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DEMOSTHENES
ON THE CROWN
Published by
JAMES THORNTON, OXFORD.
London: SIMP KIN, MARSHALL, & Co.
THE ORATION
OF
DEMOSTHENES
Μ
ON THE CROWN
AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION
INTRODUCTION, NOTES, AND INDICES
BY
FRANCIS P.. SIMPSON, B.'A. ' ^
BALLIOL COLLEGE, OXFORD
JAMES THORNTON, HIGH STREET
1882
OXFORD:
ΙΥ Ε. PICKAED HALL, M.A., AND J. H. STACY,
PBINTERS TO THE UNIVERSITY.
aJ^
α
PREFACE.
The present text follows that of Baiter and Sauppe
(Zurich, 1 841), which is prescribed by the Board of Studies
at Oxford. A few misprints have been corrected : in § 129
τω ΚαλαμίτΎ] ηρωί has been, on excellent authority, altered
to τω καλαμίτΎΐ'Ήρωί, and in several places the punctuation
has been changed ; but in every case warning of the
change is given in the notes.
The Zurich editors base their edition on the Parisian MS.
known as Σ. This is admittedly the best MS. of Demo-
sthenes ; but, that it should not be considered exclusively
correct and infallible, has been shown by Shilleto, among
others, in his critical annotations to the De Falsa Legatione.
In the present speech it often omits words and phrases, found
in most other MSS., which, so far as internal evidence goes,
are genuine, that is to say, are apposite, and sometimes
necessary, to the sense. Hence the readings of Dindorf
(Leipzig, 1 874), who takes a view rather different from that
of the Zurich editors, and perhaps juster, of the authority of
Σ, have been stated in the notes throughout the speech ;
and other variants, which seemed important or instructive,
have been added.
References, in the notes, to other speeches of Demosthenes
are given by the sections and pages of the same edition of
Dindorf, which are those generally adopted. In the case
of the De Falsa Legatione I have, for the sake of con-
venience, given the sections of Shilleto, of course retaining
the page.
45S544
vi PREFACE.
Several of the notes — which I have tried to make as
concise as possible — may appear unnecessary to a scholar;
but they have been inserted for the practical reason that
the obstacles they should remove have been felt by some
of the many pupils with whom I have read this speech.
The main difficulty which Demosthenes presents to the
student lies in the close logical connection of his argu-
ments ; and most commentaries consist largely of transla-
tion or paraphrase. Paraphrase is dangerous, as it may
lead a novice to a belief that he quite understands a piece
of Latin or Greek, when he is some way from doing so.
I have, therefore, taken the bull by the horns, and have
given a continuous rendering, as close as I could decently
make it. Nobody, I trust, will rest satisfied with this, but
will by all means improve on it. as a translation. Its aim
is purely commentatorial — to save its weight in notes. It
is intended to show what Demosthenes said, but not how
well he said it. And, I may say, I believe that every
lecturer and tutor in Oxford will admit that an under-
graduate, or sixth-form boy, cannot get full value out of
reading the De Corona without such help.
In the first part of the Introduction will be found a sketch
of Athenian history, as far as is necessary for the thorough
understanding of this Oration. In the second portion, a
precis of the oration of Aeschines, as well as of that of
Demosthenes, is prefixed to a brief analysis of the two
speeches considered as an attack and a defence. To read
Demosthenes without knowing the circumstances under
which he spoke, and the quality of his antagonists, is to
miss half the interest ; for above all things that are remark-
able in him as an orator are his mastery of a situation and
the breadth and intensity of his reasoning.
A further relief has been given to the notes by collecting
PREFACE. vii
the various uses of the more notable words and phrases in
an Index (II), where I hope they will be found more con-
cisely and more profitably exhibited than if they had
appeared in detached portions. This index is also in-
tended to be tolerably complete. 'Dominantia verba,'
which occur often without any definable variation of
meaning, I have, as a rule, only entered once or twice ;
but I have departed from this rule pretty frequently where
a word, though common, might help as a key to a passage
of interest. In this way I trust that Index II will give a
fair view of the vocabulary employed by Demosthenes in
this speech. For purposes of composition this should be
useful ; for the vocabulary is the half of a style.
Oxford, i88i.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Preface ....... vi
Introduction : —
I. Athens from the close of the Peloponnesian War
to Chaeronea ..... xi
II. The Trial ...... xxxv
Text and Notes ...... 2—232
Translation ...... 3—233
Index I. (Names and Places) .... 235
Index II. (Words and Phrases) .... 240
CORRIGENDA.
P^ge 57 > line 5 from bottom, de/e See . . . npvravcis
» 79 Μ 2 „ „ >^ 345 ^^«^355
„ 125 „ 7 „ ,, for \.Q. read οτ,
„ 131 „ II „ ioY>,for mezxis read men
« 135 »» 3 .. Μ yi'?' that ^(?Λί/ because
„ Μ „ 8 „ „ for Άθηνι^σιν read Άθήνησιν
„ „ „ 14 „ „ for ΐΓθλιτ€ύη read rroKtrevri
bottom, ^r 297 read 291
top, for βραδιτΓητα5 read βραδύτητα$
bottom, inseri by defore similar
top, for or read nor that I
bottom, afer capricious, add For νομίμοκ, cf. c. Aristocr.
§ 70, p. 643•
top, for your read their
„ for arrvivari. read απνευστί,
bottom, yi>r patriotic read statesmanlike
150 .
, 8
182 ,
. 15
193 ,
' 15
199 V
. 9
201 „
, 6
209 ,.
. 14
224 ,
. 4
225 ,
> 10
INTRODUCTION.
Athens from the Close of the Peloponnesian
War to the Battle of Chaeronea.
The growth of the Athenian empire was an outcome of that
coaHtion of the Greek states which had been caused by the danger
of invasion from the East. Its fall meant the disintegration of
Greece, and the return of the diiferent Greek communities to their
old jealousies, and their old policies of selfish league or isolation.
There was left, however, at Athens, the tradition of a hundred
years of gallant deeds, the memory of a preeminence fairly
acquired and fairly held, and a sentiment which connected Athe-
nian hegemony with the championship of Greece against the
foreigner — a sentiment which lived, though it burned low, for sixty
years, until it was fanned into flame once more by Demosthenes,
and, when then it was extinguished, Greek liberty was dead.
The history of Hellas, as a whole, from the close of the Pelo-
ponnesian war to the beginning of the domination of Macedon, is
a tangled skein. It is necessary, however, in order to understand
the Speech on the Crown, only to trace the thread that belongs to
Athens, discovering her contact with the changing combinations
and transient supremacies, among the Hellenic states, which mark
this period.
The autocracy of Sparia, and the rise and decline of Thebes.
Athens recovered her democracy in the memorable year 403 B.C.
But her walls were demolished, her fleet destroyed, her subjects
and allies gone from her, her citizens thinned in number by misery,
war, and faction ; and forty years elapsed before she could venture
to play a leading part in Hellenic afl"airs.
In these, at first, Sparta was naturally predominant. All the
cities of the old Ionian confederacy were held in her grip by means
Xll INTRODUCTION,
of Laconising oligarchs and Lacedaemonian governors; and the
successes of Agesilaus in Asia Minor brought her both prestige
and plunder. But growing hatred of the arrogance of Spartan
rule, aided by the influence of Persian gold, shrewdly distributed
about the Greek world, soon caused an eruption. By 394 b.c.,
Thebes, Corinth, and Argos were in league against Lacedaemon
and Phocis, and hostilities had begun. Athens, joining the league,
took an active share. Athenian forces were at Haliartus when King
Pausanias arrived too late to save Lysander, were despatched
subsequently to Corinth, and fought against Agesilaus at Coronea ;
later, sallying from Corinth, the light troops of the Athenian
Iphicrates annihilated a whole μόρα of Spartan hoplites. The
maritime power of Lacedaemon, and her influence on the Aegaean,
were lost after the defeat sustained at Cnidos. Conon, too, coming
home with the Persian fleet, obtained from Pharnabazus permission
and help to rebuild the Long Walls and re-fortify the Piraeus : and
Athenian squadrons under Thrasybulus and Iphicrates did some-
thing to regain the position of Athens on the Hellespont.
At last, however, Sparta closed a seven years' war by the dis-
graceful compromise with Persia, known as the Peace of Antal-
ciDAS (387 B.C.). This act surrendered all the Greek cities in Asia
Minor, with Clazomenae and Cyprus, to the Persian king, and
allowed him to dictate a general pacification. All the Greek states
were to be independent. Athens might keep the small islands,
Lemnos, Imbros, Scyros. Thebes lost her command of Boeotia.
Sparta, as protector of the peace, backed by a strong alliance, was
secured in her hegemony.
The bad faith of the Spartans was soon apparent. Beginning
in Boeotia, they used every eflbrt of fraud and force to create a
' ring ' of oligarchical governments, closely bound and subservient
to themselves; and in this they succeeded. The treacherous
seizure and retention of the Cadmea, the citadel of Thebes itself in
382 B.C., and the reduction of the cities of the Olynthiac Union in
379 B.C., left them autocrats of Hellas, supported by the despotisms
of Persia, Macedon, and Syracuse.
Their success was short-lived. It was an outrage to Hellenic
sentiment.
In the same year (379 b.c) Theban exiles, operating from
/. ATHENS 403— 338 B.C. xiii
Athens, were' able, by a daring stratagem, to destroy the oligarchy
at Thebes, and expel the Lacedaemonian garrison. The new
Theban magistracy, led by Pelopidas and Epaminondas, declared
war against Sparta, and for seven years received assistance,
especially maritime, from Athens, until the Spartans were wholly
driven from Boeotia.
Offended, however, at the sharp reprisals taken by the Thebans
on Thespiae and Plataea, and traditionally jealous of Theban
successes, the Athenians at length struck with Sparta the Peace of
Callias (371 B.C.), by which Sparta called home all her harmosts
and garrisons, and Athens her fleet. From this peace Thebes
was excluded.
Thus Thebes was left to fight single-handed. A Lacedaemonian
army was in Phocis, under king Cleombrotus. But the peace
of Callias was not three weeks old, when the genius of Epami-
nondas dealt, in his complete victory at Leuctra, a surprising but
crushing blow to the military prestige of Sparta.
The loss to Sparta was much more than the loss of a battle.
The defeated forces, indeed, were allowed to leave Boeotia undis-
turbed, owing to the advice of Jason, tyrant of Pherae and tagus
('federal general') of Thessaly (a man remarkable as a proto-
type of Philip), whose aid the Thebans had invited ; but all the
ascendancy hitherto held by Sparta in northern Greece was
divided between Jason and Thebes.
The Theban Hegemony dated from Leuctra. Next year Epami-
nondas pressed into the Peloponnese at the head of a great army
of allies, and invaded Laconia, but was dissuaded, by the vigorous
defence of Agesilaus, from persisting in his attempt. His other
measures were, perhaps, as disastrous to Sparta as an occupation
of the city would have been. On the north, breaking up the
old Peloponnesian alliance, he formed all Arcadia into a strong
federate whole, meeting in synod at the newly-founded Megalopolis :
on the west, he reinstated the long-dispersed Messenians in their
old country. Thus broken and hemmed in, the Spartans turned
to Athens, formally resigning their claims to primacy ; and were
received by her into alliance — a relation which was destined to be
permanent.
Athens, in order to preserve the balance of power, had, soon
XIV INTRODUCTION,
after 378 b.c, formed a confederacy, consisting both of Pelopon-
nesian states, and, still more largely, of her old maritime allies.
She had also augmented her navy, and by her victory over the
Lacedaemonian fleet at Naxos (376 b.c.) was once more mistress
of the sea.
The Thebans, for nine years, continued to increase in power,
and their leadership received royal sanction from Persia. Their
most important military operations were in Thessaly. These were
directed against Alexander of Pherae, a corrupt successor of Jason,
and covered about five years, during which the despot received
occasional aid from Athens. Finally defeated at the battle of
Cynoscephalae (where Pelopidas fell), he became a subject ally
of Thebes, and afterwards chiefly distinguished himself by acts of
piracy in the Aegaean, on one occasion plundering the Piraeus.
Thebes was now paramount in Thessaly, extending in influence
as far as Macedonia.
The Euboeans, who had taken part in the Anti-Spartan league,
sided with Thebes at the beginning of her supremacy, but, later,
fell into divisions; and in many cities tyrants started up, who
were guided in their political attachments by purely personal
motives. One of these, Themison of Eretria, put Oropus into the
hands of the Thebans, who delayed to restore the city to Athens,
owing to its advantageous position with regard to Euboea. Thebes
coveted the possession of that island as the only opening by which
she could realise her ambition of becoming a naval power. Some
maritime operations against Athens were, indeed, actually begun
(363 B.C.) under Epaminondas, with promising success ; but they
ceased at his death.
In 362 the disturbances that had arisen, some time back, be-
tween Elis and Arcadia, in which Mantinea and Sparta had taken
the side of the former, seemed to threaten the safety of the new
Arcadian confederacy. Epaminondas crossed into the Pelopon-
nese to support the Theban party, and met and routed the enemy
at Mantinea. He was mortally wounded himself His irreparable
loss, added to his dying injunction that peace should be made,
put an end to hostilities ; and a general pacification ensued.
Though victorious at Mantinea, the Thebans had not bettered
their position : or rather the decline of their active influence over
/. ATHENS 403—338 B.C. XV
their confederates may be dated from that battle. Phocis had sent
no contingent. The reduction of the old autonomous cities in
Boeotia, especially Orchomenus, must have excited general indig-
nation. Yet worse, the two great Theban generals and statesmen
were now dead, and their places were never filled. Still Thebes
was strong. She was sovereign in Boeotia. She held Oropus.
Most of Euboea, Thessaly, and the northern and western states
were in friendly union with her. In the Peloponnese, Sparta
was degraded, and, with Elis, was kept in check by the new
Arcadia and Messene ; Argos, too, was Theban ; Corinth, Sicyon,
and the other cities to the north-east, were isolated and neutral.
She had only one rival, Athens. By the close of this period
(c. 360 B.C.) the Athenians had recovered much of their old com-
mercial prosperity : their fleet was the most powerful in Greece ;
they were at the head of a large insular alliance, and possessed, of
their own right, Pydna, Potidaea, Methone, together with Samos
and valuable conquests in the Thracian Chersonese.
From the accession of Philip to his first advance into Thessaly.
The rival states met in Euboea. In 358 b.c. the Thebans were
in possession of the island. Moved by a sudden impulse the
Athenians resolved to assert their claims. Volunteers took upon
themselves the trierarchies.^ In five days an expedition was pre-
pared : in thirty days the Thebans were compelled to evacuate all
Euboea, which then joined the Athenian confederacy, sending
members to the synod and subsidies to the common fund.
Athens was now at her zenith. But a rapid declension fol-
lowed in the next five years, to which two causes mainly con-
tributed.
The first was the Social War (357-355 b.c). Athens had
selfishly appropriated to her own citizens the acquisitions made by
the help of her allies ; her own contingents had consisted of mer-
cenaries, whose employment led to extortion and rapine. She had
also robbed Byzantium of its port dues. Chios, as oligarchical,
had never been in full sympathy with her. The Carian prince,
Mausolus, established an oligarchy at Rhodes, and occupied Cos.
* See note on § 102 of this Speech.
xvi INTRODUCTION,
These four states seceded. Athens, in her attempts to reclaim
them by force, was unfortunate. She met with repulses at Chios
and at Byzantium, and lost the services of her best commanders —
the gallant Chabrias having been killed at Samos ; and Timotheus
fined, Iphicrates driven into retirement, on the representations of
their less competent colleague Chares. In 355 b.c. the threat of
Persian interference brought the war to an end, and Athens
recognised the independence of the seceding cities.
The second cause, operating simultaneously with the Social
War, and furthered by the distraction of Athenian activity which
that occasioned, was the aggression of Philip.
As an hostage for the amity of Macedon, he had spent some years at
Thebes, and had there enjoyed the example and society of Pelopidas
and Epaminondas. The death of his brother Perdiccas forced
him, amid a crowd of competitors, to the Macedonian throne
(359 B-c) in his twenty-fourth year. During the earlier portion of
his reign he had, again and again, to meet in battle or to treat with
his traditionary enemies and neighbours in Thrace, Illyria, and
Paeonia.
He first came into contact with the Athenians as the supporters
of Argaeus, a rival to the Macedonian sceptre. To them he
offered Amphipolis, the * jewel of their old empire,' which they had
for more than sixty years longed to regain ; and, when he crushed
Argaeus, he sent home the Athenian volunteers who had served
under that pretender, with the kindest treatment and the most
friendly off'ers. Peace was concluded between Macedon and
Athens ; but the latter power, perhaps owing to her occupations
in the Chersonese, neglected Amphipolis for more than a year.
In the meantime Philip had grown strong in his relations with
the neighbouring inland nations. At the end of the year 358 b.c.
he laid siege to Amphipolis, which indeed had belonged to him as
little as to the Athenians. The people of Amphipolis besought
Athenian help. Philip, on the other hand, declared that he desired
the possession of that city in order to complete its surrender to
Athens ; and Athens, with a fatal credulity, believed him. Philip
then achieved its capture — an achievement that gave him the
auriferous regions of Pangaeus, worth, as he worked them, a thou-
sand talents annually. Deluding Athens with assurances, never to
I. ATHENS 4^^ — 33^ B.C. xvii
be fulfilled, he further led her, thanks to the gold he had now begun
to employ as a diplomatic agent, and through the mouthpiece of
Athenian speakers (who talked mysteriously of his willingness to
exchange Amphipolis for the once-Macedonian Pydna), to reject
a proffered alliance with Olynthus, now — after emancipation from
Sparta — the head of a union of thirty-four cities. His next step
was to propitiate Olynthus by the present of the district of
Anthemus, and subsequently of the important Potidaea. Pydna he
took for himself (356 b.c), and henceforward considered himself
free from any obligations to Athens in the matter of Amphipolis.
Such were the beginnings of the ' war about AmphipoHs/ which
lasted for some twelve years (till 346 b.c), without any formal
peace. Athens was obstructed by her own negligence, by the re-
luctance of her citizens to serve in person, and by the misconduct
of her mercenaries (owing largely to her own failure in their pay-
ment), as well as by the Social War. Chares, indeed, for a time
obtained some successes in the Hellespont, and obliged the
Thracian prince Cersobleptes to become an Athenian ally, sur-
rendering all his possessions in the Chersonese except Cardia.
On the other hand Philip besieged Methone, the last stand-
point of Athens on the Macedonian coast, and captured it
353 B-c.
Thebes, also, in the interval, had fallen into trouble. Soon
after Leuctra she had revived the long dormant Amphictyonic
Council,^ and, by her influence among the representatives of the
northern tribes who formed a majority in that Council, had caused
a heavy fine to be inflicted on the Lacedaemonians for their seizure
of the Cadmea. In 357 b.c. she succeeded in obtaining a similar
sentence against the Phocians, towards whom she had for six
or seven years entertained grudges, on account of an alleged
sacrilegious trespass on the demesne of Apollo. Neither fine, of
course, was paid. In the latter case, the Phocians, as defaulters,
were doomed by the Council to elimination. In response,
Phocis, roused by Philomelus, seized Delphi, once part of the
Phocian estate, and defeated an assault of Amphissian Locrians.
Thus began the Sacred War, which paved Philip's way to the
mastery over Hellas. The Thebans, together with the northern
^ See note on this Speech, § 143.
b
xviii INTRODUCTION,
Amphictyonic tribes, took arms against Phocis : Athens and Sparta
gave her promises of help, but, as it proved — owing perhaps, later,
to the impious malappropriation of the Delphic treasures by the
Phocian commanders — gave little more than promises. Chequered
campaigns, lasting over several yaers, ensued. Philomelus, on his
death, was succeeded by Onomarchus, who made himself master
of the district of Thermopylae and allied himself with Lycophron,
the new despot of Pherae. Lycophron's foes, the Aleuads, or
ancient houses of Thessaly, provoked by his encroachments, were
instigated by Eudicus and Simus, of Larissa, to solicit the help of
Philip, who was now (353 b.c.) at Methone.
Philip marched into Thessaly, and took Pagasae — an Athenian
fleet arriving too late to save that port — and defeated Phayllus,
brother and subordinate of Onomarchus. On the arrival, however,
of Onomarchus in person, he was twice defeated by the Phocian
commander, and withdrew — in his own words ' retiring, like a
battering-ram, to be more terrible in his return' — to his own
kingdom.
From the beginning of Demosthenes public life to the end of the
Olynthiac war.
In the interval, the Phocians were at the high flood of their
fortunes, the Thebans at a low ebb. Sparta, catching at the oppor-
tunity, tried to reassert herself in Messenia and Arcadia. Envoys,
laden with alluring promises, were sent by her to Athens, and were
there met by a rival embassy from Megalopolis.
The debate in the Athenian assembly was hot, and Demosthenes
took part in it. His general principle, in the oration pro Megalo-
politanis, was that both Sparta and Thebes should be kept weak,
and he recommended that Athens herself should assume the pro-
tectorate of Arcadia, in place of Thebes, maintaining the inde-
pendence of Megalopolis against Lacedaemon. His advice, however,
does not seem to have prevailed, as nothing was done in the
matter.
He had begun public life the year before (354 b.c.) by a speech,
de Symmoriis, on the occasion of a panic caused by rumours of a
Persian invasion ; and he had struck the same keynote in which his
/. ATHENS 403—338 B.C. Xix
subsequent speeches, the Philippics and Olynthiacs, are written.
At present, he said, Athens had no grounds for fear, but must bestir
herself. As the traditionary champion of Pan-Hellenic liberty,
she must be prepared for emergencies. Then followed definite
suggestions for the improvement of her means and forces. This
first speech is marked by strong patriotism, by appeals to his
country to act up to her noblest past, by a thorough grasp of the
situation, and by practical wisdom. It also contained some very
plain-speaking about the political failings of his countrymen, and
these were serious.
The Athenian citizen had wholly changed from the type eulo-
gised by Pericles. * Pugnacity, Pan-Hellenic championship, and
the love of adventure, had died within him ' (Grote). They had
been succeeded by a home-keeping spirit, a love of the pleasures
of city life, the taste for trade, and a constraining indisposition for
the burdens of personal military service, made worse by a back-
wardness even to pay for substitutes. Owing to the decline of the
'citizen mihtia,' soldiership had become a profession, filled by
adventurers, penniless, hopeless, and homeless. These roving
mercenaries, for whom there was now little oudet in the way of
emigration, were a misfortune to the whole of Greece. At Athens,
apathy and the aversion to a vigorous foreign policy fostered the
growth of a peace-at-any-price party, led by the orator Eubulus,
and the ' perpetual general ' Phocion, a blunt, sarcastic man, re-
spected universally for his integrity, but a pronounced pessimist.
Such an Athens was soon to be brought into conflict with
Philip. In neither of the above orations is he even named by
Demosthenes ; yet he had already created, out of the excellent raw
material found in the poor and rude shepherds of Macedonia, a
large standing army, continually exercised in the field of battle, and
organised with a splendid military genius which had been trained -
in the school of Epaminondas.
The Thebans had taken the field again, but had suffered re-
verses at the hands of Onomarchus, who captured Coronea, when
Philip re-appeared in arms in Thessaly. He proclaimed that he
was come to destroy Pheraean tyranny, to administer vengeance on
Phocian impiety, and to restore to the Amphictyons their Pylaean
synod. He was joined by the Thessalians at large. Onomarchus
b2
XX I NT ROD UCTION.
united with Lycophron, and a battle took place (352 b.c.) near
Pagasae, in sight of an Athenian fleet which lay off the coast.
The forces of Onomarchus were routed with great slaughter, their
commander himself being among the slain ; and the defeat was
followed by the expulsion of Lycophron, who transferred his mer-
cenaries to Phocis. Philip then besieged and took Pagasae,
Athenian help coming to the relief too late, and marched south-
wards to Thermopylae. There, by an extraordinary effort, the
Athenians, under Nausicles, had already manned the Pass. They
were supported later by auxiliaries from Sparta and Achaea ; and
Philip found himself obliged to retreat. So southern Greece was
saved for the moment. But Philip soon made himself master' of
Thessaly (352-350 b.c). He had also acquired a considerable
naval power ; and, v/hile he himself passed northwards to carry on
aggressive operations in Thrace, his flying squadrons descended
on the Athenian islands, on Euboea, even on the coast of Mara-
thon (where they made prize of a sacred galley), and did incalculable
damage to Athenian commerce.
Phayllus continued the war against Thebes with varying success.
On his death (351 b.c.) he was succeeded by Phalaecus. The scene
was for a time changed to the Peloponnese, where the Phocians
assisted Lacedaemon against Arcadia and Messene, the latter rein-
forced by Theban troops ; but no result ensued, except an increase
of ill-feeling on either side. As the campaigns proceeded under
Phalaecus, Phocis was ravaged. Pangs of remorse, made keener
as the Delphic treasures were becoming exhausted, arose in that
country; and Phalaecus fell into disfavour. Still Phocis retained
her hold upon Boeotia ; and Thebes grew impoverished both in
men and means, owing to the protraction of the war.
Philip was now recognised as formidable by Greece at large.
Irritation at his successes was especially felt by Athens, the principal
victim of his depredations, but issued in nothing more than the
despatch of feeble mercenary expeditions and incessant complaints
against the failures of the generals. When news came, at the end
of 352 B.C., that the Macedonian king was attacking Heraeon-
Teichos, in the close neighbourhood of the Athenian possessions
in the Chersonese, preparations were, indeed, begun for a great
armament ; but the news of his sickness and rumours of his death
/. ATHENS 403 — 338 B.C. xxi
led to a relaxation of the eifort. It was now that Demosthenes
delivered his first Philippic. He recognised the danger to be ap-
prehended from Macedon, but saw that there was yet time to pre-
vent it. After showing that the late humiliations of Athens were
due to the culpable negligence of her citizens, who acted in strange
contrast with the unresting vigour of the enemy, he proposed the
formation of two great forces, one for continuous operations,
having its headquarters at some convenient centre in the Aegean,
the other to be kept as a reserve at home, but ready to move at a
moment's notice ; and he exhibited a financial scheme by which
the necessary funds could be provided. Above all, he insisted on
the personal service of a large proportion of Athenian citizens.
Probably he had against him the elder statesmen who belonged
to the peace party, and perhaps, by this time, paid agents of
Philip. At any rate, all the action taken was to send out a
ridiculously small and ill-provided fleet, under the mercenary chief
Charidemus.
The years 352-347 b.c. witnessed an advance of the Macedonian
power as rapid and deadly as it had been unexpected. Philip was
absent himself from Greece, during the earlier portion, at least, of
this period ; but his officers were active, and his gold omnipresent.
Great as a general, he was greater as a diplomatist. He had a
keen eye for the internal dissensions of his enemies, and a skilful
hand in fomenting them. It may perhaps be said that, after his
first success against the Phocians, he never attacked a city in which
there was not already an organised minority politically and person-
ally interested in his cause. No town was impregnable, he said
himself, to which an ass, laden with gold, could climb. . To his
credit, on attaining his objects, he generally showed scant courtesy
to such unpatriotic servants of his ambition.
These years were especially disastrous to Athens in her relations
with Chalcidice and Euboea.
Olynthus had seceded from her anti-Athenian alliance with
Philip in 352 b.c. Philip did not begin serious operations against
the Olynthiac Confederacy till 350 b.c. But by 347 b.c his seduc-
tions and his armies had laid in ruins thirty-two free Greek cities.
Demosthenes delivered his Olynthiac Orations (350 b.c) after
his city had united with Olynthus. The order of these speeches
XXll INTRODUCTION.
is uncertain. Grote makes that which is numbered II in the
editions first in time. In this oration Demosthenes dwelt on the
importance of the Olynthiac alliance, and pointed out signs and
germs of decay in Philip's power : yet, on the other hand, he
insisted that Athens must reform her finances, and every citizen
do his duty to the full. Demosthenes, it must be remembered, was
still ' in opposition,' and no steps were taken by the city. Before the
delivery of what is, probably, the next speech, (numbered I), things
had grown worse for Chalcidice. Demosthenes now vehemently
demanded that help should be sent to Olynthus, and that Philip
should also be attacked at home. If the Theoric fund could not
be touched, then extraordinary subscriptions must be raised — for
money must be had — and must be supplemented by personal ser-
vice. At this juncture, mercenaries were sent by Athens to Chal-
cidice, and achieved some successes there, which flattered Athenian
pride, and threatened to confirm Athenian inaction. In the third
Olynthiac (III) Demosthenes warned his countrymen not to be
deluded — Philip was not beaten yet — and he even ventured to
advise distinctly the diversion of the Theoric fund from holiday
purposes to more serious needs. This speech must have been as
unpopular as it is splendid. As before, Athenians were deaf to
their best adviser.
Macedonian influence in Euboea was won mainly by intrigue,
beginning 349 b.c. Disturbances at Eretria drew the Athenians
thither, under Phocion, who found himself surrounded by treachery.
The bad faith of Callias of Chalcis, in particular, led him into straits
at Tamynae, from which his troops only extricated themselves by
signal valour. A further expedition was accompanied by Demos-
thenes — who had strongly disapproved of the first, his non-parti-
cipation in which had, indeed, laid him open to a charge of
λιτΓοτα^ία.
Euboea, however, continued unfriendly to Athens, in spite of
the great effbrts made by the latter, during the next two years, to
regain her position in the island. Similar efl"orts were made to
help Olynthus — a decree was even passed, though afterwards in-
validated, to apply the Theoric fund to the purposes of war —
with similar non-success. The Macedonian arms (348-347 b.c.)
' finished the business of Olynthus,* most thoroughly. Exiles, and
/. ATHENS 403 — 338 B.C. xxiii
trains of enslaved captives, from Chalcidice, were sights common in
southern Greece, and excited both pity and indignation. PhiHp
himself was triumphant, and held, in his own kingdom, a grand
Olympic festival, at which rewards, gifts, and favours were lavishly
distributed.
Events leading to the Peace 0/ Philocrates, and its
consequences.
Among the captives taken and retained in the Olynthiac war by
the Macedonian generals were Athenian citizens of importance ;
and the private petitions and general desire for their restoration
raised much emotion in the assemblies of Athens 347 b.c. More
than this, her Aegean possessions were threatened; and the
feeling thus aroused was embittered by all the wrong-doings of
Macedon during a war now extending over some twelve years.
So, for a moment, even the peace party woke up. Envoys were
sent throughout Hellas, especially in the Peloponnese, to raise a
crusade against Philip. Among them, Aeschines (now a soldier of
repute, with distinctions won at Phlius, Mantinea, Tamynae, and a
rising orator) went to Megalopolis. Here, he declares, his elo-
quence was thwarted by Philip's creatures, especially one Hierony-
mus ; and his experience was probably typical. The gold-mines
of Philippi had pushed their products throughout the independent
cities of Greece: political selfishness and shortsightedness still
reigned in these : and Athens found that no active cooperation of
the Greeks at large, even against a common enemy, could be hoped
for. Peace, therefore, seemed to be a necessity. It was preached
by Eubulus and by Aeschines. Isocrates had even begun to accept
Philip as the arbiter of the destinies of Greece, and to urge him to
proceed in the name of all Hellas to the extermination of the ancient
foe, Persia. Demosthenes was helpless to stem such a tide of feeling,
and was obliged to acquiesce. On his return from Euboea he
had become a member of the senate, and as such, certain formal
duties fell on him which were afterwards made grounds of un-
founded accusation against him.
Further inducements towards a reconciliation with Macedonia
supervened. Philip seems always to have entertained a kindly
xxiv INTRODUCTION,
feeling towards Athens, due probably to a respect for her past
glories, and, still more, to his appreciation of her eminence in
letters and in art; and he Avas on terms of friendship with her
leading actors and philosophers. He was not a man to be carried
out of his way by sentiment: indeed he appropriated Athenian
possessions, whenever they stood in his path, or promised him
advantage, without hesitation. But, his ends secured, he always
sought, by every courtesy that political exigencies allowed, to show
a good-will to Athens which was in marked contrast to his treat-
ment of other, even Hellenic, states and cities. When other
motives coincided with this feeling of regard, his amiability towards
Athens was profuse. Some instances of the sort, occurring at the
present conjuncture, helped very much to bring about his politic
peace.
Peace had already been mooted, in 348 b.c, by envoys from
Euboea to Athens, who made it their business to communicate the
good dispositions of Philip. A certain Athenian citizen, Phrynon,
who had been captured at sea by a Macedonian cruiser during the
Olympiac truce, and had been obliged to purchase his deliverance,
obtained from the Assembly a deputy, Ctesiphon, to go with him
to reclaim his ransom: they returned successful, and both were
loud in the praises of the Macedonian king. Philocrates, the prime
mover in all the subsequent negotiations, passed a decree which
gave Philip permission to send a herald and envoys; and, in a
prosecution which was brought against him, he was acquitted by
the advocacy of Demosthenes, who was probably unaware, as yet,
of the corrupt Philippism of his client. Philip did not avail himself
of the decree, waiting for a better opportunity. Next year the
actor Aristodemus, sent to treat for the restoration of the Athenian
captives, came back, accompanied by a citizen of note, latrocles,
whose release had been granted without ransom ; and formally
announced, both before the senate and in the assembly, Philip's
friendliness towards the city, and his desire not only for peace but
also alliance with her.
Simultaneously, or soon after, the total failure of the missions
to the Peloponnese was learnt. News came of the growing im-
poverishment and the internal dissensions of Phocis, the latter
resulting in the formal deposition of Phalaecus ; who nevertheless,
/. ATHENS 403—338 B.C. XXV
as a matter of fact, retained command of the forces lying in Locris.
Attempts that had been made by Athens to form a union with
Thebes Avere also fruitless. Worse than all, the Thebans, worn out
by the long Sacred War, took a most fatal step — fatal eventually,
not only to themselves, but to the independence of all Hellas — and
called in the aid, which was only too readily granted, and only too
near at hand, of Philip. When, on this, Phocis cried for succour,
the insubordinate Phalaecus rejected with insults the support
which promptly reached him from Athens and Sparta.
Still Philip dared not try the Pass of Thermopylae. He might
hope to do so with success if he could but secure the neutrality of
Athens, and so have the Phocians alone left in the field against
him. Desire for rest on the part of the Athenians, anxiety for
their countrymen who remained in captivity, their lack of allies,
their besetting improvidence, and the shameless corruption and
startling mendacity of some of their leading men, all worked
together for him, and he achieved the notorious Peace of Philo-
CRATES (346 B.C.).
The incidents of the conclusion of this peace led three years
later to the trial ' Concerning the Dishonest Embassy' (πβρί r^y
τΐαραπρ€σβ€ίας), on which Acschines won a bare acquittal against the
charges of Demosthenes. The orators contradict one another in
many respects, and Aeschines' speech is seriously inconsistent
Λvith his oration * Against Ctesiphon* on the later trial ' Concerning
the Crown.' As, in the year 343 b.c, Philocrates was under dis-
grace and an exile, and renewed irritation against Philip had lifted
the Avar party into the ascendant at Athens, it was to the interest of
both orators to clear themselves of responsibility for the peace,
and of complicity with Philocrates : this they do, each accusing
the other of venality and treachery. Hence the history of the
peace is hard to discover in its completeness. For the present
purpose, however, it is enough to state the main and admitted
facts.
At the close of 347 b.c, on the motion of Philocrates, ten Athenian
envoys were sent to ascertain the mind of Philip. These were
Philocrates, Ctesiphon, Phrynon, latrocles, Aristodemus — already
partisans of Philip — Dercyllus, Cimon, Nausicles, Aeschines,
Demosthenes. A courteous reception awaited the ambassadors at
XXVI INTRODUCTION,
Pella, where they addressed Philip in turn. Aeschines declares
that Demosthenes, who had made himself disagreeable during all
the journey, broke down in his speech, while he himself made a
great oration, which, if we accept his own account of it, was of a
character remarkably inappropriate under the circumstances. At
any rate, the rivalry of the two orators arose on this first embassy.
Philip made his response, to the effect that he was willing to con-
tract a peace, each party to remain /;/ statu quo ; and at once started
for Thrace, against Cersobleptes, on the day on which he dismissed
the envoys, instructing representatives of his own to proceed without
delay to Athens. The envoys brought home with them a letter
from PhiUp, couched in most amicable terms, and containing in-
definite promises of good services to be done by him hereafter.
Some of the envoys, in the account of their proceedings, took
occasion to dwell on the hospitality, grace, and accomplishments
of the Macedonian prince.
In the month of Elaphebolion 346 b.c. the Macedonian pleni-
potentiaries, Antipater, Parmenio, and Eurylochus, arrived. On the
1 8th, Philocrates moved a decree, accepting the terms of peace
between Philip and his allies on the one part, Athens and her allies
on the other ; but with a clause excluding the Phocians. To this
clause strong objections were raised, and it was omitted when,
next day, the decree was passed. The difficulty still remained, as
Antipater would not tender the oaths to the Phocian deputies, and
Athens would not renounce her old allies. In a few days, how-
ever, the obstacle was surmounted. The means employed were
marvellous. Philocrates, and Aeschines (who now can only be
looked upon as a corrupt agent of Macedon), had the effrontery
to affirm that the exclusion of Phocis was a mere form, necessitated
by Philip's Theban alliance. In reality PhiUp was anti-Theban,
and would declare himself very shortly. Phocian interests would
be safe in his hands. The Macedonian generals tacitly encouraged
the .delusion, ^y so gross and palpable a lie did the people of
Athens, in the thirst for repose and with selfish blindness, allow
themselves to be persuaded ! A suggestion of the synod of the allies
present at the time, to the effect that all Hellenic states, which
chose to do so within three months, should be enabled to subscribe
their names on the instrument, was neglected. By the 25th, Athens
/. ATHENS 403—338 B.C. xxvii
took the oaths ratifying, not only peace, but alliance with Philip, in
her own name and independently. Thus the Phocians were
practically, though not formally, excluded.
In all this Demosthenes, however reluctantly, acquiesced. But
he did his utmost to save his country from worse humiliation. On
the 25th, an embassy, consisting of the same members as before,
had been instructed to go at once, wherever Philip might be, and
administer the oaths to him. As each party to the treaty was to
retain the possessions held at the time of its ratification, haste
was all important, in order to stop Philip from further con-
quests. His activity was indicated by the news, received next day,
of his capture of the Sacred Mountain in Thrace, close to the
Chersonese.
Still, on the 3rd of the next month, Munychion, the ambassa-
dors — ail by now, probably, partisans of Philip, except Demosthenes,
who had taken the duty with great unwillingness — had not moved.
Demosthenes procured a further decree, commanding the utmost
despatch. Yet his colleagues, by constant delay, and by waiting
at Pella, wasted fifty days, after leaving Attica, before they saw
Philip. He had then returned, the conqueror of Thrace, to his
capital ; where other envoys, also, from Thebes, Sparta, Euboea,
Phocis, awaited him, and a great Macedonian army was gathered.
Still he was not pressed to take the oaths by the Athenian
ambassadors, who discussed other matters with him, and sent
home utterly fallacious reports. Demosthenes protested in vain.
So great was the breach betw^een him and his colleagues that
he would have gone away had he not been prevented. Philip
met the demands, and kept alive the hopes, of all parties by de-
lusive assurances, and began his southward march. On reaching
Pherae, he submitted to be sworn, publicly excluding the Phocians,
but including his newly-created allies in Thrace. The ambas-
sadors reached Athens on the 13th Scirophorion, seventy-six days
after the date of the original decree passed to despatch them on
their mission. Demosthenes instantly accused his fellow-envoys
before the Senate, and made that body so sensible of the mag-
nitude of the immediate danger, that it framed a measure of de-
fence to be submitted to the assembly on the i6th. On that day,
before business could be commenced, Aeschines rose, and allayed
xxviii INTRODUCTION,
the fears which the vicinity of Philip, now within three days' march
of Thermopylae, had awaked, by a speech full of glowing promises,
both explicit and vague, which met every political desire enter-
tained at Athens. Demosthenes was hooted and laughed down.
A cleverly-worded letter of Philip was read, to be followed imme-
diately by two others in the same vein, inviting Athenian forces
to join him at Thermopylae. No troops were sent, but a decree
was carried by Philocrates, giving Philip every moral support.
Once more the same ten ambassadors were appointed, to convey
this decree to Philip : Demosthenes, however, refused to go, and
Aeschines made an excuse of illness to stay behind ; so others
took their places.
Scarcely had these envoys reached Chalcis when they heard
terrible news. Phalaecus, informed that no help would come from
Athens, had made terms for himself and his troops, and sur-
rendered the Pass on the 23rd ; and all the towns of Phocis had
hastened to offer their submission. Philip had joined forces
with Thebes, and proclaimed a policy wholly in the Theban
interest. The tidings reached Athens on the 27th, and panic
efforts were made for defence against an anticipated invasion.
These apprehensions were lulled by professions of good faith
received from Philip, and by the long-desired restoration of the
Athenian citizens, who had been captured at Olynthus, to their
homes : but nothing could remove the indignation and chagrin of
the Athenians at the loss of their hopes, and the ignominious
failure of an ignoble policy.
Aeschines now plucked up strength to travel, and was even well
enough to assist at the solemnities and festivities, with which the
close of the Sacred War was celebrated by the Thebans, Thessa-
lians, and Macedonians in Phocis. There Philip was master : he
commanded a great allied army, and was venerated as the defender
of religion, victorious without striking a blow. After placing
the temple of Apollo once more in the hands of the Delphians, he
convened the Amphictyonic Council, which had not met for ten
years. The Amphictyons showed their gratitude to Philip by
electing him member of the Sacred League, and investing him
with the votes which they took from the excommunicated Phocians.
They proceeded to fix and pronounce the doom of that unhappy
/. ATHENS 403—338 B.C. xxix
people, of whom such as possessed the means had already gone
into exile with Phalaecus, or sought asylum. The sentence was
hard. The Phocian cities were to be razed to the ground; the
inhabitants to be disarmed and dispersed among small hamlets, the
size and situation of which were regulated by severe restrictions.
They were still allowed to till most of their lands, subject however
to an annual fine of fifty talents, to be paid to the god at Delphi.
The execution of this sentence was left to old and bitter enemies,
such as the Thebans and Thessalians, who committed atrocious
excesses of butchery and rapine in its name. For years afterwards
Phocis was a spectacle that filled the traveller with awe and pity.
Ruins of houses and walls lay among starved fields. It was a
land where you could not meet a man in the prime of life — only
old men and women and a few little children, whose misery no
words could express.
From the renewal of hosiilities to Chaeronea.
Thebes had little solid reason for self-congratulation. Her
vengeance, perhaps, was satisfied ; certainly a long and harassing
war was over ; and something of her old pre-eminence in Boeotia
was restored. But her victory was, in a political sense, Cadmean.
She was utterly dwarfed and obscured by the magnitude and
splendour of the position of Philip. He showed no inclination to
retire. He held, in Thermopylae, the keys of Greece, and he
never relinquished them. While he strengthened himself, nearer
home, by a reorganisation of Thessaly, and by vigorous move-
ments against his more northern neighbours, he was incessantly
and ubiquitously active, especially in intrigue, throughout the
whole of Hellas. Everywhere his partisans grew into parties.
Greece was divided ; and no recombination was conceivably
possible, except under the leadership of Athens.
At Athens, indeed, Philocrates had preached peace when there
was no peace. His treaty lasted, formally, from 346 to 340 b.c,
— practically, for a period to be measured in weeks rather than
years. At the outset, only such prudent advice as that of
Demosthenes in the speech ' Concerning the Peace * (πβρι t^s
(Ιρηνηή, when he counselled his countrymen not to 'fight the
XXX INTRODUCTION.
world for the shadow at Delphi,' prevented a downright refusal to
recognise Philip as member, and protector, of the Amphictyonic
league. But Philip's restless aggression soon caused hostilities to
recommence. The details of these are not known, — in fact our
only knowledge of the period is gathered from the various speeches
of Demosthenes and ^schines, — but we need only mark the chief
incidents.
The star of Demosthenes began to rise in the dark hour of
Athens. He had, indeed, for years before, shown the strong
light of truth : but the truth had been disagreeable, and had been
without potency. Now his influence became felt. The exact
occasion of his second Philippic is unknown. It was delivered
344-343 B.C., and is, in form, an answer to deputations from
the Peloponnese, where Philip's machinations had been busy,
especially among the Messenians. Demosthenes declares, most
definitely, that Philip's ultimate aims were against the City. The
only safeguard was contained in the one word, which he had lately,
as envoy, tried to inculcate in the Peloponnese, and that was
'Distrust.' Let Athens call to account those who had inveigled
her with strange promises, so strangely falsified ; and, henceforth,
keep watch and ward. Demosthenes' eloquence was felt even by
Philip, who sent to Athens a powerful Macedonian orator, Pytho,
to counteract it. Pytho carried the day with suggested alterations
of the terms of peace ; but, in the end, nothing came of these.
The rapid spread of Philippism ^ drove Athens first to defensive
measures. She garrisoned her frontier, and secured IVIegara.
Later, she expelled from Oreus and Eretria the tyrants whom
Philip had established there, and created an independent Euboeic
league, of which the most prominent member was CalUas, of
Chalcis, now a vigorous opponent of Macedon.
Open hostilities now began in the region of the North Aegean.
Philip caused great offence by laying hands on Halonnesus
(343 B.C.). His offers to give the island to Athens were rejected :
he must give it back. The quarrel lasted for two years, until,
in 341 B.C., the island was appropriated by the Peparethians.
Resenting this, Philip sacked Peparethus, and was guilty of great
cruelties there.
^ See the list of traitors given in the Speech below, § 295.
/. ATHENS 403 — 338 B.C. xxxi
In 342-341 B.C., Philip was in Thrace, evidently preparing his
way for the acquisition of the important positions in the Cher-
sonese. His ally, Cardia, refused to accept any portion of a
number of Athenian settlers who had arrived under the command
of the general Diopithes. Proffered arbitration in the dispute was
declined by Athens, who could not so lightly abdicate her
sovereignty in the peninsula. Diopithes, among other military
movements, raided in the Macedonian districts of Thrace, and
made good his return to the Chersonese before Philip could reach
him. Philip sent serious complaints to Athens, where his
creatures tried to procure the recall of Diopithes. This was
prevented by Demosthenes. In the two Speeches, 'Concerning
the affairs of the Chersonese * (πβρί τών eV Χ^ρρονησω), and
' Against Philip ' {κατά Φιλίηπον γ), delivered at the end of
341 B.C., he declared that the peace had never been carried out,
and had long ago been broken, on the part of the Macedonian,
whom he denounced as the dangerous foe both of Athens and of
Hellas; and, most emphatically, he gave his sentence for open
war. He had already gone on missions to the Peloponnese and
to Western Greece. Now he went as envoy to Byzantium, where,
by rare eloquence and diplomatic skill, he broke down the barrier
of ill-feeling which had stood and grown, for nearly fifteen years,
between Athens and the Byzantines, and won their alliance, as
well as that of their neighbours, the Perinthians. Philip, in response,
besieged Perinthus, ravaged the Chersonese, and dispatched
cruisers to scour the Aegean. At length Athens, formally de-
clared war ; and Philip did the same, in a long manifesto preserved
among the speeches of Demosthenes (340 b.c).
The siege of Perinthus was memorable for the magnitude of the
attacking forces and the obstinacy of the defence. Relief came in
the shape of a joint expedition of Athenians, Byzantines, and
Persians. Philip then tried to surprise Byzantium, but was dis-
lodged by an allied fleet under Phocion ; who pressed him from
point to point, and maintained a mastery over the whole sea.
These naval successes must have been largely due to the trierarchic
reform^ of Demosthenes (340 b.c). They won his city the admiration
^ See note on § 102 of this Speech.
xxxii INTRODUCTION.
and gratitude of her allies ; and Demosthenes himself received a
public vote of thanks. At this juncture a peace is said, by Diodorus,
to have intervened ; but his statement is generally doubted. Philip,
at any rate, desisted from the personal conduct of the war, and
departed (339 b.c.) on his Scythian expedition.
Aeschines, during this period of Demosthenes' ascendancy, had
been comparatively idle, his chief interference in politics having
been a partially successful attempt to spoil the Trierarchic Law.
He now wrought a mischief such, that if he foresaw the conse-
quences — and only judicial blindness could have hid them from
him — he must rank among the arch-traitors of the world's history.
This was the kindling of a new Sacred War. As deputy in the
Amphictyonic Council, held at Delphi, in the spring of 339 b.c,
he accused the Amphissian Locrians of trespass on the demesne
of Apollo, rousing the Council to make a violent protest, and to
summon an extraordinary meeting of the members of the League
to confirm and carry out a sentence of condemnation on the
alleged off"enders.^ Athens, at first inclined to assist, took better
advice, and stood aloof; as did also Thebes. The operations of
the Amphictyonic army were feeble in the extreme. No doubt
they were intended to be so by the Macedonian agents, who
were engaged in the business. These men soon performed their
service, and procured that a call should be sent to Philip, as the
champion of the god.
Philip, thus invited, and having a clear road before him into the
heart of Greece, soon marched southwards. On the way, he
transferred Nicaea, one of the defences of Thermopylae, from
Theban to Thessalian hands. Then he directed his course to
Elatea, which he occupied, and began to rebuild the dismantled
fortifications. At the same time he sent to Thebes to announce
that his intentions were against Athens, and to ask for moral, if
not material, support. Thebes was the last obstacle in his path —
indeed, unless she allowed him a passage through her territory, he
could not touch Attica, which the superiority of the Athenian
fleet rendered impregnable on the seaboard. As, however, Thebes
was still unfriendly to Athens, and had lately given proofs of her
* Details of these proceedings are given Aeschines Contra Ct. §§ 107 sqq.
(see below, p. xlii), and Demosthenes de Cor. §§145 sqq.
/. ATHENS 403—338 B.C. xxxiii
enmity by rejecting repeated overtures from that city, he had little
doubt of carrying his point.
The alarm which was caused at Athens by the news of the
seizure of Elatea is described, in a famous passage, by Demo-
sthenes.^ The city was paralysed. He alone rose to the occasion,
which he had so long foreseen. Coming forward in the expectant
assembly, and generously forgetting to dwell on his neglected
prophecies, he pointed out what was to be done. This was to
arm, defend the frontiers, and once more send an embassy to
Thebes with offers of alliance on the most liberal terms. On this
embassy he went himself; and, in the face of enormous odds, in
spite of the old hatreds of the two cities, and in opposition to the
presence and proffers of representatives, not only from Philip but
from all his allies, he won the day by his eloquence. His speech,
unhappily, is not preserved.^ The alliance was immediately
consummated, and a Thebano-Athenian force was soon under
arms in Boeotia.
Of the ensuing war, which lasted nearly a year, we know little.
On the one hand, Philip appealed in vain to the Peloponnese ; but
succeeded in cutting to pieces a body of 10,000 mercenaries which
had been lent to Amphissa, and in carrying out his minor purpose
of punishing that state for her alleged sacrilege. On the other
hand, Demosthenes was indefatigable. He diverted the Theoric
fund, at last, to military purposes. His 'gaddings about' resulted
in the acquisition of allies and the collection of funds in many
parts of Hellas. The patriotic allies reconstituted Phocis, and
fortified Ambrysus. We hear, also, of two victories won by them,
in ' the winter battle,' and ' the batde by the river.' Demosthenes
received at home, on the motion of Demomeles and Hyperides,
the honour of a golden crown, which was proclaimed at the great
Dionysiac festival, March, 338 b.c. We hear, too, that Philip
attempted separate negotiations with Thebes, which were frustrated
by the orator.
But no diplomacy and no eloquence could compensate for the
military inferiority of most of the Greek troops and the incapacity
^ De Cor. §§169 sqq.
^ Kennedy feels its loss so much that he gives, from conjecture, a vigorous
sketch of what it ' may have been,' in his Appendix * Chaeronea.'
xxxiv INTRODUCTION. I. ATHENS 403—338 B.C.
of their commanders, when they met the veterans of Macedon led
by the greatest general since Epaminondas. The end soon came.
In August, 338 B.C., a pitched battle was fought at Chaeronea,
where, after a long and gallant resistance, the Greeks were utterly
routed. More than a thousand Athenians fell, and twice that
number were taken prisoners, while the losses of the other allies
must have been terrible.
Philip at once proceeded to inflict a heavy vengeance on Thebes
for her unexpected opposition. He sold the Theban captives
into slavery, banished or destroyed the leading citizens, set up an
oligarchy of Three Hundred, chiefly composed of exiles and
invested with absolute power, and stationed a Macedonian gar-
rison in the Cadmea. He then secured his hold on Western
Greece, and made a settlement of the Peloponnese. Sparta only,
as proud as she was helpless, refused to submit.
The news of the disaster had been received at Athens with the
keenest disappointment and grief; but these were quickly followed
by frenzied effbrts to place the city in a state of defence. The
fortifications were hurriedly repaired with material taken from
every quarter ; funds were gathered from the whole body of
citizens, and from the islands ; and a levy was called of all who
could bear arms. But Philip had no desire for the destruction
of Athens. He was satisfied to off"er terms of peace, through the
orator Demades. The prisoners should be returned without
ransom, and Oropus restored to Athens, if she would accept and
support the hegemony of Macedonia. To such conditions no
refusal was possible, and Athens, resigning herself to her humilia-
tion, accepted them.
A great congress of the Hellenic states was assembled at
Corinth the next year. Philip was recognised as the head of
Greece; and required contingents from each state for a grand
expedition against Persia. So the victor ' harnessed the Greeks
to his car,' in preparation for the conquest of the world.
//. THE TRIAL, XXXV
II.
The Trial.
Demosthenes, in spite of the utter failure of his policy to
maintain the dignity and independence of the city, still retained
the respect of his countrymen. In addition to his offices of
Treasurer of the Theoric Fund, and Conservator of the Walls, he
was appointed to the important duty of special Corn-Commissioner.
A still more marked and honourable distinction was that he was
selected to deliver the funeral oration over the ashes of those
who had died on the battle-fields of the late campaign. The
Macedonian party, indeed, assailed him with every possible means
of legal procedure, and, for a period, he was on his trial ' daily
and all ,day long.' But in every case the prosecution failed.
When 337-336 B.C. Ctesiphon proposed to confer on him a golden
crown, to be proclaimed at the coming Dionysiac festival, in
recognition of his public services and of a generous gift of three
talents, which he had made towards the recent repair of the
fortifications, his motion was passed by the Council of the Five
Hundred. But here Aeschines interposed, and preferred against
Ctesiphon an indictment for Breach of the Constitution, and the
proposal could not be proceeded with until this charge had been
tried. The trial did not take place for nearly seven years.
During these years the history of Greece, apart from her rela-
tions with Macedonia, of which indeed she was now merely a de-
pendent province, is little better than a blank. The assassination
of Philip, on the eve of his departure for Asia (336 b.c), was a
cause for thanksgiving to all true patriots, and kindled hopes of
liberation. These were dimmed by the promptitude of Alexander,
who instantaneously filled his father's place, and removed any
doubts of his ability to wield the Macedonian sceptre. Marching
at once into Greece, at the head of an overwhelming force, he
overawed all opposition, and, summoning a congress at Corinth,
obtained a convention, by which he secured to himself the pre-
rogatives before held by Philip, and laid down the conditions
which were to rule inter-Hellenic affairs. These conditions he,
c 2
xxxvi INTRODUCTION.
and his generals, soon commenced and continued to violate,
arousing a wide-spread discontent. In 335 b. c. he had left on
a northern expedition. No news had been heard of him for a
long time, and rumours grew that he had perished. The Thebans,
throwing off their oligarchy, blockaded the Macedonian garrison.
In this revolt they were encouraged by Demosthenes and other
Athenian statesmen, and aided by them with gold which had come
from Persia. Suddenly the existence of Alexander was announced
by his appearance in person in Boeotia. Thebes was invested.
The Thebans were too far committed to hope for reconciliation,
and so defied him. They met his assaults with the courage of
despair, but the city was stormed and wholly razed to the ground.
Six thousand Thebans were slain in the massacre which took place :
thirty thousand were sold into servitude. It is said that only the
house, and the descendants, of Pindar were spared. The Cadmea
was preserved as a Macedonian fort. The rest of Greece, was ter-
rified into humble submission. Alexan der requir ed the surrender
of ten At henian public men, among whom Demosthenes was first
named, and it was with difficulty that he was persuaded to relax his
demand. Once again, in 330 b.c, soon after the final victory at
Arbela (331 b.c) had made Alexander lord of the East, the
Spartan king, Agis, took up the cause of freedom : but he was
defeated by Antipater, and died on the field the death of Leonidas.
In August 330 B.C. the trial 'concerning the Crown' at length
took place. The reasons for the delay are not evident. The
charge having effectually blocked Ctesiphon's motion was then,
perhaps, dropped, and was only revived when the triumph of
Macedonism offered Aeschines and his party a favourable oppor-
tunity to gratify old grudges. Or perhaps the continual uncertainty
of the success of Alexander in Asia, the occasional neighbourhood
of the Persian fleet, and the wide-felt sympathy with the hopes
and efforts of Thebes and Sparta, had hitherto reduced the likeli-
hood of obtaining a verdict in a large Athenian court. Certainly
former attempts to indict those who had proposed to honour
Demosthenes had signally failed, with serious loss to their authors ;
and a similar fate had fallen on such as had more lately attacked
the orator directly. On the other side, Demosthenes and his
friends could not venture to challenge the prosecution. Demades
//. THE TRIAL, xxxvii
and Phocion were supreme in Athenian affairs, and the threatening
growth of Macedonian power obliged the patriotic party to keep
a prudent course.^
A contest, so long looked forward to, between the two greatest
living orators, — who were not only bitter rivals, but also represented
the two opposite policies which for twenty years had distracted
every Hellenic state, — who were now met, as was well known,
not so much to plead on points of local law, as to deal with
questions which had been, and still were, of the highest moment
to the Hellenic race, — woke the liveliest anticipation through the
whole of Greece, and drew to Athens, from all quarters, an un-
precedented concourse of hearers. At Athens itself every help
which party strength could lend had been laid under requisition.
Each orator was surrounded and supported by as many as possible
of his most influential advocates. After being solemnly sworn,
a full jury of five hundred dicasts took their seats in the court.
Rumours had gone abroad about the grand points which either
side would make. It was before the largest, most interested, and
most critical audience which ever came together, that Aeschines
rose for the prosecution.
The Speech of Aeschines.
Aeschines' argument was to the following effect : —
Aeschines contra Ctesiphonte??i, §§ i-8. * I come here to vindicate
law against undue influence and wirepulling. Instead of the
orderly proceedings of the good old times, our assemblies are now
overruled by factious disorder. One only remedy, one only safe-
guard of your political liberties, lies in the indictment for Breach of
the Constitution. Let no pressure prevent you from applying this
remedy to-day and performing your high trust conscientiously.
^ Prof. Jebb, Att. Or. II. p. 400, says, ' In the spring of 330, probably, when
there were still hopes of the Spartans prevailing, the patriotic party were
emboldened to renew the bill of 337, now a dead letter. Aeschines was driven
into a comer. He must again give notice of his action, or the bill will become
law. And, having given notice, he must this time follow it up, or suffer the
public judgment to go against him by default.' This is a very attractive solu-
tion of the difficulty: but I cannot find authority for the statement, except
perhaps the last words of the Irepa iinoOcais (preceding this speech) which close
a passage that contains some very loose history.
xxxviii INTRODUCTION.
§§ 9-12. There has grown up a practice of nullifying the official
responsibility of public servants by anticipatory votes of thanks or
crowns, so that the court of Auditors cannot condemn an officer
without stultifying the people. At first magistrates were boldly
honoured before passing their scrutiny ; later, owing to a qualm of
conscience, proposers added the proviso ' on passing the scrutiny.'
Ctesiphon has taken the former and more lawless course.
§§ 13-16. He cannot evade me by saying that a selected repre-
seniative does not hold regular office^ but merely takes a charge
and ministration, and that the law speaks only of officers elected
by lot. As a fact, the law bids all publicly-chosen officers, all over-
seers of public works, and all who have presidential jurisdiction in
the law courts, to hold office, and register accounts thereof. Demo-
sthenes, as Conservator of the Walls, was an overseer of public
works, and had legal jurisdiction.
[Laws quoted.]
§§ 17-31. Nor will it avail Demosthenes to exclaim that there is
no scrutiny into acts of generous loyalty. The constitution makes
every public servant accountable — priest, trierarch, Areopagite,
senator — so strictly, that, during his accountability, he may not leave
the country, or change his family by adoption, or dispose of his
property, whether he has handled public moneys or not.
Besides, Demosthenes was Treasurer of the Theoric Fund.
This post, from the time of Eubulus down to the law of Hegemon,
absorbed the functions of the Clerk of the Exchequer and the Re-
ceiver-General, the maintenance of the Dockyard and Arsenal, the
province of the Commissioners of Roads, and almost every de-
partment of the administration.
[Decrees read in evidence 0/ Demosthenes' acts as Conservator of
the Walls?^
It will be equally futile to plead that Demosthenes was nominated
by his tribe. He was still a magistrate in the eye of the law.
[Laws read^
§§ 32-34. The proposed proclamation of the crown in the
theatre, also, was contrary to the law
[Law read.\
I
//. THE TRIAL, xxxix
which directs that crowns given by the Commons are to be pro-
claimed in the meeting-place of the Assembly, and those given by
the Council in the Council-hall ; but nowhere else.
§§ 35-48• The Dionysiac law, on which my opponents will
vainly rely, was framed to put an end to promiscuous proclama-
tions, in the theatre at the Dionysia, of emancipations, or crowns
given by tribes or demes, which had become both an abuse and
a nuisance. All these were abolished, and only crowns bestowed
by foreign states were allowed to be announced in the Theatre,
and even these were to be consecrated to Athene, while the pro-
clamation had to be sanctioned by the people of Athens.
§§ 49-50• Thi rdly, the statement of Demosthen es' claim to dis-
ti nction constitutes an illegality : for it is false, and to j sert
falsehoods in public bills or documents is expressly forbidden
by law! ~
§§ 51-57• Ii^ treating the life of Demosthenes I will not trouble
you with the stories, now too stale, of his scandalous behaviour in
connection with Demomeles, Cephisodotus, Midias. He himself
proposes, I believe, to make a fourfold division of his career,
comprising —
Firstly^ the period of the war with Philip, concerning Amphi-
polis, down to the peace brought about by Philocrates and himself.
Secondly^ the period of the peace, down to his own violation
of it.
Thirdly^ the period of the war down to Chaeronea ; and
Fourthly^ the sequel down to to-day.
Then he will force me, will-I nill-I, to answer, in which of
these periods I impugn his conduct.
I answer you now, Demosthenes, in presence of the jurors, in
presence of our countrymen, in presence of all the Hellenes who
have concerned themselves to assist at this trial — and never on any
former occasion have so many congregated to witness a public
contest — I answer t hat I impeach all the_periods of youx_career,
according to your own division; and, please heaven and my
"JreHrersri rshall prov e that the preservation of ^thens is due to
Pr ovidence^ and to the courtesy and moderation of those w^ho
xl INTRODUCTION.
dealt with us, while of all our disasters Demosthenes has been the
guilty cause.
§§ 58-78. In the first period, you might have made peace in
common with the general body of the Hellenes — Athenian pre-
eminence to follow, — by waiting for the return of your embassies,
had it not been for the venalities of Demosthenes and Philocrates.
Do not be surprised at this charge, but listen with mathematical
impartiality to the facts. If I demonstrate that Demosthenes did
more than Philocrates to promote the peace, to flatter Philip and
his ambassadors, to prevent the united action of Hellas, and to
sacrifice Cersobleptes, then grant me that, in this portion at least
of his public hfe, he has not done well.
When Philocrates was put on trial for proposing the admission
of Philip's envoys, he was acquitted by the help of Demosthenes,
who then got into the senate, fraudulently, in order to support
him there. Philocrates' second motion, to send ambassadors to
invite plenipotentiaries from Philip, was carried ; and Demosthenes
was one of those who went. He returned the eulogist of peace ;
and proposed a safe-conduct for Philip's representatives. Philip
further planned, through the instrumentality of Demosthenes and
Philocrates, that, without waiting for the issue of your negotiations
with the other Hellenes, you should vote not a peace only but an
alliance, to the exclusion of Cersobleptes, against whom he was
marching: and these ends Demosthenes ' Philip's foe!' secured by
a sacrilegious hurrying on of your assemblies. Your allies, whom
I supported, proposed a treaty of peace only, open to the accept-
ance of any Hellene within three months. But at the second
assembly, on the morrow of the first, Demosthenes, usurping the
platform, declared that peace and alliance were indissoluble, and,
after a collusive questioning of Antipater, helped Philocrates
to carry the bill. Cersobleptes remained to be thrown over.
Philocrates inserted a clause confining the terms of the treaty to
the allies * who were present,' the Thracian king's envoy being
accidentally absent ; and Demosthenes put the question to the
vote. And this — mark — was before the second embassy.
Then Demosthenes went out of his way to procure seats of
honour for the Macedonian ambassadors at the theatre, attended
//. THE TRIAL. xli
them thither, and escorted them on their departure. This is the man
who had a pretended revelation of PhiHp's death, and came abroad
in holiday dress, though his only daughter had just been laid in
her grave ! Can such a parent be a patriot ?
§§ 79-83. In the second period we find Philocrates banished,
Demosthenes on a pedestal : how came the change ? Seeing
Philip in Phocis, Thebes too strong, and you panic-stricken, feeling
that the authors of the peace were in peril, excited further by a
private quarrel with Philocrates over the gold, and knowing himself
to be a coward — what was Demosthenes to do ? Treacherously
t urnino^ round on his fellow-ambassado rs, he indicted them, and
w as then picked up by the w ar-parly -asu Uhe only incorruptible
man/ In their service he set himself to discover grievances
against Philip in connection with places hitherto unknown,
Serrium and the like ; bade you require, but forbade you to re-
ceive, envoys from him ; rejected his suggestion of arbitration, and
charged you not to take, but only r^-take, Halonnesus, which was
freely offered ; crowned the raiders who had followed Aristodemus
into Thessaly and Magnesia ; and so, at last, created the fatal war.
§§ 84-105. The Euboean and Theban alliances were 'walls of
bronze and adamant to Attica' ? Triple wrongs ! Look at them.
First, Euboea.
Callias, of Chalcis, ungrateful for our prompt and generous
rescue of Euboea from the grasp of Thebes, treacherously attempted
to exterminate our forces at Tamynae ; and only our own gallantry
saved us from the double disgrace of defeat at the hands of in-
feriors. Pardoned, again he strove to strengthen Euboea against
us for his own tyrannical ends, and became a friend of Philip.
Cast out by him, he sought, and deserted, Thebes. Thus exposed
to two fires, he formed the design of entrapping Athens in an
alliance ; and this he obtained, thanks to the ' tyrant-hater ' De-
mosthenes — who also, by his fine sentiments, relieved Chalcis of
her subsidy and her attendance at Athens, and waived the tribute
of ten talents due from Eretria and Oreus, forming, of all things,
an Euboean synod ! Callias carried his design by bringing news
of a wonderful Peloponnesian confederacy against Philip, ready
with *men, money, and ships ; and Demosthenes backed his tale,
xlii INTRODUCTION,
adding Acarnania and a promised hegemony of Athens, and lying
most circumstantially. T hen ji e pro duced his decree, longer than
the Iliad, emptie r than his own speeches, or his own life, and
fi lled only with hopes that wer ejva in~and armaments that were
never to muster; and so you lost ten talents, getting in return
[Decree read?^
phantom fleets and forces. Demosthenes secured three talents for
the job, wringing the uttermost farthing from the impoverished
Oreites.
[Decree of Oreites read?^
This is Ctesiphon's ' patriot,' this his ' good man !'
§§ 106-136. The third and worst period comprises his sacrilege
against Del phi, and his ruinous alljgji cejwiiiL Thebes. ~~"
^ ListeiTto an account of the destruction of the impious Cirrhaeans,
and the dedication of their lands to eternal desolation by Solon
and the Amphictyons. \Aeschines here gives ihe account^ Hear
the Oracle, the Oaths, and the Curse \which are here read]^
binding the Amphictyons to enforce the sentence for ever. In
spite of all this, the Amphissians tilled the land, rebuilt the port,
and exacted tolls, purchasing the home support of the deputies,
especially Demosthenes, — who showed strongly, in this instance,
that whatever private man, or potentate, or free community he
has to do with, he involves each of them in irremediable disasters.
When I went to Delphi, I found the Amphissians trumping up
an old charge against us, to flatter Thebes. I grew angry, de-
nounced their trespass vehemently [^Aeschi'nes here recounts his
speech'], and moved the Amphictyons to lay waste the violated
land anew. The president, Cottyphus, called a general assembly,
and the permanent officers were instructed to prepare a resolu-
tion. Demosthenes fraudulently prevented Athens from taking
action, and unhappy Thebes stood aloof. The other Amphictyons
proclaim war, under Cottyphus — Philip we must remember being
in Scythia — and the Amphissians are fined, but fail to pay. A
second war is begun, Philip having meanwhile returned.^ We
should have taken the leadership, and signs and portents from
heaven warned us to do so; but Demosthenes defied them, as he
defied the omens at Chaeronea, and courted our doom, ilence
//. THE TRIAL. xliii
the strange dispensations of heaven in our time. Nothing un-
hoped, nothing unexpected, that we have not seen! We have
lived to starde posterity. The Persian king, breaker of moun-
tains, bridger of seas, who demanded earth and water from the
Hellenes, and claimed dominion from the rising to the setting sun,
fights now for mere life against the champion of Delphi. Thebes,
our neighbour Thebes, has in a single day been blotted out of
Hellas — ^justly, perhaps, but her folly had no mere human origin.
The Sparta ns, so litde sin ning, once leaders of the Hellenes, now
fling themselves on the mercy of AlexandfiL. ^Atheris,_th£_asylum,
the salvation of Greece, the courted of all^ now has to struggle for
t he bare ^sgiJ Am L all this has _befallen us since Demosthenes
came forward. Is not t hisJjhe„sinfuLjiian» ,,the bane oT nations,'
s poken of by the prophe t Hesiod?
§§ 1 37-1 51• Though he claims the Theban alliance as won by
his own eloquence, many men, eminent, eloquent as he, and
closely bound to Thebes, who tried to bring it about before, failed,
but failed only through error of that city. It was Philip's advance
which drove the Thebans iotQ. your arm s^,and_you helped them
before a word was uttere^_byJ[)emosthenes^ What he did was to
spoil the alliance in three^w_ays.__JFirst^_he_specially guaranteed all
BoeotiaTto^hebes^ and made us incur two-thirds of the expense,
yet enjoy no preeminence in the command — a fact you know but
neglect. Secondly, he transferred the seat of our government to
Thebes, turned autocrat, browbeat all opposition, embezzled pay,
and, by dividing our forces, sacrificed ten thousand mercenaries
at_Am phissa — thus pla ying into Philip's hands. Give villany
power, and a people suffers ! Thirdly, when Philip, aware of his
hazard, offered peace, and the experienced Boeotarchs were in-
cHned to treat with him, Demosthenes, jealous lest others should
finger Philip's gold — for life was intolerable, if there was a bribe
he did not share — swore by the statue of Athene, which we might
think Phidias designed specially for his perjuries, that he would
hale to prison, by the hair, any advocate of peace, and would ask
of Thebes a passage for Athenian troops to face the enemy alone.
Thus he shamed the Boeotarchs into the field. So, a generation
before, Cleophon led us to ruin.
§§ 152-158. Then h e, the runaway, dared to pronounce the
xliv INTRODUCTION.
f uneral oration over the m en he had sent to their death ! Will you
forget them, and crown him ? Come with me, in imagination, to
the theatre. Fancy you see the herald advancing to make the
proclamation; and ask yourselves if the bereaved will shed as
many tears over the coming tragedy, as over the unkindness of the
City. What cultured Hellene will not suffer a pang, when he but re-
members that, in the good old times, the herald would bring forward
the children of the brave dead, clad in panoply, and, uttering his
soul-stirring words, conduct them to the seats of honour ? while
now, as he leads on the maker of orphans — no ! Truth will ring
through his formula, crying that here we give a crown of virtue to
a villain, a crown of valour to a coward ! Men of Athens, erect
not a trophy against yourselves by the altar of Dionysus ! Convict
not the people of madness ! Do not rend the hearts of the
Theban exiles whom you shelter ! Picture their sufferings — the
sack of their city, the demolition of their walls, the burning of their
homes. See wives and children dragged to slavery, old men and
old women too late unlearning freedom, all supplicating you, in
tears of agony and wrath, not to crown the bane of Greece, whose
counsel has ever brought ruin ! Shall a ferryman who has but
o nce lost ajb oat be dismissed^ jet he w.ho.has wrecked all Hellas
sJilLpilot-youjL State ?
§§ 159-167. After Chaeronea he fled in a trireme; but was
recalled by tidings of Athens' escape from destruction. For a
time he lived in obscurity. Philip's death brought him out exultant.
'Alexander was Margites, would stay in Macedon and philosophize.
Valour wants blood.' Yet he dared not perform his duty as am-
bassador to this Alexander in the camp at Thebes, but made dis-
graceful terms with him through a low boy, Aristion. He had three
further chances of showing his warlike temper against Alexander.
One, when that prince crossed to Asia. He was dumb. Again,
when Alexander was in desperate straits in Cilicia. He only
dangled his letters, made jocular threats against me, and — waited
for a better opportunity. Lastly, Alexander was at the world's
end, and Antipater was slow in gathering forces to meet Sparta,
Elis, Achaea, and Arcadia, all revolted and triumphant. You only
gave us vile and portentous metaphors, performed antics on
//. THE TRIAL. xlv
the platform, and boasted that you had raised Laconia and
Thessaly. You ?
§§ 168-176. Do you pretend to be a popular statesman?
A popular statesman should be a pure-born freeman, of patriotic
lineage, of good .conduct — profligacy means dishonesty — of good
judgment, eloquent, and brave. An oligarch is the reverse of this.
Which is Demosthenes }
His father was a freeman, but his mother a daughter of the
traitor and oudaw Gylon, by a Scythian wife, the marriage being, in
fact, irregular. Hence his treachery, hence his barbarian villany.
Having squandered his patrimony, he turned speech-writer, and
betrayed his clients. Losing his custom, he became public orator,
still dissipating the money acquired in this profession, — though
Persian gold at present keeps him afloat. About his purity the less
said the better. His speeches are specious, but bad in their results.
His courage• — he admits his cowardice, in spite of the fact that a
coward is subjected by Solon to legal degradation, and may never
be crowned. So much for Demosthenes as a popular statesman.
§§ 177-190. Crowns? Men of Athens, I warn you against
these vain distinctions. In old times, when these were rare, men
were great, the city grand : now these are matters of course, and
we — sadly to lack. Would old athletes have trained if wreaths
could have been jobbed? Do we now train hard? Curtail dis-
tinctions, you multiply merit — multiply them, and you demoralize.
Contrast the victors Themistocles and Miltiades, the liberators who
came from Phylae, the just Aristides, with the runaway, the
oligarch, the lawless Demosthenes — though I should not mention
him on the same day with them. Had they crowns ? None, but
the undying gratitude of a high-minded people.
Rewards ? J The conquerors at the Strymon did ask and receive
a reward — three Hermae, bearing inscriptions that contained no
names. What did Miltiades get ? A place in the fresco in the
porch. What were the wages of Thrasybulus and his comrades ?
Olive-wreaths, and ten drachmae each for religious purposes. \
Contrast the decree then passed with Ctesiphon's.
[Decrees read?[
/
xlvi INTRODUCTION,
These comparisons he will decline, and tell us that Philammon
was not pitted against Glaucus. Yes, skill in wrestling may be
relative : virtue is absolute.
§§ 1 9 1-2 1 4. What was the glory of the liberators? To have
vindicated the laws. Then, as my aged father was wont to tell
me, breaches of the constitution were rigorously tried and minutely
investigated, ^ce Demosthenes appeared, our courts are lax,
^cases are turned upside d own and decided on irrelevant issues or
evil precedents. Once Cephalus could pride himself, not like
Γ Aristophon, on seventy-five acquittals, but that he was never prose-
l* τ cuted. Once friends would indict friends — even Thrasybulus was
convicted by Archinus. There were no beggings- off then, nor
should there be now. In obvious breaches of the law all pleadings
should be confined to mitigation of the penalty. Moreover advo-
cates are unnecessary — in Demosthenes' case, dangerous. Keep
Ctesiphon to the point, and, if Il£aiosthenesj»ast^be~heard, make
him adopt the same order as I have done — first, the two legal
pomis, then "hi^ merits or he""wiir trick you. Do not let him rip
up old party wounds, but tell him he is no democrat. Doubt his
oaths, and if he bewail his condition, bid him weep for that of the
State from which he has detached himself. What is this case to
him } Let him take his crown, should he get it, with deprecation.
If it be denied him, fear not, lest, in grand chagrin, he slay
himself — he only bruises himself, or suff'ers bruises from Midias,
for money.
Of Ctesiphon I will say no more than that he and Demosthenes
are a pair of scoundrels, who know one another too well to be
comfortable.
§§ 215-228. Demosthenes intends to vilify all my actions, and
even my inaction — though I am not ashamed of them — and to
accuse me of instituting this trial to court Alexander. ' Why did
I not oppose his measures if they were bad ?' I am an inde-
pendent politician, and speak when I feel called. You are dumb
when you are feed, noisy when you have spent : and you speak at
the bidding of your paymasters. This suit was laid before your
miraculous revelation of Philip's death, and I bring it fonvard —
I
//. THE TRIAL, xlvii
I may do so, in a free state — when I think proper. You will say,
I never accused you. Is Amphissa forgotten, is Euboea, is your
filching of a whole fleet when you were naval minister } Then
the danger ! You slew your host Anaxinus, and brazened it out ;
not to mention your forgeries, and the arrests and tortures of
your victims. You intend to compare me to a bad physician,
prescribing too late. You were worse : you caused the disease,
and nullified our remedies. After Chaeronea, too, we had other
things to think of than accusing you. When, however, you had
the face to ask for a crown, I could bear no longer, but set my
veto on the proposal.
Then he will compare my eloquence to the deadly music of the
Sirens, — how inappropriate a comparison from the lips of a mere
man of words !
§§ 230-235. Is the decree constitutional? Shall not a profligate
like Ctesiphon be punished 1 Will you crown Demosthenes, who
has discrowned you ? What if a dramatist should crown Thersites t
Hellas will hiss you. Will you crown the author of your disgrace ?
You punish false judgments in the games : will you pass one
yourselves in national matters, weaken the constitution, and set
a man above the law — for nothing ? It is mere luck that your
demagogues are not tyrants, hke the Thirty, whose footsteps they
follow.
§§ 236-260. WliaL-are__Cemosjhenes' merits.? He poorly for-
tifiedjJTg^citjii-a^ainst a siege which he Jiimself invited. To credit
h imwit hjhje Theban alliance is to deceive the ignorant and insult
the informed. The Thebans, like the Persian king, sought us
only in their own dire need ; and Demosthenes kept the royal
gold, when a fraction would have bought back the Cadmea, and
won over the Arcadians.
Can we tolerate self-praise from a man who is the dishonour of
his city } Defend yourself, Ctesiphon : you are orator enough.
Are Demosthenes' merits so weak that an advocate must help you "i
It was not so with Chabrias, Iphicrates, Timotheus. We reckon
the material instruments of homicide as unclean : shall the corrupt
coward and murderer be honoured .? Think of the insult to the
xlviii INTRODUCTION.
dead, the discouragement to the living, the evil effect on the young.
You, judges, are on your trial ; Athens is on hers. Do not stamp
with your approval self-styled patriots, who are filching your con-
stitution, who carry on treasonable correspondence, yet to whom
the people, like a dotard, surrenders its conduct. The traitor who
sailed for Samos was slain, the coward who fled to Rhodes
barely escaped death. Will you not punish this political pirate
to save our name in Hellas .? Your duty is to be just. Use
your own eyes : who are his supporters } ^JThe friends of a
manly youth ? His was a boyhood of intrigue. Is he Persuasion
itself, that you should believe the tales of his political exploits ?
Against the partners of his crimes see arrayed Solon, the fount of
Law, Aristides, the type of Justice, and with them Themistocles
and all the Heroism of the Median wars !
Earth, Sun, Virtue, Intelligence, Moral Culture, bear me witness !
I have come to the rescue, I have spoken : if well and fittingly,
'twas my wish; if inadequately, 'twas my best. Think of all I
have said, or should have said, and give a judgment right and
wholesome to your country.' J
The Speech of Demosthenes.
After a formal plea had been entered by Ctesiphon, Demo-
sthenes delivered his reply, of which the following is an outline.
Dem. de Cor. §§ i-i i. \ ' Men of Athens, I pray that my constant
loyalty may win me a kin^nd impartial hearing from you, and that
I may be allowed to choose for myself the method of my defence.
I am at a disadvantage, compared with my opponent, both
because I fight for higher stakes than he, and because, while he
plays the part of accuser, which is always sure of interesting an
audience, he has thrust upon me the odious duty of praising
myself. If, in doing so, I tire you, for that you must blame the
prosecutor.
You will all admit that I am even more concerned in this suit
than Ctesiphon, for I risk the loss of your good-will ; and there-
fore I entreat of you to remember your oaths, and listen with
impartiality to my just pleas, before you come to a verdict, which,
I trust in heaven, will be worthy of your character.
//. THE TRIAL. xlix
I must first clear the case of the irrelevancies with which my
opponent has distorted it. If his abuse of my private history be
true, condemn me at once. But if you think me a better man
than he is, then disbelieve his charges as a whole. I intend to
deal principally with his libels on my pubUc Hfe, and then perhaps
I may have something to say about his ribaldry.
§§ 1 2-16. The prosecution is'on the face of it self-condemned,
both by its obvious malice, futility, unfairness, lateness and incon-
sistency; and as a cowardly attack on a third person, instead
of a straightforward settlement of our personal hostilities.
§ 17. False as the charges are seen to be, I must examine
them singly, especially those in connection with the Peace and the
Embassy ; and, to do so, I must remind you of the political circum-
stances of the times to which I refer.
§§ 18-24. The divisions and jealousies among the Greek
states, when the Phocian war began, made Philip's opportunity.
By lavish use of gold he flung the Greeks into domestic chaos,
and took advantage of the mistakes which ensued. When the
Thebans were at length worn out by the war, he prevented their
union with us by promising them help and off'ering us peace.
The ignorance and cowardice of the Greeks at large drove you to
come to terms with him. That ruinous peace was none of my
making, but was brought about by your partner, Aeschines, the
corrupt Philocrates, and by the members of the party of inaction.
Still Aeschines declares that, besides being responsible for that
peace, I prevented Athens from forming it in concert with her
allies. Why then did he not oppose me ? Nor in fact were any
negotiations with our allies still in progress. We had already
found them wanting. To have called them to arms, while we
were treating with Philip, would have been dishonourable. To
have called them to make peace with him would have been
ridiculous: they were all at peace with him already. Thus I
stand clear of all responsibility in this matter.
τ
§§ 25-30. Compare my conduct with that of Aeschines after
the peace. Γ knew that Philip was active in his aggressions
d
1 INTRO D UCTIQN.
against the city, and that he must be sworn before he had taken
your important possessions in Thrace. I proposed a decree that
our ambassadors should proceed at once to administer the oaths
to him, a decree which Aeschines deUberately ignores — though he
misrepresents my simple courtesy in providing Philip's envoys
with free seats in the theatre. No, Aeschines, it was not my duty
to secure a few obols from them, while selling, as you have sold,
our national interests. Λ
J [Decree read^
In spite of this decree, three months were wasted, and Philip
was master of Thrace, before he swore to the peace.
§§ 31-41. Philip now secured a second advantage from our
corrupt ambassadors, namely, that they should remain away till
he was ready to march on Phocis, lest Athens, hearing of his
approach in time, should man Thermopylae, and block his way.
In his anxiety he condescended even to hire Aeschines, to make
in his name false promises of the benefits he was about to confer
on us, and the heavy blow he was going to deal to Thebes. So
his way was left open. "To show what came of these promises,
listen to the decree which you passed in your alarm, when Philip
destroyed the Phocians, and to the letter in which he announced
this act.
[Decree and letter read^
You see how Philip won over the Thessalians and Thebans,
and how he tricked you. Yet Aeschines, his agent in all this,
ventures to-day to draw pathetic pictures, of the present miseries of
Thebes and Phocis !
§§ 42-49.1 After the close of the Sacred War, Philip was
enthusiastically supported by Thebes and Thessaly, while you and
the other Hellenes suffered from his aggressions, but could not
break the peace. Philip went to conquer the Illyrians and Tri-
balUans. Traitors flocked to him from all parts. At length the
indolence and the blindness of the Hellenic states were rewarded
by the loss of their Hberties. The traitors too received the due
recompense of their labours from their master. They now wander
over the whole world, despised and homeless outlaws. And, but
//. THE TRIAL. li
for the fact that Athens was saved by her patriotic statesmen,
Aeschines and his sympathisers would be in the same plight.
§§ 5o~52• Forgive me for this recital : Aeschines has laid his
own crimes to my charge, and I was obliged to clear myself of
them, as there are many here who do not remember the events.
I admit that the tale of his hireling service is disagreeable. This,
by the way, he calls friendship, and complains that I reproach
him with the friendship of Alexander. I should be the last man
to do so ; I call him hireling. Let Aeschines hear whether you
think him the hireling or the friend of Philip and Alexander ! "1
§§ 53-59• I wi^^ i^ow deal with the indictment,
[Indictment read?^
and follow its order of topics. The statement that I did and said
what was best for Athens, and should therefore be crowned, must
be examined in the light of my public life. The proposal to
crown me, while I was still an accountable officer, belongs partly
to the same subject ; but will also require me to produce the laws
which protect the proposer. It will be necessary for me to enter
upon inter- Hellenic affairs, in order to justify my political conduct,
for it was with these that I concerned myself.
§§ 60-72. Philip started with a great advantage. Greece was
ull of traitors, by whose employment he was able to aggravate her
intestine feuds. Amid the divisions of the states, and their
ignorance of the danger that threatened them, what was I, who
was charged with the foreign policy of Athens, to advise her to
do .? To forget her dignity, and, like the Thessalians, help Philip
to dominion over Hellas, or at least to connive, like the Pelopon-
nesians, at his designs? Nay, these very peoples have suffered
more than we, and have almost lost their political existence. But
what should Athens have done ? What should I have proposed ?
I knew that in all our history we had been the champions of Pan-
Hellenic liberty. I saw that our antagonist, Philip, would stop at
no sacrifice in the quest of supremacy. Were the men of Athens
to surrender their freedom to the man of Pella ? No, you with-
stood him, and I was your counsellor. Aeschines says that, by
dwelling on Philip's wrong-doings in the Aegean, I hurled the city
d 2
Hi INTRODUCTION,
into war. It is not true, and I will say nothing of them now.
But look at his acts in Euboea and Megara, as well as in the
Hellespont. Were these not violations of the peace .? Was Hellas
to have no defender and fall an unresisting prey .? If so, Athens
has done wrong, and I am the guilty cause. But if there was a
cry for helpy who should have responded but Athens .? Such was
my policy J
§§ 73~82. That Philip broke the peace by the seizure of our
vessels can be proved by the decrees of that time, none of which
however were proposed by me.
[Decrees readJ]
Show me any decree of mine leading to hostilities. I am not
blamed even by Philip.
[Letter of Philip read.'\
Why .•* To name me would have been to call attention to his
own crimes, which I constantly withstood. I confronted him in
his attempts both on the Peloponnese and on Euboea; I de-
spatched the squadrons which rescued the Chersonese and By-
zantium from his hands ; and thus I won for Athens crowns from
the grateful Hellenes whom she saved, and awoke even in those
who refused to be succoured admiration, amid their miseries, for
her prophetic power. W^hat gold would Philip have given to have
escaped these reverses ? Aeschines, the host of his envoys, knows
best of all. And yet he dares to say that I am dumb when I
receive a fee, and noisy when it is spent. It is different with him :
he is noisy while he retains his fee.
§§ 83-94. For my services I received a crown, proposed in just
the same" manner as that proposed by Ctesiphon.
[Decree of Aristonicus read.'\
This distinction of mine brought no harm to Athens of the sort
prophesied by Aeschines, and is a proof of the value of my
services. Byzantium was important to you as commanding your
corn-supply. When, therefore, that city was besieged by Philip,
you at once sent relief, and I was responsible for advice to that
effect. .The advantage you reaped from this act was demonstrated
by the plenty which you enjoyed in a time of war, a time of
I
//. THE TRIAL. liii
greater comfort than the present peace which these traitors —
Heaven thwart their designs ! — uphold.
[Decrees of Byzantines and peoples of the Chersonese,
CONFERRING CROWNS ON Athens, here read.]
L Such was the effect of my policy, but it did more. It showed
the nobleness of Athens in strong contrast with the baseness of
Philip, and it proved that Athens would not desert even those who
sinned against her in their hour of peril. "?
§§ 95-101. To point out the falsehood of Aeschines' libels
upon Euboea and Byzantium would be superfluous. But to show
their meanness, let me recall one or two of the great acts of
Athens, done in your time. During the Spartan autocracy, broken
as our city was, you marched out to Haliartus and to Corinth,
forgetting your grievances against Corinth and Thebes, and fully
alive to the danger. You and your fathers knew, indeed, that death
closes all; but believed that something, ere the end, should be
done by men of worth. So, when Thebes was supreme, and
would have destroyed your old foe, Lacedaemon, you set your
veto on that also, letting the world know that your anger fades
when an enemy is in extremities. Yet again, you rescued Euboea
from the Thebans, and scrupulously restored the cities to the very
men who had wronged you. When the issue touched ourselves,
was I to sully these and a thousand more such precedents ?
§§ 102-109. I>Iy next act was the reform of your navy, which —
to the great detriment of your operations abroad — was in a state
of decay. In spite of the offers of enormous bribes, and in face
of an indictment,
[Document read.]
I divided the trierarchic burden so fairly between the rich and the
poor
[Old Schedule and New Schedule read.]
that no one made a complaint, and I secured the complete
efficiency of your fleet.
These instances, and I need quote no more, prove that my
home and foreign policies were alike liberal and honest, and had
the same end, namely, what was best for Athens and for Hellas.
liv ^ INTRODUCTION,
§§ 1 10-125. It remains to speak of the legal points. I admit
that I was an "accountable servant of the state. But there is no
law to call me to account for my free gifts. You have crowned
others during their term of office for special acts of generosity.
[Decrees conferring Crowns read^\
If I was guilty of misconduct in my office, why did not Aeschines
protest at my audits ?
In the bill of Ctesiphon
[Bill of Ctesiphon read?^
all he attacks is the grateful return to be made for my gifts, the
acceptance of which he allows to be quite constitutional. Is it
CQiistitutioftal-4o_ja£cepJ_a_giftj, unconstitutional to thank the giver?
A villainous doctrine !
Proclamations in the theatre may be counted by the thousand,
and are for the national good, as they provoke emulation in
patriotism. They are quite legal, if sanctioned by the assembly.
[Law quotedi]
Shall Aeschines be allowed to garble the laws, to bring suits
founded only on malice, and to occupy the courts of law with
abuse instead of accusation .? Never has he attacked me directly,
but only does so now, when the city is implicated with me. He
poses as my enemy : really he is the enemy of his country.
§§ 126-138. Who is he to use hard words — harder than would
have fallen from the lips of a stern Judge of the Dead ? A hack.
How dare he speak of moral culture — he, the son of a slave and a
prostitute ? But enough. Look at his career. In return for the
promotion you gave him, he has served your foes. /
He would have saved the incendiary, Antiphon, but for the
Areopagus, which body, as I can prove,
[Depositions read.']
removed him, as a traitor, from the office of your advocate at
Delos. Again, when Philip's mouthpiece, Pytho, assailed our
honour, Aeschines bore false witness against his country. Further
he is known
[Witnesses produced.']
to have held nightly meetings with Anaxinus, the spy — himself a
//. THE TRIAL.. Iv
born spy. I could say more : but your delight in litigious debate
makes you careless of your interests, and a treacherous calum-
niator is safer than a constant patriot.
§§ 139-144. His cooperation with Philip, before the war, was
infamous. During the war, did he propose any wholesome decree.?
None. Therefore, either he could not improve on my measures,
or he was in the pay of the enemy.
None so active, however, when a mischief could be done us.
Look at the havoc he wrought by creating the war at Amphissa.
Of that crime he can never clear himself. I detected him instantly
— I stake my happiness upon it; and I speak so solemnly, because
I fear, though my demonstrations lie among your archives, lest
you should think him., as you thought him before, when his false
reports brought the Phocians to destruction, inadequate to cause
evils so immense. The war at Amphissa, which let Philip into
Greece, was the work of Aeschines. When I tried to warn you at
the time, you thought my protests were factitious, and my voice
was drowned. Listen now, and learn the astuteness of Philip.
§§ 145-159. He suffered considerably from the war, in spite of
the failures of our generals. His whole commerce was stopped
by privateers. Attica was impregnable by sea. His one hope
therefore was to win over Thebes and Thessaly against us. This
could not be done directly ; it was necessary to inveigle them into
some common cause. So he hired Aeschines, who, as an Athe-
nian, would pass unsuspected. Aeschines got himself elected
sacred deputy, went to Delphi, and worked the Amphictyons into
an excitement against Amphissa by accusing that State of sacri-
legious trespass. He says he was provoked to this by the Am-
phissians bringing a charge against Athens : but no such charge
was brought. The sacred deputies, while beating the bounds of
the Delphic demesne, were roughly handled. War was declared
on Amphissa. Amphictyonic forces assembled, but did nothing.
At length, thanks to treacherous intrigue, the conduct of the war
was given over to Philip. He came southward, in response to the
call, and — occupied Elatea! What would have befallen us had
I not gained the alliance of Thebes ?
[Amphictyonic Decrees and dates read^
Ivi INTRODUCTION,
You see from Philip's letter
[Letter read^
that he puts forward pretexts which are wholly Amphictyonic.
Who gave him these? Aeschines, the chief among the many
traitors who have ruined Greece.
§§ 160-168. At this juncture, when Greece was blind to the
dangers foreboded by Philip's advance, I was careful, following
the best precedents, to keep a watchful eye on our relations with
Thebes, in order to prevent that open rupture which the hirelings
of Macedon were trying to effect.
[Decrees and Correspondence with Thebes read^
So hopeless did any union between Thebes and Athens appear,
at the moment when Philip secured Elatea.
/ §§ 169-195. [You remember the night of bewilderment which
followed the arrival of the news — ^your hurried meeting in assembly
at daybreak — the long suspense, when the voice of the country
called in vain for counsel. I at last rose, and laid bare Philip's
scheme, which I had long studied. Thebes, I said, was not wholly
at his beck, and he had taken Elatea that his show of arms might
overawe the Theban friends of freedom. If we remember our
old bickerings with Thebes, all her parties will unite in a general
philippism. What must we do .? Defend the frontier, prepare help
for Thebes, which is in greater danger than we, and offer her
alliance with a generosity worthy of Athens. After saying this
and moving a decree, I devoted myself to the situation and per-
formed my duties to the full, and more than my duties. Nick-
name me what you will, Aeschines, I served my country, when
you, with all your airs, were useless.
[Decree of Demosthenes read^
This decree began our reconciliation with Thebes, and our danger
passed away like a cloud. I gave my best services in the hour
of need, like an honest counsellor — not waiting in silence that I
might later carp at the measures of others. Was not my advice
for the best ? Let any, who can, better it even to-day. In what
particular was I wanting ? It is my principle, my efforts that you
must regard, not the final issue of events — that is ordered by
Heaven. You could not blame a shipmaster, if his vessel, being
well fitted, failed to ride, without some loss, the storm which it was
//. THE TRIAL, Ivii
not his to control. If we suffered so much, when we had Thebes
to shelter us — what, if she had joined the foe ? The final battle
filled us with consternation, when it was fought at a distance of
three days' journey — what, if it had been fought at our own gates ?
Thank God, and thanks to the Theban alliance, we were saved that.
§§ 196-210. All this I recapitulate for your information. Aeschines
may be reduced by a simple dilemma. If he foresaw the future,
why did he not enlighten us .? If he did not foresee the future, he
cannot blame my blindness. I did all I could, he — nothing. Now
he tries to make capital out of our misfortunes, and proves his
treachery by the action and inaction of his whole life. I will go so
far as to affirm, that, had we known what course events would
take, still honour obliged us to resist Philip, as we did resist him.
Athens has been often tempted to betray Greece for her own
aggrandisement : but she never forsook the path of honour. Wit-
ness the Athenians of the days of Themistocles ! They rightly
and nobly held that servitude was worse than death. I do not
dream that I created such sentiments in you : they have been ever
yours, and I was but your servant. If you obey my opponent —
who, to steal a wreath from me, would rob you of immortal glory
— if you condemn my client because my measures failed, then you
have suffered because you erred. Erred, when you fought for the
liberties of Hellas ? No, by all the heroes of Marathon and Plataea
and Salamis and Artemisium ! They all lie in the pubHc tombs —
all, Aeschines, not the victorious only. Tell me then, sir actor of
third parts, when I came forward to counsel my country how to
play the first part, was I to forget and dishonour the past ? You
too, judges, have a duty towards the past, and, in deciding public
suits, like this, you must lift your eyes to the high ordinances of
your ancestors. ^
§§ 2 1 1-2 1 7. To return. When we, your ambassadors, reached
Thebes, we found the prospect gloomy, as our first despatch
informed you. For any improvement brought about by our
diplomacy Aeschines will allow me no credit, although he lays
wholly at my door the failures of your generals in the field!
[Despatch read.\
Philip's representatives spoke first, calling upon the Thebans to
Iviii INTRODUCTION.
show their gratitude to him and satisfy their vengeance on you,
by lending active aid or, at least, by granting him a passage ; and
they warned them of the danger of listening to us. Would that I
dare repeat to you our answer — but time, like a deluge, sweeps
away your interest in bygone things. Yet hear what a favourable
response we won from the Thebans.
[Reply of Thebans read^
So you went in force, were warmly welcomed by the Thebans — to
whom you showed yourselves models of sobriety, discipline, and
courage — and, by their side, gained those triumphs which got you
so much gratitude, and which you celebrated so joyfully. If
Aeschines rejoiced at them with us, why does he find fault now ?
If he stayed moodily indoors, what does he deserve ?
[Decrees of Sacrifices read^
§§ 218-226. With so happy a revolution of our fortunes contrast
the agonised letters sent by Philip to the Peloponnese, that you
may see what my persistent diplomacy and my goings to and fro,
and my disparaged decrees, achieved for you.
You have had many great statesmen, but none who ever made
himself solely responsible for a course of policy and assumed its
whole management : I, however, was so impressed with the mag-
nitude of our danger, that I saw no chance to spare myself, and
took every duty which I felt I was specially qualified to fulfil.
[Philip's Letters read^
To this I reduced him, and deserved the crown I received.
[Decrees of Coronation read^
These decrees were attacked, but absolved, though identical in
terms with that of Ctesiphon. Why did not Aeschines assail
them, before they passed into precedents? Because, when the
facts were fresh, he dared not do, as he does now — produce a
mass of musty chronicles and garbled decrees, falsify dates and
motives, and ask you to conduct a rhetorical tournament in place
of a critical enquiry into questions of national importance.
§§ 227-231'. He has tried to mislead you by a sophistical fallacy,
bidding you forget your formed opinions, and treat facts like
figures that may be cancelled. Thus he overreaches himself, for
//. THE TRIAL, lix
he virtually admits that your opinion is favourable to me. But he is
guilty of injustice also. The method of history is not arithmetical.
The results of my policy — -the _ conversion of Thebe"s_ and .Luboea
.,and Βγζΐϊήΐίύΐη from foes into allies — are deeds that_ cannot be un-
done and should be memorable for ever. And it was the strength
' you thus acquired that"~acCuunted for Philip's show of moderation
in dealing with Athens.
§§ 232-243. A fair critic would not mock my mannerisms — can
it be that on them hinged the fortune of Hellas ? — but would in-
quire into facts, asking what were the means and forces of Athens
when I became her minister, and what I afterwards made them ;
and on such an enquiry his verdict would rest.
Athens, then, had in her alliance only the weakest of the islands,
yielding a subsidy of five and forty talents (and that was over-
drawn), but not a heavy-armed or mounted soldier beyond her
home forces ; and she had nothing more. Look at Philip. Ab-
solute commander of a large standing army, irresponsible, pos-
sessed of unlimited wealth — such was the foe I confronted, my
sole resource the poor privilege of speech, which was as freely open
to his hirelings as to me, and often used by them with ruinous
effect. Thus unfairly matched, I won the alliance of Euboea,
Achaea, Corinth, Thebes, Argos, Megara, Leucadia, Corcyra,
acquiring thence .fifteen thousand auxiliaries and two thousand
horse, besides their citizen forces : and I also procured very large
sums of money. Aeschines spoke of strict justice in our terms
with Thebes and others. He does not know that, of the famous
three hundred triremes that fought against the Persian, two hundred
came from Athens, and she did not feel aggrieved, but glad that
she could do twice as much as the other Hellenes for the deliver-
ance of all. Nor dared I chaffer, when Philip was in the market.
What would these calumniators have said, had my hard-bargaining
driven these cities into Philip's alliance .ί* That I had ruined
Athens by sea and land. Base and malignant, Aeschines, as are
all such creatures, you are but a counterfeit presentment of man
or orator. Would a physician be heard, who never prescribed till
his patient was laid in the tomb ? Are you so mad as to open
your lips to-day after what is past ?
Ix INTRODUCTION,
§§ 244-247. Aeschines gloats over the defeat. In the wordy
battles I had to fight with Philip's ambassadors, I was everywhere
victorious. True, he retrieved such losses by armed force, and for
that Aeschines crassly blames me. But my province was not
generalship. All an orator's responsibility I accept. Ought I to
have watched the growth of the situation, and given timely warning ?
I did. Should I have checked and counteracted the constitutional
errors of the State .? That also I did. With Philip's armies it was
not mine to cope : but on the battle-ground of corruption against
incorruptibihty, I ever repelled his advances. Thus, in all that
concerned me, there has been no defeat.
§§ 248-251. Such are some of the justifications I afforded for
the proposal of Ctesiphon. The people added others. When, in
the midst of the panic that followed the battle, they might pardon-
ably have been angered with me, all their measures of defence
were directed by my decrees, and they elected me special Corn-
Commissioner. Still further, when my enemies made incessant
and furious attempts, in every court, to get a conviction against
me, I was ever acquitted, thanks to Heaven, and to your sense of
justice. Did not all this justify Ctesiphon.? Aeschines may say
that Cephalus was never put on his trial. He was fortunate. But
why is my case worse than his? I was never convicted of the
least misdemeanour, and was never even indicted by Aeschines.
/ §§ 252-256. The heartlessness of my opponent appears strik-
mgly in his remarks about fortune. To reproach a fellow-man
with a thing so changeable is, indeed, folly: I will answer him,
I trust in a better tone. Athens is fortunate, but mankind now
suffers from adversity, and she has had her share of disaster.
Her good fortune, however, has enabled her, by following the
path of right, to fare better than those states which thought to
secure their own felicity by betraying her. The fortunes of single
men must be judged from their private histories. To say that
my poor fortune overruled the grand destiny of the State is
ridiculous.
If Aeschines and I must necessarily compare our private for-
tunes, I will do so, though not frivolously. I shall fall into no
//. THE TRIAL, Ixi
absurd pride of wealth or contempt of poverty. But he has driven
me to contrast our careers, which I will do with all possible
^ moderation.
§§ 257-269. As a boy, my education and my means were respect-
able. In youth I was backward in no honourable competition.
As a public man, I diose a policy which brought me honours, and,
at least, was never called dishonourable even by my worst enemies.
jt I plume myself on nothing of this. You, the man of pride, spent
*' your childhood as helper of your father, a school drudge, your
boyhood in assisting in your mother's contemptible mummeries,
your early manhood as petty scribe, then as third actor in a miser-
able dramatic company, your prime in the occupation of a timid
traitor. I will not dwell on the fact that our previous lives have
been, at every stage, in strong contrast. To-day, / risk the loss
of a crown, you run the risk of being punished for treachery.
My fortune has been bad, yours good? Recite your old stage
harangues, Λvhile I call the witnesses of my acts of liberality,
[Depositions read?\
and yet not all of these. I am content with my general repute.
§§ 270-275. But I would escape from personalities. I will con-
fess that if there be a people beneath the sun that has not suffered
from Macedon, I am guilty; if however all mankind has suffered,
then the fault must lie in the general ill-fortune of the world. You,
Aeschines, lay the blame on me, though you have as much to
answer for yourself. I spoke, with no special authority, in a free
assembly, of which you also were a member : and you failed to
improve on my counsels. Their non-success was due to no crime
or blunder of mine, and was a disappointment, to be shared by all,
even — on your own confession — by you, my accuser.
§§ 276-284. Then this honest speaker bids you beware of my
rhetorical skill ! All I have of such skill — and indeed the power
of an orator is measured by the welcome received from the
audience — has ever been put forth to promote your national in-
terests, never, like his, for selfish and malicious ends. Nor were
these courts built as a theatre for personal encounters. His
coming here, unprovoked by any crime on my part, to discharge
I
Ixii INTRODUCTION,
an elaborate tirade of abuse, is an epitome of wickedness and
cowardice. He treats the occasion as meant merely for a display
of declamation. Not the vocal talent of an orator, but his hearty
and unselfish sympathy with the nation, is here esteemed. That
sympathy I have always cherished : he, never — he, who tricked his
country by false declarations, and called by tHe name of friendship
his hireling service to Philip. Does he think that you have for-
gotten, or that you do not know him for what he is — a traitor ? I
§§ 285-293. My countrymen showed their respect for me by
appointing me to deliver the funeral oration over the slain, reject-
ing Aeschines and all of his party, and neglecting their vehement
protests. Why? Because those men were felt to be old foes,
newly unmasked ; because they had joined in the revels- of the
blood-stained victor ; and also because it was known that the cause
in which our brave dead had fallen was so dear to no man as to
me. The very epitaph then inscribed upon the tomb
[Epitaph read^
demonstrates the shamelessness of Aeschines in laying to my charge
a dispensation of heaven — for which may heaven punish him ! His
tones, too, were joyful — that fact alone proves him no patriot
— when he spoke of the disaster, and when he affirmed that I was
solely responsible for your resistance to the foe. Would that such
an honour were really mine ! Yet, to gratify his spite against me,
he thus disparages the greatest of your glories.
§§ 294-296. He crowned his libels with the astounding state-
ment that / coquetted with Philip ! If we enquire seriously, who
Philip's creatures were, they are found to be the men in the
various Hellenic states who resembled, not me, but Aeschines. The
whole day would be too short to enumerate their names ; but they
were all alike — parasites, ministers of evil, mutilators of their
countries, who toasted away our liberties at Macedonian banquets,
and wrecked the old Hellenic code of honour.
§§ 297-305. From any part in such iniquity my policy saved
both Athens and myself. Does he then ask, what are my claims
to honour? These, that when all the Hellenic statesmen were
//. THE TRIAL. Ixiii
corrupt, I alone was incorruptible : that I fortified our city, not
only with walls of stone, but with the bulwarks of powerful
alliances : and that neither in calculations nor in preparations was
I worsted by Philip. I fulfilled the duties of a patriotic minister,
protecting our seaboard by the shelter of Euboea, our other
frontiers with Boeotia and the Peloponnese, insuring the safety of
the corn-route, and securing the most important Aegean states ;
and all my measures were conceived justly, and carried out with
integrity and diligence. If treachery, bad generalship, and the
hand of fate ruined us, am /guilty ? Had the other states — had only
Thessaly and Arcadia — possessed each but one statesman such as
I was, Hellas had been saved !
[Lists of allies and forces read^
§§ 306-313. Had my plans succeeded, Athens would have been
indisputably and justly supreme : as it is, her honour is safe. To
do such acts as mine was the duty of a good citizen — not to trip
up the patriot, not to court the foe, not to nurse private hatreds
and silendy wait, and prepare, to overwhelm a victim. Your
elaborate eloquence, Aeschines, should have borne fruit in national
benefits. You have had many chances, to shine as a public bene-
factor, but have taken none. What successful ^ mission, what
addition to our m.aterial wealth, what wholesome reform, stands to
your credit .? Not one. Have you even been loyal at heart ? Nay,
when all contributed their utmost to save the city from destruction,
you, out of your large means, gave nothing. It is only when mis-
chief is to be done that you shine. None then so brilliantly — base.
§§ 314-324. Lastly he speaks of the great and good of old.
But let him not take advantage of your reverence for your past
heroes, to show me in a bad light. Compare the living with the
living. Because Athens is grateful for the good deeds of her
ancient leaders, shall she be ungrateful for services rendered now ?
And, indeed, my acts and measures have been conceived in the
true spirit of the great men of old — who themselves, no doubt,
were contrasted by detractors with heroes of a yet earlier age.
I fall short of their standard : but who lives that reaches it ?
Philammon would be no match for Glaucus : yet, as he vanquished
his rivals, he received his crown. In the same way, pit me against
Ixiv INTRODUCTION.
any living statesman — I shrink from comparison with none. When
the contest was in patriotism, I was ever victor; although, when
subserviency to foreigners was required, I grant that I fell far
behind such princely competitors as Aeschines and his fellows.
But the two qualities of the worthy citizen — to maintain, when in
office, the prestige of Athens, and at all times to preserve his
loyalty — have ever been found in me. Neither fear nor any other
inducement made me desert that with which, from the beginning
of my public life, I bound myself up, the honour, the power, the
glory of my native land. I do not smile at my country's woes,
nor shudder at her successes, as do these apostates, who have
their hopes abroad, and bid us, when our decline has exalted the
foreigner, be careful that there come no change.
Heaven ! reject their prayers ! If their hearts cannot be turned,
destroy them utterly ! But unto us grant a lasting deliverance ! '
Comparison of the two Speeches.
As the ancient orators were in the habit of publishing revised
editions of their speeches, the question has arisen, how far we have
the present speeches in the form in which they were delivered.
Dissen believed that Aeschines made considerable alterations, after
hearing Demosthenes ; that he omitted what he had said (cf. Dem.
de Cor. 95) about the Byzantines, that he elaborated the passage
about Euboea, introduced ' manifesta mendacia * into his account
of the Theban alliance, and maliciously added topics referring to
events which had occurred after he preferred his indictment. He
believed, also, that Aeschines' apparent anticipations of points
which Demosthenes would make, such as the illustration drawn
from the crowning of the athlete Philammon (Aesch. c. Ct. § 190;
Dem. de Cor. § 319), and the parable of the physician (Aesch.
c. Ct. § 225; Dem. de Cor. § 243), were inserted in his speech
when the trial was over. We may add that Aeschines was also
right in anticipating that Demosthenes would attack his silence
and inaction as well as his words and actions (Aesch. c. Ct. §§ 216,
217 ; Dem. de Cor. § 198).
On the other hand, Aeschines was wrong in expecting (§ 54)
that Demosthenes would divide his life into four periods ; and his
//. THE TRIAL, Ixv
further suppositions — in § 207, that Demosthenes would declare
that truth ranked oligarchs round the prosecutor and democrats
round the defendant ; in § 209, that he would bewail his own sad
lot; in § 228, that he would compare Aeschines' eloquence to the
music of the Sirens; and in § 257, that he would call on his
advocates to bear him witness — are all falsified, for Demosthenes
does none of these things.
Aeschines, then, is as often wrong as he is right in his fore-
stallings of the points of his antagonist. The theory of deliberate
change in the published version of his speech leaves unexplained
the retention of his unsuccessful forecasts. The most probable
view is that there had been much gossip about the contest, that
some of Demosthenes* disciples had let a few hints of their
master's designs leak out, that unfounded rumours also flew
abroad, and that Aeschines took advantage of all of these, and
did his best to spoil in advance the eff"ect of the speech for the
defence. He needed no rumours to lead him to fortify the weak
points in his own case against the assaults of Demosthenes.
Dissen also fancies that Demosthenes would not have had
enough courage to put the plain question of § 52, or to administer
the plain-spoken rebuke of § 138, to his audience on the trial.
But, in the former case, he could be sure that his friends would
be prompt with the right answer : and, as to the latter, from the
beginning of his public life he had always been blunt when he
spoke of the faults of his countrymen. Dissen's general doubt,
' Quis V. c. credat cum multis in locis refutentur quae Aeschines
dixerat haec omnia sic elaborata fuisse ut nunc habentur?' is
hardly pious in so devout an admirer of the orator.
We may, then, be satisfied that we have both these speeches
very much as they were spoken.
Wit h a few exceptions^the^jner e facts and occurrences, on
which Aeschines bases his case, are correctly given^his principle
of attack bein gixather to impute false and^ish onest motives to his
opponent , and prod uce a telling caricature of his political life,
than to venture upon historical misstatements. His charge, how-
ever (Aesch. c. Ct. § 67), that Demosthenes deliberately hurried on
the assemblies in Elaphebolion, 346 b.c, refusing to wait for the
return of the envoys who had been sent among the Greek states,
e
Ixvi INTRODUCTION,
and excluding Cersobleptes from the treaty, is wholly untrue.
The envoys, having been away eight months, had long ago sent
in their reports : and, as a matter of fact, Cersobleptes was not
excluded from the peace by Athens. The accusation, too, which
(§ 1 1 6) he asserts the Amphissians to have laid against Athens,
at Delphi, 339 b.c, is nowhere recorded : and if, as he states, it
was laid in the Theban interest, it is inconceivable that Thebes
took no part in the subsequent proceedings. With this falls the
libel (§ 125), that Demosthenes was bribed by Amphissa to pre-
vent Athenian action. His accounts (§§ 85 sqq.) of the trans-
actions in Euboea in 342-341 b.c. are inconsistent with known
history, and were made eleven years after the occasion. Lastly,
his allegation (§ 222) that Demosthenes lessened the Athenian
fleet by sixty-five fast cruisers is quite unsupported by evidence,
and contrary to what we know of the effects of the naval reform
of 340 B.C. Demosthenes, on the other hand, seems to strain a
point when (§ 21) he afiirms that he took no part whatever in the
conclusion of the peace of 346 b.c, and there is a little exag-
geration in his complaint (§ 30) that the second embassy was
idle for ' three whole months.*
The legal view of the case was expounded by Aeschines most
luminously and completely. He proved conclusively that Ctesiphon
had violated both the spirit and the letter of the law. Demosthenes
could not deny that he held office, for which he was still account-
able, when it was proposed to crown him. H|s plea, that he was
to be crowned, not for his administration, but fbrhisgiTts to the
state, and Hs indignant denial that any tribun al existed to scrutinise
acts of gene rosity, are^ inr^g^Ptent wif^ t^<^ t^rmg of Ctesiphon's
bill, and simply amount to t he quibble anticipated and refuted by
Aesc hines. Any bad magi strate _could escape through such a
loo phole. Such a plea only ' shows the ex treme looseness of legal
r easoning which was tolerated in Athenian courts* (Thirlwall) — a
laxity of procedu re^vigoro usly denounced in _ Aeschines' speech.
The citation of instances when crowns had been given to account-
able officers is met by Aeschines' retort, that one illegality does
not justify another. The same applies to the precedents, quoted
in the defence, of coronations in the theatre — the prosecution
having pointed out that these had been an abuse which had
//. THE TRIAL. Ixvii
necessitated a prohibitory statute. D emosthenes* doctrine , that the
more public the proclamation the "^tte r— ^noL ibr the recipient,
but for the donors of a crown — is mere ve rbiage. His only real
defence rested on an excepting clause — probably taken, however,
from the Dionysiac law, and, if so, applying only, as explained by
Aeschines, to crowns given by foreign states. But if Demos thenes'
legal arguments were weak, he was most adroit in choosing the
right place tor them in his speech. They occur just after he had
pleased and roused his audience by a glowing account of the
victories which had won them lavish honours and thanks from the
Hellespontine cities; and they are followed instantly by a storm
of personalities which was sure to turn the attention of the soberest
of Athenian hearers.
However strongly Aeschines might dwell on the need for the
vindication of Law, he knew, as well as Demosthenes who touched
the technical issues so lightly, that what the Dionysiac statute said,
or did not say, mattered little on that occasion. The real issue
was personal and political. He had to carry a sentence of con-
demnation on the public life of Demosthenes. He must have felt
this to be hopeless. Often, indeed, in the )after port ion of his
speech, he almost implies that the crow fi ^'^^^ ^^ ronfprrprl ; and
in his peroration there is a tone of dissatisfaction with the effort
he has just concluded. His consciousness of his failure betrays
itself also in the virulent m alice of his attac ks upo n his rival.
The best passages of hisspeech are his denunciations of the
mischief done by the indiscriminate lavishing of public rewards.
His sarcasm, too, is often scathing. Yet, splendid as is his
rhetoric, it is occasionally overdone: some of his declamations
tend to sink into bathos; and his appeals to his audience
to transport themselves to other scenes by an effort of imagi-
nation, grow monotonous. Then he is always on his own
defence. He has to explain his own silence in the past, and does
so lamely. He justifies his conduct at Delphi at the expense of
his judgment. His royal friendships he tries to ignore. This
constant necessity for self-defence also leads him into irrelevancies.
In general, his argumentation is logically imperfect, and often follows
the fallacy post hoc er^o propter hoc. Further, he can only criticise de-
tails^ the policy of his opponent, and does so on mean grounds.
Ixviii INTRODUCTION.
Very few proofs are adduced, as he deals chiefly in bare assertions.
But he uses argument far less than abuse and vilification, and he
is certainly an expert in that art. His signal weakness, however, is
that he had no alternative policy to recommend, and that ' he dared
not show his colours' (Jebb) — Macedonian or anti-Macedonian.
He ca n only work on the most ignoble passions o f his hearers,
and urge them to make Demosthenes a victim of th e^ burning
resentment inspired by their present humiliat ions and distresses.
The reply of Demosthenes is a monument of close and elabo-
rate reasoning. He sharply stigmatises the character of the prose-
cution, and dismisses almost contemptuously all the irrelevancies
imported into the case by his opponent. He carefully builds up
an historical framework to support his demonstrations, and at each
point he strictly proves his statements by the production of evidence.
To the great breach in Aeschines' encampment, his own career,
Demosthenes recurs again and again, his arguments ever leading
to the one conclusion, that Aeschines was a traitor. On the
other hand, in his survey of the period in which he himself
directed Athenian affairs, he showed, step by step, that his policy
was not only the best, but the only one open to Athens, whose
present condition compared favourably with the condition of those
Hellenes who had been lukewarm in the cause of freedom, or
had sided with the foe. He fully admitted that his ministrations
had failed to secure, as they were intended to secure, the supre-
macy of his city : but he could affirm that her honour at least was
safe. Binding up his self-praise with the praise of Athens, he
could point out that she had maintained the policy which was hers
by tradition, and had acted up to her noblest past. This was the
strength of his position. He could recall with confidence all the
heroism which his city had displayed in bygone times in hurling
back the invader, and all the generosity she had evinced in pro-
tecting the weak. Little, indeed, now remained to Athens but
memories ; and Demosthenes in this, his masterpiece, pronounced
' the funeral oration of extinct Athenian and Grecian freedom.* But
in doing so, he touched, and, for the hour, awoke, the highest
sentiments of his countrymen ; and they felt that he was the one
m best able to say what might ' quiet' them * in a death so noble.
ΤΠΕΡ ΚΤΗ2ΙΦί1ΝΤ02 ΠΕΡΙ
TOT 2ΤΕΦΑΝΟΤ.
ΤΠΕΡ ΚΤΗ5ΙΦί1ΝΤ02 ΠΕΡΙ
TOT ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΤ.
Πρώτον μβν ώ avSpes 'Αθηναίοι τοΐ? θβοΐ? βνχομαι
πάσι καΐ πάσαι?, οσην evvoiav βχ^ων ίγω διατβλώ rfj re
πόλζί και πασιν νμΐν, τοσαντην υπάρξαι μοι παρ* υμών
€19 τοντονί τον αγώνα, €π€ίθ' δ πύρ ίστι μάλισθ' vnep
υμών καΐ τη9 νμ€Τ€ρα9 €νσ€β€ία9 re καΐ 86ξη9, τοντο 5
παραστησαί τον? θεού? νμΐν, μη τον άντίδικον σνμ-
βονλον ποίήσασθαί nepl τον πώ? άκούξΐν νμά? €μον δβΐ
2 (σχετλίΟϊ/ γαρ αν ζϊη τοντο ye) άλλα τον? νομον? καΐ
τον ορκον, kv ω προ? άπασι τοΐ? άλλοι? δίκαιοι? και
τοντο γίγραττται, το όμοίω? άμψοΐν άκροάσασθαι. τοντο ίο
δ' ίστιν ον μόνον το μη προκατβγνωκίναι μηδίν, ονδβ το
την evvoiav ϊσην άποδοΰναι, άλλα καΐ το τη τάζει και
τη απολογία, ώ? βββονληται και προηρηται τών αγω-
νιζομένων έκαστο?, οντω? εάσαι \ρήσασθαι.
3 Πολλ^ μεν ονν εγωγ ελαττονμαι κατά τοντονι τον ι ζ
1. 4- «'π•€ΐθ', unaccompanied by δ^, the repeated prayer, § 8, the construe-
regularly answers ιτρώτον μίν in tion is not parallel ; for there on
Demosthenes, §§8, i8, 248 ; so eJra, relates directly to τοντο, which is
§§ 105, no, 176, 177, 235, 238-9. object not of παραστήσαι but of
Compare μάλιστα μ(ν . . . kireiTa § 267. yvS/vai.
ο ΐΓ€ρ does not relate to the sub- 2. 10. τ6 is used to introduce a quo-
sequent demonstrative τοντο — in that tation, whether it be given literally,
case we should have had δ as in §§60, as § 88 το δ' ' νμίΐί' όταν λί'γα;, § 290
•2θ8, 252, or ΟΤΙ as in §§ 8, 198, 264 τό ' μηδίν άμαρτ€ΐν κ.τ.λ.', or in sub-
(δτΓβρ &ν § 197 is different) — but to stance, as here and in § 59, where the
the second direct object of εύχομαι, quoted words are made to fall in with
that is, to the whole phrase τοντο the construction.
■ηαραστησαι tovs ββούί νμΐν. The If we can trust the copy of the oath
TovTo, as in § 293, anticipates the fol- found c. Tim. § 151. p. 747, the actual
lowing infinitival clause, which would -woTdsweTe άκροάσομαιτοντ€ κατη-γόρον
otherwise hang very loosely on the Hal τον άπολο-γονμίνον όμοίω! άμφοΐν.
construction ; and thus the balance of άκροάσασθαι. Wherever no spe-
the sentence is preserved. Hence, in cial stress need be laid on the dura-
ilktJ/y
THE SPEECH OF DEMOSTHENES
ON BEHALF OF CTESIPHON ;
OR, CONCERNING THE CROWN.
Men of Athens, I first pray to all the gods and goddesses
that just as much kind ly feeling as I constantly rhprish both / ,/ -^
for the state and ihr yoiLall may await me^iJO m you in view ^^^ΣΙιφΙμ
of this pr esent tri al. I next pray for what, indeed, is particu-
larly for your good and the good of your conscience and
character, that the gods may commend to you this course,
not to consult the adversary as to how you must listen to me
— for it would be heartless to do that — but to consult the laws 2
and your oath, in which, in addition to all the other just re-
quirements, this also has been written, that you hear both sides
impartially. And an impartial hearing means not only that
you have passed no pre-condemnation on any point, nor only
that you render your goodwill in equal measure to both sides,
but also that you suffer each of the contending parties to deal
with the arrangement of his subject and the mode of his
defence exactly as he has wished and deliberately chosen.
I, the n, in many res pects stand at a disadvanta ge compared 3
tion, completeness, or date of an Demosthenes see Introduction II.
action, the aorist form of the infinitive 13. άιτολογία in strictness could
is preferred. Hence the superiority apply only to one of the contending
of this reading (2) over the vulgate parties, the defendant ; but (§ 266)
άκροάσθαι, or the conjecture άκροά- Aeschines was practically as much on
σ^σθαι. See § 57 kiTaiveiv. his trial as Demosthenes.
II, ούδ€ = 'nor only' in the col- ώβ . . . οΰτωβ always emphatic
location ού μόνον . . . ουδέ , . . αλλά (cf. § 277) in this order: so οσην ...
καί, as §§ 93, 107, and, even without τοσαύτην above, and many following
μόνον, § 300. instances.
12. After ίσην Dind. has άμψοτί- In Aristotle βούλησι^ is the act of
pois. proposing an end to oneself; vpoaiptais
τάξ€ΐ κ.τ.λ. Cf. § 56, Aeschines chooses one means to that end in pre-
(§§ 203-5) bade the dicasts force De- ference to others.
mosthenes to answer the charges in 3. 15. The skeleton of this sentence
the order in which he had presented is: πολλά μβν Ιλαττουμαι . . . δυο hi ... ,
them. For comparative analyses of %v μίν ... (ου γαρ . . . αλλ' ίμοϊ μίν
the speech of Aeschines and this of [ου βούλομαι . . .] ουτοί δέ . . .) 'ίτίρον
^^~~^ Β 2
4 AHtA ΟΙΘΕΝΟ Υ Σ §§ 3-5•
άγωνα ΑΙσγίνον^ Svo S* ω άνδρ€9 ^Αθηναίοι και /ζβγάλα,
€v μ\ν ΟΤΙ ου nepl των ίσων αγωνίζομαι' ου yap k<mv
ίσον νυν ΙμοΙ της παρ ύμων ζύνοιαζ δίαμαρτβΐν καΙ
τούτω μη iXeiv την γραψήν, αλλ ίμοί μύν — ου βούλο-
μαι δυσχ^€ρ€9 eineiv ούδΐν άργομ€νος του Χογου, ούτος δ' s
€Κ πβρωυσίας μου κατηγορβΐ- €Τ€ρον δ\ δ φύσ€ί πάσιν
άνθρώποις ύπάργ^υ, των μ\ν λοιδοριών και των κατη-
γοριών άκού€ΐν ήδίως, τοις ίπαίνοΰσι δ* αυτούς άχ^θξ-
4 σθαΐ' τούτων τοίνυν δ μ^ν ίστι προς ήδονήν, τούτω
δίδοται, ο δβ πάσιν ως ίπος €ίπ€Ϊν ζνοχλ€Ϊ, λοιπόν ίο
€μοί. καν μ€ν βύλαβούμΕνος τοΰτο μη λύγω τα π€πραγ-
μίνα ^μαυτω, ουκ ^χ^ίν άπολύσασθαι τα κατηγορημένα
δοξω ούδ' ζψ' οΐς άξιώ τιμάσθαι δβικνύναί' kav δ* ίψ' α
και πβποίηκα καΐ π€πολίτ€υμαι βαδίζω, πολλάκις λίγ^ιν
άναγκασθησομαι π€ρΙ βμαυτοΰ. πβιράσομαι μ\ν οΰν ως 15
μζτριώτατα τοΰτο ποιβΐν' δ τι ^ αν το πράγμα αύτο
άναγκάζη^ τούτου την αίτίαν ούτος ίστι δίκαιος e^eiv
ό τοιούτον αγώνα 6νστησάμ€νος.
5 Οΐμαι 5' υμάς πάντας ω άνδρβς * Αθηναίοι άν δμολο-
γησαι κοινον elvai τουτονι τον αγώνα ίμοι και Κτησι- 2ο
δ^ . . . . The πολλά μίν and δυο δ€ oTs rutvSf μηδίν ύπάρχα ομοίων. De-
then are ' accusative of respect ' de- mosthenes * risks far more ' than his
pendent on (Καττονμαι, and so are opponent, which by the Greek figure
(v μίν, iTfpov Se, in apposition to διίο. of speech, litotes, (of which many
The construction therefore is quite examples follow below, cf. o\ih\v War•
regular, being only extended, not tovos § 5, § 9, etc.), he expresses by
broken, by the parenthesis ου fkp . . . saying that he * does not risk an e^ua/
καΎηηορΐΐ. The obscurity has arisen amount.'
from the fact that this parenthesis itself 3. vvv, i, e. after enjoying your
contains an aposiopesis immediately ivvoia so long.
followed by a minor parenthesis im- 6. €κ ircpiovaCas literally means
introduced by any particle. For par- * out of a superabundance.* As we
entheses see on §§ 126-7-8; for apo- might say, Aeschines does not embark
siopesis cf. §§ 195, 277. all his means in the venture, but only
1, KaC, intensive = 'really,' *ac- a 'spare fund,' the loss of which
tually:' see Index. would leave his capital intact. What
2. ου ΊΓίρΙ των ΐσων. Compare Aeschines would lose, if he failed to
Thucyd. ii. 42 δίδασ«αλίαΐ' -κοιούμίνοί carry the fifth part of the votes of the
μ^ ΊΤ(ρ\ Ισου ήμΐν thai τ6ν ayotiva καΐ dicasts, would be the sum of 1000
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
with Aeschines throughout the whole of this trial, and in two,
men of Athens, which are actually great. In the first, because
I contend for far different stakes : for it is far 7rom"~Ehe same
thing forlne now to torteifyour goodwill and for my opponent
not to carry his indictment. To me it means — I wish how-
ever to say nothing distressing at the beginning of my speech : ^
o nly my opponent accuses me at a risk which __ he can a fford. M*''^^^^^^''*^
I am at a disadvantage too in a second respect, the tendency
whicn IS naturally inherent m all men, on one hand to listen
to invective and accusation with pleasure, and on the other
hand to be vexed with those who praise themselves. Of these 4
two parts, accordingly, the pleasure-giving part has been as-
signed to my opponent, and the other, which in the opinion of
all (to speak roundly) is tiresome, remains for me. And if
indeed, fearing to tire, I omit to speak of my own doings, it
will be thought that I am not competent to clear myself of the
accusations brought against me, or t o pr oceed to show the
grounds on which I think that I am worthy to receive honour :
yet, if I tr avel to mv acts and mv m fiiisures of statp, I shall be
compelled to speak frequently of myself. I \vill try, then, to
do_this as modestly ^g p ossible, and so, w^hatever mention of
myself the nature of the case may necessitate, for that my op-
ponent must in fairness bear the blame, as the man who has
instituted a trial of this character.
I think that you would all agree, men of Athens, that this 5
trial is shared by me as well as Ctesiphon, and that it demands
drachmae, to be paid as a fine, and the
competency to appear again in any
similar suit. For this usage of inpi-
ουσία cf. Thucyd. v. 103 kkms 54, κιν-
δννω παραμΰθιον ούσα, roiis μίν άττό
nfpiova'ias χρωμένουί αύττ}, καν βλάψτ},
ου καθίΐλίν. In Plato, Theaet. ΐζ^^Ό ίκ
TTipiovaias means ' with our surplus of
mental energy.' Such renderings as
' wantonly ' are too remote from the
original force of the word and quite
unsupported,
7. λοιδοριων . . κατηγοριών. For the
distinction see § 125.
9. Toivirv has * two distinct usages,
as a particle of inference {therefore) or
continuation {moreover, furthermore),^
Shilleto, de Falsa Leg. f 10. p. 344.
13. Ιφ' d Koi, 'est και etiam, et no-
tandum hyperbaton,' Dissen. In that
case the following words would be a
cornpound expression like ίτρα'/ωδίΐ
και δ€ΐξη€ΐ § 1 3, where see note. But
the trajection of και is not necessary :
compare ών ■ή διακ^χύρικα η Ίτατολί-
τ€νμαι §111. More than Demosthenes'
statesmanship, his whole life also, was
attacked by Aeschines.
5. 2. 6μοΙ καί. Most MSS. read
(μοί T€ και, which Dissen would de-
fend. The text has the advantage, not
only of exhibiting the commoner usage,
especially with koivos, but also of leav-
ing the stress where it is wanted, that
is, on (μοί.
Aeschines made a faint attempt to
6 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§5-8•
φωντι και ovSev ίλάττονο? άξων σπονδής Ιμοί- πάντων
μ€ν γαρ άποστ€ρ€Ϊσθαί λνπηρον €στί και γαΚ^πόν^
αλλω? Τ€ καν υπ kyOpov τω τοντο σνμβαίνρ, μάλιστα
δβ τή9 παρ υμών evvoias και φιλανθρωπίας, οσω π€ρ
β και το τνχ^βΐν τούτων μ^γιστόν €στιν. π€ρι τούτων ^ s
ovTos TOVTOvi τον αγώνος, άξιώ και δβομαι πάντων
ομοίως νμών άκονσαί μον πβρϊ των κατηγορημένων
άπολογονμίνον δικαίως^ ώσπβρ οι νόμοι κ^λ^ύονσιν, ονς
6 τιθβις ζξ άρ•)(ής Σόλων, ζϋνονς ων ύμΐν και δημοτικός,
ου μόνον τω γράψαι κνρίονς ω€Τ0 δβΐν elvai, άλλα και ίο
7 τω τονς δικάζοντας όμωμοκίναι, ουκ άπιστων ύμΐν, ως
γ* €μοΙ φαίνεται, άλλ' ορών οτι τάς αίτιας και τάς δια-
βολάς, αΐς ίκ τον πρότερος λβγβιν ό διώκων ίσ^ύβι,
ουκ evi τω φζύγοντι παρβλθβΐν, €ΐ μη τών δικαζόντων
€καστος υμών την προς τονς Θζούς ζύσβββιαν φνλάττων τ ζ
Ι καϊ τα τον λέγοντος ύστερον δίκαια βννοϊκώς προσδύξβται^
Ι και παρασγων iavTov ίσον και κοινον άμφοτίροις άκ-
ροατην ονχί^την διάγνωσιν. ποιήσ€ται πβρί απάντων.
8 Μίλλων δβ τον τ€ ίδίον βίον παντός, ως eoiKe, λόγον
διδόναι τήμ€ρον καΐ τών κοινγι π€πολιΤ€νμ€νων, [^βον- 2ο
- λομαι^ πάλιν τονς θβονς παρακαλίσαι^ και εναντίον
νμών €ν)(^ομαι πρώτον μβν, οσην evvoiav €χ^ων 6γώ
διατ€λώ TTJ re πόλ€ΐ και πάσιν νμΐν, τοσαύτην νπάρξαι
μοι €ΐς τοντονι τον αγώνα, ίπ€ΐ& 6 τι μύλλ€ΐ σννοίσ€ΐν
και προς βνδοξίαν KOivfj και προς ξύσββζίαν έκάστω^ ί$
keep Demosthenes out of court alto- enactor ; ' hence the present participle
gether : see contra Ctes. § 200 καχ τι is retained.
δ€Ϊ σ€ Αημοσθίνην ηαρακαλίΐν; κ.τ.λ. II. After δικά^ονταβ the vulgate
I. 'π•άντων = ' anything whatsoever :' adds υμά$.
cf. πάντ($ § 75 (where the vulgate 7. 15- φυλάττων. The vulgate read-
however adds ol άλλοι), νάν, on κ.τ.λ. ing διαφυλάττων = * strictly preserving,'
§ 67, τταΐ'ταχου § 8i, itaaav § 246. — not merely ' per totuni cursum cau-
e. 8. δικαίωβ must be taken with sae usque adfinem,' (Dissen.)
άκονσαι. 6. υστ€ρον. Dind. prefers του λ«-
9• & Ti0€is, almost a fixed title, 'the 701/Tos υστέρου, but this violates the rule
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. η
far more serious attention on my part. For while it is a cruel
and hard lot to be robbed of anything, especially if the loss fall
upon a man through the action of an enemy, the hardest lot of /l/^
all is to be robbed of y our goodwill and benevolence, just as
also to win them is the greatest happiness. So, seeing that the β
present trial is for these stakes, I claim and require of all of
you alike to hear my reply to the accusations in a just spirit,
as you are bidden by the laws ; whose original enactor, Solon,
loyal as he was to you and a friend to popular freedom,
thought they ought to be authoritative, not only by our in-
scribing them on the tables, but also by the jurors having
sworn to obey them — not because he mistrusted you, as 7
is plain to me, but because he saw that it was not pos-
sible for the defendant to make his way past the charges and
the calumnies, in which the prosecutor is strong because he is
the first to speak, unless each of you the jurors, preserving his
righteousness towards the gods, shall entertain with good
feeling the claims of the second speaker also, andonly after he
has lent himself as an equitable and impartial hearer to both
sides shall form his discriminate opinion on the whole matter.
As to-day I am about to render an account of the whole, 8
so it seems, of my private life as well as of my public ministra-
tions, I wish once more to make the gods my advocates, and
in your presence I pray, first, that as much good will as I con-
stantly cherish both to the state and to all of you may be
waiting for me in view of this present trial, and next, that the
gods will suggest ίο all of you to come to that decision con-
that an attributive is properiy placed i. 20, 3.
between the article and the participle. 8. 19. ώβ Ιοικ€ is constantly used
17. Ίταρασχών . . ούτω, lit. ' having to modify, as Greek taste required, any
lent himself .. on that condition only.' very general expression, cf. § 271.
ούτω in this usage points out that the Here, however, and again in § 212,
participle contains the most import- there is a more definite reference :
ant predication : so, with a genitive ' according to Aeschines' speech.'
absolute, § 27. For instances of the 20. βούλομαι is followed in some
emphatic participle cf. §§ 21, 58, 139, MSS. by the words καθάττ^ρ kv αρχ^.
150, 175, and consult Shilleto, Thucyd. 24, δ τι . . τοΰτο. See § ι note.
8 . ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ s-io.
τοϋτο παράστησαν πάσιν ύμΐν π€ρΙ ταντησί τή9 γραφής
"γνωναι.
9 Ει μ\ν οΰν nepl ων €διωκ€ μόνοι/ κατηγόρησαν Αί-
Ί '***'^ '^'^ σγίνης, κάγω wepl αντον τον προβο νλβνματοί €νθνς αν
άπζλογονμην' ίπ€ίδη 5* ουκ αλάττω λόγον τάλλα δί€- 5
ξίων άνήλωκβ καΐ τα πλαΐστα κατζψανσατό μου, avay-
καΐον ζΐναι νομίζω και δίκαιον άμα '• βραγβα, ω άνδρας
'Αθηναίοι, πβρι τούτων αιπαΐν πρώτον, ϊνα μηδαις υμών
\Μ^ ^ T0L9 ίξωθβν λόγοις ήγμίνος άλλοτριώταρον των ύπ\ρ
//Η TVS Ύραφνς δικαίων aKOVTj μου. ίο
10 ITe/Ji μαν δη των ίδιων δσα λοιδορονμανος βαβλασ-
φήμηκ€ πβρι €μον, θαάσασθβ ως άπλα και δίκαια λίγω.
€1 μ\ν ΐστ€ μ€ τοιούτον οίον ούτος γιτιάτο (^ού yap
άλλοθι που βαβίωκα η παρ νμΐν), μηδβ φωνην άνά-
σχ^ησθα, μηδ* ei πάντα τα κοινά ύπάραυ παπολίταυμαι, 15
αλλ* άναστάντβς καταψηφίσασθα ήδη' e/ δα πολλω
βαλτίω τούτου και ακ βαλτιόνων, και μηδανος των ματ-
ρίων, ίνα μηδαν απα^^θας λαγω, γαίρονα και αμ\ και
τους ίμονς ύπαιλήφατα και γιγνώσκβτα, τούτω μαν μηδ*
ύπαρ των άλλων πισταύατα (^δήλον γαρ ως ομοίως άπαντ iu
ίπλάττατο^, αμοί ^, fjv παρά πάντα τον γ^ρόνον evvoiav
^ ανδάδαιγθα απι πολλών αγώνων των πρόταρον, και νννϊ
{^^
1
θ. 3• ""■*?»■ ων <δίωκ€ = ΐτ(ρι ίκύνων § II (cf. ο §§ II ι, 213), cognate,
ά €δίωκ€. Cf. § 118. 9• Tois €ξωθ€ν λόγοι$ are discus-
4 ircpl αύτοΰ τ. ττ., * directly con- sions of matters not mentioned in the
cerning.' When a case of auros is indictment, (ξω τη^ Ύραψήί § 34.
used with a substantive attended by a των . . δικαίων is genitive after
preposition its force falls, generally on άκονρ, after which verb the enclitic
the preposition. Compare trap' αυτά μου is said to be a second genitive.
τάδικηματα = * close on the heels of the But the only other passage adduced
transgressions,' §§ 13, 15; en avrfjs as an instance of a double genitive
T^s άληθ^ία^, ' in strict accordance with ^ with ακούω is Horn. Od. xvii. 114, 115
the truth,' § 22, and maily subsequent | αύτάρ Όδυσσήο^ τα\ασίφρονο5 ου ποτ'
instances. Compare § 126 note. ίψασκ€ν ζωοΰ ουδέ Θανόντο$ Ιηιχθονίοιν
6. τα τΓλβιστο here is the adverbial ηυ άκοΰσαι. This however is not
accusative, ' for the most part,' as τά parallel ; but is an instance, rather, of
ΐΓολΛά § 196, not as & κατίφ^νδου the use of the genitive in the partici-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
9
fceming this indictment which is likely to benefit you both in
peputation collectively and in righteousness individually.
Had Aeschines, then, spoken in his accusation of those 9
fpoints only which he was prosecuting, I too should at once
reply in direct reference to the Previous Resolution. But ^♦^
jgiprp hp hag fx^ gnded qui te_a,s much arp^ument in enum erating
g^rrelevant topics, and for the most part ha s_spoken falsely
ag ainst me, I think_it_necessar y and a t_ the sam e time fair to
jay a little, men of Athens, about these matters first, that none
»fy ou, le d astray by his gxtraneous~ai^menfSjJffiLay- hear with
;ssjrie ndly feelings my pleas in answer to the indictment.
Remark at once how simply and fairly Τ speak of the libels 10
rhich he has uttered about me in his abusive attack on my
)rivate history. If, on the one hand, you know me to be
)f such a character as he has alleged — for I have lived nowhere
ilse but in your midst— do not even tolerate a sound from me,
iven though all my public ministry has been extravagantly good,
)ut rise up and give your verdict against me instantly. If, on
'the other hand, you have understood and decide now that I am
a far better man than my opponent, and of a better stock, and
that I and mine are inferior to no average citizen^T-that I may
say nothing offensive — then do not believe my opponent even
in his other statements, for it is clear that he concocted all
alike; but on this occasion also afford to me the goodwill
Avhich throughout all my career you have indicated in my
pial construction after verbs of 'seeing/
* knowing,' ' showing,' etc., which is
found in Plato, as ούπω ctSfs αυτών
μενόντων and other examples quoted
in Riddell's Digest of Platonic Idioms,
attached to his edition of the Apology.
Hence we had better consider μου
here as simply a possessive genitive
after των δικαίων, as in § 7 τα του
λίγοΓτοί varfpov δίκαια.
10. II. Demosthenes here answers
Aesch. con. Ct. §§ 51 sqq., 171 sqq.
δσα should, formally, have pre-
ceded irepl των ιδίων, and its ante-
cedent, which if expressed would have
been something like nepi πάντων, is the
supplement οίλίγω. Precisely parallel
is νπ€ρ μ€ν . . (ξ€τάσω § II. But for
such parallel passages we might have
translated 6σα β^βΚασψήμηκ€, ' as far
as regards all his calumny.'
18. και Ιμ.€ και τούβ Ιμ,ούβ is paren-
thetic and asyndeton,
20. ■uirep. For this and other prepo-
sitions see Index.
21. €ΐΓλάττ€το is transitive § 231,
and probably so here.
ΙΟ
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ
§§
σ^
Χίπαράσγβσθζ. κακοήθης 8' ων, Αισχίνη, τοΰτο παντζλω?
! €ϋηθζ9 ωήθης, τους wepl των πεπραγμένων καΐ πεπόλι-
τ€νμ€νων λόγου? άφβντα μ€ προ? τα? λοίδορία? τα?
πάρα σον τρβψεσθαί. ου δη ποιήσω τοΰτο' ονχ^ οντω
Τ€τν φωμαί' αλλ' νπ€ρ μ\ν των πεπολίτενμίνων α κατ€- 5
ψενδον και δίύβαλλζ? εξετάσω^ τη? δε πομπύα? ταύτη?
τη? άνύδτμ^ γβγενημύνη? ύστερον, άν βονλομύνοί? άκονειν
β τοντοίσί, μνησθήσομαί.
Λ2 Τα μεν οΰν κατηγορημένα πολλά καΐ περί ων ενίων
^ Π μεγάλα? καΐ τα? εσγάτα? οΐ νόμοι διδόασι τιμωρία?' ίο
τον δε παρόντο? άγωνο? ή προαίρεσι? αντη' εγθρον
{μεν επήρεια ν εχ^ει και νβριν και λοιδορίαν και
προπηλακισμον όμον και πάντα τα τοιαντα, των
11. 2. For ΐΓ€πραγμ,€νων καΐ •τγ€τγο-
λιτβυμίνων, as also for κατ^ψ^ύδου και
διέβα\\(ί, see § 13 note.
5. τβτύφωμαι, from τνφοί, 'smoke'
or ' mist.' Another derivation is sug-
gested by the lexicographer, Ilarpo-
cration, i) από των Ίνψωνικών καλου-
μένων -πνευμάτων (whirlwinds, raising
furious eddies of dust), which he says
create madness, quoting Alcaeus, —
νάμτταν δί τυψώ^ hKfiXiTO <ppeva$.
6. 'ΠΌμ•ΐΓ€ία8, see § 122.
7. βουλομ€νοΐ5. ΒονΧομαι is to θί\ω
as the 'positive wish is to the mere
negative idea of willingness.' Shilleto,
de Falsa Leg. § 26. p. 348.
12. 9. In §§ 12-16 the separate
propositions are clear. Demosthenes
says that the prosecution is at once
self-condemned, because it is obviously
malicious, futile, unfair, late, incon-
sistent, irregular, and brutal. But in
the connection of these propositions,
which are closely compressed, there is
considerable άσάφπα, of which the
Scholiast complains.
The key-note, which runs through
the whole passage, is * all the charges
are, on the very face of them, unjust
and untrue:' cf. § 12 fi ittp ^σαν
άληθ(Γ5, § 13 oZai γ€ τη\ΐΗούτοΐ5 .. tt
iT(p €^(\eyxeiv (νόμιζαν, § 14 6? Tt . .
(ώρα, § 15 eKcras Ik riji opOfjs καχ
δικαία$ όδοΰ, § 1 7 τσάντα τοίννν . . οντ(
δικαίωί οντ Ιττ' άΧηθί'ία$ ούδΐμιά$ (ιρη-
μίνα.
The main logical difficulty occurs in
the two transitions ov yap άφαφ^ΐσθαι
κ.τ.λ. and ού yap δηπου κ.τ.\., both
introduced by yap.
This particle has occasionally a very
pregnant sense, explaining a thought
which may be gathered from the con-
text, but has been left unexpressed.
Instances are common, in dramatic
dialogue, when we must supply a
thought equivalent to our ' yes * or *no '
before a sentence introduced by yap.
Sometimes a condition must be under-
stood, and yap rendered 'for, were it
so,' § 47, 197, or 'for, were it not so:'
cf. Xen. Anab. vii. 6. 33 i-nianvo-
μην δέ ύηύ Αακ(δαιμονίων' ού yap άν
μβ ίπ^μηον πρυ$ u/nas. Still more ab-
rupt is Thuc. i. 1 7 oi yap kv :SiKf\icf.
Irrl π\(ΐστον (χώρησαν δννάμ(ως, which
is to be translated, 'But this timid
policy is to be understood only of the
tyrants in Old Greece; for those in
Sicily,' etc. Compare the precisely
parallel use of nam in Cicero, pro
Plane, xvi. 38 * Nam Maeciam . . vo-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
II
many former trials. Nay, Aeschines, evil-minded as you are, 11
that was a simple-minded fancy of yours, that I should let
the discussion of my conduct and my statesmanship go, and
should turn aside to answer invective issuing from you. Be
sure I shall not do so — my mind is not so clouded : but I shall
first sift the falsehoods and libels you cast on me touching my
statesmanship, and then, for this ribaldry so unrestrainedly
uttered, I shall afterwards, if my audience care to listen, have
a word to say.
Now the crimes alleged against me are many, and are those 12
for some of which the laws appoint great or rather capital penal
ties : ve t the scheme of the present suit is this. While it com-
bin ^S the" spite and insnipnrp -^ηά invprtivp nnri nnn tnmply and all '^ ^ /
the similar ^hanactgrJGti 00 of n. pri^rntrjsjiemyjjievertheless, even
-L•
luisti' = •/ omit the Maccian tribe:
for you intended the Maecian tribe,'
etc.
In the first transition here the full
force of the 7a/) is * And they are not
true ; for, if they be ;^ in the second,
' But my conduct wds not indictable ;
for, had it been so.' *
Thus the connection of thought in
fi the whole passage is as follows : —
/I § 12. I am charged with terrible
' \ crimes : but the scope and spirit of
Ϊ the prosecution condemn it. Although
' showing every symptom of personal
hostility, nevertheless it does not en-
able the state to punish me, even if
the charges were true. §13. Of course
, they are not true (v. note on eiVep . .
^σαμ), for, if they be true, there is no
need to rob me of a fair trial, but he
; should simply have impeached or in-
; dieted me at the time, had my acts
: been impeachable or indictable. Of
j course they were neither ; for, had I
j been guilty, we may be sure that he
would not have refrained from indict-
/ ing me, when we now see him prose-
; cuting Ctesiphon in order to strike a
blow at me. § 14. So, if I had been
guilty of the other crimes which he
enumerates, he could have used the
proper legal machinery to j)unish me
(which he did not do), and then his
present appearance in court would
have been consistent with his past
acts, § 15. Instead of this, he makes
an irregular attack on me, and that
too through Ctesiphon. § 16. Lastly,
to recur to our private hostility, he
ought to have asked me to settle that
privately, without harming an inno-
cent third person.
9. After ΊΓολλά Dind. reads καΐ
καΐ irepi ών βνίων. The καί must
join another predicate to the preceding
πολλά. This second predicate is to
be found in the antecedent latent in
the relative ων. The full phrase would
be τΓολλά [και Sctj/a] και τοιαύτα vepl
ων (νίων.
ΙΟ. καί, corrective, = Ότ rather:'
see IndexT
II. αΰτη. Dind., with most MSS.,
has αυτή, with no stop after it (* the
scheme of the prosecution in itself,
on the face of it, is malicious and fu-
tile') which seems more forcible.
13. πάντα τα τοιαύτα is to be taken
with ΙχΘρον, the force of which con-
tinues through the whole clause : 'the
spite, and insolence, . . and all the
12 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ 12-15.
μβρτοί κατηγοριών καΙ των αίτιων των έίρημίνων, ef π€ρ
^^jiv άληθ€Ϊ9, ουκ ίνι Tfj noXei δίκη ν άξιαν λαβείν, ού^
13 kyyv9. ου yap άφαιρύσθαι Set το προσβλθβΐν τω δήμω
και Xoyov τνγ^ΐν^ ούδ' kv βπηρ^ίας Ta^ei καΙ φθόνου
τοϋτο ποί€Ϊν' οϋτζ μα τού^ Oeodi όρθώξ ^χον οϋτ€ s
πολίτικον οΰτ€ δίκαιον Ιστιν, ω άνδρξ? 'Αθηναίοι' αλλ'
e0' o/y άδικονντά μζ Ιώρα την πολιν, οΰσί ye τηλι-
κούτοι? ήλίκα νυν βτραγωδβι και ^ίβ^τ/εί, ταΐς ίκ των
νομών τιμωρίαΐζ παρ αύτα τάδικήματα χρησθαι, €i
μζν ξίσα γγξλί α^ άξια πράττοντά μ€ Ιώρα, eiaayyeX- 10
λοντα και τούτον τον τρόπον e/y κρίσιν καθιστάντα-^
παρ νμΐν, ei δβ γράφοντα ναράνομα, παρανόμων ypa-
φόμ€νον' ου yap δήπου Κτησιφώντα μ\ν δύναται διώκ€ΐν
δι €/ζ€, €μ€ (5e, ei πβρ e^eXiy^eiv ίνόμιζβν, αύτον ουκ αν
1^€γράψατο. και μτιν ei τι των άλλων ων νυν ι διίβαλλζ 15
και δίζ^τ/Εΐ ή και άλλ* ότιοΰν άδικουντά μ€ νμα^ ^^ρβ^
€ΐσι νόμοι π€ρΙ πάντων και τιμωρίαι και άγών€9 και
\ κρίσεις, και τούτοι? ίξήν άπασι χρησθαι, καΐ^όπηνίκα"
€φαίν€το ταΰτα π^ποιηκω? και τούτον τον τρόπον κβχρη-
μ€νο9 τοίΫ προ9 e/ie, ^/^ολογείνο αν ή κατηγορία τοΪ9 2ο
15 €ργοΐ9 αύτον. νυν δ* €κστα? ttjs όρθηζ και δικαία? όδοΰ
similar characteristics, of a private Latin civilis.
enemy.' 7. ye, ironical, ' being, as we must
I. μ(ντοι answers /icV, §§ 58, 153, suppose;' so often below.
299, * xet, be that as it may.' 8. €τραγώδ6ΐ. Demosthenes is con-
€1 ΐΓ€ρ ήσαν, as § 14 et \ωρα, of stantly referring to the fact that Ae-
course implies the falsity of the sup- schines wasonceanactor,cf §362note.
position. βτραγωδ» καΐ Sci^-Qd. These
12. ού5' €γγν5, § 96. 'double-shotted' expressions, which
13. 3. ού γάρ κ.τ.λ., cf. Aeschin. really imply only one verbal action
§ 203. (and are often best translated by a
4. ούδ' = ' and certainly not.' For verb and adverb) are very common in
Ύάζ(ΐ see Index. Demosthenes. In this speech we have
6. -iroXtTtKOv is rendered 'states- § 11 κατΐψίνδου και diefiaWts, § 14
manlike ' by Shilleto, who quotes this δί</3αλλ€ καΐ δΐ(ξ•ρ(ΐ, § 2 1 άκριβολο-
passage, F. L. § 114. p. 373; but here Ύοΰμαι και δκζίρχομαι, § 22 idiSa^as
seems rather to mean ' what one καΐ δΐ€ζήΚθ($, § 40 δη\οΐ και διορίζεται,
citizen should do to another/ like the § 31 ιτολ(μ€Ϊν καΐ διαφ4ρ(σθαι, § iii
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 13
if the accusations and the charges that have been stated were (as
they are not) true, it is not put in the power of the state to take
adequate or even partially adequate satisfaction for them.
For, if the charges be true, there is no need to try to rob me 13
of the privilege of appearing before the people and of obtaining
a hearing, much less to do so in an attitude of spite and jealousy.
I call heaven to witness, that it is neither straightforward nor
Athenian nor legal, men of Athens. He ought rather, on the
occasions on which he saw me wronging the state — occasions, 1
we must remember, so enormous as he but now dramatically \
enumerated — to have employed the penalties provided by the
laws c]ose_pn the .bezels of . the transgressions, if, for instance, he
saw me committing acts that called for impeachmentJ.by im-
peaching me and in this way bringing me to "judgment in
your courts, or, if he saw me making unconstitutional pro-
posals, by indicting me for breach of the constitution. Tor~
I do not imagine that he can now be prosecuting Ctesiphon to
get at me, yet would have refrained from indicting me person-
ally had he indeed thought he could carry a conviction. .StilJL
further, if he saw me wronging you in any of the other points 14
which he but now libellously enumerated or in any respect what-
soever, there are laws which reach all crimes and penalties and
trials and judgments, and all these it was competent to him to
use ; and the rnoment he had shown himself to have done this
and to have dealt after this fashion with his relations towards me,
his present appearance as prosecutor would have been consistent
with his past conduct. But, as it is, having swerved from
the straight and just road, and^ having shirked the ~ investiga- 15
5ΐ(βαλλ( καΐ ζιαψίζίτο, § 274 διω- one hand he can prosecute Ctesiphon
ρισμένα καΐ τ€τη'γμ€να, § 283 καταρώ- in order to injure me, he would not,
μ€νο5 καΐ διομννμ(νο$, § 293 €β\αιττ€ on the other hand, have indicted me
και δί4βαλλ€. personally,' etc. Cf. § 260 /x^ γάρ
For τραγ. almost = • sensationally,' κ.τ.λ.
see Jebb, Attic Orators, vol. i. p. ci. 14. «ξίλέγχ^ιν. There is a variant
9. Trap' αυτά τ. See § 9 note. c^(\ey^€iv.
χρήσθαι. Supply βδβι from ού Set 14. 15. και μ,ήν,= 'and undoubtedly,'
above, as φησί from ov φησί, Fals. Leg. ' aij^ what is more,' — is never adversa-
§ 46. p. 354, and see below § 104. tive.
13. ού δήιτου κ.τ.λ. The ου preced- 18, After κρίσ -cis Dind. reads τηκρά
ing the two clauses introduced respec- και μεγάλα ΐχονσαι τάπιτίμια, and after
lively and opposed to one another, by χρησθαι has κατ' (μου.
μίν and δ€, denies that the antithesis, 20. tois irpos «μ^• So in De Symm.
which they contain, can stand : ' No § 2 ττίρΐ των -npos τον βααιΧία = ' con-
one will believe that, while on the ceming our relations with the king.*^
14
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ
§§ 15-17•
:λ!-
^'"
και φυγών tov9 παρ αντα τα πράγματα βλίγχου?,
τοσούτοι? ύστερον ^povois αίτια? και σκώμματα καΐ
λοίδορια? σνμφορήσα? υποκρίνεται, εΐτα κατηγορεί μ\ν
εμοΰ, κρίνει δβ τουτονί^ και του μεν άγωνο? δλου την
προ9 εμε εγβραν προΐσταται^ ούδαμοΰ δ' επι ταύτην 5
άπηντηκω? εμοί την έτερου ζητών επιτιμίαν άφελεσθαι
ΐύ φαίνεται, καίτοι προ? απασιν, ω άνδρε? 'Αθηναίοι,
τοΐ? άλλοι? οι? αν ειπείν τι? ύπερ Κτησιφώντο? εγοι^
και τοΰτ εμοιγε δοκεΐ και μάλ είκοτω? αν λέγειν, οτι
τη? ημέτερα? εγθρα? η μα? εφ ημών αυτών δίκαιον ην ίο
τον εξετασμον ποιεΐσθαι^ ου το μεν προ? άλλήλου?
άγωνίζεσθαι παραλείπειν, ετερω ^ οτω κακόν τι δώσομεν
ζητεΐν υπερβολή γαρ αδικία? τοϋτό γε.
17 Πάντα μεν τοίνυν τα κατηγορημένα όμοίω? εκ τούτων
αν τι? ΐδοι ούτε δικαίω? οϋτ επ αλήθεια? ουδεμία? 15
ειρημενα' βούλομαι δε καΐ καθ' εν εκαστον αυτών εξε-
τάσαι^ και μάλισθ' οσα ύπερ τη? ειρήνη? και τη? πρεσ-
βεία? κατεψεύσατό μου, τα πεπραγμένα εαυτώ μετά
Φιλοκράτου? άνατιθει? εμοί. εστί ^ άναγκαΐον ώ
άνδρε? 'Αθηναίοι καΐ προσήκον ϊσω?, ώ? κατ εκείνου? 2ο
τού? χρόνου? εΐχ^ε τα πράγματα άναμνήσαι^ ΐνα προ?
τον υπά^^οντα καιρόν έκαστα θεωρήτε.
15. Ι. Ίταρ' αυτά, § 9 note, § 226. reduced amount as the jury should fix.•
3. συμφορήσαβ, ' having brought 16. 8. After rots άλλοιβ Dind. has
together from all sid.es.' ' δίκαιοι^.
~^flOkptv€Tav, § 262. &v cliretv «χοι, 'may be able to
κατηγορβϊ = ' brings charges say' — a modified future, very frequent
against,' κρίνει = ' puts on his trial,* in Demosthenes.
' brings to the bar.' The same oppo- 9. καΐ puiX* = 'in quite a high de-
sition is found Falsa Leg. § 333. p. 434. gree.' Cf. § 3 Kca 쀕γά\α.
5. €ΐτΙ ταύτην. For the uses of pre- 11. ΐξΐτασμόν is said not to occur
positions in this speech'see Index. elsewhere till Plutarch. Demosthenes
6. €ΐητιμίαν. Aeschines laid the himself uses k^haais in other places,
penalty in this action at fifty talents. as § 226.
If Ctesiphon were convicted, he would 1 2. cTcpco δ* δτφ. Note the attrac-
lose his civil rights (i. e. he would be tion of antecedent to relative. Dissen
άτιμοί) till he paid this fine, or such a would explain this as an emphatic in-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 15
tions which should have closely followed the transactions, these
long ages after, having composed a motley part of charges,
gibes and invective, he plays the actor. Beyond t his^ ^ while h e
acj:uses me he sues my client ; and, though he pushes his
enmity against me to the fore of the whole trial, yet, without ,^
ever having confronted me to settle that, he openly seeks to _'<^^ \ '
take away the civil rights of a third person.
And yet, in addition to all the other pleas which one may 16
urge on behalf of Ctesiphon, I think one might say this also
with perfect reasonableness, that we ought in fairness to have
conducted the examination of our private enmity privately, and
not, while shrinking from conflict with one another, to lookl
about for some third person to whom we may do a mischief.
For that is an extravagance of injustice.
Although therefore one may see from this that all his accu- 17
sations alike have been brought forward without justice and
with no basis of truth, yet I wish to sift each of them singly
too ; and particularly all the falsehoods he uttered against me
in reference to the Peace and the Embassy, palming off on me
what he did himself in concert with Philocrates.
Now it is necessary, men of Athens, and perhaps becoming,
to remind you how the situation stood throughout those
periods, in order that you may view each set of transactions in
the light of the then urgent crisis.
version of οτψ δ' (τίρψ, and would 22. ΰιτάρχοντα, ' in the light of the
take the phrase as an indirect ques- pressing occasion.' For the significa-
tion : but his method, besides being tions of this ' chameleon-like ' word,
unsupported by evidence, would fail which always takes its special shade
to account for the numerous other in- of meaning from its surroundings, see
stances of this attraction. E. g. § 200 Index.
ovhiva Kivhvvov οντινα. Ικαστα, ' each sei of transactions '
17. 14. Demosthenes begins to an- — so often below. Both Latin and
swer Aeschines § 58 sqq. Greek prefer the neuter plural of ad-
The historical questions raised in jectives and pronouns instead of the
the course of this speech are discussed singular, unless the fact referred to is
in order in Introduction I. to be marked as particular and iso- ^
21. After άναμνήσαι Dind. reads lated.
νμα$, which seems indispensable.
i6 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ i8-2o.
18 Του yap Φωκικον σνστάντο^ πολέμου, ου 8l e/ie (ου
γαρ 8η βγωγ€ ίπολίτενόμην πω τότξ), πρώτον μ\ν νμ€Ϊ9
ούτω δίύκ€ίσθ€ ωστ€ Φωκίας μ\ν βουΧ^σβαι σωθηναι,
καίπ€ρ ου δίκαια ποιονρτα? ορωντ^^, Θηβαίοι^ δ* ότιονν
αν ίφησθηναι παβοΰσιν, ουκ άλογω? ούδ^ άδίκω? αύτοΪ9 5
οργιζομ^νοί' oh yap €ύτυ\ήκ€σαν kv Αβύκτροι?, ου
μ€τρίω9 ^κίγ^ρηντο' εττβί^ ή Πβλοπόννησο^ άπασα διβί-
στήκ^ί, και οϋθ' οΐ μισοΰντ€9 Λακεδαιμονίου? οΰτω?
ισχύον ωστ€ aveXeiv αυτούς, οϋθ οι πρ6τ€ρον δι ίκείνων
άρχοντ€9 κύριοι των πόλεων ήσαν, αλλά τΐ9 ην άκριτο? ίο
καΐ πάρα τούτοι? καΐ πάρα τοΐ? άλλοι? άπασιν epi? και
1ί ταραχή, ταΰτα δ* όρων ό Φίλιππο? (ου γάρ ην άφανη)
τοΐ? παρ έκαστοι? προδόται? χρήματα άναλίσκων πάντα?
συνίκρουε και προ? αυτού? ίτάραττεν εΐτ kv οι? ημάρ-
τανον άλλοι και κακώ? εφρονουν, αύτο? παρεσκευάζβτο 15
i και κατά πάντων kφύ€τo. ω? δε ταλαίπωρου μεν οι τω
μήκει του πολέμου οι τότε μεν βαρεί? νυν δ ατυχεί?
Θηβαίοι φανεροί πάσιν ήσαν άναγκασθησομενοι κατα-
φεύγειν εφ* ύμά?. Φίλιππο?, ΐνα μ^ τοΰτο γένοιτο μηδέ
συνελθοιεν αί πόλει?, ύμΐν μεν είρήνην kκείvoι? δε βοή- ίο
20 θειαν επηγγείλατο. τι οΰν συνηγωνίσατο αύτω προ? το
λαβείν ολίγου δεΐν ύμά? kKovTa? kξaπaτωμεvoυ? ; ή
των άλλων * Ελλήνων, είτε χρη κακίαν €Ϊτ άγνοιαν
18. Ι. γάρ, narrative, §§ 32, 42. etc. sire them to be victorious.
σνστάντοβ ΐΓολβμ,ου is a pregnant 4. ού δίκαια, ου μετρίωβ, litotes,
expression, the verb in itself signify- 8. ol μισο\)ντ65 Λ. Arcadians, Mes-
ing a hostile encounter, ' when the senians, Argives.
Phocian war had come to blows.' 9. οΐ.,όρχοντίβ are the 8(καρχίαι
The same phrase occurs Horn. II. (Xen. Hell. iii. 5. 13) : see Introd. I.
xiv. 96, Thuc. i. 15. 19. 13. tois .. ιτροδόταιβ, § 295.
ού . . ιτω τ6τ€. Demosthenes' first 14. συν«κρον€, ' bring into collision,'
political speeeh, De Symmoriis, was hence ' wear out against one another,'
delivered the following year. § 163, Thuc i. 64.
3. σωθηναι, *tQ.£&cai)e destructioiL' irpos avrovs «τάραττ«ν. Corn-
After the sacrilegious acts of the pare contra Aristocr. § 103. p. 654
Phocians even Athens could not de- ^ γά /j Ικύνων vpiis άλλήλουί ταραχή
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
17
When the conflict began in the Phocian war, not owing to 18
me, for you know I had not yet commenced public life at that
date — in the first place you were so disposed that you wished
the Phocians to hold their own, although you saw them acting
most wrongly, and would have exulted over any sufferings of
the Thebans, your anger against them being neither unreason-
able nor unjust ; for they had abused their success at Leuctra.
In the next place the whole of the Peloponnese was divided
mto parties, and those who hated the Lacedaemonians were not
strong enough to destroy them, nor those who were formerly
supreme through Spartan support able to control their states ;
but there was a kind of promiscuous contention and turmoil both
in these and in all the other communities. Now seeing this 19
— for it was not hidden — Philip, by lavishing gold on the
traitors in each community, brought all into collision and threw
them into domestic chaos : and more than this, on the blunders
and bad policy of others j^^'^^^nR b"''^^^'"g yp his own pre-
paration^^and p;rowir> g great to the ruin of all Next, when it
was evident to all that the once burdensome but now hapless
Thebans, distressed by the length of the war, would be com-
pelled to fly to you for refuge, in order to prevent this occur-
ring and to hinder the union of the states, Philip promised peace
to you and assistance to them.
What then helped him to dupe you under an almost voluntary 20
delusion? The conduct of the other Hellenes, whether we
ought to call it cowardice or ignorance or both of these — who,
καχ υηοφία. Olynth. § 14. p. 22 στα- Ινευδο/τί/χβΓι/.
σιάζονσι και ηταραΎμ4νοΐ5, Thuc. ii. 15. κακώβ Ιφρόνουν = dissidebant^
65 τά ttipi τ^ν πάλιν πρώτον kv άλλη- Dissen : or, ' followed a foolish policy.
Aots (ταράχθησαν, etc. From these 16, ταλαιιτωρούμενοι, Fals. Leg. §
passages it appears that the phrase 154. p. 385.
does not refer to the relations between 19. γίνοιτο. There is a variant
the states, but to the internal condition '/ίνηται, for which use of the subjunc-
of each state — like ταραχή just above. tive cf § 32 note.
cIt, § 22. 20. 2 2.\a^€iv,'catch,"clupe,'cf. §40.
€v ois (sc. xpovois, Dissen.) is ολίγου Sctv goes with cKOvras, 'in
more probably cognate, On their an almost voluntary deception.' Cf.
blunders he based his own prepara- § 68.
lions:' for this use of Iv of. § 198 ή των άλλων .. «iTretv. Cf. § 270
i8 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§20-22.
€ΪΤ€ καΐ άμψότίρα ταντ einuv^ ot πόΧζμον σνν^^η καϊ
μακρόν ποΚ^μονντων ύμων^ καϊ τούτον ύπίρ των ττασι
συμφερόντων^ ώί β/ογω ψανβρον ykyov^.v) οΰτ€ χρήμασιν
οϋτ€ σώμασιν οντ αλλω ovSevi των απάντων συνέλάμ-
βανον νμΐν oh και δίκαίω? καΐ προσηκόντως 6ργίζ6μ€νοι 5
έτοιμως νπηκονσατβ τω Φιλίππω. ή μ\ν ουν τ6τ€
σνγχωρηθζΐσα ειρήνη δια ταντ, ου δι e/ze, ώί ούτος
δίββαλλβν, επράγβη' τα δΙ τούτων αδικήματα καϊ
δωροδοκήματα kv αύτ9\ των νννΐ παρόντων πραγμάτων^
21 αν TL9 εξβτάζτ] δικαίως^ αίτια εύρήσει. και ταντί πάνβ ίο
ϋπ\ρ της αληθείας άκρίβολογοΰμαι καϊ διεξερχομαι.
€ί γαρ είναι τι δοκοιη τα μάλιστα εν τούτοις αδίκημα,
ονδεν εστί δήπου προς εμε, αλλ' ό μεν πρώτος ειπών
και μνησθεις ύπερ της ειρήνης 'Αριστόδημος ην ό υπο-
κριτής, ό δ' εκδεξάμενος και γράψας και εαυτόν μετά 15
τούτον μισθώσας επΙ ταΰτα Φιλοκράτης ό^Αγνούσιος, ό
σος Αισχίνη κοινωνός, ούχ ό εμός, ούδ* αν συ διαρρα-
ygy ψευδόμενος^ οι δε συνειπόντες ότου δήποτε ένεκα
(εώ γαρ τοΰτό γ εν τω παρόντή Εϋβουλος καϊ Κηφισο-
22φών' εγω δ' ονδεν ούδαμοΰ. αλλ' όμως, τούτων τοιού- 2ο
Ι των όντων καϊ επ αντης της αληθείας ούτω δεικνν μένων,
εις τονθ' ήκεν άναιδείας, ωστ ετόλμα λέγειν ως άρα
^γω προς τω της ειρήνης αίτιος γεγενήσθαι και κεκω-
λνκως εϊην τ^ν πόλιν μετά κοινον συνεδρίον των * Ελλή-
τίιν ίμ^ν 6Γτ€ Λ.τ.λ., contr. Aristocr. mative.'
§ 156. p. 671 ή ΰμ€Τ€ρα, & avSpes 9• *^ *'^^^' 'ill *^ε concluding of the
'Αθηναίοι, ίίτ€ χρή φιλανθρωπίαν \eyeiv peace,' i. e. Aeschines and his party
ύθ' on δήποτ€, Plato, Theag. p. 121 ή spoiled the peace by false reports,
rov vUos τουτουϊ ctTi φυτ(ίαν «ίτί delays in taking the oaths from
rraiSoiroitav δίΓ αύτ^ν όνομάζίΐν, Laws, Philip, etc.
vii. p. 808, Cicero, N. D. i. 3. 4, 21. 11. άκριβ. καΐ 8ic|. § 13.
Auctor ad Herenn. iv. 29 (from i a. τά μάλιστα, .' in the highest de-
Dissen). gree,' § 95.
6. ΰπηκουσατ€ is more than ' lent 1 3. ουδ^ν . . irpos cμc, § 44.
an ear;' it is 'answered in the aifir- 15. lκδc^dμcvos, 'to take upon one-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 1 9
when you were waging a continuous and protracted war,
and that a war on behalf of the interests of all, as has been
made plain by experience, were willing to assist you neither with
money nor with troops nor with anything else whatsoever.
£nraged_with__Jhpm. botliL justly and properly, you readily re-
spon ded to P hilip.^__Ihe peace^then which was conceded by
yo u at th at time was brought about owing to this — n ot owing
to me, as my opponent Hbel lously asserted; and, if anyone
should make a just examination, he will find that the iniquities
and venalities of my opponents during the making of the peace
are responsible for our present troubles. And all this I recount 21
with precision for the truth's sake. For if there should appear
malpractice, though in the highest degree, in these transactions,
I imagine it does not at all concern me. On the contrary, the
man who first spoke and mooted the peace was Aristodemus ]
the actor, and the man who caught up the ball and drafted '■h^ '^^^ν^^,^^,ν^ΖίΤ-
decree and hired himself out for t his serv i ce in com pany with my
opponent was Philocrates of t he deme of H a gnus, — your j>artner, ^^
Afisrhmpp, nnf τηιηρ7 ^^>τ^ί^ ^ΐΊ ynn lip t^] γρ η rrarV And thoSC
who spoke for the motion, from motives best known to them-
selves — for I drop that question for the present — were Eubulus
and Cephisophon : but I took no part anywhere. Neverthe- 22
less, though these transactions are of this character, and have
been thus stated by me in strict accordance with the truth, to
such a pitch of effrontery had he come, that he dared to say
that I, if you please ! in addition to having been responsible
for the peace, had also prevented Athens from making it in
common with a federate assembly of the Hellenes. If all
self a burden or task and relieve participle carries the main predica-
another:' so Fals. Leg. § 41, p. 352 Ik- tion, and cf § 7 note.
δίχίται την αΐτίαν, and lb. § 108. p. δτου δήποτβ Ιν^κα κ.τ.λ. This
371, with reference to this same peace, and the similar phrases §§ 146, 261,
Κτησιφών και Άριστόδημο5 τ^ν αρχήν convey a discreditable implication, and
τήν πρώτην ecpepov του φ^νακισμου, are generally followed by some ex^
IviibT) b' (is TO νράττίΐν ηδη τα trpay- pression like Ιώ yap κ.τ.λ.
ματα ^κ(, Φιλοκράτίι καϊ τούτω -nape- 22. 21. οίτω, predicative, * shown
δωκαν, (κδ(ζάμ€νοι δ' οντοι πάντ άπω- to be of this character.'
λβσακ. Compare Plato, Euthyd. p. 277 22. dpa expresses surprise. * I, of
Sjawfp σψαιραν Ι/ίδ. τον \6yov. all people in the world.'
18. ψευδόμίνοβ. Observe that the 23. καΐ κ€κ. 'have α/τί? hindered.'
C 2
20
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ
§§ 22—24•
νων ταντην ποίήσασθαι. €]τ_β — τι αν ζίπών σί rty
όρθώξ προσβίποι; ίστιν οπού συ παρών ^ τηλίκαντην
ι πράξιν και συμμαγίαν, ήλικην νννΐ 8l€^t]€L9, όρων
άφαίρονμ€ν6ν μ€ τή9 πολβω? ήγανάκτησαξ ή παρβλθων
23ταντα ά νννΐ κατηγορβΐζ ίδίδαξας και δί€ξηλθ€9 ; και 5
μην €1 το κωλνσαι την των 'Ελλήνων κοινωνίαν ίπζ-
π£άκ€ΐν ζγω Φιλίππω^ σοι το jirl &ιγήσαι λοιπόν ην,
άλλα βοαν και διαμαρτνρ^σθαι καΐ δηλονν τοντοισί.
ου τοίννν €ποίησα9 ούδαμον τοντο, ούδ' ηκονσί σον
ταντην την ψωνην ούδβίξ' οντ€ γαρ ην πρβσβζία προ9 ίο
ούδύνα άπβσταλμύντι τ6τ€ των * Ελλήνων, άλλα πάλαι
πάντ€9 ήσαν €ξ€ληλ€γμ€νοι^ ονθ' οντο9 νγΐ€9 π^ρΐ
4:Τοντων €Ϊρηκ€ν ονδβν. χωρίζ δ€ τούτων και διαβάλλξΐ
την πολιν τα μέγιστα kv 019 ψ^νδζταΐ' el γαρ νμ€Ϊ9
άμα τούί μίν'^ Ελληνας €19 πόλζμον παρ€καλ€Ϊτ€, αντοί 15
fie προ9 Φίλιππον π^ρι τήί ζίρήνη? πρίσββι? €7Γ€/ζπ€Τ€,
Ενρνβάτον πράγμα, ον πόλβωί ίργον ούδβ γ^ρηστων
ανθρώπων δΐ€πράττ€σθ€. άλλ' ουκ ίστι ταντα, ονκ
ίστιν τι γαρ και βονλομ^νοι μ€Τ€π6μπ€σθ' αν αυτούς
kv τούτω τω καιρώ ; kπl την ζίρήνην ; αλλ' νπηργ^ν 2ο
άπασιν. άλλ' kπL τον πολ^μον ; αλλ* αντοΙ π€ρι
(ίρήνης ββονλίύβσθβ. Ονκονν οντ€ τή9 k^ άρχήί
(ίρήνης ήγβμών ούδ αΐτΐ09 ων kγώ φαίνομαι, ούτ€
Ι, €ίτ', in logical usages, means
(1) 'in spite of all this,' as § 243,
(2) 'if all that be so.' as here, § loi,
(3) 'more than this,' §§ 19, 59,
ώ — τί άν €ίπών κ.τ.Κ. Cp. Ari-
stoph. Nub. 1378 ω ..τί a (Τπω ;
3• ττρο^ιν, 'advantageous negotia-
tion,' § 191.
5. €δίδα|. καΐδκξ., § 13.
23. 7• λοιπόν = ' you had a last
chance ; ' or, * it still remained your
duty.• Cf. § 69.
8. διαμαρτύρ€σΟαι = to call heaven
and earth to witness.
10. ταύτην τήν ψωνήν, * a cry to this
effect;' cf. § 103 τον aywva τούτον.
Dind. adds ΰκότωί.
ήν . . ά•ΐΓ€(Γταλμ€νη, if taken as a
pluperfect, involves an historical diffi-
culty (see Introd. I). It is just possible
to translate * no embassy was at that
time under commission.'
11. ού5Ινα. DinJ. ovbiva^ (*no
siaie ') which Shilleto prefers : see his
note on Fals. Leg. § 74. p. 362 for
illustrations.
^Bthis is so, you — by what name could one rightly address you ? —
^^is there a single occasion on which you, present as you were,
observing me to divert from the state a stroke of policy and
an alliance so all important as you just now narrated, expressed
indignation or came forward and told circumstantially the tale
which you now bring into your accusation ? And further, had 23
I sold to Philip the service of preventing the common action of
the Hellenes, it rested with you not to keep silent, but to cry
aloud and make solemn protests and inform your countrymen.
On no occasion, therefore, did you do this, and no one heard
a sound to this effect from you. For no embassy was at that
time on its way to any of the Hellenes, but all had been tested
and found wanting long ago ; and my opponent has not uttered
a single sound word on this head. But besides this he also 24
traduces his country most seriously by his false statements;
for if, at one and the same time, you were summoning the
Hellenes to war, yet privily sending ambassadors to Philip to
treat for peace, you were trying to perform a trick worthy of
Eurybates, not the action due from a state or from honourable
men. But this is not true, it is not true. For with what possible ^
wish would you have sent for them at this conjuncture ? For
peace ? Why, all had it, to begin with. But for war.? On the
contrary, you were yourselves deliberating about peace. Thus,
then, I am seen to be neither the pioneer of the peace as
originally proposed nor responsible for it, and of the other
12. €ξ€ληλ6γμ€νοι is more than could you conceivadly wzsA in sending
' tested ; ' it signifies 'tried and found for them?'
wanting.' Cf^ contra Aristog. ii. 20. €irl τήν βίρήνην ; we should have
§ 22, p. 807 (quoted by Dissen). expected the accusative, without the
24. 17. Εύρυβάτου, unknown: sup- preposition, recurring to βονΚόμ^νοι :
posed by some to be the name of an the km recurs to μ(Τ6πίμιτ€σθ€.
Ephesian who received money from 22. τήβ €^ άρχήβ €ΐρήνη5, 'the peace
Croesus to raise troops, and deserted to as originally proposed.' Cf. Fals. Leg.
Cyrus, or of a kind of Protean fire-god. § 108, quoted on § 21 above.
Cf. Aeschin. c. Ct. § 137 ovre Εύρνβα- 23. ών Ιγώ φαίνομαι = 'I evidently
Tos ούτ' άλλο? ovSels πώποτ€ των πάλαι am.' ' I seem to be ' would of course
πονηρών τοίοΰτο5μά'γο$κα1^όη$ί'γ€ν€το. require the infinitive instead of the
19. τί γαρ και βουλόμενοι, 'what participle.
22 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§24-27.
των άΧΚων ων κατ€ψ€νσατ6 μου ονδ^ν άληθίί tv δίίκ-
ννταί.
25 Έπβίίή τοίννν €ποίήσατο την ξΐρήνην ή πόλί?,
ίντανθα πάλιν σκίψασθβ τι ημών €κάτ€ρο9 προ^ίλξτο
πράττ€ίν' καΐ γαρ €κ τούτων eiaeaOe τίί ην ό Φιλίππω s
πάντα σνναγωνιζομβνο?, καΐ tis 6 πράττων ύπ€ρ ύμων
και το τη π6λ€ΐ σνμφύρον ζητών, kyoa μλν τοίννν
ίγραψα βονλβνων άποπλζΐν την ταγίστην tovs πρ^-
σβ€ΐ9 €πί τους τόπον^^ kv oh αν οντά Φίλιππον πννβά-
νωνται, και τους όρκους άπολαμβάν^ιν ούτοι 8e ovSe 10
2βγράψαντο9 €μον ταντα ποίζΐν ηθέλησαν, τι δβ τοντ
ήδννατο, ω άνδρ€9 'Αθηναίοι ; €γω διδάξω. Φιλίππω
μ\ν ην συμφέρον ώ? πλείστον τον μεταξύ γ^ρονον γενέ-
σθαι των όρκων, νμΐν δ' ώί ελάχ^ιστον. δια τι\ οτι
νμεΪ9 μεν ουκ < αφ rJ9 ωμοσατε ημέρας μόνον ^ αλλ' 15
a(j) rjs ηλπισατε την ειρήνην εσεσθαι^ πάσα? εξελνσατε
τα? παρασκεναί τάς τον πολέμου, ό δε τοντο εκ παντο9
τον \p6vov μάλιστα επ pay ματ ενετό, νομίζων, όπερ ην
αληθές, οσα τη? πόλεως προλ άβοι προ τον τονς ορκονς
άποδονναι, πάντα ταντα βεβαίως εξειν ονδενα γαρ 2ο
27 την ειρήνην λνσειν τούτων ένεκα, ά εγω προορώμενος
άνδρες * Αθηναίοι και λογιζόμενος το ψήφισμα τοντο
γράφω, πλεΐν επι τους τόπονς εν οΐς αν tj Φίλιππος,
καΐ τους δρκονς την ταγίστην άπολαμβάνειν, ΐν' εχόν-
25. 8. βουλίύων, 'in my capacity 2β. 13. τονμ€ταξύ .. δρκων. Com-
as member of the βουλη,^ § aS. De- pare Fals. Leg, § 181. p. 393 τύ ws
mosthenes seems to have been the πλείστον τόν μ€τα£ύ χρόνον διατριψ-
only senator among the ambassadors. θήναι τον rovs opitovs άιτολαβ^ΐν, where
10. ό'π•ολαμβάν€ΐν, 'try to get the see Shilleto's note,
oaths;' see note on ά/ί/)οάσασ0αι, § 3. i6. «|€λύσ•οτ€. Dind. has i(f\v-
ούδί,.τοντο, 'even after I had σασ0€, which Dissen, with justice, pre-
carried this /«rM^r resolution.' The fers. 'Relaxed your own prepara-
ambassadors ought to have departed tions.'
after the original ψηψισμα of Philo- 19. δσα τη$ ΐΓ6λ€ω« ιτρολιφοι ιτρό
crates which concluded the peace. τοΰ κ.τ.\,^ • as many places belonging
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
23
falsehoods which he has uttered against me it is shown that
not one contains a grain of truth.
Accordingly, after the state had made the peace, I beg you 25
once more to examine what each of us chose on principle to
do under the new circumstances : for from this you will know
iwho it was that fought throughout on Philip's side, and who
[it was that worked for you and sought the advantage of the
Estate. On m^y part, then, I proposed, in my place as senator,
that the ambassadors should sail with all despatch to any places
[in which they might hear of Philip's presence, and try to ad-
iminister the oaths to him; but, even after I had carried this
[motion, my opponents were not pleased to obey. And what 2β
^was the force of this, men of Athens ? I will inform you. It
-was Philip's interest that the interval of time before he took
|the oaths should be as wide as possible ; it was your interest
that it should be as narrow as possible. Why ? Because, on
[your part, not only from the day on which you were sworn, but
from the day on which you hoped that there would be peace,
you relaxed all youF preparations for the war ; he, on the con-
trary, had been scheming for this, above all things, from the
commencement , thinking, what indee d was true^Iiat he would
.retain securely all the pjQ.§sessioris_qfjhe state which__he could
;apture before rendering the oaths : for, reasons he, none will
break/j fie peace for the sake of th e^. Foreseeing, men of 27
Athens, and calculating upon this, I drafted the following de-
cree, that Ave should sail to any places in which Philip might
be quartered and swear him with all despatch, that the Thra-
to Athens as he could pre-occupy, be-
fore,' etc.
It is quite possible, in Fals, Leg, § 90.
p. 366 πρΙν τούτων τι Trjs πό\(ω5 ττρολα-
β€ΐν, that the προ- in -προΧαβ^ΐν governs
T^s πόλίω?, and that Shilleto is right
in rendering that passage, ' Before he
had got 1; ] ;ΐ ς star^ of the cit y and pos-
sessea himseirof any oFthese places : '
although in the sense of ' anticipating
another,' the verb does not seem else-
where to be used with an acctisative of
the thing gained by the anticipation,
the natural construction (as contra
Cor. § 6. p. 1 103 -προΧαβων 5e μου
ώστ( irpoTcpov Xeynv), beingwith ώστ(.
In the present instance, however, the
preposition contained in the verb
merely anticipates, as § 60 it reiterates,
the clause introduced by προ του.
21. λνσ6ΐν, supply Ινόμιζ^ν.
ί
24 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§27-29.
των των θρακών, των ύμ€Τ€ρων σνμμάγων, ταντα τα
γωρία ά ννν οντο? Siiavpe, το Σύρρίον καΐ το Μνρτηνον
καΐ την *Εργίσκην, οντω yiyvoLvB' oi ορκοί^ καΙ μη
προλαβων €Κ€Ϊνο9 τον9 ίπικαίρονς των τόπων κύριος
τη9 Θράκης κατασταίη, μηββ πολλών μ\ν γ^ρημάτων 5
πολλών 8e στρατιωτών ξύπορήσα? €κ τούτων ραδίως τοις
28λοιποΐς €πιγ€ΐροίη πράγμασιν. ζΐτα τοντο μ\ν ονχι
λίγζΐ το ψήφισμα , ούδ' άναγιγνώσκ€ΐ' €ΐ δβ βονλξύων
€γώ προσάγ€ΐν τους πρ€σβ€ΐ9 ωμην δζΐν^ τοντο μου
διαβάλλξΐ. άλλα τι ^χρην μ€ ποΐ€Ϊν ; μη προσά- ΐβ^
yuv γράψαι tovs €7γ2 τοϋθ' ηκοντας, ΐν* νμΐν διαλζ- (j[^
γβώσιν ; η θίαν μ^ καταν€Ϊμαι τον άρχ^ιτίκτονα αύτοΐς
κ€λ€νσαι ; αλλ' ev τοΐν δνοΐν οβολοΐν ^θβώρονν αν, el
μη τοϋτ βγράψη. τα συμφέροντα της πόλεως e^ei μ€
φνλάττ€ΐν^ τα 5' ολα^ ώσπ€ρ οΰτοι, π^πρακίναι ; ου ι$
δήπου. Aeye τοίνυν μοι το ψήφισμα τουτι λαβών, ο
σαφώς ούτος ζίδώς παρββη, λβγξ.
29 ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. [ΈτΓΐ άρχοντος Μνησιφίλον, ίκατομ-
βαιώνος cvrj καΐ via, φυλής πρυταν^υούσης Παζ^διοι/ιδοί,
27. 2. δι^συρί, Aeschines even dis- paid. The 'two-obol places' were
torts the names, § 82 ovtos kanv S) the ordinary unreserved seats.
'Κθηναΐοι ό Ttpojros €ζ(υρων "Χίρριον cl μή τοντ' €ργάψη, 'if this (the
τ€Γχο5 καί Αορίσκον και 'ΕρΎΐσκην καΐ motion that they should be invited to
Μυρτίσκην κ.τ.λ. the προ^ία, or seats of honour) had
3. ούτω γίγνοινθ*. Cf. § 7 note. not 15"een"^roposed.'
5, χρημάτων perhaps refers to the 14. Before σνμφφοντα Dind. has
gold-mines at Crenides (Philippi), μικρά, which is indispensable to the
which supplied Philip with his most sense.
powerful 'siege-artillery.' 15. τά δλα, §§ 39, 278, 303.
6. €κ τούτων, 'from these districts,' 17. Xiye is addressed to the clerk of
or, • after this.* the archons. Strictly \4yeiv means
28. 7. Aesch. § 76. rather to quote than to recite, for
€ΐτα, ' in spite of this,' cf. § 22. which the regular word is avayiyvai-
8. €l='if it happened that,' a less σκ€ΐν.
definite δτί, cf. §§ 44, 193. — 29. 18. The documents to which
βουλβύων, § 25. Demosthenes refers are lost. Their
13. iv Totv δυοιν όβολοϊν. The price place has been filled, by whom we do
is put for the seat for which it was not know, with imitations which in
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 25
cians, your allies, might still hold those positions which my
opponent recently disparaged, Serrium and Myrtenum and
Ergisca, when the oaths were taken, and that he might not,
by having secured the places which were of moment, be estab-
lished as master of Thrace, and having provided himself with
much money and many troops from these districts, easily essay
the sequel of his policy. In spite of this, while my adversary 28
does not quote or recite this decree, yet, if it happened that I
was the senator who thought we should introduce Philip's ambas-
sadors to the popular assembly, he misrepresents this act of mine.
But what ought I to have done ? Ought I not to have proposed
to introduce the men who had come for the special purpose of
conferring with you .? or not to have instructed the lessee of the
theatre to assign them seats ? * Well,' say you, ' they would have
sat as spectators in the two-obol' seats, if that motion had not
been passed.' What, was I to have guarded the petty interests of
the state, but to have sold her main interests, as my opponents
have done ? I imagine not. Therefore take and read me this
decree, which my opponent deliberately passed over. Now read.
DECREE.
In the archonship of Mnesiphilus, on the last day of Heca- 29
tombaeon, under the prytanyship of the tribe Pandionis, Demo-
many particulars are unsuccessful. Athenian part, in presence of Anti-
These spurious documents, which pater, there was no occasion to repeat
cease to be supplied after § 187 (exc. them to Philip, but only to administer
the epigram § 289), are frequently the oath to him. The ψήφισμα to
irrelevant ; the names of the archons which Demosthenes refers was passed
are wrongly stated, except in one by the senate alone (in exercise of
instance ; dates and facts are inaccu- extraordinary powers then conferred
rately given; and expressions occur upon it) and not by the people,
which only belong to very late Greek. Lastly υιτ€ρβο\ή, in the sense of
In this first example €\έσθαι is not ' delay, ' is not Attic ; and δμολο^ον-
to the point, as the ambassadors were μίναί is at least doubtful,
already chosen : they were ten in num- 19. Ινη Kalvca. Plutarch, Solon 25 :
ber, not five ; and all the names found ' Observing the irregularity of the
here, except that of Aeschines, are months, and that the moon neither
erroneous. The true archon was rose nor set at the same time with the
Themistocles, the true date 3rd Muny- sun, as it often happened that in the
chion. The peace was voted in the same day she overtook and passed by
second assembly, not the first ; and as him, he ordered that day to be called
the oaths were at once taken on the ίνη και via (the old and the new) ;
'l-OvM•
26 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ ^ ,5-3,.
Αημο<ΓΘ4ιτηί ΑημοσΘ4νον9 Uaiavievs eiTrev, βπβιδτ) Φι-
^^^^^UTrj^osoTroffTetXay irpeV/Seis Trepl τήί €ΐρηνη5 όμολογον-
μίνας ,^ττ^ποίηται σννθηκα^, δεδοχ^αι rfj βουλτ} καϊ τω
δτίμω τω ^Αθηναίων, δπω? δζ; η €ΐρήνη ^ττιτζλξσθτΐ η Ιττι-
χ€ίροτονηθ€Ϊσα iv ttj ττρώτΎΐ €κκλησ[α, 7rpeV/3ets lAeV^at 5
6Κ ττάζ^τωζ; ^Αθηναίων ηbη tt€VT€, τονί be γ^ιροτονηθίντα^
ά^Γobημeΐv μφ€μίαν ύττζρβολην Τϊοιονμίνονί, οττον hv οντά
ττννθάνωνται τον ΦίΚιτΐΤΐον, καΧ τον^ δρκονς λαβείν re
ττα/)' αντον καΧ hovvai την ταχίστην ΙττΧ rati ωμολογη-
μίναίί σννΘηκαί9 αυτω irpos τον * Αθηναίων ^ημον, σνμ'ΐΓ€- ίο
ριλαμβάνοντας καΧ tovs ^κατάρων σνμμάγρν^. ττρέσβαί
'ρρξθησαν Εύβονλοί ^ΑναφλνστίΟξ, ΑΙσ^ίνης KoΘωκίbηs,
Κηφίσοφων ^Ραμνούσιοί^ Αημοκράτης Φλυβνί, Κλ^ων Κο^
θωκLbηs,^
30 Ταντα γράψαντο^ €μον τ6τ€, καΐ το ttj πόλβί σνμφ^- 15
ροϊ/, ον το Φίλιππω ζητονντο?^ βρΟ'Χ^ φροντ[σαντ€9 οι
χρηστοί πρύσβζί? οντοι καθηντο kv MaKeSovia τ pus
6Xov9 μήνα9, €ω9 ^X^e Φίλιππος eK Θράκης πάντα
καταστρζψάμξνο?^ ίξον ήμερων δύκα^ μάλλον δβ τριών
ή Τ€ττάρων, €19 τον ^ Ελλήσποντον άφΐχθαι καϊ τα 2ο
χωρία σώσαί, λαβόντα? τους όρκους πριν ίκβΐνον e^eXea/
αυτά' ου yap αν ήψατ αυτών παρόντων ήμών^ η ουκ
άν ώρκίζομζν αυτόν, ωστ€ τή? βίρήνης αν διημαρτήκ€ΐ
και ουκ άν αμφότερα €?;(€, καΐ την ζίρήνην και τα
χωρία. 25
31 Το μ\ν τοίνυν kv ttj πρ€σβζία πρώτον κλ^μμα μ\ν
Φιλίππου δωροδόκημα δβ των αδίκων τούτων ανθρώπων
τοιούτον €γ€ν€το' ύπ\ρ ου καϊ τότ€ και νυν και aei
ομολογώ και πολ^μύν και διαφβρβσθαι τούτοις* ίτίρον
assigning the part of it before the con- afterwards, when the solar year came
junction to the old month, and the into use, the term was applied to the
rest to the beginning of the new.' last day of every month without dis-
(Langhome.) This would only occur crimination.
every other month, on the sotb ; bat 80. 1 7. rpcis SXovs )it]vas is of
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 27
sihenes, the son 0/ Demosthenes, 0/ the deme Paeania, moved that,
Whereas Philip, having sent ambassadors to treat for peace,
hath formed an accepted covenant, it hath been resolved by the
council and commons of the Athenians, in order that the peace
may be completed which was voted at the first assembly, to choose
ambassadors from the whole body of Athenians, to the just num-
ber of five, and that those who are elected shall leave the country
without making any delay, to wherever they may hear Philip
is quartered, and that they take the oaths from him and tender
them to him with all despatch, according to the covenant with
the Athenian people agreed upon by him, comprehending also the
allies of either side. As ambassadors were chosen Eubulus of the
deme Anaphlystus, Aeschines of the deme Cothocis, Cephisophon of
the deme Rhamnus, Democrates of the dem4 Phlyes, Cleon of the
deme Cothocis.
After. I ha d then proposed and carried this de cree, seeking 30
what was expedient for my country, not what was expedient for
Philig^Uiese^^thy ambassad ors paid little heed, and sat idly
in Macedoni a for three entire months, un til Philip had come
from__Tlirace, having brought the whole beneath his power,
although it was possible for them within ten days, or rather
within three or four, to have reached the Hellespont and to have
delivered the places, by getting the oaths from him before he
completed their destruction. For he would not have laid a finger
on them in our presence, or, if he had, we would not have sworn
him ; so that he would have forfeited the peace and would not
have retained both advantages, the peace as well as the places.
So the first act during the embassy of theft on the part of Philip, 31
and of venality on the part of my iniquitous opponents, took this
character; on which score I confess that then, now, and for ever
I am at open war and feud with them. But 1 ask you to regard
mrse an exaggeration: v. Introduc- imperfect for aorist indicative in
Ion I. conditional sentences : cf. § 28 Ιθ^ώρουν
ig. After καταστρεψΔμ^νοβ Dind. av, § 65 €t .. -^y^v, §§ 76, 133.
las τάκ€Ϊ. 31. 2 7. After άνθρώιτων Dind. has
24. €ίχ€. Demosthenes often uses καΐ deoh βχθρων, and omits και before
28 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ 31-34.
8' €νθν9 €06^^? €Τί τούτον μείζον κακούργημα θβάσασθβ.
32€7Γ€ί577 γαρ ωμοσ€ την ^Ιρήνην 6 Φίλιππος π-ρολαβων
Ι την θράκην δια τούτους ονχΐ πζίσθβντας τω ίμω ψη-
I φίσματι, πάΧιν J>veLTCL L^ παρ* ayj^J^. όπως μη άπίωμ^ν
€Κ MaKeSovta^j βω? τα της στρατζίας της enl τους 5
Φωκύας βντρζπη ποιήσαιτο, ϊνα μη, Sevp' άπαγγ^ιΚάν-
•ί των ημών οτι μβλλζΐ καΐ παρασκζνάζβται πορ^ύ^σθαι,
! βξβλθοίτβ νμ€Ϊς καΐ π^ριπΧ^ύσαντ^ς ταΐς τριήρξσιν βίς
Πύλας ωσπ€ρ πρ6τ€ρον κλ^ισαίτβ τον τόπον, αλλ* άμ
άκούοίΤ€ ταΰτα άπαγγβλλόντων ημών κάκβΐνος €ντος ίο
33€ΐίη Πυλών καΐ μηδ^ν ί-^οίθ' ύμ€Ϊς ποίησαι, ούτω δ' ην
6 Φίλιππος kv ψόβω και πολλ^ αγωνία μη καΐ ταΰτα
προξίληφοτος αύτοϋ, d προ του τους Φώκιας άπολίσθαι
ψηψίσαισθβ βοηθύν, ^κψύγοι τα πράγματ αυτόν, ώστ€
μισθοΰταί τον κατάπτυστον τουτονί, ούκίτι KOLvfj μ€τα ι ζ
τών άλλων πρβσβξων αλλ' Ιδία καθ* αυτόν, τοιαύτα προς
υμάς €ίπ€Ϊν καΙ άπαγγύλαι, δι ων άπαντ άπώλβτο.
34ά^ίω δύ, ω άνδρας 'Αθηναίοι^ καΐ δέομαι τοΰτο μεμνή- ■
σθαι παρ' όλον τον αγώνα, οτι μη κατηγορήσαντος
Αισγίνου μηδβν εξω της γραφής ούδ' αν εγω λόγον 2ο
ούδενα βποιούμην έτερον, πάσαις δ' αίτίαις και βλασ-
φημίαις άμα τούτου κεγ^ρημενου ανάγκη κάμοί προς
πολ^μίΐν. The latter is certainly an 4. άΐΓίωμ€ν. άπιμ^ν would be more
advantage, as the difficulties which regular ; but it is harsh to deny that the
have arisen with regard to the dis- sub junctive is good Greek after the his-
tinction between πο\€μ€Ϊν and διαψί- toric present wvehai Retaining this,
pfcOai (where Kennedy supposes an the clauses oirtws /x^ άπίωμ^ν . .ϊνα μη . .
anticlimax) disappear. With the (ζ(\θοιτ( give an instance of the idio-
reading of Dind. νοΚ^μ^ΐν καϊ δια<ρ4- matic construction which expresses
pfcOai contain but one verbal idea, a direct consequence by the subjunctive
the first verb colouring the second and a further or indirect consequence
adverbially : ' I am at open war in by the optntive. Compare Thuc. iii.
my variance with them,' Ί am at 2 2~οΰω3 ασαφή τά σημαία ..•§ καΐ μή
daggers drawn with them.' See on βοηθούν, where see Arnold's note and
€τραΎψδ€ΐ Kalbte^Tjei § 13. Thuc. vii. 17. 4, viii. 87. 3; Herod.
32. 3. SidrovTOVs ονχΐ ΐΓ€ΐσβΙντο5, viii. 76. 2, ix. 51. 3.
§57.
!jL•
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 29
another villany immediately subsequent and yet greater than
the former. Aft_er Philip had sw ^rn ^^ *^^ p^arPj having pre- 32
vi ously occiip ie d Thrace — thanks tp mv opponents having
re fused to obey my de cree — he made a second purchase
from them, that we should not depart from Macedonia until
he had brought to perfection the preparations for his expedition
against the Phocians, wishing that you might not, on our bring-
ing home the news that he was purposing and preparing to
march, send out your own forces, an j by sailing rou nd in your
triremes to Thermopylae, as once you did before, close the 33
pass7 bu t that at the tim ewhen"you"sHould be tistening to these
reports from us he might be on this side of Thermopylae, and
you might be able to do nothing. To s uch an extent was Philip
in fear^or rather in great excruciation of mind, lest, even after
his previous capture of these places, should you decree, before
the Phocians were destroyed, to send them help, the situation
should escape him, that he Jiired_jDy despicable opponent, no
longer in concejlJBdth the othej ambassadors, but privately and
pers onally , to make such speeches and such rejports to you as
ruine4jveryjjiing. Now I require, men of Athens, and I en- 34
treat that you remember during the whole course of the trial,
that, if Aeschines had brought no a ££.iig^<^i'~>" pvtranpnng to the
indictment, no more would I have made a single remark foreign
to the question ; but, since Iny uppouenL has employ ed charges
and calumniestoo of every kind, it is necessary ior me also to
^
9. For τότΓον Dind, has πορΘμόν. of absolute clauses, namely, that the
II. Ιχοιθ*, 'be able,' § 4, etc. The subject of an absolute clause may not
translation ' have nothing to do ' be identical with either the subject or
would require ζχοιθ' on noioire. the object of the main sentence. The
33. 13. €1 is omitted by Dissen (with text before us does violate this canon,
many MSS.), άκονσαντ(5 inserted be- αύτοΰ being identical with αυτόν.
{οτβίρηφίσαισθ€ a.nd KaihefoTe €κφύyoι: (It is to be remarked that 2', on the
' lest, even though he had preoccupied authority of which MS. el depends, has
these places, you should, on receipt with it the impossible ψηφίσησθ^.)
of the information, decree to send help Another violation occurs § 135, where
before the Phocians were destroyed, see note.
and so the situation should slip from 17. δι' ών. See δί' ovs § 35, where
his grasp,' etc. This reading has the there is little difference of meaning,
advantage of not violating the canon
' 30 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§35-37-
35 eKaarajpSov κατηγορουμένων μικρά άποκρίνασθαι. τίνε^
Ι συν ήσαν οι naph τούτον λόγοι τ6τ€ ρηθίντβ?, καΐ δι'
ούί άπαντ άπώλζτο ; ώ? ον Sei θορνβεΐσθαι τω παρ€-
ληλνθίναι ΦιΚιππον €Ϊσω Πυλών' βσται γαρ απανβ
6σα βούλεσθ* u/zeiy, eav ^χηΟ* ησυγίαν^ και άκούσεσβε 5
δυοΐν η τριών ημερών, oh μεν €χ^ρδί ήκει, φιλον αύτον
γεγενημενον, oh δε ψιλός, τουναντίον εγθρον, ου γαρ
τα ρήματα τας οικειότητας εφη βεβαιούν, μάλα σεμνώς
ονομάζων, άλλα το ταύτα συμφερειν σνμψερειν δε
Φιλιππω και Φωκεΰσι και ύμΐν ομοίως απασι της ίο
αναλγησίας καΐ της βαρύτητος άπαλλαγήναι της τών
36 Θηβαίων, ταΰτα δ' ασμένως τίνες ήκουον αύτοϋ δια
την τόβ* ύποϋσαν άπεγθειαν προς τους Θηβαίους, τι
οΰν συνέβη μετά ταϋτ ευθύς, ουκ εh μακράν ; τους μεν
Φωκεας άπολεσθαι και κατασκαψηναι τας πόλεις αυτών, 15
υμάς δ* ησυγίαν άγαγ όντας και τούτω πεισθεντας
μικρόν ύστερον σκευαγωγεΐν εκ τών αγρών, τούτον δε
)(ρυσίον λαβείν, και ετι προς τούτοις την μεν άπεγβειαν
τ^ν προς Θηβαίους και θετταλούς Tfj πόλει γενέσθαι,
37 την δε χάριν τ^ν ύπερ τών πεπραγμένων Φιλιππω. οτι 2ο
δ* οΰτω ταϋτ έχει, λέγε μοι το τε του Καλλισθένους
•ψήφισμα και την επιστολή ν του Φιλίππου, εξ ων αμφο-
τέρων ταΰθ' άπαν& ύμΐν εσται φανερά, λέγε.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. [ΈτΓΐ Μνησιφίλου άρχοντος, σνγ-
85. 2. καΐ 8ι' οϊΐβ. The καί is 'all was over' with the Phocians: see
meaningless and should be excised, Fals. Leg. §§ 64-66. p. 359. For the
cf. § 143. pleonasm cf. § 137 μ«τά ταυθ' vartpov.
6. ois μ^, the Phocians, oJs δί, the ι8.άΐΓ«χθ€ΐαντήνΐΓρ08θηβαίου5καΙ
Thebans. ©«τταλούβ here means ' the hatred felt
3β. 13• ίτίΓοΰσαν ΐί.τΛ. *The under- on the part of the Thebans and Thes-
current of hatred,' § 315, or, here salians against Athens,' although the
perhaps, ' the hatred still rankling'' apparently similar phrase above meant
against the Thebans. the hatred ftlt by the Athenians
14. cvOvs. Aeschines spoke on the against the Thebans. For the sub-
13th Scirophorion, and by the a 3rd jective use of ir/K$s compare Philip, ii.
v^^^v^ Z^' ^
t*-^, fc"-' Vi^V- '— ^
[iJ^
rf J itlflPI TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 31
/-^
I
make short answers to each set of accusations. What, therefore,
were the words which were uttered at that time by my opponent, ^5
thanks to which all was lost ? They were these : * You must
not be alarmed at the fact that Philip has passed to the south
of Thermopylae : for you shall have all you wish, if you pre-
serve your quietude ; and you shall hear, within two or three 35
days, that to those whose enemy he came, he has become a
friend, while to those whose friend he came, he has on the
other hand become hostile. F or.' said he^ phra sing• it very
^grand iloquent l y, * it is not wor jsjhatcement connections but ^1t~ ί
identity of interests ; and it is to thehiterest of Philip and the 9^^^ f\
Phocia ns^and all ot you alike7to b e rid of th ejiearilessness and ,
oppressive ness of the Th ebans/ There were some who lis- 36 ,^
tened gladly to these words from him on account of the under-
current of hatred which at that time set against the Thebans.
What, then, occurred immediately, not remotely, after this ? It
occurred that, on jhe one hand, the Phocians were de stroyed
an d their cities razed to the_ gTOund ; while you, on the other
hand, cifif>rjT£vin^ j^rfSf>rvpH ynnr \η•>Γ\\γ\\^_^λ listened to m
oppon ent, sho rtly afterwards had to hurry in your propeiijrfroin
the country; that my opponent received goRt-^^a^a that, still
further, in addition to this, the city earned the hatred of the. )\tiz^
Thebans and the Thessalians, while Philip earned their grati-
tude for what had been done. To prove that this is so, read to
me both the decree of Callisthenes and the letter of Philip, 37
from both of which all this will be plain to you. Please read.
DECREE.
In the archonship of Mnesiphilus, an extraordinary assembly
§ 3. p. 66 T^v TTpbs υμα$ άπίχθααν where in Polybius, and the combina- *
6kvovvt€S, and Fals. Leg. § 96. p. 368 tion into one court of δ etrl των οπλών
νμΐν μ(ν tV (χθραν την npos Θηβαίονί στρατη'γ05 (supposed to mean the
μαζω, Φιλίττπω be τήν χάριν ττίττοίηκ^ν. commander of the heavy- armed in-
37. 20. oTt. ' In proof that,' and fantry), δ ίπΐ τψ διοικησ(ω$ (supposed
so often : see Index. to be the military minister of finance), ;
24. ψήφισμα. The name of the ar- and the ' clerk of the council ' is re- ,
chon (see § 29) and the date (V. infra) markable, unless a council-clerk be |
given are wrong : napfvpeais in the author of the forgery. '
sense of 'pretext' is not classical, συγκλήτου Ικκλησίαβ, sc. yevo-
κοιτάίον Yiyviadai is only found else- μάνηί.
m
32 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§37-39-
κλητον εκκλησίας νττο στρατηγών καί ττρυτάνζων καϊ
βονληί γνώμτ{, μαιμακτηριωνος beKarrj άτηόντοί, Καλλι-
σθ4νη9*Ετ€θνίκου Φαληρ€υς €l^ΐe^μr]hiva Αθηναίων μφ^μια
7Tapevpia€L kv rfj χωρά κοιταϊον -γίγνεσθαι αλλ^ kv αστ^ι
και rietpatet, όσοι μη kv rots φρουρίοΐί βίσΐν άττοτίταγ- 5
μ4νοι' τούτων δ* €κάστον9, ην τταρίλαβον τάζιν, bLaτηp€ΐv
38 μητ€ άφημξρεύοντα^ μητ€ άττοκοίτοννταί. δ? hv δ€ άττει^τ^στ/
τωδ€ τω ψηφίσματι, €νοχο9 ίστω rots r^s '7Γpoδoσtαs kiti-
rtfiiots, kav μη τι αδύνατον kTiLheiKvor^ irepl kavTov' Trepl
δ^ του abwaTov €τ:ικρινίτω 6 ΙττΙ των οττλων στρατηγοί ίο
καΐ δ CTTi rijs δtotκ?7σeωs και ό γραμματ€ν9 ttjs βουλής,
κατακομίζζΐν δβ και τα kn των αγρών ττάντα την ταχίστην,
τά μ\ν kvTos σταΗων €κατον €Ϊκοσί els άστυ καϊ Πβιραια,
τα δε exros στahίωv εκατόν είκοσι Έλευσΐι/α καΧ Φυλην
καϊ "χ^φώναν καϊ ^Ραμνοϋντα καϊ Σούνιον.^ 1 5
"^Αρ βπΐ τανταί9 ταΪ9 ίλπίσί την ^Ιρήνην ίποίζΐσθβ,
ή ταντ ίπηγγίλλζθ' νμΐν ο^το9 6 μισθωτός ;
39 /Ι eye δη την ίπιστολην fjv €π€μψ€ Φίλιππο? μ€τα
ταντα.
ΕΠΙΣΤΟΛΗ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΤ. [Bασtλevs Maκ€bόvωv 2ο
Φ^λtπ7ros Ά^ι^ι/αιωΐ' ttj βουλΐ} καϊ τω bημω χαίρζίν. Ιστ€
ημάς παρέληλυθότας είσω Πυλώι; καϊ τα κατά την Φωκίδα
ΰφ* eavrovs π^ττοιημίνουςί καϊ δσα μ€ν ακουσίως ττροσε-
τίθ€Τ0 των τΓολισμάτων, φρουράς ^Ισαγηοχότας els αυτά,
τά bk μη υπακούοντα κατά κράτος λαβόντβς καϊ kξavbρa- 25
ΤΓοδισά/χβΓΟί κατ€σκάψαμ€ν' άκούων δ^ και υμάs παρα-
σκ€υάζ€σθαί βοηθ^ΐν avrots γίγραφα ύμϊν^ ϊνα μη πλ€Ϊον
Ι . καί before βονλψ is bracketed by as πρώτη, etc., μ^σουντο^ (or νρώτη Ιπί
Dind. as interpolated, and is certainly δίκα) ; in the third, counting back-
objectionable, as vpvravfwv is on his- wards from the last day of the month
torical grounds better taken with υ•π6. inclusively, δ(κάτη, (νάτη, etc., άπι•
2. δίκάτη aiaovTOs. The Attic ovtos {φθίνοντος, Xi/jyovrot), or some-
month at this time was divided into times πρώτη, δ^ντίρα, etc., kvl ύκάδι.
three decades : in the first decade the In the present case δ(κάτη άιη6ντο%
days were counted as lOi/fMyWa, δ«υτ^/)α, would mean the 21st of a month con-
tic, μηνός Ισταμάνου ; in the second iainin^ f hi rijf days; hut Mai μακτηριών
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 33
having heen convened by the generals, according to a resolution of
the prytanies and the council, on the twenty-first of Maemacterion,
Callisthenes, the son of Eteonicus, of the deme ofPhalerus, moved :
That no Athenian on any excuse pass the night in the country, hut
in the city or the Piraeus, except those who are detached in the
garrisons : and that each body of the latter strictly observe the post
which they received, absenting themselves neither by day nor by
night. And whosoever shall disobey this decree, let him be liable
to the penalties of treason, unless he can point in excuse of himself
to some circumstance beyond his control : and with regard to such 38
circumstances let the decision rest with the commander of the heavy
infantry and the minister of finance and the clerk of the council.
Also, that the citizens bring in all their property from the country
with despatch, property within a hundred and twenty stades to come
into the city or the Piraeus, property more remote than a hundred
and twenty stades to Eleusis or Phyle or Aphidna or Rhamnus or
Sunium.
Was it with the hope of this that you made the peace, or
were these the promises held out to you by this hireling ?
Now read the letter which Philip sent after this. 39
LETTER OF PHILIP.
Philip, king of the Macedonians, to the council and commons
of the Athenians, greeting. Know that we have passed south of
Thermopylae and have subjected to ourselves the places in the dis-
trict of Phocis, and into all the cities which voluntarily adhered
to us have introduced garrisons ; but those which did not respond,
having taken them by storm and sold the inhabitants as slaves, we
have demolished. Put hearing that you also are making pre-
parations to send them aid, I have written to you in order that you
may not trouble yourselves unnecessarily about them : for I think
(at any rate in 01. io8. 3) had only always adopted conciliatory tones. No
twenty-nine days. Phocian towns' were taken by storm
38. 9. αδύνατον, § io8. (/ίατά κράτοί), but all destroyed after
15. At the end of the φήφισμα Dind. surrendering upon terms : cf. Fals. Leg.
has €Ϊπ€ ΚαΚλισθ€νη$ Φα\ηρ€νί. § 68. p. 360 μφίμίαν των ΐΓΟ\(ων τών
39. 1 8. Before €ΐΓ€μψ6 Dind. has €V Φωκίϋοίν άλώναι πολιορκία μη^ (κ
δίυρ'. προσβολής κατά κράτοί, άΚΚ' (Κ του
20. The tone of this letter is impe- σπύσασθαι vavTas άρδην ά-ηολέσθαι.
rious, while Philip is reported to have 23. 'π•ροσ€τίθ6το, § 195.
34 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§39-4^.
Ινο^^λησθζ irepl τοντων rot? μ^ν γαρ 6\ols ovbe μέτρων
μοι hoKeXre TTOielv, την €ΐρηνην συνθ^μ^νοι καΧ ομοίως
ό.ντίΐταρ€ζάγοντ€ξ, καϊ ταύτα ovhe σνμττ^ρι^ίλημμ^νων των
Φωκίων iv rat? κοιναΐί ημών σννθηκαις. ωστ€ kav μη
€μμ4νητ€ τοΪ9 ωμοΧογημίνοις, ovh\v ττροτ^ρησ^τζ ίζω του 5
€φΘακίναι ahiKovvT^s.^
40 * Ακον€Τ€ ώ? σαψωί δηλοΐ καϊ δωρίζβταί kv ττ} προ?
ύμά? ίπιστολτ} προ? του? έαντον συμμάχου? otl ''βγω
ταΰτα πβποίηκα ακόντων 'Αθηναίων και λνπονμύνων,
ωστ βΓ περ e^ φρον€Ϊτ€^ ώ θηβαΐοί και θβτταλοι, ίο
τούτον? μβν €^θρον? νπολήψ€σθ€, €μοΙ δ€ πιστβνσβτβ^"
ου τούτοι? τοΐ? ρήμασι γράψα?^ ταΰτα δβ βονΧομ^νο?
δζίκνύναι. τοιγαροΰν βκ τούτων ωγβτο ίκβινον? λαβών
€1? το μηδ* ότίονν προοραν των μ€τα ταΰτα μηδ' αί-
σθάν^σθαί^ αλλ' ίάσαι πάντα τα πράγματα €Κ€Ϊνον ύψ' ι ζ
ίαυτω ποίήσασθαι' k^ ων ταΐ? παρούσαι? σνμφοραΐ? οΐ
41 ταλαίπωροι κύχρηνταί. ό δβ ταύτη? τη? πίστ^ω? αύτω
σνν€ργο? καΙ συναγωνιστή? καΐ ό δβΰρ' απάγγειλα? τα
ψ^υδή και φζνακίσα? ύμα? οΰτο? ίστιν ό τα Θηβαίων
όδυρόμβνο? νυν πάθη και δΐ€ξιων ώ? οικτρά, και τούτων 2ο
και των kv Φωκβΰσι κακών και οσ άλλα π^πονθασιν οι
'Έλληνβ? απάντων αύτο? ων αΐτιο?. δήλον γαρ οτι συ
μ\ν άλγβΐ? kπι τοΐ? συμβζβηκόσιν, Αισχίνη, και του?
Θηβαίου? kλe€ΐ?, κτημ* €χων kv τβ Βοιωτία καιγ€ωργών
f( jj^uo^ - τα kκ€ίvωv, kγω δζ χαίρω, h? ζύθύ? kξ^]τoύμηv ύπο τοΰ 25
ταΰτα πράίαντο?,^ ρ^. iy' ?^U
42 'Αλλά yap kμπiπτωκa ei? λόγου? ^ ού? αύτίκα μάλλον ^η ^ί«*
. Itn-^ . . . "'
Ι . τοις SXois, 'in yourgeneral policy,' having his own allies in view.
/ \ ^ §§ 28, 303; or perhaps 'absolutely.' 1 2. τουτοΐ8τοί5^ήμοσι = not writing
*λ'_χΙ 40. 7- δηλοϊ και διορίζίται, §13. this in so many words, § 103,
ΖΐορΊζ(σθαι = αβϊτηιατ6 (Dissen), the 13, λαβών, § 20, Fals. Leg. § 21. p.
,[jlJ idea being not that of 'defining,' but 347, 'he had so completely mastered
that of ' distinct declaration.' them before he left that (e/s).*
8. irpos τούβ ίαυτοΰ συμμάχου$= 41. 19. ό .. όδυρόμ(νο5, 'whom we
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 35
that in the general tenor of your policy you are doing what is any-
thing but fair in having concerted peace with me and no fie the less
begun to march your troops to take the field against me, and that
too when the Phocians were not comprehended in our common cove-
nant. Hence, if you do not abide by the terms agreed on, you will
be beforehand in nothing except in setting an example of aggression.
You hear with what distinctness Philip plainly proclaims, in 40
the letter addressed to you, for the understanding of his own
allies, ' I have done this against the will and to the hurt of the
Athenians ; so that if you are well-advised, men of Thebes and
Thessaly, you will regard them as enemies and put your trust
in me.' Not that he wrote in these terms, but he wished to in-
dicate as much. As a natural consequence of this, he had left
them so entirely duped that they foresaw or scented nothing
whatsoever of what was to follow, but suffered him to bring the
whole situation into his own grasp. Hence the unhappy peo-
ples have experienced their present calamities. And the man 41
who worked and fought with Philip to create this credulity, and
who brought home the false reports and tricked you, is my
opponent, whom we hear talking pathetically about the present
sufferings of the Thebans and telling us in detail how pitiful
they are, although both of these mischiefs and of the suffering
among the Phocians and of everything else which the Hel-
lenes have had to endure, he is himself the guilty cause. A
likely thing, Aeschines, that you smart at the revolution of
events and, compassionate the Thebans, seemg that you are a
propri etor in Boeotia and farm the lands which were tneirs, and
that I on the oth er side exult — I, whose insta nt surrender was
demanded by the author of^these miseries.
But I find I have launched upon discussions which it will 42
heard speak so pathetically.' Com- 24. γβωργών. Demosthenes speaks
pare Aeschines contra Ct. § le^j νομί- of Aeschines' yeccpyiai (-farms') as
σαθ' οράν άλισκομ^νψ την πόλιν, τειχών bringing in thirty minae, Fa!s. Leg.
κατασκαφά9, €μπρήσ(ΐ5 νίκιών, ά'γομίνα5 § 158. p. 386.
yvvaiKas και τταΐδαί ft? δονλ€ίαν, Trpe- 25. «ξητούμην, § 322.
σβύτα5άνθρώπον5,πρ(σβντίδα5'/νναίκα5, του ταΰτα ιτράξαντοβ, Alexander.
οψί μβταμανθάνονταί την kkevOepiav.
y ,.;. JiU i^0{ ' .
36 ΑΗΜΟΣΒΕΝΟΥΣ §§42-45.
S '
£(j6oy άρμ6σ€ί XeyeLv. ίπαι/βιμί δη παΚιν ίπΐ τας άπο-
8eL^€L9, ώ? τα τούτων αδικήματα των νυνί παρόντων
Γραγμάτων γίγονζν αΐτια,
ΈτΓβιδη γαρ €ξηπάτησΘ€ μ\ν νμ€Ϊ9 νπο τον Φιλίππου
δια τούτων των kv ταί? πρ€σ•β€ίαίς μισθωσάντων ίαντονς 5
τω Φίλίππω καΐ ονδίν αληθές νμΐν άπαγγ^ιλάντων, ίξη-
πάτηντο δβ οι ταλαίπωροι Φωκ€Ϊ9 καΐ αντίρηντο αϊ
43 πόλβί? αύτων, τί kyiveTO ; οΐ μ\ν καταπτνστοι θ^τταλοί
και αναίσθητοι Θηβαίοι φίλον βνβργίτην σωτήρα τον
Φίλιππον ήγονντο' πάντ kKeivos ην avTots' ονδβ φωνην ίο
ήκονον^ ei Τ19 άλλο τι βούλοιτο λβγζίν. νμ€Ϊί δβ νψορώ-
μζνοι τα π^πραγμίνα και δνσχ€ραίνοντ€9 ήγ€Τ€ την
€ΐρήνην ομω?' ου γαρ ην 6 τι άν kπol€ΐτ€, και οι άλλοι
δβ'Έλληνζ^, ομοίως ύμΐν πβφ^νακισμίνοι καΐ διημαρτη-
κ6τ€9 ων ηλπισαν, ηγοντην βίρήνην, αύτοι τρόπον τίνα 15
44eAC πολλού πολβμούμβνοι. οτ€ γαρ πβριιων Φίλιππος
Ιλλυριούς καΐ Τριβαλλούς, τινας δβ και των ^Ελλήνων
κατέστρίφζτο, και δυνάμεις πολλας και μ^γάλας kπoιeΐθ*
ύφ* έαντω, καί Tives των kK των πολιών €πι τβ της ει-
ρήνης kξovσίa βαδίζοντβς €Κ€ίσ€ δίΕφθβίροντο, ων efy 20
οΰτος ην, τ6τ€ πάντ€9^ k<f> όΰς ταντα παρζσκβυάζζτ*
Ι €Κ€Ϊνος, €πολ€μοΰντο, d 5e μη ι/σθάνοντο, €Τ€ρο9 ό
46 λόγος οΰτος, ου προς kμe, €γώ μ\ν γαρ προυλβγον και
\ 0ΐ€μαρτυρ6μην και παρ* ύμΐν άξΐ και οποί π^μφθύην' αϊ
\ 8k π6λ€ΐς βνόσουν των μ\ν kv τω^τ^ολιτίύζσθαι και πράτ- 25
τ^ιν δωροδοκούντων και διαφθβιρομίνων kπl \ρήμασι,
42. 4• «ίη'π•<1τησθ€ μίν . . ίξηττά- 6. τφ Φιλί τπτφ is omitted by Dind,
τηντο 84. Repeated words are regu- 43. 8. κατάιττυστοι, § 63.
larly attended by /iiv .. δί without any 10. -ιτάντ'. Compare Thuc. viii.
sense ofopposition between the clauses 95. i Εύβοια yap avrois .. νάντα ην.
in which they stand, § 81. Cf. ^ρχον 13. After €ίρήνην Dind. has άσμίνοι,
μίν . . ^ρχον U Aeschines contr. Ct. and καί before avToi.
% 25, quoted below on § 55. 15. τρόιτον τινά, § ιοί.
ν
rv
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 37
perhaps be more fitting to take, presently : so I will go back
again to my demonstrations, to prove that the iniquities of my
opponents have been the cause of our present troubles.
When you had been deceived by Philip, through the instru-
mentality of these men who on the embassies had sold them-
selves to Philip and had made utterly false reports to you, and
when the afflicted Phocians had been deceived too, and their
cities had been destroyed, what happened? The despicable 43
Thessalians and dull-minded Thebans thought Philip their
friend, benefactor, deliverer : he was all the world to them, and
they would not listen to a sound if one wished to dissent. On
your part, while you looked with suspicion on what had been
done and were ill-pleased, you nevertheless kept the peace : for
there was nothing you could do. And the other Hellenes too,
tricked in the same way as you had been and baulked of their
hopes, still kept the peace, although they themselves had vir-
tually been for a long time past; the object of war. For when 44
Philip went about and reduced the Illyrians and Triballians and
some also of the Hellenes, and brought under his own control
many great sources of strength, and when certain of the states-
men in the Greek cities, taking advantage of the licence afforded
by the peace, travelled to Philip's quarters and were there cor-
rupted, of whom my opponent was one, then all against whom
Philip was making these preparations were attacked in open war-
fare. That they failed in discernment is quite another question 45
and does not touch me. For I gave warnings and solemnly
protested at all times both in your midst and wherever I was
sent : but the Greek states were rotten, the men who were
engaged in public life and action taking bribes and sacrificing
l6. €KiToXXo{),'foralongtimepast;' μηδίν νμΐν αντων l/ieAcr, aWos αν (ΐη
or perhaps 'from a distance,' 're- Kayos ovtos. Cf. p. i68, Plato, Apol.
motely,' cf. § 63. xxiii. p. 34
44. 20. €Κ€Ϊσ6, 'to a certain quarter,' 23. irpos e\it, §§ 60, 247.
i.e. the Macedonian court, § 323. 24. oiroi, § 244.
22. €1, § 28. 45. 26. διαφθειρομίνων €ττΙχρήμα<η.
€TCpos δ λόγο5, Phil, iii. § 16. p. The preposition is not required, and is
114 €t μίν yap μικρά ταΰτά Ιστιν ή barely Greek {en?).
38
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ
§§ 45-48.
των $€ ΙΒιωτων καΐ πολλών τα μ\ν ου προορωμίνων,
τίί δζ Trj κάθ^ήμζραν ραστώντ] καΐ σχολτ} δ€λ€αζομ€νων^
και TOLOVTOVL TL πάθθ9 πβπονθοτων απάντων^ πλην ουκ
ίφ* kavTOVs έκαστων οίομύνων το Seivbv ή^€ΐν^ καΐ δια
ί των έτβρων κινδύνων τα έαντων ασφαλώς σ)(^ησ€ίν^ όταν 5
4β βονλωνται. €Ϊτ* οΐμαι σνμβββηκβ tols μ€ν πλήβ^σίν
άντΙ τη? πολλη9 και άκαιρου ραθυμία? την ίλξυθβρίαν
άπολωλ€κίναι^ tols δβ προζστηκόσι καΐ ταλλα πλην
εαυτού? oiopevoi? πωλ€Ϊν πρώτου? εαυτού? πεπρακοσιν
αίσθίσθαι' άντΙ γαρ φίλων καΐ ξίνων^ α τότβ ώνομά- ίο
Ι ζοντο ηνίκα ίδωροδοκουν^ νυν κόλακΕ? καΐ θεοί? ίγθροί
47 καΐ τάλλ' α προσήκει πάντ άκούουσιν. ούδει? γαρ,
άνδρε? 'Αθηναίοι J το του προδιδοντο? συμφέρον ζητών
■χρήματ αναλίσκει, ούδ' επειδαν ων αν πρίηται κύριο?
γενηται, τω προδότη συμβούλω περί των λοιπών ετι 15
χρηται' ούδεν γαρ αν ην εύδαιμονεστερον προδοτου.
αλλ' ουκ εστί ταΰτα' πόθεν] πολλού γε και δει. αλλ*
επειδαν τών πραγμάτων εγκρατή? 6 ζητών άργειν κατα-
στώ, και τών ταΰτα άποδομενων δεσπότη? εστί, τήν δε
πονηρίαν ε ιδώ?, τότε δή, τότε και μισεΐ και άπιστεΐ και 2ο
4ί8προπηλακίζει. σκοπείτε δε- και γαρ ει παρελήλυθεν
ό τών πραγμάτων καιρό?^ 6 του γε είδεναι τα τοιαύτα
"■^^αιρο? άεΐ πάρεστι τοΐ? ευ φρονοΰσιν. μ^χρί τούτου
Λασθενη? φίλο? ώνομάζετο, εω? προΰδωκεν "Ολυνθον
μέχρι τούτου Τιμόλαο?, εω? απώλεσε Θήβα?' f-^Xpt 25
τούτου Εύδικο? και Σΐμο? ό Λαρισαίο?^ εω? θετταλίαν
Ι, Ιδιωτών καΐ iroXXAvmustbe taken
together, ' the unofficial multitude.'
τά μ,ίν . . τα hi, * partly . . partly.'
3. τοιουτονί Tt Ίτάθοβ κ.τ,Κ may
possibly refer back to Ζί\(α{ομίνων,
* all alike possessed by a passion of
this kind for easy-going leisure : ' but
more probably is connected with what
follows, ' all possessed by a constrain-
ing idea of this kind, that is, each
community imagining that the blow
would fall on all but themselves.' For
νάσχ(ΐν, in the sense of 'lying under
delusion,' cf. Aristoph. Frogs 717 ττολ-
XaKis y ήμιν 6δοζ(ν ή no\isvenoy$ivat \
ταύτύν Is T6 των πολιτών rows κα\ού$
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 39
their f)rinciples for money, while^the majority of private citizens
either had no foresight or were caught by the bait of daily ease
and leisure, and all alike suffered from some such delusion as
this, each community fancying that the danger would come
against all except themselves, and that at others' risks they might
safely secure their own interests when they pleased. In this way, 46
I fancy, it has come about that the masses, in return for their
excessive and unseasonable indifference, have lost their liberty ;
while their leading men, who fancied they were bartering away
everything but themselves, discovered they had sold themselves
first, for instead of friends and guest-friends, as they used to be
called at the moment when they were taking bribes, they are now
saluted as parasites and apostates and by all other well-deserved
titles. For no one, men of Athens, spends money in pursuit 47
of the interest of the betrayer, nor when he is master of
his purchase continues to consult the traitor about the future :
otherwise nothing would be more fortunate than the traitor.
But this is not so — how could it be .? very far from it. Rather,
when the aspirant for power is established as master of the
situation, he is also lord over those who sold him his posi-
tion, and, knowing their villany, then — if not before — he hates
them and distrusts them and treats them with contumely. Only 48
look at the facts : for if the right time for action has gone
by, the right time at any rate to learn lessons of this sort
is always present to the prudent. Lasthenes bore the title of
friend only until he betrayed Olynthus : Timolaus only till he
ruined Thebes : Eudicus and Simus of Larissa only until they
T6 KayaOovs | h re τάρχαΐον νόμισμα καΐ 47. 1 6. ουδέν γάρ, ' for, ζη that case,
το καινον χρνσίον κ.τ.Κ. nothing,' etc. § 12.
Ίτλήν ουκ, 'the danger would 17• iro0€v;§52.
come, only not against themselves.' 48. 23, μ€χρι τούτου, * so long, and
5. ίτίρων, genitive after κινδΰναιν. no longer^ For this limiting use cf.
46. 6. cit' οιμαι. 'It was thus, Thuc. i. 71. 3 μ^χρι μ\ν oZv Tovde
I suppose, that,' etc, ώρίσθω υμών ή βραδντψ.
12. Before ούδβιβ γάρ Dind. has el- 26. ό Λαρισαϊο5. Dind. has oi Aapt-
κότω$. σαΐοι.
40 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§48-52.
ύπο Φίλίππω εποίησαν. €Ϊτ €λαννομ4ι/ων και ύβριζο-
μ^νων καΐ τι κακόν ονχΐ πασγοντων πάσα η οίκου^
μίνη μεστή γίγονβν. τι δ' Αριστρατοζ kv Σικνωνι, καΐ
4Θ Τί riepLkaos eu Μ ^ydpoLS ; ουκ άπερριμμίνοί ; e^ ων
Ι καΐ σαψίστατ* αν tls ΪΒοι ότι 6 μάλιστα φνλάττων την s
iavTov πατρίδα καΐ πλείστα άντιλύγων τούτοι?^ οντο9
ύμΐν,ΑΙσγΐνη, τοΪ9 προδίδονσι καΐ μισθαρνοΰσι το εχ^ειν
εφ' οτω δωροδοκήσ€Τ€ περιποιύ, καΐ δια τον? πολλού?
Ι τοντωνί καΐ του? άνθισταμύνον? τοΐ? υμέτεροι? βουλή-
I μασιν ύμεΐ? εστε σωοί καΐ έμμισθοι, επεί δια γε ύμα? ίο
αυτού? πάλαι άν άπολώλειτε.
50 Και περί μεν των τότε πραγβεντων έχων ετι πολλά
λέγειν, και ταΰτα ηγούμαι πλειω των ικανών είρήσθαΐ'
αίτιο? δ* οΰτο?, ωσπερ ίωλοκρασιαν τινά μου τή? πονη-
ρία? τη? εαυτού και των αδικημάτων κατασκεδάσα?, ην ι ζ
άναγκίμον ην προ? τούχ^νεφτερου? των πεπραγμένων
άπολύσασθαι. παρηνωγλτ^σθε δε ισω?, οι καΐ πριν εμ\
51 ειπείν ότιοΰν είδοτε? την τούτου τότε μίσθαρνιαν. καίτοι
ψιλίαν γε και ξενίαν αύτη ν ονομάζει, και νυν είπε που
λέγων '' ο την 'Αλεξάνδρου ξενίαν ονειδίζων εμοί." εγώ ζο
σοι ξενίαν* Αλεξάνδρου] πόθεν λαβοντι ή πώ? άξιωθεντι;
ούτε Φιλίππου ξένον οϋτ 'Αλεξάνδρου ψίλον ειποιμ
άν εγώ σε, ούχ^ ούτω μαίνομαι, ει μη και τού? θεριστα? ' p
καΧ τού? άλλο τι μισθού πράττοντα? φίλου? και ξένου?
52 δει καλεΐν των μισθωσαμενων. αλλ' ούκ εστί ταΰτα• 25
πόθεν ; πολλού γε και δει. άλλα μισθωτον εγώ σε
Φιλίππου πρότερον και νυν 'Αλεξάνδρου καλώ, και
οΐ>τοι πάντε?. ει δ' άπιστεΐ?, ερώτησον αυτού?, μάλλον
3- AfterY€70V€vDind, hasTr/)o5ora)i'. 50. 13. καΐ ταΰτα, 'even what I
49. 8. ircpiiroici, ' makes to sur- have said.'
vive,' * preserver *" (cf. nepiyiyv€a9cu) 14. ίωλοκρασ-ίαν, 'the remnant of ι
rather than' ' makes to superabound.' the wine mixed over night.' '
10. σφοι. Dind. has σφ. 1 7. άπολύσασθαι, § 4. άνοΚούσα-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 4 1
put Thessaly into Philip's hands : their service over, expelled
and insulted and suifering every imaginable misery, the whole
dvilised3£irld-has become filled with them. What was the fate
too of Aristratus in Sicyon, and what that of Perilaus in Megara ?
are_thevnoLQiitcasts ? Hence one may see most distinctly that 49
the man who most faithfully guards his country, and speaks
most largely against these traitors, is the man, Aeschines, who
preserves to you betrayers and hirelings, the possession of
something on the strength of which you may get bribes-; and />^1^
it is than ks to the mass of your countrym en here and to those ^"^z
who withstood your wishes that you are safe~and Scllaiied, for, 'f^i . ^-., -
left to jvourselveSf you would hn.v e been rmned long a go.
And though I am able to say much more about the trans- 50
actions of that time, I think that even what I have said is more
than enough. Blame my opponent, because he has poured over
my head the stale potion, I may call it, of his own villanies and
iniquities, of which it was necessary that I should clear myself in
the presence of those who ar e too young to re member the events.
But perhaps those of you have felt a little annoyed, who, even
before I uttered a syllable, were acquainted with my opponent's j
hireling service at that time. And yet he terms it friendship 51
and guest- friendship, and somewhere in his speech he dropped
a phrase about ' the man who reproaches me for my guest-friend-
ship with Alexander/ I reproach you for guest-friendship with
Alexander ? Whence could you have acquired it, or how could
you have been qualified for it ? I am not likely to speak of
you as Ph ilip's guest-friend or as A lexande rs fr iend, I am
not so mad, — unless we must also call reapers or those who do
any other job for hire friends and guest-friends of their hirers.
But this is not so — how could it be ? far from it. WhatJ do 52
rail γΑη jc^ p) hlrpl'ig, ou^e Phi1ip'pj,jQo w Alexander's, and so do
all my hearers. If you disbeHeve me, put the question to
σθαι and άποκλνσασθαι have been hy- Before ϊσωs Dind. has και νμ(Ϊ5.
percritically conjectured. 51. 20. 6 τήν .. «μοί, Aeschines,
17, ιταρηνώχλησθε, • rather an- contra Ct. § 66.
noyed/ better than 'annoyed in the 21. άξιωθίντι, § I28.
course of my narrative^ 26. ττόθεν κ.τ.Χ. § 47.
>^
42 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§52-55.
5' €γώ τονβ* νπ€ρ σον ποιήσω, ποτ^ρόν νμΐν, ω avSpes
Άθηραΐοί, δοκ€Ϊ μισθωτό? Αίσγίνη? η ^evos elvai
* AXe^dvSpov ; ακούει? a λ^γονσιν.
53 Βονλομαι τοίννν ήδη και wepl τη? γραφής αυτή?
άπολογήσασθαι και διβξξλθβΐν τα π^πραγμύρ' €μαντω^ 5
ίνα καίτΓβρ €i8co9 Αϊσγίνη? όμως άκούσχι δι' α ψημι και
τούτων των προβββονλΕνμζνων και πολλω μειζόνων €τι
τούτων δωρβων δίκαιο? βΐναι τυγγάν^ιν. Και μοι Xeye
την γραψήν αυτήν λαβών.
54 ΓΡΑΦΗ. [ΈτΓί Χαιρώζ^δου άρχοντος, (λαφηβολιώνο? ίο
^ ^ ζΚΤΎΐ_Ισταμ€νον, ΑΙσγίνη?^ Ατρόμητου Κοθωκι^η? άττήνζγκζ
S2?^ 77/30? τον άρχοντα τταρανόμων κατά Κτησιφώντος του Λβω-
σθάνους^ Αναφλυστίου^ οτι €γραψ€ τταράνομον ψήφισμα,ω?
αρα bei στ€φανώσαι Αημοσθ€νην Αημοσθ^νουί YlaiavUa
χρυσωστζφάνω, καΐ άναγορζυσαι L• τω Θβάτρω Αιονυσίοι? 15
rots /ueyaAots, τραγω^οΐί καινοΐς, οτι στ€φανοΐ δ brjpos
Αημοσθ^νην Αημοσθίνους Ylaiaviia χρυσω στζφάνω άρζ-
τή? €V€Ka, καΐ eiivoias ης ίγων hiaTekei eis re τους^ΈίλΧη-
vas airavTas καΐ τον δήμον των ^Αθηναίων, καΐ άνδραγαθίας,
καΐ bioTi dtareXet ττράττων καϊ Χί-γων τα βέλτιστα τω 2ο
^ήμω καϊ ττρόθυμόί eσrt τϊοιύν ο τι hv δύνηται αγαθόν,
56 ττάντα ταύτα ψ€υ^ή γράψα? καϊ τταράνομα, των νόμων ουκ
Ζώντων ττρώτον μ€ν ■ψ€υb€ΐ? γραφας els τα δτ^/χοσια γράμ-
ματα καταβάλλ€σθαι, €ΐτα τον νττζύθυνον στζφανοΰν (Ιστι -
Αημοσθ€νη9 Τ€ΐχο7Γθΐθ9 καϊ €7Γΐτωνθ€ωρικών Τ€ταγμ€νο9), 2-,
\kt>\i^ Ι 52. 2. μισθωτ05. XJlpian narrates § 59• There is observable in Greek
lUJiw that Demosthenes purposely mispro- syntax a growing tendency to pass, at
/ * nounced this word, and that his fasti- the expense of strict logic, from im-
'^^'^ dious Athenian audience (or, the personal to personal constructions.
. o».l
Ό comic poet Menander) shouted to until we even have δοκώ μοι for δοκ(ΐ
γ correct him. This story has been μοι. Cf. § 255.
V****^ I seriously refuted. Demosthenes prob- 9. αυτήν, § 126 note.
jt^Lti^-r) I ably trusted to his friends and clac- 54. 10. It is alleged that Demo-
' t. I ' ' queurs ; unless, as Dissen suggests, sthenes became τ€ΐχοποιόί on the 3rd
v^i
53. 4. ircpl .αύτήβ, § 9. after the 6th of Elaphebolion, the date
8. δίκαιοβ «tvaw = δίκαιον dval μοι, of this decree ; and that the indict-
• ΙίΐΛ. ! *^^ whole passage was added in the of Scirophorion in Chaerondas' year
iM i-'^*^**^ ! published edition of the speech. which would be nearly three months
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
them ; or rather I will do so for you. Men of Athens, which
do you think ? Is Aeschi 'nes tlie hirpUppr or the gue st-friend *' ^^
of Alex ander ? You heai^what they s ay.
This being so, I wish at once both to make my defence 53 I J a^*^*
directly upon the indictment and to enumerate my own acts, ^^
that Aeschines, though well informed about them, may never-
theless hear the grounds upon which I affirm that I deserve
to receive not only these honours granted me in the Previous
Resolution but gifts far greater still than these. Simply take
and read me the indictment.
INDICTMENT.
In ihe archonship of Chaerondas, on the sixth day of the com- 54:
mencement of Elaphebolion, Aeschines, son of Atrometus, of the
deme Cothocis, in presence of the archon, preferred an indictment^
for breach of the constitution, against Ctesiphon, son of Leosthenes,
of the deme Anaphlystus, on the ground that he had proposed an
unconstitutional decree, to wit, that it is necessary to crown De-
mosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the deme Paeania, with a golden
crown, and make the proclamation in the theatre at the great Dio-
nysian festival, when the new tragic poets contend, to the effect
that the people crown Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the deme
Paeania, with a golden crown on account of his excellence, and on
account of the loyalty which he continually cherishes to all the
Hellenes and especially to the Athenian people, and on account of
his noble conduct, and because he continues to do and to say what is
best for the conunons, and is zealous to perform every good action
that he can — having proposed in all this what was false and un-
constitutional, the laws forbidding, firstly, the entry of false pro-bb
positions in the public archives, secondly, the crowning of one who
is still accountable for an office (now Demosthenes is conservator
of the walls and administrator of the theoric fund) and further
ment must have been laid before the bus — ' at the gladiatorial games.'
thesmothetae, not the archon epony- Aeschines, § 34, has τρα-γωδών ά-^ωνι-
mus. Dissen, however, makes De- ζομίνων καινών, but § 36 Tpaya)5ois.
mosthenes' appointment to have taken 55. 24. καταβάλλεσθαι, § 103.
place in the previous year; and de- 25, «irl των θβωρικών, Dind. has
fends τον άρχοντα as a summary ex- km τω θ^ωρικω : cf. Aeschines, contra
pression for all the archons. Ct. § 24, and, for the importance of
12. Ίταρανόμων, sc. Ύραφήν, v^hich is the post, § 25 oi erri το θίωρικον Κ€χ€ΐ-
found in some MSS. ροτονημίνοι ηρχον μ\ν πριν ή τον
ΐ6.τραγωδοΪ5 Katvois.'whenthenew Ή-γήμονοί νόμον ffviaOai ttjv του
tragic-writers appear.' For the use of άντι^ραφίω$ αρχήν, ηρχον 8e τήν των
the authors for the plays compare άποδ€κτών, και νίώριον και σκ^νοθήκην
Cicero, Ad Att. i. 16. 11 gladiatori- ωκοδόμουν, ήσαν δέ και δδοτιοιοί καΐ
44 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§55-58.
In δ^ μη avayopeveiv τον στ€φανον kv τω θζάτρω Αωνν-
aCoLS TpayiuhGiV rrj καιζη}, άλΛ' lav μ\ν η βονλη στέφα-
νοι, kv τω βονλ€ντηρ[ω av€LTT€LVj iav δε η ττολίί, iv ΤΙνκνΙ
€v ΤΎ] €κκλ.ησία. τίμημα τάλαντα tt€vtt^ κοντά. κλητορ€5
Κηφίσοφων Κηφίσοφωντοί ^Ραμνονσιοί, Κλ^ων Κλέωνος 5
Κο^ωκιδτ;?.]
ρβ ^Α μ\ν Βίώκ^ι τον ψηφίσματος^ ω dvSpes 'Αθηναίοι^
ταντ ^στίν. ίγω δ απ αυτών τούτων πρώτον οΊμαι
δήλον νμΐν ποίήσ€ίν δτι πάντα δικαίως άπολογήσομαΐ'
την γαρ αύτην τοντω ^ποίησάμ€νο9 τών γξγραμμβνων ίο
τάξιν πβρί πάντων €ρώ καθ' €καστον ^φβξης καΐ ούδ\ν
57 ίκων παραλείψω, τον μ\ν ονν γράψαί πράττοντα καΐ
λίγοντα τα βέλτιστα /ze τω δήμω διατ€λ€ΐν καΐ πρόθν-
μον ζΐναι ποΐ€Ϊν 6 τι δνναμαι αγαθόν^ και €παιν€Ϊν €πι
τούτοις, kv τοις π^πολιτβνμίνοις την κρίσιν eivai νομίζω' 15
άπο γαρ τούτων βξβταζομβνων βνρβθήσβται eiT€ αληθή
π€ρΙ €μον γβγραφβ Κτησιφών ταντ α και προσήκοντα
58€ίΤ€ καΐ ψ€νδή' το δ€ μη προσγράψαντα " ίπβιδάν τας
Ευθύνας δω" στ^φανονν, και άν€ΐπ€Ϊν kv τω θζάτρω τον
στίφανον κ^λβΌσαι, κοινωνβΐν μ\ν ήγονμαι και τοντο τοις 2ο
π€πολιτ€νμ€νοις, €ΐτ€ άξιος βίμι τον στ€φάνον καΙ της
^ άναρρήσ^ως της kv τούτοις €ίτ€ και μή, ίτι μίντοι και
τους νόμονς δβικτίον βΐναί μοι δοκ€Ϊ^ καθ* ονς ταντα
γράφ€ΐν βξήν τούτω, οντωσΐ μ\ν ώ άνδρες 'Αθηναίοι
σχ^Ζον rijv ολην διοίκησιν ίΐχον t^s ίο. τήν γάρ αυτήν .. τάξιν. De-
π<$λ«{ϋ5. mosthenes can hardly be said to follow
ι.ίτιδί μήάναγορ€ύ€ΐν«.τ.λ. Supply the same order of topics as Aeschines,
Λίλίυόι/τοϋΐ' from ούκίώντων. Compare and possibly τοντφ (as § 58) refers to
Herod, vii. 104 ουκ Ιων (pfvytiv άλλ' Ctesiphon. In that case Ύ^-γραμμίνα/ν
|jrt/f/)aT€'€<i/,Aristoph, Nub. 1483, Soph. will not be the 'counts of the indict-
El. 72, 436, 650, Oed. Tyr. 241, etc. ment,' but the ' heads of the proposal
2. TQ καινή, sc. (Ισόδφ or €ΤΓα7ώ777. in the decree of Ctesiphon.' This
3. «V Πυκνί. See on άνω § 169. agrees with -γράψαι § 57, ypacpeiv § 58.
4. κλήτορ€$. Dind. has κλητήρα, It may be doubted whether τά -γί^ραμ-
the classical form. μίνα is possible in the former sense :
56. 7. & .. ToO ψηφ(σμ,ατο5, § 118. the passage quoted * by Liddell and
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 45
"irdering that we should not proclaim the crown in the theatre, at
\ihe Dionysian festival, on the new introduction of the dramatists;
ybut, if the council confer the crown, should announce it in the
wuncil-hall, or, if the whole city confer it, in the Pnyx, during
ihe assembly. Penalty fifty talents. Witnesses of citation Cephi-
wphon, son of Cephisophon, of the deme Rhamnus, Cleon, son of
Cleon, of the deme Cothocis.
The points in the bill which he attacks, men of Athens, are 56
these. But from these very points I think that I shall first
make it clear to you that I shall defend myself throughout with
justice : for, having adopted the same arrangement of the
head s of the proposal as^piy- client, I will speak of all singly
and successively, and willingly will leave none untouched.
Therefore, of my client's proposition that I ' continue to do and 57
say what is best for the people and am zealous to perform what
good service I can,' and his proposal to give me a vote of thanks
on these grounds, I think the means to judge lie in my acts of
statesmanship : for from an examination of these it will be
discovered whether Ctesiphon has made these propositions
about me with truth and propriety, or falsely and improperly. 58
As to his proposal to crown me without having added the pro-/
viso, * when he shall have rendered his accounts^ and his bidding
proclaim my crown in the theatre, this also I conceive must
stand or fall with my statesmanship, as depending on whether
I am worthy of the crown and of the proclamation before my
countrymen or indeed unworthy. Nevertheless I think I must
go further, and exhibit the laws also, in accordance with which
it was competent to my client to make these proposals. Thus,
men of Athens, I have resolved to make my defence justly and
Scott, Lacr. § 21. p. 930, is no par- 58. 18. το δί . . στ€φανο•Ον. For
allel. construction see § 254 note. There
57. 14. δ τι δύναμ,αι. Dind. has on is no occasion to take στζφανοΰν after
av δύνωμαι. KcXevcai — indeed στίφανωσαι would
€ΐταιν€ΐν is present, as the vote of then be required: cf. on Ιτταινύν § 57-
thanks had not been given to De- For the matter cf. Aesch. § 31.
mosthenes : 'the proposal to give me 22. kv τοΰτοιβ, 'in the presence of
a vote of thanks.' So στίφανοΰν § 58. my countrymen.' If possible, it would
See § 2 note on άκροάσασθαι. be preferable to take it ' in the place
16. CLTTO τούτων Ιξςταξομένων. Cf. and on the occasions named.'
§ 32 διά . . neiaeivras. μέντοι, § 12.
ν
46 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§58-61.
δίκαίω? καΐ άπλώ? τήι/ άπολογίαν ίγνωκα ποίβΐσθαι,
59 βαδίονμαι δ' βπ' αντα α πίπρακταί μοί, και μ^ μηδβΐζ
' ύπολάβτ) άπαρτ^ν τον \6yov τή? γραφής, kav eh* Ελλη-
νικά? 7Γράξ€ΐ9 καΐ λόγους ^μιτίσω' ό γαρ διώκων τον
ψηφίσματος το λίγζΐν καΐ πράττ^ιν τα άριστα μ€ καΐ s
\λΑ γβγραμμίνος ταντα ώ? ουκ αληθή, ούτος ίστιν ό τους
; 7Γ€ρΙ απάντων των βμοί πβπολιτ^ν μίνων λόγους οίΚ€ίους
και αναγκαίους τβ γραφή πβποίηκώς. βΐτα και πολλών
προαιρβσζων ούσών τής πολιτείας την π€ρΙ τας * Ελλη-
νίκάς πράξβις ξίλόμην €γώ, ώστβ και τας άποδ€ίξ€ίς €/c ίο
τούτων δίκαιος €ίμι ποιύσβαι.
60 *>4 μ\ν οΰν προ του πολιτβύ^σθαι και δημηγορζΐν €μ€
προϋλαββ και κατίσχζ Φίλιππος, βάσω- ούδβν γαρ
ηγούμαι τούτων αϊναι προς ίμί' α δ αφ ης ήμίρας βπι
ταΰτα ίπίστην βγω και δίζκωλύθη, ταύτα άναμνήσω και 15
τούτων ύφβξω λόγον, τ^ρϋτο]^^υπζΐπων. πλεονέκτημα
ω άνδρες * Αθηναίοι μέγα υπήρξε Φιλίππω. πάρα γαρ
β1 τοις " Ελλησιν, ου τισιν αλλ' άπασιν ομοίως^ φοράν προ-
δοτών καΐ δωροδόκων και θβοΐς βγθρών ανθρώπων συνέβη
γενέσθαι τοσαύτην, οσην ουδείς πω πρότερον μίμνηται 2ο
γζγονυιαν ους συναγωνιστας και συνεργούς λαβών και
πρότερον κακώς τους" Ελληνας εχ^οντας προς εαυτούς και
στασιαστικώς ετι γεΐρον διεθηκε, τους μεν εξαπατών,
τοις δε διδούς, τους δε πάντα τρόπον διαφθείρων, και
ι διεστησεν εις μέρη πολλά ενός του συμφέροντος άπασιν 25
2. Ιπ' αυτά, § 9• 1ί by Simcox: 'make the indictment a'"
59. 3. άτταρτ^ν is literally ' tn ^"i> " Μ mere peg to hang my speech on.' ^J f I
pendjrom/ It is hard to derive from ^ 5. τό, § 2 note. j M^»
thir serise of attaching the sense of 8. eCra, 'besides,' § 22.
detaching, which is the usual inter- καΐ ττολλών must be taken to-
pretalion here. Probably the mean- gether, * quite a large number.'
ing is 'make my speech hang but 9. ras Έλληνικάβ -irpolcis = the
loosely on the indictment.' An inge- transactions of Athens with other
nious translation, which is rather dif- Hellenic states,
ferent and requires support, is given 60. 13. ιτρούλαββ, § 26.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 47
straightforwardly : and so I will proceed at once to my a ctions.
And let no one suppose that I am loosening my speech from 59
the indictment, if I dip into inter- Hellenic negotiations and f- .
discussions : for the man who attacks in the bill the statement that'
I ' say and do what is best/ and has indicted this as untrue, he
it is who has made the discussion of all my public acts germane
and necessary to the indictment. More than this, when there
were very many departments of political life open to me, that
which I chose concerned our inter- Hellenic transactions : conse-
quently I am justified in drawing thence my demonstrations also.
The positions, therefore, which Philip took and secured 60
before I began public life and oratory I will say nothing about :
for I take it that none of these things concerns me. But the
actual checks he received, from the day on which I addressed
myself to these cares, I will remind you of, and will render an -_
account of them. But I must first p remise thus much j that
Philip^ men of Athens, had a great advantage to begin with.
For in the Hellenic communities, not here and there, but every- 61
where alike, it be fell that a crop of traitors and takers of bribes
and a nosiat es had started up so e normnns^ ?s n^ one remem-
b ered to h ave ever before arisen. Having got these to work
and strive with him, he brought the Hellenes, already ill-dis-
posed to one another and ripe for faction, into still worse re-
lations, by cheating some, and giving gold to others, and cor-
rupting yet others in every fashion : and so he split them into
many parties, though the interest of all was one, namely, to
ούδ€ν . . irpos ψί, § 44• Demosthenes in a bad sense ; * an
15. ταΰτα, i.e. πολιτ^ύ^σθαι και ^ημη- undue advantage favoured Philip.'
^piiv. 17. For ύιτάρχ€ΐν see Index.
καΐ δΐ€κωλύθη. Dind. omits «αί, 61. 1 8. φοράν, § 271, Aeschines,
hich, if retained, will mark the con- § 234.
trast between the 'actual checks Philip For ττροδοτων cf. § 295.
received and his previous unbroken 21. καΐ ττρότερον, i.e. 'even before
advance. his interference.'
16. •ΐΓλ€ον€κτημα is always used by 22. irpos Ιαυτοΰβ, § 19.
48 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§62-65.
^2 ovTOS, κωλνβίν kKUvov μ^γαν yiyveaOaL. kv τοιαύττ) Se
καταστάσ€ί καΐ €tl ayvoia τον συνιστάμενου καΐ φνρο-
μίνου κακοϋ των απάντων Ελλήνων όντων 8ei σκοπβΐν
υμάς, avSpes 'Αθηναίοι, τι προσήκον ην Ιλίσθαί πράτ-
T€Lv καΐ ποί€Ϊν την πάλιν, καΐ τούτων λόγον παρ' ίμοΰ ζ
λαβείν 6 yap ίνταΰθα βαυτον τάξας της πολιτείας είμΙ
63 eyώ. ποτερον- αύτην ^γ^ρην, Αίσ\ίνη^ το φρόνημα
άψεΐσαν καΐ την άξίαν την αύτη? εν τβ θετταλών και
Δολόπων τάξει σvyκaτaκτdσθaι Φιλίππω την των' Ελ-
λήνων άρχ^ην καΐ τα των προγόνων καλά και 8ικαια ίο
άναφεΐν; ή τοΰτο μεν μ^ ποιεΐν, δεινον yap ως αληθώς, ά
δ* εώρα συμβησόμενα, ει μηδεις κωλύσει, και προτ]σθά-
νεθ', ως εοικεν, εκ πολλού, ταύτα περιιδεΐν yιyv6μεva;
64: άλλα νυν εyωyε τον μάλιστα επιτιμωνχα τοΐς πεπpay-
{/U'l'*'^ ι^ιενοις ήδεως αν εροίμην, της^ποίας^μερίδος γενέσθαι την 15
hp^^^^r τΓολιν εβούλετ αν, ποτερον της συναιτίας των συμβεβη-
κότων τοΐς'Έλλησι κακών και αίσγ^ρών, ής αν θεττα-
λούς και τους μετά τούτων εΧποι τις, ή της περιεωρακυίας
ταύτα γιγνόμενα επι τη της ιδίας πλεονεξίας ελπίδι, ής
άν 'Αρκάδας και Μεσσηνίους και Άργείους θείημεν. 2ο
65 άλλα καΐ τούτων πολλοί, μάλλον δε πάντες, γεΐρον ημών
ί άπηλλάχασιν. και yap ει μεν ως εκράτησε Φίλιππος
' ψχετ' ευθέως άπιων και μετά ταϋτ ήγεν ήσυγ^αν, μήτε
των αύτοϋ συμμάχων μήτε τών άλλων' Ελλήνων μηδέν α
μηδέν λυπήσας^τϊν^ άν τις κατά τών εναντιωθεντων οΐς 25
^-""'Α'
62. 2. in may be used here of (irpaTTeiv) and special actions (iroifiv).
time — 'still in ignorance;' but more 6. «νταΰθα must be taken with τψ
probably is logically cumulative — πολιτβί'α^, ' ic this quarter of the poli-
* yet worse, in ignorance.' tical field.'
ψυρομένου. Dind. has φυομ€νου, 63. 8. Θ€τταλων, § 43. The
cf. § 19, Thessalians had before, with the Do-
4. irpaTTCiv καΐ iroictv, Fals. Leg. lopians. been traitors to Greece, at the
§ 117. p. 373. The distinciion seems time of Xerxes' invasion,
here to be between continuous policy 1 3. ώ» louccv, ' as was apparent,' not
»
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 49
prevent his growth. Thus, when all the Hellenes were in this 62
condition, and in ignorance, too, of the mischief that was
gathering and fermenting against them, you must inquire, men
of Athens, what the city ought to have chosen as, her conduct
and measures, and demand an account of these from me:
for I am the man who planted himself at this political post.
Which should she have done, Aeschines ? Cast off her 63
proper spirit and dignity, and in Thessalian or Dolopian
_ran]is. helped Philip to acquire dominion over the Hellenes,
and so cancelled the honourable and just precedents of your
ancestors? or, while not doing this — for it would indeed
have been terrible, — yet ought she to have connived at the
occurrence of what she saw would come about, if no one
should interpose, and divined, as we see, far in the future ? 64
But even in the light of the present I should like to ask the
s everest critic of the transactions, to what sort of party he would
have wished our city to belong, whether to that which helped
in causing the disasters and dishonours that have befallen the
Hellenes — to which one would say the Thessalians and their
sympathisers belonged — or to that other side which idly watched
these things occur under the hope of private aggrandisement —
on which we should place the Arcadians and Messenians and
Argives ? Yet many even of these, or rather all, have come off 65
worse than we have. For in fact, if, on the one hand, Philip
had immediately departed and disappeared after his victory,
and had kept quiet ever after, without having injured any
of his own allies or of the other Hellenes in any respect, then
there might be some ground of reproach and accusation against
' as it were.' 25. Before ήν most MSS. give 'όμως,
64, 14• άλλα νυν. An ellipse must and some have ού« before Ικαι/τίω^^μ-
be supplied : ' But, wiLlwuL-.piitting. των. There seems little doubt that
ourselves in the past, with our present both should be read, with Dissen, for
experience {yvv) I, as I stand (έγωγε), the sense thus obtained is thoroughly
s houl d like to ask,' etc. accordant with Demosthenes' life and
65. 21. αλλά. •Ι should answer policy: 'even if Philip had gone clean
that many even of these,' etc. For away after his victory . . still there
αλλά in question and answer cf. § 24. would have been reason to blame
22. €1 . . ήγεν. See § 30 note. those who did not resist his invasion '
50
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ
§§ 65-68.
€wpaTT€u eKeiPO? μίμψι? καΙ κατηγορία' e/ 5e ομοίως
απάντων το αξίωμα, την ήγβμονίαν, την kXevOepiav
π€ρί€ίλ€Τ0, μάλλον Se και τα? πολίΤ€ία9, όσων ήδννατο,
πώί ονχ απάντων ενδοξότατα νμξΐς ίβονλζύσασθζ €μοί
π€ίσΘ€ντ€9 ; 5
β Άλλ' €K€L<r€ επαν^ργομαι. τί την πολιν, Αίσγίνη,
προσήκζ ποιβΐν άρ^ην καΐ τυραννίδα των ^Ελλήνων
όρωσαν ίαντω κατασκ€ναζ6μζνον Φίλιππον ; ή τί τον
(τνμβο νλον eiei Xeycij/ η ypa(j)uv, τον Άθήνησι (/cai
V ^yap τοντο πλείστον διαφβρβή, bs σνντίδβίν μ\ν ίκ παντός ίο
τον γ^ρονου μ^χρι της ήμίρας, αφ* ης αντος βπΐ το βήμα
άν^βην, άύ π€ρί πρωτείων καΐ τιμής καΐ δόξης άγωνί-
ζομύνην την πατρίδα, και πλζίω καΐ γ^ρήματα και σώ-
ματα άνηλωκνΐαν ύπ€ρ φιλοτιμίας καΐ των πασι συμφε-
ρόντων ή των άλλων * Ελλήνων ύπβρ αυτών άνηλώκασιν 15
67 Εκαστοι, έώρων δ' αύτον τον Φίλιππον, προς ον,ην ήμΐν
ό nyriii/^ ^ι^^Ιρ ^ΓΧν^ '^^^ δυναστείας τ ον οφθαλμρ ν '^
€ΚΚ€Κομμ€νον, την κλΕίν κατ€αγότα, την χ^ΐρα, το σκάλος
πβπηρωμύνον, πάν ο τι βουληθβίη μβρος ή τύχη του σώ-
ματος παρζλύσθαι, τοϋτο προϊβμβνον, ώστ€ τω λοιπω ίο
ββμ^τά τιμής και δόξης ζήν ; καΐ μην ούδΐ τοϋτό ye
ούδβις άν €ΐπ€Ϊν τολμήσαι, ως τω μβν kv Πβλλτ] τρα-
φίντι, χωρίω άδόξω τότ€ ye οντι και μικρω, τοσαύτην
μ^γαλοψυχίαν προσήκον ^γγζνύσθαι, ώστ€ τής των
* Ελλήνων αρχής ίπιθνμήσαι καΐ τοϋτ €ΐς τον νουν βμ- 25
[i.e. the Arcadians, Messenians, and
Argives, as mentioned above], 'but,
after what he has actually done, etc'
The reading of the text (which is also
that of Dind.) virtually contradicts
§§ 63, 69-72, and is tantamount to
an admission by Demosthenes that
his policy, down to the battle of
Chaeronea, was conceivably mistaken ;
an admission which is made by him
on no other occasion, and wordd be
madness now.
ββ. 6. cKctae, § 64.
9. τον Άθήνηοη. Dind. has rov
Άθηνησιν ΙμΙ. The pronoun is em-
phatic and indispensable, the sense
being, * What ought the city to have
done! What ought / to have ad-
vised Ί'' (μέ is necessary also to intro-
duce the coming relative clauses which
CO ι I-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 51
those who thwarted his actions. But if, as we know, he stripped
from all alike their prestige, their preeminence, their freedom,
or rather their political existence, in as many cases as he could,
must you not have taken the most glorious of all resolutions
when you listened to me ?
But I go back again to my old point. Wh at, Aesch ines, 66
ought t he city jn havp r^πη^_wl•Ίf^n she saw Philip building for
himsel f a dominion or rath er a despotism over th e Hellenes ?
Or what was her jninister required to say or propose, as a
minister at Athens — for undoubtedly the place makes a world
of difference — when I was conscious, on the one hand, that my
country, from the beginning of time down to the day on which
I myself first mounted the platform, had always struggled for
primacy and honour and glory, and had spent more treasure
and more blood in pursuit of a noble ambition^nd of the in-
terests of all than each community of the other Hellenes has
spent on its own behalf ; and when, on the other hand, I saw 67
that Philip himself, our antagonist, i n the (juest of supremacy
and unbridled power, had endured the excision of one eye, the
fracture of his collar-bone, the mutilation of one hand and.^one leg,
and was ready to sacrifice any portion of his body which fortune
might choose to rob him of, if only with the relics he might live
in honour and glory ? Nobody, I am sure, would venture to say 68
as much as this, that the man who had been bred in Pella, a spot
which at that time at any rate was unknown to fame and insigni-
ficant, should have had born within him magnanimity enough to
aspire to rule the Hellenes and to write that purpose on his
are in the first person: nor does its 67. 19. irav, § 5.
insertion at all disjoint the connection 20. Before ττροϊίμ,ίνον Dissen re-
between Άθήνησιν and the following tains ραδίω9 καΙ €τοίμω5, found in most
parenthesis. MSS.
καΐ γαρ τούτο κ.τ.Χ., 'for un- 68. 21. καΐ μήν ουδέ τοΰτο. 'And
doubtedly this (i, e. the fact that I was we may be sure that no one will dare
at Athens) makes a world of dif- to say this either,'' i. e. just as no one
ference.' would say that we should have sided
1 1 . άφ' ήβ, ' on which for the first with the Thessalians or Arcadians,
time :' compare the use of άττό with §§ 64, 65. καχ μην ovSe § 76.
άρχομαι and verbs of similar meaning.
Ε 2
-i
52 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ 68-71.
I βαλύσθαί, ύμΐν δ* ονσιν 'Αθηναίοι^ και κατά την ήμ^-
ραν Ικάστην kv πάσι και λόγοι? και θ^ωρήμασι της των
προγόνων άρζτής υπόμνημα θβωρονσι τοσαντην κακίαν
ύπάρξαι, ώστ€ της eXeu^epiay αυτεπαγγέλτους ίθβλοντας
παραγωρησαι Φιλιππω. ονδ'' αν eh ταΰτα φήσειεν. ^
β^λοιπον τοίνυν ην καΐ άναγκαΐον άμα πάσιν oh ίκβΐνος
€πραττ€ν άδικων υμάς ζναντιοϋσθαι δικαίως, τοϋτ
ζποΐ€Ϊτ€ μ\ν ύμ€Ϊς ίξ οίρχης, είκότως και προσηκόντως,
ίγραφον δβ και σννφούλευον και eyo) καθ ους βπο-
λιτευόμην χρόνους, ομολογώ, άλλα τι εχ^ρην pe ποιύν ; ίο
ηδη γαρ σ ίρωτω, πάντα τάλλ a<j)eh, Αμφίπολιν,
ΊΟΠύδναν, Ποτίδαιαν, Άλόννησον ούδενος τούτων μί-
μνημαΐ' Σβρριον δΙ και Δορισκον και την Πβπαρήθου
πόρθησιν καΐ 6σ άλλα η πόλις ήδιΚ€Ϊτο, ούδ* €ΐ γβγονβν
οΊδα. καίτοι συ γ' εψησθά pe ταΰτα λέγοντα eh 15
ίγθραν ίμβαλξΐν τουτουσί, Εύβούλου καΐ Άριστοφωντος
και Διοπβίθους των περί τούτων ψηφισμάτων όντων, ουκ
1 ψων, ω λύγων ευχερώς ο τι αν βουληθης. ούδε νυν
περί τούτων ερω. αλλ* ο την Εύβοιαν εκείνος σφετερι-
ζόμενος και κατασκευάζων επιτείχισμα επι την Αττι- 2ο
κήν, και Μεγάροις επιχειρών, και καταλαμβάνων* Ωρεόν,
Ι. κατά την ήμφαν ίκάστην. τώμ 'EXXi^i'iwv άρχ^ί above, and agrees
As καθ' ημίραν, or more fully κά^ with § 66, where Athens not only
ήμέραν (κάστην, signifies 'day by day,' fights for herself, but is the champion
* daily,' but κατά τ^ν ήμίραν, ' through- of Hellas,
out the day,' here we have both 69. 6. λοιιτόν, § 23.
constructions combined, ' throughout 70. 14. ούδ' «l γ€γονίν οΓδα, lit. ' I
every day.' do not even know if they have existed,'
2. θβωρήμασι can hardly mean = ' I ignore them.'
•dramas' (Kennedy), which were not 71. 18. ούδβ νυν, 'now, as then, I
to be witnessed every day, nor, if they do not speak about these.'
were, did they always deal with Athe- 19. δ .. ckcivos σψ(τ€ριζόμ€νο$. The
nian heroes. More probably θίώρημα fKCivos should have followed the par-
is used (• as a grander form of θίαμα,' ticiple or preceded the article, accord-
Dissen) for any 'sight ' or * spectacle' ing to the general rule which requires
in the widest sense. the attributive participle to stand 6e-
4. Before cXcvOcpias Dind. has των tween the article and the subject : as
'Έ,ΚΚηνων, which corresponds to t^s § 308 roiis kv tois δημοσίοι$ μνήμασι
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 53
heart, while in you, though Athenians, though daily and all day
long, in every speech and spectacle, seeing something to
quicken the memory of your fathers' valour, should have been
engendered such baseness as at your own invitation and volun-
tarily to retire from your freedom before the approach of
Philip. No one living would say this. It therefore jie mained. 69
and w as compulsory too, that you should offer a r ight resist-
ance to all his wrong doi ng. You did so from the beginning,
reasonably and properly ; and I also made proposals and ad-
vised you to this effect throughout all the periods during which
I took part in politics. I own it. But what should I have
tried to do .? For I put the question to you at once, Aeschines,
dismis sing everything else, Amphipolis, Pydna, Potidaea, Halon- .
nesus — ^I recoll ect none of these. Serrium and Dorisc us and 70
the rav aging of Peparethus, and all the other wrongs th e city ^
gnffprpfj^ ar^ ^ blank tn me And yet you, we remember,
asserted that by speaking of these I hurled my countrymen into
hostilities, although the decrees concerning these matters came
from Eubulus and Aristophon and Diopithes, not from me, you
glib speaker of whatever slander you please. Now, as before, 71
I will say nothing about them. But I ask you whether Philip,
who was appropriating Euboea and preparing a post of offence
against Attica, and laying hands on Megara, and surprising
Κ€ΐμίνον9 ayaOovs dvSpas, § 241 των (Κ μένη : so Thuc. i. 90 ttjv h τον Μη-
TTJs Εύβοίαί δρμωμίνων Χτιστών, § 238 hiKov ττόλίμον τόλμαν ^^νομίνην for
των υτιΐρ. των Ελλήνων €Κ(Ίνων ά-γωνι- την . . Ύ^νομίνην τόλμαν. Demosthenes
σαμάνων τριηρών. The last example affords many examples of this idiom :
is apparently parallel to the present in this speech we have, § 98, τήν τότ€
passage, but not really so ; for €Κ€ίνων Θη βaίoιs ρω α η^ν και δόζαν ^ό.ρχο}^αΚί.
does not there stand for the subject, § T26 Std τα? ύττο τούτου β λασφ ημίαί^
as eKcivos does here, but is the demon- (Ιρημ^ναζ, §Τόΐ tovs els την πυλιν άν-
strative adjective. The rule however '~θρώπόϋξ άφικνονμίνονί, § 293 τ0 κατά
isvery frequently, indeed idiomatically, των ΈλΧήνων άρχί? ττραττομίντι, § 314
violated. Where an attributive par- την npos tovs τ€Τ€λ€ντηκότα9 evvoiav
ticiple is attended by an object or an υττάρχουσαν, and perhaps § 82 of παρά
adverbial expression, the subject (sub- του Κλατάρχου και του Φιλιστίδου τότ€
stantive generally, or pronoun, as here) irpia^us Sedp' άψικνούμ^νοι, § 72 τήν
is not logically waited for, but is in- Μυσών λ^ίαν κάλου μίνην, § 1 33 '''Ώ^
serted before the participle. Thus the ύμίτέραν ayvoiav kv ου δίοντι συμβφη-
normal ή kv Μαραθώνι Ύ^νομίνη μάχη κυΐαν. Cf. κοινήν % 2'Ji.
is found 2LS η kv 'Μαραθώνι μάχη yevo-
i^
54 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§71-73.
καΐ κατασκάπτων Πορθμόν, και καθιστάς kv μ\ν Ώρ^ω
Φιλιστίδηι/ τνραννον kv δ 'Eperpia Κλ^ίταρ^ον, και
τον * Ελλήσποντορ νφ' ίαντω ποιούμενος, και Βυζάντιον
πολιορκών, και noXeis^ Ελληνίδας ας μ\ν άναιρων, εις ας
δβ τους φυγάδας κατάγων, πότβρον ταντα πάντα ποιων 5
ήδίκ€ΐ και παρεσπόνδζΐ και eXue την €ίρήνην η ου ; και
πότζρον φανηναί τίνα των Ελλήνων τον ταντα κωλύ-
72 σοντα ποιύν αύτον ^γ^ρην η μη ; €ί μ\ν yap μή ίχρήν,
άλλα την Μνσών λείαν κάλου μίνην την 'Ελλάδα ουσαν
όφθηναι ζώντων και όντων ^Αθηναίων, πβριείργασμαι ίο
μ€ν €γώ π€ρι τούτων €ΐπών, πεβίείργασται δ* ή πόλις ή
πβισθεΐσα ίμοί, ίστω δβ αδικήματα πάντα α πεπρακται
και αμαρτήματα €μά. d δΐ ίδβι τινά τούτων κωλυτην
φανήναι, τίνα άλλον ή τον 'Αθηναίων δήμον προσήκ€ γε-
νέσθαι ; ταΰτα τοίνυν επολιτευόμην εγώ, και όρων κατά- 15
δουλούμενον πάντας ανθρώπους εκείνον ήναντιούμην,
και προλεγων και διδάσκων μη προΐεσθαι διετελουν.
73 Και μην την είρήνην γ εκείνος έλυσε τα πλοία λα-
βών, ούχ η πόλις, Αίσγίνη. Φέρε δε αυτά τα ψηφίσ- 2ο
ματα και την επιστολήν την του Φιλίππου, και λέγε
εφεξής' άπο γαρ τούτων, τις τίνος αίτιος εστί, γενήσεται
φανερον,
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. [ΈττΙ άρχοντος 'Νεοκλεονς, μηνός βοη-
bρoμLώvos, εκκλησία σύγκλητος νττο στρατηγών, Ενβονλος 25
4- &S μίν . . €18 &S 81. The old de- 6. ή οΰ ; sc. eKvafv, • or dtd he not
monstrative c;s remains in Attic in a riolate the peace?'
few phrases only, 6y kojL 6s, ^ δ' 6s, και 8. ή μή ; sc. φανηναι, * or ought a
ts €?irf : but with μίν and δέ the forms Hellene to have refrained from rising
o, του, τψ, etc. are invariably found. «/ to prevent him ? '
Hence we should probably read here 72. 9. Μυσων Xciav, * an unresisting
ras μ^ν . .ras δ€. See on §§ 164, 1 82. prey.' The proverbial expression is
5. κατάγων. The reinstatement of said to have arisen from the tradition
political exiles meant revolution, or at that Mysia, while its king Telephus
least the renewal of στάσΐί, of which and its warriors were away at Troy,
Thucydides paints such a terrible pic- suffered from marauders whom it had
ture iii 82 sqq. no power to repel. Cf. § 7^•
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 55
Oreus, and razing Porthmus to the ground, and setting up
Philistides as despot in Oreus and Clitarchus in Eretria, and
bringing the Hellespont into his own control, and besieging ^"^^"^ vj
Byzantium, and destroying some Hellenic cities and reinstating ^ji/^v^'-^'lA^ '
in others their rebels, iiy^ doing all this acted un justly and
viol ated the truce and proke the peace^ ordid not? «.And
wh ether ought some Helle ne t o haV^ gfnnrl fnrtl•) tn pr ^vp nt
him d oing these things, nr tn have- re^hck\ri^AJi. — For >if we 72
ought not to have stood forth, if Hellas ought to have been
exhibited as the Mysian prey of the proverb while Athenians
lived and breathed, then I first have exceeded my duty in
speaking about these questions, and the state also, which took
my advice, has exceeded her duty ; and let all that has been
done be crimes or blunders of mine. But if it was necessary
that some one should stand forth to interpose, who else
should it have been but the Athenian people ? Such, therefore,
was my policy, and when I saw Philip enslaving all the world
I withstood him, and constantly warned and taught you not to
surrender.
Undoubtedly it was Philip who broke the peace by the capture 73
of our vessels, — it was not Athens, Aeschines. [7b the clerk ^
Simply bring the decrees and the letter of Philip, and read
them one after the other : for from these it will be made ap-
parent to whom and for what responsibility attaches.
DECREE.
In the archonship of Neocles, during the month Bo'edromion, at
an extraordinary assembly called together by the generals, Eubulus,
1 2 . πάντα ά ιτΙττρακται is subject, adi- The word μεμψιμοιρεί properly means
κήματα και αμαρτήματα €μά predicate. to ' complain of one's fate,' and is not
17. Before ιτροΐίσθαι Dind, has found till Lucian and Polybius : in the
ταΰτα Φιλίιτττψ. general sense of ' blaming ' it only occurs
73. 19. Aeschines, c. Ct. § 83. once in the latter. The signification
20. αυτά, § 120 note. of Ιδία is doubtful : if it means 'on
24. ψήφισμα. The name of the his sole responsibility,' it has little
archon is incorrect, the day of the force as applied to the autocrat Philip ;
month is wanting, and the deme of if it means ' wilfully ' (Kennedy), it is
Eubulus was Anaphlystus, not Coprus. ατταξ Κε-^όμενον. The constructions
56 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§73-75.
'Μ.νησιθΙον KoTTpLOS etirev, βττειδτ) ττροσηγγαλαν οί στρα-
τηγοί iv ΤΎ] €κκλησία ώϊ αρα A€ωbάμavτa τον ναναργον
καΧ τα μ€τ αυτοΰ αττοσταλίντα σκάφη είκοσι Ιτά την του
σίτου τταραττομττην etj *Ελλησ7τοντον δ τταρά Φιλίτητου
στρατηγο$ ^ Αμύντας κατα-γηογ^ν ets Μακβδονιαι; καΧ kv 5
φυλακή €χ€ΐ, €τημ€ληθηναι του? ττρυτάνβίζ καΐ τους στρα-
τηγούς οττως η βουΧη συναχθωσυ καΐ αιρ^θωσι 7rpeV/3ets
74 Trpos ΦίΚΐΈττον^ ot ΐϊαραγ€νόμ€νοι ^ιαλ^ξονται irpos αυτόν
ΤΓ€ρΙ του άφζθηναι τον ναύαργον καΧ τα ττλοια καΧ τους
στρατίώτας. και el μ€ν δι' αγνοίαν ταϋτα ττ^ττοίηκξν 6 ίο
*Αμύντα9, δτι ου μ€μψίμοίρ€ΐ δ bήμos oibiv et δε rt
7τλημμ€λοϋντα τιάρα τα ζττ^στοΧμίνα λαβών, ort €τησκ€-
■ψάμ€νοί ^Αθηναίοι Ιτϊΐτιμησουσι κατά την της ολιγωρίας
άξίαν. et δ€ μηbiτ€pov τούτων €στίν, αλλ' ίδια άγνω-
μονουσιν η δ άττοστ^ίλας η δ ατι^σταλμίνος, καΧ λίγ^ιν, ι δ
Χνα αΙσθανόμ€νος δ 6ημος βουλξνσηται τι δει Trotetz;.]
75 Τοντο μ\ν τοίνυν το "ψήφισμα Ενβονλο^ €γραψ€ΐ/,
ουκ βγω, το 8* ίφζξη^ Άριστοφών, ζΐθ' ^ Ηγήσίππο9, eiT
Άριστοφών πάλιν, βΐτα Φίλοκράτης, ζΐτα Κηφισοφων,
βΐτα πάντ€9' eyob 5' ovSev nepl τούτων. /I eye. 20
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ. [ΈττΙ Ν€θκλ€ους άρχοντος, βοηδρο-
μιώνος ίντι καΧ via, βουλής γνώμτ], ττρυτάν^ις καΧ στρατη-
γοΧ €χρημάτίσαν τα ςκ της εκκλησίας άν€ν€γκόντ€ς, δη
iboξ€ τω bημω ττρίσβ^ις ζλίσθαι ττρδς Φίλιτητον irepX της
των ττλοίων άνακομώης κα\ (ντολας bodvai κατά τα €κ της 25
εκκλησίας ψηφίσματα, καΧ ύλοντο τούσ^€, Κηφισο-
are awkward : before on something bassadors. Some MSS. have yf>aipai
like ΐροΰσιν must be supplied from λ^7(ίί', which Kennedy makes depend
δια\€ζονται ; with ιτλημμίΚουντα we on eintv, and construes * to insert an
must xmderstand Α(ωδάμαντα rbv ναύ- order in the decree for the ambassa-
αρχον, and Ktyciv (τούτο Kiyuv Dind.) dors to state.' Although Ύράψαι is
seems utterly without syntax. Strictly omitted in most MSS. it is retained by
the infinitive should be parallel to Dissen, who ejects Xiytiv, and renders
I (ΐτιμ^Κηθήναι, ' that the prytanies and καΐ τοΰτο -γράψαι ut rescribant \le^ti\
! generals should also state the fact,' etiam hoc ad populum.
whereas the context requires that the 7. συναχθώσχ. For the plural see
I subject of the verb should be the am- u\ovto § 75. Dind. has συναχθ^, and
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 57
son of Mnesiiheus, of the deme Coprus, moved ihat, Whereas
the generals made a report in the assembly, to wit, that Leo-
damas the naval commander and the twenty ships despatched
with him to the Hellespont for the convoy of the corn have by
Philips admiral, Amyntas, been taken into harbour to Macedonia
and are kept under arrest, the prytanes and the generals shall
take care that the council hold a meeting and choose deputies to go
to Philip, which deputies shall obtaifi an audience and shall conifer 74
with him for the release of our commander and the ships and the
crews. And if, on the one hand, Amyntas has committed these
acts in ignorance^ they shall say that the people of the Athenians is
in no way censorious ; but if he did so because he had found the
Athenian admiral in any way exceeding his instructions, they shall
say that the Athenians after investigation will punish him according
to the gravity of his misdemeanour. But if neither of these is the case,
and either he who gave the commission or he who bore the commis-
sion wilfully offends, then they shall report the same also, in order that
the people on receiving information may deliberate what to do,
This_decree thpn^wag prnpn^pd hy Euhnhis , not by me, and 75
the ne)c t by Aristoph on, the next by Hegesippus, the nex t by
Aristo phon ap;ain, the next by.P hilnrrRfps the next by Cephi-
sophon, th e rest by anybody ; but I h ad nothing to do with
these matters. [7 b the clerk.] Please read.
DECREES.
In the archonship of Neocles^ on the last day of Boedromion, by
resolution of the council, the prytanes aud generals opened business
by reporting the proceedings in the assembly, viz. that it seemed
good to the people that the council should choose deputies to go to
Philip to effect the recovery of the ships, and that the council
should instruct them according to the decrees received from the
assembly. And they chose the following, Cephisophon, son of
also reads oi nvcs before irapayevo- the archon is wrong (as § 73), and
μ(νοι, αύτω after οΰδίν. Aristophon, though of the deme Co-
74. II. oTi, § 185. lyttus, and therefore of the tribe
75. 20. πάντ65. See on § 5. Dind. Aegeis, is made πρόίδρο^ during the
adds 01 άλλοι. prytanyship of the tribe Hippothoon-
21, ψηφίσματα. Only one ψήφισμα tis. Se e, howev e r. Ind e x, s. v. βο ν^,
is here given, although Demosthenes, f^r^- vrpne^pg i wVin w e re not 7r/?r'7-f^i"ffT
§ 76, seems to imply that more have 24. (λεσθαι, sc r-fjv βουλήν, cf. § 73.
been read. In this (which is, by the 26. €Ϊλοντο, for plural after ^βουλή cf.
way, not a decree at all, but merely § 73 σνναχθωσι.
minutes of proceedings at the βουλή)
58 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§75-78.
φωντα Κλέωνος ^Αναφλύστίον, Αημόκρίτον Αημοφωντοξ
^ Αναγνράσιον, Ώολνκριτον Άττημάντον Κοθωκίδην. ττρν-
raveia φνληί *l^nΓoθoωvτίbos, Άριστοφών Κολνττ€νς
TTpoebpos eiTrei^.]
76 " Ωσπ^ρ τοίνυν kyoo ταντα δεικνύω τα ψηφίσματα, 5
οντω σν δβΐξον, ΑΙσγίνη, οποίον ίγω γράψα^ ψήφισμα
aLTLOS €£//ί τον πολίμον. αλλ' ουκ αν Ιχοίί* €ί γαρ
€Ϊχ€9, ονδβν άν αντον πρ6τ€ρον νννϊ παρίσγρν. καΙ
μην ov8* ό Φίλιππος ovSev αιτιάται e/ze νπβρ τον πολβ-
μον, έτξροΐ9 €γ καλών, Α eye δ* αύτην την ίπιστολην ίο
την τον Φιλίππον.
77 ΕΠΙΣΤΟΛΗ ΦΙΛΙΠΠΟΤ. [Βασιλβυ? Maκ€b6vωv Φί-
λιτΓΤΓΟ? ^Αθηναίων ttj βονλτ} καΐ τω ^ήμω γαίρ^ιν. τταρα-
γ€νόμ€νοι irpos Ijote οΐ τταρ* νμων 7Γρ€σβ€νταί, Κηφισοφων
καΙ Αημόκριτοί καΐ ΤΙολνκριτος, bL€k€YOVTo Trepl ttjs των 1 5
τΐλοίων άφ4σ€ως &ν kvavapyjei Ααομί^ων. καβ* όλον μ€ν
ουν €μοιγ€ φαίν€σΘ€ kv μ€γάλΎ} ^νηθεία Ισβσ^αι, et y
οΪ€σΘ^ Ijote λανΘάν€ίν οτι €ξα'π€στάλη ταντα τα ττλοϊα
ττρόφασιν μ€ν ώί τον σΐτον τταραττ^μψοντα €κ τον Έλλτ/σ-
τΐόντον eh Αημνον, βοηθήσοντα δε Σηλνμβριανοΐί rots 20
ν'π €μον μ€ν ττολωρκονμζνοις, ον σνμ7Γ€ρΐ€ΐλημμ€νοις δε
78 €v rati της φιλίας KOivfj κ€ΐμίναις ημϊν σννθήκαίξ. και
ταντα σνν^τάχθη τω νανάργω av€V μ€ν τον bήμov τον
'Αθηναίων, νττο bi τίνων αρχόντων καϊ €Τ€ρων lbLωτωv
μ€ν ννν όντων, L• iravTos δε τρόττον βονλομίνων τον 25
bημov αντΧ της νυν ντταργονσης irpos ε/χέ φιλίας τον ττόλί-
μον αναλαβύν, τϊολλω μάλλον φιλοτιμονμίνων τοντο
σνντ€Τ€λ4σθαι τι τοις Σηλνμβριανοϊς βοηθησαι, καϊ νττο-
λαμβάνονσιν avTOis το τοιοντο πρόσοδοι; ίσ€σθαι' ου
7β. 6. δίΓοίον. Dind. has νοΐον. XT. δ Ζ^χ/ςδ'ήμΐνφίρί,ιτρ^ίτηίΤψ,
Cf. ποΊαί § 284. This use of iroios ου\ύμπιθ9 ον Ofos iartv ;
(ότΓοΓο?) for Tts, to imply incredulity 2Ω. irotos Ztvs ; ού μή Κηρήσ(ΐ$; ούδ'
or contempt, is common in Aristo- ΐστι ZciJr.
phanes : cf. Clouds, 366 —
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
59
Ckon, of the deme Anaphlystus, Democrttus, son of Demophon^ of
the deme Anagyrus, Polycritus, son of Apemantus, of the deme
Cothocis. In the pry tany ship of the tribe Hippothoontis, Aristo-
phon of the deme Colyttus, as one of the presidents, made the ?noiion.
In the same way, accordingly, as I exhibit these decrees, I 76
call upon you also, Aeschines, to show what semblance of a de-
cree I proposed and made myself responsible for the war. But
you will not be able : for, were you able, there is nothing which
you would have sooner produced in your recent speech. Still
further, not Philip himself cast any charge on me with respect
to the war, even while blaming others. \_To the clerki\ Simply
read Philip's letter.
LETTER OF PHILIP.
Philip, king of the Macedonians, to the council and the commons 77
of the Athenians, greeting. Your ambassadors, Cephisophon and
Democritus and Polycritus, having come into my presence, conferred
with me for the release of the vessels of which Laomedon was com-
mander. Absolutely speaking, you seem to me to be likely to labour
under great simplicity, if you fancy that it escapes my notice that
these vessels had been despatched ostensibly to convey the corn from
the Hellespont to Lemnus, but in reality to help the people of Selym-
bria, who at that time were besieged by me, and on the other hand
had not been comprehended in the covenants of friendship mutually
established between us. And these were additional instructions IS
given to the commander, without the knowledge of the Athenian
people, by certain magistrates and others, now indeed out of office,
but in every way wishful that the people, in place of the friendship
now subsisting towards me, should again take up the war, being
far more ambitious that this should be accomplished than to give
aid to the Selymbrians. And they conceive that such an event will
be a source of revenue to themselves : nevertheless it does not seem
7. €1 γαρ €Ϊχ£8 . . Ίταρέσχου. See (Dind. corrects to Λβωδά/ζα?), which
§ 30 note. disagrees with § 73 ; npeaPevrai for
10. αυτήν, § 120 note. πρίσβ^ΐί, and φαίν€σθ€ ίσ^σθαι are
77. 12. ΈτΓίστολή Φ^λί1r'π•oυ. The not good Greek, though perhaps they
siege of Selymbria is nowhere else might be good Macedonian.
mentioned ; the MSS. read \αομί^ν 78. 29. ττρόσοδον, ' a source of re-
6ο ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§78-81.
μίντοι μοί boKel τοντο χρησιμον virapyjEiv ουβ* νμΐν οντ
€μο(. hio'nep τά Τ€ νυν καταγΘάντα ττλοΐα ττρόί ημάς
άφίημί νμϊν, καΐ του λοιττον, eav βονλησθζ μη ζτ:ιτρίτ:ζΐν
rots ττροξ.στηκόσιν νμών κακοηθών TTokLTevea-OaL, αλλ'
€'πίΤίμάτ€, ττ^υράσομαί κάγω bLaφvλάττ€LV την ζίρηνην. 5
r €υτνχ€ΪΤ€.^
79 * Εντανθ* ούδαμον Δημοσθίνην γβγραφζν, ον^ αίτίαν
ονδβμίαν κατ ίμον. τι ποτ ουν Tois άλλοίζ ίγκαλωι/
των ίμοί πξπραγμβνων ονχΐ μβμι/ηται ; otl των αδικη-
μάτων ^ν ίμίμνητο των αντον,Ιβϊ τι nepl ίμον γβγρά- ίο
φ€ΐ\ τούτων ya p έίγρμην Ιγω kai τούτοις ήναντιονμην.
και πρώτον μ\ν την eh Πξλοπόννησον πρ^σβύαν
€γραψα, οτ€ πρώτον kKUvos ety ΠξΧοποννησον παρ-
(δνβτο, €Ϊτα την eh Ενβοιαν, ήνίκ Ευβοίας ήπτeτo,
eiTa την ίπ* Dpeov ίζοδον, ονκίτί πpeσβeίav, καΐ την rs
eh 'EpeTpiav, eπeLδη τυράννους eKeivo^ ev τανται^ ταΓ?
δΟτΓολεσι κaτeστησev. μeτά ταντα 5e τούί αποστόλους
άπαντα? άπeστeLλa, καθ' οΰ? Χ€ρρ6νησοί ίσώθη καΐ
Βυζάντίον καΐ πάvτes οί σνμμαχ^οί. e^ ων νμΐν μ\ν
■ τα κάλλιστα, ίπαινοι δό^αι τιμάΐ στ€φανοί )(άρίΤ€9, 2ο
παρά τών ev πeπovθ6τωv νπηργον, τών δ' άδίκονμ€νων
Toh μ\ν νμΐν TOTe πeLσθeΐσίv ή σωτηρία πepLeγeveτoJ
τοΪ9 δ* ολίγωρησάσι το πολλάκις ων νμ€Ϊς πpoeίπaτe
μeμvrjσθaι, και voμίζeιv υμάς μη μόνον evvovs έαντοΐ?
αλλά και φρονιμονς ανθρώπους καΐ μάvτeις eivai' 25
81 πάντα γαρ eκβeβηκev ά πρθ€ίπατ€. καΐ μην δτι πολλά
μ\ν άν \ρήματα eδωκe Φιλιστίδης ώστ' e^eiv 'Dpeov,
venue:' cf. Fals. Leg. § 158. p. 386 79. 10. ytyp&^ti.. Shilleto conjec-
yecopyiai . τάλαντον ίχονσαιπρύσοδον. tures 7' €ypa(f>fy Fals. Leg. Annot.
3. μη «irtTptireiv, ' not to allow.' Crit. § 160. p. 386.
Cf. Fals. Leg. § 303. p. 426 μ^ kmrpi- 11. «Ιχόμην . . καΐ . . ήναντιο\»μην, ' I
■παν τά τοιαύτα αλλά κόλαζαν δημοσ'κ^, was indissolubly connected with them,
Thuc. vi. 40 ώί vpb% αίσθομίνονΐ και that is to say, 1 opposed them.'
μί) Ιπιτρ^φοντα^ άπaλλάyητ(. 13. irapcSvcro. Philip did not ac-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 6 1
io me that it is essentially expedient either to you or to me. There-
fore I release unto you the ships which were recently brought into
our harbour, and for the future if you will consent not to suffer your
leading men to manage public affairs in an unprincipled manner^
hut will censure them, I also will try rigorously io maintain the
peace. Farewell.
Nowhere in this letter has he written the name 'Demosthenes/ 79
or any charge against me. For what possible reason there-
fore has he, while blaming the others, refrained from mention-
ing the acts done by me ? Because he^ ould have ment ioned
his own iniquities if he had written a word about me : for I was
rlosely liouncl to tUgTli as beiii^ their opponent And firstly I
proposed the embassy to the Peloponnese, when he was worm-
ing his way into the Peloponnese, next the embassy to Euboea,
when he was laying hands on Euboea, next the expedition to
Oreus, no longer an embassy, and that to Eretria, when he had
established despots in these cities. After this I despatched all 80
the navafsquadrons, in consequence of which the Chersonese
and Byzantium and all the allies were delivered. Hence you
had a store of the most honourable rewards, laudations, glories,
privileges, crowns, votes of thanks, from those whom you had
benefited; while, of the sufferers, those on the one hand who
had listened to you in time had their salvation as their reward,
but the others, who despised your advice, as their reward had
often to remember the warning that you had given them, and
had to think that you were not only well-intentioned towards
them but also men of sense or rather prophets : for all has
come true which you predicted. Still further, that Philistides 81
would have given large sums of money to keep Oreus, and
tually get into the Peloponnese till being out of date.
after Chaeronea ; 'tried to insinuate 80. i8. άπ«στ€ΐλα, §§ io7, io8,
himself.' For the word cf. c. Andr. 19. σύμμαχοι, § 302.
§ 48, p. 608. c. Tim. § 160. p. 750, 20. τιμαί, 'honourable privileges,'
Aeschin. c. Ct. § 37. such as are mentioned § 91.
15. ούκ€τι irpcapciav, i.e. embassies 81. 26. πολλά μίν . . ττολλά Be, § 42.
62 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§81-84.
ΤΓολλά Se Κλ€ίταρχο9 ωστ i^eiv' Ερίτρυαν, ττοΧΧα 8*
αντο9 6 ΦίλίπτΓος ώστ€ τανθ vndpyeLv kef) νμα? αντω
και wepl των άλλων μη8\ν β^βλίγχβσ^αί μη8' h ποιων
ήδίκ€ί μηδ^να ίξξτάζ^ίν πανταγον, ovSeh άγνοβΐ, και
82πάντων ήκιστα συ' οι γαρ παρά του Κλβιτάρχον καΐ 5
τον Φιλίστίδον τ6τ€ πρ€σβ€ί9 δ€νρ' άψικνουμ^νοί παρά
σοΙ κατ€λνον, ΑΙσγίνη^ και σύ προνζίν^ι^ αυτών ους
ή μ\ν πόλίί ώ? kyfipoij^ και οΰτ€ δίκαια οϋτ€ σνμψί-
ροντα λβγοντας άπήλασβ, σοι δ* ήσαν φίλοι, ου τοίνυν
^πράγβη τούτων ούδύν, ω βλάσφημων πβρί ίμοϋ καΐ ίο
λβγων ώρ σιωπώ μ\ν λαβών, βοω δ' ανάλωσαν, αλλ
ου συ, αλλά βοα9 μ\ν ^χων, παύσει δ\ ούδίποτ , eav μή
83 σ€ οΰτοι παύσωσιν άτιμώσαντ€9 τήμ€ρον. .στ€φανω-
σάντων τοίνυν ύμων €μς. ίπι τούτοις τοτβ, και γράψαντος
Άριστονίκου τά? αύτάς συλλαβάς ασπβρ ούτοσΐ Κτησι- 15
^ φων νυν γβγραφζ, και άναρρηθίντος kv τω θ^άτρω τον
στ€φάνου, και δβυτίρου κηρύγματος ήδη '^οι τούτου
γιγνομύνου, ούτ άντβΐπβν Αισχίνης πάρων οΰτ€ τον
βίπόντα kγpάψaτo, Καί μοι Xeye καΐ τοϋτο το ψή-
φισμα λαβών, 2ο
84 ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. [ΈτΓΐ Xaφώvbov Ήγψονος άρχοντος,
γαμηλιωνος €κττ} άττωντος, φνλης πρυτανίνούσης Aeov-
rCbos, ^ Αριστόνικος Φρ^άρριος eiTrer, Ιπ^ώη Αημοσθένης
Αημοσθίνονς TlaiavLevs ττολλας καΐ μ^γόΧας χρβια? τταρέ-
σχηται τώ ^ήμω τω ^Αθηναίων καΐ ττολλοΐς των συμμάχων 25
καΐ ττρότξρον, κα\ kv τω παρόντι καιρώ βζβοήθηκζ δια
3. ούτφ. Dind. has αντφ. § 3.
4. ττανταχοΰ, § 5- 83. I'j. καΐ Bitrrtpov . . τούτου γιγ-
82, 5• οΐγάρ . . άφικνούμ«νοι, § 71. νομ^νου is parenthetic :' and this pro-
II. σιωττώ Λ.τ.λ. Aesch. c. Ct. § 218 clamation (proposed by Ctesiphon)
σύ δ' οΤμαι λαβύν μίν ataiyqKas ανα- being now the second one which is
Xiiioas b\ KtKpayas. coming off in my favour.' We do not
13. άτιμώσοντ€β. For the partial know of any proclamation in the
ατιμία risked by Aeschines see on theatre of a crown given to Demo-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. . βτ,
Clitarchus to keep Eretria, and Philip himself that these places
should remain in his power to your hurt, and that he should be
exposed in none of his other actions, and that no one should
anywhere examine what he was unjustly doing, no one is ignor-
ant, and you least of all men. For the ambassadors who came 82
hither at that time from Clitarchus and Philistides lodged with
you, Aeschine s, and yo jj__ were their protector— m en who were
exp elled by your countr y a s enemies and as maki ng proposals
which jwere _neither just nor expedien t, and yet were friends to
you. None then of their suggestions were carried out, you
calumniator of me, who assert that I am silent when I have re-
ceived a fee but shout when I have spent it. You certainly
do not so : you shout while you retam your fee, and you will
never stop, unless my hearers stop you by disfranchising you to- 83
day. When, accordingly, my countrymen crowned me at that
time on these grounds, when Aristonicus made his proposal in
the same syllables as my client Ctesiphon has lately drafted,
and when the crown was proclaimed in the theatre, (this being
the second proclamation which is now coming off in my favour),
Aeschines, though present, neither spo ke in opposi tion nor
indicted the mover ~οϊ the proposal. \_To the clerk. '\ Please
take and read this decree also.
THE DECREE.
In the archonship of Chaerondas, son of Hegemon, on the sixth 84
day from the close of the month Gamelion, in the pry tany ship of
the tribe Leontis, Aristonicus, of the deme Phrearri, moved that,
Whereas Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the deme Faeania,
hath afforded many great services to the people of the Athenians
and to many of their allies informer times, and during the present
crisis has rendered assistance by his decrees and has liberated some
sthenes previous to that of Aristonicus. supposing some similar occasion
But Demosthenes himself, § 223, earlier than Aristonicus.
speaks of others, exactly similar, 84. 21. ψήφισμα. The archon again
which came between that of Aristo- is wrong, and the apparent introduc-
nicus and that of Ctesiphon, cf § 120: tion of his father's name unusual,
hence δ€υτ€/)ου is difficult. The diffi- 22. €KTrj = the 24th, as Gamelion
culty might be got over by reading, had this year 29 days,
with one MS., Ικάνον ^ΐνομ&ου, and
64 ^ Η Μ ΟΣΘΕΝΟ Υ Σ §§ 84-87.
των ψηφισμάτων καί τινας των €v Trj Έυβοία ττόΚ€ων
ηλξνθίρωκζ^ καϊ biaTeX^i €Vvovs ων τω bημω τω * Αθηναίων,
καΐ Aeyet καί 7Γράττ€ί ο tl hv bύvητaL αγαθόν virep re
αντών ^Αθηναίων καϊ των άλλων Ελλήνων, b€hox^0aL τη
βονλη καϊ τω bήμω τω ^Αθηναίων Ιτιαινίσαι Αημοσθίνην 5
Αημοσθ€νονί TiaLaviia καϊ στ^φανωσαι χρυσω στ€φάνω,
καϊ avayopevaai τον στίφανον kv τω θ€άτρω, τραγωδοι?
Kaivoiis, Trjs be άναγορ^νσ^ως τον στεφάνου €ττίμ€ληθηναί
την 7Γρνταν€νονσαν φνλην καϊ τον άγωνοθ4την. clttcv
'ApiaTovLKOs Φρβάρριο?.] ίο
85 'Έστίν ονν οστι? ύμων οΐδβ τίνα αίσχΰνην Trj πόλβί
σνμβάσαν Slo, τοντο το ψήφισμα η •χλ€νασμον ή γί-
λωτα, ά νυν o^tos €φη σνμβήσζσθαι, ear eyo) στ€φα-
.νώμαι ; καϊ μην όταν fj via καϊ γνώριμα πασι τα
7Γρ<Γ/ματά, kdv re KaXm €χτ), χάριτος τνγχάν€ί, kav 15
& ώί έτερων, τιμωρία?, φαίνομαι τοίννν kγω γάριτο?
Τ€τν)(τ)κω9 τ6τ€, και ου μύμψβω? ovSe τιμωρία?.
8β Ονκοΰν μ^χρι μ^ν των γ^ρονων εκβίνων, kv oh ταντ
k'π■ράγθη, πάντα? άνωμολόγημαι τα άριστα πράττειν
Tjj πόλβι,τω νικαν, 6τ kβovλeveσθ€, λύγων και γράφων, 2ο
τω καταπραγβηναι τα γραφίντα και στεφάνου? k^
αυτών Trj πόλβι και kμoι και πάσι γενύσθαι, τω θυσία?
τοΐ? θίοΐ? και προσόδου? ω? αγαθών τούτων 6ντων ,ύμά?
πεποιήσθαι.
87 * Επειδή τοίνυν kK τη? Εύβοια? ό Φίλιππο? ύφ* υμών 25
kξηλάθη, τοΐ? μεν οπλοι?, Trj δε πολιτεία και τοΐ? ψη-
φίσμασι, κάν διαρραγώσί τινε? τούτων, υπ' kμoΰ, έτερον
κατά τη? πόλεω? kπιτεL\ισμbv kζήτει. ορών δ' οτι
7- After θβάτρφ Dind. has Aiovvaiois. ΊΤ(ριθ€Ϊναι τω δήμφ.
S. άναγορ€ύσ€ωβ is post-classical 15. «άν τ€ . . «άν θ', used for Ιάι/ /icv
Greek. . . eav δ', as the stress is not laid on
$5. II, αίσχννην. Aesch. c. Ct. the alternatives, but on the time δταν
§ 231 Κτησιφών δ' νμα$ oUrai δ(ΐν ■q via και 'γνώριμα νασι τά νρά'γματα.
άφ(\6ντα9 rijv άδοζίαν ά-ηό Αημοσθ4νουί I'j. οΰΒί, § Ι3•
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
65
of the cities in Euboea, and continues loyal to the people of the
Athenians, and says and does whatever good thing he can both on
behalf of the Athenians themselves and the other Hellenes, It has
been resolved by the people of the Athenians to give a vote of thanks
to Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the deme of Paeania, and
to crown him with a golden crown and to proclaim the crown in
the theatre at the competition of the new dramatists, and that the
tribe that has the pry tany ship, and the steward of the festival be
charged with the proclamation of the crown. Moved by Aristoni-
cus, of the deme Phrearri.
Does any one, then, among your number know of any dis- 85
grace having befal len tHe^'g taLe uii acm unl O f ihis decre e, or
any mockery o r ridicule, things which my opponent jus t now
predi ets, should I be crowne d ? And still further, it is when
transactions are fresh and familiar to all, that if they are good
they receive gratitude, and if they are otherwise they receive
punishment. In this view, it is manifest that I at the time
received thanks, and not blame, much less punishment.
During all periods, therefore, down to those in which these 86
transactions took place, it has been acknowledged that I did
what was best for the state, in the faci that I prevailed in my
speeches and proposals when you were deliberating ; jn, the
fact Jhat my proposals were successfully carried out and that
crowns in consequence of them accrued to the state, to me and
to all ; and in the fact that you made sacrifices to the gods and
sacred processions unde r the beliej" that these were blessings. fb^C^
So, when Philip had been ejected from Euboea, as far as 87
military force went, by you, but as far as statesmanship
and decrees were concerned — though some of my opponents
burst with contradiction — by me, he began to look about
for another base_of_operations against the state. Perceiving
/^
68. 19. AftenravTas Dind. has rovs
Xpovovs, and ΰμΐν before yevtaOai.
87. 25. ύφ' υμών is placed after toTs.
μ\ν 6πλοΐ5 by Dind., whose reading
avoids the un-Greek chiasmus pre-
sented by 2 : see on § 102.
27. διαρραγώσι, not 'nimpantur in-
vidia vel indignatione ' (Dissen), but
'deny the fact till they burst:' of.
§ 21.
1^
66 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§87-89.
σίτψ πάντων ανθρώπων πλβιστω γ^ρώμ^β* ίπ^ισάκτω,
βονλ6μ€νο9 της σιτοπομπίας κνρω9 γ€ν€σθαί, παρελθών
€πι Θράκης Βυζαντίονς συμμάχους οντάς αύτω το μ\ν
πρώτον ήζίου συμποΧ^μύν τον προς υμάς πολβμον, ώς
If S* ουκ rjOeXov ούδ* ίπΐ τούτοις ίφασαν την σνμμαχίαν 5
πβποίήσθαι, λίγοντ€ς αληθή, χάρακα βαλομ^νος προς
SSttj τΓολβί καΐ μηγανήματ' (πιστήσας ίπολί6ρκ€ΐ. τού-
των δζ γιγνομίνων 6 τι μ\ν προσήκ€ ποί€Ϊν υμάς, ουκ
€π€ρωτήσω' δήλον γάρ kaTLv άπασιν. αλλά τις ην
ό βοηθήσας τοις Βυζαντίοις και σώσας αυτούς ; τις ό ίο
κωλύσας τον * Ελλήσποντον άλλοτριωθήναι κατ* €Kei-
νους τους χρόνους ; ύμ€Ϊς, ω άνδρας * Α θηναΐοι. το δ*
ύμ€Ϊς όταν λίγω, την πολιν λύγω. τις δ' ό Trj πόλβί
λίγων και γράφων και πράττων και απλώς έαυτον €ΐς
89 τά πράγματα άψζίδώς δούς ; €γώ. 'άλλα μην τίλίκα 15
ταϋτα ώφύλησβν απαντάς, ούκίτ €Κ του λόγου δβΐ μα-
θζΐν, άλλ' €ργω πίπβιρασθβ' ό γάρ τότ€ €νστάς πόλεμος '
άν^υ του καλην δόξαν βνεγκξΐνΐίν πάσι τοις κατά τον
βίον άφθονωτύροις και ζύωνοτύροις διήγαν υμάς της νυν <
ίίρήνης, ην οΰτοι κατά της πατρίδος τηροΰσιν οι χρηστοί 2ο
ίπι ταΐς μ€λλούσαις ίλπίσιν, ων διαμάρτοΐ€ν, και μ€τά-
I σχοΐ€ν ων ύμ€Ϊς οι τα βύλτιστα βουλόμ^νοι τους θξούς
6. χάρακα, literally a • stake,' here a «αυτδν . . δούβ (Dind. SiSovs). Cf.
'stockade/ equivalent (Harpocr.") to §§ 179, 197, 219, 274.
γαράκωμα, which is read by Dissen, 89. 15. άλλα μ,ήν, ^ nay more, ex-
etc. pressing a stronger transition than
88. 8. For ουκ Ιιτίρωτήσω, Ί will καΧ μην.' Sh. Fal, Leg. § 92, p. 366.
not further ask,' Dind. has ovtcer 18. €v. Cf.^ 2e^6(v άφθόνοιςτραφ(ί5,
ερωτήσω, which may bear the same * surrounded with.'
meaning (cf. § 231 ούκίτι ηροστίθημι) 19. τήβ νυν €ίρήνη8 κ.τ.λ.
or may mean ' I will not ask again,' There is an old variant, found in
i.e. as he did §§ 63, 64, 66, 69, 71. Dissen, etc., which reads /χι) μ^τάσχοίίν
12. το δ* ύμcΐs. For τό introducing . . μηδί μ€ταδοΐ(ν κ.τ,λ., and is trans-
a quotation, see § 2 note. lated : ' May they never share the
14. άίΓλω8, 'in a word, 'or. much like blessings which you who wish for
άφίΐδως (which has been thought to what is best ask of the gods, nor
be a gloss), • absolutely.' make you share in the results of their
ΠΕΡί TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 6;
that we use impor ted corn to a greater amoun t than the rest
of the worldf^riH wishing to become master of the corn-convoy,
he went along the coast to 'i'hrace, and, at ftrst, re quired
the B yzantines, his allies at that time, to join him in the war
against you ; but, when they refused and said they had not made
the alliance on those terms, speaking truly, he tlung^aTstockade
about theiFcity, and having brought up his artillery commenced 88
the si ege. Νό^γϊ will not go on to ask what it b ehoved you
to have d one when these things were taking place ; for that is
manifes t to all But who was it that succoured the ±5yzantines
and delivered them ? who was it that prevented the Hellespont
from falling into foreign hands during those periods ? You, men
of Athens : and when I say ' you ' I mean the state. But who
was it that spoke and made proposals and acted for the state,
and absolutely and unreservedly devoted himself to the situa-
tion ? It was I. Nay more, how largely this benefited all, you 89
need no longer learn from a mere recital, but have had prac-
tical experience : for the then urgent war, besides bringing you
honourable reputation, carried you through its course with all
the conveniences of life about you more plentiful and cheaper
than the present peace, — that peace which my worthy oppo-
nents uphold to the damage of their country, on the strength of
their yet-unrealized hopes, in which may they be disappointed !
and may they take part in the prayers which you who have the
noblest aspirations make to the gods, not impart to you their
own policy.' This seems at first sight ων διαμάρτοκν, and μάλιστα μ\ν . .
to be much in Demosthenes' vein ; but ίνθΗηη contains the same sentiment
will not bear examination. It leaves as μ^τάσχοκν . . αΊτ€Ϊτ€. In § 320
unexplained and unhinted the nature τά βίλτιστα recurs, meaning, as here,
of the wishes and prayers; and also what in § 321 is expressed by ttjv του
mistranslates u)v αύτοΙ προτίρηνται, yevva'iov και του πρωτείου ττ) πόλ(ΐ
which, as Kennedy saw even while -προαΊρ^σιν. In both passages the ideas
adopting the variant, can only mean are the same : the present peace is
' their own principles.' miserable and dishonourable — it is
The superiority of the text, which disloyally upheld by my opponents—
has better MS. support, is shown by may their hopes be vain — may they
comparison with the parallel passage be brought to a better mind, that is,
at the close of the speech. In § 323 to share our patriotic aspirations — if
of δυσσί^ίΓ? ούτοι . . τηρ€Ϊν expands the they are incurable may they perish
present rrjs νυν ύρηνψ . . kK-rriaiv : in before they infect the rest of us.
§ 324 f-'h ^'Q'^* • • ^''τινίύσ^κν reproduces
F 2
68 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§89-91.
1 αίΤ€Ϊτ€, μη μβταδοΐξν ύμΐν ων αντοί προχΐρηνται. A^ye
\ S* αυτοί? καΐ tovs των Βνζαντίων στεφάνου? καΐ τον?
Ι των Πζρίνθίων, oh ^στβφανονν €Κ τούτων την πάλιν.
90 ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ ΒΤΖΑΝΤΙί2Ν. [ΈττΙ Ι^ρομνάμονο? Βοσ- ^
ΤΓορίχω Ααμάγητο? €v τα άλία iXe^ev, €Κ tcls βωλας 5
Χαβων prjT£av. Έττ^ιδ^ ό haμos 6 ^Αθηναίων ίν Τ€ τοΪ9
ττρογ€γ€ναμ€νοί9 καιροϊ? ευνοιών dtareXet Βνζαντίοΐί καΙ
Tols συμμάχ^οί^ καΐ σνγγ€ν€(η YlepLvOLOLS καΐ iroXXas καΐ
μεγάλα? χρζία? τταρίσχηται, ίν re τω ιταρεατακότι καιρώ
Φιλίττττω τω MaKebovos €τηστρατ€νσαντο9 €ττΙ ταν γωραν ίο
και ταν ττόλιν εττ' άναστάσ€ί Βνζαντίων καΐ Τΐ€ρίνθίων
καΐ ταν χωράν baCovTos καΐ bcvbpoKOTriovTos, βοήθησα?
ττλοίοί? €κατ6ν καΐ €Ϊκοσί καΐ σίτω καΧ βίΧζσι καΧ όττλι-
ται? e^etAero ά /xe ck των μ€γάλων κιvbvvωv καΐ άττοκατβ-
στασ•€ ταν ττάτριον τΐοΧιτ^ίαν καΐ τω? νόμω? καΐ τω? τάφω?, ι ζ
91 b€bόχθω τω bάμω τω Βνζαντίων καΐ Τΐ€ρυνΘίων ^Αθηναίοι?
hόμ€v €7ηγαμίαν, ττολιτζίαν, ίγκτασιν ya? καΐ οίκιαν, irpoe-
hpiav €v TOL? άγωσ-ί, iroOobov ττοτΐ ταν βωλαν καΐ τον
6άμον ττράτοι? μβτα τα Upa, καΐ τοϊ? κατοικύν Ιθίλονσι
ταν τϊόΚιν άλατονργητοι? ημ€ν ττασαν ταν λατονργιάν' 2ο
στάσαυ be καΐ ζΐκόνα? τρ€Ϊ? (κκάώζκαττηχζί? kv τω Βοσ-
ττορίω, στ€φανονμ€νον τον Αάμον τον ^Αθηναίων νττο τω
bάμω τω Βνζαντίων καΐ Ιΐ€ρίνθίων' άττοσ-τβΐλαι δ^ καΐ
θεωρία? ej τα? kv τα Ελλάδι ττανηγυρια?, "Ισθμια καΐ
Ne/xea καΐ *Ολνμτηα καΐ Πύθια, καΐ ανακαρνζαι τω? στε- 25
φάνω? ω? €στ€φάνωται 6 baμo? 6 ^Αθηναίων ΰφ* ημών,
90. 4• ψήφισμα. The dialectic καρυζαι, ΈΚλαν^ς. Dind. completes
forms for the most part belong to the the π\ατ€ΐασμόί with βάτραν, Άθα-
purer Doric : ω corresponding to Attic ναίων, Άθαναίοι^, διατ^λία, κατοικέαν,
ου, ΒοσηορΊχω, Φίλίππω, δάμω, τω, τώ?, (Κ/{αιδ(καπάχ€ΐ9. Add δόμ€ν ( = δοΰ-
ώί, νόμωί, τάψω?. στίφάνω^ — βωΧά^ ναι), ιτύθοδον ττοτί { = πρυσοδον vp6s).
being peculiar; ?; to €<,^/χ6ΐ/( = <Γΐ'αί); The true Doric for ά/χ€ is άμμ^: (νι-
α for ώ, οίκιάν, -πασαν ταν \fiTOvpyiau — στ4ωνται is Ionic.
νράτοΐί is later Doric ; α to original 17, This decree and the next might
ί(ρομνάμονοί, άλ/ζΐ, ray, τ$, τάν, δο /ioy, stand as genuine, .but that they are
ΐΓρο-γ(Ύ(ναμ(νοΐ9, ιταρ^στακότι, άποκα- found in bad company.
τίστασ(, στάσαι, iyicraaiv 70?, άνα- ΐ€ρομ,νάμονο$. Probably = ' priest of
ΠΕΡί TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 69
own principles ! Read to them now the grants of crowns from
the Byzantines and from the Perinthians, with which those
peoples crowned our state in consequence of these services.
DECREE OF THE BYZANTINES.
In the priesthood of Bosporichus, Damagetus, in the general as- 90
sembly, having received instructions from the council, moved as
follows: Whereas the people of the Athenians has at previous
crises been constantly well-intentioned to the Byzantines and to their
allies and kinsmen the Perinthians, and has afforded them many
great services, and particularly in the present crisis, when Philip
the Macedonian had brought an army against the country and
against the city for the extermination of the Byzantines and the
Perinthians, and was ravaging the country and cutting down the
trees, came to our help ivith a hundred and twenty vessels and pro-
visions and missiles and heavy infantry, and snatched us out of our
great perils, and reinstated our hereditary constitution and our laws,
and gave us back our tombs. Be it resolved by the people of the 91
Byzantines and Perinthians to give the Athenians the privileges
of intermarriage and citizenship, the right to acquire land and
_^ houses, a chief seat at the games, first access to the council and to
the people after the sacrifices, and to such as wish to settle in our
country the privilege of being totally exempt from all the state
burdens : and to erect also three statues, sixteen cubits high, in the
Bosporium, representing the people of the Athenians receiving a
crown from the people of the Byzantines and Perinthians : and
also to send deputations to all the general gatherings in Hellas^
the Isthian and Nemean and Olympian and Pythian games, and
to proclaim the crowns with which the people of the Athenians has
Posidon.' So at Argos the year was 91. i6. δβδόχθω. Dind. has δβδό-
named from the priestess, Thuc. ii. 2. χβαί, which would depend on iKi^^v.
5. αλί(}. = €κκ\ησία. Cf. the Attic 20. After ττασαν Reiske reads προσ-
ήΚιαία. τακτάν ( = extraordinary) by conjec-
6. ρήτραν = ΐΓροβον\€νμα (Miiller), ture from MSS. npos raf.
or ' permission to speak ' (Schaefer), 21. Βοσ-ιτορίω (Dind. Έοσπορύω,
8. συγγ€ν€σ•ι as colonised from Me- Voemel -όρω) is unknown, but possibly
gara, the μητρΰπολίί of Byzantium. is the name of the harbour of Byzan-
12. 8€v8poKoiT€ovTos. The trees cut tium.
down by an invader would be especi- 26. as €στ€φάνωται. ws .. ovs. Dind.
ally the vines and olives. has ois, cf. ois ίστ^φάνουν § 89.
70 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§91-94.
οττω? ^ττίστ€ωνταί οΐ "EAAai'es Travres * Αθηναίων άρξταν
καΐ ταν Βνζαντίων καΐ Υΐ€ρίνΘίων ζνχαρκττίαν.^
92Αίγ€ καΐ τον9 πάρα των kv Χ^ρρονήσω στζφάνον?.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ ΧΕΡΡ0ΝΗΣΙΤί2Ν. [Χζρρονησίτων οί
κατοικοϋντ€ί Σηστον ^EXeovvra Mabvrov * Αλωττζκόννησον s
στ€φανονσίν * Αθηναίων την βονλην καΐ τον ^ημον χρνσω
στ€φάνω άττο ταλάντων (ξηκοντα, καϊ Xaptros βωμον
IhpvovTai κα\ Αημον ^Αθηναίων, otl ττάντων μ€γίστου
αγαθών τταραίτίΟί ykyov^ Χίρρονησίταις, efeAojutei^os €κ
τη9 Φίλιππου καϊ airobovs tcls 'πaτpίbasy tovs νόμους, ίο
την €λ€νθ€ρίαν, τα Upa. καϊ kv τω μ^τα ταύτα αΐωνι
τϊαντΧ ουκ βλλβ^ψει ^νγαριστων καΐ ττοιων ο τι αν hύvη-
ται αγαθόν, ταύτα ζψηφίσαντο Ιν τω κοινω βονλζν-
τηρίω,]
93 Ούκοϋν ου μόνον το Χ^ρρόνησον καϊ Βνζάντιον σώσαί, 15
ovSk το κωΚΰσαι τον ^ Ελλήσποντον νπο Φιλίππω yei/l-
σθαί t6t€j ovSe το τιμασθαι την πόλίν €κ τούτων ή
προαίρ€σί9 ή €μη καϊ ή πολιτεία διβπράξατο, άλλα καϊ
πάσίν€δ€ίξ€νάνθρώποί9 την re τη? πολβωί καλοκαγαθίαν
καϊ την Φιλίππου κακίαν. 6 μ\ν yap σύμμαχο? ων 2ο
τοΐ? Βυζαντίοι? πολίορκών αυτού? έωράτο ύπο πάντων ^ οδ
94 TL yivoLT αν atayj^ov ή μιαρώτ€ρον ; ύμ€Ϊ9 δ' οι και μ€μ~
ψάμζνοι πολλά και δίκαια αν €Κ€ίνοι? ^Ικοτω? π€ρϊ
ων ήγνωμονήκ€σαν eis ύμα? kv τοΪ9 ίμπροσθ^ν γ^ρονοι?,
ου μόνον ου μνησικακοΰντ€9 ούδβ προ'ϋμ^νοι τού? άδι- 25
κουμίνους άλλα και σώζοντα? kφaίveσθ€, ef ων δόξαν
καΐ exjvoiav πάρα πάντων €κτάσθ€. και μην δτι μίν
πολλοί>? €<ττ€φανώκατ ήδη των πολιΤ€υομίνων, άπαν-
Tcy ισασν δι οντινα δ' άλλον ή πόλι? €στ€φάνωται^
Ι. For iravT«s Dind. has τάν re. 9. <κ τηβ Φιλίτητου, sc. xetpos. Cf.
Θ2. 7. ταλάντων probably refers Aeschin, c. Ct. § 256 «« τώμ χβρώ»'. .
to the smaller talent, which was of k^tXioeai του Φιλίττπου.
the value of sixty silver drachmae. 12. €λλ<ίψ<ι, sc. ό δήμο$ των Xfppo-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. η ι
been crowned by us, that all the Hellenes may know of an Athenian
act of valour and of the gratitude of the Byzantines and Perin-
ihians.
Read also the grant of crowns from th^e inhabitants of the 92
Chersonese.
DECREE OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE
CHERSONESE,
Of the inhabitants of the Chersonese those who dwell in Sestus,
Eleus, Madytus, and Alopeconnesus crown the council of the people
of the Athenians with a golden crown of the value of sixty talents,
and erect an altar dedicated to Thanksgiving and to the Athenian
People^ because they helped to win the greatest of all blessings for
the peoples of the Chersonese, by rescuing us from Philip's hand
and giving us back our countries, our laws, our freedom, and our
sanctuaries. And in all time to come the Chersonese will not fail
in gratitude and in doing whatever good it can. This they decreed
in the common council-hall.
Thus, not onl y the deliverance of the Chersonese and Byzan- 93
lium, not only t he prevention of the Hellespont trom falling
into PhilipV power at that time^ jiot only the receipt of honours
by our country in consequence of these services, was the work
of my^policy and my dip tuma L }'. but il als odcmoublialeJ tu all
men at^once the high character of Athens and the baseness of
Phflipl FoFhe, on the one hand, was seen by the world, even
while bound by treaty to the Byzantines, in the act of besieging
them, — and what could be more disgraceful or abandoned than
that ? On the other hand, you, who might reasonably have re- 94
proached them on many just grounds for their inconsiderate
acts towards you in previous periods, revealed yourselves, not
only as nursing no grudges nor refusing to let the sufferers
perish, but even as their deliverers, for which deed you earned
glory and affection from all. And indeed, while every one
knows that you have before now crowned many of your states-
men, yet no one can tell through what other man, statesman,
νησιτων. §§ 189, 200.
93. i6. ovBi, § 2 note. 94, 26. δόξαν και €υνοιαν. Dind.
20. μέν γάρ. Dind. has μίν ye, as in has δόζαν, fvvoiav, τιμήν.
72 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§94-97-
σύμβουΧον Χίγω και ρήτορα, πλην δι* epe, ονδ' αν efy
5 "Ινα τοίνυν καΐ ras βλασφημίας, α? κατά των Εν-
βοίων και των Βυζαντίων βποίήσατο, €l tl ίυσχβρε?
avToh eninpaKTO προ9 ύμα9 ύπομιμνήσκων, σνκοφαν- 5
τια? οΰσα9 Ιπιδζίξω μη μόνον τω ψΕνδξΐ? elvai (τοντο
μ\ν yccp νπάρχ^ζΐν ύμας €ίδ6τα9 ήγονμαή άλλα και τω,
€ί τα μάλίστ ήσαν άληθύς, οντω? ως ίγω Κ€\ρημαί
Tols πράγμασι σνμφβρζίν ^ρήσασθαι, ίν ή δυο βονλομαι
των καθ' υμάς π€πραγμίνων καλών ttj πόλξΐ δί€ξ€λθ€Ϊν, ίο
Ι και ταντ kv βραγίσιν καΐ γαρ άνδρα Ιδία και πάλιν
! Koivfj προ? τα κάλλιστα των ύπαργοντων ael δβΐ 7Γ€ί-
άσθαι τα λοιπά πράττβιν. ύμ€Ϊ? τοίνυν, άνδρας * Αθη-
ναίοι, Λακεδαιμονίων γη? και θαλάττη? άργβντων και
τα κύκλω τη? * Αττική? κατεγοντων άρμοσταΐ? καΐ 15
φρονραΐ?, Ενβοιαν, Τάναγραν, τ^ν Βοιωτίαν άπασαν^
Μίγαρα, Αΐγιναν, Κλέωνα?, άλλα? νήσου?, -ου ναΰ?, ου
τείγτ) τη? πολεω? τότε κτησαμενη?, ίξήλθετβ €ΐ?Άλίαρ-
τον καΐ πάλιν ου πολλαΐ? ήμίραι? ύστερον ei? Κορινθον,
των τ6τ€ 'Αθηναίων πολλ' αν αγόντων μνησικακήσαι 2ο
καΐ Κορινθίοι? και Θηβαίοι? των π€ρι τον Δεκελεικον
πόλεμον πραγθίντων αλλ ουκ εποίουν τούτο, ούδ*
91 εγγύ?. καίτοι τότβ ταΰτα αμφότερα, Αισγίνη, οΰθ*
ύπερ ευεργετών εποίουν οϋτ ακίνδυνα εώρων. αλλ*
ου 8ih ταΰτα προΐεντο του? καταφεύγοντα? εφ' εαυτού?, 25
αλλ ύπερ ευδοξία? και τιμή? ήθελον τοΐ? δεινοί? αυτού?
95. 3• Εύρο€ων. Aeschin. §§ 85, μ^ν. This is pretty common with an
sqq. emphatic pronoun: cf. § 318 «70; μ^ν
4- Βυ{αντίων. Nothing is said about yap κ. τ. λ. Plat. Αρ. c. 32, p. 41, etc.
the Byzantines in Aeschines' speech 7. ύπάρχ€ΐν elBoxas, ' await me with
as we have it now. the knowledge,' §§ 1 10, 228, De Rhod.
€1, § 28 note. § I, p. 190 νπάρχαν Ι-ινωκότα μοι δο-
6. χοΰτο μ^ν, ' this at any rate,' no Kurty c. Mid. § 41, p. 527 άν yap roW
hi or other particle answering the οντά;; ^γ^ωσμένα imapxQ παρ' υμίν.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 73
that is, or orator, the City herself has been crowned, except
through me.
In order therefore that I may demonstrate that the libels also, 95
which he uttered against the Euboeans and Byzantines, when he
jogged your memory with any untoward act which they might
have committed against you, were malignant fabrications, not
only by the fact that they are false — for I think I may take your
knowledge of that for granted — but also by the fact that, if
they were as true as they could be, it was nevertheless expe-
dient to deal with the situation exactly as I dealt with it, I wish
to relate one or two of the noble actions performed by the
state in your time, and to do this in a brief compass. For
each man in his private life, and- a city in h er national life, must
always strive to conduct their later policy in the light of their
noblest precedents. It was thus that you, men of Athens, at a 96
time when the Lacedaemonians were masters of land and sea,
and held the districts round Attica in subjection by means of
governors and garrisons, — Euboea, Tanagra, all Boeotia, Me-
gara, Aegina, Cleonae, and islan ds__b£sideaj — at a time when
your city had acquired neither ships nor walls, marched out to
Haliartus, and again, not many days later, to Corinth, though the
Athenians of that generation might have been able to revive
many grudges both against the Corinthians and against the
Thebans for their behaviour in the war at Decelea. But they
did not think of doing that or anything like it. And yet at that 97
time, in both these actions, Aeschines, they neither fought on
behalf of benefactors nor were Wind to the danger. They did not
however for such reasons suffer to perish those who fled to them
for refuge; rather^ in the de sire of fair fame and ho nour, they
were willing to offer themselves to t he perilsT.a r rg^<^ ^^ίΗ Imnmir-
8. τα μάλιστα, § 21. ουτ€ for ου . . ου.
ΙΟ. καθ' ύμαβ, 'in your time:' cf. §§ 17. dWas, not * the other islands,'
317, 318, Aeschin. c. Ct. § 234. The besides Aegina and Euboea, which
battle of Haliartus, however, occurred rendering the position of K\ecui/as for-
B.c. 395, some sixty-five years before bids, but 'the islands besides,' i.e.
this trial. the Aegean islands. See Shilleto's
96. 16. τήν. Dind. has και. He note on Fals. Leg. § 94, p. 367.
also reads ras before άλΛα?, and ουη^ . . 2 2. ούδ' έγγύβ, § 1 2.
74 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ 5§ 97-ιοο.
\
, SiSovaiy όρθω? καΐ καλώ? βουΧ^νομ^νοί. nepas μίν yap , .
Ι άπασιν άνθρωποι? ^στί τον βίου θάνατος, καν kv οίκίσκω ^^Μ
j τέί αύτον καθβίρξα? τηρτ]' Sei δε τού? αγαθού? άνδρα?
kyyjeLpuv μ\ν άπασιν άβΐ τοΐ? καλοΐ?, την άγαθην 7Γ£0-
βaλλoJJL€vov? ελπίδα, ψερειν δ' 6 τι αν ό θεο? δίδω γεν- 5
θβ^α/ωί. ταντ' εποίουν οΐ υμέτεροι πρόγονοι, τανθ' ύμεΐ?
οι πρεσβύτεροι, οΐ Λακεδαιμονίου? ου φίλου? οντά? ούδ^
εύεργετα?, άλλα πολλά την πολιν ημών ηδικηκοτα? καΐ
μεγάλα, επειδή Θηβαίοι κρατήσαντε? εν Αεύκτροι? άνε-
λεΐν επεγείρουν, διεκωλύσατε, ου ψοβηθεντε? την τότε ίο
Θηβαίοι? ρώμην και δόξαν ύπάρ^ουσαν, ούδ' ύπερ οΐα
πεποιηκότων ανθρώπων κινδυνεύσετε διαλογισάμενοι,
99καί γάρ τοί πασι τοΐ?" Ελλησιν εδείξατε εκ τούτων δτι
καν ότίοΰν τι? ει? ύμά? εξαμάρττ], τούτων την όργην ει?
τάλλα εγετε, αν δ' ύπερ σωτηρία? η ελευθερία? κίνδυνο? 15
τι? αυτού? καταλαμβάντ}, οϋτε μνησικακήσετε οϋθ* ύπο-
Λογιεΐσθε. και ουκ επΙ τούτων μόνον ούτω? εσ\ήκατε,
άλλα πάλιν σφετεριζομενων Θηβαίων την Εϋβοιαν ου
περιείδετε, ούδ* ων ύπο θεμίσωνο? και Θεοδώρου περί
*Ωρωπον ηδίκησθε άνεμνήσθητε, άλλ εβοηθήσατε και 2ο
τούτοι?, των εθελοντών τότε τριηράρχων πρώτο ν γενο-
ΛΩΟμενων τ9\ πόλει, ων ει? ην εγώ, άλλ οϋπω περί
τούτων, και καλόν μεν εποιήσατε και το σώσαι την
97. 2. οΐκίσκφ is explained by used of * setting up as a defence.* ^ S '
Harpocr. as a ' poultry-house ' {δρνιθο• 195, joo, 301 ; and the passive is
Tpo<t>€iov), and so is here rendered by foiuid Fals. Leg. § 30, p. 349 vrrotif-
some 'a cage,' or 'dove-cote;' but βλημ^νη [sc. ποΚιτύα = a. gtiarded
a more natural sense would be a policy]. Kennedy, however, prefers
' strong-room ' or * cell.' Compare to translate * with good hope before
Propeitius, iii. 18, 25-6 them,' adding the explanation • pro-
* Ille licet ferro cautus se condat posing to themselves,' 'having before
et aere, their eyes : ' but, even if both render-
Mors tamen inclusum protrahit ings were equally supported and ap-
inde caput,' propriate, this would rather require
where the image is of* a chamber of the aorist.
iron or bronze.' 98. 9. άν€λ«ιν, i. e. Κακ^Ια\.μον[ου%,
4. 'ΤΓροβαλλομ^ον«. The word is which, for the sake of emphasis, is
t
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 75
able resolution. For knowing that to all men life is limited by
death, yea though one keep himself shut up in a strong room,
good men must essay every honourable quest that from time
to time appears, holding good hope before them as a buckler,
and so must bear courageously whatever be God's dispensation.
Thus did your ancestors, thus did you, my elder hearers, who, 98 j
— although the Lacedaemonians were not your friends or bene- '
factors, but had often grievously wronged our country — ^yet, when
the Thebans after their victory at Leuctra attempted to exter-
minate them, completely prevented that, undaunted by the
strength and prestige then enjoyed by the Thebans and without
being careful to calculate what the men had done for whom you
Λvere to run the risk. For you s howed unmistakably by this to 99
all the Hellenes that, if a nation transgress against you in any
degree, you entertain your resentment against them under all
other conditions, but, should any danger touching their existence
or freedom overtake the transgressors, you will not revive old
grudges nor bring up old scores. And not only in their case
have you taken this attitude, but yet again, when the Thebans
were appropriating Euboea, you did not connive at it, nor did
you recall the wrongs which had been done to you by Themiso
and Theodorus in the matter of Oropus, but you rescued these
also, — this_beingJ]ie_toJ;^occasion^on which the voluntary trier-
archs offered themselves to the state, of whom I was one.
But of that presently. And while you did a noble act in sim-100
ply delivering the island, you did an act far nobler still, when
laced, rather illogically, before the your anger in view of all other cir-
Ιπ€ίδι^. cumstances.' Kennedy (less well,
10. δΐ€κωλύσατ6 is used absolutely. seeing that Demosthenes eulogises
την . νιτάρχουσαν, § 71 note. Athens' generous freedom from μνη-
11. οΐατΓίτΓοιηκότων, literally 'men σικακία) translates 'you reserve your
who had done what manner of things.' anger against them for. other occa-
99. 13. τούτων . . την όργήν, ' anger sions.'
on account of such wrongs.' Or, 17. 6<Γχήκατ€. Comp. Ισχβ τ^ΐ' 7ΐ'ώ-
better, 'against such offenders,' τούτων μην, § 291.
referring to tis, as avTohs below, and 21. τριηράρχων. See § 102 το ναντι•
§ 277 Dind. has τοΰτω, 'you are κ6ν note.
angry with him.' 100. 23. KaC, ' in simply saving.*
14. €15 τάλλα «χ€Τ€, ' you entertain
Κ!
76 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ 100-102.
νησον, πολλω δ' ίτί τούτου καΚΧων το καταστάντ€9
KvpioL και των σωμάτων καΐ των πόλβων άποδοΰναι
ταντα δικαιωζ αύτοΪ9 tols ζξημαρτηκόσιν eh υμάς,
μηδ^ν ων ήδικησθζ νπολογίσάμζνοι, μυρία τοίνυν
€Τ€ρα elneiv ίγων παραλείπω, νανμαγία^, €ξ6δου5 s
πβζάί, στρατ€ία9 και πάλαι yeyovvias και νυν k(j>
ημών αύτων, ay άπάσα9 ή π6λΐ9 ttjs των άλλων * Ελλή-
101 νων Ιλ€ν θ€βία9 και σωτηρίας ττ^ποίηται. efr' eyo)
rji ( Τ6θ€ωρηκω9 ev τοσούτοι? και τοιούτοι? την πόλιν ύπ^ρ
Ι . των TOis άλλοι? συμφερόντων εθβλουσαν άγωνίζζσθαι, ίο
tmep αυτή? τρόπον τίνα τή? βουλή? οΰση? τι βμβλλον
κ€λ€ύσ€ΐν ή τι συμβουλζύσζΐν airrfj ποίζΐν ; μνησικα-
Κ€Ϊν νή Δία προ? του? βουλομίνου? σώζεσθαι, και
προψάσ^ι? ζητ€Ϊν δι α? άπαντα προησόμζθα ; και τι?
ουκ αν άπίκτζίνύ μ€ δικαίω?, d τι των ύπαργόντων 15
TTJ πόλβί κάλων λόγω μόνον καταισχνν€ΐν €π€)(^6ίρησα ;
€7Γ6ί τό ye €ργον ουκ άν ίποιήσαθ' ύμβΐ?, άκριβώ? οΐδ*
€γώ• €ί γαρ ήβούλζσθβ, τι ην ίμποδών ; ουκ ζξήν ;
JL^ ού)(^ ύπήργον οι ταυτ €ροΰντ€? ούτοι ;
j"""^ 102 Βούλομαι τοίνυν ίπανζλθβΐν k(j) φ τούτων 4ξή? {ίπο- 2ο
λιτβυόμην και σκοπ€ΪΤ€ ev τούτοι? πάλιν αΰ, τί το ttj
4. μηδίν, not ούδάν, as the infinitival i. 65, etc., Κύκλωπο$ Κ€χ6λωται Od. i.
construction to . . άηοδοΰναι still con- 69, του oye δακρνχίων ii. 24, των πάν-
tinues. των ου τόσσον οδύρομαι iv. 104, dyyt-
Before νττολογισάμίνοι Dind. has λίη$ (\θ€Ϊν II. iii. 205, xiii, 252, xv.
Iv ois ίπιστ(νθητ€, literally 'as regards 640, Soph. Ant. 11 77, Oed. Tyr. 233.
the matters in which you were trusted,' Tacitus uses the genitive of the ge-
i.e 'in the performance of your trust.' nmdive to express purpose.
7. τηβ . . ίλίυθίρίαβ. «vf/ia is found, 101. 8. Λτ' § 22 note,
but the authority of MSS is against 11. τρόττον τινά, § 43. Compare
it. The use of the genitive to express Aristot. Pol. iii. 130 70^ δστρακισμόζ
motive, or purpose, without the sup- τ^ν αύτ^ν ίχα δύναμιν τρόπον τινά τφ
port of a preposition, is very rare, κολοναν tows imepixovTas καΐ <pvya-
except in the case of του μη with an Sevcti/.
infinitive (as § 107): compare the 1 3, νή ACa is used to anticipate the
use of toC = ' therefore,' Horn. Od. words of an adversary, and is to be
xxiv. 425, €\)χωΚψ 6νιμ4μφ(ται Iliad rendered by some phrase such as 'let
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
77
you were established in complete possession both of their per-
sons and of their cities, in restoring these scrupulously to the
very men who had transgressed against you, reckoning up
none of the wrongs you had received. Therefore, though
I could quote ten thousand other examples, I pass them
over, — fights by sea, expeditions by land, armaments both of
ancient date and lately in our own time, — all of which the
city undertook on behalf of the freedom and existence of the
rest of the Hellenes. This bein g so. after I had beheld my 101
country on occasio ns so many and so formidable willi ng: to
struggle for the interes ts of the rest, now, when the ques tion
virtuallyconcerned i herself, what was I likely to ur ge or
counsel her to ' do ? To bear g^rudges, you would say, against
those who c alled Tor deliverance, and seek pretexts to_ justify
us in sacrificing everything. But who would not have justly
slain me, had I attempted by word only to tarnish one of the
city's bright precedents ? I say, by word only : for the deed
you ΛνοηΜ not have done, I ki^w for certain. Had you so
wished, what was there to prevent you? Was it not open.?
Had yDU not pro mpters to this c<j)ur se_rpn.rly by y^n h my J ^
opponents ? J OU^i^-^--^-^
Irvn^ therefore to go back to those political acts of mine 102 ί
which carrte immediately after this ; and I beg you here again 1
to observe wlia^t was the bestir the state. When I saw your '
us suppose,' ' it will be suggested.'
A good example is c. Mid. § 41, p.
527 τίϊ ανθρωπινή και μετρία anrjipis
(paveiTai των TTcrrpay μίνων αντω ; δργη
νη Αία • και yap τοντο τυχόν λ(^(ΐ.
Compare Fals. Leg. § 245» Ρ• 4^°
συκοφαντώ ν^ Αία, ' it will be said I
come forward as an informer.' So
άλλα νή Αία Fals. Leg. § 174, p. 390,
' but it will be said,' (like the Latin ai
enim): In νη Αί' αλλά, 'yes but, it
will be argued,' the αλλά belongs to
the coming argument, not, as in άλλα
v^ Αία, to this merely introductory
phrase : see § 117 i^^ ΔΓ άλλ' αδίκων
^ρξα ' yes, but, it will be argued, I was
guilty of malpractice in my office,'
and Fals. Leg. § 309, p. 428 (see
Shilleto). In all cases it is better not
to employ the sign of the interroga-
tive, which is not Λvanted. Dind. re-
moves it here, but retains it § 117.
14. καΐ Tis, 'duiwho.' και preceding
an interrogative pronoun or adverb is
always adversative.
16. €π6χ€ίρησα. αν is read by Voem el,
with good MS. authority, but the con-
struction requires further exemplifica-
tion.
1 7. €uei = ' / say ΐ7ΐ word only, for,'
etc. For the ellipse v. § 1 2 ού yap note.
102. Aeschines, c. Ct. § 222, de-
clares that Demosthenes, by his con-
duct as Ιτηστάτη$ του ναυτικού, de-
prived the fleet of sixty-five τριήραρ-
χοι.
78
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ
Ι02— 103•
ΤΓολει βίλτιστον ην. όρων γαρ ω άνδρζ? 'Αθηναίοι
το ναντικον ύμ ων καταλν6μ€νον, και τον9 μ\ν πλον-
σϊονί άτξλζΐς άπο μικρών άναλωμάτων γιγνομίνον?,
τους Sk μβτρια ή μικρά Κ€Κτημ€νον9 των πολιτών
άπολλνοντας, ίτι δ ύστ^ρίζουσαν €Κ τούτων την πόλιν s
των καιρών, βθηκα νόμον καθ* ον μίν τα δίκαια ποΐ€Ϊν •
ην ay κάσα τον? πλουσίου?, του? δζ πένητα? ίπαυσ
αδικούμενου?, Trj πολει δ' όπερ ην χρησιμώτατον, kv
Κ 3 καιρώ γίγνεσθαι τα? παρασκευα? εποίησα, και γρα-
φεί? τον αγώνα τούτον ει? ύμα? είσηλθον και άπε- ίο
2. ΤΟ ναυτικόν. After the Persian
war, the policy which may be iden-
tified with Themistocles vastly in-
creased the maritime power of Athens ;
and the old plan of νανκραρΊαι, or
tribal subdivisions, each furnishing a
galley, was superseded by the system of
τριήραρχοι. These were wealthy citi-
zens, nominated to serve by the arpa-
τη^οί. Their service lasted one year,
during which, and for the two follow-
ing years, they were released from
payment {arfXus) of all other state
burdens (Kfirovpylai). Each received
from the state an unrigged hulk (vavs
Kevrj), and some ship's-fumiture, to-
gether with regulation pay for a
ship's company. He was required to
collect a crew, to do which he might
have to offer bounties (προδόσβί?) ; to
equip the vessel thoroughly; and to
keep and return it, with all stores, in
good condition If he failed in his
duty he might be imprisoned by the
board of ten officers whose duty it was
to dispatch the fleet {(δ^θη υπό των
άηοστοΚίων) : but for generous and
active service might receive the * tri-
erarchic crown.' At the end of his
term every trierarch was liable to
audit and scrutiny {υιτ(ίθυνοί). The
ordinary expense of the office was
forty to sixty minae.
A man charged with the office
might escape if he could prove that
he was without means (άδυνατοΓ) ; or
might appeal for relief, by laying a
suppliant's bough (i/fiTiy/wa), on the
altar in the Πνύζ, the meeting-place
of the (κκλησία, or by taking sanctuary
{(καθίζ^το) in the temple of Artemis
in the port of Munychia : or he might
challenge some qualified person, not
so charged, either to take the duty in
his stead or else submit to a complete
exchange of property {άντίδοσι$).
At some period, probably about
B.C. 412, it became allowable for two
citizens to divide the duty of trierarch
between them {αυντριήραρχοι, cf. avy-
χόρηΎοι).
When Athens was finally defeated
in the Peloponnesian war, her fleet was
reduced to twelve sail, and seems to
have recovered but slowly. The sud-
den resolution adopted in 358 b.c. to
send help to Euboea, called forth the
voluntary trierarchs (§99 των ieeKov-
των TOTi τριηράρχων πρώτον ^ίνομίνων
Trj noKfi), and also revealed the in-
sufficiency of the existing system. The
same year a reform was made by the
law of Periander, which assimilated
the τριηραρχία to the ίίσφορά, or ex-
traordinary war-tax levied on pro-
perty. By this law 1 200 of the richer
citizens were appointed to bear the
charges {cwTtXtis), in twenty com-
panies (σνμμορίαι) of sixty members,
and these were severally subdivided
into four associations (συντ^λ€ίαι), each
consisting generally of fifteen persons,
and charged with one trireme. It is
to be noted, however, that the avvri'
Xtiai seem to have differed in the num-
ber of their members. We hear of
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
79
navy, men of Athens, in a state of decay, and the rich be-
jcoming exempt from taxation after trifling outlays, while those
citizens who possessed moderate or small means were losing
what they had, and when I saw still further that through this
state of things the city missed her opportunities, I prop osed a
law, i n accord nni^f ^^^^'^^ AvViirVi Τ mmppllpH the•, former, the rich,
to do ihe k duty, and put a stop to the oppression of th e poor,
and, what wa^-i u the highest degree servi ceable iQ the country,
I caused her preparations to be ready at the hour of need.
And when I was indicted I appeared before you on this issue 103
and was acquitted; and my prosecutor did not receive his
four or five citizens constituting a
trierarchy: and Demosthenes, § 104,
gives the number as sixteen. ( If the
last were the regular or average num-
ber at the time of which he speaks,
the total of avvreXus must have been
raised to 1280.) There was also a
cross-division. The 300 wealthiest
συι/τ€λ€Γ$ were called ήΎίμόνίί των
συμμοριών § Ι03, and held the whole
management of the Keirovpyia : the
next 300 in order of wealth were called
01 δίύτ(ροι, and the third 300 01 τρίτοι :
while the remainder of the poorer
order formed a fourth class without a
special name.
Each avvT(\eia nominated one of its
members (probably one of the ^yt'
μόν(ί) to serve in person, and all
bore equal shares in the expense of
the vessel. The richer member or
members had, if need be, to advance
the funds and recover from their
fellows. This seems to have opened
the way to an abuse. The ■qyepoves
would contract for the performance of
the whole τριηραρχία at the expense
say of a talent, and getting this sum,
or nearly as much, in repayment from
other members of their association,
would escape with little or no ultimate
cost to themselves. These contracts
also led to insufficient equipments. In
other cases a poor association would
be backward in executing its duty, or
wholly unable to do so.
These, and perhaps other evils, soon
showed themselves. In 34«i b.c. De-
mosthenes proposed corrective mea-
1^5
sures, in his speech de Symmoriis ;
and it is curious that he does not refer
to them here. Probably they were not
adopted. However, when administrator
of the navy {€πιστάτηί του ναυτικού)
in B.C. 340, he reformed the old
system altogether. A certain portion
(from one-fifth, if a property were
large, to one tenth, if small — sup-
posing the descending scale fixed by
Nausinicus b.c. 379 to be still in
force) of each man's property, after
assessment (τίμησίί) was set down as
the rateable value (τίμημα). On a
rateable value of ten talents fell the
charge of one trireme. Smaller pro-
perties were grouped together till
their united rateable value reached
this sum, and were then proportion-
ately charged — thus forming a new
sort of συντ€\€ΐαι. The charge on no
single property might exceed three
triremes and a tender.
Demosthenes does not say whether
his trierarchic law was, or was not,
still in operation at the time of this
trial.
5. άίΓολλύονταξ. Dind.has τα οντά
άπολλύντα5. If we keep the text we
must supply an object to avoXKvovras.
6. καθ' δν μίν. This reading must
be corrupt. It introduces a chiasmus,
which is un-Demosthenian (see on §
324), and in doing so misplaces μίν.
The reading of Dind. καθ' bv tovs μίν
is quite satisfactory, tovs πλουσίονί
being in apposition.
103. 10. τον αγώνα τούτον must be
taken with (Ισήλθον, ' I came into
8ο AHNi ΟΣΘΕΝΟ ΥΣ §§ 103-105.
ώνγορ, καΐ το μ€ρο9 των ψήφων 6 διώκων ουκ ίΧαβ^ν, [v'^'^-
καίτοι πόσα χρήματα τον? ήγ€μ6να? των συμμοριών
η του? δβυτύρου? και τρίτου? οϊβσ-θί μοι διδοναι, ωστ€
μάλιστα μϊν μη 6eivai τον νομον τούτον, el δβ μή,
* 1 καταβάλλοντα kav kv ύπωμοσία ; τοσαϋτ ω άνδρξ? s
ΪΟ^* Αθηναίοι, οσα οκνήσαιμ αν προ? ύμά? ζίπξΐν. και
ίταΰτ ζίκοτω? βπραττον kKuvoi, ην yap αύτοΐ? kK
μ\ν των προτέρων νόμων συνβκκαίδβκα λ€ΐτουργ€Ϊν,
, αύτοΐ? μ\ν μικρά και ούδ€ν άναλίσκουσι, του? δ' από-
ρου? των πολιτών ^πιτρίβουσιν, kK δβ του kμov νόμου ίο
το_^[ΐ'/νόμενον κατά την ούσίαν €καστον TiOkvai, και
δυοΐν €ψάνη τριήραρχο? 6 τη? μια? €κτο? και δέκατο?
πρότβρον συντβλή?• ονδβ γαρ τριηράρχου? ίτι ώνόμαζον
εαυτού?, άλλα συντ€λ€Ϊ?. ωστ€ δη ταΰτα λυθηναι και
μη τα δίκαια ποΐ€Ϊν άναγκασθήναι, ουκ βσθ' 6 τι ουκ 15
105 βδίδοσαν. Και μοι Xeye πρώτον μ\ν το ψήφισμα καθ*
ο €ίσήλθον την γραφήν, βίτα του? καταλόγου?, τόν τ
kK του προτύρου νόμου και τον κατα τον βμόν. Xeye.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. [ΈτΓΐ αρχοντο? Πολνκλ4ονς, μηνο? βοη-
bρoμLώvos €κτύι ΙτγΙ Sexa, φνλη? πρυτανξυούσης ^Ιττττο- 2ο
θoωvτίbo9, Αημοσθ€νη9 Αημοσθ^νον? Τίαιανίζν? €ίσή-
ν€γκ€ νόμον et? το τριηραρχικον άντΙ του ττρότ^ρον, καθ* —
δζ; at σνντίλ^ίαι ήσαν τών τριηράρχων' κα\ kir^xeipo-
τόνησ€ν η βονλη κα\ δ bημo?' καΐ απήν^γκ^ παρανόμων
court as defendant in a suit on this sion caused by a threatened prosecu-
account.' tion. .
I. TO γ.ίρο%, sc. τύ πέμπτον. The proposer of a decree was, for a ')
5. καταβάλλοντα (Dind. καταβα- year after it was passed, open to an \
Χύντα) has been taken closely with indictment for breach of the constitu- ;
(dv, ' to drop and let alone the law.' tion, which, if laid, must be tried be- \
A better meaning is to be obtained fore the decree became valid. Hence, i J
from the aorist : ' having entered if a man repented of his decree, or I
the law ' [in the temple of Cybele, kv was won over by its opponents, by \ 1
τψ Μητρώψ, where the archives were collusion with any one who would '
kept] * to let it lie.' Cf. eh τά δημόσια swear to a declaration (ύπωμοσία) that
η/ράμματα καταβά\\€σθαι § 55. he intended to prefer a "γραψτ) πάρα-
hf νπωμοσίφ sunder the suspen- ν6μοιν against the proposer, and by
ϊ
ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 8 1
minimum of the votes. An d yet, wha t sums of money do
you fancv jhat the first class o f thp^ rnmpamps gT_j1iH s^prnnd ^><^^^^^^^^
and th ird dass nfffirfd me^ fn ix t rinon τηο^ hnr . t of all, not tO pro- '
pose this lawj η γ. refusing that, to regis ter the law and leave it
dormant jinder an affidavit ? Sums so great, men of Athens,
that I should hesitate to name them to y ou. And they en- 104
tered on this negotiation with good reason. For while it was
competent for them in accordance with the former laws to
perform the public service in bodies of sixteen, privately
spending little or nothing, but grinding down the needy
citizens, in accordance with my law it was necessary for each
to pay the amount arrived at by assessment of his property,
and a man was found to bear the charge of two ships who
previously had been a contributor with fifteen others to the one
ship. I say contributor, for they no longer called themselves
trierarchs but contributors. So, to have my measures quashed
and to be uncompelled to perform their duty, there was
nothing they did not oifer to me. Please read me, first the 105
decree in accordance with which I came into court to meet
the indictment, next the schedules, both the one attached to
the former law and that which resulted from my law. Read.
A DECREE.
In the archonship o/Polydes, on the sixteenth day of the month
Boedromion, in the pry tany ship of the tribe Hippothoontis, De-
mosthenes , the son of Demosthenes ^ of the deme Paeania, intro-
duced a law for the constitution of the body of trierarchs to
replace the former law in accordance with which the contributory
associations of trierarchs existed. And the council and the
people voted the new law ; and Patrocles, of the deme Phlyes,
preferred an indictment for breach of the constitution against
allowing the trial to be indefinitely which fell on that rateable value,
postponed, he could suspend and τιθ«ναι. Supply eSet from ?iv, and
practically rescind his measure. of. § 13 note.
104. 9. μικρά καΐ ουδέν, ' little or 105. 16. ψήφισμα. The name of
nothing.' Cf. χθί$ ..kol νρωψ § 130. the archon is wrongly stated in this
1 1 . TO γιγνόμ€νον is used of the re- document, which is not a decree at
suit of a sum. The simi to be performed all, but a mere memorandum,
was the assessment of each man's 20. «κτη ΙπΙ δέκα. Cf. § 37 note,
property, the ascertainment of the 22. els to is found in all MSS. but
proportion of the property which was one, and is omitted by Dind. in ac-
to be considered as its rateable value, cordancewith the conjecture of Bekker.
and the imposition of the charge 24. τταρανόμων, sc. Ύραφήν.
82 • ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§105-108.
Αημοσθ€ν€ί ΤΙατροκλης Φλνευς, καΐ το /xepoj των ψή-
φων ον λαβών άτΓ4τί(Γ€ ras ττίντακοσίας bρaχμάs.]
106 0€/)e δη και τον καλόν κατάλογον.
ΚΑΤΑΛΟΓΟΣ. [Του? τριηράρχους καλ^ίσθαι Ιτ:\
την τριήρη (τνν€κκαί^€κα €κ των iv rots λόχοις <τνντ€- 5
λαών, άττό €Ϊκοσί κάί irivTe ζτων ets Τ€τταράκοντα, €πΙ
ίσον TTJ χορηγία χρωμ^νονί.^
Φύρζ δη πάρα τούτον τον €Κ τον ίμοΰ νόμου κατά-
λογον.
ΚΑΤΑΛΟΓΟΣ. [Του? τριηράρχους αίρύσθαι kiu την ίο
τριήρη άττό της ουσίας κατά τίμησιν, από ταλάντων hiKa"
iav be ττλζΐόνων η ουσία άττοτβτιμημίνη fj χρημάτων,
κατά τον άναλογισμον €ως τριών ττλοίων και υ'πηρζτικου
η λειτουργία Ιστω. κατά την αυτήν he άναλογίαν ίστω
καΧ οΧς Ιλάττων ουσία Ιστϊ τών beKa ταλάντων, eh 15
συντίλειαν συναγομίνοις ets τα beKa τάλαντα.^
107 'Αρα μικρά βοηθησαι tols πενησιν υμών δοκώ^ ή
μικρά άναλώσαι αν τον μη τα δίκαια ποιεΐν eBeXeiv
οι πλούσιοι ; ον τοιννν μόνον τω μη καθνψεΐναι ταντα
σεμνύνομαι, ονδ\ τω γράφεις άποφεύγειν, άλλα και τω 2ο
σνμφεροντα θεΐναι τον νόμον και τω πεΐραν έργω δε-
δωκίναι. πάντα γαρ τον πόλεμον τών αποστόλων
γιγνομενων κατά τον νόμον τον εμον ούχ^ ικετηρίαν _^_
εθηκε τριήραρχο? ονδει? πώποτ αδικούμενο? παρ* νμΐν,
ουκ εν Μονννχία εκαθεζετο, ούχ ύπο τών αποστολέων 2^
εδεθη, ον τριήρης οντ εξω καταλειφΘεΐσα άπώλετο ttj
πόλει, οντ' αντον άπελειφβη ου δυνάμενη άνάγεσβαι.
108 καίτοι κατά του? προτέρου? νόμου? άπαντα ταύτα
a. τά$ ΊΓβντακοσία». The full fine ΙΟβ. 5. λόχοιβ = συ/ί /ioptoty. Voe-
for bringing forward an unsuccessful mel, however, has ovvrtXaiv for awrt-
ypa<fy^ was 1000 drachmae, but the kuSiv.
amount might be, and generally was, 1 3. άναλογισμον is not found else-
reduced to a sum fixed by the dicasts. where in this sense.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 83
Demosthenes, and having failed ίο receive his necessary propor-
tion of the votes paid the assessed penalty of five hundred drachmae.
Produce therefore that noble schedule also. 106
SCHEDULE.
That the trier archs be summoned to the charge of each trireme
in bodies of sixteen from the contributory associations in the com-
panies, from the age of five and twenty to that of forty years ^
furnishing the supplies in equal shares.
Now produce, in contrast to this, the schedule attached to
my law.
SCHEDULE.
That the trier archs be chosen for each trireme on a standard of
property ascertained by assessment, beginning with a rateable value
often talents ; and if a property have been assessed at a larger
sum, that the charge be increased proportionately, up to a maxi-
mum burden of three vessels and a tender. And according to the
same proportion let the charge fall also on those whose property is
less than the ten talents, they being grouped into a contributory
association whose joint assessment reaches the ten talents.
Do you think that I gave but Httle assistance to the poor 107
among you, or that the rich would be willing to spend but
little to escape doing their duty .? Not only then do I pride
myself on the fact that I did not strangle my measure, nor only
on the fact that when indicted I was acquitted, but also be-
cause 1 proposed a beneficial law and have given you proof of
it in practice. For while the naval squadrons were despatched
during the whole course of the war in accordance with my
law, no trierarch to this day deposited the suppliant's branch
on the altar in your midst as being unjustly treated, or took
sanctuary in the temple of Artemis Munychia, or was thrown
into prison by the Board of Despatch ; and no trireme was
lost to the stat e by having been abandoned on the hi^h_s eas,
or was l eft behind in harbour as unseaworthv; a nd yet alllOS
{ω$ in this use is Alexandrine. 24. irap' ύμΐν, 'in your assembly,*
107. 18. του μ,ή, § loo note. i.e. on the altar in the Pnyx.
20. ούδ€, § 2 note. 26. καταλ€ΐφθ€Ϊσο. Dind. has ica-
21. iretpav, § 195 note. ταλψρθ^ίσα, 'captured.'
G 2
84 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ los-m.
kyiyv€TO. το S* αίτιον, kv τοΪ9 πίνησιν ?jv το XeiTovp-
yen/• πολλά δη ταΛδύνατα συνίβαιν^ν. ίγω δ* ίκ
των απόρων eh τοί>9 €νπορονς μβτήνβγκα τα? τριηρ-
αρχίας• πάντ ουν τα δέοντα ίγίγνζτο. καΐ μην
> και κατ* αντο τοντο άξιος €ΐμι ίπαίνον τνχ^βΐν, οτι 5
Ι πάντα τα τοιαύτα προυρονμην πολιτεύματα, αφ* ων
\ άμα δοξαι και τιμαΐ και δυνάμεις σννββαινον ττ}
; πόλβι, βάσκανον δε καΐ πικρον και κακόηθες ούδίν
εστί πολίτευμα εμόν, ούδε ταπεινόν, ούδε της πόλεως
109 άνάξιον. ταύτο τοίνυν ήθος εχ^ων εν τ ε τοις κατά την ίο
, πόλιν πολιτεύμασι και εν τοις* Ελληνικοΐς φανήσομαι•
οΰτε γαρ εν Tjj πόλει τάς παρά των πλουσίων γάριτας
μάλλον η τά των πολλών δίκαια ειλόμην, οϋτ εν τοΐς
Ελληνικοΐς τά Φιλίππου δώρα και την ξενίαν ήγάπησα
άντι των κοινή πάσι τοΐς" Ελλησι συμφερόντων. 15
110 Ηγούμαι τοίνυν λοιπόν εΐναί μοι περί του κηρύγ-^
ματος ειπείν και των^ύθυνων το yap ως τά άριστα
τε επραττον και διά παντός ευνους είμι καΐ πρόθυμος
ευ ποιεΐν υμάς ίκανως εκ των είρημενων δεδηλωσθαί
μοι νομίζω, καίτοι τά μέγιστα γε των πεπολιτευ- 2ο
μένων και πεπραγμένων εμαυτω παραλείπω, ύπολαμ-
βάνων πρώτον μεν εφεξής τους περί αύτοϋ του παρα-
νόμου λόγους άποδοΰναί με δεΐν, είτα, καν μηδέν εΧπω
περί των λοιπών πολιτευμάτων, ομοίως παρ' υμών
εκάστω το συνειδος ύπάργειν μοι. 25
111 Τών μεν ουν λόγων, οΰς οδτος άνω και κάτω
διακυκών έλεγε περί τών παραγεγ ραμμένων νόμων,
108. Ι . τό δ* αίτιον, ' as for the incapacity to pay the Xeirovpyia : but
cause,' is probably accusative: cf. De a better opposition to πάι/τα.. (yiyvero
Chers. $ 32, p. 97 αίτιον 5k τούτων . . is obtained by rendering as above.
παρ(σκ(υάκασιν ύμα^ κ.τ.λ. 5. κατ' αντ6, § g note.
2. τά Δδυνατα might be referred to 110. 20. ΐΓ€'π•ολιτίυμ€νων και ire-
the technical sense of άδννατο5, i.e. πραγμ€νων, § 13 note.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 85
these things occurred under the former laws. The reason was
that the public burdens rested on the poor ; and therefore
many dead-locks came about. But I transferred the duty of
trierarchJrom jKe need y to the affluent; th us all that was ne-
cessar y ^oi done. And still further, I claim to receive~praise
for this simple reason, that I chose on principle all such
political measures as have brought increase at once of re-
putation, of honour and of power to the state ; and no measure
of mine is malignant or bitter or evil-minded ; no, nor mean
nor unworthy of the state. I shall therefore be shown to have 109
maintained the same character both in my home measures i^^^
and in my Hellenic policy: fpr at hnrnp TjTPvpr chose the ^^T^
favours of the r ich i n preference to the rights of the many,
and in my Hell e ni c p QlicyJL^everesteemed Philip's gifts and
< gnpgf-fripnHgVnp ' a hmr o thf* in if> rnatinni^l j ll t f Ff «t of all the
Hellenes^- -
1 apprehend then that it remains for me to speak about the 110
proclamation, and the scrutiiiyj for the proposition that I did
what was best and have continued throughout loyal and
zealous to serve you, I think I have sufficiently demonstrated
by what I have said above. And y et I leave unnam ed the
greatest of my po litical ac hievements, because I conceive, first,
that I must in strict order tender my arguments directly con-
cerning the breach of t he constitution; and, secon dly, that JA^ \4ϋ
even if I say nothi ng ^^ prpgpnt ahnnt thp raat-gf-my measures r~e Vi Ν 1
of state, nevertheless a common knowledge of them in the , β * ^y^
mind nf^arh of ynn I'g rpady trL.savppnrf me.
Of the verbiage, then, which he promiscuously dished up 111
and delivered on the subject of his counter-display of laws, I
21. 'ΐΓαραλ€ίτΓω here = • leave over for 111. 27. τταραγεγραμμένων is ex-
the present,' as the statement is made plained by Aeschines, § 199 ωσττ^ρ yap
below, not as in § loi, 'omit to state.' h rf) τίκτονικτ), όταν eidevai βουλώμ^θα
2 2 , irepi αύτοΰ, § g note. τό ορθόν και το μη, τον κανόνα ττροσψί-
24. όμ,οίω5 . . ύττάρχειν μοι, § 95 ρομ^ν ω ^ια^ιγνωσκίται, ούτω και kv
note. rais ypa<pai9 των παρανόμων ιταράκ^ιται
Do
86 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§111-113.
οντί^ μα T0V9 θεού^ οϊμαι ύμά9 μανθάνβίν οντ αύ-
TOS 'η8ννάμην σννύναί τού^ πολλούς' απλώς 8e
rijv ορθην π€ρΙ των δίκαιων δίαλύξομαι. τοσούτον
γαρ δύω λ^•γ€ΐν ώί ουκ €ΐμΙ υπεύθυνος, δ νυν ούτος
δίύβαλλζ καΐ διωρίζβτο, ωσθ' άπαντα τον β ων νπ^ν- 5
θννος ζΐναί ομολογώ ων ή διακ^γ^ίρίκα η πβπολί-
112 τβνμαι παρ' νμΐν. ων μ^ντοι ye e/c της ιδίας ουσίας
ί παγγβίλάμζνος δβδωκα τω δήμω, ονδβμίαν ήμβραν
υπεύθυνος elvai φημι (άκονβις Αίσγίνη ;) ούδ' άλλον
ονδ^να, ούδ* αν τών evvia άργοντων τις ων τνγτ}. τις ίο
γάρ €στί νόμος τοσαντης αδικίας καΐ μισανθρωπίας
μζστός, ώστ€ τον δόντα τι τών ιδίων και ποιήσαντα
πράγμα φιλάνθρωπον και φιλόδωρον της γάριτος μ\ν
άποστ€ρ€Ϊν, e/s τονς σνκοψάντας δβ άγβιν, και τούτους
ίπι τας ξύθύνας ών ίδωκ^ν ίψιστάναι ; ούδ€ ety. et 15
/oe ψησιν ούτος, δβιξάτω, κάγώ στύρξω και σιωπήσομαι.
113 αλλ* ουκ ίστιν, άνδρας 'Αθηναίοι, αλλ' ol•τoς συκο-
φαντών, 6τ ι kπl τω θβωρικώ τότ£ ων Ιπίδωκα τα χρή-
ματα, ^πιίνξσζν αυτόν ψησιν νπ^ύθυνον οντά. ου π^ρΐ
τούτων ye ούδβνός, ών υπεύθυνος ην, αλλ* kcj/ οις 2ο
ίπίδωκα, ω συκοφάντα. αλλά καΐ τ^ιγοποιος ησθα.
και διά ye τοϋτο ορθώς ίπ^νούμην, δτι τάνηλωμίνα —
ίδωκα και ουκ ίλογιζόμην. 6 μ\ν γαρ λογισμός ευ-
θυνών και τών ζξβτασόντων προσδύται, ή δβ δωρ€α
χάριτος και επαίνου δικαία €στι τνγχάν€ΐν' διόπ^ρ 25
κα90}ν τον ΖικαΙου τουτί rb oaviSiov, κάΙ 5• SuopiJ^eTO, § 40 note.
τό ψήφισμα καΙ οΐ ιταραη(^ραμμίνοί 6. δίακ(χ€ίρικα is specially used of
νόμοι, ταύτα συμφωνούντα άΧΚηΚοΐί handling state moneys : cf. Aesch. c.
imZti^ai καταβαίνω. The laws al- Ct. § 30 τά δημόσια χρήματα δίαχίΐ-
leged to have been violated vi^ere ρίζ(ΐν.
written out, side by side with the in- 112. 8. c1rαγγcιλdμ€vos.' When the
dieted decree, on a board which was national accounts showed a deficit the
to be produced in court. πρυτάνίΐί summoned an assembly and
3. τήν δρθήν, sc. όδόν, of. § 15. called for voluntary contributions
4. δ vvv H.T.K. Aesch. c. Ct. §17. {ίπιδόσ(ΐ5 § 1 71). Those who were
I
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 8;
Γ believe before heaven that you did not understand, as I could
not comprehend, the greater part. But I will simply discuss
the legal points in a straightforward ih anner. For I am so
far from saymg that I am not subject to scrutiny^ as my op-
ponent just now calumniously affirmed, that I confess myself
to be liable to scrutiny during the whole of my life both for
the moneys I have handled and the measures I have proposed
in your midst. None the less, for what I promised and gave 112
to the people out of my private property I declare that I am
not for a single day subject to scrutiny — you hear, Aeschines ?
— and that no one else is, even should he happen to be one of
the nine archons. Fox_what_ia ^s full of suchj nofistrous in-
justice and chu rlishness, as first to r ob one wMo has given
away pa rt of his o wn substance, and has perfo rrned a be-
nevolent and munificent action, of his meed of gratitude, and
then bring him before the common informers and set them to
conduct the scrutiny into his gifts? There is no'^uch law:
and if mjTopponent says~ there is, let him produce it, and I
will be content and will hold my peace. There is however no 113
such law, men of Athens ; but my opponent cavils, and, be-
cause I was manager of the theoric fund, at the time when I
gave the money, says, * The council gave him a vote of thanks
while he was yet an accountable officer.' jsTn^ ravij ler, they did
not prais e me for any of the thi ngs for which I was account-
able, but for my free gifts. An objector may say, ' You were
conservator of the walls.^ Yes, and I was rightly praised
for this reason, that I made a present of the moneys I. had
spent and did not enter them into my accounts. For while
the presentation of accounts has further need of scrutiny and
examiners, a-iree-gift- ohould rightly meet with thank s and
praise. Therefore my client made this proposal about me.
willing to give rose from their seats intended to suggest the phrase fh rovs
, and formally promised subscriptions, λογίίττά? aytiv, used of sending an ex-
the amounts of which were stated and magistrate before the board of au-
registered against their names. This ditors in order to pass the scrutiny into
proceeding was called ewayyeKia. his official conduct {ευθύνη) to which
Those who could not, or would not, every Athenian officer, high or low,
subscribe, either kept their seats or, was subject {υΊΤίύθϋνοί). Cf. Aesch.
like the άν(\ίύθίρο$ in Theophrastus, c. Ct. § 15 sqq.
slipped away. 113. 19. Before ύπεύθυνον Dind.
14. 6ls Tovs συκοφάνταβ δ^ άγβιν is has ή βουλή, and after ησθα adds ^17^4.
8a ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§114-116.
114 ταντ eypayfrev 681 nepl ίμον. otl δ' οντω ταντα ου
μόνον kv Τ0Ϊ9 νόμοί^ άλλα καί kv τοΪ9 νμζτβροί? ήθξσιν
ωρισται^ eyo) ράδιων πολλαγόβ^ν δζίξω. πρώτον μ\ν
yap Ναυσικλη^ στρατηγών^ €0' ofy άπο των ίδιων
προβΐτο, πολλάκις kστe(j>άvωτaL νψ* υμών ζΐθ* δτ€ τα9 5
ασπίδα? Διότιμο? €δωκ€ καΐ πάλιν Χαρίδημο?^ kaT€-
ψανοΰντο' βΐθ ούτος Ν€οπτ6λ€μο9 πολλών €ργων
€πιστάτη9 ων, k(^ oh kπiδωκ€, τβτίμηται. σγβτλίον
γαρ αν €Ϊη τοΰτό γ€, el τω τίνα άρχην άργοντί η
δίδόναι Trj πόλβί τα έαυτοΰ δια την άρχ^ην μη ζξίσται, ίο
ή τών δοθίντων άντι του κομίσασθαι χάριν ζύθύνας
115 ύψίξξΐ. "Οτι τοίνυν ταϋτ άληβή λίγω, Xeye tol ψη-
φίσματα μοι τα τούτοις γβγβνημίνα αύτα λαβών.
λ eye.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ. 15
["Αρχων Αημόνικο9 Φλνευς, βoηbpoμLώvos <ίκτΎ\ μ€Τ
€ΐκάδα, γνώμτ] βονληί καΐ brjμoυ, Καλλίαξ Φρεάρριο?
eiTTev otl boKei Trj βουλτ] καΐ τω bημ<ύ στ€φανώσαι
Ναυσικλ€α τον εττΐ τών οττλων, οτι ^Αθηναίων δττλιτών
bLσχ^Lλίωv όντων kv "Ιμβρω καϊ βοηθούιη-ων rots κατοι- 2ο
κονσιν ^Αθηναίων την νησον, ον bvvaμkvov Φίλωνος του
em της bLOlκησ€ως Κ€\<Είροτονημίνου bia τους χζΐμώνας
'ΐτλ€νσαι καΐ μLσθoboτησaL τους όπλιτα?, e/c της lbίaς
ουσίας eδωκe καϊ ουκ €ΐσ4πρα$€ τον bήμov, καϊ άναγο-
ρβϋσαι τον στ^φανον Αιονυσίοις τpaγωboΐς καινοϊς. 25
lie ΕΤΕΡΟΝ ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. EtTre Κάλλια? Φpeάppιo5,
πρυτάνεων λζγόντων βουλής γνώμ^, kircibri Xapίbημoς
6 €πΙ των οπλιτών, αποστολές eis Σαλαμίνα, καϊ Διο-
I. δδί, Ctesiphon. Greek (cf. Soph. Antig. 454, etc.), and
114. 2. ήθίσιν. Dind. has €θ€σιν has the advantage of the best MS.
both here and m § 275. But, although authority.
the combination of ' laws and customs ' 5. δτ€ is better than the variant δτί,
is a commoner thought, the combina- the point being that Diptimus was iwl
tion ' of your written statutes and your τών Ιτητίων, and hence νιτ(νθννοί, at the
moral natures ' is quite intelligible, is time when the crown was voted him.
w
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. Sg
And that this question has been so settled, not only in your 114
laws, but in your own hearts, I will easily show from many
instances, -j n the first place. Nausicles. during his gen eralship,
has been off en rmwnprl by ynn for what hp garrlfired out of
his personal property Npvf^ whpn Dintimns gave the shields ■^^Κ^'ίυηΛ^
an d Charidemus did the same again, thev were cro wned. κ
Nex t, NeOptolemUS. w ho ^'g "^'"^ prppont^ t^^rtn^h nv prgp^r of
many p ublic works, has received honours on account of his
donations.. For it indeed would be hard, if the holder of
any office should either be prevented by his office from giving
his own property to the state, or should undergo a scrutiny into
his gifts instead of reaping gratitude. To prove therefore that 115
I state these cases truly, \io the clerk'] simply take and read the
decrees that were passed in honour of these men. Please read.
DECREES.
In the archonship of Demonicus, of the deme Phlyes, on ihe
sixteenth of the month Boedromion, by a resolution of the council
and people, Callias, of the deme Phrearri, moved, That it seems
good to the council and people to crown Nausicles, the commander
of the heavy infantry, because, when two thousand Athenian heavy-
armed troops were in Imbros and were giving aid to the Athen-
ians who inhabited the island, seeing that Philo, who had been
elected minister of finance, was unable, owing to the storms, to
sail and pay the troops, he gave them money out of his own
private property, and did not require it of the people : and to pro-
claim the crown at the festival of Dionysus when the new dra-
matists contend.
ANOTHER DECREE. 116
// was moved by Callias, of the deme Phrearri, when the pry-
tanes spoke according to a resolution of the council, Whereas
Charidemus, commander of the heavy-armed, being commissioned
to Salamis, and Diotimus, commander of the cavalry, seeing that
8. σχίτλιον .. τοΰτό γε, § 2. χων wants construction.
115. 13. TOVTOLs, cf. μοί § Il8. 19. τον .. δπλων, τον., διοικήσίωβ,
αυτά, § 120 note. ...... § 38.
■"^5• ψήφισμα. The archon is again 25. τραγφδοΐβ καινοΐβ, § 54 note.
' pseudonymus,' and it is imusual to 116. 27. λίγόντων seems equivalent
add the title of his deme ; while άρ- to χρηματιζόντων § 75.
90 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ ho-hs.
rijmos 6 em των Ιτητέων^ kv rfj em του ττοταμου μάχτ}
των στρατιωτών τίνων υττο των ττολζμίων σκνλ^υθ^ντων,
€Κ των ihίωv άναλωμάτων καθώττλίο-αν tovs veavCanovs
αστϊίσιν όκτακοσίαί9) beboxOaL Trj βουλτ) καΐ τω bημω
στ€φανώσαί 'Kapίbημov καΐ Αωτιμον χρνσω στ€φάνω, 5
καΐ άναγορ€ϋσαί ΤΙαναθηναίοΐί rots /meyaAots €V τω γνμ-
νικω άγώνί καΐ Αωνυσίοΐί τραγωδοϊ? καινοϊς' Trjs be
άναγορ€νσ€ω9 ΙττιμζληΘηναι θ^σμοθάτα^» irpvTaveLSf άγω-
lO^eras.]
117 Τούτων €καστο9, Αισχίνη, τη^ μ\ν αρχή? ^y rjp^ev ίο
νπ€νθννο9 ην^ &ρ* OLS $ ζστζψανοντο, ουχ ύπ€νθννο9.
ούκοϋν ούδ' €γώ• ταύτα yhp δίκαια €στί μοι nepi των
αύτων τοΪ9 άλλοι? δήπον. ίπύδωκα ; ίπαινονμαι δια
ταντα, ούκ ων ων ίδωκα υπεύθυνο?, ηρχον ; και δ€-
δωκά ye eύ6ύva9 eκeιvωv, ούχ ων €πέδωκα. vrj Δι\ 15
αλλ* άδίκω? ηρζα ; ^Γτα παρών, oTe /xe eiarjyov οι
λoyιστaί, ού κaτηy6peιs ;
118 ' '^/να τοίννν ΐδητ€ οτι αύτο9 ούτό? μοι μαρτνρ€Ϊ e(j)
019 ονχ vπeύθvvo9 ην eaTe(f)avS>aeai, λαβών άvάyvωθι
το ψήφισμα όλον το ypaφev μοι. οι? yap ούκ eypa- 20
ψατο τον 7Γροβονλ€ύματο9, τούτοις, oL διώκ€ΐ, συκο-
φαντών φavήσeτaι. λeye.
t ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. [ΈττΙ apxovTos Ev^v/cXeovs, irvave-
xjn&vos evaTT] arciovTos, φυλής 'πρυτaveυovσηs OlvηCbos,
i Κτησιφών AeωσΘevoυs ^Αναφλύστιοί etirev, eireibr} Αη- 25
μοσθένης Αημοσθ4νουί Uaiavieiis γevόμevos €'πιμeλητ'ηί
TTJs των τ€ΐχώι; e'πισκevηs καΐ ιτροσαναλώσας els τα epya
117. 13• «'ΐΓ€δωκα; «παινοΰμοα /c.tA. 14• κα1δ€δωκάγ€. * Yes, awi/Ihave
For the asyndeton cf. §§ 198, 274. given.' Aeschines, in a similar sense
Perhaps we should omit the mark of and usage, has Zi ye, cf. § 246 5ίκην
interrogation in these places, as in the ris δ€δα>«€ ττονηρύ^' oi δ^ ye άλλοι
instances where «oi δη with a perfect ηίνούδίυνται.
'puts a case' (,καΐ δ^ δiδeyμaι Aesch. 15. <κ«ίνων, i.e. my various offices.
Eum. 894, etc.) vrj Δί* . . ήρ{α. See §101 note.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 9ΐ
in the batik by the river certain of the troops had been disarmed
by the enemy, at their private expense equipped the men with eight
hundred shields, It has been resolved by the council and people to
crown Charidemus and Diotimus with a golden crown and to
make the proclamation of their names at the great Panathenaic
festival during the gymnastic contest, and at the festival of Diony-
sus when the new dramatists contend : and that the six junior
archons, the prytanes and the stewards of the games have charge
of the proclamation.
Each of these men, Aeschines, was subject to scrutiny for 117
the office which he held, but was not subject to scrutiny for
those things in virtue of which he was crowned. Nor am
I, therefore : for I imag ine I Jia ye the same rights as the rest
under the^ same circumstan ces. Have I made a donation?
I am praised on that account, not being held liable to
scrutiny for what I gave. Did I hold offices? Yes, and I
have yielded an account of them, — not of my donations. Yes,
but (it will be said) I acted unjustly in my offices. If that
were so, then, as you were present when the auditors brought
me before them, did you omit to accuse me ?
In order therefore that my hearers may see that my op- US
ponent himself testifies in my favour, that I was crowned for
actions for which I was not subject to scrutiny, take and read
the whole decree which was proposed in my honour. For by
means of those points in the previous resolution which he
did not indict, it will be shown that he cavils in the counts
on which he does prosecute. Please read.
DECREE.
In the archonship of Euthycles, on the twenty-second of Py-
anepsion, during the pry tany ship of the tribe Oeneis, Ctesiphon,
son of Leosthenes, of the deme Anaphlystus, proposed'. Whereas
Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the deme Paeania, having
become overseer of the restoration of the walls, and having spent
118. 20. TO γραφδν μ,οι, § 115 τά onymous. The sense of τοΓ?.. β€α;/)ΐ«οΓ?
Ύοντοι% -^ίΎ^νημένα. is doubtful, as ' the theoric funds from
ois . . του Ίτροβουλεύματοβ. Cf. § all the tribes ' is an un ntelligible ex-
56 ά . . του φηφίσματοί. pression, while it is violent to make
21. TovTots = 'by these' must be θ€ωρικοΪ5 equivalent to 0€α;/)οΓΓ =' de-
taken with φανησ€ται. puties to the feasts.' Dind. has θβω-
23. ψήφισμα. The arch on is pseud- pots in the text.
92
«rf-rt^V
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §5118-120.
από τήί Ihias ουσίας τρία τάλαντα βττεδωκβ ταύτα τω bημω,
καΐ €ττΙ του θ€ωρίκοϋ κατασταθ €ΐς, 6π€δωκ€ rots €κ ττασων
των φυλών θ^ωρικοϊς €κατον μνάς etj θυσίας, δβδοχ^αι
TTJ βουλΐι καΐ τω δήμω τω ^Αθηναίων ^τϊαινίσαι Αημοσ-
θίνην ΑημοσΘ4νου9 ΤΙαίανια apcTrjs €ν€κα καΐ καλοκαγα- 5
eias rJ9 ίγων hiaTeX^i iv τταντί καιρώ els τον ^ημον τον
^Αθηναίων, καΐ στ^φανωσαι χρυσω στζφάνω, καΐ αναγο-
ρ^υσαι τον στίφανον kv τω θζάτρί^ Αωνυσίοις Tpayiubols
λ•'*^. C>*f**' ■^^cati^ots* TTJs be άvaγopeυσeωs ^τημ€ληθηναί τον άγωνο-
-r"*" ^ θ^ην.] ΙΟ
119 Ούκοϋν α μ\ν ίπίδωκα, ταντ ίστίν, ων ovSev συ
γ^γραψαΐ' ά δύ ψησιν ή βονλη δβΐν άντΙ τούτων
• γβνίσθαί μοι, ταντ' ίσθ* α δίώκ€ί9. το λaβeΐv οΰν
τα δLδ6μeva ομολόγων ίννομον elvai^ το χάριν τούτων
άποδονναι παρανόμων γράφτ). ό 5e παμπόνηρο? αν- 15
θρωπο? καΐ OeoTs eyOpos καΙ βάσκανο? όντως ποΐός τις
άν €Ϊη προ9 Oeoov ', ονχ 6 τοιούτος ;
120 ΚαΙ μ^ν π€ρΙ τον γ* ίν τω θβάτρω κηρύττβσθαι, το
μβν μνριάκι? μνριονς κζκηρνχθαι παραλ€ίπω και το
πολλάκις αντος €στ€φανωσθαι πρότ€ρον. άλλα προς 2ο
^ cis^ Oecov οντω σκαιος ei και αναίσθητος, Α Ισχινη, ωστ ον
δύνασαι λογίσασθαι ότι τω μ\ν στeφavovμevω τον
αντον e^ei ζηλον 6 στέφανος, οπον άν άναρρηθγί, "^^^
δζ των στ€φανούντων eveKa σνμφίροντος kv τω θeά-
τρω yiyveTai το κήρνγμα ; οι γαρ άκούσαντζς άπαντζς 25
e/y το ποί€Ϊν ev την πόλιν προτρέπονται, και τονς απο-
δίδοντας τ^ν χάριν μάλλον ίπαινονσι τον στβφανονμέ-
νον διόπ€ρ rbv νόμον τοντον ή πόλις γέγραφζν. /Ι eye
δ' αυτόν μοι τον νόμον λαβών.
119. ι6. δντωβ, 'in the ideal sense.' schines, c. Ct. § 33 sqq.
In Plato τά 6ντα are the ISiai, or 120. 20. πολλάκιβ, § 233 and § 83
eternal archetypes of visible things note.
18. irepl TOt) . . κηρΰττ€σ6αι. Ae• άλλα irp3s 0€wv .. κήρυγμα ; It is
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 93
on the works out of his private property additional three talents,
made a donation of these to the people, and when appointed
manager of the theoric fund made a donation to the theoric funds
in all the tribes of one hundred minae for the purpose of sacri-
fices, It hath been resolved by the council and the people of the
Athenians to give a vote of thanks to Demosthenes, son of De-
mosthenes^ of the deme Paeania, on account of his excellence,
and of the honourable conduct which he constantly shows on
every occasion towards the people of the Athenians, and to crown
him with a golden crown, and to proclaim the crown in the
theatre at the festival of Dionysus when the new dramatists con-
tend : and that the steward of the games be charged with the
proclamation.
My donations therefore are these, none of which have you 119
indicted ; but the return which the council says must be made
me in recognition of them is what you prosecute. So, while
you admit tha i to receive wh at is offered is constitutional,
to return thanks for the otterings you mdici as a breach of
the r onstitntinn . What soft ot man, m the n3Tne-of heaven,
would be in an ideal degree the utter villain, the apostate, and
the malignant ? Would he not be just such a man as we have
here ?
Furthermore, in dealing with the proclamation in the theatre, 120
I pa ss over the fact that t en thousand men have been there
proclaimed ten thousand times over, and the fact that I myself
have been often crowned before. But in heaven's name,
Aeschines, are you so perverse and so devoid of perception,
as to be unable to infer that, while the crown contains the
same distinction for its recipient wherever it may be an-
nounced, it is in the interest of those who confer the crown/
that the proclamation takes place in the theatre ? For all whd
hear are impelled to do their country good service, and praise
those who show their gratitude more than the receiver of the
crown. That is why the city has passed this law. \To the
clerk.] Simply take and read me the law.
necessary to consider this an interro- read with the best MSS. For the
gation, owing to the presence of π/)05 variant ώστ ου δννασθαι see § 283
θ€ών. note.
21. ώστ' ου δύνασαι is here to be 23. αυτόν, § 1 26 note.
94 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§120-123.
ΝΟΜΟΣ. ["Οσου? στ^φανονσί tlv€S των ^ήμων, ras
άναγορευσαί των στ€φάνων ττοίξΐσθαί €v avTois €κά-
(TTOVS rots Ihiois δτ^/χοΐί, kav μη Tivas δ δ^μο? 6 των
* Αθηναίων η η βονλη στέφανοι' tovtovs δ' e^eirat kv τω
Θ^άτρω Αωννσίοίί [άναγορ€ύ€σ•Θαί.']\ 5
1^1 'Akov€19j Αίσ\ίνη^ του νομού λύγοντος σαφω9, πλ^ν
kav TLvas 6 δήμος η ή βονλη ψηφίσηταΐ' τούτους 8e
άναγορ^υίτω. τι οΰν, ω ταλαίπωρα, συκοφαντ€Ϊς ; τι
λόγους πλάττ^ις ; τι σαυτον ουκ €λλ€βορίζ€ίς ίπΐ τού-
\ τοις ; αλλ' ούδ^ αίσχυντ} φθόνου δίκην €ίσάγ€ίν, ουκ ίο
αδικήματος ούδ^νός, καΐ νόμους μβταποιών, των ^
άφαιρών μ^ρη, ους όλους δίκαιον ην άναγίγνώσκ€σ'θαι
τοις γε όμωμοκόσί κατά τους νόμους ψηφίζΐσθαι ;
122 €π€ίτα τοιαύτα ποιων λίγβις α δβΐ προσβΐναι τω δη-
μοτικω, ωσπ^ρ aj /δ^άντα ίκδξδωκως κατά σνγγραφήν, 15
€ΐτ ουκ ίγοντα οι προσήκβν €Κ της συγγραφής κομι-
ζόμ€νος, η λόγω τους δημοτικούς αλλ' ου τοις πράγμασι
και τοις πολιτβύμασι γιγνωσκομίνους. βοάς ρητά και
άρρητα όνομαζων, ωσττζρ e| αμάξης, α σοι και τω σω
123 γίν€ΐ πρόσίστιν, ουκ ίμοί. καίτοι καΐ τοΰτο, ω άνδρας 2ο
'Αθηναίοι. €γώ λοιδορίαν κατηγορίας τούτω διαφύρβιν
Ύίγοΰμαι, τω την μίν κατηγορίαν άδικήματ ^χ^ΐ-ν, ων
kv τοις νόμοις €ΐσιν αι τιμωρίαι, την δβ λοιδορίαν
βλασφημίας, άς κατά ttjv αύτων φύσιν τοις kχθpoΐς
nepl αλλήλων συμβαίνει λύγζίν. οίκοδομήσαι δβ τους 25
Ι. vopios. See Introduction. Ct, §§ 168, 169.
121. 8. άναγορ€υίτω, sc. ό κήρυξ. ι8. γιγνωσκομ,ίνου$. After ώί,ώσνίρ
ΙΟ. €ΐσάγ€ΐν. Dind. has daayajv, 'do the accusative absolute is common, as
you ncAfcd ashamed when you bring § 276, and is used in Aeschines, c. Ct.
into court,' etc. ; and this reading § 143 '^paipas . . βοηθ€Ϊν Άθηναιον5
seems necessary, imless the follow- Βοιωτοί?, . . ώί rovs Boiarrovs . . dyavfi-
ing participles are also changed into aovras, even in violation of the canon
infinitives. of absolute clauses (for which see
1 1 . After νύμονβ Dind. has rovs above § 33 note.)
fUv, which is desirable. Before βο^% Dind. has καί.
122. 14. δημοηκγ, Aeschines, c. 19. ω<Γπ-<ρ<|άμΔζη$. On the second
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ,
95
LAW.
In the case of all whom any of the demes crown, let the crown-
ing bodies make the proclamations each in their special demes
only, except in the case of any persons whom the people of the
Athenians or the council crown ; but it shall be lawful that these
be proclaimed in the theatre at the festival of Dionysus.
You hear, Aeschines, that the law distinctly states 'ex-
cept such as the people or the council shall decree/ but
'such let the herald proclaim.' Why, thereforej^_gettifog-
ger, do you c a vil? Why do you manufacture ar grimenTs^
Why do you not dose yourself with hellebore after these
ravings? What, are you not even prevented by shame from
bringing into court a suit springing out of your own jealousy,
not another's misdemeanour, and are you not ashamed when
you twist laws and remove portions from others, which ought
justly to have been recited in their entirety to men who, we
must remember, have sworn to vote in accordance with the
laws? After this, in the midst of such malpractices, you tell
us what qualities should attach to the leader of a free state,
as though you had given out a statue t o be made according
to specification and afterwards received it without the points
required by the specification, or as though popular statesmen
were discovered by mere definition and not by their conduct
^and their public measures. You shout aloud, as if from a cart,
jpithets fit and filthy, which attach to you and your family,
)ut not to me. And yet another point also, men of Athens,
have always s upposed that to a hn^p anH to q (-rnsp diff"er in
lis, that while accusation implies misdemeanours, pen alties
for whi^iniT P provide d i n t h ft Inw ^ abuse imp lies calumnies^
rhich by a. natnni tpnrjpnry priyf^ffi enemies find themselves
speaking of one another. And I conceive that your ancestors
fjcj.
122
123
day of that festival of Dionysus which
was called Ανθεστήρια, and was held
in the Attic month 'Ανθεστηρίων,
^ which corresponded to February, took
)lace the κωμο5 εφ' αμαξών. The
romen rode to the mysteries in wag-
jons, and on the way indulged in the
lost ribald personalities. From such
)rocessions, πομπαΐ, arose the words
τομιτεύειν, ' to be ribald,' which occurs
[§ 124, and πομπίία, ' ribaldry,' § 11.
123. 20. καίτοι καΐ τοντο. This
elliptical phrase recurs Phil. i. § 11,
p. 43 : compare και yap av τούτο pp.
442, 568, and liret κάκ€ΐνο, p. 1097.
24. κατά τήν αντων φύσιν . . συμ-
βαίνει ' in accordance with their natural
tendency,' i. e. as enemies, ' it comes
about that they abuse one another.'
The other rendering, ' more or less,
according to their particular disposi-
tions,' seems to introduce an irrelevant
96
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ
§§ 123-125•
»^
προγόνους ταντί τα δικαστήρια ύπβίληφα ού\ ίνα σνλ-
! λίξαντ^ς ύμα9 ety ταντα απ ο των ιδίων κακώς τα
ι απόρρητα λίγωμξν αλλήλους, αλλ' ινα ίξζλύγχωμβν,
124 eav τις ήδικηκώς τι τυγγ^άντ) τήν πόλιν. ταϋτα τοί-
νυν €ΐδως Αισγίνης ούδ^ν ήττον €μοΰ πομπ^ύ^ιν άντι 5
του κατηγορβΐν €Ϊλ6Τ0. ου μην ούδ' ίνταΰθα ίλαττον
€χων δίκαιος εστίν άπελθεΐν. ήδη δ βπι ταϋτα πορεύ-
σομαι, τοσούτον αύτον ίρωτήσας. πότερόν σί τις,
Αίσγίνη, της πόλεως ε^θρον ή εμον εΐναι ψτ} ; εμον
δήλον ΟΤΙ. είτα ου μεν ην παρ' εμοΰ δίκην κατά τους ίο
ινόμους ίίττερ.^ τούτων λαβεΐν, ει περ ήδίκουν, εξελειπες,
Λν ταΐς ευΒύναις, εν ταΐς γραψαΐς, εν ταΐς άλλαις κρί-
12» σεσιν ου δ' εγω μεν άθωος άπασι, τοις νόμοις, τω
^ρόνω, T7J προθεσμία^ τω κεκρίσθαι περί πάντων πολ-
λάκις πρότερον, τω μηδεπώποτε εξελεγχθήναι μηδέν 15
υμάς άδικων, τη πόλει δ* ή πλέον ή ελαττον ανάγκη
των γε δημοσία πεπραγμένων μετεΐναι της δόξης, εν-
ταύθα άπήντηκας ; ορα μη τούτων μεν εχ^θρος ης,
(1* εμοι δε προσποιη.
thought, which also weakens the
general argument,
2. κακώ$ could well be dispensed
with. Both κακώ^ Κί^ωμ^ν άΧΚ•η\ου$
and τά απόρρητα Χί^ωμ^ν άΧ\7}Κου$ are
regular Greek : but their combination
in one construction, in which Dissen
sees no difficulty, is at any rate un-
exampled. The conjecture aitb των
Ιδίων κακών is rejected by Dissen on
rather weak grounds (' Dedecora pri-
vata pauci concedant se habere, nee
Demosthenes concedit, sed maledicunt
sibi ex privata vita litigantes nunc vere,
nunc etiam mendaciis compositis').
Kojcws has all the best, however, of the
MS. authority. And it would be
rather wanton to excise it as a gloss
on τάπόρρητα, when it yields a con-
ceivable, if unusual, construction.
Aeschines' \oiSopia is contained in
c. Ct. §§ 171 sqq.^
124. 5. irop.irctjciv, § 122 note.
6. €ντανθα, i. e, in the matter of per-
sonalities.
II. ΰττίρ τούτων can only mean 'on
behalf of your coimtrymen,'as the whole
point now is that Aeschines not only
neglected to serve his country by taking
proper means to bring Demosthenes,
if guilty, to justice, but ventured even
to assail his country in his present
prosecution, which left Demosthenes
unscathed. Observe in the following
chapter the emphatic opposition Ιγώ
μ\ν άΘφο$ κ.τ.Κ. . . rfj πόλ^ι δέ κ.τ.λ.
cIcXciTTCs. Dind. has i(4\infs.
The word is specially applied to de-
sertion : cf. Aeschines, c. Ct. § 7 inKi-
rrtiv T^v τάζιν.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
97
built these courts of law, not that we might assemble you here,
and out of our private histories slander one another unspeak-
ably, but that we might convict the man who may have
wronged his country in any particular. Though Aeschines, 124
then, was well aware of this, he nevertheless deliberately
choseJa>JAttef libaldry, rathcr -than bring accusations, against
me. Not that he has any rig ht to quit the ground without re-
ceivin g his due in kin d ; and I wiLajLiaiCfiLStep forward to give
him this, when I have aske d him but one que stion. Would it
be said, Aeschines, that you were the enemy of the state, or
my enemy.? My enemy, obviously. Yet, in the one field,
where you might have got satisfaction from me constitutionally
and patriotically, if indeed I were guilty,— in the audits, indict-
ments, and other forms of trial, — you deserted your post. In 125
another field, where personally I am invulnerable on all sides
— owing to the laws, the lapse of time, thestatute of limita-
tions, the fact that I have many times before been tried on
every count and never to this day been convicted of doing
my hearers any wrong — where the state, however, must share
more or less largely in the credit of what, observe, were done
as national acts, — have you fixed our encounter here ? Beware
lest you be found the enemy of your countrymen and make
but a feint of enmity towards me.
125. 13. Tots νόμοΐ8 κ.τ.Χ. The
common interpretation, which makes
TTf προθίσμία simply repeat νόμοΐ5 and
χρόνω in combination, exhibits a very
violent tautology. Hence it is better
to refer νόμοΐί to the particular laws
just produced as sanctioning the coro-
nation and proclamation.
14. Ίτροθβσμία. In suits of most
kinds (among them "γραφαΐ τταρανόμων)
a period after which they could not
be brought was fixed by the νόμο^
ηροθ^σμΊαί, or * statute of limitations.*
In some serious criminal charges no
such period was fixed : and we must
suppose that a similar relaxation of
the law had been granted, or was ex-
ceptionally claimed, in the case of the
present Ύραψή.
ΊΓολλάκΐβ, §§ 2 2 2, 3 1 0.
1 8. μη.. -as. See Shilleto, de Fals.
Leg. App. A.
98
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ
§§ 126-128.
12β
127
^
-Λ
128
Έπ€ίδ^ τοίννν η μ\ν βνσββ^ς καΐ δικαία ψήψο^
αττασι δίδβίκται^ δξΐ δύ /ne, ώ? eoi/ce, καίπ^ρ ου φι-
λολοίδορον οντα^ δια τα? νπο τούτον βλασφημία?
€ΐρημίνα9 άντΙ πολλών καΐ ψζνδών αντα τάναγκαιόρ
τατ €ίπ€ίν wepl αύτοΰ^ καΐ δβΐξαι τί^ ων καΐ τίνων 5
ραδίω? όντως οίρχ^ι τον κακώς λζγζΐν, καΐ λόγους
τ ίνας δίασνρ€ί, αντος ^ίρηκώς ά τίς ονκ αν ωκνησβ
τών μετρίων ανθρώπων φθίγξασθαί ; — el γαρ Αία-
/c^y η* Ραδάμανθνς η Μίνως ην ό κατηγορών, άλλα μη
σπ ^ρμόλογος, π^ρίτριμμα αγοράς, ολβθρος γραμματεύς, ίο
ονκ άν αντον οΐμαι ταντ ζίπεΐν ούδ' αν ούτως €πα-
)(^θ€Ϊς λόγους πορίσασθαι, ωσπβρ kv τραγωδία βοώντα
ω γη καΙ ήλί€ καΐ άρζτη καΐ tcl τοιαύτα, και πάλιν
σνν€σιν και παιδβίαν ίπικαλούμενον, ^ τα καλά και
τα αίσγ^ρα διαγιγνώσκ€ταΐ' ταύτα γαρ δήπονθζν ΐζ
ήκούβτ αύτοΰ λίγοντος. σοΙ δβ αρετής, ω κάθαρμα, ή
126. Ι. Ιπίΐδή κ.τ.λ. There is no
need to suppose an ' indignant sup-
pression of the apodosis' at the end
of this section. The protasis in two
members, ή μίν . . δέδ^ικται and δβΓ δέ
μ€ κ.τ.λ., proceeds quite regularly
downto</)i(7i"^^at ; then, §§127,128,
a parenthesis, introduced by yap, ex-
tends continuously, in closely-con-
nected sentences, as far as ntpieariv.
After this parenthesis, the participial
clause, § 1 29 ονκ άπορων δέ . . fintiv
quite normally resumes and adds to
the protasis, and at last the apodosis
comes in απορώ . . (pyaaias [or, with
Dind.'s reading, απορώ . . (ξίθρίψ^],
rounding the period and fulfilling the
promise (δίΐ^αι ris ών καΧ τίνων, etc.)
given in the piptasis. In translation
It is perhaps most convenient to treat
protasis and apodosis here as co-
ordinates.
€ύσ€βή$ . . ψήφοβ. Cf. Fals. Leg.
§ 35^^ P• 44^ "^^^ όσίαν καΐ τ^ν ducaiay
φηψον.
3. διά Tclt . . <ίρημ4να$, § 71 note.
4. αυτά . . clireiv, ' merely s^f ite.'
LC adverbial force of avros, in coi
>— — ^ For
the adverbial force of avros, in connec-
tion with the object of a verb in the
imperative, cf. §§ 53, 73, 76, 115, 120.
Compare the use with prepositions
§ 9 note.
5. Tis Δν και τίνων, § ίο.
6. ^(2ΐδίω$ ουτωβ. Aeschin, c. Ct.
§ 234 ToiavTas φνσ€ΐ5 . . at β(}δίω$ οΰτω
κατάλυσαν τον δήμον.
λόγουβ. See on § 232 below.
7. Tivas. Dissen reads Tivas, ' cer-
tain expressio ns of mine ; ' but, if we
have the pronoun at all, the interroga-
tive form is the more forcible.
127. 9. δ κατηγορών. Dind. omits
the article ; but the analytic imperfect
thus remaining is unusual in Demo-
sthenes.
10. σ-ΐΓ€ρμολ6γο$, literally ' a picker-
up of trifles,' as a bird picks up seed.
Compare the curiously exact para-
phrase in Shakspeare's Love's La-
bour 's Lost, V. 2 —
• This fellow pecks up wit, as pigeons
peas,
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 99
I have therefore pointed out to all the conscientious and 126
just verdict. Next, so it seems, although I am not fond of
invective, I am compelled by the calumnies which have been
uttered by my opponent to state, not a mass of falsehoods,
but merely the most indispensable facts concerning him,
and to show what is his character and origin that he so
lightly commences the use of hard words, and to point out
what are the expressions which he disparages after himself 127
saying things which every respectable man would have hesi-
tated to pronounce. For if the accuser were Aeacus or Rha-
damanthus or Minos, and not a babbler, the^worn change
of the market-place, a pestilential scribe, I do not think he
would have used Aesc hines' language, nor have furnished
himself w ith expressions so offensive, exclaiming as in a
tra gedy, 'Oh, earth, and sun, and virtue 1' and the like, or
further invoking 'intelligence and culture, by which the honour-
able and the dishonourable are discriminated.' For I presume
you heard him speaking thus. But what relation, oifscouring, 128
And utters it again when Jove doth propriate here, ' a babbler, a hack of
please : the square, a pest, a clerk ! ' if the
He is wit's peddler ; and retails his rhythm of the sentence did not seem
wares to forbid it. That ^ραμματ€ύ$ was a
At wakes, and wassels, meetings, term of opprobrium, and that Aeschi-
markets, fairs.' nes took great offence at it, is clear
τΓ€ρίτριμμα άγοραβ is literally 'a from Fals. Leg. § 361. p. 442 καν 'ό
thing worn smooth by friction in the 'γ('γραμματ(νκω5 Αίσχίνηί ' €inri ris, Ιχ-
market-place,' hence, what we should dpbs evOews καΐ κακω$ ψησίν άκηκοίναι.
call 'a hack.' In the catalogue of See Shilleto, Fals, Leg. § 109. p. 371
rascals in the Clouds (Ar. Nub. 447), note ; and in this speech, § 261 τδ
where τηρίτριμμα δικών occurs, there κάΧλιστον €ξ(\€ξω των ίρ^ων, ^ραμμα-
seems to be added the notion of low rebeiv κ.τ.λ.
cunning and skill. Compare Soph. 12. ώσπερ ev τραγφδίςι. Cf. § 262
Aj. 103 τούπίτριπτον Kivados, spoken of note.
Odysseus, and the uses of τρίβων, βοώντα κ.τ.λ. Aeschin. c. Ct. §
(ντριβήί. 26o Ιγώ μίν ουν, ω 'γη και ijXie καΐ
δλίθροδ here, and in Phil. iii. § 31. άρ(τ^ και avvecis και παιδύα, jj Siayiy-
p. 119, where Philip is called δλίθρον νώσκομ^ν τά καλά και τά αισχρά, βί-
MaKeSovos, is said to be employed as βοήθηκα καΐ (ίρηκα. This peroration
an adjective. But in Fals. Leg. § 109. seems rather ridiculous to modem
p. 371 iravovpyos ovtos και Oeois (χθροί ears ; but apparently, to Demosthenes'
καΐ 'γραμματΐύί, there is a climax cul- judgment, its fault was its offensive-
minating in the word Ύραμματίύί used ness and its special inappropriateness
without epithet, and παρά ττροσδοκίαν. in the mouth of Aeschines.
A similar climax would not be inap- 128. 16. κάθαρμα. That two crim-
Η 2
lOO ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§128-130.
τοΓίρ σοΓί rh μζτονσία ; ή καλών η μη τοιούτων tls
δίάγνωσί9 ; ττοθ^ν η πώς άξιωθίντί ; πον Se παιδβία?
σοι βίμις μνησθηναι^ ^9 τών μϊν ώ? αληθώς τβτν^ηκό-
των ονδ' άν eh einoi πβρι αύτοϋ τοιούτον ούδίν^ άλλα
καν Ιτίρου λίγοντος €ρνθριασ€ΐ€ν, τοις δ* άπολζίφθύσι 5
; μ\ν ωσπβρ σν, προσττοιονμβνοις δ' νπ αναισθησίας το
ι τους άκούοντας άλΎζΐν ποΐ€Ϊν, όταν λίγωσιν, ου το
j δοκ€Ϊν τοιοντοις elvai πβρίζστιν.
129 Ουκ άπορων δ' ο τι χρη π€ρι σου και τών σών
ζίπύν, απορώ του πρώτου μνησθώ, π6τ€ρ ως ο πατήρ ίο
σου Τρομης €δούλ€υ€ παρ Ελπία τω προς τω θησ€ΐω
διδάσκοντι γράμματα^ γοίνικας παγ^ίας €)(ων και
ζύλον, η ως η μήτηρ τοις μ^θημ^ρινοΐς γάμοις kv τω
,^ * ^κλ^ισίω τω προςτ ω καλαμίτη 'ΊΗ ρωι χ^ρωμίνη τον καλόν
\\^ ανδριάντα και τριταγωνιστην^ άκρον ^ξβθρ^ψί σβ ; 15
αλλ* ως ό τριηραύλης Φορμίων, 6 Δίωνος του Φρβαρ-
ρίου δούλος^ άνβστησ^ν αύτην άπο ταύτης της καλής
ίργασίας ; άλλα νη τον Δία και τους θ€θύς όκνώ μ^
πβρι σου τα προσήκοντα λίγων αύτος ου προσήκοντας
130 €μαυτώ δόζω προτ)ρήσθαι λόγους, ταύτα μ\ν οΰν βάσω, 2ο
άπ αυτών δξ. ων αύτος βφίωκ€ν άρχομαι- ούδ\ γαρ
ών €τυ)(€ν ην, αλλ' οΐς ό δήμος καταραται. οψβ γάρ
inals or other persons were annually fas in usage: Greek, however, lacks
sacrificed by Athens, as a national the convenient nefas, and supplies the
purification, at the festival called want of the negative by the use of the
Θαργήλια ; that they bore, among other ' indignant interrogation.'
names, the appellation καθάρματα ; 6. inr' άναισθησίαβ is to be taken
and that hence arose Demosthenes' with ττοκΐν.
use of this word, to signify persons of 8. τοιούτοιβ. See § 140 note.
the basest sort, is an opinion as yet iripicartv. Literally, ' the result is.'
supported by evidence which may Cf. § 80 irtpifyivfTo.
fairly be called fragmentarv. When 129. 14. τφ καλαμίτη *Ήρωι. In
the evidence is complete, the epithet the parallel passage, De Fals. Leg. §
will receive additional force ; but, till 279. p. 419 irpos τψ τονΈρωτον Ιατρον,
then, it is safer to revert to the ori- it is better to render ' near the JiQuse.
ginal meaning of the word. of Hero^, tl^e physician,' as against
2. iroOev . . a|ui)0«vTt ; cf. § 51. the other interpretation, 'jiear the.
3. Βίμι% is equivalent to the Latin te mple (or statue) of the hero-physi-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
ΙΟΙ
have you or yours with virtue ? or what critical knowledge of
the honourable or the reverse ? Whence or how qualified ?
Is it not profanity for you to name the name of culture, none
of whose true possessors would say anything of this kind
about himself, but each would blush to hear it from another's
lips ? while those who, like you, lack but pretend to culture,
succeed in paining their hearers by their want of sensibility,
but do not succeed in seeming what they would be thought.
So, though I am at no loss what to say of you and yours, 129
yet I am at a loss what to mention first : whether that your
father Tromes was a slave in the house of Elpias, the
teacher of letters, near the temple of Theseus, wearing
shackles and a wooden collar, or that your mother, by means
of her noonday nuptials in the hovel near the house of the
Man of Splints, Heros, reared up that handsome model of a
man, that supreme actor of third parts, yourself: ay, or that
the boatswain Phormio, slave ot Uioh 6f the deme Phrearri,
lifted her up from this honourable industry. But Zeus and
the gods know that I tremble lest if I say what befits you
I shall appear to have wilfully chosen topics which do not
befit my own character. I will therefore leave this, and 130
will begin at once with the acts of his own life : for he
was a man of no ordinary occupations, but of such prac-
tices as the people execrates. Late in life — late in life do I
cian.' κάΚαμΙτψ will be ' a by-word
for larpos, from the κάλαμοι used for
surgical purposes' (Shilleto). So we
should here also render ' near the
house of the surgeon Heros.' [As τω
. . ήρωι seems purposely assonant to the
preceding τω . . Θτ/σεία», a play on ηρα)5,
as a common as well as a proper name,
must be meant.] This seems easier
than to suppose a hero with a shrine
' among the reeds,'' or ' thatched Λvith
reeds,*^ for which sense only Theocr.
XXviiiT 4. Κνπριδο! Ipbv καλάμω χλωρόν
υψ' άιιαλω is compared.
15. ανδριάντα. Aeschines (see Dis-
sen ad h. 1.) had a handsome person,
but was stiff in his delivery ; hence he
was specially qualified for the ' walk-
ing parts' usually given to the τριτα-
Ύωνιστήί.
i6. Before άλλ* as κ.τ.λ. Dind. has
αλλά πάντ€5 ϊσασι ταντα καν Ιγ*^ Α*^
λίγου,
17• άνβστησβν, i.e. καθημίνψ (Dis-
sen.)
130. 21. ών . . β6βίωκ€ν. See § 198,
and Dissen's note ad h. 1.
ούδ« γαρ . . καταραται, according
to a suggestion in S, precedes ταύ-
τα μίν ουν . . €άσω. With this ar-
rangement S)v Ιτυχβν would refer to
Aeschines' parents, 'for he was not
I02 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§130-133.
7Γ0Τ€ — , 0^6 λίγω ; χ^β? μίν ονν και πρώην α μ Ά θη-
vaios και ρήτωρ γύγονβ, και δυο σνλλαβα^ προσθβΐί
τον μίν πατίρα άντι Τρ6μητο9 €ποίησ€ν Άτρομητον,
την 8e μητ€ρα σβμνω? πάνυ Γλανκοθίαν, ην*Έμπον-
σαν άπαντ€9 ΐσασι καλονμίνην, €Κ του πάντα ποιύν s
και πάσ^<Εΐν και γίγνεσθαι δηλονότι ταύτης τη^ ίπω-
131 ννμίας τν\οϋσαν' πόθ^ν γαρ αΧΚοθ^ν ; αλλ' ο/χω?
οΰτω9 ay(apiaTos e? καΐ πονηροί ψνσβι, ωστ eXevOepo?
€Κ δονλον και πλούσιο? €κ πτωγρϋ δια τοντονσι γ€-
γονω? ονχ^πω? χάριν αντοΐ? e^eiy, άλλα μίσθωσα? ίο
σαντον κατά τοντωνι πολιτ^ύχι. και π€ρι ων μίν eari
τι? άμψισβήτησις, ώί άρα ύπ\ρ τη? πόλ^ω? €Ϊρηκ€ν,
ζάσω• α δ' νπβρ των ίχθρων ψανβρω? άπζδβίχθη πράτ-
των, ταντα άναμνησω.
132 Τι? yap υμών ουκ οΐδ€ τον άποψηψισθίντα Άν~ 15
τιφώντα, ο? ίπαγγζΐλάμζνο? Φιλίππω τα νεώρια
ι €μπρήσ€ΐν €ΐ? την πάλιν ηλΘ€ν ; ον λαβόντο? €μον
Κ€κρνμμ€νον kv Heipaiei και καταστήσαντο? ei? την
, €κκλησίαν βοών 6 βάσκανο? οντο? και κβκραγώ?, ω?
Ι €v δημοκρατία δζΐνά ποιώ τού? ήτνχηκότα? τών πο- 2ο
Ι λιτών υβρίζων καΐ kir οικία? βαδίζων άνζ,υ ψηφίσμα-
133 TO?y άφζθήναι €ποίησ€ν. και ei μ^ ή βουλ^ ή ίξ
even come of ordinary parents, but of paralleled attraction for τοιούτων- ά
such persons as the People bans.' trvxev), but of occupations which the
But the curse pronounced by the κηρνζ, people execrates.'
at the commencement of proceedings i . χθέβ . . καΐ ιτρφην. Cf. * hodie αί-
in the (κκλησία, did not include such gue heri.'
persons as Aeschines' parents are here 4. After Γλαυκοθ€αν Dind. has ώνό-
said to have been, and bore only on μασ^ν. Aeschines' mother would ori-
those who were guilty of treasonable ginally be called TkavKis.
practices (cf. § 282), The present Έμ-ιτουσαν. So the hobgoblin,
text, which is universally adopted, which constantly imdergoes the strang-
requires Siv ίτυχ*ν to refer to the im- est transformations, is called, Aristoph.
mediately preceding S)v β€βίωκ€ν, and Frogs, 28
the subject ofij»' will still be Aeschines, 131. i:
' for he was a man, not of ordinary elsewhere
occupations (βιν Ιτυχίκ being an un- irohirtvu.
mediately preceding S)v β€βίωκ€ν, and Frogs, 284 sqq.
the subject of ij»' will still be Aeschines, 131. 1 1 . πολιτ<νη. Dind. here, as
' for he was a man, not of ordinary elsewhere, has the old Attic form
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
Ι03
say ? — nay rather, yesterday or the day before, he has become
at once an_A.th£n i arucitizen and an orator, and, by the addi-
tioiTof a couple of syllablesTlnade his father mto"Atrometus
instead of Tromes, and nam e,dL his mother verx _grandilo-
qnfintTyfTla^irnthffl, thnngh all IrriQW tViat^ghp waS called
Empu sa^ having obviously gained this surname because she
did, suffered, and became whatever you please. For how else
could she have got the name ? Nevertheless, you are so 131
naturally ungrateful and villainous, that, though you have be-
come a freeman instead of a slave, and rich instead of poor,
through the kindness of my hearers, you not only feel no
gratitude to them, but have made yourself a hireling, and in-
terfere in public affairs to their injury. And now I will say
nothing about matters in which there is any room for con-
tending that, in spite of appearances, he has spoken on behalf
of the state; but the active measures which he has been
plainly proved to have taken on behalf of our enemies, I
will recall to your recollection.
Which of you is not acquainted with the disfranchised An- 132
tiphon, who came to Athens bound by a promise to Philip
that he would burn the dockyards? When I had caught him
in hiding in the Piraeus, and had set him before the assembly,
my malignant opponent, taking a loud tone and screaming
that I ' commit outrage in a free state by insulting our unfor-
tunate countrymen, and entering houses without a warrant,'
caused him to be released. And if the council of the 133
13. Ίτράττων is opposed to (ίρηκ^ν.
132. 15. άΐΓθψηφισθ€ντα. When
there was reason to believe that the
ληξιαρχικον "γραμματΗον, or roll of the
fully-privileged citizens in each deme,
contained the names of unqualified
persons, aliens, or bom of illegal mar-
riages, a meeting of the δημόται was
summoned to revise the register. Name
by name the whole list was submitted
to their vote {διαφηψίζ€σθαί) : and any
man whose name was rejected (άπο-
φηψισθύί) was reduced to the status
of an unprivileged alien.
20. ήτνχηκόταβ. Compare συμφορά
χρησθαι, and the Latin calamitas,
cala?nitosus (Cic. Phil. ii. c. 23. § 56,
c 23. § 98), applied to persons suf-
fering civil disabilities.
133. 22. βουλή ή eg 'ApeCov ττάγου.
This council, among its many and
loosely-defined functions, had the
power of anocpaais, that is, of ' making
a report' to the assembly, in cases
into which they had specially inquired
and found that a miscarriage of jus-
tice would result unless action were
taken.
134 €d€i γ€ και τούτον, τοιγαρουν €
J^f' ί V ^i'^p^iov πάγου τ6τ€ τούτω
^ efjf 'τονησαντων αντον νμων σννοικο
ι•0^
104 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§133-135•
*Ap€LOv πάγου το πράγμα αίσθομίνη και την νμ€Τ€-
ραν άγνοιαν kv ου δίοντί συμβ^βηκυΐαν ίδοΰσα Ιττβ-
ζήτησ€ τον άνθρωπον καΐ συλλαβοΰσα ίπανήγαγ€ν
ώ? ύμα9, βξήρπαστ άν ο τοιούτος και το δίκην δούναι
διαδύς ί^€π€μπ€τ άν ύπο του σ^μνοΧογου τουτουί- 5
νυν 5' u/zety στρφλώσαντζ^ αύτον άπ€κτ€ίνατ€, ώ?
134 e^ei ye και τούτον, τοιγαροϋν ζίδυΐα ταΰτα ή βουλή
τούτω πβπραγμίνα, χ^ιρο-
ύπβρ του UpoO του
kv Δήλω άπο της αυτή? άγνοιας ησπβρ πολλά προΐ- ίο
eaOe των κοινών, ώς προ€ΐλ€σθ€ κάκύνην και του
πράγματος κυρίαν ίποιήσατβ, τούτον pev ^ύθύς άπή-
λασ€ν ώς προδότην, * Υπβρβίδυ δβ λίγζΐν προσβταξβν
και ταΰτα άπο του βωμοΰ φβρουσα την ψήφον βπραξβ^
135 καΐ ουδεμία ψήφος ήνίγβη τω μιαρω τούτω. Και 15
ΟΤΙ ταΰτ αληθή λίγω, κάλβι τούτων τους μάρτυρας.
ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ. [Μαρτνρονσι ΑημοσΘ€ν€ΐ virep άττάν-
των οιδβ, Κάλλια? ^ovvievs, Ζήνων Φλν€νί, Κλ^ων Φα-
ληρ€νί, Αημόνικος Μαραθώνιος, οτι του δημον ττοτβ
χ€ίροτονήσαντος ΑΙσχίνην avvhiKov virep του iepov του 2ο
€V Αήλω ds τους ^ Αμφικτνονας (rvvebpevaavrcs ήμ€Ϊς
€κρίναμ€ν 'T^T€p€Cbηv άξιον €Ϊναι μάλλον virep της πόλζως
λ€γ€ΐν, και ά7Γ€(ττάλη 'T-Trepeidrys.]
Ούκοΰν 6τ6 τούτου μύλλοντος άπήλασ^ν ή βουλή
Ι. τήν ύμ,€Τ€ραν . . συμβίβηκυΐαν, § 134. 9• σ-ύνδικον. This was the
71 note. The participle here may, name specially given to the advocates
however, be predicative : ' observing who were commissioned to represent
that your blindness occurred anything the state at a foreign tribunal,
but opportvmely.' 10. ή<ηΓ6ρ exhibits a curious omis-
5. «|€'ΐΓ^μ'ΐΓ€τ' 5v, § 30 note. Dind. sion of the preposition, owing to its
reads the rare pluperf. Ιζατίπίμτη•' άν : previous occurrence, near at hand, in
Voemel the syncopated imperf. «fc- themain sentence; or, just possibly, it is
πίμτττ, often presented by MSS. when an attraction, equally remarkable, from
either of the above forms of this word the regular ^vep. Some MSS., how-
occurs, ever, have άφ' ^avfp, which should
^c
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 105
Areopagus, having scented the trick, and having perceived your
inopportune ignorance, had not made further search for the
fellow, and, after his arrest, brought him a second time be-
fore you, a villain so deep would have been spirited away, r^j
and, having escaped through a loophole the payment of his
penalty, would have been conveyed from the country by this
master of fine phrases. As it was, you stretched him on the
rack and put him to death, as properly you should have
put my opponent also. Hence, aware that these treasons 134
had been committed by Aeschines in that" matter, whqn after-
wards you had elected him to be your counsel in the question
of the Delian temple, owing to the same want of sight through
which you sacrifice many national interests, the Council of the ^
Areopagus — in virtue of the fact that you had chosen that u>^
body specially, and given it plenary powers in the negotiation
— at once rejected him as a traitor, and instructed Hyperides
to plead your cause. And this they did tendering their ballots
at the altar; and not a single ballot was tendered for my
polluted opponent. To prove that I state this truly, summon 135
those who testify to this.
WITNESSES.
The following support Demosthenes with their evidence on all
points^ Callias of the deme Sunium, Zeno of the deme Phlyes,
Cleon of the deme Phalerus, Demonicus of the deme Marathon^
as follows : * When on a certain occasion the people had elected
• Aeschines to go, as their advocate in the dispute about the temple at
fDelus, to the Amphictyons, we, having held a session, decided
that Hyperides was more worthy to speak on behalf of the state,
and Hyperides was commissioned!
When, therefore, though my opponent was intended for
probably be read. ting «at before του ττρά'γματο!.
II. ττροβίλβσθε κάκδίνην, 'had spe- 14. άττό τοΰ βωμιοΰ . . ψήφον. As
cially chosen that body (the Areo- φέρίΐν r^v ψηψον is to give one's vote
pagus) too (i. e. as well as yourselves), {ferre suffragium '), not to take up the
and given it final authority in the ballot, we must probably understand
: matter.' Dind.. from Wolf's conjecture, here that when the votes were given,
Ihas rrpoaciXeoee, ' associated to your- as when oaths were sworn, each man
[selves,' which makes good sense, but grasped the altar with one hand.
is not necessary. Voemel has, from 135. 24. μ,^λλοντοβ, sc. Xeyuv vnep
another conjecture, vpoeiKero (' the t^s π6λ€ω$. Dind. has Keyovros,
Areopagus took special action'), omit- which must be rendered 'appointed
io6 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§135-137.
καΐ προσ€ταξ€ν irepco, τότε και προδότην βΐναί καΐ
κακόνουν νμΐν άπεφηνεν.
136 ^Εν μβν τοίνυν τοΰτο τοωντο πολίτευμα του νεανίου
τούτου f ομοιον γε, ου yap \ oh εμοΰ κατήγορε? έτερον
δε άναμιμνήσκεσθε. οτε yap Πύθωνα Φίλιππο? έπεμψε s
τον Βυζάντίον καΐ πάρα των αύτοΰ σνμμάχ^ων πάντων
σννεπεμψε πρέσβεις, ώ? εν αίσχύντ] ποιήσων την
πόλιν καΐ δείζων αδικούσαν^ τότε εγω μεν τω Πύθωνι
θρασυνομενω καΐ πολλω ρεοντί καθ' ύμων ού^ ύπε-
^ώρησα, αλλ* ανάστα? άντεΐπον καΐ τα τη? πολεω? ίο
δίκαια ούχΙ προύδωκα, αλλ* άδικοΰντα Φίλιππον εξή~
λεγξα ψανερώ? ούτω? ώστε του? εκείνου συμμάχου?
αυτού? άνισταμενου? όμολογεΐν ούτο? δε συνηγωνίζετο
και τάναντία εμαρτύρει Trj πατρίδι, και ταύτα ψευδή.
137 Και ουκ άπεχ^ρη ταύτα, άλλα πάλιν μετά ταύθ* 15
ύστερον * Αναδίνω τω κατασκόπω συνιων ει? την Ορά-
σωνο? οίκίαν ελήφθη, καίτοι οστι? τω υπ ο των πολε-
μίων πεμψθεντι μόνο? μονω συνχιει και εκοινολογεΐτο,
ούτο? αύτο? ύπήργε Tjj φύσει κατάσκοπο? κα\ πολέμιο?
Trj πατρίδι. Κ αϊ οτι ταύτ αληθή λέγω, κάλει μοι 2ο
τούτων τού? μάρτυρα?.
ΜΑΡΤΤΡΕΣ. [Ύελεbημos Κλεωνο9, Ύπερε'ώη? Καλ-
λαίσγβου, Νικόμαχος Αιοφάντου μαρτνρονσι Αημοσθενει
και εττωμόσαντο επΙ των στρατηγών εlbεvaι Αίσχίνην
Ατρόμητου Κοθωκί6ην συνερ\όμενον νυκτός εΙς την 25
θράσωνο? οΙκίαν καΐ κοινολογούμενον *Αναζίνω, δ?
to speak.* With either reading there of age, at the time of this trial four-
is a violation of the canon of absolute teen years older still : hence vtaviov
clauses (§33 note), as the participle can have no reference to his time of
should have agreed in case with αυτόν, life, but is used ironically of his pro-
in the main sentence, to which it refers. mising character as a politician.
136. 3. ν€ανίου. At the time of 12. cKcivov, § 148 note,
the Delian controversy (345 b.c.) 13. άνισταμ,βνουβ, 'stood up and con-
Aeschines was about forty-four years fessed,' cf. § 10 avaarayrts καταψηφί-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 107
your advocate, the Areo pagus rejected him and ga ve his office
to another, they then made it app arent^that he was a traitor
and disloyaljo_j£m.
Such then is this one public act of our hero, — similar, is it 136
not, to those of which he accuses me ? But call another to your
recollection. When Philip sent Pytho, the Byzantine, and
with him ambassadors from all his own allies, intending to
disgrace Athens and to show that she was guilty, on that occa-
sion, although Pytho was waxing bold and coming down in a
torrent against you, I was not washed away, but I rose and
contradicted him, and did not betray the rights of the state.
On the contrary, I convicted Philip-oi ^ill bu g laring that his
very a llies stood up and confesse d the truth. My opponent,
on the o ther hand, took sides with thf^ f^neF'y and bore wit-
ness, and t hat false j yvitness, against his coun try.
And this did not suffice ; but after this, at a later time, he 137
was again discovered visiting Anaxinus, the spy, at the house
of Thraso. Yet a man who had private meetings with the
emissary of the enemy, and conferred with him, was himself
at the bottom a born spy, and hostile to his country. To prove
that I state this truly, please summon those who bear witness
to this.
WITNESSES.
Teledemus, son ofCleon, Hyperides, son 0/ Callaeschrus, Ntco-
machus, son of Diophantes, give evidence in support of Demo-
sthenes^ and swore, in the presence of the generals, that they knew
that Aeschines, son of Atrometus, of the deme Cothocis, came by
night to the house of Thraso to meet, and did hold conference with,
ζ€σθ( ήδη, or, perhaps better, 'confessed 19. ν'π•ήρχ€ rg φύσει, literally, ' was
by standing up.' potentially by nature.'
137. 15. μ,ετά ταΰθ' ύστερον. For 24. €ΐτΙ των στρατηγών, 'in presence
the emphatic pleonasm cf. § 36 μ(τά of the generals,' as below, «ττί ίίικίου.
ταΰτ ivOvs, ουκ els μακράν. Who Nicias was is unintelligible : he
16. *Ava|ivcp, Aesch. c. Ct. § 223. was not archon.
io8 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§137-139.
€κρίθη €LvaL κατάατκοτΓος τταρα Φίλίτητον. αύται άπ€δο-
θησαν αί μαρτνρίαί iirl NlkCov, €κατομβαίωνοί τρίττ}
h Ισταμένου,^
138 Μνρία τοίννν erep' dn^iv ίγων π€ρΙ αντον παρα-
λβίττω. καΐ γαρ ούτω πω? e^ei. πολλά αν ίγω βτι 5
τούτων ίγριμι δβΐξαί, ων οντο? κατ kK^ivovs Toijs χρό-
νους τοΪ9 μ\ν ζχΘροΐς υπηρετών βμοί δ' ίπηρξάζων
ζύρβθη. αλλ* ον Τίθ€ταί ταύτα παρ νμΐν e/s ακριβή
μνήμην ονδ' ην προσήκον οργήν, άλλα δβδώκατβ euei
τινί φανλω πολλην e^ovaiav τω βονλομβνω τον λΙ- ίο
γοντά TL των νμΐν συμφερόντων ύποσκεΧίζ^ίν καΐ
σνκοφαντβΐν, τη? ίπΐ ταΐί λοιδορίαι^ ηδονής καΐ χάρι-
τος το τη 9 πόλβως σνμφβρον άνταλλαττόμβνοί' διοπβρ
ραον €στι και άσφαλίστερον άξΐ τοΓ? ίχθροΐς νπηρε-
I τοΰντα μισθαρν€Ϊν ή την ύπβρ υμών έλομενον τάζιν 15
πολιτεύεσβαι.
13dl .Και το μ€ν δη προ τον πολεμεΐν φανερών σνναγωνί-
ζξσθαι Φιλιππω δβινον μύν, ω γη και 6eoi, πως γαρ
οϋ \ κατά της πατρίδος' δότβ δ', ei βονλβσθζ^ δ6τ€
αντω τοντο. αλλ* επειδή φανερως ήδη τα πλοΐα ζο
ίσεσνλητο, Χερράνησος επορθεΐτο, επι τήν *Αττικήν
€πορενεθ' άνθρωπος, ονκετ εν άμφισβητησίμω τα
πράγματα ην αλλ' ενεστήκει πόλεμος, 6 τι μεν πώποτ
ίπραξεν ύπερ νμων ό βάσκανος ούτοσΐ Ιαμβειοφάγος,
ουκ αν εχοι δεΐξαι, ονδ' εστίν οντε μείζον οΰτ ελαττον 25
ίψήφισμα ούδεν Αισχινρ ύπερ των συμφερόντων TJj
\π6λεΐ' ει δε φησι, νυν δειξάτω εν τω εμω ϋδατι.
139. 17• μ-ίν δή . . αλλά «,τ.λ. however, give Ιαμβ€ΐ<τγράψο$, which
24. ιαμβ€ΐοφόγο5, either mumbling would mean ' writer of lampoons,'
the verses he had to recite as τριτα-γω- and may be right, though we do not
viaTTjs (cf. § 267 βήσ(ΐ5 &s (Κνμαίνου), know as a fact that Aeschines did
or gettmg his livelihood as an actor write lampoons. Nearly all editors
(cf. § 262), or, least well, uttering prefer the reading in the text on the
lampoons (Ιαμβοι). Almost all MSS., authority of Hermogenes.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 109
I
cus/^ Μ
Anaxinus, who was judged io be a spy sent from Philip. These
depositions were rendered in presence 0/ Nicias, on the third day
0/ the beginning of Hecatombaeon.
Although, therefore ^I can state ten thou sand other facts 138
about him^j [^omit to do so. Fo i^the position is somewhat as
follows : I could point to many more of these instances in jO^-<f^<.
which my opponent was discovered throughout those periods
to be serving the enemy and acting spitefully against me.
But these things are not stored up for accurate recollection or^
for due resentment in your hearts. On the contrary, by a
bad habit, you have given abundant licence to all who wish
to trip up and malign the supporter of any of your interests, /
bartering away your national advantage for the pleasure yK^
and gratification which you find in invective. Hence if is
always easier and safer to be a hireling in the servi ce of
your ^n^nik'] thnn tg yV^^^s^ thp post of j^^m^-protf^rtor in
the field of politics. ,
And so, although his manifest cooperation with Philip be- 139
fore the war began was a shameful act — in the name of earth and
heaven, what else could it be ? — against his country ; yet for-
give him for this, if you please to do so. But when our vessels
had been openly made prize of war, when the Chersonese was
under siege, when the enemy was advancing against Attica,
when the situation was no longer in the realm of speculation,
but war was pressing upon us, my malignant opponent, the
mouther of iambics, can point to no aclioll wh tctriie ever yet
did on your behalf; nor is any d ecree, greater or l ess, in fur-
therance of our n ational interests, due to A eschines. If he says
there is, let him point it out now, while my hour-glass runs.
2 7. €V τφ €μφ υδατι. Cf. Fals. Leg. Ci's τρία μίρη Siatpeirai ή ήμίρα, όταν
§ 64, p. 359 ^^ '"'^ avTiXeyrj τούτων, elairj Ύραφτ) παρανόμων (Is το δικαστή-
avaaras (v τω €μω υδατι (Ιπάτω. The ρων. kyxfirai yap το μίν πρώτον νδωρ
time allowed to each contending party τω κaτηyόρω και tois νόμοι^ και ttj δη-
in an Athenian court was limited, and μοκρατία, τό δ€ δ^ντίρον νδωρ τω t^jv
was measured by the κΧίψύδρα or ypa<pT)v (pdyovTi και tois tls αύτο τ6
water-clock. See Aesch. c. Ct. § 197 ττραγ/χο Kiyovaiv €ΐΓ€ΐδάν δέ tj itpaiTrf
no ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§139-141.
αλλ* ονκ ίστιν ονδβν, καίτοι δνοΐν αντον ανάγκη
βάτ^ρον η μηδίν τοΐς πραττομ^νοι^ υπ βμον τ6τ ίγοντ
€γκαλ€Ϊν μη γράφ^ιν πάρα τανθ* €Τ€ρα, ή rh των
€\θρων σνμψβρον ζητοΰντα μη ψβρξίν e/y μίσον τα
τούτων άμ€ίνω. 5
140 ^Αρ ονν ονδ' €λ€γζν, ώσττερ ονδ' ^γραψζν, ή νίκα : •
ίργάσασθαί τι δίοί κακόν ; ου μβν ονν ην ζίπβΐν Ιτύρω,
\\ και τά μ€ν άλλα και φίρβιν ήδνναθ\ ώί eoiKcv, ή πόλι?
και ποιων οντο9 λανθάν€ΐν' ev δ' ^πβξβιργάσατο άνδρζς
Αθηναίοι τοιούτον, ο πασι τοΪ9 πρότεροι? ίπίθηκβ ίο
7€λθ9• π€ρι ον T0V9 πολλον9 άνάλωσζ λόγου?, τα των
. 'Αμψισσβων των Αοκρων δΐ€ζιων δόγματα, ώς διαστρβ-
ψων τάληθί?. το δ' ου τοιούτον €στι• πόθ^ν ; ούδβ-
ποτ ίκνίψυ συ τάκ€Ϊ π^πραγμίνα σαυτω' οι^χ οΰτω
πολλά €pei9. 15
141 Καλώ δ* εναντίον ύμων ω άνδρ€9 Αθηναίοι του?
θβού? άπαντα? και πάσα?, όσοι την γωραν ίγρυσι τ^ν
Άττικήν, καΐ τον Άπόλλω τον Πύθιον, ο? πατρώο?
€στι TTJ πόλ€ΐ, και ^π^ύγρμαι πασι τούτοι?, e/ μ\ν
αληθή προ? υ μα? ^ΐποιμι και ζΐπον και τότ ζύθν? kv τω 2ο
δήμω, οτ€ πρώτον €ίδον τουτονι τον μιαρον τούτου του
πράγματο? άπτόμ^νον (ίγνων γαρ, βύθίω? ίγνων), €ύ-
τυγίαν μοι δούναι και σωτηρίαν, ei δ€ προ? ίγθραν η
ψιλονζίκία? ιδία? eVe/c αίτίαν ίπάγω τούτω ψβυδή,
πάντων των αγαθών άνόνητόν μ€ ποιήσαι. 25
ψΙ)<ρφ μή λνθ^ rd τταράνομον, ή8η τό Observe in what follows that the
τρίτον νδωρ (yxurai rfj τιμήσα και τψ participles carry the main predication,
μ^ηίθίΐ τψ oprfffs Trjs νμ(τ4ρα$ (i. e. and see § 7 note,
for the fixing of the punishment). 4. τά τούτων άμ€(νω, • ihe better
2. θάτ€ρον is in apposition to both measures tvAuA he kfuw οβ The
ofthe two following infinitives. Hence article is emphatic,
there is no occasion to 'supply ποί^σο*.' 140. 8. καί, § 6o note.
Compare Phil. iii. § 11. p. 113 δ€Γ ii. τούβ iroXXovs . . λόγουβ, Aesch.
hvoiv θάτίρον, ή (Kfivovs fv ΌΚύνθφ c. Ct. §§115 sqq.
μίΐ οΙκ(ϊν ή αυτόν iv MoufcSovtiji. τά τΔν Άμψισσβαιν τών Λοκρών . . .
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. ιιι
. But there is none. And yet he must, as one of two only
alternatives, either have failed to draft other measures in place
of mine because he had no charge at that time to bring
against my proceed ings, or elae have omitted to lay before you
the be jter measu res he knew of because h e soug ht the ad-
vantage_ of our e nemies.
Did he then refrain from speaking, as he did from pro- 140
posals, the moment there was any call to do mischief?
Nay rather, no one else had a chance to speak. And though,
apparently, the city might have even been able to tolerate all
the rest, or my opponent might have passed undetected in
his doings, yet he perpetrated one further act, men of Athens,
of su ch a na ture that it crowned all that went betore : and it was
in def ence^ f this that he expended those lengthy arguments,
detailing the decrees about the Amphissian LocriahsT^ith
an intpnt ~U) distort the tru th. But the truth is noTof a
nature to be distorted. Impossible. Nor will you ever be able
to wash away the guilt of your own deeds there — the ocean of
your words will fail you.
In your presence, men of Athens, I call on all the gods and 141
goddesses who cherish the land of Attica, and on the Pythian
Apollo, who is the city's gentile god, and I further pray unto
all of these, if, on the one hand, I speak the truth to you — and
I spoke at the time, too, without any delay, in the public as-
sembly, as soon as I saw my polluted opponent fingering this
business, for I found him out instantaneously — that they may
give me prosperity and salvation ; but if, on the other hand,
to satisfy personal hatred, or on account of private animosity,
I am bringing a false charge against him, that they will de-
prive me of the enjoyment of all blessings.
δόγματα. For this objective genitive 13. τό δ', i.e. ταΚηΘ^^.
compare Thuc. i. 140 to Mi-yapiwv τοιούτον refers, as it constantly does,
ψήφισμα, ' the decree concerning the to the last predication, which is here
Megarians : ' i, 61 ^ ayyeXia των -no- διαστρέψων.
\€ων, oTc άφ€στάσι. * 141. 1 8. ιτατρωος. Apollo was father
We should have expected the proper of Ion, the progenitor of the lonians.
names in inverse order. As they stand, 20. και «iirov . . «ύθέωβ «γνων is in
unless των Άμψισσίων be regarded as parenthesis, και before τότ' is omitted
an explanatory note which has crept by Dind., which would leave elirov
into the text, the article must be ex- under the regimen of €t.
punged before AoKpu>y.
,χΜ
112 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §5,42-144•
142 77 ουν ταϋτ ίπήραμαι καΐ δί€Τ€ίνάμηι/ οντωσΐ
σφοδρών ; otl γράμματ ίγων kv τω δημοσίω Κ€ίμ€ρα,
€ξ ων ταυτ ίπιδβίζω σαφω?, και νμά^ elSm τα πβ-
πραγμίνα μνημονεύσονταν, €Κ€Ϊνο φοβούμαι, //ή των
€ΐργασμ€νων αύτω κακών ύποΧηφθτΙ ovtos ίλάττων 5
onep πρότβρον συνέβη, οτβ τους ταλαιπωρούν Φωκβαν
βποίησβν άπολίσθαι τα ψβνδή δβνρ' άπαγγβίλαν.
143 τον yhp kv Άμφίσσ^ πόλεμον, δι ον e/y Έλάτ€ΐαν
^λθ€ Φίλιππος και δι' ον χΐρ^θη των ' Α μφικτνονων
ήγβμών, ο9 άπαντ aviTpeyjre τα των * Ελλήνων, ουτόν ίο
kστιv 6 συγ κατασκεύασαν και πάντων efy άνηρ των
μεγίστων αίτιον κακών, και τοτ εύθνν kμov δια-
μαρτυρομένου και βοώντον kv Trj kκκλησίa * πολεμον
ειν την Άττικην είσάγειν, Αισχίνη, πολεμον * Αμφι-
κτυονικόν* οι μεν kK παρακλήσεων συγκαθήμενοι ουκ. 1 5
ειων με λέγειν, οι δ* kβaύμaζov και κενην αιτίαν
δια τ^ν ιδίαν εγθραν kπάγειv με ύπελάμβανον αύτω.
144 ήτιν δ* ή φύσιν ω άνδρεν 'Αθηναίοι γεγονε τούτων των
πραγμάτων, και τίνον εΐνεκα ταΰτα συνεσκευάσθη και
πών kπpά\Θη, νυν υπακούσατε, επειδή τότε kκωλύ- 2ο
βητ€' και γαρ ευ πράγμα συντεθεν οψεσθε, και
142. 2. Before γράρ,ματα Dind. best known to us and here meant,
has «01 = * even though. was instituted before the beginning of
«V τφ δημ,οσίψ, § 103 «aTaiSaAXovTO history; and among the twelve Hel-
note, lenic tribes, which sent deputies and
4. ανημονίύσονταβ. Dind. has μνη- had equal voting power ; some, espe-
μονίυοντα^. > ' cially the northern, had dwindled into
5. «λάττων. Compare Fals. Leg. § insignificance in classical times. Two
32. p. 349 δ<Γδ^ μηδένα νμών,Ζάνδρ(5 kinds of deputies were sent by each
ϊικασταί, «is τό των -πρα-^μάτων μί^^θοί tribe, ίίρομνημονί$, who probably
άττοβλίψαντα μύζουί τά$ κατη-γορίαΐ held their office for life and formed a
Koi ras alrias rrjs τούτου δύζψ να- permanent executive body, and irv-
fdaai. Xayopot or rrvkayopcu, periodically
143. 9. Άμφικτυ6νων. The Ά/χ- elected, who formed the βουλή proper.
φικτύον(9, more properly Άμψικτίονίί, The former seemed to have assisted
were associations of neighbouring the deliberations of the latter as as-
peoples for common ends, generally sessors {σύν(δροι), but without vote.
religious. The Amphictyonic council, The purposes of the league were,
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
113
Why, then, have I invoked these curses on myself and in- 142
sisted so vehemently ? Because, though I have documents
lying in the public archives out of which I shall prove these
statements definitely, and though I know that you will re-
member the transactions, one thing I fear, lest my opponent
be considered inadequate To' the mischiefs he has wrought, —
^e very mistake which occurred before," wHenTie caused the
destruction of the unhappy~"Phocianst)y bringing hither
his false reports. For the war mAiriphissa, in consequence 143
of which Philip came to Elatea and was chosen leader of the
Amphictyons, the war which wrecked all the fortunes of the
Hellenes, my opponent helped to set afoot, and in his single
person he is the cause of all the worst mischiefs. And when
at that time I at once protested and cried aloud in the assem-
bly, ' You are bringing war, Aeschines, an Amphictyonic war,
into Attica,' his packed advocates, on one side, prevented me
from speaking, and others were puzzled, and conceived that I
was bringing an empty charge against him on account of our
personal hostility. But I ask you now to hear with attention,
since at the time you were prevented from hearing, what has
been the real nature, men of Athens, of these transactions, 144
and with what purpose these plots were contrived, and how
they were carried out : for you will see a trick cleverly con-
certed, you will get great assistance for the study of your
^generally, to secure complete amity
imong the represented tribes ; and, in
)articular, to maintain the estate of
le temple of Apollo at Delphi. A
leeting (Πυλαία) was held each
lutumn at the temple of Demeter at
ithela near Thermopylae (ΏύΚαι),
id another each spring at Delphi.
general assembly also {(κκλησία) of
U members of the constituent tribes
(rb Koivbv των Άμψικτυόνων), who
light be present at the time in these
jlaces, was occasionally convened.
^f. Aesch. c. Ct. § 124 €κκλησίαν yap
'ομάζονσιν, όταν μτ) μόνον tovs ττυΧα-
l*Jl6povi και TOVS 'κρομνήμοναί σνηκαΚί.-
τωσιν, αλλά κα^ του: awQvovTas καΧ
χρωμίνον$ τω θέω.
ΙΟ. OS, SC. 7ΓΟλ€/χο5. Voemel removes
the comma after ήΎ^μών = ' he was
chosen leader who,' etc. ; but this
would require an emphatic antecedent
pronoun which is wanting here.
άν€τρ€ψ€. See on άναητραψότ^ς,
§ 296.
15. οί . . . συγκαθήμενοι, literally,
* those who sat together having been
called into court by him as his sup-
porters.' Ίταρακαλεΐν = advocare.
144. 19. civ€Ka. Dind. has eVe^a.
20. ΰίΓακούσατβ is hardly ever used
in the sense of the simple verb ; hence
it would be better to read, with Dind.,
αΛουσατ€.
114 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§144-148.
μεγάλα ώφ€\ήσ•6σθ€ προ9 Ιστορίαν των κοινών, και
δση δβίνότηΐ ην kv τω Φίλίππω, θ^άσ^σθζ.
145 Ουκ ην του προ9 ύμάζ πολύμου nepas ούδ* άπάΚ-
λαγη Φίλιππω, ei μη Θηβαίους καΐ θξτταλού? €)(^θρού9
ποίήσ€ί€ τη TToXer αλλά καίπβρ άθλιως και κακώς 5
των στρατηγών των ύμ^τύρων πολβμούντων αύτω όμως
ύπ αύτοΰ του πολίμου και των ληστών μύρια €πασ)(€
κακά. οΰτβ γαρ ίξήγβτο των e/c τη? χώρας γιγνο-
14β μίνων ούδίν, οϋτ ζΐσήγ^το ων kSeiT αύτω• ην Se οϋτ
kv τη βάΚάττη τ6τ€ κρβιττων υμών, οϋτ eh την ίο
Άττίκην kXOeiv δυνατός μήτβ θ^ττάΚών άκολουθούν-
των μήτ€ Θηβαίων δηύντων συνββαινζ δβ αύτω τω
πολίμω κρατοΰντι τους οποωυσδήποθ' ύμξΐς kξeπiμπ€T€
στρατηγούς (kco γαρ τοΰτο ye) αύτη τη φύσ€ΐ του
147 τόπου και των υπαρχόντων έκατύροις κακοπαθβΐν. €ί 15
μίν οΰν της ιδίας eveK ίχβρας ή τους θ^τταλους ή
τους Θηβαίους συμπβίθοι βαδίζβιν k(j) υμάς, ούδίν άν
ήγ€Ϊτο προσύξβιν αύτω τον νουν άν δβ τας ίκβίνων
κοινας προφάσεις λαβών ήγ€μων αιρβθη, ραον ηλπιζβ
τα μ\ν παρακρούσβσθαι τα 5e πβίσξίν. τι οΰν ; kπι- 2ο
χ€ΐρζΐ, θβάσασθ' ως βΰ, πόλβμον ποιήσαι τοις Άμψι-
κτύοσι και πβρι την Πυλαίαν ταραχήν βίς γαρ ταΰβ*
148 ίύθύς αυτούς ύπίλάμβαν^ν αύτοΰ δβήσξσθαι. el μ\ν
τοίνυν τοΰτο η των παρ' έαυτοΰ π€μπομύνων ΐ€ρομνη-
I, Ιστορίαν =cogniiiofiem. protected to the landward by the
145. 7. vn αύτοΰ, § 9. Thessalians and Thebans, and Philip's
8. κακά. Fals. Leg. § 362. p. 442. strength lay in his land forces. From
146. 9. αύτφ, if taken with Tip a maritime attack he was deterred
■ποΧίμψ, will give a false antithesis to by the superiority of the Athenian
αυτ^ τί? (pvan : hence it is better taken navy.
as the object of awefiaive. 347. 17. ούδ€ν* &v . . . irpoaeleiv.
13. Tovs δίΓοιονσδήίΓοθ' . . «ώ γάρ Dind. omits άν here, as he does Lept.
rovro yt. Compare § 21 note. § 35. p. 467 oisAj/o i/cJftos /3λά^€ΐνί»μ^5
14. τηφύσβιτοΰ τόιτον. The'geo- φαίνεται : in Fals. Leg. § 394. p. 450
graphical situation 'of Attica rendered tovs όηονν &v ίκί'ινψ ιτοιησοντα% he
it imassailable by Philip, as it was reads with Shaefer ττοί^σαντα?, which is
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 115
national affairs, and you will be abk to watch what masterly
skilligsiikiLin Philip
Philip had no means to conclude or escape from the war 145
with y ou^ unless he made the Thebatls and i rEessalians
hostile tO_ Athens. Nay^ althnngh ynnr gr^nprals rnndnrtprl the
campaign agains t him unluckily and uns kilfully, nevertheless
he suffered incalculable damage by the mere course of the war,
and at the han ds of the privateers. For he could export none
of the products of his country nor import any of the supplies
he required. And at that time he was neither your superior 146
by sea, nor able to march into Attica, unless the Thessalians
came with him and the Thebans gave him a passage through
their land. And it turned out that though in the _field he
conquered the indescribable generals whom you sent out
— for I pass their character by — yet he was worsted by
our geographical position and by the difference in the re-
sources on either side. If, on the one hand, then, he should 147
attempt to persuade either the Thessalians or the Thebans to
march against you to gratify his private animosity towards
you, he thought that no one would give him a hearing ; but,
if he should take up their common cries and be chosen their
leader, he hoped with greater ease partly to delude, partly to
persuade them. What followed? He attempted, remark how
skilfully, to create war among the Amphictyons and to raise
a disturbance about the time of their meeting. For he con-
ceived that they would at once require his assistance to meet
these difficulties. He considered, accordingly, that if one of 148
the sacred deputies commissioned by himself, or one of his
supported by Fals. Leg. § 91. p. 366. of the well-known instances, Thuc. ii.
In this speech, below, § 168, σνμπν^υ- 8, v. 82, viii. 25, 71,
σόντων αν, found in the MSS., is impos- 148. 24. Ιβρομνημόνων seems to be
sible, as the active form of the future used loosely here, and § 150, to sig-
of συμιτνίω is not used. A few MSS. nify * Amphictyonic deputies ' in gene-
give av . . ττροσίχίΐν in the present pas- ral. Strictly only one ι^ρομνημων
sage. Shilleto (Fals, Leg. I.e.) de- proper came from each state, and
nies the impossibility of the future Philip would only send one. The
with av, and Jebb on Isae, Dicaeog. most important members, too, of the
§ 23, in ' Attic Orators,' accepts the βουΚή were the ττυλάηοροι.
usage as Thucydidean, on the strength
I 2
ii6 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§148-151.
μβνων η των Ikclvov συμμάχων €ΐσηγοΐτ6 τις, νπόψζ-
σθαί το πράγμα ίνόμιζζ καΐ τους Θηβαίους καΐ τους
θ€τταλού9 και πάντα? φυλάξ€σθαι, αν δ' Άθηναΐο? fj
και παρ υμών των ύπ^ναντίων 6 τοϋτο ποιών, ^ύπόρως
λήσβιν οπ€ρ συνέβη, πώς οΰν ταΰτ €ποίησ€ν ; 5
149 μισθοΰται τουτονί. ούδ^νο? δβ πρθ€ΐδ6τος, οΐμαι, το
πράγμα ούδ^ ψυλάττοντο?, ωσπ^ρ ζίωθβ τα τοιαύτα
παρ' ύμΐν γίγνεσθαι, προβληθείς πυλάγορος οΖτος και
τριών ή τεττάρων γειροτονησάντων αύτον άνερρήθη.
ως δζ το της πόλεως αξίωμα λαβών άφίκετο εις τους ίο
Άμψικτυονας, πάντα ταλλ' άψεις και παριδων επε-
ραινεν εφ οίς εμισθώθη, και λόγους ευπρόσωπους και
μύθους, όθεν ή Κιρραία χωρά καθιερώθη, συνθεις και
διεξελθων ανθρώπους άπειρους λόγων και το μέλλον ου
150 προορωμενους, τους ιερομνήμονας, πείθει ψηψίσασθαι ι$
περιελθεΐν τ^ν χωράν ην οι μεν Άμψισσεΐς σψών
αυτών οΰσαν γεωργεΐν εψασαν, οΰτος δε της ιεράς
χώρας τ)τιάτο εΐναι, ούδεμίαν δίκην τών Λοκρών επα-
γόντων ήμΐν, ούδ* οι νυν ούτος προψασίζεται, λέγων ουκ
άληθη. γνώσεσθε δ' εκείθεν, ουκ ενήν άνευ του 2ο
προσκαλεσασβαι δήπου τοΊς λοκροΐς δίκην κατά της
o^^[uflJj ηόλεως τελεσασθαι. τίς οΰν εκλήτευσεν ημάς ; άπο
itii^h^ ΤΓΟία? άρχης; είπε τον είδότα, δεΐξον, αλλ' ουκ άν
^^Ί/|ί>•^~" εχοις, άλλα κεντ} προφάσει ταύτη κατεχρώ και ψευδεΐ. ^ \
151 περιιόντων τοίνυν την χώραν τών Άμψικτυόνων κατά 2$
*^ - '^^^"'"'^^'^^ τήϊ' ύφήγησιν τ^ν τούτου, προσπεσόντες οι Αοκροι
jt4^ ' μικρού κατηκόντισαν απαντάς, τινάς δε και συνήρ-
I. cKcCvov is here used instead of allies Jiad mooted the point. But to
αύτου for the sake of emphasis and this the future ύπόφ(σθ<Η would be an
distinctness: cf. §§ 136, 218, 230. unparalleled sequence.
(Dissen.) 14Θ. 7. &σπ€ρ . . yLyvta^, §§ 133,
€ΐσηγοΐτο. Voemel, with many 134.
MSS., reads €ίσΐ7γίΓτο = if one of his 12. λόγονβ.. καΙμυθον«. Cf.Aesch.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. ιι;
allies, were to moot his proposal, the Thebans and the Thes-
salians would suspect the trick and all would be on their
guard; but if the agent were an Athenian and bore a com-
mission f rom you, whowere tmged witn enmity against him,
he woul d easily pass undetected, as indee d was the case.
Ho w then did he carry this out ? He hired my opponent. 149
Thus, when nobody, I suppose, foresaw~or~walched for lhe~
trick, as such matters generally fall out in your midst, my op-
ponent was put forward as your representative at the congress,
and three or four persons having shown their hands for him,
was declared to be elected. But when, invested with the pres-
tige of the state, he came to the Amphictyons, he let everything
else slip, turned his eyes from his duty, and completed that
for which he was hired; and_having _strung together and
told off som e specious phrases an djegendg^explaining-how,^^.^^ /
the Ci rrhaean district came to be ^consecr ated, he pe rsuaded /\
the sacred deputies, men inexperienced in rhet oric'aftd blind to ^
the fut ure, to~pais~anaec reeTO fa^atthf^UPf^s rif th^ tf^rntary^ 150
which the Amphissians said they cultivated because it be-
longed to them, bur^whtch' my^opponent alleged to belonglo
the sacred demesne. And this though the Locrians were
launching no suit against us nor doing any of the other things
which my opponent now falsely alleges in explanation of his
conduct I You will discover the falsehood from the following.
It was impossible, I presume, for the Locrians to establish a
suit against Athens without a citation. Who, then, served the
citation on us ? In whose archonship was it dated ? Name
or produce any one who can tell us. However you cannot do
so ; but in this you made a bad use of an unsubstantiated and
lying pretext. To resume ; while the Amphictyons were making 151
the circuit of the demesne at the suggestion of my opponent,
the Locrians fell upon them, and were within a little of shoot-
ing down the whole number, and did actually hustle off certain
c. Ct. §§ 107 sqq. 3 2. αϊτό iroCas άρχή5 ; Dind. has
150. 17. ουσαν, § 7 note. ίττί.
1 8. ούδεμίαν . . ψ€υδ€Ϊ is a paren- 24. Kcvfj. Many MSS. give καιν?},
thesis (in answer to Aeschines, c. Ct. which would mean ' invented for this
§ 129), and the main topic is resumed occasion.'
hjToivvy, § 151. 151. 27. After μικρού Dind. has /i^y.
ii8 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§151-154.
ττασαν των Upo μνημόνων, ώί ^ άπαξ e/c τούτων
εγκλήματα καΐ π6λ€μο9 προ9 τον9 Άμψισσ^ΐ? ίτα-
ράγβη, το μ\ν πρώτον 6 Κ6ττνφθ9 αντων των * Αμφι-
κτνόνων ήγαγβ στρατιάν, a>9 8* οΐ μ\ν ουκ ηλθον, οι S*
€λθ6ντ€9 ονδζν ^ποίουν, eh την Ιπιονσαν ΠυΧαίαν €π\ s
τον Φίλιππον evOvs ήγβμονα ηγον οΐ κατβσκβνασμύνοι
καΐ πάλαι πονηροί των θβτταλών και των kv ταΪ9
152 αλλαίί πόλβσιν, και προφάσ€ΐ9 ζύλόγον? ζίλήψξσαν•
η γαρ αυτούς ζίσφβρζΐν και ^ivovs τρύψζΐν 'ίφασαν
Seiv και ζημιονν tovs μη ταύτα ποιοΰντα?, ή ίκ€Ϊνον ίο
αίρ€Ϊσθαι. τί δζΐ τα πολλά λύγβιν ; ΐΐρ^θη yap eK
τούτων ήγβμών. και μζτα ταντ ζύθύως δνναμιν σνλ-
λίξα? και παρελθών ώ? €7γ2 την Κιρραιαν, €ρρώσθαι
ψράσα? πολλά Kippaiois και ΑοκροΪ9, την Έλάτ€ΐαν
153 καταλαμβάνε, ei μ\ν ονν μη μ€Τ€γνωσαν ζύθίω?, ι$
coy τοντ elSov, οι Θηβαίοι καΐ μ^Θ' ημών ίγύνοντο,
ωσπ^ρ γ^ιμάρρου^ αν άπαν τοϋτο το πράγμα eh την
πάλιν €ίσ€π€σ€ν' νυν Se το y ίξαίφνη^ ^π^σγον αντον
ίκζΐνοι, μάλιστα μ\ν ω avSpes * Αθηναίοι θβών τινο9
evvoia προ9 νμά?, eiTa μίντοι, και όσον καθ' eva 20
άνδρα, και δι ίμί, Aos δί μοι τα δόγματα ταντα
και T0V9 xpovovs kv oh ίκαστα πύπρακται, ΐν €ίδητ€
ήλίκα πράγματα ή μιαρά κεφαλή ταράξασα αύτη
154 δίκην ουκ €δωκ€ν, Xlye μοι τα δόγματα.
ΔΟΓΜΑΤΑ ΑΜΦΙΚΤΤ0Νί2Ν. [ΈπΙ Ιερβ'ω? KXct- 25
ναγόρον, iapLvrjs Πυλαία?, iboξ€ rots πνλαγόροΐζ καΐ
Tols avvibpois των Άμφικτνόνων καϊ τω κοινω των
5• ονΖΙν «iroCouv. So Aristoph. Cf. Phil. 3. § 57. p. 125 ol μ^ ^φ'
Frogs 662, Xanthias says, of Aeacus' νμά5 ^yov τά ηρά-γματα, ol δ* inl
fruitless flogging of his back and his Φίλιππον.
master's back, oiSiv voius yap, άλλα 152. 13. «ρρώσΟαι ψράσχιε πολλά
ras Kayovas σπόδα. is used idiomatically of a flagrant
«irl τον . . ήγον, sc. τά vpάyμaτa. neglect of duty : cf. c. Mid. § 39. p.
ί
ΠΕΡΙ ΤΟΥ ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 119
of the sacred deputies. And when, once for all, in conse-
quence of this, charges and hostilities became violent against
the Amphissians, at first Cottyphus led an army composed
of the Amphictyons only; but when some did not come,
and any who came did nothing effectual, the trained and
veteran villains among the ThessaUans and the statesmen
in the other cities, in view of the coming congress, proposed
to hand aifairs immediately to Philip as leader. They had 152
indeed selected specious pretences : for they said it was
necessary either for the Amphictyons themselves to make an
extraordinary contribution and maintain foreign mercenaries
and penaHse defaulters, or else to elect Philip. Why need
I tell the whole long story ? In consequence of these things
he was elected leader. And when, immediately afterwards,
he had collected a force and had advanced ostensibly against
the Cirrhaean district, he bade a hearty farewell to Cirrhaeans/
and Locrians, and captured Elatea. If, then, the Thebans, 153
on seeing this, had not instantly changed their purpose and
sided with us, this whole plot would have swept down on
the city like a winter torrent ; but, as it was, they held him
at bay, at least for the moment, thanks primarily to the bene-
volence of some god towards you, men of Athens, but under
Providence, and, as far as lay in one man's province, through
my agency also. [To the clerk.] Hand me these decrees
and the dates on which each set of transactions has taken
place, that my hearers may know what monstrous troubles
this polluted creature aggravated with impunity. Please read
the decrees. 154
DECREES OF THE AMPHICTYONS.
I In the priesthood of Clinagoras, at the spring assembly, it
was resolved by the representatives and the assessors 0/ the Am-
phictyons and the general body of the Amphictyons, Whereas the
526 ίρρωσθαι ττολλά rois νόμοΐί etircbi/ 153. l8. to γ' «ξαίφνηβ perhaps
και ύμΐν (spoken of an illegal com- implies that the Thebans not only
promise), and Fals. Leg. § 278. p. 419 checked Philip ' for the moment,' but
Ιρρωσθαι πολλά <ppaaas τω σοψω 2o- also 'bore the brunt' of his sudden
<ροκ\€Ϊ (where ' Creon-Aeschines ' for- attack.
gets the principles he used to declaim 20. €Ϊτα μ^ντοι, § ι note.
in the Antigone). 23. ταρά^ασα, § 7 note.
120 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§154-156.
^ Αμφίκτνόνων, €ΐτ€ώη Άμφυσσ-ζϊς Ιττιβαίνονσιν kiii ΤΎ\ν
Ι^ραν χωράν καΧ στΐ^ίρουσι κα\ βοσκημασι καταν^μονσιν,
fTTeXOeiv tovs ττνλαγόρονί καΐ tovs (Tvvibpovs, καί στη-
Xats bLaλaβ€ΐv rovs opovs, καΐ άτΐζίττζΐι; tols Ά/χφισ-
σζϋσι τον λοιττον μη ^τηβαίναν. 5
155 ΕΤΕΡΟΝ ΔΟΓΜΑ. Έττι ΐ€ρ€ωζ KXcLvayopov, ea-
pLvrjs Πυλαία?, edo^e rots irvkayopoLS καϊ tols avvi-
bpoLS των ^ Αμφίκτνόνων καϊ τω κοινω των Άμφίκτνόνων,
CTret^T) 0L ef ^ Αμφίσση^ την Upav χωράν καταν€ίμά-
μ^νοι γ€ωργοϋ(Τί καϊ βοσκηματα νίμονσι, καΧ κωλνό- ίο
/A6V01 τοντο TTOielVy €v TOLS δπλοΐί 'παραγ€νόμ€νοί, το
KOLVOV των *Έιλληνων crvvihpiov κζκωλύκασι μ€τά βίας,
TLvas δ^ καϊ Τ€τρανματίκα(ην^ τον στρατηγον τον χιρημί••
νον των ^ Αμφίκτνόνων Κόττνφον τον *Αρκάδα τΐρ^σβ^υ-
σαι ττροί ΦίΚΐΈΤϊον τον Μακ€δόζ^α, καϊ άξίοΰν ϊνα βοη- 15
θηστ} τω Τ€ Άπολλωπ καϊ rots ^ Αμφικτύοσιν^ οττωί μη
irepdbrj νττο των άσββών ^ Αμφισσίων Τίκνθ^ον Ίτλημμ^λον-
μ€νον' καϊ biOTL αντον στρατηγον αυτοκράτορα αίροννταί
οί "Ελληνξζ oi μ€Τ€χοντ€$ τον avvebpCov των Ά/χφι-
κτνόνων,^ 2ο
/Ι eye 8η καϊ tov9 \p6vovs kv oh ταντ €γίγν€Τ0'
(ΙσΙ γαρ καθ* ού? ίπνλαγομησβν oiroy. Xeye.
ΧΡΟΝΟΙ. ["Αρχωι; MvησLθdbηs, μηνοί άνθίστη-
pLcavos €ΚΤΎΐ €ΐτϊ δeκάrr^.]
156 Λο9 Sii Tfjp €πιστολην ην, m ον^ ύπήκονσαν οι 25
Θηβαίοι, π€μπ€ί προ9 τον? kv Πζλοποννήσω σνμμά-
\ονς δ Φίλιππο?, ΐν βίδήτε και €Κ ταντη? σαφω? οτι
την μίν αληθή προφασιν των πραγμάτων, το ταντ
€πι την* Ελλάδα και του? Θηβαίου? και νμά? πράτ-^
τ€ΐν, άπ€κρνπτ€το, κοινά 5e και τοΐ? *Αμφικτνοσι 30
155. 14. 'Αρκάδα. The Arcadians Cottyphus rbv Φαρσάλων.
were not among the Amphictyonic 18. διάτν for δτι, cf. §§ 167, 184, is
tribes. Aeschines, c. Ct. ( ia8, calls post-classical.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, Ι2ΐ
Amphissians trespass upon the demesne and sow it and depasture
it with their flocks^ that the representatives and the assessors should
go to the spot and mark out the boundaries with pillars ^ and forbid
the Amphissians to commit trespass /or the future.
ANOTHER DECREE.
In the priesthood of ClinagoraSy at the spring assembly^ it was 155
resolved by the representatives and the assessors of the Amphic-
tyons and the general body of the Amphictyons, Whereas the in-
habitants of Amphissa have portioned out among themselves the
sacred demesne and cultivate it and feed their flocks upon it, and,
when prevented from doing this, have appeared in arms and have
violently obstructed the common assembly of the Hellenes, and have
even wounded certain of its members, that the elected commander of
the Amphictyons, Cottyphus the Arcadian, should go as ambassa-
dor to Philip of Macedon, and should require him to send assist-
ance both to Apollo and to the Amphictyons, that he may not
overlook the offence done to the deity by the impious Amphissians :
and tell him that the Hellenes who participate in the assembly of
the Amphictyons elect him as general with sole command.
Now q uote also the periods within which these measures
to ok place : for they correspond with the periods durin g which '
n ay opponent was vour representative. P lease read.
DATES.
In the archonship of Mnesithides, on the sixteenth of the
month Anthesterion.
Now give me the letter which, when the Thebans did not 156
respond, Philip sent to his allies in the Peloponnese, that my
hearers may know clearly from this also that he kept out of
sight the true motive for these transactions, namely, that he
was doing this to the injury of Hellas, and of the Thebans,
and of you, and pretended to be executing international
measures decreed by the Amphictyons. And the man who
24. «irl δ€κάττ|. Dind. has \i{\ Si/ca. virq'Kovov.
The archon is pseudonymous, and the 26. συμμάχουβ. Arcadians, Messe-
date is a^blank. nians, Argives, Eleans.
156. 25. νπήκουσαν. Dind. has
'^^-^^UiA^
122 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§156-159.
δόξαντα ποιβΐν προσβποιβΐτο' ό Be τα? άφορμα? ταν^
τα? καΐ τα9 προψάσβί? αύτω παράσχων ούτος ηι/.
λίγβ.
157 ΕΠΙΣΤΟΛΗ. [Βασιλβυ? Maκ€bόvωv Φίλιππο? Πβλο-
ττοννησίων των kv Trj (τυμμαχία rots bημLOvpγoΐs καΐ rots 5
avvibpoLS καΐ rots &λλοί9 σνμμάγοι^ τιασι γαίρ^ιν.
ίττζώη ΑοκροΙ οΐ καλούμενοι ^Οζόλαι, κατοικονντεί iv
^Αμφίσστ}, τΐλημμελουσιν ets το Upbv τον 'Aπoλλω^;os
του €V Αελφοΐί καΐ την iepav γωραν ερχόμενοι μεθ*
διτλων λεηλατονσι, βούλομαυ τω θεω μεθ^ νμων βοηθεϊν ίο
καΐ άμννασθαί tovs τταραβαίνοντάε τι των εν άνθρώττοίί
ευσεβών ώστε συναντάτε μετά των οττλων ets την
Φωκίδα, e^oi;res ετησιτισμον ήμερων τεσσαράκοντα,
του ενεστωτο^ μηνοί λωου, &)S ^fX€ts αγομεν, as δβ
'A^r^i;atot, βοη^ρομιωνο?, as δ€ Κορίνθιοι, ττανεμου. 15
rots δβ μη συναντησασι 'πavbημεl χρησόμεθα, rots bε
σύμβουλοι? ημΊν κείμενοι? εττιζημίοι?, ευτυχείτε»^
158 Όραΰ' OTL φεύγει τα? ίδια? προφάσει?, ει? δε τα?
Αμφικτνονικα? καταφεύγει, τι? ουν 6 ταϋτα σνμ-
παρασκενάσα? αύτω ; τι? δ τα? προφάσει? ταύτα? 2ο
ενδού? \ τι? ό των κακών των γεγενη μένων μάλιστα
αϊτιο? ι ού\ ουτο? ; μη τοίννν λέγετε, ω άνδρε? 'Αθη-
ναίοι, περιιοντε? ω? ύφ' ενο? τοιαύτα πεπονθεν ή
*Ελλα? ανθρώπου, ούχ νφ' ενο?, αλλ νπο πολλών
159 καΐ πονηρών παρ έκαστοι?, ω γή και Θεοί' ων ει? 2$
ούτοσί, 6ν, ει μηδέν εύλαβηθεντα τάληθε? ειπείν δεοι,
ουκ άν οκνήσαιμι εγωγε κοινον άλιτήριον τών μετά
ταϋτα άπολωλότων απάντων είπεΐν, ανθρώπων τόπων
157. Ι4• Η•ην6β. The months do συναντ^σαίτι. This is hardly necessary,
not (see Diet, of Antiq., Calendarium) as the text, though awkward, yields a
correspond as here stated. possible construction. For the dis-
16. Tots 8i . . κ€ΐμ^οι$ is bracketed tinction drawn between the ministerial
by Dind. as unintelligible, and (πιζη- advisers of a nation and the people at
μίοΐί is taken to mean 'as subject to large see §§ 78, 166, and for ήμΐν
penalty ' in agreement with tois μή καμίνοΐί see § 77 : Ιηιζήμια as a sub-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 123
furnished him with these bases of operation and these pretexts
was my opponent. Please read.
LETTER.
Philip, king of the Macedonians, to the public officers and the\h*l
assessors of the Peloponnesians who are in his alliance, and to his
other allies generally, greeting. Whereas those Locrians who
are surnamed Ozolian, dwelling in Amphissa, transgress against
the temple of Apollo at Delphi, and coming in arms make spoil of
the sacred demesne, I wish in conjunction with you to bring assist-
ance to the deity and to repel those who profane aught considered
religious among mankind. Therefore meet me in arms in Phocis,
with provisions for forty days, during the present month Lous,
as we keep it, or Boedromion, as the Athenians keep it, or Pane-
mus, as the Corinthians keep it. And those who shall have
failed to meet us we will deal with nationally, but their advisers
we will deal with by means of our established penalties. Fare
ye well.
You see that he avoids personal pretexts and takes shelter 158
with those of the Amphictyons. Who then helped him to
acquire these resources ? Who was it that put these pretexts
into his power } Who is it that is mainly responsible for the
evils that have resulted.? Is it not my opponent? Do no t Bju^^^"^^"^'*^ ι
therefore go about and say, men of Athens, that Hellas has / ^i/i^f^"^^^''^^'^
suftered so terribly at the hands of one man. Not at the
\ hands of one, but — as earth and" heaven can witness^at the
hands of many villains in each com munity : among them, my 159
opponent here, whom, if I must speak the truth without any
reser vation, I sh ould not Tigsitate-ta call the universal bane
of all we subseq uently lost, men, districts, and cities. For
stantive, * penalties,* is used by Plato. is almost certainly a forgery.
T]ie chief difficulty lies in πανδημύ, 158. 24. Ivos, i. e. Φιλίππου.
which most naturally would go with 25. Before irap' Ικάστοιβ Dind. has
σνναντήσασι, but may just possibly των.
attach to χρησόμ^θα. Emendations 159. 27, άλιτήριον. Comp. Aesch.
are numerous, but rather thrown away c. Ct. § 131 rivos ovv ζημία5 o^tos ci
on a probably corrupt passage in what τυχίΐν, Si τψ 'Ελλάδο? άλιτήρκ ;
124 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ 159-163.
{ π6\^ων 6 yap το σπέρμα παρασχωι/, ουτο9 των ψνντων
κακών αίτιος, ον όπως ττοτε ονκ βνθύς ίδόντζ^ άπβ-
στράφητ€, θαυμάζω' πλην πολύ τι σκότος, ως ίθίΚ€ν,
έστί παρ νμΐν προ της αληθείας.
ΙβΟ Σνμβίβηκ€ τοίνυν μοί των κατά της πατρίδος s
τούτω πεπραγμένων άψαμίνω βίς οί τούτοις ίναντιού-
μ€νος αντος π€πολιΤ€νμαι άφΐγβαΐ' St, πολλών μ\ν
€V€K άν €ΐκ6τως άκονσαιτί μου, μάλιστα 5* δτι αισγβόν
€στιν, ω άνδρες * Αθηναίοι, el eyo) μεν τα έργα τών
ύπερ υμών πόνων νπεμεινα, νμεΐς δε μηδέ τους λόγους ίο
161 αυτών άνεξεσθε. ορών γαρ εγώ Θηβαίους, σχεδόν δε
και υμάς ύπο τών τα Φιλίππου ψρονούντων καΐ διε-
φθαρμένων παρ* εκατεροις ο μεν ην άμψοτεροις φοβερον
και φυλακής πολλής δεόμενον, το τον Φίλιππον εάν
αύξάνεσθαι, παρορώντας και ούδε καθ* εν φυλαττο- 15
μένους, εις εγθραν δε και το προσκρούειν άλλήλοις
ετοίμως εγοντας, όπως τοϋτο μ^ γένοιτο παρατηρών
διετελουν, ουκ άπο της εμαυτοΰ γνώμης μόνον ταΰτα
162 συμφερειν ύπολαμβάνων, αλλ* είδώς Άριστοφώντα και
πάλιν Εϋβουλον πάντα Thv χρόνον βουλομενους πράξαι 2ο
ταύτη ν T^jv φιλίαν, και περί τών άλλων πολλάκις αντι-
λέγοντας τοΰθ* όμογνωμονοΰντας άεί. οΰς σύ ζώντας
μεν, ω κ(ναδος, κολαχεύρον παρηκολούθεις, τεθνεώτων
δ^ ουκ αίσθάνει κατηγορών ά γαρ περί Θηβαίων
επιτιμάς εμοί, εκείνων πολύ μάλλον ή εμοΰ κατηγορείς, 25
τών πρότερον η εγώ ταύτην τ^ν συμμαγίαν δοκιμασάν-
163 των. αλλ' εκεΐσε επάνειμι, 8τι τον εν^Αμφίσστ] πόλεμον
2. κακών is omitted by Dind. ducted in the Peloponnesian War, not,
leo. 9. τά Ιργα των . . ιτόνων. Thuc. as here, between the actual perform-
i. 22 τά ipyx των πραχθίντων is gene- ance and the mere narration of a
rally quoted as parallel: there how- deed.
ever the contrast is between the 162. 20. ττάλιν = * ex altera parte.*
speeches that were delivered and the Aristophon was the aristocratic. Eu-
military operations that were con- bulus the democratic leader. Cf. §198.
ΠΕΡί TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 125
he who provided the seed is responsible for the crop of mis-
chief. I marvel that you did not turn with loathing from him
the first time you saw him : unless it be, as it appears, that JtiAy
Thus it has come about that by handling the crimes com-
a certain great darkness lies about you, screening the truth.
I
leo
mitted by my opponent against his country I have reached the
public measures which I myself took to thwart them. These
measures you will reasonably hear from me on many grounds,
but principally because it is unhandsome, men of Athens, if
after I sustained the fatigue of these labours on your behalf, you
will not bear patiently with their mere recital. When I saw 161
that the Thebans, and I might almost add you also, under the
influence of those who held Philip's views, or rather had been
corrupted in each community, neglected, on the one hand, a
danger that was formidable to both of you and required to be
carefully guarded against — the danger of suffering Philip to
increase in power,• — and in no way took means for your pro-
tection, but were ripe for hostility and collision with one another,
I continued closely on the watch to prevent this occurring.
Not that I conceived this to be expedient on the strength of my
own judgment only, but because I knew that Aristophon and 162
his rival on the popular side, Eubulus, wished throughout to
form a friendly union for this end, and though they often spoke
against one another on other matters were always unanimous
in this. These men, fox ! you flattered and followed humbly
during their lifetime, ypt fail \n pt^rrpivf that yQn arf> accusing , I
them after their death : for ^ ere you censn rf ^^^ '^τί tVip score^Wiu><A>^
of the Thebans, y ou accuse, far more than you acc use me, ^
those men w ho, long before my ti me, had^janctioned this alli-
ance. But I will return to the proposition before stated, that, 163
ΟΫ
21. ^\Xiav,j^. with Thebes. used to flatter.
After άντιλ^γονταβ Dind. has kav- 163. 27, τον πόλεμον . . την ίχθραν.
τοΓί. An instance of chiasmus, which is rare in
24. αίσθάνίΐ. An old emendation is Demosthenes: of. § 172 Ιλτ^Γιό? u«atpos
αϊσχυι/ϊ/, but this is against the con- κα\ ή ήμ4ρα €Κ(ίνη. Two other apparent
text, the point being that Aeschines instances, §§ 87, 102, are probably due
unconsciously accuses those whom he to false reaxUngs. See on §§ 317, 324.
126 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§163-165.
τούτον μ\ν ποιησαντοζ, σνμπ6[3αΐίίΐΐ^(ύν δζ των άλλων
των σνν€ργών αντω την προ? Θηβαίου? e^Spav, συνίβη
τον Φίλίππον ίλθβΐν k(f ήμα?, ovwep €ν€κα τα? πόλβι?
ούτοι σννβκρονον, καΐ e/ μη προβξανέστημζν μικρόν,
ονδ* άναλαβεΐν αν ήδυνήΘημ^ν οντω μ^χρι πόρρω ζ
προήγαγον ούτοι την ^γβραν. kv oh ^ ητ€ ηδη τα
προ? άλλήλον?, τοντωνί των ψηφισμάτων άκονσαντ€?
καΐ των αποκρίσεων βισβσθζ. Και μοι Xeye ταντα
λαβών,
164 ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ. [ΈττΙ αρχοντο? Ήροπνθον, μηνο? ίο
€λαφηβολιωνο? €κττ} φθίνοντος, φνλης πρυτανενονση?
Έρ€χθηί^09, βονλη? και στρατηγών γνωμτ}, Ιττβιδτ) Φίλιπ-
πο? h? μίν κατ€ίληφ€ πόλ€ΐ? των άστνγζΐτόνων, τίνα?
be πορθεί, κεφαλρίω δε €πΙ την Άττικην παρασκευάζεται
παραγίγνεσθαι, παρ ονίεν ηγούμενο? τα? ημέτερα? συν- 15
θηκα?, καί τον? ορκον? λύειν επιβάλλεται καΐ την είρη-
νην, παραβαίνων τα? κοινά? πίστει?, bεbόχθaι ttj βουλτί
καΐ τω δ?5/χω πεμπειν προ? αντον πρεσβει?, οϊτινε?
αντω bιaλεξovτaι καΐ παρακαλεσονσιν αντον μάλιστα
μεν την προ? ημα? δμόνοιαν bιaτηpεlv κα\ τα? σννθηκα?, 2ο
€t δε μη, προ? το βονλενσασθαι bovvai χρόνον τ?) πάλει
καΧ τα? άνοχα? ποιησασθαι μέχρι του θαργηλιώνο?
♦ μηνά?, γρεθησαν εκ βουλή? Σϊμο? ^Αιαγνράσιο?, Ευ-
θvbημo? Φλυάσιο?, Βουλαγάρα? Άλωπεκηθεν.
165 ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ. ΈττΙ άρχοντο? *Ηροπνθου, μηνο? μου- 25
νυχιωνο? ενγ καΐ via, πολεμάρχου γνώμτ}, επεώη Φίλιπ-
πο? εΐ? άλλοτριάτητα Θηβαίου? προ? ημα? επιβάλλεται
καταστησαι, παρεσκενασται bi καΧ παντΧ τω στρατενματι
Such arrangements of words, when thanks to its wealth of particles.
they occur in Greek, are probably due 2. -irpos θηβαίουβ may either mean
to the mere passion for variety, not, ' on the part of or * towards ' the
as in Latin, to the love for balanced Thebans : see on § 36.
expressions and antithesis. Greek is 5. After άνολαβ€ίν some MSS. have
saved from the necessity of marking αϋτούί=ήμα.ί avrovs.
antithesis by the position of words, 7. ψηφισμάτων . . άτΓθκρίσ€ων. The
Ql^Jl^ tA^^ tr^Ao^ ^^r^X^
7^^ c^^J
tv cn^fcn.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 127
in consequence of my opponent having created the war at
Amphissa, and the others, who cooperated with him, having
brought your hatred against the Thebans to a head, it came
about that Philip advanced against us, the very object for
which these men were embroihng the states ; and if we had
not started from our lethargy a little before Philip's arrival we
should not have been able to recover; to such an extreme
had my opponents precipitated the hatred between Athens and
Thebes. And the relations in which you already stood to one '
another you will discern when you have listened to the follow-
ing decrees and replies. [To the clerk.'] Please take and
read me these.
DECREES.
In the archonship of Heropythus^ on the twenty-fifth day of the 164
month Elaphebolion, during the pry tany ship of the tribe Erechthe'is^
in accordance with the resolution of the council and the generals,
Whereas Philip has captured some of the neighbouring cities and
is besieging others, and in fine is preparing to take the field for
the invasion of Attica, making no account of our covenants, and
is taking steps to violate the oaths and the pec^ce, transgressing
our mutual pledges, It hath been resolved by the council and the
people to send ambassadors to him, to confer with him and exhort
him, best of all, to strictly observe his concord with us and the co-
venants, but, failing that, to give the city time to deliberate and to
extend the armistice until the month Thargelion. There were
chosen out of the council Simus of the deme Anagyrus, Euthy-
demus of the deme Phlyes, Bulagoras of the deme Alopex.
DECREE.
In the archonship of Her opy thus, on the last day of the month 165
Munychion, in accordance with the resolution of the military
archon, Whereas Philip is taking steps to set the Thebans at
variance with us, and has prepared to come with his whole army
documents that ίοΙΙοΛν are utterly ir- 164. ii. Ικττ| φθίνοντοβ = 25tli,
relevant. They should have referred § 37 note.
to hostile feelings and fruitless nego- 13. ds p,€v, § 182, is late Greek.
tiations between Athens and Thebes, 22. ras άνοχάβ, i. e. continue tJie
as we see also from § 168. The archon existing truce.
is pseudonymous. 165. 26. €vt| καΐ vea, § 29 note.
128 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§165-167.
Tipos rcrus ίγγιστα rrjs Άττικτ)? τταρα-γί-γν^σθαι tOttovs,
τταραβαίνων ras irpos ημαί ντιαργονσα^ αντω σννθηκας,
beboxOai ttj βουλτ} και τω br|μω ττφψαι irpbs αυτόν
κήρυκα καΐ ττρέσβζΐί, otrives αζιώσουσι καΧ τταρακαλ^-
σουσιν αυτόν ττοιήσασθαί τας άνοχάς, οττω? €vh€χoμivωs 5
ό bημos βουλεύίτηται' καΐ γαρ νυν ου κ4κρικ€ βοηθ^Ιν
kv oibevl των μ€τρίων• γρ4Θησαν €κ βουλής Neap^o?
Σωσινόμου, Πολυκράτης ^Έ,ττίφρονος, καΐ κηρυζ Έ,υνομος,
ΆναφλύστίΟζ €Κ του δήμου."]
166 /Ι eye 5ή και τα? άποκρίσζΐ?. ίο
αποκρίσεις. [ΑΘΗΝΑΙΟΙΣ. Βασιλβί/? Μακ€-
boviuv Φίλιτητοί 'Αθηναίων ττ] βουλτ} καΐ τω δήμω γαίρ^ιν.
ην μίν am αρχη9 €Ϊχ€Τ€ TTpbs ημάς αΧρίσιν, ουκ άγνοω,
καΐ τίνα σ^Γoυbηv TTOLeia-ee τΐροσκοΧίσασθαι βουλόμ€νοι
Q>€TTa\o\)s κα\ Θηβαίους, ίτι δ€ κα\ Βοιωτού?* βάλτων 15
δ' αυτών φρονούντων καΐ μη βουΧομίνων βφ* υμιν
ττοιησασθαι την ίοντων αΧρ^σιν, άλλα κατά το συμφέρον
Ιστ^ίνων, νυν e£^ υττοστροφης aTToareikavTes ύμ€Ϊς
Ίτρός μ€ τ:ρίσβ€ΐς κα\ κήρυκα συνθηκών μνημον€υ€Τ€
καΐ Tas άνοχάί αΙτ€Ϊσθ€, κατ oibev ύφ* ημών ιτζΈλημ- 2ο
μζΚημίνοι. eyc!> μίντοι άκουσας των ττρζσβίυτων συγ-
κατατίθ^μαι rots τταρακαΧουμίνοις κα\ έτοιμος άμι Trotet-
σθαι τάς άνοχάς, αν 7Τ€ρ τους ουκ όρθως συμβουλεύοντας
υμίν τταραττ^μψαντξς της ττροσηκούσης ατιμίας άξίώσητξ,
ίρρωσθζ. 25
167 ΑΠΟΚΡΙΣΙΣ ΘΗΒΑΙΟΙΣ. Βασιλεύς Μακώόνων
Φίλιτητος Θηβαίων Trj βουλτΙ καΐ τω bημω χαίρ€ΐν. €κο-
μισάμην την ταρ'υμων ^ττιστολην, bi ης μοι την ομό-
νοιαν καΐ την είρήνην άναν€θυσθ€, ττυνθάνομαι μίντοι
bioTi ττάσαν υμιν ^Αθηναίοι προσφέρονται φιλοτιμίαν 3°
βουλόμενοι υμάς συγκατμίνους γενέσθαι τοΙς υπ αυτών
ΊταρακαλουμΙνοις. ττρότερον μ^ν ουν υμών κατεγίγνωσκον
167. 2g. καΐ τήν «Ιρήνην άναν<ονσ6€. Bind, reads ayavtovaOt καΙ τ^ν ίΐρήνην
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 129
also to the districts which are nearest to Attica^ transgressing
the covenants already contracted by him with us, It hath been re-
solved by the council and the people to send to him a herald and
ambassadors, to require and exhort him to continue the armistice,
in order that the people may deliberate according to circumstances :
for as yet they have decided not to send assistance in the event of
any reasonable terms. There were chosen out of the council
Nearchus, son of Sosinomus, Poly crates, son of Epiphron, and, as
herald, Eunomus, of the deme Anaphlystus, out of the commons.
Now read the replies also. 166
REPLIES.
Philip, king of the Macedonians, to the council and commons
of the Athenians, greeting. I am not unaware of the choice of
action which you have taken from the beginning towards us, and
what exertions you make wishing to call to your side the Thes-
salians and the Thebans, and still further the Boeotians also : but
since they are better minded and are not willing to make their
awn choice at your bidding, but take their stand on the side of
expediency, you now, wheeling round, and having despatched to me
ambassadors and a herald, remind me of covenants and ask for
the armistice, though you have in no respect been outraged by us.
However, having heard the ambassadors, I coincide with their
exhortations and am ready to extend the armistice, if only you
will dismiss those who advise you wrongly, and degrade them as
they deserve. Farewell.
REPLY TO THE THEBANS.
Philip, king of the Macedonians, to the council and people oflQl
the Thebans, greeting. I have received your letter, in which you
renew your concord with me, and the peace. I learn, however,
that the Athenians are bringing to bear upon you every kind of
ambitious motive, wishing that you should becom£ abettors in the
matters to which they exhort you. Thus, though informer times
ovTws (μοι voietre, from an emendation suggested by the corrupt reading in 2.
Κ
I30 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§167-170.
€7γΙ τώ μζλλαν τϊ^ίθ^σθαι rais €Κ€(νων βλττισι καΐ iira-
κολουθ€Ϊν αντων rfj TrpoatpeVet. νυν δ' CTTtyi^ot)? νμα?
τα TTpbs ημα,ί ^ζητηκότας ^χ€ΐν ^Ιρηνην μ,άλλον η rais
€Τ€ρων €7τακολονΘ€Ϊν γνωμαις, ησθην καΐ μάλλον υμάς
€TTaLV& κατά ττολλά, μάλιστα δ' €7rt τω βουλεύσασθαι 5
Tr€pl τούτων ασφαλίστ^ρον κα\ τα TTpos ημα^ ^χ€ίν €V
€VVoia' 0776/3 ον μικράν νμϊν οΐσ^ιν ^λτιίζω ροπήν, cav
7Γ€ρ €TtI ταντης μ€νητ€ της ΤΓροθ4σ€ωί, Ιρρωσ^βΤ]
168 Οντω 8La6eh 6 Φίλιππος τα9 πόλεις προς άλλήλας
δια τ όντων, και τούτοις ίπα^βΐς τοις ψηφίσμασι και ίο
ταΐς άποκρίσίσιν, ?JKev ίγων την δύναμιν και την
Έλάτ€ΐαν κατέλαβαν, ως ού8* άν ei τι γένοιτο βτι
σνμπνενσάντων άν ημών και των Θηβαίων, άλλα
μ^ν τον τότε συμβάντα kv τη πόλει θόρνβον ιστέ
μεν άπαντες, μικρά 5' ακούσατε όμως, αυτά. τάναγ- 15
καιότατα.
169 * Εσπέρα μεν γαρ ην, ηκε δ' άγγελλων τις ως τους
πρυτάνεις ως 'Ελάτεια κατειληπται. καΐ μετα ταύτα
οι μεν ευθύς εξαναστάντες μεταξύ δειπνοΰντες τους τ
εκ των σκηνών των κατά την άγοράν εξεΐργον και τα 2ο
γερρα ενεπίμπρασαν, οι δε τους στρατηγούς μετεπεμ-
ποντο και τον σαλπιγκτην εκάλονν, και θορύβου
πλήρης ην ή πόλις. ^ τη δ* ύστεραία άμα τη ήμερα
οι μεν πρυτάνεις την βουλήν εκάλουν εις το βου-
λευτήριον, ύμεΐς δ' εις την εκκλησίαν επορεύεσθε, 25
και πριν εκεινην γ^ρηματίσαι και προβουλεϋσαι πάς 6
170 δήμος άνω καθήτο. και μετά ταΰτα ως ήλθεν ή βουλή
1β8. ΐ3• συμτΓνβυσάντων άν, cf. § the hurdles used to fence in the αε-
ί 4 7. note, sembly, and to close the streets while
15. αυτά τάναγκολότατα, § 1 26. it sat : as to bum these could serve no
Ιβθ. 17. «σιτφα μ€ν is answered purpose. Probably the stalls and
by TT? δ* varfpaia. booths in the market-place are meant.
19. δ€ΐιτνοΰντ€5, sc. Iv τφ πρντανίίψ. These would be burnt as a quick mode
20. τά yippo- can hardly have been of clearing the ground ; and their con-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 131
I condemned you for being ready to fall in with their hopes and
follow their principles, now, on the other hand, since I have dis-
covered that you in your relations to us have striven to retain the
peace rather than follow the judgments of strangers, I have been
delighted, and now warmly compliment you on many accounts,
especially on the ground that you have come to a safer determina-
tion on this subject and keep your relations to us friendly : which,
indeed, I think will bring to you no slight preponderance of
advantage, if only you abide by this purpose. Farewell.
Having thus disposed the states one to another by these 168
mearrS, and having been elated by these decrees and replies,
Philip had come in force and captured Elatea, thinking that,
whatever happened, we and the Thebans would never blow the
same way. Of course you are all acquainted with the be-
wilderment which then arose in the city ; nevertheless, let me
recall to you, in brief, merely the most indispensable facts.
At evening a man had come to the prytanes bringing the 169
news 'Elatea has been captured!' On this, some of them
started up at once in the midst of their meal, and excluded the
market people from their booths in the market-place, and
burned the wicker frames ; while others summoned the generals,
and called the state-herald, and the city was full of bewilder-
ment. By daybreak the next morning, while the prytanes
convened the council in the council-hall, you were on your
way to the assembly ; and before the council had concluded
business and had drawn up their previous resolution all the
commons were in session on the hill. When, after this, 170
flagration would also act as a signal- circular space, paved and levelled,
fire to rouse the country. bounded on the south by a great wall,
27. άνω, on a hill (S.W. of the Aero- near which stood the &ημα, a high
polis, and sometimes wrongly named stoneplatform, ascended by steps, from
mount Lycabettus), where the Τίνΰξ^ which the speakers addressed the as-
was situated. The Pnyx was a semi- sembly.
Κ 2
132 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§170-173.
Koi άπήγΎ^ιΚαν οΐ πρντάν€ί9 τα προσηγγβλμίι/α iav-
Τ0Ϊ9 και τον ηκοντα παρήγαγον κάκ€Ϊνο9 etneu, ήρώτα
μ\ν 6 κήρυξ ' tls ayopeveip βουΧ^ται ; waprjei δ* ον-
δβίς. πολλάκις Se τον κήρνκος βρωτωντο? ούδίν μάλλον
άνίστατ ovSeis, απάντων μ\ν των στρατηγών παρόντων, 5
απάντων 8e των ρητόρων, καλούσης δβΐτής κοινήΛ
πατρί8ος[^)ωνης^τον ίροννθ' νπ\ρ σωτηρίας- ην yap ο
κήρυξ κατά τους νόμους ψωνην άφίησι^ ταύτην κοινών
171 της πατρίδος δίκαιον ίστιν ήγ^ΐσθαι. καίτοι ei μίν
τους σωθήναι την πόλιν βουλομύνους παρβλθβΐν eiei, 10
πάντες αν ύμ€Ϊς και οι άλλοι Ά θηναΐοι άναστάντβς ίπι
το βήμα €βαδίζ€Τ€' πάντβς γαρ οιδ' οτι σωθήναι
αύτην ίβούλβσθί' €ΐ δΐ τους πλουσιωτάτους, οι τρια-
κόσιοι* €1 δζ τους άμφότβρα ταΰτα, και ^ϋνους τή
πόλ€ΐ και πλουσίους, οι μ€τά ταΰτα τάς μβγάλας ίπι- 15
δόσ€ΐς €πιδόντ€ς' και γαρ εύνοια και πλούτω τοϋτ
172 εποίησαν, αλλ' ay eoiKev, €Κ€ίνος ό καιρός και ή
ήμίρα ζκβίνη ου μόνον βϋνονν και πλούσιον άνδρα
ίκάλζΐ, άλλα και παρηκολουθηκότα τοΐς πράγμασιν
€ξ άρ-χ^ής, καΐ σνλλζλογισμίνον ορθώς τίνος eveKa 20
_ ταΰτ βπραττβν ό Φίλιππος και τι βουλόμβνος' ό γαρ
μη ταΰτ €ΐδως μηδ^ βξητακως πόρρωθβν, οΰτ ei βΰνους
ην οϋτ €1 πλούσιος, ούδβν μάλλον ήμ€λλ€ν ο τι )(ρ^
173 ποΐ€Ϊν €Ϊσ€σθαι ούδ* ύμΐν €ξ€ΐν συμβουλβύειν. ίψάνην
τοίνυν ούτος kv ίκβίντ} τή ήμ^ρα ξγώ, και παρελθών 25
ίΐπον ζίς υμάς, ά μου δυοΐν €V€k ακούσατε προσσγόντες
τον νουν, ίνος μεν, ΐν* είδήτε οτι μόνος των λεγόντων
και πολιτευόμενων εγω την τής εύνοιας τάξιν εν τοΐς
170. 6. τη8..φωνή8. Dind. has 171. 1 1. {ιμ€ί5, ί. e. οί δι^ασταί.
T^s irarplSos τί; κοιν^ φωρ^. The text 13• οΐ τριακόσιοι, § ιο2 note.
rrjs Koiirjs -ηατρίδοί ψωνψ is barely 15. «ιηδ6σ€ΐ5, § ii2note.
Greek. 172. 1 7. ckcivos . . «βίνη, § 1 63 note.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 133
the council had entered and the prytanes had reported the
tidings which had been brought them, and had introduced the
messenger, and he had told his tale, the herald b egan to ask,
*W ho wishes to address the assembly? ' But no one came for-
wa^d. And though the herald put thequestion again and again,
none the more did any one arise, although all the generals
and all the public orators were present, and the common voice
of our native land demanded some one to speak for her de-
liverance. For the voice which the herald emits in accord-
ance with the laws should rightly be regarded as the common
voice of our native land. Yet if those ought to have come 171
forward who wished the state to be delivered, you, my hearers,
and the rest of the Athenians would all have arisen and walked
to the platform, for I know that you all wished her to be de-
livered. If those that were richest were called for, the Three
Hundred would have responded ; if those that had both these
qualifications, that is, were both loyal to the state and rich,
then they would have come forward who afterwards gave the
famous great donations, — for this they did because of their
loyalty and by means of their wealth. B ut that crisis and 172
that day, as it appeared, called for the help not only of a
loyal and wealthy man, but also of one who had closel y fol-
lowed the transactions Irom their commencement and had
rightly inferred tor what reason and withwhat_wish Fhilip
was thus acting ; for one who did not know Philip's mo-
tives an3~Tia3" not traced them a long way back, however
loyal and however wealthy he might be, was none the more
likely to know what must be done nor be competent to advise
you. On that da y, therefore, I showed myself the man of the 173
hour : and I came forwa rd and said to you what I beg you
to hear .wi th attentjo njiow for two" reasons. — fiisL. that you
may know that I alone among y oufspga kcrs and polit icians
did not abando n the po st^fpatriotism. in the hour oT peril, but
19. τταρηκολουθηκότα. Cf. Fals. 2 2. After ττόρρωθεν Dind. has effiftf-
Leg. § 291. p. 423 τα τούτον πονη- λώ?,
ρίύματ ακριβέστατα (Ιδώίί'γώκαΙπαρη- 173. 25. ουτοβ = τοίουτοί, cf. § 282.
κολουθηκώ5 απασι.
134 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§173-176.
δζίνοΐ? ουκ eXiwoVf άλλα και λ€γων και γράφων ίξη-
ταζομην τα δίονθ' νπβρ νμων kv avTOis τοις φοβζροΐς,
irepov Si, οτι μικρόν άναλώσαι/Τ€ς \p6vov πολλφ προ9
τα λοιπά τή9 πάσης πολιτβία? βσβσθ ίμπ^ιρότβροι.
174 €Ϊπον τοίννν οτι * ro^y μ\ν a>s ύπαργοντων Θηβαίων s
Φιλίππω λίαν θορνβονμίνον? άγνοβΐν τα παρόντα
πράγμαβ' ήγονμαΐ' €v γαρ οΐδ' οτι, ei τονθ' όντως
€τνγ\αν€ν ^χον, ουκ αν αύτον ηκούομ^ν kv * Ελατβία
οντά, αλλ* €πι τοις ημ€Τ€ροις όρίοις. οτι μίντοι ΐν
'έτοιμα ποιήσηται τα kv θήβαις ήκ€ΐ, σαφώς kπίστa- ίο
175 μαι. ως δ* βχζί * ίφην * ταντα, άκονσατί μου. kK€i-
νος όσους η πβΐσαι χρήμασι Θηβαίων ή kξaπaτήσaί
kvTJv, απαντάς ζύτ^^ισται, τους δ' άπ αρχής άν-
β^στηκοτας αύτω και νυν kvavTiou μένους ουδαμώς
πύσαι δύναται, τι οΰν βονλζται, και τίνος €ν€κα 15
την Έλάτ€ΐαν κατβίληφβν ; πλησίον δύναμιν δ^ίζας
και παραστήσας τα όπλα τους μ\ν έαυτοΰ φίλους
€πάραι και βρασύς ποιήσαι, τους δ' kvavτιoυ μένους
καταπλήξαι, ΐν ή σνγχωρήσωσι φοβηθίντ^ς α νυν
176 ουκ k6iλoυσιv, ή βιασθώσιν. ei μβν τοίνυν προαιρησο- 2ο
μ^θ' ήμ€Ϊς * ίφην * kv τω παροντι, ei τι δνσκολον
πίπρακται θηβαίοις προς ημάς, τούτου μ^μνήσθαι και
άπιστ€Ϊν αύτοΐς ως kv ττ} των kyOpcuv ούσι μβ^ίδι,
πρώτον μ\ν h άν ξϋξαιτο Φίλιππος ποιήσομ^ν, €ΐτα
φοβούμαι μη προσδζξαμβνων τών νυν άνθβστηκότων 25
αύτω και μια γνώμη πάντων φιλιππισάντων €ίς την
*Αττικην ΐλθωσιν αμφότεροι, άν μίντοι π€ΐσθήτ €μοι
και προς τω σκοπύν άλλα /χή φιλον€ΐΚζΐν π€ρΙ ών άν
Ι. «|ηταί;6μην, §§ 197. ^17» 277. 174. 5• υπαρχόντων. Cf. Fals.
Originally a military term, ' to be pre- Leg. § 61. p. 358 αλλά κοϋ rovrovt μα -
sent at an inspection ; ' hence, ge- Kcucovs Ιποίησ( τό rbv Φίλιπνον ύνάρ-
nerally, ' to be found on examination.' χ«ιν avrots ιτασθήναι and Shilleto's
Cf. § 310 i^iraais note. note.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 135
was found in my place not only speaking, but proposing what
was necessary to help you, in the very midst of your terrors ;
secondly, tjiai at tKe expense of a little time you will gain
much new experience to guide the sequel of your whole policy.
I said, then, that I considered those who were bewildered, be- 174
cause they thought the Thebans were attached to Philip, to be
ignorant of the present situation : for I well knew that, were
this really so, we should be hearing of him not at Elatea, but
on our own borders. I distinctly knew, however, that he had
come in order to expedite affairs in Thebes. * Now hear 175
from me,' said I, * how these stand. H>>has primed all th ose
; _ among the Theb ans whom it was pos sible to prevail upon by
money c\r_ jc> de lude ; but he can in no way prevail upon
those who have withstood him from the outset and are now
adverse to him. What, then, does he wish, and for what
end has h e captured Elatea? He wis hes, by showing his
forces in the neighbourhood, and by bringing up his arms,
first, to^^"^ynpanrl pmhnlHf^n hi s own friends; and, sec ondly^"
to strike terror into his adversaries, that they may be either
frightened or forced into concessions which they now dislike. 176
If, therefore, on the one hand, we shall deliberately choose,'
said I, 'to remember in our present condition anything ill-
natured which the Thebans may have done to us, and to mis-
trust them as being in the camp of the enemy, not only shall
we be likely to do what Philip would pray for, but also I fear
lest, his present antagonists having joined in welcoming him, 1
and all with one mind having turned partisans of Philip, both'
parties united may come against Attica. If, however, you are
persuaded by me and devote yourselves to examine without
175. 13. ίύτρίΊΓίσται. Cf. c. Aristoc. μίντοι, cf. § 12 note.
§ 189. p. 683 άί' μόνον (ύτρ^πίσηται 24. ττρώτον μίν . . €ΐτα, as below, §
Toiis €ρθά5€ €^απατατήσοντα5 ύμα,ί imlp 177 ί cf. § ΐ note.
αϋτον. 28. irpos τω σκοττεϊν. Cf. Fals.Leg.
19. φοβηθ€ντ€5,•§ 7 note. § 139• Ρ• 38ο οντω$ βκψρων ην καΐ δλοί
176. 2θ. €1 μ«ν is answered by αν vpos τφ λήμματι, and Shilleto's note.
ϊ
136 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§176-179.
Xeyo) γ€νησθ€, οΐμαι καΐ τα δβοντα λύγζίν δοξξΐν καΐ
Tou ίψξστηκότα κίνδυνον rfj π6λ€ί 8ία\νσειν. τι ουν
177 φημί Seiv ; πρώτον μϊν τον παρόντα €παν€Ϊναι φόβον,
€Ϊτα μζταθβσθαί καΐ φοββΐσθαι πάντα9 ύπ\ρ Θηβαίων
πολύ γαρ των δεινών βίσιν ημών ίγγντβρω, καΐ προ- 5
T€poi9 αύτοΪ9 €στίν 6 κίνδυνος• ίπβιτ βξβλθοντας
' ΕΧ^υσΐνάδξ tovs kv ηλικία καΐ τον? Ιππία? δ^ΐξαι
πάσιν ύμά? αυτού? kv τοΐ? δπλοι? οντά?, ΐνα τοΐ? kv
θήβαι? φρονοΰσί τα ύμβτβρα k^ ΐσου γβνηται το παρ-
ρησιάζ^σβαί π€ρΙ τών δικαίων, ίδοϋσιν οτι, ωσπ^ρ τοΐ? ίο
πωλοΰσι Φιλίππω την πατρίδα πάρ^σβ* ή βοηθήσουσα
δύναμι? kv * Ελατ^ία, οΰτω τοΐ? ύπ\ρ τη? ζλβυθζρία?
άγωνίζ€σθαι βουλομύνοι? ύπάργβθ' ύμ^ΐ? έτοιμοι και
178 βοηθήσ€τ, kav τι? kπ αυτού? ίΐ]. μβτα ταΰτα χ^ιρο-
τονησαι κeλeύω δίκα πρίσβζΐ?, και ποιησαι τούτου? 15
κυρίου? μβτα τών στρατηγών και του πότ€ δ^ΐ βαδίζζΐν
kKUae καΐ τη? kξόδoυ, kπeιδav δ' ίλβωσιν οι πρίσβζΐ?
€1? Θήβα?, πώ? χρήσασθαι τω πράγματι παραινώ ;
τούτω πάνυ μοι προσίγ^τε τον νουν. μη δ^ΐσθαι
Θηβαίων μηδίν (^αίσ)(ρο? γαρ ό καιρό?) αλλ' kπaγ- 2ο
γίλλζσθαι βοηΘήσ -eiv, kav κ^λ^ύωσιν, ω? kκdvωv όντων
kv τοΐ? €σ\άτοι?, ημών δζ άμ^ινον η Κ€Ϊνοι προορω-
μίνων, ιν kav μ\ν δίξωνται ταΰτα και π^ισθώσιν ημΐν,
και St βουλόμβθα ωμ€ν διωκτ^μίνοι και μ^τοι προσχή-
ματο? αξίου τη? πόλ^ω? ταΰτα πράξωμ^ν, kav δ' άρα 25
/χή σvμβfj κατατυ\€Ϊν, ζΚ€Ϊνοί μ\ν έαυτοΐ? kγκaλώσιv,
&ν τι νΰν kξaμapτάvωσιv, ημΐν δζ μηδίν αισγ^ρον μηδ\
179 ταπ€ΐνον γι π^πραγμίνον. Ταΰτα και παραπλήσια
τούτοι? ζίπών κατίβην. συνβπαινβσάντων δβ πάντων
και ούδβνο? ζίπόντο? kvavTiov ούδξν ουκ €Ϊπον μ\ν ιο
177. 4• μβταθίσθαι, sc. rbv φόβον, or perhaps rifv δόζαν, as $ 339.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 137
animosity whatever I may say, I think I shall be found to
show what is necessary and shall dissipate the danger which
now hangs over the state. What then do I affirm to be ne- 177
cessary? In the first place, to let your present panic pass
away, and then change your minds and fear, one and all, for
the Thebans ; for they are far nearer the peril than we are, and
the danger falls on them first. Then those of you who are
of the military age, with your cavalry, must march out to Eleusis
and show yourselves to the world in arms : that your sym-
pathisers in Thebes may possess in equal measure with their
opponents the power to speak boldly for the right, when
they see that, as those who are selling their country to Philip
have near them at Elatea the force which will support them, in
the same way you are ready at hand, and will render assist-
tance, whoever shall assail, to the champions of freedom.
This decided, I bid you elect ten ambassadors, and invest 178
them with full power, in conjunction with the generals, both
to determine when you must march thither and to arrange
your expedition. And when the ambassadors shall have come
to Thebes, how do I urge them to~cleal with ths^ situation ?
Pray direct your attention strictly to this. I ur ge them no t
to m ake any demand on the Thebans— -fo r the season would
be meanly chosen — but to promjs f that you will aid tΈem if
the y require it^j ]£gognising that they are in extremities, while
we are better placed to see the future than they are, in order
that, if they accept this offer and are persuaded by us, we shall
not only have carried out our wishes, but shall have done so with
an aspect worthy of our state ; or, if after all it shall not turn
out that we are successful, that they have themselves to blame
for any error they commit now, and that nothing disgraceful
or degraded may have been done by us.' After I had said 179
these and similar words I came down from the platform. And
when all joined in approving my plans and no one had
178. 21. After €Κ€ίνων Dind. has μίν, and reads rb μίλΚον before ττροορωμίνων.
138 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§179-181.
ταντα, ουκ €γραψα Si, ovS* €γραψα μίι/, ουκ enpi-
σββνσα 8e, ovS* βπρβσβξνσα μίν, ουκ enei&a Se Θη-
βαίους- αλλ* άπο της oLp^rjs άχρι τη? τβλζυτης 5ie|-
ηλθορ, καΐ ίδωκ Ιμαυτον ύμΐν άπλως eh του?
π€ρί€στηκ6τα9 τη woXeL κινδύνους. Και μοι (j)ipe το 5
ψήφισμα το τ6τ€ γ€ν6μζνον.
180 Καίτοι τίνα βούλ^ί (τέ, Αίσ\ίνη, καΐ τίνα (μαυτον
€Κ€ίνην την ήμύραν elvai θω ; βούλ€ί ίμαυτον μίν, ον
άν συ λοίδορούμ€νος καΐ διασύρων καΧίσαις, Βάτ-
ταλον, σ€ δβ μη δ' ήρωα τον τυχόντα αλλά τούτων ίο
τίνα των άττο της σκηνής, Κρ^σφοντην ή Κρίοντα η
hv kv Κολλυτω ποτβ Οίνομαον κακώς ίπίτριψας ; τ6τ€
τοίνυν κατ eKeivov τον καιρόν δ Παιανιβύς ίγω Βάτ-
ταλος Οινόμαου του Κοθωκίδου σου πλείονος άξιος ων
ίφάνην τη πατρίδι. συ μβν ye ούδ^ν ούδαμοϋ χρη- 1 5
σιμός ησθα' ίγω δβ πάντα, οσα προσήκ€ τον αγαθόν
πολίτην, ίττραττον. /Ι eye το -ψήφισμα μοι.
181 ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑ [ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΤΣ. ΈττΙ άρχοντος
Ναυσικλβου?, φυλής ττρυταν^νονσης AlavTibos, σκιρο-
φοριωνος €κτη βττΐ b€Ka, Αημοσθ€νης ΑημοσΘ€νονς 2ο
Ώαιανί€νς eiTrez;, βττβιδτ) Φίλιτητος 6 Μακ€^όνων βασι-
kevs ίν Τ€ τω τταρζληλνθότι χρόνω παραβαίνων φαίνεται
τας γ€γ€νημ€νας αντω σννθήκας προς τον 'Αθηναίων
δημον irepl της ζΐρήνης, VTreptbiuv τους όρκους κα\ τα
179. 2. €ΐΓρ€σβ€υσα «.τΛ. Aeschi- βονλ» σ€ . . θώ ; so Aeschin. c. Ct.
nes considers this as an aggravation § 163 βονλ€ΐ at θώ ψοβηθηναι;
of Demosthenes' offence, c. Ct. § 80 9. Βάτταλον. Aeschin, Fals. Leg.
(V rati μίψσταΐί δ* ^σαν cuTiais .. Φι- p. 273 says, €κληθη δι' aiaxpovpyiav ή
λοκράτψ κάΙ Δημοσθίνψ δίά rb μ^ κιναιδίαν Βάταλοί. The name is said
μόνον πρ(σβ(ν(ΐν αλλά καΐ τά ψηφία- to have been taken from an effeminate
ματα yeypacpfvcu. musician of Ephesus.
3. After dpχήsDind. has δίάπάκτοϋΐ'. lo. ήρωα. Cf. Fals. Leg. § 275. p.
4. ίδωκ' «μαυτόν . . «Is, § 88. 418 tare yap δηπου τονθ\ οτι kv άνασι
180. 7. καίτοι introduces a pas- rots δράμασι τοΓ? rpayiitois i^aiptrov
sage similarly interposed before the kariv ώσπ(ρ yipas rois rpiTaywvicrcus
reading of a document in §§ 212, 219. τό rovs rvpavvovs ical rotts τά σκήπτρα
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 139
said a word in opposition, I did not speak thus yet fail
to move a decree, nor move the decree yet fail to go as
ambassador, nor go as ambassador yet fail to persuade the
Thebans ; but I went through all from the beginning to the
end, and devoted myself absolutely on your behalf to face
^ the dangers which encircled the city. So please bring me
[to the clerk'] the decree that was then made.
^ In the meantime, Aeschines, whom shall I suppose you to 180
be, and whom shall I suppose myself to be during that day ?
Shall I suppose myself to be the Battalus which you would
nickname me in your invective and disparagement, and sup-
pose you to be, not even a hero of the ordinary sort, but
one of those on the stage, Cresphontes, or Creon, or the
Oenomaus whom you once villainously murdered at Collytus ?
' Very well, at that time, throughout that crisis, I, Battalus of
the deme Paeania, showed myself more valuable to my country
than you, Oenomaus of the deme Cothocis. For you were
n owhere serviceable ; while I did everything which became th e
goo d citizen. Read me the decree.
DECREE.
In the archonship 0/ Nausides, during the pry tany ship of the 181
tribe Aeantis, on the sixteenth day of Scirnphorion^ Demosthenes^
son of Demosthenes, of the deme Paeania, moved. Whereas Philip,
the king of the Macedonians, both in past time has openly trans-
gressed the covenants struck by him with the Athenian people
concerning peace, having neglected the oaths and the obligations
exovras elaievni. After Οίνόμαον Dind. has imotcpi-
11. Κρ^σφόντην. A Heracleid king νόμίνοί.
of Messenia, murdered by one of his 181. i8, ψήφισμα. The archon is
nobles, Polyphonies, who then married pseudonymous, and only five ambas-
his queen, Merope. It is conjectured sadors are mentioned here instead of
by Welcker that in Euripides' tragedy ten, § 178. Aeschines sneers at De-
of Μ€ρόττη Cresphontes was a ' ghost- mosthenes' decree, c. Ct. § 100 φ-ηψισμα
part,' V. § 267. . . μακρότ(ρον μ\ν τη$ Ίλίάδοί, κ(νώτ€-
Κρίοντα. Cf. Fals. Leg. § 275• Ρ• ρον δΐ των λό-γων ovs ίίωθ^ \iyeiv καΐ
41 8 ό Κρ€ων-Αΐσχίνη5. τον βίου tv βΐβίωκί, μ^στον δ' ΙΚπί'δων
12. Οίνόμαον, king of Pisa, and ουκ ίσο μένων και στρατοίΓίδωνούδέττοτΐ
father of Hippodamia : cf. § 242. συλΧί^ησομένων.
I40 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§181-185.
Ttapa ττασι rots "Ελλησι νομιζόμ^να ζΧναι hiKaia, καΧ
•ΤΓολβι? τϊαραιρ^ιται ovbev αντω ιτροσηκονσα^^ tlvcls δβ
καΐ ^Αθηναίων ούσας δοριαλώτου? ττζττοίηκίν ovbev ττροα-
bLκηθ€ls νττο τον bημov τον ^Αθηναίων, ίν re τω τταρόντι
182 €πΙ τΓολί) TTpoayeL τ^ re βία καΐ Tjj ώμότητί' καΐ γαρ 5
^Eλληvίbas TToAets hs μ\ν €μφρονρον9 πotet καΐ Tcis ττο-
XiTcCas καταλν€ί, TLvas be καΐ eξavbρa'πobLζόμevos κατα-
σκά7rret, ets evias be καϊ άντΙ ^Ελλήνων βαρβάρονς
κατοίκίζ€ί eirl τα lepa καϊ tovs τάφονς €ττάγων, ον-
bkv άλλότρίον ττοίών οντ€ της eavTov iraTpibos ovTe ίο
τον τρόπον, καΐ Trj ννν αντω irapovarf τνχτι κατα-
κόρως χρώμevo9, €'πLλeλη σμήνος eavTov otl €Κ μικρόν
183 καϊ τον τυχόντος yeyovev aveλ'πίστωs μέγας. κα\
ίως μ\ν TroXet? eapa ^ΐapaLpovμevov αντον βαρβάρονς
καΐ ibίaςy v^τeλάμβavev ίλαττον eXvai 6 brjμoς 6 ^Αθη- 15
ναίων το ets αντον 'πλημμeλeΐσ^ΘaL' ννν be όρων Έλ-
ληvίbaς TroAet? τας μ€ν νβρίζομίνας τας be αναστάτονς
γιγνομάνας, beivov ηγeΐτaL eXvai κα\ άνά^ίον της των
προγόνων bόξης το irepLOpav τονς'Έλληνας KaTabovkov-
184 μίνονς* bia beboKTai Trj βονλτ) καΐ τω br|μω τω ^ Αθη- ίο
ναίων, €ν(αμ4νονς καϊ Θνσαντας τοΐς Θ€θΐς καϊ ηρωσι
τοις κατίγονσί την ττόλιν καϊ την χωράν την * Αθηναίων,
καϊ €vθvμηθevτaς της των προγόνων άρ€της, διοη Trept
πλeίovoς ^ποωνντο την των '^Ελλήνων ekevOepiav διαη;-
pelv η την ibiav πaτρίba, bLaκoσίaς νανς KadekKeLV ets 25
την θάλατταν καϊ τον ναναρχον άvaπλeϊv έντος ΥΙνλών,
καϊ τον στρατηγον καΧ τον ΐππαρχον τάς πeζaς καϊ τας
ίππίκας bvvάμeL•ς Έλeυσtl'ίίδe eζάγeιv, πίμψαι b\ καΧ
πpeσβeις προς τονς αλλονς "Ελληνας, πρώτον be πάντων
προς θηβαίονς δια το έγγντάτω eXvai τον Φίλιππον της 30
186 ^κζίνων χώρας, πapaκaλeϊv be αντονς μηbev καταπλα-
γίντας τον Φίλιππον άντ4χ€σθαι της eavT&v καΧ της των
&\λων ^Ελλήνων €λevθeρίaς, καΧ otl 6 ^Αθηναίων bημoς,
182. 6. &S μ.€ν, § 164. Hellenic, although belonging to us:'
183. 14. βαρβ<ίρου$ καΐ Ιδίαΐ. 'Νοη- cf. § 181 nvas δ< καΐ Αθηναίων ούσα$.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 141
which are considered just among all the Hellenes^ and is detach-
ing cities which do not at all belong to him, and has also taken
with the spear certain cities which belong to the Athenians^ al-
though he has received no provocation from the Athenian people ;
and whereas at the present time he is taking great strides in
violence and cruelty : for he has garrisoned some Hellenic cities 182
and destroys their constitutions, and also razes certain of them
to the ground, selling the inhabitants as slaves, and in some
settles barbarians instead of Hellenes, introducing them to the
possession of the temples and the tombs, doing nothing foreign to
his own nationality or disposition, and making an excessive use
of his preseiit fortune, having forgotten that he himself from a
small and ordinary position has become unexpectedly great : and 183
whereas, so long as the Athenian people saw him detaching non-
Hellenic cities, even though they belonged to Athens, they con-
ceived that the outrage done to them personally was less import-
ant ; but now, seeing Hellenic cities in some cases insulted, in
other cases overthrown, they consider that it is shameful and un-
worthy of the reputation of their ancestors to overlook the subju-
gation of the Helkfies : Therefore it hath been resolved by the 184
council and commons of the Athenians, that, after having prayed
and offered sacrifice to the gods and heroes who sway the city and
territory of the Athenians, and after taking to heart the valour
of their forefathers, inasmuch as they deemed it of higher im-
portance to preserve the freedom of the Hellenes than their own
country, they launch two hundred ships, and that the naval com-
mander sail out to the south of Thermopylae, and that the general
and the commander of the cavalry lead the forces, both foot and
horse, to Eleusis ; and that they send ambassadors also to the
other Hellenes, and first of all to the Thebans, because Philip is
nearest to their territory, and exhort them to cleave, without any 185
undue fear of Philip, to their own liberty and that of the rest
of the Hellenes, and state that the Athenian people, bearing no
184. 20. δίδοκται. Dind. has δίδόχία». 185. 33. δτι, ' to say that,' § 74.
142 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§185-189.
ovh€v μνησίκακων βϊ rt TTpoTcpov ykyov^v αλλότρων rais
ΤΓολβσι TTpbs άλληλαζ, βοηθησξΐ καΐ bυvάμ€σL καΐ χρη-
μασι καΧ βίλ^σι καί oiikois» ειδώ? οτι avrols μ^ν ττρόί
άλλ^λου? bLaμφLσβητ€ΐv iiepl τη^ ηγ€μονία5 ονσιν
"Ελλησί καλόν, ύτΐο be αλλοφύλου ανθρώπου αργ^σθαι ζ,
καΧ TTJs ηγζμονίαί ατιοστ^ρ^Ισθαι άνάζίον cTvaL• καΧ της
18β των ^Ελλήνων bόζηs καΧ Trjs των ττρογόνων apeTrjs. ^tl
be oibe άλλότριον ηγάται etvai 6 ^Αθηναίων bημos τον
Θηβαίων bημov ούτ€ ttj συγγ€ν€ία ούτ€ τω όμοφύλω.
άναμίμνηπ'Κ€ταί be καΧ ταί των ττρογόνων των δαύτου els 10
Tohs Θηβαίων ττρογόνου^ eiepyeaias' καΧ γαρ tovs ^Hpa-
κλ4ου9 iralbas a^τoστepoυμevoυs ύττο Ileλo^τovvησίωv ttjs
ττατρωα^ αρχής κατηγαγον, rot? οττλοις KpaTrjaavTes
του$ avτιβaίveιv 7τeLpωμevoυs tols ^ΙΙρακλ4ου9 €κγόνοί9,
καΧ τον Oίbί^τoυv καΧ τους μeτ €κeίvoυ eKireaovTas 15
v'πebeξάμeθa, καΧ eTepa ττολλά ημϊν virapxeL φυλάν-
187 θρωττα καΧ evbo^a TTpbs Θηβαίους' bioirep oib^ νυν
άτΓοσττίσβται ό * Αθηναίων bημos των θηβαίοίί Τ€ καΧ
Tols άλλοις 'Έλλησι (τυμφeρόvτωv. συνθέσβαι be ττρος
αυτούς καΧ συμμαχίαν καΧ ^ττιγαμίαν ττοιησασθαι καΧ 2ο
όρκους boiivai καΧ λaβeϊv. TΓpeσβeLS Αημοσθ€νης Αη-
μοσθίνους Παιαηβυ?, ^T^ΐepeίbης Kλeάvbpoυ Σφηττίος,
MvησLθeLbης ^ Αντίφάνους ΦpeάppLoς, Αημοκράτης Σω-
φίλου Φλυeύς, Κάλλαισχρος Αιοτίμου Koθωκίbηs.^
188 Αντη των nepl Θήβα9 kytyveTO πραγμάτων άρχτ) 25
καΐ κατάστασίί πρώτη, τα προ τοντων eh ί')(βραν καΐ
μίσος και άπιστίαν των πόλβωι/ νπηγμίνων νπο τού-
των, τούτο το "ψήφισμα τον Tore ttj πολβί πepLστάvτa
κίνδννον πapeλθeΐv έποίησ€ν ώσττβρ ν^φος. ην μ€ν
τοίιτυν του δικαίου πολίτου TOTe Bel^ai πασιν, ei τι 30
189 τούτων eixev άμζίνον, /χή νυν ίπιτιμαν. ό γάρ σύμ-
βουλος και ό συκοφάντης, ούδ^ των άλλων ooSev
187. 20. καΐ before σνμμαχίαν is 188. 29. ήν μ^ν is repeated § 190 iji'
omitted by Dind. μίν oZv, onep tlnov, and answered by
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
Η3
vialice on account of any estrangement which has previously
happened to the cities in their relations to one another, will assist
them with forces and money, and missiles and arms, knowing that,
while it is honourable for them, as Hellenes, to dispute the pre-
cedence, to be ruled by a foreigner and be deprived of their pre-
eminence is unworthy both of the reputation of the Hellenes and
of the valour of their forefathers. And still further, the A the- 186
nian people do not at all consider the Theban people alien to
themselves either in family ties or national ties of blood, but also
call to recollection the good services of their own forefathers to
the forefathers of the Thebans ; for they restored from exile the
sons of Heracles when they were robbed by the Peloponnesians of
their ancestral kingdom, having conquered by force of arms those
who strove to withstand the descendants of Heracles ; and we en-
tertained Oedipus and those who were exiled with him ; and we
have on record many other benevolent and reputable acts done to
the Thebans : therefore the Atheniafi people will not even now 187
stand aloof from the interests of the Thebans and the other
Hellenes. It has been resolved also to concert with them both a
military alliance and a contract permitting intermarriage, and to
take and tender oaths. Ambassadors : Demosthenes, son of De-
mosthenes, of the deme Paeania ; Hyperides, son of Oleander, of
the deme Sphetta ; Mnesithides, son of Antiphanes, of the deme
Phrearri ; Democrates, son of Sophilus, of the deme Phlyes ;
Oallaeschrus, son of Diotimus, of the deme Oothocis.
This was the origin and first stage of our negotiations 188
with Thebes, the states having previously been lured into
mutual enmity and jealousy and distrust by my opponents.
This decree caused the danger which then enveloped the
city to pass away like a cloud. It was the part of the
just citizen, therefore, to divulge at that time whatever better
plan he had than mine, not to play the censor now. For the 189
statesman and the slanderer, though they are similar in no
ky(jj Η κ.τ.λ. the Diet, of Antiquities, says, ' Syco-
189. 32. σνκοφάντηβ. C. R. Ken- phantes in the time of Aristophanes
nedy, in his article under this title in and Demosthenes designated a person
144 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§189-191.
€θΐκάτ€9, kv τοντω πΧύστον άΧΚήΧων δίαφβρονσίν 6
μ^ν γ€ προ των πραγμάτων γνώμην αποφαίνεται, και
δίδωσιν αντον ύπενθυνον toIs πεισθεΐσι, ttj τνχτ}, τω
καιρώ, τω βονλομβνω' 6 Se σιγήσας ηνίκ eSei λύγβιν,
190 αν τι δνσκολον σνμβτ}, τοντο βασκαίνει, ην μ\ν οΰν, 5
όπερ είπον, €Κ€Ϊνο9 6 Kaipos τον γ€ φροντίζοντας
άνδρο9 τη? πόλεως και των δικαίων λόγων εγω δε
τοσαντην ύπ^μβολιΐν ποιούμαι, ώστε άν νυν εγτι τις
δεΐξαί τι βελτιον, ή όλως ει τι άλλο ενην πλην ων
εγω προειλόμην, άδικεΐν ομολογώ, ει γαρ εσθ 6 τι ίο
τις νυν εώρακεν, ο σϋνήνεγκεν άν τότε πραγβεν, τουτ^
εγώ ψημι δεΐν εμε μη λαθεΐν . ει δε μήτ εστί μήτε
. ην μήτ άν είπεΐν εγρι μηδεις μηδεπω καΐ τήμερον^ Q \f^
τί τον σνμβονλον kyjpr\v ποιεΐν ; ου των φαινομένων Γζ^Μ
191 καΐ ενόντων τα κράτιστα ελεσθαι ; τοντο τοίννν ΐζ
εποίησα, τον κήρνκος ερωτώντος, Αισχίνη, ^ τίς άγο-
ρενειν βονλεται ;' ον ' τίς αίτιασθαι περί των παρελη- α
λνθότων ] ονδε * τίς εγγνασβαι τα μελλοντ εσεσθαι i^'tVK.
σον δ: άφώνον κατ εκείνονς τονς χρόνονς εν ταΐς
εκκλησίαις καθημενον εγω πάριων ελεγον. επειδή δ* 2ο
ον τότε, αλλά ννν δεΐξον. είπε τίς ή λόγος, οντιν
εχρήν ενπορεΐν, ή καιρός σνμφερων ύπ εμον πάρε-
of a peculiar class, not capable of sense to rots νασθ^ΐσι and τφ βουλο-
being described by any single word in μίνφ, between which they stand by a
our language, but well understood and sort of zeugma.
appreciated by an Athenian. He had 190. 8. ύιτίρβολήν is used in the
not much in common with our syco- same sense below, § 199, and Fals.
phant, but was a happy combination Leg. p. 447 άλλ' virep0o\iiv ιτοιήσομαι•
of the common barretor, informer, ίστω^άρπάντατά\ηθήλ(ζ(ΐνπ€ρίαύτοΰ
pettifogger, busybody, rogue, liar, and τοντονί.
slanderer.' 1 1. ίώρακίν. * Dind. prefers the form
3. τφ καιρφ. Dind. has toTs και pots. kopaKtv.
Demosthenes' duty to Fortune and 12. λαθ€ΐν. Another interpretation
' the occasions ' was to make the best has been suggested : • I protest it
use of them. Hence the datives τύχ^ must not be kept from me.' But
and καιρφ are not quite parallel in this weakens the νιτ(ρβοΚή.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 145
respect whatever, differ from one another most widely in this :
th e former freely utters his opinion before the e vent, and makes
himsHf r^Bponnihl? to \hn^^ who took hisadvineT to fortune. ^ / j^ /r ,
to the occasion, to all who will ; but the latterTji avin?" held Jh^ i»r '^
KiTp eace in the hour when he sh ould have spoke n, after- ^
wards, if anytViing untoward shall have happenedj carps at that.
That crisis, then, as I began to say, was the opportunity 190 - —
of the man who cared for his country and for honest-speak-
ing ; and I make so extravagant a conces sion as to confess . — -
that, if any one to-day can point out a better policy, or, more
generally, if any other course was possible besides that which
I deliberately chose, I am guilty. For if any one has by now
discerned a measure which, had it then been carried out,
would have been beneficial, that measure, I declare, ought not
to have escaped me. But if there is not, if there was not I
a better course, if no one even so late as to-day is likely to (
be able to name one, what ought your statesman to have
done ? Ought he not to have chosen the best of the measures
which revealed themselves and were possible ? This, therefore, 191
was what I did, when the herald inquired — mark, Aeschines —
'Who wishes to address the assembly?' not, 'Who wishes to
bring charges about by-gones?' nor yet, 'Who wishes to
guarantee the future ?' While you, throughout those periods,
sat in the assembly dumb, I came forward and spoke con-
tinually. But since you failed then, at any rate give your
advice now. Tell us, what reasoning, which I ought then to
have supplied, or what advantageous opportunity, was let slip
13. dv with the optative forms a Eurip, Helen. 825. In the last pas-
modified future (' am likely to ') and sage the construction is broken by an
is occasionally used even after ct. interrupting speaker : but in the others
Compare Eurip. Alcest. 48 ού '^ap οΓδ* the character of the apodosis shows
av d π€ίσαιμί σβ, and Aesch. Agam. that the sentences are not really con-
930 €t πάντα δ' ώί πράσσοιμ αν, ίύθαρ- ditional. Were they so, the αν could
cris ί^ώ (sc. €?/«')> where Paley quotes not stand. In the first «t = ' that,' in
Demos, c. Mid. § 212. p. 582 et δ* the rest ' as.'
ούτοι χρηματ' €χοντ(5 μη πρόοιντ' αν, 191. 21. ού τότ€, sc. eSe/^as.
iTws ύμΐν καλόν (sc. Ιστί) τον opicov λόγο5 will perhaps bear a dif-
προίσθαι ; Isocrat. Archidam. p. i ao ferent rendering : what scheme which
ei 1\ μηδ€ΐ5 αν νμων ά£(ώσ€ί6 ζην άττο- Ι ought to have devised.
στ«ρονμ€νο5 τψ πατρίδο5, ττροσήκα 22. €ύπορ€Ϊν. Dind, has evpiiv,
κ.τ,λ., and also Plato, Protag. p. 329 B,
146 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§191-195.
λζίφθη TTJ 7γ6\€1 ; Tis 5e συμμαχία, tls πράξί?, ίψ' fju
μάλλον €$€1 μ€ ayayuv τοντονσί;
192 '>4λλά μην το μ\ν παρ€ληλνθο9 del πάρα πάσιν
άφύται, καΙ ovSeh nepl τούτον προτίθησιν ονδαμον
βονλήν το δβ μβλλον ή το παρόν την του συμβούλου 5
τάξίν άπαίΤ€Ϊ. τότβ τοίνυν τα μ\ν ημ^λλ^ν, ώ? ^δοκβι,
των δβινων, τα δ* ήδη παρην, kv oh την προαίρ^σίν
μου σκοπεί τη 9 πολιτεία?, μη τα συμβάντα συκο-
φάντ€ί, το μ\ν γαρ πύρας, ώ? αν ο δαίμων βουλή Ofj,
πάντων γίγν^ται• ή δβ προαίρξσι? αύτη την του συμ- ίο
193 βούλου διάνοιαν δηλοΐ. μη δη τοΰτο ώ? αδίκημα
€μον 6fj9i el κρατησαι συνίβη Φιλίππω Ttj μάχτ)' ίν
γαρ τω θ€ω το τούτου reXoy ην^ ουκ €μοί. αλλ* ω?
ούχ άπαντα οσα kvrjv κατ άνθρώπινον λογισμον
(ίλόμην, καΐ δικαίως ταΰτα καΐ ίπιμζλως βπραξα και ΐζ
ψίλοπονως ύπ\ρ δύναμίν, η ώ? ου καλά καΙ της πόλβως
άξια πράγματα €ν€στησάμην καΐ αναγκαία, ταυτά
194 μοι δζΐξον, και τ6τ ήδη κατηγ6ρ€ί μου. ei δ' 6 συμ~
βάς σκηπτος μη μόνον ήμων άλλα καΐ πάντων των
άλλων ^Ελλήνων μείζων yeyoj/e, τί χρη ποί€Ϊν ; ώσπερ 2ο
)3ίν €L τις ναύκληρον πάντ ίπϊ σωτηρία πράξαντα
καΐ κατασκβυάσαντα το πλοΐον αφ' ων ύπ€λάμβαν€
σωθήσ€σθαι, €Ϊτα χβιμωνι χρησάμ^νον και πονησάντων
αύτω των σκευών ή και συντριβύντων δλως, της ναυα-
γίας αίτιωτο^ ' αλλ ούτ ύκνββρνων την ναΰν,' ψήσ^ΐζν 25
dvf ωσπζρ ούδ ^στρατηγούν €γώ, * οντ€ της τύχης
195 κύριος ην, άλλ' €Κ€ίνη των πάντων,* αλλ' €Κ€ίνο λο-
γίζου και ορα' ei μζτά Θηβαίων ήμΐν άγωνιζομίνοις
Ι. irpa^is, § 33. repeats kv before Ιμοί.
193. 12. €1, § iSnote. 194. 20. ώσΐΓ€ρ αν. This αν anti-
€v γαρ τφ θ€φ. Cf. Pind. 01. xiii. cipates φήσίκν αν : hence the sentence
104 ( 1 49) fy θ(φ y( μάν TtKos. Diiid. does not end with αΐτιψτο — after which
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 147
by me to the harm of the state, — what alliance, what negotia-
tion, to which I should preferably have conducted my hearers ?
Of course all the world has always dismissed by-gones, 192
and no one anywhere proposes to deliberate about them ,^t
is only the f uture or the present which requires the services
of the statesman. Thus, at that time, some of our dangers
lay in the future, as we thought, and others were already
present. Examine the guiding principle of my policy amid
these, and do not cavil at the turn of events. For the result
of all enterprises issues in whatever way Providence may
please ; but principles, as principles, demonstrate the dis-
position of the statesman. Do not th en assu me \t tn be a 193
crime of mine that it fell to Philip to win the batde ; for tha t
was a con summation that lay in God's province, not in min e.
Bufshowthat I did not adopt all measures which were feasible
according to human calculation, that I did not carry them out
justly, with diligent care and with a willing labour beyond my
strength, or that I did not institute proceedings honourable,
worthy of the state and indispensable, — show me this, and
then you may at once accuse me. But if ' the hurricane that 194
rose has overpowered not us alone, but all the other Hellenes
also, what must be done ? A nswei^ fust as a shiμ -Qwner, after
he had done everything to secure a prosperous voyage, and
had fitted his vessel with the means by which he supposed she
would come safe to harbour, yet had later encountered a storm
and his gear had been strained or wholly shattered, would, if
any blamed him for the wreck, answer, * Nay, I neither piloted
the ship ' — as little was I myself your general in command —
* nor co ntrolled Fortune, b utshe ruled all.' Reason, however,
and examine further. Seeing that it had been fated that we 195
should fare as we have done when we struggled with the
help of the Thebans, what ought we to have expected if we
the * full stop '.generally read should be lipse after ώσπ^ρ αν d. as there is § 2 14.
removed — but runs on to its close in a 22. Before κατασκίυάσαντα Dind.
regular apodosis. There is here no el- has ττασί.
L 2
148 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§195-197.
οντω^ €Ϊμαρτο πράξαι, τι χρην προσ8οκαν, e/ μη8\
T0VT0V9 ίσγρμεν σνμμά\ον$ άλλα Φίλίππω προσίθ^ντο,
inrep ου τ6τ ίκ^ΐνο? πάσας άψήκβ φωνάς ; και d νυν
τριών ήμζρων άπο της 'Αττικής όδον της μάγτις γβ-
νομίνης τοσούτος κίνδυνος και φόβος π^ρύστη την s
πόλιν, τι αν, ef που της γωρας ταύτο τοϋτο πάθος
συνέβη, προσδοκήσαι χρην J άρ οΊσ& οτι νυν μ\ν
~~-- στηναι συνζλθβΐν άναπνβΰσαι, πολλά μία ήμίρα καΐ
δύο καΐ τρ€Ϊς ίδοσαν των βίς σωτηρίαν τ^ π6λ€ΐ, τ6τ€
δ^ — , ουκ άξιον €ίπ€Ϊν, ά ye μηδβ πβΐραν ^δωκζ θβων ίο
τίνος εύνοια καΐ τω προβάλλζσθαι την πολιν ταύτην
τ^ν σνμμαγίαν, ης συ κατηγορείς.
19β "Εστί δ\ ταυτι πάντα μοι τα πολλά προς υμάς,
άνδρες δικασταί, και τους περιεστηκότας εξωθβν και
άκροωμβνους, ίπβι προς ye τούτον τον κατάπτυστον 15
βραχύς και σαφής €ξήρκ€ΐ λόγος. €ΐ μ\ν yap ην σοι
πρόδηλα τα μέλλοντα, Αίσγίνη, μόνω των άλλων, οτ
ίβουλζύβθ' ή πόλις πβρι τούτων, τότ βδβι προλίγ€ΐν.
ύ δβ μη προηδξΐς, της αυτής αγνοίας ύπ€ύθυνος ei
τοις άλλοις, ωστ€ τι μάλλον €μοΰ συ ταΰτα κατηγορείς 2ο
197 ή €γώ σου ; τοσούτον γάρ άμζίνων ίγω σου πολίτης
γίγονα €ΐς αύτα ταΰθ Si λίγω (^καΐ οϋπω π€ρι των
άλλων διαλέγομαι), όσον βγω μ\ν έδωκα εμαυτον εις
τα πάσι δοκοΰντα συμφερειν, ούδενα κίνδυνον όκνήσας
195. 2. irpoa€0€VTO, §§ 39» 203, TrftTwi/ Xa/z^Saj/ftv means to accept such
227, a Thucydidean use of the word, an offer and 'to make a trial' of
as iii. II, etc. another, cf. Aeschin. c. Ct. § 213.
3. Ίτάσαβ άφήκ6 ψωνάβ, §§2i8, 222, 11. ττροβάλλβσθαι, §§ 97, 300. Dind.
is used specially of agonised or de- has προβαΚίσθαι.
spairing utterances. 196. 13. τά ιτολλά might perhaps
9. τότ€ δ' — . Observe the άποσίώτπ;- be taken adverbially, = ' principally,'
CIS, by which Greek taste and super- as e. g. Homer, Od. ii. 58 τα δ< ττολλά
stition avoided the mention of evil. κατάν€ται = ' these things are largely
10. & is beyond doubt the subject of consumed.* But the rendering in the
ΐΓίΓραν €δα;«€, which means literally, 'to text is made more probable by De-
offer trial of oneself,' cf. § 107, as mosthenes' use of the words elsewhere.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 149
had not had even these as allies, but they had attached them-
selves to Philip, — an object for which he then cried in every
key ? And if, as it was, when the battle took place three days'
journey from Attica, so much danger and fear encompassed
the city, what must we have expected if this same disaster
had occurred somewhere in our own territory ? Do you not
know that, as a matter of fact, one day, or two, or three gave
us a chance to keep our feet, to concentrate, to recover our
breath, and to do much that helped to save the city ? where-
as, in the other event, — but it is improper to mention what,
we must remember, never even gave us an experience, — thanks
to the benevolence of some deity and to the fact that the city
was sheltered behind this alliance which you impeach.
All this long exposition I intend for you, men of the jury, 196
and for my outer circle of hearers ; for, as far as my despic-
able opponent is concerned, a short and plain argument would
serve. It is this. If, on the one hand, coming events had
been specially revealed to you, Aeschines, you ought to have
warned us at the moment when the city was deliberating
about them. On the other hand, if you did not an tiripate
the fut ure, you ha ve to account for the same blindness as the
rest o f us : hence what~ better right have_ YOUjLo charge me
on this score than I to charge you ? For I have been so far a 197
better citizen than you with regard to these matters especially
of which I speak — and I am not yet discussing the others — in-
asmuch as I devoted myself to the measures which all be-
lieved to be expedient, having neither shirked nor even taken
as in § 152 Ti δβΓτά πολλά Ki-ynv; ras αλλ' oaovs ovhih ττώττοτβ μίμνηται
14. «ξωθεν, i.e. outside the δρύφακ- irpos ayciva δημόσιον τταρα^ίνομίνου^.
τον, or rope which separated the court i6. |ξήρκ€ΐ without av, § 306 note,
proper from the bystanders. Compare «I y.\v γάρ κ.τ,λ. A dilemma. The
Fals. Leg. § 353. p. 440 υμα9 . . καΐ γάρ is • narrativum,' and simply intro-
Tovs π€ρΐ€στηκότα5, and especially duces the promised kayos.
Aeschin. c. Ct. § 5,6 kvavriov των δι- 197. 22. «Is αυτά ταΰθ' might mean
καστών . . και των άλΚων πολιτών 'όσοι ' at this exact period,' but cf. «is ταυτο
δ•^ ΐξωθίν η^ρκστασι και τών 'Ελλήνων just below.
οσοιί l7Γ</ieλ€? yiyovev υπακούων τήσδί 33• «δωκα «μαυτον els, § 88.
τψ κρίσ€ω5, δρω δέ ουκ 6λίyovs παρόν-
I50 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§197-199.
lSlov ov8' νπολογισάμ€νο£, συ Se οϋβ' €Τ€ρα etTrey
βζλτίω τούτων {ου yap αν τούτοις €χρώντο) οΰτ eh
ταντα γ^ρησιμον ούδβν σaυτhv πα/0€σχ€9, οττβρ S* αν 6
φαυλότατοι και δυσμζνίστατο^ άνθρωπος TJj πολβι,
τοΰτο πζποιηκω? €πΙ τοΐ? συμβασιν ^ξήτασαι, καΐ s
άμα * Αρίστρατος kv Νάξω καΐ Άριστολβωξ ev θάσω,
οι καθάπαξ ίχθροι της πόλεως, τους 'Αθηναίων κρί-
νουσι φίλους και Άθήνησιν Αισχίνης Δημοσθένους
198 κατηγορβΐ. καίτοι οτω τα των ^ Ελλήνων άτυ^^ήματα
€ν€υδοκιμ€Ϊν άπ€Κ€ΐτο, άπολωλβναι μάλλον ούτος €στι ιό
δίκαιος ή κατηγορ^ΐν έτερου' και οτω συν^νηνογασιν
οι αύτοΙ καιροί καΐ τοις της πόλεως ίχθροΐς, ουκ evi
τούτον ζΰνουν eivai tfj πατρίδι. δηλοΐς δβ και e^ ων
ζχις και ποΐ€Ϊς και πολιτζύη και πάλιν ου πολιτβύτ}.
πράττ€ταί τι των ύμΐν δοκούντων συμφ€ρ€ΐν ; άφωνος ι$
Αισχίνης, άντίκρουσβ τι και ykyovev οίον ουκ e5ei ;
πάρ^στιν Αισχίνης ^ ωσπβρ τα ρήyμaτa και τά σπά-
σματα, όταν τι κακόν το σώμα λάβη, τ6τ€ κινύται,
199 Έπβιδη δβ πολύς τοις συμβ^βηκοσιν eyKeiTai,
βούλομαί τι και παράδοξον ^ιπ^ΐν. καί μου προς 2ο
Διός και θβών μηδζΐς την ύπ€ρβολην θαυμάστ}^ αλλά
fiCT ίύνοίας δ λβγω θ^ωρησάτω. ei yap ην άπασι
πρόδηλα τοι μίλλοντα y€vήσ€σθaι, και προ7]δ€σαν
πάντες, και συ πpoΰλ€y€ς Αισχίνη καΐ διβμαρτύρου
βοών και K€Kpayώς, δί οι)5' kφθeyζωy ού^ ούτως άπο- 25
2. ου γάρ, § 12 note. Ct. § 150 διώμνυτο τ^ν Άθηναν, Ι^ν,
3• δΐΓ€ρ δ' αν is used elliptically, as wsioiK(,^(ihiastv(pyo\a^(iv (1(Τ(άσατο
in § 280 ; compare $ ^^ ws av. 7^ 1 ical kvemopKuv Αημοσθίνα, Horn. Od.
5. «irl Tots συμβασιν may go either iii. 350.
with πίποιηκώί or (^ήτασαι. 1 3. ών ζηβ, § 1 30.
ίξήτασαι, § 173. 14. ττάλιν. § i63.
198. 10. Ιν€υδοκιμ«ιν. Forthis force ού •π•ολιτ€ύη, § 307.
of €1' in composition cf. Thuc. ii. 44 15. Ίτράτηται κ. τ λ. § ιι7 note.
oh ίνΐυίαιμονήσαί τ( υ βίο$ όμοιων καΐ ΐ6. άντ€κρουσ«. Cf. Thuc. vi. 46
(VT€KfVTTJaai ζννίμίτρήθη, Aeschin. c. avrois τούτο νρωτον άντΐΚ(κρούκα =
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 151
into calculation any personal risk, while you neither proposed
other measures superior to mine — otherwise they would not
have adopted mine — nor showed yourself at all serviceable in
carrying out these ; but you ar e_proved by the cours e of events
to have do ne just what would have been done by the meanest
and most disloyal of creatures . Thus, simultaneously, Aristratus
in Naxos and Aristolaus in Thasus, our city's irreconcileable
enemies, are j^uttin^ the friends of the Athenians on their
trial^ and at Athens ^ Aeschines is accusing Demosthenes.
And yet the man by whom the misfortunes of the Hellenes 198
were treasured that he might make a reputation out of them,
is fitter to die the death than to accuse another ; and one who
has profited by the same chances as his country's foes cannot
be loyal. You prove your disloyalty too by your life, your
conduct, your political action, and, negatively, by your political
inaction. Is any measure which you think expedient to you
in process ? Aeschines is dumb. Has a check been received,
or has something turned out amiss ? Aeschines is to the fore,
just as old ruptures and sprains come to life when a malady
takes the body.
But, since he bears so heavily on the issue of events, I wish 199
to say something perhaps startling. And, in the name of
Zeus and the gods, let no one marvel at my extravagance,
but examine what I say with good will. It is this. If coming
events had been revealed to all, and all had possessed pro-
phetic knowledge, or if you, Aeschines, had predicted and
protested with cries and clamour — you, who did not utter a
'this [the disappointment at finding σαθρον y κ.τ.λ., and to the defeat of a
so little money at Rhegium] had been tyrant, Adv. Epist. Ph. § 14. p. 156.
their first check,' 199. 19. iroXiJs. Cf. Thuc. iv. 22
1 7. toaircp τα ρήγματα κ.τ.λ. The Κλέων δέ €νταΰθα δ^ πολνί kveKfiro
same image is applied to o/Lio/)os πόλ€- λίyωv κ.τ,λ., Herod, vii. 158 Γί'λωι^
μx)s, Olynth. ii. § 21. p. 24 wavfpyap kv δέ πολλ6$ ίνίκ€ΐτο .λί^ων τοίάδε.
τοΓί σώμασιν . . iirav b\ οψρώστημά τι 21. ■υιτβρβολήν, § 190.
σνμβ^, πάντα Kiveirai, καν ρη•γμα καν 22. γάρ, § Ι96.
στρέμμα καν άλλο τι των υπαρχόντων
^
152 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§199-203.
στατζον rfj πολεί τούτων ην, ei π€ρ η 86ξη9 ή ττρο-
200 γόνων η του μίλλοντοζ αίώνθ9 €Ϊχ^ζ λόγον. νυν μίν
ye άποτνγ/ίν δοκ€ί των πραγμάτων, δ ττασί kolvov
ίστιν άνθρωποι^, όταν τω θβω ταντα δοκτ]- τ6τ€ $"
άξίονσα προ^στάναι των άΧλων, €Ϊτ απόστασα τούτον, s
Φίλίππω προδ^δωκύναι πάντα? άν ζσ)(€ν αίτιαν. el
γαρ ταϋτα προβΐτο άκονιτί, π€ρι ων ovSiva κίνδννον
οντιν ον\ νπβμβιναν οΐ πρόγονοι, τι? ονχΐ κατίπτνσεν
201 άν σον ; μη γαρ τη? πόλζώ? ye, μηδ' €μον. τίσι ^
οφθαλμοί? προ? Δώ? Ιωρωμ^ν άν τον? el? την πόλιν ίο
άνθρώπον? άφίκνονμ^νον?, el τα μίν πράγματ €l?
OTrep νννΐ πβριίστη, ήγβμων δβ και κύριο? γιρ^θη
Φίλιππο? απάντων, τον δ' νπ\ρ τον μη γβνίσθαι ταντ
άγωνα €Τ€ροι \ωρΙ? ημών ήσαν πβποιημίνοι, καΐ
ταντα μηδ€πώποτ€ τή? πόλξω? kv τοΐ? ζμπροσθβ ι$
χρόνοι? άσψάλβιαν άδοξον μάλλον ή τον ύπβρ των
202 καλών κίνδννον {]ρημ^νη?\ τι? γαρ ονκ οΐδβν* Ελλήνων,
τι? δβ βαρβάρων, δτί και πάρα Θηβαίων και παροί
τών €τι τούτων πρότβρον ίσχνρών γβνομίνων Λακε-
δαιμονίων και πάρα τον Περσών βασιλεω? μετά 2ο
πολλή? γάριτο? τοντ άν άσμίνω? εδόθη ttj πόλει,
6 τι βούλεται λαβούση και τα εαντή? εγούστ) το
κελενόμενον ποιεΐν και εαν έτερον τών 'Ελλήνων προε-
203 στάναι ; άλλ' ονκ ήν τανθ\ ω? εοικε, τοΐ? τότε Ά θη-
ναίοι? πάτρια ον^ ανεκτά ov8* εμφντα, ονδ' ήδννήθη 25
Ι. τονηαν =irpof στάναι των aWojv kIvSwos by attraction to οντιν'. Cf.
§ 200. § 16 note.
ήν = ί^ν άί' § 306 note. 9 μή because the clause is pro-
ή is omitted by Dind. before δόζψ, hibitive.
on which the genitives προ-γόνων and 201. lo. tovs . . άφικνουμ€νου5, §
του μέλλοντοί αΙώ^ο5 then probably 71 note.
depend — 'her glory in the past or 12. irepiccm). A variant π(ρι4στη
the future,* or, ' the judgment of the kcv is found, from which και has been
old world and of posterity.' conjectured before ή•γ(μών, and the δ^
200. 7. ούδ€νο κίνδννον for ovdds which follows omitted. This seems
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 153
sound — yet not even then ought the city to have abandoned
her purposes, as surely as she had any regard either for her
reputation or her ancestors or for time to come. As it was, 200
after all, she simply seems to have failed of success : and
that is common to all men, when such is the pleasure of
Providence. But, in the other case, when she claimed to be
preeminent over the rest, had she afterwards abandoned this
claim, she would have got the blame of having betrayed all
to Philip. For if she had sacrificed without a struggle those
aims for which there was no hazard that our ancestors did
not dare, who would not have cast contempt — on you ? For
let me not say on my country, or on me. And with what 201
face, in the name of Zeus, could we have looked upon visitors
to our city, if, on the one hand, affairs had taken the turn
which they really have taken, that is to say, if Philip had been
elected leader and lord of all, yet, on the other hand, other
peoples, without our aid, had fought the battle to prevent this
result, and that, too, when our country had never in earlier
times preferred inglorious security to peril in the quest of
honour .? For what Hellene, what non-Hellene, does not 202
know, that, alike by the Thebans and by the Lacedaemonians,
who before them had risen to power, and by the Persian
king, pej mission would gladly have been accorded J tp Athens, pw> ^ ■
wit h a large supplement of gratitude, to take wha tever she MAtt L^^
would, as well as ta-retain her own possessions^f^she would
obey dictation and suffer another to be preeminent over
th^JTfUfn^tS ^ "Rut th^R^ nppnr^ntl y were views neither tra-203
dition al nor tolerable nor instinctive to the Athenian s of those
unnecessary : τά μίν is answered by the coming infinitive clauses.
τον δ', and not by fiye^ihv 6e κ.τ.λ.. For the matter compare Xerxes'
the latter clause being a parenthetic instructions to Mardonius concerning
explanation of onep vvvi. the Athenians, Herod, viii. 140 τούτο
202. 21. τοΰτ' is sometimes taken μίν την^ην σφί aTrohor τοΰτο δ€,άλλην
as antecedent to 6 τι βού\€ται, but this irpos ταύττ) ίλ^σθων αυτοί, ην τίνα αν
would require λαβοΰσαν and ΐχουσαν, ΙθίΧωσι, kovTis αυτόνομοι .. ην δή βού-
and the balance of the sentence requires λωνταί ye ίμοι ομολο^ίζίν.
that τούτο, as, in § i, should anticipate 22. λαβούση, § 7 note.
iO^CM.
Ct^i*^/u / maS74^.(1 /Li>Le ίΰ^ο^(/ϋΖρ
1 54 ^^^ ΟΣΘΕΝΟ Υ Σ §§ 203-205.
ττώποτβ την πολιν ovSeh e/c παντο? τον γ^ρονον πβΐσαι
τοΪ9 ίσχνονσι μ\ν μη δίκαια Se πράττονσι προσθβμβι/ην
ασφαλώς SovXeveiv, αλλ* άγωνιζομίνη πβρί πρωτείων
και τιμή9 καΐ δ6ξη9 κινδννβνονσα πάντα τον αιώνα
204L• δίατ€τίλ€Κ€ν. και τανβ οντω σ€μνα και προσήκοντα $
τοΪ9 νμ€Τ€ροΐ9 ήθζσιν νμ€Ϊ9 νπολαμβάνβτ eivai, ώστ€
καΐ των προγονών τον9 ταΰτα πράζαντα^ μάλιστ
€παιν€Ϊτ€. €ΐκ6τω9' tis γαρ ουκ αν άγάσαιτο των
ανδρών ίκβίνων τη? apeTrjs, οι και την γωραν και την
πάλιν Εκλιπ€Ϊν νπβμξίναν eh ray τριήρεις €μβάντ€9 ίο
ύπβρ τον μη το Κ€λ€ν6μ€νον ποιησαι, τον μίν ταΰτα
ανμβονλζύσαντα θβμιστοκλία στρατηγον έλόμβνοι,
τον ^ ύπακονβιν άποφηνάμ€νον τοΐ? €πιταττομ€νοΐ9
ΚνρσίΧον καταλιθώσαντ€9, ον μόνον αντόν, αλλά και
205 αϊ γνναΐκ€9 αί νμ€Τ€ραι την γνναΐκα αντον. ου γαρ 15
^ζητούν οι τ6τ * Αθηναίοι οντ€ ρήτορα οντ€ στρατη-
γον δι ότου δονλβνσονσιν, αλλ' ονδβ (fjv ήξίονν, €ΐ
μη μ€τ ίλξνθζρία? Ιζ^σται τοντο ποιβΐν. ήγ€Ϊτο γαρ
αντών €καστο9 ονχΐ τω πατρι και ττ} μητρι μόνον
γ^γβνήσθαι, άλλα και ττ} πατρίδι. διαφβρβι <5e τί; 2ο
δτι ό μ\ν τοΪ9 γονβΰσι μόνον γ€γζνησθαι νομιζων τον
TTJs €ΐμαρμίνη9 και τον αύτόματον θάνατον π^ριμ^ν^ι,
ό δβ και TTJ πατρίδι ύπ\ρ του μη τ αύτη ν €πιδ€ΐν δου-
λβύουσαν άποθνήσκβιν €θ€λήσ€ΐ, και ψοββρωτβρα?
ήγήσ€ται τα? ΰβρ€ΐ9 και τά9 ατιμία?, Sis kv δουλβυούστ] 2$
Tfj πόλξΐ φύρξίν ανάγκη, του θανάτου,
203. 2. Ίτροσθίμίνην, § 195• ^^s (ύτυχώ^.
204. 13. άποφηναμ€νον, sc. τ^κ 2 2. θάνατον. Aul. Gell. xiii. Ι αύτό-
η/νώμην. cf. $ 1 89. ματοί θάνατοί, quasi naiuralis,.. nulla
14. Κυρσίλον is elsewhere unmen- extrinsecus vi coactus venit, as we
tioned: but a precisely similar fate should say 'death from natural causes.'
befell a senator Lycidas, when the rhv τψ ύμαρμΐνψ θάνατον is the death
Athenians were at Salamisa/?^rhaving predestined for us by fate. The dis-
taken to their ships, Herod, ix. 5. tinction between a predestined death,
205. 1 7. After δονλινσουσνν Dind. and one brought on oneself in antici-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 155
days; and no one has yet been able, from the beginning
of time, to persuade Athens, by attaching herself to might
divorced from right, to accept a secure servitude ; but during
all her history she has constantly imperilled herself in struggles
for primacy and honour and glory. And you conceive these 204
principles to be so sacred and so congenial to your character,
that you especially praise those of your predecessors who
carried them out. And you do so reasonably : for who would
not admire the valour of those men who dared to embark
upon the famous galleys and to forsake their country and their
city that they might not obey dictation, having chosen as
their commander the author of this advice, Themistocles, and
having stoned to d eath the other, Cyrsilus, who propo sed that
they s hould re spond to thp term s laid upi^ -ihem. — and not
only the man himself, but our women also did the same to
his wife.? For that generation of Athenians did not seek 205
after an orator or commander to find them a road to slavery,
but they were not even content to live unless they might do
so in the enjoyment of freedom. For each of them con-
sidered that he had been born not only to his father or
mother, but also to his country. And what is the difference ?
This, that while the man who fancies he has been born unto
his parents only, awaits the death which is appointed by
destiny and follows from natural causes; the other, who
thinks he is a child of his country also, will be willing to
be slain that he may not look on her servitude ; and he will
consider the affronts and the degradations which he would be
compelled to endure in his city, were she subjugated, as more
formidable than death.
pation of destiny by self-sacrifice, is Tacit. Hist. i. 21 si nocentem inno-
obvious. Thus a patriot who rushed centemque idem exitus ma?ieai, acrioris
to battle and died for his country viri esse merito perirCy cf. Verg. Aen.
would be said to perish v-ntp μοΐραν, iv. 696-7
as Horn. II. xx. 336, where Poseidon Nee fato merita nee morte peribat
warns Aeneas off the field ; compare Sed misera ante diem subitoqtie cu-
Cicero, Phil. xii. 12. 30 m-ors aut ne- censa furore.
cessitatem habeat fati, aut, si ante But the distinction between a death
oppetenda est, oppetatur cum gloria, from natural causes and a predestined
156 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§206-208.
206 Ei μ\ν τοίννν τοντ kn^)(€Lpovv Xiyeiv, ώ? ίγω
ττροήγαγοί^ νμάξ άξια των προγονών φρον€Ϊν, ουκ eaff
δστί? ουκ αν €ίκ6τω9 €πίτίμήσ€ί€ μοι. νυν 8* kyoa μ\ν
νμ€Τ€ρα9 τα? TOiavras npoaipiacLS άποψαίνω, και
δβίκννμι OTL καΙ προ ίμον τοντ βΐχ^β το φρόνημα ή 5
π6λί9, τή? μίντοί διακονίας Trjs k(j) έκάστοις των
207 πεπραγμένων και ίμαντω μζτβΐναί φημί, ovtos Sk των
όλων κατηγορών, και κελενων ύμά? εμοί πικρών ^χ^ίν
ωΓ φόβων και κινδύνων αίτίω ttj πόλ€ΐ, τή9 μεν eh
το παρ}>ν τιμής εμ\ άποστβρησαι γΧίγβται, τα δ* ch 10
άπαντα τον λοιπόν χρόνον εγκώμια υμών αφαιρείται.
^ ει γαρ ως ου τα βέλτιστα εμοϋ πολιτευσαμενου τουδι
καταψηφιεΐσθε, ήμαρτηκεναι δόξετε, ου ttj της τύχης
208άγνωμο(Γύνυ τα συμβάντα παθεΐν. αλλ* ουκ εστίν,
ουκ εστίν όπως ήμάρτετε, άνδρες 'Αθηναίοι, τον ύπερ 15
της απάντων ελευθερίας και σωτηρίας κίνδυνον άρά-^
μενοι, μα τους Μαραθώνι προκινδυνεύσαντας των
προγόνων καΐ τους εν Πλαταιαΐς παραταξαμενους
και τους εν Σαλαμΐνι νανμαχήσαντας καΐ τους επ
Αρτεμισίω και πολλούς έτερους τους εν τοις δημοσίοις 2ο
μνήμασι κείμενους αγαθούς άνδρας, ους απαντάς
ομοίως ή πόλις της αύτης άξιώσασα τιμής εθαψεν,
Αισχίνη, ούχι τους κατορθώσαντας αυτών ούδε τους
κρατήσαντας μόνους, δικαίως' δ μεν γαρ ην ανδρών
αγαθών έργον, άπασι πεπρακται, ttj τύχη ^, ην ό 25
death is not so clear. It is made by χύρουν Xiyuv by άποφαίνω and Sd-
Cicero, Phil, i, 4. 10 multa autem im- κννμι, eyui vporiyayov νμάί by ύμ^τέραί,
pendere videntur praeter naturam and «70; μ^ν by ovrot δ< : in the paren-
etiam praeterque fatum, and by Plin. thesis (t^j μάντοι .. ψημι), διακονίαί is
Epist. i. 12 mortis, quae non ex natura contrasted with npoaxpiaeis and <ppo-
nec fatalis videtur. νήμα, ««/>' Ι«άστου with the following
206, 207. Here Demosthenes — των ο\ων, and και Ιμαντψ μίτίΐναι with
* crimina rasis the preceding υμίτίραί : lastly τψ . .
. Librat in antithetis.' rtft^s is in manifest opposition to τά
tl μίν τοΰτ' is answered by νυν i', iws- . . (yκώμιa, Ιμέ to νμων, and άποστ(-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 157
Therefore, if this were what I attempted to say, namely, 206
that it was I who induced you to breathe thoughts worthy of
your ancestors, there is no one who would not rightly
rebuke me. In reality, while I on my part proclaim these
principles as your own, and demonstrate that, long before
my time, the city had this spirit — in the execution only of
the measures attending each set of events, I affirm that I
myself aisoTTiad^arsliare— my opponent, on the contrary, by 207
assailing our whole policy, and bidding you be embittered
against me as the cause of panic and peril to the state, thirsts
apparently to deprive me of my momentary honour, but really
tries to steal from you an immortality of glory. For if you
shall give your votes against my client because I did not take
the best measures, you will prove yourselves to have com-
mitted errors, and not to have suffered what occurred through
the ungentleness of fortune. But it cannot be, it cannot be 20 8
that you erred, men of Athens, when you took upon your-
selves to fight the battle for the liberty and security of all.
Witness those of your ancestors who bore the brunt of the
danger at Marathon, those who kept the ranks at Plataea,
those who fought on shipboard in the waters of Salamis or
city thought equally worthy of the same distinction, and
buried th ere not the su ccessful among the m and not the
victo rious on ly. And this is right: for all have performed
the duty of gallant men, and then submitted to the fortune
ρησαι yXixerai to άφαιρΗται. riOeaaiv ovv Is το δημόσιον σήμα, 6
13. ήμαρτηκ€ναι, i.e. if you con- (στιν km του καΚλίστου ττροαστύου rijs
demn my measures, you condemn your- πόλίω?, «at ad hv αύτω θάτττουσι roiis
selves, because you sanctioned them. ck των πολέμων, πλ-ην ye tovs ev
208. I 7• TTpoKivSvvcvaavTes κ.τ.λ. Μαραθωνι• €κάνων Se διαπρατη την ape-
is a reminiscence of the speech of the τ^ν KpivavTes αύτου (on the field of
Athenian envoys, Thuc. i. 73 φάμ^ν yap Marathon) και τον τάψον Ιττοίησαν.
Μαραθώνί τ( μόνοι προκινδυν^ΰσαι τω The * fairest suburb * of Athens was
βαρβάρω κ.τ.λ. the Ceramicus.
31. μνήμασι. Compare Thuc. ii. 34
over against Artemisium, and many other gallant men who ^ 1 f/^
are laid in the public tombs, — all of whom, Aeschines, the * jr'^^^ Jl
158 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ 209-211.
209 δαίμων ίν^ιμ^ν Ικάστοι^, τανττ] κ^χρηνται. €7Γ€ίτ,
ώ κατάματα καΐ γραμματοκνφωρ, συ μ\ν τηξ πάρα
τοντωνί Τίμη9 καΐ φιλανθρωπίας ίμ άποστ^ρήσαί βον-
λ6μ€νο9 τρόπαια καΐ μάγας καΐ πάλαια epya eXeyey,
ων TLVOS προσζδ^ΐτο δ πάρων άγων ούτοσί ; ίμβ δί, ω 5
τρίταγωνιστά, πβρί των πρωτβίων σνμβονλον TJj πολβί
παριόντα το τίνος φρόνημα λαβόντ άναβαίν^ιν ίπϊ το
βήμ €δ€ί ; το τον τούτων ανάξια kpovvTos ; δικαίως
210 μ^ντ άν άπίθανον βπβΐ ονδ' υμάς, άνδρας 'Αθηναίοι^
άπο της αύτης διανοίας δβΐ τάς re ιδίας δίκας και τάς ίο
δημοσίας Kpiveiv, άλλα τα μ\ν τον καβ ημ^ραν βίου
συμβόλαια ίπι των ιδίων νόμων και €ργων σκοπονντας,
τας δζ κοινάς προαιρέσεις εις τα των προγόνων αξιώ-
ματα αποβλέποντας, και παραλαμβάνβιν ye άμα ttj
βακτηρία και τω σνμβόλω το φρόνημα το της πόλζως 15
νομίζβιν €καστον νμων δβΐ, όταν τα δημόσια είσίητβ
κρινοΰντβς, βΐπβρ άξια εκείνων πράττειν οϊβσθβ γ^ρηναι.
211 Άλλα yap εμπεσων εις τα πεπραγμένα τοις προ-
γόνοις ύμων εστίν ά των ψηφισμάτων παρεβην και
των πραγβεντων. επανελθεΐν οΰν, οπόθεν εντανθ' 2ο
εξεβην, βούλομαι.
*Ως γαρ άφικόμεθ* εις τάς Θήβας, κατελαμβάνομεν
Φιλίππου και θετταλων και των άλλων συμμαχιών
παρόντας πρέσβεις, και τονς μεν ημέτερους φίλους εν
φόβω, τους δ' εκείνου θρασεΐς. δτι δ* ου νυν ταύτα 25
λeyω του συμφέροντος ένεκα εμαυτω, λέγε μοι την
' 209. 4• <λ€γ€5, Aesch. c. Ct. § ι8ι. 210. g. ΙικΙ ούδ' ΰμββ. / s/>eak of
5. -irpoacBctTO. The preposition im- my duty towards the past, for you too
plies that these topics were an un- must not neglect it, but decide cases
necessary addition to the case. like this by precedent. Cf. § loi tirti
6. τριταγωνιστά in opposition to note. Here there is a variant ίπίΐτα.
νρωτ(Ίων. I2. 4πΙ . . σκοποΰνταβ. Cf. §§ 17,
Before irepC Dind. has ror. 233, 294.
8. τούτων refers to παλοίά ^/ryo. 13. αξιώματα, 'ρΓαβοΙαπι facta'
I
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 159
which Providence meted to each brave company. In spite of 209
all this, you, the abomination, the poring clerk, athirst to rob
me of the honour and benevolence of my countrymen, talked
of trophies and battles and ancient exploits, although the pre-
sent suit required the introduction of none of them : I, sir
third-actor, on advancing to advise my City how to play the
first part, ask you, whose spirit I ought to have caught as
I went up to the platform ? The spirit of a man who should
speak unworthily of our past glories? On the contrary, I
should have been justly slain. Nay, you too, men of Athens,
must not adjudicate private and public suits in the same frame
of mind. The contracts of every-day Hfe you must decide by
examining them in the light of the special laws and facts,
principles of national policy by lifting your eyes to the high
ordinances of your ancestors ; ay, and each of you ought
to imagine, that, together with your staif and token, when
you enter the court to decide public issues, you take into
your keeping the spirit of your Country, if indeed you think
you should act in a manner worthy of your forefathers.
However, in launching upon the deeds of your fathers I 211
have neglected certain decrees and transactions. I wish there-
fore to go back again to the point from which I turned so far
out of my way.
When we arrived at Thebes we found the ambassadors of
Philip and of the Thessalians and his other allies present, and
our friends full of fear, but his full of courage. And, to prove
that this is not a statement I make now to further my own
interest, please read the letter which we, your ambassadors,
(Dissen), or * what our ancestors ταντα.
thought befitting.' 23. συμμάχων. Puta Aenianum,
15. σνμβόλω. The ticket of the Dolopum, Phthiolarum, Aetolonim
Heliast bore the number of the court (Dissen).
in which he was to attend, and tiad 25. νΰν is emphatic, 'now for the
afterwards to be produced to the pry- first time,' i. e. having said nothing
tanes to secure the fee. about this, or having told a different
211. 20. ίντανθ'. Dind. has els tale, before.
i6o ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§211-214.
^πίστολην ην τοτ ίπβμψαμζν €v6v9 οΙ πρβσββί^,
212 καίτοι τοσανττ) γ ύπ^ρβόλτί συκοφαντίας ούτος κί-
γ^ρηται, ωστ et μίν τι των δεόντων ίπρά^θη, τον
καιρόν, ουκ ίμί φησιν αίτιον γ€γ€νήσθαι, των δ* ώί
4τ€ρω9 συμβάντων απάντων e/ze και την €μην τυχ^ην $
αίτίαν €ΐναι, και ώ? eoiKev, 6 σύμβουλος και ρήτωρ
ίγω των μ\ν ίκ λόγου και του βουλζύσασθαι πρα-
γβίντων ούδ\ν αύτω συναίτιος elvai δοκω, των δ* kv
τοις οπλοις και κατά την στρατηγίαν άτυχ^ηθίντων
μόνο? αίτιος ζΐναι. πώς άν ωμότερος συκοφάντης ίο
yivoiT η καταρατότξρος ; Aiye την ^πιστολήν.
ΕΠΙΣΤΟΛΗ.
213 * Επειδή τοινυν ίποιήσαντο την βκκλησιαν, προσ-
ήγον 6Κ€ίνους προτέρους δια το την των συμμαχιών
τάξιν €Κ€ΐνους ^χ^ίν. και παρελθόντες εδημηγόρουν
ΤΓολλά μεν Φιλιππον εγκωμιάζοντας, πολλά δ υμών 15
κατηγοροΰντες, πάνθ' οσα πώποτ εναντία επράξατε
θηβαίοις άναμιμνήσ κοντές, το δ' οΰν κεφάλαιον,
ηζίουν ών μεν ευ πεπόνθεσαν ύπο Φιλίππου χάριν
αυτούς άποδοΰναι, ών δ' ύφ* υμών ήδίκηντο δίκην
λαβείν, όποτερως βούλονται, η διεντας αυτούς εφ' 2ο
υμάς ή συνεμβαλόντας εις την Άττικήν, και εδείκνυ-
σαν, ώς ωοντο, εκ μεν ών αύτοι συνεβούλευον τα
εκ της 'Αττικής βοσκή ματα και άνδράποδα και ταλλ!
άγαθα εις τ^ν Βοιωτίαν ήξοντα, εκ δε ών ημάς ερεΐν
εφασαν τα εν ttj Βοιωτία διαρπασθησόμενα ύπο του 25
πολέμου, και άλλα πολλά προς τούτοις, εις ταύτα
214 δ^ πάντα συντείνοντ ελεγον. ά δ' ήμεΐς προς ταΰτα,
212. Aeschin. C. Ct. § Ι40-143• 213. 12. «ιτοιήσαντο, sc. 0/ θ»;/9αΓθί.
3. καίτοι, § 1 8ο note. 18. -π^ηάνθ^σαν without augment is
δ. ούδίν. Dind. has ovStvos. characteristic of older Attic idiom.
i
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. i6i
despatched immediately on our arrival. Here I may say 212
that my opponent has employed such an exaggeration of
calumny as to affirm, if any timely measure was executed, that
circumstances, and not I, have brought it about, while, on the
other hand, he asserts that I and my fortune are responsible
for all that turned out adversely ; so, according to his showing,
I, your adviser and orator, appear to him to have no share
in bringing . about those measures which were executed in
consequence of discussion and deliberation, but to be solely
responsible for the disasters which took place in arms and
in the province of generalship. How could a traducer be
more bloodthirsty or more abominable ? Read the letter.
LETTER.
When, therefore, they had formed the assembly, they in- 213
troduced our antagonists first, because they held the position
of allies. And these came forward and delivered an harangue,
eulogising Philip, but accusing you, on many counts, calling
up all the actions you ever did in opposition to the Thebans.
However, as their capital proposition, they required them to
make a return of gratitude for the good treatment they had
received from Philip, and at the same time to get satisfaction
for the wrongs they had suffered at your hands, in which ever
of two ways they chose, either by having given the speakers'
party a passage through their country in order to attack you,
or by having united with them in an expedition into Attica ;
and they proved, as they fancied, that, in consequence of what
they themselves recommended, the cattle and slave chattels,
and the other property of Attica, would come into Boeotia,
while, in consequence of what they declared we were going
to say, property in Boeotia would be devastated by the war.
And they added much else to this, all converging to the same
purport. And, although I personally should prize as highly 214
214. 27. After ταντο Dind. has between τά μ^νκαθ* ίκαστα and ο τι δ'
άντύττομ^ν. ουν, with an inner antithesis of Ιγώ
Observe that the main antithesis is μίν to vμds di.
Μ
102 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§214-216.
τά μ%ν καθ* έκαστα ίγω μίν άντΙ παντού au τιμη-
σαίμην elneiu τον βίον, ύμά9 Se δίδοίκα, μη παρ€-
Χηλνθότων των καιρών, ωσπβρ άν d καΐ κατακΧνσμον
γ€γ€νησθαι των πραγμάτων ηγούμενοι, μάταιον οχλον
τού9 ΤΓ€ρΙ τούτων λόγου? νομί<τητ€• ο tl δ* ονν kirei- 5
σαμ€ν ήμ€Ϊ9 καΐ ήμΐν άπβκρίναντο, ακούσατε, /Ι eye
ταντί λαβών,
ΑΠΟΚΡΙΣΙΣ ΘΗΒΑΙΩΝ.
215 Μ^τα ταντα τοίννν ίκάλονν ύμά? καΐ μζτζπψποντο.
€ifJT€, €βοηθ€ΪΤ€, ίνα τάν μβσω παραλύπω, όντως ίο
οίκβίω? νμά? ίδβχ^οντο, ωστ €ξω των οπλιτών καΐ των
Ιππβων όντων eh τα? οικία? και το άστυ δ^γζσθαι την
στρατιαν €πΙ παΐδα? καΐ γνναΐκα? και τα τιμιώτατα.
καίτοι τρία kv eKeivrj ttj ήμ^ρα πάσιν άνθρωποι? ίδζΐ-
ξαν ίγκώμια Θηβαΐοι καθ' νμων τα κάλλιστα, ίν μ\ν 15
άνδρία?, €Τ€ρον δβ δικαιοσύνη?, τρίτον δ€ σωφροσύνη?,
καΐ γαρ τον άγωνα μάλλον μβθ' νμων η προ? νμά?
ίλόμζνοι ποιήσασθαι και άμβίνον? eivai και δικαιοτβρ
άξιονν νμά? έκριναν Φιλίππον και τα παρ' αντοΐ?
καΐ πάρα πάσι δ' kv πλείστη ψνλακη, παΐδα? καΐ 2ο
γνναΐκα?, kef) νμΐν ποιήσαντβ? σωφροσύνη? πίστιν πβρι
216 νμων €χ^οντ€? €δ€ΐξαν. kv οι? πάσιν, άνδρ€? 'Αθηναίοι,
κατά γ' νμα? όρθώ? kφάvησav 6γνωκ6τ€?. οντ€ γαρ e/y
την πολιν €ίσ€λθ6ντο? τον στρατοπύδον ονδ€ΐ? ονδβν
ονδξ άδίκω? νμΐν kveκάλeσev' οντω σώφρονα? παρβ- 25
σχ€Τ€ νμά? αυτού?' δί? re σνμπαραταξάμ€νοι τα?
Ι. τταντόβ . . τοΰ βίου might possibly κατακλυσμόν.
mean 'all my substance,' 'all I am 4. δχλον. See Shilleto on Fals. Leg.
worth.' § 27. p. 348.
3. uairep δ,ν cl κ.τ.λ. In full this 6. Before ήμΐν Dind. has the much
would run ώστκρ hv [fiyfiaOf] el [Ιιό- wanted fi.
μίσατ('\ κατακλυσμών η/(Ύ(νήσθαι των 215. ίο. τάν μ^σφ, Aeschines, §§
ΊτραΎματων, ή^ονμ^νοι. 1 48 sqq.
καί is omitted by Dindorf before 11. οπλιτών, sc. των Θηβαίων.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 163
as my whole life the permission to relate in full detail our
reply to this, yet I am afraid of you, lest, now that the crises
are gone by, regarding the matter as you would if you thought
a deluge had passed over the events, you should consider
discussions about them a gratuitous annoyance : at any "rate,
hear how we persuaded them and how they answered us. Take
and read these documents.
REPLY OF THE THEBANS.
After this, accordingly, they invited and sent for you. You 215
marched out ; you rescued them — to omit what took place in
the interval ; they received you so familiarly, that, though their
own heavy infantry and cavalry were outside the walls, they
admitted your expeditionary troops into their houses and their
city, to take charge of their children and wives and all that was
most precious. And let me remark that, on that day the
Thebans paid you, in the sight of the world, three most ho-
nourable compliments — the first to your valour, the second to
your uprightness, and the third to your morality. For undoubt-
edly, when they chose to conduct the contest on your side rather
than against you, they decided both that you were better men
and that you made more righteous demands than Philip;
and when they placed in your guardianship what with them,
and with all men too, are most carefully protected, their wives
and children, they showed that they relied on you for sobriety.
In all this, men of Athens, they were proved to have judged 216
m rightly in your case at any rate. For, when our army had
Κ entered their city, no one brought any complaint against you,
^L even unjustly, so rightminded did you keep yourselves; nay,
Ht when you took the field with them in the first engagements, the
I
14. καίτοι, § i8o note. preceding, which couples the present
15. καθ' τιμών. , The same force of to the previous sentence, but is to
the preposition is found Phil. ii. § 9. be taken with παρά ττασι, forming a
rp. 68 δ και μέΎΐστόν kffTi καθ' υμών parenthesis brought into the main
'γκώμιον. Aeschin. c. Ct. § 50 01 construction by 5e.
κατά Αημοσθάνονί iiraxvoi. 216 26. ras ιτρώταβ, sc. TO^ets• or
20. και irapa ττασι δΙ. This καχ is μάχαί. The latter is read by Dind.
not parallel to the και immediately
Μ 2
104 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§216-218.
πρώτα9, την τ ίπΐ τον ποταμού και την γβίμ^ρινην,
ουκ άμ€μπτον9 μόνον νμά9 avTOVS άλλα καΐ θαυμα-
στού? kBd^aTe τω κοσμώ, ταΐ? τταρασκ^ναΐ?, Tjj προ-
θυμία. €0* oh πάρα μ\ν των άλλων νμΐν ίγίγνοντο
217 €παίνοι, πάρα δ* ύμων θυσίαι καΐ πομπαΐ τοΐ? θβοΐς. και 5
€γωγ€ ήδβως αν €ροίμην Αίσγίνην, οτβ ταΰτ €πράττ€το
και ζήλου καΐ γαρα? και ίπαίνων η πόλις ην μβστή,
πότβρον σννίθυβ και συν^υφραίν^το τοΐ$ πολλοίς, ή
λυπούμ€νο9 και στίβων και δυσμβναίνων τοις κοινοΐς
άγαθοΐί οίκοι καθήτο. u μ\ν yap παρην και μ€τα ίο
των άλλων ζξητάζΕΤΟ, πώς ου δβινα ποΐ€Ϊ, μάλλον δ
ούδ\ όσια, ei ων ώς άριστων αύτο9 τους θζούς ίποιή-
σατο μάρτυρας, ταΰθ' ως ουκ άριστα νυν υμάς άζιοΐ
ψηψίσασθαι, τους όμωμοκότας τους θ€θύς ; e/ δβ μη
παρην, πώς ουκ άπολωλίναι πολλάκις ίστι δίκαιος, 15
€t €<j) οΐς ίγαιρον οι άλλοι, ταύτα Ιλυπύτο ορών \
Αίγ€ δη και ταΰτα τα ψηφίσματα μοι.
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ ΘΥΣΙΩΝ.
218 Ούκοϋν ήμ€Ϊς μ\ν kv θυσίαις ημ^ν τ6τ€, Θηβαίοι
δ' kv τω δι ημάς σ^σώσθαι νομίζ€ΐν, και π€ρΐ€ΐστήκ€ΐ 2ο
τοις βοηθζίας δζήσβσθαι νομίζουσιν αφ ων ίπρατ-
τον ούτοι, αυτούς βοηθζΐν ίτβροις k^ ων kπeίσθητ
kμoί. άλλα μην οίας τότ ήφίζΐ φωνάς 6 Φίλιππος
καΐ kv οΐαις ην ταραγαίς kπl τούτοις, kK τών kπι-
στολών τών kκdvoυ μαθήσβσθζ ων e/y Πζλοπόννησον 25
. €π€μπζν. και μοι Xeye ταύτας λαβών, ιν €ΐδητ€,
ή kμη συν€)(^βια και πλάνοι καΐ ταλαιπωρίαι και τά
Ι . χ€ΐμ.€ρινήν must mean * in the 218. 20. €V τφ . . νομίζαν is a little
winter.' See Introduction I. unusual, but is here employed to em-
217. Compare § 333. phasize by symmetry of expression the
7. «ιταίνων. Cobet here and Fals. contrasts ήμίΐί μ\ν iv .. , Θηβαίοι δ' iy
Leg. § 97. p. 368 would read iraiavonv, . . , αλλά μτ^ν . . ό Φίλιτητοί .. iv κ.τ.Κ.
II. €|ητά{€το. Cf. § 173 ^otQ. αϊ. νομίζουσιν. Dind, has δοκυνσιν.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 165
battle by the river and the winter battle, you not only showed
yourselves irreproachable, but models of discipline, equipment,
zeal. On t hese i?r rnuntg ^/^mplimpntg ^ ^re paid yo u by
th e other s tates, and sacrifices and processions were paid the
gods by yourselves. And I should like to ask Aeschines, 217
whether, when these things were being done and the city was
full of enthusiasm and joy and eulogies, he joined in sacri-
ficing and rejoicing with the multitude, or wh ether he sat at
^■2inf gr'^^^^d ?"d p^rnanin g and ill at ease becaus e of our
national blessi ngs ? For, if he was present and w as found in
his place with the rest, is he not_actmgL_shamjefully, or rather
profanely, when he demands that you, who have sworn by
the gods, should now decree tnat those thin gs ~were not
mosT excellent, to whose excellence he himsel f called the gods
to testify.? But,~lf he was not present, is he not fit to die
many deaths, because he grieved to behold what the rest of
the nation rejoiced over.? Now please read these decrees
also.
DECREES CONCERNING SACRIFICES.
Thus we were busy with sacrifices at that time, while the 218
Thebans were full of the thought that they had been de-
livered through our action ; and it had come about that you,
who feared that you would require assistance, as the indirect
consequence of my opponents' intrigues, lent assistance your-
selves to others, as the direct consequence of what you were
actually persuaded to do by me. But further, what cries Philip
then uttered, and in what bewilderment he was after these
events, you will learn from his own letters, which he sent to
the Peloponnese. Please take and read these to me, that
my hearers may know what my persistency and gadding about
άφ' ών . . «I ών. The change of since it is separated from the verb to
preposition is not due to the mere which it is the subject by the interro-
love of variety, but marks a distinc- gative τί. The suspension of the con-
tion between the indirect consequences struction, however, caused by this
of the intrigues of Aeschines' party, postponement of the interrogative,
and the direct effect of the proposals calls special attention to the character
of Demosthenes, of Demosthenes' acts, and its sharp
23. ήφί€ΐ φωνά8, § 195 note. resumption to their surprising eifec-
2 7, ή «μή συνίχ€ΐα κ.τ.Χ. would ordi- tiveness.
narily have been brought under the 27. ιτλάνοι, probably through the
regimen of ΐ'ώηη, as an accusative, states named in § 237.
^e^/c
i66 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§218-222.
πολλά ψηφίσματα, St νυν οΰτο9 δίύσνρξ, τι άπειρ-
γάσατο,
219 Καίτοι πολλοί παρ νμΐν, apSpes *Αθηι/αΐοί, ye-
γορασι prjTopes ένδοξοι καΐ μβγάλοί προ ίμον, Καλλί-
στρατος €Κ€Ϊνο9, Αριστοφων, Κέφαλος, Θρασύβουλος, 5
€T€poL μυρίοί' αλλ' δμω^ ovSeh πώποτ€ τούτων δια
παντός ίδωκ^ν iavTov eh ονδ^ν ttj πολβί, αλλ* ο μ^ν
γράφων ουκ αν ίπρίσββνσβν, 6 δζ πρ^σββύων ουκ άν
eypayjrev. ύπ^λβιπβ γαρ αντων έκαστος 4αντω άμα μ\ν
220 ραστώνην, άμα δ\ et tl γύνοίτ, άναφοράν. τι οΰν ; ίο
€ίποί τις άν, συ τοσούτον ύπ^ρηρας ρώμτ} καΐ τόλμτ)
ωστ€ πάντα ποίύν αυτός ; ου ταϋτα λίγω, αλλ' οΰτως
€π€πζίσμην μίγαν βΐναί τον κατ€ίληφ6τα κίνδυνον την
πόλίν, ωστ ουκ €δ6κ€ί μοί χωράν ούδ^ πρόνοιαν ούδβ-
μιαν της ίδιας ασφαλείας διδοναι, αλλ' άγαπητον 15
221 eivai, e/ μηδβν παραλ^ίπων τις α δ^ΐ πράξ€ΐ€ν. €7re-
πύσμην δ ύπβρ €μαυτοΰ, τυχόν μβν αναίσθητων, όμως
δ' βπβπβίσμην, μήτ€ γράφοντ άν €μοΰ γράψαιΙβίλτιο^
μηδίνα, μήτ€ πράττοντα πράξαι, μήτ€ πρβσβζύοντα
πρ^σβζϋσαι προθυμότβρον μηδβ δικαιότβρον, δια ταϋτα 2ο
ev πασιν ίμαυτον βταττον. /Ι eye τας ίπιστολας τας
του Φιλίππου.
Ε ΠΙ Σ το Α ΑΙ.
222 Εις ταϋτα κατίστησζ Φίλιππον ή ψη πολιτεία,
Αισχίνη' ταύτη ν την φωνή ν €Κ€Ϊνος άφηκ€, πολλούς 25
και θρασζΐς τα προ τούτων ttj πόλζΐ ίπαφομβνος
219. 3• Καίτοι, § 1 8ο note. leto's note, ib. § 377 just preceding.
6. cTcpoi μ,υρίοι. For the asyndeton 7. «δωκ€ν Ιαντόν els, § 88 note,
compare the similar passage Fals. Leg. 8. dv, with aorist or imperfect indi-
339• p. 436 €Ti τοίννν ttoKKol -nap' ύμιν cative, when not used conditionally,
(iri καιρών yeyuvaaiv Ισχυροί, Καλλί- adds a notion of indefinite frequency.
arparos, avOis Άριστοφων, Αιόψαντοί, ίο. άναφοράν, * a means of shifting
τούτων ίτίροι πρύτιρον, and see Shil- responsibility to others.' Compare c.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 167
and hardships and those numerous decrees, which my oppo-
nent just now maligned, managed to effect.
Observe here that there have arisen in your midst, men of 219
Athens, many distinguished and great orators before my
time, the famous Callistratus, Aristophon, Cephalus, Thrasy-
bulus, and countless others; none, however, of these ever de-
voted himself thoroughly to the state for any object, but the
proposer of an embassy would have refused to go on the em-
bassy, or a member of the embassy would not have been its
proposer. For each of them left open to himself, at one and
the same time, an opportunity for personal ease, and also,
in case of mishap, a means to refer the blame to others.
*What now?' some one may ask, *have you so far trans- 220
cended the rest in strength and daring as to do all your-
self?' I do not say that; but I was convinced that the
danger which had overtaken the state was so great, that it
did not seem to admit any place or precaution for personal
security, but that it was a cause for satisfaction if one could
do what was necessary without any omission. , jVnd I w as 221
persiiade d too, in my own case , perh aps blindly, ne vertheless
I w as persuaded, th at no one in his propositions would pro-
pos e better measure s than mine, nor in execution carry them
out more successfully, nor as ambassador perform an am- / 1
bassador's duty more zealously or more uprightly. It was /^^fuJX ,
for these reasons th at, in every case. I took the pos t myself i^L•^
Read Philip's letters.
LETTERS.
TnjVijg^Apcirhinf^g^ piy pnliry rprinrpri Philip - this WaS the 222
cry he uttered^ though he previously menace d the state with
Tim. § 13. p. 'J04. €δωκ€ Ύνώμην Εύκτή- tovs dWovs.
μων ..ύμα.5 μ\ν €ΐσπράττ€ΐν tovs τριη- 12. οΰτω$ must be taken closely
papxovs, €Ktivois δ' eivai ττ€ρΙ αυτών (is with μ4-γαν, as KLvhwos is the subject
TOVS (XOVTas άναφοράν. The verb of ίδόκ€ΐ.
avcveyKciv § 224 is not quite similar, 14. χώραν. Shaefer would read
there meaning ' to refer to precedents.' ώραν, ' care.'
220. II. After ύπερήραβ Dind. ^as 222. 25. φωνήν . . άφήκ€, § 195.
i68 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§222-226.
XSyovS' άνθ' ων δικαίως ίστζφανονμην ύπο τοντωνΐ,
καί συ πάρων ουκ άντ€λ€γ€9, 6 Se γραψάμ€νο9
Δ ίώνδας το μύρος των ψήφων ουκ ίλαββν. Καί μοι
λαβζ ταντα τα ψηφίσματα τα τ6τ€ μ\ν άποπ€φ€υγ6τα,
ύπο τούτον ^ ovSk γραφίντα. 5
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ.
223 ΤαυτΙ τα ψηφίσματ ω άνδρας 'Αθηναίοι τα? αύτα?
σνλλαβας και ταύτα ρήματ e;(ei, άπ^ρ πρ6τ€ρον μβν
Αριστονικο? νυν δβ Κτησιφών γίγραφζν ούτοσί. και
ταντ Αίσγίνη? οϋτ ίδίωξβν αύτο9 οΰτ€ τω γραψαμίνω ίο
συγ κατηγόρησαν, καίτοι τ6τ€ τον Δημομίλη τον ταΰτα
γράφοντα και τον * Υπαρβίδην^ ei περ αληθή μου νυν
224 κατηγορείς μάλλον αν είκοτω? ή τονδ' ίδίωκβν, δια τι;
ΟΤΙ τωδζ μ\ν €στ άνενεγκείν kir εκείνου? καΐ ray των
δικαστηρίων γνώσει? και το τούτον αύτον εκείνων μή ΐζ
κατηγορηκεναι ταύτα γραψάντων άπερ ούτο? νυν, και
το του? νόμου? μηκετ εαν περί των οΰτω πραγθεντων
κατηγορεΐν^ και πολλά έτερα' τότε δ' αύτο το πράγμ
225 αν εκρίνετο εφ' αντοϋ^ πρίν τι τούτων προλαβεΐν, αλλ'
ουκ ην οΐμαι τότε ο νυνι ποιεΐν^ εκ παλαιών χρόνων 2ο
καΐ ψηφισμάτων πολλών εκλεξαντα^ α μήτε προβδει
μηδει? μήτ άν ωήθη τήμερον ρηθήναι, διαβάλλειν,
και μετενεγκόντα τού? χρόνου? και προφάσει? άντι
των αληθών ψευδεΐ? μεταθεντα τοΐ? πεπραγμένοι?
22β δοκεΐν τι λέγειν, ούκ ην τότε ταΰτα, αλλ' επι τη? 25
άληθεία?, εγγύ? τών έργων ^ ετι μεμνη μένων υμών και
4- ά'ΤΓ0ΤΓ€φ«υγ6τα is used of ψηφί- jg. «φ* ίαυτοΰ, •οη its own basis.'
σματα by an impersonification. άψ' (αντον would mean ' as a first
223. II. Δημομίλη. Dind. hasAiy- case.* It has been proposed to render
μομέΚην. ^ ίφ' Ιαυτου, *at its own date,' but cf. §
224. 16. ovTOs, Ctesiphon, who is 226 iirl τψ άληθ(ίαί § ij, and 1^*
generally spoken of as 65t : but see § ήμων αυτών § 1 6.
223. dvcvcYKclv, § 219 note.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. ι eg
many bold expressions. For these services it was justly pro-
posed that I should be crowned by my countrymen, and,
though present, you did not speak in opposition to the pro-
posal ; and Diondas, who laid the indictment, did not secure
his proportion of the votes. Please take these decrees, which
were then absolved, and not even indicted by my opponent.
DECREES.
These decrees, men of Athens, contain the same syllables 223
and the same phrases which Aristonicus at an earlier date,
and Ctesiphon, my client, has recently drafted : and these are
the decrees which Aeschines did not personally prosecute, nor
take part in the accusation with the man who indicted them.
Yet, if indeed his present accusations against me are true, he
would have prosecuted, at that earlier time, Demomeles, the
author of these proposals, and Hyperides, much more rea-
sonably than the present defendant. How so .'' Because, 224
in the present case, Ctesiphon can justify himself by refer-
ence to these earlier instances, can point to the decisions of
the courts, can plead that Aeschines himself has not indicted —
the others although they drafted the same propositions in
their bills as my client has done in his, can plead that the
laws reagg tr> allow indirfmpnts p n matters already se ttled by
us age, and can urge manj other pleas of a differen t character :
whereas, in the earlier cases, the matter would have been de-
cided simply on its own merits, before it had acquired any of
these precedents. However, as I surmise, there was no 225
chance then to do as he does now, to collect pickings out of
a number of antique chronicles and decrees, which of course no
one knew of before or expected to be cited to-day, in order
to establish his libel, nor to shift dates and substitute false
motives for what was done instead of the true motives, in
order to produce the semblance of an argument. In the 226
former cases this was not possible, but all statements must
then have been accurately made, as the facts were not far to
Ίτρολαββΐν. Shaefer prefers the 226. 25.-71 λέγβιν, ' to have some-
variant ττροσλαβίΐν, but cf. § 314 προ- thing to say.* For the emphatic use
λαβόντα, note. of ns cf. Pind. Pyth. viii. 95 (135) τι
225. 20. iroueiv. Dind. has ΐΓθί«. Si ris; τι δ' ovtis; 'what is a some-
21. ά μ.ήτ€, probably ' things which body ? what is a nobody ?'
he thought no one knew before.'
170
ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ
§§ 226—228.
μόνον ουκ €v ταί? γ^ρσιν έκαστα αγόντων, πάντ€9
kyiyvovT αν οί λόγοι. δίόπβρ revs παρ αντα τα
πράγματ ζλζγχονς φυγών νυν tjku, ρητόρων άγωνα
νομίζων, m γ ψοΐ δοκ€Ϊ, καΐ ονχΐ των πβττολίτβυ-
μίνων ^ξίτασιν ποιήσβιν νμα^, καΙ λόγου κρίσιν, ουχί 5
του ττ} πόλβι συμφέροντος ίσ^σθαι.
227 Εϊτα σοφίζζται^ και φησι προσήκ€ΐν ης μίν οίκο-
θεν ήκ€τ €χοντ€9 δόξης nepi ημών άμζλήσαι^ ώσπβρ
δ , δταν οίόμζνοι π€ρΐ€Ϊναι γ^ρήματά τω λογίζησθ€, αν
καθαφώσιν αϊ ψήφοι καΐ μηδ\ν Trepifj^ συγχωρβΐτβ, ίο
ούτω και νυν τοις €Κ του λόγου φαινομβνοις προσθβ-
σθαι. θ^άσασθβ τοινυν ως σαθρόν, ως eoiKev, ίστι
228 φύσ€ΐ πάν δ τι αν μη δικαίως fj π€πραγμ6νον, ίκ
2. Tovs Ίταρ' αυτά, § 15•
3- Ρητόρων αγώνα. Another remi-
niscence of Thucydides, cf. iii. 67
ποιήσατ€ δέ rois "Ελλησι ηαράδίΐΎμα ου
Xoywv Tovs ayuivas ττροθήσοντβί άλλ'
epyaiv. Compare Fals. Leg. § 239. p.
408 ου yap βητόρων ούδΐ Xoyoiv κρίσιν
νμα$ τημ^ρον, unep eS (ppoveiTi, προσή-
Kfi TToiiiv, on which Shilleto quotes
Thuc. iii, 38 αίτιοι δ' υμα$ κακώ^ ayta-
νοθ€τουντ€5, oiTives €ΐώθατ€ θεατοί μίν
των \6yωv yiyveaOai, άκροαταϊ δέ των
ίpyωv, . . σοφιστών OeaTais koiKOTes κα-
θημένοΐί μάλλον ί) vepl πόλ€ω5 βουλ€υ-
ομίνοι$.
227. 7• καΙ φησΙ κ.τ,λ. The pas-
sage of Aeschines' speech here referred
to is, in effect, as follows: He says
(§ 54), ' I must refresh your memories
on the subject of Demosthenes' iniqui-
ties during the first period of his
political life. (§67•) He did not save
the state — heaven and Philip's mode-
ration and courtesy did that — but
seriously injured Athens by his corrupt
practices. (§ 59.) You may be sur-
prised at my saying that Demosthenes
prevented Athens from making the
peace in conjunction with the other
Hellenic communities. Please listen
to me in the same temper as when
we sit down to balance the accounts of
moneys the expenditure of which has
spread over a long period. We often
leave home with false impressions
about the results to which the compu-
tation will lead us : but when the pro-
cess is completed and the balance is
struck we are rationally bound to
abide by what it shows. (§ 60.) Some
of you thought that Demosthenes
never worked with Philocrates for
Philip. Listen to the facts before you
decide. If I show you that Demo-
sthenes did more than Philocrates to
promote the peace (§61), to fawn on
Philip and his ambassadors, to pre-
vent the united action of the Hellenes,
and to throw over your ally Cerso-
bleptes, then abide by the facts set
before you and admit that Demo-
sthenes did the reverse of " well."
The gist then of Aeschines' argu-
ment is : 'It is supposed that Demo-
sthenes at that time did much that
is to his credit ; let me show you that
he did much which is to his discredit,
and let me call upon you to take this
into account as a set-off against any-
thing else.'
To this Demosthenes has previously
replied by proving that the discredit-
able imputations are untrue. He now
(§§ 227-231) goes further, and de-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ,
ιγι
seek, and as you still remembered and had almost at your
fingers' ends each set of transactions. That is why he has
shirked the investigations that should immediately have fol-
lowed the acts and puts in an appearance now, fancying, as far
as I can gather, that you are going to conduct an oratorical
contest, not an examination of measures of state, and that
a verdict is to be passed on points of rhetoric not on Athe-
nian interests.
More than this, he starts a fallacy, and says that it is in- 227
cumbent on you, first to disregard the opinion which you en-
tertained about us when you came from your homes ; and then,
that, just as in looking over a man's accounts under the im-
pression that he has a surplus, if you find that the figures are
destructive and that no surplus survives, you are bound to
accede, so, in the present instance also, it is incumbent on you
to surrender to the results demonstrated by his argument.
Thus may we see how cankered, as we might expect, in the
very germ, is every unjust act. For by using this selfsame 228
monstrates that Aeschines' method of
argument is fallacious. Facts are not
like figures. You cannot cancel away
my good deeds. They are there, done,
and memorable for ever. As to
Philip's courtesy, you enjoyed that
because you took the honourable
course of action suggested by me.
Some difficulty has been imported
into these sections by inquiring too
closely into the special nature of the
accounts spoken of in the illustration ;
but there is nothing said in either
speech to lead us to think that any
one class of accounts is specially
alluded to. In general terms Aeschines
suggests, and Demosthenes repudiates,
the application of the method of arith-
metic to politics.
9. τω is constructed από κοινού with
both nepieivcu and λοΥιζησθί.
ΙΟ. καθαιρώσ-ιν. Two boards (αβά-
κια), each divided into columns — the
columns being valued in order as re-
presenting units, tens, hundreds, etc. —
and provided with pebbles {ψήφοι)
for counters, would be necessary to
calculate a debit and credit account.
If, by taking a counter of equal value
simultaneously from each, and repeat-
ing the process as long as this was pos-
sible, it resulted that both boards were
simultaneously cleared (i. e. if there
remained no balance on either side),
then, says Dissen, ' dicitur καθαροί (Ισιν
at φήφοι.' So Dind., with some MSS.,
reads καθαροί ωσιν. But there is a want
of support for the phrase, of which no
other instances are quoted. Nor does
Aeschines, or Demosthenes himself, at
all imply or suggest that a precisely
exact balance is expected. Hence the
reading καθαφωσιν is to be preferred,
especially as it has in its favour the
weight of MS. authority, alpciv is
often used absolutely (as in Aeschines
c. Ct. § 59) of the issue of an argument
or calculation: so av κοθαιρωσιν at
ψήφοι will mean, ' if the figures lead to
a destructive result.'
11. ττροσθίσθαι, sc. προσ•ΐ7/ί6ΐί'. For
meaning cf. §§ 39, 195.
12. ώβ σαθρόν «.τ.λ. The thought
is, every crime contains within itself the
172 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§228-231.
^J^yoLp αύτον τον σοψον τούτον παραδ€ίγματο? ώμολ6γηκ€
ννν y ήμα9 νπάργ^Είν ζγνωσμύι/ονς βμβ μ\ν λίγξίΐ/
νπ\ρ τη 9 πατρί8ο9, αύτον δ' νπ€ρ Φιλίππον ού yap
άν μζταπ^ίθζίν νμάί ^ζήτ€ί μη τοιαύτης ονση9 τη?
229 νπαργούσης νπολήψξως ττζρΐ έκατβρον. και μην otl 5
ye ού δίκαια Xiyei μ^ταθίσθαι ταύτην την δοζαν
άξιων, eyo) διδάξω ραδίως, ού τιθβις ψήφονς (ού yap
koTLv 6 των πραγμάτων ovtos λογισμός) αλλ* άνα-
μιμνησκων έκαστα kv βραγβσι, λογισταΐς άμα καΐ
μάρτνσι τοις άκούονσιν νμΐν γ^ρώμζνος. η yap ίμη ίο
πολιτζία, ης ούτος κατηγορβΐ, άντι μίν τον θηβαίονς
230 μ€τα Φιλίππον σνν^μβαλύν e/y την χωράν, ο πάντες
ωοντο, μξθ' ημών παραταξαμύνονς ίκβΐνον κωλύβιν
ίποίησβν, άντι δβ τον kv Trj* Αττικύ\ τον πόλεμον eivai
επτακόσια στάδια άπο της πόλβως kπι τοις Βοιωτών 15
όριοις γενέσθαι, άντι δβ τον τονς λ-ηστας ημάς (pepeiv
καΐ ayeiv kK της Εύβοιας kv ειρήνη την Αττικην eK
θαλάττης eivai πάντα τον πόλεμον, άντι δε τον τον
^ Ελλήσποντον εχβιν Φιλίππον, λαβόντα Βνζάντιον,
σνμπολβμζΐν τονς Βνζαντίονς μβθ' ημών προς kKeivov. 20
231 άρά σοι ψήφοις όμοιος 6 των ίργων λογισμός φαίνε-
ται ; η δβΐν άντανβλζΐν ταντα, άλλ ούχ όπως τον
άπαντα χρόνον μνημονενθήσεται σκεψασθαι ; και
ούκετι προστίθημι οτι της μεν ώμότητος, ^ν kv οΐς
καθάπαξ τίνων κύριος κατέστη Φίλιππος εστίν ίδεΐν^ 25
ετεροις πειραθηναι σννεβη, της δε φιλανθρωπίας^
ήν τα λοιπά των πραγμάτων εκείνος περιβαλλόμενος
means for its own detection. 229. 8. ovros, i. e. rb τΜναι ψη-
228, 2. ήμαβ . . 4γνωσμ€νου5. The <povs.
old reading i^as would require lyvca- 231. 2i. ipa, ironical, 'you think,
Kuras {(fvw [κύτα5 καΐ ircwfi] σμίνου^ do you not ? '
has been conjectured), as the passive 22. ταντα = the achievements, sum-
forms of this verb are never 'deponent.' marised in § 230.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 173
subtle illustration he has granted that the opinion hitherto
passed on us has been, that I spoke for my country and he
for Philip. Otherwise, if your original belief about each of
us were not of that kinci, he would not try so anxiously to
chan ge your m inds. What is much more, that he has no 22
right to require you to alter this decision, I will readily show,
not by a play with pebbles (for an account of facts cannot be
struck in figures), but by a brief recapitulation of each set of
circumstances, using you, my hearers, as at once examiners
and witnesses. When the Thebans would have joined Philip 230
in invading our land, my disparaged policy made them take
the field with us to keep him out ; when the war might have
been seated in Attica, my policy caused it to be fought out
seven hundred furlongs ofi", on the frontiers of Boeotia ; when
the privateers from Euboea might have harried us, my policy
left Attica at peace on her seaboard throughout the war ; and ^
when Philip might have held the Hellespont by the seizure of
Byzantium, my policy brought the Byzantines to join us heart
and soul in the war against him. Aeschines thinks now, does 231 J
he not, that the computation of facts is like cyphering ? What, /}. ff(^
must you put aside these services as cancelled, and not rather ^ >
see that they be remembered gratefully for ever ? I need not
go on to add that the savagery, which is to be marked where-
ever Philip had got any community thoroughly into his grip,
it was the misfortune of others to experience, while of the
courteous behaviour, which he simulated when compassing his
22. άντανελίΐν. See on § 227. •γί'/^νημένονί, και robs φίλανθρώπαΐ5 Koi
26. φιλανθρωπιαβ. Aeschines (see μβτρίωί tois ttjs πόλ€ω$ ιτρά-γμασι χρη-
on § 327) had said, c. Ct. § 57, travv σαμίνον$. For Philip's treatment of
νροσδοκώ emSfi^eiv rots δικασταΐ$ rrjs Athens, see Introduction I.
μ^ν σωτηρία5 τ^ πόλίΐ toxis θίον5 ahiovs
ψη
174 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§231-234.
ίπλάττ€το, νμ€Ϊ9 καλώς ποωνρτβς τους καρπούς Κ€κ6-
μισθβ. αλλ' ίώ ταντα.
232 ΚαΙ μ^ν ovSe τοντ eiweiu οκνησω, otl ο τον ρήτορα
βονλόμβνος δικαίως ζξζτάζ€ίν και μη συκοψαντύν ουκ
αν οία συ νυν eXeyes, τοιαύτα κατηγ6ρ€ΐ, παραδύγματα 5
πΧάττων και ρήματα και σχήματα μιμούμενος {πάνυ
yap πάρα τοΰτο, ούγ^ οράς ; yeyove τα των * Ελλήνων,
€1 τουτι το ρήμα άλλα μη τοντί διελεγθην kya), ή
233 δευρί την χβΓρα άλλα μη δβυρί πapήv€yκάj, αλλ' ζπ'
αυτών των €pyωv αν βσκοπει, τίνας εΐχ^ν άψορμας ή ίο
πόλις καΐ τίνας δυνάμεις, οτ εις τα πpάyμaτ eiajjeiv,
καΐ τίνας συvήyayov aOTjj μετά ταΰτ επιστάς €γώ,
καΐ πώς ειγε τα τών εναντίων, ειτ ει μεν ελάττονς
εποίησα τάς δυνάμεις, παρ εμοί τάδίκημ αν εδείκνυεν
6ν, ει δε πολλώ μείζους, ουκ αν εσυκοφάντει. επειδή 15
δε συ τοντο πεφευyaς, kyoa ποιήσω' και σκοπείτε ει
δικαίως γ^ρήσομαι τω λόγω.
234 Δύναμιν μεν τοίνυν εϊγεν ή πόλις τους νησιώτας,
ούχ^ απαντάς, άλλα τους ασθενέστατους' οΰτε yap
Χίος οΰτε * Ρόδος οϋτε Κέρκυρα μεθ' ημών ην χρη- 2ο
μάτων δε σύνταξιν εις πέντε και τετταράκοντα τά-
I. καλώβ iroioCvTis is never ironical καλωί ιτοιονντ€ί. The application is
in the orators, and indeed it may be always to well-merited prosperity.
questioned whether it anywhere has the Hence the comic perversion Aristoph.
sense 'much good may it do to you!' Plut. 861 —
which it is sometimes said to bear. KA. νροσέρχβται yap tis kokws itparrojv
Compare Olynthiac i. § 28. p. 17 των ovrjp,
iroWSiv S)v καλώ$ iroiovvrfs (χουσιν, (oikc δ* fivai τον ηονηρον κόμματος.
said of wealthy patriots, c. Lept. § ΔΙ. vr) Δία, καλώί τοίννν ττοιων άηόλ-
I ΙΟ. ρ, 49° ολω? δ οΐμαι τ6τ€ δίΐν Toi/s λνται.
ίΤ€ρων iiraivuv τρύπουί καΐ ίθη τοΐ$ 232. 5- τταραδίίγματα, § 228.
νμ€τάροις (πιτιμωντας, όταν -ρ Sei^ai Aeschines, who prided himself on
βάλτων (Ktivovs νράττοντας υμών otc the propriety (v. supra § 1 29) of his
δ* i/iffy Ka\a)s iroiovvrfs και κατά ras language and delivery, is fond of
Koivas TTpa^ds και κατά τ^ν υμυνοιαν criticising and mocking the tone,
και κατά ταλλα πάντα αμΐΐνον (κίίνων words, and action of Demosthenes.
7Γράττ€Τ6 /ί.τ.λ., Aeschines, c. Ct. §233 Compare c. Ct. § 72 ού yap (Φη δ(ΐν
καΐ φατί μ\ν ίύτυχίΐί thai, ws καΙ ΙστΙ, {καΙ yap τό ρήμα μίμνημαι, ws (Ιπ(, διά
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
175
further aims, you have deservedly reaped the fruits. But
enough of this.
Proceeding, I will not hesitate to say as much as this, 232
that one who wished justly to examine and not to misrepre-
sent an orator would not use accusations, such as you lately
uttered, manufacturing illustrations, and apeing my words and
attitudes — for of course the fortune of Hellas has hinged, do
you not see ? on this, that I expressed myself in one phrase
not in another, and that I drew my hand across to the right ζ\ λ
instead of the left side. No; ^ sing his inquir y on the facts 233 Λ/^'4^
themselves, he would ask what capital and what forces our
city'had when I entered upon public business, and how much
more Tjrryirp^\-xf(^A fr>r he^y aftf rwarfls when 1 hecame her
director, and how the circumstances of our adversaries stood.
After doing this, if he found I had diminished her forces, he
would show that the guilt lay on me ; but, if I had largely in-
creased them, he would not try to rob me of my due. Since
you, however, have evaded this duty, I will do it ; and let my
hearers watch if I make my statements justly.
As auxiliaries, then, the city possessed the islanders, and 234
not all, but only the weakest of these ; for neither Chios nor
Rhodes nor Corcyra stood for us. She had a subsidy of
money amounting to forty-five talents, and these had been
a
^ U
P^tif
Ti)l•' άηζ'ιαν rov XeyovTOS αμα και του
δνόματοί) άπορρηξαι τηί ύρηνψ rijv
σνμμαχίαν — §§ 1 66, l6'J ου μίμνησθΐ
αύτοΰ τα μιαρά και άττίθανα βήματα, α
ifOfs Ίτοθ' ύμ€Ϊ5 S} Cidrjpeoi (καρτ€ρίΐτ€
άκροώμ€νοι ; οτ ίφη τταρίΧθών ' άμπ€-
λουρΎονσί Tives ττ)ν ττόΚιν ,άνατ^τ μήκασί
Tives τά κλήματα του δήμου, ύποτ^τμη-
ται τά veupa των πρα-γμάτων, φορμορρα-
ψούμζθα, km τά στ€νά Tives ώσπ(ρ τάί
fie\ovas Sulpovai.' ταύτα δε τι Ιστιν,
S) Kivados ; ρήματα ή θαύματα ; και
πάλιν δτ6 κύκλω ττ^ριΖινων σ^αυτον Ιττι
του βήματος κ.τ.λ. — § 209 irepl δέ των
δακρύων και του τόνου ttjs ψωνψ κ.τ.λ.
Demosthenes gave a home-thrust in
reply to such criticism Fals. Leg. p.
421 ού λ^Ύ^ιν (Χσω τήν χ^ΐρ" ΐχοντ',
Αίσχίνη, δεΓ* ού' άλλα ιτρ€σβ(ύζΐν α,σω
την χ(ΐρα ΐχοντα. See infra § 280.
It is also curious that none of the
phrases to which Aeschines takes ex-
ception are to be found in the extant
speeches of Demosthenes.
6. Ίτάνυ γάρ is ironical (cf. Aesch. c.
Ct. § 100), and so in keeping with ουχ
opas, for which cf. § 266.
7. Ίταρά, literally, * all along of.' Cf.
Isocrates Archid. § 52 ύπδ ττάντων αν
ώμολοΎβΐτο παρά τούτον ycveoOai την
σωτηρίαν αύτοΓ?, Thuc. i. 141 'ίκαστοε
ού παρά τήν εαυτοί) άμέλίίαν οΐίται
βλάφ^ιν.
233. 17- χρήσομαι τφ λόγω, § 252.
k
176 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§234-^38.
Χαντα^ καΐ ταντ ην προ€ξ€ίλ€γμ€ΐ/α' οπΧίτην 5*,
ίππύα πλην των οικείων ovSeva. ο 8e πάντων και
ψοββρώτατον καΐ μάλισθ' νπ€ρ των €χ^θρων, οντοί
παρ€σκ€νάκ6ίσαν tov9 πβριχ^ωρον? πάνταζ €γθρα^ η
235 φίλια? ίγγντβρω^ Meyape??^ Θηβαίους, Ενβοία?. tol 5
μεν τήΐ πόλεως όντως νπηργεν βχοντα, καΐ ovSeh
άν e^OL πάρα ταντ είπεΐν άλλο ούδεν' τα Se τον
Φίλίππον, προς ον ην ήμΐν 6 άγων, σκεψασθβ πως.
πρώτον μεν ηρχε των άκολονθονντων αντος αυτοκράτωρ,
δ των εις τον πολεμον μεγίστόν εστίν απάντων εΐθ* ίο
οΰτοι τα όπλα εϊγον εν ταΐς γ^ερσίν άεί• έπειτα
\ρημάτων ενπορει, καΐ επραττεν, α δοξειεν αντω, ον
προλεγων εν τοΐς ψηφίσμασιν, ονδ* εν τω ψανερω
βονλενομενος, ονδε γραψας ψενγων παρανόμων, ονδ*
νπενθννος ων ονδενί, αλλ απλώς, αντος δεσπότης^ 15
236 ήγεμών, κύριος πάντων, εγω δ* ό προς τούτον άντι-
τεταγμενος (^και γαρ τοντ εξετάσαι δίκαιον) τίνος
κύριος ην ; ονδενός' αντο γαρ το δημηγορεΐν πρώτον^
ον μόνον μετεΐγον εγώ, εξ ίσον προντίθεθ* νμεΐς τοΐς
παρ' εκείνον μισθαρνονσι και εμοί, και οσα οντοι περί- 2ο
γενοιντο εμον (πολλά δ εγίγνετο ταντα, δι ήν εκαστον
τύ)(οι πρόφασιν), τανθ* νπερ των εγθρών άπητε βε-
237 βονλενμενοι. αλλ' όμως εκ τοιούτων ελαττωμάτων
εγω σνμμάγονς μεν νμΐν εποίησα Ενβοεας, * Α -φαιούς,
Κορινθίονς, θηβαίονς, Μεγαρεας, Λενκαδίονς^ Κερκν- 25
ραίονς, άφ' ων μύριοι μεν καΐ πεντακισ\ιλιοι ζενοι,
δισχ^ίλίοι δ' ιππείς άνεν των πολιτικών δννάμεων
σννήχθησαν χρημάτων δε, όσων ήδννήθην εγώ^
238πλείστην σνντελειαν εποίησα. ει δε λέγεις ή τα
234. 2. Before Ιιτιτία Dind. has 1j. φαντούντων κριν6μ^νο$, from the mar-
235. 14. After βουλίυόμίνοβ Dind. gin of 2.
inserts, in brackets, ούδ' ί/πύ των σνκο- 236. 1 8. ιτρωτον» * to come to the
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. τηη
raised before they were due ; but not a trooper, foot or horse,
beyond her domestic army. Next, — and this was a matter for-
midable above everything else, and especially favourable to
the enemy, — my oppo nents had made the attitude of all our
neighb ours more likexhostiHty tha n friendship, — I refer to the
Megarians, the Thebans, and the Euboeans. The means of 235
Athens I found to amount to this, and no one can add a
single item more. Now I ask you to observe how the affairs
of Phili p, our antagonist, stood. In the first place, he hel d the
sole and irresponsible command of his followers , and this is
the greatest of all military advantages. In the next place,
their weapons were never out of their hands. Yet again, he
had abundant supplies of money : and he could always put in
practice whatever measures might approve themselves to him,
— not betraying them in decrees, not deliberating before the
eyes of the world, not having to defend indictments for breach
of the constitution, nor submit to a scrutiny, but, in one word,
as sole lord, conductor and controller of all. But ^of wha t 236
had I. who was ρ ί'^<•^"<^ r^goinst him fnr \\ W righf- tn PYam inp
this — of what_had I absolute mntrnl ? — Of nothing. For to
take at once the mere opportunity of addressing the people,
which was the only privilege I shared, you offered it quite as
freely to his hirelings as to me; so, whatever motions they
carried over my head — and these were many, be the pretext
of each what it may — you Λvent home having passed just so
many resolutions in favour of your enemies. But nevert he- 237
l ess, in spite of such drawbacks, I converted into allies the
Eub oeans, Achaeans, Corinthians, Theb ^n^j Mpgariomtj Leu-
cadians, and _Corcyraeans, from who m were collected fi fteen
thou sand mercenaries and two thousand cavalry, beside the
citiz en forces of those commu nities ; and I obtained a very large
contribution of money from as many states as I could. But if 238
point at once,' cf. c. Lept. § io6. p. 28. δσων ήδυνήθην. Cf. § 65,
489. 238. 29. Xcycis. Cf. Aeschin. c Ct.
237. 27. άνβυ, § 89. § 143 "^^^ (is τον ττόΜμον άναλωμάτων
1 78 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ 238-241.
π/)δί Θηβαίους δίκαια^ Αισχίνη, η τα προ9 Βνζαν-
Tiovs η τα προς Ευβοίας^ ή nepl των ΐσων νννΐ δια-
\iyr)i πρώτον μ\ν άγνο€Ϊ9 δτι καΐ πρ6τ€ρον των ύπ^ρ
των * Ελλήνων ίκζίνων άγωνισαμβνων τριηρών^ τριακο-
σίων ονσων των πασών, τας διακοσίας ή πόλίί παρβ- 5
σχ€το^ καΐ ουκ ίλαττονσθαι νομίζου σα ovSe κρίνουσα .
τους ταντα σνμβονλζύσαντας ov8e αγανακτούσα ίπΐ
τούτοις έωράτο [αίσγ^ρον yap), άλλα τοις θξοΐς ίγουσα
χάριν, €1 κοινού κίνδυνου τοις '^Ελλησι π€ριστάντο9
αύτη διπλάσια των άλλων e/y την απάντων σωτηρίαν ίο
239 παρίσχ^το, €ίτα Κζνας χοιρίζν χάριτας τουτοισΐ
συκοφαντών e/xe. τι yap νυν Xeyety οΐα ^χρήν πράτ-
Τ€ΐν, αλλ* ού τότ ων kv Tjj πόλζΐ και πάρων ταΰτ
€ypa<pe9, ei πβρ ίνξδύχζτο πάρα τους παρόντας και-
ρούς^ kv oh ούχ οσα ήβουλόμ^θα αλλ* οσα δοίη τα 15
πράγματ ίδ^ι δίχβσθαΐ' δ yap άντωνούμ^νος και
ταχύ τούζ παρ ημών άπζλαυνομίνους προσδ€ξ6μ€νο9
και χρήματα προσθήσων ύπήρχβν €τοιμο9.
240 '>4λλ* ζΐ νυν kπι τοΪ9 π€πραγμ€νοΐ9 κατηγορία?
βχω, τι άν οΪ€σθ6, el τότ kμoΰ π€ρι τούτου άκριβολο- 2ο
γουμίνου άπήλθον αι π6λ€ΐ? καΐ προσβθβντο Φιλίππω^
και άμα Εύβοιας και Θηβών και Βυζαντίου κύριος
κατέστη, τι ποΐ€Ϊν άν ή τι λίγζΐν τους άσβββΐς άν^
241 θρώπους τούτου σι) ούχ ως k^eδ6θησav^ άπηλάθησαν,
βουλόμζνοι μ^& ημών efvai ; €Ϊτα του μ\ν Ελλησ- 25
τά μίν Wo μ^ρη υμΐν άνάθηκίν, oils ijaav the different accounts are by no means
άίΓΟύτίρω ol KivSwoi, rb δέ τρίτον μ4ροί harmonious. Herodotus (viii, 48) reck-
Θηβαωΐ5. Hence the aptness of De- ons the total fleet at 378 (the Athenian
mosthenes' illustration from Salamis, contingent being 180), Thucydides (i.
where Athens had previously contri- 74) at 400 (some MSS. have τριακο-
buted in the same proportion to the aias), Aeschylus (Persae 338) at 310.
defence of Hellas. Demosthenes himself, De Sym. § 29.
The Greek fleet at Salamis probably p. 186, makes the combined fleet to
numbered nearer 400 than 300, though consist only of 200 vessels, of which
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. lyg
you speak, Aeschines, either of strict justice to the Thebans,
or of strict justice to the Byzantines or to the Euboeans, or
talk at this time of day about equal contingents, in the first
place you do not seem to know that long before this, when
the famous triremes, three hundred in all, did battle for Hellas,
Athens provided her two hundred, — ay, and showed no sign
that she thought herself badly treated, nor was she seen bring-
ing to trial those who gave her this advice or fretting on this
account (it would have been shameful if she had), but rather
full of gratitude to the gods, that, when an international danger
encompassed the Hellenes, she of herself furnished twice as
much assistance as the others towards the deliverance of all.
Then you try to do your hearers but a poor favour in tradu- 239
cing me. For why do you now tell us what ought to have been
done? Why did you not, as you were in Athens and pre-
sent at our meetings, make your proposals when they were
wanted, if indeed they were admissible during those hard
times in which we had to accept, not all we wished, but as
much as the situation would grant ? For there, eagerly waiting,
stood our rival in the market, ready to snap at all whom we
rejected, and to pay a bounty too.
But if, after all that was gained^ I am subjec t to accusations 240
on ac£QilI Lt of wha t has been done, what do you think, if,
while I was adjusting the scales, the cities had gone off and ^
clos ed with Ir'hilip and h e ha^rl..pgtah1i<;h(^d himpHf as ΡΪ^^<•^^ at
o nce of Euboea and Thebes and Bj^z antium. — what, I repeat,
do you think these blasphemers would have done or said?
Would they not have said that the states had been thrown 241
over and driven away when they wished to side with us ?
* Worse than that, Philip has got the control of the Helles-
loo were Athenian. Arithmetical easier by the reiterated av.
accuracy seems to have been denied τούτου. Dind. has τοντούν. The
to the classical mind. literal sense is ' arguing precisely about
4. €Κ€ίνων, § 71 note. our respective obligations.'
240. 20. tC . . tC. For the repeated 241. 24. Before άττηλάθησαν Dind.
interrogative Dissen compares Phil. repeats ούχ ws.
iii• § 35• P• 120, where however the 25. «ίτα does not introduce, but is
best texts do not retain the second τι, part of, the oratio recta.
which in the present case is rendered
Ν 2
i8o ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§241-244.
πόντου δια Βνζαντίων ίγκρατη? καθ^στηκζ, και τη?
σίτοπομπια? τή9 των ^Ελλήνων κύριο?, πολβμο? 8
όμορο? καΐ βαρύ? el? τ^ν Άττικην δια Θηβαίων Κξκό-
μισταί, άπλον? δ' ή θάλαττα νπο των e/c τή? Εύβοια?
όρμωμίνων ληστών yiyovev ; ουκ αν ταυτ %\eyov, 5
242 καΐ πολλά γβ προ? τούτοι? €Τ€ρα ; πονηρόν, ω άνδρξ?
* Αθηναίοι, πονηρον 6 συκοφάντη? ael καΐ πανταγοθ^ν
βάσκανον και φιλαίτιον τοϋτο δ\ καΐ φύσ€ΐ κίναδο?
τάνθρώπιόν ίστιν, ούδΐν e^ οιργτ]? ύγιβ? πβποιηκο?
ούδ' ίλζύθβρον, αύτοτραγικο? πίθηκο?, αρουραίο? Οίνο- ίο
μαο?, παράσημο? ρήτωρ. τι yap η ση δβινοτη? ei?
ονησιν ηκ€ΐ πατρίδι ; νυν ήμΐν λiyζl? π€ρι των παρβ-
243 ληλυθοτων ; ωσπερ αν d τι? ίατρο? άσθβνοΰσι μ\ν
τοΐ? κάμνουσιν αίσιων μη λίγοι μηδβ δβικνύοι δι ων
αποφεύγονται την νοσον, επειδή δ\ τελευτήσειί τι? ΐζ
αυτών και τα νομιζο^ιενα αύτω φβροιτο, ακολουθών επΙ
το μνήμα διεξίοι ' €1 το καΐ το εποίησεν άνθρωπο?
ούτοσί, ουκ αν άπεθανεν! εμβρόντητε, είτα νυν
λέγει? ;
244 Ού τοίνυν ούδε την ητταν, ει ταύττ} γαυρια? εφ 2ο
fj στενειν σε ώ κατάρατε προσηκεν, εν ούδενι τών παρ'
εμοί γεγονυΐαν εύρήσετε ττ} πολει. ούτωσΐ δε λογΐ-
ζεσθε. ούδαμου πώποθ' , οποί πρεσβευτή? επεμφθην
ύφ υμών εγώ, ηττηθεί? άπήλθον τών πάρα Φιλίππου
πρέσβεων, ούκ εκ θετταλία?, ούκ εξ ^Αμβρακία?, ούκ 25
Ι. καθίστηκ€, sc. Φΐ\ιιπτο$, which is ing imitation to an extreme in tragedy]
found on the margin of 2. πίθηκον δ Mwyiaxos τον ΚαλΚιηιδην
2. των .. ληστών. See § 71» t)oth (καλίΐ.
for the sense, and also for the order Οινόμαοβ, § i8o note,
of the words. 11. τί γάρ ή σή δ€ΐνότη5 /τ.τ.λ., §
242. 7• τΓανταχόθίν, i. e. whatever 277.
course you adopt you cannot silence 12. Before πατρίδι Dind. has tj}.
the συκοφάντψ. 243. 13. ώσττβρ &v el implies an
ID. ιτίθηκοβ. Cf Aristot. Poet. c. 26 apodosis even when none is expressed,
as Kiav fap υπ(ρβά\\οντα [i. e. carry- Here the implied apodosis is very
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, ι8ι
pont by means of the Byzantines, and is master of the Greek
corn route, and a heavy border war has been drawn into
Attica by means of the Thebans, and the sea has become
unnavigable on account of the privateers operating from
Euboea ' — would they not have said this ? Yes, and a great
deal else in addition to this. Men of Athens, v icious, vicious 242
and ^vil-eyejj ^"^ lifigin ns as the traducer always is an d under
all conditions, this mannikin is vermin born, a creature that
has done nothing wholesome, nothing liberal from first to last, ^
an ape of the true tragedy-type, a country-fair Oenomaus,
an orator in counterfeit. For when has your rhetorical ex-
pertness been pressed into the service of your country ? Do
you talk to us now about bygones .? Much^ as if a physician, 243
on visitingh is patients while they are sick, should not state
and prescribe the mea ns by which they may escape from their
malady, but,"when one of them dies~and~lhe~solemnities are
being performed in his funeral procession, should walk behind
to the tomb, and explain in detail, 'if this man had done so
and so he would not have died.' Lunatic, after all that is
past, do you dare to speak to-day ?
In the same way too, with regard to the defeat, if you 244
glory, accursed creature, in that over which you ought to
moan, my hearers will find that k has fallen on Athens
in connection with nothing that was in my department. I
ask you to reason in the following way. Wherever you
sent me as your representative. I nev er to this day came away
de feated, in any particular, bv Philip^s ambassa dors — not
from Thessaly, not from Ambracia, not from the Illyrians, not
clear : the people would answer him, αύτον eXOi^v els τά ϊίνατα die^ioi προί
as I answer you now — ΐμβρόντητί, tovs oi/ceiovs a (τητηδίύσαί vyiijs av
(Ττα νυν Xiyeis ; Cp. §§ 194, 214. iyevero, and replies tliat Demosthenes
Aeschines anticipates the present prevented or frustrated all good ad-
passage (for such anticipations see vice. The death meant is of course the
Intr, II) in his own speech, c. Ct. § death of Hellenic freedom.
226 eVetra kn^parrav μ€, ws πννθάνομαι, ly. ανθρωιτοβ. Oina. Tea.as ανθρωπο5.
μέλλα, Ti's αν ('ίη toiovtos iarpos oaris 244. 20. ήτταν, Chaeronea.
τω νοσονντι μίτα^ύ μ\ν άσθ^νουνη 23. ούδαμου Λ.τ.λ. Cf. Aeschines, C.
μηδίν σνμβουλίύοι, ηλίυτησαντοί Se Ct. § 256.
i82 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§244-247.
e^ Ιλλυριών, ου πάρα των θρακών βασιλέων, ουκ e/c
Βυζαντίου, ουκ αλλοΘ^ν ούδαμόθ^ν, ου τα τ€λ€υταΐα
€Κ Θηβών, αλλ' ev oh κρατηββΐβν οί πρίσβζίζ αύτοΰ
245 τω λόγω, ταΰτα τοΪ9 οπλοι? βπιων κατ^στρίφ^το. ταΰτ
οΰν άπαίΤ€Ϊ9 τταρ €μοΰ, καΐ ουκ αίσχυνζΐ τον αύτον s
€L9 re μαλακίαν σκώπτων καΐ ttjs Φιλίππου δυνά-
μ€ω9 άξιων eva οντά κρύττω γζνύσθαι ; και ταΰτα
τοΓ? λόγοις ; τίνος γαρ άλλου κύριος ην ίγώ ; ου γαρ
της ye έκαστου ψνχης, ούδβ της τύχ^ης των παρατα-
ξαμίνων, ούδβ της στρατηγίας, ης βμ' άπαίΤ€Ϊς ζύθύνας' ίο
246 ούτω σκαιος €?. άλλα μην ων γ άν ό ρήτωρ υπ^ν-
θυνος €ΐη, πασαν ίξέτασιν λαμβάν€Τ€' ου παραιτούμαι,
τίνα οΰν €στι ταΰτα ; ίδβΐν τα πράγματα άργόμ^να
και προαισθέσθαι καΐ προ€ΐπ€Ϊν τοις άλλοις, ταΰτα
πίπρακταί μοι. και ίτι τας ίκασταγοΰ βραδυτψτας 15
οκνους αγνοίας ψιλονίΐκίας^ α πολιτικοί ταΐς πολ^σι
πρόσβστιν άπάσαις και αναγκαία αμαρτήματα^ ταΰθ'
ώς βίς €λά)(^ιστα συστβΐλαι, και τουναντίον e/y όμόνοιαν
και φιλίαν και τοΰ τα δέοντα ποΐ€Ϊν όρμην προτρύψαι.
και ταΰτα μοι πάντα πεποίηται^ καΐ ούδβις μή ποΘ' 2ο
247 €ΰρυ κατ €μ€ ούδϊν ίλλειψθύν. €l τοίνυν τις ίροιτο
όντινοΰν, τίσι τα πλβΐστα Φίλιππος ων κατ€πραξ€
διωκήσατο^ πάντες άν €Ϊποΐ€ν τω στρατοπύδω και τω
διδοναι και διαφθύρ^ιν τους €πί των πραγμάτων,
ούκοΰν των μεν δυνάμεων οΰτ€ κύριος ούθ* ήγεμων ^ν 25
εγώ, ώστε ού^ 6 λόγος των κατά ταΰτα πραγβέντων
προς εμε. και μην τω διαψθαρήναι \ρήμασιν η μ^
κεκράτηκα Φιλίππου' ώσπερ γαρ 6 ώνούμενος νενίκηκε
Ι. βαστλίων, i. e. Teres and Cerso- Ct. § 175) says that Demosthenes
bleptes. freely confessed to cowardice.
3. €v ols, quibus in locisy Dissen : 10. τηβ στρατηγίαβ . . €ύθυνα$.
but see on iv oU § 19. Aesch. c. Ct. § 146.
245. 6. μαλακίαν. Aeschines (c. 24Θ. 12. τΓασαν, § 7.
-fr
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 183
from the Thracian kings, not from Byzantium, nor from any-
other place whatsoever, nor, last of all, from Thebes: but
whatever points his ambassadors lost in diplomacy, these he
retrieved by armed invasion. Do you then require an ac-245
count of military operations from me ? Are you not a shamed
when you ridicule a man for his cowardice, and yet require
thaTt he same man should, smgle^nded, win a victory over
Philip'spower ? ay, and that I shou Id^achieye^jL-by words ?
For what else could I command ? Not the lives, at any rate,
of each soldier, nor the fortune of those who took the field
with us, nor the performance of the general's duties — though
of the last you require an account from me, so crass are you.
Of course you are free, my hearers, to examine me in any way 246
on points where an orator may be responsible. I do not depre-
cate that. What, then, are the duties of a public orator ? To
watch a situation in its growth and to make his timely obser-
vations known in time to the rest of his countrymen. These
duties, then, have been fulfilled by me. Still further, the ever )
active influences of tardiness, hesitancy, ignorance, and animosity I
— errors which are inherent in all free states, as states, and un- ,
avoidable, — he should confine to their most limited spheres ;
and, on the other hand, should impel his countrymen to unan-
imity and friendship and to a forwardness in the performance
of duty. All this also has been done by me, and no one will
ever find anything left undone in my province. Yet, further, 247
πί1: l yho rn n n r y n r γ η η p]ri"r by w hn f m rn n -, ?hi1ip_rirrird out
m ost of his successful measures, and you will find all to answer '^
that Jt- was. ^ his army and by his bribery and corruption of ^
lea ding men. Of our military forces, then, I was ^either lord
nor leader : so that the consideration of what was done in the
fiel ded oeq nnf affect m ei And, what is more, in the battle-
ground of corruption against incorruptibility I have gained a
victory over Philip ; for, just as the bidder has vanquished the
λαμ,βάν€τ€. Dind. has λάμβανβ. b λόγο5 • . irpos t\ie, § 44.
19. ΊτροτρΙψαι, sc. ras noXeis. κατά ταύτα, i.e. κατά τήν στρατη-
21. Dind, has τό before κατ' l/ze. yiav.
247. 26. ούδ', i.e. as I had not the 28. δ ώνουμ^νοβ, § 239.
power I have not the responsibility.
i84 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§247-249.
τον λαβόρτα, kav πρίηται, όντως δ μη λαβών καΙ δία-
φθαρύζ ν€νίκηκ€ τον ώνονμζνον. ωστ€ αήττητος ή
πόλις το κατ e/ie.
248 ^^Α μίν τοίννν ίγω παρ€σχ6μην e/y το δικαίως
τοιαύτα γράψζΐν τούτον πβρί €μον, προς πολλοίς ere- 5
ροις ταντα και παραπλήσια τούτοις ^στιν, ά ^ οι
πάντες υμβΐς, ταντ ήδη λίξω. μβτα γαρ την μαχ^ην
ζνθνς δ δήμος, ζίδως και έωρακως πάντα οσα €πρατ-
τον €γώ, kv αύτοΐς τοις δβινοΐς και φοββροΐς ^μβξ-
βηκώς, ήνίκ ούδ* άγνωμονήσαί τι θανμαστον ήν τους ίο
πολλούς προς e/xe, πρώτον μ\ν π€ρι σωτηρίας τής
πόλεως τας €μας γνώμας k^eipoTovei, και πάνβ οσα
της φυλακής eveKa €πράττ€το, ή διάταζις των ψνλά-
κων, αΐ τάφροι, τα e/y τα τζίχη χρήματα, δια των
€μων ψηφισμάτων kyiyv^TO' ίπ€ΐ& αίρονμ^νος σιτωνην rs
249 €/f πάντων e/xe €^ζΐροτ6νησ€ν δ δήμος, και μβτα
ταντα σνστάντων οΐς ήν βπιμβλίς κακώς kμ\ ποιβΐν,
και γραφας ζύθννας ^σαγγέλίας, πάντα ταντ kπa-
γόντων μοι, ον δι έαντών το ye πρώτον, άλλα δι ων
μάλισθ* ύπζλάμβανον άγνοήσβσθαι (ιστ€ γαρ δήπον 2ο
και μίμνησθζ οτι τονς πρώτονς \ρ6νονς κατά την
ήμβραν έκάστην €κριν6μην €γώ, και οντ άπονοια
Σ^ίίικλίονς οντ€ σνκοφαντία Φιλοκράτονς οντ€ Λιών-
δον και Μβλάντον μανία οντ αλλ' ονδβν άπβίρατον ήν
τούτοις κατ kμovj, kv τοίννν τούτοις πάσι μάλιστα 25
Ι . Before 8ίαψθαρ€ί$ Dind. has μφί τονί, which would point a little more
instead of και. The meaning would clearly to Ctesiphon.
be the same with either ; as the con- 9. ev . . ψοβ<ροΐ$. Referring to this
junctive kcU is often used where in time Demosthenes says, c. Aristog. §
English we should employ a disjunc- 1 1 . p. 803 t^s iroKews νπ^ρ αυτών των
tive particle. (δαψών els κίνδυνον μΐηιστον καταꀕ
2. άήττητθ5, ί. e. Ι was not ηττούν κλ€ΐμ4νηί.
των χρημάτων. ΙΟ. ήν = ^ΐ' &ν, cf. §§ 1 96, ^οδ.
248. 5• For τοΰτον Dind. has τον- 1 1, ιτρώτον μίν, § ι note.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 185
receiver of the price, if he make his purchase, in the same way ^
a man who has rejected the price and resisted corruption has /W" :^rv
vanquished the bidder. Thj is, looking only at me^j he state jr^^^^^^^,^J,^^,^,„^
hassufferedjaO-dfifeat. y^
The grounds, therefore, which I furnished to enable my 248 ~
cHent to make these propositions concerning me with justice, V \j
are, in addition to many others, these or similar to these;
but the other justifications which you, the nation, furnished, I
will now proceed to state. Immediately after the batde,
when the people had the evidence of their own eyes for all
I did, though they stood in the very heart of danger and terror,
at an hour when it would not have been wonderful that the
m.ultitude should have been a little inconsiderate to me, in the
first place they voted my resolutions for the salvation of the
city, and everything which was done in our self-defence, the
disposition of the guards, the digging of the trenches, the ex-
penditure on the walls,- took place in consequence of my
decrees ; and yet again, when they were appointing a special
corn-commissioner, they elected me out of the whole number.
And when, after this, those joined issue with me who were 249
concerned to do me a mischief, and when they launched
against me indictments, scrutinies, impeachments, and all these
weapons, not in their own person, at any rate at first, but in
the persons of those behind whom they conceived they would
most easily be concealed — for I ima^ ^ ymi know^ or re-
Tnpmj-if^r, that Hn^-jno• tViP e arlier periods I wa s put on trial
daily and all day long, and that neither the desperation of a
So sicles, nor the malign ity ot a Thilocrates, nor the ma.dness of
a Diondas or a Melantus, nor anyt hing else, was left untried
b y them against me — in all these dangers, chiefly by the kind-
15, σιτώνην, i, e. one of the extra- mon with such 'rounding phrases,'
ordinary officers appointed, in times both in Greek and Latin: cf. § 219
of scarcity {σιτοΖ^ΐαι), to take special note,
measures for the supply of com. 23. ^ωσΐκλ(ου$ . . Μβλά,ντου are
249. 1 7. συστάντων. It is hard to both unknown,
decide whether this means ' combining Φιλοκράτουβ of Eleusis, not the
with one another,' or 'joining issue Philocrates of § 17, etc., who was of
with me' (cf. § 18). Hagnus.
18. Ίτάνταταΰτα. Asyndeton is com- Διώνδου, § 22 2.
i86 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§249-252.
'Jjckv 8ιοί τού9 i*€Ovy, Sevrepou Se 8l νμα? καί tovs
aXXovs 'Αθηναίους ^σωζομην. δικαίως- τοντο yap
καΙ άληθί? €στι και ύπίρ των ομωμοκοτων καΐ yvov^
250 των rh, εΰορκα δικαστών, ονκονν kv μβν οΪ9 dσηy-
yζλ\6μηv, οτ άπξψηφίζξσθί μου καΐ το μύρο9 των s
ψήφων Tois δίώκονσιν ου μ€Τ€δίδοτ€, τοτ έψηψίζβσθβ
τα άριστα μ€ πράττειν kv oh δΐ τα9 ypa^as άπί-
(j>evyoVi έννομα καΐ ypa(f)€Lv και λεχβιν άπ^δακννμην
kv oh δβ τα9 evOvvas kπeσημaίveσθ€, δικαίως και
άδωροδοκήτως πάντα newpd\6ai μοι πpoσωμoλoyeΐτ€. ίο
τούτων ονν ούτως kγβvτωv τι προσήκον η τι δίκαιον
^ν τοις ύπ kμoϋ πeπρayμevoις θίσθαι τον Κτησιφώντα
όνομα, ούγ^ ο τον δημον έώρα τιθίμ^νον, ονχ ο τους
ομωμοκότας δικαστάς, ούχ ο την άλήθζίαν παρ^ πάσι
βφαιονσαν \ 1 5
251 Naiy φησίν, άλλα το τον Κβφάλον καλόν, το μηδβ-
μίαν ypaφηv φ€vy€ιv, και νη Δί' €νδαιμ6ν ye. άλλα
τί μάλλον ό πολλάκις μ\ν φυyωv μηδβπώποτβ δ' e^e-
λ€yχθeh άδικων kv kyκλήμaτι yίyvoιτ αν δια τοντο
δικαίως; καίτοι προς ye τοντον, άνδρας Αθηναίοι^ 2ο
καΐ το τον Κζφάλον καλόν βίπβΐν %στι μοι• ονδβμίαν
yap πώποτ kypayjraTO μ€ ονδ' €δίωξ€ ypaφήv, ώστ€
νπο σον ye ώμολόγημαι μηδίν elvai τον Κ€φάλον
χ€ίρων πολίτης.
262 navTa\6eev μ\ν τοινυν άν τις ΐδοι την άyvωμo- 25
σννην αντον και t^jv βασκανίαν^ ονχ^^κιστα δ' άφ'
2. τοΰτο, i. e. rb €μί σώζίσθαι. Ct. 59) of the λογισταί conceding the
3. άληθ€8 seems to be used in the accuracy of accounts ; hence the force
rare sense of ' demanded by the truth/ of the preposition is ' yoM further con-
' correct,' ' equitable,' much as verum ceded.' Cf. προσδ(ΐται §113.
sometimes = aequum in the Latin ii.ForirpoorfiKovDind.hasTrpoa^/ffv.
dramatists. 251. 16. Ναί *is fundamentally con-
250. 10. 'η-ροσωιιολογ£Ϊτ€. The nected with a negative idea . . in the
simple verb is used (as in Aesch. c. Orators, at any rate, it is never met
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, iS;
ness of the gods, but, under Providence, by your kindness and
that of the rest of the Athenians, I was ever delivered. And
rightly so : for that was both correct and to the honour of the
jurors who had sworn to obey the laws and had brought in
conscientious verdicts. Thus, where I was under impeach- 250
ment, when you voted my acquittal and did not grant my
prosecutors their minimum of the ballots, ynn \\]^n and there
v oted that I acted for the bes t ; in the same way, where I was
absolved on the indictments, it was demonstrated that my pro-
posals and speeches were constitutional; and where at the
audits you continued to sign and seal my accounts, you also
conceded that everything had been done by me with justice
and integrity. AUjthis b eing so, what name wa s it proper or
just th at Ctesiphon should apply to my conduc t? Was it not
the n ame which he saw applied ^^y tVip ppnpip ? Was it not
the name which he saw applied by the jurors on their oath ?
Was it not the name which he saw confirmed by the sense of
truth in the hearts of all ?
Ay, he tells us, but the experience of Cephalus was honour- 251
able, namely, that he was defendant to no indictment. Yes,
and Heaven knows that it was fortunate too. But why in ,
justice s hould one who has been acquitted many t imes, and ^ύ^^,^ν^,^ί^^^
never y et convicted of misdemeanour, lie under r eproach any
the more on t hat a ccount ? And, indeed, as far as Aeschines is
concerned, I also, men of Athens, may boast of the honour-
able experience of Cephalus ; for he never till this day laid, or
pleaded, any indictment against me, so that on his admission
at least I have been no whit a worse citizen than Cephalus.
Thus, while one may remark, in every act of his, his un-252
gentleness and malignity, yet they are most marked in the
with in a strictly affirmative significa- conceivably possible to take it sub-
tion.' (Shilleto, De Fals, Leg. App. stantively the first time also, the con-
C.) struction being like καίτοι καΙ τοΰτο
21. τότοΰΚδφάλουΛ.τ.λ. Cf. Aesch. § 123, but for (ΰδαιμόν ye.
c, Ct. § 194. For Cephalus, v. § 252. Aeschines, throughout his
219. speech, presses the point that Demo-
To . . καλόν, καλόν is predicative sthenes was unlucky himself and the
in the first instance, but in the second cause of ill-luck in others : compare
is used substantively. It would be c, Ct. ^ 11^ συμβίβηκΐν αύτω, 'ότου av
i88 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§252-255.
ων π€ρΙ τή? τν)(η9 δίζλί^θη. εγώ 5* ολω? /ili/, 6στΐ9
άνθρωπος ών άνθρώπω τν)(^ην προφίρβι^ άνοητον ηγού-
μαι' ην yap 6 βίλτιστα πράττβίν νομίζων καΐ άρίστην
€χ€ίν οι6μ€νο9 OVK olSev^ €ί μ€ν€Ϊ τοιαύτη μ^χρί τη9
έστΓβρα?, πως χρη πβρί ταύτης Xiyeiv ή πως όνβίδί- 5
ζ€ίν έτίρω ; ίπβίδη δ' οντος προς πολλοίς άλλοις καΐ
7Γ€ρΙ τούτων νπβρηφάνως χρηται τω λόγω, σκίψασβ^
ω άνδρας * Αθηναίοι καΐ θ€ωρήσατ€ οσω καΐ άληθύ-
στβρον καΐ άνθρωπινώτΕρον ίγω π€ρΙ της τύχης τούτον
253 διαλβχθήσομαι. eyo) την της πολζως τύχην άγαθην ίο
ήγονμαι, καΐ τανθ' ορώ καΐ τον Δία τον Δωδωναΐον
νμΐν μαντ€ν6μ€νον^ την μίντοι των πάντων ανθρώπων^
ή νυν €π€χ€ί^ χαλζπην και δβινήν' τις γαρ ^Ελλήνων
ή τις βαρβάρων ου πολλών κακών kv τώ παροντι
254 π^,πύραται ; το μ\ν τοίννν προξλβσθαι τα κάλλιστα 15
και το τών οίηθίντων ^ Ελλήνων ^ €i προοιντο ημάς^ kv
ευδαιμονία διάξβιν, αυτών άμ^ινον πράττ€ΐν της αγα-
θής τύχης τής π6λ€ως efvai τίθημι' το δβ προσκροϋσαι .
και μη πάνθ^ ως ήβουλόμβθ' ήμΐν συμβήναι τής τών
άλλων άνθρφπων τύχης το ίπιβ άλλον kef ήμας μ^ρος 2ο
255 μ€Τ€ΐληφ€ναι νβμίζω την πολιν. τ^ν δ' ιδίαν τύχην
την kμήv και την €νος ημών έκαστου kv τοΐς ιδίοις
€ξ€τάζ€ΐν δίκαιον elvac νομίζω, kγω μ\ν οντωσι π€ρι
τής τύχης άξιώ, ορθώς και δικαίως^ ως ζμαυτώ δοκώ^
νομίζω δ€ και ύμΐν' 6 δ\ την ιδίαν τύχην την kμήv 25
νροσάψηται avSpbs Ιδιώτου ή δννάστου in which reading the καί before rbv
fj πόλ.€ωί δημοκρατονμίνηί, τούτων I/fa- Αία means * both.'
OTovs aviaTois κακοΐί τκρφάΚλΐΐν, and 254. 17. Before αύτων Dind. has
again § 158. τούτων: but, for the emphatic position
7. ύτΓβρηφάνωβ • . τψ λόγφ, § 233. οί αυτών at the beginning of the clause,
253. 10. άγαθην. See the verses compare § 13 ad fin.
of Solon quoted in Fals Leg. pp. 42 1 , 1 8. to δί ιτροσκροΰσαι is not strictly
422. parallel in construction to the previous
1 2. After νμΐν (Dind. ήμΐν) the vul- τύ 7τρο(\(σθαι, which is the direct sub-
gate had καΐ τόν Άπό\λω τόν Ώύθιον, ject to the infinitive (Jvai, as § 58 το . .
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 189
language he employed about fortune. For my part, as a
general rule, I consider any human being who casts fortune
into the teeth of a fellow man, to be a fool — for as a thing of
which the best satisfied man, the man who thinks he possesses
it in its best form, cannot be sure that it will abide till evening
without change, how dare we speak of it or with it reproach
another ? Yet, since Aeschines speaks in tones of arrogance
on this, too, as well as many other subjects, I ask you, men of , .
Athens, to w atch and ^udge how much more co rrectly and ^^(Jox^
more naturally than m y opponent I shall treat th e question of
fortune. I consider the fortune of Athens to be good ; and 1 253
see that Zeus himself of Dodona proclaims this to you by
oracle. The fortune, however, of mankind as a whole, which
now prevails, I consider to be hard and terrible. For what
Hellene or what non-Hellene has not experienced many evils
in the present ? Thus, on the one hand, I reckon as part 254
of the good fortune of Athens the fact that she deliberately
chose the path of honour, and is now better off than the very
Hellenes who fancied that by sacrificing us they would be
secure in happiness : on the other hand, in so far as she met
with obstacles and everything did not fall out as we wished, I
consider she has but shared the common fortune of the world
in the proportion allotted to us. My private fortune, however, 255
and that of each one of us I think it right to examine in the
light of our private histories. For my part I hold to these
tenets concerning fortune — rightly and justly, as I myself
think, and I trust you do too. He, on the contrary, makes
KeXevcai is to κοινων^ΐν (being there 20. το Ιπιβάλλον . . μφοβ, § 272.
only reiterated by καΐ τοΰτό). But το 255. 24. άξιώ is used in the philo-
νροσκρουσαι \itr& hangs more loosely sophic sense, Ί postulate.' άζιω = Ι
on the construction : ' as far as con- think, is never used without a comple-
cerns our disasters, I think Athens has ment (Ιγώ μ\ν ουκ άξιω c. Lept. § 12.
shared the general ill-luck to the p. 460 is not an instance), and hence
allotted extent.' The preposition in in one MS. we find σννδοκην after
μ(τ(ΐληφ€ναι forbids the tempting ren- τνχηί, no doubt intended as the sup-
dering : ' her disasters I think Athens plement supposed to be wanting here,
has received as her fair share of the «μαυτω δοκώ, § 53 note,
world's ill-luck.' 25. νομίζω 5k και νμϊν, sc. δοκίΐν.
w
190 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ — §§255-258.
TTJ9 K0LVTJ9 τη9 ττόλβωί κυριωτβραν^ €%αί φησι^ την
μικράν και φανλην rfjs αγαθής καί /zeyaXiyy. καΐ •
ττώί m τοντο γβνίσθαι',
256 ΚαΙ μην €ί ye την βμην τν\ην πάντως €ξ€τάζ€ΐν
Αισχίνη wpoaipeij προς την σαυτοϋ σκόττβί, καν evprj^ 5
την ίμην βζλτίω της σή^, πανσαί λοίδορονμ€νο9 ciVTrj.
σκόπζΐ τοίνυν evBvs k^ «/^χί?. ^^α* fJ^ov irpos Alos
μηδζμίαν ψνχ^ρότητα καταγνω μη Sets . €γώ γαρ οντ
€L Tis πζνίαν προπηλακίζει, νουν <^X<^lv ηγούμαι, οντ
€1 TIS kv άφθονοι^ τραφζΐ9 βττί τούτω σεμνύνεται' ίο
άλλ' νπο τη9 τοντονι τον χαλεπον βλασφημίας και
σνκοφαντία? ει? τοιούτον? λόγονς εμπίπτειν αναγκά-
ζομαι, 019 εκ των ενόντων ω? άν δύνωμαι μετριώτατα
χρήσομαι,
257 ΈμοΙ μεν τοίννν νπηρξεν^ Αισγίνη^ παίδι τα προσ- ΐζ
ήκοντα διδασκαλεία, και εχειν δσα \ρη τον μηδέν
αισχρον ποιήσοντα δι' ενδειαν, εξελθόντι δε εκ παίδων
άκόλονθα τούτοι? πράττειν, χορηγ^ΐ^, τριηραρχεΐν,
εισφερειν, μη δε μια? φιλοτιμία? μήτε ιδία? μήτε δη-
μοσία? άπολείπεσθαι, άλλα και ttj πολει και τοΐ? 2ο
φίλοι? χρήσιμον είναι, επειδή δε προ? τα κοινά προσ-
ελθεΐν εδοξε μοι, τοιαντα πολιτεύματα ελεσθαι ώστε
και ύπο τή? πατρίδο? και νπ άλλων ^ Ελλήνων πολλών
πολλάκι? εστεφανώσθαι, καΙ μηδέ τον? εχθρού? νμά?,
ώ? αν καλά γ ήν Si προειλόμην, επιχειρεΐν λέγειν^ 25
258 εγω μεν δη τοιαύτη σνμβεβίωκα τύχτ], και πόλλ* άν
256. 4• travrfos, if taken with i^f- 257. On the following sections
Tahiti/, would = * in every way.' But it see Life.
is better taken with -npoaipii, 'abso- 15. After τταιδί Dind. has ^ίν οκτι
lutely resolved.' φοιταν ds, and these words seem neces-
8. ψνχρ6τητα might mean either sary to preserve the synmietry of the
' coldness of heart,* or ' silliness,' the construction.
latter being probably the sense in- 18. χορηγίΐν. The duties of the
tended here ; cf. povy (χαν. χορνΊ^^ were to collect, maintain, and
^
/r
5ci^<-^/jSr^^-.--^•
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 191
my personal fortune to be more dominant than the general
fortune of the state, the small and mean than the good and
grand. But how could this arrive ?
And now, AeSChineS, ginrf> ypn qr^ ahgnlnf^ly rpgnlvprl tO 256 Κ
examine my fortune, look at it in comparison wit h your own ;
and i f you find that mine is superior to yours cease to inveigh
a gainst it. Look at our fortunes, therefore, from the outset.
And, in the name of Heaven, let no one set me down as
frivolous. In my own heart I credit with sense neither those
who make a butt of poverty nor those who, because they have
been bred in affluence, plume themselves on that ; but I am
driven by the defamations and calumnies of my unfeeling
opponent to drop into discussions on such topics. These,
however, I will treat as modestly as I may under present pos-
sibilities.
In my case then, Aeschines, I had the advantage, as a child, 257 '
of suitable schools and of the possession of as much means
as one must have who is to do no degrading action through
destitution. When I passed from childhood it was my privi-
lege to act in accordance with my early life, to provide the
expense of choruses and of triremes, to contribute the war taxw
and to be backward in no honourable competition either social!
or national, but of service both to my country and my friendsJ
When I decided to apply myself to public affairs, I was enabled
to choose such courses of policy that I have frequently been
crowned both by my own state and by many of the other
Hellenes; and that not even you, my enemies, attempt to say
that the principles I adopted were not at any rate honourable.
Such then is the fortune which has attended me through my 258
pay a chorus, to provide a trainer, and volunteered the service for his tribe,
to furnish all the costumes. The Pandionis. His general habit of lavish
cost of doing this well might amount expenditure is attacked by Aeschines,
to nearly a talent. The reward was c. Ct. § 173.
social reputation, and a tripod — for 18. τριηραρχ€ΐν. See § 99, and note
the latter the χορηγοί in many cases on § 102.
had to pay himself. Demosthenes
192 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§258-260.
€χ^ων €Τ€ρ €ίπ€Ϊν wepl αντή9 παραλβίπω, φυΧαττομ^νο^
το Χνπησαί τίνα kv oh σεμνύνομαι, συ 8' ό σεμνννο-
μένος άνηρ καΐ Slcltttvcuv tovs άλλον? σκοπεί προ?
ταντην ποία τινί κεχρησαι τνχτ]^ 8ί rjv παΪ9 μεν ων
μετά πολλή? ένδεια? ετράψη?^ άμα τω πατρί προ? 5
τω διδασκαλείω προσεδρενων, το μελαν τριβών και τα
βάθρα σπογγίζων και το παιδαγωγεΐον κορών^ οίκετον
259 τάξιν, ουκ ελεύθερον παιδο?. εγων^ άνηρ δε γενόμενο?
TTJ μητρί τελονστ) τα? βιβλον? άνεγιγνωσκε? και τάλλα
σννεσκενωρον, την μεν ννκτα νεβριζων καΐ κράτη- το
ρίζων και καθαίρων τον? τελονμενον? και άπομάττων
τω πηλω και τοΐ? πιτνροι? και άνιστά? άπο τον κα-
θαρμον κελενων λέγειν * εφνγον κακόν, ενρον άμεινον*
επι τω μηδέν α πώποτε τηλικοντ όλολνξαι σεμνυνό-
260 μεν ο? (^καΐ εγωγε νομίζω' μη γαρ οιεσθ' αντον φθεγ- 15
γεσθαι μεν οντω μέγα, ολολνζειν δ' ονχ^ νπερλαμπρον)^
εν δε ταΐ? ήμεραι? τον? καλού? θιάσον? άγων δια των
όδων, τον? εστεφανωμενον? τω μαραθώ και Trj λενκτ}^
τον? οφει? τον? παρειά? θλίβωνκαι νπερ τή? κεφαλή?
αιώρων, και βοών ενοΐ σαβοΐ, και εποργονμενο? νη? 2ο
άττη? άττη? νη?, εζαργο? και προηγεμων και κιττο-
φόρο? καΐ λικνοφόρο? και τοιαντα νπο των γραδιων
προσαγορενόμενο?, μισθον λαμβάνων τούτων ενθρνπτα
και στρεπτον? και νεήλατα, εφ' οι? τι? ουκ αν ω?
258. 7• ΊΓαιδαγωγβιον may mean, be gathered from this passage. That
as the context would rather suggest, they had much to do with Dionysus
the ' school-room.' The naiSayayyos, is probable : κρατηρίζων Avould seem
however, was, at Athens, merely the to mean * passing round the mixing-
slave who attended boys to school. bowl,* and favm-skins (ν^βρίζων) were
Hence παιδα-γω•γ(ΐον would most lite- worn at the Dionysiac orgies. That
rally signify the room in which these they were of Phrygian origin is sug-
attendants waited for their young gested by evoi, and by Χαβοι, which is
masters. said to be a vocative of the name of a
259. Of the mysteries into which Phrygian deity, otherwise called Σα-
Aeschines' mother initiated her novices βάζιοί, and also by άττη5 (of which
little is known beyond that which can ΰψ is said to be a synonym) if the
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 193
life ; and, although I might find myself able to say much more
about it, I omit to do so, taking care not to offend any one
by my boasts. But I call upon you, the boaster, who void
your rheum upon the rest of the world, to enquire, in com-
parison with my fortune, what kind of fortune you have en-
joyed. A fortune thanks to which, as a child, you were bred
amid plentiful lack of means, sitting in company with your
father as an attendant at the school, grinding the ink and
sponging the benches and sweeping the schoolroom, per-
forming the office of a menial^liot of a freeborn child! A 259
fortune thanks to which, when you became a man, you read
the books to your mother during her initiations and helped
her in the rest of her mummeries ! By night you clothed the
novices in fawn-skins, and drenched them from the mixing-
bowl, and purified them and rubbed them down with clay and
bran, and, as you raised them up, after the purification, bade
them say, Ί have escaped the evil, I have found the better
way,' boasting that no one hitherto raised the sacrificial scream
so splendidly! And I well believe it: for let not my hearers 260
imagine that he can now utter such magnificent tones with-
out having been brilliantly able to raise the sacrificial scream.
Then, in the day time, you busied yourself with leading your
well-graced crew, crowned with jennel and white poplar,
through the streets, squeezing the puff-adders and elevating
them above your head, and shouting, ' Evoe saboe,' and danc-
ing to the cry, ' Hyes Attes Attes Hyes,' saluted, by the old
crones, as first-musician, master-of-ceremonies, ivy-wearer, fan-
bearer, and^ similar titles, receivingf. af^ p^nprdnn" fnr th^^p ser-
vices, s^psgjvi twists and fr^sh f^qt^£^^g| on the strength of
word has any connection with Attis. * fawn-skinned ' your novices.
But that they belonged to a disre- 260.15. μ,ή γάρ /τ.τ,λ., v. § 13 note.
putable superstition favoured by the φθ€γγ€σθαι. For Aeschines' voice
lowest orders is pretty clear from the cf. §§ 280, 291, 313.
tone of the whole passage. 21. κιττοφόροβ. Dind. (fromacor-
10. κρατηρίζων. Compare Fals. Leg. rection in 2) has /ft στο</)ό/)ο? = ' bearer
§§ 221-2. p. 403 TO μίν e£ α,ρχψ of the casket' containing the sacred
τάί βίβλονί άνα-^ιηνώσκοντά oe τ^ emblems.
μητρί τβλουστ?, «at τταίδα 'όντα Ιν θίασοι^ 24. νίήλατα, as described by Harpo-
καΐ μ^θύονσιν άνθρωποι^ κα\ινδούμ(νον cration, are a sort of plum-cake, but
K.T.\. κρατηρίζων and ν€βρίζων are the word would more naturally signify
only found here. Probably they are * fresh rolls.'
transitive : you ' punch-bowled ' and
194 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§260-264.
ά\ηθ^ αντον βνδαιμονίσβιβ καϊ την αντον τνχηρ ;
261 €π€ίδη S' els τού9 δημότα? ίνξγράψη^ οπωσδήποτε ^ ίώ
γαρ TOVTOy ίπειδή γ ίρβγράψη?, βύθίως το κάλλιστον
ζξζλίξω των ίργων, γραμματεύβιν και νπηρ€Τ€Ϊν τοΪ9
άρ)(ίδίοΐ9. ώ? δ* απηλλάγη? ποτ€ καϊ τούτον, πάνβ 5
α των άλλων κατηγορεί? αντο9 ποίησα?, ου καττ]-
σχννας μα Δι' ούδεν των προϋπηργμενων τω μετά
262 ταντα βιω^ άλλα μίσθωσα? αντον τοΐ? βαρνστόνοι?
βπικαλονμενοί? εκείνοι? νποκριταΐ?, Σιμνλω και Σω-
κράτει, ετριτ αγωνιστεί?, σνκα και βοτρν? και ελάα? ίο
σνλλεγων ωσπερ όπωρώνη? εκ των αλλότριων γωρίων,
πλείω λαμβάνων άπο τούτων η των αγώνων^ οΰ? νμεΐ?
περί τη? ψχ'χή? Ύ]γωνίζεσθε' ην γαρ άσπονδο? και
άκήρνκτο? νμΐν προ? τον? θεατά? πόλεμο?, νψ' ων
πολλά τραύματ είληφω? είκότω? τον? άπειρον? των 15
263 τοιούτων κινδύνων ω? δειλού? σκώπτει?. άλλα γαρ
πάρει? ων την πενίαν αίτιάσαιτ αν τι?, προ? αυτά τα
τον τρόπον σον βαδιονμαι κατηγορήματα, τοιαύτην
γαρ εΐλον πολιτειαν, επειδή ποτέ καϊ τοντ επήλθε
σοι ποιήσαι, δι ην εντνγονση? μεν τη? πατρίδο? λαγω 2ο
βίον εζη? δεδιω? και τρέμων και άει πληγήσεσθαι
προσδοκών εφ* οΐ? σαντω σννήδει? άδικονντι, εν οι? 5*
ήτύχ^ησαν οι άλλοι, θρασν? ων νφ' απάντων ωψαι.
264 καίτοι οστι? ^(ΐλίων πολιτών αποθανόντων εθάρρησε,
τί οΰτο? παθεΐν νπο των ζώντων δίκαιο? εστίν ; πολλά 25
τοίννν ετερ ειπείν εγων περί αντον παραλείψω' ον
2β1. 2. δπωσδήτΓΟτί, § 21. garden-produce, which he sold at a
€ΤΓ€ΐδή δ*. Dind. has Ιπβίδτ) δ* profit. Aeschines sold the fniit flung
o5i/. at him, and 'pocketed the affront.'
4. γραμμ.ατ€ν€ΐν. See on § 127. The vigour with which an Athenian
2β2. 8. αυτόν =» σαυτ<$ν, which is audience expressed its opinion of a
read by Dind. bad actor (and especially of Aeschi-
II. όιτωρώνηβ is a very rare word. nes) is pictured P'als. Leg. § 389. p.
It probably means one who bought up 449 f^efiaXKere αύτϋκ nal (ζ(σνρίττ€τ€
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ,
\vh\rh who rnnlri nnt" j ipartjl ^ congratulate himself and his
fortune ? And when at length you were enrolled among the 261
members of a deme, by means best known to yourself — forJ[ J'.<—
waive that — when, however, you were enrolled, you im medi- ~~
ately pick ed out the m os t honourable of occupations, t hat of
scri be and u nderling to the pet ty magistra tes. Then, when,
some time or other, you emerged from this state also, having
yourself done everything of which you accuse others, heaven f"-*^
knows that you disgraced none of your precedents by your
subsequent life ; but, having hired yourself out to those actors 262
who were surnamed ' Groaners,' Simylus and Socrates, you
played third to them, amassing figs and grapes and olives, like
a fruiterer supplied from other people's gardens, getting more
from these presents than from your dramatic contests, in which
you contended for your lives. For there was a war, broken
neither by truce nor parley, between you and the spectators,
from whom you received many wounds, and so naturally scoff
at those who are inexperienced in such perils as cowards.
However, ha ving dismissed those matters for w hich one might 263
hol d poverty responsible. I will proceed a^" '^"^^ ^^ my com-
p laints against yo ur character. You chose such a public life,
when at length it occurred to you to engage in this career also,
that, as its consequence, when, on the one hand, your country
enjoyed good fortune, you lived the life of a hare, fearful and
trembling and always expecting to be struck for the crimes
of which you knew yourself guilty ; while, on the other hand,
where the rest of the nation were unfortunate, you have shown
a bold face to the world. And yet, when a man was em- 264
boldened because a thousand of his fellow-countrymen had
been slain, what is he fit to suffer at the hands of the sur-
vivors? Although, therefore, I am able to say much more
Ik των θίάτρούν και μόνον ου κατ€• other things, require that ύμ€Ϊ$ should
λ€ΐ;€Τ€. ηοί refer to Aeschines, Symilus, and
12. After άιτό τούτων Dind. has Socrates, and that is impossible.
τραύματα. But 2 omits the substan- αγώνων. There is a suggestion of
tive, which probably crept into the two meanings of ά^ών, (i) contest,
other MSS. from the next sentence. (2) stage-play.
Its insertion is only justified by ela- 16. σκώΐΓΤ€ΐ5, v. on § 245.
borate explanations, which, among 263. 22. «v ols δ', § 323.
Ο 2
196 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §264-267.
^\ yap οσ αν 8€ίξαίμί προσοντ αίσχ^ρα τούτω καΐ ονείδη,
πάντ οΐμαί Setv βνχ^βρώ^ λίγειν, αλλ' οσα μηδβν
αίσχρόν kaTLv είπβΐν βμοί.
265 Έξίτασον τοίνυν παρ άλληλα τα σοι κάμοί βζ-
βιωμίνα^ πραω9, μη τηκρω^, ΑΙσγίνη' βίτ βρώτησον s
τοντονσΐ την ποτέρου τνχην αν ελοίθ' έκαστο? αυτών,
εδίδασκε? γράμματα, εγω ^ εψοίτων, ετελει?^ εγω δ*
ετελούμην. εγραμμάτευε?, εγω δ ηκκλησίαζον, ετρι-
ταγωνίστεί?, εγω δ' εθεώρουν. εξεπιπτε?, εγώ δ' εσύ-
pLTTOv. ύπερ των εχθρών πεπολίτευσαι πάντα, εγώ ίο
266 5' ύπερ τη9 πατρίδος, εώ τάλλα, άλλα νυνί τήμερον
εγώ μεν ύπερ του στεφανωβηναι δοκιμάζομαι, το δε
μηδ' ότίοΰν άδικεΐν άνωμολογημαι, σοΙ δε συκοψάντυ
μεν είναι δοκεΐν υπάρχει, κινδυνεύει? δε εΐτε δει σ
ετι τοΰτο ποιεΐν, εϊτ ήδη πεπαϋσθαι μη μεταλαβοντα ι$
το πέμπτον μερο9 των ψήφων, άγαθτ} γε, ούχ δρα? ;
τύχτ] συμβεβιωκώ? τή? εμή? κατηγορεί?.
267 Φέρε δη καΐ τα? των λειτουργιών μαρτυρία?, ων
λελειτούργηκα, ύμΐν άναγνώ' παρ α? παρανάγνωθι
και σύ μοι τα? ρήσει? α? ελυμαίνου^ 2θ
ήκω νεκρών κενθμώνα καΐ σκότου ττύλα?,
και
κακαγγελεΐν μεν ΐσθι μη θελοντά με,
και κακόν κακώ? σε μάλιστα μεν οι θεοί, έπειτα οΰτοι
Ι. &ν δ€ί|αιμι. For this modified Throughout this passage we must
future cf. § 190 note. read between the lines, in order to
265. 8. ίτβλούμην means, of course, understand its full meaning to Athe-
initiated in the Eleusinian mysteries nian ears. Demosthenes does not say
(in which almost every young Athe- he was a pupil where Aeschines was
nian was initiated), not in the Saba- teacher ; he was initiated in mysteries
zian mysteries of § 259. where Aeschines officiated, etc. : if he
Dind. here inserts Ιχόρ^υί^, Ι^ω had said this, the passage would be
δ' ίχο/)Τ77ουκ. Respectable citizens pure ψνχρότψ. In reality, and as his
were disinclined to allow their young liearers would understand him, he
sons to become χορ^υταί. meant : I was respectably bred, and
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ.
197
about him, I will pass it over : for I do not think that I must
lightly state all the disgraces and reproaches which I could
demonstrate to attach to my opponent, but only as much as it
is no disgrace to myself to mention.
Examine, therefore, side by side, the incidents of your Hfe265
an d mine, Aeschm es, calml y, not crucllj^ , and then ask our
hearers whose fortune each ot them would choose. You taught
let ters, and I went to schoo H You mifiated, and I was initi-
atecL___You were a clerk, and 1 was a member oPthe assembly.
You were third actor, and I was spectator. You broke down, '
and I hissed. You worked in all your public Hfe on behalf
of our enemies, and I on behalf of our country. I waive the
rest ; but to-day, at this moment, while I am on my trial 266
about the receipt of a crown, and have been allowed to be
guilty of no crime whatever, you start with the reputation of a
traducer, and what has to be decided about you is, whether
you are to continue this conduct, or to be checked at once
by having failed to receive the fifth part of the votes. Do
you not see, then, it is after you have been attended in life
by a very good fortune yourself, that you accuse mine ?
Come, now, let me read to my hearers the depositions also 267
concerning the public benevolences which I have performed.
In contrast to these do you in your turn recite for me the
speeches in the plays which you used to mangle,
' I have come from the chamber of the dead and the gates of darkness.'
Or,
' Know that I do not bear evil tidings willingly.'
And by an evil doom, for evil done, may you perish at the
hands, if it please them, of the gods — at any rate at the hands
led a respectable life; you were a luckier?
pauper and driven to discreditable 266. i6. ττίμιττον is omitted by
occupations. You were drudge at a Dind. conjecturally.
low dominie's; I went to a high ονχ opds ; ironical, as § 232.
class school: you helped to encourage 17. After «μ,ήβ Dind. has ws φαύληε.
degraded superstitions; I was ad- 267. 21. ήκω /τ.τ.λ. is the first line
mitted to the great Eleusinian mys- of the Hecuba, spoken by the ghost
teries: I saved my tribe the expense, (§ 180) of Polydorus. λινών is to be
and won them the honour, of the pro- understood from the following line,
duction of a tragedy ; you were a which would be familiar to every
χορ^ντήί, a class often disreputable, Athenian,
etc. — which of us has been the
^^ ^s 3> ^
Φ^-
igS ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§267-271.
πάντ€9 άπολίσζίαν, πονηρον οντά και πολίτην καΐ
τρίταγωνιστήν.
/Ι eye τα^ μαρτυρίας.
ΜΑΡΤΥΡΙΑ Ι.
268 'Ey μ^ν τοίνυν τοΪ9 ττρδί την πάλιν toiovtos' €v 5
8e τοΪ9 iSioi9 ei μη πάντ€9 Χστ^ οτι κοινοί και φιλάν-
θρωποι και Tois δ€ομ€νοΐ9 ίπαρκών^ σιωπώ και ovSev
άν €ΐποιμι ονδβ παρασ^οίμην π€ρι τούτων ονδβμίαν
μαρτνρίαν^ οντ"* d Tivas e/c των πολεμίων ίλνσάμην, , —
οντ €1 τισι θυγατέρα? σνν€ξ€δωκα, οντ€ των τοιούτων ίο
269 ονδίν. και γαρ οντω πως ύπ^ιληφα. eyo) νομίζω τον
μ€ν €u παθόντα δ€Ϊν μ^μνησθαι πάντα τον γ^ρόνον, τον
δ€ ποιήσαντα βύθνς ίπιλβλήσθαι, ei δ€Ϊ τον μ^ν χρη-
στού τον δ€ μη μικρόψυχου ποΐ€Ϊν ipyov ανθρώπου,
το δ€ τα9 ιδίας €ν€ργ€σία9 νπομιμνήσκ€ΐν και λέγειν ι$
μικρόν δεΐν ομοιον ίστι τω 6ν€ΐδίζ€ΐν. ου δη ποιήσω
τοιούτον ονδίν, ονδβ προαχθήσομαι, αλλ* όπως 1γο&
νπείλημμαι πβρι τούτων, αρκεί μοι.
270 Βούλομαι δ\ των ιδίων απαλλαγείς ετι μικρά προ?
νμα9 ειπείν περί των κοινών. ει μεν γαρ εχει?^ 2ο
Αισχίνη, τών ύπο τούτον τον ήλιον ειπείν ανθρώπων
όστις αθώος της Φιλίππου πρότερον και νυν της
'Αλεξάνδρου δυναστείας γεγονεν, ή τών ^ Ελλήνων ή
τών βαρβάρων, έστω, συγχωρώ σοι την ε μην εΐτε
τύχην είτε δυστυχίαν ονομάζειν βούλει πάντων αίτίαν 25
271 γεγενησθαι. ει δε καΐ τών μηδεπώποτ ιδοντων εμε
μηδέ ψωνην άκηκοοτων εμοϋ πολλοί πολλά κα\ δείνα
πεπόνθασι, μη μόνον κατ άνδρα άλλα και πόλεις
δλαι και έθνη, πόσω δικαιότερον και άληθεστερον την
απάντων, ως εοικεν, ανθρώπων τύχην κοινήν και 30
270. 24. 2στω = 'have your way/ τήν ^μ,ήν eixe κ.τ,λ. § 2θ.
§ 277• 271. 3θ• '^ΧΨ is placed before
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 199
of all my hearers, because you are villainous both as a citizen
and as an actor of third parts !
Read the depositions.
DEPOSITIONS.
Tn m y rplotinnn tr> ^ ]^^ ^tof^^ then, such has bccu my cha- 268
jract|r. In my private history^it you do not all know that
I have been liberal and benevolent and helpful to the needy,
I hold my peace, and I would say nothing nor produce any
testimony on these subjects, neither to show that I ransomed 1 ^
certain prisoners from the enemy.^ft^ heTpeg^ Xui lain m en tO/)?'' — ^—
portion their daughters, nor will 1 mention any other such act.
For i Tiiave formed an opinion somewhat of this s ort. I con- 269
sider that the man who has rece ived favours ought to re-
mem ber them f or ever, but the man who has conferred them
ought to forget them at once, if the former must act as an
honourable the latter as a magnanimous man; and that
jogging the memory or talking about private benefactions
is as much as to cast a reproach. I therefore will do no such
thing, nor will I be enticed to do so : I rest contented with
the opinion I have won in these respects.
But I wish, now that I have escaped from personalities, to 270 ""
say a little more to you on public topics. If you are able,
Aeschines, to name any person, of all the men that Hve be-
neath this sun, who has been untouched by the predominance
formerly Philip's and now Alexander's, either among Hellenes
or non- Hellenes, well and good : I concede to you that my
fortune or misfortune, whichever you may choose to term it,
has been to blame for everything. If, however, many even of 271
those who never yet saw me or even heard a sound from my
lips have suffered many grievous injuries, not individuals only
but also whole states and nationalities, how much juster and
more correct is it to assume that what is the common fortune
of all, apparently, of mankind, or rather that a certain hard
κοινην in accordance with the same being accompanied by the comple-,
idiom which is noted § 71, κοινην ment άττάντων ojs eoinev ανθρώπων.
v>;>
Λ/ννγ^
200 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§271-275.
φοράν TLva πραγμάτων γαΧ^πην καΙ ονχ ο'ιαν iSeL
272 τούτων αίτίαν ηγύσθαι ; σ^ τοίνυν ταϋτ άψβΐς e/xe
τον πάρα τοντοισΐ π€πολίΤ€νμ€νον αίτια, καΐ ταντ
€ίδωί δτί, καΙ d μη το όλον, μ€ρο9 γ €πίβάλλ€ί της
βλασφημία? άπασι, καΐ μάλιστα σοι, el μ\ν yap 5
€γώ κατ βμαντον αυτοκράτωρ π€ρι των πραγμάτων
€βουλ€ν6μην, ην αν τοΐ? άλλοις ρήτορσιν νμΐν ίμβ
273 αίτιασθαΐ' ei 8e παρήτ€ μ\ν kv ταΪ9 ζκλλησίαι?
άπάσαις, aei δ' kv κοινω το σνμφίρον ή πόλις πρού-
τίθ€ΐ σκοπ€Ϊν, πάσι 8e ταντ kSoKei τότ άριστ βΐναι, ίο
και μάλιστα σοι (ου γαρ kπ evvota γ' kμol παρβγωρπς
kλπίδωv και ζήλου και τιμών ^ α πάντα προσην τοΐ?
τ6τ€ πραττομ€νοΐ9 υπ 4μοΰ^ άλλα της αληθείας ήττώ-
μζνοί δηλονότι και τω μηδίν 'k^jeiv €ίπ€Ϊν βίλτιον^,
πώς ουκ άδικ€ΐς και δ^ινά ποΐ€Ϊς τούτοις νυν ky καλών , 15
274 ων ΤΟΤ ουκ €Γ;(€9 Aeyeii/ βελτίω ; παρά μ\ν τοίνυν
τοις άλλοις €γωγ' ορώ πάσιν άνθρώποις διωρισμβνα
και τβταγμίνα πως τα τοιαύτα. άδικ€Ϊ τις εκών ;
όργην και τιμωρίαν κατά τούτου, kξήμapτi τις άκων ;
συγγνώμη ν άντι της τιμωρίας τούτω, οΰτ αδικών 2ο
τις ούτ k^aμapτάvωv, €ΐς τα πάσι δοκοΰντα συμφίρβιν
4αυτον δούς ου κατώρθωσζ μ€θ' απάντων ; ουκ ovei-
δίζζΐν ούδ€ λοιδορ€Ϊσθαι τοιούτω δίκαιον, άλλα σννά-
275 \θ€σθαι. φανήσβται ταϋτα πάντα ούτως ου μόνον
τοις νομίμοις, άλλα και ή φύσις αύτη τοις άγράφοις 25
νόμοις και τοις άνθρωπίνοις ήθβσι διώρικ€ν. Αισχίνης
— — — *—-
1. φοράν might possibly mean im- 6. After αυτοκράτωρ Dind. has ων.
petUs (Dissen), 'a tide of events,' 274. i6. τταρά μίν τοίνυν rots άλ-
somewhat like σκηντό^ § 194; but Xots. The antithesis is resumed, a
more probably is used here in the little itregularly, in Αίσχινψ τοίνυν.
same sense as §6i, 'a crop, or harvest, ι8^ dSiKct κ.τ.Κ. Dissen refers to
of troubles.' ^ Aristot. Rhet. i. c. 13, where αδικήματα,
272. 4. μ€ρο$ γ' cmpaXXci, § αμαρτήματα, and ατυχήματα are dis-
254• tinguished.
ΐς|,^ν>ΐν^-5
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 2θΐ
and unlooked-for plague of troubles, has caused these miseries ?
Wilfully blind, then, to this, you lay the guilt on me, the 272
mere public servant of my countrymen now present, and that
although you know that a part at any rate, if not the whole
of the libel, falls on all, and especially on you. H ad I inde ed |
formed ^ my plans on my own autho rity and with plenary
pow ers, you, the other pu blic men, might have accused m e;'
but since, as a f act, you were present a jL-all the assemblies, 273
an d the state always propounded in pu blic the examination of
her interesjSj__ and since my measu res at the time seeme d best
to all, and, above all, to you — for it was not on grounds of
benevolence, at any rate, that you retired in my favour from
your hopes both of distinction and of honours, all of which
attached to the measures then taken by me, but obviously
because you were worsted by the truth and because you were
able to propose nothing better — are you not unjust, and do
you not act shamefully, in now complaining of measures which
you could not better before ? In the hearts, then, of the rest 274
of mankind I see that the following maxims are, as it were,
defined and ordained. Does a man do wrong voluntarily ? I
see anger and punishment ordained against him. Has he
erred involuntarily ? I see indulgence, instead of punishment,
assigned to him. Has a man, guilty neither of cri me nor
blunder, after devoting himself to the measures which seemed
to ^aire xpedient, iaiied, m comp any with all h is_countrymen, .
to si^irrppH ? Tt is not just to reproach or inveig h against
suc h a man, but to share his vex ation. Not only will all 275
this be found so defined in our institutions, b ut nature h erself /jI/JJ^JmL• a
also has drawn the same distincti o ns in her unwritte n laws, ν
that is to say, in human d ispositions. Aeschines, then, has so
19. όργήν κ.τ.λ. Sc. ητα^μίνψ vo/xots just before. The transposition
ορω. is due to Reiske, but s^^ems worse than
22. ού must be taken closely with capricious, 'i-ot voy'Vf-. ^-T, Ar>&^»cC J^li,
κατώρθωσβ. 20, ήθ€σι. See on § 114. Dind.
275. 25. άγράψοι$ νόμοΐ5. Compare prefers 'ieeci : but if we read (as prob-
Soph. Antig. 454 aypanra νόμιμα. So ably we should) ού μόνον τοΪ5 νόμοΐί
the MSS, here have ά'γράφοΐ5 νομί- ..ά-γράψοίί νομίμοΐί, then ijOeai will
μοΐ5, and the best of them have rois give the better contrast to νόμοΐ3.
/
202 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§275-278.
τοίννν τοσούτον νπ€ρβ€βληκ€ν άπαντα^ άνθρώπονζ
ώμότητί καΐ συκοφαντία, ωστ€ καΐ ων αύτος ώ? άτν-
γτ}μάτων βμύμνητο^ καΐ ταντ €μον κατηγορ€Ϊ, — —
276 ΚαΙ προς τοΐς άλλοις^ ωσπ^ρ αύτος άπλώ? καΙ
μ€τ εννοίας πάντα? ίίρηκως τους λόγους, ψυλάττβιν s
€μ€ καΐ τηρ€Ϊν ίκίλβυβν, δπως μη :πάρόίκροΰσδμο^
μηδ ίξαπατήσω, Seivov καΙ γοητα καΐ σοφιστην καΐ
τα τοίαϋτ ονομάζων^ ως kav πρότερος τις €ίπτ] τα
προσόνθ^ έαυτω πβρί άλλου, καΐ δη ταϋθ\ ούτως
eypvTa, καΐ ούκίτί τους άκούοντας σκβψομίνους τις ίο
ποτ αυτός βστίν δ ταΰτα λίγων. ίγω δ'• οίδ' otl
γίγνώσκ€Τ€ τούτον άπαντ€ς, καΐ πολύ τούτω μάλλον
277 ή €μοΙ νομίζ€Τ€ ταΰτα προσύναι. κάκβΐνο βΰ οίδ*,
OTL την €μην δεινότητα — €στω γάρ. καίτοι ίγωγ*
δρω της των λβγόντων δυνάμεως τους άκούοντας το 15
πλύστον κυρίους' ως γαρ αν ύμύς άποδύξησθζ καΐ
προς €καστον €χ^ητ εύνοιας, οΰτως δ λβγων βδοξβ φρο-
v€Lv. €L δ οΰν ίστί και παρ €μοί τις ίμπ^ιρία
τοιαύτη, ταύτην μίν €ύρήσ€Τ€ πάντ€ς kv τοις κοινοΐς
(.ζ^ταζομίνην ύπβρ υμών ael και ούδαμοΰ^ καθ' υμών 2ο
ούδ ιδία, την δε τούτου τουναντίον ου μόνον τω λύγειν
ύπ\ρ τών εγθρών, άλλα καΐ ei τις ελύπησί τι τούτον
ή προσέκρουσε που, κατά τούτων. ου γαρ αύττ} δι-
278 καίως, ούδ' εφ' α συμφέρει τη πόλει, γ^ρηται. οΰτε
γαρ τ^ν όργην ούτε την εγβραν οϋτ άλλο ούδεν τών 25
τοιούτων τον καλ})ν κάγαθον πολίτην δει τους ύπερ
τών κοινών είσεληλυθότας δικαστάς άξιοΰν αύτώ
27β. 4• Aeschines constantly warns 9• '*°•^ ^ή is constantly used Avith the
his audience against Demosthenes' perfect passive especially in supposi-
rhetorical skill, as c. Ct. § 16 and § 207 tion. An instance of the same use
(where he calls him ^όητα καΧ βαλαν- with the present (as here) is found in
τιοτόμον). Aristoph. Vesp. 1225, where Bdely-
8. (Ls with accusative absolute, cf. cleon says, * You must suppose me to
§ 12a note. be Cleon,' κα\ l•^ yap (Ιμ' «γώ Κλίων.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 203
far overshot all mankind in savagery and sycophancy that he
accuses me even of things which he himself characterized as
reverses of fortune.
In addition to everything else, as though he himself had 276
delivered all his speeches with simplicity and loyalty, he bade
you be on your guard against me and watch that I do not
throw you off the scent or delude you, calling me rhetorician
and jncr yler and f allarin^i s reasoner andnOie like — as though,
should a man take the start and state the charges which apply
to "Bimself about another, we must suppose that these are
ac tually true, and as thouo^h his hearers will not ^o on to
enqui re who the speaker is himself Now I know that you
all pass an opinion on my opponent, and that you consider
these charges to attach far more to him than to me. And 277
I am perfectly well aware of another thing, namely, that my
rhetorical skill — for I will let him call it so. And yet I ob-
serve that i t_is the audience which fo rjhe most part regulates /jj '^^
the powe r ori)ubiicspeakers : for each spea ker gets a repu- *'
tation for sense only in the measure in which you may welcome
him an J ieel good will to him. Be that as it maT. if there
resides any acquired skill of this sort in me also, you will all
find that mine has been uniformly exhibited in public questions
on your behalf, and on no occasion to your injury or for my
private ends; while that of my opponent, on the contrary,
has been employed in speaking, not only on behalf of your
enemies, but also, if any one has offended him in anything or
has anywhere come into collision with him, to the injury of
such persons. For he does n ot use his skill justly n or to
fu rther what is expedi ent for the state. The honourable 278
citizen ought not to expect jurors, who have taken their places
in court for national ends, to give effect to his private resentment
or hatred or any other such thing, nor should he appear
277. 14. «στω (cf. § 270) = ! will στ^, δίακ6τττ€ται.
admit the term (deivos) for argument's 22, «t ns «λύττησί τι, § 307.
sake. €Ϊ Tis . . κατά τούτων. Cf. § 99 καν
1 6. as . . ουτωβ limitative, cf. § 2 note. δτιουν ris . . τούτων . . avTovs.
Compare for the sense Fals. Leg. § 278. 24. οΰτ6 γάρ «.τ.λ. An ellipse
392. p. 450 ai μίν τοίννν άλλαι δννάμίΐί is here to be supplied. ' Vei he ought
kmciKuis (ΊσΙν avrapKeii, ή δέ TovKeyeiv, to have done so, for, etc' Cf. § 13 ou
av TO, nap' νμων των άκονόντων άντι- yap note.
204 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§278-282.
βφαιοϋν, ovS' vw€p τούτων eh νμά? βίσιίι/αί, άλλα
μάλιστα μ€ν μη ^γβΐν ταντ kv ττ} φνσ€ί, el δ' dp
ανάγκη, πράω9 καΙ μeτpLω^ δίακ€ίμ€ν ey^eiv. ev τίσιν
ουν σφοδρον elvai τον πoλίτev6μevov καΐ τον βήτορα
δeΐ; ev oh των όλων τι κίνδυν€ν€ταί ττ\ ττολβί, καΐ ev 5
oh προ9 T0V9 evavTLovs ίστί τω δήμω^ ev tovtols'
279 ταντα γαρ γevvaίoυ καΙ άγαβοϋ πολίτου, μηδevo9
5e αδικήματα? πώποτ€ δημοσίου, προσθήσω 5e μηδ'
ίδιου, δίκην άξίώσαντα λaβeΐv παρ' e/xou μήθ' ύπ^ρ
τήζ π6λeωs μήθ' ύπ€ρ αύτοΰ, στ€φάνου καΐ επαίνου ίο
κατηγορίαν rjKeiv συveσκeυaσμevov, και τοσουτουσΐ
λόγου? άνηλωκύναί ίδια? e^Bpas καΐ φθόνου και μικρο-
ψυ)(^ία9 eστl σημeΐov, oύδevo9 χρηστού, το 5e δη καΐ
του? προ? eμe αύτον άγωνα? έάσαντα νυν €πΙ τόνδ'
28θήκ€ίν καΐ πάσαν e^ei κακίαν. και μοι δoκeh e/c 15
τούτων, Αισχίνη, λόγων eπίδeLζίv τίνα καΐ φωνασκία?
βoυλόμevo? ποίήσασθαί τούτον πpoeλeσθaL τον αγώνα,
ουκ άδίκήματο? oύδevo? λαβ€Ϊν τιμωρίαν. ίστί δ' ούχ
6 λόγο? του ρήτορο? Αισχίνη τίμων, ούδ* 6 τόνο? τη?
φωνή?, άλλα το ταύτα πpoaίpeΐσθaί τοΐ? πoλλoh καΐ ίο
το του? αυτού? μLσeΐv καΙ φLλeΐv oΰσπep αν η πατρί?.
281 ό γαρ ούτω? ίχων την ψυχή ν, οΰτο? eπ eύvoίa πάντ
epel• 6 δ' άφ' ων ή πόλί? προοράταί τίνα κίνδυνον
έαυττ}, τούτου? θepaπeύωv ούκ ίπΐ τη? αύτη? όρμ€Ϊ
Toh πoλλoh, ούκουν ούδ^ τή? άσφaλeίa? την αύτην 25
excL προσδοκίαν. άλλ\. δρα? ; eγώ' ταύτα γαρ σνμ-
φ€ρονθ' eίλόμηv τουτοισί, καΐ ούδΐν e^aipeTOv ούδ''
282 ϊδίον π€ποίημαί. άρ οΰν ούδΐ σύ ; καΐ πω? ; δ? eύ-
5- των δλων, § 28. chosen for his voice, but a minister
280. 1 6. λόγων €m8ci|iv, § 226. must be chosen for his patriotism.
ψωνασκίαβ. Cf. § 291, and Fals. 19. tovos. Compare Aeschin. c. Ct.
L^g. §§ 388, 389, 390. p. 449, where § 209 ire/Jt δ( των δακρύων καΐ του τύνον
Demosthenes says a herald may be t^s ψωνψ, όταν νμά^ Ιτηρωτ^ 'ποΐ
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 205
before you for these purposes ; but, best of all, he ought not
to have these feelings in his disposition, or, if as a matter of
fact they are inevitable, he ought to have them gently and
moderately regulated. In what cases then ought the statesman
and orator to be vehement ? In cases where any of the main
interests of the state are imperilled or where the people are at
issue with their adversaries ; for those are the cases which call
for the generous and good citizen. But ^io__have_thought fit279
to get satisfaction from me for no national and, I will add,
no per 5uTTar~misdemeanour ever yet committed, neither for
the ben efit of the state n or for his own benefit, and to have
co me prepared wit h an arrnsatinn l aid against the g rant of a
crown an d a vote of thanks, and to have expende d so many
words a s you have listened ^^ ,is nn I'ndi^^t^r»^ r^Fpriv;^fA hatred
and jealousy and little-mindedness, but of noth ing good. And
then, also, after avoiding the proper contests with me in my
own person, now to have come forward to attack my client,
is an act containing an epitome of Avickedness. Indeed, by 280
these acts you se em to me, Aeschines, to have cho sen this ^^^ aiuf
tri al with a wish to rnake a gnrf nf pvhihition nf rh^torir and ' ί
voice-cult ivation, not to secure the punishment of any crime.
But it is not the verbal fluency of the orator, Aeschines, nor
the stretch of his voice, that is valuable, but that he should
choose the same ends as the bulk of his countrymen, and
should hate and love the same persons as his country. For 281
the man who has his soul thus ordered will say everything
with loyal intentions ; but the man who courts those persons
from whom the city anticipates danger to herself, does not
ride at the same anchor with the multitude, and consequendy
has not similar expectations of safety. But, mark you, I have ;
for I adopted the same interests as my hearers, and have done
no isolated or individual act. Can you say you have not,
either ? Nay, how can this be true of you, who immediately 282
φύ'γω;'' κ. τ. λ. το άστυ ονκ oIkus, ώ? SoKeis, kv Tlei-
21. ουστΓ€ρ αν, §§ 197? 291. ραΐίΐ, άλλ' €^ορμ(Ϊ9 €Κ τψ ττόλβω?,
281. 24• ίττί τή8 αύτήβ, sc. ayKvpas. ίφυδια δ( πίπόρισαι rfi σαντοΰ άνανδρία
όρμ.€Ϊ. Compare Aeschin. c. Ct. το βασιλικόν χρυσίον και τά δημόσια
§ 209 ά μ(^ν yap vnep atavTov βφού- δωροδοκη ματα.
λίυσαι, anavres όρώμ^ν, (κλιττων μίν 20. «γώ, sc. €χω.
2o6 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§ 282-285.
β^ω^ μ€τα rrju μάχηι/ πρβσββντης enopevov προ9
Φίλιπποι, 09 ην των kv eKeivoi? τοΪ9 y^povoLS συμφορών
αϊτί09 TTJ πατρίδι, καΐ ταΰτ άρνονμ€νο9 πάντα τον
€μπροσθ€ \p6vov ταντην την \peiav, ώ? πάντ€9 ϊσα-
σιν. καίτοι τ is 6 την πόλιν ίξαπατων ; ον\ ό μη s
λύγων α φρονεί ; τω δ' ό κηρνξ καταράται δικαίω? ;
ου τω τοίούτω ; τι δβ μύζον ίγοι tls civ elneiv αδίκημα
κατ άνδρο? ρήτορος η el μη ταύτα φρονβΐ καΐ Xeyet ;
283 συ τοίνυν ουτο9 βύρίθη?. βΐτα συ φθίγγη καΐ βλί-
πβίν €ί9 τα τούτων πρόσωπα τολμα9 ; πότβρ οζ))( ήγ€Ϊ ίο
γίγνώσκ€ίν αυτούς οστι? €?; ή τοσούτον ΰπνον καΐ
λήθην άπαντα? '^X^f-v, ωστ ού μ^μνησθαι τους λόγου?
ου? ύδημηγόρβί? kv τω πολίμω, καταρώμζνο? και δίο-
μνύμβνο? μηδ\ν elvaL σοι καΙ Φίλίππω πράγμα, αλλ'
ύμ€ την αΐτίαν σοι ταύτην kπάγ€Lv τη? ιδία? ev€K 15
284 €χ6ρα9, ούκ ούσαν αληθή ; ώ? δ* άπηγγβλβη τάχισθ'
ή μά)(7], ούδ€ν τούτων φρόντισα? ζύθίω? ώμολόγ€ί? και
προσ€ποιοΰ φιλίαν και ζβνίαν βΐναί σοι προ? αυτόν,
τη μισθαρνία ταντα μετατιθέμενο? τα ονόματα' kK
ποία? γαρ ϊση? ή δικαία? προφάσεω? Αίσγίντί τω ίο
Γλαυκοθεα? τη? τυμπανιστρία? ξένο? η φίλο? η γνώ-
ριμο? ην Φίλιππο? ; kγω μεν ούχ^ ορώ, αλλ kμισθώθη?
kπι τω τα τόυτωνί συμφέροντα διαφθείρειν. αλλ'
ομω? ούτω φανερώ? αύτο? ειλημμενο? προδότη? και
κατά σαυτον μηνυτή? επΙ τοΐ? συμβάσι γεγονώ? εμοι 25
λοιδορεί και ονειδίζει? ταύτα, ων πάντα? μάλλον αι-
τίου? εύρήσει?.
285 Πολλά και καλά και μεγάλα ή πόλι?, Αισχ^ίνη,
282. 6. καταράται (sc. καθ' |«ά- 283. 12. ώστ' ού μ<μ,νήσ0αι. See
στην €κκ\ησίαν, which is found in Shilleto, Fals. Leg. Appendix B, where
some MSS.), cf. § 1 30. he shows that ware takes ού with the
9. ovTOs(cf. §173) = TOioCroy, which infinitive only (i) where Mi 7Ugative
some MSS. read here. belongs to a single word, (2) in oratio
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 207
after the battle travelled as ambassador to Philip, the cause of
the calamities of those times to our state, and that although,
during all the previous period, you refused the place of am-
bassador, as everybody knows? Here let me ask who it is
that deludes the state ? Is it not the man who does not say
what he feels ? And whom does the herald rightly execrate ?
Is it not the man of that character ? And what greater crime
could anyone allege against an orator than that his sentiments
and his words are not identical? You, therefore, were found 283
to bear that character. After what is past, do you make your-
self heard, and do you dare to look on the faces of your,
countrymen ? Can it be that you fancy they do not recognise
what kind of man you are, or imagine that so deep a sleep
and oblivion possesses all, that they do not remember the
words which you uttered in the assembly during the war, im-
precating yourself and declaring on oath that there were no
dealings between you and Philip, and that I levelled this charge
against you on account of my private hostility, ,the charge not
being true ? But, as soon as the tidings of the batde came, 284
recking nothing of these former statements, you at once ad-
mitted, or rather pretended, that terms of friendship and guest-
friendship existed between you and him, by these titles glossing
your hireling service. F or on what equitable or rio^hteo us f^uT it^*^^^^^
pretence was Philip guesffi-iend, or friend, or even acqu aint-
anpp jjf AfSf'b^'"^''; ^hp c^rtn of Glaurothea. the tflmhnnrine
player^ For my part I see none : the truth is, you had been
hired to ruin the interests of these my countrymen. Yet,
nevertheless, although you yourself have been so manifestly
detected as a traitor, and, lured by the course of events, have
turned evidence against yourself, you dare to rail against me,
and taunt me with crimes of which you will find anyone else
more guilty than I am.
Our state, Aeschines, deliberately adopted, and successfully 285
obliqua, (3) after verbs of thinking, 284. 20. iroias, § 76.
hearing — as here. The passage, § 120, 21. τυμιτανιστριαβ. Ύ\α& tympanum
comes under none of these heads, and would be used in the Phrygian mys-
therefore the infinitive would be im- teries of § 259.
possible there, 284. 26. iravras, § 5.
13. iroXepxo. Dissen retains 617^.
208 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§285-287.
και προ€ί\€Τθ καΐ κατώρθωσβ δι' €μον, ων ουκ ημνη-
μονησ^ν. σημ€Ϊον δί• γ^ιροτονων yap 6 δήμο9 τον
kpovvT ίπΐ τοΪ9 τ€Τ€λ€ντηκ6σι παρ* αντα τα συμβάντα
ου σ€ €χ^€ίροτ6νησ€ προβληθίντα, καίπ^ρ βΰψωνον
οντά, ούδβ Δημάδην, άρτι πβποιηκοτα την βίρήνην, s
ούδ' Ήγήμονα, oy<5' άλλον υμών ούδύνα, αλλ' e/ze.
καΙ παρελθόντος σου και Πυθοκλίους ώμώς καΐ άναι-
δώ?, ω ZeO καΐ Oeoi, καΐ κατηγορούντων ψοϋ ταύτα
α καΐ συ νυνί, καΐ λοίδορουμβνων, er άμβινον βχ^βιρο-
286 τ6νησ€ν ίμβ. το δ' αϊτίον ουκ άγνοβΐς μεν, όμως δβ ίο
ψράσω σοί κάγώ. άμψοτερ' γιδεσαν αυτοί, την τ εμην
εϋνοιαν και προθυμίαν, με& rjs τα πράγματ επραττον,
καΐ την ύμετβραν άδίκίαν ά, γαρ ^ύθενούντων των
πραγμάτων ήρνεΐσθβ διομνύμενοί, ταΰτ kv oh επταισεν
η πόλις ώμολογήσατ€. τους οΰν επΙ τοις κοινοΐς άτυ- 15
γτιμασιν ων εψρόνουν λαβοντα? άδειαν €)(^θρού9 μεν
πάλαι, φανερούς δε τόθ ήγήσαντο αύτοΐς γεγενήσθαι.
287 είτα και προσήκειν ύπολαμβάνοντες τον εροϋντ επΙ τοις
τετελευτηκοσι και την εκείνων άρετην κοσμήσοντα μήθ
όμωρόψιον μήθ' όμοσπονδον γεγενημενον εΐναι τοΐς προζ 2ο
εκείνους παραταξαμενοις, μηδ' εκεΐ μεν κωμάζειν και
παιωνίζειν επι ταΐς των ^Ελλήνων συμψοραΐς μετά των
αύτογείρων του φόνου, δεϋρο δ' ελθοντα τιμασθαι, μηδέ
τγι φωντ) δακρύειν ύποκρινομενους την εκείνων τύχην,
άλλα Trj yjrv)(fj συναλγεΐν — τοΰτο δ* εώρων παρ 25
iamoi9 και παρ' εμοί^ πάρα δ' ύμΐν ου — δια toajt εμε
285. Ι. κατώρθωσί δι' «μου. But ιόι/ = μαλλοι/ are wanting; οχιά μαλΧον
§311 Ιττηνώρθωται δίά σί. (χειροτόνησαν, in any case, would be
3. Trap' αυτά, §§ 9, 13. Just rather unintelligible here. The sense
possibly, though improbably, this most likely is 'with all the better
might mean, * those who died in direct grace.'
consequence of the events.' 286. 11. αυτοί. Dind. has οδτοι.
9, αμ€ΐνον is generally interpreted 287. 20. δμόσιτονδον. Speaking
' all the more.' But instances of άμα- about Aeschines' conduct after the
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 209
carried out by my agency many honourable and many great
measures, and did not forget them. Look at one proof.
When, just after the event, the people were electing an orator
to speak over the grave of the dead, you were nominated, but
they did not elect you, in spite of your great voice, nor Dema-
des, though he had recently concluded the peace, nor Hegemon,
nor anyone else of your school, but me. And when you and
Pythocles came forward in a savage and shameless fashion,
as Zeus and the gods know, and accused me in the same
terms as you used again to-day, and grew scurrilous against
me, they held up their hands all the more manfully for me.
You know the reason well enough : still I will help to make 286
it plain to you. They had their own knowledge of both facts,
of my loyalty and zeal in administering ye«F aifairs, and of
the iniquity of your cabal : for what you denied when our
road was smooth, that you admitted where the city stumbled.
They therefore considered that those who had only picked
up courage to express their opinions in the shadow of our
national misfortunes were old enemies then newly unmasked.
Beyond this, because they also conceived that it was fitting 287
that an orator who was to speak at the grave of the dead, and
laud their worth, should neither have shared the same roof nor
the same libations with those who had taken the field against
them, nor revel and triumph abroad over the misfortunes of
the Hellenes in company with the actual authors of the blood-
shed, yet on returning home be entrusted with a distinguished
office, nor sob dramatically over the sad lot of the slain, but
that he should sympathise in his soul — and this sympathy
they saw in themselves and in me, but not in any of you — for
destruction of the Phocians, Demo- ΦιλΙττπω καΐ φιλοτησία^ (friendly cups)
sthenes, Fals. Leg. § 141• p. 380, says -npovrnvev.
ovTos els τάπινίκια των πραΎμάτων και 21. (K€i = in a certain quarter, i.e. at
τον πολίμου, a Θηβαίοι και φ'ιλιπποί Philip's court, cf. § 323 €Κ€Ϊσ€.
ΐθυον, (Ιστιάτο βλθων και σπονδών μι- 24. '£ιΐΓθκρινομ€νου5. Dind. has ύττο-
Τ€Ϊχ€ και (νχων, as em tois των σνμ- κρινόμίνον.
μάχων των υμeτepa}v Te'ixeci και χώρα 25• τοΰτο .. ου is parenthetic. Hence
καΐ ottKois άπολωλόσιν €υχ€το eKfivos, the period generally placed after ου
και avveOTeipavovTo και συνίπαιώνιζΐ must be removed.
2IO ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§288-289.
288 €γξ.ίροτ6νησαν καί ονχ νμά^. καΐ ονχ ό μ\ν δήμος
οντως^ οι 8e των τζτβλβντηκότων πατ€ρ€9 καί άδβλψοϊ
οΐ νπο τον δήμου τοΘ' αίρβθβντξς kirl tcls ταψαί άλλως
πως, άλλα δίον ποιύν αυτούς το πβρίδβίπνον ως παρ
οΙκ€ίοτάτω των Τ€Τ€λ€υτη κοτών, ώσπβρ ταλλ' €Ϊωθ€ 5
γίγνβσθαί^ τοΰτ εποίησαν παρ ίμοί. ξίκότως' yivei
μ€ν γαρ έκαστος έκάστω μάλλον οίκ€Ϊος ην βμοΰ,
Koivfj δζ πασιν ούδζΐς βγγυτύρω- ω γαρ ίκ€ίνους
σωβήναι και κατορθωσαι μάλιστα δί€φ€ρ€ν, ούτος και
παθόντων α μή ποτ ώψζλον της ύπ^ρ απάντων λύπης ίο
πλείστον μ€Τ€Ϊχ^€ν.
289 /Ι eye δ' αύτω τουτί το επίγραμμα, ο δημοσία
προ€ίλ€το ή πόλις αύτοΐς ίπίγράψαι^ ιν €ίδής Αίσγίνη
καΐ kv αύτω τούτω σαυτον αγνώμονα καΐ συκοψάντην
οντά και μιαρόν. Α€γ€. 1 5
ΕΠΙΓΡΑΜΜΑ.
0?δ€ πάτρας ίν^κα σφ^τίρας ets hripiv iOevTO
δττλα, καΐ αντιπάλων νβριν ά^T€σκebaσav.
μαρνάμβνοι δ' άρβτης καϊ ληματος ουκ €σάωσαν
ψνχάς, αλλ' Ά'Lbηv κοινον ίθ^ντο βραβή, 2ο
ovveK€v ^Ελλήνων, ώί μη ζνγον ανγίνι OivTcs
^ονλοσννης στνγ€ραν άμφις ίγωσιν νβριν.
γαϊα he πατρίς €χ€ΐ κόλποις των πλζΐστα καμόντων
σώματ, e-Tret θνητοΐς €κ. Αώς rjbe κρίσις*
μη^€ν άμαρτ€Ϊν eort θ^ων καϊ πάντα κατορθουν) 25
(V βιοτΎΪ μοΐραν δ' ου τι φνγύν ίττορ^ν.
288. 2. οΰτωβ • αλλωε 'π•ω5. Lit. value. At the best it is full of obscu-
' nor while the people thought thus, did rities, which it has been tried to re-
the relatives of the dead think at all move by conjecture. In the third line
otherwise.' the MSS. give άρ(τψ καί δύματο5,
4• ώ5 intensifies οίκαοτάτψ. which would probably depend on
5. τδλλα may be sul)ject to (ΐωθ(, βραβή, 'fighting, they (did not save
but is probably adverbial, *in all other their lives, but) made Hades impartial
cases,' i. e. at private funerals. arbiter between their valour and their
289. 16. The epitaph is omitted in fear' — the meaning of which is not
the best MSS ; and has little poetical very plain. \ήματο$ is generally read
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 2ΐι
these reasons they elected me and did not elect you. And it 288
cannot be said that, while the nation felt thus, the fathers or
brothers of the dead, who had then been selected by the people
to conduct the interment;s, thought at all otherwise; nay, when
it was incumbent upon them to hold the funeral banquet in
the house of the man who was most closely connected with
the dead, as takes place generally in all other funerals, they
held this banquet in my house. And with good reason.
Each, in blood, Λvas more closely connected than I with his
own among the dead : but no one had nearer ties to the w hole
n umber . For the man to whom it was most advantageous
that they should come home safe and successful, was also the
man, who, when they suffered that which we deplore, shared
most largely in the grief which was felt for all.
Now read for the benefit of my opponent the epitaph before 289
us, which the city chose to inscribe over them in the public
name, that you, Aeschines, may know, even from its own words,
your brutality and crookedness and depravity. Please read.
EPITAPH.
T^ese men, for their country s sake, levelled their arms for
conflict and routed the insolence of their adversaries ; and, fighting
to establish their valour and their spirit, they did not seek to
save their lives, but appointed Hades as the impartial arbiter:
fighting on behalf of the Hellenes, that they might not wear the
yoke upon their necks and endure about them the hateful iiisolence
of slavery. So their mother-country holds in her bosom the bodies
of those who bore the stress of the toil. For the sovereign decree
pronounced by Zeus unto mortals is this: to err in nothing and to
succeed in all things is the prerogative of gods, but in human life
he hath not granted that in any respect men should escape destiny.
for MSS. δ(ίματο5, after Valckenaer, δονλοσύνηί may depend on either ζνγόν
' fighting to show, or with, manliness or νβριν. For Oewv, here and below,
and spirit.' but the genitive is hard. Dind. has θ€οΰ, retaining enopev for
δβί'/ματοί has been suggested in the the commonly read e-nopov. To get
same place ; but the genitiAx remains sense from the text we must make kv
as difficult. To ease the case μνησά- βιοτγ mean ' in human life/ punctua-
μ&Όΐ was proposed by Passow. Other ting after κατορθονν, and neglecting
emendations are aper^ δίχα δ(ίματο5 the displacement of δ' — the subject of
(Jacobs), δίά δΐΊηματο$ (^GoUer). enopev being δ Zeii? oro Ofos. Instead
eOevTO should mean ' grounded ' or of eiropcu Graef. conjectured μ€ρόπων.
' piled ' their arms, as in Thuc. ii. 2. On the whole the evidence, both
Ρ 2
212 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§290-293.
^QO *Akov€LS, ΑΙσχίνη^ και kv αύτω τούτω, το μη8\ν
άμαρτ€Ϊν ίστί θ^ων καΐ πάντα κατορθοϋν ου τω
σνμβούΧω την του κατορθοϋν toxjs αγωνιζομένου^ άνί-
θηκ€ δύναμιν, άλλα τοις θ^οΐς. τι οΰν, ω κατάρατ,
€μοΙ irepl τούτων λοίδορβΐ, καΙ λεγεί? α σοΙ καΐ tols 5
σοΪ9 οΐ Beol Tpeyjreiav e/9 κεφαλήν ;
291 Πολλά τοίνυν ω avSpes ^Αθηναίοι καΙ άλλα κατη-
γορηκοτος αύτοΰ καΐ κατξψβυσμίνου, μάλιστ βθαύ-
μασα πάντων, οτ€ των συμβφηκοτων TOTe Trj πόλ^ί
μνησθβΐ? ού^ ώ? άν βϋνου? καΐ δίκαιος πολίτη 9 ^ο'Χ^ ίο
την γνώμην, ούδ €δάκρυσ€ν, ούδ' eVa^e τοιούτον ούδ\ν
Tjj ψνχη, άλλ' ίπάρα? την φωνην καΐ γβγηθως και
λαρυγγίζων ω€το μ\ν βμοΰ κατηγορβΐν δηλονότι, δείγμα
δ* k^€(f)epe καθ* ίαυτου 6τι τοΪ9 γβγβνημύνοι? άνιαροΐ?
292 ούδ\ν ομοίως ^σ^€ τοΓ? άλλοις, καίτοι τον των νομών 15
καΐ της πολιτείας φάσκοντα φροντίζ^ιν, ωσπβρ οΰτος
νυνί, και d μηδ\ν άλλο, τοϋτο y εχβ»/ δύ, ταύτα
λυπύσθαι και ταύτα χαίρβιν τοις πολλοίς, και μη ttj
προαιρίσβι των κοινών kv τω των kvavτίωv μβρζΐ τ€τά-
γθαι. ο συ νυνι π^ποιηκως €i φανερός, kμe πάντων 2ο
αίτιον και δι' kμe €ΐς πράγματα φάσκων kμπεσeiv την
πόλιν, ού)( άπο της kμής πολιτείας ούδε προαιρέσεως
293 άρξαμενων υμών τοΐς'Έλλησι βοηθεΐν, kπεl εμοιγ' εΐ
τούτο δοθείη παρ υμών, δι kμε υμάς ήναντιώσθαι ttj
κατά τών 'Ελλήνων ap^fj πραττομενη, μείζων άν 25
δοθείη δωρεά συμπασών ων τοις άλλοις δεδώκατε.
άλλ οϋτ άν €γώ ταΰτα φήσαιμι {^άδικοίην yap άν
υμάς), ούτ άν ύμεΐς ευ οΐδ' δτι συγγωρήσαιτε• ού-
intemal and external, points to the by Dind.
conclusion that this is another forgery, 6. τρ(ψ<ιαν eis. But § 294 Ιπ\ τ^ν
]ierhaps by the same hand as the pre- κ«ραλ^ν avaOiUv.
ceding documents. 291. 7. κατ. και κατ., § 13 note.
290. I. t6 befoie μηΙΙν is omitted 10. is ίν, § 197 note.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 213
You hear, Aeschines, even in this poem, the declaration 290
that ' /^r*' ^'** -^^^^^^'^^ ntirl fo ^^f^frpp ^ jn all things is th e pre- (/ιλ^λλ^λμ ,
ro^ aiive of ^ods;' for it d oes not ascribe to the statesman, / - ^jtliJii
but to the gods, the power of securing that those who s trug.o:le ^
sh all snrrppd. Why, then, accursed man, do you rail at me '
for failures, and why do you use words, which heaven visit on
the heads of you and yours ?
Many then, men of Athens, as were the other crimes with 291
which he has falsely charged me, I marvelled most of all,
when, in speaking of the disasters which then befell our city,
he was not heartily affected as a loyal and just citizen would
have been ; he shed no tears, he felt no such spiritual emotion :
but, pitching his voice high, beaming with joy, rolling out his
loudest tones, he fancied, of course, that he was accusing me,
while in reality he brought forward against himself a telling
instance that he did not at all feel in the same way as the
rest of us about the painful accidents which had occurred.
And yet one who professes, as my opponent now professes, 292
that he is concerned for the laws and the constitution, should
at least have this quality, even if no other, that he has the
same griefs and the same joys as the multitude, and should
not in his choice of public policy have posted himself in the
ranks of our enemies. This you have now shown yourself to
have done, when you pretend that it was I who brought every-
thing to pass, and that it was through me that our country
fell into the midst of troubles — although it was not because
of my statesmanship or my political principles that you, my
hearers, began to help the Hellenes: for if this were granted 293
me by you, that thanks only to me you withstood the despotism
then in progress against the Hellenes, you would grant me a
greater guerdon than the whole number of those which you
have given to your other ministers. I, however, would not
assert this — for I should be wronging you — nor would you,
14. Tois γ€γ€νημ€νοΐ8 . . «σχβ. For the simple dative, without Ιπί, is the
ouTcus ix^iv in this sense see § 99. better supported reading.
Here, as Fals. Leg. 50. p. 355 τραχιών 293. 24. τ^ . .ιτραττομ€νη, § 71 note.
δ' υμών rif μηδέ ιτροσδοκάν σχόντων,
214 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§293-296.
Toy τ €ί δίκαια €ποί€ί, ουκ άν eueKa τή? προ? ψ€
ίγβρα? τα μέγιστα των νμβτβρων καλών ββλαπτβ και
δίββαλλβν.
294 Άλλα τι ταΰτ επιτιμώ, πολλω σ\€τλίώτ€ρα άλλα
κατηγορηκ6το9 αύτον και κατβψβνσμύνον ; os γαρ 5
€μον φιλιππισμον, ω γη καΐ Beoi, κατηγορβΐ, τί oirros
ουκ αν eiTTOi ; καίτοι νη τον 'Ηρακλία καΐ πάντα?
θβον?, €ί γ' €π άληθβία? SeoL σκοπβΐσθαι, το κατα-
ψ^ύδβσθαι καΐ δι βχθραν τι λίγ^ιν άνελόντα? ίκ
μίσον, τίν€9 ώ? άληθώ? elaivtoh αν βίκοτω? καΐ δι- ίο
καίω? την των γ€γ€νη μίνων αίτίαν ίπΐ την κεφαλήν
άναθύεν απαντ€9, τον? ομοίου? τούτω παρ Ικάστχι
295 των πόλεων εϋροιτ αν, ου του? εμοί- οί οτ ην
ασθενή τα Φιλίππου πράγματα και κομιδτ) μικρά,
πολλάκι? προλεγοντων ημών και παρακαλονντων και 15
διδασκόντων τα βέλτιστα, τη? ιδία? ενεκ αισχρο-
κέρδεια? τα KOivfj συμφέροντα προΐεντο, του? υπάρ-
χοντα? έκαστοι πολίτα? εξαπατώντε? καΐ διαφθείρον-
τε?, εω? δούλου? εποίησαν, θετταλού? Δάοχο? Κινεα?
θρασύδαο?, 'Αρκάδα? Κερκίδα?^ Ιερώνυμο? Εύκαμπίδα?, 2ο
Άργείου? Μύρτι? Τελεδαμο? Μνασεά?, Ηλείου? Εύξί-
θεο? Κλεότιμο? Ά ρίσταιχμο?, Μεσσηνίου? οί Φιλιάδου
του θεοί? εχθρού παΐδε? Νέων και θρασύλοχο?, Σικυ-
ωνίου? *Αριστρατο? Έπιχάρη?, Κορινθίου? Δείναρχο?
Δημάρατο?, Μεγαρεα? Πτοιόδωρο?" Ελιζο? Περίλαο?, 25
Θηβαίου? Τιμόλα? θεογείτων Άνεμοίτα?, Εύβοεα?
296" Ιππαρχο? Κλείταρχο? Σωσίστρατο?. επιλείψει με
λέγοντα ή ήμερα τα τών προδοτών ονόματα, ούτοι
294, 9• άνβλόνταβ €κ μ€σον. Com- 295. 15. ημών, 'we loyal orators.'
pare Phil, iv, § 36. p. 141 d άνί\οιμ(ν For Demosthenes' supporters, and for
€« μίσου καΧ rds βΚασψημίας . . καΐ riiv the traitors below, see Introduction I.
φόβον. 17. Tovs ύπάρχονταβ liccurroi ιτολί-
II. «irl τήν, § 290. ras, 'cives suae factionis' (Schaefer),
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 215
I am well assured, concede it ; but, if only my opponent acted
justly, he would (not damage and distort on account of his
private hostility to me, the greatest of your glories.
But why do I censure this, when he has falsely brought 294
ag ains^ me other far harsher accusation s ? For what, in the
name of earth and heaven, would he not say who accuses me
of coquetting with Philip ? And yet, so Heracles and all the
gods befriend me, if, having put false witness and angry words
out of court, you must honestly inquire, who in very truth they
are on whose head all would reasonably and justly lay the
responsibilty for what has occurred, you will be sure to find
them to be those in each state who resembled my opponent,
not those who resembled me — men, who, at the time when 295
Philip's fortunes were low and entirely insignificant, although
we warned you again and again, and admonished you and
instructed you in what was best, for filthy lucre sacrificed
the national interests, each body of them deluding the citizens
they had to work upon, and ruining them till they made them
slaves — Daochus, Cineas and Thrasydaus, the Thessalians;
Cercidas, Hieronymus and Eucampidas, the Arcadians ; Myrtis,
Teledamus and Mnaseas, the Argives ; Euxitheus, Cleotimus
and Aristaechmus, the Eleans ; the sons of the apostate Phili-
ades, Neon and Thrasylochus, the Messenians; Aristratus
and Epichares, the Sicyonians; Dinarchus and Demaratus,
the Corinthians; Ptoedorus, Helixus, and Perilaus, the Mega-
rians ; Timolaus, Theogiton, and Anemoetas, the Thebans ;
Hipparchus, Clitarchus, and Sosistratus, the Euboeans. The 296
whole day will fail me if I read the bead-roll of traitors. All
'quos capere poterant' (Dissen). Prob- ' deceiving those who were free citizens
ably the meaning is still naore general, to begin with, and working their ruin
' the citizens each set of traitors had till they made them slaves.'
to deal with.' A very ingenious, but 296. 28. ή ήμβρα. ' The whole of
hardly convincing, interpretation is, the day.'
2 1 6 ^^^ ΟΣΘΕΝΟ Υ Σ §§ 296-298.
πάρτ€9 daiv, avSpes Άβηναΐοι, των αντων βουλευμάτων
kv TOLS αύτων πατρίσιν ωνπ€ρ ούτοι παρ ύμΐν, άνθρω-
ποι μιαροι και κ6λακ€9 και okdaTopes, ήκρωτηρια-
σμίνοι τα? έαυτων έκαστοι πατρίδας, την ίλευθερίαν
προπ€πωκ6τ€9 προτερον μ\ν Φιλίππω νυν δβ *Αλ€ξ- 5
άνδρω, TTJ γαστρι μ€τροΰντ€9 και τοις aiayjiaTois την
εύδαιμονίαν, την δ' ελευθερίαν και το μηδενα εχειν
δεσπότην αύτων, α tois προτεροις" ΕλΧησιν οροί των
ayaOcuv ήσαν καΐ κανόνες, άνατετραφότες.
297 Ταύτης τοίνυν της ούτως αίσχρας και περιβόητου ίο
συστάσεως και κακίας, μάλλον δ' ω άνδρες 'Αθηναίοι
προδοσίας, ει δει μη ληρεΐν, της των * Ελλήνων ελευ-
θερίας^ ή τε πόλις πάρα πάσιν άνθρώποις αναίτιος
γεγονεν εκ των εμών πολιτευμάτων και εγω παρ ύμΐν.
εΙτά μ έρωτας άντι ποίας αρετής άξιώ τιμάσθαι ; 1 5
eyo) δε σοι λέγω, οτι των πολιτευόμενων παρά τοις
" Ελλησι διαφθαρεντων απάντων, άρξαμενων άπο σου,
προτερον μεν ύπο Φιλίππου νυν δ' ύπ 'Αλεξάνδρου,
298 εμε οϋτε καιρός οΰτε φιλανθρωπία λόγων οϋτ επαγγε-
λιών μέγεθος οϋτ ελπις οϋτε φόβος οϋτ άλλο ούδεν 2ο
επήρεν ούδε προηγάγετο ων έκρινα δικαίων και συμφε-
ρόντων TTJ πατρίδι ούδεν προδοΰναι, ούδ' ^ οσα συμβε-
βούλευκα πώποτε τουτοισί, ομοίως ύμΐν ωσπερ αν
τρυτάνη ρέπων επι το λήμμα συμβεβούλευκα, αλλ'
5- ΐΓροίΓίίΓωκότββ. In Fals. Leg. § vessel to founder, as Plato, Rep. 389 D
1 5 2. p. 384 δ ΦίλιτΓΤΓΟϊ . . Tf\(VTU>v βκττώ- άνατρίΐΓτικύν {τη$ vews), Aeschin. c. Cl.
ματ' apyvpa και χρυσά irpovmvfv avrois § 158 (άν tis .. πλοΐον avarpixpr), and
the word signifies ' to give away the representation of the fortunes of a
lightly,' meaning originally ' to toast state under the image of a ship is con-
a man in a cup of price and bid him stant in Greek. For the verb compare
keep it; §§ 143, 303.
9. ήσαν attracted into the plural by 297. 1 2. €1 δ€ΐ μή ληρ€ΐν, a rhetori-
the neighbourhood of the predicatival cal formula, cf. Fals. Leg. § 397. p.
nouns bpoi, κανόνα. 425, Aeschin. c. Ct. § 143.
άνατ€τραψότ«$ (,Dind. άνατ^τροφό- 15. iroias, § 76.
Tis) is especially used of causing a After τιμασβαι the interrogation
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 2\η
these, men of Athens, were advocates of the same measures in
their own countries as my opponents advocated in your ^^^^^ ^.it^^L/f/i
— unclean things, and parasites, or rather ministers of destruc- A^aT , //
tion — men who have severally mutilated their own countries —
men who have toasted away our freedom first to Philip and
now to Alexander — men who measure happiness by their
bellies and all that is most base — men by whom liberty and
independence of any lord or master, which to the ancient
Hellenes were definitions and standards of honour, have been
wrecked.
Of any share, therefore, in this dishonourable and scandalous 297
conspiracy and villainy, or rather, men of Athens, of this
betrayal, if I must speak seriously, of the freedom of the
Hellenes, our city has been acquitted in the opinion of
all the world owing to my administrations, and I have been
acquitted in your opinion. In spite of this, do you ask
me, sir, for what sort of merit I consider myself worthy to
receive distinction? Then I answer you, that when all the
statesmen in the Hellenic communities, beginning with you,
had been corrupted, first by Philip and recendy by Alexander,
no convenience, no blandishment of expressions, no magni-298
tude of promises, no hope nor fear, nor anything else, excited
or even encouraged me to betray one of what I judged the
rights due or the measures advantageous to my country; nor
in all the advice which I have ever yet given to my hearers
have I advised them, as you have done, verging like a balance
should probably be replaced by a θάτ(ρα ώσπ^ρ els τρντανην apyvpiov
period, as the reply is introduced by npoaeveyKrjs, οϊχ^ται φέρον και καθ(1\-
a particle : see § 318. κυκβ τον Χοηισμόν ίφ' αυτό, και ουκ αν
298. 2 3• ώσΐΓ6ρ δ,ντρχΛτάνη SC. ρί'ποί Ιτ' opOws ov5' vyia/s ό τούτο ττοιήσα$
is explained by the passage, referred Trept ovdcvos λο'^ίσαιτο. The image is
to by Dissen, De Pace § 12. p. 60 simply this : a balance must inevitably
προίκα τα πράγματα κρίνω και λοΎ'ιζο- swing to whichever side you weight ;
μαι, και ούδ(ν \ημμ' αν ov5as (χοι irpbs so a statesman, who receives personal
oh kyuj ττ(πο\ίτ€νμαι και λί-^ω δ(ΐ^αι advantage from his public life, will as
προσηρτημένον. ορθόν ουν, 6 τι αν ποτ inevitably act in the interests of those
απ' αυτών υπάρχτ) των πραγμάτων, τό from whom the greatest advantage
συμφέρον φαίνβταί μοι. όταν δ* (πι comes. The self-seeking orator is
^
2i8 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§298-30..
άπ ορθής καΐ δικαίας καΐ αδιάφθορου της ψνχης, καΐ
μεγίστων δ^ πραγμάτων των κατ €μαυτ}>ν ανθρώπων
προστας πάντα ταντα ύγιώς καΐ δικαίως π€πολίτ€νμαι.
2ΘΘ δια ταΰτ άξιώ τιμασθαι. τον δβ τ^ιγ^ισμον τούτον,
δι/ συ μου δΐ€συρ€ς, και την ταφρβίαν άξια μίν χάριτος s
και ίπαίνου κρίνω, πως γαρ ου] πόρρω μύντοι που
' ' Υ" των ίμαυτω πβπολιτβυμύνων τίθεμαι, ου λίθοις ίτζί-
[ψ^ - χισα την πολιν ούδ€ πλίνθοις βγω, ού^ €πι τούτοις μ^γι-
^jsA^^ στοϊ/ των βμαυτοΰ φρονώ' αλλ' kav τον ίμον τ€ΐχισμον
ι ^c^ βούλτ] δικαίως σκοπζΐν, €ύρήσΈΐς όπλα καΐ πόλξΐς και ίο
f τόπους και λιμβνας και ναΰς και πολλούς ίππους καΐ
300 τους ύπ^ρ τούτων αμυνόμενους, ταύτα προύβαλόμην
eyo) προ της * Αττικής^ 'όσον ην άνθρωπίνω λογισμω
δυνατόν, και τούτοις ετείχισα την χωράν, ούχι τον
κύκλον του Πειραιώς ούδε του άστεως, ούδε γ' ηττή- ι$
θην εγω τοις λογισμοΐς Φιλίππου, πολλού γε και δει,
ούδε ταΐς παρασκευαις, αλλ' οι των συμμάχων στρατη-
γοί και αι δυνάμεις τη τύχη. τίνες αι τούτων άποδεί-
ζεις ; εναργείς και φανεραί. σκοπείτε δε.
301 Τι χρην τον εΰνουν πολίτην ποιεΐν, τι τον μετά 2ο
πάσης προνοίας και προθυμίας και δικαιοσύνης ύπερ
της πατρίδος πολιτευόμενον ; ουκ εκ μεν θαλάττης
την Εΰβοιαν προβαλεσθαι προ της 'Αττικής, εκ δε
της μεσόγειας την Βοιωτίαν, εκ δε των προς Πελο-
πόννησον τόπων τους όμορους ταύτη ] ου την σίτο- 25
πομπίαν, όπως πάρα πάσαν φιλίαν άχρι του Πειραιώς
himself compared to a balance. Hence Aesch. c. Ct. §§ 97, 236 sqq., and also
Dissen's reading waitfp &v d h rpvravjf the words, which read so much like a
is inappropriate. Dind. has ώσπ(ρανύ, later insertion, Id. § 84 Nai, άλλα χαλ-
τρυτάνη, Avhere the ellipse would be kois και άSaμav7ivoιs ηίχ(σιν, ws aitros
supplied ώστκρ hv ΐβί-ηοιμι] «ί τρυτάνη φησι, τ^ν χωράν ημών Ιτύχισι, rfj των
[(ΐην]. Cf. §§ 1 04, 214• Ενβοέων και Θηβαίων συμμαχί<}, with
2. κατ* €μαυτόν, §§ 95. 3^7• 3ΐ8. which compare ού λίθος κ.τ,Κ. below.
299. 4• τ«χνσμ,όν ... SUavpcs. For illustrations of the image see
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 219
to the side of lucre, but with an upright and just and incor-
ruptible soul ; and, as director of the greatest transactions of
my day, I have conducted all of them soundly and uprightly.
These are the grounds on which I consider myself worthy to 29 9
receive distinction. Further, this building of the walls, which
you disparage among my acts, and the formation of the fosse,
I consider deserving of thanks and compliment — and so they
are — yet I put them on a footing far below my acts of states-
manship. It was not with stones nor with bricks that I, as
a statesman, walled the city, nor do I attach my highest self-
praise to such things ; but if you will justly examine my means
of fortification, you will find arms and cities, and extents of
land, and harbours, and ships, and large supplies of horses
and troops to fight on behalf of my countrymen. These were 300
the defences I threw before Attica, as far as was possible
by human calculation ; and with these I encircled our whole
territory, not only the lines of the Piraeus, nor only those of
our citadel. Nor yet was I w orsted by Philip in m y calcula-
tiπns^J2rjVπIILi^ "^^ ^'■'^^ ^^ W prrp^raHops; but the generals
of the allies and their for ces were worsted by his good fo rtune.
What are my demonstrations of this? They are clear and
manifest. But I ask you to be attentive.
What ought the loyal citizen to have done ? what ought he 301
to have done who with full prescience, zeal, and righteousness
wrought publicly on his country's behalf? Ought he not, on
the seaboard, to have secured Euboea as a bulwark to Attica,
and in the midlands Boeotia, and in the districts towards the
Peloponnese the peoples that bordered on that part? Ought
he not to have provided for the convoy of corn, that it should
be conducted along an entirely friendly coast as far as the
Dissen's note. 12. τούτων = my countrymen here.
5. άξια μίν-,-ιτόρρω μ€ντοι, § 12. 300. ιτρούβαλόμην, §97•
For πόρρω in this sense of ' far below ' 14. ούχΙ . . ονδ€= 'not only . . nor
see Aeschyl. Eumen. 414. only/ § 2.
II. For καΐ TToWovs tirirovs και ToOs 18. tq τύχη, sc. τον Φιλίττπον.
. . άμννομ€νου$ Dind. conjectured καΐ 301. 26. φιλίαν, sc. -γήν or δδον.
tTTTTOus και noWovs tovs . . άμυνουμίνου^.
t
fuip^'^
u
220 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§302-305.
302 κομισθήσβταί, προϊδβσθαί ; καΐ τα μ\ν σώσαι των
νπαργ^οντων βκπβμπορτα βοηθβιας και Xeyovra καΐ γρά-
φοντα τοιαύτα, την Προκοννησον, την Χβρρονησον, την
TeveSov, τα δ' οττω? oUeia καΐ σνμμα^ νπάρξζΐ πράξαι,
το Βυζάντίον, την "Αβυδον, την Εϋβοιαν ; καΐ των $
μ\ν τοΪ9 ίχ^θροΐ? ύπαργουσων δυνάμεων tols μ€γίστα9
άφζλβΐν, ων δ' kveXeme τη πολβί, ταϋτα προσθβΐναί ;
ταντα τοίννν άπαντα πίπρακται τοΪ9 €μοί9 ψηφίσμασι
303 καΐ τοΪ9 €μοΪ9 πο\ίΤ€νμασίν, ά καΐ βζβονλβνμύνα, ω
άνδρ€9* Αθηναίοι, kav avev φθόνου tis βονληται σκοπύν, ίο
όρθώί €νρήσ€ΐ και πβπραγμίνα πάση δικαιοσύνη, και
τον έκαστου καιρόν ου παρβθίντα ούδ' άγνοηθύντα
ούδ€ προ^θβντα υπ' ίμοΰ, και οσα €19 ivo9 άνδρο?
δύναμιν καΐ λογισμον ηκ^ν, ούδβν ίλλζίφθίν. ei δε η
δαίμονος τινο9 ή τύχ^η9 ισχύ? ή στρατηγών φαυλότη? 15
ή των προδίδοντων Tas π6λ€ΐς υμών κακία ή πάντα ^
ταϋτα €λυμαίν€το τοΪ9 6λοΐ9, βω? άνβτρβψαν, τι Δη-
304:μοσθίνη9 άδικύ] ei δ' οιθ9 έγω παρ ύμΐν κατά την
έμαυτοΰ τάξιν, €?? iv έκαστη τών 'Ελληνίδων πολβων
άνηρ έγ€ν€το, μάλλον δ' el eva άνδρα μόνον θβτταλία 2ο
και eva άνδρα 'Αρκαδία ταύτα φρονοΰντα ίσγ^ν έμοί,
ούδβίί ούτ€ τών ί^ω Πυλών * Ελλήνων οΰτ€ τών €ίσω
305 τοΓ? παροΰσι κακοΪ9 ίκέχρητ άν, άλλα πάντβς αν •
6ντ€9 έλβύθβροι και αυτόνομοι μ€τά πάση? άδ€ία γ
ασφαλώς έν βύδαιμονία τάί εαυτών ωκουν πατρίδας, 25
τών τοσούτων και τοιούτων αγαθών ύμΐν και τοις
Ι. •π•ροϊδ€σθαι usually takes a geni- ζονε '^ίηνωνται, προβίδοντο.
tive of its direct object. Here τί)ν 302. 3. τοιαύτα, i.e. preservative
σιτοπομπίαν is an instance of the sub- measures, cf. § 140 note,
ject of a dependent clause drawn by 7. ών δ' cvcXciirc is impersonal, = oDf
anticipation into the main sentence, anavis ^v.
and this makes the accusative easier. 303. 13. els ήκ6ν. But <wt . . ^viv
Schaefer quotes c. Con. § 17. p. 1262 in the similar usage, Fals. Leg. § 34. p.
ray avaynaias vpo<paa(is, 6πω$ μή μύ• 350.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 22 1
Piraeus? Ought he not to have secured one portion of our 302
supporters by despatching auxiliary expeditions, and by moving
and framing measures to a similar effect, I speak of Procon-
nesus, the Chersonese, and Tenedos ; and to contrive that
other places should be reliable as connections and allies,
Byzantium, Abydos, Euboea ? Ought he not to have de-
tached the greatest of the forces that supported the enemy,
and supplemented the deficiencies of the state ? AU this, then,
h as been d one by my decrees and by my measures, v^'hich
any one, who wishes to exammeTiem without spite, will 303
find to have been both conceived justly and executed with all
uprightness, and he will find that the seasonable hour for each
measure was never neglected or ignored or sacrificed by me,
and that none of all the means, which fell within the power
and calculation of one man, was left unemployed. So, if the
pressure of some providence, or of fortune, or the inferiority
of our commanders, or the baseness of you who betray your
countries, or all these together, did mischief to our main
interests until they wrecked them, where is a Demosthenes
guilty? No: had there been one man in each of the Hellenic304
cities as true as I was at my post among you, or rather had
Thessaly and Arcadia had each but one man holding the same
principles as mine, none of the Hellenes, either on the further
or on the hither side of Thermopylae, would have undergone
the present distress; but all, in freedom and independence, 305
and with perfect confidence, would be living safely, surrounded
by prosperity, in their native lands, made grateful for such
17. Before «λνμαίνετοϋΐηά. has a/ia. Δημοσθ€νη5, i.e. a man so far
λνμαίνίσθαι, as §§ 267, 312, Fals. Leg. removed, as the world knows me to
§ 21. p. 347, is usually attended by an be, alike from δαίμονος ή τνχη5 Ισχν5
accusative. Another instance of the and from στρατηγών ψανλότη? η των
dative, howevei", is to be found Ari- ττροδιδόντων κακία.
stoph. Nub. 928. 304. 23. ΙκΙχρητ'. 2 has Ι^ίχρί/ντ',
Tots oXois, § 28, which is kept by Vomel, who alters
άνίτρεψαν, § 296 note. Vomel, after ov8us into ovdives: cf. § 23 note.
Dissen, reads avirpixpi.
222 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§305-308.
dWoL^ Άθηι^αιοις ^χοντβς χάριν Si βμβ. ΐνα ^ €ίδήτ€
ΟΤΙ πολλώ τοΪ9 XoyoLS ίλάττοσί χρωμαί των ίρ'γων,
€νλαβονμ€νο9 τον ψθόνον, λίγβ μοι ταυτί καΐ άνά-
γνωθί λαβών»
ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ, 5
30β Ταντα και τοιαύτα πράττβιν, Αισχίνη, τον καλόν
κάγαθον πολίτην Sei, ών κατορθουμίνων μ€ν μ^γί-
στοΐξ αναμφισβήτητων ύπηρχεν eivai και το δικαίων
προσην, ώ? έτίρων Se συμβάντων το γονν ^ύδοκιμύν
π€ρί€στι καΐ το μηδβνα μίμφ^σθαι την πολιν μηδβ ίο
τ^ν ττροαίρβσιν αυτήν, άλλα την τύχην κακίζ^ιν την
^01 ου τω τα πράγματα κρίνασαν, ου μα AC ουκ άπο-
στάντα των συμφερόντων τη πολει, μισθώσαντα δ'
αύτον τοΐν kvavTioiv, τούν ύπ\ρ των εχθρών καιρούν
άντΙ των την ττατρίδον θβραπεύειν, ούδε τον μβν πράγ- 15
ματα άξια την πόλεων ύποστάντα λέγειν και γράψειν
και μενειν επι τούτων βασκαινειν, εαν δε τιν ιδία τι
λύπηση, τοϋτο μεμνήσθαι και τηρεΐν, ούδε y ήσυχίαν
308 άγειν άδικον και ΰπουλον, ο συ ποιεΐν πολλάκιν. εστί
yap, εστίν ησυχία δικαία καΐ συμφέρουσα τη πόλει, 2ο
ην οι πολλοί των πολιτών ύμεΐν απλών άγετε, αλλ'
ου ταύτην οΰτον άγει την ήσυχίαν, πολλού ye καΐ
δει, αλλ' άποστάν όταν αύτώ δόξη τήν πολιτεία?
(πολλάκιν δε δοκεΐ) φυλάττει πηνίκ εσεσθε μεστοί
του συνεχών λεγοντον ή πάρα τήν τύχην τι συμβε- 25
βηκεν εναντίωμα ή άλλο τι δύσκολον γεγονε (πολλά
305. 4• After λαβών Dind. adds τον present to the imperfect in order to
αριθμόν των βοηθαών κατά τά (μα ψηφί- answer more strictly to χρην § 301.
σματα, and, instead of ΨΗΦΙΣΜΑΤΑ, 8. νιτήρχίν, ' it was ours,' more
ΆΡΙΘΜ02 ΒΟΗΘΕΙΩΝ. vivid than υπηρχ€ν αν. For similar
30e. 7. δ€ΐ. The general proposi- misnamed Omissions of &v' cf. § 196
tion includes the particular instance ; ίζήρκα, § 248 θανμαστον ^v, and corn-
hence there is no need to alter the pare the use of the indicative in the
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 223
manifold blessings to you and all the Athenians by my means.
That my hearers may know that I much understate my acts,
for fear of heart-burnings, \jo the clerk\ quote me these docu-
ments, and take and read them aloud.
DECREES.
These acts, or acts like these, Aeschines, the honest citizen 306
should do. Had they been successful, it was ours to be indis-
putably supreme, and, more than that, justly so; Qa y, eve n
when they have fallen out adversely, we have secured that our
hono ur^ at least, is safe, and that none blame our city or her
policy^J;21lt_.stigmatise fortune who ordered events so unkindly.
He should not, mark you, isolate himself from the city's" in- 307
terests, hire himself to our adversaries, and court the oppor-
tunities which favour the foe instead of those which favour his^ -^
country; nor yet should he cast the evil eye on any one who
has had the courage to propose and frame measures worthy
of the state and to hold fast by them, nor cherish and nurse
any offence one may privately have done him; nor, lastly,
should he maintain an unrighteous and rotten quietude, as
you, sir, often do. There is, I admit, a quietude just and 308
beneficial to the city, which you, the majority of the citizens,
honestly observe. That, however, is not the quietude of
which my opponent is fond — far from it — but, having with-
drawn at pleasure from public Hfe, and such is often his
pleasure, he keeps watch for the hour when you shall be sated
with the monotony of one speaker, or when fortune has
brought about some reverse, or some other disagreeable has
occurred (and there are many vicissitudes in the lot of man);
apodosis of Latin conditional sentences parenthetic.
referring to past time. 1 7. Before βασκαίν€ΐν Dind. has irpo-
To δικαίωβ Trpotrfjv. lit. ' and (λόμ^νον.
"justly" was added to it,' i.e. Zικaiωs 18. ήσυχίαν. Aesch. c. Ct.' § 216,
added to μί-γίστοΐί. ig. νττουλον is a reminiscence of
307• 15. θβρα-ιτεΰβιν is still under the Thuc, viii, 64.
regimen of δ(Γ, ών . . κρίνασαν being
224 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§308-311.
5e τάνθρωπίνα)• €lt βπΐ τούτω τω καιρώ ρήτωρ e^-
αίφνη? e/c ■ Trjs ησυχία? ωσπ^ρ πνβνμ ζφάρη, και
πβφωνασκτικω? και σν^€ΐλοχ_ω9 ρήματα και λόγου?
συι/€ίρ€ΐ τούτου? σαφώ? και anyaigyi. ονησιν μ\ν
ού^€μιαν φέροντα? ούδ' αγαθού κτησιν ούδ^νο?, συμ- 5
φοράν 8k τω τνγοντι των πολιτών και κοινην αίσχύνην.
309 καίτοι ταύτη? τη? μβλίτη? καΐ τη? €πιμ€λ€ία?, Αισχίνη^
. €1 π€ρ €κ ψυχή? δικαία? ίγίγν^το καΐ τα τή? πατρίδο?
συμφέροντα προυρημβνη?, του? καρπού? e^ei γενναίου?
και καλού? και πασιν ωφελίμου? eivai, συμμαχία? ίο
πόλεων, πόρου? χρημάτων, εμπορίου κατασκευήν,
νομών συμφερόντων θίσει?, τοΐ? άποδειχθεΐσιν εχθροί?
310 εναντιωματα. τούτων γαρ απάντων ην εν τοΐ? άνω
χρόνοι? εξετασι?, καΐ εδωκεν ό παρελθών χρόνο? πολλά?
αποδείξει? άνδρι καλώ τε κάγαθω, εν οι? ούδαμοΰ σύ ΐζ
φανήσει γεγονώ?, ου πρώτο?, ου δεύτερο?, ου τρίτο?,
ου τέταρτο?, ου πέμπτο?, ούχ έκτο?, ούχ οποστοσοϋν,
311 οϋκουν επί γ οι? ή πατρι? ηύξάνετο. τι? γαρ συμ-
μαχία σου πράξαντο? γεγονε Trj πόλει ; τι? δε βοήθεια
ή κτήσι? εύνοια? ή δόξη? ; τι? δε πρεσβεία ; τι? 2ο
διακονία δι ην ή πόλι? εντιμότερα ; τι των οικείων
ή των * Ελληνικών και ξενικών, οι? επέστη?, επηνώρ-
θωται δια σε ; ποΐαι τριήρει? ; ποια βέλη ; ποιοι
νεώσοικοι ; τι? επισκευή τειχών ; ποιον ίππικόν ; τι
τών απάντων σύ χρήσιμο? εΐ ; τι? ή τοΐ? εύποροι? ή 25
τοΐ? άποροι? πολιτική καΐ κοινή βοήθεια χρημάτων ;
308. 3• συνίΐλοχώβ, 'cum con- 310. 14. «ξίτασνβ originally * a roll-
temptu dicitur* Dissen, who quotes call,' • inspection,' hence ' demand,'
Aristoph. Frogs 874, Acharn. 405. • summons.' as here and § 320.
Compare σννθίίί § 149. 15. Ivois is generally taken to mean
6. τφ τυχόντι, i.e. lav tjs ιδία τι kv άνδράσι KaXuts re κά-γάθοίί, the
λυηηστ} § 307, plural being possible as referring to
309. II. κατασκίυήν is especially the generic idea contained in άνδρι
applied to buildings and similar forms κα\ψ rt καΎάθφ: compare Catull.
of 'fixed capital.' Ixiv. 146, and Mayor on Juvenal xiv.
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 225
then, seizing this opportunity for his eloquence, he starts ^..
suddenly from his quietude like a storm ^ from . .a* calm, and ^^αηφΡ"^
having his voice ready trained and a collection of phrases ^{ ^ \ \ <
and sentences prepared, he strings these together with clear
enunciation and no stopping for breath, though they are
fraught with no benefit or means to any good end, but with
disaster to some one or other of his countrymen and dishonour
to all.
Yet, Aeschines, if this premeditation and elaboration sprang 30 9
from a righteous soul, which had chosen as its aim the
advantage of our native land, the fruits should have been
generous, good, and wholesome to all, — alliances of states,
monetary resources, provision for a seat of trade, enactments
of beneficial laws, foils to our open foes. For all these things 310
there was a call in bygone times ; and the recent past gave an
honest man many opportunities to shine : but in such rivalries
you will be found to have taken no place, not first, nor second,
nor third, nor fourth, nor fifth, nor sixth, nor any place whatso-
ever, at least for acts by which your country was aggrandised.
WhaL alliance of your negoti atin g has the city plai ned ? What 311
assistance has she sent? What acquisition has she made of Λ^^^^^ί^^^
gratitude or glory? What embassy is due to you? What \
ministry have you fulfilled by which the state has risen in ^
honour ? What domestic, or international, or foreign difficulty
has been readjusted by you ? What triremes built ? What arms
furnished? What arsenals created? Which repair of walls
carried out ? What cavalry raised ? For what in the world are
you serviceable ? What patrioti fr or , large-minded relief have
241. It is easier, however, to render 311, 23. διά σβ, § 285. The words
here ' on which occasions.' are omitted by Dind.
16. ούιτρώτοβ. Dissen compares the iroiai, 5» 76.
last lines of the oracle quoted by the 24. τί. Observe the use of the neuter
Scholiast on Theocr. xiv. 48 : pronoun as indeclinable.
νμ(ΐ$ δ', ώ M(yapeis, ovre τρίτοι, οντ€ 25. tois eviropois . . βοήθίΐα χρημά-
τίταρτοι, των. Pecuniary relief to the rich as
οΰτ6 δυωδ^'/ίατοί, οντ kv λό^ψ ούτ kv well as the poor would be given by
such means as a fair adjustment of state
226 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§312-315.
312 ονββμία. αλλ' , ω τάν, ei μηΒϊν τούτων , ζννοιά ye
και προθυμία ; που ; πότε ; οστίζ, ω πάντων α8ίκώ-
τατ€, ονδ' οτ€ άπαντ€9, όσοι πώποτ ίψθύγξαντο βπϊ
τον βήματο9, e/y σωτηριαν ζπ^δίδοσαν, καΐ το reXcf-
ταΐον "Άριστόνίκο^ το σννβιλζγμύνον eh την ίπιτιμίαν, s
ονδζ τ6τ€ οϋτ€ παρηλθ€9 οντ ίπβδωκα? ούδύν, ουκ
άπορων, πως γάρ ; oy ye Κ€κληρον6μηκαγ μβν των
Φίλωνος τον κηδζστον χρημάτων πλβιόνων η πβντβ-
ταλάντων, δίτάλαντον δ' ^ΐχ^ς ipavov δωρεάν πάρα
των ήγβμόνων των σνμμοριών €ψ oh ίλνμήνω τον ίο
313 τριηραρχικον νομον. αλλ' ΐνα μη λόγον €Κ λόγου
λζγων τον παρόντος βμαντον ίκκρονσω, παραλβίψω
ταντα. αλλ' δτι γ ονχΐ δι ίνδ^ιαν ουκ ίπ^δωκας,
ίκ τούτων δηλον, άλλα ψυλάττων το μηδίν εναντίον
γβνίσθαί πάρα σου τούτοις \)ΐς άπαντα πολίτ^ύτ}. kv 15
τίσιν ουν σύ νβανίας καΐ πηνίκα λαμπρός ; ήνικ αν
κατά τούτων τι δύτ), kv τούτοις λα μπ ροφών ότ ατός, μνη-
μονικώτατος, υποκριτής άριστος, τραγικός θ^οκρινης,
314 Εϊτα των πρότβρον γξγβνημ^νων άγαθων άνδρων
μίμνησαι. και καλώς ποΐ€Ϊς. ου μύντοι δίκαιον kστιv, 2ο
άνδρβς "Ά θηναΐοι, την προς τους τβτβλζυτηκότας (ϋνοιαν
ύπάρχουσαν προλαβόντα παρ' υμών προς kκύvoυς
€ξ€τάζ€ΐν και παραβάλλων kμ\ τον νυν ζώντα μ^Θ
315 υμών. τις γάρ ουκ οΐδβ των πάντων δτι τοις μ€ν ζώσι
burdens (as § 102) or by voluntary Dissen, after Schaefer, who warns us
public service (as §§ 99, 257, 266) or here to give τταρηΚθί^ its technical
by benevolences to the state (as § 113). sense as applied to an orator coming
312. 4. <π€δίδοσαν, §§171,112 note. forward to the βήμα.
5- After το συν€ΐλ€γμ«νον els τήν 8. ιτίντίταλάντων, 'who inherited
ίτητιμίαν Dind. reads apyvpiov. Aris- the property of Philo, it being more
tonicus must have incurred a penalty than five-talents'-worth.' The MSS.
which was beyond his means to pay, divide nevn ταλάντων, in which case
and therefore lost his Ινιτιμία : cf. § 1 5 we must construe ' inherited more than
note. five talents of the property of Philo '
6. οΰτί . . ούδ^, ' neque hortatus es — χρημάτων depending on ταΧάντων.
ad largiendum neque largitus es,' 9. ίρανον =' club money.' 'Money-
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 227
you given to rich or poor ? None whatsoever. But, my dear 312
sir, though these were wanting, still loyalty and zeal appeared
in you? Where, or when, in you, most iniquitous of men,
who even at the time when all who ever yet spoke a word on
the platform offered contributions for our salvation, and at
the very last Aristonicus gave the money he had amassed to
regain his civil rights, even then did not come forward or
subscribe a mite? Not because you were poor — how could
you be, when you have inherited the estate of your father-in-
law, Philon, of more than five talents' value, and retained two
talents of club-money as a present from the managers of the
companies for the havoc you made of the Trierarchic Law ? 313
But, that I may not drift from topic to topic and throw myself
out of my present course, I will let these matters be. Remark
only, that it is clear from them that you refused to contribute,
not through lack of means, but because you were careful that
no check should be given on your part to those in whose
interest you direct all your public life. In what field, then, are
you heroic ? At what hour are you resplendent ? Whenever
anything must be done to harm my hearers, those are occasions
on which you are most splendid in voice, most perfect in study,
an actor of the first water, a stage Theocrines.
Lastly, you recall the good men of old, and you do well. 314
Nevertheless, men of Athens, it is not just to draw on your
fund of kind feeling towards the departed, and in com-
parison with them to examine and contrast me, your living
contemporary. For who in the world is unaware that towards 315
clubs * were formed at Athens, as Χνζ^ιν υπύρλαμπρον.
nowadays, from which members could 18. Θ6οκρίνη8 is unknown, but was
draw loans to be repaid in due season. traditionally accepted as a typical
δωρβάν is here added to indicate that σνκοψάρτηί.
Aeschines was released from the duty 314. 20. μίμνησαι, Aeschin. c. Ct.
of repayment. §§178 sqq.
313. 16. veavias .. λαμιτρόβ. Cf. c. 21. την . . ύττάρχουσαν, § 7i.
Mid. § 131. p. 557 λαμπρον ουδέ vfo- 22. ιτρολαβόντα, § 224.
νικύν, and § 136 aljove, § 320 below. 315. 24. tois μίν ζώσι . . φθόνο$.
17. For τούτων TtDind. has τουτωι /t. Compare Fals. Leg. § 359. p. 441,
λαμιτροφωνότατοβ, cf. § 260 6\o- Thuc. ii. 45.
Q 2
228 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§315-319.
Ίτάσίν ντΓβστί τις ή ττΧ^ίων η €λάττων φθόνοι, Toiis
Τ€θν€ώτα? Se ovSe των ^γβρων ovSeh €tl μισ^ΐ) οντω?
ονν ίχ^ορτων τούτων Trj φνσ€ί, προς tovs προ €μαντοΰ
νυν εγώ κρινωμαι καΐ θβωρώμαι ; μηδαμω^' οΰτ€ γαρ
δίκαιον οντ ίσον, Αίσγ^νη, άλλα προ9 σβ καΐ άλλον s
ζϊ τίνα βονλ€ί των ταύτα σοί προ^ρημ^νων καΐ ζώντων.
316 κάκ€Ϊνο σκ6π€ΐ. πότβρον καλλών καΙ άμ^ινον ττ} πόλζΐ
δια τα? των πρότβρον βύβργ^σία?, ούσα? νπ€ρμ€γίθ€ί9,
ου μ€ν ονν βϊποι τΐ9 άν ήλίκα?, τα? Ιπί τον παρόντα
βίον γιγνομξνα? eh άγαριστίαν και προπηλακισμον ίο
άγ€ΐν, ή πασιν όσοι τι μ€τ evvoias πράττονσι, τή?
317 τούτων τιμή? καΐ φιλανθρωπία? μβτβΐναι ; και μην ei
και τοντ άρα δ€Ϊ μβ €ίπ€Ϊν, ή μ^ν €μη πολιτεία και
προαίρ€σΐ9, άν τι? ορθώ? σκοπτ}, ταΐ? των τότ hvai-
νουμ^νων ανδρών όμοια και ταύτα βονλομύνη φανή- 15
σβται^ ή δ€ ση ταΐ? των τον? τοιούτον? τότβ σνκοφαν-
τούντων δήλον γαρ οτι και κατ ίκζίνον? ησάν τινβ?
οι διασύροντε? τον? οντά? τ6τ€, του? <Se πρ6τ€ρον ye-
γ€νημ€νον? βπ-ρνονν, βάσκανον πράγμα και ταύτο
318 ποιοϋντ^? σοί. βιτα λ€γ€ΐ? ω? ούδζν όμοιο? €ίμι €Κ€ίνοι? 2ο
€γώ ; συ δ' όμοιο?, Α ίσ)(ίνη ; ό δ* άδ€λφο? 6 σο? ;
άλλο? δβ τι? των νυν ρητόρων ; εγώ μ€ν γαρ ούδίνα
φημι. άλλοι προ? του? ζωντα?, ω ^ρηστ€, ΐνα μηδ^ν
αλλ' €Ϊπω, τον ζωντα βζύταζβ και του? καθ' αυτόν,
ωσπβρ τάλλα πάντα, του? ποιητά?, του? γορού?, του? 25
319 άγωνιστά?. 6 Φιλάμμων ούχ^ οτι Γλαύκου του Καρυ-
I. tJirtaTt. Cf. ύίΓουσαι/, § 36. 1 2. Before τούτων ('my countrymen')
31β. 9• ήλίκαβ. Observe the attrac- Dind. has τταρά.
tion from the normal nominative to 317. 17• κατ' «eivovs, §§95, 298,
the accusative: of. § 200. 318. Most MSS. add tovs χρόνου^.
lo. όχαριοΓτίαν might mean ' an ui)- 18. ol 8ia<rvpovTcs is the reading of
pleasing light;' but is more probably the best MSS, out of which it is hard
used in the later sense, common in to extract what would be the necessary
Xenophon, of ' ingratitude.' meaning — ' in their time there were
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ, 229
all the living there sets an undercurrent, stronger or weaker, of
jealousy, while not even an enemy continues to ha te the dead ?
T herefore as thi s is natur ally so, am I to-day to be jcritically
ins pected io-comparison with my gr edeg^saors ? -^y^iio_means
allow it. It is not just, it i s not fair, Aeschin es. No : compare
me with yourself, or with anyone else you wish of those who
have entertained the same principles with you and are now
living. Look at this further point also. Is it nobler or better 316
for the state, because she remembers the services of past heroes,
transcendent as they are — nay, one cannot declare how great —
to fling those which are done for our present needs to the
mercy of ingratitude and contumely, or that all who ever act
loyally should share the esteem and the affection of these our
countrymen ? And undoubtedly, if I must after all say as much 317
as this, my policy and principles, rightly regarded, will be
found to resemble those of the men who were praised of old,
and to be identical in aim, while yours will be found to re-
semble those of the men who then maligned the good. For it
is obvious that in their time also there were creatures who dis-
paraged their contemporaries ; and these praised the ancients,
doing a malicious trick in the same manner as you. Do you 318
then go on to say that I bear no resemblance to the good of
old ? But do you, Aeschines ? Does your brother .' Does any
other living orator .? I, at any rate, say, none. But, good sir —
to use no hard names — examine a living man in comparison with
the living, and with the men of his own day, as we do every-
thing else, poets, quires, combatants in the games. Because 319
Philammon was weaker than Glaucus of Carystus or some other
men who disparaged their contempo- ol tUovpov μίν.
raries, and such men used to praise 318. 2 1 . The mark of interrogation
heroes of an older date ' — in the ab- after €γώ should probably be replaced
sence of a pronominal phrase such by a ' full stop ; ' see § 297.
as ovToi Se, or oi δέ τοιούτοι, to in- 23. ΐνα..€ΐπω can only refer to
troduce kir^vow. Hence Dind. seems χρηστέ.
right in avoiding the anacoluthon by 319. 26. Γλαύκου, victor 01. 25,
the adoption, from other MSS, of celebrated by Simonides.
230 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§319-321•
στίου και τίνων έτβρων πρότ^ρον γ€γ€νημ€νων αθλητών
άσθβνβστβρος ην, άστ€φάνωτο9 €κ τη^'Ολνμπία? άττρΕί,
αλλ' ΟΤΙ των ζίσβλθοντων ττρο? αντον άριστα βμάχ^βτο,
kaT€(f>avovTO καΐ νικών άνηγορ€ν€το, καΙ συ προς
τού? νυν δρα μ€ ρήτορα?, προ? σαυτον, προ? οντινα 5
^20 βονΧ^ι των απάντων ονδίνα εξίσταμαι, ων, οτ€
μ€ν TTJ πόλβι τα βίλτιστα βλίσθαι παρήν, ίψαμίλλον
τη? €1? την πατρίδα evvoia? kv κοινω πασι κβιμβνη?,
ίγω κράτιστα λβγων ^φαινόμην, και τοΐ? €μοΐ? και
ψηψίσμασι και νόμοι? και πρ^σβ^ίαι? άπαντα διωκύτο, ιο^
ύμων δ€ ονδξΐ? ην ονδαμον, πλην €ί τούτοι? ^πηρ^άσαι
τι δύοΐ' €π€ΐδη δβ ά μή ποτ ώψζλζ συνέβη, καΐ
ονκίτι συμβούλων άλλα των τοΐ? ίπιταττομίνοι? υπη-
ρετούντων και των κατά τη? πατρίδο? μισθαρνύν
ίτοίμων και των κολακεύειν έτβρου? βουλομίνων ίξί- is
τάσι?, τηνικαΰτα συ και τούτων έκαστο? kv τάζει και
μέγα? και λαμπρό? ιπποτροφο?, kycu δ' ασθενή?,
321 ομολογώ, αλλ* ευνου? μαΧλον υμών τουτοισι. δύο δ ,
άνδρε? * Αθηναίοι, τον φύσει μέτρων πολίτην εγειν
δει [ούτω γάρ μοι περί kμaυτoΰ λεγοντι άνεπιφθονώ- 2ο
τατον ειπείν), εν μεν ται? kζovσίaι? την του γενναίου
και του πρωτείου tjj πολει προαίρεσιν διαφυλάττειν,
εν παντί δε καιρώ και πράξει την εϋνοιαν τούτου
yap η φύσι? κυρία, του δύνασθαι δε και ισχύειν έτερα,
ταύτην τοινυν παρ kpol μεμενηκυίαν εύρήσετε άπλώ?, 2$
6. ούδ^α ί^ίσταμαι. This is the § 184. p. 757• Almost all other MSS.
reading of 2, and Dissen draws the give ovhtvi, which is defended by
distinction 'jungitur hoc verbum cum Shilleto, Fals. Leg. § 249. p. 411, who
dativo cedere significans, cum accusa- cc«npares Ajax 672.
tivo autem ubi est declinare^ rendering 320. 6. ών (i. e. Ίων νυν βψ-όρων)
the words here * cotnparationem cum depends on κράηστα.
nemine defugio^ and quoting Soph. Aj. 15. For Irtpovs Dind. reads trepoy,
82 — which has the best MS. authority.
φρονουντα yap viv ουκ hv ΙζΙστην δκνφ. After «ξίτασιβ Dind. adds ^i'.
Dind. also adopts ovSiva. Cf. c. Tim. 17. Ιπποτρόφοβ. The most magnifi-
J
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 231
earlier athletes, he did not therefore leave Olympia without his
crown ; on the contrary, because he fought better than those
who took the lists against him, he received the laurel and was
proclaimed victor. Do you in the same manner scrutinise me
in comparison with our living orators, with yourself, or with any
you choose out of the whole number — I flinch from none.
Among these, in times when it was still open to the state to 320
select the best policy, when patriotism was a contest set publicly
before all, I showed myself the successful speaker, and every-
thing was ordered by my decrees, laws, and embassies ; while
none of your number took any place, unless there was occasion
to do my hearers some despite. When, however, that which
we deplore occurred, and there was a call, not now for true
advisers, but for slaves to dictation, and such as were ready to
take wages for treason against their native land and to fawn
on foreigners, in that hour, you, like the rest of your faction,
were at the post, a grand and princely competitor ; while I was
weak, I avow, but more loyal than you to my countrymen.
Two qualities, men of Athens, ought to be possessed by 321
the naturally modest citizen — for if I talk of myself in these
terms I may speak most inoffensively: one, that, when in
office, he should carefully cherish the principle that demands
nobility and supremacy for the state ; the other, that, at every
season, and in every transaction, he should preserve his loyalty.
The last depends on his own nature : ability and strength on
other things. This loyalty, then, you will find to have stayed
cent, and most expensive, form of menta' or ' oaaKis e^rjv.^ In Aristot.
competition in Greece was to train Eth. i. 5. 3 ol hv rms k^ovaiais means
and enter horses for the chariot-races. ' those who hold office,' and this must
Here the word is used metaphorically, be the sense here. Demosthenes
and it is worse than unnecessary to says, at all times a citizen must be
introduce into the rendering any loyal in heart, and, when he may
suggestion of ' a fine stud.' be in office, he must, further, be
321. 21. €ξουσίαι$ can hardly sig- careful of his country's honour and
nify, in the plural, ' opportuna mo- prestige.
y
232 ΔΗΜΟΣΘΕΝΟΥΣ §§322-324.
322 opdre 8L ουκ €ξαίτονμ€ΐ/ο9, ουκ Άμφίκτνορικα? δίκας
^πα-γοντων, ουκ ίπαγγβλλο μίνων, ούχΙ τον9 κατα-
parovs τούτους axnrep θηρία μοί προσβαλλόντων,
ουδαμώς eyo) προδίδωκα την eh υμάς ίΰνοίαν. το
γαρ €ξ άρχης (ύθύς όρθην καΐ δίκαίαν την όδον της 5
πολίΤ€ίας ζίλομην, τας τιμάς, τας δυναστείας, τάς
ευδοξίας τας της πατρίδος θεραπεύειν, ταύτας αΰξειν,
323 μετά τούτων είναι, ουκ επΙ μεν τοις έτερων εύτυχή-
μασι φαιδρός εγω καΐ γεγηθως κατ^ την άγοραν
περιέρχομαι, την δεξιαν προτείνων και εύαγγελιζο- ίο
μένος τούτοις οΰς αν εκεΐσε άπαγγελλειν οϊωμαι, των
δε της πόλεως αγαθών πεφρικως ακούω και στενών
και κύπτων εις την γην, ωσπερ οι δυσσεβεΐς ούτοι,
οι την μεν πάλιν διασύρουσιν, ωσπερ ούχ αυτούς
διασύροντες, όταν τοΰτο ποιώσιν, εξω δε βλεπουσι, 15
και εν οΐς άτυχησάντων των ^Ελλήνων εύτύχησεν έτε-
ρος, ταυτ επαινουσι και όπως τον άπαντα χρόνον
μενεΐ φασι δεΐν τηρεΐν.
324 Μη δητ , ω πάντες θεοί, μηδεις ταϋθ* υμών επι-
νεύσειεν, άλλα μάλιστα μεν και τούτοις βελτίω τινά 2ο
νουν και φρενας ενθείητε^ ει δ' άρ εχουσιν άνιάτως,
τούτους μεν αυτούς καθ' εαυτούς εξώλεις και προώ-
λεις εν γ§ και θαλάττη ποιήσατε^ ήμΐν δε τοις λοι-
ποΐς την ταχίστην άπαλλαγην των επηρτημενων φό-
βων δότε και σωτηρίαν ασφαλή, 25
822. Ι. (ξαιτουμ€νο$, § 41 . 2. After Ιπαγόντων Dind. inserts ου»
Άμφικτυονικάβ (2 fh Αμφικτύο- aveiXovvTOJV.
vas), Aesch. c. Ct. § i6i. The occa- 323. ii. ίκίΐσ* Cf. I«f?, § 287.
sion however is unluiown. άπαγγ€λλ(ΐν. The present = ' in
ΠΕΡΙ TOY ΣΤΕΦΑΝΟΥ. 233
with me in all simplicity. Look at my life. Not when my 322
surrender was demanded, not when they levelled Amphictyonic
suits against me, not when they made me oifers, not when they
let slip my accursed opponents, like wild beasts, upon me, have
I in any way betrayed my loyalty towards ypu. At once, and
from the outset,! chose a straightforward and honest course of
policy — to cultivate the distinction, the power, the glory, of my
native land, to augment them, to be one with them. I do not 323
scour the public square, beaming and exulting over the suc-
cesses of foreigners, stretching out my right hand and con-
gratulating such as I think are in the habit of sending reports
to a certain quarter ; nor do I hear of the good fortune of the
state with hair on end, groaning and bending myself down to
the ground, as do these rebels against heaven, who disparage
their city, forgetting that they disparage themselves in doing
so, and turn their eyes abroad, and, where, by the non-success
of the Hellenes, a foreigner has been successful, praise such
conditions, and declare that we should be vigilant that they
may remain unchanged for ever.
Forbid it, forbid it, all ye Powers of Heaven, that any among 324
you bow his sovereign sanction to this. Rather — dare we
hope so much — we would pray you to implant even in these
men a measure of better sense and better feeling. But, if it
be true that they are past healing, then take them by them-
selves, and fling them to utter and early destruction, be it on
land or at sea : and vouchsafe to the remnant of us the speediest
deliverance from the fears that hang above us, and a salvation
that shall stand sure.
the habit of sending intelligence.' 22. €ξώλ€ΐ5 καΐ προώλ€ΐ$. Shilleto,
There is a less well-supported variant Fals. Leg. § 190. p. 395 note.
ά7Γα77€λ€Γί'. 23. ποιήσατ€. There is a weaker
324. I . For the sentiments see § 89 variant ποιήσαιη.
note.
/Pi;
]
INDEX I.
NAMES AND PLACES.
[The first number in each reference gives the section of this speech ;
the second number gives the page of Demosthenes' works ac-
cording to Baiter and Sauppe, whose paging is the same as that
of Dindorf and Reiske.]
"Αβν^ον, 302. p. 326.
'Ayvovatos, 21. p. 232.
* Αθηναίοι, ω (ipdpes, I. p. 225, ^^^
frequently ; predicatively, 68.
p. 247.
Άθηνησίν, 66. p. 247, 197. p. 294.
AiaKOs, 127. p. 269.
AlavTidos φυλής, 1 8 1, p. 288.
Α'ίγιναν, 96. p. 258.
Αίσχίνον, 3• p. 226, and frequently.
* Αλεξάνδρου, 51. ζ2. p. 242, 270.
p. 316, 296. p. 324.
Άλίαρτον, g6. p. 258.
Άλόννησον, 69. p. 248.
*Αλωπ€κηθ€ν, 1 34. p. 282.
Άλωπ€ΚΟννησον, g2. p. 256.
Αμβρακίας, 244. p. 308.
* Αμύντας, 73- p. 249.
^Αμφικτύονας, 135. p. 272, 143. p.
275-156. p. 280. See note on
143. p. 275.
*Αμφικτυονικάς, 143. p. 275, 158. p.
280, 322. p. 331.
*Αμφίπολιν, 6g. p. 248.
*Αμφισσί(ύν, 140. p. 274, 154. p.
278.
Άμφίσση, 143• Ρ- 275j 154- Ρ- 279-
163. p. 281.
*Αι/αγυράσίοΐ',75• Ρ• 25O) ΐ64•Ρ•282.
"Αναξίνω, Ι37• ΡΡ• 272, 273-
Άναφλύστιος, 29. ρ. 23 5> 54• Ρ• 243)
75- ρ. 250, ιι8. ρ. 266, 165. ρ.
283.
^Avepoiras, 295• Ρ• 324•
^ Αντιφάνους, iZj. ρ. 29 1.
* Αντιφώντα, 1 32. ρ. 27 1.
^Απημάντου, 75• Ρ• 25θ•
Άττόλλω, 141. ρ. 274j 155• Ρ• 279)
1 57• Ρ• 28ο.
Άργείους, 64. ρ. 246, 295- ρ. 324•
* Αρείου πάγου, 1 33• 1 34• Ρ• 27 1.
Άρίσταιχμος, 295• Ρ• 324•
* Αριστόδημος, 21. ρ. 232.
^Αριστόλεως, 1 97• Ρ• 294•
^Αριστονίκου, 83. 84- ρ. 253) 223.
ρ. 302, 312. ρ. 329•
Άριστοφώντος (of Azania), yo. p.
248, 162. p. 281, 219. p. 301 ;
(of Colyttus), 75. p. 250.
^ Αρίστρατος (of Sicyon), 48. p. 242,
295. p. 324; (of Naxos), 197. p.
294.
Αρκάδα,. 155. p. 279.
'Αρκάδα?, 64. p. 246, 295. p. 324.
"Αρκαδία, 304. p. 327.
^Αρτεμισία, 2o8. p. 297.
236
INDEX I.
'Ατρόμητου J 54. p. 243, 130. p. 170,
137. p. 273.
'ATTiKTfVf 71. p. 248, 96. p. 258,
139. 141. p. 274, 164. p. 282,
165. p. 283, 195. p. 293, 213.
p. 299, 230. p. 304, 241. p. 307,
3CX). p. 325, 301. p. 326.
"Αφιδναν^ 38. p. 238.
"Αχαιούς, lyj . p. 306.
Βάταλοί, l8o. p. 288.
Βοιωη'α, 41. p. 239, 96. p. 258, 2 1 3.
p. 299, 301. p. 326.
Βοιωτίουί, l66. p. 283, 230. p. 304.
Βοαπορίχω, 90. 91. pp. 255, 256.
ΒοστΓορίω, 91. p. 256.
Βουλαγόρα?, 1 64. p. 282.
"Άνζάντιον, ηΐ. p. 248, 80. p. 252,
230. p. 304, 302. p. 326.
Βυ^αι/τίουί, 87. p. 254, 88-9 1, pp.
255,256, 95• P• 257, 136. p. 272,
230. p. 304, 238. p. 306-244. p.
308.
rXavKodeaPj 1 30. p. 270, 284. p. 320.
Γλαύκου, 319• Ρ• 331•
Ααμάγητος, 90. p. 255.
Δάοχος, 295. p. 324.
Advapxos, 295. p. 324.
AeKeXeiKov noXepov, 96. p. 258.
Δήλω, 134. p. 271, 135. p. 272.
Αημάδην, 285. p. 32O.
Αημάρατος, 295. p. 324.
Αημοκράτης, 29. p. 235, 187. p. 291.
Αημόκριτον, 75. p. 250, 77. p. 25 1.
Αημομ^Χην, 223- p. 302.
Αημόνικος (of Marathon), 135. p.
272 ; (of Phlyes), 1 1 5. p. 265.
Αημοσθ€Ρης, 2^. p. 235, 54. p. 243,
79. p. 251, 84. p. 253, 105. p.
261, 118. p. 266, 135. p. 272,
137• p. 273, 181. p. 288, 187. p.
291 ; in the sense 'a man of my
character,' 197. p. 294, 304. p.
327.
Αημοφωντος, 75• Ρ• 25°•
Αιοννσίοις, 54. p. 243, 84. p. 253,
115. 116. p. 265, 118. p. 267.
ΑιοτΓίΙθους, yo. p. 248.
Αωτιμος, 1 14. I16. pp. 264, 265,
187. p. 291.
Aiouvbas, 222. p. 302, 249. p. 3 ID.
Δίωνος, 1 29. p. 270.
Αολόπων, 63. ρ• 246.
Αορίσκον, yo. p. 248.
ΑωδωνάΙον, 253• Ρ• 3^'•
Έλάτ6ΐαι/, 143- p. 275, 153• Ρ• 278,
169. p. 285, 175• Ρ• 286, Ι77•
ρ. 287.
*EXeovvTa, 92. ρ. 256.
ΈΧζνσΙνα, 38. ρ. 238.
'EXcvalvade, lyy. p. 287, 1 84. Ρ•
290.
"ΕΧιξος, 295• Ρ• 324•
ΈΧΧάς, 158. ρ. 28ο.
ΈΧΧηρίδας, yi.p. 248, 1 83. ρ. 299,
304. Ρ• 327-
ΈΧΧηνικοις, 109. ρ. 263, 31 1• Ρ•
329•
ΈΧΧηνων, 2ο. ρ. 23 1 , and frequently.
ΈΧΧησποντον, 3°. ρ. 235» 7^• Ρ•
Ρ48, 73' ρ. 249, 77' Ρ• 251, 88.
ρ. 255, 230. ρ. 3θ4•
Έλπία, 129. ρ. 270.
"Εμπουσαρ, 1 30. ρ. 270.
*Επίφρονυς, 1 65. ρ. 283.
"Επιχάρης, 295• Ρ• 324-
*Εργίσκην, 2y. ρ. 234•
'EptTpla, 71• Ρ• 248, 79• 8 1, ρ. 252.
"Ερίχθηΐδος, 1 64. ρ. 282.
Έτ(ονίκου, 37• Ρ• 238•
INDEX I,
^37
Ευβθ€ων, 95. p. 257, 234. p. 305,
237. p. 306, 295. p. 324.
Ευβοιαν, 71. p. 248, 79. p. 252, 84.
p. 253, 87. p. 254, 96. p. 258,
99. p. 259, 230. p. 304-241. p.
307, 301. 302. p. 326.
Έϋβονλος, 21. p. 232, 29. p. 235,
70. p. 248, 73. P• 249, 75• P• 250,
162. p. 281.
Ένδικος, 48. p. 241.
Έυθίι8ημος, 164. p. 282.
Έυθυκ\€θνς, 1 1 8. p. 266.
Εύκα/χ7Γΐδα$•, 295. p. 324.
Έΰρομο5) 165. p. 283.
Εύξίθ€ος, 295. p. 324.
Ενρνβάτον, 24. p. 233, note.
Ζηρων, 135• p. 272.
Ήγημονα, 285. p. 320.
Ήγησιπποί, 75• p. 2 50.
'HXfi'ous•, 295. p. 324.
Ηρακλέους, 1 86. p. 290.
Ήροηύθου, 164. p. 282.
"Ηρωι, 129. p. 270.
θάσω, 197. p. 294.
θζμιστοκΧία, 204. p. 296.
θβμίσωνοί, gg. p. 259.
θεογβιτωι/, 295. p. 324.
θ€οδώρον, 99. p. 259.
θζοκρίνης, 313. p. 329, note.
θ€τταλίαν, 48. p. 241, 244. p. 308,
304. p. 327.
θετταλονί, 36. p. 237, 40. p. 239,
43. p. 240, 63. 64. p. 246, 295.
p. 324.
θηβαίοις, 1 8. p. 23 1, and frequently.
θ^βα?, 48. p. 241, 174. p. 286, 178.
p. 287, 188. p. 291, 211. p. 298.
Θράκης, SO. p. 235, 32. p. 236, 87.
p. 254.
θρακών, 27. p. 234, 244. p. 308.
Θρασύβουλος, 219. p. 30I.
θρασνδαΐος, 295. p. 324.
θρασύλοχος, 295. p. 324.
θράσωνος, 127• p. 272.
Ιερώνυμος, 295. p. 324.
Ί\\νριούς, 44• p. 240, 244. p. 308.
"Ιμβρος, 115. p. 265.
"ίππαρχος, 295. p. 324.
Ίπποθοωντ'ώος, 7 ζ. p. 2 50, 1 05. p.
261.
"Ισθμια, gi. p. 256.
ΚάΧΚαισχρος, 187. p. 291.
Κάλλια? (of Phrearri), 115. 116. p.
265; (of Sunium), 135. p. 272.
Καλλισθερονς, 27- p. 237.
Καλλίστρατος, 2 1 9. p. 301.
Καρυστίον, 3 1 9• p. 33 1.
Κέφαλος, 2ig. p. 301, 25 1, p. 310.
Κερκώας, 295. p. 324.
Κέρκυρα, 234. p. 305.
Κερκυραίους, 237. p. 306.
Κηφισοφων (of Rbamnus), 21. p.
232, 29. p. 235, 55. p. 244; (of
Anaphlystus), 75. p. 250, 77. p.
251.
Κινεας, 295. p. 324.
Κφραία, 149. p. 277, 1 52. p. 278.
KippaloLS, 152. p. 278.
Κλεάνδρου, 1 87. p. 29 1.
KXetvayo'/jou, 1 54. p. 278, 1 55. p. 279.
Κλείταρχος, 71. p. 248, 81. 82. p.
252, 295. p. 324.
Κλεότιμος, 295. p. 324.
Κλέων (of Cothocis), 29. p. 236,
54. p. 244; (of Phalerus), 135.
p. 272.
Κλέωνας, 96. p. 258.
Κλέωνος, 75. p. 2 50, 1 37. p. 273.
Κοθωκίδης, 29. p. 235, 55. p. 254,
238
INDEX I,
75. p. 250, 180. p. 288, 187. p.
291.
Κολυττβύ?, 75• Ρ• 25O•
Κολυττω, l8o. p. 288.
ΚΟΛ-ρ€ΐοΓ, η-^. p. 249.
Kopii/^ioiy, 96. p. 258, 157. p. 280,
237. p. 306.
Kopij/^oi/, 96. p. 258.
Υ.6ττν<^ο^, 151. p. 277, 155. p. 279.
Κρί'οιπ-α, l8o. p. 288.
Κρησφόντηρ, l8o. p. 288.
Κτησιφών, ζ. p. 227, 13. p. 229,
16. p. 230, 54. p. 243, 118. p.
266, 223. p. 302, 250. p. 310.
ΚυρσΙλον, 204. p. 296.
Αακ€Βαιμονίων, g6. 98. p. 258, 202.
p. 295.
Λαομί'δωι/, yy. p. 25 1.
AapiaaloSj 48. p. 24 1.
Αασθίρης, 48. p. 24 1.
Αίοντίδος, 84. p. 253•
AfVKabiovs, 237. p. 306.
A€VKTpoiSf 18. p. 231, 98. p. 258.
Α€ω8άμαντα, 73. p. 249.
Α^ωσθίνονς, 54. p. 243, 1 1 8. p. 266.
Αημνον,77.'ρ. 251.
Αοκρων, I40. p. 274, 150. p. 277,
157. p. 280.
Μάδυτοι/, 92. p. 256.
Μα«δοϊ/ία, 30. p. 235, 32. p. 236,
73. p. 249.
ΙΛακΐδόνων^ 39. p. 238, jy. p. 250,
90.P.253, 166. p.283, 181.P.289.
"ίΛαραθωνι, 2o8. p. 297.
Μαραθώνιος, 135. p. 272.
Mfyape'af, 234. p. 305, 227. p. 306,
295. p. 324.
Μίλάιαου, 249• p. 310.
Μίσσηνίονς, 64. p. 246, 295. p. 324.
MtWff, 127. p. 269.
Μι/ασεα?, 295. p. 324.
Μνησιθάδης άρχων, 155- p. 279; (of
Phrearri), 187. p. 291.
ΙΛ-νησιθ^ον, y^- P• 249.
ΜνησιφίΚου, 29. p. 235, 37, p. 238.
'Μ.ουννχία, loy. p. 262.
Μύρτηνον, 2y. p. 234.
Mi^prty, 295. p. 324.
Μνσών Xeiav, 72. p. 248.
Νά^ω, 197. p. 294.
Νανσικλης, 1 14. 1 1 5. pp. 264, 265,
181. p. 288.
"S (άρχος, 1 65. p. 283.
Ne/ifa, 91. p. 256.
Neo/cXfous, 73. p. 249, 75. p. 250.
Ν6οπτόλ€/χο?, 114• p. 264. •
NcW, 295. p. 324.
Νικίου, 137. p. 273.
Νικόμαχος, 1 37. p. 273.
Όζόλαι, 157• p. 280.
Οΐδίπουν, 1 86. p. 290.
Οίνηΐδος, Il8. p. 266.
Οΐνόμαον, l8o. p. 288, 242. p. 307.
^Ολυμπία, 91. p. 256.
'Ολυμπίας, 319• Ρ• 331•
"Ολννθον, 48. p. 241.
Παιανΐ€νς, 2g. p. 235, 54. p. 243,
84. p. 258, 105. p. 261, 118. p.
266.
Ώαναθηναίοις, Il6. p. 265.
Ώανδιονίδος, 29. p. 235.
Ώατροκλης, I05. p. 261.
Πίΐραία, 38. p. 238, 132. p. 271,
300. p. 325, 301. p. 326.
UeWrj, 68. p. 247.
ΙΙ^Χοποννησίων, I $7» P• 280, 1 86.
p. 290.
ΏίΧοπόννησος, l8. p. 23 1, 79* P•
252, 218. p. 301, 301. p. 326.
INDEX I,
^39
Yli-napr\6ov^ 70. p. 248.
Πβρι'λαο?, 48. p. 242, 295. p. 324.
Περίνθωι, 89. 91. pp. 255, 256.
Πίρσων, 202. p. 295.
Πλαταιαί?, 2o8. p. 297.
JJoXvKXeovs, 105. p. 261.
Πολυκράτης, 1 65. p. 283.
τΐόλύκριτον, 75• ρ• 250, yj. p. 251.
Πορθμόν,^Ι. p. 248.
ΐΙοτί8αιαν, 69. p. 248.
Προκόννησον, 302. p. 326.
Πτοιόδωροί, 295• p. 324.
Uvdvav, 69. p. 248.
Ώύθιον, 141. p. 274.
ΤΙνθοκλ€ονς, 285. p. 320.
Πύθωνα, 136. p. 272.
ΠνΚαίαν, 147. p. 276.
Πύλα?, 32. p. 236, 35. p. 237, 39.
p. 239, 184. p. 290, 300. p. 327.
'Ρα8άμανθυ9, 127. Ρ• 269.
*Ραμνονντα, 38. p. 238.
'Ραμνονσίος, 2g. p. 235, 55. p. 244.
'Ρόδος, 234. p. 305.
Σαλαμίνα, 1 16. p. 265, 208. p. 297.
2eppeiov, 27. p. 234, 70. p. 248.
Σηλνμβρίάνοις, yy, yS. p. 25 1.
Σηστόν, 92. p. 256.
Σικνωνι, 48. p. 242.
Σικυωνίους, 295. p. 324.
Σιμός (of Anagyrus), 164. p. 282;
(of Larissa), 48. p. 241.
ΣιμύΧω, 202. p. 314•
Σόλων, 6. p. 227.
Σουνιενς, 135. p. 272.
Σοννιον, 38. p. 238.
Σφηττιος, iSy. p. 291.
Σωκράτ€ΐ, 202. p. 314•
Σωσίκλβου?, 249. p. 310.
Σωσίστρατος, 295. p. 324.
Σωψίλον, iSy. p. 291.
Ύάναγραν, g6. p. 258.
Ύ^λίδαμος, 295. p. 324.
Ύ€λ€δημος, 1 37. p. 273.
TeVeSoi/, 302. p. 326.
Τιμόλαος, 48. p. 24 1. ,
Ύιμόλας, 295. p. 324.
Ύριβαλλονς, 44. p. 240.
Τρόμης, 1 29. 130. p. 270.
Ύπ€ρ(ίδυ (of Sphettus), 134. p. 271,
187. p. 291, 223.P.302; another,
137• p. 273•
Φάληρος, y] . p. 238, I35. p. 272.
Φιλάμμων, 319 p. 331.
Φιλιάδου, 295. p. 324.
Φίλιττπος, 1 9. p. 23 1 , and frequently.
Φΐλιστίδην, 71. p. 248, 81. 82. p.
252.
Φιλοκράτης, \y. p. 23O, 21. p. 232,
75. p. 250, 249. p. 310.
Φ'ΐΚωνος, 115. p. 265, 3 12. p.
329•
Φλνΐυς, 2g. p. 235, 105. p. 261,
115. p. 265, 135. p. 272, 187.
p. 291.
Φορμίων, 129. p. 270.
Φρεάρριος, 84. p. 253, I29. p. 270,
187. p. 291.
Φνλάσιος, 164. p. 282.
Φυλην, 38. p. 238.
Χαιρώνδου, 54. p. 243, 84. p.
253.
Χαρίδημος, II4. Il6. pp. 264, 265.
Χ€ρρονησιτών, 92. p. 256.
Χίρρόνησος, 8o. p. 252, 92. p. 256,
139. p. 274, 302. p. 326.
*£lp€6v, 71. p. 248, 79. p. 252.
^Ο,ρωπόν, 99• p. 259.
INDEX II.
WORDS AND PHRASES.
[The words, the reference to which is followed by the letter D, occur
in the Documents which are inserted in this speech, not in
the speech itself.]
αγαθός, 86. p. 254 ; ταγα^ά = ' bles-
sings,' 323. p. 332, = 'property,'
213. p. 299.
άγανακτ€7ν, 22. p. 232, 238. p. 306.
αγαπάν, log. p. 263 ; άγαπητόρ, 220.
p. 302.
αγασθαι, 204. p. 296.
αγ€ΐν, 191. p. 292 ; a. θιάσους, 200.
Ρ• 313; = 'lead astray,' 9• p. 228 ;
a. ησνχίαν, 36. p. 237, 307. p. 327 ;
a. fis σνκοφάντας, 112. p. 264,
eis άχαριστίαν, 3 1 6. p. 330 ; φε-
pcLV Koi ά., 230. p. 304.
άγνο€Ϊν, 8 1, p. 252, 174. p. 286, 303.
p. 326; pass., 249. p. 310.
άγνοια, 20. p. 23 1, 62. p. 245, 74. p.
249 D, 134. p. 271; pi., 246. p.
308.
αγρωμον€ΐν, 74. p. 249D, 94. p. 257,
248. p. 309.
άγνωμοσύνη, 207. p. 297, 252. p.
311•
άγνώμων, 289. p. 322.
αγορά, 12y. p, 269, 1 69. p. 284,
323. p. 332.
αγόρευαν, 170. p. 285, 191. p. 292.
άγραφος, 275. p. 3 1 7.
αγρός, pi, 36. p. 237.
άγων, = ' trial,' I. p. 226; = ' contest,'
66. p. 247, 201. p. 295, 226. p.
303; = 'games,' 91. p. 256 D,
116. p. 226 D; = ' drama,' 262.
^ p. 314.
άγωί'ία, 33. p. 236.
άγωνίζίσθαι, 2. p. 226, 3• P• 226,
ΙΟΙ. p. 259, 262. p. 314.
αγωνιστής, 3 1 8. p. $$1.
άγωνοθβτης, 84. p. 254 I^j II6. p.
266 D.
abeia, 286. p. 32 1, 305. p. 327.
άδζλφός, 288. p. 321, 318. p. 330.
αδιάφθορος, 298. p. 325.
άδικ€Ϊν, 13• p. 229 ; intr., 190. p.
291 ; pass., 70. p. 248, 80. p. 252,
^ 94. p. 257.
αδίκημα, 20. p. 232, 72• p. 248.
αδικία, 1 6. p. 230.
άδικος, 312. p. 329.
αδίκως, 1 8. p. 23 1.
άδοξος, 68. p. 247, 20I. p. 295.
αδύνατος, 38. p. 238 D, I08. p. 262.
άδωροδοκητως, 250. p. 31O•
aei, 31. p. 236, 97. p. 258.
αήττητος, 247. p. 309.
αθλητής, 3 1 9. p. 33 1.
άθλίως, 145. p. 276.
άθφος, 125. p. 269, 270. p. 316.
αϊρίσθαι, 2o8. p. 297.
αίρίΐσθαι, eiK-, 109. p. 263; pass.,
73. p. 249 D.
R
242^
INDEX II.
a7p€aLSf 1 66. p. 283 D.
αΙσθάν€σθαι, 40. p. 239.
aiaxpoKepdfia, 295. p. 324.
αισχρός, 64. p. 246, 1 27. p. 269;
comp., 93. p. 257 ; sup., 296. p.
324•
αίσχΰνίσθαι, with ptcp., 245. p.308;
with inf. and ptcp. both, 121. p.
268.
Ιιισχννη, 85. p. 254; ev a., 1 36. p.
272.
ahelv, 89. p. 255.
arna, = * blame,' 4. p. 227, 294. p.
323; = 'allegation,' 7. p. 227, 15.
p. 230, 34. p. 237, 141. p.
275.
αΐτιασθαι, ΙΟ. p. 228, 76. p. 250,
191. p. 292, 263. p. 314.
aXrioSy 20. p. 232, 108. p. 262, 212.
p. 298.
αιώι/, 92. p. 257 D, 199, 203. p.
295.
αίωρϋν, 313. p. 260.
άκαιρος, 46. p. 241.
ακήρυκτος, 262. p. 3 1 4.
ακίνδυνος, gy. p. 258.
ακολουθών, 1 46. p. 276, 243. p. 308.
ακόλουθος, 257. p. 3 1 2.
άκονιτι, 200. p. 295*
άκοίχιν, 2. p. 226;= *to be called,'
46. p. 241 ; with double gen. (?),
9. p. 228.
ακριβής, 138. p. 273; -ay, ΙΟΙ. p.
260.
άκριβολογ^Ίσθαι = * state precisely,'
21. p. 232 ; = * bargain,' 240. p.
307.
άκριτος, 1 8. p. 23 1.
άκροασθαι, 2. p. 226, 1 96. p. 293.
ακροατής, y. p. 227.
Άκρος, 129. p. 270.
άκρωτηριάζΐσθΜ^ 2g6. p. 324.
Άκων, 40. p. 239, 274. p. 317.
άλάστωρ, 296. p. 324.
akye'iv, 4 1, p. 239, 1 28. p. 270.
αλειτούργητος, 91. p. 256 D.
αλήθεια, ly. p. 23O.
aXj;^i7ff = ' true,' 12. p. 229, 95. p.
257 ; = *just,' 249. p. 310 ; τάλη-
θες, I40. p. 274.
αληθώς, ώς α., 63. p. 246.
άλία, 90. p. 255 Γ>.
άλίτηριος, 1 59• Ρ• 28θ.
αλλά = 'but,' 2. p. 226 ; = *at enim,'
1 13. p. 264, νη ΔΓ α., 1 17. p. 266;
with imperat., 191. p. 292 ; in
question and answer, 24. p. 233;
a. 76 = 'remark only,' 313. p. 329;
a. yap, 263. p. 314 ; a. yap . . . δη,
42. p. 241 ; a. yap . . . ουν, 211.
p. 298; d. μην, 88. p. 255, 168. p.
284, 192. p. 292, 218. p. 301,
246. p. 308.
αλλτ^λου?, 1 6. p. 230.
αλλοθεν, 130. p. 270.
άλλοθι, ΙΟ. p. 228.
άλλος = Other,' 2. p. 226, 43. p. 240;
αλλ* ότιοϋν, 14. p. 229 ; άλλον
€1 τίνα βούλ(ΐ,2ΐ$- Ρ• 33°; advb.,
τ^λα, 318. p. 331» 288. p. 321; =
'besides,' 96. p.258 ; = ' worse,'
iva μηδέν αλλ' εΐπω, 3 1 8. p. 330;
άλλως πως, 288. p. 32 1 ; αΚλως
Τ€ και, 5• ρ. 227.
αλλότριο?, ΐ82. ρ. 289 D, ΐ86. ρ.
290 D; -ωτερον, g. ρ. 228.
άλλοτριότης, 165. ρ. 282 D.
άλλοτριοΰσθαι, 88. ρ. 255•
άλόγως, 1 8. ρ. 23 1.
άμα, 9. ρ. 228, 24. ρ. 233-
άμαξα, 122. ρ. 268.
άμαρτάνειν, ig. ρ. 23 1, 2θ7. ρ. 297•
αμάρτημα, 72. ρ. 248, 246. ρ. 309•
άμ(, go. ρ. 256 D.
INDEX II ,
^43
αμάνων, 139- Ρ- 274, 259- Ρ- 313•
3ΐ6. ρ. ^ilP^ advb., 285. p. 321•
αμβλβίι/, 227- p. 2)'^2>'
αμίμητος, 2ΐ6. ρ. 300•
άμνημον€ΐν, 285• ρ. 320•
άμύν€σθαί, Ι57•Ρ• 28oD, 299• Ρ • 325*
άμφίς, 289. ρ. 322 D.
άμφισβητησις, 13 1 • Ρ• 271.
αμφισβητήσιμος, iv α., 1 39• Ρ• 274•
άμφοίν, 2. ρ. 226.
αμφότεροι, J, ρ. 227, 20. ρ. 231,
176. ρ. 287; ΐ7ΐ• Ρ• 285.
αν = '{{,' 3ΐ7• Ρ• 330.
αν, omitted (?) 306. ρ. 329 '■> with
optat. in apod., 2. p. 226 ; with
optat. in prot., 190. p. 291; with
indef. subjunct., 4, p. 227; with
fut. inf., 147. p. 276; with ptcp.,
96. p. 258, 168. p. 284.
άναβαίν€ΐν, 209. p. 297.
άνάγβσθαι, loy. p. 202.
άναγι•γνώσκ€ΐν, 28. p. 234, 1 1 8. p. 266,
259. p. 313 ; pass., 121. p. 268.
άνα-γκάζζΐν, 4. p. 226, 1 9. p. 23 1,
102. p. 260.
amyifaios = ' necessary,' 9. p. 228,
17. p. 230; = 'closely connected
with/ 59. p. 245 ; = * inevitable,'
246. p. 309 ; αντα τα αναγκαιό-
τατα, ' leading facts,' 126. p. 269,
168. p. 284.
ανάγκη, 34. p. 237, 125. p. 269.
άναγορ€υ€ΐν, 121. p. 268; pasS., 319.
^ p. 331•
άναγόρ^νσις, 84. p. 253 D, II8. p.
267 D.
avaibeia, 22. p. 232.
άναώως, 285. p. 32 1.
avaipelv, 63. p. 246, 7 1, p. 248 ;
-eXflv, 18. p. 231, 98. p. 258 ;
pass., 42. p. 240 ; d. ck μίσον,
294. p. 323.
R
άναισθητ^Ιν^ 221. p. 302.
αναίσθητος, 43. p. 240, I20. p. 267.
αναίτιος, 297. p. 325.
ανακαρνξαι, 9I. p. 256 D.
άνακομιδη, "/ζ. p. 250 D.
άνα\αμβάν€ΐν, 163. p. 282 ; = * re-
new,' 78. p. 251 D.
αναλγησία, 35- p. 237, 1 28. p. 270.
aVaXiV/ceti/ = ' spend money,' 82. p.
253, 104. p. 260, 107. p. 262 ;
τάνηλωμενα, 1 13. p. 264; met.,
σώματα, 66. p. 247, λόγου?, 9• p.
228, 279. p. 313.
αναλογία, Io6. p. 262 D.
άναλογισμός, Io6. p. 262 D.
άνάλωμα, I02. p. 260, II6. p.
265 D.
άναμιμνησκ€ΐν, 12. p. 230, 60. p. 245;
mid., 99. p. 259, 136. p. 272.
αναμφισβητήτως, 306. p. 327.
άναν€θυσθαι, 167. p. 284 D.
ανάξιος, lo8. p. 263.
άναπλ^ΐν, 1 84. p. 290D.
άναπν€Ϊν, 1 95. p. 293.
άνάρρησις, 58. p. 244.
άνάστασις, go. p. 255 D.
ανάστατος, 183. p. 289 D.
ai/art^eVai = * palm off,' 17. p. 230 ;
= * visit, as a sin, upon,' 290. p.
322, 294. p. 323.
άνατρίπίΐν, 143. p. 272, 296. p. 324,
303. p. 327.
άναφίρ^ιν, 75. p. 250 D; = *refer
back to,' 224. p. 302.
αναφορά, 219. p. 30I.
άνδραγαθία, 54• p. 243 D.
avbpanobov, 2 1 3. p. 299.
άνδρία, 215. p. 300.
άνδριάς, 122. p. 268, 1 29. p. 270.
άνεδην, II. p. 229.
avfinelv, $5. p. 244 D, 58. p. 244.
ανεκτός, 203. p. 295.
244
INDEX II.
ανβλττίστωί, 1 82. p. 289 D.
dvfpftv = * proclaim,' pass., 83. p.
263, 120. p. 267 ; = ' declare
elected,' pass., 149. p. 277.
άν(πιφθόρωί, sup., 32 1, p. 33 1.
5j/€u = * without the knowledge of,'
78. p. 251 D ; = * besides,' 89. p.
255.
avexeadaij lO. p. 228, 160. p. 28 1.
άνήρ, 259. Ρ• 313•
άνθΐστηριων^ 1 5 5» p. 279 D.
άνθιστάναι, intr., 1 75. p. 286 ; mid.,
49. p. 242.
ανθρωπινός^ 193. p. 292, 275. p.
317, 300. p. 325, 308. p. 328 ;
-wy, comp., 252. p. 311.
άνθρώπιον, 242. p. 307•
άνθρωπος, 24. p. 233, 1 39. p. 274,
252. p. 311, 275. p. 317.
avLapos, 291. p. 323.
άνιάτως, 324. p. 332.
άνιστάναι, tr., 1 29. p. 270, 259. p.
313 ; intr., 10. p. 228, 136. p.
272 ; mid., 136. p. 272.
άvόητoSy 252. p. 311.
avopoKoyelv, pass., 86. p. 254» 266.
άνόνητος, 1 4 1, p. 275.
άνοχη, 164. p. 282 D.
άνταλλάττίσθαι, 1 38. p. 273.
avTave\uv, 23 1, p. 304.
avreindv, 83. p. 253, 136. p. 272.
άντ€χ€σθαι, 1 85. p. 290 D.
0^x1'=' instead of,' 126. p. 269, 130.
p. 270, 230. p. 304 ; = 'in return
for,' 46. p. 241, 119. p. 266.
άντιβαίνΐΐν, 1 86. p. 290 D.
avrihiKOi, I. p. 226.
avTiKpovfiVy 1 98. p. 294.
avTiXtyaVj 49. p. 242, 1 62. p. 28 1.
αντίπαλος^ 289. p. 322 D.
avTiTOTTfiVf 236. p. 306.
άντωνύσθαι^ 239. p. 307.
ανω Koi κάτω, 1 1 1, p. 263 ; = * in the
Pnyx,' 169. p. 285.
άξια, 03. p. 246, 74. p. 249.
a|tos with gen., 5. p. 227, 58. p.
244; abs., 195. p. 293.
άξιονν=^ to think worthy,' pass.,
51. p. 242, 128. p. 269; = 'pos-
tulate,' 255. p. 312; = 'claim,' 4.
p. 226, 297. p. 325 ; = ' require,'
6. p. 227, 34. p. 236, 87. p.
254.
άξιωμα, 65. p. 246, 1 49. p. 277, pi.,
210. p. 298.
arcayy eWiiVy 32. p. 236, 323. p.
332.
άπαιτάν, 1 92. p. 292, 245. p. 308.
anaWayri, 145. p. 275, 324. p. 332.
απαλλάττ^ι/, act. = ' come off,' 65.
p. 246 ; pass. = 'get rid of,' 35.
p. 237, 261. p. 314.
άπαντάν, 1 5, p. 230, I25. p. 269.
άπαξ, 151. p. 277.
άπαρτάν, 59. p. 244.
άπας, l8. p. 23I, 313. p. 329.
άπ€ΐθ€Ίν, 2,7' p. 238 D.
άπ€ΐπ€Ίν, 154. p. 278 D.
άπ^ίρατος, 249. p. 310.
άπειρος, 149. p. 277, 262. p. 314.
άπ^Καΰν^ιν, 82. p. 252, 134. p. 271,
239. p• 307•
άπ^ΚβΐΙν, 124. Ρ• 268.
άπ€pyάζ€σθaι, 2 1 8. p. 30I.
άπίχθίία, 36. p. 237.
άπύναι, 6$. p. 246, 319. p. 33I;
άπιών, SC. μην, yj. p. 238 D, 84.
p. 253 D.
άπιστύν, η. p. 227, 47. p. 25 1, 52.
p. 242, 176. p. 286.
απιστία, 1 88. p. 29 1.
άπΚονς, 24 1, p. 307.
άπ\ονς, ΙΟ. p. 228.
INDEX II.
245
άττλώ? = * honestly/ 58. p. 244, 1 1 1.
p. 263, 276. p. 317, 308. p. 328;
= ' wholly,' 88. p. 255, 179. p.
288, 321. p. 331.
ατΐν^νστΊ.) 3o8. p. 328.
α7Γο = ' distant from/ 230. p. 304;
= 'from' (of commencement),
αρ^αμ. a. σον, 297. p. 325, (of
fixed limit), 106. p. 262 D ; = 'at
the cost of,' 102. p. 260, 92.
p. 256 D; = 'dating from/ ά.
Ίΐοίας άρχης, 150. p. 277 (= ? On
what grounds '), 26, p. 233, 66.
p. 247 ; = ' at the impulse of/
a. rrjs epavrov γνώμης, l6l. p.
281, 292. p. 313 ; = €πί, τινά των
ά. της σκηνής, ΐ8θ. ρ. 288.
άποβλ€π€ίν, 2 ίο. ρ. 298.
fc άποδίίκννναι, 131. ρ. 27 1, 3^9• Ρ•
il• 328.
άπό8€ίξίς, ρ1. = * proofs,' 42. ρ. 240,
59• Ρ• 245, 300. ρ. 326; 'op-
portunities for display/ 310. p.
328.
άπο8€χ€σθαι, 277. p. 318-
άπο8ημ€ΐν, 29. p. 235 D.
άποδώόναι, 'give back,' I GO. p. 259;
= ' render,' evvoiav, 2. p. 226,
χάριν, 119. Ρ• 267, I20. p. 267,
λόγους, I ΙΟ. p. 263 ; όρκους, 26.
p. 234 ; mid. = ' sell/ 47. p. 241.
άποθνησκζΐν, 205. p. 296.
άποκαθιστάναι, 90. p. 256 D.
άτΓοκύσθαι, 1 98. p. 294.
άττοκοιτύν, yj , p. 238 D.
άποκρίν€σθαί, 34. p. 237, 214. p.
299.
άπόκρισις, 1 68. p. 284.
άποκρύπτίσθαι, 156. p. 279.
άποκτβίν€ΐν, ΙΟΙ. p. 260, I33. p.
271.
απολαμβάν€ΐρ, 25. p. 233.
άπολ^ίπεσθαι = ' to be left behind,'
107. p. 262 ; = 'to be backward
in,' with g., 128. p. 270, 257. p.
312.
άπολλύναι, mid. and 2nd pft. = ' be
destroyed,' 33. p. 236, 198. p.
294; act. = 'lose,' 46. p. 241,
102. p. 260 ; mid. = ' be lost,'
107. p. 262.
άπο\ογ€Ϊσθαι, 6. p. 227, 53. p.
243.
άποΧογία, 2. p. 226.
ά7Τθ\ύ€σθαι, 4. p. 226, 50. p. 242.
άπομάττ€ΐν, 259. p. 3 1 3.
άττόνοια, 249. p. 310.
άποπλξΐν, 25. p. 233.
άττοράν, 129. Ρ• 270, 312. p. 329.
άπορος, 1 04. p. 260, 1 08. p. 262,
311• p. 329•
απόρρητος, 1 33. p. 268.
άπορρίπτζσθαι, 49. p. 242.
άπoσκ€bavvvvaι, 289. p. 322 D.
άποστίΚ\(ΐν, 23. p. 233, 80. p. 252,
74. p. 249 D.
άποστ€ρζϊν, 112. p. 264, 207. p. 297;
pass., 5. p. 227.
άποστολ€ύς, 1 07. p. 262.
απόστολος, 8o. p. 252, 107. p. 262.
άποστρεφεσθαι, 159. p. 28 1.
άποτάττ€ΐν, 37. p. 238 D.
άποτιμαν, Io6. p. 262 D.
άποτίν€ΐν, 105. p. 261 D.
άποτυγ\άν€ΐν, 200. p. 295•
άποφαίν€ΐν^ 135• p. 272 ; mid., a.
γνώμην, 189. p. 29I, abs., 204. p.
296.
άποφ€ρ€ΐν, 54• Ρ• 243 ^) 1^5• Ρ•
26l D.
άποφ€ύγ€ΐν,103. p. 260, 222. p. 302,
243. p. 308.
άποχρηναι, 1 37. p. 272.
άποψηφίζζσθαι, with g. = ' acquit,'
24^
INDEX I Ι.
250. p. 3 ΙΟ ; pass. = * be disfran-
chised,' 132. p. 271.
απτ€σθαι, 'deal with,' 160. p. 281;
* lay hands on,' 30. p. 235, 79. p.
252, 141. p. 275.
apa, used, in quotation, to express
surprise, 22. p. 232, 54. p. 243 D;
= * after all,' 3 1 7. p. 33o ; =-- * as a
matter of fact,' 324. p. 332.
Spa, 231. p. 304 ; V ovVf 140. p.
274, 282. p. 319.
άρ€τη, 54. p. 243, 127. p. 269, 289.
p. 322 D, 297. p. 325.
άριστος, $9- Ρ• 245, ^6. p. 254, 2 1 7.
p. 300 ; adv., άριστα, 319. p. 33^•
άρκΐΐν, 269. p. 316.
άρμόζειν, 42. p. 240.
αρμοστής, g6. p. 258.
άρνίΐσθαι, = 'refuse,' 282. p. 319 ;
= 'deny,' 286. p. 321.
αρουραίος, 242. p. 307.
άρρητος, ρητά κα\ αρ., 122. p. 268.
αρχ€ΐν = ' Tu\e,^ 18. p. 231, 47. p.
241, with g., 96. p. 258 ; = 'hold
office,' 117. p. 266 ; mid. = ' be-
gin,' with gen,, 3. p. 226, από,
130. p. 270.
άρχη = ' sovereignty,' 63, 66. p. 246;
= 'office,' 114. p. 264, 117. p.
266 ; = ' archonship,' 1 50. p. 277
(see on από) ; = ' beginning,' 179.
p. 288 ; TO €ξ a., 322. p. 332,
6. p. 227, 69. p. 247.
αρχί8ιον, 26 1, p. 3 1 4.
αρχιτέκτων, 28. p. 234.
άρχων, 112. p. 264, 29. p. 235 D.
άσεβης, 240. p. 307.
άσθίν^Ιν, 243• p. 307.
ασθενής, 234. p. 305, 295. p. 324,
^ 319,320. p. 331.
άσμίνως, 36. p. 237, 202. p. 295.
ασπίς, 1 1 4. p. 264.
άσπονδος, 202. p. 314.
άστ€φάνωτος, 319• Ρ• ZZ^•
άστυ, 21 5• p. 300, 300. p. 326.
άστνγβίτων, 1 64. p. 282 D.
άσφάλΐΐα, 20I. p. 295, 220. p. 301,
281. p. 319.
άσφ(Αης, 138. p. 273, 324. p. 332.
ασφαλώς, 45. p. 241, 203. p. 295,
305. p. 327.
άτίλης, I02. p. 260.
ατιμία, 1 66. p. 283 D; pi., 205.p. 296.
άτιμονν, 82. p. 253•
αττης, 26o. p. 3 1 3.
άτυχων, 323. p. 332, 263. p. 314 ;
= *to be disfranchised,' 132. p.
271 ; pass., 212. p. 298.
ατύχημα, 1 98. p. 294, 286. p. 32 1.
άτυχης, 19. p. 231.
αυ, I02. p. 260.
αυξάν€ΐν, 3 ΙΟ. p. 328 ; mid., 161. p.
281.
αϋξαν, 322. p. 332.
αυτ€πάγγ€λτος, 68. p. 247.
αυτίκα, 42. p. 240.
αυτοκράτωρ, 235. p. 305, 272. p. 317.
αυτόματος, 205. p. 296.
αυτόνομος, 305. p. 327.
αυτόν = σαυτόν, 262. p. 314•
αυτός, 1 30. p. 270, 4. p. 227 ; ad-
verbial force, with prep., 9. p.
228, with imperat., 115. p. 265,
120. p. 267, with superl, 126. p.
269, 168. p. 284 ; ταύτα σοι, 315.
p. 330, eVt της αυτής, SC. ά-γκύρας,
28i. p. 319.
αυτοτραγικός, 242. p. 307.
αύτου, 107. p. 262.
αυτούς = άΚΧηλους, Ι9• Ρ• 3^4•
αυτόχζΐρ, 287. p. 32 1•
αυχην, 289• Ρ• 322.
άφαιρΰν, 121. ρ. 268 ; mid., 13. p.
229, 15• Ρ• 230, 22. ρ. 232.
INDEX II.
247
αφανής, ig. p. 23 1.
άφίΐδώς, 88. p. 255.
αφβσις, ηη. p. 25 1 D.
άφημ(ρ€ύ€ΐν, 27- Ρ• 238 D.
άφθονος, 89. p. 255, 256. p. 312.
άφιίναι, II. p. 228, 62,' p. 246, 132.
p. 271, 192. p. 292 ; d. φωνάς,
195. p. 293, 218. p. 301.
άφικνύσθαι, 32. p. 235, 82. p. 252,
160. p. 281.
άφιστάναι, intr., 199, 200. p. 205,
307. p. 327, 308. p. 328.
άφορμη, 156. p. 279, 233. p. 305.
άφωνος, 1 9 1, p. 292, 1 98. p. 294.
αχαριστία, 3 1 6. p. 330.
αχάριστος, 13 1, p. 270.
αχθίσθαι, 3. p. 220.
«XP'j 179• P• 286, 301. p. 326.
βα8ίζ€ΐρ = 'march,' 147. p. 276 ;
= ' travel,' 44. p. 240; met., 4.
p. 226, 58. p. 244, 263. p. 314;
= ' visit officially,' 132. p. 271.
βάθρον, 258. p. 313.
βακτηρία, 2 ΙΟ. p. 298.
βάΚλ^σθαι, 87. p. 258.
βάρβαρος, 202. p. 295, 253. p. 31I,
182, p. 289 D.
βαρύς, 19. p. 231, 24 1, p. 307.
βαρύστονος, 202. p. 3 1 4.
βαρύτης, 35. p. 237.
βασιλΐύς, 39. p. 2o8 D, 244. p.
308.
βασκαίν€ΐν, 189. p. 291, 307. p. 327.
βασκανία, 252. p. 311.
βάσκανος, Io8. p. 262, II9. p. 267,
132. p. 271, 139. p. 274, 242. p.
307, 317. p. 330.
βββαιοίν, 35. p. 237, 250. p. 310,
278. p. 318.
β€βαίως, 20. p. 234•
β€λος, 90. p. 256 D, 311. p. 329.
βίΚτιστος, Sg. p. 255, 320. p. 33 1.
β€λτίων, 324. p. 332.
βήμα, 66. p. 247, 1 7 1, p. 285, 209.
p. 297, 312. p. 329.
βία, 155• p. 279 D, 181. p. 289 D.
βιάζξσθαι, 175- p. 286.
βίβλος, 259. p. 313.
βίος, 8. p. 227, 89. p. 255, 97. p.
258, III. p. 263, 210. p. 298,
214. p. 299, 261. p. 314, 316.
p. 330.
βίοτη, 288. p. 322 D.
βιονν, pft., 10. p. 228, 130. p. 270 ;
pass., 265. p. 315.
β\άπτ€ΐν, 293. p. 323.
βλασφημ€Ϊν, ΙΟ. p. 228, 82. p. 252.
βλασφημία, 34. p. 237, 95. p. 257,
123. p. 268, 256. p. 312, 272.
p• 317.
βλίπ€ΐν, 283. p. 320, 323. p. 332.
βοαν, 23• p. 232, 82. p. 252, 122.
p. 268, 127. p. 269, 132. p. 271,
143. p. 275, 199. p. 294.
βοη^ρομιών, 73. p. 249 D.
βοήθεια, ig. p. 231, 218. p. 301,
302. p. 326, 311• P• 329•
βοηθύν, 23- Ρ• 236, 99. p. 259, 107.
p. 262, 177. p. 281, 215. p. 299,
218. p. 301.
βόσκημα, 2 1 3• p. 299, 1 54. p. 278 D.
βότρυς, 202. p. 3 1 4.
βούλ€σθαι, II. p. 229, 189. p. 291,
239• P• 307; = 'intend,' 317. p.
330; άλλον €t Tiva βούλίΐ, 3 1 5.
P• 33^) ττρος ovTiva β., 3 1 9. p.
331•
βονλ^ύβιν, = ' be a member of the
βονλη,' 25. p. 233, 28. p. 234 ;
mid. -=' deliberate,' 24. p. 233,
97. p. 258, 272. p. 317 ; pass.
303. p. 326.
βούλίυμα, 296. p. 324.
248
INDEX II,
βονλΐντηριον, i6g. p. 284, 55* Ρ•
244 D.
βουλ)7 = * senate,' 169. p. 284; =
'Areopagus,' 133. p. 271 ; = 'de-
bate,' loi. p. 259, 192. p. 292.
βουΧημα^ 49• p. 242.
βραβίίις, 289. p. 322 D.
βρα8ύτης, ΐφ. p. 308.
βραχνά, 9. p. 228, 30. p. 235, 196.
p. 293; iv βραχβσιν, 95. p. 258.
βωλά, 90. p. 255, 91. p. 256 D.
βωμός, 1 34. p. 27 1.
ya, 91. p. 256 D.
γαμήλιων, 84. p. 253 D.
γάμος, 1 29. p. 270.
γάρ, 3• p. 226 ; narrativum, 18. p.
230 ; with ellipse of supposition,
13. p. 230.
γαστηρ, ΐφ. p. 324.
yavpiav, 244. p. 308.
ye, 257. p. 303 ; with pronouns, i.
p. 226 ; ironical, 13. p. 229.
γ6γ»;^ώ?, 291. p. 323, 323. p. 332.
γί\ως, 85. p. 254.
γενναίος, 278. p. 3 1 8, 309. p. 328 ;
TO-y. 32I.p. 331.
γενναίως, 97• p. 258.
yevos, 122. p. 268.
yippov, 169. p. 284.
γ^ωργΐΐν, 41. p. 239, 150. p. 277.
7^== 'Earth,' 127. p. 269, 139. p.
273 ; = 'land,' 324. p. 332;
= ' ground,' 323. p. 332.
γίγν€σθαι, ig. p. 23 1, 70. p. 248,
108. p. 262, 177. p. 289; = 'to be
born,' 205. p. 296 ; = 'to amount,'
104. p. 261,
γιγνώσκίΐν = 'judge,' 8. p. 228, pass.
122. p. 268, 228. p. 303 ; = ' dis-
cover,' 141. p. 275 ; = ' resolve,'
58. p. 244.
γλίχίσθαι, 2οη. p. 297.
γνώμη, 189. p. 29I, 161. p. 281,
pi. 248. p. 309 ; μια γ. 176. p. 287.
γνώριμος, 8$. p. 254, 284. p. 320.
γνωσις, 224. p. 302.
γόης, 276. p. 3 1 8.
γον^ύς, 205. p. 296.
γονν, 3o6. p. 327.
γρά8ιον, 26o. p. 313.
γρά/ϋ/Μα= 'letter of alphabet,' 129.
p. 270 ; pi. = 'elements of know-
ledge,' 265. p. 315;= 'docu-
ments,' 142. p. 275.
γραμματ€ν€ΐν, 201. p. 314, 265. p.
315•
γραμματείς, \7.η. p. 269, 38. p.
238 D.
γραμματοκύφων, 209. p. 297.
γράφ6ΐι/ = ' write,' 79. p. 251 ; = 'in-
scribe a law,' 6. p. 227 ; = 'write
in a law,' 2. p. 226 ; = ' draft a
law,' 13. p. 299, 21. p. 232, 179.
p. 288, pass. 56. p. 244 ; mid,
= ' indict,' 13. p. 229, 83. p. 253,
pass. 103. p. 260.
γραφή, 3. p. 226, 8. p. 228, 53. p.
243, 59• PP• 244, 245, 105. p,
261, 124. p. 269, 249. p. 310.
γυμνικός, Il6. p. 265 D.
γυνή, 204. p. 296, 21 5. p. 30O.
8aUiv, 90. p. 255 D.
δαίμων, 1 92. p. 292, 2o8. p. 297,
303. p. 327.
Βακρύειν, 287. p. 32 1, 291. p. 322.
8αμος, 91. p. 256 D.
be answers μεν, $. p. 226, 179. p.
288 ; with repeated word, 42.
p. 240 ; explanatory, 201. p. 295 ;
δ' ουν, 213. p. 299.
δί'δοικα, 214. Ρ• 299, ptcp. 263. p.
314.
INDEX II.
249
δβίγ/ια, 291. p. 323.
deiKvvpai, 4. p. 220, 1 39. p. 274,
pass. 22. p. 232, 24. p. 233 ; -νω,
y6. p. 250 ; edeiKwev, 233. p.
305 ; -T€OV, 58. p. 244 ; €χοντ€ς
(δείξαν, 215- p. 30O.
δβίι/, I. act. (i) impers. 6. p. 227 ; η
^e?7, 313• P• 329 ; ΤΓολλοΟ δβί, 47•
p. 241, 52. p. 242 ; μικρού delv,
269. p. 316, ολίγου, 20. p. 23 1 ;
ptcp., 133. p. 271, 108. p. 262 ;
(ii) pers., iii. p. 263. 11. mid.
(i) impers., 145. p. 276 ; (ii) pers.,
= 'be in need,' 218. p. 301, 268. p.
316; = 'ask,' 6. p. 227. 34 p. 236.
Sfii/off = ' dangerous,' τ6 δ., 45. p.
241, τά δ., 97. p. 258 ; = ' expert,'
276. p. 318.
δηνότης, 144. Ρ• 275, 242. p. 307,
277. p. 318.
deinvelv, 1 69. p. 284.
δeIσ^αι = 'to be cast in prison,'
107. p. 262.
δ/κα, 30. p. 235 ; eVi δ., 1 05. p.
261 D.
δίκάττ], SC. ημ^ρα, 37- p. 238 D.
deXeaCeadai, 45. p. 241.
deudpoKonelv, 90. p. 256 D.
δφ'«, 323• Ρ• 332.
deano-njs, 47. p. 24 1, 235. p. 306,
296. p. 324.
deipo, 32. p. 236 ; -i, 233. p. 305.
δεύτερος, 83. p. 253, 310. p. 328,
249. p. 310 ; oi δ. = 'second class
of τριήραρχοι,' I03. p. 260.
δη, II. p. 228 ; και δη, 2y6. p. 3 1 8.
δηλοί, 41. p. 239, 313. p. 329 ; δτ;-
λονότι, I30. p. 270, 273. p. 317•
δηλοϋν, 23- p. 232, 40. p. 239, 192.
p. 292.
δημηγορύν, 6o. p. 245, 2 1 3. p. 299,
236. p. 306.
δημιουργός, 1 57. p. 280D.
δημοκρατία, 1 32. p. 27 1•
δήμος, 13. p. 229, 72. p. 248, 169.
p. 285; ='deme,' 120. p. 267D.
δημόσιος, 2o8. p. 297, 2IO. p. 298,
279• P• 319 ; ^ντω δ., 142. p. 275 ;
-ία, 125. Ρ• 268, 289. p. 322.
δημότης, 201. p. 3 1 4•
δημοτικός, 6. p. 227, 122. p. 268.
δηποτί, ότου-, 21. p. 232, όποιονσ-,
146. p. 276, όπωσ-, 26 1, p. 304.
δηπου, 13. p. 229, 117. p. 266 ; -Oev,
127. p. 209.
δηρις, 289. p. 322 D.
διά, I. with gen., expresses instru-
mentality or direct agency, δι'
εκείνων, 1 8. p. 23 1, δι' εαυτών,
249. p. 310, διά τούτων . . . μισ-
θωσάντων εαυτούς, 42. ρ. 240, δι'
ότου, 205. ρ. 296. Π. with acc,
expresses (i) cause or agency
more widely and indirectly, δι'
εμε, i8. p. 231, 292. p. 323, 94.
p. 257, δι' υμάς, 249. p. 3 1 0, 49.
p. 242, δι' ην, 258. p. 313. [The
difference between i. and 11. (i)
though subtle is perceptible :
COmp. πολλά η πόλις κατώρθωσε
δι ε μου, 285. ρ. 320, with τι
εηηνώρθωται δια σε, 3ΙΙ• Ρ• 329] 5
(ϋ) reason, διά τας . . . ευεργεσίας,
3 1 6. ρ. 330j 126. ρ. 269 ; object
or motive, δι' εμε, 13. ρ. 229.
διαβάλλειν, II. ρ. 228, III. ρ. 263,
293- Ρ• 323-
διαβολή, η. ρ. 227-
διάγειν, tr. 89. ρ. 255 ; intr. 254.
ρ. 312.
διαγιγνωσκειν, 12J. ρ. 209•
διάγνωσις, J. ρ. 227, 128. ρ. 269.
διαδύνειν, 1 33• Ρ• 27 1.
διακεΐσθαι, 1 8. ρ. 230, 278. ρ. 3 1 8.
250
INDEX Π.
διακονία^ 2θ6. p. 296, 31Ι• Ρ• 328.
διακόσιοι, 238. ρ. 3θ6•
διακνκαν, III. ρ. 263.
διακωλνβιν, 6θ. ρ. 245? 98• Ρ• 258.
διαλαμβάνων, 1 54• Ρ• 278 D.
διαλί-γζσθαι, 28. ρ. 234) IH• Ρ- 263.
διάλοΎΐζ^σθαι, 98. ρ. 259•
διαΧίχιν, iy6. ρ. 287.
διαμαρτάν€ΐν, 3- ρ. 220, 30• Ρ• 235?
89. ρ. 255.
διαμαρτνρ€σθαι, 23• Ρ• 232, 45• Ρ*
240, ΐ43• ρ. 275•
διαμφισβητ€7ν, 185. ρ. 290D.
διάνοια, 192. ρ. 292, 2 ΙΟ. ρ. 298.
διαπράττε σθαι, 24. ρ. 233? 93• Ρ•
257.
διαπτυίΐν, 258. ρ. 3Ι3•
διαρπάζζΐν, 2 1 3• ρ. 299•
διαρρηγνυσθαι, 21. ρ. 232, 87. ρ.
254•
διαστρίφΐΐν, 140. ρ. 274.
διaσvpζlVy 2η. ρ. 234» 120. ρ. 269,
ι8ο. ρ. 288, 299- ρ. 325, 323- Ρ•
332•
διάτα^ις, 248. ρ. 309•
διατ(ίν€σθαι, 142. ρ. 275•
διατβλβίΐ/, with ptcp. ι. p. 225, 8. p.
227.
δίΛτηρύν,'^η. p. 238 D, 164. p. 282 D.
διατιθίναι, 6l. p. 245, 168. p. 284.
δίαφί'ρβίν = * make a difference,' 66.
p. 247, 205. p. 296 ; = ' differ,'
123. p. 268, 189. p. 291; mid.=
'to be at variance,' 31. p. 236.
διαφθβίρειν =■■ ' corrupt,' 44. p. 240,
160. p. 281, 247. p. 309 ; = *de-
stroy,' 295. p. 324.
διαφυλάττ€ΐν, 321. p. 331, 78. p.
251 D.
διαχ€ΐρίζ€ΐν, III. p. 263.
διδασκαλύον, 2$β. p. 3 1 2, 258. p.
313.
δώάσκ€ΐν, 129. p. 270, 265. p. 303 ;
met, 22. p. 232, 26. p. 233, 72.
p. 249.
διδύναι, I03. p. 260, 324. p. 332 ;
κακόν, 1 6. p. 230 ; αυτόν els, 88.
p. 255, 179. p. 288, 189. p. 291,
219. p. 301 ; \oyov, 8. p. 227,
evOvvas, 58. p. 244 ; δίκην, 1 33.
p. 271 ; irelpav, 195. p. 293 ;
= ' forgive,' 139. p. 274; =* or-
dain,' 12. p. 228, 97. p. 258.
δίζξίρχίσθαι, 21, 22. p. 232; -ήλθον,
179. Ρ• 288.
δι^ξύναι, g. p. 228, 13. p. 229, 243.
p. 308.
διϊίναι, 146. p. 276, 213. p. 299.
διϊστάναι, l8. p. 231, 61. p. 245.
δικάζων, ό δ., 6, 7• p. 227.
δίκαιος, with dep. infin., 4. p. 227,
113. p. 264; τα δ. = 'legal re-
quirements,' 2. p. 226, 238. p.
316,=' points of law,' 1 1 1 . p. 263,
= 'just pleas,' 7. p. 227 ; = 'the
Right,' 177. p. 287.
δικαιοσύνη, 21 5• p. 300, 30 1, p. 326.
δικαίως, 6. p. 227, 17• P• 230.
δικαστήριον, 1 23. p. 268.
δικαστής, 249. p. 310, 278. p. 318.
δι<;; = ' suit,' 121. p. 268, 322. p.
331 ; δ. λαβί'ιν, 13. p. 229, 124. p.
269, δούναι, 1 33. p. 27 1.
διοικίΊ,σθαι, mid., 178. p. 288, 247.
p. 309 ; pass. 320. p. 331.
διοίκησις, 38. p. 238 D, 1 1 5. p. 265 D.
διόμννσθαι, 283. p. 320, 286. p. 32 1.
διόπ^ρ, 113. Ρ• 264, I20. p. 267,
78. p. 252 D.
διορί^ίΐί/ -=' define,' act. 275. p. 317,
pass. 274. p. 317; mid. = ' as-
severate,' 40. p. 239, III. p.
263.
διότι, 54. p. 243 D, 184. p. 289 D.
INDEX II.
ί^5ί
διπλάσίΟΓ, 238. p. 306.
δι'ρ, 2 1 6. p. 300.
δίσ;^ιλιοι, 237. p. 3*^•
^ιταΚαντος^ 312. p. 329.
δίώκ6ΐν, 9. p. 228 ; ό δ., 7• ρ. 227,
103. ρ. 26ο.
Uy^ui, 140. ρ. 274, 1 54• Ρ• 278.
^οκάν^ 4• Ρ• 226, 255- ρ. 312 ; pass.,
29. ρ. 235 D.
8οκίμάζ€ΐν, 1 62. ρ. 28ι ; pass., 266.
ρ. 3ΐ5•
δό^α = * opinion,' 227. ρ. 303» 229.
ρ. 304 ; =* credit,' 125. ρ. 269 ;
= ' prestige,' 98. ρ. 259; =' re-
putation,' Ι. ρ. 226, 89. ρ. 255 ;
= ' glory,' 67. ρ. 247, 3ΐι. Ρ•
328, ρ1., 8ο. ρ. 252.
δοριάλωτοί, ΐ8ΐ. ρ. 289 D.
dovXeveiv, 1 29. ρ. 270, 205. ρ. 296.
8ονλο9, 129- ρ. 270, 131. ρ. 270,
295. Ρ• 324•
δουλοσύνη, 289• ρ. 322 D.
δραχμή, Ι05. ρ. 26ΐ D.
δύναμις, 193- Ρ- 292, 277• Ρ• 3ΐ8 ;
ρ1. = ' forces' {copiae), 44• Ρ• 240,
ιο8. ρ. 262, 233, 234. Ρ- 3θ5,
237. ρ. 3ο6.
δυνασθαι, abs. 32 1, ρ. 33 1 5 =' pur-
port,' 25. ρ. 233-
δνναστύα, 67. ρ. 247, 270. ρ. 3ΐ6 ;
ι ρ1. 322. ρ. 332.
' hvvaros, 146. ρ. 276, 300• ρ. 325-
δυο, 28. ρ. 234? ιο4• Ρ• 26ι, 321.
ρ. 331 ; δνοΊν θάτ€ρον, 139. ρ. 274•
δύσκολος, iy6. ρ. 286, 189. ρ. 29Ι,
3ο8. ρ. 328.
δνσμ€ναίν€ΐν, 7.1']. ρ. yX).
δυσμ€ΐ/ψ, 197. Ρ• 294•
δυσσφης, 323, ρ. 332.
δυστυχία, ΐηο. ρ. 3 1 6.
δυσχ€ραίν€ΐν, 43• Ρ• 24°.
δυσχ(ρης, 3. ρ. 226, 95• Ρ• 257•
δωρεά, 53• Ρ• 243, ιΐ3• Ρ• 264, 293.
ρ. 323, 312. ρ. 329.
δωροδοκξΐΐ', 45• ρ. 240, 4^. Ρ• 241,
49- ρ. 242.
δωροδόκημα, 20. p. 232, 3^• Ρ• 23^.
δωροδόκοί, 6ΐ. ρ. 245•
δωρον, 109. ρ. 263.
eai/ = ' allow,' with inf. 2. p. 226,
40. p. 239; = 'let (a proposed
law) drop,' 103. p. 260 ; = ' neg-
lect,' 279. p. 319 ; = 'waive,'
60. p. 245 ; 6ώ yap τούτο in par-
enth. 21. p. 232, 146. p. 276,
261. p. 314.
eav, 177. p. 287.
eapivos, 1 54. p. 278 D.
^γγίγνίσθαι, 68. p. 247.
€γγράφεσθαι, 26 1, p. 314•
€γγυασθαι, 19I. p. 292.
eyyuff, with gen. 226. p. 303 ; corn-
par. 234. p. 305, 288. p. 321 ;
superl. 165. p. 282D; ούδ' eyytly,
12. p. 229, 96. p. 258.
iyKaXelv, 76. p. 250, 1 39. p. 274,
178. p. 288.
€γκ€ΐσθαι, 1 99. p. 294.
€γκλημα, I5I. p. 277, 25I. p. 3II.
εγκρατής, 47. p. 24 1, 24 1, p. 307.
€γκτασΐί, 91. p. 256 D.
€γκωμιάζίίν, 213. Ρ• 299•
(γκώμιον, 207• p. 297, 2 1 5. p. 300-
eyxeLpelv, 97. p. 258.
εγώ, 28l, p. 319; -yf, 3. p. 226.
e'^Afti/, 25. p. 233, 97. p. 258.
εθελοντής, 68. p. 247, 99. p. 259.
eOpos, 271. p. 316.
€0os, 138. p. 273.
el, 28. p. 234, 70. p. 248.
ΐϊδίναι, ΙΟ. p. 228, 28. p. 234 ;
asyndet., loi. p. 261.
€ΐκάς, 115. p. 265 D.
252
INDEX II.
fUoai, 38. p. 238 D.
(Ικότως, 1 6. p. 230, 69. p. 247, 94.
p. 257, 223. p. 302.
ίΐκώρ, 91. p. 256 D.
ΐίμαρτο [μ€ίρ€σθαι\, 1 95• p. 293,
205. p. 296.
fivai, 139. p. 274 ; eariv όπως, 2o8.
p. 297; = 'to be possible,' 103.
p. 260, 124. p. 268.
€ΪΡ€κα, 144. Ρ• 275•
f iVeti/ = * speak in assembly,' 21.
p. 232, 83. p. 253 ; = ' use a
phrase,' 5 1 . p. 242 ; = ' name,' 20.
p. 231 ; ως 'ίπος e., 4. p. 226.
(Ιρηνη, 17. p. 230.
eiy, 99. p. 257, 61. p. 245, 104. p.
261, 304. p. 327 ; eh άνήρ with
superl., 143. p. 275.
€ts = ' to,' ' into,' €Ϊς TO βονλ€ντηριον
€κάλουν, 169. p. 284, eh τας οΙκίας
ede^avTO, 2 1 5. p. 300 ; met. eh άχα-
ριστίαν ayeiv, 21 5. p. 300 ; = * be-
fore (as a court),' eh υμάς €ΐσηλ-
θον, 103. p. 260, eh τους συκ,
112. p. 264 ; = * towards,' e^a-
μαρτάρειν eh, 322. p. 332, evyoia
eh, 99. p. 259, Tpeneiv eh Ke-
φαΚην, 290. p. 322;^ 'for the
purpose of,' a πapeσχόμηv eh to
. . . γράφ(ΐν, 248. p. 309, TiOeTai
eh μνήμην, I38. p. 273 ; = * tO
deal with,' διδό^αι αυτόν eh, 1 79.
p. 288, 197. p. 294, 219. p. 301,
274. p. 317 ; = 'in view of,' i. p.
226 ; = ' with respect to,' άμ€ίνων
eh αυτά ταΰθ^ a λβ'γω, 1 97. p. 294 ;
= 'to the amount of,' 234. p.
305 ; eh μακράν, 36. p. 237.
elaayyeXia, 1 3. p. 229, 249. p. 3 10.
flaayyeWeiv, 1 3. p. 229, 2 50. p.
310.
ίί'σάγίΐί/ = ' bring into court,' 117.
p. 266, 121. p. 268; mid.=
'import,' 143. p. 275, 145. p. 276.
elaeXuelv = ' come into court' as
dicast, 278. p. 318 ; 'as defend-
ant,' e. άγωνα, I03. p. 260 ; = 'tO
enter the lists,' 319. p. 331.
elσηγelσθaι, 1 48. p. 276.
elaievai = ' to come before a court,'
278. p. 318;= 'to enter upon,'
e. τα πράγ., 233. p. 305.
eWTrmTCLv, 153. p. 278.
elanpaTTeiv, 1 1 5, p. 265 D.
elσφe pe IV = ' propose (a law),' 105.
p. 261 ; ' contribute,' 152. p. 277,
257. p. 312.
etσω, 35. p. 237, 304. p. 327.
eiTa, 22. p. 232 note.
eLTe, 20. p. 231, 270. p. 316.
eϊωθe, 149. p. 276, 288. p. 31I.
e/c, e| = Out of,' e/c της ^Αττικής,
213. p. 299, eK πάντων, 248.
p. 3io; = Out of the condition
of,' πλούσιος eK πτωχού, 13 1, p.
271, €K πepιoυσίaς, 3. p. 226,
eK τοιούτων ελαττωμάτων, 237• p.
306;= 'bom of,' eK βeλτιόvωv,
10. p. 228 ; = 'from,' of place,
€K πολλού, 63. p. 246, eK της
Ενβ., 230. p. 304 ; = * on the side
of,' e'K της θαλάττης, 30I. p. 226 ;
= ' from,' of time, eK πολλού, 43.
p. 246, eK παντός τού χρόνου, 20.
p. 234, 203. p. 295 ; = 'from' or
'by' (of inference), ^κτοΰτων, ιγ.
p. 230 ; = ' by means of,' δ;;-
λoh ί| SiV ζης, 198, p. 294,
cK τού λόγου paOelv, 89. p. 255 ;
= Owing to,' eK τού πpότepoς
λeyeιv,γ. p. 227 5 = 'in accordance
with,' eK των νόμων, 1 3. p. 229,
105. p. 261, συγγραφής, 122. p.
268, των ενόντων, 256. ρ, 312 ;
INDEX II.
'^Sl
= 'after,' \oyov Ik \6yov λεγωι/,
313• p. 329 ; f^ ^σ-ου, 177. p. 287/
€κασταχον, 246. p. 308.
έκαστος, 2. p. 226 ; -ov, 1 7. p. 230 ;
-τα, \η. p. 230 ; -oty, 208. p.
297.
€κάτ€ρος, 25• p. 233 ; pi. 29. p. 235 D.
€κατομβαιών, 2g. p. 235 D, I37. p.
273 D.
€Κατόν, 38. p. 238 D.
cV/SatWii/ = ' result,' 80. p. 252; =
'digress,' 211. p. 298.
€κ8€χ€σθαι, 21. p. 232.
€κ8ιδόναι = ' give out to make ' (/<?-
care), 122. p. 268; = ' give up,'
241. p. 307.
fKel, 287. p. 321 ; -Oev, 150. p. 277 ;
-σe = 'to my old point,' 66. p.
246, 163. p. 281, = 'to the Mace-
donian court,' 44. p. 240, 323.
p• 332.
€K€lvos, 17. p. 230, 315. p. 330;
= ' Philip,' 27. p. 234, 222. p.
302, and often ; = ' the famous,'
219. p. 301.
€κκαι8(χάπηχνς, gi. p. 256 D.
€κκλησία, 29. p. 235 D.
€κκ\ησίάζ€ΐν, 265. p. 3^5•
ΐκκότΐΤίσθαι, 6j. p. 247.
eKkeyeiv, 255. p. 303 ; mid. 26 1, p.
314.
eicXeiVeii/ = 'quit,' 204. p. 296 ; 'fail
in duty,' 124. p. 269.
€K\veLV, 26. p. 234.
€κνίπτ€ίΡ, 140. p. 274.
(κουσίως, 39. p. 238 D.
€κπ€μπ€ίν, 1 33. p. 27 1.
€κπίπτ€ΐν, 265. p. 315»
(KTOs, 38. p. 238 D.
eicTos, 54. p. 243 D, 310. p. 328;
e. και SeKUTOS, 104. p. 26 1.
€κφ€μ€ΐν, 291. p. 323.
€κφ€ύγ€ΐρ, ^^. p. 236.
€κων, 20. p. 231, 56. p. 244, 274.
p• 317.
ίλάα, 262. p. 314.
ξλαττοϋσθαι, $. p. 226, 238. p. 306.
(λάττωμα, lyj. p. 306.
(λάττων, 124. Ρ• 268, 142. p. 275 ;
η πλύων η e. 3Ι5• Ρ• 33^, 125- ρ.
269 ; μ€ίζων η i. 1 39. Ρ- 274•
iXavveadai, 48. ρ. 241.
(λαφη&ολιούΡ, 54• Ρ• 243 ^•
ελάχιστος, 20. ρ. 233 > ^*^ ελάχιστα
σνστείλαι, 2φ. ρ. 309.
eXeyxos, 15. ρ. 230, 226. ρ. 303.
eXeeii', 4Ι• Ρ• 239•
k\uv Ύραφην, 3• Ρ• 226 ; mid. =
' choose,' 59• Ρ• 245? ^2. ρ. 245>
320. ρ.33ΐ•
eXevOepla, 46. ρ. 241, 68. ρ. 247»
99• Ρ• 259•
fXeveepos, 131. ρ. 270, 242. ρ. 307.
eXevOepovv, 84. ρ. 253 D•
βλλεβορίζίίν, 121. ρ. 268.
iXXeineiv, 92. ρ. 257 ; pasS. 246. ρ.
309j 3^3' Ρ• 326 ; impers. 302. ρ.
326.
ίΧττίζίΐρ, 26. ρ. 234> ΐ47• Ρ• 276.
ίΧπίς, 38. ρ. 238, 64. ρ. 246, 89•
Ρ• 255» 97• ρ. 258, ι67. ρ. 284D.
e/A/3atV€ii/ = ' embark,' 204. p. 296;
met., 248. p. 309.
(μβάΧΧζΐν, 7o. p. 248 ; mid. 68. p.
247.
εμβρόντητος, 243. p. 308.
εμμίνειν, 39. p. 239 D.
έμμισθος, 49. p. 242.
εμός, 21. p. 232, JO, 72. p. 248,
270. p. 316.
εμπειρία, 2ηη. p. 3 1 8.
έμπειρος, 1 73. p. 286.
εμπιμπράναι, 1 32. p. 27 1, 169. p.
284.
«54
INDEX Π.
(μπίπταν, 42. p. 240, 59• Ρ• ^44)
256. p. 312.
ίμποδών^ ΙΟΙ. ρ. 200.
(μπόρων, 309. ρ. 328.
€μπροσθ€ν, 94• Ρ• 257•
€μφρονρος, 1 82. ρ. 289 D.
έμφυτος, 203. ρ. 296.
eV = * among,' τοΙς betvols (μβ., 248.
ρ. 309 ; €V τοίν δυοίν οββΧοϊν, 28.
ρ. 234 > ^^ το^^ πίνησιν ην το λ.,
Ιθ8. ρ. 202 ; iv πασι . . . άφθο-
ι/ωτεροΐί, 89. Ρ• 255;=* at,' ev
Α^ύκτροις, 1 8. ρ. 23 1, 2θ8. ρ.
297; 'in' (of time), ev τω (μω
νδατι, 1 39• Ρ• 274 ; ^^ τίσιρ, Όη
what occasions,' 313• Ρ• 329» *''
ois, 323. p. 332, [but cf. 19. p.
231] ; * during the formation of,'
epavTTJ, 20. p. 232 ; * involved in,'
fv αίσχνντ) Troielv, 1 36. p. 272 ;
* occupied in,' eV θυσίαις, ev τω
νόμιζαν, 2 1 8. p. 301 ; On what
terms you were,' ev οΐς ητ€ npos
aWrjXovs, 163. p. 282 ; ev άμφι-
σβητησίμω, 1 39, p. 274.
evavTLOv, 8. p. 227, 141. p. 274.
evavrios, oi e\ 233. p. 305, 292. p.
323; n., 313. p. 329, 179. p. 288,
136. p. 272 ; n., used adverbi-
ally, TO ev. 35. p. 237.
evavTiovaBai, 65. p. 246, 69. p. 247,
79. p. 252, 160. p. 281.
(ναντίωμα, 308, 309. p. 328.
evapyrjs, 300. p. 326.
evbeia, 257. p. 3 1 2, 258. p. 3 1 3,
313. p• 329•
evbeUvvaeat, lO. p. 228.
evdexeaOai, 239. p. 307.
evδeχoμevωs, 165. p. 283 D.
evdiSovai, 1 58. p. 280.
evdo^os, 65. p. 246, 219. p. 301.
evelvai, m, 7. p. 227 ; evrjv, 1 50. p.
277 ; eK των ev, 256. p. 3 1 2, 1 90.
p. 292.
eveKa, 26. p. 234.
€ν€ν8οκιμ€'ΐν, 198. p. 294•
€νθρυπτον, 200. p. 314.
(νθυμΐΐσθαι, 1 84- p. 289 D•
€1/101, 12. p. 229.
eviaTUvai, intr. ττόλβ/ίο? ev. 89. p.
255> 139• P• 274 ; mid. = ' insti-
tute,' 4. p. 227, 193. p. 292 ;
μην ίστάμevos, 1 57• P• 280 D.
evvea, 112. p. 264.
ewoμos, 119. p. 267, 250. p. 310.
evo9, 29. p. 235 D, 75. p. 250 D.
evoxKelv 4. p. 226 ; -ύσθαι, 39. p.
239•
evoxos, 38. p. 238 D.
evTovda, 25. p. 233, 79. p. 251 ; with
gen. e. της irokiTeiai, 62. p. 245 ;
= Όη this score,' 124, p. 268.
evTiuevai, 324. p. 332.
ei/rt/ios, 311. p. 329.
eVToXr}, 75. p. 250 D.
evTOs, 32. p. 236, 38. p. 238 D.
e^ayeiv, 1 84. p. 290D ; mid. = * ex-
port,' 145• P• 276.
e^aipelv, 30. p. 235, 90. p. 256 D.
e^aipeTOS, 28 1, p. 3 1 9.
6^αιτ6ίσ^αι,4Ι. p. 239, 322. p. 331.
ίξαίφνης, 1 53. p. 278, 308. p. 328.
€ξαμαρτάν€ΐν, 99, lOO. p. 259, 178.
p. 288, 274. p. 317.
eξavhpaπohiζeσθaι, 39. p. 239 D.
e^aviaravat, 1 69. p. 284.
e^anarav, 2a p. 23 1, 42. p. 240,
282. p. 319, 276. p. 318.
e^anoaTeXXeiv, yy. p. 25 1 D.
e^apKelv, 1 96. p. 293.
€ξαρπάζ€σθαι, 1 33. p. 27 1.
e^apxos, 260. p. 3 1 3-
e^e'ivai, 14. p. 229, ΙΟΙ. p. 260 ; (ξόν,
30. p. 235.
INDEX II.
'^^S
I
e^fipyeii/, 1 69. p. 284.
€^e\avpeiv, Zj. p. 254»
e'^fXe'yxeii/ = ' test,' 23. p. 233; =
'convict,' 13. p. 229, 81. p. 252,
123. p. 268, 125. p. 269.
€ξ(λ€σθαι, 92. p. 256 D.
e^erti^eii/, = ' examine,' 17. p. 230,
3 14. p. 330; = 'audit,' 1 1 3. p. 264;
pass. = ' to be found in one's
place,' 173. p. 286, 217. p. 300,
'to be found,' 197. p. 294, 'to
be displayed,' 277. p. 318.
(ξίτασις = ' examination,' 226. p.
303, 246. p. 308; = ' call,' 310.
p. 328, 320. p. 331.
(ξετασμόζ, 1 6. p. 230.
4ξηκοντα, 92. p. 256 D.
e^rjs, 102. p. 260.
€ξιστάναι, 1 5• p. 230 ; mid. ουδίνα
(ξίσταμαι, 3 1 9. p. 33 1.
€^o8os, 79. p. 252, 100. p. 259, 178.
p. 287.
(ξονσία = ' licence/ 44. p. 240, 138.
p. 273; = 'office,' 321. p. 33I•
e^ω='abroad,' 323. p. 332; = 'out-
side,' 215. p. 300 ; = ' extraneous
to,' with gen. €ξω ttjs -γραφής, 34.
p. 236 ; = 'besides,' 39. p. 239 D ;
-Beu, 9. p. 228, 196. p. 293.
€ξώλης, 324, p. 332.
eoiKevaty ω9€. 8. p. 227, 251. p. 316;
eoiKOTcs, 189. p. 281.
βτταγγβλια, 298. p. 325.
€παγ-/€λλ(σθαι, 1 9• p. 23 1, 38. p.
238, 112. p. 263, 322. p. 332.
€7ray€LV, alrias, δίκάς, 143• Ρ• 275•
ISO. p. 276, 322. p. 331.
€παιν€Ϊν, 57. p. 244, 84. p. 253 D,
113. p. 264, 317. P• 330, 323. p.
332.
enatvos, 299. p. 325 ; pi. 80. p. 252.
enalpavj φωνην, 291. p. 323 j 'em-
bolden,' 175. p. 286, 298. p.
325, pass. 168. p. 284; mid.=
' brandish,' 222. p. 302.
(πακολονθύν, 1 67. p• 284 D.
fnavayeip, 1 33. p. 27 1.
6παν€ρχ(σθαί, 66. p. 246 ; -eXOfiVy
102. p. 260.
€7ravi€vai, 42. p. 240, 1 63. p. 28 1,
177. p. 287.
€πανορθονσθαι, 311. p. 329.
(παρασθαι, 1 42. p. 275.
(παρκζΐν, 268. p. 316.
€παρτασθαι, 324. p. 332.
βπαχθης, ΙΟ. p. 228, 1 27. p. 269.
eVet, ΙΟΙ. p. 260.
(π^ιδή, g. p. 228 ; -άν, \η. p. 241.
eVeiVaKTos, 87. p. 254.
^ττ^ιτα^ I. p. 226 n.
ineXeelv, 263. p. 314.
€π€ξ€ργάζ€σθαι, 140. p. 274.
€π€ρωταν, 88. p. 254•
ίττΐνχίσθαι, 141. p. 274.
eVexeiv = ' prevail,' 253. p. 311 : =
'check,' 153. p. 278.
€πηρ€άζ€ΐν, 138. p. 273, 320. p. 331.
€ΐτηρ€ΐα, 12. p. 229.
eVt,l. with gen. = 'resting on,' eViT^ff
avTTJs, SC. άγκυρας, 28 1 . p. 3 1 9 > ~ ^'^^
the presence of,' βφ' ήμων αύτων,
i6. p. 230, 137.P. 273D; = 'in
the time of,' εφ' ημών αυτών, ICO.
p. 259 ; = ' on the occasion of,'
eVl τούτων, 99. p. 259, αγώνων
των npoTepov, ΙΟ. p. 228 ; = ' in ac-
cordance with,' eV άληθξίας, IJ.
p. 230, 22. p. 232, 226. p. 303,
νόμων, 2 ΙΟ. p. 298, 233. p. 305,
μίν€ΐν ent τούτων, 307. p. 327.
II. with dat. = Over,' to7s tc-
τ€\(ντηκόσι, ιΖη. p. 321 ; = *over
against,' ^Αρτίμισίω, 2o8. p.
297 ; = * having in view * (of
256
INDEX II.
grounds of action), iiraiveiv eVt
TOVTOLSj 57. p. 244, evvoiq, 28 1, p.
319) Xpnf^^f^h 45• P• 240, 6φ'
of? K.T.X. 13. p. 229, 312. p. 329,
iXniai, 38. p. 238, 89. p. 255 ;
em TTJ της elprjvtjs €ξουσί(ΐ, 44• p.
240 ; with infin. of purpose, €μι-
σθωθηζ eVt τω ... . διαφθ€ίρ€ίν,
284. p. 320; = 'upon' (of occa-
sion), eVl Tols σνμβασιν (ξητασαι^
197. p. 294, φανεροί .... γβγοι/ώρ,
284. p. 320 ; = * in the power of,'
e0' ΰμίν ποιησαρτίί κ.τ.λ. 21 5. p.
300.
III. with acc. = 'to' (of motion),
εφ' νμας καταφίύγ^ιν, 1 9- p. 23 1,
4. p. 226 ; = ' against,' ταΰτ eni
την Ελλάδα πράττ€ΐρ, 1 56. p. 279,
81. p. 252 ; 'upon' (of motion)
fVt Κ€φαλην avaedep, 294. p. 323;
= ' aiming at ' (of end or pur-
pose), e.g. 'to achieve,' €ΐρηρην,
24. p. 233, cf. eVt ταντα, 21. p.
232, εφ' ά. κ.τ.λ. τηη. p. 3 1 8, 28.
p. 234, ' to arrange,' eVi ταΰτην
κ.τ,λ. 15. p. 230, 'to assist,' τά?
€π\ TOP παρόρτα βίορ γιγρομβρας
cvepyeaias, 3 1 6. p. 330, 'to take
charge of,' 215. p. 300 ; = 'into
the power of,' im Φ. {τα πράγ-
ματα) ηγορ, 151. p. 277.
ini^aipeip, 1 54. p. 278 D.
€πιβά\λ(ΐρ, 254. p. 312, 272. p. 317 ;
mid. = 'to take steps,' 164. p.
282 D.
etriya/iiia, 91. p. 256 D.
fTriyiypcoaKdPj 1 67. p. 284 D.
€πίγραμμα, 289. p. 322.
€πιγράφ€ΐρ, 289. p. 322.
fntSfiKPvpaiy 95. p. 257, 1 42. p.
275; -v?7, 38. p. 238 D.
€Trtdet|tf, 280. p. 319.
embibopaif II3. p. 264, II7. p. 266,
119. p. 267, 312. p. 329.
επι'δοσίΓ, 1 1 7. p. 285.
emepaij 244. p. 308.
€πιζητ€Ϊν, 133. Ρ• 27 1 •
€πΐζημίθΡ, 157• p. 280 D.
€πιθυμ€'ΐν, 68. p. 247.
enUaipoSf 1 27. p. 269.
eniKokfladai, 1 27. p. 269, 262. p. 314.
eniKp'ipetp, 38. p. 238 D.
emXapdapeauaij 1 82. p. 289 D, 269.
p. 316.
enikeineiVy 296. p. 324.
€πιμ€λ€ία, 309. p. 328.
€ττιμ{ΚΐΙσθαι, 72. p. 249 D.
^'7Γΐ/ΐ€λϊ7Γ,249.ρ.3ΐο; -ar, 193. p. 292.
(πιμ^Κητης, 1 1 8. p. 266 D.
imveveiPj 324. p. 332.
€πισημαΊν€σθαι, 250. p. ^lO.
ίπισιτισμός, 157• Ρ• 28oD.
€πισκ€πτ€σθαί, 74. p. 249 D.
€πισκ€νη, Il8. p. 264, 311. p. 329.
επιστάτης, 1 14• p. 264.
cniaTeXKeiVy 74• P• 249 D.
€πΐ(ττ€ωρται, gi. p. 256 D.
(πιστολη, 36. p. 237.
εττιστρατεύβΐ!/, 90. p. 255 D•
€πίτάττ€σθαι^ toIs (πιταττομβροις
νπηρίτούρτωρ^ 320. p. 33 1, 204. p.
296.
€πιτ€ίχισμα^ 7^• Ρ• 248.
€πιτ€ΐχισμός, Sy. p. 254.
€πιτ€\ΰσθαι, 2g. p. 235 D.
€πιτιθ€Ραι, 140. p. 274.
ΐπιτιμάρ, 64. p. 246, 312. p. 329.
€πιτιμία, 15. p. 230, 312. p. 329.
eTrtTt/xtov, 38. p. 238 D.
fTTirpfVeti', 78. p. 25 1 D.
εττιτριβειν = ' oppress,' 104. p. 260;
= ' spoil,' 180. p. 288.
eVix«p€ti/, 98. p. 258 ; with dat.,
27. p. 234, 71. p. 248.
INDEX II.
'^57
emxeipoTovelvj 29. p. 235 D.
(πόμνυσθαι, 1 37• p. 237 D.
επτακόσιοι, 230. p. 304.
(πωννμία, 1 30. p. 270.
€ραρος, 312. p. 329.
€ργάζ€σθαι, 1 39. p. 274, 1 42. p. 275.
epyaaiuj 1 29. p. 270.
€ργον, 14. p. 230, 24. p. 233, 226.
p. 303 ; opp. to λόγος, ΙΟΙ. p.
260, 160. p. 281 ; epyo), 20. p.
231, 107. p. 262, 89. p. 255 ;
= ' public works,' 114. p. 264.
epuvj 209. p. 297 ; €ροίμην, 64. p.
246, 217. p. 300; (Ιρησθαι, 50.
p. 242, ptCp. 12. p. 229, 17. p.
230.
epiy, 18. p. 231.
ξρρωσθαι, 1 52. p. 278.
€ρυθριάζ€ΐν, 128. p. 270.
(ρωτάι/, 50. p. 242, 170. p. 285,
297. p• 325.
ianepa, 1 69. p. 284, 252. p. 3 1 1.
'έσχατος, 12. p. 229 ; iv toIs έσχ.
178. p. 287.
€T(pos, 201. p. 295 ; = 'a third per-
son,' 1 5. p. 230 ; = ' a foreigner,'
320, p. 331, 323. p. 332; = 'ir-
relevant,' 34. p. 237, 44. p. 240;
δυοΐν θάτ. 139. p. 274; ως ίτέρως,
85. p. 254, 212. p. 298.
eTi, 31. p. 236, 62. p. 245.
€τοιμος, \ηη. p. 287, 239. p. 307 ;
-ως, 20. p. 231, 161. p. 281.
eroy, 106. p. 261.
€ϋ, 269. p. 3 1 6.
€υαγγ€λίζ€σθαι, 323. p. 332.
evdaipovia, 254. p. 311, 296. p. 324.
€υδαιμονίζ€ΐν, 200. p. 314.
€νδαίμων, 47• Ρ• 241.
€ν8οξία, 8. p. 228, 97. p. 258 ; pi.
322. p. 332.
evepyeaia, 269. p. 3 1 6, 316. p. 330.
€ν€ργ€της, 43- Ρ• 240, 97, 9^, Ρ• 258.
(νηθβία, ηη. ρ. 251 D.
ίνηθης, II. ρ. 228.
fvOeveiv, 286. ρ. 322.
(νθίως, 6ζ. ρ. 246, 141. ρ. 275-
(νθύνη, 58. ρ. 244> ιιο• Ρ• 263,
112. ρ. 204, ιΐ7• Ρ• 266, 124. ρ.
269.
€υθύς, 9. ρ. 228, 31. Ρ• 236, 36. ρ.
237 ; το €ξ άρχης e., 322. ρ. 332.
ζυλαβζίσθαι, φ ρ. 226, 1 59• Ρ• 28θ,
3ο5• Ρ• 327•
€νλογος, 151. ρ. 277.
evvoia, with dat., I. p. 226 ; ei? τίνα,
320. p. 331, προς, 314. p. 329.
(ννοΊκως, y. p. 227.
(ϋρους, η. p. 227, 80. p. 252, 320.
p• 331•
euoi, 260. p. 313.
ένορκος, 249. p. 310.
eimopeiv, 191. p. 292 ; with gen.
27. p. 234, 235. p. 305.
(ϋπορος, Io8. p. 262, 311. p. 329;
-ως, 148. p. 276.
ευπρόσωπος, 149. p. 277.
€νρίσκ€ΐρ, 259. Ρ• 313•
€υσ€β€ΐα, I. p. 226, 7. p. 227.
ξνσφης, 126. p. 269. 1 57. p. 280D.
(ντρίπής, 32. p. 236.
€ντρ€πίζ€σθαι, 1 7 5- p. 286.
fVTVxelv, 18. p. 231, 263. p. 314,
323. p. 332; = 'farewell,' 78. p.
252 D.
ευτύχημα, 323. p. 332.
ευτυχία, 141. p. 275.
εϋφωνος, 285. p. 320.
ευχαριστύν, g2. p. 2^7 D.
ευχαριστία, gi. p. 256 D.
ευχερώς, yo. p. 248, 264. p. 3 1 5.
εϋχεσβαι, I. p. 226, 8. p. 227, 1 76.
p. 286.
εΰωνος, Sg. p. 255•
258
INDEX II.
€φάμί\\ος, 320. p. 33 1.
^φβξής, 31. p. 236, 56. p. 244, 73.
p. 249, 75. p. 250, no. p. 263.
€φη8(σθαι, 1 8. p. 231.
ίφίσταναι, Sj. p. 254, 112. p. 264 ;
intr. 60. p. 245.
€;^f 11/ = ' possess,' 252. p. 3 1 1 ; = * to
wear,' ξύλον, 129. p. 270, 289.
p. 322 D ; = ' have as charac-
teristics,' evvoiav, I. p. 226, δύο
f., 321. p. 331, 292. p. 323 ;
with subst. (equivalent to dvai
with adj.) χάριν (χ^ιν, 'to be
grateful,' 305. p. 327, ησυχίαν €.,
* to be quiet,' 35. p. 237 ; so with
advb., άνιάτως e., 324. p. 332,
στασιαστικώί, 6 1, p. 245» όντως,
99• p. 259, 291. p. 322 ; = ' bear,'
alriavj 4. p. 227, κατηγορίας, 240.
Ρ• 307 ; = ' to contain or imply,'
ζη\ον, I20. p. 267, 123. p. 268 ;
= 'to be able,' 16. p. 230, 32. p.
236 ; €χ(ίΡ λόγοι/, 'to take ac-
count of,' 199. p. 295 ; σχήσαρ,
'to secure,' 45. p. 241; €χων,
often = little more than ^with,'
168. p. 284; mid. = (with gen.)
'to adhere to,' 79. p. 251.
(χθρα, 1 6. p. 230, 188. p. 291.
€χθρός, 12. p. 229, 35. p. 237;
Beols, 46. p. 241, 61. p. 245.
ίωΚοκρασία, 50. p. 242.
€ωΓ, with ind. 30. p. 235 ; opt. 32.
p. 236 ; with gen., 106. p. 262 D.
{^λο? = * distinction,' 120. p. 267;
= ' enthusiasm,' 217. p. 300.
ζημίουν, 1 52. p. 278.
ζην, 205. p. 296, 72. p. 248, 314.
p. 30.
ζητ^ιν, 15, 1 6. p. 230, 47. p. 241.
Cvyov, 289. p. 322 D.
ηγΰσθαι, 43. p. 240.
ηγεμονία, 65. p. 246.
ήγζμών, 24. p. 233, 143. p. 275 ; ol
^.=' first class of trierarchs,'
103. p. 260, 312. p. 329.
ηδ^σθαι, 167. p. 284 D.
ηδίως, 3. p. 226, 64. p. 246.
ηδη, ΙΟ. p. 228, 69. p. 248 ; η. nevTf,
29. p. 235 D.
ηδονή, 4. p. 226.
ήθος, 109. p. 263, 114. p. 264, 204.
^ p. 296, 275. p. 317.
ηκζΐν, 22. p. 232, 279. p. 319.
ηκιστα, 8 1, p. 252.
ηλικία, ιηη. p. 287.
ηΚίκος, 89. p. 255, 3 1 6. p. 330.
ηΚιος, 2JO. p. 3 1 6, 1 27. p. 269.
^μ€Γ, 9I.p. 256D. J
>7/xepa, 26. p. 234, 172. p. 285, 195. J
p. 293 ; 6 καθ' η. βίος, 2 ΙΟ. p.
298 ; κατά την η. ίκάστην, 68. ρ.
247, 249- Ρ• 3ΙΟ.
ηνίκα, 46. ρ. 241 ; η. αν, 3Ι3• Ρ• 329•
ηρως, ΐ8θ. ρ. 288, 1 84. ρ. 289 D.
ησυχία, 35- ρ. 237, 65. ρ. 246, 307,
3ο8, ρ. 328.
ήττα, 244- Ρ• 3θ8.
ήττασθαι, 244• Ρ- 3ο8, 273• Ρ• 3Ι7•
ήττον, 124- ρ. 268.
θάλαττα, g6. ρ. 256, 3θΐ• Ρ• 326,
324• ρ. 332.
θάνατος, gy. p. 298, 205. p. 296.
θάπτίΐν, 2θ8. ρ. 297•
Θαργηλίων, 1 64. ρ. 282 D.
θαρρύν, 264• ρ. 3Η•
θαυμάζ(ΐν, ΐ43• ρ. 275, 1 59• ρ. 28 1.
θαυμαστός, 2 1 6. ρ. 300, 248. ρ. 309.
θ^α, 28. ρ. 234•
θ(ά, ϊ. ρ. 226, 141. ρ. 274•
θ€ασθαι, ΙΟ. ρ. 228, 3^• Ρ• 236,
144. ρ. 275-
INDEX Π.
259
θζατης, 202. p. 314•
θίατρον, 58. p. 244) 120. p. 267.
^e'/LiiS•, 128. p. 269.
θ€09, 97. p. 258, I. p. 225, 141. p.
274.
θ€ρα7Γ€ν€ΐν, 28o. p. 319, 307. p. 327,
322. p. 332.
θίριστης, 51• Ρ• 242.
θ^σις, pi., 309. p. 329.
6(σμοθ€τηξ, 1 1 6. p. 266 D.
θ€ωράν = '•\.ο be a spectator,' 28. p.
234, 265.P.31 5 ; = 'tobehold,' 68.
p. 247, loi. p. 259 ; pass. = ' to
be examined,' 315. p. 330.
θίώρημα, 68. p. 247.
θεωρία, 91. p. 256 D.
θ€ωρίκόν, 1 13. p. 264, 1 18. p. 266 D;
pi. (?) 55. p. 243 D.
θηρίον, 322. p. 332.
θίασος, 26o. p. 3 1 3.
θ\ίβ€ΐν, 26o. p. 313.
θρησκ€ΐν, Tovs τζθν. 31 5• p. 33°•
θορνβεΐσθαι, 3$- Ρ• ^37, 174- Ρ•
286.
θόρνβοζ, ι68, 169. ρ. 284.
θρασνν€σθαι, 1 36. ρ. 272.
θρασύς, 17$. ρ. 286, 211. ρ. 298,
263. ρ. 314.
θυγάτηρ, 268. ρ. 3 1 6.
θν(ΐν, 183. ρ. 289 D.
θυσία, 86. ρ. 254> 2ΐ8. ρ. 301.
Ιαμβειοφάγος, 1 39• Ρ• 274•
ιατρός, 243• Ρ• 3θ7•
ιδ^Ίν, \η. ρ. 230, 49• Ρ' 242.
ίδι'α, 74• ρ. 249 D, 95• Ρ• 254, 277•
\ ρ. 3ΐ8.
\ ιδίοί, 28ι. ρ. 3I9j /3ιΌυ, 8. ρ. 227,
πλζον^ξίας, 64. ρ. 244? δίκα?, 2ΙΟ.
' ρ. 298 ; τα ιδ. 123. ρ. 268, 255. ρ.
312; τ83. ρ. 289 Γ>.
ιδιώτης, 45• Ρ• 241, 78. ρ. 251 D.
ίδρύεσθαι, g2. ρ. 256 D.
ίζρομνημων, 1 48. ρ. 276 Sqq. ; -μνα-,
90. ρ. 255 D.
tepoV, = ' temple,' 92. ρ• 257 D; =
' sacrifice,' 91 • Ρ• 256 D.
Ί^ρ^υς, 1 54• p. 278 D.
'κρός, I50. p. 277.
ικανός, 5θ. p. 242.
ΐκίτηρία, 107. p. 262.
Ινα, with subj. 17. p. 230 ; opt. 32.
p. 236.
ίππαρχος, 1 84. p. 290 D.
ιππίίις, ληη. p. 287, 234. p. 305.
ιππικόν, 311. p. 329.
"ίππος, 299. p. 325.
ίπποτρόφος, 320. p. 33 1.
ίσος, 3. p. 226, 7. p. 227 ; τα t.,
238. p. 306 ; iξ ίσου, \ηη. p. 281,
236. p. 306 ; eVi "ίσον, lo6. p.
261 D.
ιστάναι, 91. p. 256 D ; intr. 195. p.
293 ; mid. 166. p. 283 D ; μψ
ιστάμενος, 54. p. 243 D.
ιστορία, 144. p. 275.
Ισχνών, with dat., 7. p. 227 ; with
inf., 18. p. 230; abs. 203. p. 295,
321. p. 331.
ισχυρός, 202. p. 295.
Ισως, 1 7. p. 230.
καθαίρ^ιν, 259. p. 3 1 3.
KaOaipilv, 227. p. 303.
καθάπαξ, 1 97. p. 294, 23 1, p. 302.
κάθαρμα, 128. p. 269.
καθαρμός, 259. p. 313-
καθίζζσθαι, 1 07. p. 262.
καθΐίρ-γζΐν, 97• p. 258.
καθ€λκ€ΐν, 184. p. 290 D.
καθησθαι, $0. p. 235.
καθκρουσθαι, 149. p. 277.
καθιστάναι, 71. p. 248, 79. p. 252,
222. p. 302 ; intr. 27. p. 234,
S 2
a,6o
INDEX II,
47. p. 241, 100. p. 259 ; mid.,
ets rx]V €κκ\ησίαν καταστησάμ€νος,
132. p. 271 ; pass. 1 18. p. 266 d.
καθοπ\ίζ€ΐρ, Il6. p. 265 D.
καθυφύναι, I07. Ρ• 202.
καί = ' and,' ι. p. 226 ; = * also,' κα\
των . . . eVri, 47. p. 24 1 ; και . . .
df, 43. p. 240, 215. p. 300 ; re-
dundant in comparisons, οσω
TTfp Koi K.T.\. 5. p. 226 ; καΧ . . .
και = * both . . . and,' 4. p. 226 ; =«
* actually,' intensifying adj. κ.
μεγάλα, 3. p. 226, κ. πασαν, 279.
p. 319, verb, κ. δβί, 47. p. 241,
κ. 8ΐ(κωλνθη, 6ο. ρ. 245» advb. κ.
μάΚ* ίΐκότως ; = ' even,' κ. ταντα,
50. ρ. 242, 324• Ρ• 332 ; redupl.
κ. ύΐν . . . κ. ταντα, 275• Ρ• 3^7 > =
'simply,' και τό σώσαι, ΐοο. ρ. 259 ;
και ...ye, *yes, and' in answer to
interrogation, 117. p. 266; =
*but,' when preceding an in-
terrog., κα\ τις κ.τ.λ., loi. p. 260,
282. p. 319 ; = ' possibly' (like
ποτ€) when following an in-
terrog., τί κα\ βουλόμενοι, 24. p.
233 ; = 'or rather,' μικρά κ. ovdev,
104. p. 260, xOes K. πρώην, 1 30.
p. 270, μ€γ. κ. τας (σχάτας, 12.
p. 229.
και δη (of supposition), 276. p.
318.
itai μην (continuative) = * more-
over,' 14. p. 229— so often ; κάι
μην ovbe, 76. p. 250. κ. μ. ov8e . . .
yf, 68. p. 247,
καινός, 54. p. 243 D.
καίπίρ, 1 8. p. 231.
icaipcJf = * occasion,' 'crisis,' 17. p.
230, 178. p. 287, 321. p. 331; =
* right time,' ' opportunity,' του
(Ibfvai, 48. p. 241, iv K. 102. p.
260 ; = * convenience,' p. 297. p.
325•
καίτοι = ' and yet,' 51. p. 242;
generally introduces a paren-
thesis inserted before the read-
ing of a document = ' and, by
the bye,' 103. p. 260, 123. p.
268, 180. p. 288, 212. p. 298,
219. p. 302 ; καίτοι . . .y(, I lo.
p. 263.
KaKayyeXelv, 267. p. 3 1 5.
κακία, 20. p. 23 1, 68. p. 247, 93. p.
257, 279• p. 319•
κακίζβιν, 3o6. p. 327.
κακοήθης, II. p. 228, I08. p. 263 ;
-ως, 78. p. 251 D.
κακόν, = ' mischief,' 16. p. 230 ; ==
'malady,' 198. p. 294.
κακόνονς, 135• Ρ• 272.
κακοπι\θύν, 1 46. p. 276.
κακός, 267. p. 315 ; -ως, 123. p. 268.
κακούργημα, 31. p. 236.
κάλαμίτης, 1 29, p. 270.
KaXeli', = ' denominate,' 51. p. 242,
72. p. 248 ; = ' summon,' 170. p.
285, 141. p. 274.
καλοκαγαθία, 93. p. 257, I18. p.
266 D.
καλός, 127• p. 269, ICO. p. 259,
251. p. 310, 311 ; τα καλά, 63. p.
246, 95. p. 257, 97. p. 258 ; τά
κάλλιστα, 8o. p. 252 ; compar.
100. p. 259, 316. p. 331.
καλώς, 85. p. 254, 97. p. 258 ; <c.
7ΓΟΙθΟνΤ6ί, 231. p. 304.
κάμν€ΐν, 243. Ρ• 307, 289. p. 322 D.
κανών, 296. p. 324.
καν = και αν, ' and if,' 4. p. 226.
καρπός, 23 1, p. 304, 309. p. 328.
κατά, I. with gen. -- ( down upon)
' to the hurt of,' ' against,' κατά
πάντων (φ. 19. p.231, 1 36. p. 272;
INDEX II.
261
= (upon) ' concerning,' ' about,'
βγκώμια καθ' υμών, 2 1 5• p. 300.
II. with acc. = ' throughout,'
of place, if. τήρ άγοράν, 323. p.
332, of time, K. τον άγωνα, 3• p.
226, κ. Tovs χρόνους, I/, p. 230,
69. p. 248, K. την ημίραν ίκάστην,
68. p. 247, 249. p. 310 ; = 'inthe
time of,' καθ" ovs (χρόνους), Ιζζ.
p. 279, των κατ (μαυτυν ανθρώπων,
298, ρ. 325, 95• ρ. 258, 3ΐ7,3ΐ8.
Ρ• 33^ ; = ' in the province of,'
όσον καβ" eva avdpa, I S3• Ρ• 278,
246. p. 309 ; = ' as far as concerns,'
κατ avTO τοΰτο, Io8. p. 262, κατά
y νμας, 2 1 6. p. 300 ; = 'in respect
to,' K. την βμαυτου τάξιν, 304. p.
327 ; ovde καθ' ev, 1 6 1, p. 28 1 =
' in no respect ;' καθ' ev, 17. p.
230 ^ ' singly ;' τα κα& έκαστα,
214. Ρ• 299 = ' the details of
each topic ;' αυτούς καθ' (αυτούς,
324. p. 332 = ' alone by them-
selves ;' κατ αί/δρα = ' viritim,'
271. p. 316; = ' in accordance
with,' ' in consequence of,' απο-
στόλους καθ' ους, 8o. p. 252, νόμον
καθ' ov, 102. p. 260, 105. p. 261,
K. την υφηγησιν τούτου, 15I• p.
279.
καταβάΚλίΐν, 103. p. 260, 55. p.
243 D.
Kardyeij/ = ' restore an exile,' 71. p.
248 ; = 'bring into port,' y^. p.
249 D, 78. p. 25 ID.
καταγιγνώσκ€ίν, 256, p. 312, 167. p.
284 D.
καταγνύναι, 6y. p. 247.
κατα8ου\οΰσθαι, 72. p. 249.
καταισχύν€ίν, ΙΟΙ. p. 260, 26 1, p.
314.
κατακλυσμός, 2 1 4• p. 299.
κατακομίζζΐν, 38. p. 238 D.
κατακοντίζαν, 15 1. p. 277.
κατακόρως, 1 82. p. 289 D.
καταλαμβάνΐΐν = ' se'ize,^ 71• P• 248,
99. p. 269 ; = ' find on arrival,'
211. p. 298.
καταλΐίπ€ΐν, 107. p. 262.
καταλιθοΰν, 204. p. 296.
κατάλογος, 105, lo6. p. 26 1,
καταλύβιι/ ==' lodge,' 82. p. 252;
pass. = ' decay,' 102. p. 260.
icarafe/xeti' = ' assign,' θ€αν, 28. p.
234 ; = ' depasture,' 1 54. p. 278 D ;
mid. = ' portion out,' 155. p.
278 D.
καταπληττ€ΐν, 175. p. 286.
καταπράτταν, 247. p. 309 ; pass.
86. p. 254.
καταπτύζΐν, 200. p. 295.
κατάπτυστος, '^^, p. 236, 43. p. 240,
196. p. 293.
καταράσθαι = 'execrate,' 130. p. 270,
282. p. 319 ; = ' protest,' 283. p.
320.
κατάρατος, 212. p. 298, 244. p. 308,
322. p. 332.
κατασκάπτβιν, 36. p. 237, 7 1, p. 248.
κατασκ€δαννύναι, 50. p. 242.
κατασκευή, 309. p. 328.
κατασκεύαζαν, η\. p. 248, 1 94. p.
293 ; mid. 66. p. 246 ; pass.
151. p. 277.
κατάσκοπος, 1 37. p. 272.
κατάστασις, 02. p. 245, 1 88. p. 29 1.
καταστρίφεσθαι, 30. p. 235, 44. p.
240.
κατατυγχάναν, 1 78. p. 288.
καταφίύγαν, 19. p. 23 1, 97. p. 258,
158. p. 280.
καταχρησθαι, 150. p. 277•
κατα\Ι^ζύ8€σθαι, g. p. 228, 1 7. p.
230, 291. p. 322.
26z
INDEX II,
καταψηφίζίσθαι, ΙΟ. p. 228.
κατ€χ€ΐν, 6o. p. 245, 96. p. 258,
184. p. 289 D.
κατηγορζΐν, 3. p. 226, 15. p. 230,
TCI κατη-γορημίνα, 4• p. 220.
κατηγόρημα, 263. p. 3 1 4.
κατηγορία, 123• p. 268, 12. p. 229.
KOTOifceti/, 91, 92. p. 256 D, 1 1 5. p.
265 D.
κατοίκιζαν, 1 82. p. 289 D•
κατορθονν, tr., 285. p. 320 ; pass.,
306. p. 327 ; intr. 208. p. 297,
290. p. 322.
κάτω, ανω και κ.. Ill, p. 263.
κύσθαί, 142. p. 275, 77. p. 251 D.
Κ€κραγό)ς, 1 32. p. 27 1, 1 99. p. 294.
KeXevfiv, 6. p. 227, 28. p. 234, 58.
p. 244 ; pass. 202. p. 295.
Kevos, 143. p. 275, 150. p. 277, 239.
p. 306.
Κίνθμων, 267. p. 315.
Κ€φάλαιον, 213. p. 299, 1 64. p.282D.
Κ€φαλη, I S3' p. 278, 290. p. 322;
294. p. 323.
κηδ€στης, 312. p. 329.
κήρυγμα, 83. p. 253, IIO. p. 263,
120. p. 267.
κήρυξ, lyo. p. 285, 282. p. 319.
κηρύττίσθαι, I20. p. 267.
κίναδοί, 102. p. 281, 242. p. 307.
κινδύνευαν, gS. p. 259 J κ. eire . . .
€iTe, 266. p. 315 ; pass., 278. p.
318.
κίνδυνος, lyy, p. 287, 45. p. 241.
κινύσθαι, 1 98. p. 294.
κιττοψόρος, 26o. p. 3^3•
KXfifiv, 32. p. 236.
κ\(ίς, 67 . p. 247.
κλείσιον, 1 29. p. 270.
κΧεμμα, 31. p. 236.
κΧηρονομίϊν, 312. p. 329.
κλητ(ύ€ΐν, I 50. p. 277.
κλήτωρ, 55. p. 244 D.
Koivfj, 8. p. 227, 95. p. 258, 77. p.
251D.
κοινολογάσθαι, 1 37. p. 273.
κοινός = ' common,' 5. p. 227, 22.
p, 232 ; = ' impartial,' 7. p. 227 ;
= 'large-minded,' 268. p. 315,
311. p. 329 ; τα κοινά, ΙΟ. p. 228,
134. p. 271 ; €V κοινώ, 320. p.
330.
κοινωνάν, 58. p. 244.
κοινωνία, 23. p. 232.
κοινωνός, 21. p. 232.
κοιταίος, yj. p. 238 D.
κοΚακ^υίΐν, 102. p. 28 1.
κόΧαξ, φ. p. 241, 296. p. 324.
κό^τζος, 289. p. 322 D.
κομιδη, 295. Ρ• 324•
κομίζίσθαι, 1 14. p. 264, 122. p. 268;
pass., 241. p. 307, 301. p. 326.
Kopdv, 258. p. 313.
κοσμύν, 287. p. 321.
κόσμος, 2 1 6. p. 300.
κρατάν, 65. p. 246, 98. p. 258.
κρατηρίζίΐν, 259. p. 3 1 3.
κράτιστος, 1 90. p. 292 ; advb. 320.
p. 331•
κρείττων, 245. p. 308.
κρίνην, 15. p. 230, 197. p. 294.
315• p• 330.
κρίσις, άς κρ. καθιστάναι, 1 3. p. 229,
\όγου κρ., 226. p. 303, 57• Ρ• 244 ;
pi. 14. p. 230, 124. p. 269 ; 289.
p. 322 D.
κρύπτ€ΐν, 132. p. 271.
κτάσθαι, 94. p. 257, 95. p. 258,
102. p. 260.
κτήμα, 41. p. 22g.
κτησις, 3o8. p. 328.
κυβερνάν, 1 94, p. 293.
κύκλος, 300. p. 325 ; -ω with gen.
96. p. 258.
INDEX II.
263
κνπτβιν, 323. p. 332.
κνριοζ, abs. = ' authoritative,' 6. p.
227, comparat., 255. p. 331 ;
with gen., 18. p. 231, 87. p. 254,
134. p. 271, 321, p. 331.
KwXveiVj 22. p. 232, 61. p. 245,
71. p. 248 ; pass. 144. p. 275.
κωλυτης, 72. p. 248.
κωμάζζΐι^, 287. p. 321.
\aya)S, 263. p. 314.
λα^ι/3άΐ'βιι/ = ' accept,' τα δί8όμ(να
119• p. 267, 262. p. 314; abs.
82. p. 253; = 'take' (simply)
28. p. 234 ; δίκηρ λ., 12. p. 229
λόγοι/, 02. p. 245 ; = * adopt,
φρόνημα, 209. p. 297 ; ^ ' Seize,
όταν τι κακόν το σώμα λ., 1 98. ρ,
294 ; = 'dupe,' 20. ρ. 231, 4θ• Ρ
239-
λαμπρός, 3^3• Ρ• 329) 320. ρ.
33ΐ•
Χαμπροφωνότατοί, 3^3• Ρ• 329•
λανθάνον, ηη. ρ. 251 D, 140. ρ. 274)
148. ρ. 276, 190. ρ. 291.
Χαρυ^-^'ιζ^ν, 291. ρ. 323•
Aeyeti/ = ' speak,' 4. Ρ• 227, 7θ• Ρ•
248 ; λόγοι/ 6Κ λόγου, 3^3• Ρ• 329 5
ό λίγωϊ/, 277- ρ. 3^8; = ' quote,'
28. ρ. 234-
ΧΐηΚατάν, 1 57• Ρ• 28oD.
\άα, 72. ρ. 248.
Xetneiv, 1 73• Ρ• 286.
Χζίτονργύν, 104. ρ. 26ο, Ιθ8. ρ. 262,
267. ρ. 3ΐ5•
XeiTOVpyia, 9Ι• Ρ- 256 D, Ιθ6. ρ.
202, 267. ρ. 3ΐ5•
Χεύκη, 26ο. ρ. 3Ι3•
Χηβη, 283. ρ. 320.
Χημα, 289. ρ. 322 D.
Χημμα, 298. ρ. 325.
Χηρ^Ίν, 297- ρ. 325-
Χτ]στης, 1 45• Ρ• 276, 230. ρ. 304)
242. ρ. 307.
Χίθος, 299- ρ. 325•
Χικνοφόρος, 26ο. ρ. 3^3•
Χίμην, 299- Ρ• 325•
Χογίζ^σθαί = ' calculate,' 27. ρ. 234,
Ι20. ρ. 267, Ι95• Ρ• 293 ; = ' au-
dit accounts,' 227. p. 3^3; =
'enter in accounts,' 113. p. 264
λογισμός, 229, 231. Ρ- 304) "3• Ρ
264, 193- Ρ• 292.
λογιστής, llj. p. 226 ; 229. p. 304
λόγοΓ = ' speech,' 3. p. 226, 68. ρ,
247; λόγου τυχί^ν, 13. p. 229
= 'topic,' 42. p. 240, 59. p. 244
λ. €K λόγου λ€γ(ΐν, 3 1 3, p. 329
= ' accounts,' λ. διδόναι, 8. ρ
227; λόγω opp. tO €ργον, ΙΟΙ. ρ
26ο, ΐ6θ. ρ. 28 1, to δττλοις, 212
ρ. 298, 244- ρ. 3ο8.
λοώορύσθαι, ΙΟ. ρ. 228, ΐ8θ. ρ.
288.
λοι8ορία, 123- ρ. 268, 138. ρ. 272.
λοιπός, 324. Ρ• 332 ; το λ. {του σώ-
ματος), 67. ρ. 247 ; -όν ην, 23. ρ.
232, without substant. vb., 4. p.
226 ; τά λοιπά, 27. p. 234) 47• Ρ•
241, 95• Ρ• 258 ; τον λοιπόν, yS.
ρ. 257 D.
λόχος, Ιθ6. ρ. 26lD.
λν€ΐν, βίρηνην, 26. ρ. 234) 7^• Ρ• 248,
73• Ρ• 249 ; = ' quash,' pass. 104.
p. 261 ; mid. = ' ransom,' 268. p.
316.
λνμαίν^σθαι with acc, 267. p. 3 1 5,
312. p. 329; with dat., 303. p.
326 ; with cognate βφ' οΐς (λ.,
312. p. 329.
λυπβίΐ/, 4θ. p. 239, 65. p. 246, 217.
p. 301, 292. p. 323.
λύπτ;, 288. p. 322.
λνπηρός, 5. p. 227.
264
INDEX Π.
λώοί, 157- p. 280 D.
μά, III. p. 263, 208. p. 297.
μαιμακτηριών, y] . p. 235 D.
μαίν€σθαι^ 5"• Ρ• ^42•
μακρός, 20. p. 23 1 ; els μακράν, 36.
p. 237.
μόλα, 1 6. p. 230 ; μάλλον, 42. p.
240, ovdev μ., 170. p. 285, μ. Sc
= *or rather,' 30. p. 235, 52. p.
242 ; μάλιστα, I. p. 226, τα μ.,
21. p. 232, 95. p. 257, μ. μίν,
I03. p. 260, 278. p. 318, 324. p.
332.
μαλακία, 245. p. 308.
μανθάναν = ^ leB-Ul,' 89. p. 254; =
* comprehend,' iii. p. 263.
μανία, 249. p. 3 1 0.
μαντ€ΰ(σθαι, 253. p. 311.
μάντις, 8o. p. 252.
μάραθον, 200. p. 3 13•
μάρνασθαι, 289. p. 322 D.
μαρτυρύν, 1 18. p. 266, 135• P• 272D,
137. p. 273 D.
μαρτυρία, 267. p. 315 ; 268. p.
316.
μάρτυς, 1 34. p. 272, 1 37. p. 273,
229. p. 304.
μάταιος, 2 1 4• p. 299.
μάχ^σθαι, 319. p. 33 1.
μ«Χ';, 193• Ρ• 292, 209. p. 297.
μ€γαλο\Ι/υχία, 68. p. 247.
/itya? = ' great,' 12. p. 229, 61. p.
245 ; = 'grand,' 320. p. 331 ; μεί-
ζων, 31. p. 236, 194. p. 292, fi
ίλάττων, 139• p. 274 ; τα μέγιστα,
advb., 24. p. 233.
μ€γ(θος, 298. p. 325.
μ(Θημ€ρινός, 1 29. p. 270.
μeλnv, 258. p. 313.
μ(λ€τη, 309. p. 328.
μ€λλ€ΐν, 8. p. 227, 32. p. 236, 89.
p. 255, 135. p. 272 ; t6 μάλλον,
149. Ρ• 277-
μζμνησθαΐ, II. p. 229, 21. p. 232,
69. p. 248, 78• p• 251.
μ€μφ€σθαι, 94. p. 257.
μ€μψιμοιρξΙν, 74• Ρ• 249 ^'
μ€μ'ψίς, 6ζ. p. 246.
μίν, answered by de, 179. p. 288
by eneiTa or cira, I. p. 226 n.,
by μίντοι, 12. p. 229 η.; un
answered, 95. p. 257, 318. ρ
330 ; μ^ ουν, I30. p. 270, 140,
p. 274, 316. p. 330 ; μ€ντοΐ, 12
p. 229 ; μίντοι y€, 112. p. 263.
μ€ν€ΐν, in\ τούτων, 307. p. 327 ; παρ
e>i', 321. p. 331.
μ€ρίς, 64. p. 246, 176. p. 286.
/xepoff = ' portion,' 272. p. 317 ; ets
μ. δΐ€στησ€, 6l. p. 245, 121. p.
268 ; του σώματος, 6"/. p. 247;
TO €7Γΐβάλλον μ. 254. p. 312 ; το μ.
των •>^ηφων, 67. ρ. 247) Ι03• Ρ•
26ο, Ι05. ρ. 26ΐ D, 222, ρ. 302 ;
= ' party,' iv τω των εναντίων μ.,
292. ρ. 323•
μ^σογβία, 30Ι• Ρ• 326.
μέσος, τάν μίσω, 2Ι5• Ρ• 2)^0 ; eiy
μίσον, 1 39• Ρ• 274•
μαστός, 48. ρ. 242, 112. ρ. 264,
3θ8. ρ. 328,
μΐτά, Ι. with gen. = ' in concert
with,' Φίλοκράτους, IJ. p. 230 ;
υμών, 21$. p. 300, 230. p. 304,
234• p• 305 ; = * in attendance
upon,' 322. p. 332 ; = * in ac-
cordance with,' μετ (υνοίας, 1 99.
p. 294, 316. p. 330, προθυμίας
κα\ δικαιοσύνης, 30I. p. 326, 286.
p. 32 1 ; = * attended by,' μ(τα
πολλής iVfiet'a? (τράφης, 258. p.
313, μ€τ €λ(υθ€ρίας ζην, 20$. p.
296 ; = ' with the addition of,'
INDEX II.
26s
μ€τα ποΧΧης χάριτος TOOT αν €^όθη,
202. ρ. 295•
Π. with ace. = 'after' (of time),
36. p. 237, 233. p. 305.
μ€ταγίΎνώσκ€ΐν, 1 53• p. 278.
μβταδίδόναί with acc. 250. p. 310 ;
with gen., 89. p. 253.
μεταλαμβάνων, 254. p. 3 1 2.
μ€ταζν, τον μ. χρόνον των όρκων, 20.
ρ. 233 ; Η•• δβιπ^οΰί/τβί, 109• ρ.
284.
μετάπειθαν, 228. ρ. 303•
μεταττίμττεσθαι, 24• ρ. 233•
μεταποιείν, 121. ρ. 208.
μετατιθίναι, = 'substitute,' act., 225.
p. 303 ; mid. 284. p. 320 ; mid.
= ' change one's mind,' bo^av,
229. p. 304, abs., 177. p. 287.
μετάφεραν, Io8. p. 202, 225. p.
303.
μετεΐναι, 316. p. 330, I25. p. 268.
μετεχείν, Sg. p. 255, 288. p. 322.
μετονσία, 128. p. 269.
μετρεΐν, 296. p. 324.
μετρως, of persons, 10. p. 228, 1 26.
p. 269 ; n. = ' fair,' 39. p. 239 D,
165. p. 283 D ; μέτρια έχοντας,
' of moderate means,' 102. p.
260 ; -ω$•, i8. p. 231, 278. p.
318; -ωτατα, 4. p. 227.
μέχρι, μ. τούτον . . . εως, 48. p. 24 1 J
των χρόνων, 86. p. 254 j πόρρω,
163. p. 282.
,177 = 'lest,' 33. p. 236, 214. p. 299;
prohibitive, 158. p. 280; μη
yap, 200. p. 295 ; before anti-
thesis, 260. p. 313; in negat.
wish, 89. p. 255, 324. p. 332 ;
after final particles, 32. p. 236 ;
πότερον.,.η μη, 7Ι• Ρ• 248; εΐ
8ε μη, Ι03. ρ. 200.
/χί^δα/ζώί, 3ΐ5•Ρ• 330'
μηδέ, 19. ρ. 23 1, 287. ρ. 321, ΙΟ.
ρ. 228.
μηδείς, after μη, 324• Ρ• 332 ; μηδέν
γενέσθαι after φυλάττων, 3^3' Ρ•
329•
μηδεπω, 190. ρ. 29 1 ; μηδεπωποτε,
125. ρ. 269.
μήκος, 19. ρ. 23Ι.
/Λΐ)ι/ = ' month,' 30. ρ. 235•
μην = ' assuredly : ' see under και,
ον, αλλά.
μηνυτής, 284. ρ. 320•
μητηρ, 1 29• Ρ• 270, 259- Ρ- 3Ι3•
μηχάνημα, Zj. ρ. 254•
μιαρός, Ι34• Ρ• 272, 289• Ρ• 322,
296. ρ. 324 ; comparat. 93• Ρ•
257.
μικρός, Ι02. ρ. 200, 255• Ρ• 212;
μικρά άποκρίνασθαι, 34• Ρ• 237»
μικρά κα\ ουδέν, 1 04. ρ. 200 ; μι-
κρόν ύστερον, 36. ρ. 237 ί μικρού,
ΐ5ΐ•ρ. 277•
μικρόψυχος, 209• ρ. 31^•
μιμεϊσθαι, 232. ρ. 3^5•
μισανθρωπία, 112. ρ. 204•
μισείν, ι8. ρ. 231, 47• Ρ• 24Ι> 28θ.
ρ. 319, 3Ι5-Ρ-330•
μισθαρνε'ιν, 49• Ρ• 242, 320• Ρ• 33^•
μισθαρνία, ζΟ. ρ. 242, 1 38. ρ. 272,
284. ρ. 320.
μισθοδοτειν, 1 1 5. ρ. 206 D.
μισθός, 5Ι• ρ. 242, 200. ρ. 3Ι4•
μισθουν, 21. ρ. 23Ι, Ι3Ι• Ρ• 271 ;
mid. 33• Ρ• 236, 148. ρ• 276.
μισθωτός, 38. ρ. 238, 52• ρ. 242.
μίσος, 1 88. ρ. 291.
μνα, 1 1 8. ρ. 266 D.
μνήμα, 2θ8. ρ. 297? 243• Ρ• 3^^•
μνήμη, Ι38. ρ 273•
μνημονεύειν, Ι42. ρ. 275•
μνημονικώτατος, 3^3• Ρ• 329•
μνησίκακείν, 94• Ρ• 257, 99• Ρ• 259•
!Z66
INDEX II.
μοφα, 289. p. 322 D.
μόνον J 2. p. 226.
μόνος, μόνος μόνω κ.τ.λ., 1 37• Ρ•
273 ) with gen., μόνω των αλλωι/,
196. p. 293.
μουνυχιών, 165. ρ. 282 D.
μύθος, 1 49• Ρ• 277•
μνριάκις, Ι20. ρ. 267.
μύριοι = ' ΙΟ,ΟΟΟ,' 237• Ρ• Ζ^ '■> =
* countless,' 100. p. 259» 120. p.
267, 145• Ρ• 276.
ναι, 2$\. ρ. 3ΙΟ.
vavay'ia, 194• Ρ• 293•
ναναρχείν, JJ. ρ. 25 1 D.
ναύαρχος, 'J2>• Ρ• 249 Ι>, 78. ρ. 25 1 D,
νανκληρος, 1 94• Ρ• 293•
ναυμαχ^ν, 2θ8. ρ. 297•
ναυμαχία, ΙΟΟ. ρ. 259•
ναΰς, 96. ρ. 258, 1 94• Ρ• 293-
ναντικόν, Ι02. ρ. 26ο.
νΐανίας, 1 36. ρ. 272, 3Ι3• Ρ• 329•
νεανίσκος, 1 1 6. ρ. 265 D.
νφρίζ^ιν, 259- ρ. 3ΐ3•
verjXara, 260, ρ. 3Ι4•
νίκρός, 267. ρ. 3^5•
νίμίΐν, 2θ8. ρ. 297•
i/foy, 85. ρ. 254, 29- ρ. 235 '^ '■> ^om-
parat. ν^ωτ^ρονς των nenpaype-
νων, 50. ρ. 242.
νζφος, 1 88. ρ. 291.
Ρ€ώριον, 132. ρ. 271.
νη, Αία, ΙΟΙ. ρ. 259, ΙΙ7• Ρ• 266,
25ΐ•ρ. 3ΐΐ•
νησιώτης, 234• Ρ• 3^5-
νήσος, ΙΟΟ. ρ. 259•
νικαν, 86. ρ. 254, 247• Ρ• 3^9, 3^9-
Ρ• 331.
νομίζ(ΐν, g. ρ. 228, 26. ρ. 234 ; pass.
1 8 1 . ρ. 289 D ; τά νομιζόμξνα =
' rites,' 243• ρ. 3θ8.
νόμιμον, 275- Ρ• 3Ι7•
νόμος, 2. ρ. 226, Ι20. ρ. 267.
νοσύν, 45• Ρ• 24Ο•
νόσος, 243• Ρ• 3θ8.
νους, 68. ρ. 247, Ι47• Ρ• 276, 256.
ρ. 312, 324• ρ. 332.
ιΌι/ = ' now,' 3• ρ. 226; = 'as it is'
(of fact), 133. p. 271, 153. p.
278, 195. p. 293, 200. p. 296.
ι/υ^, 259. p. 313.
^evia, 51. p. 242, 1 09. p. 263, 284.
p. 320.
ξίνικός, 311. p. 329.
^€Vos = ' guest-friend,' 46. p. 241,
51. p. 242 ; = * mercenaries,' 152.
p. 277, 237. p. 306.
ξν\ον, 129. p. 270.
6, with substant, in periphrasis, 17
. . . ctTf χρη κακίαν 6ir άγνοιαν
. . . elnelv, 20. p. 234, 270. p.
316; TO with infin., 2. p. 226, 95.
p. 257, 254. p. 312; introducing
quotation in inf., 2. p. 226 ; του
μη with infin. (of purpose), 107.
p. 262 ; το €ξ άρχης, 322. p. 332 ;
το και τό, 243• Ρ• 3θ8.
6β€\ός, 28. ρ. 234•
δδβ, 223- ρ. 302, όδι, 113- ρ. 264,
= Ctesiphon.
o5oy = *road,' 260. p. 3^3 ; = * jour-
ney,' τριών ημζρων 6., 1 95• Ρ•
293 5 n^et. την 6. της ττολιτίίας,
^ 322. ρ. 332.
όδίφ€σθαι, 4Ι• Ρ• 239•
οιδα, 25. ρ. 233, 94• Ρ• 257 ; ptcp.
28. ρ. 234 j <*^^' ^* yeyovev οιδα,
70. ρ. 248 ; oiS" ΟΤΙ (parenthetic),
171. ρ. 285.
οΐίσθαι, 5. ρ. 227, 46• ρ. 24 1, 323•
ρ. 332 ; parenthetic, 45• Ρ• 241•
oiKflv, 305. ρ• 327•
INDEX Π.
267
οΐκάοζ^ 59• Ρ• 245? 288. ρ. 321 ; -ω?,
215- ρ. 300.
θϊκ€ΐότης, 35• Ρ• 237•
οΐκίτης, 258. ρ. 3Ι3•
οικία, 91. ρ. 256 D, 132. ρ. 271.
οικίσκος, 97• Ρ• 258.
οϊκο8ομ€Ϊν, 123. ρ. 208.
οΐκοθίν, 227• ρ. 3*^3 J οΊκοι, 2iy. ρ.
300.
οίκονμίνη, 48. ρ. 24Ι.
OiACTpoy, 4Ι• Ρ• 239•
oios, ΙΟ. ρ. 228 ; imep οΙα π^ποιη-
^ κότων ανθρώπων κινδνν€νσ€Τ€, gS.
: ^ρ. 259-
οίχ^σθαι, 40. ρ. 239? ^5' Ρ• 246.
ι OKvelv, 103. ρ. 26ο, 120. ρ. 209, 129-
; ρ. 270, 197. ρ. 294-
OKV09, ρ1., 246. ρ. 3ο8.
οκτακόσιοι, Ιΐ6. ρ. 265 D.
^' ο\(θρος, as adj. (.?) 127. p. 269.
ολίγον, delv, 20. p. 23 1.
ολιγωρεί»', 8o. p. 252.
ολιγωρία, 74, p. 249 D.
6λολύζ€ΐν, 259. Ρ• 313•
6\os, 121. p. 268 ; TO. δλα, 28. p.
234, 278. p. 318, 303. p. 327,
39. p. 239 D; -ως, 190. p. 29 1,
1 94. -p. 293.
ομννναι, 7• p. 227, 32. p. 236, 121.
p. 268.
όμογνωμον€ΐν, 102. p. 28 1.
όμοιος, 136. p. 272, 317, 318. p.
330 ; -ωρ = ' fairly,' 2. p. 226,
= * alike,' πάντων 6,, 6. p. 227,
17. p. 230, = 'no less,' no. p.
263 ; with dat., 43. p. 240.
όμολογίΐν, S' P• 227, 31. p. 236,
69. p. 227, 320. p. 331 ; mid.
14. p. 230, 29. p. 235 D.
ομόνοια, 1 64. p. 282 D, 246, p. 309.
όμορος, 241. p. 307, 301• P• 326.
ομόσπονδος, 287. p. 32 1.
ομον, 12. p. 229.
ομόφυλος, 1 86, p. 290D.
όμωρόφιος, 287. p. 321.
όμως, 22. p. 232.
όνβιδίζ^ιν, 51. p. 242, 252. p. 311,
269. p. 316.
ονίΐδος, 264. p. 315.
ονησις, 308. p. 328 ; ei's o. ηκ€ΐν,
242. p. 307.
όνομα, 250. p. 310, 284. p. 320.
oj/op,a^eij/=' to name,' pass., 46, p.
242; = ' to use phrases,' 35. p.
237, 122. p. 268.
όντως, II9. p. 267.
όπηνίκα, 1 4. p. 230.
οπλίτης, 234. p. 305.
δπλον, 175. Ρ• 286, 235. Ρ• 3ο5,
289. p. 322 ; iv τοΊς ό., \ηη. ρ.
287 ; ορρ. to λο'γω, 244• Ρ• 3^8,
to πολιτάα, 87. ρ. 254 \ ό βττΐ των
ο., 38. ρ. 238D, 115. ρ. 265 D.
οπόθεν, 211. ρ. 298.
δτΓοι, 45• Ρ• 24θ•
όποΊος, iron., 76. ρ. 250.
όποστοσονν, 3 ΙΟ. ρ. 328.
όποτίρως, 2 1 3. ρ. 299•
δπον, εστίν ο., 22. ρ. 232.
οπωρώνης, 262. ρ. 3Ι4•
οττω?, αν with Subj., 29. p. 235 D ;
δ. μη with subj., 32. p. 236 ; ονχ
όπως, 131. p. 271.
opai/ = *see,' 7. p. 277, pass. 93. p.
247, 268. p. 314 ; abs. 321. p.
331 ; = ' beware,' 125. p. 269;
= ' compare,' 319. p. 331.
opyn, 99• P• 259, 138• P• 273•
οργι^€σ^αι, 1 8, 20. p. 23 1.
op^os•, 0. όδόν, 15. p. 230, 322. p.
332; την όρθην (sc. όδόν). III.
p. 263 ; 6. ^lrυχης, 298. p. 325 ;
-ώί, 22. p. 232, 97. p. 258, 317.
p. 330.
268
INDEX IT,
6ρίζ€σθαι, 1 14. p. 264.
opiop, 174. p. 286, 230. p. 304.
όρκίζ€ΐν, 30. p. 235.
όρκος, 2. p. 236, 25. p. 233.
όρμάσθαι, 24 1, p. 307.
όρμάν, 28 1, p. 319.
υρμη, ΐφ. p. 309,
ορός, 154. p. 278 D, 296. p. 324.
Off, 143. p. 275 ; attracted, 118. p.
266— generally with omission of
antecedent, 114. p. 264, 136. ρ
272, 213. p. 299, 2i8. p. 301,249
250. p. 310, 252. p. 311, 263
p. 314, 298. p. 325 ; «iff μ^ν . .
as δ€, 71. p. 248, 164. p. 282 D
182. p. 289 D; Off ye, 312. ρ
329•
δσιοί, 217• p. 300.
όσος, I. p. 226, 312. p. 329, 17. p.
230 ; δσω περ, 5• 227•
oanep, οττ. parenthet. i. p. 226,
102. p. 260.
δστις, l6. p. 230, 94. p. 257, 312.
p. 329 ; eariv 6., 85. p. 254.
όστισονν, 247. p. 309 ; ότίονν, 14.
p. 229, 18. p. 231, 40. p. 239, 99.
p. 259.
orav, 45. p. 241.
ore, 44. p. 240, 114. p. 264.
ort = *to prove that,' 37. p. 237,
115. p. 265, 135. p. 272, 137. p.
273, 211. p. 298.
οϋ, 124, 125• p. 269.
ου, ουκ, ονχ, ουχί, repeated (asyn-
deton), 107. p. 262, 244. p. 308 ;
interr. 250. p. 311 ; ου μην ol8e,
124. p. 268 ; ου without verb, 83.
p. 253, 113. p. 264.
ονΒαμον, 15. p. 230, 180. p. 288 ;
= *of no account,' 310. p. 328,
320. p. 331 ; -ώί, 175. Ρ• 286;
-όθ(ν, 244. p. 308.
ouSe = *not even,' 315. p. 330; =
' nor only,' 2. p. 226 note.
ουδξίς, ly. p. 230; ούδ' αν elff, 68.
p. 247 ; attracted, olSei^a κίν-
δυνον δντιν ουχ, 200. p. 295 j ου-
bh, advb., = 'ηο whit,' 318. p.
330.
oidenoT€, 82. p. 253.
ουκ^τι, 3S, P• 236, 79• P• 252, 23 1.
p. 304, 320. p. 331.
ουκουν, 93• Ρ• 257 ? ουκονν ούδβ,
117• p. 266, 281. p. 319.
ουκουν, 24. p. 233 ; -ye, 3 ΙΟ. p.
328.
ουν, 3. p. 226. See under δβ, μ€ν.
ουνβκίν, 289. p. 322 D.
οΰπω, lOO. p. 259.
ουσία, 1 04. p. 26 1, 1 06. p. 262 D.
οΰτ€, 24. p. 233 ; οϋτ€ ... re, 293.
p. 323•
ovroff = 'Aeschines,' 3. p. 226, and
generally ; -- 'Ctesiphon,' 248. p.
309, 58. p. 244, ουτοσί, 1$. p.
230; = 'here present,' 114. p.
264 ; pi. = 'my countrymen,' 316.
p. 330 ; = ' my opponents,' 30.
p. 235 ; = τοιούτος, 173. p. 285,
283. p. 320 ; Koi ταύτα = ' and
that too,' 201. p. 295.
οφθαλμός, 6η. p. 247, 20I. p. 295.
δφις, 26o. p. 313.
δχΚος, 214. p. 313.
δ>//•€, I30. p. 270.
πάyoff, * Αρείου, 1 33, 1 34. p. 27 1.
πάθος, 41. p. 239, 45. p. 241.
παιδαγω-γςίον, 258. p. 313•
παώ(ία, I2y. p. 269.
παίς, 2$?- p. 3^2.
πάλαι, 23• p. 233.
παλαως, 209. p. 297, 225. p. 303.
7raXt>' = 'again,' 8. p. 227, 75. p.
INDEX Π.
26g
250 ; = 'on the other hand,' 162.
p. 281, 198. p. 294.
παμπόνηρος, II9. p. 267.
παν^ημζί, l^J. p. 280 D.
πάν^μος, 1 57. p. 280 D.
πανη-γνρίς, 91. p. 256 D.
πανταχόθ(ν, 242. p. 307, 252. p.
311.
7Γαΐ'τα;^οί} = ' anywhere,' 8i. p. 252.
πάντως, 256. p. 3 1 2.
παρά, I. with gen. = ' from,' τους
παρά των ev Χ. στεφάνους, 92. p.
256, 216. p. 300; with gen. of
pronoun, almost equivalent to
possessive, της παρ νμων εννοίας,
3- p. 226 ; = 'from the action of,'
μηδέν γενίσθαι π. σον, 3Ι3• Ρ•
329j 7Γ. της τύχης τι σνμβίβηκεν,
3ο8. ρ. 328 ; = 'by' (of agent), π.
τούτον λόγοι ρηβεντες, 35• Ρ• '^37^
π. των θ. αν εδόθη, 202. ρ. 295•
II. with dat.-= 'among,' 10. p.
228, 138. p. 273, 215. p. 300,
294. p. 323 ; = ' at the house of,'
82. p, 252, 288. p. 321 ; = 'in the
power' or ' province of,' 233. p.
305, 244. p. 308, 277. p. 318 ;
= ' in the minds of,' 250. p. 307,
274• p. 317, 287. p. 321.
III. with ace. = ' along,' (of
place), 301. p. 326; = 'in the
course of,' (of time), 10. p. 228,
34. p. 236, 239. p. 307 ; = ' close
on the time of,' 13. p. 229, 15.
p. 230, 226. p. 303, 285. p. 320 ;
= ' in consequence of,' π. τοντο
yeyove τα των Έ., 232. p. 3^5 j
= 'in comparison with,' 106. p.
261,265, 267. p. 315; = 'beyond,'
235• p• 305•
παραβα'ινειν, 28. p. 234, 211. p.
298, 157. p. 280 D.
παραβάλλειν, 314. p. 320.
παράγε LV, 170. p. 285.
παραγίγνεσθαι, 74. p. 249 D, yy. p.
251 D.
παραγι-γνώσκειν, 267. p. 315•
παραγράφεσθαι. III. p. 263.
παράδειγμα, 228. p. 303, 232. p.
305•
παράδοξος, 1 99. p. 294.
παραδύεσθαι, 79. p. 252.
παραινείν, 1 78. p. 287.
παραιρείσθαι, 6y. p. 247, 1 8 1, p.
289 D.
παραιτεΐσθαι, 246. p. 308.
παραίτιος, g2. p. 256 D.
παρακαΧεΙν, 8. p. 227, 24. p. 233,
166. p. 283 D.
παράκΧησις, 143. p. 275•
παρακολονθε'ιν, l62. p. 28 1, 1 72. p.
285. ^
πορακρονεσθαι, 147. p. 276, 276. p.
318.
παραλαμβάνειν, 2 ΙΟ. p. 298.
7Γαραλ€ί7Γ6ΐΐ' = 'leave over,' no. p.
263; = 'let be,' 313. p. 329; =
'omit,' 56. p. 244, 100. p. 259,
120, p. 267.
παράνομος, 54. p. 243 Ό, I05. p.
261 D, no. p. 263, 119. p.
267.
παράπεμπαν, = ' conduct,' yy. p.
2510; = ' dismiss,' 166. p. 283 D.
παραπλήσιος, lyg. p. 288, 248. p.
309•
παραπομπή, y^. p. 249.
παράσημος, 242. p. 307.
παρασκενάζειν^^ to dispose,' 234.
p. 305 ; mid. = ' prepare,' 19. p.
231, 32. p. 236.
παρασκευή, 26. p. 234, I02. p. 260,
216. p. 300.
παρασπονδείν, 71. p. 248.
270
INDEX II.
παρατάττ€σθ(η, 2o8. p. 297, 230. p.
304, 287. p. 321.
-ηαρατηρύν, l6l. p. 28 1.
παραφίρίΐρ, 232. p. 3^5•
παραχωρύν, 68. p. 247, 273.P.317.
napdas, 260. p. 3 1 3.
παρύναι, 22. p. 232, 30. p. 235, 48.
p. 241, 83. p. 253, 198. p. 294 ;
eV τω παρόντι, 21. p. 232, της
€is TO 7Γ. τιμής, Ίοη . p. 297 ; ττα-
ρψ = ''\\. was possible,' 320. p.
331•
7Γαρ6λ^βίι/ = ' pass by,' or 'away,'
35. p. 237, 188. p. 291 ; TO παρ-
€ληλνθ6ς ^ * the past,' 192. p.
292, 6 7Γ. χρόνος, 310. p. 328 ; =
* to escape,' 7. 227 ; = ' to ad-
vance,' 35. p. 237, 87. p. 254,—
esp. of an orator, 22. p. 232,
312. p. 329.
παρ^νοχΚίΙσθαι, 50. p. 242.
παρ€νρ€σις, yj . p. 238 D.
παρ€χ(ΐν, iavTov, I. p. 227, 2 1 6. p.
300 ; mid. 10. p. 228, 76. p.
250, 84. p. 253 D, 90. p. 255 D.
Ίταρύναι (Ιίναι), 170. p. 285.
τταρύναι {levai), 263. p. 314, 303. p.
326.
παριστάναι, tr. I. p. 226, 8. p. 228,
175. p. 286 ; intr. 90. p. 255 D.
παροραν, l6l. p. 281, 149. p. 277.
παρρησίάζ(σθαι, lyy. p. 287.
πάς, = ' every,' i. p. 225 ; πάντ
cKelvos ην αντοΊς, 43. p. 240 ; =
' any,' 5. p. 227, 75. p. 250, in
bad sense, 130. p. 270.
ΐΓάσχ€ΐν, 1 8. p. 231, 41. p. 239,
130. p. 270; cy, 80. p. 252 ; 7Γ. T17
■^vxTJ,2gi. p. 322;=- 'to be under
a delusion,' 45. p. 241.
πατήρ, 129. Ρ• 270, 205, p. 296,
288. p. 321.
πάτριος, 90. p. 256 D, 203. p. 295.
πατρίς, 49. p. 242, 66. p. 247, 89,
p. 255, 205. p. 296, 305. p. 327,
320. p. 331, 322. p. 332; π.γαϊα,
289. p. 322 D.
πατρώος, 14 1, p. 274.
παύαν, 82. p. 253.
παχύς, 1 29. p. 270.
π€ζός, ICO. p. 259.
πίίθαν, 32. p. 236, 224. p. 306.
Tretpa, I07. p. 262, 195. p. 293.
π€φάσθαι = ^ try,' 4. p. 227, 78.
p. 2510; = ' experience,' 89. p.
255, 253. p. 311.
πίμπ€ΐν, 24. p. 233, 1 37. p. 273.
πέμπτος, 266. p. 315, 310. p. 328.
πίνης, I02. p. 260, I07. p. 262.
πβνία, 256. p. 312, 263. p. 314•
πίντακισχίλιοι, lyj . p. 306.
πεντακόσιοι, 1 05. p. 26 1 D.
TreWe, 29. p. 235 D.
πεντ^ταΚαντος, 312. p. 329.
πεντήκοντα, 55• Ρ• 244 D.
πέραιναν, 149. p. 277.
πέρας, 97. p. 258, 145. p. 275, 192.
p. 292.
περί, I. with gen. = ' about,' * con-
cerning,' I. p. 226, 215. p. 300,
= ' for the sake of,' ' in defence
of,' 200, 203. p. 295, 262. p. 314.
II. with ace. = * about the time
of,' π. την ΊΙυλαίαν, 1 47. p. 276.
περιαίρεΐσθαι, -είλετο, 65. p. 246.
περιβάΧΚεσθαι, 23 1, p. 304.
περιβόητος, 297. p. 324.
περιγίγνεσθαι, 8o. p. 252, 236. p.
306.
περίδειπνον, 288. p. 321.
περιε'ιναι, 128. p. 270, 227. p. 303.
περιεργάζεσθαι, 72. p. 248.
περιερχεσθαι, 323. p. 332 ; -ίλθύν,
I50. p. 277•
INDEX II.
271
nepiUvai, 44. p. 240, 1 50. p. 277,
158. p. 280.
nepuaravai, intr. = ' encircle,' 179.
p. 288, 188. p. 291, 196. p. 293 ;
=** result,' 201. p. 295, 218. p.
301.
πίριμ€ν(ΐν, 205. p. 296.
nepLopav, 63. p. 246, 99. p. 259.
rrepLOvaia, ex. π. 3. p. 226.
π^ριπλΰν, 32. p. 236. *
nepinoieL•, 49. p. 242.
π€ρίτρίμμα, 127. Ρ• 269.
π^ρίχωρυς, 234. p. 305.
7777X0?, 259. p. 313.
πηι^ίκα, 3θ8. p. 328, 313. p. 329.
ττηρασθαι, 6j. p. 247.
πίθηκος, 242. p. 307.
TTLKpos, 108. p. 262 ; -ώ$•, 207. p.
297, 265. p. 315.
πιπράσκ€ίν, 23. p. 232, 46. p. 24 1.
πίστις, 41, p. 239, 21$. p. 300 ;
pi. 164. p. 282 D.
πίτνρον, 259. p. 313.
πλάνος, 2 1 8. p. 30I.
πλάττ€ΐν, 121. p. 268, 232. p. 305;
mid. 10. p. 228, 231. p. 304.
πλεΐν, 27. p. 234, 115. p. 265.
πλβιωϊ/, η eX. 3 15• Ρ• 33°; πλίΐόνων
ή π€ντ€τα\άντων, 312. ρ. 329 >
πλίΊον, 39• Ρ• 239 Ι^> -όνος άξιος,
ΐ8θ. ρ. 288, TTfpl 7Γ. 184. ρ.
289 D ; πλίΊστον, 20. ρ. 233•
TrXe'ov, ή π. η ΤΚαττον, 125. ρ.
268.
π\(ονίκτημα, 6θ. ρ. 245•
πλίον^ξία, 64. ρ. 246.
πλήθος, ρ1. φ. ρ. 241.
πλην, with gen. 190. p. 291 ; with-
out effect on constr., ταλλα πλην
iavTOVs πωλ€Ϊν, φ. p. 24 1 ; π. δι'
€>/, 94. p. 257; π. ουκ, 45- Ρ•
241 ; 7Γ. iav, 121. p. 267 ; π. et,
320. p. 331 ; introductory, =
'only,' 159. p. 281.
πλησίον, 1 7 5. p. 286.
πλήττ€σθαι, 263. p. 314.
πλίνθος, 299. p. 325.
πλοΐον, 73. p. 249, 139. p. 274,
77. p. 251 D, 106. p. 262 D.
πλούσιος, I02. p. 260, 131. p. 270,
171. p. 285.
πνβνμα, 3o8, p. 328.
πόθ€ν, 47. p. 241, 52. p. 242, 128.
p. 269, 130. p. 270, 140. p. 274.
πόθοδος, 91. p. 256 D.
ποιύν, 112. p. 264 ; π. ev, I20. p.
267 ; mid., in periphrasis with
subst., I. p. 226, 16. p. 230.
ποιητής, 3 1 8. p. 331.
ποίος, iig. p. 267.
πολ€μαρχος, 1 65. p. 282 D.
πολ^μύν, 20. p. 23 1, 1 39. p. 273,
145. p. 276 ; π. κα\ διαφ€ρζσθαι,
31. p. 236 ; pass. 43, 44. p. 240.
πολ€μιος, 137. p. 273 ; των π., 1 37.
p. 272.
πόλίμος, l8. p. 230, I43. p. 275,
145. p. 276.
πολιορκ€ΐν, 71• Ρ• 248, Sy. p. 254,
93. p. 257 ; pass. 77. p. 251 D.
πόΧί?, η 7Γ. = Athens, ι. p. 225 ; pi.
18. p. 231.
πόλισμα, 39. p. 238.
πoXιretα=-'citizenship,'9I.p.256D;
= ' constitution,' 65. p. 246, 90.
p. 256 D ; = ' policy,' π. και προ-
αίρίσις, 31?• Ρ• 33^ i '''Ψ ^^^^
της π. 322. ρ. 332> '"« λοιπά της
πάσης π., Ι73• Ρ• 286.
πολιτξύίσθαι, 4- Ρ• 226, 1 8. ρ. 230,
45• ρ. 240, 94- Ρ• 257, 313- Ρ•
329 ; τά ΤΓβπολ. 8. ρ. 227, 53• Ρ•
245.
πολίτευμα, Ιθ8. ρ. 202, 257• Ρ• 312.
272
INDEX II.
πολίτης, 321. p. 331.
πολιτικός, των π. δυνάμ€ων, 237• Ρ•
3θ6 ; ΤΓολ. τοις πόλζσι πρόσ^στιν
αμαρτήματα, 246. ρ. 3ο8 ; = 'con-
stitutional,' ' Statesmanlike,' 13.
p. 229, 311. Ρ• 329•
πολλάκις, 4• Ρ• 220, 8θ. ρ. 252.
πολλαχόθζν, ΙΙ4• Ρ• 204•
πολύς, €γκ€ΐται, 1 99• Ρ• 294> "ΠΌλλω
peovTi, 136. ρ. 272 ; πολλω μειζό-
νων, 53• Ρ• 243 j ηολλοϋ δεί, 47•
ρ. 241, 52. Ρ• 242.
πομπίία, II. ρ. 229•
πομπεύβιν, 124• ρ• 208.
πομπή, 2 1 6. ρ. 300•
πονύν, 1 94• Ρ• 293•
πονηρία, ^Ο. ρ. 242.
πονηρός, 267. ρ. 3^5 5 neut. for
masc, 242. p. 307.
πορ(Ίν, 289, p. 322 D.
πορζνεσθαι, 1 24. p. 268.
πορΘύν, 139• p. 274.
πόρθησις, JO. p. 248.
πορίζίσθαι, \T], p. 269.
πόρος, pi. 309. p. 328.
πόρρω, ούτω μέχρι π., 163. Ρ• 282 ;
with gen., 299• Ρ• 325 > ττόρρωθεν,
172. ρ. 285.
πόσος, 103. ρ. 26θ; -ω, 27 1, ρ. 3ΐ6.
ποταμός, 1 16. ρ. 265 D, 2ΐ6. ρ. 300.
πότε, 312. ρ. 329.
πότερον, 316. ρ. 33°•
πότερος, 205• ρ. 3^5•
ποτί, 9Ι• Ρ* 256D.
πον, 312. ρ. 329•
που, with gen., της χωράς, 1 95• Ρ•
293.
πράγμα = 'fact,' 1 5. Ρ• 230, 214. ρ.
299 ; * f^c* of *^^ case,' τό π.
αυτό, 4• Ρ• 227 ί = * trick,' 24. ρ.
233, Ι44•Ρ.275, 3ΐ7•Ρ•33ο;ρ1•
^'measures,' 193• Ρ• 292; τα π.
=- 'affairs,' 'the situation,' 17. p.
230, 47. p. 241, = 'public life,'
233• P• 305 ; pl. = * troubles,' 20.
p. 232, 42. p. 240, 271. p. 316,
292. p. 323 ; = 'dealings,' μηδέν
είναι σο\ και Φ. πράγμα, 283• ρ.
320, ρ1. ι88. ρ. 291•
πραγματεύεσθαι, 20. ρ. 234•
πρα|ΐί = 'transaction,' 59• Ρ• 244,
321. ρ. 331 ί = dissociation,' 22.
ρ. 232, 191• ρ• 292.
πράτος, gi. ρ. 256 D.
πράττειν, tr., = 'to do,' 55• Ρ• 233j
τα πεπρ., 4• Ρ• 220 ; = ' to make,'
είρηνην, 20. ρ. 232, paSS., άρχη
πραττομεντ], 293• Ρ• 323 ; = * tO
cause,' όπως . . . υπάρξει, 302. ρ.
326; intr. = 'to fare,' 195• Ρ•
293, 252. p. 31 1•
πράως, 20$. ρ• 31 Sj 278. ρ. 318.
πρεσβεία, IJ. ρ. 230, 23• Ρ• 233,
42. ρ. 240, 79• Ρ• 252, 320. ρ. 33ΐ•
πρεσβεύειν, 1$$- Ρ• 279, 1 79• Ρ•
288.
πρεσβευτής, 244• Ρ• 3θ8, 282. ρ.
319; Ρΐ• πρέσβεις, 24. ρ. 233, 3°•
Ρ• 23 5 J 73' Ρ• 249 ; πρεσβευταί,
77' Ρ• 250 D.
πρεσβύτεροι, 98. ρ. 258.
πρίασθαι, 47• Ρ• 241, 247• Ρ- 3^9•
πριν, 30. ρ. 235•
προ =-' before,' (of place), 157• Ρ•
201, (of time), 189. p. 291 ; π.
του with infin., 26. p. 234, 33. p.
236.
προάγε IV, tr., 1 63. p. 282, 2o6. p.
296 ; pass., 269. p. 316 ; mid.
tr., 298. p. 325 ; act. intr., 181.
p. 289 D.
προαδικεϊν, l8l. p. 289 D.
πρυαιρείσθαι, 2. p. 220, 25. p. 233,
89. p. 254, 129. p. 270, 134. p.
INDEX II.
'^n
271, 257. p. 313, 280. p. 319,
285. p. 320, 315. p. 330.
προαίρ6σΐί= 'choice of policy,' π.
και πολιτεία, 93. p. 257, 3 1 7. p.
330, 292. p. 323, 306. p. 327 ;
την τον yevvaiov Trj πολβι ττροαί-
peaiv, 321. p. 331 ;-* principle,'
192. p. 292, pi., 59. p. 245, 206.
p. 296, 210. p. 298 ; = 'scheme,'
12. p. 229.
προαισθάν^σθαι, 63. p. 246, 246. p.
308.
προβάλλεσθαι^' set in front as a
defence,' 97. p. 258, I95-P-293;
πρ. προ της πόλβως, 300. p. 325?
301. p. 326; pass. =-'be pro-
posed for election,' 149. p. 277,
285. p. 320.
προβουλβυβ»/, l6g. p. 285 ; pass.,
53• p. 243.
προβονλίνμα, g. p. 228, 1 1 8. p. 266.
προγίγν^σθαι, go. p. 255 D.
npoyovos, 63. p. 246, 68. p. 247,
98. p. 258.
πρόδηλος, 1 96. p. 293, 1 99. p. 294.
προδιδόί/αι, 47. p. 241, 322. p. 332.
TTpobo&ia, 38. p. 238 D, 297. p.
325•
προδότης, 19. p. 23 1, 47. p. 24 1,
134. p. 271.
προεδρία, 91. p. 256 D.
πρόεδρος, 75• p. 250 D.
προζίδίναι, 149. p. 276, 196. p. 293,
199. p. 294.
προ^ιπ^Ίν, 8o. p. 252, 246. p. 308.
προζκλεγαν, 234. p. 305.
προζξανίστασθαι, 1 63. p. 282.
προηγίμών, 200. p. 3 1 3.
πρόθ^σις, ΐβγ. p. 284 D.
προθ€σμία, 125. p. 269.
προθυμία, 2 1 6. p. 300. 286. p. 32 1,
301. p. 326, 312. p. 329.
πρόθυμος, 54. p. 243 D, 57. p. 244 ;
-ως, 221. p. 302.
προί^σθαι, 67. p. 247, 72. p. 249,
94• p. 257, 97. p. 258, 114. p.
264, 134. p. 271 ; pass., 303. p.
326.
πρόΐστάναι, intr. 46 , p. 241, 200. p.
295, 298. p. 325; mid. tr., 15.
p. 230.
προκαταΎΐγνώσκ€ΐν, 2. p. 226.
προκινδυνίύίΐν, 2o8. p. 297.
7rpoXa/i/3ai'eti'== 'seize beforehand,'
26. p. 234, 60. p. 245, 224. p.
303 ; = ' take advantage of,' 314.
p. 329.
προ\€-γζΐν, 45• p. 240, 72. p. 249,
196. p. 293, 235. p. 306.
πρόνοια, 220. p. 30I, 30I. p. 326.
προξ^νύν, 82. p. 252.
προοράν, 40. p. 239 ; mid., 27. p.
234, 281. p. 319; = 'provide,'
301. p. 326.
προπηλακίζζΐν, 47. p. 24 1, 256. p.
312.
προπηλακισμός, 12. p. 229, 316. p.
330.
προπίν€ΐν, 2g6. p. 324.
προς, I. with gen. = 'by' (in invo-
cation), 7Γ. θ^ών, 199• p. 294.
II. with dat. = 'near,' π. τω
θησ^ίω, 1 29. p. 270 ; -= ' occupied
in,' π. τώ σκοπύν . . . "γίνησθ^,
176. p. 287; = 'in addition to,'
2. p. 226.
III. with ace. = 'to' (of mo-
tion towards), 257. p. 312 ; ^πισ-
To\rj προς υμάς (letter addressed
to you), 40. p. 239; = 'in the
direction of (expressing a great
variety of general relations),
τοΊς 7Γ. €/i€, ' his relations to me,'
14. p. 230, €Τ€ρος 6 λόγος ου ir.
274
INDEX //.
6/xf) *in no relation to me,' 44. p.
240, 60. p. 245, 247• p. 309,
€υσ(β€ίαν π. rovs ueovs, 7. p. 227,
την 7Γ. Toi/s Τ€Τ(\€ντηκότα9 (vvoiav
νπάρχονσαν, 314. p. 329, άπέ-
χθ^ιαν π. τους θ., 36. ρ. 237 [but
just below the same phrase
means ' hatred felt on the part
of, or by, the Th.'] ; of antagonis-
tic relation, π. ov ην 6 άγών^ 235.
p. 306 ; €v ols π. Tovs ivavriovs
€στ\ τω 8ήμω, ΐηΖ. p. 318;=-* for
the understanding of,' δ/;λοί π.
TOVS συμμάχους, 40. p. 239, €στι
ταντί τα. ττολλά π. υμάς, 1 96. ρ.
293) ν^ άναγκάίον ην π. τους
νςωτβρονς άποΧνσασθαι, ζο. ρ.
242; πρόί γ€ τούτον, *as far as
my opponent is concerned,' 196.
p. 293, 251. p. 3ii; = 'in com-
parison with,' 7Γ. €K€ivovs ζξ(τά-
ζΐΐν €μ€, 314. p. 320, Lva 7Γ. τον
υπάρχοντα καιρόν έκαστα βΐωρητ^,
ly. ρ. 230, π. τα καΚ\ιστα των
ντΓ. τα λοιττά πράττβιν, 95• Ρ• 258 ;
of the object to be gained or
furthered, συνηγωνίσατο π, τό
λαβζϊν κ.τ.\., 2θ. ρ. 231•, σννοί-
aeiv π. ίυδοξίαν, 8. ρ. 228, ώφί-
\ησ€σθ€ π. ιστορίαν των κοινών,
144• Ρ• 275 j ο l•'•^^ ^^τ'• "T^pos
ηδονην, * pleasurable,' 4• ρ. 226 ;
προί ΐχθραν, * in a hostile spirit,'
141. p. 275.
ττροσαγγ(Κ\ίίν, 73. p. 249 D, 1 70.
p. 285.
προσάγαν, 28. p. 234, 2 1 3. p. 299.
npoaayopeueiv, 260. p. 3 1 3.
7Γροσανα\ίσκ€ΐν, 1 1 8. p. 244 D.
προσβάλλων, 322. p. 332•
προσγράφαν, 58. p. 244.
■•ηροσδύσθαι, 1 13. p. 264, 209. p. 297.
προσΜχ^σθαι, η. p. 227, 1 76. p. 286.
προσδοκαν, 195. p. 293, 263. p. 314.
προσδοκία, 28l. p. 319.
προσώρζυζίν, 258. p. 313.
προσ(Ίναί = ^\.ο be added,' 306. p.
327; = *to attach,' 'apply,' 122.
p. 268, 246. p. 309, 273, 276. p.
318. ^
προσ€ΐπ€Ϊν, 22. p. 232.
προσίλθίΐν, τω δήμω, 13. p. 229;
προς τα κοινά, 257• Ρ• 3^2.
προσ€χ€ΐν, νουν, Ι47• Ρ• 276.
προσηκΐΐν, φ. ρ. 241; -ον, IJ. ρ.
230; = 'belong to,' 181. p. 289 D.
προσηκόντως, 20. p. 231, 69. p. 247.
προσκάλίΐσθαι, 150. p. 277.
προσκρούων, with dat., 161. p. 281 ;
abs., 277. p. 318, 254. p. 311.
πρόσοδος == 'procession,' 86. p. 254 ;
= * income,' 78. p. 251 D.
προσομολογζΐν, 2 50. p. 310.
προσπίπτων, 1 5 1, p. 277.
προσποιύσθαι, 125. p. 269, 1 28. p.
270, 156. p. 279.
προστάττων, 1 34. p. 27 1.
προστιθίναι, 1 30. p. 270, 23 1, p.
304, 279. p. 318; mid. = 'ac-
quiesce,' 39. p. 238, 195. p. 293,
227. p. 303.
προσφίρ^σθηι, 1 67. p. 284 D.
πρόσχημα, 1 78. p. 288.
πρόσωπον, 283. p. 320.
προτείνων, 323. p. 332.
προτέρων, 39. p. 239 D.
πρότ€ρον, 1 8. p. 231, 104. p. 260;
των. 7Γ. 3l6. p. 330.
πρότερος, y. p. 227, I04. p. 260.
προτιθεναι, 1 92. p. 292, 273. p. 317 *,
mid., 236. p. 306.
προτρίπων, I20. p. 267, 246. p. 309.
προϋπάρχων, pass., 26 1, p. 3 1 4.
προφασίζίσθαι, 1 50. p. 277.
INDEX IL
^75
πρόφασις, 1 56. p. 279, 236. p. 306.
προφερβιν, 252. p. 3 1 1.
προώλης, 324. p. 332.
npvTaveia, 75. p. 250 D.
TTpwaveveiv, 29. p. 235 D.
πρύτανις, 37. p. 238 D, 169. p. 284.
ττρωην, 130. p. 270.
7Γρωτ€ΐον, 321. p. 331; pi., 66. p.
247, 203. p. 295, 209. p. 297.
πρώτος, 21. p. 232, 236. p. 306,
310. p. 328.
TrraUiv, 286. p. 321.
πτωχός, 131. p. 271.
πνα퀕ψ•ίών, 1 1 8. p. 266 D.
πυλαγορβΐν, 1 5 5. p. 279.
ττνλάγορος, 149. p. 277, 1 54. p.
278 D.
Πυλαία, 1 54. p. 278 D.
πύλας, 267. p. 3 1 5.
πνρθάνεσθαι, 2 ζ. p. 233.
πωλείί/, 46. p. 241, 177. p. 287.
ττώτΓοτβ, 203. p. 295.
πω?, 65. p. 246 ; π. γαρ ov, 1 39. p.
273.
ρα8ίως, ΐη. p. 234, 1 14. p. 264,
126. p. 269 ; compar. 147. p. 276.
ραθυμία, φ. p. 241.
ραοι/ (adj.), 138. p. 273.
ραστώνη, 45. p. 241, 219. p. 301.
pelv, 136. p. 272.
ρ€π€ΐν, 298. p. 325.
ρήγμα, 1 98. p. 294.
ρηθ€ίς, 35. p. 237.
ρήμα, 35. p. 237, 40. p. 239, 223. p.
302.
ρησις, 267. p. 315•
ρητός, p. fcat άρρητα, 122. p. 268.
ρήτρα, go. p. 255 D.
ρητωρ, 94. p. 257, 219. p. 301, 226.
p. 303, 232. p. 304, 246. p. 308,
319• p• 331•
Τ
ροπή, i6y. p. 284 D.
ρώμη, 98. p. 259.
σαβοί, 26o. p. 316.
σαθρός, 227. p. 303.
σαλπιγκτής, l6g. p. 284.
σαφής, 196. p. 293 ; -ay, 28. p. 234,
121. p. 262 ; -εστατα, 49. p. 242.
σ€μρόλογος, 133. p. 27 1.
σεμνός, 204. p. 296 ; -ως, 35• p.
237, 130. p. 270.
σ€μννν€σθαι, I07. p. 262, 256. p.
312, 258. p. 313.
σημ^Ίον, 279. Ρ• 3i9> 285. p. 320.
σιγαν, 23. p. 232, 1 89. p. 29 1.
σιτοπομπία, Sy. p. 254, 24 1, p. 307,
301. p. 326.
σΊτος, 23. p. 249 D, 77. p. 25 1 D,
87. p. 254 D.
σιτώνης, 248. p. 310.
σιοί>παν, 82. p. 252, 112. p. 264.
σκαιός, I20. p. 267, 245. p. 308.
σκάφος, 7^. p. 249 D.
σκίλος, 67. p. 247.
σκέπτεσθαι, 2ζ. p. 233, 276. p. 3 1 8.
σκευαγωγείν, 36. p. 237.
σκευή, 1 94. p. 293.
σκηνή, 169. p. 284, 180. p. 288.
σκψΓτός, 194. p. 292.
σκιροφοριών, 1 8 1, p. 288 D.
σκοπείν, 62. p. 245.
σκότος, 1 59. p. 28 1, 267. p. 3 1 5.
σκυλεΰειν, Il6. p. 265 D.
σκώμμα, 1 5• p. 230.
σκώπτειν, 245. p. 308, 262. p. 3 1 4.
σός, 21. p. 232.
σοφ'ιζεσθαι, 227• p. 303.
σοφιστής, 276. p. 318.
σπάσμα, 1 98. p. 294.
σπείρειν, 1 54- p. 279 D.
σπέρμα, 1 59. p. 280.
σπερμολόγος, 127 > Ρ• 269.
ιηβ
INDEX II,
σπογγίζβιρ^ 2ζΒ. ρ. 313*
σπονδή, 5• Ρ• 227•
στάδιορ, 230. ρ. 304•
στασιαστικώς, 6ΐ. ρ. 245•
στ€Ρ€ΐν, 217. ρ. 300 ; 323• Ρ• 332.
aTspyeiVj 112. ρ. 264.
στέφανος, 54• Ρ• 243 1>, 89. ρ. 255 ;
ρ1., 8ο. ρ. 252, 83. ρ. 253-
στΐφανονν, 54• Ρ• 243 ^j 83. ρ.
253, 89. ρ. 255, 94- ρ. 257, ιΐ4.
ρ. 206, 117, ιι8. ρ. 266 ; pass.,
257. ρ. 313, 26ο. ρ. 313, 3ΐ9• Ρ-
331.
ση7λϊ;, 1 54- Ρ• 278 D.
στρατίία, yi. ρ. 236, ΙΟΟ. ρ. 259•
στράτ€νμα^ 1 65. ρ. 282 D.
στρατηγ€Ϊν, ΙΙ4. ρ. 1 64, Ι94•Ρ• 293•
στρατηγία, 212. ρ. 298, 245• Ρ• 3^8.
στρατηγός f 73' Ρ• 248 D, 1 46. ρ.
276.
στρατιά, Ι5Ι• Ρ• 277, 2 15. ρ. 300.
στρατιώτης, 27 . ρ. 234, 74• Ρ• 249 D.
στρατόπεδον, 2 1 6. ρ. 300, 247• Ρ•
3θ9•
στρφλουν, 1 33• ρ. 27 1.
στρΐπτός, 26θ. ρ. 3^4•
στυγεροί, 289• ρ. 322 D.
avyyevcia, 1 86, ρ. 290 D.
συγγενής, 90. ρ. 255 D.
συγγνώμη, 274- Ρ• 3Ι7•
συγγραφή, 122. ρ. 268.
συγκαθήσθαι, Ι43• Ρ• 275•
συγκάταινος, 1 67. ρ. 284 D.
συγκατακτάσθαι, 63, ρ. 246.
συγκατασκ€νάζ(ΐν, Ι43• Ρ• 275•
συγκατατιθίναι, 1 66. ρ. 283 D.
συγκατηγορ(Ίν, 223. ρ. 3^2.
σύγκλητος, 37• Ρ• 238 D, 73- Ρ•
249 D•
συγκρού(ΐν, 1<). ρ. 23 1 •
συγχωράν, 175- Ρ• 286, 293- Ρ• 323 ;
pass., 20. p. 231.
σίκον, 262. ρ. 3Ι4•
συκοφαρτύν, abs., ΙΙ3• ρ. 264, 1 1 8,
121. ρ. 268 ; with ace, 138. p.
273, 192• Ρ• 292, 239. Ρ• 307, 3ΐ7•
Ρ• 330.
συκοφάντης, 112, 1 1 3. ρ. 264, 1 89.
ρ. 291, 242. ρ. 307.
συκοφαντία, 95• Ρ• 257, 212. ρ. 298,
249• Ρ• 3ΙΟ.
συλάν, pass., 139• Ρ• 274•
συλλαβή, 83. ρ. 253, 13°. ρ. 270,
223. Ρ• 302.
συλλάμβαναν, 20. ρ. 231.
συλλίγαν, 1 23. ρ. 268, 262. p. 3 14,
308. ρ. 328 ; το συν€ΐλΐγμίνον ίΐς
την (πιτιμίαν, 312. ρ. 329•
συλλογίζίσθαι, 1 72. ρ. 285.
συμβαίνον, 36. ρ. 237, 4Ι• Ρ• 239,
46. ρ. 241, 63. ρ. 246, 85. ρ. 254,
Ιθ8. ρ. 262, 123• ρ. 268, 320. ρ.
33 1•
συμβίουν, 258. ρ. 313, 266. ρ. 31 5•
συμβόλαιον, 2 ΙΟ. ρ. 298.
σύμβολον, 2 ΙΟ. ρ. 298.
συμβουλ€υ€ΐν, 69• ρ. 247, Ό^• Ρ•
259, 298. ρ. 325•
σύμβουλος, Ι. ρ. 226, 47• Ρ• 241,
66. ρ. 246, 94• Ρ• 257, 189. ρ.
291, 192. ρ. 292, 320. ρ. 33ΐ•
συμμαχία, 22. ρ, 232, 87. ρ. 254•
σύμμαχος, 27. ρ. 234, 65. ρ. 245•
συμμορία, 1 03. ρ. 26θ.
συμπαρασκ€υάζ€ΐν, 1 58. ρ. 28θ.
συμπαρατάττΐσθαι, 2 1 6. ρ. "yxi.
σύμττας, 293• Ρ- 320, 3^2. ρ. 329•
συμπάθίΐν, Ι47• Ρ• 276.
συμπ^μπαν, 1 36. ρ. 272.
συμπέραιναν, 163. ρ. 28 1.
συμπ€ριλαμβάνίΐν, 29. Ρ• 235 ^» 39•
ρ. 239D, 77• Ρ• 251 D.
συμπνάν, 1 68. ρ. 284•
συμπολ(μ€ΐν, 87. ρ. 254, 230. ρ. 304•
INDEX //.
277
συμφβρρίΐ/, 8. p. 22δ ; τα συμφέ-
ροντα, 20. ρ. 231.
συμφορά, 40. ρ. 239•
συμφορών. Ι ζ. ρ. 230.
συν-, only found in composition.
συνάγ€ΐν, 233. p. 305 ; pass., 73. p.
249 D, 106. p. 262 D.
συναγωνίζ^σθαι, 20. p. 23 1, 25. p.
233, 136. p. 272.
συναγωνιστήί, 41. p. 239, 61. p.
245.
συναίτιος, 64. p. 246, 212. p. 298.
συναΧγεΊν, 28/• p. 321.
συναντάν, 1 57. p. 280 D.
συνάρπαζαν, 1 5 1• p. 277•
συνάχθζσθαι, 274. p. 3 1 7.
σύνδικος, 134. p. 27 1.
συνβδρβύζΐν, 135. p. 272 D.
συνίδριον, 22. p. 232.
σύν€δρος, 1 54. p. 278 D.
συν^ώίναι, 66. p. 247 ; το συν^ώός,
1 10. p. 263.
συν€ίπ€Ϊν, 21. p. 232.
συνάρ^ίν, 3o8. p. 328.
συνΐκδώόναι, 268. p. 316.
συν€κκα'ώζκα, 104. p. 260, 1 06. p.
261 D.
συνίΚθζΙν, 19. p. 231.
συν€μβαλλ€ίν, 2 1 3. p. 299, 229. p.
304.
συνβπαινάν, lyg. p. 288.
συν(ργ05, 41. p. 239, 6 1, p. 245.
συνίρχ^σθαι, 137. p. 273 D, 195. p.
293•
σύνβσΐί, \T]. p. 269.
συν€υφραίν€σθαι, 217• p. 300.
συνβχεια, 2 1 8. p. 30 1.
συν€χης, 20. p. 23 1 ; -ως, 308. p.
328.
συνθήκη, 29. p. 235 D, 77. p. 2$ I D.
συνθυ€ΐν, 217. p. 300•
συνύναι (ei/ii), 1 37. p. 272.
συνύναι {ΐημι), III. p. 263.
συνιστάναι, 249. p. 310 ; συστάντος
πολψου, 1 8. p. 230 ; mid. 62. p.
245.
σύνταξις, 234. p. 305.
συντάττ€ΐν, 78. p. 25 1.
συντείναν, 2 1 3• p. 299.
συντέλεια =' contribution,' 237. p.
306 ; = *group of trierarchs,' 105.
p. 261, 106. p. 262 D.
συντ^λάν, 78. p. 251 D.
συντ€λης, 104. p. 26 1.
συντιθίναι, 149. p. 277 ; pass. 144.
p. 275 ; mid. 39. p. 239 D.
συντρίβζΐν, 1 94. p. 293.
συρίτταν, 265. p. 315.
συσκζυάζζΐν, pass., 1 44. p. 275 ;
mid. 279. p. 319.
συσκ^υωρΰσθαι, 259. p. 313.
σύστασις, 297. p. 325.
συστ€λλ€ΐν, 246. p. 309.
σφ^τ^ρίζίσθαι, 71. p. 248, 99. p.
259.
σφ€Τ€ρος, 289. p. 322 D.
σφοδρός, 278. p. 318 ; -ως, 142. p.
275.
σχεδόν, l6o. p. 28 1.
σχ€τλιος, I. p. 226, II4. p. 264,
294. p. 323.
σχήμα, 232. p. 305.
σχολή, 45. p. 241.
σώζ€ΐν, pass. 18. p. 230, 80. p.
252.
σώμα, 20. p. 23 1, 66. p. 247, lOO.
p. 259.
σώος, 49. p. 242.
σωτήρ, 43. p. 240.
σωτηρία, 8o. p. 252, 99. p. 259,
195. p. 293, 312. p. 329, 324. p.
332.
σωφροσύνη, 21 5• p. 300.
σώφρων, 2 1 6. p. 300.
ίΙ^%
INDEX II.
τάΚαιπωρζΐσθαι, IQ. Ρ• 23 1 •
τάΚαιπωρΙα^ 2 1 8. p. 301.
τάΚαίπωρος, 40. p. 239, 42. p. 240 ;
2) τ. 121. p. 268.
τάΚαντορ, 55. p. 244, 92. p. 256 D,
106. p. 262 D.
rap, ω, 312. p. 329.
τά|ί9 = ' arrangement,' * order,' 2.
p. 226 ; = * ranks,' 63. p. 246 ; =
*post of duty,' 138. p. 273, 173.
p. 286, 192. p. 292, 256. p. 313,
304. p. 329 ; €P TO^ei, 320. p.
331 ; €P €7Γηρ€ία5 τάξ€ί, 13- p.
221.
ταπ€ΐρός, Io8. p. 263, 178. p. 288.
TaparreiPy 19. p. 231, 151. p. 277,
153. p. 278.
ταραχή, l8. p. 231, 147. p. 276 ;
pi. 218. p. 301.
rarreip, 62. p. 245, 221. p. 302,
55.P.243, 292.p.323; = Ordain,'
294. p. 317.
ταφή, 288. p. 321.
ταφός, 90. p. 256 D, 182. p. 289 D.
ταφρ€ία, 299. p. 325.
τάφρος, 248. p. 309.
τάχιστος, 324. p. 332 ; τηρ ταχίστηρ
advb., 25. p. 230.
T6, tap T€ . . . eap re, 85. p. 285.
τ^ιχίζίΐρ, 299. Ρ• 325•
Τ€ΐχισμός, 299. p. 325.
τ€ΐχοποιός, 1 1 3• p. 264.
τίΐχος, φ. p. 258, 118. p. 266 D.
248. p. 310.
TiKup, = * complete,' 1 50. p. 277 ;
= * initiate,' 259. p. 313, 265. p.
315•
τύ^^νταίορ, το τ. (used abs.) 312. p.
329 ; advb. τά τ. 244. p. 308.
TtXevTUP, 243. p. 308, oi rtreX. 285.
p. 320, 314. p. 329.
T(\€VTTj, 179. p. 288,
TeXos, 140. p. 274, 193. p. 292.
τ€τταράκορτα, 234. p. 305.
TfTTapes, 30. p. 235.
τηΧικουτος, 1 3• p. 229, 22. p. 232,
259• p• 313•
τήμ€ρορ, 82. p. 253, 190. p. 291.
τηρικαΰτα, yio. p. 331.
τηρύρ,Ζ^ρ. 255, gj. p. 258, 307.
p. 327, 323. p• 332.
τιθίραι = * set,' ' put down,' ψήφους,
229. p. 304 ; = ' pay,' τό γι.γρόμ€-
pop κατά τηρ ονσίαρ, Ι04. p. 26 1 ;
= ' impute,' ^117 τοντο ως ά8ίκημα
€μορ θτ}ς, 1 93• ρ. 292, 254• Ρ• 312 ;
= * suppose,' τίνα βούλα σ€ . .
θώ, ι8ο. ρ. 288, 64. ρ. 246; =
' put aside for a purpose,' ού τί-
βΐται ταντα eh ακριβή μνημηρ, 1 38.
ρ. 273 j = ' enact,' ρόμορ, 6. ρ.
227, Ι02, 103. ρ. 26ο ; mid.
ορομα θίσθαι * give a name;'
δπλα Ζθΐρτο, βραβή %θ, 289. Ρ•
322 D.
τιμαν, 4. ρ. 220 ; pass. 1 14• ρ• 204 ;
mid. = * appreciate,' 214. p. 299•
τιμή, 67. p. 247, 97• p. 258, 207.
p. 297 ; pi. 80. p. 252, 322. p.
332.
τίμημα, 55- p. 244 D.
τ'ιμησις, Io6. p. 262 D.
τίμιος, 28o. p. 319 ; superl. 215. p.
300.
τιμωρία, 274. p. 3 17 ; pi. 12. p. 229,
123. p. 268 ; τιμωρίας τνγχάρ€ΐΡ,
85. p. 254.
τις, double interrog. 72• P• 249 ; =
τΓοϊος, 126. p. 269; τί advb. =
' in what,' 242. p. 307.
Ttff, indef. 177. p. 287; τι, i68. p.
284 ; Ti Xeyeip, = ' to say some-
thing of importance,' 235. p.
303•
INDEX II.
279
Toiya^ovv^ 40. p. 239, 1 34. p. 27 1.
τοίνυν, 25. p. 233 η.
ToiovTOSf 10. p. 228, ΙΟΙ. p. 259,
119. p. 267, 128. p. 269, 140, p.
274; or. 133. p. 271.
τόλμάρ, 22. p. 232, 68. p. 247.
TOvoSf 280. p. 319.
τόπος, 25. p. 233, 32. p. 236, 146.
p. 278, 299. p. 325.
τοσούτος, I. p. 226, ΙΟΙ. p. 259,
124. p. 268 ; -ov, 197. p. 294.
τότ6 = ' then' (of old), 317. P• 33o,
των τ. 96. p. 258; 'then' (de-
monst.), r. df], τοτ€, 47. p. 241 ;
τότ€ μζν . . . νυν de (' once . . . but
now'),i9. p. 231 ; τότ€ §e(' where-
as, on the other supposition'),
195. p. 293.
τραγικός, 313) Ρ• 329•
Tpaycudelv, 1 3. p. 229.
τραγωδία^ 1 27. p. 269.
τραγωδός, $4- Ρ• 243 D, 55• Ρ• 244 D,
84. p. 250 D.
τραύμα, 202. p. 3 1 4.
τρανματίζίΐν, 1 55. p. 279.
τρύς, 30. p. 235.
τρψΐΐν, 263. p. 314.
Tpeneiv, 290. p. 322 ; mid. 1 1, p.
228.
τρ€φ«ν= 'maintain troops,' 152.
p. 227 ; = 'rear,' 68. p. 247, 256.
p. 312, 258. p. 313.
τριακόσιοι, 238. p. 306.
τρίβ€ΐν, 258. p. 313•
τρΐηραρχύν,2$7' p. 312.
τριηραρχία, Io8. p. 262.
τριηραρχικός, I05. p. 26 1 D, 3 1 2. p.
329•
τριήραρχος, gg. p. 259, I04. p. 261,
107. p. 262, 106. p. 261 D.
τριηραύλης, 1 29. p. 270.
τριήρης, 32. p. 236, 106. p. 261 D,
107. p. 262, 238. p. 306, 311. p.
329•
τριταγωνιστ€Ϊν, 262. p. 314, 265. p.
315•
τριταγωνιστής, I'Zg. p. 270, 209. p.
297, 267. p. 315.
τρίτος, 3IO. p. 328 ; of r. = third 300
of trierarchs, 103. p. 260.
τρόπαιον, 209. p. 297.
τρόποί = ' manner,' 182. p. 289 D,
263. p. 314 ; advb. τοντον τον τ.
13. p. 229, r. τινά ('virtually'), 43-
p. 240, loi. p. 259; €Κ παντός τ.
78. p. 251 D.
τρυτάνη, 298. p. 325.
τνΎχάν€ΐν='ίο come in for,' 'gain,'
τούτων (εννοίας &C.), 5. p. 227,
\oyov, 13. p. 229, τιμωρίας, 85.
p. 254, ΐπαίνου, Io8. p. 262,
παώΐίας, 128. p. 269; 6 τνχων =
'ordinary,' 180. p. 288, 182. p.
289 D, (cf. ων '4τυχ(εν, 130. p. 270),
' some one or other,' 308. p. 320 ;
τυχόι/ = ' perhaps,' 221. p. 302.
τνμπανιστρία, 284. p. 3S0.
τνραννίς, 66. p. 246.
τύραννος, 71. p. 248, 79. p. 252.
τνφονσθαι, II. p. 229.
τύχη, 67. p. 247, 245. p. 308, 252-
255. pp. 311, 312.
νβρίζ€ΐν, 132. p. 271, pass. 48. p.
241.
νβρις, 12. p. 229 ; pi. 205. p. 296,
289. p. 322 D.
νγιής, 23. p. 233, 242. p. 307 ; -ωί,
298. p. 324.
νδωρ, 139- p. 274.
νης, 26o. p. 313•
νμ€ΐς, 88. p. 255.
νμίτζρος, 2o6. p. 296.
νπάγβιν, 1 88. p. 29 1.
28ο
INDEX IT,
vnaKoveiVf 20. p. 23 1, 39. p. 238 D,
144. p. 275, 156. p. 279, 204. p.
296.
νπάρχΐΐν = 'ίο be, to begin with,'
24. p. 233, 95.. p. 257, 98. p.
259, 137. p. 273, 228. p. 303,
235• P• 305, 239. p. 307, 266.
P• 315 ; = 'to be, as a start,' 60.
p. 245, 257. p. 312, 265. p. 315;
= *to be waiting,' i. p. 226, no.
p. 263 ; = *to be at the command
of,' 174. p. 286, 295. p. 324 ; = 'to
be the property of,' 80, 81. p.
252, 306. p. 327; = * to be cha-
racteristic of,' 3. p. 226, 68. p.
247 ; ptcp. = * existing,' * perma-
nent,' 17. p. 230, 314. p. 330;
τα νπ. = ' precedents,' 95. p. 258,
loi. p. 260, = ' resources,' 146.
p. 276.
xmelvai, 36. p. 237, 315• P• 330.
VKemelv, 60. p. 245.
virevavTLOSj 1 48. p. 276.
vnep, I. with gen. = 'in the interest
of,' I. p. 226, 16. p. 230, 25. p.
233, loi. p. 260, 124. p. 269; =
*in quest of,' 6"/. p. 247, 95.
p. 258 ; = Όη account of,' 31. p.
236, 36. p. 237 ; 'concerning'
(nearly like nepi), 9, 10. p. 228,
1 1, p. 229, 17. p. 230, 21. p. 232,
76. p. 250, 221. p. 302.
II. with ace. = * beyond ' (of
excess), 193. p. 292.
vnepaipeiv, 220. p. 301.
υπ€ρβά\\€ΐρ^ 275. p. 3 1 7.
υπερβολή = 'excess,' 16. p. 230, 212.
p. 298 ; = ' extravagant conces-
sion,' 190. p. 291, 199. p. 294 ;
= ' delay,' 29. p. 235 D.
vnepevj lO. p. 228.
ντΓΐρηφάνως^ 252. p. 311.
vnepiSelv, 1 8 1, p. 289 D.
νπ€ρλαμπρος, 200. p. 3 1 3.
νπβρμίγβθην, 3 1 6. p. 330.
ύπ6ΰ^υί/ο$•, 55.p. 243D, I II. p. 263,
189. p. 291, 196. p. 293.
νπ€χ€ΐρ, λόγον, 6o. p. 245, βνθννας^
114- p. 265.
ν7Γηρ6Τ€Ϊν, 138. p. 273.
νπηρίτικόν, Io6. p. 262 D.
ύπνος, 283. p. 320.
ίιπό, I. with gen. = 'by,* of agent,
137. p. 272 ; with intr. verb, 5.
p. 227, 264. p. 314.
II. with dat. = ' in the power
of,' 40. p. 239, 48. p. 241.
III. with ace. = ' into subjec-
tion to,' 39. p. 238 D.
νποΜχΐσθαι, 1 86. p. 290 D.
νποκρίνίσθαι, 1 5. p. 230, 287. p.
321.
υποκριτής, 21. p. 232, 262. p. 314,
312. p. 329.
νπολαμβάν€ΐΡ, ΙΟ. p. 228, I ΙΟ. p.
263; pass., 142. p. 275, 269. p.
316.
νπολίίπίΐν, 2 1 9• p. 301.
νπόληψις, 228. p. 304.
νπολογίζζσθαι, 99, lOO. p. 259, 1 97.
p. 294.
υπομίνΐΐν with acc, 160. p. 281,
200. p. 295 ; with infin., 204. p.
296.
νπομιμνησκίΐν^ 95• p. 257, 269. p.
υπόμνημα, 68. p. 247.
υποσκ€\Ίζ(ΐν, 1 38. p. 273.
υποστροφή, 1 66. p. 283 D.
ύπουλος, 307. p. 327.
ΰποχωρ€ΐν, 126. p. 272.
υπωμοσία, 1 03. p. 260.
υστΐρίζίΐν, I02. p. 260.
ύστερον, J. p. 227, 137. p. 272.
INDEX IL
281
νφηγησις, 1 5 1, p. 277.
νφιστάναι, 307. p. 327•
νφοράσθαι^ 43. p. 240, 148. p. 276.
φαιδρός, 323. p. 332.
φαίρ€σθαι = 'ίο show oneself,' 7 1.
p. 248, 190. p. 292, 173. p. 285,
308. p. 328; 'to be made clear,'
Tois €K τον Χόγον φαινομβνοις, 227•
p. 303 ; = 'to be seen or seem,'
7. p. 227, 310. p. 328, with ptcp.,
24. p. 233, 109. p. 263, 317.P.320.
φάραι, 139. Ρ• 274, 3 1 8. p. 330, 70.
p. 248, 35. p. 237.
φανερός, ig, 20. p. 231, 292. p. 323 ;
ep τω φ. 235. p. 306; -ώί, 131.
p. 271, 136. p. 272.
φάσκ€ΐρ, 292. p. 323.
φαύλος, 138. p. 293, 197. p. 294.
φαυλότης, 303. p. 325.
φΐνακίζίΐν, 41. p. 239, 43. p. 240.
^epetj/ =' endure,' 97. p. 258, 140.
p. 254; = 'produce,' 139. ρ 274;
φ. ^|rηφop = ^ tender a vote,' 134.
p. 271; φ. καΐ ay6ii/ = 'harry,'
230. p. 304 ; φερβ δή . » , άνα-γρώ,
267. p. 31 5•
φεύγειρ, ΐζ. ρ. 230; ό φ. = 'the de-
fendant,' 7. ρ• 227.
φθάραν, 39• Ρ• 239 ^'
φθίγ^ζσθαι, 312. ρ. 329, 120. ρ.
209, ΐ99• Ρ• 293, 26ο. ρ. 313•
φθίνειν (of a month), 164. p. 282 D.
φθόρος, 315. p. 330, 279. p. 319;
φθόρου δίκηρ, 121. p. 1 68, €P τάξει
φθ. 13. p. 229.
φιΚαίτιος, 242. p. 307.
φιΧαρθρωπία, ζ- p. 227, 23 1, p. 304,
316. p. 330; λόγωρ, 298. p. 325.
φιλάρθρωπος, 112. p. 264, 268. p.
316.
φιλία, l62. p. 281, 284. p. 320.
φίλιος, φιλίαρ, SC. "γην, 301. p. 326.
φιλιππίζΐΐρ, iy6. p. 287.
φιλιππισμός, 112. p. 264.
φιλόδωρος, 112. p. 264•
φιλολοίδορος, 126. p. 269.
φιλονεικεϊρ, 1 76. p. 287.
φιλονεικία, 1 4 1, p. 275 ; pi. 246. p.
308.
φιλοπόρως, 1 93. p. 292.
φίλος, 35. p. 237, 43. p. 240, 46.
p. 241, 51. p. 242.
φιλοτιμείσθαι, 78. p. 25 1 D.
φιλοτιμία, 66. p. 247, 257• P• 3^2,
167. p. 283 D.
φοβάσθαι, 98. p. 258, 175. p. 286.
φοβερός, l6l. p. 281.
φόβο?, 33. p. 236, 323. p. 332.
φοιτάρ, 265. p. 315•
φορά, 6i. p. 245, 271. p. 316.
φράζειν, 152. p. 278, 286. p. 321.
φρερες, 324. p. 332.
φρίττειρ, perf. ptcp., 323. p. 332.
φρονεΐρ, 282. p. 319, 286. p. 32 1 ;
ευ, 40. p. 239, 48. p. 241, κακώς,
19. p. 231, μέγα, 299. p. 325,
τα υμέτερα, 1 77. p. 286, τα Φιλ.,
i6i.p. 281.
φρόρημα, 6;^. p. 246, 2o6. p. 296,
209. p. 297, 210. p. 298.
φρόνιμος, 8o. p. 252.
φροντίζειν, 30. p. 235, 190. p• 291,
284. p. 320, 292. p. 323.
φρουρά, 39. p. 238 D, 96. p. 258.
φρονριον, 2t7• P• 238.
φνγάς, 71• Ρ• 248.
φύειν, 19- p. 231, 159. p. 280.
φυλακή, 73• p. 249 D, 161. p. 281,
215. p. 300, 248. p• 309.
φύλαξ, 248. p. 309.
φυλάττειν, J. p. 227, 49. p. 242 ;
το μηδέν -γενέσθαι, 3 1 3• p. 329;
mid. 148. p. 276.
282
INDEX IL
φι;λΐ7, 29. p. 235D.
φύρ€σθαι, 02. p. 245•
φυσίί, 144• p. 275 ; '^"'"^ '^Ψ αντών
φ. 123• p. 268; TTJ φ. του τόπον f
146. p. 278, 276. p. 317; φυσά,
3.p.226, 315.P.330, 32i.p.33i.
φωνασκβίν, 308. p. 328.
φωνασκία, 28o. p. 3 1 9.
φωνή, ΙΟ. p. 228, 23. p. 233, 43.
p. 240, 170. p. 285, 280. p. 317»
287. p. 321 ; see under άφύναι.
χαίρ€ΐν, 39. p. 238 D, 41. p. 239,
292. p. 323.
χάΚ€πός, 5• Ρ• 227•
χαρά, 217. p. 300.
χάραξ, 87. p. 254.
χαρίζζσθαι, 239• Ρ• 3θ6•
χάρΐ5 = * gratitude,' 36. ρ. 237, 85.
ρ. 254, 112. ρ. 264; ρ1•, 8ο. ρ.
252, 1 09. ρ. 203 ; = ' gratifica-
tion,' 138. ρ. 273; Xapts, 92. ρ.
256 D.
χείμαρρους, 1 53• Ρ• 278.
χειμερινός, 2ΐ6. ρ. 30Ο•
χειμων, ΙΙ5• Ρ- 205 D, 194- Ρ• 293•
χβφ, 67. ρ. 247, 226. ρ. 303, 232,
235• Ρ• 3θ5•
χειροτονεΊν, 115• Ρ• 264 D, 1 34• Ρ•
271, Ι49• Ρ• 277, 248. ρ. 3θ9,
285. pp. 321, 322.
χειρών, ΙΟ. ρ. 238 ; -oj/advb., 61. ρ.
245, 65• Ρ• 246.
χβες, Ι30. ρ. 270.
χιΚιοι, 264. ρ. 3^4•
χΚενασμός, 85. ρ. 254•
χοϊνιξ, 129• ρ. 270.
χορηγείν, 257- Ρ• 3^2, 265. ρ. 3Ι4•
χορηγία, ιο6. ρ. 26 1 D.
χοροί, 3ΐ8. ρ. 331 •
χρεία, 84. ρ. 253 D, 90- Ρ- 255 ϊ>,
282. ρ. 3ΐ9•
χρήματα, ig. ρ. 23Ι, 312. ρ. 329.
χρηματίζειν, 75. Ρ- 250D, 169. ρ.
285.
χρηναι, 20. ρ. 23 1.
χρησθαι, απολογία, 2. ρ. 226 ; λόγω,
252. ρ. 311 J τοΊς προς ε με, 1 4•
ρ. 230; τοϊς πράγμασι, 95. ρ. 257 ;
ois εΰτνχηκεσαν, 1 8. ρ. 231 ; γά-
μοις, 129. ρ. 270; κακοϊς, 304. ρ.
327-
χρήσιμος, yS. ρ. 251, ι8ο. ρ. 288;
superl., 102. ρ. 26ο.
χρηστός, 24. ρ. 233; iron., 30. ρ.
235, 89- ρ. 255, 3ΐ8. ρ. 33ο.
χρόνος, τον άπαντα χ. μενεΐ, 323. ρ.
332 ; εκ παντός του χ,, 66. ρ. 247,
203. ρ. 295 ; = * iiate,' 1 53- Ρ• 278,
1 55• Ρ• 279-
χρυσίον, 36. ρ. 237-
χρυσοΖς, 54- Ρ- 243 Ι>, 84. ρ. 253D.
χώρα = the district of Attica, 37.
p. 238 D, 141. p. 274, 300. p. 325,
of Byzantium, 90. p. 2550; =
*room,' 'opportunity,' 220. p. 301.
χωρίον, Tj. p. 234, 68. p. 247, 262.
p• 314.
χωρίς, 24. p. 233, 20I. p. 295.
•^εvhεσβaι, 21. p. 232.
■^ευ^ψ, 41. p. 239, 95. p. 257.
ψηφίζεσθαι, 32. p. 236, 121. p. 268,
250. p. 310.
>ΐΑηφισμα, ΐη . p. 234, I32. p. 27 1
ψήφος = * counters,' 227. p. 303,
231. p. 304 ; = 'ballot, * 103. p.
260, 105. p. 261 D ; =' verdict,'
126. p. 269.
ψυχή, 262. p. 314, 245. p. 308, 281.
p• 319, 309• P• 328.
ψνχρότης, 256. p. 312.
2>, with periphrasis, 22. p. 332,
INDEX Π.
283
ω /ioy, compar., 212. p. 298; -ojs,
285. p. 321.
ωμότης, l8l. p. 289 D, 23I. p. 304,
275. p. 317.
ώρΐΐσθαι, 32. p. 236, 247. p. 369.
a>s = *when,' 170. p. 285, ώ? αττπΙ,
151 p. 277 ; = ' as,' ώί ye, 7, 8. p.
227 ; with fut. ptcp. (of purpose),
140. p. 274 ; with ace. absol.,276.
p. 318; intensifies superl., 4. p.
227, 288. p. 321 ; introduces
quotation, 35. p. 237 ; a>s eVos
elnelv, 4. p. 226 ; ως €Τ€ρως, 85.
p. 254, 212. p. 298, 306. p. 327;
ως αληθώς, ό^- p. 246, 294. p.
325•
ως = ονς, 91. p. 256 D.
ωσπβρ, 323. p. 332 ; with perf.
ptcp., 276. p. 318 ; with ace.
abs., 122. p. 268 ; ωσπ^ρ αν, 298.
p. 325 ; ώσπβρ ap ft, 194. p. 293,
214. p. 299.^
ώστε, with indie, 120. p. 267 ; with
infin., 18. p. 230; infin. with ού,
283. p. 320.
ώφζλ^ΐν, 89. p. 255•
ωφβΧον, a μη ποτ ώ., 288. p. 322.
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by Geo. G. T. Treherne, O.U.B.C, and J. H. D. Goldie, C.U.B.C.
With Illustrations, 4to. cloth, 10s. 6d. ; or, printed on large hand-
made paper, with China paper impressious of the Plates, price 30s.
(only 250 copies printed, each numbered and initialled).
New and Ebvised Edition, bringing the work up to 1884. 8vo. cloth, 6s.
An UNDERGRADUATE'S TRIP to ITALY and ATTICA in
the WINTER of 1880-1. By J. L. Thomas, Balliol College
Oxford. Crown 8vo. 5s.
THE LIVES AND EPISTLES OF GIFFORD AND BUNYAN.
By the Kev. T. A. Blyth, B.A., Queen's College, Oxford.
[In the press.
The RECENT DEPRESSION of TRADE, its Nature, its Causes,
and the Eemedies Avhich have been suggested for it ; being the
Oxford Cobden Prize Essay for 1879. By Walter E. Smith, B.A.,
New College. Crown 8vo. cloth, 3s. 6d.
JAMES THORNTON, 33 & 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD.
LAW. HISTOEY, & POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY
THOMAS HOBBES, of MALMESBURY, LEVIATHAN;
or, the Matter, Forme, and Power of a Commonwealth. A New
Keprint. With a facsimile of the original fine engraved Title.
Medium 8vo. cloth, 12s. βά.
A small edition of 250 copies only, on Dutch hand-made paper,
medium 8vo. 18s.
Students' Edition, crown 8vo. cloth 85. 6d. \Jtist published.
'In matters of reprints, such as this is, it is always well to retain as much as possible
the old spelling, and the old form of printing. By this means we are constantly
reminded that we are reading a seventeenth century writer, and not a nineteenth ; and
hence students will apply more checks to their process of reasoning than tbey might be
inclined to do if the book were printed in modern form. This is, we are glad to say,
applicable to the present excellent reprint, Λvhich is issued in old spelling, and contains
in the margin the figures of the pagination of the first edition,'
The Antiquary, October \^i\.
' We have received from Mr. James Thornton, of Oxford, an excellent reprint of
Hobbes's " Leviathan." The book is one which is not always easy to obtain ; and a satis-
factory reprint at a reasonable price may do more to advance the knowledge of Hobbes's
philosophy than one of the condensed handbooks which are now extensively popular.'
Westminster Kevibw, January 1882.
THE ELEMENTS OF LAW, NATURAL AND POLITIC.
By Thomas Hobbes, of Malmesbury. The first complete and correct
Edition, with a Preface and Critical Notes. By Ferdinand Joennies,
Ph.D. To which are subjoined selected pieces of unprinted MSS.
of Thomas Hobbes, \In the press ; ready in October.
BEHEMOTH ; or, The LONG PARLIAMENT. By Thomas
Hobbes, of Malmesbury. For the first time Edited after the
Original MS., with many Additions and Corrections. By Febdinand
Joennies, Ph.D. \In the press.
REMARKS on the USE and ABUSE of SOME POLITICAL
TERMS. By the late Right Hon. Sir George Cornewall Lewis,
Bart,, sometime Student of Christ Church, Oxford. A New Edition,
■with Notes and Appendix. By Sir Roland Knyvet Wilson, Bart.,
M.A., Barrister-at-Law ; Reader in Indian Law, and late Fellow
of King's College, Cambridge ; Author of ' History of Modern
English Law.' Crown Svo. 6«.
An ESSAY on the GOVERNMENT of DEPENDENCIES. By
the late Right Hon. Sir George Cornewall Lewis, Bart., sometime
Student of Christ Church, Oxford. A New Reprint. [In the press.
QUESTIONS and EXERCISES in POLITICAL ECONOMY,
with References to Adam Smith, Ricardo, John Stuart Mill, Fawcett,
Thorold Rogers, Bonamy Price, Twiss, Senior, Macleod, and others.
Adapted to the Oxford Past and Honour and the Cambridge Ordinary
S. A. Examinations. Arranged and edited by W. P. Emerton, M.A.,
D.C.L., Christ Church, Oxford. Crown 8vo. cloth, 3s. 6d.
MONTENEGRO : being the Stanhope Prize Essay for 1884. By
William Caer, Commoner of University College, Oxford. 8vo.
paper covers (106 pages), 2s. 6d. [Jttst published.
4 JAMES THORNTON, 33 & 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD.
XAW, HISTORY, AND POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY-
continued.
BE CONJECTURIS ULTIMARUM VOLUNTATUM.
Dissertatio pro Gradu Doctoris in Jure Cirili. By AYolseley
P. Emeeton, D.C.L., Christ Church. 8vo. sewed (110 pages,
2s. Qd. [^Jiist published.
An ABRIDGMENT of ADAM SMITH'S INQUIRY into the
ΛΆΤυΚΕ and CAUSES of the WEALTH ot NATIONS. By
ΛΥ. P. Emebton, M.A., D.C.L. Crown 8vo. cloth, 6s.
This -work (tased on Jeremiah Joyce's Abridgment) originally appeared
in two parts and is now republished after careful reA'ision, with Additional
Notes, Appendices, and a Complete Index.
The above can be had in two Parts. Part I. Books I. and II. 3s. 6d.
Part II. Books III., IV. and V. 3s. ed.
OUTLINES of JURISPRUDENCE. For the Use of Students.
By B. E. Wise, B.A., late Scholar of Queen's College, Oxford ;
Oxford Cobden Prizeman, 1878. Crown 8vo. cloth, 5s.
This book is intended to be a criti-cal and explanatory commentary upon
the Jurisprudence text-books in common use ; and it endeavours to present
a precise and coherent view of all the topics upon which these touch.
' The student of jurisprudence will certainly find the work suggestive and helpful.'
The Athex^kum, July 15, 1882.
OUTLINES of ENGLISH CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY.
By Britiffe Cokstable Skottowe, M.A., late Scholar of New
College, Oxford. Crown 8vo. cloth, 3s. 6d.
The object of this book is to assist beginners in reading Constitutional
History by arranging in order outlines of the growth of the most important
Institxitions.
An ANALYSIS of the ENGLISH LAW of REAL PRO-
PERTY, chiefly from Blackstone's Commentary, with Tables and
Indexes. By ΟοκυοΝ Campbell, M.A., Author of ' An Analysis of
Austin's Lectures on Jurisprudence,' and of Ά Compendium of
Roman Law.' Crown 8vo. cloth, 3s. 6d.
An ANALYSIS of JUSTINIAN'S INSTITUTES of ROMAN
LAW, with Tables. \_In preparation.
A CHRONOLOGICAL SUMMARY of the CHIEF REAL
PROPERTY STATUTES, with their more important Provisions.
For the Use of Law Students. By P. F. Aldred, M Α., D.C.L.
Crown 8vo. 2s.
ELEMENTARY QUESTIONS on the LAW of PROPERTY,
REAL and PERSONAL. Supplemented by Advanced Questions on
the Law of Contracts. With Copious References throughout, and
an Index of Legal Terms. Crown 8vo. cloth, 3s. 6d.
The SPECIAL STATUTES required by Candidates for the School
of Jurisprudence at Oxford. Fcp. 8vo. seAved, 2s. 6d. AVith brief
Notes and Translations by a B.C.L. Cloth, 5s.
JAMES THORNTON, 33 ά 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD. 5
OXFOED STUDY GUIDES.
A SERIES OP HANDBOOKS TO EXAMINATIONS.
Edited by F. S. PULLING, M.L, Exeter College.
The object of this Series is to guide Students in their reading
for the different examinations. The amount of time wasted at
present, simply through ignorance of the way to read, is so great
that the Editor and Authors feel convinced of the necessity for
some such handbooks, and they trust that these Guides will at
least do something to prevent in the future the misapplication
of so much industry.
Each volume will be confined to one branch of study, and
will include an account of the various Scholarships and Prizes
offered by the University or the Colleges in its department ; and
Λνϋΐ be undertaken by a writer whose experience qualifies him to
speak with authority on the subject.
The books will contain extracts from the University Statutes
relating to the Examinations, with an attempt to explain them as
they exist, and advice as to what to read and how to read ; how
to prepare subjects for examination, and how to answer papers \
a few specimen questions, extracts from the Regulations of the
Board of Studies, and a list of books.
THEOLOGY. By the Eev. F. H. Woods, B.D., Fellow of St. John'&
College. Crown 8vo. cloth, 2s, Qd.
ENTRANCE CLASSICAL SCHOLARSHIPS. By S. H. Jeyes, M.A.,
Lecturer in Classics at University College. Crown 8vo. cloth, 2s. 6i.
' It is quite refreshing to find a guide to an examination that so thoroughly discourages
cram.'— ScΉ00L Guahdiax, June 20, 1881.
' This is a smart book, and a useful comment on the present method of awarding scholar-
iliips. There is a certain frank cynicism in much of the advice, as when Mr. Jkyks remarks,
"It is no good wearing out your trousers in a study chaii•, if you do not set your brains to
york ; " or that it " is quite useless to play at hide• and seek with examiners who are familiar
with every turn and twist in the game ; " and there seems little doubt that a clever boy,
coached by him on his method, would get a scholarship.'— SPKCTATon, Aug. 2Γ, 1881.
• Mr. Jeyes has provided parents and teachers with an excellent manual by which to
guide their sons or pupils in preparing for University Scholarships He gives directions
as to the best way of preparing for the different sorts of papers and also for the best
way of tackling with tlie paper Avhen confronted with it in actual examination. The
observations are of the most practical kind The book is weU done, and ought to be
useful'— Thk Acadkmt, June 18, 1881.
6 JAMES THORNTON, 33 ά 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD.
OXFOKT) STUDY Gmm.S-coiitinued.
HONOUR CLASSICAL MODERATIONS. By L. R. Farnell, M.A.,
Fellow of Exeter College. CroAvn 8λό. cloth, 2s. 6d.
' It is full of useful and scholarly suggestions which many hard-reading men will be
thankful for With hints as to the line of reading to be adopted, and the books to
be taken up so as to make the most of their tic' and to read to the best advantage.'
School Guardian, November 4, 1881.
LITERiE HUMANIORES. By E. B. I^vax-Mulleb, M.A., New College.
[Shortly.
MODERN HISTORY. By F. S. Pulling, M.A., Exeter College. Will
he pitblished as soon as possible after the new scheme is finally sanctioned.
NATURAL SCIENCE. By E. B. Poulton, M.A., Keble College.
JURISPRUDENCE and CIVIL LAW. By W. P. Emerton, M.A..
D.C.L., Christ Church. [In preparation.
ARITHMETIC.
Just piiblisJiecl.
ARITHMETIC for SCHOOLS. Based on principles of Cause and
EiFect. By the Rev. Frederick Sparks, M.A., Mathematical
Master, the High School, Plymouth, and late Lecturer of Worcester
College, Oxford. Crown 8vo. cloth (416 pages), 4s. 6d.
It may perhaps appear somewhat rash to add another to the many text books on
Arithmetic already in use. It is believed, however, that the present work Avill be found
to contain some features sufficiently distinctive and valuable to warrant its appearance.
The chief aim of the work is to place prominently before the student the fact that
the principle of ' cause and effect ' is as applicable to Arithmetic as to other sciences, and
that by working on this plan he may obtain his results in about half the time required
by other methods. In each division of the subject this is shown by a typical example
worked out in fall, followed by ample exercises, with examination papers at regular
intervals. The more complex parts of fractions and decimals are introduced later, so
that the pupil may rsach as early as possible the more interesting part of his work, the
arithmetic of ordinary life. The so called ' inverse rules ' are learnt at the same time as
the • direct rules,' and thus the difficulties of proportion wholly disappear. A careful
selection of questions set by the Universities, Civil Service, and Army Examination
Boards, and other educational bodies, has been placed at the end of the volume.
The Answebs to the above are published in a separate form.
JAMES THORNTON, 33 & 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD
CLASS BOOKS.
MELETEMATA ; or, SELECT LATIN PASSAGES IN
PROSE AND VERSE FOR UNPREPARED TRANS-
LATION. Arranged by the Rev. P. J. F. Gaxtillon, M.A.,
sometime Scholir of St. John's College, Cambridge, Classical Master
in Cheltenham College. Crown 8vo. cloth, 4s. 6d.
The object of this volume is to furnish a collection of about 250 passages, graduated
in difficulty, and adapted to the various Examinations in which ' U^nprepared Trans-
lation ' finds a place.
' The work is nicely got up, and is altogether the best of the kind with which we are
acquainted.'— The Schoolmaster, Decembers, 1881.
' We find this collection to be very judiciously made, and think it one of the best
which has yet been published.'— Educational Times, April 1, 1881.
Forming a Companion Volume to the above.
MELETEMATA GRJECA ; being a Selection of Passages, Prose
and Verse, for unprepared Translation. By the Rev. P. J. F.
Gantillon. M.A. [In the press.
SELECTED PIECES for TRANSLATION into LATIN
PROSE. Selected and arranged by the Rev. H. C. Ogle, M.A.
Head Master of Magdalen College School, and T. Clayton, M.A.
Crown 8vo. cloth, 4s. Qd.
This selection is intended for the use of the highest forms in Schools and for University
Students for Honour Examinations, for whom it was felt that a small and compact book
would be most serviceable.
' The selection has been made with much care and the passages which we have more
part'cularly examined are very appropriate for translation.'
School Guardiax, June 7, 1879.
LATIN and GREEK VERSIONS of some of the SELECTED
PIECES for TRANSLATION. Collected and arranged by the
Rev. H. C. Ogle, M.A., Head Master of Magdalen College School;
and Thomas Clayton, M.A., Trinity College, Oxford. Crown 8λό.
5s. [Just ready.
This Key is for the use of Tutors only, and is issued on the understanding that ib
does not get into the hands of any pupil.
For the convenience of Schoolmasters and Tutors these Versions are also issued in
another form viz. on separate leaves ready for distribution to pupil^^, thereby saving the
necessity of dictating or copying. They are done up in packets of twenty-five each, and
not less than twenty-five sets (=76 packets) can be supplied at a time. Price— Thirty-five
Sbillings net.
DAMON ; or, The ART of GREEK IAMBIC MAKING. By
the Rev. J. Hebbebt AVilliams, M.A., Composition Master in S.
Nicholas College, Lancing ; late Demy of Magdalen College. Fcp.
8vo. Is. &d.
This small treatise claims as its merit that it really teaches Greek Iambic writing on
a system, and this system is based on no arbitrary analysis of the Iambic Une, but on the
\iay in which the scholar practically regards it in making verses himself.
A Key, for Tutors only. Fcp. 8vo. cloth, 3s. %d.
8 JAMES THORNTON, 33 & 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD.
CJASS BOOKS-continued.
SHORT TABLES and NOTES on GREEK and LATIN
GRA3IMAE. By W. E. W. Collins, M.A., Jesus College. Second
Edition, revised. Crown 8vo. cloth, 25.
ARS SCRIBENDI LATINE ; or, Aids to Latin Prose Composition.
In the form of an Analysis of Latin Idioms. By B. A. Edwards,
B.A., late Scholar of Jesus College, Oxford. Crown 8vo. Is.
ARITHMETIC FOR SCHOOLS. Based on principles of Cause
and Effect. By the Eev. Frederick Sparks, M.A., Mathematical
Master, the High School, Plymouth, and late Lecturer of Worcester
College, Oxford. Crown 8 vo. cloth (416 pages), 4s. 6d. [Just ready.
ALGEBRAICAL QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES. For the
Use of Candidates for Matriculation, Responsions, and First Public
Examinations, and the Oxford and Cambridge Local and Certificate
Examinations. Crown 8vo. 2s.
ARITHMETICAL QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES. For
the Use of Candidates for Matriculation, Pesponsions, and First
Public Examinations, and the Oxford and Cambridge Local and
Certificate Examinations. Crown 8vo. Is. 6d.
QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES IN ADVANCED LOGIC.
For the Use of Candidates for the Honour Moderation Schools.
Crown 8vo. Is. 6d.
The RUDIMENTS OF LOGIC, Avith Tables and Examples. By
F. E. Weatherly, M.A. Fcp. 8vo. cloth limp, Is 6(Z.
' Here is everything needful for a beginner.'— Educational Times.
'Is a clever condensation of first principles.'— School Guardian.
•QUESTIONS in LOGIC, Progressive and General. By Frederic E.
Weatherley, M.A., late Scholar of Brasenose College. Oxford. Fcp.
8vo. paper covers, Is. [Just published.
A FEW NOTES on the GOSPELS. By W. Ε. W. Collins, M.A.,
Jesus College. New Edition. Crown 8λό. paper covers, Is. Qd.
ARITHMETICAL AIDS to RESPONSIONS ; containing Concise
Pules and Examples worked out. Crown 8vo. paper cover, Is.
[Just published.
JAMES THORNTON, 33 ά 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD. 9
CLASSICS AND TRANSLATIONS.
The NICOMACHEAN ETHICS of ARISTOTLE. Books I.-IV.
and Book X. Chap. 6 to 9, being the portion required in the Oxford
Pass School, with Notes, &c. for the use of Passmen. By E. L.
Hawkins, M.A., late Postmaster of Merton College. Demy 8vo.
cloth, 8s. 6d. Interleaved with writing paper, 10*. 6d.
The NICOMACHEAN ETHICS of ARISTOTLE. A New
Translation, with an Introduction, a Marginal Analysis, and Ex-
planatory Notes. By Rev. J). P. Chase, D.D., Fellow of Oriel College,
and Principal of St. Mary Hall, Oxford. Fourth Edition, revised.
Crown Βλ^ο. cloth, 45. 6d.
The ELEMENTS of ARISTOTLE'S LOGIC, following the order
of Trendelenburg, with Introduction, English translation, and
Notes. By Thomas Case, M.A., Tutor of Corpus Christi College,
and sometime Fellow of Brasenose College. [Preparing.
ARISTOTLE'S ORGANON : Translations from the Organon of
Aristotle, comprising those Sections of Mr. Magrath's Selections
required for Honour Moderations. By W. Smith, B.A. New College,
and Alan G-. Scmner Gibson, M.A., late Scholar of Corpus Christi
College Oxford. Crown Svo. 25. 6d.
The POETICS of ARISTOTLE. The text after Vahlen, with an
Introduction, a New Translation, Explanatory and Critical Notes,
and an Appendix on the Greek Drama. [In preparation.
DEMOSTHENES on the CROWN. The Text after Baiteb. ΛYith
an Introduction, a New Translation, Not^s and Indices. By
Francis P. Simpson, B.A., Balliol College, Craven Scholar, 1877.
Demy Svo. cloth, 10s. 6d.
From the Pbefack.— Several of the Notes— which I have tried to make as concise
as possible— may appear unnecessary to a scholar; but they have been inserted for the
practical reason that the obstacles they should remove have been felt by some of the
many pupils with whom I have read this speech.
The main difHculty which Demosthenes presents to the student lies in the close
logical connection of his arguments ; and most commentaries consist largely of transla-
tion or paraphase. Paraphase is dangerous, as it may lead a novice to a belief that he
quite understands a piece of Latin or Greek, when he is some way from doing so. I
have, therefore, taken the bull by the horns, and have given a continuous rendering, as
close as I could decently make it. Its aim is purely commentatorial — to save its weight
in notes. It is intended to show what Demosthenes said, but not how well he said it.
And, I may jay, I believe that every lecturer and tutor in Oxford will admit that an
undergraduate, or sixth-form toy, cannot get full value out of reading the De Corona
without such help.
In Introduction I. will be found a sketcli of Athenian history, as far as is necessary
for the thorough understanding of this Oration. In Introduction II. a precis of the
oration of Aeschines, as well as that of DemostLenes, is prefixed to a brief analysis of
the two speeches considered as an attack" and a defence.
10 JAMES THORNTON, 33 Λ 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD.
CLASSICS AND ΤΚΑΝ8ΙΑΤΙΟΝ8-<»«Λ«δ<ί.
EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS AND REVIEWS.
'Accept my best thanks for your presentation copy of Mr. Simpson's edition of the
Oration for the Crowx, ■which I have no doubt Λνϊΐΐ be gratefully accepted by
professional scholars and the educated laity.' — Prof. Blackie.
' It seems to me very -well done and likely to be of gi-eat use. I notice with pleasure
that several mistakes of other translations and editions are tacitly corrected. Possibly
there might be a little more freedom in the translation without merely paraphrasing ;
but this is no doubt very difficult to do except at the cost of extra notes, and I believe
you are quite right in economising notes, which tend now to overlay and efface the
texts of the classics.'— S. H, BϋτcΉER, Esq., Fellow of University College, Oxford, and
Professor of Greek in the University of Edinburgh.
• I have maile use of it for the last two of a course of lectures on the speech with
profit to myself, and I think it is likely to be appreciated.'
Rev. T. L. Papillox, Fellow of New College, Oxford.
' It seems to me likely to be very useful.'
A. SiDGWiCK, Esq., Fellow of Oorpus Christi College, Oxford.
' I am struck with the scholarly tone of all that I have seen. Some of the notes
seem models of good scholarship and exegesis.'
A. T. Barton, Esq., Fellow of Pembroke College, Oxford.
' Its closeness and accuracy wiU make it very u?eful for many students.'
Rev. W. W. Merry, Lincoln College, Oxford.
'One or two test passages that I have already looked at show that delicate points
have been considered and common traps avoided. The abstract of the speech of
Aeschines is an especially useful feature, and so is the copious index.'
Rev. J. R. King, FcUoav and Tutor, Oriel College, Oxford.
' I have read Mr. Simpson's " De Corona " with great interest. The translation and
the notes seem to be alike admirable, and to furnish tlie student with everything
necessary for gaining a scholarly knowledge of this masterpiece of Greek oratory.'
Rev. G. H. Heslop, M. Α., late Head Master of St. Bees' School,
and formerly Fellow of Queen's College, Oxford.
• Mr. Simpson's . . . text is probably the best yet published in England ; while the
index of words and phrases should prove a valuable help to students and editors. . . .
The volume is very Avell got up.'— Athen^um, December 2, 1882.
' This is a handsome edition of the text, with translation opposite, and notes at the
foot of the page. Of the translation, Mr. Simpson says that " it is intended to show'
what Demosthenes said, not how well he said it." Its aim is " purely commentatorial,'
and we believe that this aim is fully attained. It differs ahke from loose paraphrase on
the one hand, and on the other from those baldly literal versions Λvhich, by the seductive
promise of close fidelity to the text, beguile the unhappy passman to his destruction,
and make impossible a task which was at first only difficult. The general reader is
supplied with a speech which can be read, and might conceivably be spoken ; while the
young student may get most valuable hints by observing closely how the structure of
the original is dealt tvith. The notes, mainly grammatical, contain little that is
striking, but give in short compass much help towards the appreciation of Greek
idiom.'— Spectator, October 7, 1882.
' ... It is an excellent specimen of manly, straightforward English, and as far removed
as possible from, the atrocious slipslop which translators— by a law, as it would seem to
be, of their being — most commonly affect. This edition, however, deserves unstinted
praise, not merely for what it gives the student, but also for what it refrains from
giving him. The notes are concise, and for the most part grammatical ; but whatever
they are they are alwaj's practical, and have been inserted for the practical reason that
the obstacles they sliou.'d remove have been felt by some of the many pupils with whom
Mr. Simpson has read this speech. . . . Meanwhile it is our pleasant duty to congratulate
Mr. Simpson on the entire success with Avhich he has executed his task. Coming after
so many deplorable examples of "how not to do it" in the matter of translations from
the classics, this brilliant example of "how to do it " is doubly welcome.'
St. James's Gazette, November 11, 188?.
JAMES THORNTON, 33 ά 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD. 11
CLASSICS AND TRANSLATIONS-co^zftnwei.
The PHILIPPIC ORATIONS of CICERO. A New Translation.
By the Rev. John Eichard King, M. Α., Fellow and Tutor of Oriel
College, Oxford. Crown 8vo. cloth, 4s. 6d.
' The translation is forcible and fluent, and, so far as we have compared it with the
original, accurate.'— Athen^um, Dec. 7, 1878.
' The translation is evidently the work of a competent scholar who is beyond all
question master of the text.' — Spectator, July 12, 1879.
The FIRST and SECOND PHILIPPIC ORATIONS of
CICERO. A New Translation. By the Rev. J. R. King, M.A.
Fourth Edition. Crown 8vo. Is. 6d.
The FIRST FOUR PHILIPPIC ORATIONS of CICERO.
A New Translation. By the Rev. J. R. King, M.A, Crown 8vo.
2s. ed.
The SPEECH of CICERO for CLUENTIUS. Translated into
English, with an Introduction and Notes. By W. Peterson, M.A.,
late Scholar of Corpus Christi College, Oxford ; Principal and
Professor of Classics, UniA*ersity College, Dundee ; late Assistant to
the Professor of Humanity in the University of Edinburgh.
Crown Svo. cloth, 3s. 6d.
* We have gone over the translation with some care, and we have found it of uniform
excellence. If any young scholar ever takes Kiebuhr's advice about translating the
speech, he could not do better than compare his own with this version before he began
to retranslate it. The translation is not only accurate, but it abounds in neat and
echolarly renderings of awkward Latin idioms.'— Glasgow Herald, Sepiembei' 1, 1882.
' This is a sound and scholarly piece of work The version is faithful without
being unduly literal both the Introduction and the Translation will prove trust-
worthy guides to the young student For the more advanced scholar the chief
interest of the book lies in the valuable notes Λvith Λvhich Prof. Nettleship has enriched
it. These deal both with the diction and with the text, and are as suggestive as might
be expected from the reputation of the Oxford Professor of Latin.'
The Acadeaiy, Jan. 27, 1883.
The LETTERS of CICERO after the DEATH of C-^SAR :
being Part Λ^ of Mr. Watson's Selection. A New Translation by
S. H. Jeyes, M.A., Lecturer in Classics at University College,
Oxford. Crown Svo. cloth, 2s. 6ίί. [Jmt picblished.
' There is much to praise in the translation ; nearly every letter contains some
striking and suggestive expressions which will be useful to students Mr. Jeyes
often shows great skill in the management of words.'— Oxford Magazine, June 6, 1883.
' The Avork is intended for the use of candidates for Classical Honours in Moderations,
and supposing them to need a translation at all, they could scarcely have a better one.
Besides help in reading their Cicero, students may gain an insight into differences
between English and Latin idioms, which will be most useful to them in writing Latin
Prose . . . happy turns of this kind are to be met with in every letter. . . . We might
read page after page without discovering that the work was a translation, yet a com-
parison of tiiese very pages with the original would probably fail to reveal the least
inaccuracy.'— JouiiNAL of Education, Oct. 1, 1883.
The AGAMEMNON of iESCHYLUS. A new Prose Translation.
Crown Svo. cloth limp, 2s.
12 JAMES THORNTON, 33 & 41 HIGH STREET, OXFORD.
CLASSICS AND TRAmLXnom-oontinued.
The HECUBA of EURIPIDES. Newly translated into English
Prose by A. S, AValpole, M.A., late Scholar of AVorcester College,
Oxford ; Joint Editor of the Greek Text. [In the press.
LIVY'S HISTORY of ROME. The Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Books.
A Literal Translation from the Text of Madvig, Avith Historical
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INDEX
PAGE
JBichylus—AgBmemnon, Translation of .12
Aldred (^D.C.L.) P. /".—Questions on Eeal
Property 5
— Chief Real Property Statute» . . 5
Arithmetical Aids to Responsions . . 9
Blyth, Rev. T. .•!.— Lives and Letters of
Gifford and Bunyan .... 3
Campbell, Gordon.— Anaijsia of Real Pro-
perty Law 5
Can; William. — Montenegro (Stanhope
Essay) 4
Case (a. A.) ITiomas.— Aristotle's Logic . 10
Chase φ.Ο.) Rev. D. /Λ— Aristotle's Ethics . 10
Clayton, 7%omiw.— Selected Pieces for Trans-
lation 8
— Virgil's iEneid 13
Collins (M.A.) W. E. ΤΓ.— Greek and Latin
Grammar Notes 9
— Notes on the Gospels .... 9
— Rudimentary Divinity . . . .15
Crouch {M.A.) W. Tf.— Critica Classica,
Part 1 14
Crouch {B.A.) A . 7.— Critica Classica, Part I. 14
Edwards, Rev. B. ^.— Ars Scribendi Latine 9
Emerton (D.C.L.) W. P.— Questions in Poli-
tical Economy 4
— De Conjecturis &c 5
— Abridgment of Adam Smith. . . &
— Jurisprudence and Civil Law . , 7
Farnell {M.A.) L. R. — Classical Moderation 7
Gantillon {M.A.) Rev. P. J. f.— Meletemata . 8
— Meletemata Grseca .... 8
Qent {M.A.) Rev. O. ΤΓ.— Republic of Plato . 13
— Annales of Tacitus . . . * .13
Gibson, Rev. Allan Sumner. — Aristotle's Or-
ganon 10
Goldie, J. H. Z>.— Boat Race Record . . 3
Hawkins {M.A.) E. i.— Aristotle's Ethics,
Books I. -IV 10
Ilobbes, ΓΛΛτηίΜ.— Leviathan . . .4
— Elements of Law 4
— Behemoth ; or, The Long Parliament . 4
Iwan-Miiller, E. 5.— Literae Humaniores . 7
Justinian's Institutes, Analysis of . . 5
Jeyet {ΜΛ.) S. //.—Classical ScholaKhips . 6
— Cicero's Letters 12
— Juvenal 13
PAGE
-Hobbes'sBehe-
Joennies {Ph.D.)Ferdinand.-
moth ■ . ,4
— Hobbes's Elements of Law . . .4
King, Rev. J. TZ.— Cicero's Pliilippics . . 12 ■
— Cicero's Philippics, I. to IV. . .12
— Cicero's Philippics, I. and II. . .12
Lewis, Sir G. C— Political Terms. . . 4
— Government of Dependencies . . 4
Livy, Books V. to VII., Translation of . 18
Marshall, Rev. Charles.— l&tin Prayer Book 3
Marshall, W. ΤΓ.— Plutarch's Lives of the
Gracchi 13
— Latin Prayer Book .... 3
Ogle {M.A.) Rev. H. C.—^&ieoteAViexsea . 8
— Latin Versions to Selected Pieces , 8
Palsestra Oxoniensis . . . . 14 & 15
Peterson, Profesnor. — Cicero's Cluentius . 12
Plato's Meno, Translation of ... 13
Poulton {M.A.) E. /?. — Study Guide to
Natural Science 7
Pulling {ΜΛ.) F. ,8.— Oxford Study Guides . 6
— Study Guide to History School . .7
— Questions in English History . . 15
Questions, Algebraical 9
„ Arithmetical .... 9
„ in Advanced Logic . . .9
Simpson, F. P.— Demosthenes on the Crown 10
Skottowe, B. C— Outlines of Constitutional
History . '. . . . . 5
Smith, ^<Zam.— Wealth of Nations . . 5
Smith, Walter E.— Recent Depression of Trade 3
— Aristotle's Organon . . . .10
Sparks, Rev. Fredrick.— School Arithmetic . 7
Special Statutes, The 5
Thomas, J. Z.— Trip to Italy and Attica . 3
Treheme, G. G. 7!.— Boat Race Record. . 3
Walpole {M.A.) A. <Si.— Euripides Hecuba . 13
Weutherley {M.A.) F. J57.— lludiments of Logic 9
— Questions on Logic .... a
Williams, Rev. J. //.—Damon ... 8
Wibon {Bart., M.A.) Sir R. /T.— Lewis's
Political Terms 4
Wise, B. Λ.— Outlines of Jurisprudence . &
Woods {B.D.) Rev. F. //.—Canons of the
Council of Orange .... 3
— Guide to tlie Theological School . . 6
Worcestt'r, J. B.—IAvfs Second Punic War . 15
16
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