lifetime of its legitimate occupant. 2 Arsacius applied 
 to the civil powers for assistance to compel the Johnites to 
 attend the churches where he and his clergy officiated. A 
 tribune was directed to attack a body of them who had 
 assembled for worship in some remote part of the city. The 
 soldiers dispersed the assembly, took several of the most 
 eminent persons prisoners, and, as usual, stripped the women 
 of their golden girdles, jewels, and earrings. The only con- 
 sequence of this was, that the Johnites became more attached 
 to the cause and memory of their late Archbishop. Some of 
 them fled the city, and many more refrained as much as 
 possible from appearing in public places, such as the Forum 
 and the baths. Meetings of some kind for worship were 
 not discontinued, or were soon resumed, for we find Chryso- 
 
 i C. 11. 2 Epist. cxxv. 
 

 < . ,. 
 
 4 
 
 CH. xx.] CHRYSOSTOM'S FRIENDS PEB^EOTEED. ' : 35 V^ 
 
 stom, in one of his letters written during his exile, rep*6^inor <^ - 
 two priests, Theophilus and Salustius, for slackness in attenV \ . 
 ing such assemblies. 1 But worshippers ran great risks. '^ 
 The prefect Optatus, who succeeded Studius, probably 
 because the latter was considered too lenient, appears to have 
 entertained all the animosity of a thorough Pagan against 
 Christians, and to have rejoiced in the present opportunity 
 of inflicting sufferings upon them. He combined the two 
 charges of incendiarism and contumacy in his prosecution of 
 the Johnites, and endeavoured to extort confessions of guilt 
 from his victims with merciless barbarity. 
 
 A few instances are recorded, and they are quite enough 
 to sicken us of the tale of such horrors. Eutropius, a reader, 
 was commanded to name the persons who had set fire to the 
 church. He refused. He was young and delicate, and it 
 was thought a confession might be wrung from him under 
 the agony of torture. He was lashed with a scourge, his 
 cheeks were scraped, and his sides lacerated with iron teeth, 
 after which lighted torches were applied to the wounded 
 parts. No information could be extorted from him : he was 
 therefore conveyed to prison, and thrown into a dungeon, 
 where he expired. Some priests, adherents of Arsacius, 
 buried him by night, that his mangled body might not be 
 seen by any eyes but those of his enemies. Celestial music 
 was said to have been heard at the time of his interment. 
 
 Tigrius, the priest, whose presence with Serapion had 
 been demanded at the Synod of the Oak, was another victim. 
 He was stripped, scourged on his back, and then stretched 
 on the rack till his bones were dislocated. He survived the 
 torture, and was banished to Mesopotamia. Serapion himself, 
 now bishop of Heraclea in Thrace, was seized, tried on several 
 calumnious charges, barbarously scourged, and sent into exile. 
 
 Those ladies also who were most distinguished for their 
 friendship with the deposed Archbishop, and for the dedica- 
 
 1 Epist. ccxii. 
 
346 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xx. 
 
 tion of their time and money to the Church, were marked 
 objects of persecution. They were brought before the pre- 
 fect, and admonished by him to acknowledge Arsacius, and 
 so save themselves from future annoyance. A few from 
 timidity complied; but Olympias, who was subjected to a 
 severer examination, confronted it with a dauntless spirit. 
 She was bluntly asked why she had set fire to the "-Great 
 Church." " My manner of life," replied the accused, " is a 
 sufficient refutation of such a charge ; a person who has 
 expended, large sums of money to restore and embellish the 
 churches of God is not likely to burn and demolish them." 
 " I know your past course of life well," cried the prefect. 
 " If you know aught against it, then descend from your place 
 there as judge, and come forward as my accuser," replied the 
 undaunted Olympias. Perceiving that she was not to be 
 browbeaten, Optatus proposed the same course to her which 
 had been adopted by some other women as a means of 
 exemption from further persecution, namely, communion 
 with Arsacius; but she scornfully rejected the base com- 
 promise. "I have been publicly calumniated by a charge 
 which cannot be proven, and I will not accede to any terms 
 till I have been cleared from this accusation. Even if you 
 resort to force, I will not hold communion with those from 
 whom I ought to secede, nor do anything contrary to the 
 principles of my holy religion." She made a request, which 
 was granted, that she might be allowed a few days to consult 
 with lawyers on the proper means of legally refuting the 
 libellous accusation. The prefect, however (on what pre- 
 tence is not stated), sent for her again, and exacted a heavy 
 fine, in the hope that she would be induced to yield. The 
 fine was paid without any reluctance, but her refusal to 
 acknowledge the usurper was inflexible; and to avoid, if 
 possible, further pressure and persecution, she retired to 
 Cyzicus, on the other side of the straits. 1 
 
 i Sozom. viii. 24. Palla-l. Dial. c. 20. 
 
CH. xx.] CHRYSOSTOM'S FEIENDS PERSECUTED. 347 
 
 The tidings of her fortitude and loyalty were conveyed to 
 the exiled Chrysostoni, and so cheered his spirit in the 
 midst of depression and sickness that his sufferings seemed 
 to him as nothing. " When many men and women, old and 
 young, highly reputed for their virtue, had turned their backs 
 on the enemy almost before the conflict had begun, she, 
 on the other hand, after many encounters, so far from being- 
 enervated, was even invigorated ; she spread forth the sails 
 of patience, and floated securely as on a calm sea ; so far 
 from being overwhelmed by the storm, she was scarcely 
 sprinkled by the spray. In the seclusion of her little house 
 she was able to inspire courage into the hearts of others, 
 and had been to them a haven of comfort and a tower of 
 strength." 1 
 
 The deaconess Pentadia, widow of the consul Timasius, 
 was another victim. She led the life of a recluse, never 
 going beyond the walls of her house except to church. She 
 was now dragged from her retreat through the Forum to the 
 prefect's tribunal, and thence to prison, charged with being 
 an accomplice in the late fire. Several persons were put to 
 the torture before her eyes, in order to intimidate her into a 
 confession; but in vain. Her firm demeanour, courageous 
 answers, and powerful demonstrations of her innocence, con- 
 founded and silenced her adversaries, and elicited the admira- 
 tion of the public. Beyond imprisonment, no indignities 
 seem to have been inflicted on her ; and when desirous to 
 quit the capital, she was persuaded by Chrysostom to remain, 
 who represented the great value of her presence and example 
 in animating others to undergo their present afflictions. She 
 had apparently intended to try and join him in his place of 
 exile, when he had been removed to Cucusus, on the con- 
 fines of Lesser Armenia, for he dwells on the great risk to 
 her delicate health from a journey in winter, and the danger 
 of being plundered by the Isaurian robbers, who were just 
 
 . ad Olymp. vi. 
 
348 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHKYSOSTOM. [CH. xx. 
 
 then, he says, in a powerful condition. He, therefore, on all 
 grounds, begs her to remain where she is, but to relieve his 
 mind from anxiety about her affairs and health by con- 
 stantly writing to him. 1 
 
 Meanwhile, the injured Church of Constantinople did not 
 cease through letters and emissaries to solicit the interfer- 
 ence of the Western Church. The first intimation of the 
 calamities we have been describing which reached the ears 
 of Kome was through a messenger despatched by Theophilus. 
 The letter which he brought was inscribed " From Pope 
 Theophilus to Pope Innocent," and stated in the barest 
 manner, without assigning his reasons or mentioning any 
 assessors in his judgment, that he had deposed Chrysostom, 
 and that it behoved Innocent to break off communion with 
 him. The Pope was displeased by the cool and curt char- 
 acter of the letter, and somewhat perplexed how to notice or 
 reply to so inexplicit a despatch. Eusebius, a deacon from 
 Constantinople, who was in Kome at the time on some 
 ecclesiastical business, obtained an interview with Innocent, 
 and entreated him not to act till information should be 
 received from Constantinople, which, he added (on what 
 grounds does not appear), he had good reason to expect 
 would arrive in a short time. Three days afterwards four 
 bishops did arrive, bearing the letter from Chrysostom to 
 Innocent which contained that pathetic and perspicuous 
 narrative of the recent occurrences, from which extracts have 
 been made in the preceding chapter. They brought two 
 other letters, one from the forty friendly bishops, another 
 from the clergy of Constantinople. 
 
 Innocent no longer hesitated to pronounce an opinion. 
 His letter to Theophilus is brief, decisive, almost peremptory 
 in tone. " The See of Kome," he said, " would maintain 
 communion with Alexandria and Constantinople to avoid 
 rending the unity of the Church ; but he annulled (aOe 
 
 1 Epp. xciv. and civ. 
 
CH. xx.] APPEALS TO THE POPE. 349 
 
 the deposition of John apparently made by Theophilus. It 
 was impossible to recognise the validity of a sentence pro- 
 nounced by such an irregular synod as that lately convened 
 at Chalcedon. If Theophilus had confidence in the justice 
 of that sentence, he must appear in person to prove it before 
 a General Council called together and regulated according to 
 the Canons of Nice." A few days after the despatch of this 
 letter, Peter, an Alexandrian priest, arrived with a deacon 
 from Constantinople, bearing another letter from Theophilus, 
 and certain minutes, so called, of the acts of the Synod of 
 the Oak. Innocent, having perused the minutes, was indig- 
 nant at the mingled monstrosity and levity of the charges 
 brought against Chrysostom, and at the condemnation 
 having been pronounced in the absence of the defendant. 
 He ordered special prayers and fasts to be observed by 
 the Church for the restoration of concord, and addressed 
 to Theophilus a sharp letter of reproof. 1 
 
 It is not easy to make out precisely how many communi- 
 cations passed each way between the Churches of Eome and 
 Constantinople, or the exact date of each ; but several letters 
 are distinctly mentioned. Theotecnus, a priest from Con- 
 stantinople, brought a letter from twenty-five of the forty 
 bishops who had constantly adhered to Chrysostom, in 
 which they described the expulsion of the Patriarch and the 
 conflagration of the church. Innocent replied by a letter of 
 condolence, and exhortation to bear their trial with Christian 
 fortitude and patience, for at present he confessed, with deep 
 regret, that he saw small prospect of rendering much effectual 
 aid, " owing to the opposition of certain persons powerful for 
 evil," alluding probably to the jealousies between the Courts 
 of the two brothers, Honorius and Arcadius. The cabal also 
 sent a letter to Innocent, containing their version of the 
 late transactions. Their emissary was Paternus, who called 
 himself a priest of Constantinople ; " an ugly little fellow," 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. cc. 1, 2, 3. 
 
350 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xx. 
 
 says Palladius, " and very unintelligible." The letter was 
 written in the names of Arsacius, Paulus, Antiochus, Cyrinus, 
 Severian, and some others; and, among other opprobrious 
 charges, distinctly accused Chrysostom of setting fire to the 
 church. Innocent treated the letter with much disdain, and 
 would not condescend to answer it. Some days afterwards, 
 Cyriacus, bishop of Synnada, arrived in Eome as a fugitive, 
 in consequence of an Imperial edict, which directed the 
 deposition of any bishop who refused to communicate with 
 Arsacius and Theophilus, and the confiscation of his pro- 
 perty, if he had any. After Cyriacus arrived Eulysius, 
 bishop of Apamea in Bithynia, bringing a letter from fifteen 
 of the forty friendly bishops, which described all the past 
 and present distress of the Church caused by Chrysostom's 
 enemies, and in all respects confirmed the oral account of 
 Cyriacus. In the course of another month, Palladius, bishop 
 of Hellenopolis, fled to Eome from the intolerable harshness 
 of magisterial decrees, which now subjected to confiscation 
 the house of any one who should be found to have harboured 
 bishop, priest, or even layman, who communicated with 
 Chrysostom. From a letter of Chrysostom 1 it appears that 
 Palladius and many others lived for some time in conceal- 
 ment at Constantinople, in the hope of escaping persecution. 
 They were courteously lodged in Eome by one Pinianus and 
 his wife, by Juliana, Proba, and other Eoman ladies, whom 
 Chrysostom warmly thanks for their kindness in letters 
 written by him from Cucusus. 2 Germanus the priest, and 
 Cassian the deacon, custodians of the Church treasury at 
 Constantinople, also came to Eome, bringing a letter from 
 the whole body of the clergy who adhered to Chrysostom, 
 describing the violent deposition and expulsion of the Arch- 
 bishop, and the tyranny of their adversaries under which 
 they were now suffering. 3 
 
 The reply of Innocent to this letter from the clergy of 
 
 1 Ep. cxiii. 2 Epp. clxviii. clxix. et alice. 3 Pallad. Dial. c. 3. 
 
CH. xx.] LETTER FROM THE POPE. 351 
 
 Constantinople is dignified as well as sympathetic. He 
 exhorts, as usual, to patience, and to the derivation of com- 
 fort from the remembrance of the sufferings of all God's 
 saints in past times. But he deeply deplores their wrongs, 
 and again expresses his reprobation in the strongest terms 
 of the illegality of the late proceedings. " The canon which 
 prohibited the ordination of a successor during the lifetime 
 of the reigning bishop had been grossly violated. The 
 Canons of Antioch, on which the synod had relied, were 
 invalid, having been composed by heretics, and they had 
 been rejected by the Council of Sardica. The Canons of 
 Nice alone were entitled to the obedience of the Church; 
 but adversaries and heretics were always attempting to sub- 
 vert them." ..." What steps, then, should be taken in the 
 existing crisis? Plainly a General Council must be con- 
 voked : that was the only means of appeasing the fury of 
 the tempest. He was watching an opportunity to accom- 
 plish this : meanwhile, they must wait in patience, and trust 
 the goodness of God for the restoration of tranquillity and 
 good order." 
 
 To Chrysostom Innocent wrote, as friend to friend, as a 
 bishop to a brother bishop, a letter of Christian consolation 
 and encouragement, not entering into the legal questions of 
 the case, and not pledging himself to decisive action of any 
 kind. It was not necessary to remind one, who was himself 
 the. teacher and pastor of a great people, that God often tried 
 the best of men, and put their patience to the severest tests, 
 and that they are firmly supported under the greatest calami- 
 ties by the approving voice of conscience. ... A good man 
 may be severely tried, but cannot be overcome, since he is 
 preserved and guarded by the truth of Holy Scripture. 
 Holy Scripture supplied abundant examples of suffering 
 saints who did not receive their crowns until they had under- 
 gone the heaviest trials with patience. " Take courage, then, 
 honoured brother, from the testimony of conscience. When 
 
352 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xx. 
 
 you have been purified by affliction, you will enter into the 
 haven of peace in the presence of Christ our Lord." 1 
 
 Innocent, however, not only wrote commonplace letters 
 of condolence, but exerted himself to obtain the council 
 which he had recommended to the Church of Constantinople 
 as the only means of redressing her wrongs. He wrote a 
 letter to Honorius, then at Eavenna, representing the 
 lamentable condition of the Church of Constantinople, which 
 elicited from the Emperor an order for the convention of an 
 Italian synod. This synod, after a due consideration of all 
 the circumstances, was to submit its decision and suggestions 
 to himself. The result of the deliberations of the Italian 
 bishops, swayed no doubt by Innocent, was to request the 
 Emperor to write to his brother Arcadius, urging the con- 
 vocation of a General Council to be held in Thessalonica, 
 which would be a convenient meeting-point for the prelates 
 of East and West. Honorius complied, and the letter was 
 despatched under the care of a deputation from the Italian 
 Church, consisting of five bishops, two priests, and a deacon. 
 The Emperor calls it the third letter 2 which he had written 
 relative to the affairs of Constantinople. He professes 
 great solicitude for the peace of the Church, " on which," he 
 observes, " the peace of our Empire depends ; " and with a 
 view to this object, he urges the convocation of a council at 
 Thessalonica, and specially entreats that the attendance of 
 Theophilus, who was, he is informed, author of all these 
 disturbances, should be insisted upon. He commends the 
 deputation to the honourable care of Arcadius ; and that he 
 may know the sentiments of the Italian Church on the 
 present state of affairs, he sends him two letters as samples 
 of many, one from the Bishop of Borne, the other from the 
 Bishop of Aquileia. 
 
 1 Sozom. viii. 26. in the Church of St. Sophia, and at 
 
 2 One previous letter we possess in the gross violation of justice and law 
 Chrys. vol. iii. p. 539, in which he ex- in the recent so-called trial of Chry- 
 presses his horror at the late outrages sostom. 
 
< :i. xx.] ENVOYS FROM THE WEST MALTREATED. 353 
 
 The only bishop on the deputation whose see is men- 
 tioned was JEmilius, bishop of Beneventum. The Oriental 
 refugees, Cyriacus, Demetrius, Palladius, and Eulysius, 
 accompanied the Italians. They were the bearers not only 
 of letters from Honorius, Innocent, and the bishops Chro- 
 matius of Aquileia and Venerius of Milan, but also of a 
 memorial from the Italian synod, which recommended that 
 Chrysostom should be reinstated in his see before he was 
 required to take his trial before a council. He would then, 
 it was observed, have no reasonable excuse for declining to 
 attend it. The deputation was absent four months. On 
 their return the members had a pitiful tale to tell of failure 
 in their errand, and of personal suffering from maltreatment. 
 The} 7 touched at Athens on their voyage out, whence they 
 had intended to proceed to Thessalonica, and lay the letters 
 first of all before Anysius, bishop of that place; but at 
 Athens they were arrested by a military officer, who placed 
 them on board two vessels under charge of a centurion, to 
 l>e conveyed to Constantinople. A furious southerly gale 
 sprang up soon after their departure, and, after a voyage of 
 some danger, they arrived, late on the third day, at the 
 suburb of Constantinople called Victor. But, instead of 
 being allowed to proceed to the city, they were shut up in a 
 fortress named Athyra, on the coast the Eomans in a single 
 chamber, the Orientals in separate apartments. No servant 
 even was permitted to attend them. They were commanded 
 to deliver up the letters which they had brought, but refused, 
 as being ambassadors, to surrender them to any but to the 
 Emperor himself. Secretaries and messengers were sent in 
 succession, but the ambassadors steadfastly adhered to their 
 refusal. The letters were at length wrested from their 
 possession by sheer violence : one bishop's thumb was 
 broken in the struggle. On the following day a large bribe 
 was offered them if they would recognise Atticus- (the aged 
 Arsacius was now dead) as Patriarch, and say no more 
 
 z 
 
354 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xx. 
 
 about the trial of Chrysostom. This base proposal was 
 iirmly resisted ; and, seeing the utter hopelessness of their 
 mission, they requested to be released as soon as possible, 
 and suffered to return to their dioceses in safety. The 
 Italians saw no more of their companions from the East. 
 They themselves were thrust into a miserable vessel, with 
 twenty soldiers of various grades, and conveyed to Lampsa- 
 cus, on the Asiatic coast, where they embarked in another 
 vessel, and, after a tedious voyage of twenty days, arrived at 
 Hydruntum, in Calabria. 1 
 
 Neither the Papacy nor the Empire of the West" was 
 sufficiently powerful at this time to insist further upon 
 justice being done to the Patriarch, in the face of the 
 determined animosity of the ruling powers at Constanti- 
 nople ; but the friends of the martyr deemed that they 
 read unequivocal signs of the Divine displeasure in the mis- 
 fortunes which befell some of Chrysostom's greatest personal 
 enemies. Thrace and Illyria were ravaged by an incursion 
 of Huns, and the Isaurians, a predatory barbarian race, 
 which inhabited the fastnesses of Mount Taurus, committed 
 fearful havoc in Syria and Asia Minor. Cyrinus, bishop of 
 Chalcedon, one of the four who had taken on them the 
 responsibility of Chrysostom's condemnation, died in great 
 agony from the wound in his foot, originally caused when his 
 foot had been trodden upon by Bishop Maruthas, more than 
 a year ago, just before the Synod of the Oak. At the end 
 of September, Constantinople was visited by a destructive 
 fall of hailstones of extraordinary size ; and on October 6, 
 A.D. 404, died the Empress Eudoxia. Nilus, one of the most 
 eminent anchorites of the day, once prefect of Constanti- 
 nople, who had abandoned wealth, family, and position for 
 the solitudes of Mount Sinai, addressed two letters of reproof 
 and warning to Arcadius on the iniquitous banishment of 
 Chrysostom and inhuman persecution of his followers. 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. c. 4. 
 
CH. xx.] SUFFERINGS OF THE EASTERN ENVOYS. 355 
 
 " How can you expect to see Constantinople delivered from 
 visitations of earthquake and fire from Heaven, after the 
 enormities which have there been perpetrated ; after crime 
 has been established there by the authority of laws ; after 
 the thrice-blessed John, the pillar of the Church, the lamp 
 of truth, the trumpet of Jesus Christ, has been driven from 
 the city ? How can I grant my prayers (Arcadius had 
 apparently begged the intercession of the saint to remove 
 the national troubles) to a city stricken by the wrath of 
 God, whose thunder is every moment ready to fall upon 
 her?" 1 
 
 But human and divine warnings were alike wasted ; the 
 enemies of the Patriarch had complete sway over the Court, 
 and suffered it not to swerve from the path of persecution. 
 The Western bishops and presbyters, after the disastrous 
 termination of their embassy to Constantinople, returned 
 home, without honour indeed, but unmolested. Their 
 Eastern colleagues did not escape so easily. They were 
 conveyed to places of exile in the most distant and opposite 
 quarters of the Empire. Cyriacus was confined in a Persian 
 fortress beyond Emessa ; Eulysius in Arabia ; Palladius on 
 the confines of Ethiopia; Demetrius was to have been con- 
 fined in one of the Egyptian oases, but died of the harsh 
 treatment to which he was subjected on the journey. The 
 exiles suffered such brutal insults and indignities from the 
 soldiers who conducted them to these places, that the desire 
 of life was extinguished. The little money which they had 
 collected for the expenses of their journey was taken from 
 them by their guards, who divided it among themselves. 
 They were forced to perform in one day the distance of two 
 days' journey. They were not permitted to enter any 
 churches on their route, but forced into Jewish or Samaritan 
 synagogues, and lodged at night in low inns, where their 
 ears were shocked by the filthy conversation of abandoned 
 
 1 Nilus, 2 Epp. cclxv. and cclxxix. Sozom. viii. 25. 
 
356 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xx. 
 
 characters of both sexes. Yet even some of these degraded 
 people were won to a more respectful behaviour, if not 
 actually converted, by the Christian exhortations and in- 
 struction of the captives. The "Word of God was not 
 bound." Some of the bishops friendly to Theophilus bribed 
 the soldiers to hurry the exiles out of their dioceses as 
 quickly as possible. Distinguished among these malignants 
 were the bishops of Tarsus, Antioch, Ancyra, and of Csesarea 
 in Palestine. Most of the bishops of Cappadocia, on the 
 other hand, especially Theodorus of Tyana, and Bosporius 
 of Colonia, accorded them a compassionate and courteous 
 reception. 1 
 
 Arsacius died in November A.D. 404. Out of many ambi- 
 tious candidates for the vacant throne, Atticus, a presbyter, 
 who had taken an active part in the persecution of Chrysostom, 
 a native of Sebaste in Armenia, was appointed. He was a 
 man of moderate abilities and generally mild disposition, 
 but relentless in his determination to crush out the party of 
 the exiled Patriarch. By his influence an Imperial rescript 
 was obtained, which decreed that " any bishop who did not 
 communicate with Theophilus, Porphyry of Antioch, and 
 Atticus, should be ejected from the Church, and his property 
 confiscated." The wealthy, for the most part, bowed to the 
 storm ; the poor sought peace of body and of conscience in 
 flight either to Rome or monasteries. This rescript, aimed 
 at the bishops, was followed up by another directed against 
 the laity. Any layman who refused to recognise the above- 
 mentioned prelates was, if a civilian, to be deprived of any 
 office which he might hold ; if a soldier, of his military girdle ; 
 if an artisan, to be heavily fined or banished. Bishops and 
 presbyters were dispersed as fugitives into all parts of the 
 Empire. Some sought retirement in some secluded little 
 country property of their own, and obtained a precarious 
 livelihood by manual labour, farming, or fishing. 2 
 
 1 Pallad. Dial. 20. 2 Sozom. viii. 27. Pall ad. Dial. 20. 
 
CH. xx.] STATE OF THE EASTERN CHURCH. 357 
 
 But, in spite of all the various means of coercion at Con- 
 stantinople, in spite of trials, torture, imprisonment, banish- 
 ment, the bulk of the people could not be brought to attend 
 the ministration of Atticus and his clergy. Their churches 
 were comparatively empty, while the persecuted adherents 
 of the exile persistently held their services in some sequestered 
 valley, or on some lonely hillside. In fact, persecution, as 
 has always been the case, only intensified the attachment of 
 many to the person and the cause which it was intended to 
 crush, and so far defeated its own object. Chrysostom 
 himself observes, 1 that many of those who had enjoyed a 
 high reputation for piety were the first to fall away when 
 brought to the test of persecution ; whereas others, who had 
 formerly been abandoned to frivolity and vice, now renounced 
 the theatre and circus, hastened into the desert to attend the 
 assembly of the Catholics at worship, and displayed the 
 greatest fortitude before the judge when brought to trial, in 
 the face of torture, and with the prospect of imprisonment 
 or exile. 
 
 The party now in power could not convert the hearts of 
 clergy or people to their side, but they could, and did, change 
 the outward aspect of the Church. The men of probity and 
 piety with whom Chrysostom had replaced the six simoniacal 
 bishops deposed in Asia were expelled, and the delinquents 
 restored. The Church in that region was reduced to a 
 disgraceful state. Ordinations were conducted, not amidst 
 prayer and fasting, but feasting, drunkenness, and gross 
 bribery. The see of Heracleides, the good bishop of 
 Ephesus, appointed by Chrysostom, was occupied by a 
 eunuch, a monster of iniquity. The people in disgust 
 deserted the churches. 
 
 The death of Flavian, bishop of Antioch, nearly coincided 
 with the banishment of Chrysostom. The people of Antioch 
 were much attached to a priest named Constantius, a man 
 
 1 Ep. ad eos qui scandalizati sr.nt, c. 19. 
 
358 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [CH. xx. 
 
 described by Palladius as a faithful and incorruptible servant 
 of the Church from his earliest youth, first as a messenger 
 who carried ecclesiastical despatches, then as reader, deacon, 
 priest. He had won the love and admiration of the people 
 by his gentle, amiable disposition, his intelligence, strict 
 integrity, and exemplary piety. There was a general desire 
 to make him bishop, but an ambitious priest named Porphyry 
 frustrated the design. By bribery, and calumnious stories 
 conveyed to the Court at Constantinople, he procured an 
 Imperial rescript condemning Constantius to be banished to 
 one of the oases as a disturber of the people. With the 
 assistance of his friends Constantius escaped to Cyprus. 
 Porphyry meanwhile imprisoned several of the clergy of 
 Antioch, and seized the opportunity of the Olympian festival 
 (when most of the inhabitants had poured out to the cele- 
 brated suburb of Daphne) to enter the church with a few 
 bishops and clergy ; and then, with doors fast closed, he was 
 hurriedly ordained, so hurriedly that some portions of the 
 service were omitted. Acacius, Severian, and Antiochus, 
 who had officiated, immediately fled. The people were en- 
 raged when they discovered the trick, surrounded Porphyry's 
 house, and threatened to burn it to the ground. He applied 
 for protection to the prefect, who lent him a body of troops, 
 with which he forcibly took possession of the church. He 
 contrived to get an unscrupulous and cruel man sent from 
 Constantinople to be captain of the city guards, terror of 
 whom drove the people to attend the churches, though they 
 did so with disgust, and earnestly prayed for retribution from 
 Heaven on the authors of this wickedness. 1 
 
 Innocent remained inflexibly attached to the cause of 
 Chrysostom. The Church of Rome and the Italian bishops 
 broke off all communion with Theophilus and Atticus, and 
 ceased not to demand the convocation of a General Council, 
 as the only tribunal by which the Patriarch could be lawfully 
 
 i Pallad. Dial. cc. 15 and 16. 
 

 c:i. xx.] DEGRADATION OF THE CHURCH. 359 
 
 acquitted or condemned. 1 But the Court of Eavenna was 
 not in a position to support these demands by intimidation 
 or actual force. All the skill of Stilicho and all the resources 
 at his command were barely sufficient to repel the persevering 
 efforts of Alaric and Ehadagaisus to take the great prize 
 which they so eagerly coveted, the capital of the Roman 
 Empire. The inevitable fall of Rome was averted only for a 
 little while. 
 
 Thus the spirit of lawlessness and selfishness took ad- 
 vantage of the impotence of the secular power both in 
 Rome and Constantinople to work its will upon the Church. 
 It dealt a blow to Christian morality and ecclesiastical dis- 
 cipline from which the Church at Constantinople never 
 recovered, and which caused a throb of pain from one end of 
 Christendom to the other ; for, in spite of all differences and 
 divisions, Christendom was one then, so that, if one member 
 suffered, all the members suffered with it; and what was 
 done and said, and thought and felt, in the Church of Alex- 
 andria, or Antioch, or Constantinople, was not unknown or 
 unregarded by the Churches of Rome or Milan, and through 
 them made its impress on the Churches even of Gaul and 
 Spain. 
 
 i Theod. v. 34. 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM ORDERED TO BE REMOVED TO CUCUSUS-PERILS ENCOUN- 
 TERED AT C^SAREA HARDSHIPS OF THE JOURNEY REACHES 
 CUCUSUS LETTERS WRITTEN THERE TO OLYMPIAS AND OTHER 
 FRIENDS. A.D. 404. 
 
 IT now only remains to follow the illustrious exile along his 
 painful journey to its melancholy or, if we regard him as 
 the Christian martyr, its glorious termination. 
 
 He was removed, as has been already seen, from Con- 
 stantinople on June 20, and conveyed, in the course of a 
 few days, to Nicsea. Here he remained till July 4, and 
 several of his letters to Olympias were written from this 
 place. The soft yet fresh sea air revived his health, which 
 had suffered from the feverish and harassing scenes that he 
 had gone through at Constantinople, and from the journey 
 begun in the very middle of the summer heat. Nothing 
 could exceed the kindness of the soldiers under whose 
 custody he travelled, who discharged towards him all the 
 duties of servants as well as of guards. 1 His ultimate 
 destination was not known for some time by himself or his 
 friends. Common report sent him to Scythia, 2 but the 
 intention of his enemies appears to have changed from time 
 to time. Sebaste in Armenia had been first proposed, but 
 finally Cucusus, a village in the Tauric range on the edge of 
 Cilicia and the Lesser Armenia, was fixed upon. It was a 
 remote and desolate spot, subject to frequent attacks from 
 
 1 Epp. x. xi. 2 Ep. xiii. 
 

 CH. xxi.] THE MISSION IN PHOENICIA. 361 
 
 the marauding Isaurians ; and at first Chrysostom earnestly 
 entreated his friends in Constantinople to try and procure a 
 more agreeable place of exile, a favour frequently granted to 
 criminals. Olympias, Bishop Cyriacus, Briso the chamber- 
 lain, and a lady named Theodora, repeatedly interceded on 
 his behalf; but their efforts were ineffectual. 1 The Empress 
 herself, it would appear, selected Cucusus, and was inexor- 
 able in her decision. 2 
 
 From beginning to end of his exile Chrysostom's mind 
 was occupied with organising such work as yet remained 
 possible to him. It has been seen with what zeal he had 
 planted a missionary settlement in Phoenicia. This project 
 continued to the close of his life to be an object of his most 
 solicitous interest. On July 3, the eve of his departure 
 from Niciea, he addressed a letter to a priest named Con- 
 stantius, 3 apparently the superintendent of the missionary 
 work in Phoenicia and the surrounding countries. He im- 
 plores him to prosecute his labours for the extirpation of 
 Paganism with zeal undiminished, and undismayed by the 
 present afflicted state of the bishop and the see, to whom the 
 mission owed its origin. " The pilot and the physician, far 
 from relaxing their efforts when the ship and the patient are 
 in peril, redouble their efforts to save them." He begs Con- 
 stantius to inform him year by year how many temples are 
 destroyed, how many churches built, how many good Chris- 
 tians immigrate into Phoenicia. He had himself persuaded a 
 recluse, whom he found at Nicsea, to go and place himself 
 under the direction of Constantius in the missionary work. 
 He had, he says, happily concluded, just about the time of 
 his deposition, arrangements for the suppression of Mar- 
 cionism, which was very prevalent at Salamis, in Cyprus. 
 He begs Constantius to write to his friend Bishop Cyriacus, 
 if still in Constantinople, and request him to carry these 
 plans into effect. Finally, he implores the prayers of Con- 
 
 1 Epp. cxx. cxxi. 2 Ep. cxxv. in fine. 3 Ep. ccxxi. 
 
362 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxi. 
 
 stantius and all faithful people for the cessation of the 
 present calamities of the Church, especially of the intoler- 
 able evils which had befallen it in Asia ; alluding no doubt 
 to the restoration of the simoniacal bishops. 
 
 On July 4 or 5 the exile started from Nicsea on his toil- 
 some and perilous journey in the midsummer heat, across 
 the scorching plains of Galatia and Cappadocia. He de- 
 scribes himself 1 as an object of great compassion to travellers 
 whom he met coming from Armenia and the East, who 
 stopped to weep and wail over his distress. His route lay 
 in a diagonal line across the centre of Asia Minor, ascending 
 first of all near the stream of the river Sangarius, which in 
 its upper course winds through vast plains of black bitumi- 
 nous soil, scantily cultivated, but supplying pasture to great 
 herds of cattle. Chrysostom had always been an ascetic 
 liver, but he had not a robust frame, and he had been accus- 
 tomed to wholesome food and the frequent use of the bath. 
 Continuous travelling by night as well as day, the scorching 
 sun, hot dust, hard bread, brackish water, and deprivation of 
 the bath, threw him into a fever ; but either from fear of the 
 Isaurians, or of Leontius, bishop of Ancyra, in Galatia, one 
 of his most virulent enemies, the journey was pursued 
 without intermission till he arrived, more dead than alive, 
 at Csesarea, in Cappadocia. 
 
 He has left us a detailed account of the perils which 
 befell him here, and a melancholy picture indeed it is 
 of the ferocity and cunning of which bishops and monks 
 were capable under the influence of fanatical partisan- 
 ship. 2 Having escaped, he says, from the Galatian (pro- 
 bably meaning Leontius), he was met, as he approached 
 Caesarea, by several persons, who informed him that Pha- 
 retrius the bishop was eagerly expecting him, and pre- 
 paring to welcome him with affectionate hospitality. He 
 confesses that he himself mistrusted these specious offers, 
 
 i Ep. viii. 2 Ep. xiv. 
 
 

 err. XXL] VIOLENT SCENES AT C.ESAREA. 363 
 
 but he kept his suspicions to himself. On his arrival at 
 Csesarea, in a state of extreme exhaustion, Pharetrius did 
 not appear, but he was enthusiastically received by the 
 people as well as some monks and nuns. The extreme 
 kindness and skill of physicians (one of whom declared his 
 intention of accompanying him to the end of his journey), 
 wholesome food, and the use of the bath, so much renovated 
 his strength and diminished his fever, that he became anxious 
 in a day or two to resume his journey. But just at this 
 juncture the city was thrown into consternation by tidings 
 that a large body of Isaurians was ravaging the neighbour- 
 hood, and had already burned a town with much slaughter. 
 All the available troops in Csesarea were marched out, and 
 the whole male population, including old men, turned out 
 to man the walls. During this time of suspense, the house 
 in which Chrysostom lodged was besieged by a large body 
 of monks, who with furious cries and gestures demanded 
 his surrender. The prsetorians who guarded him were terri- 
 fied by the fierce behaviour of these fanatics, and declared 
 that they would rather face the Isaurians than fall into the 
 hands of these "wild beasts." The governor of the city 
 succeeded in protecting the person of Chrysostom, but not 
 in quelling the fury of the monks, who renewed their assault 
 still more hotly on the following day. The Bishop Phare- 
 trius was very generally suspected to be the instigator of 
 these attacks, and an appeal was made to him to interpose 
 his authority, that the Archbishop might at least enjoy a 
 few days' repose, which the state of his health greatly needed. 
 But the envy of Pharetrius was embittered by the popu- 
 larity of Chrysostom, and the great kindness and compassion 
 which his hardships had elicited from clergy and people. 
 He refused to interfere; but Chrysostom's friends took 
 advantage of a brief lull in the hostile visits of the monks 
 to convey him in a litter outside the town, amidst the 
 lamentations of the attendant people, and imprecations on 
 
364 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxi. 
 
 the author of the malevolent assaults. When he was once 
 outside the town several of the clergy joined him, and be- 
 sought him not to think of trusting himself to Pharetrius ; 
 it would be worse, they declared, than falling into the hands 
 of the Isaurians : " only escape from our hands, and where- 
 ever you fall you will fall safely." 
 
 At this crisis a lady named Seleucia, the wife of Kufinus, 
 a man of rank and a friend of Chrysostom, entreated him to 
 accept a lodging at her country house, about five miles out 
 of the city. He accepted the offer ; but, unknown to him, 
 Pharetrius, whose rage was inflamed by the rescue of his 
 prey, visited the house, and threatened to take vengeance on 
 the mistress if her guest was not surrendered. This demand 
 was refused, and the lady gave orders to her steward, in the 
 event of any attack by monks, to collect all the labourers on 
 the estate and repel the assault by force. But her courage 
 at last gave way under the pressure of incessant menaces 
 from Pharetrius, and it was resolved to remove the Arch- 
 bishop, not less for his own safety than for that of the 
 person whose roof had afforded him shelter. In the dead of 
 night, when Chrysostom was sleeping, unconscious of im- 
 pending danger, he was roused by a companion, the priest 
 Evethius, who told him that he must instantly prepare for 
 flight. It was midnight, and the sky murky and moonless ; 
 but they dared not light torches for fear of attracting the 
 observation of their enemies. The road was rugged and 
 rocky ; the mule which carried the Archbishop's litter fell, 
 and he was thrown out. Evethius took him by the hand 
 and led, or rather dragged, him along. In such a pitiable 
 plight, faint with fatigue and fever-stricken, did the bishop 
 of the second see in Christendom stumble and totter in 
 the darkness along the Cappadocian mountain path. " Were 
 not these calamities," he writes to Olympias, " sufficient to 
 blot out many sins, and suggest to me a hope of future 
 glory?" 
 
CH. xxi.] ARRIVAL AT CUCUSUS. 365 
 
 Of the remainder of his journey to Cucusus we possess no 
 detailed narrative. He only speaks in general terms of his 
 sufferings for thirty days from fever, aggravated by the want 
 of a bath, and by deficient accommodation of every kind in 
 a journey made along a rough road, through a desolate moun- 
 tainous country, liable to an attack at any moment from 
 Isaurian bandits. 1 Desolate though the region was, how- 
 ever, he speaks of monks and nuns occasionally meeting 
 him in large numbers, and loudly bewailing his calamities, 
 exclaiming that it "had been better the sun should have 
 hidden his rays, than that the mouth of Chrysostom should 
 have been closed." 2 About seventy days 3 after his departure 
 from Constantinople, that is, about the end of August or 
 beginning of September, Cucusus was reached. After the 
 fatigues and dangers of his journey, it was a haven of rest 
 to the exhausted exile, though he describes it as in itself the 
 most desolate place in the world ; a mere village high up 
 in the eastern range of Taurus, on the confines of Lesser 
 Armenia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia. 4 But it was protected 
 from the Isaurians by a strong garrison, and it contained 
 many warm-hearted friends of the Archbishop, who emu- 
 lated one another in showing him attention. Several had 
 sent invitations to him, before he left Caesarea, to accept a 
 lodging at their houses, but more especially one whom he 
 calls " my Lord Diodorus," who had known him in Constan- 
 tinople. This generous personage not only placed his whole 
 house at the disposal of Chrysostom, betaking himself to a 
 country villa to make room for his guest, but furnished it 
 with every possible defence against the cold of the approach- 
 ing winter, in that altitude very severe. The Bishop of 
 
 1 Epp. xiii. Ixxxiv. appears iu the Itinerary of Antonine 
 
 - Ep. cxxv. as Cocusus (PP- 10 > 13 )- Tt stood at 
 
 the confluence of several roads, but 
 
 Ep. ccxxxiv. apparently not high-roads, one of 
 
 4 Epp. ccxxxiv. ccxxxvi. It is not which connected Antioch with Asia 
 mentioned in Pliny or Ptolemy, but Minor. 
 
366 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxi. 
 
 Cucusus not only received him with great civility, but 
 even desirous that his own throne should be occupied by 
 the illustrious exile, that his flock might profit by the 
 eloquence of the greatest teacher and preacher of the day ; 
 but Chrysostom thought it prudent to decline the honour. 1 
 
 Many of his friends in Constantinople and other places, 
 who owned property near Cucusus, directed their stewards 
 to provide in various ways for the comfort of the exile, and 
 some of his friends actually came to share his fortunes in 
 person. The aged deaconess, Sabiniana, arrived from Con- 
 stantinople with the fixed determination of accompanying 
 him to his final place of exile, whatever that might be. 
 Constantius, the presbyter of Antioch, whom the people had 
 wished to make bishop, also took up his abode at Cucusus, 
 as well to escape from the persecution of Porphyry as from 
 his zealous attachment to Chrysostom. 2 Thus the natural 
 disadvantages of the place, the want of good physicians and 
 of a plentiful market, the severity of the heat in summer 
 and cold in winter, were largely compensated by the enjoy- 
 ment of freedom, rest, and the kind attention of friends. 
 He warns his supporters in Constantinople, who were 
 endeavouring to procure a change of destination for him, 
 to be careful that he was not removed to a place worse than 
 Cucusus, where he possessed all substantial necessaries and 
 comforts of life. If, however, they thought there was a 
 chance of obtaining Cyzicus or Mcomedia, they were not to 
 desist from their efforts ; but he was convinced that another 
 long and fatiguing journey to a spot as remote and desolate 
 as Cucusus would kill him. 3 
 
 The leisure of the exile was profitably employed in writ- 
 ing letters to every variety of friends men of rank, ladies, 
 deaconesses in Constantinople, bishops, clergy, missionary 
 monks, and his kind acquaintances in Cassarea, especially 
 the physician Hymnetius, who had attended him there with 
 
 1 Ep. cxxv. in fine. 2 Ep. xiii. 3 Epp. xiii. xiv. ccxxxiv. 
 

 CH. XXL] LETTERS TO OLYMPIAS. 367 
 
 affectionate care. As might be expected, none of his letters 
 describe his condition so minutely or pour forth so un- 
 restrainedly his fears and hopes, his causes of distress or 
 joy, as those written to Olympias. The style in which she 
 is usually addressed is at once respectful, affectionate, and 
 paternal: "To my lady, the most reverend and religious 
 deaconess Olympias, Bishop John sends you greeting in the 
 Lord." They are seventeen in number, written at different 
 stages of his exile ; nor is it possible to determine precisely 
 the date of each. The first three seem to have been written 
 from Cucusus, and are mainly devoted to the aim of con- 
 soling her under the present calamities of the Church ; to 
 dissipating, as he expresses it, that cloud of sorrow which 
 surrounded her. 1 " Come now, let me soften the wound of 
 your sadness, and disperse the sad cogitations which com- 
 pose this gloomy cloud of care. What is it which upsets 
 your mind, and occasions your grief and despondency ? Is 
 it the fierce and lowering storm which has overtaken the 
 Churches and enveloped all with the darkness of a moonless 
 night, which is growing to a head every day, and has already 
 wrought many lamentable shipwrecks ? All this I know ; 
 it shall not be gainsaid : and, if you like, I can form an 
 image of the things now being done so as to represent the 
 tragedy more distinctly to thee. We behold a sea heaved up 
 from its lowest depths, some sailors floating dead, others 
 struggling in the waves, the planks of the vessel breaking up, 
 the masts sprung, the canvas torn, the oars dashed out of the 
 sailors' hands, the pilots, seated on the deck, clasping their 
 knees with their hands, and crying aloud at the hopelessness 
 of their situation ; neither sky nor sea clearly visible, but all 
 one impenetrable gloom, and monsters of the deep attacking 
 the shipwrecked crew on every side. But why attempt 
 further to describe the indescribable ? Yet, when I see all 
 this, I do not despair, when I consider who is the Disposer 
 
 1 Vol. iii. p. 549 et seq. 
 
368 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxi. 
 
 of this whole universe One who masters the storm, not by 
 the contrivance of art, but can calm it by His nod alone. 
 He does not always destroy what is terrible in its beginning, 
 but waits till it has come to its consummation ; and then, 
 when most men are in despair, He works marvels and does 
 things beyond all expectation, displaying a power which 
 belongs to Him alone. Wherefore, faint not, for there is only 
 one thing, Olympias, which is really terrible, there is only 
 one real trial and that is sin. All things else, whether 
 they be insidious assaults of foes, or hatred, or calumny, or 
 abuse, or confiscation of goods, or exile, or the sharpened 
 sword, and war raging throughout the world, are but as a 
 tale ; they endure but for a season, they are perishable, and 
 have their sphere in a mortal body, and do no injury to the 
 vigilant soul." . . . "Why, then, do you fear temporal 
 things, which flow away like the stream of a river?" . . . 
 " Let none of these things which happen vex you ; cease 
 to entreat the help of this person or that, but continually 
 beseech Jesus Christ, whom you serve, merely to bow the 
 head, and all these troubles will be dissolved ; if not in an 
 instant of time, that is because He is waiting till wickedness 
 has grown to a height, and then he will suddenly change the 
 storm into a calm. . . " 
 
 He enters into an eloquent review of the sufferings and 
 persecution to which our blessed Lord was subjected from 
 His birth to His death, in order to prove that apparent failure 
 is a fallacious test of the truth and real value of man's 
 character and work. . 
 
 " Why are you troubled because one man has been 
 expelled and another introduced into his place? Christ 
 was crucified, and the life of Barabbas, the robber, was 
 asked. How many must have been shocked and repelled 
 by this ignominious termination to a life of miracles ! But 
 in every stage of His life there was much to surprise and 
 offend and try the faith. His birth was the cause of deatli 
 
 
en. XXL] LETTERS TO OLYMPIAS. 369 
 
 to many innocent children in Bethlehem ; poverty, danger, 
 exile, marked His infancy. He was misunderstood and 
 suspected throughout His ministry. ' Thou art a Samaritan, 
 and hast a devil;' 'He deceiveth the people ;' ' He casteth 
 out devils through the chief of the devils ; ' ' He was a 
 gluttonous man and wine bibber, a friend of publicans and 
 sinners/ His discernment of purity and goodness was 
 questioned, because He permitted the sinful woman to 
 approach Him ; ' neither did His brethren believe on Him.' 
 You speak of many having been frightened out of the 
 straight path by the present calamities. How many of 
 Christ's disciples stumbled at the time of His crucifixion ! 
 One betrayed Him, another denied Him, the others fled, and 
 He was led to trial bound and alone. How many, think 
 you, were offended when they beheld Him, who a little while 
 ago was raising the dead, cleansing the lepers, expelling 
 devils, multiplying loaves, now bound, forlorn, surrounded 
 by coarse soldiers, followed by a crowd of tumultuous 
 priests? How many when He was being scourged, and 
 they saw Him torn by the lash, and standing with bleeding 
 body before the governor's tribunal? How many, again, 
 whon He was mocked, now with a crown of thorns, now 
 with a purple robe, now with a reed in His hand ? How 
 many when He was smitten on the cheek, and they cried, 
 ' Prophesy, who is he that smote Thee ? ' and dragged Him 
 hither and thither, consuming a whole day in jesting and 
 revilement in the midst of the throng of Jewish. spectators? 
 How many when He was led to the cross with the marks of 
 the scourge upon His back? How many when the soldiers 
 divided His raiment among themselves ? How many when 
 fastened to the cross and crucified ? " And, after our Lord's 
 Ascension, what had been the lot of the early Church ? 
 Calamity, persecution, discomfiture, weakness, the offence of 
 many and the defection of many. Yet the truth of Jesus 
 Christ's Gospel had not been obscured ; it had shone more 
 
 2 A 
 
370 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [CH. xxi. 
 
 and more brightly : God had wrought out the triumph of 
 His Church. 
 
 The above is a much-condensed rendering of passages 
 which can hardly be too much admired for the spirit as well 
 as style in which they are written. The union of a Christian 
 philosophy and a Christian faith, a philosophy which traces 
 a principle in God's modes of operation, and a faith which 
 contentedly accepts whatever happens, in the firm belief 
 that, be it pleasant or painful, it is part of some purpose of 
 God ; a philosophy which traces in every suffering of Christ's 
 servants for the cause of truth a reflection of the Master's 
 sufferings, and a faith which enables the sufferer not only 
 to be cheerful himself, but to cheer others, form, indeed, a 
 noble object of contemplation. In a letter written to 
 Olympias, just after his hardships and perils at Csesarea, he 
 begs her to rejoice, as he declares he can himself rejoice, in 
 suffering as a pledge of future glory. He never had 
 desisted, and never would desist, from declaring that the 
 only real calamity to a man's self was sin ; all other evils 
 were as dust and smoke. Spoliation of goods was freedom ; 
 banishment was but a change of abode ; death was but the 
 discharge of nature's debt, which all must eventually pay. 
 So much has been at all times, and is still, uttered by 
 Christian writers and preachers about patience and joy in 
 affliction, that we may be disposed to pass over language of 
 this kind sometimes as a hackneyed commonplace ; but it 
 must be remembered that, in Chrysostom's case, the speaker 
 was an actual sufferer. His words were not the sentimental 
 utterances of a rhetorical preacher addressing an admiring 
 audience, but convictions deliberately expressed by a per- 
 secuted sufferer, who was really living by the principles 
 which he was accustomed to preach. 
 
 The rapturous and lavish praise which in some of his 
 letters he bestows upon the virtues of Olympias would by a 
 lady of piety in modern times be distrusted as flattery, and 
 
err. xxi.] PRAISE OF OLYMPIAS. 371 
 
 distasteful as a dangerous encouragement to self-righteous- 
 ness and conceit; but the language of ornate compliment, 
 which would be offensive to Western taste, seems natural to 
 Orientals : and it may therefore be supposed that its effect 
 in elating the mind of the recipient is faint in proportion. 
 Chrysostom begins his second letter by recommending 
 Olympias to divert her mind from those calamities and sins, 
 for which she was no way responsible, by directing it to the 
 final judgment. The awe with which she must contemplate 
 that scene, in which she, together with all others, is indi- 
 vidually concerned and interested, will expel the useless 
 grief which mourns over iniquity wrought by others. But 
 he breaks off suddenly from such a line of argument, as 
 inapplicable to the case of so angelic a being as Olympias. 
 " To me, indeed, and those who, like me, have been plunged 
 beneath a sea of sins, such discourse is necessary, for it 
 excites and alarms ; but you, who abound in goodness, and 
 who have already touched the very vault of Heaven, cannot 
 even be pricked by such language ; wherefore, in addressing 
 you, I will chant another strain and strike another string." 
 He does indeed ; he invites her to count over her own per- 
 fections, and to dwell with complacent satisfaction on the 
 heavenly rewards which are surely in store for her. . . . 
 " It would fill a volume to relate the history of her patience, 
 tried in such a variety of ways from her youth. She had 
 laid such vigorous siege to her body, though naturally delicate 
 and nurtured in the lap of luxury, that it might truly be 
 called dead ; and these austerities had raised for her such a 
 s \vnrm of maladies as defied the skill of physicians, and 
 involved her in continual suffering. To speak, indeed, of 
 patience and self-control, in reference to her fasts and vigils, 
 would be inaccurate, because those expressions implied a 
 conquest over oppugnant passions. But she had no desires 
 to conquer : they were not merely subdued but extinguished. 
 It was as easy and natural to her to fast as it was to others 
 
372 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xxi. 
 
 to eat, as natural to her to pass the night in vigil as to others 
 to sleep." With an admiring comment on her squalid and 
 neglected attire he closes this singular enumeration of her 
 perfections, lest, as he expresses it, he should lose himself in 
 an illimitable sea if he attempted to wade further ; his 
 object being, not to make an exhaustive catalogue of her 
 virtues, but only such as might be sufficient to lift her out 
 of her present state of depression. 
 
 It is worth making such extracts as these, because they 
 enable us to see how widely remote Chrysostom was from 
 the mind and taste of our own times in some points, although 
 in others he seems so nearly congenial. There is another 
 vein of thought in this letter which is still more alien. " If," 
 he says, " in addition to the rewards of her chastity, her fasts, 
 her vigils, her prayers, her boundless hospitality, she wishes 
 to enjoy the sight of her adversaries, those iniquitous and 
 blood-stained men undergoing punishment for their crimes, 
 that pleasure also shall be hers. Lazarus saw Dives tor- 
 mented in flames. This you will experience. For if he, 
 who neglected but one- man, suffered such punishment, if it 
 was expedient for the man who should offend one little one 
 to be hanged or cast into the sea, what penalty will be 
 exacted of men who have offended so large a part of the 
 world, upset so many churches, and surpassed the ferocity 
 of barbarians and robbers ? You will see them fast bound, 
 tormented in flames, gnashing their teeth, overwhelmed with 
 useless sorrow and vain remorse; and they, in their turn, 
 will behold you wearing a crown in the blessed mansions, 
 exulting with angels, reigning with Christ; and they will 
 cry aloud and groan, repenting of the contumely which they 
 fastened upon thee, supplicating, but in vain, thy pity and 
 compassion." 1 
 
 To our ears of course such language is extraordinarily 
 shocking ; but it is valuable as a warning, in estimating the 
 
 1 Ep.. ii. c. 10, 
 

 CH. xxi.] EEMARKS ON THESE LETTERS. 373 
 
 character of Chrysostom, not to judge him or any individual 
 by words or deeds, which are not so much the offspring of 
 the man as of the age and circumstances in which he lived. 
 Chrysostom had exercised as well as taught meekness, for- 
 bearance, and charity towards all men, enemies as well as 
 friends; but he lived when the minds of Christians had 
 for generations been inured to scenes of persecution, and to 
 such a rigorous system and barbarous execution of criminal 
 law as are hardly conceivable by us. Fierce opposition of 
 party against party, violence and bloodshed put down, if at 
 all, by the stern hand of force, hardened public feeling, 
 and the individual, however amiable and gentle by nature, 
 inevitably becomes infected by the prevailing mode of 
 thought ; he must look at things and judge of things more 
 or less from the same point of view as the generality of 
 men amongst whom he lives. What would seem revolt- 
 iugly cruel to a humane man now, appeared to a man 
 who lived some hundreds of years ago, though perhaps 
 equally Immune by nature, and in private life amiable, a 
 merely natural and just retribution. 
 
 The letters of Chrysostom to those bishops l who remained 
 loyal to his cause are full of asseverations that his affection 
 for them cannot be diminished by separation or distance. 
 He exhorts them to continue their labours with unabated 
 zeal, and carefully to abstain from all communion with the 
 adverse party. Small though their numbers were, yet their 
 fortitude under persecution would so much encourage others 
 that their conduct might be the salvation of the Church. 
 Several of his letters to laymen in Constantinople are models 
 of wise Christian counsel. He is never less than the pastor, 
 while he is always the friend. He writes to one Gemellus, 2 
 on his promotion to some high magisterial office, that, 
 " while others congratulated him merely on his new honours, 
 he would ^rather dwell with thankfulness on the abundant 
 
 i e.fj. Epp. Ixxxviii. Ixxxix. et alice. 2 Ep. cxxiv. 
 
374 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xxi. 
 
 opportunities Gemellus would now possess of exercising 
 wisdom and gentleness on a large scale. He doubted not 
 Gemellus would prove to those who were attached to the 
 vain glories of this earth, that the true dignity of the 
 magistrate consisted not in the robe or the girdle of office, 
 or in the voice of the herald, but in reforming what was 
 evil, and repairing what was falling to pieces, in punishing 
 injustice, and preventing the right from being oppressed by 
 might. He knew the boldness of Gemellus, his freedom of 
 speech, his magnanimity, his contempt for the things of 
 this world, his mildness, his benevolence ; and he was 
 persuaded that he would be as a haven to the shipwrecked, 
 as a staff to the fallen, a tower of defence to those who were 
 oppressed by tyranny." Gemellus appears to have been on 
 the point of receiving baptism, and perhaps on that account 
 to have been exposed to a rather trying degree of persecu- 
 tion. Ghrysostorn begs him not to delay baptism in the hope 
 of receiving it from his hands, because the grace of the 
 sacrament would be equally effectual by whatever hands 
 administered, and his own joy would be none the less. 1 
 
 So again, in his letter to Anthemius, who had recently 
 been made prefect and consul : " Nothing has been really 
 added to you; it is not the prefect or the consul whom I 
 love, but my most dear and gentle Lord Anthemius, full of 
 philosophy and understanding. I do not felicitate thee 
 because thou hast climbed to this throne, but because thou 
 hast gained a grander sphere wherein to exercise thy bene- 
 volence and wisdom." 2 
 
 He was less distant from Antioch than Constantinople, 
 and was cheered by visits from not a few of his old friends 
 in his native city, and maintained a correspondence by letter 
 with many more ; but intercourse of either kind was much 
 impeded by the dangers and difficulties of the roads, and at 
 times by the severity of the climate. 3 The illegal seizure of 
 
 1 Ep. cxxxii. 2 Ep. cxlvii. 3 Epp. cxxx. ccxxii. 
 
en. xxi.] LETTEES TO CLEEGY AND OTHEES. 375 
 
 the see of Antioch by Porphyry, and the harsh treatment to 
 which the orthodox were subjected under his administration, 
 caused them to turn to Chrysostom, not only with sympathy 
 as a fellow-sufferer, but also for guidance, comfort, and some 
 kind of episcopal superintendence. Their presents to him 
 were so numerous that he felt compelled sometimes to 
 decline them, or to request permission that they might be 
 transferred to the aid of the missionary work in Phoenicia. 1 
 
 Much of his thought and correspondence was concerned 
 in providing for the welfare of the Church in Persia, Phoe- 
 nicia, and among the Goths. In his fourteenth letter to 
 Olympias he begs her to use her best endeavours to detach 
 Maruthas, bishop of Martyropolis in Persia, from the influ- 
 ence of the hostile party ; " to lift him out of the slough " 
 is his expression, for he greatly needed his assistance on 
 account of affairs in Persia; and he was very anxious to 
 know what Maruthas had accomplished there, and whether 
 he had received two letters recently sent by himself. From 
 this it would seem as if Maruthas, who had been present at 
 the Synod of the Oak (when he caused the fatal injury to 
 the foot of Cyrinus), had returned to Persia and again visited 
 Constantinople, and that Chrysostom had hopes of working 
 in connexion with him for the good of the Church in Persia. 2 
 In the same epistle he expresses his sorrow at having heard, 
 through some Gothic monks with whom Serapion had 
 sought shelter, that the Gothic bishop Unilas, whom he 
 had recently consecrated, was dead, after a short but active 
 career, and that the Gothic king had written to request that 
 a new bishop should be sent out. Chrysostom was fearful 
 lest Atticus and his party should appoint one ; and he urges 
 that everything should be done to delay the appointment if 
 possible till winter came, when the season would prevent 
 
 1 Epp. 1. li. Ixi. et alice. stories of his skill in exposing some 
 
 2 There seems no doubt that Maru- tricks of the magi, by which they 
 thas was an able and active missionary attempted to prejudice the Persian 
 bishop. Socrates (vii. 8) tells strange king Isdigerdes against Christianity. 
 
376 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxi. 
 
 any one being sent till the following spring. Meanwhile, 
 Moduarius, the deacon who had brought the letter from the 
 Gothic prince, was to repair secretly and quietly to Cucusus, 
 and there confer with Chrysostom on this important matter, 
 to avert if possible the appointment of an improper person 
 to so difficult a charge. 
 
 But of course the exile's interest was pre-eminently 
 centred on that city of which he could not but consider 
 himself still the chief pastor, although deprived of his 
 external authority over it. Banishment, imprisonment, and 
 intimidation had thinned the ranks of the orthodox; and 
 among the remaining pastors there were some whose neglect 
 of duty, the result of indolence or faint-heartedness, called 
 forth severe rebukes from their former chief. "He had 
 heard with concern, and was vexed that the information had 
 not come direct from the clergy themselves, that a priest, 
 Salustius, had preached only five times between the end 
 of June and October, and that he and Theophilus, another 
 priest, rarely attended Divine service at all." 1 To Theo- 
 philus he writes a letter of mingled sorrow and reproof, 
 expressing a hope that the report may be incorrect, and 
 begging him to refute it, or to amend his conduct. He 
 reminds him of the dreadful punishment which was inflicted 
 on the servant who buried the talent which he ought to 
 have used, and of the fearful responsibility of neglecting 
 that most beautiful flock, which, by the grace of God, was 
 being strengthened in goodness, though now agitated by so 
 terrible a tempest. 2 Several of his clergy and friends are 
 upbraided with more or less of affectionate expostulation for 
 slackness in writing to him; others are praised for their 
 unshakable fortitude, patience, and zeal under affliction. He 
 had learned with much concern from Domitianus, to whom 
 the care of the widows and virgins of the Church was con- 
 fided, that they were reduced to extreme indigence, and he 
 
 i Ep. ccx. 2 Ep. ccxii. 
 
' '\- 
 
 <l / 
 
 O '/- 
 
 CH. XXL] LETTEKS TO CLERGY AND OTHERS/ / 
 
 entreats his friend Valentinus to sustain his wel 
 
 character for benevolence by relieving their necessities. 1 * \y 
 
 Peanius, a man of rank and position in Constantinople, is 
 thanked and praised for the unremitting zeal, yet tempered 
 with moderation, with which he had resisted the usurping 
 party, had stood inflexible in loyalty when others had fled, 
 and had exerted himself for the welfare of the Church, not 
 only in Constantinople, but also in Phoenicia, Palestine, and 
 Cilicia. Chrysostom observes in the same letter that the 
 members of the Church in those regions had, with very few 
 exceptions, refused to recognise Arsacius. 2 
 
 Those clergy and other persons who had been imprisoned 
 on the charge of incendiarism were released in the begin- 
 ning of September; 3 and Chrysostom, having heard of their 
 liberation, was eagerly expecting a visit from them when 
 he wrote (about the end of October probably) to Elpidius, 
 bishop of Laodicea, 4 in Syria, a prelate venerable in years 
 and eminent in piety, who had as a priest accompanied 
 Meletius to the Council of Constantinople in A.D. 381, and 
 was his counterpart in the moderation and gentleness of his 
 disposition. Chrysostom wrote to thank him for his zeal 
 in endeavouring to retain the bishops, not only in his own 
 region, but in all parts of the world, in loyal fidelity to the 
 exiled Patriarch. Elpidius proved the sincerity of his own 
 attachment to his friend by suffering deposition from his 
 see, and imprisonment for three years in his own house. 
 Alexander, the successor of the usurper Porphyry in the see 
 of Antioch, restored Elpidius to his see about A.D. 414 a 
 recognition of his merits which received the high approba- 
 tion of Pope Innocent. 5 
 
 Thus by letters did the exile maintain his influence over 
 all varieties of people in distant and opposite quarters of 
 
 1 Ep. ccxvii. feet of Constautinople. Cod. Theod. 
 
 2 Ep. cciv. vol. ii. p. 16. 
 
 3 As appears from an edict dated 4 Ep. cxiv. 
 August 29, addressed to Studius, Pre- 6 Tilleinont, xi. 274. 
 
378 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxi. 
 
 the Empire. Exhortation and reproof, consolation and en- 
 couragement, or the mere expression of affectionate goodwill, 
 are the main chords struck, as circumstances require. But 
 there is one tone which pervades all alike the unshakable 
 Christian faith of the writer. His deep belief that all 
 suffering was sent for a remedial chastening purpose, and 
 that, if resignedly borne, it enhanced the glory of the reward 
 reserved ibr those who should suffer for righteousness' sake ; 
 that sin is the only real evil, that expatriation and persecu- 
 tion, and even death, since they touch only the external and 
 temporal, are to be regarded as mere shadows, cobwebs, and 
 dreams ; that distance and material obstacles cannot impede 
 the wings of affection and prayer, and that the cause of right 
 and truth, although long depressed, will eventually triumph 
 these are convictions firmly rooted, which he never tires 
 of repeating, and on the strength of which he lived cheerful 
 and contented. 
 
 The wide range of his influence, and the nobility of his 
 Christian resignation and fortitude, maintained during his 
 exile, have elicited the admiration of a historian not lavish 
 of his compliments to Christian saints. " Every tongue," says 
 Gibbon, " repeated the praises of his genius and virtue ; and 
 the respectful attention of the Christian world was fixed on 
 a desert spot among the mountains of Taurus." 1 
 
 1 Vol. v. ch. xxxii. 
 
CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM'S SUFFERINGS FROM THE WINTER COLD DEPREDATIONS 
 OF THE ISAURIANS-THE MISSION IN PIKENICIA-LETTERS TO INNO- 
 CENT AND THE ITALIAN BISHOPS- CHRYSOSTOM'S ENEMIES OBTAIN 
 AN nlM'Ki; FOR HIS REMOVAL TO PITYUS HE DIES AT COM AN A, 
 A.D. 407 RECEPTION OF HIS RELIQUES AT CONSTANTINOPLE, A.D. 438. 
 
 THUS the autumn of A.D. 404 wore away. The time of the 
 exile was occupied, not unpleasantly, by sending and receiv- 
 ing letters, and his spirits were cheered by occasional visits 
 from friends. The destitute in the neighbourhood of Cucusus 
 were relieved by his alms ; the mourners comforted by his 
 affectionate sympathy ; some persons taken captive by the 
 Isaurians obtained a release through his intercession or 
 ransom. But the winter, always severe in that elevated 
 region, set in this year with unusual rigour : all communica- 
 tion with the outer world was cut off by the impassable 
 condition of the roads, and the cold told cruelly on the 
 delicate constitution of the poor exile. In a letter to 
 Olympias, written just on the return of spring A.D. 405, he 
 draws a pitiable picture of his winter sufferings. For days 
 together he lay in bed ; but, in spite of being wrapped under 
 a very pile of blankets, with a fire constantly burning in his 
 room, he could not keep out the cold. He suffered from 
 constant sleeplessness, headache, sickness and aversion from 
 all food ; but, with the return of milder weather in spring, 
 " he was brought up again from the gates of death ;" and he 
 compares the softness of the climate at that season to the 
 
380 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxn. 
 
 amenity of the air of Antioch. His spirits also were raised 
 by the arrival of messengers from Constantinople, bringing 
 letters from Olympias and other friends. 1 
 
 But the blessings of restoration to health and warm 
 weather were counterbalanced by the misery of constant 
 disturbance from the Isaurian bandits, who commenced 
 their marauding campaigns as soon as the break-up of 
 winter made the country practicable for their operations. 
 They swarmed over the whole neighbourhood, and the roads 
 which had been impassable from snow were now impassable 
 from robbers, who mingled much merciless bloodshed with 
 their plunder. When the full blaze also of summer heat 
 came, Chrysostom found it almost as injurious to his health 
 as the excessive cold; but he kept up his correspondence 
 with his friends with unabated assiduity. 2 
 
 The mission in Phoenicia occupied a great deal of his 
 attention during this year. He had written, as already 
 related, from Nice to Constantius, the superintendent of the 
 mission, exhorting him not to allow the work to flag, owing 
 to his own deposition and banishment, but rather to carry it 
 on with additional energy. The efforts of the missionaries 
 had begun to provoke a rather fierce opposition on the part 
 of the Pagans, and attempts were made to deprive them of 
 the bare necessaries of life. But Chrysostom's confidence 
 and zeal never failed for a moment. The missionaries were 
 to keep him informed of their wants, for, through the 
 liberality of his friends, he could supply them with all that 
 they required. He was ably seconded by Mcolaus, a priest, 
 who, though living at a distance, supplied the mission not 
 only with money but with men. Gerontius, a presbyter whom 
 Chrysostom had persuaded to abandon a solitary ascetic way 
 of life for missionary work, was anxious to visit Cucusus 
 on his way to Phoenicia ; but Chrysostom begs him not to 
 delay, as the work was urgent and winter was approaching. 
 
 1 Ep. vi. 2 Epp. cxl. cxlvi. 
 
CH. xxii.] THE MISSION TO PHOENICIA. 381 
 
 He represents the greater advantages of the active life 
 Gerontius was now embracing. There would be nothing to 
 prevent him observing his fasts, vigils, and other ascetic 
 practices, as before, for the good of his own soul, and at the 
 same time, by his missionary labours, he would reap the 
 reward of those who save the souls of others. 1 
 
 The Pagan resistance assumed more alarming proportions 
 as time went on. A letter written to the missionaries seems 
 to imply, by its tone of mingled warning and exhortation, 
 that their courage was beginning to fail. Chrysostom had 
 recourse to his favourite comparisons of the pilot and the 
 physician, who exert twofold energy as the violence of 
 the storm and the disease increase. Eufinus, a presbyter, 
 seems to have been sent into Phoenicia as a kind of special 
 agent to restore peace, and is stimulated to his work by an 
 animated letter. " I hear that the rage of the Greeks in 
 Phoenicia has burst forth again, that several monks have 
 been wounded, and some even killed. Wherefore I urge 
 you the more earnestly to set out upon your journey with 
 great speed, and take up your position." . . . "If you saw 
 a house in a blaze you would not retreat, but advance upon 
 it as quickly as possible, so as to anticipate the flames. 
 AVI urn all is tranquillity it is within the compass of almost 
 any one to make converts, but when Satan is raging and the 
 devils are in arms, then, to make a gallant stand and rescue 
 those who are falling into the hands of the enemy, is the 
 work of a noble, vigilant spirit, a work which befits an 
 alert and lofty mind like yours, an apostolic achievement 
 worthy of crowns innumerable and rewards which defy 
 description." He entreats Eufinus to write to him from 
 eveiy halting-place on his journey, and to keep him constantly 
 informed of all which might take place after his arrival. 
 He would send, if necessary, ten thousand times to Con- 
 stantinople, in order to provide Eufinus with all things 
 
 i Epp. liii. liv. 
 
382 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xxn. 
 
 necessary to facilitate his journey and procure his ultimate 
 success. The letter closes with a passage which remarkably 
 illustrates the importance attached to reliques. " With 
 regard to the reliques of the holy martyrs, feel no anxiety, 
 for I immediately despatched the most religious presbyter, 
 my Lord Terentius, to my Lord Oneius, the most religious 
 Bishop of Arabissus, who possesses many reliques indis- 
 putably genuine, which in a few days we will forward to 
 you into Phoenicia." ..." Use diligence to get the churches 
 which are yet unroofed completed before the winter." 1 
 
 There is no further record of the future progress or 
 ultimate issue of this mission, in which the heart of the 
 exile was so deeply wrapped up. Theodoret (v. 29) merely 
 says that through the energy of Chrysostom the extirpa- 
 tion of idolatry in Phoenicia, and the destruction of Pagan 
 temples, were successfully carried on. But there are in- 
 stances of the existence of Paganism mentioned in the 
 middle of the fifth century; 2 and it is only too certain that, 
 under the feeble and degenerate successors of Chrysostom, 
 the work would not receive any powerful impulse. Partly 
 from the absence of a great central organising force like 
 the Papacy, partly from the irregular and unpractical tem- 
 perament of the Eastern nature, missionary enterprises have 
 not proceeded in great number from the Eastern Church. 
 The preaching of Ulphilas to the Goths, the missions 
 organised by Chrysostom among the Goths and in Phoenicia, 
 and the missionary labours of the Nestorians in Asia, are 
 but the rare exceptions which prove the rule. 
 
 The misery and desolation caused in the neighbourhood 
 of Cucusus by the Isaurians seem to have culminated in 
 the winter of A.D. 405-406 and the ensuing spring. The 
 inhabitants of the villages fled from their homes at the 
 approach of these formidable robbers, and sought a pre- 
 carious refuge in woods and caves. Many perished from 
 
 1 Epp. cxxiii. cxxvi. 2 Photius, p. 1048. 
 
cu. xxn.j LETTERS TO ITALIAN BISHOPS. 383 
 
 cold in these wild retreats, and many more at the hands of 
 the ruffian robbers, who showed no mercy even to the aged, 
 the women and children. Chrysostom himself was, like 
 others, frequently moving from place to place, now in this 
 village, now in that, sometimes in the woods or secluded 
 places. The only spot in which the poor harassed people 
 seem to have found tolerable security was in the strong 
 fortress of Arabissus, a neighbouring town, Yet even here 
 they ran considerable risks. A body of 300 Isaurians 
 attacked and very nearly captured it in the middle of the 
 night ; and the discomfort was extreme at all times, for the 
 castle was crowded like a prison ; the difficulty of obtaining 
 food was often very great, and the difficulty of corresponding 
 with friends still greater. Privation, anxiety, and frequent 
 hurried movements in cold weather brought severe illness 
 on Chrysostom again. Physicians attended him with great 
 kindness, but the impossibility of procuring comforts and 
 wholesome food rendered their services almost nugatory. 
 His greatest grief, however, seems to have been the diffi- 
 culty of maintaining regular correspondence with friends. 
 The bearer of a letter from Olympias actually fell into the 
 hands of the robbers, but was released ; in consequence of 
 which Chrysostom entreats her not to send any more special 
 messengers, but only to avail herself of such persons as 
 were obliged by business to pass through his place of exile. 
 He would not add to his present sufferings the distress of 
 knowing that any life had been lost on his account. 1 
 
 To the year A.D. 406 belong those letters of affectionate 
 gratitude, written to the bishops of the West, for their zeal 
 in supporting his cause, especially those who had under- 
 taken a long and perilous voyage to Constantinople to in- 
 tercede in his behalf. These letters were sent by the hands 
 of Evethius, the presbyter, who had for some time been 
 his companion in exile. One letter may be quoted as an 
 
 1 Epp. Ixi. Ixix. cxxvii. cxxxi. 
 
384 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xxn. 
 
 example : " I had already been amazed at your zeal, on 
 behalf of the reformation of the Church, displayed for a 
 long time; but most of all am I now astonished at your 
 great earnestness, in having undertaken so long a journey 
 by sea, full of labour and toil, on behalf of the interests of 
 the Church. I have longed continually to write to you, 
 and offer you the salutation due to your piety; but since 
 that is not possible, living as I now am in a region almost 
 inaccessible, I take advantage of a most honourable and 
 reverend presbyter to send you greeting, and to beseech 
 you to persevere to the end in harmony with such a noble 
 beginning. For ye know how great will be the reward of 
 your patience, how vast the return from a benevolent God 
 to those who labour for the common peace, and undergo so 
 great a conflict." 1 
 
 To Chromatius, bishop of Aquileia, he writes thus : " The 
 loud-voiced trumpet of your warm and genuine affection 
 has sounded forth even as far as to me, a clear and far- 
 reaching blast indeed, extending to the very extremities of 
 the world. Distant as we are, we know, not less than those 
 present with thee, thy exceeding and burning love ; where- 
 fore we long extremely to enjoy a meeting with thee face 
 to face. But, since the wilderness in which we are im- 
 prisoned precludes this, we fulfil our desire, as well as we 
 can, by writing to you through our most honourable and 
 reverend presbyter, expressing our great gratitude for the 
 zeal which you have for so long a time displayed in our 
 behalf ; and we beg you, when he returns, or by the hands 
 of chance messengers who may visit this desolate spot, to 
 send tidings of your health, for you know how much pleasure 
 it will afford us to hear frequently of the welfare of those 
 who are so warmly disposed towards us." 2 
 
 The letter written by Chrysostom in A.D. 406 to Innocent 
 is full of grateful acknowledgments for all the efforts which 
 
 1 Ep. civil. 2 Ep. civ. 
 
CH. xxn.] LETTERS TO ITALIAN BISHOPS. 385 
 
 he had made, and was still making, on his behalf. " Though 
 separated by so vast a length of journey, yet are we neat 
 your Holiness, beholding with the eye of the soul your 
 courage, your genuine, inflexible firmness, and we derive 
 constant and abiding consolation from you. For the higher 
 the waves are lifted up, the more numerous the rocks and 
 reefs, the more does your untiring vigilance increase. . . . 
 This is now the third year of my exile, spent in the midst 
 of famine, pestilence, continual sieges, an indescribable 
 wilderness, and the pillage of the Isaurians. In the midst 
 of these distresses and dangers, your constant and firm 
 affection is no ordinary solace to me." 1 
 
 There is a letter also addressed to Aurelius, 2 bishop of 
 Carthage, thanking him for bold and persevering interces- 
 sion in his behalf. The Church of Africa appears to have 
 adhered to what was at first the resolution of the Boman 
 Church, to maintain communion with both Chrysostom and 
 Theophilus. St. Augustine has bestowed a high eulogium 
 on Chrysostom, 3 and an African council, in A.D. 407, passed 
 a resolution to address a letter to Innocent, praying that the 
 intercourse between the Churches of Rome and Alexandria 
 might be resumed. 
 
 The health of the exile appears to have suffered less 
 than usual, in the winter of A.D. 406-7, from the effects of 
 the cold. By carefully remaining in the house,, and for 
 the most part in bed, wrapped up in blankets in an apart- 
 ment where a fire was kept constantly burning, and by 
 use of a medicine sent him by a lady, his attacks of head- 
 ache and of sickness were averted or alleviated. He had 
 become inured to the want of exercise, the deprivation of 
 the bath, and the smokiness of the room; and even the 
 natives were astonished at the firmness with which so feeble 
 and "spidery" (apaxyw&ij?) a frame endured the severity 
 of the climate. He began to feel a persuasion that God 
 
 1 Vol. iii. p. 535. 2 Ep. cxlix. 3 Aug. cont. Jul. p. 370. 
 
 2 B 
 
386 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxn. 
 
 would not Lave preserved him so miraculously through such 
 various perils, if it were not His purpose to restore him to 
 his former position, that he might accomplish some work 
 for the Church. 1 
 
 But the chief work which he was destined to accomplish 
 was to exhibit to the close of his life, now rapidly approach- 
 ing, a noble spectacle of Christian fortitude and patience, of 
 one continuing to the last to hope in God, to put his trust 
 in God, and still to give Him thanks. The malicious envy 
 of his enemies was augmented by the admiration and affec- 
 tion which pursued their victim from all parts of Chris- 
 tendom, and the correspondence which was maintained with 
 him even in the mountain fortress which they had selected 
 for his prison. The only remedy was to remove him yet 
 further, to a more remote and still more inaccessible region. 
 They worked upon the Emperor and the Court, whose 
 jealousy had been already excited by the interference of the 
 West ; and, in the middle of June, A.D. 407, an order was 
 obtained by them for the removal of the exile to Pityus, on 
 the eastern coast of the Euxine, near the very frontier of 
 the Empire, in the most desolate country, inhabited by 
 savage, barbarous people. The two praetorian soldiers 
 charged with conveying him thither were instructed to 
 push on the journey with the most inexorable haste, and 
 encouraged to hope for promotion should their prisoner die 
 on the road. One of the two had some sparks of humanity, 
 and furtively showed some little kindness to the sufferer; 
 but the other followed out the cruel directions given him 
 with merciless fidelity. Chrysostom had, some time ago, 
 expressed his conviction that he could not survive the 
 fatigue of another long and laborious journey, yet for three 
 months his fragile frame endured the strain till he reached 
 Comana in Pontus. A former bishop of that place, Basilis- 
 cus, had suffered martyrdom in the persecution of Maxi- 
 
 i Ep. v. 
 
CH. xxii.] DEATH OF CHRYSOSTOM. 387 
 
 minus, together with. Luciau of Antioch. Chrysostoni was 
 lodged in the precincts of the church erected in honour of 
 Basiliscus, above five miles outside the town. Here, so runs 
 the story, the martyred bishop appeared to him in the 
 night, stood beside him, and said, " Be of good cheer, for by 
 to-morrow we shall be together." A similar vision was 
 vouchsafed to one of the presbyters of the church. He was 
 bidden " to prepare a place for our brother John." In the 
 morning, Chrysostom entreated his guards to allow him to 
 stay where he was till eleven o'clock; but they were in- 
 flexible, and the weary march was resumed. When, how- 
 ever, they had proceeded about thirty stadia, he became 
 so ill that they were compelled to return to the martyry. 
 Here he asked for white garments, and having been clothed 
 in them, he distributed his own raiment among the clergy 
 who were present. The Eucharist was administered to him, 
 he spoke a few farewell words to the ecclesiastics who 
 stood around him, and with the words "Glory be to God 
 for all tilings, Amen," on his lips, the weary exile breathed 
 his last. 
 
 " Rest comes at length ; though life be long and dreary, 
 
 The day must dawn, and darksome night be past ; 
 All journeys end in welcomes to the weary, 
 
 And heaven, the heart's true home, will come at last." 
 
 The promise of Basiliscus was literally fulfilled he was 
 buried in the same grave with the martyr, in the presence 
 of a large concourse of monks and nuns. 1 
 
 The enemies of Chrysostom thus succeeded in wreaking 
 their vengeance to the full upon the person of their victim 
 " Non missura cutem, nisi plena cruoris hirudo ;" but 
 they were powerless to obliterate his memory. A sense 
 of the cruelty and injustice with which he had been treated 
 grew throughout Christendom, and he was more honoured 
 
 1 Pallad. Dial. pp. 38, 39, who says be if it took three months to con- 
 that they came out of Syria, Cilicia, vey Chrysostom from Cucusus to 
 and Armenia : but how could this Coinana ? 
 
388 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxn. 
 
 and admired after his death than he had been during his 
 life. His followers in Constantinople, under the appella- 
 tion of Johnites, persisted in refusing to hold any communion 
 with Atticus ; and in the course of ten years, Atticus himself 
 was constrained, by the solicitations of the Court and people, 
 by the example of other prelates, especially Alexander of 
 Antioch, and by a natural desire to maintain communion 
 with the Western Church, to admit the name of Chryso- 
 stom into the diptychs of the Church of Constantinople. 
 Cyril, the nephew and successor of Theophilus, who in- 
 herited in too many points his uncle's spirit as well as 
 his see, yielded a more tardy and reluctant consent to the 
 recognition of his uncle's foe. 1 
 
 But a still higher honour was yet to be paid to his 
 memory by the Church from which he had been so violently 
 expelled. In A.D. 434, Proclus, formerly a disciple of 
 Chrysostom, was elevated to the see of Constantinople. 
 He conceived that the only effectual means of doing justice 
 to the injured saint, and reconciling the Johnites to the 
 Church, would be to transport his remains to the city. The 
 consent of the Emperor Theodosius II. was obtained. On 
 January 27, 2 A.D. 438, the reliques of the banished Arch- 
 bishop were brought to the shores of the Bosporus. As 
 once before in his lifetime, to greet him on his return from 
 exile, so now, and in still greater numbers, the people, 
 bearing torches, crowded the waters of the strait with their 
 boats to welcome the return of all which remained of their 
 beloved and much-wronged spiritual father. The young 
 Emperor, stooping down, laid his face on the reliquary, and 
 implored forgiveness of the injuries which his parents had 
 inflicted on the saint whose ashes it contained. That 
 reliquary was then deposited near the altar of the Church 
 
 1 Tillemont, xi. 349. 
 
 2 This is his day in the Calendar of the Eastern and Western Church. 
 
CH. XXII.] 
 
 HONOURED AFTER HIS DEATH. 
 
 389 
 
 of the Apostles. 1 It is the sad story, so often repeated in 
 history, of goodness and greatness, unrecognised, slighted, 
 injured, cut short in a career of usefulness by one genera- 
 tion, abundantly, but too late, acknowledged in the next ; 
 when posterity, paying to the memory and the tomb the 
 honours which should have been bestowed on the living 
 man, can only utter the remorseful prayer 
 
 " His saltern accumulem donis, et fungar inani 
 Munere . . " 
 
 1 The Roman martyrology states 
 that the remains of the saint . were 
 afterwards translated to St. Peter's, 
 
 Rome, but the statement is not sup- 
 ported by any trustworthy historical 
 evidence. Tillemont, xi. 352. 
 
CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 SURVEY OP CHRYSOSTOM'S THEOLOGICAL TEACHING PRACTICAL TONE OF 
 HIS WORKS REASON OF THIS- DOCTRINE OF MAN'S NATURE ORIGI- 
 NAL SIN GRACE FREE-WILL HOW FAR CHRYSOSTOM PELAGIAN- 
 LANGUAGE ON THE TRINITY ATONEMENT JUSTIFICATION THE TWO 
 SACRAMENTS NO TRACE OF CONFESSION, PURGATORY, OR MARIOLATRY 
 RELATIONS TOWARDS THE POPE LITURGY OF CHRYSOSTOM HIS 
 CHARACTER AS A COMMENTATOR VIEWS ON INSPIRATION - HIS 
 PREACHING PERSONAL APPEARANCE-REFERENCES TO GREEK CLAS- 
 SICAL AUTHORS COMPARISON WITH ST. AUGUSTINE. 
 
 THE main characteristics of Chrysostom as a theologian and 
 interpreter of Scripture, as well as a pastor and preacher, 
 have, it is hoped, been already indicated in the course of 
 the preceding narrative ; but it may be desirable to supple- 
 ment, by a fuller and more methodical survey, notices 
 which were necessarily sometimes brief and incidental in 
 the biographical chapters. 1 
 
 Some evidence, therefore, of his theological teaching and 
 method of interpretation will first of all be collected from 
 his writings, and arranged under different heads. Two 
 difficulties in the way of executing this task faithfully 
 should be borne in mind : first, the voluminous bulk of 
 Chry sos torn' s works (as Suidas observed, that it belonged to 
 God rather than man to know them all), which renders a 
 successful search for the selection of what are really the 
 
 1 I must acknowledge my obligations " Chrysostomus in seinem Verhaltniss 
 
 in the composition of this chapter to zur Antiochenischen Schule." Gotha, 
 
 the very useful and instructive work 1869. 
 of Dr. Th. Foerster, Berlin, entitled 
 
CH. xxin.] THEOLOGY OF THE EAST AND WEST. 391 
 
 most telling passages in illustration of each point far from 
 easy; secondly, that Chrysostom, being a preacher rather 
 than a writer, was of course liable to slip into inexact or 
 exaggerated language, under the influence of excitement, or 
 a desire to make an impression on the feelings of his hearers. 
 An attentive perusal, however, of his writings leads the 
 reader to the conclusion that he was very seldom carried 
 away by the impulse of the moment into merely vague or 
 rhetorical expressions, and that he was especially preserved 
 from this failing by his habit of combining the expository 
 with the practical and hortatory line of preaching. His 
 discourses are careful commentaries as well as practical 
 addresses. Week after week it was his custom to go 
 through some book of Holy Scripture, verse by verse, clause 
 by clause, almost word by word; endeavouring with all 
 diligence and patience to ascertain the exact meaning of the 
 passage before him, to place it clearly before his audience, 
 and to base his practical exhortation upon it. 
 
 The remark has been so often repeated, as to have 
 become almost a truism, that the theology of the East is 
 distinguished from the theology of the West by its more 
 speculative, metaphysical character. It deals more especi- 
 ally with the most profound and abstract mysteries the 
 being and nature of the Godhead, of angels, of the whole 
 spiritual realm. It might, therefore, occasion some surprise 
 to find the homilies of Chrysostom marked by such an 
 eminently practical tone. But the apparent contradiction 
 is easily explained. It is precisely because Greek philo- 
 sophy and theology were chiefly concerned with the most 
 abstract questions, that the Greek preacher, speaking on 
 matters not abstract, but practical, relating to moral conduct, 
 is especially free in his language from philosophical or 
 technical terms. On the other hand, in the Western Church 
 exactly the reverse occurs. The best intellectual powers of 
 the Roman having been mainly exercised on jurisprudence, 
 
392 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHEYSOSTOM. [ce. xxm. 
 
 the mind of Roman theologians naturally turned most 
 powerfully towards practical questions which had most 
 affinity to that science with which they were chiefly con- 
 versant such as the relation of man to God, the nature of 
 sin, the means of discharging the debt owed by man, the 
 problem of the free-will of man, and providence of God. 
 Western theology is coloured by the language of Roman 
 law, as Eastern theology is coloured by the language of 
 Greek philosophy. " Merit," " satisfaction," " decrees," " for- 
 ensic justification," " imputed righteousness," are terms which 
 do not occur in the writings of the Greek theologian, because 
 they are the expressions of ideas in which he felt no interest. 
 They are the offspring of the Roman mind, in which legal 
 ideas were dominant. Hence the Western theologian is 
 most technical and scientific in the region of practical ques- 
 tions ; the Greek, on the other hand, is more entirely free 
 from the influence of philosophy in that region than in any 
 other. 
 
 In accordance with this distinction, we find that Chryso- 
 stom, in treating of those practical questions with which, 
 as a preacher and pastor, he was mainly concerned the 
 nature and the work of Jesus Christ, providence, grace, 
 the nature of man, sin, faith, repentance, good works, and 
 the like casts his thoughts into the most free, natural, 
 untechnical, and therefore forcible language possible. 
 
 To consider first of all his exposition of man's nature. 
 The majority of the Oriental fathers made a triple division, 
 into body, soul, and spirit the soul fyvxy) being equivalent 
 to the animal life, the spirit (irvev^a or ^v^n Xoy^') to the 
 reason. Chrysostom makes a twofold division only, into 
 body and soul, and reserves the word* " spirit" to designate the 
 Holy Spirit. 1 Man, when first created, came like a pure 
 golden statue fresh out of the artist's hands, destined, if he 
 had not fallen, to enjoy a yet higher and nobler dignity than 
 
 1 In Rom. Horn. xiii. 2. 1 Cor. Horn. xiii. 3. In Phil. vii. 5. 
 
en. xxiii.] VIEWS ON NATUEE OF MAN. 393 
 
 he then possessed. 1 His being made " in the image of God " 
 Chrysostoin interprets to signify that dominance over the 
 lower animals which God Himself exercises over the whole 
 creation, and the peculiar superiority of man's nature to 
 theirs consists in his reasoning power, as well as in his 
 endowment with the gift of immortality. 2 Man fell through 
 his own weakness and indolent negligence (paOv/juia), and 
 then became deprived of that immortality and divine wisdom 
 with which he had been previously gifted ; but his nature 
 was not essentially changed, it was only weakened. 3 Evil is 
 not an integral part of man ; it is not an inherent substantial 
 force (Svvafus evvTroo-Taros) : 4 it is the moral purpose (irpoai- 
 peai<$) which is perverted when men sin. If evil was a part 
 of our nature, it would be no more reprehensible than 
 natural appetites and affections. If man's will was not 
 unfettered, there would be no merit in goodness and no 
 blame in evil. There is no constraint either to holiness or 
 to sin; neither does God compel to the one, nor do the 
 fleshly appetites compel to the other. 6 The body was not, 
 as the Manichseans erroneously maintained, the seat of sin ; 
 it was the creation of God equally with the soul; the 
 whole burden, therefore, of responsibility in sin must be 
 thrown on the " moral purpose." Here was the root of all 
 evil ; the conception of necessity and immutability is bound 
 up with the idea of nature. We do not try to alter that 
 which is by nature (</>vo-) : sin therefore is not by nature, 
 because by means of education, laws, and punishments we 
 do seek to alter that. 6 Sin is through the moral purpose 
 which is susceptible of change, and till the moral purpose 
 has come into activity sin cannot properly be said to exist : 
 
 1 Horn, de Stat. xi. 2. 6 Comp. Jeremy Taylor, " On Ori- 
 
 2 In Genes. Horn. xxi. 2. ginal Sin," ch. vi. : " A man is not 
 
 3 Ibid. xvi. and xvii. naturally sinful as he is naturally 
 
 4 In Rom. Horn. xii. 6. heavy, or upright, naturally apt to 
 
 5 In Genes. Horn. xx. 3. In 1 Cor. weep and laugh ; for these he is 
 Horn. ii. 2. In Matt. Horn. lix. always and unavoidably." Comp. 
 1, 2. also Aristot. Eth. ii. c. 1. 
 
394 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 infants, therefore, and very young children, are free from sin. 1 
 Our first parents fell through moral negligence (paOv/juta) ; 
 and this is the principal cause of sin now. They marked 
 out a path which has been trodden ever since ; they yielded 
 to appetite, and the force of the will has been weakened 
 thereby in all their posterity, who have become subject to 
 the punishment of death; so that though sin is not a part 
 of man's nature, yet his nature is readily inclined to evil 
 (o^vppeirris TT/OO? Kcuctav) : but this tendency will be con- 
 trolled by the moral purpose if that is in a healthy condition. 2 
 Chrysostom would thus readily allow the expressions 
 "hereditary tendency to sin," "hereditary liability to the 
 punishment of death," but he shrinks from the expression 
 "hereditary sin." His anxiety to insist on the complete 
 freedom of the human will was very natural in the earnest 
 Christian preacher of holiness, who lived in an age when men 
 were frequently encountered who, in the midst of wickedness, 
 complained that they were abandoned to the dominion of 
 devils or to the irresistible course of fate. They transferred 
 all guilt from themselves to the powers of evil, all responsi- 
 bility to the Creator Himself, who had withdrawn from 
 them, as they maintained, the protection of His good pro- 
 vidence. To counteract the disastrous effects of such philo- 
 sophy, which surrendered the will to the current of the 
 passions, like an unballasted ship cast adrift before the 
 storm, it was indeed necessary to maintain very resolutely 
 and boldly the essential freedom of the will, to insist on 
 man's moral responsibility, and the duty of vigilant, strenuous 
 exertion. Chrysostom frequently exposes the absurdity as 
 well as the moral evil of a doctrine of necessity. If human 
 actions are necessary and preordained results of circum- 
 stances, then teaching and government become mere pieces 
 of acting, destitute of any practical influence ; they are also 
 unjust, since you have no right to punish a person who has 
 
 1 In Matt. Horn, xxviii. 3, and Iviii. 3. 2 In Heb. Honi. xii. 2 and 3. 
 
CH. xxiii.] FREEDOM OF THE WILL. 395 
 
 acted under compulsion. Such a theory ought, also, logically 
 to paralyse human industry. If a plentiful harvest is pre- 
 determined by the decrees of fate, you may spare yourself 
 the trouble of ploughing, sowing, and other laborious opera- 
 tions ; or, if Clotho has turned her distaff in the other direc- 
 tion, all your exertions will fail to produce an abundant 
 crop. Such a doctrine is repugnant to our natural sense, 
 and contradicts our own consciousness and inward experi- 
 ence. We feel that we are free, and all human action 
 proceeds on the principle of supposing man to be free. We 
 teach and we punish. The plea of necessity would be 
 rejected in a court of law as an impudent and futile excuse 
 for crime. Such a theory is utterly at variance also with 
 God's mode of addressing man, which always implies freedom 
 of volition ; as, for instance, " If ye will hearken unto me, 
 ye shall eat the fat of the land ; but if ye will not hearken, 
 the sword shall devour you." 1 
 
 Profoundly convinced, therefore, of a universal tendency 
 to sin on the one hand, but of an essential freedom of the 
 will on the other, Chrysostom sounds alternately the note 
 of warning and of encouragement warning against that 
 weakness, indolence, languor of the moral purpose which 
 occasions a fall; encouragement to the full use of those 
 powers with which all men are gifted, and to avoid that 
 despondency which will prevent a man from rising again 
 when he has fallen. St. Paul repented, and, not despairing, 
 became equal to angels; Judas repenting, but despairing, 
 was hurried into self-inflicted death. Despair was the 
 devil's most powerful instrument for working the destruc- 
 tion of man. 2 Chrysostom therefore earnestly combated any 
 view of Christian life which daunted and discouraged man's 
 efforts, by winding them too high, or placing before them 
 an unattainable standard. Men sometimes said we cannot 
 
 1 De Fato, Horn, iii.-vi. Corap. Jer. 2 De Pcenit. Horn. i. 2; et ad Theod. 
 Taylor, Unum Necessar. ch. 6. sec. 5. lapsum. 
 
396 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 be like St. Peter and St. Paul, because we are not gifted 
 with their miraculous power. But, he replies, you may 
 emulate their Christian graces : these are within the reach 
 of all, and these are, by our Lord's own declaration, the most 
 important. "By Ms shall all men know that ye are my 
 disciples, if ye have love one to another ;" the moral works 
 of the Apostles, works of love, mercy, and faith, were far 
 more instrumental in the conversion of the world than their 
 merely miraculous powers. 1 
 
 Urgently, however, as Chrysostom, in his desire to stimu- 
 late exertion and strengthen the moral life, insists on the 
 absolute freedom of the will, he maintains no less clearly 
 the insufficiency of man's nature to accomplish good without 
 the Divine assistance. No one has described in more forcible 
 language the powerful hold of sin upon human nature. Sin 
 is like a terrible pit, containing fierce monsters, and full of 
 darkness. 2 It is more terrible than a demon, 3 it is a great 
 demon ; 4 it is like fire ; when once it has got a hold on the 
 thoughts of the heart, if it is not quenched it spreads further 
 and further, and becomes increasingly difficult to subdue ; 5 it 
 is a heavy burden, more oppressive than lead. 6 Christ saw 
 us lying cast away upon the ground, perishing under the 
 tyranny of sin, and He took compassion on us. 7 In the 
 infant weakness and liability to sin are inherent, though not 
 sin itself. The moral nature of the infant is like a plant, 
 which will grow healthily by a process of natural develop- 
 ment, unless exposed to injurious influences ; but it requires 
 the protection of grace, "therefore we baptize infants to 
 impart holiness and goodness, as well as to establish a 
 relationship with God." This passage is quoted by St. 
 Augustine in his earnest vindication of Chrysostom from 
 
 1 In Inscrip. Act. ii. 6. . 5 De Sanct. Babyla, vol. ii. 
 
 2 In Psalm, cxlii. 5. 6 In Johan. vol. viii. p. 482. 
 
 3 In Act. Horn. xli. 4. ? In Hebr. Horn. v. i. 
 
 4 In Matt, xxxii. 
 
CH. xxiii.] REMARKS ON THE POWER OF SIN. 397 
 
 Pelagianism. 1 But the passages on which Augustine mainly 
 depends to prove Chrysostora's adherence to the tenet of 
 original sin are in his exposition of Komans v. 12-14: 
 " Death reigned from Adam to Moses. How reigned ? In 
 likeness of the transgression of Adam, who is a figure of 
 One to come. How a figure? Because, as he became a 
 cause of death to those who were born from him, although 
 they had not eaten of the tree, even so Christ has become 
 to His posterity the procurer of righteousness, though they 
 have not done righteousness, which He has bestowed upon 
 us all through His cross." Augustine quotes also his obser- 
 vation on Christ's tears over the grave of Lazarus : " He 
 wept to think that men, who were capable of immortality, 
 had been made mortal by the devil;" and his remarks on 
 Genesis i. 28, about the subjection of the lower animals to 
 man : " that man's present dread of wild beasts was entirely 
 owing to the Fall, and had not existed previous to that : it 
 was inherited by all Adam's posterity, because they inherited 
 his degradation through the Fall." All these passages, how- 
 ever, do not amount to more than the doctrine of a univer- 
 sally inherited tendency to sin, and therefore liability to its 
 punishment, death. In his interpretation of the passage, 
 "the free gift is of many offences unto justification," this 
 last word is plainly taken by him in the sense of making 
 man righteous, not accounting him as such. 2 
 
 His conception of the relation between the will and 
 power of God on the one hand, and man's freedom on the 
 other, appears to be this: All men, without exception, 
 are through Christ called to salvation; predestination 
 means no more than God's original design, conceived prior 
 to the Fall, of bringing all men to salvation. So, after the 
 Fall, His redemptive plan or purpose embraces all men ; but, 
 on the other hand, it constrains no one. According to His 
 
 i Contra Julianum, bk. i. ed. Bened. p. 630 ; but I have failed to find the 
 passage in Chrysostom's works. 2 In Rom. Horn. x. 2. . 
 
398 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 absolute will all men are to be saved ; but the accomplish- 
 ment of His purpose is limited by the freedom of choice 
 which He has Himself bestowed on man, whereby man may 
 either accept the proffered favour and be eternally blessed, 
 or reject it and be eternally condemned. God's election of 
 those who are called is not compulsory, but persuasive; 1 
 hence, many of those who have been called perish through 
 their rejection of grace : they, and not God, are the authors 
 of their own condemnation. God knows beforehand what 
 each man will be, good or bad ; but He does not constrain 
 him to be one or the other. 2 The illustration of the potter 
 in Romans ix. 20 must not be pressed too closely; St. 
 Paul's object simply is to enforce the duty of unconditional 
 obedience. A vessel of wrath is one who obdurately resists 
 God's grace ; he was never intended by God to be a vessel 
 of wrath. " The vessels of mercy are said to have been pre- 
 pared afore by God unto glory," but the vessels of wrath to 
 be fitted (not by God He is not mentioned but by sin) 
 unto destruction. 3 So again, he acutely observes that, in the 
 account of the final judgment (St. Matt, xxv.), the destiny 
 of the good only is referred to God. " Come, ye blessed of 
 my Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you;" but, 
 " Depart, ye cursed " (not " of my Father"), "into everlasting 
 fire, prepared " (not for you, but) " for the devil and his 
 angels." 
 
 On St. John vi. 44, he remarks, it is perfectly true that 
 only they who are drawn and taught by the Father can 
 come to Christ; but away with the paltry pretence that 
 those who are not thus drawn and taught are emancipated 
 from blame; for this very thing, the being led and instructed, 
 depends on their own moral choice. Two factors, therefore, 
 Divine grace which presents, and human will which appro- 
 
 1 trpoTpeTTTiKT) ov (3ia<TTiKri, in Johan. Horn, xlvii. 4 ; et in Matt. H. Ixxx. 3. 
 
 2 In 1 Cor. Horn. vii. 2. In Ephes. Horn. i. 2. In 1 Cor. Horn. ii. 2. 
 
 3 In Rom. Horn. xvi. cc. 8, 9. 
 
en. xxin.] PASSAGES ABOUT DIVINE GRACE. 399 
 
 priates, are co-efficients in the work of man's salvation; 
 God's love and man's faith must work hand in hand. God 
 provides opportunities, encourages by promises, arouses by 
 calls ; and the moment these are responded to, the moment 
 man begins to will and to do what is right, he is abundantly 
 assisted by grace. But Chrysostom recognises nothing 
 approaching the doctrine of final perseverance. St. Paul 
 might have relapsed, Judas might have been saved (De 
 Laud. Ap. Pauli, Horn. ii. 4). In his commentary on 
 Phil. ii. 12-13, " It is God which worketh in us both to will 
 and to do of his good pleasure," the spontaneity of man's 
 will is carefully maintained. It may be said, if God works 
 the will in us, why does the apostle exhort us to work ? for 
 if God wrought the wish, it is vain to speak of obedience ; 
 the whole work is God's from the beginning. No ! Chryso- 
 stom says, what St. Paul means is, that if your will works, 
 God will augment your will, and quicken it into activity and 
 zeal. Hast thou given alms? you are the more prompted 
 to give; hast thou abstained from giving? negligence will 
 increase upon you. The histories of Abraham, Job, Elijah, 
 St. Paul, and other saints, are frequently cited to prove his 
 central principle, that God in the moral and spiritual sense 
 helps those only who help themselves. "When He, who 
 knows the secrets of our hearts, sees us eagerly prepare for 
 the contest of virtue, He instantly supplies us with His 
 assistance, lightening our labours, and strengthening the 
 weakness of our nature. In the Olympian contests the 
 trainer stands by as a spectator merely, awaiting the issue, 
 and unable to contribute anything to the efforts of the con- 
 tender; whereas our Master accompanies us, extends His 
 hand to us, all but subdues our antagonist, arranges every- 
 thing to enable us to prevail, that He may place the amar- 
 anthine wreath upon our brows." 1 God does not anticipate 
 man's own volitions (/3oi;A?/o-et<?), but when these 
 
 1 In Genes. Horn. xlii. c. 1. 
 
400 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 are once bent in the right direction, God's grace powerfully 
 promotes them ; and without this divine co-operation holi- 
 ness is unattainable. 1 But as, according to Chrysostom's 
 conceptions, the first movement towards good moral practice 
 comes from the man himself, he often speaks of a man's 
 salvation depending on his own moral choice. He is not, 
 therefore, in harmony with the mind of our Church as 
 expressed in the Article, that " we have no power to do good 
 works, pleasant and acceptable to God, without the grace of 
 God preventing us, that we may have a good will;" but his 
 language thoroughly concurs with the subsequent clause, 
 " and working with us when we have that good will." In 
 the technical language of theology, he recognises assisting, 
 but not prevenient, grace. 
 
 It has been well remarked by Mr. Alexander Knox 
 ("Kemains," vol. iii. 79), that "the advocates for efficient 
 grace have been too generally antiperfectionists, and the 
 perfectionists, on the other hand, too little aware that we 
 are not sufficient so much as to think anything as of our- 
 selves, but that it is God which worketh in us both to will 
 and to do of His good pleasure." The perfect conception of 
 the true Christian standard of character could only be found, 
 he thought, in a union of the systems of St. Chrysostom 
 and St. Augustine. It must not be imagined, however, that 
 Chrysostom regarded Divine grace as merely accessory or 
 subsidiary to man's own will and purpose. He fails not to 
 represent it as indispensable to every human soul, however 
 powerfully inclined of itself to good. The human will, 
 weakened and depraved by evil, is not for a moment to rank 
 as co-ordinate in its action with the work of the Holy 
 Spirit : the real efficient force in the work of sanctification 
 is the Holy Spirit. The beginnings, indeed (ap^ai), are our 
 own, and we must contribute what we can, small and cheap 
 though it be, because, unless we do our part, we shall not 
 
 1 In Johan. Horn, xviii. 3. 
 
ai. xxiii.] AND THE HOLY TKINITY. 401 
 
 obtain the Divine assistance ; but though the initiatory step 
 is ours, the accomplishment of the work is altogether God's, 
 and, since the major part is His, we commonly say that the 
 whole is His. 1 
 
 He invariably speaks of the Old Dispensation as a period 
 when Divine grace was given in less measure than under 
 the Gospel, because then sin had not been blotted out, nor 
 death vanquished. The achievements of holy men like 
 Abraham and Job in this period were therefore deserving 
 of peculiar praise, and their faults, on the other hand, were 
 entitled to more indulgent judgment, because they laboured 
 under disadvantages. When the Lamb which taketh away 
 the sins of the world had been slain, and the reconciliation 
 between man and God had been effected, then spiritual gifts 
 of a higher order were imparted as a sign and a pledge that 
 the old hostility had ceased. 2 
 
 Turning now to theology, strictly so called, to the being 
 and nature of the Godhead, we find comparatively little said 
 by Chrysostom, except incidentally, on a subject more con- 
 genial to the theologian and student than to the earnest, 
 practical preacher. In opposition to the rationalistic doc- 
 trine of the Arians, who affected to comprehend the Divine 
 Nature, he strenuously maintained, as we have seen, 3 its 
 inscrutability, and denounced any curious investigation of it 
 as at once foolish and profane. God has condescended to 
 appear to us in a form which is intelligible, and it is pre- 
 sumption to attempt to penetrate beyond the limits which 
 He has placed to a knowledge of Himself. Chrysostom 
 takes the dogma of the one substance (o/zooiWa), established 
 at Nice, as the basis of his position against the Arians, and 
 seeks to prove it, not by speculative argument, after the 
 manner of the Alexandrian school, but by reference to Holy 
 Scripture. He uses the word " substance " (ovaia) to 
 designate the essential nature and " person " (vTroo-rao-t,^, 
 
 i In Heb. Horn. xii. c. 3. 2 De Mac. i. 3. 3 Ch. vm. 
 
 2 C 
 
402 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [en. xxm. 
 
 the personality of the Godhead, and points out that words 
 which relate to the ovala, as Lord and God, are applied to 
 all the Persons; whereas the other terms Father, Son, 
 Holy Spirit indicating distinction of personality, are each 
 applied to one Person only in the Godhead. Yet the 
 Persons are not related to the substance as parts to the 
 whole : God the Son is to God the Father as a beam of the 
 sun, inseparable from Him, identical with Him in sub- 
 stance, yet retaining His own personality. 1 He is equally 
 careful to guard the divinity of Christ against the rational- 
 ising school of Paul of Samosata, and the distinctness of 
 His personality as against the Sabellians. St. Paul, he 
 observes, does not dwell too much upon the abasement of 
 Christ, lest Paul of Samosata should take advantage; 
 neither does he dwell exclusively upon the exaltation, lest 
 Sabellius should spring upon him. 2 
 
 The equal divinity and distinct personality of the Holy 
 Ghost are no less clearly and forcibly demonstrated by a 
 collection and comparison of passages. St. Paul, for 
 instance, in 1 Cor. xii. 6, speaks of God as " working all in 
 all;" in verse 11 of the same chapter, he uses the same 
 language of the Holy Spirit. Into any metaphysical, 
 abstract discussion of the nature of the Godhead Chrysostom 
 does not enter. He simply endeavours to guard the faith 
 of the Church by a careful exposition of Holy Scripture, 
 on which that faith was based, and by an exposure of the 
 one-sided, or perverted, interpretations on which the current 
 forms of heresy depended. 
 
 The union of the two natures in the person of our blessed 
 Lord was, as is well known, a subject of constant speculation 
 and of prolific error in the first five centuries. Here, again, 
 the good sense of Chrysostom, united to his careful study of 
 Holy Scripture, enabled him to hold the balance between 
 two divergent methods one which attended too exclusively 
 
 i In Johan. Horn. iii. 2. 2 111 Heb. Horn. ii. c. 2. 
 
CH. xxiii.] MANHOOD AND GODHEAD IN CHRIST. 403 
 
 to the humanitarian point of view, the other which brought 
 out the divinity, but at the expense of the manhood. He 
 earnestly maintains the veritable assumption of humanity 
 by the Word. Our nature could not have been elevated to 
 the divine if the Saviour had not really partaken of it ; 
 neither could He have brought help to our race if He had 
 appeared in the unveiled glory of His Godhead, for sun and 
 moon, earth and sea, and even man himself, would have 
 perished at the brightness of His presence. Therefore He 
 veiled his Godhead in flesh, and came not as the Lord in 
 outward semblance, but in lowliness and abasement. 1 And 
 this very condescension enhanced His dignity and extended 
 His dominion : before the Incarnation He was adored by 
 angels only, but afterwards by the whole race of redeemed 
 man. 2 He assumed our nature, even in its liability to death, 
 but not as contaminated by sin. 3 There were in Him three 
 elements body and soul making up the human nature, and 
 the Logos or Word making up the divine. These two 
 natures were united but not fuse.d. " We, indeed, are body 
 and soul, but He is God and soul and body ; remaining what 
 He was, He took that which He was not, and having become 
 flesh, He remained God, being the Word. The one He 
 became He assumed ; the other He was. Let us not then 
 confound, neither let us divide; one God, one Christ the 
 Son of God ; and when I say one, I speak of union, not 
 fusion" (evoww \eyco ov avyxycriv)-* Jesus Christ was 
 subject to death, susceptible of pain and all those emotions 
 and sensations which belong to the human body, otherwise 
 His would not have been a real body, but the weakness per- 
 taining to human nature was entirely overruled by the 
 constant operation of the Logos. If He is said to have been 
 lowered or exalted, this was only as man, since the Godhead 
 was incapable of either, being absolutely perfect. When the 
 
 1 In Psal. li. Expos. 3 In Horn. Honi. xiii. 5. 
 
 2 In Heb. Horn. iv. 2, 3. 4 In Phil. Horn. vii. c. 3. 
 
404 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 Holy Ghost is said to have descended upon Him at His 
 baptism, this must be considered to refer to His human 
 nature only; the manhood, not the Godhead, is anointed. 
 Or when we read that He walked not in Judaea, because the 
 Jews sought to kill Him, and then, just afterwards, that He 
 passed through the midst of His enemies unscathed, we 
 have a direct manifestation, in close correspondence, of the 
 Godhead and the manhood. 1 
 
 In speaking of the redemptive work of our blessed Lord, 
 Chrysostom's language is too rapturously eloquent to be very 
 precise. There are in him several traces of the idea which 
 began with Irenseus, and was developed by Origen, that the 
 devil through the Fall acquired an actual right over man, 
 and that a kind of pious fraud was practised upon him to 
 deprive him of this right through the Incarnation and death 
 of Jesus. By the noiseless, unostentatious manner in which 
 our Saviour assumed humanity, veiling His Godhead under 
 it, He, as it were, stole unawares upon the devil, who 
 was not fully conscious of the majesty and might of his 
 adversary. The devil assaulted Christ as if Christ had been 
 merely man, and he was disappointed in his expectation. 
 He was vanquished by his own weapons, his tyranny was 
 destroyed by means of those very things which were his 
 strength; the curse of sin and of death were his most 
 trusted pieces : Christ submitted Himself to be bruised by 
 them, and yet crushed them by His submission. 2 
 
 On the other hand, we find also in Chrysostom the cus- 
 tomary conception of a debt discharged, a ransom paid, a 
 sacrifice offered once for all. " Adam sinned and died ; 
 Christ sinned not and yet died. Wherefore ? that he who 
 sinned and died might be able, through Him who died but 
 sinned not, to throw off the grasp of death. This is what 
 takes place also in money transactions. Often some one 
 
 1 In Heb. Horn, iii., Horn. iv. c. iii. 2 i n Matt. Horn. iii. ; Expos, in Ps. 
 
 In Philog. Beat. In Johan. Horn. li. ; in 1 Cor. Horn. xxiv. 4. 
 xlviii. c. i. 
 
en. xxiii.] VIEWS ON REDEMPTION. 405 
 
 who is a debtor, not being able to pay, is detained in bonds ; 
 another, who owes nothing but is able to lay down the sum, 
 pays it and releases the responsible person. Thus has it 
 been in the case of man. Man was the debtor, was detained 
 by the devil, and could not pay ; Christ owed nothing, nor 
 was He holden by the devil, but He was able to pay the 
 debt. He came and He paid down death on behalf of him 
 who was detained in bondage. 1 
 
 From this point of view the person to whom the debt is 
 due and is discharged is the devil ; from another, the satis- 
 faction is regarded as due to God, owing to the violation of 
 man's obedience, and is paid to Him through the sacrifice 
 of a sinless life. " It was right that all men should fulfil 
 the righteousness of God ; but, since no one did this, Christ 
 came and completely fulfilled it." 2 He was Himself both 
 the sacrificer and the victim ; the cross being the altar. He 
 suffered outside the city that the prophecy, " He was 
 numbered with the transgressors," might be fulfilled, and 
 also that the universality of the sacrifice might be pro- 
 claimed. 3 Chrysostom is not careful to distinguish between 
 the alienation of man from God, and of God from man 
 through the Fall. He represents the hostility as in some 
 sort existing on both sides. Christ did the work of a 
 mediator by interposing Himself between the two parties, 
 and reconciling each to the other. The references to such a 
 fundamental verity are of course numerous, often full of 
 beauty of expression and tenderness of feeling, and glowing 
 earnestness. What he specially delights to dwell upon, as 
 might be expected from his warm, affectionate disposition, 
 is the exceeding love of Christ to man, and the hearty return 
 which gratitude for such a benefit ought to draw forth from 
 us. Like St. Paul, he often will break forth, in the midst 
 of some argument or practical address, into a burst of 
 
 1 De Resur. J. Chr. c. 3. 
 
 2 De Bapt. Christ!, c. 3. 3 De Coeraet. et Cruce, i. 
 
406 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 rapturous and adoring praise. " What reward shall I give 
 unto the Lord for all the benefits which He hath done unto 
 me ? Who shall express the noble acts of the Lord, or show 
 forth all His praise? He abased Himself that He might 
 exalt thee ; He died to make thee immortal ; He became a 
 curse that thou mightest obtain a blessing. . . . When 
 the world lay in darkness, the light of the Cross was held 
 up like a torch shining in a dark place, and the light at the 
 top of it was the Sun of Eighteousness Himself." x 
 
 Chrysostom's doctrine of justification is naturally coloured 
 by his ethics. Maintaining, as he did, that the corruption 
 of man's nature consisted in a weakness of the moral purpose, 
 a crooked tendency of the will, rather than in any inherent 
 indelible stain in that nature itself, his exhortations are 
 directed rather to inculcate energetic action, a gradual 
 process of improvement of the will with the Divine help, 
 than that entire dependence through faith on the mercy of 
 God which springs out of a deep conviction of the sinner's 
 own insufficiency. The logical tendency of the Augustinian 
 view of the intense and radical depravity of man's nature is 
 to induce a total repudiation of the efficacy of personal 
 effort, a total disavowal of all personal merit. Hence 
 justification comes to be regarded as purely an act of 
 acquittal on God's part, a boon which the despairing sinner 
 by an act of faith thankfully accepts. Such is not the 
 position of Chrysostom, or of those who, like the Cambridge 
 Divines of the seventeenth century, have trodden in his 
 footsteps. With him the condition of a pardoned sinner 
 consists rather in that renovation of the spiritual and moral 
 life which is the result of long and laborious effort, aided of 
 course by Divine grace, a succession of moral acts eventually 
 producing " a new creature." Faith is not so much regarded 
 merely as the instrument or hand held out, by which God's 
 
 1 De Coemet. et Cruce, 3. See also in Ephes. Horn. xx. ; and esp. In Ascens. 
 J. Chr. c. 2. 
 
CH. xxni.] FAITH AND GOOD WORKS. 407 
 
 gift is appropriated, as the first in a row of good works, a 
 fruitful source of all good action. "Abraham," he says, 
 " believed God, and it was counted to him for righteousness. 
 Why ? To prove that belief itself, in the first instance, and 
 obedience to the call of God, come from our own good 
 judgment (evyva)/j,oo-vvrj) ; but as soon as the foundation 
 of faith is laid, we require the alliance of the Holy Spirit, 
 that it may remain constantly unshakable and inflexible." * 
 "Faith is the mother of all good, the sure staff of man's 
 tottering footsteps, the anchor of his tempest-tossed soul, 
 without which he would be like a ship cast adrift on the 
 sea to the mercy of winds and waves." 2 " It is more stable 
 and secure than reason, for it carries its own proof with it ; 
 the conclusions of reason may be diverted by counter- 
 arguments, but faith stands above argument, and is not 
 distracted by it." 3 
 
 He does not, indeed, shrink from a bold declaration of 
 the value of good works, but he is far from teaching men to 
 depend on them as efficient causes of salvation. They are 
 to be stored up as a kind of viaticum for our journey to the 
 other world. " As those who are in a foreign country, when 
 they wish to return to their own land, take pains, a long 
 time beforehand, to collect means sufficient for their journey, 
 so surely ought we, who are but strangers and settlers on 
 this earth, to lay up a store of provisions through spiritual 
 virtue, that when our Master shall command our return into 
 our native country, we may be prepared and may carry part 
 of our store with us, having sent the other in advance." 4 
 On the other hand, he constantly insists that it is the favour 
 and mercy of God alone which, in the end, bestows salvation 
 on us. Faith and good works are necessary conditions, but 
 not efficient causes of salvation. God has graciously willed 
 that they who have faith and good works shall be saved : 
 
 1 De Verb. Apost. vol. iii. p. 276. 3 In Rom. Horn. viii. c. 5. 
 
 2 In Johan. Horn, xxxiii. c. 1. 4 In Gen. Horn. v. c. 1. 
 
408 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. XXTII. 
 
 let no man therefore boast. We could not do good works 
 without God's assisting grace, nor could they in the end and 
 at the best save us if it were not His merciful and gracious 
 will. 1 Therefore, let no one pride himself on his good works ; 
 above all things, let him cultivate a spirit of humility and 
 modesty : St. Paul, after all his labours, confessed that he 
 was not meet to be called an apostle, but was what he was 
 by the grace of God. 2 "What is impossible with men is 
 possible with God." " Tell me not I have sinned much, and 
 how can I be saved ? Thou art not able, but thy Master is 
 able so to blot out thy sins that no trace even of them shall 
 remain. In the natural body, indeed, though the wound 
 may be healed, yet the scar remains ; but God does not suffer 
 the scar even to remain, but, together with release from 
 punishment, grants righteousness also, and makes the sinner 
 to be equal to him who has not sinned. He makes the sin 
 neither to be nor to have been. . . . Sin is drowned in the 
 ocean of God's mercy, just as a spark is extinguished in a 
 flood of water." 3 
 
 It was, no doubt, the trustful dependence of Chrysostom 
 on Divine grace, coupled with his firm conviction of the free 
 capacity of man to turn to what is good, which enabled him 
 to pitch all his exhortations to Christian holiness in such a 
 singularly cheerful, hopeful tone. To his sanguine tempera- 
 ment it seemed as if man's natural capacities for good, aided 
 by grace obtained through prayer, could accomplish anything. 
 " The effect of prayer on the heart is like that of the rising 
 sun upon the natural world ; as the wild beasts come forth 
 by night to prowl and prey, but the sun ariseth, and they 
 get them away together and lay them down in their dens, 
 so,' when the soul is illuminated by prayer, the irrational and 
 brutal passions are put to flight, anger is calmed, lust is 
 extinguished, envy is expelled ; prayer is the treasure of the 
 
 1 In Ephes. Horn. iv. c. 2. 
 
 2 In Gen. Horn. xxxi. 2. 3 De Poenit. Horn. viii. 2. 
 
. 
 
 CH. xxiii.] PASSAGES ABOUT BAPTISM. . / > 409 : 
 
 '- '4 
 
 4 
 ''V 
 
 poor, the security of the rich ; the poorest of all men is fi<fli^ 
 if he can pray, and the rich man who cannot pray is miser- V i . 
 ably poor. Ahab without prayer was impotent amidst his 
 splendour; Elijah with prayer was mighty in his coarse 
 garment of sheepskin." l " It is impossible, impossible that 
 a man who calls constantly on God with proper zeal should 
 ever sin ; his spirit is proof against temptation so long as the 
 effect of his praying lasts, and when it begins to fail, then he 
 must pray again. And this may be done anywhere, in the 
 market or in the shop, since prayer demands the outstretched 
 soul rather than the extended hands." 2 Long prayers were 
 to be avoided; they gave great opportunities to Satan to 
 distract the attention, which could not easily bear a length- 
 ened strain. Prayers should be frequent and short; thus 
 we should best comply with the direction of St. Paul to pray 
 without ceasing. 3 
 
 It remains to collect some notices of Chrysostom's teach- 
 ing with reference to the two Sacraments. 
 
 The number of those who, as Christian children of de- 
 cidedly Christian parents, were baptized in infancy appears 
 to have been small at this period, compared with those who, 
 like Chrysostom himself, joined the ranks of the Church at 
 a later epoch of life. There were many whose parents, or 
 who themselves, hovered not so much between Christianity 
 and any definite form of paganism, as between Christianity 
 and worldliness. The sermons addressed by Chrysostom 
 and his contemporaries to catechumens, and the frequent 
 allusions to them, the minute directions respecting their 
 instruction, their division into classes, the custom of calling 
 the first part of the service to which they were admitted the 
 Missa Catechumenorum, prove that numerous they must 
 have been. I have failed to find any passages in whicli 
 Chrysostom urgently inculcates infant baptism, and, con- 
 sidering his views respecting original sin, this is not surpris- 
 
 1 Cont. Anom. vii. 7. 2 De Anna, iv. 5. 3 Ibid. ii. 2. 
 
410 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 ing ; but he earnestly denounces a custom of deferring 
 baptism, prevalent among those who were already believers, 
 or professing to be such. Often it was delayed till men 
 believed themselves to be at the point of death a practice 
 which he especially deprecates, because at such a time 
 "the recipient was often in a restless, suffering state of 
 mind and body, most unfit to receive that holy sacrament ; 
 the entrance of the priest was regarded by the sorrowful 
 attendants as a certain evidence of the approaching end ; 
 and when the sick man could not recognise those who were 
 present, or hear a voice, or answer in those words by which 
 he was to enter into a blessed covenant with our Lord, but 
 lay like a log or a stone, what possible advantage could 
 there be in the reception of the sacrament ? " 1 Again, it 
 was often delayed till a man conceived that he had received 
 a distinct call and intimation that it was the will of God. 
 This Chrysostom regarded as being too often a mere cloak 
 for moral indolence, a reluctance of men to bind themselves 
 under the high responsibilities of the Christian vocation. 2 
 
 He certainly considered baptism as being not merely a 
 solemn initiation into the Christian covenant, and instru- 
 ment of remission of sin, but also of moral renovation. 
 This, however, is represented as a blessing naturally deriv- 
 able from the entrance into the new and holy federal 
 relation with God. In his comment on the passage, "and 
 such were some of you; but ye are washed, but ye are 
 sanctified, but ye are justified in the name of our Lord 
 Jesus Christ," he observes that such words signify that they 
 were not only purified from past uncleanness, but had 
 become holy and righteous. " For such is the benevolence 
 of the Divine gift ; if an imperial letter consisting of a few 
 lines discharges men from liability to punishment for any 
 number of offences, and advances others to great honour, 
 much more will the Holy Spirit of God, which can do all 
 
 i Ad ilium. Catech. i. c. 3. 2 D e Mut. Norn. iv. in fine. 
 
CH. XXIIL] THE HOLY EUCHAEIST. 411 
 
 things, release us from all wickedness, bestow on us 
 abundant righteousness, and fill us with much confidence." 
 The nature of the baptized was, therefore, like a vessel 
 which had not only been cleansed from past defilements, but 
 recast in the furnace so as to come out in a new shape. 1 
 He is far, however, from regarding such a change as final. 
 The virtue of baptism is effectual at the time, but the grace 
 then given is as a trust to be carefully guarded; a talent 
 to be traded with, a seed of righteousness to be diligently 
 cultivated, the dawning of a light to shine more and more 
 unto the perfect day. As Christ becomes at that time the 
 clothing, the food, the habitation of the Christian, the reci- 
 pient of these favours has to take care that he does not 
 wrong this intimate relationship. Therefore he is ordered to 
 say at baptism, "I renounce thee, Satan;" that is the 
 declaration of a covenant with his Master. A firm deter- 
 mination to abandon past sin and eradicate evil habits in 
 a word, repentance should take place previous to baptism. 
 "Just as the painter freely alters the lineaments of his 
 picture, when it is sketched in outline, by rubbing out or 
 putting in, but when once he has added the colour, he is no 
 longer at liberty to make alterations ; in like manner erase 
 evil habits before baptism, before the true colouring of the 
 Holy Spirit has been thrown over the soul : take care 
 when this has been received, and the royal image shines 
 forth clearly, that you do not blot it out any more, and 
 inflict wounds and scars on the beauty given thee by 
 God." 2 
 
 In another place he contrasts the baptism of the Jews, of 
 John the Baptist, and of Jesus Christ. " The first was only 
 a cleansing of the body from ceremonial defilements, the 
 second was a means of enforcing an exhortation to repent- 
 ance, the third was accompanied by remission of sins: it 
 releases and purges the soul from sin, and gives a supply 
 
 i Ad ilium. Catech. i. 3. 2 Ibid. ii. 3. 
 
412 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 of the Holy Spirit." 1 "When the merciful God saw the 
 extremity of our weakness, and the incurable nature of our 
 sickness, requiring a great work of healing, He conferred 
 upon us that renovation which comes through the laver of 
 regeneration, in order that, being divested of the old man, 
 that is, of evil works, and having put on the new, we might 
 go forward in the path of virtue." 2 
 
 In considering those passages which relate to the Holy 
 Eucharist, it must be carefully borne in mind that Chryso- 
 stom lived in an age when that Sacrament had not become 
 a battle-field of controversy. He was under no constraint 
 in his language, because he did not feel that every word he 
 used was liable to be criticised, or misunderstood, or torn to 
 pieces in the strife of contending parties. He enjoyed 
 because he disputed not. Filled with thankfulness and joy 
 to overflowing for the unspeakable benefits derived from that 
 Sacrament, he is not cautious or scrupulously precise in his 
 expressions, but gives the freest rein to the enthusiasm of 
 his feelings; his object being not to support any rigidly 
 defined theory or system, but to infuse a certain spirit, to 
 encourage a proper moral tone and temper in reference to 
 the whole subject. 
 
 Three ideas, however, are apparent as dominant in his 
 mind a sacrifice, a presence of Christ, a reception of Christ. 
 In several of the passages about to be presented, all the three 
 points will appear in similar and simultaneous force. In 
 one homily, 3 where he severely censures the too prevalent 
 custom of attending the Eucharist on great festivals only, 
 and then behaving in a disorderly manner, the worshippers 
 hustling and trampling on one another in their tumultuous 
 haste to approach the holy table, and then hurrying out of 
 church immediately after the reception, without waiting for 
 the conclusion of the service " What," he exclaims, " 
 man, art thou doing? When Christ is present, and the 
 
 1 De Bapt. Chr. c. 3. 
 
 2 In Geu. Horn. xl. c. 4. 3 D e Bapt. J. Chr. c. 7. 
 
CH. xxiii.] A SACRIFICE AND A FEAST. 413 
 
 angels are standing by, and the awe-inspiring table is spread 
 before thee, dost thou withdraw? ... If you are invited 
 to a feast and are filled before the other guests, you do not 
 dare to withdraw while the rest of your friends are still 
 reclining at the table; and here, when the mysteries of 
 Christ are being- celebrated, and the holy feast is still going 
 on, dost thou retreat in the middle ?" Again : " Since, then, 
 we are about to see this evening, as a lamb slain and sacri- 
 ficed, Him who was crucified, let us approach, I pray you, with 
 trembling awe. The angels, who surpass our nature, stood 
 beside His empty tomb with great reverence ; and shall we, 
 who are about to stand beside, not an empty sepulchre, but 
 the very table which bears the Lamb, shall we approach 
 with noise and confusion?" 1 Again: "It is now time to 
 draw near the awe-inspiring table. . . . Christ is present, 
 and He who arranged that first table, even He arranges this 
 present one. For it is not man who makes the things which 
 are set before us become the body and blood of Christ, but 
 it is Christ Himself, who was crucified for us. The priest 
 stands fulfilling his part (o-^fjba) by uttering the appointed 
 words, but the power and the grace are of God. ' This is 
 my body,' He says. This expression changes the character 
 (/jit-rap pvOfil^et) of the elements, and as that sentence, ' in- 
 crease and multiply,' once spoken, extends through all time, 
 enabling the procreative power of our nature, even so that 
 expression, 'this is my body/ once uttered, does at every 
 table in the churches from that time to the present day, 
 and even till Christ's coming, make the sacrifice perfect." 2 
 Speaking of the sacrifice of Isaac, he observes that it was 
 perfect so far as Abraham was concerned, because his inten- 
 tion did not fail, though the knife was not actually drawn 
 across his son's throat; "for a sacrifice is possible even 
 without blood the initiated (i.e. the baptized) know what 
 I mean : on this account, also, that sacrifice was made 
 
 1 De Ccemet. et Cmce, in fine, vol. ii. 2 De Prod. Jud. vol. ii. Horn, i. c. 6. 
 
414 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 without blood, since it was destined to be a figure of this 
 sacrifice of ours." 1 
 
 Perhaps the most significant passage with reference to the 
 sacrificial idea is one where, after contrasting the many 
 and ineffective sacrifices of the Jews with the one perfect, 
 efficacious sacrifice of Christ, he proceeds : " What then ? do 
 we not offer every day ? We do offer certainly, but making 
 a memorial of His death; and this memorial is one, not 
 many. How one, not many? Because the sacrifice was 
 offered once for all, as that great sacrifice was in the Holy 
 of Holies. This is a figure of that great sacrifice as that 
 was of this; for we do not offer one victim to-day and 
 another to-morrow, but always the same: wherefore the 
 sacrifice is one. Well, on this ground, because He is offered 
 in many places, are there many Christs ? Nay, by no means, 
 but one Christ everywhere, complete both in this world and 
 in the other ; one body. As then, though offered in many 
 places, He is but one body, so is there but one sacrifice. 
 Our High Priest is He who offers the sacrifice which cleanses 
 us. We offer that now which was offered then ; which is 
 indeed inconsumable. This takes place now for a memorial 
 of what took place then : ' Do this,' said He, * for my me- 
 morial.' We 'do not then offer a different sacrifice as the 
 high priest formerly did, but always the same ; or, rather, we 
 celebrate a memorial of a Sacrifice"* 
 
 There are other passages in which the idea, no less pro- 
 minently set forth, is that of a holy feast. Elijah bequeathed 
 his mantle and a double portion of his spirit to Elisha, " but 
 the Son of God, when He ascended, left us His own flesh. 
 . . . He who did not decline to shed His blood for all, and 
 imparts to us again His flesh and blood, what will He refuse 
 to do for our salvation?" 3 Again : " Consider, man, what 
 kind of sacrifice thou art about to touch, what kind of table 
 
 1 In Eustath. Ant. vol. ii. p. 601. 
 
 2 In Ep. ad. Hebr. Horn. xvii. c. 3. 3 Horn. ii. De Stat. c. 9. 
 
CH. xxiu.] LANGUAGE NOT TO BE PEESSED. 415 
 
 to approach ; reflect that thou who art but dust and ashes 
 receivest the body and blood of Christ." 1 The sedulous care 
 with which he urges the duty of moral cleansing before 
 venturing to approach the holy table proceeds chiefly from 
 regarding it as a holy feast. "How shall we behold the 
 sacred passover ? How shall we receive the sacred feast ? 
 Ilnvr partake of the adorable mysteries with that tongue 
 whereby we trampled on the Law of God and defiled our 
 soul ? for if one would not touch a royal robe with denied 
 hands, how shall we receive the Lord's body with an unclean 
 tongue?" 2 
 
 These passages, which are but a few specimens extracted 
 from a large number on the same subject, are yet sufficient 
 to show how easy it would be for the partisans of contend- 
 ing schools to press the language of Chrysostom into support 
 of their own system. The truth is, that in the case of this, 
 as of other subjects, we find in Chrysostorn and his contem- 
 poraries the raw material, which has been wrought out by 
 the toil and strife of later times into definite sharply chiselled 
 dogmas. Nothing, therefore, can really be more unfair than 
 to regard, as a direct friend or opponent, one who lived and 
 wrote long before controversy had arisen on the subjects of 
 which he treated. He might innocently employ expressions 
 which we should deem it incautious to use, because we 
 know the interpretation of which they are susceptible, or 
 because we see in them incipient symptoms of an idea which 
 in process of time grew into a mischievous error. It is 
 instructive also to notice how harmless doctrines which 
 afterwards became mischievous were when they were not 
 pushed to an extremity, not made integral parts of a system 
 of belief. It does not occur to us, for instance, for a moment 
 to suppose that such invocation of saints as was manifestly 
 
 1 De Nat. Christi, c. 7. here the celebrated passage which it 
 
 2 De Stat. xi. c. 5. The authenticity contains on this subject. It will be 
 of the letter to Cffisarius is so doubtful found in the Appendix, where the 
 that I have not ventured to introduce curious history of this letter is related. 
 
416 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [cu. xxm. 
 
 approved by Chrysostom was the least detrimental to that 
 free intercourse which ought to exist between the soul 
 of man and God Himself. As Dr. Pusey has observed: 
 " Through volumes of St. Augustine and St. Chrysostom there 
 is no mention of any reliance except on Christ alone." 1 
 There is not the least approach to that system of stepping- 
 stones or halting-places between God and man, which the 
 Eoman Church established by means of confession, saint- 
 worship, and, above all, Mariolatry. 
 
 There is no trace in Chrysostom of priestly confession as 
 an ordinance of the Church. When he speaks of the misery 
 which ensues on the commission of sin, he urges the sinner 
 to relieve his conscience by a free confession with repentance 
 and tears. "And why are you ashamed to do so ?" he pro- 
 ceeds, " for to whom do you confess ? Is it to a man or a 
 fellow-servant who might reproach or expose you ? Nay, it 
 is to the Lord, tender and merciful : it is to the physician 
 that you show your wound." 2 Again, in speaking of prayer, 
 he contrasts the freedom of access to God with the difficulties 
 and impediments which encounter the delivery of a petition 
 to some great man. " This last could be reached only through 
 porters, flatterers, parasites ; whereas God is invoked without 
 the intervention of any one, without money, without expense 
 of any kind." 3 This reads like a prophetical sarcasm on a 
 Church which ultimately made a traffic of dispensing what 
 cannot really be dispensed by man, because it is the free gift 
 of God. 
 
 Nor is there any symptom in Chrysostom of a tendency 
 to the theory of Purgatory. The condition of man after 
 death is always represented by him as final and irrevocable. 
 His tone, when exhorting to repentance, is always in har- 
 mony with the following passage : " For the day will come 
 when the theatre of this world will be dissolved, and 
 
 1 Eirenikon, part i. p. 112. 
 
 2 De Laz. Horn. iv. 4. 3 De Pcenit. Horn. iv. 4. 
 
CH. xxiii.] THE VIRGIN MARY. 417 
 
 then it is not possible to contend any longer : this is the 
 season of repentance, that of judgment ; this of contest, that 
 of crowning ; this of labour, that of repose." 1 
 
 But of all medieval additions to the purer faith of primi- 
 tive times, Mariolatry has grown to the most extraordinary 
 dimensions. 2 Of any tendency to this error there is in 
 Chrysostom a remarkable absence. In fact, his notices of 
 the Blessed Virgin, not very frequent, are on the whole, we 
 might almost say, unnecessarily disparaging. In his com- 
 mentary on the Marriage Feast at Cana, he suggests that the 
 Virgin, in mentioning the failure of wine to our Lord, may 
 have been anxious to draw out His miraculous powers, 
 partly to place the guests under an obligation to Him, 
 partly to enhance her own dignity through the display of 
 her Son's divine powers. He considers that the appeal 
 sprang from the same feeling which prompted His brethren 
 to say, " Show Thyself to the world ;" and he proceeds to 
 observe that our Lord, while never failing to manifest duti- 
 ful reverence and affectionate care towards His mother, has 
 taught us, by His conduct and language to her, that the tie 
 of mere earthly kindred entitled her not to higher privileges, 
 and placed her in no more intimate spiritual relationship 
 with Himself than any one might through love and obedience 
 enjoy. "Who is my mother, and who are my brethren? 
 and looking round about on His disciples, He said, Behold 
 my mother and my brethren ; for whosoever shall do the will 
 of my Father, the same is my brother, and my sister, and 
 mother." " Heavens !" Chrysostom exclaims, " what honour ! 
 what reward ! to what a pinnacle does He exalt those who 
 follow Him! How many women have blessed the Holy 
 Virgin and her womb, and have longed to be such mothers ! 
 What then prevents it ? Behold, he opens a broad way for 
 us: not women only, but men also are permitted to be 
 
 1 De Poenit. Horn. ix. cultus and its mischievous effects, in 
 
 2 See Dr. Pusey's history of the Parts i. and ii. of the "Eirenikon." 
 
 2 D 
 
418 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxur. 
 
 placed in the same rank." " The demand to see Him was 
 made by His mother in an ambitious spirit : she wished to 
 show to the people how much authority she possessed over 
 Him; at any rate, the request was unreasonable and un- 
 seasonable. If she and His brethren desired to speak with 
 Him on matters of doctrine, they might have done so in the 
 presence of the others; but if on private matters, it was 
 an ill-timed interruption to His discourse on weightier sub- 
 jects." 1 Again : " When a woman in the company cried 
 out, 'Blessed is the womb that bare Thee!' He instantly 
 corrected her : ' Yea, rather blessed are they that hear the 
 word of God and keep it.' " It is possible that the general 
 sentiment of the age may have regarded the Virgin with 
 more veneration, but Chrysostom could not have ventured 
 to use such language had the cultus been in any but its 
 very earliest stage, if then. She is called holy by him ; she 
 intercedes 2 for Eve, who is a type of herself, but of worship 
 paid to her there is not the slightest evidence. 3 
 
 It is almost superfluous to observe that Chrysostom knew 
 and acknowledged nothing of papal supremacy, in the sense 
 which those words conveyed to the minds of later genera- 
 tions. In common with the rest of Christendom, he paid 
 great deference and respect to the metropolitan at Eome, 
 and he was quite free from those feelings of jealousy which 
 were entertained by the patriarchs of Constantinople, as 
 time went on, owing to the increasing pretensions and exac- 
 tions of the Eoman See. If he respects Innocent, as occu- 
 pying the chair of St. Peter, he equally respects Flavian, 
 bishop of Antioch (who was not in communion -with Eome), 
 for the same reason ; he calls him " our common father and 
 
 1 In Job an. Horn. xxi. 2 ; and in Chrysostom to our people, to their 
 Matt. Horn. xliv. 1. edification and without offence : were 
 
 _.,, ,.^ . , A a Roman Catholic preacher to confine 
 
 2 De Mundl Creat V1 ' 10 " himself to their preaching, he would 
 
 3 Vide Dr. Pusey, Eiren. i. p. 113 : (as it has been said among themselves) 
 "We could preach whole volumes of be regarded as 'indevout towards 
 the sermons of St. Augustine or St. Mary.'" 
 
en. xxiii.] LITUEGICAL FORMS. 419 
 
 teacher, who has inherited St. Peter's virtue and his chair." 
 The letter written to Innocent during exile was addressed 
 also to the Bishops of Milan and Aquileia. In his com- 
 mentary on Galatians ii. he proves the equality of St. Paul 
 with St. Peter. No doubt he assigns an eminent rank to St. 
 Peter, speaking of him as " leader of the band " (icopvfyalos) 
 of apostles, and as intrusted with the "presidency" (777)0- 
 o-ra&iav) of the brethren : but these words do not imply 
 absolute authority, and the same appellations are applied 
 to St. Paul also. 
 
 Scattered up and down the discourses of Chrysostom there 
 are abundant references to the liturgical forms, and manner 
 of using them, which were in vogue in his time. If we had 
 no other authority, we could learn from him alone that 
 the service consisted of two parts the first, called Missa 
 Catechumenorum, because the catechumens were permitted 
 to be present at it, which included an opening salutation of 
 " Peace be with you," with the response, " And with thy 
 spirit;" psalms sung antiphonally ; appointed lessons accord- 
 ing to the season or the day (as Genesis was read during 
 Lent, the Acts of the Apostles in Pentecost, that is, during 
 the fifty days between Easter and Whitsun Day) ; the sermon, 
 frequently in Chrysostom's case on the lesson for the day, 
 the preacher usually sitting, and the people standing ; then 
 prayers, announced by the deacon, for the catechumens, the 
 "possessed," and the penitents; the benediction by the 
 bishop, and dismissal by the deacon, who bade them " depart 
 in peace." The second part of the service then began, called 
 Missa Fidelium, because the baptized only were permitted 
 to be present. Chrysostom strongly denounces an increasing 
 tendency on the part of many to remain during this second 
 and more sacred portion without participating. He plainly 
 declares that all those who were baptized should communi- 
 cate, and tells them, if they were not worthy to receive the 
 Eucharist, neither could they be worthy to join in the 
 
420 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHKYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 prayers which preceded the reception, and therefore they 
 ought to quit the church, with the catechumens and peni- 
 tents, when the deacon commanded all unbaptized, ungodly, 
 and unbelieving persons to depart. 1 The usual order of the 
 Missa Fidelium was " the silent prayer " (ev^rj Sia crtwTn}?), 
 on part of the priest and people (which the latter too often 
 abused, Chrysostom feared, to imprecate vengeance on their 
 enemies 2 ); then a prayer somewhat equivalent to our bidding 
 prayer in form, and to our prayer for the Church Militant in 
 substance, the deacon bidding or proclaiming the forms, and 
 the people responding ; then, a prayer of invocation made by 
 the bishop, which was also called " collecta," because in it 
 the prayers of the people were considered to be gathered 
 or summed up ; the oblations of the people presented by the 
 deacons ; the kiss of peace, the reading of the diptychs, the 
 ablution of the priest's hands, the bringing of the elements 
 to the bishop at the altar, while the priests stood on each 
 side, and deacons held large fans to drive away the flies ; a 
 secret prayer offered by the bishop ; the benediction, " The 
 grace of our Lord Jesus Christ," etc., to which the people 
 responded "And with thy spirit;" followed by "Lift up 
 your hearts" "We lift them up unto the Lord;" "Let us 
 give thanks to our Lord God " " It is meet and right so to 
 do ;" a long thanksgiving, terminating with the Ter Sanctus, 
 in which the people joined ; the consecration prayer, includ- 
 ing the words of our Lord at the time of institution, and an 
 invocation of the Holy Spirit to make the elements become 
 the body and blood of Christ ; a prayer for all members of 
 the Church, living and dead; the doxology, the Creed; 
 a prayer of the bishop for sanctification ; the words pro- 
 nounced by him, "Holy things for holy people" (ra ajta 
 rot? aytois) ; the reception by the clergy and laity in both 
 kinds, taking the elements into their hands ; concluding 
 prayers, and dismissal by the deacon proclaiming, " Go in 
 
 i In Ephes. Horn. iii. in fine. 2 Vol. iii. p. 362. 
 
 
CH. xxiii.] LITURGY OF CHRYSOSTOM. 421 
 
 peace." Nearly all of the forms indicated in this sketch are 
 more or less clearly referred to or quoted in Chrysostom's 
 works, and from these, with the aid of other contemporary 
 writers and documents, we might construct a liturgy which 
 would more nearly resemble that actually used by him than 
 the liturgy called by his name resembles it. 1 For in this, 
 as in the so-called liturgy of Basil, it is impossible now to 
 determine how much was actually composed by the Father 
 who gave his name to it. It cannot be proved that Chry- 
 sostom actually corrected or improved at all the liturgy 
 which he found in use at Constantinople. It may only have 
 come to be called after him as being the greatest luminary 
 who ever occupied the see. The statement, however, made 
 in a tract ascribed to Proclus, Patriarch of Constantinople in 
 the fifth century, is not in itself improbable, that Chrysostom 
 found the existing liturgy so long that many of the congre- 
 gation, being men of business, and pressed for time, left 
 before the service was concluded, or came in after it had 
 begun, and therefore he abridged and otherwise altered it. 
 In any case, many alterations were made by different 
 churches and bishops in the course of time, as in other 
 liturgies, so also in those which bear the name of Basil and 
 Chrysostom; and hence, as Montfaucon, Savile, Cave, and 
 others have remarked, you cannot find any two copies which 
 are exactly alike. 
 
 A critical estimate of Chrysostom's value as a commentator 
 hardly falls within the scope of an essay on his life, but a 
 few general observations on this head may not be deemed 
 out of place here. The same fact was the cause in him of 
 
 1 I have not thought it expedient to p. 104 ; x. pp. 200 and 527 ; xi. p. 323. 
 
 crowd the margin with references to The so-called prayer of St. Chrysostom 
 
 Chrysostom's works for every one of in our Prayer-Book is found in the 
 
 the liturgical forms above mentioned. Liturgies of St. Basil and St. Chryso- 
 
 They may nearly all be consulted in stom, but cannot certainly be traced 
 
 Bingham, book xv., who has collected to either of those fathers. It was in- 
 
 them with great care. The fullest serted at the end of the Litany in 1544, 
 
 passages occur in vol. ii. p. 345 ; iii. and of the Daily Service in 1661. 
 
422 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 much excellence and some defect in this department. He 
 was a preacher whose primary object was to convert souls. 
 This earnest, practical aim, of which he never lost sight, 
 helped to protect him from lapsing into idle, fanciful, mystical 
 interpretations of Scripture; but, on the other hand, it 
 hindered his entering so fully into all the historical, gram- 
 matical, or even doctrinal questions which might be raised 
 about a passage as he would have done had he been exclu- 
 sively a commentator. His dominant aim being to affect 
 the heart and the moral practice of his hearers, he is content 
 when he has elicited from the passage all that will be most 
 useful for that purpose, and the continuity of the commentary 
 is frequently marred by sudden digressions. His ignorance 
 of Hebrew was of course fatal to his being an accurate 
 interpreter of the Old Testament, since he was entirely 
 dependent on the Septuagint translation. And even in 
 Greek, though few would deny him the merit of fine scholar- 
 ship on the whole, though his command of the language as 
 an orator is masterly, his style luminous, his diction copious 
 and rich without being offensively ornate or redundant, yet 
 his hold upon the language for critical purposes is neither 
 that of a man who spoke it when it was in its purest stage, 
 nor that of a scholar who, living in a later age and speaking 
 a different tongue, has made a careful, laborious study of it 
 as a dead language. 
 
 But two invaluable qualifications for an interpreter Chry- 
 sostom did possess a thorough love for the Sacred Book, 
 and a thorough familiarity with every part of it. There is 
 no topic on which he dwells more frequently and earnestly 
 than on the duty of every Christian man and woman to study 
 the Bible; and what he bade others do, that he did pre- 
 eminently himself. He rebukes the silly vanity of rich 
 people who prided themselves on possessing finely written 
 and handsomely bound copies of the Bible, but who knew 
 little about the contents. Study of the Bible was more 
 
CH. xxm.] CHRYSOSTOM AS A COMMENTATOR. 423 
 
 necessary for the layman than the monk, because he was 
 exposed to more constant and formidable temptations. The 
 Christian without a knowledge of his Bible was like a 
 workman without his tools. Like the tree planted by the 
 water-side, the soul of the diligent reader would be continu- 
 ally nourished and refreshed. There were no difficulties 
 which would not yield to a patient study of it. Neither 
 earthly grandeur, nor friends, nor indeed any human thing, 
 could afford in suffering such comfort as the reading of Holy 
 Scripture, for this was the companionship of God. 1 
 
 The honest, straightforward common sense which marks 
 his practical exhortations was a useful quality to him also 
 as an interpreter. One of his principles is, that sound doc- 
 trine could not be extracted from Holy Scripture but by a 
 careful comparison of many passages not isolated from their 
 context. 2 Allegorical interpretations were by no means to 
 be rejected, but to be used with caution ; men too often made 
 the mistake of dictating what Scripture should mean instead 
 of submitting to be taught by it : they introduced a meaning 
 instead of eliciting it. 3 Thus, though he often accepts 
 popular types as Boaz and Euth are figures of Christ and 
 His bride the Church ; and Noah, Joseph, Joshua, are all in 
 different ways representative of our Lord ; though sometimes 
 particular expressions in Messianic prophecies are forced, 
 for instance, in Isaiah's description of Immanuel, the " butter 
 and honey " there spoken of he supposes to be intended to 
 indicate the reality of our Lord's humanity 4 yet his custom- 
 ary aim is to discover the literal sense and direct historical 
 bearing of the passage. At the same time he fully recognises 
 a general foreshadowing of Jesus Christ, and the complete 
 fulfilment in Him ultimately of prophecies which immedi- 
 ately refer to persons and events nearly, if not quite, con- 
 temporaneous with the utterance. He fails not also to point 
 
 1 Vol. ii. pp. 17, 92, 522, et passim. 3 In Isai. v. 3, and vi. 
 
 2 Vol. vi. 157. * Ibid. vii. 6. 
 
424 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 out the moral aspect of prophecy as a system of teaching 
 rather than prediction, as preparatory to the advent of Jesus 
 Christ in the flesh, not only by informing men's minds, but 
 disciplining their hearts to receive Him. 1 Hence the holy 
 men who lived, under the Old Dispensation, in faith on 
 God's promises, knew Christ as it were by anticipation, and 
 were to be reckoned as members of the one body. 2 
 
 He had a clear conception of the essential coherence 
 between the Old and New Testament. He observes that 
 the very words " old " and " new " are relative terms : new 
 implies an antecedent old, preparatory to it. The condition 
 of the recipients, the circumstances and age in which they 
 lived, being different, necessitated a difference in the treat- 
 ment. A physician treated the same patient at different 
 times by directly contrary methods ; sometimes administering 
 sweet, sometimes bitter medicines, sometimes using the 
 lancet, sometimes cautery, but always with the same ultimate 
 end in view the health of his patient. So the Old and 
 New Testaments were different, but not, as the Manichseans 
 maintained, antagonistic. The commandment, " Thou shalt 
 not kill," attacked the fruit and consequence of vice ; the 
 precept, "Whosoever is angry with his brother without a 
 cause," etc., struck at the root. This was an illustration in 
 a small instance of the general truth that the New Dispen- 
 sation was only a completion and expansion of the Old. 
 Those, therefore, who rejected the Old Testament dishonoured 
 the New, which was based upon it, and presupposes it. 3 
 
 He is equally rational in his manner of accounting for 
 the variations in the Gospel narratives. That they differ 
 in details, but agree in essential matters, he regards as a 
 powerful evidence of veracity. Exact and verbal coincidence 
 in every particular would have excited in the minds of 
 opponents a suspicion of concerted agreement. 4 Authors 
 
 1 In Is. vii. c. i. 3 De Verb. Apost. vol. iii. p. 282. 
 
 2 In Ephes. Horn. x. 1. 4 In Matt. Horn. i. 2. 
 
CH. xxiii.] VIEWS ON INSPIRATION. 425 
 
 might write variously without being at variance; if there 
 had been ten thousand evangelists, yet the Gospel itself 
 would have been but one. 1 Each evangelist tells substan- 
 tially the same tale, but varied according to the readers for 
 whom he wrote, and the special object which he had in 
 view. So St. Matthew wrote in Hebrew for the Jews, St. 
 Mark for the disciples in Egypt, St. John to set forth the 
 divine aspect of our Lord's life. Thus we have variety in 
 unity, and unity in variety. 2 
 
 In his commentaries on the Epistles he is careful to con- 
 sider each as a connected whole ; and, in order to impress 
 this on his hearers, he frequently recapitulates at the 
 beginning of a homily all the steps by which the part under 
 consideration has been reached. In his introductions to 
 each letter he generally makes useful observations on the 
 author, the time, place, and style of composition, the 
 readers for whom it was intended, the general character 
 and arrangement of its contents. He regarded the Bible 
 as in such a sense written under the inspiration of God, that 
 110 passage, no word even, was to be despised; 3 that men 
 wrote as they were moved by the Holy Spirit, but not to 
 the total deprivation of their own human understanding 
 and personal character. The prophet was not like the seer 
 who spoke under constraint, not knowing what he said ; he 
 retained his own faculties and style; only all his powers 
 were quickened, energised by the Spirit to the utterance of 
 words which unassisted he could not have uttered. 4 
 
 Chrysostoni's influence as a preacher was not aided by 
 any external advantages of person. Like so many men who 
 have possessed great powers of command over the minds of 
 others like St. Paul, Athanasius, John Wesley he was 
 little of stature ; his frame was attenuated by the austerities 
 of his youth and his habitually ascetic mode of life; his 
 
 1 In Galat. i. 6. * In Rom. Horn. xxxi. 1. 
 
 2 In Matt. i. et in Johan. i. 4 In Psalm xliv. ; in 1 Cor. Horn. xxix. 1. 
 
426 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 cheeks were pale and hollow ; his eyes deeply set, but bright 
 and piercing ; his broad and lofty forehead was furrowed by 
 wrinkles ; his head was bald. He frequently delivered his 
 discourses sitting in the ambo, or high reading-desk, just 
 inside the nave, in order to be near his hearers and well 
 raised above them. But these physical disadvantages were 
 more than compensated by other more important qualities. 
 A power of exposition which unfolded in lucid order, passage 
 by passage, the meaning of the book in hand ; a rapid tran- 
 sition from clear exposition, or keen logical argument, to 
 fervid exhortation, or pathetic appeal, or indignant denun- 
 ciation ; the versatile ease with which he could lay hold of 
 any little incident of the moment, such as the lighting of 
 the lamps in the church, and use it to illustrate his dis- 
 course ; the mixture of plain common-sense, simple boldness, 
 and tender affection, with which he would strike home to 
 the hearts and consciences of his hearers all these are not 
 only general characteristics of the man, but are usually to 
 be found manifested more or less in the compass of each 
 discourse. It is this rare union of powers which constitutes 
 his superiority to almost all the other Christian preachers 
 with whom he might be, or has been, compared. Savonarola 
 had all, and more than all, his fire and vehemence, but 
 untempered by his sober, calm good sense, and wanting his 
 rational method of interpretation. Chrysostom was eager 
 and impetuous at times in speech as well as in action, but 
 never fanatical. Jeremy Taylor combines, like Chrysostom, 
 real earnestness of purpose with rhetorical forms of expres- 
 sion and florid imagery ; but, on the whole, his style is far 
 more artificial, and is overlaid with a multifarious learning 
 from which Chrysostom's was entirely free. Wesley is 
 almost his match in simple, straightforward, practical 
 exhortation, but does not rise into flights of eloquence like 
 his. The great French preachers, again, resemble him in 
 his more ornate and declamatory vein, but they lack that 
 
CH. XXIIL] CHARACTERISTICS AS A PREACHER. 427 
 
 simpler common-sense style of address which equally dis- 
 tinguished him. Whether the sobriquet of Chrysostomos, 
 " the golden mouth/' was given to him in his lifetime is 
 extremely doubtful ; at any rate, it seems not to have been 
 commonly used till afterwards. John is the only name by 
 which he is mentioned in the writings of historians who 
 were most nearly contemporaneous, but the other was a well- 
 known appellation before the end of the fifth century. 1 
 
 The preservation of Chrysostom's discourses we owe 
 mainly to the custom, prevalent in the Eastern Church at 
 that time, of having the sermons of famous preachers taken 
 down by shorthand writers as they were spoken ; but some 
 of them Chrysostom published himself. 2 To what extent 
 they may have been written before preaching it is impossible 
 to say. The expository parts were evidently the result of 
 previous study and preparation; the actual diction of the 
 practical portions he may have left to the suggestion of the 
 moment, though the main subjects of his address had been 
 always decided upon beforehand. Extempore remarks were 
 frequently called forth by the behaviour of the congregation, 
 or some passing incident. The discourse delivered after 
 his return from exile we also know to have been purely 
 impromptu; and Suidas observes that he "had a tongue 
 which exceeded the cataracts of the Nile in fluency, so 
 that he delivered many of his panegyrics on the martyrs 
 extempore without the least hesitation." 3 His hearers were 
 sometimes rapt in such profound attention that pickpockets 
 took advantage of it : 4 sometimes they were melted to tears, 
 or beat their breasts and faces, and uttered groans and cries 
 to Heaven for mercy; at other times they clapped their 
 hands or shouted marks of approbation frequently paid at 
 that time to eloquent preachers, but always sternly reproved 
 by Chrysostom. 
 
 1 Vide Tillemont, xi. p. 37. 8 Suidas; vide verb. Johannes. 
 
 2 Socrat. vi. 4. 4 Cont. Anom. Horn, iv. 
 
428 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHKYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 Although his style is generally exuberantly rich, yet it is 
 seldom offensively redundant, for every word is usually 
 telling ; and at times he is epigrammatically terse. A few 
 instances will suffice : " The fire of sin is large, but it is 
 quenched by a few tears ;" " Pain was given on account of 
 sin, yet through pain sin is dissolved;" " Kiches are called 
 possessions (/cr^ara) that we may possess them, not be 
 possessed by them;" " You are master of much wealth, do 
 not be a slave to that whereof God has made you master;" 
 " Scripture relates the sins of saints, that we may fear ; the 
 conversion of sinners, that we may hope." He refers to a 
 visitation of Antioch by an earthquake, as God "shaking 
 the -city, but establishing your minds ; making the city 
 crumble, but consolidating your judgment." 
 
 His familiarity with classical Greek authors is apparent 
 sometimes in direct references. He speaks of " the smooth- 
 ness of Isocrates, the weight of Demosthenes, the dignity 
 of Thucydides, the sublimity of Plato." 1 He quotes the 
 beginning of the "Apology," to show that if Socrates did 
 not put a high value on mere fine talking, how much less 
 should the Christian. 2 He illustrates the readiness of men 
 to supply the wants of the monk by a passage from Plato, 
 where Crito says that his money, and that of Cebes and 
 many others, is at the disposal of Socrates ; and, go where 
 he will, he may rely on finding friends. 3 Sometimes we 
 detect a thought derived, it may have been unconsciously, 
 from classical sources. When he compares the crowd of the 
 congregation before him to the sea, and the play upon the 
 surface of that sea of heads to the effect of a strong west 
 wind stirring and bending the ears of corn, 4 it is impossible 
 not to think that the idea was suggested by the well-known 
 simile in Homer (II. ii. 147). Again, when, in speaking of 
 David's sin, he compares the body to a chariot and the soul 
 
 1 De Sacerdot. iv. 6. 3 Adv. Oppugn. Vit. Mon. ii. 4. 
 
 2 Adv. Oppugn. Vit. Mon. iii. 2. * De Poenit. vi. 1. 
 
CH. xxiii.] CLASSICAL ALLUSIONS. 429 
 
 to the charioteer, and says that, when the soul is intoxicated 
 by passion, the chariot is dragged along at random, it can 
 hardly be fanciful to see a reflection of Plato's celebrated 
 image of the charioteer and horses in the " Phsedrus." * 
 
 But whatever admiration Chrysostom may have retained 
 of those authors whom he had studied in his youth, it was 
 confined to their language, for with their ideas and modes 
 of thought he had, so far as we can judge, abandoned all 
 sympathy. Nor was this unnatural. Christianity existed in 
 such close contact with Pagan corruption, and it had suffered 
 so much from Pagan persecution, that the revulsion of earnest 
 Christians from all things Pagan was total and indiscrimi- 
 nating. " The old order changeth, yielding place to new ;" 
 and the new, having fought a hard struggle with the old, is 
 for a long time incapable of recognising merit in anything 
 belonging to it. There are several allusions in Chrysostom 
 to the " Eepublic " of Plato, but they are always depreciative. 
 He fastens on a few points, such as the regulations about 
 marriage and female work, and condemns it on these as 
 absurd and childish, quite failing to consider the idea in its 
 grandeur as a whole. 2 Yet it is instructive to notice that 
 he never hesitates to assign to Plato the first place among 
 the heathen philosophers, dignifying him with the title of 
 Coryphreus. 3 He often compares the failure of Plato's 
 teaching to regenerate men in every rank with the successful 
 labours of St. Paul and the other apostles ; but while he 
 rejoices that the writings and doctrine of the philosopher 
 were eclipsed by the tentmaker and fisherman, and well-nigh 
 forgotten, he evidently regarded it as the most signal triumph 
 which Christianity had achieved. 4 
 
 1 De Pcenit. ii. 1. legit? quanti Platonis vel libros no- 
 
 2 In Johan. Horn. ii. 2, and vol. vere, vel nomen ? Vix in angulis 
 vii. 30. otiosi eos senes recolunt ; rusticanos 
 
 8 Vol. xi. p. 694. vero et piscatores nostros totus orbis 
 
 4 Vol. ix. p. 407. Comp. Jerome : loquitur, universus mundus sonat." 
 " Quotusquisque nunc Aristotelem In Galat. iii. 
 
430 LIFE OF ST. JOHN CHRYSOSTOM. [CH. xxm. 
 
 Unquestionable as the intellectual genius of Chrysostom 
 was, yet it is rather in the purity of his moral character, his 
 single-minded boldness of purpose, and the glowing piety 
 which burns through all his writings, that we find the secret 
 of his influence. If it was rather the mission of Augustine 
 to mould the minds of men so as to take a firm grasp of 
 certain great doctrines, it was the mission of Chrysostom to 
 inflame the whole heart with a fervent love of God. Kightly 
 has he been called the great teacher of consummate holiness, 
 as Augustine was the great teacher of efficient grace ; l 
 rightly has it been remarked that, like Fe'ne'lon, he is to be 
 ranked among those who may be termed disciples of St. John, 
 men who seem to have been pious without intermission from 
 their childhood upwards, and of whose piety the leading 
 characteristics are ease, cheerfulness, and elevation; while 
 Augustine belongs to the disciples of St. Paul, those who 
 have been converted from error to truth, or from sin to 
 holiness, and whose characteristics are gravity, earnestness, 
 depth. 2 If Augustine has done more .valuable service in 
 building up the Church at large, Chrysostom is the more 
 loveable to the individual, and speaks out of a heart over- 
 flowing with love to God and man, unconstrained by the 
 fetters of a severe and rigid system. Yet it is precisely on this 
 account that he has not been so generally appreciated as he 
 deserves. His tone is too catholic for the Eomanist, or for 
 the sectarian partisan of any denomination. " It would be 
 easy to produce abundant instances of his oratorical abilities ; 
 I wish it were in my power to record as many of his evan- 
 gelical excellencies." Such is the verdict of a narrow-minded 
 historian, 3 and the comparative estimation in which he held 
 St. Augustine and St. Chrysostom may be inferred from the 
 number of pages in his History given to each : St. Augustine 
 is favoured with 187, Chrysostom with 20. But he whose 
 
 1 Alex. Knox, "Remains," vol. iii. 2 Jebb, "Pastoral Discourses," ii. 
 
 pp. 75-77. 3 Milner, Hist. ii. p. 302. 
 
en. XXIIL] CHKYSOSTOM AND AUGUSTINE. 431 
 
 judgment is not cramped by the shackles of some harsh and 
 stiff theory of Gospel truth will surely allow that Chrysostom 
 not only preached the Gospel but lived it. To the last 
 moment of his life he exhibited that calm, cheerful faith, 
 that patient resignation under affliction, and untiring per- 
 severance for the good of others, which are pre-eminently 
 the marks of a Christian saint. The cause for which he 
 fought and died in a corrupt age was the cause of Christian 
 holiness; and, therefore, by the great medieval poet of 
 Christendom he is rightly placed in Paradise between two 
 men who, widely different indeed in character and circum- 
 stances from him and from one another, yet resembled him 
 in this, that they freely and courageously spoke of God's 
 " testimonies even before kings, and were not ashamed " 
 Xathan the Seer, and Anselm the Primate of all England: 
 
 " Natan profeta, e '1 metropolitano 
 Crisostomo, ed Anselmo. . . ."* 
 
 i Dante, Parad. xii. 136. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 [ Vide ante, p. 415 note.] 
 
 ON THE LETTER TO C^ESARIUS (CHRYS. OP. vol. iii. p. 755). 
 
 THE history of this letter, and the controversy connected with 
 it, are curious and interesting. Peter Martyr transcribed a 
 Latin translation of it, which he found in a manuscript at 
 Florence, carried it with him to England, and deposited it in 
 the library of Archbishop Cranmer. After Cranmer's death, 
 and the dispersion of his library, the letter disappeared. Peter 
 Martyr had not stated the source from which he had derived it, 
 and, therefore, when the assailants of the doctrine of Tran sub- 
 stantiation wished to make use of it, their opponents always 
 maintained that it did not exist. In 1680, however, Emericus 
 Bigotius discovered a copy in the library of St. Mark's Con- 
 vent, at Florence, probably the same which Peter Martyr, him- 
 self a Florentine, had transcribed. Emericus appended it to 
 his edition of Palladius's " Life of Chrysostom," and in his pre- 
 face endeavoured to vindicate its authenticity ; but the Doctors 
 of the Sorbonne suppressed the letter, and such portions of the 
 preface as related to it. Emericus, however, had retained in 
 his own possession some of the entire copies after they were 
 printed, before they came into the licenser's hands. The trans- 
 lation was published by Stephanus Le Moyne in 1685, by 
 Jacob Basnage in 1687, and in 1689 by Harduin, a Jesuit, 
 who strenuously maintained the Roman Catholic interpretation 
 of the passage on the Eucharist. Montfaucon adopted Harduin' s 
 version of it, annexing a few fragments in the Greek, picked 
 out of Anastasius and John Damascene. 
 
 2 E 
 
434 APPENDIX. 
 
 John Damascene, Anastasius, and Nicephorus refer to the 
 letter as authentic, nor does Harduin venture to dispute it ; 
 but there are several points of evidence which seem to mark it 
 as belonging to a later age than that of Chrysostom. It is not 
 quoted before Leontius, in the latter part of the sixth century, 
 although it might usefully have been employed against the 
 Eutychians. There are expressions in it which were not in 
 common use till after Cyril of Alexandria had employed them 
 against Nestorius. The language generally is that of one who 
 had lived in the midst of the Nestorian and Eutychian con- 
 troversies, and the style of the Greek fragments, as well as the 
 tone of the Latin translation, are extremely unlike Chrysostom's 
 manner : the sentences are abrupt and rugged, and a kind 
 of scholastic, dogmatic tone pervades the whole composition. 
 The general scope of the letter is clear : it is to maintain the 
 doctrine of the two natures under one person in Jesus Christ, 
 against the heresy of the Apollinarians ; or, if we accept the 
 theory of Montfaucon, the intention of the author, living in the 
 time of the Eutychian heresy, was to strike a blow at that by 
 forging a letter supposed to be addressed by Chrysostom to a 
 friend, warning him against Apollinarian errors, which had 
 much in common with the Eutychian. The passage in which 
 the writer illustrates his position by a reference to the Holy 
 Eucharist has been construed by Roman Catholics and Pro- 
 testants in a sense agreeable to their own views on the subject. 
 The writer has been labouring to prove that there were two 
 distinct natures in the one person of God the Son Incarnate, 
 and he proceeds as follows : " Just as the bread before con- 
 secration is called bread, but when the Divine grace sanctifies it 
 through the agency of the priest it is liberated from the appella- 
 tion of bread, and is regarded as worthy of the appellation of 
 the Lord's body, although the nature of bread remains in it, 
 and we speak not of two bodies, but one body of the Son ; so 
 here, the Divine nature being seated in the human body, the 
 two together make up but one Son, one Person." 
 
INDEX 
 
 ABLAVIUS 
 
 ABLAVIUS, the prefect, grandfather 
 of Olympias, 280. 
 
 Acacius, bishop of Beroea, carries a peti- 
 tion to Rome, 237 ; a leader of the 
 faction hostile to Chrysostom, 282 ; 
 plots against Chrysostom after his 
 recall, 329 ; undertakes the responsi- 
 bility, with Antiochus, of the arch- 
 bishop's deposition, 332, 339 ; bribes 
 Lucius to disperse the people at the 
 Baths, 336 ; assists in ordaining Por- 
 phyry, 358. 
 
 Acacius of Csesarea preaches at Antioch, 
 19. 
 
 ^Emilius, a champion of Roman freedom, 
 242. 
 
 ^Emilius, bishop of Beneventum, one of 
 the Italian deputation, 353. 
 
 Aetius, an extreme Arian, 109. 
 
 Africa, Church of, maintains communion 
 with Theophilus and Chrysostom, 385. 
 
 African Council, resolution of, wishing 
 for intercourse between Rome and 
 Alexandria, 385. 
 
 Alarie, a royal Visigoth, 187 ; descends 
 into Thrace and ravages the country 
 round Constantinople, 207 ; mock in- 
 terview with Rufinus, 207 ; overruns 
 Greece, 207 ; spreads devastation over 
 Peloponnesus, 210 ; made commander- 
 in-chief of the forces of the East, 210 ; 
 efforts to gain Rome, 359. 
 
 Alexander, governor at Antioch, 11. 
 
 Alexander of Basilinopolis, a friend of 
 Chrysostom, 329. 
 
 Alexander Severus, Emperor, 46. 
 
 Alexander succeeds Porphyry in the see 
 of Antioch, 377 ; pays honour to Chry- 
 sostom, 388. 
 
 Alexandria, vices of the Christian popu- 
 lation of, 11; tumults at, 30 ; products 
 of monks shipped to, 64 ; religious riots 
 at, 65 ; parochial divisions, 103 note ; 
 sedition at, 151 ; order restored by 
 
 AMMON 
 
 Cynegius, 151 ; its mixed population, 
 195 ; flight of Theophilus to, 325. 
 
 Alexandrian school, allegorical interpre- 
 tations of, 28. 
 
 Almsgiving, Chrysostom on the duty of, 
 228. 
 
 Amantius, chamberlain of Eudoxia, 241. 
 
 Ambrose, archbishop of Milan, 41 note ; 
 a layman when consecrated, 56 ; con- 
 verts multitudes of women to celibacy, 
 61 ; sides with Theodosius, 142 ; reply 
 to the appeal of Symmachus, 145, 146 ; 
 prohibits feasts in the churches, 182 ; his 
 character, 187 ; before the royal council, 
 187 ; refuses to surrender the Portian 
 Basilica, 187 ; will not recognise the 
 edict, 188 ; served with an order of 
 banishment, but refuses to depart, 189 ; 
 declines the proposal of arbitration, and 
 remains master of the field, 190; his 
 triumph, 190; mission to Maximus, 
 190 ; letter to Theodosius on his com- 
 manding the bishop of Callinicum to re- 
 store the Jewish synagogue, 192; sermon 
 at Milan on the same subject, 192, 193 ; 
 the Emperor succumbs, 193 ; mission 
 to obtain clemency for the Thessa- 
 lonians, 195 ; withdraws from Milan 
 into the country, 196; exhorts the 
 Emperor to deep repentance, 196 ; re- 
 fuses Theodosius admittance to the 
 cathedral, 196 ; repulses Rufinus the 
 minister, 197 ; prescribes penance to 
 the Emperor, 197 ; testimony of Theo- 
 dosius to his nobility of character, 198 ; 
 strife with Flavian, 199 ; receives the 
 Emperor after his defeat of Arbogastes, 
 201 ; administers the Eucharist to 
 Theodosius, 201 ; urges Nectarius to 
 depose Gerontius, 273. 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus on the luxury of 
 
 bishops of great cities, 217. 
 Ammon, bishop of Laodicea, 266 ; a 
 leader of Chrysostom's enemies, 329. 
 
436 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 AMMONIUS 
 
 Ammonius, a Nitrian monk, baptizes 
 Rufinus, 204; one of the "tall brethren," 
 294 ; struck by Theophilus, 295 ; inter- 
 view with Epiphanius, 305 ; his death, 
 316 ; prediction of persecution to the 
 Church, 316; buried at "the Oak," 
 where he had baptized the minister 
 Rufinus, 316; Theophilus weeps over 
 his death and eulogises him, 316. 
 
 Anastasius, Pope, anathematises Origen, 
 296. 
 
 Anathematising denounced by Chryso- 
 stom, 133. 
 
 Anchorites, the, 60. 
 
 Ancyra in Phrygia, the summer retreat 
 of Arcadius, 209 ; spectacle of the 
 Emperor's departure to, 211. 
 
 Anomoean doctrine, 110, 111; Chryso- 
 stom's homilies against, 115-117. 
 
 Anthemius, master of the offices, appealed 
 to, to disperse the congregation at the 
 Baths, 336; refuses to interfere, but 
 directs Lucius to exhort the people to 
 return to the churches, 336 ; Chry- 
 sostom's letter to, on his being made 
 prefect and consul, 374. 
 
 Anthropomorphites, or Humanisers, 288 ; 
 denounced by John, bishop of Jeru- 
 salem, 290 ; Theophilus declares him- 
 self in their favour, 295. 
 
 Anthusa, mother of Chrysostom, 9; a 
 widow at twenty, 10 ; great love for 
 her son, 10 ; abstains from marrying 
 again, 11 ; appeals to Chrysostom not 
 to enter into retirement, 25-27. 
 
 Antioch, the birthplace of Chrysostom, 
 9 ; vices of its Christian inhabitants, 
 11 ; Chrysostom resident at, 57 ; per- 
 secutions at, 57, 58 ; St. Jerome at 
 Church of, 61 ; monasteries near, 62, 
 63 ; monks in the mountainous heights 
 near, 66 ; population of, 89 ; descrip- 
 tion of, 90, 91 ; "the great church" at, 
 91 ; character of the inhabitants, 92.; 
 bishop's relations to the city, 103 ; 
 Chrysostom appointed preacher at, 104 ; 
 resides here ten years, 107 ; the cradle 
 of Arianism, 109 ; passion of the people 
 for chariot- races, 118; influence of the 
 Jews, 126, 127 ; character of its popu- 
 lation, 137 ; its paganism, 137 ; sedi- 
 tion at, 150 ; proclamation of edict 
 levying the tribute, 151 ; sedition at, 
 150-153 ; dejection of the people, 153 ; 
 arrival of the commissioners from the 
 Emperor, 165 ; the city degraded, 165 ; 
 Chrysostom remonstrates against the 
 prevalent discontent, 168, 169; the 
 city is pardoned, 170 ; joy of the people, 
 
 ARBOGASTES 
 
 170 ; excitable feelings of the populace, 
 215 ; Chrysostom 's forcible removal 
 from the city, 215. 
 
 Antioch, Church of, vicissitudes in the, 
 17-22; the see in the hands of the 
 Arians for some time, 17 ; its Arian 
 bishops, 17-20 ; split into three parties, 
 20 ; its three rival bishops, Paulinus, 
 Meletius, and Euzoius, 20 ; a fourth 
 added by the Apollinarians, 20 ; the 
 people favour Meletius, 21 ; the schism 
 finally healed by Chrysostom, 21 ; its 
 three sections of Meletiaiis, Eustathians, 
 and Arians, 133. 
 
 Antioch, Council of (A.D. 341), Twelfth 
 Canon of the, 328 ; swayed by Arian 
 influence, 329 ; its object the harass- 
 ment of Athanasius, 330 ; Chrysostom's 
 enemies stake their whole issue on its 
 Twelfth Canon, 330 ; question as to its 
 validity, 330 ; its Canons pronounced 
 by Innocent invalid, 351. 
 
 Antiochus, bishop of Ptolemais, discourses 
 at Constantinople, 276 ; a leader of the 
 faction hostile to Chrysostom, 282 ; 
 plots against the archbishop after his 
 recall, 329 ; rage at the proposal of 
 Elpidius, 331 ; undertakes the respon- 
 sibility, with Acacius, of Chrysostom's 
 deposition, 332, 339 ; urges the Emperor 
 to remove him from the city, 339 ; 
 assists in ordaining Porphyry, 358. 
 
 Antiochus Epiphanes, 91. 
 
 Antiochus the Great, 126. 
 
 Antiphonal singing, 189 note. 
 
 Antoninus, bishop of Ephesus, grave 
 charges against, 266 ; flatly denies the 
 charges, 268 ; is alarmed when the 
 archbishop proposes to visit Asia Minor, 
 268 ; his interest at court produces 
 opposition to Chrysostom's departure, 
 268 ; is reconciled to his accuser, 269 ; 
 the farce of the inquiry, 269 ; his 
 death, 270. 
 
 Antonius, a reader, made bishop, 56. 
 
 Antony, the Anchorite, 60 ; wholesome 
 saying of, 64. 
 
 Apollo, oracle of, at Daphne, 100. 
 
 Apostolical constitutions, 56. 
 
 Applause of the congregation, 118; 
 sternly repressed, 164. 
 
 Arabianus, bishop, at the assembly at 
 Constantinople, 266. 
 
 Arabissus, a fortified town near Cucusus, 
 383 ; attacked and nearly captured by 
 Isaurians, 383. 
 
 Arbogastes, Valentinian's general of the 
 forces, 199 ; his ambition and treachery, 
 200 ; repulses the first attack of Theo- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 437 
 
 ARCADIUS 
 
 dosius, 200 ; is overthrown, his army 
 routed, and himself slain, 201 ; his 
 children pardoned and baptized, 201. 
 Atvadius, son of Theodosius, 150; Rufinus 
 appointed his guardian, 203 ; does not 
 oppose the ambition of Rufinus, 204 ; 
 Kutropius gains complete mastery of 
 his feeble mind after the death of 
 Rufinus, 209; neglect of his empire, 
 210 ; becomes a mere puppet, 211 ; his 
 palaces and pageants, 211 ; dismisses 
 Eutropius, 248 ; promises Chrysostom 
 to respect his minister's retreat in the 
 church, 251 ; entreats the troops to re- 
 frain from violence towards Eutropius, 
 2.1 1 ; misgivings as to beheading his late 
 minister, 255 ; yields to the demands 
 of Gainas, 259 ; ratifies the deposition 
 of Chrysostom by the "Synod of the 
 ( );ik, " 316 ; refuses to attend church on 
 Christmas Day until the archbishop has 
 cleared himself, 329 ; the patriarch's 
 (iso pleaded before him, 330, 331 ; 
 orders Chrysostom to be removed from 
 the church to his palace, 332 ; his 
 alarm, 332 ; sends for Acacius and 
 Autiochus, 332 ; turns a deaf ear to 
 the entreaty of the forty bishops, 333 ; 
 permits a concourse of Christians at 
 IVmpton to be dispersed, .",:>7. 
 
 Archelaus invited Socrates to court, 76. 
 
 Aii.iu controversy, the, 17---. 
 
 Arianism, at Antioch, 109, 110; Chry- 
 snstom'.s homilies against, 110-117. 
 
 Ai-ians, the, 50 ; their danger to Chris- 
 tianity, 109 ; forbidden by Theodosius 
 to hold assemblies, 142 ; stronghold 
 of, at Constantinople, in the time of 
 Gregory of Nazianzus, 235 ; molest 
 the peace in Chrysostom 's time, 236. 
 
 Aristides, resistance of, to ambition, 95. 
 
 Arius, probably instructed by Lucian, 
 109 ; his Thalia, 236. 
 
 Arsacius elevated to the see of Constan- 
 tinople, 344 ; his character, 344 ; per- 
 secution of the Johnites, 344; his death, 
 371. 
 
 Ascension Day, Sunday before, 177 note. 
 tic life, commencement of, 24 ; re- 
 lapse from, 31, 32. 
 
 ticism considered the highest form 
 of life, 82. 
 
 Ascetics, youthful association of, 27 ; 
 primitive, 59 ; called by Eusebius 
 "earnest persons," and by Clemens 
 Alexandrinus "more elect than the 
 elect, " 60. 
 
 Asia, Church of, disgraceful state of the, 
 373. 
 
 BASIL 
 Asia Minor, Chrysostom desires to visit, 
 
 268 ; three delegates appointed to visit, 
 
 269 ; the Church of, needs a healing 
 hand, 270 ; Chrysostom visits, 271 ; 
 Theophilus travels through, seeking 
 for disaffected bishops, 306. 
 
 Asterius, count of the East, assists in re- 
 moving Chrysostom from Antioch, 215. 
 
 Aterbius, a pilgrim, applies himself to 
 the detection of heresy at Jerusalem, 
 288 ; denounces John the bishop, 
 Jerome, and Rufinus as Origenists, 289. 
 
 Athanasius, archbishop of Alexandria, 
 obscurity of the early years of, 9 ; 
 return to Alexandria from exile, 20 ; 
 consecrated at an early age, 56 ; ac- 
 companied to Rome by monks, 61 ; 
 the Twelfth Canon of the Council of 
 Antioch aimed against, 329. 
 
 Atticus, a presbyter, an opponent of 
 Chrysostom, elected to the see of Con- 
 stantinople during the archbishop's 
 banishment, 283, 356 ; obtains imperial 
 rescripts against the clergy and laymen, 
 356 ; the Johnites refuse to hold com- 
 munion with him, 388 ; admits the 
 name of Chrysostom into the diptychs 
 of the Church at Constantinople, 388. 
 
 Augustine, St. , 40 ; permits sitting dur- 
 ing the reading of the Acts of the 
 Saints, 178 ; on the honour due to 
 saints and martyrs, 180 ; prohibits 
 feasts in the churches, 182 ; traits of 
 earlier life and baptism, 189 ; on the 
 discharge of episcopal duties, 212 ; 
 eulogium on Chrysostom, 385 ; com- 
 parison with Chrysostom, 430. 
 
 Aurelian, praetorian prefect, presides over 
 the suit instituted against Eutropius, 
 255 ; the Empress procures his eleva- 
 tion to the consulship, 256 ; his sur- 
 render demanded by Gainas, 257 ; 
 insulted by Gainas, and afterwards 
 delivered up, 257. 
 
 Aurelius, bishop of Carthage, 182 ; re- 
 ceives a letter from Chrysostom, 385. 
 
 Auxentius, the Arian bishop, 190. 
 
 Avarice, denunciations of, 223, 224. 
 
 BABYLAS, the martyr, Chrysostom's 
 book on, 92 ; his remains taken to 
 the grove of Daphne, 101 ; removed 
 hence by Julian, but afterwards 
 brought back, 102. 
 
 Basil, bishop of Raphanea, 14 ; his friend- 
 ship with Chrysostom, 14 ; his line 
 of life the "true philosophy," i.e. 
 monasticism, 15 ; project for a life of 
 
438 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 BASIL 
 
 seclusion, 27 ; reluctance to be made 
 a bishop, 40-42 ; remonstrates with 
 Chrysostom, 42 ; parting from Chryso- 
 stom on his appointment to a bishop- 
 ric, 54. 
 
 Basil, bishop of Seleucia, 14. 
 
 Basil (the Great), bishop of Csesarea, 14 ; 
 contends against the misconceptions of 
 baptism, 16 ; sides with Theodosius, 
 14*2 ; reprobates trading near the ' ' mar- 
 tyries," 182 ; qualified admiration of 
 Origen's teachings, 287. 
 
 Basiliscus, bishop of Comaria, suffered 
 martyrdom, 386 ; story of his appear- 
 ing to Chrysostom, 387. 
 
 Baths of Constantine, interrupted services 
 carried on at, 334 ; people refuse to 
 leave, 336 ; scenes of violence at, 336. 
 
 Bautho, father of Eudoxia, 205. 
 
 Benedict, St., 60 ; establishment of his 
 monastery, 144. 
 
 Benedictines of Camaldoli, 62. 
 
 Bequests made by codicils renounced by 
 Theodosius, 193. 
 
 Bethlehem, Jerome's monastic establish- 
 ment at, 289. 
 
 Bishops, mode of electing, 40, 46, 47 ; 
 violence at elections of, 47, 48 ; age at 
 which eligible for, 56, 57 ; laymen con- 
 secrated, 56 ; their high social position, 
 212 ; canvassing and bribery at their 
 elections, 213; luxurious style of living, 
 217. 
 
 Bithynia, Chrysostom conveyed to, 340. 
 
 Bosporus, the, Chrysostom crosses, to 
 intercede with (Jamas, 257 ; a messen- 
 ger sent across to seek for Chrysostom, 
 321 ; studded with boats on the patri- 
 arch's return, 322 ; "the sea became a 
 city," 324; its waters crowded to wel- 
 come the reliques of Chrysostom, 388. 
 
 Botheric, governor of Thessalonica, im- 
 prisons a favourite charioteer, 194 ; re- 
 fuses to release him, 195 ; is mortally 
 wounded, 195. 
 
 Briso, Eudoxia's chamberlain, wounded in 
 a street fray, 236 ; the bearer to Chry- 
 sostom of a letter from the Empress, 
 321 ; intercedes for Chrysostom, 361. 
 
 Brison, bishop of Philippopolis, a leader 
 of Chrysostom 's enemies, 329. 
 
 British Isles, 112 ; reached by Chris- 
 tianity, 123 ; evangelised, 238. 
 
 , pre-eminence of the see of, 
 V over that of Jerusalem, 292 ; Chry- 
 sostom arrives at, on his exile, 362 ; 
 violent scenes at, 363. 
 
 CHRISTIANITY 
 
 CaBsarius, Chrysostom's letter to, 433, 
 434. 
 
 Csesarius, commissioner to Antioch, 165 ; 
 goes to the Emperor to intercede for 
 the people, 166 ; his arrival at Con- 
 stantinople, 170 ; his errand antici- 
 pated, 171. 
 
 Csesarius of Aries made reader at the age 
 of seven, 23. 
 
 Caligula, destruction of Antioch in the 
 reign of, 90. 
 
 Callinicum, 191 ; its people destroy a 
 Jewish synagogue, 191 ; the bishop 
 commanded to restore the building, 
 192 ; Ambrose objects to this, and 
 Theodosius gives way, 192, 193. 
 
 Camillus, a champion of Roman freedom, 
 242. 
 
 Capua, council of Western bishops at, 
 199. 
 
 Carterius superintends the studies of 
 youthful ascetics, 27. 
 
 Carthage, Fourth Council of, 23. 
 
 Cassianus, John, founder of a monastery 
 at Marseilles, 61 ; his rules of the clois- 
 ter, 61 ; remains a friend of Chrysostom, 
 279 ; custodian of the church treasury 
 at Constantinople, 342 ; flies to Home, 
 350. 
 
 Castricia, 257 ; an enemy of Chrysostom, 
 282, 328. 
 
 Catechumens, period of probation for, 15. 
 
 Celibacy of the clergy, Chrysostom on, 
 95, 96 ; canons of the Council of Nice 
 upon, 219; "the ancient tradition of 
 the Church" concerning, 219. 
 
 Chalcedon, Council of (A.D. 451), 14 ; 
 the title of "Patriarch" first appears 
 in its Acts, 2lQnote; extends the juris- 
 diction of the Patriarch of Constanti- 
 nople, 274 ; grants him equal privileges 
 with the Patriarch of Rome, 275; 
 decides on the precedence of the see 
 of Jerusalem over that of Csesarea, 289 
 note. 
 
 Chalcedon, "The Oak" a suburb of, where 
 the synod hostile to Chrysostom was 
 held, 204 ; a church, monastery, and 
 palace built here by Rufinus, 309. 
 
 Character, Eastern and Western, com- 
 pared, 173. 
 
 Chariot-races censured, 119, 224-226. 
 
 Christian morals, Chrysostom on the 
 state of, 70. 
 
 Christian responsibilities, 231. 
 
 Christian wife, portrait of a, 229. 
 
 Christianity, recognised position of, 10 ; 
 partially paganised, 11 ; "the philo- 
 sophy " of, 15, 24 ; imperilled by cor- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 439 
 
 CHRISTMAS 
 
 ruption of morals and faith, 107 ; its 
 progress, 123 ; recognition by the em- 
 pire, 126 ; its humanising intluence in 
 a heartless age, 174. 
 Christmas, observance of, 134, 136. 
 < 'liristmas Day, the Emperors attend 
 
 divine service in state on, 329. 
 Christ's equality with the Father, 113- 
 116; zealous defence of His pure 
 divinity, 181, 182. 
 
 Chromatius, bishop of Aquileia, sends a 
 letter by the Italian deputation, 368 ; 
 Chrysostom's letters to, 334, 335, 384. 
 Chrysostom, St. John : 
 
 Probable date of his birth, 9. 
 
 His birthplace Antioch in Syria, 9. 
 
 His parents, 9. 
 
 Father's death, 10. 
 
 Early training, 12. 
 
 Destined for the legal profession, 12. 
 
 Attendance at the lectures of Libanius, 
 
 12. 
 
 Nascent powers of eloquence, 13. 
 Appellation of Chrysostomos, or the 
 
 "Golden Mouth," 13, 427. 
 Libanius praises his speech in honour 
 
 of the Emperors, 13. 
 Commences practice as a lawyer, 13. 
 I >is.:ust with a secular life, 14. 
 Study of Holy Scripture, 14. 
 Early friendship with Basil, bishop of 
 
 Raphanea, 14. 
 Forms acquaintance with Meletius, 
 
 bishop of Antioch, 15. 
 Delay in his baptism, 15 ; alleged cause 
 
 for the delay, 21, 22. 
 Baptized by Meletius, 22. 
 Becomes for a time an enthusiastic 
 
 ascetic, 22. 
 
 His intense piety and love to God, 
 >.) 
 
 ( >rdained reader by Meletius, 23. 
 Project for retiring into seclusion, 25. 
 Frustrated by his mother's entreaties, 
 
 25-27. 
 Letters of exhortation to Theodore, 
 
 32-39. 
 Reluctance to be consecrated a bishop, 
 
 40, 41. 
 
 His "pious fraud," 42. 
 Dissension with Basil, 42, 43. 
 Books on the priesthood, 40-55. 
 Reasons for declining a bishopric, 53. 
 X arrow escape from persecution, 58. 
 Retirement into a monastery, 58. 
 Exults at the growth of monasticism in 
 
 Egypt, 62. 
 Description of the daily life of the 
 
 monks, 66, 67. 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM 
 Chrysostom, St. John : 
 
 Admiration for monastic communities, 
 
 67. 
 Treatises composed during monastic 
 
 life, 69. 
 
 Epistle to Demetrius, 70, 71. 
 Epistle to Stelechius, 71, 72. 
 Treatise addressed "to the assailants 
 
 of monastic life," 73-80. 
 Becomes an ardent ascetic, 82. 
 Enters a cave near Antioch, 82. 
 Breakdown of health, and abandonment 
 
 of monastic life, 82. 
 Returns to his home at Antioch, 82. 
 Epistle to Stagirius, 82-85. 
 Ordained a deacon by Meletius, 86. 
 Congenial duties of the diaconate, 80. 
 Treatise "On Virginity," 92. 
 Letter to a young widow, 92-95. 
 Views on marriage and celibacy, 95- 
 
 100. 
 Treatise, "De S. Baby la contra Ju- 
 
 lianum et Gentiles," 100-102. 
 Ordained to the priesthood by Flavian, 
 
 103. 
 Chrysostom, St. John, as preacher at 
 
 Antioch : 
 Inaugural discourse at Antioch, 104- 
 
 106. 
 
 Preaches at Antioch for ten years, 107. 
 Sermon on bishop Meletius, 108. 
 Homilies against Arians, 109-115. 
 Profound acquaintance with Scripture, 
 
 116. 
 All argument based upon Scripture, 
 
 Rebukes his hearers for their neglect 
 of the celebration of the Eucharist, 
 117 ; for applauding his words, 118 ; 
 and for their love of the circus, 118- 
 120, 
 
 Homilies against Pagans, 121-124. 
 
 Occasional defects of interpretation of 
 the Scriptures, 125. 
 
 Homilies against Jews and Judaising 
 Christians, 126-133. 
 
 Homily against anathematising, 133. 
 
 Sermon on Christmas Day, 134, 135. 
 
 Indignation at riotous festivity, 136. 
 
 Homily on New Year's Day, 136, 137, 
 151. 
 
 Rebukes gross and senseless supersti- 
 tions, 137. 
 
 Agrees with the Emperor Theodosius, 
 142. 
 
 Immense efforts after the tumult at 
 Antioch, 154. 
 
 Encourages the people to hope for cle- 
 mency, 154. 
 
440 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM 
 
 Chrysostom, St. John, as preacher at 
 Antioch : 
 
 Homilies on the statues, 154-164. 
 
 Exhortations to repentance, 156 ; on 
 this world's wealth, 156, 157 ; on the 
 method of keeping Lent, 157, 158 ;. 
 on fasting, 159 ; against rash oaths, 
 159 ; on death, 161 ; on the signs of 
 a Creator, 162, 163. 
 
 Similes from Nature, 163. 
 
 Ethical doctrine, 163. 
 
 Praise of the hermits for their courage, 
 166, 167. 
 
 Expostulates with the people on their 
 discontent, 169. 
 
 Thanksgiving for the pardon of An- 
 -- tioch, 170. 
 
 Describes the interview between Fla- 
 vian and the Emperor, 171-174. 
 
 His illness, 177, 184. 
 "Homilies on festivals of saints and 
 
 martyrs, 177-183. 
 - Belief in the intercessory power of 
 
 saints, 179. 
 
 "Exhorts the people to imitate the lives 
 of the martyrs, 180. 
 
 Homily on the Sunday before Ascen- 
 sion Day, 184. 
 
 Praise of the peasant clergy, 184. 
 
 Elected to the see of Constantinople, 
 214. 
 
 Force and fraud employed to remove 
 
 him from Antioch, 215. 
 Chrysostom, St. John, as archbishop of 
 Constantinople : 
 
 Arrival at Constantinople, 215. 
 
 His consecration as archbishop, 216. 
 v The "sermo enthronisticus," 216. 
 
 Too much the saint of the cloister for 
 his new position, 217. 
 
 His unpopular reforms, 218. 
 
 Denounces " spiritual sisters," and im- 
 plores the clergy to liberate them- 
 selves from these disgraceful connec- 
 tions, 219-221. 
 
 Exacts rigorous discipline from the 
 clergy, 222. 
 
 Conducts, with the Empress, a torch- 
 light procession on the removal of 
 some martyrs' reliques, 222, 223. 
 
 Eulogiiim on the Empress, 223. 
 Denunciations of avarice, 224. 
 -^Censures the people for their attach- 
 ment to chariot-races, 224, 225. 
 
 -Denounces fashionable follies, 226-228. 
 
 "Portrays the character of a Christian 
 wife, 229. 
 
 .Represents to property holders their 
 duties, 230. 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM 
 Chrysostom, St. John, as archbishop of 
 
 Constantinople : 
 
 - Dilates on Christian responsibilities, 
 231. 
 
 Homilies on the Acts of the Apostles, 
 
 231 note. 
 
 ~ Indignation at the practice of oath- 
 taking, 231, 232. 
 
 ""Censures addiction to the pleasures of 
 the table, 232. 
 
 Character of his flock, 233, 234. 
 
 Combats the errors of the Novatians 
 and Arians, 235, 236. 
 
 Labours to heal the schism at Antioch, 
 237. 
 
 Missionary efforts in Scythia, Syria, 
 and Palestine, 237. 
 
 Assigns a church at Constantinople for 
 the Scythians (or Goths), 238. 
 
 Endeavours to extirpate paganism, 
 238, 239. 
 
 Affords protection to Eutropius, 250. 
 
 Maintains, when taken before the Em- 
 peror, the Church's right of asylum, 
 251. 
 
 Sermon on the degradation of Eutro- 
 pius, 252-254. 
 
 Intercedes with Gamas, 257. 
 ' Homily after returning from his inter- 
 cession, 257, 258. 
 
 Contest with Gainas, who desired the 
 law prohibiting Arian worship within 
 the city to be abolished, 280. 
 
 Proposes to visit Asia Minor to investi- 
 gate the charges against Antoninus, 
 268. 
 
 His visit opposed by the court, 268. 
 
 Appoints delegates to proceed to Asia, 
 269. 
 
 Solicited by the clergy of Ephesus to 
 come to them, 270. 
 
 Proceeds to Ephesus, and is welcomed by 
 the clergy and seventy bishops, 271. 
 
 Proposes Heracleides as bishop of Ephe- 
 sus, who is elected, 271. 
 
 Holds a synod at Ephesus, and deprives 
 six simoniacal bishops of their sees, 
 272. 
 
 Returning through Bithynia, he deposes 
 Gerontius,- 273. 
 
 Extent of his jurisdiction as Patriarch 
 of Constantinople, 274. 
 
 Received with demonstrations of joy 
 
 on his return, 275. 
 
 Dismisses Severian from the city, but 
 recalls him by command of the 
 Empress, 276, 277. 
 
 Denounces crimes and follies, and be- 
 comes unpopular, 278. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 441 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM 
 
 Chrysostom, St. John, as archbishop of 
 
 Constantinople : 
 His friends, 279, 280. 
 Leaders of the hostile faction, 282. 
 Qualified admiration of Origen's teach- 
 ing, 287. 
 
 Reception of the Nitrian monks, 298. 
 Letter to Theophilus, beseeching him 
 
 to be reconciled with the fugitives, 
 
 298. 
 Refuses to join in the condemnation of 
 
 Origen and his writings, 301. 
 The plots of his enemies, 302. 
 Farewell to Epiphanius, 319. 
 Irritates the Empress by a sermon 
 
 against the follies of fashionable 
 
 ladies, 306. 
 Th. ophilus refuses his hospitality, and 
 
 declines all communication, 307, 308. 
 Directed by the court to preside at the 
 
 inquiry at Fera into the conduct of 
 
 Theophilus, 308. 
 
 Declines to judge him out of his pro- 
 vince, 308. 
 Scene at the palace with his bishops, 
 
 310, 311. 
 S ui iimoned to appear before the "Synod 
 
 of the Oak," 311. 
 Indignation of his bishops, and their 
 
 reply to Theophilus, 312. 
 Letter refusing to attend the synod 
 
 until his declared enemies are ejected, 
 
 312, 313. 
 Charges laid against him by archdeacon 
 
 John and Isaac the monk, 313, 314. 
 Steadfastly refuses to attend the synod, 
 
 and appeals to a general council, 315. 
 Deposed by the synod, 316. 
 Deposition ratified by the Emperor, 
 
 and sentenced to banishment, 317. 
 Sermon before departing, 317, 319. 
 Bows to the storm, and surrenders 
 
 himself, 320. 
 Embarks, and is conveyed to Hieron, 
 
 320. 
 Removes to Praenetum, opposite Ni- 
 
 comedia, 320. 
 
 Receives an abject letter from the Em- 
 press, entreating him to return, 321. 
 Crosses the Bosporus, and refuses at 
 
 first to enter Constantinople until 
 
 acquitted by a general council, 322. 
 Urged to enter the city, and consents, 
 
 322. 
 
 Halts before the Church of the Apos- 
 tles, but is borne in by the people, 
 
 322. 
 Compelled to sit on the throne, and 
 
 pronounce a benediction, 322. 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM 
 
 Chrysostom, St. John, as archbishop of 
 
 Constantinople : 
 
 ^An extempore address, 322, 323. 
 -Sermon after recall, in which he extols 
 
 the Empress, 324. 
 Denounces the ceremony at the erection 
 
 of the image of Eudoxia, 327. 
 Incurs the resentment of the Empress, 
 
 328. 
 
 Further plots of his enemies, 328. 
 Continues to discharge his duties, "331. 
 Will not cease to officiate unless com- 
 pelled by force, 332. 
 Removed from the church to his palace, 
 
 332. 
 -Letter to Innocent i. on the disturbances 
 
 at Constantinople, 334, 335. 
 His flock, after many trials, broken up, 
 
 338. 
 
 Attempts made to assassinate him, 338. 
 
 Receives the mandate of deposition, 339. 
 
 'Farewell to his bishops and deaconesses, 
 
 339. 
 Departure from the Church "the 
 
 Angel of the Church went out with 
 
 him," 340. 
 Chrysostom, St. John, in exile : 
 
 Conveyed to the Bithynian coasts, 340. 
 Suspected of incendiarism, and loaded 
 
 with chains, 342. 
 Implores the Emperor to be allowed to 
 
 defend himself and clergy against 
 
 the atrocious charges, 342, 343. 
 Journeys to Nice, 343. 
 Encourages his suffering friends, 343. 
 Cheered by the fortitude and loyalty 
 
 of Olympias, 346, 347. 
 Persuades Pentadia to remain at Con- 
 stantinople, to support the afflicted, 
 
 347. 
 ^-Letter to Constantius, missionary 
 
 priest, 361. 
 Travels from Nice to Caesarea, where 
 
 fanatical monks besiege the house in 
 
 which he is lodged, 362, 363. 
 Falls ill with fever, 362. 
 Is removed from Caesarea to the house 
 
 of Seleucia, who is menaced by 
 
 Pharetrius, 364. 
 Taken thence, and totters in darkness 
 
 along the Cappadocian mountains, 364. 
 Monks and nuns meet him on the road, 
 
 and bewail his calamities, 365. 
 Cucusus, the place of his exile, is 
 
 reached, 365. 
 Received with much consideration and 
 
 kindness, 366. 
 Letters to Olympias from Cucusus, 
 
 367, 372. 
 
442 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 CHRYSOSTOM 
 
 Chrysostom, St. John, in exile : 
 --Letters to friendly bishops and laymen, 
 
 to Gemellus, and to Anthemius, 
 
 373, 374. 
 Receives old friends from Antioch, 
 
 who come to him for guidance, 374. 
 - Letters to clergy and others, 376. 
 Influence over the empire in his exile, 
 
 377, 378. 
 
 Sufferings from the winter cold, 379. 
 Interest in the mission in Phoenicia, 
 
 380. 
 Letters to Gerontius and Rufinus the 
 
 Presbyter, 380-3S2. 
 Privation, anxiety, and rapid removals, 
 
 bring on illness, 383. 
 Letters to the Italian bishops, to 
 
 Chromatius, to Innocent, and to 
 
 Aurelius, 383-385. 
 Suffers less, and thinks God will restore 
 
 him to his position in the Church, 
 
 385, 386. 
 His enemies get him removed to Pityus, 
 
 in a desolate country, 386. 
 Arrives at Comana, in Pontus, 386. 
 Story of the vision of the martyred 
 
 Basiliscus, 387. 
 Wishes to remain at the church, but is 
 
 hurried on by his guards, 387. 
 Is taken ill, and brought back to the 
 
 martyry, where he dies after partak- 
 ing of the Eucharist, 387. 
 Honoured after his death, 388. 
 His reliques brought to Constantinople, 
 
 and deposited in the Church of the 
 
 Apostles, 388, 389. 
 
 Chrysostom, St. John, theological teach- 
 ing of : 
 
 Survey of his theological teaching, 390. 
 
 Practical character of his works, 391. 
 
 His natural and forcible language, 391. 
 
 On the nature of man, 392, 393. 
 
 Sin and necessity, 393, 394. 
 
 Free-will and grace, 394-396. 
 
 God's will and man's freedom, 397, 398. 
 
 Co-operation of God's will with man's, 
 398. 
 
 Divine grace, 399, 400. 
 
 Nature of the Godhead, 401, 402. 
 
 Manhood and Godhead in Christ, 402- 
 404. 
 
 The Redemption, 404-406. 
 
 Justification, 406, 407. 
 
 Faith and good works, 407, 408. 
 
 The efficacy of prayer, 408, 409. 
 baptism, 409-412. 
 
 The Holy Eucharist, 412-415. 
 
 No trace of confession, purgatory, or 
 Mariolatry, 416-418. 
 
 CONGREGATION 
 
 Chrysostom, St. John, theological teach- 
 ing of : 
 
 No acknowledgment of papal supre- 
 macy, 418, 419. 
 Liturgical forms, 419-421. 
 Character as a commentator, 421-424. 
 The New Testament a completion of 
 
 the Old, 424. 
 Variations in the Gospel narratives, 
 
 424, 426. 
 
 Inspiration of the Bible, 425. 
 Characteristics as a preacher, 425, 426. 
 Personal appearance, 425, 426. 
 Preservation of his discourses, 427. 
 Style of language, 428. 
 Allusions to Greek classical authors, 
 
 428, 429. 
 Depreciation of Pagan modes and ideas, 
 
 429. 
 
 Compared with St. Augustine, 430. 
 His fight in the cause of Christian holi- 
 
 ~ - ness, 431. 
 
 Church, the, Chrysostom does not rely 
 on the tradition of, 117 ; its power and 
 progress, 123, 124 ; claims pre-eminence 
 over civil law, 192 ; tradition with 
 regard to clerical celibacy, 219 ; custom 
 concerning the preaching of strangers, 
 226 : its stability, 318 ; its degradation, 
 359. 
 
 Claudian, his verses on Stilicho, 205, 208 ; 
 his appeal against the consulship of 
 Eutropius, 242 ; companion of Stilicho, 
 242 note ; sarcasm aimed at the adula- 
 tion of the Byzantines, 243 ; dramatic 
 account of Tribigild's meeting with his 
 wife, 244, 245 ; his description of Leo, 
 246. 
 
 Claudius, Antioch shattered in the reign 
 of, 90. 
 
 Clemens Alexandrinus terms ascetics 
 " more elect than the elect," 60. 
 
 Clergy, the, treatment of, by Constantino 
 and Theodosius, 147 ; Jerome on their 
 worldly hospitality, 217 ; exempted 
 from curial office by Constantino, 272 ; 
 those who were curiales forbidden to 
 be ordained, 272. 
 
 Ccenobia, the, founded by Pachomius, 
 60. 
 
 Comana, in Pontus, Chrysostom arrives 
 at, 386; dies at the martyry outside 
 the town, 387. 
 
 Commodus, the Olympic games instituted 
 in the time of, 92, 101. 
 
 Communicants received within the rails 
 and close to the altar, 225 and note. 
 
 Congregation rebuked by Chrysostom, 
 117; its applause of Chrysostom's 
 
INDEX. 
 
 443 
 
 CONSCIENCE 
 
 words, 118 ; customary to stand while 
 the preacher sat, 154 note. 
 Conscience, the law of, 163. 
 Constantia, sister of the Emperor, 17. 
 ('onstantine favours the Arians, 17; de- 
 poses the Catholic bishops, 17 ; com- 
 mences building "the great church" 
 of Antioch, 91 ; statutes concerning 
 the Jews, 126 ; exemptions of the 
 clergy, 147 ; his forgiveness of an in- 
 jury, 171, 172 ; right of asylum trans- 
 ferred in his time from Pagan temples 
 to Christian churches, 249 ; exempted 
 the clergy from curial office, 272. 
 
 ( 'uiistantinople, vices of the Christian 
 IK)] mlation of, 11 ; Arian synod at, 18 ; 
 tumults at, 30 ; St. Jerome at church 
 of, 61 ; religious riots at, 65, 66 ; divi- 
 sion into districts, 103 ; passion of the 
 people for chariot-races, 118; edict of 
 Theodosius, 142 ; surrounding country 
 ravaged by Alaric, 207 ; competition 
 for its see, 213 ; Chrysostom appointed 
 archbishop, 214; mixture of popula- 
 tion, 223 ; its forms of error, 234, 235 ; 
 stronghold of Arianism in the time of 
 Gregory of Nazianzus, 235 ; occupied 
 by Gainas and the Goths, 259 ; circular 
 to its clergy announcing Chrysostom's 
 deposition, 316 ; the people, enraged at 
 the sentence, guard him against abduc- 
 tion, 317 ; the populace demand the 
 restoration of the patriarch, 321 ; 
 visited by an earthquake, 321 ; san- 
 guinary frays in the streets, 325 ; flight 
 of Theophilus from, 325 ; shocking 
 tumult at St. Sophia on Easter Eve, I 
 333 ; its churches deserted during 
 Chrysostom's absence, 334 ; the inter- ' 
 rupted services continued at the Baths, I 
 334 ; fresh scenes of violence, 336-338 ; j 
 fury of the people on discovering the 
 removal of Chrysostom, 341 ; the cathe- j 
 dral-church and senate-house burnt ' 
 down, 341, 342 ; visited by destructive j 
 hailstorms, 354 ; coercion ineffectual j 
 in bringing the people to submit to 
 Atticus and his clergy, 357. 
 
 Constantinople, Council of {A.D. 381), 
 14 ; presided over by Meletius, 21, 
 86 ; project for a general council after, 
 142 ; restricts the jurisdiction of the 
 archbishop of Constantinople, 274 ; 
 gave him h'rst rank after the bishop of 
 Rome, 274. 
 
 Constantius, a missionary in Phoenicia, 
 receives a letter from Chrysostom, 361. 
 
 Constantius, a priest, described by Pal- 
 ladius, 357, 358 ; the people of Antioch 
 
 DEACONS 
 
 desire to make him their bishop, 358 ; 
 Porphyry procures his banishment, 
 358 ; escapes to Cyprus, 358 ; follows 
 Chrysostom into exile, 366. 
 Constantius, Emperor, 17 ; deposes Ste- 
 phen, bishop of Antioch, 17 ; summons 
 a general council, 18 ; orders the creed 
 of Rimini to be signed, 18 ; visits An- 
 tioch, 19; finishes " the great church" 
 at Antioch, 91 ; statutes concerning 
 the Jews, 126. 
 
 Cornelius, bishop of Rome, 47. 
 Crates resists ambition, 95. 
 Creator, signs of a, in the universe, 161, 
 
 162. 
 
 Crito, 76. 
 
 Cross, honour paid to the, 123. 
 Cucusus, a village in the Tauric range, 
 subject to attacks from Isaurians, 360 ; 
 selected by Eudoxia as the place of 
 Chrysostom's exile, 361 ; arrival of the 
 archbishop at, 365 ; ravaged by the 
 Isaurians, 382. 
 
 Cynegius, prefect of the East, 143 ; en- 
 forces the law against informers, 151 ; 
 quells the sedition at Alexandria, 151. 
 Cyprian on a legitimate ordination, 47; 
 consecrated bishop when a layman, 56. 
 Cyprus, Council of, decree of the, 299. 
 Cyriacus, bishop of Synnada, accompanies 
 'Chrysostom on board the vessel, 340 ; 
 detained in chains at Bithynia, 342 ; 
 taken to Chalcedon, 342 ; dismissed, 
 342 ; a fugitive to Rome, 350 ; accom- 
 panies the Italian deputation, 353 ; 
 confined in a Persian fortress, 355 ; in- 
 tercedes for Chrysostom, 361. 
 Cyril, successor of Theophilus, reluctant 
 
 to recognise Chrysostom, 388. 
 Cyrinus, bishop of Chalcedon, joins Chry- 
 sostom at Bithynia, 271 : denounces 
 the archbishop, 307 ; plots against 
 him after his recall, 329; urges the 
 Emperor to remove Chrysostom from 
 Constantinople, 338, 339; his death, 
 307, 354. 
 
 DAMASUS contests the see of Rome, 
 47. 
 
 Damophilus exiled by Theodosius, 142. 
 Dante, the position assigned in Paradise 
 
 to Chrysostom by, 431. 
 Daphne, grove of, 92 ; description of, 
 
 101 ; destruction of its temple, 102. 
 Deacons, called "Levites of the Christian 
 
 Church," 87; duties of, 88; their 
 
 peculiar office in the early Church, 88, 
 
 89. 
 
444 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 DEATH 
 
 Death, Chrysostom on, 93, 161. 
 
 Decius, persecution of, 60. 
 
 Demetrius, bishop of Pessina, Chryso- 
 stom's epistle to, 69-71 ; denounces the 
 "Synod of the Oak," and returns to 
 Chrysostom, 315 ; accompanies the 
 Italian deputation, 353 ; dies of harsh 
 treatment when being conveyed to one 
 of the Egyptian oases, 355. 
 
 " De Sacerdotio," Chrysostom's, 40-46. 
 
 Diocese, meaning of, 274 note. 
 
 Diodorus, influence of, upon Chrysostom 
 and Theodore, 27 ; founder of a method 
 of Biblical interpretation, 28 ; made 
 bishop of Tarsus by Meletius, 28 ; at- 
 tacked by Julian, 28 ; commentary on 
 the Old and New Testaments, 28, 29 ; 
 his theology, 29-31 ; its rationalistic 
 tendency, 30 ; writings condemned by 
 the Fifth (Ecumenical Council, 31 ; 
 rational system of conducting monas- 
 teries, 66. 
 
 Diogenes, 95. 
 
 Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, 76. 
 
 Dioscorus, a Nitrian monk, one of the 
 "tall brethren," 294 ; made bishop of 
 Hermopolis by Theophilus, 294 ; a vic- 
 tim of the rage of Theophilus, 296 ; his 
 death, 316. 
 
 Dispensations, teaching of the Old and 
 New, 99. 
 
 Divination, arts of, 143. 
 
 Domitianus, widows and virgins in the 
 care of, 376. 
 
 Domninus blinded to the preparations of 
 Maximus, 191. 
 
 Doxology, Arian form of the, 18. 
 
 EASTER DAY, vast crowds attend the 
 church on, 234, 331. 
 
 Easter Eve, a great day for the baptism 
 of converts, 332 ; the vigil on, inter- 
 rupted at St. Sophia, 333. 
 
 Easter kept according to Jewish calcula- 
 tion, 130 ; this practice condemned by 
 the Council of Nice, 130; and de- 
 nounced by Chrysostom, 130. 
 
 Eastern Church, the, acknowledges Me- 
 letius as bishop of Antioch, 20 ; the 
 parent of asceticism, 59 ; the festival 
 of Christmas in, 134 ; favourable to 
 clerical celibacy, 218 ; finds the teach- 
 ing of Origen congenial, 287 ; the 
 "Synod of the Oak" a stain upon, 
 313; appeals to the Western Church, 
 335, 348 ; not famed for missionary 
 enterprise, 382 ; desire to maintain 
 communion with the West, 388. 
 
 EUDOXIA 
 
 Education in monasteries, Chrysostom 
 urges the advantage of, 81. 
 
 Elpidius, a priest, bribes a slave to assas- 
 sinate Chrysostom, 338. 
 
 Elpidius, bishop of Laodicea, friendly to 
 Chrysostom, 329 ; his adroit proposal, 
 331 ; deposed and imprisoned for his 
 attachment to Chrysostom, 377 ; the 
 archbishop writes thanking him for his 
 zeal, 377 ; restored to his see by Alex- 
 ander, bishop of Antioch, 377. 
 
 Elvira, synod of, enjoins celibacy of the 
 clergy, 218. 
 
 Emperors, fate of, 94; half idolatrous 
 homage paid to, 326, 327 ; custom of 
 attending church in state on Christmas 
 Day, 329. 
 
 Epaminondas not allured by ambition, 95. 
 
 Ephesus, Chrysostom arrives at, 271 ; 
 election of a bishop to the see of, 271 ; 
 synod at, 271, 272 ; worship of Midas 
 suppressed at, 274 ; its see occupied by 
 a monster of iniquity, 357. 
 
 Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia and 
 Cyprus, 289 ; visits Jerusalem, and 
 accepts the hospitality of Bishop John, 
 289 ; preaches against the doctrines of 
 Origen, 290 ; leaves Jerusalem, and 
 breaks off communion with its bishop, 
 290, 291 ; forcibly ordains Paulinian 
 deacon and priest, 291 ; receives an 
 apologetic letter from Theophilus, 299 ; 
 goes to Constantinople, irregularly or- 
 dains a deacon, and refuses the hospi- 
 tality of Chrysostom, 302, 303 ; his 
 attempt to enter the church and de- 
 nounce the writings of Origen prevented 
 by Serapion, 304 ; his prayers implored 
 by the Empress on her son's behalf, 304; 
 interview with Ammon and his breth- 
 ren, 305 ; his compunction and de- 
 parture from Constantinople, 305. 
 
 Essenes, the, 59. 
 
 Eucharist, congregation neglect the ce- 
 lebration of the, 117 ; Chrysostom 
 censures irreverent conduct at, 135 ; 
 character of some of its partakers, 233. 
 
 Eucharistic elements burned at the pil- 
 lage of the Nitrian monks, 297 ; pro- 
 faned by soldiers at St. Sophia, 333. 
 
 Eudoxia, 189 ; weds Arcadius, 206 ; bap- 
 tized and educated in the Christian 
 faith, 206 ; Chrysostom's eulogium of, 
 at the removal of the remains of some 
 martyrs, 222, 223 ; aims at the fall of 
 Eutropius, and makes an ally of 
 Chrysostom, 240 ; contributes to the 
 support of the churches and the relief 
 of the poor, 241 ; profound jealousy of 
 
INDEX. 
 
 445 
 
 EUDOXIUS 
 
 the power of Eutropius, 248 ; relates 
 the minister's insults to her to Arca- 
 dius, 248 ; remains mistress of the field 
 after the death of Eutropius, 256; 
 stands unrivalled in the management 
 of the empire, 263, 264 ; gives birth to 
 a male heir to the throne, 264 ; pro- 
 claimed Empress under the title of 
 Augusta, 264 ; commands Chrysostom 
 to recall Severian and admit him to 
 communion, 276, 277 ; becomes the 
 enemy of Chrysostom, 283, 284 ; ac- 
 costed by the Nitrian monks, and 
 promises that the council they desire 
 shall be convened, 301 ; implores the 
 prayers of the monks, 301 ; asks the 
 prayers of Epiphanius on her son's 
 behalf, 304 ; terrified by an earthquake, 
 321 ; sends a humble letter to Chry- 
 sostom, entreating him to return, 321 ; 
 her image placed in front of the cathe- 
 dral, 327 ; ceremony at its erection 
 denounced by Chrysostom, 327 ; her 
 fierce resentment, 328 ; will not listen 
 to the entreaty of the forty bishops, 
 333 ; receives a solemn warning from 
 Paul, bishop of Crateia, 333 ; her death, 
 354. 
 
 Eudoxius, bishop of Germanicia, seizes 
 the see of Antioch, 18 ; made arch- 
 bishop of Constantinople, 18. 
 
 Eugenius's children pardoned and bap- 
 tized, 201. 
 
 Eugraphia, 256 ; an enemy of Chryso- 
 stom, 283 ; her house the rendezvous 
 of the disaffected, 283. 
 
 Eulysius, bishop of Apamea, accom- 
 panies Chrysostom on board the vessel, 
 340 ; detained in chains at Bithynia, 
 342; taken to Chalcedon, 342; dis- 
 missed, 342 ; a fugitive to Rome, 350 ; 
 accompanies the Italian deputation, 
 353 ; imprisoned in Arabia, 355. 
 
 Eunomians forbidden by Theodosius to 
 hold meetings, 142. 
 
 Eunomius, an extreme Arian, 109 ; 
 founder of the Eunomian or Anomoaan 
 sect, 109. 
 
 Euphronius, Arian bishop of Antioch, 17. 
 
 Eusebius, a deacon, seeks an interview 
 with Innocent I., 348. 
 
 Eusebius, a Nitrian monk, one of the 
 " tall brethren," 294 ; made presbyter 
 by Theophilus, 294. 
 
 Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia, instructed 
 by Lucian, 109. 
 
 Eusebius, bishop of Valentinopolis, pre- 
 sents grave charges against Antoninus, 
 266 ; commits the crime he has de- 
 
 EVETHIUS 
 
 nounced, and is reconciled to Antoninus, 
 269 ; postpones the production of 
 witnesses, 269 ; departs for Constanti- 
 nople, and affects illness, 270 ; is 
 excommunicated, 270 ; requests to be 
 readmitted to communion with his 
 brethren, 271. 
 
 Eusebius, bishop of Vercelli, goes to 
 Antioch to heal the division, 20. 
 
 Eusebius, of Csesarea, calls ascetics " ear- 
 nest persons," 60; use of the word 
 "martyry," 178. 
 
 Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, deposed 
 by Constantine, 17. 
 
 Euthymius, a Nitrian monk, one of the 
 "tall brethren, "294. 
 
 Eutropius, a reader and Johnite, tortured 
 to the death, 345. 
 
 Eutropius, the chamberlain, 187 ; frus- 
 trates Rufinus's scheme for marrying 
 his daughter to Arcadius, 205 ; strange 
 career and rise, 208 ; became the ad- 
 viser of Arcadius, and virtually his 
 master, 209 ; tyrannous conduct, 209, 
 210 ; abolishes the right of asylum 
 in the Church, 210 ; probably 
 suggested Chrysostom 's election, 
 214 ; scheme for removing Chryso- 
 stom from Antioch, 215 ; threatens 
 Theophilus for refusing to assist at 
 Chrysostom 's ordination, 215 ; does not 
 find Chrysostom a complaisant servant, 
 240 ; induces the Emperor to make him 
 consul, 241 ; adulation of the Byzantines 
 at his inauguration, 243 ; indignation in 
 the West, 243 ; treats the rebellion of 
 Tribigild as a petty insurrection, and 
 offers him a bribe, 245 ; appoints Leo 
 a commander of the legions, 246 ; his 
 arrogance towards the Empress Eu- 
 doxia, 248 ; degraded by the Emperor, 
 248 ; seeks asylum in the church, 250 ; 
 protected by Chrysostom, 250 ; the 
 populace demand his death, 251 ; his 
 degradation made the subject of a ser- 
 mon by Chrysostom, 252-254 ; secretly 
 quits the sanctuary, 255 ; banished to 
 Cyprus, 255 ; accused of treason, re- 
 called from Cyprus to Chalcedon, and 
 there beheaded, 256. 
 
 Euzoius, an associate of Arius, made 
 bishop of Antioch, 19. 
 
 Evagrius, 28 ; recognised by Ambrose as 
 bishop of Antioch, 199 ; sudden death, 
 199. 
 
 Evethius, a priest, companion of Chryso- 
 stom in his exile, 364 ; takes letters to 
 the Italian bishops from Chrysostom, 
 383. 
 
446 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 FASHIONABLE 
 
 TUSHIONABLE follies censured, 227- 
 
 i 1 229. 
 
 Fasting, Chrysostom on, 157-159. 
 
 Flaccilla, daughter of Eudoxia, 248. 
 
 Flacilla, the Empress, 148 ; her humility 
 and gratitude, 148 ; influence upon 
 Theodosius, 148 ; her death, 148. 
 
 Flavian, bishop of Antioch, 59 ; elected 
 by the Meletians, 87 ; accused of per- 
 jury, 87 ; ordains Chrysostom to the 
 priesthood, 103 ; Chrysostom 's enco- 
 mium on, 105, 106 ; besought by the 
 people of Antioch to intercede for them 
 after their rioting, 153 ; undertakes the 
 mission of mercy, 153 ; Chrysostom is 
 hopeful of his mission, 155 ; arrives at 
 Constantinople, and obtains pardon for 
 Antioch, 170 ; returns to Antioch in 
 time for the Easter celebration, 170 ; 
 reception by the people, 170 ; inter- 
 view with the Emperor, 171-174 ; 
 removes the remains of some saints, 
 181 note; rivalry with Evagrius pro- 
 duces strife with Ambrose, 199 ; his 
 death, 357. 
 
 Fravitta, a loyal Goth, defeats Gainas in 
 several engagements, 262 ; pursuit of 
 the enemy, 262 j made consul, 263. 
 
 C\ AINAS returns with Stilicho's troops, 
 \J 207, 208 ; is commanded to compass 
 the death of Rufinus, 208 ; sympathises 
 with his relative Tribigild, 244 ; is re- 
 tained at Constantinople in command 
 of the city troops, 246; despatched, 
 after Leo's defeat, to confront Tribigild, 
 247 ; believes the surrender of Eutro- 
 pius would cause Tribigild to become 
 loyal, 247 ; disdains to be directed by 
 the Empress and her lady advisers, and 
 joins his forces with those of Tribigild, 
 256, 257 ; menaces Constantinople, 257 ; 
 opens negotiations with the Emperor, 
 and demands the surrender of three 
 court favourites, 257 ; subjects them to 
 insults and a grim practical jest, 257 ; 
 interview with the Emperor, 258 ; de- 
 mands to be made consul and com- 
 mander in-chief, to which the Emperor 
 yields, 259 ; demands the abolition of 
 the law forbidding Arian worship, 259 ; 
 is opposed in this by Chrysostom, who 
 debates the question with him, 259, 
 260 ; his rapacity, 260 ; flight from the 
 city, 272 ; declared by royal decree a 
 public enemy, 261 ; takes to a life of 
 plunder, 262 ; defeated in several en- 
 gagements by Fravitta, and a large 
 
 GREGORY 
 
 portion of his army afterwards drowned 
 in crossing the Hellespont, 262 ; retreat 
 towards the Danube, 262 ; final defeat 
 and death, 263. 
 
 Gallus Caesar endeavours to reform the 
 licentiousness of Daphne, 101. 
 
 Gaudentius, Count, appointed to suppress 
 paganism, 143. 
 
 Gelasius, Pope, forbade reading the Acts 
 of the Saints, 178. 
 
 Gemellus, Chrysostom 's letter to, 373. 
 
 General Council, Chrysostom is willing 
 to be judged by, 315 ; demanded by 
 the people of Constantinople, 317, 320 ; 
 summonses issued, 325 ; counterfeited, 
 and packed with bishops hostile to 
 Chrysostom, 328 ; desired by Innocent, 
 352 ; suggested by Honorius to be held 
 at Thessalonica, 352. 
 
 George of Laodicea discourses at Antioch, 
 19. 
 
 Germanus, a priest, friend of Chrysostom, 
 279 ; custodian of the church treasury 
 at Constantinople, 342 ; goes to Koine, 
 350. 
 
 Gerontius, archbishop of Nicomedia, 273 ; 
 skill in curing diseases,. 273 ; deposed 
 by Chrysostom, 273 ; accompanies 
 Theophilus to Constantinople to oppose 
 Chrysostom, 307. 
 
 Gerontius, a presbyter, anxious to visit 
 Cucusus, 380; persuaded by Chryso- 
 stom to go direct to Phoenicia, 380. 
 
 Gervasius, the martyr, discovery of the 
 remains of, 190. 
 
 Gibbon, his character as an historian, 
 140 ; his admiration of Chrysostom in 
 exile, 378. 
 
 Gluttony censured by Chrysostom, 232. 
 
 God, nature of : Chrysostom on the, 110- 
 112. 
 
 Godhead, Three Persons of the : Chryso- 
 stom on the, 110-112. 
 
 Goths, the, 93 ; menace the Danubian 
 frontier, 150 ; hear the Bible read in 
 their own tongue at Constantinople, 
 238 ; revolt under Tribigild, 244 ; 
 defeat the army of Leo, 247 ; occupy 
 Constantinople, 259 ; numbers perish 
 after the flight of Gainas, 262. 
 
 Gratian, the Emperor of the West, 140 ; 
 his flight and assassination, 141 ; suc- 
 ceeded by his brother Valentinian, 141. 
 
 Grecian legend, 100. 
 
 Greek theology, 391, 392. 
 
 Gregories, the two, 16, 142. 
 
 Gregory of Nazianzus, 86 ; made arch- 
 bishop by Theodosius, 142 ; elected to 
 the see of Constantinople when it was 
 
INDEX. 
 
 447 
 
 GREGORY 
 
 a stronghold of Arianism, 235 ; subdued 
 the Arian opposition, 236 ; letter on the 
 marriage of Olympias, 280 ; sends a 
 poem to Olympias on her duties, 281 ; 
 qualified admiration of Origen's teach- 
 ings, 287. 
 
 Gregory of Nyssa, funeral oration of, on 
 Meletius, 21 ; preaches the sermon at 
 the baptism of Kufinus, 204. 
 
 HADRIAN, 126. 
 Heaven and hell, Chrysostom on, 
 34-36. 
 
 Helladius, bishop of Heraclea, consecrates 
 Gerontius, 273 ; a friend of Chrysostom, 
 279. 
 
 Hellebicus, commissioner to Antioch, 
 165 ; remains at Antioch to keep order, 
 167 ; receives the rescript of pardon for 
 the city, 170 ; received everywhere 
 with ovation, 170. 
 
 Heracleides, a deacon, elected to the see 
 of Ephesus, 271 ; friend of Chrysostom, 
 279 ; accusations made against him by 
 Theophilus and his partisans, 325 ; his 
 friends and Chrysostom protest against 
 the illegality of such proceedings, 325. 
 
 Heretics, edict of Theodosius against, 142. 
 
 Hermione, Theodore wishes to marry, 
 31 ; Chrysostom's reference to, 36, 38 ; 
 abandoned by Theodore, 39. 
 
 Hermits, intercession of, for the people 
 of Antioch, 166 ; Chrysostom's joy at 
 their courage, 166, 167 ; their letter to 
 Theodosius, 167. 
 
 Hesychius, bishop of Parium, withdraws 
 from his appointment as delegate to 
 Asia, 269. 
 
 Hieron, Chrysostom is conveyed to, 320 
 and note. 
 
 Hilarius introduces Pachomian monasti- 
 cism into Syria, 60, 61. 
 
 Hilary of Aries charged with ordaining 
 bishops without the people's consent, 
 47. 
 
 Hippodrome, the, 118-120. 
 
 Holy Saturday, vast crowds assemble in 
 the churches on, 331. 
 
 Holy Scripture, Chrysostom's intimate 
 acquaintance with, 85, 116, 117 ; Arians 
 do not deny its authority, 117 ; dis- 
 putes as to its interpretation, 117 ; 
 Chrysostom's occasional defects of in- 
 terpretation, 125. 
 
 Honorius accompanies his father Theo- 
 dosius to Rome, 193 ; is sent for to 
 Milan by his father, 201 ; Stilicho 
 appointed his guardian, 202 ; receives 
 
 ISAURIANS 
 
 a deputation of Romans on the consul- 
 ship of Eutropius, 242 ; gives a favour- 
 able reply, and nominates Mallius 
 Theodoras consul, 243 ; convenes an 
 Italian synod to consider the state of 
 the Church at Constantinople, 352 ; 
 suggests to his brother Arcadius a 
 general council to be held at Thessa- 
 lonica, 352. 
 Hymn of Pachomian monks, 63. 
 
 TGNATIUS, effect of the death of, in 
 
 J_ confirming souls, 181. 
 
 Illyria ravaged by Huns, 354. 
 
 Illyrian provinces occupied by Alaric, 
 207. 
 
 Infant baptism the ordinary practice of 
 the early Church, 15 ; popular reasons 
 for delaying, 15, 16 ; the two Grego- 
 ries, the great Basil, and Chrysostom 
 contend against its misconceptions, 16. 
 
 Innocent I. , bishop of Rome, appealed to 
 by Chrysostom, 334, 335 ; is advised 
 by Theophilus to cease communion 
 with Chrysostom, 348 ; four bishops 
 bring him Chrysostom's letter, 348 ; 
 decisive letter to Theophilus, 348 ; 
 receives another letter from him, on 
 the minutes of the ' ' Synod of the Oak, " 
 349 ; sends a second letter of reproof 
 to Theophilus, 349 ; orders prayers 
 and fasts for the restoration of concord, 
 349 ; letter of condolence to the clergy 
 of Constantinople, 349 ; treats the let- 
 ter of the cabal with disdain, 350 ; re- 
 ply to the letter brought by Germanus, 
 350, 351; writes to Chrysostom a letter 
 of encouragement and consolation, 351, 
 352 ; intercedes with Honorius for the 
 Church of Constantinople, 352 ; remains 
 attached to Chrysostom's cause, 358 ; 
 approves of the restoration of Elpidius 
 to his see, 377 ; letter from Chrysostom 
 in exile, 384, 385. 
 
 Isaac, a Syrian monk, sent to Antioch to 
 inquire into Chrysostom's early life, 
 284 ; brings a list of charges against 
 the archbishop at the "Synod of the 
 Oak," 314; comes to the archbishop 
 with a peremptory message, 315. 
 
 Isaurians ravage Syria and Asia Minor, 
 354 ; Cucusus, the destination of Chry- 
 sostom, subject to attacks from, 360, 
 361 ; ravage the neighbourhood of 
 Caesarea, 363 ; molest the roads round 
 Cucusus, 380 ; cause extreme misery 
 to the inhabitants of Cucusus and the 
 neighbourhood, 382, 383. 
 
448 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ISIDORE 
 
 Isidore, abbot of Pelusium, on the dis- 
 charge of episcopal duties, 212. 
 
 Isidore, presbyter of Alexandria, a can- 
 didate for the see of Constantinople, 
 213 ; the depositary of an awkward 
 secret of Theophilus's, 213 ; carries a 
 petition to Rome, 237 ; despatched to 
 Palestine, 292 ; some account of his 
 life, 293 ; accepts a charitable trust, 
 293 ; refuses to surrender the money 
 to Theophilus, who charges him with 
 a horrible crime, 294 ; is expelled from 
 the priesthood, and flies to the desert 
 of Nitria, 294. 
 
 Italian deputation to Arcadius, 352 ; 
 maltreated, 353 ; failure of its mission, 
 354 ; returns home, 354. 
 
 Italian synod convened by Honorius, 352 ; 
 result of its deliberations, 352 ; me- 
 morialise Arcadius on the restoration 
 of Chrysostom, 353. 
 
 JEALOUSY of wives and husbands, 97. 
 
 J Jeremy Taylor quoted, 393 note; 
 as a preacher, 426. 
 
 Jerome quoted, 18 ; promotes the ad- 
 vance of monasticism, 61 ; sides with 
 Theodosius, 142 ; three years' residence 
 at Rome, 194 ; admonition on the 
 worldly hospitality of the clergy, 218 ; 
 description of Theophilus of Alexandria, 
 285 ; opinion of Origen's merits, 288 ; 
 repudiates Aterbius's charge of being an 
 Origenist, 289 ; sides with Epiphanius, 
 291; strife with John of Jerusalem, 291, 
 292 ; commendation of Theophilus's 
 letter on Origenistic errors, 300 ; styles 
 Chrysostom a parricide, 302. 
 
 Jerusalem the only lawful place for 
 Jewish sacrifices, 130, 131; see of, 289 ; 
 made a patriarchate, its precedence 
 over Csesarea, 289 note. 
 
 Jews, Chrysostom's opposition to, 50 ; 
 danger to Christianity, 107 ; Chryso- 
 stom's method of argument against, 
 121, 124, 125; homilies against, 126-128; 
 their character and influence at Antioch, 
 126, 127 ; statutes concerning, 126 ; 
 ranged on the Arian side in dissensions, 
 127 ; scenes at their festivals, 127, 128 ; 
 increasing influence in Antioch, 128, 
 129 ; Chrysostom's vehemence against, 
 129-131 ; their sacrifices, 130, 131 ; the 
 four Captivities foretold, 131 ; revolts 
 under Hadrianand Constantino, 131 ; jeer 
 at the tumult at Constantinople, 340. 
 
 John, archdeacon of Constantinople, 
 cherishes malice against Chrysostom, 
 
 LEONTIUS 
 
 313 ; brings a list of charges against 
 him at the "Synod of the Oak," 314. 
 
 John, bishop of Jerusalem, an admirer 
 of Origen, 288 ; indignation at the 
 accusation of Aterbius, 289 ; his pride 
 wounded, 289 ; preaches against the 
 Anthropomorphites, and on the Chris- 
 tian verities, 290 ; places the monas- 
 teries of Bethlehem under an interdict, 
 291 ; strife with Jerome, 291, 292. 
 
 John, Count, appointed Comptroller of 
 the Royal Treasury, 256 ; his surrender 
 demanded by Gainas, 257 ; insulted by 
 Gainas, and afterwards delivered up, 
 257. 
 
 John, hermit of the Thebaid, consulted 
 by Theodosius, 200. 
 
 Johnites, followers of Chrysostom, pri- 
 sons filled with, 338 ; persecuted by 
 Arsacius and Optatus, 344, 345. 
 
 Jovimis, Count, commissioned to suppress 
 paganism, 143. 
 
 Judaising Christians, 128-130. 
 
 Julian, Emperor : his efforts to resuscitate 
 paganism, 11 ; friend of Libanius, 12 ; 
 recalls all the exiled prelates, 20 ; his 
 death, 94 ; consulted the oracle of 
 Apollo at Daphne, 102 ; attempt to 
 rebuild the Temple frustrated, 131 ; 
 beheaded two soldiers for being Chris- 
 tians, 179. 
 
 Jupiter, destruction of the temple of, at 
 Apamea, 143. 
 
 Justina, the queen-mother, 187; her flight 
 to Thessalonica, 191. 
 
 Justinian, 47. 
 
 TTEBLE, Rev. John, quoted, 275 note. 
 
 AODICEA made the capital of Syria, 
 165. 
 
 " Laura," a, or street, 60. 
 
 Law, the profession of, the avenue to 
 distinction, 13. 
 
 Lent, how to keep, 157-159. 
 
 Leo appointed to the command of the 
 troops sent against Tribigild, 246 ; 
 crosses the Bosporus and pursues the 
 enemy to Pamphylia, 246 ; want of 
 discipline in his army, 246 ; his camp 
 attacked by night, the troops fleeing in 
 disorder, 247 ; is drowned in mud, 247. 
 
 Leontius, the eunuch, Arian bishop of 
 Antioch, 17 ; tries to conciliate the 
 Catholics, 17 ; instructed by Lucian, 
 109. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 449 
 
 LEONTIUS 
 
 Leontius, bishop of Ancyra, a leader 
 of Chrysostom's enemies, 329 ; utters 
 a palpable lie, 330; Chrysostom 
 escapes him when journeying into exile, 
 362. 
 
 " Let us pray," in our Liturgy, 88. 
 
 Letters to Olympius, remarks on the, 370, 
 371. 
 
 Libanius the sophist, 12 ; an eloquent 
 defender of paganism, 12 ; his lectures 
 attended by Chrysostom, 12 ; an oppo- 
 nent of Christianity on principle, 73 ; 
 elegy over the shrine of Apollo, 102 ; 
 apology for paganism, 145 ; attachment 
 to antiquity, 145 ; invective against the 
 monks, 146 ; regrets the destruction of 
 the Pagan temples, 147 ; before the 
 commissioners at Antioch, 165 ; ora- 
 tions in honour of Theodosius and the 
 commissioners, 166. 
 
 "Love-feast," 182. 
 
 Lucian, bishop of Antioch, held doctrines 
 afterwards called Arian, 109 ; presbyter 
 of Antioch, 109 ; teacher of Eusebius, 
 Leontius, and probably Arms, 109 ; 
 suffered martyrdom, 387. 
 
 Lucifer of Cagliari at Antioch, 21 ; con- 
 secrates Paulinus bishop, and increases 
 the confusion, 20, 86, 199. 
 
 Lucius directed by Anthemius to implore 
 the people to return to the churches, 
 336 ; harangues the congregation, but 
 with no effect, 336 ; is bribed by 
 Acacius, and commits scenes of violence 
 at the Baths, 336 ; waiting with troops 
 to compel Chrysostom's departure, if 
 need be, 339. 
 
 MACEDONIANS forbidden by Theo- 
 dosius to hold assemblies, 142. 
 
 Macedonius, archbishop of Constanti- 
 nople, deposed, 18. 
 
 Macedonius the hermit, 166 ; his appeal 
 for the people of Antioch, 166. 
 
 Magical arts, decree of Valens against 
 the practisers of, 57, 58. 
 
 Mallius Theodoras nominated consul by 
 Honorius, 243. 
 
 Manes, error of, 113. 
 
 Manichseans, the, 50 ; celibacy of, 95 ; 
 their danger to Christianity, 107 ; for- 
 bidden to hold assemblies, 142. 
 
 Marcellina, the example of, converted 
 many women to celibacy, 61. 
 
 Marcellus, bishop, killed, 143. 
 
 Marcia, 256 ; an enemy of Chrysostom, 
 282, 328. 
 
 Marcion, error of, 113. 
 
 MODUARIUS 
 
 Marcionites, 95 ; their danger to Chris- 
 tianity, 107. 
 
 Mariamna, Chrysostom arrives at, 322. 
 
 Marriage, Chrysostom on, 95 ; how ar- 
 ranged, 96, 97 ; its trials and troubles, 
 97-100. 
 
 Martin, St. , bishop of Tours, 40 ; founder 
 of religious houses, 61 ; followed to 
 his grave by two thousand brethren, 
 61. 
 
 Martyries, 177, 178 ; trading near, 182, 
 183 ; visited by Arcadius and Eudoxia 
 at Easter-tide, 333. 
 
 Martyrs, appeal for assistance to, 132 ; 
 churches built to commemorate their 
 death, 177 ; their numerous festivals, 
 178 ; Chrysostom's homilies on, 177- 
 183 ; St. Augustine on the honour to 
 be paid to them, 180 ; increasing vene- 
 ration to them in the Church, 181 
 discovery of skeletons, and cures 
 effected, 181 ; procession conducted by 
 Chrysostom and the Empress, on the 
 removal of some reliques, 222, 223. 
 
 Maruthas, bishop of Martyropolis, in 
 Persia, an active missionary, 375 and 
 note. 
 
 Maruthas, bishop of Mesopotamia, acci- 
 dentally causes the death of Cyrinus, 
 307. 
 
 M a \ in: inn. persecution of, 56. 
 
 Maximin, persecution of, 60. 
 
 Maximus, bishop of Seleucia, adopts a 
 secluded life, 27. 
 
 Maximus the usurper's progress arrested 
 by Theodosius, 141 ; his disloyalty, 
 190; passage of the Alps, 191; defeated 
 by Theodosius, 191 ; beheaded, 191. 
 
 Meletius, bishop of Antioch, 15 ; trans- 
 lated from Sebaste in Armenia to 
 Antioch, 18 ; preaches by command of 
 Constantius on the text, "The Lord 
 possessed me," 19 ; dissents from the 
 Arians, and is banished to Melitene, 
 19 ; recalled by Julian, 20 ; banished 
 again in A.D. 367, and afterwards by 
 the Emperor Valens, 21, 40; returns 
 after the death of Valens (A.D. 378), 
 21 ; presided over the Council of Con- 
 stantinople (A.D. 381), 21 ; died during 
 its session, 21 ; his funeral oration, 21 ; 
 one of his last acts, 86 ; Chrysostom's 
 encomium, 108 ; invocation to, 108. 
 
 Milan, astonishment of the people of, at 
 Theodosius's act of treachery, 195, 
 196. 
 
 Milman, Dean, quoted, 127. 
 
 Moduarius, a deacon, a messenger to 
 Chrysostom in exile, 376. 
 
 F 
 
450 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 MONASTERIES 
 
 Monasteries of Bethlehem placed under 
 an interdict by John of Jerusalem, 
 291. 
 
 Monasteries, tranquillity of, 80 ; educa- 
 tion at, 80. 
 
 Monasticism, 53 ; rise of, 59 ; rule of 
 Pachomius, 60 ; introduced into Syria 
 by Hilarion, 60 ; promoted in the West 
 by St. Jerome, 61 ; Eastern and West- 
 ern, 64-66 ; St. Chrysostom's admira- 
 tion for, 67 ; contemplative form of, 
 67, 68 ; enemies of, 73 ; its necessity, 
 74,75; called "the true philosophy," 
 75. 
 
 Monica, the mother of St. Augustine, 
 189. 
 
 Monk, calm life of the, 53 ; powerful in- 
 fluence of the, 77. 
 
 Monks, custom of reading aloud during 
 dinner, 63 note ; interfere in political 
 contests, 65; Eastern and Western 
 monks, 65 ; daily life, 66, 67 ; reception 
 of the Eucharist, 66 note ; persecution 
 of, by Valens, 72, 73 ; exempt from 
 love, avarice, etc., 76; fanatical fury, 
 143 ; Libanius's invective against, 146. 
 
 Monks of Nitria, 294; the "tall breth- 
 ren " persecuted by Theophilus, 295- 
 297 ; they fly to Palestine, and find a 
 new home at Scythopolis, 297 ; the 
 malice of their persecutor follows them 
 here, 297 ; they embark for Constanti- 
 nople, and reach that city fifty in 
 number, 297 ; they appeal to Chryso- 
 stom, who receives them with kindness, 
 but acts cautiously, 297, 298 ; resolve 
 to appeal to the civil powers, 300 ; draw 
 up documents of charges against Theo- 
 philus and their accusers, 301 ; accost 
 the Empress, who promises the council 
 they desire shall be called, 301 ; inter- 
 view with Epiphanius, 304 ; Theo- 
 philus reconciled with " the tall breth- 
 ren," 316. 
 
 Monks, Pachomian, number of, 62 ; period 
 of probation, 62 ; dress and habits, 63 ; 
 division into classes, 64. 
 
 VTEBRIDIUS, prefect of Constantinople, 
 1M husband of Olympias, 280 ; his death 
 
 two years after marriage, 281. 
 Nebridius, husband of Salvina, 279. 
 Nectarius, bishop of Constantinople, 47 ; 
 
 his subservience to the Emperor, 198 ; 
 
 his death, 212 ; had desired to make 
 
 Arsacius bishop of Tarsus, 344. 
 Neocsesarea, Council of (about A.D. 320), 
 
 56. 
 
 PACHOMIUS 
 
 Nestorius consecrated a bishop when a 
 layman, 56. 
 
 New Year's Day a riotous festival, 136. 
 
 Nice, Council of (A.D. 325), 17, 56 ; the 
 custom of keeping Easter according to 
 Jewish calculation condemned, 130 ; 
 proposal of clerical celibacy defeated by 
 Paphnutius, 219 ; prohibition as to 
 unmarried clergy living with women 
 other than mother, sister, or aunt, 219 ; 
 canons of, on ecclesiastical afl'airs being 
 judged in their own province, 308, 312, 
 351. 
 
 Nicolaus, a priest, supplies money and 
 men to the Phoenician mission, 380. 
 
 Nilus, an anchorite, addresses letters of 
 warning to Arcadius, 354. 
 
 Novatians, pretension of the, to purity 
 of doctrine and life, 235 ; refuse re- 
 admission of penitents, 235 ; incur 
 Chrysostom's indignation, 235. 
 
 OATHS, the taking of, excites Chryso- 
 stom's indignation, 231, 232. 
 
 (Ecumenical Council, the Fifth (A.D. 553), 
 31. 
 
 Olympias, the deaconess, friend of Chry- 
 sostom, 280; early life, 280; married 
 to Nebridius, 280 ; death of her hus- 
 band, 281 ; devotes herself to the in- 
 terests of the Church, 281 ; attends to 
 the wants of the Nitrian monks, 298 ; 
 Chrysostom's farewell to, 339, 340 ; 
 accused of incendiarism, 346 ; conduct 
 before Optatus, 346 ; refuses commu- 
 nion with Arsacius, 346 ; is fined, and 
 retires to Cyzicus, 346 ; intercedes for 
 Chrysostom, 361 ; the archbishop's let- 
 ters to her from Cucusus, 367-373. 
 
 Olympic games instituted by Commodus 
 at Antioch, 92, 101. 
 
 Optatus, a Pagan, succeeds Studius as 
 prefect at Constantinople, 342 ; per- 
 secutes Chrysostom's followers, 342, 
 345 ; fines Olympias, 346. 
 
 Origen, allegorical interpretations of, 28 ; 
 his voluminous writings, and the con- 
 troversy upon his teachings, 286-288 ; 
 the Egyptian Church proud of him, 
 287. ' 
 
 Orontes, the, 17, 28, 58, 90, 91, 100, 101. 
 
 Ostrogoths, a colony of, established in 
 Phrygia and Lydia, 140. 
 
 PACHOMIUS, the Benedict of the 
 
 1 East, 60 ; his practice of asceticism, 
 
 62; his rule acknowledged by three 
 
INDEX. 
 
 451 
 
 PAGAN 
 
 thousand monks during his lifetime, 
 and fifty thousand after his death, 62. 
 
 Pagan temples, edict for the destruction 
 of, 238. 
 
 Paganism, Chrysostom's method of argu- 
 ment and homily against, 121-124; 
 Theodosius's laws against, 142, 143 ; 
 its hold upon the people, 144 ; its 
 apologists, 144, 145 ; prevalent in Phoa- 
 nicia, 238 ; not extirpated in the fifth 
 century, 382. 
 
 Pagans, conversion of, 175, 176. 
 
 Palladius, bishop of Hellenopolis, visits 
 the Egyptian monasteries, 64 ; his 
 narrative of events, 265 and note; a 
 delegate on the affair of Antoninus, 
 269 ; joins Chrysostom at Bithynia, 
 271 ; on Chrysostom's consistency, 278 ; 
 account of Chrysostom and his bishops 
 before being summoned to "the Synod 
 of the Oak," 309-311; description of 
 Arsacius, 344 ; a fugitive to Rome, 
 350 ; accompanies the Italian deputa- 
 tion, 353 ; imprisoned near Ethiopia, 
 355 ; description of Constantius the 
 priest, 357, 358. 
 
 Pamphylia, Tribigild awaits Leo at, 246. 
 
 Pansophius, bishop of Pissida, desired to 
 "offer the gifts, "267. 
 
 Pansophius elected to the see of Nico- 
 media, 273. 
 
 Paphnutius, an Egyptian monk, defeats 
 the proposal of clerical celibacy at the 
 Council of Nice, 219. 
 
 Parents, worldliness of, reproved by 
 Chrysostom, 78, 79. 
 
 Paschal letter, the, 288 note. 
 
 Paternus, an emissary from the cabal to 
 Innocent, 349. 
 
 Patriarch, the title, 216 and note. 
 
 Patricius, the notary, conveys to Chry- 
 sostom the mandate of his deposition, 
 339. 
 
 Paul, bishop of Crateia, solemnly warns 
 Eudoxia, 333. 
 
 Paul, bishop of Heraclea, deputed to con- 
 ciliate Eusebius, 267 ; joins Chrysostom 
 at Bithynia, 271. 
 
 Paul, bishop of Tibur, interrupted while 
 consecrating Ursicinus, 47. 
 
 Paul of Samosata deposed from the see of 
 Antioch, 109 ; his Sabellian doctrines, 
 109 ; originally a sophist, and unfitted 
 to build up a system, 109. 
 
 Paul the Anchorite retires to the Egyptian 
 Thebaid during the persecution of 
 Decius, 60. 
 
 Paulinian forcibly ordained deacon and 
 priest by Epiphanius, 2111. 
 
 PRISONERS 
 
 Paulinus consecrated bishop by Lucifer 
 of Cagliari, 20 ; recognised by Ambrose 
 as bishop of Antioch, 199. 
 
 Peanius praised for his loyal zeal, 377. 
 
 Peasant clergy, Chrysostom's praise of, 
 184, 185 ; simplicity of their wives, 185. 
 
 Pempton, congregation at, dispersed, 337. 
 
 Pentadia, wife of Timasius, friend of 
 Chrysostom, 280 ; the archbishop's fare- 
 well to, 339 ; imprisoned, and charged 
 with incendiarism, 347 ; protests her 
 innocence and silences her enemies, 
 347 ; is persuaded by Chrysostom to 
 remain at Constantinople, 347. 
 
 Persecution intensifies attachment to the 
 Church, 357. 
 
 Peter, a priest, the bearer of a letter from 
 Theophilus to Innocent, 349. 
 
 Pharetrius, bishop of Csesarea, does not 
 greet Chrysostom on his journey, 362, 
 363 ; his envy of the exile, 363 ; menaces 
 Seleucia, at whose house Chrysostom is 
 lodged, 364. 
 
 Philippopolis, Arian Council of, 17. 
 
 "Philosophers" of Antioch, cowardice 
 of, 167 ; peasant clergy more than a 
 match for, 184. 
 
 Phoenicia, mission in, 380-382 ; Pagan 
 resistance to the mission, 381. 
 
 Phrygia overrun by Tribigild, 245. 
 
 Pityus, on the Euxine, Chrysostom to be 
 removed to, 380. 
 
 Placidia, sister of Honorius, 201. 
 
 Plato, dialogues of, 55 ; compared with 
 Dionysius the Tyrant, 76 ; Chrysostom 
 on the teaching of, 428, 429. 
 
 Polycarp, bishop, removal of his remains, 
 179. 
 
 Porphyry, a priest, procures the banish- 
 ment of Constantius, 358 ; imprisons 
 some of the clergy of Antioch, 358 ; 
 enters the church, and with closed doors 
 is hurriedly ordained bishop of Antioch 
 by Acacius, Severian, and Antiochus, 
 358 ; is threatened by the populace, 
 and protected by troops, 358. 
 
 Porphyry, bishop pf Gaza, urges the 
 destruction of Pagan temples, 238. 
 
 Preaching, Chrysostom's remarks on, 51, 
 52. 
 
 Priesthood, the, Chrysostom's books on, 
 40-55 ; probable date of writing, 55 ; 
 age at which eligible for, 55, 56. 
 
 Priestly office, dignity, difficulty, and 
 danger of, 43-45 ; qualifications for, 50. 
 
 Priscillianists, the, ruthlessly persecuted, 
 by Maximus, 190. 
 
 Prisoners, custom of releasing, 172 and 
 note. 
 
452 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 PROCLA 
 
 Procla, Chrysostom's farewell to, 339. 
 
 Proclus, friend of Chrysostom, 279 ; ele- 
 vated to the see of Constantinople, 388 ; 
 gains the consent of the Emperor to 
 transport Chrysostom's remains to the 
 city, 388. 
 
 Procopius, uncle and guardian of Olym- 
 pias, 280. 
 
 Promotus assassinated by order of Rufinus, 
 205. 
 
 Property holders, duties of, 230. 
 
 Protasius, discovery of the reliques of, 
 190. 
 
 Ptolemy Philadelphus deposits the Sep- 
 tuagint in the temple of Serapis, 128. 
 
 Pulcheria, daughter of Eudoxia, 248. 
 
 Pusey, Dr., quoted, 417, 418. 
 
 RAVENNA, Honorius at, 352; court 
 of, not powerful enough to enforce 
 the convocation of a general council, 
 359. 
 
 Reader in the Church, office of, 23 ; cere- 
 mony of ordination to, 23. 
 
 Reliques, importance attached to, 382. 
 
 Remigius of Rheims made bishop at the 
 age of twenty-two, 56. 
 
 Repentance, Chrysostom on, 34. 
 
 Rhadagaisus covets Rome, 359. 
 
 Right of asylum in the Church abolished 
 by Eutropius, 210 ; transferred from 
 Pagan temples, 249 ; sought by Eutro- 
 pius, 250 ; maintained by Chrysostom, 
 251. 
 
 Rimini, the creed of, 18, 188. 
 
 Roman Catholic countries, abuse of saints' 
 days in, 183. 
 
 Rome, bishop of, growing tendency of 
 Christendom to appeal to, 335 ; no 
 jealousy entertained by Chrysostom of 
 him, 335. 
 
 Rome, contest for the see of, 47 ; per- 
 secutions at, 58 ; St. Jerome at, 61 ; 
 division into districts, 103 ; love of the 
 people for chariot-races, 118 ; triumphal 
 entry of Theodosius, 193 ; its mixed 
 population, 195 ; deputation of the in- 
 habitants to Stilicho and Honorius 
 against the consulship of Eutropius, 
 242 ; arrival of fugitives from Con- 
 stantinople, 350 ; efforts of Alaric to 
 conquer, 359. 
 
 Rufinus, a presbyter, sent to Phoenicia to 
 restore peace, 381 ; Chrysostom's letter 
 to, 381, 382. 
 
 Rufinus, minister of Theodosius, 187 ; 
 his view of the sedition at Thessalonica, 
 195 ; endeavours to console Theodosius, 
 
 SAVONAROLA 
 
 197 ; seeks an interview with Ambrose, 
 but is repulsed, 197 ; appointed guardian 
 to Arcadius, and regent of the East, 
 203 ; some account of his life, 203 ; his 
 "accursed thirst" for gain, and his 
 extortions, 204 ; display of piety, 204 ; 
 builds a monastery and church at "the 
 Oak, " and is baptized therein, 204 ; 
 surrounds himself with a powerful 
 party, 204 ; jealousy of Stilicho, 205 ; 
 scheme to marry his daughter to Arca- 
 dius frustrated, 205 ; villanous plot of 
 overrunning the country with Huns, 
 Goths, etc., 206, 207; his death just 
 when he had attained the height of his 
 ambition, 208. 
 
 Rufinus, monk of Aquileia, a warm 
 admirer of Origen, 288 ; is accused of 
 being an Origenist by Aterbius, and 
 refuses to defend himself, 288 ; sides 
 with Bishop John of Jerusalem, 291. 
 
 Q ABELLIANS, the, 50 ; their danger to 
 
 (j Christianity, 107. 
 
 Sabiniana, the deaconess, follows Chryso- 
 stom into exile, 366. 
 
 Saints' days, abuse of, 182, 183. 
 
 Saints, the Old Testament, 84, 99; growth 
 of devotion to, 108 ; appeal for assist- 
 ance to, 132 ; their festivals grow 
 numerous, 178 ; special days of com- 
 memoration, 178 ; character of the 
 festivals, 178 ; their Acts or Passions, 
 178 and note; Chrysostom's belief in 
 their intercessoiy power, 178 ; feeling 
 in the Church in regard to their 
 invocation, 179 ; popular faith in the 
 miraculous power of their remains, 
 180, 181 ; pilgrimages to their tombs, 
 181 ; relics removed by Flavian, 181 
 note. 
 
 Salustius, a priest, rebuked by Chryso- 
 stom, 345, 376. 
 
 Salvina, daughter of Gildo, friend of 
 Chrysostom, 279 ; the archbishop's fare- 
 well to, 339. 
 
 Saracens, the nomadic, 61. 
 
 Sardica, Council of (A.D. 342), 17; (A.D. 
 343, 344), 56 ; repudiates the Twelfth 
 Canon of the Council of Antioch, 329, 
 351. 
 
 Saturninus, husband of Castricia : his 
 surrender demanded by Gainas, 257 ; 
 insulted by Gainas, and afterwards 
 delivered up, 257. 
 
 Savile, Sir Henry : his edition of Chry- 
 sostom's works, 9. 
 
 Savonarola, 3 ; character of the people 
 
INDEX. 
 
 453 
 
 SCHISM 
 
 preached to by, 233 ; compared with 
 Chrysostom, 426. 
 
 Schism of Antioch, 20, 21. 
 
 Secundus, father of Chrysostom, 9 ; his 
 death, 10. 
 
 Seleucia lodges Chrysostom at her house, 
 364 ; is threatened by Pharetrius, 364. 
 
 Seleucus, Count, father of Olympias, 280. 
 
 Septuagint, the, 128. 
 
 Serapion, archdeacon, encourages Chry- 
 sostom in his severity towards the 
 clergy, 222 ; his dislike of and discourtesy 
 toSeverian, 276 ; remains Chrysostom 's 
 friend, 279 ; exclamation on the teach- 
 ing of Theophilus, 288 ; summoned 
 before the " Synod of the Oak," 311 ; 
 now bishop of Heraclea, scourged and 
 exiled, 345 ; seeks shelter with Gothic 
 monks, 375. 
 
 Serapis, the temple of, Septuagint de- 
 posited at, 128 ; silver image of, at 
 Alexandria, destroyed, 144. 
 
 Serena, wife of Stilicho, 201. 
 
 Severian, bishop of Gabala, deputed to 
 act for Chrysostom during his absence, 
 270; endeavours to undermine the 
 archbishop's influence, 275 ; his efforts 
 to win admiration, 27<> ; irritation with 
 Serapion 's discourtesy, 276 ; expelled 
 from Constantinople by Chrysostom, 
 but recalled by command of Eudoxia, 
 276, 277 ; becomes a leader of the fac- 
 tion hostile to Chrysostom, 282 ; extols 
 the deposition of the patriarch, 321; 
 again plotting against him after his 
 recall, 329 ; urges the Emperor to re- 
 move Chrysostom from the city, 338, 
 339 ; assists in secretly ordaining Por- 
 phyry, 358. 
 
 Severus, Emperor Alexander : his admira- 
 tion of the mode of electing bishops, 
 46. 
 
 Shakespeare quoted, 95 note, 161 note. 
 
 Sicinnius, the Novatian bishop, writes 
 against Chrysostom, 235 ; admired by 
 Socrates, 235 note. 
 
 Silk, the use of, 227 and note. 
 
 Simeon Stylites on his pillar, 61 ; a cari- 
 cature of the anchorite, 65. 
 
 Siricius, Pope, decree of, on celibacy of 
 the clergy, 218. 
 
 Socrates, 76 ; invited by Archelaus to 
 court, 76 ; resists the allurements of 
 ambition, 95. 
 
 Socrates, historian, terms dedicatory 
 churches " martyries," 178 ; says the 
 treatises of Chrysostom on "spiritual 
 sisters " were composed during his 
 diaconate, 220 ; account of the pursuit 
 
 SYRUS 
 
 of Gainas, 263 ; stories of Maruthas, 
 375 note. 
 
 Sozomen on the dress of Pachomian monks, 
 63 ; on their industries, 64 ; his account 
 of the pursuit of Gainas, 263. 
 
 Spiritual agency, 82-84. 
 
 ' ' Spiritual sisters " of priests, 219. 
 
 Stagirius, excessive austerities of, 82 ; 
 their effect, 83; consoled by Chryso- 
 stom, 84. 
 
 Stanley, Dean, quoted, 40. 
 
 Stelechius, Chrysostom 's book addressed 
 to, 69, 71. 
 
 Stephen, bishop of Antioch, president of 
 the Arian Council of Philippopolis, 17 ; 
 deposed by the Emperor Constantius, 
 
 Stilicho, 187 ; Theodosius commends to 
 him Honorius and the West, 202 ; 
 likened by Claudian to Scipio, 205; 
 Honorius betrothed to his daughter, 
 205 ; advances against Alaric, but is 
 prevented from attacking him by a 
 message from Constantinople, 207 ; 
 sends back his troops under Gainas, 
 207, 208 ; again hastens to attack Alaric, 
 but hears that he is commander-in-chief 
 of the forces of the East, 210 ; receives 
 a deputation of Romans on the consul- 
 ship of Eutropius, 242 ; rumours of his 
 march to the East, 247 ; efforts to 
 restrain Alaric and Rhadagaisus, 359. 
 
 Strabo's description of Daphne, 101. 
 
 Superstitions, description of, 137 ; rebuked 
 by Chrysostom, 137, 138. 
 
 Swearing, admonition against, 159, 160. 
 
 Symmachus, his apology for paganism, 
 145 ; eloquent appeal for the retention 
 of the statue of Victory, 145 ; his cha- 
 racter, 145 note ; Ambrose's reply to 
 his appeal, 145, 146 ; obtains a profes- 
 sorial chair for St. Augustine, 189 ; 
 cordially received by Theodosius, 194. 
 
 Syncletius, bishop of Trajanopolis, a dele- 
 gate on the affair of Antoninus, 269. 
 
 "Synod of the Oak," 309 ; Chrysostom 
 summoned to the, 309 ; not an CEcu- 
 menical Council, 313 ; its display of 
 formalities, 313 ; the archbishop refuses 
 to attend, and is deposed, 315, 316 ; its 
 sentence ratified by the Emperor, 316, 
 317 ; its proceedings declared illegal, 
 325. 
 
 Syria : Antioch degraded, and Laodicea 
 made its capital, 165 ; Theophilus 
 travels through, bringing disaffected 
 bishops to Constantinople, 306; over- 
 run by Isaurians, 354. 
 
 Syrus, an old ascetic, 82. 
 
454 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 " TALL BRETHREN ' 
 
 " m ALL brethren" persecuted byTheo- 
 JL philus, 294, 295 ; their dwellings 
 pillaged, 295 ; fly to Palestine, 297 ; 
 thence to Constantinople, 297 ; Theo- 
 philus is reconciled to them, 316. 
 
 Temple, the only lawful place to offer 
 sacrifices, 131 note ; Julian commands 
 its restoration, 131 note ; failure to re- 
 build, 131. 
 
 Tertullian, saying of, 177. 
 
 Thalia, the, of Arius, 236. 
 
 Thebaid, the Egyptian, 60 ; Pachomius, a 
 native of the, 62. 
 
 Theodore, bishop of Mopsuestia, 9 ; joins 
 an ascetic brotherhood, 27 ; returns 
 to a worldly life, 31, 32 ; letters of 
 lamentation from Chrysostom, 32-39 ; 
 returns again to the brotherhood, 39 ; 
 made bishop of Mopsuestia (A.D. 394), 
 39 ; his character, 39. 
 
 Theodore of Tyana, friendly to Chryso- 
 stom, 329 ; quits Constantinople on 
 seeing the unfair construction of the 
 council, 329. 
 
 Theodoret's story of the meeting of Gainas 
 and Chrysostom, 263 ; on the jurisdic- 
 tion of Chrysostom, 274 ; on idolatry 
 in Phoenicia, 382. 
 
 Theodorus executed, 57, 94. 
 
 Theodosia, sister of Amphilocius, and 
 instructress of Olympias, 280. 
 
 Theodosius I., on amicable terms with 
 Libanius, 12 ; his defeats of the Goths, 
 93; deservedly called "The Great," 
 139 ; his services against Scots and 
 Saxons, Moors and Goths, 139 ; dis- 
 graced, and retires to Spain, 139 ; 
 recalled, and made Emperor, 140 ; his 
 character, 140 ; military achievements, 
 140, 141 ; a Christian, 141 ; efforts to 
 establish a uniform type of religion, 
 141 ; his baptism, 141 ; solemn declara- 
 tion of faith, 141 ; makes Gregory of 
 Nazianzus bishop, 142 ; project for a 
 general council, 142 ; edict against 
 heretics, 142; forbids the practice of 
 divination, 143 ; laws against Pagans, 
 142, 143; his impartiality, 147, 148; 
 his wife Flacilla, 148 ; choleric tem- 
 per, 148 ; pardons Antioch after the 
 tumult, 170 ; interview with Flavian, 
 171-174; victory over Maximus, 191 ; 
 generosity to his enemies, 191 ; com- 
 mands the bishop of Callinicum to rebuild 
 the Jewish synagogue, 191 ; remon- 
 strance of Ambrose, 191, 192 ; the order 
 annulled, 193 ; triumphal entry into 
 Rome, 193 ; two popular enactments, 
 193, 194 ; abstains from interfering in 
 
 TIIEOPHILUS 
 
 religious debates, 194 ; resentment at 
 the sedition of Thessalonica, 195 ; bar- 
 barous act of ferocity, 195 ; confronted 
 by Ambrose, and refused admittance to 
 the cathedral, 196 ; exhorted to deep 
 repentance, 197 ; his penance, 197, 198; 
 forbidden to sit with the clergy during 
 the celebration, 198 ; collects a huge 
 force, and solicits the favour of heaven, 
 200 ; arrives near the scene of his for- 
 mer victory, 200 ; assaults Arbogastes, 
 but is repulsed, 200 ; his vision, 200 ; 
 rallies his army, and completely defeats 
 the enemy, 201 ; received at Milan with 
 transports of joy, 201 ; free pardon 
 granted to the Milanese who had re- 
 volted, 201 ; his health gives way, 201 ; 
 receives the Eucharist at the hands of 
 Ambrose, 201 ; beseeches the Western 
 bishops to acknowledge Flavian, 201 ; 
 implores the Pagan Roman senators to 
 become Christians, 201, 202 ; last ap- 
 pearances in public, 202 ; his death, 
 202 ; his law on the right of asylum, 
 249 ; conduct towards Olympias, 281. 
 
 Theodosius n., attacked by an alarming 
 illness, 304 ; suppresses the Pagan 
 homage paid to Emperors, 327 ; con- 
 sents to Chrysostom's reliques being 
 brought to Constantinople, 388 ; im- 
 plores forgiveness for his parents' 
 wrongs to the saint, 388. 
 
 Theodosius the elder, 139 ; executed at 
 Carthage, 139 note; his statue de- 
 stroyed by the mob at Antioch, 152. 
 
 Theophilus, a priest, rebuked by Chry- 
 sostom, 345, 376. 
 
 Theophilus, archbishop of Alexandria, 
 appointed arbitrator between Flavian 
 and Evagrius, 199 ; pushes the claims 
 of Isidore for the see of Constantinople, 
 213 ; refuses to take part in Chry- 
 sostom's ordination until threatened 
 by Eutropius, 215 ; his opposition is 
 silenced, and he assists in the conse- 
 cration, 215, 216 ; joins Chrysostom 
 in urging the recognition of Flavian, 
 237 ; behaviour to Olympias, 282 note ; 
 becomes the chief of Chrysostom's foes, 
 285 ; his character, 284, 285 ; earnest 
 defender of the teaching of Origen, 
 287 ; made arbitrator between Jerome 
 and John of Jerusalem, 292 ; his letter 
 intended for John is delivered to Vinc- 
 tius, 292 ; changes sides, 292, 293 ; 
 brings a horrible charge against Isidore, 
 who is ejected from the ministry, 294 ; 
 persecutes the "tall brethren," 294- 
 297 ; his malice follows the Nitrian 
 
INDEX. 
 
 455 
 
 THEOTECNUS 
 
 monks to Palestine, 297 ; schemes for 
 the overthrow of Chrysostom, 298, 299 ; 
 apologetic letter to Epiphanius, 299 ; 
 writes a sharp complaint to Chry- '< 
 sostom, 300 ; summoned to Constanti- 
 nople to defend his conduct towards 
 the Nitrian monks, 301 ; arrival at the 
 city with twenty-eight bishops, 306 ; 
 declines the hospitality of Chrysostom, 
 307 ; resides at Pera, in a house of the 
 Emperor's, 307 ; refuses all communi- 
 cation with the archbishop, 308 ; his 
 house the resort of the disaffected, 308 ; 
 bribes to the city, 308 ; draws up a list 
 of accusations against Chrysostom, 309 ; 
 holds a synod at "the Oak," and sum- 
 mons the archbishop to appear, 309 ; 
 after his object is attained, is reconciled 
 to the "tall brethren," 316 ; arrives at 
 Constantinople with a large retinue, 
 and restores the worthless clergy, 320, 
 321 ; remains in the city after the recall 
 of Chrysostom, 324, 325 ; his flight 
 when summonses were issued for a 
 general council, 325 ; excuses himself 
 from attending the council, 325 ; in- 
 vitt-il by Chrysostom's enemies again 
 to visit Constantinople, 328 ; declines, 
 and sends three "pitiful bishops, " 328 ; 
 his letter to Pope Innocent received 
 with displeasure, 348 ; reproved by 
 Innocent, 348, 349. 
 
 Theotecnus brings to Innocent a letter 
 from twenty-five bishops, 349. 
 
 Theotimus, a Goth, bishop of Tomis, at 
 Constantinople, 266 ; a determined 
 opponent of Epiphanius, 303 ; called 
 by the Huns "the god of the Chris- 
 tians," 303; denounces the unseemly 
 condemnation of the works of Origen, 
 303. 
 
 Therapeutse, the, 59. 
 
 Therasius : Chrysostom addresses a letter 
 to the widow of, 93. 
 
 Thermopylae, pass of, violated by Alaric, 
 210. 
 
 Thessalonica, sedition at, 195 ; its Chris- 
 tian population, 195 ; failure of the 
 mission of Ambrose to obtain clemency, 
 195 ; barbarous massacre of 7000 in- 
 habitants, 195. 
 
 Thrace, Flacilla dies at, 148 ; overrun by 
 Alaric, 207 ; ravaged by Gainas, 263 ; 
 ravaged by Huns, 354. 
 
 Tiberias, Patriarch of, 126. 
 
 Tiberius restricted the right of asylum, 
 249. 
 
 Tigrius summoned before the "Synod of 
 the Oak," 311 ; scourged, and put on 
 
 VALENTINIANS 
 
 the rack, 345 ; survives, and is banished 
 to Mesopotamia, 345. 
 
 Tillemont's opinion of Theodore, 39 note; 
 floating synod at Constantinople, 266 
 note. 
 
 Tomis, a market of Goths and Huns, 303. 
 
 Tradition, Chrysostom's arguments not 
 based on, 117. 
 
 Trajan, Antioch nearly destroyed in the 
 reign of, 90. 
 
 Tranquillus, a friend of Chrysostom, 329. 
 
 Tribigild, the Ostrogoth, solicits promo- 
 tion for himself and more pay for his 
 soldiers, 244 ; his suit coldly dismissed 
 by the Emperor's minister, 244 ; re- 
 turns home, and resolves to cast off 
 allegiance to the empire, 245 ; overruns 
 Phrygia, and captures some fortified 
 towns, 245 ; refuses to treat with 
 Eutropius, 246 ; his army retreats to 
 Pampnylia, where he awaits Leo, 246 ; 
 swoops down upon his prey at night, 
 scattering Leo's army, 247 ; his forces 
 joined with those of Gainas, 257. 
 
 Trinity Sunday, 178 note. 
 
 ULDES, or Uldin, pursues Gainas and 
 kills him, 263. 
 Ulphilas, preaching of, to the Goths, 
 
 382. 
 Unilas, a Gothic bishop, appointed by 
 
 Chrysostom, 237 ; dies after a short 
 
 but active career, 375. 
 Ursicinus, consecration of, by Paul, 
 
 bishop of Tibur, violently stopped by 
 
 Damasus, 47. 
 
 VALENS, the Emperor, on amicable 
 terms with Libanius, 12 ; favoured 
 the Arians, 21 ; expelled bishop Me- 
 letius, 40 ; his decree against the prac- 
 tisers of magic, 57 ; persecution of the 
 monks, 72-75 ; destruction by the 
 Goths, 92, 94 ; forbids the sacrifice of 
 animals, 143. 
 
 Valentinian, his decree against magicians, 
 57 ; his fate, 94 ; territory secured to 
 him by Theodosius, 141 ; forbids the 
 sacrifice of animals, 143. 
 
 Valentinian n., 187 ; flight to Thessa- 
 lonica, 191 ; accompanies Theodosius 
 to Rome, 193 ; in possession of his do- 
 minions, 199 ; treachery of his general 
 of the forces, Arbogastes, 200 ; found 
 strangled, 200. 
 
 Valentinians, a church of, set fire to by 
 fanatics, 191. 
 
456 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 VALENTIN US 
 
 Valentinus, error of, -113. 
 
 Valentinus, entreated to benevolence by 
 Chrysostom, 377. 
 
 Venerius, bishop of Milan, Chrysostom 's 
 letter to, 334, 335 ; sends a letter by 
 the Italian deputation, 353. 
 
 Vinceutius, presbyter and friend of Je- 
 rome, 292. 
 
 Victor Uticensis, 23. 
 
 Victory, news of, proclaimed gratuitously 
 by Theodosius, 194. 
 
 Visigoths, a colony of, established in 
 Thrace, 140. 
 
 WEALTH, Chrysostom on, 156, 157. 
 Wesley, John, at Oxford, 27 ; as a 
 preacher, 425. 
 
 Western Church, the, acknowledges Paul- 
 inus as bishop of Antioch, 20 ; favour- 
 able to clerical celibacy, 218 ; does not 
 
 ZOSIMUS 
 
 fully accept Origen's teachings, 287 ; 
 appealed to by the Eastern Church, 
 335 ; not able to insist on justice to 
 Chrysostom, 349 ; breaks off commu- 
 nion with Theophilus and Atticus, 358 ; 
 demands the convocation of a general 
 council, 358. 
 
 Western theology, 391, 392. 
 
 Westminster, sanctuary of, 249. 
 
 Women, influence of, on early Chris- 
 tianity, 10, 11 ; they baffle Julian and 
 Governor Alexander at Antioch, 11 ; 
 Libanius's letter on, 11 ; interference 
 in the election of bishops, 48 ; multi- 
 tudes take vows of celibacy, 61 ; de- 
 graded position in the East, 96. 
 
 70SIMUS, 153 note; account of the 
 /j pursuit of Gainas, 262, 263. 
 
 Slntfaerattg 
 
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PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 29 
 
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