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CONTENTS. 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 The et Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter" . 
 
 Charges against the Mauritius , . 
 
 Their Improbability .... 
 
 Wide Dissemination of the said Periodical 
 
 Attacks upon the Author ♦ ♦ 
 
 Injurious Effects of these Attacks 
 
 The Author's efforts to improve the Condition 
 of the Slave . 
 
 Denunciation of him as a Monster of Cruelty 
 
 He is forced upon Self-Defence . 
 
 Attestations respecting his Charac cr . 
 
 Sketch of his public Life . . . 
 
 Extraordinary Discrepancy between the Opinions 
 of the Colonists and the CtkirgeS of the 
 "Anli-Muwry Rep >; ter." ♦ ♦ . ♦ 
 The Reporter's Object unveiled .... 
 c of the British Govcrnmc it to Mauritius 
 
 The Author's Practical Plan ♦ . , 
 
 It's* Advantageous Results . * < 
 
 ib. 
 
 i; i 
 
 iv 
 v 
 
 ib. 
 
 ib. 
 ib. 
 vij 
 ix. 
 
 ib. 
 
 ib. 
 
 X 
 XI 
 
 ib. 
 
(2) 
 
 Appendix contains Important Matter 4 * 
 Relative Duties of Master and Servant i . 
 Views regarding Colonial Policy ♦ 
 
 Obligations of the Colony to it's regularly ap- 
 pointed Governors ... . , 
 Efforts of the Ladies of these Governors for 
 the Improvement of the Lower Classes 
 
 xuj 
 ib, 
 \ir 
 
 xvi 
 
 ib. 
 
 ANONYMOUS CHARGES of the "Reporter, 
 
 arranged in a series. 
 Charge 1. Huts ♦ 
 
 2. Clothing ♦ 
 
 3. Beds ♦ 
 
 4. Food ♦ 
 
 5. Labour 
 
 — — 6. Punishments 
 
 page 
 
 I 
 
 ib 
 
 ib 
 
 2 
 
 ib 
 
 3; 
 
 4 
 6 
 
 — 7. Marriage .... 
 
 — 8. General Education, Morality, and 
 
 Religion . . . ♦ , . ib.' 
 
 Alledged Cases of Cruelty ... ♦ 7 
 
 Awfnl General charges against Mauritius . 9 
 Supposed Progress of Population in Mauritius ib. 
 Imaginary dreadful Mortality in Mauritius* 10 
 
 at Belombre • 11 
 
 Unwarranted Comparison of the Author 
 
 with the most depraved Murderers • 12 
 Importation of Blacks at Mauritius ♦ . i3 
 Population of Mauritius . ♦ • '4 
 
 REFUTATION OF. AINONVTMOUS CHARGES 1 7 
 Allegation of the "Anti-Slavery Reporter" ♦ 18 
 
 Suite of the Mauritius at the Conquest 
 
 .8 
 
Aspersions against the Author t » . ic> 
 
 Mauritius protected by Government 9 . ib. 
 Defeats of the Author's Assailants before the Select 
 
 Committee of the Houe of Commons . 20 
 Institution of two separate Inquiries in Mauritius 21 
 Flagitious Perjuries . • ; « • 22 
 
 Investigation at Mauritius bj His Majesty's Com- 
 missioners of Inquiry ♦ « , 1 a3 
 Unjust Estimation of the Planter's Character 25 
 Appeal to Facts and Records . ♦ . 26 
 
 Mass of Evidence in possession of tike Author ib* 
 Progress of Mauritius since 1810 . , ib. 
 
 Author's Object in purchasing Relombre . 29 
 Planting of Sugar Ca>e and Management of 3o 
 Detail of a Planter's Life in Mauritius » . 3 1 
 Task-Work , . . 33 
 
 ftegro Juries . * . , . • ib 
 
 Rewards and Punishments • * .34 
 
 Charge r. Huts Refutation of • . , ib 
 
 2. Clothing. — — . ♦ .36 
 
 3. Beds. — — - 9 . 37 
 
 4- Food, — — t , .4° 
 
 l 5. Labour. — — . . . 4^ 
 
 6. Punishments. — • — . . 5o 
 
 ft Marriage. — — . ♦ 60 
 
 8, General Education, Morality and Reli- 
 
 l 61 
 
 Refutation of Supposed Cases of Cruelty at 
 
 Belombre ^3 
 
 False Data, adopted by the " Reporter," regarding 
 the Progress of Population in Mauritius . 80 
 
(4) 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 JT° x Proclamation in the name of His Majesty 9* 
 * 2 Letter from Colonel Drummond, Acting Lieut. 
 
 Governor of Bourbon, to Mr. Telfair 9$ 
 
 3 Extract from * * Book of Government Orders " 9$ 
 
 4 Instructions from His Excellency, Governor 
 
 Farquhar, to Colonel John Picton, Com- 
 manding the Forces at Bourbon 9& 
 
 5 Letter, from Mr. Telfair, to the Rev<*. G, 
 
 Burder, one of the Secretaries to the Mis- 
 sionary Society London. 9" 
 5 Extract of on Address to His Royal Highness, 
 
 the Prince Regent 97 
 
 6 Extract of a Despatch, addressed to Earl 
 
 Bathurst, by Lieut. Gen. Sir G. L. Cole 98 
 
 7 Extract of a Letter to Mr. Stephen, from 
 
 Judge Smith, in reply to M. Stephen's 
 Letter. ' 99 
 
 8 Letter to T. F. Buxton, M. P., from Mr. 
 
 Telfair ib# 
 
 9 Extracts from the "Instructions and Notes 
 
 for the Management of Belombre" ioe 
 
 10 Notes extracted from the ' 'Belombre Instruc- 
 
 tion Book," on the treatment of Blacks, 1817 10a 
 
 11 Statement of the Management at Belombre, 
 
 in 1819, contained in a letter to Dr. James 
 McDonnell, Belfast, from Mr. Telfair 106 
 
 11 Extract of a letter, f ro n Mr. Telfair, to His 
 
 Majesty's Comnii sioners of Inquiry no 
 
 l3 Extract of a letter, to His Honor, George 
 Smith, Esqr., Grand Judge, and Commis- 
 sary of Justice, from Charles Telfair, 
 Esqr. 4ia 
 
(5) 
 
 1 4 Accounts for Bedding, Clothes, etc. etc., 
 
 for the Blacks of Belombre, in June, July, 
 and August, 1819 111 
 
 15 Directions tor the Preparation of Food, for 
 
 the Blacks at Belombre, 1817 12* 
 
 1 6 Ex tract from the ■ 'Instruction Book for Belom • 
 
 bre" 1 8 1 7 , or , a List of Messes for the Blacks 1 2 5 
 
 17 Directions respecting Food. 124 
 
 18 Extract from the "Instruction Book of Belom- 
 
 bre," 1817, or, a List of Articles to be 
 cultivated, and used in the kitchen of the 
 Slaves ia5 
 
 18 Articles Bought for Belombre i3a 
 
 20 Extract from the Book of Disbursements on 
 
 account of the Estate of Belombre i33 
 
 at Directions regarding the Duties of the Surgeon 
 
 attached to Belombre i3£ 
 
 22 Extract of a letter, from Mr. TelfaIb, on 
 
 the History and progress of the Epidemic 
 Cholera that prevailed in Mauritius, in the 
 years 1819 and 1820 i3S 
 
 23 On the Management of Cattle i3j 
 
 24 On feeding of Stock i38 
 
 25 On Drill Husbandry 139 
 
 26 Utility of the Plough on a Sugar Plantation 1^0 
 
 27 Belombre Cane Plantation, by the Plough. i43 
 
 28 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Telfair, to 
 
 Doctor Waluck, Director of the Botanic 
 Garden, Calcutta ibv 
 
 29 Extract of a letter from Mr. Telfair, to 
 
 Geiurd Wbllesley Esqr., British Resident 
 
 at the Court of llolcar i£| 
 
 30 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Tclfaib, to 
 
 Mr, Lemauuiand, Tycandc, Island of 
 Java »45 
 
(6) 
 
 3 1 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Telfair, to 
 
 Mr. Mc. Carthy, Paymaster General, Cape 
 
 of Good Hope* i4$ 
 
 32 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Telfair, to 
 
 Messrs. MathisojT, Johrstow, and Co., 
 Merchants, London ib, 
 
 35 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Telfair, to 
 William Pitt Esqr., Master-Attendant of 
 His Majesty's Dock yard, Trincomalee i48 
 
 34 Extract of a letter, relative to the Blacks 
 
 captured in the li Succes" to Hart Dayis 
 Esqr. , Collector of Customs 149 
 
 35 Petition of Charles Telfair Esqr- , joint pro- 
 
 prietor of Belombre estate, at Mauritius, 
 to Major General Darling, administering 
 the Government of Mauritius and Depen- 
 dencies i5o 
 
 35 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Telfair, to 
 
 His Majesty's Commissioners of Inquiry i52 
 
 36 Letter, from Mr. Telfair, to His Majesty's 
 
 Commissioners of Inquiry i53 
 
 37 Extracts of a letter, from Mr. Telfair, to 
 
 His Majesty's Commissioners of Inquiry i5^ 
 
 38 Letter, from Mrs. A. Berry, to Mrs. Admiral 
 
 Chamrehlayne 171 
 
 3c) Extract from the Report of the Directors, 
 to the Twenty-Sixth General Meeting of 
 the Missionnary Society 175 
 
 40 Extract from the Quarterly Chronicle of the 
 
 Missionary Society 156 
 
 4 1 Extracts from the Report of the Directors, 
 
 to the Twenty-Seventh General meeting 
 of the Missionary Society 177 
 
 4* Extracts from the Report of the Directors 
 
 of the Missionary Society 178 
 
(?) 
 
 43 Extract from the Thirtieth Report of the 
 
 Directors to the General Meeting of the 
 Missionary Society 179 
 
 44 Extracts from an Official Report of the Revd. 
 
 R. E. Jones, Chief Military Chaplain of 
 Mauritius, and Second Civil Chaplain of 
 Port- Louis, addressed to the Archbishops 
 of Canterbury and York ib. 
 
 45 Extract of a letter, from the Missionary 
 
 Society, to Mr. Telfair i8i 
 
 46 Extract of a letter, from the Missionary 
 
 Society, to Mr. Telfair 182 
 
 47 Certificate of Mr. Warwick, formerly Civil 
 
 Engineer at Belouibre ib. 
 
 48 Extract of a letter, from Colonel Draper, 
 
 Collector of Customs, t» Mr. Telfair i84 
 
 4q Copy of a letter, to Mr Telfair, from Capt. 
 
 Mackay of H M. 82d R gt. . 166 
 
 5o Declaration of Mr. Foster, Manager of 188 
 
 ft 
 Beau Manguier 
 
 5i Copy of a letter addressed to Ma. Telfair, by 
 
 Colonel Stavely, Deputy Quarter-Master 
 
 General 191 
 
 52 Extracts of a letter, to Mr. Telfair, from 
 
 th«' Revd. A.. Denny, 1st. Civil Chaplain, 
 Mauritius, accompanied by souu» Documents, i()3 
 
 53 Extracts of a letter, to Mr. Telfair, from 
 
 Colonel Cunningham, Comma iJer of the 
 Royal Engineers 195 
 
 53 Extracts of a letter, to Ma. Telfair, from 
 
 Mr, Quarter-Master Kyle, 8a«l. Regiment 196 
 
 54 Extracts from a letter, to Mn Telfair, 
 
 from the Ma. Lk Ba n Missionary 198 
 
 55 Extracts of a letter, from Captain Mackay, 
 
 to Ma, Telfair joo 
 
(8) 
 
 56 'Extracts from a Declaration of Mn. Boutin, 
 
 formerly employed at Belornbre 201 
 
 5n Extracts from the Declaration of William 
 Wilberforce Hulm, Superintendent of the 
 Boat-Establishment at Port-Louis 204 
 
 58 Extracts from a It tier, to Mr. Telfair, from 
 J. Laing, Esqr., Collector of Internal 
 Revenues > 208 
 
 £9 Declaration of Henry Chaloupe 210 
 
 60 Declaration of Richakd Lambert, Calechist 
 
 and Chief Gardener at Reduit 2 i4 
 
 61 Declaration of N. J. Relsey Esqr., Auditor-' 
 
 General 2 1 7 
 
 62 Certificate from A. Ambrose Esqr., res- 
 
 pecting the tonnage of the Ste. Ampoule 218 
 
 63 Extract of a letter from JW, Kelsey Esqr. , 
 
 addressed to a Friend 219 
 
 64 Extracts from a letter, to Mr. Telfair, from 
 
 B. Lesage Esqr. 223 
 
 65 Extraits, d'une Notice Historique ct Statistique 
 
 stir l'Eublissement de Belombre, tires d'un 
 travail ebauche sur I'ile Maurice, par Mr. le 
 DoctcurDr.sivoYERS 228 
 
 66 Letter to Vb. Te* fair, from M. W. Clark, 
 
 late colour serjeant 233 
 
 On Extracts of a letter, to Mr. Telfair, from 
 
 Remono Esqr., Solicitor 234 
 
 68 Extracts of a letter, from Captain Davis, H. M« 
 
 82d. Reg*. , to Mr. Telfair 2o5 
 
 69 Extract of a letter, to Mr. Telfair, fiom 
 
 Mr. Pugin 236 
 
 70 Extracts from a letter, to Mr. Teleaib, 
 
 from J. H. "Valcban, Esqr., Secretary to 
 the Chief Jud^e 237 
 
(9) 
 
 7 1 Extracts of a letter, from J. Alexander Esqr. , 
 
 Chief of the Ordnance Department a38 
 
 71 Extracts from a letter, from Patrick Salter 
 
 Esqr., Acting Registrar of Slaves *4« 
 
 y3 Extracts of a letter, to Mr. Telfair, from 
 
 M. G. A. Want?loebem *43 
 
 74 Extract of a letter, from Lieut, Martingale 
 
 to Mr Telfair a 44 
 
 ^5 Extracts of a letter from Rob*. Mc. Farla*b 
 
 Esqr., to Mr. Telfair. »b 
 
 76 Declaration of Jean Louis Tutour, Comman- 
 
 der of the Belombre Boats 245 
 
 77 Extracts of a letter, to Mr. Telfair, from 
 
 Lieut. B. Steheun *fa 
 
 78 Declaration of Virieux Esqr., Vice President 
 
 of the Co irt of Appeal, and «« Ancien 
 Procureur di* Roi " »•> 
 
 79 Extracts of a letter, from Hyacinths Por- 
 
 talis Esqr., "Sulstitut du Procureur du 
 Roi" 2 49 
 
 80 Extract of a letter, from J. Coudray Esqr., 
 Rector of the Royal College *5a 
 
 81 Et tract of a Declaration, made by Mr. 
 
 Yi*cent Geoffroy, lately Commandant of 
 the Savanne, Civil Commissary, Commis- 
 s.ry of Police, Deputy Registrar, Deputy 
 Guardian and Dtyuly Protector of Slaves, a5a 
 
 8a Extracts of a letter, to Mr. Telfair, from 
 11. Adam, Esqr., formerU He <l Manager of 
 i; 1.. obre, 1 »l do« v]< 1 rli.mt i5i 
 
 83 Extracts of a l e t ter, to M. Telfair, from 
 \V J. Sal>»i u> EtOjr«| of the I'irui, Sauh- 
 DfcRa aud V\ iluk a55 
 
 
(10) 
 
 B£ Extracts from a statement of Mr. G. 
 Deroullede, Proctor in the Court of Admi- 
 ralty a56 
 
 85 Certificate from A. Shanks, M. D. Acting 
 
 Chief of the Civil Medical Department 25^ 
 
 86 Extract frorq \he Statistical Accoint of Mau- 
 
 ritius, by the Baron D Unienville, 
 Colonial Archivist, containing t!ie Yameri- 
 cal Amount of Slaves, from 1767 till 182S 260 
 
 87 Return of Sugar, the Product of Mauritius, 
 
 exported each year, since the capture of 
 this Island by the British Government 262 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Abont three months ago, a few numbers of a periodical, 
 •called the * ' Ami- Slavery Monthly Reporter ", reached Mau- 
 ritius, which were put into my hands, because they con- 
 tained severe reflections on my conduct and character. I 
 glanced only at a part of these animadversions; because, it 
 appeared to me, lhat the charges adduced by the anony- 
 mous writer bore on their front the strongest internal evi- 
 dence, not only of their improbability, but of their utter 
 impossibility j and, because it struck rae that no person, 
 who did not receive the tales of Baron Munchausen as incon- 
 trovertible truths, could give the least faith to what the *' Anti- 
 Slavery Monthly Reporter" calls M irrefragable proofs *' 
 of deeds infinitely more wonderful than those of that dis- 
 tinguished pcrsonnage. Tlie readers of the said publication 
 are called on to believe, that, in the presence of British 
 Governors j — of numerous officers of the civil administra- 
 tion j — of the judicial authorities; — of the Commanders of 
 the Forces and of Regiments , — of a body of merchants ; — > 
 of a british naval Squadron ; — of the Captains of hundreds 
 of ships from all nations; — and, in an island not 
 larger than the Isle of Wight j — that sixty-five thousand 
 
§ 
 
 black human beings have been put to death by a hundred: 
 holders of sugar estates * in six years : not by the compa- 
 ratively lenient processes of shooting, hanging, and behead- 
 ing , but by the lingering tortures of flogging , peppering 
 and pickling the wounds of the whip etc.. Nay, the 1 * Reporter* 
 seriously states that these various modes of punishment and 
 death, formed the regular rural occupation, of the Planters, 
 on the morning of every successive Sunday. The above ac- 
 count gives, on an average, s5o executions per day, or 
 above one death every minute, from 8 o'clock in the mor- 
 ning till noon. This is awful work ; and, if the reader en- 
 quires it's cause, the answer is ready ; viz. : " for repressing 
 the crimes which resulted from the starvation system" of 
 the above mentioned hundred proprietors ; who, being the 
 owners of the victims, of course paid, at the average price 
 of those victims, about L 25,ooo a week, for glutting their 
 new-fangled and horrid passions, and for the purpose of 
 putting a much larger sum into their pockets. But it is not 
 stated from what source this sum is to be drawn. 
 
 To refute such extraordinary assertions is almost an affront 
 to the understanding. Even another word respecting them, 
 under this general form, would give them unmerited im- 
 portance. In another part of this exposure, however, where- 
 they assume a more tangible form, by references to alledgccf r 
 documents, they are refuted one by one, and I trust, in th& 
 clearest manner. 
 
 After demonstrating, in his peculiar manner, the diminu- 
 tion of 65,ooo of the population of Mauritius j the ' ' Reporter^ 
 finds it necessary, to account for the same number actually 
 being in existence. To him, this is an easy task ; — " lmpor- 
 fation " ! — That ominous word Importation smooths every 
 difficulty. In no other way, he asserts, is it possible to 
 
 * This yj?$ about the number of Sugar Planters ttUo possessed 
 •States, of Moderate value, in Mauritius, at the time. 
 
«i plain tlie above phenomenon ; therefore, by his logic \vc 
 musl conclude that noihing short of imn.ense importations 
 can solve the question. 
 
 Jlow, it is not more difficult to believe in the perfect 
 quiescence of all ranks, who form the governing portion of 
 a Colonial population : — executive, legislative, judicial, civil, 
 and Military ; — witnessing the introduction of G5.ooo slaves r 
 than it was to tale for granted the massacre of the same 
 number in cold blood Such imports tions would shew much 
 disinterestedness on the part of the naval squadrons on the 
 • t.tfon, as well as of the administrators; for, had these 
 sLrcs been seized, the reward, at an average of L i5, per 
 head, would h*ve amounted t<» nearly one Million sterling, for 
 the benefit of th« Captors; who, doing no more than their 
 tljly, — which, if neglected, would subject them to bring 
 broke and disgr.< ceil ; — must have gained a high reputation, 
 and, in a short time, have become as rich as even avarice 
 could desire : for the se;is must haw been covered with 
 slave ships many of which might have been captured. 
 
 The Governors, durng these si\ tears, might also have 
 shared between them half of the bounties; which would 
 have amounted to several millions sterling, besides the 
 penalties. The Court of Admiralty, it's Registrar, Deputy. 
 _;Utrar and Marshal ; the Attorney General ; the Advocate 
 ' ncral; the King's Proctor and other Proctors • criers and jailers 
 etc. ; without reckoning the suite of my Lords Commis- 
 sioners of '• Ojper and Terminer", must have willingly united, 
 for sir years, in renouncing their legal fees, amounting to 
 several millions of dollars ; but whence comes the money to 
 pay for the (J5.ooo negroes, supposed to have been imported, 
 it could hardly be required from the farmer*, who, in their 
 singular Sunday occupation had already expended a sum 
 of .hmt sir millions sterling :— it could not be advanced by 
 the meiclian's. who lost two millions sterling in the fire of 
 Port Louis, and were reduced to poverty ; aiA it could not 
 
rr 
 
 he expected that, like the treasury of Rome which paid fee 
 those destined to become the victims of the gladiators , tin 
 colonial Government of Mauritius would furnish millions fo* 
 the purchase of negroes, who were to he exhibited weekly 
 to their companions, writhing under torture, and in tha 
 agonies of death. Besides, a few minor points might appear 
 obstacles in the way of common commercial reasoner:* 
 An average voyage for Negroes, when the slave trade was 
 legal, and encouraged with all facilities, appliances, and 
 means to boot, could not be made in less than foaa 
 nion lbs 5 — whence comes the shipping then, for the trans- 
 port of these 65,ooo men from Africa and Madagascar Lo 
 Mauritius. This shipping, according to the "Reporter's ''' 
 jparty , was composed of small schooners. Higginson and 
 Xendrick, two of the select witnesses of tho member for 
 Weymouth, swore to the identity of a schooner belonging 
 to me of 1 4 tons burthen : now, granting two men for each 
 ton, with the five sailors who formed her crew : such a 
 vessel would have required to have made six or seven vo^ 
 yages a day without interruption, during six years j — and 
 each voyage of several thousand miles j — - to have imported. 
 the above number of Slaves. However, the " Reporter" and 
 his party may reconcile this difficulty, in the way Higginson t 
 did, in his testimony against me,, before the " Select Com- 
 mittee " of the House of Commons ; when he stated, thai 
 ?.25 tons was the Cargo he had seen landed, from the said 
 vessel of i£ tons burthen. 
 
 I learned, with pleasure, that the pages of the <l Reporter''* 
 had been industriously circulated, by some of the society of 
 which he is the organ. j and that copies were sent, gratui- 
 tously to every member of the legislature j because I knew^ 
 that the House of Commons;. — not less enlightened than in 
 1826, when the lt Select Committee " had to listen to dis- 
 gusting details of subornation and perjury, offered as evi- 
 dence, ox* similar subjects, against innocent individuals^;— 
 
V 
 would render me justice. Therefore, I resolved to awaU 
 ia silence the decision of time. X perceived, however, 
 that not only my position but that my accuser was changed* 
 He was no longer known ; nor was the matter to 
 be discussed by my equals in fortune, rank, and cha- 
 racter; — before whom, ray name had already been tradu- 
 ced, and my conduct absolved, in the records of Parliament, 
 By other forma,, or rather in the absence of all forms j — as 
 at the bar of a revolutionary tribunal; — my name was again 
 brought before the public by a concealed accuser, at the 
 distance of 12,000 miles ; — my crimes were described to be 
 of a nature unknown before, and, without date or proof, ray 5 
 character was consigned to infamy, at least until my justi- 
 fication could appear. The "Reporter's" lucubrations were 
 not, like the reports of the legislature, destined to limited ch> 
 cuLuiou among the highest class of society, who were ca- 
 pable of judging ; but they were issued from the press, in 
 a form, and at a price, no* dissimilar, to <( dying Speeches" 
 and "penny Ballads " ; and as likely, to be hawked about the 
 streets, to impress the lower orders, (to whose meridian of inteU 
 lect atone they appear adapted ), with the conviction, that I 
 was a murderer of no common stamp. I saw afterwards, and 
 very unexpectedly, that even periodicals of estimation , in 
 England, quoted,, and reasoned on the pages of the "Reporter* 
 as solemn truths; and that their statements were re- published 
 in the Journals of India. I also observed them favorably no- 
 ticed, even by the Editor of *' The New Monthly Magazine"; 
 a man of distinguished intellect, of excellent character, and 
 of high rank in Society ; the productions of whose pen, both, 
 in poetry and prose, I have always admired. Hence I was 
 forced to conclude, that, however drivelling were the charge? 
 of the '* Reporter" ; yet, upon those, to whom I was totally 
 unknown, they were calculated to produce the worst effects. 
 In a word, by his mischievous exertions, I saw my charac- 
 ter spreading over the world, with stains- of the deepest 
 
degradation. I could no longer loot op, iu contemptuous 
 €ilence, without injury to my name, which has never until 
 now been obtruded, by myself, on the public. I then, for 
 the first time , seriously looked into the sheets of the 
 " Reporter? containing accusations against Mauritius, and 
 myself. Had the author given one redeeming fact, one 
 observation, one argument, calculated to benefit the Slave , 
 or to accelerate his physical, moral, or religions improvement, 
 I should have been disposed patiently to meet the obloquy 
 lavished on me j because, something would have been done 
 towards the completion of my favorite object, thro' a long 
 period of life, the bettering of the condition of the Slave. 
 
 Had I been actuated by the love of fame, and had called 
 the attention of the public to my actions; my name, and my 
 measures would then have been fair objects of criticism j 
 and I should have had no reason to complain of the greatest 
 severity, not even of persecution ; because, at all times, and 
 in all places, it has been excited against those, who have 
 been seduced, by the dangerous ambition of being, inscri- 
 bed among the benefactors of the human race. Nor, should 
 I have repined at being pursued by envy, ignorance, fana- 
 ticism, and falsehood, for the " ad- valorem'' duty, levied 
 on the characters of public men j but I had carefully abs- 
 tained from so incautious a step ; I had bounded my mea- 
 sures to my own narrow circle j — my efforts were made in 
 the privacy of domestic life ; — my grand object was to make 
 one practical step in a boundless career of improvement: — 
 I neither preached, nor published ray doings ; — indeed, far 
 from inviting publicity, I have shunned it ; as my letters to 
 the Missionary Society in London will prove. I have, there- 
 fore, been unfairly attacked in my dwelling ; dracged be- 
 fore the public ; denounced as a monster of cruelty j and 
 put upon my defence for crimes the most abhorrent to m^ 
 nature. In my -case, every feeling has been outraged, in 
 the- House of Commons by the Member for Weymouth, in 
 
1825 ; andiow by tho anonymous " Anti-Slnvery Rqwrter" '. 
 In justice to mvsc'.f , my family, an 1 friends ; to the British 
 Government whose servant I am ; to the different Governor 
 of this Colony who have honored me with their friendship - 9 
 ;ind more especially to the British Public, I cannot longer 
 remain in obscurity and silence. I am already at the bar of the 
 public j and from. them I expect a verdict that will cover 
 my accusers with sharac ; and, perhaps, will hasten the an- 
 nihilillm of that fraternity of which they appear to I.* 
 $9ni'enier:t members. Lucky would he such a result fur 
 the cause they ostensibly advocate ; — * happy for the Slave 
 who would thus be relieved from one great obstacle to his 
 moral and religious melioration, which must pre cede his right 
 to freedom ; — kappy for tlie Master who would feel 6ecu-< 
 r/ty among men instructed in the truths of morality au 1 
 religion, instead of beings immersed in hiatal ignorance. 
 Then, I should scarcely regret being exposed to the attack 1 
 because I should have a return for my labors. It would highly 
 gratify me, to see that the sphere of mutual toleration, af- 
 fection, and attachment; — the only effectual means of oh* 
 Uining these ends; — continue to enlarge, and to embrace 
 the bond and the free, until they were accomplished : for 
 nothing desirable is to be achieved by the efforts of those 
 who preach up haired, suspicion and distrust, in order,, 
 violently to break the chain that binds, for common 
 good, the highest to the lowest. 
 
 I am compelled, ir: this appeal to the British Public, 
 to give some account of ray Iifo, and of many private 
 affairs and domestic arrangements, as the host refutation 
 of tbe unprovoked calumnies with which my character 
 bas keen anonvrao.sly assailed. 
 
 I hare served his Majesty, without interruption, in 
 Europe, Asia, and Africa, for tbe last thirty -t WO Years ; 
 having fettered the medical department of the navy in 
 '727» under «»y fiieod Captain Duff, who ?ras kii . 
 
Trafalgar. In 1808, I accompanied the late Admiral Bertie, 
 the Naval Commander in Chief, to the Cape of Good 
 Hope, where I lived with bis family, and in charge of the 
 naval hospital on that station. While thus situated, the 
 frequently intercepted correspondence between the French 
 Establishments to the Eastward of the Cape, were, from 
 time to time, communicated to me by the Admiral. 
 
 In 1809, I embarked from the Cape with Sir Josias 
 Rowley for the blockade of the French islands j and I 
 sent the information collected on the spot regarding Mauri- 
 tius, Bourbon, and their Dependencies, to the Naval Com- 
 mander in Chief j hy whom it was forwarded, by every 
 opportunity, to the Lords of the Admiralty in England,* 
 and to the Governor General of India. The consequence 
 was, that two expeditions, for the conquest of the French 
 islands, were fitted out simultaneously, by the Indian Go- 
 vernment andby order of His Majesty's Ministers j and my me- 
 moirs and correspondence formed part of the instructions 
 sent by those supreme authorities to the military and naval 
 Commanders of the expeditions. 
 
 Bourbon was taken in July 18 to, and, immediately, I 
 was appointed, under the title of Civil Assistant at St. Paul's, 
 by Governor Farquhar, to execute the administrative duties 
 of one half of that Island j and particularly to enter into 
 the practical details of every measure which had a refe- 
 rence to the army and navy. Under this Department, 
 measures were matured, and forces arranged, for the capture 
 of Mauritius. Sir Josias Rowley, who is at present in En- 
 gland and who then Commanded the Naval forces, can 
 attest the nature of my duties in the situation I held in 
 1810 and 1811 ; duties, to which the commander of the 
 Forces, at the time, was pleased to allude in the following 
 terms, in 1614. 
 
 a fiver since my knowledge of you, your conduct at 
 St.-'Paul's, was the pride, and admiration, of Rowley, Bertie, 
 
IX 
 
 and myself, and ever? naval and military officer, at that 
 time employed on the busy scene. 
 
 Similar unsolicited attestations, from all the superiors 
 wi'h whom I had the honor to act, are in my possession ; 
 but it is unnecessary to intrude them upon the public. 
 They may he considered superfluous, for the Government 
 appointments, which I have uninterruptedly held since the 
 same period, are the best vouchers of my public services. 
 
 I« the " Anti- Slavery Monthly Reporter", mv private life 
 and character are chiefly attacked ; and, therefore, I am 
 called on to say a few words on these heads. 
 
 My early education, under the immediate eye of Dr. Bruce, 
 (*; and the completion of my studies, under the late Professor 
 Pugald Stewart, were not calculated to produce a partiality* 
 for Slavery, nor a delight in cruety. 1 have been, and still 
 am, a colonial proprietor to a considerable extent; and it will be 
 seen, that my colonial life has not been useless to the Slave, 
 
 My situation, indeed, is singular The only reproachy 1 have 
 experienced in this Colony, was, — That the measmes I put 
 in practice. Jor the improvement of my Slai>es, were cal- 
 culated to produce a rapid, hazardous, and fearjul reifo- 
 lution. Some of the Planters complained, that I was ad- 
 ding the irresistible power of intellect to the preponde- 
 rating physical force of the Negros, and sad consequences 
 were predicted j while, on the contrary, my anonymous as- 
 sii'ant, in London, contends, that my efforts have tended 
 to brutalize and to destroy the slave population. 
 
 If the measures lately adopted by His Majesty's Govern- 
 ment, and now in progress in the Colonies, for bettering 
 ate of the slave population, are meritorious ; is it 
 tut the person who singly adopted, if he did not 
 e measures ; and who has been diligently putting 
 them in practice at Mauritius, during a long series of years, 
 
 (*) Author of •« Treatise on the Ik-iug and atuihula* of God" and 
 o/-tiic/r work*. 
 
before they were attempted elsewhere, and using his influence 
 to spread them in all directions, should become the promin- 
 ent object of the censure of a party, who profess similar 
 aims, and to pursue them under the banners of Religion ? 
 But, after the " Reporter" has exhausted his invectives 
 against Mauritius, and paraded his sensibility and concern 
 for the fate of the Slave , he has evinced much want of 
 tact and prudence, by an open declaration of the grand 
 object in view, from the beginning to the end of his la- 
 bors. A short explanation may shew what appears to have 
 put his pen in motion. Let facts alone speak, and we 
 shall detect the selfishness which alloys the philanthropy 
 of the ". Reporter" and his party, in assailing this Colony. 
 
 The sugars of Mauritius, long unheard of in Europe, have, 
 fur some years past, been advancing rapidly in amount, and 
 entering into rivalry in the London market. The Repor- 
 ter's lament appears to be the prosperity to which Mau- 
 ritius has attained, by the act of justice rendered, by His 
 Majesty's Government, in admitting it to the same rights 
 that are enjoyed by other sugar colonies *. He says, in allud- 
 ing to statements falsely called facts : tl and it was in the 
 face of many of these facts, then accumulated at the 
 Colonial offiVe ; and in despite of the loudest protesta- 
 tions and remonstrances on the part of those who be- 
 lieved but were not then in a capacity absolutely to prove the 
 enormities since brought to light, that Government propo- 
 sed, and Parliament consented, to give, by fiscal encourage- 
 ment and protection, an increased impulse to the cruel 
 and sanguinary cupidity of the planters, or rather pirates of 
 the Mauritius. Is not this a national crime of the very deep- 
 est dye? Under all the circumstances of the case, are not 
 tbeir crimes ours'} Are we not partakers in their guilt"? 
 He again observes **, and yet it was to this Colony, tnis 
 
 ——————— — ^— i i ■ i n -i. .1 !■ ' ' ■■ ' — ^ 
 
 (*) Vide p. p. 386, 394. N° 44, Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter. 
 (**) Page 480 Oriental Herald. March 1829. 
 
Mauritius, tills Human Slaughter-house, that in die ve-y 
 year of iSiS, the Government and Parliament of England, 
 persisted, in spile of every remonstrance, by relieving the 
 sugar of the Mauritius, from the protecting duty, whick- " 
 they continued to levy on the free grown sugar of Indi^ 
 to give a new stimulus to the growth of sugar in that 
 Colony, and to that multiplication of murders in whick 
 it could not fail to issue ; the case must be searched into, 
 it is a case of Blood ". Translate all this into the "busi- 
 ness like every djty language " of common life j divest it 
 of declamation; and take the gist of the statement. It is 
 simply this ; — The B. itish Government was not prevented, 
 by pretended fticts of unspeakable atrocities falsely attri- 
 buted to a few inhabitants of this island ( and unproved* 
 Le cause incapable of proof, never having existed), from doing 
 an act of justice to the whole population, bond and free, 
 by giving unfettered scope to industry ; and by removing 
 a blot in the Colonial system. A contrary conduct would 
 have b"en unworthy of an enlightened n ition j would have 
 pei*petualed misery and penury among innocent men, who 
 bad been adopted as subjects of British sovereignty, not to 
 ruin, but to raise, them in the scale of freedom and pros- 
 perity ; and would, in degrading the master, have injured, 
 in equal ratio, the Slave ; for they must rise or fall to- 
 gether : —the links that bind them together admit of no other 
 alternative, whatever value, the "Reporter" may put ou 
 Lis efforts to snap them asunder. 
 
 Satisfied with the practical plan which suits my capacity, 
 in studying and essaying the analysis and the combination of 
 such ul portion; of human happiness as fall within. 
 
 my sphere ; I should l>e glad to have done with the disgust- 
 ing pages of the "Reporter", and his wholesale \\< -w-fangled 
 phil mthropy. That such elementary attempts at moral improv- 
 ement may j — like experiments on minute grains of matter 
 in chemical science - t — produce unexpected results, is to 
 
be inferred from the extensive effects of the circumscribed 
 system -which I have endeavoured to develope, during the 
 last twenty years ; effects which may he shortly enumerated. 
 Within that period, the yearly exportable produce of Mauritius, 
 from being null, has gradua'ly approached to 3o,ooo tons of 
 Sugar :— the annual revenue of the colony, from this sugar, has 
 encreased from L.ffii to L. 3o,ooot — the surplus weaUh add- 
 ed to the island from it's soil exceeds three millions sterling: — 
 the quantity of British manufacture imported in exchange 
 is still greater than that amount: — and, His Majesty's revenue, 
 m England, from the Customs on our produce, has risen from 
 L 18,000 to L. 800,000. This prosperity is to be attributed 
 solely to our having called into action the intelligence of man, 
 in preference to his merely physical powers. Thus the Slave has 
 been raised, in many respects, to the rank of a European 
 labourer j and he often possesses greater comforts, while his 
 irksome toil has been changed into an easy task ; — indeed, 
 nine tenths of human labour have been replaced by eighty 
 steam engines and sugar mills ; by implements of agriculture, 
 of all kinds j and by beasts of burden of which not less than 
 3o, 000 have been imported within five jears, and nearly 
 1 1,000 since January 1829. The religious, moral, and physical 
 condition of the Slave has also advanced more rapidly, 
 and already has attained a greater elevation, than in any 
 other colony, during an equal time, or among any people em- 
 erging from the same level in the scale of civilization j and, 
 it is cheering to add, that this rapid career of improvement 
 continues uninterrupted. The impulse originally given by Sir 
 Robert Farquhar, and continued by the worthy Governors who 
 have succeeded him, could only be repressed by the prevalence 
 (which may God forbid) of the demoralizing plans of parly, who 
 ignorantly or knowingly "do evil that good may come "; and 
 under whose banners, nameless assassins of character, — prosti- 
 tuting the piess to defamation and indecency:— preach anarchy, 
 jobbery of colonial properly, and the proscription of it's owners, 
 
Xnj 
 
 The Appendix contains matter more interesting to the 
 Puhlic, than any defence of myself, or even of this Colony, 
 i allude to the experimental researches, made with a 
 view to the solution of the great problem of ultimate and 
 general Negro Emancipation. This task could only have 
 been undertaken by a person holding extensive property 
 and an influential station in colonial society. The principles 
 in which it should be attempted were thus laid down 
 by my earliest master " We should study to imitate that rule 
 of Providence which combines pleasure with duty, and 
 which renders the services we require from others, as easy 
 and pleasant as possible. We should avail ourselves of every 
 natural propensity and artificial advantage, to allure men 
 to tleir duty, before we resort to privation or coercion. 
 We should make men comfortable and happy, preparatory 
 to rendering them virtuous j instead of compelling them to 
 ^ct virtuously, that they may, by the practice of their 
 duty, become happy j and while the performance of the latter 
 is made easy and agreeable, to let suffering come of itself, 
 as the consequence of neglect or transgression. " * 
 
 In regard to punishments, it will be seen that the Negros, 
 judged by their peers, were on a better footing than the la- 
 bouring i lasses at home ; where a man may be committed to 
 prifOB for an offence, six months before he can he brought to 
 trial at the as.si/.es and thus, however innocent, be exposed 
 to the vicious contagion and misery of a jail. Following 
 the precepfl of the Gospel, which requires masters to 
 'i ir Servants and Slaves with kindness j to pro* 
 for the speedy t< q of dispute! ; to incul- 
 
 and the reparation of injui 
 while, on the oilier hand, the duties of suhn.i Bion, dili- 
 and fidelity an ml SUvei to their 
 
 masters, a men < • md equitable plan for the adminis. 
 
 o/j (Ac Bung ami 'Attribute* <>J C< U. " by 
 AV . L.uce, D. D. 
 
tration of justice was established at Belornbre. The proprietor, 
 or the manager, was the Magistrate, ever ready on the spot im- 
 mediately to discharge the innocent, moderately to correct 
 the delinquent, and to prevent imprisonment, except as 
 a punishment of convicted and recorded guilt. 
 
 It will be seen that my Slaves had, and have, better food 
 and more abundantly supplied, better clothing and less occasion, 
 for it, better colleges, better bedding, better furniture, more 
 recreations, and more money, than the home labourer, and not 
 one third of his work) thatlhey are not like the latter class 
 oppressed by starving families, but that, the benevolent mon- 
 archy wish of u a fowl for every peasant's Sunday pot," was, and 
 is, more than realized in their favour, as well as that still higher 
 aspiration of our lale beloved Ring, that each cottage might 
 have a bible , and an inmate who could read it to the family. 
 
 If poverty, misery, and crime be the necessary conse- 
 quences of each other, there must be less of this interwoven 
 mass, where physical want is unknown. But if the efforts 
 of the an ti - colonial party continue zealously to multiply 
 prohibitions and restrictions on the industry of the Planters 
 and their people, pauperism may be the result of that per- 
 verted philanthropy, which seeks to better the condition of the 
 Slave, by means which diminish the general wealth, on which 
 he depends for subsistence. 
 
 One of the most profound thinkers of our days, * and one of 
 the most enlightened advocates of Negro Emancipation, shews, 
 that numberless advan tages to the Negros, as well as to the state, 
 arise, by allowing Planters the same liberty in the cultivation 
 and sale of their sugar, as the landed iutcrest enjoy in the 
 
 * John Wheatley Esrjr., whose Works on Political Economy have 
 thrown " a flash of light " over the real sou* ces of national greatness,, 
 and developed the means of attaining it. To this unquestionable wit- 
 ness, and to those of his rank and intellect, who have visited my estates, 
 I might, With pride, appeal, for evidence of wkatllicy have seen o£ 
 tlw treatment aud condition of my Slaves. 
 
Xf 
 
 cultivation and sate of their corn j — that there is no reason 
 why one body should not have the same privileges as the 
 other j — and that what their own interest does not prompt 
 them to do, they ought no more to be compelled to do, 
 than the country Gentlemen should be compelled to do what 
 their own interest does not prompt them to, "He adds," 
 u They ought not to be subjected to the existing restrictions, 
 even if it could be proved that the public were benefitted by 
 them, as the public have no right to injure any set of men, 
 or any iudividual, for their own good j but when it is evident, 
 that the public suffer precisely in the same proportion in 
 which the planter suffers, it is not only unjust to impoverish 
 the planter, but it is as impolitic as it is unjust, an i as illiberal 
 as it is impolitic. Almost every planter is more or less indebted 
 to his merchant, and as the consignements now sell, from 
 the diminution of the currency, for little more than enough to 
 pay the island ch trges and the interest, of their debts, the plan** 
 ters have scarcely sufGcientfor the ordinary expenses of life. 
 But it L> aj, iiicumb nt on Government to see ihem righted, 
 as to see the farmers and manufacturers righted." This 
 may be effected, in a great degree, by putting down that 
 unconstitutional combination, which raises a renteven from the 
 lowest classes of society, for the purposeof applying the aggre- 
 gate amount to the ruin of the Colonists; and by removing 
 that restriction on the consumption of sugar, as a necessary o( 
 life, which results from the heavy war-duly continued during a 
 time of peace. Such an act of justice would add greatly 
 to the comforts of the lower classes at home, as well as, from 
 encreased importation, give employment to more shipping, 
 and in all probability encrease the gro3S amount of the iin^o 
 rial revenue, as it cert.iinly would that of the colonies. 
 
 It has been very paiuful for me to speak so much of myself ; 
 and nothing but the necessity in which I am placed, by my name- 
 less slanderer, could justify to my own feelings, the breach 
 of taste which I commit, in referring to the unsought and 
 
IV) 
 
 respectable testimonials in the Appendix. They are selected 
 from a mass of a similar description. I have sometimes 
 curtailed them of what would have been mere repe- 
 tition, as well as of much that is laudatory of myself, or vitupe- 
 rative of my assailant j but I am not the less sensible of the 
 warmth of Reeling which dictated the expression of the 
 senti nentF/ of the writers. 
 
 It would be ungrateful on this occasion not to notice, that 
 to every successive Governor, appointed by His Majesty, 
 this Colony has been indebted for obtaining some signal act 
 of justice, besides many other favors. To Sir BobertFARQUHAp., 
 Bart, its obligations are innumerable; but the chief of them 
 are the suppression of the Slave Trade, and the facilitating 
 of Emancipation. During the year 1810, the number of Slaves, 
 enfranchised was fourteen, whereas, in the first year of his 
 Government, His Excellency emancipated Six Hundred and 
 Ei 'ghi y- j 'our Blacks, and gave liberty to Eight Hundred more, 
 by enrolling ihem in the Bourbon Begiment. These facts 
 speak volumes. 
 
 fHio General John Dalrymple, Mauritius owes much, for 
 the zeal and promptitude he displayed in restoring the insti- 
 tutions on which it's security had been grounded. 
 
 To General Darling, the Colony is obliged for the intro- 
 duction of machinery free of duty, in order to supersede 
 manual labour, aud also the removal of many restrictions. 
 To Sir G. -Lowry Cole, is due the completion of a perfect 
 Census of the Slave Population of this island , rendering 
 Slave-Dealing in it impossible 5 — the removal of the rui- 
 nous restrictions on the introduction of it's produce into 
 England j — and the establishment of a legislative Council. 
 
 To the Ladies of the above-named Governors respectively, 
 Mauritius lies under deep obligations, for attending to the 
 religious education of the lower classes, ever since the year 
 181 1 j when the distribution of the Bible was first begun by ^ 
 Mrs. KtATirtG, the Lady of the Lieut. Governor of Bourbon. 
 
ANONYMOUS CHARGES. 
 
 From the materials contained in the 44 1 ^* ^° °* tne 
 44 A ati - Slavery Monthly Reporter' 11 , I have drawn up, in 
 their natural order, the charges adduced, by the anonymous 
 writer, ostensibly against the Planters of Mauritius in gene- 
 ral -j but, by insinuations and implications, evidently address- 
 ed to me in particular* For the sake of perspicuity, and 
 the facility of reference, in answering these charges, I have 
 also, oftener than once, brought together scattered paragraphs 
 and sentences bearing upon the same points ; but I have 
 religiously copied the above named periodical vetbatim 
 ct literatim, and even followed it's system of punctua- 
 With the above views, the charges are also numbered, 
 as well as the cases of cruelty cited as having occurred at 
 Belombre. 
 
 General Treatment of Slaves in the Mauritius. 
 1st. Huts. — " Their ( the Blacks') huts were usually of the 
 meannestand most miserable description, pervious to theweath- 
 ■ nd so small as scarcely to affor-J space for the seven or 
 eight human beings, who were frequently crowded into 'each, 
 to extend themselves at full length on the floor. " p. p. 
 379. 38o # 
 
 a d . Clothing.-*** As to clothing, the field slaves in ge- 
 
(2) 
 
 aeral hart very little *, the men none beyond a Land round 
 tlic waist, and the women very little more, except what 
 they sometimes obtained by prostitution j the drivers and 
 headmen alone formed an exception, " p. 379. 
 
 3d. Beds. — 6i They (the Mocks ) had no bedding, not 
 even a mat given them, much less a rug or a blanket, to 
 repose upon at night. They commonly lay down to sleep ou 
 the bare and often wet ground." p. 379. 
 
 ^th. Food. — " Over night his food was usually delivered 
 out to each slave for the following day..** It commonly con- 
 sisteJ of three pieces of baked manioc ( cassada ) of the size 
 and appearance of muffins, and which in the Mauritius go 
 by the name of li Manioc Cakes. " This food is described 
 2iot ouly as unpalatable, and also unsatisfying in its nature; 
 but as extremely insufficient in quantity, more especially 
 when the continuity and intensity of the labour exacted 
 from the Slaves is considered j the day's allowance biiug 
 often barely enough for a single good meal. It was prepar- 
 ed beforehand in order to save the time which it would 
 require to prepare it if it were given to the slaves in its 
 raw state, and because it 'became less necessary to allow 
 them a cessation of labour in order to their eating it. It 
 might be eaten while they continued at work. This wretch- 
 ed and scanty aliment was eked out by drinking hrge 
 quantities of water, which distended their stomachs ; ;nd 
 by eagerly devouring, at the risk of punishment, every spe- 
 cies of disgusting offal and carrion which came in their way, 
 and it was considered as the fruitful source, combined with 
 
 (*) " The most we hear of (says the Editor ) was two yards o£ 
 Very coarse calico in ibe year". 
 
 •(**) "It was (adds the Editor) sometimes given out for several 
 days; and sometimes a few watery potatoes of the island -Tvere sub- 
 stituted, which were still less-nouiisluog". 
 
(3) 
 "tbeirharc! labour, of those dysenteries which were constant- 
 ly sweepng so niauy of them into a premature grave ". p p t 
 
 5th. Labour. — "'On most estates the slaves were summon- 
 ed to their work, in the morning, by the cracking of 
 tlie drivers* whips, hut on some of the larger estates they 
 were previously roused by a great bell. On Belombre estate 
 the hell was generally rung at throe in the morning, some- 
 times earlier, but seldom later, and they continued to work, 
 Without any interval for breakfast, and with only the interval 
 already described for dinner, until so late in the evening as 
 o'clock, and, on light nights, even an hour or two 
 la er. 
 
 The da'ly Lib mr exacted from >hom ( tbe Blatks ) ex- 
 tended to from sixteen to nineteen hours in the day, even 
 •out of crop. No lime was allowed them for breakfast, * the 
 ; of a Manioc cake requiring no respite from work. For 
 d nnvr the Stives bad nominally two hours allowed them, 
 but in this time they had to cut a bundle of grass or wood 
 ; ic master, v. !.> <•'<, on leaving off work at night, they 
 bad to deliver at his ho- so This wood or grass was frequent- 
 ly difficult to be obtained, and a large proportion of the 
 two ho-rs was, then fore, often spent in obtaining it, so 
 that the period of repose was liable to be abridged by half 
 an hour, or even an hour or more. 
 
 In the time of crop the Slaves retired from the field some- 
 earlier than at other times, in order to take their turn 
 of lat) Dg the night in the manufacture of sugar. If 
 
 fell asleep during their spell of night labour, they 
 • t<> he severely flogged ; but sometimes, so irresis- 
 was their drowsiness, that their hands were apt to be 
 
 ( * ) r slate* in a note, that, " On some estates the prae* 
 
 Hc« differed. on this point". 
 
(*> 
 
 drawn into the mill along with the canes, and completely 
 crushed and mangled" *. P. P. 3;8, 379 and 38o. 
 
 6'U Punishments. — " While the Slaves were at work, they 
 were followed by drivers, and were continually receiving 
 blows and lashes, and were even occasionally taken out from 
 the line and punished with twenty or thirty lashes, and then 
 sent back to work. But these occasional inflictions were scarce- 
 ly regarded in the light of punishment, but merely of dis- 
 cipline. The regular punishments were reserved, on Belom," 
 Jbre, (a practice however, differing from that of many other 
 estates), for Sunday, a day which, there, never failed to be 
 ushered in with severe floggings. The offenders of the week 
 were reserved in chains (in which they were made to work) 
 for that day j and they were often numerous^ generally about 
 thirty, and amounting, on one occasion, to about fifty. 
 
 There was no difference in the way of punishing male 
 and female Slaves; but there were two different modes re- 
 sorted to, of punishing both. One was by erecting a frame- 
 work of three poles in a triangular form with a bar across, 
 and fastening the hands of the sufferer, by a rope, to tho 
 place where the three poles were united, his or her body 
 resting against the cross bar. The other was by placing the 
 sufferer prone on the face on the ground, or on a ladder, his £?t 
 her hands, if on the ground, being held extended by four 
 other Slaves, or firmly fastened to the ladder, as the case 
 might be Being thus placed, and the body being bared, the 
 sufferer was flogged on the posteriors, either by one driv- 
 er, or, in cases deemed more heinous, by two, one sta- 
 tioned on each side. And if the driver failed in inflicting 
 the punishment to the satisfaction of the master, he was 
 
 (*) Note by the Editor. *• It is a curious confirmation of this 
 statement, that in the list of the Slaves at Belombre, for the year- 
 1819, printed by the House of Commons, on the 1st. of May 1827, 
 N° j$$, vre find three of the Slaves described as *' estropios des dcax. 
 mains", — *' emulated in both hands". 
 
(*) 
 iiable hiin$elf to be made to change places with the offend 
 er. The instrument with which the puuihsment of flogging 
 was mflicted consisted either of a whip, or of the sp& rat- 
 tan ; and opinious greatly differ, as to which of these was 
 the most cruel. The whip varied in size. It's handle was 
 of wood, from two to three feet in length, and from an inch 
 and a half to two iuches in diameter j and the thong wa& 
 from six to eight feet in length, and at the thickest part, 
 from one and a half to two and a half inches in diameter, 
 tapering towards the lash or cutting part. The rattan was 
 a cane of about five feet long, split into two or three parts 
 from one extremity to within a foot or eighteen inches of 
 the oilier j the unsplit part serving as a handle, and the 
 rest forming a tremeudously powerful cat of two or three 
 tails. Either instrument wou'd make incisions into the flesh, 
 and lacerate It at every blow j and the sharp edge of the 
 Split rattan would sometimes diviJe the flesh like a knife. 
 Military floggiugs, numbers of soldiers testified, were nothing 
 to these. The whip was sometimes a very ponderous instru- 
 ment ; one was seen on Belomhre weighing upwards of se- 
 ven pounds. * 
 
 There appeared, in practice, to be no limit to the number 
 of lashes indicted on offenders but the discretion of the 
 master or manager. Seldom less than fifty, and often a 
 hundred or many more lashes, were given in the way of 
 regular punishment; and by this extent of infliction, the 
 parts, generally the posteriors, were always reduced to one 
 bloody mass of lacerated flesh t and to this was often 
 added the further excruciating torture of the application o£ 
 lime jucc, or salt and pepper, on the pretence of keeping 
 the wounds from festering. The punishment of a collar and 
 
 (") Note by the Editor. "The model of a moderate Mauritius 
 whip may be seen at the office "• 
 
(6) 
 «hain was often, superadded, and also of confinement in 
 the slocks, for an indefinite period, during the intervals of 
 labour, as well as during the night. The collar was rivette<J 
 On, and with the chain often worn for months. The use 
 of the collar and chain was so common that it ceased to 
 excite observation, except when the collar was adorned, as it 
 often was, with throe or four projecting prongs, the object 
 •f which was to render it difficult for the hearer to make 
 his wav, in case of absconding, either through the cane 
 pieces, or through the bushes or woods which cover the 
 uncultivated parts of the island. A further effect of these 
 prongs was to render it impossible for the wearer to extend 
 himself at full length, on the ground, for the purpose of 
 repose. The slaves so chained were for the most part con- 
 fined in the 6tocks at night. Sometimes a heavy weight was 
 attached to the chain, and sometimes they were chained 
 two and three together. 
 
 All these various punishments might be inflicted, at ihs 
 sole wi'l of the master or manager, on men, women, and 
 children alike, for any offence he might choose to deem 
 deserving of it. But the most usual occasions of the heavier 
 punishments were either the thefts, to which the slaves were 
 driven by hunger, or the flight into the woods-, to which 
 they were driven by the excess of labour, or the dread of 
 anticipated punishment. " p. p. 37B. 379. 
 
 : 7th. Marriage*—" Marriage was unknown among the 
 Slaves ; bat the most open prostitution prevail 'd universally 
 amortg the females. Ladies, so called, often hired out their 
 regresses to the soldiers, by the month, for this purpose. " 
 P. 38o. 
 
 8th. Morality and Religion. — '* The Slaves worn ge- 
 nerally excluded from all moral or religious instruction ; 
 and to teach plantation Slaves to read >vet> alircsl uncxain- 
 
f*'l 
 
 pled. Indeed, this might Le said, of the wliole Slave popu» 
 lauon " K P. 38o. 
 
 Besides the above charges adduced against me, with the 
 ■planters in general of tliis Colony, four instances -of cruelly 
 are cited as Laving occured at Bclonibrc. 
 
 « Cases of Cruelty. " 
 
 Case !"*• — u An eye witness, who resided on that estate- 
 ( Bclombrc ) for six months, saw, in the month of July,, 
 1821, a Mozambique negro brought out and placed flat 0:1 
 iC* for punishment. The person continued to look on 
 the process until i5o lashes had been inflicted, and w lhen, 
 umble any longer to endure the horrors of the scene, quitted 
 the place without having ascertained how much farther the 
 punishment was carried. " P. 38o. 
 
 Case ad. — "The same person was also an eye witness 
 ai the punishment on this estate of two young women for 
 the crime of running away. They were both advanced in 
 their pregnancy, and were both ordered to receive the same 
 punishment, although one of them had been a fugitive only 
 for one month, and the other had been two years in the 
 woods. The former iutreatcd that her punishment might be 
 
 (*) Note by the Editor. "And jot, will it be credited, that Sut 
 Robert Farqihar, in a letter to Earl Balhurst, dated the 1 alh. Oo 
 tobcr, i8i3, thus wrote: " Some paragraphs published, in f The Go- 
 vernment Gazette,' without the saucliun of Government, harmless 
 as they may appear in Europe, wctc the cause of infiuitc appre- 
 BD and alarm in this island. They were considered by the 
 Slave* (the better informed part of whom can read, and eagerly de-» 
 Vour every thing touching their own state and condition ) as a de- 
 claration of Government of their approaching liberation from all 
 duly to their masters." The paragraphs wtro indeed of the most 
 inndtiouT l.iml ; and Sir Robert might therefore without any risk 
 to the Colony, have spared the diiwredU of thil further mittlaU- 
 it ". H" a<j6 «>f SaG p, »5. 
 
delayed, at least till she was delivered, lliat Iier child might 
 not suffer as well as herself. The overseer said, that' as she 
 was so knowing as to make such a request, she should- he 
 made to suffer the more on that account. The punishment 
 of this unhappy girl then hegan, and our informant was 
 resolved to see the end of it; hut after 160 lashes had been 
 inflicted, the shrieks of the sufferer became so piercing, 
 that it was impossible any longer te endure the spectacle. 
 On returning, however, some time after to the spot, our 
 informant learnt that hoth this and the other girl had gone 
 through the whole of the punishment assigned them. They 
 had afterwards collars with projecting spikes fastened round 
 their necks, these collars being attached to each other by 
 an iron chain. " P. P. 38o, 38i. 
 
 Case 3 d . — * i Another individual who resided at Belom- 
 J>re for some time, during the years 1820 and 1821, con- 
 firms most of the general statements made above, and par- 
 ticularly the fact that the regular punishments were usually 
 administered at Belombre on Sundays. This informant of tea 
 counted the lashes, and never knew any of the offenders 
 to receive less than one hundred, excepting two youths, who 
 received about seventy each. It was common to rub salt 
 and pepper into the wounds, which it was alleged would 
 prevent them from festering, and enable the sufferers the 
 sooner both to return to labour, and to hear a repetition of 
 punishment, if it should be thought right to inflict it. The 
 pain of this application is described as excruciating". P. 38i. 
 
 Case 4th. — ei The same person states that, in the month 
 of July, 1820, being on a plantation *, he saw two Slaves 
 brought out to be punished. They were placed flat on their 
 bellies, extended on a wooden beam, to which they were 
 fastened, while two men held their J»"*«J e -rtA- i^p ' ffifjr 
 
 (*) I shall QYon grant that the informant njcant Bclomhre. T. 
 
 hand 
 
(») 
 kan. Is and two their legs, and a driver, who struck alter- 
 nately, was placed on each side of the sufferer. The whips 
 employed were unusually heavy, and 120 lashes were in- 
 flicted on each. On the following Wednesday, having occasion 
 lo go to the room used as an hospital, he saw laid out the 
 clead bodies of the fame two slaves. The wounds were 
 putrid, and sent forth a rank smell; and he afterwards saw 
 them both carried out, tied up in mats, to the burial 
 ground." p. 38 1. 
 
 4i Our informants in the above cases of cruelty have expres- 
 sed thir readiness to appear as witnesses of their truth, either 
 in a court of justice, or before a magistrate, or before a 
 Committee of the House of Commons whenever they shall 
 be called upon to do so. 
 
 But it will perhaps be said, that such atrocities as these 
 could never have been permitted, but must have met with 
 condign punishment, had they been made known to the 
 local authorities at the time. The statements we are now 
 about to submit to our readers will probably convince them 
 that such a course would have led to no beneficial results 
 as respected the slaves, seeing how often it issued in im- 
 punity to the guilty, in inconvenience to those who attempt- 
 ed to bring them to punishment, and in aggravated misery 
 to the sufferer. The instances are drawn from the official 
 records of the Colony. " p. 38 1. 
 
 i !os the preceeding particular charges and cases , the 
 
 4f«'. ,n' |"> !» Nos of the " A nd- Slavery Monthly Importer" 
 
 contain s me gcmral, vague, and awful charges, wheh are 
 
 addressed to me in common with the Planters of Mauritius, 
 
 • nerous cases of cruelty and murder are detailed as 
 
 g occurred on the estates of different proprietors. We 
 
 shall again allow the writer to make his own statements, 
 
 "Progress of Population in the Mauritius.'" 
 
 ** We shall begin wi^h an attempt, though it must of neces- 
 
(10) 
 
 sity be an imperfect one, to ascertain the probable extent 
 of the destruction of human life which has been rcgulary 
 proceeding in this colony. We might here produce the- 
 testimony of numerous living witnesses, hut this, though 
 strong and decisive, would necessarily he too vague for 
 our purpose. At present therefore we shall confine ourselves 
 to the less disputable evidence of statistical returns. 
 
 By a report from Sir Robert Barclay, the collector of 
 the internal taxes, dated November 29, 1823, it appears 
 that the slave population of the district of Port Louis, 
 amounted, in 1822, to 7456 males and 366g females, in all 
 n,i25 -j- By a return of the interments of slaves occurring 
 in this same district, during the years 18 1 5 to 1820 
 inclusive, the number of deaths amounted to 65G5, being 
 nearly at the rale of one death yearly in every ten or ele- 
 ven persons, or about ten per cent, of deaths per annum;, 
 the ordinary mortality of Europe being not more than an, 
 average, on all ages, of from two to three per cent, per 
 annum. 
 
 Now it has never been asserted, that there is any thing 
 unfavourable to negro life in the climate of the xMauri- 
 tius generally, or of the Port-Louis district in particular. 
 The contrary indeed may be proved by the returns of the 
 whole free black and coloured population of tie island 
 during nearly the same period, viz. from 1816 to 1821 in- 
 clusive. The average of the population of this class for those 
 years was 11,061.* The annual average mortality during, 
 the same six years was 2g5, being one in 3^ or 38, or 
 about 2 'h per cent. 
 
 On nearly the same number of slaves, however, in the* 
 district of Port Louis, the annual rate of mortality was. 
 1094, being little less than four times that of the free po^- 
 
 + Papers of May 3o, i8a5, N° 36 1. 
 
 C) See Papers of March 4, i8&3, If/> 89, p. 127. 
 
(11) 
 
 pula'ion of the colonv. And supposing the same rate of 
 mortality to extend over the whole slave population of the 
 island, we shall have, as the result, not less than ahout 
 7000 deaths annually, or ahout 126,000 deaths in the 18 
 years we have possessed the island : a mortality nearly equal 
 to killing off the whole of the slaves existing at any one 
 time twice told ; a number equal to which must have been 
 supplied by means of importations, and by the consequent 
 accumulation of the well-known atrocities from which alone 
 such importations could be obtained* 
 
 A farther proof of the dreadful extent of the mortality 
 prevailing among the slaves in this colony, may be drawn 
 from the < a<e of the estate of Del Ombre, belonging to 
 3Mr. Telfair, the private Secretary of Sir Robert Farquhar, and 
 the humane treatment of the slaves on which estate Sir 
 Robert, who was himself a constant visiter upon it, highly 
 extolled in the House of Commons, representing it as a 
 pattern for good management, and one of the best regu- 
 lated in the island. Now, even on this well regulated es- 
 tate, the decrease appears, from authentic documents, to have 
 amounted annually to about 12 per cent. The return for 
 1819 gives 64 deaths and 12 births on a population of 
 3^8, bring an actual decrease of 52, or i3 '/, per cent j 
 aud the return of 1825 gives 55 deaths and 16 births on 
 a population of 3^2, being an actual decrease of 39, or 
 10 •/, per cent. , or, on an average of the two periods, a 
 decrease of 12 percent. * J he mortality in the first year was 
 as high as 17 per cent, and in the second as high as i£ 
 per i ig an average of 16 per cent. 
 
 Now if this was the mortality on one of the best regulated 
 
 must it have been throughout the whole 
 
 island? Aud what must have been the continued extent of 
 
 (*) i'«per« of May 1, 1837, !¥• *85, pp. 34 io 3 9 . 
 
(1?) 
 
 importations indispensably required to maintain, as lias been 
 done in the face of this decrease, a population numeri- 
 cally almost undiminished? But even if we were to deduct 
 from this fair but frightful estimate a fourth, or a third, 
 or even a half, enough will remain to prove the terrible 
 effects of that system of coercion and privation, by which, 
 the slaves are in this colony worked and starved to death ; 
 and the unspeakable atrocity of those wholseale murders 
 which this country continues to tolerate, but which no man, 
 who has not the heart of a demon, can even think of with- 
 out emotions of indignation and horror. 
 
 And it was in the face of many of these facts, then, 
 accumulated at the Colonial office j and in despite of the 
 loudest protestations and remonstrances, on the part of those 
 who believed but were riot then in a capacity absolutely 
 to prove the enormities since brought to light, that Govern- 
 ment proposed, and Parliamaut eonsented, to give, by fiscal 
 encouragement and protection, an increased impulse to the 
 cruel and sanguinary cupidity of the planters, or rather 
 pirates of the Mauritius. Is not this a national crime of the 
 very deepest dye ? 
 
 " The whole community have of late had their feelings 
 ■violently and universally excited by a series of acts of cold, cal-> 
 culating, deliberate, bloody-minded ferocity, which have been 
 judicially brought to light at Edinburgh j and no man, who- 
 has a single spark of humanity in his frame, can view them 
 in all their dimensions of iniquity without a thrill of horroiv 
 But if, even to these appalling discoveries, we were to add 
 the deeds of Corder and Ihurtell, and of the murderers of 
 Marr and Williamson, combining with them all the mur- 
 ders which, during the last twenty years, have called down the 
 vengeance of British law en their perpetrators : we doubt 
 whether this collective mass of crime would be found greater 
 than the regular, business-like, daily march, for a like pe- 
 riod, of that system, which on many estates as well-ordered 
 
(13) 
 
 as Bel Ombre, slcadily proceeds, for ends equally sordid, 
 in so torturing and murdering, inch by inch, the cultiva- 
 tors of their soil, as that one in ten shall be regularly 
 slaughtered, every jcar, to glut the cupidity of their 
 savage owners. Wherein do the unflinching and resolute ad- 
 ministrators of such a system morally differ from the smooth- 
 tongued and remorseless villain who, in Edinburgh, is now 
 about to suffer the penalty of the law ? They differ only a s 
 it appears to us in the deeper malignity, and more heartless 
 barbarity of their conduct. And yet under all the circum- 
 stances of the case, are not their crimes ours ? Arc we not 
 partakers in their guilt ? " * 
 
 "The number of slaves imported into the Mauritius from 
 January 1821, to the end of 1826, is stated to hive been 
 i35i males, and 5i6 females, in all, 1867. ^ a ' s » however, is 
 of course an account of those only who passed regularly lb rough 
 the custom-house, and does not include the va st numbers illi- 
 citly imported. The slaves exported in the same period were 
 299 males, and 248 females, in all, 5^7- 
 
 The nu:uber of manumissions, by marriage, from the 1st.. 
 of J mnary 1821, to the JoU> of June 1826, was 245; by 
 bequest or otherwise, 199; in all 444* A. tax, amounting to 
 about L 25 sterling, appears to ha>e been exacted on most 
 of these manumission'. 
 
 By law, the marriage of whites with blacks is severely 
 
 ru lishable. If a free black marries a slave she becomes free. 
 
 Cures are forbidden to unite slaves in marriage without tho 
 
 master's consent. The maniages of slaves, from the I s '. of 
 
 >rv 1821, l« September 18^6, are stated as six in number, 
 
 li does not correspond wilh the return that mAes 
 
 (*) Vide AHX'Slavtry Monthly Reporter. Jf» 44 p. p. 3;S* 
 V3, 3 77 . 
 
(14) 
 
 the manumissions by marriage amount to nft. 
 
 The number of slaves sold under execution is i4l^> J )U * 
 as they were almost all sold with the plantations to which 
 Xkey were attached, it is impossible to ascertain the price 
 of slaves, exclusive of land, buildings, etc The price, there- 
 fore, is of a very varying and uncertain rate. 
 
 The sums raised for the relief of the poor, from the 1st; 
 of January 1821, to the 3i$ l of March 1826, amounted to 
 X 8875. 18s. 8c?. The paupers relieved were eighty-seven 
 whites, and ninety coloured persons. 
 
 The free black and coloured population is stated as follows : 
 1st of January 1821,6121 males, 69^9 females, in all, i3,o6oj 
 1st of January 1826, 7i55males, 7970 females; in all, i5,i25; 
 showing an increase of 2o65, from which, if 444> lne number 
 of manumissions in that time, be deducted, it leaves an in- 
 crease of 1 62 1 by natural means, bring at the rale of upwards 
 ©f two per cent, per annum. The births, however, in those 
 years are given as 345o, the deaths as only 1460, leaving 
 an excess of births over deaths of 1990, which, if correct, 
 would exhibit a still higher rule of iucrease, amounting to 
 2 l [ 3 per cent, per annum. 
 
 There is also an enumeration of the slave population, for 
 the six years in question, which betrays some very strange 
 facts. The total amounts of the succrsiive years beginning 
 wtth 182 r, are as follows : 66,162 : 63,099; 63,076; 
 65,037; 63,432; 62,588. If any dependence could be placed 
 on these returns, and if we could assume that there had been 
 no importations, the irregularities would still be very extraor- 
 dinary. On this point light may he thrown hereaftrr. Iu the 
 details of the above enumeration, however, we have*, as it ap- 
 pears to us, clear and irrefragable presumptions of a frightful 
 waste of human life, and of the cnnlinnnance of large im- 
 portations. In 1821 the males amounted to 58,634, the fem- 
 ales only to 7528; in 1822 the males were 55,878, the 
 females 7221 - t in 1823 the males were $7, 1^4. lne females 
 
(15) 
 
 79o3 ; in 1825 the males were 50,788, the females »2,G44> 
 ia 1826 the males were 53,682, the females 890G. 
 
 Now in 18 1 5, by actual registry, the numbers were 
 56,684 males, and 3o,668 females, being a little less than two 
 111 ics to one female : but ia 1821 the proportion was eight 
 males to one fema'e, varying little in the following years 
 from this proportion, except in 1825, when, all at once, 
 we have an increase of 5249 females, which number is as 
 suddenly decreased in 1826 by 3^38. In no possiUe way 
 we appn bend can these singular and anomalous appearances 
 be accounted for, but on the hypothesis of an immense 
 mortality and an immense importation. If the 3o,668 fe- 
 males of 181 5, were really reduced to ^528 in 1821, the 
 moratlity, independent of births, and even supposing no 
 women to have been imported, must have amounted to 23, \$cr 
 feuial s in those six yearsj and supposing a proportionate 
 number of deaths to have taken place among the 56,68^ 
 malts, it would have amounted to *bout 4^,ooo, nuking 
 a total mortality of upwards of 65, 000 buman beings it* 
 six years. We admit there may be some fallacy in these re- 
 turns, which we had not seen when the last Reporter was 
 published. Slill it is for those who have furnished su h ap- 
 palling data to give us the key to them, and to tell us how 
 the sudden increase of women in 1825, and the other 
 phenomena are tn be c*pl oned. Wc look with much anxiety 
 to the steps which Government shall lake respecting the 
 Mauritius. We mey regard it as certain that, under the 
 anomalies we have pointed out, a mass of horrors, of which 
 this country has, as yet, no conception, wil bo found hid- 
 den. And yet it was to this colony, this Mauritius, this 
 buman daughter house, that in that very )car of 1825, the 
 Government and Parliament of England persisted, in spite 
 of cserj remonstrance, by iclieving the sugar of the Mau- 
 ri t us from the protecti g duly which they continue I to 
 e?y on the free grown sugar of India, to give a new «ti* 
 
(16) 
 mulus to the growth of sugar in that colony, and to that 
 multiplication of murders in which it could not fail to issue. 
 The case must be searched into. It is a case of Blood." * 
 •* But it is time to come to particulars. We have dwelt 
 hitherto in generals. Our first illustration shall he taken from 
 the estate already mentioned — Bel Ombre. We have now 
 before us some lengthened details respecting Mauritius sla- 
 very in general, and this plantation in particular, of which 
 we shall merely give the outline. The period to which they 
 refer is the years 1821 and 1822. ** 
 
 I shall now proceed directly to the task which I have 
 undertaken j viz the refutation of the foregoing assertions 
 and allegations respecting the anonymous charges of hard- 
 heartedness, cruelty, and murder brought against me j the 
 four cases of inhumanity and crime alledged lo have 
 been perpetrated at Belombre ; and, under the title of, "Pro- 
 gress of Population in the Mauritius", the extraordinary ac- 
 cusations mixed up with the subject in question. 
 
 (*) Vide Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter, N° 4%, p. p. 43o, 
 43i and 43a. 
 
 (**) Ibidem, !N° 44* V* ^77- Vide also the details given in tliis 
 little vork, under the head "Progress of Population in the Mauritius'", 
 o«uunenciDg in the 9th page. 
 
 REFUTATION 
 
REFUTATION 
 
 OF 
 
 ANONYMOUS CHARGES. 
 
 He must Le a hold, if not a rash man, who undertakes 
 to assign actions to agents of whom he has no acquain- 
 tance, an I to d< scrih° at ihe distance of i 2,000 miles what 
 he never lxheld ; — a slate of socict\ to which he is an. 
 utter stranger. But that man is entitled lo another epithet, 
 yrUo engages, from the vague reports of persons whose 
 in -lives ,iv concealed, t»> fahricate, out of 
 1 lit discordant mater ia S, 1 riminal charges against in- 
 ( Is and communities at the other extremit) of the 
 Glohe. Betid a mistakes arising, in Mich situations, from 
 the imperfecti m of intelligeqee, and mere glimpses of the 
 r, be must receive such information as will gener- 
 ally bfl l'»uud the >cry reverse of iriuh. He may he led to 
 e that his informants are highly meritorious, wh le 
 'i rkabfo quality is unhounled profligacy j 
 and he may he Id to attack, as the pests of s < icty, 
 
 conduct and per cverance 
 
 have I 1 emarkahle for conferring 00 th - e com-i 
 
 muni' benefits in their power. Such arc 
 
 ich is th Stable nature, of the . I- 
 
 1< .-. made by the in irriterj in \h$ " -Jnti- 
 
 SUicry Momh'y Ilc/ju/tcr " agaiusL Sir lloheit i r arquhar, 
 
(18) 
 
 his friends, the Colony of Mauritius, and, rs I trust to 
 prove, more especially, of those against me individually. 
 
 During the List twenty years, Mauritius has experienced 
 many vicissitudes in it's Government and in it's fortune. 
 Under France, this island was in a state of high prosper- 
 ity, and, before it's change of sovereignty, was favoured 
 bv the Moll. er- Country in tie remission of duties on it's 
 pro luce ; as the island of Bourbon, within sight of it's 
 shores, is at present. After the capitu'adon of Mauritius 
 in 1810, the inhabitants were not only reconciled to 
 the'r new government by the benign administration of 
 Governor Farquhar, during thirteen years of unwearied atten- 
 tion to their interests j but their preference and attach- 
 ment were won to England, notwithstanding their pow- 
 erful ties of consanguinity with France ; and though the chief 
 sources of industry, of commerce, and of riches were closed 
 in a day, by the capture of all shipping, and by their 
 transfer to a foreign dominion ; while nearly all the con* 
 vertible capital of the Island was reduced to ashes at 
 Port-Louis. 
 
 In 1817, Governor Farquhar went to England for his 
 health. The printed papers of the House of Commons contain 
 the correspondence of the local Government of Mauritius for 
 *8i8. With unfeigned regret, in self defence, I am compelled 
 to refer to these documents after such a lapse of years, 
 when the remembrance of the events they detail would will* 
 kigly have been buried in oblivion ; but it is necessary 
 to shew the origin of the ealumt ies circulated in that year ; 
 calumnies that were renewed in London, in 1819 ; agai» 
 brought forward, in i825; and since, in 1829 j notwiths- 
 tanding their repeated disproval. 
 
 In the investigations which took place, at that time, in 
 Downing Street, as to what was parsing at Mauritius, it could 
 not escape the discernment of the minister that in the re- 
 ports, a distorted shape hud beoa given to every eveut. 
 
( f9) 
 
 T* - nr.d officers who bad been suspended by the local 
 
 am in i6r6, were restored to llieir j laces ; and the 
 
 Governor who succeeded, repaired to the utmost of las 
 
 pow^ih 1 e, -:• >i-s ihat had occurred. 
 
 Unprovoked as croons being propagated against me in 
 London, by persons removed from hence; the council 
 to the C .lon'al Office sent a letter of enquiry regarding the 
 i Nf to the late Chief Judge Smith, dated 24th November 
 1S20. To this letter, the judge returned an answer, on, 
 the first oC July 1821. The extract from this rep 7 y , 
 contained in the Appendix *, shews what were the calumnies 
 1 uttered in London, and the manner in which they 
 irere refuted. His testimony was the more valuable because 
 Jie passed most of his leisure hours at JBelombre, from the 
 year 1818, till his death, in August 1823. That talented 
 and accomplished Gentleman, after having been Chief Judge 
 IB different islands in the We 1/ ludies, w as selected for the 
 exercise of the highest judicial fum tions at Mauritius, on 
 account of his zeal, ability, and moral courage in putting 
 into severe execution, the laws fur the abolition of the S\«\'e 
 Trade j and, moreover, he was chosen at the express in- 
 • lance of that party in Parliament which had triumphantly 
 accomplished the abolition of the s'ave trade. 
 
 Tranquillity being restored, the internal prosperity of the 
 
 Island began to revive ; and ministers did every thing in 
 
 t r power, by successive order ; in Council from year to 
 
 year, to promote il f s commerce ail induary. In 18.'. j, the 
 
 ,ht before Parliame t with the view of ena- 
 
 g ihe Colony lo profit by its resources ; and Mauritius 
 
 on lh s account, b< cair.r tin: objfiQt I ■ »' i\ newel attacks on the 
 
 part of it'* calumuiators. The legislature, in 182.5, fin.dly 
 
 developed a wider scope of prosperity, by rcmo ing com. 
 
 ictioos wl ted a badge of ion- 
 
(20) 
 
 ^uest on Mauritius ; it's produce was placed on the footing 
 of that of other British Colonies and admitted to horn© 
 consumption. Since this act of justice was rendered, the island 
 has been the butt of unceasing persecution, both in and out 
 of Parliament. The member for Weymou.h was led in that 
 year, without previous notice, to make a personal attack, ia 
 the House of Commons, upon Sir Robert Farquhar and some of 
 his successors in the Government of Mauritius, and also on. 
 myself. This attack was chiefly grounded upon testimony col- 
 lected by a discarded officer of po-i c of Port- Louis, who 
 bad tampered with Uieginson and Ken<!rick : the one 
 a sergeant, and the other a corporal, broken to the ranks, 
 by Courts-martial : — w* o, on their discharge from the army, 
 b. ng employed as overseers of convicts, were dismissed 
 from this humble station by tie local Government, for in- 
 corrigible drunkenness and cruelty in flogging the convicts 
 under their orders. These two witnes-es, on the point of 
 departure to New south Wales, were brought up- to London 
 on official application to the Secteiaiy of State, expressly- 
 fur the purpose of giving evidei ce before the " Select Com- 
 mittee of the Home of Commons ". This Committee had 
 been appointed- in 1825, at the instance of the member 
 for Weynioiiih ; it's object was to examine fully into hi« 
 allegations, but it did not meet till the ensuing session ; 
 so that ample lime was given to mature bis plans audi 
 to marshal his witnesses. 
 
 Early in the year 182.6, the same Committee investigated; 
 our colonial affairs, under the presidency of Mr. Buxton 
 himself ; and after the examination of the evidence he 
 adduced, it's report was ordered, by the House of Com- 
 mons, to be printed on the 26th February 172$, " The 
 Committee, after having fully entered mto the verv im- 
 portant and extensive inquiry confide! to it y and rftcr 
 having expressed their satisfaction that every facility of 
 investigation had been furnished it by Govern«ueuU to 
 
f*1 
 
 ette«nall y bringing the affair to a close", published such 
 unquestionable evidence of subornation, conspiracy, and per 
 jury in the witnesses brought forward ( allho no testimony 
 was sought for the purpose of invalidating or controverting 
 the evidence thus adduced ) by the accuser, as affected even 
 the president himself, and it is said obliged him to retire 
 for a time from pub'ic life. 
 
 Hut although the champion of the party was checked by the 
 said exposure in the Select Committee*, and would no Longer 
 be it's organ, in pursuing, with such supporters as lligginson 
 vendrick, the people of Mauritius, it's Governors, and 
 myself j yet those behind the scene have not allowed the 
 material* they ha I collected, for pro-ting the alledged char- 
 ges, quietly to sink into " the tomb of all the Capulets ". 
 Having failed in finding, in high life, another orator to ad* 
 Tocate a cause so groundless, the anonymous organ of 
 the party has published the evidence, as he presumes to call it,' 
 in the u Anti- Slavery Monthly Reporter ". The upper rank« 
 having treated the first attack and it's failure with con- 
 tempt, he has now tried the effect of excitement on the 
 rabble, to whom alone such a composition could be ad- 
 dressed, with the hope of being read or believed. 
 
 Tw.i separate inquiries in Mauritius, on the same sub- 
 ject with ill *t pursued by the Committee of the House in 
 were ordere 1 to be instituted, by His Majesty's mi* 
 -•, for ascertaining the truth. Tlie first inquiry was 
 con lucted by the local Government, without the know- 
 ledge of tli« persons accused, and was held on the very 
 ii it was alledgcd the crimes had been commit- 
 rl was given into Parliament id 1827, 
 an 1 thus again unequivocal proofs were produced of the 
 of the dep >sitions made before the Lord Mayor, 
 1 r— v. rds delailed piecemeal by lligginson and 
 Kcndrick before the Select Committee. The minutes of thin 
 must conclusive evidence, and the correspondence of the 
 
local Government -with the Colonial Office regarding it, 
 were also printed, by ordor of the House on the i5th 
 February, 1827. The depositions annexed to that report 
 establish theperju y, on which the allegations against me were 
 founded, for ihoy were the sworn evidence of the very 
 persons to whose authority Higginson and Kendiick had 
 appealed for corroboration. Were it necessary to pursue this 
 subject further, a third proof of their being foresworn appcais 
 by reference to a separate source of evidence in the 
 authentic records of the public ofxices ; it was shewn, by the 
 Registers of the Police Magistrate and of the Prisons, that 
 one of the witnesses, Kendrick, was immured in jail at Port- 
 Louis, for his crimes and cruelties, at the very moment when, 
 by Lis recorded oath, he was witnessing the most atro- 
 cious infractions of the laws at Bclouibre, at a distance of 
 thirty six miles from his prison. 
 
 It might reasonably have been expected, that when those 
 flagitious perjuries ; — attacking unawares the conduct of 
 Government, and the reputations of individuals dearer than 
 life : — were a second and a third time officially and judicially 
 exposed; without the parties impugned having at any time 
 been called upon, publickly or privately, to s.jy a word on the 
 subject; — that the refuled calumnies, might have been fairly 
 attributed to their real authors, by the Gentleman who had 
 unadvisedly given them utterance in Parliament; and that in 
 his place, he mi^ht have confessed the decept'on practised 
 upon him by men, with whose principles, 1 still believe, 
 his heart feels no sympathy. In this expectation, as my name 
 had been so wantonly, irregularly, and prominently brought 
 forward, in the debates in May 1825, I add re s^d a letter * 
 to him, requesting such an avowal, as a candid man. would 
 not, and a just man could not, refuse, when convinced of his 
 error. To this request, no written reply has been received, but, 
 
 (*) Vivlc Copy of ihli letter iu the .Appeuduti 
 
the person who pr :ny letter, was tohl by [ him, tbat 
 
 he was ready to comply wilh my demand, when his mind 
 ii be satis6ed of my innocence, by the Report of His 
 Majesty's Commissionners of Inquiry j who were, at that 
 . on their passage to Mauritius. 
 The ihirl investigation was conducted by the Commis- 
 of Inquiry, Major ColcbrooL, and Mr. Blair, du- 
 ring the years 1827, and 1828. They listened to the 
 
 cnieuts mh\ grievances of every man bond or free; — investi- 
 gated all k in 1^ of ini* nnation, and received it from all quar- 
 
 . even the m st notoriously polluted. They made, in niy 
 a' seuce and a\ ithout my know edge, a special visit to Bt Ln b; c, 
 and il was the only estate in the island they did visit. They 
 instituted a correspondence with myself j the most minute 
 inquiry was made, not only regarding my public and my pri- 
 Tate conluct, hut likewise rejecting the opiuior.s I 
 m ; ght have held or expressed to the Governor, or to 
 th • public at home or abroad, fur the 18 preceding ye rs* 
 Every transaction was sifted with the most sensitive vigi- 
 lance. A person who boasted of being accredited by the m 
 and in their pay, M. Marccnay j a discarded public servant 
 who expecte I to be reinstated for his services; furnished^ 
 what he called evidence, and like his accomplice in 
 1 land, endea\oured to suborn witnesses against me. Tho 
 e . idcuce of this fact was mentioned to the Commission- 
 ners of Inquiry at Mauritius, and it exists in Europe. No 
 doubt the Report of the Commissioners will he published, 
 so that the member for Weymouth will have, I trust, no 
 further excuse for deferring the redemption of his pledge* 
 Had it baen sooner redeemed : — as it ought in fairness to 
 kave been done: — I should have been left in tranquillity, 
 anonymous attempt, by the •' Anti- Slavery 
 Beporter" to disgrace me, before the British public, would 
 ■ ever hive been made and wp ' line heard 
 
 ofisis J5o witness cb. If the Reporter had furuij>hed the uamci 
 
of these persons, it is not improbable that the "records of the 
 Police and of the regimental Courts - Martial, migbt, as in 
 the cases of Higginson and Kendrick, exhibit a statement 
 of their morality, and furnish a measure to estimate the -value 
 of their testimony j — as their names are kept secret, we may 
 judge of their credibility, by the sample already produced 
 on the same side, where the proofs of perjury were published 
 by order of Government. 
 
 The allegations of *' the Reporter", if seriously examined, 
 could lead astray none but persons of little discernment j 
 yet it is desirable that the party, to which he appears to 
 belong, should themselves be undeceived as to the con- 
 duct of those he has attacked. This party comprises many 
 who would spurn the Jesuitical maxim " of doing evil that 
 good may come ", and refuse the aid of falsehood in 
 support of their system; although they consider it's stability, 
 and success connected wiih the dearest interests of humanity. 
 To undeceive such persons by shewing that he who is 
 held forth so prominently as a monster of cruelty, was, 
 on the contrary, busily and practically engaged, at tie 
 very time the accusation is laid, in measures calculated 
 jo improve the stale of Colonial Society, is my object. In 
 doing so, it becomes necessary, however reluctant I feel 
 to speak on many points connected with domestic life, as wel] 
 as to mention circumstances and facts, which though well 
 known in Mauritius, are misapprehended by many respectable 
 individuals in Great Britain* 
 
 It is superfluous, in a matter of graver import, to notice 
 tli 3 opinion of u the Reporter ", that it is a stigma on a 
 Colonial Governor to have in his family an extensive holder 
 of colonial property; because such' a person must neccs* 
 sarily be deeply interested in upholding the very worst 
 evils of slavery; yet so many of those, to whom such a tract 
 is addressed, look to the name, and so few to the mean- 
 ing, that by the appellation of a colonial proprietor, i++l 
 
(?5) 
 
 thongh not inconsistent with the most stainless rectitude of 
 life, it is attempted to convey an impression of something 
 inimical to mo als, and injurious to society ; and when 
 such a meaning is, from illusory motives, given by those, 
 who, in the opini >n of the multitude, never act without 
 exercising their judgment , it will go far to hlast the 
 Torture and fair fame of the most innocent individual, 
 who may happen to become the subje^ of persecution. 
 Wrilings of this nature : — when the inconsistencies are such 
 as not to be discovered without that fatigue of attention 
 of which most men are incapable:— are calculated for wide 
 circulation ; they are susceptible of all the colourings of 
 fancy j they gratify the prevalent taste for prodigies and 
 chimeras ; and they satisfy the malignity, without disturbing 
 the indolence, of a portion of the reading public. The 
 refutation of such inconsistencies, dressed in the homely- 
 garb of truth, is apt to be proportionably tiresome ; only 
 the real friends of humanity can bo expect d to read it 
 through ; yet the judgment of such will more than coun- 
 terbalance the th/ought.ess censure of the frivolous and of the 
 unreflecting. 
 
 In cases of accusation the burthen of proof necessarily 
 lies with the person who nial^s it. To call upon the defen- 
 
 to prove a negative is gratuitously to throw an unne- 
 cessary, and, in most cases, an insuperable ''il'ficulty in the 
 
 of investigation. In the present question the allegations 
 ere loose and declamatory; no precise case can be made ouU 
 
 d, to look to the accuser for proof, would be to put off my 
 refutation for ever. There is no alternative, then, but for the 
 person accused without proof, to appeal to the facts and records 
 of past events; and to the principles which were indispu- 
 tably acted on at the period and pl.ee selected, and sec 
 
 far they accord with the fanciful pictures the accuser 
 
 lias exli.bitudr 
 
 4 
 
I 56) 
 
 The surest testimony that can be transmitted from distant 
 places of what has been done in times past, is that which 
 was written when the events occurred. Happily, I possess 
 a mass of such evidence as no perversity of mind can resist ; 
 and so many independent testimonies, that the only dif- 
 ficulty is to select and condense thorn into bounds not too dif- 
 fuse for perusal. Their authenticity cannot be questioned j 
 some parts were, contrary to my wishes, printed in London 
 and Edinburgh, in the very years cited by the Reporter, 
 and are thus placed beyond the reach of variation j and 
 some consist of private correspondence. Where there is no 
 point of approximation or contact between the unknown 
 accuser, and the person dragged unawares before the pu- 
 blic, there can be no effectual refutation without recurring 
 to such documents; and however unwillingly many things, wri- 
 ten in familar and friendly intercourse, are thus exposed for 
 a foreign and unpremedjated purpose, their publication will 
 be pardoned from it's necessity. To connect these testimo- 
 nies, it will be necessary once more to look back, and to take 
 a cursory view of the state and progress of this colony since 
 it became a British possession. 
 
 On my first landing, in 1811, at Mauritius, I travelled 
 over the island, and was struck with the comparative neglect 
 in which it's soil was 'eft j while Bourbon , which I had 
 just quitted, was beautifully cultivated with the hoe as a 
 spice garden. In neither of these fertile colonies, had any 
 attention been paid to the improvements in manufactures, 
 mechanics, agriculture, or chemistry, which so strikingly 
 accelerate the progress of European industry. There were not 
 wanting many distinguished inhabitants whose talents «'<nd 
 acquirements might have been exerted to improve the pro- 
 ducts of the soil, and to abridge human labor, had their 
 attention been turned to these points, lint, commerce was 
 til then almost the sole occupation for industry, enterprise, 
 and the employment of capital. The capture of all shipping, 
 
(57) 
 
 naval ami mercantile, the change of dominion, and the 
 continuance of war, threw the inhabitants out of occupation 
 for ih-ir means and industry ; the moment, was propitious 
 for turning their activity from the channel of commerce, 
 whi li was so suddenly and effectually closed, to the improve- 
 ment of the internal resources of the island. 
 
 The agricultural interests of Mauritius, and their connec- 
 tion with it's morl condition, hecame the object of my 
 uii wearied curiosity. I continua'ly added to my store of facts 
 and observations By constant attention, I hoped to 
 become thoroughly m ster of the subject of the internal 
 administration of the colonies ; — which I had never seen 
 satisfactorily treated ; — and to make a summary of their local 
 and domestic relations; containing all the knowledge which 
 the stale of science, and of the arts of the age might 
 furnish. I amassed notes respecting all that was known 
 on these topics ; all that was conjectured as useful or hurt 
 ful j indeed, all that might reasonably be anticipated in 
 the progress of colonial society. I found, on a near view 
 of the general aspect of the population, at Mauritius much, 
 to encourage me ; mildness of dominion in the highest class, 
 and slavery, losing it's rigour and it's indocility, becoming 
 gradually more tractable ; the master, far from being a 
 it | or the slave a rebel j the former, though poor 
 from not knowing the most profitable modes of husbandry, 
 contented with his lot ; the latter, enduring no great hard- 
 ships, am! bring humanely treated, had few fears, and he 
 occasioned still fewer. 
 
 As my knowledge of the colony became more mature and 
 ie grew to try how far my theories could 
 be realized ; and for this reason I became a colonial pro- 
 prietor. Uelombrc was chosen for making this experiment, 
 which promised to be equally beneficial to the master and 
 to the Jjlavc. I had souie inends who were animated hy 
 
(58) 
 
 similar feelings ; and, though warned by prudential motives, I 
 Wis encmnged to the trial, by all the highest and most 
 respectable persons in society. Jt was desirable to make the 
 trial on a fit scale, aud a co-partnership offered the union of 
 intellect, and of consolidating capital, with the employment 
 of phvsc 1 activity ; — the c o ce of my associatrs appeared 
 advantageous to such persons as were acquainted with their 
 characters; — and the united efforts of four gentlemen, instruc- 
 ted and zealous in their liflrrent lines, augured more certain 
 an<l extensive results / than the individual employment of pro- 
 portional capital w s likely to produce. A. co-operation was thus 
 • made upon a broad and firm foundation. Major Waughv 
 of the Honorable Company's service, who had held offices of 
 the highest trust in Icdi^ and in Mauritius, as Colonial 
 Auditor and Paymaster General and Treasurer, took, charge 
 of the accounts of the estate : Captain Lesage of the 221I 
 Regiment; — who had been remarked at the conquest of the 
 island, and who distinguished himself under the deputation 
 of S.r R. Farquhar, by his intrepidity in seizing and cap- 
 turing slave vessels, under circumstances of great pergonal 
 danger, and pursuing the culprits, at much expence, to 
 condemnation ; and who happily concluded the preliminary 
 treat) with Madagascar, for abolishing the slave trade:— brought, 
 his capital and industry into the common stock; Mr. Blaneard, 
 the Chief Magistrate of the distiict, who was acquainted with 
 the colonial laws, and with the manners, treatment, and 
 language of the Blacks, was the managing partner. The whole 
 estab'ishmentwas undermy control, ancl theproblem I under- 
 to k experimentally to solve, for the general interest of 
 the population^ b md and free, was that the produce of 
 the estate would be augmented, and the state of both 
 of these classes meliorated, in proportion as the land was: 
 cultivated, to the best advantage, by machinery and agri- 
 cultural implements, wiih the greatest number of working 
 cattle, aud the smallest number of Slaves. Thus, then, our 
 
ehief object wis to adapt tin most perfect system of European 
 husbandry to tr .p'ual cultivation ; and, while multiplying our 
 produce, by tlusj raean c , to rai e the Slaves to the physical 
 and moral level of K iglish .farm-servants ; — to make them 
 peaceful, labo ious, p itient, dutiful, intelligent, andreligious : — 
 an 1, to fit them ultimately for freedom. In the planning 
 of all w >rk, the first attention was given to the nature of 
 the '• prim in mohiU" , the primary grand agent" j an 
 elementary on ', such as water, wind, stcan, or gu-.ipow Jer*,_ 
 beiu^alwais preferred to animal labour j and animal labor> 
 in all possibb cases,., to that of man. 
 
 The cultivation of nutmegs, cloves, cotton and coffee, 
 on a very limite I sca'e, had been carried on with the hoe; 
 for the plough and the spade were unknown. In choosing 
 tb? staple produce for Belombre, the sugir cane seemed 
 best adapted for giving full scope to the iuulligence of the 
 Slave, and for enabling us to dispense with bis physical force, 
 except in the application of mechanical power. The manu- 
 facture of su^ar though rude in imny countries, had in others 
 attaine I a certain perfection •> but even in it's most perfect 
 in i i • > ilati m far behind other chemical processes. By limiting 
 our efforts to this object of profitable culture, and admiting 
 no other except provisions for our own coi sumption, the plan 
 mi hi be con iuctud on a large scale and exhibit propor- 
 tionate results. The task of individuals could be simplified; 
 employment could be subdivided ; work could be quickly 
 executed; and we could pro-ide, on the spot, the various 
 ani in lispensable materials requisite for labour. 
 
 ( *) Gunpowder was usctl for blowing up tree* in the forest, by an 
 
 ngenious app.icaiion of a short howitzer below the ceuttr of ihe root, 
 
 as w. 11 as in blasting I id of removing llioin iu making roan's j 
 
 the use of (Junpowdcr for the former purpose was superseded by lb*: 
 
 £radicator of ihamuh, 
 
(SO) 
 
 • Tn giving preference to sugnr planting, and In viewing 
 it's probable results as to profit, 1 had It ft out of calcu- 
 lation, the possibility of the produce being ghat out from 
 consumption; it did not enter into my contemplation that 
 the markets of France and England would not admit it 
 for borne use, or that we could not export it directly 
 to any foreign stale. There was no precedent of any con- 
 quered colony having been so repressed in it's industry. 
 I nfortunately, Mauritius was destined to exhibit the first 
 example of the evils of this restrictive system. Sugar was 
 produced in superabundance and with unexampled rapidity; 
 but no market, with which we had intercourse, would re- 
 ceive it on a footing with that of other colonies; our fertile 
 lands, cu'tivated in the best manner, yielded not returns 
 enough to pay even the interest of the money laid outj 
 our sugars were at half the price of oats : some planters 
 fed their cattle upon them j several abandoned their works in 
 despair; and Mauritius, abounding with the richest produce, 
 was brought to the brink of ruin, by a system which for- 
 bade us from our natural market. Unbounded confidence in 
 the wisdom and ultimate justice of His Majesty's Govern- 
 xnent alone saved us. 
 
 Belombre being cultivated by machinery, wherever the 
 work was susceptible of it's application, an extraordinary- 
 economy was made in labor j but as the system was new, 
 a code of instructions was required for the managers and 
 the subordinate persons employed on the estate. Such a code 
 was composed in 1817, and was rendered more perfect as 
 improvements were occasionally suggested by experience. By 
 this code, it was laid down, as the duty of the manager, 
 to be thoroughly acquainted with the disposition and talents 
 ef each Black, and the minute details of his character and 
 capabilities. These circumstances being registered in Books 
 for the purpose, were abstracted into the boo^. of general 
 
(31) 
 'description;* so that according lo the qualifications of each 
 individual, a proper instrument might be selected for any 
 department of the service, and the employment of every person 
 precisely adapted to his force and faculties. The meannest 
 talents and the most feeble powers were, in this way, sure to 
 6od their use, and an energy from every atom of the mass, 
 was imparted to the operations of the whole ?mo that the 
 employment of the people resembled that of a machine of 
 the great st powers, duly balanced, and distributed to the 
 Lest, advantag \ 
 
 Having given the above general view, I shall now enter into 
 the details of a planter's life, at least as it was passed during 
 my fixed residence at Belombre, from August 1819 till June 
 1820, as well as during my frequent visits to that estate, of 
 davs and weeks at a time , both before and subsequent to 
 the above dates. 
 
 In Mauritius, daybreak is announced by the morning 
 guns of the batteries and squadron, and, immediatly after- 
 wards, by ihe rirging of the be^ls on the habitations of the 
 planters, which is continued about a quarter of an hour. 
 The Blacks assemble, answer to their names as they fall into 
 their respective bands, and after prayers ( at least on mjr 
 estates ) march 'off to their tasks j generally eating their 
 luncheon by the way. Their commanders: — of whom there 
 is one for every squad of twenty negroes: — accompany the 
 SJavrs. A whip was formely carried by each of them, not 
 for iiuliscrhnate punishment, but as a symbol of authority 
 used like a constable's staff in a riot, in cases, where 
 v of discipline and of power might be required oa 
 
 ( * ) This book is chiefly in the hand writing of Captain Begbie of H, 
 M. 8ad Regt., who commanded the detachment of the post at Belom- 
 bre, in i8ao, and who for many months assisted me in examining the 
 Blacks in person, and in recording every circumstance that could be 
 interesting iu their history, adr eutures, character, and coouexioM. 
 
(32) 
 the spot, and under the eye of the white overseer, who 
 was always moving from band to hand. I may here remark 
 that in 1817, instead of the whip, I suhstitued the short 
 trumpet used for flank company movements of regiments, and 
 the boatswain's pipe. At the sound of those instruments, each 
 band went to it's appropriate workshop in the village, to 
 the mill, to the forest, to the garden, or to the field; and 
 the work of each man being suited to his strength and capaci- 
 ty, while all kinds of facilities were yielded, the labour of 
 Belombre became mere routine. The more aspiring, attenti\e, 
 and intelligent workmen acted as superintendents ; while all 
 manual operations were performed by the mass of the unambi- 
 tious and unLhinking Slaves. But I must leave off this digressi- n» 
 
 At half past seven o'clock, the Blacks were summoned to 
 breakfast by the great bells, as at break of day. At half past 
 eight, their meal being finished, the ringing again commenced, 
 the people returned to their respective duties, and remained 
 till mid-day. They were then recalled by the bells to dine — 
 and to repose, until two o'clo- k, or even later. The great 
 bells, for the third time, summoned them to labour, which was 
 resumed and continued by each man till his task was 
 performed, and by those not on task-work, whilst daylight 
 lasted. Before the evening gun had fired Retreat, or Roll- 
 Call, the bells again assembled the Negros for devotion, 
 and thus the d^y terminated. 
 
 The history of one day is applicable to every day of the year, 4 
 except Sundays and holidays, and when rains or tempestuous 
 weather kept the people in their respective houses or works- 
 hops. In the latter case, the men employed themselves profitably 
 in light task workj shingle making; the manufacture of sugar 
 mats ; and splitting the dried leaves of the screw-pine (Pan* 
 danus vakoaj and polishing them by friction with a smooth 
 stone. Their wires and children worked these prepared leaves 
 into mats for drying sugar upon, or manufactured them 
 into sacks for the transport of sugar from Mauritius; each 
 
(33) 
 
 furnishing a certain number daily. Night labour was not 
 known at Belorabre. 
 
 In 1818, we bad 120 acres of sugarcane planted by the 
 plough, or as the Blacks called it " Pioche de baeuf", the 
 hoe of the ox: on which, contrary to former practice, there 
 was not one hour of manual labour bestowed by the Slave. 
 This crop Was cut in 1819, and was more abundant than 
 What had been obtained during the old plan of cultivation 
 by the hoe. In 1821, there were 176 acres planted after 
 three ploughing* of the land, in the mode pointed out by 
 General Bateson, with the exception of ten acres on the old 
 system ; and our working oxen amounted to 184 \ so that 
 neither man nor beast was over-worked. 
 
 The adoption of tasks, whenever practicable, augmented 
 
 the amount of work performed, and simplified the duties 
 
 of the overseer, who hid only to see that the task 
 
 was clone in a workman-like manner. Many of the 
 
 more handy negroes could perform their portion before 
 
 four o'clork, and some even before two o'clock, p. m. ; 
 
 Such individuals never required correction j their industry 
 
 kept them from rioting and quarrelling. Disorderly individuals 
 
 alone, — who from caprice, indulgence in stroug liquors, or 
 
 jealousy, would neither work nor suffer their compai ious to 
 
 work, or who behaved with cruelty to the working cattle ; — • 
 
 required, and that was but seldom, the intervention of justice 
 
 on the field. A jury, consisting of those Blacks who witnessed 
 
 the misconduct of the delinquent, was instantly empannelled, 
 
 and their verdict, generally given in a few minutes, put 
 
 an end to all disputes, and invariably required mitigation 
 
 on the part of the manager. Corporeal correction was seldom 
 
 indicted ; for the most effectual means of civilizing these people 
 
 was to deprive ilnm of ilnir amusements, and nottoallow them 
 
 leisure than was necessary for sleep, taking food, and 
 
 recovering lioni fatigue;— fatigue which could not be excessive* 
 
 5 
 
(Si) 
 
 since it consisted in tlie performance of a task suited to 
 each person's strength. 
 
 The only certain means by which a master can influence 
 the conduct of his servants, are punishments and rewards. 
 Experience confirmed my anticipation of the superiority of 
 the latter ; and, in this view, every thing we could imagine 
 was done to excite emulation among the Blacks, particularly 
 hy public trials of skill in ploughing, reaping, mowing, 
 sowing, etc ; and we were satisfied that the greatest ardour 
 and energy were produced by the system of remuneration. 
 A man actuated by the hope of reward labours cheerfully, 
 and finds that he possesses powers of which he was not 
 before aware. 
 
 The only regular punishment I recollect to have seen at 
 Belombre was that of two Blacks, for repeated house breaking 
 and stealing, as is more particularly detailed under the bill- 
 head, Punishments, Let us now proceed to notice the charges, 
 one by one. 
 
 1st. Huts — That the houses of the Slaves at Belombre 
 were of the best description, will be proved by reference 
 to the documents in the Appendix. From it's eat best 
 establishment, this estate had been in the hands of rich, 
 and even noble proprietors, who had indulged their taste 
 in the luxury of building, e*en to excess ; so that it's nu« 
 mcrous edifices of all kinds, yield to none in solidity, extent, 
 andconveniencies, and in reference toColoniallife, in magnifi- 
 cence. The hospital for the Blacks, with it's broad and airy 
 verandah, is a spacious building, and is situated at the mouth 
 of the river " Citroniers ", and on the sea side. It had been 
 the mansion of a recent respectable proprietor, and was 
 surrounded with offices, out-houses, kitchens, and every 
 requisite convenience. The house of the chief Black 
 ommander had formerly been the residence of a wealthy 
 Gentleman, the father-in-law to the present celebrated Count 
 Dupuy, who at one time was Governor of Mauritius. The 
 
(55) 
 
 church, which also serwwJ as the School, had been a magazine; 
 it. was arranged, painted, and furnished with a pulpit, 
 tables, benches etc., and it's walls were decora ted with the 
 progressive lessons used in the Lancasterian system. I myself 
 would not have built such expensive edifices for the above 
 mentioned purposes; but I did rebuild the whole village 
 for the Blacks, or the " Camp", in the years 1817, 18 18 
 and 1819: not because the houses were bad, but because, from 
 it's situation, the village was exposed to the Malaria of an 
 adjoining marsh. Therefore, the site of the village waschangedj 
 a more ah-y position Was chosen ; a regular village with 
 straight streets was laid outj houses were gradually builtj and 
 as soou as habitable, they were taken possession of by the 
 Slaves, as will be developed hereafter. Agreeably to my plan, 
 to the mother of each family was given the right of occu- 
 pancy and the exclusive property of a house and it's chattels* 
 No black could at any time be without shelter at Belombre, 
 for even if he left his house, in consequence of a quarrel with 
 liis family, from intoxication, or from a rambling dispositon, 
 be had alway? a ready and secure retreat in the vacant 
 epen chambers of the hospital, in the hospital kitchen, or in 
 Uc verandah, which, afforded spacious shelter against rain, as 
 well as wind, from all quarters. 
 
 But without these adventitious accommodations, there was 
 always superabundance of room for the Blacks in their own 
 Camp. Many being employed, under the engineer, as 
 sawyers and carpenters, at a distance in the forest had there 
 a log houses adjoining, besides houses in the village, and as 
 wilding of the new village required some years, as the 
 old houses Were Dot taken down till the new onrswere inhabit- 
 ed, il often occurred that a family possessed a house in each of 
 the cslabr sin nets, the old Camp and the new Camp , 
 at the same time, besides a hut at their cantonment in the 
 'woods. 
 
 in refutation, therefore, of the 1st charge of inadequate, or 
 
rather miserable, Louses for the Blacks at Bclorahre, in the 
 3 ears 1821 and 1822, or at any oilier period : 1 have only to 
 stale one simple and irresislihlc truth; viz that my negroes, 
 on that estate, were alwajs not only well lodged, hut superi- 
 orly accommodated: a truth which is supuoited hy the 
 evidence and testimonies of many of the most r- spcclablef 
 civ il and military officers, and gentlemen, in this colony, 
 who visited that estahlishment at different epochs ; and also by 
 the testimonial of Captain Lesage, who superintended the 
 "removal of the Camp, and of Mr Warwick, the civil engineer, 
 who was attacl ed to Bclombre in the several years 
 inetftioned by the Reporter. 5 
 
 sdly. Clothing. — The second charge is that the blacks at 
 Belomhre were badly clothed. 
 
 The slaves had their regular clothing tw^ce a year; vie 
 on New YearVday and in the beginning of July. When 
 whole suits were given at a tiine, some were accustomed to 
 sell to the Blacks of neighbouring estates, whatever they 
 did not want themselves for prrsent use. Therefore, it was 
 found necessary to supply them piecemeal as the articles 
 "Were required. 
 
 The clothing was ample and consisted chiefly of Indian 
 blue and white cloth for shirts, petticoats, and trowsers ; of 
 Madras handkerchiefs, as articles of light wearing for the 
 heads of the women; and of woollen foraging caps for themen; 
 besides, the Slaves, who were exposed to the weather, had 
 hats made of the cocoa nut leaf and jackets of the thick 
 woollen cloth of India called cumlies. The higher classes were 
 provided with great coats, such as are used by Ei glish 
 soldiers, and the commanders were distinguished by uniform* 
 of English blue cloth; in fact, in 1819, by dragoon jackets," 
 with distinctive signs attached like the fiinges and chevrons 
 of serjeants and corporals; by cavalry caps, woollen caps anil 
 Scotch bonnets. There was a yearly distribution of blankets, 
 or cumlies, to each house, and a quantity of flannel or 
 
guernsey knitted woollen frocks was given to tne women, 
 and to delicate persons of either sex. White and checkered 
 shirts from England, duck trowsers, thin woollen kersey for 
 womeus* petticoats, and a variety of cloihing for the 
 use of the iilacks were always abundantly kept in store. Even 
 now, not less than five hundred suits, entirely of English 
 manufacture, remain in the magazine since the last distribution 
 Of clothes to my Slaves. 
 
 I m y rem irk, that want of clothing for the Slave9 can, 
 rarely be a just cause of general reprehension in this mild 
 climate. Indeed, many of the Mozambique and Caffre Slaves, 
 would think it a punishment were they obliged to wear 
 more clothing than is necessary for the sake of decency. 
 At the same time, it must be allowed, that some among the 
 Creole ca tes t having a great fondness for finery, lavish their 
 earnings Cor the decoration of their persons. 
 
 For the verification of these statements the reader is refer- 
 red to the evidence, and to the accounts of goods paid for the 
 Bclombre Blacks, contained in the Appendix. 
 
 3dlv. Beds. — Granting the charge were true, that the 
 Slaves had no beds at Belombre,. I would not have the 
 smallest uneasiness of conscience ; — not one disagreable 
 reflection on that score. In hot climates, it is notorious to 
 every well iuformed person, that it is heat and not cold 
 that requires to be obviated j and that the beds and bedding 
 of all rauks of society are very simple. In many countries 
 of Asia, and especially in India, do not both natives aud 
 foreigners reckou it a great luxury to lie down upon mats 
 placed upon the flat roofs of their houses, and to sleep in 
 the open air, under a calm and cloudless sky ? In the Mauritius 
 during the greater part of the year, had the houses flit 
 roofs, et WOttl 1 gladly profit by such a convenience. 
 
 The inhabitants follow U, at times, to a certain extent, 
 l>y spreading mats upon canc-L . phaf, placed »» 
 
 open verandahs, aud in largo II And are not 
 
(38) 
 
 fice servants, as well as domestic Slaves, delighted when 
 they oblain their master's permission to quit their lodg- 
 ings , and to repose upon mats spread upon the stone 
 floors of the verandahs ? Would it not he torture for the 
 natives, of a hot, or even of a moderately hot, climate, such. 
 as ours, to he obliged to sleep upon a down bed, a feather 
 Led, or even upon a cotton or a hair mattress, and to be 
 covered with blankets or heavy counterpanes ? Could it, 
 therefore, be reckoned a hardship to the Sla\es of Belom'bre : — 
 or, I may rather say, of Mauritius j — if they had beeri 
 necessitated to pnss the sultry nights of a tropical climate 
 Vipon mats spread upon the ground, where it is often dry for 
 weeks and months in succession ? The answer must be in 
 the negative, except during bad weather. Yet, in consequence 
 '6f sanitary regulations established on that estate, so desirable 
 a luxury was, at times, denied to the Slaves who, but for fear 
 of being reported by the watchmen, for disobedience in not 
 liaving slept in their cottages, would assuredly have often 
 indulged their own propensity. 
 
 Besides, sucb families, or individuals, as chose to have 
 a soft couch, for themselves, or for their children, during 
 the cold season, had only to collect the soft and elastic 
 reed, ( Arundo palustris ) , which grows in profusion in the 
 fields adjoining to their habitations, as well as in the 
 forests j the wild silk) -looking cotton of the ii Ouatier\ (Bom- 
 bax pentandriumj or the white and springy tops, which 
 formed the receptacles for the seeds of India corn, of which 
 there was an abundance, at all times, on the estate. Some 
 who do not know the nature of the latter kind of mattress, 
 bed, or couch, may be surprised at the above statement, and 
 the best answer I can give them, is that, in preference to 
 horse-hair, Europeans not unfrcquenlly order their mattresses 
 to be made of the said seedless tops of maize. 
 
 The Reporter was not aware of some other most important 
 foots : viz, thai His Majrsty's soldiers : — natives of England, 
 
(39) 
 
 Scotland, and Ireland] — are not now allowed mattrcj- 
 s s in this tine climate: — that, at night each man 
 plac s his boards upon trestles , upon these boards spread* 
 his mat, blanket, or what he cho ses, and then lies down 
 to repose j — and, that a lot of mattressos, pillows etc. # 
 which were sent here for the use of the 2ad Regiment, were 
 sold bj public auction. 
 
 After so much negative though conclusive refutation, which 
 alone would have rendered null the 3^ accusation, what will 
 my accusers reply to the following positive facts. Who was 
 the purchaser of the above mattresses and pillows > Mr. 
 Telfair. Yes, at the period that the Reporter's witnesses! 
 dare I, in the presence of Almighty God, to fix upon that 
 my Slaves were inadequately supplied with beds and bed- 
 clothes, it will be proved, by p btic vouchers, and by 
 numerous testimonials, contained in the Appendix, that all 
 of them were excellently covered and protected, by night 
 and by day, and in the most comfortable possible manner 
 for this climate. Indeed, it will be seen by reference to one 
 of these vouchers, that, in the ) ear 1819, not less than five 
 hundred sets of mattresses, pillows etc. were purchased by 
 me, the major part of which were immediatly distributed to 
 my Slaves on the Belombre estate, and that all were devoted 
 to their use ; for, after each Slave had got bis lot, there 
 remained in the magazine as many scores of sets, as supplied 
 the Hospital for years, as well as served to replace those 
 which met with accident, or which, from improper conduct , 
 were too early worn out, improperly disposed of by their 
 owners, or destroyed. 
 
 I may here remark, that the miseries of cold, hunger, 
 and want of beds and bed-clothes : — though widely felt in 
 Europe, where the severity of the weather and an ungrateful 
 M I refuse many of the comforts gratuitously offered by 
 Nature iu profusion to the inhabitants of happier climates., 
 
(40) 
 
 such as that of this delightful island : — are scarcely known 
 be re. 
 
 I shall conclude the refutation of the 3d charge, by the 
 old and trite remark; — U Facts are stubborn things "j — 
 they are the weapons which I shall always employ to comhat 
 those who have wantonly circulated falsehoods intended to 
 injure my reputation. 
 
 The " Reporters " aherration from truth, I suppose, must 
 he put down, either to bad intention, or among the inconsist- 
 encies into which men are continually betrayed, who pretend 
 Jo give information respecting countries and climates, races of 
 people and states of society, which they have never seen, and 
 regarding which ignorance is the most conspicuous feature in 
 their lucubrations. 
 
 4th Food. The fourth charge, taken in connection with 
 the tl Reporter's V remarks and insinuations, under other 
 heads, amounts to this simple statement : — The supply of food 
 issued to the Belombre Blacks was inferior in quality, and 
 inadequate to the wants of nature j or in still plainer terms the 
 Slaves were generally hungered, and often starved to death,. 
 Numerous documents bearing upon the point in question, 
 Which the reader will find in the Appendix not only de- 
 monstrate the untruth of the il Reporters" statement; but 
 prove that no common attention was paid to the selection, 
 and to the preparation, of the food of the Belombre Blacks j 
 indeed, it will be seen, that I assiduously studied the subject,, 
 as a medical man, as a chemist, and as a colonial proprietor, 
 and that I ever bore in mind, the comfort and the health 
 of my people, as well as of all who were attached to, or 
 placed on, my establishment, and whether bond or free. I 
 can therfore confidently assert that the victualling of the 
 Slaves was sufficiently provided for, not only, by the manioc, 
 the Indian corn, the wheat, the yams, ect, grown upon the 
 estate, and purchased from our neighbours : by the abundance 
 
(11) 
 
 ef flili found upon our shores ; by our live stock ; by the par- 
 chase of salt beef, pork, and fish; but also by regular supplies 
 of rice from Port Louis. 
 
 The assertions, that manioc formed the principal article of 
 the diet of the Blacks, and that it is unpalatable food and 
 unsatisfying in it's nature, are not correct. On the contrary, 
 manioc cakes forma diet not less palatable, wholesome, and 
 nutritious, than the potatoes of Ireland, or the oat-meal of 
 Scotland. They are daily used at the tables of the richest 
 planters; and in England, under the name of tapioca, prepared 
 manioc is considered a delicacy 
 
 On the Bclomhre estate, the manioc cakes were prepared 
 ^'beforeh nd'', not for the sordid reasons assigned: — '* to save 
 the time which it Mould require to prepare it were it given 
 to the Slaves in it's raw stale, an I because it became less 
 necessary to allow them a cessation of labour in order to 
 their eating it: " — but for the same reasons that their rice, 
 tin ir Indian corn, and their soup were prepared, by individuals 
 appointed f>r the purpose; or, in other words, by the 
 cooks for the Slaves. Sometimes, how. ver, the Blacks 
 did receive their rations, or at least a part of them, in raw 
 manioc, SS it was token from the eardi, and, at Bclomhre 
 not less t»<an seven pounds were issued to each a day. Wh. a 
 it was prepared, the cakes weie lift of the size of muffins, 
 but much larger, for each contained a pound weight : and, 
 of these, three were served to each individual, besides his 
 allowance of soup per diem. 
 
 I in.iv In re unserve, that those Blacks who h.id raw manioc 
 rations increased their live stock; — andjrom their surj)Ius of 
 provisions; more rapidly ;han Slaves under any other system 
 of ' 
 
 and Maize were the two princ'pal articles of nour* 
 
 t, in a word they formed the basis of the aliment; — 
 
 of the Belombrc Slaves, and an annual supply of 600 pounds 
 
 of the former, or of 1000 founds ol the latter, for CucU 
 
K*2) 
 
 Slave was regularly insured. To these substantial provisions 
 must be added all the subsidiary supplies, as yams, cambards, 
 sweet potatoes, pistachios, omimes,and oilier vegetables grown, 
 upon the estate: many of which are luxuries, as will be seen 
 by the table of them in the Appendix. 
 
 The mode, and the rate, of the distribution of food, as well 
 as some notes on the subject of aliment, will be seen among 
 the extracts from the Instructions, written for Belombre 
 in 1817, of which several copies have been taken. The copy 
 from which the documents, published in the Appendix, 
 are extracted, is in the hand writing of Mr. Ingleton of 
 the Commissariat Department of the Army *. By them it 
 will be found, that for quantity and variety of nutriment, 
 no class of society could have adopted a system more con- 
 ducive to comfort and health. Yet amidst the abundance and 
 comfort enjoyed by the Slaves, the most squalid forms of 
 human wretchedness were, at times, to be seen wandering 
 over the grounds of Belombre, in a state of apparent starvation. 
 Tbey were government Negro apprentices, who had been 
 captured, and who had been distributed, from time to time, by 
 the collector of the customs at Port Louis. On such occasions, 
 a portion of sickly and emaciated Blacks were generally 
 left on hand, whose feeding, clothing, and general treatment 
 entailed a heavy expense on the captors, or on the govern- 
 ment. To shut them up within the government hospital 
 would have aggravated their misery, instead of contributing 
 to their cure. Belombre was a charitable refuge for them j they 
 were brought there by our boat from Port Louis, sometimes 
 unable to walk, taken to our hospital, and placed under the 
 constant inspection of Doctor Desnoyers, the resident surgeon* 
 Soon as they were able to crawl, their wish was to saunter 
 
 ( * ) An excellent and pious man who resided at Belombre for 
 Ms health, in 1821, when he copied these papers j shortly after 
 which period he left this Colony. 
 
(49) 
 
 about the grounds. Tnls practise was, in some cases, found 
 prejudicial : many suddenly sickened without apparent cause j 
 their diseased appetites led them, during their wanderings, 
 to eat indigenous wild fruits and seeds of which several are 
 poisonous ; — in one day fifteen were Drought to the hospital, 
 under the narcotic influence of the Dolichos Amara ; and 
 of the Jatropha Curcas, the fruit of which is tempting to the 
 eye, and pleasant to the taste. Afterwards, these apprentices 
 were accompanied in their walks by a Slave, and thus were 
 prevented from eating anything but what was prepared by 
 the hospital cook. Notwithstanding all our care and expence 
 numbers died j and as a compensation, after the lapse of ten 
 years, our humanity to free Blacks is miscontrued, by 
 ignorant malevolence, into barbarity to the Slave* 
 
 Famine and starvation are found in over-peopled coun- 
 tries, where the competition for employment is too great, and 
 the labourer is reduced to content himself with the most 
 stinted pittance for his maintenance. In the sugar colonies, 
 the reverse is the case j food is abundant and cheap, while 
 the pr.'ce^ of labour is excessively high. 
 
 Slavery has at least this advantage in sugar colonics ; 
 those, whose lot it is, are exempted from that misery to 
 which the poor, in many free counlries, are exposed on 
 tho score of maintenance. — Neither the Slaves in the tropics, 
 n r the agricultur.il labourers in Europe, as such, possess 
 property j they draw their subsistence from the proprietors 
 of the land ; who, in this mode, pay for the produce 
 1 by tin ir hands. In every country this is the on'y birth- 
 fight of the labouring poor ; be they black or white. In 
 •h an I t«eraing soils of tropical colonies, the variety 
 and abundance of agricultural production exceed what can 
 be raised in the less fertile soils, and the less genial climate, 
 of Europe. The constitution of the black is adapted to labour 
 vith comfort under a vertical sun j and his woik produces 
 'A much greater surplus revenue, than that of the white 
 
m 
 
 labourer at "home. The labour of SJaves, "being now at 
 a monopoly price, produces to tliera the same encreased 
 tonifort, as high wages among the poor in Europe. Their 
 number cannot be increased but by natural reproduction ; 
 a process less rapid in savage than in civilized life, and whidk 
 does not keep pace with the augmenting demand for labour. 
 The number of Blacks cannot materially augment here, until 
 the proportion of the sexes is equalized. The articles of 
 subsistence, therefore, of a Slave, in a sugnr colony, being 
 drawn from a more copious and increasing fund, than that 
 which supplies white labourers in Europe, these articles can 
 be dealt out, as is the case, with a more liberal hand. In 
 no country of Europe could the proprietor afford, from the 
 produce of the land, so large a supply for the maintenance 
 of the la^ ourer. It is far from my mind to speak in praise 
 of slavery, or of it's advantages ; for my wish has always 
 been to see it's safe, advantageous, and ultimate extinction f 
 but the name has remained, in many places, whilst the sub- 
 stance in great part has vanished. Slavery is no longer what 
 it was in ancient times, or in the older days of modern coloni- 
 zation, when existence was held at the tenure of the arbitrary 
 will of man ; — the worst lot of human life. Master and 
 Slave have now well ascertained their reciprocal duties ; 
 the laws are their social compact, and arc equally the pro- 
 tectors of each. Independent magistrates and guardians of 
 the highest and must disinterested character, unconnected 
 with the proprietors, watch over and protect the interests 
 of the colonial labourer j a more appropriate term than Slave % 
 in the state to which the Negro has been raised. 
 
 Before concluding this divison of my refutation, I cannot 
 but remark a most extraordinary inconsistency into which 
 my accusers, taken as a body, have fallen, in respect to the 
 feeding of, and the supplies of food for, my Blacks on the 
 Belombre estate, which the curious enquirer may verify by the 
 documents in the Appendix. In the year immediately proceeding 
 
(45) 
 
 the epoch u\ed inon, durhg which thes? Slave? are said to 
 hare been badly fed ; eating every species of disgust- 
 ing ofral and carrioa which came in their way; drink- 
 ing large quantities of water to distend their stomachs 
 so as to prevent the gnawings and agonies of hunger ; and 
 finally, dving of famine, the celebrated witness, Iliggin- 
 son, swore to the importation, by Mr Telfair's schoonen, 
 in one single trip, at Bclonibre, of 3,ooo bags of rice, i» 
 the )ear 1820, which he saw carted from the landing p'ace, 
 by means of thirty wagg ms, each with six. bullocks, to 
 magazines. This supply alone was adequate to the consump- 
 tion of all tlie Blacks, for two j'ears, and as there was no 
 other mo 1 1 of disposing of it, scarcity and want muil have 
 been far distant. Yet in 1821 and 1822, the following years; j 
 the horrors of want and starvation are preached as part of 
 my crimes, to those who knew neithermv principles, conduct, 
 nor character, and who had no means of coming at the 
 sober truth. 
 
 The same witness, also swore to repeated similar im~ 
 portations of rice, which would have yielded a sufficient 
 supply for years, for all the Slaves in this island. But enough 
 of this perjured individual. Let us proceed to the next 
 allegation. 
 
 5ih. Labour. — The assertions, — that " on Belombre estate 
 
 the bell was generally rung at three in the morning ", to 
 
 summon the Blacks to work; — that "they continued to work 
 
 without any interval for breakfast, and with only the interval 
 
 >dy described {unuzr Food) for dinner, until so late in 
 
 the evening a? eight o'clock, and, on light nights, eveu au 
 
 hour or two later";— that, "the daily labor exa.ted from ih© 
 
 Blacks extended t ■ fr m sixteen to nineteen bours in the 
 
 day, e.eo o a of crop"; _ and tint, <( no time was allowed 
 
 1 for breakfast " : — are totally false. 
 
 It has been already remarked that the labor of the Slaves 
 
 in Mauritius j and I might have added of eervaDte *o4 
 
(10) 
 even of free people; — commenced with the down of day, and 
 that they had a regular fixed hour; — tw, from half past seven 
 till half past eight o'clock; — for breakfast, and as regularly 
 two hours allowed for dinner, repose, or amusement. It has 
 also been noticed, and it will he particularly pointed out 
 hereafter, that the greater part of the work, of all kinds, 
 at Belombre, was executed in daily tasks : an important fuct 
 of which the " Reporter" seems to have been in utter 
 ignorance. Now, fearless of contradiction, I assert, that the 
 time of work never, in any case, exceded eleven hours a 
 day, and that many workmen, vshen they chose, could 
 easily perform their respective tasks in seven hours. For 
 instance, some of the Blacks could saw \^o feet of plank 
 per day, while, according to the kind of wood to he cut, 
 not more than from sixty to eighty feet were fixed upon 
 as daily tasks ; so that, far from being over-worked, little 
 more than half a day's labor was required of my Slaves. The 
 same remark is equally applicable to ploughing, . planting 
 of sugar cane, sowing, reaping etc., as to sawing of timber. 
 "When their tasks were finished, unless they preferred to 
 receive pay for extra labor, the workmen passed the remain- 
 der of the day in various kinds of amusement. These truths 
 demonstrate, beyond question, that there could be no neces-. 
 sily for the Blacks to work in the night, on the Belombre 
 estate; and I again assert, that there night-work was entirely 
 unknown. At the same time, it must be allowed, that from 
 occasional necessity, night-work is carried on at some 
 estates. But there is no more hardship in this practice, than in 
 that of the breweries and distilleries at home, where a few of 
 the workmen take a spell by night, which is recompensed 
 by repose during day. The general wo/ k of a plantation 
 cannot be carried on in the night: — and of course, never could 
 have been carried on in Mauritius. The making of sugar ; — 
 if the "Reporter" understands plantation affairs: — must 
 kavc been the ni^ht operation he alluded to, though he, 
 
talks of work in general. Now the sugar makers, at the 
 mill and at the sugar house, consist of a few hale young 
 men who give a preference to this duty, which consists 
 in the easy processes of skimming and skipping the evapor- 
 ating juice of the cane ; the performance of which by night 
 is always voluntary, and is rewarded by extra payment. 
 
 I know nothing of the practice of curtailing the two hours 
 allowed for dinner, by makiug the field slaves, * T f to cut a 
 bundle of grass or wood for the master. " The period between 
 noon and two o'clock p. m. is universally allowed to be 
 the right of the Black j this interval of labor is called his 
 u brelotjue ", and to my knowledge, is never encroached on. 
 During it the Slave may go a fishing, or take any ot'uer kind 
 of amusement he likes without being questioned; indeed, were 
 be deprived of this right, he would appeal to a magistrate. 
 In the West Indies, where fire-wood is used for the sugar 
 mills, and for the sugar houses, and where grass is often, 
 scorched up by excessive heat, and so rare as to be an 
 object of cultivation, it may be necessary to collect these 
 articles in the way described. But in Mauritius, and especially 
 at Belombre, the case is widely different. Only a small 
 supply of fire-wood for the kitchens was wanted there, and 
 that supply was daily brought by the carts as they returned 
 from the forest. The explanation of this apparent anomaly 
 is very simple. The evaporation of cane juice is effected 
 by burning : — not fire-wood j — but trash, here called 
 €i Bagasse" z i.e., the refuse of the sugar canes, con- 
 sisting of their cellular, fibrous, and woody parts, — indeed 
 of all but the expressed juice: after they have been crushed to 
 dryness, in their passage between the cylinders of the 
 sugar mill. This bagasse forms so abundant and so powerful 
 a fuel, that no other kind is required either for the steam, 
 engines, or for the bailing houses. Hence our Slaves were 
 never employed, as described, in culling wood for the 
 vaster. 
 
(58) 
 
 In Mauritius, the culture of grass lias not Been generally 
 attended to, because Nature has thickly covered the island 
 with different species. At all times it is in luxuriance at 
 Belombre, where pasturage is singularly abundant from the 
 humidity of the climate. Therefore, there was no necessity 
 to encroach upon the bretotjue of the Blacks, by making them 
 to cut grass. They never did so, at the hours assigned. 
 Our cattle, in Crop time, were fed on manioc root and 
 cane tops, prepared by the Operation of the chaff-cutter, 
 and also by steaming, after the mode practised by Mr Curwen. 
 In their way home from the fields, in the evening, the Blacks 
 were accustomed to cut and carry with them, bundles of 
 " songe " (Arum esculentum J and of grass for their own 
 pigs, as well as for those of the master ; but from the 
 abundance of the latter, and the small quantity required, 
 in comparison of the number of hands employed, this 
 work demanded little time, and was reckoned part of 
 their daily tasks. Out of crop time, our cattle were let loose 
 in the adjoining luxuriant pasturage, when of course the 
 cutting of grass was unnecessary. 
 
 In crop lime : — which the " Reporter" characterises as a 
 season of peculiarly hard labor, instead of what it really is, 
 *' harvest home", and a period of more than ordinary festivity; 
 the work of the day of all the Slaves on my estates frequently 
 terminated, and still terminates, by four o'clock in the 
 after-noon. The task of sugar making : — the only process 
 which then goes on : — consists of from nine to twelve 
 boilings in the day, according to the quality of the cane 
 juice, the temperature, and the dryness or humidity of the 
 atmosphere. 
 
 On condition that the Blacks completed their tasks, during- 
 working hours : i. e., before assembling for evening devotion; 
 they were allowed to commence work when they pleased ; 
 and not un frequently their ta^ks were finished an hour, or 
 two hours, before that period. Ihe same indulgence is still 
 extended to my Slaves. The (i Reporter " also remarks, that 
 
(49) 
 
 in the time of crop, the manufacture of sugar was carried 
 on by night as well as by day, and that if the Slaves " fell 
 asleep during their speU of night labour, they were liable 
 to be severly flogged ; but sometimes, so irresistble was their 
 drowsiness that their hands were liable to be drawn into 
 the mill along with the canes, and completly crushed and 
 mangled. " The writer does not directly say that this was the 
 practice of Belombre, but he does so by implication. Fortius 
 purpose he adds, in a note : — " It is a curious confirmation of 
 this statement, that in the list of Slaves at Belombre for the 
 year 1819, printed by the House of Commons, on the first of 
 May 1827, No. 285, we find three of the slaves described as 
 estropies des deux mains: " — words which the writer tran- 
 slates, not lame of both hands , but with his usual correct- 
 ness, " mutilated in both hands. " 
 
 As for Jie mutilation of limbs by machinery, the * 'Reporter * 
 need not have travelled farther than Manchester or Glasg ,w 
 for daily examples ; but the fict is, that the imputati n is 
 groundlc-s. — The u curious confirmation " he speaks of, 
 happens to be the phrase applied, in his island, to persons 
 lame from leprosy, or whose limbs are parah tic from the 
 Epidemic, " Berriberri. " Had the writer been acquain'.ed 
 with the French language, which he quotes, he would have 
 known that the word estropie has not such an exelus've 
 meaning as he attaches to it ; in the dictionary he will fmd 
 it illustrated by the phrase of, "Estropie de lace.vel'e", 
 ich is not app'ied to decapitation ; — but to another defect, 
 an example of which his translation exhibits. 
 
 In reference to our mill work, no such mutilations could 
 take place. In June 1819, our agents in London sent out 
 the great horizontal mill, and, in gififlg detailed directions 
 for it's erection, the- engineer slews the peculiar advantages 
 of this machine, which was the first erected at Mauritius. 
 The connexion of the fee-lin^ rollcis, and the guard of 
 Wood placed accross the fecdiuy tabic, prc>entcd accident 
 
(SO) 
 
 to the Slaves; even two canes could not enter one above 
 the oilier. The guard equally prevented the approach of 
 the hand to the cylind rs. 
 
 From the above details, the el Reporter's" fifth chargo 
 appears to be destitute of all ground. 
 
 Should it be remarked, that, in combatting my opponent, 
 frequently, assertion is met by negation, I must request the 
 reader to peruse the various documents in the Appendix, 
 which will more than bear me out in thj above plain 
 statement of naked truths. 
 
 6di. Punishments. —The "Reporter*' opens his sixth charge 
 against me, by the following gratuitous assertions. — *' While 
 the Slaves were at work, they were followed by drivers, 
 and were continually receiving blows and lashes, and were 
 even occasionally taken out from the line and punished 
 with twenty or thirty lashes, and then sent back to work. 
 But these occasional inflictions were scarcely regarded in 
 the light of punishment but merely of discipline ". — The 
 total inconsistency of this report with the system of task- 
 work, which, it will be indisputably proved,, was adopted, 
 in every branch of labor and industry, at Belouibre, might 
 of itself, demonstrate the total inapplicability and inutility 
 of such severity toward the Slaves. But , forsooth, these 
 " occasional inflictions "of " twenty or thirty lashes "j— 
 the effects of which, in another part of his rhapsody, are 
 talked of "as lacerations and incisions;"— were not regarded, 
 '/ in the light of punishment but merely of discipline, " 
 by the iron- hearted planters of Mauritius. To be short, I can 
 bestow no other appellation on the above allegations of the 
 " Reporter, " than the true one: — they are falsehoods, and, 
 I have no doubt, that, when the reader has perused the whole 
 cf this refutation, he will be convinced of the fact. 
 
 The affirmations; — " that the regular punishments were 
 reserved on Belombre for Sunday ;" — that Sunday "never 
 failed to be ushered in with severe floggings: — that. 
 

 (51) 
 
 et the offenders of the week were reserved in chains (in which. 
 they were made to work) for that da) : " — and, that the 
 number of lliese offenders was generally about " thirty, 
 and amounted, "on one occasion, to about fifty;" — form anoth- 
 er illustration of a kind of climax to which the " Reporter " 
 seems religgus'y attached: that of rising from allegation, by 
 a regular series of gradations, and finishing in undisguised 
 falsehood. Under the semblance of truth, he carries forward 
 his reader a certain Way, and then by some palpable extra- 
 vagance, or evident untruth, lie excites suspicion, which is 
 soon followed by utter disbelief. 
 
 On an esta'e, where the service of the church was regularly 
 performed, every Sunday, in the presence of tho assembled 
 people, as clean in their persons, as orderly in their conduct, 
 and as numerous as some village congregations in England, it 
 exceeds the bounds of credulity, to believe that the Sabbath 
 was chosen for the exercise of severity toward my Slaves. No, 
 it will be seen, that Sunday was reserved for the service of 
 II im lo \\ hour it especially belongs, and for the distribution 
 of rewards, and not for the infliction of punishmc 
 
 Besides, for other causes, Sunday was not anticipated 
 
 by the Hi .cks, as a day of dread and horror, but of 
 
 amusement and joy. Early in the morning, ibeir accounts 
 
 were settled, and the Mm which any one of them had gained 
 
 by extra-work, was paid to him, either in ready money, or 
 
 in habitation "bon" , or carried to his credit account in the 
 
 - Bank; as hereafter fully explained. Those Blacks who 
 
 ril advancement were, with due solemnity, raised from 
 
 , to higher ranks; the dresses and ornaments of which 
 
 were reg given to them. 
 
 Hundreds of witnesses era testify to these truths, but I have 
 judged it sufficient f,r the refutation of the '* Reporter's" 
 misrepresentations, to insert the testimonials of only a I w 
 individuals of the highest character, Mho j he religi- 
 
 ous service, and who h«d setft the whole proceedings of many 
 
(S2) 
 
 Sundays at Belombrc. It would be a very easy task, however, 
 to multiply certificates of the same nature ; for, I may say it 
 without vanity; — when so hardly pushed by my antagonist's 
 injustice j — that Belombrc was looked upon, not merely as a 
 model worthy of imitation in regard to the delightful, profita- 
 ble, and rational manner in which Sunday could be spent by a 
 planter ; — like the father of bis flock in the bosom of his Slaves 
 and attaches -, — but also as a practical proof that tbe Slave 
 could be greatly, safely, and advantageously raised in the scale 
 of civilization. The character of L'elombre attracted the 
 attention of strangers of respectability, most of whom visitf d 
 that estate ; sometimes from curiosity, and it is hoped, still 
 oftener fronf higher motives. 
 
 If by tbe remark, that " there was no difference in the 
 way of punishing male and female slaves j but there were 
 two different modes resorted to, of punishing both ", it was 
 intended to insinuate, that female delinquents were stripped 
 and whipped in tbe same way as male delinquents, tbe 
 annexed documents will prove that tbe asseition is untrue. 
 Women were never allowed to be whip- ed, much less to be 
 strrpped, at Belombre. The extracts from the Instruction Book 
 inserted in the Appendix, as well as other vouchers, show 
 that the gentlest and kindest treatment of the female was 
 practised, in every relative situation in which she could be pla- 
 ced on the estate, and that the tenderness due to her sex, whate- 
 ver might be her conduct, was uniformly borne in mind. 
 The two modes of punishment described at such length by 
 the "Reporter", though they may be practised elsewhere on 
 white culprits among European nations, were never seen at 
 Belombre. In many countries of the world equally, if not 
 more severe modes of punishment are had recourse to by courts 
 martial and criminal jurisdictions. As for the triangles the 
 Word indicates the profession of the M Reporter's " informer, 
 as the halberds are at times put into that form, and used for 
 the summary punishment of military marauders and the re- 
 
(53) 
 
 pression of ih sir probatory excursions. But on the estates of the 
 planters, when the crimes of the Slaves require severity, th-y 
 are sent to the police, who administer th* portion which the 
 law directs. When required, the punishments used at Bel- 
 ombre, it will be found, were ver> moderate, an I :— as staled 
 by the surgeon of that es^ablLhni nt, who unintcrrupt< dly 
 resided in the hospital, during the whole period animadverted 
 upon by the u Reporter": — sel lomevtt raised the skin, and 
 never required medical attention. 
 
 The disquisition of the '* Reporter ", on the comparative 
 Cruelty of punishment, by ponderous whips and split rattans, 
 and his deicrption of both inst uments, are matters of im- 
 agination. Neither the whip, whose thong was from six to eight 
 feet in leng'h, nor li the tremendously p werful cat of two 
 or three tails, "was ever used at Belombre ; nor had we any ex- 
 perience that either instrument made incisions into the fleshy 
 "and lacerated" it at every blow ; or that " the sharp e Ige 
 of the split rattan sometimes " divided the flesh like a knife* 
 
 But it may start'e the "Reporter", when I st^», that 
 there was, an 1, 1 believe, that theie still is, at Belombre, an 
 enormous sized whip, to which the whip described as " a 
 very ponderous instrument," and as " weighing upwards of 
 seven pounds, " is a mere pigmy. It was not less than thirty 
 or forty feet long, and it's smack could be heard at the 
 distance of two miles, when wielded by Wm, Wilberforce 
 Iluhncj at whose request, it was expressly sent for to the 
 Cape of Good Hope. This whip was used not for flogging 
 Slaves, but for conducting bullock teams by it's sound, 
 according to the modi practised in that colony; — for even 
 the cattle were not struck with th is whip. The trans- 
 port of produce formerly done by personal labour, was 
 superseded by the introduction of waggons and timber car- 
 riages. It may not be irrevclant to mention here, thit, about 
 the same time, I introduced the fin i I cranes seen in 
 this island, imported the powerful cjj l icatois of Uiamah, 
 
(Si) 
 
 for the purpose of felling trees, and formed inclined 
 planes and tram-roads in our forests, at the suggestion of a 
 friend, whose breast was warmed by the most benevolent 
 views of human happiness, Mr. Henry Alexander, late Co- 
 lonial Secretary at the Cape. 
 
 The writer next informs us, that il there appeared, in 
 practice, to be no limit to the number of lashes inflicted 
 On offenders but tbe discretion of the master or manager": — 
 that " seldom less than fifty, and often a hundred or many 
 more lashes, were given in the way of regular punishment": — 
 that u by this extent of infliction, the parts, generally the 
 posteriors, were always reduced to one bloody mass of lacera- 
 ted flesh yV — and, that " to this was often added the further 
 excruciating torture of the application of lime juice, or salt 
 and pepper, on the pretence of keeping the wounds from 
 festering". * 
 
 The falsehood of these disgusting accusations may be as- 
 certained by reference to the writings of Dr. Desnoyers, 
 extracted from his unpublished work on Mauritius, and 
 subjoined, authenticated by his own attestation, in the 
 Appendix. Reward and not punishment was the "primum 
 mobile " of labor. 
 
 Punishments were rare with us, although it cannot bs 
 said that the people of Belombre were , at an early period 
 of it's possession by the present proprietor, of different or 
 better classes , than those of oilier estates. The dissolute 
 were reformed by wholesome chastisement, and every encour- 
 agement was given to the well-disposed j chiefly by kindness 
 and consideration, but, in decided preference, by rewards. 
 So far was this system carried, that it was a common saying 
 of the district,— " Le fouet de Belombre e'esjt le marquee "+; 
 
 (*) "The whip of Belombre is the marquee"; a small piece of 
 money worth three sous; the coin in which extra labor was paid : 
 this was the stimulus or incentive employed, instead of the whip, 
 as will be seen in the Appendix. 
 
(55) 
 
 hence, Blacks, found quite incorrigible on other estate*, an 3 
 particularly some insubordinate and vicious government 
 apprentices, were trausferred to Belonibre, at the request 
 of their masters, for the purpose of reformation. Persons 
 who have been born Slaves are natural enemies to all labor 
 that does not directly promote their present and personal 
 interest ; but, to these motives they appear more sens ble 
 than freemen. By making them taste the immediate reward 
 of exertion and of merit, their best energies are excited ; 
 and rewards duly applied, where they were before unknown* 
 become the seeds of sudden melioration. 
 
 By our system, bad characters were kept apart under a 
 vigilant eye, and were not allowed to mix iu the amus*- 
 meiis «f the innocent, la the way of pun shments, bodily 
 piin does evil j mental pain, arising from degradation, 
 and disgrace, produces good j hence the propriety of dimi- 
 nishing the infliction of the former, and of augmenting the 
 latter. It is an exerci e of humanity to depuve culprits of 
 the enjoyments of their comrades, and of the indulg- 
 ences granted to superior merit. When the latter went 
 to the dance, th.3 former were led off, with disgraceful 
 ceremonies, to solitary confinement : so that lookers on 
 connected the idea of innocence and enjoyment with the 
 one set ; of guilt and punishment with the other. Such, 
 are the maxims whi h were, and are, followed in the discipline 
 of our Slaves. A. correction book was kept, in which every in- 
 stance of chastisement p and the cause of it's administration, 
 was entered, if any Slave had b^en punished, and no record 
 made , the act would have been considered as a lawless 
 injury, tnd would have been resented as such by the 
 proprietor, when present j and, in his absence, by the 
 manager and the overseer, who made themselves acquainted 
 wiih the delinquencies of the offenders , and with the 
 verdicts of the Negro juries ; and wh » also witnessed tUe 
 infliction of all punishments. 
 
e«) 
 
 Of all the punishments on record at Be] ombre, as far as 
 I know, only one case occurred, in which the offender 
 received above twenty-five lashes : and they were inflicted 
 by judicial order, and by the police officers. 
 
 Had the " Reporter " reflected, he might have convinced 
 himself, that punishments of such severity, complication, and 
 duration, as he has described, could not possibly have been 
 inflicted in the time specified. To assert that all the operations 
 above noticed, could have been performed, even on one 
 person, in the short space of one forenoon, might alone 
 have put the veracity of the witness in question j but when 
 he declares, that " the same process took place e^ery Sunday 
 morning on fifty people and more" j besides '* often 
 superadding a collar and chain", the former of which fi with 
 three or four projecting prongs " was rivetted on t — an 
 operation not to be performed without the aid of a black- 
 smith and forge: — he really unveils the attempted deception. 
 While he shews his ignorance of the first rules of arith- 
 metic, he seems desirous of equalling : — I can scarcely say 
 of excelling: — in extravagance and fiction, his brother 
 witness Higginson, who saw two hundred and twenty Jive 
 tons of rice discharged from a boat, which is regularly regis- 
 tered of only fourteen tons burthen : and who, though he 
 could neither read nor write, on a question being put to 
 him in the Select Commit/ee of the House of Commons, re- 
 plied more to their amusement than their edification : — that, 
 on the stern of the boat was printed, *' Charles Telfair 
 Esquire y his schooner trading between Mauritius and Mada- 
 gascar ". On the following day, however, this person, at 
 the suggestion of the man by whom he was suborned to 
 perjury, wished to diminish the grossness of the falsehood 
 he had told, by expressing a desire to withdraw that part of 
 his evidence. We trust that the day is also fast approaching, 
 when the " Reporter " and his party will follow a similar 
 ingenuous course* 
 
(57) 
 
 It is superfluous to a Id, that the application " of lime 
 juice, salt, or pepper" to the wounds, said to have hern 
 made bv the wh p, is utterly unknown in this colony. When. 
 Slaves were guilty of crimes, which called for serious investi- 
 gation, and apparently for severe punishment, the culprits 
 were sent to the police to he treated according to their merits, 
 or subjected to the judgment of the regular courts of justice. 
 
 Shackles, were sometimes, though rarely, used, as directed 
 }>y law, at Uelomhre, for preventing the escape of runaways, 
 here caled maroons, and for repressing outrageous conduct. 
 Eut tht-sei shackles were not so heavy as those put upon 
 culprits in England; and they were so constructed that, 
 while they prevented violence, they did not materially 
 impede some kinds of work. 'ihu«, the labor of the culprit 
 was made useful, and the injury of health prevented, which, 
 in s.nue c .institutions might be tho effect of solitary confiu- 
 lement under a tropical sun. 
 
 The nature and extent of punishments, described by the 
 " Reporter^ " were not less visionary than the causes to 
 which he attributes them, whn he states, that, "the most usual 
 occasions of the heavier unis ments were either the thefts, 
 to which the Slaves w>:re ilri.en by hunger, or the flight 
 into the woods, to which they w *re driven by the excess 
 of labour, or the dread of anticipated punishment", lie 
 was not aware, that, u uler the settled system of regu'ar 
 and moderate task-work, excess of labor could neither be 
 required nor performed ; and that while there was abun- 
 dance of excellent food, at the discretion of the Slave, there 
 could be no necessity for theft to enable him to appease 
 ■ ungrr. In fact, 1 have never seen any want of food 
 among the Slave* in this island, and the planters can afford 
 to feed them better, dun the labouring poor are fed at 
 home. But, what always struck me forcibly, w as the same 
 defect that i bad observed among the lower classes of labourer* 
 ia England ; — carclossneas in the preparation of aliment. 
 
(58) 
 As is well known, the expence of food Is increased to an 
 incredible extent, by . habitual inattention to economical 
 cookery. By an improved system, in this respect, the lower 
 classes in Scotland subsist at half the expence, and better 
 than the labourers in the souih of England. This improved 
 system, as is shewn by extracts in the Appendix from the 
 Instruction Book, was put in practice at Belombre, and the 
 people were amply and satisfactorily fed, without incurring 
 extraordinary expense. 
 
 The only regular punishment T recol'ect to have seen, at 
 Belombre, was that of two Blacks for repeated house break- 
 ing, and stealing some hundred pounds of salt fish from 
 tbe magazine. The delinquents were brought before a Jury 
 of seven Black commanders ; their crimes were stated by 
 the manager, in the presence of the proprietor j — the wit- 
 nesses for the charge were heard j — and then the culprits 
 'Srere called upon for their defence. They confessed their « 
 ^crimes, and stated, that they had been seduced to exchange 
 the salt fish for spirituous liquors, by a neighbouring petty 
 shopkeeper- Their first offence had been pardoned Ea. h of the 
 culprits was adjudged, by the jury, to receive thirty lashes j 
 but, as had been preconcerted at the instance of the manager, 
 the number was reduced by the proprietor to twelve lashes. 
 
 As will be seen from the extracts in the Appendix, taken 
 from the Belombre Instruction Book, the plan of punishment 
 for the Slaves, by the intervention of their equals, was insti- 
 tuted, so as to take from the overseer the exercise of despotic 
 authority, and to be a not less powerful control upon him, 
 than a wholesome curb on the delinquency of the Slaves j— 
 it was a shield to innocence and a scourge to guilt. Another 
 great advantage also accrued from it: the shoulders of the 
 m<ister were relieved from a load of trouble, and from a 
 disagre<*b!e though indispensable task, for the well-being 
 of society, Black and White , and which cannot be dis- 
 charged without repugnance and disgust. 
 
(50) 
 
 The division of the Slaves into classes proved to them, that 
 they were liable to be advanced or to be degraded, and 
 was found an excellent expedient for strengthening the 
 influence of the authorities to which they were subject ; — 
 it produced emulation, by making a palpable distinction 
 betwixt good and ill behaviour; — and it kept their hopes 
 and fears continually awake. Such were it's effects, that 
 some of the more meritorious Blacks were in the receipt 
 of annual salaries, (and have been so for ten years ) exceed- 
 ing thirty pounds sterling ; while others married free 
 women, and brought up their families, at the cost of the 
 proprietor, on the Belombre estate. 
 
 The earnings of the Slaves were either spent at the time, 
 i>r received, at their option, by the book-keeper, at 12 per 
 cent interest, for the purpose of purchasing their freedom. 
 "With their usual improvidence,, however, but few took a 
 lasting advantage of this system. For the most part, t' ore 
 was no sufficient inducement to sacrifice the present to the 
 future j distant good had not sufficient influence to lead 
 them to lay by their savings j and no necessity existed to 
 provide for old age, or for a rising family. Some bought 
 their children from other estates - t but a well furnished shop 
 contained all they could want, and the articles sold to them, 
 at wholesale cost, offeied greater temptation. It would have 
 been contrary to my principle, to have placed any restraints 
 as to the voluntary expenditure of their earnings j except 
 the purchase of anient spirits. They could hiy wine, 
 callou and J/angorecn ( the fermented juice of the coco- 
 palm and sugar cane ) a d libitum, provided they did not 
 past the limits of sobriety j besides tea, col.ee and other 
 lux u 1 . 
 
 I sh ill MMMl the refutation of the sixth charge, by 
 requesting my readers to make a careful 1 omprison, on every 
 point, between the " Reporter's " unsupported assertions, 
 and the etidence of the respectable witnesses on my part, 
 
(CO) 
 
 as- well as the extracts fr.nu tho ttelo nbre Instruction Ror>k, 
 'nth. Marriage, The seventh charge is th.d, l4 Marriage is* 
 
 unkuiwn among ihe slaves ; hut thi ia >sl ooen prostit ition. 
 
 prc\.tilcd imiv rs.lly among the females. Ladies, so called,. 
 
 often hire:! out their ne^resses to the soldiers, by the mouthy 
 
 for this purp se. " 
 
 In all barbarous and de mi-barbarous countries, and wherever 
 y exists , that crime which we call prostitution , ia 
 
 civilized society, and agreiab'y to the laws of God, has* 
 be< n, and still is , found to prevail extensively j so that, in. 
 
 admitting the Reporter's assertion, would it prove any things 
 against the Planters of the Mauritius, or against the island 
 itself ? Assuredly not. 
 
 Knowing the real state of affairs, it was my constant 
 ani anxious desire, at Belombre, to encourage permanent- 
 family connexions, in every way that morality, religion, 
 and reflection could suggest, Independently of these higher 
 motives, as concubinage and promiscuous intercourse between 
 the sexes are seldom productive of children, and are always 
 less prolific than- the offspring of regular and permanent 
 attachments, the master of the Slaves would, of course, 
 best consult his interest in -establishing carriage, or when 
 this was impracticable, a kind of mmtunl contract, between 
 every pair of adult males and females on his e tablishment. 
 In accordance with these views, such family connexions 
 were promoted, at Bidombre, in several w..ys. On examining 
 into the causes of the general inconstancy of attachment,. 
 I had very soon reasui to know, that the fault of libertinism.! 
 was, almost invariably, on the part of the male, \who had; 
 no check upon his caprices, and who had little difficulty 
 in obtaining a new partner, while his discarded chore arri&e 
 was obliged to shift for herself. To remedy this evil, tha 
 house of each Black on the estate was put into thorough 
 repair; having been wh te-washed , furnished , and made 
 comfoilalile, at my eipGuee. The ekssijacaiion of the Blacks^ 
 
(GI) 
 
 already- made, a* statrd in. my notes in 18(7, jra>T c^Htawd 
 U the Appendix, rendered the appropriation of the houses a* 
 e^-v matter; the higher families were re^ulirly instilled as 
 the houses were finished, and the exclusive right of the build- 
 ing, of the whole of the furniture, of the cooking utensils, 0* 
 *he plates and dishes etc., was vested in the molherof the family. 
 This arrangement was highly approved- by ail the -Blacks off" 
 the first diss, w >o, in tlteir own estimation, are the nobility 
 of their race. Their domestic habits prevented them from,' 
 wishing to roam, an I, apparently, they had as little desire- 
 for separation from their wives, as if tliev had been married* 
 according to the ceremonies of the church* 
 
 This pian was intended more especially to produce good 
 effects upon the younger, the dissipated, and the dissolute 
 Negros, who naturally conformed to the principles whicV 
 bound their superiors. Th * women being the sole proprietost* 
 of the cottages and of their contents, a man, if inconstant, 
 could not turn his wife out of the house, and admit another 
 partner j — on the contrary, he himself was obliged to 
 load the vagabond life to which the woman had form- 
 erly been exposed. This measure proved a strong restraint 
 on libertinism ; and attachments had become so permanent,- 
 tint very few examples- of inconstancy were to be found at 
 Belombrc, and when thtse did occur, the Blacks themselves 
 looked on the gu.lty parties with contempt. 
 
 Hud my occupations allowed me to reside constanllv at 
 Belombrc, or liad there been any clergyman, in the district 
 of the Savanne, to have continuod the course of religious 
 instruction, so wed founded by the Ut v '. 1) vul Jones 
 of Madagascar, during his residence on that estate, it is 
 provable that regular marriages would have been celebrated 
 more frequently there. But, by t'ie most intelligent and 
 respectable of the Blacks, hilh d not beta- 
 
 considered as connected with religion j and, fr the list 
 generation, that ceremony has l> en, oven among tlttrii* 
 
CM) 
 
 masters of the white population, merely a civil contract , 
 a contract which no Slave can legally form. 
 
 The religious instruction of my Blacks has, in general, not 
 extended beyond the reading of their bibles, the repetition 
 of prayers, the singing of psalms and hymns, and the 
 inculcation of the principles and doctrines contained in 
 "Watt's Catechism. The majority of the old and of the 
 middle aged people, however, is not farther advanced 
 than the daily repetition of their devotional exercises and 
 hymns j so that among them marriage has, hitherto, been 
 little insisted upon by the master ■ nor, indeed, has it been 
 seriously thought of by the Blacks* 
 
 As marriage is considered a sacrament in the Church of 
 Rome, the priests, who form the body of the established 
 clergy in this island, have shewn no disposition to encourage 
 this ceremony j unless preliminary instruction has been 
 disseminated, and until each candidate to the marriage state 
 has been examined in his belief, baptized, and confirmed ; so 
 as td avoid profanatijn of this sacrament. 
 
 The protestant church, although it does not view the mar- 
 riage* ceremony in the same light as the Church of Rome, — 
 i. c./ as a sacrament j — has had but two pastors in this 
 island, who were competent to the religions instruction 
 ef the Blacks in their patois- tongue, and these gentlemen 
 bad other duties to perform, for which they were specially 
 appointed j — so that their personal attendance could not 
 be widely extend d. Therefore, we had recourse to the 
 assistance of the Catechists brought up by the Revd. J, 
 lie Brun, in teaching our schools, and in preaching to the 
 people ; we have also to thank the Revd R. E. Jones, 
 Chaplain to the Forces, for his efforts in the cause of religion, 
 during several years. This gentleman, however, is averse to 
 the celebration of the marriage cerenn ny among persons who, 
 in his opinion, are *et incapable of duly compreh nding, 
 <*r of properly observing, so solemn an engagement.. 
 
(03) 
 
 We now come to a serious part of tlie charge — " Lo d . 
 often hired out their negresses to the soldiers, by the month" 
 and for the purpose of prostitution. A man of common 
 sense and of honest feelings, before he advanced an accusa- 
 tion to which no lady could reply, would have abked his 
 informer the amount of a soldier's income, and the rate of a 
 Slave's hire. He wo aid then hate learnt, thu even the pos- 
 sible hoarded amount of a soldier's savings would not have 
 paid one sixteenth part of the monthly hire of a negress, and 
 consequently, the tale woul 1 have been in toto di .credited. 
 The daily pay of a soldier is twelve pence ; out of which 
 are retained six pence for rations, three pence for vegetable?, 
 and one penny for washing, — making in all ten pence. With 
 the remaining two pea e ; — whioh he receives daily and 
 not monthly; — he must pay his Captain whatever may bo 
 due to him, and keep up his necessaries, or kit, as it is tech- 
 nically called. Only the old and careful soldiers caa 
 keep out of debt with this pittance, as will be seen in the 
 Appendix. Sueh gallants .would probably expend a penny 
 for tobacco, and fl«o//ier^spirituous liquors; — indispensable 
 comforts for a soldier between the tropics. Nothing remains, 
 and as, ex nihilo nihil /it, from whence comes the monej 
 for the monthly hire of the negress. Ten or twelve dollar* 
 is the rate of monthly wages paid at present, but say it was 
 only six dollars, or even one dollar; the soldier has neither sum. 
 Besides, where are the rations of the negress to be founds 
 or the money with which she is to be dressed from the wages 
 of her prostitution. 
 
 The above is another exhibition of the moral qualities of 
 the " Reporter, " and of his numerous informers ; such 
 the courtesy and courage of those aggressions on the most de- 
 fenceless of human beings, ihe La<lies. 
 
 An instance of more hazardous gallantry, and more 
 accordant than, the above with the parte and the mordily 
 of the'Tic^uitcrV informer, occurred in ibis island. A soLimx 1 
 
( « ) 
 
 was imprisoned in' 1820, at fle.lombre, at the instance of his 
 corporal, to save him from the wild justice of the Slaves, 
 who sought revenge for his attempt to violate their wives 
 and daugthers. He belonged to the same corps with another 
 soldier, who was hanged, by the sentence of a Court Martial 
 held at Port Louis, for having shot at one of the proprietors 
 of Belombre, with the intent of murdering him. Such char- 
 acters form the class of witnesses, from which ihe "Reporter" 
 derives his knowledge of Mauritius, and on which he founds 
 his unqualified and sweeping defamations. 
 
 I would observe, in conclusion of my refutation of the 
 seventh charge, that the first assertion of the *' Reporter " 
 proves nothing against Mauritius :— that, what respects the 
 conduct of the Ladies being an impossibility, by consequence, 
 must be a falsehood j — and, that my labors have been unceas- 
 ing, unwearied, and expensive, in the execution of plans for 
 raising the Slaves in their own estimation, and, of course, 
 in the scale of existence, and especially for overcoming the 
 effects of their mere animal passions, formerly gratified indis- 
 criminately, and of replacing these hy ties of lasting affection 
 and of mutual attachments. 
 
 \ These statements will be fully supported by the documents 
 in the Appendix. 
 
 8(h. Morality and Religion. The eighth charge of the 
 " Reporter "is, that, M the LSlaves were generally excluded 
 from all moral or religious instruction, and to teach plan- 
 tation slaves to read was almost unexampled. Indeed, this 
 might be said of the whole s'ave population 1 '. This charge 
 includes almost the total neglect of inculcating among the 
 Slaves, the doctrines of morality and religion, and the princi- 
 ples of elementary education. 
 
 The Missionary annual reports, printed in London, many 
 years ago assured'y could not have escaped the knowledge 
 of the " Reporter" j they., or the extracts from them in 
 the Appendix will shew how indifferent he is to truth even 
 
(65) 
 
 in a legible f r m. As we have seen, marriage, at Mauritius, 
 is by law a Civil contract : — the mere religious ceremo> y 
 being of no l^gal force : — whilst in the Roman catholic 
 church marriage is a sacrament, ami is not administered 
 without due previous preparation. No clergy could he 
 obtained for Belombre from either ehurch; thus we were 
 left to our own internal resources. The practice adopted on 
 (Stale, at the time the "Reporter" has spoken of, for 
 the religious, moral, and scholastic instruction, indeed, 
 for the cultivation of the intellectual faculties of the 
 Slaves, is of general notoriety. In the school then establish- 
 ed on my estate, the first eatechist, Richard Lambert, 
 was formed, and he is a striking example of the powers of 
 education in elevating his class. He is the author of the fir>t 
 Creole catechism ever published, and is at present at the 
 Lead of the Government school for the Slaves at Reduit, the 
 country residence of His Excellency, the Governor. In an 
 blind, peopled with a Negro pagan race, and with but a 
 small proportion of Europeans, religious advances cannot ba 
 rapid ; evtn in our own old colonies, settled for centuries, 
 and where our own language is spoken by the Slaves, much 
 •till remains to be done ; though they have the advantage 
 of a regular eccle.i -sliced establishment devoted to the 
 purpo e 
 
 The Royal charter granted, in 1 7f>f , to the Soc ety incor- 
 porated for the convert > and religi us instruction of the 
 Negro Slaves Jn the Brit.sh West India islands, sets forth 
 the utter impossibility of accomplishing this purpose, by the 
 l of the West hid an clergy* Mauritius never 
 possessed even one episcopal clergyman until ifti3 , and 
 we bate yet to barn that the Roman cath he church 
 previously occupied ith the cor- version of the 
 
 Pdacks w< without the n cans 
 
 • ; a stale of things greatly to bo 
 >uld not ha^c been pre\ented, nor 
 
is it now to be easily remedied. A. nu-nVr of crualifiei 
 religious instructors for a foreign people, speaking a strange 
 tongue, cannot start into existence at a call ; nor arc tlicy 
 to be obtained, more than in other professions, w'thout 
 previous study for years, at much expence, and without 
 having a disposition to the vocation. There were neither 
 clergy to be found at Mauritius for that, purpose, nor funds 
 for educating such persons, nor for paying their stipends, 
 when they should be prepared for the performance of their 
 duties. 
 
 In 1810, I commenced a course of instruction with the 
 Slaves in my own family, and employed a priest and a school- 
 master at my own expence. My wish always was to try the 
 practicability of improvement by r my own means, as I did 
 not expect much from wholesale measures of mere speculation, 
 and never counted on any advantage from great and sudden 
 strides. Ever since that period, I have carried on a correspond 
 dence with many influential West India proprietors, and 
 •with different Missionary Societies, as well as wilh their 
 ministers in this hemisphere, in the view of widening the 
 sphere of melioration as I got glimpses of success, and -of 
 pointing their charitable designs to the Black population of 
 Mauritius and Bourbon, and also of extending them to 
 Madagascar. 
 
 The London Missionary Society is the only one which, 
 has yet been able to do much for the Slaves here j but the 
 claims upon it's attention, in every portion of the globe, 
 prevented the application of more than limited means in 
 comparison of the labour to be performed. It's faithful minister 
 Mr. Le Brun has done all that could be effected, in his situation: 
 he has been indefatigable in his schools, for the education 
 and the religious instruction of the lower classes. The free 
 people of colour have naturally engrossed the greater part 
 of his time j from them he formed catechists to assist 
 him in his work - f and from them teachers have been supplied 
 
(B7) 
 
 fo several estates • so that the light of religion is slowly, 
 but gradually, diffusing it's influence among the Slaves. 
 
 The writer might perhaps claim some degree of credit 
 even for lhe>e puny efforts, if he had no better incentive 
 or reward. Their chief merit is that their object has been 
 effected, though in a narrow circle : it was a grain of seed 
 planted in a remote corner of the globe ; it was blessed, 
 and it prospered, thirteen years before the great ecclesias- 
 tical body in London made encreascd exertions in the West 
 Indies, for tho same objects, and long after my correspond- 
 on the subject had commenced with some gentlemen, 
 ■who became members of that most respectable society. 
 
 The Reverend A. Denny, Chief Chil Chaplain of Mau- 
 ritius, and the Reverend U. E. Jones, Military Chaplain to the 
 Garrison and second Civil Chaplain, have paid the greatest 
 attention to the elementary, moral, and religious instruction of 
 the Slaves and their efforts will lend greatly to advance the 
 spread of Christianity. The latter has been with us above six- 
 teen years, and has devoted the time he could spare from his 
 regular and arduous duties, most assiduously, to the religious 
 instruction of the Slaves, and particularly to those on my 
 estates. He is a proficient in their language, and he possesses, 
 in a peculiar manner, that species of eloquence and of illustra- 
 tion which is adapted to fix and captivate their attention. 
 His Creole sermons, could he be prevailed on to publish them, 
 would be considered as an extraordinary curiosity, not only 
 among the religious, but among the literary, portion of 
 European society. 
 
 If great ex ension could be afforded to the regular 
 
 Itablithment, and zealous coadjutors be obtained 
 
 dome, under the superintendence of the lawful aulho- 
 
 , young en ngli to acquire the Language of the Slaves, 
 
 religious instruction might l> i mtich forwarded \ bat, I am 
 
 ware of any mli t m I '<• in which this grand object 
 is to be specchly or tll'cctuall) aliaiucd. How c\cr great may 
 
(68) 
 be the abilities and zeal of Mr. Denny and M Jones ; — the 
 only two members of the regular establishment here ; — 
 the progress of religion in the minds of 80,000 Blacks ;— - 
 many of them in a semi- barbarous slate; must, for a long 
 time, be comparatively small. As mir.tcu.1ous interposition is 
 no longer to be expected; the good to be done, must be effected 
 by human means appropriately applied. Our means were very 
 simple, and were not likely to meet the approbation of persons 
 unacquainted with the materials on which we had to work. 
 They consisted in the adoption of the Lancasterian system. 
 
 Saturday evening, on every estate in this island, is invaria- 
 bly ushered in with the dances of the different castes 
 of the Black population in national groups j men and wo- 
 men of all ag^s, some even above one hundred years of 
 age, join in the dance with their children and grand children, 
 even to the fourth and fifth generations. 
 
 At Belombre, on Sunday morning, the bell rung before 
 breakfast for " corvee ", which is roll-cal! ; the court- 
 yard and tradesmens' workshops were swept ; and all things 
 were made neat and put in order. The Blacks then amused 
 themsel\es according to their taste. Some of the best behaved 
 got leave for a day or two, or for a week, to visit their friends 
 and relations on other estates; some r«. ceived visitors or rela- 
 tions who resided at a < istance ; and others were busied in 
 dancing, fishing, snaring partridges, monk« ys, and hares, and 
 running, wresl'ing, or playing music, until raid-day. Among 
 Slaves, every innocent amusement is useful, notonly from the 
 pleasure which results ; but, by it's tendency to weaken jhose 
 dangerous inclinations which uncivilized man inherits from 
 nature. 
 
 The bells were rung at twelve o'clock ; divine service 
 was read to the Slaves by the Missionary who preached in 
 
 (*) The "patois," or jargon of the Blacks* is simple in its construction, 
 and euphonical to the ear, though made up «f tkjo " mombru dit- 
 jtctm" of several languages. 
 
(G9) 
 "Creole," * or, wh/m he wis absent, by the school- 
 I j and psaluifl anil hymns wore sung. After ihe conclu- 
 sion of the service, thise wlio had received money for surplus 
 generally went to the retail shop, which, contained even-r. 
 co.ufort consistent with sobriety ; — here they completed 
 their stock of cooking uteusils, fishing tackl*, snares for 
 animals, and had it iu their power to purchase all aort*. 
 of eatables 11 *t furnished by the estate j hesides light wines 
 and liqueurs. To those who chose to hoard their money,. 
 t!i . ir respective accounts were read, staling the amount in 
 the hands of the master ; and the Negresses were assured of the 
 disposal of th ir owu earnings, independently] of their adopted 
 husbands. By these means, provident habits were introduced 
 among the Slaves and their children. 
 
 In the evening the people were again assembled at roll- 
 ca'd j — said their usual prayers; — sung their psalms and 
 hymns ; — and returned to the dance, which was kept up till 
 midnight. Such was the real account of Sunday at Belombre^ 
 and although passed differently from what many might 
 have wished, it w.ts, as has been shewn, a day of pleasure- 
 in which religion was not forgotten. * 
 
 At Belomhre, and, indeed, on all my estates, the education 
 of the Slaves has been an object for which I willingly made 
 every sacrifice of time, labour, and money. The Negro children, 
 
 (') I am aware that the above description of the Slaves' mode of 
 passing Sundays at Belomhre, may alarm and displease many excellent, 
 people, who, brought up, as \ was myself in the rigorous and 
 solemn observance of that day inculcated by die church of Scotland, 
 think llial such sports and enjoyments, as the above mentioned, are. 
 little short of profanation; and that even the singing of psalma, 
 and hymns, when accompanied by the melody of a band of instru- 
 ments, though played by the Slaves themselves, amounts to Wicked 
 But I am not telling what ought to be done, nor wliat might be 
 done, under a ■ at management. I relate vfhat actually 
 
 happened. I shall neither attempt t> p »lli.«<.- n >i to deprecate censure j 
 fcj changing the colour of the scene tu luijt tha taite of any claea 
 
(70) 
 
 •iic? some of the more advanced, intelligent, young men$ : 
 Were daily taught to read, write, and cast accounts, and were 
 duly instructed in the principles of morality, and the practice 
 ©f religious duties. Some were taught even higher accom- 
 plishments. Believing in the influence of music in civilizing 
 mankind, a vocal and instrumental hand was formed among' 
 the Slaves, who, for ahove three years, learned the princi- 
 ples of this art, from the best European masters. During this' 
 time I gave up their services, for they were thirty miles 
 distant from the estate. This hand assisted in teaching the 
 musicians of Radama, king of Madagascar, under the superin- 
 
 •f society however respectable. There is ample room for improve- 
 ment, if we had clergymen to labour in so extensive a field. 
 
 Sunday, in this island, has always been, as in all Catholic 
 •ounlries, a day of pastime. To make it otherwise, when it is ibe 
 custom of the church, would be to disgust the Slaves with the 
 same of religion. The principles that I have endeavoured to inculcate, 
 are those that form the broad basis of Christianity, and in which 
 all churches are agreed- hence, I have, as occasions presented, availed 
 myself of the aid of the clergy of every church. The prominent 
 trait of the. faith We taught, was complete confidence in the goodness 
 «f the Supreme Being, who delights in the happiness of his creatures. 
 Trivial faults were not threatened with et< rnal torments, nor was 
 the mind oppressed with a load of fear ; we followed the humane and 
 christian spirit of the just and virtuous Fenelon. " A vicar having 
 boasted before him, that he had abolished dancing on Sundays in 
 his parish, — " Mr. Vicar, " said the Archbishop, let us be less 
 severe towards others ; let us abstain from dancing 'ourselves, but 
 let the peasants dance, if they like it; why should we not let them, 
 for a short time, forget their misery ? When the Slaves can relish 
 intellectual pleasures, the case may alter ; but, in their present 
 
 8 tate ; " To with-hold these pleasures, is to deprive them of a 
 
 portion of happiness. If happiness, in their minds, is not composed 
 of amusements, what is it's composition ? W ho can justify the seveiity 
 which unnecessarily takes from the labouring class, those little 
 enjoyments which sweeten the bitter cup of their labours, and 
 forces them to sadness and ennui. " 
 
(71) 
 
 fn lince of Mr. Kvle, the respectable Quirtcr-Master of 
 Hi* Majesty's 82nd Regiment. Some of my head carpenter* 
 and masons re :eive I lessons in mensuration and geometry, 
 which I translated from Colonel Paisley's treatise. One 
 hundred of our Blacks were instructed in the practical 
 application of the princip'cs laid down in that work, by Mr, 
 Warwick* a gentleman of property in this colony, and who, 
 as an Engineer, has introduced numerous improvements, He 
 was employed, during two years, at Belombre, in the conver- 
 sion of timber, the formation of inclined planes, and the 
 construction of rail roa Is. He was much pleased with this 
 docility and intelligence of the Slaves under hi* orders, and by 
 his care many were relied to the rank of artizans. We had 
 also an architect of furnaces and fire places, Mr. Pownal, from 
 England, at a salary of ten shiliiugs a day, and allexpences 
 defrayed. He instructed our masons in the construction of 
 boiling and curing houses ; and in this school some of the 
 best builders of the Colony were formed. 
 
 The School opened regularly at mid-day, and the children 
 who had been previously assembled, having bathed in the 
 adjoining sea, returned at the sound of the bell, and, 
 after a short prayer, began their stU'Hes. Their number 
 varied from forty to sixty, and they answered to their names 
 in the muster book ; the absent were noted and the causes 
 enquired by the school-master. On alternate days, reading 
 and writing were taught, and arithmetical table* were repeat- 
 ed by heart by the whole school. Each child hid a copy- 
 book, a bible, a catechism, and a book of hymns and 
 canticles. The last were printed expressly at Calcutta, and 
 were sent as a present from a very pious lady, Mrs. Ballard, 
 who had witnessed with delight the progress of our scholars, 
 when on a tint to Belombre. School business was inva- 
 riably closed, by the whole of the scholars and auditors 
 joining in prayer, and in singing hymns, etc. The time 
 was thus occupied till two, or hull past two o'clock 3 
 
( « ) 
 
 the children then pnt on tlicir working clothes, ant? went 
 to the public kitchen for their rations, which were already 
 prepared. Any scholar, whose conduct was remarkably good, 
 accompanied the family of the master home, and was fed 
 from his table for the day. 
 
 Far from neglecting Education at Belombre, it was the 
 favourite employment of the family, who never missed the 
 school hours, and who were accompanied, in this pleasing avo- 
 cation, by visitors, of whom some were always to be found there 
 either of the most respectable inhabitants of Mauritius, or of 
 the constant stream of travellers, who consider this island as a 
 Louse of call in their voyages to and from India and the Cape 
 of Good Hope; and who, on account of it's beauty and the ex- 
 treme salubrity of it's climate, prolong their residence for health 
 or curiosity, and generally quit our shores with regret. 
 
 The facts in the Appendix j — containing the recorded testi- 
 mony of most unquestionable witnesses j — may be opposed to 
 the anonymous aspersions of my secret accusers, and the 
 reader may be left to draw his own inferences. 
 
 The same System of Education is continued on my other 
 'es'.ates, the Blacks are regular in their attendance at church,, 
 and the scriptures are explained to them every Sunday. The 
 Hcvd. M. Tyerman, my late lamented friend, preached to 
 oiir people, at Bon Espoir t and at Beau Manguier, before he 
 went to Madagascar, where be was removed from the labours 
 of his extensive ministry, and from his collaborator in the 
 mighty work of spreading religion and civilization. George 
 Bennet Esquire, the worthy companion of his toils, assisted 
 in our schools, and as he has returned to Loudon, he may 
 be appealed to, by the curious, for satisfactory information. 
 M. Tyerman's e*tr..cts from my Book of Instructions, were 
 e-p ; ous and he intended to publish them, as an exam- 
 p T e of what might be done for the benefit of the Sl.ve, 
 ^because it had been done at Bclomnrc. The London Mis- 
 sionary Society are too just to WOlloM a communication 
 
(73) 
 of those documents, if any furihrr proof he required of the 
 unfounded nature of the charge that, •• the slaves were 
 generally excluded from all moral or religious instruction ; 
 and to te.ich plantation Slaves to road w salmon unexampled." 
 
 My life was passed at Belombre in diffusing education among 
 my people, by that mild discipline of the mind which grad- 
 ually confers lasting improvements ; advancing step by step 
 from habit to nature ; the only way, I kn.w, in which the 
 progress of the Slave to freedom can be either safe, solid, 
 or perrmnent. 
 
 In my intercourse and correspondence with the proprietors 
 of Bourbon and Mauritius, I tried to shew that their in- 
 terests were identified with the above mode of dealing with 
 the Mave. Many, indeed most, of the respectable inhabitants 
 of these islands are more like fathers than masters on their 
 estates: their Negros repay them with a just return of 
 fidelity and love : the habitation becomes, as I have often 
 seen, an imm mse family; and the owner resembles a patriarch; 
 practically proving, that, in the reciprocal duties of Master and 
 Slave, the bond of mutual good wil! becomes strouger, as the 
 Lcings it connects are brought into nearer contact, and that 
 each is rendered more necessary to the welfare of the other. 
 
 Cases of Cruelty. 
 
 I deem it necessary to quote the "Reporter's" introduction 
 to the four cases of cruelty, which are already copied at 
 full length in the seventh, eighth, and ninth pages of the 
 41 Anonymous Ch.rges ". 
 
 u The above account : " — the account of the, li General 
 
 Treatment of SLves in the Mauiitiu ;" which commences 
 
 in the first, an J terminUes in the seventh, pap;^ of this work: — 
 
 says the * 4 Reporter" — would apply, with slight occasional 
 
 variations, to the estates in general t* rou^nout (he is] ml, 
 
 as well as to Belombre. On some, the Slav« s might be better 
 
 off in one or n*orc particulars, and on some the; might bo 
 
 10 
 
worse off. But the sketch now given m°y be considered as 
 a fair re presentation of what w »s the ordinary, every clay, 
 treatment of the Slaves, on those estates which Sir Robert 
 Farquhar might designate as well regulated This treatment* 
 however, was wholly independent of those more exemplary 
 inilictions of punishment which occurred from lime to time, 
 and wlicli, though not productive of so great an aggregate 
 of misery as flowed from the calm, steadv, regular, c urse 
 of plantation discipline, yet concentrated into a brief and 
 narrow space a greater portion of the more revolting 
 horrors of the system. " 
 
 " We will here again take Belombre as our first, and one 
 of our most striking illustrations. " 
 
 I must now request the reader's particular attention to 
 the cases just referred to, so as to avoid repetition here. I 
 am confident that, on minutely perusing them, he will be far 
 from satisfied at the careless manner in which they are 
 detailed* 
 
 As men, and as soldiers, and therefore not wanting 
 in courage, were not the "Reporter's" witnesses, accessaries 
 and accomplices, since they did not at least pre^ent the 
 repetition of the above crimes, worse than murder, by giving 
 immediate information of their commission to the constituted 
 authorities in the district? 
 
 Their tender-heartedness, or rather, w they pretend, the 
 excess of torture , rendered them totally incapable to 
 bear the sight of the termination of the punishments, 
 yet, they unaccountably concealed the whole of those 
 atrocities, even wine surrounded by their countrymen, 
 and by a detachment of their fellow-soldiers, who. were 
 passing and repassing to the military post on the estate, 
 and within hail, every hour of the day : as if they wished to 
 Ijave other opportunities of being present at fresh punishments, 
 in order to indulge the tender passions of pity and lo\e t to 
 
(75) 
 
 excite tfce same fooling, and to move the milt of human kind- 
 ness in the breasts of philanthropists. I should wish to know 
 reasons, why at, or at least after, the first infliction 
 of such inhuman torture, they took no means to put a stop 
 to further atrocities. Captain Mackay, Captain Bruce, and 
 Captain Foreman were the officers stationed in succession, 
 during the period in question, at the regular military post, 
 called Jacote, on the boundary of the Belombre estate, 
 while Doctor dimming was the attached surgeon, who through 
 kindness visited our hospital almost daily. Why, with such 
 opportunities every day of the yenr, did not the witnesses 
 inform their officers of the awful sights they had beheld ; — 
 gentlemen whose principles and duty would have led to re* 
 search: — why did they not sound the alarm among the soldiers, 
 who, we can scarcely suppose, would have formed a confe- 
 deracy for the Concealment of such barbarous deeds ? 
 Supposing that their delicacy, or some equally worthy motive, 
 dictated their silence to the commanding officers, to the 
 medical officer, and to their companions in nrms:-or more 
 probably their associates in deception, falsehood and perjury: — 
 ivliv did they not address themselves to the Coramand.mtof the 
 Quarter, or to the Chief Magistrate or Commissary of Police 
 for the district ? Granting that they failed in awakening the 
 sympathies of the latter, why did not thy proceed to the 
 Ciiief Commissary of Police at Port Louis, to the Courts, 
 to the Attorney -< eneral, to the Public? — If all proved 
 unavailing — should ihey not have thrown themselves at the 
 of the Governor, and implored, with that earnestness 
 which philanthropy inspires, the assistance of II is Excel- 
 lency to bring llif culprits to justice > Had any man of 
 proper feelmgs, though n »t so tender as those of tin- in- 
 form rs. even wi<iie*scd a horse undergoing from the hands 
 of I servant j such tortures as they pr fess to ha»e seen 
 ii'ilr'd up n :l,e Slaves of Belombre, \\ old he not have 
 imcd it's owner, as a duty of humanity 7 
 
(T6) 
 
 But enough of inconsistency. Had the cnses been real, as 
 may be well inferred from the prevailing tenor of tho 
 " Reporters" animadversions, and ihe tone of his informers, 
 they would have been circumstantially, nay, most minutely, 
 detailed. All the dates of l\v* punishments, and the names 
 of the sufferers, of the torturers, of the proprietors, of the 
 managers, of the overseers j — indeed of all concerned; — 
 would have been solemnly paraded in the pagrs of his 
 contemptible periodica I j or what would have been sliil better, 
 numerous proces verbals would have furnished him with 
 texts for the next twelve months, on which he might have 
 descanted to his disciples. 
 
 I may well be permitted to ask, why such horrors as 
 roused the tenderest sympathies of the con fed*- rated witnesses, 
 were carefully concealed and kept in darkness for seven years, 
 and then brought forward mysteriously and anonymously, 
 in a country' far distant from the residence of the supposed 
 delinquents, and the scene of their alleJged crimes, in 
 order to found upon them infamous charges. Such clumsy 
 and gross fabrications, however, cannot long impose upon 
 those in search of truth. 
 
 The only overseer at Eelombre, from January 1820 till 
 December 1821, was Mr. Henry Adam, a gentleman by birth, 
 education, and manners, and at present a merchant of pro- 
 perty at Port Louis. He was strongly recommended to 
 the proprietors of Belombre, by the Attorney - General, 
 by Mr. Ruddle, and by Mr. Suasse, the Commandant of 
 the adjoining district, in which he had managed an exten- 
 sive estate, as well as by many of the chief inhabit- 
 ants of Mauritius. His treatment of the Blacks was never 
 known to be otherwise than in conformity to the written 
 instructions given for his guidance, and for that of all others 
 employed on the estate . 
 
 The Slaves were generally sober and quiet, and offences were 
 
(77) 
 
 rare and venial, so that seventy was not required . Tn- the 
 Correctiou Biotas h. is already been said, was entered each 
 instinct of chastisement ; its nature, and the cause for 
 which it Was administered. The slighest punishment, was 
 noticed in that book, not only as a check on the overseer, 
 but as forming, a record of the character of those Blacks 
 whose conduct was faulty. No such punishments as those de- 
 tailed appear in that book. Had such flagitious acts occurred, 
 they could not have been concealed from rue j conduct so 
 apposite to the quiet and ordinary course of events at 
 Belombre, would have been reported by my own personal 
 scrvauts and Slaves in town, who were constantly receiving 
 letters from their famili s resident on that estate. 
 
 We had no female Slave Maroons for months nor years. 
 Maroon N'egros are not corporally punished, when they retura 
 to their homes of their own accord : those seixed by the 
 detachments are led directly to the civil magistrate of the 
 district, or to the police office, wltere the captors receive a 
 reward on their delivery. AH this is done without the 
 least participation of the owners, to whom the Blacks are 
 returned, after having been kept confined, or hiving served 
 a period in chains, by order of the magistrate, at the public 
 Works or roads of the town. Even bad they bceu Ma- 
 roons, as stated under the head of punishments, womeu were 
 never allowed to be whipped at Belombre It might have 
 struck the " R porter", when treating of the third case, 
 tint the application of pepper and salt, rubbed <4 into ihe- 
 w-nimls," was a dressing not of a healing quality, and that if 
 it did not cause mortification and death in a tropical climate, 
 it could not have had the very opposite effect of producing a 
 prompt cure; for surely the Reporter believes thathis own-flesh, 
 and that of the Blacks are of the same nature. 
 
 The "Reporter" next states, that the witnesses, as be calls 
 bis informers, are ready to appear before a Court of Justice, o 
 Magistrate, or a Committee of the House of Commons, to swear 
 
(IS) 
 
 To the irulTi", whenever tliry shall Le catted to Jo so. TTitst 
 vaunting is one of the fruits of leaving perjury unpunished. 
 Had Kendrick and Higginson, two of the strongest wit- 
 nesses of the party, been indicted for subornation, cons- 
 piracy, and perjury, when proofs of their guilt came out* 
 as clear as noon day, we should hn"\e heard no more of 
 such combinations of paid calumniators, enrolled, muste- 
 red, and drilled to uniform evolutions of lying. An exam- 
 ple of the vengeance of the law, on these original per-' 
 jurers, would have dispelled the cloud of above three hundred' 
 other witnesses, almost all of whom, as the "Reporter" ingenu- 
 ously adds, "are persons belonging to the lower classes, and 
 therefore themselves accustomed to labour and privation. 
 Not only were their opportunities of observation greater on 
 this account, but their estimate of the parallel condition 
 to their own, which they were contemplating, likely to be 
 more just. " 
 
 The picture of the flock of witneses might have been more 
 correctly drawn from their prototypes, who were produced, 
 as a chosen sample, and examined before the Select Committee 
 of the House of Commons, and whp were shewn off with 
 the advantage of having their appaient protector, as Presi* 
 dent of the Committee, jutting the questions, and displaying 
 the valuable qualities of his own supporters. The M Repor- 
 ter's " estimate of their < haracters would then stand thus : — 
 " Almost all the witnesses we are about to cite are of the 
 same class as Higginson and Kendrick, * and possess the 
 attribute of ubiquity, an attribute highly useful to an informer, 
 and very agreeable to the lovers of the marvellous. They 
 neie recruited from the jails of London ;— self convicted of 
 
 ( * ) In consulting their evidence, and the report of the depositions, 
 taken by Govemnent, a I Maui it ins upon it, ax printed, hy order 
 of the House of < (.nii-ons, it will Le seen that }:ie^inson v us rfitn 
 ul two distant places at the same time, reading auiuleiiupieuly, were 
 
(79) 
 
 briber/ and perjury;— »we«j broken from ser^an's and corpo- 
 rals, and permanently degraded to th e ruiks by Cmrig M;.r- 
 -were dismissed from the army : and expelled even as 
 servants from the department of convicts, for incorrigible 
 drunkenness and cruelty in flogging their victims : they were 
 witnesses of cru: 1 murdcrp which they had neither the courage 
 nor the priuciple todenmucc : — in order to rid Mauritius of 
 such wretches, they were transported., against there will, 
 back to England : there, they were suborned to perjury, by 
 a discarded servant of Government — the agent of the reputed 
 editor of the Anti-Slavery Reporter: — they formed a -host, led 
 on with the hope of being promoted to the rank of parish 
 watchmen, or some equally important posts in case of suc- 
 cess : — and, finally, they were stopped from cotninencinsj 
 iho'ir passage to Botany-Bay, by order of Government, at the f 
 instance of the Reporters party, to bear witness ag iinst the 
 Government and inhabitants of Mauritius, before the Select 
 Committee of the House of Commons, where their vi lanics 
 were laid bare to the core. " 
 
 This would have been a fdir and candid character 
 of the most select portion of the '• Reporter's " wit- 
 nesses, as drawn from their own mouths, in the examina- 
 tions to which they were officially subjected, under the 
 highest authorities of the state, and as is illustrate 1 b/ 
 unquestionable depositions and documents transmitted by this 
 Government, and published, by authority, in England. 
 
 Such atrocious instances of cruelty, as the four cases com- 
 mented up>n, never could have occurred without having 
 
 Cor months , at two or three situations apart from one another 
 not less than from 5 to 8 leagues; and that the tatter, Km!- 
 rick at the same instant, was in body, expiating in the jail of I*ort 
 Louis the cruelties he had commit. !, m goggttfg the oonviris, 
 whilst in spirit, he was resid ng at the Savann -, at 38 mil 
 witnr,sing the events that were paA*iu, | PeVtb aro detailed 
 
 in the priuuJ evidence. 
 
(80) 
 
 Been Inown to the world : and T trust, that the evidence, 
 in the Appendix, will place affairs in their true light, and 
 satisfactorily demonstrate to every unbiassed and religious 
 mind, that the whole are wicked inventions. 
 
 Having finished the refutation of the special and individual 
 charges adduced against me, I shall next procei d to answer 
 the '• Reporter" reveries on population, and the vague, in- 
 discriminate, aud sweeping allegations, which he has cruelly, 
 because falsely, mixed up with the subject. 
 
 Progress of Population in the Mauritius. 
 
 In the 44 th anc * 45 lh N°s of the " Anti-Slavery Monthly 
 Reporter tf, are contained two dissertations on the progress 
 of population in Mauritius, which form the most extraordinary 
 mass of erroneous statements and false deductions in the 
 whole range of political economy, ever presented to the 
 world in an equal space, and which dearly demonstrate, 
 that the editor of this contemptible performance and his 
 coadjutors, far from searching after immutable truth, in 
 the mild spirit of Christianity, with the view of benefitting 
 the human race, and especially the Slave, seem endowed 
 with wicked passions, and are determined to gratify them, so 
 long as the liberty of the press: — which they have so wantonly 
 and so often abused : — and the feelings of Britons shall 
 tolerate. I have too high an opinion of the talents and char- 
 acter of many of the Members of the Anti-Slavery Society, 
 to suppose that they are aware of the real nature of the 
 work of which they are said, in common with others as 
 members of that body, to be the publishers In all charity, I 
 doubt not that some are ignorant of it's published procedings, 
 and. that others are misled by false appearances of candour, 
 benevolence and religion of wolves in sbceps' clothing, 
 who arc the leaders of the (lock. 
 
 In the refutation of the random observations and wild 
 rapsodies of ihj " Reporter", respecting the numerical 
 
(51) 
 
 state of the inhabitants of Mauritius, the above remarks 
 Trill be justified. 
 
 The diminution of the^Slave population in Mauritius, and 
 consequentlv at Kclombre, and the statements as to it's causes, 
 in the years mentioned by the u Reporter, " are utterly 
 erroneous. The rate of mortality was moderate, and agreeable 
 to the course of nature ; and when it was higher, in some 
 periods, it's increase was the consequence of pestilential 
 cholera, and other epidemics, which ravaged all India, as 
 well as this island, in those same years. 
 
 The " Reporter" days, his " attempt must of necessity he 
 an Imperfect one, to ascertain the probable extent of the 
 destruction of hum in lif • which has been regularly proceed- 
 ing in this co'om." Yet he parades it, with as much 
 assurance as if it were gospel truth, and appeals to what 
 he calls, *' Statistical Returns, *' as M the loss disputable 
 nee. " The statistical evidence, ho quotes, are the Re- 
 turns of the C-ll^tor of Internal Revenues of the Slave 
 Population at Port Louis, for 1R2?., and the Returns of 
 interments of Slaves, which occurred in the same district, 
 for the six years, from 1S1 5 till 1820 inclusive : — a period 
 during which the Colony was visited wiih epidemic Measles, 
 pestilential Cholera , e demic bVrr berri , and cont<gioUs 
 Dysenlerv . The " Reporter" was aware, that in every 
 country where a tai-roll of capitation exists, the taxable 
 amount must, from the nature of things, be less than the 
 truth ; so far, therefore, his premises are erroneous To 
 cull our years, in which not only Mauritius, but all India, 
 and the adjacent isles suffered fiom a disease, more promptly 
 It. I 1 1 1 a 1 1 the plague, and to applv the rate of mortality 
 •n these years, as the basi of ordinary times in this island, 
 is not fairer reason lag, than it would be to lake the year of 
 the great plague i 1 Li h!<>ii, aj the basis of calculation for 
 the hills of mortality, at the present time. The u Reporter" 
 has left out of si^hi the circumstance, that the proprietor* 
 
(82) 
 
 of estates, who reside at Port Louis, bring thither, f r the bene- 
 fit of the best medical treatment, such of their Slaves, as by 
 dangerous, lingering, and chronic J*complaints, are an incum- 
 brance on the plantation, and thus increase the apparent 
 rate of mortality at Port Louis. He has made a still greater 
 omission, all notice of the Slave Hospital, to which cases 
 of serious disease are sent, from every district, and which thus 
 becomes the portal to the ccmetry of Port Louis for a «>reat 
 portion of the Slave population of this island. 
 
 The above fallacies are so clearly exposed, and so ably refu- 
 ted, in a letter dedicated to Sir Thomas Dyke Ackland, Bartj by 
 an accurately informed, impartial, and disinterested observer, 
 that I have obtained the wri:er's permission to subj in some 
 extracts, which place the matter in it's true light. 
 
 "In the present case, if the p'ague of the Cholera Morbus, 
 which raged among the Slaves in i8i9, did not disqualify 
 that period from being included in a statement of the or- 
 dinary morlalitv, yet there is official authority for asserting, 
 that both these " Statistical Returns " were notoriously 
 incorrect, and are utterly invalid, as the basis of that 
 preposterous induction of crime, which the " Anti-Slavery 
 Reporter''' has so cleverly detailed During the time that the 
 Income Tax was levied, reasons might exist for a fallacious 
 and excessive return of property to the tax-gatherer -, and 
 the man who one day ostensibly possessed thousands, might 
 the next be posted as an insolvent. Could the sagacity of the 
 " Anti-Slavery Reporter" imagine no cause, for any such 
 fallacious registry of Slaves being given in to the Collector 
 of Internal Revenues ? But, not to enlarge upon this 
 topic, and, leaving to others, who have access to proper 
 documents, to confute more fully this heavy charge, allow 
 me new to inform you of circumstances, which make the 
 average mortality of Port Louis not a fair scale for calculating 
 that of the other districts. 
 
(83) 
 
 "The confined and mo: c unhealthy locality of Port Louis (of 
 TvLieh ihe" Anti-Slavery Reporter" seems to know nothing^ 
 and the habits of dissipation of tlie domestic Slaves, maybe 
 supposed to balance the harder fare, and more painful labour, of 
 the plantation Neg os. But the deaths in the Government Hos- 
 pital, in the \ieinily of Port Louis, are included i 1 the Returns 
 of ihe district. In this hospital, nearly all the Government 
 
 .r,»and Apprentices in the colony are treated; — Maroons, 
 the worst description of Ncgros, many of whom contract 
 dUeJscs when ab ent from their masters, and are often ad- 
 mitted into hospital in a dying state ;— suk Prisoners; — and 
 the Slaves of the planters in the other eight districts of the 
 island ( and particularly in the p-irls adjacent to Port Louis), 
 red in a dangerous state, are removed from 
 tlie plant-! lion to the Civil Hospital ; and, of course, all 
 swell the amount of deaths. The Returns of interments, 
 therefore, of Port Louis, if ev< r so correctly taken, 
 
 t he a sumed as a general scale for estimating the 
 mortality of the island. Let these cir umstances be fairly 
 considered, aud then you will be able to appreciate the 
 political acumen, and liberal candour, of the " Anti-Slavery 
 Reporter," in calculating ihe mortality of Port Louis by the 
 number of interments in that district, and then astutely 
 applying this scnl<* to measure the mortality of the other dis- 
 tricts of the island ! By this lire of argument, the parish, 
 in which Middlesex Hospital stands, might he proved more 
 jcslilcntid (if possih'c-) than Sierra Leone. " 
 
 ny is the more valuable, as it proceeds from 
 that c ■ i •:..'.■ ti i reconviction, which the virtuous 
 
 alotii ,rid express. 
 
 1" I tXo, 9 ihe u Reporter* 1 g'rses a summary for 
 
 »rs, 1821 to 1826 ; "establishing clear and irrefragable 
 presumptions of a frightful waste of human life, and of 
 1 mtinuance of lar: .tions of nto Mauri- 
 
 tius. 1 ' After citing, in proof, the official Returns of the Registrar 
 
(84) 
 
 of Slaves at Mauritius, lie says " in no possible way, 
 we apprehend, can these singular and anomalous appearances 
 Le accounted for, but on the hypothesis of an immense 
 mortality and an immense importation : in fine, that there 
 was a mortality of a3,i4o females, and 42,000 males, in 
 these six years. " When he made this assertion, the 
 " Reporter " could not help knowing, from the very do- 
 cuments he cites, that those "Statistical Returns" were worse 
 than useless j that the error was merely in figures ; and 
 that the census was null, from the insufficiency of the law; 
 on which it was founded. From those very papers, he 
 must also have known, that this ordinance was subsequent- 
 ly remedied by the law of 1826, and that the whole matter. 
 was begun, de novo, in 1827. The result of the last, and 
 the only correct, registration, was, that the " Reporter's ** 
 dead men, women, and children; — of whose ages, sizes, 
 marks, countries, and parentage, a description is given ;-— are 
 again in life ; the identical parsonages who were, as he 
 states, murdered in savage butchery, are still in existence, 
 and on the official register. The * mass of horrors, of 
 which England has yet no conception, " is thus dispelled. 
 If the " Reporter " had said errors, instead of horrors, he 
 would have been more cornet ; for the abrogated ordinance 
 which produced them, added an' ther proof, to the expe- 
 rience of ages, of the impossibility of framing laws for a 
 people, and for a state of society, unknown to the legislator, 
 " The mass of horrors, " which the " Reporter" knew had 
 no existence, and his subsequent remarks, merit no other 
 notice than that con'umelious epithet, with which Doctor". 
 Johnson honored a more harmlfes impostor. * 
 
 It is stated by Mr. Amyot , Registrar of Colonial S'avcs 
 in Great Britain, that, in the west India Colonics, taken. 
 
 O " Sir, ho is a liar, and he koaws it. n 
 
(85) 
 together, the females exceed the males, there being on the 
 total, 4> 000 females in excess over the number of the 
 males. Oa the slate of population in Mauritius, during 
 the same period, he says, the Returns at the Mauritius ,shpw, 
 that the population in 1816 was 85,423, of which 55,717, 
 were males, and 29,706 females ; giving a surplus of 26,01 1 
 males. These data prove, that there must hare been a natural 
 and more rapid decrease of population, from the disproportion, 
 of the sexes, at Mauritius, than in the West Indies ; with >ut, 
 taking into consideration the relative visitations of diseases, 
 among the population of the Eastern and Western sugar colo- 
 nies, during that period. 
 
 In the subsequent triennial period, from 18I9 to 1822, 
 Mr. Arayot shews that, in the first of the above years, the 
 census, from it's imperfection, gave 20,9^3, and in the latter 
 7»485, as the respective totals of the population* 
 
 The " Reporter" instead of qu?slioning the accuracy oZ^ 
 the " Returns, " has, against his better knowledge, regarded 
 the diminution of population as real, and asserted, that the 
 only ratioual mode of accounting for it, was, by a wholesale 
 sjslem <>f human butchery. 
 
 It would have occurred to a judicious person desirous of 
 truth, that it was biol.itely necessary q^Hpe to know 
 Something of the history of the r« gistr-tton ordinances, 
 before founding any reasonings upon them. 
 
 M. Amyot states in e-idence, that among the seventeen 
 W<st India Colonies, of which he has the Heturn* iu Lon* 
 tl »n, not two of then ha\e the same form of registry. TKe 
 unquestionable documents, published bi order of the house 
 of Commons, shew, that the M Reporter's" Statiscal Return? 
 were null; that th ir mischief was rcc gn'zed by His Ma- 
 jest) 's Government ; and th.it, the only remedy of which 
 the case admitted, wa> a new Registry. 
 
 Governor SirG. L Cole, in these papers, observes, <( I can on!j 
 repeat to your Lordship that every day serves to convince nte* 
 
(80) 
 
 more and more, of the absolute nullity of the present Slave regis- 
 tration ; nor do I conceive it possible to remedy the evils 
 complained of, by any measure of the local Government, 
 until the whole system shall have been revised and amended 
 by the competent authorities at home." And afterwards, to- 
 wards the end of 1826, when the ord< r in council arrived, 
 for the entire new reg : stration of the Slaves of Mauritius, 
 he adds j *'No exertion will be wanting, on the part of the 
 local Government, to render this measure as effectual ns 
 possible, and I have every hope that it will meet with a 
 corresponding feeling on the part of the who'e of the 
 inhabitants." 
 
 Such was the language of Sir G. L. Cole ; an officer 
 distinguished by those qualities from which esteem is inse- 
 parable ; a Governor, as remarkable for the unaccommodating 
 sincerity, and the uncompromising integrity of Ms nature, as 
 for the unstained purity of his private anil public life. Such 
 was the registry from 182 1 till 1826, the years on which 
 the ''Reporter/' knowing it's nullity, founds his charges; digni- 
 fying it with the title of the "less disputable evidence of 
 statistical returns.'* 
 
 Having t hus destr oyed the brsis of the Reporter's <f facts, 
 irrefragable proofs^ and statistical returns, " I might leave 
 bis superstructure j — his unfounded, un philosophic. 1, and 
 incoherent observations j — to sink info obscurity. But, I 
 prefer to illustrate the subject a little further, for the sake 
 of my readers, and the cause of truth, which affects the 
 welfare of this island. 
 
 In the years 1816 and 1817, the population of Mauritius 
 suffered severely from measles, which is here a dangerous' 
 disease; and which had not appeared during the proceeding 
 seveteen years; consequently, a great part of the popula- 
 tion was unprotected from it's contagion. The consequences, 
 or dregs , as they are called, of the measles were also pro-' 
 portionably severe, and laid "the foundation of many other 
 debilitating diseases , as consumption, marasmus cct. In the 
 
(87) 
 
 subsequent year, the population was visited by that anomalous 
 disease, which attacks the extremities, like the "Berriberri" of 
 India, and which, when not fatal generally leaves a perm meat 
 partial paralysis of one or more limbs. This malady contributed 
 again to exhaust the population, in the years 1816 and 1820. 
 In these same two years, the Cholera morbus raged over 
 all this hemisphere, and it was suceeded by epidemio 
 dysentery in this island, in 1821. Yet, notwithstanding these 
 causes of diminution of the number of the Blacks, it will be 
 seen in the Appendix, that, when the "Reporter" allcdged, 
 that the mortality was excessive and unprecedented, he was 
 grievously in error, and still more so when he stated, that the 
 decrease of Blacks on the Belombre estate, for the year 1819, 
 according to the recensement of that year, was 52 persons, or 
 |3 7* per cent, per annum, on the population; and that the de-» 
 crease for 1825, was 39, or 10 »L percent, per annum. He 
 has calculated on these, as if they were annual Returns, 
 whereas, both were triennial; comprising the deaths that had 
 occurred not in one year, but in the three years antecedent to 
 their respective dates Instead, theiefore, of a decrease of i3»/. 
 per cent, for the year 18 19, as affirmed by the ** Reporter, n 
 the diminution is reduced to a third of that per cenlage, 
 or an average of 4'/. P er cent, per annum, for the three 
 years ending in 1819:— again, instead of 3y Blacks, or io,/ a 
 per cent, being the decrease in the Belombre population for 
 the year 1825, it is the decrease tint took place in three 
 years, from 18^2 to 1825, or about 3 '/• per cent r>e* 
 annum. 
 
 The mortality which p evailed in Mauritius, therefore, was 
 not the consequence oi sn.| peculiar management or treatment 
 of the Slaves, 4 - such as no man, who has not the heart of a 
 demon, can think of without emotions of indignation and 
 horror. " Ten years hence, an equally sagacious Report- 
 er, on examining the luturns, and finding th.t the numerical 
 deaths greatly exceed tue births, a itU< j infallibly must do, «»t 
 
(8S) 
 
 state, with equal truth, that no other causes of such a dispro- 
 portion, or excess of mortality, could exist, except starvation, 
 ill treateinent, and over-labour, which led to massacre and 
 to murder. But, if he doe:> not let the fervour of his zeal over- 
 leap the pause of reason, and if he take the time and pains to 
 ascertain the nature ofhis premises, before he draws his deduc- 
 tions, he will discover, that an importation of some thousand 
 male convicts, from India, and free labourers from China and 
 Madras, are not endowed with facilities to muljply: — that 
 whilst tlie industry and the produce of the island are increa- 
 sed by these people, and the population is so, by their own num- 
 ber, that they are not prolific; that their census is distinguished 
 by no column of births, that the only change in their number 
 is under the head of mortality, from natural causes ; and 
 that, on the reproduction of the species, the presence of this 
 excess of adult males, at Mauritius, diminishes it's apparent 
 rate, as a necessary consequence. 
 
 To leave out of sight the disproportion of the sexes, im 
 estimating the rate of inn ease among mankind, is just as 
 reasonable as to expect that ships' crews are to keep up their 
 complements at sea, or regiments in garrison to be completed 
 from those born within the citadel j and to impute the mort- 
 ality caused by epidemics to the proprietors of Mauritius, is as 
 unreasonable as it would be to accuse the Grand Scignor 
 of the mortal effects of the plague at Constantinople. 
 
 I may add, in reference to Belombre, that this estate could no 
 more be exempt from the influence of such causes than 
 any other ; besides, the accidental upsetting of a boat in 
 1819, on the reef which surrounds it's shores,, deprived us 
 of a number of its most efficient people . 
 
 These natural and obvious causes account for the num- 
 erical state of the population, without having recourse to 
 such savage reveries as the following. "The regular, business- 
 like, daily march" of the Colonial, system, which " steadily 
 proceeds, in so torturing and murdering inch by inch, the. 
 
■(89) 
 
 ♦ultivators of their tefl* as that one in ten shall he regularly 
 slaughtered, every year, to glut the cupidity of their sava"£e 
 owners. Wherein do the unflirching and resolrte adminis- 
 trators of such a system morally differ from the smooth- 
 tongued vil'ain who, in Edinburgh, is now ahcut to suffer 
 the penalty of the law? They differ only, as il appears to 
 h«,- in the deeper malignity, and more heartless barbarity of 
 their conduct." This is the language of the * 4 dnii-Sla\>- 
 erjr Reporter," who is said to he the person, who, 
 any yen**, has been orcupi d in keeping up, at an 
 extraordinary expence of blood and treasure, that charm I* 
 bouse of Whites and Blacky, Surra Leone. If so, deaths by 
 thousands, and tens of thousands, however startling to 
 others, must be familiar to his eoitemplation. 
 
 A reference to the Statistical Returns, made out by order of 
 Goverment, some extracts from which are contained in the 
 Appendix, will shtw what has been the real slate of the popu- 
 lation i'i every district of this island, at different epochs, for a 
 long series of years. They have been compiled, from the most 
 authentic sources , by the indefatigable industry of the Baron 
 D'Unienville the Archivist of the Colony, whose talents and 
 integrity are unquestionable, and whose best years l^e been 
 employed in preparing a correct statistical account of Mau- 
 ritius, for the we of His Majesty's Government. The va- 
 luable facts contain d in this document, afford a ready refu- 
 tation of every charge agfcinsf the Colony. Jt results, from 
 these official record--, tint, from 1804 till 182$, the mean 
 average number of the Sla es, v. s f.5,633 souls j of bir hs 
 ; of deaths 4^<M°> leaving * balance of deaths over 
 births of 4»»8?, I •/,„ percent, per annum. The reports 
 
 of the. CmI ( ries of the different districts, who 
 
 • s of the , that in the district 
 
 , the mortality w.i< from three to four 
 per vr m: and the hirths from one to two per 
 
 cent; that in the disuicl of Riviere dm Ac /apart, the births aud 
 
(90) 
 
 deaths were nearly equal, each heing four or five per cenU/i^ 
 imp annum : that the district of Riviere Noire g-'Ve three per 
 cent in births, and four per cent mortality ! that the district of 
 Plaine-TViihems g^e two per cent in births: an J, that the 
 district of Moka gave the births at from two to three percent, 
 And the mortality from four to five per cent, per annum. 
 
 Having discussed, and, I hope, successfully refuted, the 
 \arious charges adduced against me, by the u Anti-Slavery 
 Mon.hly Reporter, ■' I beg leave to recommend the following 
 Appendix, to the careful perusal of the reader. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 JL 
 
 It was at first my intention to have arranged the numerous 
 documents, contained in this Appendix, either chronologi- 
 cally, or under heads, corresponding to the charges : — 
 but, neither method was free from great inconveniences, 
 especially, as allusions are frequently made to posterior events, 
 in an early part of the work, and as the same testimonial 
 often treats of a variety of subjects. Therefore, while as 
 much as possible combining both plans , 1 have not rarely intro- 
 duced documents, which, apparently, may seem not exactly 
 bearing on the subjects in question, but the propriety of which 
 will afterwards become evident. 
 
 1 he Appendix consists of two chief divisions : the first 
 class includes letters, extracts, regulations etc. , partly 
 printed, and others wiitten by myself, previous tp 
 my knowledge of the attack made upon me in the MontHiy 
 "Anti-Slavery Reporter 1 ' : the second class is composed of 
 letters anil testimonials sent to me by my numerous friends, 
 after they heard of my intention to publish the present 
 " Refutation " 
 
 In so miscellaneous an Appendix, the impossibility of avoi- 
 ding repetition, without injury to the subjects discused, must 
 strike every one. 
 
(92) 
 
 N» I. 
 
 Proclamation in the name of His Majesty, etc. etc. etc* 
 
 To all and singular the Inhabitants of the districts of 
 
 St Paul, St. Leu, St. Louis, St. Pierre, and St. Joseph 
 wilhin this Island and Colony of Bourbon : 
 
 Whereas Henry S. Renting Esqr. Lt Colonel in the Military 
 Sen ice of His Britannic Majesty, and Commandant of all the mi- 
 litary forces Within this colony and it's dependencies, has been 
 a t jj inted also Lieut. Governor of this colon v, and Itaa been 
 uomiinted by tl«e Governor thereof to t. ke uj on himself 
 the c vi! .tdiuinislralion of the said di tricts of St. Paul, St. 
 Lou. St. Pierre, and St. Joseph within this island: 
 
 And wheieas, Charles Telfair Esqr. has been nominated 
 and oppu it) tell Civil Assistant to the said Lt. Governor, notice 
 is hereby given, that, for the convenience of the inhab- 
 itants of the said fivedi-tricts of St. Paul, St. Leu, St. Pierre, 
 and St. Joseph, herein particularly enumerated, and to case 
 the said inhabitants from the trouble and delay of laying 
 their complaints, not of a military nature, against Britiih. 
 subjec ts of this island and it's dependencies, seas, and harbours, 
 and who may he found titer, iu, and not subject to the- 
 French laws of this colony, before the judicial assessor and 
 ■.rale of and for this Colony, at St. L'enis, in order 
 to be adjudged by the Governor there, al! complaints against 
 such British subjects, not subject to the French laws of this 
 Colony, shall, whenever, and as often as any cause of 
 complaint against such British si injects shall arise, or happen^ 
 and the s;.nie British subject be found within any, or either, 
 of the said five districts of St. Paul , St. Leu, St. Louis, St. 
 Pierre, and St Joseph, in the first instance, belaid before 
 the Civil Assistant of the said Lt. Governor at St. Paul , 
 •foresaid, and be enquired and examined into, by the said Civil 
 
(93) 
 
 Assistant, and by him bo reported to the said Lt. Governor, 
 
 of tills Island and its dependencies, for his decision. 
 
 Which all persons concerned are desired to take due 
 
 notice. 
 
 {Signed) R.T. FARQUH\R. 
 
 •^K 
 
 to 
 
 N" 2. 
 
 St. -Paul 9th. November i8(«. 
 
 Charles TELF.VIR Esqr. # 
 Civil Assistant, 
 
 Sir, 
 
 As I am about to make the tour of the south-west district, 
 and must, on that account, be necessary" absent from this 
 place, for sometime, and, as it is necessarily that the Govern- 
 ment of ibis district, which is confided to my charge, should 
 be carried on, by one who is perfectly possessed of all my 
 wishes, sentiments, and views, concerning it : 
 
 This it to authorize you to continue the said Government, 
 hj my authority; making use of my name in the same 
 manner, as if I were p esent, for the benefit of his Ma- 
 jetty, and the Colonv j and I, by this instrument, legalize, 
 as for as in me lies, whatever acts you may adopt for that 
 purpose. 
 
 It likewise is my intention, that this letter shrill be a 
 sufficient authority for you, in all future cases of temporary 
 
 In all matters involving military arrangements or disposi- 
 tions, you -will be guided by the advice of the senior offi\ 
 ccr of the troops, who will also support you, in the execution 
 oi your dulic*, 
 
 {Signed J Edwj. PRUMVOND, 
 Lt. Col. II. M. 8Gth Ittgt., 
 Acti:. n.int Governor* 
 
(94) 
 
 N°3. 
 
 Extract from "Book of Government Ordtrs ", from 
 6th. December 1810, to V^.Jpril 1811. 
 
 G. O. By Government. 
 
 The chief seat of these colonies having heen transferre I 
 from Bourbon to the Isle of France, and the Right HonwaWe 
 the Governor-General having been pleased to appoint Major 
 A. Barry, to be Chief Secretary to the Government so cons- 
 tituted, the appointment of Chief Secretary of Bourbon,' 
 formerly conferred on that officer by His Excellency, the 
 Governor General, in Council, virtually ceases to exist. The 
 Honorable the Governor of the Isle of France, is pleased, 
 therefore, to direct, that the duties of the Public Government 
 Office, at Bourbon, may in future, be carried on by an 
 officer, under the designation of Secretary to the Government 
 of Bourbon ; to which situation a salary will be attached, pro- 
 portionable to its relative rank and importance. The Honorable, 
 the Governor of the Isle of France, Bourbon, and Dependen- 
 cies is pleased to appoint Charles Telfair Esqr. to be Secre- 
 tary to the Government of Bourbon, until the pleasure of the 
 Right Honorable the Governor General shall be known. 
 
 In nominating .Mr. Telfair to the above confidential 
 situation, under the Lieutenant Governor of Bourbon, the 
 Honorable the Governor is happy to avail himself of the 
 opportunity it affords him, of doing justice to the merits 
 and exertions of that Gentleman, during the period he filled 
 ihe situation of Civil Assistant at St. Paul. 
 
 (Signed J A.Barry, 
 Chief Secretary to Government,, 
 
(95) 
 
 N° 4. 
 
 Instruction, from His Excellency, Governor Farquhar, datet 
 21th. August 1811, to Colonel John Picton, Comman- 
 ding tlie Forces at Bourbon. 
 
 j. Sir, 
 
 ] ^'7&? Exc< llency, Major General Warde, Commanding the 
 Forces on these Islands, having appointed you to command 
 at Bourbon, 1 have to request, that you will take upon you the 
 provisional superintendence of the civil duties on that island, 
 in my name, and on my behalf. It is impossible for me, 
 to give you any specific instructions, untilk further orders 
 may arrive froji Englaud. 
 
 I can, therefore, only recommend you, to continue, in 
 every respect, to cany on ihe duties on the present plan, 
 as established by me, for the Government of that island. 
 
 You will find the Secretary to the Colony of Bourbon, 
 a most intelligent, able, and honorable man, and perfectly con- 
 versant with the nature of the service. I beg leave, in 
 Consequence, to recommend M. Telfair to your particular 
 consideration. 
 
 M. Telfair will give you the outlines of all that has been done, 
 and is doing, for the benefit and improvement of that island. 
 
 N°5. 
 
 BelonnSre, Mauritius, 
 May 1 5th. 1820. 
 
 To the llcvd- George Blrder , Loudon. 
 Sir, 
 
 When I had last the pleasure of addressing you, about 
 eight m<%uhs since, on the subject of the Madagascar Mission, 
 I mentioned the establishment of a school for the Slaves, 
 on this estate. It is the first institution, in this hemisphere, 
 
(98) 
 
 for diffusing the principles of religious education, among 
 that class of people, and, therefore, it may he interesting 
 to you, from the nature of your pursuits, to be madti 
 acquainted with the result. I am likewise anxious to i]o 
 justice to your Missionary, Mr. David Jones, who has 
 resided with me, since the date of my hist letter to you, 
 gqaduaijy recovering his health, and chief y occupied ' » 
 such studies as might prepare him, for fulfilling the' views 
 of the Society, in propagtling the Gospel 'al Madagascar* 
 l*he voluminous mass of manuscripts on the customs , 
 manners, rites, languages, opinions, history etc. etc, of the 
 natives of that island, composed by the Catholic Missionaries 
 of former times, and by the Government Agents of these 
 islands, has been deeply studied by Mr, Jones, and should 
 his health be sufficiently re-established to admit of his 
 undertaking the task', he will be so far advanced by the 
 above course of study, by his knowledge of the feelings 
 and prejudices of the natives, and of the errors and mistakes 
 which led to the failure of his predecessors, that his renewed 
 efforts will be sure of success. 
 
 It was as a relaxation from these severer sludies, that 
 Mr. Jones undertook the superintendence of our school, and 
 Sn this, be has been eminently successful* I put forty 
 children under his care ; thry are now encreased to sixty;' 
 several can readj a few can write ; and, they are all learning 
 arithmetic ; but their progress in religious knowledge is the 
 most striking. 1 have never met, even in Europe, with an 
 instance of such rapid progress. Their answers to the 
 Catechism! shew that th< y understand what they learn : — it 
 is not a mere effect of memory ; but an exercise of the 
 understanding, to which Mr. Jones has accustomed thou j 
 Bo that they do not repeat by re to j but give their ideas in 
 their own words. Neither compulsion, nor severity. is used 
 in this school ; yot the children prefer it to play. S eh has 
 fceen the nature of the plan, by which Mr, Jones .h-s won 
 
fill 
 
 the schol ir's affcrt'ons, that the greatest punishment which 
 has ever been threatened, was, to tarn the offender out of 
 school, and this has never yet been found necessary. 
 
 The interest which I felt in the diffusion of the Gos- 
 pel in Madagascar, induced me, in my former letter to 
 you, to suggest the propriety and expediency of forming 
 a central institution, or seminary, here, for the purpose of 
 ^ahling the Missionaries whom you send out, to ohtain all 
 "the previous knowledge, which this island can affoid, prepa- 
 ratory to their actual establishment at Madagascar. By these 
 means, they may avoid those misfortunes which crushed 
 their predecessors. 
 
 N' 5, 
 
 Extract of an Address to His Royal Highness, the Prince 
 Regent, dated Port Louis, Isle Maurice, 23d October, 
 181G. 
 
 "A confl. gralion, the account of which transmitted to 
 Your Royal Highness, will he conspicuous amongst the most 
 horrible disasters of the kind, devoured, in n few hours, 
 the half of the city of Port l-ouis, and left thousands of 
 the Colonists, who, the evening before, w« re blest with the 
 gifts of fortune, without bread, without cluhes, and with- 
 out an nsvlura. 
 
 u More than seven hundred houses, all our rich magazines, 
 an amount of eight millions of dollars, became a prey to 
 the flamrs ; th » rich and the indigent, creditors and debtors, 
 is ,,|ike of this fearful visitation, partake the same lot, 
 and solicit with one ace. aim, the fa\our and generos ty of 
 y«>ur Royal Highness. 
 
 44 foreign nations, in their misf rt tines, have invoked 
 
 Creil Uril.iin, .mil lh ir cries h ve I ecu li lened to Dwel- 
 
 l)i nit down, h.ivc tritca again at 'he voice of lhat 
 
 powerful natiou, and rugged field* hccouie once more 
 
(98) 
 ferule ; and shall we, whom it has annexed to it's vast 
 empire, be the only people to implore it's aid in vain ? 
 
 " Our fortune was occasioned by a free commerce; we 
 have lost it j but the same commerce can still contribute 
 mainly to restore prosperity to us again ; it can sustain our 
 energies, and animate our industry, and in time save a dense 
 population from all the horrors of misery. " 
 
 (Signed) Chas PITOT. y , 
 
 ,, G. NOUVEL. / 
 
 etc. etc. etc. * 
 
 N° 6. 
 
 Extract of a Despatch , addressed to Earl Bathurst, by Lieut, 
 Gen. Sir G. L. Cole, dated Mauritius y 25»h. May, 1824. 
 
 " It is not unknown to your Lordship, that tire Mauri- 
 tius was peculiarly favoured by the old French Government; 
 and the intimate connection which exists between this island 
 and that of Bourbon, arising from their former union, and 
 the numerous alliances in the families of the two colonies, 
 naturally induce the inhabitants here to draw comparisons 
 between their present and their former situation, as well 
 as their position, when contrasted with that of the inhabi- 
 tants of Buurbon. It cannot be disguised, that these compari- 
 sons are not likely to wean their affections from their former 
 Government, nor calculated to secure their attachment to 
 that of His Majesty. 
 
 " The sugars of Bourbon, avowedly of an inferior quality 
 to those of the Mauritius, are now selling for seven dollars 
 in specie, whilst those of this island have not excelled from 
 three to four and a half dollars of the paper currency, per 
 hundnd weight. 
 
 " The spices and coffee at Bourbon are kept at a fixed 
 high price, by the French Government ; and that colony 
 
 (*; Oae thousand names follow the above. 
 
(99) 
 
 has he en happily exempted from the effects of the several 
 epidemics, which have been so fatal to the Slave population 
 here, and has suffered in a very trifling degree, for many 
 years past, from the hurricanes which have destroyed the 
 crops and plantations of this island. 
 
 ( Signed J G. Lowrt COLE. 
 
 - — -— - - — 
 
 N° 7. 
 
 
 
 Extract of a Letter /oMr. Stephen, from Judge Smith, dated 
 
 Jut// !•»., 1821, in reply to Mr. Stephen's letter of 
 
 the 24th November, 1820. 
 
 With respect to my it timacy with persons, suspected to 
 be Slave Dealers, I am not conscious of being intimate 
 any where, hut in the families of the Governor, General 
 Darling, and Mr. Telfair. I, long since, gave General Hail, 
 my answer, as to the latter, and as to any others, do, for 
 God's sake, let me know with whom I am thus associated* 
 As for Telfaih, I should think the Missionary Society cou'd 
 ▼ouch in his favour, and I can only further say, that I 
 have made both open and secret inquiries, as to his slave 
 property which J would not ha\e made as to that of any 
 other person, because, generally speaking, such inquiries are 
 not the pro%ince of my situation; and 1 solemnly decide, 
 as a Christian, and a Gentleman, that I firmly believe him 
 to have been most infamously and wickedly blandcrcd, by 
 those who have accused him 
 
 V 8. 
 
 Port Louis, Mauritius, 
 October t5th, i8a6. 
 
 TO Thomas Fowell BUXTON, M. P. 
 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 Sir, 
 
 I have learned with much concern, that you hare been 
 
(100) 
 pleased to hold me forth to rav country and the world, 
 by name, as guilty of a crime which has long and justly 
 been stigmatised as infamous. Such a charge could onlv have 
 Been advanced, hy a person utterly unacquainted wi;h my 
 principles and actions. It has led to official investigations, 
 on the part of Government, and the result will satisfy 
 you, that the witnesses you produced were perjured. An 
 accusation of so dark a dye, made hy the least important 
 member of an assembly, the proceedings of which are rcalTin 
 every tongue of the civilized world, and in every rank of 
 life, in the British Empire, would he, of itself, a dreadful 
 infliction ; but when the denunciation of my name is advanced 
 with that intrepid and resolute assurance, which should arise 
 only from the incontrovertible truth of the charge, and the 
 assertion pledged to be proved by a person of such intel- 
 lectual character, the impression it spreads so widely through 
 the world, can be but partially effaced, even by the pun- 
 ishment of the perjury on which it was grounded, and by 
 the formal avowal of the falsehood cf the accusation, in the 
 face of the same august assembly, where it was advanced. 
 This solemn act, inadequate as a reparation, is all that is in 
 your power to perform, and if I have not over-rated the 
 moral courage of your character, I shall receive it at your 
 
 hands. 
 
 I have the honnor to be # 
 
 Sir, 
 
 Your humble Servant, 
 
 (Signed) Charles TELFAIR. 
 
 No 9. 
 
 Extracts from the Instructions and Notes, for the management 
 of Belombre 1817. 
 
 N° 3, Character lftok. Red. 
 N* 4, Ditto Ditto Black. 
 These books are for the purpose of coutaiuiug the character 
 
(lOt) 
 
 of "every servant on the establishment at Belomhre, white 
 and black. The list is alphabetically arranged, for the sake 
 of easy reference. After each name, must be noted, with 
 as mich impartidity an! truth as possible, all that can Lv 
 learned of individuil characters. To these characters must 
 be occasiouallv added, such remarks as daily experience may 
 enable the master to collect. As it is intended, that thes& 
 books should have apowci ful influence on the formation of 
 charaitcrs, the servants a°e to be inspired with as great vene- 
 ration for them as possible; by being made to observe, 
 that every instance of extraordinary industry, care, dili- 
 gence, fidelity, watchfulness, and attention, to the inte- 
 rest of the estate, is faiihfuly recorded, in the Red Book; 
 while all cases of sloth, vice, and the exhibition of bad 
 qualities, together with the punishments annexed to them, 
 are minuted in the Black Book. Itshoull also be explained 
 to them, that indulgeu.es and degradations, are regulat* 1 . 
 by the records of these books. 
 
 Books, Nos 5, 6, 7, and 8, are allotted to Classifies tloa. 
 
 The names of the Blacks of each cLss, are to be written on the 
 first leaf of each of these book>, and are to be read to the 
 whole community. Every case of promotion or degra- 
 dation is to be rendered as solemn as possible ; so as to 
 leave a lasting impression on the minds of the spectators. 
 
 No. 9, is the Hospital B >ok. Independently of the re- 
 gular and detailed journal of each hospital case, to be 
 kept by the Surgeon, as slated in his instructions; he is to 
 bring to the propri tor, or the manager, of the estate, every 
 morning, at b-eakfast, his hospital book; containing the fol- 
 lowing particulars; the name, the ago, and the set of tha 
 patient; and the name and pr >grcss of ihfl disease: and the 
 period the patient has b en in the hosp'tal, with any remarks. 
 An accoont must also be kept of convalescents ; of their en- 
 try and their discharge from the Hospital Book; contain n£ 
 
(102) 
 
 also details of the Trail ts of the hospital, and a list of conval- 
 escents capable of workir g. 
 
 N?. 10, forms t the Nursery Book, which is to he delive- 
 red, by the overseer, every morning at breakfast time, with 
 th,e report of the Surgeon. It must contain the date of the 
 birth, the name, and the sex of the child - y the mother's 
 name j and, in a space, divided into two columns, one of 
 which should be headed, "-with the mother," the other, 
 "i/j the nursery;" the child's locality will he shown. TheFstate. 
 of the hedth of the mother, and of the child, should be 
 also noted, as well aslheir diseases ; under which head, come 
 Worms, cold, griping, purging, costiveness, etc The date of ta- 
 king last worm medecine, the diet, the date of receiving clo- 
 thing, whether the Nothing he complete or incomplete, 
 the number of nurses; the immediate wants of individuals/ 
 a list of those capable and incapable to go to work, must 
 likewise be regularly inserted. 
 
 N°. ii, is the Trade Book. This book must contain an 
 alphabetical list of trades, and, underneath each head or 
 trade, the names of all the individuals on the estate, ca- 
 pable of working at the said trad*:. Opposite the name of 
 each individual. is to be entered, an estimate of the quan- 
 tity of work which he can perform, as a moderate task, in 
 the day. To the heading of each trade, an estimate of the 
 average quantity of work, which a full grown, able bodied, 
 and well instructed tradesman can perform, should be an- 
 nexed* 
 
 ■»— » '■ ■ — ^~— — . — — — — ■ ' ■ i ■ « ■ i i .i i — — < i i ■ 
 
 N° 10. 
 
 Notes extracted from the Belombre Instructions Boole, on 
 the Treatment of Blacks 18 17. 
 
 The punishment of Blacks for inattention, laziness, or 
 delinquency, is the most disagreable part of a Planter's duty, 
 but it may be so managed as 2 iu a great measure, to remote. 
 
(103) 
 
 the odium arising from exercise of authority, by the adoption 
 of juries, chosen from among themselves. By this plan, the 
 master is preserved, in a considerable degree, if not entirely, 
 from the suspicion of tyranny and partiality, which naturally 
 are attributed to him by the suffer rs. 
 
 A jury is to be formed of the best behaved and most intelli- 
 gent Dlac ks : and it's foreman should always be one of the 
 oldest Commanders, or chief workmen of the various trade* 
 on the habitation, 
 
 Punishment is not to be adjudged till after due invest- 
 igation ; nor, in any case, is it to be inflicted, until tho 
 sentence h>s been sanctioned by the master. Several jurict 
 may be regularly empanelled, so as to present the necessity 
 of removing culprits from the sceue of their work, and that 
 justice may be rendered on the spot for petty crimes ; but 
 the master is, in all cases, to be the supreme judge. This mea- 
 sure becomes the more necessary, because such juries are 
 apt to sin on the part of severity, rather than on that of cle- 
 mency . in serious cases, examination should take place 
 o.i the establishment, and in presence of all the Blacks, so 
 as to rendf r it the more impressive ; and to fix the attention 
 of the Blacks m >re firmly, public punishment sh uld be 
 accomp.inic t by due solemnities. This mode of conducting 
 trUll will have the effect of maki g the master beloved, 
 as a source of mercy, instead of being dreaded, and it's 
 effect wdl be to destiov, in a great measure, that tendency so 
 natural among persons subject to c ercion — to unite, in a sort 
 of standing conspiracy, against those by whom they suppose 
 »t under pressu e . It is easy to perceive, that 
 the fear of ch stisomt nt : - hi herto considered almost the 
 cu\\ moli>c of a Black'a exertion: — is little calculated to 
 call forth all the industry h hie of exerting . Fear 
 
 engages him, rather to conceal than to shew the extent 
 of his t orp feel powers, and all the labour he can elude is 
 by hiui considered positive gain. Therefore, a master, who 
 
(101) 
 
 weT! understands his own interest, will encourr.ge a spim of 
 industry among his Blacks ; guaranteeing to them the little 
 profits, which their own lahour con produce, and allowing 
 them to hope, that their daily savings rany form the hasis 
 of their own future happiness. With this view, the master 
 will always he ready to rec< ive such small sums, as any one 
 of the industrious Blacks may he, at any time, disposed to 
 place in his hands, and to hecome accountable for, them, 
 with interest at 12 per cent To give tie Blacks confi- 
 dence in the rahster, their accounts are to he read over to 
 them in public, after Corve'e, every Sunday morning. This 
 plan will have the same effect, as the Saving Banks for 
 the poor in England. 
 
 It is to he fully explained to all the Blacks, that it is in 
 their own power, by industry and economy, to obtain for 
 themselves a portion of freedom proportioned to their exer- 
 tions. 
 
 For instance, let the valuation of a whole year's work, for 
 the master, he fixed at 600 dollars. A man who could 
 raise this sum, by his own industry woubi be allowed to 
 Work for himself a'l the year. When a Black shall have de- 
 posited 5o dollars in the hands of his master, he shall have 
 a legal claim to Saturdays; — on depositing 70 dollars more, 
 he shall have Fridays; — onadvancing other go dollars he shall 
 have Thursdays j no dollars will purchase ffednesdays ;— - 
 12o collars Tuesdays ; — and 160 dollars will sr cure the Mon- 
 days* To facilitate the acquisition of individual liberty, the 
 master wll grant, for the 6 ays that are to be bought, a 
 tertain hire or wages, for each day ; or, in preference, a 
 certain sum is to be paid off by task-work. The considera- 
 tion of this plan will shew the reason of the successive aug- 
 mentations of the price of each successive day. Such an ar- 
 rangemenl will enable the master to demand so low a price for 
 the first day, as to put it within the \ i< wer of every Blink's 
 emulation. It will also ba>e the important trf'fcct vt uresen* 
 
( 105 ^ 
 
 ting a more powerful motive, than the fear of punishment, 
 to call forth the labour of the Blacks. Affranchisement 
 would follow the march of that moral melioration, which is 
 produced among Blacks, by their having learned the diffi- 
 cult lessons of industry. Their hands would be set free, in 
 proportion as they afforded sufficient and solid assurances, 
 that they should be employed for the advantage of society, 
 and when the safety of those, who are to li> e in the niidit 
 cf tfiem, should no longer be in danger. 
 
 Etery encouragement should b- given to mutual attach- 
 ments between the sexes, in the view of rendering them 
 as permanent as the nature of things will admit. Promiscu- 
 ous intercourse is seldom productiv of children, and should, 
 therefore, independently of a moral wa rel ; g ; ous point of view, 
 Be repressed. With t-.is >icw, a register of families must be kept, 
 and each family must havea separate collage, into which no 
 stranger shall be allowed to intrude ; and any preference 
 or comfort that Caa be given to them, in the rearing of pigs, 
 fowls, and other stock, or ra the distribution of fish or ot'icr 
 soits of provisions, should bo afforded. Pregnant- women, 
 should have sedentary employments, from the fourth month 
 until the child is weaned A 1 of them are to be informed, 
 lii.it the rearing of one child to ten >ears of age gives them 
 l.berty for one day in the week, and so on, totles (/untie ; 
 and i bat the rearing of six chi dren to that age shall exempt the 
 mother from work during the remainder of her life. Besides, 
 lei are to have the same facilities, as males, of busing 
 ir free lorn by their work. 
 
 In many manufactories in Engl in I, children, even at four 
 years of age, e.irn so. rlh ng,;in I children a few yea-s older 
 gain a subsistence, and that a comfortable one, by their own 
 bands. For the abridgement of labour in the nursery, an ex- 
 pem'e go emdles, consisting of fourteen 
 
 or sixteen di\i:>,ons, each of which admits a child, so that 
 
(100) 
 
 rocking the whole can he performed by one mother, while 
 an opportunity of industry is thus afforded to many olhersr. 
 Slavery has existed in all countries. It still exists in many 
 European nations; but, it is gradually superseded by free- 
 dom in the progress of civilization ; because hired work has 
 been found more profitable to the employer, than the labour 
 Of Slaves. Another beneficial distinction has arisen from the 
 progress of modern observation and activity. What wag once 
 universally prevalent, viz, labour by the day; as far as the na- 
 ture of the employment admits, is now done by task-work. 
 Even in agriculture ; in which, in many respects, task-work 
 is generally accompanied with difficulty ; — every favour- 
 able occasion is to be taken for introducing task-work 
 which is , Avhen applicable, productive of benefit to the 
 Planter, and comfort to the labourer, who executes bis share 
 with alacrity and pleasure. 
 
 N°ll. 
 
 Statement of the Management at Belombre , in 1819, contain- 
 ed in a letter to Dr. James Mc. Donne 11, Belfast : extrac- 
 ted jrom Miu Telfa.ih's Private Correspondence, 
 
 Even essential and important improvements in the primary 
 arts of life , such as agriculture j gain their way with difficul- 
 ty in new countries. It is long before the labour of animals 
 is substituted for that of man, and you will be surprised to 
 learn, that I am the first person that introduced a European 
 plough into Mauritius a»;d Bourbon, although these, especially 
 the latter, like all colonies, depend almost entirely upon 
 agriculture. Several planters have already followed my ex- 
 ample, and I am pleased with the progress which has been 
 made in my absence, fcroia London, 1 brought witU me 
 
(107) 
 
 many new ploughs of the best construction; horse-hoes ; 
 chaff-cutters ; root-cutters; drill-planters etc., and I have 
 already got them into activity, with a great saving of labour, 
 which is better clone than by the hand. I have no doubt 
 that my example will be speedily and extensively followed. 
 It will appe.ir extraordinary to you, that, although many of the 
 estates in this island have water mills, for the extraction of 
 the juice of sugar-canes, and themakingof sugar, yet that the 
 greatest part of the Indian corn, and grain, for general con- 
 su npiion, is ground by manual labour, in the way 1 have 
 seen practised in the Hebrides ; * whilst a slight additional 
 nirchanism, joined to the water mill, would effect the same 
 purpose without expence of labour; yet, labour is dearer 
 here than in JEurope. In the management of my estate, I 
 I.iy down -as principles; that all work capable of being per- 
 formed by the power of machinery, should not be done by 
 animal power: — that work which can be done by cattle, 
 such as the transport of wood, of sugar-cane*, of sugar etc., 
 turning and manuring the ground, and cultivation in general 
 sir. 11 not be performed by manual labour: — and, that man 
 shall onty be employed, when his intelligence is as necessary 
 as his muscular force. The very reverse of this practice pre- 
 vailed in this island ; where the hoe could work, no other 
 instrument nor power was us<*d in culture} not a planter, ex- 
 myself, has got a scythe ; carts are never use', but 
 when the articles to be carried are too weighty for tin head 
 of a man ; aud a mill is only kept in activity, because no less 
 a p -wer wdl bruise the sugar-canes, 
 
 Mrs. Telfair has her enjoyments in improvement, as well 
 as myself. She is introducing the Lancasterian System for 
 
 A Woman siu on the ground, and turn.*, with the right hand, one 
 tmall alone (called t: i if I recoll.cl ) upon another; the 
 
 left hand feeds ihc mill, and the (lour is collected npon a mat. 
 
(108) 
 
 the instruction of the young Blacks on our estate, and is de- 
 lighted Avith their quickness and intelligence. We lead a 
 patriarchal life at Belonibro, wilh this advantage, that we 
 have not to wait for a patriarchal age.; we have around us, 
 a population looking up with reverence and devotion to 
 their master, and exhibiting an example of obedience and of 
 submission, to which the independence of European servants 
 forms a great contrast. If the greatest earthly pleasure be 
 that of doing good, and of promoting the comfort and 
 happiness of our fellow creatures, these luxuries a- plan- 
 ter may enjoy j and, with the additional satisfaction 
 of knowing, that the means which he employs for the 
 happiness of others, are, at the same time, the best for 
 improving his own f rtune. More w r ork is got by volun- 
 tary labour, and the excitement of a spirit of industry, 
 than by the effects of fear. Allowing the Blacks a portion 
 of time for themselves ; giving them extra-wi rk, if they 
 choose; and paying them for it, the moment it is performed; 
 are measures equally profitable to the Master and to the Slave* 
 This method also insures the punctual performance of their 
 own task, as the Slaves do not begin to work for themselves, 
 till they have finished their duties for their master. For 
 instance, two Slaves, in my wood, cut a certain quan- 
 tity of planks with a saw; and their task is such, that, with 
 infinitely less labour than that of a sawyer at home, it is ac- 
 complished by two o'clock p. m : if they continue from 
 that hour, to work for themselves, I pay them so much a 
 foot, for the surplus work they have done during the day? 
 and, I can afford to do so at a larger rate than that of labour 
 in England ; because I can sell my timber at a greater profit, 
 and the ground which is cleared, is more valuable for culti- 
 vation ; while the virgin soil exhibits a luxuriance of vegetation 
 of which no idea can be formed but by an eyewitness. 
 But, it is not enough that the Slave should be able to 
 gain money on his own account; the employment of this 
 
« (109) 
 
 mtvney to his own advantage, and, consequent';', to that 
 of his master, is important j unless this be attended to, it 
 jpight be injurious instead ofbeneficial, by putting the Stave in 
 possession of the means of dissipation and debauchery. To 
 obviate this, payments are made in paper money, pay- 
 able on the estate itself, in an equivalent value of useful 
 commodities, for which there is a shop kept by one of my 
 Slaves* The Blacks are thus enabled to iucre so their com* 
 forts, and even to enjoy harmless luxuries, by their own 
 elYorts. The paper money not being current, except on the 
 estate of lieloaibre, they are prevented from spending it 
 elsewhere, on rum, or other spirituous liquors. The commo- 
 dities being provided at wholesale price, and no profit being 
 taken on the retail, the Slaves get better bargains at the home 
 store, than they could any where else, for the same nomuw 
 al value of paper currency. This circumstance makes them 
 prefer my paper to metallic currency. 
 
 There is another extension of ihe game principlo in the eft- 
 -MiuKMil of a Saving Dunk, the proprietor being the Ban- 
 ker j so that any Slatv, who wishes to lay by his cash, is 
 enabled to do so with safety and with profit ; being allowed 
 the legal interest of 12 per cent, per annum. Besides, the 
 money is always ready, and at the disposal of the Slave, 
 whose property it is. The chief intention of this Saving 
 fiank Is to enable the Slave to purchase his own freedom; 
 1 that of his children, by his own industrious earnings.: 
 thus rendering him fit for the enjoyment of liberty, by 
 habits of voluutary labour acquired in working for the same 
 freedom. The mode of management is this : suppose a S-lave 
 lias, by his earnings, deposited in the Saving Bank, the 
 amount ot L 10, he shall have Moiu!a\s to himself; daya, 
 which he should employ in task-work for regular payment. 
 iktM at his own disposal ; he is thus enabled rapidly to 
 acquire by. his labour, L 1 5, with which sum he purchases 
 > : with liiQ. wages of the*©, two dajfl of payable la- 
 
kour he soon acquires Wednesdays: and so on, in an accele- 
 rating ratio, until the whole six days of the week arc his own/ 
 Consequently, hy his own lahour and industry, he works 
 out his own freedom, enjoys it's* sweets, and gradually 
 becomes civilized. Thus, these highly important ends are 
 accomplished in the most easy and efficient manner. When 
 a Black thus affranchises himself, his lahour is propor- 
 tionally advantageous to his master. Besides, his conduct is by 
 necessity exemplary j for the commission of any crime would 
 gp,ot only retard his progress, hut throw him hack in his ca- 
 reer j and he may greatly influence his companions, and ex- 
 cite their, emulation to follow his example, and thus he of un- 
 seen utility. 
 
 • — ' ' • i 
 
 No 12 
 
 Extract of a letter from Mr. Telfair^ to Hh Majesty's Comr 
 mis sioners of Inquiry t in answer to their letter, ofthe2§ t h f 
 December 3 1827. 
 
 « The kind of agricultural labour which appears to me, 
 best calculated in this island, to benefit the Master and 
 the Slave j whose interests I consider identified and inseparable j 
 is the cultivation of the Sugar-Cane, joined with the production 
 ©n the spot of the most plentiful, prolific, and nutritious 
 articles of subsistence. On this subject I speak from ex- 
 perience dearly bought j and the result is, that I should 
 pot be seduced by the high prices of any kind of produce 
 that might be raised for exportation, to depend, in the smallest, 
 degree, o n imported food for the use of my people . 
 
 Sugar is produced more abundantly in this island, than 
 in the, West Indies, from the same extent of land, and 
 from the same quantity of labour; owing, in a great measure, 
 
(til) 
 
 to the superior quality of our Sugar-Canes. The difference 
 of freight and insurance is trifling. Indigos, cloves, nut- 
 megs, coffee, and cotton are suhject to fluctuations in price, 
 from which sugar — become a staple necessary of life — U 
 comparatively exempted. My neighbour in the Savanne, 
 Mr. Etienne Bolgerd, went over his grounds wilh we, in 
 November 1817; at a moderate calculation, his crop of cloves, 
 then about to be collected, was expected to exceed 70 ,00® 
 lbs, and their price was thrice what it is at present* 
 The hurricane of March 18 1 8 not only destroyed nearly 
 the whole crop ; but did such injury to the trees that they 
 never recovered ; and thus fifteen years of life, in which, 
 Mr. Bolgerd ha I been forming his plantai >n , were lost* 
 The culture of the other articles enumerated above is per- 
 haps not less objectionable than that of cloves. 
 
 I do not approve of the assignment of ground for the 
 Blacks to cnab'e them to raise their own provisions; the colony 
 is not yet old enough for such a plan; but, where laud if 
 of little value, as at Delomhn', they might be allowed garden 
 grounds, for the cultivation of luxuries, in addition to their 
 rations . 
 
 The rations of the Bl cks might, I think, in general, be 
 much improved, by varying the species of food, and by 
 pa ing more attention to them des of rooking them; on which 
 subject, I subjoin some notes, in relation to the practice at 
 Belombre. 
 
 Governor Farquhar mad every effort to encourage the cul- 
 tivation of the silk-worm, anil also that of the poppy, in the 
 \icw of furnishing a light occupation to women and children* 
 Pot accomplishing these eu<ls, M. Chazal was sent ex- 
 v t 1 India, to bring down the best kinds of silk-worms. 
 The silk produced here was found excellent by judges in 
 London, and I be'ieie superior to that of India. The opium 
 Was sold, even on the spot where it was grown, at sixteen, 
 •ad even twenty dollars the pound; and, at a time when the 
 
(112) 
 Itest Turkey opium could be had at fhe or six. Yet the 
 poppies did not pay the price of cultivation. 
 
 These branches of industry, as well as the production of tea, 
 cannot, perhaps, be pursued with advantage, in any conn- 
 try, where the price of labour is more than three or four 
 ponce per d.»y ; — and, in this view, for several years past, 
 1 have been endeavouring to encourage an extensive cultiva- 
 tion of those articles in Madagascar, where in silk they r.I- 
 readfy rival this island. The silk-worms and poppy seeds 
 Were first sent there b\ Governor Karqlhar, about twelve 
 years ago, together with some Indian artizans, for the purpose 
 ©f instructing tho natives in the process of making silk, and 
 British- workmen to teach them the construction of 
 looms, anil improved modes of weaving, after the European 
 manner. 
 
 N°13. 
 
 Extract of a letter, to ffis Honor, George* Smith Esqr. y 
 Grand Judge, and Commissary of Justice, Mauritius, 
 from Charles Telfair, JEsar. dated Belomlre 3 October 
 10*. 1819. 
 
 1 wish it were tbe fashion to follow our friend, "R 
 
 mode, of making an annual expose? of our affairs and pro- 
 perty, under the pretence of going to France j for, although 
 J am not one of those who bke to put the public in my 
 confidence, or to make myself the subject of town talk, 
 I have not the slightest objection that the whole world should 
 possess every information re arding me and my property. 
 We are this morning, paying a large sum to our Blacks 
 for what they have done during the week, above their task. 
 This plan opens the road to prosperity, and the people are 
 happy. Our woods alone, as now managed, will give us 
 
(113) 
 
 above 3n, ooo dollars per annum, instead of 24,000, a sum 
 whi h )ui thought exaggerated, hut there is no illusion. 
 
 AYe are making more wood than our hoat can transport, 
 although she now goes with unusual quickness, and it is 
 sold at Port Louis hefore being landed. 
 
 We have a hundred men at work in the wood, yet our other 
 operations, sugar-making, and planting sugar-canes, do not 
 suffer. We are now well provided with tools, and our ex- 
 pences on this score are closed. There is not a single 
 sawyer, shingle maker, or squarer of wood that does not 
 receive a weekly sum, varying from a rupee to a dollar, for 
 extra work. Every one not only does his task, at present, 
 but many much above it, and there is a spirit of emulation 
 and enjoyment amongst the Blacks which promises well* 
 
 N° li. 
 
 Accounts for Bedding, Clothes, etc. etc., for the Blacks of 
 Lelombre, in June, July, and August, 1810,. 
 
 June 8th. 1819. 
 
 Received from Serjt. James Heck, of the Store-keeper Ge- 
 neral Department, the undermentioned articles, 
 1 Tent. 
 1 Fly. 
 4 Millings. 
 
 4 d 
 
 7 Door Poles. 
 
 a Center I) . 
 
 1 1. 
 10 Flanders Kettles, with frying pan lids. 
 5oo Beds. 
 600 Pillows. 
 
 {Signed/ Ricimsd Lambeat, 
 
(114) 
 
 This is the th« same Richard Lambkrt spoken of in 
 the 65tli pnge of the '• Refutation. H The nature of Ins 
 duties is detailed by himself in the document to wl»ich his 
 name is Subscribed, among the testimonials in.this Appendix. 
 
 June a3J. 1819. 
 
 Two hundred and fifty shirts for Belombre, 
 
 Dollars, Cents, 
 
 20 dozen and 10 Shirts at 7 Dollars per Dozen, i45 80. 
 t Signed. J Wm. Mansfield. 
 
 t}R- M». 22 nJ. Regt., 
 To lie paid hy Messrs, Berry and Go. Tor B« tombre. 
 
 f Signed. J W m. C bo. Waugw, 
 
 one of the Proprietors. 
 
 June 23d. 181.9. 
 
 Major Waugh for Iklonibre, Dr. To Qr- Master Mans- 
 Held, 22 d. Regt. 
 
 To 20 Undress Jackets, each 10 s. L 10 s. 
 
 L to s. 
 
 Received the above sum 
 f Signed. J Wm . M ansfield. 
 
 Qr..Miu, 22d.Rfgt» 
 
 July 16th, and 20th, 1819. 
 
 Mr. Waugh owes far the Elablishment ai BeWbre, 
 i5oo Needles. 
 200 Thimbles. 
 4 Gross of pipesc 
 
(11*) 
 
 i5o Rata via Bowls, 
 
 12 Dozen Knives for Blacks. 
 
 2 Do. Scisfars. 
 
 2 Do. Locks for the cottages of the Blacks. 
 
 16 libs Pins. 
 
 i Dozen Trowels. 
 
 i Do. Hoes. 
 July aoth. 
 6o Slates for the school. 
 
 Port-Louis, le 3 A out 1819. 
 
 Doit M. Tflfair a Couroubadon , Marcliand, pour quatre 
 cents cocos de mer, fournis a son etablissement de Bel- 
 ombre, savoir , a raison de 36 sols 4 d. la piece , font 
 72 Pias. 72 c. 
 
 Pour acquir, 
 
 ( SignS 'J CoURBADOJf. 
 
 Of these 400 Cocos de Mer were made eight hundred dishes 
 of the most favourite description, for their lightness, 
 beauty, and durability. When polish el they have a metallic 
 lustre, and are sometimes set in gold, for the desert servi- 
 ces of the tasteful and opulent. 
 
 The clothing of my Blacks may h judged of by the invoices 
 of the supplies received last year. Not a single article has 
 for any other purpose tl.an their use. These 
 invoices arc selected in preference to those of supplies from 
 use they can be verified by the parties in London, 
 who furnished the several articles The clothng was chosen, 
 in conformity to mj orJtrs ghen in 1827, by captain David 
 
(llfi) 
 
 Thomson, now in London, first in the firm of Messrs t 
 Thomson, Pa&smore, and Thompson, of Port Louis. 
 
 London 14tl> March, 1828. 
 Bought of Alexr- Balmano and C° 
 
 iV° 78, Queen Street, Chcajmdc. 
 
 Shipp'd on Board the Ceylon Francis Davison for Mauritius,, 
 
 TPandT, 4 00 Highland Bonnels at i3 •/,<!•■ L 22 10 
 
 BM. 
 in 
 Bales mark'd Nos fy and 2; 
 
 1 <C. Telfair Esqr. ( for his Blacks ), D r « 
 
 To Thomson, Passmore , .and Thompson, 
 1828. 
 
 For Goods imported to his order from London by ship 
 
 Ceylon. 
 
 ) To Brooke, Webbs,and Co. Bill 
 TPT > 
 
 ') of Parcels dated 28, Jany last. 4 1 8 * 
 
 BM. ) To Hilton, Darly, and Rnolt 
 
 j a 4*) 11 March 186 I 
 
 '/j) a I es ,■ To Alexr. Balmano et C°, §4 
 
 S March 22 10 249 19 I 
 
 To Press Pa king, Outside sheets, 
 
 Cartage on 2 Bales 1 6 
 
 To Port Entry, Lighterage, Whar- 19 6 
 
 fe and Sliiping on 4 ditto. . . 
 
 To Bills of Lading Freight and 5 2 
 
 Primage on ditto 
 
 To Cornraisssion 2 \U per cent, 6 8 6 
 
(in) 
 
 
 Insuring L 280 
 
 l 6 e 
 
 • 
 
 Policy " 9- 
 
 7 * 9 2?> '7 9 
 
 
 £ 270 16 10 
 
 Or Dolors 
 
 *??£ ax 
 
 Gorges. 
 
 
 Tonage and Quay Dues P. 90 
 Custom House H.ity 82 91 
 Cartage, Lighterage etc. a 
 
 85 81 
 
 Commission on Dol- 
 lars i354, 21, 5 p. c. 67 73 i53 5a 
 
 ■ ■ .. . ' . ; . - 
 
 Valeur dudil Aout Dollars iSo? 73 
 
 Pour acquit des mains.de M. Jamcjs fjOftyiire l\a 
 10 Aout. 
 
 Pour Thomsou, Passmore, et Thompson, 
 CSignedJ I. A. College. 
 
 C. Telfair Esqr. ( for his Blacky ), Dr. 
 
 1828. To Thomson, Passmore, and Thompson, 
 
 For (Goods imported to his order from Luudp|i by ship 
 
 Cijflan. 
 
 TP& T ) To Brooke, Webbs, an<! C\ Bill 
 
 BE. ) of ParccU dated 28 Janv last. 21 9 3 
 
 I E 2 j To Hilton, Darby, and linolt, 
 
 > ditto, ij q3 6 
 
 abalcs) To Alexander Balmano et C° 
 
 $ i4 ditto 11 5 125 14 9 
 
(118) 
 
 To "Press Pacing, Outside 
 
 sheet, Cartage on. i 13ale. . i3 
 
 To 'Port Entry, Lighterage , 
 
 Warfage. and Shipg- on two. 9 9 
 
 To Bills of Lading, Freight and 
 
 Primage 2 i5 
 
 To Commission 2 '/ a per cent, 3 4 ^ 
 To Insuring L 1 4° 
 
 L 3 3 
 Policy 10 3 3 i3 6 10 i5 9 
 
 L 1 36 10 6 
 
 Or Dollars 682. 
 
 Charges. 
 
 Tonnage and Quay Dues P» 61 
 Custom House Duty 4 1 67 
 Cartage , Lighterage 
 etc 1 5o 
 
 43 78 
 
 Commission D 682 62 
 
 5 per cent 34 1 3 77 
 
 Valeur du 10 Aout. 760 53 
 
 Pour acquit des mains de M% James Lemaire, 
 
 Pour Thomson, Passmore, et Thompson, 
 ( Signed ) L» A, Gourege, 
 
Londov. 28 Jan 7, 1823. 
 Messrs. Alcx r t Balmano and C a 
 
 Bo 1 , of Brooke, Webbs, and Co. 
 Sambrook Court, Busingliall-St, and 17 Coleman-St. 
 TP&T? '7 P»' ces fio« blue Long Ells at 3o,6. 25 18 6 
 BM. ) 6 Negro Blankels(i5, each ) 46/3. i3 17 6 
 
 in Btles) 
 
 marled > to D\ D\ loose 3/2 1/2. 1 121 
 
 H\ 182) 
 
 L/f. 8i 
 
 fairs. Thomson, Pets s more, and Thompson, 
 
 London, 11th. March, 1823. 
 
 Bought of Alex * Baluako and Co. 
 Ko. IS', QtuenStrcel, Cheap side. 
 pped on boartl die Ceylon, Francu Davison, per M feri- 
 
 t'u>. 
 
 B tt C 2 °° **'8 an< * Bonucts M "3 '/*d. X 11 5 
 
 London, tf*h March, 1828, 
 Bought of Alex* Balmano Esqr . 
 } 200 pairs strong ^uck Trowsers 2/10 28 b* 8 
 T1E ' a ?: 1T r 200 stripe Cotton Shirts 2/8 ?5 i3 4 
 
 I 26 dos. wo it ted Gmrsey Frocks 3o / 3y id 
 Ho. 2 Canvas, rope etc. for a Kale. 10 G 
 
 A 9 5 6 
 
 Alexander B ilmano Esqr. 
 
 Lon.l .«\i mli. March, l8a8. 
 Bought of Hilton, Darby, and Knoll, 
 
 i) M t m " J * Ci # marked iNo. 3 ami j, 
 
(120) 
 
 ifoo pairs strong Duck Trowcers 2/10 5fi i3 4 
 
 4oo stripe Coitou Shirts 2/8 53 6 8 
 
 5o doz. worsted Guernsey Frocks 3o / ^5 
 
 No, 3, and 4, Canvas, rope. etc. for 2 Bales. 10/6 1 1 
 
 L 186 
 
 N° 15. 
 
 Directions for the Preparation of Food, for the Blacks at 
 Belombre, 1817. 
 
 The due preparation of aliment, in order to render it as 
 nutritive as possible, consists in the proper application of 
 heat, the admixture of water, and the addition of condiments. 
 By these means, all the nutritious p.rts of hodies are extract- 
 ed and improved : while the food, being rendered more sa- 
 vory and stimulating, whets the appetite and promotes diges- 
 tion. Every particle of it is duly applied for the nourishment 
 of the consumer, the stomach is strengthened, and flatulen- 
 cy, worm*-, and other diseases are preven ed. 
 
 In most parts of this Island, the system of preparing tho 
 BlackS food is neglected ; so that they do not receive half 
 the benefit which inightbe derived fro n the quantity of ma- 
 terials consumed Great attention is to be paid to this subject 
 at Bel mhre. In order to extract as much nutriment as pos- 
 sible, an'l to render soluble such paris of animals as resist 
 the action of hoiling water, it is sometimes necessary to in- 
 crease the heat greatly above 2i>/ of Fahrenheit. This may 
 be effected l>y the Digester, in which water has been heated 
 two hundred degrees beyond its usual boiling point. It then 
 acquires the power of dissolving into jelly, bones, and other 
 hard sul stances j over which it has little action, at the tem- 
 perature of 212 ,«wr(l oi ii> stance, the Bambara, or Bcche dc 
 Mar, (Ilolothurion csculeutum), may he quickly reduced to a 
 
( »2t ) 
 
 a jelly by a digger; ^\ Iiile, for it's usual preparation, two 
 ilajs continual boiling in water**© required. 
 
 In tbe preparation of Manioc se>eral things are to be 
 ol> rived. Tbe root is to be taken up before it becomes fibrous 
 or woody. Tbe period when this commences is variable, ac- 
 cording to tbe species of Manioc, and to the nature of tbe 
 soil in which it is raised. Tbe Black Manioc, or C a manioc, 
 as it is called, is by far the most hardy and the most pro- 
 ductive kind. 
 
 Generally speaking, in this island, Manioc should not he 
 allowed to remain longer in the ground than eighteen months* 
 It is tfien to be taken up and passed through the washing- 
 mill j so as to clean it from all earthy impurities ; and im- 
 mediately afterwards through the sugar-cane mill, in the same 
 manner as the sugar-canes. The jui- e of the roots should 
 be received into tubs, and allowed to remain at rest ; till 
 it deposite an amylaceous substance in considerable quan- 
 tity, which is here sold as starch. The clear fluid should 
 then be carefully decanted, when it forms Cassrripe, * so 
 univerfa'ly used in West Indian Cooker} ; and which is the 
 of the never failing dish of the pepper-pot. In this 
 state it ma) be transferred to tbe kitchen. 
 
 1 he starch sho- Id le dried Wiih . tl< ntion, in the sugar- 
 house, and k< pi free fiom dust and stains; so as to preserve 
 it's ihining white colour. 
 
 Manioc which has passed through ihe Sugar-Cane mill, 
 should likewise be sent to tbe drying house, aid allowed to 
 remain there ti'l it becomes dry and even crisp. The heat 
 employed should not be so gi eat as to discolour it; and from 
 a4 to 48 hours may suffice for this process. It must then 
 be taken out, and pasred thiouj.li the fl< w< r-mill, in the 
 same manner as Indian corn and wheat. Tbe flower, if not 
 
 * A liud cf uumital *auce, tliitfly made at Martinique and Dime- 
 rara. 
 
(m) 
 
 w^itfted immediately, is to be firmly packed in birrels, and 
 preserved for future use. la this state, it will keep any 
 le gth of time. 
 
 It is desirable that there should always be in readiness a 
 portion of food, in a prepared state, as it can be easily trans- 
 ported ; so that, upon any emergency, the Blacks might 
 carry with them a day's provisions. For such a purpose,' no- 
 t' ing is more convenient than cakes, or biscuits, formed of 
 Manioc. 
 
 Manioc is a very wholesome, nourishing, a/nd, generally 
 speakng, cheap food. Therefore, it should probably form 
 a supplemental portion of the Negros' daily rations, and should 
 be served out to them, before starting in the morning to 
 begin their labour; especialy as it has been found by expe- 
 rience, among a!l nations, and among all classes of men, that 
 it is most essential to health, permar.ency of labour, and acti- 
 vity, that work, and more particularly field-work, should 
 not be attempted by fasting persons. The distribution of 
 such cakes can be mule with groat fedity at the mess-room, 
 from which each Commander levels off his band to it's desti-* 
 nation. The quantity of Manioc cake siould not exceed six 
 ounces for each man; and, as it does not form a regula* 
 mea', it should be eaten while the Negros are walking to 
 their work. 
 
 It is notintended to confine the above process to Manioc» 
 Other roots and grains which possess farinaceous qualities; 
 as potatoes, yams, cambars, sweet potatoes, etc , should fee 
 given to the Blocks, while Warm, eilhrr from the oven, or 
 from the boiler. Breakfast sh »uld consist of a full meal of 
 messes from No i, to No. 8. (Vide subsequent T.<ble of Mes- 
 fces ). Dinner of messes in addition, from No 8, to No. i5 # 
 With soup , and suoper should be the same as dinner, witk 
 a glass of rum On Sundays, the dinner should consist ia 
 part, of menses f ro n N >. 16, to No. 2}. But these, as a ge- 
 neral diet, should be reserved for the lir-st class of black's. 
 
(123) 
 
 whose good conduct should be distinguished on all occa- 
 
 sions. 
 
 N° 16. 
 
 Extract from the Instruction Book for Belombre , 1817. 
 
 List of Messes for the Blacks. 
 
 1. Boiled Rice. Oryza sativa* 
 
 2. Indian Corn. Zea mays. 
 
 3. Wheaten bread. Makactha. 
 
 4. Manioc ctkes. Jatropha nianihot. 
 
 5. Roasted Yams. Dioscorea alata. 
 
 6. Do. Sweet Potatoes. Convolvulus batatas. 
 n. Do. CambarofJava Diosorea a< ulcuta. 
 
 8. Do. Potatoes. Solanuua Tuberosum. 
 g. Boiled Haricots. Ph.iseolus Vulgaris. With oil, 
 ghee, pepper, or onions. 
 
 10. Do. Lentils. Ervum lens. 
 
 11. Do. Pois du Cap. Dolichos Capensis, 
 1 a. Do. Beet Root. Beta vulgaris. 
 
 i3. Do. Parsnips. Pastinaca satva 
 
 14. Do. Bcringelle. Solanum melongena. 
 
 i5. Do. DlialU Cicer erictium. 
 
 16. Do. Dried Beef or Salt Beef. 
 
 17. Do. Salt fish, 
 
 18. Fresh Heef. 
 
 19. Salt Pork. 
 
 20. Fresh Pork, or some other kind, 
 
 21. Dried Dales. 
 21. Raw Fruits, 
 23. Baked Do, 
 
(124) 
 
 a{. Foile -1 fruits 
 2^, Molasses. 
 
 26. Soup mnde of tlie digester contents of the 
 Brede, (Solanum Nigrum ), turnips, cabbage, car- 
 rots, lettuces, beringclles, piment, tamato, leeks, 
 garlick, chives, spinage, parsley, bogs-lard, ghee> 
 etc. 
 
 27 Sallads for tbe firstclassj radishes, onions, leeks, 
 lettuces, cucumbers, celery, water-cresses, sor- 
 rel, endive, etc., prepared with vinegar and sugar. 
 p— — ■ ' ■ 
 
 N° 17. 
 
 A due mixture of animal and of vegetable food seems to 
 form the diet most conducive to health and strength. But, 
 where animal food cannot be furnished in large quantity, 
 the best substitute is a due mixture of farinaceous and her- 
 baceous products, with the addition of proper condiments, to 
 stimulate the stomach, and to secure general healthy action. 
 Therefore, a garden on the estate is indispensable to health j 
 and, at Felombre, it is to be cultivated, in a great measure, 
 if not totally, by the plough. 
 
 The articles raised in the garden must be of easy culture, 
 attd of the sorts best calculated for the consumption of the 
 people, and consequently for the preservation of their health. 
 Different species of Capsicum and aromatic herbs may 
 form the condimmts : while culinary vegetables and roots 
 should be produced, in such quantities, as to afford a por- 
 tion of each day's dinner Cabbage, turnips, French beans, 
 garlick, leeks, onions, balm, mint, parsley, thyme, sage, 
 and chammomile are among the fittest articles of cultivation* 
 
(<25) 
 
 W 18. 
 
 Extract Jrom the Instruction Book for Bclombre % 1817 f 
 
 List of articles to be cultivated, and used in thj kitchen of 
 the Slaves, 
 
 N- i. Rice, E. Ris, F. Oryza Sativa, B. * 
 
 N° a. Indian Corn, E. Mais, F. Zea Mays, B. 
 
 These are the chief articles of consumption ; indeed the 
 base of the food of the Negr>s Six hundred pounds of the 
 former, or one thousand pounds of the latter, are calcu- 
 lated to be put annudly in store for each BLt-k. The Rice 
 is chiefly imported from India and Madagascar : the 1 ndian 
 com is grown on the estates, bought from neighbours, 
 or imported from Bourbon or the Seychelles Archipelago. 
 
 U° 3. Yams, E. Ignames, F. Dioscoridea a'ata, B. 
 N" 4* Yams, E. Cambar, F. Dioscoridea aculeata, B. 
 
 N" 5. Dilto blue, E Cambar Violette, F. Dioscoridea 
 Violacca, B. 
 
 Three excellent farinaceous roots, fitted to form a part of 
 daily rations. 
 
 N° 6. Cirabar of Java, E. Cambar de Java F, Arum 
 paniculatum B. 
 
 Yiel Is a most abundant crop, and can consequently be 
 given without stint to the people, aud the surplus may be 
 u 1 by their stock of animals. 
 
 N* 7. Sweet potatoes, E. Patalcs, F. Convolvulus bata- 
 tas, B. 
 
 The Reader will at once remark that E ktaud* for LuglUh name* 
 F for Preach tumc, and U for fioUaical aaiuc. 
 
(126) 
 
 The last kind pro<3ucrs, in rew lands, sixty tons p*r 
 acre, is fit to gather in four months, and propagates itself 
 by runners without replanting for years* 
 
 N° 8. Turnips, E. Navet, F. Brassica rapa, B. 
 
 Used for the Blacks only in soups in the great boiler* 
 
 N° 9. Beet Root, E. Betterave, F, Beta vulgaris, B. 
 
 Grows luxuriantly and free from fibre j very sweet - 7 used 
 in sallads« 
 
 N° 10. Mangel Wurzel, E. Betterave poiree, F. Beta 
 aurea, B. 
 
 Generally used for cattle j does not ripen its seeds at 
 Mauritius : seeds of Europe precarious as to vegetation. 
 
 N° 11. Carrots, E Carotte, F Daucus carola, B. 
 N° 12. Celery, E , Celeri, F. Apium graveolens, B. 
 N° i3. Parsley, E. Persil, F. Apium Petroselinum, B» 
 These 3 are used for soups in great boiler. 
 
 N° 14. Arrow-root, E. Rouroute, F, Maranta arundi- 
 nacea, B. 
 
 This root was introduced by Col 1 Nesbitt, and rms increas- 
 ed most rapidly ; so that, in some of the districts, it has 
 often been given merely for the labour of digging it and 
 carrying it away. 
 
 N° i5. Ginger, E. Gingembre, F» Amomuin offici- 
 nale, B. 
 
 N° 16. Saffron, E. iSafran, F. Curcuma longa, B« 
 
 These 2 are used in soup and curries. 
 
 N° 17. Radish, E. Radis, F. Raphanus sativus, B* 
 
 N° 18. Winter Radish, E, Radis d'hiver, F. Raphanus 
 rusticus B. 
 
(127) 
 TIT 19. Horse-radish, E, Raifort, T, Coehleark aroma- 
 tiea 
 
 These 3 used in sallads. 
 
 N* 20. Onion, E. Oignon, r\ Allium c£pa, B» 
 
 Used in soups and sail a s. 
 
 N° 21. Bread- Fruit, E Arbrc a pain, F. Artocarpu* 
 incisa, B 
 
 An excellent farinaceous food, but has not been much 
 cultivated for subsistence, the brit'Ieness of the irood render- 
 ing it liable to be destroyed by hurricanes. 
 
 N' 22. Jack, E. Jaque, F. Artocarpus hi tegri folia, B, 
 
 A favorite fruit and produced in abundance j some speci- 
 mens are of So ib. weight in low lands. 
 
 N° a3. Bananas, E. Bannanes, F. Masa paradisiaca, B. 
 
 The estates are covered with this plant, and the fruit is 
 taken at discretion by the Blacks, It is never issued as 
 rations, as in the West Indies. 
 
 N* 24 Coco nuts, E. Cocos, F. Cocos nucifera, B. 
 
 Multiplies rapidly, but is not indigenous; not given as 
 rations. 
 
 N d 25. Date Palm,E. Datte, F. Phcenix dactylMfera, B. 
 
 This tree grows well, and in some places produces plen- 
 tifully ; whan given as part of rations, it is what comes 
 from Persia, at six or seven shillings per cvv 1 : a vciy 
 wholesome and nourishing food. 
 
 K* 2G. Mangoe, E. Manguc, F. Mangifera Indtca, B. 
 Grows by every road side, and on every estate, when thfc 
 heat will ripen the fruit. Never given as ration*. 
 
 N* 27. Grape Mangoe, E. Manguc a grappe, F, Sorfu^ 
 dcia pinnaU, B, 
 
(158) 
 Less common tlian the former Mangoe, and less liked. 
 
 N° 28. Guava,E. Govaves,F. Psidium pomniiferum, B. 
 
 Grows wild, and gives fruit in great abundance, in every 
 district, is propagated by tbe birds through all the forests, 
 
 N° 29. Mallaca Rose-Apple, E* Jam-mallac, F* Jatnbosa 
 Malacensis, B. 
 
 N° 3o, Jam-Rose, E, Jam-Rosa y F, Jambosa vulgar- 
 is, B. 
 
 N° 3i. Brazilian Cherry, E. Roussaille, F, Eugenia uni- 
 flora, B. 
 
 IS 3a. Jar- Plumb, E» Jam-Longue, F. Syzygium jambo- 
 lana, B. 
 
 These four fruits grow wild in all situations, and are never 
 served out as part of rations. They are cooling. 
 
 N° 33. Bibas, E Bibasse, F. Eriabotrya Japonica, B. 
 
 Grows abundantly on many estates, and the fruit is eaten 
 at the discretion of the blacks. 
 
 "N" 34 Voavang, E. Voivangue, F Vangueira edulis, B, 
 Was introduced from Madagascar, and is not very com- 
 mon : very pleasant, acidulous, and cooling. 
 
 N° 35 Jubeb, E. Mason, F. Zizyphus jujuba, B. 
 
 N° 36. Custard- Apple, E. Atte, F. Anona squamosa, B. 
 
 N° 37. Sugar- Apple, E. Cceur de Lceuf, F. Anona 
 reticulata, B. 
 
 These three are cultivated, but they also grow wild and pro- 
 duce abundance of excellent and wholesome fruit, which 
 is taken at discretion by the Hacks. 
 
 N* 38. Grapes, E. Raisins, F. Vilis vinifera, B. 
 
 Cultivated for the table. Some Blacks have them about 
 their cottages. 
 
(159) 
 K 6 3$. Pine Apple*, E. Ananas, F. Bromelia ananas, B. 
 
 In our forests pine apples come in great abundance, where- 
 Ter the trees are cut down. 
 
 N° 4°* Hog-Plum, E. Fruit de Cythere, F. Spondias 
 cytherea, B. 
 
 The Otalieite fruit, so much praised : it is abundant in 
 the Savanne district, where Belombre is situated. 
 
 N° 4'. Pomgranate, E. Ponime grenade, F. Punica 
 
 granalum. B. Common. 
 
 N° 4«- Cabbage, E. Choux, F. Brassica oleracea, B, 
 
 N° 4^. Nolkol, E. Choux-rave, F, Brassica napus, B. 
 
 N* 4** Savoy, E. Choux-pomme, F. Brassica vulgaris, B* 
 
 N° 45. Spinage, E. Epinard, F. Spinacia oleracea, B. 
 
 N° 46. Tetragonia, E. Tetragone, F, Tetragonia ex- 
 pensa, B, 
 
 N» 4". Malabar Nightshade, E. Brede d'Angole, F. Bas- 
 clla rubra et alba, B. 
 
 N° 4^. Lettuce, E. Laitue, F, Lactuca saliva, B. 
 
 N«> 49- Endive E. Endive F. Lactuca crispa, B. 
 
 N° 5o. Cucumber, E. Concombrc, F. Cucumis vulga- 
 ris, B. 
 
 N° 5i. Snake-Gourd Cucumber, E. Patole, F. Cucumis 
 anguinus, B. 
 
 The ton vegetables, enumerated above , were culti- 
 vated in the great garden of Belombre, and were ingre- 
 dients of the daily soups of the habitation Blacks. They came 
 in great abundance all the year round. The invalids, the 
 convalescents, the nurses, and the children were the cul- 
 tivators under the direction of the gardener. 
 
 N« 5i. Balsam-Apple, E. Margosc, F. Momordica bal- 
 •amiua, B, 
 
(130) 
 
 N° 53. Bottle-Gourd, E. Calebasse, F. Cucurbita lage« 
 naria, B. 
 
 N u 54. Pumpkin, E. Glromon, F. Cucurbita pepo, B. 
 
 N° 55. Wild Melon, E, Citrouiile, F. Cucurbit* citrui- 
 lus, B. 
 
 N° 56. Melon, E. Melon, F, Cucumis raclo, B. 
 
 N° 57. Angular Melon, E. Papangay, F. Luff* acu* 
 taogula, B. 
 
 W 58. Egg-4pp!e, K. Beringelle, F. Solanum raelon- 
 gena, B 
 
 N° 5g. Love-Apple, E. Pomnie d'amour, F. Solanum 
 lycopersicum, B. 
 
 N° 6o % Bie 'e, E. Brede, F. Solannixi nigrum, B. 
 
 N» 6i. Malubard Brede, E. Brede Malabare, b\ Amar- 
 anth us Ice t us, B. 
 
 N'62. Sigtsbeckea, E. Brede (herbe de Flarq), F„ SI- 
 gesbcckia orientalis, B. 
 
 These three and other species and varieties form favorite dis- 
 hes, of which almost all the inhabitants of Mauritius are very 
 fond, and partake twice a day. They are like the Calalou 
 of the West Indies. They grow on the estate without 
 cultivation in great abundance, and are taken without stint. 
 
 K° 63. Tamarind, E. Tamarin,F. Tamarindus Indicus, B, 
 
 Used in curries, and with mola ses, to make an acid drink, 
 whi h is supplied to the Blacks when at work. 
 
 N° 64. Cayenne pepper, E. Piinent, F. Capsicum fruc- 
 tesccn.% B. 
 
 Grows wild on the estates, being propagated by the birds, 
 is a very wholesome condiment, and is used copiously in 
 the soups of the Blacks. 
 
 N° 65. Sorrel, 12. Oseille, F. Rumexhorlensis (acetosa), B, 
 
 Used fur sallatU, and also bjiled in soups. 
 
I Iff] 
 
 N # 6(1. Sng.-ir-Cane, E. Canne a Sucre, F. Sacharum 
 officinale, B. 
 
 Sucked during crop all day long by the Blacks. 
 
 N° 67. Manioc, E. Manioc, F. Jalropha mmthot, B, 
 
 This root forms a savory and wholesome food. It is m. de 
 into cakes, of a pound weight. I intrul ced anew spe ies 
 from Africa, which is now cultivated at Mauritius and IJour- 
 b n. under the name of blue man oc : it is m re productive 
 than the old ki:ids, and comes to maturity in six or eight 
 months, instead of eighteen months ; thus the Hurricane 
 season is avoided. 
 
 N° 68. Polatoe, E. Pomme de terre, F. Solunum tube- 
 rosum, B. 
 
 N° 69, Millet, E. Millet de la Cote d'Afrique F. Milium 
 of rum B. 
 
 Guinea corn : so much used in the West Indies, but not 
 so great a favorite for cultivation at Mauritius, the climate 
 not being hot enough. 
 
 N° 70. Sago, E. Sagou, F. Sagus farinifera, B. 
 
 A cheap and wholesome food, brought from Sincapore, 
 but pastes too quickly to be the basis of diet. 
 
 N° 71. French Bean , E. Haricot, F. Phaseolus vul- 
 garis, B. 
 
 A great favorite with the Blacks, and enters their, daily soup. 
 
 N° 72, Earlh-Nut, E. Pistache de tcrre, F. Arachis hypo- 
 gea, B. 
 
 Abundantly produced and neter comprised in the rations. 
 
 N° -3. Tare (lentil), E. Untitle, F. Ervuro lms, B. 
 
 The last remark applies to this : also used in soups. 
 
 N* 74. Chick-Pea, E. Dahl, F. Cicer aiietinum, B. 
 
 N* 75. Common Pea, E. Petit Pois, F. Pisum sativum, B. 
 
 Cultivated; sometimes forms an ingredient of soups* 
 
<(\n) 
 
 N° 76* Chickling-Vetch, E, Gesses, F. Lathyrus sati- 
 vus, B. 
 
 Grows wild, and is gathered by the Blacks for their 
 messes. 
 
 N° 77. Bean, E. Feve, F. Vicia faba, B. 
 
 Cultivated : sometimes imported, at a very cheap rate, 
 and added to the soup of the Blacks. 
 
 N° 78. Cape Pea, £. Pois du Cap, F. Dolichos 
 Capensis. B. 
 
 Forms part of the rations at Bourbon, but not at Mau- 
 ritius : gives a very abundant crop. The peas, unless steeped 
 in water after boiling, are poisonous. 
 
 N°19. 
 
 Articles Bought for Belombre. 
 
 R1S. 
 
 1820 II restait en magasin 3o Septembre 1820, 
 
 Sacs 73 
 
 Recu de James Lemaire 100 ditto 
 
 ditto ditto 100 ditto 
 
 ditto ditto 100 ditto 
 
 ditto ditto 100 ditto 
 
 ditto ditto 100 ditto 
 
 Recu de Berry, Gordon, et Co. 
 
 100 ditto 
 
 ditto ditto 
 
 ditto ditto 
 
 ditto ditto 
 
 ditto ditto 
 
 Novembre 
 
 7 
 
 Decembre 
 
 20 
 
 24 
 
 821 Janvier 
 
 12 
 
 Fevrier 
 
 1 
 
 Mars 
 
 i5 
 
 Avril 
 
 20 
 
 May 
 
 3o 
 
 Juin 
 
 3o 
 
 Septembre 
 
 3 
 
 11 restait en magasin le 3o Septembre 1821 
 
 
 IOO 
 
 ditto 
 
 
 80 
 
 ditto 
 
 
 77 
 
 ditto 
 
 
 106 
 
 ditto 
 
 
 io38 
 
 ditto 
 
 B2I 
 
 80 
 
 ditto 
 
(13S) 
 
 Coasomrae da ter Octobre 1820 au 3o Septem^e 
 
 1821 io58 dUta 
 Mille Ciuquaotehuit ballesderis. i65 , o48 ibt 
 
 MAIS. 
 
 II restait en raagasin du icr Octobre 1820 25,oo» 
 1821 Rcpu d'llddevert Fricbot ea diverse* 
 
 livraisons 34 > 2 ' ® 
 
 Recu de Jean Barry 3 , 023 
 
 Recu de Gustave d'Emmeres 62 , 4^5 
 
 Consomme jusqu'au 3o ^bre 1821 I24,7°5 
 Depuis le 1 er 8bre 1821. Cent Vingt quatre mille sept 
 Cent Cinq byres de Mais. 
 
 SEL. 
 
 Recu 5,ooo, gris de Mr. Fortier, Riviere-Uoire« 
 
 ( Signed. ) E. E. Henry Adim . 
 
 ■ ■ ■ ■■ 
 
 W 20. 
 
 Extract from the Book of Disbursements on account of the 
 Eitate o/Belombre, 
 
 From the i5tb July 1817, till the end of 1821, for 
 food, clolbing, and comforts for the Blacks. 
 
 1817 July i5 P.iid Sir Roto, Barclay for 5oo Bags of Rice. 
 Augi, 29 Arnot an. I Fairly for 4°° Ra g s °* Rice. 
 
 1818 Not. 3o J Loudon for 274 Bags of Java Rice. 
 
 1819 M.y, i Bretonnache for 140,000 pounds of Java Rtce. 
 Juno i5 Mr. Mansfield Qc. Master to the 82d. Regi- 
 ment, for 20 Jackets. 
 
 a3 Mr, Mansfield Do. Do. for 25o Shirts, 
 
(134) 
 
 July aa Paid Mr. Twynbar for 35 Dragoon Jackets. 
 
 August a Mr. Antelme for i gross of pipes. 
 
 Do» Do, Do. 5o holies <le Batavia. 
 Mr Lt. Birbe for 12 dozen of snuff-boxes 
 for the Blacks. 
 Septr. 3 Mr. Richard Lambert for 6 dozen of shirts. 
 
 1820 July M. D irocher, cj5 iron pots. 
 
 Deer. 28 M. Mongonst auctionneer for covering*. 
 
 1824 Jany The Music Master of the 82a Regt, for fee- 
 
 ding and instructing many Blacks of the 
 Establishment, 
 
 N° 21. 
 
 directions regarding the Dulles of the Surgeon attached to 
 Belombre, 
 
 The Surgeon must reside constantly in the Hospital, and 
 Veep a regular and detailed journal, exhibiting the history of 
 the disease of each patient, from it's commencement till his 
 or her admission into the Hospital j afterwards, the daily vari- 
 ation of symptoms, and of treatment, until discharge or 
 death, is to he noted. 
 
 In all cases of fatal termination, when possible, the body 
 is to be examined ; and the appearances remarked on dis- 
 section are to be minutely recorded. 
 
 The superintendence of the health of the Negros must he 
 tntirely confided to the Surgeon, and it shall be stipulated 
 with him, if he will agree to it, that the amount of his an- 
 nual salary shall be augmented or diminished, by the exertion 
 of his talents, and by his care, and treatment of the patients, 
 and by ther ersults. For this purpose, I should he disposed to 
 five the Surgeon L 600 Sterling, per annum, on condition 
 that, for every Black belonging to the estate, who dies in 
 
(155) 
 
 the course of a year he should repif m* t, 3© Sterlidg. 
 Willi a view to secure his best efforts, and to encourage 
 Li n, he should be allowed L i Sterling for every child that 
 survives the first month j L 2 Sterling on the child's atlaia- 
 taiaing the age of one year, and L i Sterling more, on U's 
 reaching two years of age. 
 
 By such a contract, the Surgeon will become, in a certain 
 degree, the insurer, an I will get a handsome anterwriters 
 profit; with this advantage that the am Mint of profit raaj 
 depend, to a cousiderdble extent, upon himself. 
 
 The surgeon shdl give especial care to the food of the 
 Slaves, and examine the preparation, quantity, and quality of 
 rations, at distribution; as well as the contents of the great soup 
 boiler in the Hospital kitchen. He siiall also frequently visit the 
 magazines, and examine all supplies of salt provisions brought 
 from Port Louis, t) ascertain that they are good and wholesome. 
 
 Besides frequent personal inspections of the Slaves at mas- 
 ter, he shall make a particular examination of each individual, 
 twice or thrice annually to see if there is any concealed mala ly. 
 
 The personal cleanliness of the Slaves must be carefully at- 
 tended to; the school children are to be bathed in the sea dai- 
 ly before mid- day, when they are to dress for school ; all the 
 Working Blacks are to bathe in the sea twice a week, and 
 children at nursing, with the exception of those that the 
 surgeon may otherwise direct, are likewise to be daily bathed. 
 
 M ■ ■ — — — ii ■ iii i i m 
 
 N° 22. 
 
 r a Utter y from Ma. Tblfur, on the History and 
 Progress of t/te EpiUmic Cholera that prevaiUd in 
 Maaritint, in the yein 1819 ail 1820; which was pub- 
 lisfud in the ' Ue -Veil and Surgical Journal/' 
 
 It appeared to ine, that this disease was peculiarly one of 
 
(138) 
 
 the nature of lilac Passion, but of greater violence than usually 
 occurs j and, therefore, depending very much on the state 
 of the abdominal viscera. The classes of people most liable 
 to it's attacks, were those much troubled with visceral com- 
 plaints, indigestion, worms, and all those disorders which 
 arise from food consisting of much vegetable aliment, with- 
 out much condiment, and insufficiently prepared for digestion 
 by the processes of cooking. The consequences are that the 
 stomach and bowels are generally distended with indigested 
 matter; worms are generated in great quantities; diseases oc- 
 cur from time to time : and marasmus is not unfrequent. 
 Under these circumstances, a violent inflammatory attack of 
 the viscera is generally irresistible. There is great difficulty 
 in overcoming the causes of inflammation, as patients will 
 hardly bear the lancet or great evacuations. To these and 
 similar causes I generally, attributed, the great mortality that 
 attended the disease. I had adopted a plan of feeding my 
 people, which tended to prevent diseases of the stomach and 
 intestines. The food was carefully prepared, and nourishing 
 soup, containing a considerable portion of animal aliment, was 
 always at the discretion of every person on the estate of Pe- 
 lombre. By frequent examination of the people, in all clearly 
 marked cases, I had overcome the prevalent tendency to 
 worms, not only by the means above mentioned of strength- 
 ening the stomach, but by the frequent administration of small 
 doses of Calomel at night, succeeded by Castor Oil in the mor- 
 ning. My estate, from these causes, was more healthy than 
 it had previously been for years. At the time the Cholera 
 appeared at Port- Louis, and when it began to spread, I 
 deemed it proper to take still farther precautions To keep the 
 bowels soluble, every Sunday morning, I administered to each 
 person on the estate , from one to two grains of Calomel. It may 
 remind you of Doctor Last's prescription of ' Jal pping the 
 Eastward, and bleeding the Westward, " in l ootes farces ; 
 fcut when you have to dose a population of several hundred 
 
(187) 
 
 per«ms, it is very convenient to reside on the sea shore, ami 
 to (!r..w supplies of a mild purgative from that grand reservoir. 
 Whatever effect may be attributed to these causes, it is certain 
 that my people remained healthy at Belombre, whilst all around 
 us, even our nearest neighbours, were suffering by the epide- 
 mic. So struck were the inhabitants in general, at our ex- 
 emption from disease, that many followed my example, of in- 
 stituting general evacuations, and conceived that the best 
 quences resulted. But my own opinion is that the pre- 
 viously adopted system, of giving the Blacks superior nourish- 
 ment, is of indispensable importance in making a fair trial. 
 
 N° 23. 
 
 Management of Cattle. 
 
 It is a rule never to allow cattle or horses to fall off in con- 
 dition, so much as to cause them to refuse their work without 
 pu-hing. Nothing more strongly marks the ignorance of a 
 master, and the unprosperous condition of an estate, than 
 the leanness of the working cattle, and their reluctant move- 
 ments under the lash. During times which require unusual 
 exertions, the richest food, and the most careful treatment 
 fchould be given, to prevent these animals from losing flesh, 
 vigour, and spirit. Besides snch exertions should not be long 
 continued, and they should be followed by corresponding 
 periods of indulgence. These animals cannot be made to per-, 
 form their labour while feeding on carrots, potatoes, manioc, 
 or other roots alone ; they will thrive much better, and work 
 as much more with Oats, or Indian Corn, in addition, as fully 
 to repay the di: of thepriceof food. They should have 
 
 three meals a day ; one of which i> to consist entirely of roots; 
 but they must have an allowance, of, at least, an English 
 peck of Oats, or an equivalent in Indian Corn daily, ami 
 
(133) 
 
 rafhcr more than this quantity, when they are very hard 
 worked. 
 
 All the Corn should be bruised or broken down, the grass 
 should be cut by the chaff-cutter, and the roots, and other 
 articles, should be prepared by means of steam. The advan- 
 tages of these practises both with regard to ceconomy of food 
 and the health of the animals, are striking beyond expecta- 
 tion. 
 
 The liberal use of the curry-comb and brush twice a day ; 
 frequent, but moderate, meals of succulent joined to solid food j 
 abundance of fresh litter ; and great attention to cleanliness, 
 are indispensable in the stable of an economical farmer. Well 
 informed and attentive men, consider good dressing, no less 
 necessary to the thriving of Horses, than good feeding. Their 
 common expression is that " good dressing is equal to half 
 their food " 
 
 According to the present improved system of farming, there 
 is such a connexion between the cultivation of the ground, and 
 the breeding, rearing, and fattening, of domestic animals, that 
 ♦the one cannot be neglected without the greatest injury to the 
 -other. The young horses are to be supported entirely on green 
 food. 
 
 An object deserving the utmost attention with regard to every 
 animal on a farm, is that " flesh once gained, should never be 
 lost." 
 
 N° 24. 
 
 Feeding of Stock. 
 
 In England, much benefit has been derived from the use 
 of a machine, for slicing turnips and potatoes, before they are 
 given to live stock. This process is equally applicable to 
 •weet Potatoes, Manioc, Sweuish Turnips, etc. The ma* 
 
(139) 
 
 chine is also recommended for breaking grain, Onts, and Yn- 
 tlian corn; as making the grain much more nourishing. It 
 has been proved that 5 bushels of broken grain, are equiva- 
 lent to 8 bushels in its natural state. 
 
 The Indian corn on the cob must be subjected to the opera- 
 ration of the Sugar Cylinders, so as to reduce the whole head to 
 one mixed mass. There is both vegetable gluten and amyla- 
 ceous matter in this cob; which is now thrown away. At 
 all events as the cattle eat it with avidity in this slate, it 
 serves to give to the nutritious matter of the Indian corn, the 
 principle of distention, and, therefore to render pasturage less 
 necessary. Boiling and steaming the food of cattle is highly 
 advantageous, and can be easily practised by us ; our coppers 
 and furnaces being i lie during the intervals between the crops. 
 During harvest th^se operations are less neces ary as the c l- 
 tle may be fed, in a great measure, on Sugar-cane tops, and 
 skimmings of the sugar pans, and ii is notorious, that d iring 
 nakingseas >n, the cattle are always in the best state. 
 The cane tops should undergo the operation of the chaff-cutter, 
 ■ '■ '— ■ ■ ■ ■■ ■■ 
 
 N° 25. 
 
 Drill Husbandry* 
 
 The utility of the drill at Belombre, must strike tlie nwt 
 superficial observer It is ff the utmost importance, in sow- 
 ing Indian corn, or other seed, to I ke advantage of every 
 hour of rain, for it must have been remarked, that the planter 
 has been obliged to sow hundr ds of acres over again, from 
 from inability, by the ordinary uiclho I of putting the seed 
 into the earth, over a large space, during the few hours of 
 rain, wbl b generally fall at seed time, i this dim .te 
 
 i lie hon&fhoe is invariably to be used, in clearing .«way the 
 weeds from the rising corn. By ibis system astonishing crops 
 
(110) 
 
 are produced, -ami the grain is of a superior quality. No 
 crop requires the horse-hoe more than Indian corn. 
 
 Horse- hoeing may be performed very often, without dan- 
 ger of damaging the crop by the trampling of the horses; be- 
 cause the distance of the rows is so great, that they can 
 work, with perfect safety between them. Besides, no ope- 
 ration is so effectual for cutting up and destroying weeds. 
 
 Earthing up of crops may be infinitely better performed in 
 the same manner, than by the hand hoej and the economy 
 of labour is immense. 
 
 N° 26. 
 
 Utility of the Plough on a Sugar plantation, 
 
 A pair of horses can plough a statute acre per day, in two 
 journeys of 9 hours in all j provided the soil is not tenacious. 
 There are 88 furrow slices, 9 inches wide in 66 feet ; so that 
 horses that have ploughed a furrow slice of that width, have 
 travelled 16 miles in working an acre, inclusive of turnings. 
 
 It is indispensable to try, by every means, to introduce a 
 spirit of emulation among the Black ploughmen ; by the es- 
 tablishment of ploughing matches ; by giving premiums; and 
 by making the trial days, "Jours de Fete" or festivals. In 
 the ordinary mode of planting Sugar-Canes, it is necessary to 
 dig, by manual labour, 1 3, 000 holes in a square of 3 acres. 
 One man of ordinary strength, cannot make more than 100 
 holes per day, our task varies with the nature of the soil from 
 35 to 70. By this mode putting it at the highest, i3o days 
 work are required for each square of 3 acres. On the con- 
 trary, a plough, with two men, and 3 or 4 horses, will do 
 the same quantity of work in6 days. The work is also better 
 done by the plough, than by manual labour: for in planting 
 sugar-canes, the holes are ranged by a line, so as to be at 
 
(HI) 
 
 i \\i feet distance from one another. They aret?. inches in 
 breadth, i8 in length, and 6 in depth, and are dug by the 
 strong gang, while the weaker gang follows, and plants the 
 canes. P'or this purpose, the bottom of each hole must be 
 covered with a small layer, an inch in thickness, of friable 
 earth, anil, on this bed, 3 or 4 plants of cane tops should be 
 laid in a parallel or a diagonal manner, and then covered, an 
 inch thick, with friable earth. This operation requires grea- 
 ter attention, than the Blacks, in general, are capable of 
 giving. Large unbroken lumps of soil, are too apt to roll to 
 the bottom of the holes, to cover the canes, and to embarrass 
 the planter j so that the work is seldom well performed ; and 
 the Blacks throw a little earth over the surface in order to 
 conceal their bad workmanship. In consequence, the plan- 
 tation partially fails j planting must be commenced again: 
 time is lost ; plants are wanting, and not to be got, to replace 
 those that have failed : and the season is no longer favourable 
 for culture. On the other hand, if all the plants should have 
 succeded, the number of stalks is often too great, and they 
 crowd and hurt one another. Lastly if the soil is stiff, and 
 not friable, like ourup-lands at Belombre, the cane holes are 
 filled by heavy rains, the water remains in them, and rots 
 the plants. Therefore, the ordinary method of planting canes 
 is extremely laborious; and it's success doubtful. Let us now 
 observe the effects of the plough. 
 
 The whole surface of a piece of land is not to be ploughed, 
 for when this has been done, experience has shown, that 
 strong winds lay the canes flat on the ground. Therefore a 
 portion of solid land must be left untouched by the plough/to 
 support the canes against the winds. The plough has but to 
 make parallel furrows, one foot broad, and 6 inches deep. 
 The furrows should cross one another, at right angles, and at 
 thed„tanceof3 ■/, feet from each other; thus forming on each 
 great square of 3 acres, to , ooo little squares, of 2 'A feet ex 
 elusive of the breadth of the furrows. Tuc furrows will be 
 
 20O 
 
0*2) 
 
 in number, and their mean length will be 58 »/ s fathoms. A 
 plough may execute the whole task in three days attended by 
 one man and a boy, and in six days, a square of 3 acres will 
 be ploughed; which by the present mode requires at least i3o 
 days manual labour. 
 
 The plough should have two mould boards, so as to turn 
 the earth well back on each side* The planter -will then find 
 the soil much better prepared than by the hoe for laying down 
 the plants. If there are lumps of hard soil, he easily puts 
 them aside with his feet ; or with his implement, -which should 
 be something like a tomahawk; one side beiug a hammer, the 
 other having a cutting edge. It will be found very convenient 
 for breaking lumps, levelling beds for the plants, and laying 
 on the friable earth, which should cover them. 
 
 The plants, four in number, should be laid down, precisely 
 where the furrows cross one another* The plantation will 
 thus be formed in quincunx most advantageously, for free cir- 
 culation of air, for the facility of hoeing and weeding, and 
 for the cultivation of the land. The plants should not be laid 
 down, in the form of a cross; but in the form of a square, 
 each side the lengtb of a foot. The four plants thus put into 
 the earth, on growing will form a Hnd of funnel, which 
 will collect rain, and, that part of the furrows between them 
 will necessarily conduct the rain water to the roots, which 
 will thus receive humidity on four sides, and also in the centre. 
 This will contribute much to the growth of the Su gr-canes, 
 which require a great deal of water* 
 
i - ■ - • - 
 
 Br 27. 
 
 Bclombre Cane Plantation, by llu Plough. 
 
 1821 
 January Planted N° 8, in Otaheite canes in 
 
 virgin soil. 
 February Planted N° la, in Ouheite canes, 
 after Geueral Bcatson's method ; 
 three ploughings. 
 Manured and planted, in same 
 way. No 9, 
 
 N« 
 N° 
 N- 
 N- 
 N 9 
 N- 
 Manure 1 and planted hj 
 the hue N* 
 
 March 
 
 It 
 
 it 
 April 
 
 H 
 
 May 
 
 10, 
 »', 
 -5, 
 «6, 
 i3, 
 
 '4, 
 
 August 
 
 »7» 
 
 18, 
 
 Acres 
 
 Acres. 
 
 ruth. 
 
 *4 
 
 85 
 
 ao 
 
 84 
 
 a5 
 
 * 
 
 «4 
 
 a4 
 
 >9 
 
 3© 
 
 »4 
 
 *4 
 
 '» 
 
 
 >6 
 
 6G 
 
 aa 
 
 H 
 
 3 
 
 ^ 
 
 7 
 
 36 
 
 .76 
 
 6G 
 
 W28. 
 
 Extract of a. tetter from Mn. TVLFAtn, foI>ocTOR Wallick, 
 Director of the Botanic Gar<Un t Calcutta. Dated Port-Louie 
 Mauritius, March 30 Hi, 1819. 
 
 My intention is to settle here permanently, or at lea*t, for 
 ■aany years - 9 if years are iu store Cor me. As much of mf 
 
(144) 
 
 time as possible, shall be dedicated to agricultural pursuits, 
 and to the improTeraent of this Colony. In England I ob* 
 tamed all possible information on the best modes of agri- 
 culture at home, and in the West Indies. I have brought 
 out ploughmen, ploughs, and machinery of all kinds ; so as 
 to take advantage of this naturally highly fertile island. 
 
 N° 29. 
 
 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Telfair, addressed to Gerard 
 Welleslev Esqr ; British Resident at the Court of Holcar, 
 dated BoisChery, Moka. March 30 1819. 
 
 My intention is to go to Be^mbre. I have already sent 
 there, maiy new seeds received from Europe, and not hi- 
 therto introduced into this Island. I wish you would send 
 me from Nepaul, and the countries you pass through, such 
 seeds as produce the useful food of the natives : especially, 
 various kinds of peas, beans, pulse, grains, roots, and in- 
 deed of all leguminous plants, the culture of which consti- 
 tutes an extensive portion of Indian agriculture. I earnestly- 
 desire to rnrich this little paradise, with the products of 
 e^ery soil; our climate being capable of bringing to matu- 
 rity the greater portion of the plants of all countries. I 
 brought with me from the metropolis, seven large cart marcs 
 •f the great London breed, and I hope to improve our 
 race of working cattle, by a cross breed, and then gradually 
 to substitute the labour of animals for that of men. The 
 plough is beginning to force it's way through the impedi- 
 ments, which prejudice threw it in its way. A scotch-roan, 
 whom I sent here last year, having afforded the means of 
 its introduction, many of my Blacks are now tolerably good 
 ploughmen. The inhabitants of die Colony have at present 
 
before their eyes, at Belombre, 120 Acres of land covered by 
 Sugar cane, which was planted wilh the plough, and on which 
 not one hour of manual labour has been bestowed by a Slave. 
 This Sugar cane is superior to that on 200 acres of land, 
 along side of it, which was planted in the mode usually prac- 
 tised here j viz. by the pioche, or hoe. One plough with 
 eight oxen, working by spells, does the work of 100 Blacks. 
 Any communications or hints, on farming improvements 
 will be very useful. We have a good field for experiment, 
 and I have all the zeal of an improver in agriculture. 
 
 N° 30. 
 
 Exlraclofa letter, from Mr. Telfair, to Mr. Lemarchand at 
 TycancU, Island of Java, doled Port-Louis, Mauritius, 
 May 10th. 1819. 
 
 I regret that your plantation of Cotton Trees has failed ; 
 and I think that your climate would agree much better 
 with Sugar-cane. It fields the surest crop j being less sub- 
 ject to diseases, to destruction by insects, and to devastation 
 by winds, than other plants. I have procrred the most im- 
 proved Sugar-mills made in Eurojie, and I have already put 
 them into motion at Belombre Besides, several ploughs are 
 at work there, and, please God, this year, I shall cut 3oo 
 acres of new Sugar- Cane ; one hundred and twenty of which 
 have been cultivated entirely by the plough. 
 
 N. B. As the system of feeding the Blacks cng.-.ges much 
 of my attention, I beg you will send me all kinds of nutri- 
 tious seeds and roots which arc used by the natives of Java, 
 
(146) 
 
 N° 31. 
 
 Extract of a letter from Mr. Telfair, to Mr. Mr-. Carthy, 
 Paymaster General , Cape of Good-Hope, dated Bclombre 
 U^Jugust, 1819, 
 
 As I am substituting animal labour for tliat of men, where- 
 everit is possible, and as William Wilberforce Hijlme und% 
 erstands the driving a team of oxen by the bullock whip, I wish 
 you would send me one of the longest and of the loudest sound , 
 
 We are forming here a complete stud for the breeding of 
 Horses for agricultural purposes I brought seven of the larg- 
 est sized cart mares from London, and we had eight or ten 
 wares before, which are in high condition. We lately bought 
 the famous stallion" Play or Pay*' for seven hundred Spanish 
 Dollars, on account of his blood which is the purest Arabian. 
 When you find an opportunity of purchasing well conditioned 
 /lilies, from one to two years old ( as that is the age when 
 they best bear transport, ) and, at the same time a good oc- 
 casion of forwarding them to us, by careful hands, and at low 
 freight, I wish that you would send us, at different times, 
 five or six in the year, so as gradually and cheaply to aug- 
 ment our stud. 
 
 N° 32. 
 
 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Telfair, to Messrs. Mathison, 
 Johnston, anttCo., Mcrcliants, London, dated Port-Louis f 
 Mauritius 23d September 1819. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 
 You are aware that we are desirous of in- 
 troducing, as much as we can with prudence, the use of ma- 
 chinery, in order to supersede manual labour in the cultiva- 
 
(H7) 
 
 fion cf our property !;ere, in clearing our forests, and in 
 the conversion of timber. Hitherto, we have been very well 
 pleased with our success in substituting tbe plough for tlie hoe, 
 which encourages us to extend our plans still farther. 
 
 Our wish is now to work our forests by the aid of a saw- 
 mill. There are nearly 4 > °°° acres of forest, which yield 
 a variety of woods, of which we forward you a box of speci- 
 mens marked and numbered, "2? O Wood Specimens " We 
 subjoin a list C, of the number of men we employ in our fo- 
 rests, and a statement of the average produce of their labour, 
 that you may estimate how far this branch of industry has 
 been pushed, and suggest what melioration it is susceptible of 
 by the substitution of saw-mills and machinery. It is pro- 
 per to observe, at the same time, that Colonel Hazard, the 
 Commanding Officer of the Eusigneer corps of this Island, 
 who passed a few days with us at Bclorabre, informs us, 
 that planks, made by a saw-mill, arc so much more truly 
 cut, than those cut by sawyers, that they would command 
 a much higher price. The present manner, in this bland, 
 of cutting planks is so rude, and so imperfect, that Vs 
 sometimes '/a of the timber is wasted in sawing down, trimm- 
 ing, and planing, before they are fit for use. Besides 
 the saving of manual labour, the substitution of a saw-mill 
 would be so great a source of profit, ou the large quantities of 
 wood which we make, that it would shortly pay the expence 
 of the machinery, which it might be necessary to bring 
 from England for that purpose. 
 
 The lar^e saws and the files, which you sent us in the 
 year 1818, have answered well. We found some difficulty, 
 at first, iii prevailing on the people to use them j but since 
 their actual adoption, the work is more quickly done, and 
 much to the satisfaction of the workmen themselves; we are 
 go with thisimprovemen', that we wish you to 
 
 aend us a quantity • I battliefi, of suh temper as will best 
 •Ct upon the woods forwarded to you« 
 
(118) 
 
 As much depends upon facility of transport, in order to 
 ease our cattle with timber carriages, going from the forest 
 to the sea side with wood for embarkation, and as our land is 
 on a genlle descent, generally speaking , from the extre- 
 mity of the said forest to the beach, we think that it might 
 he advisable to lay down wooden rail-roads, made from timber 
 of our own produce, from that part of the forest which is 
 now being felled to the sea side. No person here understands 
 how to make such a rail-road j and we have no books nor 
 instructions sufficiently detailed and explanatory, to enable 
 us to undertake it ourselves. Therefore we wish for the best 
 books onrail-roa Is, and for the first advice you can procure us. 
 We also request, that you will be pleased to send us the 
 volumes published on education by Colonel Paisley of the Royal 
 Engineers. We design them for the use of our Schools of 
 hlack mechanics. 
 
 N° 33. 
 
 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Telair, to William Pitt Esqr. 
 Master- Attendant of His Majesty's Dock yard, Trincomalcc^ 
 dated Belombre, Mauritius, 25 October, 1819. 
 
 Some years ago, Mr, Kidd from Calcutta was here, and 
 he advised me to import Elephants for the transport of our 
 timber from the forest to the sea shore. At present we effect 
 this by Bullocks, and the operation is attended with no trifling 
 labour nor expense. We daily bring down about six tons of 
 timber, a distane of five miles, on a gradual descent. The 
 feeding of Elephants would not cost us much, as we have three 
 hundred acres of Sugar-cane, and they are fond of the pres- 
 sed canes, which we call Bagasse. We make our own rum 
 and arrack, and we import rice which would complete their 
 
(149) 
 rations, whilstthe additional work they would perform, would 
 amply compensate for the expense and care attending j>ucU 
 animals. 
 
 ■ ■ ^— m — m — *— * ' ' * 
 
 N° 3i. 
 
 BoisCheri i*n, May, 1820. 
 
 Extract of a letter, relative to the Blacks captured in the 
 "Succcs", To Hart Davis Esqr., Collector of the Customs, 
 Port>- Louis, 
 
 \ SlK 
 
 No personal interest would induce me to make this 
 offer (to receive the blacks at Belombre) were I aware that 
 any establishment in this Island, public or private, held out 
 fairer prospects to the Blacks ; regarding their comforts, 
 facilities of acquiring trade, religion, and moral education, 
 and attention to health. A Surgeon, a Schoolmaster, and 
 English tradesmen, forihe instruction of the people, are kept 
 exclusively on this estate. Several of my apprentices can read 
 and write, and one keeps the journal of the establishment, 
 and for several years has had a regular salary on account of 
 his trust-worthy conduct. 
 
 The duties of religion are daily performed by every indi- 
 vidual on my property, and the effect has been> a great me- 
 lioration of the conduct of the Blacks: indeed, many now 
 on the Belombre estate came into my possession, because 
 their former masters found them incorrigible, and were glad 
 to get rid of them. Only one Slave has run away ( marooned ) 
 for the last twelve months, and during the same period, not 
 a tingle individual has suffered punishment. I state these 
 facts merely to shew, that any of the people whom you 
 might entrust to my care, would be, m all probability, as 
 
men 
 
 happy at Belombre, and pass their" seasoning" as well lli ere 
 as at any other situation in the colony, 
 
 -■■---- — • «- 
 
 N° 35. 
 
 To Major General Darling administering the Government 
 of Mauritius and Dependencies. 
 
 The Petition of Charles Telfair Esqr., joint proprietor of 
 Belombre estate, at Mauritius, and representing the persons 
 interested in that properly. 
 
 Hereby Sheweth, 
 
 That your petitioner, and his Co- 
 partners have, for several years past, employed an extensive 
 capital in cultivating a Sugar estate, called Belombre, in this 
 Colony: — That their constant efforts have been exercised to 
 supersede, as much as possible, the manual labour of Slaves, 
 hy the introduction of agricultural implements and machinery 
 from Great Britain, and, by practical example, to spread 
 among the planters of the colony, the same spirit of improve- 
 ment; by which means, a larger exportable produce would be 
 raised, and, consequently, the revenues of the Island, and 
 of the mother country, would be proportionally benefitted :-r- 
 Tbat your petitioner was the first person who introduced an 
 English plough into this colony, and employed it on his lan- 
 ded property , in consequence of which, that implement has 
 been extensively adopted, and it's use progressively augmented 
 in this island, ev; ry year: — That your petitioner has lately, 
 fceen at an ex pence of L 1006 sterling, imported an improved 
 British horizoi tal sugar-mill, which will contribute much to 
 the diminution of slave labour, while it's construction exempts 
 the attendants from risk-, to which they arc exposed by the 
 Wills in common use: — That a duty oidlxpercenl" ad valorem" 
 
(lot) 
 
 lias 'been claimed on this mill, at the custom ITouse of Mau- 
 ritius, from the Agmts of the Belombre estate : — That the 
 Jewing of such a duty would bea peculiar hardship, not only 
 upon the planter, intent on the improvement of the lot of 
 Lis Slaves, but also upon the British manufacturer and, mu§t 
 operate as a great discouragement to the externum of c ul- 
 tivatlon, and consequently, contribute to prevent the in- 
 crease of exportable and taxable produce : — That no such 
 tax, nor Custom House duty, exists in any of his Majesty's 
 Colonies; but, on the contrary that bounties are held out in 
 many, for the encouragement of such processes, and the 
 introduction of machinery adapted to abridge Slave labour, 
 and to improve and augment the produce of the earth r -— 
 That your petitioner being extensively engaged in plans of 
 general melioration, and under the conn lent persuasion that 
 the protection of a paternal Government would be extended 
 to such practical impro\em^nts, as are evidently calculated to 
 augment the prosperity of the Colony, has ordered from En- 
 gland, a large quantity of machinery of British manufacture, 
 to be employed on the estate of Belombre j such as saw-mills, 
 steam Engines, and tools of the most improved construction : 
 — That under the m^st favourable circumstances, in all cases, 
 persons who introduce improvements in agricultural processes 
 benefit least by them j the cost and trouble of forming new 
 btbits among the people, teaching them trades and new- 
 modes of working, and necessary frequent failures in caily 
 attempts ; — all continue to render innovations of this nature, 
 burdensome, and expensive to the firsi who attempts them; 
 • ever extensively and generally beneficial to the condition 
 of the Slave population, and ultimately to the whole commu- 
 nity they may afterwards become : — That your petitioner 
 humbly submits, that the claim of the Custom-House for 
 •uch duties, is a grievous obstacle to the execution of such 
 plans; is unauthorised, as being out of the contemplation of 
 any law j and is injurious to the rights of humanity, and ia- 
 
(152) 
 
 Consistent with the principles of financial legislation; both as 
 regarding the British manufacturer and the British planter:— 
 That, therefore, your Petitioner humbly prays to he ex* 
 empted from paying Custom-House duties on the machinery 
 in question, and your petitioner, as in duty hound, shall ever 
 pray. etc, etc. 
 
 N° 35. 
 
 Extract of a letter, from Mr. Telfair, to His Majesty's Com- 
 missioncrs of Inquiry, dated Port- Louis, 24 th March, 
 1827. 
 
 When apprentices are sent to the Civil Hospital, it is a 
 considerable expence to the master, so as, in a few months, 
 to absorb their estimated value, as labouring men, and when 
 their diseases do not require hospital treatment, being ob- 
 stinate or chronic, in their nature , the support of the 
 Blacks is an expence and constant burthen, that the mas- 
 ter would gladly get rid of. The same feeling arises 
 when the Black is found to be incorrigible, as a thief or a 
 maroon, subjecting the master to continually recurring ex- 
 penses, for charges of capture, or for reimbursing the losses 
 of those persons who may have been robbed by him. 
 
 Under one or other of these heads, may be comprised the 
 great majority of tbe names composing the lisl of prize 3Ve- 
 gros apprenticed to me. These INegros were not sought for, but 
 offered to, and accepted by, the proprietors of Be!oiubre. The 
 healthy climate of that estate, the facility of support from 
 the rivers and sea coast, and the productiveness of 
 it's soil, it's capacious and airy hospital, and the advan- 
 tage of a surgeon attached to the estate, who constantly 
 lived in that building, as well as the establishment of a sys-» 
 
(153) 
 
 lem of discipline which has been found to succeed when 
 severity failed ;" enabled the proprietors, at little risk of e\r 
 pence, to receive such prize Negros as were, on their land- 
 rejected at the custom-house, bv applicants for appren- 
 tices, or sushos were afterwards found to be a heavy bur- 
 then upon their masters. 
 
 There arc now, and always have been, on Belombre, several 
 apprentices and Slaves, who were sent there by their masters , 
 because thev were found vicious and incorrigible by ordi- 
 nary means at home. 
 
 Iu reference to the mortality, the Blacks, were .<o 
 debilitated by their voyage, that some died on land- 
 ing, some a few days after their indentures were signed, 
 and the rest could not resist an attack of disease, or accidents, 
 that stronger constitutions would have overcome. 
 
 "When immediate vi<ws of profit are not considered the 
 
 motive* of action, it will be understood why Belombre 
 
 1 indiscriminately received those unfortunate beings, 
 
 the refuse of the Slave thin*, who had been rejected by the 
 
 numerous suiiors on the list of the Collector of Customs. 
 
 N» 36. 
 
 Lttttr,jrom Mk. Telfaif, to His Majesty s Commissioners of 
 Inquiry. 
 
 Port-Louis, 21st Jutie, 1828, 
 
 Geitlemeu, 
 
 In arswei to the several questions, 
 
 have done me the honor of referring to me, on the 
 
 '3 *• <' «>f the Slaves of this 
 
 colony, I take the liberty of subjoining some further ex- 
 
 tracts, from my " Instruction Book " for Belombre, and of 
 
(154) 
 
 adding such observations, as experience lias enabled me to 
 make generally on the management of the Blacks. 
 
 On my estate, for petty offences, the trial of Slaves by 
 juries, chosen among themselves, was perfectly successful ; 
 and, conjoiutly with the system of ranks, rewards, and 
 recompenses for voluntary industry, adverted to in my for- 
 mer communication, in a very short time, rendered any re- 
 currence to corporal correction almost unnecessary ; so 
 that for many years past, the " Punishment Book " was a 
 perfect blank, and the el Weekly Reports'* were discon- 
 tinued. Afterwards the same system was partially followed, 
 at my suggestion , by Mr. Pistow , in his very extensive 
 ship-building establishment at Port -Louis : and so con- 
 fident was he of it's complete efficacy , that it was hi$ 
 practice to purchase incorrigible Blacks from the inhabi- 
 tants, and, by the plan mentioned, they were reformed. 
 
 Trial by jury is also now in full vigourat Bourbon, on the 
 extensive estates of Mr. Charles Desb ass a yics, from whom I 
 had a most interesting detail of his success, a few months 
 ago. His experience has been, I believe, of three years du- 
 ration. 
 
 Since the date of the instructions for Belombre, already 
 forwarded to you, I have made another improvement with 
 advantage; viz, the payment of a salary to the different com- 
 manders of the various bands of Blacks working on the estate, 
 at a rate, varying from two to four dollars per month, by 
 which arrangement, persons chosen from the first class 
 of Blacks, have an additional motive for good conduct, 
 while they enjo\ the means of amassing a certain pecu- 
 lium : an advantage they did not formerly possess. As the 
 commanders ihemscUes do not perform any manual labour, 
 or task-work, before this new regulation they had no claim 
 for extra labour, voluntarily performed, and, in this res- 
 pect, they were Wotpe off than those whom they commanded. 
 
 The adoption of the piinciple of a Saving Bank was not 
 
(155) 
 limited as to it's ultimate purpose; viz, the redemption of the 
 personal freedom of my own Slaves j the money being un- 
 reservedly at the disposal of the owner for any other pur- 
 pose, as luxury ia dress, in furniture, in food, etc,. In fact none 
 of mv Slaves, hut one who died, after a few years of disor- 
 doily freedom, has ever shewn a desire for his personal enfran- 
 chisement j but, several instances have occurred of their purchas- 
 ing tin ir children, and relations, when the latter belonged to 
 other masters. 
 
 One of my Blacks, by his savings, purchased from me, his 
 wife, by whom he had a child ; and, after her death, he 
 purchased from me another negress as his wife, who contin- 
 | o live with him in a state of freedom. Besides, he has 
 now three hundred dollars in the hands of my cashier. 
 
 Another of my Blacks purchased his wife and two of his 
 children, and still he has money enough, if he wished, to 
 purchase his own freedom. 
 
 Two of my negresses obtained their personal freedom, of 
 exemption from work, as a reward to each for having brought 
 Up seven children. The one has preserved her habits of industry, 
 and is considered rich ; the other, from the want of obligatory 
 Work, having the right to he idle, got into intemperate habits, 
 an I, although a vigorous young woman she fell their victim. 
 
 The greatest proportion of money paid to mv Blacks; — 
 Lilting on an average to 3o dollars a week ; — has beten. 
 aj)j lied bj the owners, from time to time, as it accumul- 
 to the purchase of pigs, fowls, fishing- nets, mu- 
 sical instruments, dresses for their wives, etc. j has often 
 been expeu led in little festivals, at their funerals, for mas- 
 ses and Other cm remonic , in commemoratou of the dead) 
 and v< ry ofter uher been given, or lent, to their less 
 
 fortunate comrades, friends, and relatio I, on Other estates. 
 
 Since it's benefits have been practically « em jnstrated. 
 
 task-work has become almost universal in this island: al- 
 
 — « * 
 
(156} 
 
 though thirteen years ago, it was nearly, if not altogether, 
 unknown. It was first practised in such departments of 
 husbandry, as appeared most susceptible of a fair estimation; 
 as ploughing, felling of timber, conversion* of timber, road- 
 making, and, among tradesmen as coopers, masons, nailers, 
 and carpenters ; it was then adapted to the making of trench- 
 es for sugar-canes j to the planting of canes on land where 
 the plough could not be worked; to the cutting of canes 
 and their transport to the mill ; and to the making of 
 sugar. 
 
 Among the women, net-making, mat-making, the collec- 
 ting and splitting of the leaves of the Screw Pine ( Pandanus 
 vacoa), the bruising of sugar lumps with small mallets etc. ; — 
 an operation for which I have now substituted a machine 
 from England j — were all executed by task-work. 
 
 Much labour, formerly done by Slaves, has for a long pe- 
 riod been done by cattle, especially since the proprietors of 
 estates have formed roads for carts , instead of pathways. 
 Formerly, timber, even of the very largest kind, was con- 
 veyed from the forests by mere manual labour; planks being 
 placed on the heads of the Blacks. Sugar-canes were forward" 
 ed to the mill in the same way ; but the practice for some 
 years has been absolete. 
 
 The male Slaves of the first class furnish all the chief ar- 
 tizans, as well as their fellow work -men of the second class, 
 and they bring up to their several trades individuals of the third 
 class; and, in many instances, such as the conversion of 
 timber, sawing, shingle- making, etc., where a certain degree 
 of skill is required, the-master artizan is paid for the work 
 
 * Conversion is a technical term in Wood-cutting, which includes 
 the various processes by which trees are fashioacd for the use 
 of carpenters and builders. 
 
<t57) 
 of the apprentices, wliich is accounted for to him, as extra 
 
 ur, 
 When the different workshops, or bands of artizans, hava 
 been supplied, the labouring class is divided in?o two hands, 
 the great band, formed of the most able-bodied men, and 
 the liltle band, consisting of young persons of both sexes, 
 who are only capable of light work, to which their labours 
 are consequently confined. The remaining persons on the 
 estate consist of children who do light work, as weeding the 
 garden etc., in the intervals of their school hours, and of nur- 
 ses and convalescents , who make sacks for containing sugar 
 and clothing for the Blacks, a"d who besides have other 
 trifling employments. 
 
 N° 37 
 
 j tsofa If tier, from Mr. Telfair, to His Majesty 's Com- 
 missioners of Inquiry, dated Port-Louis, July 17 lh , 1828. 
 
 Gektlemejc, 
 
 I have the honor to acknowledge the re- 
 ceipt of your letter, containing the interrogatories relative to 
 the improvement of the condition of the Slave population, 
 which I shall have great pleasure in answering according to 
 my experience. 
 
 It maybe necessary to remark, that, in carrying my plans 
 into effect, more difficulties presented themselves than I had 
 anticipated. Until I became a praetical Planter, I WU 
 irativcly nnaqtiainled with the precise point of oivilii - 
 lion to which the Blacks of habitations ha- attained. My 
 opinions had been formed from the study of the tempers, < is- 
 positions, and acquirements of domestic or personal Slaves : 
 and, 1 had too highly estimated the mlJleciual and moialsla.e 
 
(158) 
 
 v of the majority of the agricultural population, whom I found 
 on nearer acquaintance to be, for the most part, little removed 
 from a slate of contented barbarism; — their happiness consist- 
 ing in the mere indulgence of animal propensities, without 
 any religious feeling or instruction , and without the hope 
 or desire of stepping out of their sphere. The conception of 
 gaining their freedom wss as strange to them, as it would 
 kavefe'cn to wish to be white. 
 
 Civilization is much farther advanced in the West 
 Indies j but their population was accustomed to the wants and 
 supplies of civilized life, above two hundred years before this 
 island was first colonized. Intelligence, in long settled islands, 
 during that period, has been constantly descending from the 
 highest to the lowest classes, and the wish for freedom is, 
 perhaps, universal among the latter. The great problem of en- 
 franchisement there is consequently of less difficult solution, 
 and. in all probability more immediately practicable. But, 
 the want of desire for liberty among the Slave population 
 of this island is not the sole difficulty to contend with. 
 The person who, unsupported, attempts innovations tending 
 to that purpose, will find it very difficult to ensure the full 
 execution of any plan which he does not personally superin- 
 tend, and will have to form the instrument by which he 
 is to operate on the mass of the said population. In ex- 
 amining the prominent traits of the character of the agricul- 
 tural Slaves, I found that the most striking was an intense 
 sensibility to any act of injustice. Severity of punishment 
 Was never complained of unless it was unjust; but, in ibis 
 case there was a deep fellow feeling and sympathy with the 
 sufferer among ail the individuals of his class. This ob- 
 servation led me to think of the institution' of trial by Jry 
 among the Slaves themselves. It's commencement was 
 rude and inartificial. It was of a summary nature and 
 not subject to any precise technical forms, nor confined to 
 any exact number ol persons selected for composing the Jury; 
 
(159) 
 
 the object being chiefly to prevent tlie exeroise of arbitrary 
 power in the hands of the commanders or overseers ; — the 
 sudden and angry infliction of punishment upon die impulse 
 of the moment ; — and, at the same time, to have on the 
 spot as members of the jury, witnesses authorized to report 
 to the proprietor, or to his representative, any injustice that 
 might be attempted. 
 
 The different bands of Blacks bad at all times in their 
 field work, and when at a distance in the forests making 
 shingles , planks , or timber , an overseer , who was a 
 free man, and generally a white man. The subjects of 
 trial were generally for quarreling or striking one another; 
 drunkenness; stealing each other's tools, or a part of the pro- 
 duce of anoth: r's task work; not fulfilling their tasks from 
 idleness; thefts of poultry, pigs, clothing, tobacco, and cook- 
 ing utensils; and alle !ged marooning ; that is being found 
 on the estates of neighbouring proprietors without Written 
 permission or apparent excuse. 
 
 In all cases it was found advisable that the examination 
 and judgement if the faults, or delinquencies, should be as 
 prompt as is compatible with a due check against injustice. 
 Suspense under accusation is to the Blacks insufferable, and 
 induces them to maroon, so as to a%oid the unkuown result 
 of a deferred investigation. Therefore, iu all cases, the mo* 
 ment a fault was discovered, six or seven of the most steady 
 men present were called together, by the overset r, on the 
 Spot; he stated the case to them, an I the culprit made his 
 'ice. I never lic.ird of ay difference of .opinion ; tb© 
 cases were gen rallv clear and easly decided. If there was 
 no proof, or if th s def< ndont pould give a satisfactory expUna* 
 I i of his conduct, he Went inimedialch to \\o;k If 
 the case was m.ideout, the jury recommended the quantum 
 of punishment ( I never heard of their retiring to consult. OV 
 keeping their opinions secret), an/I the overseer sent the 
 Cttlfrii iu charge of a coumiaudcr, to the master, uho U* the 
 
(ICO) 
 
 case did not admit of pardon, ordered the man to be con* 
 fined till the next morning, when punishment was inflicted, 
 before the whole of the people at the " appel, " or 
 roll-call. The gravity of crimes and offences, committed by 
 Blacks, is estimated at a low rate: larcenies, and some other of 
 their offences are within the bounds of slight trespasses, 
 although the perpetrators of such deeds in countries of 
 higher civilization would be considered as felons. 
 
 Penal inflictions on habitations are comparatively light so 
 far as 1 have seen, and their application is subject to several 
 modifications. The Slaves are descended from different stocks, 
 and the mode of pucishnient adapted to act on one race, is not 
 applicable to all the castes. The Creoles of the first rank ha>e a 
 pride in never having received a stroke of the whip or rattan. 
 This sense of honor prevails, especially in those of IndLn ori- 
 gin : Degradation from the rank of Commander is their 
 punishment. 
 
 The Madagascar Negro may also, to a certain extent, be 
 actuated by similar motives j they are not so humiliated by 
 personal correction, but they fear it, and this, as well as 
 coercion by solitude, and confinement from amusement, are 
 severe punishments. But the Mozambique Negro has no dread 
 of shame. Solitary confinement, which enables him to sleep 
 undisturbed, is his enjoyment, and bodily punishment he 
 endures like a stoic, but without the mental efforts this 
 app« rent indifference to pain requires. They however, 
 can be acted on by short diet and loss of the daily dram, 
 or allowance of spirits, of which they dislike to be deprived. 
 
 The punishment for idleness generally consisted in obliging 
 the defaulter t » make up his task in the hours of "Brehque" 
 or repose, and in depriving him of his customary dram iu 
 the evening. Drunkenness was frequently cured in the young, 
 ny a process which produced a disgust to spirituous liquors j 
 in some the cure was permanent; in others it required a repeti- 
 tion of the process, after a certain lapse of time. Marooning was 
 punished by putting the culprit in confinement, after his tatk 
 
(161) 
 was done, and making him sleep in the block for a certnin 
 number of nights. Fighting and quarelling were punished 
 by the application of the whip, according to the gravity 
 •f the case, varying from half a dozen to twenty-live lashes. 
 Thieving was punished by restoring the property or it's va- 
 lue in stock, wheu the thief had any thing valuable, and by 
 confining him at the block in the interval of labour. In cases 
 where there was no property, the loss was made up in 
 task-work to the profit of the person robbed. The punish- 
 ments of fema!es consisted in confining them from Saturday 
 evening to Monday morning; thus depriving them of the 
 Saturday's dance and holy-day amusements. Slighter pun- 
 ishments consisted in refusing tickets of leave (Billets de pa.sej 
 to visit their friends or relations on neighbouring estates, 
 or in different distant parts of the islaud. 
 
 Punishments were inflicted in presence of the assembled peo- 
 ple hefore they proceeded to work. There never was much 
 corporal punishment on Belombre, and latterly none. Since 
 the departure of Mr. Wm. Telfair and Mr. Forster, 
 and the removal of a great part of the Belombre Blacks to 
 Beau Manguier, none is allowed to be inflicted, without 
 previously having my orders, if not on the spot , and there 
 lias never been any whilst I resided there. Indeed, I am not 
 aware of any of my people having been flogged for many 
 years past. 
 
 The Missionary who resided with me at Belombre was 
 accustomed to attend, whenever there was an opportunity 
 of giving good advice, and particularly at burials, and, on 
 occasions of corporal punishment, he seized the occasion of 
 inculcating moral and religious duties. His exhortations and 
 remonstrances were strong and affectionate, and conduced 
 essenti 1!\ t. the improvement of our people. The chil- 
 dren who were his scholars were devoted to him, and their 
 parents, who learnt from them to sing hymns, partook of 
 the same sentiments. Jlc shewed them the consequences 
 
(1G2, 
 
 cps of vice as to their future state, and the necessity, for thexr 
 own sakes, of punishment, which was inflicted with repug- 
 nance by the master ; but which was indispensable to keep 
 them in the path of duty that would lead to their cndlesp 
 welfare. 
 
 The records of these trials and punishments, on con- 
 viction, were kept for some years ; but no record of acquittal 
 was ever registered, and the infrequency of offences afterwards 
 led to the gradual neglect of the register. 
 
 The character and abilities of each individual were known 
 to the manager, from constant intercourse and a study 
 of their dispositions, and the moral reformation had been 
 in a great degree produced for which the said trials were 
 originally intended. 
 
 I have always regarded the state of slavery as one that must 
 pass away, sooner or later, in the progress from savage to civi- 
 lized life, towards which, in advancing from the natural state 
 of barbarous nations, it is a great and imp »rtant step. The 
 next step depends on the progress of civilization arising from 
 the diffusion and prevalence of religious and moral feeling; ac- 
 tuating the con duct of men, anil which is the result of edu- 
 cation, not speculative or merely scholastic, but which 
 arise-, from practical improvements in the arts and institu.ions 
 of lfe. This principle of advancement is always in activity, 
 always in progr< ss, and when ignorance is thus dispelled ; 
 the other grand step is gained with the progress of society, 
 an I slavery dies a natural death. As a general state of society, 
 and by a measure co-extersive with the evil, it is perhaps the only 
 mode by which slav< ry can be finally and entirely abolished, 
 without struggle or convulsion. Education appears, therefore, 
 an indispensable preliminary, and with this view the instruc- 
 tion of the people might be generally established by superior 
 authority j the prejudices against it in this colony are wear* 
 )ng quietly away. 
 
 If it were deemed proper to invest the master with 
 
(163) 
 
 power as magistrate, over the lower classes, in proportion 
 as he divested himself of his powers as a proprie- 
 tor, and if, as was the Roman practise an enfranchised 
 Slave who disgraced himself by crimes against his former 
 owner, were liable to be reduced to slavery again, some 
 further difficulties to the individual enfranchisement of Slaves 
 might be overcome. This is pci haps all that would h: necessary, 
 when the proportion of Slaves, composing a community , is much 
 inferior to the white or free population, as at the Cape of Good 
 1 in the Continental states of America, where climate 
 is less an obstacle to cultivation by free labour. But, in the sugar 
 islands, where all these circumstances arc reversed, the pro- 
 gress to (inal enfranchisement would be slower. The class 
 of Slaves, when the males and females are equal in number, 
 Would probably augment as rapidly by natural progression, 
 
 ould be diminished by individual enfranchisement, and 
 means might, therefore, be devisi d for the gradual liberation 
 of the whole mass as a class of men -, so as to modify their 
 state and that of their proprietors, as a gnat body, without, 
 at the same time impeding the established practi-e of individual 
 enfran hi en < fit. This step is only to be gained, however, 
 by the voluntary act of the proprietors, who, as an inducement, 
 should he enabled to feel that they do not sink but rise in 
 
 y by the change. 
 
 "When it is considered, that, by withdr wing the power of 
 . rv punishment from the owner, whieh would be the in- 
 »lc consequen e of the univcrsil legal estahl shmrnt of 
 trial by Jury on the great sugar estates, and by the monthly 
 reports of punishments to the superior ciwl magistiate, thest./te 
 of Slavery would be so essentially changed as not to merit that 
 appellation. 
 
 The next step towards freedom would thus in reality 
 
 be given, and this advance in the progress to liberty might be 
 
 -uished by an appropriate denomination, which although 
 
(164) 
 
 in some degree, it appeared merely nominal, would probi- 
 J>Iy lead to trap, riant consequences: I mean that stale of vassal- 
 age which has existed in ali ages, as an intermediate step in the 
 progress of society from barbarism through Slavery to free- 
 dom, and which still exists, id a certain extent, among the nor- 
 thern nations of Europe. This s:ep would not dissolve, being 
 the pure and voluntary gift of the proprietor, nor injure the 
 connexion which, at present, unites by the strongest bonds 
 the lowest to the highest class of society. The great pro- 
 prietor, as magistrate, lord of the soil, and master of the 
 vassal, would hold all the powers which could be really valu- 
 able to himself, or his people. The delegation of the sove- 
 reign roAver, thus modified and extending over the popula- 
 tion of the district, taking cognizance of all offences like the 
 country magistrates in England, would make him more res- 
 pectable in his own eyes, and in those of his inferiors ; his 
 rights, thus become manorial or baronial, would be equally 
 transferable as at present, and the planter's condition being 
 thus elevated, persons possessing capital, and worthy of par- 
 ticipating in the magistracy, by which the community would be 
 m nicipaily governed, might be willing to invent their property 
 in a mode at once safe, honorable, and productive, leaving 
 mere speculators for cupidity and gain, and petty pro- 
 prietors, who are the hardest masters, and ihe most obs- 
 tinate in resisting improvements, to withdraw their funds 
 from such property, for pursuits of a more purely commercial 
 and lucrative nature. 
 
 In those i lands, where property of this n ture has des- 
 cended in families for some gem rations j — and where the 
 Creole population form the fixed aristocracy, as inheritors 
 and owners of the Slaves and the soil, and attached to their 
 birthplace , this change, equally advantageous to the 
 Slave, and honorable to the master , might most eas- 
 ily be effected. An example set by a proprietor of con- 
 sequence, by his possessions and character, would gradually 
 
(165) 
 
 be followed, either by the present proprietors, or wher*. 
 th.y arc too old to change rooted opinions and the prejudices 
 of a life time, by their successors. 
 
 It would bo superfluous to pursue further the successive 
 steps leading to the final extinction of vassalage, whick 
 would arise from the progressive extension of education^ 
 religious instruction, and social institutions, leading in their 
 consequences to feodal allotments of land for agricultural 
 or other bodily corve'eSj to copyhold tenures for personal 
 services, and finally to freehold for rent. 
 
 It may be remarked, that it is not a new idea to admit 
 Cdonial proprietors to a participation in the honors and 
 favours (lowing from the So ereign. In France, before the 
 revolutionary war, Creole proprietors were entitled to munj 
 of the privileges of nobility, and were eligible to hold com* 
 trillions in the army at home, and other posts, from which, 
 the " roturiers" were debarred. In our own country, the 
 baronetage of Nova Scotia had not a more honorable pur- 
 pose for it's creation, than that which would have for it's 
 principle, the admission to an eqial rank of such Colo- 
 nial propr'e'ors as shewed themselves animated by senti- 
 ments not I ss noble, in elevating their fellow creatures 
 in the scale of humanity ; nor would the recognition, or 
 creation, of such an aristocracy redound less to the honor 
 of the Sovereign, or the character of his reign, with future; 
 ages. If to this were added, the admission into parliament 
 of such repretenUtlTtt of the property and mind of 
 'ugliest class, as would watch and defend the in- 
 terests of the Colouies ; being chosen by the proprietors 
 themselves, and possessing that Vocal knowledge requi- 
 site in legislating for distant territories ; it would be a 
 pledge to those possessions of the crown, that in changing 
 the interior constitution on which the structure of society 
 at present* reposes, it is not less the iutcnlion of the legis- 
 
(188) 
 
 Inture to promote their permanent interna) peace and seen* 
 rity, and even their advancement and splendour. 
 
 Upon some such basis as that suggested , the voluntary 
 act of the proprietors might probably be obtained in the 
 sugar islands, by which the odious term of Slavery would 
 be entirely and forever abolished, and a modified freedom, 
 little inferior to that of some of the Northern nations, ob- 
 tained , loading at no very distant dale to that equality 
 of condition, which is consistent with the unequal distribu- 
 tion of property. 
 
 Upon the adoption of those principles, I do not see any 
 hindrance to legalizing the universal practise of trial hy 
 jury among the Blacks, for such domestic offences on the 
 estate of the proprietor as are not necessarily brought be- 
 fore the ordinary courts of justice, either as breaches of 
 the peace, or invasions of the rights of others than the 
 master. The voice of humanity and of interest would in 
 this coincide j the Slaves would be governed by the rules of 
 reason and natural equity, agreeably to their own concep- 
 tion, and in support of the right and dignity of the master. 
 He consults his own interest by his clemency, and an 
 efficient curb is placed on the passions of his subordinates, 
 whose severities it is not his interest, and cannot be his 
 disposition, to encourage j for, whatever pleasure it may 
 be supposrd a man may take in the indulgence of his own 
 anger, it will not be contendeJ that he participates in that 
 of his servant, when the vengeance is to be exercised at 
 his own expence j and it would be so when inflicted on 
 his Slave, It is my own feeling, from experience, I express, 
 ■when I say, that a quarterly or monthly account of all punish- 
 ment should be made out on every estate, and forwarded 
 to the magistrate of the district, and that this return 
 should comprize the name of the individual, and of the 
 •verseer, the judgement, the punishment awarded by the jury, 
 the sentence and infliction, and the name of the surgeon 
 
(1G7) 
 
 present, when the number of lashes exceeds twenty. These 
 reports should include, not only corporal punishment, but that 
 of the block, or solitary confinement, and should be extract- 
 ed from the punishment book of the estate and signed 
 by the manager, and the neit person under him, and by 
 the surgeon attending the estate, when present. And in. 
 periods where no punishment occurs, a certificate to that 
 effect, signed in the same manner should be forwarded 
 by the manager and subordinate to the civil magistrate. 
 False returns might be punished by banishment from the 
 island, without prejudice to the other legal remedies already 
 provided by law. 
 
 The elevation to, and degndation from, higher ranks among 
 our people were origin* lly frequent. After the first year, or 
 two years, tho e ch mges lessened ; degradations became 
 temporary, and after a certain time allowed foe repentence and 
 amendment, the persons were restored The first class became 
 commanders of their different hands. I know but of three 
 who have permanently lost rank ; — two for forgery, and one 
 for immordity. The last is a Creole too old to be imbued with, 
 religious instruction but with many talents; the others were 
 young lads taught at our own school, and probably seduced te 
 thecrimin.il act by their relations, who 1 ved with oilier ma ters: 
 indeed, 1 know this to have been the ca.se with of oue theiu. 
 
 The houses on Belomb e w re ab »ut two hundred, and 
 were given, in preference, as thny were rebuilt to wo» 
 tnen with families. This rebuilding took plice in conse- 
 quence of shifting the "Camp" to a more elev« led dr\er # 
 and salubrious situation. The value of a house might be 
 iited at fifteen dollars, furnished with it's bed-stead : — 
 an 1 the cooking ustensils cto. at three or four dollars : — 
 (he purchase of thus* thing-, would have cost more to persons 
 otherwise s tuated. Hut, bt*iag all iho in aerials in our i wtt 
 possesion, and wotiiucu being ou the spot, the onrtliy of 
 
(<G8) 
 
 money was trifling, although the timber and labour might 
 have heen turned to more immediate profit. 
 
 Every Black who was desirous of cultivating a garden 
 had a piece of ground marked out for that purpose, and 
 there he might spend his vacant time. The system of gar- 
 dening did not extend far ; it was chiefly confined to the 
 commanders and the chief Blacks, who were allowed to 
 profit by the labour of those who, for punishment, were 
 confined: few of the others, after task preferred this em- 
 ployment to a continuance of that appropriate labour for 
 Which they were paid, and the profit was more immediate. 
 
 The property in these houses and gardens was not of a na- 
 ture to be sold, or transferred, by the possessors. It insured 
 them exclusive and undisputed enjoyment, but the land, 
 er house, was not conferred as an exchangeable value. The 
 property that th.*y did possess without control on their dis- 
 posal of it, consisted of supernumerary furniture, clothing, 
 and domestic utensils bought by their own industry, the pro- 
 duce of their gardens, pigs, poultry, and their savings. This 
 mode of conducting habitations is I believe becoming nearly 
 mniversal. The only th ng that was novel, as far as I know, 
 was vesting the immoveal le property in the female, as well 
 as all utensils furnished by the estate. 
 
 The extent of the disposable property is not in any instance 
 very considerable j the produce of their pigs and poultry ser- 
 ved to purchase luxuries, from time to time, additional 
 clothing of a finer texture for holidays, and with some of the 
 higher class, in having masses for the dead, for which in some 
 •nstances, they substitute anniversary fetes. Almost all the Slaves 
 possess some property, however, of this kind. It attaches 
 them to the soil, and it is a very general custom when, by 
 accident or otherwise, they lose their pigs and poultry, 
 and have not the means of purchasing others , for the mana- 
 ger to give a pig and a few hens, in joint property to the 
 Black j the manager furnishing the food and dividing the pro. 
 
(169) 
 
 fit on the sale of the animals at maturity, or on taking them 
 for the use of the tahle of the proprietor. 
 
 The amount of sums in deposit is not at present great* 
 The removal of the Blacks from Belombre to my other pro- 
 perties, and under other management, naturally led to set- 
 tlements with them for the sunii, generally small, which 
 -were due to them. 
 
 One of my people Ins three hundred dollars in the hands 
 of my clerk with which he intends to purchase a slave to at- 
 tend his child that is free: another has two hundred; another 
 a hundred and fifty, and others, who have earned and 
 saved sums of money, have them in the hands of some of 
 their relations who are already free, and they are left to accu- 
 mulate with them till they reach amounts sufficient to 
 purchase their liberty. 
 
 So far as my experience goes, the general persuasion is, 
 that a Slave enfranchised, after he comes to manhood, is apt 
 to indulge in excesses, from which disposition children and 
 free persons arc exempted j being no longer obliged to work,, 
 idleness is apt to render them turbulent and vicious, and 
 once having cast off the sober habits of daily labour, it's 
 tranquillizing effects, ou which so much of the peace and good 
 order of society depend, are lost. Freeborn Blacks are on 
 a similar footing to ordinary labourers in free countries: — 
 they are obliged to work for their subsistance ; they are not 
 subject to that perpetual pupilLge which devolves on the mas- 
 ter all care for their welfare ; and they learn, from their ear- 
 liest days, the necessity of labour and industry. 
 
 Freeborn Blacks are not so subject to intemperate habits as 
 ihfl lower classes of free pceple in colder climates, and i do 
 not think the enfranchised Slave would Law, re so, if the en- 
 franchisement was .the gradual work of time and of his own in- 
 dustry, and if religious sentiments were duly instilled during 
 its progress. 
 
 The free classy arc not prone to intemperance, but are 
 generally industrious : with many, however, their industry 
 
(170) 
 
 is not of the most beneficial nature to Society. Those who have 
 learned trades are generally quiet, orderly, respectful, and ho- 
 nest; but, ihere are individuals in many of their families, 
 without visible means of honest existence, and who will not 
 labour, but live by inticing the Slaves to steal from their 
 masters ; — an abuse against which there is great difficulty in 
 obtaining legal redress. They beset the habitations, and are 
 ready at hand on the adjoining roads, to receive whatever 
 may be stolen by the Slave j for which a very inadequate value is 
 returned, and are thus the primary authors of most crimesand 
 offences among the Slaves. A roll of those people made by 
 the magistrates of districts, and a frequent call of their names 
 obliging them to report on their occupations, might tend to 
 diminish this evil, or perhaps it might be rooted out by obli- 
 ging persons who lead an indolent and vagabond life, to work 
 on the roads, in the same manner, and at the some rate of retri- 
 bution, granted to the military of the garrison, who have been 
 thus employed so beneficially, for years, to the improvement of 
 the colony. On the subject of grounds for the Blacks to raise 
 their own subsistance, and to supply the public markets with 
 provisions, I would remark that the agricultural Slaves of this 
 island, generally speaking, are not sufficiently advanced in civi- 
 lization to enable the master to depend upon their voluntary in- 
 dustry for this purpose, and, if the labour is to be performed hy 
 compulsion, their gardens will have little of attraction but tho 
 name, the work will not be better done than at present, whea 
 the United labour of all tends equally to produce the subsis- 
 tance of the old and the young, the weak and the strong. 
 The parishes of this island are not like those of Jamaica where 
 each affords a market. Port-Louis has the only one on thh? 
 island, and the habitations, most thickly inhabited by the 
 Slave population, are at such distances from Port-Louis as to 
 prevent the transporting of their produce thither for profitable 
 sale. 
 
(i«i) 
 
 N° 38. 
 
 Newton, near Warrington , 2d, Jpril, 1827. 
 
 To Mrs. Admiral Ciiamberlayke. 
 My Bear Madam, 
 
 I hope my addressing you may be 
 allowed, from my long acquaintance with your amiable daugh- 
 ter. Mrs. Telfair, for whom my esteem daily increased, as I 
 became better acquainted with the virtues and the integrity of 
 her character. 
 
 In a late letter from Mrs. Telfair, she mentions the accu- 
 sation brought forward, in the House of Commons, against 
 Sir R. Farqlhar and Mr. Telfair, of which ( however ex- 
 traordinary it may appear), I had not heard before. I am, 
 in complete retirement, and during the last # three years 
 1 have seldom seen a London Newspaper. 
 
 II. ul I been asked to point out two men in the Colony of 
 Mauritius, against whom such an accusation would have bin, 
 brought, by any person bearing a character of respectability ; 
 Ma. Farqlhar and Mr. Telfair would have been the last 
 in my mind : they would have been the most remote from 
 any suspicion - 
 
 Mrs. Telfair begs me to give my candid opiuion of 
 Mr. Telfair, of his conduct to his Slaves etc. , etc.; in a letter 
 addressed to Mr. Bcxton, and candid shall my opinion be, 
 and true to the best of my finite understanding. No friend- 
 ship should induce me to write what 1 did not believe to be 
 true, and of this Mrs. Telfair is well aware. Rut, being un- 
 accustomed to write on subjects of this nature, and my mind 
 being weakened by sickness and sorrows, I shrink from ad- 
 
(172) 
 
 dressing myself to a gentleman, a stranger who never having 
 heard of my name would probably pay little attention to my 
 letter. I prefer, therefore, addressing you, Madam, on 
 the subject ; regretting only that my feeble pen cannot speak 
 more energetically in the cause of truth, and in defence of 
 the calumniate i. 
 
 I resided in the Isle of France from June 181 4 to the end 
 of December 1820. During that period the characters of 
 most individuals, in that small island, must have become 
 known tome, and more particularly those of persons high in 
 office or in influence, Mr Telfair stood among the high- 
 est j not only for science, abilities, and general knowledge, 
 hut still more so, as a man of integrity and philanthropy; 
 exhibiting, in no common degree, the milk of human kind- 
 ness to all around him, or under his influence. I have 
 frequently heard him blamed, I might say reviled, for his 
 indulgence to his Slaves; but never did I hear him accused 
 of severity towards them: never in one single instance. I was a 
 visitor in his house a period of time in which deception could 
 not have been kept up, if deception had been intended. On the 
 26th April, 1820, I reached Belombreon a visit to Mrs. Telfair; 
 audi remained her guest till the 7* July following- During that 
 time, I never saw, nor heard of, any acl of cruelty, nor even 
 severity, towards his Slaves: on the contrary, I witnessed many 
 instances of his fatherly care and kindness toward them. Doctor 
 Desnoyers was maintained to attend the sick on his estate; as 
 much wine was sent to the hospital as the Doctor chose to or- 
 der; and sometimes I thought profusely j and, if ever I saw 
 Ma. Telfair out of temper, it was once when the Doctor, 
 engaged at a game of chess with me, suffered himself to be 
 sent for the second time to the hospital, before he attended 
 to the summons. All the duties of family prayer were perfor- 
 med in Mr Telfair's house, ina pious and regular manner ; 
 prayers, aud sometimes a sermon were read b v the master of 
 the mansion in the presence of his family, his guests and 
 
(173) 
 
 those of his household, who understood English ; and a rclocl 
 for the Black children, was established on the estate by 
 Mr. Telfair, aided by Mr, David Jones, a missionary from 
 the London Society. 
 
 Mr. Jones having burled his wife, child, and all those 
 who accompanied him to Madagascar, returned alone to Mau- 
 ritius, to recruit his health and spirits j and was humanely 
 invited to Belombre, as a more salubrious part of the island 
 than Port-Louis j where he became very useful to Mr Telfair, 
 in establishing a school, which gave great annoyance to the 
 French in general; and which many of the English derided; 
 because they thought the plan absurd, and that Mr. Telfair 
 was carrying kindness and equality too far. 
 
 On my return to Port-Louis, I mas attacked on all sides 
 about the Belombre School, and every thing was said that 
 could be thought of to convince me of its impolicy, and of 
 the danger of teaching Slaves to read and write. Instances 
 of forgery were brought in aid, and there was much sneering 
 at Mrs. Telfair "for spending her time 9 in teaching the 
 Black children. But this was not true j Mrs. Telfair gave 
 a rational time to all her duties ; she visited the school 
 daily; and was generally present from twelve till two o'clock, 
 assisting in hearing the childrens' lessons, correcting their 
 errors, and performing all the necessary duties of a school 
 master. This school cost Mr. Telfair much money, in books 
 tracts, catechism >, etc.; besides the loss of time for the cul- 
 ture of his lands j for his instructions were not confined alone 
 to children. All his neighbours exclaimed loudly about his 
 measures; from I suppose the fear of example. 
 
 Per haps you may not think it inapplicable, it I give an extract 
 of my Journal, shewing my sentiments on my first visit to 
 Mrs. Telfair's school. 
 
 " May ad. went at twelve to the school, heard the children 
 ( about fifty ) spell, read, sing and pray- thfl two last exercises 
 were very affecting and gralifiing; some of ilieui begin to read, 
 
(174) 
 
 and all seem to have made a wonderful progress ; parti- 
 cularly in their prayers and recitations. To hear so many 
 little voices lifted up, in praise of their Maker and Redeem- 
 er, effected me even to tears. 1 have- determined to send 
 my Utile Black hoy to school while I remain here. Whate- 
 ver such education may he in a political view, I am sure 
 it must he right in a religious sense, and therefore a duty 
 to follow the example. " 
 
 Mrs. Telfair was so much afraid of the Slaves being over- 
 worked, that I frequently thought : — I trust I am not want- 
 ing in humanity j — that she sometimes ran a little into the 
 opposite extreme. 
 
 I never saw a Black household servant in the Isle of 
 France, do a tithe of the work done hy many female 
 servants in England. How they work on the plantations I 
 am not so competent to speak, having had no opportunity 
 of judging ; but there is no starving population in the coun- t 
 try; — no beggars. Would I could say so here. 
 
 Every Sunday morning, the little girls eame into the 
 veranda to make their curtseys to Madame ( Mrs. Telfair ), 
 who saw that their clothes 8nd persons were kept clean ; 
 if it were othervise, she blamed where blame was due. 
 Each brought a calabash for a portion of sugar, which I 
 generally assisted in distributing to them ; and happier faces 
 than were under their little white caps, 1 have seldom seen. 
 On Sunday evenings they were catechised, sung hymns 
 etc., etc. 
 
 There was a military station on the coast, Jacole, about 
 three miles from the house of Mr. Telfair, and there was 
 a detachment from that station directly opposite to the 
 mansion, on the near margin of the sea. I walked, with my 
 daughter, every morning from half past five till seven o'clock, 
 ©n the beach, and never without seeing soldiers passing 
 from one station to the other. I conceive it impossible for 
 any Slaves to have been landed there, unseen by the niih% 
 
(1-3) 
 lary appointed to watch the coast ; and they hate too strong 
 an interest m fulfilling such a duty to be negligent in their 
 office* I think also, that Mr. Telfair has too just a seuse of 
 religion, to break through the laws of his country, or to act 
 in opposition to them. I have every reason to think that 
 he would not, as well as that he could not, do it, and 
 that he never thought of such a thing as the importa- 
 tion of Slaves. Of Mr. Farcruhar, I am uot called upon tft 
 speak, or I should say, that he had done more towards 
 annihilating the Slave Trade, than any oth°r person what- 
 ever ; he struck at the root of the evil, by negociating a 
 treaty with the chiefs in Madagascar to prevent the sale of 
 slaves for exportation; and while his measures were pursued, 
 I believe, he succeeded. He was much beloved in the island, 
 by all ranks and colours ; few men so situated, could, f 
 thiuk, have had fewer enemies. 
 
 I am, 
 My Dear Madam, 
 with much respect. 
 Yours very truly, 
 C Signed) Ann Mary Berry, 
 
 N° 39. 
 
 Extract horn the Report of the Directors, to the Twenty -sixfa 
 General Meeting of l/te Missionary! Society May Uth, Ib-JO. 
 
 The health of Mi Jomei experienced a speedy restoration 
 on his arrival at the Mau.itius, where he was received into 
 the house of Ma. Telfair oi belomb.o, distant about forty 
 miles from Port-Lou. U This gcmlemaa is very desirous of 
 promoUuga mission m Madagascar, and had kmUj permit- 
 
(176) 
 ted Mr. Jones, to transcribe some vocabularies of the Mada* 
 gascap Language, which lie himself bad compiled, as well as 
 Several journals of bis own travels in that island. 
 
 Mr. Jones has commenced a religious service in English, 
 for the benefit of the servants on Mr. Telfair's establish- 
 ment ; it was in contemplation to have also a regular service, 
 for the benefit of the Slaves at Belombre, and of the French 
 people in the neighbourhood, as well as their slates, should 
 they be inclined to attend. A Sabbath school had been estab- 
 lished, in which there were nearly fifty children; also a day 
 school for the instruction of the children of Slaves, on the 
 British system, in which there was about the same number of 
 scholars, who learned rapidly. This school is superintended 
 by Mr. Tflfair, and two other gentlemen. The female 
 branch, of it is under the superintendence of Mrs. Tele air. 
 
 N° 40. 
 
 Extract from the Quarterly Chronicle of the Missionary Society, 
 »° 19, page 92, 
 
 October iijth 1820. 
 
 \" I tafce my pen in hand to write to you in a place 
 as yet but little known to me, feeling the same regard and 
 affection for you, as I felt when you faithfully attended 
 me, at the time I was apparently on the vefge of death, 
 and despaired of recovery. You have, indeed, acted towards 
 me, as the good Samaritan did towards the man that fell 
 among thieves, when going down to Jericho *," Vide letter of 
 Mr. Davio Jones, Missionary, to Charles Telfair Esqr,. 
 
 * The Editor of the Quarterly Chronicle adds the following Note. 
 Mr. Jones returned to the Mauritius, after the failure of die Society's 
 
(177) 
 
 P. S In another letter to Mrs. Telfair, also contained 
 in the 19th Numher of the Quarterly Chronicle, page 94., 
 Mr. Jo*es, after addressing the same grateful acknowledg- 
 ments as to Mr. T., concludes in these words; " He who is 
 infinitely rich in all blessings reward you both for your kind- 
 ness and attention." 
 
 N° 41. 
 
 Extracts from the Report of the Directors / 'to the Twenty- 
 S t if nth General Meeting of the Missionary Society, 
 May 10th, 1821. 
 
 " Mr. David Jones whose health is now rc-establ'shed, 
 eontinucd, during the former part of last year, to labour at 
 Belombre, under the patronage of Charles Telfair Esqr. 
 He had been chiefly occupied, while there, in studying the 
 Madecassc language, reading a voluminous mass of docu- 
 ments relating to Madagascar, instructing the Slaves, and 
 superintending the school. Mr. Telfair, in a letter to the 
 Directors, speaks in highly favourable terms of the method 
 pursued by Mr. Josh in tlic school, as well as of the pro- 
 gress of the children. " 
 
 Alluding, in another letter, to the general effects of Mr. 
 Junks* tuition, Mr Telfair observes. 
 
 ' The example has extended from the children to their 
 
 first attempt to establish a Mission in Madagascar, he settled at Belom- 
 bre, about forty miles from Port-Louis, under the immediate patron- 
 age of M* TrLFAtR, who not only furnished him wilh books calculat- 
 ed to facilitate his studies, in reference to the Madagascar Mission, but 
 > rated him with great hospitality and kindness, exerting hints. 11 
 to the utmost, and wilh full success, to promote his perfect Restoration 
 to health. " 
 
(178) 
 
 parents and older relations; so that a general spirit of reli- 
 gious feeling pervades all classes of the numerous population 
 employed on my habitations j and the improvement of their 
 conduct and industry has been in proportion. Some of my 
 Slaves who had absconded, during my absence in England, 
 and had been away for three years, have returned to their 
 duty, and become quiet and well behaved. I trust these 
 palpable good consequences will have their effect, in indu- 
 cing others to follow the example of educating their Slaves. " 
 
 — — — ' ' ' — iii m 
 
 W 42. 
 
 Extracts from the Report of the Directors of the Missionary 
 Society t printed May 9 th, 1822. 
 
 " Mr. Telfair's school at Belombre, formerly under thfc 
 care of Mr. David Jones, Missionary in Madagascar, conti- 
 nues in a prosperous state, A great number of the Slave* 
 on his estate continue to be instructed, of whom many are 
 able to read well. 
 
 Mr. Le Bbun acknowledges, with warm sentiments of gra- 
 titude, the kind aid and friendly attentions which he is con- 
 stantly receiving from various respectable individuals at Port- 
 Louis, among whom he particularizes General Darling and 
 bis Lady, Mr. and Mrs Telfair, Hart Davis, tsqr., Col- 
 lector of His Majesty's Customs, and Mr. Wuite, Director 
 of the Riug's Garden; who have manifested an uniform and 
 liberal zeal in behalf of the mission. 
 
 Mr. Jones likewise received much personal kindness 
 from Mr. and Mrs. Telfair, with whom he had formerly 
 resided at Belombre, and who have constantly evinced a 
 livel) interest in the success of the Society's efforts, particu- 
 lar. \ in relation to the Uland of Madagascar. " 
 
(179) 
 
 * 43. 
 
 F<! vast from the Thirtieth Report of the Directors to the 
 General Meeting of the Missionary Society, published 
 in May 182 i. 
 
 " A highly respectable individual * resident at Port-Louis, 
 ■who has for several years takea a lively inLerest in the Mau- 
 ritius and Madagascar Missions, and rendered them valuable 
 services, has favored the Directors with the account of the 
 Mission at Port- Louis, in a letter recently received. " 
 
 N° 44. 
 
 Extract from an official leporl of the Revd. R. E. Jones, Chief 
 Military Chaplain of Mauritius, and second Civil Chaplain 
 of Port- Louis , addressed to the Archbishops of Canterbury 
 and York. June 27th, 1827. 
 
 "Mr TV fair's school, at Belombre in the district of Savanne, 
 is arranged on a different system. There, about sixty boys 
 and girls are taught to read, Write, and cast accounts, and 
 there, the religious instruction of all the Slaves meets with 
 iteniion. 
 Mr Telfair is a learned and wise man j he has a capacious 
 mind and extensive views ; yet, I presume to differ from 
 him in opitiion, as to the prematurity of teaching children 
 the use of letters, though he assures me, (hat his plan has 
 been attended with advantageous results. He says, that 
 
(180) 
 
 drunkness has disappeared, that crimes have hecorae more 
 rare than formerly, and that desertion has ceased at Belom- 
 hre j and he helieves that those meliorations have been 
 caused hy the children reading to, and teaching their parents: 
 but 1 attribute them to his kind treatment, and the attention 
 paid to their religious instruction. The same plan is adapted 
 at Capt. Dick's estate, and at other places. 
 
 Each morning before work is begun, all the Slaves being 
 assembled, they join in prayer and sing hymns. The labours 
 of the day being over, they wash and clean themselves, and 
 repeat the same devotional exercises. Their comforts and 
 their happiness are in every way consulted ; and none, but 
 the evil disposed, become defaulters. But, Belombrc possesses . 
 a peculiar and a very great advantage : as it is separated 
 from every other plantation, it may be said to be isolated : 
 consequently, the resident or attached Blacks have no com- 
 munication with other Blacks : bad association, bad example, 
 had ad\ ice, and seduction are avoided. I confess that in the 
 instance now before us, I think fewer objections exist against 
 teaching of letters than might be looked for elsewhere : 
 especially as the Blacks at Belombre form, a little society 
 of themselves, and are shut out, as it were, from the 
 wicked and profane; which peculiar circumstances have greatly 
 facilitated the rapid progress of knowledge among them* 
 
 I doubt not that Mr Telfair will make all artizans of diffe- 
 rent descriptions, who are distinguished for their attainments; 
 but, even on this point, our views differ, and very widely. I 
 consider that the prosperity of this settlement depends upon 
 agriculture, and I think that the Slaves should exclusively 
 cultivate the ground, while the free people of colour should 
 be the artizans. By this plan the means of labour would be aug- 
 mented, and employment would be given to a numerous class 
 of individuals, whose welfare should be consulted, 
 
 Mr. Telfair is a considerable proprietor in this island. At 
 one of his estates, Belombre, on the other side of the island to 
 
( 1S1 > 
 
 irMch belong several hundred Blacks, he has an excellent 
 school for their instruction j and, on his plantation at Piton , 
 where the number of Slaves may be upwards of two hundred 
 the school- master for the chapel instructs them. " 
 
 N° 45. 
 
 Extract of a letter, from the Missionary Society, to Mr. Telfair, 
 dated 30th Jufj; 182 i. 
 
 "The yery kind an 1 friendly attention which you have paid 
 to Mr. Jones, during his long indisposition, of which lie makes 
 the most grateful mention; the interest you have taken in pro- 
 moting education around you; and the benevolent assistance 
 you have given to the commencement of a Mission in Mada- 
 gascar, have given you a very large share in the esteem of this 
 Society. To you, Sir, we feel that we owe more than we 
 can repay, or even express; but we trust, that even now, you 
 enjoy the inward reward that always crowns virtuous aud use- 
 ful actions, and that you will hereafter possess a still 
 higher degree of delight in witnessing the prosperity and suc- 
 cess of the Madagascar Mission, which strikes the Society, 
 Sir, as it does you, as " an object of immense importance." 
 
 We are delighted, Sir, to hear of the prosperity of the 
 schools under your patronage ; it exceeds every thing that 
 could be expected under existing circumstances, and affords 
 you abundant encouragement to proceed in the good and great 
 work. If possible, some hooks (in French), such as you want, 
 shall be sent by the present conveyances ; if not, as soon af- 
 terwards as possible. 
 
 Most sincerely thanking you, Dear Sir, for your friendly, 
 able, andlong continued support given to ourMissionaries, and 
 their cause, and most ardently praying for J our health, pr 
 ity and success in every bcncvolcntpmsuit. " Wc are, etc. 
 
(182) 
 
 - - ■ 
 
 N° 46. 
 
 Extract of a letter from the Missionary Society to Mr. Tflfair. 
 Dated 2^ September, 1821. 
 
 " We avail ourselves of the opportunity to thank you, for 
 your kind couutenance and aid to the Mission at Port-Louis., 
 imder the direction of the Revd. Mr. Le Brun, as well as that 
 in Madagascar under Messrs. Jones, Griffiths and Jeffreys, 
 and to assure you that we entertain a grateful sense of the 
 services and attentions which both yourself and Mrs. Telfair, 
 have, from time, to time rendered to the Society's Mission- 
 aries, 
 
 We have great pleasure in hearing of the prosperity which 
 continues to attend your laudable efforts to impart religious 
 instructions, as well as the advantages of common learning, 
 to the people on your estate at Belombre, and we sincerely 
 hope that, in future, success will still continue to crown 
 those and all your other efforts for the benefit of your fellow- 
 creatures, whether among the heathen or others. 
 
 With our cordial wishes and sincere prayers for the health 
 and happiness of yourself and Mrs. Telfair, and that to the 
 blessings of this life may be added the higher and better 
 blessings of futurity. " 
 
 N° 47, 
 
 Certificate of Mr. Warwick, formerly Civil Engineer at 
 Belombre, to Mr. Telfair. 
 
 Port Louis, Mauritius, 2nd September, 1829. 
 
 ft , ., 
 
 J hereby certify, 
 
 Thai I resided on the estate of Belombre, during the years 
 

 
 (1SS) 
 
 iS>i nnJ 1822, an! was in habits of constant intercourse 
 with it's proprietors and managers : — 
 
 [ from the nature of my profession as a Civil Engineer, 
 a large proportion of the Blacks of Belombre were under 
 mv immediate orders, and that I had the host possible opm>rtu>. 
 n.'ties of knowing the events of every pa sing da) , respecting 
 the whole of the Negros : — • 
 
 That the instances of cruelty enumerated as having occurred 
 at Belombre, during the years 1821 and 1822 ; the instru- 
 ments of cruelty rLentioned; and the deta. Is relative to the 
 housing, bedding, clothing, over-working, half- starving, and 
 general punishment of the Blacks, all so ingeniously publish- 
 ed for the information of the world, in the 44 t{l *&•• of 
 the " Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter" , are a tissue of 
 falsehoods : — 
 
 That the general comfort of the people, and tlie moral 
 and religious instruction of all classes, were chief objects 
 with the proprietors, who issued the most positive rules of 
 guidance to every subordinate agent on these points : — 
 
 That schools were expressly established at Belombre, upon 
 the Lancastrian syst< m, for the education of the t lacks, 
 which were daily attended, on an avenge, by sixty indir- 
 iJuals, who were likewise taught morality and religion ; — 
 
 That, owing to the excellent regulations established and 
 enforced at Belombre, puni.dnue t> were very rare, and 
 when absolut >iy necessary, to ray knowledge, were never 
 inflicted with cruelty, apr even w«th severity: — 
 
 That the Houses of the Blacks at Belombre were excellent . 
 for peasants : — 
 
 That the bedding, which in lh», as in all hot climates, ' 
 consists m- rely of a mat, pillow, and blat.k good 
 
 of their kind, and regularly possessed by the rVcgros at 
 * ibre . — 
 
 That the clothing of the BlacVs at Belombre was com- 
 
(184) 
 
 fortahle, and, among the higher classes, of a superior quality, 
 and well adapted to the climate : — 
 
 That the food of the Blacks at Belomhre was wholesome 
 and nourishing in quality, and sufficient and even abun- 
 dant in quantity : — 
 
 That, in conclusion, the Negro population at Belomhre 
 enjoyed a degree of comfort and happiness, which I have 
 never any where seen exceeded in the same rank of life ; 
 because they were exempted from those wants, cares, and 
 anxieties, which generally, and unavoidably, fall to the lot 
 of the labouring classes in civilized nations. " 
 
 f Signed J' J as Warwick* 
 
 ————— i— mmmmm »^—i — » 
 
 N° 48. 
 
 Extract of a letter from. Colonel Draper jCo Hector of Customs 
 to Mr. Telfair, dated Champ de Mars, Port-Louis, Sep£r p 
 1st, 1829. 
 
 fi Having, a very few days ago, per- 
 used a publication, called the " Anti - Slavery Monthly 
 JReporter, " for the month of January, 1829, No. 44, in 
 which appear strong and violent animadversions on the state 
 of slavery in this island, and particularly at your estate at 
 Belomhre, I should not only be wanting as a friend, but as 
 an honest man, if I did not immediately give them my unquali- 
 fied contradiction. 
 
 The writer, in the ' ' Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter ", 
 makes specific charges of cruelty against the Belomhre 
 establishment, from the tesiimonies, as he says, of eye- 
 witnesses. It is not difficult to trace these engines of a 
 malignant activity,.... nor to call up the informers,.... — per- 
 nicious enemies to all good men t Suffice it, in this letter, 
 

 (185) 
 
 however, to say, that tlie lower class of informers consists of 
 drunken and discarded convict overseers ; one of whom, by 
 name Kendrick, deposed in England that he witnessed an im- 
 portation of Slaves at Belombre on the very day when he 
 was in prison at Port-Louis, as a gens d'arme, for bad con. 
 duet. 
 
 From a residence of upwards of i5 years in the colony, 
 dming a great part of which period, as civil engineer and 
 surveyor-general, it was my duty to make frequent inspections 
 of the roads in the different districts of the island, I have of- 
 ten visited the estate of Belombre, and seen the cottages of 
 the Blacks, the hospital, the school-room, and the pavilion 
 6et apart for religious instruction; they all conveyed to my 
 mind every, appearance of comfort and of no ordinary regu- 
 larity; indeed, they bespoke a kind master and a good chris- 
 ti.n. 
 
 Although I may date our acquaintance from ih.* memorable 
 expedition to Egypt, in 1801, it is more to the purpose to 
 pass directly to this country, -in wh.cli you are belli up in 
 execration, by a writer at a distance of 12 , 000 iijee, as a 
 cruel and bloody tyrant, and w hose establish n enf at Belom- 
 bre pn scuts a scene of In. man slaughter or cliurn! house. 
 
 Along, 1 ,iU(l, 1 will add to, a most disinterested 
 
 ; h j> with sou, gives me the right to affirm that these 
 
 assertion in \\\e ii Anli-S lavery Monthly Reporter'' arc gro s 
 M of truth j i deed, were I caOed upon to delineate a 
 ch.mctcr whose clemency would bear the strictest ordeal, 
 the true 1 ikt ness would be found in the proprietor of Belom- 
 bre, w horn I could present even to the members of the Anti- 
 Slavery J n, and particularly to the speakers at it's 
 aniiivers.irN in 18 8, a« a philaniln -opist in whom nature had 
 aled the 1 tioa 1 1 be b< 
 
 J bei i" bearing tlii> simple testimony, in 
 
 d inflammatory slander conveved 
 
 ■ the ' K Anti- Slave r>j Mon J Jy l[( porter \ who*C information. 
 
(186) 
 
 being derived from polluted sources, is totally unworthy 
 of credit. Allow me to add, I shall ever be at my post 
 in upholding private honor aud public worth, in vindi- 
 cating the injured against felonious robbers of reputation, 
 whether supporled by charitable or uncharitable societies, 
 and in discharging the offices of a friend of the i ' valued 
 file." 
 
 N° 4.9. 
 
 Copy oja letter to Mr. Telfair,y?w?4 Capt. Mackayo/7/fV. Ms* 
 %2d. Regt., dated Port-Louis 4.th October, 1829. 
 
 " My Dear Sir, 
 
 As t am told that you are preparing 
 a refutation of the libellous slanders against you in the 44 tu -'« 
 N' of the " Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter,' 1 , and as my 
 testimony may be of some importance, as an eye-witness at 
 Belouubrc, of what was passing during a part of the period 
 in whiek the ill treatment and cruelties are said to have been 
 practised, I beg to offer you an account of what I observed, 
 that you may use as evidence in favour of the truth. 
 
 Being newly arrived in the colony, in 1819, at the time 
 of my taking command of the military post of Jacote, ad- 
 joining Belombre, I felt much curiosity in witnessing a 
 mode of life so novel, and it was a great amusement for 
 me to examine all I saw. I went over every part of the 
 establishment of Belombre, it's hospital, school, mills, sugar, 
 houses, gardens, and forests, and s.w what was the treatment 
 of the Slaves in all their employments. This was no cursory 
 Yiew ; I walked alone among the people at all times : — saw 
 
(18*) 
 them at their meals, at their work, at their dances, at their 
 devotion?, and in thcirhouses- These were not preconcerted 
 vigils; it was the ordinary exercise of five days out of the 
 week, during my slay in the military command of the district. 
 I have never seen more hilarity and abundance in the same 
 Dumber of the labouring class at home j they are well fed, 
 clothed and sensible of their happiness j their children were 
 kept clean and neat in dress, and daily schooled, for two or 
 three hours, in reading, writing, and arithmetic, and on my 
 return to head quarters, I myself sent a large board with the 
 elemeutary part of school lessons painted on it, as a present 
 to the school j so much was I pleased with the aptitude and 
 diligence of the scholars. If there was any punishment of the 
 Blacks it must I think have been rare, for I never saw it, nor 
 heard the sound of the whip in correction. 
 
 Had such atrocities existed as are detailed by the *' Anti- 
 Slavery Reporter", 1 think they could not have been concealed 
 from me, nor from the military stationed on Belombre; and 
 certainly no honest man would have witnessed such mon- 
 strous crimes without denouncing them on the spot j and I 
 would have felt it imperiously my duty to have reported such 
 murderous attempts* There can be no better proof that they 
 did not exist j nor did I ever hear of them until some weeks 
 •go, on the arrival of the'* Anti-Slavery Reporter". I have 
 heard the Slaves of olher estates speak of the enviable lot of 
 yours, and it has been observed to me by some planters, that 
 stem of diminished labour, expensive feeding, clothing 
 etc., you practised at Belombre, would not tend to enrich 
 you. As for the occupation of Sunday, it was dedicated to 
 devotion in your family, when I often read sermon, after 
 \ m had read the prayers of the Church, surrounded by all 
 your overseers, servants, and house-slaves who understood 
 English, and the whole of the estate had orders to attend 
 at the school house every evening to join in prayers etc,. 
 Such U the ilatcmcnt that I can with truth most sol- 
 
(188) 
 
 emnly give, as a contradiction to the anonymous witnesses, 
 whom the " Anti-Slavery Reporter" mentions, and, no 
 doubt, these persons will be found as little entitled to credit, 
 as those already brought forward before the Select Committee 
 of the House of Commons, whose perjuries were rendered 
 evident by the oaths of those men of my own rcgimeuly 
 whom they appealed to for corroboration," 
 
 N° 50. 
 
 Declaration of Mr. Forster. 
 
 "I, William Forster, Manager of the Beau Manguler estate, 
 declare : — 
 
 That, I Went to reside at Belornbre, ttie latter end of 
 October, 182', and continued there unlill January 1828 j 
 a period of six years and three months, during the latter 
 three years and a half of which time, I had the chief 
 management of the estate: — 
 
 That, during all the time I was on the said property, the 
 treatment of the Slaves was very humane, and every attention 
 Was paid to their comfort. Their food was wholesome and 
 nourishing, consisting of rice and maize, mixed with salt beef, 
 or salt fish, and vegetables j besides an abundance of fresh 
 fiah, with which the sea surrounding a considerable part 
 of the estate was largely supplied : — 
 
 That the people were well clothed, and each indn id ual 
 had an annual supply of blankets. Their cottages were palis- 
 aded and thatched, and each was divided into two rooms y 
 one of which contained their beds. These cottages were 
 dry and comfortable y one and sometimes two old men were 
 
(1S9V 
 
 caastantly etaployed in repairing aril thatching them, aihd 
 it was the sole occupation of a painter, called David, t* 
 white- Wash thena : — 
 
 Tiiat, the bell which called the Blacks to their work in the 
 morning was rung at gun- fire : they had an hour for- 
 breakfast, and two hours for dinner, and they left off work 
 before gun-fire in the evening r — 
 
 That, during ray residence at Belombre there was not a 
 single instance of making sugar in the night : — * 
 
 Tint it was an invariable rule ani strictly adhered to, 
 never to flog the femde slaves. Toe only punishment they 
 were subjected to was the block, or solitary confinement : — ■ 
 
 That, with regard to the Blacks, or male Slaves, besMes 
 the block, the application of the whip or ruttin was resorted 
 to in serious offences, and the number of lashes varied from 
 six. tj twenty-live. Few instances occurred of punishment 
 exceeding the latter dumber, and it never was the practice- 
 to indict punishment on Sunday : that lime juice or salt 
 and pepper were never used in punishment, nor for the 
 alledge I purpose, of preventing sores, occasioned by the 
 whip, from festering : no application of that kind could be 
 needed, as it sel loin happened that the skin was even 
 raised : — 
 
 That, for several years before my arrival, the Belombre 
 Slaves hid been in the habit of receiving moral and reii- 
 gi »us instructions: a'l the children were regularly baptized* 
 a-i I JTPOag in I '»! I assembled every even ng to say their 
 prayers and to siug hymns, previously to retiring to th 
 cottiges.* — 
 
 That, there was- a school on the estate to tench the r'» I 1 - 
 rent to read and write : it was set on ('»»: I fare I w 
 t> Belombre, and continued without any interrupt! m i,\\ 
 the time of my quitting the estate .• t'te number «ti civil- 1 
 who Attended varied from lifiy to ilMJ i — 
 
(130) 
 
 That it has been stated by the Editor of the u Antl- 
 Slavery Monthly Reporter " that the decrease of Blacks 
 on the Belorubre estate for the year 1819, according to 
 the recensement of that year, was 52 -persons, or i3 '/, 
 per ceol, per annum on the population j and that the de- 
 crease for 1825, was 39 or 10 7* per cent, per annum. Now, 
 assuming the correctness of this statement as far as regards 
 the diminution, it is to be observed that both those returns 
 were triennial, comprising th£ deaths that had occurred in 
 the three years antecedent to their respective dates. Instead, 
 therefore, of a decrease of i3 »/« P er cent for the year 
 1819, as affirmed by the " Anti-Slavery Reporter", the 
 diminution is reduced to a third of that per centage, or 
 an average of 4 7» P er cent, per annum, for the three 
 years ending in 1819. Again, instead of 39 Blacks, or 10 7* per 
 cent, being the decrease in the Belombre population for the 
 year 1825, it is the decrease that took place in three j^ars t 
 viz : from 822 to 1825, or about 3 'A per cent, per annum. 
 The circumstance of the Cholera-Morbus having ravaged 
 the colony, during the period included in the recensement 
 of 1819, accounts for the mortality of that return being 
 1 per cent greater than in the return of 1825 : — 
 
 That from a residence of more than eight years in this 
 colony, I am enabled to state that I do not know a man 
 in it, who bas been so uniformly kind to his Slaves as 
 Mr. Telfair; and I cannot imagine any one less deserving of 
 the scandalous and libellous imputations whicb have been 
 brought forward against him, in the "Anti-Slavery Monthly 
 Reporter 11 . Few people have bad better opportunities than 
 myself of judging of this fact, as I was upwards of six 
 years on the estate where so many cruelties are said to have 
 been committed. Mr. Telfair always expressed to me, as 
 well as to others on the estate, the strongest desire to 
 meliorate the condition of his Slaves, and recommended, 
 as well as put into practice, different plans for that purpose. 
 
 X 
 
(191) 
 
 Besides {increasing their bodily comforts in regard to food, 
 clothing etc., he turned his attention more particularly to 
 their moral and religious education. The school established 
 on the estate was superintended by a free man, -where all 
 the children from 3 to 12 and i3 years of age were taught 
 to read, write, and say their catechism, as well as to repeat 
 the measures of time, the multiplication table, and the tables 
 of weights and measures etc., etc. Two hours, every day^ 
 were spent in this manner in the school. The whole of 
 the Blacks were brought together every evening when their 
 work was finished, to join in prayers, and sing two or three 
 hymns; and this has been the constant practice, as well at 
 Belombre, as on Mr. Telfair's other estates. Having been so 
 long an eye-witness to Mr. Telfair's plans, for rendering his 
 Slaves comfortable and happy, I think it only justice to his 
 character thus to come forward and endeavour, as far as 
 my testimony will go, to refute the base and malignant 
 calumnies that have be< n heaped upon him by the Ldilor 
 of the " Anti-Slaveiy Monthly Reporter". 
 
 (Signed J Wm- Forster. 
 
 'Beau Manguier, Mapou 
 October, a3d 1829. 
 
 N° 51, 
 
 Copy of a Utter, addressed to Mr. Telfair, by Colonel Staveley, 
 Deputy Quarter-Master General. Dated Bon Jir f Mauritius, 
 Wi October, lb 
 
 "In returning you the 44 lu No. of \.\\e* € u4nti- Slavery Monthly 
 Reporter," 1 taLr tlio opportunity of informing you, that I haft 
 some personal knowledge of two of the individuals, on whose 
 evidence these caluniuics are said to have been published. 
 
(192) 
 
 The first is a man of the name of Higginson, whom I dis- 
 charged from the Department of Koads for gross misconduct, 
 as an overseer. He then r< presented to me the hardship of 
 being ohli^ed to quit the colony, and leave his wife and 
 six. children, and I felt inclined to recommend his heing 
 pardoned. On further enquiry it appeared , that he had 
 neither wife nor child here; hut was living in a state of 
 eoncubiiage with the mother of the children he had 
 told me were his own : and that lie had been in the habit 
 of employing the convicts placed under his charge for the 
 publick sen ice, in the cultivation of this woman's habita- 
 tion r He was accordingly dismissed. 
 
 The other man is named Kendrick. I met him at Grand River 
 in a state of nakedness, nT,.h, and ilarvalion j he represented 
 that-he was a pensioner but had lost his discharge, and could 
 not draw his pension j and that he had formerly been an 
 overseer in the Convict Department. I found his character 
 in that Department to be bad ; that he had been more than 
 once discharged, and was finally dismissed for drunkenness* 
 This man had subsequently entered and been dismissed from 
 the Gens d' Armerie , and if he had not been a most worth- 
 less vagabond, he could not have been wandering about the 
 island in the state I found him. On my representation, his 
 pension was paid to him, and he was sent to England. 
 
 We all know the disposition to invention an I exaggeration 
 ©f vulgar men who have travelled, andean thus account for 
 the stories which haye been circulated by such characters as 
 the above, and when it became known amongst the nume- 
 rous discharged soldiers who had served in Mauritius, that 
 the most infamous fabrications would be credited and encou- 
 raged, it is not surprising that among their random shots, 
 some should fall on the proprietor of Belombre, although to 
 those who have the pleasuie of your acquaintance, you are 
 known and d stinguished, as a man of henevolenee, and phi- 
 lanthropy, and devoted to the cultivation of science. 
 
(103) 
 
 T 1u. ye frequency visited Belombre and have never seen the 
 feast S)mplom of ill treatment of any living being; hut on 
 the eontrary, have remarked the extreme attention paid ta 
 the comfort, education, and religious instruction, of the 
 Blacks. I sincerely hope you will lose no time in refuting 
 the infamous calumnies that have been circulated. " 
 
 N* 52. 
 
 Extracts from a letter, to Mr. Telfair, from the Revd. 
 A. Denny, 1st Civil Chaplain, Mauritius, accompanied by 
 some documents, dated Port-Louis, 28 lil October, 1829. 
 
 "Having read in Nos. fa and 44 °f lne " Anti-Slavery 
 Monthly Reporter''' the severe attacks made against you, as 
 a proprietor of Slaves ; and understanding you are about to 
 publish a refutation of these reiterated calumnies, I beg leave 
 to enclose you extracts from public documents, addressed by 
 me to His Majesty's Commissioners of Enquiry ; the Ecclesia^ 
 tical Hoard; the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge ; 
 and the Protector of Slaves. 
 
 The necessity imposed upon me, of making these official 
 communications, compelled me to acquaint myself with the 
 means afforded for the moral improvement of your Slaves* 
 If the barbarities, slated by the '* Anti- Slavery Reporter" 
 to have been perpetrated, could co-exist with the creditable 
 efforts used for the moral welfare of your Slaves; — and that 
 these efforts were used, at the time specified by the editor, 
 there is evidence to prove : — it must be looked upon as one of 
 the mos: unaccountable anomalies of conduct of which I have 
 ever heard. As the subjoined documents were not got up for 
 the occasion, but merely called for in the course of official 
 
(19i) 
 
 duty; and written before I could have any knowledge of the 
 existence of such charges being preferred against you, in 
 that circumstance alone, perhaps, rests their principal value. M 
 
 Extract from a Communication, addressed to His Alajcsty's 
 Commissioners of Enquiry, Mauritius, in reply lo a Query, 
 dated the 16th December, 1828. 
 
 "The extent of means afforded for the religious instruction 
 of the several classes of the inhabitants in the different quar- 
 ters of the Island ? " — ' 'On the estates of Charles Telfair, Esqr, 
 schools are established for the education of his Slaves, where 
 the children receive elementary instruction, so as to enable 
 them to read the scriptures and write, and are instructed, by 
 the masters, in the principles of the protestant faith. The 
 children on the two estates, about 80 in number, are in 
 school about two hours each day, and on the Sabbath have 
 prayers read to them by the masters, the whole of the adult 
 Slaves on the estates amounting to some hundreds attending 8* 
 
 Extract, from Communications addressed to the Reverend 
 A. Hamilton, Secretary to tie Ecclesiastical Board, and the. 
 Reverend A.. M. Campbell Secretary to the Socitly for 
 promoting Christian Knowledge, dated 1** February, 1829. 
 
 "On the estates of Charles Telfair Esqr., schools are estab- 
 lished for the education of his slaves, who arc taught tor.itd 
 and write, and the adults orally instructed in tho principles of 
 the protestant faith by the masters. One of those schools 
 was established in 1816, and consists at present of about sixty 
 children. They leave school when they can read their bible, 
 
(195) 
 
 an-1 write ; sorr.e arc taught arithmetic. Tlic school on llie other 
 estate is neither so long established, nor so numerous, and 
 it is much to be regretted that the distance is to great lo per- 
 mit them to be brought together for public worship j and 
 ihe distance from Port-Louis precludes them from the bene- 
 fits of clerical administration, except for baptism;— as it is, part 
 cf the liturgy is read every Sabbath, 
 
 Extract of a letter addressed to R. M. Thomas Esqr., Protee- 
 » lor of Slaves y in reply to a Query, dated the 19 th of June, 
 1829. 
 
 " It would be desirable to be informed, whether any 
 means have been adopted by Slave-owners for the instruc- 
 tion of their Slaves in the principles and observance of the 
 Christian Religion? " 
 
 *• After some details of the same nature as the above, Mr Denny 
 remarks. *'As it is; every thing possible is done for their moral 
 improvement and personal comfort, and it doubly enhances 
 the nature of the instruction afforded, as Mr. Telfair is the 
 ©nly individual in the colony, lay or clerical, who permits 
 •lementary instruction to be imparted to his Slaves, " 
 
 N« 63. 
 
 Extracts of a letter to Mr. Telfair, from Colonel Cunning- 
 ham, Commander of the Royal Engineers, dated Port-Louis, 
 Mauritius, 26tb y October, 1829. 
 
 " 1 can, from personal observation, state that the huts for 
 ,H»c Kcfcrocswcre in a» good condition, as comlorubic, and 
 
(196) 
 
 as far'ge* as amy I have seen in the island, and particularly 
 noticed the hospital and school -house, hoth of which appeared 
 %S me well calculated for their purposes. 
 
 I have now been in this colony, above four years, and •■! 
 can with truth affirm, that 1 never heard the slightest hintof 
 there ever having been any severe punishments inflicted on 
 the Slaves belonging to the estate of Helombre, and I am 
 well satisfied from what I know of you, myself, and from, 
 all I have heard of you, that you would never have sanctioned, 
 or allowed, such punishments to be inflicted on your Slaves,, 
 as are stated in one of the numbers to the " Anti-Slavery 
 Monthly Reporter. " 
 
 ' ! N° 53. . 
 
 Extracts of a letter, to Mr. TELFAiR,//Y>mMr. Quarter-Mas tee 
 K\LE,82d Regiment, dated Port-Louis, 27 th September g 
 1826. 
 
 lt I have perused different numbers of 
 the "Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter 11 , and, X assure you, 
 
 1 read the ^i 1 ^ ^° , with no small degree of astonishment; 
 particularly that part of it relative to the treatment x>r the 
 Slaves on the Belomb«-e estate. In the years 1820 and 
 1821, when you and Mrs. Telfair resided on that estate, 
 
 2 knew that both were humane, kind, and indulgent to, 
 your Slaves in general. A striking proof of the justice of this 
 statement, is the expence you were at in paying for the 
 instructions of four of your household and two of your ficl j Slaves 
 who were under my care, whenl was music-master of the 82nd, 
 Regiment. They learned music, reading, and writing, for up— 
 wards of three years j during which lime, I had* many oppor- 
 tunities o! hearing them, in their private etmven>au<»s, ' hdTd 
 
(<9T) 
 
 in praise of the kindness of their master Widin'stres^ 
 nbtonly to themselves, butalso to the Slaves in general. The so 
 boys came from Belombre to me at Mahebourg • and the/ 
 were well clothed, looked to have been well fed, and their 
 general conduct, while under my charge, convinced me 
 that the principles of morality and religion had beem 
 early instilled into their minds. In the year ittao, I visited 
 Belombre with the little band of music, and remained some 
 days j during which time, I visited that establishment, late 
 and early, and often admired the regularity with which. 
 «\ery thing was conducted. I will n >w give y u a detailed 
 account of the condition of the Slaves at that period. 
 
 1st. The Blacks Huts. I particularly remarked for their 
 fcleanliness and uniformity ; they formed streets ; one large 
 building was occupied as an Hospital, and another as a 
 school-house. 
 
 2d Clothing. I have no recollection of having seen any 
 Slive, male or female, hut what was decently clothed ; those 
 of the household v. ere particularly well c'olhed. 
 
 3d. Beds* I cannot say that the Slaves in general hai 
 feeds j but I firmly believe that each had a mat, a blauket 
 or a cumley : each of the boys who came to me brought 
 these articles with him and, some &Ud h,:d pillows* 
 
 fich. Food. I cannot be positive as to the kin 1 of the gone- 
 val food, of the Black' ; but whatever it was, th ir appear- 
 ance bespoke that it was not scuntly issued out to them, I 
 have often heard it remarked, that you fed v*mr Slaves om 
 rice, when it it was at an enormous price, almost double! 
 uh.il it costs at this moment. 
 
 5M Lahour. Vt'hile at Belombre, I generally rose at cLwit 
 of day, and have seen the Slaves go out to the field at day- 
 Kgfctg and return to breakfast after whi h they went back to 
 work ami remained untill about nji<!-!«\. They went again 
 to the field at 2 o'clock, and ••remained untill a little after 
 as to ttic bell being ruagal three o'clock m ihc mor^ 
 
(158) 
 
 >atng I never heard It. It was generally rung a quarter of 
 an hour before day light, 
 
 6th. Punishments. I have no recollection of any punish- 
 ment having been inflicted while I was at Belombre, and jet 
 one of the days was a Sunday* 
 
 8th. Morality and Religion, were strictly attended to, 
 "When the six boys were sent to me, you particularly called 
 my attention to both : no stronger proof of your ardor on 
 this head can be held forth, than the well regulated school 
 which was on the estate. I visited it every day while I was 
 at Belombre j the neatness and attention of the children ex- 
 Glted my admiration. I have no doubt but that divine ser- 
 vice was performed, if not to the whole, at least to the greater 
 part of the fflacks, every Sunday. On the Sunday I spent 
 there, the late Capt. Field read the morning service, and I 
 acted as clerk* In singing the psalms, I was joined by many 
 present, and was accompanied by the Slave Band of Music. 
 The Slaves were clean, aid decently clothed, and during the 
 service they were very attentive. 
 
 Believe me that it is delighllul to have such an opor- 
 tunity, of giving my humble and faithful testimonial, to an in- 
 dividual whom 1 consider to be deeply injured, and whose ge- 
 neral good character is so firmly rooted in this Colony.^ 
 
 N° 64. 
 
 Extracts from a letter , to Mr. Telfair, from the Mr. LeBrim^ 
 Missionary ) dated Port-Louis, Id'A October, 18:29* 
 
 It does not enter into the mind of a Christian, and morfc 
 particularly into that of a minister of the Gospel, to flatter 
 »nv one, gr what is worse to speak untruth,. and no interest 
 
ted motives could induce me to testify to any thing of which 
 I ha I not a co npetent knowledge. Though I do not alto- 
 gether approve of the mode hitherto adopted in the colony for 
 the diffusion of Christian knowledge amongst the Slave po- 
 pulation, still I must say, that many useful regulations have 
 Leen adopted by several planters, since my arrival in this colo- 
 ny ( in May 18 1 4- ) f° r tue melioration of that class of the po- 
 pulation, which if not yet general, is daily in progress. 
 
 What leads me to write to you on this subject, is an awful 
 accusation brought against you and your mode of treatement 
 of your Slaves at Belombre, in the 44 tn No. of the " Ami- 
 Slavery Monthly Reporter, " which if I can judge by your 
 other estates, where I have been, is, I sincerely declare, un- 
 founded} for, without exaggeration, there is not one to ray 
 knowledge, who has hitherto adopted such extensive plans, 
 or gone to the cxpences vouhave, to improve their situation, 
 to encourage voluntary industry, and to excite religious feel- 
 ing a.nong them. You are the first in this colony who at- 
 tempted, and with success, to establish a school, not only for 
 the moral and religious instruction of your Slaves; but 
 to teach reading, writing, and other accomplishments; of 
 which school, Mr. Jones seui >r Missionary of Madagascar, 
 had the superintendence for a long time. This school was 
 the source of many serious reflexions by other planters j 
 many of thmi would not allow their Slaves to go to your 
 plantation, fearing their minds would be poisoned by associat- 
 ing with yours, because, said they, you spoiled yours, 
 and made th in unfit for their situation in life; which, ( 
 was, to till the ground, an 1 not to sit in the school-room; 
 and all this on account of your fatherly and humane dis- 
 position, and treatment, towards those whom divine Pro** 
 drncc had put under >our kind protection i an 1 I have heard 
 planters say, that they should be very sorry to have any of 
 your Slaves working wiih their own, and that what you were 
 doing for their instruction, far from doing them good, would 
 
(500) 
 
 only lend, ultimately, to ruin and unfit them for their work. 
 Now does this bear the mark of cruelly ? Is it a proof that 
 thr y were ill treated ? To me it seems to speak highly in 
 jour favour. It is true, I had never the pleasure of seeing 
 your estate at Belombre in the time you occupied it, hut if I 
 can judge by what I saw in my tour in the 3 ear 1828, when 
 in company with my much lamented friend the late Revd. 
 Dr. Tyerman, there is enough, I think, to lead one to believe 
 that they were well taken care of. The little villa we saw bore 
 more resemblance to a country village in England, than 
 huts for Slaves. I admired it, and said to my late friend, how 
 many country peasants in Europe would feel happy, if they 
 had such comfortable dwellings to put their families in ; and 
 every family with a Bible, and some among them capable 
 of reading it to them. It is raised on a little eminence, 
 with a cooling stream which plays gently along side of the 
 dwellings. When compared with others 1 had seen on other 
 plantations, I could scarcely believe those were dwellings for 
 Slaves. At a little distance is an extensive vegetable garden, 
 and on asking for what use it was ; a gentleman present said 
 it was for the use of the Slaves. Mr. Tyerman made many 
 notes of your meliorations on the system of teaching the Slaves, 
 with which he was delighted, and you might appeal to them 
 for on unquestionable testimony in favour of the truth. ** 
 
 N° 55. 
 
 Extract of a letter, from Captain Mackay to Mr. Telfair, 
 dated Port-L u is, Ma uritius. 1 9 th , September 1 829 . 
 
 "A Soldier, under seven year's service, receives 2d. per day j 
 above seven, 3d., and over fourteen 4&«5 ln » s ne S ets ^ ail Xt 
 provided that hi. Kit, or necessaries are complete, and he is 
 not indebted to his Captain. Only the old and careful soldier 
 can keep out of debt with this pittance. There must be tod, 
 laid out each day for his food and washing. . 
 
(201) 
 
 N° 56. 
 
 Extracts from a Declaration of M. Boutin, formerly employ- 
 edatBelomhrc t by Mr. Telfair, dated Port-Louis t 20 th 
 October, 1829. 
 
 " Je declare que pendant les liuit anne'es que fa! passees 
 tant a Belombre que sur vos etablissemens de Bon-Espoir, 
 et Beau-Manguier, le regime des esclaves a ete doux et 
 patcrnel. Je n'essayerai pas de refuter article par article 
 les mcnsong°s ct absurdites que cantient 1' "Anti-Slavery 
 Reporter.'''' Un simple appercu de Fordre qui regnait sur ces 
 etal.li.sscmens, des travaux imposes aux esclaves, de leur nour- 
 riture, des soins qn'ils rccevaicnt en m:i!adio, et des efforts 
 fails pour Famelioration de leur condition sera la m n i11eure 
 reponse a des calomnics evidemment produites par la haine 
 el l.i im'cliancete. 
 
 A Fx'lomhre, pariicultcrement charge de la distribution 
 des vivres et de celle des vetomens, je donnais les vivres 
 en nature, et a raison de deux livres de riz, ou deuxlivres 
 demais, par tele d'esclavc de tous Ages et castes. II etait fait 
 toutes les semaines, des distributions de viuude salec, sel, et 
 me ; presqMe tous les soirs il cUait donne aux noirs un 
 *erre de ru.n ; deux feis Fan, il etait distribue a chaque 
 escl.'V(? un vectmige complet et une couverturc ; a la nais- 
 sance de chaque Creole, il elait donne a la mere une piece 
 de toile bleuc ct une piece de toile Manehe, pour les Ianges 
 de son enfant; mais la surabondancc dc nourriturc que rece- 
 ▼aient les esclarcs, el ta facilite* qu'ils avaicnt dc l'augracnter 
 encore par la pcehe sur les bonis de mer, ou la cbasse 
 dans les forests, les mettait tous a meme d'elever des ani- 
 maux, 0f volailles, ee qui leur procurait 
 
 un petit pecule. II est memc a ma conuai^sancc que quel- 
 
(202) 
 
 ques-uns des plus ordonnes avaient en maniement de to* 
 a i5o piastres. 
 
 La cloche etait sonnee pour le lever, apres le coup de 
 canon j les esclaves avaient une dcmi-heure pour se reunir 
 ousefesaitl'appel, et les divers attelierspartaient chaeun pour 
 leurouvrage ; il leur etait donne une heure pour le dejeuner, 
 ct deux heures pour le diner. lis faisaient leurs repas dans 
 le camp, le travail cessait au coucher du soleil. Dans la 
 foret, les esclaves etaient assujettis a une tache determinee j 
 lis n'avaient point d'heures de repas fixes - f Us terminaient 
 ordinairement leur lathe a deux ou trois heures de l'apres- 
 midi, et ils etaient exempts de tous autres travaux jusques 
 au lendemain. II leur etait loisible de travailler ensuite pour 
 leur compte, et ils recevaient trois sous par pied de bois, 
 pour ce surcroit de travail. J'en ai vu finir leur tache tel- 
 lement de bonne heure, qn'ils pouvaieut faire de 60 a 80 
 pieds de plus ; mais ils n'y etaient pas contraints. Les uns 
 employaient ainsi le teras qui leur restait, d'autrcs preferaient 
 aller a la p£che, et enfin d'autres a la chasse. La ^eule chose 
 qui leur fut defendue etait de s'eloigner de l'habitation sans 
 permission. Apres le travail qui se finissait a Tentree de la 
 nuit, la cloche etait sonnee pour assembler les esclaves 
 pour la priere, qui se fesait toujours en presence de M. 
 William Telfair, ou de ses subordonnes. Les dimauclies^ 
 les esclaves n'etaient assujettis qu'au nettoyage de la cour- 
 et des atteliers ; a huit heures, tout travail cessait, et ils 
 n'etaient plus rcunis que pour la priere de midi et cclle 
 du soir. 
 
 Les punitions les plus rigoureuses etaient la chaine , elle 
 n'etait employee que pour dcs esclaves insuborclonnes , adou- 
 nes au vol et au marronage, et encore apres plusieurs reui- 
 dives j les fautes legcres etaient punics du bloc pendant 
 uue ou plusieurs nuils, ou de la prison, suivant la gravite 
 du cas. Quelquefois, il etait inflige des punitions corporelles 
 telles que celle du fouct, ou du rotin ; mais ellts etaient 
 
(203) 
 
 fres-rares, ft toujours au minimum de celles qui etaicn 
 permises par les lois alors en vigueur. 
 
 II existait a Belombre un hopital dirige par un medecin 
 renclant sur les lieux (M. Caffarel), et visile souvent par le 
 medecin du poste militaire , qui elait a une tres-pelite dis- 
 tance de la. Cet hopital, pour la proprete, pour la purele 
 de l'air, pour l'ordre qui y regnait, faisait radtniration de 
 tous les voyagcurs. 11 est certain que les malades y recevaient 
 tous les soins que leur etat exigeait. M. William Telfair 
 fesait aussi lui-meme, tous les matins, la visite de l'lidpital 
 et s'enquerait du medecin, qui l'accompagnait dans cette 
 visite, de toutes !es choses qui pouvaient elre necessaires* 
 II y cxislait une pharmacie tres-bien coraposee ; enfin, song 
 to-is les rapports, les malades ne pouvaient nulle part rece- 
 voir des secours ni plus prompts, ni mieux administres. Le 
 camp des noirs elait parfaitement bien situe, bien aere, et 
 les casts aussi grantlcs et au<-si solidement conslruiles que 
 le comporte ce g< nre de construction, toules faites par des 
 cuvriers, toutes entourecs de pelits jardins, de pares a co- 
 cbons, et de poulaillers j deux canaux creuses et maconne*s 
 e\j»ies, conduisaicnt l'eau dans toule Tetendue du camp* 
 Les esclavcs avaicnt aussi toute la facilite possible pour 
 {lever des animaux. D'apres le nombre de cases dont se 
 •composait le camp, compare k celui des esclaves, on peut 
 cv.iliur tjo'il y avail au moins une case pour cbaque fa- 
 nillc de deux ou trois personnes, et ne'eessairement deux 
 et trois pour des families plus nombreuses. 
 
 Dans Video dVlevcr les jeunes Creoles dens des princi- 
 ples religieoi et leur donner une instruction qui pourrait 
 pus taid apporler quelqu'amelioration dans leur condition, 
 M. Telfair avoit institue une ecole, qui elait tcnue sous les aus- 
 pices de Madame C. Telfuir pendant les sejours qu'eHe 
 fesait a Belombre, et ceux de Ma 'ame William Telfuir 
 qai y re'sidait babituellement j cetle e'eole etait dirigee par 
 un maiire paye a cet effot j cinquante a 60 jeunes Creoles 
 
(2on 
 
 Ae deux sexes, tons proprement vctus, s'y monlraient 
 reciproquement Tart de la lecture et de l'ecriture, suivant 
 la methode de Lancaster. lis etaient instructs egaleinent dans 
 la religion Chretienne ; leur emulation etait stimuiee par 
 des recompenses, et souvent il leur etait donne tie petite* 
 fetes, pour les encourager dans leurs etudes. 
 
 "Voila, ce que je declare avoir toujours existe a Belombre^ 
 pendant le long sejour que j'y ai fait, et je ne crois pas 
 de me voir dementi par personne, a moins que ce ne soit 
 par le redacteur de Tarticle insere dans i' ^ Aid- Slavery 
 Monthly Reporter " ; qui au reste fait prcuve d'autant 
 cTignorance en ce qui concerne les colonies pour le regime 
 des esclaves, que de passion, d'iujustice, etde mechancete. " 
 
 N° 67. 
 
 Extracts from the Declaration o/*William Wilberforce Hulm, 
 Superintendent of the Boat-Establishment at Port-Louis* 
 
 In his declaration, llie Deporent states, "that he was in the 
 service of M. Telfair, as an overseer, from i8i3 'till 1820, 
 first at Bois-Cheri as heid-man'lill 1817, and the remaining 
 time at Belombre, as chu f overseer, under the Manager of 
 that estate j — that, during the whole of that period he never 
 Was ab ent a day from his duties j that after quitting 
 the service of Mr. Te'fair in 1820 he resided upon a small 
 adjoining property, which he had purchased with hissavings, 
 while in the -ervice of Mr. Telfair j — - that, afterwards, having 
 sod his little property which did not turn out well, he 
 was again taken into the service of Mr. TeKair in 182^, 
 Where he remained till appointed assistant gardener, in 1827, 
 to the Ring's Garden, from whence he removed, to the 
 place he now occupies, which is one of greater emolument: — 
 
 \ 
 
that frvn the ahore course of service he is well aVe to hear 
 testimony to the events which took place at B'lonbre, a.ui 
 the course of management adopted on that estate, in the 
 pra tical details of which, he was unremittingly engaged: — 
 that the most remarkable and singular measure at the lime 
 of his going there, was the education of the Blacks, esiab- 
 1 hy Mr. C. Telfair , bringing up the most intelligent 
 fferent handicraft trades* such as masons, carpenters, 
 shipwrights, boat-builders, shoemakers, ta\!ors, wheel- 
 wi' ghls, blacksmiths, coopers, etc., for whose use, large as- 
 sortments of tools, of the best makers, were brought out 
 from England j — that the places of these Blacks, in field Work, 
 was occupied by European ploughmen with all the newly 
 invented utensils of agvi culture, employed in England : — that 
 Biw mills of greater prw r were put up on Belombre, and 
 emploved, not only f»r the crushing of the canes, but for all 
 work, to which the moving power of such machinery could 
 be adapted, such as grinding c»rn, cutting roots, and brui- 
 sing maize and oats for the < attic, making arrow root, sepa- 
 rating tapioca from the roots of the manioc etc: — that eradi- 
 cators of Braham's constriction, one of ninety tons power, 
 and one of fifteen, were used for lifting up the trees by the 
 roots; — • tint roads were lnddowu on iuc'incd planes to 
 transport the timber from the forest to the sea-ode, and 
 cranes employed for raiding it from the ravines, all quite 
 new, and unknown methods, at the time, in Mauritius: 
 ikaiffr* Telfair had 1-id down full instructions in writing, 
 for the use of all persons, employed on Belombre, from the 
 first manager to the youngest slave : — that he instituted 
 ploughing mate' es, and employed to instruct his Blacks, 
 various soldiers of the different regiments, allowed to hin 
 expressly for that pin p »se, Uy the Colonels of regiments sta- 
 tioned in M — tli.it be had ploughmen from EAg] 
 ou I one by name Moffat from SoeUaa 1, sent out at the ex- 
 pense of the estate, by the agents iu England, Mea&r*. 
 
Malhison and Co* find a mason, called Powell at L 10 a month, 
 to teach the Negro masons their trade, besides free carpenters, 
 and boat-builders always employed to teach their respective 
 branches of industry : — that the school on the estate was es- 
 tablished by the Rev 1 !. Mr. Jones, on theLancasterian System, 
 and daily attended by the younger Slaves from twelve till 
 two or three o'clock, and also by the children of the nume- 
 rous free people employed on the estate: — that the village 
 ©r •' camp, " was newly built by Mr. Telfair's orders in 1818, 
 and the subsequent years, and the houses were white-washed 
 and made at least as comfortable and as neat as cottages 
 in England : — that tents were provided of the largest con- 
 struction to shelter the people who worked out of doors at 
 any distance from the camp; — that lemonade, with a por- 
 tion of spirits, was served out to them during their work, 
 the acid of tamarinds being often brought from Black-River 
 for that purpose : — that, besides the rations, which were 
 always abundant, and chiefly of rice and Indian corn, there 
 was constantly on the fire, night and day in the hospital 
 kitchen, one of the large sugar pans, with boiling soup, of 
 the most nourishing and substantial kind, and so cleanly 
 prepared, that the owners of the estate and their visitors, 
 managers, and myself, partook of it every day at twelve 
 o'clock; when a bowl of it was sent by the cook, and over- 
 seer of the hospital, to the great house to be tasted ; — that 
 another great advantage was enjoyed, the Blacks could go 
 any evening for about an hour, or a couple of hours, and 
 take fish enough for a man and his family for two or three 
 davs, without expenses of lines or nets, only taking what is 
 called a flambeau, and apiece of iron hoop made in theshape 
 of a sword, with which he had nothing to do, but to strike 
 the fish Iving along side the shore: — that punishments 
 were very moderate and never equal to what was allowed by 
 law ; the manager or master, always reducing the num'erof 
 stripes or extent of confinement awaked by the jury of the 
 
mi 
 
 first cla9S men and commanders : — that flogging of fetnafa 
 Slaves was never permitted j — that such instruments of tor- 
 ture, as the triangle and the ladder were never known at 
 Belombre : — • that task-work was almost universally adopted^ 
 in every kind of labour susceptible of it : that the pun- 
 ishment of those that did not fulfil their task was generally 
 to put them under the superintendence of the most industri- 
 ous blacks, who were besides entitled to employ the lazy de« 
 faulters to cultivate their own private garden after task was 
 done: — that one of the first clunges made by Mr Telfair at 
 Belombre on his ^Hulm's) going there as chief overseer was to 
 substitute for the whip the small bugle-horn of the regimental 
 Ight companies, as a mark of authority, and to direct the move- 
 ments of the bands of Blacks, and that Mr. Telfair gave him one 
 far this purpose, and also some boatswain's " calls" made on 
 purpo e at Port-Louis for the overseers: — that it was 
 his duty to see the people called to work at day light in 
 the morning ; to muster them and to Superintend the distri- 
 bution of their rations every morning ; their return to meals j 
 their preservation from exposure to rainy weather j and their 
 evening muster to prayers and devotions all of which was as 
 regularly performed as the day cime : — that he attended to 
 the settlement of work done over task, which was paid 
 weekly by the manager, to the Slaves for their voluntary 
 labour, on his certificate shewing the amount of work perfor- 
 med by each : — that the Belombre shop, kept by RicMU 
 I ubert, supplied ever) luxury the Blacks could desire 
 eith r in furniture, clothi g, instrument* for fa ing, and for 
 snaring game, aiso wiu , b «r, liqueurs etc., in exchange for 
 the habit uiou "bans," at a cheaper rata t an at Port Louis : 
 — that be distributed rewards also for the killing of uilj 
 , monkeys, t-ndraks, destructive b rds, rats, etc. , for 
 wh.ch purpose ll.cr was a supply of s ,uff boxes, tobacco 
 pipes, and other small articles at I. is disposal; — that the 
 Blacks had garden of beir own at the ". abbeti STnabi", ; n 
 the lichest ground of the estate ; — ihut the people were the 
 
(208) 
 happiest set be ever met with, singing at tlieir work, the 
 beautiful htmns taught ihem by Mr. Jones; — that the 
 tillage at night resounded -with their voices singing psalms j 
 — that the only disturbances they weie ever subject to, 
 were from the Indian C<>nviels, and their licentious overseers, 
 who were einplo\ed by Government in making the Ring's 
 high road over the estate, and some disorderly soldiers, who 
 endeavoured to break into the camp at night, in search of the 
 negresses, wives, and daughters of the Slaves; — and finally 
 that there was seldom a night, but some of them were making 
 disturbances at one place or other about the district. " 
 
 N° 58. 
 
 Extract from a tetter, to Mr. Telfair, from J, LaingEsqr., 
 Collector of Internal Revenues , Port-Louis, lith October, 
 1829, 
 
 *' I cannot help feeling, in common I believe with every 
 individual who has resided during any length of lime in this 
 Colony, extremely surprised at the publication of charges so 
 very contradictory to all the impressions which existed in nty 
 mind respecting the mode of treatment which you had uni- 
 formly pursued in regard of your Slaves. Although I have 
 never had the advantage of being an eye-witness of the sys- 
 tem followed on the Belombre estate, I have been, ever since 
 1818, in trhe habit of meeting, and conversing with, persons 
 who have visited that estate, and in the society in which I 
 have lived, the effects of the system of treatment and instruc- 
 tion pursued by you, have been, in conseqnence of its novelty, 
 a constant theme of conversation The impression which I 
 have always entertained upon the subject is, that you were 
 persevering in a system of melioration calculated to promote 
 
ft?09) 
 
 trie welfare of your Stares and to raise them in the scale of 
 civilisation j a system which was attended with a sacrifice of 
 profit and convenience on your part. 
 
 Under these circumstances, I naturally feel desirous of 
 expressing my regret that you should have heen made the 
 ohject of such an attack, as that which the 44 tn « number of 
 the ' ' Ant i- Slavery Monthly Reporter," has given publicity 
 to ; and, I beg you will allow me, at the same time, to men- 
 tion a circumstance which cannot fail to be gratifying to yoii, 
 as it shews the effect which the treatment experienced by 
 your Slaves has had upon the minds of other Slaves wbo have 
 been in the habit of mixing with them. 
 
 I was appointed by the will of our late mutual friend, Mr* 
 Boldero, who died in the e.irly part of the present year, ex- 
 ecutor r,f bis estate. That gentleman left a Slave, named 
 Hypolrle, who became apprehensive of being sold to a les^ 
 indulgent master, and who came to me, with tears in 
 his c\cs, to entreat that I would first offer him to you, in 
 case you should feel disposed to purchase him j saying that 
 be would be happier under your roof than he might be with 
 auv chance purchaser. Most assuredly this would not have 
 ,sc if the treatment of your Slaves approximated 
 in the slightest degree, the picture presented in the.} .fth. Num* 
 bcr of the '* Anti Slavery Monthly Reporter. " 
 
 I am happy to hear that it is \o ir intention to rebut these 
 charges, in as public a manner as they have been made, in 
 
 •sons, whose feelings have been 
 vntlulycicitcd by i! OBJOi the M jinti- Slavery Monthly 
 
 Reporter" m; * re acquainted with the truth," 
 
(210) 
 
 K° 59. 
 
 DECLARATION OF HENRY CHALOUPE, 
 
 "Mol Heijry Chaloupe, employe sur Vetablissement Beau 
 Manguier: — Je declare que je sirs venu dans le service 
 de M. Charles Telfair a Bourbon, en^io, avant la prise de Tile 
 Maurice, et que je l'ai servi sans interruption depuis cotte 
 •poque jusqu'aujourd'hui : — Qu'etarit mis en apprentissage 
 avec Monsieur Telfair, par le Gou-vernement Britannique, il 
 m"a place avec Mr, l'Abbe Colin, pretre en chef de Bourbon, 
 pour etre instruit clans les principes de la religion , et 
 qu'avec ses autres domestiques, apprentis, et esclaves, j'etais 
 mis sous un npaitre d'ecole pour apprendre la lecture, 1'ecri- 
 ture, et rarith/metique : — 
 
 Que, par le mot en de 1' argent que j r ai acquis cbez M . Telfair , 
 j'ai runis entre ses mains assez pour pouvoir achcter ma femme, 
 Francoise ; que M. Telfair l'a prise aussi a son service, ou elle 
 restait jusqu'a sa inort en i8 i 8 , me laissant une fille qui 
 est encore vivante, qui a appris la religion, et a ete' instruite 
 dans les autres branches d' education dans les ecoles de Mr. 
 Telfair : — 
 
 Que, dansTespace d'un an, apres le deces de ma premiere 
 femme, jai ramasse assez d'argent pour acheLer ma seconde 
 femme, Arsenne, qui est to.ujours avec moi dans les liens de 
 mariage : — 
 
 Qu'enl'annee 1819, M. Telfair m*a transfere desonjirdin 
 de BoisChe'ri a Belombre, augmentant mes gages, en raison 
 que j'etais constitue un de ses economes sur ce dernier 
 kien : — 
 
 Que, dans tousles terns mon maitre M. Telfair s'est declare 
 
(in) 
 
 contrc la punition de scs esclaves, disant a moi et a ses autres 
 employes qu'il preferait que Fouvrage fut fait par la douceur j 
 qu'jucun sous-ordre B'etait perinis de punir un esclave, et 
 que la maniere de couduirc les noirs se trouve dans le livre 
 ^'instructions par lcquel nous etions lous guides: — 
 
 Que les esclaves etaient toujours a la tache quand il etait 
 possible, quM n'y avait point de travail de nuit, et que je n'ai 
 jamais vu, ni entendu parler, d'aucun etablisseinent oil 
 1'mvrage etait moius difficile ; cliaque esclave pouvant finir 
 sa tache de bonne liclire, et gagncr de l'argent s'il voulait, 
 par sou travail de surplus* — 
 
 Que Loot le tra- ail dur, autrefois fait par des noirs, etait 
 fait sur les biens de M. Telfair par dps met haniques, par des 
 bceufs, des mulets, des chevaux, ou des an s, dontil y avait 
 plus cjn'il n'en I 1 ait pour le travail, plusieujs elan t gardes 
 pour soucbe j — 
 
 Que les cases des esclaves etaient t;es propres, et qu'elles 
 
 it souvent blarichies par un noir peintre, t.nmme David, 
 
 dont toule l'occupation etait de bl -mcliir l'liopitul, les cases 
 
 aux noirs, Jes moulins, les ecuries etc, etc. , et que cet eniploi 
 
 le tcnait t»ute Tannic: — 
 
 Que ma raaison et.iit cc lie occupce par M. Ettenne ftolgerd, 
 autrefois proprietaire de l'et ablissemcnt, dans laquelle sa tille, 
 Madame la comtesse Dtipuy naquit. 
 
 chaqtte esclave sur reuhlissement avail son lit, et qu'il 
 
 lit toujours un surplus des lits, d'oreillers, de couver- 
 
 de casaques, de j .icqueties, et de 
 
 chen. , pooi lea beancoup de toile bleuo 
 
 et blanche de i. de moacboirs de Madras, pour les 
 
 Mt, pom i rr qui ponrrtil etre use ou gate^ 
 
 t toujours bicn vetus. 
 
 Qu< it toujours abomUntc; qu'il 
 
 en i' que la distribution en etait 
 
 faite dans la matinee, avant d*aller au travail, et que personne 
 
(S12) 
 
 Be pouvait se plaindre d'avoir fairn , puisqu'il y avait vme 
 grande marmitte, * dans la cuisine de Thopital, tou jours 
 remplie d'une soupe nourrissante de bceuf ou d'autre viaude^ 
 et de legumes, oil les noirs pouvaient aller et manger a leur 
 gre. Chaque case avait des marmittes, des bolles de Data via 
 Ct de Chine, des plats fails de cocos de mer> des cuilleres, et 
 des gamelles : — 
 
 Que le plus grand soin etait toujours porte a Tedueatiom 
 des esclaves dans I'ecole, dont, parmi plusieurs autres, je suis 
 moi-meme un exemple: — 
 
 Que, quand je suis entre dans le service de M. Telfair, jeno 
 pouvais parler que le langage de mon pays, Madagiscar. Je 
 nVvais jamais vu de Tecriture, et ne savais pas ce qu'elle 
 signifi lit j je n'avais pas la moindre idee de la religion , et 
 n'ajoutais croyance qu'en certains cnarmes et ceremonies, 
 oil Ton placait des pailles, des crins, ou des os, dans d# 
 ocrtaines positions, pour fa ire eviter le malheur, ou pour con- 
 server Tanour ou I'amitie. Tar la bonte de mon maitre, je 
 suis maintenant Chretien j j'ai une faratlle et un enclave a moi, 
 ct j'ai des appointements montanta soixante livres sterling par 
 an, comme chef-sucrier : ce que mon maitre a f tit pour moi, 
 il a voulu faire pour tous ses esclaves, selon leurs talens et 
 leurs -Uspositions, et il a toujours suivi la nieme maniere de- 
 puis Vannee 180, quand heureusement pour moi je suis 
 tombe entre ses mains, jus |'uujourJ'Uui, 
 
 BEVU MAN^UlElt, 
 
 i6ih. Septerubre. 18,9. 
 
 * Boiler, or Iron Pofc» 
 
 • Woodea Tub*. 
 
(2X1) 
 
 N* 60. 
 
 Declaration <ff Mr. Riclnrd Lambert, Calechisl and Chi # 
 Gsirdener at Kedui t, the Country Residence *f f$h 
 Excellency, ilka Governor of Mauritius* 
 
 I Richard Lambert, residing at Reduic, do hereby declare, 
 that I was employed at Belo:abre, ia 1819, 1820, 182c, 1822, 
 and i8i3, and, tint daring that period, my duties were 
 chiefly, the care of the feeding and clothing of the Slaves 4 
 the eJu'3atijn of their children in school j the superinten- 
 dence of the nurses, and of the cleanliness, order, and regu- 
 larity of lh e hospital ; the administration of the medicines, 
 prescribed by the Surgeon, who resided in tint building,' 
 Dr. Desnoyors -, and the religious instruction of the people, 
 tljily ag a catechist : — in short, my business was to look 
 after the comfort of the Slaves generally, and to have their 
 conduct un let my eye, during their hours of recreation, andl 
 when ia their cottages, or in the hospital:—* 
 
 I declare, that the houses of the Blacks, were all newly 
 built, an 1 regul.irly laid out in streets on a better site than the 
 old village, bv orlerof 4r Telfair: t!i se houses were fitted 
 out with stau ling bed places or hammocks, under my du 
 rcctionan I inspection in .8.8, 1819, and 1820, and furnished 
 with all that cmd contr b He to the comfjrt of the people; 
 
 that th f wre newly supplied wall mats, bed<, blankets 
 
 
 
 and a tin lot, sent out for tlie 
 
 if the 22 .d K-'^t. which were sold because that fcgt, had 
 
 g m • r pOtS, 
 
 k tiles, ind frying pane; and ividual had 
 
 I I I 1 -II of l 1 : ?a 
 
 . I luat the hej ot u right of tlie 
 
(214) 
 
 property was given to the wife : —that the field Slaves bact 
 shirts, straw hats, trowsers, and great coats for wearing in 
 showery weather, hought also at the regimental sales ; that 
 the first class of Blacks and the Commanders had superior 
 clothing and military caps ; being, in 1819, the uniform of the 
 s5th. dragoons brought down new from India, and bought 
 by me at Port Louis for Belombre, and that Mr. Telfair 
 bought military caps for the other Blacks as well as for the 
 Commanders and first cl ss of Blacks, besides str-w hats : — m 
 
 That the women and children were clothed in Indian long 
 cl lh, blue and >\hite; with n.adras handkerchiefs for the 
 head: that the children, besides their ordinary working clo- 
 thing, had school clothes, which they put on every day, at 
 eleven o'clock, after bathing in the sea; and went to school at 
 mid-day, and stayed there till the dinner hour of the propri- 
 etor, three o'clock ; as some of the individuals of the propri- 
 etor's family invariably attended the school ; that this school, 
 was not only attended, by the Slaves of Belombre, but, gra- 
 tuitously also, by the children of the free people employed on 
 tha: estate j and also by the children of some of the white in, 
 habitants in the neighbourhood : — 
 
 That themasterhad provided tents, purchased by meat the 
 military sales of stores at Port-Louis, which were used for 
 the purpose of enabling the slaves in the field, to work under 
 them, so as to be sheltered from the sun and showers, and 
 that the work was done by easy tasks: so that every Slave 
 might, by his voluntary industry, have a daily payment, which 
 I witnessed every week, on settling, either in money, or in 
 the habitation notes of hand : — 
 
 That the proprietor established a shop on the estate for the 
 nse of his slaves : which shop it was my duty to keep, for 
 the purpose of facilitating to the Blacks, the acquirement of 
 such comforts as they desired, in exchange for their earnings^ 
 and that the shop was most plentifully supplied, by the pro* 
 prietor, and the articles sold at the wholesale price : — 
 

 (US) 
 
 That the great boiler, containing sixty gallons of soup, con- 
 sisting of animal and vegetable food, spices, gar Jen-stuffy 
 etc. , was kept on the fire, night and day, at the hospital, 
 under my inspection j and that at mid-day daily, a bowl of 
 the soup was sent to the proprietor to taste, or in his absence, 
 to the manager ; and that the Blacks, besides their rations, 
 were allowed to eat of this nourishing soup daily any quantity 
 they wished : — 
 
 That I daily superintended the distribution of tlie victuals, 
 to the Blacks, every morning; and *hat it consisted in the 
 greatest proportion of rice, or of Indian corn, besides an al- 
 lowance of salt fish, salt beef, sugar or molasses, and salt aft 
 ;tion, tobacco, and a gill of rum , together with dif- 
 ferent other articles produced on the estate, such as cambards, 
 yams, manioc, arrow root, plantains, and fruit of many des- 
 criptions ; so that the rations were wholesome and abun- 
 dant : — 
 
 That every no\v-\ ear's day, while I resided at Belombre* 
 ( and I understood that from the time Mr. Telfair purchased 
 this estate till I went there, as well as after I quitted it, the 
 same custom prevailed, ) eight oxen were given to the Blacks^ 
 as a present from Mr Telfair; killed by tin niselves; and that 
 on tlie roasted oxen they mide merry. Besides the bul!ocks # 
 extra rations of rice, vegetables, and even refreshments as 
 Up, rum etc. , were liberally furnished by their 
 kind mast r •• — 
 
 • regularly every day, I myself sent tp the hospital, 
 what remained Dr. Telfair's verv abundant table; so 
 
 that the convalescents bad dainty d ; slu s, every afternoon, 
 
 uperintendencc of the great garden 
 
 iles for the habitat vll as the gai 
 
 cks, individually, which* [q a different 
 
 jwrto: r cultivating tobac* idaroma- 
 
 tichcrhs, close by a rivulet I in the rich 
 
 virgin, soil ; and that I fonuthad lib garden tool 
 
(516) 
 
 the purpose, together with European seeds at the master** 
 expense :— 
 
 That, there was also at my disposal, a large quantity of to* 
 nacco pipes, snuff boxes, needles, and other articles of trifling 
 Talue, to give away gratuitously, to the Blacks, as rewards 
 for trifling services : — 
 
 That, I taught the school daily from twelve 'till three ; and 
 generally mustered from fifty to sixty scholars, who learned 
 after the Lancasterian system, reading, writing, the tables 
 of time, measure, weights, and accounts ; read lessons daily 
 in the bible; answered to their catechism 5 sung psalmsj 
 and repeated their prayers j and every evening, after muster* 
 the same devotional service was performed, by all the Blacks 
 on the estate, in the presence of the owner, and managers, 
 and overseers, and such gentlemen and ladies, as were on a 
 Tisit to the estate j of which there were always some : — 
 
 That, I also read the service, and went, through the devo- 
 tions of the church, every Sunday to the whole of the Blacks, 
 and visitors of the estate. 
 
 I further most solemnly declare, that the account of punish- 
 ments, given in the " Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter", No< 
 44> is entirely a groundless fiction. 1 never before heard of, 
 much less saw, the triangles described for torturing the 
 Blacks, nor the extraordinary process of peppering and 
 salting and pickling the wounds inflicted by the whip, 
 all of whi- h, I i,m willing to swear, is pure invention, so 
 far as Belon.bre is concerned, where I rosined from 17th. 
 Septr, 1829 'till August 1828 : and, indeed, I never could have 
 Hnagii cd that such doings couid have been practised by 
 human beings on one another, clsewht.re. Had these, things 
 happened*, complaints mist ha^e been made to the Police, or 
 to other superior authorities; and it will not be found that any 
 complaint of this sort was eAer made by a Slave of Mr. 
 Telfair, f 
 
 ( Signed Richard Lambert. 
 
N° 61. 
 
 Declaration of N.J.Kehey £sqf. t Juditor-Generat, dated 
 Port-Louis, Ut. October, la 29. 
 
 " I hereby certify that I visited Mr. Telfair on his estate 
 called Belombre, on the 26th October, 181$ ; that I re- 
 mained with him nearly throe weeks ■ that during this pe- 
 riod I frequented every part of the estate at all hours : — that 
 I saw the Slaves at work in manufacturing sugar, cutting tim- 
 ber in the forest, etc. j — that my present impressions are that 
 theircondition in general was equal, if uotsuprrior, to that of 
 the lower order of people in England j — that I have norecollec- 
 tion of having seen any individual cases of misery amongst 
 them ; — that they were provided with huts to lodge in j — 
 that there was a hospital forthe sick j — that a surgeon lived 
 on the estate; — and that I have no remembrance of having seen 
 punishment inflicted on any of them, nor do I recollect hav- 
 ing ever heard in the colony, any accusations or even in- 
 sinuations of the Slaves on this estate being cruelly or harshly 
 treated, in as far as regards severe dicipline, over-work, short 
 or unwholesome diet, scanty clothing or lodging. 
 
 I further certify, that there was a school for the children 
 of the Slaves, in which, from 12 o'clock untill 2 each day, 
 they were taught to read, and some of them to write, and 
 all were instructed in the ChrisL'an religion. This school 
 was superintended by a Missionary who then resided on the 
 estate, and who appeared to take the greatest interest in tho 
 welfare and instruction of these children. They were well 
 fed and clothed, and appeared very cheerful and happy. 
 
 1 further certify, that on each Sunday divine service was 
 
 imcd in the house, at which all the family attended, as 
 
 also the officer in charge of the neighbouring military post of 
 
(218) 
 
 Jacote, the European house serranls, and such of the Black 
 servants and overseers as understood English; the latter ex - 
 tremely clean and well cloalhed. 
 
 Aod finally I certify, that so far from Mr. Telfair bearing 
 the character of a cruel or severe master, I have ever heard him, 
 spoken of, as a most humane, kind- hearted, and indulgent mas- 
 ter j one who was more likely to spoil his slaves by too 
 much kindness and leniency, than to treat them with harsh- 
 ness or inhumanity ; and such from my personal and intimate 
 acquaintance with him, now of more than twelve years stand- 
 ing, I know him to he. " 
 
 N- 62. 
 
 Certificate from A. Ambrose Esqr., respecting tJie tonnage 
 ef ihe St. Ampoule. 
 
 // 
 
 This is to certify, that, by the Register kept in the Port- 
 Office of the Coasters belonging to the Isle of France, it ap- 
 pears that in March 1819, a schooner, called the St. Ampoule, 
 Lelonging to Charles Telfair Esqr., of Belombre, was regis- 
 tered therein as a vessel of the burthen of fourteen tons, and 
 continued as a coaster untill she was wrecked in the hurri- 
 cane of 6th. March, 1828. 
 
 Given under my hand, at Port-Louis, 
 Mauritius, this jglh, day of September, 1829, 
 
 A. Ambrose, 
 Acting Harbour-Mas leifc 
 
(519) 
 
 N« 62. 
 
 Mxlratt of a letter from T.S. Kelsey Esqr. , addressed to m 
 Friend, dated Salem Collage, Grand River \ lbth. October, 
 1829. 
 
 <: Ygreenhly to the wish expressed by you, I have obtained 
 a perusal of the 44ih. N° of the '* A nli- Slavery [Monthly 
 Reporter, M in which the character of Mr. Charles Telfair 
 Hands impugned in the most virulent and obnoxious terms* 
 
 I have been in this island upwards of seven years, and till 
 the perusal of this pamphlet never did I hear, nor had I the 
 most distant reason to suspect, that inhumanity formed a fea- 
 ture of that gentleman's character ; so far from this, I had 
 been accustomed to regard, and, have ever heard Mr. Telfair 
 represented, as a man too indulgent to his Slaves, ai d should 
 rather have expected they would have been, under him, more 
 in danger of being spoiled by overindulgence, than that they 
 should have h id cause to couip aiu of unLndness or harsh, 
 treatment. 
 
 < e my arrival in this island my object has been to 
 promote, by < Dfl in m\ power, the eternal as well as 
 
 the tcmpor.l welfare of the lilacks under my own direction, 
 who are all Government apprentices under the Slave Aboli- 
 CtS. Their boxes were well stored with good, clothing, 
 had a pound and a half of rice, and two marquees 
 of Urede, or salt meat, per diem, and a rupee a month. 
 Each was allowed a separate u cazc". I. very possible encour- 
 agement v Q 10 those who had wiws to DO constant 
 and faithful ti them, and, I regularly assembled thcia 
 morning and evening for lite purpose of instructing them 
 in the Christian religion In addition to which I hired a 
 no attend daily to teach thetn to read. Their meals were 
 
(220) 
 
 prepared for them at a fixed hour morning and evening ; one 
 hour was allowed them for breakfast, and also two hours in 
 the middle of the day j so that no room was left to 
 complain of the want of any thing reasonable that could 
 tend to promote their happiness and welfare. 
 
 But notwithstanding, such was the influence of vicious 
 propensities with some of them, especially gambling, lying, 
 thieving, and women, that reproof was not sufficient, and 
 occasionally it became absolutely necessary to resort to 
 harsher measures with a view to their own benefit. At first 
 ihey were sent to work at the forge for a week or a fort- 
 night 5 but such was the difference felt by them, between 
 this occupation and that life of ease, which, as domestics, 
 they were accustomed to, that two or three days did not 
 elapse without a message being received from them to be 
 liberated, with promises of future amendment. With others, 
 a spirit of indolence prevailed, which, in a domestic establish- 
 ment where the heads were necessarily absent the greater 
 part of the day, had full scope for indulgence , and which, 
 if permitted, would have inevitably tended to their preju- 
 dice, by rendering them incapable of providing for them- 
 selves at the period their time of apprenticeship expired*. 
 To obviate this, it became necessary to find some one who, 
 without their being subjected to great hardship, would keep 
 them constantly occupied, so that they might be induced 
 from the experience of the advantage of industrious habits, 
 and from being kept, for a season, at work which, from 
 its diversity from that which as domestic servants they had 
 been accustomed to, it was expected would to them havo 
 proved in a measure severe, to discharge with greater dili. 
 gence and in a more satisfactory manner the duties required 
 from them. Mr. Telfair having become interested in the " Boa 
 Espoir estate, an opportunity was afforded of accomplishing my 
 wishes in this respect. I think I had occasion to send three 
 
(251) 
 times BlacVs to him for the purpose of being worked at 
 the pioche (hoe) for a month. But, notwithstanding the 
 proximity of that estate to Port-Louis, I never received a 
 message to withdraw them ; — nor did they complain of having 
 been harshly treated when they were allowed to return ; 
 indeed, so far from that having been the case, my conviction 
 at the time was, that they would not have been greatly 
 concerned even had they been transfered altogether; which 
 I accounted for on the principle that the moderate fixed 
 and regular labour and good treatment to which they were 
 subjected by Mr. Telfair, was belter calculated to render 
 them happy, than the vagabond life of indolence pursued 
 by them when residiug in town, without any one to loofc 
 after them. 
 
 I have known instances, whilst I was in the Custom 
 House, of slaves entreating, with tears, to be allowed to go 
 to Mr, Telfair's estate in preference lo that of others, and 
 so far was I prepossesed, from what I had heard, and 
 what had been reo 'tared evident to my own observation 
 by the cases above referred to, in favour of Vir. Telfair's 
 humane disposition, of the iuterest he took in promoting 
 the happiness of his Slayes, and of toe excellence of the 
 system of labour and discipline observed on this estate, that 
 had it ever devolved upon me to find masters for coudemne I 
 Negroes, there are none that I should have preferred plac* 
 ing them unler to these gentlemen * I have the pleasure 
 of being pnrsonmlly actjuiiuted with both, but owing to 
 public engagements, to the attention I have given lo my 
 own domestics, an I to the views entertained by me of 
 the object for v/hicft lUr. Sabbath was instituted, 1 ha\o 
 been, in a grcai measere, precluded from visiting mach 
 in the country. I \v * or three tim.-s I call I .1 U Bon-Ei* 
 pair , where I once passed a day in company wiili the 
 
 r»LC Talfrfc aua M. V\ . Telfair. 
 
(Sit) 
 
 the Hevd. J. J. Freeman of Madagascar ant! some atfieT 
 friends, on which occasion Mr. W. Telfair conducted us ovev 
 the whole estate ; shewing us the sugar douses and olberappem» 
 dages of the establishment. It being a cloudy day, and not very 
 hot, we spent the greater part of the morning in lounging 
 about, at times accompanied by Mr. Telfair, and at others 
 not. We visited the Blacks in their cases, and saw them pur- 
 suing their avocations both in the field, and in other con- 
 cerns pertaining to the estate. According to my recollection 
 the observations made on the occasion were, that the Blacks 
 appeared contented and happy, and as if every care was 
 taken of them, and nothing in the shape of an instrument 
 •f punishment did we see, except a thin cane. 
 
 On the occasions that I visited Mr. C. Telfair's country 
 seat, " Bois CherV\ and at his Irfouse in town, I have ever 
 found both him and Mrs. Telfair ready to entertain any 
 plan that might be suggested of a nature calculated to pro- 
 mote the welfare of their Slaves, manifesting the most lively 
 interest in their comfort and their happiness, and very 
 trilling to allow teachers to reside on the estates. The 
 following instance will go to prove the correctness of this 
 assertion. Having heard of a person who appeared likely 
 to answer for that purpose, I called upon them to propose 
 his going to Belomhre ( at this period they were not interested 
 in the "Bon-Espoir" estate, lhat I am aware of J to lake 
 charge of the school there; a proposal which was most readily 
 acquiesced in, and a schooner offered to convey him round 
 •whenever it might suit his convenience, which happened 
 in the course of the week ; — and it was with feelings of 
 manifest regret, that, a few days after, not liking to be 
 associated with Slave?, they heard he had returned to Port- 
 Louis. 
 
 During the stay the Revd. Daniel Tjerman made in 
 this island he visited Belomhre, Benu-Manguier, and Bon- 
 E poif 3 and al«o the estates of giber planters, as he felt a great 
 
(»$} 
 
 interest in the condition of the Slave?. As respected botk 
 their temporal and eternal welfare, he made particular en- 
 quiries as to their treatment, the mode in which they worked, 
 the nature of the punishments to which they were subjected, and 
 whether the sending Missionaries to instruct them" would prove 
 acceptable, ttut with none did he enter more fully upon 
 these points, and that of the future emancipation of the 
 Slaves, than with these gentlemen, and often have I heard 
 feitn express himself in terms of the most unequivocal ap- 
 probation of the system and order observed on the estates 
 in which they are concerned. Not having made any minute^ 
 of the conversations on this subject, I am unable to recall 
 particularly the several points which attracted his attention; 
 but I well remember, that the assigning to each a distinct 
 portion of labour which, by the industrious might easily be 
 finished by two o'clock in the afternoon, and paying them fop 
 such additional portion, as they might perform, the system 
 of discipline from which, if my memory fail me not, the 
 whip was banished. The cessation from compulsatory labour 
 on the Sabbath, and a project of Mr. C. Telfair's for the 
 eventual emancipation of the Slaves, to result from en- 
 creased diligence on their part ; the observance of a sort 
 of marriage solemnit), in order to impress their minds with 
 % sense of the necessity of constancy and attachment, were 
 the most prominent points on which I doubt not, he enlarged 
 in his correspondence with the London Missionary Society,'" 
 
 IN' 64. 
 
 Extracts from a teller, to Mr. Telfair, from V>. Lesage 
 B$q r t d-jUcd Port-Lour >, ll)i» September, 1 
 
 tl Allow me to request that you will add to your intended 
 justification, aiy individual | ., which will bo to the 
 
(SW) 
 
 same effect, as fftat of all -who Inow you tiere, and this 
 includes every respectable inhabitant of the Colony. 
 
 Having been myself, in 1817, 18, and ig, a joint propri* 
 etor with you, in the estate of Belombre, and having in coxv 
 junction with yourself, laid down many of those plans of 
 melioration, contained in your great book of instructions, 
 for the management of that property, and having superin* 
 tended, in a great part, their execution, I am enabled to 
 bear a fuller testimony to the facts, than perhaps any other 
 persons ; and 1 feel it a duty to you, and to the British 
 Public to undeceive them. 
 
 All who know you, are aware that the most prominent 
 feature in your character is an enthusiastic wish for the 
 improvement of the Slave population j that the chief busi- 
 ness of your life has been to give practical effect to that 
 wish, and to inspire others with the same sentiment : and 
 your opportunities were great, in Governor FarquharV 
 family, where you were Private Secretary, w hen 1 had the 
 honor of serving as Aide-de-Camp, 
 
 Little did I think, that it was possible, to hear Sir Roiert 
 Farquhar, yourself, and all who had the honor to serve 
 under his Government, aspersed in Parliament, and before 
 the British Public, as guilty of crimes the most revolting to 
 yournature, and which your life had been passed in endea- 
 vouring to repress. The charges of slave- dealing having 
 been satisfactorily disproved, by the papers produced to the 
 House of Commons ; the equally groundless charge of cru»- 
 eltv and wholesale butchery of the Slaves of Mauritius, now. 
 imputed to the inhabitants of the Colony, and to yourself 
 Host prominently, by the " Anti-Slavery Monthly Bepor* 
 ler," will be more easily refuted The reports of the modes 
 of punishment which this writer speaks of, as practised at 
 Belombre, with enormous whips, and triangles, and putting 
 pepper and salt and lime juice upon the bloody and mangled 
 masses of flesh, occasioned by the flogging j e n » g uch disgust- 
 
1ng lies as no man cou'd believe, who had not the hrart tn 
 practise them. Such calumnies may he easily traced lo ibeir 
 source in those disorderly soldiers of that regiment, which 
 was recruited from the jails of Loudon, and of whose 
 outrages the Colony had more than once serious cause of com- 
 plaint. The records of the courts-martial will shew, that 
 one of the privates was hanged at Port-Louis for shooting 
 at nnself. These were the people who broke into the Negroes* 
 house, in the intent of violating their wives and daughters; 
 and who haWng been punished for it, were easily bribed in 
 their old haunts at home, to come forward with their hor- 
 rible fictions against Relomhre. These are the inventors of 
 the atrocious scenes of flogging negresses; a mode of punish- 
 ment utterly unknown there. 
 
 You may recollect, perhaps, that I presided over the 
 ploughing and mowing matches, and other rural games insti- 
 tuted at Felombre, for exciting the emulation of the Slaves; 
 and that I ga<ve up my own servant, White, a bred plough- 
 man, lo instruct the Slaves. I laid out a new village for 
 them; I made the atonement of the streets; distributed 
 the rivulet of water to run by each hut, and marked out 
 the basins *b{«n v ere made for its reception as it descen- 
 ded to :lie let, I superintended the building of the houses, 
 pig styes, fowl-houses, and their interior arrangement, and 
 gave the keys, <wl.cn they were finished, to the mothers of 
 It is willi pleasure, I look bark upon that peace- 
 ful and happy period of life, it hen I saw the people well 
 clothed, conl'nted, and merry, and wished the poor nt home 
 •s well lodged, in neat and dry white-washed cottages, 
 with iheir beds and bedding, which were what I procured 
 fiom my own regiment; tin ir large Flanders kettles with the 
 In'* forming fi Mra-pr.ns ; tluir saurepam, wooden and 
 spoons, and Malay bowls of earthen ware; and those 
 •till more durable and raj *< ions dishes made of the Coco (to 
 Her nut/iff I \f liulc fire places \ while tLe 
 
(in) 
 
 walls were decorated with the musical instruments oP &• 
 various countries from which the Slaves had come, or the na- 
 tions from which they were descended. These were the amuse- 
 ments which, during my residence at Belombre, served to re- 
 establish my health on the return of my Madagascar fever ; 
 and so much did they delight me, that, when unable to walk, 
 I was carried daily in my palanquin to superintend the works* 
 The hospital and school were not less objects of my atten- 
 tion. The old hospital was condemned by my advice, and 
 a large house, near the sea, was taken into use for that 
 purpose. 
 
 Our extensive stable with it's numerous breeding stud of 
 the finest horses of Arabia and Persia, as well as of the mora 
 powerful races which we had introduced from England; — our 
 parks of spotted deer, antelopes, and gazelles ; — our riverg 
 and our coasts swarming with fish : — our gardens abounding 
 with fruit ; — our enormous birds from New Holland, one of 
 which, when opened after death, yielded forty pounds of 
 grease; — our great tortoise now in the zoological collection in 
 the Regent's Park London; — cur swarms of birds and herds of 
 hundreds of oxen ; — our flocks of sheep, goats, and pigs, 
 all sleek and fat ; — our magazines filled with rice, Indian- 
 corn, yams, and salted provisions ; — - were all calculated ts 
 give an idea of exuberance, rather than the horrid and fanci- 
 ful picture of starvation drdwn by the ic A nti- Slavery Monthly 
 Reporter." He must have had the heart of a demon, who, 
 amid such a scene, could have imagined that man alone waa 
 •tarved, and wretched, and tortured with unheard of cruelty, 
 and flogged to djalh. 
 
 The substitution of task-work made the labour of the Black 
 •o easy as not to equal one third of what a man performs in 
 Europe; the introduction of the plough and machinery of all 
 kinds for agriculture, and of the most approved tools for all 
 trades, with experienced workmen from England, to teach the 
 Blacks, gave a spirit and example to the industry of the colo- 
 ny ; aad the superior sujjar-canes from Otdheite and Java, 
 
(287] 
 
 which jou introduced, and which now almost coyer th« 
 island, rendered that industry much more productive. I must 
 also state, that the system laid down for exciting the 
 emulation of the* Blacks, by rewarding them for their sur* 
 plus labour, was most successful, and contributed much 
 to render offences rare ; that when punishment was meces- 
 sarily administered, it was chiefly solitary confinement, and 
 never severe corporal infliction; and, that their tasks always 
 having been finished during the hours of day, it is false to 
 $ay that the Slaves worked at night. 
 
 A proof that the labour was not oppressive, is that many of 
 the men who worked in the wood, were in the constant 
 habit of finishing their task by one or two o'clock in the day. 
 
 The chains, hooks, and collars, described by the ki A nti- Sla- 
 very Monthly Reporter" are matters of pure invention; an'l, in 
 short, all that he says about yourself and Belombre is a 
 rhapsody of disgusting folly: — a tissue of barefaced falsehoods. 
 
 Finally, were I called upon to say, vho has been most in- 
 defatigably employed at Mauritius, for twenty years, in ad- 
 ding to the comforts of the Slave, and iu elevating him in the 
 icale of being, as to education, morality and religion; who has 
 done most to change, the dese rt into a garden ; who has most 
 sedulously attended to the improvement of the education of 
 the higher classes of society in the Royal College of Port- Louis/ 
 who has introduced the best breeds of cattle, and the greatest 
 number of rare and valuable plants; who has exerted the 
 most powerful influence in augmenting the produce of the 
 Colony from less than one million of sugar in 181%, to eighty 
 millions of this present year, — 1 would say it was You. " 
 
(228) 
 
 N° 65. 
 
 Ertraits, dime Notice His tori que el Statist* que- mr VElab!is*e- 
 ment de Bel ombre, tires d'lin Travail ebauche sitr l'IU 
 Maurice, par M. le Docteur Desnoyeiis. 
 
 "Arrive dans cetle colouie en l'annee 1816, j'y fus re- 
 coonu dans mes qualites, et pratiquai de suite iuoq etat 
 snr i'e tab! isse ment de Belombre particuliercment, jusqu'eu 
 l'annee 1822, avant une mai^on dans remplaceuaeut nieuie 
 de rhopital. / 
 
 Cette grande habitation s'etend E<t et Ouest en Wgeur 
 sur une belle place, qu'abrite centre les ras-de-marees et 
 les tempetes, un immense recif separe du rivage par une 
 yaste etendue d'eaux de trois ou quatre pieds de profondeur, 
 sur trois mille d'etendue en longueur et deux mille en lar- 
 geur : lieu de peche abondante et fupilc pour touts les habi- 
 tans du canton, precieuse ressource pour tous les uoirs de 
 Belombre, dont le village, autrcment dit le camp, aboulit 
 preciseuient a rembouchure de la petite riviere ues Citron- 
 niers (qui l'arrose dans toute sa longueur par un canal de 
 vive eau, bien saine, et bien limpide), ce qui leur permet 
 d'avoir a toute beure et a la niiuute, autant de poisson de 
 mer qu'ils en veulent, et quelque fretin d'eau, ou bien de* 
 cbevrettes que pecbent leurs enfans dans la petite riviere. 
 
 L'hopitajj qui est dans toute la Colonic, et surtout a 
 Belombre, Vobjct du plus grand soin, et de la plus grande sol- 
 licitude de la part des proprietaires, fait face aux quatre 
 points cardinauxj il est totalement enferme dans une vaste 
 enceinte quarree de palissades fort elevees, qui laissent mes fe- 
 nfires seulement s'etendre dans la petite vallee desCitronniers, 
 que cet emplacement dom;ne de plusieurs toises. Un courant 
 d'eau traverse la cour dans toule sa longueur, puis vase perdr« 
 
(229) 
 
 dane la riviere alwolumont sous mcj fen^tres ; k droile e* 
 entrant, tout-a-fait dans Tangle, s'eleve la cuisine, graude* 
 ▼aste, batie en pierres, ct administree par un ancien com- 
 mandeur en rctraite, el ime cuisiniere. La premiere •all* 
 en entrant est celle des homines, c*est la plus grandr, elle 
 est quarree, et occupe toute la largeur du batiment, um* 
 ▼aste porte a. deux battans y donne entree, des fenetre* 
 Teclairent: la seconde salle, toutaussi large inais plus etroite 
 •ert aux fetnraes. Dans un angle de chacune de ces salles, 
 sur un lit de camp, les eselaves affectes de maladies contra- 
 gieuses sont maintcnus, chaque sexe dans la salle respective; 
 ▼ieunent ensuite deux chambres prises sur la largeur da 
 batiment, dont Tune est consacree aux femmes a couclier, 
 Ct d'autres aux maladies qui donnent de Vinquietude ; cet 
 deux salles ne sont separoes de chez moi que par unc cloi- 
 •on en garnis. Les salles des homines, comme eel les dct 
 femmes, sont garnies de lits, eleves de trois pieds environ; 
 •ur ces lits on etend des paillasses bien foumies que distribue 
 le magasiuier ; a l'entree de chaque malade, on lui don re 
 mne couverture, un oreiller, et toute sa fouruiture d'hdpital. 
 
 La salle des accouchemens a de plus que les autres, ua 
 lit garni pour chaque fetmne aveo paillasses, matelas, draps, 
 moust caire etc. ; on donne a tout nouveau ne une lavette 
 complete, et a Paccouchee deux pieces de toile bleue de 
 Surate, ct deux pieces de toile blanche x des le jour de ses 
 couches, e!le rccoit pour son enfant (a elle a en disposer sui- 
 ▼ant son gre), une ration eutiere de vivres, couiuie &i deja 
 il travaillait. 
 
 Tous les matins, apres ma visite, les vivres de l*h6pital 
 etaicnt soumis a mon inspection ; ils etaicnt cuita dans Ten* 
 ceintc inthne, les mala des auraient bien su rn'avertir s'il y 
 •▼ait cu de la fraude. On cuisait aussi dans cettc mcine en- 
 ceinte, el tous les jours, de vastes marmiltes de soupc gj 
 qui clait un surplus a la ra ion i\c> N >irs, et dont la qualile 
 4iait telle qu'il cu fut scrvi souven*. sur U table dc» pro* 
 
(230) 
 
 prieuires, qui y donnaient 1'oeil eux-menies, et che* lesquck 
 je prenais mes repas. 
 
 Dans mon cabinet etait l'armoire des medicamens que je 
 soignals moi-meme et dans laquelle je renfermais mes jour- 
 ■ aux J j'y avai s reuni tous les appareils imaginables, et je 
 pouvais obvier a tous Irs accidents chirirrgicaux qui peu- 
 Yent etre prevus : mes fonctioDS, pendant les six ans que 
 je restai a Belombre furent toujours tres-actives j jamais 
 je n'ai manque un jour a mes visites, el j'ai conserve Ie 
 respect et l'amour des Noirs de ce bien, et de tout le qual- 
 ifier: ils ne m'oub'ieront jamais. 
 
 II estinoui combien de machines diverses furent importecs a 
 Belombre d'Anglelerre, pour y perfectionner Tagriculture; 
 eombien de charrues, de semoirs, de moulins divers, de 
 tierses, pompes, et oulils de toutes sortes, et de toute dimen- 
 tion. 
 
 Les proprietaires y firent venir des troupeaux nombreux de 
 lioeufs et d'anes j ils y etablirent un baras servi par des etalons 
 d'Arabie, les plus bellesjumens d'Angleterre y furent ameners. 
 Ces Messieurs qui ne repugnaient a aucune depense pourvu 
 que la sante des Noirs fut enlretenue, m'avaient appointe par- 
 ticulierement pour rester sur Belombre, ( sans pourtant m'im- 
 poser l'obligation de renoncer a exercn mon etat dans 
 le quartier, ou ma clientelle s'etendait au loin ). J'etais lenu 
 de faire mes deux visiles par jour, et de coucher sur l'eta- 
 Lltssement. — Je visitais les vivres au magasin, riz, ma'is, 
 viandes, poissons, manioc, afin quMl ne fut run distribue 
 de mauvais : — Je fesais conduire, tous les huit jours a la 
 »er, toute ma troupe de Noirs, afin qu'ils s'y baignassent ;— 
 et, tous les six mois, je fesais une inspection generate et indi- 
 ▼iduelle de tout le monde, pour decouvrir les maladies se- 
 cretes ou cachees. 
 
 Au ped du coteau sur lequel Ie camp est bati, se trou- 
 vait 1'ancien hopital, sur un sol humide, et qui elevait des 
 vapettrs dans la nuit - f je craignais qu'il ne fut ins>aluLre efc 
 
(Ml) 
 
 4e fit deplaeer en 1818 pour le batir sur le penchant op- 
 pose du cotcau dans un espace bien aere, sec, eleve, ct da 
 l'eau vaste, oil il existe toujours depuis j — c'est celui donl j'ai 
 parle plus haut. Jamais on a hesite a m'accorder tout ce 
 que j M ai pu deraander pour ce qui regardait l'assainisseraent 
 du camp, la commodite des cases, les vetements, les habitudes 
 des Noirs etc. ; les magasins se sont remplis des effets vendui 
 des regimens pour les velir ; des cargaisous de toiles bleues 
 et blanches sc sont consommecs pour leur entretien ; o» 
 favorisait leurs jeux et leurs danses - t on acheta pour le* 
 leur donner, tous les instrumens de niusique de leurs diverse* 
 nations , — on y joignt les instrumens d'Europe, de telle 
 •orte que tous les genres de divertissemeus joyeux et rai- 
 sonnables, leur furent faoilites et raeme susciies, Je trouve 
 dans le journal, sous la date du 21 Mars 182c, — " paye troia 
 piastres, a un sohlat du poste, pour racommoder un bignoux." 
 Le vin, le pain, le lait, et tout ce qui pouvait £tre habi- 
 tuellemeat necessaire a un hdpital, y fut toujours en abon* 
 dance, 
 
 Un ordre pirfait elait etabli sur le bieu ; une regularity 
 terupuleuse presida t a tout ; aussi les punitions y etaient 
 ellea presque* iuutilcs, et des lors tres-rares ; jamais leur 
 severite ne mil aucun Noir dans le cas d'avoir besoin de 
 moi ; — un esprit de corps awiit reuni peu-a peu tous cei 
 homtues. Ha eiaieni bien, et voyaicnt une difference dam 
 leur situation prescnte et leur situation passee ; comment 
 auraient-ils rneconnus la m.irehe <ju'ils avaient a suitrre, sur- 
 tout quand clle leur eiail moutrce si doucemeut et avet 
 tant de seducti >n pour cut. 
 
 Le cinap n'eiait plus sut'lisant pour tous ces Noirs acquia 
 depuis deux ans, les cases 6tMMl in • : ^«!es; placees yi et la 
 cotif 1 cii'-nt et vieilles j alors M. Lepage, qui passait a 
 Uelombre le terns de la convales ence penible des lie v res da 
 marais, qu'il avait contraclees, durant sa mission aupres du 
 Roi de Madagascar, M t Lcsagc, dis je, se clurgca de tract* 
 
ttn ttotmfBU camp ; nous primes le meilleur emplace- 
 ment que nous piimes trouTcr tout le long cle la cote ilu 
 cotcau, une large route fut tracee au milieu, et de chaque 
 cote un courant d'eau fut dirige j les cases furent placees 
 a une egale distance, Tune de I'autre/par groupcs de qnatre 
 faces sur quatre de profondeur de chaque cote ; on di» 
 ▼isa chaque groupe par les rues de traverses, et on laissa 
 entre ces groupes une large place avec une piece d*eau 
 •u milieu. Ce camp, ou village, fut projete jusqu'au bord 
 de la mer, dont il ne fut separe que par le chemin public. 
 Les cases en furent toutes construites sur le meme modele 
 ct pcintes a la chaux 5 elles se partageoient en deux pieces 
 egales, dont Tune fut pourvue d'un lit et quclques usten* 
 tiles ; alors on fit venir des Cocos de Mer pour en distribuer 
 a tout le monde, il en arriva un chargemcnt : — des ar- 
 bres furent soigneusement plantes des deux cotes de la grande 
 rue, et aussi dans les rues de traverse et ils onttres-bien reussi. 
 Ce fut la l'affaire de M. Lesagej il surveillait en meme temg 
 les charrues# 
 
 La maison etait le rendez-vous de tout le quarticrj l'lioSpi- 
 talite y etait genereuse, libre, etfranchej les reunions joyeuses 
 et tous les agremens vous y etaient offerts. On y affluait da 
 Port- Louis meme, malgre l'eloignement etlesmauvais chemins: 
 il est peu de personnes respectables dans la colonie qui n'y 
 aient e"te* accueillies avec amitie et une noble distinction. 
 
 Durant les six annees que j'ai passees dans ce beau bien, ' 
 la tranquillite n'y fut jamais troublee ; la, notre existence se 
 passait calme et sans secousse. 
 
 11 fut amene a Belombre, et a diverses reprises, un nom- 
 Lre de ces malheureux apprentifs, epuises et moribonds, 
 dont personne ne voulait se charger, qui perissaient en quan- 
 tite et dont souvent plusieurs mouraient sur la S te Ampoule, 
 dans le trajet seulement du Port-Louis a Belombre: — ils J 
 Etaient envoyes par le Gouvernrment qui nesavait qu'en faire ; 
 et pax une liumanite pcur eux qui nuisit aux associes de Belr 
 
(233) 
 
 •wbre, ces appfrentifs trainaient long-terns une chetive exis- 
 tence, beaucoup perissaient de nostalgic, ou de dyssenteries, 
 quelques-uns se relevaient a force de soius, et renaissaient a 
 Ja vie: — il faut avoir vu ces nialheureux noirs maigrejs, 
 clecharnes, n'ayant que le souffle, abandonnes a la charite et 
 aux bons soius de Mr. Telfair, medecin lui-memo. 
 
 Les maladies du reste qui ont affecte cct etablisscment, 
 etaient les memes dans tout le quartieret dans toute-la colonic, 
 oMliit les flux-de-sang, les scropbules, les hydropisies, les ma- 
 ladies ncphrctiqnes, les miladies de poitriue, et le tetuios: ces 
 six maladies sottt tres fie juentes, et presque to .'jours fuuestcs 
 a Maurice. 
 
 Outre lc> vivres donnes en abotidance aux Noirs de I'eta- 
 Jilissement, ilsoutdesjardinsqu'ilsculti vent avec fruit dans lours 
 ditnanches ct aux beurcs de ropos qu'ils appclleut Brelo^ues ; 
 il -» ont une p 'c'i a'> mdante aux flambeaux daus lours soirees r 
 ils elevent Ions des pores, ponies et canards, ct leurs 
 jarcs sont faits par Tetablissement : — leurs enfans sont 
 instruits a une ecole a la Lancaster qui prospere jusqu'a 
 ut, ct une meilleure moralitc leur apprend a gagner et a 
 conserver, ce qui tend a les rendre de plus en plus beureux et 
 interessans pour leurs mailrcs. 
 
 N«66. 
 
 Letter lo Mr. Telfair, from H. W. Clarlyfofc Colour S, r- 
 Purl-Louis, 4«« Nov, I8W. 
 
 II .ving read N» 44 of tne " Anti-Slavery MonlUy Re- 
 porter", who; re accused of behaving to the Slaves 
 at Relombrc with cruelty, 1 beg to inform you that I arrived 
 in tliisCdony in 1819, was soon after stationed at Jacolo, 
 was constantly in the habit of veiling Delombre, and 
 
(Ill) 
 
 I never saw any cruelty ; on the contrary, the Slaves 
 appeared to be contented, and I was surprised to see the 
 difference between that estate and other estates. I went 
 to a habitation a little distance off, where the Slaves were 
 at work on Sunday. I observed to the master, who wa* 
 standing by, that your slaves were not treated in that manner. 
 He replied that your indulgence would be the ruin of 
 the Slaves, 
 
 I often heard the late Captain Field, ( who comman- 
 ded at the Post of Jacole, and who seldom passed a day 
 without visiting Belombre ), say, that a great deal of jealousy 
 existed among the proprietors of other habitations, who did 
 not approve of the manner in which your Slaves were treated, 
 and who remarked that it would never be to your advantage. 
 
 I have likewise to a*nJ, that if any cruelty had been used 
 towards the Slaves it could not have been kept secret from 
 Captain Field, who would immediately have reported the 
 same. 
 
 N° 67, 
 
 Extracts of a letter , to Mr. Telfair, from Piemono Esqr., 
 Solicitor j dated Port-Louis, 3^ October, 1829. 
 
 u Quanta moi qui ai sejourne maiutes fois a Belombre, 
 je dirai que vous avez, par votre exemple, guide et encou- 
 rage les ameliorations qui ont rendu le sort des Noirs aussi 
 doux qu'il Test mainlenant. Examinantavcc Monsieur Smith, 
 le Grand Juge, que j'accompagnais, les moindres details de 
 1'adininistration de votre Bien, nous applaudissions a votre 
 prevoyance, et aux soins donnes aux femmes, aux enfans, et 
 aux vicilLrds. Partout, je l'affirmerai sous serment, on ie« 
 connaibsait la sollicilude d'un bon pere de famillc, et vos 
 
(235) 
 
 •sclaves appliques a un travail modere, etaient traites avec 
 douceur. Monsieur Smith etait, on le sait, d'une grande 
 severite de principes sur ce qui concernait la condition des 
 Esclaves, et certainement il ne fut pas demeure votre ami, 
 si vous eussiez pratique des sentimens opposes aux siens. * 
 
 No 68. 
 
 Extracts of a letter, from Captain Davis, H. M.&1& Reg*., 
 to M. Telfair, dated Grand- finer South East 18 ln 
 November, 1829. 
 
 " A.s I was resident in your neighbourhood from the 
 beginning of November 1822 till January 1823, while in 
 command of the Military Post at Jacote, and during, that 
 period, a frequent visitor at Belombre, I beg to offer a few- 
 remarks on what I observed as far as I can recollect after 
 such a lapse of time. 
 
 On passing through the village or camp, I observed 
 Slaves of all ages, sitting about their doors, especially on 
 Sunday afternoons, with every appearance of content and 
 comfort. I never observed any appearance of wretchedness, 
 or suffering in any of the groups. 
 
 The male Slaves were well clothed j I think, invariably 
 with blue cotton trowsers and shirts j and the female Slaves 
 were always decently clad. 
 
 I litve frequently seen the Slaves at work in the manu- 
 factory, and in the fields, during which I never observed 
 them taking food, or any thing that could give me an idea 
 that they were working, and taking a meal at the same 
 time. 
 
 The generality of both male and female Slaves appcaro «?/ 
 
(C36) 
 
 robust and healthy, capable of performing laborious work, 
 and to do their work cheerfully. 
 
 In all my visits to Belombre, I never witnessed the inflic- 
 tion of any punishment, nor any appearance of its having 
 been inflicted. In the school of Belombre, I noticed a num- 
 ber of children, all of whom were well dressed, and had 
 a pleasing and—happy appearance. 
 
 I visited the hospital, several times, which was a good 
 sized building, apart from the other dwellings, and sur- 
 rounded by a palisade. 1 have been there in company with 
 M. William Telfair and Doctor Cumming of the Military 
 Post. The former I observed made particular inquiries of 
 the health of each individual, and appeared very attentive 
 to their comforts. 
 
 After these few remarks, I cannot but observe, that it 
 is astonishing to me, that so many strangers, private inchv* 
 iduals, as well as officers of both navy and army, should 
 have been so frequently and hospitably invited to Belombre, 
 if the cruelties mentioned in the anonymous charges, were 
 things of common occurrence. For my part I never heard 
 any visitors make any allusion to such occurrences." 
 
 N° 69. 
 
 Extract from a letter , to Mr. Telfair, from Mr. Pugin, 
 dated 26th October 1829. 
 
 Monsieur Charles Telfair , quels sont done les vils mise- 
 rables qui peuvent vous inculper , d'une inai.-iere aussi 
 atroce , en vous accusant de cruaule , de famine , de 
 massacre , etc. , etc. J'ai Thonneur de vous connaitre , 
 sous tous les rapports de Ihonneur et de la rcrtu , que 
 
(237, 
 
 vous avex toujours professes , conjointement avec voire c*- 
 eellente eoouse , qui donoait ses soins a I'instruction des 
 enfaus de voire Ecole de Belombre , et qui veillait sur 
 eux, et ainsi que vous, avec le plus tendre inter^t et la 
 plus douce huuianitc : — et pour recompense, des monslres 
 infauies osent vous accuser de crimes qui font fretnir. 
 
 Dans le temps , j'ai eu connaissance de voire bel eta- 
 Llisscment de Belombre, et des nombreuses comniodites 9 
 dont il etait couvert , pour pouvoir venir aux secours des 
 malbcureux. Je puis jurer devant Dieu , que vous vous eles 
 toujours comporle a ma connaissance , avec bonneur , jus- 
 tice, et parfaite bumanile envers vos Noirs j que la cote vous 
 fournissait toujours pour eux de l^ns et excellens poissons , 
 etc. , etc. , etc . EnGn , que vous les avez toujours traites 
 en bon pere de famille , avec douceur et vraie bumanite f 
 en leur procurant de bons logeraens , de bons jardins , une 
 bonne ecole , de bons vetemens , avec un bon chirurgien, 
 etc. , etc. 
 
 W° 70. 
 
 Extracts Jrom a Utter, to Mr. Telfair, from J. H. Vauglian, 
 Esqr. , Secretary to the Chief Judge , dated Port Lotus , 
 4A October, 1829. 
 
 "In November 1823 I first visited Belombre, and 
 remained, with little interruption, untill January following. 
 Amongst other matters the treatment of the Slaves engaged 
 «nuch of my attention. 
 
 With respect to the clothing of the Blacks, I happened 
 to be present at the half yearly distribution, on the i sl January^ 
 l8a4# and I can speak positively as to its sufficiency, consid- 
 ering the cliaiate t It was the blue cotton cloth of Bengal; — 
 
(238) 
 
 1 believe, tlie same as that supplied to the Government 
 Blacks at the period." 
 
 During my residence of nearly three months at BelombrCy 
 
 2 do not recollect to have heard of a single instance of 
 punishment, and, I believe, that punishments were rare y 
 and that j when they did occur, they were administered 
 without any circumstances of cruelty. Besides, I remember, 
 that one of the regulations was, never to punish for the 
 first offence. 
 
 The moral and religious improvement of the Slave was 
 daily attended to. All the children, and many of the 
 aduUs, were instructed in the first principles of the Christian 
 religi< n, reading, writing^ and arithmetic, and the whole 
 establishment attended divine service on Sundays. — Indeed, 
 it is but just to remark, that the school at Belombre, while 
 it excited mi ch admiration on tlie part of those who , 
 like yourself, feel that the most effectual mode of meliorating 
 the condition of the slave is to instill into his mind the true 
 principles of virtue and religion , its establishment, drew 
 down some animadversion on the proprietor , who , from 
 motives of humanity, had first dared to make so great a 
 stride towards removing the intellectual darkness, in which 
 a great proportion of the slave population had so long 
 continued. n 
 
 N° 71. 
 
 Extracts of a letter, from J. Alexander Esq., Chief of 
 the Ordnance Department , dated Port- Louis , Mauritius 
 \~ihfictober, 1529. 
 
 " It is now nearly a5 years since I first became acquainted 
 with Colonial property, as connected with the West Indies. 
 
(239) 
 
 I am aware, of the many slauderous, ill founded, and ma- 
 licious reports that have been circulated to their prejudice* 
 similar, to those which have appeared in the " Anti- Sla- 
 very Monthly Reporter", N° 44» relative to this islandj the 
 intemperance and absurdity of which, had you not been 
 personnally referred to, I could have wished you to have 
 treated, as they deserve, with silent contempt. 
 
 Pity for the poor African ! Pity for the poor Slave ! has 9 
 in too many instances, I fear, superseded that pity, which, 
 if in true Christian charity it had been bestowed upon 
 the poor peasants of our own country , might have saved 
 many a family from ruin. 
 
 On my arrival in Antigua, in 1804, I was possessed of 
 those feelings which may be considered as innate in most 
 Englishmen. I had rejoiced with m my others at the 
 termination of a traffic that I had been taught to believe 
 inhuman. " The Slave Trade " ; and, like the majority of ^u. 
 Buxtons of the present day, was disposed to speak, and to 
 think, of Slavery, and Dealing in Slaves as the same thing. 
 I did not, however, continue long in such a deluded state. 
 The first Sabbath was sufficient to remove prejudice from 
 my mind. I was induced to go to the Moravian and Wcsleyan 
 chapels , and if ever I experience! an intellectual joy, 
 surpassing every other, it was at the unexpected sight of 
 many hundreds of those, whom I had ever considered aa 
 most unhappy beings, in the enjoyment of the same privil- 
 edges, that l,from my infancy, had been taught to appreciate, 
 especially in keeping holy the Sabbath d.y. 
 
 A residence, from i&\>4 till 1809, in a public situation, 
 uninfluenced by the many changes that took place in the 
 v.ilnc of Colonial property, gradually confirmed mc in the 
 knowledge, that a good slave was, in every respect as well, 
 if not belter off, than the labourer of ray own country : — 
 that the feelings I bad heretofore possessed were as err- 
 oneous in principle, as they were in fact, and that I bad 
 
(510) 
 
 read my Bible to but litiTe purpose, not 1o have tmderstooo*, 
 that a state of Slavery had been very nearly co-existent 
 with lime ilself. 
 
 On my arrival in this island, after a lapse of years, I 
 Was reintroduced to a society similar to that 1 had left at 
 Martinique. During my first tour, in the month of June 
 1826, I remained at Belombre part of two days I had the 
 pleasure of receiving every communication, relative to it's 
 economy, and I was happy to have occular demonstration, 
 on the following day, of the accurracy of what had been com- 
 municated to me. If the united wisdom of Wilberforee 
 and Buxton had been consulted to make an estate happy 
 the illustration was to he found at Belombre, which 
 proved the anxiety of the owner to do his duty to God, 
 and to his fellow creatures, the Slaves!! ! 
 
 I have been twice at Bon Espoir, when under the charge 
 of your brother. Mr. W. Telfair, and I had the pleasing satis- 
 faction of seeing the same system under operation as at 
 Belombre : the principal feature of which was the comfort 
 of the Slave. 
 
 Aware as I am, that the system, upon which you have 
 conducted your sugar establishments, was, at its commence- 
 ment, original; and knowing as I do, that an invidious 
 feeling did, for a considerable time, exist on that account, 
 I might have been surprised that it should have fallen to 
 your individual lot to sustain the character of a 1 Lampion 
 against the parly that has made war with yon, aid that 
 such party should be the philanthropists of the day. Rather 
 should I have thought that the Buxtonian philosophy would 
 have been on your side. IS'o ! that would notanswerthc ul' 
 object which the editor of the '« Anli-Slavciy Monthly Re- 
 porter", and his coadjutors, have in view. They have, ! 
 vcr, for their own cause, been very unfortunate in singling 
 out you, and quoting Belombre in confirmation of what 
 they would wish people to Relieve of the Mauritius at large. 
 
(241) 
 
 The only observations, I consider necessary to make on 
 the " Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter" N° 44> are the follows 
 "ag- 
 ist That it is a pamphlet replete with misrepresentation, 
 and that its aim is to libel the constitution of the Mauritius, 
 and to reflect discredit upon the Government at home. 3rd 
 that the statements made upon iWBelombre, in confirmation 
 of what the said Reporter has said of the treatment of Slaves 
 at the Mauritius, arc false. 
 
 My former prejudices have not been softened down by 
 benefits resulting from my connection with sugar estates, 
 for I have never directly nor indirectly been concerned with 
 thorn. I differ from the general opinion from a conviction 
 tint there ; s not lint unhappiness inherent in slavrry which 
 is imagined. Goi\ forbid that I should not be able to form 
 a just estimate of the privile/ges/I inherit as a British subjectj 
 but rather than become the slave of a faction, the dupe of 
 a party, to give aid, and support to publications like N° 44 
 of the *' Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter", 1 would prefer 
 to be a Slave on the Belombrc Estate '?. 
 
 N° 72". 
 
 E.riracts from a Idler, from Patrick Salter, Esq**., Acting 
 Registrar of Sim 
 
 SLAVE REGISTRY OFFICE. 
 
 Port-Louis -lh September 1829. 
 
 " I have perused with horror, indignation, and utter 
 
 contempt, an attack that has been made upon you in the 
 
 V. of " The Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter?*/ as it 
 
 appeared Jn the " Oriental Herald", lor last march ; and 
 
(242) 
 
 I cannot conceive how any human being could have penned 
 such extraordinary misrepresentations : such bold and glaring 
 falsehoods : so vile a libel upon your u good name". 
 
 Indeed, I feel it incumbent on me to declare, solemnly, my 
 perfect conviction, that never was any intlivi lual so deeply 
 injured by an abuse of the liberty of the Press. 
 
 I declare to God I never""tieard of such cruelties as thes* 
 alluded to, in the " A nti- Slavery Rejtorter", at Bebmbre, 
 nor on any other estate of the colony. I have never been 
 at Belombrej but I have frequently visited another of your 
 estates, Bon Espoir , and I have resided there for some 
 days at a time j and , assuredly, I have been delighted with 
 the appearance of peace, contentment, and happiness dis- 
 played in the smiling faces of the Slaves. They were well 
 housed, well fed, and well clothed j and their labour was 
 executed by tasks, which being easily accomplished, by the 
 greater part, time was left for amusement in the afternoons 
 and evenings. 
 
 I have often heard complaints against you, for pampering 
 and spoiling your Slaves, and thus giving a bad example 
 to those on the neighbouring estates- but, for the first time, 
 end from London. I have learnt of your neglect of , and 
 cruelty to, your people. 
 
 For the last nineteen years, whilst endeavouring honqslljr 
 and honorably to advance your fortune j your favorite 
 object, your hobby, has been the melioration of the Slave 
 population of the Mauritius, by the adoption of excellent 
 regulations upon your plantations j by the institution of 
 schools; and by instructions in the principles of morality and 
 religion. 
 
 I have heard nothing of your vices or jour crime? ; but 
 much of your kind treatment, parental care, and genuine 
 philanthropy, towards your slaves. In a word, I have always 
 understood that your estates, were models for the imitation 
 «f the friends of the Negro "• 
 
(245) 
 
 N° 73. 
 
 Extracts of a letter, to Mr. Telfair,, from G. A. Wantz- 
 loeben, dated 30 November, 1829. 
 
 La haute reputation dont jouissait cette propriete , m'a- 
 nima du desir de la connaitre : j'y fus en 1820 , et rien 
 ne me parut au-dessons de 1'idee que je m'en etais faite. — 
 Jc trouvai les esclaves bien vetus , parfaitemeul nourris , 
 tous paraissant disposes au travail , et revenant de leur ou- 
 trage en chautant , comme cela se pratique gcneralement 
 parmi eux , quand ils sont satisfaits et heureux ; — les 
 jcunes en fans des deux sexes employes a des travaux legcrs, 
 uniqucment pour ne pas les laisser dans l'oisivete ; — ainsi 
 qu'a Tegard des vieillards. — 
 
 Les bopitaux out attire mon attention particulierc : la 
 proprele et l'ordre meritent d'etre cites j la pharmacie bion 
 pourvue en raedicamens ; Ic medecin attache a cet etablis- 
 siiiiont avait son logemcnt sur les beux, et etait assiste de 
 pcrsonnes tres-eiilcndues ; les visites se faisaieut rcgulicre- 
 mcnt et inns fois par jour. 
 
 Quoique habitue des mon enfance a voir sous les yeux 
 
 des esclaves fort bien trailes, dans toute ('acceptation du 
 
 root, jc ne puis pas rn'empecher de reconnaitre que tout 
 
 a hclombrc m'a semhle etre ameliore* sous le rapport de cc 
 
 t particulicr lavage. Le camp des noirs par 
 
 •exemplr, est il possible de ri n \oir de plus soiytn', de mieux 
 
 bati, de plus propre? — Chaque esclave qui possede soit 
 
 dcs volail.es, des pores oa autres bestiaux, a la prrn»: 
 
 de les n uii prei d < eure ct sous sa surveillance ; 
 
 cbaque cbef de fnuillc a a SI dispf) lerro 
 
 qu'ilicut culiivcr, pour suLw.ii fesx I | biens, — 
 
(244) 
 
 Pendant le sejour <Tun raois que j'ai fait a Belomfore, 
 je n'ai jamais entenda proferer une seule plaintc soit dot 
 proprietaire ou regisseur contre les noirs, soit les noirs contre 
 Tune de ces personnes, ni meme aucune plain le ni querelld 
 entre les noirs eux-memes, — 
 
 N» 74. 
 
 Extract of a letter 9 from Lieut. Martindale to Mr. Telfair, 
 dated Powder-Mills, 1829. 
 
 From the situation I- held in the Dept. of Roads and Bridges 
 I was forced to go frequently in your district and have resided 
 several days together at Bel-Ombre, and always considered 
 that estate was well, and humanely conducted, that the 
 Blacks were well used, were not over - worked, that 
 their food was good and wholesome, and that they had 
 no just cause of complaint. Your general character stands so 
 high,thatit appears absurd that your humanity should be 
 even doubted. r/ 
 
 N° 75. 
 
 Extract of a letter f from Piobt. Mc. Farlane Esqr. , to C, 
 Telfair, dated Port-Louis, 19 tli October, 1829. 
 
 " Since the year 1822, I have visited Belombre once, but 
 oftener twice, a year; and remained there one or two days, on 
 each occasion , and I remarked, that the system of manage- 
 ment, upon the estate, was altogether the most perfect, in 
 my opinion, that could be adopted. I have observed that 
 
(545) 
 
 the Blacks provisioms were of a good quality, and abundant, 
 as their appearance sufficiently proved ; — they were well 
 elothed j — their huts were comfortable; — they bad their 
 poultry and pigs ; — and they appeared to be satisfied and 
 happy. I visited the school, and was surprised at the great 
 number of children present, many of them of an age fit for 
 work, and who certainly would on most other estates, have 
 been at the hoe. 
 
 W 76. 
 
 Declaration of Jea.jc Louis Tutouu, Commander of the 
 Belombre Bo#ts, doled Port-Louis 1859. 
 
 "Moi, Jean Louis Tutour, declare par le present, que 
 je suisenlre en 1818 au service de retablisscment Bc'ombie,, 
 comme patron du chasse-maree la S^ - Ampoule, ) auge a 
 quatorze tonncau* ct que j'ai continue a commander ce 
 bateau jusqu'en 1822. Apres la vente dudit bateau , j'ai pris 
 le commandement dc la goclette la Jeune Laure, da brick les 
 Trois Freres, de la goelctte X Adhle et du chassc-maree Li Fir- 
 ginie, jusqu'en 1827. Pendant tout ce terns, ces bateaux 
 furcnt conslamracnt occupes a transporter les produils dc 
 Belombre au Port-Louis, et rapportant audit elablis^mcrjt, 
 des machines^ mecaniques, moulins, fers, outils, cUarrcltcs 
 ct t -utc cspecc d'objets dc ce genre j mais principaleinent 
 des provisions, telles que riz, Tunde ct poisson sale, pour 
 la consummation des esclaves de l'ctablissement. 
 
 Belombre n'a jamais eu d'autres bateaui que ccux ci* 
 dessus designes et commandos par moi. 
 
 J'attcste cgalemcnt, que les virrcs ci-d«ssus mentionnc* 
 etaicnt plus que suffisans pour frpproi isionneraent des noirs. 
 Le riz ctait dc Bcngale ou dc 1 ct jamais celui de 
 
(240) 
 
 Madagascar ; |il fut torjours livrd par rooi aux magasins 
 de Belombre et conformement aux envois et recus, et n'a 
 jamais ete employe que pour Tusage des esclaves et gens 
 dudit etablissement* 
 
 J'atteste -aussi avoir transported de temps en temps, et 
 annuellemcnt au Port-Louis , d'apres les ordres du Gouver- 
 nement, pour 1'inspection de la Douane, les Noirs appren- 
 tis confies a Belombre, efeles avoir rapportes audit etablis- 
 sement, apres Finspection qui en avait ete faite, et que 
 je nai jamais pris a mon bord, ni debarque, aucun Noir 
 nouveau jx>ur Belombre, ou pour d'autres bicns, ni pour 
 personne. 
 
 J'affirme aussi que les maisons des Noirs de Belombre 
 etaient les meilleurs que j'ai vues sur aucun autre etablis- 
 sement dans Tile, pour des gens de cette classe. Elles etaient 
 bien condionnees et trcs-closes, pourvus de tous les objets 
 necessaires a leurs besoins, et ceux de leur famille, et enfin 
 urie aisance que bien des pauvres gens que je connais 
 en Europe ne possedent pas. 
 
 Je declare aussi n 'avoir jamais vu ni entendu dire qu'il 
 existait ou avait existe, a Belombre, des punilions severes* 
 Les esclaves etaient obeissans, ils etiient seulement troubles, 
 de temps en temps, par les convicts, et les surveillants 
 blancs desdits convicts, ou par les soldals du regiment qui 
 portaient l'babit a revers, et parement Pompadour. Ces soldats 
 etaient tres desordonnes et querelleurs. 
 
 Je rappellerai ici leurs conduites a la passe St. -Martin, 
 lorsqu'il s'y est noye un homme, ils etaient tous souls et 
 voulaient meme s'opposer a ce que Ton porte les derniers 
 secours a ce malbeureux." 
 
(247) 
 
 N° 77. 
 
 Extracts of a letter to M. Telf air, from Lieut 1 B. Stehelin, 
 
 doled Port- Loais, Mauritius, 22d October, 1829. 
 
 " The statement contained in the 44 th N° of the "Anti- 
 Slavery Monthly Reporter'*, respecting the condition of the 
 Slaves at Belombre , appear to me at variance with their 
 treatment, in the months of April, May, and June, 1827, 
 during which lime I was officially employed at Jacote. ** 
 
 The Blacks at Belombre appeared cheerful and happy. 
 Their huts which were in good repair, were built of logs, 
 on each side of the public road leading to Jacote, with a 
 neatly constructed open canalj of clear, clean water, running 
 one side. They were allowed to rear pigs, and poultry, 
 which I have bought from them ; and the house at Belombre 
 was supplied with stock from this source, Mr. Forster paying 
 a fair price for their thiugs, as an encouragement to good 
 behaviour, anJ industry. 
 
 N* 78. 
 
 Declaration of Virielx Esqr., P^ice president of the Court 
 of Appeal, and Ancien Procurcur du Jloi, dated Port' 
 Louis, l6^h SepUmbcr lS2ih 
 
 Je soussigne, ancVn Procureur- General du Roi, charge" 
 
 en celte qualite, a diverses epoques, de la police generale 
 
 de Til- M.i in ■;•:-, <■». ictaeUement vice-president de la cour 
 
 »<•!, certificquc micux place que personne par la natarc 
 
 des fonctions qui m'etaicnt confiecs, pour connaitre parfaiie- 
 
(248) 
 
 ment le regime des esclaves sur ehacune des habitations 
 de cette colonie, qu'encorc qu'il se soit presente des cas 
 oil certains maitres auraicnt exerce des acles inhumains a 
 Tegard de leurs esclaves, ces cas ont ete cxtremement rares, 
 et ont ete punis severement, conformcment aux lois, et qu'il 
 est impossible de ne pas reconnattre, sans la plus grande 
 injustice, qu'il n'existe pas de colonie ou le regime des es- 
 claves soit, en general, plus humain, et plus patrrnel. 
 
 Je ccrtifie, apres avoir lu le 44 e N° r Y Anti-Slavery Monthly 
 Reporter", que ce n'est pas sans la plus profonde indigna- 
 tion, que j'ai vu le tableau revoltant et perfide du traite- 
 mcnt que le proprietaire de Belonibre aurait souffert qu'on 
 introduisit sur ce men envers les esclaves qui y etaient atta- 
 ches : que les details que ce tableau renferme, sont des ca- 
 lumnies outrageanles, qui prennent evidemment lcur source 
 dans I'intention malveillante et coupable de porter atleinte 
 aux sentiments genereux, qui forment le caractere distinctif 
 sous lequel Monsieur Charles Telfair n a pas cesse de se mon- 
 trer: — 
 
 Qu'il n'existe point a Maurice une habitation ou les es- 
 claves, aient ete trailes taut en sante qu'en maLdie, avec 
 plus de soin, avec plus d'humanil^e qu'a Belonibre : 
 
 Je certifie, que la nouriture des esclaves e'tait saine et abon- 
 dante a belombre: que les esclaves etaient loges convena- 
 blement, et claus des cases separces j qu'ils etaient vetus et 
 habilUs aux fraisdu maitre, et jouissaient des hemes accor- 
 dees paries lois pour leur rcpos, dans les intervalles du tra- 
 vail , dout la durce n'a jamais excede le temps que les re- 
 glemenls detenu inent : — 
 
 Je certifie, en outre, que les chaiiments n'ont jamais ete 
 administres aux esclaves de Belombre que rarement, et tou- 
 j ours avec management, ct la plus grande discretion : ( Les 
 details de "Y And- Slavery Monthly Reporter''' a l'egard 
 des punitions infligecs a Belombre, sont trop degoutants et 
 trop measongers, pour qu'il soit pris la peine dc les rcTuter 
 
(549) 
 
 fl doit suffire d'observer que les habitats de cette colonic, 
 depuis trop long temps calomnies, se bornent a opposer le 
 mepris a une accusation aussi vPe et d'auiant plus reprehen- 
 sible, qu'elle est dirigee contre un col^n respectable qui a 
 su se concilier leisr rstime et leur attachement, 
 
 Enfin, Je dois a la verite d'attester, que Belombre a of- 
 fert a Maurice le premier exemple d'une institution con- 
 sacree en faTfur des esclaves, a la morale et a la r. ligion . 
 C'est sur ce bienque Monsieur Charles Telfair avait eubli une 
 ecole, suivant le sysleme de Laucaster, dans laquelle les 
 esclaves se rentlaient journellement et en grand nombre, pour 
 recevoirles salutaires leconsqui, en adoucissanl leurs mccurs, 
 et changcant leurs habitudes vicieuses, dcvaient concern, ir « 
 les rendre meilhureet plus heureux. H 
 
 N° 79. 
 
 F.rtracts of a letter from Hyacinthe Port \ us Esqr. , 
 *' Subxlitut du Procureur du Boi," dated Porl-Lonis, 
 22d. October ,18 J J. 
 
 11 Les fonctions de Proenrrur du Roi, que jo remplis 
 depuis long-terns, sous le tilre de substitut du Proeureur 
 General du Roi, m'ontfait un devoir de surveyor d'une manuVe 
 particuliere It- nlgiint <los diverges habitation* de cettc col.x.ir , 
 sur tout en cc qi j concern* les Escla\es, pour p..n\oir 
 poursuivre crux des hablUBtl qui sYcarterairnt <uvs regies 
 prescrites par les Iois } et depuis dix-neuf ans que cutte Co* 
 lonie est an uouvoir de la Grande- Rrvtagne, jo dois attestor 
 que je n' i a que tnVpen decas de puniti-ns eve^ssives et 
 inliuii;.ni,»- a pottnuirre, commr- accusal, ur public j » t jo 
 ▼»<*«" ! di lire awe lurpriM et indignation *4?a un 
 
 Journal, int, UJrf, " Ann-biavcij- nlomhlj lUjoner", No. ^ 
 
une accusation contre les habitants de cette Colonic, et parti- 
 cutierement contre Vous, si atroces et si m^nsongeres, qu'il 
 ne m'est pas permis tie garder le silence , et de ne pas 
 rendre hommag'* a la verite oculaire , par mes frequents 
 voyages et sejours a Belombre , de ce qui s'y passait. Je dois 
 declarer hautement, que bien loin d'avoir jamais ete temoin 
 a Belombre d'acies qui puissent blesser I'humanite, qu'il 
 m*en ait ete jamais denonce, en ma qualite d'homme puhlic : 
 e'est a Belombre que j'ai vu naiire et s'ameliorer ce regime 
 paternel pour les Esclaves que le Gouvernement desirait voir 
 s'etablir dans la Colonic C'est sous votre direction, qu'a cette 
 habitation, j'ai vu la nourriture des Esclaves s'augrnenter, des 
 reglemens sages s'etablir pour leurs heures de travail et de 
 repos , pour leurs vetemens , et pour la correction a infliger j 
 e'estsous votre administration que j'ai vu s'etablir a Belombre 
 nne ecole, et y inspirer aux Esclaves des sentimens religieux. 
 Je dois certifier, que j'ai vu avec plaisir i'exemple que 
 vous donniez sur Belombre , suivi par vos voisins et par 
 les autres habitants , et que ces ameliorations qui sont votre 
 outrage , joinles a l'introduction dans cette colonie des 
 betes de traits et des boeufs , ont singulierement adouci ce 
 que les travaux des Esclaves pouvaient avoir de plus dur. " 
 " " ' ' . . i ■ ■ i n I, i 1 1 i i n i . 
 
 N°80. 
 
 Extracts of a letter, from J. Coudray Esqr., Rector of the 
 Royal College, Port- Louis, dated A I'Amitie, He 
 Maurice, le 20 Octobre, 1829. 
 
 " Vous devcz, mon cber Monsieur, vous rappeler que 
 MjNJ. Pitot, d'Argentelle, Geneve et moi, nous faisions un 
 vovage d'obscrvateurs, autour de la Colonic, 3 ans apres 
 I'mcendiedu Port- Louis, etun mois avant lc Cholera- Morbus 
 
(251) 
 
 qui ravagea la Colonic en 1819. Je connnissais deja voti* 
 habitation : un parent de ma femmc en etait proprietaire, 
 lorsque je la visitai il y a 27 ans. Quelle difference offrait 
 Belombre a cette seconde epoque !!! A mon arrivee en 1802 
 c'etait une pauvre ferme delabree, dont la maison de in'aitre 
 etait srule en bon etat , la sucrerie offrait Taspect 1c plus 
 taMralAe ; des usines mal tenues ; des travaux mal diriges ; 
 el des plantations en mauvais etat ; 2 ou 3oo noirs, nuds, 
 sales, et mal loges. Combien ma vue se reposa agreablement 
 en rctrouvaut a la place de tant de desordre et de misere, 
 une avenue propre, des cours et des jardins soignes, 4 * 
 5oo noirs propreraent v^tus, gais, et bien portans. Je 
 vis avec satisfaction leurs cases, neuves, bien fcrmees, 
 et birn aligne'es j un hopilal parfaitcment tenu, bien aere ; 
 du poisson et de la volailie pour les malades ; un 
 medecin attache a Fetablissement ; un missionnaire pour 
 l'instruction des Noirs, et une ecole de lecture et d'ecriture 
 pour les jeunes esclaves. J'assistai deux soirees de suite a la 
 prierc, qui se faisait regulierement tous les jours. Eh bien ! 
 pendant les 3 jours que je passai avec vous, je n'entendis 
 pas une plainte, pas un cri, pas un coup de fouet, et je vous 
 dirai avec la meme franchise, que vos voisins critiquaient 
 amcreraent votre philanthropic, qu'ils traitaient de Negrophi- 
 lisme. Je vous avouerai aussi, que quoique je traitasse avec 
 humanite les Hio\rs attaches au College, je blamais ouverte- 
 tement voire extreme douceur, ct Tindulgence, presque 
 coupable, de Madame TelLir. Nous trouvions, ces Messieurs ct 
 moi, que ce s\st«»rae d'indulgence excessive etait dangercux, 
 non-seolement pour voire habitation, mais pour les cam- 
 pagnes voisinef. '! 
 
 
(252) 
 
 N° 81. 
 
 Extract of a Declaration, made by Mr. Vincent Geoffroy, 
 lately Commandant of the Savanne, Civil Commissary f 
 Commissary of Police, Deputy Registrar, Deputy Guardian 
 and Deputy Protector of Slaves, dated Mahebourgh, 
 8th October, 1529. 
 
 « Je declare que , long-terns avant les nouvelles lols e» 
 faveur des Esclaves , Mr. Telfair avait ameliore la condi- 
 tion des siens , sous tous les rapports ; avait pourvu a 
 l'instruction religieuse de tous, et avait institue des eooles pour 
 Teducation des jeunes sujets t et cest en ceci seukracnt 
 qu'il a essuye les reproclies de quelqucs habitants qui , ea 
 applaudissant a ces motifs, en trouvaieut Pexecution prema- 
 turee , peut-etre dangcreuse, parce qu'elle incitait let 
 Esclaves a croire a un affranchissenient certain et general. " 
 
 tf° 82. 
 
 Extracts of a letter, to Mr, Telfair, from H. Adam, Esqr. , 
 formerly Head Manager of Belombre, and now Merchant, 
 dated Fort-Louis, 10^ October, lb29. 
 
 " J'ai lu avec indignation , dans un pamphlet intitule 
 u Anti-Slavery JlJonth/j- fieporter" , N°. 44 , les iuculpa- 
 tions atroces que Ton senible se plaire a accumuler contre 
 Vous , relative ment a votre e'tablissement de Belombre. Avant 
 ele regisseur sur cct etabliss«ment , depuis Decembre 1819 
 jusqo §n Seplembre 1821 , je suis plus a mdme que personne 
 de les apprecier a leur juste valeur ; et quoiqu VUcs soieut 
 de nature a deceler a l'observateur impartial, denue mem» 
 
(253) 
 de la connawsance des lieux , et de la respectaMlite de totr* 
 caractere , la haiae et le desir de nuire qui les oat dieted, 
 je crois de mon devoir , quelque puisse £tre Talteratioa 
 apportee a oos relations depuis ce terns , de venir voui 
 declarer que les articles contcnus UansledttBK 44 ^e *' "4nti- 
 Slavery Mon'h'y Rrpoier," sur Belou.bre ne soat quo 
 d'infames calumnies. 
 
 Je vous ai toujours vu guide par uae phil mtropie bien en- 
 tendue, vous appliquer a augmmiter le bien-dtre p&vaiqiie et 
 moral de voire population esclare. L'edification grands frail 
 d*un camp d us un lieu ?ain et aere ; la construction de 
 canaux portant Peau couranle devant chaque case* toutes leg 
 Cases alignees peintes et propres j le mobilier de clia me mdi- 
 *idu compose d'un lit, padl.sse, nattes, covertures de Line, 
 marmittes, cuilleres, vases pour Teau; et les animaux qui en- 
 tourent les cases, — tels que volailles tie toutes especes, et 
 cochons, — etaient p< ur le \oyageur u truer at B~*Iombre # la 
 preuve incontestable du bmheur phvsiqueUe vos No:rs. 
 
 L'hopital etait un vaste bailment au mi ieu d'une eour 
 ferme'e avec ses canaux, cuisines, et dependuuc s. Ua 
 medecin attache a I'etabisseinent, Monsieur Desn«>\eis, oceu- 
 pait une drs salles, et le rest etait di I i c e en ptusicurssalles Lea 
 femmes et les homines avaie t chacun la keur j une salle de 
 bain etait plus loin ; une autre diamine *ervaitau\ individui 
 atteinU* de maladies conlagieuses, et une outre aux. femmes ea 
 couclie. La pbarmacie a plus complete et fournie de tous lei 
 instrument de chirurgie, se trou ait da- s un des apparlcmcni 
 du medecin, qui eiail oblige a tenir, et lenait, un li\re ti'hupilal 
 lur lequel les malades , le genre de maladies, les prescrip- 
 tions journalieres, ct les medicamens aduiinistre's par lai, 
 etaient exactcment riirei;.strei. La nourriture la plus saine, 
 composee de pain, via >poitlon bouillon, legumes, rix Creole 
 etait fournie aux maladc , suivant les prescription!. 
 
 Tous lei enfant ief res euieut lous la surveillance de plusieun 
 viedlei ne^ressci, qui les tcuaient prnprcmcnl, ct >cillaicat 
 
(25*) 
 
 h leur premiere education* Les enfans e*taient conduits ton? 
 Irs jours a 1' office, au moment de votre diner, et recevaient 
 chacun un petit verrede vin et un peu de Sucre. 
 
 Les Noirs travaillantsetaient traitesavec la meinc sollicilude 
 paternelle. Tout indlvidu, grand ou petit, recevait une litre 
 et demi de riz du Bengale, ou deux livres de Mai's, par jour» 
 Vr.r ce moyen, les chefs de families, ayant plus de vivres 
 qu'il n'en fallait pour la nourriture de leur famille, composee 
 d'enfans de tons ages, pouvaient facilement elever une grande 
 quantite de volailles et de cochons, qui servaienta leur pro- 
 curer mille douceurs, et par la vente desquels ils se fesaient 
 un pecule, que j'ai frequemment vu s' elever a quelques cents 
 piastres chez quelques borumes ranges et sobres. 
 
 Outre cette distribution individuelle, il y avait a l'hopital 
 une grande cbardiere de sucrerie, dans laquelle on fesait 
 cbaquejourunesoupeextremementnourrissante, composee de 
 riz, patates, tripans, viande salee, etde legumes fraisdujardin. 
 Cbaque Noir avait la faculte d'allercbaque jour a midi recevoir 
 une ration de cette soupe dont une ecuelle etait servie sur 
 voire table. 
 
 Les Noirs recevaient des vetemens deux fois par an, les 
 nourriccs recevaient un trousseau complet pour leur enfant, et 
 de plus, deux pieces de toile bleue, et deux pieces de toile 
 blancbe, pour elles. 
 
 Les travaux commeDpaient au point du jour, atresia priere 
 du matin, et cessaient au soleil coucbant, moment tie la priere 
 du soir: on donnait une heure pour dejeuner, et deux 
 heurcs pour diner. 
 
 A midi, lous les jeunes Creoles allaient a l'ecole pendant une 
 heure et demie, et la on leur apprenait a lire, ecrire, etcaK 
 culer, par le procede de l'enseignement inututl; on leur ap- 
 prcnait encore a cbanler des cantlques. 
 
 'Corameut pourrait-on supposer, d'apres tous ccs details, que 
 cr.lui qui mettait sa jouissance a cbercber tous les moyens pos- 
 sibles dWieiiorer la condition de ses Noirs, deplorat dan» 
 
(255) 
 
 lea punitiona, an caractere asscz atroee et impitoyable, pour 
 prendre plaisir a infliger des puniiions corporelles barbares, 
 et a prolongerles souffrances du patient par des moyens si in- 
 faaies, que le caloiunialcur seulpeuten etre l'inventeur, 
 
 Les puniiions corporelles ont toujours ete ties rares, le 
 bloc et la prison ont toujours suffi pour maintenir une bonne 
 discipline parmi vos heureux ateliers, dont une grande por- 
 tion du peuple de nos villes Europeeues envierait le sort. Si^ 
 quelquc fois, on fut oblige de punir corporellenieut, ce ne 
 fut jamais que pour vol avec effraction, desertion apies le vol, 
 et autresfaits, qui, en Europe, me neat toujours a la potcnca 
 ceux qui s'en rendeut coupables ! Toujours ces corrections 
 ont ete infligees apres une enquete soigneuseinent faite ; le 
 jugenaent porte d'apres les evidences les plus positives, et les 
 corrections faites en presence de tous. Jamais ces correc- 
 tions n'ont en le caractere de cruaute, dont on les decore 
 avec tant de soin dans l* " Anti-Slavery Monthly Reporter,* 
 et jamais la sante du coupable n'eua ete alteree un instant. " 
 
 N°83. 
 
 Extracts of a Utter, to Mr. Telfair, from W. J. Saunders 
 Esqr., of the Firm, Saunders and Wiehc, dated Port-Louis. 
 
 "It will give me the highest gratification to assist in falsi- 
 fying the calumnies which have been so heavily heaped on 
 you iulividually. All;w me to say tliat the "Anti-Slavery 
 Moahljr Reporter 1 ' could not have been more unfortunate 
 •s to bis own credulity, in the selection of a person on 
 whom to vent his malicious venom, than in making choice 
 of one whose enlightened and judicious treatment of his 
 > has so justly placed, in the estimation of this 
 colony, amongst its best benefactors and improvers. 
 
(256) 
 
 T visited many of the Estates, in 1823, and amongst them, 
 rV<>:. bre. where I spent 5 or 6 days. Though I did not 
 miuutely inspect either the huts, food, or clothing of the 
 Blacks on th.»t property, their comfortable and healthy 
 appearance still remains perfect in my recollection. My 
 ■visits to the hospital and school of the establishment, accom- 
 panied by Mr. W. Telfair, afforded me sincere pleasure. In no 
 country have I ever seen a sick ward better regulated, 
 either as regards the cleanliness, ventilation, or general atten- 
 tion to the wants of the patients, while the neatness of the 
 children at the school, together with their proficiency 
 in reading and writing, made a lasting impression on my 
 mind. 
 
 During the last two years T have twice visited your estate, 
 Beau Mnnguier, and have been equal I v pleased with the 
 appearance of the Blacks there, as with the unremitting 
 endeavours to improve their moral character, by daily 
 pravers, kind treatment, and judicious instruction," 
 
 N° 84. 
 
 Kxlracts from a Statement of M. G. Deroullede, Proctor 
 in the Court oj Admiralty , dated Port-Louis, October 4 tn , 
 1829. 
 
 " J'ai visite Belombre plusienrs fois. En 1820, j T y ai passe 
 dix jours ; en 1822 j'y ai passe quinze jours, au milieu d'une 
 noinbreuse empagni** ; j'v trouvai entr'auires , Son Honneur, 
 George Smith, Commissaire de Justice, qui venait souvent 
 y passer le temps ties vacances des tribunaux. J'y retournai 
 en 1827, passer cinq ou six jours -, cette fois le Gouverneur 
 et Lady Frances Cole, s'y arreterent deux jours, en reve- 
 nant d'une tournee qu 1 ils avaient faite dans le quuriier. 
 
(257) 
 
 ije declare sur l'honneur, que je n'ai jamais vu infliger 
 <le ces punitions bafbares j et que je n'ai pas plus entendu 
 parler de ces actes d'inhumanite, plus atroces encore, que 
 Ton dit en etre la suite. Pareille horreur aurait souleve 
 d'indignation le cceur de tout honnetc homme j et cepen- 
 dant des officiers venaient constamment a Belombre. 
 Les officiers commandant le Poste Jacote, y venaient presque 
 tous les jours ; j'y ai vu, a differentes epoques, le Capitaioe 
 Bruce, du 82me. Regt ; le Lieut 1 . Grey, du 56me • et le 
 Lieut. Slater, du 8ame Reg*.; ainsi que les medecins M. M, 
 Cummings et Campbell. 
 
 J'ai lu en entier, le 44™e« N° de l 1 ■ M Anti-Slavery Reporter" 
 tous les details qu'il renfernie au sujet du traitement des Noirs, 
 et sur les habitans de Maurice, ne sont qu'uu tissu de men- 
 son ges, et de mechantes imputations dont il sera impossible 
 de fournir la preuve. 
 
 IS 85. 
 
 Certificate from X. Shanks, M. D., Acting Chief of the 
 Civil Medical Department ', dated, 17 th Jan J, 1830. 
 
 ft 
 
 These are to certify, that I have examined the Journal 
 of the Hospital at Belombre, from the i i«h October 1821, 
 till the 1 st I'\ bruary 1827, inclusive ; contained in an atlas 
 folio volume of 27 3 pages, and have found that the treat- 
 ment of each individual case, even the least important, is 
 entered therein, with the daily account of toe di m m.nc, its 
 symptoms, treatment, and result j — tint in this detailed 
 clinical journ.il of each patient's disease, or indisposition, 
 there is not an omission of. one single day's report, during ♦ 
 the whole of that period -\ — and that no individual was 
 
(258) 
 
 admitted on account of punishment indicted, or of disease 
 arising from starvation or from over-work, * 
 
 J A. Shanks M. D, 
 
 ( Actg. Chief of the Civil Medical Departmt, " 
 
 Testimonials of similar import regarding Belombre, th» 
 treatment of the Slaves thereon, and their comfortable con- 
 dition, were also received from j 
 M. Bretai>ne, one of the former Overseers of Belombre, 
 M. Mangeot, Civil Commissary of Police, Quarter of the 
 
 River of Rempart, Deputy Registrar and Deputy Gar-i 
 dian and Protector of Slaves. 
 M. Suasse, formerly Civil Commissary, now Commandant 
 
 of the Quarter of Black River. 
 M. Bouic, Civil Commissary of the Quarter of Black 
 
 River, Commissary of Police, Deputy Registrar, and 
 
 Deputy Guardian and Protector of Slaves. 
 M. Ducray, Civil Commissary, and Commissary of Police,; 
 
 of the Quarter of the Savannc, Deputy Registrar, 
 
 and Deputy Guardian and Protector 6f Slaves. 
 M. Perrot, President of the Chamber of Advocates. 
 J. J. Wiehe Esqr., Merchant Port-Louis, President of the 
 
 Colonial Committee. 
 
 * As may be seen by reference to N° 65 of the Appendix, no 
 instance occurred, during the whole time of Doctor Desnoyer's 
 engagement at Belomhre, from i8i(?r till i8aa, which reqnired 
 medical treatment, in consequence of punishment, 
 
(259) 
 J t S» Reader Esqr., Deputy Registrar of the Court of 
 
 Admiralty, and late First Assistant to the Commissar/ 
 
 General of Police, 
 M. Chaix, Merchant, Port-Louis. 
 M. Lavergne, Audit Office. 
 M. La Butte, Planter, Quarter of Tamarinds. 
 M. Geneve, Planter, Quarter of Black River. 
 M. Bury, Office of Internal Revenues* 
 M. Courou, Professor at the Royal College, Port Louis. ' 
 The Baron D'Unienville, Colonial Archivist. 
 J. Rendle Fsqr. Chief Secretary's office and keeper of 
 
 Rocortls. 
 The Agricultural Society of Mauritius. 
 M. De MaissUa, Planter. 
 
 etc. etc. etc. 
 
 But, as the work has already exceeded the prcscrihed 
 bounds ; as there already exists enough of repetition in the 
 vouchers in this Appendix ; and as their nuniher might he 
 easily doubled or tripled, if warned, 1 shall here conclude 
 for the present. 
 
 -t 
 
(260) 
 
 N° 8$ 
 
 Extract from the Statistical Account of Mauritius, by 
 the Baron D'Unienville, Colonial Archivist ; containing 
 Mutations in the Numerical Amount oj Slaves, from 
 1767 till 1825. 
 
 Years. 
 
 Number. 
 
 Births. Imported. 
 
 1767 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 1770 
 
 1 
 2 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 1780 
 
 1 
 3 
 3 
 
 4 
 5 
 6 
 
 7 
 8 
 
 9 
 1790 
 
 i5,o?.7 
 i6,o52 
 17,071 
 i8,o85 
 19,195 
 20,299 
 
 21,398 
 22,491 
 23,579 
 24,660 
 25,336 
 25,909 
 26,380 
 26,748 
 27,114 
 27,478 
 
 2 7>9 3 9 
 2 9>°99 
 3 1, 1 52 
 
 3 2 ; 496 
 33,83a 
 
 35,i63 
 36,486 
 38,4o3 
 
 4f,2IO 
 
 44»o°3 
 43,716 
 46,696 
 
 47>9 6a 
 
 455 
 
 1 , 1 00 
 
 486 
 
 1, IOO 
 
 5i 7 
 
 1, 100 
 
 548 
 
 1,200 
 
 58 1 
 
 1 .200 
 
 6i5 
 
 i, 200 
 
 648 
 
 1,200 
 
 681 
 
 1,200 
 
 714 
 
 1,200 
 
 747. 
 
 800 
 
 767 
 
 700 
 
 7 85 
 
 600 
 
 799 
 
 5oo 
 
 810 
 
 5oo 
 
 821 
 
 5oo 
 
 832 
 
 600 
 
 846 
 
 i,3oo 
 
 : 881 
 
 2,20O- 
 
 944 
 
 i,5oo 
 
 984 
 
 1 ,5oo 
 
 1 025 
 
 1 , 5oo 
 
 io65 
 
 1 , 5oo 
 
 no5 
 
 2,100 
 
 1 1 63 
 
 3,ooo 
 
 1248 
 
 3,ooo 
 
 i333 
 
 3.ooo 
 
 1 324 
 
 3,200 
 
 «4.5 
 
 i,5oo 
 
 i453 
 
 600 
 
 Deaths, 
 
 5oo 
 535 
 569 
 002 
 63 9 
 676 
 7.3 
 
 749 
 786 
 822 
 
 844 
 
 863 
 
 S79 
 891 
 903 
 916 
 9*1 
 
 97° 
 !o38 
 io83 
 1 127 
 1172 
 1216 
 1280 
 i3 7 3 
 4542 
 
 i45 7 
 i556 
 
 1598 
 
fast) 
 
 Years. 
 
 3f umber. 
 
 Births. 
 
 Imported. 
 
 Deaths. 
 
 1796 
 
 48,322 
 
 .464 
 
 1,000 
 
 1610 
 
 I 
 
 49,080 
 
 1487 
 
 i,3oo 
 
 i636 
 
 5o, 1 33 
 
 1519 
 
 i,5oo 
 
 1671 
 
 9 
 
 5.,38o 
 
 1 55 7 
 
 i,5oo 
 
 1716 
 
 1800 
 
 53 619 
 
 1624 
 
 1,800 
 
 .787 
 
 1 
 
 55,149 
 
 1671 
 
 i,8 >o 
 
 i838 
 
 2 
 
 66,672 
 
 1717 
 
 2,400 
 
 1889 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 58,797 
 6> ,5o2 
 
 1781 
 i863 
 
 3,ooo 
 1,800 
 
 '9^ 
 2o5o 
 
 5 
 
 63,i i5 
 
 1912 
 
 1 ,5oo 
 
 2io3 
 
 a 
 
 64,35i 
 
 i 9 5o 
 
 1 ,3oo 
 
 2145 
 
 1 
 
 65,36 7 
 
 1980 
 
 1, 3oo 
 
 3178 
 
 66,452 
 
 20 1 3 
 
 i, 100 
 
 22l5 
 
 s 9 
 
 lOlu 
 
 67 , 3 1 
 D?i ' ' j J 
 
 2o65 
 
 1,100 
 600 
 
 2243 
 2272 
 
 1 I 
 
 68,556 
 
 2077 
 
 
 2285 
 
 12 
 
 67,662 
 
 ao5o 
 
 
 2255 
 
 i3 
 
 67,336 
 
 2040 
 
 
 2244 
 
 i4 
 
 66 7£j 
 
 2024 
 
 
 2226 
 
 i5 
 
 66, j> i 
 
 2012 
 
 
 22 I 3 
 
 16 
 
 66,123 
 
 2oo3 
 
 
 2204 
 
 » 
 
 65,8 7 -, 
 
 1996 
 
 
 2iq5 
 
 65,5 y 5 
 
 1987 
 
 
 2l86 
 
 ! 9 
 
 65^31 1 
 
 '979 
 
 
 2177 
 
 20 
 
 65,017 
 
 •97° 
 
 
 2167 
 
 21 
 
 6 1 769 
 
 i 9 63 
 
 
 2i58 
 
 22 
 
 64,46. 
 
 '^J 
 
 
 2 1 54 
 
 23 
 
 61,190 
 
 "945 
 
 
 2139 
 
 *{ 
 
 63 >9 |i 
 
 '9 3 7 
 
 
 2l3l * 
 
 7 r > 
 
 6*,7 i 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 * This table contains the moat correct Statistical Account that has 
 been drawn up • ' ilation of Mauritius. The Census made in 
 
 l8a6 is- more full, anil correct. CincMcs the Shves belonging to 
 Government, and those dwelling in the different inlands which coa~ 
 atitule the Dependencies of Mauritius. 
 
(262) 
 
 N'874 
 
 Return of Sugar, the product of Mauritius, exported each 
 year since the Capture of this Island, by the British 
 Government, 
 
 Years. 
 
 ■ 8l2 
 
 i8i3 
 1814 
 i8i5 
 1816 
 1817 
 18. 8 
 1819 
 i8>o 
 
 t 
 
 ^9,264 
 >49,265 
 
 2,5o4,9§7 
 8,796,365 
 6,583,45 7 
 7,908,380 
 15,524,888 
 so,4«o,755 
 
 Years. 
 
 1821 
 1822 
 1823 
 
 i8*5 
 187.6 
 1827 
 1828 
 1829 
 
 lbs. 
 
 20,533,989 
 23,* 01,008 
 26 990,813 
 
 >o, 787,990 
 42,486,539 
 4o,6ia,2(«9 
 48,35o, joi 
 65> 141^9.9 
 
 JV[. B. There yet remain^ not less than 20 millions of 
 Sugar of the present crop to he embarked. January 16& i83o« 
 
 finis. 
 
3 » »^3 ,^ n 
 
 IZ30 
 
FZ?y 
 
 J**_3 
 
 %%* 
 
 m 
 
 &*:■ 
 
 ^jW^Rfc*- 
 
 m