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Chaplain T. G. Steward, D. D.
The Colored Reg\ilars
In the United States Army
WITH A
Sketch of the History of the Colored American, and an Account of
His Services in the Wars of the Country, from the
Period of the Revolutionary War to 1899.
INTRODUCTORY LETTER FROM
Lieutenant- General Nelson A. Miles
Commanding the Army of the United States.
BY CHAPLAIN T. G. STEWARD, D.D.,
Twenty-fifth U. S. Infantry.
COPYRIGH£T35r) 1904
PHILADELPHIA
A. M. E. BOOK CONCERN,
631 PINE STREET.
1904
E
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTORY.
CHAPTER I.— SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY.
The Importation of the Africans. Character of the Colored Population in
i860. Colored Population in British West Indian Possessions. Free
Colored People of the South. Free Colored People of the North.
Notes. 21
CHAPTER II.— THE AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE
MILITARY SPIRIT.
Early Literature of Negro Soldiers. Negro Soldiers in the War of the
Revolution. The War of 1812. Negro Insurrections. Negro Troops
in the Civil War. Notes. 57
CHAPTER III.— THE BLACK REGULARS OF THE ARMY,
OF INVASION IN THE SPANISH WAR.
Organization of Negro Regiments in the Regular Army. First Movement^
in the War. Chickamauga and Tampa. Notes. 84
&
CHAPTER IV.— BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY.
107
CHAPTER v.— PASSAGE, LANDING, AND FIRST BATTLE
IN CUBA.
The Tenth Cavalry at Guasimas. The "Rescue of the Rough Riders."
Was there an Ambush? Notes. 116
CHAPTER VI.— THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY.
The Capture of the Stone Fort by the Twenty-fifth Infantry. 150
86994S
CHAPTER VII.— SAN JUAN.
Cavalry Division: The Ninth and Tenth Regiments. Kent's Division:
The Twenty-fourth Infantry. Forming under fire. A Gallant Charge.
191
CHAPTER VIII.— SAN JUAN (Continued).
Kent's Division. The Twenty-fourth Infantry. Forming Under Fire.
A Gallant Charge. 208
CHAPTER IX.— THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS.
In the Trenches. The Twenty-fourth in the Fever Camp. Are Negro
Soldiers Immune? Camp Wikoff. 220
CHAPTER X.— REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS.
Gallantry of the Black Regulars. Diary of Sergeant Major E. L. Baker.
Tenth Cavalry. 236
CHAPTER XL— THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS.
The Ninth Ohio Battalion. Eighth Illinois. Twenty-third Kansas. Third
North Carolina. Sixth Virginia. Third Alabama. The Immunes.
CHAPTER XII.— COLORED OFFICERS.
By Captain Frank R. Steward, A. B., LL. B., Harvard, 49th U. S. Volun-
teer Infantry. 299
APPENDIX.
328
PREFACE.
The material out of which the story of the COLORED
REGULARS has been constructed has been collected with
great pains, and upon it has been expended a serious amount
of labor and care. All the movements of the Cuban campaign,
and particularly of the battles, have been carefully studied by
the aid of official reports, and conversations and correspond-
ence with those who participated in them. The work has been
performed with an earnest desire to obtain and present the
truth, hoping that the reader will be inspired by it to a
more profound respect for the brave and skilled black men who
passed through that severe baptism of fire and suffering, con-
tributing- their full share to their country's honor.
It is also becoming in this place to mention with gratitude
the encouragement given by the War Department both in
granting me the time in which to do the work, and also in sup-
plying me with documents and furnishing other facilities. By
this enlightened course on the part of the Department great
aid has been gtiven to historical science, and, incidentally,
very important service rendered to the cause of freedom and
humanity. A struggling people has been helped and further
glory reflected upon the Government. The President, himself,
has manifested a kindly interest in the work, and has wished
that the story of the black soldiers should be told to the world.
The interest of the Commanding General of the Army is shown
in his letter.
Thus encouraged from ofiRcial sources and receiving the
most hearty words of cheer from friends, of whom none has
been more potent or more earnest than Bishop B. W. Arnett,
D. D., of the African M. E. Church, I have, after
five months of severe labor, about completed my task,
so far as I find it in my power to complete it; and trusting
that the majesty and interest of the story itself will atone for
any defects in the style of the narration, the volume is now
offered to a sympathetic public, affectionately dedicated to the
men whose heroic services have furnished the theme for my
pen.
T. G. STEWARD.
Wilberforce, Ohio, September, 1899.
LETTER FROM GENERAL MILES.
Headquarters of the Army, Washington,
August 5, 1899.
Rev. T. G. Steward, Chaplain 25th Infantry,
Wilberforce, Ohio.
Dear Sir: — Your letter of the 20th ultimo was duly received,
but my time has been so much engrossed with official duties,
requiring my presence part of the time out of the city, that it has
not been practicable to comply with your request earlier ; and
even now I can only reply very briefly.
You will remember that my acquaintance with negro charac-
ter commenced during the Civil War. The colored race then
presented itself to me in the character of numerous contrabands
of war, and as a people who, individually, yearned for the light
and life of liberty. Ages of slavery had reduced them to the
lowest ebb of manhood. From that degree of degradation I
have been an interested spectator of the marvelously rapid evo-
lution of the down-trodden race. From the commencement of
this evolution to the present time I have been more or less in
a position to closely observe their progress. At the close of
the war I was in command of one of the very important military
districts of the South, and my concern for the welfare of all the
people of that district, not excluding the people of color, you
will find evidenced in the measures taken by me, more especially
in regard to educational matters, at that time. The first regi-
ment which I commanded on entering the Regular Army of the
United States at the close of the war was made up of colored
troops. That regiment — the 40th Infantry — achieved a reputa-
tion for military conduct which forms a record that may be
favorably compared with the best regiments in the service.
Then, again, refer to my General Order No. i, issued after the
fall of Santiago, and you will s^ that recognition is not grudg-
ingly given to the troops who heroically fought there, whether
of American, of African, or of Latin descent. If so early in the
second generation of the existence of the race in the glorious
light of liberty it produces such orators as Douglas, such edu-
cators as Booker T. Washington, such divines as the Afro-
American Bishops, what may we not expect of the race when it
shall have experienced as many generations of growth and de-
velopment as the Anglo-Saxons who now dominate the thought,
the inventive genius, the military prowess, and the commercial
enterprise of the world ! Very trulv yours.
• NELSON A. MILES.
Lieutenant-General Nelson A. Miles,
Headquarters of the Army,
Siboney, Cuba, July i6, 1898.
General Field Orders No. i.
The gratifying success of the American arms at Santiago de
Cuba and some features of a professional character both im-
portant and instructive, are hereby announced to the army.
The declaration of war found our country with a small army
scattered over a vast territory. The troops composing this
anny were speedily mobilized at Tampa, Fla. Before it was
possible to properly equip a volunteer force, strong appeals for
aid came from the navy, which had inclosed in the harbor of
►Santiago de Cuba an important part of the Spanish fleet. At
that time the only efficient fighting force available was the
United States Army, and in order to organize a command of
sufficient strength, the cavalry had to be sent dismounted to
Santiago de Cuba with the infantry and artillery.
The expedition thus formed was placed under command of
Major-General Shafter. Notwithstanding the limited time to
equip and organize an expedition of this character, there was
never displayed a nobler spirit of patriotism and fortitude on the
part of olBcers and men going forth to mantain the honor of
their country. After encountering the vicissitudes of an ocean
voyage, they were obliged to disembark on a foreign shore
and immediately engage in an aggressive campaign. Under
drenching storms, intense and prostrating heat, within a fever-
alflicted district, with little comfort or rest, either by day or
night, they pursued their purpose of finding and conquering the
enemy. Many of them, trained in the severe experience of the
great war, and in frequent campaigns on the Western plains,
officers and men alike exhibited a great skill, fortitude, and
tenacity, with results which have added a new chapter of glory
to their country's history. Even when their own generals in
several cases w^ere temporarily disabled, the troops fought on
with the same heroic spirit until success was finally achieved.
In many instances the officers placed themselves in front of their
commands, and under their direct and skillful leadership the
trained troops of a brave army were driven from the thickets
and jungles of an almost inaccessible country. In the open field
the troops stormed intrenched infantry, and carried and cap-
tured fortified works with an unsurpassed daring and disregard
of death. By gaining commanding ground they made the har-
bor of Santiago untenable for the Spanish fleet, and practically
drove it out to a speedy destruction by the American Navy.
While enduring the hardships and privations of such cam-
paign, the troops generously shared their scanty food with the
5,000 Cuban patriots in arms, and the suffering people who had
fled from the besieged city. With the twenty-four regiments
and four batteries, the fiower of the United States Army, were
also three volunteer regiments. These though unskilled in war-
fare, yet, inspired with the same spirit, contributed to the vic-
tory, sufifered hardships, and made sacrifices with the rest.
Where all did so well, it is impossible, by special mention, to do
justice to those who bore conspicuous part. But of certain un-
usual features mention cannot be omitted, namely, the cavalry
dismounted, fighting and storming works as infantry, and a
regiment of colored troops, who, having shared equally in the
heroism as well as the sacrifices, is now voluntarily engaged in
nursing yellow-fever patients and burying the dead. The gal-
lantry, patriotism and sacrifices of the American Army, as illus-
trated in this brief campaign, will be fully appreciated by a grate-
ful country, and the heroic deeds of those who have fought and
fallen in the cause of freedom will ever be cherished in sacred
memory and be an inspiration to the living.
By command of Major-General Miles:
J. C. GILMORE,
Brigadier-General, United States Volunteers.
INTRODUCTORY.
To write the history of the Negro race within that part of
the western world known as the United States of America
would be a task to which one might devote a life time and still
fail in its satisfactory accomplishment. The difficulties lying
in the way of collecting and unifying the material are very
great; and that of detecting the inner life of the people much
greater. Facts and dates are to history what color and propor-
tion are to the painting. Employed by genius, color and form
combine in a language that speaks to the soul, giving pleasure
and instruction to the beholder ; so the facts and dates occurr-
ing along the pathway of a people, when gathered and ar-
ranged by labor and care, assume a voice and a power which
they have not otherwise. As these facts express the thoughts
and feelings, and the growth, of a people, they become the
language in which that people writes its history, and the work
of the historian is to read and interpret this history for the
benefit of his fellow men.
Borrowing a second illustration from the work of the artist,
it may be said, that as nature reveals her secrets only to him
whose soul is in deepest sympathy with her moods and move-
ments, so a people's history can be discovered only by one
who'se heart throbs in unison with those who have made the
history. To write the history of any people successfully one
must read it by the heart ; and the best part of history, like the
best part of the picture, must ever remain unexpressed. The
artist sees more, and feels more than he is able to transfer to
his canvas, however entrancing his presentation; and the his-
iz
12 INTRODUCTORY
torian sees and feels more than his brightest pages convey to
his readers. Nothing less than a profound respect and love
for humankind and a special attraction toward a particular
people and age, can fit one to engage in so sublime a task as
that of translating the history of a people into the language o£
common men.
The history of the American Negro differs very widely from
that of any people whose life-story has been told ; and when it
shall come to be known and studied will open an entirely new
view of experience. In it we shall be able to see what has
never before been discovered in history; to wit: the absolute
beginning of a people. Brought to these shores by the ship-load
as freight, and sold as merchandise ; entirely broken away from
the tribes, races, or nations of their native land; recognized
only as African slaves, and forbidden all move-
ment looking toward organic life; deprived of
even the right of family or of marriage, and
corrupted in the most shameless manner by their power-
ful and licentious oppressors — it is from this heterogeneous
protoplasm that the American Negro has been developed. The
foundation from which he sprang had been laid by piecemeal
as the slave ships made their annual deposits of cargoes
brought from different points on the West Coast, and basely
corrupted as is only too well known ; yet out of it has grown,
within less than three hundred years, an organic people.
Grandfathers and great-grandfathers are among them; and
personal acquaintance is exceedingly wide. In the face of slav-
ery and against its teaching and its power, overcoming the se-
duction of the master class, and the coarse and brutal corrup-
tions of the baser overseer class, the African slave persistently
strove to clothe himself with the habiliments of civilization,
and so prepared himself for social organization that as soon
INTRODUCTORY 13
as the hindrances were removed, this vast people almost im-
mediately set themselves in families ; and for over thirty years
they have been busily engaged hunting up the lost roots of
their family trees. We know the pit whence the Afro- Ameri-
can race was dug, the rock whence he was hewn ; he was born
here on this soil, from a people who in the classic language of
the Hebrew prophet, could be described as, No People.
That there has been a majestic evolution quietly but rapidly j
going on in this mass, growing as it was both by natural de- \
velopment and by accretion, is plainly evident. Heterogeneous /
as were the fragments, by the aid of a common language and a
common lot, and cruel yet partially civilizing control, the
whole people were forced into a common outward form, and to
a remarkable extent, into the same ways of thinking. The
affinities within were really aided by the repulsions wit'out,
and when finally freed from slavery, for an ignorant and in-
experienced people, they presented an astonishing spectacle of
unity. Sociaily, politically and religiously, their power to
work together showed itself little less than marvellous. The
Afro- American, developing from this slave base, now directs
great organizations of a religious character, and in comprehen-
sive sweep invites to his co-operation the inhabitants of the
isles of the sea and of far-off Africa. He is joining with the
primitive, strong, hopeful and expanding races of Southern
Africa, and is evidently preparing for a day that has not yet
come.
The progress made thus far by the people is somewhat like
that made by the young man who hires himself to a farmer
and takes his pay in farming stock and utensils. He is thus
acquiring the means to stock a farm, and the skill and experi-
ence necessary to its successful management at the same time.
His career will not appear important, however, until the day
\
14 INTRODUCTORY
shall arrive when he will set up for himself. The time spent
on the farm of another was passed in comparative obscurity :
but without it the more conspicuous period could never have
followed. So, now, the American colored people are making
history, but it is not of that kind that gains the attention of
writers. Having no political organizations, governments or
armies they are not performing those deeds of splendor in
statesmanship and war over which the pen of the historian us-
ually delights to linger. The people, living, growing, read-
ing, thinking, working, suffering, advancing and dying — these
are all common-place occurrences, neither warming the heart
of the observer, nor capable of brightening the page of the
chronicler. This, however, is, with the insignificant exception
of Liberia, all that is yet to be found in the brief history of the
Afro-American race.
The period for him to set up for himself has not yet come,
and he is still acquiring means and training within a realm con-
trolled in all respects by a people who maintain toward him an
attitude of absolute social exclusion. His is the history of a
people marching from nowhere to somewhere, but with no
well-defined Canaan before them and nO' Moses to lead. It is
indeed, on their part, a walk by faith, for as yet the wisest
among the race cannot tell even the direction of the journey.
Before us lie surely three possible destinies, if not four; yet
it is not clear toward which one of these we are marching. Are
we destined to see the African element of America's popula-
tion blend with the Euro-American element and be lost in a
common people? Will the colored American leave this home
in which as a race he has been born and reared to manhood,
and find his stage of action somewhere else on God's earth?
Will he remain here as a separate and subordinate people per-
petuating the conditions of to-day only that they may become
INTRODUCTORY 15
more humiliating and exasperating? Or is there to arise a
war of races in which the blacks are to be exterminated ? Who
knows? Fortunately the historian is not called upon to per-
form the duties of prophet. His work is to tell what has been;
and if others, building upon his presentation of facts can de-
duce what is to be, it is no small tribute to the correctness of
his interpretations; for all events are parts of one vast system
ever moving toward some great end. One remark only need be ;'
made. It is reasonable to presume that this new Afro-Ameri- \
can will somehow and somewhere be given an opportunity to ',
express that particular modification of material life which his '
spiritual nature will demand. Whether that expression will
be made here or elsewhere; whether it will be higher or lower
than what now surrounds us, are questions which we may well
leave to the future.
No people can win and hold a place, either as a nation among /
other nations, or as an elementary component of a nation,
merely by its own goodness or by the goodness of others. The
struggle for national existence is a familiar one, and is always
initiated by a display of physical force. Those who have the
power seize territory and government, and those who CAN,
keep possession and control. It is in some instances the back-
ing up of right by might, and in others the substituting of
right by might. Too often the greatest of all national crimes
is to be weak. When the struggle is a quiet one, going on
within a nation, and is that of an element seeking a place in the
common social life of the country, much the same principles are
involved. It is still a question to be settled by force, no matter
how highly the claim of the weaker may be favored by reason
and justice.
The powers by which a special people may emerge from an
unhappy condition and secure improved social relations, using
l6 INTRODUCTORY
^he word social in its broadest sense, are physical, intellectual
and material. There must be developed manly strength and
courage and a power of intellect which will manifest itself in
organization and attractiveness, and in the aptitude of employ-
ing appropriate methods for ends in view. To these must be
added the power that comes through wealth ; and thus, with the
real advancement of condition and character will come, tardily
and grudgingly perhaps, but nevertheless surely, improved so-
cial standing. Once filled with the common national spirit,
partaking of its thoughts, entering heartily into the common
movements, having the same dress, language and manners as
others, and being as able and as willing to help as to be helped,
and withal being in fact the most intensely American element
on the continent because constructed on this soil, we may hope
that the Afro-American will ultimately win and hold his
proper place.
The history made by the American Negro has been so filled
with suffering that we have overlooked the active side. The
] world has heard so much of the horrors of the "Middle Pass-
• age"; the awful sufferings of the slave; the barbarous out-
rages that have been perpetrated upon ex-slaves ; the inhuman
and senseless prejudices that meet colored Americans almost
everywhere on their native soil ; that it has come to look upon
this recital as the whole of the story. It needs to be told that
these records constitute the dark side of the picture, dark and
horrible enough, to be sure, but this is by no means the whole
picture. If there are scenes whose representations would serve
. to ornament the infernal regions, pictures over which fiends
\ might gloat, there are also others which angels might delight
' to gaze upon. There has been much of worthy action among
the colored people of this country, wherever the bonds of op-
pression have been slackened enough to allow of free move-
INTRODUCTION 1 7'
meiit. There have been resistance to wrong by way of remon- t
strance and petition, sometimes even by force ; laudable efforts |
toward self-education; benevolent and philanthropic move- l
ments; reform organizations, and commendable business en- |
terprise both in individuals and associations. These show a 1
toughness of fibre and steadiness of purpose sufficient to make
the backbone of a real history.
The present work deals with these elements of character as
they are exhibited in the garb of the soldier. When men are
willing to fight and die for what the}'- hold dear, they have
become a moving force, capable of disturbing the currents of
history and of making a channel for the stream of their own
actions. The American Negro has evolved an active, ag-
giessive element in the scientific fighting men he has produced.
Individual pugilists of that race have entered all classes, from
feathervk'eight to heavyweight, and have remained there; re-
ceiving blows and dealing blows; showing a sturdy, positive
force ; mastering and employing all the methods of attack and
defence allowed in such encounters, and supporting themselves
with that fortitude and courage so necessary to the ring. Such
combats are not to be commended, as they are usually mere
tests of skill and endurance, entered into on the principles of
the gambler, and they are introduced here for the sole purpose
of showing the colored man as a positive force, yielding only
to a superior degree of force of the same kind. The soldier
stands for something far higher than the pugilist represents,
although he has need of the same qualities of physical hardi-
hood — contempt for suffering and coolness in the presence of
danger, united with skill in the use of his weapons. The
pugilist is his own general and never learns the high lessons
of obedience; the soldier learns to subordinate himself to his
commander, and to fight bravely and effectively under the di-
rection of another.
1 8 INTRODUCTION
The evolution of the Afro-American soldier was the work
of a short period and suffered many interruptions. When the
War of the Revolution broke out the colored man was a slave,
knowing" nothing of the spirit or the training of the soldier;
before it closed several thousand colored men had entered the
army and some had won distinction for gallantry. Less than
forty years later, in the war of 1812, the black man again ap-
peared to take his stand under the flag of independence. The
War of Secession again witnessed the coming forth of the
black soldier, this time in important numbers and perform.ing
heroic services on a grand scale, and under most discouraging
circumstances, but with such success that he won a place m
arms for all time. When the Civil War closed, the American
black man had secured his standing as a soldier — the evolu-
tion was complete. Henceforth he was to be found an integral
part of the Army of the United States.
The black man passed through the trying baptism of fire
in the Sixties and came out of it a full-fledged soldier. His
was worse than an impartial trial ; it was a trial before a jury
strongly biased against him; in the service of a government
willing to allow him but half pay ; and in the face of a foe deny-
ing him the rights belonging to civilized warfare. Yet against
these odds, denied the dearest right of a soldier — the hope of
promotion — scorned by his companions in arms, the Negro
on more than two hundred and fifty battle-fields, demonstrated
his courage and skill, and wrung from the American nation the
right to bear arms. The barons were no more successful in
their struggle with King John when they obtained Magna Charta
than were the American Negroes with Prejudice, when they
secured the national recognition of their right and fitness to
hold a place in the Standing Army of the United States. The
Afro- American soldier now takes his rank with America's best.
INTRODUCTION I9
and in appearance, skill, physique, manners, conduct and cour-
age proves himself worthy of the position he holds. Combin-
ing in his person the; harvested influences of three great con-
tinents, Europe, Africa and America, he stands up as the typi-
cal soldier of the Western World, the latest comer in the field
of arms, but yielding his place in the line to none, and ever
r^dy to defend his country and his flag against any and all
roes.
The mission of this book is to make clear this evolution, giv-
ing the historical facts with as much detail as possible, and set-
ting forth finally the portrait of this new soldier. That this is
a prodigious task is too evident to need assertion — a task
worthy the most lofty talents : and in essaying it I humbly con-
fess to a sense of unfitness ; yet the work lies before me and
duty orders me to enter upon it. A Major General writes : "1
wish you every success in produ(iing a work important both
historically and for the credit of a race far more deserving than
the world has acknowledged." A Brigadier General who com-
manded a colored regiment in Cuba says to me most encourag-
ingly: "You must allow me — for our intimate associations
justify it — to write frankly. Your education, habits of
thought, fairness of judgment and comprehension of the work
you are to undertake, better fit you for writing such a history
than any person within my acquaintance. Those noble' men
made the history at El Caney and San Juan ; I believe you are
the man to record it. May God help you to so set forth the deeds
of that memorable first of July in front of Santiago that the
world may see in its true light what those brave, intelligent
colored men did."
Both these men fought through the Civil War and won dis-
tinction on fields of blood. To the devout prayer offered by
one of them I heartily echo an Amen, and can only wish that
INTRODUCTION
in it all my friends might join, and that God would answer it in
granting me power to do the work in such a way as to bring
great good to the race and reflect some gflory to Himself, in
whose name the work is undertaken.
CHAPTER I.
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY.
The Importation of the Africans — Character of the Colored Population
in i860 — Colored Population in British West Indian Possessions —
Free Colored People of the South — Free Colored People of the
North — Notes.
Professor DuBois,in his exhaustive work upon the ''Suppres-
sion of the African Slave-Trade," has brought within compara-
tively narrow limits the great mass of facts bearing upon his
subject, and in synopses and indices has presented all of the
more important literature it has induced. In his Monograph,
published as Volume II of the Harvard Historical Series, he
has traced the rise of this nefarious traffic, especially with
reference to the American colonies, exhibited the proportions
to which it expanded, and the tenacity with which it held on
to its purpose until it met its death in the fate of the ill-starred
Southern Confederacy. Every step in his narrative is sup-
ported by references to unimpeachable authorities; and the
scholarly Monograph bears high testimony to the author's
earnest labor, painstaking research and unswervins: fidelity.
Should the present work stimulate inquiry beyond the scope
herein set before the reader, he is most confidently referred
to Professor Du Bois' book as containing a complete exposition
of the development and overthrow of that awful crime.
It is from this work, however, that we shall obtain a nearer
and clearer view of the African planted upon our shores.
Negro slavery began at an early day in the North American
Colonies; but up until the Revolution of 1688 the demand for
2 2 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY
slaves was mainly supplied from England, the slaves being
white." "It is probable," says Professor DuBois, "that
about 25,000 slaves were brought to America each year be-
tween 1698 and 1707, and after 171 3 it rose to perhaps 30,000
annually. "Before the Revolution the total exportation 10
America is variously estimated as between 40,000 and 100,000
each year." Something of the horrors of the "Middle Pass-
age" may be shown by the records that out of 60,783 slaves
shipped from Africa during the years 1680-88, 14,387, or
nearly one-fourth of the entire number, perished at sea, Tn
1790 there were in the country nearly seven hundred thous-
and Africans, these having been introduced by installments
from various heathen tribes. The importation of slaves con-
tinued with more or less success up until 1858, when the "Wan-
derer" landed her cargo of 500 in Georgia.
During the period from 1790 to the breaking out of the Civil
War, shortly after the landing of the last cargo of slaves, the
colored population, both sUve and free, had arisen to about
four million, and had undergone great modifications. The
csrgo of the "Wanderer" found themselves among strangers,
even when trying to associate with those who in color and hair
were like themselves. The slaves of i860 differed greatly from
the slaves of a hundred years earlier. They had lost the relics
of that stern warlike spirit which prompted the Stono insur-
rection, the Denmark Vesey insurrection, and the Nat Turner
insurrection, and had accepted their lot as slaves, hoping that
through God, freedom would come to them some time in the
happy future. Large numbers of them had become Christians
through the teaching of godly white women, and at length
through the evangelistic efforts of men and women of their
*Slave Trade — Carey.
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 23
own race. Independent religious organizations had
been formed in the North, and large local
churches with Negro pastors were in existence in the
South when the "Wanderer'' landed her cargo.
There had been a steady increase in numbers, indicating that
the physical well-being of the slave was not overlooked, and
the slaves had greatly improved in character. Sales made in
South Carolina between 1850 and i860 show "boys," from 16
to 25 years of age, bringing from $900 to $1000; and "large
sales" are reported showing an "average of $620 each," "Negro
men bringing from $800 to $1000," and a "blacksmith" bring-
ing $1425. The averages generally obtained were above $600.
A sale of 109 Negroes in families is reported in the "Charles-
ton Courier" in which the writer says : "Two or three families
averaged from $1000 to $1100 for each individual." The
same item states also that "C. G. Whitney sold two likely fe-
male house servants, one for $io(X), the other for $1190."
These cases are presented to illustrate the financial value of the
American slave, and inferentially the progress he had made in
acquiring the arts of modem civilization. Slaves had become
blacksmiths, wheelwrights, carriage-makers, carpenters, brick-
layers, tailors, bootmakers, founders and moulders, not to men-
tion all the common labor performed by them. Slave women
had become dressmakers, hairdressers, nurses and the best
cooks to be found in the world. The slave-holders regarded
themselves as the favored of mankind because of the competence
and faithfulness of their slaves. The African spirit and char-
acter had disappeared, and in their place were coming into be-
ing the elements of a new character, existing in i860 purely
in a negative form. The slave had become an American. He
was now a civilized slave, and had received his civilization
from his masters. He had separated himself very far from his
24 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY
brother slave in St. Domingo. The Haytian Negro fought and
won his freedom before he had been civilized in slavery, and
hence has never passed over the same ground that his Ameri-
can fellow-servant has been compelled to traverse.
Beside the slaves in the South, there were also several thous-
and "free persons of color," as they were called, dwelling in
such cities as Richmond, Va., Charleston, S. C, and New Or-
leans, La. Some of these had become quite wealthy and well-
educated, forming a distinct class of the population. They
vv^ere called Creoles in Louisiana, and were accorded certain
privileges, almoiigh laws were carefully enacted to keep alive
the distinction between them and the whites. In Charleston
the so-called colored people set themselves up as a class, prided
themselves much upon their color and hair and in their sym-
pathies joined almost wholly with the master class. Representa-
tives of their class became slave-holders and were in full accord
with the social policy of the country. Nevertheless their pres-
*ence was an encouragement to the slave, and consequently was
objected to by the slave-holder. The free colored man became
more and more disliked in the South as the slave became more
civilized. He was supposed by his example to contribute to
the discontent of the slave, and laws were passed restricting
his priveleg'es so as to induce him to leave. Between 1850 and
i860 this question reached a crisis and free colored people from
the South were to be seen taking up their homes in the North-
ern States and in Canada. (Many of the people, especially
from Charleston, carried with them all their belittling pre-
judices, and after years of sojourn under the sway of enlight-
ened and liberal ideas, proved themselves still incapable of
learning the new way or forgetting the old.)
There were, then, three very distinct classes of colored peo-
ple in the country, to wit : The slave in the South, the free col-
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 25
•ored people of the Southy^^aiidjthe free colored people of the
I^o7fliT^'*THese "were also sub-divided into several smaller
classes. Slav es were .d ivided into field hands, house servants
and city slaves. The free colored people of the South had their
classes based usuallx„Cin.i;glor ; the free colored people of the
Nbrtff had their divisions caused by differences in religion,
differences as to place of birth, and numerous family conceits,
^o that surveyed as a whole, it is extremely difficult to g^et
anything like a complete social map of these four millions as
they existed at the outbreak of the Civil War.
For a quarter of a century there had been a steady concen-
tration of the slave population within the cotton and cane-
growing region, the grain-growing States of Delaware, Mary-
land and Virginia having become to a considerable extent
breeding farms. Particularly was this the case with the more
intelligent and higher developed individual slaves who ap-
peared near the border line. The master felt that such persons
would soon make their escape by way of the "Underground
Railroad" or otherwise, and hence in order to prevent a total
loss, would follow the dictates of business prudence and sell
his bright slave man to Georgia. The Maryland or Virginia
slave who showed suspicious aspirations was usually checked
by the threat, "TU sell you to Georgia;" and if the threat did
not produce the desired reformation it was not long before the
ambitious slave found himself in the gang of that most de-
spised and most despicable of all creatures^ the Georgia slave-
,tra der . Georgia and Canada were the two extremes of the
slave's anticipation during the last decade of his experience.
These stood as his earthly Heaven and Hell, the "Underground
iRailroad," with its agents, conducting to one, and the odious
slave-trader, driving men, women and children, to the other.
No Netherlander ever hated and feared the devil more thor-
26 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY
oughly than did the slaves of the border States hate and fear
these outrages on mankind, the kidnapping slave-traders of the
cotton and cane regions. I say kidnapping, for I have myself
seen persons in Georgia who had been kidnapped in Maryland.
If the devi. was ever incarnate, I think it safe to look for him
among those who engaged in the slave-trade, whether in a for-
eign or domestic form.
Nothing is more striking in connection with the history of
American Slavery than the conduct of Great Britain on the
same subject. So inconsistent has this conduct been that it
can be explained only by regarding England as a conglomerate
of two elements nearly equal in strength, of directly opposite
character, ruling alternately the affairs of the nation. x\s a
slave-trader and slave-holder England was perhaps even worse
than the Lnited States- Under her rule the slave decreased in
numbers, and remained a savage. In Jamaica, in St. Vincent,
in British Guiana, in Barbadoes, in Trinidad and in Grenada,
British slavery was far worse than American slavery. In these
colonies ''the slave was generally a barbarian, speaking an un-
know'ii tongue, and w'orking with men like himself, in gangs
with scarcely a chance for improvement." An economist says,
had the slaves of the British colonics been as well fed, clothed,
lodged, ciud 'otherwise caretl for as were those of the United
States, their number at emancipation would have reached from
seventeen to twenty millions, whereas the actual number eman-
cipated w-as only 660,000. Had the blacks of the United States
experienced the saine treatment as did those of the British col-
onies, i860 would have found among us less than 150,000 col-
ored persons. In the United States were found ten colored
persons for every slave imported, while in the Brrtish colonies
only one was found for every three imported. Hence the claim
that the American Negro is a new race, built up on this soil,
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 27
rests upon an ample supply of facts. The American slave was
born in our civilization, fed upon good American food, housed
and clothed on a civilized plan, taught the arts and language
of civilization, acquired necessarily ideas of law and liberty,
and by i860 was well on the road toward fitness for freedom.
No lessons therefore drawn from the emancipation of British
slaves in the West Indies are of any direct value to us, inas-
much as British slavery was not like American slavery, the
^ritish freedman was in no sense the equal of the American
freedman, and the circumstances surrounding the emancipa-
tion of the British slave had nothing of the inspiring and en-
nobling character with those connected with the breaking of the
American Negro's chains. Yet, superior as the American ..
Negro was as a slave, he was very far below the standard of i
American citizenship as subsequent events conclusively proved. 1
The best form of slavery, even though it may lead toward fit- \
ness for freedom, can never be regarded as a fit school in which
to graduate citizens of so magnificent an empire as the United
States.
The slave of i860 was perhaps, all things considered, the
best slave the world had ever seen, if we except those who
served the Hebrews under the Mosaic statutes. While there
was no such thing among them as legal marriage or legitimate
childhood, yet slave "families" were recognized even on the
auction block, and after emancipation legal family life was
erected generally upon relationships which had been formed in
slavery. Bishop Gaines, himself born a slave of slave parents,
says : "The Negro had no civil rights under the codes of the
Southern States. It was often the case, it is true, that the mar-
riage ceremony was performed, and thousands of couples re-
garded it, and observed it as of binding force, and were as true |
to each other as if they had been lawfully married." * * * t
28 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY
''The colored people generally," he says, "held their marriage
(if such unauthorized union may be called marriage) sacred,
even while they were slaves. Many instances will be recalled
by the older people of the life-long fidelity which existed be-
tween the slave and his concubine" (Wife, T. G. S.) "
the mother of his children. My own father and mother lived
together over sixty years. I am the fourteenth child of that
union, and I can truthfully affirm that no marriage, however
n-ade sacred by the sanction of law, was ever more congenial
and beautiful. Thousands of like instances might be cited to
the same effect. It will al\va3^s be to the credit of the colored
people that almost without exception, they adhered to their
relations, illegal though they had been, and accepted gladly
the new law which put the stamp of legitimacy upon their
union and removed the brand of bastardy from the brows of
their children."
Let us now sum up the qualifications that these people pos-
sessed in large degree, in order to determine their fitness for
freedom, then so near at hand. They had acquired the English
language, and the Christian religion, including the Christian
idea of marriage, so entirely different in spirit and form from
the African marriage. They had acquired the civilized meth-
ods of cooking their food, making and wearing clothes, sleep-
ing in beds, and observing Sunday. They had acquired many
of the useful arts and trades of civilization and had imbibed
the tastes and feelings, to some extent, at least, of the country
in which they lived. Becoming keen observers, shut out from
books and newspapers, they listened attentively, learned more
of law and politics than was generally supposed. They knew
what the election of i860 meant and were on tiptoe with ex-
pectation. Although the days of insurrection had passed and
the slave of '59 was not ready to rise with the immortal John
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 2^
Brown, he had not lost his desire for freedom. The steady
march of escaping slaves guided by the North star, with the
refrain :
■'I'm on my way to Canada,
That cold but happy land ;
The dire effects of slavery
I can no longer stand,"
pioved that the desire to be free wao becoming more extensive
and absorbing as the slave advanced in intelhgence.
It is necessary again to emphasize the fact that the American
slaves were well formed and well developed physically, capable
"oiTenduring hard labor and of subsisting upon the plainest
'food. Their diet for years had been of the simplest sort, and
they had been subjected to a system of regulations very much
like those which are employed in the management of armies.
They had an hour to go to bed and an hour to rise ; left their
homes only upon written "passes," and when abroad at night
were often halted by the wandering patrol. "Run, nigger, run,
the patrol get you," was a song of the slave children of South
Carolina.
Strangers who saw for the first time these people as they
came out of slaver)^ in 1865 were usually impressed with their
robust appearance, and a conference of ex-slayes, assembled
soon after the war, introduced a resolution with the follow-
mg^decTaration : "Whereas, Slavery has left us in possession
of strong and healthy bodies." It is probable that at least a
half-million of men of proper age could then have been found
among the newly liberated capable of bearing arms. They
were inured to the plain ration, to labor and fatigue, and to
subordination, and had long been accustomed to working to-
gether under the immediate direction of foremen.
^Two q uestions of importance naturally arose at this period :
First, did the American slave understand the issue that had
30 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTOR\
been before the country for more than a half-century and that
was now dividing the nation in twain and marshalling for
deadly strife these two opposing armies ? Second, had he the
courage necessary to take part in the struggle and hetp save
i " the Union ? It would be a strange thing to say, but neverthe-
' less a thing entirely true, that many of the Negro slaves had
a clearer perception of the real question at issue than did some
of our most far-seeing statesmen, and a clearer vision of what
would be the outcome of the war. While the great men of the
?>Iorth were striving to establish the doctrine that the coming
war was merely to settle the question of Secession, the slave
knew better. God had hid certain things from the wise and
prudent and had revealed them unto babes. Lincoln, the wisest
of all, was slow to see that the issue he himself had predictetl
was really at hand. As President, he declared for the preser-
vation of the Union, with or without slaver^-, or even upon
the terms which he had previously declared irreconcilable,
"half slave and half free." The Negro slave saw in the out-
bieak of the ^^•ar the death struggle of slavery. He knew that
the real issue was slavery.
The masters were careful to keep from the knowledge of the
slave the events as well as the causes of the war, but in spite
of these efforts the slave's keen perception enabled him to read
defeat in the dejected mien of his master, and victory in his
exultation. To prevent the master's knowing what was going
/ on in their thoughts, the slaves constructed curious codes
among themselves. In one neighborhood freedom was always
i^poken of as "New Rice" ; and many a poor slave woman
sighed for the coming of New Rice in the hearing of those who
imagined they knew the inmost thoughts of their bondwomen.
Gleefully at times they would talk of the jollification they
would make when the New Rice came. It was this clear vision.
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 3 1
tliis Strong- hope, that sustained them during the trying days
of the war and kept them back from insunection. Bishop
Gaines says : "Their prayers ascended for their dehverance,
and their hearts yearned for the success of their friends. They
fondly hoped for the hour of victory, when the night of slavery
would end and the dawn of freedom appear. They often talked
to each other of the progress of the war and conferred in secret
as to what they might do to aid in the struggle. Worn out
with long bondage, yearning for the lx)on of freedom, long-
ing for the sun of liberty to rise, they kept their peace and left
the result to God." Mr. Douglass, whom this same Bishop
Gaines speaks of very inappropriately as a "half-breed,"
seemed able to grasp the feelings both of the slave and the
freeman and said : "From the first, I for one, saw in this war
the end of 'slavery, and truth requires me to say that my in-
terest in the success of the North was largely due to this be-
lief." Mr. Seward, the wise Secretary of State, had thought
tiiat the war would come and go without producing any change
in the relation of master and slave; but the humble slave on
the Georgia cotton plantation, or in the Carolina rice fields,
knew that the booming of the guns of rebellion in Charleston
was the opening note of the death knell of slavery. The
slave undoubtedly understood the issue, and knew on which
side liberty dwelt. Although thoroughly bred to slavery, and
as contented and happy as he could be in his lot, he acted ac-
cording to the injunction of the Apostle : "Art thou called be-
ing a servant, care not for it; but if thou mayest be made free,
use it rather." The slaves tried to be contented, but they pre-
ferred freedom and knew which side to take when the time
came for them to act.
Elnough has been said to show that out of the African slave
had been developed a thoroughly American slave, so well im-
32 SKETCH OK SOCIAL HISTORY
bued with modern civilization and so well versed in American
politics, as to be partially ready for citizenship. He had be-
come law-abiding and order-loving, and possessed of an intelli-
gent desire to be free. Whether he had within him the neces-
sary moral elements to become a soldier the pages following
will attempt to make known. He had the numbers, the physi-
cal strength and the intelligence. He could enter the strife
with a 'Sufficient comprehension of the issues involved to en-
able him to give to his own heart a reason for his action. Fit-
ness for the soldier does not necessarily involve fitness for citi-
zenship, but the actual discharge of the duties of the soldier
in defence of the nation, entitles one to all common rights, to
the nation's gratitude, and to the highest honors for which
he is qualified.
In concluding this chapter I shall briefly return to the free
colored people of the South that the reader may be able to prop-
erly estimate their importance as a separate element. Their
influence upon the slave population was very slight, inasmuch
as law and custom forbade the intercourse of these two classes.
According to the Census of i860 there were in the slave-
holding States altogether 261,918 free colored persons,_io6,-
770 being mulattoes. In Charleston there were 887 free
blacks and 2,554 mulattoes; in Mobile, 98 free blacks and 617
mulattoes; in New Orleans, 1,727 blacks and 7,357 mulattoes.
As will be seen, nearly one-half of the entire number of free
colored persons were mulattoes, while in the leading Southern
cities seventy-five per cent, of the free colored people were put
in this class. The percentage of mulatto slaves to the total
slave population at that time was 10-41, and in the same cities
which showed seventy-five per cent, of all the free colored per-
sons mulattoes, the percentage of mulatto slaves was but 16.84.
Mulatto in this classification includes all colored persons who
are not put down as black.
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 35
In New Orleans the free mulattoes were generally French,
having come into the Union with the Louisiana purchase, and
among them were to be found wealthy slave-holders. They
much resembled the class of mulattoes which obtained in St.
Domingo at the beginning of the century, and had but little
sympathy with the blacks, although they were the first to ac-
quiesce in emancipation, some of them actually leading their
own slaves into the army of liberation. It is possible, how-
ever, that they had not fully realized the trend of the war,
inasmuch as New Orleans was excepted from the effects of the
Proclamation. It is certain that the free colored people of
that city made a tender of support to the Confederacy, al-
though they were among the first to welcome the conquering
"Yankees," and afterward fought with marked gallantry in the
Union cause. The free mulattoes, or brounis, as they called
themselves, of Charleston, followed much the same course as
their fellow classmen of New Orleans. Here, too, they had
been exclusive and to some extent slave-holders, had tendered
their services to the Confederacy, and had hastily come for-
ward to welcome the conquerors. They were foremost among
the colored people in wealth and intelligence, but their field of
social operations had been so circumscribed that they had ex-
cited but little influence in the work of Americanizing the
slave. Separated from the slave by law and custom they did
all in their power to separate themselves from him in thought
and feeling. They drew the line against all blacks as mer-
cilessly and senselessly as the most prejudiced of the whites
and were duplicates of the whites placed on an intermediate
plane. It was not unusual to find a Charleston brown filled
with more prejudice toward the blacks than were the whites.
The colored people of the North in i860 numbered 237,283,.
♦Census of i860.
54 SKETCH OK SOCIAL HISTORY
Pennsylvania having the largest number, 56,849; then came
New York with 49,005; Ohio, 36,673; New Jersey, 25,318;
Indiana, 11,428; Massachusetts, 9,602; Connecticut, 8,627;
Illinois, 7,628; Michigan, 6,799; Rhode Island, 3,952; Maine,
1,327; Wisconsin, 1,171 ; Iowa, 1,069; Vermont, 709; Kansas.
625 ; New Hampshire, 494; Minnesota, 259; Oregon, 128.
Considerably more than one-half of this population was lo-
cated within the States along the Atlantic Coast, viz. ; Maine,
New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Vermont, Connecticut, Rhode
Island, New York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Here were
to be found 154,883 free colored people. Pennsylvania, New
York and New Jersey took the lead in this population, with
Massachusetts and Connecticut coming next, while Maine,
New Hampshire and Vermont had but few. The cities, Bos-
ton, New York and Philadelphia, were the largest cities of
free colored people then in the North. In Boston there were
2,261 ; New York City, 12,574, while in Philadelphia there
were 22,185
As early as 1787 the free colored people of Philadelphia,
through two distinguished representatives, Absalom Jones and
Richard Allen, "two men of the African race," as the chron-
iclers say, "saw the irreligious and uncivilized state" of the
"people of their complexion," and finally concluded "that a so-
ciety should be formed without regard to religious tenets, pro-
vided the persons lived an orderly and sober life," the purpose
of the society being "to support one another in sickness and
for the benefit of their widows and fatherless children." Ac-
cordingly a society was established, known as the Free Afri-
can Society of Philadelphia, and on the 17th, 5th-mo., 1787,
articles were published, including the following, which is in-
serted to show the breadth of the society's purpose :
ir- ;
ce, /
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 35
*'Aud -we apprehend it to be necessary that the children of
our deceased members be under the care of the Society, so far
as to pay for the education of their children, if they cannot at-
tend free school ; also to put them out apprentices to suitable
tiades or places, if required."*
Shortly after this we read of "the African School for tlie
free instruction of the black people," and in 1796, "The Even-
ing Free School, held at the African Methodist Meeting House
in Philadelphia" was reported as being "kept very orderly, the
scholars behaving in a becoming manner, and their improve-
ment beyond the teachers' expectations, their intellects appear
ing in every branch of learning to be equal to those of the fair-
est complexion." The name African, as the reader will notice
is used with reference to school, church, and individuals; al-
though not to the complete exclusion of "colored people" and
"people of color." These phrases seem to have Been coined in
tfie'^West Indies, and were there applied only to persons of
n ixed Eurojpean and African descent. In the United States
"tHey never obtained such restricted use except in a very few lo-
calities. The practice of using African as a descriptive title of
the free colored people of the North became very extensive and
so continued up to the middle of the centur)^ There were
African societies, churches and schools in all the prominent
centres of this population.
In 1843 one, Mr. P. Loveridge, Agent for Colored Schools
of New York, wrote the editor of the African Methodist Maga-
zine as follows :^ "As to the name of your periodical, act as we
did with the name of our schools — away with Africa. There are
no Africans in your connection. Substitute colored for Afri-
♦Outlines — ^Tanner.
tA. M. E. Magazine, 1843.
36 SKETCH OF SOCIAT. HISTORY
can and it will be, in my opinion, as it should be." The earnest-
ness of the writer shows that the matter of parting- with Afri-
can was then a live question. The cool reply of the editor in-
dicates how strong was the conservative element among the
African people of '43. He says : "We are unable to see the
^ reasonableness of the remarks. It is true we are not Africans,
\ or natives born upon the soil of Africa, yet, as the descendants
I of that race, how can we better manifest that respect due to
V our fathers who begat us. than by the adoption of the term in
4 our institutions, and inscribing it upon our public places of re-
4 sort?" To this Mr. Loveridge rejoins in the following ex-
• p^anatory paragraph : "We who are engaged in the Public
^ Schools in this city found upon examination of about 1500
children who attend our schools from year to year, not one
African child among them. A suggestion was made that we
petition the Public School Society to change the name African
to Colored Schools. The gentlemen of that honorable body.
perceiving our petition to be a logical one, acquiesced with us.
Hence the adjective African (which does not apply to us) wiis
blotted out and Colored substituted in its place. It is 'Public
Schools for Colored Children.' We are Americans and exj^ci
American sympathies."
In 1816 the colored Methodists conceived the idea of or-
ganizing and evangelizing their race, and to this end a conven-
tion was called and assembled in Philadelphia of that year.
composed of sixteen delegates, coming from Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Maryland and New Jersey. The convention adopted
a resolution that the people of Philadelphia, Baltimore and all
other places who should unite with them, should become one
bcKly under the name and style of the African Methodist Epis-
copal Churcii. Similar action was taken by two other bodies of
\
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 37
colored Methodists, one in New York, the other in Wilming-
ton, Delaware, about the same time. The people were coming
together and beginning to understand the value of organiza-
tion. This was manifested in their religious, beneficial and
educational associations that were springing up among them.
In 1 84 1 the African Methodist Magazine appeared, the first
organ of religious communication and thought issued by the
American colored people. It was published in Brooklyn, N. Y.,
Rev. George Hogarth being its editor.
There were papers published by the colored people prior to
the appearance of the African Methodist Magazine, but these
were individual enterprises. They were, however, indices of
the thought of the race, and looking back upon them now, we
may regard them as mile-stones set up along the line of march
over which the people have come. New York, city and State,
appears to have been the home of these early harbingers, and
it was there that the earliest literary centre was established,
corresponding to that centre of religious life and thought
virhich had been earlier founded in Philadelphia. In 1827 the
first newspaper published on this continent by colored rnen
issued from its office in New York7 It was called "Freedom's
Jounial^^andjhad for its mottoJ'Ri^hteousness exalteth a na-
tion." Its editors and proprietors were Me/ssrs. Cornish "S
Russwurm. Its name was subsequently changed to the "Rights
of All," Mr. Cornish probably retiring, and in 1830 it sus-
pended, Mr. Russwurm going to Africa. Then followed "The
Weekly Advocate," "The American," "The Colored Ameri-
can," "The Elevator," "The National Watchman," "The
Clarion," "The Ram's Horn," "The North Star," "Frederick
Douglass' Paper," and finally that crowning literary work of
tiie race, "The Anglo- African."
38' SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY
\ "The Anglo- African" appeared in 1859, under the manage-
I tnent of the strongest and most brilliant purely literary fami-
] lies the American Negro up to that time had produced. It was
\ edited and published by Thomas Hamilton, and like all tBe
^ important literary ventures of the race in those days, had its
j birth in New York. It came out in 1859 and continued
/ through the war, and in 1865 went out of existence honorably.
( having its work well done. Its first volume, that of 1859, cott-
/ tains the ablest papers ever given to the public by the American
) Negro; and taken as a whole this volume is the proudest litcr-
/ ary monument the race has as yet erected.
Reviewing the progress of the race in the North, we may
say, the period of organized benevolence and united religious
effort began before the close of the past century, Philadelphia
being its place of origin : that the religious movement reached
n uch broader and clearer standing about 181 6, and in conse-
quence there sprang up organizations comprehending the
people of the whole country; that the religious movement ad-
vanced to a more intellectual stage when in 1841 the African
Methodist Magazine appeared, since which time the organized
religion of the American Negro has never been for any con-
siderable time without its organs of communication. The
journalistic period began in 1827, its centre being New York
and the work of the journals almost wholly directed to two
ends : the abolition of slavery, and the enfranchisement and
political elevation of the free blacks. This work had reached
its highest form in the Anglo-African, as that epoch of our
national history came to its close in the slave-holders' war.
The titles of the newspapers indicate the opening and con-
tinuance of a period of anti-slavery agitation. Their cdltimn^
were filled with arguments and appeals furnished by men who
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 39
gave their whole souls to the work. It was a period of g^eat
mental activity on the part of the free colored people. They
were discussing- all probable methods of bettering their condi-
tion. It was the period that produced both writers and ora-
tors. In 1830 the first convention called by colored men to con-
sider the general condition of the race and devise means to im-
prove that condition, met in the city of Philadelphia. The his-
tory of this convention is so important that I append a full
account of it as published in the Anglo-African nearly thirty
years after the convention met. It was called through the ef-
forts of Hezekiah Grice, of Baltimore, who afterwards emi-
grated to Hayti, and for many years followed there the occu-
pation of carver and gilder and finally became Director of Pub-
lic Works of the city of Port-au-Prince. While visiting that
city years ago, I met a descendant of Mr, Grice, a lady of great
personal beauty, charming manners, accomplished in the
French language, but incapable of conversing at all in English.
The conventions, begun in 1830, continued to be held an-
nually for a brief period, and then dropped into occasional
and special gatherings. They did much good in the way of
giving prominence to the colored orators and in stemming the
tide of hostile sentiment by appealing to, the country at large in
language that reached many hearts.
The physical condition, so far as the health and strengfth '
of the free colored people were concerned, was good. Their
rnean age was the greatest of any element of our population,
and their increase was about normal, or 1.50 per cent, annually.
In the twenty years from 1840 to i860 it had kept up this
rate with hardly the slightest variation, while the increase of
the free colored people of the South during the same period
had been i per cent, annually.* The increase of persons of
*It is to b€ noted that in Maryland and Virginia an important number
40 SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY
mixed blood in the North did not necessarily imply laxity of
morals, as the census compilers always delig'hted to say, but
could be easily accounted for by the marriages occurring be-
tween persons of this class. I have seen more than fifty per-
sons, all of mixed blood, descend from one couple, and these
with the persons joined to them by marriages as they have
come to marriageable age, amounted to over seventy souls —
all in about a half century. That the slaves had, despite their
fearful death rate, the manumissions and the escapes, increased
twice as fast as the free colored people of the North, three times
as fast as the f reee colored people of the South, and faster than
the white people with all the immigration of that period, can be
accounted for only by the enormous birth rate of that people
consequent upon their sad condition. Their increase was ab-
normal, and when properly viewed, proves too much.
There is no way of determining the general wealth of the
colored people of the North at the period we are describing;
but some light may be thrown upon their material condition
from the consideration that they were supporting a few pub-
lications and building and supporting churches, and were hold-
ers of considerable real estate. In New York city, the thirteen
thousand colored people paid taxes on nearly a million and a
half in real estate, and had over a quarter million of dollars
in the savings banks. It is probable that the twenty-five
thousand in Philadelphia owned more in proportion than their
brethren in New York, for they were then well represented in
business in that city. There were the Fortens, Bowers, Cas-
seys, Gordons, and later Stephen Smith, WiKiam Whipper
and Videl, all of whom were men of wealth and business.
There were nineteen churches owned and supported by colored
of white serving women married Negro slave men in the early days of
these colonies.
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 4£
people of Philadelphia, with a seating capacity of about 10,000
and valued at about $250,000.
*The schools set apart for colored children were very in-
ferior and were often kept alive by great sacrifices on the part
of the colored people themselves. Prior to the war and in
many cases for some time afterward, the colored public schools
-^ere a disgrace to the country. A correspondent writing from
Hollidaysburg, Pa., says, speaking of the school there : "The
result of my inquiries here is that here, as in the majority of
other places, the interest manifested for the colored man is
more for political effect, and that those who prate the loudest
about the moral elevation and political advancement of the
colored man are the first to turn against him when he wants
a friend." The correspondent then goes on to say that the
school directors persist in employing teachers "totally incom-
petent." What the schools were in New York the report
made by the New York Society for the promotion of Education
among Colored Children to the Honorable Commissioners for
examining into the condition of Common Schools in the City
and County of New York, will show. Reverend Charles B.
Ray, who was President of this Society, and Philip A. White,
its Secretary, both continued to labor in the interest of educa-
tion unto the close of their lives, Mr. White dying as a mem-
ber of the School Board of the city of Brooklyn, and Mr. Ray
bequeathing his library to Wilberforce University at his death.
In summing up the conditions which they have detailed in
*In 1835 there were six high schools, or schooi'? for higher education,
m the United States that admitted colored students on equal footing
with others. These were: Oneida Institute, New York; Mount Pleas-
ant, Amherst, Mass.; Canaan, N. H.; Western Reserve, Ohio; Gettys-
burg, Pa.; and "one in the city of Philadelphia of which Miss Buff am"
was "principal." There was also one manual labor school in Madison
County, N. Y., capable of accommodating eighteen students. It was
founded by Gerrit Smith.
4j2 sketch of social history
their report they say : "From a comparison of the sch(X>l
houses occupied by the colored children with the splendid, ai,-
most palatial edifices, with manifold comforts, conveniences
and elegancies which make up the school houses for white chil-
dren in the city of New York, it is clearly evident that the col-
ored children are painfully neglected and positively degraded.
Pent up in filthy neighborhoods, in old dilapidated buildings,
they are held down to low associations and gloomy surroundr
ings. '■' * * The undersigned enter their solemn protest
against this unjust treatment of colored children. They be-
lieve with the experience of Massachusetts, and especially the
recent experience of Boston before them, there is no sound rea-
son why colored children shall be excluded from any of the
common schools supported by taxes levied alike on whites and
blacks, and governed by officers elected by the vote of colored
as well as white voters."
This petition and remonstrance had its effect, for mainly
through its influence within two years very great improve-
ments were made in the condition of the New York colored
schools.
For the especial benefit of those who erroneously think that
the purpose of giving industrial education is a new thing in
our land, as well as for general historical purposes, I call atten-
tion to the establishment of the Institute for Colored Youth in
Philadelphia in 1842. This Institute was founded by the So-
ciety of Friends, and was supported in its early days and pre-
sumably still "by bequests and donations made by members ol
that Society." The objects of the Institute as set forth by its
founders, fifty-seven years ago, are : "The education and im-
provement of colored youth of both sexes, to qualify them to
act as teachers and instructors to their own people, either in
SKETCH OF SOCIAL HISTORY 43?
the various branches of school learning or the mechanic arts '
and agriculture." Two years later the African Methodists )
purchased one hundred and eighty acres of land in eastern i
"OR^^nd established what was called the Union Seminary, on \
the manual labor plan. It did not succeed, but it lingered along,
keeping alive the idea, until it was eclipsed by Wilberforce
University, into which it was finally merged.
The anti-slavery fight carried on in the North, into which
the colored men entered and became powerful leaders, aroused
the race to a deep study of the whole subject of liberty and
brought them in sympathy with all people who had either gained
or were struggling for their liberties, and prompted them to in-
vestigate all countries offering to them freedom. No country
was so well studied by them as Hayti, and from 1824 to i860
there had been considerable emigration thither, Liberia, Cen-
tral and South America and Canada were all considered under
the thought of emigration. Thousands went to Hayti and to
Canada, but the bulk preferred to remain here. They liked
America, and had become so thoroughly in love with the doc-
trines of the Republic, so imbued with the pride of the na-
tion's history, 50 inspired with hope in the nation's future, that
they resolved to live and die on her soil. When the troublous
times of i860 came and white men were fleeing to Canada, col-
ore3~m en reinamed at their posts. They were ready to stand
by the old flag and to take up anus for the Union, trusting that
before the close of the strife the flag might have to them a
new meaning. An impassioned colored orator had said of the /
flag : "Its stars were for the white man, and its stripes foi {
the Negro, and it was very appropriate that the stripes should i
be red." The free Negro of the North was prepared in 1861 I
to support Abraham Lincoln with 40,000 as good American- 1
born champions for universal liberty as the country could pre- :
sent.
44 THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION
NOTES.
THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION.
On the fifteenth day of September, 1830, there was held at
Bethel Church, in the city of Philadelpliia, the first convention of
the colored people of these United States. It was an event of
historical importance; and, whether we regard the times or the
men of whom this assemblage was composed, we find matter
for interesting and profitable consideration.
Emancipation had just taken place in New York, and had just
been arrested in Virginia by the Nat Turner rebellion and Walk-
er's pamphlet. Secret sessions of the legislatures of the several
Southern States had been held to deliberate upon the produc-
tion of a colored man who had coolly recommended to his fel-
low blacks the only solution to the slave question, which, after
twenty-five years of arduous labor of the most hopeful and
noble-hearted of the abolitionists, seems the forlorn hope of
freedom to-day — insurrection and bloodshed. Great Britain
was in the midst of that bloodless revolution which, two years
afterwards, culminated in the passage of the Reform Bill,
and thus prepared the joyous and generous state of the British
heart which dictated the West India Emancipation Act. France
was rejoicing in the not bloodless trots jours de Juliet. Indeed,
the whole world seemd stirred up with a universal excitement,
which, when contrasted with the universal panics of 1837 and
1857, leads one to regard as more than a philosophical specula-
tion the doctrine of those who hold the life of mankind from the
creation as but one life, beating with one heart, animated v^th
one soul, tending to one destiny, although made up of millions
upon millions of molecular lives, gifted with their infinite variety
of attractions and repulsions, which regulate or crystallize them
into evanescent substructures or organizations, which we call
nationalities and empires and peoples and tribes, whose minute
actions and reactions on each other are the histories which ab-
sorb our attention, whilst the grand universal life moves on be-
THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 45
yond our ken, or only guessed at, as the astronomers shadow
out movements of our solar system around or towards some dis-
tant unknown centre of attraction.
_If.,th£ tili^'ss of 1830 were eventful, there were among our peo-
ple, as well as among other peoples, men equal to the occasion.
We had giants in those days ! There were Bishop Allen, the
founder of the great Bethel connection of Methodists, combin-
ing in his person the fiery zeal of St. Francis Xavier with the
skill and power of organizing of a Richelieu; the meek but
equal l y: efhci^ rLt_ ^Rush (w ho yet reriiains_\vith _us in^ fulfilnient
of the Scripture), the father of the Zion Alethodists; Paul,
wTiosTspfendix! presence" and stately eloquence in the pulpit, and
whose grand baptisms in the waters of Boston harbor are a
living tradition in all New England ; the saintly and sainted
P eter Williams, whose view s of the best means of our elevation
are m triumphant activity to-day ; WilHam_HamiIton, the thinker
and actor, whose sparse specimens of eloquence we wilt one day
placg_ in oilded frames as rare and beautiful specimens of Etriis"^
can art — iWiXIiam H amilt on,__iYho- fou:ryjears afterwards, during
the New York riots, when met in the street, loaded down with
iron missiles, and asked where he was going, replied, "To die
on my threshold"; Watkins , of Baltimore ; Frederick Hinton, a
with his polished eloquence; James Forten, the merchant Q
prince; William Whipper, just essaying his youthful powers;
Lewis Woodson and John Peck, of Pittsburg; Austin Steward,
then of Rochester; Samuel E. Cornish, who lir.d the distinguished
honor of reasoning "Gerrit Smith out of colonization, and of tell-
ing Henry Clay that he would never be president of anything
higher than the American Colonization Society; Philip A. Bell,
the born sabreur, who never feared the face of clay, and a hun-
dred others, were the worthily leading spirits_amon^ the colored
people. ■'' ~" "
And yet the idea of the iirst colored convenlion did nol origi-
nate with any of these distinguished men ; it came from a young
man of Baltimore, then, and still, unknown to fame. Born in
that city in iSoi, he was in 1817 apprenticed to a man some
two hundred miles off in the Southeast. Arriving at his field of
labor, he worked hard nearly a week and received poor fare
in return. One day, while at v/ork near the house, the mis-
tress came out and gave him a furious scolding, so furious, in-
deed, that her husband mildly interfered; she drove the latter
away, and threatened to take the Baltimore out of the lad with
46 THE FIRST COLORED CONVEKTION
cowhide, etc., etc. At this moment, to use his own expression,
the lad became converted ,that is, he determined to be his own
master as long as he lived. Early nightfall found him on his
way to Baltimore which he reached after a severe journey which
tested his energy and ingenuity to the utmost. At the age of
twenty-three he was engaged in the summer time in supplying
Baltimore with ice from his cart, and in winter in cutting up
pork for Ellicotts' establishment. He must have been strong
and swift with knife and cleaver, for in one day he cut up and
dressed some four hundred and fifteen porkers.
In 1824 our young friend fell in with Benjamin Lundy, and in
1828-9, with William Lloyd Garrison, editors and publishers of
the "Genius of Universal Emancipation," a radical anti-slavery
paper, whose boldness would put the "National Era" to shame,
printed and published in the slave State of Maryland. In 1829-30
the colored people of the free States were much excited on the
subject of emigration; there had been an emigration to Hayti,
and also to Canada, and some had been driven to Liberia by the
severe laws and brutal conduct of the fermenters of colonizatioa
in Virginia and Maryland. In some districts of these States
the disguised whites would enter the houses of free colored men
at night, and take them out and give them from thirty to fifty
lashes, to get them to consent to go to Liberia.
It was in the spring of 1830 that the young man we have
sketched, J;Iezekiah Grice, conceived the plan of calling together
a meeting or*"convenTron of colored men, in some place north
of the Potomac, for the purpose of comparing views and of
adopting a harmonious movement either of emigration or of de-
termination to remain in the United States ; convinced of the
hopelessness of contending against the oppressions in the
United States, living in the very depth of that oppression and
wrong, his own views looked to Canada ; but he held them sub-
ject to the decision of the majority of the convention which
might assemble.
On the 2d of April, 1830, he addressed a written circular to
prominent colored men in the free States, requesting their opin-
ions on the necessity and propriety of holding such convention,
and stated that if the opinions of a sufificient number warranted
it, he would give time and place at which duly elected delegates
might assemble. Four months passed away, and his spirit al-
most died within him, for he had not received a line from any
THE FIRST COLORED CONVENTION 47
o«e in reply. When he visited Mr. Garrison in his office, and
stated his project, Mr. Garrison took up a copy of Walker's
Appeal, and said, although it might be right, yet it was too early
to have published such a book.
On the I ith of August, howeyerj he received a sudden an_d
peremptory order from Bishop Allen to come instantly to Phil-
adelphia, about the emigration matter. He went, and found a
meeting assembled to consider the conflicting reports on Can-
ada of Messrs. Lewis and Dutton ; at a subsequent meeting,
held the next night, and near the adjournment, the Bishop called
Mr. Grice aside and gave to him to read a printed circular,
issued from New York City, strongly approving of l^.Ir. Grice's
plan of a convention, and signed by Peter Williams, Peter \''o-
gelsang and Thomas L. Jinnings. The Bishop added, "My
dear child, we must take some action immediately, or else these
New Yorkers will get ahead of us." The Bishop left the meet-
ing to attend a lecture on chemistry by Dr. Wells, of Baltimore.
Mr. Grice introduced the subject of the convention; and a com-
mittee consisting of Bishop Allen, Benjamin Pascal, Cyrus
Black, James Cornish and Junius C. Morel, were appointed to
lay the matter before the colored people of Philadelphia. This
committee, led, doubtless, by Bishop Allen, at once issued a
call for a convention of the colored men of the United States, to
be held in the city of Philadelphia on the 15th of September,
r830.
Mr. Grice returned to Baltimore rejoicing at the success of
his project ; but, in the same boat which bore him down the
Chesapeake, he was accosted by Mr. ZoUickoffer, a member of
the Society of Friends, a Philadelphian, and a warm and tried
friend of the blacks. Mr. ZoUickoffer used arguments, and even
entreaties, to dissuade Mr. Grice from holding the convention,
pointing out the dangers and difficulties of the same should it
succeed, and the deep injury it would do the cause in case of fail-
ure. Of course, it was reason and entreaty thrown away.
On the fifteenth of September, Mr. Grice again landed in
Philadelphia, and in the fulness of his expectation asked every
colored man he met about the convention ; no one knew any-
thing about it ; the first man did not know the meaning of the
^ord, and another man said, "Who ever heard of colored people
'holding a convention — convention, indeed!" Finally, reaching
"^fie^'plaice "ofrneeting, he found. In solemn conclave, the five
48 THE FIRST COLOKED CONVENTION
gentlemen uho had constituted themselves delegates: with a
warm welcome from Bishop Allen, Mr. Grice, who came witk
credentials from the people of Baltimore, was admitted as
delegate. A little while after, I^r.. Burtorij. of ...Philadelphia,
dropped in, and demanded by what right the six gentlemen
held their seats as members of the convention. On a hint from
Bishop Allen, Mr. Pascal moved that Dr. Burton be elected an
"honorary member of the convention, which softened the Doctor.
In half an hour, five or six grave, stern-looking men, members
of the Zion Methodist body in Philadelphia, entered, and de-
manded to know by what right the mem.bers present held their
seats and undertook to represent the colored people. Another
iiint from the Bishop, and it was moved that these gentlemen
be etecf ed' Tfoiiorary members. But the gentlemen would submit
to no such thing, and would accept nothing short of full mem-
bership, which was granted them.
Among the delegates were Abraham Shadd, of Delaware ;
J. W. C. Pennington, of Brooklyn; Austin Steward, of Roch-
ester; Horace Easton, of Boston, and Adams, of Utica.
The main subject of discussion was emigration to Canada;
Jumus C. Morel, chairm.ari of a committee on that subject, pre-
sented a report, on which there was a two days' discussion ; the
point discussed was that the report stated that "ihe lands ,.m
Canada were synonymous with those of the Northern. §iates-.'
The word svnonymous was objected to, and the word similar^
proposed i n 1 1 TTtead! ~^I r . Morel, with great vigor and inge-
nuity, defended the report, but was finally voted down, and the
word similar adopted. The convention reccniiDCDdeiUemigra-
tion to Canada, passed strong resolutions against the American
Colonization Society, and at its adjournment appointed the next
annual convention of the people of color to be held in Philadel-
phia, on the first Monday in June, 183 1.
At the present day, when colored conventions are almost
as frequent as church meetings, it is difficult to estimate the
bold and daring spirit which inaugurated the Colored Conven-
tion of 1830. It was the right move, originating in the right
quarter and at the right time. Glorious old Maryland, or, as
one speaking in the view that climate grows the men, would
V say, — Maryland-Virginia region, — which has produced Benjamin
■ Banneker, Nat. Turner, Frederick Douglass, the parents of Ira
Aldridge. Henry Highland Garnett and Sam. Ringold Ward.
THE FIRST COLOFED CONVENTION 49'
also produced the founder of colored conventions, Hezekiah
^rice ! At that time, in the prime of his young manhood, he
must have presented the front of one equal to any fortune,
able to achieve any undertaking. Standing six feet high, well-
proportioned, of a dark bronze complexion, broad brow, and
that stamp of features out of which the Greek sculptor would
have delighted to mould the face of Vulcan — he was, to the
fullest extent, a working man of such sort and magnetism as
would lead his fellows where he listed.
In looking to the important results that grew out of this
convention, the independence of thougl.ii and self-assertion of
the black man are the most remarkable. Then^ the union jpi
purpose and union of strength which grew out of the^ acquaint-
anceship and mutual pledges of colored men from different
SfatSSV Theii, the subsequent conventions, where the great men
we have already named, and others, appeared and took part in
the discussions with manifestations of zeal, talent and ability,
which attracted Garrison, the Tappans, Jocelyn and others of
that noble host, who, drawing no small portion of their inspira-
tion from their black brethren in bonds, did manfully fight in
'tji e^ days of "anti-slavery which trief! men's souls, and when,
~tobe an aboTftlonlst, was, to a large extent, to be a martyr.
We cannot help adding the thought that had these conven-
tions of the colored people of the United States continued
their annual sittings from 1830 until the present time, the re-
sult would doubtless have been greater general progress among
our people themselves, a more united front to meet past and
coming exigencies, and a profounder hold upon the public at-
tention, and a deeper respect on the part of our enemies than
we now can boast of. Looking at public opinion as it is, the
living law of the land, and yet a malleable, ductile entity, which
can be moulded, or at least affected, by the thoughts of any
masses \agorously expressed, we should have become a power
on earth, of greater strength and influence than in our present
scattered and dwindled state we dare even dream of. The
very announcement. "Thirtieth Annual Convention of the Col-
ored People of the United States,'' would bear a majestic front.
Our great gathering at Rochester in 1853. commanded not only
public attention, but respect and admiration. Should we have
.such a gathering even now, once a year, not encumbered with
elaborate plans of action, with too many wheels within wheels.
50 THE KIRSr a^LORED CONVENTION
we can yet regain much of the ground lost. The partial gath-
ering at Boston, the other day, has already assumed its place in
the public mind, and won its way into the calculations of the
politicians.
Our readers will doubtless be glad to learn the subsequent
history of Mr. Grice. He did not attend the second conven-
tion, but in the interval between the second and third he formed,
in the city of Baltimore, a "Legal Rights Association," for t he_^
purpose of ascertaining the legal status of the colored man in
the United States. It was entirely composed of colored men,
among whom were Mr. Watkins (the colored Baltimorean),
Mr. Deaver, and others. Air. Grice called on William Wirt, and
asked him "what he charged~Tor his opinion" on a given sub-
ject." "Fifty dollars." "Then, sir, I will give you fifty dollars
if you will give me your opinion on the legal condition of a free
colored man in these United States."
Mr. Wirt required the questions to be written out in proper
form before he could answer them. Mr. Grice employed Tyson,
who drew up a series of questions, based upon the Constitu-
tion of the United States, and relating to the rights and citizen-
ship of the free black. He carried the questions to Mr. Wirt,
; who, glancing over them, said, "Really, sir, my position as an
'■ officer under the government renders it a delicate matter for me
to answer these questions as they should be answered, but I'll
tell you what to do : they should be answered, and by the best
legal talent in the land ; do you go to Philadelphia, and present
my name to Horace Binney, and he will give you an answer
satisfactory to you. and which viill command the greatest re-
spect throughout the land." Mr. Grice went to Philadelphia,
and presented the questions and request to Horace Binney.
This gentleman pleaded age and poor eyesight, but told Mc
Grice that if he w-ould call on John Sargent he would get an-
swers of requisite character and weight. Pie called on John
Sargent, who promptly agreed to answer the questions if Mr.
Binney would allow his name to be associated as an authority
in the replies. Mr. Binney again declined, and so the matter
fell through. This is what Mr. Grice terms his "Dred Scott
case"and so it was.
He attended the convention of 1832, but by some informality,
or a want of credentials, was not permitted to sit as full mem-
ber! — Saul ejected from among the prophets! — Yet he was
THE FIRST COLORED CONVKN'TION 5 1
heard on the subject of rights, and the doctrine of "our rights," /
as well as the first colored, convention, are due to the same man. '
In 1832, chagrined at the colored people of the United States,
he migrated to Hayti, where, until 1843, ^^ pursued the business
of carver and gilder. In the latter year he was appointed Di-
rector of Public Works in Port-au-Prince, which ofiice he held
until two years ago. He is also engaged in, and has wide
knowledge of machinery and engineering. Every two or three
years he visits New York, and is welcomed to the arcana of
such men as James J. Mapes, the Bensons, Dunhams, and at .
the various works where steam and iron obey human ingenuity
in our city. He is at present in this city, lodging at the house
of the widow of his old friend and coadjutor, Thomas L. Jin-
nings, 133 Reade street. We have availed ourselves of his
presence among us to glean from him the statements which we l
have imperfectly put together in this article.
We cannot dismiss this subject without the remark, of pecu-
liar pertinence at this moment, that it would have been better
for our people had Mr. Cjrice never left these United States.
The twenty-seven years he has passed in Hayti, although not
without their mark on the fortunes of that island, are 3'et with
out such mark as he would have made in the land and upon the
institutions among which he was born. So early as his thirty- *
second year, before he had reached his intellectual prime, fie
had inaugurated two of the leading ideas on which our people
have since acted, conventions to consider and alleviate their
grievances, and the struggle for legal rights. If he did such
things in early youth, what might he not have done w'ith the
full force and bent of his matured intellect ? And where, in the
wide world, in what region, or under what sun, could he so
effectually have labored to elevate the black man as on this soil
and under American institutions ?
So profoundly are we opposed to the favorite doctrine of the I
Puritans and their co-workers, the colonizationists — Ubi Lib-
ertas, ibi Patria — that we could almost beseech Divine Provi-
<lence to reverse some past events and to fling back into the
heart of Virginia and Maryland their Sam Wards, Highland
Garnets, J. W. Penningtons, Frederick Douglasses, and the
twenty thousand who now shout hosannas in Canada — and we
would soon see some stirring in the direction of Ubi Patria, ibi
Libertas. — Anglo- African Magazine, October, 1859.
52
ElU-eATIOX AMdNC COLORED CHILDREN
B.
COMMUNICATION FROM THE NEW YORK SOCIETY
FOR THE PROMOTION OF EDUCATION
AMONG COLORED CHILDREN.
To the Honorable the Commissioners for examining into the
condition of Common Schools in the City and County of
New York.
The following statement in relation to the colored schools in
said city and county is respectfully presented by the New York
Society for the Promotion of Education among Colored Chil-
dren :
1. The number of colored children in the city and county of
New York (estimated in 1855, from the census of 1850), be-
tween the ages of 4 and 17 years 3,000
a. Average attendance of colored children at public
schools in 1855 913
Average attendance of colored children in
corporate schools supported by school fimds
(Colored Orphan Asylinn) 240
b. Proportion of average attendance in public
schools of colored children to whole number
of same is as i to 2.60.
2. The number of Vvhite children in the city of New
York in 1855 (estimated as above), between the ages of
4 and 17 years 159,000
a. Average attendance of while children in public
schools in 1855 .43,858
Average attendance of white children in
corporate schools supported by public
funds 2,826
46.684
b. Proportion of average attendance of white chil-
dren in public schools to v.hoIc number of same
is as I to 3.40.
3. From these facts it appears that colored children attend
the public schools (and schools supported by public funds in
the city of New York) in the proportion of i to 2.60, and that
the white children attend similar schools in said city in the pro-
portion of I to 3.40; that is to say, nearly 25 per cent, more of
colored children than of wliite children attend the public schools.
EDUCATION AMONG COLORED CHILDREN 53
and schools supported by public funds in the city of New York.
4. The number of colored children attending private schools
in the city of New York, 125.
a. The number of white children attendinj^ private
schools in 1850, census gave 10,560, which number has since
been increased by the establishment of Catholic parochial
schools, estimated in 1856, 17,560.
b. The proportion of colored children attending private
schools to white children attending same, is as i to 140.
c. But the average attendance of colored children in all
schools is about the same as that of the white in propor-
tion, that is to say, as many colored children attend the
public schools as do whites attend l^otli public and private
schools, in proportion to the whole number of each class
of children.
Locality, capability, etc., of colored schools.
1. The Board of Education, since its organization, has
expended in sites and buildings for white schools $1,600,000.
b. The Board of Education has expended for sites and
buildings for colored schools (addition to building leased
19 Thomas), $1,000.
c. The two schoolhouses in possession of the Board
now used for colored children were assigned to same by
the Old Public School Society.
2. The proportion of colored children to white children
attending public schools is as i to 40.
a. The sum expended on school buildings and sites of
colored and white schools by the Board of Education is as
I to 1,600.
3. a. Schoolhouse No. i. for colored children, is an old
building, erected in 1820 by the New York Manumission Society
as a school for colored children, in Mulberry street, in a poor
but decent locality. It has two departments, one male and one
female ; it consists of two stories only, and has two small reci-
tation rooms on each floor, but as primary as well as grammar
children attend each department, much difficulty and confusion
arises from the want of class room for the respective studies.
The building covers only part of the lot, and as it is the best
attended and among the best taught of the colored schools, a
new and ample school building, erected in this place, would
prove a great attraction, and could be amply filled bv children.
54 EDUCATION AMONG COLORED CHILDREN
b. Schoolhouse No. 2, erected in Laurens street more-
than twenty years ago for colored children by the Public
School Society, is in one of the lowest and filthiest neigh-
borhoods, and hence, although it has competent teachers
in the male and female departments, and a separate pri-
mary department, the attendance has always been slender,
and will be until the school is removed to a neighborhood
where children may be sent without danger to their morals.
c. School No. 3, for colored children, in Yorkville, is
an old building, is well attended, and deserves, in connection
with Schoolhouse No. 4, in Harlem, a new building midway
between the present localities.
d. Schoolhouse No. 5, for colored children, is an old
building, leased at No. 19 Thomas street, a most degraded
neighborhood, full of filth and vice ; yet the attendance on
this school, and the excellence of its teachers, earn for it the
need of a new site and new building.
e. Schoolhouse No. 6, for colored children, is in Broad-
way, near 37th street, in a dwelling house leased and fitted
up for a school, in which there is always four feet of water
in the cellar. The attendance good. Some of the school
officers have repeatedly promised a new building.
f. Primary school for colored children, No. i, is in the
basement of a church on 15th street, near 7th avenue,
in a good location, but premises too small for the attend-
ance ; no recitation rooms, and is perforce both primary
and grammar school, to the injury of the progress of all.
g. Primary schools for colored children. No. 2 and 3,
are in the rear of church, in 2d street, near 6th avenue; the
rooms are dark and cheerless, and without the needful
facilities of sufficient recitation rooms, etc.
From a comparison of the schoolhouses with the splendid,
almost palatial edifices, with manifold comforts, conveniences
and elegancies which make up the schoolhouses for white chil-
dren in the city of New York, it is evident that the colored
children are painfully neglected and positively degraded. Pent
up in filthy neighborhoods, in old and dilapidated buildings,
they are held down to low associations and gloomy surround-
ings.
Yet Mr. Superintendent Kiddle, at a general examination of
colored schools held in Jwly last (for silver medals awarded by
EDUCATION AMONO COLORED CHILDREN 55
the society now addressing your honorable body) declared the
reading and spelling equal to that of any schools in the city.
The undersigned enter their solemn protest against this un-
just treatment of colored children. They believe with the experi-
ence of Massachusetts, and especially the recent experience of
Boston before them, there is no sound reason why colored chil-
dren shall be excluded from any of the common schools sup-
ported by taxes levied alike on whites and blacks, and governed
by officers elected by the vote of colored as well as white voters.
But if in the judgment of your honorable body common
schools are not thus common to all, then we earnestly pray you
to recommend to the Legislature such action as shall cause the
Board of Education of this city to erect at least two well-ap-
pointed modern grammar schools for colored children on suit-
able sites, in respectable localities, so that the attendance of
colored children may be increased and their minds be elevatedl
in like manner as the happy experience of the honorable Board
of Education has been in the matter of white children.
In addition to the excellent impulse to colored youth which-
these new grammar schools would give, they will have the addi-
tional argument of actual economy ; the children will be taught
with far less expense in two such schoolhouses than in the half
dozen hovels into which they are now driven. It is a costly
piece of injustice which educates the white scholar in a palace
at $io per year and the colored pupil in a hovel at $17 or $18
per annum.
Taxes, etc., of colored population of the city.
No proposition can be more reasonable than that they who
pay taxes for schools and schoolhouses should be provided with
schools and schoolhouses. The colored population of this city,
in proportion to their numbers, pay their full share of the gen-
eral and therefore of the school taxes. There are about nine
thousand adults of both sexes ; of these over three thousand
are householders, rent-payers, and therefore tax-payers, in that
sense of the word in which owners make tax-payers of their
poor tenants. The colored laboring man, with an income of
$200 a year, who pays $72 per year for a room and bedroom,
is really in proportion to his means a larger tax-payer than the
millionaire whose tax rate is thousands of dollars.
But directly, also, do the colored people pay taxes. From
examinations carefully made, the undersigned affirm that there
5-6 EDUCATION AMONG c:OLOREl) CHILDREN
are in the city at least i.ooo colored persons who own and pay
taxes on real estate.
Taxed real estate in the city of New York owned
by colored persons $1,400,000
Untaxed by colored persons (churches) 250,000
Personal estate 710,000
Money in savings banks 1,121,000
$3,481,000
These figures indicate that in proportion to their numbers,
the colored population of this city pay a fair share of the school
taxes, and that they have been most unjustly dealt with. Their
money has been used to purchase sites and erect and fit up
schoolhouses for white children, whilst their own children are
driven into miserable edifices in disgraceful localities. Surely,
the white population of the city are too able, too generous, too
just, any longer to suffer this miserable robbing of their colored
fellow-citizens for the benefit of white children.
Praying that your honorable commission will take due notice
of these facts, and recommend such remedy as shall seem to you
best.
We have the honor to be, in behalf of the New York Society
for the Promotion of Education among Colored Citizens,
Most respectfullv vours,
CHARLES B. RAY, President.
PHILIP A WHITE, Secretary.
New York City, December 28, 1857.
AMERICAN' NEGRO AND IHE MJLITARV SPIRIT 57
CHAPTER 11.
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MTLtTARY SPIRIT.
Early Literature of Negro Soldiers— Negro Soldiers in the War of the
Revolution — The War of 1812 — Negro Insurrections — Negro Troops
in the Civil War — Notes.
"Do you think I'll make a soldier?" is the opening line of
one of those delightful spirituals, originating among the slaves
in the far South. I first heard it sung in the Saint James
Methodist Church, corner of Spring- and Coming Streets,
Charleston, South Carolina, immediately after the close of the
war. It was sung by a vast congregation to a gentle, swing-
ing air, with nothing of the martial about it, and was accom-
panied by a swaying of the body to the time of the music. Oc-
casionally there would be the "curtesys" peculiar to the South
Carolina slave of the low country, which consists in a stoop-
ing of the body by bending the knees only, the head remain-
ing erect, a movement which takes the place
of the bow among- equals. The older ladies, with
lieads adorned with the ever-present Madras kerchief,
often tied in the most becoming and tasteful man-
ner, and faces aglow with an enthusiasm that bespoke a
life w'ithin sustained by visions of spiritual things, would often
be seen to shake hands and add a word of greeting and hope
which would impart a charm and meaning to the singing far
above what the humble words of the song without these acces-
sories could conve)^ As the rich chorus of matchless voices
poured out in perfect time and tune, "Rise, shine, and give
God the glory," the thoughts of earthly freedom, of freedom
5? AMEUICAN NEGRO AND THK MILITARY SPIRIT
from sin, and linally of freedom from the toils, cares and sor-
rows of earth to be baptized into the joys of heaven, all seemed
to blend into the many colored but harmonious strain. The
singing- of the simple hearted trustful, emancipated slave!
Shall we ever hear the like again on earth? Alas, that the
high hopes and glowing prophecies of that auspicious hour
have been so deferred that the hearts of millions have been
made sick !
Of the songs that came out of slavery with these long suffer-
ing people, Colonel Higginson, who perhaps got nearer to
them in sentiment than any other literary man not really of
them, says : "Almost all their songs were thoroughly re-
ligious in their tone, however quaint their expression, and were
in a minor key lioth as to words and music. The attitude is
always the same, and, as a commentary on the life of the race.
is infinitely pathetic. Nothing but patience for this life —
nothing but triumph in the next. Sometimes the present pre-
dominates, sometimes the future; but the combination is always
implied."
I do not know when this "soldier" song had its birth, but
it may have sprung out of the perplexity of the slave's mind
as he contemplated the raging conflict and saw himself drawn
nearer and nearer to the field of strife. Whether in this song
the "present predominates," and the query, therefore, has a
strong primary reference to carnal weapons and to garments
dyed in blood ; whether the singer invites an opinion as to his
fitness to engage in the war for Freedom — it may not be pos-
sible to determine. The "year of Jubilee," coming in the same
song in connection with the puqx)se for which the singer is
to be made a soldier, gives clearer illustration of that combina-
tion of the present and future which Mr. Higginson says was
always present in the spirituals of that period, if it shows no
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 59^
more. When it is remembered that at that time Charleston
was literally trodden under foot by black soldiers in bright
uniforms, whose coming- seemed to the colored people of that
city like a dream too good to be true, it is not hard to believe
that this song had much of the present in it, and owed its birth
to the circumstances of war.
Singularly enough the song makes the Negro ask the exact
question which had been asked about him from the earliest
days of our history as a nation, a question which in some form
confronts him still. The question, as the song has it, is not one
of fact, but one of opinion. It is not : Will I make a soldier ?
but: Do you think I will make a soldier? It is one thing to
"make a soldier," another thing to have men think so. The
question of fact was settled a century ago; the question of
opinion is still unsettled. The Negro soldier, hero^ of five hun-
dred battlefields, with medals and honors resting upon his
breast, with the endorsement of the highest military authority
of the nation, with Port Hudson, El Caney and San Juan be-
hind him, is still expected by too many to stand and await the
verdict of thought, from persons who never did "think" he
would make a soldier, and who never will think so. x\s well
expect the excited animal of the ring to think in the presence
of the red rag of the toreador as to expect them to think on
the subject of the Negro suldier. They can curse, and rant,
when they see the stalwart Negro in uniform, but it is too
much to ask them to think. To themjlie Negro can be a fiend.
a brute, but never a soldier.
To John G. Whittier and to William C. Nell are we in-
debted for the earliest recital of the heroic deeds of the col-
ored American in the Wars of the Revolution and 1812.
Whittier contributed an article on this subject to the "National
Era" in 1847, ^^^ ^^'^ or six years later Nell published his
•6o AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITAKY SPIRIT
pamphlet on "Colored Patriots," a booklet recently reprinted
by the African Methodist Episcopal Church. It is a useful con-
tribution, showing as it does the rising and spreading abroad
of that spirit which appreciates military effort and valor; and
while recognizing the glory that came to American arms in the
period described, honestly seeks to place some of that glory
upon the deserving brow of a race then enslaved and despised.
The book is unpretentious and aims to relate the facts in a
straight- forward way, unaccompanied by any of the charms of
tasteful presentation. Its author, however, is deserving our
thanks, and the book marks an important stage in the develop-
ment of the colored American. His mind was turning toward
the creation of the soldier — the formation of armies.
There are other evidences that the mind of the colored man
was at this time turning towards arms. In 1852 Doctor Pen-
nington, one of the most learned colored men of his times, hav-
ing received his Degree in Divinity from Heidelberg, delivered
an address before a mass convention of colored citizens of
Ohio, held in Cleveland, in which he spoke principally of the
colored soldier. During the convention the "Cleveland Light
Artillery" fired a salute, and on the platform were seated sev-
eral veteran colored men, some of them, particularly Mr. John
Julius, of Pittsburg, Pa., taking part in the speech-making.
Mr. Nell says : "Within recent period several companies of
colored men in New York city have enrolled themselves a la
militaire," and quotes from the New York Tribune of August,
1852, as follows:
"COLORED SOLDIERS.— Among the many parades
within a few days we noticed yesterday 'a soldierly-looking
company of colored men, on their way homeward from a tar-
get or parade drill. They looked like men, handled their arms
like men, and should occasion demand, we presume they would
fight like men."
AMERICAN NHGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 6t
In Boston, New Haven, New Bedford and other places ef-
forts were made during the decade from 1850 to i860 to mani-
fest this rising- military spirit by appropriate organization, but
the efforts were not always successful. In some cases the
prejudices of the whites put every possible obstacle in the
way of the colored young men who attempted to array them-
selves as soldiers.
The martial spirit is not foreign to the Negro character, as
has been abundantly proved in both ancient and modern times.
Wiljiams, in his admirable history of the Negro as well as in
Tiis "Negro Troops in the Rebellion," has shown at consider-
able length that the Negro has been a soldier from earliest
times, serving in large numbers in the Egyptian army long be-
fore the beginning of the Christian era. We know that with-
out any great modification in character, runaway slaves de-
veloped excellent fighting qualities as Maroons, in Trinidad,
British Guiana, St. Domingo and in Florida. But it was in
Hayti that the unmixed Negro rose to the full dignity of a
modern soldier, creating and leading armies, conducting and
carrying on war, treating with enemies and receiving surrend-
ers, complying fully with the rules of civilized warfare, and
evolving finally a Toussaint, whose military genius his most
bitter enemies were compelled to recognize — Toussaint, who
to the high qualities of the soldier added also the higher quali-
ties of statesmanship. With Napoleon, Cromwell and Wash-
ington, the three great commanders of modern times who have
joined to high military talent eminent ability in the art of
civil go\'ernment, we must also class Toussaint L'Ouverteur,
the black_soldier of the Antilles. Thiers, the prejudiced at-
torney of Napoleon, declares nevertheless 'that Toussaint pos-
sessed wonderful talent for g^overnment, and the fact ever re-
mains that under his benign rule all classes were pacified and
62 AMERICAN NEGRO AXD THE MILITARY SPIRIT
Snn Domingo was made to blossom as the rose. In the armies
of Mcneiek, in the armies of France, in the armies of England,
as well as in the organization of the Zulu and Kaffir tribes
the Negro has shown himself a soldier. If the Afro- American
.should fail in this particular it will not be because of any lack
of the military element in the African side of his character, or
lor any lack of ''remorseless military audacity" in the original
Negro, as the historian, Williams, expresses it.
In our own Revolutionary War, the Negro, then but par-
tially civilized, and classed with "vagabonds," held every-
where as a slave, and everywhere distrusted, against protest
r.nd enactment, made his way into the patriot army, fighting
side by side with his white compatriots from Lexington to
Yorktown. On the morning of April 19th. 1775, when the
British re-enforcements were preparing to leave Boston for
Lexington, a Negro soldier who had served in the French war,
commanded a .small body of West Cambridge "exempts" and
captured Lord Percy's supply train with its military escort and
the officer in command. As a rule the Negro soldiers were
distributed among the regiments, thirty or forty to a regiment,
and did not serve in separate organizations. Bishop J._P.
Campbell, of the African Metho<;list Church, was accustomed
to say "both of my grandfathers served in the Revolutionary
War." In \'arnum's Brigade, however, there was a Negro
regiment and of it Scribner's history, 1897, says, speaking of
the battle of Rhode Island : "None behaved better than
Greene's colored regiment, which three times repulsed the fur-
ious charges of veteran Hessians." Williams says: "The
"^ilack regiment was one of three that prevented the enemy from
turning the flank of the American army. These black troops
were doubtless regarded as the weak spot of the line, but they
were not."
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 65
The colon)' of Massachusetts alone furnished 67,907 men
for the Revolutionary War, while all the colonies tog-ether
south of Pennsylvania furnished but 50,493, hence the senti-
ment prevailing in Massachusetts would naturally be very
pOAverful in determining- any question j^ertaining to the army.
When the country sprang to arms in response to that shot fired
at Lexington, the echoes of which, poetically speaking, werd
heard around the world, the free Negroes of every Northern
colony rallied with their white neighbors. They were in the
-fight at Lexington and at Bunker Hill, but when Washington
came to take command of the army he soon gave orders that
no Negroes should be enlisted. He was sustained in this posi-
tion by a council of war and by a committee of conference in
which were representatives from Rhode Island, Connecticut
and Massachusetts, and it was agreed that Negroes be rejected
altogether. The American Negro's persistency in pressing J^
himself where he is not wanted but where he is eminently
needed began right there. Within six weeks so many colored
men applied for enlistment, and those that had been put our
of the army raised such a clamor that Washington changed his
policy, and the Negro, who of all America's population con-
tended for the privilege of shouldering a gun to fight for
American liberty, was allowed a place in the Continental Army,
the first national army organized on this soil, ante-dating the
national flag. The Negro soldier helped to evolve the national
standard and was in the ranks of the fighting men over whom |
it first unfolded its broad stripes and glittering stars.
*"To the Honorable General Court of the Massachusetts Bay :
"The subscribers beg leave to report to your Honorable House, which
we do in justice to the character of so brave a man, that, under our own
observation, we declare that a Negro man called Salem Poor, of Col. Frye's
regiment, Capt. Ames' company, in the late battle at Charlestown, be-
64 AMERICAN NEf.RO AND JHE MILTIARV SPIRI'l"
It is in place here to mention a legion of free mulattoes and
blacks from the Island of St. Domingo, a full account of
whose services is appended to this section, who fought under
D'Estaing with great distinction in the siege of Savannah,
their bravery at that time saving the patriot army from anni-
In'lation.
When the Revolutionary War had closed the brave black soi-
dier who had fought to give to the world a new flag whose
every star should be a star of hope to the oppressed, and whose
trinity of colors; should symbolize Liberty, Equalty and Fraj-
ternity. found his race, and in some instances himself persons-
ally, encased in a cruel and stubborn slaver3^ For the soldier
himself special provision had been made in both Northern
and Southern colonies, but it was not always hearty or effec-
tive. In October, 1783, the Virginia Legislature passed an act
for llie relief of certain slaves who had served in the army
haved like an experienced officer, as well as an excellent soldier. We
would only beg leave to say, in the person of this said Negro centres a
brave and gallant soldier. The reward due to so great and distinguished
a character we submit to the Congress.
"Cambridge, Dec. S, I775-"
These black soldiers, fresh from heathen lands, not out of slavery,
proved themselves as worthy as the best. In the battle of Bunker Hill,
where all were brave, two Negro soldiers so distinguished themselves that
their names have come down to us garlanded with the tributes of their
contemporaries. Peter Salem, until then a slave, a private in Colonel
Nixon's regiment of Continentals, without orders fired deliberately upon
Major Pitcaim as he was leading the assault of the British to what ap-
peared certain victory. Everet in speaking "of Prescott, Putnam and War-
ren, the chiefs of the day," mentions in immediate connection "the colored
man, Salem, who is reported to have shot the gallant Pitcaim as he
mounted the parapet."' What Salem Poor did is not set forth, but the fol-
lowing is the wreath of praise that surrounds his name:
Jona. Brewer, Col. Eliphalet Bodwell, Sgt.
Thomas Nixon, Lt.-Col. Josiah Foster, Lieut.
Wm. Precott, Col. Rbenr. Varnuni, 2d Lieut.
Ephm. Corey, Lieut. Wm. Hudson Ballard, Capt.
Joseph Baker, Lieut. William Smith, Capt.
Joshua Row, Lieut. John Morton, Sergt. (?)
Jonas Richardson, Capt. Richard Welsh, Lieut.
AMERICAN NEGRO ANT' i'HK MIMTARY SPIRIT 65
whose "former owners were trying to force to return to a state
of servitude, contrary to the principles of justice and their
solemn promise." The act provided that each and every slave
who had enlisted "by the appointment and direction of his
owner" and had "been received as a substitute for any free
person whose duty or lot it was to serve" and who had serv'ed
faithfully during the term of such enlistment, unless lawfully
discharged earlier, should be fully and completely emancipated
and should be held and deemed free in as full and ample man-
ner as if each and every one of them were specially named in
the act. The act, though apparently so fair on its face, and in-
lerlarded as it is with patriotic and moral phrases, is neverthe-
!ess very narrow and technical, liberating only those who en^
listed by the appointment and direction of their owners, and
who were accepted as substitutes, and who came out of the
army with good discharges. It is not hard to see that even
under this act many an ex-soldier might end his days in slav-
ery. The Negro had joined in the fight for freedom and when
victory is won finds himself a slave. He was both a slave and
a soldier, too often, during the war ; and now at its close may
be both a veteran and a slave.
The second war with Great Britain broke out with an inci- /
dent in which the Negro in the navy was especially conspicuou.s.
The Chesapeake, an American war vessel was hailed, fired upon
and forced to strike her colors, by the British. She was then
boarded and searched and four persons taken from her decks,
claimed as deserters from the English navy. Three of these
were Negroes and one white. The Negroes were finally di^- \
mis.sed with a reprimand and the white man hanged. Five
years later hostilities began on land and no opix)sition was man-
ifested toward the employment of NegTO soldiers. Laws were
passed, especially in New York, authorizing the formation of
5
66 AMERICAN NEtJRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT
regiments of blacks with white officers. It is remarkable that
although the successful insurrection of St. Domingo was so
recent, and many refugees from that country at that time were
in the United States, and our country had also but lately
come into possession of a large French element by the Louis-
iana purchase, there was no fear of a servile insurrection in
this country. The free colored men of New Orleans, under the
proclamation of the narrow-minded Jackson, rallied to the de-
fence of that city and bore themselves with commendable valor
in that useless battle. The war closed, however, and the glory
of the Negro soldier who fought in it soon expired in the dis-
mal gloom of a race-slavery becoming daily more .wide-spread
and hopeless.
John Brown's movement was military in character and con-
templated the creation of an army of liberated slaves; but its
early suppression prevented any display of Negro valor or gen-
ius. Its leader must ever receive the homage due those who
are so moved by the woes of others as to overlook all con-
siderations of ix)licy and personal risk. As a plot for the
destruction of life it fell far short of the Nat Turner insurrec-
tion which swept off fifty-seven persons within a few hours.
In purpose the two episodes agree. They both aim at the lib-
eration of the slave ; both were led by fanatics, the reflex pro-
duction of the cruelty of slavery, and both ended in the melan-
choly death of their heroic leaders. Turner's was the insur-
rection of the slave and was not free from the mad violence of
revenge; Brow^n's was the insurrection of the friend of the
slave, and was governed by the high and noble purpose of free-
dom. The insurrections of Denmark Vesey in South Carolina,
in 1822, and of Nat Turner, in Virginia, in 1831. show con-
clusively that the Negro slave possessed the courage, the cun-
ning, the secretiveness and the intelligence to fight for his free-,
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MILITARY SPIRIT 67
tlom. These two attempts were sufficiently broad and intelli-
g-ent, when taken into consideration with the enforced ignor-
ance of the slave, to prove the Negro even in his forlorn con-
dition capable of daring great things. Of the probable thous-
ands who were engag^ed in the Denmark Vesey insurrection^
only fifteen were convicted, and these died heroically without
revealing anything connected with the plot. Forty-three years
later I met the son of Denmark Vesey, who rejoiced in the
efforts of his noble father, and regarded his death on the gal-
lows as a holy sacrifice to the cause of freedom. Turner de-
scribes his fight as follows : "The white men, eighteen in num-
ber, approached us to about one hundred yards, when one of
them fired, and I discovered about half of them retreating. I
then ordered my men to fire and rush on them. The few re-
maining stood their ground until w^e approached within fifty
yards, when they fired and retreated. We pursued and over-
took some of them whom we thought we left dead. After pur-
suing them about two hundred yards, and rising a little hill,
1 discovered they were met by another party, and had halted
and were reloading their guns. Thinking that those who re-
treated first and the party who fired on us at fifty or sixty
yards distant had all only fallen back to meet others with am-
munition, as I saw them reloading their guns, and more com-
ing up than I saw at first, and several of my bravest men be-
ing wounded, the others became panic struck and .scattered over
the field. The white men pursued and fired on us several
times. Hark had his horse shot under him. and I caught an-
other for him that was running by me ; five or six of my men
were wounded, but none left on the field. Finding myself de-
feated here, I instantly determined to go through a private way
and cross the Nottoway River at Cypress Bridge, three miles
below Jerusalem, and attack that place in the rear, as I ex-
68 AMERICAN NEGRO AND IHK MH.ITARY SVIRJT
pected they would look for me on the other road, and I had^^
great desire to get there to procure arms and ammunition.
After going a short distance in this private way, accompanied
by about twenty men, I overtook two or three who told me the
others were dispersed in every direction. After trying in vain
to collect a sufficient force to proceed to Jerusalem, I deter-
mined to return, as 1 was sure they would make back to their
old neighborhood, where they would rejoin me, make new re-
cruits, and come down again. On my way back I called on
Mrs. Thomas', Mrs. Spencer's and several other places. We
stopped at Major Ridley's quarters for the night, and being
joined by four of his men, with the recruits made since my de-
feat, we mustered now about forty strong.
After placing out sentinels, I lay down to sleep, but was
quickly aroused by a great racket. Starting up I found some
mounted and others in great confusion, one of the sentinels
having given the alarm that we were about to be attacked. I
ordered some to ride around and reconnoitre, and on their re-
turn the others being more alarmed, not knowing who they
were, fled in different ways, so that I was reduced to about
twenty again. With this I determined to attempt to recruit,
and proceed on to rally in the neighborhood I had left."*
No one can read this account, which is thoroughly supported
by contemporary testimony, without seeing in this poor mis-
guided slave the elements of a vigorous captain. Failing^in^
his efforts he made his escape and remained for two monthsjn
hiding in the vicinity of his pursuers. One concerned in his
prosecution says: "It has been said that he was ignorant and
cowardly and that his object was to murder and rob for the
purpose of obtaining money to make liis escape. Tt is notor-
•'Con/e>sion of Na! Turner. Atiglo-Airican Magazine, \'o\. I, p. 3.^
1859.
AMERICAN NEGRO AND THE MIHTARV SPIRIT 69
ious that he was never known to have a dollar in his life, to
swear an oath, or drink a drop of spirits. As to his ignorance,
he certainly never had the advantages of education, but he
fan read and write (it was taught him by his parents) and for
natural intelligence and quickness of apprehension, is surpassed
by few men I ha\-e ever seen. As to his being a coward, his
reason as given for not resisting Mr. Phipps shows the decision
of his character." *
The War of the Rebellion, now called the Civil War, efifected
thelast and tremendous step in the transition of the American
Negro from the position of a slave under the Republic to that
of a soldier in its armies. Both under officers of his own race
at Port Hudson and under white officers on a hundred battle-
fields, the Negro in arms proved himself a worthy foeman
against the bravest and sternest enemies that ever assailed our
nation's fiag, and a worthy comrade of the Union's best de-
fenders. Tliirt^ix thousand eight hundred and forty-seven
of them gave their lives in that awful conflict. The entire
face oil fliislcontinent and those of allied blood throughout the
world are indebted to the soldier-historian, Honorable George
W. Williams, for the eloquent stor}' of their service in the
Union Army, and for the presentation of the high testimonials
to the valor and worthiness of the colored soldier as given by
the highest military authority of the century. From Chapter
XYI of his book, "Negro Troops in the Rebellion," the para-
graphs appended at the close of this chapter are quoted.
*Ibid.
70 I HE BLACK ST. DOMINGO l.FGION
A.
HOW THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION SAVED
THE PATRIOT ARMY IN THE SIEGE OF
SAVANNAH, 1779.
The siege and attempted reduction of Savannah by the com-
bined French and American forces is one of the events of our
revolutionary war, upon which our historians care little to
dwell. Because it reflects but little glory upon the Amerrcan
arms, and resulted so disastrously to the American cause, its
important historic character and connections have been al-
lowed to fade from general sight ; and it stands in the ordin-
ary school text-books, much as an afifair of shame. The fol-
lowing, quoted from Barnes' History, is a fair sample of the
way in which it is treated :
"French-American Attack on Savannah. — In September.
D'Estaing joined Lincoln in besieging that city. Aicer a se-
vere bombardment, an unsuccessful assault was made, in
which a thousand lives were lost. Count Pulaski was mortally
wounded. The simple-hearted Sergeant Jasper died grasp-
ing the banner presented to his regiment at Fort Moultrie.
D'Estaing refused to give further aid ; thus again deserting
the Americans when help was most needed."
From this brief sketch the reader is at liberty to infer that
the attack was unwise if not fool-hardy; that the battle was
unimportant; and that the conduct of Count D'Estaing im-
niv^diately after the battle was unkmd, if not unjust, to the
Americans. While the paragraph does not pretend to tell the
whole truth, what it does tell ought to be the truth ; and this
ought to be told in such a way as to give correct impressions.
The attack upon Savannah was well-planned and thoroughly
well considered ; and it failed only because the works were .so
ably defended, chiefly by British regulars, under brave and
skillful officers. In a remote way, which it is the purpose of
this paper to trace, that sanguinary struggle had a wider bear-
ing upon the progress of liberty in the Western World than
any other one battle fought during the Revolution.
But first let us listen to the story of the battle itself. Colonel
Campbell with a force of three thousand men, captured Sa-
vannah in December, 1778; and in the January following, Gen-
eral Prevost arrived, and by March had established a sort of
civil government in Georgia, Savannah being the capital. In
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 71
April, the American general, Lincoln, feeble in more senses
than one, perhaps, began a movement against Savannah by
way of Augusta; but Prevost, aware of his purpose, crossed
into South Carolina and attempted an attack upon Charleston.
Finding the city too well defended, he contented himself with
ravaging the plantations over a wide extent of adjacent coun-
try, and returned to Savannah laden with rich spoils, among
which were included three thousand slaves, of whose labor he
made good use later.
The patriots of the South now awaited in hope the com-
ing of the French fleet ; and on the first of September, Coimt
D'Estaing appeared suddenly on the coast of Georgia with
thirty-three sail, surprised and captured four British war-
ships, and announced tj the government of South Carolina
his readiness to assist in the recapture of Savannah. He urged
as a condition, however, that his ships should not be detained
long of? so dangerous a coast, as is was now the hurricane
season, and there was neither harbor, road, nor offing for their
protection.
By means of small vessels sent from Charleston he effected
a landing in ten days, and four days thereafter, on the i6th,
he summoned the garrison to surrender to the arms of France.
Although this demand was made in the name of France for the
plain reason that the American army was not yet upon the
spot, the loyalists did not fail to make it a pretext for the
accusation that the French were desirous of making conquests
in the war on their own account. In the meantime Lincoln
with the regular troops, was hurrying toward Savannah, and
had issued orders for the militia to rendezvous at the same
place ; and the militia full of hope of a speedy, if not of a blood-
less conquest, were entering upon this campaign with more
than ordinary enthusiasm.
During the time that the fleet had been ofi" the coast, and
especially since the landing, the British had been very bitsy
in putting the city in a high state of defence, and in making
efforts to strengthen the garrison. Lieutenant-colonel Cruger,
who had a small force at Sunbury, the last place in Georgia
that had been captured by the British, and Lieutenant-colonel
Maitland who was commanding a considerable force at Beau-
fort, were ordered to report in haste with their commands at
Savannah. On the T6th, when the summons to surrender was
72 THt KI.ALK Sr. DOMIKC.O I.liGION
received by Prevost, Maitland had not arrived, but was hourly
expected. Prevost asked for a delay of twenty-four hours to
consider the proposal, which delay was granted; and on that
very evening, Mailland with his force arrived at Dawfuskic.
Finding the river in the possession of the French, his course
for a time seemed effectually cut oflf. By the merest chance
he fell in with some Negro fishermen who informed him of a
passagC~"kli6wn as Waffs cut, through Scull's creek, navigable
for small boats. A favoring tide and a dense fog enabled him
to conduct his command unperceived by the French, through
this route, and thus arrive in Savannah on the afternoon of the
17th, before the expiration of the twenty-four hours. General
Prevost had gained his point ; and now believing himself able
to resist an assault, declined the summons to surrender. Tvro
armed ships and four transports were sunk in the channel of
the river below the city, and a boom in the same place laid
entirely across the river ; while several small boats were sunk
above tlie town, thus rendering it impossible for the city to be
approached by water.
On the day of the summons to surrender, although the
^vo^ks were otherwise well advanced, there were not ten can-
non mounted in the lines of Savannah ; but from that time
until the day of assault, the men of the garrison, with the
slaves they had captured, worked day and night to get the de-
fences of the city in the highest state of excellence. Major
Moncrief, chief of the engineers, is credited with placing in
position more than eighty cannons in a short time after the
call to surrender had been received.
The city itself at this time was but a mere village of frame
buildings and unpaved streets. Viewed as facing its assail-
ants, it was protected in its rear, or upon its north side, by
the Savannah river; and on its west side by a thick swamp or
tnorass, which communicated with the river above the cit>'.
'JTh^ exposed sides were those of the east and south. These
faced an open countr}' which for several miles was entirely
clear of woods. This exposed portion of the city was well pro-
tected by an unbroken line of defences extending from the
river back to the swamp, the right and left extremes of the
line consisting of strong redoubts, while the centre was made
Ttp of seamen's batteries in front, with impalements and tra-
verses thrown up to protect the troops from the fire of the
Savannah River,
THE BLACK ST. DOMINUO LEGION' 73
besieg^ers. The whole extent of the works was faced with an
ample abattis.
To be still more particular: there were three redoubts on
the right of the line, and on the right of them quite near
the swamp, was a sailor's battery of nine pounders, covered
by a company of the British legion. The left redoubt of these
three, was known as the Springhill redoubt; and proved to be
the objective of the final assault. Between it and the centre,
was another sailor's battery behind which were posted the
grenadiers of the 6oth regiment, with the marines Avhich had
been landed from the warships. On the left of the line near
the river were two redoubts, strongly constructed, with a
massy frame of green spongy wood, filled in with sand, and
mounted with heavy cannon. The centre, or space between
these groups of redoubts, was composed, as has been said, of
lighter but nevertheless very efifective works, and was strongly
garrisoned.
Having thus scanned the works, let us now take a glance
at the men who are to defend them. As alloft he ass aulting
forces are not m ade up^o£^mericans, so" a]l_pJ[„J;Ji&^d,efenders
are not foreigners. The centre" redoir5T"oT the triplet on the
right, was garrisoned by two companies of militia, with the
North Carolina regiment to support them ; Captains Roworth
and Wylie, with the provincial corps of King's Rangers, were
posted in the redoubt on the right ; and^Ca^t ain Tawse with
his corps of provincial dragons, d i s rh o u n t e37 in the left or
Springhill redoubt, supported by the ^uth Caroline regiment.
The whole of this force on the right of the line, was under
the command of the gallant Lieutenant-colonel Maitland ; and
it was this force that made the charge that barely failed of
annihilaTmg the American army. On the left of the line, the
Georgia loyalists garrisoned one of those massy wooden sand-
filled redoubts ; while in the centre, cheek by jowl so to speak,
with two battalions of the seventy-first regiment, and two
regiments of Hessians, stood the New York Volunteers. All
of these corps were ready to act as circumstances should re-
quire and to support any part of the line that might be at-
tacked. Tlie Negroes who worked on these defences were un-
der the direction of Major Moncrief.
The French troops had landed below the city and were
formed facing the British lines, with the river on their right.
74 THE m.ACK ST. DOMINGO LEOIOX
On their left, later, assembled the iVmerican troops. The
final dispositions were concluded by September 22nd, and
were as follows: The American troops under Lincoln formed
the left of the line, their left restinor upon the swamp and the
entire division facing the Springhill redoubt and her two sis-
ter defences; then came the division of M. de Noailles, com-
posed of nine hundred men. D'Estaing's division of one thou-
sand men beside the artillery, came next, and formed the cen-
tre of the French army. On D'Estaing's right was Count
Dillon's division of nine hundred men ; on the right of Dillon
were the powder magazine, cattle depot, and a small field hos-
pital ; on the right of the depot and a little in advance, were
Dejean's dragoons, numbering fifty men ; upon the same align-
ment and to the right of the dragoons were Rouvrais' Volun-
teer Chasseurs, numbering seven hundred and fifty men ; still
further on to the right and two hundred yards in advance of
Rouvrais, was Framais, comanding the Grenadier V'olunteers,
and two hundred men besides, his right resting upon the
swampy wood that bordered the river, thus completely clos-
ing in the city on the land side. The frigate, La Truite, and
two galleys, lay within cannon shot of the town, and with the
aid of the armed store ship, La Bricole, and the frigate, La
Chimere, effectually cut ofif all communication by v/ater.
On the 23rd, both the French and the Americans opened
their trenches; and on the 24th, a small detachment of the be-
sieged made a sortie against the French. The attack was
easily repulsed, but the French pursuing, approached so near
the entrenchments of the enemy that they were fired upon
and several were killed. On the night of the 27th another
sortie was made which threw the besiegers into some confu-
sion and caused the French and Americans to fire upon each
other. Cannonading continued with but little result until
October 8th.
The engineers were now of the opinion that a speedy re-
duction of the city could not be accomplished by regular ap-
})roaches ; and the naval ofticers were very anxious about the
fleet, both l^ecause of the dangers to which it was exposed
from the sea, and also because with so many men ashore it
was in especial danger of being attacked and captured by Brit-
ish men-of-war. These representations agreeing altogether
\vith D'Estaing's previously expressed wishes to leave the
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 75
coast as soon as possible, induced that officer and General
Lincoln to decide upon an attempt to storm the British works
at once. It is quite probable that this had been the purpose
as a last resort from the first. The preservation of the fleet
was, however, the powerful factor in determining the time and
character of the assault upon Savannah.
On the night of the eighth, Major L'Enfant, with a detach-
ment attempted to set fire to the abattis in order to clear the
way for the assault, but failed to through the dampness of
the wood. The plan of the assault may be quite accurately ob-
tained from the orders given to the American troops on the
evening of the 8th by General Lincoln and from the inferences
to be drawn from the events of the morning" of the 9th as they
are recorded in histoiy. At least two of the historians who
have left us accounts of the seige, Ramsey and McCall, were
present at the time, and their accounts may be regarded as
original authority. General Lincoln's orders were as fol-
lows :
"Evening Orders. By General Lincoln.
Watchword — Lewis.
"The soldiers will be immediately supplied with 40 rounds
of cartridges, a spare flint, and have their arms in good order.
The infantry destined for the attack of Savannah wUl be di-
vided into two bodies ; first composed of the light troops under
the command of Colonel Laurens ; the second, of the conti-
nental battalions and the first battalion of the Charleston
militia, except the grenadiers, who are to join the light troops.
The whole will parade at i o'clock, near the left of the line,
and march by platoons. The guards of the camp will be
formed of the invalids, and be charged to keep the fires as
usual in camp.
"The cavalry under the command of Count Pulaski, will
parade at the same time with the infantry and follow the left
cohunn of the French troops, precede the column of the Amer-
ican light troops ; they will endeavor to penetrate the enemy's
lines between the battery on the left of Springhill redoubt, and
the next tow'-ards the river ; having efifcctcd this, will pass to
the left towards Yamacraw and secure such parties of the
enemy as may be lodged in that quarter.
"The artillery w'iil parade at the same time, foTTow the
^6 THE BLACK ST. DOMIMGO I.EGIDN
I'Vench artillery, and remain with the corps de reserve until
tiiey receive further orders.
"The whole will be ready by the time appointed, with the
titmost silence and punctuality ; and be ready to march the
instant Count Dillon and General Lincoln shall order.
"The light troops who are to follow the cavalry, will attempt
to enter the redoubt on the left of the Springhill, by escalade
if possible ; if not by entrance into it, they are to be supported
if necessar}'^ by the first South Carolina regiment : in the mean-
time the column will proceed with the lines to the left of the
Springhill battery.
"The light troops having succeeded against the redoubt wiM
proceed to the left and attempt the several works between that
and the river.
"The column will move to the left of the French troops,
taking care not to interfere with them.
"The light troops having carried the work towards the river
will form on the left of the column.
"It is especially forbidden to fire a single gun before the
redoubts are carried; or for any soldier to quit his rank to
plunder without an order for that purpose ; any who shall
presume to transgress in either of these respects shall be re-
puted a disobeyer of military orders which is punishable with
death.
"'^he militia of the first and second brig-ades. General Wil-
liamson's and the second battalion of the Charleston militia
will parade immediately under the command of General
Huger ; after draughting five hundred of them the remander
of them will go into the trenches and put themselves under
the commanding officer there ; with the 500 he will march
to the left of the enemy's line, remain as near them as he pos-
sibly can without being seen, until four o'clock in the morn-
ing, at which time the troops in the trenches will begin an
attack upon the enemy; he will then advance and make his
attack as near the river as possible ; though this is only meant
as a feint, yet should a favorable opportunity offer, he will
improve it and push into the town.
"In case of a repulse after taking Springhill redoubt, the
troops will retreat and rally in the rear of redoubt; if it can-
not be effected that way, it must be attempted by the same
route at which they entered.
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 77
"The second place of rallying (or the first if the redoubt
should not be carried) will be at the Jews' burying-ground,
where the reserve will be placed; if these two halts should
not be effected, they will retire towards camp.
"The troops will carry in their hats a piece of white paper
by which they will be distinguished."
General Huger with his five hundred militia, covered by the
river swamp, crept quite close to the enemy's lines and deliver-
ed his attack as directed. Its purpose was to draw attention to
that quarter and if possible cause a weakening of the strength
in the left centre of the line. What its real effect was, there
is now no means of knowing.
Count Dillon, who during the siege had been on D'Estaing's
right, and who appears to have been second in command in
the French army, in this assault was placed in comm.and of a
second attacking column. His purpose was to move to the
right of General Huger, and keeping in the edge of the swamps
along the river, steal past the enemy's batteries on the left,
and attack him in the rear. Bancroft describes the results of
his efforts as follows: "The column under Count Dillon, which
was to have attacked the rear of the British lines, became en-
tangled in a swamp of which it should only have skirted the
edge was helplessly exposed to the British batteries and could
not even be formed." Here were the two strong sand-filled
redoubts, mounted with heavy cannon, and these may have
been the batteries that stoppeu Dillon's column.
Count Pulaski with his two hundred brave cavalrymen,
undertook his part in the deadly drama with ardor, and be-
gan that perilous ride which had for its object: "to penetrate
the enemy's lines, between the battery on the left of the
.Springhill redoubt, and the next towards the river." Balcli
describes it as an attempt to "penetrate into the city by gal-
loping between the redoubts." It was the anticipation of the
Crimean "Charge of the Light Brigade;" only in this case,
no one blundered ; it was simply a desperate chance. Cannon
were to the right, left, and front, and the heroic charge proved
in vain; the noble Pole fell, banner* in hand, pierced with a
-^
"The prescntatio'.i ol this banner by the Moravian Nuns of Bethlehem
fr»rms the text of the poem by Longfellow beginning: —
When the dying flame of day
Throvtgrh the chancel .«hot its ray.
78 THH BLACK ST. DOMINGO IKGION'
mortal avouikI — anotlier foreign martyr to our dearly bought
freedom.
The cavalry dash having failed, that much of the general
plan was blotted out. The feints may have been understood ;
it is said a sergeant of the Qiarlcston Grenadiers deserted
during the night of the 8th and gave the whole plan of the
attack to General Prevost. so that he knew just where to
strengthen his lines. The feints were efifectually checked
by tlie garrison on the left, twenty-eight of the Americans
being killed: while Dillon's column was stopped by the bat-
teries near the river. This state of affaiis allowed the whole
of Maitland's lorce to protect the Springhill redoubt and that
part of the line which was most threatened. The .Springhill
redoubt, as has been stated, was occupied by the South Caro-
lina regiment and a corps of dragoons. This circumstance
may account for the fact, that while the three hundred and
fifty Charleston militia occupied a most exposed position in
the attacking column, only one man among them was killed
and but six wounded. The battery on the left of this redoubt
was garri.soned b}- grenadiers and marines.
The attacking column now advanced boldly, under the com-
Far the glimmering tapers shed
Faint light on the cowled head;
And the censer burning swung.
Where, before the altar, hung
The crimson banner, thai with prayer
Had been consecrated there.
And the nuns' sweet hymn was heard the while,
Sung low in the dim. mysterious ai ;!e.
"Take thy banner! may it wave
Proudly o'er the good and brave;
When the battle's distant wail
Breaks the Sabbath of our vale,
When the cannon's music thrills
To the hearts of those lone hills,
When the spear in conflict shakes.
And the strong lance shivering breaks.
* * * * :|<
"Take thy banner! and if e'er
Thou should'.st press the soldier's bier
And the muffled drum shall beat
To the tread of mournful feet,
Then the crimson flag shall be
Martial cloak and shroud for thee."
The warrior took that banner proud,
And it was his martial cloak and shroud.
THE BLACK ST. DOMIiNUO LEGION 79
mand of D'Estaing and Lincoln, the Americans consisting of
six hundred continental troops and three hundred and tifty
Qiarleston militia, being on the left, while the centre and
right were made up of the French forces. They \A'ere met
with so severe and steady a fire that the head of the cohimn
was soon thrown into confusion. The}-^ endured this fire for
fifty-five minutes, returning it as best they could, although
many of the men had no opportunity to fire at all. Two
American standards and one French standard, were placed
on the British works, but their bearers were instantly killed.
It ])eing found impossible to carry any part of the works^
,,cner;il retreat was ordered. CVf the six hundred conti-
iiv^iital troops, more than one-third had fallen, and about one-
fifth of the French. The Charleston militia had not suffered,
although they had bravely borne their part in the assault,
and it had certainly been no fault of theirs if their brethren
behind the embankments had not fired upon them. Count
D'Estaing had received two wounds, one m the thigh, and be-
ing unable to move, was saved by the young naval lieutenant
Truguet. Ramsey gives the losses of the battle as follows :
French soldiers 760: officers 61 ; Americ ans 312; to tal J i
be
' As the army began its retreat, l^ieutenant -colonel Maitland
with the grenadiers and marines, who were incorporated with
the grenadiers, charged its rear with the purpose of accom-
plishing its annihilation. It was then that there occurred Jhe
most b rilliant feat of the day, aiid om'""ot'"TFie "Bravest ever
per {ormej lby'T6feigif^^ t in tlie Arncncan cause. In tfie
al^iJjOtTTE^aing was a legion of black and mulatto Ireed-
men, known as Fontages Legion, commanded by Vfcount (le
Fontages, a brave and experienced officer. The strength oi
this legion is given variously from six hundred to over eight
hundred men. Xliis legion .^ipt the, fierce charge of Mait-
^.|and and saved the retreating army. .. "^^.--..,--.
In an official record prepare.d:;hr:^ now before me, are
these words: "This legion saved the army at Savannah by
bTavely coveriiig its retreat. Anrong" tlie Blacks who rendered
signar"sefvTces at that Time were: Andre, Beauvais, Rigaud,
Villatte, Beauregard, Lambert, who latterly became generals
under the convention, including Henri Christophe, the fu-
ture king of Haiti." This quotation is taken from a paper
secured by the Honorable Richard Rush, our minister to
So THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LF.GIOX
Paris in 1849, ^^'^ is preserved in the Pennsylvania Historical
Society. Henri Christophe received a dangerous gunshot
wound in Savannah. Balch says in speaking of Pontages at
Savannah : "He commanded there a legion of mulattoes, ac
cording to my manuscript, of more than eight hundred men,
and saved the army after the useless assault on the fortifica-
tions, by bravely covering the retreat."
It was this legion that formed the connecting link between
the siege of Savannah and the wide development of republi-
can liberty on the Western continent, which followed early
in the present century. In order to show this connection and
the sequences, it will be necessary to sketch in brief the his-
tor of this remarkable body of men, especially that of the
prominent individuals who distinguished themselves at Sa-
vannah.
In 1779 the French colony of Saint Domingo was in a state
of peace, the population then consisting of white slavehold-
ers, mulatto and black freedmen (affranchis), and slaves.
Count D'Estaing received orders to recruit men from Saint
Domingo for the auxiliary army ; and there being no question
of color raised, received into the service a legion of colored
freedmen. There had been for years a colored militia in Sainr.
Domingo, and as early as 1716, the Marquis de Chateau Mor-
nnt, then governor of the colony, made one Vincent the Cap-
tain-general of all the colored militia in the vicinity of the
Cape. This Captain Vincent died in 1780 at the reputed age
of 120 years. He was certainly of great age, for he had been
in the siege of Carthegenia in 1697, was taken prisoner, af-
ter\vards liberated by exchange and presented to Louis XIV,
and fought in tlie German war under Villars. Moreau de
St. Mery, in his description of Vincent, incidentally mentions
the Savannah expedition. He says: "I saw him (Vincent*
the year preceding his death, recalling his ancient provve-.s
lO the men of color who were enrolling themselves for the
expedition to Savannah ; and showing in his descendants whc*
were among the first to offer themselves, that he had trans-
mitted his valor. Vincent, the good Captain Vincent, had a
most pleasing countenance; and the contrast of his blacic
skin with his white hair produced an effect that always com-
manded respect."
The Havtian historian. Enclus Kobin. says when the call
Hutchinson Island.
THE BLACK ST. DOxMINGO LEGION $1
for volunteers reached Saint Domingo : "eight hundred young
freedmen, blacks and mulattoes, offered themselves to take
part in the expedition ;" that they went and "fought valiantly ;
and T'eturned to Saint Domingo covered with glory." Madiou,
another Haytian historian of the highest respectability says :
"A crowd of young men, black and colored, enlisted with the
French troops and left for the continent They covered thent-'
selves with glory in the siege of Savannah, under the orders
of Count D'Estaing."
What effect this experience had upon these volunteers may
be inferred from their subsequent history. Robiri says :
"These men who contributed their mite toward American in-
dependence, had still their mothers and sisters in slavery ;
and they themselves were subject to humiliating discrimina-
tions. Should not France have expected from that very mo-
ment, that they would soon use in their own cause, those very
arms which they had learned so well to use in the interests of
others?" Madiou says: "On their return to Saint Domingo
they demanded for their brothers the enjoyment of political
rights." Beauvais went to Europe and served in the army
of France ; but returned to fight for liberty in Hayti, and was
Captain-general in 1791 ; Rigaud, Lambert and Christophe
wrote tlienr names-— not in the sand. Tliese are the men who
tjafecTjo^sti^r Saint Domingo, under whose infleunce Hayti
became the first country of the New World, after th.e United
States, To throw oft' European rule. The connection between
tHe^siege of Savannah and the independence of Hayti is traced,
both as to its spirit, and physically, through the black legion
that on that occasion saved the American army. How this
connection is traced to the repul)lics of South America, I will
allow a Haytian statesman and man of letters, honored both
at home and abroad, to relate. I translate from a work pub-
lished in Paris in 1885 ;
"The illustrious Bolivar, liberator and founder of five re-
publics in South America, undertook in 181 1 his great work of
shaking off the yoke of Spain, and of securing the independ-
ence of those immense countries which swelled the pride of
the catholic crown — but failed. Stripped of all resources he
took flight and repaired to Jamaica, where he implored in vain
of the governor of that island, the help of England. Almost
in despair, and without means, he resolved to visit Hayti, and
82 THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION
appeal to the generosity of the black Republic for the help
necessary to again undertake that work of liberation which
had gone to pieces in his hands. Never was there a more
solemn hour for any man — and that man the representative
of the destiny of South America ! Could he hope for success ?
After the English, who had every interest in the destruction
of Spanish colonial power, had treated him with so much in-
diflference, could he hope that a new-born nation, weak, with
microscopic territory, and still guarding anxiously its own
ill-recognized independence, would risk itself in an enterprise
hazardous as the one he represented? Full of doubt he came;
but Petion gave him a most cordial welcome.
"Taking the precautions that a legitimate sentiment of pru-
dence dictated at that delicate moment of our national exist-
ence, the government of Port-au-Prince put to the disposition
of the hei-o of Boyaca and Carabobo, all the elements of ..liich
he had need — and Bolivar needed everything. Men, arms and
money were generously given him. Petion did not wish to
act openly for fear of compromising himself with the Spanish
government; it was arranged that the men should embark se-
cretly as volunteers ; and that no mention of Hayti should
ever be made in any official act of Venezuela."
Bolivar's first expedition with his Haytian volunteers was
a failure ; returning to the island he procured reinforcements
and made a second descent which was brilliantly successful.
Haytian arms, money and men turned Bolivar's disasters to
victory; and the spirit of Western liberty marched on to the
redemption of South America. The liberation of Mexico and
all Central America, followed as a matter of course ; and the
ground was thus cleared for the practical application of that
Continentalism enunciated in the Monroe doctrine.
The black men of the Antilles who fought in the siege of
Savannah, enjoy unquestionably the proud historical distinc-
tion of being the physical conductors that bore away from
our altars the sacred fire of liberty to rekindle it in their own
land ; and also of becoming the humble but important link
that served to unite the Two Americas in the bond of enlight-
ened independence.
T. G. STEWARD, U. S. A.
Note: — In the preparation of the above paper I have been
greatly assisted by the Honorable L. J. Janvier, Charge d'
THE BLACK ST. DOMINGO LEGION 83
affairs d' Haiti, in London ; by Right Reverend James Theo-
dore Holly, bishop of Hayti, and by Messrs. Charles and
Frank Rudolph Steward of Harvard University. To all of
these gentlemen my thanks are here expressed. T. G. S.
Paper read at the session of the Negro Academy, Washing-
ton, D. C, 1898.
B.
EXTRACTS FROM CHAPTER XVI "NEGRO TROOPS
IN THE REBELLION"— WILLIAMS.
Adjutant-General Thomas in a letter to Senator Wilson,
May 30, 1864, says : "Experience proves that they manage
heavy guns very well. Their fighting qualities have also
been fully tested a number of times, and I am yet to hear of
the first case where they did not fully stand up to their work."
Major-General James G. Blunt Avriting of the battle of
Hoiiey" Springs, Arkansas, said of Negro troops: '"The Ne-
groes (First Colored Regiment) were too much for the enemy,
and leOiie here say that I never saw such fighting as vv'as done
bv that Negro regiment. They fought like veterans, with a
cobhiess and valor that is unsurpassed. They preserved their
iTiie perfect throughout the whole engagement, and .although
in the hottest of the fight, they never once faltered. Too much
praise cannot be awarded them for their gallantry. The ques-
tion that Negroes will fight is settled ; besides, they make bet-
ter soldiers in every respect than any troops I have ever had
under my command."
General Thomas J. Morgan, speaking of the courage of
Negro troops in the battle of Nashville, and its effect upon
^lajor-General George H. Thomas, says : "Those who fell
nearest the enemy's works vveic colored. General Thomas
"spoke very feelingly of the sight which met his eye as he
rode over the field, and he confessed that the Negro had fully
vindicated his bravery, and wiped from his mind the last ves-
tige of prejudice and doubt."
.84 THE BLAt:K REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
CHAPTER III.
THE BLACK REGULARS OF THE ARMY OF INVASION IN
THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR.
Organization of Negro Regiments in the Regular Army — First Move in
the War — Chickamauga and Tampa — Note.
Altogether the colored soldiers in the Civil War took pan
and sustained casualties in two hundred and fifty-one different
engagements and came out of the prolonged conflict with their
character so well established that up to the present hour they
have been able to hold an important place in the Regular Army
of the United States. No regiment of colored troops in the ser-
vice was more renowned at the close of the war or has secured
a more advantageous position in the history of that period than
the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry. Re-
cHirEed "arnorig^ tiie free colored people of the North, many of
them coming from Ohio, it vvas remarkable for the intelligence
and character of its men, and for the high purpose and noble
bearing of its officers. Being granted bii^half the__25yP5^
month ^iven to white soldiers, the regiment to a man, for €igh-
teen months refused to receive one cent from the Government.
This was a spectacle that the country could not longer stand.
One thousand volunteers fighting the country's battles without
any compensation rather than submit to a discrimination fatal
to their manhood, aroused such a sentiment that Congress was
compelled to put them on the pay-roll on equal footing with
all other soldiers. By them the question of the black soldier's
pay and rations was settled m the Army of the United State?
THE I5LACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 85
for all time. Every soldier, indeed every man in the army, ex-
cept the chaplain, now draws the pay of his grade without re-
gard to color, hair or race. By the time these lines reach the
public eye it is to be hoped that even the chaplain will be lifted
from his exceptional position and given the pay belonging to
his rank as captain.
(February 2, 1901, the bill becarne 9,. ia^, giving chaplains
the full pay of their grade. )
More than^iS^Qop blacks, all told, seryed in the army of the
Union during the Wci^r.,.ol,the, Eeb^Uion, and the losses from
their ranks of men killed in battle were as heavy as from the
white troops. Their bravery was everywhere recognized, and
in the short time in which they were employed, several rose to
commissions.
Perhaps the most notable act performed by a colored Amer-
ican during the war was the capture and delivery to the United
SfafesToVces of the rebel steamer Planter, by Robert Smalls, of^ \
Charleston. Smalls was employed as pilot on the Planter, a (^
rebel transport, and was entirely familiar with the harbors and 1
inlets, of which there are many, on the South Atlantic coast. /
On May 13, 1862, the Planter came to her wharf in Charleston, ^
and at night all the white officers <^vent ashore, leaving a col-
ored crew of eight men on board in charge of Smalls. Smalls
hastily got his wife and three children on board, and at 2 ,
o'clock on the morning of the 14th steamed out into the harbor, ',
passing the Confederate forts by giving the proper signals, and i^
when fairly out of reach, as daylight came, he ran up tbe Stars !
and Stripes and headed his course directly toward the Union
fleet, into whose hands he soon surrendered himself and his
ship. The act caused much favorable comment and Robert
Smalls became quite a hero. His subsequent career has been in
keeping with the high promise indicated by this bold dash for
86 THE HLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
liberty, and his name has received additional histre from gal-
lant services performed in the war after, and in positions of
distinguished honor and responsibility in civil life. The Plan-
ter, after being accepted by the United States, became a des-
patch boat, and Smalls demonstrating by skill and bravery his
fitness for the j^osition, was finally, as an act of imperative jus-
tice, made her commander.
With the close of the Revolutionary War the prejudice
against a standing army was so great that the army was re-
duced to scarce six hundred men, and the Negro as a soldier
dropped out of existence. W'hen the War of 1812 closed sen-
timent with regard to the army had made but little ad-
vancement, and consequently no place in the service was left
for Negro soldiers. In the navy the Negro still lingered, do-
ing service in the lower grades, and keeping up the succession
from the black heroes of '76 and 1812. When the War of the
Rebellion closed the country had advanced so far as td^see bbth"
the necessity of a standing army, and the fitness of the Negro
to form a part of the army; and from this position it has' never
receded, and if the lessons of the Cuban campaign are rightly
heeded, it is not likely to recede therefrom. The value of the
Regular iVrmy and of the Black Regular were both proven to
an absolute demonstration in that thin line of blue that com-
pelled the surrender of Santiago.
In July, 1866, Congress passed an act adding eight new regi-
ments of infantry and four of calvary to the nineteen regiments
of infantry and six of calvary of which those arms of the Regu-
lar Army were at that time composed, thus making the per-
manent establishment to consist of five regiments of artillery,
twenty-seven of infantry, and ten of cavalry. Of the eight
new infantry regiments to be formed, four were to be composed
of colored men ; and of the four proposed for the calvary arm.
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAX WAR 87
two were to be of colored men. The President was empowered
by the act also to appoint a chaplain for each of the six regi-
ments of colored troops. Under this law the Ninth and Tenth
Cavalry Regiments were organized.
In 1869 the infantry suffered further reduction, and the four
colored regiments organized under the law of 1866, numbered
respectively the 38th, 39th, 40th and 41st, were consolidated
into two regiments, and numbered the 24th and 25th — the
38th and 41st becoming the former, and the 39th and 40th the
latter. Previous to this consolidation the numbers between
the old 19th and the 38th, which was the lowest number borne
by the new colored regiments, were filled in by dividing the /
old three batallion regiments in the service, and making of the /
second and third batallions of these regiments new regiments. ^
The whole infantry arm, by the law of 1869, was compressed L
into twenty-five regiments, and in that condition the army re-
mains to the present, to wit :* Ten regiments of cavalry, five
of artillery and twenty-five of infantry.
The number of men in a company and the number of com-
panies in a regiment have varied greatly within the past few
months. Just previous to the breaking out of the war a regi-
ment of infantry consisted of eight companies of about sixty
men each, and two skeletonized companies and the band — the
whole organization carrying about five hundred men; now a
regiment of infantry consists of twelve companies of 106 men
each and with the non-commissioned staff numbers twelve hun-
dred and seventy-four men.
Since 1869, or for a period of thirty years, the colored Amer-
ican has been represented in the Regular Army by these four
regiments and during this time these reigments have borne
«>
*The army has been reorganized since. See Register.
88 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
more than tlieir proportionate share in hard frontier service,
including all sorts of Indian campaigning- and much severe
guard and fatigue duty. The men have conducted themselves
so worthily as to receive from the highest military authority
the credit of being among our best troops. General Miles and
General Merritt,* with others who were active leaders in the
Indian wars of the West, have been unstinting in their praise
of the valor and skill of colored soldiers. They proved them-
selves not only good individual fighters, but in some instances
non-commissioned officers exhibited marked coolness and abil-
ity in command.'
From 1869 to the beginning of the Hispano- American War
there were in the Regular Army at some time, as commissioned'
officers, the following colored men. all from West Point, all
serving with the cavalry, and none rising higher than first-
lieutenant, viz : John H. Alexander, H. O. Flipper and Charles
Young. H. O. Flipper was dismissed; Alexander died, and
Young became major in the volunteer service, and was placed
in command of the Ninth Battalion of Ohio Volunteers, dis-
charging the duties of his position in such a manner as to com-
mand general satisfaction from his superior officers.**
These colored men while cadets at West Point endured hard-
*"My experience in this direction since the war i? beyond that of
any officer of my rank in the army. For ten years I had the honor of
being lieutenant-colonel of the Ninth Cavalry, and during most of that
service I commanded garrisons composed in part of the Ninth Cavalry
and other organizations of cavalry and infantry. I have always found
the colored race represented in the army obedient, intelligent and zealous
in the discharge of duty, brave in battle, easily disciplined, and most effi-
cient in the care of their horses, arms and equipments. The non-com-
missioned officers have habitually shown the qualities for control in their
position which marked them as faithful and sensible in the discharge of
thcit luties. I take pleasure in bearing witness as above in the interest
of the race you represent." WESLEY MERRITT.
■■'See chapter on Colored Officers.
H*Young is now captain in the Ninth Cavalry. — T. G. S.
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 89
ships disgraceful to their countr\-, and when entering the army
Avere not given that cordial welcome by their brother officers,
becoming an "officer and gentleman," both to give and to re-
ceive. Of course there were some noble exceptions, and this
class of officers seems to be steadily increasing, so that now it
is no longer necessary, even on the ground of expediency, to
strive to adhere to the rule of only white men for army offi-
cers. Of Alexander and Young it can be said they have ac-
quitted themselves well, the former enjoying the confidence and
esteem of his associates up to the time of his early death — an
event which caused deep regret — and the latter so impressing
the Governor of his State and the President as to secure for
himself the responsible position which he, at the time of this
wiiting, so worthily fills. Besides these line officers, five col-
ored chaplains have been appointed, all of whom have served
successfully, one, however, being dismissed by court-martial
after many years of really meritorious service, an event to be
regretted, but by no means without parallel.
Brief sketches of the history of these four colored regiments,
as well as of the others, have been recently made by members of
them and published in the Journal of the Military Service
Institution and subsequently in a large and beautiful volume
edited by Brigadier-General Theo. F. Rodenbough and Major
William L. Haskin, published by the Institution and designated
"The Army of the United States," a most valuable book of
reference. From the sketches contained therein the following
summary is given.
The Twenty-fourth Infantry was organized, as we have seen,
from the 38th and 41st Regiments, these two regiments being
at the time distributed in New Mexico, Louisiana and Texas,
and the regiment remained in Texas from the time of its or-
ganization in 1869 until 1880. Its first Lieutenant-Colonel was
90 JHE ULACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
William R. Shafter. It was from this regiment and the
Tenth Cavalry that the escort of Paymaster Wham was se-
lected which made so brave a stand against a band of rob-
bers that attacked the paymaster that several of them were
given medals for distinguished gallantry, and others certifi-
cates of merit. The Twenty-fifth Infantry was organized in
New Orleans out of the 39th. that was brought from North
Carolina for that purpose, and the 40th, that was then in
Louisiana. It was organized during the month of April, 1869,
and early in 1870 moved to Texas, where it remained ten years.
In 1880 it moved to the Department of Dakota and remained
in the Northwest until it took the road for the Cuban war.
The Ninth Cavalry was organized in New Orleans during
the winter of 1866-67. Its first Colonel was Edward Hatch and
its first Lieutenant-Colonel Wesley Merritt. From 1867 to
1890 it was in almost constant Indian warfare, distinguishing
itself by daring and hardihood. From 1890 to the opening
of the Cuban war it remained in Utah and Nebraska, engaging
in but one important campaign, that against hostile Sioux dur-
ing the winter of 1890-91, in which, says the historian: "The
regiment was the first in the field, in November, and the last to
leave, late in the following March, after spending the winter,
the latter part of which was terrible in its severity, under can-
vas."
The Tenth Calvary was organized under the same law as
was the Ninth, and at the same time. Its place of rendezvous
was Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, and its first Colonel, Benjamin
H. Grierson. This regiment was the backbone of the Geron-
imo campaign force, and it finally succeeded in the capture of
that wily warrior. The regiment remained in the Southwest
until 1893, when it moved to Montana, and remained there un-
til ordered to Chickamauga for the war.
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 9I
These four regiments were finely officered, well drilled and
well experienced in camp and field, particularly the cavalry
regiments, and it was of them that General iMerritt said: "I
have always found them brave in battle." With such train-
ing and experience they were well fitted to take their place in
that selected host of fighting men which afterwards became
the Fifth Army Corps, placed under command of Major-Gen-
eral William R. Shafter, the first Lieutenant-Colonel of the
Twenty-fourth Infantry.
When the news of the blowing up of our great battleship
Maine, in the harbor of Havana, with the almost total loss of
her crew, flashed over the country, carrying sadness to hun-
dreds of homes, and arousing feelings of deepest indignation
whether justly or unjustly, it was easy to predict that we
should soon be involved in war with Spain. The Cuban ques-
tion, already chronic, had by speeches of Senators Thurston
and Proctor been brought to such a stage of aggravation that
it needed only an incident to set the war element in motion.
That incident was furnished by the destruction of the Maine.
Thenceforth there was no power in the land sufficient to curb
the rapidly swelling tide of popular hate, which manifested it-
self in the un-Christian but truly significant mottoes : ''Remem-
ber the Maine," "Avenge the IMlaine," and "To hell with
Spain." These were the outbreathings of popular fury, and
they represented a spirit quite like that of the mob, which was
not to be yielded to implicitly, but which could not be directly
opposed.
The President did all in his power to stay this element of
our population and to lead the country to a more befitting al-
titude. He and his advisers argued that Spain was to be re-
sisted, and fought if necessary, not on account of the Maine,
not in the spirit of revenge, but in the interest of humanity.
92 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
and upon principles sanctioned even by our holy religion. On
iDchalf of the starving reconcentrados, and in aid of the noble
Cuban patriot, we might justly arm and equip ourselves for
the purpose of driving Spanish rule from the Western Hemis-
phere.
This view appealed to all lovers of freedom, to all true
patriots, and to the Christian and philanthropist. It also af-
forded a superb opportunity for the old leaders in the South,
who were not entirely relieved from the taint of secession, to
come out and reconsecrate themselves to the country and her
flag. Hence, Southern statesmen, who were utterly opposed
to Negroes or colored men having any share in ruling at home,
became very enthusiastic over the aspirations of the colored
Cuban patriots and soldiers. The supporters, followers, and in
a sense, devotees of Maceo and Gomez, were worthy of our
aid. The same men, actuated by the same principles, in the
Carolinas, in Louisiana or in Mississippi, would have been pro-
nounced by the same authorities worthy of death.
The nation was, however, led into war simply to liberate
Cuba from the iniquitous and cruel yoke of Spain, and to save
thousands of impoverished Cubans from death by starvation.
Great care was taken not to recognize the Cuban government
in any form, and it seemed to be understood that we were to
do the fighting both with our navy and our army, the Cubans
being invited to co-operate with us, rather than that we should
co-operate with them. We were to be the liberators and sav-
iors of a people cru'shed to the very gates of death. Such was
the platform upon which our nation stood before the world
when the first orders went forth for the mobilization of its
forces for war. It was a position worthy our history and char-
acter and gave to our national flag a prouder meaning than
ever. Its character as the emblem of freedom shone out with
awe-inspiring brilliancy amid the concourse of nations.
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 93
While there was such a clamor for war in the newspapers
and in the public speeches of statesmen, both in and out of Con-
gress, it is remarkable that the utmost serenity prevailed in the
army. Officers and men were ready to fight if the stern neces-
sity came, but they were not so eager for the death-game as
were the numerous editors whose papers were getting out ex-
tras every half- hour. It was argued by the officers of rank
that the Maine incident added nothing whatever to the Cuban
question; that it did not involve the Spanish Government; that
the whole subject mig-ht well be left to arbitration, and
full respect should be given to Spain's disclaimer. It was al.so
held that to rush into a war in order to prevent a few people
from starving, might not relieve them, and at the same time
would certainly cost the lives of many innocent men. Spain
was revising her policy, and the benevolence of the United
States would soon bring bread to the door of every needy
Cuban. Such remarks and argtmients as these were used by
men who had fought through one war and were ready to fight
through another if they must; but who were willing to go to
any reasonable length to prevent it; and yet the men who
used such argiunents beforehand and manifested such a shrink-
ing from carnage, are among those to whom the short Spanish
War brought distinction and promotion. To their honor be
it said that the war which gave them fresh laurels was in no
sen^e brought about througii their instigation.
As chaplain of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, stationed with the
headquarters of the regiment at Fort Missoula, where w^e had
been for ten years, the call for the war met me in the midst
of my preparations for Easter service. One young man, then
Private Thomas C. Butler, who was practicing a difficult solo
for the occasion, before the year closed became a Second Lien-
tenant, having distinguished himself in battle; the janitor, who
94 1HE lil.ACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
cared for my singing books, and who was my chief school
teacher. Private French Payne, always poHte and everywhere
efficient, met his death from a Spanish bullet while on the re-
serve before bloody El Caney.
It was on a bright day during the latter part of March and
near the close of the day as I was looking out of the front win-
dow of my quarters that I saw the trumpeter of the guard come
out of the Adjutant's office with a dispatch in his hand and
start on a brisk run toward the quarters of the Commanding
Officer. I immediately divined what was in the wind, but kept
quiet. In a few minutes "officers' call" was sounded, and all
the officers of the post hastened to the administration building
to learn the news.
When all were assembled the Commanding Officer desired to
know of each company officer how much time he would need to
have his company ready to move from the post to go to a per-
manet station elsewhere, and from all officers how much time
they would require to have their families ready to quit the sta-
tion. The answers generally were that all could be ready with-
in a week. It was finally agreed, however, to a-sk for ten days.
Immediately the work of preparation began, although none
knew where the regiment was to go. At this time the order,
so far as it was understood at the garrison, was, that two com-
panies were to go to Key West, Florida, and the other com-
panies of the reg-iment to Dry Tortugas. One officer. Lieuten-
ant V. A. Caldell, early saw through the haze and said: "It
means that we will all eventually land in Cuba." While we
were packing, rumors flew through the garrison, as indeed
through the country, thick and fast, and our destination was
changed three or four times a day. One hour we would be go-
ing to Key West, the next to St. Augustine, the next to Tor-
tugas. In this confusion I asked an old frontier officer where
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 95
he thought we would really go. Regarding himself as an in-
dicator and always capable of seeing the amusing side of a
subject, he replied : "I p'int toward Texas." Such was the
state of uncertainty as to destination, and yet all the time the
greatest activity prevailed in making ready for departure.
Finall}' definite orders came that we were to store our furniture
in the large gymnasium hall at the post and prepare to go in
camp at Chickamauga Park, Georgia.
Our regiment was at the time stationed as follows ; Head-
quarters, four companies and the band at Fort Missoula;
two companies at Fort Harrison, near Helena, and two com-
panies at Fort Assinniboine, all in Montana. The arrange-
ments contemplated moving the regiment in two sections, one
competed of the INIissoula troops to go over the Northern
Pacific Railroad, the other of the Fort Harrison and Fort
Assinniboine troops to go over the Great Northern Railroad,
all to arrive in St. Paul about the same time.
On the loth of April, Easter Sunday, the battalion at Fort
Missoula marched out of post quite early in the morning, and
at Bitter Root Station took the cars for their long journey.
Officers and men were all furnished sleeping accommodations
on the train. Arriving in the city of Missoula, for the grati-
fication of the citizens and perhaps to avoid strain on the
bridge crossing the Missoula River, the men were disem-
barked from the train and marched through the principal
streets to the depot, the citizens generally turning out to see
tliem ofif. Many were the compliments paid officers and men
by the good people of Missoula, none perhaps more pleasing
than that furnished by a written testimonial to the regret ex-
perienced at the departure of the regiment, signed by all the
ministers of the city.
As the Twenty-fifth was the first regiment to move in the
96 THE KLACK REdULAKS IN THE SPANMSH-AM KRICAN WAK
preparation for war, its progress from Montana to Chicka-
mauga was a marked event, attracting the attention of both
the daily and ilhistrated press. All along the route they were
greeted with enthusiastic crowds, who fully believed the wa?
with Spain had begun. In St. Paul, in Chicago, in Terre
Haute, in Nashville, and in Chattanooga the crowds assembled
to greet the black regulars who were first to bear forward the
Starry Banner of Union and Freedom against a foreign foe.
What could be more significant, or more fitting, than that these
black soldiers, drilled up to the highest 'Standard of modern
warfare, cool, brave and confident, themselves a proof o;
American liberty, should be called first to the front in a war
against oppression ? Their martial tread and fearless bearing
proclaimed what the better genius of our great government
meant for all men dwelling beneath the protection of its hon-
ored flag.
As the Twenty-fifth Infantry was the first regiment to leave
its station, so six companies of it were first to go into camp
on the historic grounds of Chickamauga. Two companies were
separated from the regiment at Chattanooga and forwarded
to Key West where they took station under the command of
Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett. The remaining six com-
panies, under command of Colonel A. S. Burt, were conducted
by General Boynton to a choice spot on the grounds, where
they pitched camp, their tents being the first erected in that
mobilization of troops which preceded the Cuban invasion, and
theirs being really the first camp of the war.
Soon came the Ninth Cavalry, the Tenth Cavalry and the
Twenty-fourth Infantry. While these were a^:sembling there
arrived on the ground also many white regiments, cavalry, ar-
tillery and infantry, and it was pleasing to see the fraternity
that prevailed among black and white regulars. This was es-
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERTCAN WAR 97-
pecially noticeable between the Twenty-fifth and Twelfth, Ii*
brigading the regiments no attention whatever was paid to the
race or color of the men. The black infantry regiments were
placed in two brigades, and the black cavalry likewise, and they
can be followed through the fortunes of the war in the offi-
cial records by their regimental numbers. During- their stay
in Chickamauga. and at Key West and Tampa, the Southern
newspapers indulged in considerable malicious abuse of col-
ored soldiers, and some people of this section made complaints
of their conduct, but the previous good character of the regi-
ments and the violent tone of the accusations, taken together
with the well-known prejudices of the Southern people, pre-
vented their complaints from having very great weight. The
black soldiers held their place in the army chosen for the in-
vasion of Cuba, and for that purpose were soon ordered to as-
semble in Tampa.
From the loth of April, when the war movement began with
the march of the Twenty-fifth Infantry out of its Montana sta-
tions, until June 14th, when the Army of Invasion cleared
Tampa for Cuba — not quite two months — the whole energy:
of the War Department had been employed in preparing the-
army for the work before it. The beginning of the war is
ofificially given as April 21st, from which time onward it was
declared a state of war existed between Spain and the United
States, but warlike movements on our side were begun fully
ten days earlier, and begun with a grim definiteness that pre-
saged much more than a practice march or spring manoeuver.
After arriving at Chickamauga all heavy baggage was ship-
ped away for storage, and all officers and men were required to
reduce their field equipage to the minimum ; the object being
to have the least possible amount of luggage, in order that
the greatest possible amount of fighting material might be car-
^8 THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
ried. Even with all this preparation going on some officws
were indulging the hope that the troops might remain in camps,
perfecting themselves in drill, until vSeptember, or October, be-
fore they should be called upon to embark for Cuba. This,
however, was not to be, and it is perhaps well that it was not,
as the suffering and mortality in the home camps were almost
equal to that endured by the troops in Cuba. The suffering
at home, also, seemed more disheartening, because it appeared
to be useless, and could not be charged to any important
changes in conditions or climate. It was perhaps in the inter-
est of hiunanity that this war, waged for humanity's sake, should
liave been pushed forward from its first step to its last, with the
greatest possible dispatch, and that just enough men on our
side were sent to the front, and no more. It is still a good
iaying that all is well that ends well.
The Chickamauga and Chattanooga National Military Park,
the place where our troops assembled on their inarch to Cuba,
beautiful by nature, especially in the full season of spring when
the black soldiers arrived there, and adorned also by art, has,
next to Gettysburg, the most prominent place among the his-
toric battle-fields of the Civil War. As a park it was estab-
lished by an act of Congress approved August 19, 1890, and
contains seven thousand acres of rolling land, partly cleared
and partly covered with oak and pine timber. Beautiful broad
roads wind their way to all parts of the ground, along which
are placed large tablets recording the events of those dreadful
days in the autumn of 1863, when Americans faced Americans
in bloody, determined strife. Monuments, judiciously placed,
speak with a mute eloquence to the passer-by and tell of the
valor displayed by some regiment or battery, or point to the
spot where some lofty hero gave up hi-s life. The whole park
is a monument, however, and its definite purpose is to pre-
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 99
serve and suitably mark "for historical and professional mili-
tary study the tields of some of the most remarkable manoe-
uvres and most brilliant fighting- in the War of the Rebellion."
The battles commemorated b}^ this great park are those oi
Chickamauga, fought on September 19-20, and the battles
around Chattanooga, November 23-25, 1863. The battle ot
Chickamauga Avas fought by the Army of the Cumberland,
commanded by Major-General W. S. Rosecrans, on the Union
side, and the Army of Tennessee, commanded by General
Braxton Bragg, on the side of the Confederates. The total ef-
fective strength of the Union forces in this battle was little
less than 60,000 men, that of the Confederates about 70,000.
Th€ total Union loss was 16,179 men. a number about equal
to the army led by Shafter against Santiago. Of the number
reported as lost, 1,656 were killed, or as many as were lost in
killed, wounded and missing in the Cuban campaign. The
Confederate losses were 17,804, 2,389 being killed, making on
both sides a total killed of 4^045, equivalent to the entire vot-
ing- population of a city of over twenty thousand inhabitants.
General Grant, who commanded the Union forces in the battles
around Chattanooga, thus sums up the results : "In this battle
the Union army numbered in round figures about 60.000 men ;
we lost 752 killed, 4,713 wounded and 350 captured or miss-
ing. The rebel loss was much greater in the aggregate, as we
captured and sent North to be rationed there over 6,100
prisoners. Forty pieces of artillery, over seven thousand stand
of small arms, many caissons, artillery w'agons and baggage
wagons fell into our hands. The probabilities are that our
loss in killed was the heavier as we were the attacking party.
The enemy reported his loss in killed at 361. but as he re-
ported his missing at 4,146, while we held over 6,000 of them
.as prisoners, and there must have been hundreds, if not thous-
ICO THE bl.ACK REGULARS IX THE SPAXlSII-ASIBKICAy WAR
ands. who deserted, but iittle reliance can be {^aced upon this
report."
In the battle of Qiickamauga, when "four-fifths of the Union
Army had crumbled into wild contusion," and Rosecrans wa>
intent only on sa\-ing the fragments. General Thomas, who had
commanded the Federal left during the two days' conflict, and
had borne the bnmt of the fight, still held his position. To
him General James A. Garfield reported. General Gordon
Granger, without orders, brought up the reserves, and Thoma?.
replacing his lines, held tlie ground until nightfall, when he
■was joined by Sheridan. Bragg won and held the field, Init
Thomas effectually blocked his way to Chattanooga, securing
to himself immediately the title of the "Rock of Chicka-
raauga." His wonderful resolution stayed the tide of a vic-
tory dearly bought and actually won, and prevented the victors
frc«n grasjwng the object for which they had fought. In honor
of this stubbbom valor, and in recognition of this high ex-
pression of -\merican tenacit)-, the camp established in Chicka-
mauga Park by the assembling army was called Camp George
II. Thomas.
The stay of the colored r^^ilars at Camp George H. Thomas
A-as siiort, but it was long enough for certain newspapers of
Chattanooga to give expression to their dislike to n^^o troops
in general and to those in their proximity especially. The
Washington Post. also, ever faithful to its unsavory- trust, lent
its influence to this work of defamation. The leading papers,
however, both of Chattanooga and the South generally, spoke
out in rather conciliatory- and patronizing tones, and nought to
restrain the people of their section from compromising thetr
brilliant display of patriotism by contemptuous flings at the
nation's true and tried soldiers.
The 24th Infantry and the 9th Cavalrj' soon left for Tampa,
THE BLACK REGfLARS IX THE SPAXISH-AMERICAK WAR lOI
Florida, whither they were followed by the loth Cavalry and
the 25th Infantr\-. thus bringing the entire colored element
of the army tog^ether to prepare for embarkation. The work
done at Tampa is thus described officially by Lieutenant-Col-
onel Daggett in general orders addressed to the 25th Infantry,
which he at that time commanded. On August nth. with
headquaners near Santiago, after the g^eat battles had beea
focght and won, he thus reviewed the work of the regiment :
"Gathered from three different stations- many of you strang-
ers to each other, you assembled as a regiment for the first time
in more than twent\--eight years, on May 7. 1898. at Tampa,
Florida. There you endeavored to solidify and prepare your-
selves, as far as the oppressive weather would permit, for the
work that appeared to be before you." What is here said of
the 25th might have been said with equal propriety of all the
regular troops assembled at Tampa.
In the meantime events v.-ere ripening with great rapidity-.
The historic "first gun'" had been fired, and the United States
made the first naval capture of the war on April 22, the coast
trader Buena Ventura having surrendered to the American
gunboat Xash\-ille. On the same day the blockade of Cuban
ports was declared and on the day following a call was issued
for 125,000 volunteers. On May 20th the news that a Spanish
fleet under command of Admiral Cer\-era had arrived at San-
tiago was officially confirmed, and a speedy movement to Cuba
V.2S determined upon.
Almost the entire Regular Army with several volunteer
regiments were organized into an Army of Invasion and placed
under the command of Major-General \\". R. Shafter with or-
ders to prepare immediately for embarkation, and on the 7th
and loth of June this army went on board the transports. For
seven days the troops lay cooped up on the vessels awaiting
I02 THE i:l,ACK REGULARS IX THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
orders to sail, a rumor having- gained circulation that certain
Spanish gunboats were hovering around in Cuban waters
awaiting to swoop down upon the crowded transports. While
the Army of Invasion was sweltering in the ships lying at
anclior off Port Tampa, a small body of American marines
made a landing at Guantanamo. and on June 12th fought the
first battle between Americans and Spaniards on Cuban soil.
In this first battle four Americans were killed. The next day,
June 13th, General Shaffer's army containing the four col-
ored regiments, excepting those left behind to guard property,
sailed for Cuba.*
The whole number of men and officers in the expedition, in-
cluding those that came on transports from Mobile, amounted
to about seventeen thousand men, loaded on twenty-seven
transports. The colored regiments were assigned to brigades
as follows: The Ninth Cavalry was joined with the Third and
Sixth Cavalry and placed under command of Colonel Carrol ;
the Tenth Cavalry was joined with the Rough Riders and First
Regular Cavalry and fell under the command of General
Young; the Twenty- fourth Infantry was joined with the Ninth
and Thirteenth Infantry and the brigade placed under com-
mand of Colonel Worth and assigned to the division com-
manded by General Kent, who, until his promotion as Briga-
dier-General of Volunteers, had been Colonel of the Twenty-
fourth : the Twenty-fifth Infantry was joined with the Fir.-t
and Fourth Infantry and the brigade placed under command of
Colonel Evans Miles, who had fomierly been Major of the
Twenty-fifth. All of the colored regiments were thus happily
placed so that they should be in pleasant soldierly comi)etition
*The colored regulars were embarked on the following named ships :
The 9th Cavalry on the Miami, in company with the 6th Infantry; the lOth
Cavalry on the Leona, in company with the ist Cavalry; the 24th Infantry
on the City of Washington, in company with one battalion of the 21st In-
fantry; the 25lh infantry on board the Concho, in company with the 4th
Infantry.
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR lOJ
with the very best troops the country ever put in the field, and
this arrangement at the start proves how strongly the black
regular had entrenched himself in the confidence of our great
commanders.
Thus sailed from Port Tampa the major part of our little
army of trained and seasoned soldiers, representative of the
skill and daring of the nation.* In physique, almost every
man was an athlete, and while but few had seen actual war be-
yond an occasional skirmish with Indians, all excepting the
few volunteers, had passed through a long process of training
in the various details of marching, camping and fighting in
their annual exercises in minor tactics. For the first time in
history the nation is going abroad, by its army, to occupy the
territory of a foreign foe, in a contest with a trans-Atlantic
power. The unsuccessful invasions of Canada during the
Revolutionary War and the War of 1812 can hardly be brougiit
in comparison with this movement over sea. The departure
of Decatur with his nine ships of war to the Barbary States
had in view only the establishment of proper civil relations
between those petty, half-civilized countries and the United'
States. The sailing of Cieneral Shaffer's aniiy was only one
movement in a comprehensive war against the Kingdom of
Spain. More than a month earlier Commodore Dewey, acting
under orders, had destroyed a fleet of eleven war ships in the
Philippines. The purpose of the war was to relieve the Cu-
bans from an inhumane warfare with their mother country,
and to restore to that unhappy island a stable government in
harmony with the ideas of liberty and justice.
Up to the breaking out of the Spanish War the American
policy with respect to Europe had been one of isolation. Some
efforts had l)een made to eonsolidate the sentiment of the West-
*See Note, at the close of this chapter.
■j04 the black regulars in THK SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
crn world, but it had never been successful. The fraternity of
the American Republics and the attempted construction of a
Pan-American policy had been thus far unfulfilled dreams.
Canada was much nearer to the United States, geographically
and socially, than even Mexico, although the latter is a repub-
lic. England, in Europe, was nearer than Brazil. The day
came in 1898, when the United States could no longer remain
in political seclusion nor bury herself in an impossible federa-
tion. ^^'^ashington's advice against becoming involved in
European affairs, as well as the direct corrollary of the Mon-
roe Doctrine, were to be laid aside and the United States was
to speak out to the world. The business of a European na-
tion had become our business; in the face of all the world we
resolved to invade her territory in the interest of humanity;
to face about upon our own traditions and dare the opinions
and arms of the trans-Atlantic world by openly launching
.upon the new policy of armed intervention in another's quarrel.
While the troops were mobilizing at Tampa preparatory to
embarking for Cuba the question came up as to why there were
no colored men in the artillery arm of the service, and the an-
swer given by a Regular Army officer was, that the Negro had
not brains enough for the management of heavy guns. It was
a trifling assertion, of course, but at this period of the Negro's
history it must not be allowed to pass unnoticed. We know
that white men of all races and nationalities can serve big
guns, and if the Negro cannot, it must be because of some
marked difference between him and them. The officer said it
was a difference in "brains," i. e., a mental difference. Just
how the problem of aiming and firing a big gun differs from
that of aiming and firing small arms is not so easily explained.
In both, the questions of velocity, gravitation, wind and resis-
tance are to be considered and these are largely settled by me-
THE BLACK REGULARS IN THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR I05
chanism, the adjustment of which is readily learned; hence the
assumption that a Negro cannot learn it is purely gratuitous.
Several of the best rifle shots known on this continent are
Negroes ; and it was a Negro who summerized the whole
philosophy of rifle shooting in the statement that it all con-
sists in knowing zvhcrc to aim, and hozv to pull — in knowing
just what~value to assigivto gravitation^ drift of the bullet and
force of the wind, and then in being able to pull the trigger
of the piece without disturbing the aim thus judiciously deter-
mined. This includes all there is in the final science and art
of firing a rifle. If the Negro can thus master the revolver,
the carbine and the rifle, why ma)' he not master the field piece
or siege gun ?
But an ounce of fact in such things is worth more than
many volumes of idle speculation, and it is remarkable that
facts so recent, so numerous, and so near at hand, should es-
cape the notice of those who question the Negro's ability to
serve the artillery organizations. Negro artillery, both light
and heavy, fought in fifteen battles in the Civil War with aver-
age effectiveness; and some of those who fought against them
must either admit the value of the Negro artilleryman or ac-
knowledge their own inefficiency. General Fitz-Hugh Lee
failed to capture a Negro battery after making most vigorous
attempts tO that end. This attempt to raise a doubt as to the
Negro's ability to serve in the artillery arm is akin to, and
less excusable, than that other groundless assertion, that Negro
officers cannot command troops, an assertion which in this
country amounts to saying that the United States cannot com-
mand its army. Both of these assertions have been emphati-
cally answered in fact, the former as shown above, and the lat-
ter as will be shown later in this volume. These assertions are
only temporary covers, behind which discomfitted and retreat-
Jo6 lUE ULACK REGUI.AKS IN THE SPAN JSH-AiMKRlCAN WAR
ing prejudice is able to make a brief stand, while the black hero
of five hundred battle-fields., marches proudly by, disdaining
to lower his gun to fire a shot on a foe so unworthy. WTien
the Second Massachusetts Volunteers sent up their hearty
cheers of welcome to the gallant old Twenty-fifth, as that
solid column fresh from El Caney swung past its camp, I re-
marked to Sergeant Harris, of the Twenty-fifth : "Those men
think you are soldiers."' ''They know we are soldiers," was
his reply. When the people of this country, like the mem-
bers of that Massachusetts regiment, come to know that its
black men in uniform are soldiers, plain soldiers, with the same
interests and feelings as other soldiers, of as much value to the
government and entitled from it to the same attention and re-
wards, ihen a grcot step toward the solution of the prodigious
pioblem now -confronting us will h^ve been taken.
Note. — "I liad often heard that the physique of the men of our
regular array was very remarkable, but the first time I saw any
large body of them, which was at Tampa, they surpassed my
highest expectations. It is not, however, to be wondered at
that, for every recruit who is accepted, on the average thirty-
four are rejected, and that, of course, the men who present
themselves to the recruiting officer already represent a physical
'elite' ; but it was very pleasant to see and be assured, as I was
at Tampa, by the evidences of my own eyes and the tape meas-
ure, that there is not a guard regiment of either the Russian,
German or English army, of whose remarkable physique we
have heard so much, that can compare physically, not with the
best of our men, but simply with the average of the men of our
regular army." — Bon.sal.
BRIEF SKKTCH OF SPANISH HISTORY I07
CHAPTER IV.
BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY.
The following brief sketch of Spain, its era of greatness,
the causes leading thereto, and the reasons for its rapid de-
cline, will be of interest to the reader at this point in the nar-
rative, as it will bring into view the other side of the impend-
ing conflict:
Spain, the iirst in rank among the second-rate powers of
Europe, by reason of her possessions in the West Indies, es-
pecially Cuba, may be regarded as quite a near neighbor, and
because of her connection with the discovery and settlement
of the continent, as well as the commanding part she at one
time played in the world's jx)litics, her history cannot but
awaken within the breasts of Americans a most lively interest.
As a geographical and political fact, Spain dates from the
earliest times, and the Spanish people gather within themselves
the blood and the traditions of the three great continents of
the Old World — Europe, Asia and Africa — united to produce
the mighty Spaniard of the r5th and i6th centuries. It
would be an interesting subject for the anthropologist to trace
the construction of that people who are so often spoken of as
possessing the pure blood of Castile, and as the facts should
be brought to view, another proud fiction would dissipate in
thin air, as we should see the Spaniard arising to take his place
among the most mixed of mankind.
The Spain that we are considering now is the Spain that
gradually emerged from a chaos of conflicting elements into
lo8 r.RlEK SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY
the unity of a Christian nation. The dismal war between
creeds gave way to the greater conflict between religions, when
Cross and Crescent contended for supremacy, and this too had
passed. The four stalwart Christian provinces of Leon, Cas-
tile, Aragon and Navarre had become the four pillars of sup-
port to a national throne and Ferdinand and Isabella were
reigning. Spain has now apparently passed the narrows and
is crossing the bar with prow set toward the open sea. She
ends her war with the Moors at the same time that England
ends her wars of the Roses, and the battle of Bosw'orth's field
may be classed with the capitulation of Granada. Both na-
tions confront a future of about equal promise and may be
rated as on equal footing, as this new era of the world opens
to view.
What was this new era? Printing had been invented, com-
merce had arisen, gunpowder had come into use, the feudal sys-
tem was passing, royal authority had become paramount, and
Spain was giving to the world its first lessons in what was
early stigmatized as the "knavish calling of diplomacy."
Now began the halcyon days of Spain, and what a breed
of men she produced ! Read the story of their conquests in
Mexico and Peru, as told with so much skill and taste by our
own Prescott; or read of the grandeur of her national charac-
ter, and the wonderful valor of her troops, and the almost mar-
velous skill of her Alexander of Parma, and her Spinola, as
described by our great Motley, and you will see something of
the moral and national glory of that Spain which under
Charles V and Philip II awed the w'orld into respectful silence.
Who but men of iron, under a commander of steel, could
have conducted to a successful issue the awful siege of Ant-
werp, and by a discipline more dreadful than death, kept for
so many years, armed control of the country of the brave
BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORV IO9.
Netherlanders? A Farnese was there, who could support and
command an army, carry PhiHp and his puerile idosyncrasies
upon his back and meet the fury of an outraged people who
were fighting on their own soil for all that man holds dear.
Never was wretched cause so ably led, never were such splen-
did talents so unworthily employed.
Alexander of Parma, Cortez, the Pizarros, were representa-
tives of that form of human character that Spain especially
developed. Skill and daring were brought out in dazzling
splendor, and success followed their movements. Take a brief
survey of the Empire under Charles V : Himself Emperor
of Germany; his son married to the Queen of England; Turkey
repulsed : France humbled, and all Europe practically within
his grasp. And what was Spain outside of Europe? In Amer-
ica she possessed territory covering sixty degrees of latitude,
owning Mexico, Central America, Venezuela, New Granada,
Peru and Chili, with vast parts of North America, and the
islands of Cuba, Jamaica and St, Domingo. In Africa and
Asia she had large possessions — in a word, the energies of the
world were at her feet. The silver and gold of America, the
manufactures and commerce of the Netherlands, combined to
make her the richest of nations.
The limits of the present purpose do not permit an exhaus-
tive presentation of her material strength in detail, nor are the
means at hand for making such an exhibit. We must be con-
tent with a general picture, quoted directly from Motley. He
says :
"Look at the broad magnificent Spanish Peninsula, stretch-
ing across eight degrees of latitude and ten of longtitude, com-
manding the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, with a genial
climate, warmed in winter by the vast furnace of Africa, and
protected from the scorching heats of summer by shady moun-
IIO BRIEF SKR'ICH OK SPANISH HISTOUV
tain mid forest, and temperate breezes from either ocean. A
j^'enerons southern territory, flowing; with oil and wine, and all
the richest gifts of a bountiful nature — splendid cities — the
new and daily expanding Madrid, rich in the trophies of the
most artistic period of the modern world; Cadiz, as populous
at that day as London, seated by the straits where the an-
cient and modern systems of traffic were blending- like the
mingling- of the two oceans; Granada, the ancient, wealthy
seat of the fallen Moors ; Toledo, Valladolid, and Lisbon, chief
city of the recently conquered kingdom of Portugal, counting
with its suburbs a larger population than any city excepting
Paris, in Europe, the mother of distant colonies, and the capital
of the rapidly-developing traffic with both the Indies — these
were some of the treasures of Spain herself. But she pos-
sessed Sicily also, the better portion of Italy, and important
dq)endencies in Africa, while the famous maritime discover-
ies of the age had all enured to her aggrandizement. The
world seemeil suddenly to have expanded its wings from East
to West, only to bear the fortunate Spanish Empire to the
most dizzy heights of wealth and power. The most accom-
plished generals, the most disciplined and daring infantry the
world has ever known, the best equipped and most extensive
navy, royal and mercantile, of the age, were at the absolute
command rtf the sovereign. Such was Spain."
Such is not Spain to-day. A quite recent writer, speaking
of Spain before the war, said, that although Spain in extent
holds the sixth place in the European states, "it really now sub-
sists merely by the sufferance of stronger nations." Thus
has that nation, which three centuries ago dominated the world,
lost both its position and its energy.
Without attempting to sketcli chronologically, either this
rise or this decline, let us rather direct oiir efforts to an in-
BRIEF SKETCH OK SPANISH HISTORY I I C
qtiiry into the causes of both the one and the other.
In attempting to explain the greatness of Spain we nmst
give first place to the vigor of the Spanish race. The great
Spaniard was a mighty compovmd. He had the blood of Rome
mingled with the awful torrent that gave birth to the soulless
Goths and \^andals. In him also flowed the hot blood of the
Moors. He was both sturdy and fiery; he had the fervor of the
South with the tenacity of the North ; the pride of the Roman
with the passion of the Moor. The Spanish race was em-
phatically a rich race.
And then we must remember that this race had been forged
in war. Century after century, from the earliest times, they
had lived with their arms in their hands. First came the long
war between the Arian Vandals, and the Trinitarian natives ;
then the scAen-hundred-year war with the followers of Ma-
homed. The whole mission of life to them was to fight.
Natiu'ally there was developed in the people at large the
most complete unification and subjection. Individualism gave
place almost entirely to the common weal, and the spectacle
was presented of a nation with no political questions. Mac-
caulay maintains that human nature is such that aggregations
of men will always show the two principles of radicalism and
conservatism, and that two parties will exist in consequence,
one composed of those who are ever looking to a brighter
future, the other of those who are ever seeking to restore a
delightful past; but no such phenomena appear in the ascend-
ing period of Spain's history. The whole nation moved as an
organized army, steadily forward, until its zenith was reached.
This solidity was a marked element of its strength.
Mr. Buckle recognizes this, and accounts for the harmoniou.i
movements of the nation by the influence of two leading prin-
•ciples, which he is pleased to call superstition and loyalty.
112 IJRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY
The Arab invasion had pressed upon the Christians with such
force that it was only by the strictest disciphne that the latter
had managed to survive. To secure such discipline, and at
the same time supply the people with the steady enthusiasm
necessary to support a war from century to century, all the
terrors and all the glories that could be derived from religion
were employed. The church and the state, the prince and the
priest, became as one, and loyalty and religion, devotion to
the standard and to the cross, were but different names for the
same principles and actions. Hence Spain emerged to great-
ness without the least dream of liberty of either person, cons-
cience or thouglit. Her rallying cry was : For the Prince and
the Church ; not, For God and Liberty. She went up to great-
ness the most loyal and the most religious of nations ; but Lib-
erty, Justice and Truth were not upon her banners.
Look over the territory settled and conquered by her, and
what do we see? Columbus, sailing under Spain, names the
first land he discovers San Salvador; the first settlement made
in this country is St. Augustine; the second, Sante Fe. Look
down over the southern half of our continent and such names
as Espirito Santo, Corpus Christi, San Diego, San Juan, San
Jose, San Domingo attest the religious zeal of the conquerors.
They were missionaries of the Cross, robbing the people of
their gold and paying them off with religion.
Steadfast in the faith and sturdy in her loyalty, Spain re-
sisted all innovations with respect to her religious beliefs, and
all insurrections against her government. Her Alva and her
Torqnemada but illustrated how strong was her conservatism,
while her Isabella and her Philip H show how grand and com-
prehensive and how persistent was her aggressiveness, under
the idea of spreading and upiiolding the true faith. She not
only meant to hold all she had of wealth and power, but she as-
BRIEF SiCETCd Oi SPANISH HISTORY II3.
pired to universal dominion; already chief, she desired to be
sole, and this in the interest and name of the Holy Church.
The Reformation did not disturb Spain ; it was crushed out
within twenty years. The spirit of liberty that had been grow-
ing in England since Bosworth's Field, and that was manifest-
ing itself in Germany and the Netherlands, and that had begun
to quiver even in France, did not dare stir itself in Spain.
Spain was united, or rather, was solidity itself, and this solidity
was both its strength and its death. England was not so
united, and England went steadily onward and upward; but
Spain's unity destroyed her, because it practically destroyed
individualism and presented the strange paradox of a strong
nation of weak men.
As a machine Spain in the sixteenth century was a marvel
of power ; as an aggregation of thinking men, it was even then
contemptible. Ferdinand, Charles V and Philip II were able
and illustrious rulers, and they appeared at a time when their
several characters could tell on the immediate fortunes of
Spain. They were warriors, and the nation was entirely war-
like. During this period the Spaniard overran the earth, not
that he might till the soil, but that he might rob the man who
did. With one hand he was raking in the gold and silver of
Mexico and Peru; with the other confiscating the profits of
the trade and manufactures of the Low Countries — and all in
the name of the Great God and Saints !
How was Spain overthrown? The answer is a short one.
Spain, under Philip II staked her all upon a religious war
against the awakening age. She met the Reformation within
her own borders and extinguished it ; but thought had broken
loose from its chains and was abroad in the earth. England
had turned Protestant, and Elizabeth was on the throne ; Den-
mark, Norway and Sweden, indeed all countries except Spain
8
114 BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HlSTOR\
and Italy had heard the echoes from Luther's trumpet blast.
Italy furnished the religion, and Spain the powder, in this un-
equal fight between the Old and the New. Spain was not
merely the representative of the old, she WAS the old, and
she armed her whole strength in its behalf.
Here was a religion separated from all moral principle and
devoid of all softening sentiment — its most appropriate for-
mula being, death to all heretics. Death — not to tyrants, not
to oppressors, not to robbers and men-stealers — ^but death to
heretics. It was this that equipped her Armada.
The people were too loyal and too pious to THINK, and
so were hurled in a solid mass against the armed thought of
the coming age, and a mighty nation crumbled as in a day.
With the destruction of her Armada her warlike ascendancy
passed and she had nothing to put in its place. She had not
tillers of the soil, mechanics or skilled merchants. Business
was taking the place of war all over the world, but Spain knew
only religion and war, hence worsted in her only field, she was
doomed.
From the days of Philip II her decline was rapid. Her ter-
ritory slipped from her as rapidly as it had been acquired. Her
great domains on our soil are now the seat of thriving com-
munities of English-speaking people. The whole continent of
South America has thrown off her yoke, though still retaining
her language, and our troops now embarked from Port Tampa
are destined to wrest from her the two only remaining colonies
subject to her sv;ay in the Western World. — Cuba and Porto
Rico. With all her losses hitherto, Spain has not learned
wisdom. Antagonistic to truth and liberty, she seems to sit in
the shadow of death, hugging the delusions that have betrayed
her, while all other people of earth are pressing onward to-
ward light and liberty.
BRIEF SKETCH OF SPANISH HISTORY II5
The struggle in Cuba had been going on for years, and in
that colony of less than two millions of inhabitants, many of
whom were Spaniards, there was now an army four times as
large as the standing army of the United States. Against this
army and against the Government of Spain a revolt had been
carried on previous to the present outbreak for a period of tea
years, and which had been settled by concessions on the part
of the home government. The present revolt was of two years'
standing when our government decided to interfere. The
Cubans had maintained disorder, if they had not carried on
war; and they had declined to be pacified. In their army they
experienced no color difficulties. Gomez, Maceo and Quintin
Banderas were generals honored and loved, Maceo especially
coming to be the hero and idol of the insurgents of all classes.
And it can truthfully be said that no man in either the Cuban
or Spanish army, in all the Cuban struggle previous to our in-
tervention, has earned a loftier fame as patriot, soldier and
man of noble mould than ANTONIO MACEO'.
Cuba, by far the most advanced of all the West Indian col-
onies ; Cuba, essentially Spanish, was destined to be the battle
ground between our troops and the veterans of Spain. The
question to be settled was that of Spain's sovereignty. Spain's
right to rule over the colonies of Cuba and Porto Rico was dis-
puted by the United States, and this question, and this alone,
is to be settled by force of arms. Further than this, the issue
does not go. The dictum of America is : Spain shall not rule.
The questions of Annexation, Expansion and Imperialism
were not before us as we launched our forces to drive Spain
out of the West Indies. The Cuban flag was closely asso-
ciated with our own standard popularly, and "Cuba Libre"
was a wide-spread sentiment in June, 1898. "We are ready to
help the Cubans gain their liberty" was the honest expression
of thousands who felt they were going forward in a war for
others.
I i6 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
CHAPTER V.
PASSAGE, LANDING, AND FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA.
The Tenth Cavalry at Guasimas— The "Rescue of the Rough Riders"—
Was There an Ambush?— Notes.
"The passage to Santiago was generally smooth and un-
eventful," says General Shafter in his official report. But
when the fact is called to mind that the men had been on board
a week before sailing, and were a week more on the passage,
and that "the conveniences on many of the transports in the
nature of sleeping accommodations, space for exercise, closet
accommodations, etc., were not all that could have been de-
sired," and that the opinion was general throughout the army
that the travel ration was faulty, it cannot be doubted that the
trip was a sore trial to the enlisted men at least. The monoton-
ous days passed in the harbor at Port Tampa, while waiting
for orders to sail, were unusually trying to the men. They
were relieved somewhat by bathing, swimming, gaming and
chatting on the coming events. A soldier who was in one of
the colored regiments describes the inside life of one of the
transports as follows: "After some miles of railroad travel
and much hustling we were put on board the transport. I
say on board, but it is simply because we cannot use the terms
under board. We were huddled together below two other regi-
ments and under the water line, in the dirtiest, closest, most
sickening place imaginable. For about fifteen days we were
on the water in this dirty hole, but being soldiers we were com-
pelled to accept this without a murmur. We ate corn beef and
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA II7
canned tomatoes with our hard bread until we were anything
but half way pleased. In the fifth or sixth day out to sea the
water furnished us became muddy or dirty and well flavored
vrith salt, and remained so during the rest of the journey.
Then, the ship's cooks, knowing well our condition made it con-
venient to themselves to sell us a glass of clean ice water and
a small piece of bread and tainted meat for the sum of seventy-
five cents, or one dollar, as the case might be."
A passage from Port Tampa, around the eastern end -"tf
Cuba, through the Windward Passage, even in June, is ordin-
arily pleasant. On the deck of a clean steamer, protected from
the sun's rays by a friendly awning, it may be put down as
pearly an ideal pleasure trip; but crowded into freight ships as
these men were, many of them clad in thick and uncomfortable
clothing, reduced to the uninviting travel ration, compelled to
spend most of the time below decks, occupied with thoughts
of home and friends, and beset with forebodings of coming
events, it was very far from being to them a pastime. Of the
thousands who are going to Cuba to magnify the American
flag, not all will return. Occasionally the gay music of the
bands would relieve the dull routine and cause the spirits to
rise under the eflfects of some enlivening waltz or stirring
patriotic air; or entering a school of flying fish the men would
be entertained to see these broad-finned creatures dart from the
waves like arrows from the bow, and after a graceful flight of
perhaps near two hundred yards drop again into the sea; but
taken altogether it was a voyage that furnishes little for the
historian.
The transports were so arranged as to present an interesting
and picturesque spectacle as they departed from our shores on
their ocean march. Forming in three columns, with a dis-
Il8 llRhl liAITLE IN CUBA
tance of about i,ooo yards between the columns, and the ves-
sels in the columns being distanced from one another about
400 yards, the fleet was convoyed from Port Tampa by small
naval vessels until it reached a point between the Dry Tor-
tugas and Key West. Here it was met by the noble battleship
Indiana and nine other war vessels, thus making a convoy al-
together of fifteen fighting craft. Transports and convoy now-
made an armada of more than forty ships, armed and manned
by the audacious modern republic whose flag waved from every
masthead. Thus spreading out over miles of smooth sea, mov-
ing quietly along by steam, carrying in its arms the flower of
the American army, every man of which was an athlete, this
fleet announced to the world the grim purpose of a nation
aroused.
The weather from the time of leaving Port Tampa continued
fine until the fleet entered the passage between the western
coast of Hayti and the eastern end of Cuba, known as the
Windward Passage, when the breeze freshened and a rough
sea began, continuing more or less up to the time of landing.
Rounding this eastern coast of Cuba the fleet headed its course
westerly and on the morning of the 20th was able to deter-
mine its position as being ofif Guantanamo Bay, about fifty
miles east of Santiago. Here, eight days before, the first bat-
tle on Cuban soil, in which four American marines were killed,
had been fought. About noon on the same day, the fleet came
to a halt oft Santiago harbor, or a little to the west of the en-
trance to it, and Admiral Sampson came on board. He and
Greneral Shafter soon after went ashore to consult the Cuban
General, Garcia, who was known to be in that vicinity with
about 4,000 well armed troops.
The voyage over, and the men having been crowded together
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA II9
on shipboard for nearly two weeks, it was now expedient to
get them on shore as soon as possible. But it was necessary
to find out beforehand what defences were along the coasr,
and what forces of the enemy were likely to be encountered in
landing. The fleet lay off from the shore about a mile, and
it was no small undertaking to convey the 17,000 men on board
with all their arms and equipments to the shore in small boats
over a rough sea, especially should the landing be disputed. It
was to arrange for the landing and also to map out a general
plan of campaign that the three great leaders, Shafter, Samp-
son and Gai^cia met at Aserradores on the afternoon of June
20th as the American fleet stood guard over the harbor of
Santiago.
General Garcia was already aware of the coming of the fleet,
having received a message from Major-General Miles two
weeks previous. The letter of General Miles ran as follows :
Headquarters of the Army,
In the Field, Tampa, Fla., June 2, 1898.
Dear General : — I am very glad to have received your offi-
cers, General Enrique Collazo and Lieut.-Col. Carlos Hernan-
dez, the latter of whom returns to-night with our best wishes for
your success.
It would be a very great assistance if you could have as large
a force as possible in the vicinity of the harbor of Santiago de
Cuba, and communicate any information by signals which Col-
onel Hernandez will explain to you either to our navy or to our
army on its arrival, which we hope will be before many days.
It would also assist us very much if you could drive in and
harass any Spanish troops near or in Santiago de Cuba, threat-
ening or attacking them at all points, and preventing, by every
means, any possible re-enforcement coming to that garrison.
While this is being done, and before the arrival of our army,
if you can seize and hold any commanding position to the east
or west of Santiago de Cuba, or both, that would be advanta-
I20 KJRST BATTLE IN CUBA
geous for the use of our artillery, it will' be exceedingly gratify-
ing to us."
To this General Garcia replied that he would "take measures
at once to carry out your (Miles') recommendation, but con-
centration of forces will require some time. Roads bad and
Cubans scattered. Will march without delay." Admiral
Sampson also cabled the Secretary of the Navy that Garcia
"regards his (Miles') wishes and suggestions as orders, and
immediately will take measures to concentrate forces at the
points indicated, but he is unable to do so as early as desired
on account of his expedition at Banes Port, Cuba, but will
march without delay. All of his subordinates are ordered to
assist to disembark the United States troops and to place
themsel ^es under orders." It was in compliance with these re-
quests ihat General Garcia had the five thousand troops so
near Santiago at the time he welcomed Shafter and Sampson
to his camp, as mentioned above, and there is every necessary
evidence that these Cuban troops took part in the fight about
Santiago. Says General Miles of Garcia : "He had troops in
the rear as well as on both sides of the garrison at Santiago be-
fore the arrival of our troops."
It was agreed that the force of five hundred men under
General Castillo, posted near Daiquiri, should be increased to
i,ooo, and should be prepared to make an attack upon the
rear of the Spanish garrison at Daiquiri on the morning of the
22nd, at which time the debarkation would begin. General
Rabi with about 500 men was also to attack Cabanas at the
♦ame time, in the same manner, the transports and war vessels
;o manoeuvring as to give the impression that a landing was
.0 be made at that place. While these attacks in the rear were
distracting the garrisons, the navy, by order of Admiral Samp-
son, was to start up a vigorous bombardment of all the villages
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
along the coast, thus clearing the shore for the landing of the
army. Thus did the conference unite the hands of Ameri-
cans and Cubans in the fight against Spain on Cuban soil, and
each was pledged to the other by the expressions of good will.
Having accomplished its work the important conference closed,
Admiral Sampson and General Shafter to return to their ships,
and General Garcia to carry out the part of the work assigned
to him, which he did with fidelity and success.*
According to orders published on the 20th, General Law-
ton's Division, known as the Second Division, Fifth Army
Corps, was to disembark first. This Division contained the
three following Brigades : The First, General Ludlow's, com-
posed of the Eighth and Twenty-second Infantry (regulars)
and the Second Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry; the Sec-
ond Brigade, General Miles', composed of the Fourth and
Twenty-fifth Infantry (regulars) ; the Third Brigade, General
Chaffee's, containing the Seventh, Twelfth and Seventeenth
Infantry (regulars). Next to follow was General Bates' Bri-
gade, which was to act as reserve to Lawton's Division. This
Brigade consisted of the Third and Twentieth Infantry (regu-
lars) and one squadron of the Second Cavalry, the only
mounted troops in Shafter's army. The cavalry, however,
were not to disembark with the Brigade, but were to be the
last troops to leave the transports. After Bates' Brigade, was
to follow Wheeler's Dismounted Cavalry Division, containing
the two following Brigades : The First, composed of the
Third, Sixth and Ninth Cavalry (regulars) ; the Second, com-
posed of the First and Tenth Cavalry (regulars) and the First
Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders). To follow the Cavalry
Division was to come the First Division, General Kent's, con-
taining the following troops : The First Brigade, General
*Sce Note A at the end of this chapter.
122 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
Hawkins', consisting of the Sixth and Sixteenth Infantry
(regulars) and the Seventy-first New York Vohmteer Infan-
try; the Second Brigade, General Pearson's, consisting of the
Second, Tenth and Twenty-first Infantry (regulars) ; the
Third Brigade, Colonel Wikoff's, made up of the Ninth, Thir-
teenth and Twenty-fourth Infantry (regulars). Then, lastly,
was to depart the squadron of mounted cavalry.
Thus prepared, both on board the ships and on shore, the
morning of the 22nd dawned to witness the beginning of
mighty operations. The war vessels, drawn up in proper or-
der, early began to hurl shot and shell upon the towns, forts,
blockhouses and clumps of trees that could be discovered along
the shore. The cannonading lasted between two and three
hours and was furious throughout. Meanwhile General Law-
ton's Division began the work of going ashore. The sea was
rough and tlie passage to the shore was made in small boats
furnished from the transports and from the naval vessels,
towed by steam launches belonging to the navy. The larger
of the boats were capable of carrying ten or twelve men each,
while the smaller ones could carry but six or seven. During
the passage to the shore several of the men who had escaped
thus far. were taken with seasickness, greatly to the amuse-
ment of their more hardy companions. The landing was made
at a pier which had been used formerly as a railroad pier, but
was now abandoned and somewhat dilapidated. To get from
the boats to the pier in this rough sea was the most perilous
part of the whole trip from Tampa to Cuba. As the boats
would rise on the waves almost level with the landing place.
it was necessary to leap quickly from the boat to the shore. In
this way two cavalrymen of the Tenth lost their lives, falling
into the sea with their equipments on and sinking before helj'
could reach them. Some of the 'boats were rowed ashore and
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 123f
made a landing on the beach some distance from the pier. By
this method some men of the Twenty-fifth tried to be the first
to land, but failed, that regiment landing, however, in the first
body of troops to go ashore, and being the second in order, in
the invasion of the island. By night of the 22nd more than
one-third of the troops were on shore, and by the evening of
the 24th the whole army was disembarked according to the
program announced at the beginning, the squadron of cavalry
coming in at the close of the march to the shore.
The only national movement on our part deserving to be
brought into comparison with the expedition against the
Spanish power in Cuba, is that of fifty years earlier, when
General Scott sailed at the head of the army of invasion against
Mexico. Some of the occurrences of that expedition, especially
connected with its landing, should be carefully studied, and if
the reports which have reached the public concerning it arc
truthful, we would do well to consider how far the methods
then in use could be applied now. Scribner's recent history,
published just before the outbreak of the Spanish War, tells
the story of that expedition, so far as it tells it at all, in the
following sentence: "On the 7th of March, the fleet with
Scott's army came to anchor a few miles south of Vera Cruz,
and two days later he landed his whole force — nearly twelve
thousand men — by means of surf-boats." A writer in a re-
cent number of The Army and Navy Journal says General
Worth's Division of 4,500 men were landed in one hour, and
the whole force was landed in six hours_, without accident or
confusion. In the prosecution of that unholy war, which lasted
about a year, nearly three thousand men were lost in battle and
about as many more by disease, peace being finally made by
the cession of territory on the part of Mexico, the United
States paying in return much more than the territory was
124 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
worth. The twenty millions paid to Texas probably in great
part went into the coffers of the patriots who occupied that
region, some of whom had not been known as desirable citizens
in the parts from which they came, and had manifested their
patriotism by leaving their country for their country's good.
The fifteen millions handed over to Mexico looks like a con-
tribution to a conscience fund, and an atonement offered for an
assault without provocation. The country gained Arizona,
New Mexico, California and finally Texas, but it lost six
thousand good men, the cost of the war, and all told, in nego-
tiations, about thirty million dollars, besides. However, it is not
always profitable to look up the harvests of war. There are
always two — the harvest of gain, and the harvest of loss.
Death and debt are reapers, as well as are honor and extent of
territory.
The feelings of the six thousand American troops who
landed on Cuban soil on June 22nd, 1898, may well be imag-
ined. Although they felt the effects of the confinement to
which they had been subjected while on shipboard, there was
very little sickness among them. Again possessed of the free
use of their limbs they swarmed the beach and open space near
the landing, making themselves at home, and confronting the
difficulties and perils that lay before them with a courage born
of national pride. Before them were the mountains with their
almost impassable roads, the jungles filled with poisonous
plants and the terrible prickly underbrush and pointed grass,
in which skulked the land crab and various reptiles whose bite
or sting was dangerous; twenty miles of this inhospitable
country lay between them and Santiago, their true objective.
And somewhere on the road to that city they knew they were
destined to meet a well-trained foe, skilled in all the arts of
modern warfare, who would contest their advance. The pros-
IIRST BATTLE IX CUBA 12$
pect, however, did not unnerve them, although they could well
conjecture that all who landed would not re-embark. Some in
that six thousand were destined never again to set foot on
shipboard. Out of the Twenty-fifth Infantry and the Tenth
Cavalry men were to fall both before Spanish bullets and
disease ere these organizations should assemble to return to
their native shores. These thoughts did not prevent the men
from taking advantage of what nature had to offer them.
"We landed in rowboats, amid, and after the cessation of
the bombardment of the little hamlet and coast by the men-
of-war and battle-ships," writes a brave soldier of the Twenty-
fifth Infantry, and adds immediately: "We then helped our-
selves to cocoanuts which we found in abundance near the
landing." Ordinarily this statement, so trivial and apparently
unimportant, would not merit repetition, but in its connection
here it is significant as showing the immediate tendency of the
men to resort to the fruits of the country, despite all warnings
to the contrary. The two weeks' experience on board the
transports had made the finding of cocoanuts an event to be
noted, and the dry pulp and strongly flavored milk of this
tropical fruit became extremely grateful to the palate, even
if not altogether safe for the stomach. If ripe, however, the
cocoanut could scarcely be more ungenial to many, than the
raw, canned tomatoes upon which they had in part subsisted
during the voyage. It is to be added that this report of the
finding of the cocoanuts is not the report of an old soldier, but
of a young and intelligent, first enlistment man.
Lawton's Division soon after landing, was ordered to move
forward in the direction of Santiago, on the road leading past
Siboney. A staff officer, writing of that movement, says:
"General Lawton, with his Division, in obedience to this order,
pushed forward from Daiquiri about five miles, when night
iZb KIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
overtook him and he bivouacked on the road." An old sol-
dier of the Twenty-fifth, writing me from the hospital in
Tampa, Florida, July 22nd, says of the same event: "After
the regiment landed we marched about four and a half miles
through the mountains; then we made camp." The old soldier
says nothing of cocoanuts, but makes his statement with as
much accuracy as possible, and with no waste of words. The
novice describing the same thing says : "A short distance
ahead (from the shore) we bivouacked for the night. We
were soon lying in dreamland, so far from friends and home,
indeed, on a distant, distant shore." These two extracts show
at once the difference between the soldier produced by years
of trial and training on our plains, and the soldier who but
yesterday was a civilian. With the one the march is a short
distance ; with the other it is about four and a half miles ; one
reports that they "made camp," the other talks of dreamland,
friends, home and distant shore; one expresses his feelings,
the other shows control of feeling and reserve in expression.
That first night on Cuban soil, the night following June
22nd, was one without events, but one of great concern to the
commanders on shore and on the fleet. The work of disem-
barking had gone on successfully, and already about six thous-
and men were on shore. Nearly the whole of Lawton's Divis-
ion, with Bates' independent brigade, were bivouacked, as we
have seen, about five miles from Daiquiri, exactly where the
railroad crosses the wagon road leading to Siboney. General
Wheeler's troops — one brigade — were encamped on the open
ground near the landing, the remainder of his division being
sfill on the transports. The Twenty-fifth Infantry was with
Lawton ; the Tenth Cavalry was ashore with Wheeler's troops.
A detachment of the Twenty-fifth was put on outpost duty on
that night of their landing, and five miles within Cuban ter-
FIRST HATTl.E IN CUiiA IfJ
ntory they tramped their solitary beats, establishing and guard-
ing the majestic authority of the United States.
Lawton's orders were to seize and hold the town of Siboney.-
at which place Kent's Division, containing the Twenty-fourth,
was to land. It was then intended that the whole army should
advance as rapidly as would be consistent with supplying the
men with rations toward Santiago. Siboney was to be the
base of supplies, and from this point ammunition and food
were to be conveyed to the front by wagons and pack trains.
General Shafter also intended that Lawton with his division
should lead the advance upon Santiago, but circumstances be-
yond his control brought about a different result. On the
morning of the 23rd Lawton's division was in motion early,
and before half-past ten o'clock he was able to report that the
Spaniards had evacuated Siboney and wer^ in full retreat,
pursued by a body of Cubans under direction of General Cas-
tillo; that the town was in his hands, and he had also cap-
tured one locomotive and nearly one hundred cars loaded with
coal.
General Young's brigade of General Wheeler's cavalry
division, got on shore on the afternoon of the 23rd and after
landing received verbal orders to move out with three days'
rations "to a good camping place between Juraguacito and Sib-
oney, on the road leading to Santiago de Cuba." In obedience
to these orders, at 4.30 in the afternoon Young with the Rough
Riders and a squadron from each of the First and Tenth Regu-
lar Cavalry moved from the bivouack near the landing and
arrived at Siboney at about 7 o'clock. When General Young
arrived at Siboney he had with him the Rough Riders, the
other troops having been delayed by the crowded condition of
the trail and the difficulty of following after nightfall. A1--
though these troops are always spoken of as cavalry, the
128 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
reader must not forget that they were dismounted and in march-
ing and fighting were the same as infantry.
General Young on arriving at Siboney reported to General
Wheeler, who had preceded him to the same place. The state-
ments of the several commanders here appear somewhat con-
flicting, although not inexplicable. General Lawton says:
"Yesterday afternoon, late, General Wheeler and staff arrived
and established his headquarters within the limits of my com-
mand. Saw him after dark. Late last night Colonel Wood's
regiment of dismounted cavalry (Rough Riders) passed
through my camp at Division Headquarters, and later General
Young, with some of the dismounted Cavalry, and early this
morning others of the dismounted cavalry." Wheeler says
that "in obedience to instructions from the Major-General
Commanding," given to him in person, he proceeded, on June
23rd, to Siboney, but does not say at what hour. He says he
"rode out to the front and found that the enemy had halted
a?.d established themselves at a point about three miles from
Siboney." He then informs us that "at 8 o'clock on that even-
ing of the 23rd General Young reached Siboney with eight
troops of Colonel Wood's regiment (A, B, D, E, F, G, K and
L), 500 strong; Troops A, B, G and K, of the First Cavalry,
in all 244, and Troops A, B, E and I, of the Tenth Cavalry,
in all 220 men, making a total force of 964 men, which in-
cluded nearly all of my command which had disembarked.
These troops had marched from Daiquiri, 1 1 miles. With the
assistance of General Castillo a rough map of the country was
prepared and the position of the enemy fully explained, and I
determined to make an attack." Lieutenant Miley says that
the whole brigade of Wheeler's troops arrived in Siboney
about dark and were occupying the same ground as. General
Lawton ("In Cuba With Shafter," p. 76.) General Young
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA I29-
says that after reporting to General Wheeler he "asked and
obtained from General Wheeler authority to make a recon-
noisance in force" for the purpose of obtaining "positive in-
formation * * * as to the position and movements of the
enemy in front."
The distance from Daiquiri to Siboney was but eleven miles,
and as the troops left the former place at 4.30 it is probable
that they were all bivouacked near Siboney before 9 o'clock,
as they were all together, according to General Wheeler's re-
port, at 5.45 on the morning of the 24th. General Young
having discovered that there were two roads or trails leading
from Siboney northward toward the town of Sevilla deter-
mined to make his reconnoisance by both these trails. He
directed Colonel Wood to move by the western trail and to
keep a careful lookout and to attack any Spaniards he might
encounter, being careful to join his right in the event of an
engagement, with the left of the column advancing by the
eastern trail. Colonel Wood's column was the left column and
was composed of the Rough Riders only. The column march-
ing by the eastern trail was composed of the First and Tenth
Cavalry (regulars) and was under the command of Genera!
Young. It was the intention of General Young by this column
to gain the enemy's left, and thus attack in front and left.
As early as 7.20 a. m. Captain Mills discovered the enemy ex-
actly as had been described by General Castillo. When this
was done word was sent to Colonel Wood, who was making
his way to the front over a more difficult route than the one
by which General Young's column had marched. A delay was
therefore made on the part of General Young in order that the
attack should begin on both flanks at the same time. During
this delay General Wheeler arrived and was informed of the
plans and dispositions for the attack, and after examining the
13© FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
position gave his approval of what had been done, whereupon
General Young ordered the attack. Greneral Wheeler in speak-
ing of the same event says : "General Young and myself ex-
amined the position of the enemy. The lines were deployed
and I directed him to open fire with the Hotckiss gun. The
enemy replied and the firing immediately became general."
There can be no question as to the planning of this fight nor
as to the direction of the American force in the fight so far
as any general direction was possible. Colonel Wood directed
one column and General Young another, while the plan of the
attack undoubtedly originated with General Youngf. General
Wheeler conveys as much when he says : "General Young de-
serves special commendation for his cool deliberate and skill-
ful management." General Young, if only the commander of
the right column consisting of two squadrons of regular
cavalry, had not as large a command, nor as difficult and im-
portant a one as had Colonel Wood, and hence is not deserving
of special commendation except upon the general ground that
he had supervision over the whole battle. This position is
taken by General Shafter in his report, who though admitting
the presence of the Division Commander, credits the battle to
General Young, the commander of the brigade. The recon-
noissance in force for which Young had obtained authority
from General Wheeler on the night of the 23rd had developed
into a battle, and the plan had evolved itself from the facts dis-
covered. This plan General Wheeler approved, but in no such
way as to take the credit from its originator ; and it is doubt-
less with reference both to the plan and the execution that he
bestows on General Young the mead of praise. This state-
ment of fact does not in the least detract from either the im-
portance or the praiseworthiness of the part played by Colond
Wood. Both he and the officers and men commanded by him
FIRST BATTLE IV CUBA 13c
received both from General Young and from the division com-
mander the most generous praise. The advance of Wood's
column was made with great difficulty owing to the nature of
the ground, and according to General Young's belief, he was
in the rear when at 7.20 in the morning Captain Mills discov-
ered the enemy, and a Cuban guide was dispatched to warn
Wood, and a delay made to allow time for him to come up.
Colonel Wood, on the other hand, claims to have discovered
the enemy at 7.10 and to have begtin action almost immediat-
ely, so that it turned out as Young had planned, and "the at-
tack of both wings was simultaneous." The Spaniards were
posted on a range of high hills in the form of a "V," the open-
ing being toward Siboney, from which direction the attack
came.
From Colonel Wood's report it appears that soon after the
firing began he found it necessary to deploy five troops to the
right, and left, leaving three troops in reserve. The
enemy's lines being still beyond his, both on the right and on
the left, he hastily deployed two more troops, which made the
lines now about equal in length. The firing was now "ex-
ceedingly heavy," and much of it at short range, but on account
of the thick underbrush it was not very effective; "compara
tively few of our men were injured." Captain Capron at this
time received his mortal wound and the firing became so terrific
that the last remaining troop of the reserve was absorbed by
the firing line, and the whole regiment ordered to advance very
slowly. The Spanish line yielded and the advance soon showed
that in falling back the enemy had taken a new position, about
three hundred yards in front of the advancing regiment. Their
lines extended from 800 to 1,000 yards, and the firing from
their front was "exceedingly heavy" and effective. A "good
many men" were wounded, "and several officers," says Colonel
132 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
Wood's report. Still the advance was kept up, and the Span-
ish line was steadily forced back. "We now began," says
Colonel Wood, "to get a heavy fire from a ridge on our right,
.which enfiladed our line." The reader can at once see that al-
though the Rough Riders were advancing heroically, they were
now in a very serious situation, with an exceedingly heavy and
effective fire striking them in front, and a heavy, enfilading fire
raking them from the right. Their whole strength was on the
line, and these two fires must have reduced their effectiveness
with great rapidity had it kept up, the Spaniards having their
range and firing by well-directed volleys. It was for the regi-
ment a moment of the utmost peril. Had they been alone they
must have perished.
It was from this perilous situation of Colonel Wood's com-
mand that one of the most popular stories of the war origin-
ated, a story that contained some truth, but which was often
told in such a way as to cause irritation, and in some instances
it was so exaggerated or mutilated in the telling as to be sim-
ply ridiculous. On the day after the battle the story was
told in Lawton's camp according to the testimony of an in-
telligent soldier of the Twenty-fifth Infantry. His words are :
"The next day about noon we heard that the Tenth Cavalry
had met the enemy and that the Tenth Cavalry had rescued the
Rough Riders. We congratulated ourselves that although not
of the same branch of service, we were of the same color, and
that to the eye of the enemy we, troopers and footmen, all
looked alike." According to artists and cheap newspaper
stories this rescuing occurred again and again. A picture is
extensively advertized as "an actual and authoritative presen-
tation of this regiment (the Tenth Cavalry) as it participated
in that great struggle, and their heroic rescue of the Rough
Riders on that memorable July day." This especial rescuing
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 1 33
took place on San Juan Hill. The editor of a religious paper
declares that it was the Twenty-Hfth Infantry that rescued the
Rough Riders and that it was done at El Caney!"^
Before we go any farther let us see just what the Tenth
tavalry did do in this fight. That their action was highly
meritorious admits of no doubt, and the laurels they won were
never allowed to fade during the whole campaign. General
Wheeler speaks of them with the First Cavalry. He says : "I
was immediately with the troops of the First and Tenth Regu-
lar Cavalry, dismounted, and personally noticed their brave
and good conduct." There were four troops of the Tenth en-
gaged, composing the First Squadron of that regiment, under
command of Major Norval. Troop A was commanded by
Captain W. H, Beck, who was specially commended by Gen-
eral Wheeler for good conduct. Second Lieutenant F. R. Mc-
Coy was Captain Beck's assistant. This troop moved over to
the left, receiving the fire of the enemy, but making no re-
sponse, the distance being too great for effective carbine firing.
*THE TWENTY-FIFTH AT EL-CANEY.
American valor never shone with greater luster than when the Twenty-
fifth Infantry swept up the sizzling hill of El-Caney to the rescue of the
rough riders. Two other regiments came into view of the rough riders.
But the bullets were flying like driving hail; the enemy were in trees and
ambushes with smokeless powder, and the rough riders were biting the
dust and were threatened with annihilation.
A rough rider described the feelings of his brigade when they saw the
other regiments appear and retreat. Finally this rough rider, a Southerner,
heard a well-known yell. And out of the distance moved a regiment as if
on dress parade, faces set like steel, keeping step like a machine, their com-
rades falling here, there, everywhere, moving into the storm of invisible
death without one faltering step, passing the rough riders, conquering up
the hill, and never stopping until with the rough riders El-Caney was won.
This was the Twenty-fifth Regiment (colored). United States Infantry,
BOW quartered at Fort Logan, Denver. We have asked the chaplain, T.
G. Steward, to recite the events at El-Caney. His modesty confines him
to the barest recital of "semi-official" records. But the charge of the
Twenty-fifth is deserving of comparison with that of "the Light Brigade"
m the Crimean War, or of Custer at the massacre of the Big Horn.
(Editorial in religious paper.)
134 KIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
This troop reached Colonel Wood's right and made the line
continuous so that there was now a force in front of that
ridge where the Spaniards were securely entrenched and from
which they were pouring their enfilading fire UDon Colonel
Wood's line. Troop A, although coming into the line, did not
fire. Their presence, however, gave the Rough Riders the
assurance that their flank was saved. Troop E was command-
ed by Captain C. G. Ayres with Second Lieutenant George Vid-
mar. This troop was placed by General Young in support of
Captain Watson's two Hotchkiss guns, and also of the troops
in their front. The troop was under fire one hour and a quar-
ter, during which they were in plain view of the Spaniards,
who also had their exact range. One man was killed and one
wounded. Their courage, coolness and discipline in this trying
hour and a quarter were of the very highest order. The troop
commander says: "Their coolness and fine discipline were
superb." This troop did not fire a shot. Thus one-half of the
squadron moved to its positions and held them without being
able to do any damage to the enemy, as they were carrying out to
the letter their instructions, which were to fire only when they
could see the enemy. Troop B was commanded by Captain
J. W. Watson with H. O. Willard as Second Lieutenant. A
detachment of this troop was placed in charge of four Hotch-
kiss mountain guns. This detachment opened fire upon the
enemy, using the ammunition sparingly, as they had but fifty
rounds with them. Twenty-two shots were fired, apparently
with effect. The remainder of the troop under Lieutenant Wil-
liard was ordered to move out to the extreme right, which
would place it beyond the line of the First Cavalry, thus bring-
ing that regiment between Troop A of the Tenth, which con-
nected it with the Rough Riders and Troop B, which was to
be on its extreme right. Lieutenant Williard's report of this
movement is as follows :
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 135
"I ordered the troop forward at once, telling them to take ad-
vantage of all cover available. In the meantime the volleys
from the Spanish were coming in quite frequently and striking
the ground on all sides near where we were. I found it very
difficult to move the men forward after having found cover, and
ran back to a portion of the troop near an old brick wall, and
ordered them forward at once. They then made a dash forward,
and in doing so three or four men were wounded, Private Rus-
sell severely. Who the others were I do not know. We encoun-
tered a severe fire directly after this move forward ; and Private
Wheeler was wounded in the left leg. There was a wire fence on
our right, and such thick underbrush that we were unable to get
through right there, so had to follow along the fence for some
distance before being able to penetrate. Finally, was able to
get the greater proportion of my men through, and about this
time I met Lieutenants Fleming and Miller, Tenth Cavalry,
moving through the thicket at my left. I there heard the order
passed on 'not to fire ahead,' as there was danger of firing into
our own forces. In the meantime there was shouting from the
First Cavalry in our front, 'Don't fire on us in rear.' My troop
had not fired a shot to my knowledge, nor the knowledge of any
non-commissioned officers in the troop. About this time I
found I was unable to keep the troop deployed, as they would
huddle up behind one rock or tree, so I gave all sergeants orders
to move out on the extreme right and to keep in touch vdth
those on their left. Then, with a squad of about five men, I
moved to the right front, and was unfortunate enough to lose
the troop, i. e., I could see nothing of them except the men
with me.
"But as I had given explicit instructions to my sergeant, in
case I was lost from them, to continue to advance until halted
by some one in authority, I moved ahead myself, hoping to find
them later on. In making a rush forward three men of my
squad were lost from me in some way. I still had two men
with me, Privates Combs and Jackson, and in the next advance
made I picked up a First Cavalry sergeant who had fallen out
from exhaustion. After a terrific climb up the ridge in front
of me, and a very regular though ineffective fire from the enemy
kept up until we were about sixty yards from the summit of
hill, we reached the advance line of the First United States Cav-
alry, under command of Captain Wainwright. I then reported
136 KIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
to him for orders, and moved forward when he next advanced.
The firing had coased, and no more shots wer fired, to my
knowledge, after this time. With the First Cavalry, Troop G,
we followed along the right of the ridge and came down to the
right front, encountering no opposition or fire from the enemy,
but finding the enemy's breastworks in confusion, ammunition
and articles of clothing scattered around; also one dead Span-
iard and tvt'o Mauser rifles. At the foot of the ridge we met some
of the First Volunteer Cavalry, and being utterly exhausted,
I was obliged to lie down. Soon after. Captain Mills, adjutant-
general of Second Brigade, Cavalry Division, came up to where
I was and placed me in command of Troop K, First United
States Cavalry, whose officers were wounded. I then marched
them forward on the road to where General Wheeler was sit-
ting, and received orders from Colonel Wood. First Volunteer
Cavalry, to remain until further orders and make no further ad-
vance. Directly afterwards, learning the action was over, I
reported back to General Young, and received orders to remain
camped with the First Cavalry Squadron, where the action had
tclosed. In the meantime, I should have stated that I found the
iprincipal part of my troop and collected them and left them
under the first sergeant, when I went back to receive orders. So
far as I know, and to the best of my knowledge, the men of my
troop acted with the greatest bravery, advancing on an enemy
who could not be seen, and subjected to a severe and heavy
fire at each step, which was only rendered ineffective to a great
degree by the poor marksmanship of the enemy, as many times
we were in sight of them (I discovered this by observation after
the engagement) while we could see nothing. We were also
subjected to a severe reverse fire from the hills in our right rear,
several men being wounded by this fire. Throughout the fight
the men acted with exceptional coolness, in my judgment. The
casualties were : Privates Russell, Braxton and Morris, severely
wounded ; Privates F. A. Miller, Grice, Wheeler and Gaines,
slightly wounded, i. e., less severely. None killed.
Verv respectfully,
HENRY O. WILLIARD.
June 24, 1898.
Troop B, Tenth Cavalry, during action near La Guasima.
.^econd Lieutenant.Tenth United States Cavalry, Commanding.
KIkST BATTLE IN CUBA 137
Troop I of the Tenth Cavalry was commanded by First
Lieutenant R. J. Fleming with Second Lieutenant A. M.
Miller. This troop moved to the right and wedged in between
B Troop and the right of the First Cavalry. Lieutenant Flem-
ing discovered the enemy posted on the high ridge immediately
in front of his troop, and. also extending to his right, in front
of B Troop. Moving his troop a little to the right so as to
secure room to advance without coming in contact with the
First Cavalry, he then directed his course straight toward the
hill on which he had located the enemy. The advance was
made with great caution, the men seeking cover wherever pos-
sible, and dashing across the open spaces at full run. Thus
they moved until the base of the steep part of the hill was
reached. This was found very difficult of ascent, not only be-
cause of the rugged steepness, but also on account of the un-
derbrush, and the sharp-leaved grass, the cacti and Spanish
Ixayonet, that grow on all these hillsides. Paths had to be cut
through these prickly obstructions with knives and sabres.
Consequently the advance up that hill, though free from peril,
was very slow and trying. Twice during the advance the men
obtained a view of their enemies and were permitted to fire.
The instructions were rigidly adhtred to : No firing only at
the visible foe. Lieutenant Fleming says : "Owing to the un-
derbrush it was impossible for me to see but a very few men
fit a time, but as they all arrived on the crest about the time
I did, or shortly after, they certainly advanced steadily." He
says : "'The entire troop behaved with great coolness and
obeyed every order." Farrier Sherman Harris, Wagoner John
Boland and Private Elsie Jones especially distinguished them-
selves for coolness and gallantry. The aggressive work of the
Tenth Cavalry, therefore, appears to have been done by Troops
B and I, a detachment of the former troop serving the Hotch-
138 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
kiss gun battery. Troop I was commanded by Lieutenant
Fleming and by him conducted to the front, although he ad-
mits that in their advance up the slope of the hill he could sec
but very few of the men at a time, and declares that their ad-
vance was certainly steady, because all arrived at the crest of
the hill simultaneously or nearly so.
Lieutenant Fleming does not show that his troop of excellent
men were in any sense peculiarly dependent upon their white
officers as some have asserted. They advanced steadily, just
as the regulars always do, advanced noiselessly and without
any reckless firing, and reached the crest of the hill in order,
although he could not see them as they were making their ad-
vance. They kept their line despite all the obstructions. Lieu-
tenant Fleming also says that in moving to his position he
passed Troop B, which then "inclined to the right, and during
the remainder of the action was on my right." Troop B, there-
fore, went through about the same experience as Troop I, and
being on the extreme right of the line may have been more di-
rectly in front of that foe which Fleming says was in his front
and to the right. Why did not the officer who directed or led
B Troop in its advance upon the enemy report the action of his
troop as vividly and generously as did Lieutenant Fleming
the men of Troop I ? With not the slightest reflection upon the
gallant officer, he himself has the manliness to say he was so
unfortunate as to lose the troop. The troop, however, did not
become demoralized, but went into action under command of
its First Sergeant, John Buck* and remained on Lieutenant;
Flefning's right during the action. It has been proven more
than once that should the commissioned officeis of a company
or troop of colored regulars be killed or incapacitated, the non-
*See Note C at the end of this chapter.
FIRST BATTLE IN CUUA 7 39
commissioned officers can carry on the fight. Speaking of this
same regiment it is equally true that at San Juan the officers
of Troops D and G were all shot and the commands of these
troops fell to their First Sergeants, the first to Sergeant Wil-
liam H. Given, the second to Sergeant Saint Foster, and it is
generally understood that these two men were appointed Lieu-
tenants of Volunteers because of their success in handling
their troops in battle.
The entire attacking force at this end of the line, if we count
only those engaged in actual firing, consisted of two troops of
the Tenth Cavalry and two of the First Cavalry — four troops
— while to the left the entire eight troops were on the firing
line. The action of the troops of the First Cavalry was quite
similar to that of the troops of the Tenth Cavalry, and equally
deserving of commendation. Of them all General Young says :
"The ground over which the right column advanced was a
mass of jungle growth, with wire fences, not to be seen until
encountered, and precipitous heights as the ridge was ap-
proached. It was impossible for the troops to keep in touch
along the front, and they could only judge of the enemy from
the sound and direction of his fire. However, had it not been
for this dense jungle, the attack would not have been made
against an overwhelming force in such a position. Headway
was so difficult that advance and support became merged and
moved forward under a continuous volley firing, supplemented
by that of two rapid-fire guns. Return firing by my force was
only made as here and there a small clear spot gave a sight of
the enemy. The fire discipline of these particular troops was
almost perfect. The ammunition expended by the two squad-
rons engaged in an incessant advance for one hour and fifteen
minutes averaged less than ten rounds per man. The fine qual-
ity of these troops is also shown by the fact that there was not a
single straggler, and in not one instance was an attempt made
by any soldier to fall out in the advance to assist the wounded
or carry back the dead. The fighting on the left flank was
equally creditable and was remarkable, and I believe unprece-
dented, in volunter troops so quickly raised, armed and
equipped."
J 40 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
The five hundred men of Colonel Wood's regiment were
stretched over a space of 800 to i,cx)0 yards, and were entirely
without support or reserve, and appear to have advanced to a
point where this very strong force on the right swept a good
part of their line both with rifle fire and the fire of their two
machine guns. Men and officers were falling under both the
front and flank fire of the enemy, and had not the squadrons
of the First and Tenth made their successful assault upon that
ridge, which, according to General Wood's report, was "very
strongly held," the situation of the Rough Riders would have
been extreme. Because this successful assault was participated
in by the Tenth Cavalry the story arose that the Rough Riders
were rescued by that regiment. The fair statement would be :
That the Regular Cavalry, consisting of a squadron of the
First and a squadron of the Tenth, made their advance on the
right at the precise moment to deliver the Rough Riders from
a fire that threatened their annihilation. The marksmanship
and coolness of the men of the Tenth have been specially com-
mented upon and their fire was described as very effective, but
the same remarks could be made of the men of the First, who
fought side by side with them. It is probable that the volun-
teers advanced more rapidly than did the regulars, using more
ammunition, and manifesting a very high degree of courage
and enthusiasm as well as deliberation; but the regulars
reached their objective at the proper time to turn the battle's
tide. Each advancing column was worthy to be companion to
the other.
General Wheeler said the fire was very hot for about an
hour, and "at 8.30 sent a courier to General Lawton informing
him that he was engaged with a larger force of the enemy than
was anticipated, and asked that his force be sent forward on
the Sevilla road as quickly as possible." ("In Cuba With
FIRST BATTLF IN CUBA I4I
Shafter," p. 83.) General Lawton, however, with the true in-
stinct of a soldier had already sent orders to General Chaffee
to move forward with the First Brigade. The Second Brigade
was also in readiness to move and the men of the Twenty-fifth
were expecting to go forward to take a position on the right
and if possible a little to the rear of the Spanish entrenchments
in order to cut off their retreat. The rapid movements of the
cavalry division, however, rendered this unnecessary, and the
routing of the foe gave to the Americans an open country and
cleared the field for the advance on Santiago. The first battle
had been fought, and the Americans had been victorious, but
not without cost. Sixteen men had been killed and fifty-two
wounded. In Colonel Wood's regiment eight had been killed
and thirty-four wounded; in the First Cavalry, seven killed
and eight wounded; in the Tenth Cavalry, one killed and ten
wounded. The percentage of losses to the whole strength of
the several organizations engaged was as follows : Rough
Riders, over 8 per cent. ; First Cavalry, over 6 per cent. ; Tenth
Cavalry, 5 per cent. But if we take those on the firing line as
the base the rate per cent, of losses among the resrulars would
be doubled, while that of the volunteers would remain the
same.
The strength of the enemy in this battle is griven in the Span-
ish official reports, according to Lieutenant Miley, at about
five hundred, and their losses are put at nine killed and twenty-
seven wounded. At the time of the fight it was supposed to be
much larger. General Young's report places the estimates at
2,000, and adds "that it has since been learned from Spanish
sources to have been 2,500. The Cuban military authorities
claim the Spani-h strength was 4,000." These figures are
doubtless too high. The force overtaken at Las Guasimas was
the same force that evacuated Siboney at the approach of Law-
142 KIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
ton and the force with which the Cubans had fought on the
morning of the 23rd. It may have consisted solely of the gar-
rison from Siboney, although it is more probable that it in-
cluded also those from Daiquiri and Jutici, as it is quite certain
that all these troops proceeded toward Santiago over the same
road. The force at Siboney had been given by the Cubans at
600, at Daiquiri at 300, and at Jutici at 150. If these had con-
centrated and the figures were correct, the Spanish force at
Guasimas was upwards of 1,000. If, however, it was the force
from Siboney alone, it was about as the Spanish official report
gives it. On this latter basis, however, the losses are out of
proportion, for while the attacking party lost a little less than
7 per cent, of its entire strength in killed and wounded, the
losses of the entrenched, defending party, were even a little
greater, or over 7 per cent, of its strength. It is, therefore,
probable that the Spanish force was greater than officially re-
ported and included the troops from the other posts as well as
those from Siboney. The engagement was classed by General
Shafter as unimportant, although its effect upon our army was
inspiring. It did not cut off the retreat of the Spanish force,
and the men who faced our army at Guasimas met them again
in the trenches before Santiago. General Shafter desired to
advance with his whole force, and cautioned strongly against
any further forward movement until the troops were well in
hand. The two battles between the Cubans and Spaniards,
fought on the 23rd, in which the Cubans had sixteen men
wounded and two killed, were engagements of some conse-
quence, although we have no reports of them. There is no evi-
dence that the Cubans took part in the battle of Guasimas, al-
though they arrived on the grounds immediately after the firing
ceased.
The storv thus far told is, as the reader cannot fail to see,
FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA 1 43
directly from official records, and the conclusions arrived at
are those which result naturally from the facts as therein de-
tailed. Not one word is quoted from any but military men —
actors in the affair. We may now go briefly over the same
ground, giving the views and conclusions of able civilian cor-
respondents who followed the army to see what was done, and
who were trained observers and skilled writers. How have
these able war journalists told the story of Las Guasimas?
To quote from Stephen Bonsai in substance, not in words,
is to contradict what General Shafter says officially in one par-
ticular, but in no such way as to discredit the General, or to
weaken Bonsai. It is not a case of bringing two universal, an-
tagonistic propositions face to face, but a case where two men
of different training look upon an action from different stand-
points and through dift'erent field-glasses. General Shafter
says of the collision of the Rough Riders with the Spanish
force : "There was no ambush as reported." As a military
man, he says there was no more concealment on the part of the
Spanish force than what an attacking party should expect, no
more than what is usual in modern warfare, hence he does not
regard it as an ambush, and does not officially take notice of
any surprise or unexpected encounter on the part of his force.
To do so would be to reflect, however slightly, upon the pro-
fessional skill of the commander of the left column. Gen-
eral Shafter thus says officially in a manly way : "There was
no ambush." Beyond this his duty does not call him to go,
and he halts his expressions exactly at this line, maintaining
in his attitude all the attributes of the true soldier, placing
himself beyond criticism by thus securing from attack the char-
acter of his subordinate.
Mr. Bonsai is a writer and author, accustomed to view ac-
tions in the broader light of popular judgment, entirely free
144 FIRST BATTLE IN CL'HA
from professional bias, and having no class-feeling or obliga-
tions to serve. His pen is not official; his statements are
not from the military standpoint; not influenced in any way by
considerations of personal weal or woe with respect to others
or himself. He says that one troop of the Rough Riders,
Troop L, commanded by Captain Capron, was leading the ad-
vance of the regiment, and was in solid formation and within
twenty-five yards of its scouting line when it received the en-
emy's fire. This troop was so far in the advance that it took
the other troops of the regiment more than a half hour to get
up to it. The writer speaks of the advance of that troop as hav-
ing been made "in the fool-hardy formation of a solid column
along a narrow trail, which brought them, in the way I have
described, within point-blank range of the Spanish rifles, and
within the unobstructed sweep of their machine guns." He
sums up as follows : "And if it is to be ambushed when you
receive the enemy's fire perhaps a quarter of an hour before
it was expected, and when the troop was in a formation, and
the only one in which, in view of the nature of the ground it
was possible to advance quickly, then most certainly L Troop
of the Rough Riders was ambushed by the Spaniards on the
morning of June 24th."
Mr. Bonsai also brings into clear view the part taken in this
battle by Lawton's Infantry. He shows by means of a simple
map the trail by which Miles' brigade, in which was the
Twenty-fifth Infantry, moved in order to flank the Spanish
position, while Chaffee's brigade was hurrying forward on the
Royal Road to reinforce the line in front. A letter from a
soldier of the Twenty-fifth written soon after these events fully
confirms Mr. Bonsai in what he says concerning the movement
of Miles' brigade. The soldier says : "On the morning of the
24th the Rough Riders, Tenth and First Cavalry were to make
FIRST BATTl.K IN CUBA 14^
an attack on a little place where the Spanish were fortified.
The Second Brigade was to come on the right flank of these
troops and a little in rear of the fortifications; but by some
misunderstanding, the former troops, led by the Rough Riders,
made an attack before we got our position, and the result was
a great many lives lost in the First C_valry and Rough Riders
— only one in Tenth Cavalry, but many wounded. They cap-
tured the fortification." This letter by a humble soldier, writ-
ten with no thought of its importance, shows how gallantly
Lawton had sprung to the rescue of Wheeler's division. Ac-
cording to Bonsai, who 'says he obtained his information from
Spanish officers who were present in this fight, it was the in-
formation of the approach of this brigade and of Chaffee's up
the main road that caused the Spaniards to withdraw rapidly
from the position. The whole force was in imminent danger
of being captured. Another soldier of the Twenty-fifth wrote :
"The report came that the Twenty-fifth Infantry was to cut
off the Spanish retreat from a stronghold, toward Santiago."
These glimpses from soldiers' letters illustrate how clearly
they comprehended the work upon which they were sent, and
show also how hearty and cordial was the support which the
infantry at that time was hurrying forward to the advancing
cavalry.
The official reports show that the strength of the Spanish
position was before the right of our line. Mr. Bonsai says:
"Directly in front of the Tenth Cavalry rose undoubtedly the
strongest point in the Spanish position — two lines of shallow
trenches, strengthened by heavy stone parapets." We must re-
member that so far as we can get the disposition of these troops
from official records, Troop A connected the Rough Riders
with the First Cavalry, and Troops I and B were on the right
of the First Cavalry. Troop A did not fire a shot ; the fight-
146 FIRST BA'ITLE U\ CUBA
ing, therefore, was done by Troops I and B on the extreme
right of the line, and it was on their front that "undoubtedly
the strongest point in the Spanish position" lay — nor should
the reader forget that at this very important moment Troop
B was commanded by its First Sergeant, Buck, Lieutenant
Williard having by his own report been "unfortunate enough
to lose the troop." This is said with no disparagement to
Lieutenant Williard. It was merely one of the accidents of
battle.
Says Mr. Bonsai : "The moment the advance was ordered
the black troopers of the Tenth Cavalry forged ahead. They
were no braver certainly than any other men in the line, but
their better training enabled them to render more valuable
services than the other troops engaged. They had with them
and ready for action their machine guns, and shoved them right
up to the front on the firing line, from where they poured very
effective fire into the Spanish trenches, which not only did con-
siderable execution, but was particualrly effective in keeping
down the return fire of the Spaniards. The machine guns of
the Rough Riders were mislaid, or the mules upon which they
had been loaded could not be found at this juncture. It was
said they had bolted. It is certain, however, that the guns were
not brought into action, and consequently the Spaniards suf-
fered less, and the Rough Riders more, in the gallant charge
they made up the hill in front of them, after the Tenth Cavalry
had advanced and driven the Spaniards from their position on
the right."
Corporal W. F. Johnson, B Troop, was the non-commis-
sioned officer in charge of the machine guns during the brief
fight at Las Guasimas, and his action was such as to call forth
from the troop commander special mention "for his efficiency
and perfect coolness under fire." Here I may be pardoned
FIRST BATTLE >X CUBA 147
for calling attention to a notion too prevalent concerning the
Negro soldier in time of battle. He is too often represented
as going into action singing like a zany or yelling like a demon,
rather than as a man calculating the chances for life and vic-
tory. The official reports from the Black Regulars in Cuba
ought to correct this notion. Every troop and company com-
mander, who has reported upon colored soldiers in that war,
speaks of the coolness of the men of his command. Captain
Beck, of Troop A, Tenth Cavalry, in the Guasimas fight, says :
"I will add that the enlisted men of Troop A, Tenth Cavalry,
behaved well, silently and alertly obeying orders, and without
becoming excited when the fire of the Cjnemy reached them."
The yell, in the charge of the regulars, is a part of the action,
and is no more peculiar to Negro troops than to the whites,
only as they may differ in the general timbre of voice. Black
American soldiers when not on duty may sing more than white
troops, but in quite a long experience among them I have not
found the difference so very noticeable. In all garrisons one
will find some men more musically inclined than others; some
who love to sing and some who do not ; some who have voices
adapted to the production of musical tones, and some who have
not, and it is doubtless owing to these constitutional differ-
ences that we find differences in habits and expressions.
Lieutenant Miley, of General Shafter's staff, in his description
of the departure of General Shafter from General Garcia's tent,
gives us a glimpse of the character of the men that composed
the Cuban army in that vicinity.
"While the interview was going on, the troops were being
assembled to do honor to the General on his departure. Sev-
eral companies were drawn up in front of the tent to present
arms as he came out, and a regiment escorted him to the beach
down the winding path, which was now lined on both sides by
Cuban soldiers standing about a yard apart and presenting
arms. The scene made a strong impression on all in the party,
there seemed to be such an earnestness and fixedness of purpose
148 FIRST BATTLE IN CUBA
displayed that all felt these soldiers to be a power. About fifty
per cent, were blacks, and the rest mulattoes, with a small num-
ber of whites. They were very poorly clad, many without shirts
or shoes, but every man had his gun and a belt full of ammuni-
tion."
B.
EXTRACT FROM A LETTER FROM A SOLDIER OF
THE loTH CAVALRY, TROOP B, CONCERNING
THE BATTLE OF LAS GUASIMAS:
"... The platoon which escaped this ditch got on the right
of the 1st Cavalry on the firing line, and pushed steadily forward
under First Sergeant Buck, being then in two squads — one
under Sergeant Thompson. On account of the nature of the
ground and other natural obstacles, there were men not con-
nected with any squads, but who advanced with the line.
Both squads fired by volley and at will, at the command of ihe
sergeants named; and their shots reached the enemy and were
effective, as it is generally believed.
Private W. M. Bunn, of Sergeant Thompson's squad, is re-
ported to have shot a sharpshooter from a tree just in front of
the enemy's work. Private Wheeler was shot twice in the ad-
vance. Sergeant Thompson's squad was once stopped from fir-
ing by General Wheeler's adjutant-general for fear of hitting
the Rough Riders.
It seems that two distinct battles were fought that day. Col-
onel Wood's command struck the enemy at about the tame time,
or probably a litle before, ours did, and all unknown to the men
in our ranks ; and got themselves into a pretty tight squeeze.
About the same time our force engaged the enemy ; nd drew
part of the attention they were giving the Rough Riders. This,
the latter claimed, enabled them to continue the movement on
thp enemy's works.
But as our command had an equal number of ist and loth
Cavalrymen, I am of the opinion that the story of our saving
the Rough Riders arose from the fact that as -;oon ;s the fight
was over, the ist Regular Cavalry was opening its arms to us,
declaring that we, especially B Troop, had saved Oiem; for the
ist Regular Cavalry Avas first in the attack in General Young's
command; and when the enemy began to make it pretty warm,
he ordered B and T Troops of the loth forward on the right.
FIRST BATiLS; IN CUBA I49.
Troop B was in the lead ; and the alacrity with which these two
troops moved to the front has always been praised by the isl
Cavalry ; and they declare that that movement helped them won-
derfully. In making this movement my troop had three or four
men wounded; and later, when Sergeant Thompson's squad
was fighting far to the front, it had in it several members of tfie
1st Cavalry, who are always glad to praise him.
So, I think that by the Rough Riders first attributing their
success, or their rescue from inevitable defeat, to the attack
made by our command; and by the ist Regular Cavalry's very
generously, in the heat of success, bestowing upon us the
honors of the day, it finally became a settled thing that we saved
the whole battle.
That evening, after the battle, I was met by Lieutenant Shipp,
later killed at San Juan Hill, who, on inquiring and being told
that I belonged to Troop B, congratulated me on its conduct,
and said it had made a name for the regiment. Lieutenant
Shipp was not in that fight, but had come up after it was over
and had heard of us through the ist Cavalry."
Sergeant John Buck was born September loth, 1861, at
Chapel Hill, Texas ; enlisted in loth Cavalry, November 6, 1880,
and passed over ten years in active Indian service. He is a man
of strong character, an experienced horseman and packer, and
so commanded a portion of the firing line in the battle of June
24 as to elicit remarks of praise from officers of other troops
"for his gallantry, coolness and good judgment under fire."
Sergeant Thompson's good conduct in the same battle was
noticeable also. Sergeant Buck was made second lieutenant in
the 7th U. S. Volunteer Infantry and subsequently captain in
the 48th United States Volunteers.
150 THE BATTLE OK EL CANEY
CHAPTER VI.
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY.
The Capture of the Stone Fort by the Twenty-fifth Infantry.
While the battle of Guasimas was going- on, in which the
Tenth Cavlary took so conspicuous a part, the Twenty-fourth
Infantry still remained on board the City of Washington
awaiting orders to land. During the night of the 24th such or-
ders were received by the authorities of the transport, and
they were directed to land their troops, but the General Com-
manding, Brigadier-General Kent, did not hear of the matter
until some time the next morning. He relates the following
circumstances in his official report of the debarkation :
"At 9 a. m. of the 25th Lieutenant Cardin, of the Revenue
Marine, came aboard with orders for me to proceed to and
disembark at Altares (Siboney). This officer also handed me
a letter from the corps commander expressing his astonishment
that I had remained away three days."
General Kent also states in his report that his travel rations
had been exhausted seven days before and that but one meal of
field rations remained, and that the ship's supply both of water
and provisions was running low, and that in consequence of
these facts as well as for higher considerations he was very
anxious to get on shore. The debarkation followed as rapidly
as possible, and that afternoon General Kent reported in person
to Major-General Wheeler, the troops bivouacking for the
night near the landing. The next day Colonel Pearson, who
commanded the Second Brigade of Kent's division, took the
THE BA1TLK OF EL CANEY 151
Second Infantry and reconnoitred along the railroad toward
the Morro, going a distance of about six miles and returning
in the evening, having found no enemy in that vicinity, al-
though evidences were found that a force had recently retreated
from a blockhouse situated on the railroad about two miles
from Aguadores.
On the day following, June 27th, the entire division moved
out on the road toward Santiago and encamped on the same
ground that Lawton had occupied the night previous. The
Second Brigade took its place near Savilla, while the Third
Brigade, which included the Twenty-fourth Infantry, went into
camp at Las Guasimas, where the affair of the 24th had oc-
curred. The order of march had now partially fallen back to
the original plan: Lawton in advance, with whom was the
Twenty-Fifth Infantry; Wheeler next, with whom was the
Ninth and Tenth Cavalry, and Kent in the rear, who had, as
we have just related, the Twenty-fourth Infantry in his Third
Brigade. In this order the army moved, so far as it moved at
all, until the morning of the 30th, when dispositions for the
general attack began.
The story of the great battle, or as it turned out, of the
two great battles, begins on this day, and the careers of the
four colored regiments are to be followed through the divisions
of Lawton, Kent and Wheeler. Let us begin, however, with
General Shafter's official report and his "Story of Santiago,"
as told in the "Century" of February, 1899.
From these sources it is learned that on June 30th General
Shafter reconnoitered the country about Santiago and deter-
mined upon a plan of attack. Ascending a hill from which he
could obtain a good view of the city, and could also see San
Juan Hill and the country about El Caney, he observed afresh
152 THE BAITLE OK EL CANEY
what had impressed itself upon all immediately upon landing;
to wit: That in all this country there were no good roads
along which to move troops or transport supplies. The Gen-
eral says : "I had never seen a good road in a Spanish coun-
try, and Santiago did not disappoint my expectations." The
roads as he saw them from the summit of the hill on June 30th
were very poor, and indeed, little better than bridle paths, ex-
cept between El Caney and San Juan River and the city. With-
in this region, a distance of from four to four and a half miles,
the roads were passable. El Caney lay about four miles north-
east of Santiago, and was strongly fortified, and, as events
proved, strongly garrisoned. This position was of great im-
portance to the enemy, because from it a force might come to
attack the right fiank and rear of the American Army as it
should make its attempt on San Juan Hill. El Caney held the
road from Guantanamo, at which point an important Spanish
force was posted. While General Shafter was surveying the
country from the hill at El Pozo and making what special ex-
amination he could of the country toward San Juan Hills,
Generals Lawton and Chaffee were making a reconnoisance
around El Caney. From General Lawton's report it would ap-
pear that the work of reconnoitering around El Caney was
done chiefly by General Chaffee. He says : "To General Adna
R. Chaffee I am indebted for a thorough and intelligent recon-
noissance of the town of El Caney and vicinity prior to the bat-
tle and the submission of a plan of attack which was adopted.
I consider General Chaffee one of the best practical soldiers
in the army and recommend him for special distinction for suc-
cessfully charging the stone fort mentioned in this report, the
capture of which practically closed the battle."
The general plan of attack as explained by General Shafter
THE HATTLE OF EL CANEY 1 55
himself in his "Century" article was "to put a brigade on the
road between Santiago and El Caney, to keep the Spaniards
at the latter place from retreating on the city, and then with
the rest of Lawton's division and the divisions of Wheeler and
Kent, and Bates' brigade to attack the Spanish position in
front of Santiago." Before that he had said that he wished to
put a division in on the right of El Caney and assault the town
on that road. To Admiral Sampson on June 26th he said:
"I shall, if I can, put a large force in Caney, and one perhaps
still farther west, near the pipe-line conveying water to the
city, making my main attack from the northeast and east." His
desire at this time was to "get the enemy in my front and the
city at my back." On June 30th he had modified this plan so
as to decide to place one brigade on the road between El Caney
and Santiago, with a view merely to keeping the El Caney gar-
rison from retreating into Santiago.
As he was explaining his plan to the division officers and
others on the afternoon of the 30th at his own headquarters,
Lawton and Chafifee were of the opinion that they could dis-
pose of the Spaniards at El Caney in two hours time. "There-
fore," says the General, "I modified my plan, assigning Law-
ton's whole division for the attack of El Caney and directed
Bates' independent brigade to his support." This last modifica-
tion of General Shafter's plan was made in deference to the
opinion of subordinates, and was based upon observations made
especially by General Chafifee.
The force assigned for the reduction of El Caney was to be-
gin its work early in the morning, and by ten or eleven o'clock
at the outside it was expected that the task would be accom-
plished and Lawton would join Kent and Sumner in the as-
sault upon San Juan. Early on the morning of July ist Cap^
J 54 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
ron's battery was got into position on a line running directly-
north from Marianage on a hill about five hundred yards east
of Las Guasimas Creek. Lawton's division began its move on
the afternoon of the 30th, as did in fact the whole army, and
bivouacked that night near El Pozo. The Twenty-fifth In-
fantry, which belonged to the Second Brigade, commanded
by Colonel Miles, a former Major of the Twenty-fifth, left El
Pozo at daylight by way of the road leading almost due north,
and marched about one mile to the little town of Marianag^.
Here a halt was made for an hour, from 6.30 to 7.30, during
which time reconnoitering parties were sent out to examine
the ground toward the Ducoureau House, which lay about one
mile to the northward of Marianage, and which had been desig-
nated by General Lawton as a general rendezvous after the
engagement should terminate. Reconnoissance was made also
to the front for the purpose of discovering the enemy, and to
ascertain the left of Ludlow's brigade. This was the first
brigade of Lawton's division and consisted of the Eighth and
Twenty-second Infantry and the Second Massachusetts, the
last named regiment being on the right. The Second Brigade
was to connect with this on its right and succeeded in finding
the position of the Second Massachusetts during this halt. At
1 1.30 Miles' brigade was ordered to take position on the right
of Ludlow's brigade, which it did in the following order: The
Fourth Infantry on the left, joining with the Second Massa-
chusetts on Ludlow's right; the Twenty-fifth on the right, with
its left joining on the Fourth Infantry.
We must now review the progress of the battle so far as
it i.^ possible to do so, from the firing of the first shot by
Capron's battery up to 11.30, an hour long after the time at
which it had been supposed that El Caney would fall. Cap-
THE BATTLE OF £L CAN BY 1 55
ron's reports are very brief. He says : "J^^Y i — Fired sheli
and shrappnel into EI Caney (ranged 2.400) 6.15 a. m. to
11.30 a. m." In another report he says: "Opened fire July
I, with shell and shrappnel at 6.15 on Caney; range, 2,400
yards; continued until 11.30 a. m." He says that the battery
"continued its fire against specified objectives intermittently
throughout the day under the personal direction of the divis-
ion commander." The forces we have so far considered, con-
sisting of Ludlow's and Miles' brigades, and of Capron's bat-
tery, lay to the south of Caney, between it and Santiago, Lud-
low's brigade having been placed there to "cut off the retreat
of the garrison should it attempt to escape." Up to 1 1.30 there
had been no call for employing it for that purpose. The gar-
rison had made no attempt to escape. We must now g^
around to the east and north of Caney. Here the Third Bri-
gade, consisting of the Seventh, Twelfth and Seventeenth In-
fantry, was posted, and early in the morning joined in the at-
tack, the brigade getting under fire before eight o'clock. Col-
onel Carpenter, of the Seventh Regiment, says that one com-
pany of his regiment, by General Chaffee's direction, was de-
tached and sent forward to reduce a blockhouse, well up on
the hill, which commanded the approach of his regiment to the
field of action. After several ineffectual attempts by the com-
pany, the Captain (Van Orsdale) was directed to abandon the
undertaking and rejoin the regiment, which then took up a
position on the crest of a hill running nearly parallel with the
Spanish lines. From this position the men crawled forward
about fifty yards and opened a deliberate fire upon the enemy,
keeping it up for about an hour, but as the losses of the regi-
ment at this time were considerable and the fire seemed to be
without material effect, the command was withdrawn to its
I $6 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
position on the hill where it found protection in a sunken road'.
In this condition this regiment lay when Capron's battery made
its lull at 11.30. The fearful fire this regiment met can be
estimated by the losses it sustained, which during the day were
as follows: Killed ,1 officer and 33 enlisted men; wounded, 4
officers and 95 enlisted men; missing, 3 enlisted men. The
Seventeenth Regiment went into action on the right of the
Seventh, doing but little firing, as their orders were not to
open fire unless they could make the fire effective. Companies
C and G fired a few volleys ; the remainder of the regiment did
not fire at all. Four enlisted men were killed and two officers
severely wounded, one, Lieutenant Dickinson, dying from his
wounds within a few hours. Several enlisted men were also
wounded. At 11.30 this regiment was lying on the right of
the Seventh. The Twelfth Regiment began firing between 6
and 7 in the morning and advanced to take its position on the
left of the Seventh Infantry, This regiment early reached a
position within 350 yards of the enemy, in which it found
shelter in the sunken road, "free from the enemy's fire." The
regiment remained in this position until about 4 o'clock in the
afternoon, and, hence, was there at 11.30 a. m. The losses
of this regiment during the day were, killed, 7 enlisted men;
wounded, 2 officers and 31 enlisted men. From these brief
sketches the reader will now be able to grasp the position of
Lawton's entire division. Beginning on the south, from the
west, with Ludlow's brigade, consisting of the Twenty-second,
Eighth and Second Massachusetts, the line was continued by
Miles' brigade of the Fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantry; then
passing over a considerable space, we strike Chaffee's brigade,
posted as has just been described. General Bates' brigade prob-
ably arrived upon the field about noon. This brigade consisted
THE BATTLE OF EE CANEY (57
of the Third and Twentieth Infantry, and is known as "Bates'
Independent Brigade." The brigade is reported as going into
action about i o'clock and continuing in action until 4 o'clock.
It took a position on the right, partially filling up the gap be-
tween Miles and Chaffee. The first battalion of the Twentieth
Infantry went into action on the left of the Twenty-fifth In-
fantry's firing line, and one company, A, took part in the latter
part of the charge by which the stone house was taken. Be-
tween 11.30, when Capron's firing stopped, and when Miles'
brigade was moved forward to join the right of Ludlow's, and
12.20, when the battery recommenced, the troops, including
Bates' brigade, were either in the positions described above or
were moving to them. Noon had arrived and El Caney is not
taken ; the garrison has not attempted to escape, but is sending
out upon its assailants a continuous and deadly fire. "Through-
out the heaviest din of our fire," says Colonel Carpenter,
"could be heard the peculiar high-keyed ring of the defiant
enemy's shots."
Twelve o'clock on July ist, 1898, was a most anxious hour
for our army in Cuba. The battle at El Caney was at a stand-
still and the divisions of Kent and Sumner were in a most peril-
ous situation. Bonsai's description of the state of the battle
at that time is pathetic. Speaking of the artillery at El Caney
— Capron's battery — he says it was now apparent that this ar-
tillery, firing from its position of twenty-four hundred yardir,
could do very little damage to the great stone fort and earth-
works north of the village. The shots were too few and the
metal used too light to be effectual. Three hours of the morn-
ing- had worn awav and the advance of our men had been
slowly made and at great cost; all the approaches were com-
manded by Spanish entrenchments and the fighting was very
JSS THE BATTLE OF EL CAXEY
unequal., A soldier of the Twenty-fifth says that when he came
in sight of the battle at El Caney, "the Americans were gain-
ing no ground, and the flashes of the Spanish mausers told us
that the forces engaged were unequally matched, the differ-
ence of position favoring the Spaniards." This view was had
about noon, or soon after. At that time "a succession of aides
and staff officers came galloping from headquarters with mes-
sages which plainly showed that confusion, if not disaster, had
befallen the two divisions which, by the heavy firing, we had
learned to our great surprise, had become warmly engaged in
the centre. The orders to General Lav/ton from headquarters
were at first peremptory in character — he was to pull out of his
fight and to move his division to the support of the centre"
(Bonsai). This call for Lawton arose from the fact that about
noon General Shafter received several dispatches from Sumner,
of the Cavalry Division, requiring assistance. General Sum-
ner felt the need of the assistance of every available man in
the centre of the line where he was carrying on his fight with
the Spaniards on Blue House Hill. This situation so im-
pressed the General, Shafter, that he finally wrote to Lawton,
"You must proceed with the remainder of your force and join
on immediately upon Sumner's right. If you do not the bat-
tle is lost." Shafter's idea then was to fall back to his original
plan of just leaving enough troops at El Caney to prevent the
garrison from going to the assistance of any other part of the
line. Shafter himself says: "As the fight progressed I was
impressed with the fact that we were meeting with a very stub-
born resistance at El Caney and I began to fear that I had made
a mistake in making two fights in one day, and -sent Major
Noble with orders to Lawton to hasten with his troops along
the Caney road, placing himself on the right of Wheeler"
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 159
(Sumner). Lawton now made a g-eneral advance, and it is im-
portant to see just what troops did advance. The Seventh In-
fantry did not move, for Lieutenant-Colonel , Carpenter says
that after withdrawing "to the partial cover furnished by the
road, the regiment occupied this position from 8 o'clock a. m.
until about 4.30 p. m." The Seventeenth did not move, for
Captain O'Brien, commanding, says the regiment took a posi-
tion joining "its left with the right of the Seventh Infantry"
and that the regiment "remained in this position until the bat-
tle was over." The Twelfth Infantry remained in its shelter
within 350 yards of the stone fort until about 4 p. m. Then
we have Chaffee's brigade on the north of the fort remaining
stationary and by their own reports doing but little firing. The
Seventeenth fired "for about fifty minutes" about noon, with
remarkable precision, but "it seemingly had no effect upon re-
ducing the Spanish fire delivered in our (their) front." The
Seventh did not fire to any extent. The Twelfth Infantry lay
in its refuge "free from the enemy's fire" and may have kept up
an irregular fire.
About this time Bates' brigade entered the field and one bat-
talion of the Twentieth Infantry is reported to have joined the
left of the firing line of the Twenty-fifth. General Ludlow says
there was a lull from 12 to i p. m., "when the action again be-
came violent, and at 3 p. m. the Third Brigade captured the
stone fort with a rush and hoisted the American flag." From
Ludlow's brigade, Captain Van Home, commanding the
Twenty-second Infantry, after the wounding of Lieutenant-
Colonel Patterson, says that the First Battalion of his regiment
took a position about 800 yards from the town and kept up
firing until the place surrendered. He does not say positively
that the firing was upon the town, but he had said just before
l6o THE BATTl-E OF EL CANEY
that the Second Battalion slowly moved forward, firing into
the town from the left, so that we may readily conclude from
the context as well as from the position that the First Battalion
fired into the town also. Hence it seems fair to exclude from
the fort all of Ludlow's brigade, and it is observable that Lud-
low himself claims no part in the capture of that stronghold.
General Bates says his brigade took position to the right of
Colonel Miles' brigade and pushed rapidly to the front. He
then says that after remaining sometime in the crossroad to the
right of Miles' brigade, under a heavy fire from the enemy,
the brigade moved farther "to the right to the assault of a
small hill, occupied upon the top by a stone fort and well pro-
tected by rifle pits. General Chaffee's brigade charged them
from the right, and the two brigades joining upon the crest,
opened fire from this point of vantage, lately occupied by the
Spanish, upon the vilalge of El Caney." General Chaffee says
it was in consequence of the fire of General Bates' troops upon
the fort that the assault by the Twelfth Infantry was postponed.
In General Chaffee's report this statement occurs : "The ac-
tion lasted nearly throughout the day, terminating at about
4.30 p. m., at which time the stone blockhouse was assaulted
by Captain Haskell's battalion of the Twelfth Infantry, under
the personal direction of Lieutenant-Colonel Comba, command-
ing the regiment. The resistance at this point had been greatly
affected by the fire of Capron's batjtery. A few moments
after the seizure of this point — the key to the situation — my
left was joined by General Bates with a portion of his com-
mand." It is to be noted in connection with all of the above
statements, that Major McCaskey, who commanded the Twen-
tieth Infantry (Bates brigade), says: "The First Battalion
was moved to the right and put into action on the left of the
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY l6l
Twenty-fifth Infantry's firing line, and one company, A, took
part in the latter part of the charge by which the stone house
was taken." The two points to be noted here are (i) that this
battalion was on the left of the Twenty-fifth's firing line, and
(2) that one company took part in the charge upon the stone
house. When Chaffee's brigade charged the stone house from
the right 'Some of Bates' troops, at least this Company A, from
the battalion near the firing line of the Twenty-fifth Infantry,
took part in the latter part of the charge. The two brigades,
Bates' and Chaffee's, joined immediately after the capture of
the stone fort and opened fire upon the town.
We have now traced the actions and the fortunes of the three
following brigades : Ludlow's Chaffee's and Bates'. But what
has become of Miles' brigade? Unfortunately, the Second
Brigade has not been so well reported as were the others en-
gaged in the action at El Caney. We have seen that it was
ordered to take position on the right of Ludlow's brigade at
1 1.30, when Capron's battery ceased its firing for the fifty min-
utes. "We were detained in reaching our position by troops
in our front blocking the road," says the brigade commander.
"We came into action directly in front of the stone blockhpuse
at 12.30, and from that hour until about 4.30, when the com-
mand 'cease firing' was given, the blockhouse having been
captured, my command was continuously under fire." The
reader will note in this report that the brigade went into action
at 12.30, several hours before the charge was ordered by Gen-
eral Chaffee, and at least an hour and a half before, according
to the report of the commander of the Third Brigade, "this
fort was practically in the possession of the Twelfth Infantry."
Major Baker, who commanded the Fourth Infantry, says :
"About 12 m. we received orders directing us to take our place
1 62 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
in the line of battle, and arriving at the proper point the regi-
ment was placed in line in the following order : The First Bat-
talion in the fighting line; the Second Battalion in support and
regimental reserve. In this order the First Battalion, under
my command, took up the advance toward the blockhouse, to
our right, south east of Caney." This battalion advanced until
it reached a position about 200 yards from the village, where
it remained, assisted by the Second Battalion until the capture
of the fort. Two companies of this First Battalion "fired into
the town and also into the blockhouse until its fall." A good
part of the fire of this regiment w-as directed upon the fort.
Colonel Miles says: "The brigade advanced steadily, with
such scanty cover as the ground afforded, maintaining a heavy
fire, on the stone foi*t from the time the fight began until it
ended." The reader is asked to note particularly that this fire
was continuous throughout the fight ; that it was characterized
by the brigade commander as "heavy," and that it was "on the
stone fort.". He says: "As the brigade advanced across a
plowed field in front of the enemy's position the latter's sharp-
shooters in the houses in Caney enfiladed the left of our line
with a murderous fire. To silence it Major Baker, Fourth In-
fantry, in command of the battalion of that regiment on the left
of our line of battle, directed it to turn its fire upon the town.
In so doing this battalion lost heavily, but its steady front and
accurate volleys greatly assisted the advance of the remainder
of the brigade upon the stone fort."
We have now these facts clearly brought out or suggested :
That the brigade took its place in line of battle soon after 12
o'clock ; that the Fourth Infantry was on the left ; that the ad-
vance of the First Battalion of the Fourth Infantry was "to-
ward the blockhouse;" that aside from the companies of the
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 163
Fourth Infantry that fired into town, "the remainder of the
brigade advanced upon the stone fort." The Fourth Infantry,
holding the left of the line, however, reached a position from
which it could not advance, its commander having "quickly
perceived that an advance meant annihilation, as it would in-
volve not only a frontal, but also a flank fire from the town."
Here the Foiu'th Infantry remained, but continued to maintain
a fire upon both the blockhouse and the town.
There is but one more regiment in all of Lawton's division
to be accounted for, and that is the Twenty-fifth Infantry, hold-
ing the right of Miles' brigade in this advance. This regiment
was in place in the line under its gallant and experienced com-
mander, Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett, and contributed its
full share of that "heavy fire on the stone fort from the time the
fight began until it ended." Major McCaskey says the Firsl
Battalion of his regiment took a position on the left of the
Twenty-fifth's firing line. The statement seems erroneous, and
one is inclined to believe that it was originally written "on the
right," instead of "on the left" ; but it is enough for our pur-
pose now, that the firing line of the Twenty-fifth is recognized
well in advance. Major Baker, who commanded on the left of
the brigade line, and whose advance was stopped by the flank
fire from the village and a frontal fire from the fort, says :
"as a matter of fact 'the village of El Caney was not charged
by any troops. Those of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth
Infantry, after having carried the stone fort (on a hill some
75 feet higher, and to the east of the town,) fired into the vil-
lage, and the Fourth Infantry continued its fire. Nor was it
charged by any of the troops to our left. Such a charge would
necessarily have been seen by us." Major Baker, who was
on the field and had the blockhouse in clear view, declares that
164 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
some of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry carried
the stone fort. Major McCaskey says that one battaHon of the
Twentieth Infantry (Bates' brigade) was on the left of the
Twenty-fifth's firing line, and that one company (A) took part
in the latter part of the charge by which the fort was taken.
This battalion may be referred to by Major Baker when he
says : "Those of Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry,
after having carried, etc."
As there are some matters of dispute concerning the events
which I am now going to relate, I will present a soldier's state-
ment before I go to the official records. The soldier in writ-
ing to me after the battle says : *T was left-guide of Company
G (25th Infantry), and I received orders from Lieutenant Mc-
Corkle to guide on Fourth Infantry, which held the left flank.
'Forward, march! Guide left. Don't fire until you see some-
body; then fire to hit!' came the orders. Tramp! tramp!
Crash ! crash ! On we walked and stopped. We fired into the
underbrush for safety ; then in another moment we were under
Spanish fire. Balls flew like bees, humming as they went.
Soon we found ourselves up against a network of Spanish
trickery. Barbed-wire fences, ditches and creeks, too numerous
to think of. The only thing left was to go ahead or die; or
else retreat like cowards. We preferred to go ahead. At
this first fence Lieutenant McCorkle was taken to earth by a
Spanish bullet. Lieutenant IMoss spoke out, 'Come ahead!
Let's get at these Spaniards!' A few moments more and he,
too, was almost dead with exertion, loud speaking, running and
jumping, as onward we swept toward the Spanish stronghold.
The sun was exceedingly hot, as on the slope of a little mound
we rested for a few moments. We lay here about five minutes,
looking into the Spanish fort or blockhouse; we measured the
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY I65
distance by our eyesight, then with our rifles; we began to
cheer and storm, and in a moment more, up the hill like a bevy
of blue birds did the Twenty-fifth fly. G and H Companies
were the first to reach the summit and to make the Spaniards
fly into the city of El Caney, which lay just behind the hill.
When we reached the summit others soon began to mount our
ladder. We fired down into the city until nearly dusk."
The brigade made its advance under fire almost from the
beginning. The commander says it was continuously under
fire from 12.30 to 4.30 p. m. "The attack was begun by two
companies in each regiment on the firing line, strengthened by
supports and reserves from the remaining companies until the
brigade had but two companies in reserve. At one time in this
hotly engaged contest the commanding officer of the Twenty-
Fifth Infantry sent me word that he needed troops on his right.
I then sent forward 40 Cubans, under command of Captains
Jose' Varges and Avelens Bravo, with Lieutenants Nicholas
Franco and Tomas Repelao, to form on the right of the
Twenty-fifth, which was also the right of the brigade. With
these Cubans I ordered Private Henry Downey, Company H,
First Infantry, on duty as interpreter at the headquarters.
These men advanced on the stone fort with our line, fig;hting
gallantly, during which Lieutenant Nicholas Franco was mor-
tally wounded and died soon afterwards." (Col. Miles' re-
port.)
From the soldier's story, as well as from the official report
of the brigade commander, it is conclusive that the real objec-
tive of the Second Brigade was the stone fort, and that the
Twenty-fifth Infantr)^, which occupied the right of the line,
had no other objective whatever.* It also appears that Bates'
brigade, although somewhere on the right, was not so near
l66 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
but that the commanding officer of the Twenty-fifth could
see the need of troops at his right ; and to meet this need the
brigade commander "sent forward 40 Cubans, who advanced
on the stone fort with our lines." The fire from this fort con-
tinued severe during the whole of the advance, and until the
last halt made by the Twenty-fifth. At the first fence met by
the Twenty-fifth Lieutenant McCorkle was killed; and, to use
the words of a soldier, "as the regiment swept toward the
Spanish stronghold" to reach the slope of a little mound for
cover, many more fell. Behind this little mound, after rest-
ing about five minutes, they began their last fire upon the
enemy. This must have been as late as 3 o'clock, and perhaps
considerably later, and the fire from the stone fort was vigor-
ous up until their last halt, as their casualties prove. The bai-
tery had begun to fire on the fort again at 12.30 and contin-
ued from the same position until 2.10, the range being as has
been already stated, 2,400 yards. Hence the artillery firing
at long range had ceased, and it is generally conceded that this
long range firing had been ineffective. Captain Capron says
he moved his battery at 2.10 p. m. to 1,000 yards from Caney
and opened fire on two blockhouses. He does not say at what
hour he opened fire on these two blockhouses, or how long he
continued to fire, or what was the effect of his fire upon the
two block houses. Lieutenant-Colonel Bisbee, who was acting
as support of Capron's battery, says of himself that he "moved
with the battery at 3.30 p. m. by the Dubroix (Dacureaux)
road." General Lawton says the battery was moved to a new
position about 2.30, "about 1,000 yards from certain block-
houses in the town, where a few shots, all taking effect, were
fired." From these reports it would appear that after moving
to the second station the battery fired upon two blockhouses
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY l6'f
in the town, and not upon the stone fort. General Ludlow,
speaking of the battle, says : "In the present case, the artil-
lery fire was too distant to reduce the blockhouses or destroy
the entrenchments, so that the attack was practically by in-
fantry alone." On the other hand. General Chaffee says : "The
resistance at this point," meaning the stone fort at the time
of assault, "had been greatly affected by the fire of Capron's
battery." Colonel Comba, of the Twelfth Infantry, says:
"The artillery made the breach through which our men entered
the stone work." Bonsai says that Captain Capron, "under the
concentrated fire of his four guns at a point blank range of a
thousand yards, had converted the fort into a shapeless ruin,"
when the infantry charged it.
It is probable that in this case, as in most cases of similar
nature, the truth divides equally between the apparently op-
posing views. Of General Ludlow, who is the authority for
this statement, that the stone fort at El Caney was taken by
infantry alone. General Lawton says : "General Ludlow's pro-
fessional accomplishments are well known and his assignment
to command a brigade in my division I consider a high compli-
ment to myself." "The fighting was all done with small arms"
were the words written me by an infantryman soon after the
battle. The question, whether Capron fired upon the stone fort
after taking his new position, or fired on two blockhouses,
entirely distinct from the fort, remains undetermined. The
author of this work inclines to the conclusion that the fire of
Capron after moving to his new position was directed for a
brief period, at least, upon the stone fort.
Inasmuch as we are now to trace the career of the Twenty-
fifth Infantry through an unfortunate dispute, on both sides
l6S THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
of which are officers of high rank and unimpeachable honor,
it is important to note, first, to what extent the several state-
ments, both unofficial and official, can be harmonized and made
to corroborate one another. ]\Iajor Baker says : "Those of
Bates' brigade and the Twenty-fifth Infantry, after having car-
ried the stone fort," which he explains was some 75 feet higher
than the town, then fired down into the village. The soldier
who acted as left-guide of Company G, Twenty-fifth Infantry,
says, after getting up on the hill, "we fired dozvn into the city
until near dusk." The experience of the soldier agrees exactly
with the report of the officer. The fact that the Twenty-fifth
went up the hill cannot be questioned, and that up to their last
halt, they went under fire, no one will deny. Bonsai, in speak-
ing of Chaffee's brigade, which was "more immediately
charged with the reduction of Caney" (Ludlow's report), says :
"And it was nearly five o'clock when his most advanced regi-
ment, the gallant Twelfth Infantry, deployed into the valley
and charged up the steep hillside, which was lined with Span-
ish trenches, rising in irregular tiers and crowned with a great
stone fort." The stone fort at this time, however, was, as he
says, "a shapeless ruin." Where was the Twenty-fifth In-
fantry at this time? Mr. Bonsai continues: "Almost at the
same moment the Twenty-fifth Colored Infantry, the leading
regiment of Miles' brigade, which had been advancing in the
centre, started up the hill also." General Lawton says that
after .noving the battery to its new position, 1,000 yards from
certain blockhouses in the town, Capron fired a few shots, all
of which took effect, and he adds : "This firing terminated
the action, as the Spanish garrison were attempting to escape."
Colonel Comba says there was a breach in the stonework large
enough for his men to enter, and that this had been made by
THE BATTLE OK EL CANEY I 69
the artillery; General Chaffee says resistance had been greatly
affected by the artillery, and Bonsai adds, the garrison resisted
the last advance made by the infantry but for a moment.
General Chaffee declares : "The troops arriving at the fort
were there in the following order : Twelfth Infantry, which
took the place; the command of General Bates some moments
later; the Twenty-fifth Infantry."
The facts therefore stand, that the Twenty-fifth In-
fantry was on the ground with the first troops that reached
the fort and that there was a captain of that regiment who then
and there claimed the capture of the place, even against the
claims of a Major-General. He was told that his proposition
was absurd, and so it may have been from one standpoint ; and
yet there may be a ground upon which the captain's claim was
fair and just.
That the Twelfth Infantry arrived on the ground first is not
disputed ; but it is questioned whether the fort was belligerent
at that time. General Chaffee says the resistance had been
greatly reduced by the artillery; General Lawton says the ac-
tion had been finished by Capron's shots and the garrison was
trying to escape ; a soldier from the Twenty-fifth says the Span-
iards flew out of the fort to the town ; Bonsai says, they stoutly
resisted "for a moment and then fled precipitately down the
ravine and up the other side, and into the town." If first oc-
cupancy is the only ground upon which the capture of a place
can be claimed, then the title to the honor of capturing the
stone fort lies, according to official report as so far presented,
with the Twelfth Infantry. But even upon this ground it will
be shown that the Twenty-fifth's action will relieve the claim
of its captain from absurdity. We are now prepared to read
the ofiicial report of the commanding officer of the Twenty-
iyo IfHE BATTLE OF EL CANEV
fifth Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett, who was with the
regiment all through the fight, and who bore himself so well
that the division commander said : "Lieutenant-Colonel Dag-
gett deserves special mention for skillful handling of his regi-
ment, and would have received it before had the fact been re-
ported by his brigade commander."
July 5, JS98.
Intrenchments Twenty-fifth United States Infantry,
Adjutant-General, Second Brigade, Second Division, Fifth
Corps.
Sir : — I have the honor to submit the following report of the
part taken by the Twenty-fifth Infantry in the battle of the ist
instant. The regiment formed firing line on the right of the
Fourth Infantry, facing a Spanish fort or blockhouse about half
a mile distant. On moving forward, the battalion, composed of
Companies C, D, E, G and H, and commanded by Capt. W. S.
Scott, received the fire of the enemy, and after advancing about
400 yards was subjected to a galling fire on their left. Finding
cover, the battalion prepared for an advance up the hill to the
fort. This advance was made rapidly and conducted with great
skill by company officers.
"On arriving within a short distance of the fort the white
flag was waved to our companies, but a cross fire prevented the
enemy from advancing with it or our officers from receiving it.
About twenty minutes later a battalion of some other regiment
advanced to the rear of the fort, completely covered from fire,
and received the flag; but the men of the Twenty-fifth Infan-
try entered the fort at the same time. All officers and men be-
haved gallantly. One officer was killed and three wounded;
eight men were killed and -twenty wounded.
''About 200 men and ten officers were in the firing line. I
attribute the comparatively small losses to the skill and bravery
of the company officers ,viz. : First Lieutenant Caldwell and
Second Lieutenants Moss and Hunt. Second Lieutenant
French, adjutant of the battalion, was among those who gal-
lantly entered the fort.
"The battle lasted about two hours and was a hotly contested
combat. Very respectfully.
"A. S. DAGGETT,
"Lieutenant-Colonel, Twenty-fifth Infantry, Commanding."
THE BATTLE OV EL CANEY I^i
Here it is shown by the testimony of the regimental com-
mander, that a battahon of the Twenty-fifth ascended the hill
and arrived at a short distance from the fort about twenty
minutes before any other troops are mentioned as coming in
sight ; and that a white flag was waved to the companies of the
Twenty-fifth. It was doubtless upon this ground that a cap-
tain of the Twenty-fifth had the temerity to claim the capture
of the place, even from a Major-General. I do not know who
the captain was, but it is evident that he had what he believed
ample grounds for his claim. Colonel Daggett says, also,
that when the men of the other regiment advanced to this fort
after it had waved the white flag to the companies of the
Twenty-fifth, the men of the Twenty-fifth advanced and en-
tered the fort at the same time. Bonsai says : "Almost at the
same moment that the Twelfth started up the hill the Twenty-
fifth started up the hill also ;" while according to Colonel Dag-
gett's testimony the Twenty-fifth was well up the hill already
and the fort had waved to it the white flag.
Colonel Daggett makes this further report :
Headquarters Twenty-fifth Infantry,
Near Santiago, Cuba, July i6, 1898.
The Adjutant-General, Second Division, Fifth Corps, near San-
tiago, Cuba.
Sir : — Feeling that the Twenty-fifth Infantry has not received
credit for the part it took in the battle of El Caney on the first
mstant, I have the honor to submit the following facts :
I was ordered by the brigade commander to put two compa-
nies (H, Lieutenant Caldwell, and G, Lieutenant McCorkle) on
the firing line in extended order. The right being uncovered
and exposed to the enemy, I ordered D Company (Captain Ed-
wards) to deploy as flankers. The battalion was commanded by
Capt. W. S. Scott. The battalion advanced about 300 yards
under fire, the Fourth Infantry on its left, where the line found
cover, halted, and opened fire on the blockhouse and intrench-
172 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
merits in front of it. After the line had been steadied and had
delivered an effective fire, I ordered a further advance, which
was promptly made. As the Fourth Infantry did not advance,
my left was exposed to a very severe fire from the village on the
left. I immediately ordered Company C (Lieutenant Murdock),
which was in support, to the front, and E. Company (Lieutenant
Kinnison) from regimental reserve to take its place. Thus
strengthened, the four companies moved up the hill rapidly,
being skilfully handled by company offtcers. On arriving near
the fort the white flag was waved toward our men, but the fire
from the village on our left was so severe that neither our offi-
cers nor Spanish could pass over the intervening ground. After
about twenty minutes some of the Twelfth Infantry arrived in
rear of the fort, completely sheltered from the fire from the vil-
lage, and received the white flag; but Privates J. H. Jones,
of Company D, and T. C. Butler, H. Company, Twenty-fifth In-
fantry, entered the fort at the same time and took possession
of the Spanish flag. They were ordered to give it up by an offi-
cer of the Twelfth United States Infantry, but before doing so
they each tore a piece from it, which they now have. So much
for the facts.
I attribute the success attained by our line largely to the brav-
ery and skill of the company officers who conducted the line to
the fort. These officers are : First Lieutenants V. A. Caldwell
and J. A. Moss, and Second Lieutenant J. E. Hunt. It is my
opinion that the two companies first deployed could not have
reached the fort alone, and that it was the two companies I or-
dered to their support that gave them the power to reach it. I
further believe that had we failed to move beyond the Fourth
Infantry the fort would not have been taken that night.
The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost one officer killed* and three
wounded, and seven men killed and twenty-eight wounded.
Second Lieutenant H. W. French, adjutant of Captain Scott's
battalion, arrived at the fort near the same time as the other
officers.
I request that this report be forwarded to corps headquarters.
Very respectfully,
A. S. DAGGETT,
Lieutenant-Colonel, Twenty-fifth Infantry, Commanding,
*First Lieutenant McCorkle killed; Captain Edwards and First Lieu-
tenants Kinnison and Murdock wounded.
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY I73
General Chaffee's statement is not to be questioned for a
moment. There is not the least doubt that the troops, as or-
ganizations arrived at the fort in the order he describes. Gen-
eral Lawton says : "General Chaffee's brigade was especially
charged with the duty of assaulting the stone fort, and suc-
cessfully executed that duty, after which a portion of the
Twenty-fifth, and a portion of Bates' brigade, assisted in the
work, all of which is commendable." He says also, that the
"Twenty-fifth Infantry did excellent service, as reported,
though not better than the others engaged.' This seems to
confirm Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett's report, for he says he
is sure the regiment did excellent work, "as reported ;" and at
that time he is commenting on Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett's
report, the report printed above. The broad statements of
General Lawton do not touch the exact question at issue be-
tween the reports of the subordinate commanders ; nor do they
throw any light on the circumstances of the final charge.
Miles' brigade had been advancing on the stone fort for some
hours, and the Twenty-fifth was so near when the charge of
the Twelfth was made that portions of it were on the hill and
near the fort at the same time. The commander of the Third
Brigade saw the fight from one side and reported events as he
learned them. His official statement requires no support.
The commanding officer of the Twenty-fifth Infantry saw the
fight from another standpoint, and his official reports are en-
titled to equal respect. Both the General's and the Lieuten-
ant-Colonel's must be accepted as recitals of facts, made with
all the accuracy that high personal integrity armed with thor-
ough military training can command. Happily the statements,
which at first appear so widely at variance, are entirely recon-
cilable. The following supplementary report of the regi-
174 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
mental commander, when taken in connection with the final
complimentary orders published in the regiment before leav-
ing Cuba, will place the whole subject before the reader and
put the question at rest, and at the same time leave undis-
turbed all the reports of superior officers.
Headquarters Twenty-fifth Infantry,
Montauk Point, Long Island, August 22, 1898.
The Adjutant-General, U. S. Army, Washington, D.C.
Sir: — I have the honor to submit a supplementary report to
the original one made on the 19th (i6th) of July, 1898, of the
battle of El Caney de Cuba, so far as relates to the part taken
therein by the Twenty-fifth Infantry :
1. I stated in the original report that the Twenty-fifth Infan-
try, in advancing, broke away from and left the Fourth Infantry
behind. This may inferentially reflect on the latter regiment.
It was not so intended, and a subsequent visit to the battle-field
convinces me that it would have been impossible for the regi-
ment to advance to the fort, and, although it might have ad-
vanced a short distance farther, it would have resulted in a use-
less slaughter, and that the battalion commander exercised ex-
cellent judgment in remaining where he did and by his fire aid-
ing the Twenty-fifth Infantry in its advance.
2. Colonel Miles, the then brigade commander, informed me
that his first report of the battle would be brief and that a later
and full report would be made. In his former report I think
he failed to give credit to myself and regiment. As he was soon
after reheved of the command of the brigade I assume that
no further report will be made.
I have reported what the regiment did, but said nothing about
my own action. I must, therefore, report it myself or let it go
unrecorded. Distasteful as it is to me, I deem it duty to my
children to state the facts and my claims based thereon, as fol-
lows :
I. I was ordered to put two companies in the firing line.
Before this line advanced the brigade commander informed me,
and personal examination verified, that my right was in the air
and exposed. On my own judgment I ordered a company, as
flankers, to that part of the line.
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 175
2. As soon as the line had rested and become steadied at its
first halt I ordered it to advance, and it continued to advance,
although it broke away from the rest of the brigade.
3. As this exposed the left to a galling and dangerous fire, I
ordered, on my own judgment, a company to re-enforce that
part of the line and a company from the regimental reserve also
to the fighting line.
These are the facts, and as my orders were to keep my left
joined to the right of the Fourth Infantry, and received no fur-
ther orders, my claims are as follows :
1. That it was necessary to place a company on the right as
flankers.
2. That the conditions offered an opportunity to advance af-
ter the first halt, and I took advantage of it.
3. That the left being exposed by this advance of the line
beyond the rest of the brigade, it was proper and necessary to
re-enforce it by two companies.
4. That the two companies first deployed could not have
reached the stone fort.
5. That the three companies added to the firing line gave it
the power to reach the fort.
6. That the advance beyond the rest of the brigade was a
bold and, without support, dangerous movement, but that the
result justified the act. Had it failed T would have been held
responsible.
7. That I saw at each stage of the battle what ought to be
done, and did it. Results show that it was done at the right mo-
ment.
8. That the Twenty-fifth Infantry caused the surrender of
the stone fort.
I desire to repeat that it is with great reluctance that I
make so much of this report as relates to myself, and nothing
but a sense of duty would impel me to do it.
Very respectfullv,
A. S. DAGGETT,
Lieutenant-Colonel, Twenty-fifth Infantry, Commanding.
176 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
LOSSES OF THE TWENTY-FIFTH INFANTRY.
Killed. — Lieutenant H. L, McCorkle, Company G; Private
Albert Strother, H; Private John W. Steele, D; Corporal Benj.
Cousins, H ; Private John B. Phelps, D ; Private French Payne,
B ; Private Aaron Leftwich, G ; Private Tom Howe, D.
Wounded. — Company A: Private William H, Clarke, Ser-
geant Stephen A. Browne. Company B : Private Tom Brown.
Company C: Lieutenant John S. Murdock, Private Joseph L.
Johnson, Private Samuel W, Harley, Private John A. Boyd.
Company D ; Captain Eaton A. Edwards, Sergeant Hayden
Richards, Private Robert Goodwin. Company E: Lieutenant
H. L. Kinnison, Private James Howard, Private John Saddler,
Private David C. Gillam, Private Hugh Swann. Com-
pany F: First Sergeant Frank Coleman. Company G:
Corporal James O. Hunter, Private Henry Brightwell, Private
David Buckner, Private Alvin Daniels, Private Boney Douglas,
Private George P. Cooper, Private John Thomas, Corporal
Gov. Staton, Private Eugene Jones. Company H: Private
James Bevill, Private Henry Gilbert.
Wounded July 2. — Private Elwood A. Forman, H ; Private
Smith, D ; Private William Lafayette, F.
COMPLIMENTARY ORDER.
Headquarters 25th Infantry,
Near Santiago de Cuba, August 11, 1898.
General Orders No. 19.
The regimental commander congratulates the regiment on
the prospect of its speedy return to the United States.
Gathered from three different stations, many of you strangers
to each other, you assembled as a regiment for the first time in
more than twenty-eight years on May 7, 1898, at Tampa, Flor-
ida, There you endeavored to solidify and prepare yourselves,
as far as the oppressive weather would permit, for the work that
appeared to be before you ; but, who could have fortold the
severity of that work?
You endured the severe hardships of a long sea voyage, which
no one who has not experienced it can appreciate. You then
disembarked, amidst dangerous surroundings ; and on landing
were for the first time on hostile ground. You marched, under
a tropical sun, carrying blanket-roll, three days' rations, and one
hundred rounds of ammunition, through rain and mud, part of
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 177
the time at night, sleeping on the wet ground without shelter,
living part of the time on scant rations, even, of bacon, hard
bread and coffee, until on July i you arrived at El Caney. Here
you took the battle formation and advanced to the stone fort,
more like veterans than troops who had never been under fire.
You again marched, day and night, halting only to dig four lines
of intrenchments, the last being the nearest point to the enemy
reached by any organization, when, still holding your rifles,
within these intrenchments, notice was received that Santiago
and the Spanish army had surrendered.
But commendable as the record cited may be, the brightest
hours of your lives were on the afternoon of July i. Formed in
battle array, you advanced to the stone fort against volleys there-
from, and rifle-pits in front, and against a galHng fire from block-
houses, the church tower and the village on your left. You con-
tinued to advance, skilfully and bravely directed by the officers
in immediate command, halting and delivering such a cool and
well-directed fire that the enemy was compelled to wave the
white flag in token of surrender.
Seldom have troops been called upon to face a severer fire,
and never have they acquitted themselves better.
The regimental reserve was called upon to try its nerve, by
lying quiet under a galling fire, without the privilege of return-
ing it, where men were killed and wounded. This is a test of
nerve which the firing line cannot realize, and requires the high-
est qualities of bravery and endurance.
You may well return to the United States proud of your ac-
complishments ; and if any one asks you what you have done,
point him to El Caney.
But in the midst of the joy of going home, we mourn the loss
of those we leave behind. The genial, generous-hearted Mc-
Corkle fell at his post of duty, bravely directing his men in the
advance on the stone fort. He died as the soldier dies, and re-
ceived a soldier's burial. He was beloved by all who knew him,
and his name will always be fondly remembered by his regiment
— especially by those who participated in the Santiago cam-
paign. The officers of the regiment will wear the prescribed
badge of mourning for Lieutenant McCorkle for thirty days.
And Corporal Benjamin Cousins, Privates Payne, Lewis,
Strother, TaHaferro, Phelps, Howell, Steel and Leftwitch, sacri-
ficed their lives on their country's altar. Being of a race which
178 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
only thirty-five years ago emerged through a long and bloody
war, from a condition of servitude, they in turn engaged in a
war which was officially announced to be in the interest -of hu-
manity and gave all they had — their lives — that the oppressed
might be free, and enjoy the blessings of liberty guaranteed by a
stable government. They also died like true soldiers and received
a soldier's burial.
By order of Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett.
M. D. CRONIN,
First Lieutenant and Adjutant, 25th Infantry.
MAJOR GENERAL AARON S. DAGGETT.
General Aaron S. Daggett is a native of Maine, born at
Greene Corner, in that State, June 14, 1837. He is descended
from a paternal ancestry which can be traced, with an honorable
record, as far back as iioo A. D. His mother was Dorcas C,
daughter of Simon Dearborn, a collateral descendant of General
Henry Dearborn. His more immediate ancestors came from
Old to New England about 1630, and both his grandparents
served in the Continental Army during the Revolutionary War.
He was educated in his native town, at Monmouth Academy,
Maine Wesleyan Seminary and Bates College. At the outbreak
of the Civil War he enlisted as a private, April 27th, 1861, in
the 5th Maine Infantry; was appointed second lieutenant May
I, and promoted first lieutenant May 24, 1861. He commanded
his company at the first Bull Run battle, and was promoted
captain August 14, 1861.
From the first engagement of the regiment to the end of its
three years' memorable service, Captain Daggett proved a
faithful and gallant soldier. He was promoted major, January
8th, 1863; on January i8th, 1865, was commissioned lieutenant-
colonel of the 5th Regiment, United States Veteran Volunteers,
Hancock Corps, and was brevetted colonel and brigadier-gentral
of volunteers, March 13, 1865, for "gallant and meritorious ser-
vices during the war." He also received the brevets of major in
the United States Army for "gallant and meritorious services
at the battle of Rappahannock Station, Va.," November 7, 1863,
and lieutenant-colonel for "gallant and meritorious services in
the battle of the Wilderness, Va." Immediately after the bat-
tle of Rappahannock Station, the captured trophies, flags, can-
nons, etc., were escorted, by those who had been most conspip-
Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett.
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 179
uous in the action, to General Meade's headquarters, Colonel
Daggett being- in command of the battalion of his brigade.
General Upton to whom he owed this distinction, wrote of him
as follows :
"In the assault at Rappahannock Station, Colonel Daggett's
regiment captured over five hundred prisoners. In the assault
at Spottsylvania Court House, May lo, his regiment lost six
out of seven captains, the seventh being killed on the 12th of
May, at the "angle," or the point where the tree was shot down
by musketry, on which ground the regiment fought from 9.30
A. M. to 5.30 P. M., when it was reheved. On all these occa-
sions Colonel Daggett was under my immediate command, and
fought with distinguished bravery.
"Throughout his military career in the Army of the Potomac,
he maintained the character of a good soldier and an upright
man, and his promotion would be commended by all those who
desire to see courage rewarded."
General Upton also wrote to the Governor of Maine as fol-
lows :
"I would respectfully recommend to Your Excellency, Major
A. S. Daggett, formerly 5th Maine Volunteers, as an officer
highly qualified to command a regiment. Major Daggett served
his full term in this brigade with honor both to himself and
State, and won for himself the reputation of being a brave, reli-
able and efficient officer. His promotion to a colonelcy would
be a great benefit to the service, while the honor of his State
could scarcely be entrusted to safer hands."
He was subsequently recommended for promotion by Gen-
erals Meade, Hancock, Wright and D. A. Russell. He was in
every battle and campaign in which the Sixth Corps, Army of
the Potomac, was engaged, from the first Bull Run to Peters-
burg, and was twice slightly wounded. On July 28, 1866, with-
out his knowledge or solicitation, he was appointed a captain in
the U. S. Regular Army, on recommendation of General Grant,
and has since been promoted colonel in this service. During
his subsequent career he has won the reputation of being a fine
tactician and of being thoroughly versed in military law, as is
indicated by Major Hancock's commendatory words in 1878:
"I look upon him as by far the best tactician in the regiment,
and as for a thorough, clear knowledge of tactics his superior
is not in the army. As regards military and civil law, I kno\y
of no one so well informed."
ISO THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
His ability and soldierly qualities have also been highly com-
mended by General Crook, Colonel Hughes — Inspector-General
in 1891 — and Colonel , Inspector-General in 1892,
Not only as a soldier, but in many other ways, has General
Daggett distinguished himself. As a pubHc speaker the follow-
ing was said of him by the Rev. S. S. Cummings, of Boston :
"It w^as my privilege and pleasure to listen to an address
delivered by General A. S. Daggett on Memorial Day of 1891.
I had anticipated something able and instructive, but it far ex-
ceeded my fondest expectations. The address was dignified, yet
affable, delivered in choice language without manuscript, in-
structive and impressive, and highly appreciated by an intelli-
gent audience."
General Daggett is noted for his courteous and genial man-
ner, and his sterling integrity of character. He is a member
of the Presbyterian church.
War Department, Inspector-General's Oflice,
Washington, Jan. 6th, 1899.
To the Adjutant-General, U. S. A., Washington, D. C.
Sir: — I desire to recommend to your favorable consideration
and for advancement in case of the reorganization of the Reg-
ular Army, Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett, 25th U. S. In-
fantry.
I have known Colonel Daggett for a long time ; he served in
the War of the Rebellion with the 5th Maine Volunteers and
acquitted himself with much honor; he served in Cuba in the
war with Spain, commanding the 25th U. S. Infantry, and was
conspicuous for gallantry at the battle of El Caney. He is an
officer of the highest character, intelligent, courageous and
energetic.
I sincerely trust that he may receive all the consideration he
deserves. Very respectfully,
"(Sd) 'H. W. LAWTON,
Major-General, U. S. V.
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY l8l
A true copy:
M. D. CRONIN,
First Lieutenant and Adjutant 25th Infantry.
Headquarters Department of the East,
Governor's Island, New York City,
December 29, 1898.
Honorable R. A. Alger, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.
Sir : — I recommend to the favorable consideration of the
Secretary of War for promotion to Brigadier-General, Colonel
A, S. Daggett, 25th Infantry. This officer has an excellent war
record ; his service has been faithful since then, and in the recent
Spanish-American war he distinguished himself by his good
judgment and faithful attention to duty, as well as for gallant
service in action. An appointment of this character will be very
highly appreciated throughout the army as a recognition of
faithful, meritorious and gallant service. From my observation
of Colonel Daggett he is well qualified for the position.
Very respectfully,
(Sd) WM. R. SHAFTER,
Major-General, U. S. Volunteers.
M. D. CRONIN,
A true copy:
First Lieutenant and Adjutant 25th Infantry,
To this very brilliant official record it is necessary to add
but a word personal. Colonel Daggett is a typical New Eng-
lander; tall, well-formed, nervous and sinewy, a centre of
energy, making himself felt wherever he may be. Precise and
forceful of speech, correct and sincere in manners, a safe coun-
sellor and a loyal friend, his character approaches the ideal.
Stern and commanding as an officer he is nevertheless tender
and sym.pathetic. His very sensitiveness concerning the feel-
ings of others embarrasses him in giving expression to his own
feelings on seeing suffering, unless it should be urgent, but
those who know him best know him to be just, humane and
tender. No man could have taken more care than he did for
his regiment in Cuba. Hating oppression and wrong with a
vehemency suited to his intense nature, he nevertheless de-
plores war and bloodshed. The President of the United
States never did a more worthy act than when he gave to
l82 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
Lieutenant-Colonel A. S. Daggett of the Twenty-fifth Infan-
try his commission as Brigadier-General of Volunteers in
recognition of his valor and skill at El Caney and of his gen-
eral efficiency as an officer in our army.
TESTIMONIES CONCERNING THE WORK OF THE
TWENTY-FIFTH INFANTRY BEFORE EL CANEY.
Headquarters First District, Southern Luzon,
El Deposit©, P. I., April 20, 1900.
My Dear General Daggett : — Some time ago I received a let-
ter from you asking me to make an official statement as to
where and at what objective the energies and fire of the 25th
Infantry were directed during the battle of El Caney, Cuba,
July I,' 1898.
In reply I have the honor to officially state that about noon
July I, 1898, the regiment moved from the mango grove, near
the Ducro House, toward a stone fort located on a hill, near the
town of El Caney.
It arrived at about one of the afternoon at a point about
eight hundred yards to the south and east of the fort ; immedi-
ately deployed, and the First Battalion, under command of Cap-
tain Walter S. Scott, and of which I was adjutant, designated
as the attacking fine. Presently, after advancing a few yards,
we were subjected to a galling fire from the stone fort, the
trenches in its front and from a blockhouse on its right. The
line steadily moved forward, directing its fire at the stone fort
and the trenches surrounding it. When within about one hun-
dred and fifty yards from the fort the line was halted, and sev-
eral sharpshooters, directed by their company officers to fire
at the loopholes. Finally, when the men had regained their
wind, a rush was made, part of the line going through a corn-
field. At the foot the line was again halted, and after a few mo-
ments' rest charged up the hill, and the fort surrendered.
I went to the fort and found a Spanish lieutenant and seven
enlisted men whom I passed out and were taken charge of by
an officer of the 12th Infantry. This was about 3.50 P, M.
Note. — Since the above was written, General Daggett served with great
distinction in the Philippines and in China, and was retired as a brigadier-
general — a hero of four wars. A bill is now before Congress to make him
a major-general, an honor to which he is most justly entitled.
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 183
As soon as the line reached the top of the hill it was fired on
from the town, which had before been masked by the hill ; the
fire was of course returned, and this was the first fire from the
battalion directed at the town. About five o'clock firing had
ceased, the battalion was assembled and marched away.
(Sd) H. W. FRENCH,
First Lieutenant, 17th Infantry (late Second Lieutenant 25th
Infantry.
A true copy:
H. G. LEARNARD,
Capt. and Adj. 14th Infantry.
Manila, P. I., March 30, 1900.
I certify that in the action of El Caney, Cuba, July i, 1898,
the company I commanded, i. e., H, 25th Infantry, directed its
fire almost exclusively on the stone fort and the trench a few
yards from its base. That very little of this company's fire was
directed on the town and none before the fort was carried.
(Sd) VERNON A. CALDWELL,
First Lieutenant, 25th Infantry.
A true copy:
H. G. LEAR^'ARD,
Capt. and Adj. 14th Infantry,
Tayug, Luzon, Philippine Islands,
April 17th, 1900.
To Those in Military Authority.
Regarding the battle of El Caney, Cuba, July i, 1898, I
hereby certify:
1. From about 1.20 o'clock P. M. to the time of the capture
of the town of El Caney, I was in command of two companies
— C and G — forming part of the 25th U. S. Infantry firing line.
2. From about 2.55 o'clock P. M. to the time of the capture
of the town, very nearly the entire 25th Infantry firing line
was under my observation.
3. From about 2.55 o'clock P. M. to about 3.20, the time of
the surrender of the stone fort to the east of the town, the fire
of the entire 25th Infantry firing line within my sight was
directed against the fort.
4. During this period of the battle the 25th Infantry firing
line was about 150 yards from the stone fort.
5. From the time the firing line began firing — about I
l84 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
o'clock P. M. — to the time of the surrender of the stone fort —
about 3.20 P. M. — the companies under my command and all
others under my observation concentrated their fire on the fort.
6. About 3.20 P. M., I was standing about 150 yards from
the stone fort, and I plainly and distinctly saw a Spaniard ap-
pear in the door of the fort, and, for two or three seconds, wave
a white flag at the 25th Infantry firing line, and upon being shot
down, another Spaniard picked up the flag and likewise waved
it at the 25th Infantry firing line.
7. After the white flag had twice been presented to the 25tTi
Infantry firing line, and after all fire from the stone fort had
ceased, the firing line rushed forward, took up a position facing
to their left — that is, facing the town — and began a vigorous fire
on a small blockhouse and on the town.
Respectfully, JAMES A. MOSS,
First Lieutenant, 24th U. S. Infantry.
RECOLLECTIONS OF THE SAx^TIAGO CAMPAIGN, BY
CAPTAIN R. H. R. LOUGHBOROUGH, 25TH U.
S. INFANTRY.
The 25th U. S. Infantry left its stations in Montana on the
loth of April, 1898; six companies (B, C, D, E, F and H) went
in camp at Chickamauga National Park; the other two com-
panies (A and G) went to Key West, Fla.
On May 6th the six companies at the Chickamauga National
Park moved by rail to Tampa, Fla., arriving the night of the
7th, where they were joined by the two companies from Key
West. With the exception of three days in 1870, the regiment
had never been together since its organization in 1869. It neces-
sarily followed that many of the officers, as well as men, were
strangers to each other.
Our camp at Tampa was fair; the ground is sandy and fiat,
but as the rainy season had not set in, it was dry and the health
was good. Drills and parades were held daily (Sundays ex-
cepted), but on account of the intense heat the hours for it
were limited to the early mornings and after sunset. The
clothing of the men was the same they had worn in Montana,
and did not add to their comfort. Supplies of all kinds (except
rations) came by piecemeal, and we finally sailed for the tropics
with the same clothing used in the Northwest,
At 6 o'clock P. M. June 6th the regiment received orders to
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY I 85
strike tents and be ready to move within an hour ; the order was
immediately complied with, though the necessary transportation
to move the baggage did not report until the forenoon of the
following day ; it was not far from noon when the last of it left
the camp for the railroad station, en route to Port Tampa,
where we were to embark on transports for the seat of war.
As soon as the camp equipage was started, the regiment was
formed and marched to West Tampa (about three miles), where
we took a train for Port Tampa, distant nine miles. On arrival,
the regiment boarded the steamer "Concho," one of the vessels
to carry the expedition to its destination. The 4th U. S. In-
fantry had preceded us, and the next day a battalion of the 2d
Massachusetts Volunteers was put on, but owing to the crowded
condition of the ship, a few days later they were transferred to
another vessel.
The "Concho" is a large ship, but without the comforts I
have seen since then on the U. S. Army transports plying be-
tween San Francisco and Manila. The ships used were hastily
fitted up for the occasion, and it could not be expected that they
would be all that was required, but some of the appointments
could and should have been better. After a tedious wait until
June 14th, we sailed down Tampa Bay and out on the Gulf of
Mexico, still in ignorance of our destination. The evening of
the 15th the Hght at Dry Tortugas was seen to our right. June
i6th, 17th and i8th our course was a little south of east, and
part of the time the north coast of Cuba was visible. The
weather (except the intense heat) was fine. On Sunday morn-
ing, June i8th, we entered the Windward Passage, and it
seemed certain, from our course, that Santiago was our ob-
jective. Early the next morning the high mountains of Santiago
de Cuba were in plain sight to our north. June 20th and 21st,
remained off the coast ; the sea was rough and the vessel rolled
considerably, adding to the discomfort of every one, especiafly
those subject to seasickness. During the evening of the 21st,
orders were received to be ready to disembark the following
morning. About 8 A. M. on the 22d our warships began shell-
ing the coast, and two hours later the troops started in small
boats from the transports to the shore. By evening most of the
Second Division and part of the Cavalry Division were on
Cuban soil. There was no opposition to our landing; I believe
that a small force well handled could have made it very diffi-
cult, if, indeed, it could not have prevented it.
l86 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
As soon as the regiment had landed it was marched out
about four miles and bivouacked for the night. The country is
rugged and covered with a dense tropical vegetation. A few
"Cuban Patriots" had joined us and formed the extreme ad-
vance, saving us some disagreeable outpost duty. This was
the only service that I know of them doing throughout the
campaign, though they were always on hand ration day. Later
developments showed that the service rendered was not so im-
portant, as any Spanish force had retired to a safe place, some-
thing our friends looked out for whenever there was any danger.
June 23d, the regiment started shortly after daylight towards
the city of Santiago. About 9 o'clock there was a report that
the enemy were in our front. The regiment was immediately
formed for battle, and reconnoitering parties sent forward ;
after about thirty minutes' delay the supposed enemy proved to
be the large leaves of some tropical trees being moved by the
wind, giving them the appearance of persons in motion. Our
route was over a narrow trail, through a dense wilderness;
water was scarce and the heat was intense. About noon we ar-
rived at Siboney, where we bivouacked for the night. Before
daylight next morning the troops in our rear were heard passing
on the trail by our camp. Shortly after daylight Captain Ca-
pron's battery of four guns passed, and the men lined up along
the road and cheered lustily. About an hour later, musketry fire
and the occasional discharge of a Hotchkiss gun could be
plainly heard towards Santiago. About three-quarters of an
hour later we received orders to march. By mistake, the wrong
trail was taken, and after marching fourteen hours we returned
to our camp of the previous night, all fagged out. A great many
men of the brigade were overcome with heat during this long,
tiresome and fruitless ramble. I cannot say how many of these
were of the 25th Infantry, but in my own company (B) there
was not a man out of the ranks when the camp was reached.
(I have called the above-mentioned place "Siboney." There is
probably some other name for it, as the Cubans have one for
every hamlet. It is not far from Siboney, and not knowing the
name, have called it Siboney.)
On the morning of the 25th we got rations from the transport
and all enjoyed a hearty breakfast. At i P. M. we broke camp
and marched to Sevilla, about six miles. Here we remained
until the morning of the 27th, part of the regiment being out on
picket duty. June 27th, the regiment marched three miles
the'^battle ok el caney 187
towards Santiago and bivouacked on the banks of a small creek.
Bathing was forbidden, as the creek was the only, water supply
for the army. The troops remained at this place until the after-
noon of June 30th. The camp was in the valley of the creek,
the ground is low and flat, and with the heavy rainfall every one
was uncomfortable. Rations had to be brought from Siboney
over a trail and did not arrive regularly.
About I o'clock in the afternoon on the 30th, the officers of
the regiment were assembled at headquarters and were notified
that there would be an attack on the Spanish position the
next morning. About 4 o'clock the regiment started for its
position, arriving after 10 o'clock, having covered a distance
of less than three miles. The route was over an excuse for a
road, but was crowded with some of the troops of almost every
organization of the army, causing numberless halts, but worse
than all, breaking the much-needed rest of the troops. On one
part of this route I heard men asknig, "What regiment is this?"
and heard various responses, as follows : "The W. W. W.'s,
the 1st Cavalry, the 4th Infantry, the loth Cavalry," etc. Some
one asked, "What are the W. W. W.'s?" and some one replied
"Wood's Weary W^alkers." I do not know who is responsible
for that condition of affairs. Had we had an enterprising enemy
in our front, disaster certainly would have followed. Here were
a number of organizations scattered along a narrow,, muddy
trail, at the mercy of an active foe. All this was only three or
four miles from the Spanish works. The men were cheerful,
and few if any realized that there might be danger.
Most of the men were up and moving about before daylight
the next morning. Shortly after, the regiment started in the di-
rection of El Caney. At 9 A. M. we halted in a mango grove
near the Ducureau mansion. Shortly before noon a mounted
orderly appeared with a message for the brigade commander.
A few minutes later the march towards El Caney was taken up.
Heavy musketry fire had been heard in that direction since
shortly before 7 o'clock. A march of little more than a mile
and the regiment w^as formed for battle. Companies G and H
in the firing line, C and D in support, the remaining four com-
panes in reserve.
For two hours or perhap? more the firing was very heavy,
especially during the second hour. Attention is called to report
of Colonel A. S. Daggett, pages 387 and 388, "Report of the
War Department, 1898, Vol. I," and endorsement on same by
l88 THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
Major-General A. R. Chaffee. He says: "This stone fort was
practically in the possession of the 12th Infantry at about 2
P, M. July I." I cannot reconcile this statement with the fact
that between the hours named some of the heaviest firing was
going on, which does not indicate that its defenders were ready
to give up. Lord Wellington once said, "At the end of every
campaign truth lies at the bottom of a deep well, and it often
takes twenty years to get her out." This may not be an excep-
tion. About half-past 4 o'clock the firing ceased and El Caney
was ours.
The dead were collected near a hedge and the regiment was
formed in column of masses to pay a silent tribute of respect to
our departed comrades.
The regiment then started for the mango grove where we had
left our blanket rolls and haversacks. Just as we were starting,
some men with canteens started for water (about a mile away),
when orders were received to be ready to march in twenty min-
utes. A few rods took us back to the road leading to Santiago.
We moved down the road about three-quarters of a mile and
halted. Two hours later, the pack train arrived with ammuni-
tion and then another with rations. Before the latter were is-
sued orders were issued to move at once to the rear. The regi-
ment marched over the trail it had come on the day before, ar-
riving at El Poso about 8 o'clock A. M. Here we took the road
leading to Santiago. About 9 A. M. we passed tmder San Juan
Htll and moved to our right. Our forces held the crest of the
hill. In passing along the hill we were sheltered from the fire
except a short space, where one or two men were slightly
wounded. Arriving at the La Cruz house near the road leading
from El Caney to Santiago about 3. 30 P. M. and bivouacked for
the night. About 10 o'clock the troops on our left were at-
tacked by the Spanish. The firing was very heavy for an hour,
when it suddenly ceased, and we retired for the night. During
this time we were under the hill and protected from the fire.
Next morning (Sunday, July 3d) desultory tiring began at day-
light. About 7 A. M. the regiment left the La Cruz house and
moved across the Caney-Santiago road and formed line to the
left and moved forward to a ridge overlooking the city. A
number of shots fell about us, but no one was struck. Shortly
after, we were in possession of the ridge and began intrenching.
The firing was kept up and two men were wounded. About
noon we were informed that a truce had been established and
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY 189
all work was stopped. This gave all a much-needed rest, though
it proved to be of short duration, caused by a false alarm by
Major Webb, the inspector of the division staff.
During the afternoon the regiment was moved to the foot of
the ridge, leaving only the pickets on the crest. About 8.30
P. M. we were ordered to the picket line and began intrenching.
The tall grass was wet from a drenching rain a few hours be-
fore. The ground, though wet, was hard, and slow progress
was made, having only their bayonets for picks and their bare
hands for shovels. All night this work went on. The men
were tired and hungry (as rations had not come up that day),
but worked faithfully. During this, and I will add, throughout
the campaign, I never heard a murmur nor a complaint ; even
when almost all the men of the regiment were down with fever
and bowel trouble they were cheerful and ready to do any duty
they were called on for.
The morning of July 3d Cervera's fieet sailed down the bay.
An officer rode by our part of the line about half-past 9 and in-
formed us of it. A few minutes later we heard the roar of the
big guns, though at the time 1 little thought of what was going
on. In the afternoon vv^e heard cheering on our line way to the
left, and as the good news came along it was taken up, and
soon the whole line was shouting.
On the morning of July 5th the non-combatants left San-
tiago by two roads, one passing through our line. It was a piti-
ful sight. During the forenoon of the 5th we moved about a
mile to the right and began intrenching. This position was very
near the Spanish line, and quite elaborate works were con-
structed. We remained in this position until the morning of
the nth, when the regiment was ordered to the right of the
line, about three miles. Here we intrenched. About i P. M.
a truce was announced.
At 9.15 P. M. a stafT officer came to the regimental com-
mander's tent and informed him that the regiment was to be
on the line at 12 o'clock midnight, and as soon as the moon
rose to advance through the jungle until fired on, when the line
was to halt and intrench. The night was stormy and any moon
there might have been was obscured by the clouds. We were
up, however, standing until daylight in a drenching rain, for
it was so dark that any movement was impossible. Our rest
was broken, without accomplishing anything that I know or
heard of.
igO THE BATTLE OF EL CANEY
However, the rain and storm were providential, for I will al-
ways believe if the movement had been started we should have
met with disaster. The ground was broken, deep ravines and
underbrush with wire fences running through it. I have never
learned who was "the father" of this order, and possibly never
will. He must be ashamed of it.
The afternoon of the T2th the regiment advanced several
hundred yards to the front and dug more intrenchments. They
were still on this work the afternoon of the 14th when it was
announced that the Spanish army had agreed to surrender.
This came none too soon, for our men were coming down with
malarial fever. A few days later nearly half the regiment were
on the sick list, and the balance could not have done much.
The regiment was moved the same afternoon to higher
ground in rear of the trenches. Strong guards were kept to
look out for our prisoners and to prevent "our alHes," the
Cubans, from going into the city.
On the morning of the 17th the formal surrender of the city
and Spanish army took place. We were some distance away
and did not see anything of the ceremony.
On July 25th the regiment was moved about a mile further
back in the hills and made camp, our tents, etc., having been
brought up from the transport. Medicines appeared very
scarce, resulting in much suffering. The food supplied was
totally unfit for our new surroundings, and I believe not a little
of the sickness can be traced to this. Our last camp was as
good as any to be found in that vicinity.
The regiment remained in camp until August 13th, when it
cirilbarked on the' transport "Camanche" for Montauk Point,
arriving on the i8th, and landed on the 23d.
B. H. R. LOUGHBOROUGH,
Captain, 25th Infantry.
SAN JUAN 191
CHAPTER VII.
SAN JUAN.
Cavalry Division: The Ninth and Tenth Regiments.
When Lawton's division swung off to the right to engage
the enemy at El Caney, with the results described in the pre-
ceeding chapter, the divisions of Wheeler and Kent were or-
dered to proceed directly along the Santiago road toward San
Juan. Within a mile from El Pozo, the point w^here they had
bivouacked for the night of the 30th, the troops arrived at the
Aguadores River, which crosses the road here within less than
a mile from San Juan Heights. Wheeler's division headed
the column, although that general was not commanding. He
had been relieved on the afternoon of the 30th and did not
resume command until about 4 o'clock on July i,* long after
the heights had been carried, although he was on the field
shortly after i o'clock of that day.
The Dismounted Cavalry Division on the morning of July
I presented 2,663 fighting men, including officers. The First
Brigade, commanded by Colonel Carrol, had 50 officers and
1,054 men, in regiments as follows: Third Cavalry, 22 offi-
cers, 420 men; Sixth Cavalry, 16 officers, 427 men; Ninth
Cavalry, 12 officers, 207 men, the Ninth having hardly one-
half the strength of either of the other regiments of the bri-
gade. The Second Brigade, commanded by General Wood,
contained i,559 persons, distributed as follows: Brigade staff,
9 officers, 14 men; First Cavalry, 21 officers, 501 men; Tenth
♦Official Report of General Sumner.
192 SAN JUAN
Cavalry, 22 officers, 507 men; First Volunteer Cavalry
(Rough Riders), 25 officers, 517 men.
Before the troops left El Poso, Grimes' battery had been put
in position and had fired a few shots at a blockhouse on San
Juan Hill, distance 2,600 yards. Using black powder, which
created a cloud of smoke with every shot, the battery was
readily located by the foe, and the shrapnel from their giins
was soon bursting among our forces. The second shot from
the Spaniards wounded four of the Rough Riders and two or
three of the regulars, while a third killed and wounded sev-
eral Cubans. As a matter of course there was a rapid move-
ments of the troops from that immediate vicinity. The firing
soon ceased, and the troops took up that general advance
movement already noted.
It is no easy task to follow the movements of the Cavalry
Division from the time it left El Poso that July morning un-
til it finally entrenched itself for the night on San Juan Hills.
/.s heretofore we v;ill take the official reports first, and from
them make up the itinerary and the movements of the battle
that followed, as far as they will enable us to do so. General
Sumne** says the division proceeded toward Santiago, and
when about three-fourths of a mile from El Poso was halted in
a narrow road to await orders and remained there for nearly
an hour, subject to the effects of heavy artillery fire from
the enemy's battery. Major Wessells, of the Third Cavalry,
says, while following the road toward Santiago that morn,
''much delay ensued from some reason unknown to the under-
signed," and that the First Brigade of the division arrived at
San Juan ford about 10 o'clock. This creek was about five
hundred yards farther toward Santiago than Aguadores
River, and ran about parallel with San Juan Heights, from
which it was about three-fourths of a mile distant.
SAN JUAN 193
The orders for which General Sumner had waited nearly
an hour under fire had come and were "verbal instructions to
move to the San Juan Creek and hold it." Reaching this
creek his advance guard was met by the Spaniards who fired
one volley and retreated to a position on a hill on Sumner's
right front, about 1,200 yards distant. Crossing this creek
with sufficient strength to hold it, Sumner was now ordered
to move by the right flank and connect with Lawton's left.
While his troops were in this massed condition prior to de-
ploying to the right through q thick jungle, the balloon that
was in use for purposes of reconnoitering, came up the road
and exposed itself to the full view of the Spaniards upon the
heights. They needed no further invitation to direct toward
our forces their artillery, for which the balloon became a fly-
ing target. Many officers and men were wounded here by
exploding shells and small arms' fire of the enemy (Sumner).
Under this fire, however, the troops were deployed as ordered.
Colonel Wood, who had charge of the Second Brigade, of
which the Rough Riders were the leading regiment, says this
"regiment was directed to change direction to the right, and
by moving up the creek to effect a junction with General
Lawton's division, which was engaged at Caney, about one
and a-half miles toward the right, but was supposed to be
working toward our right fiank. After proceeding in this di-
rection about half a mile the effort to connect with General
Lawton was given up." This movement to the right took
place between ten and eleven o'clock, at which time Lawton's
forces had made no impression upon El Caney, and he was far
from making any movement which might be described as
working toward the right flank of the Cavalry Division. Law-
ton was not found by that half-hour's search to the right; and
13
194 SAN JUAN
it was evident that something must be done by these troops in
front, and done quickly. The whole division was under fire,
and the battle on the Spanish side was in actual progress.
True our men were hidden away in the jungle that bordered
the creek, but their position was known to the Spaniards,
and leaves and boughs are no cover from shot and shell. They
were receiving the fire of the enemy and making no reply
whatever, save by the few ineffective shots from the far away
battery on El Poso Hill.
Directly in front of the cavalry division was a little hill oc-
cupied by a Spanish force. This hill is called in General
Wood's report East Hill, but in the literature of the battle il
is usaully mentioned as Kettle Hill. The fire in part was
coming from here. Colonel Wood gives another report of
the morning's experience in which he says : "The brigade
moved down the road toward Santiago in rear of the First Bri-
gade, with instructions to deploy to the right after crossing
the San Juan, and continue to extend to the right, reaching
out toward General Lawton's left and holding ourselves in
rear of the First Brigade as a support. On reaching the
stream the First Volunteer Cavalry, which was in the lead,
crossed the stream with comparatively slight loss and de-
ployed to the right in good order, but at this time a captive
balloon was led down the road in which the troops were
massed, and finally anchored at the crossing of the stream.
The approach and anchoring of this balloon served to indi-
cate the line of approach of the troops and to locate the ford,
and the result was a terrific converging of artillery and rifle
fire on the ford, which resulted in severe loss of men. Under
this fire the First United States Cavalry and the Tenth United
States Cavalry crossed the stream and deployed to the right
SAN JUAN 195
where they were placed in position in rear of the First Bri-
gade. Two regiments of the Second Brigade, to wit., the
First and the Tenth Regular Cavalry, were located in the rear
of the First Brigade. The First Regular Cavalry had begun
its day's work as support of Grimes' battery, but had later
come forward and taken its place in the brigade time enough
to join in the action that followed.
''After completing the deployment," says Sumner, "the
command was so much committed to battle that it became
necessary either to advance or else retreat under fire." The
troops were already in battle, but were not fighting, land could
not do so in their present position, simply because they could
not see the enemy. "Lieutenant Miley, representing General
Shafter, authorized an advance, which was ordered, Carroll's
brigade taking the advance, reinforced on the right by
Roosevelt's regiment, and supported by the First and Tenth
Cavalry." (Sumner.) Colonel Wood says : "After remain-
ing in this position for about an hour (meaning the position
held by his brigade previous to the coming of the order to
advance) the order to advance was given, and the brigade ad-
vanced in good order as possible, but more or less broken up
by the masses of brush and heavy grass and cactus; passing
through the line of the First Brigade, mingling with them and
charging the hill in conjunction with these troops, as well as
some few infantry who had extended to the right." It must
be remembered that the First Brigade consisted wholly of
regulars, tne Third, Sixth and Ninth Cavalry, while the
Second Brigade bad that remarkable regiment, the Rough
Riders. This fact may account for their breaking through
the lines of the First Brigade. Major Wessells, who com-
manded tne ihird Cavalry in that fight, and was himself
196 SAN JUAN
wounded at the close of the first charge, says his regiment be-
came entangled with other regiments, but, nevertheless, was
to the crest as soon as any. Of the advance of the whole divis-
ion, General Sumner says: "The advance was made under
heavy infantry fire, through open fiat ground, cut up by wire
fences, to the creek, distant about 600 yards. The advance
was made in good order, the enemy's fire being returned only
under favorable opportunities. In crossing the fiat one officer
and several men were killed and several officers and men
wounded. Both sides of the creek were heavily wooded for
about 200 yards. The creek was swollen, and the crossing
through this space and the creek was made with great diffi-
culty.
"After passing through the thick woods the ground was en-
tirely open and fenced by wire. From this line it was neces-
sary to storm the hill, upon the top of which is a house, loop-
holed for defense. The slope of the hill is very difficult, but
the assault was made with great gallantry and with much loss
to the enemy. In this assault Colonel Hamilton, Lieutenants
Smith and Shipp were killed; Colonel Carroll, Lieutenants
Thayer and Myer were wounded. A number of casualties
occurred among the enlisted men." The heights were carried
by the whole division.
Lieutenant-Colonel Baldwin's account of the part his regi-
ment took in the assault upon San Juan is told about as fol-
lows: After the search for Lawton had been given up, the
First and Tenth Cavalry were formed for attack on East Hill.
"I was directed," he says, "to take a position to the right, be-
hind the river bank, for protection. While moving to this
position, and while there, the regiment suffered considerable
loss. After an interval of twenty or thirty minutes I was di-
SAN JUAN 197
rected to form line of battle in a partially open field facinc^
toward the blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north
occupied by the enemy. Much difficulty was found on account
of the dense undergrowth, crossed in several directions by
wire fences. As a part of the cavalry division under General
Sumner, the regiment was formed in two lines, the First
Squadron under Major S. T. Norvell, consisting of Troops
A, B, E land I, leading; the second line, under Major T. J.
Wint, consisting of Troops C, F and G. Troop D having
crossed farther down the river, attached itself to a command
of infantry and moved with that command on the second
blockhouse. The regiment advanced in this formation in a
heavy converging fire from the enemy's position, proceeding
but a short distance when the tv.'o lines were united into one.
The advance was rapidly continued in an irregular line toward
the blockhouses and intrenchments to the right front. Dur-
ing this advance the line passed some troops of the First Cav-
alry, which I think had previously been formed on our right.
St-veral losses occurred before reaching the top of the hill.
First Lieutenant William H. Smith being killed as he arrived
on its crest. The enemy having retreated toward the north-
west to the second and third blockhouses, new lines were
formed and a rapid advance was made upon these new posi-
tions. The regiment assisted in capturing these works from
the enemy, and with the exception of Troops C and I, which
in the meantimiC had joined the First Volunteer Cavalry, then
took up a position to the north of the second blockhouse, re-
maining there all night."
Major Norvell, who commanded the First Squadron of the
Tenth Cavelry, which consisted of Troops A, B, E and I,
gives the following account of the experiences of July isti
198 SAN JUAN
"The regiment took position in a wood, and here suffered
considerable loss, due to the fact that the whole of the enemy s
fire appeared to be directed to this point. In a short time we
moved out of the wood by the right flank and then deployed
to the left, being then directly in front of the enemy and one
mile distant from his works, marked by three houses about
half a mile from one another. The enemy was strongly en-
trenched in front of these houses. The line, consisting of the
cavalry division, under direction of Brigadier-General Sum-
ner, moved forward in double time, under a terrific fire of the
enemy. We had a very heavy jungle to march through, be-
side the river (San Juan) to cross, and during our progress
many men were killed and wounded. The troops became
separated from one another, though the general line was pretty
well preserved. The works of the enemy were carried in suc-
cession by tlie troops ; and the Spaniards were steadily driven
back toward the town to their last ditches. We now found
ourselves about half a mile from the city, but the troops be-
ing by this time nearly exhausted, here intrenched them-
selves for the night under a heavy fire. By dark this line was
occupied by all the troops engaged during the day."
The official reports of the troop commanders of the Tenth
Cavalry bring out a few more particulars which serve to give
us a more vivid conception of this moving line. The entire
cavalry division advanced together, and notwithstanding the
roughness of the ground, Major Norvell assures us the line
was pretty well preserved. Troops A, B, E and I were in the
First Squadron, which was in the lead; Troops C, F and G
were in the second line; Troop D made its advance with the
infantry off to the left. We have now a fair knowledge of
the general movement of the whole regiment. Let us follow
SAN JUAN 199
the fortunes of some of the Troops, and by that means get
nearer to the work done by the individual soldier.
Troop A was on the right of the leading squadron as tho
regiment took its place in line on the left of the First Cavalry
and moved against the Spanish blockhouses in the face of a
heavy fire, making a rush forward without intermission. A
portion of the right platoon, under Lieutenant Livermore, be-
came separated in one of the thickets, and under instructions
received personally from the brigade commander, who seems
to have been everywhere where he was needed, continued up
the slope toward his right and toward the first blockhouse.
The remainder of the troop, commanded by Captain Beck and
Lieutenant McCoy, moved in the same direction at first, but
observing that on account of the shorter distance to the slope
from that end of the line, a large number of troops were ar-
riving there. Captain Beck swung his troop to the left and
reached the summit of the hill between the second and third
blockhouses, and on arriving received a message by an aid oj
the brigade commander to hold the ridge. Just then Lieut.
Livermore arrived, having come by way of Blockhouse No. i.
The troop now being together, held the crest for an hour. At
times the fire of the enemy was so severe and Captain Beck's
force so small that there was great danger that he would be
compelled to abandon the position, but fortunately at the most
critical juncture Lieutenant Lyon of the Twenty-fourth Infan-
try came up with a few reinforcements, and Lieutenant Hughes
of the Tenth Cavalry with a Hotchkiss gun. Lieutenant
Lyon formed his troops to the left of the gun. Troop A of the
Tenth Cavalry being on the right. With this force the posi-
tion was held until other troops arrived. Soon after, the
squadron was reformed and the men entrenched themselves
200 SAN JUAN
under fire. Troop B was next to Troop A and advanced aj
skirmishers by rushes and double time, but soon found its
front blocked by other troops. Troop I ladvanced in two sec-
tions, the left being commanded by Lieutenant Miller, joined
in the attack on the right of the enemy's position; the right
commanded by Lieutenant Fleming, advanced on trenches be-
tween two blockhouses, and in so doing caught up with the
rest of the troop. The first half of the troop, after attacking
the blockhouse on right of the enemy's position then crossed
the valley and attacked the blockhouse on the left of enemy "s
position, and then moved forward with the First Regular Cav-
alry and First Volunteer Cavalry, until the troop assembled as
a whole. When it reached the place of intrenchment there
were altogether about one hundred men at that point of the
ridge, consisting of men from the Tenth Cavalry and of the
Rough Riders. It is claimed by Lieutenant Anderson, who
commanded Troop C, and who made his way to the front on
the right ot the ime, that after coming up on the second hill
and joining his troop to the left of Troop I, Colonel Roose-
velt and part of his regiment joined on the right of the Tenth,
and that he reported to him, placing C Troop in his com-
man. Before this time Lieutenant Anderson had reported to
Captain Jones, of Troop F, while they were on Kettle Hill,
and the Two troops, F and C, had been formed in skirmish
line and moved .against the second blockhouse. In this move-
ment Troop C got separated from Captain Jones, and Ander-
son, with 1 8 men of his own troop and several from other or-
ganizations, moved forward until he connected with Troop I,
as previously narrated. These troops, C and I, were reported
by their Colonel as having joined the First Volunteer Cav-
alry. All of the troop commander? who were immediately
SAN JUAN 20 1
with the men bear hearty testimony to their good conduct.
Captain Jones, commanding Troop F, says : "I could only do
justice to the troop by mentioning by name all who were en-
g-aged, not only for their bravery, but for their splendid dis-
cipline under the most demoralizing fire." Lieutenant Flem-
ing, commanding Troop I, says : "The entire troop behaved
with great gallantry. Private Elsie Jones particularly dis-
tinguished himself." Captain Beck, commanding Troop A,
says: "The behaviour of the enlisted men was magnificent,
paying studious attention to orders while on the firing line.,
and generally exhibiting an intrepidity which marks the first-
class soldier." Lieutenant Hughes, who commanded the
Hotchkiss gun detachment, mentions four men for conspic-
uous bravery and commends his entire detachment for "spirit,
enterprise and good behavior."
The official story is that the entire cavalry division ad-
vanced under orders from General Sumner and that the heft of
its first blow fell upon Kettle Hill, which was soon captured,
and on the crest of this hill the troops which had ascended it
made a temporary halt, reformed their lines somewhat and
immediately advanced upon the second hill to the help of that
part of the cavalry division which had swung to the left in the
advance, and also to the help of the infantry who were coming
against Fort San Juan at the same time. Meanwhile there
was left upon Kettle Hill a sufficient garrison or force to pre-
vent its being recaptured by the enemy. In the assault on
Kettle Hill the brigade commander. Colonel Carroll, had been
wounded, and Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton of the Ninth
Cavalry killed. Many troop ojfficers also had been either
killed or wounded and also in the rush forward through the
jungle and high grass some troops had been separated from
a02 SAN JUAN
their officers, and yet it is remarkable that all were ready to
move forward to the next assault.
The words of praise to the whole cavalry division contained
in the following order, published at Camp Wikoff immediately
after the arrival there of the troops, are claimed by both black
and white cavalrymen alike:
Headquarters, Cavalry Division,
Camp Wikoff, L. I., September 7th, 1898.
To the Officers and Soldiers of the Cavalry Division, Army of
Santiago.
The duties for which the troops comprising the Cavalry Di-
vision were brought together have been accomplished.
On June 14th we sailed from Tampa, Fla., to encounter in
the sickly season the diseases of the tropical island of Cuba,
and to face and attack the historic legions of Spain in positions
chosen by them and which for years they had been strength-
ening by every contrivance and art known to the skillful military
engineers of Europe.
On the 23d, one squadron each of the ist and loth Regular
Cavalry and two squadrons of the ist Volunteer Cavalry, in all
964 officers and men, landed on Cuban soil. These troops
marched on foot fourteen miles, and, early on the morning of
the 24th, attacked and defeated double their number of regular
Spanish soldiers under the command of Lieutenant-General
Linares. Eagerly and cheerfully you pushed onward, and on
July 1st forded San Juan River and gallantly swept over San
Juan Hill, driving the enemy from its crest. Without a mo-
ment's halt you formed, aligning the division upon the ist In-
fantry Division under General Kent, and, together with these
troops, you bravely charged and carried the formidable in-
trenchments of Fort San Juan. The entire force which fought
and won this great victory was less than seven thousand men.
The astonished enemy, though still protected by the strong
works to which he had made his retreat, was so stunned by your
determined valor that his only thought was to devise the quick-
est means of saving himself from further battle. The great
Spanish fleet hastily sought escape from the harbor and was
destroyed by our matchless navy.
After seizing the fortifications of San Juan Ridge, you, in
SAN JUAN 203
the darkness of night, strongly intrenched the position your
valor had won. Reinforced by Bates' Brigade on your left
and Lawton's Division on your right, you continued the com-
bat until the Spanish army of Santiago Province succumbed to
the superb prowess and courage of American arms. Peace
promptly followed, and you return to receive the plaudits of
seventy millions of people.
The valor displayed by you was not without sacrifice. Eigh-
teen per cent., or nearly one in five, of the Cavalry Division fell
on the field either killed or wounded. We mourn the loss of
these heroic dead, and a grateful country will always revere
their memory.
Whatever may be my fate, wherever my steps may lead, my
heart will always burn with increasing admiration for your cour-
age in action, your fortitude under privation and your constant
devotion to duty in its highest sense, whether in battle, in biv-
ouac or upon the march.
JOSEPH WHEELER,
Major-General U. S. V., Commanding.
Aside from that part of the Tenth Cavalry who fought un-
der General Wheeler and who are consequently included
among those congratulated by the General Order just quoted.
Troop M of that regiment, under command of Lieutenant C.
P. Johnson, performed an important part in the war. The
troop consisted of 50 men and left Port Tampa June 21 on
board the steamship Florida, the steamship Fanita also mak-
ing a part of the expedition. The troop was mounted and
was accompanied by a pack train of 65 animals. Both ships
were heavily loaded with clothing, ammunition and provision,
and had on board besides Lieutenant Johnson's command,
General Nunez and staff and 375 armed Cubans. The expedi-
tion sailed around the west end of the island and attempted
a landing at a point chosen by General Nunez on June 29, but
failed owing to the fact that the place chosen was w^ell guarded
by Spaniards, who fired upon the landing party. The expedi-
tion had with it a small gunboat, the Peoria, commanded by
204 SAN JUAN
Captain Ryan, and on the afternoon of June 30th an attack
was made upon a blockhouse on the shore by the gunboat, and
a small force of Cuban and American volunteers landed, but
were repulsed with the loss of one killed. General Nunez's
brother, ^nd seven wounded. Two days later Lieutenant
Johnson was able to land and immediately made connection
with General Gomez, unloading his stores for the Cuban
Army.
Lieutenant G. P. Ahearn, of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, who
went on this expedition as a volunteer, rendered important
service on the night after the attack on the blockhouse at
Tayabacoa. As the attacking party met with repulse and es-
caped to the ship in the darkness, several of their wounded
were left on shore. Several boats sent out to recover them
had returned without the men, their crews fearing to go on
shore after them. Lieutenant Ahearn volunteered to attempt
the rescue of the men, and taking a water-logged boat, ap-
proached the shore noiselessly and succeeded in his under-
taking. The crew accompanying Lieutenant Ahearn was made
up of men from Troop M, Tenth Cavalry, and behaved so well
that the four were given Medals of Honor for their marked
gallantry. The action of Lieutenant Ahearn in this case was
in keeping with his whole military career. He has ever mani-
fested a fondness for exceptional service, and has never failed
when opportunity occurred to display a noble gallantry on
the side of humanity. Nothing appeals to him so command-
ingly as an individual needing rescue, and in such a cause he
immediately rises to the hero's plane. The noble colored sol-
diers who won medals on that occasion were all privates and
became heroes for humanity's sake. Their names deserve a
place in this history outside the mere official table. They were
SAN JUAN 205
Dennis Bell, George H. Wanton, Fitz Lee and William H.
Tompkins, and were the only colored soldiers who, at the time
of this writing, have won Medals of Honor in the Spanish
War. Others, however, may yet be given, as doubtless others
are deserved. The heroic service performed by whole regi-
ments, as in the case of the Twenty- fourth Infantry, should
entitle every man in it to a medal of some form as a souvenir
for his posterity.
Losses of the Ninth Cavalry in the battles of San Juan :
Officers — Killed, Lieutenant-Colonel John M. Hamilton.
Men — Killed, Trumpeter Lewis Fort, Private James John-
son.
Officers — Wounded, Adjutant Winthrop S. Wood, Cap-
tain Charles W. Taylor.
Men — Wounded. First Sergeant Charles W. Jefferson,
Sergeant Adam Moore, Sergeant Henry F. Wall, Sergeant
Thomas B. Craig, Corporal James W. Ervine, Corporal Hor-
ace T. Henry, Corporal John Mason, Burwell Bullock,
Elijah Crippen, Edward Davis, Hoyle Ervin, James Gand}',
Edward D. Nelson, Noah Prince, Thomas Sinclair, James R.
Spear, Jr., Jacob Tull, William H. Turner, George Warren,
Alfred Wilson.
Losses of the Tenth Cavalry during the battle of San Juan :
Officers — Killed, First Lieutenant W. E. Shipp, First
Lieutenant W. H. Smith.
Men — Killed, John H. Smoot, Corporal W. F. Johnson,
John H. Dodson, George Stroal, William H. Slaughter.
Officers — Wounded, Major T. J. Wint Captain John
Bigelow, Jr., Adjutant and First Lieutenant M. H. Barnum.
First Lieutenant R. L. Livermore, First Lieutenant E. D. An-
derson, Second Lieutenant F. R. McCoy, Second Lieutenaqt
206 SAN JUAN
H. C. Whitehead, Second Lieutenant T. A. Roberts, Second
Lieutenant H. O. Willard.
Men — Wounded, First Sergeant A. Houston, First Ser-
geant Robert Milbrown, Q. M. Sergeant William Payne, Ser-
geant Smith Johnson, Sergeant Ed. Lane, Sergeant Walker
Johnson, Sergeant George Dyers, Sergeant Willis Hatcher.
Sergeant John L. Taylor, Sergeant Amos Elliston, Sergeant
Frank Rankin, Sergeant E. S. Washington, Sergeant U. G.
Gunter, Corporal J. G. Mitchell, Corporal Allen Jones, Cor-
poral Marcellus Wright, Privates Lewis L. Anderson, John
Arnold, Charles Arthur, John Brown, Frank D. Bennett,
Wade Bledsoe, Hillary Brown, Thornton Burkley, John
Brooks, W. H. Brown, Wm. A. Cooper, John Chinn, J. PL
Campbell, Henry Fearn, Benjamin Franklin, Gilmore Givens,
B. F. Gaskins, William Gregory, Luther D. Gould, Wiley,
Hipsher, Thomas Hardy, Charles Hopkins, Richard James,
Wesley Jones, Robert E. Lee, Sprague Lewis, Henry McCor-
mack, Samuel T. Minor, Lewis Marshall, William Matthews,
Houston Riddill, Charles Robinson, Frank Ridgeley, Fred.
Shackley, Harry D. Sturgis, Peter Saunderson, John T. Tay-
lor, William Tyler, Isom Taylor, John Watson, Benjamin
West. Joseph Williams, Allen E. White, Nathan Wyatt.
jsjQtg — "While we talked, and the soldiers filled their can-
teens and drank deep and long, like camels who, after days of
travel through the land of "thirst and emptiness,' have reached
the green oasis and the desert spring, a black corporal of the
24th Infantry walked wearily up to the 'water hole.' He was
muddy and bedraggled. He carried no cup or canteen, and
stretched himself out over the stepping-stones in the stream,
sipping up the water and the mud together out of the shallow
pool. A white cavalryman ran toward him shouting, 'Hold on,
bunkie; here's my cup!' The negro looked dazed a moment,
and not a few of the spectators showed amazement, for such
SAN JUAN
207
a thing had rarely if ever happened in the army before. 'Thank
you,' said the black corporal. 'Well, we are all fighting under
the same flag now.' And so he drank out of the white man's
cup. I was glad to see that I was not the only man who had
come to recognize the justice of certain Constitutional amend-
ments, in the light of the gallant behaviour of the colored troop?
throughout the battle, and, indeed, the campaign. The fortune
of war had, of course, something to do w-ith it in presenting to
the colored troops the oportunities for distinguished service,
of which they invariably availed themselves to the fullest ex-
tent ; but the confidence of the general officers in their superb
gallantry, which the event proved to be not misplaced, added
still more, and it is a fact that the services of no four white
regiments can be compared with those rendered by the four
colored regiments — the 9th and itch Cavalry, and the 24th and
25th Infantry. They were to the front at La Guasima, at Caney,
and at San Juan, and what was the severest test of all, that
came later, in the yellow-fever hospitals." — Bonsai.
2oS SAN JUAN
CHAPTER VIII.
SAN JUAN (Continued).
Kent's Division: The Twenty-fourth Infantry; Forming: Under Fire—
A Gallant Charge.
Turning now to the centre and left of the American Hne we
follow the advance of that division of infantry commanded
by General Kent, and which met the brunt of Spanish resist-
ance at San Juan. This division, known as the First Division,
Fifth Army Corps, consisted of three brigades, composed as
follows :
First Brigade, Brigadier-General Hawkins commanding,
made up of the Sixth Infantry, the Sixteenth Infantry, and
the Seventy-first New York Volunteers.
The Second Brigade, Colonel Pearson commanding, made
up of the Second Infantry, the Tenth Infantry and the
Twenty-first Infantry.
The Third Brigade, commanded by Colonel Wikoff, in
which were the Ninth Infantry, the Thirteenth Infantry and
the Twenty-fourth Infantry; in all 262 officers and 5,095 men.
Thus, in the whole division there were eight regiments of
regular infantry and one volunteer regiment, the Seventy-first
New York.
Although our present purpose is to bring into view the spec-
ial work of the Twent5^-fourth Infantry, it will be necessary
to embrace in our scope the work of the entire division, in or-
der to lay before the reader the field upon which that particu-
lar regiment won such lasting credit. General Kent, who
SAN JUAN 209
commanded the division, a most accomplished soldier, gives a
lucid account of the whole assault as seen from his position:
and of the work performed by his division, in his report, dated
July 8, 1898.
When General Kent's division arrived in the neighborhoo:(
of the San Juan ford and found itself under fire and the trail
so blocked by troops of the cavalry division, which had not
yet deployed to the right, that direct progress toward the front
was next to impossible, the welcome information was given
by the balloon managers that a trail branched off to the left
from the main trail, only a short distance back from the ford.
This trail led to a ford some distance lower down the stream
and nearly facing the works on the enemy's right. General
Kent on learning of this outlet immediately hastened back
to the forks and meeting the Seventy-first New York Regi-
ment, the rear regiment of the First Brigade, he directed that
regiment into this trail toward the ford. The regiment was
to lead the way through this new trail and would consequently
arrive at the front first on the left ; but meeting the fire of the
enemy, the First Battalion of the regiment apparently became
panic stricken and recoiled upon the rest of the regiment; the
regiment then lay dov/n on the sides of the trail and in the
bushes, thoroughly demoralized.
Wikoff's brigade was now coming up and it was directed
upon the same trail. This brigade consisted of the Ninth.
Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth. Colonel Wikoff was directed
by General Kent to move his brigade across the creek by the
trail (the left fork) and when reaching the opposite side of
the creek to put the brigade in line on the left of the trail and
begin the attack at once. In executing this order the entire
brigade stumbled through and over hundreds of men of the
14
aiO SAN tUAN
Seventy-first New York Regiment. When a volunteer regi-
ment broke through the Hnes of the Ninth Cavalry from the
rear, that regiment was in its place on the field in line of bat-
tle, with its morale perfect. It was under discipline and de-
livering its fire with regularity. It had an absolute right to
its place. The Seventy-first was in no such attitude, and Gen-
eral Kent directed the advance through it in these words:
"Tell the brigade to pay no attention to this sort of thing; it
is highly irregular," The Ninth Cavalry's position was ex-
actly regular; the position of the Seventh-first was to the eyes
of General Kent "highly irregular."
The three regiments of this brigade were to take their po-
sitions on the left of the ford after crossing the stream, in
the following order : On the extreme left the Twenty- fourth ;
next to it in the centre of the brigade, the Ninth, and on the
right of the brigade the Thirteenth. In approaching the ford
the Ninth and Twenty-fourth became mixed and crossed in
the following order : First one battalion of the Ninth ; then <■
battalion of the Twenty- fourth ; then the second battalion of
the Ninth, followed by the second battalion of the Twenty-
fourth. The line was formed under fire, and while superin-
tending its formation the brigade commander. Colonel Wikoff,
<:ame under observation and was killed; Lieutenant-Colonel
Worth, who succeeded him, was seriously wounded within five
minutes after having taking command, and Lieutenant-Col-
onel Liscum, who next assumed charge of the brigade, had
hardly learned that he was in command before he, too, was
disabled by a Spanish shot. By this time, however, the for-
mation was about complete and the brigade ready to begin the
.advance.
Leaving Wikoff's brigade in line ready to begin the advance
SAN JUAN 2 1 I
we must iiQvv return in our narrative to the main ford, where
the major portions of Hawkins' and Pearson's brigades are
massed and follow the various regiments as they come to their
places in the battle line preparing for the onslaught. After
crossing the ford with the Sixth Infantry, pursuant to the or-
ders given by Lieutenant Miley in the name of General
Shafter, General Hawkins attempted to flank the enemy by a
movement to the left, the Sixth Infantry leading and the Six-
teenth intending to pass beyond it in its rear and join to its
left. The Sixth in passing to its intended position passed to
the left of the Sixth Cavalry, which held the left of the line of
the cavalry division, which had crossed the ford and deployed
to the right, reaching beyond the Spanish lines in that direc-
tion, or at least it was able to reach the extreme right of the
enemy. The Sixth Infantry continued this line southward
and it was to be farther extended by the Sixteenth. Before
this disposition could be effected the fire of the enemy became
so severe that an advance movement was started and the Sixth
lined up facing the fort on the hill, with only one company and
a half of the Sixteenth on its left.
While Hawkins' and WikofT's brigades were preparing for
the advance upon the enemy's works, Pearson's brigade was
approaching the ford, hurrying to the support. The Twenty-
first Regiment of this brigade was detached from the brigade
and sent directly forward on the main trail with orders to re-
enforce the firing line. This regiment crossed the San Juan
River to the left of the main ford and rushed forward to sup-
port Hawkins' left. In the meantime the two other regiments
of the brigade, the Second and Tenth, which had preceded the
Twenty-first in their march from El Poso, had been deflected
to the left by order of the division commander and were pass-
212 SAN JUAN
ing to the front over the trail previously taken by Wikoff's
brigade, crossing the San Juan at the lower ford. The Tenth
crossed in advance and formed in close order on the opposite
side of the stream, its line facing northwest. It was soon
after, however, put in battle formation and moved to the right
until it connected with the Twenty-first. The Second Regi-
ment crossed the ford in the rear of the Tenth, having beer
delayed considerably by the Seventh-first New York Volun-
teers, who still blocked the way between the forks and the
lower ford. After crossing the ford the Second put itself in
line on the left of the Tenth, the whole brigade being now in
position to support the First and Third Brigades in their
charge.
This movement of Colonel Pearson's brigade had not been
made without hardship and loss. All of the regiments cami;
under the enemy's fire before reaching the San Juan River and
many men were killed or wounded while the regiments were
gaining their positions. The movement was so well executed
as to call forth from the division commander the following
enconium : "I observed this movement from the Fort San
Juan Hill. Colonel E. P. Pearson, Tenth Infantry, command-
ing the Second Brigade, and the officers and troops under his
command deserve great credit for the soldierly manner in
which this movement was executed."
Although we left Wikoflf's brigade standing in line on the
left of the lov/er ford, we must not imagine that it remained
in that position until the above movement on the part of the
Second Brigade had been accomplished. There was no stand-
ing still in the fierce fire to which the men of that brigade were
at that time subjected — a fire which had already cut down in,
rj.pid succession three brigade commanders. The formation
SAN- JUAN 213
Was no sooner completed than the rapid advance began. The
Thirteenth Infantry holding the right of the brigade moved
to the right and front, while the Ninth and Twenty-
fourth moved almost directly to the front at first, thus par-
tially gaining the flank of the enemy's position. The whole
line moved with great rapidity across the open field and up the
hill, so that when the Second and Tenth Infantry came to their
position as support, the heroic Third Brigade was well up the
heights. To the right of the Third Brigade the First Bri-
gade, containing the gallant Sixth, under Colonel Egbert, and
the Sixteenth, was advancing also, and the two brigades ar-
rived at the fort almost simultaneously; so that the division
commander in speaking of the capture says : "Credit is al-
most equally due the Sixth, Ninth, Thirteenth, Sixteenth and
Twenty-fourth Regiments of Infantry." To the Third Bri-
gade he gives the credit of turning the enemy's right.
Let us now examine more closely that sweep of the Third
Brigade from the left of the lower ford to San Juan Hill, in
order to trace more distinctly the pathway of honor made for
itself by the Twenty- fourth. This regiment formed left front
into line under fire and advanced over the flat in good order,
and then reformed under shelter of the hill preparatory to the
final charge upon the enemy's intrenchments. The experience
of the companies in crossing the flat is told by the company
commanders. One company under the orders of its captain
formed line of skirmishers and advanced in good order at
rapid gait, reaching the foot of the hill almost exhausted.
This was about the experience of all, but this company is men-
tioned because it was the first company of the regiment to
reach the top of the hill. In crossing the flat there was neces-
sarily some mixing of companies and in some instances men
214. SAN JUAN
were separated from their officers, but those who escaped the
enemy's bullets made their way across that plain of fire and
were ready to join in the charge up the hill where only brave
men could go.
There was but a moment" s pause for breath at the foot of
the hill and the general charge all along the line began, the
Sixth Infantry probably taking the initiative, although the
gallant Colonel Egbert, of that regiment (since killed in the
Philippines), makes no such claim. In his farewell official re-
port of the Sixth he thus describes the final act :
"We were now unexpectedly re-enforced. Lieutenant
Parker, made aware by the heavy fire from the hill that a con-
flict was going on in his front, opened fire with his Catlings
most effectively on the intrenchments, while from far down on
my left I heard cheering and shouts, and saw coming up the
slope towards us a multitude of skirmishers. As they drew
nearer we distinguished the tall figure of Ceneral Hawkins,
with his aide, Lieutenant Ord, Sixth Infantry, charging at
the head of the skirmishers and waving their hats. When the
charge came up nearly abreast of where the Sixth stood in
the road I ordered the companies out through the gaps in the
wire fence to join it, and they complied with the same alacrity
and enthusiasm that they had displayed in entering this bloody
field. The Catlings redoubled their fierce grinding of bullets
on the Spanish, despite which there still came a savage fire
from the blockhouse and trenches. Here the gallant Captain
Wetherell, Sixth Infantry, fell, shot through the forehead, at
the head of his company, and I received a Mauser bullet
through the left lung, which disabled me. But the blood of
the troops was now up, and no loss of officers or men could
stop them. They charged up the incline until, coming to a
.SAN JUAN 215
Steep ridge near the top, they were brought to a stand by the
hail of bullets from the Gatlings against the summit. As
soon as this could be stopped by a signal, the mingled troops
of the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth swept
up and over the hill and it was won."
From testimony gathered on the evening of the fight it
was concluded that there were more men of the Twenty-fourth
Infantry on the ridge in this first occupation than of any other
regiment, but all of the regiments of the division had done
admirably and the brave blacks of the Twenty-fourth won on
that day a standing in arms with the bravest of the brave.
The Spaniards although driven from their first line, by no
means gave up the fight ; but retreating to a line of intrench-
ments about eight hundred yards in the rear they opened upon
the new-comers a fire almost as hot as before, and the troops
found it difficult to hold what they had gained. The sup-
porting regiments were coming up and strengthening the line,
the men meanwhile entrenching themselves under fire as
rapidly as possible. The Thirteenth Infantry was immediately
ordered off to the right to assist the cavalry division, espec-
ially the Rough Riders, who were said to be in danger of hav-
ing their flank turned. Here it remained under fire all night.
The advance and charge of the Twenty-fourth made up
only a part of the advance and charge of the Third Brigade;
and this in turn was part of the attack and assault made by the
whole infantry division; a movement also participated in at
the same hour by the cavalry division; so that regarded as a
whole, it was a mighty blow delivered on the enemy's right
and centre by two-thirds of the American Army, and its effect
was stunning, although its full weight had not been realized
by the foe. The part sustamed in the assault by each regi-
2l6 SAN JUAN
ment may be estimated by the losses experienced by each in
killed and wounded. Judged by this standard the brunt fell
upon the Sixth, Sixteenth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth, all
of which regiments lost heavily, considering- the short time of
the action.
The movement by which the Twenty-fourth reached its
position on that memorable ist of July has called forth es-
pecial mention by the regimental commander and by the acting
Assistant Adjutant-General of the brigade; it was also noted
immediately lifter the battle by all the newspaper writers as
one of the striking occurrences of the day. The regiment
on coming under fire marched about one mile by the left flank,
and then formed left front into line on its leading company,
Company G, commanded by Captain Brereton. The first man
of the regiment to take position in the line was the First Ser-
-geant of G Company, R. G. Woods. This company when
reaching its position formed on left into line, under a severe
fire in front and a fire in the rear; the other companies form-
ing in the same manner, with more or less regularity, to its
left. As soon as the line was formed the order was given to
charge. The advance was made across an open meadow, dur-
ing which several officers were wounded, among- them the
officers of Company F, the command of that company devolv-
ing upon its First Sergeant, William Rainey, who conducted
the company successfully to the crest of the hill.
The description of the movement of Company D as given
by Lieutenant Kerwin, who was placed in command of that
company after its officers had been shot, is a very interesting
document. Lieutenant Kerwin claims to have made his report
from "close inquiries and from personal observation." Ac-
cording to this report the company was led across the San
SAN JUAN -217
Juan Creek by its Captain (Ducat), the Second Lieutenant of
the company (Gurney) following- it, and keeping the men well
closed up. While crossing, the company encountered a ter-
rific fire, and after advancing about ten yards beyond the
stream went through a wire fence to the right, and advanced to
an embankment about twenty yards from the right bank of the
stream. Here Captain Ducat gave the order to advance to
the attack and the whole company opened out in good order
in line of skirmishers and moved rapidly across the open plain
to the foot of San Juan Hill. In making this movemeni
across the plain the line was under fire and the brave Lieuten-
ant Gurney was killed, and First Sergeant Ellis, Corporal
Keys and Privates Robinson and Johnson wounded. It was
a race with death, but the company arrived at the base of the
hill in good form, though well-nigh exhausted. After breath-
ing a moment the men were ready to follow their intrepid com-
mander. Captain Ducat, up the hill, and at twelve o'clock they
gained the summit, being the first company of the regiment to
reach the top of the hill. Just as they reached the crest the
brave Ducat fell, shot through the hip, probably by a Spanish
sharpshooter, thus depriving the company of its last commis-
sioned officer, and leaving its first sergeant also disabled.
The commander of the regiment speaks of its doings in a
very modest manner, but in a tone to give the reader confi-
dence in what he says. He became temporarily separated from
the regiment, but made his way to the crest of the hill in com-
pany with the Adjutant and there found a part of his com-
mand. He says a creditable number of the men of his regi-
ment reached the top of the hill am.ong the first to arrive there.
The commander of the Second Battalion, Captain Wygant,
crossed the meadow, or flat, some distance ahead of the bat-
2l8 SAN JUAN
taJion, but as the men subsequently charged up the hill, he
was unable to keep up with them, so rapid was their gait. It
was from this battalion that Captain Ducat's company broke
away and charged on the right of the battalion, arriving, as
has been said, first on the top of the hill. As the regiment
arrived Captain Wygant, finding himself the ranking officer
on the ground, assembled it and assigned each company its
place. Captain Dodge, who commanded Company C in this
assault, and who subsequently died in the yellow fever hospi-
tal at Siboney, mentions the fact that Captain Wygant led
the advance in person, and says that in the charge across the
open field the three companies, C, B and H, became so inter-
mixed that it was impossible for the company commanders to
distinguish their own men from those of the other companies,
yet he says he had the names of twenty men of his own com-
pany who reached the trenches at Fort San Juan in that peril-
ous rush on that fiery mid-day. The testimony of all the offi-
cers of the regiment is to the effect that the men behaved
splendidly, and eight of them have been given Certificates of
Merit for gallantry in the action of July i.
The losses of the regiment in that advance were numerous,
the killed, wounded and missing amounted to 96, which num-
l)er was swelled to 104 during the next two days. So many
men falling in so short a time while advancing in open order
tells how severe was the fire they were facing and serves to
modify the opinion which was so often expressed about the
time the war broke out, to the effect that the Spanish soldiers
were wanting both in skill and bravery. They contradicted
this both at El Caney and at San Juan. In the latter con-
flict they held their ground until the last moment and in-
flicted a loss upon their assailants equal to the number en-
SAN JUAN
219
gaged in the defence of the heights. Since July i, 1898, ex-
patiation on the cowardice and lack of skill of the Spanish
soldier has ceased to be a profitable literary occupation. Too
many journalists and correspondents were permitted to wit-
ness the work of Spanish sharpshooters, and to see their ob-
stinate resistance to the advance of our troops, to allow com-
ments upon the inefficiency of the Spanish Army to pass un-
noticed. Our arniy from the beginning was well impressed
with the character of the foe and nerved itself accordingly.
The bravery of our own soldiers was fully recognized by the
men who surrendered to our army and who were capable of ap-
preciating it, because they themselves were not wanting in the
same qualities.
*"The intrenchments of San Juan were defended by two companies
of Spanish infantry, numbering about two hundred and fifty to three
hundred men. At about 11 o'clock in the morning reinforcements were
sent to them, bringing the number up to about seven hundred and fifty
men. There were two pieces of mountain artillery on these hills, the
rest of the artillery fire against our troops on that day being from bat-
teries close to the city." — In Cuba with Shafter (Miley), page 117.
THE SURRENDER AND AFIKRWARDS
CHAPTER IX.
THE SURRENDER. AND AFTERWARDS.
In the Trenches — The Twenty- fourth in the Fever Camp — Are Negro
Soldiers Immune? — Camp Wikoff.
After the battle of El Caney the Twenty-fifth Infantry
started for the mango grove, where the blanket rolls and
haversacks had been left in the morning, and on its way passed
the Second Massachusetts Volunteers standing by the road-
.side. This regiment had seen the charge of the Twenty-fifth
up the hillside, and they now manifested their appreciation
of the gallantry of the black regulars in an ovation of applause
and cheers. This was the foundation for Sergeant Harris'
reply when on another occasion seeing the manifest kind
feelings of this regiment to the Twenty-fifth, I remarked:
"Those men think you are soldiers." "They know we are sol-
diers," replied the sergeant. The regiment bivouacked in the
main road leading from El Caney to Santiago, but sleep was
out of the question. What with the passing of packtrains and
artillery, and the issuing of rations and ammunition, the first
half of the night gave no time for rest; and shortly after 12
o'clock, apprehensions of a Spanish attack put every one on
the alert. At 3.30 the march to the rear was commenced and
the entire division passed around by El Poso and advanced to
the front by the Aguadores road, finally reaching a position on
Wheeler's right about noon, July 2.
Subsequently the line of investment was extended to the
right, the Cuban forces under General Garcia holding the ex-
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 23 1
treme right connecting with the water front on that side of the
city. Next to them came Ludlow's McKibben's and Chaffee's
forces. In McKibben's brigade was the Twenty-fifth, which
dug its last trench on Cuban soil on July 14th, on the railroad
running out from Santiago to the northwest. This intrench-
ment was the nearest to the city made by any American or-
ganization, and in this the regiment remained until the sur-
render.
The Twenty-fourth remained entrenched over to the left,
in General Kent's division, lying to the right of the 21st. Thi.s
regiment (24th) had won great credit in its advance upon the
enemy, but it was to win still greater in the field of humanity.
Capt. Leavel, who commanded Company A, said : "It would be
hard to particularize in reporting upon the men of the com-
pany. All — non-commissioned officers, privates, even newly
joined recruits — showed a desire to do their duty, yea, more
than their duty, which would have done credit to seasoned vet-
erans. Too much cannot be said of their courage, willingness
and endurance." Captain Wygant, who commanded the Sec-
ond Battalion of the regiment, says : "The gallantry and bear-
ing shown by the officers and soldiers of the regiment under
this trying ordeal was such that it has every reason to be proud
of its record. The losses of the regiment, which are shown by
the official records, show the fire they were subjected to. The
casualties were greater among the officers than the men, which
is accounted for by the fact that the enemy had posted in the
trees sharpshooters, whose principal business was to pick them
off." There is no countenance given in official literature to
the absurd notion maintained by some, that it was
necessary for the officers of black troops to expose themselves
unusually in order to lead their troops, and that this fact ac-
222 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS
counts for excessive losses among them. The fact is that the
regular officer's code is such that he is compelled to occupy
the place in battle assigned him in the tactics, and no matter
how great his cowardice of heart may be, he must go forward
until ordered to halt. The penalty of cowardice is something
to be dreaded above wounds or even death by some natures.
"Colored troops are brave men when led by white officers." ( ?)
As a matter of fact there is very little leading of any sort by
officers in battle. The officer's place is in the rear of the fir-
ing line, directing, not leading, and it is his right and duty to
save his own life if possible, and that of every man in his com-
mand, even v/hile seeking to destroy the enemy, in obedience
lo orders. The record of the Twenty-fourth for bravery was
established beyond question when it swept across that open flat
and up San Juan Hill on that hot mid-day of July ist, 1898.
After lying in the trenches until July 15th, the news
reached the camp of the Twenty-fourth that yellow fever
had broken out in the army, and that a large hospital and
pest-house had been established at Siboney. About 4 o'clock
that day an order came to the commanding officer of the
regiment directing him to proceed with his regiment to Sib-
oney and report to the medical officer there. The regiment
started on its march at 5.30, numbering at that time 8 com-
panies, containing 15 officers and 456 men. Marching on in
the night, going through thickets and across streams, the men
were heard singing a fine old hymn :
When through the deep waters I call thee to go,
The rivers of woe shall not thee o'erflow;
For I will be with thee, thy troubles to bless.
And sanctify to thee they deepest distress.
THE SURREXDER AND AFTERWARDS 223
In view of what was before them, the words were very ap-
propriate. They arrived on the hill at Siboney at 3.30 on the
morning of July i6th.
Without discussing the graphic story told by correspond-
ents of the highest respectability describing the regiment as
volunteering, to a man, to nurse the sick and dying at Sib-
oney, we will rather follow the official records of their doings
in that fever-stricken place. On arriving at Siboney on the
morning of July 16, Sunday, Major Markely, then in com-
mand of the regiment, met Colonel Greenleaf of the Medical
Department, and informed him that the Twenty-fourth In-
fantry was on the ground. Colonel Greenleaf was just leav-
ing the post, but Major La Garde, his successor, manifested
his great pleasure in seeing this form of assistance arrive.
Such a scene of misery presented itself to Major Markely's
eyes that he, soldier as he was, was greatly affected, and as-
sured Major La Garde that he was prepared personally to sink
every other consideration and devote himself to giving what
assistance he could in caring for the sick, and that he believed
his whole regiment would feel as he did when they came to
.see the situation. In this he was not mistaken. The officers
and men of the Twenty-fourth Infantry did give themselves
up to the care of the sick and dying, furnishing all help in
their power until their own health and strength gave way, in
some instances laying down even their lives in this noble work.
On the day of arrival seventy men were called for to nurse
yellow fever patients and do other work about the hospital.
More than this number immediately volunteered to enter upon
a service which they could well believe meant death to some
of them. The camp was so crowded and filthy that the work
of cleaning it was begun at once by the men of the Twenty-
224 'fHE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS
fourth, and day by day they labored as their strength would
permit, in policing the camp, cooking the food for themselves
and for the hospital, unloading supplies, taking down and re-
moving tents, and numberless other details of necessary labor.
Despite all the care that could be taken under such conditions
as were found at Siboney, the yellow fever soon overran the
entire c^mp, and of the i6 officers of the regiment, i had died,
2 more were expected to die; 3 were dangerously ill, and 5
more or less so. Out of the whole sixteen there were but three
really fit for duty, and often out of the whole regiment it
would be impossible to get 12 men who could go on fatigue
duty. Out of the 456 men who marched to Siboney only 24
escaped sickness, and on one day 241 were down. Those who
would recover remained weak and unfit for labor. Silently,
without murmuring, did these noble heroes, officers and men.
stand at their post ministering to the necessities of their fel-
lowman until the welcome news came that the regiment would
be sent north and the hospital closed as soon as possible. On
August 8 Major La Garde, more entitled to the honor of be-
ing classed among the heroes of Santiago than some whose op-
portunities of brilliant display were vastly superior, succumbed
to the disease. The fact should be borne in mind that all of
these men, officers, soldiers and surgeons, went upon this pest-
house duty after the severe labors of assault of July 1-2, and
the two weeks of terrible strain and exposure in the trenches
before Santiago, and with the sick and wounded consequent
upon these battles and labors — none were strong.
On July 1 6th, the day after the Twenty- fourth left the
trenches, the surrender was made and on the next morning the
final ceremonies of turning over Santiago to the American
forces took place, and the soldiers were allowed to come out
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 225
of their ditches and enter into more comfortable camps. The
hardships of the period after the surrender were not much less
than those experienced while in the lines.
On the 26th of August the Twenty-fourth Infantry, having
obtained an honorable release from its perilous duty, marched
out of Siboney with band playing and colors flying to go on
board the transport for Montauk; but of the 456 men who
marched into Siboney, only 198 were able to march out, di-
rected by 9 out of the 15 officers that marched in with them.
Altogether there were 11 officers and 289 men who went on
board the transport, but all except the number first given were
unable to take their places in the ranks. They went on board
the steamer Nueces, and coming from an infected camp, no
doubt great care was taken that the transport should arrive
at its destination in a good condition. Although there was
sickness on board, there were no deaths on the passage, and
the Nueces arrived in port "one of the cleanest ships that came
to that place." The official report states that the Nueces ar-
rived at Montauk Point September 2, with 385 troops on
board; 28 sick, no deaths on the voyage, and not infected.
Worn out by the hard service the regiment remained a short
time at Montauk and then returned to its former station, Fort
Douglass, Utah, leaving its camp at Montauk in such a thor-
oughly creditable condition as to elicit official remark.
While the Twenty-fourth Infantry had without doubt the
hardest service, after the surrender, of any of the colored regi-
ments, the others were not slumbering at ease. Lying in the
trenches almost constantly for tw^o weeks, drenched with rains,
scorched by the burning sun at times, and chilled by cool
nights, subsisting on food not of the best and poorly cooked,
cut off from news and kept in suspense, when the surrender
15
2 26 THB SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS
finally came it found our army generally very greatly re-
duced in vital force. During the period following, from July
1 6th to about the same date in August the re-action fell with
all its weight upon the troops, rendering them an easy prey to
the climatic influences by which they were surrounded.*
Pernicious malarial fever, bowel troubles and yellow fever
were appearing in all the regiments ; and the colored troops
appeared as susceptible as their white comrades. The theory
had been advanced that they were less susceptible to malarial
fever, and in a certain sense this appears to be true; but the
experience of our army in Cuba, as well as army statistics pub-
lished before the Cuban War, do not bear out the popular view
of the theory. The best that can be said from the experience
of Cuba is to the eft'ect that the blacks may be less liable to
yellow fever and may more quickly rally from the effects of
malarial fever. These conclusions are, however, by no means
well established. The Twenty-fourth suffered excessively
from fevers of both kinds, and in the judgment of the com-
manding officer of the regiment ''effectually showed that col-
ored soldiers were not more immune from Cuban fever than
white." but we must remember that the service of the Twenty-
fourth was exceptional. The Twenty-fifth Infantry lost but
one man during the whole campaign from climatic disease,
John A. Lewis, and it is believed that could he have received
proper medical care his life would have been saved. Yet this
resfiment suffered severelv from fever as did also the Ninth
and Tenth Cavalry.
Arriving at Montauk* early the author had the opportunity
to see the whole of the Fifth Army Corps disembark on its
*"After the surrender, dear Chaplain, the real trouble and difficulties
began. Such a period, from July 14, i89<S to August 14. 1898, was never
before known to human beings, I hope. The starving time was nothing
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 227
return from Cuba, and was so impressed with its forlorn ap-
pearance that he then wrote of it as coming home on stretch-
ers. Pale, emaciated, weak and halting, they came, with 3,252
sick, and reporting 87 deaths on the voyage. But, as General
Wheeler said in his report, "the great bulk of the troops thai
were at Santiago were by no means well." Never before had
the people seen an army of stalwart men so suddenly trans-
formed into an army of invalids. And yet while all the regi-
ments arriving showed the effects of the hardships they had
endured, the black regulars, excepting the Twenty-fourth In-
fantry, appeared to have slightly the advantage. The arrival
of the Tenth Cavalry in "good condition" was an early cheer-
ing item in the stream of suffering and debility landing from
the transports. Seeing all of the troops land and remaining
at Camp Wikoff until its days were nearly numbered, thu
writer feels sure that the colored troops arrived from the
front in as good condition as the best, and that they re-
cuperated with marked comparative rapidity.
The chaplain of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, while en route
to join his regiment at Montauk, thinking seriously over the
condition of the men returning from such a hard experience,
concluded that nothing would be more grateful to them than a
reasonable supply of ripe fruit, fresh from the orchards and
to the fever time, where scores died per day. We were not permitted to
starve; but had fever, and had it bad: semi-decayed beef, both from re-
frigerators and from cans. We had plenty of fever, but no clothing
until very late; no medicine save a little quinine which was forced into
you all the time, intermittent only with bad meat." — Extract from a
soldier's letter.
While the Twenty-fifth Infantry was in camp at Chickamauga Park I
was ordered to Xenia, Ohio, on recruiting duty, and on July 5, on seeing
the reports of the wounded I asked officially to be ordered to my regiment.
An order to that effect came about a month later, directing me to join my
regiment by way of Tampa, Florida. Arriving in Tampa, my destination
was changed by telegraph to Montauk Point, N. Y., whither I arrived a
few days before the regiment did.
2 28 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS
fields. He therefore sent a dispatch to the Daily Evening
News, published in Bridgeton, N. J., asking the citizens of
that community to contribute a carload of melons and fruits
for the men of the Twenty-fifth, or for the whole camp, if they
so wished. Subsequently mentioning the fact to the com-
manding ofiicer of the regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett,
he heartily commended the idea, believing that the fruit would
be very beneficial. The good people of Bridgeton took hold of
the matter heartily, and in a short time forwarded to the regi-
ment more than four hundred of Jersey's finest watermelons,
fresh from the vines. These were distributed judiciously and
the health of the men began to improve forthwith. Soon
five hundred more arrived, sent by a patriotic citizen of Phila-
delphia. These were also distributed. Ladies of Brooklyn
forwarded peaches and vegetables, and supplies of all sorts
now were coming in abundance. Our men improved so
rapidly as to be the occasion of remark by correspondents of
the press. They were spoken of as being apparently in good
condition. While engaged in the work of supplying their
physicial wants the chaplain was taken to task by a correspond-
dent of Leslie's for being too much concerned in getting a car-
load of watermelons for his regiment, to go over to a grave-
yard and pray over the dead. The next day the chaplain made
haste to go over to that particular graveyard to relieve the
country from the crying shame that the correspondent had
pointed out, only to find two men already there armed with
prayer-books and one of them especially so fearful that he would
not get a chance to read a prayer over a dead soldier, that the
chaplain found it necessary to assure him that the opportunity
to pray should not be taken from him ; and thus another popu-
lar horror was found to be without reality.
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 229
The colored ladies of Brooklyn organized a Soldiers' Aid
Society, and besides contributing in a general way, as already
mentioned, also made and presented to the soldiers about four
hundred home-made pies, which were most highly appreciated.
They also prepared a tasty souvenir commemorative of the
heroic work performed by the troops in Cuba, and expressive
of high appreciation of the gallantry of the colored regiments.
A beautiful stand of colors was also procured for the Twenty-
fourth Infantry, which were subsequently presented to the
regiment with appropriate ceremonies.
At the camp were three colored chaplains and one colored
surgeon, serving with the Regular Army, and their presence
was of great value in the way of accustoming the people at
large to beholding colored men as commissioned officers. To
none were more attention shown than to these colored men,
and there was apparentl}^ no desire to infringe upon their
rights. Occasionally a very petty social movement might be
made by an insignificant, with a view of humiliating a Negro
chaplain, but such efforts usually died without harm to those
aimed at and apparently without special comfort to those who
engineered them.
The following paragraphs, written while in camp at the
time indicated in them, may serve a good purpose bv their in-
sertion here, showing as they do the reflections of the writer
as well as in outlining the more important facts associated
with that remarkable encampment :
CAMP WIKOFF AND ITS LESSONS.
Now that the days of this camp are drawing to a close it is
profitable to recall its unique history and gather up some of
the lessons it has taught us. Despite all the sensationalism,
230 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS
investigations, testings, experimentation, and general condem-
nation, the camp at Montauk accomplished what was intended,
and was itself a humane and patriotic establishment. It is not
for me to say whether a better site might not have been se^
lected, or whether the camp might not have been better man-
aged. I will take it for granted that improvement might have
been made in both respects, but our concern is rather with
what was, than with what "might have been."
To appreciate Camp Wikoff we must consider two things
specially; first, its purpose, and secondly, the short time al-
lowed to prepare it; and then go over the whole subject and
properly estimate its extent and the amount of labor involved.
The intention of the camp was to afford a place where our
troops, returning from Cuba, prostrated with climatic fever,
and probably infected with yellow fever, might receive proper
medical treatment and care, until the diseases were subdued.
The site was selected with this in view, and the conditions
were admirably suited to such a purpose. Completely iso-
lated, on dry soil, with dry pure air, cool climate, away from
mosquitoes, the camp seemed all that was desired for a great
field hospital.
Here the sick could come and receive the best that nature
had to bestow in the way of respite from the heat, and pure
ocean breezes, and, taken altogether, the experiences of Aug-
ust and a good part of September, have justified the selection
of Montauk. While prostrations were occurring elsewhere,
the camp was cool and delightful most of the time.
As to the preparations, it must be remembered tliat the re-
call of the whole Army of Invasion from Cuba was made in
response to a popular demand, and as a measure of humanity.
Bring the army home! was the call, and. Bring it at once!
/
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 23I
Such urgency naturally leaps ahead of minor preparations.
The soldiers wanted to come ; the people wanted them to come ;
hence the crowding of transports and the lack of comforts on
the voyages; hence the lack of hospital accommodations when
the troops began to arrive. Haste almost always brings about
such things ; but sometimes haste is imperative. This was the
case in getting the army out of Cuba and into Camp at Mon-
tauk in August, '98. Haste was pushed to that point when
omissions had to occur, and inconvenience and suffering re-
sulted.
We must also remember the condition of the men who came
to Montauk. About 4,000 were reported as sick before they
left Cuba; but, roughly speaking, there were 10,000 sick men
landing in Montauk. Those who were classed as well were,
with rare exceptions, both mentally and physically incapable of
high effort. It was an invalid army, with nearly one-half of
its number seriously sick and suffering.
Ten thousand sick soldiers were never on our hands before.,
and the mighty problem was not realized until the transport-
began to emit their streams of weakness and walking death at
Montauk. The preparation was altogether inadequate for
such a mass of misery, and for a time all appeared confusion.
Then came severe, cruel, merciless criticisms; deserved in
some cases no doubt, but certainly not everywhere. The
faults, gaps, failures, were everywhere to be seen, and it was
easy to see and to say what ought to have been done. But
the situation at Camp Wikoff from August 15th to Sep. 15th
needed more than censure ; it needed help. The men who were
working for the Government in both the medical and commis-
sary departments needed assistance ; the former in the way of
nurses, and the latter in the way of appropriate food. The
232 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS
censure and exposure indulged in by the press may have con-
tributed to direct the attention of the benevolently disposed to
the conditions in the camp.
Then came the era of ample help; from Massachusetts;
from New York, in a word, from all over the country. The
Merchants' Relief Association poured in its thousands of dol-
lars worth of supplies, bringing them to the camp and dis-
tributing them generously and wisely. The Women's Patri-
otic Relief, the Women's War Relief, the International
Brotherhood League, and the powerful Red Cross Society, all
poured in food and comforts for the sick thousands. Besides
these great organizations there were also the spontaneous of-
ferings of the people, many of them generously distributed by
the Brooklyn Daily Eagle's active representatives. The tent
of that journal was an excellent way-mark and a veritable
house of the good shepherd for many a lost wanderer, as well
as a place of comfort, cheer and rest. The work done was
very valuable and highly appreciated.
To the medical department came the trained hand of the fe-
male riurse. No one who saw these calm-faced, white-hooded
sisters, or the cheery cheeked, white capped nurses from the
schools, could fail to see that they were in the right place.
The sick soldier's lot was brightened greatly when the gentle
female nurse came to his cot. Woman can never be robbed
of her right to nurse. This is one of the lessons taught by
the Hispano- American War.
This vast army has been handled. No yellow fever has
been spread. The general health has been restored. The dis-
abled are mostly housed in hospitals, and many of them are on
the road to recovery. Some have died ; some are on furloug^h,
and many have gone to their homes.
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 233
The regulars are repairing to their stations quite invigor-
ated, and greatly helped in many ways by the kind treatment
they have received. Camp Wikoff was not a failure; but a
great and successful object lesson, as well as a great summer
school in nationalism. Here black, white and Indian soldiers
fraternized; here Northerners and Southerners served under
the same orders. Ten thousand soldiers and as many civilians
daily attended the best school of its kind ever held in this coun-
try, striving to take home to their hearts the lessons that God
r"s teaching the nations.
The Rev. Sylvester Malone thus sums up the message of the
war to us in his letter to the committee to welcome Brooklyn's
soldiers :
"This short war has done so much for America at home and
abroad that we must take every soldier to our warmest affec-
tion and send him back to peaceful pursuits on the conviction
that there is nothing higher in our American life than to have
the privilege to cheer and gladden the marine and the soldier
that have left to America her brightest and best page of a great
history. This past war must kindle in our souls a love of all
the brethren, black as well as white, Catholic as well as Protest-
ant, having but one language, one nationality, and it is to be
hoped, yet one religion."
These are true words, as full of patriotism as they are of
fraternity, and these are the two special lessons taught at
Montauk — a broad, earnest, practical fraternity, and a love of
country before which the petty prejudices of race and section
were compelled to yield ground.
THE YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION IN
CAMP WIKOFF.
The Young Men's Christian Association has done an excel-
lent work in Camp Wikoff. Their tents have afforded facili-
ties for profitable amusements, in the way of quiet games,
234 THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS
thus bringing out the use of these games distinct from their
abuse — gambling.
Their reading tables have also been well supplied with pap-
ers and magazines, religious and secular, generally very ac-
ceptable to the soldiers, as attested by the numbers that read
them. But perhaps best of all, has been the provision made
for the soldiers to write. Tables, pens, ink, paper and en-
velopes have been supplied in abundance. These were of great
advantage to soldiers living in tents, and the work of the As-
sociation in this respect cannot be too highly commended.
The specially religious work of the Association as I have
seen it, consists of three divisions : First, the meetings in
their tents, held nightly and on Sundays. These have been
vigorously carried on and well attended, the chaplains of the
camp often rendering assistance. Secondly, I have noticed the
Y, M. C. A. men visiting the sick in the hospitals and camps,
giving the word of exhortation and help to the sick. Perhaps,
however, in their work of private conversation with the well
men, they have done as much real service for God as in either
of the other two fields. They have made the acquaintance of
many men and have won the respect of the camp. This I have
numbered as the third division of their work — personal con-
tact with the soldiers of the camp, at the same time keeping
themselves "unspotted from the world."
B.
The 24th Infantry was ordered down to Siboney to do guard
duty. When the regiment reached the yellow-fever hospital it
was found to be in a deplorable condition. Men were dying
there every hour for the lack of proper nursing. Major Mark-
ley, who had commanded the regiment since July ist, when
Colonel Liscum was wounded, drew his regiment up in line,
and Dr. La Garde, in charge of the hospital, explained the needs
THE SURRENDER AND AFTERWARDS 235
of the suffering, at the same time clearly setting forth the dan
ger to men who were not immune, of nursing and attending
yellow-fever patients. Major Markley then said that any man
who wished to volunteer to nurse in the yellow-fever hospital
could step forward. The whole regiment -stepped forward.
Sixty men were selected from the volunteers to nurse, and within
forty-eight hours forty-two of these brave fellows were down
seriously ill with yellow or pernicious malarial fever. Again the
regiment was drawn up in line, and again Major Markley said
that nurses were needed, and that any man who wished to do
so could vokmteer. After the object lesson which the men
had received in the last few days of the danger from contagion
to which they would be exposed, it was now unnecessary for
Dr. La Garde to again warn the brave blacks of the terrible
contagion. When the request for volunteers to replace those
who had already fallen in the performance of their dangerous
and perfectly optional duty was made again, the regiment
stepped forward as one man. When sent down from the
trenches the regiment consisted of eight companies, averaging
about forty men each. Of the officers and men who remained
on duty the forty days spent in Siboney, only twenty-four es-
caped without serious illness, and of this handful not a few
succumbed to fevers on the voyage home and after their arrival
at Montauk.
As a result, thirty-six died and about forty were discharged
from the regiment owing to disabilities resulting from sickness
which began in the yellow-fever hospital. — Bonsai's Fight for
Santiago.
236 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
CHAPTER X.
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS.
Gallantry of the Black Regulars — Diary of Sergeant-Major E. L. Baker,
Tenth Cavalry.
It is time now to sum up the work of the four regiments
whose careers we have thus far followed, and to examine the
grounds upon which the golden opinions they won in battle
and siege are based. We have seen that in the first fight, that
of Las Guasimas, on June 24th, the Tenth Cavalry, especially
Troops I and B, both with their small arms and with the
machine guns belonging to Troop B, did most effective work
against the Spanish right, joining with the First Cavalry in
overcoming that force which was rapidly destroying Roose-
ve'it's Rough Riders. Nor should it be forgotten that in this
first fight, Troop B, which did its full share, was commanded
on the firing line by Sergeants John Buck and James Thomp-
son. In the squad commanded by Sergeant Thompson sev-
eral men of the First Regular Cavalry fought and it is claimed
were highly pleased with him as squad commander.
While this was the firrst fight of the men of the Tenth Cav-
alry with the Spaniards, it was by no means their first experi-
ence under fire. From the time of the organization of the regi-
ment in 1866 up to within a year of the war, the men had been
engaged frequently in conflicts with Indians and marauders,
often having men killed and wounded in their ranks. The
fights were participated in by small numbers, and the casual-
ties were not numerous, but there were opportunities for the
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 237
acquirement of skill and the display of gallantry. Altogether
the men of the regiment during their experience on the plains
engaged in sixty-two battles and skirmishes. This training
had transformed the older men of the regiment into veterans
and enabled them to be cool and efficient in their first fight in
Cuba.
Sergeant Buck, upon whom the command of Troop B chiefly
fell after becoming separated from his Lieutenant in the bat-
tle at Guasimas, joined the regiment in 1880, and had already
passed through eighteen years of the kind of service above
described. He was at the time of the Cuban War in the prime
of life, a magnificent horseman, an experienced scout, and a
skilled packer. In 1880, when he joined the regiment, the
troops were almost constantly in motion, marching that one
year nearly seventy-seven thousand miles, his own troop cov-
ering twelve hundred and forty-two miles in one month. This
troop with four others made a ride of sixty-five miles in less
than twenty-one hours, arriving at their destination without
the loss of a single horse. In 1893 he was mentioned by the
commanding officer of Fort Missoula, Montana, for highly
meritorious service, skill and energy displayed w^hile in charge
of pack train of an expedition across the Bitter Root Moun-
tains, Idaho, during the most inclement w^eather, in quest of a
party of gentlemen lost. (Letter of commanding officer, Fort
Missoula, Montana, February 12, 1894.) Sergeant Buck has
also won the silver medal for revolver shooting.
Sergeant James Thompson joined the regiment in 1888, and
has passed the ten years in the one troop, and proved himself
at Las Guasimas a soldier worthy his regiment.
The first battle gave the Tenth a reputation in a new field,
corresponding to that which it had gained in the West, and
238 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
this was not allowed to fade during its stay in Cuba. The
fame of this first action spread rapidly through the army and
inspired the other regiments of colored men with a desire to
distinguish themselves on this new field of honor, and their
readiness to be to the front and to take prominent part in all
service was so marked that opportunity could not be withheld
from them. As the army advanced toward Santiago these
regiments became more and more the mark of observation by
foreign military men who were present, and by the great
throng of correspondents who were the eyes for the people of
the civilized world. And hence, when the lines of assault were
finally determined and the infantry and cavalry of our army
deployed for its perilous attack upon the Spanish fortifications
the black regiments were in their places, conspicuous by their
vigor and enthusiasm. In them were enlisted men whose time
of service had expired a few days before, but who had prompt-
ly re-enlisted. In at least two cases were men who served
their full thirty years and could have retired with honor at the
breaking out of the war. They preferred to share the for-
tunes of their comrades in arms, and it is a comfort to be able
to record that the two spoken of came home from the fight
without a wound and with health unimpaired. How many
others there were in the same case' in the army is not reported,
but the supposition is that there were several such in both the
white and colored regiments.
Recalling the scenes of that memorable first of July, 1898,
we can see the Twenty-fifth Infantry advancing steadily on the
stone fort at El Caney at one time entirely alone, meeting the
fire of the fort even up to their last rush forward. Captain
Loughborough, who commanded Company B, of that regi-
ment, and although his company was in the reserve, was never-
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 239
theless under fire, says : "The hardest fighting of the Twenty-
fifth was between two and four o'clock," at which time all the
other troops of the attacking force, except Bates' brigade,
were under cover and remaining stationary, the Twenty-fifth
being the only organization that was advancing. The official
reports give the positions of General Chaffee's brigade dur-
ing the two hours between two o'clock and four of that after-
noon as follows :
The Seventh was under partial cover and remained in its
position "until about 4.30 p. m." The Seventeenth remained
with its left joined to the right of the Seventh "until the bat-
tle was over." The Twelfth Infantry was in its shelter within
350 yards of the fort "until about 4 p. m." Ludlow's brigade
was engaged with the town, hence only Miles' brigade, consist-
ing of the Fourth and Twenty-fifth Infantry, was advancing
upon the fort. The Fourth Infantry was soon checked in its
advance, as General Daggett especially notes in his report, and
the Twenty-fifth was thus thrust forward alone, excepting
Bates' brigade, which was making its way up the right.
This conspicuous advance of the Twenty-fifth brought that
regiment into the view of the world, and established for it a
brilliant reputation for skill and courage. Arriving in the very
jaws of the fort the sharpshooters and marksmen of that regi-
ment poured such a deadly fire into the loopholes of the fort
that they actually silenced it with their rifles. These men with
the sterness of iron and the skill acquired by long and careful
training, impressed their characteristics on the minds of all
their beholders. Of the four hundred men who went on the
field that morning very few were recruits, and many had
passed over ten years in the service. When they "took the bat-
tle formation and advanced to the stone fort more like veterans
24° ' REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
than troops who had never been under fire," as their com-
mander reports, they gave to the world a striking exhibition
of the effect of miHtary training. In each breast a spirit of
bravery had been developed and their skill in the use of their
arms did not for a moment forsake them. They advanced
against volleys from the fort and rifie pits in front, and a gall-
ing fire from blockhouses, the church tower and the village on
their left. Before a less severe fire than this, on that very day,
a regiment of white volunteers had succumbed and was lying
utterly demoralized by the roadside; before this same fire the
Second Massachusetts Volunteers were forced to retire — in
the face of it the Twenty-fifth advanced steadily to its goal.
Lieutenant Moss, who commanded Company H on the firing
line on that day, has published an account in which he says :
"The town was protected on the north by three blockhouses
and the church; on the west by three blockhouses (and par-
tially by the church) ; on the east by the stone fort, one block-
house, the church, and three rifie pits ; on the south and south-
east by the stone fort, three blockhouses, one loop-holed house,
the church and eight rifle pits. However, the Second Brigade
was sent forward against the southeast of the town, thus be-
ing exposed to fire from fourteen sources, nearly all of which
were in different planes, forming so many tiers of fire. The
cover on the south and southeast of the town was no better
than, if as good, as that on the other sides."
The cavalry regiments were no less conspicuous in their gal-
lantry at San Juan than was the Twenty-fifth Infantry at El
Caney. The brilliancy of that remarkable reg-iment, the
Rough Riders, commanded on July ist by Colonel Roosevelt,
was so dazzling that it drew attention away from the ordin-
ary regulars, yet the five regiments of regular cavalry did
REVIEW AMD kEt LECTIONS *4'i"
their duty as thoroughly on that day as did the regiment of
vokinteers.* In this body of cavalry troops, where courage
was elevated to a degree infringing upon the romantic, the
two black regiments took their places, and were fit to be as-
sociated in valor with that highly representative regiment.
The Inspector-General turns aside from mere routine in his re-
port long enough to say ''the courage and conduct of the col-
ored troops and First United States Volunteers seemed al-
ways up to the best." That these black troopers held no sec-
ond place in valor is proven by their deeds, and from the tes-
timony of all who observed their conduct, and that they with
the other regulars were decidedly superior in skill was recog-
nized by the volunteer Colonel himself. The Ninth Cavalr}'-,
although suffering considerably in that advance on East Hill,
involved as it was, more or less, with Roosevelt's regiment,
did not receive so large a share of public notice as its sister
regiment. The strength of the Ninth was but little over one-
half that of the Tenth, and its movements were so involved
with those of the volunteers as to be somewhat obscured by
them; the loss also of its commander just as the first posi-
tion of the enemy fell into our hands, was a great misfortune-
to the regiment. The Ninth, however, was with the first that
mounted the heights, and whatever praise is to be bestowed
upon the Rough Riders in that assault is to be distributed in-'
equal degree to the men of that regiment. Being in the lead-
ing brigade of the division this regiment had been firing
"^"The Ninth and Tenth Cavalry regiments fought one on either side of
mine at Santiago, and I wish no better men beside me in battle than
these colored troops showed themselves to be. Later on, when I come
to write of the campaign. I sliall h.ave mucli to say about them." —
T. Roosevelt.
i6
242 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
steadily upon the Spanish works before the charge was or-
dered, and when the movement began tlie men of the Ninth
advanced so rapidly that they were among the first to reach
the crest.
The Tenth Regiment, with its Hotchkiss guns, and its
trained men, took its place in the line that morning to add if
possible further lustre to the distinction already won. In
crossing the flat, in climbing the heights, and in holding the
ridge these brave men did all that could be expected of them.
Roosevelt said : '"The colored troops did as well as any soldiers
could possibly do." meaning the colored men of the Ninth and
Tenth Cavalry. To their officers he bestows a meed of praise
well deserved, but not on the peculiar ground which he brings
forward. He would have the reader believe that it has re-
quired special ability and effort to bring these colored men up
to the condition of good soldiers and to induce them to do so
well in battle; while the testimony of the officers themselves
and the experience of more than a quarter of a century with
colored professional troops give no countenance to any such
theory. The voice of experience is that the colored man i^
specially apt as a soldier, and General Merritt declares him al-
ways brave in battle. The officers commanding colored troops
at Santiago honored themselves in their reports of the battles
l3y giving full credit to the men in the ranks, who by their
resolute advance and their cool and accurate firing dislodged
an intrenched foe and planted the flag of our Union where
liad floated the ensign of Spain.
That rushing line of dismounted cavalry, so ably directed by
Sumner, did not get to its goal without loss. As it swept
across the open to reach the heights, it faced a well-directed
.fire from the Spanish works, and men dropped from the ranks,
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 243
wounded and d3n"ng. Of the officers directing- that advance 35
fell either killed or wounded and 328 men. These numbers
appear small when hastily scanned or when brought into com-
parison with the losses in battle during the Civil War, but if
we take time to imagine 35 officers lying on the ground either
killed or wounded and 328 men in the same condition, the car-
nage will not appear insignificant. ^Voe enough followed even
that one short conflict. It must be observed also that the
whole strength of this division was less than 3000 men, so thai
about one out of every eight had been struck by shot or shell.
Several enlisted men among the colored cavalry displayed
high soldierly qualities in this assault, evidencing a willingness
to assume the responsibility of command and the ability to
lead. Color-Sergeant George Berry became conspicuous at
once by his brilliant achievement of carrying the colors of two
regiments, those of his own and of the Third Cavalry. The
Color-Sergeant of the latter regiment had fallen and Berry
seized the colors and liore them up the hill with his own. The
illustrated press gave some attention to this exploit at the time,
but no proper recognition of it has as yet been made. Ser-
geant Berry's character as a soldier had been formed long be-
fore this event, and his reputation for daring was already w^eli
established. He entered the service in 1867 and when he car-
ried that flag up San Juan was filling out his thirty-first year
in the service. All this time he had passed in the cavalry and
had engaged in many conflicts with hostile Indians and ruffians
on our frontiers.
Perhaps the most important parts taken by any enlisted men
in the cavalry division were those taken by Sergeants Foster
and Givens. The former was First Sergeant of Troop G and
as the troop was making its way to the hill by some means the
244 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
Spaniards were able not only to discover them but also the
direction in which they were moving and to determine their
exact range. Sergeant Foster ventured to tell the Lieutenant
in charge that the course of advance should be changed as they
were marching directly into the enemy's guns.
"Silence," shouted the Lieutenant. "Come on, men : follow
me." "All right, sir," said the Sergeant; "we'll go as far as
you will." The next instant the Lieutenant w^as shot through
the head, leaving Sergeant Foster in command. Immediately
the troop was deployed out of the dangerous range and the
Sergeant by the exercise of good judgment brought his met;
to the crest of the hill without losing one from his ranks. At
the time of this action Sergeant Foster was a man who would
readily command attention. Born in Texas and a soldier al-
most continuously since 1875, part of which time had been
passed in an infantry regiment, he had acquired valuable ex-
perience. In 1888, while serving in the cavalry, he had been
complimented in General Orders for skill in trailing raiding
parties in Arizona. He was a resolute and stalwart soldier, an
excellent horseman and possessed of superior judgment, and
with a reputation for valor which none who knew him would
question. The return of Troop G, Tenth Cavalry, for July,
1898, contains the following note: "Lieutenant Roberts was
wounded early in the engagement : Lieutenant Smith was
killed about 10.30 a. m. while gallantly leading the troop in
the advance line. After Lieutenant Smith fell the command
of the troop devolved upon First Sergeant Saint Foster, who
displayed remarkable intelligence and ability in handling the
troop during the remainder (Df the day. Sergeant Foster's
conduct was such as cannot be excelled for valor during the
operations around Santiago. He commanded the troop up the
hills of San Juan.''
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 245
Sergeant William H. Givens, of Troop D. Tenth Cavalry,
also commanded in the action against San Juan. His Captain,
who was wounded three times in the fight, being finally dis-
abled before reaching the hill, makes the following report :
"Sergeant William H. Givens was wuth the platoon which I
commanded; whenever I observed him he was at his post ex-
ercising a steadying or encouraging influence on the men, and
conducting himself like the thorough soldier that I have long-
known him to be. I understand to my great satisfaction that
he has been rewarded by an appointment to a lieutenancy in an
immune regiment."
The Descriptive list of Sergeant Givens, made on August
4th, 1898, contains these remarks:
"Commanded his troop with excellent judgment after his
captain fell at the battle of San Juan, July i, 1898, lead-
ing it up the hill to the attack of the blockhouse.
"Character : A most excellent soldier."*
Sergeant Givens may also be called an "old-timer." He
had enlisted in '69, and had passed all that time in hard fron-
tier service. The troop in which he enlisted during the years
*The major commanding the squadron in which Sergeant Givens' troops
served, writes to the sergeant the following letter :
Sergeant William H. Givens, Troop D, loth Cavalry, Fort Clark, Texas.
Sergeant : — When making my report as commander of the Second
Squadron, loth U. S. Cavalry, for action of July i, 1898, at San Juan Hills,
I did not mention any enlisted men by name, as I was absent from the
regiment at the time of making the report and without access to records,
so that I could not positively identify and name certain men who were con-
spicuous during the fight; but I recollect finding a detachment of Troop D
under your command on the firing line during the afternoon of July ist.
Your service and that of your men at that time was most creditable, and
you deserve special credit for having brought your detachment promptly
to the firing line when left without a commissioned officer.
THEO. J. WINT,
Lieutenant-Colonel, 6th U. S. Cavalry.
Second Lieutenant, loth Cavalry.
True copy :
246 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
1876-78 was almost constantly engaged with hostile Indians
along the Mexican border, and Sergeant Givens was called
upon to take part in numerous scouts in which there were
many striking adventures. He was also in that memorable
campaign against Victoria, conducted by General Grierson.
Sergeant Givens was an ideal soldier and worthy the com-
mendations bestowed upon him by his troop commander and
others. Captain Bigelow received his disabling wound about
seventy-live yards from the blockhouse and was taken to tlie
rear under heavy fire by two soldiers of the troop by the name
of Henderson and Boardman.
Lieutenant Kennington, reporting the work of the troop on
that morning says that Corporal J. Walker was probably the
first soldier to reach the top of the hill and is believed to have
shot the Spaniard who killed Lieutenant Ord. The report
containing the above statement is dated July 5, 1898. Since
that time the matter has been fully investigated by Captain
Bigelow and the fact ascertained that Corporal Walker did
arrive first on the hill and did shoot the Spaniard referred to
and he has been recommended for a Medal of Honor in conse-
quence.
The Sergeant-Major of the Tenth Cavalry, Mr..E. L. Baker,
who served with great credit during the Santiago campaign,
is a soldier with an excellent record. He was born of French
and American parentage in Wyoming and enlisted in the
Ninth Cavalry as trumpeter in 1882. serving five years in thai
regiment. He then enlisted in the Tenth Cavalry, and in 1892
became Sergeant-Major. Being desirous of perfecting himself
in the cavalry service he applied for an extended furlough
with permission to leave the country, intending to enter a cav-
alrv school in France. In this desire he was heartilv en-
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 247
dorsed by the officers of his regiment, and was specially com-
mended by General Miles, who knew him as a soldier and who
highly appreciated him as such. The breaking out of the
Spanish war soon after he had made application prevented a
full consideration of his case. In 1897 Sergeant-Major Baker
published a specially valuable "Roster of the Non-Commis-
sioned Officers of the Tenth U. S. Cavalry, with Some Regi-
mental Reminiscences, etc.," which has been of marked ser-
vice in the preparation of the sketches of the enlisted men of
his regiment. He contributes the interesting sketch of his ex-
periences in Cuba with his regiment, which follows this chap-
ter, and which will prove to many perhaps the most interesting
portion of my book.
The Twenty-fourth Infantry advanced in that line of attack
on the extreme left and reached the crest of the San Juan Hills
in such numbers as to lead the press correspondents and others
to conclude that there were more men of this regiment prompt-
ly on the ground than of any other one regiment. It is certain
they made a record for heroism in that assault as bright as any
won on the field that day; and this record they raised to a mag-
nificent climax by their subsequent work in the fever hospital
at Siboney. For their distinguished service both in the field
and in the hospital, the colored ladies of Xew York honored
themselves in presenting the regiment the beautiful stand of
colors already mentioned. As these fever-worn veterans ar-
rived at Montauk they presented a spectacle well fitted to move
strong men to tears. In solemn silence they marched from
on board the transport Nueces, which had brought them from
Cuba, and noiselessly they dragged their weary forms over
the sandy roads and up the hill to the distant "detention
camp."' Twenty-eight of tlieir number v.ere reported sick, but
the whole regiment was in ill-health.
2^8 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
These were the men who had risked their lives and wrecked
their health in service for others. Forty days they had stood
face to face with death. In their soiled, worn and faded
clothing, with arms nncleaned, emaciated, and with scarce
strength enough to make the march before them, as they
moved on that hot 2nd of September from the transport to the
camp, they appeared more like a funeral procession than heroes
returning from the war; and to the credit of our common
humanity it may be recorded that they w^ere greeted, not with
plaudits and cheers, but with expressions of real sympathy.
Many handkerchiefs were brought into view, not to wave joy-
ous welcome, but to wipe away the tears that came from over-
flowing hearts. At no time did human nature at Montauk ap-
pear to better advantage than in its silent, sympathetic recep-
tion of the Twenty-fourth Infantry.
Of these shattered heroes General Miles had but recently
•spoken in words well worthy his lofty position and noble man-
hood as "a regiment of colored troops, who, having shared
equally in the heroism, as well as the sacrifices, is now volun-
tarily engaged in nursing yellow fever patients and burying
the dead." These men came up to Montauk from great tribu-
lations which should have washed their robes to a resplendent
whiteness in the eyes of the whole people. Great Twenty-
fourth, we thank thee for the glory thou hast given to Ameri-
can soldiery, and to the character of the American Negro!
Thus these four colored regiment? took their place on the
march, in camp, in assault and in siege with the flower of the
American Army, the choice and pick of the American nation,
and came off acknowledged as having shared equally in hero-
ism and sacrifices with the other regular regiments so engaged,
.and deserving of special mention for the exhibition of regard
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 249
for the welfare of their fellow man. The query is now per-
tinent as to the return which has been made to these brave
men. The question of Ahasuerus when told of the valuable
services of the Jew, Mordecai, is the question which the better
nature of the whole American people should ask on hearing
the general report of the valuable services of the Negro
Regular in the Spanish War. When Ahasuerus asked : "What
honor and dignity hath been done to Mordecai for this?" his
servants that ministered unto him were compelled to answer:
"There is nothing done for him." Looking over these four
regiments at the time of this writing an answer somewhat
similar in force must be returned. That the colored soldier is
entitled to honor and dignity must be admitted by all who ad-
mire brave deeds, or regard the welfare of the state. The col-
ored soldier, however, was compelled to stand by and see a
hundred lieutenancies filled in the Regular Army, many in his
own regiments, only to find himself overlooked and to be
forced to feel that his services however valuable, could not out-
weigh the demerit of his complexion.
The sum total of permanent advantage secured to the col-
ored regular as such, in that bloody ordeal wdiere brave men
gave up their lives for their country's honor, consists of a few
certificates of merit entitling the holders to two dollars per
month additional pay as long as they remain in the service.
Nor is this all, or even the worst of the matter. Men who
served in the war as First Sergeants, and who distinguished
themselves in that capacity, have been allowed to go back to
their old companies to serve in inferior positions. Notably
is this the case with Sergeant William H. Givens, whose his-
tory has been detailed as commanding Troop D, Tenth Cav-
alry, after Captain Bigelow fell, and who heroically led the
250 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
troop up the hill. He is now serving in his old troop as Cor-
poral, his distinction having actually worked his reduction
rather than substantial promotion.
It must not be inferred from the foregoing, however, that
nothing whatever was done in recognition of the gallantry of
the colored regulars. Something was done. Cases of indi-
vidual heroism were so marked, and so numerous, that they
could not be ignored. The men who had so distinguished
themselves could not be disposed of by special mention and
compliments in orders. Something more substantial was re-
quired. Fortunately for such purpose four regiments of col-
ored United States Volunteer Infantry were then in course
of organization, in which the policy had been established that
colored men should be accepted as officers below the grade of
captain. Into these regiments the colored men who had won
distinction at Santiago were placed, many as Second Lieuten-
ants, although some were given First Lieutenancies. This ac-
tion of the Government was hailed with great delight on the
Itart of the colored Americans generally, and the honors were
accepted \ery gratefully by the soldiers who had won them
on the field. Fortunately as this opening seemed, it turned
out very disappointing. It soon became evident that these
regiments would be mustered out of the service, as they had
])roven themselves no more immune, so far as it could be de-
termined from the facts, than other troops. The Lieutenants
who had been most fortunate in getting their commissions
early got about six or seven months' service, and then the
dream of their glory departed and they fell back to the ranks
to stand "attention'' to any white man who could muster po-
litical influence sufficient to secure a commission. Their day
was short, and ^^•hen they were discharged from the volunteer
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 25 I
service, there appeared no future for them as commissioned
officers. Their occupation was indeed gone. It was for them
a most disappointing- and exasperating promotion, resulting
in some cases in loss of standing and in financial injury.
Their honors were too short-lived, and too circumscribed, to
be much more than a lively tantalization, to be remembered
with disgust by those who had worn them. Cruel, indeed, was
the prejudice that could dictate such a policy to the brave
black men of San Juan. The black heroes, however, were not
without sympathy in their misfortune. The good people of
the country had still a warm place in their hearts for the col-
ored soldier, despite the sayings of his maligners.
The people of Washington, D. C, had an opportunity to
testify their appreciation of the Tenth Cavalry as that regi-
ment passed through their city on its way to its station in
Alabama, and later a portion of it was called to Philadelphia
to take part in the Peace Jubilee, and no troops received more
generous attention. To express in some lasting form their re-
gard for the regiment and its officers, some patriotic citizens
of Philadelphia presented a handsome saber to Captain Charles
G. Ayres, who had charge of the detachment which took part
in the Peace Jubilee, "as a token of their appreciation of the
splendid conduct of the regiment in the campaign of Santiago,
and of its superb soldierly appearance and good conduct dur-
ing its attendance at the Jubilee Parade in Philadelphia."
Likewise when the Twenty-fifth Infantry arrived at its sta-
tion at Fort Logan, Colorado, the people of Denver gave to
both officers and men a most cordial reception, and invited
them at once to take part in their fall carnival. All over the
country there was at that time an unusual degree of good feel-
ing toward the colored soldier who had fought so well, and
252 REVIEW AND REt'LECTIOXS
no one seemed to begrudge him the rest which came to him or
the honors bestowed upon him.
This state of feeling did not last. Before the year dosed
assiduous efforts were made to poison the public mind toward
the black soldier, and history can but record that these efforts
were too successful. The three hundred colored officers be-
came an object at which both prejudice and jealousy could
strike; but to reach them the reputation of the entire colored
contingent must be assailed. This was done with such vehem-
ence and persistency that by the opening of 1899 the good
name of the black regular was hidden under the rubbish of re-
ports of misconduct. So much had been said and done, even
in Denver, which had poured out its welcome words to the
heroes of El Caney, that the Ministerial Alliance of that city,
on February 6, 1899, found it necessary to take up the sub-
ject, and that body expressed itself in the unanimous adoption
of the following resolutions :
RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED UNANIMOUSLY BY THE
MINISTERIAL ALLIANCE OF DENVER, FEBRU-
ARY 6, 1899.
Resolved, By the Ministerial Alliance of the City of Den-
ver, that the attempt made in certain quarters to have the
Twenty-fifth Regiment, United States Infantry, removed from
Fort Logan, appears to this body to rest on no just grounds,
to be animated on the contrary by motives unworthy and dis-
creditable to Denver and the State, and that especially in view
of the heroic record of the Twenty-fifth Regiment, its pres-
ence here is an honor to Denver and Colorado, which this Al-
liance would regret to have withdrawn.*
♦Extract from The Statesman, Denver, after the departure of the 23th
hifantry, and the arrival of the 34th :
Two pohcemen killed, the murderer at large and his comrades of the
34th Regiment busy boasting of their sympathy for him, and extolling his
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 255
The mustering out of the volunteers about the time this
opposition was approaching what appeared to be a climax,
causing the removal from the service of the colored officers,
appeased the wrath of the demon, and the waves of the storm
gradually sank to a peace, gratifying, indeed, to those who
shuddered to see a black man with shoulder-straps. As the last
Negro officer descended from the platform and lionorably laid
aside his sword to take his place as a citizen of the Republic,
or a private in her armies, that class of our citizenship breathed
a sigh of relief. \Miat mattered it to them whether justice
were done; whether the army were weakened; whether indi-
viduals were wronged; they were relieved from seeing Negroes
in officers' uniforms, and that to them is a most gracious por-
tion. The discharge of the volunteers was to them the triumpii
of their prejudices, and in it they took great comfort, although
as a matter of fact it was a plain national movement coming
about as a logical sequence, entirely independent of their
whims or wishes. The injustice to the Negro officer does not
lie in his being mustered out of the volunteer service, but in
the failure to provide for a recognition of his valor in the na-
tion's permanent military establishment.
deed to the skies, yet not a single petition has been prepared to have the
regiment removed. The 25th Infantry, with its honor undimmed by any
such wanton crime, with a record unexcelled by any regiment in the ser-
vice, was the target for all sorts of criticism and persecution as soon as it
arrived- The one is a white regiment, composed of the scum of the earth,
the other a black regiment composed of men who have yet to do one thing
of which they should be ashamed. Yet Denver welcomes the one with
open arms and salutes with marked favor, while she barely suffered the
other to remain.
Had it been a negro soldier who committed the dastardly deed of Sat-
urday night the War Department would have been deluged with complaints
and requests for removal, but not a word has been said against the 34th.
Prejudice and hatred blacker than the wings of night has so envenomed
the breasts of the people that fairness is out of the question. Be he black,
no matter how noble and good, a man must be despised. Be he white, he
may commit the foulest of crimes and yet have his crimes condoned.
254 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
The departure of the colored man from the vokmteer ser-
vice was the consequent disappearance of the colored military
officer, with the single exception of Lieutenant Charles Young
of the Regular Cavalry, had a very depressing effect upon the
colored people at large, and called forth from their press and
their associations most earnest protests. With a few excep-
tions, these protests were encouched in respectful lanp-uage to-
ward the President and his advisers, but the grounds upon
which they were based were so fair and just, that right-think-
ing- men could not avoid their force. The following resolution,
passed by the National Afro- American Council, may be taken
as representative of the best form of such remonstrance :
"Resolved, That we are heartily grieved that the President
of the United States and those in authority have not from time
to time used their high station to voice the best conscience of
the nation in regard to mob violence and fair treatment of
justly deserving men. It is not right that American citizens
should be despoiled of life and liberty while the nation look?
silently on ; or that soldiers who, with conspicuous bravery,
offer their lives for the country, should have their promotion
result in practical dismissal from the army."
The nation graciously heeded the call of justice and in the
re-organization of the volunteer army provided for
two colored regiments, of which all the com-
pany officers should be colored men. Under this ar-
rangement many of the black heroes of Santiago
were recalled from the ranks and again restored to the posi-
tions they had won. Thus did the nation in part remedy the
evil which came in consequence of the discharge of the volun-
teers, and prove its willingness to do right. Triumphantly did
the Administration vindicate itself in the eyes of good people,
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 2;:;
and again did it place its withering- disapproval upon ihe con-
duct of those who were ready to shout their applause over the
worthy black officer's accidental humiliation. The Xegro offi-
cer disappeared from the United States' Regiments as a Lieu-
tenant only : but he returns to the same, or rather, to a higher
grade of the same form of regiments, both as Lieutenant and
Captain. LIow rapid and pronounced has been the evolution !
It is true the Negro officer is still a volunteer, liut his standing
is measurably improved, both because of the fact of his recall,
and also because the regiments which he is now entering have
some prospect of being incorporated into the Regular Army.
It does not seem probable that the nation can much longer
postpone the increase of the standing army, and in this in-
crease it is to be hoped the American Negro, both as soldier
and officer, will receive that full measure of justice of which
the formation of the present two colored regiments is so con-
spicuous a part.
DIARY OF E. L. BAKER, SERGEANT-MAJOR TENTH
U. S. CAVALRY.
Appointed First Lieutenant Ninth l^. S. V^oluntcer Infantry, and later
Captain of the Forty-ninth \'oUnUcer Infantry — Now Lieutenant in
Philippine Scouts.
A TRIP FROM ^^lONTANA TO CUBA WITH THE
TENTH U. S. CAVALRY.
April i6, 1898, at 10.45 P- ^ii-' telegram was received from
Department Headqu.irters, St. Paul. ^^linnesota, ordering the
regiment to the Department of the Gulf.
As every click of the telegraph instrument was expected to
announce a rupture in the diplomatic relations between the
United States and the Kingdom of Spain, all knew that the
mobilization of the army South meant preparing it for the
serious work for which it is maintained.
256 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
On April 19 we were off for Chickamauga Park. En route
we were heartil}^ greeted. Patriotism was at its height. Every
little hamlet, even, had its offerings. To compare the journey
with Qesar's march of triumph would be putting it mildly.
We arrived at the historic point April 25, Every moment
of our stay there was assiduously devoted to organizing, re-
fitting and otherwise preparing for the inevitable. Officers
were sent to many parts of the country .to secure recruits
Many also gave up details nd relinquished their leaves of ab-
sence to take part in the impending crisis.
May 14. Wg were moved a little nearer the probable
theatre of operations. On account of some deficiency in water
for troops at Tampa, the regiment was stopped at Lakeland,
30 miles this side, where many recruits were received ; Troops
increased to war strength, and new Troops established. Drills
and instructions were also constantly followed up.
June 6. Orders were received to prepare headquarters,
band and eight Troops dismounted, with trained men only, for
service in Cuba. Recruits to be left in camp with horses and
property.
June 7. We were off for Port Tampa, where the regiment
embarked on the steamship Leona that afternoon.
June 8. She steamed from the dock. When the expedition
seemed to be forming, news was received that the dreaded
Spanish fleet was being sighted, evidently lying in wait for
army transports. So we steamed back to the pier. Many of
the men appeared disappointed at the move, probably not rea-
lizing that there was too much water in the Atlantic Ocean for
the 5th Army Corps to drink.
To my mind, the Divine Providence surely directed the
move, as the delay enabled the force to be swelled several
thousand, every one of whom was needed before Santiago.
REVIEW A>SW RElLFXriONS $57
June 14. We steamed out of Tampa Bay, amid cheers and
music from the thirty odd transports, heavily escorted by
naval vessels. Among them were the much talked-of dyna-
miter, Vesuvius, and the beautiful little cruiser, Helena. Of!"
Dry Tortugas that formidable warship, Indiana, joined the
fleet.
Splendid weather ; nothing unusual transpiring, though our
transport, Avhich also contained the First U. S. Cavalry, had
a seemingly close call from being sent to the bottom of the
sea, or else being taken in as a prisoner, which the enemy could
have done with impunity.
Whilst going down the Saint Nicholas Chanel, in Cuban
waters, the vessel was deliberately stopped about midnight,
June 16, and left to roll in the trough of the sea until the morn-
ing of the 17th, in consequence of which we were put 20 hours
behind the fleet and without escort, almost in sight of the
Cuban shores.
Men were indignant at having been placed in such a help
less position, and would have thrown the captain of the ship,
whom they accused of being a Spanish sympathizer and other-
wise disloyal, overboard without ceremony, but for the strong
arm of military discipline. We were picked up by the U. S.
Cruiser Bancroft, late in the afternoon, she having been sent in
quest of the Jonah of the fleet. Upon approach of the ship
there were prolonged cheers from all of Uncle Sam's defend-
ers. The only explanation that I have ever heard for this un-
pardonable blunder on the part of the ship's crew was that they
mistook a signal of a leading vessel-
June 20. Land was sighted.
June 21. Dispatch boats active; transports circling; Morro
Castle pointed out; three days' rations issued to each man;
no extra impedimenta to be taken ashore; crew preparing for
landing.
17
7$8 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
June 22. As we neared Daiquiri, the designated place for
disembarking, flames could be seen reaching almost to the
heavens, the town having been fired by the fleeing Spaniards
upon the approach of war vessels of Sampson's fleet, who were
assembling to bombard the shore and cover our landing. After
a fierce fire from these ships, the landing was effected with
loss of two men of our regiment, who were doubtless crushed
to death between the lighters. They were buried near the place
of recovery the next morning.
The few half-clothed and hungry-looking natives on shore
seemed pleased to see us. Daiquiri, a shipping point of the
Spanish-American Iron Company, was mostly deserted. The
board houses seemed to have been spared, while the sun-burned
huts thatched with palm were still smoking, also theroundhouse
in which there were two railroad locomotives, warped and
twisted from the heat. The Spanish evidently fired everything
they could before evacuating.
June 23. At 6.00 p. m. Troops A, B, E and I, left with four
Troops of the First U. S. Cavalry and Rough Riders (First U.
S. Volunteer Cavalry) as advance guard of the Army of In-
vasion on the main road to Santiago de Cuba ; about 800 men
all told, three Hotchkiss guns, manned by ten cavalrymen, ac-
companied also by the Brigadier Commander, General S. M. B.
Young and staff.
Note. — These troops marched about 13 miles through a
drenching rain from 7 to 10 p. m. ; bivouacked one hour later.
On the 24th, after breakfast, took the trail about 5.15 a .m.
The vapor from wet clothing rose with the sun, so that yo«
could scarcely recognize a man ten feet away. About three
and one-half miles above Siboney the command was halted;
the first U. S. Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders) sent to the
REVI£\V AND REFLECTIONS 259
left; proceeding farther about one mile, the main column was
split, First U. S. Cavalry going- to the right, the Tenth Cavalry
remaining in the center. General Wheeler joined at this point,
accompanied by his orderly. Private Queene, Troop A, Tenth
Cavalry. Disposition of the troops was explained by Greneral
Young, who had located his headquarters with the Tenth U.
S. Cavalry; General Wheeler made his the same. Hotchkiss
guns were ordered closed up; magazines filled. The column
had proceeded but a short way when the engagement opened
in all its fury; troops were deployed and advanced in the di-
rection from which the bullets were coming the thickest, as
rapidly as the formation of the ground would permit, the left
of the line touching the right of the Rough Riders.
June 24. Headquarters, band and the remainder of the
First and Tenth U. S. Cavalry were off at 6 A. M. The road
was alive with troops (C, D, F, G,) colonels and privates alike
lugging their rations and bedding beneath that ever watchful
tropical sun, feeling as though they would wilt at every step,
the undergrowth being so thick and tall that scarcely any
breeze could get to you.
On emerging from this thicket, through which we had been
inarching for several hours, the Sampson fleet could be heard
firing on the Spanish batteries on shore. Marines and other
troops could be seen crossing the mountains above Altares;
this revived the men very much. As we approached Verni
Jarabo (Altares?), we were met by General Lawton, who in-
formed our Colonel that the advance guard was engaged with
the Spanish at La Guasima, and that it was hard pressed. Our
pace was quickened; the news appeared to lighten our heavy
packs as we toiled to the front to assist our comrades. The
roar of the artillery became plainer ; wounded men along the
26o REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
road as well as those played-out from the intense heat. Wo-
men and children were fleeing to places of safety. Our forces
were repairing a railroad engine and track; also tearing up a
piece leading to a Spanish blockhouse. In fact, everything
seemed to have on an exceedingly warlike tint, but our ad-
vance continued as swifty as our weary feet would allow,
which soon brought us to a number of our own comrades con-
veyed on litters from La Guasima, where our advance guard
was tussling hard with the Dons for the honors of the day.
Upon arrival of reinforcements, victory had been wrested
from the Dons fairly by the advance guard without assistance.
Every one greeted each other, as though it had been a year
instead of a few hours since parting. The First U. S. Cavalry
and Rough Riders were unstinted in extolling the fighting
qualities of their brothers in arms, the Tenth U. S. Cavalry,
The enemy was struck early June 24, entrenched on the
heights of La Guasima, near Sevilla, on the main road from
Daiquiri to the city of Santiago de Cuba. The advance guard
was soon hotly engaged with them ; after a very desperate fight
of over one hour, the enemy was driven in confusion from
their intrenchments. Our men were too exhausted to follow
them. The Tenth Cavalry lost 13 killed and wounded. For
a while it was a terrific fight, as the enemy was strongly in-
tienched on the heights and our men had to climb them sub-
jected to their fire, which was very accurate, and much of it
doubtless from machine gims in hands of experienced men.
Our men had also to contend with the thickest underbrush,
wire fences (the famous military trochas) and Spanish dag-
gers jabbing them in side at every step. For a while the situa-
tion was serious. The decisive blow of the attack seems to
have been struck at an opportune moment, and the enemy
withdrew in confusion.
RKVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 26 1
It has been estimated that about 4,000 Spanish were en-
gaged. Everything indicated that they lost heavily; a San-
tiago paper put it at 240. The writer and the Sergeant-Major
of the First U. S. Cavalry superintended the digging of one
large grave where all the dead of the two regiments were in-
terred according to the Episcopal service. The Rough Riders,
being farther to our left, buried their own. If advantage of
position goes for anything, the Spanish should have annihi-
lated the Americans as they approached the stronghold.
The command remained on the battlefield until June 26,
when it proceeded to Sevilla, an old coffee and sugar planta-
tion, to await the assembling of the army and placing of the
artillery.
Our camp at Sevilla was an interesting one in many ways.
It was pitched between the main road and a stream of excel-
lent water. From the hill beyond, the Spanish works could be
viewed. From the roadside many acquaintances were seen,
also generals, foreign militar>' attaches, troops, artillery and
pack trains. Wheeled transportation seemed entirely out of its
place in Cuba ; one piece of artillery was noticed with 24 horses
tugging away at it.
The Cuban Army, cavalry and infantry, passed us at this
point, which seemed to consist of every male capable of swell-
ing the crowd. Those unable to carry or secure guns had an
old knife or machete strapped to them.
On June 30, about 4 P. M., shortly after our daily shower,
which was a little more severe and much longer than usual, the
regiment was put in motion for the front. We had marched
about 1600 yards when the war balloon was seen ascending
some distance to our right. As the balloon question was new,
every one almost was stumbling on the man's heels in front,
trying to get a peep at this wonderful war machine.
26« REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
After much vexatious delay, narrow road crowded with
troops, a pack train came along and added its mite to the con-
gestion, as some of the mules turned their heels on the advanc-
ing column when pushed too much.
We finally merged into a beautiful lawn, site of the Divis-
ion Hospital, where all were as busy as beavers in placing this
indispensable adjunct in order. Here the work of July i was
clearly suggested. Proceeding, wading and rewading streams,
we bivouacked beyond the artillery on the heights of El Poso,
an old sugar plantation, about four miles off, in plain view of
the city of Santiago. The lights of the city showed so
brightly, the enemy offering no resistance to our advance, I
could not help feeling apprehensive of being in a trap. 1
thought so seriously over the matter that I did not unroll my
pack, so as to be ready at an instant. Simply released my
i>licker, put it on, and lay down where I halted.
Early July i all the brigade was up, getting breakfast and
making as much noise as if on a practice march. The Tenth
Cavalry did not make any fire until orders were received to
that effect. I remarked to my bunky that we were not going
to fight evidently, as the smoke would surely disclose our
presence and enable the enemy's artillery to get our range.
The whole of Santiago seemed to be decorated with hospital
fiags.
At 6.30 a shell from Capron's battery, U. S. Artillery, di-
rected at a blockhouse in El Caney, announced that the battle
was on. Then the musketry became general. All stood and
watched the doomed village quite a while as the battle pro-
gressed. Soon Grices' battery of the U. S. Artiller)', which
was in support, belched forth destruction at the Spanish works
of the city, using black powder. The fire was almost immed-
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 263
lately returned by the enemy's batteries, who had smokeless.
They were shortly located when a fierce duel took place. The
Dons were silenced, but not until we had suffered loss. Dur-
ing this fire an aide — Lieut. Wm. E. Shipp, Tenth Cavalry,
Brigade Quartermaster — ^brought orders for us to take posi-
tion on the left of the First U. S. Cavalry. The line extended
nearly north and south on a ridge some three or four miles
from the city, where the regiment was exposed to much of
the return fire from the enemy's batteries. The men exhibited
no special concern and watched the flight of the death mes-
senger as eagerly as if at a horse race. Adjutant Barnum
here divided the band and turned it over to the surgeons to
assist in caring for the wounded, and directed Saddler Ser-
geant Smith and myself to accompany the Colonel in advance.
When Lieut. Shipp delivered his orders, some of the officers
remarked, "You are having a good time riding around here."
He replied that it was no picnic riding among bullets, and
that he would prefer being with his troops.
After the artillery had ceased firing, the regiment moved to
the right, passed El Poso, where there were additional signs
of the enemy's havoc among our troops, proceeded down the
road leading to Santiago. The movement of the regiment
was delayed as it approached the San Juan River, by an in-
fantry brigade which had halted.
The regiment came within range of musket fire about three-
qiiarters or one-half mile from the crossing. Upon reaching
the ford the Colonel (Baldwin) rode nearly across the stream
(closely followed by his regiment) when we were greeted by
the Dons with a terrific volley of musketry, soon followed by
artillery, which caused us to realize more fully than ever, that
"things were coming our way." Orders were given to throw
»64 REVIEW ANI> REt LECTIONS
off packs and get cover. In removing his, Sergeant Smith,
on my immediate left, was assisted by a Spanish bullet, and
an infantry soldier fell as my pack was thrown off to the right.
.In seeking cover men simply dropped to the right and left of
the road in a prone position.
The regiment was here subjected to a terrific converging
fire from the blockhouse and intrenchments in front and the
works further to the left and nearer the city. The atmos-
phere seemed perfectly alive with flying missiles from bursting
shells over head, and rifle bullets which seemed to have an ex-
plosive effect. Much fire was probably drawn by the war bal-
loon, which preceded the regiment to a point on the edge of
the river, near the ford, where it was held. This balloon un-
doubtedly rendered excellent service in locating positions of
the Spanish works and developing an ambush which had been
laid for us, but the poor, ill-fated balloon certainly receive<!
•many uncomplimentary remarks during our stay in its vicinity.
It seemed as though the Spanish regarded the balloon as an
evil agent of some kind, and as though every gun, both great
and small, was playing on it. I made several trips under it fol-
lowing the Colonel, who repeatedly rode up and down the
stream, and I w^ould have been fully satisfied to have allowed
my mir]d even to wander back to the gaily lighted ball rooms
^nd festivals left behind only a few months before.
While on the last trip under the balloon a large naval shell
exploded, knocking the Colonel's hat off, crippling his horse,
and injuring the rider slightly in the arm and side, all of
course, in addition to a good sand bath. I then joined the
regiment, some rods beyond, then under cover. In crouching
down behind a clump of brush, heard some one groan; on
looking around, saw Private Marshall struggling in the river
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 265
wounded. Immediately rushing to his assistance another of
those troublesome sheUs passed so close as to cause me to feel
ihe heat. It did not stop the effort, however, and the wounded
man was placed in safety.
The regiment remained in the road only a few moments
when it was ordered to take position behind the river bank
some yards above the balloon for protection ; while moving to
ttiat position, and while there, suffered much loss. Why we
did not lose heavier may be attributed to the fact that the
enemy's musket fire was a trifle high, and their shells timed
from one-half to one second too long, caused them to explode
beyond, instead of in front, where the shells would have cer-
tainly secured the Dons' maximum results, as, after the bal-
loon was cut down, you could scarcely hold your hand up
without getting it hit. During the battle, one trooper fell
upon a good-sized snake and crushed it to death, and another
trooper allowed one of these poisonous reptiles to crawl over
him while dodging a volley from the Spanish Mausers.
The shrapnel and canister shells, with their exceedingly
mournful and groaning sound, seemed to have a more terrify-
mg effect than the swift Mauser bullet, which always rendered
the same salutation, "Bi-Yi." The midern shrapnel shell is
better known as the man-killing projectile, and may be re-
garded as the most dangerous of all projectiles designed for
taking human life. It is a shell filled with 200 or 300 bullets,
and having a bursting charge, which is ignited by a time fuse,
only sufficient to break the base and release the bullets, which
then move forward with the velocity it had the time of brust-
ing. Each piece is capable of dealing death to any living
thing in its path. In practice firing, it is known where, by one
shot, 152 hits were made by a single shrapnel. In another,
266 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
215 hits are recorded. Imagine then, the havoc of a well-di-
rected shrapnel upon a group of men such as is here repre-
sented. Capron's battery at El Caney cut down 16 cavalrymen
with one shell.
After a delay of about 30 minutes, during part of the time,
the writer, assisted by Sergeant Smith and Mr. T. A. Baldwin,
cut all the wire fences possible. Mr. Baldwin was dangerously
wounded while so engaged just before the general advance.
The regiment merged into open space in plain view of and
under the fire of the enemy; and formed line of battle facing
toward the blockhouses and strong intrenchments to the north,
occupied by the Spanish, and advanced rapidly in this forma-
tion, under a galling, converging fire from the enemy's artil-
lery and infantry, on the blockhouses and heavy intrench-
ments to the right front. Many losses occurred before reach-
ing the top of the hill, Lieut. W. H. Smith being killed while
gallantly conducting his troop as it arrived on the cresi.
Lieut. W. E. Shipp was killed about the same instant, shortly
after leaving Lieutenant Smith, furtlier to the left and near
the pond on the sunken road leading to Santiago. Lieutenant
Smith was struck in the head and perished with a single groan.
Lieutenant Shipp was hit near the heart ; death must have been
almost instantaneous, though it appears he made an effort to
make use of his first aid package. Thus the careers of two
gallant and efficient officers whose lives had been so closely as-
sociated were ended.
Private Slaughter, who was left in charge of Lieutenant
Smith's body, was picked off by the Spanish sharpshooters,
and Private Jackson, Lieutenant Shipp's orderly, was left as
deaf <xs a post from a bursting shell.
The enemy having been driven back, northwest, to the second
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 267
and third blockhouses, new lines were formed and a rapid ad-
vance made upon them to the new positions. The regiment as-
sisted in capturing these works from the enemy, and planted
two sets of colors on them, then took up a position to the
north of the second blockhouse. With some changes in posi-
tion of troops, this line, one of the most advanced, about three
hundred yards of the enemy, was held and intrenchments
dug under a very heavy and continuous fire from the Spanish
intrenchments in front, July 2 and 3.
In their retreat from the ridge, the enemy stood not on the
order of their going, but fled in disorder like so many sheep
from the scene, abandoning a quantity of ammunition, which
was fired at them subsequently from our rapid-fire guns. Our
men were too exhausted to pursue them, footwear and cloth
ing being soaked by wading rivers, they had become drenched
with rain, and when they reached the crest they were about
played-out; having fought about 12 hours, most of which was
under that ever-relentless tropical sun.
Throughout the night, work on the intrenchments was
pushed, details buried the dead, improvised litters, and con-
veyed the wounded to hospitals, all of which was prosecuted
with that vim for which the regular soldier is characterized,
notwithstanding their water-logged condition.
The regiment acted with extraordinary coolness and brav-
ery. It held its position at the ford and moved forward un-
flinchingly after deployment, through the dense underbrush,
crossed and recrossed by barbed wire, under heavy and almost
plunging fire from the Spanish works, while attacking with
small arms an enemy strongly posted in intrenchments and
blockhouses, supported by artillery, and who stubbornly con-
tested every inch of ground gained by the American troops.
268 REVIEW AND REFLECTI05JS
Officers were exceedingly active and tireless in their efforts
to inspire and encourage the men. You could hear them call
out, "Move right along; the Spaniards can't shoot; they are
using blanks." One officer deliberately stopped and lit his pipe
amid a showier of bullets, and then moved on as unconcerned
as if on target practice.
The rifle pits occupied by the enemy were intrenchments in
reality, dug almost shoulder deep, and faced with stone, being
constructed without approaches, leaving the only avenue for
escape over the parapet, which was equivalent to committing
suicide, in face of the unerring marksmanship of the United
States troops.
We were afterward told by a Spanish soldier how they were
held in these trenches by an officer stationed at each end with
.1 club; also how they depended on their officers for everything.
This may account for the large percentage of our officers
picked off by the Dons. I observed during the battle that
when spotted by the enemy, delivering orders or busying about
such duties as usually indicated some one in authority, the
Spanish would fire whole volleys at an individual, this evi-
dently with a view to demoralizing the rank and file by knock-
ing off the officers.
The Spanish also tried an old Indian trick to draw our fire,
or induce the men to expose themselves, by raising their hats
on sticks or rifles, or placing them upon parapets, so when we
went to fire they would aim to catch us as we rose with a
terrific volley. The Dons were, however, soon convinced of
their folly in this respect, as we always had a volley for the
hats and a much stouter one for the enemy as he raised to reply
to the volley at the hats. The Tenth Cavalry had fought In-
dians too long in the West to be foiled in that manner.
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 269
We were annoyed much by the Spanish sharpshooters sta-
rloned in tops of the beautiful pahns and other trees of dense
foHage. A number of these guerillas were found provided
with seats, water and other necessaries, and I am told some of
them had evidently robbed our dead to secure themselves an
American uniform, that they might still carry on their nefar-
ious work undetected.
Many of the disabled received their second and some their
mortal wound, while being conveyed from the field by litter-
bearers.
Though it was the tendency for a time to give the sharp-
shooter story little or no credence, but to lay the matter to
"spent bullets"; it seemed almost out of the question that
"spent bullets" should annoy our Division Hospital, some four
or five miles from the Spanish works. It would also seem
equally as absurd that a bullet could be trained to turn angles,
as several of our men were hit while assembled for transfer
to general hospital and receiving temporary treatment at the
dressing station located in an elbow of the San Juan River.
The Division Hospital was so harassed that it was neces-
asry to order four Troops of the 9th U. S. Cavalry there for
guard. While en route to the hospital on the morning of July
2 with wounded, I saw a squad of the 2nd U. S. Cavalry after
one of these annoying angels, not 20 feet from the road. On
arrival at the hospital I was told by a comrade that several
had been knocked from their stage of action. On July i, our
Color-Sergeant was shot from a tree after our line had passed
beneath the tree where he was located. July 3, three more
fell in response to a volley through tree tops, and on July 14,
while waiting the hand to reach the hour for the bombardment
of the city, one of the scoundrels deliberately ascended a tree
3TO RHVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
in plain view of, and within two hundred yards of, our line.
It was a good thing that the white flag for surrender appeared
before the hour to commence firing, otherwise Spain would
have had at least one less to haggle with on account of back-
pay.
To locate a sharpshooter using smokeless powder among the
dense tropical growth may be compared with "looking for a
needle in a haystack."
The killed and wounded in battle present a scene well cal-
culated to move the most callous. Men shot and lacerated in
every conceivable manner ; some are expressionless ; some just
as they appeared in life; while others are pinched and drawn
and otherwise distorted, portraying agony in her most dis-
tressful state. Of the wounded, in their anguish, some are
perfectly quiet; others are heard praying; some are calling for
their mothers, while others are giving out patriotic utterances,
urging their comrades on to victory, or bidding them farewell
as they pass on to the front. July i, in passing a wounded
comrade, he told me that he could whip the cowardly Spaniard
who shot him, in a fair fist fight.
During the first day's battle many interesting sights were
witnessed. The new calibre 30 Catling guns were in action.
These cruel machines were peppering away several hundred
shots each per minute and sweeping their front from right to
left, cutting down shrubbery and Spaniards like grain before
the reaper. I observed the excellent service of the Hotchkiss
Mountain gun ; they certainly do their work to perfection and
well did the Dons know it. Many shots fired into the "blind
ditches and blockhouses" of the enemy caused them to scatter
like rats. These guns use a percussion shell nearly two inches,
and can be packed on mules. They were designed for light
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 271
service with cavalry on the frontier. Four of these "iittle
beauties were manned by men of the Tenth Cavalry. The
Spanish made it so hot for the boys that they would have to
roll the gun under cover to load, and then steal it back to fire.
I saw one of our light batteries of artillery go in position
under fire at the foot of San Juan Hill. The movement was
swiftly and skillfully executed. A most interesting- feature
of this was to see the Caissons, drawn by six magnificent
horses, off for ammunition. Three drivers to each outfit, one
to each pair of horses; all plying the whip at every jump,
would remind you of a Roman chariot race coming around on
their last heat.
Wheeled vehicles of war suffer more than other troops, on
account of their stationary positions. It is here that the
dreaded sharpshooter comes in for glory, by picking off the
gunners and other individuals.
Pack trains were seen dashing along the line with that al-
ways absolutely essential — ammunition — thereby gladdening
the hearts of the boys who were doing their utmost to expend
every round in their belts to gain another foot of Spanish ter-
ritory.
During all these stirring events the stomachs of the real
heroes were not neglected, and most certainly not along our
part of the line. Pack mules were brought right up to the
line under a hot fire, loaded with sugar, coffee, bacon and
hardtack, all of which was in plenty. Some of the mules were
killed and wounded, but this did not retard the advance of the
train. When near the firing line some one called, "Whose
rations?" A prompt reply, "Hungry soldiers."
The daring horseman was all that was needed to make the
situation complete. Without participation of cavalry, the
2 72 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
ideal warrior disappears from the scene, and the battle and
picture of war is robbed of its most attractive feature.
Late in the afternoon, July i, I was directed to take Sad-
dler Sergeant Smith and bring to the firing line all the men I
could find of the regiment. Going to the dressing station, col-
lected those who had brought or assisted wounded there,
thence across a portion of the field passed over a few hours
jtrevious. Men were found almost exhausted, soaking wet, or
a solid mass of mud, resting as comfortably as if in the finest
of beJs; many of them had been on picket duty all night be-
fore, to which was added the hard day's work not then com-
pleted. After locating all I could, we went to the crest of the
San Juan Hill, to the left of the sunken road, where the First
U. S, Cavalry was reforming, and there picked up a few more
who had joined that regiment.
The Tenth Cavalry having in the meantime taken another
position, I set out to find it, going in front, telling Smith to
bring up the rear. We were detained a short time near Sunken
Roads by shells from Cervera's fleet, which were falling in it at
a lively rate. Barbed wire prevented us from "running the
gauntlet." Shortly after crossing the road an officer passed
us, his horse pushed to his utmost, telling us to take all the am-
munition that we possibly could on the firing line. About that
instant, the pack train came thundering by, which we re-
lieved of a few thousand rounds in short order. I was much
amused at one of the men who innocently asked, "Where are
we to get axes to burst these strong boxes?" The job was
speedily accomplished before the boxes were on the ground
good, and most certainly in less time than it would have taken
to explain matters to the inexperienced. We were soon off
2gain, tramping all over the country, through darkness, run-
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 273
iiing into wire entanglements, outposts and pickets, and within
fifty yards of the enemy (subsequently ascertained).
About 11.00 P. M. found Colonel Roosevelt a few hundred
yards from the Spanish lines with some of my regiment, the
First Cavalry, and Rough Riders, at work on trenches, where
we reported. All seemed glad to have my little reinforcement,
about 65 men, and ammunition. I never felt so relieved ar
anything as I did to get that herculean task off my hands, a
job as hard as working a problem in the third book of Euclid.
The men were so tired that they would lie down at every stop
to find the right road or the way out of the wire entangle-
ments constantly encountered. I have never seen in a book
anything to equal the Spanish wire entanglements. Barbed
wire was stretched in every nook and corner, through streams,
grass, and from two inches to six feet in height, and from a
corkscrew to a cable in design. It takes the nerve of a circus
man to get men along when they are so exhausted that every
place feels alike to them, and that they w^ould gladly give
away Mr. Jim Hill's fortune if they possessed it, for a few
hours' sleep.
On arrival at the front, lunch was about over or just ready.
Lieutenant E. D. Anderson (loth Cavalry) gave me two and
one-half hardtacks from his supply, which he carried in his
bosom. I was soon down for a little rest; all desultory fir-
ing had ceased ; the pick and the shovel were the only things to
disturb the quietude of that anxious night. Had been down
but a short time when aroused by one of the Rough Riders,
who had some rice and meat in an ammunition box which he
brought from the captured blockhouse. The meat was un-
doubtedly mule, as the longer I chewed it the larger and more
spongy it got, and were it not for the fact that I had had
18
2/4 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
some experience in the same line many years before in Mexico
while in pursuit of hostile Indians, I would certainly have ac-
cused our best friends (Rough Riders) of feeding us rubber.
I made another effort for a little sleep, and was again aroused
by some one passing around hardtack, raw bacon, etc., with in-
structions as to where to go to cook it. I thanked him and
carefully laid it aside to resume my nap. At 2.40 A. M. the
pickets were having such a lively set to, that I thought the gen-
eral engagement was on. It was at this time I discovered
that I was shivering cold, and that my teeth were rattling equal
to a telegraph sounder; so under the circumstances, I con-
cluded not to try for any more sleep. The dew was falling
thick and heavy; no coat, no blanket, top shirt torn in strips
from the brush, and undershirt wet and in my pack, thrown oft'
on coming into battle.
Early July 22nd the artillery took position on our left.
Pickets kept up firing from 2.40 A. M. until 5.25, when the
engagement became general. Shortly after 6.00 A. M. our
artillery opened on the Spanish works, who promptly returned
the compliment. During the firing the Dons exploded a shell
in the muzzle of one of our pieces. Adjutant Barnum fell at
6.30 A. M. ; his wound was promptly dressed, when I started
to the Division Hospital with him. Though seriously hurt, I
have never seen a better natured man. While en route, we
laid him down to eat a can of salmon found in the road. In re-
sponse to his query, "What's up, Sergeant?" the salmon was
passed him; he helped himself, no further questions were
asked, and the journey was resumed. Oh arrival at the hospi-
tal he was quickly examined and placed on a comfortable cot.
Many of the attendtns were completely played-out from over-
work,
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 275
A visit to a field hospital will have a lasting place in your
memory. Every way you turn, amid the cries and groans,
you get a beck or call to ease this, or hand me that, and one
feels badly because of his inability to extend them material aid
in their sufferings.
On returning to the front, I found the regiment as hotly
engaged as v.hen I left it some hours before. As the fighting
was from trenches, many of our men were wounded by shells.
Sharpshooters were on hand as usual. I was sent to the Cap-
tain of Troop E, under the crest of the hill, with orders to dig
an approach to one of the enemy's trenches, evacuated the day
before ; also to bury some of their dead. While delivering the
order, it being necessary to get very close on account of the
noise, one of those ever vigilant sharpshooters put a bullet be-
tween our faces. The Captain asked me to cut the wire fence
so his troops could get through more rapidly; while telling me,
another bullet passed so close as to disturb the Captain's
mustache. He took it good-naturedly, only remarking as he
smiled, "Pretty close, Sergeant-Major!"
Firing ceased about 8 P. M. After all had had supper we
changed position further to the right, where work on trenches
was resumed. About 10.30 P. M. the Spaniards made an at-
tack upon our lines, and I have never before or since seen such
terrific firing; the whole American line, which almost encircled
the city, was a solid flame of fire. The enemy's artillery re-
plied, also their much-praised "Mausers," but to no avail; they
had opened the ball, but Uncle Sam's boys did not feel like
yielding one inch of the territory so dearly bought.
About midnight all hands were aroused by the dynamite
cruiser Vesuvius "coughing" for the Dons. The roar was so
great that it seemed to shake the whole island. To the unin-
276 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
itiated it would appear that some one had taken a few moun-
tains several miles up in a balloon and thrown them down.
July 3. Firing by pickets commenced very early, and quite
heavy, at 5.40 A. M. Terrific cannonading to the seaward
was heard between 9 and 10 A. M. As there was some talk of
the enemy making a sortie, all eyes were open. Dirt began
falling in the pits from the jar, bells could be heard tolling in
the city, and steam whistles in the harbor. There was much
speculation as to what was in progress. I'll say that there
were many glad hearts when the news reached us that Samp-
son's fleet zvas King of the Seas. At 12 M. all firing was or-
dered off, for flag of truce to enter the Spanish lines. When
the order for cease firing was given, one of the troopers laid
his gun upon the parapet and remarked that he "would not
take $2000 for his experience, but did not want a cent's worth
more." Work on bomb-proofs and breast works was contiii-
ued incessantly until news of the surrender reached us.
July 4. Flag of truce all day ; national and regimental colors
placed on parapets. At noon the regiment paraded, and all
hearts cheered by the patriotic telegram of the Commander-in-
Chief — His Excellency, President McKinley. Refugees, in
droves, could be seen leaving for several days^ notice of bom-
bardment having been served on the city.
July 5. There was much excitement when Lieutenant Hob-
son and party crossed our lines.
During truce, the monotony was broken occasionally by the
presence of Spanish soldiers in quest of something to eat or
desiring to surrender.
Truce was off July 10 at 4 P. M. Bombardment of the city
commenced by the army and navy combined, which continued
until 2 P. M. nth. Catling, dynamite, rapid-firino- and Hotch-
REVIEW AND REFLECtlONS 277
kiss guns were so well trained that the Dons scarcely dared to
raise their heads, and their firing was soon silenced. During
the attack our part of the line suffered no loss. While occupy-
ing these works, it was discovered that the gun of the enemy
that annoyed ns most icas quite near a large building covered
zvith Red Cross flags.
During the truce all of our dead were located and buried.
It was sad, indeed, to see the vultures swarming like flies,
when we knew so well their prey.
Though prepared to, several time?, no shots were exchanged
after July ii, and all was quiet until date of capitulation. The
hardest rain ever witnessed, accompanied by terrific thunder
and lightning, was on the last day of the engagement.
Trenches were flooded and everything appeared as a sea.
July 17, at 9 A. M., the regiment, with the remainder of the
army, was assembled over the trenches to witness the formal
surrender of General Toral, with the Spanish forces. Owing
to the dense tropical growth, and its similarity in color to
their clothing, little or nothing could be seen, beyond the straw
hats of the Dons, as they marched through the jungles. At
12 M., we were again placed in the same position, to salute
"Old Glory" as she ascended over the Governor's palace in the
city, which was told by Capron's battery U. S. Artillery. At
the first shot, every individual tested his lungs to their fullest
capacity, bands of music playing national airs.
Spanish soldiers were soon over our lines, trading off swords,
wine, cigarettes and trinkets for hard tack and bacon. This
soon ended, as there were positive orders against our fraterniz-
ing. The Spaniards were a fine looking lot of young men;
though generally small in stature, and were very neat and
clean, considering. The officers were an intelligent and digni-
278 REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
fied looking set. The Dons were away ahead on ammunition.^
and away behind on eatables. A few musty, hard tack, thrown
in our trenches, were devoured like so much fresh beef, by so
many hungry wolves.
Campaigning in the tropics entails many hardships, though
unavoidable and only to be expected, in war. War is horrible
in any aspect in which it may be viewed. Even those features
of it intended to be merciful, are full of harshness and rigor;
and after all, fighting is the easiest part.
As the capitulation was complete, and Santiago was our's,
we were ordered to change camp to a more healthful localit_v,
with a view to allowing the men to recuperate. While en route
iiany refugees were met returning to the city, men and wo-
•nen, with the scantiest clothing imaginable; large children
even worse — in a nude state — all were making signs for some-
thing to eat.
In passing through El Caney, filth of all descriptions was
piled up in the streets; stock was seen standing inside dwell-
ings with occupants; young and old were emaciated — walk-
ing skeletons; children with stomachs bloated to thrice their
natural size — due to the unsanitary condition of the huts, so
I was informed.
The bare facts are, that "half has never been told" regard-
ing the true condition of the Cubans, and it is truly a God-
send that "Uncle Sam" was not delayed another day in letting
the Don's breathe a little of nature's sweetest fragrance of the
nineteenth century — Civilization.
The portion of the island I saw appears to be a beautiful
park deserted and laid waste by the lavish application of the
torch for many years. Magnificent mansions, or dwellings, in
ruins ; habitation scant, except near towns.
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS 279
There were no domestic animals, except a few for saddle
purposes, nor were there crops to be seen. No use whatever
appears to be made of the luxuriant pasturage and rich fields.
Sugar houses and sheds on plantations are in a state of decay,
and the huge kettles for boiling deeply coated with rust.
The climate of Cuba offers all the essentials, heat, moisture
and organic matter, for the deveLopment of germ life in its
most active form.
The great heat and moisture, so excellent for the develop-
ment of infected wounds, and for the rapid decomposing of the
heavy undergrowth cannot, I believe, be exceeded anywhere.
Tlte frequent tropical showers, invariably followed by a hot
steam, along with which germs seem to float ; the consequent
exposure of the men to that glaring heat and moisture, low-
ered the general tone of the system so that they were especially
liable to attacks of miasmatic diseases (malarial and typhoid
fevers and dysentery.)
Owing to the dense humidity, clothing does not dry so long
as it remains on the person, but must be rerrtoved, a condition
that was absolutely impossible for many days on the field be-
fore Santiago. To this alone, much of our sickness may be
attributed.
Our new camp, pitched on the eminence of El Caney. about
one and one-half miles from the village, overlooking the city
and bay of Santiago, with its excellent water, shade, grass,
and increased comforts, which were daily shipped from our
transports, presented a scene far more conciliatory than had
been witnessed about the Tenth Horse for many days.
2So
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
MEDALS OF HONOR AND CERTIFICATES
MERIT GRANTED TO COLORED SOLDIERS
FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICES IN
THE CUBAN CAMPAIGN.
OFFICIAL.
MEDALS OF HONOR.
OF
Name.
Rank iRe{i;iment. Troop or Co.
Bell, Dennis Pvt.
Lee, Fitz Pvt.
Tompkins, Wm. H. Pvt.
Wanton, Geo. H. |?vt.
10th Cav. Troop H.
1 10th Cav. !Troop M.
,10th Cav. iTroop M.
llOth Cav. Troop M.
Remarks.
For gallantry in action at
Tayabacoa, Cuba,
June 30, 1898.
CERTIFICATES OF MERIT.
Name.
Rank.
Regiment.
Troop or Co.
Remarks.
Bates, James
Pvt.
9th Cav.
Troop H.
Crosby, Scott
Pvt.
24th Inf.
Comp. A.
Davis, Edward
Pvt.
9th Cav.
Troop H.
Elliott, J.
Sergt.
10th Cav.
Troop D.
Fasit, Benjamin
Sergt.
10th Cav.
Troop E.
Gaither, O.
Q.M. Sergt
10th Cav.
Troop E.
Goff, G. W.
Sergt.
9th Cav.
Troop B.
Graham, J.
Sergt.
10th Cav.
Troop E.
Hagen, Abram
Corp.
24th Inf.
Comp. G.
Herbert, H. T.
Corp.
10th Cav.
Troop E.
Houston, Adam
1st Sergt.
10th Cav.
Troop C.
Jackson, J.
1st Sergt.
9th Cav.
Troop C.
Jackson, Elisha
Sergt.
9th Cav.
Troop H.
Ja kson, Peter
Corp.
24th Inf.
Comp. G.
Jefferson, C- W.
1st Sergt.
9th Cav.
Troop B.
McCoun, P.
1st Sergt.
10th Cav.
Troop E.
Moore, Loney
Pvt.
24th Inf.
Comp. A.
Oden, Oscar
Musician
10th Cav.
Payne, William
Sergt.
10th Cav.
Troop E.
Pumphrey, Geo. W
Corp.
9th Cav.
Troop H.
yatchell, James
Se gt.
24th Inf.
Comp. A.
Smith, L.
Pvt.
10th Cav.
Troop D.
Thornton, William
Corp.
24th Inf.
Comp. G.
Walker, J.
Corp.
10th Cav.
Troop D.
Williams, John T.
Sergt.
24th Inf
Comp. G.
Williams, R.
Corp.
24th Inf.
Comp. B.
Besides the Certificates of Merit and Medals of Honor,
mentioned above, and the promotions to commissions in the
volunteer services, there were some instances of promotion to
REVIEW AND REFLECTIONS
281
non-commissioned officers' positions of men in the ranks or
junior grade for conspicuous gallantry. Notably among such
were Benjamin F. Sayre, of the Twenty-fourth, promoted to
Sergeant-Ma j or for gallantry at San Juan, and Private James
W. Peniston, of the Tenth Cavalry, promoted to Squadron
Sergeant-Major for conspicuous bravery at Las Guasimas,
Others there may be whose names are not available at this
time.
282 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS
CHAPTER XL
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS.
The Ninth Ohio Battalion — Eighth Illinois — Twenty-third Kansas —
Third North Carolina — Sixth Virginia — Third Alabama— The Im-
munes.
The return of the army and the repatriation of the Spanish
army from Cuba, brought before the country for immediate
solution the problem of garrisoning that island ; and in a very
short time the question of similar nature regarding Porto
Rico. Ten regiments of immunes had been organized in the
volunteer service partly in anticipation of such a situation.
Four of these regiments were composed of colored enlisted
men. The regiments were classed as United States Volunteer
Infantry, and were numbered from one to ten, the Seventh,
Eighth, Ninth and Tenth being colored.
Of these four colored regiments the officers above first lieu-
tenants were white men, except the chaplains, and in some
cases the surgeons. Very little care had been taken in enlist-
ing the men, as it was important to get the regiments in the
field as soon as possible; yet of them as a whole General
Breckinridge, Inspector-General, speaks as follows : "The
colored regiments of immunes, so called, raised for this war,
have turned out, so far a«* can be judged from their camp life
(as none of them have been in any actual campaign), very
satisfactory. The regular colored regiments won golden opin-
ions in battle. The experiment of having so many colored offi-
cers has not yet shown its full results. Certainly we should
have the best obtainable officers for our volunteers, and there-
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 283
fore some such men as Colonel Young, who is a graduate of
the Military Academy at West Point, whether white or black,
must be sought for."
Besides these four colored regiments of immunes, so-called,
there were other State organizations composed entirely of
colored men, mustered into the United States service, as for
example the Ninth Battalion of the Ohio National Guard.
This organization was composed of four companies, with col-
ored captains and lieutenants, the staff officers also being col-
ored, the commanding officer of the battalion being Major
Young, who was a first lieutenant in the Regular Army, a
graduate from the Military Academy, and an officer of ex-
perience. He is the person referred to as Colonel Young by
General Breckinridge, cited just above. This battalion, al-
though not permitted to do any active campaigning, main-
tained itself well in that most trying of all duties for raw
troops — camp duty — winning a good record in the South as
well as in the North, having been stationed in Virginia, Penn-
sylvania and lastly in South Carolina; from which latter
place it was mustered out, and the men proceeded to their
homes in an orderly manner, reflecting credit upon themselves
and the officers under whom they had served. This organiza-
tion is mentioned first, because it was the only one of its kind
commanded by a Regular Army officer, and a man who had
received scientific military training.*
Two of these volunteer regiments, the Eighth Illinois and
the Twenty-third Kansas, reached Cuba and made history
there, in garrison service, coming in direct contact with the
Ninth Immunes, and in no sense suffering in comparison there-
*See "Outline History of the Ninth (Separate) Battalion Ohio Volun-
teer Infantry," by the Battalion Adjutant, Lieutenant Nelson Ballard,
following the close of this chapter.
«84 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS
to. The Eighth Illinois being the first to go to the front, in a
sense deserves to be noticed here first. This remarkable regi-
ment was developed out of the Ninth Battalion, Illinois Na-
tional Guard, and owes its origin to the persistent efforts of
Messrs. John R. Marshall, Robert R. Jackson, Franklin Den-
nison, E. H. Wright, Rev. R. C. Ransom, Rev. J. W. Thomas,
S. B. Turner and doubtless many others whose names do not
appear. These gentlemen named called upon the Governor of
their State the next day after the President had issued his
call for 175,000 volunteers, and received from that official the
assurance that if another call should be made they should have
the opportunity to recruit their battalion to a regiment, and
that he would "call that regiment first into the service," and
"that every officer in that regiment will be a colored man."
After receiving this encouragement, the leaders began at
once the work of organizing and recruiting, and when the
second call came. May 25th, the regiment was well under way,
and soon ready to go into camp to prepare for service. On
June 30th it assembled in Springfield from the following
places : Seven hundred men from Chicago ; one hundred and
twenty from Cairo; a full company from Quincy, and smaller
numbers from Mound City, Metropolis and Litchfield, and
nearly a company from Springfield. The regiment was sworn
in during the latter half of July, the muster roll showing
1,195 men and 46 officers, every one of whom was of African
descent except one private in a Chicago company.
Of these forty-six officers, ten hdd received college educa-
tion, six were lawyers, and the others were educated in the
public schools, or had served in the Regular Army as non-com-
missioned officers. Many of them were directly from Illinois,
that is in the sense of having been born and reared in the
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 285
State, and were fully accustomed to the full exercise of their
rights as men and citizens. In character and intelligence the
official element of the Eighth was about up to the standard oi
the volunteer army, as events subsequently proved.
Going into camp with the Ninth, vv^hite, this latter reigment,
early in August, received an order to move to a Southern
camp en route for Cuba, leaving the Eighth behind, greatly to
the chagrin of both officers and men. Governor Tanner was
evidently disturbed by this move, and expressed himself in the
following language : "Even from the very doors of the White
House have I received letters asking and advising me not to
officer this regiment with colored men, but I promised to do so,
and I have done it. I shall never rest until I see this regiment
— my regmient — on the soil of Cuba, battling for the right and
for its kinsmen."
Later the misfortunes of the First Illinois proved the op-
portunity of the Eighth. This regiment was in Cuba, suffer-
ing terribly with the fever, the men going down under its
effects so rapidly that the Colonel in command implored Gov-
ernor Tanner "to use all influence at Washington to secure
the immediate recall of the First Illinois." When the Gover-
nor received this message he sent for Colonel Marshall, of the
Eisfhth, and asked him to ascertain the sentiments of the offi-
cers and men of his regiment in regard to being sent to re-
lieve the First. On the 4th day of August Colonel Marshall
was able to send to Washington the following dispatch :
"H. C. Corbin, Adjutant-General : —
"I called the officers of the Eighth Illinois, colored, in con-
ference and they are unanimously and enthusiastically in favor
of being sent to relieve the First Illinois at Santiago."
To this hearty dispatch came the following reply :
"The Secretary of War appreciates very much the offer 01
the Eighth Illinois Volunteer Infantry for duty in Santiago,
286 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS
and has directed that the regiment be sent there by steamer
Yale, leaving New York next Tuesday. The main trouble
with our troops now in Cuba is that they are suffering from
exhaustion and exposure incident to one of the most trying
campaigns to which soldiers have ever been subjected."
"H. C. CORBIN,
"Adjutant-General."
This action on the part of the regiment is said to have so
pleased the President that on hearing it he declared it was the
proudest moment of his life.
On the 9th of August the regiment left Springfield, and
in passing through Illinois and Ohio was greeted with the most
generous enthusiasm, the people supplying the men with free
lunches at every station. This was the period when the sym-
pathy of the whole country was turned toward the colored sol-
dier in consequence of the reports of valor and heroism that
had been circulated concerning the black regulars. On the
afternoon of the nth the Yale cast off her lines, and with the
first American Negro regiment that the world has ever seen,
steamed out of New York harbor amid the ringing of bells
and shrieks of steam whistles, and four days later, August 15,
landed in Cuba. The regiment remained in Cuba until March
10, perfoming garrison duty so well that General Brecken-
ridge said it was "as fine a volunteer regiment as was ever
mustered into the service," and that it was "a shame to mus-
ter out of service such an excellent regiment."
The Twenty-third Kansas, made up in that State and offi-
cered as was the Eighth Illinois, by men of the same race, with
the enlisted men, arrived in Cuba August 30, and in company
with the Eighth Illinois Regiment, was stationed in the coun-
try about San Luis, with headquarters at that place. Colonel
Marshall, of the Illinois Regiment, serving as commander of
the post, and also as Governor of the Province of San Luis.
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 287
A detachment of the iniiiois Regiment, under command of
Major Jackson, was sent to Palma Soriana, and did excellent
work there in the preservation of order between the Cubans
and Spaniards, who were living together in that place in out-
ward peace but in secret resentful hostility. Major Jackson
managed affairs so well that both parties came to admire him,
and when he was called away expressed their regret. Captain
Roots, who commanded the post after the departure of Major
Jackson, was equally fortunate, especially with the Cubans,
and when it was thought his command was to be removed, the
citizens generally united in a petition to the General com-
manding, asking that both the Captain and his command might
remain in the city. The fact is also noted by the chroniclers
of the regiment that several marriages took place in Palma
Soriana between soldiers of the Eighth Illinois and Cuban
maidens.
The Eighth Regiment was finally settled in San Luis, oc-
cupying the old Spanish barracks and arsenal, and under Col-
onel Marshall's supervision the city was put in fine sanitary
condition, streets and yards being carefully policed; mean-
while under the reign of order and peace which the Colonel's
just methods established, confidence prevailed, business re-
vived' and the stagnation which had so long hung like a fog
over the little city, departed, and in its stead came an era of
bustling activity.
All was peaceful and prosperous, both with the citizens and
the garrison, until the Ninth United States Volunteers came
in the vicinity. Then a difficulty sprang up in which both regi-
ments became involved, although it was in no sense serious,
but it afforded a pretext for the removal of the Eighth Illinois
from the city. The event turned out all the better for the
l88 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS
Eighth, as it enabled them to establish Camp Marshall, about
three miles from the city, iji a healthy neighborhood, where
they remained until ordered home to be mustered out. The
regiment came back to Chicago in fine condition and was ten-
dered an enthusiastic welcome by that great city. Thus two
entire regiments represented the country abroad in this, its
first, foreign war with a European power.
It should also be recorded that although the Ninth United
States Volunteers was composed of persons who were classed
as immune, and had come chiefly from Louisiana, and not-
withstanding that the officers of the regiment above lieuten-
ants were white men, and the colonel an officer of the Regular
Army of long experience, and was specially praised by so
good a sanitarian as General Wood for having been constant
and untiring in his efforts to look after the welfare of his
men, and that the surgeons of the regiment were white men,
that deaths among the colored men numbered one officer and
seventy-three enlisted men. In striking contrast with this rec-
ord of the immune regiment is that of the Eighth Illinois,
which was made up entirely of residents of that State and offi-
cered throughout by colored men. Its medical officers were
men of high character, and its losses by death w^ere just
twenty, or but little over one-fourth the number that occurred
in the immune regiment. An efficient auxiliary society to
this regiment was formed of colored ladies of Chicago who
forwarded to the sick in Cuba more than six hundred dol-
lars worth of well chosen supplies, which did much for the
comfort of those in the hospital; but this would not account
for the great difference in the death rate of the two regi-
ments. Though not immune, the Eighth Illinois fared very
much better than the so-called immune regiment, although
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 2S9
the latter had the benefit of white officers. The experience
of the Twenty-third Kansas did not differ in any important
respect from that of the Eighth IlHnois. Both regiments re-
turned to their homes in March, 1899, and were mustered out
of the service, leaving behind them good records for efficiency.
The Sixth Virginia Regiment consisted of eight companies
and was ur.der command of Lieutenant-Colonel Richard C.
Croxton, of the Regular Army, white, with Majors J. B.
Johnson and W. H. Johnson, colored. It was mustered into,
service during the latter part of the summer and w'ent into
camp near Knoxville, Tennessee. Here an order came from
Corps Headquarters, at Lexington, Kentucky, directing that
nine of the officers, including one major, should appear be-
fore a board of examiners in order to give evidence of their
fitness to command. The officers named, regarding this as un-
called for, immediately tendered their resignations. The va-
cancies thus created were filled by the Governor of the State,
the appointees being white men. These white officers on ar-
riving at the camp and finding themselves unwelcome, im-
mediately followed in the wake of their colored predecessors,
and tendered their resignations.
The difficulties arising from this friction were somehow ad-
justed, but in what manner the reports available at this time
do not show. Moving to Macon, Georgia, the regiment re-
mained in the service until some time in the winter, w'hen it
was mustered out. Much was said by the local papers to the
detriment of the men composing this regiment, but viewing
their action from the standpoint of the civilian and citizen, it
does not appear reprehensible. They had volunteered w'ith
the understanding that their own officers, officers with whom
they were well acquainted, and in wdiose friendship they hek]
19
290 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS
a place, should command them, and when they saw these ofifi-
cers displaced and white strangers put in their stead, they felt
a pardonable indignation, and took their own way of express-
ing it. As soldiers, their conduct in resisting authority, can-
not be commended.
The Third North Carolina Volunteer Infantry was or-
ganized as were the regiments of Illinois and Kansas, above
described. The officers of the North Carolina Regiment were
all colored men of that State and were men of character and
note. Its commanding officer. Colonel Young, had held re-
sponsible positions under both State and National Govern-
ments, had been editor of a paper and member of the State
Legislature and Major in the State militia. In character, he
was above reproach, being a strict teetotaler and not even
using tobacco. The regiment made a good record, but did not
see any active service.
A peculiar regiment was organized in Alabama, known as
the Third Alabama Volunteer Infantry, in which the enlisted
men were all colored and the officers all white. The regiment
saw no service and attracted no attention outside of its im-
mediate locality.
Two companies of colored men with colored captains were
also mustered into the United States service from Indiana,
and finally attached to Colonel Huggins' command, although
not becoming a part of his regiment, the Eighth Immunes.
They were stationed at Fort Thomas, Ky., and at Chicka-
mauga, and were mustered out early. Their officers were men
of intelligence who had acquired experience by several years'
service in the militia, and the companies were exceptionally
well drilled. They were designated Companies A and B and
were commanded by Captains Porter and PucK'ner, with Lieu-
tenant Thomas as Quartermaster,
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 29I
The organization of the four immune regiments, already
mentioned, gave opportunity for ninety-six colored men to
obtain commissions as lieutenants. A few of these positions
were seized upon by influential young white men, who held
them, but with no intention of ever serving in the regiments,
as they found staff positions much more congenial to their
tastes. The colored men who were appointed lieutenants in
these regiments were generally either 5''0ung men of ability
and influence who had assisted in getting up their companies,
and who in many cases had received some elementary military
instruction as cadets in school, or men who had distinguished
themselves by efficiency or gallantry in the Regular Army.
Some exceptions there were, of course, and a few received
commissions in consequence of personal friendship and politi-
cal considerations. Before these regiments were mustered out
of the service about one-half of the lieutenants were men from
the Regular Army.
I am sure the reader will be pleased to learn that Sergeants
Foster, Buck and Givens, whose deeds in Cuba have already
been related, were rewarded with commissions, and that the
gallant Thomas C. Butler, who rushed forward from his com-
pany's line and seized the Spanish standard at El Caney, was
afterward permitted to serve in Cuba with the rank of a com-
missioned officer. Besides those named above, there were
others also of marked ability and very respectable attainments
who received commissions on general merit, as well as for gal-
lantry. Chief among the class promoted for efficiency was
First Lieutenant James R. Gillespie, formerly Post Quarter-
master-Sergeant. Gillespie had served several years in the
Tenth Cavalry and had proved himself an excellent soldier.
Both in horsemanship end as marksman he was iip to thg
292 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS
standard, while his character and business quahfications were
such as to secure for him a staff position of responsibihty. As
Quartermaster-Sergeant he held positions of important posts
and filled them wnth great satisfaction. Because of his effi-
ciency as a soldier he was given a commission as First Lieu-
tenant and executed the duties of his office with the same
ability that had marked his career as an enlisted man. From
the Tenth Cavalry also came First Lieutenant Baker, whose
commission was a tribute to his fidelity and efficiency. A sol-
dier of high type he bore his commission and its honors as
worthily as any son of our Republic. In the same category
must be placed First Lieutenant Wm. McBryer, formerly Ser-
geant in the Twenty-fifth Infantry. McBryer had served in
the Tenth Cavalry and had won a Medal of Honor in conflict
with the Indians. He w^as a soldier distinguished by strength
Df character, prompt executiveness, quick decision and cour-
age. He was also possessed of considerable literary skill, was
a good speaker and attractive writer, and a man of fine parts.
He was a valuable acquisition to the volunteer service and
would have made a fine captain.
Of the colored sergeants from the Regular Army who were
given commissions in the volunteer service it would not be ex-
travagant to say that all were men of worth, well-tried in the
service, and there was scarcely one of them but could have
successfully commanded a company. Lieutenant A. J. Smith,
formerly First Sergeant in the Tw^enty-fifth Infantry, was so
well informed in the paper work of the army and in com-
pany administration particularly that he was regarded as an
authority, and he w^as so well experienced in the whole life of
a soldier, in camp, field, garrison and in battle, that it would
have been difficult to find his superior in the army. To the
THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS 293
credit of all of the enlisted men of the Regular Army referred
to, who received commissions in the volunteer service, all
served honorably and were mustered out without bringing any
scandal of any sort upon the service.
The colored volunteers in the service acquitted themselves
as well as the average volunteer, and when mustered out pro-
ceeded to their homes about as others did. The treatment ac-
corded them in some of the Southern cities, especially in
Nashville, Tennessee, did not speak well for the loyalty of that
section, nor was it such as might reasonably be expected from
a people who had fared so well in the offices and honors of the
short war. From the best sources available, it seems incum-
bent to say that the many charges alleged against the colored
volunteers for excessive rioting and disorder were without
proper foundation, and the assaults made upon them unjus-
tifiable and cruel. The spirit of the assailants is best seen
from a description of the attack made upon the unarmed dis-
charged soldiers of the Eighth Immuners in Nashville, already
alluded to. This description was made by the sheriff who
participated in the brutality. An officer who was on the
train, and who was asleep at the time, when aroused went into
the car where the men were and found that they had been
beaten and robbed, and in some instances their discharges
taken from them and torn up, and their weapons and money
taken from them by citizens. It was about one o'clock A. M.
and the men were generally asleep when attacked. The sheriff
gloats over it in language which ought not be allowed to dis-
appear :
"It was the best piece of work I ever witnessed. The police
went to the depot, not armed with the regulation 'billy,' but
carrying stout hickory clubs about two and one-half feet long.
294 THE COLORED VOLUNTEERS
Their idea was that a mahogany or Hgniim vitae billy was too
costly a weapon to be broken over a Negro's head. The police
were on board the train before it stopped even, and the way
they went for the Negroes was inspiring. The police tolerated
no impudence, much less rowdyism, from the Negroes, and if
a darky even looked mad, it was enough for some policeman
to bend his club double over his head. In fact after the police
finished with them they were the meekest, mildest, most polite
set of colored men I ever saw." This language is respectfully
dedicated to the memory of the proud city of Nashville, and
presents to the readers the portrait of her police.
Despite this vile treatment, the colored soldier went on to
his home, ready again to respond to his country's call, and to
rally to the defence of his country's flag, and, incidentally,
to the preservation of the lives and homes of the misguided,
heartless beings who can delight in his sufferings. The
hickory club belongs to one sort of warrior ; the rifle to quite
another. The club and rifle represent different grades of civi-
lization. The Negro has left the club; the language from
Nashville does honor to the club. Billy and bully are the
theme of this officer of the law, and for a "darkey even to look
mad" is ample justification for "some policeman to bend his
club double over his head." Were these policemen rioters?
Or were they conservaters of the peace? Judge ye!
OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 295
OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE NINTH (SEPARATE)
BATTALION, OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY.
By the Battalion Adjutant, Lieutenant Wilson Ballard,
The Ninth Battalion, Ohio Volunteer Infantry, the only col-
ored organization from Ohio in the Volunteer Army during
the war with Spain, was, previous to the date of its muster
into the United States service, known as the Ninth Battalion,
Ohio National Guard. April 25th, 1898, the battalion, con-
sisting of three companies, A from Springfield, under Captain
R. R. Rudd; B from Columbus, under Captain James Hop-
kins, and C from Xenia, under Captain Harry H. Robinson,
was ordered into camp at Columbus, Ohio. The battalion was
under the command of Major Charles Fillmore.
May 14, 1898, the battalion was mustered into the volunteer
service by Captain Rockefeller, U. S. A. Lieutenant Charles
Young, U. S. A., then on duty at Wilberforce University,
Wilberforce, Ohio, as professor of military science and tactics,
was commissioned by Governor Bushnell as Major command-
ing the Ninth Battalion, O. V. I., relieving Major Fillmore.
In order to enable Lieutenant Young to accept his volunteer
commission, he was granted an indefinite leave of absence by
the War Department.
May 19, 1898, the command having been ordered to join
the Second Army Corps at Camp Russell A. Alger, near Falls
Church, Va., left Camp Bushnell and arrived at Camp Alger
May 21, 1898.
When Major-General Graham assumed command of the
Second Army Corps and organized it into divisions, the bat-
talion was placed in the provisional division. In June (ex-
act date not remembered) the battalion was placed in the
Second Brigade, Second Division, being brigaded with the
Twelfth Pennsylvania and Seventh Illinois Regiments. The
battalion was relieved from the Second Brigade, Second Divis-
ion and placed in the Second Brigade, First Division, being
brigaded with the Eighth Ohio and Sixth Massachusetts.
A New Jersey regiment was relieved from duty as corps
296 OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY
headquarters' guard late in June and the Ninth BattaHon as-
signed to that duty. The battahon performed this duty until
it was ordered South from Camp Meade, Penn., when it be-
came separated from corps headquarters. Important outposts,
such as the entrance to Falls Church and the guarding of the
citizens' gardens and property, were under the charge of the
command.
When General Garretson's brigade (Second Brigade, Firs:
Division, consisting of the Eighth Ohio, Ninth Battalion and
Sixth Massachusetts) was ordered to Cuba, General Graham,
thinking that his entire Army Corps would soon be ordered to
active service, requested the War Department, as the battalion
was his headquarters guard, to let the battalion remain with
him. (See telegrams Gen. Graham's report to the Secretary
of War.) General Graham's request being honored by the de-
partment, the battalion was deprived of this chance of seeing
active service in foreign fields. The battalion was then at-
tached to the Second Brigade, Second Division, under Brig-
adier-General Plummer, being brigaded with the First New
Jersey, Sixty-fifth New York and Seventh Ohio.
In July the battalion was relieved from this brigade and
attached directly to corps headquarters. When the Second
Army Corps was ordered to Camp Meade, Penna., the bat-
talion was one of the first to break camp, going with corps
headquarters. The battalion left Camp R. A, Alger August
15, 1898, and arrived in camp at Camp George G. Meade,
near Middletown, Penna., August 16, 1898. In camp the bat-
talion occupied a position with the signal and ensfineer corps
and hospital, near corps headquarters.
When the Peace Jubilee was held in Philadelphia, the bat-
talion was one of the representative commands from the Sec-
ond Army Corps, being given the place of honor in the corps
in the parade, following immediately General Graham and
staff. When the corps was ordered South the battalion was
assigned to the Second Brigade under Brigadier-General
Ames. The battalion left Camp Meade November 17. Up to
this time it had done the guard duty of corps headquarters
and was complimented for its efHcient work by the com-
OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 297
maiiding general. The battalion arrived in Summerville, S.
C, November 21, 1898. It was brigaded with the Fourteenth
Pennsylvania and Third Connecticut.
When the battalion arrived in the South the white citizens
were not at all favorably disposed toward colored soldiers,
and it must be said that the reception was not cordial. But
by their orderly conduct and soldierly behavior the men
soon won the respect of all, and the battalion was well treated
before it left. November 28-29 Major Philip Reade, Inspec-
tor General First Division, Second Army Corps, inspected the
Ninth Battalion, beginning his duties in that brigade with this
inspection. He complimented the battalion for its work both
from a practical and theoretical standpoint. Coming to the
Fourteenth Pennsylvania he required them to go through cer-
tain movements in the extended order drill which not being
done entirely to his satisfaction, he sent his orderly to the
commanding officer of the Ninth Battalion, requesting him to
have his command on the drill ground at once. The battalion
fell in and marched to the ground and when presented to the
Inspector orders were given for it to go through with cer-
tain movements in the extended order drill in the presence of
the Pennsylvania regiment. This done, the Inspector dis-
missed the battalion, highly complimenting Major Young on
the efficiency of his command. Just after the visit of the In-
spector General, General S. B. M. Young, commanding the
Second Army Corps, visited Camp Marion. Orders were sent
to Major Young one morning to have his battalion fall in at
once, as the General desired to have them drill. By his com-
mand the battalion went through the setting-up exercises and
battalion drill in close and extended order. The General was
so well pleased with the drill that the battalion was exempted
from all work during the remainder of the day.
The battalion was ordered to be mustered out January 29,
1899. Lieutenant Geo. W. Van Deusen, First Artillery, who
was detailed to muster out the command, hardly spent fifteen
minutes in the camp. Major Young had been detailed As-
sistant Commissary of Musters and signed all discharges for
298
OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY
the Ninth Battalion, except for the field and staff, which were
signed by Lieutenant Van Deusen. The companies left for
their respective cities the same night they were paid. Major
Biillis was the paymaster.
COLORED OFFICERS ^99
CHAPTER XII.
COLORED OFFICERS.
By Captain Frank R. Steward, A. B., LL. B., Harvard, Forty-ninth
U. S. Volunteer Infantry — Appendix.
Of all the avenues open to American citizenship the com-
missioned ranks of the army and navy have been the stubborn-
est to yield to the newly enfranchised. Colored men have
filled almost every kind of public office or trust save the Chief
Magistracy. They have been members of both Houses of
Congress, and are employed in all the executive branches of
the Government, but no Negro has as yet succeeded in invad-
ing the commissioned force of the navy, and his advance in
the army has been exceedingly slight. Since the war, as has
been related, but three Negroes have been graduated from the
National Military Academy at West Point; of these one was
speedily crowded out of the service ; another reached the grade
of First Lieutenant and died untimely; the third. First Lieu-
tenant Charles Young, late Major of the 9th Ohio Battalion,
U. S. Volunteers, together with four colored Chaplains, con-
stitute the sole colored commissioned force of our Regular
Army.
Although Negroes fought in large numbers in both the
Revolution and the War of 18 12, there is no instance of any
Negro attaining or exercising the rank of commissioned offi-
cer. It is a curious bit of history, however, that in the Civil
War those who were fighting to keep colored men enslaved
were the first to commission colored officers. In Louisiana
3°° COLORED OFFICERS
but a few days after the outbreak of the war, the free col-
ored population of New Orleans organized a military organi-
zation, called the "Native Guard," which was accepted into
the service of the State and its officers were duly commis-
sioned by the Governor.*
These Negro soldiers were the first to welcome General
Butler when he entered New Orleans, and the fact of the or-
ganization of the "Native Guard" by the Confederates was
used by General Butler as the basis for the organization of
three colored regiments of "Native Guards," all the line offi-
cers of which were colored men. Governor Pinchback, who
was a captain in one of these regiments, tells the fate of these
early colored officers .
^Headquarters Department of the Gulf,
New Orleans, August 22, 1862.
General Orders No. 63.
"Whereas, on the 23d day of April, in the year eighteen hundred and
sixty-one, at a public meeting of the free colored population of the city
of New Orleans, a military organization, known as the 'Native Guards'
(colored), had its existence, which military organization was duly and
legally enrolled as a part of the militia of the State, its officers being
commissioned by Thomas O. Moore, Governor and Commander-in-
Chief of the militia of the State of Louisiana, in the form following,
that is to say:
The State of Louisiana,
(Seal of the State.)
By Thomas Overton Moore, Governor of the State of Louisiana,
and commander-in-chief of the militia thereof.
"'In the name and by the authority of the State of Louisiana: Know
ye that , having been duly and legally elected captain of the
"Native Guards" (colored), first division of the Militia of Louisiana,
to serve for the term of the war,
" 'I do hereby appoint and commission him captain as aforesaid, to
take rank as such, from the 2d day of May, eighteen hundred and sixty-
one.
" 'He is, therefore, carefully and diligently to discharge the duties of
his office by doing and performing all manner of things thereto belong-
ing. And I do strictly charge and require all officers, non-commissioned
officers and privates under his command to be obedient to his orders as
captain; and he is to observe and follow such orders and directions,
from time to time, as he shall receive from me, or the future Governor
COLORED OFFICERS 3OI
"There were," he writes, "in New Orleans some colored
soldiers known as 'Native Guards' before the arrival of the
Federal soldiers, but I do not know much about them. It was
a knowledge of this fact that induced General Butler, then in
command of the Department of the Gulf, to organize three
regiments of colored soldiers, viz : The First, Second and
Third Regiments of Native Guards.
"The First Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, Colonel
Stafford commanding, with all the field officers white, and a
full complement of line officers (30) colored, was mustered
into service at New Orleans September 27, 1862, for three
years. Soon after General Banks took command of the de-
partment and changed the designation of the regiment to
First Infantry, Corps d'Afrique. April 4th, 1864, it was
changed again to Seventy-third United States Colored In-
fantry.
of the State of Louisiana, or other superior officers, according to the
Rules and Articles of War, and in conformity to law.
" 'In testimony whereof. I have caused these letters to be made
patent, and the seal of the State to be hereunto annexed.
" 'Given under my hand, at the city of Baton Rouge, on tlie second
day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-one.
(L. S.) (Signed) THOS. O. MOORE.
"'By the Governor:
^ (Signed) P. D. HARDY,
Secretary of State.
(Wilson: Black Phalanx, p. 194.)
*".On the 23d of November, 1861, there was a grand review of the
Confederate troops stationed at New Orleans. An .Associated Press
despatch announced that the line was seven miles long. The feature of
the review, however, was one regiment of fourteen hundred free colored
men. Another grand review followed the next spring, and on the ap-
pearance of rebel negroes a local paper made the following comment:
" 'We must also pay a deserved compliment to the companies of free
colored men. all very well drilled and comfortably uniformed. Most
of these companies, quite unaided by the administration, have supplied
themselves with arms without regard to cost or trouble. On the same
day one of these negro companies was presented with a flag, and every
evidence of public approbation was manifest.' "
(Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, pp. 83-4.;
302 COLORED OFFICERS
"The Second Louisiana Native Guards, with Colonel N.
W. Daniels and Lieutenant-Colonel Hall, white, and Major
Francis E. Dumas, colored, and all the line officers colored ex-
cept one Second Lieutenant, was mustered into service for
three years, October 12, 1862. General Banks changed its
designation to Second Infantry Corps d' Afrique, June 6, 1863,
and April 6, 1864, it was changed to Second United States
Colored Troops. Finally it was consolidated with the Ninety-
first as the Seventy-fourth Colored Infantry, and mustered out
October 11, 1865.
"The Third Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, with
Colonel Nelson and all field officers white, and all line offi-
cers (30) colored, was mustered into service at New Orleans
for three years, November 24, 1862. Its designation went
through the same changes as the others at the same dates, and
it was mustered out November 25, 1865, as the Seventy-fifth
Colored Infantry.
"Soon after the organization of the Third Regiment, trouble
for the colored officers began, and the department began a sys-
tematic effort to get rid of them. A board of examiners was
appointed and all COLORED officers of the Third Regiment
were ordered before it. They refused to obey the order and
tendered their resignations in a body. The resignations were
accepted and that was the beginning of the end. Like action
with the same results followed in the First and Second Regi-
ments, and colored officers were soon seen no more. All were
driven out of the service except three or four who were never
ordered to appear before the examining board. Among these
was your humble servant. I was then Captain of Company A,
Second Regiment, but I soon tired of my isolation and re-
signed."
COLORED OFFICERS 303
Later on in the war, with the general enlistment of colored
soldiers, a number of colored chaplains and some surgeons
were commissioned. Towards the close of the war several col-
ored line officers and a field officer or two were appointed.
The State of Massachusetts was foremost in according this
recognition to colored soldiers. But these later appointments
came, in most cases, after the fighting was all over, and gave
few opportunities to command. At the close of the war, with
the muster out of troops, the colored officers disappeared and
upon the reorganization of the army, despite the brilliant rec-
ord of the colored soldier^, no Negro was given a commission
of any sort.
The outbreak of the Spanish War brought the question of
colored officers prominently to the front. The colored people
began at once to demand that officers of their own race be
commissioned to command colored volunteers. They were not
to be deluded by any extravagant praise of their past heroic
services, which veiled a determination to ignore their just
claims. So firmly did they adhere to their demands that but
one volunteer regiment of colored troops, the Third Alabama,
could be induced to enter the service with none of its officers
colored. But the concessions obtained were always at the ex-
pense of continuous and persistent effort, and in the teeth of a
very active and at times extremely violent opposition. We
know already the kind of opposition the Eighth Illinois, the
Twenty-third Kansas, and the Third North Carolina Regi-^
ments, officered entirely by colored men, encountered. It was
this opposition, as we have seen, which confined colored offi-
cers to positions below the grade of captain in the four im-
mune regiments. From a like cause, we know also, distin-
guished non-commissioned officers of the four regular regi-
304 COLORED OFFICERS
ments of colored troops were allowed promotion only to Lieu-
tenantcies in the immune regiments, and upon the muster ou:
of those organizations, were compelled, if they desired to con-
tinue soldiering, to resume their places as enlisted men.
There is some explanation for this opposition in the nature
of the distinction which military rank confers. Military rank
and naval rank constitute the only real distinction among us.
Our officers of the army and navy, and of the army more than
of the navy, because the former officers are more constantly
within the country, make up the sole separate class of our
population. We have no established nobility. Wealth con-
fers no privilege which men are bound to observe. The re-
spect paid to men who attain eminence in science and learn-
ing goes only as far as they are kown. The titles of the pro-
fessions are matters of courtesy and customs only. Our
judges and legislators, our governors and mayors, are still
our "fellow citizens," and the dignity they enjoy is but an
honorary one. The highest office within our gift offers no
exception. At the close of his term, even an ex-Presidenr,
"that melancholy product of our system," must resume his
place among his fellow citizens, to sink, not infrequently, into
obscurity. But fifty thousand soldiers must stand attention
to the merest second lieutenant! His rank is a fact. The life
tenure, the necessities of military discipline and administra-
tion, weld army officers into a distinct class and make our
military system the sole but necessary relic of personal govern-
ment. Any class with special privileges is necessarily conser-
vative.
The intimate association of "officer" and "gentleman," a
legacy of feudal days, is not without significance. An officer
must also be a gentleman, and "conduct unbecoming an officer
COLORED OFFICERS 305
and a gentleman" Is erected into an offence punishable by dis-
missal from the service. The word "gentleman" has got far
away from the strict significance of its French parent. De
Tocqueville has made us see the process of this development.
Passing over to England, with the changing conditions, "gen-
tleman" was used to describe persons lower and lower in the
social scale, until, when it crossed to this country, its sig-
nificance became lost in an indiscriminate application to all
citizens.* A flavor of its caste significance still remains in the
traditional "high sense of honor" characteristic of our mili-
tary service. It was a distant step for a slave and freedman
to become an ofificer and gentleman.
While the above reflections may be some explanations in
fact for the opposition to the commissioning of Negroes, there
was no one with hardihood enough to bring them forward.
Such notions might form the groundwork of a prejudice, but
they could not become the reason of a policy. It is an in-
stinctive tribute to the good sense of the American people
that the opponents of colored officers were comDclled to find
reasons of another kind for their antagonism.
The one formula heard always in the campaign against
colored officers was : Negroes cannot command. This for-
mula was sent forth wit'h"'~every land' of variation, from the
fierce fulminations of the hostile Southern press, to the more
apologetic and philosophical discussions of our Northern secu-
lar and religious journals. To be sure, every now and then,
there were exhibitions of impatience against the doctrine.
Not a few newspapers had little tolerance for the nonsense.
Some former commanders of Negro soldiers in the Civil War,
notably. General T. J. Morgan, spoke out in their behalf. The
*De Tocqueville : L'Ancien Regime et La Revolution, p. 125-6.
20
/
3o6 COLORED OFFICERS
brilliant career of the black regulars in Cuba broke the spell
for a time, but the re-action speedily set in. In short it be-
came fastened pretty completely in the popular mind as a
bit of demonstrated truth that Negroes could not make offi-
cers; that colored soldiers would neither follow nor obey offi-
cers of their own race.
This formula had of course to ignore an entire epoch of
history. It could take no account of that lurid program
wrought in the Antilles a century ago — a rising mob of rebel
slaves, transformed into an invincible army of tumultuous
blacks, under the guidance of the immortal Toussaint, over-
coming the trained armies of three Continental powers, Spain,
England and France, and audaciously projecting a black re-
public into the family of nations, a program at once a marvel
and a terror to the civilized world.
Not alone in Hayti, but throughout the States of Central
and South America have Negroes exercised military com-
mand, both in the struggles of these states for independence,,
and in their national armies established after independence.
At least one soldier of Negro blood. General Dumas, father
of the great novelist, arose to the rank of General of Division
in the French Army and served under Napoleon. In our
day we have seen General Dodds, another soldier of Negro
blood, returning from a successful campaign in Africa, ac-
claimed throughout France, his immense popularity threaten-
ing Paris with a renewal of the hysterical days of Boulanger.
Finally, we need not be told that at the very head and front of
the Cuban Rebellion were Negroes of every hue, exercising
every kind of command up to the very highest. We need but
recall the lamented Maceo, the Negro chieftain, whose tragic
^nd brought sorrow and dismay to all of Cuba. With an army
COLORED OFFICERS 307
thronging with blacks and mulattoes, these Cuban chieftains,
black, mulatto and white, prolonged such an harassing war-
fare as to compel the intervention of the United States. At
the end of this recital, which could well have been extended
with greater particularity, if it were thought needful, we are
bound to conclude that the arbitrary formula relied upon by
the opponents of colored officers was never constructed to fit
such an obstinate set of facts.
The prolonged struggle which culminated in permitting
the Negro's general enlistment in our Civil War had only
to be repeated to secure for him the full pay of a soldier, the
right to be treated as a prisoner of w^ar, and to relieve him of
the monopoly of fatigue and garrison duty. He was too over-
joyed with the boon of fighting for the liberation of his race
to make much contention about who was to lead him. With
meagre exception, his exclusive business in that war w'as to
carry a gun. Yet repeatedly Negro soldiers evinced high
capacity for command. Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higgin-
son draws a glowing portrait of Sergeant Prince Rivers,
Color-Sergeant of the First South Carolina Volunteers, a
regiment of slaves, organized late in 1862. The Color-Ser-
geant was provost-Sergeant also, and had entire charge of the
prisoners and of the daily policing of the camp.
"He is a man of distinguished appearance and in old times
was the crack coachman of Beaufort. * * * They tell
me that he was once allowed to present a petition to the Gov-
ernor of South Carolina in behalf of slaves, for the redress
of certain grievances, and that a placard, offering two thous-
and dollars for his re-capture is still to be seen by the wayside
between here and Charleston. He was a sergeant in the old
"Hunter Regiment,' and was taken by General Hunter to New
30S COLORED OFFICERS
York last spring, where the chevrons on his arm brought a
mob upon him in Broadway, whom he kept off till the police
interfered. There is not a white officer in this regiment who
has more administrative ability, or more absolute authority
over the men ; they do not love him, but his mere presence has
controlling power over them. He writes well enough to pre-
pare for me a daily report of his duties in the camp; if his
education reached a higher point I see no reason why he
should not command the Army of the Potomac. He is jet-
black, or rather, I should say, wine-black, his complexion, like
that of others of my darkest men, having a sort of rich, clear
depth, without a trace of sootiness, and to my eye very hand-
some. His features are tolerably regular, and full of com-
mand, and his figure superior to that of any of our white offi-
cers, being six feet high, perfectly proportioned, and of ap-
parently inexhaustable strength and activity. His gait is like
a panther's ; I never saw such a tread. No anti-slavery novel
has described a man of such marked abilit}'. He makes
Toussaint perfectly intelligible, and if there should ever be a
black monarchy in South Carolina he will be its king."*
Excepting the Louisiana Native Guards, the First South
Carolina Volunteers was the first regiment of colored troops
to be mustered into the service in the Civil War. The regi-
ment was made up entirely of slaves, with scarcely a mulatto
among them. The first day of freedom for these men was
passed in uniform and with a gun. Among these Negroes,
just wrested from slavery, their scholarly commander, Colonel
Higginson, could find many whom he judged well fitted by
nature to command.
"Afterwards I had excellent battalion drills," he writes,
*Thomas Westvvorth Higginson: Army Life in a Black Regiment,
pp. 57-8.
COLORED OFFICERS 3O9
"without a single white officer, by way of experiment, putting
each company under a sergeant, and going through the most
difficult movements, such as division columns and oblique
squares. And as to actual discipline, it is doing no injustice
to the line-officers of the regiment to say that none of them re-
ceived from the men more implicit obedience than Color-Ser-
geant Rivers. * * * jj- always seemed to me an insult
to those brave men to have novices put over their heads, on
the ground of color alone, and the men felt it the more keenly
as they remained longer in the service. There were more
than seven hundred enlisted men in the regiment, when mus-
tered out after more than three years' service. The ranks had
been kept full by enlistment, but there were only fourteen
line-officers instead of the full thirty. The men who should
have filled these vacancies were doing duty as sergeants in the
ranks."*
Numerous expeditions were constantly on foot in the De-
partment of the South, having for their object the liberation
of slaves still held to service in neighborhoods remote from
the Union camps, or to capture supplies and munitions of war.
Frequently these expeditions came in conflict with armed
bodies of rebels and hot engagements would ensue, resulting
in considerable loss of life. Colored soldiers were particularly
serviceable for this work because of their intimate knowledge
of the country and their zeal for the rescue of their enslaved
brethren.
One of these expeditions, composed of thirty colored sol-
diers and scouts, commanded by Sergeant-Ma j or Henry
James, Third United States Colored Troops, left Jacksonville,
Florida, early in March, 1865, to penetrate into the interior
*Thc- "'xLworth Higginson: Army Life in a Black Regiment,
p. 261.
310 COLORED OFFICEHS
through Marion county. They destroyed considerable prop-
erty in the use of the rebel government, burned the bridge
across the Oclawaha River, and started on their return with
ninety-one Negroes whom they had rescued from slavery,
four white prisoners, some wagons and a large number of
horses and mules. They were attacked by a rebel band of
more than fifty cavalry. The colored soldiers commanded by
one of their own number, defeated and drove off the rebels,
inflicting upon them the heavy loss of thirty men. After a
long and rapid march they arrived at St. Augustine, Florida,
with a loss of but two killed and four wounded, the expedi-
tion covering in all five days. These colored soldiers and
their colored commander were thanked in orders by Major-
Cxeneral O. A. Gilmore, commanding the department, who
was moved to declare that "this expedition, planned and ex-
ecuted by colored men, under the command of a colored non-
commissioned officer, reflects credit upon the brave partici-
pants and their leader," and "he holds up their conduct to
their comrades in arms as an example worthy of emulation. "■*'
It was no uncommon occurrence throughout the Civil War
for colored non-commissioned officers to be thrown into com-
mand of their companies by the killing or wounding of their
superior officers. On many a field of battle this happened and
these colored non-commissioned officers showed the same abil-
ity to take the initiative and accept the responsibility, and
conducted their commands just as bravely and unfalteringly as
did their successors on the firing line at La Guasima and El
Caney, or in the charge up San Juan Hill.
In the battle of New Market Heights, fought on the 29th
of September, 1864, as part of a comprehensive effort to turn
♦Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, pp. 339-40, quoting the
order.
COLORED OFFICERS 3tl
Lee's left flank, the great heroism of the black soldiers, and
the terrible slaughter among them, impressed their com-
mander, the late Major-General Butler, to his dying day, and
made him the stout champion of their rights for the rest of his
life. In that battle, to quote from the orders putting on record
the "gallant deeds of the officers and soldiers of the Army of
the James" : —
"Milton M. Holland, Sergeant-Major Fifth United States
Colored Troops, commanding Company C; James H. Bron-
son. First Sergeant, commanding Company D ; Robert Finn,
First Sergeant, commanding Company I, wounded ; Powhatan
Beaty, First Sergeant, commanding Company G, Fifth United
States Colored Troops — all these gallant colored soldiers were
left in command, all their company officers being killed or
wounded, and led them gallantly and meritoriously through
the day. For these services they have most honorable men-
tion, and the commanding general will cause a special medal
to be struck in honor of these gallant soldiers."
"First Sergeant Edward Ratcliff, Company C, Thirty-
eighth United States Colored Troops, thrown into command
of his company b}^ the deatli of the officer commanding, was
the first enlisted man in the enemy's works, leading his com-
pany with great gallantry for which he has a medal."
"Sergeant Samuel Gilchrist, Company K, Thirty-sixth
United States Colored Troops, showed great bravery and gal-
lantry in commanding his company after his officers were
killed. He has a medal for gallantry."*
"Honorable mention" and "medals" were the sole reward
open to the brave Negro soldiers of that day.
Not alone in camp and garrison, in charge of expeditions,
♦Williams's Negro Troop? in the Rebellion, pp. 334-6, original order
quoted.
3^2 COLORED OFFICERS
or as non-commissioned officers thrown into command of their
companies on the field of battle have Negro soldiers displayed
unquestioned capacity for command, but as commissioned
ofncers they commanded in camp and in battle, showing
marked efficiency and conspicuous gallantry. The colored offi-
cers of the First and Second Regiments of Louisiana Native
Guards, whose history has been detailed earlier in this chap-
ter,* were retained in the service long enough to command
their troops in bloody combat with the enemy. It will be re-
membered that of the Second Regiment of Louisiana Native
Guards only the Colonel and Lieutenant-Colonel were white,
the Major, F. E. Dumas, and all the line officers, as in the case
of the First Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards, being col-
ored. On April 9, 1863, Colonel N. U. Daniels, who com-
manded the Second Regiment of Louisiana Native Guards,
with a detachment of two hundred men of his regiment, under
their colored officers, engaged and repulsed a considerable
body of rebel infantry and cavalry at Pascagoula, Mississippi.
The engagement lasted from 10 A. M. until 2 P. M. and was
remarkable for the steadiness, tenacity and bravery of these
black troops in this, their first battle, where they succeeded in
defeating and beating off an enemy five times their number.
The official report by the Colonel commanding declared :
"Great credit is due to the troops engaged for their unflinch-
ing bravery and steadiness under this, their first fire, ex-
changing volley after volley with the coolness of veterans,
and for their determined tenacity in maintaining their posi-
tion, and taking advantage of every success that their courage
and valor gave them ; and also to their officers, who were cool
and determined throughout the action, fighting their commands
♦See pp. 3SI-6 MS.
dOLORED OFFICERS 31^
against five times their number, and confident throughout of
success. * * *
"I would particularly call the attention of the department
to Major F. E. Dumas, Capt. Villeverd and Lieuts. Jones and
Martin, who were constantly in the thickest of the fight, and
by their unflinching bravery and admirable handling of their
commands, contributed to the success of the attack, and re-
flected great honor upon the flag for which they so nobly strug-
gled."*
The battle which settled for all time the bravery of black
troops, and ought as well to silence all question about the
capacity of colored officers, was the storming of^Port Hudson,
May 27, 1863. For months the Confederates had fiad unin-
terrupted opportunity to strengthen their works at Port Hud-
son at a time when an abundance of slave labor was at their
disposal. They had constructed defenses of remarkable
strength. On a bluff, eighty feet above the river, was a series
of batteries mounting in all twenty siege guns. For land de-
fenses they had a continuous line of parapet of strong profile,
beginning at a point on the river a mile from Port Hudson
and extending in a semi-circle for three or four miles over a
country for the most part rough and broken, and ending again
at the river, a half mile north of Port Hudson. At appro-
priate positions along this line four bastion works were con-
structed and thirty pieces of field artillery were posted. The
average thickness of the parapet was twenty feet, and the
depth of the ditch below the top of the parapet was fifteen
feet. The ground behind the parapet was well adapted for
the prompt movement of troops.*
*Wilson: Black Phalanx, p. 211, original order quoted.
♦Campaigns of the Civil War. F. V. Greene. The Mississippi, p.
226 et seq.
314 COLORED OFFICERS
On the 24th of May General Banks reached the immediate
vicinity of Port Hudson, and proceeded at once to invest the
place.
On the 27th the assault was ordered. Two colored regi-
ments of Louisiana Native Guards, the First Regiment with
all line officers colored, and the Third with white officers
throughout, were put under command of Colonel John A. Nel-
son, of the Third Regiment, and assigned to position on the
right of the line, where the assault was begun. The right
began the assault in the morning; for some reason the left did
not assault until late in the afternoon. Six companies of the
First Louisiana and nine companies of the Third, in all 1080
men, were formed in column of attack. Even now, one can-
not contemplate unmoved the desperate valor of these black
troops and the terrible slaughter among them as they were
sent to their impossible task that day in May. Moving for-
ward in double quick time the column emerged from the
woods, and passing over the plain strewn with felled trees and
entangled brushwood, plunged into a fury of shot and shell as
they charged for the batteries on the rebel left. Again and
again that unsupported column of black troops held to their
hopeless mission by the unrelenting order of the brigade com-
mander, hurled itself literally into the jaws of death, many
meeting horrible destruction actually at the cannon's mouth.
It was a day prodigal with deeds of fanatical bravery. The
colors of the First Louisiana, torn and shivered in that fearful
hail of fire, were still borne forward in front of the works by
the color-sergeant, until a shell from the enemy cut the flag
in two and gave the sergeant his mortal wound. JHe^ieiL
spattering the flag with blood and brains and hugged it to his
"~^osom as he lay in the grasp of death. Two corporals sprang
COLORED OFFICERS 315
forward to seize the colors, contending in generous rivalry
until a rebel sharpshooter felled one of them across the ser-
geant's lifeless body. The other dashed proudly forward
with the flag. Sixteen men fell that day defending the colors.
Black officers and white officers commanded side by side,
moving among the men to prompt their valor by word and
example, revealing no difference in their equal contempt of
death. Captain Quinn, of the Third Regiment, with forty
reckless followers, bearing their rifles and cartridge boxes
above their heads, swam the ditch and leaped among the guns,
when they were ordered back to escape a regiment of rebels
hastening for their rear. Six of them re-crossed alive, and
of these only two were unhurt, the brave Quinn and a Lieuten-
ant. The gallant Captain Andre Cailloux, who commanded
the coloF"^compari)roTThenPirsFT.ouisi^^^ a man black as
night, but a leader by birth and education, moved in eager
zeal among his men, cheering them on by words and his own
noble example, with his left arm already shattered, proudly
refusing to leave the field. In a last effort of heroism, he
sprang to the front of his company, commanded his men to
follow him, and in the face of that murderous fire, gallantly
led them forward until a shell smote him to death but fifty
yards from the works.
Cailloux, a pure Negro in blood, was born a freeman and
numbered generations of freemen among his ancestry. He
had fine presence, was a man of culture and possessed
wealth. He had raised his company by his own efforts, and at-
tached them to him, not only by his ardent pride of race, which
made him boaSt his blackness, but also by his undoubted tal-
ents for command. His heroic death was mourned by thous-
ands of his race who had known him. His body, recovered
3^6 COLORED OFFICERS
after the surrender, was given a soldier's burial in his own
native city of New Orleans.
When the day was spent, the bleeding and shattered column
was at length recalled. The black troops did not take the
guns, but the day's work had won for them a fame that can-
not die. The nation, which had received them into the ser-
vice half-heartedly, and out of necessity, was that day made
to witness a monotony of gallantry and heroism that com-
pelled everywhere awe and admiration. Black soldiers, and
led by black officers as well as white, assigned a task hope-
less and impossible at the start, had plunged into that wither-
ing storm of shot and shell, poured fourth by artillery and in-
fantry, charging over a field strewn with obstacles, and in
madness of bravery had more than once thrown the thin head
of their column to the very edge of the guns. They recoiled
only to reform their broken lines and to start again their des-
perate work. XMien the day was gone, and they were called
back, the shattered remnant of the column which had gone
forth in the morning still burned with passion. With that
day's work of black soldiers under black officers, a part for-
ever of the military glory of the Republic, there are those
who yet dare to declare that Negroes cannot command.
The assault on Port Hudson had been unsuccessful all along
the line. A second assault was ordered June 13. It, too, was
unsuccessful. The fall of Vicksburg brought the garrison to
terms. The surrender took place July 9, 1863. In the re-
port of the general commanding, the colored soldiers were
given unstinted praise. General Banks declared that "no
troops could be more determined or more daring."* The
Northern press described glowingly their part in the fight.
^Williams's Negro Troops in the Rebellion, p. 221, original order
quoted.
COLORED OFFICERS 317
The prowess of the black soldiers had conquered military pre-
judice, and won for them a place in the army of the Union.
And the brave black officers who led these black soldiers, they
were, all of them, ordered forthwith before an examining
board with the purpose of driving them from the service, and
every one of them in self-respect was made to resign. In such
manner was their bravery rewarded.
In the four regiments of colored troops made a part of the
Regular Army since the Civil War, colored soldiers, to say
nothing of the three colored graduates from West Point, re-
ferred to earlier in this chapter, have repeatedly given evi-
dence of their capacity to command. An earlier chapter has
already set forth the gallant manner in which colored non-
commissioned officers, left in command by the killing or
wounding of their officers, commanded their companies at La
Guasima, El Caney and in the charge at San Juan. On num-
erous occasions, with none of the heroic setting of the Santi-
ago campaign, have colored soldiers time and again com-
mand detachments and companies on dangerous scouting ex-
peditions, and in skirmishes and fights with hostile Indians
and marauders. The entire Western country is a witness of
their prowess. This meritorious work, done in remote re-
gions, has seldom come to public notice; the medal which the
soldier wears, and the official entry in company and regi-
mental record are in most cases the sole chronicle. A typical
instance is furnished in the career of Sergeant Richard An-
derson, late of the Ninth Cavalry. The sergeant has long
ago completed his thirty years of service. He passed through
all non-commissioned grades in his troop and regiment, and
was retired as Post Commissary-Sergeant. The story of the
engagements in which he commanded give ample proof of his
3l8 COLORED OFFICERS
ability and bravery. It would be no service to the sergeant
to disturb his ov^n frank and formal narrative.
The Sergeant's story : —
"While in sub-camp at Fort Gumming, New Mexico, awaiting
orders for campaign duty against hostile Indians (old Naney's
band), on the evening of June 5, 1880, my troop commander
being absent at Fort Bayard, which left me in command of my
troop, there being no other commissioned officer available, a re-
port having come in to the commanding officer about i o'clock
that a band of Apache Indians were marching toward Cook's
Canon, Troops B and L, under general command of Captain
Francis, 9th Cavalry, and myself commanding Troop B, were
ordered out.
We came upon the Indians in Cook's Canon and had an
engagement which lasted two or three hours. Three or four
Indians were killed and several wounded. W^e had no men
killed, but a few wounded in both L and B Troops. We fol-
lowed the Indians many miles that evening, but having no ra-
tions, returned to Fort Cumming late that evening, and went
into camp until the following morning, when the two troops
took the trail and followed it many days, but being unable to
overtake the Indians, returned to Fort Cumming.
In August, 1 88 1, while my troop was in camp at Fort Cum-
ming, New Mexico, awaiting orders for another campaign
against these same Apache Indians, my troop commander hav-
ing been ordered to Fort Bayard, New Mexico, on general
court-martial duty, and during his absence having no commis-
sioned officer available, I was in command of my troop subject
to the orders of the post commander. At 12 o'clock at night,
August 17, 1881, while in my tent asleep, the commanding offi-
cer's orderly knocked on my tent and informed me that the
commanding officer wanted me to report to him at once. I
asked the orderly what was up. He informed me that he sup-
posed a scout was going out, as the commanding officer had
sent for Lieutenant Smith, then in command of Troop H, 9th
Cavalry.
I dressed myself promptly and reported, and found Lieuten-
ant Smith and the commanding officer at the office on my ar-
rival.
The commanding officer asked me about how many men T
could mount for thirty days' detached duty, leaving so many
COLORED OFFICERS $19
men to take care of property and horses. I told him about
how many. He ordered me to make a ration return for that
number of men, and send a sergeant to draw rations for thirty
days' scout; and for me to hurry up, and when ready to report
to Lieutenant Smith. By 12.45 "^7 troop was ready and
mounted, and reported as ordered, and at i o'clock Troop's
B and H pulled out from Fort Gumming for Lake Valley, New
Mexico ; and when the sun showed himself over the tops of
the mountains we marched down the mountains into Lake Val-
ley, thirty-five miles from Fort Gumming. We went into camp
hoping to spend a few hours and take a rest, and feed our
horses and men.
About 9 o'clock a small boy came running through camp
crying as if to break his heart, saying that the In-
dians had killed his mother and their baby. Some of
the men said the boy must be crazy ; but many of them
made for their horses without orders. Soon Lieutenant Smith
ordered "Saddle up." In less than live minutes all the com-
mand was saddled up and ready to mount. We mounted and
pulled out at a gallop, and continued at that gait until we came
to a high mountain, when we came down to a walk. And when
over the mountain v.-e took up the gallop, and from that time
on, nothing but a gallop and a trot, when the country was favor-
able for such. When we had marched about two miles from
Lake Valley we met the father of the boy, with his leg bleeding
where the Indians had shot him. We marched about half a
mile farther, when we could see the Indians leaving this man':
ranch. We had a running fight with them from that time until
about 5 o'clock that evening, August i8th, 1881. Having no
rations, we returned to Lake Valley with the intention of rest-
ing that night and taking the trail the next morning; but about
9 o'clock that night a ranchman came into camp and reported
that the Indians had marched into a milk ranch and burned up
the ranch, and had gone into camp near by.
Lieutenant Smith ordered me to have the command in readi-
ness to march at 12 o'clock sharp, and said we could surprise
those Indians and capture many of them and kill a few also.
T went and made my detail as ordered, with five days' rations in
haversacks, and at 12 o'clock reported as ordered.
About half-past 12 o'clock the command pulled out and
marched within about a mile and a half of the milk ranch and
went into camp ; and at daylight in the morning saddled up and
320 COLORED OFFICERS
marched to the ranch. The Indians had pulled out a few min-
utes before our arrival. We took their trail and came up with
them about lo o'clock, finding the Indians in ambush. Lieuten-
ant Smith was the first man killed, and when I heard his last
command, which was "Dismount," then the whole command
fell upon your humble servant. We fell back, up a canon and
on a hill, and held them until 4 o'clock, when a reinforcement
came up of about twenty men from Lake Valey and the Indians
pulled off over the mountains. The following-named men were
killed in the engagement :
Lieutenant G. W. Smith ; Mr. Daily, a miner ; Saddler
Thomas Golding; Privates James Brown and Monroe Over-
street. Wounded — Privates Wesley Harris, John W. Williams
and William A. Hallins.
After the Indians ceased firing and fell back over the moun-
tains I cared for the wounded and sent Lieutenant Smith's body
to Fort Bayard, New Mexico, where his wife was, which was
about sixty miles from the battle-ground, and Mr. Daily's body
to Lake Valley, all under a strong detachment of men under a
non-commissioned officer ; when I marched with the remainder
of the command with the dead and wounded for Rodman Mill,
where I arrived about 5 o'clock on the morning of August 20
and buried the dead and sent the wounded to Fort Bayard.
One thing that attracted my attention more than anything
else was the suffering of Private John W. Williams, Troop H,
who was shot through the kneecap and had to ride all that night
from the battle-ground to Brookman's Mill. Poor fellow!
I buried all my dead, and then marched for Fort Gumming,
where we arrived about sunset and reported to General Edward
Hatch, then commanding the regiment and also the district of
New Mexico, giving him all the details pertaining to the en-
gagement.
General Hatch asked me about how many men I could mount
the next morning, the 21st. I informed him about how many.
He ordered me to have my troop in readiness by daylight and
report to Lieutenant Demmick, then commanding Troop L,
and follow that Indian trail.
My troop was ready as ordered, and marched. We followed
those Indians to the line of Old Mexico, but were unable to
overtake them. Such was my last engagement with hostile.
Indians."
COLORED OH ICERS 3*1
The formula that Negroes cannot command, with the fur-
ther assertion that colored soldiers will neither follow nor
obey officers of their own race, we have now taken out of the
heads of its upholders, and away from its secure setting of
type on the printed page, and applied it to the facts. Negro
soldiers have shown their ability to command by command-
ing, not always with shoulder-straps, to be sure, but neverthe-
less commanding. With wearying succession, instance after
instance, where Negroes have exercised all manner of military
command and always creditably, have extended for us a re-
cital to the border of monotony, and made formidable test of
our patience. In France and the West Indies, in Central and
South America, Negroes have commanded armies, in one in-
stance fighting under Napoleon, at other times to free them-
selves from slavery and their countries from the yoke of op-
pression. In our own country, from the days of the Revo-
lution, when fourteen American officers declared in a memor-
ial to the Congress, that a "Negro man called Salem Poor,
of Colonel Frye's regiment, Captain Ames' company, in the
late battle at Charlestown, behaved like an experienced officer,
as well as an excellent soldier;"* from the first war of the
nation down to its last, Negro soldiers have been evincing
their capacity to command. In the Civil War, where thous-
ands of colored soldiers fought for the Union, their ability to
command has been evidenced in a hundred ways, on scouts
and expeditions, in camp and in battle ; on two notable occas-
ions, Negro officers gallantly fought their commands side by
side with white officers, and added lustre to the military glory
of the nation. Upon the re-organization of the Regular Army
*MS. Archives of Massachusetts, Vol. i8o, p. 241. quoted in Williams's
Negro Troops in the Rebellion, p. 13,
3J2 COLORED OFFICHRS
at the close of the war the theatre shifted to our Western
frontier, where the Negro soldier continued to display his
ability to command. Finally, in the Spanish War, just closed,
the Negro soldier made the nation again bear witness not
alone to his undaunted bravery, but also to his conspicuous
capacity to command. Out of this abundant and conclusive
array of incontestable facts, frankly, is there anything left
to the arbitrary formula that Negroes cannot command, but
a string of ipse dixits hung on a very old, but still decidedly
robust prejudice? There is no escape from the conclusion that
as a matter of fact, with opportunity, Negroes differ in no
wise from other men in capacity to exercise military command.
-- Undoubtedly substantial progress has been made respecting
colored officers since 1863, when colored soldiers were first
admitted in considerable numbers into the army of the Union.
At the period of the Civil War colored officers for colored
soldiers was little more than thought of; the sole instance
comprised the short-lived colored officers of the three regi-
ments of Louisiana Native Guards, and the sporadic appoint-
ments made near the close of the war, when the fighting was
over.
More than three hundred colored officers served in the vol-
unteer army in the war with Spain. Two Northern States,
Illinois and Kansas, and one Southern State, North Carolina,
put each in the field as part of its quota a regiment of colored
troops officered throughout by colored men. Ohio and In-
diana contributed each a separate battalion of colored soldiers
entirely under colored officers.
In 1863 a regiment of colored troops with colored officers
was practically inipossible. In 1898 a regiment of colored
volunteers without some colored officers was almost equally
COLORED OFFICERS 323
impossible. In 1863 a regiment of colored soldiers com-
manded by colored officers would have been a violation of the
sentiment of the period and an outrage upon popular feelings,
the appearance of which in almost any Northern city would
hardly fail to provoke an angry and resentful mob. At that
period, even black recruits in uniforms were frequently as-
saulted in the streets of Northern cities. We have seen al-
ready how Sergeant Rivers, of the First South Carolina Vol-
unteers, had to beat^ off a mob on Broadway in New York
city. In 1898 regiments and battalions of colored troops, with
colored colonels and majors in command, came out of States
where the most stringent black laws were formerly in force,
and were greeted with applause as they passed on their way to
their camps or to embark for Cuba.
In Baltimore, in 1863, the appearance of a Negro in the
uniform of an army surgeon started a riot, and the irate mob
was not appeased until it had stripped the patriotic colored
doctor of his shoulder-straps. In 1898, when the Sixth Regi-
ment of Massachusetts Volunteers passed through the same
city, the colored officers of Company L of that regiment were
welcomed with the same courtesies as their white colleagues —
courtesies extended as a memorial of the fateful progress of
the regiment through the city of Baltimore in 1861. One
State which went to war in 1861 to keep the Negro a slave,
put in the field a regiment of colored soldiers, officered by
colored men from the colonel down. To this extent has pre-
judice been made to yield either to political necessity, or a
generous change in sentiment. Thus were found States both
North and South willing to give the Negro the full military
recognition to which he is entitled.
With this wider recognition of colored officers the general
324 COLORED OFFICERS
government has not kept pace. In the four regiments of col-
ored volunteers recruited by the general government for ser-
vice in the war with Spain, only the lieutenants were colored.
Through the extreme conservatism of the War Department,
in these regiments no colored officers, no matter how meritor-
ious, could be appointed or advanced to the g-rade of captain.
Such was the announced policy of the department, and it was
strictly carried out. The commissioning of this large num-
ber of colored men even to lieutenancies was, without doubt,
a distinct step in advance; it was an entering wedge. But
it was also an advance singularly inadequate and embarrassing.
In one of these colored volunteer, commonly called "immune"
regiments, of the twelve captains, but five had previous mili-
tary' training, while of the twenty-four colored lieutenants,
eighteen had previous militar)- experience, and three of the
remaining six were promoted from the ranks, so that at the
time of their appointment twenty-one lieutenants had previous
military training. Of the five captains with previous mili-
tary experience, one, years ago, had been a lieutenant in the
Regular Army; another was promoted from Post Quarter-
master-Sergeant ; a third at one time had been First Sergeant
of Artillery ; the remaining two had more or less experience
in the militia. Of the eighteen lieutenants with previous mili-
tary experience, twelve had served in the Regular Army;
eight of these, not one with a service less than fifteen years,
were promoted directly from the ranks of the regulars 'for
efficiency and gallantry. At the time of their promotion two
were Sergeants, five First Sergeants and one a Post Quarter-
master-Sergeant. The four others from the Regular Army
had served five years each. Of the six remaining Lieutenants
with previous military experience, four had received military
COLORED OVKICENS 325
training- in high schools, three of wliom were subsequently
officers in the militia ; fifth graduated from a state college with
a military department ; the sixth had been for years an officer
in the militia. With this advantage at the start, it is no ex-
travagance to say that the colored officers practically made the
companies. To them was due the greater part of the credit
for whatever efficiency the companies showed. Moreover,
these colored officers were not behind in intelligence. Among
them were four graduates of universities and colleges, two
lawyers, two teachers, one journalist, five graduates of high
schools and academies, and the men from the Regular Army,
as their previous non-commissioned rank indicates, were of
good average intelligence. There is no reason to believe that
this one of the four colored volunteer regiments was in any
degree exceptional.
These are the officers for whom the War Department had
erected their arbitrary bar at captaincy, and declared that no
show of efficiency could secure for them the titular rank
which they more than once actually exercised. For they were
repeatedly in command of their companies through sickness
or absence of their captains. They served as officers without
the incentive which comes from hope of promotion. They
were forced to see the credit of their labors go to others, and
to share more than once in discredit for which they were not
responsible. They were, and in this lay their chief embarrass-
ment, without the security and protection which higher rank
would have accorded them. In case of trial by court-martial,
captains and other higher officers filled the court to the ex-
clusion of almost all others. These were white men. It is
gratifying to record that the War Department recognized this
special injustice to colored officers, and in the two regiments
of colored volunteers recruited for service in the Philippines
3*6 COLORED OFFICERS
all the line-officers are colored men, the field officers being
white, and appointed from the Regular Army in pursuance of
a general policy. Thus far has the general government ad-
vanced in recognition of the military capacity of the Negro.
In the swing of the pendulum the nation is now at the place
where the hardy General Butler was thirty-seven years ago,
when he organized the three regiments of Louisiana Native
Guards with all line-officers colored.
The way in which modern armies are organized and per-
fected leaves little necessity for an equipment of exceptional
personal gifts in order to exercise ordinary military com-
mand. The whole thing is subordinate, and the field for per-
sonal initiative is contracted to the minimum. In our own
army the President is Commander-in-Qiief, and the command
descends through a multitude of subordinate grades down to
the lowest commissioned officer in the service. We have
"Articles of War" and "Regulations," and the entire discip-
line and government of the army is comrriitted to writing.
There is no chance to enshroud in mystery the ability to com-
mand. For ordinal*}' military command, with intelligence the
chief requisite, little is required beyond courage, firmness and
good judgment. These qualities are in no respect natural
barriers for colored men.
This last story of the Negro soldier's efficiency and gal-
lantry, told in the pages of this book, teaches its own very
simple conclusion. The Cuban campaign has forced the
nation to recognize the completion of the Negro's evolution
as a soldier in the Army of the United States. The colored
American soldier, by his own prowess, has won an acknowl-
edge<l place by the side of the best trained fighters with arms.
In the fullness of his manhood he has no rejoicing in the pat-
ronizing paean, "the colored troops fought nobly," nor does
COLORED OFFICERS 337
he glow at all when told of his "faithfulness" and "devotion"
to his white officers, qualities accentuated to 'the point where
they might well fit an affectionate dog. He lays claim to no
prerogative other than that of a plain citizen of the Republic,
trained to the profession of arms. The measure of his de-
mand — and it is the demand of ten millions of his fellow-
citizens allied to him by race — is that the full manhood privil-
eges of a soldier be accorded him. On his record in arms, not
excluding his manifest capacity to command, the colored sol-
dier, speaking for the entire body of colored citizens in l!h|rs
country, only demands that the door of the nation's military;
training school be freely open to the capable of his race, and
the avenue of promotion from the ranks be accessible to his
tried efficiency; that no hindrance prevent competent colored
men from taking their places as officers as well as soldiers in
the nation's permanent military establishment.
328 APPENDIX
APPENDIX.
The correspondence following shows the progress of the ne-
gotiations for the surrender of the city of Santiago and the
Spanish Army, from the morning of July 3d until the final
convention was signed on the sixteenth of the same month.
This surrender virtually closed the war, but did not restore
the contending nations to a status of peace. Twenty-three
thousand Spanish soldiers had laid down their arms and had
been transformed from enemies to friends. On the tenth of
August following, a protocol was submitted by the President
of the United States, which was accepted by the Spanish
cabinet on the eleventh, and on the twelfth the President an-
nounced the cessation of hostilities, thus closing a war which
had lasted one hundred and ten days. On the tenth of De-
cember a Treaty of Peace between the United States and
Spain was signed at Paris, which was subsequently ratified by
both nations, and diplomatic relations fully restored. The
war, though short, had been costly. One hundred and fifty
million dollars had been spent in its prosecution, and there
were left on our hands the unsolved problem of Cuba and the
Philippines, which promised much future trouble.
Within a month from the signing of the convention, the
Army of Invasion, known as the Fifth Army Corps, was on
its homeward voyage, and by the latter part of August the
whole command was well out of Cuba. Well did the soldiers
themselves, as well as their friends, realize, as the former
returned from that campaign of a hundred days, that war in
APPENDIX 329
the tropics was neither a pastime nor a practice march. The
campaign had tested the powers of endurance of the men to
its utmost limit. The horrors of war were brought directly
to the face of the people, as the ten thousand invalids dragged
their debilitated forms from the transports to their detention
camps, or to the hospitals, some too helpless to walk, and
many to die soon after greeting their native shores. Those
who had been so enthusiastic for the war were now quiet, and
were eagerly laying the blame for the sorrow and suffering
before them upon the shoulders of those who had conducted
the war. Few stopped to think that a good part of this woe
might be justly charged to those who had constantly resisted
the establishment of an adequate standing army, and who,
with inconsistent vehemence, had urged the nation into a war,
regardless of its military equipment. The emaciated veterans
arriving at Montauk were spoken of as the evidences of "mili-
tary incompetency;" they were also evidence of that narrow
statesmanship which ignores the constant suggestions of mili-
tary experience.
Headquarters United States Forces,
Near San Juan River, July 3, 1898 — 8.30 A. M.
To the Commanding General of the Spanish Forces, Santiago
de Cuba.
Sir: — I shall be obliged, unless you surrender, to shell San-
tiago de Cuba. Please inform the citizens of foreign countries,
and all the women and children, that they should leave the city
before 10 o'clock to-morrow morning.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM R. SHAFTER.
Major-Genera,l U. S. V.
330 APPENDIX
Reply.
Santiago de Cuba, July 3, 1898.
His Excellency the General Commanding Forces of United
States, near San Juan River.
Sir: — I have the honor to reply to your communication of
to-day, written at 8.30 A. M., and received at i P. M., demanding
the surrender of this city, or, in contrary case, announcing to me
that you will bombard this city, and that I advise the foreigners,
women and children that they must leave the city before ic
o'clock to-morrow morning. It is my duty to say to you that
this city will not surrender, and that I will inform the foreign
consuls and inhabitants of the contents of your message.
Very respectfully,
JOSE TORAL,
Commander-in-Chief, Fourth Corps.
Headquarters Fifth Army Corps,
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 4, 1898.
The Commanding General. Spanish Forces, Santiago de Cuba,.
Cuba.
Sir : — I was officially informed last night that Admiral Cer-
vera is now^ a captive on board the U. S. S. Gloucester, and is
imharmed. He was then in the harbor of Siboney. I regret
also to have to announce to you the death of General Vara del
Rey at El Caney, who, with two of his sons, was killed in the
battle of July ist. His body will be buried this morning with
military honors. His brother, Lieutenant-Colonel Vara del
Rey, is wounded and a prisoner in my hands, together with the
following officers : Captain Don Antonio Vara del Rey, Captain
Isidor Arias, Captain Antonio Mansas, and Captain Manuel
Romero, who, though severely wounded, will all probably sur-
vive.
I also have to announce to you that the Spanish fleet, with
the exception of one vessel, was destroyed, and this one is being
so vigorously pursued that it will be impossible for it to escape.
General Pando is opposed by forces sufficient to hold him in
check.
In view of the above, I would suggest that, to save needless
effusion of blood and the distress oif many people, you may re-
APPENDIX 331
consider your determination of yesterday. Your men have cer-
tainly shown the gallantry which was expected of them.
I am, sir, with great respect,
Your obedient servant,
WILLIAM R. SHAFTER,
Major-General, Commanding United States Forces.
Headquarters Fifth Army Corps,
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 4, 1898.
To the Commanding General, Spanish Forces, Santiago de
Cuba, Cuba.
Sir : — The fortune of war has thrown into my hands quite
a number of officers and private soldiers, whom I am now hold-
ing as prisoners of war, and I have the honor to propose to
you that a cartel of exchange be arranged to-day, by which
the prisoners taken by the forces of Spain from on board the
Merrimac, and any officers and men of the army who may have
fallen into our hands within the past few days, may be re-
turned to their respective governments on the terms usual
in such cases, of rank for rank. Trusting that this will meet
with your favorable consideration, I remain,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM R. SHAFTER,
Major-Gencral. Commanding United States Forces.
Headquarters Fifth Army Corps,
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 4, 1898.
To the Commanding Officer, Spanish Forces, Santiago.
Sir : — It will give me great pleasure to return to the city of
Santiago at an early hour to-morrow morning all the wounded
Spanish officers now at EI Caney who are able to be carried
and who will give their parole not to serve against the United
States until regularly exchanged. I make this proposition, as
I am not so situated as to give these officers the care and atten-
tion that they can receive at the hands of their military asso-
ciates and from their own surgeons; though I shall, of course,
give them every kind treatment that it is possible to do under
such adverse circumstances. Trusting that this will meet with
332 APPENDIX
your approbatoin, and that you will permit nie to return to you
ihese persons, I am,
Your very obedient servant,
WILLIAM R. SHAFTER,
Major-General, Commanding United States Forces.
Army of the Island of Cuba,
Fifth Corps, General Staflf.
To His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief of the American
Forces.
Excellency : — I have the honor to reply to the three commu-
nications of your Excellency, dated to-day, and I am very
grateful for the news you give in regard to the generals, chiefs,
officers and troops that are your prisoners, and of the good care
that you give to the woimded in your possession. With respect
to the wounded, I have no objection to receiving in this place
those that your Excellency may willingly deliver me, but I am
not authorized by the General-in-Chief to make any exchange,
as he has reserved to himself that authority. Yet I have given
him notice of the proposition of your Excellency.
It is useless for me to tell you how grateful I am for the in-
terest that your Excellency has shown for the prisoners and
corpse of General Vara del Rey, giving you many thanks for
the chivalrous treatment.
The same reasons that I explained to you yesterday, I have
to g^ve again to-day — that this place will not be surrendered.
I am, yours with great respect and consideration,
(Signed) JOSE TORAL.
In Santiago de Cuba, July 4, 1898.
Headquarters Fifth Army Corps,
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July 6, 1898.
To the Commander-in-Chief, Spanish Forces, Santiago de Cuba.
Sir: — In view of the events of the 3d instant, I have the
honor to lay before your Excellency certain propositions to
which, I trust, your Excellency, will give the consideration
which, in my judgment, they deserve.
I inclose a bulletin of the engagement of Sunday morning
which resulted in the complete destruction of Admiral Cervera's
fleet, the loss of six hundred of his officers and men, and the
capture of the remainder. The Admiral, General Paredes and
APPEXDIX 5S^
all others wno t-scaped alive are now prisoners on board tfie
Harvard and St. Louis, and the latter ship, in which are the
Admiral, General Paredes and the surviving captains (all ex-
cept the captain of the Almirante Oquendo, who was slain)
has already sailed for the United States. If desired by you, this
may be confirmed by your Excellency sending an of^cer under
a flag of truce to Admiral Sampson, and he can arrange to
visit the Harvard, which will not sail until to-morrow, and ob-
tain the details from Spanish officers and men on board that
ship.
Our fleet is now perfectly free to act, and I have the honor
to state that unless a surrender be arranged by noon of the 9th
instant, a bombardment will be begun and continued by the
heavy guns of our ships. The city is within easy range of these
guns, the eight-inch being capable of firing 9,500 yards, the
thirteen-inch, of course, much farther. The ships can so lie that
with a range of 8,000 yards they can reach the centre of the city.
I make this suggestion of a surrender purely in a human-
itarian spirit. I do not wish to cause the slaughter of any more
men, either of your Excellency's forces or my own, the final
result under circumstances so disadvantageous to your Excel-
lency being a foregone conclusion.
As your Excellency may wish to make reference of so mo-
mentous a question to your Excellency's home government,
it is for this purpose that I have placed the time of the re-
sumption of hostilities sufficiently far in the future to allow a
reply being received.
I beg an early answer from your Excellency.
I have the honor to be,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
W. R. SHAFTER,
Major-General. Commanding.
Headquarters Fifth Army Corps,
Camp near Santiago, July 9, 1898.
Hon. Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.
I forwarded General Toral's proposition to evacuate the
town this morning without consulting any one. Since then I
have seen the general officers commanding divisions, who agree
with me in that it should be accepted.
1st. It releases at once the harbor.
334 APPENDIX
2d. It permits the return of thousands of women, children
and old men, who have left the town, fearing bombardment,
•and are now suffering fearfully where they are, though I am
doing my best to supply them with food.
3d. It saves the great destruction of property which a bom-
bardment would entail, most of which belongs to Cubans and
foreign residents.
4th. It at once releases this command while it is in good
health for operations elsewhere. There are now three cases of
yellow fever at Siboney in a ISIichigan regiment, and if it gets
started, no one knows where it will stop.
We lose by this, simply some prisoners we do not want and
the arms they carry. I believe many of them will desert and
return to our lines. I was told by a sentinel who deserted last
night that tv/o hundred men wanted to come, but were afraid
<'Ur men would fire upon them .t
W. R. SHAFTER,
Major-General, United States Volunteers.
Reply.
Washington, D. C, July 9, 1898.
Major-General Shafter, Playa, Cuba.
In reply to your telegram recommending terms of evacuation
as proposed by the Spanish commander, after careful consid-
eration by the President and Secretary of War, I am directed to
say that you have repeatedly been advised that you would not
be expected to make an assault upon the enemy at Santiago
until you were prepared to do the work thoroughly. When you
are ready this will be done. Your telegram of this morning
said your position was impregnable and that you believed the
enemy would yet surrender unconditionally. You have also
assured us that you could force their surrender by cutting oflF
their supplies. Under these circumstances, your message re-
commending that Spanish troops be permitted to evacuate and
proceed without molestation to Holguin is a great surprise and
is not approved. The responsibility for the destruction and dis-
tress to the inhabitants rests entirely with the Spanish com-
mander. The Secretary of War orders that when you are
strong enough to destroy the enemy and take Santiago, you do it
If you have not force enough, it will be despatched to you at
the earHest moment possible. Reinforcements are on the way
of which you have already been apprised. In the meantime,
APPENDIX 335
nothing is lost by holding the position you now have, atul which
you regard as impregnable.
Acknowledge receipt. By order of the Secretary of War.
(Signed) H. C. CORBIN, Adjutant-General.
Headquarters United States Forces,
Camp near San Juan River, Cuba, July ii, 189S.
To His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief of the Spanish
Forces, Santiago de Cuba.
Sir: — With the largely increased forces which have come to
me, and the fact that I have your line of retreat securely within
my hands, the time seems fitting that I should again demand
of your Excellency the surrender of Santiago and your Excel-
lency's army. I am authorized to state that should your Excel-
lency so desire, the Government of the United States will trans-
port your entire command to Spain. I have the honor to be,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
WILLIAM R. SHAFTER.
Major-General, Commanding.
Reply.
Army of the Island of Cuba, Fourth Corps,
July II, 1898.
To His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief of the Forces of
the United States, in the Camp of the San Juan.
Esteemed Sir : — I have the honor to advise your Eminence
that your communication of this date is received, and in reply
desire to confirm that which I said in my former communication,
and also to advise you that I have communicated your proposi-
tion to the General-in-Chief. Reiterating my sentiments, I am,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
(Signed) JOSE TORAL,
Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Corps and Military Gover-
nor of Santiago.
Headquarters Fifth Army Corps,
Camp near Santiago de Cuba, July 12, 1898.
To His Excellency, Commander-in-Chief of Spanish Forces,
Santiago de Cuba.
Sir : — I have the honor to inform your Excellency that I have
already ordered a suspension of hostilities, and I will repeat
336 APPENDIX
that order, granting in this manner a reasonable time within
which you may receive an answer to the message sent to the
Government of Spain, which time will end to-morrow at 12
o'clock noon.
I think it my duty to inform your Excellency that during this
armistice I will not move any of my troops that occupy the ad-
vanced line, but the forces that arrived to-day and which are
tlebarking at Siboney require moving to this camp.
I wish that your Excellency would honor me with a per-
sonal interview to-morrow morning at 9 o'clock. I will come
accompanied by the Commanding General of the American
army, and by an interpreter, which will permit you to be ac-
companied by two or three persons of your staff who speak
English. Hoping for a favorable answer, I have the honor to be,
Verv respectfully, your obedient servant,
' WILLIAM R. SH AFTER,
' Major-General, Commanding.
Army of the Island of Cuma, Fourth Corps,
Santiago de cuba, July 12, 1898 — 9 P. M.
To His Excellency, the General of the American Troops.
Esteemed Sir : — I have the honor to answer )'our favor of this
date, inform your Excellency that in deference to your de-
sires I will be much honored by a conference with his Excel-
lency, the Commanding General of your army, and your Excel-
lency, to-morrow morning at the hour you have seen fit to ap-
point.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
(Signed) JOSE TORAL,
Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army Corps.
Preliminary agreement for the capitulation of the Spanish
forces which constitute the division of Santiago de Cuba, oc-
cupying the territory herein set forth, said capitulation author-
ized by the Commander-in-Chief of the Island of Cuba, agreed
to by General Toral and awaiting the approbation of the
Government at Madrid, and subject to the following condi-
tions :
Submitted by the undersigned Commissioners —
Brigadier-General Don Frederick Escario, Lieutenant-Col-
APPENDIX 337
onel of Staff Don Ventura Fontan and Mr. Robert Mason, of
the city of Santiago de Cuba, representing- General Toral,
commanding Spanish forces, to Major-General Joseph Wheel-
er, U. S. v., Major-General H. W. Lawton, U. S. V., and
First Lieutenant J. D. Miley, Second Artillery, A. D. C, rep-
resenting General Shafter, commanding American forces, for
the capitulation of the Spanish forces comprised in that por-
tion of the Island of Cuba east of a line passing through
Aserradero, Dos Palmas, Palma Soriano, Cauto Abajo, Es-
condida, Tanamo and Aguilera, said territory being known as
the Eastern District of Santiago, commanded by General Jose
Toral.
1. That pending arrangements for capitul?t,ion all hostili-
ties between American and Spanish forces in this district shall
absolutely and unequivocally cease.
2. That this capitulation includes all the forces and war
material in said territory.
3. That after the signing of the final capitulation the Uni-
ted States agrees, with as little delay as possible, to transport
all the Spanish troops in said district to the Kingdom of
Spain, the troops, as near as possible, to embark at the port
nearest the garrison they now occupy.
4. That the officers of the Spanish Army be permitted to
retain their side arms, and both officers and enlisted men their
personal property.
5. That after final capitulation the Spanish authorities
agree without delay to remove, or assist the American Navy
in removing, all mines or other obstructions to navigation
now in the harbor of Santiago and its mouth.
6. That after final capitulation the commander of the
Spanish forces deliver without delay a complete inventory of
all arms and munitions of war of the Spanish forces and a
roster of the said forces now in the above-described district,
to the commander of the American forces.
7. That the commander of the Spanish forces, in leaving
said district, is authorized to carry with him all military ar-
chives and records pertaining to the Spanish Army now in
^said district.
93
33^ APPENDIX
8. That all of that portion of the Spanish forces known as
Vokinteers, Movilizados and Guerillas, who wish to remain in
the Island of Cuba are permitted to do so under parole not
to take up arms against the United States during the contin-
uance of the war between Spain and the United States, deliv-
ering up their arms.
9. That the Spanish forces will march out of Santiago de
Cuba with honors of war, depositing their arms thereafter at
a point mutually agreed upon, to await their disposition by
the United States Government, it being understood that the
United States Commissioners will recommend that the Span-
ish soldier return to Spain with the arms he so bravely de-
fended.
Entered into this fifteenth day of July, eighteen hundred
and ninety-eight, by the undersigned Commissioners, acting
under instructions from their respecting commanding generals.
(Signed)
JOSEPH WHEELER,
Major-General U. S. Vols.;
H. W. LAWTOiN.
^Major-General U. S. Vols.;
J. D. MILEY,
i.f^ Lieut. 2d Art., A. D. C. to General Shafter.
FREDERICO ESCARIO,
VENTURA FONTAN,
ROBERT MASON.
Army of the Island of Cuba, Fourth Corps,
Santiago de Cuba, July 12, 1898—9 P. M.
To His Excellency, the General-in-Chief of the American
Forces,
Esteemed Sir : — As I am now authorized by my Government
to capitulate, I have the honor to so advise you, requesting you
to designate the hour and place where my representatives
should appear, to concur with those of your Excellency to edit
the articles of capitulation on the basis of what has been agreed
upon to this date.
In due time I wish to manifest to your Excellency my desire
to know the resolution of the United States Government re-
APPENDIX 339
specting the return of the arms, so as to note it in the capitula-
tion ; also for their great courtesy and gentlemanly deportment
I wish to thank your Grace's representatives, and in return for
their generous and noble efforts for the Spanish soldiers, I hope
your Government will allov/ them to return to the Peninsula
Vt'ith the arms that the American army do them the honor to
acknowledge as having dutifull}' defended.
Reiterating my former sentiments, 1 remain,
Verv respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOSE TORAL,
Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army Corps.
At Neutral Camp, near Santiago, Under a Flag of Truce,
July 14, 1898.
Recognizing the chivalry, courage and gallantry of Generals
I^inares and Toral, and of the soldiers of Spain who were en-
gaged in the battles recently fought in the vicinity of Santiago
de Cuba, as displayed in said battles, we, the undersigned offi-
cers of the United States army, who had the honor to be en-
gaged in said battle, and are now a duly organized commission,
treating with a like commission of officers of the Spanish army,
for the capitulation of Santiago de Cuba, unanimously join in
earnestly soHciting the proper authority to accord to these
brave and chivalrous soldiers the privilege of returning to their
country bearing the arms they have so bravely defended.
JOSEPH WHEELER,
Major-General, U. S. Vols.
H. W. LAWTON,
Major-General, U. S. Vols.
First Lient., 2d Art., A. D. C.
J. D. MILEY,
Army of the Island of Cuba, Fourth Corps,
Santiago de Cuba, July 16, 1IS98.
To His Excellency, the Commander-in-Chief of the Forties of
the United States.
Esteemed Sir: — At half-past 11 I received your commiinica-
tion of this date, and I am sorry to advise you that it is impos-
sible for my representatives to come to the appointed place at
midday, as you wish, as I must meet them and give them their
instructions.
If agreeable to you, will you defer the visit until 4 P. M, to-
340
APPENDIX
(lay or until 7 to-morrow morning, and in the meanwhile the
obstacles to the entrance of the Red Cross will be removed
from the harbor.
I beg your Honor will make clear what force you wish me
*.o retire from the railroad, as, if it is that in Aguadores, I would
authorize the repair of the bridge at once by your engineers ;
and if it is that on the heights to the left of your lines, I beg
you will specify with more precision.
I have ordered those in charge of the aqueduct to proceed at
once to repair it with the means at their command.
Awaiting your reply, I remain,
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOSE TORAL,
Commander-in-Chief of the Fourth Army Corps.
Headquarters Fifth Army Corps,
Camp, July 16, 1898.
To His Excellency, General Jose Toral, Commanding Spanish
Forces in Eastern Cuba.
Sir: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
Excellency's letter of this date, notifying me that the Govern-
ment at Madrid approves your action, and requesting that I
designate officers to arrange for and receive the surrender of
the forces of your Excellency. This I do, nominating Major-
General Wheeler, Major-General Lawton, and my aide, Lieuten-
ant Miley. I have to request that your Excellency at once with-
draw your troops from along the railway to Aguadores, and
from the bluff in rear of my left ; also that you at once direct
the removal of the obstructions at the entrance to the harbor
or assist the navy in doing so, as it is of the utmost importance
that I at once get vessels loaded with food into the harbor.
The repair of the railroad will, I am told, require a week's
time, I shall, as I have said to your Excellency, urge my Gov-
ernment that the gallant men your Excellency has so ably com-
manded have returned to Spain with them the arms thev have
wielded. With great respect, I remain.
Your obedient servant and friend,
WILLIAM R. SH AFTER,
■^ r-Gcneral, Commanding.
APPENDIX 34 1
Terms of the Military Convention for the capitulatior. of
the Spanish forces occupying the territory which constitutes
the Division of Santiago de Cuba and described as follows :
All that portion of the Island of Cuba east of a line pass-
ing through Aserradero, Dos Palmas, Cauto Abajo, Escon-
dida, Tanamo and Aguilara, said troops being in command of
General Jose Toral; agreed upon by the undersigned Com-
missioners : Brigadier-General Don Federico Escario, Lieu-
tenant-Colonel of Staff Don Ventura Fontan, and as Inter-
preter, Mr. Robert Mason, of the city of Santiago de Cuba,
appointed by General Toral, commanding the Spanish forces,
on behalf of the Kingdom of Spain, and Major-General Joseph
Wheeler, U. S. V., Major-General H. W. Lawton, U. S. V.,
and First Lieutenant J. D. Miley, Second Artillery, A. D. C,
appointed by General Shafter, commanding the American
forces on behalf of the United States :
1. That all hostilities between the American and Spanish
forces in this district absolutely and unequivocally cease.
2. That this capitulation includes all the forces and war
material in said territory.
3. That the United States agrees, with as little delay as
possible, to transport all the Spanish troops in said district to
the Kingdom of Spain, the troops being embarked, as far as
possible at the port nearest the garrison they now occupy,
4. That the officers of the Spanish Arm be permitted to
retain their side arms, and both officers and private soldiers
their personal property.
5. That the Spanish authorities agree to remove, or assist
the American Navy in removing, all mines or other obstruc-
tions to navigation now in the harbor of Santiago and its
mouth.
6. That the commander of the Spanish forces deliver with-
out delay a complete inventory of all arms and munitions of
war of the Spanish forces in above described district to the
commander of the American forces ; also a roster of said forces
now in said district.
7. That the commander of the Spanish forces, in leaving
said district, is authorized to carry with him all military
342 APPENDIX
archives and records pertaining to the Spanish Army now in
said district.
8. That all that portion of the Spanish forces known as
Volunteers, Movilizados and Guerillas, who wish to remain in
the Island of Cuba, are permitted to do so upon the condition
of delivering- up their arms and taking a parole not to bear
arms against he United States during the continuance of the
present war between Spain and the United States.
9. That the Spanish forces will march out of Santiago de
Cuba with the honors of war, depositing their arms thereafter
at a point mutually agreed upon, to await their disposition by
the United States Government, it being understood that the
United States Commissioners will recommend that the Span-
ish soldier return to Spain with the arms he so bravely de-
fended.
10. That the provisions of the foregoing- instrument be-
come operative immediately upon its being signed.
Entered into this sixteenth day of July, eighteen hundred
and ninety-eight, by the undersigned Commissioners, acting
under instructions from their respective commanding generals
and with the approbation of their respective governments.
(Signed)
JOSEPH WHEELER,
Major-General U. S. Vols.;
H. W. LAWTON,
Major-General U. S. Vols.;
J. D. MILEY,
1st Lieut. 2d Art., A. D. C. to General Shafter.
FREDERICO ESCARIO,
. • VENTURA FONTAN,
ROBERT MASON.
APPENDIX 343
The following dispatch, sent by General Linares, will show
how desperate were the straits into which he had been driven
and how earnestly he desired to be granted authority to avoid
further fighting by the surrender of his forces at Santiago :
Santiago de Cuba, July 12, 1898.
The General-in-Chief to the Secretary of War.
Although prostrated in bed from weakness and pain, my mind
is troubled by the situation of our suffering troops, and there-
fore I think it my duty to address myself to you, Mr. Secretary,
and describe the true situation.
The enemy's forces very near city ; ours extended fourteen ki-
lometres (14,000 yards). Our troops exhausted and sickly in an
alarming proportion. Cannot be brought to the hospital — need-
ing them in trenches. Cattle without fodder or hay. Fearful
storm of rain, which has been pouring continuously for past
twenty-four hours. Soldiers without permanent shelter. Their
only food rice, and not much of that. The}"- have no way of
changing or drying their clothing. Our losses were very heavy
— many chiefs and oliftcers among the dead, wounded and sick
Their absence deprives the forces of their leaders in this very
critical moment. Under these conditions it is impossible tc
open a breach on the enem}', because it would take a third of
our men who cannot go out, and whom the enemy would deci-
mate. The result would be a terrible disaster, without obtain-
ing, as you desire, the salvation of eleven maimed battalions.
To make a sortie protected by the division at Holguin, it is
necessary to attack the enemy's lines simultaneously, and the
forces of Holguin cannot come here except after many long
days' marching. Impossible for them to transport rations.
Unfortunately, the situation is desperate. The surrender is im-
minent, otherwise we will only gain time to prolong our agony.
The sacrifice would be sterile, and the men understand this.
With his lines so near us, the enemy will annihilate us without
exposing his own, as he did yesterday, bombarding bv land
elevations without our being able to discover their batteries,
and by sea the fleet has a perfect knowledge of the place, and
bombards with a mathematical accuracy. Santiago is no
Gerona, a walled city, part of the mother country, and defended
inch by inch by her own people without distinction — old men
and women who helped with their lives, moved bv the holv idea
344 APPENDIX
of freedom, and with the hope of help, which they received.
Here I am alone. All the people have fled, even those holding
public offices, almost without exception. Only the priests re-
main, and they wish to leave the city to-day, headed by their
archbishop. These defenders do not start now a campaign full
of enthusiasm and energy, but for three years they have been
fighting the climate, privations and fatigue, and now they have
to confront this critical situation when they have no enthusiasm
or physical strength. They have no ideals, because they defend
the property of people who have deserted them and those who
are the allies of the American forces.
The honor of arms has its limit, and I appeal to the judgment
of the Government and of the entire nation whether these pa-
tient trops have not repeatedly saved it since May i8th — date
of first bombardment. If it is necessary that I sacrifice them for
reasons unknown to me, or if it is necessary for some one to
take responsibility for the issue foreseen and announced by me
in several telegrams, I willingly oflfer myself as a sacrifice to
my country, and I will take charge of the command for the act
of surrender, as my modest reputation is of small value when
the reputation of the nation is at stake.
(Signed) LINARES.
Thus surrendered to our forces about 23,500 Spanish
troops, of whom about 11,000 had been in the garrison of San-
tiago, the others having been stationed in garrisons outside of
the city, but belonging to the Division of Santiago. With
them were also surrendered 100 cannon, 18 machine guns and
over 25,000 rifles. The troops w"ere all sent back to Spain in
vessels of their own nation and flying their ow^n flag. We
had lost in battles with them before the surrender 23 officers
killed and 237 men; and 100 officers and 1,332 men wounded.
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY
Los Angeles
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