UC-NRLF II lllillllll $B M3 3D3 mm.i mmi O O CO m lii mm wm IMM o tiroiiAmY nmwitg fff CaIif//..j^^ Range Shelf.. Received //^^>^iH 4^7^ 187 /) i -- ,^ ;;- '■"■ '-*• " ■ ■* ■^'';*' '?'. .^ 'f$^.-. - v\ -v%.. • : ^" ^ ^ ^ •' ^ Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/antiquitiesofchrOOaugurich H THE ANTIQUITIES or THE CHEISTIAN CHUECH " '*'' AT i^^' ttjBiB^! CONTENTS. Page, IlTTRODUCTIOjr, 17 CHAPTER 1. A General View of the Organization and Worship of the Primi- tive Church. Sec. 1. Accoants from Jewish and profane authors, ... 25 2. Origin of the christian church, 32 3. Peculiarities of the christian system, 34 4. Of the secret discipline, the disciplina arcani, of the ancient church, apostolical constitutions, etc. .... 35 CHAPTER II. Names and Classes of Christians. Sec 1. Scriptural appellations and names assumed by Christians, . 39 2. Names of reproach and derision conferred on Christians by their enemies, 43 3. Division and classification of Christians, .... 45 4. Of the christian church, 47 5. Of catechumens, 49 6. Of believers, or the faithful, 57 7. Of Penitents, 61 8. Of energumens, or demoniacs, 61 9. Ascetics, coenobites, monks, and fraternities, ... 62 CHAPTER HI. Of the Ministers of the Church. Sec. 1. Of the clergy and the laity, 66 2. General remarks upon the different orders and classes of the clergy, 69 3. Of the episcopal form of religion, 74 4. Official duties of the bishop, 77 5. Of the insignia of the bishop, 82 6. Of the several orders of bishops, 84 2 10 CONTENTS. I. Superior order, , 84 II. Inferior order, 90 7. Of presbyters, their equality and identity with bishops, . 94 8. Official duties of presbyters, 103 9. Different orders or classes of presbyters, .... 106 10. Of the rank and duties of deacons, 107 11. Of the archdeacons, . 113 12. Of deaconesses, . . . ^ . ' . . . 115 CHAPTER IV. Of the Inferior Officers of the Church. Sic. 1. Of subdeacons, 119 2. Of readers, 120 3. Of acolyths, 121 4. Of exorcists, 122 5. Of singers, or precentors, 123 6. Of ostiarii, or door-keepers, . . . ... . 125 7. Of the subordinate officers of the church and of the clergy, 125 a) Copiatae, sextons, 125 b) Parabolani, 126 c) Sacrista, ......... 126 d) The custos, or aedituus, 126 e) The campanarii, bell-ringers, 126 f) The matricularii, 126 g) The parafrenarii, 126 8. Of the occasional officers of the church, who ranked with the clergy, 127 a) Catechists, 127 b) Cappellani, 127 c) Hermaneutae, interpreters, 128 9. Officers not belonging to the clergy, .... 128 a) Mansionarii, 128 b) Oixovofxoi, stewards, 128 c) Cimeliarchs, treasurers, 129 d) Notarii, scribes, 129 e) Apocrisiarii, responsales, 130 g) Syncelli, 130 h) Syndici, 130 i) Patroni, . 130 CHAPTER V. Appointment to Ecclesiastical Offices. Sec. 1, Of election by lot, 131 2. Of election by the church collectively, .... 131 CONTENTS. 11 3. Of election by representatives, or interventors, . . 135 4. Of unusual forms of election, 137 5. Of church patronage, 138 CHAPTER VI. Of the Rank, Rights, Privileges, and Costume of the Clergy, . Sbc. 1. Of the rank of the clergy, 140 2. Of the immunities, rights, and privileges of the priesthood, 142 3. Of the costume of the clergy, . . . . ,• . 144 CHAPTER Vn. Of the Rxtenue of the Church, and Maintenance of the Clergy, 148 CHAPTER VHI. Of Ordination. Sec. I. Remarks, .......... 152 2. Disqualifications and qualifications for ordination, . . 353 3. Administration of the rite, 158 4. Remarks of Chrysostom, Jerome, and Gregory Nazianzen rela- ting to the character and duties of christian ministers, . 161 5. Punishment of delinquents, 173 CHAPTER IX. Of Churches and Sacred Places. Sec 1. History of Churches, 176 2. Form, site, and position of churches, .... 180 3. Arrangement, and constituent parts, .... 181 4. Of the bema, or sanctuary, 182 5. Of the nave, 183 6. Of the narthex, or ante-temple, 185 7. Of the outer buildings, or exedrae, 188 8. Of towers, bells, and organs, 190 9. Of the altar, 192 10. Of the doors of the church, 194 11. Of the pavements and walls, 195 12. Of the windows of the church, 195 13. Veneration in which churches were held, and the privileges at- tached to them, 197 14. Churches as a place of refuge, 199 12 CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. Of the Prayers and Psalmody of the Church. Sec. 1. Preliminary remarks, ... 2. The Unity and the Trinity of the Godhead, lions of the ancient church, 3. Divine worship paid to Christ, . 4. Worship of martyrs, saints, and angels, 5. Filial spirit of the prayers of the church, 6. Simplicity and brevity of their devotions, 7. Catholic spirit of their worship, 8. Audible and silent prayer, . 9. Of the Lord's prayer, 10. Of the responses. Amen, Hallelujah, etc. 11. Of the psalmody of the church, 12. Attitude and gesture in singing, and in prayer, implied in the devo- 201 203 205 206 209 210 210 211 212 218 221 CHAPTER XL Use of the Holy Scriptures in religious worship. Sec. 1. Preliminary remarks, 228 2. Of the order in which the Scriptures were read, . . 230 3. Mode of designating the divisions and lessons, . . . 231 4. Of the manner in which the Scriptures were read, and other ex- ercises in connection, 232 5. Of the Psalter, 234 6. Of the Pericopae, 234 CHAPTER Xll. Or Homilies, Sec. 1. General remarks, names, etc 237 2. By whom the homilies were delivered, .... 239 3. Of the frequency of sermons, 241 4. Time allotted for the delivery of the sermon, . . . 242 5. Of the position of the speaker, 242 6. Attitude of the speaker, mode of delivery, deportment of the audience, etc 243 7. Of the construction of the sermon, 244 8. Of the subjects of discourse, 246 CHAPTER Xlll. Of Catechetical iNSTRucTiONS, CONTENTS. 19 CHAPTER XIV. Of Baptism. Skc. 1. Names by which the ordinance is designated, . . . 255 2. Historical sketch, . . . . . . . . 256 3. Infant baptism, 258 4. Ministers of baptism, 269 5. Times of baptism, . 271 6. Place of baptism, , 273 7. Element for baptism, 274 8. Mode and form of baptism, 275 9. Rites connected with baptism, 278 a) Ceremonies before baptism, 278 b) Ceremonies after baptism, 281 Recapitulation, 282 10. Of sponsors, • . . . . 284 11. Of names given at baptism, 287 CHAPTER XV. Of Confirmation. Sec. 1. Whether derived from apostolic usage, . . . \ 288 2. Confirmation in connection with baptism, ... . . 289 3. Ministers of confirmation, 290 4. Administration of the rite. 291 CHAPTER XVI. Of the Lord's Supper. Sec. 1. Names or appellations of the sacrament, .... 292 2. Scriptural account of the Lord's supper, . . . . 298 3. Testimony of pagan writers, 300 4. Testimony of apostolical fathers, 300 5. Times of celebration, 304 6. Place of celebration, , 30(j 7. Ministers of the Lord's supper, 307 8. Of the communicants, 308 9. Of the elements, 314 10. Consecration of the elements, 317 11. Distribution of the elements, 317 12. Accompanying rites, 323 13. Of the agapae, or feasts of charity, .... 325 14. Sacramental utensils, 339 14 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVII. Of the Discipline of the Ancient Church. Sec. 1. Preliminairy remarks, 33Q 2. Origin of penance, . . . 332 3. Subject of penance, or offences for which it was imposed, 337 4. Different classes of penitents, 338 5. Duties of penitents, and the discipline imposed ; or the different kinds and degrees of penance, 340 6. Re-admission of penitents into the church, . . • . 342 7. Private penance, 344 8. Recapitulation, 347 9. Of councils, 356 CHAPTER XVIII. Domestic and Social Character of the Primitive Christians. Sec. 1. Of their mode of life, 367 2. Of their dress and furniture, 369 3. Of their diet and mode of taking their meals, . . . 371 4. Of their daily devotions, 375 5. Religitjus education of their children, .... 378 6. Sign of the cross, 379 7. Their deportment in the business and recreations of life, 382 8. Their mutual love and concord, 384 9. Their benevolence, . 386 10. Their hospitality and mode of salutation, . . . 394 11. Their patience under injuries, 397 CHAPTER XIX. Of Marriage. Sec. 1. Of christian marriage, 399 2. Of divorce, . 401 3. Marriage rites and ceremonies, 402 4. Remarks upon the marriage rites and ceremonies of the ancient church, 405 CHAPTER XX. Funeral Rites and Ceremonies. Sec. 1. Treatment of the dead, 408 2. Affection for the dying, ....... 411 3. Funeral solemnities, 412 4. Of mourners, 414 5. Prayers for the dead, 417 6. Cemeteries of the early Christians, 421 CONTENTS. 15 CHAPTER XXI. Sacred Seasons, Festivals ahd Fasts. Sec. 1. Preliminary remarks, . 423 2. Of the sabbath, 428 3. General view of the sacred seasons, and of the period of the three great festivals, 432 4. Christmas, the festival of Christ's nativity, . . . 434 5. Easter, commemorative of the death and resurrection of our Lord, 436 6. Pentecost, or Whitsunday, 439 7. Festivals in honor of the virgin Mary, .... 440 8. Festivals in honor of the martjrs, 441 9. St. John's day, 442 10. Of the apostles' days, 442 11. Of Fasts, 444 CHAPTER XXII. Sacred Seasons of the Puritans. 1. Preliminary Remarks, 446 2. Reasons for such days, 447 3. Continuance, 449 4. Mode of their appointment, 452 5. Penalties, 457 6. Periodical observance, 459 7. Observance by other States, 464 CHAPTER XXIII. Of the Arhemian Church. 1. Origin and progress, 466 2. Church officers and government, 468 3. Doctrines, 47() 4. Forms of worship, festivals, etc, 472 Index of Authorities, 475 Chronological List of Councils, 527 Chronological Index, 528 General Index, 542 INTRODUCTION. The subject of Christian Antiquities will be variously regarded by different individuals according to their religious creeds and their in- tellectual habits and tastes. He who regards the church as the source of religious knowledge, and its doctrines and rites as revela- tions of the will of God, would, of course, study the history of these doctrines and of these rites with as much earnestness and zeal as he would study the Scriptures themselves. This will best account for the fondness which learned men in the Catholic church have always shown for ecclesiastical antiquities. Protestants have generally contemplated the subject under quite a different aspect. With them the voice of the church has no au- thority coordinate with that of the Bible. Their interest in the anti- quities of the church arises from other considerations. For them the sentiments and practices of the early church have a theological importance only so far as they serve to illustrate the sentiments and practices of the inspired writers. Hence they have been interested to show the gradual departure of the early church from the purity and simplicity of the apostolic age, and to point out the late origin of many things which others had regarded as descending from the primitive apostolical church. The English church, occupying intermediate ground between the Catholics and Protestants, in this respect, have leaned quite as much to the former as to the latter ; and this is in perfect consistency with the principles of reform originally adopted by that church. We have alluded to these circumstances for no other purpose than that of tracing out the causes of the obvious diversity that exists among the older writers in their mode of treating this subject. In respect to the end which they have had in view, they may be divi- ded into three general classes according to their ecclesiastical rela- tions. The different, and often opposite considerations which have in- spired their zeal, could not fail to give a peculiar feature to their works. While the individual writers of each of the three classes raen- 3 18 INTRODUCTION. tioned above have had their individual peculiarities, with an almost endless variety in regard to ability, learning, and candor, they have, in general, been either warm polemics, or laborious apologists for iheir respective parties. Even where this feature is less obvious, there is a peculiar spirit and manner manifested in the topics selected, and in the relative importance attached to each, betraying the author's ec- clesiastical preferences. Hence the solemn awe and tedious minute- ness with which the Catholic writer describes the veriest trifles ; the belligerent manner in which the Protestant, whether Lutheran or Calvinistic, musters his forces, using the weapons of the antiquary chiefly, perhaps, because others have abused them ; and the plea- sure with which the English churchman approaches the subject of the clerical orders and the venerable liturgy. Far be it from us harshly to censure those great men, and profound scholars, of diflferent parties who lived in the age of theological war- fare, or to cast reproach upon any one class of them. Still we must maintain that they have all gone out of the way, some from the vio- lence of their own passions, and more, we would hope, from the agi- tations of the times on which they were cast. We are happy in the belief that we live in an age when it need not be argued that the zeal of the partizan is worse than useless to the historian. The antiquities of the church, no less than other sub- jects, must and will be studied with the calm spirit of philosophic in- quiry. The spirit of the Magdeburg Centuriators is passing away, at least in the literary and scientific world, and a purer and nobler or- der of historians is rising up to adorn and bless the church. Impar- tiality is now the watch-word through all the higher ranks of scien- tific historical inquirers. There is at present, especially in some parts of Europe, a greater interest in. the study of christian antiquities than ever existed before. This is owing to a variety of causes, — to the unparalleled zeal with which every branch of history is cultivated ; to the increased and in- creasing attention bestowed upon the study of the Christian Fathers ; to the critical taste of the age, reviewing with rigid scrutiny all the grounds of historical belief; and to the attention given to the philo- sophy of history, as illustrative of the nature of man. Nor is it strange that reflecting men should be attracted to this study ; they are influenced by important considerations, a few of which will here be named with as much brevity as possible. INTRODUCTION. 19 1. This branch of study belongs to the history of man. No indi- didual, who is desirous of viewing the character and conduct of his species under all its aspects, and particularly of contemplating the human mind under extraordinary moral influences, — of watching the various experiments of Christianity when combined in a social sys- tem with other elements, can consent to be excluded from such a source of instruction as is found in the antiquities of the christian church. 2. It is indispensable as a key to many parts of ecclesiastical his- tory. The very same circumstance which renders Greek and Ro- man antiquities important to the classical student, and Jewish antiqui- ties to the biblical student, renders christian antiquities important to the ecclesiastical historian. He who supposes that he can find all he needs on this subject in certain chapters in general works on church history, has only to make the trial, and then take up such a work as the following, and compare the results, and the difference will be sufficiently perceptible. Church history itself has gained no less by making this a distinct branch of study than by making the history of christian doctrines a distinct branch ; both have con- tributed immeasurably to the advancement of the historical branch of theology within a few years past. How much broader and clearer the light which now shines on this whole department of study than at the close of the last century ! 3. A polemic use of this branch of knowledge cannot be safely and profitably made except by him who has previously studied the sub- ject with no other interest than that of truth, aside from all party aims. One of the most grievous evils which has afflicted the church, is that men have been driven into these dark regions by the violence of the- ological strife. Facts have been guessed at, or seized, at a venture, out of their connections, and a momentary triumph has been gained only to be surrendered again on maturer investigation. Thus with all the controversies that have agitated the church, there has been but little scientific progress, but little won which could be regarded as an earnest of final union in the truth. 4. Few studies have a more salutary influence in liberalizing the mind than the philosophic study of the religious customs and usages of a christian people. When we perceive how little the common mind is what it makes itself, and how much it is what descent, he- reditary customs, political connections, popular literature, the pre- 20 INTRODUCTION. vailing philosophy and the spirit of the age make it, we find our- selves almost unconsciously cherishing a feeling of humanity instead of an odium theoJogicum, towards those whose views we regard as erroneous. 5. Ecclesiastical antiquities have a special value for men of letters. They stand intimately connected with modern European history, and with the fine arts. Their influence was inconceivably great in forming the character of the Middle Ages, and the Middle Ages were the nursery of modern civilization. Who can entertain any just views of society in the south of Europe, and yet be ignorant of the influence of those ecclesiastical usages which have descended from a venerable and sacred antiquity ? History, ancient usages, sacred associations, poetry, painting, sculpture and a thousand name- less things which captivate the imagination and kindle the natural sensibilities, hold the people spell-bound to a religious and social sys- tem from which they can be broken off by no mere power of logic. It is from these and other similar views that the German scholars of the present age have had their attention mors particularly direct- ed to the antiquities of the christian church. The same causes have also led to great improvements in the treatment of the subject. In most of the older works, an account of the rise and progress of ec- clesiastical usages and a philosophical view of the internal as well as external causes are almost entirely wanting. Indeed the entire method which characterizes Neander and his school was either un- known to them, or unheeded by them. Though the most important changes were perpetually going on from the time of Justin Martyr to the timeof Chrysostom, even such men as Bingham and Pelliccia seem to have written under the impression, that what was true in the fifth century was equally so in the second. The sentiments and usa- ges of a later age are, in numerous instances, imposed upon a pre- ceding age, and witnesses are often brought forward to testify to what occurred centuries before their birth. Thus the philosophical element of history is almost entirely wanting, and with it the great- est charm connected with the study. But a new era has commenced in the mode of treating history and antiquities. The internal bond which holds all external events to- gether in an organized system, is now a leading object of search ; all those phenomena, which were once supposed to be accidental, are now regarded as springing from the life and spirit of a people as INTRODUCTION. 21 naturally as flowers and leaves from their stems. This tracirvg out of the connections actually existing in nature, gives a truth to the representations of history not otherwise to be obtained. It must not hence be inferred that the facts of history are less val- ued, or less scrupulously investigated ; directly the reverse. There never was a time when facts were brought to light in greater abun- dance. The sources of evidence are explored with a most search- ing criticism ; the spurious writings on which the older authors placed so much dependence, are subjected to the severest scrutiny, and es- timated according to their proper value ; ancient ecclesiastical wri- ters are more rigidly, and by consequence, more safely interpreted ; each point of inquiry is investigated in the concentrated light of the entire literature of that age ; numerous treatises and even large works, on single topics, are continually issuing from the press, so that every new writer has the advantage of laboring in a highly cultivated field. To August! more than to any other one, belongs the honor of re- viving among the learned a taste for ecclesiastical antiquities. His great work Denkmirdigkeiten aus der chrisilichen Archdologie, in twelve octavo volumes, published 1817 — 1831, was the most complete that had appeared since the time of Bingham. However deficient it was in arrangement and in some of its details, still by its rich col- lection of materials, and by its incorporating for the first time chris- tian art as a branch of this subject, it aroused the public mind and gave a new impulse and a new direction to the study. The Sinnhilder der alien Christen by Miinter, published with plates, in 1825, contributed also much to awaken an interest in Chris- tian art, and from the time of those publications to the present, the subject of ancient art has continued to lend its charm to the antiqui- ties of the church. A manual which should combine scientific ar- rangement and accuracy with completeness and brevity, was still wanting. This was admirably supplied by Rheinwald, a disciple of Neander, in a single volume with plates, in 1831. The new edition of Pelliccia's PoUtia, by Ritter and Braun, Cologne, 1829 — 1838, in two octavo volumes, has, indeed, rendered the work very accessible, and corrected the errors of the author ; but it contains too little that is new. The work of Binterim, in seven volumes, of which a second edition was commenced in 1838, is but a German translation of Pel- liccia, with great additions, made in the spirit of a true son of the Catholic church. 22 INTRODUCTION. In 1835, Augusti undertook the abridgement of his great work, in such a way as to furnish what was still a desideratum, and in the two following years appeared his Handbuch der christlichen Archa- ologie, in three volumes, which forms the basis of the present vol- ume. The text of Rheinwald's Manual like that of Gieseler's Church History, was a mere thread for the convenient arrangement of ex- tracts from original documents in the form of notes, and is better adapted to the critical scholar, than to the common reader. The author's Denkwilrdigkeiten were too extensive for general use. He, therefore, aimed to unite copiousness with brevity, and .to give, in an improved form, the substance of his larger work. By adopting a plan directly the reverse of Rheinwald's, — by crowding his pages with the facts of christian archaelogy, and making quotations spar- ingly, he has, in reality, given a new edition of his great work, in a compressed and more convenient form, with a pretty thorough re- vision of each subject ; thus presenting by far the most complete manual now before the public. This work, in a modified form, has already been brought before the English publicby the Rev. J. E. Rid die. Though the compiler, or translator appears to have perform- ed his task with ability, yet he who is acquainted with the original, could foresee that the modifications necessary to make it acceptable to the church of England, would be an indifferent recommendation to the American public in general. We do not desire this remark to be understood as disparaging the labors of that learned gentleman, but merely as explaining the reason why the present undertaking was not relinquished, when that work appeared. We have felt much pleasure in examining another work, entitled Handbuch der christUch-kirchlichen Alterthumer in alphabetischer Ordnung, by C. C. F. Siegel, now lecturer on christian antiquities in the university of Leipsic. The first volume was published about the same time with the first volume of Augusti's Manual, and the fourth and last, in 1838. These two works, though independent of each other, are very similar in extent and in their critical value. Siegel's production, has, of course, all the advantages and disadvan- tages of an alphabetical arrangement. The reader will have no oc- casion to regret the free use that has been made of it in the follow- ing pages. Of W. Bohmer's Christlich-kirchliche AUerthumswissenschaft now in a course of publication and of which only two volumes have ap- INTRODUCTION. 23 peared (1836 and 1839), we have had no opportunity to form an-opin- ion of our own. From the scattered hints we have seen in German notices, we should infer that it is in Archaeology what Olshausen's Commentary is in exegesis, distinguished for learning, piety and genius. Staudenmaier's Geist des Christenthums, dargestellt in den heiligen Zeiten, in den heiligen Handlungen und in der heiligen Kunst^ second edition, 1838, though the production of a good scholar, is addressed chiefly to the sensibilities of the heart ; and is one of those good books, which lose their value in crossing the Atlantic. Of these two last works the former could not be obtained in sea- son, and the latter, though obtained, could not he used in preparing the Manual here presented to the public. In regard to the life and literary character of the author of the volumes from which this work is chiefly compiled, we must limit ourselves to a few words. He was born in Eschenberga, a small town in the Duchy of Saxe-Gotha, in 1772. After pursuing his studies with success under a learned minister by the name of Moller, he entered the university of Jena and devoted his attention to theo- .logy. At the age of twenty -six he became a Privatdocent, or tutor in the same place, and rose rapidly to distinction, being made Ex- traordinary Professor of Philosophy after a period of only two years, and. Ordinary Professor of Oriental Languages in three years from that time. After laboring in this latter department of instruction nine years, he went to Breslau as Professor of Theology, and seven years later to Bonn, where he still remains as professor, though he holds an additional ecclesiastical office, as Oherconsisloridlraih at Coblence. He is the author of several productions in various depart- ments of theological learning. Besides those already mentioned, his Translation of the Bible in conjunction with de Wette, his Introduc- tion to the Old Testament, his History of Christian Doctrines, his System of Theology, and his Symbolical Books of the Reformed Church are best known. The order of his talent and scholarship is characterized by versatility and universality rather than by profound- ness of reflection or inv.estigation. His reading is very extensive ; his acquisitions are easily and rapidly made ; all his ideas assume a definite and tangible form, and the reader follows him with ease and pleasure. He possesses, in short, all the qualities necessary to a high degree of success in such a work as his Manual of Antiquities. S4 INTRODUCTION. He is a professed believer in the orthodox faith, and has written, in general, with an impartiality becoming a historian. His own coun- trymen unite in giving him this praise, and the popularity of his Man- ual with them is one of the surest proofs of its deserving, as it un- doubtedly will receive, a similar popularity among us. The writer of these introductory lines does not hold himself re- sponsible for the sentiments either of the author or of the translator of the following pages. Indeed, on some points, he differs from them both. Yet from the means of judging which have been afford- ed him, he is fully convinced of the translator's ability, indefatiga- ble labor, and candor, and of the general accuracy of the work. The difficult task of making a judicious selection of the matter, of arrang- ing it and of adapting it to the mass of American readers, appears to have been performed not only with great care, but in the exercise of a sound discrimination. B. SEARS. Newton Theological InstitutioUf ^pril, 1«41. CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES CHAPTER I. A GENERAL YIEW OF THE ORGANIZATION AND WORSHIP OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. § 1. Accounts from Jewish and profane Authors. To one who would inquire into the early history of the primitive church, or critically examine its policy, the testimony of contempo- rary writers of another faith must be peculiarly important. But such writers, both Jewish and profane, of the first three centuries of the Christian era, unfortunately afford us very imperfect informa- tion on these points. The Jews, from whom we might expect the fullest information, offer us none of any value. The celebrated passage in Josephus which has been so often cited, even if genuine, only proves that he had knowledge of the author of the christian re- ligion and some faint apprehensions of his divine character ; but it gives us no knowledge of the religion which he taught. Nor does Philo, his contemporary, offer any essential aid to our inquiries. Greek and Roman authors, especially the latter, take but little notice of the early Christians. They probably regarded the Chris- tians as only an heretical body of Jews, or as a detestable and dan- gerous sect. Accordingly the passages in which Suetonius,^* Taci- tus,2 Arrian, Antoninus, Dio Cassius, and other writers speak of Christians, throw little or no light on their manners and customs.^ The most important notices of this kind, occur in the letters of Pliny the younger, who, according to the most approved chronology, was governor of Bithynia in the years 103, 104 ; and in the writ- ings of Lucian of Samosata, an opponent of Christianity, who also lived in the second century. Pliny had been instructed, by the em- * The nun^erical numbers refer to the Index of Authorities. 4 26 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. peror Trajan, to keep a strict guard against all secret societies, and under this commission, proceeded to severe measures against the assemblies of Christians. In reporting his proceedings to the em- peror, he takes occasion to explain the character of these Christians, and the nature of their assemblies. In this manner he unconscious- ly passes a high encomium upon these primitive Christians. The letter itself was written but about forty years after the death of St. Paul, and, together with Trajan's reply, constitutes the most impor- tant record extant of the times immediately succeeding the apostles. They are accordingly given entire, with a translation by Melmoth. Plinius Trajano. Solenne est mihi, Domine, omnia, de quibus dubito, ad Te referre. Quis enim potest melius vel cunctationem meam regere, vel igno- rantiam instruere ? Cognitionibus de Christianis interfui nunquam : ideo nescio, quid et quatenus aut puniri soleat aut quaeri. Nee mediocriter haesitavi, silne aliquod discrimen aetatum, an quamlibet teneri nihil a robustioribus differant ; deturne poenitentiae venia, an ei, qui omnino Christianus fuit, desisse non prosit ; nomen ipsum etiamsi flagitiis careat, an flagitia cohaerentia nomini puniantur. In- terim in iis, qui ad me tanquam Chrisliani deferebantur, hunc sum secutus modum. Interrogavi ipsos, an essent Christiani. Confiten- tes iterum et tertio interrogavi, supplicium minatus : perseverantes duci jussi. Neque enim dubitabam, qualecunque esset quod fateren- tur, pervicaciam certe et inflexibilem obstinationem debere puniri. Fuerunt alii similis amentiae : quos, quia cives Romani erant, anno- tavi in urbem remittendos. Mox ipso tractatu, ut fieri solet, diffun- dente se crimine, plures species inciderunt. Propositus est libellus sine autore, multorum nomina continens, qui negarent, se esse Christianos aut fuisse. Cum praeeunte me Deos appellarent, et im- agini Tuae, quam propter hoc jusseram cum simulacris numinum afferri, thure ac vino supplicarent, praeterea maledicerent Christo, quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur, qui sunt revera Christiani ; ergo dimitlendos putavi. Alii ab indice nominati, esse se Christianos dixerunt, et mox negaverunt : fuisse quidem, sed desisse, quidam ante triennium, quidem ante plures annos, nonnemo etiam ante vi- ginti quoque. Omnes et imaginem Tuam, Deorumque simulacra yenerati sunt, et Christo maledixerunt. Affirmabant autem, banc JEWISH AND PROFANE AUTHORS. 27 fuisse suramam vel culpae suae vel erroris, quod essent soliti state die ante lucem convenire, carmenque Christo quasi Deo dicere se- cum invicem ; seque Sacramento non in scelus aliquod obstringere, sed ne f'urta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria committerent, ne fidem fal- lerent, ne depositum appellali abnegarent ; quibus peractis, inorem sibi discedendi fuisse rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum, pro- miscuum tamen et innoxium : quod ipsum facere desisse post edic- tum meum, quo secundum mandata tua haetarias esse velueram. Quo magis necessarium credidi, ex duabus ancillis, quae ministrae dicebantur, quid esset veri et per tormenta quaerere. Sed nihil aliud inveni, quam superstitionem pravam et immodicam. Ideo di- lata cognitione ad consulendum Te decurri. Visa est enim mihi res digna consultatione, maxime propter periclitantium numerum. Mul- ti enim omnis aetatis, omnis ordinis, utriusque sexus etiam, vocantur in periculum et vocabuntur : neque enim civitates tantum, sed vices etiam atque agros, superstilionis istus contagio pervagata est. Quae videtur sisti et corrigi posse. Certe satis constat, prope jam desolata tem.pla coepisse celebrari, et sacra solennia diu intermissa repeti, passimque venire victimas, quarum adhuc rarissimus emtor invenie- batur. Ex quo facile est opinari, quae turba hominum emendari possit, si sit poenitentiae locus. Trajanus Plinio. Actum, quern debuisti, mi Secunde, in excutiendis causis eorum, qui Christiani ad te delati fuerant, secutus es. Neque enim in univer- sum aliquid, quod quasi certam formam habeat, constitui potest. Conquaerendi non sunt : si deferantur et arguantur, puniendi sunt ; ita tamen, ut qui negaverit se Christianum esse, idque re ipsa mani- festum fecerit, i. e., supplicando Diis nostris, quamvis suspectus in praeteritum fuerit, veniam ex poenitentia impetret. Sine autore vero propositi libelli, nullo crimine locum habere debent : nam et pessimi exempli nee nostri seculi est. — Ep. Lib. X. p. 96, 97 ; al 97, 98. Edit. Gierig. Vol. II. 1802. p. 498. Pliny to the Emperor Trajan. " It is a rule, Sir, which I inviolably observe, to refer myself to you in all my doubts ; for who is more capable of removing my scruples, or informing my ignorance ? Having never been present 28 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. at any trials concerning those who profess Christianity, I am unac- quainted not only with the nature of their crimes, or the measure of their punishment, but how far it is proper to enter into an examina- tion concerning them. Whether, therefore, any difference is usually made with respect to the ages of the guilty, or no distinction is to be observed between the young and the adult ; whether repentance entitles them to a pardon ; or, if a man has once been a Christian, it avails nothing to desist from his error ; whether the very profes- sion of Christianity, unattended with any criminal act, or only the crimes themselves inherent in the profession, are punishable ; in all these points I am greatly doubtful. In the mean while, the method I have observed towards those who have been brought before me as Christians, is this :— 1 interrogated them whether they were Chris- tians ; if they confessed, I repeated the question twice again, adding threats at the same time ; when, if they still persevered, I ordered them to be immediately punished ; for I was persuaded, whatever the nature of their opinions might be, that a contumacious and in- flexible obstinacy certainly deserved correction. There were others also brought before me, possessed whh the same infatuation, but being citizens of Rome* I directed them to be carried ihilher. But this crime spreading, (as is usually the case,) while it was actually under prosecution, several instances of the same nature occurred. An information was presented to me without any name prescribed, containing a charge against several persons, who upon examination denied they were Christians, or had ever been so. They repeated after me an invocation to the gods, and offered religious rites with wine and frankincense before your statue, (which for this purpose I had ordered to be brought, together with those of the gods,) and even reviled the name of Christ : whereas there is no forcing, it is said, those who are really Christians into a compliance with any of these articles. I thought proper, therefore, to discharge them. Some of those who were accused by a witness in person, at first confessed themselves Christians, but immediately after denied it ; while the rest owned indeed that they had been of that number formerly, but had now (some above three, others more, and a few above twenty * It was one of the privileges of a Roman citizen, secured by the Sem- pronian law, that he could not be capitally convicted but by the suffrage of the people; which seems to have been still so far in force, as to make it necessary to send the persons here mentioned to Rome. — Melmoth. JEWISH AND PROPANE AUTHORS. 29 years ago) forsaken that error. They all worshipped your statue and the images of the gods, throwing out imprecations also at the same time against the name of Christ. Theyaffirmed that the whole of their guilt or error was, that they met on a certain stated day before it was light and addressed themselves in a form of prayer to Christ, as to some god, binding themselves by a solemn oath, not for the pur- poses of any wicked design, but never to commit any fraud, theft, or adultery ; never to falsify their word, nor deny a trust when they should be called upon to deliver it up ; after which it was their cus- tom to separate, and then re-assemble, to eat in common a harmless meal. From this custom, however, they desisted after the publica- tion of my edict, by which, according to your orders, I forbade the meeting of any assemblies. After receiving this account, 1 judged it so much the more necessary to endeavor to extort the real truth, by putting two female slaves to the torture, who were said to ad- minister in their religious functions :* but I could discover nothing more than an absurd and excessive superstition. I thought proper, therefore, to adjourn all further proceedings in this affair, in order to consult with you. For it appears to be a matter highly deserv- ing your consideration, more especially as great numbers must be involved in the danger of these persecutions, this inquiry having al- ready extended, and being still likely to extend, to persons of all ranks and ages, and even of both sexes. For this contagious super- stition is not confined to the cities only, but has spread its infection among the country villages. Nevertheless it still seems possible to remedy this evil, and restrain its progress. The temples, at least, which were almost deserted, begin now to be frequented ; and the sacred solemnities after a long intermission are again revived ; while there is a general demand for the victims, which for some time past have met with but few purchasers. From hence it is easy to imagine, what numbers might be reclaimed from this error if a pardon were granted to those who shall repent." Teajan to Pliny. " The method you have pursued, my dear Pliny, in the proceed- ings against those Christians which were brought before you, is ex- tremely proper ; as it is not possible to lay down any fixed plan, by * Deaconesses. 30 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. which to act in all cases of this nature. But I would not have you officiously enter into any inquiries concerning them. If indeed they should be brought before you, and the crime is proved, they must be punished ; with this restriction, however, that when the party denies himself to be a Christian, and shall make it evident that he is not, by invoking our gods, let him (notwithstanding any former suspi- cion) be pardoned upon his repentance. Informations without the accuser's name subscribed ought not to be received in prosecutions of any sort ; as it is introducing a very dangerous precedent, and by no means agreeable to the equity of my government." From this record of antiquity, we learn several important particu- lars respecting the early Christians. 1. That they were accustomed to meet on a certain stated day for religious worship — whether on the first or last day of the week, does not appear. 2. Their meetings were held in the morning before day-light — doubtless that they might the better avoid the notice of their ene- mies. 3. They appear not to have had, at this time, any stated place of worship. 4. They worshipped Christ as God. The phrase, carmen Chris- io quasi Deo dicere secum invicem, may imply any short ascrip- tion of praise to Christ, a doxology, a prayer, a psalm, or hymn, in prose or yerse, though the latter is most probable. Christ was the object of worship to whom they offered this doxology or prayer, re- hearsing it alternately, or in responses. It appears from this passage that these Christians were not only acquainted with the doctrine of the divinity of Christ, but manifested great boldness in asserting it. 5. They celebrated the sacrament and their love-feasts in these assemblies. This is implied in their binding themselves by a solemn oath not to commit sin, and in their coming together to take bread, " ad capiendum cibum promiscuum tamen et innoxium." These re- ligious rites appear also to have been accompanied with the reading and exposition of the Scriptures. It seems to be included in these solemnities, though it is not distinctly mentioned. 6. This epistle bears honorable testimony to unflinching steadfast- JEWISH AND PROFANE AUTHORS. 31 ness of faith in these Christians, which Pliny styles an absurd >and excessive superstition. 7. This epistle affords a striking proof of the early and extensive propagation of Christianity, and of its tendency to overthrow idola- try. It also confirms the statements of the early apologists respect- ing the same points, while it establishes our confidence in their statements where we have not, as in this case, the testimony of con- temporary writers.^ Lucian of Samosata travelled in Syria, Asia Minor, Italy, and France, and had the best means of becoming acquainted with the Christians who had already become numerous in those countries. From his frequent and reproachful mention of the Christians of his day,^ we may collect the following particulars. 1. He speaks of the followers of Christ by their appropriate name, Christians, though in speaking of them he usually employs some reproachful epithet. 2. He speaks of the author of this religion as one who lived in Palestine and was crucified. He styles him a great man, and says that his followers reverence him as their lawgiver. 3. He denominates their religious teachers, prophets, masters of the synagogue, and rulers. 4. He, in common with many of the fathers, calls their rites of worship, new mysteries. 5. He particularly mentions the fraternity of Christians, their de- nial of the gods of the Greeks, and their worshipping of Him cruci- fied. 6. He records their readiness to relieve and to support those who were sick or in prison. 7. He mentions their dtlfiva noixlla, their manifold meals, refer- ring obviously to their agapae and sacramental suppers, possibly to abuses similar to those which are reproved by the apostle Paul, 1 Cor. 11: 20—22. 8. It is observable also that Lucian makes mention of the sacred books of the Christians ; and also, 9. Of their community of goods, as is described Acts 4: 32—37 ; and, Finally, of certain prohibited articles, as by the church at Jerusa- lem they were required to abstain from things strangled and from blood ; — all which evinces their piety and benevolence and diligence in the christian life. 32 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. § 2. Origin of the Christian Church. Christianity, after the lapse of several centuries, assumed an in- termediate character between other forms of religion. But it was at first a substitute for the religion of the Jews, or rather it was only a modified and improved form of the same. The author of this system was himself obedient in all things to the law of Moses, out of which he also taught his disciples, and, undeniably, derived from the same source the rites of initiation and fellowship, baptism and the Lord's supper. This affinity between the Jewish and christian religion, was well understood by intelligent heathen, and by the ancient apologists of Christianity it was not denied. Chrysostom complained that the Christians, even of the fourth century, were half Jews. On the contrary, scarcely the remotest trace of paganism can be found in the christian church as originally constituted. Whatever has been adduced in favor of such a resemblance, is only uncertain conjecture, or gratuitous hypothesis. The apostle of the gentiles re- monstrates against the incorporating of any part of their religion with the Christian, Gal. 2: 14, 15 ; and the apostle Peter accords with him on this point, 1 Pet. 4: 3. Neither can anything be drawn from the apostolic fathers and early defenders of the christian reli- gion which, with any appearance of truth, can be made to harmo- nize wuh the religion of the gentiles. But they uniformly manifest the strongest aversion to any connection with idolaters and their re- ligious rites. Basil, of Seleucia, has indeed affirmed that there is paganism dis- guised under the form of Christianity. But this can be said with truth only after the establishment of the system of secret discipline, and when the jealousy of the church for the purity of her faith and the integrity of her discipline had, in a measure, abated. Even the most celebrated Roman Catholic writers find much difficulty in the attempt to trace this blending of two systems back to a remote anti- quity. Protestant writers, on the other hand, labor to show that the decline of the church dates its origin from the introduction of pagan- ism into Christianity ; and that papacy is little else than a disguised system of pagan superstition.^ The truth is, that the primitive church was at first established on the principles and in the spirit of ORIGIN OF THE CHRISTIA] " tlie Jewish church ; the domestic rites of the Jews, and tneir leviti- cal priesthood being strictly excluded. But when, in process of time Christianity became the stale religion, this alliance of church and state, it was thought, would acquire more honor and respect by blending with it a priesthood and a ritual like that of the Old Testa- ment. This, therefore, became the basis of a new church-service ; and the same office was transformed info a priesthood the elements of which were derived both from Jew and gentile systems of religion. The rules and institutions of the primitive church are chiefly val- uable to show what Christ and his apostles taught and approved. They have not, with us, the form of a law any further than they are founded on the Scriptures. Accordingly, different religious denom- inations have, from time to time, varied at pleasure from their ori- ginal form, not only the less important and common institutions of religion, but even the characteristic ordinances of the church — bap- tism and the Lord's supper — and that too, without laying any sacri- legious hand upon the ancient church of Christ. The law of the Christian church is the law of liberty. The truth, says Christ, shall make you free, with evident reference to the free- dom of religious worship under the Christian dispensation. To this the sacred writers frequently refer, John 4: 24. Rom. 6: 18, 22. 1 Cor. 7: 22. Gal. 5: 1 seq. 4: 9 seq. Col. 2: 16—20.. James 1: 25. comp. 2: 12. Not only do the several writers of the New Testa- ment declare the unrestrained freedom of christian worship; but the earliest and most venerable fathers harmonize with this sentiment, which again is confirmed by the symbolical books, and many other writings of indisputable authority. Christianity accordingly rejected from the religion of the Jews all that related to them as a separate and peculiar people, and modified that religious system, so that it might become the' religion of all na- tions. At the same time it rejected whh abhorrence every other form of religion. In this way it sought to retain whatever might best promote the kingdom of God, and the edification of his people. On the same principle did the reformers, Luther, Melancthon, Zuin- glius and Calvin proceed. They confessedly retained much that pertained to the Catholic religion, and yet they were actuated by the most enlarged views of religious freedom and independence. 34 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. § 3. Peculiarities of the Christian System. 1. This system presents the only true form of a church. The Jews had no distinct organization which could, with propriety, be denominated a church. Much less is any association under other forms of religion, entitled to this appellation. 2. The christian church has always been distinguished for its ven- eration for the Holy Scriptures. The reading and exposition of these has, from the beginning, been an important part of christian worship. All the instructions and exhortations of the preacher, have been drawn from this source. The prayers, the psalmody, the catechisms and confessions of faith of the primitive Christians, to- gether with their religious ordinances, were all based on the Scrip- tures. 3. The doctrines of the Trinity and of the divinity of Christ, are the distinguishing characteristics of the christian system. The church itself is based especially on the first mentioned doctrine ; so that there is not an ancient symbol, or confession, or rule of faith, in which it is not either expressed or distinctly implied, nor an ordi- nance which is not commemorative of the belief in God, the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. This is implied in the consecration of churches to God. Even the names of God, Kvgiog, Domijius, ac- cording to the Athanasian creed, expresses the idea of a triune God. Deus triunus. Pater Dominus, Filius Dominus, Spiritus Sanctus Do- minus ; non tamen ires Domini, sed unus Dominus. The same sentiment is implied in the baptismal formulary ; in the three ele- ments of the eucharist — the bread, the wine, and the water ; and in the three great festivals of the ancient church, which were instituted about the fourth century. [The author might have added, that the same is implied in the form of the ancient Christian's oath which was usually taken in the name of God, of Christ, and of the Holy Spirit. — Vegetius, as quoted by Bingham and Cave. — Tr.] The doctrine of the divinity of Christ appears in the sacrament which commemorates his death, and in the religious services con- nected with this ordinance, as well as in the prayers, doxologies, psalms and hymns, which are addressed to him. The same senti- ment is expressed in many of the emblems and symbols of the an- cient church, and in their mystical names, such as t;^^t?, composed of SECRET DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 35 the initials of the following words : '/j/o-ou? XQiaiog Oiov Tlog, ^oyrrJQ^ Jesus Christ the Savior, the Son of God. The nnystical word Abraxas, is another instance of the same kind, each letter repre- senting the initials of the following words : iN Father, 2'z So7i, Tril Spirit, ^^T^t one, i.e. one God, Xgiaiog Christ, *'Av&Q(a7tog man, i. e. God-man, Jfcoujo Savior.^ 5. It is peculiar to the christian religion, that all the people take part in their religious services. The humblest worshipper, as well as the highest functionary, here enters the temple of his God, ap- proaches the altar, and offers an acceptable sacrifice to our common God and Father. 6. It is the peculiar privilege of the Christian that he may wor- ship God, not at some appointed place, and at stated seasons ; but at all times and in every place. The reader is directed to an ex- tended discussion of this subject in the index of authorities.^ § 4. Of the Secret Discipline, the Disciplina Arcani, of the Ancient Church, Apostolical Constitutions, etc As frequent references will be made to these in the subsequent work, a brief explanation is given for the information of the common reader. No intimation is given either in the Scriptures, or in the writings of the apostolic fathers, or by Justin Martyr, that any rites or ordinances of religion are to be concealed from the people. Ire- naeus, Tertuilian, and Clemens are the first who make mention of any such custom of the church. But it afterwards Ijecame custom- ary to celebrate the sacrament with an air of the most profound mystery, and indeed to administer baptism, and to perform most of the appropriate rites of religion with cautious secresy. Not only were unbelievers of every description excluded from the view of these rites, but catechumens also, and all who were not fully initia- ted into the church and entitled to a participation in its ordinances. From all else the time, and place, and manner of administering the sacred rites were concealed, and the import of each rite was a pro- found mystery which none was at liberty to divulge or explain. To relate the manner in which it was administered, to mention the words used in the solemnity, or to describe the simple elements of which it consisted, were themes upon which the initiated were as strictly forbidden to touch, as if they had been laid under an oath of secresy. 36 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. Not a hmt was allowed to be given, nor a whisper breathed on the subject to the uninitiated. Even the ministers, when they were led in their public discourses to speak of the sacraments, or the higher doctrines of faiih, contented thenriselves with remote allusions, and dismissed the subject by saying: The initiated know what is meant, i'aaffiv ol fi8fivrifiivoi. They never wrote about them except through the medium of figurative and enigmatical expressions, for fear of giving that which is holy unto dogs, or casting pearls before swine. •These mysteries were particularly— the manner of administering baptism ; the unction or chrism ; the ordination of priests ; the man- ner of celebrating the Lord's supper ; the liturgy or religious service of the church; the knowledge of the holy Trinity, the creed, and the Lord's prayer. Such was the secret discipline of the ancient church, the disciplina avcarn above mentioned. The reason which led to the introduction of this discipline proba- bly was, the persecution to which the early Christians were subject. Under these circumstances they very naturally would conceal their worship as far as practicable from the observation of their enemies by whom they were surrounded. This precaution is distinctly indica- ted in the foregoing letter of Pliny, p. 26. Accordingly this secret discipline gradually fell into disuse after the lime of Constantino, when Christianity had nothing to fear from her enemies.^ Apostolical Constitutions and Canons. These two collections of ecclesiastical rules and formularies, were attributed in early ages of the church to Clement of Rome, who was supposed to have committed them to writing from the mouths of the apostles, whose words they pretend to record. The authority thus claimed for these writings has, however, been entirely disproved ; and it is generally supposed by critics that they were chiefly com- piled during the second and third centuries ; or that at least the greater part must be assigned to a period before the first Nicene council. We find references to them in the writings of Eusebius, Epiphanius, and Athanaslus, writers of the third and fourth centu- ries. A modern critic supposes them not to have attained their pre- sent form until the fifth century. The Constitutions are comprised in eight books. In these the apostles are frequently introduced as speakers. They contain rules and regulations concerning the duties of Christians in general, the APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS AND CANONS. 87 constitution of the church, the. offices and duties of ministers, und the celebration of divine worship. The tone of morality which runs through them is severe and ascetic. They forbid the use of all per- sonal decoration and attention to appearances, and prohibit the read- ing of the works of heathen authors. They enjoin Christians to as- semble twice every day in the church for prayers and psalmody, to observe various fasts and festivals, and to keep the sabbath, (i. e. the seventh day of the week,) as well as the Lord's day. They require extraordinary marks of respect and reverence towards the ministers of religion ; commanding Christians to honor a bishop as a king or a prince, and even as a kind of God upon earth, — to render to him absolute obedience, — to pay him tribute, — and to approach him through the deacons or servants of the church, as we come to God only through Christ! This latter kind of (profane) comparison is carried to a still greater extent ; for the deaconesses are declared to resemble the Holy Spirit, inasmuch as they are not able to do any- thing without the deacons. Presbyters are said to represent the apostles ; and the rank of christian teachers is declared to be higher than that of magistrates and princes. — We find here also a complete liturgy or form of worship for christian churches ; containing not only a description of ecclesiastical ceremonies, but the prayers to be used at their celebration. This general description of the contents of the Books of Constitu- tions is alone enough to prove that they are no productions of the apostolic age. Mention also occurs of several subordinate ecclesias- tical officers, such as readers and exorcists, who were not introduced into the church until the third century. And there are manifest con- tradictions between several parts of the work. The general style in which the Constitutions are written is such as had become prevalent during the third century. It is useless to inquire who was the real author of this work ; but the date, and probable design, of the forgery are of more importance, and may be more easily ascertained. Epiphanius, towards the end of the fourth century, appears to be the first author who speaks of these books under their present title, Apostolical Constitutions. But he refers to the work only as one containing much edifying matter, without including it among the writings of the apostles; and indeed he expressly says that many persons had doubted of its genuineness. One passage, however, to which Epiphanius refers, speaks a language 38 ORGANIZATION OF THE PRIMITIVE CHURCH. directly the reverse of what we find in the corresponding passage of the work now extant ; so that it appears probable that the Apos- tolical Constitutions which that author used have been corrupted and interpolated since his time. On the whole, it appears probable, from internal evidence, that the Apostolical Constitutions were compiled during the reigns of the heathen emperors towards the end of the third century, or at the beginning of the fourth ; and that the compilation was the work of some one writer (probably a bishop), of the eastern church. The advancement of episcopal dignity and power appears to, have been the chief design of the forgery. If we regard the Constitutions as a production of the third century (containing remnapts of earlier compositions), the work possesses a certain kind of value. It contributes to give us an insight into the state of christian faith, the condition of the clergy and inferior eccle- siastical officers, the worship and discipline of the church, and other particulars, at the period to which the composition is referred. The growth of the episcopal power and influence, and the pains and arti- fices employed in order to derive it from the apostles, are here par- tially developed. Many of the regulations prescribed, and many of the moral and religious remarks, are good and edifying ; and the prayers especially breathe, for the most part, a spirit of simple and primitive Christianity. But the work is by no means free from traces of superstition ; and it is occasionally disfigured by mystical inter- pretations and applications of Holy Scripture, and by needless re- finements in matters of ceremony. We find several allusions to the events of apostolical times ; but occurrences related exclusively in such a work are altogether devoid of credibility, especially as they are connected with the design of the compiler to pass off* his hookas a work of the apostles. The Canons relate chiefly to various particulars of ecclesiastical polity and christian worship ; the regulations which they contain be- ing for the most part sanctioned v.'ith the threatening of deposition and excommunication against oflenders. The first allusion to this work by name is found in the acts of the Council which assembled at Constantinople in the year 394, under the presidency of Nectari- us, bishop of that see. But there are expressions in earlier councils and writers of the same century which appear to refer to the canons, although not named. In the beginning of the sixth century, fifty of NAMES ASSUMED BY CHRISTIANS. 39 these canons were translated from Greek into Latin by the Roman abbot Dionysius the younger ; and about the same time thirty-five others were appended to them in a collection made by John, patri- arch of Constantinople. Since that* time the whole number (eighty- five) have been regarded as genuine in the east ; while only the first fifty have been treated with equal respect in the west. It appears highly probable that the original collection was made about the mid- dle of the third century, or somewhat later, in one of the Asiatic churches. The author may have had the same design as that which appears to have influenced the compiler of the Apostolical Constitu- tions. The eighty-fifth canon speaks of the Constitutions as sacred books ; and from a comparison of the two works, it is plain that they are either the production of one and the same writer, or that, at least, the two authors were contemporary, and had a good under- standing with each other. The rules and regulations contained in the Canons are such as were gradually introduced and established during the second and third centuries. In the canon or list of sacred books of the New Testament given in this work, the Revelation of St. John is omitted, but the two epistles of Clement and the Apostol- ical Constitutions are inserted.^ CHAPTER II. names and classes of christians. § 1. Scriptural Appellations and Names assumed by Christians. The professors of the christian religion were originally denomi- nated saints, ayioi. This is their usual appellation in the sacred Scriptures. This they apply, not only to apostles and teachers, but generally to the community of Christians. The inspired writers are indeed particularly styled, holy men of God, 2 Pet. 1:21. Timo- thy is denominated a man of God, 2 Tim. 3: 17. But it mi^^^ht also be shown from many passages that all Christians, without distinc- tion, are included in the venerable appellation of saints. The term 40 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. is derived from the Hebrew t^pip , by which the Jews were deno- ted as God's chosen people, in distinction from all idolatrous nations. But, by the apostle Peter, the several prerogatives and titles of the people of God are ascribed also to all Christians. He denominates ihem a chosen generation^ a royal priestJiood, a peculiar people, 1 Pet. 1: 15. But he also teaches that this sanctity consists, not in mere outward forms of social worship, but in that piety which their holy calling requires them to cultivate, 2 Pet. 3: 11. comp. Eph. 5: 3. Col. 1: 12. 3: 12. The name was doubtless adopted for the sake of convenience, and not as implying that all were the true worshippers of the holy Jesus. For among Christians wicked persons were also found. Even a Judas Iscariot was numbered with the apostles. But, to the highest honor of Christianity, it should be said that her followers, generally, were men of a pure spirit, and sanctified the Lord God in their hearts. Such is the uniform testimony of her early histori- ans and apologists. And even her enemies acknowledged, that the spotless character of her followers caused religion to be universally respected, and led to its introduction into every country. The names which Christians assumed for themselves, such as, saints, uyiov ; believers, nKrisvaavTig ; elect, sxltxrol ; disciples, ^a&i]Tal ,• brethren, addq)oc ; people of God, Xaoq rov Osou, and the like, were adopted from the Jews, and were expressive, several- ly, of some moral quality. But in process of time, the common ac- ceptation of these terms became so different from their original ap- plication, that they ceased to be used as the distinctive appellations of their community, c9mposed both of Jews and Gentiles. What name they should assume, became now a question on which they were greatly divided among themselves ; and so much the more so because they had, from the first, refused all sectarian names. They would call no man master ; neither would they receive any title which should imply that their religion was of human origin, as the writers of the fourth and fifth centuries began to assert. In this di- lemma a name was providentially conferred on them, which soon gained ascendancy among friends and foes, and supplanted all others. Of the origin of this name we have a distinct account in the eleventh chapter of the Acts of the Apostles ; where we are inform- ed, that while Paul and Barnabas were laboring together at Antioch, NAMES ASSUMED BY CHRISTIANS. 41 the disciples of our Lord first began to be called Christians. The form of this word, XQiariavol, clearly proves it to be a Latin deriva- tive from Xqkttoc, Christ. Nor is there the remotest probability that either the Christians, or the Jews would have invented this name. To the latter, this term was peculiarly offensive, 1 Cor. 1:23. The followers of Christ they styled Galileans, Acts 2: 7. 24: 5, or the sect of the Nazarenes, Acts 26: 28. 1 Pet. 4: 14, 16. In the New Testament the phrase occurs in only two other passages, and in these in such a connection as to indicate the foreign origin of the word. On the supposition that the pagan inhabitants of Antioch, in deri- sion first promulgated the name of Christians as a nickname, it is easy to see how it might soon come into general use among the Ro- mans. For that the Roman historians regarded Christians as an in- significant and contemptible faction, is evident from the language of Tacitus, who says that " Nero inflicted the severest punishments on those who were commonly denominated Christians.^ and were detested for their infamous crimes. Their name they derived from one Christus, who, in the reign of Tiberius suffered under Pontius Pilate."^ Suetonius, also, referring evidently to Christians, relates, that the Jf^ws were expelled from Rome because of their ceaseless tumults, to which they were instigated by one named Chrestus.^ It would seem therefore, that the apostles themselves adopted the name which had been imposed upon them in derision, and rejoiced to bear this reproach.^ From the apostles, their followers adopted it, as the exclusive name of their body. To be denominated a Chris- tian was, in the estimation of the christian professors and martyrs, their highest honor. This is forcibly illustrated in the narrative which Eusebius has copied from an ancient record, of one Sanclus in Vienna, who endured all the inhuman tortures which art could inflict. His tormentors hoped, by the continuance and severity of his pains, to extort from him some unfortunate acknowledgement ; but he withstood them with unflinching fortitude, neither disclosing to them his name, nor his native land, nor his condition in life, whether freeman or slave. To all their interrogations he only re- plied, in the Latin tongue, I am a Christian, affirming that his name, his country, and his kindred, — all were included in this. Of the same import also was the deportment of the martyr Lucian as re- lated by Chrysostom.^ To every interrogation he replied, I am a 6 42 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. Christian. Of what country are you .? I am a Christian. What is your occupation f I am a Christian. Who are your parents > I am a Christian. And such was his reply to every question. It was a favorite sentiment with the primitive Christians, that the name of Christian would be sufficient to prevent all sectarian divi- sions, and to preserve and to perpetuate among them unity of faith and doctrine. I honor Peter, said Gregory Nazianzen,^ but I am not called by his name. I honor Paul, but I am not of Paul. The name I bear is derived from no man, but I am from God. No sect or church took their name from the apostles, observes Epiphanius."^ For we have never heard of the followers of Peter, Paul, Bartholo- mew or Thaddeus : But all the apostles, from the beginning, held one faith, and preached, not themselves, but Jesus Christ their Lord. For this reason they all gave the church one name, derived, not from themselves, but from their Lord Jesus Christ, after they had al- ready begun to be called Christians at Antioch. As they all had one Lord, so were they also one, and bore the common name of Christians, professing themselves to be the followers of him, not as the head of their sect or party, but as the author of their common faith. Tliey even refused the name of Christ^ s church, claiming to be only a christian church, i. e. a body of Christians. From this primitive church, various religious sects separated themselves, who assumed the names of Manichaeans, Simonians, Valentinians, Ebionites, etc. Without attempting a full definition of all the names which have been ascribed to Christians by the fathers, I give a brief account of the principal appellations by which they were known. 1. Catholics. While the church remained one and undivided, it was appropriately styled the Catholic church. But after the rise of different sects, who, notwithstanding their separation from the church, still claimed to be called Christians, then did the true be- lievers assume the name of Catholics to distinguish themselves from these heretical sects. So that the Catholic church is the true church, in distinction from all heretics. None were allowed to be Christians who did not belong to this Catholic church. I am of the Catholic church, said Pionius the martyr, for Christ has no other. 2. Ecclesiastics, men of the church, Eusebius, Origen, Epipha- nius, and Cyril of Jerusalem, frequently use this term in distinc- tion from Jews, gentiles, and heretics ; and in such a connection as not to designate by it the priesthood, to whom the appellation of ecclesiastics appropriately belongs. REPROACH CONFERRED ON CHRISTIANS. 43 3. Dogmatics, oi lov Joy^axog, men of the true faith. This tqrm denotes those who held fast the sound doctrines of the church. Pri- marily, it was applied only to religious teachers and rulers in the church, but subsequently, it was so extended as to include all who were sound in the faith. 4. Gnostics. Denoting such as are truly learned, in opposition to the pretensions of false teachers. By this. Christians were espe- cially distinguished from an arrogant sect who claimed to be called by the same name. Clemens Alexandrinus, Irenaeus, and others, would intimate by this term that not merely the teachers, but all members of the catholic church, were in possession of true wis- dom drawn from no corrupt fountain, and mixed with no foreign ingredient. 5. Theophoroi, ■^socpaQoi, Christophoroi, /oitrTocpoooi. These epi- thets, originally applied as titles of honor, became, in time, proper names. The former was first conferred upon Ignatius, who is usually quoted as Ignatius o xal Osocpogog. From him or some other ancient father, it passed into a sur-name, hut whether from his de- claration to the emperor Trajan that he bore Christ his God in his heart — or from the blessing of Christ bestowed upon him in his child- hood — or from the name of Christ imprinted on his breast — or for some other reason, is not known. It is certain, however, that majjy other eminent Christians were so named .^ 6. ^I/^lg Fishes. An acrostic fancifully derived from the initials of the several appellations of our Saviour, 'ijjaovg, Xgiatog, Osov Tiog^ 2mr]Q. The first letters of each are united in the word 'l/&ig. The names Christian, Christiana, Christopher, Theophilus, and the like, so common in every age of the church, though adopted for convenience, by implication denotes also, devotedness to the service of Christ, and the acknowledgement of his name and his divinity. § 2. Names of Reproach and Derision conferred on Christians by their enemies. These are indeed without number. Such hatred and contempt was felt for Christianity and its professors, both by Jews and gen- tiles, that they seized every opportunity to expose the disciples of Christ, as dangerous and contemptible men. The reproachful epi- thets cast upon them, with few exceptions, relate only to the first 44 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. centuries of the christian era, and are chiefly interesting to the his- torian and antiquarian. And yet they are of importance as illustra- ting the condition of the primitive church. 1. Jews. By the Romans, Christians were at first regarded merely as a Jewish sect, like the Pharisees, Sadducees, and Essenes. As such they were accordingly denominated Jews^ and despised as a super- stitious and misanthropic sect. After they began to be distinguished from the Jews, they were described by Suetonius as a class of men of a new and mischievous superstition. Genus hominum supersti- tionis novae et maleficae.^ 2. Nazarenes, Both Jews and gentiles unitedly denominated the Christians Nazarenes. The word is variously written Nazurenes, Nazarenes, Nazorenes, Nazerenes, and Nazirenes. The significa- tions of the term seem to have been as various as its form, though it is uniformly applied in a bad sense.^ Acts 24: 5. 3. Galileans. The author of the name Galileans as a term of re- proach was, according to Gregory Nazianzen,^ Julian the apostate. This he constantly employed, and made a law requiring that they should not be called by any other name. He died with these re- markable words on his lips : Ah ! thou Galilean ! thou hast con- quered> 4. Greeks. In direct opposition to Julian, christian converts were by the ancient Romans, styled Greeks ; which with them was a pro- verbial phrase, expressive both of suspicion and contempt, as an im- postor. Whenever they saw a Christian in the high way, they were wont to exclaim : Ah ! a Greek impostor.^ Christ himself was re- garded as an impostor. Matt. 27: 63. 5. Magicians. By heathen nations, the author of the christian religion was styled Magician, and his followers Magicians.^ Of other names which the malice of their persecutors invented or applied to them, the following is a brief summary. Sihyllists. From their being charged with corrupting the Sibyl- line books. A favorite insinuation of Celsus.''' Sarmentitii. Derived from the faggots with which the fires were kindled around them at the stake.^ Semaxii. From the stake to which they were bound. Parabolani, naqd^olou. From their being exposed to ravenous beasts.9 Bia&dvaioif self-murderers . Alluding to their fearlessness of death. CLASSIFICATION OF CHRISTIANS. 45 "A&soi, Atheists}^ NtoxsQoi}^ Novell i, new lights. ^lavQoXdxQtti,^^ worshippers of the cross, 2 Cor. 1: 18. Plautinae prosapiae^^ homines et Pistores, men of the race of Plautus, bakers. Plautus is said to have hired himself lo a baker, to grind in his mill. Asinarii,^* worshippers of an ass. Creduli, Simplices, Slulti, Lu- cifugae, Stupidi, Fatui, Imperiti, Abjecti, Hebetes, Idiotae, etc. § 3. Division and Classification of Christians. As in the Old Testament, two great classes of persons are recog- nized and distinguished, the one from the other — the children of Israel and the gentiles !:N"^'iJl ''ps and ci-j. So in the New Tes- tament we observe a similar division, ol Uaa and ol I'lw, those that are within and those that are without. The former denotes Chris- tians, not only as united together in the fellowship of the church, but as opposed to the latter class, which includes both Jews and gen- tiles. This classification, however, has no reference to a division of Christians among themselves, but simply to the distinction between such as are, and such as are not, believers in the Christian religion. A similar form of expression is used in various passages also to distinguish the true and the false disciples of Christ, Mark 4: 11. 13: 14. Luke 6: 13. 2 John 2: 19. The equality of all Christians is clearly asserted in the Scriptures. They are brethren, and as such have equal rights, laoTifiioi. Comp. 2 Pet. 1: 1. They are one heritage, 2 Pet. 5: 3; and all members of the same head. Col. 1: 18. Nay, Christ himself asserts the equality of all his disciples, Luke 22: 25, 26. And yet a distinction is made between the master and his disciple — the teacher and the taught. The one are denominated the people, 6 Xaog; the flock, to noifjtvlov ; the body of believers, to niil&oq twv niaioiv / the church, ^l ixxXriaiaj private persons. Id laraL ,- and laymen, or men devoted to seculiar pursuits, 3lo)tixoI. T^he others are styled teachers, di- ddaxaXoL; leaders, ij/ovfisvoL ; shepherds, noifiivsg ; overseers, inia- xonoi; elders, n^osa^vzBQoi ; rulers, ngoscnbjxsg, etc. Subordinate to these were the deacons, didxovoi; the widows, xvQf*h ot deacon- esses, diaxovlaauL ,- the attendants, vnrjgixai, and the inferiors^ vsaxs- QUi,. So that even the New Testament indicates an ecclesiastical order, which at a later age became much more prominent. 46 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. The sacred persons mentioned in the New Testament, and the regulations prescribed for the worship of God, were undoubtedly- derived from the religion of the Jews. Indeed this fact has never been called in question. The only inquiry has been whether the or- ganization of the christian church is to be derived chiefly from the for ms of the temple service^ or from those of the synagogue worship^ both of which were in use through the period of the second temple, from the time of the Babylonish captivity to that of the christian era. This difference of opinion is evidently very ancient. Tertullian compares the office of bishop with that of the high priest.^ Cyprian and Jerome consider the Mosaic economy as the prototype of the christian church '^ while Chrysostom, Basil the Great, Augustine and others, refer its origin to the synagogue. The church of Rome manifestly has great interest in establishing the first hypothesis. And yet there are not wanting in that church those who maintain the contrary opinion. The majority of the learned, especially of the evangelical church, oppose the theory that the constitution of the church is to be traced for the most part to the temple service ; but in every particular they labor to show that it is derived from the regulations of the Jewish synagogue. The most ancient specific classification in the church, of which we have any knowledge, is found in Eusebius.'* " In every church there are three orders of men. One of the riyov^ivtav, superiors, i. e. rulers, leaders or guides ; and two of the vnolSel^rjKOTojv, subjects, i. e. the people, the body of the church. The latter class comprehends two divisions, the unbaptized, and the faithful The unbaptized are usually denominated xairjxoviisvot, catechumens, candidates for bap- tism." See § 5. The above classification of Eusebius, in reality recognizes but two classes of men. Those that teach, and those that are taught. And this corresponds with the classification given by Jerome,^ though he specifies five classes — bishops, presbyters, deacons, believers, and catechumens. Here again, there really are but two divisions ; those that teach, comprising the first three, and those that are taught, comprising the last two. The divisions of the church which occur in periods still later, are substantially the same. They universally recognize the distinction of the teacher, and the taught. These are most frequently denominated the laity and the clergy, with this difference, that in the latter class, the idea of ruler as well as teacher OF THE CHRISTIAN CHUBCH. 47 is comprehended, a distinction, however, which is rather implied than expressed. § 4. Of the Christian Church. This term, ixy.Xrjtrla, in the New Testament, and by the ancient fa- thers, primarily denoted an assembly of Christians, i. e. believers in the christian religion in distinction from all others. In this sense it included the officers and teachers, though these were more frequent- ly denominated ixylrjaiaanxol, ecclesiastics. But it has, from the earliest ages, been used in a more restricted sense to denote the great body of the church, the laily^ in distinction from her officers and teachers. So it is used by Eusebius, Cyril of Jerusalem, and Amalarius. That it so seldom occurs in this signification, is to be ascribed merely to the circumstance that the term laity was the technical name of the body of the church in contradistinction from the clergy. The derivation of the word is unquestionably from the Greek A«o?, people. In this sense it is not indeed used in the New Testament, but it occurs in the earliest christian writers, and was in familiar use in the third century. Tertullian especially complains of heretics, that they confounded the officers of the church. One is made bishop to-day, another to- morrow. One is to-day a deacon, to-morrow a reader ; to-day a pres- byter, to-morrow a layman ; for they confer the sacerdotal offices even upon the laity.^ Such was the anxiety of the ancient church to distinguish between the clergy and laity, and to guard them from assuming any of the official duties of the priesthood. Jerome in- deed speaks of a lay priesthood^ but by the term he only designates those who have received christian baptism, in allusion to the passage : He hath made us kings and priests unto God ! The laity were also divided into different classes, which were very distinctly known and cautiously observed previous to the gene- ral introduction of infant baptism. The prevalence of this ordi- nance changed, in a great measure, the ancient classification of the church, which again was subject to other modifications by the rise of the different classes of penitents, and of the energumens and the several orders of monastics. r»% 48 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. [The views which the primitive Christians entertained of them- selves as the priests of God are clearly exhibited in the following extracts from Bib. Repos. July 1840, pp. 97—99. " They viewed themselves as the priests of God, placed in a polluted world to sanc- tify it, to be purified temples in which the Holy Spirit might dwell, safe from the contact of surrounding corruption, to be purified chan- nels in which the sweet influences of heaven, the rills from the river of life, which surrounds the throne of God, might freely flow to puri- fy a world which lay in wickedness. " ' We,' says Justin Martyr, (Dial. Tryph. 355,) ' are the true high priests of God, as God himself testifies, when he says that plea- sant incense and a pure offering shall in every place among the heathen be offered to him. Mai. 1: 11. He receives offerings from none but his priests. Prayer and thanksgiving only, brought by the worthy, are genuine offerings well pleasing to God ; and those, Christians alone are in a condition to give.' Says Irenaeus (iv. 20), ' All the righteous have the sacerdotal dignity.' Says Tertullian (de Orat. c. 28), ' We are the true worshippers and the true priests, who, praying in the Spirit, in the Spirit oflTer to God the prayer which is his due, and is well-pleasing to him. Such prayer, coming from a heart full of devotion, nourished by faith, kept pure by a blameless life, made glorious by love, and accompanied with good works, we must with psalms and hymns bring to the altar of God ; and it is all which God requires of us.' " There was then no such distinction between clergymen and lay- men, that compliances which would be acknowledged improper in the one would yet be considered harmless in the other. They were all equally the priests of God, and as such they felt their responsi- bilities, and as sucTi they endeavored to keep themselves unspotted from the world, and always to maintain the grave and serious de- meanor becoming in a priest of the Most High. Says Tertullian (Monog. 7), ' We are priests, called thereto by Christ. The su- preme High Priest, the great Priest of the Heavenly Father, even Christ, when he clothed us with that which is his, for as many of you as are baptized have put on Christ, Gal. 3: 27, hath made us kings and priests to God and his Father.' Rev. 1:6. ' We are de- luded if we imagine that that is allowed to the layman which is not permitted to the priest. Are not we laymen also priests ?' (Exhort, c. 7.)" CATECHUMENS. 49 According to Rheinwald, Arch. § 12, and Gleseler KirchengeSch, I. 169, the distinction between laity and clergy was unknown until the second century. Previous to this, all performed the office of priests as they had occasion. The power of speaking and exhorta- tion was considered rather the free gift of the spirit, and was posses- sed by niany of the Christians, though exercised in difTerent ways — prophets, teachers, speaking with tongues, 1 Cor. 12:28 — ^1. chap. 14. There was as yet no distinct order of clergy, for the whole so- ciety of Christians was a royal priesthood, I Pet. 2: 9 ; the chosen people of God, 1 Pet. 5: 3. comp. Deut. 4: 20. 9: 29. In support of his opinion, Gieseler quotes the following authorities. — " Terlullian de exhort, castit. c. 7. Amhrosiaster (Hilarius Dia- conus?), about A. D. 380, in comment, ad Ephes. iv. 11 : Primum omncs docebant et omnes baptizabant, quibuscunque diebus vel tem- poribus fuisset occasio ; nee enim Philippus terapus quaesivit aut diem, quo eunuchum baptizaret neque jejunium interposuit. * * * Ut ergo cresceret plebs et multiplicaretur, omnibus inter initia con- cessum est et evangelizare et baptizare et scripturas in ecclesia ex- planare. At ubi omnia loca complexa est ecclesia, conventicula constituta sunt et rectores, et caetera officia in ecclesiis sunt ordina- ta, ut nullus de clericis [ceteris ?] auderet, qui ordinatus non esset, praesumere officium, quod sciret non sibi creditum vel concessum. Et coepit alio ordine et providentia gubernari ecclesia, quia si omnes eadem possent, irralionabile esset, et vulgaris res et vilissiraa vide- retur. Hinc ergo est, unde nunc neque diaconi in populo praedi- carit, neque clerici vel laici baptizant, neque quocunque die creden- tes tinguntur, nisi aegri. Ideo non per omnia conveniunt scripta Apostoli ordinationi, quae nunc in ecclesia est^ quia haec inter pri- mordia sunt scripta. — Tr.] § 5. Catechumens. These take their name frona icaTr)xov[Asvoi, learners^ a word of fre- quent occurrence in the New Testament, Acts 18: 25. Gal. 6: 6. Rom. 2: 19. 1 Cor. 14: 19. The catechumens of the ancient church were candidates for baptism under instruction for admission into the christian church. They were styled candidates, candidi, because they were wont to appear dressed in white on their admission to church. In the Latin church they were sometimes denominated 7 50 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. Novitii^ Tirones, Audientes, Rudes, Incipientes, Pueri, etc. equiva- lent to the terms pupils, beginners, etc. The importance of tiiis order in the opinion of the ancient church, appears from the fact that schools were instituted especially for their instruction, and catechists appointed over them. One part of the church service was also suited to them especially, and another to the faithful. The discipline and instruction which they received in this manner, was usually an indispensable preliminary to their ad- mission into the church. The reasons which led to the institution of this order, are well de- scribed by Jamieson, in the following extract : " While those who were entitled to partake of the Lord's supper were exclusively denominated the faithful, and considered as occu- pying the rank of perfect or approved Christians, there were seve- ral other classes of persons, who, though connected with the Church, and forming constituent parts of it, were yet separated from, and in- ferior to, the former, being in various stages of advancement towards a qualification for the holy rites of the Gospel. These orders, known by the name of catechumens, were distinguished from each other by lines of demarcation, beyond which none was allowed to pass with- out a long and gradual preparation ; and between a newly made cate- chumen, and a Christian in the rank of the faithful, there was as wide a difference in the eye of the primhive Church, as between an infant of a day, and one who has attained the stature of a full-grown man. In the records of apostolic limes, we shall in vain look for any traces of this distinction, — for then a heathen no sooner made an avowal of his fahh in Christ, than he received the initiatory rile of Christianity. His conversion was immediately followed by his bap- tism, and whatever shades of difference there might be in the know- ledge of the new converts, all were considered as equally entitled to the outward sign, as they were to the inward and spiritual benefits of the ordinance. But in the process of time, when the Church was enlarged by a daily increasing influx of members from heathenism, and when her purity was no longer guarded by the presiding care of those who possessed the miraculous gift of discerning sj)irits, the pi- ous solicitude of her rulers in after-times, gave rise to the custom of deferring the admission of converts into the fellowship of the Church, till clear and satisfactory evidence was obtained of their fitness, in point of knowledge and sincerity, to be enrolled in the ranks of the CATECHUMENS. 51 disciples. The dear-bought experience of ihe primitive Christians had convinced them that the gross habits of idolaters were not easily and all at once, in many instances, relinquished for the pure and spiritual principles of the Gospel, and that multitudes of professed believere held their faith by so slender a lie, that the slightest temp- tation plunged them anew into their former sensuality, and the first alarm drove them back into the enemies' camp. To diminish, and, if possible, to prevent the occurrence of such melancholy apostasies, which interrupted the peace and prosperity of the christian society, and brought a stain on the christian name, was a consummation de- voutly wished for by the pious fathers of the primitive age ; and ac- cordingly, animated by a spirit of holy jealousy, they adopted the rule, which soon came into universal practice, of instituting a severe and protracted inquiry into the character and views of candidates for admission to the communion of the church, — of not suddenly ad- vancing them to that honorable degree, but of continuing them for a limited period in a state of probation. It was thus that the order of the catechumens arose, an order which, though unknown to the age of Peter and Paul, boasts of a very early introduction into the prim- itive church ; and, at whatever period its date may be fixed, its ori- gin is to be traced to the laudable desire of more fully instructing young converts in the doctrines of the christian faith, and at the same time affording them opportunities to give evidence of the sincerity of their profession, by the change of their lives and the holiness of their conversation." — Manners of Prim. Christ, pp. 130 — 2. Alexandrinus and Origen have much to say in recommendation of a certain secret doctrine of the church, fivaTTiQioaocpia, sc.ientia arcani. This discovers itself about the same time with the order of catechumens, and appears to have fallen into disrepute, as the church increased, and additions were made to it from baptized children of christian families, rather than from the candidates who had been re- ceived from among Jews and Gentiles. There was no specific rule respecting the age at which Jewish and heathen converts were received as catechumens. History in- forms us, that the greater part were persons of adult age. Even Constantine the Great was reckoned among this class. The delay of baptism, against which Gregory of Nyssa and others inveighed so earnestly in the fourth century, seems to intimate that these subjects of baptism were usually advanced beyond the legal age of manhood. 52 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. It must indeed be admitted as an exception to this usage, that whole families were occasionally baptized, as in the times of the apostles, Acts 16: 15, 31. 18: 8. 1 Cor. 1:16. And as an argument in favor of infant baptism, this usage is the more persuasive from the fact that after the fourth century paedobaptism was much more gene- rally introduced and defended. In the meanwhile, no rule is given for the children of christian parents, respecting their requisite age, for becoming catechumens. And it is remarkable that Tertullian and Cyprian who, in other respects are so harmonious, should so disagree on this point. The latter was an advocate for paedobap- tism ; the former, a zealous opposer. " It is better, he says, for each one to delay his baptism, according to his condition, disposition and age — especially for the young. Let them come when they have arrived to maturity ; let them come when they have sufficient know- ledge — when they are taught why they come ; let them become Christians (by baptism) when they have a competent knowledge of Christ.'^i The case of Augustine may with propriety be cited in this place. By his pious mother Monica he had, from his infancy, been care- fully instructed in the christian religion. In consequence of a dan- gerous sickness he was about to be baptized in early childhood, that he might die as a Christian, under the covenant. But the adminis- tration of the ordinance was deferred in consequence of his re- covery ; and the delay he regarded as a kind Providence. From this example the inference is, that he might have received due pre- paration for the ordinance from his pious mother, but that his bap- tism would have been an exception to the general rule on this sub- ject. He was converted under Ambrase of Milan, and, though at this lime a distinguished writer, became a regular caiechuKJen. Af- ter due preparation, he was baptized in the year 387. It is^ however certain that children were, at an early age, the sub- jects of baptism, and that too, not merely in cases of emergency, but by established rule and usage ; for it was against this usage that Tertullian felt himself constrained to write. But these little children who were incapable of knowing Christ, as Tertullian describes them, could not of course be subject to any such preliminary preparation as the catechumens received. They could only be subject to such exercises subsequent to baptism, just as, since the general introduc- tion of infant baptism, the subsequent instructions preparatory to CATECHUMENS. 53 confirmation are regarded, which is a religious ordinance introduced into the church very unlike the original usage. No general rule prevailed respecting the time which the catechu- mens should spend in that relation. It varied at different times, and according to the usages of the several churches ; especially, ac- cording to the proficiency of each, individually. In the constitution of the apostles,"^ three years are prescribed. By the council of Illi- beri,3 A. D. 673, two years. By that of Agatha, ^ A. D. 506, eight months. Cyril of Jerusalem, and Jerome, direct them to observe a season of fasting and prayer for forty days.^ From all which, the inference is, that there was no determinate rule on this subject. This public preparation of the catechumens necessarily implies, that they were previously subject to private instruction. The same is inferred from the instructions which were preliminary to confirmation. The true idea of which is, that of completing and confirming the discipline to which the candidate has already been subjected. Ex- ceptions there undoubtedly were. Instances may be adduced in which all the preparation which the candidate received was limited to a single day.^ And the procedure is authorized by examples in the Scriptures. But the rules of the church, have ever required a longer period of probation. The catechumens were early divided into separate classes. But their number, and their names, were somewhat different. The Greek canonists specify two classes.''' The uninitiated, uisXiaxfQoi, and the more advanced, jeXsaieQoty perfectiores. These are styled by Suidas,^ the ccxQoa\uevol, such as are occupied in learning, and ii'Xo^usvoi, such as are engaged in devotional pursuits. Maldonatus gives three classes,^ the audientes, the competentes, and the poenilen- tes. According to Bingham,!^ there were four classes. L Those who were subject to private instruction. 2. Such as received pub- lic instruction. 3. Those who were occupied with devotional ex- ercises. 4. Those who were duly qualified for baptism. But this classification is not duly authorized. These distinctions, however, are of little importance, and have never been generally recognized. They seem to have been made as occasion required, rather than by any essential rule of classifica- tion. The churches at Rome, Constantinople, Anlioch, and Alex- andria, were at variance among themselves on this point, and each agreed with the churches of its own communion only in a few lead- 54 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. ing particulars. The gradations of improvement were particularly observed. The age, and sex, and circumstances of the catechu- mens, were also duly regarded ; nien of age, and rank, not being classed with children of twelve or thirteen years of age. At one time they may have all been united in one class, and at another, may hav^ been divided into two, three, or even four several divisions. The mode of their admittance was very brief, and unceremonious. But some form of admission was uniformly required, a circumstance which illustrates the degree of consideration in which the rite was held, while it indicates the existence both of some determinate >time of admission, and of some difference of opinion respecting it. The imposition of hands was one of the prescribed ceremonies.^! ^]^q sign of the cross is also mentioned. Augustine received the sign of the cross, and affirms that this, with the imposition of hands, was the usual mode of setting them apart. By Porphyry, bishop of Ga- za, converts from paganism were received, by prostrating them- selves at his feet, and requesting to receive the sign of the cross. After having passed upon them this sign, and received them as cate- chumens, he propounded them for admission to the church, and dis- missed them with his benediction. Soon after this, he baptized them, having previously given them catechetical instruction. ^^ j^ this instance, the term of probation must have been short. They were also immediately recognized as candidates for baptism, without reference to the distinction of classes. The manner of receiving a catechumen, therefore, was substan- tially as follows : The bishop examined the candidate, and, if he was found worthy, enroled his name in the records of the church. The solemnity was then concluded by prayer, imposition of hands, and the signing of the cross. — Siegel, Catechumenat, Vol. I. p. 367. The exercises of the catechumens until their union with believ- ers, were wholly directed with reference to their preparation for baptism. They consisted generally in attending to various catecheti- cal and doctrinal instructions, the reading of the Scriptures, etc. The advanced class, before baptism, were subject to repealed exami- nations, and to a kind of exorcism accompanied with imposition of hands, the sign of the cross, and insufflation, the breathing of the priest upon them. They also passed many days in fasting and prayer, and in learning the words of their creed and the Lord's prayer. 12 CATECHUMENS. 55 In case of severe sickness, baptism was administered to the pa- tient on his bed, inl ir,g xXhr}?. This was called clinic baptism. \n such instances, it was allowable to administer it by sprinkling. Bap- tism was also administered to apostate catechumens in the near ap- proach of death, and to such apostates as gave evidence of repent- ance it was not denied, even though they were not received to the class of penitents. Any one devoted to martyrdom, was reckoned among the cate- chumens, martyrdom being regarded as a full substitute, and there- fore styled blood baptismA'^ This notion was derived from various passages in the Scriptures. * He that loseth his life, shall find it,' Matt. 10: 39. \\ have a bap- tism to be baptized with,' Luke 12: 50. Baptism was accounted essential to salvation. Martyrdom was also esteemed a passport to heaven. It was therefore made a substitute for baptism. Oh the contrary, if any catechumen who had caused the delay of his baptism by his crimes, died unbaptized, he was not treated as a Christian. His name was not enrolled in the records of the church while living, and after death, he was denied the solemnities, of chris- tian burial, and refused a place in the catalogue of Christians. He was buried, Sine cruce et liice. Much controversy has arisen out of a passage from Augustine,^^ respecting the sacrament of the catechumens, relating chiefly to the consecrate^ bread panis benedictus. But Bona, Basnage and Bing- ham have sufficiently shown, that it was not the sacramental bread, but bread seasoned with salt ; and that this, at their baptism, was administered with milk and honey, salt being the emblem of purity and incorruption.^^ '- The ancient discipline of the catechumens, preparatory to their admission into the communion of the church as above stated, is briefly summed up in the following extract. It exhibits so clearly the extreme caution and deliberation of the ancient church, in re- ceiving candidates into their communion, that no apology can be necessary for inserting it as a brief recapitulation. " The moment that a heathen announced his resolution to aban- don the religion of his fathers, and to embrace that of Jesus, he was introduced to the pastor of the place, who, having laid his hand upon his head, a ceremony of very frequent use in all the offices of the ancient church, and prayed that he might become a partaker of the 56' NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. grace of the gospel, consigned him to the care of some missionaries, whose duty it was from time to time to wait upon him privately, and in his own house, to instruct him in the elementary principles of the christian faith. At an appointed time, and when he had satis- fied his private instructors of his capacity to profit by the services of the church, he was permitted to come into the congregation, where he stood in a particular place appropriated to the hearers — those who were admitted to hear the Scriptures read, and the plain and simple discourses on the fundamental articles of faith and points of duty, which always formed the subject of the preliminary exhor- tations of the church. If the proficiency and conduct of the cate- chumen during his continuance in this lower rank were approved of, he was, at a certain period, advanced to a higher order, which was privileged not only to be present at the reading of the Scriptures, and the delivery of the sermons, but also at the prayers, which we described as concluding the first service. After remaining the ap- pointed time in this more advanced stage of his progress, he was successively privileged to be present at the public prayers of the church, to hear the discourses addressed to the faithful on the higher and more abstruse doctrines of Christianity, and even to witness, at an humble distance, the dispensation of the Lord's supper. He was then considered ripe for baptism, and immediately put upon a new course of discipline, preparatory to partaking of the holy mysteries at the next celebration of the solemnity. Hitherto, he had been trained, by a regular course of catechetical instructions in private, to a knowledge of the leading doctrines and duties of the gospel, and now he was subjected to frequent and minute examinations in public on every branch of his religious education. If approved, he was forthwith instructed in some of the sublimer points of Christianity, which had been hitherto withheld from him, — such as the doctrine of the Trinity, the union of the divine and human natures in Christ, the influences of the Spirit, and the way in which a participation of the symbols of a Saviour's love gives spiritual nourishment to the soul. He was allowed to employ the Lord's prayer, — the use of which was considered as the exclusive privilege of his adopted chil- dren ; and was enjoined to commit to memory the creed, as a formula which embodied, in a small compass, all the grand articles of revealed truth, which it had been the object of his protracted dis- cipline to teach him. For twenty successive days he continued a OF BELIEVERS. L7 course of partial fasting, during which he had daily interviews vAxh his nnlnister, who, in private, and secluded from the presence of every other observer, endeavored, by serious discourse, to impress his mind with a sense of the important step he was about to take, — and more especially, prayed with him, in the usual solemn form, by imposition of hands, that he might be delivered from any evil spirit that had possession of his heart, and be enabled to consecrate him- self a living sacrifice to God and the Saviour. Such was the disci- pline of the catechumens, — a discipline to which all ranks and descriptions of men, who were desirous of being admitted into the bosom of the church, were in primitive times indiscriminately sub- jected. " None," to use the words of Lord King, " were permitted to enjoy the privileges of the faithful, till they had in a manner merited them, — which was, when they had, through a considerable time of trial, manifested the sincerity of their hearts by the sanctity and purity of their lives. When they had changed their manners, and rectified their former habits, then they were washed with the waters of baptism, and not before. " The period during which they continued this course of prepara- tion varied in different places, and was, indeed, often regulated by no other rule than the proficiency of the candidates. In general, it lasted for two or three years ; though, in cases of severe indisposi- tion and imminent danger, the probation was shortened, and the most benevolent and anxious provision made to dispense to the sick or dying catechumens, whose life was consistent with their views, though they had not completed their appointed time of discipline, all the comforts which a participation in the privileges of the church could give. But when no such pressing emergency occurred, the young disciple was left to accomplish his noviciate in the ordinary course ; and it was only by slow and progressive steps he ascended to the standard of knowledge and virtue that gave him a passport to the region of the faithful." ■'C3' § 6. Of Believers — or, the Faithful. This term is used to designate the constituents of the christian community, that body or assembly which was appropriately denom- inated the church, ?*/ ixxlriaivc, and sy.xXrjaia twv ayiwv. Persons of this description were distinguished by various names, designed in a 8 58 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. measure to illustrate the true nature and peculiar constitution of the church. 1. They were styled niaiol, tJie faithful, as has already been men- tioned. This is the favorite and universal name which has uniform- ly been used to denote such as have been duly instructed in the fun- damental principles of the christian religion ; and received, by bap- tism, into the communion of the church. By this name they are distinguished on the one hand from the anitnoi^ such as are not Christians, and heretics, and on the other, from the clergy and from the catechumens, penitents, energumens, and ascetics. It is worthy of remark, that the disciples of Christ use the active form, ol nicTsv- ovieg, or niaiEvaavisg, while the fathers uniformly use the passive^ oi Tiiaiol. The latter, however, occurs occasionally in the New Testament, Acis 16: 1. 2 Cor. 6: 15. 1 Tim. 4: 12. 5: 16, but in a sense more unlimited than that in which it is used by the fathers. 2. ^i(Axit,o(iBvoi, illuminati, the enlightened. This name they re- ceived upon being baptized, baptism being by them denominated (p(oTia(j,og, or qxuTiana, illumination. It is a curious fact, that the baptized are denominated qxaTi'CofiEvoi, and candidates for baptism (paTicr&sviEg, while on grammatical principles precisely the reverse might have been expected. The usage of (pojTia&svTsg is supposed to be derived from Heb. 6: 4, as the most proper to denote such as were suitably enlightened to be received into the church. 3. MsfivrjfiivoL, the initiated. This appellation was most in use in the fourth and fifth centuries, when so much was said of the ar- cani disciplina, the secret mysteries of the christian religion. It de- notes such as have been initiated into these mysteries, a privilege belonging exclusively to members of the church. The phrase the initialed know, occurs about fifty times in Augustine and Chrysos- tom alone. The terms fivatal and fxvaTcc/cjyrjxoi are also often used, and, in short, almost all the phraseology which profane writers use respecting an initiation into their mysteries. Indeed the rite of bap- tism itself has an evident relation, as Cyril of Jerusalem represents,^ to the initiatory rites of Eleusis, Samothrace, etc. 4. TiXsiot and rdsLov^svoi, the perfect. This name, like the fore- going, has a relation to their sacred mysteries. It is adopted from the New Testament, where it is used, not indeed in the same, but in a kindred meaning in relation to christian perfection. To join the church was styled ik&slp inl to ishlov, or fnisxsLv lov iduov, to at- OF BELIEVERS. 59 tain unto perfection ; and the participation of the sacrament, which in the ancient church invariably followed baptism, was denominated xtXixri tsXsrm',^ perfection of perfections. 5. The titles, brethren, saints, elect, beloved, sons of God, etc. have ever been applied as the special prerogative of believers, or professing Christians. The foregoing titles also conveyed to those who bore them exclu- sively, certain rights and privileges. 1. They were permitted to be present at all religious assemblies without exception, — to take part in the missa catechumenorum, the first religious service of public worship, designed especially for the catechumens, as well as in the missa fidelium, the after-service, which was particularly designed for them, and which none but the initi- ated were permitted to attend. To this service neither catechu- mens, nor any other, were permitted to be present, not even as spec- tators. 2. It was another special privilege of the faithful, that they were permitted to hear and join in the rehearsal of the Lord's prayer. None but believers were permitted, in any case, audibly to adopt the language of this prayer and say. Our Father vvho art in heaven ; though it might be used in silent prayer. In the worship of the faithful, on the contrary, it might be rehearsed aloud, or sung by them, or repeated in responses. 3. As another prerogative, they were allowed to seek an explana- tion of all the mysteries of the christian religion. Origen and Gre- gory of Nyssa often allege, in commendation of Christianity, that it has refined mysteries, [ivatriQta, a^grjia, and anoq^rixa, which no vul- gar mind can comprehend. By which is understood, among other things, the rites and doctrines of the church, and the subtleties of their faith. All these were cautiously concealed from catechumens, and taught to believers only, because " by God's gift they were made partaker of these mysteries, and therefore qualified to judge of them." To the uninitiated, the ancient fathers discoursed only on obvious points of morality ; and if, at any time, they were led to touch upon their profound mysteries, they dismissed them with the expression, Xtsatnv oi [itfivrjfiivoi, To the initiated it is given to know these things.* * De moralibus quotidianum sermonem habuimus, cum vel Patriarcharura gesta, vel provexbiorum legerentur praecepta : ut his informati atque insti- 60 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. 4. The most important religious privilege of believers, is that of partaking of the eucharist, which has always comprehended a right to participate in all the sacred mysteries, and hence has derived the significant name of xoLvcovla, communion. 5. In close connection with this communion stands also that im- portant right which, as a member of the church, each communicant had of taking part in all the transactions of that body, especially in the choice of the clergy (Wahl der Geistlichen) ^ and in the disci- pline of the church. In view of the importance of this right, we are surprised to observe that it is passed over in entire silence by Bingham, and but briefly touched upon by other writers on this subject. In treating of rules for electing a bishop. Book IV. Ch. 2, Bingham has indeed much to say respecting the rights of suffrage enjoyed by the people, but that relates only to the /orm of the election. This, however, is the pro- per place distinctly to assert this right of suffrage which the faithful enjoyed, although it is of necessity implied and included in the gen- eral privileges of church membership. That the church, i. e. the united body of believers has had a part in the election of their pas- tor, from the earliest period downward, is certain, not merely from the testimony of Scripture, but also from the most ancient of the fa- thers ; and has never been denied even by those who, in this respect, have been most anxious to abridge the privileges of the people. All they assert is, that the original usage has been changed, because of its manifold abuses, and of necessity abrogated. Hence has arisen tuti assuesceretis majorum ingredi vias eorumque iter carpere, ac divinis obedire mandatis, quo renovati per baptismum ejus vitae usum teneretis, quae ablutos deceret. Nunc dc mysteriis dicere admonet atque ipsam sacra- mentorum rationem edere : quam ante baptismum si putassemus insinuan- dum nondum initiatis, prodidisse potius, quam edidisse, aestimaremur. Am- BROS., De his qui mysteriis initientur, c, 1. — Dimissis jam catedhumenis, yog tantum ad audiendum retinuimus : quia, praeter ilia, quae omnes Christianos convenit in commune servare, specialiter de caelestibus mysteriis locuturi sumus, quae audire non possunt, nisi qui ea donante jam Domino percepe- runt. Tanto igitur majore reverentia debetis audire quae dicimus, quanto majore ista sunt, quae solis baptizatis et fidelibus auditoribus coramittuntur, quam ilia, quae etiam catechumeni audire consueverunt. August. Serm. 1 ad JVeoph. — ^Aar'jfiojg Std rovg dfivrjrovg TieQi rwv d'slojv Sialsyo/^ed'a fivoxrj- QtODV tovTOiV ds yoJQi'tofitvojv, oaemoniacs. Mention is often made in the ancient church, of persons possessed of an evil spirit. The regulations of the church bestow upon them special care. They constitute a distinct class of Christians, bearing some relation both to the catechumens and the faithful ; but differing from both in this, that they were under the special oversight and di- rection of Exorcists, while they took part in some of the religious exercises of both classes. Catechumens who, during their probationary exercises became de- moniacs, were never baptized until thoroughly healed, except in case of extreme sickness.^ Believers who became demoniacs, in the worst stages of their disease, like the weeping penitents, were not permit- * In ordinationibus clericis, fratres carissimi, solemus vos ante consalere, et mores ac merita singulorura communi consilio ponderare. Cyprian, ep. 33. ad der. et pleb. Carth. Plebs ipsa maximam habet potestatera vel eli- gendi dignos sacerdotes, vel indignos recusandi. Cyp. ep. G8. 62 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. led to enter the church ; but were retained under close inspection in the outer porch. From this circumstance they were denominated, Xsifia^ofiEvoi, or xsijid^ovTsg, liyemanies* When partially recovered they were permitted, with the audientes, to join in public worship, but they were not permitted to partake of the sacrament until whol- ly restored, except in the immediate prospect of death. In general, the energumens were subject to the same rules as the penitents.^ § 9. Ascetics, Coenobites, Monks, Fraternities. The ascetics of antiquity^ and of the middle ages were essentially different in many respects. To the first class belong all those who sought a life of solitude for religious exercises, and private contem- plation, and either alone, or in company with others, separated them- selves from christian society without wholly excluding themselves from the communion of the church. These constituted, therefore, a distinct class of the laity. The origin of the ascetic manner of life dates back far beyond the christian era. In Egypt, Assyria, Persia, and India, there were at this early period ascetics, hermits, and recluses. The Therapeutics, of whom Philo and Josephus speak, were a religious fraternity, who in many respects had a striking influence in the subsequent forma- tion of monastic establishments. Many of the Pythagorian institutes also bore a striking resemblance to the monastic rules of later date. Some again have compared them with those of the Nazarites and Rechabites of Scripture, respecting whom, Witsius and Less may be consulted. The prophet Elijah, the schools of the prophets, and John the Baptist, have also been considered as patterns of monastic life. But its high antiquity is sufficiently proved by Jerome.^ As early as the second century, the foundations of monachism were laid in a vain admiration of the supposed virtues of fasting, solitude, and celibacy. Soon after the age of the apostles, bodily mortifica- tion, and a contemplative life, began to be regarded by many Chris- tians as indications and means of extraordinary piety. In the time of Cyprian andTertullian, the " sacred virgins of the church," or the " canonical virgins," were recognized as a distinct class, and celiba- (* Suicer, Bingham and Du Fresne derive it from the agitations to which they were subject, like a ship in a storm. — Tr.) ASCETICS. 63 cy was extolled as a species of super-eminent sanctity. Cyp. Ep. 62. al. 4, ad Pompon. Such superstition with its pernicious adjuncts and consequences made rapid progress in the church. But many Greek and Latin writers concur in ascribing the origin of christian Anchorets and Monks to the third century. They are believed to have arisen first in Egypt. Among the founders of this sect, some of the most celebrated were Paulus, Antonius, Pachomi- us, Hilarion, and Athanasius. To these may be added Basil the Great, Ephraim the Syrian, the two Gregories, Epiphanius, Chry- sostom, Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, Cassian, and many others. In the fourth and fifth centuries the monastic life had become common to all orders of men, not only in the eastern, but also in the western church ; but it had not attained the celebrity which it after- wards acquired. Men of the highest distinction obtained indeed great renown from this manner of life ; but as yet, they were far from en- joying equal privileges with the clergy. Neither were they reckoned among the laity. But they were accounted a distinct religious order, denominated Religiosi, or Canonici, by which, until the tenth cen- tury, they were distinguished, both from the clergy and laity. From that period they began to be reckoned with the clergy. About the same time arose the distinction between the Clerici seculares, and Clerici regulares. The former denoted such as had a regular pa- rochial charge and cure of souls ; the latter, the clergy belonging to some religious order. The Clerici seculares, however, uniformly refused to own the monastics as fellow laborers in the ministerial of- fice. Indeed the monks have never been fully blended with the cler- gy. On the contrary, in all cloisters, there have ever been a certain class of lay-brethren, or lay-monks, monachi laid, who, without discharging any of the appropriate functions of the ministry, have, as in the ancient church, occupied an intermediate station between the clergy and the laity. The following are the principal orders of the monks and the names by which they are distinguished. 1. Ascetics, "'Aaxr/Tal. Originally the term was used by profane writers to denote the gladiators and athletae of the ancients. But in the fathers it denotes all those, of every age and condition, who de- vote themselves peculiarly to acts of piety, such as fasting, prayer, watchings, and the denial of sensual desires. They are sometimes styled ayaftoi, unmarried^ and iyxgaitlg, continentes. There were 64 NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. also female ascetics. The places appropriated for these exercises were styled aaxrjjQia. 2. Monks, appropriately so called. Movaxoi, sometimes Mova- ?ovTf?, ol fiovM ^b)vitg S^soy. Such as lived a sequestered life, taking no part in the ordinary pursuits of men, and retiring alone into de- sert places, and solitary cells ; or, in company, frequenting the wil- derness and distant mountains. These belonged exclusively to the laiti/^ and were characterized chiefly by their deep seclusion from society, while the ascetics belonged either to the clergy or laity,, and were distinguished particularly for their austerities. These monks were sometimes denominated Coenobites, Solitarii, Solitares, etc.^ 3. Anchorets, ^AvuxmqriKxl, Hermits. A distinction however is sometimes made between the two— anchorets denoting those who led a solitary life without establishing their residence in solitude, while hermits are those who inhabit the most desolate and inhospita- ble places, in solitary cells and caves.3 4. Coenobites, from aoivoq (^log, communis vita. So called from their inhabiting one place in common, styled coenohium^ and having all things common. They are also called awodliai'^ and from aw- 68oiq^^ conventuales.^ 5. Grovagi. Strolling vagrants, whose lives were dishonored by the lowest sensuality, and the most shameless vices,^ 6. ^ivlaai, Pillarists. So called from their living continually upon a pillar, a manner of life so austere and forbidding, that few were induced to adopt it.^ There are a multitude of names denoting different classes of monks and ascetics, the mention of which may serve to show how numer- ous were these religious orders in the ancient church, and the esti- mation in which they were held. Such as the following : ^novbatoi, studiosi^ '*ExhxTol,,electi,^^''A}ioinr}Toi, insomnes^^ Boa- Mi, pascentes,^'^ who lived by themselves in perpetual silence ; 'JIav- xaaral, quiescentes ;^^ \4noTa^(xftsvoL, renuntiantes ;^^ Culdei, Eeldei, Keledei, etc., certain monks in Scotland and the Hebrides ; Aposto- lici^ monks in Britain and Ireland. 8. Canonici regulares, clerical monks. These were the priests who were addicted to a monastic life in distinction from the secular or parochial clergy, canonici seculares. 9. Secular Monks, Monachi Seculares ; a class distinct from the lay brethren. These without renouncing marriages and the social ASCETICS. 65 relations, under the guidance of overseers of their choice, devoted themselves to various offices of piety. Thus constituted, they served as patterns for those religious fraternities or brotherhoods which first appeared in France, Italy and Germany in the ninth century, and in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries became exceedingly nume- rous and powerful, and widely dispersed. All these fraternities oc- cupied an intermediate rank between the laity, the monks, and the clergy. '5 Monastics of the female sex were not, at first, accounted a distinct religious order. Nor is there mention of them as such so long as the ancient rule of the church remained in force, which positively debarred women from ever conducting religious worship, or assum- ing any of the offices of the priesthood. Monasteries and nunneries probably arose simultaneously. The first traces of the associations of women in a monastic life discover themselves in the fourth century. In this period they begin to be denominated Movaxal, but more frequently Movul, monae, solae, vi- duae. Jerome was the first to call them Nonnae, Nuns. By some, this is understood to be the same as matron, or venerable widow. Others derive it from Novlg, a virgin. They are also called by many other names, such as Sanctimoniales^ Virgines Dei, s. Christie Ancillae Dei, Sorores ecclesiae, etc. But by whatever name they are known they are carefully to be distinguished from the ancient order of deaconesses in the church. As early as the fifth and sixtti centuries, the office of deaconess ceased in the Western church. After this, many offices of charity which they were wont to perform to the poor and the sick, were discharged by the sisters of the church. For this purpose they formed themselves into various associations and corporations. Their influence was, in general, very happy, and so powerful that they outlived the storms of political revolutions ; and, to a great extent, still survive under various names and in dif- fierent establishments. 66 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER III. OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. § 1. Of the Clergy and the Laity. Such as bore the office of the priesthood were denominated, in distinction from the laity, the clergy^ cleri and cJerici. Respecting the derivation of this term the learned are much divided in opinion. All agree indeed that it is derived from yJSiQog, a lol^ but allege verj- different reasons for using it to denote the priesthood. Some affirm, that men at first were elected to this office hy lot., and were there- fore called cleri^ from uliiqag. In confirmation of this theory, they allege that this mode of election was common, both among pagans and Jews, and not unknown in the primitive church, as ap- pears from the choice of Matthias, ly lot. Acts 1: 17, 25. But this method of electing persons to the sacred office, has never been al- lowed in the church, except in some extraordinary cases. Jerome says, they were called clergy, either because they are chosen by lot to be the Lord's, or because the Lord is their lot, or heritage. The Jews were of old God's peculiar people, the heritage of the Lord. Such, especially, were the Levites who ministered at the altar. And, after the cessation of the Levitical office, the name was transferred to the ministers of the christian church. Hence the name a^qog, clergy, which primarily signifies a lot, or heritage. Such is the approved derivation of this word. But many learned men derive it from the mode of election, ly lot.^ Many allege that this term came into general use in the begin- ning of the third century, as the name of the religious teachers of the church. But this cannot be accurately determined. The formal distinction between the clergy and laity, was evidently introduced at a period still later. Previous to this, the whole church were styled God's heritage, 1 Pet. 5: 3 ; and every Christian, a priest of God,2 And yet, the epithet might with peculiar propriety be ap- plied to those, who devoted themselves to the ministerial office ; and the more naturally, inasmuch as this phraseology is common in the Old Testament. With this usage, several passages in the New CLERGY AND LAITY. 67 Testament very well accord, Acts 16: 18. Col. 1: 12. Eph. 1: H. The unlearned again, IdiMiat, in 1 Cor. 14 : 16, 23, 24, may, for aught that appears, be laymen or catechumens, as Chrysostom and Theodoret affirm. Different officers there certainly were in the time of the apostles, such as rulers, bishops, elders, deacons, etc., derived immediately from the Jewish synagogue, though they may with propriety be compared also with the Levitical priesthood, as the author of the epistle to the Hebrews has done. Much importance is attached to the authority of Clemens Roma- nus on this subject, who, in the first century speaks of the laity, and the several officers of the church and orders of the priesthood, as though they were then the same that they are known to have been in the second and third centuries ;-^ that passage, however, relates to the Levitical priesthood. Ignatius is also quoted to the same effect, but the genuineness of the passage is disputed.^ It is worthy of remark, that the advocates of the Episcopal form of church government, labor much to prove that the distinction be- tween the clergy and the laity, was as ancient as the time of the apostles, while the Roman Catholic writers, Rigaltius, Salmasius, and others, deny this early distinction. The dispute, however, is of little importance ; for the distinction can, in no case, be proved to be of apostolic authority. It can, therefore, be of little consequence to show, that it was introduced a few years earlier or later. Boeh- mer, and Rigaltius, have shown that Tertullian may be regarded as the author of the distinction in question, — but in this general sense only, that he distinctly pointed out the difference between the laity and clergy, and clearly defined the limits of the several offices of the church ; the confounding of which he complained of, as the leading fault of heretics. And yet, who will venture to affirm, that these distinctions and offices were wholly unknown before Tertul- lian lived ? It may at least be said with truth, that at some time in the first two centuries, the three higher orders, bishops, presbyters, and deacons, were denominated clergy ; so that a higher antiquity may be claimed for this name, than for some subordinate classes which had their origin in the third and fourth centuries.^ The clergy were also known by the name of canonici, xavovixol, o( jov Y.avovog. Two reasons are assigned for this appellation. One, that they were subject to the canons, or general rules of the church. The other, that they were wont to be registered in a cata- 68 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. logue of the church, as the authorized officers of the same. This catalogue was also called a canon, xavwv, aytog xavojv, yaidloyog Ibqu- TtxoV, album, matricula, and tabula clericorumfi They were also called Ecclesiastics, Dogmatists, and Gnostics, names applicable to all Christians, but especially to their officers and teachers. In the middle ages, it was customary to denominate the subordinate officers of the church ecclesiastics. Another name by which they were less frequently known, is la- $/? 70V ^ijfittjog, order of the altar, or shrine., from their being permitted to enter within the sacred enclosure which surrounded the altar. The word order, ordo, ju^ig Ugar^xi^, as applied to the priesthood, like that of xAJj^o?, has also been the subject of more critical discus- sion than its importance demands. Many contend, that it is adopted from the Roman language, and used by Tertullian and others in the classic sense, to exhibit the patrician rank of the clergy like the ordo senatorius of the Romans. The result, however, of the discussion is, that the word is derived from the Roman language as a technical phrase, but applied not according to the usus loquendi of the Ro- mans, but, of the church, and of the Scriptures, to denote the dis- tinction between the priesthood and the people, — the ordo ecclesias- iicus and the laity ; and that, in this sense it has been used since the close of the second century. Jerome uses it as synonymous with gradus, ojicium, potest as, dignitas, etc.; Basil, as the same as Ttt^if, Toiyfitt, Su^i^og, x^Q^i a^lu, a^iMfia, etc.^ The precise time, when this distinction between the superior and inferior clergy was introduced, is unknown. It must, however, have been very early, for the several offices and officers of the church were clearly defined, towards the close of the second, and beginning of the third century. To say nothing of the authority of Ignatius which is justly suspected, there are authorities sufficient to show that, at this early period, the officers of the church were, substantially, the same as in later centuries.^ On this subject, the remark of Ama- larius is worthy of special notice : " that the offices of the priesthood and deacons were instituted by the apostle Paul, because they were indispensable in the church, and that as the church increased, other offices were created, and inferior officers appointed in aid of the superiors.^" The Roman Catholics divide the officers of the church into two CLASSES OF CLEEGT. bH classes, ministers, and magistrates. In the former, are included bishops and presbyters ; in the latter, the other officers of the church. ^^ According to the authority of Cave, " the whole xaidXoyog Ugajiy-og, as it is often called in the Apostle's Canons, — the roll of the clergy of the ancient church, taking it within the compass of its first four hun- dred years, consisted of two sorts of persons,— the itgov^^voi, who were peculiarly consecrated to the more proper and immediate acts of the worship of God ; and the vjirjQhai, such as were set apart for the lower and common services of the church. Of the first sort were these three, bishops, presbyters, and deacons."!^ The distinction of ordinary and extraordinary officers of the church, is given on the best authority, based on many passages of Scripture, Eph. 4: 11, 12. 1 Cor. 12: 28. Rom. .12: 7, 8. 1 Tim. 3: • 5. etc. The shepherds and teachers were the same as bishops and ^ elders, ministers of particular congregations, who were equally " necessary at all times. But there were others, who were known in the church only while the miraculous gifts of the Spirit were con- tinued, and of whom mention is very seldom made in later times. Among these may be reckoned, 1. Apostles, including the imme- diate disciples of Christ, and several others. Acts 14:4. 2 Cor. 8: 23. Phil. 2: 25. In the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries, missiona- ries to foreign lands bore this title. 2. Evangelists. This term is used sometimes in a restricted, and sometimes in a wider sense. Eph. 4: 11. Acts 21: 8. 2 Tim. 4: 5. In later ages, the officer who read, or chanted the gospel, was called Evangelist. 3. Prophets. In- spired writers and teachers of the christian religion — such as fore- told future events, and also a particular class of teachers in the primitive church, whose business it was to act as expounders of the Scriptures, and interpreters of the divine will. § 2. General remarks upon the different Orders and Clas- ses OF THE Clergy. The pastors and teachers noi^svtg and diddaxaXoi., of whom men- tion is made in Eph. 4: 11, and 1 Cor. 12: 28 — 30, are usually reck- oned among the permanent and ordinary teachers and rulers of the church. The extraordinary teachers might also bear the same names, inasmuch as they are represented as overseers of the church. 70 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. and promulgators and defenders of the gospel of Christ. An apos- tle or evangelist might with propriety be styled noifii]v xal dida(jy.aXog, a pastor and teacher. But after the cessation of the extraordinary teachers, the ordinary, with great propriety assumed their names as venerated and significant titles, derived from the writings of the Old Testament. The term pastor or shepherd, noifir,v, without regard either to sa- cred or profane writers, is particularly recommended by the circum- stance, that our Lord styled himself a shepherd, and the church his flock, John 10: 12. The apostle Peter also denominated him the chief Shepherd, 1 Pet. 5: 4. The word master, teacher, diSuaxaXog, was the honorary title of a Jewish teacher. It is the Greek interpretation of the Hebrew "'an , rahbi, John 1: 38. These terms, pastor, and teacher, have ever been approved in the church, to designate one who is entitled to in- struct, to administer the sacrament, and to discharge all the func- tions of the ministerial office. The appropriate officers of the church which are specified in the New Testament, are these three. 1. Eniaxonoi, overseers, superin- tendants ; 2 Il^eaiSvisgoi, presbyters, elders ; 3. Jidy.ovoi, deacons. These together constitute the ordo ecclesiasticus, the ecclesiastical order, and require a more extended examination. Some derive these several orders from the institutions of the Romans ; but they bear a closer, and a more natural comparison, with the orders be- longing to the temple and synagogue of the Jews, and from them, they were doubtless derived ; as the following remarks may suffi- ciently show. 1. The 'EnlayoTioL in the church correspond to the rulers of the synagogue, as their name overseers implies. The ruler of the syna- gogue, who in Hebrew was styled head of the assembly, np:3n u;fi«{-), had the oversight both of the discipline and instructions of the syna- gogue. He is also styled ^iSniTS, our master, or teacher, and W'tp ^nia^^M , legatus congregationis. 2. The 7r^5o-/5uT5^ot correspond to the t:'':j:T , elders, which, among the Jews, designated, not so much the age of these officers, as the rank and authority of their office. In the latter ages of the He- brew commonwealth, the members of the Sanhedrim were styled by preference, presbyters, or elders. They are classed in the New Testament with the rulers, the chief priests, and the scribes. CLASSES OF CLEEGY. 71 The connection of TtQefr^iifgoi, elders^ with mlcxonoi, bishops^ i§ in like manner indicated in the following passages. Acts 11: 30. 14: 23. 15. 2, 4, 6,22,23. 16: 4. 20: 17. 21: 18. 1 Tim. 5: 17, 19. Tit. 1: 5. James 5: 14. 1 Pet. 5: 1. 2 John 1: 3. 3 John 1. But in all these passages, these elders of the church compare, not whh the CzpT , the elders of the Jews ; but with the officers of the syna- gogue, who were styled a"'p5"}D — a word which, both in Chaldee and Syriac, denotes pastors, rulers, etc. 3. The office of deacon was similar to that of "jTh , inspector, overseer. But the official duties of the deacon, in the second, third, and fourth centuries, better compare with this Jewish officer, than those which were at first prescribed, such as the care of the sick, and of the charities of the church, Phil. 1: 1. 1 Tim. 3:8, 12. Rom. 16: 1. The principal duties of the "jtr: was to preserve order and decorum, to assist in the reading of the law, and to lead the singing. But the silence of Scripture, on this subject, is no evidence that the deacons might not also have the same offices to perform. And these Jewish officers might also have been charged with the care of the sick, and the contributions of the people. At least, it is certain that the usage in regard to these points has not been uniform. The vjiTjQSTi]?, servant, corresponds to the Hebrew riD'J^y , which is rendered dovXog, nalg, a servant. In Luke 4: 20 he is styled the waiter in the synagogue. At other times he is a waiter or attendant upon the assembly of the Sanhedrim, Acts 13: 5. 26: 16. 1 Cor. 4: 1. He acts, not with freedom and independence in the discharge of his duties, but is subject to the direction of another. These ser- vants are analogous to the sub-deacons, acolyihs, and subordinate officers of the church who have the general title o^ inferiors. The distinction of inferior and superior orders, though not of apos- tolic origin was very early made, as has been already observed. Jerome and many others assert that in the first two centuries bishops and presbyters constituted the superior order, and dea- cons with their assistants and subordinate officers, the inferior or- der.2 At times, however, Jerome classes them with bishops and presbyters, styling them co-presbyters and associate priests — Au- gustine, and Optatus also, do the same. They were, undeniably, reckoned as a third class in the superior order, except when the of- fices of bishops and presbyters were regarded as the same ; in which case deacons constituted the second class in the same order. 72 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. The ordo sacerdotalis, and ordo ecdesiasticus of Tertullian^ is the same as the senatus ecdesiasticus of Jerome.'* It is an ecclesiastical court, a presbytery ; and even if laymen were received as members, it consisted chiefly of clergymen, and was controlled by them. In the absence of the bishop, or when his office was vacant, it was con- ducted by presbyters and deacons.^ From which we infer that dea- cons were considered as belonging to the superior order. In the division of the priesthood it is a great mistake to seek for any general and fixed rules at a time when circumstances would not admit of them, and without regard to the exigencies of difl^erent com- munities and countries. In a populous city, and among a numerous body of clergymen, a more careful distinction of office and of rank might naturally be expected, than in smaller states and dioceses. This remark is too obvious to require any illustration, but is fully con- firmed by a letter to Fabius, bishop of Antioch, from Cornelius bish- op of Rome, who died in the year 252.^ From this epistle several important facts and inferences are derived. 1. That Christians at Rome had, at this early period, become so numerous as to have more than forty churches. 2. That there were more than 1500 wi- dows and paupers who were supported by charity. In this connec- tion it is worthy of remark, that according to Chrysostom, more than three thousand widows and virgins were daily fed by the church of Antioch, with only moderate revenues, besides the contributions in food and clothing made for the maintenance of clergymen, prisoners, leprous persons, and strangers. So that even Julian recommended the heathen to imitate the Galileans, in the care which they took of the poor.''' 3. It appears that at Rome the members of the church consti- tuted three classes — the clergy and paupers, who were supported by the church — the rich, who paid for their support by contributions and taxes — and the great body of the people, who paid little or nothing. 4. It is particularly worthy of notice that Cornelius recognizes the order of the clergy, and declares the inferior order to comprehend five distinct classes. Sub-deacons, inodiaxovovg,- acolyths, axoXov- ^ovg ; exorcists, i^ogxiatag / readers, avayvwaiag, and door-keepers, 7tvX(OQovg. 5. It is also worthy of remark, that there were only seven deacons. It is also observable that the usages in the neighboring churches such as Milan, Naples, Syracuse, and Ravenna, did not, at the same time, correspond with those of Rome. For the vast church at Constantinople, Justinian prescribed the CLASSES OF CLERGY. 73 following officers— sixty presbyters, one hundred deacons, forty dea- conesses, ninety sub-deacons, one hundred and ten readers, and twen- ty-five singers ; in all, four hundred and twenty-five, besides one hundred door keepers, osliarii. From all these authorities the inference clearly is, that the dis- tinction of superior and inferior clergy was recognized in all the churches, though there was no uniform rule of division. In this connection it is important also to take notice of the differ- ent classifications which prevail, in the several great divisions of the church. In the Greek church, the officers were as follows : 1. Bishops ; 2. Priests ; 3. Deacons ; 4. Sub-deacons ; and 5. Readers, to which class the singers and acolyths also belonged. Their ecclesiastical judicatories consisted of three orders — arch- bishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs. To these another officer still higher was sometimes added, styled exarch. The ecclesiastical court of Russia is styled the Holy Synod. Its organization corres- ponds with that of the Greek church.^ The Syriac and Nestorian churches aflTect to copy after the hea- venly hierarchy, and to compare their officers with those of the court of heaven. The Nestorians compare their patriarchs, metropolitans, and bishops with the ordersof Cherubim, Seraphim, and Thrones, — their arch-deacons, pastoral priests, and preachers, with angels of the second rank, styled Virtues, Powers, and Dominations— their dea- cons, sub-deacons and readers with those of the tliird rank., viz. Princedoms, Archangels, and Angels.^^ The Roman Catholics of the Western church, in general abide firmly by the principle established by the schoolmen, that the priest- hood is to consist of seve7i classes corresponding to the seven spirits of God. Of these, the three who are chiefly employed in the duties of the ministerial office, compose the superior order, and the four, whose duty it is to wait upon the clergy in their ministrations, and to assist in conducting public worship, belong to the inferior order. The canonists divide the priesthood into nine classes, of which four belong to the higher order, and five to the lower. The follow- ing is a catalogue of the several classes as given by them, proceed- ing from the lowest to the highest. Of the inferior order — 1. Sing- ers ; 2. Door-keepers ; 3. Readers ; 4. Exorcists ; 5. Acolyths. 10 74 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. Of the superior order — 6. Sub-deacons ; 7. Deacons ; 8. Presbyters ; 9. Bishops.ii The classification according to the scholastics of the Roman Cath- olic church, is as follows : Of the superior order, three — 1. Presby- ters or priests ; 2. Deacons ; 3. Sub-deacons. Of the inferior order, four — 1. Acolyths ; 2. Exorcists; 3. Readers ; 4. Door-keepers. This classification of the inferior order was established by the council of Trent, but another of a subordinate rank is sonnetimes added.i2 § 3. Of the Episcopal form of Religion. 1. The official and honorary titles of the clergy. The term bishop^ is the same as the Latin episcopus, and the Greek imayonog. In the Latin it is sometimes rendered inspector, superinspector ; superintendens, or superaitendens. Augustine more properly renders it speculator.^ and prepositusA Jerome derives it from iniffxoTiovvTfg, i. e. superintendentes, superintendants.^ The Hellenists translate the Hebrew n^pD and T'pD , inlay.onog. The word rTinpC of very common occurrence is accordingly rendered iniuKonri^ bishoprick. The apostle Peter, also, in saying, ye have returned to the shepherd and bishop of your souls, uses the phrase, not to denote any official rank in the church, but to designate the ofice rather of an overseer, guardian, or protector. The Greek wri- ters, as appears from Athenaeus, Demosthenes, and the scholiasts of Aristophanes,^ sometimes use the term inlaxoTrog to denote a spe- cific civil office, — that of revising the judicial and municipal admin- istration of the government. According to this analogy the Inlazo- nog, praeses, praejectus, maybe compared with the bishop under the Carlovingian dynasty, as the framer of the synodical court of judicature. By the term bishop the Hellenists also translate the Hebrew nt:?.pn iy^«n , who is ruler of the synagogue, and the ^isiiri h''V^» i. e. ajioaroXog ixyXriaiixg. The office of bishop they compare with that of ruler of the synagogue. According to this comparison, the bishops are the same as presbyters, 1''li^l , or elders. The apostle Peter, in exhorting the elders, ngfa^vTigoi, to feed the flock of Christ, taking the oversight of them, iniaxoTiovptfg, evidently uses the term nQsa/Svisgoi as an honorary, and iniaxonovvtsg or eniaxonoi as an of EPISCOPAL FOBM OF RELIGION. 75 Jicial title of the same persons. This usage is also very frequent with the ancient fathers, and in official documents even down to the third century. [Rheinvvald, Gieseler and Siegel concur also in opinion with our author, that originally the term bishop denoted merely the official title of a presbyter who had been constituted a moderator, ruler, or overseer of the church.^ For a fuller explanation of the name see references. — Tr.]^ The following are the most important names which were ancient- ly applied to the bishops. 1. IlQiaSvxsQoi, TigofaTwieg, 1 Tim. 5: 17 ; Tigounnfjsvoi, 1 Thess. 5: 12 — rendered in Latin prepositi, and used to designate them as the presiding officers in christian assemblies. The Greek fathers are careful to add the phrase spiritual, nvtvpuTixol or nvtvfiarixov xogov, to distinguish them from secular rulers.^ 2. UgoEdgoiy praesides, praesidentes, — used in close connection with the foregoing, and derived from the nQoedgia, the elevated seat which the bishop occupied in the synod, and in the religious assem- blies of the people.''' 3. *'£(poQoi, inspectors. Not often used because it is liable to be confounded with the tcfoqoi, of the Greeks. Both the Greek and Latin term is much in use among protestants to designate the prin- cipal of a school, or corporation, or church, and is synonymous with church or school inspector, or master of a gymnasium. 4. ^Anodxoloi, apostles. So called by Theodoret to distinguish them from presbyters who were also called iniaxonoi.^ — Also, /iiu- 8oxot Twy anoGTolvjv, vicarii, or successors of the apostles.^ On this title now depends the important dogma concerning the perpetual and uninterrupted succession of bishops which, not only tlie Greek and Romish churches, but a portion also of the church of England maintain with singular pertinacity. 5. Angeli ecclesiae, angels of the church. An epithet derived from the angel of the church in the Apocalypse. It was a doctrine of great antiquity that some angel in heaven acted as the represen- tative of every nation and kingdom and province, and that some guardian angel was intrusted with tlie care of each individual, Heb. 1: 14. The bishops, therefore, who were appointed by Christ and his apostles to the ministry of the gospel, and the service of the saints, were supposed to bear the same relations in the hierarchy of 76 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. the church that these tutelary angels bore in the court of heaven. On the subject of guardian angels, see references.i^ 6. Sinnmi sacerdoles^ poniifices maxi?ni, chief priests, etc. These titles were conferred by those writers who derived the organization of the church from the regulations of the temple service, rather than from those of the synagogue. They afterwards became the titles of the patriarchs and bishops of the Roman Catholics. 7. Paires^ patres ecclesiae, paires clericorum, and patres palrum, ' fathers, ftUhers of the church, fathers of the clergy, fathers of fa- thers ;' according to the oriental custom of calling a teacher or su- perior, iN, M/5/S« and a ^ 13 ug, father. The title of a presbyter is usually that of pater laicorum, father of the laity, or simply ^aier, father. The presiding officer of these was accordingly called paler patrum. Abba and abbas was originally the common appellation of a monk. Modern usage also confers upon him the name of father. Papa, pope, corresponds in signification with a^^^u, nanna, father, honored father, and is a familiar and affectionate form of expression. The most probable opinion is, that it was first applied to the bishop of Alexandria. Siricius was probably the first Roman bishop who, about the year 384, assumed the name as an official title in a public document.ii It was not, however, employed officially until the time of Leo the Great ; and it was afterwards applied exclusively to the bishop of Rome according to an order of Gregory the Great, who declares this to be the only appropriate title, belonging to the office. 8. Patriarchs. At first all bishops were called by this name, as being superior to the presbyters, who were merely denominated pa- ires. It was afterwards only applied to the archbishop and metro- politan, or to the bishop of some large and influential diocese. Be- tween the fourth and sixth centuries, five large churches arose whose highest ecclesiastical officer bore the title of patriarch. These were the churches of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Theopolis or Antioch, and Jerusalem. 9. Stadtholders and vicegerents of Christ and of God. From the time of Ignatius and the date of the apostolic constitutions, the bish- ops were represented to have received their commissions from Christ himself, and, in his name, to administer the affairs of the church. Cyprian speaks of the bishop as acting " vice Christi,^'' in the place of Christ. Basil represents him as occupying the place of DUTIES OF THE BISHOP. 77 the Saviour ;^2 and Augustine and Ambrose employ much the same language. So early did the church forget the Saviour's injunction, " Call no man master." 10. *'AQxovtfg ixxltjaiuv, rulers of the church. So Origen, Euse- bius, Chrysostom, Jerome and others. They were rulers, however, not in a political, but merely in a religious sense. 1 1. Princeps sacerdotum^ and Episcojms episcoporum, are synony- mous with archbishop, patriarch, etc. 12. Various other epithets are applied to them, such as blessed, most blessed — holy, most holy— most beloved of God, etc. The usual salutation of a letter was as follows : Tm a/ianuTa xai fiaxagoTaioj agxi'^^io^onbi xal oixovfisvix^ natqia^xV' § 4. Official duties of the Bishop. The office of bishop comprehended in general two different clas- ses of duties. I. All those that relate to the worship of God. This division comprises all the offices of religious worship without exception, whether performed by the bishop in person, or by others acting un- der his commission. II. Duties relating to the government, and discipline of the church. Under this class, is comprised the oversight in all the churches of his diocese, both of the laity and the priesthood ; and the manage- ment of the affairs of the several churches which were submitted to his care. These separate divisions require, each, a careful examination. I. In regard to duties pertaining to religious worship, we are to distinguish carefully, between the right or vocation, and the actual exercise of the duties consequent upon this vocation. In the earliest period of the church, while yet the greatest simplicity of form pre- vailed, and before any determinate distinction was known between bishop and presbyter, sjiiaxonog and nQsa^visgog, many services re- lating to the worship of God were prescribed to the deacons and ministers, diaxovoig and vm^ghaig, who were already known in the New Testament. According to Justin Martyr,^ it Was the duty of the minister, o ngoscncag twv add(fb)v, synonymous whh inluxonog, ag/Ugivg, Ugdgxrj?, to consecrate the elements. To the deacons be- longed the duty of distributing them. The same distribution of the 78 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. services is also prescribed in the Apostolical Constitutions.^ Other duties are also assigned to the deacons and subordinate officers of the church, to be performed however by the direction, or under the immediate oversight of the bishop, whose representatives they all are. It is made especially the duty of the bishop to perform the servi- ces of catecJiist and preacher. Ambrose expressly declares that it was the duly of the bishop to instruct the people? This duty was distinctly acknowledged, and actually performed by Chrysostom, Gregory Nazianzen, Cyprian, Augustine, Leo the Great, Gregory the Great, and others. Such was not only the sentiment of the church generally, but Charlemagne and Louis I., expressly en- join the bishops not to neglect this important part of their official duties on any plea of ignorance or indolence.'* The same duty is explicitly taught by the council of Trent in the following terms, and in perfect accordance with the views of the primitive church. " Whereas the preaching of the gospel, which is the peculiar office of bishops, is as essential to every christian community as the read- ing of the word, therefore, this sacred synod has determined and de- creed that all bishops, archbishops and primates, and all other pre- lates of the churches, are themselves required, and personally bound, to preach the blessed gospel of Jesus Christ unless specially pre- vented, legitime prohibitV^ Such, beyond all controversy is the duty of those who sustain the office of bishop, though Xhe'ir practice has at times been altogether the reverse of this, and still is in part. Occasionally, even in the ancient church, the bishops, through the pressure of secular cares, neglected entirely their ministerial duties. At other times they re- fused in the pride of office their duties as preachers and catechists ; and the more humble duties of the sacred office, as derogatory to their character. But at no time has the right and the duty of the bishop, to discharge all the offices of the ministry been called in question. The act of ordination, of itself, and according to the ca- nons of the church, exclusively invests them with all the offices and prerogatives of the priesthood. It only remains to specify certain other offices which belong ex- clusively to them. 1. The confirmation of baptized persons, by which they are re- ceived as regular members of the church. This, which is styled the DUTIES OF THE BISHOP. 79 sealing of the covenant, was the prerogative of the bishop. This rite is still performed in the Roman Catholic church by the bishop himself, or his substitute. In the orthodox churches, as the act of confirmation follows immediately upon baptism, and no rule is given respecting it, the priest is permitted to administer the ordinance. 2. The ordination of the clergy, and consecration of other officers of the church. It has been a uniform rule of the church, both in an- cient and modern times, to which there have been only occasional exceptions that the right of ordaining belongs to the bishop. The substitute was regarded as acting strictly in the place of the bishop, and in this way the bishop gained peculiar influence and considera- tion in the view of pagan observers. The archdeacon is sometimes represented as officialing in the ancient church in the ordination of inferior officers ; but he is to be regarded as acting in such cases in the place of the bishop, so that what he does by another he does of himself. Instances of this kind are also to be found in the ancient church. Three bishops were required to assist in the ordination of one to that office ; but some of the higher officers in other orders of the clergy were subsequently permitted to assist in this service. . 3. The reconciling of penitents, or the restoration of offending members of the church. It is the duty of the bishop to announce those who make profession of penitence — to receive them on pro- bation — to prescribe the time and form of their penance, and to ex- ercise a watch over them ; though in all this the presbyter often co- operates with him. But to remove the sentence of excommunica- tion was in the ancient church the especial prerogative of the bishop which was very seldom delegated to a presbyter or any other. On the introduction of the forms of confession and private absolution, the whole system of penance previously in use was changed, but there still remained much to be administered publicly by the bishop. 4. It was especially the duty of the bishop to perform the several acts of consecration, and to pronounce the benediction. II. Of the poioer of the bishop in the government and discipline of the church, after the establishment of the hierarchy. It was a favorite sentiment in the church after the establishment of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, that all power centered in the bishop as an universal hierarch — that all the clergy were subject to his au- thority — that all spiritual benefices and preferments proceeded from him, and that all the sacraments were to be administered in his name, 80 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. and by a commission from him. Both the Apostolical Constitutions and the liturgy of the pseudo Dionysius the Areopogite, represent that everything relating to the worship of God in all its parts, is the collective work of the bishop. But restrictions were early laid up- on the authority of the bishop by regulations of the church, by synodical divisions, and by metropolitan, patriarchal, and papal de- crees. By these regulations and decrees, the power of the bishop was at times greatly reduced. But however limited his prerogatives, the bishop uniformly remained the source and centre of ecclesiasti- cal authority within his own diocese. The diocesan clergy of every rank were dependent upon him, and by him were the regu- lations of the churches directed. His influence was especially manifested in the following particulars. 1. In the superintendence of religious worship. All the forms of public worship were subject to his direction. This direction he gave at pleasure, either in accordance with his own will, or in conformity with usage, or by rules more or less specific. It was his business to see that everything was done according to the established order. Over occasional and peculiar religious acts, such as processions^ pil- grimages, fasts, and vows, he had a special control. 2. The oversight of all the members of his diocese in regard to spiritual and ecclesiastical matters. This oversight he exercised by adjudicating, excommunicating, prescribing penance, and regulating the laws of the marriage institution. The doings of the priest were especially open to an appeal to him and subject to his revision. In a word, all that related to the discipline of the church, was subject to his control. 3. All the subordinate members of the priesthoods and the servants in the church were subject to the superintendence of the bishops, both as to the discharge of their offices, and the conduct of their lives. It was an ancient rule in the church that the clergy are under the same subjection to the bishop as the soldier to his commander. His- tory indeed abounds with examples of severe punishment inflicted upon a refractory and disobedient priesthood. At first, no exemp- tion was made in favor even of the monks ; but in the middle ages they threw off their subjection to the bishops to the great dishonor of that office — to the injury of the parochial clergy and of the wel- fare of the church. 4. It was the specific duty of the bishop to visit curates , churches^ DUTIES OF THE BISHOP. 81 schools, cloisters, and religious establishments. Many rules of the church enforce this duty upon the bishops personally, and it was with reluctance allowed to the bishop to appoint to this service ru- ral bishops, chorepiscopi, exarchs, and itinerant or visiting presbyters, nfttiodsvTcd. The council of Laodicea in the middle of the fourth century, decreed that bishops should not reside in the country or smaller villages ; but itinerant presbyters only, and that these should do nothing without the knowledge of the bishop residing in the city, just as presbyters acted in subordination to his will. Under the Car- lovingian dynasty, bishops and counts of the realm were placed on equal footing, and exercised a joint jurisdiction. 5. The bishop acted as moderator of all synods within his diocese, and gave direction to their doings. This was formerly a privilege of great importance. The disrespect into which synodical councils and decrees have fallen in modern times, has greatly reduced the au- thority and influence of the bishops. Ecclesiastical councils are supposed to have been first held in the Greek church towards the close of the second century. 6. The bishop controlled and disbursed at pleasure, hath the occa- sional contributions and the stated revenues of the church. The dea- cons at first, acted as his assistants in the business, but as the man- agement of the revenue became more intricate and responsible, it was intrusted to stewards subject to the direction of the archdeacons, over whom the bishop retained a general superintendence. 7. The bishop exercised in part a civil as well as eccleMastical ju- risdiction, especially in cases relating to marriages and divorces, and to the person or goods of ecclesiastics ; and in what are called mixed cases in civil and penal actions which are to be adjudged, both by statute and by common law. At first there were certain justices, \y.8iy.oi, and ai'v6iy.oi^ advocati, and consules, who acted as his substi- tutes and in his name. Special tribunals were established here as occasion required for the management of his various judicial con- cerns. Such was the origin of the office of deputies, officials and chancellor, and of the courts of the archdeacons and consistories. But these all acted in the name, and by the authority of the bishop, and were accountable to him. Chapters of clergy and collegiate establishments were entirely un- known in the ancient church. The first traces of them appear in the ninth century. In the twelfth they obtained a constitution through 11 82 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. the influence of the court of Rome and the favor of their sovereigns, which laid, indeed, salutary restraints upon the arbitrary will of the bishop ; but, at the same time, it laid the foundation for a most per- nicious aristocracy in the church. The bishop continued indeed o be nominally at the head of these bodies, but his best intentions and efforts were baffled by their detraction and intrigue. § 5. Insignia of the Bishof. No badge of office or clerical dress was worn by the clergy until the fourth century. The various insignia or emblems of office which have from time to time been appropriated to the bishop are as fol- lows : 1. A ring, emblematical of his espousals to the church in imita- tion of the ancient ceremony of presenting a ring on the espousal of the parties in marriage. It was called the ring of his espousals, an- nulus sponsalitius, annulus pronuhus, and sometimes, annulus pa- lata. 2. A shepherd's staff or crook, diyMvlxiov. Sometimes a straight staff was presented instead of the crook. That of the archbishop had usually a single, and that of the patriarch a double cross piece. According to Montfaucon the staff of the Greek archbishop had a head-piece resembling the letter T.^ According to Goari, it was curved upward, thus, Y for which he offers the following whimsical reason: Ansas retortas habet baculus hamorum instai, ut efferatos fuget et perniciosos et ultimo Christi crucem manifestet.^ 3. A mitre or JiUet. It is usually stated that only bishops and ab- bots of the Western church have worn the mitre since the tenth cen- tury. But the usage was not unknown in the Eastern church also.^ 4. A pair of gloves, chirothecae. These the bishop always wore when engaged in any religious offices.^ 5. Sandals. Whhout these, no priest was permitted to celebrate mass. They consisted of a sole so attached to the foot as to leave the upper part bare. They were called sandals from the vegetable color in which they were dyed. From the seventh and eighth cen- turies they are mentioned as one of the badges of the episcopal of- fice, in distinction from that of the priests.^ 6. Caligae or boots. These, in ancient warfare, were a pari of INSIGNIA OF THE BISHOP. 83 the military equipments of the soldier. To the bishop they were emblematical of that spiritual warfare upon which he entered. 7. Therohe^wfiocpoQioVflfQa aroXii^ pallium superhumerale, pecto- rale; ephod. This badge was so essential, that writers often use the robe to denote both the person and the office of the bishop. It was at first worn by all bishops, but afterwards became the distinctive badge of archbishops, metropolitans, and patriarchs.^ Gregory Na- zianzen affirms,^ that it was the insignia of the Roman emperor as pontifex maximus; and that Constanline the great, first granted it to the bishop of Jerusalem. But this is in direct opposition to tradition, which reports that Mark the Evangelist as bishop of Alexandria first assumed the robe, and left it for his followers. Nothing is known of the form and quality of the robe in the first centuries, save that it was a seamless garment, nullis acubus perfo- rata, made of white linen, and hung loosely from the shoulders.^ It was afterwards made of woollen. In the twelfth century, it was made of white woollen, having a circular gathering on the shoulders, and two scarfs hanging over it behind and before. On the left side it was double, and single on the right. Previous to the eighth cen- tury, it had also four purple crosses upon it, — before and behind, one ; and one on either side. It was fastened by three golden pins.^ The Greek bishops, according to the patriarch Germanus, assumed the purple crosses as early as the eighth century. The robe itself was styled Tiolvcrxavgiov. The rationale, to Xoyiov, of the robe has been the subject of dis- pute among the learned. It appears, however, to relate to the prop- er form of it when the bishops of Rome assumed it as they did the name of pontijices maximi, high priests, and all the prerogatives of the Jewish high priest. 8. The cross. This was both worn on the neck or breast, and carried in public processions, and thus became a twofold badge of the bishop's office. He was accustomed to wear upon the neck or breast, a cross made of wood, or gold, or some sacred relic, which by the Greeks was called to nsoux^uua, and was regarded as an amulet, or phylactery. It was also sometimes called to f/xoA-Ttov, from xoknog, the bosom.^^ The cross was used in like manner, in the Latin church. Binterim is of opinion that it was at first worn by Christians indis- criminately, and not as an official badge.^^ The cross which was carried before the bishops in processions 84 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. and festive parades, was called crux gestaioria. For a long time the bishops of Rome claimed the right of carrying the cross as ex- clusively their own. In the twelfth century it was granted to me- tropolitans and patriarchs, and to archbishops in the time of Grego- ry IX. The patriarchs of the Greek church did not so frequently carry the cross, but in the place of it, they carried lamps and burn- ing candles. § 6. Of the several orders of Bishops. The names of several orders of bishops appear early in the histo- ry of the church, such as archbishops, metropolitans, patriarchs, etc. But their office was very unlike those of the same name under the established hierarchy of the church, just as in civil governments, the same name may, at different times, denote offices widely different. In this place it is proper to remark, that a long, intricate, and an- gry strife existed between the Eastern and Western churches, as well as between particular and provincial churches. But it would be foreign to my purpose to speak of these, and I dismiss them with this brief notice. The Episcopal form of government recognizes in general two or- ders of bishops — superior and inferior. I. Of the superior order of Bishops. These are archbishops, metropolitans, primates, exarchs, inde- pendent bishops, patriarchs, cardinals, and high priests. 1. Of Archbishops, '^^/tsTrtWojiov. They are not the same as metropolitans, as has frequently been supposed. The two have ever been distinct in the Eastern church, and usually in the West- ern. The archbishop is the highest functionary, and as such presides over both metropolitans and bishops. ^ The theory of Bingham is not altogether correct, who supposes that the bishops of larger cities, such as Alexandria, Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, etc. may have gained an ascendancy in the fourth and fifth centuries over the bish- ops and metropolitans of smaller towns, and assumed the name of archbishops to denote this superiority. The title however is known to have been first given to the bishop of Alexandria, and to have been adopted as an official title in the year 431.^ But it prevailed only until the introduction of the Jewish title, ^a/narcA, to which the STIPEHIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 85 name of archbishop gave place, and yet it was very seldom used as exactly synonymous with it. The first bishop of any diocese was sometimes styled archbishop. The policy of the church of Rome in giving the occupants of such a place, the title of archbishop was to prevent them from exercising the rights of metropolitans. That church even bestowed the title upon such as had no diocese under their jurisdiction. In the Greek church the office was held in more respect. 2. Metropolitans. These were so called because they presided over the principal town of the district or province,^ but the limits of their authority were not necessarily the same as those of the slate ; for there are many examples both in ancient and modern history of inconsiderable towns which yet were metropolitan sees. The title was not in use previous to the council of Nice.* But instead of it, other titles were employed, such as uQxifnhy.onoc, iTQano;, nitfaXv, t^rtQ/oq TJjc i.riaQxlag, etc. The third council of Carthage decreed that the chief bishop should neither be called princeps sacerdotum, nor summus sacerdos ; but merely primae sedis episcopus, senior bishop. In Africa, and especially in Nicomedia and Mauritania, his title continued for a long time to be senej: and senior, while the sen- iority of office continued to be carefully maintained and observed. 3. Primates, tcqwxoi, rgonsvovtsg^ iniaxoTiav. This title is not, as many suppose, derived from an ancient civil office in Rome. The term primas urhis, castelli, palatii, etc. primate of the city, palace, etc. is of much later origin, and probably was itself derived at first from the church. Bishops, venerable for their age or personal dig- nity, and those who held offices over other dignitaries of the church, were called primates. The distinction, however, between titular or honorary primates, and primates in potcer, was very early made. In Africa, the senior bishop, and the bishop of Carthage, were each respectively styled primate of all Africa. The term primate was often the same in signification as archbishop, metropolitan, and pa- triarch. In the eighth and ninth centuries it was common to style the chief dignitaries of the whole province, or emp\re , primates — such as primate of the kingdom, primate of Gaul, Germany, etc. But it has ever been the policy of the Roman church to take care that these splendid titles shotjld not express any high prerogative. 4. Exarchs. These were in the Eastern church the same as the primates of the Western church. Morini affirms it to be an ecclesi- 86 MINISTERS OF THE CHTJRCH. astical office inferior in dignity to that of patriarch, but superior to that of metropolitan.^ Evagrius asserts that the bishops of Antioch, Ephesus, Caesarea, and Heraclea were distinguished by the title of exarch^ and that they exercised the right of the patriarch in conse- crating the metropolitans of their diocese.^ It is a disputed point whether the word originally denoted an ecclesiastical, or civil office. But the title of exarch of Italy, Ravenna, Africa, etc. of later times assuredly denoted a secular office. 5. Absolute or independent bisJiops, axicpaXoL and avToyJqtaXoi, not subject to the authority of a superior. Such were all bishops and metropolitans who had the independent control of their dioceses. It was not in frequent use" because the Monophysites claimed the same title in another, but kindred sense. According to Bingham the four following classes received this title. 1. AH metropoli- tans anciently. 2. Some metropolitans who remained independent' after the establishment of the patriarchal power, such as those of Cyprus, Iberia, Armenia, and Britain. 3. Such bishops as acknow- ledged no subjection to metropolitans, but only to the patriarch of the diocese. 4. Such as wore wholly independent of all others, and acknowledged no superior whatever.''' In reality, however, none but the pope, in the height of his supremacy, can with propriety be said to be axicpaXog or avtoyscpaXog. The independent bishops of the Western church were so only in regard to their archbishops and pri- mates, and even the church of Ravenna, which for a long time re- fused to surrender her independence, submitted at last to the apos- tolic see.^ 6. Patriarchs. Few topics of antiquity have been so much the subject of strife among the learned, as this relating to the patriarchs of the ancient church.^ But it will be sufficient for our purpose, to take only a brief view of the points in question. This term originally applied to the archbishop, first occurs in the year 451, and was synonymous with t^agxoi; ri'jg f.iiagxlagA^ It was borrowed from the Jews who after the destruction of Jerusalem, styled the primates of their church patrinrchs, and when this office became extinct, the name was conferred upon the dignitaries of the christian church. According to Jerome, the Monanists and Cata- phryians had already appropriated this title previous to that event.^i The bishops of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem particularly were called patriarchs. Several councils STTPEEIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 87 had bestowed upon these bishops peculiar marks of distinction,^^ which encouraged them proudly to assume this title. Agreeably to the designs of Theodosius the Great, Constantinople maintained her pioud prerogative, and became a second Rome in ecclesiastical power and dignity. These high pretensions of her rival, Rome her- self reluctantly saw ; Alexandria and Antioch uniformly protested against them ; Jerusalem, retained indeed her empty honors, but not her patriarchal rights and privileges. The Romanists are careful to say that there were at first five patriarchs in the church, that those of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch were deservedly so called, ;?er se et ex natura ; but that those of Constantinople and Jerusalem were by mere accident, per accidens, graced with this title. In the sixth century Rome and Constantinople engaged in a bitter strife for the title of imperial patriarch, naTQidQ/r^g rijg oixoi^ivrfiy universalis ecclesiae papa. But the primate of Rome finally ended the controversy by resigning the title of patriarch, and assuming only that of pope, or pontifex Maximus. The following summary of the prerogatives of the patriarch is given by Bingham, Book II. chap. 17. 1. " They were to ordain all the metropolitans of their own diocese, and to receive their own ordination from a diocesan synod. 2. To call diocesan synods and and to preside over them. 3. To receive appeals from metropoli- tans and provincial synods. 4. To censure metropolitans and their sutTragan bishops if metropolitans were remiss in censuring them. 5. They might delegate metropolitans as their commissioners to hear ecclesiastical causes in any part of the diocese. 6. They were to be consulted by metropolitans in all matters of moment. 7. To communicate to their metropolitans such imperial laws as concerned the church, as the metropolitans were to notify the pro- vincial bishops. 8. Absolution of great criminals was reserved to them.i3 9^ They were absolute and independent one of another. 7. Cardinals}^ The order of cardinals really belongs to the Western church. The corresponding court in the church of Con- stantinople is the college of the Exocatacoeli.* To the Russian church Peter the Great gave, after the resignation of the patriarchal * Critics are not agreed as to the origin of this name. The most proba- ble is that of Du Cange who derives it from the fact that, those who were high in office were seated in public assemblies in high and more honorable seats erected for the purpose on either side of the patriarchal throne. 88 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. power, the court of the holy synod, corresponding to the college of cardinals at Rome, and with that of the electors in the Roman catho- lic States of Germany. The term has long been in use, and originally either signified the same as pj^aecipuns^ principalis^ id quod rei cardo est, synonymous with praelatus ; or else it was derived from car dinar e or incar dinar e^ to hinge or join together ; and was applied to the regular clergy of the metropolitan church. In Italy, Gaul, etc., such churches early received the title of cardinal churches, the ministers of these churches were also called cardinals. The following statements comprise the important historical facts relative to the office of Cardinal. 1. The institution of the office has been ascribed by respectable Roman catholic writers to Christ himself, — to the apostle of their faith, — to the Roman bishop Evaristus, to Heginus, Marcellus, Boniface, III, and others. But we only know that cardinals, pres- byters, and deacons occur in history about the sixth and seventh centuries, who were however not itinerant, but stationary church officers for conducting religious worship. The deacons and pres- byters of Rome especially bore this name, who composed the pres- bytery of the bishop of the place. The title was also conferred up- on the suffragan bishops of Ostia, Albanum, and others in the im- mediate vicinity, but without any other rights, than those which were connected appropriately with the ministerial office. 2. The import of the term was varied still more in the ninth cen- tury, and especially in the eleventh, by Nicolaus II., v.'ho, in his con- stitution for the election of the Roman pontiff, not only appointed his seven suffragan bishops as members of the pope's ecclesiastical council, but also constituted them the only legitimate body for the election of the pope.^^ To these he gave the name of cardinal bishops of the church of Rome, or cardinals of the Lateran church. This is the important period in history when the first founda- tion was laid for rendering the hierarchy of the church independent both of the clergy and of the secular power. This period has not been noticed so particularly by historians as its importance requires. They seem especially to have overlooked the fact that the famous Hildebrand, Gregory VII, in the year 1073, concerted these meas- ures for the independence of the church, as the following extract will show. " It was the deep design of Hildebrand, which he for a SUPERIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 89 long time prosecuted with unwearied zeal to bring the pope whojly within the pale of the church, and to prevent the interference, in his election, of all secular influence and arbitrary power. And that measure of the council which wrested from the emperor a right of so long standing, and which had never been called in question, may deservedly be regarded as the master- piece of popish intrigue, or rather of Hildebrand's cunning. The concession which disguised this crafty design of his, was expressed as foWows— that the emperor should ever hold from the pope, the right of appointing the pope^^^ 3. As might have been expected, this privilege was afterwards contested by the princes of the German States, especially by those of Saxony, and the house of Hohenstaufen. But these conflicts uni- formly resulted in favor of the ambitious designs of the pope. A momentary concession, granted under the pressure of circumstances, became reason sufficient for demanding the same ever afterwards as an established right. In the year A. D. 1179, Alexander III, through the canons of the Lateran, confirmed yet more the inde- pendent election of the pope, so that after this the ratification of the emperor was no longer of any importance. Something similar was also repeated by Innocent III, A. D. 1215, and Innocent IV, A. D. 1254. The former had already, in the year A. D. 1198, renounced the civil authority of Rome, and ascended the papal throne. In the year 1274, the conclave of cardinals for the election of the pope was fully established by Gregory X, and remains the same to this day. 4. The college of cardinals, which, until the twelfth century, had been restricted to Rome and its vicinity, has since been greatly en- larged, so as to become the supreme court of the church universal. Priests of illustrious name in other provinces and countries, have been elevated to the dignity of cardinals. Of this Alexander III gave the first example in the year 1165, by conferring the honor upon Galdinus Sala, archbishop of Milan, and upon Conrad, arch- bishop of Mentz. But to the injury of the church, the greater part have ever been restricted to the limits of Rome and Italy. 5. The formal classification of the cardinals into three distinct orders, 1. Cardinal bishops ; 2. Cardinal presbyters ; 3. Cardinal deacons, was made by Paul II, in the fifteenth century. He also gave them, instead of the scarlet robe which they had worn since the year 1244, a purple role, from whence they derived the name of the purple, a title indicative not merely of their superiority to 12 90 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. bishops and archbishops, but of their regal honors and rights. Boni- face VIII, gave thent) the title of eminentissimi, most erninent ; and Pius V, in the year 1567, decreed that no other should have the name of cardinal. 6. The number of cardinals was at first not less than seven^ and. af- ter having ranged from seven to fifty-three^ it was reduced again in the year 1277, to the minimum above mentioned. The General As- sem])ly of the church of Basil limited the number to twenty-four ; but the popes from this time increased them at their pleasure. Un- der Leo X, there were sixty-five cardinals; Paul IV, and Pius V, decreed that the maximum should be seventy — equal in number to the disciples of Jesus. These were arranged under the following grades. 1. Six cardinal bishops with the following titles — the bishops of Ostia, Porta, Albano, Frescati, Sasina, and Palaestrina. 2. Fifty cardinal priests, who were named after the parochial and cathedral churches of Rome. 3. Fourteen cardinal deacons, who were named after the chapels. This number was seldom full, but since 1814, they have again become quite numerous. Lastly. An>ong the superior officers of the church may be men- tioned the Vope, papa Romanus^pontifex Maximus. Upon this offi- cer, elevated to the summit of ecclesiastical dominion, we can only bestow a complimentary notice. An entire volume would be re- quired merely for an enumeration of the most important transactions of the pope, and they are recorded by innumerable authors both an- cient and modern. 11. Of the inferior &rder of Bishops. 1. "ErtldHOTioi (TxoXd'CovTsg^ vacui, vacantes, cessantes, quiescenies, bishops without cures. To this class belong those who, for any cause, declined the duties of their office. In times of persecution and reli- gious commotion, especially in the fourth and fifth centuries, many men of distinction refused to be considered candidates for the office of bishop, and even when elected, declined the duties of the office. Others resigned who had been fully inducted into office ; and others again, not being acknowledged by their colleagues and dioceses were subject to a compulsory resignation. Under this head may al so be ranked those bishops who, though they did not resign, absent ed themselves from their diocese for a length of time, and resided without good reason, in other places. In the fourth and fifth centu INFERIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 91 ries it was not uncommon for ten or twelve bishops 1o relinquish the duties of their office, and resort to the court at Constantinople. These were deservedly accounted subordinate to their colleagues who continued in the faithful discharge of their duties. 2. Titular bishops, Episcopi inpartibus injiddium, Episcopi gen- tium, regionarii. Bishops of this class were invested with their of- fice, but had no stated charge or diocese. This title was first given in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, to the bishops of those provin- ces which had been gained by the conquests of the cross, and which had long been held under the dominion of the Saracens and Tartars. They may be compared with various juridical and political pretend- ers, and with the kings of Jerusalem, who retained their title after the overthrow of the kingdom. The patriarchs of Constantinople made the same claim, and resigned it with extreme reluctance. Since the reformation, the Romish church has manifested the same deportment towards those bishoprics which they have lost. That church expressly decreed that no one should be ordained at large^ anolikvfiivcag, without a specific charge.^ And yet their titular dig- nitaries receive the unmeaning titles of bishops of Tarsus, Ephesus, Samaria, Aleppo, etc. Under a change of circumstances, a bishop so ordained, mi^ht enter immediately upon the discharge of the of- ficial duties of his office. Even Bingham, though zealously opposed to these nugatory and titular bishops, admits that instances of this kind sometimes, though seldom, occurred in the ancient church. 3. Suffragan bishops. These were originally the same as dioces- an bishops, who acted as the representatives and substitutes of their metropolitans. They were called suffVagan, either because they could not be consecrated without the suffrage of the metropolitan, or because they had the right of suflrage in the synod, whilst yet dis- tinct from other members of that body. The latter is the most prob- able explanation of the term. These suffragan bishops are not the same as the chorepiscopi.^ But after the cessation of these, the necessity of suffragans became much greater ; and they were accordingly increased. Bishops who had no metropolitan power, first began in the tenth century to have suffragans under them. These were also styled vicar generals, vice- gerents, bishops in pontijicalibus, vice Episcopi, etc.** The suffra- gan bishops of Germany were appointed for the ordination of infe- rior officers, and the consecration and benediction of churches, al- tars, baptismal waters, etc. 92 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. 4. Country bishops. XcogsmffaonoL, Episcopi rurales, s. villani. These, though of ancient origin, have been the subject of much dis- pute among the learned, and called forth a multitude of treatises and authors, ancient and modern. These authorities are not agreed as to the etymology of the word. Some derive it from cAorws, a choir of singers^ Others from the ap- pellation, occulus or cor episcopi, eye or heart of the bishop, as his archdeacon was sometimes called ;^ and others again from the Syri- ac word, ^^D which in connection with the word bishop, denotes a vicar of the bishop.^ But it was doubtless derived from xojga or X(aQlov, country, and denotes a country bishop. The most important points in explanation of this office, may be comprised under the following remarks. a) There is not indeed satisfactory evidence that this office is autho- rized in Titus 1: 5, but there is very early. notice of its institution from Clemens Romanus, who says that " as they, the apostles, preached in the cities and country places, /w^«?, they appointed their first con- verts as bishops and deacons over them that should believe, having first proved them by the spirit.'''" Eusebius speaks both of presbyters and bishops over the neighboring countries and cities, twv ofiOQwv aygmv t£ aai noXsMv nQm^visqoL, distinguishing thus these chorepisco- pi from the bishops of the cities.^ Some affirm that no churches were established in the country in the first three centuries, and accordingly, that this office was not instituted until a later period.^ But the iniaxonoi xaiv a/Qbiv of Eusebius are the chorepiscopi in ques- tion, nor is it fair to infer that they were first created in the fourth century, because the synods of that period more definitely prescribe the duties of their office, for they speak of the office itself as already well known. b) Those that sustained this office are expressly distinguished from presbyters both of the city and country, but are described as officia- ting bishops, subordinate in rank and restricted in many respects.^^ They are styled avXXEitovgyoi, fellow laborers with the bishop, and, like the cardinals of later times, were reckoned seventy in number, which shows again that they, as well as the bishops, were compared with the apostles in office.^i The council of Nice also, c. 8, so speaks of them as to show that they held an intermediate grade between presbyters and bishops. Their duties were, to give letters of re- commendation and the testimonials of the church, to take the over- INFERIOR ORDER OF BISHOPS. 93 sight of the church in the section of country allotted to them, to ap* point the readers, sub-deacons, and exorcists ; and they might ordain presbyters and deacons, but not without the consent and cooperation of the city bishop. ^2 jjj ^^g y^ar 451, they voted, for the first time^ as the substitutes or representatives of their bishops.'^ Previous to this time, they had an independent vote in general council, as in the council of Nice, and in the presence of the city bishops.^'* c) These officers were at first confined to the Eastern church. In the Western church, and especially in France, they began to be known about the fifth century. They have never been numerous in Spain and Italy. In Africa, on the contrary, they constitute a nu- merous body under the name of Donatists. In Germany they must have been, frequent in the seventh and eighth centuries.^^ And in the twelfth century the arrogance, insubordination and injurious con- duct of this class of ecclesiastics became a subject of general com- plaint in the Western church ; but more especially in France. In the East the order was abolished for the same reasons by the coun- cil of Laodicea, A. D. 361. But so little respect was entertained for this decree that the order continued until the tenth century. They were first prohibited in the Western church in the ninth century ,^6 but according to some writers they continued in France until the twelfth century, and until the thirteenth in Ireland. About this time they disappeared from the page of history, and were succeeded by archdeacons, rural-deans, and vicar-generals. 5. Visitors, Ttsgiodfvial, itinerant presbyters. They were, at first, appointed by the council of Laodicea in the room of the chore- piscopi. Their business was, to go about continually to guard the wavering, and to confirm the faithful. But it was their peculiar characteristic that they had no fixed abode. They had not the inde- pendent prerogatives of the country bishops, but were merely vica- rious assistants of the bishop, like a visiting committee of the church, or the visitores ecdesiarum o^ the Latin churchJ^ 6. Intercessors, intercessores and interv enter es. Officers peculiar to the African church, who are firet mentioned in the fifth council of Carthage. They were temporary incumbents of a vacant bishopric, and, for the time being performed the several offices of bishop. It was their duty to take measures for the regular appointment of a bishop as speedily as possible. To prevent abuse no one was allow- ed to continue in office more than one year. 94 MINISTERS OF TJIE CHURCH. § 7. Of Presbyters — their equality and identity with Bishops. Bishops and presbyters are regarded by some as having been, from the beginning, distinct orders of the clergy. Others maintain that they were originally the same ; and that the bishop was only the foreman or chairman of a body of presbyters or clergymen. Of these conflicting views, the former is entertained by those who con- tend that the bishops were constituted hy the apostles themselves a distinct and superior order of the clergy. The latter, by those who deny the divine origin of episcopacy. The controversy on this subject has arisen chiefly from the equi- vocal import of the term 7TQs say that ' afterwards, when one was elected, and set over the others, this was designed as a remedy against schism. * * * For at Alexandria, from the evangelist Mark down to the bishops Heraclas and Dionysius, the presbyters always gave the name of bishop to one whom they elected from themselves, and placed in a higher degree ; in the same way as an army may create its general, or as deacons may elect one of their own body, whom they know to be assiduous in the discharge of duly, and call him archdeacon. For what does a bishop perform, except ordina- tion, which a presbyter may not do,' etc.* The fact which Jerome Domini, quam acquisivit per sanguinem suum," Et hoc diligentius obser- vate, quo modo unius civitatis Ephesi presbyteros vocans, postea eosdem episcopos dixerit. Si quis vult recipere eani epistolam, quae sub nomine Pauli ad Hebraeos scripta est, et ibi aequaliter inter plures ecclesiae cura dividitur. Siquidem ad plebem scribit, " Parete principibus vestris,et subjecti estote ; ipsi enim sunt qui vigilant pro animabusvestris, quasi rationem rcd- dentcs, ne suspirantes hoc faciant : siquidem hoc utile (sic) vobis est." Kt Fetrus, qui ex fidei firmitate nomen accepit, in epistola sua loquiter dicens, " Presbyteros ergo in vobis obsecro compresbyter, et testis Christi passion- um, qui et ejus gloriae, quae in futero revelandus est, socius sum, pascite eura qui in vobis est gregem Domini, uon quasi cum necessitate, sed volun- tarie." Haec propterea, ut ostenderemus apud veteres eosdem fuisse pres- byteros quos et episcopos; paulatim vero, ut dissensionura plantariaevelle- rentur, ad unum omnera sollicitudinem esse delatam. Sicut ergo presbyteri sciunt se ex ecclesiae consuetudine ei qui sibi praepositus fiierit esse sub- jectos, ita episcopi noverint se magis consuetudine quam dispositionis domi- nicae veritate presbyteris esse majores, et in commune debere ecclesiam re- gere, imitantes Moysen j qui cum haberetin potestate solus praeesse populo Israel, septuaginta elegit, cum quibus populum judicaret. — Hieron. Com- ment, in Tit. i.' * * Quod autem postea unuselectus est qui caeteris praeponereter, in schis- matis remedium factum est : ne unusquisque ad se trahens Christi eccle- siam rumperet. Nam et Alexandriae a Marco evangelista usque ad Hera- 13 98 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. here states respecting the appointment and ordination of bishops in the church of Alexandria by presbyters alone for the space of more than two centuries, is attested also by Eutychius, patriarch of Alex- andria. And the opinion of Jerome respecting the original equality, or rather identity, of presbyter and bishop, is in perfect accordance with the language of a still earlier writer, Tertullian. De Bap.c. 17."* The identity of bishops and presbyters is further evident from the circumstance that ihet/ both received the same honorary lilies, nqot- ai^Ttg, nQoaiutai, 7iQus8QOL,prepositi,^niistes, equivalent to presi- dents, moderators, chairmen or presidi7ig officers. Presbyters were also denominated (juvd^qovoL and ol rov x)^q6vov, partners of the throne. A distinction is sometimes made between those of the Jirst, and of the second throne ; in which case the latter evidently designates pres- byters. But it is still plain that, in such instances, the preeminence ascribed to the bishop is only that of primus inter pares — chief among equals. Even the most zealous advocates of the Episcopal system in the Greek, Roman, and English church are constrained to recognize and admit the identity of the terms ijtiaxoTiog and nQicri^visQog according to the usus lo^uendi of the ancient church. They are constrained clam et Dionysium'episcopos, presbyteri semper unum ex se electum, in excelsiori gradu collocatum, episcopum nominabant: quo modo si exercitus imperatorem faciat ; aut diaconi eligant de se, quern industrium noverint, et archidiaconum vocent. Quid enim facit, excepta ordinalione, episcopus, quod presbyter non faciat ? Nee altera Romanae urbis ecclesia, altera totius orbis existimanda est. Et Galliae, et Britanniae, et Africa, et Persis, et Oriens, et India, et omnes barbarae nationes unum Christum adorant, unam observant regulam veritatis. Si auctoritas quaeritur, orbis major est urbe. Ubicunque fuerit episcopus, sive Romae, sive Eugubii, sive Constantinopoli, sive Rhegii, sive Alexandriae, sive Tanis, ejusdem meriti, ejusdem et sacer- dotii. Potentia divitiarum, et paupertatis humilitas, vel sublimiorem, vel inferiorem, episcopum non facit. Caeterum omnes apostolorum successores sunt Presbyter et episcopus aliud aetatis, aliud dignitatis, est nomen. Unde et ad Titum, et ad Timotheum de ordinatione^^piscopi ct di- aconi dicitur ; de presbyleris omnino reticetur ; quia in episcopo et presby- ter continetur. . , Et, ut sciamus traditiones apostolicas sumetas de ve- teri Testamento ; quod Aaron et filii ejus (one order, namely, priests, cor- responding to bishops or presbyters), atque Levitae (another order, corres- ponding to deacons), in templo fuerunt, hoc sibi episcopi et presbyteri, et diaconi, vindicent in ecclesia. — Hieron. Ep. ad Evagrium, 85.' * Riddle, pp. 186-196. OF PRESBYTERS. 99 to admit that the distinction bet\veen the office of bishop and presby- ter, which prevailed about the third and fourth centuries and to a period still later, was unknown in the first two centuries. A fierce controversy arose about the time of the Keformation whether the word 7roi(r5yrf^oc, as used in the Scriptures, and in the most ancient documents of the church, does not denote merely the laily and not any order of the clergy. This position was maintain- ed not only by Presbyterians, but by another class of modern wri- ters who are in reality no friends of the system. They sought to show that both presbyters and bishops were noi originally religious teachers, but overseers and managers of the general concerns of the church. According to this theory, which had many advocates,^ the presbyters were merely municipal officers like the elders of the Jews. The principal arguments for this theory were drawn from 1 Tim. 5: 17. 1 Thess. 5: 12, especially the fii-st. This theory has been ably discussed by Vitringa, Danovius, Gabler, and many others. The result of the whole is given in the following extract from Gab- ler.6 " We admit that there were not a few presbyters in the apos- tolic age, appointed by the churches who did not act as religious teachers. But contend that Paul, disapproving of this measure, and that he might prevent the further spread of the errors of false teach- ers and apostles, ordered that all presbyters should be teachers, es- sent didaxiot. If now we admit that Paul in 1 Tim. 5: 17 speaks of presbyters as they loere (not as they ought to be), all acting as ru- lerSj but not all acting as teachers, still we learn from another pas- sage in this same epistle, 1 Tim. 3: 2, that the apostle's desire and direction was, that all who should, in future, be chosen presbyters should be " apt to teach." ^ History clearly informs us that presbyters were uniformly reckon- ed as belonging to the regular priesthood from the time when the church first began to rear up an ecclesiastical hierarchy, and when the distinction began to be made between clergy and laity. The language of the fathers, and especially of Cyprian seems to imply that there still were some who did not perform the duties of their office as teachers ; but even these were still reckoned among the regular clergy, and not as belonging to the laity. Ignatius always joins bishops and presbyters together as presiding over the church, one, in the place of Jesus Christ, and the other, as the great council of God, in the place of the apostles, without which 100 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. the church is no church. Tl ds nQsa^vtsgiov alt i] avcnri^a Uqct, trvfi^SovXoi xocl (TVVEdQsvtaljov iniaxonov. Tfidg 6s svrQintaS^s alidlg {iniaxonoig) at? Xqkttov 'irjaovv oi ds TiQsa^VTSQOi^ wg avvidqiov •&SOV yai (Tvvdiarfiog anoaioXav X(ji(TtovJ Much the same representations are rr.ade by many other ancient authors. In the Apostolical Constitutions, the presbyters are denomi- nated the counsellors of the bishop — the sanhedrim and council of the church.^ Ghrysostom calls them the sanhedrim of the presby- ters.9 Cyprian styles them the sacred and venerable assembly of our clergy,!^ and Jerome the assembly of presbyters — the senate of the church. ^1 The original of each is here given in their order. 2vfi^3ovXoL (consiliarii) ijiiay.oTiot — avvidqiov atxl ^ovXi] jrtg ixxlrjaiag — Apost. Con. To Twv TiQfa^vjiQSiv ori'»'£^(»to>'— Chrysostom. Cleri nostril sacer venerandusque consessu^ — Cyprian, Coetus preshytero- rum, senatiis: ecclesiae— Jerome. To which the following may with propriety be added : Primum presbyteri episcopi adpellabantur ut uno recedente sequens ei succederet. Primum episcopi et presby- teri una ordinatio sint. Uterque enim sacerdos est, sed episcopus primus est ut omnis episcopus presbyter est ; non omnis presbyter, episcopus : Hie enim episcopus est qui inter presbuteros primus est. From alt these passages the conclusion is that the imposition of hands and the pivileges of the priesthood, Ugoiavvr], belonged of right to the presbyters. For this reason, and not because of any seniority in age, they were called TTQEa^vTsgoi, which is the same as priests, or pastors, shepherds, etc. The term senior or elder, which is the literal interpretation o^ nQsafivTsgog very seldom occurs, and when it does is applied only to such persons as sustained no ministerial of- fice, bishops, presbyters, deacons, and seniors, and seniors of the people are mentioned in connection. The clergy and seniors are also contrasted one with the other. These seniors Augustine styles viri nobilissimi, optimates, principes, etc. They correspond with the elders in the Presbyterian church, and with the iiotahles in the Reformed church in France. Bingham erroneously compares them to church-wardens, vestry-men and stewards who assist in the cere- monies of thQ church, but take no part in its discipline, or ministerial services. [Gieseler's account of the foregoing subject is as follows. " The new churches everywhere formed themselves on the model of the mother church at Jerusalem. At the head of each were the elders. OF PRESBYTEBS. 101 TTOfa.^vttQoi, inl&yonoi, all officially of equal rank, though in several instances a peculiar authority seems to have been conceded to some one individual from personal considerations.* — After the death of * Thai these names are the same, follows from Acts 20. 17, 28. Tit. 1 : 5, 7. Phil. 1: 1. 1 Tim. 3: 1, 8. Acknowledged bj Hiercnymus, Epist. 82 (al. 83) ad Occanum: Apud veteres iidem Episcopi et Fresbyteri, quia illud nomen dignitatis est, hoc aetalis. Epist. 101, ad Erangelum. See under § 32, n. 2. — Idem ad Tit, 1: 7. Idem est ergo Presbyter, qui Episcopus : et antequam di- aboli instinctu studia in religione fierent, et diceretur in populis, Ego sum Pauli, ego Apollo, ego autem Cephae, cummuni Presbyterorum consilio ec- clesiae gubernabantur. Postquam vero unusquisque eos, quos baptizaverat, 8UOS putabat esse, non Cliristi ; in toto orbe decretum est, ut unus de Pres- by teris electus superponeretur caeleris, ad quern omnis ecclesiae cura perline- ret, et scht.smatuin semina tollerentur. Patataliquis non Scripturarum, sed nostramessesententiam. Episcopum et Presbyterum ununi esse; etaliudaeta- tis, aliud esse nomen officii : relegat Apostoli ad Philippenses verba, dicen- tis: — here follows the passages cited above. Then : Haec propterea, ut osten- deremus, apud veteres eosdem fuisse Presbyteros, quoset Episcopos: paula- tim vero, ut dissensionum plantaria evellerentur, ad unum omnem sollicitu- dinem esse delatam. Sicut ergo Presbyteri sciunt, se ex ecclesiae consuetu- dine ei,qui sibi praepositus fuerit, esse subjectos : ita Episcopi noveriutse ma- gis consuetudine, quam dispositionis dominicae veritate, Presbyteris esse ma- jores,et in commune debere ecclesiam regere. Augustini Epist. 82, ad Hie- ron. c. 33. — cf. Chrysostomi horn. I. in Philipp. i. T/teodoret. in Philipp. i. 1. It is remarkable how long this notion of the original sameness of Bishops and Presbyters was retained. Isidorus HispaL. Etymol. VII. c. 12, copies the passage from Hieron. Epist. ad Oceanum. Bernaldus Constantiensis (about 1088), the most zealous defender of Gregory Vil., after citing Jerome in his de Presbyterorum officio tract, (in Monumentorum res Allemannorum illus- trantt. S. Bias. 1792. 4to.T. II. p. 384 seq.), continues : Quum igitur Pres- byteri et Episcopi antiquitus idem fuisse legantur, etiam eandem ligandi at- que solvendi potestatem et alia nunc Episcopis specialia habuisse non dubi- tantur. Postquam autem Presbyteri ab episcopali excellentia cohibiti sunt, coepit eis non licere, quod licuit, videlicet quod ecclesiastica auctpritas solis Pontificibus exequcndum delegavit. Even Pope Urban II, in Cone. Bene- rent. ann. 1091. can. V: Sacros autem ordines dicimus Diaconatura et Pres- byteratuni. Hos siquidem solos primitiva legitur ecclesia habuisse : super his solum praeceptum habemus Apostoli. Hence Gratian adopts without hes- itation the passages, Hieron. ad Tit i. (Dist. XCV. c. 5.) Epist, ad Evangel. (Dist. XCIII. c. 21), and Isidori Hisp. (Dist XXI. c. 1). Also Xicol. Tudes- chus, .irchiep. Panormitanus (about A. D. 1428) super prima parte Primi cup. 5, (ed. Lugdun 1547. fol. 112 b) : Olim Presbyteri in commune regebant ecclesiam et ordinabant sacerdotes. It is, perhaps, still more remarkable that even the papal Canonist, Jo. Paul. Lancelottus (about 1570) in his /n- 102 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. the apostles, and the pupils of the apostles, to whom the general di- rection of the churches had always been conceded, some one amongst the presbyters of each church was suffered gradually to take the lead in its affairs. In the same irregular way the title of inlay.onog, bishop, was appropriated to this first presbyter."* Cunning- stitutt. Juris. Canon, lib. I. tit 21, § 3, introduces the passage of Jerome without any attempt to refute it. The distinction between the institutio di- vina et ecclesiastica was of less importance in the middle ages, than in the modern Catholic church, and this view of the original identity of Bishops and Presbyters was of no practical importance. It was not till after the Re- formation that it was attacked. Mkhcal de Medina (about A. D. J570) does not hesitate to assert, illos Patres materiales fuisse haereticos, sed in his Pa- tribus ob eoruni reverentiam hoc dogma non esse damnatum. Bellarminus de clericis lib. 1. c. 15, calls this sehtentiam valde inconsideratam, and prefers -rather to resort to interpretation. Since this, all Catholics, as well as the English Episcopalians, maintain an original difference between bishop and presbyter. Comp. especially Pctorii de ecclesiiastica hierarchia lib. V. and dissertatt. theelogic. lib. I., in his theolog. dogmat. Tom. IV. p. 1G4. On the other side, JValonis Mcssalini (Claud. Salmasii) diss, de episcopis et presby teris. Lugd. Bat. 1641, 8vo. Dav. BlondelH apologia pro sententia Hieron ynii de episcopis et presby teris. Amstelod. 1610. 4to. Against these Henr Hammondus- dissertatt. IV., quibus episcopatus jura ex sacra scriptura et pri ma antiquitate adstruuntur. Lond. 1651. The controversy was long contin ned. On the side of the Episcopalians Jo. Pearson^ Guii. Bevcridge. Henr Dodwell, Jos. Bingham^ Jac. Usscrius. On that of the Presbyterians, Jo Dallaeus, Camp. Vitringa ; also the Lutherans, Joac/i. Hildebrand, Just Henn. Bochmer, Jo. Franc. Buddeus, Christ. Matih. Pf"ff, etc. comp. Jo Phil. Gabler de episcopis primae ecclesiae Christ, eorumque origine diss Jenae. 1805. 4to. * Amhroslastcr,d\iOVi\. 380, in comment, ad 1 Tim. 3: 10 — Episcopi et Pres- byterl una ordinatio est, Uterque enim sacerdos est, sed Episcopus primus est; ut omnis F^piscqpus Presbyter sit, non tamen omnia Presbyter Episco- pus: hie enim Episcopus est, qui inter Presbyteros primus est. We find the latest traces of this relation between Bishops and Presbyters in Hicronym. Epist. 101 (al. 85) ad Evangelum (in the old ed. erroneously ad Eragrivm, also in Gratianus Dist. XCIII. c. 24) : Apostolus perspicue docet eoadeni esse Presbyteros, quos Episcopos. — Quaeris auctoritatem .? Audi testimo- nium. Then he cites Phil.l: 1. Acts 20:28, etc. Quod autem postea unus electus est, qui caeteris praeponeretur, in schismatis remedium factum est, ne unusquisque ad se trahens Christi ecclesiam rumperet. JNam et Alex- andriae a Marco Evangelista usque ad Heraclam et Dionysium Episcopos (about A. D. 240) Presbyteri semper unum ex se electum, in excelsiori gradu collocatum, Episcopum nominabant. Quomodo si exercitus Impera- torem facial, aut Diaconi eligant de se,quem industrium noverint, et Archi- DUTIES OF PRESBYTERS. 103 ham's Trans. Vol. L p. 56, 65. Se also Rheinwald § 14, p. 25, and Seigel, Vol. I. p. 229, to the same effect.— Tr.] § 8. Official Duties of Presbyters. These duties are comprised under the following heads. 1. Before any formal distinction was known between bishops and diaconum vocent. (Comp. on tbis letter CItr. Waechtltr, Acta Eruditorum, ann. 1717, p. 484 seq., 5*^4 seq. More lately the letter ad Evangelum has been pronounced spurious by P. Molkenbuhr, whom Binterim DenkwQrdigk. d. cbristkath. Kirche Bd. 2. Th. I. «. 70 ff. has followed. But there are so many similar passages that little is gained even if this should be proved not genuine.) Ambruslaster covim. ad Ephes. 4: ]1 : Primi Presbyteri Episcopi appellabantur, lit. recedent eo, sequens ei succederet. Denique apud ^Egyp- tum Presbyteri consignant, si praesens non sit Episccrpus, Scd quia coepe- runt sequenles Presbyteri indigni inveniri ad primatus tenendos, immutata est ratio, prospiciente Cancilio ; ut non ordo, sed pieritum crearet Episco- pum multorum sacerdotum judicio constitutum, ne indignus temere usurpa- ret, et esset muitis scandalum. — Pseudo-^vgustini (according to the conjec- ture of the Beni?dictines, Rilarii Diaconi) Quaestioncs Vet et Xov. Tcstamenii ] (ovi]crsig, of the commencement of each act of worship, and calling the attention of the audience to it, commanding silence and preserving order. For this reason they were called the sacred heralds of the church, Isqo- atlQVKic^ y.ijQvxig, tibicines sacri, precones, etc. The following are examples of these forms : 8sT]&(Ofisv, or emus, let us pray ; orate cat- echumeni, let the catechumens pray ; attendamus, attention ; jlecla- mus genua, kneel ; anolv^c&s, you are dismissed ; ngoiX^iTs, its, withdraw ; missa est, the service is ended ; sursum corda, lift up your hearts ; sancla Sanctis, holiness becomes sacred things ; and the like.2i 4. They had a general oversight of the assembly in religious wor- ship to prevent disturbance, and see that everything was conducted with propriety. 5. They occasionally preached in the absence of the bishop. Chrysostom, when deacon of the church at Antioch, preached for his bishop Flavianus, as did also Ephraim the Syrian, under similar cir- cumstances. The right is firmly denied by Ambrose,^'^ but explicitly authorized by the second council of Vaison, A. D. 529. c. 2. which devolves upon them the duty of conducting the worship in the ab- sence of the bishops and presbyters, or when they were prevented by infirmity from officiating. 6. The duty of giving catechetical instructions stood on the same footing. It was the appropriate duty of the bishop ; but the deacons were frequently intrusted with this service to the candidates for baptism, especially when it was continued for a length of time. 7. They administered baptism by permission of the bishops and presbyters as their substitutes, but not as authorized administrators of the ordinance.^ 8. They were not only permitted, but in certain cases required, to absolve and restore penitent backsliders. St. Cyprian says, " If they, the sick, are seized by any dangerous disease, ihey need not await my return, but may liave recourse to any presbyter that is present, OF ARCHDEACONS. 113 or if a presbyter cannot be found, and their case becomes alarming, they may make their confession before a deacon that so they may receive imposition of hands and go to the Lord in peace." — Ep. 13. al. 18. 9. They had the charge of, the inferior orders of church officers and servants, and, in the absence of the presbyters might, at their discretion, censure or suspend them for a time for misconduct. 10. They acted as the representatives and proxies of their bishops in general council. In such cases they sat and voted, in the Eastern church, not as deacons^ but as proocies, in the room and place of those that sent them. In the Western church they voted after the bishops, and not in the place of those whose proxies they were. 11. They exercised an inspection over the life and morals both of the clergy and laity. They were Xhejttslices and grand jurymen of the church, and were to make diligent inquiry and due presenta- tion to their bishops. It is in this sense that they are styled tfie eyes and the ears of the bishop.^^ Their office evidently must have been one of great respectability ; but at the same time such duties must have rendered it odious to the community. 12. It was their duty to receive and disburse the charities of the church. In the discharge of these duties they were styled the mouth and the heart or soul of the bishop. In this sense they were ac- counted the indispensable assistants of the bishop, without whom he could do nothing.25 Their duties increased with the possessions of the church, so that they acted essentially as the accountants and clerks of the bishop. § 11. Of Archdeacons. The policy of the bishop, in attaching to himself the interests of the deacons in opposition to the presbyters, was peculiarly mani- fested in respect to the archdeacon, who was the firm adherent of the bishop, and the hitler opponent of the archpresbyters. CJontrary to the general usage of antiquity, qualifications for office had more influence in his election than seniority of age and ordina- tion. Alhanasius of Alexandria, while yet a young man, was in- vested with the office of archdeacon.^ Jerome also gives us to un- derstand that the deacons chose from among themselves indiscrimi- 15 114 MINISTERS OP THE CHURCH. nately the most suitable candidate for the office ; according to the same author, there was one archdeacon for each church. The office was in certain churches elective ; in others it was filled by appointment of the bishop. Indeed, he might very naturally be expected to guard with peculiar jealousy the appointment of this officer who, according to the antiquated phraseology of the day, was to be his own right hand, his mouth, his ear, his eye. Accordingly, when the rule of seniority prevailed, he retained the right of over- ruling it at pleasure, leaving to the candidate elect his rank and title, but substituting in his place another better qualified to transact the business of the office.'^ The leading historical facts relating to this office are briefly as follows. 1. The office occurs as early as the fourth or fifth century, but without any distinct title ; such were Athanasius of Alexandria, Caecilianus of Carthage, and the famous Leo the Great of Rome. 2. The arrogance and ambition of the archdeacons became, as early as the fifth century, the subject of bitter complaint.^ 3. They usu- ally had the address to become the successors of the bishop ; they claimed to take precedence of the presbyters, and to be second in rank only to the bishop."^ 4. Their power became greatly extended through the period reaching from the seventh to the ninth centuries, when they were not only authorized to remove deacons, and sub- ordinate officers,^ but the honors shared by them were in some in- stances eagerly sought by the presbyters themselves f even the jurisdiction of the bishop was disowned by them,, with whom they became, in a measure, partners in office^ 5. From the eleventh to the tHirteenth centuries, the bishops were engaged in a fruitless en- deavor to curtail the grasping ambition of the archdeacons, who still had the address to ally themselves more and more with the secular power, and finally, not only became independent of the bishops, but subjected them, in a degree, to their own control.^ The establishment and the increase of their power was favored at Rome, as the means of weakening the hands of the bishops, and extending the influence of the Romish see. So that the very order of men that the bish- ops employed to assist them in gaining ascendency over the presby- ters, was now employed by a more aspiring power against themselves. 6. In the thirteenth century, the archbishops succeeded in putting an eflfectual check upon the immoderate power of the archdeacons ; a DEACONESSES. ' 115 decree in council having been finaliy obtained whicli prohibited the archdeacon from employing any substitute ivhatever in the discharge of his office, or passing any judicial sentence for grave offences without the permission of the bishop. The archbishops also required of the bishops that they should employ in the discharge of their du- ties, a new class of officers, who should be entirely distinct from the archdeacons. These were first appointed by Innocent IV, A. D. 1250, and were called vicarii, officialese officials, vicars, and also vi- car generals, because they were intrusted with judicial authority and adjudicated in the name of the bishop. This measure had the de- sired effect to reduce the power of the archdeacon, which in conse- quence became an inconsiderable office. In the East it became ex- tinct as early as the eighth century. The office itself may be compared both with that of bishop and deacon, for it partook in part of the nature of both. The principal complaint against the archdeacon arose from the abuse of his power in assuming as his right what was only delegated to him, as has been already related. His various offices are specified by Bingham in the following summary, 1. To attend the bishop at the altar ; 2. to assist him in managing the church revenues ; 3. in preaching ; 4, in ordaining the inferior clergy ; 5. he also had power to censure deacons, and the inferior clergy, but not presbyters. 5 12. Of Deaconesses- The office of deaconess may be regarded as substantially the same with that of female presbyters. They were early known in the church by a great variety of names, all of which, with some cir- cumstantial variations, denoted the same class of persons. They were helpers, assistants to perform various services in the church. The following are the most frequent names by which they are dis- tinguished, 7TQsa^vii8Eg^T[QS(T(3vTeQai, diaxoviffffai^ episcopae, episcopis- sae, antistae^ XVQ'^h viduae, viduatas, ngoxa&ijjiEvcci, ministrae, ancillae^ etc. Their most frequent appellation however is that of deaconess, diaconissa, a term which does not occur in the Scriptures, though reference is undoubtedly had to the office in Rom. 16: 1. Profane writers use the term n diaxovog, and diaconay to denote both the wife of a deacon, and an officer in the church ; which has been a fruitful source of controversy. The principal points of dispute 116 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. which have been raised on this subject are arranged under the fol- lowing heads. 1. The terms didnovai, xVQf^h nqsafimsQai, in many passages dis- tinctly indicate that they were appointed to perform the same offices towards the female sex, as the deacons discharged for their sex, Rom. 16: 1. 2, 12. 1 Tim. 5: 3,seq. Titus 2: 3, seq. 1 Tim. 3: 11. No satisfactory explanation has yet been given of the origin of this office, some suppose it to have been derived from the Jews ; others, that it was peculiar to the Christian church ; Paul's commendation of Phebe, Rom. 16: 1, 2, however, refutes the hypothesis that they were appointed to administer exclusively to their own sex. Hugo Grotius, in his commentary on that passage says, that " in Judea the deacons could administer freely to the female sex. The of- fice of deaconess was accordingly unknown among the Jews ; but in Greece no man was allowed to enter the apartment of that sex, which custom gave rise to two classes of female assistants, one call- ed TiQs^vitdEgy or nQoxa&\uevai, who devoted their attention to the department of the women ; the other diuxovot, Latin diaconissa^ whom Pliny in his epistle to Trajan calls ministrae^ attended to the poor and the sick of their own sex, and provided for their wants." Others give a different explanation of this matter ; and indeed it must be admitted, that from the second to the fourth century the office was known in many churches in various countries, though it was never universally adopted. One part of their office was to give religious instruction^ which undoubtedly was merely catechetical ; for the language of Paul, 1 Cor. 14: 34. 1 Tim. 2: 8 — 12, forbids the supposition that they ever usurped the place of public teachers ; but the primitive church at least agreed in permitting them to impart catechetical instruction to their own sex. They were in this way private catechists to fe- male catechumens. 2. Satisfactory evidence of the reality of this office is derived, not only from the apostles and the ancient fathers, but from pagan wii- ters, particularly from Pliny, (see page 25 — 27,) who mentions them in his account of the persecutions of the Christians as anillace quae ministrae dicehantur. They are also mentioned by Lucian of Samo- sata, and Libanius.^ 3. The requisite age for this office was usually sixty years and upward,^ 1 Tim. 5: 9 ; but the usage of the church in this respect DEACONESSES. 117 was not uniform. According to some councils they were eligible to this office at forty ;3 some were chosen even at the early age of twenty.^ Their age probably varied with the particular duties to which they were appointed ; matrons, venerable for age and piety, being selected for religious teachers, and younger women for alms- giving, the care of the sick, assistants at baptism, etc. — Neither were widows alone invariably appointed to this office. Tertullian however directs that they should he the widow of one man, having children. But Ignatius in his epistle to the Smyrneans salutes the virginsxhdii are called widows ; and such were not unfrequently chosen to this office,^ though it must be admitted that widows of virtuous character were sometimes denominated nag^ivoi, virgins.^ 4. The ordination of deaconesses has been the subject of much dispute ; but there is satisfactory evidence that they were consecra- ted to their office by prayer, and the imposition of hands.*^ This form of consecration was indeed prohibited by certain councils,^ but even the prohibition of it is evidence that it was practised. Their consecration, however, gave them no power to perform any of the duties of the sacred office ; they were merely a religious order in the church. The views of the primitive church respecting them, are well expressed by Epiphanius, Y.al otl (ibv diaxoviaawv jd/fxa (ordo) iaxlv slgjiiv ixxXeaiav, uXJl ovxi elg Uqazhvuv^ olden snixtaQuv inngs- Tistp, etc. 5. Their duties were, a) To take the care of the poor and the sick ; this in the apostolic age was their principal office. A service so comm.endable that, in imitation of it, even Julian the Apostate re- quired the same. Under this head may also be classed the duty of ministering to martyrs, and confessors in prison, b) To instruct catechumens, and to assist at their baptism. They instructed female candidates in the symbols, and other things preparatory to their bap- tism. Their attendance at the baptism of candidates of their own sex, was requisite to assist in divesting them of their raiment, to ad- minister the unction, and to make arrangements for the administra- tion of the ordinance with all the decency becoming a rite so sacred.* c) To exercise a general oversight over the female members of the church. This oversight they continued, not only in all the exercises * The custom of the times was to baptize by immersion, and in a state of nudity.'« 118 MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. of religious worshisp, of the sacrament, and of penance, but in pri- vate life, imparting needful admonition, and making due reports of them to the presbyters and bishop.^i 6. This office ceased in the church at an early period, but the precise time cannot be determined. It was first abrogated in France, by the Council of Orange, A. D. 441. But it continued for some time after this, and gradually disappeared from the Western church. In the Greek church it became extinct in the twelfth century.^^ Morinus offers several reasons for the abrogating of this office in Syria,^3 which were briefly — that the services of these women be- came less important after the cessation of the agapae of the primi- tive church, — that the care of the sick and the poor which had de- volved upon the church, was in the time of Constantino assumed by the state, — that after the introduction of infant baptism, their attend- ance at this ordinance became of less importance — and finally, that they, in their turn, became troublesome aspirants after the preroga- tives of office ; just as the abbotesses and prioresses of later times as- sumed all the offices of the bishop, preaching, administering the communion, absolving, excommunicating, and ordaining at pleasure ; abuses which it required all the authority of councils, and of the pope himself, to rectify ; in a word, the order was abolished because it was no longer necessary. Cessante causa, cessat effectus. [There were fanatical sects even in the ancient church, such as the Montanisls and Collyridians, who authorized and encouraged women to speak, dispute, and teach in public. But the sentiment of the church has uniformly been opposed to such indecencies. What impudence, says Tertullian, in these heretical women to teach, to dispute, to exorcise, and even to baptize ! De Bap. 17. Let no wo- man speak in public, nor teach, nor baptize, nor administer the sacrament, nor arrogate to herself any office of the ministry be- longing to the other sex, De Virg. vel. c. 9. Let not a woman, however learned or holy, presume to teach men in public assembly — is the injunction of the council of Carthage, IV. 99. Let all the female sex, says Chrysostom, forbear from assuming the responsi- bility of the sacred office, and the prerogatives of men, De Sacerdo- tio, L. II. The Apostolic Constitutions declare it to be a heathenish custom. Lib. 3. c. 9 ; and Epiphanius has a particular dissertation in which he shows at large, that no woman, from the foundation of the world, was ever ordained to offer sacrifice, or perform any sol- emn service of the church. — Tr.I OF SUBDEACONS. 119 CHAPTER IV. inferior officers of the church. § 1. Of Subdeacons. The vnrjQhtti, servants, of the New Testament are the same as the subdeacons of whom mention is so frequently made, both by the early fathers and by later ecclesiastical writers. This appellation was first used by Athanasius, but earlier traces of it occur in the epistles. of Cyprian, 8. 20. 29. 34. 35, etc., as a term in use in the Latin church, from whom it was afterwards adopted by the Greek church.' The office became common to both the Eastern and Western churches in the fourth century. The specific duty of the subdeacons was to assist the deacons in their duties. The number of these was so limited that it was quite impracticable for them personally to discharge all the duties of their office. For this reason they were provided with the assistance of the subdeacons. Like the deacons they were usually seven in num- ber. To this number the church of Rome adhered with singular pertinacity. But in order that they might retain their sacred num- ber seven, and still have the aid of a sufficient number of assistants, they created three several orders of these officers, consisting of seven each, and called palatini, stationarii, and regionarii.^ In the church at Constantinople there were at one time ninety, and at another, seventy subdeacons. Authorities are not agreed respecting the consecration of the sub- deacons. Some affirm that they were, and others that they were not, ordained by the imposition of hands.^ In the East they were uniformly regarded as of a subordinate rank, and classed with the readers. In the West they ranked the first in the lower order of the priesthood, and about the twelfth or thirteenth centuries they were transferred to the superior order.'* The reason for this pro- motion was that on the elevation of the episcopal order the three or- ders might still retain their original number and relative rank. The Eastern church adhered more closely to the original design for which they were appointed. 13(K ' "- OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. Before their promotion in the Western church, their duties were the following : — to convey the bishop's letters or messages to foreign churches, and to execute other commissions of the superior minis- ters ; to fit and prepare the sacred vessels of the altar, and to deli- ver them to the deacon in time of divine service ; to attend the door of the church during the communion service, taking care that no one went in or out during the time of oblation ; and, perhaps, to conduct those who came into church to their proper places.^ After their promotion in the Western church, they were permitted to assist in celebrating mass. An empty chalice and patine was de- livered to them at their ordination ; but they were not allowed either to consecrate, or distribute the sacred elements. As it was custom- ary to deliver to the deacons a copy of the gospels, so to the sub- deacons was delivered a copy of the epistles also, at their ordination. In a word the strife was to elevate their office as much as possible above that of the reader, and to attach to it all possible honors. Con- trary to all the authority of the primitive church, they were often promoted to the highest honors and offices of the priesthood. § 2. Of Readers. These occupied the first rank in the lower order of church officers in the Greek church ; in the Roman they were next in rank to the subdeacons. They have been frequently regarded as an order in- stituted by the apostles, and by them derived from the Jewish syna- gogue. Compare Luke 4: 16. Acts 13: 15, 27. 2 Cor. 3: 14. And it must be admitted, that reading formed a very important part of public worship. There were also, among the Jews, persons who performed the same duties as the readers in the christian church.^ But the fact that the Scriptures were read by certain individuals, is not proof that these constituted a distinct order. Justin, indeed, dis- tinguishes between the reader and the presiding officer of the church, and yet the former may have been a presbyter or deacon. The deacons were expressly required to read at the communion service, but this is no certain evidence that they may not have been at the same time the ordinary readers in the religious service. For these reasons it is advisable to refer the institution of this order to the third century. They are first mentioned by Tertullian, who complains of the heretics that they confound all rule and order, allowing the OF ACOLTTHS. 7%B same person to perform alternately the offices of bishop, presbyter, deacon, and reader.'^ Cyprian also mentions the ordination of a reader, and remarks that the readers are a subordinate class who are candidates for promotion to the clerical office. Ep. 24. (al. 29).3 The office was at first held in peculiar honor. Cyprian styles the reader the instructor of the audience, intimating thereby both the dignity of the office, and the importance of the reading of the Scrip- tures as a part of divine worship. The church observed the rules of the synagogue in admitting persons to this office without prescrib- ing to them any specific age. As with the Jews, so with the primi- tive Christians, lads at an early age, if duly qualified, might serve as their readers. There are instances on record of youth who, even at seven years of age, have been employed in this service ; and others at eight, ten, and twelve years of age. Young men of noble birth especially, aspired to this office.^ In the Western church the subdeacons soon sought means to bring the readers under subordination to them, and accordingly this order finally ceased from the church. In the cloisters and chapters, on the contrary, they acquired still increasing consideration, and at a peri- od still later, as they were withdrawn from the service of the church, they were transferred to the professorships of Philosophy and Theol- ogy in the universities and other schools of learning, § 3. Of Acolyths. The word ax6Xov&og denotes a servant. The office corresponds to that of the Roman apparitor ^ or pedellus^ bedeUus, a beadle. The word is evidently of Greek origin. Hesychius defines it by o vsars- Qog nalg, S^sguTKav, o nsgl to aotua, a servant^ or personal aitendanU With this view of the origin of the word, it is remarkable that it was, for four hundred years, an office of the Latin church, and adopted from them by the Greek at a late period. This may have arisen from the fact that the subdeacons in the Greek church have a close analogy with the acolyths in the Latin, and that name was common- ly retained. But the term axoXov&oq was also familiar in the Greek church, and is explicitly mentioned byEusebius and others.^ Eu- sebius relates that an inconceivable number of presbyters, deacons, acolyths and others attended the bishops at the council of Nice. The acolyths, as their name implies, were the immediate atten- 16 122 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. dants and followers of the bishop, especially in public processions, and on festive occasions, and were employed by them in errands of every kind. Their duties in regard to religious worship, as specifi- ed by the council of Carthage, were to light the candles, and to bring the wine and water for the eucharist.^ § 4. Of Exorcists. Our business is merely to speak of the origin and offices of this order in the church. And this we can do by adopting the language of Bingham, who gives the following as the result of his investiga- tions on this subject : 1. That exorcists did not at first constitute any distinct order of the clergy ; 2. That bishops and presbyters were in the three first centuries the usual exorcists of the church ; 3. That in a certain sense, by prayer and by resisting the devil, every Chris- tian might be his own exorcist ; and 4. That exorcists began to be known as a distinct order in the church in the latter part of the third century. The appointment and office of the exorcists is by the fourth council of Carthage, c. 7, described as follows : When an exorcist is ordained, he shall receive at the hands of the bishop a book where- in the forms of exorcising are written, the bishop saying, " receive thou these and commit them to memory, and have thou power to lay hands on the energumens, whether they he baptized or only catechU' mensy This was the uniform mode of ordination, although, after the introduction of infant baptism, the assistance of exorcists in ad- ministering this ordinance was either omitted entirely, or greatly changed. Subsequently, the exorcising of demoniacs was either wholly discontinued, or subjected, by explicit decrees of council, to the oversight of presbyters or bishops. " The routine of their duties was prescribed by the bishop according to circumstances of time and place. In some churches in Germany, they had the oversight of the consecrated water, and the vessels in which it was kept. In oth- er churches they reciprocated their duties with the door-keepers, readers, and acolyths of the church, or it was their business to conduct communicants in crowded assemblies to the sacramental table. "^ [According to the authority of Bingham, " Nothing is more cer- tain than that, in the apostolic age, and that next following, the pow- er of exorcising or casting out devils was a miraculous gift of the Holy Ghost, not confined to the clergy, much less to any single or- OF SINGERS. 123 der among them, but given to other Christians also, as many other extraordinary gifts then were." For his authorities, see reference.^ Cave's account of this order is as follows : " After the miracu- lous power of casting out devils began to cease, or at least not to be so common as it was, these possessed persons used to come to the out parts of the church where a. person was appointed to exorcise them, i. e. to pray over them in such prayers as were peculiarly composed for such occasions, and this he did in the public name of the whole church, the people also at the same time praying within, by which means the possessed person was delivered from the tyranny of the evil spirit without any of those charms and conjurations and other un- christian forms and rites which by degrees crept into this office, and are at this day in use in the church of Rome."^ — Te.] § 5. Of the Singers, or Precentors. The appointment of singers and choristers takes its origin from the importance in which the singing of psalms and hymns was held not only in the temple and synagogue service of the Jews, but in the apostolic and primitive churches. We have the fullest and most sat- isfactory evidence of the early and universal introduction of this part of religious worship into the christian church,^ Eph. 5: 19, 20, Col. 3: 16, and of the appointment of singers as a distinct class of church officers.' It is remarkable that this part of public worship was re- stricted by the council of Laodicea,^ to a distinct order in the church, styled by them xavovixol ipuXrai, canonical singers. These went up into the singer's seals and sung from a book. The object of this restriction was to correct abuses and suitably to regulate this part of worship. The subjects of their psalmody were submitted to the con- trol of the bishops or presbyters. But all that related to the perform- ance of the music as an art was left to the singers. [Bingham asserts, that from the apostolic age, for several centu- ries, the whole body of the church united in singing, and that these navovMol ipaXiaL were only a temporary provision to regulate and restore the singing to some tolerable degree of harmony, and that it continued to be the usage of the church for the whole assembly to join in singing. For this opinion he quotes various authorities. Baumgarten. p. 136, and Siegel, Vol. II. 206, also agree with Bing- * ham in opinion. — Tr.] 124 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. Systems of psalmody, both plain and complicated, were early in- troduced into the church. The singer in the Latin church is some- times called psalmista or psalmistanus, but more frequently, cantor. The term vno^oXug also occurs in connection with the singers, who may be styled psalmi pronuntiatores, or sucentores, leaders. Their office was to begin the psalm or hymn, and thus lead the singing, so that others might unite their voices harmoniously with them. The duties of the office are thus described by Durandus ; pertinet ad psal- mistam, officium canendi, dicere benedictiones, laudes, sacrificium, responsoria, et quidquid pertinet ad cantandi peritiam.^ No special form for the ordination of singers is prescribed ; and by the fourth council of Carthage, c. 10, the presbyter is authorized to make the appointment without the knowledge or authority of the bishop. This comi^ission the presbyter delivered in these words : Vide ut quod ore cantas, corde credas.; et quod corde credis, operi- bus eomprobes. See that what thou singest with thy mouth thou be- lievest also with thy heart ; and that what thou believest in thy heart, thou confirmest in thy life. In the Catholic church the singers do not constitute a separate class, and in other churches they are reck- oned with the readers. But though the singers have not been classed with the priesthood, they have ever been held in great respect, as appears from the es- tablishment of schools of sacred music, and from the peculiar atten- tion which was paid to them ; especially to the instructors of them. Such schools were established as early as the sixth century, and be- came common in various parts of Europe, particularly in France and Germany. These schools were very much patronized by Gregory the Great ; under whom they obtained great celebrity. From them originated the famous Gregorian Chant, a plain system of church music which the choir and the people sung in unison. The prior, or principal, of these schools was a man of great consideration and influence. The name of this officer at Rome, was archicantor ec- clesiae Romanae, and like that of prelatus cantor, in their chapters and collegiate churches, it was a highly respectable and lucrative office.^ OF DOORKEEPERS. 125 § 6. Of Ostiarii, or Doorkeepers. These, though the last of the lower orders, were of a more eleva- ted rank than the modern sexton, with whom they should not be con- founded. The ostiarii belonged, in a sense, to the clerical order; while the sexton is the attendant and waiter on the clergy. Their duties were more comprehensive than the latter, in that they separa- ted the catechumens from believers, and excluded disorderly persons from the church.^ They closed the doors of the church, not only at the close of religious worship, but during the services, especially after the first part of it, called the missa catechumenorum. They had also the care of the ornaments of the church, and of the altar. It afterwards became their duty to ornament the church and the al- tar on festive occasions — to guard the grave-yards and sepulchres of the dead ; to present the book to the preacher ; to ring the bell ; to sweep the church, and on Thursday of passion-week to make pre- paration for the consecration of the chrism, or anointing oil.^ They are sometimes called mansionarii and janitores. The most probable explanation of the origin of this order is that they were made doorkeepers of the christian church in imitation of the doorkeepers of the Jewish tabernacle as related in the book of secret discipline. If so the origin of this office was antecedent to the time of the apostles. The office was esteemed as essential in observing the secluded rites of our religion as it was in celebrating the mysteries of pagan superstition. The office was known in the Eastern church in the time of the Sardinian council (c. 24) but was discontinued about the seventh or eighth centuries — being no lon- ger necessary. The customary forms of ordination are prescribed in the fourth council of Carthage, c. 9, and the ceremony of delivering the keys is derived from the book of secret discipline. § 7. Of the subordinate servants of the Chtiech and of the Clergy. a) The Copiatae, undertakers, grave-diggers, sextons. These were intrusted with the care of funerals, and the burial of the dead. They are called vespillones, bispellones, vzxgo&imai ; also 126 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. ordo fossariorum^ fossores^ grave-diggers — itxitxa^ tot,* bearers of the bier, and coUegiati, decani^ collegiates and deans. They are said to have been first instituted at Constantinople by Constantino the Great, and to have been further organized and es- tablished by the emperor Anastasius.^ b) The Parabolani. Their office was to take care of the sick ; a service which in the times of the apostles and primitive Christians was of great importance, especially during the prevalence of severe sickness. The common belief is that they took their name from the hazardous office in which they were employed, sgyov nagd^oXoVf negotium periculosum. Others derive it from naga^oloi in the sense of bestiarii, persons of great courage and desperate character who exposed themselves in combat with wild beasts.^ They were chiefly limited to Egypt and Asia Minor ; where they were the more necessary by reason ot the contagious diseases of these countries. Still they were regarded with jealousy as danger- ous disturbers of the peace ; and for this reason, efforts were fre- quently made to diminish their number.^ Very few traces of them appear in the history of the Western church ; in the middle ages, the brothers and sisters of charity supplied their place. c) The sacrista, sacristanus, and sacrisiarius, was much the same as treasurer, the keeper of the sacred things, sacrorum custos, qui ecclesiae suretum curat.^ d) The custos, custor, aedituus, was much the same as the sacris- tan. Sometimes he is called capeUanus, which denotes particularly the keeper of the altar. e) The campanarii, campanatores, were the hell-ringers. An of- fice which of necessity has been instituted since the introduction of bells in the ninth century. Their usual business was to light the church, and ring the bell for religious worship. f) The matricularii were intrusted with the care of the church, in which they were accustomed to sleep ; they also had a specific office to perform in public processions. g) The parafrenarii were the coachmen of the higher clergy who had also the care of their stables, horses, and coaches. They were sometimes reckoned among the number of the clergy, but of an in- ferior order.* OP OCCASIONAL OFFICEBS. 127 § 8. Of occasional Officers in the Church who ranked with THE Clergy. a) Catechists.^ In view of the importance in which catechetical instructions were held, it is truly surprising that none were permanently designated to this office. The name of catechist indeed is of common occurrence, but they did not constitute a distinct order. These instructions were given in part by the bishops themselves, who were, by virtue of their office, the chief catechists, and had the oversight of all such exer- cises ia which presbyters, deacons, readers, and exorcists bore a part. The deaconesses, and aged women also, acted as catechists for their sex. There was indeed a famous catechetical school at Alexandria. But the catechists of that institution sustained the relations of a mod- ern lecturer or professor, rather than those of a common catechist.^ b) Capellani. The name is derived from capella, which primarily means a cer- tain kind of hood. In the fifth century it became the name of ora- tories, or private churches^ which were built about that time in France, and afterwards became common in the West. The first instance of this form of private worship occurs in the life of Con- stantine,! who constituted his military tent a place for religious wor- ship in the open field. Probably the (laQxvQiov inl (iv^firi t&v unoa- ToXwif, which according to Eusebius was erected by Constantino, was a sort of court-church. Certain it is that we read of the clerici pal- lata, sacelli regit, court-preachers, under the succeeding emperors. The chief among these were called ndjiag jov nalaxiov, etc. answer- ing to the Capellani, Regii, Archi-Capellani, Summi, Sacellani, etc. under the monarchs of France, Germany, and England.^ The capellanus then was the chaplain or minister of these private or c(y>xrt chapels. After the crusades multitudes of places where sacred relics were preserved were also called chapels, and the persons who had the care of these relics received also the name of chaplains, though they had no stated ministerial office, but occasionally officiated by special permission. 'St 138 ** OFFICER? OF THE CHURCH. c) Hernuneutai, Interpreters. The duty of these was to translate from one tongue into another, where people of different languages were commingled ; like the Greek and Syriac, — Latin and Punic. They had a seat also with the bishop to assist in translating the correspondence of the church into different languages — to interpret synodical records, etc. Readers and deacons were employed as interpreters for the preacher when they were competent for the discharge of such duties, but whoever performed this service, must of necessity be regarded as acting the part of a religious teacher, and, in this sense, as belong- ing to the priesthood. The bishop's assistant translators might be chosen from among the laity, when no suitable person belonging to the clergy could be found ; and though he was little else than a notary or scribe, he was honored with a place among the clergy. § 9. Of Officers of the CnuRCH who did not belong to the Priesthood. Persons of this description are to be distinguished by their rank and influence respectively, as well as by the time and circumstances of their appointment. They were chosen at one time from the clergy, at another from the laity. In the service of the church they often sustained much the same relations as did the archbishops, and other dignitaries, when acting as ministers of state. Their in- fluence was chiefly felt in Rome and Constantinople, rather than in the provincial dioceses. The influence of some of these officers was often greater evea than that of a prime minister, archbishop, or patriarch, just as the most important concerns of church and state are often controlled by a secretary or counsellor. . Officers of this class however had little or no concern with the appropriate duties of the ministry. And we will treat of them very briefly in the order of their importance proceeding from the lowest to the highest. a) The Mansionarii, stewards^ to whom was instrusted the care of the church- glebes^ styled also nQoufiovaqioi^ naQa^iovaQioi. — b) Oi- xovofioi, persons appointed by the bishop and archdeacon to assist in managing the possessions of the church. This became in the mid- dle ages, an oflice of great influence, and was in a good degree in- OFFICERS NOT BELONGING TO THE PRIESTHOOD. 1^ dependent of the bishop. They were totally distinct fronn the stew- ards of cloisters, and other similar establishments. c) Cimeliarcfis, xsifiTjXiocQxaij Thesaurii, Sacellii, Sacristae, dif- ferent from the sacristans, or sextons before mentioned, treasurers. Ms'/ag axsvocpvka^j chancellor of the exchequer ; fiiyag (raxdkaQiogj treasurer of the cloisters, prefect of monasteries, etc. d) Notarii. The Greek voTahiog, was of late origin. Previous to this, the corresponding terms were /^«/^^aT£tc, vno/Qatpsvg, vno- doxtig, o^vygdipogt Ta/vygaipog, etc. neither of which exactly expres- ses the meaning of the term notarius. This denotes a scribe, and always implies that he acts in some official capacity^ as the scribe or secretary of a deliberative assembly, or the clerk of a court. The Notarii were frequently employed by private persons, but retained even then their official character. The o^vyQaopoi and taxvyqacfot, were copyists and translators of homilies, records, etc.^ It w-as par- ticularly their duty to write memoirs of such as suffered martyrdom,^ and to record the protocols of synods, and doings of councils.^ They also acted the part of a modern secretary of legation,^ and were again the agents of bishops and patriarchs in exercising a supervision over remote districts of their diocese. In this capacity, they fre- quently attained to great influence and honor.^ The various services of a secretary or scribe in preparing writings, whether of a judicial, or extra-judicial character, were chiefly per- formed by men of the clerical order, because they were the best qualified for these duties. e) ApocrisiariL, or Responsales. They were often legates or ambassadors from one court to another, like the cancellarii^ consil- iarii, secretarii^ referendarii, etc. The title of apocrisiary, was ap- propriated particularly to the pope's deputy or agent, who resided at the court of Constantinople to receive the Popov's orders and the emperor's answers. The existence of such an agent at that court, has been called in question without good reason. Both Leo and Gregory the Great once resided there in that capacity, and there are other unequivocal notices of the office.^ After the reestablishment of the Western empire, an accredited agent of the pope, of the like character, was accustomed to reside at the French court ; he was sometimes called capellanus, palatii cus- ios, corresponding to a modern charge d'affaires. The most celebrated cloisters and abbeys, as well as the arch' 17 130 OFFICERS OF THE CHURCH. bishops had also their agents at Rome. Since the ninth century they have had the nanne of ambassadors. g) Syncelli, avyxeXXoL. The chief syncellus at Constantinople was an officer of high rank, and the syncelli were generally chosen from the bishops and metropolitans to this office.^ The prelates of Rome had also their sywceZZi; but the office in time degenerated into an empty name.^ Their business is said to have been originally to at- tend upon the patriarchs and prelates as their spiritual advisers, and as witnesses of their deportment, and the purity of their manners. h) The Syndici, avvSmoi, defensor es. Their business was to re- dress the wrongs of the poor and the injured, to defend the rights of the church, to exercise a supervision over the property of the church, to settle disputes, manage law-suits, etc. They were known in the church as early as the fourth or fifth century. i) There was still another class of officers who may perhaps be styled patrons or protectors. By whatever name they are called, they were divided into three subdivisions. 1. Learned men, knights, and counts, who were patrons and guardians of different religious bodies. 2. The agents of the church, patrons, who, especially in the absence of the bishop, acted in his place in the administration of af- fairs both of church and state. Under this head may be classed those who, under the name of landlords, exercised a territorial juris- diction in matters relating to the church. 3. Kings and emperors, who claimed to be patrons of the churchy and defenders of the faith. The Roman Catholic princes of Germany, and the kings of France, have been peculiarly emulous of this honor. ELECTIONS BY THE CHURCH. 131 CHAPTER V. OF APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. § 1. Election by Lot, The first example on record of the appointment of an officer in the christian church is that of Matthias, Acts 1: 15 — 26. He was not chosen^ but rather designated to his office by lot. And subse- quently, the church were accustomed to resort to the same expedi- ent, when they could not agree respecting any individual. This form of election was .neither peculiar to any sect, nor prevalent at any given time, nor applicable to any one case ; but was adopted as oc- casion required. The election was little else than a decision be- tween several candidates who were equally eligible to the office.^ § 2. Of elections by the Church collectively. Many learned men are of opinion that in the apostolic age the right of universal suffrage was enjoyed by the church. In proof of this they appeal to Acts 1: 15 seq., where the apostles appointed a substitute in the place of Judas Iscarlot, but not udtliout the consent of the church at Jerusalem. In the appointment of the seven dea- cons it is worthy of remark, that the brethren., the churchy were first required to look out among them seven men of honest report and full of the Holy Ghost ; and that they made the choice and set the per- sons chosen before the apostles [to be inducted into office]. Hugo Grotius, indeed, maintains that this case proves no more than the right of the church to choose their own deacons to distribute alms, and that in all the New Testament there is not the least hint of the appointment of any bishop or presbyter by the intervention of the church.^ He goes on to say that the apostles themselves did appoint presbyters, Acts. 14 : 23. 2 Tim. ii. Tit. 1 : 5, and that Timothy and Titus were authorized by Paul to do the same. But in opposi- tion to this assertion, it should be remembered that the expression XH^oTovCiv relates to the act of consecration and ordination., and by no means excludes the idea of a preceding election by the church. 132 AFrOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. The apostle presupposes thai Timothy and Titus, when authorized by him to consecrate and induct into office a presbyter who had been duly elected, would proceed as he himself and the other apostles did in similar cases — i. e. that they would proceed according to ihe rule given in Acts 6: 3, and appoint no man presbyter without the know- ledge and choice or desire of the church. The following passages and many others are sufficient to show that the advice and consent of the church was had in other matters. Acts 15: 1 seq. 1: 15. 1 Cor. 5: 2. 2 Cor. ii. 8: 19, 20. Clemens Romanus is the best interpreter of the apostle's senti- ments, and the earliest witness that can be obtained on this sub- ject. This writer informs us that the apostles appointed and ordain- ed the first ministers {versieher} of the church, and " then gave di- rection how, when they should die, other chosen aud approved men, 8sdoici{ia(TfxivoL «v5^£c, should succeed to their ministry. Wherefore we cannot think those may justly be thrown out of their ministry who were either appointed by them or afterwards by other eminent men with ihe consent of the whole church, avv8vdoy.7](j(xarjg jiig exxXtjcriag Tinai^g. Those persons who received, in this manner, the concurring suffrages of the church, were to be men of tried character, and of good report with all, fi£fiaQTV()i}i^Evovg ts noXkolg xQovoig vno ndvrav. This concurrence of the whole church, based upon their previous acquaintance with the candidates, evinces clearly the cooperation of the church in the appointment of its ministers ; and that this inter- vention of the church was not merely a power of negativing an ap- pointment made by some other authority.* The fullest evidence that bishops and presbyters were chosen by the people, is also derived from Cyprian. It was, according to his authority, a rule of divine appointment that a minister should be cho- sen in the presence of the people, and should be publicly acknow- ledged and approved as worthy of the office — plehe presents sub am- * The apostles appointed bishops and deacons ^ — Kai juera^v inivofxi)v Ss- dojxaffiv, onwg lav xoifitj^ojaiv, diadi^wviai szeQOi dsdoxtfiaafiivoL uv- dgsg T7/V Xsnovgylav amixtv. Tovg ovv xaiaaTad^iviag vn ixEtvcov, t)* [as- T«|u v(f ejBQOiv iXXoylfiftiv avdgojv, avvsvdoycrjaacrrjg tijg ixuXr^alag 7iaa't]g, y.at XuTOVQyriaavTag afxif^mtag no noi^v'm lov Xql(JT01/ fxtiu Tansivo- cpQoavvTjg^ rjavxcag nal u^avavaoyg, fisiiugtvQrifiivovg rs noXXoig XQovoig vno navTfai'i rovrovg ov Smaiiag ixoixi^o^sv ano^aXia^ai trig. Xsirovgyiag, Clem. Rom. Ep. (1) ad Corinth. § 44. ELECTIONS BY THE CHURCH. 133 nium oculis deligatur, et dignus atque idoneus publico judicio ac tes- timonio comprobetur. He further says that the act of ordination should in no instance be solemnized without the knowledge and assistance of the people, so that the crimes of the bad may be de- tected, and the merits of the good made known. In this manner the ordination becomes regular and valid, jtista et legitima. Such, he observes, was the example of the apostles, not only in the appoint- ment of bishops and ministers, but also of deacons. And all this was done to prevent the intrusion of unworthy men into the sacred office.^* He further says of Cornelius, " that he was made bishop agreeably to the will of God, and of Christ, by the testimony of al- most all the clergy, and the suffrage of the people then present.''''^ With reference to this influence in appointing them, the bishops elect were wont to style their constituents, the people,yaMers. " Ye, (says St. Ambrose,) ye are my fathers who chose me to be bishop : ye, I say, are both my children and- fathers, children individually, fa- thers collectively."^ Which intimates that he owed his appointment Xo the choice of the people. And this is still further confirmed by the testimony even of profane writers. Alexander Severus, who reigned from A. D. 222 to 235, whenever he was about to appoint any governors of provhices, or receivers of public revenue first pub- * Quod et ipsuui videmus de divina auctoritate descendere ut sacerdos pLehe praesente sub omnium oculis deligatur, et dignus atque idoneus publico judicio ac tcstimonio CO mprobttuT. . . Coram oinni synagoga jubet Deus con- stitui sacerdotem, id est, instruit atque ostendit ordinationes sacerdotales nonnisi sub pbpuli assistentis conscientia fieri oportere, ut plebe praesente vel detegantur malorum crimina, vel bonorum meritapracdicentur, et sit or- dinatio justa et legitima, quae omnium svffragio et judicio fuerit exaviintUa. Quod postea secundum divina niagisteria observatur in Actis Apostolorum. . . . JVec hoc in episcoporum tantnm et sacerdotum, sed et in diaconorum ordi- nationibus apostolos fecisse animudrcrtimvs. . . Quod utique idcirco tarn dili- gentvr et caute conzocata plebe tcta gerebatur, ne quis ad altaris ministerium, vel ad sacerdotalem locum, indignus obreperet. Cvpriak, Ep. G8. — Factus est autem Cornelius episcopus de Dei et Christi ejus judicio, de clericorum pene omnium testimonio, de plebis, quae tunc adfuit, suffragio,ei de sacerdo- tum autiqudrum et bonorum virorum collegio, cum nemo ante se factus es- sel, cum Fabiani locus, id est, cum locus Petri et gradus cathedrae sacerdo- talis, vacaret : quo occupato de Dei voluntate, atque omnium nostrum con- sensione firmato, quisquis jam episcopus fieri voluerit, foris fieri necesse est, nee habeat ecclesiasticam ordinationem, qui ecclesiae non tenet unitatero. Id. Ep. 52. 134 APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. licly proposed their names, desiring the people to make evidence against ihem if any one could prove them guilty of any crime, but assuring them that if they accused them falsely, it should be at the peril of their lives ; for he said " it was unreasonable that when the Christians and Jews did this in propounding those whom they or- dained their priests and ministers^ the same should not be done in the appointment of governors of provinces in whose hands the lives and fortunes of men were intrusted. "^ It may perhaps be said that all this is only proof of a negative or testimonial choice on the part of the people, and that this propound- ing of the candidates presupposes a previous appointment of which the people were only invited to express their approbation. It is true, indeed, that the clergy or the presbytery, or the bishop, or presbyter, on resigning his office, took the lead in these elections by proposing or nominating the candidate ; but then followed the vote of the peo- ple, which was not a mere testimonial suffrage, but really a decisive and elective vote. Besides, there are not wanting instances when the people made choice of some one as bishop or presbyter without any preliminary nomination, or propounding of the candidate. Ambrose was thus appointed bishop of Milan by joint acclamation of allj Martin of Tours was appointed by the people against his own will, and that of the bishops.^ And the same is true of Eustathius at Antioch,^ Chrys- ostom at Constantinople,!^ Eradius at Hippo,!i and Meletius at Anti- och,!2 etc. The evidence indeed is full, that the people cooperated in the elec- tion of presbyters, and numerous instances of such cooperation oc- cur in ecclesiastical history. So also the fourth council of Carthage decreed : Ut episcopus si- ne consilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet : ita ut civium adsensum et conniventiam et testimonium quaerat. — ' that as the bish- op might not ordain clergymen without the advice of his clergy, so likewise he should obtain the consent, cooperation and testimony of the people.' Sometimes, when the opinions of the people were divided between several candidates, it would seem that the people were called to a formal vote, styled Ci]Trjaig,ipi](pLafia^ ipijcpog, scrutinium.^'^ But the com- mon method was by acclamation. The people exclaiming aiiog,Jit ; or ayftftoc, unfit. The apostolical constitutions,^ c. 4, direct that the ELECTION OF REPRESENTATIVES. 135 inquiry be three times made whether the candidate is worthy of the office, and that the uniform and concurring- response be, He is wor- thy. In the Latin church the acclamation was dignus est et justus.^^ § 3. Election by Representatives or Interventors. The popular elections above described were liable to great irregu- larities. Great care was accordingly requisite, lest the exercise of this right should lead to disorder, and disturb the public peace by ex- citing a malignant party spirit. To what a pitch these tumultuous elections were carried, may be seen from a remarkable description of them by Chrysostom. " Go witness a popular assembly conven- ed for the election of ecclesiastical officers. Hear the complaints against the minister, manifold and numerous as the individuals of that riotous multitude, who are the subjects of church-government. All are divided into opposing factions, alike at war with themselves, with the moderator, and with the presbytery. Each is striving to carry his own point ; one voting for one, and another for another ; and all, equally regardless of that which alone they should consider — the qualifications, intellectual and moral, of the candidate. One is in favor of a man of noble birth ; another of a man of fortune who will need no maintenance from the church ; and a third, one who has come over to us from the opposite party. One is wholly enlisted for some friend or relative, and another casts his vote for some flat- terer. But no one regards the requisite qualifications of the mind and the heart.^" Similar disorders prevailed not only at Constantinople, but at Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and other large cities. To correct these abus- es, many distinguished bishops passed.into the opposite extreme, and, by the exercise of arbitrary power, appointed men to spiritual offices. This gave great offence to the people, who were ever jealous of their rights, and were provoked, by these means, to commit scandalous and violent outrages. The emperor Valentinian III. upbraids Hi- lary of Aries, that he unworthily ordained some in direct opposition to the will of the people, and when the people refused to receive those whom they had not chosen, that he collected an armed force and by military power thrust into office the ministers of the gospel ofpeace.^ Leo the Great also passes a similar censure upon this procedure.^ It has been supposed that the council of Nice deprived the people 136 APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. of the right of suffrage, and conferred the right of appointment upon meiropoUtans and patriarchs, but the supposition is clearly refuted by Bingham^ The same council distinctly recognizes the right of the people in the choice of a bishop. The council of Laodicea, denied indeed the right of suffrage to the rabble^ xdlg ox^oig. But ihey carefully distinguished between these and the people, tw A«o), to whom they did not deny the right. An ef- fort was made, particularly in the Latin church, to correct the disor- ders of popular elections without taking away the rights of the peo- ple. This they did by the agency of an interventor^ who was sent among the people to endeavor to unite their votes upon a given per- son, and thus to secure his election without division or tumult. Sym- machus and Gregory the Great encouraged this procedure ;^ but it was received with little approbation, and was soon discontinued. Justinian, for a similar purpose, restricted the right of suffrage to the aristocracy of the city. By his laws it was provided ' that when a bishop was to be ordained, the clergy^ and chief men of the city should meet and nominate three persons, drawing up an instrument, and swearing in the customary forms of an oath, upon the Holy Bi- ble^ that they chose them, neither for any gift, nor promise, nor friendship, nor any other cause ; but only because they know them to be of the catholic faith, of virtuous life, and men of learning. Of these three, the ordaining person was required to choose, at his own discretion, that one whom he judged best qualified.'^ Had now some permanent restrictions been laid upon the body of electors, and had it been more clearly defined who should be reck- oned among the chief men of the city, and how they were to coop- erate with the clergy, then would order have been established, and much arbitrary abuse of power prevented. In this way a worthy body of men would have been organized from the people of the dio- cese, by whom the rights of the people would have been secured, and disorder, and party spirit, and discord, would have been pre- vented. But, instead of this, the whole was left to the direction of accident, and of arbitrary power. Thus the right of suffrage was wrested from the people, and was shared in part by the rulers, who were ac- counted the chief men of the city^ and in part by the priesthood, who, either by their bishops and suffragans, or by collegiate conventions, often exercised the right without any regard to the people. FORMS OF ELECTION. 137 The church sometimes protested earnestly against this encroach- ment of secular power ; but in vain. The council of Paris, 557, decreed that " no bishop should be consecrated contrary to the will of the citizens, alleging in vindication of this measure, the neglect of ancient usage, and of the ordinances of the church. Nor should he attain to that honor who had been appointed by the authority of the rulers, and not by the choice of the people, and of the clergy, and whose election had not been ratified by the metropolitan and other bishops of the province." Whoever entered upon his office merely by the authority of the king, they commanded the other bish- ops not to acknowledge, under penalty of being themselves de- posed from office. But such attempts to restore the apostolical and canonical forms of election were but seldom made, and were followed by no lasting result. In Spain the appointment of a bishop, as early as the sev- enth century, was made dependent entirely upon the king.''' Under the Carlovingian dynasty in France, it was divided between the rulers and the bishops without entirely excluding the people. Inno- cent III, in the thirteenth century, excluded entirely the people, and made the election dependent only on the chapter of the cathedral.^ In the East, the people were excluded much earlier.^ § 4. Of certain unusual Forms of Election. The examples on record of this description, relate only to the ap- pointment of bishops. The appointment by lot, as above described, may with propriety be classed among the unusual forms of election in question. To this may be added, 1. Elections ly divine authority , and providential manifestations. To this class belong the appointments which the apostles made by the divine authority with which they were invested. Tradition in- forms us that many churches were planted by them, besides those which are mentioned in their writings. John, the apostle, after his return from Patmos, is said by Clemens Alexandrinus to have taken charge of the churches of Asia in the neighborhood of Ephesus; " in one place appointing bishops, in another, taking upon himself the regulation of whole churches, and in another, choosing by lot one from such as had been designated by the Spirit.^'^ Then fol- lows a list of young men whom he committed to the instruction of 18 138 APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. the bishop whom he had ordained, together with an account of the wonderful conversion of these youths. Ancient history abounds with similar examples of divine interposi- tion in such appointments.^ Various providential circumstances were regarded as divine designations, such as remarkable tokens of divine approbation, visions, the lighting of a dove on the head of the candidate, and the unexpected concurrence of a discordant people in a candidate, as in the case of Martin, bishop of Tours, and Am- brose, bishop of Milan, whose elections were carried by the sudden and unanimous acclamation of the multitude. Vox populi, vox Dei ! 2. It was at times submitted to some one who was universally re- spected, to settle a contested election by his own nomination of a bishop. Alexander, bishop of Comana, was elected thus by Gregory Thaumaturgus, who is said to have been directed by special revela- tion.3 Bishops were also appointed by nomination, for distant prov- inces and unorganized districts.^ 3. Whenever a bishop resigned his office, or was removed to another diocese, he very frequently nominated his successor ; but in all such cases on record, the concurrence of the people was either presupposed, or expressly obtained.^ The council of Antioch, A. D. 441, c. 23, forbade such nominations;^ still they were sometimes made, and a divine intimation plead in justification. The church at Rome, on the contrary, in the year 503, conceded to the bishops the right of nominating their successors before their decease. This was however a recommendation of the candidate, rather than an election, but it was as influential as the direct presentation of a candidate on the part of a patron. It laid the foundation in part, of ecclesiastical benefices, that crafty expedient by which so many canonized rights have been usurped. § 5. Of Church Patronage.^ The prevalent opinion is, that the origin of the right of patronage ought to be referred back to the fifth century. And it is true that the subject of church and state rights began to be publicly asserted and discussed as early as the year 441 -^ but the right in question, was both asserted and exercised at a date still earlier. The council of Orange gave permission to any bishop to build a church in an- other's diocese, reserving the right of consecration to him in whose CHURCH PATRONAGE. 139 diocese it was erected, and instructing him to ordain any one to the clerical office lohom the founder might nominate to officiate in the church, and requiring of him a quiet acquiescence in the nomination, if the person presented had already been ordained. But at the same time, it was provided that the entire government of the church should be submitted to him in whose territory the church was built. ^ It appears from Chrysostom that what is called secular patronage prevailed in the church at a date still earlier.^ He speaks of nam- ing the founders of churches in the prayers of the congregation. In Justinian's Novels, 123. c. 18, the right of lay- patronage is confirm- ed and perpetuated by inheritance. The bishop is required to or- dain the person nominated, unless disqualified by virtue of the ca- nons. From the fifth century the name of patron becomes familiar in public documents, indicating the relation of landlord to his de- pendents, [in consequence of his having settled a parsonage and glebe upon churches which he had built ;] but the whole system of church patronage in conferring benefices, etc, was not established until about the eighth or ninth century. Thomassin takes notice of several distinct stages in the progress of this system. 1. The right of patronage and presentation, extending through five centuries. 2. Ecclesiastical and lay-patronage from Clovis, A. D. 496, to Charle- magne, A. D. 800. 3. Through the dynasty of Charles and his de- scendents. 4. From the year 1000. The whole he sums up in the following remark. '' It appears therefore that ecclesiastical patron- age was first introduced in the Western church, and lay-patronage, at least so far as related to the conferring of benefices, began first in the Eastern church ; and that the limited exercise of lay-patron- age in the first centuries after its introduction, was abundantly com- pensated by the controlling influence which the laity had in the elec- tion and ordination of bishops, and other incumbents." In most of the Lutheran, and some of the Reformed churches, the members of the church possess a negative vote concerning the presentation of a minister, but nothing more. 140 OF THE CLERGY. CHAPTER VI. OF THE RANK, RIGHTS AND PRIVILEGES AND COSTUME OF THE CLERGY. § 1. Rank of the Clergy. Nothing appears to indicate the relation of rank either in the age of the apostles, or of their immediate successors; nor indeed until the establishment of Christianity as the religion of state under Con- stantino. The representations which the Scriptures and the primi- tive fathers so frequently make of the dignity and worth of religious teachers have no reference to this subject. They only represent these teachers as the servants and stewards of God, and their office as one in the highest degree elevated and heavenly. Ignatius styles bishops the vicegerents of Christ, whose instructions are to be obey- ed as the ordinances of Christ and his apostles, and whom men should honor above potentates and kings. But all this is only what, in the phraseology of the times, philosophers, poets and orators might have claimed for themselves. Such representations are only ideal delineations which present the reality in a contrast the more striking. Such, indeed, was the real estimation in which some of the most eminent christian bishops were held, by the world, in the first three centuries, that one might fitly say of them — the greatest in the kingdom of heaven was the least of all men. The famous Origen was, in regard to rank, one of the lesser lights in the church, invested at first with only the humble office of cate- chist, and afterwards, informally, with that of deacon, or according to some with that of presbyter. Yet had he more influence and au- thority than any dignitary of the church in his time. Clemens Alex- andrinus and Tertullian were never bishops ; but they were held in the highest estimation both by their contemporaries and by posterity. Jerome was only an itinerating presbyter, but he was honored as the dictator of the church. And still later, even when the aristocracy of the church was fully established, there occurred, at times, instan- ces of men who, by their talents, rose superior to all the distinctions of rank and of office. On the other hand, even the bishops of Rome, RANK OF THE CLERGY. 141 Antioch, Alexandria, Carthage and others, notwithstanding their high office, were often treated with the greatest indignities. Something analogous to the relations of rank must have existed among the priesthood themselves previous to the time of Constantino, as appear* from the fact that they were regarded as a distinct order, and were divided into the classes superior and inferior. But it was a long time before even these relations became so distinct as they have been since the establishment of the Eastern and Western hie- rarchy in the eighth century. The primitive presbyters first sus- tained an arduous conflict against the pretensions of bishops to supe- riority ; and then again, against the order of deacons, and especially with the archdeacons, who arrayed themselves on the side of the bishops. And the bishops again sustained a struggle, arduous and disastrous to themselves, with the archbishops, primates, and patri- archs. With the latter, particularly, a long and obstinate strife for the mastery was maintained, which finally resulted in the popish su- premacy ; but the conflict ceased not so long as one remained to sustain it. But previous to the reign of Constantine no relations of rank were established among the clergy, save those of difierent gradations among themselves. As in both the Jewish and Roman states the priesthood were invested with peculiar honors, so this monarch sought to transfer, the same to the christian ministry. Thus these forms of the priesthood perpetuated themselves in the christian church after the overthrow of the religion to which they, at first, respectively belonged.^ The bishops, especially, profited by this reference to the priest- hood of Jewish and pagan systems of religion. The christian bish- ops, it was supposed, ought at least to be equal in rank to the Jew- ish patriarchs.2 It was an expedient for elevating a depressed priest- hood, to invest them with new honors, just as Julian the apostate sought again to overthrow them by reinstating the pagan priesthood in their ancient rank.^ And again Constantine himself sustained a certain relation to the priesthood. Eusebius declares him to have been a bishop duly constituted by God.^ And he styles himself bishop, Twv ixTog vno ■diov xa&((nd[isvov inhxonov — a phrase of sim- ilar import with pontifex maximus, which after the example of the Roman emperors he solemnly assumed in the year 325.^ The em- peror Gratian was the last who bore this title. But so long as it was 142 OF THE CLERGT. retained it had the effect to elevate the office, both of bishops and emperors in the estimation of the people, and to justify the interven- tion of secular power in ecclesiastical councils, and in the elections of bishops. The priesthood of the christian church were the constituted guard- ians of the morals of the community, and in this relation had a de- cided superiority to the Pagan and Jewish priesthood. Even the highest magistrates and princes were not exempt from the sentences of suspension and excommunication. Theodosius the Great submit- ted himself to this discipline, and his example was imitated by many of his successors down to the time of Henry IV.^ Gregory Nazi- anzen, in speaking on this subject, says " The law of Christ subjects you to my control. For we also are in authority, and 1 will add, an authority greater and more perfect than yours, inasmuch as the carnal is inferior to the spiritual — the earthly, to the heavenly."^ Multitudes of passages of similar import are found in the writings of Chrysostom,^ Ambrose,^ and other of the fathers.^<^ But notwithstanding the high consideration in which the clergy were held, we are still left in ignorance of their relative rank in civil life. But on the reestablishment of the western empire, their civil and political relations were clearly defined ; and under the Carlovingi- an dynasty, the bishops obtained the rank of barons and counts, and as civil dignitaries took part in all political and ecclesiastical concerns, of importance. They were regular members of all imperial diets, which were in reality ecclesiastical synods. At a later period, bish- ops, archbishops and abbots were, by statute laws, made princes of the empire, and electors. And the last mentioned were often involv- ed in conflicts with the Roman cardinals for superiority. This or- ganization was continued until the dissolution of the German confed- eracy subsequent to the French Revolution, and became a pattern for other lands. § 2. Immunities, Prerogatives, and Privileges of the Priesthood. Reference is here had to these privileges only as they have ex- isted since the fourth century, when the priesthood were duly ac- knowledged by the civil authorities as a distinct body. Previous to his conversion Constantine gave to the clergy of the christian church, PRIVILEGES OF THE PRIESTHOOD. 143 equal privileges with the Pagan and Jewish priests. These acts of toleration were followed by others conferring upon the clergy of the church certain specific privileges which were confirmed and increas- ed by his ^ons. And what was lost by the intervention of Julian the apostate, was fully regained under the propitious reigns of Valen- tinian III, Gratian, Theodosius the Great, Honorius, etc. For a full account of the several grants of the early emperors, see references.^ The principal rights and privileges of the priesthood were as fol- lows : 1. Exemption from all civil offices and secular duties to the state.^ Such exemption was granted by Constantino, A. D. 312 ; and in 319 and 330, it was extended to the inferior order, and the reason assign- ed for conferring this privilege was, that " the clergy might not, for any unworthy pretence, be called off from their religious duties," ne sacrilego livore quorundam a divinis ohseqiiiis avocentur, or as Eu- sebius expresses it, " that they might have no false pretence or ex- cuse for being diverted from their sacred calling, but rather might rightfully prosecute it without molestation." By this right they were excused from bearing burdensome and expensive municipal ofiices. The Jewish patriarchs and Pagan priests enjoyed a similar exemp- tion.3 2. Exemption from all sordid offices, both predial and personal. This right was also granted by Constantino and confirmed by Theo- dosius the Great, and Honorius.'* The right relieved them from the necessity of furnishing post-horses, etc. for public ofiicers, and sometimes from that of constructing and repairing public highways and bridges.^ 3. Exemption from certain taxes and imposts, such as the census copiiMm— analogous to poll-tax ; but the learned are not agreed re- specting the precise nature of it — the aurum tironium — an assessment for military purposes, a bounty paid as a substitute for serving in the army, — the equus canonicus, the furnishing and equipping of horses for military service, — chrysargyrum, xQ^f^otgyvQov, commerce-mo- ney, duties on articles of trade assessed every five years, and paid in silver and gold, — the metatum, tax levied for the entertainment of the emperor and his court as he travelled, or for judges and soldiers in their journeys,— the collatio superindicta et extraordinaria, a di- rect tax levied on special emergencies.^ Certain taxes on real es- tate they were required to pay."^ 144 OF THE CLERGY. 4. Exemption from military duty. This right is not expressly- stated, but fairly inferred from many considerations. The maxim, ecdesia non sitit sanguinem^ was always recognized by the state. 5. Exemption in certain civil and criminal prosecutions. They were not required to give testimony under oalh^. Neither were they required to make oath to affidavits, but instead thereof, they attested the truth of them on the Bible at home.^ Sacerdotes^ ex levi causa, jurare non debent. 6. No ecclesiastical matters were to he tried before secular couris.^^ Of this nature were all questions of faith and practice which came appropriately under the cognizance of presbyteries, bishops, or syn- ods, together with all such acts of discipline as belonged to individu- al churches in which the clergy were allowed a controlling influence. The primitive church had originally no other authority than that of deposing from office, excommunicating, and pronouncing their sol- emn anathema. But after the church became dependent upon the civil authority, that power was often exercised to redress the offences of the church. Heretics especially were thus brought before courts of justice. For it is undeniably evident that heresy was regarded as an actionable offence, deserving severe punishment. Offences of a graver character were at all times punishable, not in ecclesiastical, but in secular courts of justice. 7. Bishops, like the Jewish patriarchs, were often requested to set- tle disputes and act as arbitrators and umpires in civil matters.^ i They were also common intercessors in behalf of criminals for their reprieve or pardon when condemned to death.^^ § 3. Costume of the Clergy. The Roman Catholics attach great importance to the attire of the priesthood. They prescribe a peculiar uniform to the several or- ders of their priesthood, according to the nature of their duties. The origin of this usage their writers, together with most protestants, concur in referring to the fourth century.^ " No one can be igno- rant," says Pellicia, " that the garb of the clergy in the first three centuries was nowise different from that of the laity." Whether any distinction was known in the fourth century is a disputed ques- tion ; but ecclesiastical history clearly informs us, that the dress of the clergy and laity was generally the same, even in the sixth cen- COSTUME OF THE CLERGY. 145 tury.2 Writers on this subject, however, seem not to have been suf- ficiently attentive to the distinction between the ordinary and offi- cial garb of the priests ; for, although there were no existing rules of the church on this subject, ail analogy requires us to believe that there was, even in the first three centuries, some clerical dress which was worn during the celebration of divine service. And in this belief we are the more confirmed from the fact, that Christianity was originally derived from the Jewish religion. After the third and fourth centuries, this official garb became more distinct and splendid, and to this result both the writings of the Old Testament, and the customs of the pagan priests in Greece and Rome undenia- bly contributed. In illustration of the general subject before us, the following re- marks are worthy of notice. 1. There is a tradition extant relating to certain insignia of the apostles. Hegesippus, as related by Eusebius,^ ascribes to John, James, and Mark, a golden head-band, and to Bartholomew, a splen- did mantled The Koran also speaks of the apostles under the name of candidates, aJbati, in allusion, as it would seem, to their white roles. 2. It is but reasonable to suppose, that in the times of persecu- tion, the priesthood wore no sacerdotal habit in civil and social life ; just as all such is of necessity excluded wherever religion is not pro- tected by the civil authorities. But because a missionary lays these aside in China, or in Turkey, is it therefore to be presumed that he would appear without them in a religious assembly in the discharge of his official duties } 3. After the persecutions ceased, the secret discipline of the primitive church must have offered urgent reasons for the use of the sacerdotal robe. When all was done with the air of solemnity and mystery, is it to be supposed that the principal actor would en- ter upon these solemnities only in his daily aitire } Read the direc- tions given in the Apostolical Constitutions, and in the mystical cate- chism of Cyril of Jerusalem, respecting the ceremonies of baptism, and the Lord's supper ; and then say, is it becoming for the admin- istrator of these ordinances to appear in his daily habit ? The sub- jects of baptism, " grex nlveus," were arrayed in the purest white. Ol ^ UQ vnodgrjaTijgsg iv tXfxaaiv nrjfKpavoataiv "Earaaav, ayysXiKijg sixoveg ayXdirig.^ 19 146 OF THE CLERGY. At the baptism of the younger Theodosius, all the grandees of the court were dressed in white raiment: ut existimareiur multitudo esse nive repletaP Under these circumstances would the minister at the altar appear only in his usual garb ? According to Clemens Alexandrinus, the whole assembly were required to engage in public worship in a hecoming dress, iajoXiafxivoL xoaixicogJ And would not the rule apply with peculiar force to him who ministered to the assembly ? 4. It is manifestly absurd to suppose that the hierarchy of the church was established in the second or thh*d centuries, with the different orders inferior and superior, and yet that they had no badge of office. Besides, the badges of the different clerical orders be- came in the fourth century, the subject of consideration in ecclesias- tical councils. The council of Laodicea ordered that the otQaQiov, the surplice or robe of an officiating minister, should not be worn by the subordinate attendants, readers, or singers. The fourth council of Carthage, c. 41, forbade deacons the use of the white surplice, nisi in sacro ministerio, except in the discharge of the ministerial office. In this, and similar decrees^^a distinction between the official garh and ordinary attire is clearly indicated. It has been errone- ously supposed that these instructions to the. clergy to appear in suitable dress, is evidence that no official uniform was known ; whereas these instructions relate only to their daily dress, and merely show that when not engaged in official duties, they wore no professional habit. The monks were the first to assume such a garb ; a practice which was strongly reprobated by the church. " One habit," says Jerome,^ " is proper when engaged in religious duties ; another, in common life. Hence we learn, that it ill becomes us to enter into the most holy place in our customary attire, but that we ought with a pure conscience, and unsullied raiment, to administer the ordi- nances of the Lord." Stephhaus III, bishop of Rome, A. D. 260, directs ministers and the clergy generally, to wear the sacred vest- ments, not in their daily occupations, but only in the church.^^ 5. In view of the foregoing considerations, and others that could be mentioned, we must dissent from the received opinion that no cleri- cal costume was in use before the fourth or fifth century ; but we need not suppose that the fashion of it has from the beginning been the same. All analogy, as well as authentic history, justifies the % COSTUME OF THE CLERGY. 147 belief, that in form, and color, and materials, the costume may have been entirely changed. Some such essential change was probably made about the sixth century, by adopting the ancient Greek and Roman costume. In support of this hypothesis we offer the following considerations. a) This costume had been so superseded by the barbarian inva- ders, that it had already become obsolete and antiquated, and was now recommended not only by its natural fitness, and by its an- tiquity, but by the hallowed associations with which it was con- nected. b) It was the best means of preventing the general adoption of the odious garb of the monks, which in the fifth century was most zealously, opposed.^ ^ c) The adoption of this costume was greatly facilitated by being combined with the insignia and ornaments of the Jewish priests. The pallium of Tertullian, the xsTgdycovov of Greek writers, which was afterwards known by the name of cappa, was the cowl of the monks, and was greatly abhorred. But the pallium^ called wfiocpo- Qiov, corresponded to the ephod of the Jews, and was one of the distinguishing insignia of bishops, patriarchs, etc. 6. Bellarmin, who traced the history of the clerical costume through eight or nine hundred years, has very justly remarked that, notwithstanding some circumstantial- changes, the characteristic badges of the several orders remained substantially the same.^^ 7. The costume in question was originally white, and that has ever been the prevailing color of the christian uniform, Isvxov xixoi- vlaxov, iv Xsvicolg, veste candente, in albis, is the phraseology in which it is constantly described by ancient writers. ^^ The bishops of Constantinople, and the higher order of clergy in the fourth cen- tury, assumed the black robe, and the Novatians retained the white.^^ But since the tenth century, the modern Greek church have chang- ed again the color of their costume. On festivals in honor of saints, they are accustomed to wear a purple robe. In the seventh and eighth centuries, red, blue, and green, was worn in clerical vestments, as well as black, and white. Inno- cent III. prescribed white, the emblem of purity, for confessors and young people, — red, as a suitable memorial of the apostles and mar- tyrs, — green, for sunday and feasl-days ; and Hack, for fasts, fune- 148 OF THE CLERGY. rals, lent, etc. ; violet was worn at first but twice a year, but after- wards became common in some churches.i^ 8. Peculiar attention was paid to the head-dress both of bishops and priests. The clerical tonsure was introduced between the sixth and eighth centuries, and continued an essential requisite of the clergy, while the other ornaments of the head were endlessly varied, both in the Eastern and Western churches. The use of the wig is of a date still later, and was totally unknown in the primitive church. It was universally adopted by the clergy against all pre- cedent, and, although often prohibited, was for a long time retained, and then again passed into disuse. In the protestant church it was again introduced in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and became alternately the badge of orthodoxy, heresy, and neology.^^ 9. Sandals and the caligae, a kind of half boot, or bootees, were at first the only ornaments of the foot ; the use of common shoes was censured as unbecoming.!"^ In the year 789, the priests were required to wear shoes made after the fashion at Rome.^^ In the middle ages, they wore, in the summer, a kind of boot called aesti- valla. The accampia were probably some military boot. 10. The various kinds of ornaments which were worn by the priests are passed in silence. A mere enumeration of them would be of no value, and a treatise respecting them would of necessity be too extensive for this work. For information respecting their sacred vestments the curious reader is referred to the works of Ferrarius, Ritter, Bonanni, Du Tour, Saussaeus, Boileau, and others. CHAPTER VII. OF THE REVENUE OF THE CHURCH, AND THE MAINTENANCE OF THE CLERGY. Nothing like the provisions of the levitical law, for the mainte- nance of the priesthood was known in the primitive church. Neither was there any distinction between the property of the church and of the parish. But the duty of the church to maintain her religious teachers is presupposed and implied in the writings of the New Tes- REVENUE OF THE CHUHCH. 149 tament. The workman is worthy of his meat, says Christ, to which the apostle appeals. Even so hath the Lord ordained that they which preach the gospel should live by the gospel, 1 Cor. 9: 14, which he had previously shown to be not only an obvious conclusion from the words of Christ, but from the common understanding of men, and from the Mosaic laws, vs. 7 — 13. All this he is careful to show is said, not for his own sake, vs. 15 — 18, for he uniformly preached the gospel and served the church gratuitously ; Acts 20: 33-35. 2 Thess. 3: 7 seq. 2 Cor. 11: 7, 8. 12: 13. Phil. 4: 16— 18. 1 Tim. 6: 5. Tit. 1: 11. Acts 18: 3. 24: 17, etc., but to exhibit the duty of the Church towards her teachers. The example of the apostle was the general rule of the apostolic age. The church pos- sessed no. property, and exacted no tithes ; but her wants were sup- plied by voluntary offerings and contributions. The ordinary maintenance of the clergy consisted merely in the supply of their personal wants, 2 Thess. 3: 8. 1 Cor. 11: 20. 22: 33. Jude 11, 12. For this end the priests were accustomed to retain a due portion of the contributions which were made at the agapae^ or love feasts of the church. But TertuUian severely censured this custom, together with other abuses connected with this festival.^ Whatever was given for the relief of the poor and for the support of religious worship, was altogether voluntary on the part of the church. Acts 11: 29. Rom. 15: 26. 1 Cor. 16: 1 seq. TertuUian particularly informs us that they were accustomed once a month, or at any time, to deposit in a charity box whatever any one was able and willing to give, and adds. Nam nemo compellitur, sed sponte con- fert.^ These charities were expended in providing for the support and burial of the poor ; of orphans, of aged domestics, of the disa- bled and infirm ; and for their brethren in bonds. It is worthy of remark that in all this, no mention is made of the clergy^ as a distinct class ; but they are included among the aged and the poor. Such collections were at all times voluntary in the church, and when at length specific provision was made for the support of the clergy, and of religious worship, it was not by any ordinance of the church, but by the law of the state. Cases growing out of voluntary or stated contributions and compensations made to clergymen, were frequently submitted to the decision of councils.^ Fees paid to the clergy for services rendered, were called sportae, sportellae, and sportulae ; probably in allusion to the bringing of the first fruits 150 REVENUE OF THE CHURCH. in a basket, sportiila, Deut. 26: 1 — 12. They surely were not the same as the jura stolae, stol-gebiihren, surplice fees, which were total- ly unknown in the primitive church. It was an established rule that no fees should be received for religious services. The council of II- libiris, c. 48, forbade the custom of dropping a piece of money into the baptismal basin as a gratuity to the minister for administering the ordinance.^ Another strictly prohibited the receiving of anything from communicants at the Lord's table, alleging that the grace of God was not an article of merchandize, neither was the sanctification of the spirit imparted for money.^ Neither was it lawful to receive any fee for performing the burial service."'' The first departure from the voluntary principle above mentioned, Ijegan with the celebration of religious ordinances in a private man- ner, in which the individual, at whose request this private celebra- tion was performed, was required to pay something as an equivalent for the public and voluntary oblations which would otherwise have been made. For the sake of increasing the treasury of the church, a dispensation of the primitive usage was also introduced in the case ■of penance, which shortly led on to a wider departure from the rules of the church. Still when the payment of surrogate and sur- plice fees became common, they were not paid to the officiating priest, but into the public treasury of the church. The payment of fees and perquisites as now practised, is an abuse of later date than the above mentioned, which, like the penance-fees so often and so justly censured, still has found supporters even in the protestant churches of Europe.^ So far as the clergy of the primitive church can be said to have had any salary, it was paid, either according to their necessities, or according to some general rule, from the treasury of the church, or of the society. The treasury was supplied only from incidental sources, and chiefly from voluntary contributions. The amount paid to servants of the church, and for the poor, must have been more or less, according to the receipts of the treasury. The revenue of the church was submitted to the direction of the bishops, who employed the. deacons and the oeconomi, or stewards to disburse it. Various rules were from time to time given for the distribution of funds.^ One required that they should be divided into three equal parts, one of which was to be paid to the bishops, another to the clergy, and the third was to be expended in making repairs and pro- REVENUE OF THE CHURCH. 151 viding lights for the house, etc.^^ Another orders a fourfold divi- sion, to be equally appropriated to the bishop, the clergy and the poor, and in repairs of the churches and their furniture. ^^ In the fourth century the church and the clergy came into the possession of property, personal and real. As early as the year 321, Constantino granted the right of receiving the donations and bequests of pious persons.^'2 This right was often renewed and defined to prevent unjust exactions and other abuses. According to Eusebius, he granted at one time more than seventy thousand dollars from his treasury for the support of the ministry in Africa ; which is only one instance among many of his liberal donations.^^ i^j^g i^ws of Julian confiscating this property were themselves either quickly abrogated, or but partially enforced, without producing any lasting effect.^'^ The liberality of Gratian, Theodosius the Great, Theodosius the Younger, and other emperors, we must pass in silence ; but there were certain other ordinances for enriching the revenue of the church which are worthy of notice. 1. On the demolition of heathen temples and the dispersion of their priests by Theodosius and his sons, some of the spoils were secular- ized to enrich the treasury of the state ; but the greater part were applied to the benefit of the clergy, or appropriated to religious, uses.i^ 2. On the same principle the property belonging to heretics was sequestrated to the true catholic church.i^ 3. The estates of the clergy who died intestate and without heirs, and of all those who left the ministry for unworthy reasons, became the property of the church.i^ 4. The church was the heir at. law of all martyrs and confessors who died without near relations.!^ 5. The revenue of the church was increased by tithes and Jirst fruits. The primitive church might be expected to have introduced this ordinance of the Jews from the beginning. But it was wholly unknown until the fourth and fifth century. Irenaeus, indeed, speaks o( first fruits at an earlier period,^^ but it is a disputed passage,2o and only relates to the wine and the bread of the eucharist as the first fruits of Christ. Besides Irenaeus,^! Chrysostom,22 Gregory Nazi- anzen,23 Hilary ,24 Augustine,^^ and others, all enjoin the paying of tithes as a diMy, and not in imitation of the Jews. These tithes and first fruits the primitive Christians gave as a freewill offering, and 152 OF ORDIMATION. not by constraint of law, of which there appears no indication in the first five centuries. The council of Macon, in the year 585, ordered the payment of tithes in the church, as the restoration of an ancient and venerable custom. They directed the clergy to urge the duty in their public addresses, and threatened with excision from the church all who should refuse compliance.^^ This it will be observ- ed is merely an ecclesiastical law. No mention is made of any enactment of the state. Charlemagne first required the payment of tithes by statute law, and enforced the duty by severe penalties.^''' That emperor himself paid tithes from his private property and his Saxon possessions. His successors confirmed and completed the system of tithe by law, which was subsequently introduced into England and Sweden.^^ In the Eastern church the support of religion was never legally enforced, but it was urged as a religious duty, and tithes were paid as a voluntary ofTering.^s In the Western, under the general name of offerings, the ancient system of contributions and almsgivings was perpetuated in connection with the tithes and first fruits. These of- ferings were made, in some instances, in money, and in provisions, and in live stock — caitle, swine, lambs, geese, fowls, etc. The avails of these were applied to the treasury of the church, or pre- sented particularly to the parson, vicar, chorister, or warden. Simi- lar offerings are still common in the protestant churches. The payment of a stipulated salary to the clergy, in money, par- sonages, tithes, interest, and other rents, and the distribution of regu- lar salaries and occasional perquisites, is an institution of the middle ages, and too extensive and complicated to be discussed in this place. CHAPTER VIII. OF ORDINATION.^ § !• Remarks. The solemn consecration of a religious teacher to his office, as an institution of religion, is derived from the ordinances of the syna- gogue, as they were constituted after the Babylonish captivity. The presidents and readers of the synagogue were at first appointed to DISQUALIFICATIONS FOR ORDINATION. 153 their office by the solemn imposition of hands. Afterwards was added the anointing with oil, the investiture with the sacred gar- ments, and the delivery of the sacred utensils. This was caller' V 2*V.^, thefilling of the hands, Ex. 29: 24. Lev. 21: 10. Num. 3: 3. The first instance on record of an ordination in a christian church is that of ihe seven deacons at .Terusalem, in Acts 6: 1 — 7. These, though not appointed to the office of religious teachers, were set apart by prayer and the laying on of hands. The consecration of religious teachers and officers of the church is also mentioned in the following passages, Ads 13: 1—4. 14: 23. 1 Tim. 4: 14. 5: 22. 2 Tim. 1:6. In these passages three particulars are mentioned, fasting, prayer, and the laying on of hands. The historical fact is undeniable, that the church has, at all times, observed some prescribed mode of inducting into the sacred office those who were appointed to serve in that capacity. The several offices which were subsequently created were indeed unknown in the first organization of the church, as well as the different rites of ordination and installation. But the injunction that all things should be done decently and in order — the ministry of the word, and the laying on of hands, of which the apostle so often speaks, all imply a consecration to the sacred office by peculiar religious riles. The most ancient liturgies also, both of the Eastern and Western church, prescribe at length the mode of consecration to this office, and in this manner illustrate the solemnity of the transaction in the estima- tion of the ancient fathers of the church. It is also worthy of observation, that the various religious sects, schismatics and heretics, almost without exception, observed the rites of ordination. § 2. Disqualifications and qualifications for Ordination. The strictest precaution was exercised by the church to guard against the introduction of unworthy or unsuitable persons into the ministry. Several classes of persons were accordingly excluded from ordination, such as the following. 1. Women.^ This rule was in conformity with the apostolical precept, 1 Cor. 14: 34, 35. 1 Tim. 2: 11 seq. The appointment of deaconesses was no exception to this rule. They were not appoint- 20 154 OF ORDINATION, ed to bear rule, or to teach, but to perform certain offices which, from a due sense of decency and propriety were restricted to their own sex.* They were ordained with the usual formalities in the early periods of the church,^ but the custom was afterwards discon- tinued.3 » 2. Catechumens. To this rule there were a few exceptions as in the case of Ambrose, Nectarius, etc., but in general it was observed with great strictness. 3. Neophytes, novices ; men who were deficient in age, or know- ledge, or christian experience,! 1 Tim. 3: 6, 4. Energumens ; including all who were subject to severe mental or bodily infirmities. 5. Penitents ; all who for any offence had fallen under the cen- sure of the church, even though they had been fully restored to the privileges of its fellowship and communion. 6. Apostates. All who lived a vicious life after baptism.'* Offen- ces committed previously were not alleged as a disqualification.^ 7. All who were devoted to theatrical pursuits, or any occupations which disqualified them from receiving baptism.}: 8. Slaves, and Jreedmen who were still under some obligation to their former masters. This restriction was made not by reason of their humble condition, but because such persons could not be supposed to act with the freedom and independence which became the ministerial office. 9. Soldiers and military men of every description / for reasons * Kcil oTL [ih Jiaxovnnjuv Tayixu iailv slg zrv ixxXrjviai', uk)i Ivxl ilg TO uQaiEVtiv, ovds tl i7ii;^(x)Qsly iTrngensLv, I'vextv ds asfivoTiiTog tov yvvaixsiov yivovg, r] dt ojgav kovjQov, ?; sjiiayJipscag nd&ovg, ij ncvov, Ttal OTE yv^ivbj&SLtj (TbJfiu yvvalov, Xva fir} vno avSguv Ugovgyovvxav '&irj- -d^ELt]^ «Ar VTio jf^g dLccy.ovovarjg. Epiph. Haeres. 79, n. 3. t M?) otiv TVQOGffaTOP iTTQOGfpdzojg] (pojTud'iVTag ngoadysa&at tv rdyfiari IsQariao}- Cone. Laodir. can. 3. Conveniens non est, nee ratio, nee disci- plina patitur, ut temere vel leviter ordinetur, ant Episcopus, aut Presbyter, aut Diaconus, qui Neophytus est. . . . Sed hi, quorum per longum tenipurs examinata sit vita, et merita fuerint comprobata. Cone. Sardic. c. 10 ; Conf. Gregor. M. Epist. lib. iv. ep. 50 ; lib. vii, ep. 3; Justin. JVb».6,c. 1 ; J^'bv. 137, c. 1 ; Cone. Paris. A. D. 829, can 5. X Puto nee majestati divinae (says Cyprian), nee evangelicae disciplinae congruere, ut pudor et honor eeclesiae tam turpe et infami contagione foede- tur. DISQUALIFICATIONS FOR ORDINATION. 155 substantially the same as those which are mentioned in the preced- ing article. 10. Lmoyers and civilians. Men bearing civil offices, or in any- way entangled with the affairs of state, were incapacitated for the sacred office. Cavendum ab his est (says Innocent I.), propter tri- bulationem quod saepe de his ecclesiae provenit. The power of Rome at times overruled this regulation, but the church uniformly sought to separate herself wholly from all connection with the state.^ 11. All who were maimed^ especially eunuchs. Non injirmitatem (says Ambrose), sed firmitatem ; non victos, sed victores, postulat ecclesia. To this rule there were exceptions. 12. Persons who had contracted a second marriage. This rule is based on an erroneous interpretation of 1 Tim. 3: 2, and Tit. 1: 6. To these views of the church may be traced the ancient sentiments res[)ecting the celibacy of the clergy, which prevailed as early as the fourth century, and in the twelfth required of them the vow of celibacy in the Roman Catholic church. 13. Those who had received baptism upon their beds in extreme sickness, or under any urgent necessity when they might be suspect- ed of having acted not voluntarily, but by constraint.''' 14. They who had been baptized by heretics. An exception, how- ever, was made in favor of the Novatians and Donatists. 15. Persons who had been guilty of simoniacal conduct, i. e. of using bribery or any unfair means of obtaining ordination. This species of iniquity, the buying and selling of appointments to spiri- tual offices, and the obtaining of them by any unfair and dishonora- ble means, was severely censured by the church. The penalty was deposition from office, both on the part of him who was invested with holy orders, and of those who had assisted in his ordination. The laws of Justinian also required the candidate elect to make oath that he had neither given nor promised, nor would hereafter give, any reward directly or indirectly as a remuneration for aiding in his appointment.^ The exceptions above mentioned are comprised in the following lines : Aleo; senator; miles; caupo ; aulicns ; erro Mercator; lanius; pincerna : tabellio ; tutor, Curator; sponsor; conductor; conciliator; pronexeta Patronus causae ; procurator ve forensis ; In causa judex civili; vel capital), Clericus esse nequit, nisi Canones transgrediantur. 156 OF ORDII^ATION. Besides the foregoing negative rules, tiiere were oiiiers of a posi- tive character prescribing the requisite qualifications for ordinations. 1. The candidate ivas required to he of a certain age. The rules by which this canonical age was determined were undoubtedly de- rived from the Jewish rituals. The deacons were required to be of equal age with the levites — twenty-five years. The canonical age of presbyters and bishops was the sanne as that of the priests of the Jews — thirty years. The Apostolical Constitutions prescribe fifty years as the canonical age of a bishop. This was afterwards reduc- ed to thirty. In some instances, persons may have been introduced into the ministry at an age still earlier.^^ Both Siricius and Zosimus required thirty years for a deacon, thirty-five for a presbyter, and forty-five for a bishop.^ ^ The age at which our Lord entered upon his ministry is frequent- ly alleged as a reason for requiring the same age in a presbyter and bishop. That was usually the lowest canonical age.'^ Children were sometimes appointed readers. The age of subdeacons, aco- lyths, and other inferior officers, was established at different times, at fifteen, eighteen, twenty, and twenty-five years. 2. They were subject to a strict examination previous to ordination. This examination related to their faith, their morals, and their world- ly condition. They were especially subjected to the severest scrutiny in regard to the first particular. It was the duty of the bishop and subordinate officers of the clergy to conduct, for the most part, the examination ; but it was held in public, and the people also took a part in it. No one would be duly ordained without the concurrence of the people in this examination, and the united approbation both of them and the bishop.* Cyprian also insists upon the concur- rence of the people in the selection of a pastor, and offers as a rea- son, the consideration that they were more familiarly acquainted with the life and conversation of the candidate.i^ The names of the candidates were published, in order that they might be subjected to a severer canvass by the people. ^^ By a law of Justinian, the candidate was required to give a written statement of his religious faith, in his own handwriting, and to take a solemn oath against si- mony.^5 * Nullus clericus ordineter non jnobatvs vd episcoporum examine, vel pop- uli testimonio. Cone. Carthage, III. c. 2:2. QUALIFICATIONS FOR ORDINATION. 157 The extracts in the margin show how carefully the church observ- ed the apostolic injunction to lay hands suddenly on no man.* 3. JSo person could regularly he appointed Lo the higher offices of the church without having passed through the subordinate grades. To this rule there were frequent exceptions, but the principle was strenuously maintained, in order that no one should assume the min- isterial office until he had, in this way, become practically familiar with the whole system of ecclesiastical discipline and polily.^^ 4. Every one was to he ordained to some special charge.^ This was supposed to be the apostolical rule. Acts 14: 33. Tit. 1: 5. 1 Pet. 5: 2. Exceptions sometimes occurred, though very rarely, and always against the decided sentiments of the church. Non-resident clergy who are in this way removed from the watch and discipline * Qui episcopus ordinatus est, antea examinetur : si natura sit prudens, si docilis, si moribus temporatus, si vita castus, si sobrius, si semper suis nego- tiis vacafts, [al. caveus],si humilis, si affabilis, si misericors, si literatus, si in lege Domini instructus, si in Scripturarum sensibus caulus, si in dogmati- bus ecclesiasticis exercitatus, et ante omnia, si tidei documenta verbis sim- plicibus afFerat [asserat]. Quaerendumetiam ab eo; si novi vel veleris Tes- tamenti, id est legis et prophetarum et apostolorum, unum eundemque credat auctorem et Deum ; si Diabolus non per conditionem sed per arbitrium fac- tus sit mains. Cone. Carth. iv. c. 1. — Quando episcopus ordinationes lacere disponit, omnes, qui ad sacrum ministerium accedere volunt,feria quarta an- te ipsam ordinationem evocandisunt ad civitatem, unacum archipresbyteris, qui eos repraesentare debent. Et tunc episcopus a latere suo eligere debet sacerdotes et alios prudentes viros, gnaros divinae legis, exercitatos in eccle- siasticis sanctionibus, qui ordinandorum vitam, genus, patriam, aetatem, in- stitutionem, locum ubi educati sunt, si sint bene literati, si instructi in lege Domini, diligenter investigent, ante omnia si fidem catholicam firmiter tene- ant, et verbis simplicibus asserere queant. Ipsi autem, quibus hoc commit- titur, cavere debent, ne aut favoris gratia, aut cujuscunque muneris cupidi- tate illecti a vero devient, et indignum et minus idoneum ad sacros gradus suscipiendos episcopi manibus applicent. Cone. JS'annetense, A. D. 658. can. 11. Presbyterum ordinari non debet ante legitimum tempus, hoc est, ante xxx aetatis annum ; sed priusquam ad presbyteratus consecrationera ac- cedat, maneat in episcopio discendi gratia officium suum tam diu, donee pos- sint et mores et actus ejus animadverti ; et tunc, si dignus fuerit, ad sacerdo- tium promoveatur. Cjnc. Turon. 3, A. D. 813, c. 12. t Ut ex laico ad gradum sacerdotii ante nemo veniat, nisi prius in officio lectorati vel subdiaconati disciplinam ecclesiasticam discat, et sic per singu- los gradus ad sacerdotium veniat. Cone. Braear. 2, A. D. 563, c. 20. Va- ria habendu est ordinatio quae, nee loco fundata est nee auctoritate rau- MiU.*' 158 OF ORDINATION. of the church, receive no favor from the ancient canons, and early- ecclesiastical writers.* 5. Every minister was required to remain in the diocese over which he was ordained ; and no one could, at the same time, be in- vested with more than one office. Plurality of livings were unknown to the ancient church. 6. A clerical tonsure was made requisite about the fifth or sixth -century. No mention is made of it before the fourth, and it is first spoken of with decided disapprobation.^^ § 3. Administration of the Rite. The duty of administering the rite devolved, ex officio, upon the bishop alone. This is abundantly implied in the canons of councils, and often expressly asserted by ecclesiastical writers.^ Ordination by a presbyter is frequently declared to be null and void.^ The of- fice of the presbyter in the rites of ordination was to assist the bishop in ordaining a fellow presbyter.t The ordination was solemnized in the church and in the presence of the assembly. Private ordinations were severely censured.3 During the first four centuries, the ordination was had at any sea- son of the year, as occasion required, and on any day of the week. It afterwards became a rule of the church that the ordination should be performed only on the sabbath,"* sometimes in the morning, some- * Mt]§iva aTioleXvfiivojg (absolute) ytiQorovtiGd'ai, fit'/rs ttqsg^vtsqoVj /ujJts StdxovoVj fiTjTS u?Mg Tcvd ToJv iv ixxAT^ataartHM rdyfiari ti ^i] ISiawg (specia- Ijter) iv ivinXrjaia nohojg, rj }iojfj,rjgj rj uaQvifioj, rj novaarrjQioj c yeiQOTO%>ovfie- vog imnrjQvTToiro. Tavg Ss dnolvzog yuqoTOvov^ivog ojQtaev i] dyia ovvoSog avivQov I'xEiv rijv xoiavxriv ytiQO&foiav, xai fir^dafiov Si'paod'at ivf^yeiv t(p v^- ^si Tov xiiQOTOvtjaavTag. Cone. Ckalced. A. D. 451, c. 6 j Conf. Cone. Va- lent. c. 6. t Presbyter cum ordinatur, episcopo eum benedicente et manum super ca- put ejus tenente, etiam omnes presbyteri qui praesentes sunt, manus suas juxla manum episcopi super caput illius teneant ; Cone. Carth. W. c. 4. — Presbyteros quoque et diaconos sola nianuum impositione ordinabant ; sed Buos presbyteros quisque episcopus cum presbyterorum collegio ordinabat. Quanquam autem idem agebant omnes, quia tamen praeibat episcopus et quasi ejus auspiciis res gerebatur, ideo ipsius dicebatur ordinatio. Unde ve- teres hoc saepe habent, non difFerre alia re ab episcopo presbyterum, nisi quia ordinandi potestatem non habeat. Calvin, Jnstit. Rel. Chr. lib. iy. c. 4, § 15. ADMINISTRATION OF THE RITE. 159 times in the evening, but usually hi connection with the celebration of the Lord's supper.^ Candidates for ordination were accustomed uniformly to observe a seeison of fasting and prayer preparatory to this ordinance,^ and to receive the sacrament. The first and most significant act in the rite of ordination was the imposition of hands. This has been, from the beginning, an uni- form and expressive rite in the consecration of one to the service of the sacred ministry ; and in this, accompanied with prayer, the act of ordination essentially consisted. By many this is supposed to dif- fer from the common imposition of hands at baptism, confirmation, and absolution. The manner of performing the ceremony has dif- fered at difierent times. About the ninth century it became customary, in the Romish church, to anoint the candidate for holy orders. The investiture — the custom of delivering the sacred vessels, or- naments and vestments— was introduced in the seventh century. But some mention is made of it at an earlier date. The badges and insignia varied with different persons according to the nature of their office. In the ordination of a bishop, an open Bible was laid upon his head — sometimes delivered into his hands, to indicate that he was continually to consuh this for direction in duty. A ring was put upon his finger as a token of his espousal to the church, and a staflT in his hand as the shepherd of the flock. The mitre was added in the tenth century, and the glove was also introduced, but at what time does not appear. The presbyter received the sacramental cup and plate, in token of his service in administering the sacrament. Upon the deacon, the bishop laid his right hand and delivered to him a copy of the gospels, to indicate that he was to act as the agent and organ of the bishop. The subdeacon received an empty patin and cup, with an ewer and napkin ; the reader received a copy of the Scriptures ; the acolyth, a candlestick with a taper ; and the ostiarii, the keys of the church. The party ordained was signed with the sign of the cross, and, after his ordination, received the kiss of charity from the ordaining minister and his assistants.^ 160 OF ORDINATION. The following is the prayer which is prescribed by the Apostoli- cal Constitutions, to be used in the ordination of a bishop. " O eternal and almighty Lord God, the only unbegotten and su- prenne, who art from eternity, before all time and all things ; thou who hast need of nothing, and art exalted far above all circumstan- ces and events ; thou who art the only true, the only wise, the high- est over all ; whose nature is inscrutable, and whose knowledge is without beginning ; thou who alone art good, and with whom no one may compare ; thou who knowest all things, before they come to pass ; thou from whom no secrets are hid, whom no one can ap- proach unto, whom no one can command ; O thou God and Father of thine only-begotten Son, our Lord and Saviour ; thou who through time hast created all things, and who upholdest all ; thou father of mercy, and God of all consolation ; thou who dwellest in the highest, and regardest the things that are below ; thou who hast given to the church its bounds by the incarnation of thy Christ, with the testimony of the Comforter, by thine apostles, and by the bishops here present by thy grace ; thou who from the beginning, amongst the first men, didst for the good of thy people appoint priests, even Abel, Seth, Enos, Enoch, Noah, Melchizedek, and Job ; — thou who didst choose thy faithful servants Abraham and the other patriarchs, Moses, Aaron, Eleazar, and Phineas, and didst appoint from among them princes and priests for the service of the covenant ; who didst make Samuel both priest and prophet, who didst not leave thy sanctuary without ministers and attendance, and didst show favor unio those whom thou didst cause to minister to thy glory ; — we be- seech thee to pour out now through us, by the mediation of thy Christ, the power of thine almighty spirit, which is given through thy beloved Son Jesus Christ, and which he imparted to thine holy apos- tles, according to thy will, O eternal God. Grant, O thou searcher of the heart, that this thy servant, whom thou hast chosen to the office of a bishop, may feed thy holy flock in thy name, and may serve thee unblameably as thine high priest, day and night ; and that he, propitiating thy countenance, may gather unto thee the number of those who shall be called, and may present the offerings of thy holy church. Grant unto him, O Lord Almighty, by thy Christ and the communication of the Holy Spirit, that he may have power to remit sins according to thy commandment, to confer orders {dtdovai xX^'i^ovg) according to thy appointment, and to loose every DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 161 bond (TToVra o-y»'5co-^ov) according to the power which thou didst grant unlo thine apostles. Grant that he may please thee by meek- ness, purity of heart, conslancy, sincerity, and a blameless conver- sation ; that so he may offer unto thee the pure and unbloody sacri- fice which thou hast appointed by Christ in the sacrament of the new covenant, and as the ofTering of a sweet-smelling savor, through thy dear Son Jesus Christ, our God and Saviour, through whom be unto thee glory, honor, and adoration, in the Holy Spirit, now and for ever. Amen." § 4. Remarks of chrysostom, Jerome, and Gregory Nazianzen, relating to the character and duties of christian ministers. Bingham has inserted in his Antiquities a large collection of quotations from the Fathers, especially Chrysostom, Jerome, and Gregory Nazianzen, relating to the character and duties of christian ministers ; from which I make the following selection. The subject is one of more than ordinary interest ; and many of the observations of these pious writers of former times will be found to possess an uncommon degree of intrinsic weight and value. It may also be a seasonable relief to us, in the midst of this collection of testimonies from the early writers concerning the external constitution and prac- tices of the church, to hear the evidence of the same writers con- cerning something of a more internal character ; to learn what was their standard of moral and spiritual excellence in the character of a christian minister, as well as to consider their institutions concern- ing the different orders of clergy, their appointments, the offices as- signed to them, their revenues, and dress. " Some," says Gregory Nazianzen, " do, with unwashen hands and profane minds, press to handle the holy mysteries, and affect to be at the altar before they are fit to be initiated to any sacred ser- vice ; they look upon the holy order and function, not as designed for an example of virtue, but only as a way of supporting themselves ; not as a trust, of which they are to give an account, but in a state of absolute authority and exemption. And these men's examples cor- rupt the people's morals, faster than any cloth can imbibe a color, or a plague infect the air ; since men are more disposed to receive the tincture of vice than virtue from the example of their rulers." In opposition to this, he declares it to be incumbent upon all spiritual 21 162 OF OEDINATION. physicians, " that they should draw the picture of all manner of vir- tues in their own lives, and set themselves as examples to the peo- ple ; that it might not be proverbially said of them, that they set about curing others, while they themselves are full of sores and ul- cers." He urges, also, the necessity of purity in the life and con- versation of the clergy, from the consideration of the dignity and and sacredness of their office. " A minister's office places him in the same rank and order with angels themselves ; he celebrates God with archangels, transmits the church's sacrifice to the altar in heaven, and performs the priest's office with Christ himself;* he reforms the work of God's hands, and presents the image to his maker; his workmanship is for the world above ; and therefore he should be exalted to a divine and heavenly nature, whose business is to be as God himself, and make others gods also." (Greg. Naz. Oral. 1, Apologet. de Fuga.) And Chrysosiom makes use of the same argument, " that the priesthood, though it be exercised upon earth, is occupied wholly about heaven- ly things ; that it is the ministry of angels put by the Holy Ghost in- to the hands of mortal men ; and therefore a priest ought to be pure and holy, as being placed in heaven itself, in the midst of those heavenly powers." (Chrysostom, Be Sacerdot. lib. 3, c. 4.) He dwells, also, upon the dangerous influence of bad example. '* Sub- jects commonly form their manners by the patterns of their princes. How then should a proud man be able to assuage the swelling tu- mors of others ? or an angry ruler hope to make his people in love with moderation and meekness ? Bishops are exposed, like com- batants in the theatre, to the view and observation of all men ; and their faults, though never so small, cannot be hid ; and therefore, as their virtuous actions profit many by provoking them to the like zeal, so their vices will render others unfit to attempt or prosecute any- thing that is noble and good. For which reason, their souls ought to shine all over with the purest brightness, that they may both en- * This mistaken view of the ministerial office is one of the errors of the times in which Gregory wrote. Misrepresentations concerning the real na- ture of the christian ministry are not peculiar to the church of Rome; they arose as early as the third and fourth centuries. But while we discard the errors of the men of those times, let us not throw aside their reverent regard for that which constitutes the real dignity and usefulness of the sacred of- ftce as a minister in holy things. DUTIES OF CHEISTIAN MINISTERS. 163 lighten and stimulate the souls of others, who have their eyes upon them. A priest should arm himself all over with purity of life, as with adamantine armour ; for if he leave any part naked and un- guarded, he is surrounded both with open enemies and pretended friends, who will be ready to wound and supplant him. So long as his life is all of a piece, he needs not fear their assaults ; but if he be caught in a fault, though but a small one, it will be laid hold of, and improved, to the prejudice of all his former virtues. For all men are most severe judges in his case, and treat him not with any allowance for being encompassed with flesh, or as having an human nature ; but expect that he should be an angel, and free from all in- firmities." {Ibid. lib. iii. c. 14.) " He cannot, indeed, with any tol- erable decency and freedom discharge his office in punishing and reproving others, unless he himself be blameless and without re- buke." (J^t(i. lib. v.c. 3.) The peculiar virtues of the external life and conversation of the clergy, which these pious writers most frequently commend, are the following;— hospitality and kindness to the poor, — frugality, and a holy contempt of the world, — harmless and inoffensive discourse ; — and care to avoid all suspicion of evil. — Jerome says, " It is one of the glories of a bishop to provide for the poor; but a disgrace to the sacred function, to seek only to enrich himself." (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad. Nepotian.) Chrysostom highly extols his bishop Flavian upon ac- count of this virtue. He says that " his house was always open to strangers, and to such as were obliged to have recourse to flight for the sake of religion ; where they were received and entertained with such liberality and kindness, that his house might as properly be called ' The house of strangers,' as ' The house of Flavian.' Yea, it was so much the more his own, for being common to strangers ; for whatever we possess is so much the more our property for being communicated to our poor brethren ; there being no place where we may so safely lay up our treasure, as in the hands of the poor." (Ghrysos. Serm. 1 in Gen,) On the other hand, Jerome observes, in his instruction to Nepotian, " You must avoid giving great enter- tainments to secular men, and especially to those who are high in office. For it is not very reputable to have the lictors and guards of a consul stand waiting at the doors of a priest of Christ, who him- self was crucified and poor ; nor that a judge of a province should dine more sumptuously with you, than in a palace. If it be pre- 164 OF ORDINATION. tended that you do this only to be able to intercede with him for poor criminals ; there is no judge but will pay a greater deference and respect to a poor clergyman than to a rich one, and show great- er reverence to your sanctity than lo your riches. Or if he be such an one as will hear a clergyman's intercession only at his table, I should willingly be without this benefit, and rather beseech Christ for the judge himself, who can more speedily and powerfully help than any judge." (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad Nejjolian.) Again, " The laity should rather find us to be comforters in their mournings, than com- panions in their feasts. That clergymen will soon be despised, who never refuses any entertainments when he is frequently invited to them." {Ibid.) — The virtues of the tongue were also considered of great importance in the life of a clergyman, in the times of which we are treating. Jerome gives a particular caution to ministers, against the sin of detraction and calumny, and especially against giving encouragement to evil speaking, by a patient hearing. " No slanderer," says he, " tells his story to one who is not willing to hear him. An arrow never fixes in a stone, but often recoils, and wounds him that shoots it. Therefore let the detractor be less forward and busy, by your unwillingness to hear his detraction." (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad Nepotian.) The same writer recommends another virtue of the tongue to clergymen ; namely, the habit of keeping secrets, and of observing a becoming silence, especially about the affairs of public persons. " Your ofRce," says he, " requires you to visit the sick, and thereby you become acquainted with the families of matrons and their children, and are entrusted with the secrets of noble men. You ought, therefore, to keep not only a chaste eye, but a chaste tongue. .... You ought not to let one house know from you what may have been done in another." (Ibid.) Chrysoslom gives some excel- lent advice respecting the great duty of avoiding every appearance of evil, — a duty especially incumbent upon Christian ministers. " If," says he, " the holy apostle St. Paul was afraid lest he should have been suspected of theft by the Corinthians ; and upon that account took others into the administration of their charity with himself, that no one might have the least pretence to blame him ; how much more careful should we be to cut off all occasions of sinister opinions and suspicions, however false or unreasonable they might be, or dis- agreeable to our character. For none of us can be so far removed DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 165 from any sin, as St. Paul was from 4heft ; yet he did not think fit to contemn the suspicions of the vulgar; he did not trust to the repu- tation which both his miracles, and the integrity of his life, had gen- erally procured for him ; but, on the contrary, he imagined that such suspicions and jealousies might arise in the hearts of some men, and therefore he took care to prevent them ; not suffering them to arise at all, but timely foreseeing them and prudently forestalling them ; providing, as he says, for honest things, not only in the sight of God, but also in the sight of men. The same care, and much greater, should we take, not only to dissipate and destroy the ill opinions men may have entertained of us, but to foresee afar off from what causes they may spring, and to cut off beforehand the oc- casions and pretences from which they may arise. And it is much easier to do this, than to extinguish them when they are risen, which will then be very difficult, and perhaps impossible ; besides that their being raised will give great scandal and offence, and wound the conscience of many." (Chrysost. de Sacerdot. lib. vi. c. 9.) Je- rome in like manner, represents it as the duly of a minister to avoid all suspicions ; and to take care before hand that there should be no probable grounds for fictitious stories to the disadvantage of his moral character. (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad Neoplian.) But it might hap- pen, as Bingham truly observes, that a man, after the utmost human caution and prudence that could be used, might not be able to avoid the malevolent suspicions of ill-disposed persons ; for our blessed Lord, whose innocence and conduct were both equally divine could not in his converse with men wholly escape them. Now, in this case» the church could prescribe no other rule than that of patience and christian consolation, given by our Saviour to his apostles, " Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you falsely for my sake ; rejoice, and be exceeding glad ; for great is your reward in heaven." (Matt. 5: 11.) " When we have done," says Augustin, " all that in justice and pru- dence we could, to preserve our good name, if, after that, some men will notwithstanding endeavor to blemish our reputation, and blacken our character, either by false suggestions or unreasonable suspicions, let conscience be our comfort, and even our joy, that great is our reward in heaven." (Augustin. De Bono Viduitat. c. 22.) From these observations respecting the general life and conversa^ 166 OF ORDINATION. tion of the clergy, let us pass to others more immediately relating to the exercise of the duties and offices of their sacred function. The fathers frequently insist upon the necessity of due study and application^ in order to the right discharge of the ministerial office. For since, as Gregory Nazianzen observes, (Orat. 1. Be Fuga,) a man could not become master of the meanest arts without the cost of much time and pains, it were absurd to think that the art of wis- dom, which comprehends the knowledge of things human and di- vine, and comprises everything that is noble and excellent, was so light and vulgar a thing, as that a man needed no more than a wish or a will to obtain it. Some indeed, he complains, (Ibid.) were of this fond opinion ; and, therefore, before they had well passed the time of their childhood, or knew the names of the books of the Old and New Te5?tament, or how well to read them, if they had learnt but two or three pious words by heart, or had read a few of the Psalms of David, and put on a grave habit, which made some out- ward show of piety, they had the vanity to think themselves qualified for the government of the church. They then talked of nothing but the sanctification of Samuel from his cradle, and thought themselves profound scribes, great rabbies and teachers, sublime in the know- ledge of divine things ; and were for interpreting the Scripture, not by the letter, but after a spiritual way, propounding their own dreams and fancies, instead of the divine oracles, to the people. This, he complains, was for want of that study and labor which ought to give continual employment to those persons who take upon them the of- fices of the sacred function. Chrysostom pursues this matter a little further ; and shows the necessity of continual labor and study in a clergyman, from the nature of the work which he has upon hand, each part of which requires great and sedulous application. For, says he, first, he ought to be qualified to minister suitable remedies to the several maladies and disorders of men's souls ; the cure of which requires greater skill and labor than the cure of their bodily distempers. And this can be done only by the doctrine of the gos- pel ; with which, therefore, it is necessary that he should be inti- mately acquainted. Then again, secondly, he must be able to stop the mouths of all gainsayers, Jews, gentiles, and heretics, who em- ploy different arts and different weapons in their attacks upon the truth ; and unless he exactly understands all their fallacies and so- phisms, and knows the true art of making a proper defence, he will DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTEHS. 167 be in danger not only of suffering each of them to make havoc of the church, but of encouraging one error while combating another. For nothing was more common, in Chrysostom's time, than for ig- norant and unskilful disputants to run from one extreme to another ; as he shows in the controversies which the church had with the Mar- cionites and Valentinia^s on the one hand, and the Jews on the other, about the law of Moses ; and the dispute about the Trinity, between the Arians and the Sabellians. Now, unless a man were well skil- led and exercised in the word of God, and the true art and rules of disputation, which could not be attained without continual study and labor, he concludes that " it would be impossible for him to maintain his ground, anc^ the truih, as he ought, against so many subtle and wily oppose rs," He then inculcates that instruction of St. Paul to Timothy, " Give attendance to reading, to exhortation, to doctrine : meditate upon these things ; give thyself wholly to them, that thy profiting may appear to all men." Thirdly, he shows " how diffi- cult and laborious a work it was to make continual homilies and regular discourses to the people, who were become very severe judges of the preacher's compositions, and would not allow him to rehearse any part of another man's work, nor so much as to repeat his own upon a second occasion. Here his task was something the more difficult, because men had generally nice and delicate palates, and were inclined to hear sermons as they heard plays, more for pleasure than profit. Which added to the preacher's study and la- bor ; who, though he was to contemn both popular applause and censure, yet was also to have such a regard to his auditory, as that they might hear him with pleasure, to their edification and advan- tage." Some persons having been ready to plead the apostle's au- thority for their ignorance, and even to pride themselves upon their want of learning, to this Chrysostom very properly replies, that "this was a misrepresentation of St. Paul's meaning, and was vainly urged in excuse for any man's sloth and negligence in not attaining to those necessary parts of knowledge which the clerical life required. If the utmost heights and perfections of foreign eloquence had been rigidly exacted of the clergy ; — if they had been required to speak always with the smoothness of Isocrates, or the loftiness of Demos- thenes, or the majesty of Thucydides, or the sublimity of Plato, — then indeed it might be pertinent to allege this testimony of the apos- tle. But rudeness of style, in comparison with such eloquence, may 168 OF ORDINATION. be allowed ; provided men be otherwise qualified with knowledge, and furnished with ability to preach and dispute accurately concern- ing the doctrines of faith and religion, as St. Paul was ; whose tal- ents in that kind have made him the wonder and admiration of the whole world ; and it would be unjust to accuse him of rudeness of speech, who by his discourses confounded both Jews and Greeks, and wrought many into the opinion that he was the Mercury of the gentiles. Such proofs of his power of persuasion were sufficient evidence that he had bestowed some pains upon this matter ; and therefore his authority was vainly abused to patronize ignorance and sloth, whose example was so great a reproach to them." The same writer afterwards proceeds to show, that a good life alone is not a sufficient qualification for a minister, nor ought to be regarded as any valid ground of excuse for want of knowledge and study, and the art of preaching and disputing. " Both these qualifications," says he, " are required in a priest ; he must not only do, but teach, the commands of Christ, and must guide others by his word and doctrine as well as by his practice ; each of these have their part in his of- fice, and are necessary to assist one another, in order to complete men's edification. For otherwise, when any controversy may arise about the doctrines of religion, and Scripture may be pleaded in be- half of error ; what will a good life avail in this case ? What will it signify to have been diligent in the practice of virtue, if, after all, a man through gross ignorance and unskilfulness in the word of truth, fall into heresy, and cut himself off from the body of the church ? And I know many that have done so. But, suppose that a man should stand firm himself, and not be drawn away by the adversa- ries ; yet, when the plain and simple people who are under his care shall observe their leader to be baffled, and that he has nothing to say to the arguments of a subtle opponent, they will be ready to im- pute this not so much to the weakness of the advocate, as to the bad- ness of his cause : and so, by one man's ignorance, a whole people will be carried headlong to utter destruction : or, at least, will be so shaken in their faith, that they will not stand firm for the future." (Chrysost. De Sacerdot. lib. iv. 5.) And, in like manner, Jerome observes in his Epistle to Nepotian, " thai the plain rustic brother should not value himself upon his sanctity, and despise knowledge ; neither should the skilful and eloquent speaker measure his holiness by his tongue. For, though of two imperfections it was better to DTTTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 1^9 have a holy ignorance than a vicious eloquence ; yet both qualifica- tions were necessary to complete a priest, and he ought to have knowledge as well as sanctity to fit him for the several duties of his function." (Hieron. Ep.2 ad Nepotian.) But it was the study of the Holy Scriptures which was especially enjoined upon christian ministers by these pious writers. Chrysos- tom says, " In administering spiritual remedies to the souls of men, the word of God is instead of everything that is used in the cure of bodily distempers. It is instrument, and diet, and air ; it is instead of medicine, and fire, and knife ; if caustics and incisions are neces- sary, they are to be done by this ; and if this do not succeed, it were in vain to try other means. This is it which is to raise and comfort the dejected soul ; and to take down and suppress the swelling hu- mors and presumptions of the confident. By this they are both to cut oflf what is superfluous, to supply what is wanting, and to do everything that is necessary to be done in the cure of souls. By this all heretics and unbelievers are to be convinced, and all the plots of Satan to be countermined : and therefore it is necessary that the ministers of God be very diligent in studying the Scriptures, that the word of Christ might dwell richly in them." (Chrysost. De Sacerdot. lib. iv. c. 3, 4.) Jerome commends his friend Nepotian for this, " that at all feasts it was his practice to propound something out of the Holy Scriptures, and entertain the company with some useful disquisition from it. And, next to the Scriptures, he employed his time upon the study of the best ecclesiastical authors, whom by con- tinual reading and frequent meditations he had so treasured up in the library of his heart, that he could repeat their words on any proper occasion ; saying, thus spake Tertullian,thus Cyprian, so Lactantius, after this manner Hilary, so Minucius Felix, so Victorinus, these were the words of Arnobius, and the like." (Hieron. Epitaph. iVe- pot.^J. ad Heliodor.) We find the following observations, among many others, respect- ing the public discharge of ministerial duties :— " With what exact care," says Chrysostom, " ought he to behave himself, who goes in the name of a whole city, nay, in the name of the whole world, as their orator and ambassador, to intercede with God for the sins of all }* But especially when he invocates the Holy Ghost, and offers * There is great danger in the use of such language as this. Doubtless 22 170 OF ORDINATION. up the tremendous sacrifice of the altar ;* with what purity, with what reverence and piety, should his tongue utter forth those words ; whilst the angels stand by him, and the whole order of heavenly powers cries aloud, and fills the sanctuary in honor of him who is represented as dead and lying upon the altar." Chrysost. De Sacer- dot. lib. vi. c. 4.) Concerning preaching, the following rules are laid down by Greg- ory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and Jerome. — First, that the preacher be careful to make choice of an useful subject. Gregory Nazianzen (Oral. 1 de Fuga), specifies some particular and leading subjects, -^such as the doctrine of the world's creation, and the soul of man ; the doctrine of providence, and the restoration of man ; the two cov- enants ; the first and second comings of Christ ; bis incarnation, suf- ferings, and death ; the resurrection, the end of the world, and the future judgment; the different rewards of heaven and hell ; together with the doctrine of the blessed Trinity, which is the principal arti- cle of the Christian faith. Such subjects as these are fit for edifica- tion, to build up men in faith and holiness, and the practice of all pi- ety and virtue. But then, secondly, these subjects must be treated in a suitable way ; not with too much art or loftiness of style, but with great con- descension to men's capacities, who must be fed with the word as they are able to bear it. This is what Gregory Nazianzen so much commends in Athanasius, when he says, " He condescended and ac- commodated himself to mean capacities, whilst to the acute his no- tions and words are more sublime," (Greg, Naz. Orat. 21, de Laud. Athan.) Jerome also observes upon this head, " that a preacher's discourse should always be plain, intelligible, and affecting ; and rather adapted to excite men's groans and tears by a sense of their sins, than their admiration and applause by speaking to them what neither they, nor he himself perhaps, do truly understand. For they are chiefly ignorant and unlearned men who affect to be admired for their speaking above the capacities of the vulgar. A bold man often there is a sense in which it may be rightly employed ; but it must be careful- ly remembered that the only mediator between God and man, — the only in- tercessor on behalf of the church, — is the Lord Jesus Christ. Many prac- tical errors, however, were interwoven with the Christian faith during the third and fourth centuries. * That ig, celebrates the Lord's Sopper in the congregation. DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. 171 interprets what he himself does not understand ; and yet he has no sooner persuaded others to they know not what, than he assumes to himself the title of learning upon it. While yet there is nothing so easy as to deceive the ignorant multitude, who are always most prone to admire what they do not understand." (Hieron, Ep. 2 ad Nepotidn.) Chrysostom spends almost a whole book {De Sacerdot. lib. V.) in cautioning the christian orator against the fault of courting popular applause ; and points out the necessity of his despising both the applauses and censures of men, and all other things which might tempt him to flatter his hearers, rather than edify them. " In a word," says he, " his chief end in all his compositions should be to please God : and then, if he also gained the praise of men, he might receive it ; if not, he needed not to court it nor torment himself be- cause it was denied him. For it would be consolation enough for all his labors, that in the application of his doctrine and eloquence he had always sought to please his God." (De Sacerdot. lib. v. c. 7.) A third rule was, that preachers should carefully adapt their doc- trine to the actual wants and necessities of their hearers. Chrysos- tom, in describing this part of a minister's duty, says, that " he should be watchful and clear-sighted, and have a thousand eyes about him, as living not for himself alone, but for a multitude of people. To live retired in a cell is the part of a monk ; but the duty of a watch- man is to cpnverse among men of all degrees and callings ; to take care of the body of Christ, the church, and have regard both to its health and beauty ; carefully observing lest any spot, or wrinkle, or other defilement, should sully its grace and comeliness. Now this obliges spiritual physicians to apply their medicines, that is, their doc- trines, as the maladies of their patients chiefly require ; to be most earnest and frequent in encountering those errors and vices which are most predominant, or by which men are most in danger of being infected. (Chrysost. De Sacerdot. lib. iii. c. 12 ; lib. iv. c. 2, 3.) In private addresses to the persons under their charge, the cler- gy were enjoined to exercise^ prudence, as well as fidelity and diligence. " Man," says Gregory Nazianzen, "is so various and uncertain a creature, that it requires great art and skill to manage him. For the tempers of men's minds differ more than the features and lineaments of their bodies ; and, as all meats and medicines are not proper for all bodies, so neither is the same treatment and disci- pline proper for all souls. Some are best moved by words, others 172 OF ORDINATION. by examples ; some are of a dull and heavy temper, and so have need of the spur to stimulate them ; others, that are brisk and fiery, have more need of the curb to restrain them. Praise works best upon some, and reproof upon others, provided that each of them be ministered in a suitable and seasonable way, otherwise they do more harm than good. Some men are drawn by gentle exhortations to their duty ; others by rebukes and hard words must be driven to it. And even in this business of reproof some men are affected most with open rebuke, others with private. For some men never regard a secret reproof, who yet are easily corrected, if chastised in public : others again cannot bear a public disgrace, but .grow either morose, or impudent and implacable, under it ; who, perhaps, would have hearkened to a secret admonition, and repaid their monitor with their conversion, as presuming him to have accosted them out of mere pity and love. Some men are to be so nicely watched and observ- ed, that not the least of their faults are to be dissembled ; because they seek to hide their sins from men, and arrogate to themselves thereupon the praise of being politic and crafty : in others it is bet- ter to wink at some faults, so that seeing we Will not see, and hear- ing we will not hear, lest by too frequent chidings we bring them to despair, and so make them cast off modesty and grow bolder in their sins. To some men we must put on an angry countenance, and. seem to deplore their condition, and to despair of them as lost and pitiable wretches, when their nature so requires it : others again must be treated with meekness and humility, and be recovered to a better hope by more promising and encouraging prospects. Some men must be always conquered and never yielded to ; whilst to oth- ers it will be better to concede a little. For all men's distempers are not to be cured the same way ; but proper medicines are to be applied, as the matter itself, or occasion, or the temper of the patient will allow. And this is the most difficult part of the pastoral office, to know how to distinguish these things nicely, with an exact judg- ment, and with as exact a hand to administer suitable remedies to ev- ery distemper. It is a master-piece of art, which is not to be attained but by good observation, joined with experience and practice." (Greg. Naz. Oral. 1. de Fuga ; Conf. Oral. 2\,de Laud Athan.) In like manner, Chrysostom, speaking of the qualification of a christian minister, observes, that " he ought to be wise, as well as holy ; a man of great experience, and that understands the world ; and, be- PUNISHMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 17S cause his business is with all sorts of men, he should be noixlXog, one that can appear with different aspects, and act with a great variety of skill. But when I say this, I do not mean," says he, " that he should be a man of craft or servile flattery, or a dissembling "hypo- crite ; but a man of great freedom and boldness, who knows, not- withstanding, how to condescend and accommodate himself to men's advantage, when occasion requires, and who can be mild as well as austere. For all men are not to be treated in the same way ; no physician uses the same method with ail his patients." (Chrysost. -De Sacerdot. lib. iii. c. 16.) Zeal and courage in defending tJie truth is an other quality which the ancients correctly represent as requisite in a christian minister. '* In other cases," says Gregory Nazianzen, " there is nothing so peaceable, so moderate, as christian bishops ; but in this case they cannot bear the name of moderation to betray their God by silence and sitting still ; here they are exceedingly eager warriors and fight- ing champions, that are not to be overcome." (Greg. Naz. Or at. 21, De Laud. Athan. : Conf. Oral. 20, De Laud. Basil.) But in speaking thus, they made it to be, at the same time, distinctly under- stood that " the weapons of our warfare are not carnal." Such are among the truly excellent remarks of Chrysostom, Greg- ory Nazianzen, and Jerome, concerning the character and duties of a christian minister. These specimens of practical ^piety and wis- dom from the writings of the Fathers, while they convey important instruction on the particular subject to which they relate, ma)' also serve to direct our attention, in general, to the true value and use of those precious records of the early church. Let us not be unwilling to avail ourselves of the piety, learning, and experience of ancient christian teachers ; nor be disposed to overlook what is really im- portant in their writings, merely because they were subject to hu- man infirmity, and were involved in some of those errors which grad- ually gathered round the church from the second century, until the days of the blessed Reformation. § 5. Punishment of Delinquents.* The stern and awful sanctity of the primitive christians is pecu- liarly manifest in the severity of that discipline to which they sub- Siegel's AllerthQmer 111, Bd. 79. 174 OF ORDINATION. jected offending members of their communion. Their system of discipline towards laymen who were subject to it, is fully developed in a subsequent part of this work, chap. xvii. But the clergy of every grade were the subjects of a discipline peculiar to their body ; and in some respects even more severe than that of private members of the church. The' latter might, by suitable demonstrations of peni- tence, be again restored to their former standing ; but this privilege was never accorded to a degraded or excommunicated minister. If, for any offence, he once fell under ecclesiastical censure, he was ex- cluded from the clerical order entirely and forever. The offences for which a clergyman was liable to censure or pun- ishment were very numerous, and continually increased as the spirit of ancient Christianity degenerated and gave place to the ostentatious formalities of later times. They may, however, be comprised un- der the following classes : apostasy, heresy, simony, neglect of duty of any kind, especially departure from the prescribed forms of wor- ship ; and open immorality. Many of these offences evidently related to the peculiar trials to which the primitive Christians were subject, and to the heresies and defections which were consequent upon them. Offences of this character were visited with peculiar severity upon the clergy. The punishments inflicted upon offending members of the clerical body during the first seven or eight centuries, may be reduced to the following heads : suspension, degradation, exclusion from the com- munion, imprisonment, corporal punishment, and excommunication. 1. Suspension. This related either to the salary of the clergyman, or to his office. Both methods of punishment were practised by the ancient church. An instance is related in the writings of Cyprian of some whos6 monthly wages were suspended, while they were al- lowed to continue in the discharge of their office. Decrees to this effect were ordained by the councils of Nice, Ephesus, and Agde. Suspension from oflEice was varied according to circumstances. At one time the offender was suspended from the performance of the active duties of his office, whilst he still retained his clerical rank with his brethren in the ministry.^ At another, he was forbidden to perform some of the duties of his office, while he continued in the discharge of others ; and again, he was debarred the performance of all ministerial duties for a definite period of time. 2. Degradation. This punishment consisted, as its name implies, PUNISHMENT OP DELINQUENTS. 175 in removing the offender from a higher to a lower grade of office.. This sentence of degradation appears to have been final and irrevo- cable.2 Bishops were in this manner transferred from a larger to a smaller or less important diocese.^ Presbyters were degraded to the order of deacons ; and deacons, to that of subdeacons. This spe- cies of punishment was also inflicted upon bishops in Africa by su- perseding them in their expected succession to the office of arch- bishop or metropolitan.'* 3. Exclusion from the communion. Of this there were two kinds, which were denominated communio peregrina, and communio laica. The former has sometimes been confounded with the latter, or it has been supposed to denote a communion in one kind, or commu- nion only at the point of death, which, in the Romish church, was regarded as a kind of passport to the future world. The most prob- able explanation of this point, confessedly obscure, is, that the term communion implied not only a participation of the eucharist, but in all the rights and privileges of a member of the church. Travellers and strangers, unless they had testimonials certifying to their regular standing in the church, were presumed to be under censure, and were not allowed the privileges of full communion, though permitted to receive, if need be, a maintenance from the funds of the church. An instance is related of Chrysostom, who on a certain occa- sion hospitably entertained the bishop of Alexandria, who had fled from persecution to him at Constantinople ; but the bishop was not allowed to partake of the eucharist, until it had been fully ascertained that no just accusation could be brought against him. Clergy- men under censure were sometimes treated in this way in their own communion. They were placed in the same relations as strangers, which was denoted by the phrase communio peregrina.^ Under these circumstances they could neither officiate nor be present at the celebration of the Lord's supper, until they had given the prescribed satisfaction. The act of communion was indeed the highest privilege of a lay- man ; but it was a severe rebuke to one who had been elevated to the rank of the clergy to be again degraded to the condition of a layman, and to be required to communicate as a layman at the table of the Lord. This was a kind of mitigated excommunication. He was excluded from the body of the clergy and reduced to the condition of a humble individual. In this situation he was required to perform 176 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. certain services for that same body from which he had been expelled. This was styled communio laica, and the subject of this penalty was said to be delivered over to the secular arm, curiae tradi, in the phraseology of the ancient canonists. 4. ImprisonmenL The custom of confining delinquent clergy- men in monasteries appears to have taken its rise in the fourth and fifth centuries. At a later period it became a frequent mode of pun- ishment. 5. Corporal punishment. This kind of punishment, together with the last mentioned, was inflicted only on clergy of the inferior or- ders.6 This mode of punishment was by no means uncommon in the time of Augustine. A presbyter, who had given false witness, could first be deposed from his office ; and then, as a layman, might be subjected to corporal pxinishment. Connected with the churches in large cities, such as Constantinople, there were houses of correc- tion, decanica, for administering the correction of imprisonment and of corporal punishment. 6. Excommunication. This was the last and highest form of ec- clesiastical censure. It cut off* all hope on the part of the ofl^ender from ever being again reinstated in the ministry, even if he were re- stored to the fellowship of the churches. None who had at any time been exposed to public censure, were restored again to their office.'^ The above penalties appear to have been inflicted by authority of ecclesiastical councils alone, or at least to have been prescribed by them. CHAPTER IX. OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. § 1. History of Churches. Christians in different ages have called the places where they were wont to meet together for religious worship by a great variety of names. The primitive appellation was, acccording to some, ix- xXriaia, 1 Cor. 11: 18, 20, 22. So it was used by Ignatius, Clemens Alexandrinus, Tertullian, etc. To this may be added the names of HISTOKY OF CHUBCHES. 177 olxogj^sov,olxogexxh}aiac,dominicum^ Domus Dei, etc. xvgiaxov^ngoa- evxTijQioy, vttog, templum, elc, the Lord's house, house of the church, house of prayer, temple, etc. These names became familiar in the third and fourth centuries. The German kirche, from which is derived the Scotch kirk, and EngUsh church, came into use in the eighth century. The original of the word is y.v()iax6v, xvQiaxi], the Lord's house. Churches have also been entitled fiaQtvgia, in honor of the holy martyrs, and for the same reason particular churches have been called by the names of different saints and martyrs, St. Paul's, St. Peter's, etc. The fol- lowing names have also, at different times, and for various reasons, been given to christian churches : tituliy {tnXoi), ayuxrogov, igonaia,^ (TXTjvrj, concilia, conciliahula, conventicula, casae, avvodoi, fiovaaTijQLov, xoiiJ,r,TijQiov, columha, corpus Christi, vaog, rijaog, unoaTokelov, iigo- (frjTiiov, and many others. The primitive Christians were compelled to unite in the worship of God wherever they could meet without molestation, — in private houses, in the open fields, in desert and solitary places, in caves and dens of the earth.^ In view of these circumstances, many have sup- posed that no sacred edifices were set apart for the worship of God in the first and second centuries. But there is satisfactory evidence of the existence of such churches in the year 202,'^ and that they were allowed to appropriate to themselves such places of wor- ship, under the emperors, from A. D. 222 to 235,^ and again from 260 to 300.'* From this time, the evidence of the existence of chris- tian churches becomes full and satisfactory.^ Dioclesian directs his rage especially against them, ordering them by his edict, A. D. 303, to be razed to the earth,^ of which more than forty had already been erected in Rome. Optatus mentions that in his time there were forty or more large churches in Rome. — De Schism. Donat. lib. 2. c. 4. After the persecution of Dioclesian, under Constantine and his suc- cessors, the demolished churches were rebuilt, and such as had been closed were again opened."^ Pagan temples were, in some instances, converted into christian churches; but they were usually destroyed, as not suited for public worship.^ Churches in great numbers were erected, in a style of magnificence before unknown, in Constanti- nople, in Jerusalem, and throughout the cities of Palestine, and sol- emnly dedicated to the worship of God.^ This religious rite was first introduced by Constantino.^^ 23 178 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. In his zeal for building churches, Justinian I. far surpassed all oth- ers, and throughout his long reign, from A.D. 527 to 565, made this the great business of his life. But his chief care he expended in building the magnificent and colossal church of St. Sophia at Con- stantinople. Such was the splendor of this work, that at the conse- cration of it he exclaimed, Ntvly.r]y,a as 2qIo^mv^ "I have surpassed thee, O Solomon." The perpendicular height, from the summit of the grand arch to the pavement of this edifice, was one hundred and eighty feet. Some idea of this great work may be obtained from the number of ministers and attendants who were appointed by the de- cree of the emperor for the service of this church. They were as follows : sixty presbyters, one hundred deacons, forty deaconesses, ninety subdeacons, one hundred and ten readers, twenty-five singers, one hundred door-keepers ; making a retinue of five hundred and twenty-five ministers and attendants ! The value of 40,000 pounds of silver was expended in ornamenting the altar and the parts adja- cent. The entire cost was nearly $5,000,000. ^ After the death of Justinian, the zeal for building churches greatly declined, and few of any notoriety were erected from the fifth to the eighth century. The arts of architecture, sculpture and painting, had fallen into disrepute, and the churches which were erected were of an inferior character, devoid, in a great degree, of ornament and taste. The Byzantine, or ancient Gothic style of architecture, was intro- duced under Theodoric, in the beginning of the sixth century ; 12 and in this and the following centuries, many churches of this order were built in Italy, Spain, France, England, and Germany. From the seventh to the twelfth century, the resources of the christian church were expended chiefly on cloisters, monasteries, and other establishments suited to the ascetic life, to which Christians of those ages generally addicted themselves. The vast cathedrals of Europe, in the style of Modern Gothic, are the product of the middle ages, and some of them date back even to the thirteenth century. About this time ecclesiastical archi- tecture attained to the height of its perfection. After the introduc- tion of the pointed arch, at the beginning of this period, buildings were erected which exceeded, in size and architectural beauty, all which had hitherto been dedicated to the services of the church. The style of architecture which obtained at this time has been usu- HISTORY OF CHURCHES. 179 ally denominated Gothic, or new Gothic ; but it may more properly claim the title of German, or English. It prevailed in Germany, the Netherlands, England, and Denmark ; and from those countries it was introduced into Italy, France, and Spain. Some suppose that Saxony is the country to which its origin may be traced. Some antiquaries regard the beautiful architecture of this period as a sudden effect produced by the invention of the pointed arch ; while others contend that it was the result of a gradual improvement in the art during the course of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Certain, however, it is, that this style of building, after having at- tained its perfection more or less rapidly in the thirteenth century, prevailed almost exclusively during the fourteenth and fifteenth. Opinior-is are divided also upon a question relating to the quarter from which this style was originally derived. Some persons sup- pose that it was brought from the Arabians or Saracens, at the time of the Crusades, or from the same people, in Spain and Sicily^ at a still earlier date. And it seems likely that some of its forms, at least, may have originated in this quarter. Others refer the design to the talent and invention of one or two great masters, whom they sup- pose to have flourished in the early part of the century, but without being able to say who they were. While others again consider that we are indebted for the improvement to the societies of masons, which existed from a very early period, and were greatly encour- aged by popes and emperors during the middle ages. They had lodges in England and on the Continent ; some place their beginning in Germany, others in France, and others in England under the Saxon kings. These architectural corporations must not be con- founded with the modern freemasons. Early in the eleventh centuiy began the system of raising money for ecclesiastical buildings by the sale of indulgences. The example of this practice was set by Pontius, bishop of Aries, in the year 1016. According to Morinus, (De Sacram. Poenit. lib. vii. c. 14, 20,) the French bishops professed, during the twelfth century, to remit a third or fourth part of penance to persons who should contribute a certain sum of money towards the building or restoring of a place of worship. In this way Mauritius, bishop of Paris, built the splen- did cathedral of Notre Dame, and four abbeys ; for which, however, he incurred the censure of some of his contemporaries. In later times the example was frequently followed at Rome ; and it is well 180 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. known that the collection of Peter's pence, and the sale of indul- gences in raising money for the building of St. Peter's, was one of the proximate causes of the German reformation. § 2. Form, Site, and Position of Churches. 1. Form. The most ancient and approved form for churches was an ohlong ; sometimes with parallel sides, but more frequently elliptical, like the form of a ship. So the Apostolical Constitutions direct, lib. 2. c. 57, ngonov fjih o oixog bcfto} smfirixtjg, (ohlong) oatig soLTce vtfi As it was common to speak of the christian community under the metaphor of a ship, so the edifice in which they worship- ped was denominated navis^ a ship, area, an ark, navis Noae, the ark of Noah, navicula Petri, the boat of Peter ; having an allegori- cal reference to the perils to which the church was exposed, and its safety in God. Another favorite form for several ages after Constantino the Great was that of a cross, crravgov dlxriv, crTavgosidi}^ aTavgbnd. Some were also quadrangular, octagonal , polygonal, and sometimes, though very rarely, circular ; this was the usual form of heathen temples, and therefore was disapproved by Christians. 2. Site. For the location of their churches the primitive Chris- tians selected the summit of some high hill or elevated ground, unless compelled for the sake of concealment to resort to some place less conspicuous. At other times they erected their churches over the graves of martyrs and confessors. And not unfrequently for some special reason, they prepared for themselves churches and oratories U7ider ground, which served both for devotional purposes, and as sepulchres for their dead.^ In the tenth and eleventh centuries, there were many such in Germany ; these were denominated y.Qvn- xal, cryptae. " During the sanguinary persecutions that assailed the primitive disciples, the myrmidons of imperial vengeance often broke in up- on their worship, dispersed their assemblies, and violently disposses- sed them of the " upper rooms," in which they were wont to con- gregate ; and in these circumstances, while some fled to the moun- tains and some to the deserts, multitudes took permanent refuge in the spacious cemeteries that were situated in the outskirts of the an- cient cities. Amid the deep and unbroken solitude of the cata- ARRANGEMENT AND CONSTITUENT PARTS. 181 combs— places of abode less irksome, perhaps, from the ancient style of building, than we are apt to imagine, — they solaced and ani- mated one another from midnight till dawn, with spiritual exhorta- tions to constancy in the faith ; and while the sword of vengeance was sheathed, and the fury of thqir persecutors slumbered in the night, they continued, in those undiscovered retreats, their wonted exercises of prayer and praise. About forty-three of such subter- ranean excavations still remain in the neighborhood of Rome alone, containing the most convincing evidences that they were employed for the ordinances of religion, as well as for concealment ; and when we consider that numbers died, and deposited their bones there, some of whom had eminently distinguished themselves as martyrs in the cause of Christ, it is not difficult to imagine the strong emo- tions that would animate the primitive Christians for the venerable dust that surrounded them, and the intense power which religion would acquire over their minds, in places which served at once for the offices of worship and for the burial of the saints."* 3. Position, or aspect. In the aspect of their churches, the an- cient Christians reversed the order of the Jews, placing the altar on the East, so that in facing towards the altar in their devotions they were turned to the East, in opposition to the Jewish custom of turn- ing towards the West in prayer. As the Jews began their day with the setting sun, so the followers of Christ began theirs with the rising sun. The eye of the Christian turned with peculiar interest to the East, whence the day-spring from on high had visited him. There the morning star of his hope fixed his admiring gaze. Thence arose the Sun of righteousness with all his heavenly influences. Thither in prayer his soul turned with kindling emotions to the altar of his God. And even in his grave, thither still he directed his slumbering eye, in quiet expectation of awaking to behold in the same direction the second appearing of his Lord, when he shall come in the clouds of heaven to gather his saints.^ § 3. Arrangement, and constituent parts. No established order of arrangement and division prevailed in the first three centuries. The churches of this period were rude and * Jamieson, pp. 106, 107. 182 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. simple structures, varying in fornn and size according to circumstan- ces ; but about the fourth century, great uniformity began to be ob- served in this respect. The body of the church was divided into three divisions^ corresponding with the three orders among Chris- tians ; the cZerg?/, including ail officers of the community, \\\g faith- ful^ or believers, and the catechumens. This arrangement also bore a resemblance to the division of the Jewish temple into the holy of holies, the sanctuary, and the court. Perhaps there was an inten- tional reference to both of these divisions ; for it must be remembered that there was, at this time, an increasing disposition, in the chris- tian church, to imitate the rites of Jewish worship. The three divi- sions were, 1. The bema or sanctuary, a sacred enclosure around the altar appropriated to the clergy. 2. The naos or nave, occu- pied by the faithful, the lay members of the church. 3. The nar- thex, or ante-temple, the place of the penitents and catechumens. Sometimes four or five divisions are enumerated ; which arise from sub-dividing the narthex into outer and inner, and reckoning the exe- drael, or outer buildings, as a portion of the church. We adhere to the threefold, or more simple division, and proceed to speak of each part in the order already described. § 4. Of the Bema, or Sanctuary.* The bema, or sanctuary, the inner portion of the church which was appropriated to the clergy, was known by many different names. It was called the chorus or choir} from the singing of the service by the clergy, /5/J|ua from uva^alvuv^ to ascend, being an ele- vated platform, uyiov, a/laafjia, ayiov, aymv^ sanctum, sanctuarium^ etc., because it was the sanctuary where most of the sacred rites were performed. It was also denominated hqaTuov,^ nQta^vjijQtov, dLaxovixov, ■&vaia(jrijQiov,'^ altar, a^axov, adviov,^ places not to he en- tered. Neither laymen nor females were permitted, on any occa- sion, to enter it ; kings and emperors were privileged with a seat within this sacred enclosure, from whene it received the name of avdxTOQov, royal palace. The platform of this portion of the church was a semi-circular or elliptical recess, with a corresponding arch overhead, and separated * See plan of ancient churches, at the beginning. % THE NAVE. 183 from the nave by a railing curiously Avrought in the form of net work cancelli, hence the name chancel. Within was the throne of the bishop, and subordinate seats on the right and left for the lower clergy.^ The bishop's throne was usually covered with a veil, and for this reason was styled cathedra velala"' In the middle of the church stood the holy altar, or communion table, -iQantCa Uq«^ fiva- xy.n], Tivsvfxarixt'i, the sacred, mysterious, or spiritual table, in such a position as to be easily encompassed on every side. On this the sa- cred elements were placed io the sacrament of the Lord's supper. On one side of the altar was a small table or secretary for receiving the customary oblations previous to the sacrament ; and on the other stood the (TxsvocpvJidxiov, a recess into which the sacramental vessels were conveyed to be washed and replaced before being removed to the sacristry in which they were usually kept. In process of time, this part of the church became the depository of sacred relics, and the burial place of the sainted dead. § 5. The Nave. The nave, or main body of the church, was called by different names derived from the uses to which it was applied. It was called the oratory of the people ;- because there they met for religious wor- ship, reading the Scriptures, prayer and the preaching of the word. It was also called the place of assembly, and the quadrangle, from its quadrangular form in contrast with the circular or elliptical form of the chancel. In a central position stood the ambo, ^ijfJ^a luv ava/vtatnaiv, sug- gestum lectorum, or reader's desk, elevated on a platform above the level of the surrounding seats. This was sometimes called the pul- pit and the tribunal of the church,^ in distinction from the §rina or tribunal of the choir. All public notices, letters missive, and docu- ments of public interest, were also communicated from the reader's desk. The choristers and professional singers, xavovixol ipaXiai, were provided with seats on or near this desk. The seats in front and on either side were occupied by the believers or christian communi- cants. The gospels and the epistles were chanted from before the altar. The sermon was also delivered by the preacher standing on the plat- form of the sanctuary before the altar, or on the steps leading to it. 184 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. But afterwards, when larger churches were erected, it became diffi- cult for the preacher to make himself heard from this station. To remedy this inconvenience a platform was erected for the speaker in front of the bema, within the body of the nave, and surrounded by railings called cancelli, which gave to this platform the name of chancel. Such was the origin and appropriate signification of the term. Afterwards, it became in common with many others, the name of all that space which was allotted to the altar, and to those that ministered at the altar. The body of the church was very early divided in separate parts, and specific seats assigned to the several classes into which the atidi- ence were divided.^ The object of this careful division was to pre- vent disorder and confusion, and toJnvite a fuller attendance. Such an arrangement, indeed, was indispensably necessary in connection with their various classes of believers, penitents, catechumens, etc., and the services adapted to each. But between the Eastern and Western churches there has never been any uniformity in the inter- nal arrangements of their places of worship. The rules of the primitive churches required the separation of the sexes in the church, and this was generally observed.^ The men occupied the left of the altar on the south side of the church, and the women the right, on the north. They were separated from one another by a veil or lattice. In the Eastern churches the women and catechumens occupied the galleries above, while the men sat below. In some churches a separate apartment was also allotted to widows and virgins. The catechumens occupied a place next to the believers, arranged in the order of their several classes. But they were required to withdraw at the summons of the deacons — i7e, catechumeni ! In the rear of the catechumens sat the penitents who had been allowed a place again within the church. In the seating of the assembly and preservation of order, the ostiarii, acolyths, subdeacons, deacons, and deaconesses all bore a part.'* A certain part of the church styled awUa, aoXicc, aoXsag, aoXilov, etc. has been the subject of much dispute ; but it is generally under- stood to denote the seat within the chancel, which was appropriated to the emperors, kings, princes, etc.^ The walls of the church were surrounded by ante-chambers and recesses, for the accommodation of the assembly, for private read- THE ANTE-TEMPLE. 185 ing, meditalion and prayer.^ There were aisles surrounding the nave, which separated it from these chambers. The nave was fur- ther separated from the sanctuary by a partition of lattice-work and a curtain which could be drawn so as to screen the sanctuary entire- ly from the view of the assembly J The sanctuary was usually con- cealed from the view of the audience except at the celebration of the Lord's supper, or when the sermon was delivered from that place. § 6. The Narthex, or Ante-Temple. This was the outer division of the church within the walls. It was called TiQovaoq, ante-temple ; TigoKvXa, portiais, portico, and vag&t)^ or ferula, from its oblong or dromical shape. It was an oblong sec- tion of the building extending across, and occupying the front part of the interior of the house. It was entered by three doors leading from the outer porch. From the narthex there were also three en- trances. The main entrance was in the middle directly opposite the altar, and opening immediately into the nave. Two smaller doors upon each side appear to have opened into the sfi^oXog, or side aisles, from which the nave was entered by doors on the north and the south. The doors consisted of two folding leaves, and after the eleventh century were often ornamented with bronze and with carved and embossed work. The several classes of worshippers entered the nave at different doors, which were called " the priest's door," " the men's door," etc. The vestibule or nQovaog, appropriately so called, and situated without the walls, was allotted to the catechumens and penitents. Heretics and unbelievers were also allowed a place here. The council of Laodicea, c. 57, denied this privilege to heretics and schis- matics. But the fourth council of Carthage, c. 84, directed that no bishop should forbid one, whether gentile, heretic, or Jew to attend the first service — usque ad missam catechumenorum. The portico or outer court, ngonvXa, included the halls and colon- nades which constituted the outer or front part of the narthex, and was used for various purposes, analogous to those of a modern com- mittee-room and vestry. Here also the bodies of the dead were de- posited, and vigils kept around them until their interment. The primitive Christians were accustomed to wash before enter- 24 186 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. ing the church as a symbol of the purity becoming that holy place. For this purpose, in process of time, the vessel or font of water which was used in this rite was introduced into the narthex or porch. Formerly it was situated without. This vessel of water was called xQrjvr), (pidlrj, q>^saQ, yoXv^i^siov, hovraQLOv, cantharus, nymphacum, etc. and is often mentioned by ancient authors.^ The use of holy toater has been derived by some from this usage of the primitive church. This superstition began at some lime subsequent to the ninth century. The baptismal font came into use on the introduction of infant- baptism as baptisteries fell into disuse, and when the neglect of stated seasons of baptism had rendered the larger baptisteries needless. The following extract from Jamieson is inserted as a recapitula- tion of the principal points of interest connected with the foregoing topics, pp. 108—111. " The spot chosen for the site of a new church was generally an elevated piece of ground, consecrated by being the burying-place of a martyr, — the primitive Christians deeming a church built over the remains of those who were faithful unto death, a more suitable me- morial of their excellencies, than a monumental pillar erected to their honor. It accordingly received their name, which was inscri- bed on the front of the edifice. The church was approached through a spacious area, in the middle of which was a fountain, in which every one, as he entered, washed his hands — an act intended for a significant memorial of the purity of heart that alone can constitute an acceptable worshipper. The entrance was formed by a longitu- dinal porch, within which kings laid down their crowns, soldiers their arms, and magistrates or judges the insignia of their office. At one end of it stood poor strangers, or such of that destitute order as, from their distress being recent and sudden, were allowed to make known their wants by asking alms of their brethren, — while on the opposite side were stationed gross offenders, who, being excommunicated, and deprived of the privilege of entering the church, implored on their bended knees, and with all the agony of remorse and the deep- . est affliction, the prayers and sympathies of the faithful. The inte- rior of the building — which was often in the form of a cross, or an eight-sided figure, but most generally of an oblong shape, resem- bling that of a ship, — was divided into different compartments, cor- responding to the different classes of hearers that composed the THE ANTE-TEMPLE. 187 primitive church. The penitents^=^under which term were included all offenders who had made some progress in their course of disci- pline,— occupied the first place on passing from the porch. Next to them were those new converts who were preparing for baptism, — while the body of the church was filled by the congregation of the faithful, — widows and young women by themselves, — the men with their sons, the women with their daughters, sitting apart from each other, either on opposite sides of the church, or, as was frequently the case, the male part of the audience remained on the ground floor, while the females had a gallery appropriated for their use. At the further end, opposite the main entrance, was the pulpit, or elevated bench, from which the minister read the Scriptures and exhorted the people ; and immediately behind this was the place set apart for cele- brating the communion, — the consecrated elements of which were deposited on a plain moveable table, covered with a white cloth. Here and there were niches in the walls, sufficiently large to hold one or two persons, each of which was furnished with a copy of the Scriptures, for the use of those who might choose to retire in the in- tervals of public worship, to read and to meditate in these little re- cesses. Besides this provision, invaluable in those days, when books were all in manuscript and costly in price, texts of Scripture appro- priate to each class of hearers were inscribed on that part of the wall that lay immediately contiguous to the place- they occupied in the church, and were so selected, as to be perpetual remembrancers of the temptations incident to their age, of the duties belonging to their condition, and the motives and encouragements to stedfastness in faith and virtue. Thus, to let one example suffice, over the space assigned to the young women, was engraven in large characters this passage of Paul, 1 Cor. 7: 34 : " There is difference between a wife and a virgin ; the unmarried woman careth for the things of the Lord, that she may be holy in body and in spirit." For the benefit of those who could not profit by such means of christian instruction, the custom was latterly introduced of decorating the walls of church- es with pictures of the scenes and characters of sacred history. Adam and Eve eating the forbidden fruit, — Joseph sold by his breth- ren, — David encountering Goliah, — Solomon dedicating his temple, Mary and the infant Jesus, — the Saviour expiring on the cross, were delineated to the eye, — intended, like historical paintings, to keep in remembrance the persons and events they were meant to represent, 188 OF CHURCHES AND SACRED PLACES. and especially to enable the illiterate to read that in the picture which they had not education enough to do in the book. It was towards the end of the third century when this innovation crept into the church ; and although, doubtless, it sprang from a pious and well- meaning zeal for the instruction of the ignorant, yet it was an impru- dent measure, productive of the worst consequences, and tending to accelerate the superstition which was then advancing with gigantic strides over the whole christian world. Up to that period, the church had kept itself pure and inviolate from the sanction of any sensible representations either of God or of man ; and in the only instance recorded, prior to this date, of anything approaching to a human figure being hung up in a church, the pious father who discovered a painting of Christ on a curtain when travelling through a little village of Palestine, got admission into the sacred edifice, and tore the dra- pery in pieces, being horror-struck at the daring sin." 5 7. Of THE Outer Buildings, or Exedrae. Under this name were included all the appendages belonging to the church, such as courts, side-buildings, wings, etc. together with all those separate buildings pertaining to the main edifice, which were situated in the enclosure of the church-yard. This enclosure around the church was known by various names, nsgi^oXog^ aToag, TisQLdxaov, rttQavere transferred into the church from the syna- gogue and temple worsUip of the Jews. That such was the import of their sacred music, all their most ancient doxologies, collects, and psalms abundantly,show. In perfect accordance with this sentiment it was customary, in the primitive church, not to read, but to chant the Lord's prayer, the gospels, the epistles, their litanies, and their confessions of faith. It was a favorite sentiment of the fathers, that the worship of heaven would be a prolonged eternal song of praise. Praise indeed I UNITY AND TRINITY IMPLIED IN DEVOTION. 203 is the highest act of worship both on earth and in heaven. This was the worship of the seraphs whom Isaiah in his vision saw, (6: 1 — 4.) And the redeemed in heaven bring their sweetest odors with the new song which they sing to God and the Lamb. However prayer and praise may vary in form,^ they are essentially one ; one spirit pervades and inspires them both. § 2. The Unity and Trinity of the Godhead implied in the Devotions of the Ancient Church. Every prayer and every song of praise was presented by the worshipper to one God, the Maker of heaven and earth. In this, Christianity was directly opposed to the polytheism of the age, whilst it perfectly harmonized with the doctrine of the Jewish religion : — *' Hear, O Israel ! the Lord our God is one God." At the same time, all the prayers and songs of the, church were directed to the triune God, or distinctly implied the doctrine of the Trinity. The church guarded itself against the cfaarge of paganism by continually asserting that it rejected all polytheism, and that the doctrine of the trinity bore no analogy to tritheism. Indeed it is very evident, in view of all that the apostles have said, that, in wor- shipping the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, they did not worship three Gods. The distinction between the Jews and Christians on this point is well described by Tertullian, who says, " They believed God to be one in such a sense that it is improper to unite with Him the Son and Holy Spirit. What can the distinction be, save that under the new dispensation he is revealed to us through the Son and the Spirit, although he is still known by his own appropriate appellations, and in his own person, whilst in the former dispensation he is not re- vealed to us through the intervention of the Son and the Spirit." ^ Jerome, Augustine, and Cosmus, Indicopleustes, etc., express much the same sentiments. Ever since the time of the christian apologists, dogmatists, and polemics, the strife has been to detect, in the creeds and liturgy of the Jews, in their names of the Deity, doxologies, and ascriptions of praise, implied evidence of the trinity, and to ascribe to the Jews their belief in God as existing in three persons.^ The church has also had occasion to defend herself, in the wor- ship of the three persons of the Godhead, against numerous classes 204 PRAYERS AND FSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. of heretics who are known under the general name of anti-trinitaj;i- ans— Patripassians, Sabellians, Gnostics, Manicheans, Arians, etc. In all these controversies, the church has sought to maintain the doc- trine of the trinity in its integrity. " Our hope," says Cyril of Jeru- salem, " is in the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. We teach, not the doctrine of three Gods, but, with his Son, and the Holy Spirit, one God ; of necessity, our faith is undivided. We neither sunder the trinity, as do some, nor confound it, like the Sabellians, But we ac- knowledge with piety the Father, who sent the Son our Saviour ; we acknowledge the Son, who promised to send us the Comforter from the Father ; we acknowledge the Holy Ghost, who has taught us by the prophets, and who, on the day of Pentecost, descended in tongues of fire upon the apostles, in Jerusalem, the head of the church." ^ Such being the decided testimony of the church, setting forth the doctrine of the trinity as the grand characteristic of the christian re- ligion^ it is no matter of surprise that this doctrine is so constantly advanced under all circumstances ; especially, that it is repeated in their doxologies, psalms, and hymns. They repeated the doxology at each .{assembly for religious worship, and at each rehearsal of the liturgy. This doxology was as follows : " To God the Father, and his Son our Lord Jesus Christ, whh the Holy Spirit, be honor and might forever and ever. Amen." They were so minutely careful respecting the phraseology of these forms, that it became a question, which Basil the Great discussed at length, whether the preposition fV, m, or ^m, through^ or gvv^ with, should be used in connection with the Holy Spirit.^ From which we learn that in the fourth century the same controversies were had on this subject which were renewed in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries throughout Germany, Holland, England, France, and Sweden. So general was this recognition of the trinity in public prayer, in the fourth and fifth centuries, that merely upon the mention of the name of God, the adoration of God in three persons, was, of course presupposed and implied. Nay, it may be affirmed as a general truth, that any petition addressed to either of the persons of the God head, was directed to all. To prevent confusion of mind it was in deed decreed by the council of Carthage, A. D. 525, that the prayer should be directed to the Father only, but this was distinctly under stood and explained to be a prayer to the three persons of the God DIVINE WORSHIP PAID TO CHRIST. 205 head.* Similar sentiments are found abundantly in the writings of the ancients,^ so that it is an undeniable fact that their prayers and psalmody were indicted by zealous trinitarians. " From all which," as Bingham very justly observes, " it is evident, to a demonstration, that the three persons of the Holy Trinity were always the object of divine adoration from the first foundation of the primitive church, and that the giving of divine honor to the Son, and Holy Ghost, as God, was not the invention, or addition, of any later ages." ^ §3; Divine Worship paid to Christ. It is a peculiar characteristic of the christian religion, that it offers divine honors to Christ. It teaches not merely that prayer should be offered in the name of Jestis, but directly to Him. Every prayer, and every hymn, while it honors the sacred Trinity, has also another design. It distinctly recognizes the divinity of Christ, and shows what views the christian church had of the person of the Saviour. Pliny says, A. D. 107, that " they were wont to meet together on a stated day (the Lord's day) before it was light, and sing alternately, among themselves, a hymn to Christ, as God. To sing a hymn, carmen dicere, may imply, either that they offered to him a sacred song, or a prayer ; but in either case it was the offering of divine honor's to him. Polycarp, in his epistle to the Philippians, 1: 12, says, " Now the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and he hi77iself who is our everlasting High Priest, the Son of God even Jesus Christ, build you up in faith and in truth, and in all meekness, and lenity." The * Si qui catholici fideles hujus sacramenti nunc usque videantur ignari, deinceps scire debent, omne cujuslibet honorificentiae et sacrificii salutaris obsequium et Patri et Filio et Spiritui Sancto, hoc est, sanctae Trinitati ab Ecclesia catholica pariter exhiberi. In cujus utique uno nomine inanifestum est, sanctum quoque baptisma celebrari. Neque cnini praejudicium Filio vcl Spirittu Sancto comparatur, dum ad Patris personam precaiio ab offerente di- rigitur : cujus consummation dum Filii et Spiritus S. complectitur nomen, os- tendit, nullum esse in Trinitate discrimen. Quia dum ad solius Patris perso- nam sermo dirigitur, bene credentis fide tota Trinitas honoratur ; et quum ad Patrera litantis destinatur intentio, sacrificii munus omni Trinitati uno eodemque offertur litantis officio. S. Fulgent. Rusp. ad Monimum lib. II. c. 5. edit. Basil. 1621. p. 328. 206 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. church of Smyrna, in their circular epistle respecting the death of Polycarp, say, " Neither is it possible for us ever to forsake Christ, who suffered for the salvation of all such as shall be saved through- out the whole world, the righteous for the ungodly ; nor to worship any other besides him. For him indeed, as being the Son of God, we adore." ^ Origen against Celsus says, " All supplications, prayers, and in- tercessions, are to be offered up to the most high God through this High Priest, who is above all angels, who is the living Word and Gody He further says, " we pray also to the Word himself, and make supplication." This he vindicates at length against the charge, on the one hand, of worshipping more Gods than one ; and on the other, against the imputation of worshipping him as a subor- dinate and created being, showing that he is one with God, and our Mediator and Intercessor with the Father. He concludes this discus- sion by declaring, " We worship the Father, whilst we admire and adore the Son, who is his word, and wisdom, and truth, and righteous- ness ; and w hatever else we are taught to believe of the Son of God, begotten of such a Father." ^ This interesting passage fully illustrates the sentiments of the primitive church on the subject. A multitude of other passages, to the same effect, may be found in the authors quoted in the index.*^ § 4. Of the worship of Martyrs, Saints and Angels.' The worship of these came into use in the fourth and fifth centu- ries. Some few traces of such worship at earlier periods may be found, and innumerable instances of a later date. It has been a great question whether such were invoked as direct mediators with God, or not ; and again, whether these invocations imply the offering of such divine honors as are paid to Christ or to God. This the Catholic writers generally deny. Their assertion is, that these invo- cations are not acts o^ adoration, but only a means of grace to awa- ken pious feeling and to aid us in rendering due worship to God. Non sancti Dei appetunt indebitas laudes sed ut rationabile fiat obse- quium nostrum.^ " The saints are not our immediate intercessors with God ; but whatever they obtain for us from God, they obtain through Christ. We therefore invoke the saints to the end that they may do that which we also do, and which they are better able to do than WORSHIP OF SAINTS AND ANGELS. 207 Xve are ; and the united prayer of both must be more influential than that of us alone. We only implore the saints to intercede with God for us, that the merits of Christ may be applied to us ; and that through him we may obtain grace and glory." ^ The evangelical church, on the other hand, contend that all wor- ship of saints and images is idolatry. The primitive church, while they scrupulously worshipped Christ as God, rejected with abhor- rence the worship of saints and of images.^ The history of the delusion above mentioned, is sketched by Gie- seler in the following terms : " The notion that the prayers of the dead availed for -the living was prevalent in the school of Origen even in the third century,* * Origines in Cant. Cant. lib. III. ed. de la Rue, T. III. p. 75 : Sed et om- nes sancti, qui de hac vita decesserunt, habenles adhuc cbaritatem erga eos qui in hoc mundo sunt, si dicantur curam gcrere salutiseorum,et juvare eos precibus suis atque interventu suo apud Deum,non erit inconveniens. — Idem in libr. Jesu .IVave horn. 16 § 5 (T. II. p. 437) : Ego sic arbitror, quod omnes illi, qui dormierunt ante nos, patres pugnent nobiscum et adjuvent nos ora- tionibus suis. Ita namque etiam quemdam de senioribus magistris audivi dicentem in eo loco, in quo scriptuoi est in J\umeris (xxii.4), quia ahlinget synagoga ilia hanc synagogam, sicvt ablingit vitulus herbam viridem in campo. Dicebat ergo : Quare hujusmodi similitudo assurata est, nisi quia hoc est, quod inteliigendurn est in hoc loco, quod synagoga Domini, quae nos prae- cessit in Sanctis, ore et lingua cons ^i^Xoj Sa tmv Maxxa^aiojv (2 Mace. 15; 14) ?JysTat Itqafiiag 6 ':T^o(p7JT7jg fiard ttjv aTraXXayrjV xov ^iov, avycfiavog oQaa&cu inaQ Tov laov, ojg (fQovTida rroioxJtiavog rojv ItcI yijg dv&Qomvjv. Jal Ba (ptjat xal 6 Wmtojv TovToig niGTavaiv. Hence the custom, very early, of asking the living martyrs for their intercession after death. Thus Etiseb. de Martyr. Palaest. cap. 7, relates that a certain Theodocia in Caesarea approached the martyrs who were awaiting death, ofiov (pilo(pQovov[iivT^ ^ xal oia aixog vTtaQ row fivtjfiovavaiv avz^g TtQog xov xvqiov yevofiavovg 7caQaxa)jovaa. On the other hand, there is as yet no trace of prayers to the dead. 208 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. but had not yet sufficient authority to influence directly the mode of honoring the martyrs. " The more remote the times of the martyrs, the greater the ado- ration paid to them. The heathen converts, naturally enough, trans- ferred to them the honors they had been used to pay their demigods, while the horror of creature-worship, which had hitherto operated as a check on the growing superstition, had been gradually dying away since the extinction of paganism. As men had long been accustom- ed to assemble for public worship at the graves of the martyrs, the idea of erecting churches {(xaQTvgia, memoria) over them would readily occur. In Egypt the Christians began to embalm the bodies of reputed saints, and keep them in their houses. The communion with the martyrs being thus associated with the presence of their material remains, these were dug up from the graves and placed in the churches, especially under the altars ; and the popular feeling having now a visible object to excite it, became more extravagant and superstitious than ever. The old opinion of the efficacy of their intercession, who had died a martyr's death, was now united with the belief that it was possible to communicate with them directly ; a belief founded partly on the popular notion that departed souls al- ways lingered around the bodies they had once inhabited, and partly on the views entertained of the glorified state of the martyrs, a sort of omnipresence being ascribed to them. These notions may be traced to Origin, and his followers were the first who apostrophized the martyrs in their sermons, and besought their intercession. But though the orators were somewhat extravagant in this respect, they were far outdone by the poets, who soon took up this theme, and could find no expressions strong enough tt) describe the power and the glory of the martyrs. Their relics soon began to work miracles, and to be valuable articles of trade. In proportion as men felt the need of such intercession they sought to increase the number of the intercessors. Not only those, who, on account of services rendered the church, were inscribed in the Diptycha, but the pious characters from the Old Testament, and the most distinguished of the monks, were ranked among the saints. Martyrs before unknown announ- ced themselves in visions, others revealed the place of their burial. From the beginning of the fifth century the prayers for the saints were discontinued as unbefitting their glorified state. Christians were now but seldom called upon to address their prayers to God ; DEVOTIONAL PECULIARITIES. 209 the usual mode being to pray only to sonne saint for his intercession. With this worship of the saints were joined many of the custonns of the heathen. Men chose their patron saints, and dedicated churches to their worship. The heathen, whom the Christians used to re- proach with worshipping dead men, found now ample opportunity of retort. " Throughout the fourth century there was no peculiar preference of the Virgin Mary above other saints. The church went as yet no further than to maintain the doctrine of her perpetual virginity, to which the monastic notions of the time naturally led. The opinion that she had ever borne other children than Jesus was declared to be heresy ; as for instance by Epiphanius, in the case of the 'Avxidi- Ko^nqiavlTaL in Arabia, A. D. 367, by Jerome in the case of Helvi- dius at Rome, A. D. 383, and by the Macedonian bishops in the case of Bonosus, bishop of Sardica, A. D. 391, while it was shown in what way she gave birth to our Saviour without ceasing to be a virgin. Neither did the teachers of the church in the fourth century scruple to attribute to her faults ; and Epiphanius includes certain women in his catalogue of heretics, for their extravagant adoration of the Virgin. The Nestorian controversy first led men to set her above all other saints as the mother of God, ^wioxoq. Though it was the general belief that the angels watched over men and brought their prayers to God, it was thought unallowable to wor- ship them because of the passages Col. 2: 18. Rev. 19: 10. 22: 8, 9. Ambrose is the first who seems to recommend such a worship ; and after his time we find many marks of adoration paid them ; though much fewer than to the saints." — Cunningham's Trans. Vol. I. pp. 173—4, 282—7. <^ 5. A FILIAL AND CONFIDING SPIRIT PECULIAR TO THE PRAYERS OF THE Church. By this the christian religion is distinguished from all others. It teaches us to offer our addresses unto God as our Father ; to come unto him, not as a servant unto his master, but as children to a pa- rent, confident of finding audience and acceptance with him. ' Ye have not received the spirit of bondage again to fear ; but ye have received the spirit of adoption whereby we cry Abba, Father.' To the Jew, the Lord God is a being of terrible majesty, repelling eve- 27 210 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. ry presumptuous approach to him. To the Christian he is one of endearing kindness and condescension, inviting him to draw nigh with confidence. To the one, he appears in stern and awful sancti- ty ; to the other, in the mild majesty of love. § 6. The simplicity and brevity of the Devotions of the Primitive Church. The prayers of the church were offered in language the most art- less and natural. Even the most learned of the fathers, who were no strangers to the graces of diction, refused all ornamental embel- lishments in their addresses to the throne of grace, alleging that the kingdom of heaven consists not in word, but in power, 1 Cor. 4: 20. Cum de rebus agitur ah ostentatione suhmotis quid dicatur spectan- dum est, non quali cum amoenitate dicatur ; nee, quid aures commul- ceat, sed quas afferat audienlihus utilitales.^ Their prayers were accordingly offered in the greatest simplicity, and as far as possible in the phraseology of scripture. This artlessness and elegant sim- plicity appears in striking contrast with the ostentation and bombast of a later date. This contrast appears equally great also in the brevity of these prayers. It was a nriaxim in the primitive church, that many words should never be employed to express what might better be said in a few. So manifest was this excellence, that Basil, Chrysostom, and Gregory the Great, successively attempted to abridge the formula- ries of the church, and restore their early simplicity and brevity.^ § 7. Of the Catholic Spirit of their devotions. The church, receiving the acknowledged truth that in every place he that feareth God and doelh righteousness is accepted of Him, re- stricted her devotions to no particular tongue. It was indeed a dis- puted questiori, at a very early period, in what language Christ and his apostles performed their devotions ? Whether in the Greek, or Hebrew, or Syro-Chaldaic. But it was not accounted essential that the devotions of the church should be performed in the same language. Accordingly there are extant examples of prayers and of spiritual songs which were uttered in the vernacular tongue as early as the second and third centuries. Celsus indeed urged it as ' AUDIBLE AND SILENT PRAYER. 211 a grave objection against the Christians, that they introduced into their prayers certain strange and barbarous expressions, having ref- erence probably to such terms as Amen, Hallelujah, Hosanna, etc. To which Origen replied, that both Greeks and Romans, in prayer, spoke in their own native tongue ; each, in his own dialect, offering prayer and praise to God as he is best able. And the Lord of all languages listens to each supplicant praying in his own tongue, but hears, as it were, one voice expressed by different signs, and in vari- ous sounds.^ Similar sentiments are expressed by other writers.^ No prescribed time or place for prayer was requirecl by the church. Nor was any rule given respecting the direction of the eye, the bending of the knees, or position of the hands. Neither was there any established form of prayer or praise for general use. With the single exception of the instructions given in the Apostolical Constitutions for the private use of the Lord's prayer, there is no in- stance of any synodical decree respecting it until the sixth and sev- enth centuries.3 Every church, whether national or individual, pre- scribed its own mode of worship. In many instances, the prayers of the church were merely submitted to the examination and approba- tion of the bishop. Beyond all question, the use of a liturgy and rit- ual was at first wholly voluntary. This subject is discussed at length by Bingham, who maintains that a liturgy, and set forms of prayer were used from the beginning, but admits that each church was at liberty to form their own liturgy, and that the prayers were probably uttered memoriter, and continued for one or two centuries by tradi- tion, before they were committed to writing/* Respecting the numler of prayers offered in public, no general rule was given. It was cuslomar}% however, to begin and close re- ligious service with prayer. Here, as in other things, the same sim- plicity was advocated by Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Cyprian, Irenaeus, Origen, etc. But the Latin and Greek churches, in time, greatly de- parted from the spirit and taste of the primitive church. § 8. Audible and Silent Prayer. This distinction was first made in the secret discipline of the church. Silent prayer was restricted to the mental recital of the Lord's prayer, which neither the catechumens, nor the profane of any description, were allowed to repeat. Professing Christians repeated 212 PRAYERS AND PSALMODV OF THE CHURCH. it in the presence of such, not audibly, but silently. But at the com- munion, when withdrawn from such persons, they repeated it aloud, at the call of the deacon. There was another species of silent prayer which consisted in pi- ous ejaculations offered, by the devout Christian, on entering upon public worship. This commendable custom is still observed in many protestant churches. According to the council of Laodicea, c. 19, prayer was offered immediately after the sermon for catechumens, then for penitents. Then, after the imposition of hands, and the ben- ediction, followed the prayers of the believers,— the first in silence ; the second and third, audibly. They then exchanged the kiss of charity, during which time their offerings were brought to the altar. The assembly were then dismissed with the benediction, Iteinpace, go in peace. The primitive church never chanted their prayers, as was the cus- tom of the Jews, and still is of the Mahommedans ; but reverently addressed the throne of grace in an easy, natural, and subdued tone of voice. § 9. Of the Lord's Prayer.^ The opinions of the learned even to the present day are greatly divided respecting the design of our Lord in giving this prayer. Three several theories have been advanced on this subject. 1. That the Lord Jesus did not give this as a prescribed form. But only to illustrate that spirit of filial love and reverence in which all prayer should be offered to God. It was given to teach the na- ture and appropriate subjects of prayer. 2. That it was a prescribed form, to be used, not only by his dis- ciples, but by believers in every age and country, like the prescribed form in which baptism is to be administered. 3. That it is an epitome of the Jewish liturgy which was at that time extant. The several parts of this prayer are supposed to be the very words in which the several prayers of the Jewish service began ; and that the whole was embodied by our Lord as a substi- tute for so many long and unmeaning prayers. The historical facts connected with the use of the Lord's prayer, may be stated as follows. 1. It was not in use in the church in the age of the apostles. Not OF THE lord's PRAYER. 213 the remotest hint is given in thfe history of the apostles that this prayer constituted any part of their rehgious worship. The apostle is silent on this point even in 1 Cor. xiv. where he is treating of their devotions. In the absence of written testimony, we are, indeed, di- rected to uncertain tradition to supply its place. But in every view of the subject the assertion that this prayer was used, either by the apostles, or their immediate successors, must be regarded as arbi- trary and groundless. Justin Martyr, the earliest of the fathers, says that the presiding officer offered prayers and thanksgivings, oai] divotfug ama, and that the people responded, Amen.^ By the oar] dvvafxig avT(o it may be understood that he spoke in as clear and audible a voice as he could, " totis viribus,'^ or, more properly, as Tertullian expresses it, ex proprio ingejiie, according to the best of his ability.* At the same * The following are the remarks of Lord Chancellor King on this subject: " As to these prescribed forms, there is not the least mention of them in any of the primitive writings, nor the least word or syllable tending thereunto that I can find, which is a most unaccountable silence, if ever such there were, but rather some expressions intimating the contrary : as that famous controverted place of Justin Martyr, who, describing the manner of the pray- er before the celebration of the Lord's supper, says, ' that the bishop sent up prayers^and praises to God with his utmost ability,' oay Svva/itg {Jipolog. ii. p. 92), that is, that he prayed with the best of his abilities, invention, expres- sion, judgment, and the like. 1 am not ignorant that there is another sense given of ogt] St'va/j,ig, or ' according to his ability.' But I must needs say, that I generally, if not always, found this phrase to include personal abilities. Thus, as to the explanation of Scripture, Origen writes that he would ex- pound it, ' according to his ability,' uotj §v'va/ute (Com. in Matth. torn. xvii. p. 487, vol. i.), and that he would comment on that Parable of the blind man that was healed near Jericho, mentioned in Luke IS: 35 {Com. in Matth. torn. xvi. p. 429, vol i.) xard to SvvaTOV. And soon the Parable concerning the hus- bandmen (/^ioiTij(Tfi, roc ayvoovfisva anoxaXvipov, tcc Xdnovta 7igo(TavanXi]Q0J(JoVj t« eyywafiiva xoaTvrov ' Toig Ugslg afxafiovg diaipv— Xalov iv Tji Xaxgna cov ' jovg ^aaiketg diaii}gri(Tov iv ngr^vj}, joi'g ag- yovxag iv dixaioatvrj, Tovg aigag iv svxgaaia, Tovg xagnovg iv svvXa^ov iv nicrtu ' Tovg \v dyvsla ivdvvd- ftwtTov TO, vrima ddgvvov Tovg vsoTfXsig ^e^Salwaov ' Tovg iv xattjxi^ast naldn'aov, xal Tijg fivrjdscog a^lovg avadsi^ov ' xal ndvxag iji^idg iniavvd- yayt its t?;v tojv olgavaiv ^aaiXilav, iv Xgnnv) Irjdov tw xvgloj finav ' /z£^ oh aoL d6$a^ Tifirj xal ai^ag, xal tw ayiM nvevfiuTt, ilg Tovg aJuvag. ^tfi^p.— Const VIII. 14. 15. 28 218 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. § 10. Of the Responses — Amen, Hallelujah, Hosanna,^ etc. These were either short ejaculations to God, or exclamations de- signed to enkindle the devotions of believers, or an intimation that the prayer of the speaker was heard. 1. Amen. This, in the phraseology of the church, is denominated orationis signaculum, or devotae concionis responsionem^ the token for prayer — the response of the worshippers. It intimates that the prayer of the speaker is heard, and approved by him who gives this response. It is also used at the conclusion of a doxology. Rom. 9: 5. Justin Martyr is the first of the fathers who speaks of the use of this response. In speaking of the sacrament he says, that at the close of the benediction and prayer, all the assembly respond, " Amen," which, in the Hebrew tongue is the same as, " So let it be." 3 Ac- cording to Tertullian, none but the faithful were permitted to join in the response.'* In the celebration of the Lord's supper especially, each commu- nicant was required to give this response in a tone of earnest devo- tion.^. Upon the reception, both of the bread, and of the wine, each uttered a loud 'Amen ;' and, at the close of the consecration by the priest, all joined in shouting a loud ' Amen.' But the practice was discontinued after the sixth century. At the administration of baptism also, the witnesses and sponsors uttered this response in the same manner. In the Greek church, it was customary to repeat this response as follows : 'This servant of the Lord is baptized in the name of the Father, Amen ; and of the Son, Amen ; and of the Holy Ghost, Amen ; both now and forever, world without end;' to which the people responded, 'Amen.' This usage is still observed by the Greek church in Russia. The repetitions were given thrice, with reference to the three persons of the Trinity. 2. Hallelujah. This was adopted from the Jewish psalmody, particularly from those psalms (cxiii — cxviii) which were sung at the passover, called the Great Hillel or Hallel. It was this that our Sa- vior sang with his disciples at the institution of the sacrament. The word itself is an exhortation to praise God, and was so understood by Augustine, Isiodorus, and others.^ The use of this phrase was first adopted by the church at Jerusalem,'^ and from this was re- OF THE RESPONSES. 219 ceived by other churches. But the use of it was restricted to the fifty days between Easter and Whitsunday.^ In the Greek church it was expressive of grief, sorrow, and peni- tence.^ In the Latin, on the contrary, it denoted a joyful spirit — love, praise, thanksgiving, etc. 3. Hosanna. ^ The church, both ancient and modern, have con- curred in ascribing to this word, contrary to its original import, a signification similar to that of Hallelujah. The true signification of it is, " Lord, save," Ps. 118: 25, and was so understood by Origen, Jerome, and Theophylact, In their commentaries upon Matt. 21: 15. Eusebius gives the first instance on record of its use,^^ where, at the death of a certain martyr, the multitude are said to have shouted "Hosanna to the Son of David." The use of it is prescribed in the Apostolical Constitutions, lib. 8. c. 13, In connection with a doxology to Christ. The first mention of it in religious worship is found in the Apostolical Constitutions, 8. c. 13. It occurs also in the liturgy of Chrysostom. By the ancients it was uniformly regarded as a dox- ology. 4. O Lord have mercy, — Kvqis iXfr^aov. There are many au- thorities, both sacred and profane, from which this phrase may have been adopted. ^^ According to Augustine, Epist. 178, it was in use both in the Syriac, Armenian, and other Oriental languages. The council of Vaison, A. D. 492, can. 3, ordained that this reponse should be introduced into the morning and evening worship, and into the public religious service. Gregory the Great introduced a threefold form. 1. O Lord. 2. Lord have mercy. 3. Christ have mercy. And each it would seem was to be thrice repeated with reference to the sacred trinity.i^ 5. Glory ; Glory in the highest. This exclamation was in use on certain festive occasions in the fifth century ; In the seventh, it had come into general use.^^ According to Meratus, the bishops alone were allowed the use of this exclamation. ^^ 6. The Lord be with you ; Peace he loith you. The council of Braga, A. D. 561, ordained that this should be the uniform saluta- tion both of bishops and presbyters, when addressing the people.i^ The last mentioned salutation alone was in use in the Greek church. At first, this salutation was not allowed to excommunicated per- sons, or to penitents, or even to catechumens ; but only to the faith- ful. Examples of the scrupulous observance of prescribed forms of salutation are cited in the index.^^ 220 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. 7. Let us pray ; Lift up your hearts^ etc. ; ore?nus, d87]{}bjfi(v ; sur- sum corda. In the ancient service of the church, it was the duty of the deacon to summon each class of worshippers separately to en- gage in prayer by saying, ' Let us pray.' Whether they were to pray in silence or audibly, they received a similar intimation from the deacon. This was followed by another injunction to kneel ; and at the conclusion, he also directed them to arise. There were various forms of announcing the time of prayer besides the one above men- tioned, such as'Give audience ;' 'Attend ;' 'Lift your hearts on high, pray, pray earnestly,' etc. To which the congregation replied, 'Our heart is unto the Lord,' etc.^''' Cyprian is the first who distinctly mentions this mode of announ- cing prayer, but he speaks of it as a familiar and established usage. ^^ Cyril of Jerusalem says, that at this awful summons, the whole soul should be fixed upon God, and no unworthy or earthly thought should be allowed to intrude. Much more to the same effect is said by him, and by the authors quoted in the index.^^ During the mid- dle ages, this custom was perverted to the maintenance of the doc- trine of transubstantiation,— the elevation of the host, etc. In the English church, it continued unchanged until the seventeenth cen- tury. In the Lutheran church a similar usage remains to the present time. " The long prayer which, in the missa fidelium^ the service de- signed for the faithful alone, usually followed the sermon, was intro- duced as follows. The deacon first commanded silence and atten- tion by exclaiming, ' Let us pray ;' the officiating minister then ad- dressed the assembly in these words : ' The peace of God be with you all ;' to which the assembly responded, 'And with thy spirit.' Then said the deacon, ' Salute ye one another with an holy kiss ;' upon which the clergy saluted the bishop, and one another ; and the laity of both sexes, saluted those of their own sex. During this time, some of the deacons, and subdeacons are occupied in preserving order. One of the latter brings water for the officiating minister to wash his hands in token of the purity of mind which is accepta- ble to God. The deacon then says, ' Let no catechumen, disciple, or unbeliever, or any of Caesar's party remain ; all you who have at- tended the first service retire ; mothers withdraw with your infant children ; let no one cherish enmity in his heart towards another ; let there be no hypocrisy in any ; let us set our hearts with fear and I PSALMODY or THE CHURCH. 221 trembling to bring our offerings.' "These offerings are then laid up- on the altar by the deacon, while the minister, with the elders, stands before it praying for himself, and with a white cloth, crossing him- self upon the breast. After this he says to the assembly, ' The grace of Almighty God, the love of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the fellow- ship of the Holy Spirit be with you all. Amen ;' to which the people respond, 'And with thy spirit.' He then says, ' Lift up your hearts on high.' " Our heart is unto the Lord." Let us bless the Lord, says the minister. " It is meet and right." He that leads their devo- tions then prays at great length, and the solemn service is closed by a doxology."* § IL Of the Psalmody of the Church.^ The sacred canon of the Jews consisted of the Law and the Prophets. The Psalms were a collection of sacred songs, and were used in their temple service, like our modern collections of Psalms and Hymns. The use of sacred music in religious worship was de- rived from the Jews, and the Psalms of the sacred Scriptures were uniformly used by the primitive Christians as songs to be sung. Some one or more lead the singing, and the whole congregation united their voices in the chorus.^ Sometimes they constituted two divisions, and sung responses to each other, and at other times, it is probable that all sung in unison. Their worship was conducted by the reading of the Scriptures, and singing of the Psalms alternately. 3 Certain Psalms were sung also on certain occasions. There were accordingly morning and evening Psalms, and Psalms prescribed by the bishops to be sung on the several religious festivals.^ It is worthy of remark, that the earliest christian fathers make no mention of Psalms and Hymns as a part of religious worship. These were classed with the prayers and thanksgivings of the church. Ori- gen is the first author who distinctly mentions them. " We," says he, " sing hymns to God who is over all, and to his only begotten [Son] the Word and God."^ Eusebius also says that the Psalms and Hymns of the brethren, written at the beginning by the faithful, do set forth the praises of Christ the Word of God, and attribute di- * Seigel, Alter. Vol. 11. Art. Gebet. t The genuineness of the last phrase, is called in question by some writers. 2S^ PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. vinity to him.^ From all which, we have historical evidence that the divinity of Christ was a doctrine of the primitive church. The circumstance that none of the Psalms and Hymns of the primitive church have come down to us, may be ascribed to various causes. They were comparatively few in number, consisting only of a few hymns to be committed to memory by the young people, and by all those who could not afford the expense of a manuscript copy. They must have been carefully destroyed in the times of persecu- tion. They were a part of the secret service, which was never taught to any but believers. And the church were greatly divided in opinion respecting this part of their worship, often revising their collections of psalmody. The various sects of heretics especially, adapted their psalmody to their peculiar sentiments ; and generally, the ancient psalmody was of a decidedly doctrinal character, subject to change from age to age, with the ever varying sentiments of the church. Like their creeds and catechisms, their psalmody also was expected to contain a summary of the christian faith. The music by which it was accompanied consisted merely of a few easy and simple melodies. § 12. Attitude and Gesture in Singing, and in Prayer.'^ 1. Standing. In the Eastern church it was customary, as it still is with Mohammedans, Arabians, and the Parsees of Persia, to stand in prayer.2 Many examples of this custom occur also in the Scrip- tures: Gen. 18:22. 19: 27. 2Chron. 20: 13. 1 Sam. 1: 26. Job 30: 20. Luke 18: 11, 13. Matt. 6: 5. Mark 11: 25.3 And from the writings of Basil, Chrysostora, and the Apostolical Constitutions, it would seem that this was the usual altitude, and not an exception to the general rule, as has often been asserted. To kneel in prayer, during the entire season of pentecost, was expressly forbidden.^ Ac- cording to Origen, the eyes and the hands should be lifted up to hea- ven, that the body may indicate the elevation of the soul. But he al- lows exceptions in case of infirmity, and according to circumstances.^ He also insists that it is necessary for one to kneel when he prays for the forgiveness of his sins. But he is here speaking not of public, but of private prayer. The author of Questions and Answers to the Orthodox, which some erroneously have ascribed to Justin Martyr, asserts that the custom which is observed through the days of pente- ATTITUDE AND GESTURE. 223 cost was of apostolic origin, and refers to a passage from Irenaeus, which is lost, in proof of the assertion. Epiphanius, Jerome, Augus- tine,6and Basil," also concur in sanctioning the custom of standing in prayer. And it is particularly worthy of remark, that penitents were denied this privilege, it being the prerogative and right only of be- lievers and consistent professors of religion. In singing, this was regarded as the only proper and becoming at- titude.^ 2. Kneeling. Abundant authority for this is also found in the Scriptures : Gen. 17: 3, 17. Num. 16: 22. Josh. 5: 14. 2Chron.20: 18. Luke 22: 41. Acts 7: 59, 60. 9:40. 21:5. Eph. 3: 14. The act of kneeling was thought peculiarly to indicate humility before God ; to exhibit a sinner who had fallen away from him, and ia need of divine grace and mercy. Accordingly it was uniformly re- quired of all who had fallen under censure of the church for their offences, as an indispensable condition of their restoration to their former covenant relations. Basil denominates it the less penance^ in distinction from prostration^ which was called the greater penance. It must indeed be admitted that it was very common both to kneel and to stand in prayer. But the assertion that kneeling was the uni- form posture in prayer, in all acts of worship except on the sabbath and festive occasions, is an unwarranted assumption. The most important authorities from the fathers are given in the index.9 3. Bowing the head. This was a kind of intermediate attitude between standing and kneeling. Occasionally the inclination of the body is also mentioned. The bowing of the head was especially re- quired in connection with intercessory prayers and the receiving of the benediction.^^ 4. Prostration upon the ground. This is occasionally mentioned, but was not required as a rule of worship. It was chiefly appropri- ate to deep humiliations and expressions of shame or sorrow upon some very remarkable occasion, but was not the general practice of the church. 11 Sitting in prayer, according to Bingham, was never allowed in the ancient church. It was universally regarded as an irreverent and heathenish posture in these devotions. 5. The lifting up of the hands. This was a common rite in pa- gan worship, but with the christian fathers it was peculiarly signifi- cant as an emblem of the cross, designed to assist them in holding 224 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. in lively remembrance Christ crucified. Occasionally the hands were clasped together in prayer. In regard to the covering of the head, the church strictly observed the rule given by the apostle, 1 Cor. xi, requiring the men to be un- covered, and the women to wear their appropriate covering in prayer. In this their custom was directly opposed to that of both Jews and Gentiles. With them, to appear with the head covered, denoted freedom and independence. But the Christian, as the servant of the Lord, appeared uncovered^ in token of his humility and dependence. From the period of the second century it was customary, both in the Eastern and Western church to pray facing towards the east, contrary to the custom of the Jews who prayed towards the west, 1 Kings 8: 4. 2 Chron. 29: 6. Dan. 6: 10. The altars of the chris- tian churches were situated towards the east, and the dead were buried so that the eye might be turned in the same direction. The reason for all this seems to have been derived from the ceremonies of baptism, in which they were accustomed to turn towards the west as the region of darkness, where the prince of darkness might be supposed to dwell and solemnly to renounce the devil and his works ; and then to turn about to the east and enter into covenant with Christ. They might, therefore, very naturally suppose that in prayer they ought to direct themselves to God in the same manner in which they first entered into covenant with him.^^ Of the time for prayer. Christ and his apostles give no specific instructions, but generally, to pray at all times, and in every place. But it became, in the second and third centuries, a prevalent senti- ment in the church, that every Christian ought to pray three times a day ; at the third, sixth and ninth hour, corresponding to the hours of nine, twelve and three o'clock. For the observance of these hours they had certain mystical reasons drawn from the doctrine of the trinity. The third being emblematical of the trinity, and the sixth and ninth being formed by repetitions of three. ^^ But Tertul- lian and Cyprian both urge the propriety of morning and evening prayer, at the rising and setting of the sun, in remembrance of the sun of righteousness whose absence we have so much occasion to deplore, and in whose light we must rejoice. The Apostolical Con- stitutions also prescribe the offering of prayers five, six, and even seven times a day.^^ ANCIENT PSALMODY. 225 As a specimen of the ancient psalmody of the church, the follow- ing hymn from Ambrose is inserted, with bishop Mant's version of it.— 0pp. T. II. H. a Aeterna Clirisli munera Et riiartyrurn victorias, Lniides ferentes debitas, Laelis canamus mentibus. Ecclesiarum principes, Belli triumphales duces, Caelestis aulae milites, Et vera mundi himina. Niidata pendent viscera, Sanguis sacratus funditur, Sed permanent inimobiles Vitae perennis gratia. Devota sanctorum fides, Invicta spes credentinm ; Perfecta Christi caritas, Mundi triumphat principem. Terrore victo saeculi Spretisque poenis corporis. Mortis sacrae compendio, Vitam beatam possident. Traduntur igni martyres, Et bestiarum dentibus, Armata saevit ungulis Tortoris insani manus. In his paterna gloria, In his voluntas filii, Exsultat in his Spiritus, Caekira repletur gaudiis. Te nunc, redemtor, quaesumus, Ut ipsorum consortio Jungas precantes servulos. In sempiterna saecula. Amen. Bishop Mantes Version. Lord, who didst bless thy chosen band. And forth commissioned send. To spread thy name from land to land, To thee our hymns ascend. The princes of thy church were they. Chiefs unsubdued by fight. Soldiers on earth of heaven's array, The world's renewing light. Theirs the firm faith of holy birth. The hope that looks above. And, trampling on the powers of earth. Their Saviour's perfect love. 29 226 PRAYERS AND PSALMODY OF THE CHURCH. In them the heavens exuhing own The Father's might revealed. Thy triumph gain'd, begotten Son, Thy Spirit's influence sealed. Tiien to thy Father, and to Thee, And to thy Spirit blest, All praise for these thy servants be , By all thy church add rest. The most ancient hymn of the primitive church extant, is that of Clement of Alexandria, which is given below. TIteqov oQvl&fov anXavoiP, Oia^ V7j7ii(ov aTQsxrig, Hoififjv agvav ^aaiXixMV * Tovg aoiig acpshlg IJaidag vtysigov, Alvstv ayiiog, 'TfivHv adoXwg, "Axaxotg axofiaaiv Jlai^av fj/^Toga Xgitnov. BccfTtXsv aylojv, uioye navdafxatag Utttgog vipiaToVj Socflug ngvTavif Sirigiy^ia novoiy Alwvo/agEg^ Bgoiiag ysveag 2aiTig ItiaoVf noi(ii]V^ agotrjg^ IIxEgov ovguvioy JIavayoiig noifivfjg ' AXiEV fxsgonojy Tav aoQ^oiiivcav, JltXdyovg xaxiag ^Ix^vg ayvoig Kvfiaiog ix^gov Fraenum puUorum indocilium, Penna volucrum non errantium, Verus clavus infantium, Pastor agnorum regalium, Tuos simplices. Pueros congrega, Ad sancte laudandum : Sincere canendum Ore innoxio Christum puerorum ducem. Rex sanctorum, Verbum, qui domas omnia, Patris altissimi, Sapientiae rector, Laborum sustentaculunn, Aevo gaudens, Humani generis Servator Jesu, Pastor, arator, Clavus, fraenum, Penna coelestis Sanctissimi gregis, Piscator hominum. Qui salvi fiunt, Pelagi vitii Pisces castos Unda ex infesta ANCIENT HYMN. 227 ^ar Aoyocav noi^riV "AyiB riyov BaaiXsv naidojy avinoKpap. "ixvitt Xqktxov, 'OSog olgavia, Aoyog aivaoq^ Aiojv anXerog^ 0ag ai'dioVj *£Xiovg nriyi], *P£XT7;^ aQ^xrig' OiOV VfXVOVVTWV, XgtXTTE* iTjlTOVf FaXa ovgdvLOV Matn ojv yXvxsgav Nvfjiq>r)g xctghoiv, 2o(piag XT^g a^j iy&Xi^o/iEVOv. Oi vrjulayoi 'AxaXolg (rxofxacriv AxtxaXXofisvoi^ OijXijg Xoyixrjg Ilvsv^axi dgocrfg^ £fi7iinX(Xfxsvoi^ AVvovg aq>sXHg^ "Tfivovg axQejcug, BaviXhl Xqktxo)^ Mia&ovg oalovg Ztarig didaxiig, MiXnansv o^ov, MiXnojfisv aJiXag^ UaTda xgaxsgov Xogog elgt'ivTjg 01 Xgicrtoyovoi, Aaog (T(ij(f)Q(aVj UfaXoifisv ofxov Osov slgtjnjg. Dulei vita Inescans. Sis dux, ovium Rational ium pastor: Sancte, sis dux, Rex puerorum intactorum. Vestigia Christi, Vita coelestis, Verbum perenne, Aevum iutiuitum, Lux aeterna, Fons misericord iae, Operatrix virtutis, Honesta vita, Deutu laudantium Cbriste Jesu Lac coelesle Duicibus uberibus Nymphae Gratiarum, Sapientiae tuae expressum, Infantuli Ore tenero Enutriti, Mammae rational is Roscido spiritu Impleti, Laudes simplices, Hymnos veraces, Regi Christo, Mercedes sanctas Vitae doctrinae, Canamus simul. Canamus simpliciter Puerum valentem, Chorus pacis, Christo geniti, Populus modestus, Psallamus simul Deum pacis. Paed. Lib. Ill 228 USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. CHAPTER XL THE USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES IN RELIGIOUS WORSHIP.^ § 1. Preliminary Rebiarks. The christian church at first adopted, without essential variation, the Jewish form of worship in the reading of the Scriptures, which, after the Babylonish captivity, constituted an important part of re- ligious service. The books of Moses were divided into fifty-four sections, corresponding to the sabbaths in a year, one being allowed for their intercalated years, jn which there might be fifty-four sab- baths. These sections were read successively, one on each sabbath. When a less number of sabbaths occurred in a year, two sections were read together as one on the last sabbath, so that the reading of the whole might be completed every year. Selections were also made from the historical and prophetical books, which were denominated the Prophets, One of these selec- tions was read every sabbath day in connection with the correspond- ing portion of the law. This custom originated from the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, who forbade the Jews the reading of their law on the sabbath. They accordingly selected from the prophets certain portions which they read successively, in the place of like portions of the law. And after the persecution, they continued to read both in connection. Paul, at Antioch in Pisidia, stood up to preach after the reading of the law and the prophets. Acts 13: 15. The Psalms and other devotional parts of the Scriptures, which with the Jews constituted a third division, were probably not read at all on the sabbath. They were the Psalter of the Jewish syna- gogue, and were sung or chanted whenever introduced into religious worship. Justin Martyr is the first who mentions the reading of the Gospels and of the Acts together with the Scriptures of the Old Testament.^ According to this author, they were read in public assembly on the sabbath, by a reader appointed for the purpose ; and after the read- ing, an exhortation and exposition was delivered by the minister. peeliminahy bemarks. 229 TertuUian also insists upon the reading of the Scriptures both of the Old and New Testament as an important part of public worship ^ Both TertuUian and Cyprian speak of the Reader, as an officer in the church, the latter of whom particularly describes the ordination of two Readers to this office.^ The Apostolical Constitutions enjoin the reading of the Scriptures as the most important part of public worship. And Origen and Chrysostom insist upon this as the foundation of all correct religious service.^ To these authorities, again, may be added those of various councils, on the same subject.^ As a general rule none but the books which were received as ca- nonical were allowed to be read in public worship. The reading of other books in private was recommended for personal edification, but not, like the Scriptures, as being of divine authority.'' As in different provinces the church was divided in opinion respecting the true character of certain books, so they differed in regard to the propriety of permitting the same to be read in religious worship. The apocryphal books of the Old Testament, and the Antilegomena of the New, were chiefly the subject of dispute. The diligent peru- sal of the apocryphal books was recommended to catechumens, but their authority was seldom or never allowed in doctrinal discussions. These books were held in higher repute by the church in Africa than by any other. The controversy relating to the Antilegomena, in a great measure ceased in the fourth century. The authority of the Apocalypse was, however, still controverted ; and the churches of Constantinople, Antioch, and others, continued to refuse it a place in the sacred canon.8 Ephraim of Syria, Athanasius, Cyril of Alexandria, Pseu- do-Dionysius, and Leontius of Byzantium, were apparently the first to remove the prejudice against this book.^ No distinction was made between the books of the Old and New Testament, but both were regarded as of equal authority, and in re- ligious worship selections from each were read in connection. On sacramental occasions, however, the Romish church, in the primitive ages of Christianity, omitted the lessons from the Old Testament and the Psalms, and confined themselves to the Gospels and the Epistles. Whilst both the Jewish and the christian sabbath continued to be ob- served, it was customary on the former occasion to read the Old Testament ; and on the latter, the New.io 230 USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. The controverted portions of Scripture above mentioned, and other religious works, were frequently read in public on certain occasions ; such as the Epistles of Peter, the Apocalypse, the Doctrines of the Apostles, the Shepherd of Hermas, the first epistle of Clemens Ro- manus to the Corinthians, the Homilies of the celebrated fathers, Public Symbols and Rules of Faith, and Memoirs of Martyrs and Saints. 11 § 2. Of the Order in which the Scriptures were read. At first there was no established order for the reading of them. Before the canon of the New Testament was completed, the Law and the Prophets of the Jewish Scriptures were read according to their divisions. Afterwards the bishop appointed the lessons. Even as late as the fourth and fifth centuries, instances occur of such ap- pointments by the bishop.^ In all matters pertaining to the church, usage had a great influence. The traditions of the apostles, and especially usages established by them, were very carefully observed. Every innovation was regarded with jealousy proportionate to the antiquity of the usage which it would supersede. The earliest division of the New Testament was into the Gospels and the Apostles, corresponding to the Law and the Prophets of the Jewish Scriptures. This division appears in the writings of Tertul- lian and Irenaeus,^ and must, accordingly, have been anterior to their time. The reading was directed according to this division, one lesson from each being read alternately. Between the reading of these, Psalms were sung, or selections from the Old Testament were read. When there was nothing peculiar to direct the reading, the Scriptures were read consecutively according to their established order ; but this order was interrupted on their festivals, and other occasions.3 At Easter, the account of the resurrection was read from each of the evangelists successively.^ The season of Pentecost, from Easier to Whitsuntide, was set apart for the reading of the Acts of the Apostles.^ The Western church connected with this the reading of the Epistles and of the Apocalypse.^ During Lent, Gene- sis was read ; and, as early as the third century, the book of Job was read in Passion- Week. In a word, though we have no complete or- der of the lessons read, through the year, it is to be presumed that DIVISIONS AND LESSONS. 231 the reading was directed by an eststblished rule and plan, especially on all the principal festivals and solemnities of the church. At the close of the lesson, the assembly kneeled and prayed for pardon of the sins of which they might have been guilty in the read- ing ; saying, ' Lord have mercy upon us.' Instead of this prayer, however, other forms were frequently used ; such as, ' Thus saith the Lord,' etc. The reading at the burial service, was ended with the exclamation, ' Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord.' § 3. Mode of designating the Divisions and Ljessons. In many manuscripts, these divisions are denoted by certain marks like the masorelic notes in the Hebrew Scriptures. These, however, are not to be regarded as of necessity the most ancient divisions, for none of the manuscripts themselves have, in the opinion of critics, a higher antiquity than the fifth and sixth cen- turies, and most of them are of an origin much later. But it is wor- thy of remark that the ancient vesions, which date back to a much higher antiquity than any manuscripts now extant, and from which, almost without exception, the lessons were read are also divided in the same manner. Such for example are the divisions of the Syriac Peshito. From all which, it is probable that these divisions were made as early as the second century. According to this method, the New Testament was divided into two kinds of chapters, some longer, and some shorter. The divisions however were not uniform in the different churches, and were subject to revision from time to time.^ To prevent misunderstanding, it was customary to refer to texts of Scripture by quoting a few words of the passage in question, or by a description of it, thus : As it is said in the parable of the sower, — or, As it is written in the passage relating to the woman that had an issue, etc. These divisions continued to be general in the Eastern and West- ern churches until the thirteenth century, when cardinal Hugo de Sancto Caro introduced the chapters now in use. The divisions into verses first appeared in an edition of the Scriptures, published by Robert Stephens, A. D. 155L 282 USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES, § 4. Of the manner in which the Scriptures were read, and OF other exercises in connection. Certain portions of the Scriptures, as has been already remarked, were sung, others were recited, or read. The Psalms were uni- formly sung, and from the time of Gregory the Great, the same was true of the gospels, and the epistles. All other parts of the Scrip- tures were read ; but the mode of reading was very unlike that in common use ; it was indeed a recitative or chant ; each syllable was uttered with a measured cadence and modulation, in a style and manner midway between that of singing and ordinary reading. In the East especially was this art of chanting greatly cultivated ; and the Koran to thfs day is thus read. It was a prevailing sentiment of the Oriental church, that the words of the Most High ought to be pronounced in a higher and more joyful strain than that of common conversation and reading. On this interesting point it is to be regretted that so little is known. The ancient art of chanting the Scriptures was perpetuated by tradition, and only some slight traces of it can now be observed in the Greek, Roman, and Protestant churches. Augustine, the great rhetorician and musician of the ancient church, contends earnestly for an easy, simple, and unstudied style of psalmody, and commends highly the singing of Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, which more resembled the performance of a reader than of a singer.^ In accordance with this author, the ap- proved style of conducting the services of the church seems to have been to conform the exercise of singing as nearly as possible to that of reading ; and the reading, to that of singing. The style was much the same, both in the Jewish synagogue and the Greek church. In both, the rehearsals were so rapid, that it would be difficult to deter- mine whether it most resembled that of singing, or of reading. The reading was begun and closed with a set form. The reader, according to Cyprian, saluted the audience by saying, ' Peace be with you.' This prerogative was afterwards denied to the reader, as belonging exclusively to the presbyter or bishop.^ Then again, it became the usual salutation at the opening of public worship, and before the sermon. Before the meeting began, the deacon enjoined silence, and often MANNER OF READING THE SCRIPTURES. 233 called aloud aga\n, '^ jiQoaxoifify, atiendamits, attention P Then the reader proceeded saying, * Thus saith the Lord in the lesson from the Old Testament, or from the gospels,' etc., or again, ' Beloved brethren, in the epistles it is written.' This was said to awaken atten- tion and veneration for the word read.^ At the close of the lesson, the people responded frequently if not uniformly, by saying, ' Amen.' The purport of which was, accord- ing to Alexander Halesius, ' God grant us to continue steadfast in the faith.' Or they said, ' We thank thee, Lord ;' ' We thank thee, O Christ,' — for the previous word. Such abuses finally arose from this custom, that the people were forbidden to join in the response, and the minister closed the reading of the epistles by saying, ' Bles- sed be God ;' and that of the evangelists by saying, ' Glory be to thee, O Lord.'4 Whenever the deacon, presbyter, or bishop performed the office of reader, he introduced the service by a form which was, substan- tially, the same as that which is still observed in the Episcopal service. At first the reading was performed from the ambo, a pulpit or desk, prepared for the purpose ; afterwards the reading was from the jdmZ- pit, with tire exception of that of the gospels and the epistles which, out of reverence for these parts of Scripture, were rehearsed near the altar ; the former on the right hand, and the latter on the left, of the altar. It was the duty of the subdeacon to read or chant the epistles ; and of the deacon to rehearse the gospels. The reader was at all times required to stand, in the discharge of his office ; the people preserved the same attitude in the rehear- sal of the Psalms, and the reading of the lessons from the gospels and the epistles at the celebration of their festivals. Cyprian repre- sents this to have been, on all occasions, the custom in Africa. The Apostolical Constitutions recommend both the clergy and the peo- ple to stand in the reading of the gospels.^ Augustine urges all who are lame, or afflicted with any infirmity, so that they cannot conveniently stand, to sit and reverently listen to the word of God.^ But it was a general rule of the ancient church, which has at all times been observed, and still is to some extent, that the hearers sat during the ordinary reading of the Scriptures, and arose when the gospels were recited. If in the delivery of a sermon the preacher introduced a passage from the gospels, the assembly immediately 30 234 USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. arose ; which was the frequent occasion of much noise and con- fusion. The reason for this usage in relation to the gospels is given by Chrysostom as follows : " If the letters of a king are read in the \ 9 theatre with great silence, much more ought we to compose our- V selves, and reverently to arise and listen when the letters, not of an earthly king, but of the Lord of angels are read to us."'^ Jerome is the first who mentions the custom of burning lighted candles in the Eastern church, though not in the Western, when the gospels were read.^ But all antiquity offers no other authority for this senseless superstition. ^ 5. Of the Psalter. The use of the psalter as a system of psalmody is an imitation of the synagogue and temple service. The usage is of great antiquity, and very general, both in the ancient and modern church. But the psalter also partook very much of the character of a symbolical book, and constituted an essential part of the liturgy of the church. It con- tains appropriate lessons for reading, and religious formularies, suit- ed to the capacities of the youth and of the people generally. These, the clergy were required to commit to memory, and to explain.^ Such indeed was the consideration in which it was held, that it was styled the Bible in miniature, a manual of all sacred things, and a representative of the sacred Scriptures.^ Even in the dark ages, when men were denied the use of the Bible, the psalter was allowed to the laity generally.^ The psalms were very early introduced as a constituent part of religious worship, and were variously numbered and divided ; some- times into five books, corresponding to the books of Moses ; and again they were arranged in different classes according to their character, as Hallelujah, Baptismal, Penitential Psalms, and many others. § 6. Of the Pericopae. It has been before remarked that particular lessons were set apart from the gospels and episdes to be read on certain sabbaths and spe- cial festive occasions. The custom was derived from the Jews, who were accustomed to read different portions of their Scriptures on OF THE PERICOPAE, 235 their several festivals.^ These specific selections from the writings of the New Testament were denominated Pericopae. When these selections were first made, is a question on which the learned are greatly divided. Some contending that they are of apostolic ori- gin ; others, that they originated in the fourth century ; and others again, dale them back no farther than the eighth century. For a discussion of these several theories, the reader is referred to the au- thor, and the authorities quoted by him. [One end to be answered by making these extracts, was no doubt to assist those who had not free access to the Scriptures in learning the substance of what the Scriptures teach. Nothing in the history of the primitive Christians is more worthy of admiration than their profound reverence for the word of God, their diligence in reading the sacred Scriptures, and their surprising familiarity with truths of revelation. " At a time when the copies of the sacred volume were all in manuscript, and very scarce, — being so dear as to be beyond the reach of many to purchase, and when multitudes of those who had been converted to Christianity were unacquainted with the first ele- ments of reading, the great majority of them were conversant with the phraseology and the matter of the Word of life, to a degree that may well put Christians of later days to shame. Those of the men who could read, never went abroad without carrying a Bible in their pockets — while the women wore it hanging about their necks, and by frequently refreshing their memories by private perusal, and draw- ing little groups of anxious listeners around them, they acquired so familiar an acquaintance with the lively oracles, that there were few who could not repeat those passages that contained anything remark- able respecting the doctrines of their faith, or the precepts of their du- ty. Nay, there were many who had made the rare and enviable at- tainment of being able to say the entire Scriptures by heart. One person is mentioned among the martyrs in Palestine, so well instruct- ed in the sacred writings, that; when occasion offered, he could, from memory, repeat passages in any part of the Scripture as exact- ly as if he had unfolded the book and read them ; a second, being unacquainted with letters, used to invite friends and christian stran- gers to his house to read to him, by which means, he acquired an ex- tensive knowledge of the sacred oracles : and another may be men- tioned, of whom the description is so extraordinary, that we shall give it in the words of the historian, Eusebius, who knew him : ' When- 236 USE OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. ever he willed, he brought forth, as from a repository of science, and rehearsed either the law of Moses, or the prophets, or the historical, evangelical, and apostolical parts of Scripture. Indeed, I was struck with admiration when I first beheld him standing amidst a consider- able multitude, and reciting certain portions of holy writ. As long as I could only hear his voice, I supposed that he was reading ; but when I came close up to him, I discovered that, employing only the eyes of his mind, he uttered the divine oracles like some prophet.' — Every day it was the practice for each individual to commit a por- tion of Scripture to memory, and for the members of a family to re- peat it to each other in the evening. So much was this custom re- garded as part of the ordinary business of the day, that they had a set time appointed for conning the daily lesson — an hour which, though every individual fixed it as suited his private convenience, was held so precious and sacred, that no secular duties, however ur- gent, were allowed to infringe upon it ; and while some, who had their time at their own disposal, laid their memories under larger contributions, and never relaxed their efforts, till they had completed the daily task they had imposed on themselves, others were obliged to content themselves with such shorter passages as they could learn during the intervals of labor, and amid the distractions of other cares. By all classes, however, it was considered so great an advantage — so desirable an attainment to have the memory richly stored with the records of salvation — that while in the lapse of time many ancient practices became obsolete, and others more suited to the taste of suc- ceeding ages were adopted into the Church, this excellent custom still maintained its place among the venerable observances inherited from primitive times ; and the pious Christians of the first centuries would have regarded it as a sin of omission, for which they had oc- casion expressly to supplicate for pardon in their evening devotions, if they were conscious of having allowed a day to pass without hav- ing added some new pearls from the Scriptures, to the sacred treas- ures their memory had previously amassed." To aid those who could not read, pictures of Scripture scenes were also hung upon the walls. In the idolatrous devotion with which popish superstition bows down before the images and paintings of the sainted dead, the intelligent reader will easily discover only a per- version of the pure intents for which primitive piety first introduced them into the ancient churches.— Tr.] ^^ GENERAL EEMARKS. 237 CHAPTER XII. OF HOMILIES. § 1. General Remarks, Names, etc. Every religious discourse, almost without exception, was based on some text, or distinctly related to some passage of Scripture. It aimed at nothing more than to explain and enforce the same. In the Latin church, instances frequently occur of sermons without any text, but they had reference distinctly to the scripture lesson which had just been read, which is sometimes cited, and at others, is passed over in silence. But in either case the discourse is a paraphrase or explanation of the passage in question. A sermon, according ta the idea of the ancient church, may be defined to be a rhetorical dis- course upon some passage of Scripture, having for its object the spiritual edification of the hearers. It is an exposition and applica- tion of Scripture^ not merely a religious discourse designed for the instruction of the audience. This discourse was called by different names, as Ao'/o?, an oration^ oixdla, a homily. The latter implies a more familiar discourse than the former. When the deacon officiated in the place of the bishop, his discourse was frequently denominated ni'igvy^a. It was also styled didaaxaXla, i^rjyrjaig, ix^^aig, etc. In the Latin church it was styled tractatus, disputatio^ allocutio. The modern divisions and parts of a sermon, such as the intro- duction, the proposition, the illustration and application, were to- tally unknown, in form, to the ancient fathers. The strife then was, as Gregory Nazianzen justly observes, not about terms, but doctrines. Mosheim asserts that the sermon was not at first a necessary part of religious worship. In answer to this absurd hypothesis it must be admitted that the discourses of Christ and his apostles were not in- deed homilies like those of Chrysostom and Augustine, but they re- semble these much more than they do the catechetical instructions of Cyril and Gregory Nazianzen, to say nothing of our Lord's ser- mon on the mount, which may truly be regarded as a pattern for a 238 OF HOMILIES. formal discourse. The same may also be said of most of the dis- courses of Peter and Paul, as recorded in the Acts of the Apostles. We may also, with propriety, refer to all those passages which relate to the usage of Jewish worship in their synagogues, according to which that portion of Scripture which had been read was made the subject of discourse. Luke 4: 16. Matt. 4: 23. 13: 54. Acts 13: 15—27. 15: 21. 2 Cor. 3: 15, etc. From all which it appears that a discourse based on the Scriptures was an essential part of the wor- ship of the Jews. The first instance of this on record is in the eighth chapter of Nehemiah. The homilies of the christian church were only an imitation of these discourses in the synagogue, from which they were derived. ^ The discourses of the apostles were either ba- sed on some specific portions of Scripture, or else they were an ab- stract of sacred history. Instances of the former class are found in Acts 1: 15. 2: 14-36. Of the latter. Acts 7: 2—53. 17: 22—31. Acts xxii. and xxiii. For further illustration we may refer to 2 Tim. 3: 14 — 17, and to the miraculous gift of prophesying, i. e. of teaching which are men- tioned in 1 Cor. 12: 28, 29. Eph. 4: 11. The churches, to whom the apostles addressed their epistles, were required to have them read in public, accompanied, no doubt, with suitable explanations and applications. Col. 4: 16. 1 Thess. 5: 27. 2 Pet. 3: 15, 16. Justin Martyr expressly asserts, that " certain selections from the prophets and 7ne7noirs of the apostles were not only read, but ex- plained and enforced.^^ By the prophets and memoirs, he evidently means the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament. "After the reading is ended the minister of the assembly (the bishop) makes an address in which he admonishes and exhorts the people to imitate the virtues which it enjoins."^ So also Tertullian, in the second century. " We come together to acquaint ourselves with the sacred Scriptures, and to hear what, according to the circumstances of the present time, may be applica- ble to us either now, or at any future time. At least we establish our faith — we encourage our hope, we assure our confidence, and, by the injunctions of the divine word, we make its life-giving power efficacious to our hearts. We admonish and reprove one another, and give ourselves up to the teachings of the divine word. And this word of God has the greater weight because it is believed by all to reflect the image of God."3 Who can doubt that this extract de- BY WHOM THE HOMILIES WERE DELIVERED. 239 scribes the office of the preacher as an essential part of public wor- ship. This duty is also specified in the Apostolical Constitutions. "When the gospel is read, let all the elders and deacons and the whole as- sembly, -stand in silence. Afterwards, let the elders, one by one, but not all of them, exhort the people ; and lastly, let the bishop as the master, address them."^ Again, they speak of the bishop as " the preacher of the word of God,"' and as preaching to the people the things pertaining to their salvation ^ Again the notes of Peter's addresses to the people which Clemens Romanus has left, are proof positive to the point in dispute, provided they are genuine f but they are confessedly of doubtful authority. Enough, however, has been said to show that a sermon or homilelic address was, in the first and second centuries, a part of public wor- ship. In regard to this point at a later period, there can be no ques- tion. § 2. By whom the Homilies were delivered. Justin Martyr informs us, that after the reading, the president of the assembly, o nomjcog, meaning the bishop, makes an application of the word, vov&ialuv noiuiai, an*d exhorts to an imitation of the vir- tues which it inculcates.^ This passage distinctly ascribes to the bishop the duty of explaining and applying the Scriptures which were read. And the same is manifest from the whole history of the ancient church. To preach, or as Ambrose expresses it, to leach the people, was, uniformly, the bishop's duty. The case of Am- brose himself is a clear illustration of this duty. He was promoted from a civil office to that of bishop, without having even been bapti- zed as a catechumen, and, in view of his un preparedness, sought in vain to excuse himself from the discharge of this part of his duties, alleging that he had need himself to learn, instead of teaching others. But, as he himself confesses, he was obliged to begin to teach, be- fore he had himself been a learner .^ The distinction between ruling and teaching elders resulted sim- ply from the circumstance that, in those trying times, men were sometimes required to manage the concerns of the church who yet were not qualified to act as preachers ; and a competent teacher was not always suited to direct the aflTairs of the church. But the office 240 OF HOMILIES. of a ruling elder who did not teach, was uniformly regE^rded as at exception to a general rule, — as an extraordinary provision for a pe- culiar emergency, whilst the office of preaching was accounted the most honorable and important part of the bishop's duties.. "Far from this seat," says Chrysostom, " let him be removed who knows not how to teach sound doctrine as he ought. "^ The neglect of this duty is, by the apostolical canons, c. 58, to be punished with sus- pension and removal from office. There is indeed no case on record, of a bishop who was removed for his inability to teach ; but there are many in which the bishops were disregarded and neglected for this cause. Such was the case of Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, and Atticus, bishop of Constan- tinople.^ On the contrary, they who excelled in this duty were held in the highest consideration, as Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, Augustine, etc. The deacon and even the presbyter officiated only as substitutes of the bishop in case of his absence or inability, from sickness or other causes. Both Augustine and Chrysostom preached for their bishops in this capacity.^ In such cases the bishop was held respon- sible for what was said by his substitute, of which we have a striking instance in the history of Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople. From all this we are not, however, to conclude that the right to preach was restricted under all circumstances, to the bishops alone. For how, in that case, were the churches which had no bishop to be supplied with the preaching of the word of God ? In all such cases the presbyter occupied the place, and discharged the duties of the bishop ; and in his absence, or failure, the deacon supplied his place ; not, hoioever, by delivering an original discourse, but by reading one from the fathers. The Apostolical Canons, c. 58, require the bishop, or the presbyter, to deliver the sermon, and exact upon both the same penalty for neglect of duty. In times of persecution presbyters and deacons were entrusted with the office of preaching. Still, the deacon was regarded only as an assistant, like a licenciate or candidate for the sacred office. Laymen who had not received ordination were not allowed to preach, but there are instances on record, notwithstanding, of such permission being granted to them under certain circumstances.^ But the apostolic rule forbidding a woman to teach, was most cau- tiously observed."^ The Montanists are, indeed, an exception to this FREQUENCY OF SERMONS. 241 remark, but Tertullian, himself ohe of this sect, complains of this abuse.9 The fourth council of Carthage forbid both the laity and women to teach in public. " Let no laymen teach in the presence of the clergy," c. 98. " Let no women, however learned or pious, presume to teach the other sex in public assembly," c. 99. § 3. Of THE Frequency of Sermons. Il has already been slated that the sermon consisted originally in an explanation and application of the scripture lesson which had just been read. Sermons were therefore, as a general rule, as frequent as the reading of the Scriptures. If, in any instance, a sermon was delivered without any foregoing lesson from the Scriptures, it was an exception to the general rule. In some cases, several sermons were delivered by different speakers in succession at the same meeting. At other times, several were delivered by the same speaker on the same day.^ Sermons were an appropriate part of every form of public worship, but they were especially designed for the catechumen ; and for this reason were a part of the services de- signed for them.^ The frequency with which they were delivered va- ried greatly in different countries and dioceses. They were ex- pected of course on the sabbath, frequently on Saturday ; i. e. both on the Jewish and christian sabbath, especially whilst both days were observed in connection. A sermon was also essential to a due cele- bration of the festivals of the church. During the fifty festive days from Easter to Whitsunday, a sermon from the Acts of the Apostles was delivered each day, in the Oriental churches; and also on each day of Lent. Afterwards they became less frequent, but were still delivered on fast days. On other occasions they were delivered in the afternoon. A sermon was also delivered at some time during the middle of the week ; usually on Friday. Instances also occur in the writings of the fathers, of sermons for the forenoon and for afternoon.' But it does not appear to have been a uniform arrangement. No bet- ter evidence of the consideration in which this part of religious wor- ship was held can be given, than the fact that Julian the apostate, in his endeavors to restore idolatry, recommended the pagan priests to imitate the christian preachers by delivering similar discourses. 31 242 OF HOMILIES. § 4. The Length of Time allotted fok the Delivery of the Sermon. This does not appear to have been determined by any canon, or rule of custom. It appears rather to have been regulated by times and circumstances. They were, however, much shorter in the Latin than in the Greek church. Some conjecture as to the length of time may be formed from the circumstance that more than one was de- livered in succession ; and yet it is remarkable that some of the longest sermons which remain to us, were delivered in churches where this custom prevailed. Some of Chrysostom's must have oc- cupied two hours in the delivery, although this was the usual time for the whole service, as Chrysostom himself asserts.^ Bingham is of opinion that the sermons of the fathers could not have been an hour in length ; most of the sermons of the Latin fathers, according to him, could not have occupied one half hour, and many not ten minutes.^ Like the ancient orators, the preacher is supposed to have spoken by an hour-glass, a water-clock, or a sand-glass, ^ 5. Of the Position of the Speaker. In many countries the speaker habitually occupied an elevated desk in the body of the house, which was also used for the reading, and for various exercises. In other places this was used by the speaker occasionally, but not habitually. Chrysostom and Augus- tine were accustomed to speak from this place, that they might more easily be heard by the immense multitudes that thronged to listen to them. The custom originally was, for the preacher to speak either from the bishop's seat, or from before the altar and behind the lattice that separated the sanctuary or shrine from the body of the house ; but most frequently from the former place, which, as Augustine says, was an elevated throne, that from it the bishop might watch his flock, as the vintager does his vineyard from his watch-tower. At a later period, when the care of the church became more cumbersome, and the bishops began to neglect or omit the duty of preaching, the deacons became the moderators of the assembly, and MODE OF DELIVERY. ' 243 the preacher occupied the desk of the reader. This position was, of necessity, allotted to the preacher in the vast Gothic cathedrals which were erected in the middle ages. Sermons were frequently delivered in other places besides the church ; but this was an exception to the general rule. The eulo- gies of the martyrs were usually delivered in the exedrae, baptiste- ries, cemeteries, etc. The monks frequently preached from the trees, and the top of a post or pillar. § 6. Attitude of the Speaker, Mode of Delivery, Deportment OF the Audience, etc. In the primitive church it was customary for the speaker to sit, and for the audience to stand. As in attending to the reading of the Scriptures they stood, in token of reverence for the word of God, so in listening to the sermon, in which it was explained and enforced, for the same reason they preserved a similar attitude. To this, however, there were exceptions, and the usage was different in dif- ferent places. In Africa the custom above mentioned was observed with great care. Augustine insists often upon it, and rebukes every departure from it except in cases of infirmity, which rendered it in- convenient for the hearer to preserve this altitude. At one time he apologizes for the inconvenient length of his sermon, especially in as much as he is permitted to ut, while they are required to stand. The hearers of Gregory Nazianzen and Chrysostom preserved the same posture. It is related even of Constantino the Great, that he did not resume his seat during a long sermon by Eusebius, and that all the assembly followed his example.^ From all which it is fairly inferred that this was the prevailing custom. Compare Luke 2: 46. 4: 20. 5: 3. John 8: 2. Matt. 5: 1, etc. The hearers, it would seem, were accustomed to take great liber- ties in regard to their attendance upon public worship, and often de- meaned themselves very unworthily. At one time, they would ab- sent themselves from the service except during the sermon — an ir- regularity against which Chrysostom inveighs with great spirit.^ At other times, they treated even the preaching with great indifference and neglect,^ complaining bitterly of long sermons, and even left the house while the preacher was yet speaking. To prevent this, the doors were ordered to be fastened after the readinj? and before the 244 OF HOMILIES. sermon,'* as is stili the custom in Sweden. The fourth council of Carthage, c. 24, forbade this contempt of the preacher under pain of excommunication. Another impropriety of which Chrysostom complains with his ac- customed spirit, is that of disturbing the preacher by needless noise and frivolous conversation : — the loquacity of the women, and the wantonness of the young people, are among his subjects of complaint. Similar complaints are made by others, particularly by preachers in the large cities, Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, Alexandria, Car- thage, etc. The indecent custom was also introduced into the ancient church of applauding the speaker by acclamations, by clapping, waving of handkerchiefs, and other similar customs, which disgraced the an- cient theatres, as they still do the modern. A multitude of examples may be found in the references ; ^ but the custom was severely cen- sured.6 The ancient Christians had also the custom of taking notes and writing out at length the sermons which they heard. To this lauda- ble custom we owe many of the sermons of the fathers, which have come down to us. It was not, however, a universal practice."^ Ser- mons in which the hearer took little interest, he was not careful to retain in this manner. Some preachers refused to have their ser- mons preserved in this imperfect manner. Origen allowed no notes to be taken of his sermons until he was sixty years of age.^ § 7. Of the Construction of the Sermon. In the middle ages it became customary for the preacher to draw his topics of discourse from Aristotle ; but this strange custom has not the least authority from the practice of the early fathers. Not only did the Bible furnish them their text and subject of discourse, but, as has been already observed, they confined themselves strictly to the duty of expounding the sacred Scriptures. " To the word and the testimony," says Augustine, " for I perform the office not merely of a preacher^ but of a reader also ; so that this my discourse may be supported by the authority of the sacred word. If my recol- lection fails me, far be it from me to build upon the sand by human reasoning. Hear, therefore, the gospel according to John : " Verily, verily, I say unto you," etc.^ CONSTRUCTION OF THE SERMON. 245 Nothing like the modern division of a sermon into separate heads was formally practised by the ancients. This mode of division was borrowed from the schoolmen. But the ancient fathers confined themselves strictly to their text, and contented themselves with the explication of it, or quickly returned to it again, if at any time they allowed themselves in a digression. It was a fundamental principle with them that the truths of Chris- tianity possessed their own intrinsic force, and needed not the aid of eloquence or of art. It was also their usual custom to speak extem- pore. And for this twofold reason their sermons were generally de- void of ornament. The ability to speak extemporaneously as occa- sion might require, and without previous study, was indispensable to an acceptable discharge of the duties of a preacher. His popularity was proportionate to his success in this art of speaking. For this reason the fathers were influenced to cultivafe this art with so much success, that even as late as the fourth and fifth centuries, they fan- cied themselves to be assisted by the miraculous gifts of the Spirit " I could not have spoken thus hy myself^'' says Chrysostom, " but God, foreseeing the result, t« ^sXkovia ngosidoTog, dictated those words," Augustine and Gregory the Great also express similar senliments.2 At the same time it is sufficiently evident that they did not so rely upon the aid of the Spirit as to excuse themselves from careful study, and from preparation according to the best of their ability. They expected his aid rather as a blessing upon their labors and studies, and in answer to their prayers. Whether the fathers spoke wholly without notes, it is not so easy to determine. No general rule prevailed on this point Many ex- amples may be found in which the sermons of celebrated preachers were read — in some cases indeed by the deacon, (on whom it de- volved to conduct the meeting in the absence of the regular preach- er,) but in others, they were either read or dictated by the author himself. Augustine, in one of his sermons, complains that he is embarrassed by his notes, and entreats the audience to aid him by their prayers : 'Quoniam video dispulationes graphic, ceraque ligari, etnequaquam sumus idonei lectitare, adjuvaie me ipsum, quaeso, in- tercessu vestro.'^ Gregory the Great also complains of the difficulty of speaking from his notes, and of inattention and want of interest on the part of his hearers, and for these reasons resolves to speak 246 OF HOMILIES. without notes, contrary to his usual custom. The prevailing mode of speaking, however, was evidently without notes. The speaker usually began with a short invocation to God for his aid, and closed his discourse with a benediction : Peace be with you, or something to that effect.^ Every address, says Optatus, is made to begin and end with God.^ But long and formal prayers, such as in modern times precede and follow the sermon, were not offered in that connection. To every sermon whether in the Greek, Syriac, or Latin church, there was affixed the customary doxology : To God through Jesus Christ his Son, our Lord who lives and reigns with him, world without end. Amen. We subjoin, as quoted by Bing- ham from Ferrarius, the prayer which St. Ambrose was wont to of- fer for himself before rising to address the assembly. " I beseech thee, O Lord, and earnestly entreat thee, give me an humble knowledge which may edify. Give me a meek and prudent eloquence, which knows not how to be puffed up, or vaunt itself upon its own worth and endowments above its brethren. Put into my mouth, I beseech thee, the word of consolation, and edifica- tion, and exhortation, that I may be able to exhort those that are good to go on to greater perfection, and reduce those that walk per- versely to the rule of thy righteousness, both by my word, and by my example. Let the words which thou givest to thy servant, be as the sharpest darts, and burning arrows which may penetrate and in- flame the minds of my hearers to thy fear and love."^ § 8. Of the Subjects of discourse by the Fathers. It is very justly remarked by Bingham, that their topics of dis- course were of a grave and serious character. Their object was to instruct, to edify and to improve the hearer. The leading subjects of their discourses are described by Gregory Nazianzen and Chry- sostom. " To me it seems," says Gregory, " to require no ordina- ry qualifications of mind rightly to divide the word of truth, — to give to every one a portion in due measure, and discreetly to discourse of the great doctrines of our faith ; to treat of the universe of worlds — of matter and of mind — of the soul and of intelligent beings, good and bad — to treat of a superintending and ruling Providence, control- ling with unerring wisdom all things, both those that are within, and those that are above human comprehension — to treat of the first SUBJECTS OF DISCOUBSE. 247 formation and of the restoration of man, of the two covenants, and of the types of the Old and antitypes of the New Testament — of Christ's first and second coming, of his incarnation and passion, of the resur- rection, and of the end of the world, of the day of judgment, of the rewards of the just, and the punishment of the wicked ; and, above all, of the blessed Trinity, which is the principal article of the chris- tian faith."! In like manner Chrysostom in reminding his hearers of the lead- ing topics of religious discourse which all who frequent the house of God expect and demand, enumerates the following: " The nature of the soul, of the body, of immortality, of the kingdom of heaven, of hell and of future punishment — of the long-suffering of God, of re- pentance, baptism, and the pardon of sin — of the creation of the world above, and the world below — of the nature of men and of an- gels — evil spirits and of the wiles of Satan — of the constitution of cltristian society, of the true faith, and deadly heresies. With these and many other such like subjects must the christian minister be ac- quainted, and be prepared to speak on them as occasion may re- quire." The following extract comprising a brief recapitulation of some of the leading facts in relation to the devotions of the primitive Chris- tians in social and public worship, may be acceptable to the common reader. " Under a conviction that social meetings held at the commence- ment and at the close of every day, would prove an admirable pre- paration for the duties and trials of ordinary life, they adopted the practice of having morning and evening service daily in the church. The hours were fixed so as not to interfere with the routine of ordinary business. Long before daylight, they assembled and opened their meeting with the 63d Psalm, the exordium of which, ' O God, thou art my God, early will I seek thee,' as well as the whole strain of* that pious effusion, made it an appropriate commencement of the du- ties of every day. They then united in prayer, the burden of which was a supplication for the divine blessing and favor on the mem- bers of the household of faith, and for the extension of the Redeem- er's kingdom. This was followed by the reading of a short and ap- propriate passage of Scripture, after which they sang the 90th Psalm, so pathetically descriptive of the frailty and uncertainty of life, and then embodied their sentiments on this subject in a second prayer, in 248 OF HOMILIES. which they expressed their sense of dependence on the care of the Almighty, and their gratitude for their common preservation during the previous night. Another portion of the Divine Word being read, the whole service — scarcely, if ever, exceeding the limits of an hour — was brought to a close by the singing of the 51st Psalm, and a corresponding prayer, in both of which they implored the divine mer- cy to pardon the sins of their past hfe, and the divine grace to help them amid the exigencies of their future course. " The evening service was conducted on the same plan as that of the antelucan meeting, only diversified, of course, by a set of psalms, and a strain of devotional sentiments appropriate to the change of time and circumstances. It began with the 141st Psalm, and a pray- er, in which, like the corresponding one in the morning oblation, the divine love was supplicated on the brethren, an extract from the Gos- pels or Epistles was read, and after this, as the evening meeting generally took place at the time of lighting candles, they sun^ a hymn in which they gave thanks both for natural and spiritual light, and then prayed a second time for a continuance of the bounty and grace of the Lord. Such were the pious habits of the primitive Chris- tians, that not content with the devotions of the family and the closet, they attended duly as the vSeason returned, the celebration of morn- ing and evening service in the church. Nor was it only the more devout and zealous of them that pursued this daily routine of reli- gious observances. The place of worship was thronged with all ranks of the fahhful as much during the morning and evening service, as during that of the Sabbath, and they would have afforded good rea- son to suspect the sincerity of their religious profession, who should in those days of christian simplicity and devotedness, have confined themselves to the hebdomadal ordinance of the sanctuary. Persons who from sickness, or travelling, or confinement in prison, were pre- vented from enjoying the privilege of repairing to the assembly of their brethren, carefully observed in private those hours of daily prayer ; and men, whose time was engrossed during the day with the labors of the field or the shop — with the speculations of commerce, or the offices of civil and judicial stations, ' rose early before day, and never engaged in any of their most necessary and ordinary worldly business, before they had consecrated the first-fruits of all their ac- tions and labors to God, by going to church, and presenting them- selves in the divine presence.' lord's day kept A3 A FESTIVAL. 249 " But the principal season of public worship among the primitive Christians was the first day of the week. From the time of the apos- tles, it was customary for the disciples of Christ, both in town and country, to meet in some common accessible place on the return of that day ; and while on other occasions, such as those we have de- scribed, it was left to every one to frequent the assemblies of the brethren as inclination dictated or convenience allowed, the sanction of apostolic example at once elevated attendance on the religious meetings of that period to the rank of a sacred duty, and an invalu- able privilege. The high and holy character the Christians of the primitive age attached to it, is sufficiently indicated by their styling it the Lord's Dsiy ; and, from the glorious event of which it was the stated memorial, they hailed it as a weekly festival, on which no other senti- ment was becoming or lawful but that of unbounded spiritual joy. Hence fasting, which was so frequently practised in the ancient church, and was allowable on every other day, was strictly prohibited on this ; and even the most rigid of the primitive Christians, who sought to aim at more than ordinary heights of virtue by the practice of auster- ity and mortification, laid aside their habitual aspect of sorrow, as in- consistent with the joyful feelings that season inspired. With one ac- cord they dedicated it to the worship of their exalted Redeemer, and to meditation on things pertaining to the common salvation ; and the spiritual views with which they entered on its observance, the conge- nial tempers with which all . repaired to the place of assembly, the common desire that animated every besom to seek the Lord there, if haply they might find him, and to hold fellowship with the Father, and with his Son Jesus Christ, was at once an evidence and a means of the high-toned piety that distinguished them. Early on the Sat- urday, it was their practice to accomplish the duties of their house- hold, and fulfil the necessary demands of their business, so that no secular care might disturb the enjoyment of the sacred day, or im- pede the current of their spiritual aflTections ; and severe indeed was the indisposition, remote the situation, imperious the cause, that de- tained any from the scenes and occupations the first day of the week brought along with it. So long as heathenism retained the ascend- ant, and the disciples of the new and rival religion weie at the mer- cy of their pagan masters, it was only during the night, or early in the morning, they could enjoy the privileges of the christian Sab- bath ; nor could they observe any regular order in their service, at 32 250 OF HOMILIES. a time when the voice of psalms was liable to betray the secret as- sembly, — and the ruthless soldier often dispersed the brethren in the middle of their devotions, or compelled them to leave a glowing ex- hortation unfinished. But the moment the sword of persecution was sheathed, and the religion of Jesus enjoyed the tolerant smiles of a heathen, or the paternal auspices of a Christian emperor, the Chris- tians resumed their much valued assemblies on the Lord's day, — es- tablished a certain order in the routine of their service, suited to the constitution and circumstances of the primitive church ; and such was the happy understanding among the brethren everywhere, that, with some trifling variations required in particular places, a beauti- ful uniformity in worship and discipline maybe said to have prevail- ed in all parts of the christian world. " Viewing the Lord's day as a spiritual festivity, a season on which their souls were specially to magnify the Lord, and their spi- rits to rejoice in God their Saviour, they introduced the services of the day with psalmody, which was followed by select portions of the Prophets, the Gospels, and the Epistles ; the intervals between which were occupied by the faithful in private devotions. The men prayed with their heads bare, and the women were veiled, as became the modesty of their sex, both standing — a posture deemed the most decent, and suited to their exalted notions of the weekly solemnity — with their eyes lifted up to heaven, and their hands extended in the form of a cross, the better to keep them in remembrance of Him, whose death had opened up the way of access to the divine presence. The reading of the sacred volume constituted an important and in- dispensable part of the observance ; and the more effectually to im- press it on the memories of the audience, the lessons were always short, and of frequent recurrence. Besides the Scriptures, they were accustomed to read aloud several other books for the edifica- tion and interest of the people — such as treatises on the illustration of christian morals, by some pastor of eminent reputation and piety, or letters from foreign churches, containing an account of the state and progress of the gospel. This part of the service, — most neces- sary and valuable at a time when a large proportion of every con- gregation were unacquainted with letters, was performed at first by the presiding minister, but was afterwards devolved on an officer appointed for that object, who, when proceeding to the discharge of his duty, if it related to any part of the history of Jesus, exclaimed ROUTINE OF SERVICE. 251 aloud to the people, ' Stand up — the gospels are going to be read ;' and then always commenced with, 'Thus saith the Lord.' They assumed this attitude, not only from a conviction that it was the most respectful posture in which to listen to the counsels of the King of kings, but with a view to keep alive the attention of the people— an object which, in some churches, was sought to be gained by the minister stopping in the middle of a scriptural quotation, and leaving the people to finish it aloud.* The discourses, founded for the most part on the last portion of Scripture that was read, were short, plain j and extemporary exhortations, — designed chiefly to stir up the minds of the brethren by way of remembrance, and always prefaced by the salutation, *■ Peace be unto you.' As they were very short — sometimes not extending to more than eight or ten minutes' dura- tion,— several of them were delivered at a diet, and the preacher was usually the pastor of the place, though he sometimes, at his discre- tion, invited a stranger, or one of his brethren, known to possess the talent of public speaking, to address the assembly. The close of the sermon by himself, which was always the last of the series, was the signal for the public prayers to commence. Previous to this solemn part of the service, however, a crier commanded infidels of any de- scription that might be present to withdraw, and the doors being clo- sed and guarded, the pastor proceeded to pronounce a prayer, the burden of which was made to bear a special reference to the cir* cumstances of the various classes who, in the primitive church, were not admitted to a full participation in the privileges of the faithful. First of all, he prayed in the name of the whole company of believers, for the catechumens — young persons, or recent converts from hea- thenism, who were passing through a preparatory course of instruc- tion in the doctrines and duties of Christianity,— that their under- standings might be enlightened — their hearts receive the truth in the love of it— and that they might be led to cultivate those holy habits of heart and life, by which they might adorn the doctrine of God their Saviour. Next he prayed for the penitents, who were under- going the discipline of the church, that they might receive deep and permanent impressions of the exceeding sinfulness of sin, — that they might be filled with godly sorrow, and might have grace, during the * Augustine, for instance, having introduced in one of his sermons these words of Paul — The end of the commandment is charity, — stopped ; and the whole people immediately cried out— out of a pure heart. 252 OF CATECHETICAL INSTRUCTION. appointed term of their probation, to bring forth fruits meet for repen- tance. In like manner, he made appropriate supplications for other descriptions of persons, each of whom left the church when the class to which he belonged had been commended to the God of all grace ; and then the brethren, reduced by these successive departures to an approved company of the faithful, proceeded to the holy service of communion."* — Jamieson, pp. 115 — 121. CHAPTER XIII. OF THE CATECHETICAL INSTRUCTIONS.^ No very clear distinction can be drawn between the homilies and catechetical lessons of the fathers. The terms are applied inter- changeably, in some instances, to the same productions. The cate- chetical lessons were familiar instructions given to candidates for baptism, or to persons who had just received that ordinance ; and varied very much according to the age, character, and circumstances of the catechumens. Sometimes they were of a doctrinal, and at others of a popular character ; and again, they were adapted more especially to the young ; just as the instructions of the missionary are necessarily qualified by the circumstances of the people to whom he goes, or the particular class whom he may chance to address. But in either case they are strictly catechetical. The nature of these instructions in the ancient church was greatly modified by the general introduction of infant baptism, in conse- * In the East, where multitudes of the Christians were Jews, who still re- tained a passionate attachment to the law of Moses, Saturday was long ob- served as a day of public worship, though not regarded by the Christians in the same light and of the same character with the first day of the week. — Wednesday and Friday began, at an early period, to be held as weekly fasts, which never terminated till three in the afternoon. A number of public fes- tivals were also introduced, in commemoration of the birth, ascension, and other events in the life of Christ, — some of which, Easter, for instance, can boast of a most .venerable antiquity, and of universal observance,— See Routh's Reliquiae Sacrae, vol. iii. p. 236 ; and Nelson's Festivals. { OF CATECHETICAL INSTRUCTION. 258 quence of the corresponding change of the relations and institutions which attended this change in the ordinance. The catechetical discourses of Cyril of Jerusalem, contain the most ancient and authentic summary of the doctrines of primitive Christianity. These the catechumens were expected to commit to memory and habitually to study as a compend of the Scriptures, and a substitute for them, to such as had not a Bible. Such was also the nature and interest of all subsequent formularies of this kind. They have a close analogy to the ancient symbols of the church, and were in many respects the same. The principal points of catechetical instruction, even when no catechism in form was used, was : 1. The Decalogue. The fathers in the church unitedly agreed in regarding this as essentially a summary of the Old Testament, and obligatory upon Christians. They were accordingly diligently taught this compend of the moral law. Pliny, in his famous epistle, has clearly declared how faithfully the primitive Christians observed this law, and the same is known from many authorities.^ Many of the fathers disagreed in the division of the law of the two tables, some making ten, others seven, etc. In regard to their dif- ferent views, see references.^ 2. The Symbols^ or Confessions of Faith, particularly that which is styled the Apostles' Creed. In relation to these which have been the subject of so much discussion, it may be sufficient briefly to re- mark, that from the earliest organization of the church, some confes- sion and rule of faith must evidently have been necessary."* This rule of faith must have been derived from the teaching, either oral or written, of the apostles ; and may have been earlier than the writings of the New Testament in their present form. Luke 1: 1— -4. Gal. 1: 11. As the preaching of the apostles preceded their written instructions, so an oral confession may have preceded a written one, comprising an epitome of the gospel.^ From such a source may- have sprung the great variety of forms which were known previous to the council of Nice. The various creeds and symbols which have been framed since that period, are only so many modifications of the apostles' creed.* For a notice of these creeds see reference.^ * The most ancient creed extant is that of Irenaeus. This venerable document is here inserted for the gratification of the curious inquirer. " The church, though it be dispersed over all the world, from one end ef 254 OF CATECHETICAL INSTRUCTION. 3. The Lorcfs Prayer comprised a part of- the catechetical in- structions. This was used in baptism, and, after Gregory the Great, at the sacrament of the Lord's supper. It was regarded as a sum- mary of the proper topics of prayer, 4. While the secret mysteries of the church were continued, in- structions respecting the sacrament could not have been publicly given. But from the time when the introduction of infant baptism changed the style of catechetical instructions, they must have in- cluded the subjects of baptism, absolution, and the Lord's supper. the earth to the other, has received from the apostles and their disciples the belief in one God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth, the sea, and all things in them : and in one Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who was incarnate for our salvation : and in the Holy Ghost, who preached by the prophets the dispensations of God, and the advent (rag I'kn'astg, adventum, Jnt. vet.), nativity of a virgin, passion, resurrection from the dead, and bod- ily ascension into heaven of the flesh of his beloved Son Christ Jesus our Lord, and his coming again from heaven in the glory of the Father, to restore {apanecpaXatojaaGi^aiy ad recapitulanda uni versa, Int. vet.) all things, and raise the flesh ol" all mankind ; that, according to the will of the invisible Father, every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in the earth, and things under the earth, to Jesus Christ, our Lord, and God, and Sa- viour, and King; and that every tongue should confess to him; and that he may exercise just judgment upon all, and may send spiritual wickednesses, and the transgressing and apostate angels, with all ungodly, unrighteous, lawless, and blaspheming men, into everlasting fire; buthaving granted life to all righteous and holy men, that keep his commandments, and persevere in his love, some from the beginning, others after repentance, on these he may bestow the gift of immortality, and invest them with eternal glory." The famous Nicene creed, first framed in the year 325, and completed A. D. 381, is given in the liturgy of the Episcopal church. OF BAPTISM. 255 CHAPTER XIV. OF BAPTISM.^ § 1. Names by which the ordinance is designated. The term Baptism, is derived from the Greek §anT(o^ from which is formed ^anti^oj^ with its derivations ^amiafiog and ^dmiafiu, hap- tism. The primary signification of the original is to dip, plunge, immerse ; the obvious import of the noun is immersion. For a dis- cussion of this point, more full and satisfactory than our author has given, the reader is referred to an article by Prof. Stuart, in Bib. Repos. April, 1833. The term kovxQov, washing, is used figuratively to denote that puri- fication or sanctification which is implied in the profession of those who are received by baptism into the church of Christ. It is equi- valent to the washing of regeneration, and the receiving of the Holy Ghost, Tit. 3: 5. This phraseology was familiar to the ancient fathers.^ Baptism is also denominated by them the water, — and ^ fountain^ from whence, according to Bingham, is derived the English, ybn^, — an anointing, a seal, or sign, etc. It is also styled an illuminating or enlightening ordinance^ the light of the mind, of the eye, etc., sometimes with reference to that inward illumination and sanctifica- tion which was supposed to attend that ordinance, and sometimes, with reference to the instructions by which the candidates for this ordinance were enlightened in a knowledge of the christian re- ligion. With reference to ihe secrecy in which, in the early ages of the church, it was administered as a sacred mystery, it was styled juvo-iij- Qiov^ a mystery. A multitude of other names occur in the writings of the fathers, such as grace, pardon, death of sin, philactery, re- generation, adoption, access to God, way of life, eternal life, etc. These terms are more or less defined and explained, in the authori- ties to whom reference is had in the index.^ 256 OF BAPTISM. 2. Historical Sketch. The learned of every age have generally regarded baptism as an independent institution, distinct, alike from the washings and conse- crations by water, so common among the pagan nations, and from the ceremonial purifications and proselyte baptisms of the Jews. Neither have they accounted it the same as the baptism of John. Even those who have contended for the identity of the two institu- tions, have still concurred with .others in regarding baptism as a separate, and independent ordinance. But the opinions of authors are greatly divided in regard to the time when this ordinance was instituted by our Lord. It might seem, from the account given by Matthew and Mark, to have been institu- ted when he gave his final commission to his disciples just before his ascension. Such was the opinion of Chrysostom, Leo the Great, Theopylact, and others. But this supposition is contradicted by John, 3: 22. 4: 1, 2., from whom we learn that Christ, by his disciples, had already baptized many, before his death. Augustine supposed Christ to have instituted this ordinance when he himself was baptized in Jor- dan ; and that the three persons of the Godhead, were there dis- tinctly represented ; the Father, by the voice from heaven, the Son, in the person of Christ Jesus, and the Holy Ghost, by the form of the dove descending from heaven. ^ Others, without good reason, refer the time of instituting it to the conversation of Christ with Nicodemus ; and others again, to the time when he commissioned the twelve to go forth preaching repentance, and the approach of the kingdom of heaven. Matt. 10: 7. But this supposition is contra- dicted by the fact that these same truths had been before preached, and that those who duly regarded this ministry, received John's bap- tism. Matt. 4: 17. 3: 1, 2. Luke 7: 29. On this subject, the truth seems to be that our Lord, on entering upon his ministry, permitted the continuance of John's baptism as harmonizing well with his own designs. The import of the rite was the same, whether administered by John himself, or by the disciples of Jesus. In either case, it implied the profession of repentance, and a consecration to the kingdom of heaven. To this baptism, none but Jews were admitted ; to whom the ministry of John was wholly restricted. Our Lord did indeed, at a later period, declare HISTORICAL SKETCH. 257 that he had other sheep, not of that fold, which must also be gather- ed ; but his disciples understood not the import of that declaration, until after his ascension ; and, even then, were slow to yield their national prejudices so far as to receive the gentiles to participate, in common with the Jews, in the privileges of the gospel. The introduction of christian baptism, strictly so called, was im- mediately consequent upon our Lord's ascension ; and the most im- portant commission for receiving it, as an universal ordinance of the church, is given By its divine author in Matt. 28: 19, " Go ye there- fore and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost." Those who had been baptized by John, now received christian baptism ; which was re- garded by the fathers rather as a renewal of the ordinance, than as a distinct right. It differed from the former, in that it was adminis- tered in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. This was the sacramenlum plenum, the plenary baptism of Ambrose and Cyprian. Baptism was uniformly administered as a public ordinance, even to the end of the second century. In no instance, on record in the New Testament, was it administered privately as a secret rite. Nor is there an intimation to this effect given by the earliest authorities. The apostolic fathers indeed give no instruction respecting the mode of administering this rite. Justin Martyr distinctly intimates that the ordinance was administered in the presence of the assembly. From the third century it became one of the secret mysteries of the church. Such it continued to be, until the middle of the fifth century, when Christianity became so prevalent, and the practice of infant baptism so general, that the instances of adult baptism were comparatively rare. But during that period of time it was administered privately, in the presence of believers only ; and the candidates, without re- spect to age, or sex, were divested of all covering in order to be bap- tized, and in this state, received the ordinance.^ It was customary for adults immediately after baptism to receive the sacrament. This usage gave rise to the custom of administer- ing the sacrament also to children at their baptism, a superstition which continued in the Western churches until the twelfth and thir- teenth centuries, and in the Eastern, remains unto this day.^ Certain religious sects, contrary to the established usage of the church, were accustomed to re-baptize ; others again contended 33 258 OF BAPTISM. that it must be thrice administered, to be valid. Such was the cus- tom of the Marcionites and Valentinians. The Novatians maintained that those who had apostatized from the faith, on being restored to the church ought to be baptized anew ; having lost, by their apostasy, the benefit of their former baptism. Against this Tertullian and Cyprian earnestly contended, alleging that the validity of the ordinance, once rightly administered, could never be annulled ;^ subsequent writers also concur with them in this opinion. Baptism by heretics was early regarded as null and void. Clem- ens of Alexandria declared it strange and uncongenial, 'Tdag aXXo- TQiov. Tertullian classed heretics with idolaters, and declared their baptism of no effect ; unless rightly administered, it was no baptism. Cum baptisma rite non habeant, omnirio non habent.^ Cyprian also agreed with him, and generally the churches of Africa, together with that of Caesarea and Alexandria. These required that their converts from heretical sects should be re-baptized, limiting them- selves, however, to those sects who differed most widely from the true church. The churches of Rome, and France, and of some parts of Asia, on the other hand, received such to their communion by prayer and the imposition of hands, with the exception of such as disowned the Catholic church, and of those who were not baptized in the names of the Trinity. Baptism in the name of the Trinity, even by heretics, was considered valid, except some who were ex- pressly named.'^ The council of Nice proceeded on the same prin- ciple. The efficacy of the rite depended upon the divine power ac- companying it, not upon the character of him who administered it. For a further discussion of this point, see references.^ § 3. Infant Baptism.'^ The general introduction of the rhe of infant baptism, has so far] changed the regulations of the church concerning the qualifications of candidates, and their admission, that what was formerly the rule in this respect, has become the exception. The institutions of the] ishurch during the first five centuries, concerning the requisite pre- parations for baptism, and all the laws and rules that existed during that period, relating to the acceptance or rejection of candidates, necessarily fell into disuse when the baptism of infants began not INFANT BAPTISM. 259 only to be permitted, but enjoined as^a duty ; and almost universally observed. The old rule which prescribed caution in the admission of candidates, and a careful preparation for the rite, was, after the sixth century, applicable, for the most part, only to Jewish, heathen and other proselytes. The discipline which was formerly requisite, preparatory to baptism, now followed this rite as a needful qualifica- tion for communion. Christian baptism has from the beginning been characterized for the universality of its application. Proselyte baptism was adminis- tered only to pagan nations. John's baptism was restricted solely to the Jews ; but christian baptism is open alike to all. Proselyte bap- tism included the children with the parents ; John's baptism excluded both children and the female sex. Christian baptism excludes no na- tion, or sex, or age. Comp. Matt. 28: 19,20. Gal. 3: 28. 1 Cor. 12: 13, together with the authorities of Irenaeus, Cyprian, and Tertullian, quoted below. From all which, it appears evident beyond a doubt, that the ancient church understood that christian baptism was de- signed for all, Tiuvtsg, navxa t« i&vr]^ in the fullest sense of the term, — lliat no nation, or class, or sex, or age was excluded. Of course it was understood to be universal in the highest degree. In his views respecting infant baptism as above expressed, Augus- ti, it is well known, differs from many of his learned contempora- ries in Germany. In common with all who observe this rite, and maintain the doctrine of infant baptism, the learned in Germany generally admit, indeed, the authenticity of the historical testimony on which our author relies. They admit that infant baptism was an usage of the primitive church as early as the time of Cyprian, Ter- tullian, or even of Irenaeus ; but they refuse to follow us in the con- clusion that this ordinance must have been instituted by the authority, and supported by the example of the apostles. They either deny that the baptism of infant children was authorized by Christ and his apostles, or they content themselves with stating the historical facts in relation to the subject — giving the earliest evidence of the rite in question, without advancing any theory whatever respecting the origin of this ordinance. For the gratification of the common reader, the views of some of the learned German scholars on this vexed question in theology are given below. Baumgarten-Crusius supposes that infant baptism was not incon- 260 or BAPTISM. sistent with the views of the primitive church. But he finds no sat- isfactory evidence of the practice of the rite in the first two centu- ries. He admits that it was practised in the time of Cyprian, and of Terlullian, and that in the fourth century it had become general. — Dogmengeschichte II. Th. III. Abschn. S. 1208—9. Hahn contents himself with the " assertion that there is no clear example of infant baptism to be found either in the Scriptures or during the first hundred and fifty years of the christian era." He makes no comment upon the examples on record, nor does he inform us what he receives as a clear example. But he justifies infant baptism as a useful institution, which ought to be retained.— Christli- chen Glaubens, § 123. S. 557. De Wette, in commenting upon 1 Cor. 7: 14, allows that in the time of the apostles children were not baptized, but alleges this same passage as scriptural authority for receiving them to this ordinance. — Geschichte der Kindertaufe. Th. Stud. u. Kr. 1830. S. 671. Neander also agrees with De Wette on this point, Geschichte des Pflantzung, p. 141. According to Rheinwald, p. 41, " traces of infant baptism appear in the Western church after the middle of the second century, i. e. within about fifty years of the apostolic age; and, towards the end of this century, it becomes the subject of controversy in Proconsular Africa. Though its necessity was asserted in Africa and Egypt, in the beginning of the third, it was, even to the end of the fourth cen- ^ tury, by no means universally observed — least of all in the Eastern church ; and finally became a general ecclesiastical institution in the \ age of Augustine."— Archaeologie,§ lll.S. 313. vgl. Tafel I. Kirk- liche Sitte. Gieseler simply says that in the first period of his history, fromj A. D. 117 to 193, "the baptism of infants was not a universal cus-i tom ; and was sometimes expressly discountenanced." For his au-i thority he quotes Tertullian, De Baptismo, c. 18, as given in the se-j quel. Kirchengeschichte, § 52. S. 175. Siegel maintains that infant baptism is of apostolical authority. — ■! Handbuch der Christlich-Kirchen Alterthiimen, Bd. IV. 476. Neander concludes, from the late appearance of any express men- tion of infant baptism, and the long continued opposition to it, that it: was not of apostolical origin, Geschichte der ch. Kirche durch. die] Apostel. I. Bd. 140. Again he says, " the ordinance was not estab- INFANT BAPTISM. 261 lished by Christ, and cannot be proved to have ^een instituted by the apostles."--K. Gesch. B. 11. Abth. 11. S. 549. Such, then, are the views of some of the most distinguished Ger- man scholars of the present day. But enough. Authority is not argument, nor is an ostentatious parade of names of any avail either to establish truth or refute error. These authors themselves gene- rally admit the validity of the testimony of the early fathers ; nor does it appear that, with all their research directed even by German diligence and scholarship, they have essentially varied the historical argument drawn from original sources in favor of infant baptism. Those authorities have long been familiar to the public, and they are very briefly brought together in this place as a concise exhibition of the historical evidence in favor of the theory that this ordinance was instituted by divine authority, and as such was observed by the primitive and apostolic church. We will begin with Augustine, born A. D. 354, at which time the general prevalence of infant baptism is conceded by all. Passages without number might be cited from this father to show that the ob- servance of this ordinance was an established usage of the church. The rite itself he declares to be an apostolical tradition, and by no means to be lightly esteemed. " The custom of our mother-church, in baptizing little children, is by no means to be disregarded, nor ac- counted as in any measure superfluous. Neither, indeed, is it to be regarded as any other than an apostolical tradition." * This he also declares to be the practice of the whole church, not instituted by councils, but always observed, " quod universa tenet ecclesia nee conciliis institutum, sed semper retentum." Omitting other authorities, we go back into the third century. In the time of Cyprian there arose in Africa a question whether a child might be baptized before the eighth day, or not. Fid us, a country bishop, referred the inquiry to a council of sixty-six bishops, con- vened under Cyprian, A. D. 253, for their opinion. To this inquiry they reply at length, delivering it as their unanimous opinion that baptism may, with propriety, be administered at any time previous to the eighth day. No question was raised on the point whether children ought to be baptized at all or not. In this they were unani- * Consuetudo tamen matris ecclesiae, in baptizandis parvulis nequaquam spernenda est, neque ullo modo superflua disputanda ; nee oranino creden- da, nisi apostolica esse traditio. — De Genesi ad LiUram, lib. 10. b 262 OF BAPTISM. mously agreed. This passage is quoted by Rheinwald,^ to show- that the church in Africa, in the third century, maintained the abso- lute necessity of infant baptism. It is given in the note below.* The authority of Origen brings us still nearer to the age of the apostles. This eminent father was born in Egypt of christian pa- rents, A. D. 185, and was himself baptized at an early age, if not in childhood, or in infancy, as many suppose. He resided in Alexan- dria, in Cappadocia, and in Palestine. He travelled in Italy, Greece, and Arabia, and must have been in correspondence with the churches in every country. He is equally distinguished for his great learning, his piety, and his love of truth. He is therefore an unexceptionable and competent witness in this matter. What is his testimony ? It is, " that little children are baptized agreeably to the usage of the church ; that the church received it as a tradition from * Quantum vero ad causam infantium pertinet, quos dixisti intra secun- dum vel tertium diem, quo nati sint, constitutes baptizari non oportere et considerandam esse legem circumcisionis antiquae, ut intra octavum diem eum, qui natus est, baptizandum et sanctificandum non putares } longe aliud in concilio nostro omnibus visum est. — Universi judicavimus, nulli homini nato misericordiam Dei et gratiam denegandam. Nam cum Dominus in evangelic suo dicat : filius hominis non venit animas hominum perdere, sed salvare, quantum in nobis est, si fieri potest, nulla anima perdenda est. — Nam Deus ut personam non accipit, sic nee aetatem, cum se omnibus ad coelestis gratiae consecutionem aequalitate librata praebeat patrem. Nam et quod vestigium infantis in primis partus sui diebus constituti, mundum non esse dixisti, quod unusquisque nostrum adhuc horreat exosculari, nee hoc putamus ad coelestern gratiam dandam impedimento esse oportere. Scriptum est enim : omnia munda sunt mundis. Nee aliquis nostrum id debet horrere, quod Deus dignatus est facere. Nam etsi adhuc infans a partu novus est, non ita est tamen, ut quisquam ilium in gratia danda atque in pace facienda horrere debeat osculari ; quando in osculo in- fiintis unusquisque nostrum pro sua religione ipsas adhuc recentes Dei raanus debeat cogitare, quas in homine modo formato et recens nato quodam- modo exosculamur, quando id, quod Deus fecit, amplectimur. — Ceterum si homines impedire aliquid ad consecutionem gratiae posset, magis adultos et provectos,et majores natu possent impedire peccata graviora. Porro autem si etiam gravissimis delictoribus et in Deum multum ante peccantibus, cum postea crediderint, remissa peccatorum datur, et a baptismo atque a gratia nemo prohibetur, quanto magis prohiberi non debet infans, qui recens natus nihil peccavit, nisi quod secundum Adam carnaliter natus contagium mortis antiquae prima nativitate contraxit, qui ad remissam peccatorum accipien- dam hoc ipso facilius accedit, quod illi remittuntur, non propria, sed aliena peccata. — Cyprian ej). 59 ad Fidum. INFANT BAPTISM. 263 the apostles, that baptism should be administered to children."* Origen lived within a century of the apostolic age, and, according to Eusebius, lib. 6. c. 19, received this tradition from his own pious ancestry, who, of the second or third generation from him, must have been contemporary with the apostles themselves. This explicit testimony of Origen, in connection with that of Augustine of the uni- versal practice of the church, is, in the opinion of the paedo-baptists, strong evidence that infant baptism is an ordinance established by the authority of the apostles. We come next to Tertullian. He objects strongly to the hasty administration of baptism to children, and inveighs against the su- perstition of the age in this respect in such a manner as to show, beyond dispute, the prevalence of the custom in his days. " Accord- ing to the condition, disposition, and age of each, the delay of bap- tism is peculiarly advantageous, especially in the case of little chil- dren, panmlos. Why should the godfathers [of these baptized chil- dren] be brought into danger ? For they may fail by death to fulfil their promises, or through the perverseness of the child. Our Lord indeed says, ' Forbid them not to come unto me.' Let them come then when of adult age. Let them come when they can learn ; when they are taught why they come. Let them become Christians when they shall have learned Christ. Why hastens that innocent age to the forgiveness of sins [by baptism] ? In worldly things men observe greater caution, so that he is intrusted with divine things, to whom those of earth are not confided. "t * Addi his etiam potest, ut requiratur quid causae sit, cum baptisma eccle- siae pro reniissione peccatorum detur secundum ecclesiae observantiam etiam parvulis dari baptismum. Homil. 8. in Levit. Opp. T. VI. p. 137. ed. Olerth. Ecclesia ab apostolis traditionem suscepit, etiam parvulis baptismum dare. Sciebant enim illi, quibus mysteriorum secreta commissa sunt divinorum, quia essent in omnibus genuinae sordes peccati, quae per aquam et spiritum ablui deberent : propter quas etiam corpus ipsum corpus peccati nominatur. —In Rom. L. V. c. 9. t Pro cujusque personae conditione ac dispositione, etiam aetate, cuncta- tio baptismi utilior est ; praecipue taraen circa parvulos. Quid enim neces- se est, sponsores etiam periculo ingeri ? Quia et ipsi, per mortalitatem des- tituere promissiones suas possunt, et proventu malae indolis, falli. Ait qui- dem Dominus, •• Nolite illos prohibere ad me venire." Veniant ergo, dum adolescant. Veniant, dum discunt; dum, quo veniant, docentur. Fiant christiani quum Christum nosse potuerint. Quid festinat innocens aetas ad remissionem peccatorum ? Cautius agitur in secularibus ; ut cui substan- tia terrena non creditur, divina credatur. — De Baptismo, c. 18. •r 264 OF BAPTISM. Whatever were the particular views of Tertullian on other reli- gious subjects, he is sufficiently explicit in opposing infant baptism as a prevailing custom. He flourished some years before Origen, and in less than one hundred years of the apostolic age. Within this brief period it appears, therefore, that the rite of infant baptism is observed with such superstitious care as to call forth from him these severe animadversions — and that too, without any intimation that his own church is peculiar in their observance of this rite, or that there was any example in favor of the correction for which he pleads. Indeed, it deserves particular notice that Tertullian neither refers to the authority of Scripture, nor to the usage of the church in opposition to the baptism of infant children. Is it possible that this father of tradition could have overlooked so important a point had there been any authority, usage, or tradition, in favor of his own peculiar views ? Next in order, and at an age still nearer to the apostles lived Ire- naeus, bishop of Lyons. By some he is believed to have been born before the death of John the Evangelist, others, perhaps with great- er probability, assign this event to a period somewhat later. It is however agreed that he lived, in early life, in Asia Minor, and en- joyed the friendship, and received the instructions of Polycarp, the disciple of John. He therefore received apostolical instructions through the tradition of a single individual, the venerable martyr, Polycarp. What then does he say in relation to the subject before us.^ — That Christ " came to save all persons through himself — all, I say, who through him are regenerated ujiio God; infants, and little ones, and children, and youth, and the aged. Therefore, he passed through the several stages of life, being made an infant for infants, that he might sanctify infants ; and for little ones a little one, to sanc- tify them of that age."* The relevancy of this celebrated passage turns wholly on the meaning of the \i\\YdiSe— regenerated unto God. If in this expression, the author has reference to baptism^ nothing can be plainer than that the passage relates to infant baptism. It is indeed a vexed passage. * Oranes venit per semetipsum salvare, omnes inquam, qui, per eum, rc- nascuntur in Deum ; infantes, et parvulos, et pueros, et juvenes, et seniores. Ideo per omnem venit aetatem ; et infantibus, infans factus, sanctificans in- fantes ; in parvulis, parvulus } sanctificans hanc ipsam habentes aetatem. — Lib. 2. c. 39. (Lib. 2. c. 22. § 4.) INFANT BAPTISM. 265 But it has been shown by writers^ on this subject, that this form of expression, renascuniur in Deum, regenerated unto God, was famil- iar 10 Irenaeus, and to the fathers generally, as denoting baptism, Irenaeus himself, in referring to our Lord's commission to his dis- ciples, says : *' When he gave his disciples this commission of regen- erating vMo God, he said unto them,' Go and teach all nations, bap- tizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost," Lib. 3. c. 19. Here the commission of regenerating unto God, is supposed to relate to the act of baptizing. Baptism, according to the usits loquendi of the age, was regeneration. This Neander himself admits in commenting on the above passage from Irenaeus, which he receives as valid and incontrovertible proof of the practice of infant baptism at this early age. Rheinwald also con- curs with him in opinion. Neander's opinion, as already staled, is, that the ordinance was not instituted by Christ; neithercan it be proved to have been instituted by the apostles. Not proved indeed by pos- itive testimony. And yet, within the space of one century, it is, for aught that appears to the contrary, in general practice as an author- ized usage of the church. When was it introduced if not by the apos- tles.^ And by whose authority, if not by theirs ? To these impor- tant inquiries all history is silent, assigning no time for its first intro- duction, nor revealing the least excitement, controversy, or opposi- tion to an innovation so remarkable as this must have been if it was obtruded upon the churches without the authority of the apostles. How, especially, could this have been effected in that age which ad- hered so strictly, even in the smallest things, to ancient usage, (see p. 230, § 2), and which was so near to the apostles that their usa- ges and instructions must have been distinctly known by tradition ? Or how could the change have been etfected in so short a space of time ? Hath a nation changed their gods in a day ? Have they in a day changed any cherished institution ? Far from it. Their tra- ditionary usages are a fair record of their former institutions. We have received by tradition and usage, aside from all historical re- cords, the sentiments and practice of our pilgrim forefathers, in re- lation to baptism ; whilst the dissent of Roger Williams is recorded in the institutions of another church, in lineaments more lasting than the perishable records of the historian, and yet Tertullian, Origen, and Irenaeus were removed from the apostolic age but about half the distance at which we stand from that of our forefathers. 34 266 OF BAPTISM. There is yet one argument that is strictly historical, and may, with propriety, be mentioned in this place. It is drawn from the practice of household-baptism, as related in the Scriptures. This argument rests not merely upon the inquiry whether, in the instan- ces recorded in the New Testament, there were children belonging to those particular households. But upon these examples which evi- dently authorize the administration of the ordinance to families col- lectively. The repealed and familiar mention of household-baptism, implies that it was a common usage to administer the ordinance to whole families, or households collectively. Now if this is an usage authorized by the example of the apostle, it is a valid argument for infant baptism. Children usually constitute a part of a household ; and baptism by households^ of necessity, implies infant baptism. The authority of Justin Martyr is relied on by many. In his se- cond apology, written about A. D. 160, he says, " There are many persons of both sexes, some sixty, some seventy, and some eighty years old, who were made disciples to Christ in their childhood, «l, tx Tialdoiv 6}itt&i^TEv&7]aav toj xq^^H'-^ Some, or all of these, were baptized in the age of the apostles, and several considerations are urged from this author himself, to show that the phrase ix naldoiv re- lates strictly to children in their infancy. It would, indeed, be the appropriate and natural expression if such were his meaning, but it is also applicable to children and youth of a greater age. Other authorities are sometimes drawn from the Shepherd of Her- mas,^ and Clemens Romanus ;^ but these are too equivocal, and in- volved in too much uncertainty, to be relied on in an argument of this kind. Tenehris nigrescunt omnia circum. The foregoing are the most important historical authorities in fa- vor of infant baptism, as an usage of the primitive church. They have long been before the public. They have been a thousand times summoned and marshalled for the onset, and a thousand times contest- ed, and still the conflict continues as undecided as ever. There they are, however, on the records of history, unchallenged, unimpeached, and there they will be forever — ^the unhappy subject of controversy and division to kindred in Christ who, else, had been one in sentiment and in name, as they still are in all other essential points of faith and practice. From a very early period, extravagant notions were entertained of the supernatural power and efficacy of baptism. It was supposed \ LIMITATIONS AMD EXCEPTIONS. 267 to be a virtual regeneration — the death of sin, and the imprinting of an indelible character upon the soul. Still its moral tendency was not forgotten ; but it was regarded by the church as an important means of moral discipline. Accordingly the general rule of baptizing all ap- plicants was practically subject to certain limitations and exceptions. Such as the following : 1. It was enacted that none but the living should be baptized — a law which intimates that this ordinance was sometimes administered to the dead. Such indeed was the custom of the church in Africa in the fourth century, as appears from the decrees of their councils in which it is forbidden.^ It appears also to have been the practice of some of the Cataphrygiaus or Montanists.''' 2. The vicarious baptism of the living for the dead may also be mentioned in this place. Several religious sects, particularly the Marcionites, practised this rite, alleging for their authority a mis- construction of the apostle's language in 1 Cor. 15: 29. But the cus- tom is severely censured by Tertullian,^ and by Chrysostom,^ who describes the ceremony as a ridiculous theatrical farce. Epipha- nius,!^ Theodoret, and others understand the passage in question from 1 Cor. 15: 29, to relate to the practice of baptizing catechumens who might be near to death, before the completion of their term of probation and preparation. 3. The offspring of untimely and monstrous births appear not to have been the subjects of baptism in the ancient church. Such bap- tisms began in the thirteenth century to be the subject of discussion in ecclesiastical councils.^ ^ 4. It was a disputed point in the ancient church, whether or not demoniacs and maniacs were proper subjects of baptism. The rule in these cases seems to have been that such persons should not re- ceive baptism until they were healed of their malady, although they were permitted, in the meantime, to attend at the preaching of the word, and at public prayers under the superintendence of the exor- cists ; and were ranked in the first class of catechumens. Cyprian supposed that evil spirits were expelled by baptism ;12 but he ap- pears not to have authorized the administration of ihe ordinance to such, except in case of sickness, or of great bodily weakness. Per- sons in the near approach of death were, in almost all cases, per- mitted to receive this ordinance.'^ These energumens were, how- ever, in some instances permitted to partake of the Lord's supper. 268 OF BAPTISM. And this circumstance affords the strongest proof that ihey were sometimes baptized. ^"^ 5. Baptism administered in cases of extreme sickness, without the consent or consciousness of the patient, was considered valid ; and yet such persons, as a rebuke to them for delaying their duty in this respect, if they recovered, were not usually eligible to the highest offices of the church. ^^ 6. The deaf and dumb were received to this ordinance, provided they gave credible evidence of their faith. ^^ 7. In the sixth and seventh centuries it became customary to com- pel many Jews and pagans to receive baptism ; and some instances occur of compulsory baptism of a da-te still earlier ; but such in- stances of violence were not authorized by the church. ^'^ In gen- eral, the free will and consent of the individual was required as a condition of his baptism. In the case of infants the request of their parents was regarded as their own until they arrived to years of dis- cretion, when they were expected to acknowledge it as their own by confirmation. 8. Baptism was administered whenever a reasonable doubt exist- ed as to its having been administered. ^^ 9. Not only were the openly immoral excluded from baptism, but generally all who were engaged in any immoral and unlawful pur- suits, such as those who ministered to idolatry by manufacturing images or other articles for purposes of superstition,!^ stage-players,^ gladiators, wrestlers, and all who were addicted to theatrical exhi- bitions ;2i astrologers, diviners, conjurers, fortune-tellers, dancing- masters, strolling minstrels, etc^^ The reason for all these prohibitions lay in the immoral and idol- atrous tendency of the practices to which these persons were addic- ted. Many of these practices were immoral and scandalous even among the heathen. TertuUian observes, " that they who professed these arts were noted with infamy, degraded and denied many pri- vileges, driven from court, from pleading, from the senate, from the order of knighthood, and all other honors in the Roman city and commonwealth. (Be Spectac. c. 22.) Which is also confirmed by St. Austin, who says, that no actor was ever allowed to enjoy the freedom, or any other honorable privilege of a citizen of Rome. (De Civ. Dei. lib. ii. c. 14.) Therefore since this was so infamous and scandalous a trade even among the heathen, it is no wonder that the MINISTERS OF BAPTISM. 269 church would admit none of this calling to baptism, without obliging them first to bid adieu to so ignominious a profession. To have done otherwise, would have been to expose herself to reproach, and to have given occasion to the adversary to blaspheme ; if men of such lewd and profligate practices had been admitted to the privile- ges of the church, who were excluded from the liberties of the city and the honors of the commonwealth. The learned Hieronymus Mercurialis, in his discourse De Arte Gymnaslica, (lib. i. cap. 3. p. 12,) observes, that ' the several sorts of heathen games and plays were instituted upon a religious account, in honor of the gods ; and men thought they were doing a grateful thing to them, whilst they were engaged in such exercises.' " With good reason, therefore, the church refused to admit any of this calling to baptism, unless they first bade adieu to their ignomini- ous pursuits. To have done otherwise would have exposed her to reproach, and given occasion to the adversary to blaspheme. The ancient fathers were particularly severe in their invectives against theatrical exhibitions. They declared it incompatible with the piety and the purity of christian life, either to engage in them as an actor, or to attend them as a spectator. Tertullian in speaking of a chris- tian woman who returned from the theatre possessed with a devil, makes the unclean spirit, on being asked how he dared presume to make such an attempt upon a believer, reply — "that he had a good right to her, because he found her upon his own ground.^^a The profane custom of baptizing bells, etc, is a superstition that was unknown to the primitive church. It is first mentioned with censure in the Capitulars of Charlemagne in the eighth century, and became prevalent in the latter centuries. § 4, Ministers of Baptism. Great importance has ever been attached to this ordinance as the initiatory rite of admission to the church. But the duty of adminis- tering the ordinance does not appear to have been restricted to any officer of the church. John the Baptist himself baptized them that came to him. But our Lord baptized none but his disciples. John 4: 2. There is indeed a tradition that our Saviour baptized St. Pe- ter, — that Peter baptized Andrew, James and John ; and that these disciples administered the rite to others.^ To this tradition Roman 270 OF BAPTISM. Catholic writers attach much importance, but it rests on no good foundation. -In some instances recorded in the New Testament, baptism was administered under the sanction, and by the immediate order of the apostles. But it is remarkable that the apostles themselves are in no instance related to have administered baptism. No intimation is given that Peter assisted in baptizing the three thousand, nor is it probable that the ordinance could have been administered to them by himself alone. Acts 2: 41. He only commawderf Cornelius and his family to be baptized. Acts 10: 48. Paul in 1 Cor. 1: 12—17, and Peter in Acts 10: 36 — 48, evidently describes the administration of baptism as a subordinate office, compared with that of preaching peace by Jesus Christ. On the whole, we learn from the New Testament the following particulars: — 1. Our Lord himself did not baptize, but he intrusted his apostles and disciples with the administration of this rite. 2. The apostles, though they sometimes administered baptism themselves, usually committed this office to others. 3. It cannot be determined whether other persons, either ministers or laymen, were allowed to baptize without a special commission. 4. Phillip, the deacon, bap- tized in Samaria men and women, Simon Magus, and the Ethiopian eunuch, although no mention is made of any peculiar commission for this purpose. This he appears to have received at his consecration to his office as related Acts 6: 3 — 7. Justin Martyr, in his description of this ordinance, says nothing of the person by whom it was administered. But in speaking of the Lord's supper in the same connection, he ascribes both the adminis- tration of that ordinance and the exposition of the Scriptures to the president of the brethren ; from which the supposition would seem not altogether improbable that baptism was not administered by the presiding officer of the church. We have, however, good evidence that after the second century the bishop was regarded as the regular minister of baptism. Even Ignatius declares that it is not lawful either to baptize or to adminis- ter the Lord's supper without the bishop, xf^Qk lov iniaxonov, an ex- pression which implies the necessity of the bishop's authority .^ Ter- tullian says expressly that " the bishop has the power of administer- ing baptism ; and next in order the presbyters and deacons, though not without the sanction of the bishop, that thus the order and peace TIMES OF BAPTISM. 271 of the church may be preserved."* He adds, that under other cir- cumstances the laity may exercise this right ; but advises that it should be done with reverence and modesty, and only in cases of necessity. Women are utterly forbidden by him to exercise this right. The Apostolical Constitutions accords this right to bishops and presbyters, the deacons assisting them ; but denies the right to readers and singers, and other inferior officers of the church.'* It is worthy of remark that here bishops and presbyters are placed on an equality, whilst deacons are made subordinate. The sentiments of the Eastern church were coincident with those of the Western in relation to the ministers of baptism. The officiating minister, as well as the candidate, was expected to prepare himself for performing this service by fasting, prayer, and, sometimes, washing of the hands ; ^ and to be clothed in white.^ Lay-baptism was undoubtedly treated as valid, by the laws and usages of the ancient church. It is equally certain, however, that it was never authorized as a general rule, but only admitted as an ex- ception, in cases of emergency. § 5. Times of Baptism. The lime of administering the rite was subject to various changes from age to age, of which the most important are given below, in their chronological order. 1. In the apostolic age the administration of this ordinance was subject to no limitations either of time or place. Acts 2: 4. 8: 38. 9: 18. 10: 47. 16: 33. 2. The account of Justin Martyr gives no definite information on this point ; but it would seem from this author that baptism was re- garded as a public and solemn act, suitable to be performed in any- assembly convened for religious worship. Tertullian, however, speaks of Easter and Whitsuntide as the most appropriate seasons for administering this rite, and appeals, not to tradition, but to argu- ments of his own, in confirmation of his opinion.^ Other writers re- fer to apostolical tradition, and an ancient rule of the church.^ 3. In the sixth century, the whole period between the Passover Baptismum dandi habet jus summus sacerdos, qui est episcopus; de- hinc* presbyteri et deaconi ; non tanien sine episcopi auctoritate propter ec- clesiae bonorum ; quo salvo, salva pax est.^ 272 OF BAPTISM. and Pentecost, and Easter and Whitsuntide above mentioned, were established by several councils as the regular times for baptism, cases of necessity only being excepted."* The ordinance, however, was usually administered, by common consent, not by any authority of the church, during the night preceding these great festivals. Easter-eve, or the night preceding the great sabbath, was considered the most sacred of all seasons. And this period, while our Lord lay entombed in his grave, and just before his resurrection, was re- garded as most appropriate for this solemn ordinance, which was supposed to be deliverance from the power of sin and consecration to newness of life.^ Comp. Rom. 6: 3. The illuminations on this night, which are mentioned by several writers, had special reference to the spiritual illumination supposed to be imparted by this ordinance, which was denominated (fMxiis^ix, (patifffioc, cpojTKTTTJQiov, illuminatio7i , as has been already mentioned in § 1. For similar reasons baptism, which was considered pecu- liarly the sacrament of the Holy Ghost, was regarded as appropriate on the day of Pentecost, Whitsuntide, commemorative of the descent of the Holy Spirit. 4. To the festivals above mentioned, that of Epiphany was early added as a third baptismal season ; the day on which our Lord received baptism being regarded as peculiarly suited to the celebration of this ordinance. It appears probable, however, from a sermon of Chrysostom on this festival,^ that this was not observed as a baptismal season by the churches of Antioch and Constantinople. Gregory Nazianzen, on the other hand, appears to have been acquainted with the custom of baptizing on this day. It was also observed in the churches of Je- rusalem and of Africa. In Italy and France it was discountenanced. The churches of France and Spain were accustomed to baptize at Christmas, and on the festivals of the apostles and martyrs. The observance of these days was not considered by the churches as essential to the validity of baptism, or as an institution of Christ or his aposdes, but as a becoming and useful regulation. " Every day is the Lord's," says Tertullian, *' every hour, every season, is proper for baptism." ^ From the tenth century the ob'jervance of stated seasons for bap- tism fell into disuse, though a preference still remained for the an- cient seasons. Children were required to be baptized within a month from their birth, at eight days of age, or as soon as possible. PLACE OF BAPTISM. 273 The church at different times rrvanifested a superstitious regard for different hours of the day, choosing sometimes the hours of our Sa- viour's agony on the cross ; at another, the hours from six to twelve ; and at another, from three until six in the afternoon. These in times fell into disuse. In proteslant churches, no particular hour or day is observed for the celebration of baptism. It is, ibr the most part, administered on the sabbath, during divine worship, and in the pres- ence of the congregation. If upon another day of the week, it is to be attended with appropriate religious solemnities. § 6. Place of Baptism. All the requisite information in regard to the appropriate place for administering this ordinance, may be arranged under three distinct periods of history. 1. The first ages of Christianity. 2. The space of time during which baptisteries detached from the churches were provided for this purpose. 3. The period after the disuse of baptisteries, and of stated seasons for baptism. First period. No intimation is given in the New Testament that any place was set apart for the administration of baptism. John and the disciples of Jesus baptized in Jordan, John 3: 22. Baptism was also administered in other streams of water. Acts 7: 36, 37. 16: 1 — 16, and in private houses, Acts 9: 18. 10: 47, 48. 16: 30—34. Where the three thousand on the day of Pentecost were baptized is uncertain. The same freedom of choice was also allowed in the age immedi- ately succeeding that of the apostles. Justin Martyr says that the candidates were led out to some place where there was water,^ and Clement of Rome speaks of a river, a fountain, or the sea, as a suitable place, according to circumstances, for the performance of this rite. 3 TertuUian says that " it was immaterial where a person was baptized, whether in the sea, or in standing or running water, in fountain, lake, or river." ^ Second period. The first baptistery, or place appropriated for baptism, of which any mention is made, occurs in the history of the fourth century, and this was prepared in a private house.^ Euse- bius probably speaks of similar baptisteries, though under another name.^ Cyril of Jerusalem speaks of the baptisteries in his day as divided into two parts, outer and inner.''' In the former part, prepa- 35 274 OF BAPTISM. ration was made for baptism ; in ttie latter, it was administered. Ambrose speaks of a similar division ;8 and Augustine of a part appropriated to women.^ These baptisteries became general in the fifth and sixth centuries. They were sometimes so spacious that ecclesiastical councils were held in them. Some idea of their size may be formed, when we recollect that in some places, as Antioch, no less than three thousand persons of both sexes received baptism in a single night. The laws both of church and state required that baptism should be administered only in these places. The common name of these edifices was ^a7iTLaji]giov. It is also called tpbiTKn^Qiov, aula baptismalis, yioXvfi^ii&ga, ov piscina, the font, etc. Each diocese had, usually, but one baptistery. The number, however, was sometimes increased. But a preference was uniformly given to the cathedral baptistery. This was styled the mother church, inasmuch as the children were there born by baptism. ^^ Third period. In process of time these baptisteries became greatly multiplied and were united to parish churches, or rather, were themselves constituted such. The precise period of time when this change took place cannot be determined. In general, it was after the prevalence of infant-baptism, when baptismal fonts only were necessary, when stated seasons of baptism were discontinued, and the right of administering the ordinance was conceded to the clergy indiscriminately. § "^^ Element for baptism. The church with great uniformity has maintained that water is the only appropriate element for baptism. But several of the fathers very early advanced notions respecting the actual presence of the Spirit in the water, strikingly analogous to the modern doctrine of j transubstantiation, and sought out many fanciful reasons, why waterj should be used as the emblem of the Spirit. This water acquire( in their opinion, as it would seem, a spiritual virtue, derived from) the real presence of the Spirit residing in the water.i In case oi necessity, baptism with wine was allowed, but not in the earliest! ages of the church. The schoolmen wearied themselves with vaitij discussions respecting the validity of baptism with wine, and milk, and brandy, and almost every conceivable element. MODE AND FORM OF BAPTISM. 275 The baptismal water was exorcisec!^ and consecrated by religious rites, and by prayer, before it was used in baptism.^ § 8. Mode and Form of Baptism.^ To this head belong, 1. The manner in which the candidate for baptism received the appointed element, water. 2. The ceremonies observed by the officiating persons in administering the ordinance. In regard to both of these points, considerable difference of opinion and usage prevailed in the ancient church, from a very early period ; nor are the Eastern and Western churches, to this day, agreed in this matter. This difference, however, has uniformly been treated as of less importance by the latter, than by the former church. 1. Immersion or dipping. In the primitive church, this Was un- deniably the common mode of baptism. The utmost that can be said of sprinkling in that early period is that it was, in case of neces- sity, permitted as an exception to a general rule. This fact is so well established that it were needless to adduce authorities in proof of it. The reader will be directed to them by reference to the in- dex of authorities ;^ but there are some points in connection with this rite which require particular attention. It is a great mistake to suppose that baptism by immersion was discontinued when infant baptism became prevalent. This was as early as the sixth century ; but the practice of immersion continued until the thirteenth or fourteenth century. Indeed it has never been formally abandoned ; but is still the mode of administering infant baptism in the Greek church. Trine immersion was early practised in the church. The sacra- mentary of Gregory the Great directs that the person to be baptized should be immersed at the mention of each of the persons of the Trinity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.^ Tertullian says, " We receive the water of baptism not merely once, but three times, at the mention of each of the persons of the Holy Trinity ;"^ and again, " We are plunged thrice in the water of baptism." Basil the Great,^ Jerome,^ and Ambrose," believed this custom to have been introduced by the apostles, though no authority for this supposition is found in the New Testament. Other of the fathers supposed the practice of trine immersion to refer not to the three persons in the Godhead, but to the three great events, which completed the work of our redemption, — the death, resurrection, and ascension of Christ.^ 276 OF BAPTISM. Single immersion was at times considered valid. This decision was given by Gregory the Great, in a controversy with the Arians in Spain, who maintained that trine immersion denoted three grada- tions in the Godhead. Gregory, on the contrary, declared baptism by single immersion to be valid, and aptly significant of the unity of the Deity .9 This division was afterwards confirmed by the council ofToledo.io In the early centuries, all persons who received baptism were com- pletely undressed, without distinction of age or sex ;i^ this circum- stance was thought to be emblematical of the putting off of the old man, and the putting on of the new, — the putting away of the defile- ments of the flesh, etc. A sense of decency at length prevailed against this unaccountable superstition, and it was by degrees dis- continued. 2. Aspersion or Sprinkling. After the lapse of several centuries this form of baptism gradually took the place of immersion without any established rule of the church, or formal renunciation of the rite of immersion. The form was not esteemed essential to the va- lidity of the ordinance. The Eastern church however, in direct opposition to these views, has uniformly retained the form of immersion as indispensable to the validity of the ordinance, and repeated the rite whenever they have received to their conimunion persons who had been previously bap- tized in another manner.^^ In defence of the usage of the Western church, the following con- siderations are offered. 1 . The primary signification of the word cannot be of great im- portance, inasmuch as the rite itself is typical, and therefore derives its importance, not from the literal import of the phrase, but from the significancy and design of the ordinance. 2. Though no instance of baptism by sprinkling is mentioned in the New Testament, yet there are several cases in which it is hardly possible that it could have been administered by immersion, Acts 10: 47, 48. 16: 32, 33. 2: 41. 3. In cases of emergency, baptism by aspersion was allowed at a period of high antiquity. Cyprian especially says, that this was legitimate baptism when thus administered to the sick. When per- formed in faith on the part of the minister and the subject, he main- MODE AND FORM OF BAPTISM. 277 tains that the whole is done with due fidelity, and agreeably to the nnajesty of the divine character.* This form was also admitted when the baptismal font was too small for the administration of the rite by immersion ;^'* and, gen- erally, considerations of convenience, and of health and climate are mentioned as having influence in regard to the form of administer- ing the ordinance.t Aspersion did not become general in the West until the thirteenth century, though it appears to have been introduced some time before that period. Thomas Aquinas says : it is safer to baptize by im- mersion, because this is the general practice. Tutius est baptizare per modum immersionis, quia hoc habet communis usus.'^ Form of Words used at Baptism. From the lime of Justin Martyr and the Apostolical Constitutions the liturgical books of all religious denominations have retained one and the same form of words ; though they may have disagreed in their explanation of the form, they have still retained it unaltered. Even those who deny the doctrine of the Trinity, retain the same form ; so that Augustine says : it were easier to find heretics who do not baptize at all, than any who do not use this form of words in their baptism -^^ namely, ' I baptize thee, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.' It is remarkable that the earliest fathers, with respect to this bap- tismal formulary, do not appeal to tradition as in many other things relating to baptism ; but to the words prescribed by Christ himself. To them Justin Martyr evidently refers, though he does not mention * Unde apparet adspersionem quoque aquae instar salutaris lavacri ob- tinere, et quando haec in ecclesia fierent ubi sit et accipientiset dantis, fides Integra, stare omnia ; et consummari ac perfici posse magistate Domini et fidei veritate.'^ t Notandum non solam, mergendo virumetiam desuper fundendo, maltos baptizatos fuisse, et adhuc posse ita baptizari si necessitas sit. Sicut in pas- sione S. Laurentii quendam, urceo allato, legiraus baptizatum. Hoc etiam solet venire quum prorectiorum granditas corporum in rainoribus vasis hom- inera tingi non patitur.'^ Quare cum in ecclesia, praesertim locis septen- tionalibus propter aeris frigiditatem teneris infantibus aqua lotis facile noci- turam, adspersio, vel potius adfusio aquae usitata sit ; ideo haec baptismi forma retinenda nee propter vitium adiaphoriae lites cum ecclesiae scandalo movendae.** 278 OF BAPTISM. them as a prescribed form.^^ Tertullian represents it as a definite and prescribed formulary : Lex tingendi imposita et forma prae- scripta.^^ ; so also Cyprian.^i The Apostolical Constitutions and canons require the use of this form, under severe penalties.22 Instead of tig to ovoida, into the name, the phrase in Acts 2: 38, is ini TO ovofid, and in Acts 10: 48, iv to ovofia in the name. The same phraseology is familiar with the earliest of the fathers, as Ter- tullian, and Ambrose, and Cyprian.23 It is also the rendering of the vulgate ; but it is uncertain whether the original gave occasion for this latter usage, or whether it was designed to be an interpretation of the original slg to ovofia. It was an ancient practice to omit the word oVo^a ; but the omis- sion was not supposed to vary the significancy of the formulary, both being used indiscriminately by Jerome and Tertullian. Baptism in the name of Christ alone, was regarded as valid, but was discountenanced as an irregularity.^^ In the Greek church baptism is administered in the third person instead of the first, that is to say, the officiating minister, instead of saying " I bajiiize thee,'' uses the form " This person is baptized," etc. § 9. Rites connected with Baptism. a) Ceremonies before Baptism. 1. Catechetical instruction. A solemn preparation was always required before the baptism of adults in the ancient church. This preparation consisted, in part, in a course of instruction in the lead- ing doctrines and mysterious rights of their religion ; and partly in certain prescribed exercises immediately preceding the administra- tion of the sacred rite. The religious instructions were the same that have been already detailed in treating of catechumens, and need not be repeated in this place. They are given at length in the Apos- tolical Constitutions, the Catechism of Cyril of Jerusalem, the Ec- clesiastical Hierarchy of the Pseudo-Dionysius, and the works of Chrysostom, Ambrose, and Augustine. 2. Covenant or vow. A subscription to the creed was required at baptism, accompanied with a seal. The whole transaction was re- garded as a most solemn covenant on the part of the person baptized, by which he publicly, and with many impressive formalities, re- KITES CONNECTED WITH BAPTISM. 279 nounced the world, the flesh, and the devil, and gave himself up to Christ, lo be his forever, covenanting henceforth to live in conform- ity with these obligations. To this covenant they thus set their hand and seal. By the Greeks this was styled acpgaylg, and the like ; by the Latins, foedus, pactum^votum, etc., a seal, a promise, a covenant, a vow. St. Ambrose calls it a promise, a caution, an hand-writing, or bond, given to God, and registered in the court of heaven, be- cause it is made before his ministers, and the angels who are witnes- ses to it. Many others speak of it in terms of similar import. 3. Exorcism.'^ This was another preliminary of baptism, derived, as it would seem, from the miraculous powers exercised by the apos- tles in healing demoniacs, and from the words of Paul in delivering over to Satan offending members of the Church, 1 Cor. 5: 3 — 5, and 1 Tim. 1: 20. The notions which the Jews entertained of them- selves as a peculiar people, holy and consecrated unto God, togeth- er with the similar ideas of the putting away of sin and Satan by Christians on their conversion to God, had apparently much influ- ence in giving rise to the superstitious exorcisms of the ancient church. The historical facts in relation to baptismal exorcisms appear to be as foUlows : 1. In the first century there appears no trace of any renunciation of the Devil in baptism. 2. In the second and third centuries, this practice was in use, as appears from the testimo- nies of TerluUian and Cyprian, as well as from later writers who ap- peal to tradition, 3. In the fourth century the fathers speak of ex- orcism, not as being absolutely necessary, nor as being enjoined in the Scriptures, but highly beneficial, inasmuch as without it children born of christian parents would not be free from the influence of evil spirits.3 Cyril of Jerusalem is the first writer who makes mention of the form of exorcism. By him it is detailed somewhat at length. The ceremonies connected with it, were, with the exception of circum- stantial variations, the following : 1. Preliminary fasting, prayers and genuflections. These, how- ever, may be regarded as general preliminaries to baptism. 2. Imposition of hands upon the head of the candidate who stood with his head bowed down in a submissive posture.^ 3. Putting off the shoes and clothing, with the exception of an un- der garment."^ 280 OF BAPTISM. 4. Facing the candidate to the west, which was the symbol of darkness, as the east was of light.^ In the Eastern church he was required to thrust out his hand towards the west, as if in the act of pushing away an object in that direction. This was a token of his ab- horrence of Satan and his works, and his determination to resist and repel them. 5. A renunciation of Satan and his works thus, " I renounce Sa- tan and his works, and his pomps and his services, and all things that are his."''' This or a similar form was thrice repeated. 6. The exorcist then breathed upon the candidate either once, or three times, and adjured the unclean spirit in the name of the Fa- ther, Son and Holy Ghost, to come out Tof him.^ This form of adjuration seems not to have been in use until the fourth century ; and these several formalities were apparently in- troduced gradually and at different times. The whole ceremony was at first confined to the renunciation of " the Devil and his works" on the part of the person about to be baptized. 4. Signing with the sign of the cross. To this the ancients at- tached great importance and ascribed to it a wonderful efficacy. It was, moreover, the sign and seal of faith, the surrendry of the can- didate up to Christ, and the solemn indication that he had passed from a state of sin to a state of grace. It was given after the cere- mony of exorcism, and immediately before baptism, the officiating person saying, " Receive thou the sign of the cross upon thy fore- head and on thy heart."^ 5. Unction or anointing loith oil. There were two anointings, one before and one after baptism. The latter was called by way of distinction, chrism. The former immediately followed the signing of the cross. Nothing was known of this ceremony until the third or fourth century ; neither are writers agreed respecting the significan- cy of the rite. Cyril of Jerusalem says, " Men were anointed from head to foot with this consecrated oil, and this made them partakers of the true olive tree — Jesus Christ.'''' Others refer it to the ancient custom of anointing wrestlers for the combat. Others suppose that it assimilated to Christ the anointed of the Lord ; others again, that it symbolized the anointing of the Spirit.^^ 6. Use of salt, and milk^ and honey. These were generally ad- ministered to the candidate, as emblems, as it would seem, of spirit- ual things, with reference to the frequent mention of these things in EITES CONNECTED WITH BAPTISM. 281 the Scriptures. The explanations, however, are somewhat confused and unsatisfactory. The emblems of milk and honey were used as early as the third and fourth centuries — that of salt was introduc- ed at a later period. (b) Ceremonies qfler Baptism. 1. The kiss of peace. This is mentioned as being usual on this occasion as late as the fifth century.^^ But there is no evidence of the custom at a later period. It was given both to infants and adults. It appears to have been surperseded by the simple salutation, Pax tecum ! Peace be with you ! but at what time is unkno^vn. 2. Chrism. This anointing is still in use in the East. In the W-estern church it has been transferred to the rites of confirmation at a later period after baptism. ^^ 3. Clothing in white apparel. These garments were worn as emblems of purity, the putting away of former defilements, etc. Thus the young disciple was arrayed in the white robes, in which saints and angels appear in heaven. This practice was in common use in the fourth century. The dress was worn by the newly bap- tized from Easter-eve until the Sunday after, which was from this circumstance called Dominica in albis — the Sunday in white, Whit- sunday, Whitsuntide. These garments were made usually of white linen, but sometimes of more costly materials, and were worn by the person who baptized, as well as by the subjects of baptism. ^^ 4. The burning of lighted tapers. These were placed in the hands of the baptized, if adults ; if they were infants, in the hands of the sponsors. These tapers were emblematical of the illuminating power of this ordinance. i'* 5. The washing of the feet. This was a favorite ceremony ia some countries, at various times. ^^ 6. The giving of presents, the wearing of garlands and wreaths of fiowers,puhlicthanksgimngs, singing of hymns, and baptismalfestivals, are all mentioned as festivities and riles connected with this ordinance. The following extract may be interesting to the reader, as pre- senting a popular view of the attending rites of baptism which have been detailed above. " The rite of baptism was originally administered in a very simple manner — the apostles and their contemporaries contenting them- selves with an appropriate prayer, and the subsequent application of 36 282 OF BAPTISM. the element of water. At an early period, however, a variety of ceremonies was introduced, with the pious, though mistaken view, of conveying a deeper and more solemn impression of the ordinance, and affording, by each of them, a sensible representation of the grand truths and spiritual blessings of which it is significant. The baptismal season having arrived, those catechumens who were ripe for baptism, and who were then called competentes, or elect, were brought to the baptistery, at the entrance of which they stopped, and then mounting an elevated platform, where they could be seen and heard by the whole congregation of the faithful, each, with an audi- ble voice, renounced the devil and all his works. The manner in which he did this, was by standing with his face towards the west, and wiih some bodily gesture, expressive of the greatest abhorrence, declaring his resolution to abandon the service of Saian, and all the sinful works and pleasures of which he is the patron and author. This renunciation being thrice repeated, the candidate elect turned towards the east — the region of natural light, and therefore fit em- blem of the Sun of Righteousness, — made three times a solemn promise and engagement to become the servant of Christ, and sub- mit to all his laws. After this he repeated the Creed deliberately, clause by clause, in answer to appropriate questions of the minister, as the profession of his faith. It was deemed an indispensable part of the ceremony, that this confession should be made audibly, and before many witnesses ; and in those rare and unfortunate instances, where the applicants for baptism possessed not the power of oral communication, this duty was performed through the kind offices of a friend, who, testifying their desire to receive the ordinance, acted as their substitute. In ancient history, an anecdote is told of an Af- rican negro slave, who, after having passed satisfactorily through the state of catechumen, and been entered on the lists for baptism, suddenly fell into a violent fever, which deprived him of the faculty of speech. Having recovered his health, but not the use of his tongue, on the approach of the baptismal season, his master bore public testimony to his principles, and the christian consistency of his conduct, in consequence of which he was baptized, along with the class of catechumens to which he belonged. The profession of faith being ended, and a prayer being offered, that as much of the element as should be employed might be sanctified, and that all who were about to be baptized might receive, along with the outward sign, the niTES COxXNECTED WITH BAPTISM. 283 inward invisible grace, the minister breathed on them, symbolically- conveying to them the influences of the Holy Spirit, — an act which, in later times, was followed by anointing them with oil, to indicate that they were ready, like the wrestlers in the ancient games, to fight the fight of faith. The preliminary ceremonies were brought to a close by his tracing on the foreheads of all the sign of the cross — an observance which, as was formerly remarked, was frequently used on the most common as well as sacred occasions by the primi- tive Christians, — and to which they attached a purely christian meaning, that of living by faith on the Son of God. All things be- ing prepared, and the person about to be baptized having stripped off his garments, the minister took each by the hand, and plunged him thrice under the water, pronouncing each time the name of the three persons in the Godhead. The newly baptized having come out of the water, was immediately dressed by some attendants in a pure white garment, which signified, that having put off his old cor- rupt nature, and his former bad principles and practices, he had be- come a new man. A very remarkable example of this ceremony occurs in the history of the celebrated Chrysostom. The conspira- tors who had combined to ruin that great and good man in Constan- tinople, resolved on striking the first blow on the eve of an annual festival, at the hour when they knew he would he alone in his vestry, preparing for his duty to the candidates for baptism. By mistake, they did not arrive till he had begun the service in the church. Heated with wine, and goaded on by their malignant passions, they burst into the midst of the assembly, most of whom were young persons, in the act of making the usual profession of their faith, and some of whom had already entered the waters of the baptistery. The whole congregation were struck with consternation. The cate- chumens fled away naked and wounded to the neighbouring woods, fields, or any places that promised them shelter from the massacre that was perpetrating in the city. And next morning, as soon as it had dawned, an immense meadow was seen covered all over with white, — on examining which, it was found to be filled with catechu- mens who had been baptized the night before, and who were then, according to custom, dressed in their white garments, amounting in number to three thousand. Those white garments, after being worn a week, were thrown aside, and deposited in the antechamber of the church, where, with the name of the owner inscribed on each, they 284 OF BAPTISM. were carefully preserved as memorials of baptism, ready to be pro- duced against them in the event of their violating its vows. A memo- rable instance of this use of them occurs in the history of the primi- tive age. A Carthaginian, who had long been connected with the christian church of his native city, at length apostatized, and joining the ranks of its enemies, became one of the most violent persecutors of all who named the name of Christ. Through the influence of friends, he was elevated to a high civil station, the powers of which he prostituted to the cruel and bloody purpose of persecuting his for- mer friends. Among those who were dragged to his tribunal, was a deacon, once an intimate friend of bis own, and who had been pres^ ent at his baptism. On being put to the rack, he produced the white garments of the apostate, and in words that went to the heart of all the by-standers, solemnly declared that these would testify against his unrighteousness at the last day. Immediately after the baptism, the new-made members, in their snow-white dress, took their place among the body of the faithful, each of whom that was near, welcomed them as brethren with the kiss of peace ; and, as being admitted into the family of God, whose adopted children alone are entitled to address Him as "Our Father," they were permitted, for the first time, publicly to use the Lord's Prayer and to partake of the communion." — Jamieson, p. 142. § 10. Of Sponsors — Witnesses and Sureties. Certain persons were required to be present at the baptism both of children and adults, as witnesses to the transaction, and as sureties for the fulfilment of the promises and engagements then made by those who received baptism. 1. Their names or appellations. These persons were first knows by the name of sponsors. Tertullian uses this term ; but he uses it only with reference to infant baptism, and supposes it to refer both to the reply, respora^m, which they gave in behalf of the subject who was unable to speak for himself ; and to a promise and obligation, on their part, which they assumed in behalf of the baptized for his ful- filment of the duties implied in this ordinance.^ Augustine seems to limit the duty of sponsors to the response oranswer.^ They were caWed Jidejussores^Jidedictores, sureties ; names found in Augustine stfid borrowed from Roman lavv.^ "Av&doxoi, corresponding to the OF SPONSOKS. 285 Latin offerentes and susceptores, so called with reference to the as- sistance rendered to the candidates at their baptism. This service is described by Dionysius the Areopao;ite.'* Chrysostom uses the word in the sense of sureties .^^ which is authorized by classical au- thority.6 MaqxvQic^ testes^ witnesses, a term unknown to the ancients, but familiar in later times. nati'gsg, furjiigsg, or naisQfg, lAJjiiosg iul lov ayiov cpwiiafxaTog, com- patres, commatres^propatres, promatres, patrini, matrini^ godfathers, and godmothers; patres spirituales, or lustr id, sp'mtua\ fathers, etc. 2. Origin of this office. It has no foundation either in example or precept drawn from the Scriptures. No mention is made of the presence of any as tcitnesses in performing the rite of circumcision, nor in administering household baptism. Neither do the sacred wri- ters ever draw a parallel between circumcision and baptism. It was probably derived from the customs of Roman law, by which a covenant or contract was witnessed and^ ratified with great care. Many of the early Christians previous to their conversion had been conversant with Roman jurisprudence ; and it may, very natu- rally, be supposed that, in ratifying the solemn covenant of baptism, they would require witnesses ; and adopt, as far as practicable, the same formalities with which they had been conversant in civil trans- actions. The common tradition is that sponsors were first appointed by Hyginus or Iginus,a Roman bishop, about the year 154. The office was in full operation in the fourth and fifth centuries. A time of op- pression and persecution is likely to have given rise to an institution the design of which was to give additional security and attestation to the profession of the christian religion. Men who made their baptis- mal vows in the presence of witnesses would not be so likely to deny their relations to the church as they would if no proof of their pro- fession could be adduced. On the other hand, such sponsors might be equally useful in preventing the introduction of unworthy mem- bers into the church, when the profession of religion began to be desired as the means of preferment and emolument. Another probable supposition is, that the office in question took its rise from the necessity of having some one to respond in the behalf of infants, the sick, the deaf, and all who were incapable of replying to the interrogatories which were made at baptism. Slaves were 286 OF BAPTISM. not received to baptism without the the consent of their masters, who in such cases became their sponsors or godfathers. Two or three of these witnesses were probably required, and their names, as we learn from Dionysius, were entered in the baptismal register with that of the baptized person.'^ 3. Duties of the Sponsors. Their duties were, to serve as wit- nesses of the transaction, and to act as sureties for the baptized per- sons by exercising a religious supervision over them. The precise nature and extent of this supervision is involved in much uncertainty, and appears to have varied at different times. Augustine requires the godfathers and godmothers to hold in remembrance their spiritual children, and affectionately to watch over them ; to preserve their morals uncorrupted ; to guard them from licentiousness ; to restrain them from profane and wanton speech, from pride, envy and hatred, and from indulging in any magical arts ; to preserve them from adopting heretical opinions ; to secure their habitual attendance upon religious worship, and a profitable hearing of the word ; to accustom them to acts of hospitality, to live peaceably with all men, and to render due honor to their parents, and to the priesthood.^ The sponsors did not become chargeable with the maintenance and education of such persons, by assuming this guardianship of their christian character. 4. Persons who are allowed to act as sponsors. On this head a diversity of opinion prevails ; but it will be sufficient for the present purpose to mention the principal rules and customs which prevailed in the church in relation to this subject. 1. The sponsor must himself be a baptised person in regular com- munion with the church. 2. He must be of adult age, and of sound mind. 3. He must be acquainted with the fundamental truths of Christianity. He must know the creed, the ten commandments, the Lord's prayer, and the leading doctrines of faith and practice, and must duly qualify himself for his duties.^i 4. Monks and nuns were, in the early periods of the church, thought to be peculiarly qualified, by their sanctity of character, for this office ;^^ but they were exclu- ded from it in the sixth century.^^ 5. Parents were disqualified for the office of sponsor to their own children in the ninth century ;^* but this order has never been generally enforced. The number of sponsors was at first one. This number was af- terwards increased to two, three and four ; and then again, dimin- If AMES -GIVEN AT BAPTISM. 287 ished to one, or two at the most They were usually required to be of the same sex as those whose guardianship they assumed. If there were three sponsors, two were of the same sex as their spiritual ward, and one of the other. And this is the prevailing custom at the present day. ^11. Of Names given at Baptism.^ The naming of a child has been esteemed a transaction of pecu- liar interest by all people, and under every form of religion. The onomatology of different nations opens an important field of investi- gation to the philologist, the historian, and the theological inquirer, for the illustration of national peculiarities. Jews, Mohammedans and Christians, all indicate the common origin of their religion by the similarity of their names, drawn from the Scriptures of the Old Testament, such as Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, Moses, Joshua, Samuel, Daniel, Job, Tobias, Sarah, Miriam, Rebecca, Hannah, Su- sanna, etc. The Jews derive many names from those who have been distin- guished among the Levites and Pharisees, as Levi, Aaron, Phineas, Ezra, Nehemiah, etc. Christian nations, on the contrary, derive their names from the christian virtues, Grace, Faith, Temperance, etc. ; also from the martyrs and apostles — Stephen, Peter, Paul, Polycarp, Matthew, Ursula, Clara, etc. Again, they compound names expressive of reverence and affection for God and for Christ, as Gottlieb, Gottlob, Theophilus, Christlieb, etc.. Beloved of God, God-loving, etc. The modern practice of giving the names at baptism probably originated with infant baptism. It may have been derived from the rites of circumcision. No mention, however, is made of this prac- tice either in the New Testament or in the early ecclesiastical wri- ters. Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian, Constantine, Am- brose, Augustine, Gregory, etc. retained the same names after bap- tism which they had previously borne. But there are not wanting instances of a change of name at baptism, about the same period of time. Slephanus the bishop in baptizing two young people, Adria and Paulina, changed their names, giving the former the name of Neo, and the latter that of Maria.^ Nemesius, after baptism by the same person, retained his original name, whilst his daughter was 288 OF CONFIRMATION. called by a new name, Lucilla. Eudokia, wife of Theodosius the emperor, received that name at her baptism.^ Balsamus, on being asked his name, said, " My surname is Balsamus, but my spiritual name, which I received at baptism, is Peters Whilst the system of catechetical instruction preliminary to bap- tism continued, the name seemed to have been designated some time before the administration of that rite ; as appears from the custom, often mentioned by writers of that period, of entering the names of candidates in the baptismal register.^ The name was assumed by the individual himself, if of adult age. Either the parents, or sponsors conferred the names upon a child at his baptism. The right belonged, appropriately, to the parents. The minister by whom the rite was administered had, also, the right of refusing the names proposed, if it appeared to him to be objec- tionable. CHAPTER XV. § 1. Whether derived from apostolic usage. The controversy between the Catholics and Protestants relating to the rites of confirmation, has turned on the inquiry, whether they are authorizd by the example of the apostles. On this subject it is worthy of remark, that the apostles generally conferred imposition of hands only upon baptized persons, as in the case of the converted Samaritans, Acts 8: 12 — 17, and the disciples of Ephesus, Acts 19: 5, 6. These instances, however, have reference to the miraculous] •gifts of the Holy Ghost, Acts 8: 18, 19. Nothing is said of the lay- ing on of hands in the baptism of the three thousand, or of Lydia, and the jailor, with their households. The doctrine of the laying on of hands is mentioned in Hebrews 6: 2, immediately after that of] baptism ; but there is no intimation that the two transactions were connected. This imposition of hands, on the contrary, is supposed to relate to that practised in healing the sick, or in ordination- CONNECTION WITH BAPTISM. 289 Neither can the unction, ;f()t(r/ia, of which we read, 1 John 2: 27. 2 Cor. 1: 21, be referred to the rite of confirmation. It niight have related, either to a spiritual anointing, or to the royal and priestly- dignity of Christians, 1 Pet. 2: 9, or to the communication of mira- culous gifts. The sealing of Christians mentioned in Eph. 1: 13. 4: 30. 2 Cor. 1: 22, denotes, not their confirmation, but their conscious assurance of divine favor. No authentic reference to confirmation is recorded in the earliest ecclesiastical writers. The authority of Dionysius is unworthy of confidence, and the imparting of the seal of the Lord^ as quoted by Eusebius,^ evidently relates to baptism. § 2. Confirmation in connection with Baptism. Tertullian informs us, that the ceremonies of unction, and the im- position of hands, followed in immediate succession after baptism, together with the sacrament of the Lord's supper.^ The imposition of hands in immediate connection with baptism, is also implied in several passages in Cyprian ;'* in one of which he speaks of it as a sacrament^ sacramentum, but he evidently uses the term with ref- erence to the rite, or ceremony. To cite passages from later writers in proof of the connection be- tween baptism and confirmation would be quite superfluous.^ The baptism of adults being regarded as a solemn compact or covenant, confirmation might very naturally be expected to follow as the seal by which the covenant was ratified. For this reason, perhaps, it was administered, not by the baptizing priest or deacon, but by the bishop. At the stated baptismal seasons the bishop was chiefly occupied with the rites of confirmation ; but he sometimes administered also the rites of baptism and unction. When this ordinance was admin- istered in the absence of the bishop, confirmation was solemnized at some convenient season afterward, either by the bishop, or by his representative. Accordingly confirmation was, at times, delayed for several years after baptism, especially in large dioceses ; which were seldom visited, either on account of their great extent, or of the indolence and negligence of the bishop. , Even after the general introduction of infant baptism, confirma- 37 290 OF CONFIRMATION. tion immediately succeeded baptism. In the Oriental churches, bap- tism, confirmation, and the Lord's supper, are administered in im- mediate succession ; which is strong evidence that such was the ancient custom." The permanent separation of the rites of confirmation from those of baptism cannot probably be assigned to an earlier date than the thirteenth century. § 3. Ministers of Confirmation, etc. Agreeably to the example of the ancient church, and of general usage, the bishop is the appropriate minister of confirmation. In de- fence of this custom, Chrysostom and Augustine refer to the case of the Samaritan converts, who were baptized by Phillip, but received the imposition of hands from an apostle,''' Acts 8: 12 — 17. Several canons deny to the other orders of the clergy, the right of consecra- ting f but presbyters were, in certain cases, authorized to adminis- ter the rite ; such as the absence of the bishop, or, in his presence by express permission, — on the conversion of a heretic, if he was nigh unto death and the bishop were absent. Deacons exercised the same prerogatives until absolutely forbidden by the council of Tole- do, A. D. 400. In the Latin church, after the separation of baptism from con- firmation, a series of preliminary religious exercises was requisite for this rite, similar to those which had been previously required for baptism. Names given in baptism were sometimes changed at confirma- tion. This, however, was merely an occasional practice of the later centuries. Sponsors, or god-fathers, or god-mothers, were also required as in baptism formerly. These might be the same as the baptismal spon- sors, or others might be substituted in their place. A separate edifice for solemnizing this rite was in some instances provided, called consignatorium, albatorum, and chrismarium. Af- ter the disuse of baptisteries, both baptism and confirmation were ad- ministered in the church, and usually at the altar. ADMINISTRATION OF THE RITE. 291 § 4. Administration of the Rite of Confirmation. Four principal ceremonies were employed in the rites of confirma- tion, namely ; imposition of hands, unction, with the chrism, sign of the cross, and prayer. 1. Imposition of hands. This rite is derived from the New Tes- tament : it was used in various religious solemnities, and is still re- tained in the christian church. For an account of the different opinions which were entertained respecting this rite; and of the mode of administering it, see references in the index.^ 2. Unction. This, as has been already remarked, was denomi- nated chrism, in distinction from the unction which was administered before baptism. Origen and Tertullian speak expressly of this rite. In the Apostolical Constitutions it is styled the confirmation of our confession, and the seal of the covenants. A prayer is also given, which was ofl^ered on the occasion.^ Cyril of Jerusalem gives full instructions respecting the administration of chrism.^^ From his time it came into general use in the church. The material used for this chrism was usually olive-oil. Some- times perfumed ointment, compounded of various ingredients, was used. The chrism was consecrated by prayer, exorcism, and insuf- flation. It was applied, in the Eastern church, to various parts of the body, to the forehead, ears, nose, eyes, breast, etc. In the Western church it appears to have been applied only to the fore- head. 3. Sign of the cross. This was affixed by applying the chrism in such a manner as to represent a cross. This was thought to be a very important and expressive emblem, the sealing rite, which gave to confirmation the name of acpQaylg, a seaU^ 4. Prayer and mode of confirmation. In the Greek church one uniform mode of confirmation has been observed from the beginning, as follows : " The seal of the gift of the Holy Ghost. Amen." Besides this implied prayer, one more at length is supposed to have been offered. In the Latin church, the form has varied at different times. The most ancient form ran thus : " The seal of Christ to eternal life." The modern form, in the Roman Catholic church, is as follows. " Signo te signo crucis, et confirrao te chrismale salutis in nomine Pa f tris et Fi f lii, et Spiritus f Sancti. Amen." 592 OF THE lord's supper. Other formalities were : the salutation, " Peace be with you ;" a slight blow upon the cheek, to admonish the candidate of the duty of patience under injuries ; unbinding of the band upon the forehead ; prayer and singing ; the benediction of the bishop, together with a short exhortation from him. CHAPTER XVI. § 1. Names or Appellations of this Sacrament. Men of all religious denominations have, generally, concurred in regarding the sacrament of the Lord's supper as the most solemn rite of christian worship, the grand characteristic of the religion of Christ. For a full understanding of the doctrines and usages con- nected with this institution, a knowledge of the various names by which it has been distinguished is indispensable. A full knowledge of these, with all their relations to the times and places in which they were used, would almost furnish a history of the sacrament it- self. These names are exceedingly numerous ; and, although re- taining a general similarity of meaning, yet each has been chosen out of regard to some peculiar views relating to the doctrine of the sacrament, or from a preference for some peculiar mode of adminis- tration. 1. The term, the Lord''s supper^ delnvov ycvQiaxov, sacra coena^ coena Domini, has an historical reference to the institution of the rite by our Lord, on the night in which he was betrayed. Matt. 26: 20, 3L 1 Cor. 11: 23. Some have erroneously maintained that the pas- sage in 1 Cor. 11: 23 relates, not strictly to the participation of the sacramental elements, but to the feast which accompanied the dis- tribution of these elements. But it has been abundantly shown that the early christian writers understood and used the term according to the explanation given above.^ 2. The table of the Lord, rgdyis^a avgiov, mensa Dei, denotes much the same as the Lord's supper, a festival instituted by the Lord. Tertulliaa styles it conmvium Dominicum.^ The context of NAMES OF THE SACRAMENT. 293 1 CJor. 10: 21 forbids the supposition that a common table was used for this purpose. The apostle uses the term jgunt^a xvqIov as sy- nonymous with &v(na(ni}QtoVj an altar. We are constrained, there- fore, to believe that a table was set apart for this sacred purpose, like that of the shew-bread, a mensa mystica, a table sacred to the purpose of celebrating the Lord's supper. 3. The following scriptural expressions are also employed in a sense partly literal and partly figurative, to denote the sacrament : bread.-^the breaking of bread. Acts 2: 42. 20: 7 comp. 27: 35. Luke 24: [35 — the eating of bread, John 6: 23 — the Lord^s body, or his flesh, John 6: 53 — the cup of the Lord^ 1 Cor. 10: 21 — the cup of the New Testament, Luke 22: 20. 1 Cov. 10: 21 — blood. The custom 0? breaking the bread, and of administering but one element, has been derived from the foregoing passages. 4. The new testament in my blood, Luke 22: 20. 1 Cor. 11: 25. It has, however, been disputed whether this phrase can, with propri- ety, be applied to the sacrament of the Lord's supper. 5. Communion, xoivavia, communio. This is by far the most common appellation of the solemnity in question. It has been cur- rent in all ages, and among all parties. It has been used, both in a doctrinal and mystical sense ; and in an historical and ecclesiastical signification. In a doctrinal sense, it has been supposed to represent our recon- ciliation to God, and our union with him. Others have supposed it to represent our union and fellowship with Christ. This participa- tion with him, according to some, is through his presence in the ele- ments. Others understand by it the union of believere in spirit, with their spiritual head ; and others, again, the union of believers among themselves in the bonds of christian love. In an historical and ecclesiastical sense, communion denotes a participation in all the mysteries of the christian religion, and, of course, church-fellowship, with all its rites and privileges. Hence the term excommunication. In a liturgical sense it denotes, sometimes the partaking of the sa- crament, and sometimes the administration of it. '6. Agapae, aydnat, or ocyanrj, love feast, feast of heaven. The expression in Jude 12. 2 Pet. 2: 13, may refer either to the Lord's supper, or to the festival accompanying it. 7. Eucharist, evxafjujila, a very ancient and general appellation, 294 OF THE lord's supper. founded on the scriptural expression svxagKTi'^aag, Matt. 26: 27. Mark 14: 23. Luke 22: 19. 1 Cor. 11: 24. The name eucharist, thanks-giving, was applied to this ordinance, because gratitude for the divine mercy and grace is the chief requisite in those who par- take of il> 8. EvXoyia, celehratio laudis^ benedictio, thanksgiving, synony- mous with the preceding, Matt. 26: 26. Mark 14: 22. 1 Cor. 10: 16. After the fifth century, this became the name for the consecrated bread which was set apart for the poor, and for the ministers of the church. 9. IlQOffcpoQoc, ohlatio^ oblation. The literal signification of this word is, a sacrificial offering, corresponding to the Hebrew tin:73 , and the Syriac corban. It finally became synonymous with niiT , -&vcrlu, a sacrifice. It is applied to the elements used in celebrating the Lord's supper. The later Greek writers used the word uvacpogd, in a moral, rather than a literal sense, in allusion to the customary exhortation, sursum corda ! " Lift up your hearts." The leading idea of the Latin, offertorium, is a voluntary ofl^ering ; but it appears to have been applied especially to the consecrated bread.^ 10. Ovffla, sacrifice. This term is, with great propriety, used by early christian writers to denote the sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ, once offered for the sins of the world.^ Other epithets of a similar import are sacrificium spirituale, sanctum, mysticum, ra- tionale, etc, but more frequently, S^vaia avaUfiatog, the bloodless sa- crifice. After the seventh century, it began to be used to designate the mass, wbich was offered in the Roman Catholic church for the dead, and accordingly fell into disuse with the evangelical church. 11. Mvaz'TiQiov, mysterium, mystery. This, coupled with the ad- jectives, cpQixiov (pgLxwdsg, q)Qi}(03di(Ttaxov, etc., awful, tremendous, is familiar pbraseology with Chrysostom and Gregory Nazianzen ; but they seem to use it with reference to the ritual, rather than to any implied doctrine. The Lord's supper, as the last and most sol- emn rite of the secret discipline, was styled by Pseudo-Dionysius, tsXiTr,v teIstmv,'^ perfection of perfections. The name ixvaxTJgiov, which this ordinance received from its connection with the secret discipline, became the favorite phrase for setting forth the wonderful presence of the body and blood of Christ, which finally ended in the doctrine of transubstantiation.^ 12. Mvaiayayla, used by Cyril of Jerusalem and Theodoret, with NAMES OF THE SACRAMENT. 295 special reference to the secret discipline. After the termination of that system, it appears not to have been used by evangelical writers. 13. ^vva^ig, i. e. (Twayojyi], congregation coetus^ conventus sacer, a solemn assembly. This phrase is of similar import with that of communion, with the additional idea of a solemn and public transac- tion. It indicates that this, in the primitive church, was the most important and solemn act of public worship. 14. 'isgovgyia, operatic sacra, sacred ministration. Supposed to have been derived from the expression, ministering the gospel of God, Rom. 15: 16 ; and used in the same general and figurative sense. 15. JeiTovgyla, public service, liturgy. This, and its kindred terms, as used in the New Testament, relates to the service of the priesthood ; and was, probably, used in the same sense by Chrysos- tom and Theodoret, etc. It became, however, the practice, both in the Eastern and Western churches, to apply this epithet to the sacra- ment of the Lord's supper. But in the Roman Catholic church, it finally gave place to the name mass. 16. Mass. This word has undergone a change from its simple origin and meaning, to another, more entirely different in use and signification than any other. Passing by various theories respecting the origin of this word which have been advanced and refuted, it will be sufficient briefly to set forth its true etymology. The word is undoubtedly derived from the Latin missa, which stands for missio, or dimissio populi, with direct reference to the an- cient mode of dismissing the people at the close of religious worship. From being a participle, it has become a noun substantive, for missio like remissa, ae, for remissio, or offensa, ae, for offensio. By the secret discipline of the ancient church, none but believers were permitted to be present at the celebration of the Lord's supper. During a certain portion of religious worship all were allowed, in- discriminately, to attend. At the close of this part of the service, the catechumens and unbelievers of every description, were dismis- sed by the deacon who said, Ite ! missa est sc. ecclesia, Depart ! the assembly is dismissed. From this custom the religious service, which had just been concluded, was called missa catechumenorum. the service of the catechumens. Then followed the missa fidelium, the service of the faithful, or of believers. Hence the change from missa to mass, the latter being only a slight modification of the form- er word. 296 OF THE lord's supper. Protestants have uniformly rejected this term with abhorrence, be- cause of the abuses which, under this name, have been connected with the sacrament, both in ancient and modern times, whilst they have protested against the charge of a want of regard for the real missa or mass of the primitive church. The above is a brief summary of the author's remarks on the sub- ject of mass. The reader is referred to various authorities in the index.9 17. Sacramentum altaris, sacrament of the altar. This phrase is used in common by the Greek, Roman, and Lutheran churches. Bui the reformed church reject the phrase, because of their aversion to the word altar. But, without the addition of the word aliar^ that of sacrament alone has, very generally, been used to denote the ordinance in question, this being the principal rite of religious worship ; and, by way of emphasis, denominated the sacrament. 18. Besides the foregoing appellations in common use, and having a peculiar signification, there are many others of less frequent oc- currence, and more general character, the knowledge of which may be of importance as conveying ideas respecting the nature, signifi- cancy, dignity, and efficacy of the ordinance which they describe. The most of these are derived from relations of the bread and the wine ; the body and blood of Christ. In this point of view the holy sacrament is represented as spiritual nourishment, the life and strength of the soul, etc. The terms body and blood, food and drinks bread and wine, were at first used in the same sense. Afterwards, in consequence of the prevailing custom of administering only one element, these terms were separated, and the ordinance was denoted by the appellations of body, food, bread, or blood, drink, wine, etc. The following are some of the expressions in question. 1. Corpus Christi, body of Christ. 2. Cibus Dei, s. Domini, food of God or the Lord: 3. Cibus coelestis, heavenly food. 4. Cibus angelorum, angels' food. 5. Cibus viatorum, mortalium, aegrotorum, food of travellei mortals, the sick, etc. 6. Manna coelestis, heavenly manna. 7. Panis super substantialis, equivalent to living bread or bread in* deed. The expression " our daily bread," in our Lord's prayer^] was applied to the consecrated bread. Hence the expression above. NAMES OF THE SACRAMENT. 297 S. Panis Dei, s. Domini, bread of God, 9. Panis vitae, bread of life. 10. Panis coeleslis, heavenly bread. 1 1. Eepodixiv, viaticum, provisions for a journey. It was an ancient custom to administer the sacrament to the sick in the last stages of life, and also to put the sacred elements in the coffin of the deceased. Hence the appellation above. Death was, to the ancient Christian, a journey from this to the eternal world, and the sacrament fur- nished the needful provisions for that journey. But the custom of administering the sacrament to the dying, was finally abandoned. 12. MuaXipiciq, participation, communion, i. e. with saints or with Christ, etc. 13. 'Ao^a^iov, a^Qct^uv tyjg fisXlomrjg ^aijg, pledgt, pledge of efer- nal life, 2 Cor. 1: 22. 5: 6, and Eph. 1: 14. 14. ^iq^iaxov ad^avaffiag, uvxldojog lov fit] uTio&avuv, medicamen- tum, medicina corporis et mentis, purgatarium, amnletum, and other phrases, expressive of medicinal properties for the soul. 15. Sacramenlum pads, the reconciling ordinance, a favorite ex- pression of Chrysostom. 16. The terms applied to baptism were often transferred to the Lord's supper, such as Ugovg/la, fivatr^Qtov, already mentioned ; to Kfcjg, 7j ^xoi), 7j(T(aTr,Qia, tj iXnig, 6 xa&agifffiog, f} vno&itrig Tijg TtaQ^rjaiag, light, life, salvation, hope, purification, access to the Father by Christ, with assurance of adoption.* " The following sentence in Costeri Institut. Chr. lib. i, c. 6, consists of extracts from various writers, chiefly from Bernhard of Clairvaux : — Eucha- ristia est medicina aegrotis, perigrinantibus via ; debiles confortat, valentes delectat, languorem sanat, sanitatem servat ; fit homo mansuetior ad correc- tionem, potentior ad laborern, ardentior ad amorem, sagacior ad cautelam, ad obedientiara proniptior, ad gratiarum cautiones devotior; hie dimittuntur peccata quotidiana, expelluntur potestates Satanae, dantur vires ad ipsum eti- am martyrium subeundum ; minuitur in minimis peccatis sensus, in gravio- ribus tollitur omnino consensus, denique afferuntur omnia bona ; quia homo communicans in id transit, quod sumit. — The following expressions are from the language of the Council of Trent {Cone. Trident, Sess. xiii. p. 77 — 86, ed. Lugd. Ib77 — 8) : — Eucharistia est symbolum unitatis et carilatis, qua Chris- tus omnes Christianos inter se conjunctos et copulates esse voluit. — Symbo- lum rei sacrae, et invisibilis gratiae forma visibilis. — Spiritualis animarum cibus. — Panis angelorum.— Animae vita, perpetua sanitas mentis. — Antido- tum liberans a culpis et peccatis. — Fignus futurae gloriae. 38 998 OF THE lord's SUPPEK. The holy sacrament, from the elevemh century, became the ordeal for proving the guilt or innocence of persons suspected, or accused of crimes ; and, throughout the nations of Europe, was also em- ployed as the means of ratifying an oath, asseveration, or execration. The names of the holy sacrament are familiar in the dialect of the profane in every language. Even a celebrated christian queen, in her paroxisms of rage, was accustomed to swear by the blood of God! ^ 2. ScRiPTiTRAL Account of the Lorp's Supper.^ The evangelists who record the institution of the Lord's supper give it no peculiar name or title. St. Paul, in his first epistle to the Corinthians styles it the Lord^s supper, the table of the Lord, and the communion, 11: 20. 10:21. 10: 16. No other distinctive appella- tion appears to have been given to it in the Scriptures. Our Saviour instituted this ordinance in connection with the passo- ver, and authorized his disciples to celebrate it in this connection. But it was evidently observed as a separate and independent ordi- jiance in the times of the apostles and with their sanction. The apostle Paul in 1 Cor. xi. makes no mention of the passover, but speaks of the communion as a customary rite : " As often as ye eat this bread and drink this cup ye do show the Lord's death until he come. This sacrament, however, was probably celebrated annually in connection with the passover by the converts from the Jews, who, as Epiphanius has shown,^ continued for many years to observe this Jewish festival ; and, even in the christian church generally, it was celebrated with peculiar solemnity, at the festival of Easter, which corresponded to this passover. From the circumstance that it was instituted in connection with the passover, appears to have been derived the custom of celebrat- ing it, not as a separate and independent religious ordinance, but as one of the common rites of public worship, and as the conclusion of the service. It may appear, at first thought, singular that John, the beloved disciple, the bosom friend of our Lord, who with Peter made ready the passover, entirely omits to mention the Lord's supper. It should, however, be recollected that John's gospel was evidently i»- SCRIPTURAL ACCOUNT. 299 tended to be supplementary to the others, and that his own narrative clearly shows that it was intentionally omitted. The account given by St. Paul is of special importance to us ; for it not only harmonizes with the narrations of the apostles and con- firms them, but it shows that the Lord's supper is an established or- dinance in the church, and designed for perpetual observance. He severely rebukes the disorders and abuses which the Corinthians had introduced, relates the original institution in conformity with the nar- rative given by Luke, and assures them that he shall set the whole in order when he comes. The question has been raised whether Christ himself partook of the sacrament ? To this the narrative offers no satisfactory reply. The opinions of the Church have been greatly divided on this point. Chrysostom^ and Augustine^ maintain the affirmative. This opinion is rendered highly probable from the circumstance that he carefully observed all the Mosaic ordinances, and received baptism at the hands of John, because thus it became him to fulfil all righteousness. In conformity with the same spirit it is hardly credible that he would have omitted a rite so significant as the one under consideration. The advocates of the doctrine of transubstantiation strenuously main- tain the contrary opinion. Another inquiry, which has divided the opinions of ecclesiastical writers, has been raised respecting the presence of Judas the traitor. Did he partake of the sacrament ? The Apostolical Constitutions affirm that he was not present at the celebration of the Lord's sup- per. The advocates of this opinion rely chiefly on John 13: 30 — He then having received the sop, went immediately out. They of the contrary opinion appeal to Luke 22: 11 — And when the hour was come he sat down and the twelve apostles with him. In deliver- ing the cup our Lord said also. Drink ye all of it. The prevailing sentiment in the church has been that the traitor did partake of the sacred elements in company with the other disciples.^ The bread used on this occasion was doubtless the unleavened bread which was provided for the passover. No stress, however, is laid on the nature or kind of bread ; but on the breaking of the bread in token of the body of Christ broken Jor us. The wine was, with equal probability, the common wine of the country, of a dark red color, and was received without mixture with water. The significancy of the distribution of the cup, however, 300 OF THE lord's SUPPER. consisted not in the quality or color of the wine, but in its being poured out in token of the Mood of Christ shed for the remission of sins. The eucharist appears to have been celebrated at first in the eve- ning, with reference, no doubt, to the time of its original institution. But no directicms are given on this head. See 1 Cor. 10: 23. Acts. 20:7. ' § S. Testimony of pagan Writers. Notwithstanding all the care of the primitive Christians to conceal this sacred ordinance from their enemies, it was known, and the cel- ebration of it was prohibited^ by Roman magistratevS, as appears from Pliny's Letter. Lucian of Samosata speaks of our Lord as the great magician who instituted new m^teries, Celsus, with reference to this sacred festival, as appears from Origen, also severely censures the Christians against whom he wrote,^ for holding certain secret as- semblies, and celebrating unauthorized rites. The frequent charges alleged against them of sensuality, and incest, of offering humark sacrifices, and of celebrating horrible orgies in secret, evidently re- late to the same ordinance. See references^ for a fuller view of this subject. § 4. Testimony of the Apostolical Fathers. Neither Barnabas, nor Polycarp, nor Clement of Rome make any mention of the Lord's supper. This omission is the more remarka- ble in the latter, inasmuch as he wrote a long epistle to the Corin- thians, whom the apostle so severely censures for their abuse of this ordinance. Ignatius is the only one of the apostolical fathers whose writings have any reference to the subject before us, and these pas- sages from his epistles, even if their genuineness be admitted, are of little importance. In his epistle to the Ephesians,c. 4, he speaks of the breaking of one bread, the medicine of immortality. In his epis- tle to the Pbiladelphians, c. 5, with evident allusion to Eph. 4: 2—7, he speaks of one faith, one preaching, one eucharist — one loaf or bread broken for all. There is another passage in his epistle to the Smyrniotes, c. 8, which is of a more doubtful authority than either of the foregoing. TESTIMONY OF THE FATHERS. 301 It is even more remarkable that most of the early apologists for Christianity, such as Minucius Felix, Athenagoras, Talian, Theophi- lus of Antioch, and Arnobius do not make any mention of the sacra- ment, the most sacred ordinance of the christian religion. Justin Martyr, happily for us, has given two descriptions of this ordinance in nearly the same words, Apol. I. c. 61 — 67, the one probably re- lating to the celebration immediately after baptism — the other, to the ordinary administration of the sacrament, on the Lord's day, in con- nection with the agapae. " On Sunday we all assemble in one place," he says again, " both those who live in the city and they who dwell in the country, and the writings of apostles and prophets are read so long as the time permits. When the reader stops, the presi- dent of the assembly makes an address in which he recapitulates the glorious things that have been read, and exhorts the people to follow them. Then we all stand up together and pray. After prayer, bread, wine and water are brought in. The president of the meeting again prays according to his ability, and gives thanks, to which the people respond. Amen. After this, the bread, wine and water are distributed to those present, and the deacons carry por- tions to such as are necessarily detained from the meeting. Those who are able and willing, contribute what they please in money, which is given to the president of the meeting, and is appropriated to the support of widows and orphans, the sick, the poor, and whom- soever is necessitous." It appears from an examination of both passages, that the conse- cration of the elements was made in the name of the three persons of the Godhead. He speaks of a " thanksgiving to the Father of the universe, through or in the name of his Son, and the Holy Ghost." The dialogue with Trypho the Jew, usually ascribed to Justin, speaks of the " offering of the bread of thanksgiving, and of the cup of thanksgiving;" and of the " eucharistic meal of bread and wine ;" of the " dry and liquid food with which Christians commemorate the sufferings once endured by the Son of God ;" but gives no additional information respecting the celebration of the ordinance. Irenaeus, in his controversial writings, brought into use the words ngotTcpoQa, and &vaia, which Justin Martyr had introduced ; his wri- tings, however, are chiefly of a controversial character, and accord- ingly have little reference to the ritual of the church ; he contends 302 OF THE lord's SUPPER. that the eucharist should be regarded as a sacrifice, in opposition to- the Gnostics, who contended that all sacrifices had ceased. Ire- naeus however distinguished this from the Jewish sacrifices, as of a higher and nobler character ;i he appears to have been acquainted with the doctrine of the symbolical presence of Christ in the ele- ments, and with the mixing of wine with water.^ Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, oflTer much important matter in regard to the doctrine of the eucharist, but very little relating to the rites of its celebration. The former speaks of the two-fold na- ture of the blood of Christ, bodily and spiritual, and of the mixing the wine with water.^ The latter is the first to commend the reve- rential custom of the church in guarding every particle of the conse- crated bread from falling to the ground. " You who frequent our sacred mysteries know that when you receive the body of the Lord, you take care with all due caution and veneration that not even the smallest particle of the consecrated gift should fall to the ground and be wasted. If, through inattention, any part thus fall, you justly ac- count yourselves guilty. If then, with good reason you use so much caution in preserving his body, how can you esteem it a lighter sin to slight the word of God than to neglect his body."^ From TertuUian we learn, that this ordinance was celebrated be- fore daylight in the morning, " antelucanis coetitihus^'' and received only at the hands of the presiding minister, " nee de aliorum manu quam praesidentium sumimusy He also intimates that the sacred elements were strictly guarded from waste and accident ; but ex- pressly declares that all these usages are observed from tradition, and the force of custom, without any scriptural authority whatever.^ Cyprian treats at length of the types of the Lord's supper in the Old Testament, and of the elements ; and censures severely the practice of administering water instead of wine. Certain sects at that time maintained that the use of wine, even at the sacrament, was sinful. It further appears from his writings, that the eucharist was administered daily^ — that it was ofl^ered to children and on one occasion, was administered by a female enthusiast,— that the sacred elements were sent to the absent communicants, — and that the con- secrated bread was carried by the communicants from the table of the Lord. According to the same author, they also received the sacred elements in communion from the officiating minister into their own hands.^ TESTIMONY OF THE FATHERS. 303 But the most important information in our possession respecting the point under consideration, is derived from the Apostolical Con- stitutions. This is the oldest liturgical document now extant in the church, and is evidently the basis of the formularies, and liturgies both of the Eastern and Western churches^ Brief descriptions of the eucharist, and of the agapae^ are found in different parts of this work ;S and full descriptions of the liturgies and formularies connec- ted with this service ;9 from which the following particulars are collected. a) The agapae are distinguished from the eucharist b) The ordinance was celebrated with profound secresy as a sa- cred mystery ; catechumens, penitents, and unbelievers of every de- scription, being excluded with the greatest caution, and the doors carefully guarded. All believers in good and regular standing were expected to par- take of the elements. c) The sexes were separated. d) The ordinance was administered in the usual lime of public worship, in the morning, and in the ordinary place of assembly. No intimation is given of a celebration by night. e) The consecration of the elements was performed by the chief- priest, uQXi'^Q^'i, this term is sometimes used as synonymous with that of bishop ; but even if we do not admit the identity of presbyters and bishops, and of teaching and ruling bishops, we must still admit that the presbyter was permitted, at times, to consecrate the ele- ments, especially in the absence of the bishop. f) The consecrating minister offered a prayer in his own behalf, as well as more general petitions ; and then distributed the bread himself. The cup was distributed by the deacons. g) Mention is made of a splendid robe for the minister, and of his making the sign of the cross upon his forehead. h) The elements were presented simply in these words : " The body of Christ ; the blood of Christ, the cup of Ufe ;" to which the communicant simply responded, "Amen !" The brevity of this form is strikingly contrasted with the prolonged prayers, and formalities of the other parts of this service. i) During the service, the 34th Psalm was sung. The 42d and 139th came into use at a later period. The attention of the assem- ^ "S04 OF THE lord's SUPPER. bly was called for with the usual form, Sva tov vovv, — txofxsv n^og Tov nvQLOv^ — sursum corda, hahemus ad Bominum. k) The three elements, bread, wine, and water, are mentioned ; the two last being mixed in the same vessel. The bread was broken for distribution, and the fragments carefully preserved. 1) The communicants were required sometimes to stand erect ; and sometimes to kneel, and with the head inchning forward to re- ceive the blessing. § 5. Times of Celebration. Under this head two points of inquiry arise. 1. At what hour or part of the day. 2. How often, and on what particular occasions, was the Lord's supper celebrated ? In regard to these particulars, there appears to have been no uniformity of practice or harmony of views in the primitive church. A brief summary of the usages of the church at different times is however given below. 1. The time of day. This solemnity was originally instituted in the evening or at night. Matt. 26: 20. 1 Cor. 11: 23, and on some occasions was celebrated by night by the apostles ; and probably at other times of the day also, Acts 2: 46. 1 Cor. 16: 2. Nothing definite can be determined from Justin Martyr respecting the time of celebrating the sacrament. At a later period mention is made by Ambrose,^ and Augustine,^ of the celebration of it by night on certain occasions, and as an ex- ception to the general rule. It was afterwards administered in the morning even on the occasions mentioned by them. TertuUian speaks of the celebration of it on Easter eve? This, in the fourth and fifth centuries, was the most solemn period for the celebration, both of baptism, and of the Lord's supper ; and was ob- served as such even in the ninth century ."^ In the eleventh and twelfth centuries it was transferred to the evening, and then to the af- ternoon of the day before Easter, and afterwards, to the morning of the same day. The celebration on Christmas eve continued until a late period. To this ancient custom of celebrating the eucharist by night is to be traced the modern custom of burning lighted tapers on such occa- sions.5 The Roman laws forbade assemblies by night, even for religious TIMES OF CELEBRATION. 90^ worship. For this reason, probably, the early Christians selected the last hours of the night, towards morning, for holding their reli- gious meetings. This was neither a forbidden nor a suspicious hour, and yet it was sufficient to satisfy their views of the necessity of celebrating the eucharist by night. Other reasons were afterwards sought out, drawn from scriptural representations of Christ, as the Sun of righteousness, Dayspring from on high, Light of the world, etc. Nine o'clock in the morning became the canonical hour as early as the fifth century. And it was settled that the sacrament should be celebrated on Sundays and high festivals at this hour, and at twelve o'clock on other occasions. 2. Times and Seasons. In the primitive church, it was an univer- sal custom to administer this ordinance on Thursday in Easter week, that being the day of its original institution. In commemoration of this, some contended that the ordinance ought to be restricted to an annual celebration on this day ; but the prevailing sentiment of the church was in favor of frequent communion, as a means of quickening them in the christian life ; and in conformity with what they believed to be the injunction of St. Paul, 1 Cor. 11: 26. Whatever theories may exist respecting the original institution of the christian sabbath, it is an established historical truth that it was observed very early in the second century ; and that the sacrament was usually celebrated on thai day. This was doubtless the status dies, the fixed, appointed day of Pliny.^ It is distinctly mentioned in the epistle of Ignatius to the Magnesians, p. 57. The genuineness of the passage has indeed been called in question, and the controver- sy is still unsettled. The observance of the day may be clearly shown from Tertul!ian7 Justin Martyr says, " We all meet together on Sunday ;" and the reason assigned is, that this is the first day of the week, when in the beginning light was created, and when also our Lord Jesus Christ, arose from the dead.^ It was called also dies pa- nis — the day of bread, with evident allusion to the celebration of the sacrament on that day. The weekly celebration of the sacrament was strongly recommended at the reformation, but no positive enact- ment was made to that effect. But we must not suppose that the celebration of this ordinance in the ancient church was restricted to any particular or appointed season. On the contrary, it was observed to a considerable extent daily in the primitive church, and probably by the apostles them- 39 306 selves, Acts 2: 42, 46. Irenaeus says, " It is the will of the Lord that we should make our offering at his altar frequently, and without intermission, sic et ideo nos quoque offerre Dominus vult munus ad altare frequenter sine intermissioney^ Express testimonies to this effect, of a date somewhat later, are cited in the index.^^. The celebration of this rite immediately after the baptism of adults, on the eve of Easter, and of Whitsuntide, has been already mentioned. And also on Christmas eve. It was after the discontinuance of the stated times for baptism and of the festive vigils preceding, that the communion was transferred to the morning, as has been already mentioned. § 6. Place of Celebration.^ The sacrament was instituted in a private house, and the " break- ing of bread" by the apostles. Acts 2: 46. 20: 7, 8, was in the private houses of believers. But the Corinthians, it appears, had a place distinct from their own houses, set apart for the celebration of this rite and of public worship, 1 Cor. 11: 20. In limes of persecution, the Lord's supper was administered wher- ever it could be done with secrecy and safety, in secret places, in dens and caves of the earth, in the wilderness, and desert fields, etc. But it was a rule from the beginning that, as far as practicable, this ordinance should be solemnized in the public assfembly, and in the customary place of public worship. The consecration of the ele- ments, especially, was at times regarded as an act to be perform- ed only in public ; as appears from the custom of sending the con- secrated elements to the sick, and to the poor or infirm who might be absent. The consecration in private houses was expressly forbid- den by the council of Laodicea, c. 58. The communion table, or altar^ was common as early as the sec- ond century. This, styled ^vaiQiaji^oiov, was at first made of Wood, hence the expression ^ aairiQla tov ^iXov. Altars wrought from stone became common in the time of Constantine, and in the West- ern church were required by ecclesiastical authority in the begin- ning of the sixth century .^ The custom of covering the altar with white linen was very ancient. Optatus is the first writer who expressly mentions this practice.^ Al- lusions are also made to it by several other authors.^ MINISTERS OF THE LORD's STJPrER. 307 § 7. Ministers of the Lord's SdpperJ As in baptism, so in the administration of this ordinance, a devia- tion from the general rule in cases of necessity was authorized by common consent. The following remarks must be regarded as ex- hibiting only the prevailing principles and usages in relation to this subject, without regard to the occasional exceptions and minor points of controversy. Nothing is said in the New Testament respecting the person whose prerogative it is to administer this sacrament. Our Lord himself administered it at the time of its institution ; and the prob- ability is that the apostles, afterwards, performed the same office, Acts 20: 7. 2: 42, 46. 1 Cor. 10: 14 seq. 11: 23 seq. According to the earliest documents of the second and third cen- turies, it was the appropriate office of the bishop or president of the assembly to administer the eucharist. Justin Martyr's account of this rite is, that the president, o TigosaTag ttav a^sAcjpwi', pronounced the form of prayer and praise over the elements, and the deacons distributed them among the communicants who were present, and conveyed them to such as were absent.^ According to Ignatius, the ordinance could not be administered without the presence of the bishop.3 In the Apostolical Constitutions, the administration of this ordinance is ascribed, at one time, to the chief priest, agx^^Q^^'Q ; at another, to the bishop, iniaxonog^ He is directed to stand before the altar with the presbyters and deacons, and to perform the office of consecration. The same is required by Cyril of Jerusalem, and by Dionysius.^ It was a rule, of long continuance, that a presbyter should not consecrate the elements in the presence of the bishop. In the pres- ence of several bishops this service devolved upon the senior officer, or upon some one specially designated for this purpose. It was also the duty of the bishop during the seventh and eighth centuries. But in the middle ages the bishops seldom offi- ciated at this service. Their neglect of this duty is ascribable, per- haps, to their increasing cares and duties, and the extent of their dioceses ; but especially to the pride of office ; which did not com- port with the discharge of the ordinary duties of religion, an opinion that presents a striking contrast to the pious zeal of the bishops of 308 the first centuries, in presiding and officiating at the table of the Lord.6 In general it was a rule of the primitive church that the bishop consecrated the elements, assisted sometimes by the presbyterJ The presbyter distributed the bread, and the deacon presented the cup.^ In the absence of the bishop, the service of the consecration was performed by the presbyter, and both elements were distributed by the deacons. In the performai^ce of this service the deacons acted simply as the assistants of the bishop or presbyter. They not unfrequently assumed the prerogative of consecrating the elements ; but this practice was expressly forbidden by repeated acts of eccle- siastical councils.9 It early became a custom, in the primitive church, for the minis- ter to prepare himself for his solemn office at the table of the Lord by appropriate religious duties. Confession and private prayer were afterwards required. Fasting and abstinence from sensual in- dulgences were likewise enjoined.* It was also an ancient custom for the clergy to wash their hands before administering the elements.^! cT6vi(Txsgov dsrj&Mfisv, oxi x^Q^ ylvsxai iv ovgavM iul kvl dfxag- xcoXb) fiExavoovvTi, orcojg anocrigacpivtEg ndv egyov d&efj,ixov, TtgoaotxsKa- ■&(joaL ndaj] ngd^u dya&fi^ 'iva b (piXdvd^gojTiog Oebg ji xdxog svfiEviog Ttgoade^afisvog avxbjv xag Atiag, uTiOTcaxaaxijar] avxoTg dyaXXiaaiv xov aojiTjgiov, xai iivEVfxaxL riysfiovixM (ixTjgl^p avxovg, Xva firjxsii (jaXsv&bJai ' xoLV(dvol ysviad^ai, xajv aylojv aviov lEguv, xal fiexoxoi xmv -d-elMV jj,vitx7]- Qicov ' 'iva a^iOL anocpav&ivxEg xijg vlo&saiag, xvxoicrt, xijg alcoviov ^(oijg. *Eti ixTEV&g ndvxsg vnig avxaiv sinoofiev ' xvgiB iXiriaov, auaov avrovg 6 SUBJECTS OF PENANCE. 337 § 3. Subjects of Penance, or the offences for which it was IMPOSED. Penance related only to such as had been excluded from the com- munion of the church. Its immediate object was, not the forgive- ness of the offender by the Lord God, but his reconcilialion with the church. It could, therefore, relate only to open and scandalous of- fences. De occuUis non judical ecclesia— the church takes no cog- nizance of secret sins — was an ancient maxim of the church. The early Fathers say expressly, that the church offers pardon only for offences committed against her. The forgiveness of all sin she refers to God himself. Omnia autem, says Cyprian, Ep. 55, remissimus Deo omnipotenti, in cujus potestate sunt omnia reservata* Such are Osog, xal avdtnrfaov tw iXisi aov. 'Avatndvttg tw Osca 5ia tov Xgiarov aiTOi', xXlvaTB xal uXo'/na&i. ^Emvxio&oi ovv 6 iniaxoTiog roidde, UanoxqaiOQ Oss aluyis, dianoia tojv oXcov, xTicna xai ngvjavi xtov ndv— T(ov ' 6 TOV uv&QbiTiov xofffiov xofffxov dvadd^ug dia Xgiajov, xal vouov dohg avTM tfjcpvrov xal yQuniov, ngbg to ^t]v aviov iv&iufimg^ tag Xoyi— xoV xal dfiagjovTt vjto&i}xriV dovg ngug fiSTavoiav rtjv aavTov aya&o^ TTjTu ' EJiids iitl jovg xsxXixoiag aot av;(iva ipvxilg xal atafjiatog' on ov §ovXbl tov d^dvuTov TOV afiagToaXoi!^ dXXa tijv fiErdroiav, wots dnoirtgi- ipai aiiTov uno ttJ? o8ov avcov jr^g jiov^fgag, xal ^f^v. 'O JS'ivivuTtav ngoaSe^dfMEvog t^v fisTdvoiav ' 6 d^iXtov ndvTag avS-gtaTiovg aa&ijvai, xal slg inlyv(aaiv dXrj&siag eX&HV ' 6 tov vlov ngoads^dfifvog, tcv xaTacpay- ovxa TOV ^lov avTov affcurtoc, naigixdlg (TJiXuyxvoig, did t^v ^sTdvoiav ' al^og xal vvv ngoadt^ai twv Ixstwv aov tijv (xsTdyvomLV ' oti ovx eotiv og ovx dfiagTijasTal gol ' idv ydg dvofiiag nagaTrjgTJcrrj, xvgif, xvgis, xlq vjioaTijaETai ; oxi naga aol o iXacrfiog iaxi ' xal dnoxaidffTijaov avTOvg Tji uyia (TOV (xxXrjaia, h Trj ngoTsga d%in xal Ttfitj], did tov Xoigtov xo\ Oeov aaTrigog ij^mv ' dt ov aoi do|a xal ngoaxvvTjaig, iv tw dyta nvsv- fiOTiy ilg Tovg alojvag. dfi'^v. * Nos, in quantum nobis et videre et judicare conceditur, faciem singulo- rum videmus, cor scrutari et mentem perspicere non possumus. De his ju- dical occultorum scrutator et cognitor cito venturus, et de arcanis cordis at- que abdilis judicaturus. Obesse autem mali bonis non debent, sed magis mali a bonis adjuvari. Id Ep. 55.— Qua ex causa necessario apud nos fit, ut per singulos annos seniores et praepositi in unum conveniaraus ad dis- ponen da ea, quae curae nostrae coramissa sunt, ut si qua graviora sunt, 43 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. the concurring sentiments of most of the early writers on this sub- ject. It was reserved for a later age to confound these important distinctions, and to arrogate to the church the prerogative of forgiv- ing sins. Various synonymous expressions occur in the writings of Tertul- lian and Cyprian, to denote this mode of discipline, all of which are in accordance with the representations given above of penance, such as discipUna, orandi discipUna, patientiae disciplina, deifica disci- plina^ satisfaction satisfacere, etc. The last mentioned terms imply a demand made by the church, on conditions imposed in order to a restoration to that body. Hence also the frequent expression, poe* nitentia canonica, canones poenitentiales — penitential exercises re- quired by authority of councils and bishops. In the ancient phraseology of the church, the lapsed^ who, after professing Christianity had abjured their faith, were included among the proper subjects of penance. The term was frequently applied in a wider sense, but in this restricted sense the lapsed were divided into several classes. 1. The Libellatici — those who received from a Roman magistrate a warrant for their security, lihellum securitatis^ or pads, certifying that they were not Christians, or that they were not required to sacrifice to the gods.i 2. The Sacrijlcati, including all those who had sacrificed to heathen gods, whether by constraint or voluntary .2 3. Tradiiores. This term came into use about for- ty years after the death of Cyprian, and was employed to denote those who had delivered up copies of the sacred Scriptures, church records, or any other property of the church.^ These were charge- able with difierent degrees of guilt according to the nature of their oflfence. They who had been guilty of murder and adultery were sometimes included under this class. § 4. Different classes of Penitents. Neither Tertullian nor Cyprian make any mention of difierent classes of penitents. It is therefore to be presumed that this dis- cotnmuni consilio dirigantur, lapsis quoque fratribus, et post lavacrum salu- tare a Diabolo vulneratis per poenitentiam medela quaeratur : non quasi a nobis remissionem peccatorurn consequantur, sed ut per nos ad intelligen- tiam delictornm stiorum convertantur, et Domino plenius satisfacere cogan- tur.— Fiimilian, Ep. ad Cyprian., Ep. Cypr. 75. DIFFERENT CLASSES OF PENITENTS. 339 tinction into several classes was made at a later period. They are first mentioned in the equivocal epistle of Gregory Thaumaturgus, bishop of Neocaesarea, from A. D. 244 to A. D. 270. This classi- fication was fully known in the fourth century,* and probably was first established in the latter part of the third century, or beginning of the fourth. The penitents were divided into four classes or degrees, as fol- lows : 1. JlQoaxXalovjBg, Jlentes^ mourners, or weepers. These were rather candidates for penance, than actual penitents. They were wont to lie prostrate in the porch of the church. Sometimes they knelt or stood, entreating the faithful and the clergy to intercede for them for their forgiveness and reconciliation. Tertullian says, " they were accustomed to fall down at the presbyter's feet, and kneel to the friends of God and entreat all the brethren to intercede for them."2 These were probably called x^^ua^ovitg, hiemantes, be- cause they remained in the open air, not being permitted, on any occasion, to enter within the sacred enclosure of the church. Others suppose that demoniacs were designated by this name, from the con- vulsions to which they were subject. 2. 'AxQocafiEvoi, audientes, hearers. These were permitted to en- ter within the doors, and to take their station in the narthex, or low- est part of the house, where they were allowed to hear the reading of the Scriptures and the exposition of them, but were denied the privilege of joining in the prayers of the church. Basil and others prescribe three years as the term of their continuance in this order.3 They were regarded as sustaining the same relations to the church as the first class of catechumens, and were known by the same name. They were distinguished however from the catechumens, by not be- ing permitted to receive the imposition of hands.^ 3. TnoTiinxovTEq, rovvyMvovTfg, substrali^ or gemi/lecientes, prostra- tors, kneelers. These were much the same as the third class of catechumens, who also bore the same name. They were permitted to remain at public prayer, but only in a kneeling posture. The catechumens took precedence of them in attendance upon prayers, and sooner passed into a higher grade. In this class of penitents they continued three, and sometimes even seven years.^ 4. ^WKTTdfiEvoi, consisientes, by-standers. This class take their name from their being permitted to stand with believers, and to join 340 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. with them in prayer, but not to partake of the communion with them.^ Whether they were permitted to remain as spectators of the sacra- mental service is uncertain. They continued in this class for the space of two years. Some have supposed, but without sufficient reason, that there was a fifth class of penitents. The truth rather is that the distinction be- tween these classes was not uniformly observed. In the time of Cyprian, the bishop had not, indeed, authority officially to regulate the rules of penance; still he exercised a controlling influence in these matters. But by later ecclesiastical rules, the bishop was au- thorized to abridge or extend the time allotted for penance. The coun- cil of Ancyra especially accorded to the bishop a discretionary pow- er in this respect, and particularly directs him charitably to consider the deportment of the offender, both before and after entering upon a course of penance, and grant him a dispensation accordingly.* This is the true origin of that practice which subsequently led to such enormous abuses — the granting indulgences. The Indulgentia paschalis, so called, has a special reference to the penitents, and to their stations in the early church. § 5. Of the duties of Penitents, and the DiscirLiNE imposed UPON them ; OR the different kinds and degrees of penance. Penance, as has been already observed, was wholly a voluntary act, on the part of those who were subject to it. The church not only would not enforce it, but they refused even to urge, or invite any to submit to this discipline. It was to be sought as a favor, not inflicted as a penalty. But the offending person had no authority, or permis- sion, to prescribe his own duties as a penitent. When once he had resolved to seek the forgiveness and reconciliation of the church, it was, exclusively, the prerogative of that body, to prescribe the con- ditions on which this was to be effected. No one could even be re- ceived as a candidate for penance, without permission first obtained of the bishop or presiding elder. * Tovg ds tTiLo-xoTiovg i^ovalav s^siv, lov igoTiov xrjg inLdXQOCprig do- xifiaaaviag cfiXavd^Qtamviad-ai^ iq nliiova ngoaTi&svat, /govov ngo ndv- Twv 5i xal 6 ngody ojv ^log, xal o fisra Tama, i^tia^ia&ca' xal ovTfag ij q)duv&g(aTila inifingsh&oo. Cone. Ancyr. c. 5. This rule was estab- lished also by Constitut. Carolin. 1. vii. c. 294. DUTIES OF PENITENTS. S4l The duties required of penitents, consisted essentially in the fol- lowing particulars : 1. Penitents of the first three classes were required to kneel in worship, whilst the faithful were permitted to stand. 2. All were required to make known their penitential sorrow by an open and public confession of their sin. This confession was to be made, not before the bishop or the priesthood, but in the pres- ence of tJie whole church, with sighs, and tears, and lamentations. These expressions of grief they were to renew and continue, so long as they remained in the first, or lowest class of penitents, entreating, at the same time, in their behalf, the prayers and intercessions of the faithful. Some idea of the nature of these demonstrations of peni- tence may be formed from a record of them contained in the works of Cyprian.i Almost all the canons lay much stress upon the sighs, and tears, accompanying these effusions. 3. Throughout the whole term of penance, all expressions of joy were to be restrained, and all ornaments of dress to be laid aside. The penitents were required, literally, to wear sackcloth, and to cover their heads with ashes.* Nor were these acts of humiliation restricted to Ash Wednesday merely, when especially they were re- quired. 4. The men were required to cut short their hair, and to shave their beards, in token of sorrow. The women were to appear with dishevelled hair, and wearing a peculiar kind of veil.^ 5. During the whole term of penance, bathing, feasting, and sen- * "ilffTE s(o&ev avaaiiivai, xal hdvaufiivov adxxov, xal ano8ov xaiana- odfuvov fiaTO. TToV.ijg arrovSijg, xal Sax^vojv nQoaittatlv. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. V. c. 28. — Quis hoc crederet, ut saccum indueret, ut errorern publice fa- teretur, et tola urbe spectante Romana, ante diem paschae in Basilica Late- rani staret in ordine poenitentium .? Hieron. Ep. 30, Epit. Fab. — De ipso quoque habitu atque victu raandat, sacco et cineri incubare, corpus sordibus obscurare. Tertull. De Foenit. c. 9. — Totum corpus incuria raaceretur, cinere adspersum, etopertum cilicia. Ambros. ad Virgin. Lapsam c. 8. — Agite poen- itentiam plenam, dolentis ac lamentantis animi probate moestitiam. . . . Orare importet impensius, et rogare, diem luctu transigere, vigiliis noctes ac fletibus ducere, tempus omne lacrimosis lamentationibus occupare, stratos so- lo adhaerere, in cinere et cilicio et sordibus volutari , post indumentum Chris- ti perditum nullum jam velle vestitum, post diaboli cibum malle jejunium, justis operibus incumbere, quibus peccatapurgantur, eleemosynis frequenter insistere, quibus a morte animae liberantur. Cyprian. De Lapsis. 342 DISCIPLIIiE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. sual gratifications, allowable at other times, were prohibited. In the spirit of these regulatious, marriage was also forbidden.^ 6. Besides these restrictions and rules of a negative character, there were certain positive requirements with which the penitents were expected to comply. a) They were obliged to be present, and to perform their part at every religious assembly, whether public or private,— a regulation which neither believers nor catechumens were reqtiired to observe.'* b) They were expected to abound in deeds of charity and benevo- lence, particularly in alms-giving to the poor. c) Especially were they to perform the duties of the par aholani, in giving attendance upon the sick, and in taking care of .them. These offices of kindness they were expected particularly to bestow upon such as were affected with contagious diseases. d) It was also their duty to assist at the burial of the dead. The regulations last mentioned are supposed to have been peculiar to the church of Africa.^ These duties and regulations collectively, were sometimes inclu- ded under the general term i^ofiolo/riaig, confession. By this, was understood not only words, but works ; both, in connection, being the appropriate means of manifesting sorrow for sin, and the purpose of amendment. § 6. Re-admission of Penitents into the Church. The re-admission of penitents into the church was the subject of frequent controversy with the early fathers, and ancient religious sects. Some contended that those who had once been excluded from the church for their crimes, ought never again to be received again to her fellowship and communion. But the church generally, were disposed to exercise a more charitable and forgiving spirit. The following general principles prevailed in the ancient church, in regard to the restoration of excommunicated members to their for- mer standing. 1. There was no established term of time for the continuance of penance. The several grades each extended through three, seven, and even ten years ; but the whole was varied according to circum- stances, or at the discretion of the bishop.^ The abuse and perver- sion of this privilege led the way to the sale of indulgences in the Roman Catholic church. 1 RE-ADMISSION INTO THE CHTTBCH. 343 2. Sincere and unfeigned penitence was, alone, considered legiti- mate and satisfactory. It was called poenitentia legitima, plena, justa, when attended, both in public and in private, with lamenta- tions, and with tears, and every demonstration of sincere penitential sorrow for sin. This was regarded more than the amount of time spent, under the discipline of penance.^ 3. In case of extreme sickness, and in prospect of death, the ex- communicated person might be forgiven and restored by ihe bishop, or by a presbyter or deacon, by virtue of authority delegated to him for this purpose. But in case of the recovery of the sick person, the whole prescribed course of penitence was usually required of him.^ 4. When one of the clergy fell under ecclesiastical censure he was forever, incapacitated from returning to the discharge of his offi- cial duties, even though restored to the communion of the church. A layman also, who had once been the subject of discipline iu the church, was ineligible to any clerical office.^ In regard to the mode of receiving again the returning penitent, it may be remarked, 1. That the restoration was not only a public act, but a part of public worship. For this public absolution the obvious reason was assigned, that the restitution made by the offender, was in this way made as public, as the act of excommunication ; and that the salu- tary influence of the discipline might be felt by the whole body of the church. 2. The same bishop, under whom the penitent had been excluded from the church, or his successor, was the only appropriate organ of restoring him to the fellowship of the church.^ This rule was so strictly enforced that the bishop, who should violate it, was liable to severe censure, or to be removed from office for the offence.^ To prevent any mistake, the names of excommunicated persons were publicly enrolled, and a list, of their names sent to the neighboring dioceses.''' These regulations were severally observed in order that the church, who witnessed the offence, might also receive the full influence of the discipline with which it was visited. 3. The restoration usually took place on passion week, which was from this circumstance denominated hehdomas indulgentiae ; or at some time appointed by the bishop. The transaction was perform- ed in the churchy when the people were assembled for religious wor- ship ; and for the most part immediately before the administration 344 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. of the Lord's supper. The individual, kneeling before the bishop in the attitude and garb of a penitent, and before the altar, or the read- ing desk, {the ambo,) was re-admitted by him with prayer and the imposition of hands.^ The latter rite, especially, was regarded as the significant and principal token of admission to the communion of the church. The chrism was also administered to heretics, but no other class of offenders. 4. No established form of absolution is recorded, but from anal- ogy it might be presumed that some such was in use. Nothing like the modern method of absolving in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, was known to the ancient church.^ The whole rite was frequently denominated " dare pacem," from which it is fairly presumed, that some such phraseology was included in the form of absolution. 5. The fifty-first Psalm was usually sung on this occasion, but not as a necessary part of the service.^^ 6. The sacrament was immediately administered as a token that the penitent was re- instated in all his former privileges, the disquali- fication for the clerical office only excepted. § 6. Private Penance.* " Properly speaking, public penance is such as relates to notorious offences, and is performed only before the church ; private penance relates to sins confessed only to a priest, for which satisfaction is pri- vately performed. It is private penance, thus closely connected with the practice of auricular confession, which has been exalted to the rank of a sacrament in the church of Rome. No precedent or other authority in favor of this practice can be found in the New Testament. James, (5: 16,) relates to a mutual confession of sins ; and demands no more confession of the people to a priest, than of a priest to the people. Roman Catholic writers, abandoning this passage, contend, however, that auricular confession is founded upon Scripture, inasmuch as it is a natural and necessary accompaniment of the power of forgiving sins, which they suppose to have been vested in the apostles, Matt. 18: 18. 16: 19. John 20: 23. Such is the position maintained by the council of Trent, (Sess. xiv. c. 3 — 6) ; the unsoundness of which has been, however, abundantly proved. PRIVATE PENANCE. 345 " The more acute and judicious controversialists on the Ronnish side betake themselves to the authority of the fathers in this matter; claiming Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Tenullian, and others, as bearing witness to the existence of private confession in their days. Bui it is found, upon examination, that the iiofjoloytiaig, or confessio, to which they allude, is quite another thing, — such, in fact, as has been already described ; a point which is fully conceded by a celebrated Roman Catholic antiquarian, Gabriel Albaspinaeus. {Ohserval. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 26.) The truth is, that the ancient wri- ters speak of e^vfxoXoyijaig only in the sense of confession of sin to Almighty God, or as denoting public penance ; the whole exercise in the latter case, being denominated from its introductory part Concerning fhe former kind of confession, the fathers teach express ly that it is to be made only to Gtjd, and not by any means to man whether the whole church or individual ministers, Basil. M. in Ps 37: 8. Chrysost. Horn. 31 in Ep. ad Hehr. It is wholly unconnec ted with anything in the shape of satisfaction or penalty ; ils only necessary accompaniment being repentance or contrition, with pur- pose of amendment. The other kind of confession related, as lias been already explained, to those open or notorious ofTences, on ac- count of which a member of the church had been excluded from her communion ; and it was required as a preparatory step in order to a restoration to ecclesiastical privileges. And together with this, we may rank the public confession of previous sins which was required as one of the preliminaries of baptism ; allusion to which is made by some of the earliest ecclesiastical writers. " During the Decian persecution, the number of penitents being very large, the bishop deemed it expedient to appoint certain pres- byters to the especial office of receiving their confessions prepara- tory to public penance ; it having been already recommended, as a wholesome practice, that persons suffering under any perplexities of mind or troubles of conscience, should have recourse to some wise and skilful pastor for their guidance and satisfaction. The establish- ment of this office of penitentiary presbyters is related by Socrates, Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 19, and Sozomen Hist. Eccl. vii. 16 ; from whom we learn also that it was never admitted by the Novatians ; that it was abolished at Constantinople, by Nectorius the bishop, in the reign of Theodosius ; and that this example was followed by al- most all the bishops of the East, in whose churches the office was 44 346 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. accordingly discontinued ; but that it continued in use in the West- ern churches, and chiefly at Rome, to prepare men for the public penance of the church. The appointment of these penitentiary priests may be regarded as having led the way to the institution of confessors, in the modern acceptation of the term. But those offi- cers were by no means identical, and ought not to be confounded with each other. The office of the penitentiary priests ' was not to receive private confessions in prejudice to the public discipline ; much less to grant absolution privately upon bare confession before any penance was performed ; which was a practice altogether un- known to the ancient church ; — but it was to facilitate and promote the exercise of public discipline, by acquainting men what sins the laws of the church required to be expiated by public penance, and how they were to behave themselves in the performance of it ; and only to appoint private penance for such private crimes as were no proper to be brought upon the public stage, either for fear of doin harm to the penitent himself, or giving scandal to the church.' Bingham, Antiq. b. xviii. c. 3, § 11. The confession of sins was indeed private ; but it was destined to be made public in order to the performance of penance. The private or auricular confessio of later centuries is quite different from the confession made to thoi penitentiary presbyters. Confession was not made to them, with view of obtaining forgiveness from God ; but in order to procure res«»] toration to the former privileges of the offended church. It w considered indeed useful and necessary to seek for both kinds of for- giveness at the same time ; but no christian minister claimed t power of pronouncing pardon in the name of God. See Schroeck Kirchensgeschichte^ iv. 318 — 321. " The regular establishment of the system of private confessi and absolution is usually ascribed to Leo the Great, who represen ted not merely any particular penitentiary priests, but every priest as possessing the power and authority to receive confession, to ad as an intercessor with God on behalf of the penitent, and to decla forgiveness of sins in the name of God. But even the system intro duced by this pontiff differed from that which has prevailed since th thirteenth century in the Roman church, inasmuch as the confe sion of sins was left to every one's own conscience, and penano was still regarded as an entirely voluntary act, which no one coul be compelled to perform ; nor was the priest supposed to possess ii d i HECAPITULATION. 347 himself any (delegated) power of forgiving sins. And subsequently to the age of Leo, it was considered as a matter quite at the option of an offender either to confess his sins to a priest, or to God alone." § 7. Recapitulation. For the purpose of illustrating to the comnnon reader the views of the ancient church respecting this interesting and important subject, together with the motives which led to the observance of this system of discipline as detailed above, a recapitulation is inserted in the words of the popular author of whose labors we have taken occasion frequently to avail ourselves in the progress of this work.* 1. Severity of discipline. Widely as society, among the primi- tive Christians, was pervaded with the leaven of a pure and exalted morality, and well adapted as were the means they took to preserve that high standard of piety and virtue, their history bears melancholy- evidence, that no precautions are sufficient to protect the purest as- sociations of men from the intrusion of the unworthy. Even in the earliest age of the church, when the number of the disciples was small, and the apostles themselves presided over the interests of the infant body, the rules of christian propriety were frequently violated, and the most odious forms of hypocrisy and vice were found lurking under the cloak of a religious profession ; and it is not surprising, therefore, that as Christianity enlarged her boundaries, and saw mul- titudes flocking to her standard in every region of the world, the number of delinquents proportionally increased. While some who had embraced the cause of Jesus from low and selfish considerations, and others who had brought over to the new religion a lingering at- tachment to the habits of the old, were often found acting in a man- ner that disgraced the christian name, or betrayed a spirit at vari- ance with the requirements of the gospel, a more numerous class were driven, through weakness, or the fears of persecution, to apos- tatise from the faith, and defile themselves again with the profane rites of idolatry ; and no description of offenders — not even those who were guilty of the grossest immoralities, — appeared in the eyes of the primitive church to have more degraded themselves, and to be covered with a darker shade of guilt, than those who, from a cow- ardly apprehension of torture and death, relapsed into the abomina* " Jamieson, pp. 147— 154>. 348 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. tions of heathenism. From various causes, then, partly arising from the peculiar circumstances of the times, partly traceable to the gen- eral corruption of human nature, the primitive Christians were ever and anon distressed with the discovery of offences committed by some of their body against the name or the principles of Jesus ; and accordingly, one branch of their manners that presents itself pre- eminently to our notice, throughout the whole of their history, is the mode of treatment they observed towards their erring or fallen brethren. That treatment was characterised by a rigor and an impartiality to which the discipline of succeeding ages has seldom furnished a parallel ; and indeed it is not wonderful, that they who adopted such extraordinary means to prevent the introduction of vicious or un- worthy men into the church, should have been equally anxious for the stern and unsparing exclusion of all who were afterwards found wanting in the requisite qualities of faith and holiness. Whatever other faults the primitive Christians fell into at different periods, at no time did they lay themselves open to the imputation of laxity. On the contrary, so much did a severe and inflexible virtue regulate the terms of membership, during the whole period within which they flourished, that no sin, whether of that scandalous description that outrages every feeling of decency, or of that milder character that implies only an inconsistency with the spirit of the gospel, was al- lowed to pass, without receiving a due measure of censure or con- demnation. Each successive age, though it added in many other respects to the religious observances of the preceding, transmitted the ancient discipline of the church unimpaired to posterity, and en- deavored to preserve the christian society as a sacred enclosure, within whose precincts nothing unclean or unholy was permitted to enter or continue. 2. Tenderness and sorroiv for the offender. But however firm and vigorous the hand with which they wielded the reins of disci- pline, they always tempered the infliction with the affectionate spirit of christian love, and combined unqualified detestation of the sin with lively pity and concern for the sinner. While, in executing that painful duty, they knew no man after the flesh, — would have ad- dressed the language of reproof, — or passed the sentence of a long exile from the community of the faithful on their dearest earthly friend, if he deserved it, — they mourned over the fall of an erring RECAPITULATION. &i9 disciple as much as if they had been suffering a personal or family bereavement. The day on which such a doom was sealed, was a season of universal and bitter lamentation. The aged considered themselves as having lost a son or a daughter — the young, as having been severed from a brother or sister. Every one felt that a tie had been broken, and that an event had occurred which could be consid- ered in no other light than as a dire and wide-spread calamity. Be- fore, however, they allowed matters to reach that painful extremity, they never failed to resort to every means, in private, of reproving and admonishing the brother whom they saw to be in fault ; and it was not till after they had tried all the arts of persuasion, and their repeated efforts had proved unavailing, that they brought the case under the notice of the church, and subjected the offender to that severe and impartial ordeal which few but the most daring and incor- rigible had the hardihood to abide. It is scarcely possible for us, who live in a state of society so different, to conceive the tremen- dous effect of a sentence which cut off an obstinate offender from all connection with the church, and which, being solemnly pronounced in the name of God, seemed to anticipate the award of the judgment day. Looking upon the fallen disciple from that moment as an en- emy of Christ and a servant of the devil, the brethren avoided his presence as they would have fled from plague or pestilence. They were forbid to admit him to their house, to sit with him at table, or to render him any of the ordinary offices of life, — and the man who should have been detected in his company, would have run the haz- ard of bringing his own character into suspicion, and of being thought a guilty partner of the other's sins. 3. Tremendous effects of excommunication. Few, but those in whom long habits of secret wickedness had almost obliterated every religious feeling, could remain long undisturbed and tranquil in a state which, considered as forsaken by God as well as by man, was at- tended with such a tremendous load of present misery, — and which imagination associated with the terrors of a dark and unknown futu- rity. The hearts even of the most hardened, if they bore up for a while, through their corrupt nature, and the love of their sinful prac- tices, soon felt this unnatural boldness give way, and becoming alive to all the wretchedness of an excommunicated state, — the un- happy sinners, like persons standing on the brink of despair, placed themselves again at the gate of the church, and implored, in th© 350 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. most importunate and abject manner, to be delivered from a condi- tion which was more dreadful than death itself. From day to day they repaired to the cloisters, or the roofless area of the church, — for no nearer were they allowed to approach it, — and there they stood, in the most humble and penitent altitude, with downcast looks, and tears in their eyes, and smiting on their breasts ; or threw them- selves on the ground at the feet of the faithful, as they entered to worship, begging an interest in their sympathies and their prayers, — confessing their sins, and crying out that they were as salt which had lost its savor, fit only to be trodden under foot. For weeks and months they often continued in this grovelling slate, receiving from the passengers nothing but the silent expressions of their pity. Not a word was spoken, in the way .either of encouragement or exhorta- tion ; for during these humiliating stations at the gate, the offenders were considered rather as candidates for penance than as actually penitents. When at last they had waited a sufficient length of time in this state of affliction, and the silent observers of their conduct were satisfied that their outward demonstrations of sorrow proceeded from a humble and contrite spirit, the rulers of the church admitted them within the walls, and gave them the privilege of remaining to hear the reading of the Scriptures and the sermon. The appointed time for their continuance amQng the hearers being completed, they were advanced lo the third order of penitents, whose privilege it was to wait until that part of the service when the prayers for particular classes were offered up, and to hearthe petitions which the minister, with his hands on their heads, and themselves on their bended knees, addressed to God on their behalf, for his mercy to pardon and his grace to help them. In due time they were allowed to be present at the celebration of the communion, and the edifying services that accompanied it ; after witnessing which, and offering, at the same time, satisfactory proofs of that godly sorrow which is unto salvation, the term of penance ended. 4. Duration of lanishment from the church. The duration of this unhappy banishment from the peace and communion of the church lasted for no fixed time, but was prolonged or shortened according to the nature of the crime, and the promising character of the offen- der. The ordinary term was from two to five years. But in some cases of gross and aggravated sin, the sentence of excommunication extended lo ten, twenty, and thirty years ; and even in some cases, KECAPITULATION. 351 though rarely, to the very close of life. During the whole progress of their probation, the penitents appeared in sackcloth and aslies, — the men were obliged to cut off their hair, and the women to veil them- selves, in token of sorrow. They were debarred from all the usual comforts and amusements of life, and obliged to observe frequent seasons of fasting,— an exercise which, in the ancient church, especially among the Christians of the East, was deemed an indis- pensable concomitant of prayer. 5. Solemn manner of restoring offenders. On the day appointed for their deliverance from this humiliating condition, they came into the church in a penitential garb of sackcloth, and with a trembling voice and copious tears, took their station on an elevated platform, where, in presence of the assembled congregation, they made a pub- lic confession of their sins, and throwing themselves down on the ground, they besought them to forgive the scandal and reproach they had brought on the christian name, and to give them the bene- fit and comfort of their intercessory prayers. The brethren, moved with the liveliest emotions, at beholding one, to whom they had often given the kiss of peace, in so distressing a situation, fell on their knees along with him, and the minister, in the same attitude of pros- tration, laying his hands on the head of the penitent, supplicated, with solemn fervor, the divine compassion on him, and then raising him, placed him in the ranks of the faithful at the table of the commu- nion. This severe and protracted discipline, through which offenders, in the primitive church, were required to pass, — though several out- ward ceremonies usually entered as elements into the observance, was reckoned essentially a discipline of the mind ; and it was as different from the bodily mortification, in which the votaries of Papal Rome comprise the whole duty of penitents, as the life-giving spirit is from the senseless form. Two grand and important objects were contemplated in its appointment, — the one to check every sin in the bud, and prevent the contagion of an evil example ; for so jealous were the good and holy Christians of primitive times, of the least dishonor being done to their heavenly Master, or the smallest re- proach being cast on his cause, that they lost no time in excluding from their society every one who refused compliance with the pre- cepts of the gospel, or was not adorned with the fruits of its genuine and consistent disciples : — the other was to afford penitents sufficient 352 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. time to prove the sincerity of their sorrow, and to satisfy the church of their well-founded claims to enjoy its clemency and be restored to its privileges. It was the more necessary to adopt those measures of precaution, that in the days of primitive Christianity, multitudes, who from the ranks of idolatry came over to Christianity, retained a strong predilection for their early indulgences and habits, and were the occasion, by their vices and their crimes, of doing injury to the cause they embraced, to an extent of which we can scarcely form any idea. Accordingly, those who, under the pressure of severe sickness, or in the immediate prospect of death, were absolved and admitted to peace and communion, were, in the event of their re- covery, required to place themselves again in that stage of their dis- cipline at which they had arrived when arrested by their indisposition, And to complete the course in due order, as if no interruption had occurred ; while, on the other hand, the sins of some were consid- ered as of so black a hue, and involving such enormous guilt, that a life-time appearing far too short a time to enable them to bring forth fruits meet for repentance, they were doomed by a law, as unalter- able as the laws of the Modes and Persians, to live and die under the ban of the church. In regard to those cases where penitents, in the progress of their trials, relapsed into sin, they were degraded to a lower rank, and obliged to enter on the task of probation anew, — an obligation, however, which, in such circumstances, was at once a punishment, and a favor granted to them as an act of grace, in the spirit of christian tenderness, — disposed to forbear a little longer with their weakness. But when a person who had gone through the routine of penitential observances, and was restored to the privileges of full communion, repeated his crime, or was convicted of another, the opportunity of again placing himself in the order of penitents was inflexibly denied, and no importunities or tears on his part, — no in- fluence nor intercession on that of others, could open the gates of the church, which thenceforth were for ever shut against him. 6. Impartiality of this discipline — story of Theodosius, Nor was the discipline of the primitive church less distinguished for its im- partiality than its rigor. Never was it known that the shield of pro- tection was thrown over the head of a relative or a friend ; never did a timid or time-serving policy lead its rulers to shrink from visit- ing with merited punishment the perpetrator of wickedness in high places. Let the offender be who or what he might, — whether old or KECAPITTTLATION. 353 young, a male member of the community, or one belonging to the gentler sex ; whether invested with the sacred office, or moving in the humbler sphere of an ordinary brother; whether a poor me- chanic, or a christian prince, — all were equally amenable to the laws ; all were doomed indiscriminately to abide the consequences of violating thom ; all required to submit to the same tedious and searching ordeal, as the indispensable terms of their restoration to christian society. The following historical anecdote, out of many similar ones that might be adduced, affords so interesting and re- markable a proof, with how steady and equal a hand the reins of ancient discipline were wielded, that we are confident our readers will excuse its insertion. The emperor Theodosius, who flourished about the year 370, was a prince whose character was adorned with many virtues, and who added to the other excellent qualities that distinguished him, — a firm and sincere attachment to the gospel of Christ. As the best of men, however, have their besetting sins, and their inherent faults, Theodosius inherited the infirmity of a keen and impetuous temper, which, on several occasions, hurried him to the inconsiderate adoption of measures which he afterwards found cause bitterly to lament. The most memorable of these occasioDS was the affair of Thessalonica. In that city of Macedonia, some enactmenis of the emperor had given so great and universal dissatis- faction to the itihabitants, that they assembled in an uproar, threat- ening to set the imperial orders at defiance, and sufficiently indicat- ing their determined spirit of resistance by an attack upon the gar- rison, which was signalized by the massacre of the commanding offi- cer, and several of the soldiery. The intelligence of this untoward event so incensed Theodosius, that he forthwith issued his mandate for reducing the whole city to ashes ; and the bloody edict would have been carried into prompt execution by the military, who par- ticipated in the feelings of their monarch, and breathed revenge for the loss of their slaughtered comrades, had not some christian bish- ops, by their powerful and importunate intercession, prevailed on the emperor reluctantly to recal his orders. The prime minister, however, was implacable, and by his incessant representations to his imperial master, that so ill-timed clemency would produce the greatest detriment to the public service, and weaken the hands of government especially in the provinces, succeeded in inducing The- odosius to reissue his command for exterminating the Thessalonians 45 354 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. with fire and sword. Seldom have the annals of history been stained with so foul a deed of perfidy and baseness. Proclamation having been made, that on a set day, the civil authorities would treat the populace to an exhibition of their favorite games, a vast concourse assembled, and the moment all eyes were rivetted to the spot, ex- pecting the spectacle to commence, bands of soldiers rushed furi- ously from all quarters on the defenceless crowd, slaughtering all without distinction of age, sex, or condition. So dreadful was the massacre, that within three hours, 7000 people were stretched life- less on the ground. Meanwhile a messenger had been posting night and day from the palace with a commission to stop the proceedings, the emperor having no sooner consented to the massacre than he relented ; but the deputy did not arrive till the unfortunate Thessa- lonica had become a city of the dead, and Theodosius had to sustain in the eyes of God and man the guilt of such unparalleled cruelty. Not long. after, circumstances occurred that rendered it necessary for the emperor to repair to Milan, when the celebrated Ambrose, bishop of the place, wrote him a letter, in which he severely re- proached him for his base and horrible treatment of the Thessaloni- ans. Nothing is known of the reception given to this letter, or of any further correspondence that may have passed between them on the subject, till, on the Lord's day, the emperor proceeding to public worship, Ambrose met him at the gates of the church, and peremp- torily refused to admit him. This proceeding of Ambrose, extraor- dinary as it may appear to us, could not have been surprising nor unexpected to his sovereign, who was well aware that the austere discipline of the times doomed offenders of every description to wait in the area or the porticoes of the church, and beg the forgiveness and the prayers of the faithful, ere they were permitted to reach the lowest station of the penitents. Self-love, however, or a secret pride in his exalted station, might perhaps have led Theodosius to hope that the ordinary severity of the church would be relaxed in his fa- vor, — more especially, as the act imputed to him as a crime was jus- tified by many urgent considerations of state policy; and under this 'delusion, he made for the church, never dreaming, it would seem, that whatever demur the minister of Christ might make, he would have the boldness to arrest the progress of an emperor in presence of his courtiers, and of the whole congregation. But the fear of man was never known to have made Ambrose flinch from his duty ; and. RECAPITULATION. 355 heedless of every consideration, but that of fidelity to the CE^use and the honor of his heavenly Master, he planted himself on the thresh- old of the church, and vowed, that neither bribes nof menaces would induce him to admit, into the temple of the God of peace, a royal criminal, red with the blood of thousands, who were his brethren, — all of them by the ties of a common nature, — many of ihem by the bonds of a common faith. Theodosius, thus suddenly put on his self-defence, took refuge in the history of David, who was also a sovereign ; and who, though he had combined the guilt of adultery with that of murder, was yet pardoned and restored to favor by God himself, on the confession of his sins. " You have resembled David in his crime," replied the inflexible Ambrose, " resemble him also in bis repentance." Self-convicted and abashed, the emperor aban- doned all further attempts ; and, returning to his palace, during eight months continued in a state of excommunication from christian fellowship, bearing all the ignominy, and stooping to all the humili- ating acts required of those who underwent the discipline of the church. As the first annual season of communion approached, the anxiety of the emperor to participate in the holy rite became extreme. Often, in the paroxysms of his grief, did he say to the counsellor, who had advised the Draconic edict against the Thessalonians, *' Servants and beggars have liberty to join in worship and commu- nion, but to me the church doors, and consequently the gates of heaven, are closed ; for so the Lord hath decreed, ' Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth shall be bound in heaven.' " At length it was agreed between the prince and his favorite, that the latter should seek an interview with Ambrose, and endeavor to gain him over to employ a privilege of his order, — that of abridging, in certain cir- cumstances, the period appointed for the duration of church disci- pline. The eagerness of his royal master could not wait his return, and, meeting him on his way, he was greeted with the unwelcome intelligence, that the faithful bishop considered it a violation of his duty, to remit any part of the just censures of the church ; and that nothing but submission to the shame and degradation of a public confession of his sins could accomplish the object which was dearest to the heart of the royal penitent. On an appointed day, accord- ingly, Theodosius appeared in the church of Milan, clothed in sack- cloth ; and, acknowledging the heinousness of his offence, the just sentence by which he forfeited the communion of the faithful, and 356 DlSClPLliNE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. the profound sorrow he now felt for having authorized so gross an outrage on the laws of heaven, and the rights of humanity, was re- ceived, with the'unanimous consent of the whole congregation, once more into the bosom of christian society. Nothing can afford a bet- ter test of the simplicity and godly sincerity of the christian emperor> than his readiness to assume, in presence of his people, an attitude so humiliating. How deep must have been his repentance towards God,— how strong his faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, — and how many plausible reasons of personal honor and public expediency must he have had to encounter, ere he could bring himself, in face of a crowded assembly, to say, as he entered, " My soul cleaveth unto the dust ; quicken thou me, according to thy word ;" and ere he could throw himself prostrate on the ground, to implore the pardon of God and the forgiveness of his fellow men ! And if this extraor- dinary history affords an illustrious example of genuine repentance, it exhibits, in no less memorable a light, the strictness and impartial- ity of primitive discipline. What minister would have dared to im- pose, — what prince would have submitted to undergo, a course of public penitence, so humiliating and so painful, if it had not been the established practice of the church to let no offenders escape with impunity. ^ 8. Of Councils.* Origin of ecclesiastical councils. Roman Catholic writers derive their authority for ecclesiastical councils from the example of the church at Jerusalem, as recorded in Acts xv. They regard that as the first ecclesiastical council ; and from the deliberations and de- cisions of that body, they deduce the several conclusions following. 1. That the appropriate mode of settling questions relating to re- ligious subjects is by council. 2. That the laity should be excluded from such councils ; and yet the whole church took part in the deliberations at Jerusalem, Acts 15: 22,23. 3. That the duty devolves upon the successor of St. Peter to pre- side in such councils. 4. That the results of such councils are to be communicated throughout the churches. * From Siegel's Handbuch, vol. IV. pp. 406—425. I OF COUNCILS. 357 5. From the expression, " It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us," Acts 15: 28, they infer the infallibility of these decrees of councils, 6. From the authoritative command of this council, they assert the duty of unreserved submission to the synodical decrees. In answer to these arrogant pretensions it is sufficient to say, that no council is known to have been held for near one hundred and fifty years after this time. They then began to be held in Greece and Asia Minor. But they were only provincial synods^ local and limited in their jurisdiction; though bishops and presbyters of other provinces were allowed to have a seat in them. These councils made no appeal whatever to divine authority, or apostolic usage ia vindication of their right of jurisdiction over the churches. They were composed only of the clergy, of whom merely the bishops are distinctly mentioned. They deliberated respecting the important aflairs of the church, altiora quaeque ; and prepared themselves for the public deliberations by watching and fasting. All this is fairly inferred from the incidental mention of these councils by Tertullian, who is the earliest writer that takes notice of them, De Jejunio, c. 13, written near the end of the second century. The passage is given in the note below.* About the middle of the third century, Firmilian, bishop of Caesa- rea, wrote to Cyprian an epistle in which he takes occasion to say that " the bishop, and elders annually assembled to deliberate upon ecclesiastical matters committed to their charge, that the most im- portant o{ these might be adjusted by mutual consultation," which confirms the account of Tertullian relative to this subject. An ecclesiastical council may be defined to be a synod, com- posed of a number of representatives from several independent christian communities^ convened together to deliberate and decide vpon matters relating to the welfare of the church. * Aguntur praeter ea per Graecias ilia certis in locis concilia ex univer- sis ecclesiis, per quae et altiora quaeque in commune tractantur et ipsarepre- sentatio totius nominis christiani magna celebratione veneratur. Et hoc quam dignum fide auspicante congregari undique ad Christum? Vide quam bonum et jucundum habitare fratres in unqm ! Hoc tu psallere non facile nosti, nisi quo "tempore cum compluribus coenas. Conventua autem isti stationibus prius et jejunationibus operari, dolere cum dolentibus et ita de- mum congaudere gaudentibos norjint. 1 358 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. Such councils began to be held in Asia Minor, and the neighbor- ing province of Thrace, towards the latter part of the second cen- tury; particularly from the year 160, to 173.2 We know not in- deed the particular reasons for which these councils were held, but we have every reason to suppose that the occasions were wholly incidental and temporary. As soon as any connection began to be formed between different independent churches, they might natu- rally be expected to form associations of this kind, to deliberate up- on their common interests. Such a confederation was first formed among those very churches which were the first to unite in council. The clergy, again, who were most in harmony with one another might be expected soonest to form associations for mutual delibera- tion ; and such harmony of views it is well known prevailed espe- cially among the clergy of those provinces. In such communities, where all had severally a right to bear a part in such deliberations, the council must, of necessity, have been composed of representa- tives from each. It is impossible that all could have convened collec- tively in council ; as the representatives of their respective churches, the bishops and presbyters would of course be chiefly selected. In this manner, what was at first done by common consent would, in time, become an established usage, and a right confirmed by com- mon consent. The deacons may have remained at home, or they might have attended in council as members themselves of the clergy, or as amanuenses of the bishops. No mention is made of them in _ the accounts of these early councils. It is therefore to be presumed % that their attendance or non-attendance was a matter of no special interest. Such being the state of things, the crafty bishops would easily have seen that, by constant and uniform attendance in council, they acquired increasing consideration and respect. Such councils being frequently held, the primate, or metropolitan bishop would of course V have the prerogative of convening and presiding over them. The political form of government which prevailed in the Gre- cian states, no doubt had an influence in shaping the administration of their ecclesiastical affairs. The famous council of the Amphyc- tions were accustomed to assemble semi-annually from all the Gre- cian states. Something like this, we may easily suppose, would have obtained in the administration of their church government. In the absence of direct historical testimony to this effect, it is at least OF COUNCILS. 359 remarkable that both the council of Nice, and the Apostolical Con- stitutions direct that ecclesiastical councils be held semi-annually^ and at the sanie seasons of the year when the Amphyctionic coun- cil were wont to convene.^ The council of Nice only conformed to the established usage in settling upon these stated seasons for the convening of their body. This circumstance would show, beyond doubt, the influence of their political institutions in their ecclesiasti- cal affairs, did not the letter of Firmilian above quoted, speak of their councils as being held annually, per singulos annos. These councils of the Grecian states must, for a considerable length of time, have been circumscribed within very narrow limits. TertuUian knew nothing of them. Towards the beginning of the third century they began to be better known. The controversy be- tween the Eastern and Western church relating to Easter, threw the whole christian world, with the exception perhaps of Africa, into com- motion, and brought them together in opposing councils. Such coun- cils were now held at Caesarea, or Aelia, and at Rome ; in Pontus, and France ; in proconsular Asia, in Mesopotamia, and probably in Achaia. Within the third century, councils began also to be held in Africa. But without pursuing the history of these councils further, we will confine our attention to the following inquires relating to them. 1. What was the extent of their jurisdiction ? 2. What was their peculiar organization ? 3. Who were appropriately the constituent members of them ? 1. What was the extent of their jurisdiction ? At first they were, without doubt, j^^ovincial synods. This conclusion is fully implied from the fact, that nothing is said relating to this subject. Had their jurisdiction extended beyond the limits of their own provinces, it must have been mentioned. The synods of Asia Minor must be understood, therefore, to have been restricted to their own provin- cial limits ; such as that of Hierapolis in Phrygia, which was chiefly inhabited by the Montanists. Those of Anchiolus were probably limi- ted in their jurisdiction to Thrace, but if not, they were only an ex- ception to the prevailing custom. The councils which were held in many places respecting the controversy on the subject of Easter, were assuredly provincial synods. Such were also the synods which were held in Arabia in the third century, A. D. 243 and 246. The same is true also of the synod of Rome held by Cornelius in the 360 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH, year 251 ; and of the synod of Antioch, A. D. 252 against the Norva- tians, and again at Rome, A. D. 260. Three provincial synods were also held at Antioch, from the year 264 to 269, against Paul of Samosata. Still it is not to be presumed that all these were organi- zed on precisely the same principles ; the clergy from neighboring provinces may have had a seat and a voice in some of them. Men of great weight of character, and whose counsels were highly res- pected, were particularly desired to attend from other places, and the convening of the council was, at times, delayed in order to se- cure their attendance. Origen, in this capacity, attended the coun- cil in Arabia, and, by his learning and talents, settled the point in dispute to the satisfaction of the council. The bishops of Antiocb also were so much embarrassed by the learning of Paul of Samosata, whom they would convict of heresy, that they invited the attendance of certain bishops from the Grecian provinces in Asia, including Palestine and Egypt. The metropolitan of Alexandria exctjsed himself by reason of his great age ;"* but many bishops from those provinces attended the council, — Frrmilian from Cappadocia, Greg- ory and Athenodorus from Pontus, Plelenus of Tarsus, Nicomas of Iconium ; and the archbishops Hymenaeus of Jerusalem, and Theo- tecnus of Caesarea, together with the bishop Maximus, from Arabia. Paul, however, by his talents withstood them all ; and the council dispersed without gaining any advantage over him.^ Foreigners, in like manner, attended both the second and third councils which were held for the same purpose. In the last council, a presbyter, Mal- chion, bore a conspicuous part, and was the principal agent fn put- ting an end to the discussion. About the same period of time other councils were held which were sometimes more and at others less than provincial synods. The council of Iconium, A. D. 235, consisted of bishops from Phry- gia, Galatia, Cilicia, and other neighboring provinces. Another council was also held in opposition to this in a neighboring town, Synnada, of which we know only that it had little or no influence against the first at Iconium. But this is sufficient to show that no established system of ecclesiastical jurisdiction at this time prevailed, even in the states of Greece, where such councils were first held. In Africa, there was much less of system in these matters than m the Grecian states. Cyprian informs that he thought it necessary to convene a council of many of the clergy, to deliberate respecting OF COUNCILS. 361 the common good, in which council many topics were proposed and discussed. But he adds, " I am aware that some will never change their minds, nor give over a cherished purpose ; but however har- monious their colleagues may be, they will persist in the support of their own peculiar views. Under these circumstances it is not my business to attempt, by constraint, to give laws to any one ; but, in the administration of the church, to leave to every one to the free- dom of his own choice who must answer unto God for his conduct." Ep. 72. The first ecclesiastical council of Africa cannot be said to have been either provincial or general. Under Galba this country had been divided into three provinces. Constantine divided it into six. And yet it appears from Cyprian, Ep. 45, that the former division of Galba was still observed in the organization of the council, and that one even of these provinces was not represented ; but for what reason does not appear. All, however, by common consent ap- pear to have accorded to Cyprian at Carthage the right of conven- ing a general council at his pleasure. This is the more pro- bable from the fact that in the year 255, several bishops who appar- ently composed a provincial synod, appealed to him for the setde- ment of certain subjects of discussion among them. The other councils in Africa were, for the most part, provincial in their character. Such was the council which was held before the time of Cyprian, the date of which is not distinctly known. So also were the councils held by Cyprian in the years 249, 251, 252, 255 and 256. From all which it appears, that most of the councils which were held in Africa were limited in their jurisdiction, and provincial in their character. Some, however, were more general ; and such was generally the character of the councils which were held in that country after the third century. 2. What icas the appropriate organization of the regular provin- cial synods 7 In general, the ecclesiastic within the province, whether bishop, metropolitan, or patriarch, presided iri these coun- cils. The popular character of these assemblies would indeed have permitted any one to be elevated to the office of moderator. But the gradations of the priesthood, and the jealousy of the several or- ders were such that none but he that was highest in official rank could have been placed in the chair to the mutual satisfaction of all 46 362 DISCIFLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. classes. The presbyters would have claimed precedence of the deacons, the bishops of the presbyters ; and so on until none should be found to dispute the claim with the highest dignitary of the pro- vince. The greatest number of the members of the council would also come from the diocese of the highest functionary, which cir- cumstance would give him the strongest party in the election. And there are many other ways in which this seat might have been se- cured to him. The results or decrees, of the councils were usually published in the name of the moderator. There are some instances in which the names of the attending bishops accompany the decree. Such, how- ever, was not the usual custom. The metropolitans were jealous of their rights, and strove earnestly for a controling influence in the councils. For the same reason they insisted that the result should be published under the sanction of their authority, and in their name. They usually had the address to cause their own opinions to prevail ; and few had the independence to dispute them. Thus the metro- politan of Alexandria had the influence to cause his synod to banish Origen, A. D. 230. Cornelius effected the excommunication of three bishops at Rome, A. D. 251, in the same arbitrary manner. By such strides did the principal ecclesiastics advance their spiritual hierarchy ; and so tamely did the subordinate members of their coun- cils suffer the most esteemed men in the church to suffer unjustly under this spiritual despotism. The councils were merely the or- gan of the metropolitan to execute his arbitrary decrees. 3. Who icere appropriately members of these councils ? This in- quiry is involved in much darkness and uncertainty. There is how- ever satisfactory evidence that bishops and presbyters wefe entitled to bear a part in the deliberations of these assemblies. The letter of Firmilian, in the middle of the third century, makes distinct mention of presbyters, sewiores. Origen, as a presbyter, attended the coun- cil of Arabia ; and Malchion acted in the same capacity in the three councils of Antioch. Besides, there were very many churches un- der the care of presbyters, which, if represented at all in council as they evidently were, must send presbyters as their delegates. Whether the laity were permitted to take a part in the delibera- tions of these councils as constituent members of them is an interest- ing and important inquiry. This is discussed at length by Walch, p. 121. He is clearly of opinion that the laity of the place where OF COUNCILS. the council was held had this right. Others are of opinion that, in the absence of their bishops, laymen of the province where the coun- cil was held were delegated to attend in their place. And yet it seems most probable that the laity did not enjoy the right of acting €is members oj these councils. One may indeed presume that, as representatives of the churches to which they belonged, they would be entitled to a place in the council ; but on this point history is si- lent. Had they exercised this right, it must have been a circum- stance of such interest to the clergy that we can hardly suppose that it would have been passed over in silence, especially in the earliest periods of the history of ecclesiastical councils. Party spirit would, at times, have appeared among them, and their influence mani- fested itself on one side or the other. It seems, therefore, that care was taken that the deliberations of the council should not be dis- turbed by the presence of the laity. The councils were usually held in the churches, or in buildings adjacent, and belonging to them ; and were open to the attendance of any as spectators. A scribe or recorder is first mentioned as having attended the se- cond council of Antioch against Paul of Samosata. They are also mentioned by Eusebius, 7. 29. Such clerks became common in the fourth century, who recorded at length the discussions and debates of the council. We close this view of the early ecclesiastical councils by recapit- ulating the conclusions to which it has conducted us. These councils were not formed after the model of that at Jerusa- lem which is described in Acts xv ; but took their origin and char- acter from the peculiar circumstances of the church in those primi- tive times. They were first held in the Grecian states ; and the political or- ganization of these states probably had much influence in the forma- tion of their peculiar constitution and organization. They were convened at the call of the metropolitan, who also acted as the presiding officer of the assembly, and exercised a con- troling influence over their deliberations and decisions. The several orders of the clergy, bishops, presbyters, and dea- cons, were regular members of these councils ; but the laity were not entitled to a seat in them. They were unknown in Africa in the time of TertuUian ; but soon 364 DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. after his death they became common, not only in Africa, but also in Spain, France, and Italy. Their organization, however, was less regular and systematic than in the Grecian states. Both in the Eastern and Western churches they were, for the most part, merely provincial synods. (Ecumenical councils were of a later date under the christian emperors. The practical effect of these councils, from the beginning, was to give increasing consideration and influence to the clergy ; which continually increased until it finally ended in the full establishment of the ecclesiastical hierarchy.* * For the sake of illustrating the manner in which these ancient councils were held, we have transcribed the following: record of the third council of Carthage, held A. D. 25(> ; or rather it is but an abstract of the debates of that council, for it was attended by no less than eighty-seven bishops, who were convened to decide whether or not baptism administered by heretics should be regarded as \alid. It is found in C3'prian's Works, p. 329, ed. Baluz. Cum in unum Carthagine convenissent Kalendis episcopi plurimi ex provincia Africa, Numidia et Mauritania, cum presbyteris et diaconis prae- sente etiamplebis maxima parte et lectae essent literae Jubajani aJ Cyprianum factae, item Cypriani ad Jubajanum rescriptae de haereticis baptizandis, quid- que postmodum Cypriano Jubajanus idem rescripserit, Cyprianus dixit : Aud- distis collegae dilectissimi, quid mihi Jubanus Coepiscopus noster scripserit, consulens m,ediocritatem, nostram de illicito et profano Haereticorum baptis- mo, et quid ego ei rescripserem, censens scilicet, quod semel atque iterum et saepe censuimus haereticos ad ecclesiam venientes ecclesia baptismo bap- tizari et sanctificari oportere. Item lectae sint nobis et aliae Jubajani literae, quibus pro sua sincera et religiosa devotione ad epistolam nostram rescribens non tantum consensit, sed etiam instructum se esse confessus, gratias egit. Superest, ut de hac re singuli quid sentiamus,proreramus,neminem judican- tes, aut a jure communionis aliquem, si diversum senserit, amoventes. Ne- que enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se esse constituit, aut tryannico ter- rore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit, quando habeat omnis episcopus pro licentia libertatis et potestatis suae arbitrium proprium, tum- que judicari ab alio non possit, quara nee ipse potest altcrum judicare. Sed exspectemus universi judicium Domini Jesu Christi, qui unus et solus habet potestatem et praeponendi nos in ecclesiae suae gubernatione et de actu nos- tro judicandi. Caccilius a Bilta dixit : Ego unum baptisma in ecclesia solum scio et extra ecclesiam nullum. Hie erit unum, ubi spes vera et fides vera. Castus a Sicca dixit: Qui contemta veritate praesumit consuetudinem se- qui, et circa fratres invidus est et nialignus, quihus Veritas revelatur, aut cir- ca Deum ingratus, cujus inspiratione ecclesia ejus instruitur. Zosimus a Tarassa dixit : Revelatione facta veritatis cedat error veri- OF COUNCILS. 365 After the conversion of Constantino, the councils of the church fell under the influence of the Byzantine emperors ; and at a still later period they submitted to the presidency and dictation of the bishop of Rome. The celebrated council of Nicaea, A, D. 325, is distinguished as having been the first which pronounced a decision respecting a chris- tian doctrine, or article of religious faith ; as well as the first over which a temporal prince presided. It is also usually reckoned as the first general council ; but it was, in fact, a council of only the Oriental church ; the Spanish bishop Hosius, and two Roman pres- byters, were the only ecclesiastics from the West by whom it was attended. All the particulars respecting this remarkable and impor- tant council are given by the authors who are mentioned in the in- dex/^ The number of oecumenical or general councils is variously reck- oned by different churches. The orthodox Greek church enumerates seven, namely : tati, quia et Petrus, (jui prius circumcidebat, cessit Paulo veritatem prae- dicanti. Pvdencianus a Cucculi dixit : Novitas episcopatus effecit fratres dilectissi- mi, ul sustinerem, quid majores judicarent. Num haereses nihil habere nee posse manifestura est. Atque ita, si qui ex eis venerint baptizari, acquissi- me statutum est. Item alius Lucius ab ^vizia dixit: Secundum motum animi mei etSpiritus SanctijCum sit unus Deus, et unus Christus, et una Spes, et unus Spiritus, et una ecclesia, unum debet esse baptisma. Victor ab Octavo dixit : Quod et ipsi scitis non olim sum episcopus con- stitutus et ideo expectabam praecessorum consilium. Hoc itaque existimo ut, quicunque ex haeresi venerint, baptizentur. JVatitis ab 06'a dixit : Tarn ego praesens, quum Pompejus Sabratensis, quam etiam Dioga Leptimagnensis, qui mihi raandaverunt, corpore quidem absen- tes, spiritu praesentes, censemus, quod el collegae nostri, quod haeretici communicationem habere non possunt nisi ecclesiastic© baptismo baptizati fuerint. — Non oportet episcopos, qui vocantur ad Synodum, negligere. — Sed abire et docere et doceri ad eccqrrectionem ecclesiae et reliquorum. Si quis autem neglexerit, is se ipsum accusabit, praeterquam si propter intem- periem et aegritudinem non venerit.) Cyprianus Cartliagine dixit : Meam sententiam plenissime exprimit epis- tola.quae ad Jubajauum, collegam nostrum scripta est, haereticos secundum evangelium et apostolicam contestationem et adversarios Christi et anti- christos appellatos, quando ad ecclesiam venerint, unico ecclesiae baptismo baptizandos esse,ut possmt fieri de adversaries amici etde antichristts chris- tian!. DISCIPLINE OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. A. D The First of Nicaea . . . 325 The First of Constantinople 381 Ephesus 431 Chalcedon 451 The Second of Constantinople . 553 The Third of Constantinople 680 The Second of Nicaea 787 The church of Rome recognizes eighteen general councils, sanc- tioned by the pope, of which the council of Trent is the last. But Ronnish writers are not quite agreed upon this subject. A list set up in the Vatican, by command of Sixtus V, enumerates the following : AD The First of Nicaea 325 The First of Constantinople 381 The First of Ephesus 431 Chalcedon 451 The Second of Constantinople 553 The Third of Constantinople 680 The Second of Nicaea 787 The Fourth of Constantinople 869 The First Lateran . . 1122 The Second Lateran . 1139 The Third Lateran . . 1179 The Fourth Lateran . 1215 The First of Lyons . 1245 The Second of Lyons 1274 Vienne .... 1311 Florence . 1439 The Fifth Lateran . 1512 Trent .... 1545 It appears from this list that the councils of Pisa, A. D. 1409, of Constance, A. D. 1414, and of Basle, A. D. 1431, which are com- monly regarded as general councils, are not recognized as such at Rome. Protestants, for the most part, recognize four general councils, namely : CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. 367 A. D. Nicaea ....... 325 Constantinople . . . . . . 381 Ephesus 431 Chalcedon ...... 451 Some receive also : The Second of Constantinople . . . 553 The Third of Constantinople ... 680 CHAPTER XVIII. DOMESTIC AND SOCIAL CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. This interesting portion of Christian Antiquities is passed in si- lence, by Augusti, Rheinwald and Siegel. But it is indispensable in order to form a just estimate of the character of the primitive Christians, and of the true spirit of their religion. The following compilations are accordingly made from Jamieson, to whom frequent reference has been made in the progress of this work ; and from an article by Prof Stowe in the Biblical Repository for July, 1840. These representations, however, should be under- stood as relating to the earliest periods of the church, antecedent to the sad declensions which soon overshadowed the cloudless light in which Christianity arose upon the world. § 1. Of their mode of Life. Among the primitive disciples, Christianity made no essential dif- ference in their relations to society and the external world, more than it does among their followers in the present day. Apart from the faith they had embraced, and the altered estimate it led them to form of the scenes and the pleasures of the world, their new views occasioned no change in their rank, their profession, or their outward circumstances in life. In general, they lived like other men around 368 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITTVE CHRISTIANS. them^-speaking the same language, partaking of the sanne fare, ob- " serving the same intervals of labor and repose, and in everything that was honorable, pure, and of good report, conforming to the rules and the habits which custom had established. The mechanic wrought at his trade, the husbandman prosecuted the labors of the field, the merchant repaired to his shop, the soldier continued in the ranks, — men went, from day to day, and from place to place, obeying the calls of business and friendship as before ; and instead of separating from their former acquaintances, or withdrawing into solitude from the avocations to which they had been bred, and by which they lived, they gave no symptoms, in any of these respects, of a change of habits, except that, being furnished with higher motives, ihey attend- ed with an activity, a diligence, and fidelity greater than ever, to all the claims of society and the offices of life. In the earliest times, indeed, when persecutions were frequent and severe, there were many Christians, male and female, married and unmarried, who, justly persuaded that nothing should come in competition with their fidelity to Christ, and fearing, at the same time, their own inability to remain steadfast and immoveable amid the fiery trials by which they were assailed, resolved on abandoning for a time their place and possessions in the world, and fleeing to distant mountains and inaccessible deserts, where they spent their time in the service of God, and continued, at a distance from temptations to apostasy, the exer- cises of meditation and prayer. But when peace was restored, and the profession of Christianity was no longer proscribed and danger- ous, this measure of prudence was no longer resorted to, — those who had found it expedient, for the preservation of their christian fideli- ty, to take such a step, quitted their temporary retirement : and al- though there were some who having come, through habit, to prefer a solitary life, remained in their adopted habitations in the wilder- ness, the great majority of these voluntary exiles returned to the cir- cle of their families and friends, and mingled as before in the wont- ed scenes and activities of life. Indeed, it was no part of the creed of the primitive Christians, that on embracing the religion of Jesus, they were required to give up all concern in the secular busi- ness, or to become dead to the comforts and innocent enjoyments of the world. " We are no Brahmins," says Tertullian, Apol. c. 42, " we are no Hindoo Fakiers, we are not eremites or hermits, who flee from life. DRESS AND FURNITURE. 369 We are well aware of the obligations we owe to God, our Creator and Lord. We reject the enjoyment of none of his gifts ; we seek only to preserve the requisite moderation, and to avoid abuses. We do not live in this world without participating in your markets, your baths, your public houses, your workshops, your auctions, and every- thing which pertains to the commerce of life. We engage with you in navigation, in military service, in agriculture, in trade. We en- gage with you in manufactures, and devote our labor to your bene- fit." § 2. Of their Dress and Furniture. Nothing may appear more purely a matter of indifference, than the choice of the fashion and color of dress ; and yet, in the circum- stances of the primitive Christians, articles of that nature did acquire such an importance in their eyes, that they gradually fell into a style of clothing peculiar to themselves. Not that they affected any singu-" larities in their personal appearance — for their habiliments were made and worn in the ordinary fashion of the time and place, — and Chris- tians, whether they were found in the high, the middle, or the lower ranks, were accustomed to equip themselves in a manner suitable to the decencies of the state or profession to which they belonged. But, looking to the moral influence of dress, desirous of avoiding every- thing that might minister to vanity, or lead the wearer to forget, in attending to the outward man, the ornament of a meek and quiet spirit, they studiously rejected all finery as unbecoming the humility of their character, and confined themselves to a suit of apparel, re- markable not so much for the plainness of tht material, as for the absence of all superfluous ornament. Everything gaudy or sumptu- ous, that partook of the costly stuffs, or the crimsoned dyes that suit- ed the luxurious taste of the times, was discountenanced by the spir- itually minded followers of Christ ; and, though many of them were entitled by birth or otherwise to appear in the flowing folds of the graceful toga, yet, even that favorite garb, while it was retained for the valuable privileges it conferred, was looked upon as too gay and splendid for ordinary use, and was by most, if not by all Christians, laid aside for the common pallium or cloak, to which the preference was given on account of the air of greater modesty and gravity that was supposed to belong to it. Moreover, among the Christians of the 47 370 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. East, the custom early prevailed of wearing garments of no other color than while, — in order that they might carry about with them a perpetual memorial of the purity of character that became their pro- fession ; and there were others in various parts of the world, who thought it their duty to carry the imitation of Christ to the extent of wearing the meanest and most common attire of one in the form of a servant. But neither of these extravagances met with very general countenance ; and the greater part contented themselves with a dress, free from all approach to gaudiness and pomp, betraying no symptoms of an anxious and elaborate decoration of the person, and conspicuous only for its neat and cleanly appearance. The same simplicity and plainness reigned throughout the domes- tic establishment of the Christians. Most of the primitive disciples, indeed, were in circumstances that offered no temptations to indulge in the splendor or variety of ornamental furniture. Their inventory of goods embraced only u few simple articles of use, which their per- sonal and family wants required, and it may be supposed, therefore, that there was nothing remarkable in the absence from their houses, of all traces of pomp and elegance, which they neither possessed the means, nor entertained the hope of acquiring. But even those of their number, who were persons of rank and opulence, amply provi- ded with resources to gratify a taste for ornament, chose to content themselves with such things as were recommended by their utility rather than their elegance, and calculated to answer the purposes of necessity and comfort, rather than to gratify the lust of the eye and the pride of life. Seats and cabinets, finished with the costly veneer- ing of tortoise-shell, and couches ornamented with the rich embroid- eries of Babylon ; — vessels of gold and silver, the numberless statues and other graceful accompaniments, of all sizes and forms, which adorned the chambers, the porticoes, and gardens of the rich, and indicated the epicurean taste that distinguished the age, disappeared from the houses of the Christians as inconsistent with a humble and mortified life ; and however refined and exquisite the taste which, through education and the habits of society, any of them had acquir- ed, they learned to subject it to the higher principle of denying them- selves to everything that tended too much to captivate the senses, and increase their love to a world, the fashion whereof they thought was soon to pass away. This indiscriminate rejection of the elegan- cies of life, has frequently exposed the memory of the primitive DIET AND MODE OF TAKING THEIR MEALS. 371 Christians to the sneer of the infidel, and the unmeasured indigna- tion of the enthusiastic admirer of the arts ; and, perhaps, in some instances, there may be a foundation for the charge, that they mani- fested an uncalled-for severity in their too great and unqualified con- tempt of pleasures, which become sinful only when indulged to a criminal excess. But to a people on whose minds the doctrines of Christianity had burst with all the force and vividness of a new and important discovery, and among whom the impression almost univer- sally prevailed, that the years of the world were about to close, it was natural to regard with jealousy and treat with neglect all the forms of earthly pomp and beauty, that tended to supplant their de- sires for the objects and glories of that better world on which their hearts were fixed. Although the indifference and superiority to the world which Christianity requires, lies solely in the state and affec- tions of the mind, and this spiritual habit may be cultivated in the most opposite circumstances of affluence or poverty, it was natural that the Christians, in the first ardor of their faith and hope, should overlook this distinction, and consider that their safety consisted in the complete abandonment of luxuries and pleasures, the thought of which was so ready to come in competition with concern for their souls. § 3. Of their Diet and mode of taking their Meals. The tables of the primitive Christians were distinguished by the greatest frugality and temperance. Their grand principle was to eat and drink in order to satisfy the cravings of nature, and invigo- rate their bodies for a renewal of their necessary labors ; and while, on the one hand, they knew nothing of the austere and painful ab- stinence, which after-ages of ignorance and superstition came to practise and extol as highly meritorious, they were equally careful, on the other hand, to check the indulgence of a nice and fastidious taste in the gratification of the palate. There was nothing, indeed, which they seem to have been more solicitous to avoid than any im- itation of the excessive luxury and epicurean habits of their contem- poraries ; and justly accounting all excess, whether in eating or in drinking, as incompatible with the maintenance of purity, and atten- tion to spiritual duties, they inflexibly adhered to the rule of abstain- ing from everything that tended to inflame the passions^ or to engen- 372 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. der any hankering after the pleasures of sense. On no species of food did they lay an interdict, except on things strangled, and on blood, according to the council of the apostles, which, for many ages, con- tinued in force among the Christians, — and such high seasoned viands as were heating to the frame. Those of the East, indeed, who, living in a warmer climate, were always distinguished by their habits of austerity and abstinence beyond Christians in other places, preferred the flesh offish or fowl to the grosser and more succulent flesh of quadrupeds. Many of them even lived wholly on a diet consisting of preparations of milk, or of vegetables, or such light fruit as figs and dates. Wine was freely admitted to the tables of the primitive Christians— their notions of propriety, however, forbid- ding the use of it to women and young people. But even by the other sex it was drank sparingly ; and though chiefly the weak wine of the country, was always, according to the practice of the ancients, diluted with water. To have continued long indulging in such a luxury, or to have been discovered smelling the flavor of the wine- cup, — to have made sumptuous preparations for the table, — to have betrayed much anxiety about the cookery, or produced a great vari- ety of viands and spicery at their entertainments, would, in those early days of Christianity, have brought discredit, if not ruin, on the religious character of the individual. And yet there were no auste- rities then in vogue among the Christians. Looking upon all the creatures of God as good for food, they deemed themselves at per- fect liberty to make use of them as suited their convenience and their taste, at such times and in such a measure as temper, constitu- tion, or age, required ; and they never dreamed of imposing any limits to the enjoyment of the comforts of life, beyond what reason and religion prescribed. But justly accounting an ill regulated and luxurious appetite as the source of innumerable evils, and placing their highest ambition and pleasure in the attainment of spiritual ex- cellence, they practised the greatest abstemiousness, confining them- selves to the plainest and simplest fare ; in many instances taking only one meal, in none more than two a-day, and then never carry- ing their indulgence in the pleasures of the table further than that temperate use of them which was necessary to repair the bodily vigor, and which left the mind free and ready, as occasion offered, to engage in prayer or other exercises of religion. The object they proposed to themselves by the practice of such singular moderation DIET AND MODE OF TAKING THEIR MEALS. 373 was that of mortifying the senses, and enabling them to wield with a firmer hand the reins of discipline over the motions and appetites of their corrupt nature ; and that they entertained Dot the most dis- tant idea of making a vain and Pharisaic parade of their abstinence, or were accustomed to regard it in no other hght than as simply a means of promoting the great end of their moral and religious im- provement, is evident from the following, out of innumerable anec- dotes, by which we might illustrate this branch of their customs. Among the martyrs that fell during the violent persecution of the Christians at Lyons, was a young man of the name of Alcibiades, distinguished for the exalted piety of his character, and who had for years accustomed himself to a small and sordid diet. When thrown into the dungeons, he continued the same habits of living, which, though long custom had rendered them easy to himself, gave offence, it seems, to several of his fellow-prisoners, who found it impossible to conform to his standard of abstinence. At length one of the con- fessors, undertaking seriously to remonstrate with him on the impro- priety of refusing to enjoy the gifts of a bountiful Providence, and thereby creating jealousy in the minds of others, Alcibiades listened in a christian spirit to the friendly admonition, and from that mo- ment, laying aside all singularity, indiscriminately partook of what- ever was provided for himself and his brethren in distress. Thus admirably did the primitive Christians observe the golden mean, by avoiding equally the extremes of sordid penury and luxurious grati- fication of the senses. Their frugal diet acquired a relish from their previous labors ; and while they never denied to themselves any of the good things of life, as far as was consistent with the ends of so- briety and religion, they considered it their duty always to keep within the bounds of that " temperance which is a fruit of the Spirit." The manner in which they conducted their repasts was itself an effectual preservative of temperance, while, at the same time, it was eminently characteristic of the piety and spirituality of the primitive age. — When dinner had been served, and the family had taken their seats at the table, the master of the household, with a grave and solemn voice, and in a prayer of considerable length, acknow- ledged their dependence on the care of their common Father, ex- pressed their gratitude for the past tokens of his bounty, and invoked him to bless, for their health and comfort, the provisions of which 374 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. they were about to partake. During the progress of the meal, some member of the family in houses of the lower class, or some hired reader, in those of the richer orders, entertained the company with select portions of the Scriptures ; for so strong and insatiable was their appetite for spiritual food, that they could not rest saiisfied and happy without providing suitable refreshment for the soul at the same time that they were enjoying the comforts of the body. The viands being removed, the family circle was drawn more closely together, — for now were unfolded, and put into the hands of all, the precious scrolls in which, in those days, the Scriptures were written. Previ- ous to this, however, each was expected to put himself in an attitude of becoming reverence; the hands were carefully washed, that not a stain might fall on the Sacred Volume, and, vvhile the men re- mained with their heads bare, the women covered themselves with a veil, as a token of respect for the Book of God. The head of the family then read aloud a few passages, both from the Old and the New Testament, accompanying them with some plain and simple admonitions of his own, or recalling to the memory of his audience the public exhortations which, on the preceding Sabbath, had been founded on them in the church ; or he taught the younger branches of the house to repeat after him the beautiful prayer which was dic- tated by the lips of the Saviour ; and told them, in simple phrase, of the love which God bears to the young, and of the blessedness of remembering their Creator in the days of their youth. These read- ings and exhortations were always short, and diversified, at inter- vals, by sacred music, — of which the primitive Christians were pas- ;sionately fond. Sometimes one, distinguished by taste and talents for spiritual songs, sung some favorite piece of sacred melody ; at other times, the shrill voices of the women and the children were blended in full chorus with the deeper tones of the men, — till, as the hour set apart for refreshment drew towards a close, the venerable parent, whose look and attitude called for momentary silence, gave thanks to the Giver of all good, for the enjoyment of their natural and spiritual comforts, and prayed that his presence and his blessing inight be with them during the succeeding period of labor and duty. Thus, among the primitive Christians, their ordinary refreshments were sanctified with the Word of God and with prayer ; and thus were the words of eternal truth interwoven, in the most agreeable and captivating manner, with the habits and the pleasures of every- -day life. DAILY DEVOTIONS. 375 § 4. Of theik daily Devotions. Instead of consuming their leisure hours in vacant idleness, or de- riving their chief amusement from boisterous merriment, the recital of tales of superstition, or the chanting of the profane songs of the heathen, they passed their hours of repose in rational and enlivening pursuits, found pleasure in enlarging their religious knowledge, and entertainment in songs that were dedicated to the praise of God. These formed their pastime in private, and their favorite recreations at their family and friendly meetings. With their minds full of the inspiring influence of these, they returned with fresh ardor to their scenes of toil ; and to gratify their taste by a renewal of these, they longed for release from labor, far more than to appease their appe- tite with the provisions of the table. So far were these sacred occu- pations from being regarded as mere matters of routine by the primi- tive Christians, — so mur.h were the sentiments and the melody of the sacred songs engraven on their memories and dear to their hearts, that after they had left the family group and repaired to their re- spective employments, they were wont to cheer themselves in pri- vate, amid the various processes of labor, with repeating the song* of Zion. Young women sitting at their distaff, and matrons going about the duties of their household, were constantly humming some spiritual airs. And Jerome relates of the place where he lived, that one could not go into the field without hearing the ploughman at hi& hallelujahs, the mower at his hymns, and the vine-dresser singing the Psalms of David. But it was not merely at noon, and in time of their meals, that the primitive Christians read the Word of God and sang praises to his name. At an early hour in the morning the family was assembled,, when a portion of Scripture was read from the Old Testament, which was followed by a hymn and a prayer, in which thanks were offered up to the Almighty for preserving them during the silent watches of the night, and for his goodness in permitting them to meet in health of body and soundness of mind ; and, at the same time, his grace was implored to defend them amid the dangers and temptations of the day, — to make them faithful to every duty, and enable them, in all respects, to walk worthy of their christian vocation. During the day, they had, like the Jews, stated seasons, at the third, sixth, and 376 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. ninth hours, corresponding respectively to nine, twelve, and three o'clock, according to our computation, when those who had com- mand of their lime, were wont to retire for a little to engage in the exercises of devotion. In the evening, before retiring to rest, the family again assembled, when the same form of worship was ob- served as in the morning, with this difference, that the service was considerably protracted beyond the period which could be conve- niently allotted to it in the commencement of the day. Besides all these frequent observances, they were in the habit of rising at mid- night to engage in prayer and the singing of Psalms, — a practice of venerable antiquity, and which, as Dr. Cave justly supposes, " took its origin from the first times of persecution, when not daring to meet together in the day, they were forced to keep their religious assemblies in the night." While the Christians, in their family capacity, observed these periodical seasons of devotion, they laid hold of many opportunities, both stated and occasional, of praying in private. In addition to the secret supplications which every morning and evening they ad- dressed to the throne of grace, they were accustomed, on every proper and convenient occasion, to begin and terminate all their actions with prayer, — either audible or silent, according to circum- stances. On receiving any personal or domestic token of the divine goodness, when engaged in any important undertaking, such as sowing their seed, or reaping their harvest, — laying the foundation of a house or taking possession of it, — placing a web in the loom, or putting on a new suit of clothes, — entering on a journey, or going into a bath, — forming a new relation, or parting with a friend, — mingling with company,— at the beginning or closing of a letter, — they indulged in the aspirations of prayer : and so much did they familiarize themselves with its spirit and its sentiments, that they seemed to have cultivated the habit of constant mental intercourse with their heavenly Father. Prayer, indeed, was the grand ele- ment that pervaded the life of the primitive Christians ; for that spiritual exercise, being not so much a separate and formal act, as a habit and frame of mind, and consisting of all the various elements of praise and thankfulness, confidence and hope, obedience and love, so these principles of a new nature, being established in their minds, and diffusing a sanctified influence over the whole tenor of their walk and conversation, gave vigor to their faith, stability to their vir- DAILY DEVOTIONS. 37t tue, and fed, like a perpetual spring, all the streams of christian ac- tivity and excellence, for which they were so remarkable. The epistle to Diognetus, written early in the second century,* contains the following description of Christians : " They are not dis- tinguished from other men by their place of residence, their language or manners. Thou^h they live in cities of the Greeks and barbari- ans, each where his lot is cast, and in clothing, food, and mode of life, follow the customs of their country, yet they are distinguished by a wonderful and universally astonishing walk and conversation. They dwell in their own native land, but as foreigners; they take part in everything as citizens, they endure everything as foreigners. Every foreign land is to them as their native country, and their na- tive country as a foreign land. They live in the flesh but not after the flesh. They dwell on the earth, but they live in heaven ; they obey the existing laws, hut by their life elevate themselves above the laws. They love all men, and are persecuted, misunderstood, and condemned by all. They are slain and made alive ; they are poor and make many rich ; they suffer want in everything and possess abundance in everything ; they are cursed and they bless. In one word, what the soul is in the body, that Christians are in the world. As the soul is difllised through all the members of the body, so the Christians are spread through all the cities of the world. The soul indeed dwells in the body, but it is not of the body ; so Christians dwell in the world, but they are not of the world. The invisible soul is shut up in the visible body ; and so men know Christians as inhabitants of the world, but their life is hid with Christ in God. The flesh hates and fights the soul, though the soul does no injury to the flesh, but only prevents its giving itself up to its lusts ; so also the world hates Christians ; they do it no harm, but only set themselves against its lusts. The soul loves its hating flesh, and so Christians love those by whom they are hated. The soul is shut up in the body, and yet it is that by which the body is held together ; and Christians are held to their post in the world, and it is they who hold the world together. The immortal soul dwells in the mortal body, and Christians dwell as strangers in the corruptible world, and await the unchangeable life in heaven. So important a part has God en- trusted to them, which they dare not forsake." * Neander, K G. 1. — By Professor Stowe, 48 378 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. § 5. Religious Education of their Children. There is not among the many interesting traits of christian char- acter with which the history of the early Christians abounds, one that stands out more frequently in beautiful and prominent relief, than the lender solicitude and the winning arts which they employed to imbue the susceplibie minds of the young with the knowledge and the faith of the Scripture. While they were fondled on the knee, and still watched by the careful eyes of their nurse, the first words they were taught to lisp and articulate were the sacred names of God and the Saviour. And the whole range of nursery knowledge and amusement was comprised in narratives and pictures, illustrating episodes in the life of the holy child, or parables the most simple and interesting in the ministry of Christ. As their minds expanded, they were ftiught, along with the grand doctrines of Scripture, which, according to the approved fashion of those days, were rendered fa- miliar by apposite similitudes from nature, the Proverbs of Solomon, and those passages of the sacred volume which relate particularly to the economy of life. Religion, in short, was the grand basis of education, the only sub- ject which, during the first years of life, they allowed their children to be taught ; and in order to present it to their minds with the greater attractions, and entwine it with their earliest and purest as- sociations, they adopted the happy expedient of wedding it to the graces of poetry, and rendering it more memorable by the melody of numbers. From the earliest period of christian antiquity, there were authors who, like Watts in modern times, "condescended to lay aside the scholar, the philosopher, and the wit, to write little poems of devotion, adapted to the wants and capacities of children," and these, set to well-known and favorite airs, borrowed from the profaner songs of the heathen, were sung by the Christians at their family concerts, which enlivened their meals, and by which alone the still and peaceful tranquility of their homes was ever broken. Ere long, their children were taught common, and frequently short- hand writing, in lines taken from the Psalms, or in words of senten- tious brevity, in which the leading doctrines of the gospel were stated; and at a later period, when the progress of toleration allow- ed christian seminaries to be erected, the school books in use con- SIGN OF THE CROSS. 379 sisted chiefly of passages of the Bible versified, and of the poetical pieces which illustrated or enforced the great subjects of faith and duty. The most celebrated of these were compositions of the two Apollinares, grammarians of high reputation in Syria— the elder of whom, in imitation of Homer, wrote the Antiquities of the Jews in heroic verse, down to the reign of Saul, while the first of the sacred story he described in such metrical forms as corresponded to the verses of the Greek Tragedians, and the lyrical ballads of Pindar. The department undertaken by his son, was that of reducing the history of the evangelists and the epistles of Paul into the form and style of Plato's dialogues ; and with so much taste and elegance were both of these works compiled, that on their first appearance they took their place among the most esteemed productions of the Fathers. Besides these, there was a collection of miscellaneous poems on sacred subjects, and in all sorts of verse, by the famous Gregory Nazianzen, in very extensive circulation. By means of these, and of many other evangel icai books which have long ago be- come the prey of time, the christian youth were introduced to the elements of pure and undefiled religion, and their taste for know- ledge and the beauties of learning created and formed by works in which salvation was held up as the one thing needful, and no achievements described, no characters lauded, but such as were adorned with the fruits of righteousness. Thus did the pious care of the primitive Christians intermingle religion with all the pursuits and recreations of the young, and never allow them to engage in the study of science, or to plunge into the business of the world, until they had been first taught to view everything in the spirit and by the principles of the Word of God. § 6. Sign of the Cross. There' was no feature of their private manners more remarkable, than the frequency with which they made use of the sign of the cross. With minds filled as theirs were, with lively faith in the grand doctrine of redemption, and making it, as they did almost ev- ery moment, the subject of their meditations, and the theme of their gratitude, it is not wonderful, that they should have devised some concise mode of recalling it to their memories, or of expressing to each other by some mutual token, the principles and hopes they held r^' 380 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. in common. Accordingly, the sign of the cross naturally suggested itself as an appropriate emblem, and so early was its introduction among the daily observances of the Christians, that the most ancient of the Fathers, whose writings have descended to our times, speak of it as in their days a venerable practice, which, though it would be in vain to seek any scriptural authority for its use, tradition had au- thorized, and faith observed. Although, however, we have no au- thentic account of its introduction, we can guess at its origin. It was a beautiful custom of those who lived while the ministry of Christ was recent, and who were suddenly brought from the depths of de- spair at his death, to indescribable joy at his resurrection, to break off in the middle of conversation, and salute one another with the words, " Christ is risen." The practice was peculiar to the contem- poraries of the Saviour ; and it is not improbable, that when time, by removing them farther from that spirit-stirring event, had brought the interesting custom into disuse, his followers, in the next age, sought to substitute in its place that, which in every variety of time and circumstance, forms the chief subject of interest in the history and religion of Jesus, and on which, as the grand foundation, the whole superstructure of christian doctrine rests. Accordingly, the cross was used by the primitive Christians as an epitome of all that is most interesting and important in their faith ; and its sign, where the word could not be conveniently nor safely uttered, represented their reliance on that event which is at once the most ignominious and the most glorious part of Christianity. It was used by them at all times, and to consecrate the most common actions of life — when rising but of bed, or retiring to rest — when sitting at table, lighting a lamp, or dressing themselves — on every occasion, as they wished the influence of religion to pervade the whole course of their life, they made the sign of the cross the visible emblem of their faith. The mode in which this was done was various : The most common was by drawing the hand rapidly across the forehead, or by merely tracing the sign in air ; in some cases, it was worn close to the bo- som, in gold, silver, or bronze medals, suspended by a concealed chain from the neck ; in others, it was engraven on the arms or ^ome other part of the body by a colored drawing, made by pricking the skin with a needle, and borne as a perpetual memorial of the love of Christ. In times of persecution, it served as the watchword of the christian party. Hastily described by the finger, it was the SIGN OF THE CKOSS. 381 secret but well-known signal by which Christians recognized each other in the presence of their heathen enemies ; by which the per- secuted sought an asylum, or strangers threw themselves on the hos- pitality of their brethren ; and nothing appeared to the pagan ob- server more strange and inexplicable, than the ready and open- hearted manner in which, by this concerted means, foreign Chris- tians were received by those whom they had never previously seen or heard of, — were welcomed into their homes, and entertained with the kindness usually bestowed only on relations and friends. More- over, to the sacred form of the cross were ascribed peculiar powers of protecting from evil ; and hence it was frequently resorted to as a secret talisman, to disarm the vengeance of a frowning magistrate, or counteract the odious presence and example of an offerer of sa- crifice. It was the only outward means of defending themselves, which the martyrs were wont to employ, when summoned to the Roman tribunals on account of their faith. It was by signing him- self with the cross, that Origen, when compelled to stand at tbe threshold of the temple of Serapis, and give palm-branches, as the Egyptian priests were in the habit of doing, to them that went to perform the sacred rites of the idol, fortified his courage, and stood uncontaminated amid the concourse of profane idolaters. But, per- haps, the most remarkable instance on record of the use of this sign by the primitive Christians, and of the sense they entertained of its potent virtues, occurs in the reign of Diocletian, when that timorous and superstitious prince, in his anxiety to ascertain the events of his Eastern campaign, slew a number of victims, that, from their livers, the augurs might prognosticate the fortunes of the war. During the course of the sacrifice, some christian officers, who were officially present, put the immortal sign on their foreheads, and forthwith, as the historian relates, the rites were disturbed. The priests, ignorant of the cause, searched in vain for the usual marks on the entrails of the beasts. Once and again the sacrifice was repeated with a simi- lar result, when, at length, the chief of the soothsayers observing a Christian signing himself with the cross, exclaimed, " It is the pre- sence of profane persons that has interrupted the rites." Thus com- mon was the use, and thus high the reputed efficacy of this sign among the primitive Christians. But it was not in the outward form, but solely in the divine qualities of Him whose name and merits it symbolized, that the believers of the first ages conceived its charm 382 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. and its virtues to reside. It was used by them " merely as a mode of expressing, by means perceptible to the senses, the purely chris- tian idea, that all the actions of Christians, as well as the whole course of their life, must be sanctified by faith in the crucified Re- deemer, and by dependance upon him, and that this faith is the most powerful means of conquering all evil, and preserving oneself against it. It was not till after times, that men began to confound the idea and the token which represented it, and that they attributed the ef- fects of faith in the crucified Redeemer, to the outward signs to which they ascribed a supernatural and preservative power." § 7. Their deportment in the Business and Recreations of Life. As we have already seen, Christians mingled in the ordinary bu- siness of life ; they were engaged in the various occupations and trades of the people around them ; and in all the forms of business they were intimately associated with their heathen neighbors. But they were careful, not only to preserve a scrupulous honesty in all their dealings, they would immediately abandon trade or profession, however lucrative it might be, or however necessary to the support of their families, if it were seen that the occupation was in any re- spect an immoral one, or that it encouraged their heathen neighbors in the practice of sin, or was in any way inconsistent with the pre- cepts of Christianity. In an age when all the forms and business of society were so closely connected with pagan idolatry, when so many arts and trades centered in the idol worship, and lived on the vices of men, vast multitudes of Christians must have been thrown out of employment and reduced to extreme poverty, by the consci- entious abandonment of trades, the only ones which they could prac- tise, and on which their livelihood depended. They must find some other mode of living, or consent even to pauperism, rather than vio- late the precepts of the religion they professed. The church under- took the support of such men and their families, rather than let them continue in a doubtful calling; and they were willing to be poor and live like paupers, rather than neglect the slightest admonitions of conscience. On this point Terlullian gives ample directions. If those are converted who were makers of idols, they must pursue some other branch of their trade, repair houses, plaster walls, line ) THEIR DEPORTMENT. 383 cisterns, coat columns. He who can carve a Mercury can put to- gether a chest of drawers ; there are few temples to be built, but many houses; few Mercuries to be gilded, but many sandals and slippers. If schoolmasters, they must even relinquish their calling rather than leach the adventures of the heathen gods, consecrate the first payment of each scholar to Minerva, or keep holidays in honor of Flora. If cattle merchants, they are to buy for the shambles but not for the altar. If hucksters, they are at least not to deal in in- cense. In an African church a stage actor was converted to Christianity, and having no other means of living, he instructed boys for the stage. Cyprian (Epist. 61) wrote that this must not be tolerated. "If he is poor and needy, let him come among the rest who are supported by the church, and let him be content with a poorer and more inno- cent maintenance. But he must not imagine that he deserves wa- ges for ceasing from sin, for in this he is doing service not to us but to himself. Seek, then, by all means in your power, to turn him from this bad and disgraceful life, to the way of innocence and hope of eternal life ; and that he be content with a more sparing, but yet a more wholesome diet, which the church will provide for him. x\nd if your church is not able to do this, send him to us, and we will provide him with necessary food and clothing ; that he may not teach others who are out of the church destructive things, but may himself within the church learn the things which pertain to salvation." All dissipating amusements were strictly prohibited, and the Chris- tian was exhorted on all occasions to demean himself with a gravity and sobriety becoming a soldier of Jesus Christ and a priest of the most high God. From most of the amusements of their heathen neighbors they conscientiously abstained ; and the weak and the vain who suffered themselves to be betrayed into them, were promptly and severely rebuked. " The christian lady (says Tertullian, de Cult. II. 11,) visits not the heathen plays, and the noisy amusements of their feast days, but she goes out to visit the sick, to partake of the sacrament, or to hear the word of God." It seems that some weaker brethren and sisters could scarcely relinquish the amusements and gratifications to which they had been accustomed in early life, and endeavored to justify themselves, as Christians now do who are fond of the same irregularities. They 384 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. said that the gifts of God were good and might be used for our law- ful pleasure, that plays and dances were nowhere expressly forbid- den in Scripture, that it was right to dance, for David danced before the ark ; that it could not be wrong to visit chariot races and horse races, for Elijah went to heaven in a chariot and with horses of fire, and the apostle Paul drew many of his illustrations from the race- course and the circus. Respecting such subterfuges, Tertullian exclaims : " O how wise does human folly deem itself in arguing, especially when it fears to love some worldly pleasure. Everything is indeed the gift of God, but we must consider to what end the things of God are given, and use them in accordance with their original design, or we commit sin. True, we nowhere find in Scripture an express verbal prohibition of theatres and plays ; but we find there the general principles of which this prohibition is the necessary consequence." In respect to the argument from Paul's illustrations, he remarks : " It were belter they had never known the Scriptures than to pervert, to the defence of vice, those words and examples which were given to excite us to evangelical virtue ; for these things are written to raise our zeal the higher for useful things, since the heathen mani- fest so great zeal for things of no use. Tell me, what should be our desire, other than that of the apostle, to depart and be with Christ ? There is thy joy whither thy desire tends. Art thou so ungrateful as to overlook or be dissatisfied with the many and great joys which the Lord hath already given thee ? For what is more joyful than reconciliation with God, thy Father and Lord, than the revelation of the truth, the escaping from error, the forgiveness of so many sins ? What greater joy than the declining of the vain joys of the world, than the true freedom, the pure conscience, the innocent life, the fearlessness of death ? * * * These are the amusements, these are the plays of the Christian, which men cannot pay for with money. And what kind of joy is that which eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor the heart of man conceived .^" (Neander K. § I. 447 — 50.) § 8. Their mutual Love and Concord. Among the various features in the character of the primitive Christians, there is none that so eminently claims our admiration as their mutual love. All the details transmitted to us of their social ' MUTUAL LOVE AND CONCORD. 385 intercourse, and of their public conduct, bespeak the lively opera- tion of this christian spirit. And when we read of the delightful Iiarmony and concord that reigned in their assemblies, their ready disposition to render to every one his due, — the high condescending to those of low degree, — the poor giving the tribute of their respect to those whom Providence had placed in a more exalted station, — and all vying, with amiable rivalry, to promote each other's happi- ness and welfare, we perceive the strong grounds of the proverbial observation of the heathen, " Behold how these Christians love one another !" Not only when they were small in numbers, and, meet- ing together almost daily, were well known to each other, did this admirable affection prevail among them, but, how widely soever they might be separated, the ardor of their love suffered no diminu- tion ; and, forgetting every other distinction in that of being the fol- lowers and friends of the Saviour, they sympathized in each other's joys and sorrows. Whatever blessing one of their number had re- ceived, was a subject of lively gratitude to all ; and whatever calami- ty had befallen a single member, spread a gloom over the whole community. Bound to each other by ties infinitely holier and dear- er than any that belong to the world, they looked upon themselves as members of the same common family. Every time that they met, either in their own houses or in their public assemblies, they interchanged the kiss, as a badge of fellowship, and token of the warmest affection. Though totally unconnected by ties of consan- guinity, they addressed each other, according to their respective age and sex, by the name of father, mother, brother, sister. Though naturally separated by distinction of rank and diversity of color, no- thing could cool the ardor or prevent the reciprocities of their mu- tual love. The knowledge of the simple fact, that any one was a follower of Jesus, changed him at once from a stranger into a friend ; creating a union between them not to be described by the cold selfish friendship of the world ; and to them belongs the peculiar distinc- tion of realizing a state of society which many philosophers had of- ten delighted to picture to their fancy, and wished for in vain, — the idea of a community united by no other bond than the golden chain of universal love. 49 386 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. § 9. Of their Benevolence. 1. Their care of the poor. One very remarkable way in which this love manifested itself, was in the care they took of their poorer brethren. Among them, as in every association of men, the needy and destitute were found. The duty of providing for these was not left to the gratuities of private individuals, whose situation gave them opportunities of ascertaining, and whose benevolence prompted them to relieve, their necessities. It devolved on the whole commu- nity of believers, who regarded it not as a burden, but a privilege, to minister to the wants of those who bore the image of Christ ; and by their unwearied attentions to the discharge of this labor of love, they made the light of their liberality and benevolence so shine, as to command the admiration even of the cold and selfish heathens around them. As duly as the Sabbath returned, and as soon as they had brought their sacred duties to a close, the lists of the poor, the aged, the widow, and the orphans, were produced for considera- tion ; and, as if each had been hastening to bring forth the fruits of faith, and to prove the sincerity of that love they had just professed to their Saviour by the abundance of their liberality to his people, they set themselves to the grateful task, with a zeal and enthusiasm, whose fresh and unabated vigor betrayed no symptoms of their hav- ing already been .engaged in a lengthened service. The custom was for every one in turn to bring under public notice the case of a brother or sister, of whose necessitous circumstances he had any knowledge, and forthwith a donation was ordered out of the funds of the church, which the voluntary contributions of the faithful supplied. No strong or heart-stirring appeals were necessary to reach the hid- den source of their sympathies; no cold calculations of prudence regulated the distribution of their public alms ; no fears of doubtful propriety suggested delay for the consideration of the claim ; no petty jealousies as to the preference of one recommendation to another were allowed to freeze the genial current of their charity. By whomsoever the case was recommended, or in whatever circum- stances the claim was made, the hand of benevolence had answered the call almost before the heart found words to express its sympa- thy, and with a unanimity surpassed only by their boundless love, they dealt out their supplies from the treasury of the church, when- OF THEIR BENEVOLENCE. 387 ever there was an object to receive, or a known necessity to require it. Where the poor in one place were numerous, and the brethren were unable from their hmited means to afford them adequate sup- port, they applied to some richer church in the neighborhood, and never was it known in those days of active benevolence, that the ap- peal was fruitlessly made, or coldly received. Though they had poor of their own to maintain, neighboring and foreign churches were always ready to transmit contributions in aid of the Christians in distant parts, and many and splendid are the instances on record of ministers and people, on intelligence of any pressing emergency, hastening with their treasures for the relief of those whom they had never seen, but with whom they were united by the strong ties of the same faith and hopes. Thus, when a multitude of christian men and women in Numidia had been taken captive by a horde of neigh- boring barbarians, and when the churches to which they belonged were unable to raise the sum demanded for their ransom, they sent deputies to the church that was planted in the metropolis of North Africa, and no sooner had Cyprian, who then was at the head of it, heard a statement of the distressing case, than he commenced a sub- scription in behalf of the unfortunate slaves, and never relaxed his indefatigable efforts, till he had collected a sum equal to nearly $4000, which he fowarded to the Numidian churches, together with a letter full of christian sympathy and tenderness. 2. Their attentions to the sick. But the primitive Christians were not content with conveying their eleemosynary aid through the pub- lic channels of the church. To them it appeared a sacred duty to countenance the poor with their presence and their purse in their own homes, where they could make more minyte inquiries into their wants, and tender them the comforts of christian sympathy and counsel, which, by the brethren both of high and low degree, were more highly prized than even the open-handed benevolence that ministered to their temporal necessities. This pious office was more especially delegated to the female members of the community, as it was thought, both from the delicate nature of the embassy, and from the jealous spirit of ancient society, they possessed facilities of access to the domestic privacy of all classes, denied to their breth- ren of the other sex. And exemplary was the prudence and fidelity with which they discharged their trust. Every moment they could spare from the prior claims of their own household, the christian 388 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. matrons devoted to those errands of mercy ; and while they listened to the widow's tale of other days, and her traits of the friend who had gone to his rest, — or saw the aged in their hut of poverty, bending under the weight of years, — or sat by the bedside of the afflicted, and those that were ready to die, — or found, as was fre- quently the case, the helpless babe, which the frigid heart of a pagan mother had exposed and forsaken in the lonely path, they provided for the wants of each, and administered appropriate comforts both for the body and the soul. But these were light and easy attentions compared wiih the duties which their charitable mission frequently imposed on them. In those days there were no public institutions for the reception of the poor, and for the medical treatment of the diseased, and as there were few or none among the heathen in private life, who ever thought of entering the abodes of poverty and sickness, and helping their neighbors, — such was the cold and un- feeling selfishness of the heathen world, — the Christians were never without objects, in every form of human wretchedness, towards whom their benevolence was required. Indeed it is almost incred- ible to what offices the ardor of their christian spirit led them to condescend. They, though all of them were women moving amid the comforts of domestic life, and some of them ladies of the highest rank never inured to any kind of labor, scrupled not to perform the meanest and most servile offices, that usually devolved on the lowest menial. Not only did they sit by the bedside of the sick, conversing with and comforting them, but with their own hands prepared their victuals, and fed them — administered cordials and medicine — brought them changes of clothing — made their beds — dressed the most repulsive and putrefying ulcers — exposed themselves to the contagion of malignant distempers — swaddled the bodies of the dead, and, in short, acted in the character at once of the physi- cian, the nurse, and the ambassador of God. Their purse and their experience were always ready, and the most exhausting and dangerous services were freely rendered by these christian wo- men. In process of time, however, as the christian society extended its limits, and the victims of poverty and sickness became propor- tionally more numerous, the voluntary services of the matrons were found inadequate to overtake the immense field, and hence, besides the deacons and deaconesses who, at a very early period of the church, were appointed to superintend the interests of the poor, a OF THEIR BENEVOLENCE. dtS^ new class of office-bearers arose, under the name of Parabolani, whose province it was to visit and wait on the sick in malignant and pestilential diseases. These, whose number became afterwards very great — Alexandria alone, in the time of Theodosius, boasting of six hundred,— took charge of the sick and the dying, under circumstan- ces in which, while it was most desirable they should have every at- tention paid to them, prudence forbade mothers and mistresses of families to repair to them ; and thus, while the heathen allowed their poor and their sick to pine in wretchedness and to die before their eyes, uncared for, there was not in the first ages a solitary individual of the christian poor, who did not enjoy all the comforts of a tem- poral and spiritual nature that his situation required. It was noti however, only to the poor of their own churches that the benevolence of the primitive Christians showed itself. Never, perhaps, was the clear and lively principle of their character more strikingly exemplified than in the appearance of any of those calami- ties — famine or pestilence — with which the ancient world was so frequently visited. In the accounts that have reached us of those terrible catastrophes, mention is invariably made of a sad corruption of morals accompanying them, — the heathen became desperate and reckless amid the fearful ravages made in their ranks, their sensi- bilities were deadened, and a most unnatural and cold-blooded in- difference shown to the claims of their nearest relatives and friends. In the midst of all these disorders, the benevolence of the Christians exhibited an extraordinary contrast to the unfeeling selfishness of their heathen neighbors. Thus, for instance, during the plague that so long and severely afflicted Carthage in the time of Cyprian, he and the rest of the Christians were indefatigable in their exertions for the relief of the afflicted ; and while the heathen abandoned the sick and dying to their fate, — while the highways were strewed with corpses which no one had the courage or the public spirit to bury, and the hardened survivors were intent only on pilfering the clothes and the chests of the dead, the Christians were constantly facing the danger, busy on the streets or in the houses, distributing money or articles of food and clothing, and doing all in their power to alleviate the pangs of the sufferers, and soothe the last moments of the dying. Nor was their benevolence confined to the sick mem- bers of their own community, — they extended their attentions indis- criminately to all ; and, while the heathen stood aloof and careless. 390 • CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. parents deserting their children, and children trampling on the un- buried corpses of their parents, the Christians were assiduously em- ployed in the pious labor of interring them, — the rich contributing their money, and the poor their labor, to clear the houses and the streets from the effluvia of the mouldering relics of mortality, and adopt the most prudent precautions to free the city from the further ravages of the pestilence. In like manner, when the Roman empire, especially that part of it that lay in the east, was overtaken, in the reign of Gallienus, by the simultaneous calamities of plague, famine, and earthquake, the calm fortitude and unswerving resignation of the Christians, — their inde- fatigable benevolence towards all who were seized by the dreaded sickness, and the kind sympathising attentions they bestowed on them, at the risk of their own lives, were very strikingly exemplified in Alexandria, thechief seatof the disasters. In aletterof Dionysius, who was then pastor of the church in that city, a rnost impressive account is given, of which we subjoin a translation : — That pesti- lence appeared to the heathen as the most dreadful of all things, — as that which left them no hope ; not so, however, did it seem to us, but only a peculiar and practical trial. The greater part of our peo- ple, in the abundance of their brotherly love, did not spare them- selves ; and, mutually attending to each other, they cheerfully visited the sick without fear, and ministered to them for the sake of Christ. Many of them died, after their care had restored others from the plague to health. The best among our brethren, priests and dea- cons, and some who were celebrated among the laity, died in this manner; and such a death, the fruit of great piety and strong faith, is hardly inferior to martyrdom. Many who took the bodies of their christian brethren into their hands and bosoms, closed their mouth and eyes, and buried them with every attention, soon followed them in death. But with the heathen matters stood quite differently ; at the first symptom of sickness, they drove a man from their society, they tore themselves away from their dearest connections, they threw the half dead into the streets, and left thousands unburied, — endeav- oring by all the means in their power to escape contagion, which, notwithstanding all their contrivances, it was very difficult for them to accomplish. 3. Their charities to those who were persecuted for righteousness'' sake. The benevolence of the primitive Christians being thus readi- OF THEIR BENEVOLENCE. 391 ly, and on all occasions exerted in the cause of suffering humanity, it need not surprise us that the most frequent and distinguished ob- jects of it were the sufferers for righteousness' sake. Many of these were immured in prisons, and no sooner did Fame spread abroad the sad intelligence that one of them was lying in the dungeons of a city, than the Christians of the place flocked in crowds to the doors of the cell, begging admission. Patiently did they bear the caprice and rebuffs of the surly guards and jailors ; anxiously did they resort to every means of conciliation, by persuasions, entreaties, and bribes ; — often, when all proved fruitless, did they lie for days and nights together outside the walls of a dungeon, praying for the deliverence or for the happy and triumphant exit of the imprisoned confessor. If admitted, as they sometimes were, these Christians, most of whom were always women, carried with them beds, materials of food, clothing, and fuel, — they kissed their chains, washed their feet, and rendered them all the most tender and endearing offices they could think of. Witness the well known case of the impostor Peregrinus. This person, who lived in the second century, had been obliged to flee from his native country, Armenia, on account of some great crime, and having settled in Judea, became acquainted with the principles of the Gospel, appeared an illustrious penitent, and made public profession of the faith. His fame as a Christian spread far and wide, and when his religious tenets brought him the distinction of imprisonment, the Christians, deeply afflicted at his fate, made ex- traordinary efforts to procure his release. These, however, proving unsuccessful, they strove to mitigate the evils of confinement by loading him with every attention. At break of day, numbers of old women, widows, and orphans, were seen surrounding the walls of the prison, their hands filled with every delicacy, and even with large sums of money, which the liberality of foreign Christians had sent to them for their support. But many of the sufferers for the cause of religion, instead of be- ing thrown into prison, were sent to labor, like slaves, in distant and unwholesome mines. Thither the benevolence of their brethren fol- lowed them, and never were contributions more frequently and lib- erally made by the Christians, than when they were destined for the relief of the mutilated martyrs, who labored amid the darkness and noxious vapors of these subterranean dungeons. Nay, many even undertook long and toilsome pilgrimages, in order to comfort and 392 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. support those victims of oppression with their christian sympathy ; and, in the performance of these pious journeys, encountered perils, amid which, nothing but benevolence of the purest aqd most exalted character could have preserved their resolution firm and unshaken. A party of Christians, for instance, set out from Egypt in the depth of winter, to visit their brethren in the mines of Cilicia. Some of them, when the object of their journey became public, were arrested on their arrival at Cesarea, and had their eyes pulled out, and their feet dislocated. Others shared a worse fate at Ascalon, being burnt or beheaded. Various companies, who successively went from dif- ferent quarters, on the benevolent errand of expressing their sympa- thy with the interesting miners, prosecuted their undertaking amid similar dangers. But nothing could repress the ardent wish to pour the balm of consolation into .the hearts of men, who were suffering the worst species of slavery for the sake of the truth. And highly were those honored who lived to tell the tale that they had seen the martyrs in the mines,— to describe how they toiled, and wrought, and bore the chain, — and to carry, above all, the glad tidings of the fortitude, the patience, resignation, and christian joy with which they endured their hard lot. 4. Their love for the souls of men. This was another manifesta- tion of the benevolence of the primitive Christians, that deserves a particular notice. It was a remarkable feature of their charac- ter, and though inseparable from the anxiety they displayed on every occasion to promote the best interests of mpn, it yet occupied exclu- sively the minds of some of them, and gave rise to exertions which nothing but interests of eternal moment could have originated. Not to speak of those who dedicated themselves to the preaching of the Gospel, there were many in private life, who expended everything they could spare from the bare support of life on the purchase of Bi- bles, and on every suitable occasion, distributed them to the poor, — a gift, the value of which cannot be estimated, without taking into consideration the scarcity and the immense price which in those days a single copy of the Scriptures cost. But besides this excel- lent species of charity, which many of the wealthier Christians de- vised for themselves, there were others, who volunturily submitted to the most extraordinary sacrifices, with the generous view of bring- ing men from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God. One man, for instance, is recorded to have sold himself into OF THEIR BENEVOLENCE. 393 the family of a heathen actor, and continued for years cheerfully per- forming the most servile offices, till having heen the honored instru- ment of converting the husband and wife, and whole family to Chris- tianity, he received from the grateful converts the reward of his lib- erty. And not long after, during a visit to Sparta, the same individ- ual learning that the governor of that city had fallen into dangerous errors, offered himself again as a slave, and continued for two years in that humble and ignominious situation, when his zealous efforts for the conversion of his master being crowned with fresh success, he was treated no longer as a servant, but a brother beloved in the Lord. Time would fail us " to enumerate all the various channels through which the benevolence of the primitive Christians flowed. Some dedicated themselves to the task of searching out desolate or- phans, helpless widows, unfortunate tradesmen, and heathen found- lings — in those times the most numerous class of unfortunates. Some carried their charity so far as to sit on the highways, or hire persons whose office was to perambulate the fields, for the purpose of direct- ing wanderers, and especially benighted travellers, into the way ; while others delighted to lead the blind, to succor the bruised, and to carry home such as were lame, maimed, and unable to walk. Various were the sources whence the Christians drew the ample means necessary to enable them to prosecute so extensive a system of benevolence- The most steady and available fund was the com- mon treasury of the church, which was suppMed every Sabbath by the voluntary contributions of the faithful, and out of which there was a weekly distribution of alms to multitudes of widows, orphans, and old people, who were stated pensioners on her bounty. In cases of great or public calamity, fasts were appointed, which by the sav- ing effected in the daily expenses of all, even of the poor, were an approved and certain means of raising an extraordinary collection, and when that was found insufficient to meet the emergency, it not unfrequently happened that the pastors sold or melted the gold and silver plate that had been presented to their churches for sacred pur- poses. Many persons too, were in the habit of observing in private, quarterly, monthly, or weekly fasts, on which occasions, they either took little food or none at all, and transmitted the amount of their daily expenditure to the funds of the church, while others voluntarily bound themselves to set aside a tenth part of their income for the 50 394 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. use of the poor, and placed it, in like manner, in the church's trea- sury. Besides, there were many wealthy individuals who, on their conversion to Christianity, from a spirit of ardent gratitude to the Saviour, sold their estates, and betaking themselves to manual labor or to the preaching of the Word, devoted the price of their property to benevolent purposes. Others, who gave up their patrimony to objects of christian benevolence, chose to retain the management in their own hands ; as for example, a rich merchant who with part of his money buiU a spacious house, and with the rest of it entertained all strangers travelling in his neighborhood, took charge of the sick, supported the aged and infirm, gave staled alms to the poor, and on every Saturday and Sabbath caused several tables to be furnished for the refreshment of all who needed his bounty. 5 10. Theik Hospitality and mode of Salutation. It is impossible to speak in terms of less admiration of the hospi- tality exercised in that age towards christian strangers. The follow- ers of Christ, how widely soever they were scattered throughout the world, were then united as one great family, and agreeing, as they did, in the happiest spirit of concord, to regard any local varieties of custom as matters of indifference, kept up a constant and friendly correspondence with all the branches of the church universal, so that whenever any of them went abroad, either on their own private af- fairs, or on missions connected with the state and progress of reli- gion, they were received with open arms by the Christians of the place as brethren. Go under whatever name they might, and travel to the remotest places, among people of foreign manners and an un- known tongue, the pilgrims of the faith were sure, whenever they met with a Christian, to find a friend, whose house would be thrown open for their reception, whose table would be spread for their en- tertainment, and who would welcome them with a warmer heart and a kindlier smile, than they were often met with by their kinsmen and acquaintance at home. In the eyes of the unconverted, it seemed an inexplicable mystery, that men, who, as Jews, had felt a contempt for all other people, and, as Gentiles, would not enjoy the hearth in common with strangers, should be on terms of the closest friendship with Christians, indiscriminately of every color and of every name ; and they looked upon it as accomplished by some se- HOSPITALITY AND MODE OF SALUTATION. cret token, — the watchword of a deep and wide-spread conspiracy, — when they saw the hand of fellowship given, and the rites of hos- pitality performed hy such people to foreigners, whose person and character had been previously unknown to them. The heathen knew nothing of those inward feelings, that brotherly love, that fel- lowship of the Spirit, which created between the Christians spiritual ties, independent alike of the natural and political boundaries of the earth, and one manifestation of which was their pleasure and their readiness to open their doors, and render every hospitable attention to those of the same faith from all quarters of the world. The way was for a traveller, on arriving at any town, to seek out the church, in or about which liberal accommodation was always provi- ded, both for the temporal and spiritual comforts of the wayfaring man. But it was seldom that the burden of lodging him was allowed to be borne by the common funds of the church, — for no sooner was the news of his arrival spread abroad, than the members vied with each other, which should have the privilege of entertaining the christian stranger at their homes; and whatever was his rank or calling, he soon found himself domiciled with brethren, whose cir- cumstances were similar to his own. A minister was entertained by one of his own order ; a mechanic by one of the same craft or sta- tion ; and even the poorest would have been readier, and have count- ed it a greater honor, to share his hut and his crust with a disciple like himself, than to have sat at table with the emperor of Rome. In course of time, however, this generous and open-hearted hospitali- ty was abused. Persons unworthy to enjoy it — spies and impostors, under the assumed name of Christians, — introduced themselves to the brethren in distant places, and by misrepresenting afterwards what had been told them in the unsuspecting confidence of brother- hood, and circulating calumnies prejudicial both to individuals and to the body of Christians at large, threatened to bring on the church a variety of evils, — not the least of which would have been, that of putting an end to the ancient kindly intercourse with christian stran- gers, had not a plan been happily devised, and introduced into uni- versal practice, by which travellers were known at once to be good men and true. The plan was this : every one on setting oui on a journey, was furnished by the minister of the church to which he belonged with a letter of credence to the spiritual rulers of the place where he meant to sojourn, the presentation of which having satis- 396 CHARACTER OF THE FRiMITlVE CHRISTIANS. fied them as to his christian character, was instantly followed by a welcome invitation to partake of the hospitality of the church or the brethren. To prevent forgeries, these letters were folded in a par- ticular form, which procured them the name of lilerae formalae, be- sides containing some secret marks within, by which the Christians of foreign parts knew them to be genuine. By these testimonials, slightly varied in external appearance according to their several pur- poses, — such, for instance, as their certifying the bearer's claim merely to the common entertainment of Christians, or his right to participate in all the privileges of the church, or his being sent on some embassy pertaining to the common faith, Christians were ad- mitted to the fellowship of their brethren in all parts of the world,— were treated by the family that. received them as one of themselves, had their feet washed by the wife on their first arrival, and at their departure were anxiously and tenderly committed to the divine care, in a prayer by the master of the house. This last was a never-fail- ing part of the hospitality of the times ; and to have betrayed any symptoms of preferring the temporal good cheer of the friendly host to his parting benediction, would have been a death-blow to the fur- ther credit of the stranger. In the general intercourse of society, the primitive Christians, act- ing according to the rules of Scripture, were careful to render to all their dues ; honor to whom honor is due, tribute to whom tribute, and to practise everything that is just, honest, and of good report. Their salutations to one another were made by imprinting on each other's cheek a kiss, — the token of love — the emblem of brother- hood ; and this, except in times of trouble and persecution, when they hastily recognised each other by the secret sign of the cross, was the constant, and the only form observed by Christians when they met together. It was practised in their private houses, at their public meetings, and, indeed, on all suitable occasions, though it was considered better and more prudent to dispense with it on the public streets, to avoid giving unnecessary offence to their heathen fellow- citizens. Whenever they met their pastor, they were accustomed, from the earliest times, to bow their heads to receive his blessing, — a ceremony which, in later times, when increased respect was paid to the clerical order, was accompanied with kissing his hands and embracing his feet. PATIENCE UNDER INJURIES. 397 § 11. Their patience under Injuries. Let the reader place himself, by an effort of imagination, in the state of society in which the Christians lived ; let him figure to his mind an humble, unobtrusive, and peaceable, but somewhat peculiar class of people, surrounded on all sides by multitudes knowing little or nothing of them or their principles, and from the little they knew, feeling a sovereign contempt for both, which the heathen were al- lowed with impunity to take evei-y opportunity of expressing, by jostling them on the streets — pointing to them with the finger of ridi- cule — addressing them by cant terms of reproach, and persecuting them by a thousand petty annoyances in every-day life, and he will form some idea of the severe ordeal to which the patience of the primitive Christians was daily subjected. But inured as they were to calumny and reproach, and taught to expect these as the inheri- tance in this life of all who will live godly in Christ Jesus, they bore them with meekness, and sought deliverance from the malice of their enemies by no other weapons than that of exemplifying the ex- cellence of their principles by the dignified and holy propriety of their lives. Their property, their liberty, and even their lives, they freely surrendered, rather than lose that peace of mind which they found in the performance of christian duty, or suffer those principles to be violated, which they valued more highly than their dearest pos- sessions. Some of them, indeed, from a mistaken interpretation of several passages of Scripture, carried their views of christian obedi- ence so far, as when smote upon the one cheek, to turn the other, and when robbed of their coat, to give the cloak also. But the great majority of them more wisely considering these as proverbial forms of speech designed to inculcate a general spirit of patience and for- bearance, scrupled not to defend themselves from violence and ra- pine whensoever assailed ; to avail themselves of the protection and redress of their wrongs, which the laws of their country afforded, and to assert, as Paul did before them, when occasion required, the rights of citizenship against the arbitrary procedure of the magis- trates themselves. In matters of dispute, however, between one another, the Christians seldom or never resorted to the tribunals of the heathen deputies, but were in the liabit of submitting their sub- jects of contention to the arbitration of some of their christian brelh- 398 CHARACTER OF THE PRIMITIVE CHRISTIANS. ren. From the earliest times, this office of arbiter was, by common consent, devolved on the pastors of the church ; and hence, as the degree of respect and veneration in which the sacred order was held increased rather than diminished in the succeeding centuries, and as such unbounded confidence was placed in their christian wis- dom and impartiality, that all parties were disposed cheerfully to ac- quiesce in the awards of the spiritual judges, — one constant source of employment to the bishops of the primitive church was the deter- mination of secular causes referred to them by the members of their flock. Ambrose and Augustine have both left it upon record, that they devoted the early part of every day to hearing and con- sidering the disputed points on which they were requested to sit in judgment. Such being the popular influence of the christian minis- ters ; and the good eff*^cts of the prudence, mildness, and integrity, that characterized their arbitrations being so manifest, the power was legally conferred on them, after the establishment of Christianity, of deciding all secular and other causes, with the exception of crim- inal cases alone, which, as more immediately affecting the peace and tranquility of the state, the emperors reserved to themselves and their deputies. We close this rapid sketch of the social manners of the primitive Christians, with the high tribute paid to their public and civic virtues by two of their contemporaries, whose exalted rank and strong pre- dilections for heathenism give a weight to their testimony which none of the christian apologists, however faithful and honest, possess. The emperor Julian, in a letter to Arsacius, high priest of Galatia, among other things relating to the Christians, lakes occasion to dwell upon it as a well known fact, that the Christians were preeminent in their attentions to the sick, the infirm, and the aged, — in their hos- pitality to strangers, in their peaceable deportment to others, and their pious care of the dead ; and presses home on his illustrious correspondent, that there was no hope of paganism regaining the as- cendency, except by its adherents, especially the priests, imitating the virtues of the Christians, in abstaining from the theatre, the tav- ern, and all scandalous pursuits and pleasures, — in a diligent atten- tion to business, charity to the indigent, and a hospitable entertain- ment of the friendless and the stranger. The emperor Severus pas- sed^ perhaps, a higher eulogy than even this of Julian, on the social manners of the Christians. Observing the excellence of their con- OF CHRISTIAN MARRIAGES. 399 duct, as citizens, soldiers, and servants, and their fidelity in every department of public and private life, he inquired into their princi- ples ; and having been informed that one grand rule of theirs was, " Not to do to others what they would not have done to themselves," he was so charmed with it, that at all public executions he ordered it to be proclaimed aloud by a herald, and caused it to be inscribed, in legible characters, on the walls of his palace, and on all public buildings, that in every street, and on every occasion, his subjects might not be without so excellent a monitor to regulate their social manners. CHAPTER XIX. § 1. Of Christian Marriage. The laws of christian marriage seem, at first view, to be derived from the Mosaic regulations on this subject, and yet it is remarkable that, until the sixth or seventh century, the marriages of the early- Christians were regulated rather by the Roman than by the Mosaic laws. But all this was only the natural result of the pecuhar circum- stances under which the christian community was formed. Converts from the Jews might be expected to adhere to the Jewish rites, whilst those from the Gentiles would conform to the Roman laws and customs. For this reason the marriages of the christian church were of a mixed character, in which the influence of the Roman law was, at first, predominant. By this law, as well as by the law of Christ, polygamy was strictly forbidden.^ In many other respects, it was also so far conformed to the law of God, that many of the early fathers scrupled not to borrow from it some of the most impor- tant marriage ceremonies ; and objected to the adoption of heathen customs, in this respect, only so far as they militated against the spirit of Christianity .3 Much controversy prevailed in the ancient church on the subject of second marriages, particularly with the Novatians and Montanists, who denounced such marriages as unlawful. This opinion was also 400 OF MARRIAGE. upheld by many councils.'* A concession in favor of second mar- riages was afterwards made to the laity, but refused to the clergy.^ The law of celibacy finally rendered this rule nugatory with respect to the priesthood. The celibacy of the clergy was gradually established. It was at first partially adopted in compliance with the advice of zealous leaders of the church, who judged it expedient, or supposed it to tend to the promotion of piety; afterwards it was represented as a moral duty, and was enforced by the decrees of councils ; and at last it was enjoined and established by the papal authority of Hildebrand in the eleventh century. The constrained celibacy of the clergy, therefore, does not come within the range of christian antiquities ; and the whole question belongs rather to a history of the opinions and doctrines of the church, than to a survey of its institutions and practices. The state claimed the right of regulating the laws of marriage ; the church at the same time possessing a subordinate or concurrent jurisdiction. This concurrence, however, was chiefly of a negative and passive character, and was the occasion of continual discord between church and state. For the first five centuries the church had no farther concern with the laws of marriage than to censure them, as occasion required, and to restrict the observance of them, by her discipline and authority. The laws of the state and the regu- lations of the church, on this subject, were first made to harmonize under the emperor Justinian. Under the dynasty of Charles, the sanction of the church was fully established while the law still origi- nated with the state.^ In the middle ages, from the tenth to the six- teenth centuries, the church possessed a preponderating influence in these matters; but even then, her claim to an exclusive jurisdiction was neither asserted nor allowed. To assert this prerogative was regarded as a direct attack upon the state.''' In protestant states it is regarded as a civil institution, established in conformity with the law of God, and appropriately solemnized by the rites of religion. The regulations in relation to prohibited marriages were, in the lapse of time, gradually assimilated to the law of Moses ; but these have never been strictly observed in the christian church. The canonists have very carefully specified the several degrees of con- sanguinity and affinity within which marriage could not lawfully be contracted. They were thirteen in number, whilst under the Mo- OF DIVORCE. 401 saic economy they were seventeen, or according to others nineteen. The prohibited grades, in the ancient church, are comprised in the following lines : Nata, soror, neptis, mafertera fratris et uxor Et patrui conjux, mater, privigna, noverca Uxorisque soror, privigni nata, nurusque Atque soror patris ; conjungi lege vetantur. Whether it is lawful to marry a brother's wife, or a wife's sister, was a question much controverted in the church. The general sense of the church was against such connections, as appears from the dis- pensation which was made in such cases in favor of the clergy. This point has been discussed at length by Schlegel.^ Mixed marriages between the Jews and Gentiles were strictly prohibited by the law of Moses. This prohibition is not repeated in the New Testament in regard to the marriage of Christians with idolaters. The apostle Paul, however, decidedly objects to such connections as inexpedient, 1 Cor. vii. 2 Cor. 6: 14 — 18. The early fathers denounced them as dangerous and immoral ;^ and they were, at a later period, positively prohibited by the decrees of councils and the laws of the empire. ^^ By these regulations it was unlawful for Christians to marry either Jews, pagans, Mohammedans or heretics.^^ If, however, such marriages had already been contracted, they ap- pear not to have been annulled upon the conversion of either party to Christianity. There are indeed examples of the violation of these rules, as in the case of Monica, the mother of Augustine, and Clotil- dis, the wife of Clovis, both of whom were instrumental in the con- version of their husbands.^^ § 2. Of Divorce. On this subject it is sufficient to say that the church, with few ex- ceptions, has uniformly adhered to the rules laid down by our Lord and his apostles, Mark 10: 2, 12, Luke 16: 18. Matt. 5: 31,32. 19: 2-10. 1 Cor. 7: 10, 11. Rom. 7: 2, 3. But under the term adul- tery the primitive church included idolatry and apostasy from the Christian faith,^ to which may be added witchcraft and other magical arts. The laws of Constantine, Honorius, Theodosius the younger, Valentinian the Third, Anastasius, and Justinian, also favor this con- struction.2 The canonists enumerate twelve causes of divorce, 51 402 OF MARRIAGE. which are also regarded as suitable reasons for not assuming the marriage vow, impedimenta quae matrimonium conirahendum impedi- unt et contraclum dirimunl. The same causes which are a bar \o assuming the marriage covenant dissolve it. These causes are set forth in the following lines : Error, conditio, votum, cognatio, crimen, Cultus disparitas, vis, ordo, ligamen, bnnestas, Si sis adfinis; si forte coire nequibis (al negabis) The reader is directed, in the index, to a full explanation of these terms.3 The error relates to a mistake in regard to the parties, as in the case of Leah and Rachel, conditio to the marriage of freemen with those who are in bondage, cognatio to prohibit degrees of consan- guinity, votum and ordo relate to the marriage of monastics, ligamen to cases of bigamy, honestas to prohibited connections between per- sons already related by marriage. § 3. Marriage Rites and Ceremonies. It was a rule of the primitive church that the parties who were about to be united in marriage, both male and female, should signify their intentions to their pastor, that the connection might be formed with his approbation. The church were expected, in this manner, not only to take cognizance of the proposed marriage, but to deter- mine whether it was duly authorized by the principles of the chris- tian religion. The marriage was indeed valid in law without this ecclesiastical sanction ; but it was open to censure from the church, and was followed by the imposition of penance, or the sentence of excommunication.* This notice originally answered the purpose of a public procla- mation in the church. No satisfactory indication of the modern cus- * JlQETtH ds xolg '/afiovcTL icat ralg yafiomaig ^sia yvcafirjg toD sniaxo- Tiov xi]v avaxnv nouta^aL, tV« o yafiog fj xaza Kvqiov, xa} ^] y.ai em— ■d^v^iav. Ignat. Ep. ad. Polycarp. ii. 5. — Unde sufficiamus ad enarrandam felicitatem ejus matrimonii, quod ecclesia conciliat, et confirmat oblatio, et obsignat benedictio, Angeli renuntiant, pater rato habet ? Nam nee in ter- ris filii sine consensu patrum rite et jusle nubent. Tertull. ad Uxor. lib. ii. c. 8, 9. — Occultae conjunctiones, id est, non prius apud ecclesiam professae, juxta moechiam et fornicationem judicari periclitantur, Tertull. De Pudi- cit. c. 4.2 MARRIAGE RITES AND CEREMONIES. 403 torn of publishing the banns appears in the history of the church un- til the twelfth century, when it was required by the authority of eccle- siastical councils.3 According to the rules of the Romish church, this publishment should be made on three market days. In some countries the banns were published three times; in others, twice ; and in others, once. The intentions of marriage were sometimes posted upon the doors or other parts of the church ; sometimes pub- lished at the close of the sermon or before singing. The word barms^ according to Du Cange, means a public notice or proclama- tion. It is worthy of notice that no distinct account of the mode of sol- emnizing marriage, nor any prescribed form for this purpose is found in any of the early ecclesiastical writers, although they have many allusions to particular marriage rites and ceremonies. It appears that the propriety or necessity of religious exercises in solemnizing the marriage covenant, was not recognized by the civil law until the ninth century ; but that such religious rites were required by the church as early as the second century.* The rites of marriage in the ancient Greek church were essen- tially three : the sponsalia — the espousals, the investing with a crown, and the laying off of the crown. 1. The ceremony of tJie espousals was as follows : the priest, af- ter crossing himself three times upon the breast, presents the bridal pair, standing in the body of the house, each with a lighted wax can- dle, and then proceeds to the altar, where he offers incense from a cruciformed censer, after which the larger collect is sung with the responses and doxologies. Then follows the ceremony of presenting the ring. With a gol- den ring the priest makes a sign of the cross upon the head of the bridegroom, and then places it upon a finger of his right hand, thrice repeating these words : " This servant of the Lord espouses this handmaid of the iiord, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, both now and forever, world without end, Amen." In like manner, and with the same form of words, he presents the * Cum ipsum conjngium velamine sacerdotah et benedictione sanctificari oporteat, quoinodo potest conjugiutn dici ubi non est fidei concodia ? Ambros., Ep. 70. — Etianisi nostrae ahsolutae sit potestatis quamhbet puellam in con- jugium tradere, tradi a nobis Christianam nisi Christiano uon posse. Augus- tin.j Ep. 234, ad Rusticum. — Jiov—ugitK xtUstv; xal &' f'jfcwi' ev?Myt*jjt' ri/V oicovoiav Tov ai-voixioiov avatfiyyav x r )..* 404 OF MARRIAGE. bride a silver ring. The grooms-man then changes the rings, whilst the priest, in a long prayer, sets forth the import of the rings. After which the whole is closed with a prescribed form of prayer. These espousals usually took place some time previous to the consumma- tion of the marriage. According to some authorities two years usu- ally intervened between the espousals and the marriage. 2. The act of crowning the parties was appropriately the initiatory rite in solemnizing the marriage covenant. The preliminaries of this wepe the same as those of the espousals, with the exception that in this instance the 128th psalm was sung with the responses and doxologies. After this a discourse was delivered setting forth the importance and responsibilities of the marriage relation. Then va- rious interrogations, relating to the marriage covenant and the un- married state, were presented : next followed the larger collects, va- ried according to circumstances ; after which a long prayer was of- fered, in three parts, each of which was announced in the customary form by the deacon, tou xvqIov dsi'i^w^Ev. After this, the priest sets the nuptial crowns, which have been lying on the ahar, first upon the head of the bridegroom and then upon that of the bride, saying, " This servant of the Lord hereby crowns this handmaid of the Lord? in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, world without end. Amen." This ceremony is followed by prayers, doxologies, and the reading of the Scriptures, particularly Eph. 5: 20 — 33 and John 2: 1 — 11, and the ahernate prayers of the priest and the deacon. The whole is concluded by the assembly, repeat- ing the Lord's prayer with the customary responses ; and the usual form of benediction. During these solemnities the priest presents to the newly married couple a glass of wine, of which each drinks three times, and then the glass is immediately broken, to denote the transitory nature of all earthly things. The minister then joins the hands of the parties, and leads them three times around in a circle, whilst the whole assembly unite in singing a nuptial song, the grooms-man meanwhile accompanying the married couple with his hands resting upon their heads, which are still adorned with the crown. 3. The laying off of the crown. Upon the eighth day, the mar- ried pair present themselves again in the church, when the minister, with appropriate prayer, lays off the nuptial crown, and dismisses REMARKS UPON THE MARRIAGE RITES. 405 ihem with his benediction, offered in a prescribed form of words. This ceremony however was not uniformly observed. In all these rites the reader will observe a studied analogy to those of baptism. The second and third marriage was solemnized in much the same manner, the ceremonies being abridged, and the prayer of penance substituted in the place of the nupiial prayer. The church thus treated these as just occasions for discipline, and refused altogether to sanction a fourth marriage, but regarded it as a criminal offence. § 4. "Remarks upon the marriage Rites and Ceremonies of the Ancient Church. In the works of early ecclesiastical writers, especially in those of Clement of Alexandria, TerluUian, Augustine, Jerome, Basil, and Chrysostom, we find many allusions to particular rites and ceremo- nies, but no entire, or general account of them. In the former part of the seventh century, a writer attempted to enumerate the mar- riage ceremonies which the church had recognized as innocent and convenient, or symbolical. ^ We possess also an official account of the ceremonies used in the Roman church, A. D. 860, from the pen of the pope Nicolas I.* * Morem quein sancta Romana suscepit antiquitus et hactenus in hujus- modi conjunctionibus tenet ecclesia, vobis monstrare studeBimus. Nostra- tes siquidein tam mares qnam teininae non ligaturam auream, vel argenteam, aut ex quolibet metallo compositam, quando riuplialia foedera contrahunt, in capite deferunt. Sed post sponsalia, quae futuraruni sunt nuptiarum promissa foedera, quaecunque consensu eorum, qui haec contrahunt, et eo- rum, in quorum poteslate sunt, celebrantur, et postquam arrhis sponsam sibi sponsus per digitum fidei a se annulo insignitum desponderit, dotemque utri- que placitam sponsus ei cum scripto pactum hoc continente coram invitatis ab utroque parte tradiderit ; aut reox, aut apto tempore, ne videlicet ante tempus lege definitura tale quid fieri praesumatur, ambo ad nuptialia foedera perducuntur. Et priinum in ecclesia Domini cum oblationibus, quas offerre debent Deo per sacerdotis manum, statuuntur, sicque demum benedictio- nem et velamen coeleste suscipiunt. . . . Verumtamen velamen illud non suscipit, qui ad secundas nuptias migrat. Post haec autem de ecclesia egres- si coronas in capitibus gestant quae in ecclesia ipsa sunt solitae reservari: Et ita festis nuptialibus celebratis ad ducendam individuam vitam Domino disponente de cetero diriguntur. . . . Tanta solet arctare quosdam rerum in- opia, ut ad haec praeparanda nullum his suffragetur auxilium : ac per hoc 406 OF MARRIAGE. To proceed however with our general remarks. 1. The office of grooms-man, or attendant of the bridegroom, is of high antiquity ; common alike to the Hebrews, Greeks, and Romans. He is desig- nated by the names 7ia(javv^(pog, vvj^q:a/bjyog, vv^xcfivji]c^ etc. He had various duties to perform in connection with the nuptial con- tract and dowry, such as the following, — to accompany the parties to the church at their marriage, — to act as sponsor for them in their vows, — to assist in the marriage ceremonies,— to accompany them to the house of the bridegroom, — to preside over, and direct the fes- tivities of the occasion, etc.^ 2. The use of the ring, in the rites both of espousal and of mar- riage is very ancient. It is mentioned both by Tertullian,-'^ and Clement of Alexandria ;'' the latter of whom says, " It was given her not as an ornament, but as a seal, to signify the woman's duty in preserving the goods of her husband, because the care of the house belongs to her." Isodorus Hispalensis says, " that it was presented by the husband either as a pledge of mutual affection, or rather as a token of the union of their hearts in love."^ 3. The crowning of the married pair with garlands, was a mar- riage rite peculiar to many nations professing different forms of re- ligion. Tertullian inveighs against it with all the zeal of a gloomy Montanist f but it is spoken of with approbation by the fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries, from whom it appears that the friends and attendants of the bridal pair were adorned in the same manner.''' These chaplets were usually made of myrtle, olive, amarinih, rose- mary, and evergreens intermingled with cypress and vervain. The croicn, appropriately so called, was made of olive, myrtle, and rose- mary, variegated with flowers, and sometimes with gold and silver, pearls, precious stones, etc. These crowns were constructed in the form of a pyramid, or tower. Both the bride, and the bridegroom were crowned in this manner, together with the grooms-man, and the brides-maid. The bride fre- sufficiat, secundum leges, solus eorum consensus, de quorum conjunctioni- bus agitur. Qui consensus, si solus in nuptiis forte defuerit, cetera omnia etiam cum ipso coitu celebratafrustantur. . . . Haec sunt praeter alia, quae ad memoriam non occurrunt, pacta conjugiorum solemnia. Peccatum au- tem esse, si haec cuncta in nuptial! foedere non interveniant, non dicimus, quemadmodum Graecos vos adstruere dicitis.— Nicol. /. Respons. ad Con- sulta Bulgar. c. 3. REMARKS UPON THE MARRIAGE RITES. 407 quently appeared in church thus attired on the day when proclama- tion of the banns was noade. Chaplets were not worn- by the parties in case of second marriage, nor by those who had been guilty of impropriety before marriage. In the Greek church the chaplets were imposed by the officiating minister at the altar. In the VV^estern church it was customary for the parties to present themselves thus attired. 4. The wearing of a veil by the bride, was borrowed from the Romans.* It was also conformable to the example of Rebecca, Gen. xxiv. From this marriage rite arose the custom o( taking the veil in the Catholic church. By this act, the nun devotes herself to perpetual virginity as the spouse of Christ, the bridegroom of the church. 5. It appears to have been customary also to spread a robe over the bridegroom and bride,^ called vitla nuptialis, pallium jugale, etc., and made of a mixture of white and red colors.t 6. Torches and lamps were in use on such occasions both among the Jews and pagan nations.^ No mention is made of them in the church previous to the time of Constantino, though they may have been in use at an earlier date. 7. All the marriage rites and ceremonies indicate that the day was observed as a festive occasion, while measures were carefully taken to guard against all excesses and improprieties of conduct. These festivities were celebrated by nuptial processions, going out to meet the bridegroom and conducting him home, — by nuptial songs, and music, ^^ and marriage feasts. These festivals are fre- quently the subject of bitter animadversion by the fathers, especially * Tertull. De Veland. Virg. lib. xvii. c. 11. — The velamen nuptiale, of which Ambrose {Ep. 70) says, " Conjugium velamine sacerdotali sanctificari oportet," is usually regarded as " signum pudoris et verecundiae." Accord- ing to Isidor. Hispal. {De Off. Eccl. ii. c. 19) it is rather " signum humilita- tis et subjectionis erga maritum." He says, Feminae, dum niaritantur, ve- lantur, ut noverint per hoc se viris esse subjectas et hu miles. t Qoud nubentes post benedictionem vitta invicem quasi uno vinculo cop- ulantur, videlicet ideo fit, ne compagera conjugalis unitatis disrumpant. Ac eadem vitta candido purpureoque colore permiscetur; candor quippe est ad munditiem vitae, purpura ad sanguinis posteritatem adhibetur, ut hoc signo et continentia et lex continendi ab utrisque ad tempus admoneantur, et post hoc reddendum debitum non negetur. — Isidor. Hispal. rfc 0^. £cc^ lib. ii.c. 19. I 408 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. by Chrysostom,^^ and often called for the interposition of the au- thority of the church. It appears, however, that the efforts of the church were, not to abolish these convivial entertainments and fes- tivities, but to restrain them within the bounds of decency and good order.i^ The clergy were expected to refrain from attending them. ^3* 8. In connection with these festivities, it was customary to distri- bute alms to the poor, and instead of the old Roman custom of scat- tering about nuts, to throw out pieces of money to the children, and lo the poor. CHAPTER XX. FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES.^ § 1. Treatment of the Dead. The early Christians were distinguished by their care for the clead, and their sympathy with the afflicted. Their funeral solem- nities they celebrated with gravity and propriety, with the intent of showing due respect for the deceased, and of administering conso- lation to survivors. These funeral services were performed as a public religious duty.^ This is one of the three points for which they were commended by the apostate Julian.^ The christian church manifested, from the beginning, a decided preference for the custom of burying the dead,"* for which they had the example of Jews, Gen. 3: 9. 23: 19. Deut. 24: 6. Matt. 19: 28, €tc. But the custom of hurning the dead at that time prevailed throughout the Roman empire, to which they were zealously oppos- * Presbyteri, diaconi, sub-diaconia vel deinceps, qnibus ducendi uxores licentia modo non est etiam aliarum nuptiarum evitent convivia, nee his coetibus miscantur ubi amatoria canuntur et turpia, aut obsceni motus cor- porum choreis et saltationibus efFeruntur, ne auditus etobtuitus sacris minis- teriis deputati turpium spectaculorum atque verborum contagione pollu'an- tur.— Conil. Agath. c. 39. TREATMENT OF THE DEAP. 409 ed.* They had at first, no separate burying places ; nor would Iheir circumstances admit of any such design. The public burial places, according to both Jewish and Eoman laws, were on the out- side of cities,^ Matt. 26:60. Luke 7: 12. John 11: 30. In the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries an open space around the church was appropriated for the burial of princes, bishops, and other clergy, and afterwards of those who died in the communion of the church. This, like everything which was appropriated to the service of the church, was formally consecrated. The first instance of this kind occurred in the sixth century.^ In the ninth century began the cus- tom of interring the dead within the walls of the church. Burial places were styled xoifinir,qLa, places of repose, cemeteries^ denoting hereby, not only that the dead rest from their earthly la- bors and sorrows ; but pointing out the hope of a future resurrec- tionj The grave yard was also styled the LordCs ground, because it enjoyed the immunities of the church, or more properly perhaps, because of the sacred communion which those who sleep in the Lord were supposed to hold with him. The church did not approve of the custom of interring the dead * The Romans, in ancient times, used to bury their dead. The dictator Cornelius Sylla is supposed to have been the first among them whose corpse was burnt, and that was done in comphance with his own desire. After- wards this practice became general, especially among the higher orders ; anti continued to prevail until the fourth century of the Christian era. Cic. De Legg. ii. e. 25 ; Virg. .Ere. vi. 177 ; — Plin. Hist. JVat. vii. c. 54, " ipsum cremare apud Roinanos non fuit veteris instituti, terra condiebantur ;" — conf. Plutarch. Vit. JVumae ; Stobaei, Serm. 122 ; Macrob. Saturn, vii. c. 7 ; Cod. Thecdos. lib. ix. tit 6, leg. ti. — The first Roman emperor whose corpse was interred was Commodus, as we learn from Xiphilinus. The early Chris- tians protested against the custom of burning the bodies of the dead, and ad- vocated inhumation, — a practice which was always observed in the christian church. — Corpus omne, sive arescit in pulverera, sive in humorem solvitur, vel in cinerem comprimitur, vel in nidorem tenuatur, subducitur nobis; sed Deo, elen»entorum custodi, reservatur. Nee, ut creditis, uUum damnum sepulturae timemus, sed veterem et meliorem consuetudinem humandi fre- quentamus. Minuc. FeK Octav. c. 34. — Ego magis ridebo vulgus, tunc quo- que cum ipsos defunctos atrocissime exurit, quos post modum gulosissime nutrit, iisdem ignibus et promerens et otFendens. O pietatem de crudelitate ludentem 1 Tertull. De Resurr. c. 1. Conf. Tertull. De j^nima, c. 51 ; Lac- tant. Instit. X>ir. lib. vi. c. 12 ; O ri g. conf r. Cels. hh. vui.; Augastin. Z>e. Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 13 ; Euseb, Hist. EccL lib. 4. c. 16 ; v. 1. 52 I 410 FUNERAL KITES AND CEREMONIES- in fami[y graves and private sepulchres. It was supposed to be in- vidious, and encourage the pride of distinction. Like the Greeks and Romans,^ Christians erected nr>onurnents and marked them with inscriptions, ilrXoig, titulis, in naemory of their friends.^ Their luxury and. extravagance in these matters are se- verely censured by Basil the Great, Chrysostom and others. Frus- ira struunt ko-mines pretiosa sepulcra^ quasi ea animae, nee solius c(yrporis^ receptacula essent. Ambrose De JBotio Mortis. l*he funeral solemnities of the Romans were held by night.^ Those of Christians, on the other hand, were solemnized by day, but with lighted tapers. In times of persecution, the Christians were of- ten compelled to bury their dead by night, and with all possible se- crecy. But under Constantine and his sons, christian funerals were attended by day, and, at times, with great pomp. Probably they en- acted laws on this subject in favor of christian burials, for the apos- tate Julian was compelled to issue a positive decree to restwe the nocturnal celebration of funeral rites.* The Jews, and the Eastern nations generally were accustomed to burj' very soon after death. The nature of the climate might direct to this custom ; but the principal reason probably was, that by the speedy removal of the corpse, they might avoid ceremonial pollu- tion. The custom of the Greeks and Romans corresponded in this respect with that of the Oriental nations. The eariy Christians also conformed to the custom of the country, in the early removal of the corpse, but they utterly discarded the idea that any ceremonial pol- lution could be contracted by contact with the dead. On the con- trary, they fearlessly exposed theniselves to contagion by their faith- ful offices to those who had died of malignant diseases as well as by administering to their necessities in sickness.i^ The corpse, after befng removed from the house, was usually kept for a day or more in the church, and from this originally arose the custom of keeping *EfieTrr cog-novimus cadavera niortnorurn per confertam popali freqaen- tiam et per maximam insistentium densilatem : quod quidem cculos homf- nnm infaustrs infestat adspectibus. Qui eiiim dies est bene auspicatns a fu- nere ? aut quomod* ad Deos et templa venietur ? Ideoque qaoniam et do- lor in exsequiis secreturn aniat, et diem functis nihil interest, utrnm per noc- tes an per dies elTerantur, liberari convenit totius populi adspectus, ut dolor esse in funeribus, rion ponrpa exequiarum^nec ostentatio videatar. Cod. Tkc- orfoir. lib. ix. tit 17, 1.5. AFFECTION FOR THE DYING. 411 vigils for the dead.^^ The funeral was sometimes delayed for sev- eral days. § 2. Affection for the Dying. The greatest attention was bestowed by the early Christians upon the dying, and the highest respect entertained for their final counsels, instructions, and prayers. Their exhortations to surviving friends,^ and their prayers in their behalf, were treasured up with pious care.^ Their will in regard to the disposal of their effects, and the appro- priation of them for objects of charity and benevolence, were reli- giously observed.3 The sign of the cross was administersd to them.^ The bishop and the several orders of the clergy, as well as relatives and friends, sought to offer them consolation. Prayers were offered in the church for them.^ Friends pressed around thera to give, and receive the parting kiss, and the last embrace.^ To such as were restored to christian fellowship in their dying moments, the sacra- ment was administered. This was afterwards united with the cere- mony of extreme unction. Friends and relatives closed the eyes and mouth of the dying"^ — a becoming rite which all nations have observed. But to the early Christians this was an emblem of the peaceful slumber of the de- ceased, from which he was expected to awake at the resurrection of the just.^ The body was then washed and clothed in a garment usually of white linen, but sometimes made of more costly materials and ornamented with gold, precious stones, etc.^ The corpse was laid out in its best attire ; and in addition to these rites it was fre- quently anointed and embalmed. Christians, contrary to the custom of the Jews, deposited the body in a coffin. This custom they observed in common with many hea- then nations. The corpse was exposed to view for some time before interment either at home, or in the streets, or more frequently in the church.i^ During this time it was attended by the nearest relatives and friends, whose duty it was to perform these last offices of affec- tion for the dead. The waitings of mourning women were, on no account, allowed as was customary among the Jews and many pa- gan nations. Such lamentations were exceedingly incongruous to the Christian who regarded death as no loss, but unspeakable gain. The office of sexton was of very early date, and held in high re- pute, as an honorable occupation. 412 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES, § 3. Funeral Solemnities. The body was borne on a bier in solemn procession to the buria! place, and followed by the relatives and friends of the deceased a» mourners, among whom the clergy and some others were reckoned. Besides these many others, as spectators, joined in the procession. These processions were sometimes so thronged as to occasion seri- ous accidents, and even the loss of life.^ It was the duty of the acolyths to conduct the procession. The bier was borne sometimes on the shoulder, and sometimes by the hands. The nearest rela- tions or persons of rank and distinction were the bearers. Even the bishops and clergy often officiated in this capacity. The tolling of bells at funerals was introduced in the eighth and ninth centuries. This office is expressed in the following distich, which was inscribed upon the church bell : Laudo Deum verum ; plebem voco ; congresso clerum, Defunctos ploro ; nimbum fugo ; festaque honoro. Previous to the use of bells the trumpet and wooden clappers were used for similar purposes. Palms and olive branches were carried in funeral processions for the first time in the fourth century, in imitation of Christ's triumphal entry into Jerusalem. The cypress was rejected because it was a symbol of mourning. The carrying of burning lamps and tapers was earlier and more general. This was a festive representation of the triumph of the deceased over death, and of his union with Christ, as in the festival of the Lamb in the Apocalypse.^ The Christians repudiated the custom of crowning the corpse and the coffin with garlands, as savoring of idolatry .^ But it was usual with them to strew flowers upon the grave.^ Psalms and hymns were sung while the corpse was kept, while« it was carried in procession, and around the grave. Notices of this custom are found in several authors.^ These anthems were alto- gether of a joyful character. But Bingham has well remarked that " we cannot expect to find much of this in the first ages, while the Christians were in a state of persecution ; but as soon as their peace- able times were come, we find it in every writer. The author of the Apostolical Constitutions (lib. vi. c. 30) gives this direction, that *^ PDNERAL SOLEMNITIES. 413 they should carry forth their dead with singing, if they were faithful. * For precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints.' and again it is said, ' Return to thy rest, O my soul, for the Lord hath rewarded thee. And the memory of the just shall be blessed : and the souls of the just are in the hand of the Lord.' These, pro- bably, were some of the versicles which made up their psalmody on such occasions. For Chrysostom, speaking of this matter, not only tells us the reason of their psalmody, but also what particular psalms or portions of them they made use of for this solemnity. * What mean our hymns .?' says he ; 'do we not glorify God and give him thanks, that he hath crowned him that is departed, that he hath de- livered him from trouble, that he hath set him free from all fear? Consider what thou singest at that time ; Turn again unto thy rest, O my soul, for the Lord hath rewarded thee. And again, I will fear no evil, because thou art with me. And again. Thou art my refuge from the affliction which compasseth me about. Consider what these psalms mean. If thou believest the things which thou sayest to be true, why dost thou weep and lament, and make a mere pa- geantry and mock of thy singing ? If thou believest them not to be true, why dost thou play the hypocrite, so much as to sing P (Chry- sost, Horn. 4 in Hehr.) He speaks this against those who used ex- cessive mourning at funerals, showing them the incongruity of that with this psalmody of the church." (Book xxiii. c. 3.) Funeral prayers also constituted an appropriate part of the burial- service of the dead. Funeral orations, Ao/ot iTiiicrjdEiot, initaq)ia^ were also delivered, commemorative of the deceased. Several of these are still extant, as that of Eusebius at the funeral of Constantine ; those of Ambrose on the deaths of Theodosius and Valentinian, and of his own brother Satyrus ; those of Gregory, and of Nazianzum upon his father, his brother Caesarius, and his sister Gorgonia. The sacrament of the Lord's supper was administered at funerals and often at the grave itself.^ By this rite, it was intimated that the communion of saints was still perpetuated between the living and the dead. It was a favorite idea that both still continued members of the same mystical body one and the same on earth and in heaven. This mode of celebrating the supper was also an honorable testimo- ny to the faith of the deceased, and of his consistent christian pro- fession in life. The Roman Catholic superstition of offerings and fi 414 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. masses for the dead took its rise from this ancient usage of the church. Some time previous to the sixth and seventh centuries, it became customary to administer the elements to the dead — to depo- site.a portion of the elements in the coffin — to give a parting kiss of charity, and to conclude ' the funeral solemnities whh an entertain- ment similar to the agapae. Of these usages the first mentioned were speedily abolished,''' and the last was gradually discontinued. It was' universally customary with Christians to deposite the corpse in the grave, as in modern times, facing the east ; and in the same atthude as at the present day. The reasons for this are given in the following extract : Christiani solent sepelire. 1. Supinos, quia mors nostra proprie non est mors, sed brevis quidam somnus. 2. Vultu ad coelum converso, quia solo in coelo spes nostra fundata est. 3. Versus orientem, argumento sperandae et exoptandae resurrectionis.^ The burial service was concluded, like all other religious solem- nities, with the Lord's prayer and the benediction. § 4. Mourners. Death was regarded by the early Christians not as an afflictive but joyful event. All immoderate grief or mourning was accordingly inconsistent, in their view, with christian faith and hope.* For this reason they severely reproved the Jewish and Roman custom of hir- ing women to make lamentations for the dead.^ It must not be sup- posed, however, that they either condemned the exercise of natural affection, or affected a stoical indifference. Gn the contrary, there are many passages of ancient authors in which the right and power of nature in this respect are recognized, and a becoming sorrow, occasioned by the death of friends, is justified, both on principles of reason, and by reference to examples in Scripture.t * Fratres nostri non lugendi accersione Dominica de saeculo liberati,cum sciamus, non eosomitti, sed praemitti, recedentes praecedere,ut proficiscen- tes et navigantes, desiderari eos debere, non plangi ; nee accipiendas heic atras vestes, quando illi ibi indumenta alba jam sumserint : occasioneni non dandam esse gentilibus, ut nos merito et jure reprehendant, quod quos vive- re apud Deuni dicimus ut exstinctos et perditos lugeamus, et fidem, quam sermone et voce depromimus, cordis et pectoris testimonio reprobemur. — Cyprian, De Mortal. Omnibus Christianis prohibitum defunctos flere. — Concil Talet. HI. f Non omnis infidelitatis aut infirmitatis est fletus ; alius est naturae do- OF MOURNERS. 415 In conformity with their views of death, Christians also utterly discarded the Jewish badges of mourning — sackcloth and ashes, and garments rent. Some of the fathers severely censure the Roman custom of -wearing black.'^ Augustine especially is peculiarly severe on this point. " Why," says he, " should we disfigure ourselves with black, unless we would imitate unbelieving nations, not only ia their wailing for the dead, but also in their mourning apparel ! Be assured these are foreign and unlawful usages ; but if lawful, they are not becoming." ^ Black however was, from the beginning, the customary mourning habit in the Greek church, and the use of it soon became general. No precise rules were made respecting the duration of mourning for the dead. This matter was left to custom and the feeling of the parties concerned. " The heathen had a custom of repealing their mourning on the third, seventh, and ninth day, which was particu- larly called the Novendiale ; and some added the twentieth, Ihirii- lor, alia est tristitia in diffidentia, et plurimam refert, desiderare, quod habn- eris. et lugere, quod amiseris . . . Fecerunt et fletum magnum sui, cum Pa- triarchae sepelirentur. Lacrymae ergo pietatis indices, non illices sunt do- loris. Lacrymatus sum ergo, fateor, et ego, sed lacrymatus est et Dominus } ille alienum, ego i\?iixem.— AmbTos. Qrat. in obit. Fratris. — Quorum nos vita propter amicitiae solatia de lectabat, unde fieri potest, ut eorum mors nul- 1am nobis ingerat moestitudinem ? Quam qui prohibet, prohibeat, si potest, arnica, colloquia, interdicat amicalem societatefn, vel intercidat adfectum omnium humanarum necessitudinura, vincula mentis immiti stupore disrum- pat, aut sic eis utendum esse censeat, ut nulla ex eis animum dulcedo per- fundat. Quod si fieri nullo modo potest, etiam hoc, quo pacto futurnm est, ut ejus ngbis amara mors non sit, cujus dulcis est vita? Hinc enim est luc- tus quidem [al. quidam] bumano corde quasi vulnus aut ulcus, cui sanando adhibentur officiosae consolationes. Non enim propterea non est, quod sane- tur; quoniam quanto est animus melior, tanto in eo citius faciliusque sana- tur. — Augustin. De Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c.-8. — Fremebam ocnlos ejus [sc. matris], et confluebat in praecordia mea moestitudo ingens, et transfiuebat in lacrimas, ibidemque oculi mei violento animi imperio resorbebant fontem suum usque ad siccitatem, et in tali luctamine valde male mibi erat. Turn vero ubi efflavit extremum spiritura, puer Adeodatus exclamavit in planc- tum, atque ab omnibus nobis coercitus tacuit. Hoc mode etiam meum quiddam puerile, quod labebatur in fletus, juvenili voce cordis cogtcebatur et tacebat. Neque enim decere arbitrabamur, funus illud questibus lacri- mosis gemitibusque celebrare, quia his plenimque solet deplorari quaedam miseria morientium, aut quasi omnimoda exstinctio. At ilia nee misere moriebatur, nee omnino moriebatur. — .-iugustin. Confess, lib. ix. c. 12. — Conf. Chrysost. Horn. 29, De Dormient. ; Horn. 61 , in Johann- <% 416 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. eth, and fortieth, not without a superstitious opinion of those parti- cular days, wherein they used to sacrifice to their manes with milk, and wine, and garlands, and flowers, as the Roman antiquities inform las. Something of this superstition, abating the sacrifice, was still remaining among the ignorant Christians in St. Austin's time ; for he speaks of some who ohserved a novendial in relation to their dead {Quaest. 127 in Gen.,) which he thinks they ought to be forbidden, because it was only an heathen custom. He does not seem to inti- mate that they kept it exactly as the heathen did ; but rather that they were superstitious in their observation of nine days of mourning, which was without example in Scripture. There was another way of continuing the funeral oflfices for three days together, which was allowed among Christians, because it had nothing in it but the same worship of God repeated. Then Euodius writing to St. Austin (Euodii, Ep. 258 inter Ep. August.,) and giving him an account of the funeral of a very, pious young man, who had been his votary, says that he had given him honorable obsequies, worthy of so great a soul : for he continued to sing hymns to God for three days together at his grave, and on the third day offered the sacraments of redemption. The author of the Constitutions ( Const. Apost. lib. viii. c. 42) takes notice of the repetition of the funeral office on the third day, and the ninth day, and the fortieth day, giving peculiar reasons for each of them : — ' Let the third day be observed for the dead with psalms, and lessons, and prayers, because Christ on the third day rose again from the dead ; and let the ninth day be ob- served in remembrance of the living and the dead ; and also the fortieth day, according to the ancient manner of the Israelites mourning for Moses forty days ; and finally let the anniversary day be observed in commemoration of the deceased.' " On the anniversary days of commemorating the dead, they were used to make a common feast or entertainment, inviting both the clergy and people, but especially the poor and needy, the widows and orphans, that it might not only be a memorial of rest to the dead, but an odor of sweet smell to themselves in the sight of God, as the author under the name of Origen words, it. St. Chrysostom says {Chrysost. Horn. 41 in 1 Ep. ad Cor.) that they were more tenacious of this custom, than they were of some others of greater importance. — But this often degenerated into great abuses. (Aug' de Moribus Eccles. c. 34; Ep. 64 ad Aurelium.y — Bingham, An- tiq. book 23, chap. 3. PRAYERS FOR THE DEAD. 417 § 5. Prayers for the Dead. Our author appears to have omitted this peculiarity of the early- Christians. But it is discussed at length by Riddle, who has brought many authorities to illustrate the sentiments and practice of the fa- thers on this subject, some of which are given below, with the result of his investigation of this subject. Tertullian (died, 220), in his treatise on the Soldier'' s Chaplet, speaks of prayer for the dead as a custom of the church at the time of his writing that treatise, which was probably not long after the year 200 : " We make anniversary oblations for the dead, for their birthdays," meaning, the days of their death.* In another of his works the same author says, that it was the practice of a widow to pray for the soul of her deceased husband, desiring on his behalf present refreshment or rest, and a part in the first resurrection ; and offering annually an oblation for him on the day of his falling asleep, i. e. his death. And elsewhere he represents a bereaved husband as praying for the soul of his deceased wife, and offering annual oblations for her.t Origen (d. 254) tells us, that Christians in his time " thought it right and useful to make mention of the saints in their public prayers, and to improve themselves by the commemoration of their worthies.^ Cyprian (d. 258) affirms, that in his time it was the practice of Christians to offer oblations and sacrifices of commemoration for martyrs, on the anniy^csafy days of their martyrdom, with thanks- giving ; and he refers also to the oblations and supplications, or deprecatory prayers, on behalf of other departed members of the * Oblationes pro defunctis, pro natalitiis, annua die facimus. — Tertull. De Corona Militis, c. 3. t Pro anima ejus oral, et refrigerium interim adpostulat ei, et in prima resurrectione consortium, et ofFert annuis diebus dormitionis ejus. — Id. De Monogamia, c. 10. — Jam repete apud Deuni pro cujus spiritu postules,pro qua oblationes annuas reddas. — Exhort, ad Castit. c. 11. — Tertullian held that every little offence of the faithful would be punished by delaying their resurrection. Modicum quodque delictum mora resurrectionis luendum. — De minima, c. 58. + Meminisse sanctorum sive in collectis solennibus, sive pro eo ut ex re- cordatione eorum proficiamus, aptum et conveniens videtur. — Orig. lib. ix. in Rom. 12. 53 418 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. church.* In another place Cyprian says, " When we have departed hence, there is no place left for repentance, and no effect of satis- faction."! Arnobius, in his treatise a;i;ainst the heathen, written probably about the year 305, speaking of the prayers offered after the conse- cration of the elements in the Lord's supper, says that Christians prayed for pardon and peace, on behalf of the living and the dead.f Cyril of Jerttsalem (d. 386), reports the prayer made after con- secration of the elements at the holy communion, in these words : — " We offer this sacrifice in memory of all those who have fallen asleep before us, first, patriarchs, prophets, apostles, and martyrs, that God by their prayers and intercessions may receive our suppli- cations ; and then we pray for our holy fathers and bishops, and all that have fallen asleep before us, believing that it is a great advan- tage to their souls to be prayed for, whilst the holy and tremendous sacrifice lies upon the altar." (Catech. Mystag. 5, n. 6.) The same writer furnishes evidence, that in his time many persons doubted the efficacy of prayer, as a means of procuring benefit to the dead. " I know many," he observes in the same book, " who say, what profit does the soul receive that goes out of this world, either with sins, or without sins, if you make mention of it in prayer V Gregory of Nazianzum (d. 390), prayed, that God would receive the soul of his brother Caesarius. (Greg. Naz. Oral. 10.) Arch- bishop Usher quotes the following passage from this father, in testi- mony of his dissent from the opinion that the dead could be profited by the prayers of the living : " Then in vain shall one go about to relieve those that lament. Here men may have a remedy, but after- * Celebrentur hie a nobis oblationes et sacrificia ob commemorationes eorum Cypr. Ep. 37, al. 22, ad Clerum. — Sacrificia pro eis semper, ut me- minisiis, ofFerirnus, quoties martyruin passiones et dies ailniversaria com- memoratione celebramus. — £/>. 34, al. 39. — Non est quod pro dormitiond ejus apud vos fiat oblatio, aut deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in ecclesia fre- quentetur. — Ep. iS^, al. 1. t Quando isthinc excessum fuerit, nullus jam locus poenitentiae est, nul- lus satisfactionis elFectus. — Cypr. ad Demetrian, § 16. X Cur immaniter conventicula nostra dirui meruerint .^ In quibus sum- mus oratur Deus, pax cunctis et venia postulatur, magistratibus, exercitibus, regibus, familiaribus, inimicis, adhuc vitam degentibus, et resolutis corporum vinctione.— ./^rnoft. jidv. Gentes, lib. iv. PRAYERS FOR THE DEAD. 419 wards there is nothing but bonds, or all things are fast bound." (Greg. Naz. in Carm. de Rehits Suis.) It may be observed, that this passage proves only that Gregory esteemed prayer of no avail to those who may die in sin. In the writings of J^m^ose (d. 397), we meet with prayers of that father, on behalf of the deceased Theodosius and Valentinian, and his own brother ; and we find him giving instructions to a Christian not to weep for a deceased sister, but to make prayers and oblations for her. (Ambros. De Ohitu Theodosii ; De Obit. Valentin. ; De Obitu Fratris ; Ep. 8, ad Faust.) The same author affirms, in an- other place, that " death is a haven of rest, and makes not our con- dition worse ; but according as it finds every man, so it reserves him to the judgment that is to come." {De Bono Mortis^ c. 4.) Aerius appears to have been the first who publicly protested against the practice of praying for the dead ; which he did upon the ground of the uselessness of such prayers to those who were the subjects of them. His objections were met by Epiphaniu^, (d. 403,) who maintained {Haeres. 75), first, that prayer for the dead was useful, as testifying the faith and hope of the living, inasmuch as it showed their belief that the departed were still in being, and living with the Lord ; and secondly, as a further argument, that " the prayer which is made for them does profit, although it do not cut off all their sins ; yet, forasmuch as whilst we are in the world we oftentimes slip, both unwillingly and with our will, it serves to signify that which is more perfect. For we make," continues he, " a me- morial both for the just and for sinners ; for sinners, entreating the mercy of God; for the just, (bolh the fathers and patriarchs, the prophets, and apostles, and evangelists, and martyrs, and confessors ; bishops also, and authorities, and the whole order,) that we may serve our Lord Jesus Christ from the rank of all other men, by the honor that we do unto him, and that we may yield worship unto him." Chrysosiom (d. 407,) speaking of the death of the wicked, says, " They are not so much to be lamented, as succoured with prayers, and supplications, and alms, and oblations. For these things were not designed in vain, neither is it without reason that we make men- tion of those that are deceased in the holy mysteries, interceding for them to the Lamb that is slain to take away the sins of the world ; but that some consolation may hence arise to them. Neither is it in 420 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. vain that he who stands at the altar, when the tremendous mysteries are celebrated, cries, ' We offer unto thee for all those that are asleep in Christ, and all that make commemorations for them.' For if there were no commemorations made for them, these things would not be said. Let us not therefore grow weary in giving them our assistance, and offering prayers for them," Jerome (d. 420) says, " While we are in this present world we may be able to help one another, either by our prayers or by our councils ; but when we shall come before the judgment seat of Christ, neither Job, nor Daniel, nor Noah, can entreat for any one, but every one must bear his own burden." (Lib. iii. Comment, in Galat. c. 6.) On the whole, therefore, it appears, that from the time of Tertul- lian, at least, and probably from a still earlier date, the church was accustomed to offer prayers for the dead. Many teachers of the church during the third and fourth centuries sanctioned this super- stitious practice ; some of them encouraging a belief that the prayers of the living were a means of procuring certain imaginary benefits for those who had died in sin, as well as for those who had departed in the faith ; but others affirming that the dead could derive no bene- fit from the prayers of survivors. So that while it was the erroneous opinion that prayers and oblations ought to be made for the dead, and was the received and universal doctrine of the church, it was yet a question among christian doctors, on which they were allowed to differ, whether the dead received any profit from such prayers. The entire abandonment of a custom so much at variance with di- vine truth was reserved for that brighter period in the history of the church, in which " the Bible, the Bible alone," began (perhaps for the first time since the commencement of the second century) to be recognized as the sole depositary of the principles of our religion, and the only unerring guide of christian practice. When the prayers of the early church were offered on behalf of persons supposed to have died in the faith, who were regarded as about to enter into happiness. Christians were understood to beseech God that he would receive those persons to himself ; — they gave thanks for their deliverance out of this sinful world ; — they petition- ed for the divine forgiveness of all remains of sin and imperfection in the departed ; — they intended to offer a tribute of respect and af- fection to the deceased, and to testify their own belief of the immor- **. CEMETERIES OF THE EABLY CHRISTIANS. 421 tality of the soul and a future life ;— and they sought to procure for their departed friends the blessings of an early share in the millen- nial reign of Christ upon earth (which was confidently expected by the early Christians), — as well as favor at the day of judgment, (when they supposed that all men would pass through a fire of pur- gation,) — and an augmentation of their reward and glory in the state of final blessedness. It is certain also, that prayers were offered for those who had died in sin, in the hope of mitigating their sufferings, or rendering their condemnation more tolerable. (Chrysost. Horn. 3, in Phil. ; Conf. Horn. 21, in Act. ; Horn. 32, in Matt. ; August. Enchirid, ad Lau- rent, c. 110; Paulin. Ep. 19; Athanas. Qaest. ad Antioch.'ix. 34; Prudent. Cathemerin. Carm. 5, De Cereo Paschali.) § 6. Of the Cemeteries of the Early Christians. By far the greater number of the primitive Christians were buried in subterranean sepulchres. As, during the first three hundred years the sword of persecution was constantly impending over their heads, and dear-bought experience taught them, that their only safety lay either in withdrawing to uninhabited deserts, or sheltering them- selves in inaccessible hiding holes, multitudes who preferred the lat- ter alternative, died, and were interred in their places of retreat. These served at once as their home and their burying place ; and, as it was natural that they should wish to have the bodies of their de- parted brethren conveyed to the same peaceful and inviolable sanc- tuaries, it became, first from necessity, and afterwards from choice, the approved and invariable practice of the Christians to deposit their dead in deep and obscure caverns. These, owing to the vast mul- titudes who fell simultaneously in times of persecution, and to whom, except in some few cases, the rites of burial were not refused, evi- dently required to be of no ordinary magnitude ; and accordingly, — at what time is uncertain, but at an early period, — the charity of some wealthy friends of their body put them in possession of ceme- teries which remained ever after the common property of the believ- ers. Among the monuments of christian antiquity, none are more singular than these abodes of the dead ; and one feels at a loss whether most to admire their prodigious extent, the laborious indus- try that provided them, or the interesting recollections with which 422 FUNERAL RITES AND CEREMONIES. they are associated. Like the Moorish caves in Spain, they were generally excavated at the base of a lonely hill, and the entrance so carefully concealed that no aperture appeared, and no traces were discernible — except by an experienced eye — of the ground having been penetrated, and of the vast dungeons that had been hollowed underneath. The descent was made by a ladder, the foot of which stood in a broad and spacious pathway, which extended like a street along the whole length of the place. This principal entrance open- ed, at intervals into smaller passages, which again led into a variety of chambers ; and on either side of them were several rows of nich- es, pierced in the wall, serving as catacombs, and filled with coffins. The chambers were painted, for the most part like the churches, with passages of history from the Old and New Testaments. In the centre of the largest street was an operk square, large and commo- dious as a market-place, in which those who took refuge there, in those troublous times, were wont to congregate for worship ; and the comfort of which, as a place of abode, was greatly promoted by the liberal use which the Christians made of spices and perfumes on their dead. In the more distant of these cemeteries, whose remoteness rendered them less liable to be disturbed, there were small apertures left in the surface of the ground, through which a dim twilight was admitted ; but the others, where these were closed, were absolutely dark, and except by the aid of lights, impassable ; so that, on any sudden surprise, the refugees had only to extinguish their lamps to insure their safety from the invasion of their enemies. The depth of these vaults was sometimes so great, that two or three stories were ranged one above another ; and the whole aspect conveyed the im- pression of a city under ground. Many of them, however, never came to the knowledge of the en- emy ; and one was only discovered about three miles from Rome, so late as the end of the sixteenth century, the size and various apart- ments of which excited universal astonishment. Numbers still re- main, bearing the names of their respective founders, and af- fording, by their inscriptions, and the monuments of antiquity found in them, the most satisfactory proofs of their having been used as hiding-places by the Christians. From their habit of courting the obscurity of the catacombs, the Christians obtained, from their heathen contemporaries, the name of the " Light-hating People ;" and to their religious familiarity with these abodes of the dead, the PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 423 reflecting reader will be disposed lo trace that general desire for martyrdom which, in the second and third centuries, astonished the authorities of Rome, and crowded the tribunals of all the provinces. Strange as that insensibility to suffering and death may seem, its ori- gin is naturally to be imputed to the strong influence of place, ope- rating on the minds of men who, by daily contact with the venerable remains of their ancestors, had overcome the instinctive dread of dissolution, and in whom vivid impressions of religion, and the hope of immortal glory, together with the extraordinary estimation in which the memory of the martyrs was held, had created a passion- ate longing for similar honors. CHAPTER XXI. OF SACRED SEASONS. FESTIVALS AND FASTS. § 1. Preliminary Remarks.^ The primitive church were not careful to prescribe a specific time or place for the celebration of their religious festivals. The apos- tles and their immediate successors proceeded on the principle that these should be observed at stated times, which might still be varied as circumstances should direct. These seasons were regarded as sacred^ not for any peculiar sanctity belonging to the day, or hour, in which they were solemnized, in itself considered, but merely as being set apart from a common to a religious use.^ Some however have maintained, that these festive days should be observed as holy time.^ The reckoning of chronology by the christian era was introduced in the sixth century by Dionysius, a Roman abbot, and in the seventh and eighth centuries, was denominated the Dionysian era.^ Previ- ous to the introduction of this system of chronology, time was reck- oned, by the Jews from the creation of the world, by the Romans from the founding of Rome, or by consulships, or by the reign of their emperors. The calendar was revised by Julius Caesar forty- five years before Christ, and the year made to begin on the first of ^ye^jf^ 424 OF SACRED SEASONS. January instead of the first of March. The Dionysian era began A. D. 531, but it has since been subject to certain modifications, of which the most important are the correction of the epact, and the reduction from the 25th of March to the 25th of December. It is not distinctly known when the reckoning of time by an eccle- siastical year began in the church. The Jews had a civil year which dated from the creation of the world, and began on the first day of the month Tisri, corresponding to the first half of September and styled ii^'jirT 'CNi. Their ecclesiastical or reZigiows year hav- ing the same name began on the first of the month Nisan, corres- ponding with the latter part of March. The passover followed im- mediately, and all their festivals were reckoned from this date.^ From the authorities quoted in the above reference, it is probable that the ecclesiastical year in the christian church was adopted from the Jewish, and corresponded with it. In the fifth century the feast of the annunciation^ March 25th, which also has an intimate relation to the 25th of December, was accounted the beginning of the eccle- siastical year, corresponding very nearly with the religious reckon- ing of the Jews. This became a fixed point for the church from which to date all their festivals, or as Chrysostom expresses it, it was tt^w- 71] xal ^iCa TOiv eoqtojv tov Xqktzov. This feast, according to the council of Toletum, X. c. 1, was to be held on the 18th of Decem- ber, on the last sabbath of Christmas, as in Milan ; or on the t5th or 6th of January, as in the Ethiopian and Armenian churches respec- tively. In France it was observed on the 25th of March as late as the sixteenth century, and in England even down to the eighteenth century. The Western church generally may very naturally be supposed to date their ecclesiastical year from the advent of Christ, in imita- tion of the church at Rome. Between the seventh and ninth centu- ries this festival was extended to include six sabbath days. This number was afterwards reduced. The Eastern church, like the Western, celebrated the Advent for a series of days, but differed entirely from that church in the reck- oning of their religious year. This they began from the feast on the erection of the cross, crouch-mas-day ^ Sept. 14th .^ This mode of reckoning time, by ecclesiastical and civil years must have caused much confusion and inconvenience. And some important reasons must have led to the adoption of a system of chro- PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 425 nology so complicated and inconvenient. The primitive church were probably influenced in their adherence to this arrangement by their desire to embrace in their sacred seasons all the leading inci- dents of our Saviour's life. The Julian reckoning of time from the first of January they rejected because of its relation to pagan chro- nology. For many centuries this day was stigmatized by them as a day for fasting and penance, or as a day fit only to be observed by fools and hypochondriacs, the. observance of which was forbidden by various ecclesiastical councils in the sixth and seventh centuries.^ The names of months and weeks, and the consequent division of time by them, the church in general derived from the Eoman calen- dar. But they rejected the names of January and February as be- ing associated with paganism. For the same reason they rejected the reckoning by Calends, Nones, and Ides. They divided the year into fifty-two weeks, and gave to each a specific name as hehdomas magna^ hehdomas authentica, muta^ poenosa, luctuoso, crucis, indul- gentiae, paschalis^ pentecostalis^ trinitatis, etc. They uniformly began the week on Sunday, which they styled the Lord^s day, xvgi- aicii rifisqa, and the weeks which followed were denominated, Advent, Epiphany, etc. They manifested the same zealous opposition to paganism by rejecting the Roman names of the days of the week, Monday, Tuesday, dies Lunae, Mortis, etc. each being named af- ter some pagan god. Some ascetics retained Sunday, dies Solis, but only in a mystical sense relating to the sun of righteousness. But the names of the others they uniformly refused, and substituted in their place the appellations Feria prima, secunda, etc. for Mon- day, Tuesday, etc.* The festivals of the church are divided into the following classes : weekly and annual ; moveable and immoveable, i. e. fixed to a certain day of the month on which they always occur ; higher, middle and loicer ; universal and particular ; ancient and modern ; civil and ec- clesiastical ; secular and religious. Even as early as the second * it is a little singular that our names of the days of the week had an ori- gin similar to that which was so obnoxious to the primitive church, as may be seen by observing their Saxon derivation. Sunnadaeg, Sun's day; Mon- nndaeg. Moon's day ; Tuesdaeg, day of Tuscio, i. e. Mars ; Wodensdaeg^ day of Woden, or Odm, a northern deity ; Torsdaeg, day of Thor, a deity an- swering to Jupiter ; Frydaeg, day of Frigga, the Venus of the North ; Sat terdaeg, day of Sacter, i. e. Satnrn.^— Tr. 54 426 OF SACRED SEASONS. century the birth day of the emperor was celebrated in the church as a day of thanksgiving and prayer. Under Constantino the Great, these secular festivals became very numerous.^ It is worthy of re- mark that by the nativity, t« yivsdha, the church generally denoted not the natural birlh but tlie death of the person commemorated by the festival, the deceased being supposed at death to he horn to a new and nobler state of being. The nativity however of our Lord, of John the Baptist, and of the Virgin Mary, is to be understood in its appropriate and obvious signification. All their religious festivals were observed by the primitive church as a voluntary act, and never as an imperative duty. Their senti- ments on this subject are fully expressed by Socrates,^^ and reca- pitulated by Nicephorus.1^ " Neither Paul nor the evangelists im- posed any yoke of bondage upon those who received instruction from them ; but they submitted the observance of the passover and of other festivals to the option of all. — So that neither the Lord Jesus, nor his apostles gave any law respecting these observances to en- force them by penalties and threalenings, as were the laws of Moses upon the Jews." For similar sentiments of the fathers see referen- ces.^2 There were, however, some who very early maintained a different opinion ; and in the fourth century various decrees of ec- clesiastical councils were passed enjoining the observance of feast- days as a duly.^3 3^^ even then, these duties were required rather as a rule o^ christian practice^ \.ha.n as a doctrinal precept. The number of religious festivals was at first small. The most ancient rubrics mention only those of the Passion ,]of Easter, and of Whitsunday, commemorative of the death and resurrection of Christ, and the descent of the Holy Spirit. Christmas was not observed as a sacred religious festival until the fourth century, when it became customary to observe saints' days ; among which, this was the most sacred. The earliest authorities on this point, are Clemens of Alex- andria, Origen, and Jerome, as quoted above. From the council of Trent we learn that, for the first four hundred years, the festivals of the church were, L The Lord's day ; 2. that of the Passion ; 3. of the Resurrection ; 4. the Ascension ; 5. Pentecost ; 6. the Nativity and Baptism of Christ. i'* For later acts of councils, see references.^^ The object and end proposed in observing those sacred seasons, was to call to mind the benefits of the christian dispensation, — to excite Christians to holy living, — to offer thanks for providential PRELIMINARY REMARKS. . 427 mercies ; and to aid in the cultivation of the christian graces. These graces the primitive Christians sought particularly to cultivate on such occasions. Freed from worldly cares, that they might devote themselves to the duties of religion, they joyfully celebrated their religious festivals. So carefully were they conscientiously to guard against all improper indulgences, and idolatrous customs on those days, that they sought the interposition of the civil authority to pro- tect them in the quiet observance of them, and to prohibit the vain amusements and recreations which were inconsistent with the solem- nities of the occasion. It is an interesting characteristic of the discourses which were de- livered on these occasions, that they related to the most important topics of religion ; all the benefits of Christianity, and the whole sa- cred history were set forth ; the incarnation, the life and death of our Lord, and all the mysteries of the sacred Trinity, were particu- larly the topics of discourse. Even the Sabbath day, according to Eusebius, had a three-fold origin, rQslg uqx"? sx^vaa, emblematical of the sacred Trinity. So the three great feasts were supposed to em.brace the three great principles of the christian religion, and were organized in accordance with the belief in a triune God. For the same reason, it became customary at a later period to celebrate each festival for three days only. Epiphanius, in one of his dis- courses on such an occasion, dwells upon the incarnation of Christ, God manifest in the flesh ; on his death, and baptism by water and ihe Holy Ghost ; the fall of Adam, and his restoration to eternal life ; the heavenly state, etc. In the references, the reader is direc- ted to this and other discourses of the fathers on these festivals.^^ It is particularly striking to observe how differently christian and pagan festivals were celebrated. Philo the Jew mentions the fol- lowing, as common scandals which occur at such idolatrous festivals, — negligence, indolence, carousing, surfeiting, noisy mirth, sensuality, convivial meetings at unseasonable hours, the gratification of particu- lar lusts, inordinate excess, intemperance, self-inflicted ignominy ; sleeping on the day which invites peculiar watchfulness, in a word, every unnatural excess. Every virtue is derided, everything praise- worthy is condemned, and every unworthy deed commended. ^'^ Gregory Nazianzen, on the contrary, earnestly remonstrates against the celebration of Epiphany by ornamental decorations, music, or sweet odors, or any voluptuous enjoyment. Extravagant expendi- 428 OF SACRED SEASONS. lures in dress, feasting and carousing, and wanton excesses of every kind he condemns. " Let us leave all such," he adds, " to the Gen- tiles and their gods, who, themselves devoted to every sensual pleas- ure, are fidy worshipped in the same way. But we who worship the incarnate Word, if we find pleasure in anything, let it be in meditating upon the divine law, and especially, in the recital of those things which harmonize with the present occasion. "^^ Constantine the Great enacted particular laws for the due observ- ance of those days,i9 which were again revised both by the elder and younger Theodosius.^^ By those laws all theatrical exhibitions were forbidden, except on secular festivals commemorative of the birth or coronation of the emperor. Neither were they allowed in the interval between Easter and Whitsunday.^i Courts of justice were also suspended on most of those days, and civil persecutions prohibited.22 Among the positive duties required on such occasions were deeds of mercy and charity, attendance on public worship, not only of the house of worship, but of private dwellings, and the wear- ing of suitable apparel. The rich were to send presents of food to the poor, and prayers were to be offered by the congregation not kneeling^ but standing. If any master prqposed to manumit his slaves, this was also required to be done on those days.^^ Since the fourth century, it has been customary to celebrate joy- ful festivals by decorations with evergreens, by strewing of flowers, illuminations, and the burning of incense. It is uncertain whether the love feasts of the primitive church were a part of the sacrament or not. That they were celebrated in con- nection, is sufficiently evident.^^ At first they preceded the sacra- mental season, and were an ordinance introductory to this. It was afterwards made to follow that season. In the fourth century these feasts became the occasion of such excesses that the intervention of ecclesiastical councils was required to correct them. They were subsequently prohibited altogether, and discontinued in the sixth or seventh century .^^ See chap. XVI. § 13. The sacrament of the Lord's supper was celebrated on all reli- gious festivals, as the most important of the festivities of the occa- sion. § 2. Of the Sabbath. The primitive church observed both the Jewish and the christian sabbath. The Jewish converts considered the abrogation of the cere- tfPTBE SABBATH. 429 monial law, and of the sabbath, to relate only to their exemption from its burdensome rites ; and religiously observed the day as holy. Converts from paganism, on the contrary, contemplated Christianity as a dispensation altogether new, and the religion of the Jews as to- tally abrogated. The resurrection of Christ was to them a fixed point, the beginning of this new dispensation, the new passover from bondage to freedom, from death to life. This great eveni they re- fused to commemorate on the same day which the Jews observed for another end, and for this purpose they selected the first day of the week. The import of the christian sabbath they accounted more significant and important than that of the Jewish. The one com- memorated the completion of the work of creation ; the other, the beginning of a nobler work by the great Creator himself, who was light and life to all. The silence of the writers of the New Testament relative to the christian sabbath, is no matter of surprise. It is in strict accordance with that law of liberty which is the basis of the christian dispensa- tion. But there are various passages which evidently refer to this institution. The divine Word, by whom all things were made, is styled Light and Life, with evident reference to the work of creation. To this we may add Acts 20: 7. 1 Cor. 16: 2. Mark 16: 2, 9. John 20: 19, 26, and especially Rev. 1: 10. The author of the epistle of St. Barnabas introduces the Lord as saying, ' The sabbaths which you now keep are not acceptable to me ; bui those which I have made, when, resting from all things, I shall begin the eighth day, that is, the beginning of the other world.' " For which cause," he adds, " we observe the eighth day with glad- ness, in which Jesus rose from the dead, and, having manifested himself to his disciples, ascended into heaven." ^ Justin Martyr, who lived in the fore part of the second century, says that they. Christians, neither celebrated the Jewish festivals, nor observed their sabbaths, nor practised circumcision.^ In another place he says that they, both those who lived in the city and they who lived in the country, were all accustomed to meet on the day which is denominated Sunday, for the reading of the Scriptures, prayer, exhortation, and communion. See chap. XVI. § 4. The assembly meet on Sunday, because this is the first day on which God, having changed the darkness, and the elements, to axoiog xal Ti]v vXi]v TQmduq, created the world : and because Jesus our Lord on this day arose from the dead. 430 OF SACRED SEASONS. Pliny asserts that they^ the Christians, were wont to meet on a cer- tain day, stato die, and sing hymns to Christ as God.^ Ignatius, in the first century, exhorts the Magnesians, c. 9, no longer to sabbatize, i.e. observe the Jeioish sabbaths, but to keep the Lord's day. Other authorities are quoted from Tertullian,^ Clemens Alexandrinus,"^ and Cyprian,^ from all which it must be admitted that the observance of the Christian sabbath had already become uni- versal in the second century, as a usage enforced by common con- sent and the authority of tradition, agreeably to the declaration of Augustine.^ Athanasius, however, in the beginning of the third century, ex- pressly declared that the Lord changed the sabbath into the Lord's day, and adds, " We observe the Lord's day because of the resur- rection, i'^ The account which Eusebius gives of this subject is, that the Logos, the Word, in the New Testament, transferred the sabbath of the Lord God unto this day, i. e. to the christian sabbath, as the true image of divine rest, and the first day of light, when the Saviour, bursting the bars of death, completed a work more excellent than that of the six days of creatioH, and entered the gates of heaven, to enjoy his glorious rest. " This day," he observes, " Christians throughout the world celebrate, in strict obedience to the spiritual law. Like the Jews they offer the morning and evening^ sacrifice, with incense of sweeter odor ;" referring to their confessions, suppli- cations, and prayers, and the melody of their psalms and hymns and spiritual songs. The day, he also says, was universally observed as strictly as the Jewish sabbath, whilst all feasting, drunkenness, and recreation, was rebuked as a profanation of the sacred day. — Com- ment. in Ps. 9L The Jewish Christians, while they observed the seventh day as the sabbath, did not omit the^rs^ day in commemoration of the re- surrection. This would probably have been a forfeiture of the chris- tian name. But the exhortations which were given against judaizing and sabbatizing, are directed apparently against an undue care in keeping the Jewish sabbath.^^ This was uniformly censured as prejudicial to the freedom of christian worship ; but no specific limi- tations were set to those things which might be done consistently with christian liberty and a good conscience in celebration of the Jewish sabbath. Neither did the decrees of councils and of empe- rors, relating to the observance of Sunday, interfere with the usages OF THE SABBATH. 431 relating to the Jewish sabbath.^^ It was even styled by Gregory Nazianzen the kindred of the christian sabbath.^^ Both were ob- served as joyful festivals, on which it was forbidden to fast, with the exception of Easter eve, commennorative of that night when our Lord lay entombed in the sepulchre. The rules relating to the observance of Saturday, or the Jewish sabbath, were chiefly of a negative and prohibitory character. Fast- ing and kneeling in prayer were forbidden, as on the sabbath. La- bor was not prohibited, which is the more remarkable inasmuch as it was suspended even on other festivals.^^ Neander erroneously asserts that the communion was administered on this day.^^ But public worship was held, and the mysteries celebrated, as on the Lord's day. To this remark, however, the church at Rome and Alexandria are an exception. It was at a later period observed as an evening festival preparatory to the Lord's day, and was solem- nized by vespers and vigih. This is the true import of the religious observance of Saturday. It was preparatory to the Lord's day, designed to lead on and rightly introduce this great day of our Lord. But the Roman and the Oriental churches diflTered essentially in their observance of the day. The former kept it as a/o^i," the latter as SifestivaU^ The Lord's day, however, was uniformly regarded as more sa- cred than Saturday. And after the fourth century was thus honored not only in the church, but also in the state. Ignatius says that all who loved the Lord kept the Lord's day as the queen of days, a re- viving, life-giving day, best of all our days. Such epithets abound in the ancient homilies of the fathers. But the appropriate name of the day was the Lord^s day. The name of Sunday, die solis, was rejected, because of its relation to idolatry ; and when at length it was received into use, it was only in a metaphorical sense, in rela- tion to Christ as the Light of the World and the Sun of Righteous- ness.i9 It is also worthy of note that the first day was very gene- rally called the eighth day. The heretical sects of the day are severely censured by the fathers for their disregard of the sabbath. And yet it does not appear that any one absolutely neglected the day. It would seem rather that they were less scrupulous in the two cardinal points by which, in the view of the primitive Christians, the day was desecrated— /os^in^, and kneeling in prayer. To fast in token of sorrow on this glad day, 432 OF SACREU SEASONS. and to kneel whilst connnnemorating the day when our Lord arose, was a violent impropriety, which failed not to awaken the sore dis- pleasure of the church, and call forth the anathemas of her councils. It is not distinctly known whether these sects allowed labor to be performed on the Lord's day or not. ^ 3. General View of the sacred Seasons, and of the Period OF THE three GREAT FESTIVALS. The most ancient of all the festivals of the church is that of Eas- ter, in memory of our Lord's resurrection. The high antiquity and importance of this festival is sufficiently evident from the fact that the ecclesiastical year began with it, and that originally it was commem- orative both of the death and resurrection of our Lord. It is known in the oldest writings extant as nuaxn uvaajcujinov, feast of the re- surrection. After this, the most ancient feast is that of Whitsunday, commem- orative of the descent of the Holy Spirit on the day of Pentecost. It is really a continuation and conclusion of the festival above men- tioned. The entire period of seven weeks between Easter and Whitsunday was one continued festival, styled the Pentecost, during which time it was not allowed either to kneel in prayer or to fast. The present Whitsunday is probably of no higher antiquity than the Ascension feast, which some writers, confounding the feast with the fact which it commemorates, assert to be of apostolic origin. It was coeval with the martyr feasts, in honor of saints, of which we have no knowledge earlier than the second, third, and fourth centuries. The earliest of these festivals of which we have any record is that in memory of Polycarp, as related by Eusebius, who copies the epistle, sent by the church over which Polycarp presided, to the sis- ter churches. In this episde it is said, " The Lord grant that we may, with joy and gladness, celebrate the birth-day of his martyrdom, both in memory of those who have heretofore undergone and been victorious in this glorious conflict, and also for the instruction and preparation of such as shall hereafter be exercised therein." ^ The Greek church, as early as the fourth century, celebrated the feast of All Saints. The institution of Christmas as a festival was at a period subse- quent to that above mentioned, and dates no farther back than the GENERAL VIEW. 433 fourth century. After the introduction of this feast, which became the occasion of many others, the festivals of the church began to be reduced to system and method, not in the order of antiquity, but ac- cording to their design and end ; so that towards the end of the fourth century the sacred seasons were arranged in three great cycles, set- ting forth in chronological order the leading incidents of our Saviour's life. The three high feasts were thus intended specifically to com- prehend and to honor the most momentous events of the same. These festivals were also preceded by preparatory fasts. Before Christmas and Easter, both the Latin and Greek churches agreed in keeping the advent and quadragesimal fasts, though they differed in regard to the time during which these ought to continue. The entire period between Easter and Whitsunday was a continued festi- val, in which it was unlawful to fast, but even this did not prevent the Greek church from observing a short fast before this day. The following extract from Chrysostom will illustrate the views of the fathers on this subject. " In six days God executed all his work, and rested on the seventh. So in these last days the divine Logos who, to save that which was lost, in mercy became flesh, appointed festi- vals corresponding to the days of the creation. The first is the na- tivity in the flesh ; the second, epiphany ; the third, the day of his passion ; the fourth, the day of his glorious resurrection ; the fifth, his reception into heaven ; the sixth, the descent of the Holy Ghost ; the seventh, the great day of general resurrection, which has no suc- cession nor end. For that is an eternal festival, or perpetual sab- bath, and rest for the people of God, to be celebrated with great joy and gladness, by those that shall be heirs of such things as eye hath not seen nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man, — which God has prepared for them that love him."^ The last men- tioned is, evidently, not a feast of the church, but the same as the eternal sabbath, and the heavenly hallelujah, of which the writers of that day so frequently speak. The Greek church, according to the annalist Michael Glycas, ob- served six principal feasts ; first, the birth ; second, the baptism ; third, the death ; fourth, the resurrection ; fifth, the ascension of Christ, and sixth, the descent of the Holy Ghost. These had a mys- tical relation to the six days of creation, and were emblematical of the new creation by Christ. Two of these were uniformly celebrated in connection, constituting a threefold division. 55 434 OF SACRED SEASONS. § 4. Of Christmas, the Festival of Christ's Nativity.^ This festival begins with the advent on the last of November, and continues until epiphany, January 6th. But both the Latin and Greek church, since the latter end of the fourth century have agreed in observing the 25th of December more particularly. The advent is preliminary and preparatory to this, and the epiphany closes this sacred festival in honor of the incarnate Saviour. Many, misled by the term acpi^ig, advent, as it oc^^urs in the earliest of the fathers, have supposed that the advent, as a festival, was of apostolic origin ; whereas the first authentic mention is in the council of Mascon, c. 3, A. D. 582. In regard to the nativity, it appears from an oration of Chrysostom on this occasion, in the year 386, that this festival had been introdu- ced ten years before, for the first time, into Antioch and Syria, and that others claimed for it a high antiquity, asserting that it was known from Thrace even unto Spain.'^ Epiphany was observed at an earlier period ; his entrance upon his public ministry being an event of greater interest than that of his birth, Clemens Alexandrinus censures those who seek too anxiously the Saviour's birth,^ Epiphanius affirms that the birth of Christ occurred on the 6th of January,^ which again Jerome denies.^ Augustine recommends a suitable remembrance of the day, but does not honor it as a solemn festival. He expressly asserts that the church, by common consent, held it on the 25th of December.^ In- deed it may be confidently affirmed that in the third century, and the first half of the fourth, the church were not agreed, either in re- gard to the time, or reasons for observing this festival ; and that the Eastern and Western churches difiered totally in their manner of celebrating it. About the end of the fourth century, it was finally agreed that Christmas and Epiphany should be observed as two dis- tinct festivals, the one, on the 25th of December ; the other, on the 6th of January."^ From that time, this arrangement has been very generally observed.* * The following passage from Clemens Alexandrinus, Stromat, 1. i. p. 340, ab. 249, is almost the only genuine passage of an Ante-Nicene writer which can be supposed to allude to any festival commemorative of the advent of our Lord. After giving a list of the Roman emperors till the death of Com- OF CHRISTMAS. 435 The reason for celebrating Christmas eve with so nnuch solemnity- was, that though neither the day nor the year of our Saviour's birth was known, it was received as an acknowledged truth that he was born in the nighl,^ Accordingly whilst other vigils had fallen into disuse, or been exchanged for evening vespers, this was extended to continue through the whole night. But these vvaichings finally were discontinued, and instead of them, three services were read on that day. When the representatives of Adam and Eve on Christmas eve was first introduced is not known. It had a mysterial relation to the first and second Adam, and was a device of the fourth or fifth ceii- tury.9 modus, A. £). 192, and stating what years of certain emperors the Saviour was either born, or baptized, or crucified, he says : " There are some who over curiously assign not only the year, but the day also of our Saviour's na- tivity, which they say was in the 28th year of Augustus, on the 25th of Pa- chon, (20i/t of May). And the followers of Basilides observe also the day of his baptism as a festival, spending the whole previous night in reading; and they say it was on the 15th year of Tiberias Caesar, on the 15th of Tybi, (lOth of January), but some say it was on the 11th, (Gth) of that month. Among those who nicely calculate the time of his passion, some say it was on the 16th year of Tiberias Caesar, the 25th of Phemenotb , {22d of March) ; others say, the 25th of Pharmuthi, {2\st of Jlprii) ; and others, that it was on the 19th of Pharmuthi, {l^th of April), that the Saviour suffered. Nay, some of them say that he was born in Pharmuthi, the 24th or 25th day, {April 20th or 2\ St)." The reasons for observing the 25th of December in commemoration of our Lord's advent, may have been various. Some may have honestly believed this to be the true day of his nativity, and others may have felt it desirable to have a christian festival at some other season of the year than the fifty or sixty days immediately succeeding the vernal equinox, into which all the older festivals were clustered. .The designation of this day was first made about the middle of the fourth century. From the first institution of this festival many of the western nations seem to have transferred to it many of the follies which prevailed in the pagan festivals at the same season, such as adorning fantastically the churches, mino-ling puppet-shows and dramas with worship, universal feasting and mer- ry-making, (>hristmas visits and salutations, Christmas presents and jocular- ity, and Christmas revelry and drunkenness. Christmas holidays have borne so close a resemblance, whenever they have been observed, to the Roman Saturnalia, Sigillaria, etc., and to the Juel feast of the Goths, as to afford strong presumption of an unhappy alliance between them from the first. See Murdock's Mosheim, second ed. pp. 279, 280, from which the above note is taken.— Tr. 436 OF SACRED SEASONS. The death of the martyr Stephen was commemorated December 26th. The event evidently occurred in August, A. D. 36. But after the pretended discovery of his relics, it was commemorated on the 6th or 7lh of January, and then again, was changed to Decem- ber 26th as above mentioned. On the third of the Christmas festivals, was St. John's day ; and the fourth was celebrated in memory of the slaughter of the children of Bethlehem by Herod, styled InnocenVs day. Authori- ties are given in the index to show that the entire interval between Christmas and Epiphany was observed as a continued festival. '^ To show in what consideration this festival, commemorative of our Lord's nativity was held by the ancient church, a brief extract from Chrysostom is here inserted. After asserting that this is more venerable than any other relating to Christ, inasmuch as all others depended upon his incarnation, he adds : " But we do not give this festival the preference merely on this account ; but because the transaction on this day was, of all others, the most stupendous. For that Christ when once man should die, was a thing of course. But that when he was God he should be willing to become a man, is be- yond measure wonderful, and astonishing. Transported with this thought St. Paul in rapture exclaims, ' Without controversy great is the mystery of godliness, God was manifest in the flesh.' For this reason chiefly 1 love and venerate this day, and commend it to your consideration that I may make you partakers of the same sentiments. I therefore pray and beseech you. Come with all diligence and alac- rity, every man first purifying his own house, to see our Lord wrap- ped in swaddling clothes and lying in a manger ! Tremendous thought! Oh sight of wonder !"^^ "I am not now astonished," exclaims another, " at the creation of the world, at the heavens, at the earth, at the succession of days and seasons ; but I wonder to see God enclosed in the womb of a virgin, the Omnipotent lain in a manger, the eternal Word clothed with flesh I"^^ ^ 5. Easter, or the Festival which commemorates the Death AND Resurrection of our Lord. This great event is a cardinal point in the christian system on which depend our faith and hope. So important was the doctrine of Christ's resurrection in the view of the primitive church that, not EASTER. 437 only was an annual festival set apart to commemorate it ; but the Lord's day was made a weekly memorial of the same event. This festival was therefore celebrated with great solemnity. It was sty- led by Gregory Nazianzen, the king of days, the festival of festivals ; excelling all others as far as the sun outshines the stars. Unlike the Christmas festival, this was a moveable feast. However the ancients might differ respecting the time for celebrating Christ- mas whether in December, April, May, August, or September, all agreed that it should be held uniformly on some given day. But this festival was restricted to no prescribed day ; a circumstance which gave rise to great contentions, by which the church was sore- ly agitated and divided for several centuries. This festival, like that of Christmas, was preceded by a season of fasting. This fast at first continued forty hours, corresponding to Friday and Saturday before Easter, and comprising the period du- ring which our Saviour lay in the grave. It was moreover in the be- ginning a voluntary fast. But it became in proce^ of time a pre- scribed and necessary duty, not only for penitents and catechumens, but for all believers to observe this fast for their own spiritual im- provement. In the fifth and sixth centuries, the fast was extended to thirty-six days. The four additional days which complete the sea- son of Lent were added either in the sixth century by Gregory the Great, or in the eighth by Gregory II. This fast, styled the cami' val, from caro vale,^ began with Ash Wednesday and ended with the Saturday before Easter. That day was observed with great solem- nity, and was denominated the Great Sabbath. The entire week before Easter, beginning with Palm Sunday, was kept as holy time ; but the fifth, sixth, and seventh, were regarded as peculiarly sacred above the other days of this week. The week was denominated the great week and passion week. The fifth day, called Maundy Thursday, dies mandati, was a communion day, dies mysteriorum, eucharistiae, panis, indulgentiae, etc. And, for a long time after the ancient love-feasts were discon- tinued, this day was observed as a feast of love. With these cere- monies was also joined that of washing the feel by catechumens and candidates for baptism. The creed was also publicly rehearsed by them on this day, and pardon was extended to the penitent, hence called dies indulgentiae. The sixth day of passion week is Good Friday^ from the good 438 OF SACRED SEASONS. derived from the death of Christ. The day was observed as a strict fast. The customary acclamations and doxologies were omitted, and nothing but the most plaintive strains of music, such as xvgie iXET](Tov, etc. was allowed. No bell was rung on this occasion. None bowed the knee in prayer, because thus the Jews reviled Jesus, Matt. 27: 29. Neither did any present the kiss of charity, for Judas be- trayed his Lord with a kiss. The sacramental elements were not consecrated, the altars were divested of their ornaments and the gospel of John was read, because he was a faithful and true witness of our Lord's passion. The seventh day of this week, the Great Sabbath, as it was called, was observed with rigorous precision as a day of fasting. Religious worship was celebrated by nighty and the vigils of the night were continued until cock-crowing, the hour when the Lord was supposed to have arisen. At this instant the stillness of these midnight vigils was suddenly interrupted by the joyful acclamation, The Lord is risen, the Lord is risen ! the Lord is risen indeed ! This day was particularly set apart for administering the ordi- nance of baptism, wiih a reference to the baptism wherewith Christ was at this time baptized, and for the consecration of the holy water. The Scripture lessons for this day were various selections from the prophets. The day of Easter was celebrated with every demonstration of joy as a second jubilee. In connection with appropriate devotional exercises, it was customary to celebrate the day by deeds of charity and mercy — by granting liberty to the captive, freedom to the slave, and pardon to the criminals. Charities were dispensed to the needy. Courts of justice were suspended. Each participated in the general joy and felt his bosom swell with the " wide wish of benevolence." The week following Easter was observed as a continuation of the festival. The time was spent in reading the Scriptures, celebrating the mysteries and other appropriate exercises. During this time they who had been baptized at Easter appeared arrayed in tvhiie, in token of that purity of life to which they were bound by their bap- tismal vows. On the sabbath following, they laid aside their gar- ments of white, and after this became integral members of the church. The day was called While Sunday from their appearing in white for the last time. It was also denominated the Octave of Easter, New Lord's day, etc. whitsunday. 439 § 6. Pentecost or Whitsunday. This season has reference to the ascension of our Lord and the commencement of the christian church by the descent of the Holy Ghost. The foregoing high feasts comprise the great events of his earthly existence. This sets forth his exaltation at the right hand of God, where he fulfilled his promise of sending the Holy Spirit, the Comforter; and, as the invisible head of the church on earth, he continued still to govern it by his miraculous agency. Herein was manifested the first display of his heavenly grace ; so that though he dwelt no more with us, he was still, as during his abode on earth, full of grace and truth. The feast in question is based on historical and doctrinal truth, which, like those facts on which the other great feasts rely, is sub- stantiated by historical evidence. The ascension of our Lord is an historical fact ; and this festival is based on the most important cir- cumstance connected with that fact — the eflfusion of the Holy Ghost on the day of Pentecost. Both the Greek and Latin churches agree in beginning this sacred festival with the Ascension Feast, and end it with Pentecost. The Greek church admit of no Trinity Feast within this sacred season, but in the place of it celebrate the feast of All Saints and Martyrs. The former can claim no higher antiquity than the ninth century, and probably was not fully established until the fourteenth. But there was very early a feast day of the Apostles, in the Western church, which afterwards became the feast day of Philip and James. This was in all probability the origin of the modern Whitsunday, be- ing much earlier than that of All Saints, instituted A. D. 834, or, according to others, 751, or 610. The Ascension feast was established in the fourth century as one of the great festivals ; but it may have been celebrated, notwith- standing, at a period still earlier. Nor need it appear surprising that two events were commemorated by one festive season. For the same is true of the Jewish festival, which included the feast of first- fruits and of the promulgation of the law, Ex. 23: 16. Lev. 23: 14 — 21. Num. 28: 26. Indeed this festival, in many respects, bears a very close analogy to that of the Jews ; and evidently is little else than a modification of it. The converts of that day, when the Holy Ghost descended, were ihejirst-fruits of the Spirit. Jerome elegantly con- y 440 OF SACRED SEASONS. trasts this with the giving of the law on Sinai : " Utraque facta est quinquagessimo die, a Paschate ; illo, in Sina ; haec, in Sion. Ibi tcrrae motu contremuit mens ; hie, domus apostolorum. Ibi, inter flammas ignium et micantia fulgura, turbo ventorum, et fragor toni- truorum personuit ; hie, cum ignearum visione linguarum, sonitus pariter de coelo, tanquam spirilus vehementis advenit. Ibi, clangor buccinae, legis verba perstrepuit ; hie, tuba evangelica Apostolorum ore intonuit." ^ The feast has been celebrated at different times for one day, for seven days, and again for three.^ The religious solemnities of this occasion were very much the same as on the other great festivals. It was one of the three baptismal seasons,^ and derives the name of Whitsunday or white-Sunday from the circumstance that so many were clad in white on this day at their baptism. Homilies were de- livered as on the other festivals, and the sacrament administered.^ As an instance of the extravagant folly of popish superstition, it may not be impertinent to add that the Catholics were accustomed to throw down fire from the arches above, to denote the cloven tongues. Flowers of various hues were scattered, in token of the various tongues and gifts of the Spirit. And doves were let loose to flutter about the church as an emblem of the Spirit's presence.^ ^ 7. Festivals in Honor of the Virgin Mary. No instance of divine honor paid to Mary is recorded of an earlier date than the fifth century. Cyril of Alexandria and Proklus of Con- stantinople were the first to pay these honors to her. Festivals to her memory began to be held about the year 431,^ but were not gen- erally observed until the sixth century. From this time until the sixteenth century they were general in all the Western churches, though differing in number and in rank, in the several countries of Europe.-*^ The Greek church observe only three great festivals of this description. The following is a brief enumeration of the principal festivals in question. 1. The festival of the Purification. Candlemas, Feb. 2, instituted in the sixth century.^ 2. Of the Annunciation, popularly styled Lady Day, March 25, an early festival, styled by St. Bernhard, radix omnium fesiorum.^ FESTIVALS IN HONOR OF THE MARTYRS. 441 3. Of the Visitation of Mary to Elizabeth, instituted by Urban VI, 1389.6 4. Of the Assumption of Mary into heaven, Aug. 15, early insti- tuted.7 Mary was the tutelary divinity of France ; and for this rea- son this day was observed with peculiar care. It was also the birth day of Napoleon, and accordingly was observed under his dynasty as the great festival of the nation. 5. Of the Nativity of Mary, Sept. 8, instituted in the Eastern church in the seventh century ; in the Western, in the eleventh or twelfth.^ 6. Of the naming of Mary. A. D. 1513. 7. Of Conception. This feast, according to Bellarmin, was not necessarily dependent upon the question so fiercely discussed in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries respecting the immaculate concep- tion.9 ^ 8. Festivals in Memory of the Martyrs. These festive occasions are often styled the Mrth days of the mar- tyrs, luaQTVQcov yfvi&kitt, natilitia. They never relate, however, to their natural birth, but to their deaths at which they were born to a new and nobler life above. Nemo, ante oHtum, beatus^ was an established maxim of the church. " When you hear of the birth day of a saint," says Peter Chrysologus, think not that it relates to his carnal birth on earth, but to the day when he was born from earth to heaven, from toil to rest, from labor to repose, from trials to joys unfading and eternal ; from earthly vanities to a crown of glory .^ The earliest festival of this kind was that of Polycarp. Another which was observed with great solemnity, was the feast of the Mac- cabees, founded on the heroic death of the mother and her seven sons.^ These festivals were preceded by vigils, and celebrated around the graves of the martyrs, where their lives were read, and eulogies pronounced, the sacrament administered, and public entertainments given gratuitously by the rich. But these entertainments became, in time, the occasion of shameful excesses, and were suppressed. It is worthy of note that the fathers indignantly repel the charge of paying religious honors to the martyrs, and assert that they only cel- ebrate these festivals to provoke the living to emulate the deeds of the sainted dead, and to follow after those who, through faiih and patience, inherited the promises.^ 56 » 442 of sacred seasons. § 9. Of St. John's Day. This commemorates the birth of the Baptist, as Christmas does that of Christ. Both are veiled in equal uncertainty, hut the former is known to have preceded the latter by six months, and is accord- ingly held June 24. Thus the sun of the Old Testament is made to set at the summer solstice, and that of the New Testament to rise in the winter solstice.^ In the year 506, it was received among the great feasts, like Easter, Christmas, and other festivals ; and was celebrated with equal solemnity, and in much the same manner.^ § 10. Of the ArosTLEs' Days. The reasons for observing these were the same as for observing the martyr feasts; nor is there any instance of the appointment of such a day for any apostle or evangelist who was known not to have suffered martyrdom. The Apostolical Constitutions, VIII. c. 33, make mention of the apostles' feast, and direct that slaves shall be exempt from labor on that day, which intimates that it was regarded as one of the great feasts. But none of the apostles is specified, neither is the time of observing it mentioned. The idea of a gene- ral feast of this character was often entertained, though the festival was but inconstantly observed. The Oriental church celebrated it immediately after Whitsunday, and in connection with it; but the churches generally were not agreed either in regard to the day, or the persons who should be honored by it. At one time Peter's and Paul's day is mentioned ;2 at another, that of Philip and James ;3 then the twelve collectively.^ But separate festivals were, in time, pre- scribed for all together with the evangelists Mark and Luke. Festivals were, in process of time, established also in great num- bers for the saints of distinction, though they died not as martyrs. The Eastern church was the first to appoint such festivals. In the Western church they were regarded most from the time of Charle- magne to Gregory VIII.^ The right of canonizing saints originally belonged to the bishops, but the privilege was restricted by councils.^ The first instance of canonization by the pope occurred A. D. 995. The privilege con- tinued to be exercised occasionally until the twelfth century, when it began to be boldly asserted and defended. OF FASTS. 443 The feasts of All Saints, Nov. 1, and of All Souls, Nov. 2, were instituted, the former in the seventh and the latter in the tenth cen- tury. A farther sketch of the endless festivals of the Catholics would be inconsistent with the design of this work. Suffice it to say that they fill up the entire year in the Roman Calendar, so that there is not a day which is not dedicated to the memory of one or more of their saints. For a further account of the festivals of the church, the reader is referred to the 3d vol. of Augusti's original Work. It appears that the earliest professors of the christian faith were disposed conscientiously to abstain from public religious ceremonies, and were more than content to be even destitute of temples, altars, priests, and sacred pomp or show. They received in its literal and broadest meaning the precept of our Saviour, that his disciples should worship God in spirit and in truth ; and they thought that they had discovered, in the overthrow of the Jewish polity and the destruction of the temple, an intimation of the Divine will that reli- gious worship should be no longer limited by time and place. The Jewish Christians, indeed, continued to evince an attachment to places, times, and seasons ; but the early Gentile converts regarded temples and altars as remnants or indications of heathen superstition, — an opinion which is strongly developed, for example, in the Apologies of Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Tertullian, and even in the writings of Origen (contra Celsufn, lib. viii.) In course of time, however, when Christianity was protected, and even adopted, by the state, and opportunity was thus given of estab- lishing public forms and ceremonies of worship without fear of dan- ger, and when it seemed e.xpedient to recommend it to the favor of half-converted pagans by outward pomp and circumstance, it was thought to be at once safe and seasonable to increase the number of sacred solemnities, both ordinary and extraordinary, to restore n^any parts of the Jewish ritual, and even to incorporate into the system of christian worship various rites and ceremonies from the customs of the declining pagan superstition. And it is to this period of church history, and to these mistaken principles of pohiy, that we may chiefly refer the origin of stations, processions, and pilgrimages- But to speak of these in detail would carry us too far out of the de- partment of Christian Antiquities into the region of ecclesiastical su- perstition and folly. r 444 OF SACRED SEASONS. § 11. Of Fasts. a) Practice oj the Early Christiaiis. The doctrine and practice of our Lord and his apostles respecting fasting may be tlius descri- bed. Our Saviour neglected the observance of those slated Jewish fasts which had been superadded to the Mosaic law, and introduced especially after the captivity, to which the Pharisees paid scrupulous attention, Matt. 11: 18, 19 ; and he represented such observances as inconsistent with the genius of his religion. Matt. 9: 14 — 18 ; and parallel passages, Mark 2: 15—25:. Luke 5: 33—39. The practice of voluntary and occasional fasting he neither prohibiied nor en- joined ; he spoke of it, however, as being not unsuitable on certain occasions, nor without its use in certain cases. Matt. 9: 15. 17: 21 ; be fasted himself on a great and solemn occasion. Matt. 4: 2 ; and he warned his disciples against all ostentatious and hypocritical ob- servances of this kind. Matt. 6: 16—18. The doctrine of the apos- tles on this subject was to the same purport, neither commanding the practice of fasting, nor denouncing it as unlawful, unless either the observance or omission should involve a breach of some moral and christian duty, Rom. 14: 14-22. Col. 2: 16—23. 1 Tim. 4: 3 — 5. In practice, the apostles joined fasting with prayer, on solemn occasions. Acts 13: 2, 3. 14: 23. It does not appear that much value was attached to the practice of fasting, in the age immediately succeeding that of the apostles. In the Shepherd of Hermas it is spoken of in disparaging terms. "Nothing is done, nothing is gained, for virtue by bodily abstinence ; rather so fast, that you do no wrong, and harbor no evil passion in your heart." It appears rather singular that we find so little notice taken of fasting by the writers of the first centuries, if we take into account the spirit of the times, and especially the doctrines of Mon- tanus, the tenets of the new Platonic school, and the progress of Gnosticism, which taught that matter was essentially evil. But it seems that the observance of fasts was introduced into the church slowly and by degrees. We learn from Justin Martyr that fasting was joined with prayer, at Ephesus, in the administration of baptism ; which is worthy of being remarked as an early addition to the origi- nal institution. In the second century, in the time of Victor and Irenaeus, it had become usual to fast before Easter ; and Clement of OF FASTS. 445 Alexandria speaks of weekly fasts. Tertullian, a Montanist, in his treatise De Jejunio, complains heavily of the little attention paid by the Catholic church to the practice of fasting ; and hereby gives us to understand that, in his days, a large portion of orthodox Christians exercised that liberty of judgment which had been sanctioned by the apostles. Origen, in his voluminous writings, adverts to the subject only once; namely, in his tenth homily on Leviticus. And here he speaks in accordance with the apostolical doctrine. It appears, however, from his observations, that at Alexandria Wednesdays and Fridays were then observed as fast days ; on the ground that our Lord was betrayed on a Wednesday, and crucified on a Friday. The custom of the church at the end of the fourth century may be collected from the following passage of Epiphanius : " In the whole christian church the following fast days, throughout the year, are regularly observed. On Wednesdays and Fridays we fast until the ninth hour (i. e. three o''cIock in the afternoon) ; except during the interval of fifty days between Easter and Whitsuntide, in which it is usual neither to kneel nor fast at all. Besides this, there is no fast- ing on the Epiphany or Nativity, if those days should fall on a Wednesday or Friday. But those persons who especially devote themselves to religious exercises (the monks) fast also at other limes when they please, except on Sundays and during the fifty days be- tween Easter and Whitsuntide. It is also the practice of the church to observe the forty days' Aist before the sacred week. But on Sun- days there is no fastini^, even during the last mentioned period. (Comp. Doctr. de fide.y But even at this late date there was no universal agreement in the practice of the church in this matter, neither had fasts been established by law. The custom, so far as it existed, had been silently introduced into the church, and its observ- ance was allogelher voluntary. This fasting consisted, at first, in abstinence from food until three o'clock in the afternoon. A cus- tom was afterwards introduced, probably by the Montanists, affecting the kind of food to be taken, which was limited to bread, salt, and water. b) Practice of Later Times. But fasting, after a time, ceased to be a voluntary exercise. By the second canon of the council of Or- leans, A. D. 541, it was decreed that any one who should neglect to observe the stated times of abstinence should be treated as an offen- der against the laws of the church. The eighth council of Toledo, 446 SACRED SEASONS OF THE FURITANS. in tlie seventh century, (can. 9,) condemns any who should eat flesh during the fast before Easter, and says that such oflTendefs deserve to be forbidden the use of it throughout the year. In the eighth century, fasting began to be regarded as a meritorious work ; and the breach of the observance, at the stated seasons, subjected the offender to excommunication. In later times, some persons who ate flesh during the appointed seasons of abstinence were punished with the loss of their teeth (Baronius, Annal. ad. an. 1018.) Afterwards, however, these severities were, to a certain extent, relaxed. Instead of the former limitation of diet on fast days to bread, salt, and water, permission was given for the use of all kinds of food, except flesh, eggs, cheese, and wine. Then eggs, cheese, and wine were allowed, flesh only being prohibited ; an indulgence which was censured by the Greek church, and led to a quarrel be- tween it and the western. In the thirteenth century, a cold colla- tion in the evening of fast days was permitted. CHAPTER XXII. SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. The subject of the Fasts and Thanksgivings of New England is an interesting and neglected portion of the history of our puritan forefathers, which the author has great pleasure in presenting to the reader, from the hand of a distinguished antiquary and historian, the Rev. Joseph B. Felt of Boston ; who, with his accustomed dili- gence and patient research has investigated this portion of our eccle- siastical history, and has very kindly embodied the result of his in- quiries in the following treatise for this work. Fasts and Thanksgivings of New England^ with additional Re- marks on such days in other parts of the United States. 1. Preliminary Remarks. Natural religion, as enlightened by original revelation however deteriorated, has long instructed man, FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 447 that he has sins enough for humility and mercies enough for grati- tude. Hence it is, that ancient as well as modern nations, the his- tory of whose worship has come down to our day, have had their seasons for giving expression to such affections of the soul. Hence, also, the wisdom of God in requiring this service from his once fa- vored ' people. In accordance with such example, the primitive Christians adopted days, commemorative of events, as full of inter- est to them, as others had been to the Jews. These days were so far increased by the Catholic church and so far observed by the Episcopal church of England, as to meet, for the most part, with the disapprobation of Dissenters. Among the last denomination, who sought for greater simplicity in the forms of worship, was the celebrated John Robinson. His church in Leyden believed with him, that no other holy days should be observed, except sabbaths and occasional fasts and thanksgivings. The portion of his flock, who resolved to forsake Europe and make their home in America, for the sake of purer society and the spread of the gospel,* had sev- eral seasons of fasting and prayer, as preparatory to so important an enterprise, within a few months, before they sailed for South Hamp- ton. So disposed, they would sooner have thought of parting with all their worldly substance, than of omitting duties of public thanks and humiliation before their Maker. The same times, which they hallowed in their European pilgrimage, were engraved too deeply on the calendar of their sacred occasions, to be thus forgotten in their more perilous, needy and changeful pilgrimage in this coun- try. Hence, with their hopes and fears, their purposes and piety, they brought hither the observance of fasts and thanksgivings. 2. Reasons for such days. As well known to those who have investigated the history of the planters at Plymouth, they had reasons for preferring these days to similar ones of the Episco- pal order. They discountenanced the rubric, clerical robes and bands, marriage with a ring, baptism by the sign of a cross, and such particulars — enjoined by canonical rules of England— because adopted from the Papal forms, and fitted to turn back the liberty of Protestantism to the bondage of Romish hierarchy. So, for a like cause, they cast off the confinement of holy seasons except sabbath, to particular days and months of each successive year. Their ar- guments for such an alteration had much force to their perception, * Prince's New England Chronology, pp. Cf>, 69, 70. 448 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. when they saw how much the high church party, in their native land, leaned towards Papacy, and how bitter were their prejudices against those who were non-conformists, bitt who earnestly sought for great- er purity in doctrine and more simplicity in ceremonies. As an ad- ditional weight in the scale of their judgment, they had not forgot- ten, that adherence to Romish rules was one of the chief means, under the reign of Mary, which contributed to the relapse of Protes- tantism to Papacy. They were not so far unacquainted with human nature, as to be ignorant, that it possessed a principle which is wrought on by the association of appearances, and which, when hav- ing repudiated error, and still retaining its forms, is far more likely to fall back upon it, than if having altogether renounced both one and the other. Their reason for deviation from established custom, as now in view, was much stronger in their time than it was subsequent- ly, when Congregationalism had risen from its infancy and numer- ous depressions to the stature and energy of manhood, so as to have little fear of an inroad upon its privileges. They well knew, that the fasts and thanksgivings of the conformists were designed, like their own, to improve the moral affections and keep man within the salutary restraints of duty ; and that the effects of these seasons, when properly observed by any sect, were of so desirable a kind. — Hence it was that serious Episcopalians considered the distinction which the Puritans made, relative to this subject, as more the result of needless fear than of real cause. Thomas Lechford, a respectable lawyer, who resided several years in Massachusetts and returned to England in 1641, — made the subsequent remark on our ecclesiastical usages.* " There are dayes of fasting, thanksgiving and prayers upon occasions, but no holy dayes,t except Sunday. And why not set ffisiing dayes and times, and set feasts, — as well as set Synods in the Reformed Churches } And why not holy dayes as well as the fifth of Novem- ber, and dayes of Purim among the Jews .^" This author hereby seems to imply, that there could be no more harm in complying with the prescribed religiousseasonsof Episcopacy,— than there was * News from New England in 3d Ser. Vol. 111. p. 79 of Mass. Hist. Coll. t Lechford here appears to mean those holy days, that were kept in the established church. The Puritans so far held their fasts and thanksgivings holy, as to require, by penal enactments, that they should be spent with the sacredness of the sabbath. FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 449 in keeping similar days, appointed by Presbyterian synods, as those of Geneva, — or in the JewisR observance of the stated Feast of Lots, or in obedience to the law of king James, which required every fifth of November to be spent, as a national thanksgiving for the discov- ery of the gunpowder plot.* But had the primitive settlers of our soil met this argument, they would probably have replied in the follow- ing train of thought : We have no serious objections to these occa- sions. The synods of Reformers were calculated to keep them from papal hierarchy. The commemoration of deliverance from the powder plot was fitted for a like effect. The celebration of the Jews' being preserved from the machinations of Haman, guarded them against idolatry. The fixedness of these seasons was suited to produce opposite results from the fixedness which belongs to most of the holy days kept by the established church ; — and, therefore, we do not reject the former as exerting a bad influence, — while we do the latter for such a tendency. 3. Continuance. With views of this sort in relation to fasts and thanksgivings, the colonists of Plymouth felt obligated to continue them in their newly adopted residence, — as suited to benefit them and their posterity. In a purpose so consistent with their profession, and expectations of help mainly from the handof Omnipotence, they were not altogether without fear of having their liberty in this, as well as other respects, interrupted. The powerful exertions of bishop Laud and his friends to crush all innovations on the ritual of Episcopacy, in British America, reached them in various ways. The settlement at Weymouth, in 1622, was intended as one check to their religious free- dom. The party formed at Plymouth, in 1624, — under the Rev. John Lyford, and sustained by the leading members of the company for this colony in London, had a like object. Still the Puritans, amid their perplexities, held fast to their creed with its practice. They excluded Mr. Lyford and his followers, who resorted to Glou- cester the same year. At this location, there appear to have been persons of various persuasions, who probably observed fasts and feasts either at set dates, or as occasion suggested. The first occu- pants of Naumkeag, afterwards Salem, in 1626, with Roger Conant at their head, were the adherents of Mr. Lyford. They, of course, did not fully come into the ways of Plymouth. When Governor Endicott reached Salem, in 1628, though he may not have en- * In 1G05. ^7 ^ 450 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. tirely separated from the conformists, yet he believed in the eccle- siastical order, taught by John Robinson. In a letter of his to Gov- ernor Bradford, dated May 11, 1629, he remarked on a conversa- tion, which he had recently held with Dr. Samuel Fuller. His words were, " I rejoice much, that I am by him satisfied touching your judgment of the outward form of God's worship. It is, as far as I can yet gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of truth, and the same, which I have professed and maintained ever since the Lord, in mercy, revealed himself unto me, being far from the common report, that hath been spread of you, touching that par- ticular." Of course, the author of this passage was ready to har- monize with the inhabitants of Plymouth, as to the observance of fasts and thanksgivings. Succeeding emigrants to Salem, in 1629, were the Rev. Messrs. Higginson, Skelton, and others, who were of the class, called in England church puritans, and who still cleaved to the Episcopal denomination when embarking from their native shores. In their farevvell address on so trying an exigency, they said, " We do not go to New England as Separatists from the church of England, though we cannot but separate from the corruptions of it ; — but we go to practise the positive part of church reformation and propagate the gospel in America." Here is an intimation, that they intended to cast off such forms, — as to holy days, — which, they thought, did not accord with the simplicity of the gospel. So inclined, they kept several fasts on their passage,* and, when reaching Salem, they were prepared to fall in with the views of Gov- ernor Endicott. As evidence of such a disposition, they, as mem- bers of his council decided, that it was best for John and Samuel Brown to leave the settlement, because they set up Episcopal wor- ship. These two gentlemen charged such authorities with being separatists, and asserted, that as for themselves, they would "hold fast the forms of the church established by law." Subsequent emi- grants to Massachusetts, for the most part, seconded the practice of j the Salem colonists. The planters of Connecticut carried thither, in 1635, similar con- formity. So it was with those of Say brook in the same year. The first settlers of Providence, under Roger Williams, in 1636, and of Rhode Island, under John Clark, in 1638, differed as is well *' Hutchinson's Collections of papers'. Journal of Rev. Francis Higgin- son, pp. 37,39,41,46. FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 451 known, from the rest of New England so far, as to withhold fronn civil rulers the power of law to enforce any occasional religious sea- sons.* Still such rulers were at liberty to recomniend fasts and thanksgivings. New Haven, while a separate colony from Connecticut, followed the course of Massachusetts, as to these days. " Soon after they arrived (in 1638) at Quinnipiack, in the close of a day of fasting and prayer, they entered into what they termed a plantation cove- nant."! The first records of their government, for about sixteen years, however, make no mention of fasts and thanksgivings. | But their laws prove beyond a doubt, that these days were kept from their first organization, as a distinct colony.<5> We now look at Maine. Various, unsuccessful attempts were made to settle this part of our country, then extending only to the Kenne- beck river, at an early period. Its chief proprietor. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, being an Episcopalian, naturally selected rulers for it of his own persuasion, who promoted the cause of the national church. Hence it was, that this colony, for the most part, did not adopt the Congregational forms. Thomas Jenner, a dissenting minister, in a letter of 1641, addressed to Governor Winthrop, observed, that while preaching at Saco, he had " not troubled the people with church discipline." He also stated, that he had advanced his opinion against " papal practices." These, as he subjoined, "1 saw the peo- ple here were superstitiously addicted to." For such a step, he was charged by Mr. Vines, an inhabitant of that town, with striking " at the church of England. "|| This shows how very little Congrega- tional customs were then tolerated in one of the few settlements of Maine. So it was at Falmouth, occupied in 1628, where a church of conformists was soon established ; and at York, colonized in 1630, where its proprietor apparently purposed lo have a bishop's diocese. From the wane of the royal cause in England, and the death of Charles I, in 1648, the sway of the national church dimin- ished in this section of British America. At length, proposals be- gan to be made by the people of Maine, in 1651, to come under the * Letter from Hon. William Staples. t Trumbull's History of CoBnecticut, Vol. 1, p. 97. t Letter from Prof. James L. Kingsley. § New Haven Colony Laws, p. 3S. H Hutchinson's Collection of papers, pp. Ill, 112, 452 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. jurisdiction of Massachusetts, as a means of preserving social order among them, and even their very existence. The next year, a majority of the inhabitants there assumed a like relation ; and thence, religious observances of dissenters prevailed among them. From Maine we turn to New Hampshire. This colony was, at first, under Episcopal control. Dover and Portsmouth, both settled in 1623, appear to have been so influenced. The latter place soon had a church of conformists. But the occupation of Exeter by John Wheelwright and company, and of Hampton by Stephen Batchelor and associates, in 1638, introduced the Puritan forms there, as they had been at Dover in 1633, and were subsequently at Portsmouth about 1641. So that New Hampshire, as to the part claimed by Massachusetts, and also, to the other part not so claimed, had thrown off, by the last date, Episcopal conformity and adopted the Congregational order. Such a change was accelerated by the dis- tractions of England, and the consequent temporary invalidation of Mason's claims. When New Hampshire resumed the powers of a colony, in 1679,* they retained their prevailing attachment to the fasts and thanksgivings of the non-conformists. When their Assem- bly were about to meet in 1680, a public fast was observed to ask for a blessing on their proceedings. At the same time, however, while their charter allowed freedom of conscience to all Protestant denominations, it particularly required, that encouragement should be given to Episcopalians.! The stamp, thus put on the public sentiment of the preceding por- tions of New England, has never been efl?aced. Though the most of them have been changed from colonies to independent stales, they still preserve the religious customs of their fathers. No relinquishment of fasts and thanksgivings was made in Ver- mont or in Maine, when they assumed State privileges. With re- gard to the former of these two Slates,| they began to observe such days in 1778, and have not since faltered in so doing. 4. Mode of their appointment. In Plymouth colony this was done by the civil authority .§ The practice there was embodied in a law * Belknap's New Hampshire, Vol. 1. p. 177. t Farmer's Belknap, p. 88. t Letter from Hon. Charles K. Williams. § Winslow's Relation in Mass. Hist. Collections, 1st Ser. Vol. VIH . p. 275. FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 453 of 1637 — " that it be in the power of the governor and assistants to command solemn daies of humiliation by fasting, and also for thanks- giving as occasion shall be offered."* When deputies became a part of the General Court, they sometimes acted with the other branch of government in the designation of these seasons. Such times were also proposed and observed by the churches, either sin- gly or collectively, as circumstances seemed to indicate. They Vi'ere so continued by church and state in Plymouth colony till the arrival of the second charter of Massachusetts in 1692, when the former was incorporated with the latter colony. The mode of Plymouth, as just described, did not materially dif- fer from that of Massachusetts. Here, with respect to a fast at the choice of riiinisters for the Salem church in 1629, Mr. Gott informs us, that it was ordered by governor Endicott.f While the General Court was solely composed of magistrates till 1634, the governor, as their head and through their advice, did exercise like power. Sub- sequent to this, until the arrival of the second charter in 1692, he did not entirely lay aside such a practice. Besides, the council in their own name, even while there were chief magistrates, issued procla- mations. The first printed document of this class, in the Massachu- setts archives, is of the following tenor.| " At a Council held at Boston September 8th, 1670. The council taking into their serious consideration the low estate of the churches of God throughout the world, and the increase of sin and evil amongst ourselves, God's hand following us for the same. Do, therefore, appoint the two and twen- tieth of this instant September, to be a day of public humiliation throughout this jurisdiction, and do commend the same to the sever- al churches, elders, ministers and people, solemnly to keep it ac- cordingly; hereby prohibiting all servile work on that day. By the Council, Edward Rawson, Secret.'''' The term Council, as used here and elsewhere, included the name of the governor. In the same collection is a manuscript proclama- tion for thanksgiving in 1671, and similar papers for two fasts of 1675 and 1677, issued by such a body. The first printed proclama- tion for a thanksgiving to be found in the like depository, is of April * MS. Plymouth Colony Records. t Letter from Mr. Charles Gott to governor Bradford. X Massachusetts Archives. Ecclesiastical, Vol. I. p. 17. 454 SACRED SEASONS OF THE TDRITaNS. 23, 1691, and is headed, " By the Governor and Council."* But, however, fasts and thanksgivings were appointed in Massachusetts singly by the council, and also, by the governor through their ad- vice, down to the year last named ; still days of this description were more frequently ordered in the name of the General Court. As well known there was a suspension of this custom on the part of our colonial authorities in New England, under the presidency of Sir Edmund Andros, from 1686 to 1689. He, being zealous to pro- mote the observances of the national church, had no disposition to order those of the Puritans. While the rulers, chosen by the peo- ple of Massachusetts were in power, they allowed the church to keep as many fasts and thanksgivings as they chose. Accordingly we find among their laws one of the succeeding tenor, passed in 1641. " Every church of Christ hath freedom to celebrate dayes of fasting and prayer and of thanksgiving, according to the word of God."f This was a confirmation of previous custom which, as be- fore, has ever since remained in New England. With respect to this subject, as in the hands of the legislature, they continued some variation in the proclamations under the second charter. These documents were issued in the name of governor, council and representatives, as in 1693 ; of his Excellency and council, as in 1700 ; and of governor by advice of council, as in 1733. The last mode of phraseology was that, which was general- ly adopted after 1700, and so continued till the adoption of the con- stitution in 1780. But whatever variation of this kind existed, the representatives always claimed the right of having a concern in the appointment of fasts and thanksgivings. So inclined, they did not find their whole course smooth in relation to these seasons. In 1696 they were severely reproved by the council for interfe- rence whh them about the particular date, when such an occasion should be kept. This difference did not call in question the propri- ety of the house to request the governor that he would designate seasons of this sort by consent of the council. In 1721, the repre- sentatives moved for a joint committee of this body and of them- selves, to prepare a proclamation for a fast. The council declined such a proposition, because they deemed it an anticipation of the * Mass. Archives. Ecclesiastical, Vol. 11. p. 57. i Massachusetts laws revised in 1649, and printed at Cambridge, 1660, p. 25, I FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 455 governor's right.* But " he willing to conform to the house so far as would consist with maintaining his right of issuing proclamations, mentioned in the proclamation which he soon after published, that the appointment was by advice of council and upon motion from the house of Representatives. But the house refused to meet him, and declared they had never made any such motion, and ordered that no members of the house should carry any proclamations to their towns for the present. The day was, however, observed as usual, except that one of the representatives (William Clark) of Boston would not attend public worship, but opened his warehouse as upon other days." The difficulty here described, arose from the purpose of the house to unite with the council to prepare such a document in- dependently of the governor, though to be published in his name. The author, whose language on this topic has been just quoted, re- lates that, as stated by the board, the attempt of the representatives to participate in the composition of the order in question, was unpre- cedented. But there is a mistake on this point. For, it had been no uncommon thing for the house to draw up proclamations for fasts and thanksgivings and forward them to the council and governor for their approbation. Nor were these papers rejected as being improp- er. The chief magistrate, Samuel Shute, with whom the preceding difficulty took place, in his protest against Massachusetts before par- liament in 1723, which well nigh caused the nullification of our char- ter, charged the house with undue interference in the appointments of fasts and thanksgivings. On this subject, Doctor Douglass stated in 1749, that such days " ever since governor Shute's complaints, have been appointed by the governor and council, at the desire of the house of represeniatives."t The practice, here mentioned, lasted till 1779. The next year it was discontinued. From this time, when the senate was formed, and, in most respects, assumed the pre- vious duties of the council, fasts and thanksgivings have been recom- mended by the chief magistrate with advice of council. As the genius of ecclesiastical and political usages of Massachu- setts pervaded those of New Haven and Connecticut, the mode of designating fasts and thanksgivings in the two latter colonies, was es- sentially the same as thai in the former. Relative to more modern * Hutchinson's Hist. Mass. 3d ed. Vol. 11. p. 223. t Douglass' History of America, Vol. I. p. 495. 456 SACKED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. practice of Connecticut, we have the ensuing account. " The pres- ent mode is by the governor alone. This has been the practice since May, 1833. Before that time, the governor designated the day ; but previous to the adoption of the constitution in 1818, which abolished the October session of the general assembly, the governor submitted his proclamation to the two houses of that body, and had their ap- probation. Between 1818 and 1833, the practice was the same, as it is now from the necessity of the case, because the general assem- bly was not in session at or near the lime of issuing the proclama- tion."* Concerning the appointment of fasts and thanksgivings in Rhode Island, we have the subsequent passage. These days " were, in the earlier times of the state, occasionally recommended by the legisla- ture. In 1789 commenced the annual thanksgiving in this slate. The subject was introduced into the General Assembly by the late Judge Bicknell, then a representative from the town of Barrington, in pursuance of instructions from his constituents. Since then, a day has been set apart every year for that purpose, except only in 1801. Resolutions are generally introduced into the legislature at their ses- sion in October, recommending ' to the good people' of the state, to observe a certain day, as a day of public thanksgiving and praise, and requesting the governor to issue his 'proclamation of the resolu- tions so passed. Public fasts have never been recommended by our legislature at any stated seasons. I believe fasts and thanksgivings are and have been long held by advice of clerical bodies and individ- ual churches."! In relation to New Hampshire, we present the following : " Our records as far back as 1698, show the appointment of fasts and thanksgivings by the governor with advice of his council." No doubt the representatives claimed and exercised the privilege of pro- posing such seasons to the chief magistrate. " I find from 1776, that a committee of the assembly was generally appointed to prepare a form for a proclamation, which would be adopted by the assembly and concurred in by the council, and receive the signature of the governor, then called president."^: Since New Hampshire adopted * Letter from Hon. Thomas Day. t Letter from Hon. William Staples. t Letter from Josiah Stevens, Jr. Esq. Secretary of State. FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 457 their constitution in 1792, their fasts and thanksgivings have been appointed as in Massachusetts. Concerning the mode under consideration, as practised in Ver- mont, we have the subsequent information. " Previous to the adop- tion of any constitution, and while the powers of government were exercised by a council of safety, they appointed a day of thanksgiv- ing by resolution. After the first constitution, the general assembly in March 1778, appointed a day of fasting and adopted a form of proclamation, and in October of the same year, they appointed a day of thanksgiving, and requested the governor to issue his proclama- tion therefor. There have been no resolutions of the general as- sembly in relation to fasts since 1778, but they have been appointed by the executive ; the proclamation has been issued by the governor, by and with the advice of the council. Resolutions for the appoint- ment of days of thanksgiving, are annually passed by the legislature, and, for nearly fifty years, the form has been to request the gover- nor to appoint a day of thanksgiving, fixing the day."* 5. Penalties. Another topic, connected with the fasts and thanks- givings of New England, are the penalties for not duly observing them. As the magistrates of Plymouth colony ordered such days in 1623, and were empowered by law so to do, in 1637, it is implied that a penalty was affixed there to the violation of them, at a very early period. In 1650,t every person neglecting public worship, is re- quired to pay 10s. or be publicly whipped. As this worship appears to have included that of fasts, thanksgivings and lectures, a corre- sponding inference may be drawn as to the fine of not keeping them. In 1682, " it is enacted that none shall presume to attend servile worke, or labour, or attend any such sports on such dayes, as are or shalbe appointed by the Court for humiliation by fasting and prayer, or for publicke Thanksgiving, on penalty of shillings." The sum here omitted was probably 10s. The law, just described, con- tinued in force till the annexation of Plymouth with Massachusetts. As the rulers of Massachusetts colony had authority to command the observance of fasts and thanksgivings, they had like power to enforce the keeping of them. * Lietter from Hon. Charles K. Williams, t Plymouth Colony Laws. 58 458 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. In 1646,* the ensuing law was passed. " Whereas the ministry of the word is established according to the order of the gospel throughout this jurisdiction, every person shall duely resort and attend thereunto, respectively on the Lord's dayes and upon such public fast dayes and dayes of thanksgiving, as are to be generally observed by ap- pointment of authority." This law required, that each individual, unnecessarily absent from such public meetings, should be fined 5^. It will be perceived here, that the penalty for neglecting public wor- ship on fasts and thanksgivings, was equal to that of neglecting like service on the sabbath. With such a regulation Edward Randolph found fault, in his statement to the royal council, in 1676.t His words were, " Whoever shall observe Christmasse dayf or the like festivity, by forbearing to labour, feasting or other way, shall pay 55. ; and whosoever shall not resort to their meetings upon the Lord's day and such days of fasting and thanksgiving as shall be appointed by authority, shall pay 5s. No days, commanded by the lawes of England, to be observed or regarded." How long such a fine was strictly imposed, cannot be particularly told at this late day. It was evidently in force, however, till 1680, because the proclama- tions, for fasts and thanksgivings to this year, commanded them not to be desecrated with " servile labour." Since the adoption of the Constitution in Massachusetts, all fines, as well as legislation, about these religious occasions, have therein ceased. During the separate jurisdiction of New Haven, they laid a fine of 55. for each omission to attend worship on fast and thanksgiving days, as well as on the sabbath.§ With regard to fines, now in view, Connecticut pursued the course of the Bay colony. In 1650, they adopted the law on this subject previously enacted by Massachusetts. A penalty, for the violation * Laws of Massachusetts, edition of 1660. t Hutchinson's Collections of papers, p. 482. t The act against the keeping of Christmas in Massachusetts, was passed in 1659, when there was some prospect, that Charles II. would be brought to his father's throne. This act was repealed in 1682. It is probable, that, from the last date, the annual celebration of November 5th, so far as it had declined in New England, was revived and continued to be observed by processions of boys and young men, and bonfires, before the revolution of 1775. Since then, till forty years past, this was kept up by bonfires, and is now, to a very limited extent, in Rhode Island. § New Haven Laws, p. 38. FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 459 of fasts and thanksgivings, was continued longer there, than in any other part of New England. In 1791* it was enacted, that there should be an abstinence from servile labour and recreation, on these occasions, works of necessity and mercy excepted, on penalty of not above two dollars nor less than one. This rule, as is readily per- ceived, did not tally with that of 1650, so as to demand attendance on worship. It also made an exception as to public posts^nd stages, anciently unknown in our country. Prohibitionst of the kind under consideration, were repealed in 1833. From this year, fasts and thanksgivings have been recommended by the executive, and not or- dered as formerly. Relative to New Hampshire,! their proclamations for such sea- sons, before the adoption of their present constitution, contained clauses like the following : " All servile work and recreation are for- bidden ;" but subsequently, instead of commanding, they advised to the observance of these days. Hence, there is implicit evidence, that fines were required there by law for an infringement on fasts and thanksgivings prior to 1792, but not afterwards. Respecting Rhode Island, they appear to have had no fines for the non-observance of these religious occasions, nor have Vermont and Maine since they became states. 6. Periodical Observance. A question, not unfrequently asked, is. When did fasts and thanksgivings, in New England, become pe- riodical } By the term periodical, as here applied, we understand * Laws of Connecticut, edition of 1796, p. 83. t In reference to such prohibitions, there was a singular occurrence, which may have produced a legal question of no small interest and concern. It was in the town of Colchester, under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. It is thus described by the original record. " Att a legal Town meeting, held in Colchester October 29, 1705, it was voted, that whereas there was a Thanksgiving appointed to be held on the first Thursday of November, and our present circumstances being such, it cannot with conveniency be at- tended on that day, it is therefore voted and agreed by the inhabitants afore- said, concluding the thing will not be otherways than well resented (or favorably received), that the second Thursday of November aforesaid shall be set apart for thnl service." Long and accredited tradition has uniformly related, that this suspension of a week was to afford the Trader of the place an opportunity to replenish his exhausted articles of sweetening, and par- ticularly that of molasses, — so that his customers might not forego the indulgence of their taste for pumpkin pies and other similar dainties. * Letter from Josiah Stevens Jr. secretary of the state of New Hampshire, 460 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. the following : When did fasts begin to be appointed-or kept in the spring of every successive year, by order of the legislature ; and thanksgiving, in like manner, in the fall ? For an answer to these inquiries we must not rely ahogether, as some have, on what are called the General Court Records, now extant. There is but a soli- tary minute, and this relative to land, on such records of Plymouth colony, for the first three years. After this, till near the close of their separate jurisdiction, the designation of their fasts and thanks- givings was seldom placed vviih their legislative transactions. It is matter of fact, that such days were appointed by their public authori- ties, as have no mention made of them among the proceedings of these rulers. No legislative records of Massachusetts, before the arrival of governor Winthrop in 1630, are known to have been preserved. Those of them which succeed, fail to notice a number of fasts and thanksgivings, the observance of which was enjoined by the civil government. Similar facts apply to Connecti- cut and New Haven. Only three of each sort of these days are found on the books of the Connecticut general assembly before 1650. The Journals of New Haven make not even a reference to such re- ligious occasions, as before stated, for about sixteen of their first years. But other sources of information prove, that there was no real deficiency of this kind. The printed Laws of New Haven show that fasts and thanksgivings were common with them, from their very commencement as a colony, and had all the conservative re- striction of the sabbath. Who could reasonably suppose, that for such periods, so deficient in being recorded as to fasts and thanks- givings. New England would consent to deprive themselves of these interesting seasons? No person, correctly acquainted with their views, desires, habits, and condition. And yet, were we reduced to the necessity of relying altogether for testimony, in the present case, on their general court Journals, we should conclude, that they did thus forget their obligations to God and to some of their best influ- ences and interests. But here the inquiry may be made, Why were the registers of their legislative doings so at fault ? Several causes for this may be assigned. The appointment of these days was so in accordance with the opinions, wishes, and practice of the whole country, there was no call for a special record to be made of them among the transactions of the legislature. If a parallel case of this kind be PASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 461- asked for, it may be found in the total omission of noticing such an appointment, on the records of Massachusetts General Court, since the adoption of their Constitution in 1780. Another cause was, that after deputies or representatives in Plymouth and Massachusetts made a part of their legislatures, they were, oftentimes, not in ses- sion so as to unite with the assistants or council in ordering fasts and thanksgivings ; and, therefore, a record failed to be made of such an act more frequently than would otherwise have been. Besides, when the representatives were in session seasonably enough to par- ticipate in this act, they sometimes left it to the direction of the as- sistants. In omissions of this sort, we should naturally think, that the periodical fasts and thanksgivings would be more frequently un- noticed on the records, because generally known and expected, than those of more special occasions at other parts of the year. If the query is put, whether these omissions were all, which are either suspected or known, we reply in the negative. There must have been, for instance, particular orders for the emission of one-penny pieces of the Pine-Tree money and of the Good-Samaritan shillings, at an early period, from the Massachusetts mint. But no orders of this class are visible on the Journals of General Court. In view of the preceding considerations, we are justified in not restricting the number of fasts and thanksgivings, publicly ordered by our ancient authorities, to the numerical notices of them on the pages of their legislative proceedings. Indeed, the great probability is, that many more of such seasons were so appointed in the first periods of New England, than at present, though this position is not confirmed by the records of their legislatures. An opinion of this kind is favored by the fact, that, in some years, wherein these days are mentioned by such records, two or three of each kind were kept in the course of one year. As instances on this point, Massachusetts Journals give two fasts in 1639, and three in 1664 ; two thanksgivings in 1633, and two in 1637. These were distinct from those often observed by the churches either individually or collectively. A disposition, so manifested, must have been cherished and indulged from the re- markable trials and deliverances, experienced by our fathers in their early history, as well as from their deep feeling of dependance on God and of their obligations to him. It would be absurd to conjec- ture, that the pilgrims would keep so many of these seasons in one year, and then neglect them altogether for several successive years, in which they are not once alluded to by their legislative Journals, 462 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. when there were similar calls for a like observance every year They were a people chargeable with no such inconsistency as here implied ; not eaten up of zeal for a dutiful and salutary custom ai one period, and then entirely neglectful of it at another. Hence, we have a confirmation of the statement, that we should not make up our minds solely on the existing legislative records of New England, as to the number and dates of their fasts and thanksgivings. Even from the foregoing considerations, it would not be paradoxi- cal to venture the opinion, that such religious seasons have been pe- riodical from the founding of New England. Here the question occurs, to what extent do legislative Journals and other coincident proof confirm such a position ? By the Connecticut records of Gene- ral Court,* it appears that periodical thanksgivings, as well as fasts, began to be designated in 1650. In all reasonable probability, Mas- sachusetts would not come short in this respect; for they were looked to rather as an example, than otherwise. The records of the latter colony, so far as preserved, show, that thanksgivings were ap- pointed in the fall of 1633, 1637, 1638, 1639, 1654, 1656, 1659, 1662, 1665, 1666, 1667, 1669, 1670, 1672, 1673, 1676, 1677, 1680, 1681, 1682, 1684, etc. Besides these festival days, the representa- tives left the matter of ordering one in 1648 to the council ; and a paper shows, that the latter body did designate another in 1671, of which no mention is known to have been made elsewhere. It may be proper to state, that there were other thanksgivings, during the same period, ordered at dates different from those of such days, as just now enumerated. With regard to fasts, designated by the Massachusetts authorities in this time, though they were more in number, as contained on legis- lative records, than thanksgivings, yet there were less of them, as periodical, than of these festivals. But the nature of the case, the propriety of confessing human unworthiness and interceding for di- vine blessing on the labors of the field, the pursuits of the sea, and other avocations of community in the vernal season, and the deep re- ligious impression of our fathers, that they ought not to omit such an obligation, force upon our minds the inference, that fasts would be even more likely to be appointed for the spring, than thanksgivings in the fall. It is very probable, that, if the regular journal of the assistants or council had been preserved, it would have supplied a * Extracts from Connecticut Records by Hon. Thomas Day. FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 463 large part of the vacancies, as to such holy days, which appear in the foregoing statements and remarks. For this assertion, we have the subsequent fact. From the fire of 1747, when all the minutes of the council for many previous years, except a few of general im- port, were destroyed, to 1765, there are notices of seventeen peri- odical appointments of thanksgivings, as well as the same number of periodical fasts, on the journals of this branch of the legislature, while the records of the general court contain only about five of such appointments of each kind. The reasons, so advanced to account for deficiencies of this sort in Massachusetts, would apply to similar deficiencies in the rest of New England jurisdictions. At this point, we may ask what should be our decision on the question before us ? We perceive, that we ought not to depend altogether, for a reply, on the General Court records of New England now extant. We per- ceive from the journals of Connecticut, that fasts and thanksgivings were periodical there, and from the same authority and concurrent reasons, were very probably so in other of its adjacent colonies, by 1650. And even if Connecticut journals did not afibrd Such testimo- ny, there are other considerations, which forbid the surrender of this inference. As to the periodical order in view, before the year just named, we are left to judge from the character and condition of our ancestors as well as from their recorded practice. This practice, so far as notice of it has come down to our knowledge, implies nothing contrary to such order, but from the manner in which it is mention- ed, and the fact, that, in several instances, no notice was taken of it, when actually existing, on the registers of legislation, strongly in- timates, that this order commenced at the beginning of New Eng- land. A single glance at the character and condition of the primitive colonists, instantly suggests, that the Puritans would almost as soon think of neglecting to cultivate the ground and still look for a har- vest, as to omit a public fast in the spring, and to gather in the abun- dance of their fields and still expect to be fed, as to omit the ap- pointment of a thanksgiving in the autumn. This appears to be a legitimate conclusion under all the circumstances of the case. Hence, may we not reasonably make up our minds, that fasts and thanksgivings have been periodical from the first colonization of New England ? Nor is this inference invalidated by the objection, that it in- volves an implication contrary to the cause, for which our fathers 464 SACRED SEASONS OF THE PURITANS. declined conformity with the established holy days of the Episcopal church. The truth is, had they kept their fasts and thanksgivings a single day before or after Passion week and Christmas, it would have broken up the associations of mind, which was the object of their alteration. But in allowing them the sweep of several weeks for such days, they had ample scope to rid themselves of the charge of making a distinction without any difference. 7. Observance hy other states. We have now reached the point, where notice should be taken of fasts and thanksgivings in other parts of the United States. It is well known, that, in such portions, as were under Episcopal discipline, these days were kept there, for a long period, according to the prescribed form of the English es- tablished church. The Lent and Christmas of those parts of our country were to them, as the periodical fasts and thanksgivings of the Puritans. Their other similar seasons were to them, in some respects, like the additional ones of Congregationalists. As a mat- ter of general concernment to all the British American colonies, they were, as previously expressed, required by the law of England, passed 1606, to keep an annual thanksgiving on the fifth of Novem- ber to commemorate the discovery of the gunpowder plot. It was subsequently enacted by the parliament, that there should be a fast for the death of Charles I, and, also, a thanksgiving for the birth and accession of Charles 11 to the throne, every successive year. While these laws were complied with in our Episcopal colonies, they seem to have been neglected, as to their religious observance, by the non- conformists of New England. In the year 1661, the legislature of Virginia incorporated the two last enactments with their laws.* Be- sides, when any great victory was obtained by England, or any joy- ful event transpired in her favor, orders were received thence by the colonists of our country, till the revolution of our independence, to keep thanksgivings, which was accordingly and punctually done. In addition, fasts and thanksgivings, ordered by provincial and iiational Congresses, have been observed throughout the Union. Having thus cleared our way of these more general particulars, we will now look at individual sections of our republic. In none of these have the periodical fasts of New England ever been appointed by. public authorities.t Such occasions have been observed by vari- * Laws of Virginia, p. 4. t Since the above was written, the Executive of New York State has de- signated a general Fast for the present month of April, .1841, FASTS AND THANKSGIVINGS. 465 ous denominations of dissenters therein, whenever the exigencies of tHe temporal and spiritual condition of themselves, or neighhorhood, or country seemed to require. Other denominations, who conform with the rituals of their respective churches, have had their holy days in the spring and winter and other established seasons. As to annual thanksgivings, like those of New England, the only States, which are known by the writer to have had them appointed by their chief magistrates, are New Jersey, New York, Michigan, Ohio and Indiana. They have been observed in New Jersey fornot less than a half century.* They began to be appointed by De Witt Clinton of New York in 1819, and have been so continued till the present year.t For ten years they have been kept in Michigan ;J for six years in Ohio, and for three or four in Indiana. § In these Stales, we are credibly informed, that thanksgiving is less and Christmas more observed, in proportion to the population, than in New Eng- land. As a substitute for thanksgiving in the States, which do not keep it, are Christmas and other similar seasons. The manner of observing these, as described by Lucian Minor, Esq. relative to Vir- ginia, has a particular application to nearly all such Slates. His language is : " Christmas, a four days' holiday, maintains here its old English character of festivity, being the nearest resemblance to your November thanksgiving. Those four days and one day each at Easter and Whitsuntide, are the only stated holidays amongst us, and these are enjoyed by all colors and conditions, who choose, but mostly by all of the slaves." Having thus travelled over the diversified course of our inquiry, we are reminded of the long continued customs, which originated in religious opinions of various shades and tendencies. Whatever be the forms or times of worship associated with these customs, so sa- cred a service — if dutifully performed — is alike beneficial in promo- ting humility for our sinful deficiencies, and gratitude for our nume- rous mercies ; in exalting the mind to God while an inhabitant of earth, and the soul to heaven, when disenthralled from its clayey tenement. Blessed indeed are they, who so commune with Him in public, as to be partakers of his sanctifying presence in private, and, hereafter, to be filled with His fullness forever. * Letter from Rev. Dr. Hillyer. f Letter from J. C. Spencer, Esq. Sec- retary of the State of iN. Y. :f Letter from Rev. 1. M. Wead. § Letter from Rev. J. H. Perkins. — These four letters were written in J840. 59 466 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER XXIII. OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. The histor}- of the ancient religious sects of the East, opens an interesting and important field of inquiry, in investigating the rites and customs and discipline of the primitive church. These religious sects, severally, separated themselves at a very early period from the established church ; and, in the deep seclusion and sleepless jealousy of Eastern bigotry, they have preserved their ancient reli- gious rites unchanged through the lapse of ages. These their reli- gious rites, therefore, carry us back to a high antiquity, and, with some circumstantial variations, disclose to us the usages and customs of the ancient church. It would be interesting and instructive, for this reason, to com- pare the antiquities of some of the most ancient of these religious sects, such as the Armenians, the Nestorians, the Jacobites, the Copts, etc. The author has taken measures to obtain from our mis- sionaries a brief statement of the religious rites of several of these sects, and has the pleasure of laying before the reader one such ab- stract respecting the Armenian church, from the Rev. H. G. O. Dwight, missionary at Constantinople. This communication from him cannot fail to be alike interesting both to the antiquarian and the Christian. Origin and Progress of the Armenian Church. Among the sovereigns of the East, at the time of Christ, was one by the name of Abgar, or Abgarus, the seat of whose government was at EdessLi in Mesopotamiah. He is called by Tacitus (An. L. 12. 0. 12) king of the Arabs, though in the Armenian Chronicles he is placed among the Armenian kings, of the dynasty of the Arsacidae. . It is said that this king was converted to Christianity merely by hear- ing of the wonderful works of Christ, and that he sent a special mes- senger with a letter to invite Christ to come to his court, where he promised him rest and protection from his enemies. To this request Christ replied that it was impossible for him to come in person, but that after his ascension, he would send one of his disciples, in his place. Eusebius and others relate that our Saviour took a handker- OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 467 chief and pressing it upon his face, an exact likeness of himself was miraculously impressed upon it, which he sent to Abgar as a mark of favor. Moses Chorenensis, the Armenian historian, states that our Sa- viour sent to king Abgar his own likeness, but makes no allusion to the manner in which it was procured. This last writer also declares, that after the death of Christ the apostle Thomas, in obedience to the command of the Saviour, and agreeably to his promise, sent Thaddeus, one of the seventy, to Edessa, who healed the king of an incurable disease under which he had been suffering for seven years, and afterwards, baptized him in the name of Christ. Many other miracles are said to have been performed by Thaddeus, and " the whole city," says Moses, " was baptized." This is the Armenian account of the beginning of their church, and Eusebius bears his testimony to the same facts in every im- portant particular. The immediate successors of Abgar, however, apostatized from the christian faith, and by their persecutions Christianity was almost exterminated from the country. It would appear, however, that individual Christians and perhaps small bodies of them, were found in the Armenian territories up to the time of Dertad (Diridates) 2d, A. D. 259, during whose reign Christianity was revived, through the instrumentality of Gregory, and it has ever since been the reli- gion of the Armenian people. Gregory, called also Loosavorich, the Enlighiener^'W'dsan Arme- nian of royal descent, who having been brought u,p in Cesarea, was there educated in the christian religion. Having become connected with the king's suite, and refusing to unite in his idolatrous worship, he was grievously tortured, and kept in close confinement in a cave for many years. Being at length de- livered, he was instrumental in the conversion of the king, and many of the nobles. He afterwards repaired to Cesarea, where he was ordained bishop, by Leonties, bishop of Cesarea, and returning to Ar- menia Proper, he baptised the king and multitudes of the people. In short, the nation now became Christian, though some of its chiefs soon afterwards apostatized, and through their means the king of Persia was enabled, for a while, to carry on a persecution againsi the religion of the cross. At subsequent periods in the Armenian aa- 468 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. nals we read of the most violent and deadful persecutions of the Ar- menian Christians, by the pagan and Mohammedan kings of Persia, as political changes placed the former under the power of the latter. In the year 406, the Armenian alphabet was invented, and in 411, the Bible was translated into the Armenian language from the Sep- tuagint. In the year 491, a synod of Armenian bishops rejected the deci- sions of the council of Chalcedon, by which act they cut themselves off from the charity and communion of the other branches of the christian church, and they are to this day denominated schismatics and heretics by both the Greeks and the Papists. As to the progress of the Armenian church in after ages, little indeed can be said, unless we follow the examples of their own his- torians, and quote as evidences of her prosperity, the number of churches and convents erected, the great increase of religious feast and fast days, and of ceremonies in general, and the astonishing miracles performed by worldly and graceless monks. The people were left in almost total ignorance, while the ecclesiastics were con- tinually embroiled in disputes with the Greeks on points of little im- portance, or waging intestine wars of ambition with each other, each striving for the highest place. As might be expected, every species of irreligion was rife under such influences. The only redeeming trait was the unflinching resoluteness with which property, liberty, and life were frequently sacrificed to the Magian and Mohammedan persecutors of the Armenian church. 2. Church officers and government. The Armenians are at present scattered among different nations, and subject to different political governments, by which their ecclesiastical polity is somewhat modi- fied. Originally the church was placed under one head, styled ca- Iholicos, who usually held his seat at the imperial residence. Sub- sequently several different catholicoses were created by parties ris- ing up in different parts of the country, and taking advantage of the disturbed state of public affairs. At present there are three catholi- coses, one at Echmiadzin (which is the greatest), one at Aghtamar, in 'the Lake Van, and one at Sis, in the ancient province of Cilicia. The catholicos is the spiritual head of the church, or of that par- ticular portion of it over which his jurisdiction extends. He only can ordain bishops, and consecrate the sacred oil which is used in various ceremonies of the church. OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 469 The Armenians at Constantinople, with all those in Turkey in Eu- rope, and in Asia Minor, and Armenia Proper, were formerly under the jurisdiction of the catholicos of Echmiadzin ; but since that see has fallen within the possessions of Russia, the Armenians in those parts of Turkey mentioned, have been ostensibly without any spir- itual head ; although there is still a secret connection between them and Echmiadzin and several vartabeds have lately gone to the lat- ter place to be ordained bishops. There are two patriarchs, it is true, one at Constantinople and the other at Jerusalem ; but both these offices were established by Mo- hammedan authorities for their own convenience, and as neither of them has the power of ordaining bishops, they may be considered as only themselves holding the rank of bishops, ecclesiastically, though clothed with high political authority by the Turks. The Armenian patriarch at Constantinople has the power of im- prisoning and scourging at pleasure, members of his own flock, and until recently he could easily procure their banishment, from the Turkish authorities, whenever he pleased. The late charter given by the Sultan to his subjects will, however, if carried into effect, pre- vent him from doing this except on a regular trial before the Turk- ish courts. It will be understood from what has been said that the form of gov- ernment of the Armenian church is Episcopal. There are nine dif- ferent grades of the Armenian clergy, all of which are set apart to their respective offices by the laying on of hands. Four of these are below the order of deacon, and are called porters, readers, exorcists, and candle-lighters. After these come the subdeacons,the deacons, then the priests, then the bishops, and last of all the catholicos. All below the bishop are ordained by the bishop, and he by the ca- tholicos only. The catholicos is ordained by a council of bishops. There is a class of ecclesiastics, called vartabeds, which may be considered as collateral with the order of priests. The difference between them is simply this : The priests are married, and in fact no man can be ordained priest, unless, at the time of his ordination, he has a wife. The vartabeds never marry, and have taken upon them the vow of perpetual celibacy. The priests always remain priests, and can never rise to the rank of bishop. The vartabeds may become bishops, and in fact, all the bishops are taken from that order, and are bound to celibacy. The vartabeds are the preachers, 470 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. (strictly speaking) but the priests never preach. The vartabeds live not among the people, but in convents where there are convents, or if not, they live by themselves within the church enclosures. The priests live in the midst of their flocks, and go in and out among them freely. In case the wife of a priest dies, he is not permitted to marry again, and he may then if he chooses become a vartabed. There are also several subdivisions of grade among the vartabeds, each of which has its particular ordination service. One of these, called by way of distinction, The supreme order of Vartabed^ is now practically unknown ; though according to the rules of the church it should exist. The individual who fills this office, may be either a vartabed or a bishop. If the former, he may be ordained to it by a bishop ; but if the laiter, he must be set apart to this high dignity by the catholicos himself. Fie is considered by way of em- inence as an apostolical preacher ; and his labors are to be among the heathen alone. The spirit of missions is dead in the Armenian church ; and therefore, they have no further employment for such a class of men. 3, Doctrines. The chief point of separation between the Armeni- ans on the one side, and the Greeks and the papists on the other, is, that while the latter believe in two natures and one person of Christ, the former believe that the humanity and divinity of Christ were so united as to form but one nature ; and hence, they are called Monophi/ sites. Another point on which they are charged with heresy by the pa- pists, is, that they adhere to the notion that the Spirit proceeds from the Father only ; and in this the Greeks join them, though the pa- pists say, that He proceeds from the Father and the Son. In other respects, the Greeks and Armenians have very nearly the same re- ligious opinions ; though they differ somewhat in their forms and modes of worship. For instance, the Greeks make the sign of the cross with three fingers, in token of their belief in the doctrine of the Trinity — while the Armenians use two fingers, and the Ja- cobites one. The Armenians hold to seven sacraments like the Latins, although baptism, confirmation, and extreme unction, are all performed at the same time — and the forms of prayer for confirmation and ex- treme unction are perfectly intermingled, which leads one to sup- OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. 471 pose, that in fact, the latter sacrament does not exist among them, except in name ; and that this they have borrowed from the papists. Infants are baptized both by triple immersion, and pouring water three times upon the head, — the former being done as their books assert, — in reference to Christ's having been three days in the grave, — and probably suggested by the phrase, — huried vnth him in baptism. The latter ceremony they derive from the tradition that when Christ was baptized, he siood in the midst of Jordan, and John poured water from his hand three times, upon his head. In all their pictures of this scene, such is the representation of the mode of our Saviour's baptism. Converted Jews, or Mohammedans, though adults are baptized in the same manner. The Armenians acknowledge sprinkling as a lawful mode of bap* lism, — for they receive from other churches, those that have merely been sprinkled, whhout re-baptizing them. They believe firmly in transubstantiation, — and worship the con- secrated elements as God. Unleavened bread is used in the Sacrament, and the broken pieces of bread are dipped in undiluted wine, and thus given to the people. The latter however do not handle it, but receive it into their mouths from the hands of the priest. They suppose it has in itself a sanctifying and saving power. The Greeks in this sacrament use leavened bread, and wine mixed with water. The Armenians discard the popish doctrine of purgatory, but yet most inconsistently they pray for the dead. They hold to confession of sins to the priests, who impose pea- ances and grant absolution, though without money, and they give no indulgences. They pray through the mediation of the Virgin Mary, and other saints. The belief that Mary was always a virgin, is a point of very- high importance with them ; and ihey consider the thought of her having given birth to children after the birth of Christ, as in the high- est degree derogatory to her character, and impious. They regard baptism and regeneration as the same thing, and have no conception of any spiritual change ; and they know little of any other terms of salvation than penance, the Lord's supper, fast- ing, and good works in general. 472 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. The Armenians are strictly Trinitarians in llieir views, holding firmly to the supreme divinity of Christ, and the doctrine of atone- ment for sin ; though their views on the latter subject, as well as in regard to faith and repentance, are somewhat obscure. They say that Christ died to atone for original sin, and that actual sin is to be washed away by penances, — which in their view is repentance. Penances are prescribed by the priests, and sometimes consist in an offering of money to the church, a pilgrimage, or more commonly in repeating certain prayers, or reading the whole book of Psalms, a specified number of times. Faith in Christ seems to mean but lit- tle more than believing in the mystery of transubstantiation. 4. Forms of worship, festivals^ etc. The Armenian churches are opened regularly twice every day morning and evening for prayers, and mass is performed every day in all the city churches, though in the country less frequently, according to the size of the church and the number of priests. It occupies sometimes six hours and more, for its completion. It consists in chanting, and reading prayers and portions of the Scriptures and responses by the people. The offi- ciating priest or bishop is richly dressed, as are the deacons and singers. Small bells are rung and incense is burned, and various other ceremonies are performed which contribute to please and awe the people. At the ordinary morning and evening prayers the peo- ple kneel and cross themselves in rapid succession a number of times while the priests are chanting the prayers. These prostrations are made frequently before a picture of the Virgin or other saint. In the more recently constructed Armenian churches, however, pic- tures are almost wholly excluded. In some parts of the country also, instead of repeating the ceremony of prostrating themselves as above described, they simply kneel and thus remain quietly until the prayer is finished. This seems to have been the ancient custom of the Armenian church, and a change has taken place in the churches around the Levant, probably through the influence of the Greeks. The scriptures and prayers are read in the ancient Armenian tongue, which is understood but by very few among the people — and if understood, would hardly be intelligible, the tones of voice are so drawling and unnatural. Preaching is rare among the Armeni- ans, and is only performed by the bishops and vartabeds, and gene- rally only on particular feast days. The priests are never expected to preach, their business being to read prayers and say mass. OF THE ARMINIAN CHURCH. 473 Though the apocryphal books are bound up with the others in the Armenian Bible, yet they are considered as uncanonical, and are never read in the churches. There are at least fourteen great feast days in the course of the year on which all ordinary labor is suspended, and the day is ob- served more strictly than the sabbath. Besides these there are nu- merous other feasts and fasts, more numerous even than the days of the year ; so that, in some instances, several are appointed to the same day. Besides the occasional fasts, such as a fast of forty days before Easter, and another of six days before Christmas, etc., they have two weekly fasts, the one on Wednesday and the other on Fri- day. The Armenians have 165 days in the year appointed for fast- ing. They do not properly fast, however, since they are permitted to eat plentifully of all kinds of vegetable food except the vegetable oils— and a fast with them is merely abstaining from animal food. Among the Armenians, girls are often married at the age of twelve or thirteen, the other sex rarely until they are from twenty- five to thirty. The marriage contract is made by the parents or guardians, and the parties are not expected to see one another until after they are husband and wife. The ceremonies of marriage oc- cupy three days — during which time there are constant festivities either at the house of the bridegroom or bride, or both. The bride is last carried to the house of the bridegroom in procession of car- riages or carts drawn by oxen, the ceremony of marriage being per- formed sometimes at the house and sometimes at church. The ex- penses of the dowry and the marriage festivities come upon the bridegroom, and they are usually quite large. Marriage is consid- ered as one of the sacraments, and there is properly no divorce af- ter the tie is once made. The laws of the Armenians .are more strict than those of Moses in regard to the degrees of consanguinity within which persons may marry. When a person dies, several of the female friends of the family are usually present, who make a loud outcry, so as to be heard at some distance from the house. The funeral takes place on the same day. The body is dressed as when alive, and placed in an open bier which is ornamented with flowers, natural or artificial, and thus carried to the grave-yard. An irregular procession of the friends is formed, headed by priests and singers, with lighted can- dles if the wind will permit, and a plaintive funeral dirge is chanted 474 OF THE ARMENIAN CHURCH. as they pass along the streets. Candles are always carried, even although the funeral should be at mid-day, though sometimes they cannot be lighted. Female friends never accompany the procession to the grave. At the grave prayers are read, and the body, without coffin, is committed to the earth. The ordinary garments are first removed, and the body closely wound up by a long piece of cloth, andthus placed in the grave and covered with earth. If he be an ec- clesiastic, a stone is placed on each side of the head, and another over the top to prevent the earth from coming in immediate contact with the head, which has been anointed with holy oil. After the grave of an ecclesiastic has been filled up another hillock of the same dimensions and appearance is raised by its side in order to prevent the body from being stolen. The temptation to this crime in the case of an ecclesiastic is, that as it is a sacred body, having been anointed, it may be in demand for relics. Mourning garments are never worn by the males among the Armenians ; but the females at Constantinople dress in black. In the case of an ecclesiastic, prayers are read at the house every evening after the burial until Saturday. If the death takes place on Saturday they are read only on that evening. If it be a layman, they are read only once on the evening of the burial, ancj once on the following Saturday evening. The friends also occasionally call for the priest to say prayers over the grave ; but this in Constantinople is without rule, and they do it whenever they please. In some parts of Armenia proper they have the following customs on the subject : After the burial the officiating priest reads prayers over the grave once a day for eight days if the deceased is an ecclesiastic, and for three days if a layman, and also on the 8th, 15th, and 40ih days after the decease, and at the end of one year. The present state of the Armenian church is one of deep interest. Enlightened views in regard to the truths of the Scriptures are ex- tensively spread among them, particularly in Constantinople and in some of the adjacent cities, and it is evident that at least a portion of the church is on the eve of a reform. They are an enterprising and talented people, and evidently possess the elements of a solid and no- ble character. With a truly regenerated nature, they promise to be most important instruments in the hands of God, in spreading the light of true Christianity over the East. INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. CHAPTER I. GENERAL VIEW OF THE ORGANIZATION AND WORSHIP OF THE PRIMI- TIVE CHURCH. § 1. Accounts of Jewish and profane Authors^ p. 25. 1. Suetonius, Vit. Ner. c. 16 ; Vit. Claud, c. 25. 2. Annal. 15. 44. 3. Tzschirner, Graeci et Romani Scriptores cur rerum clH-istianarum meminerint. Lips. 1824. 4; G. A. Osiander, Ueber die Aus- breitung des Chrisienthums. 4. J. H. Boehrner, Dissertat. xii. juris eccles. antiqui ad Pliniuna Se- cundum et Tertullianum. Hal. 1729. 8. 5. De Morte Perigrini, opp. edit. Bipont. vol. viii. p. 272 seq.; Phi- lopseudes, vol. vii. p. 266 ; Pseudomantis, vol. v. p. 63 seq.; Ch. G. Fr. Walcb, Explicatio rerum christianarum apud Lucia- num ; Eichstadt, Lucianus nura scriptis suis adjuvare religio- nem chr. voluerit. Jenae, 1820. 4. § 2. Origin of the Christian Church, p. 32, 1. Franc. Croii, Heidnisches Papsthum. Basel, 1607. 1613.8^ Dav- Meir de Papatu Romano per Ethnicismum impraegnalo et re- fermentato. 1634.4; Jo. Valkenier, Roma paganizans. 1656. 4; Nic. Hunnil, De Apostasia Romanae ecclesiae, -c. 4; Mussardi, Vorstellung der vor Zeiten aus dem Heidenthume in die Kirche eingefiihrten Gebrauche und Ceremonien. Aus dem Franzos. mit Anmerk. von Sigism. Hosmann. Leipz. 1695; Conyers Middleton, A Letter from Rome, shewing an exact conformity between Popery and Paganism, edit. 5. 1741. 8. edit. 6. 1825.8; J. J. Blunt, Ursprung relig. Ceremonien und Gebrauche der rdm. kathol. Kirche, bes. in Italien und Sicilien. Aus dem Engl. Darmst. 1826. 8, § 3. Peculiarities of the Christian System, p. 34. 1. Bellermann's Versuch liber die Gemmen der Alten mit dem Abraxas-Bilde. I— HI. Berlin, 1817—19. 8. S. St. L S. 40—63. St. III. S. 43, 44. Fr. Miinter's Sinnbilder und Kunstvor- stellungen der alten Christen. I. u. II. Heft. Altona, 1825. 4. 2. Kestner's Agape. Jena, 1819. 8. u. Zugabe. s. 556 seq. 476 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. § 4. Disciplina Arcani^ Apostolical Constitutions^ and Canons, p. 35. 1. Die beyden vorzuglichsien Antagonlsten sind : Eman. a S«'hel- strate de dirsciplina arcani. Romae, 1685. 4. Ed. Patav. 1743. 4. Guil. Ern. Tenzel, Dissertat. select. P. II. Vergl. Bingham, Orig. torn. iv. p. 119 seq. Neiiere Schriftsteller iiher diesen Gegen- stand sind : Herm. Scholliner, Disciplina arcani suae antiquitali restituta. 1756. 4. Ueber religiose Mysterien u. s. \v. MUnchen, 1818. 8 ; Th. Lienhart, De antiq. Liiurg. et de disciplina arcani. Argentor. 1829. 8 ; Th. Criiger, De disc. arc. vet. Christiano- rum ; Jac. Zimtnermann, De disciplina arcani vet. eccl. nostra aetate non usnrpanda. Tigiir. 1751 ; J. L. Schedius, De sacris opertis vet. Chr. s. de disciplina, quam vocant, arcani. Goett. 1790. 4. Eine vorziigliche Monographie ist ; G. C. L. Th. Frommann, De disciplina arcani, quae in vetere eccl. chr. ob- tinuisse fertur. Jen. 1833. 8. Man vgl. audi : Die Religions- . Wanderungen des H. Th. Moore belenchtet von einigen seiner Landsleute. Aus dem Engl. Coin. 1835. &.359— 78. Das Ur- theil Neander's iiber die Arcan-Disciplin (Allg. Gesch. der chr. Rel. u. Kirche. T. 1. S. 357) ist ungerecht. 2. Riddle's Christ. Antiq. p. 120—23. Coinp. also Otto Krabbe iiber den Ursprung und Inhatt der apostolischen Constitntionen des Clemens Romanus. Hamburg, 1829. 8 ; Dessili)ben, De co- dice canonum qui Apostolorum nomine circumferuntur. Goet- ting. 1829. 4 ; Ed. Regenbrnht, De Canonibus Apostolorum. Vratisb, 1828. 8 ; J. S. v. Dreg, Neue Unters. iiber die Constitu- tionen und Canones der Apostel ; ein hist. krit. Beytrag zur Literat. der Kirchengesch. und des Kirchenrechts. TUbingen, 1832. 8. CHAPTER II. NAMES AND CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. § 1. Scriptural Appellations and JVames assumed by Christians^ p. 39. 1. Phil. Rovenii, Reipublicae christianae libri duo, tractantes de va- riis hominum statibus, gradibus, officiis et functionibus in ec- clesia Christi. Antverp. 1668. 4 ; J. H. Boehmer's Entwurf des Kirchenstaais der ersten drey Jahrhunderte. Hal. 1733. 8 ; Dis- sertationes xii juris ecclesiastici antiqui. Lips. 1711.8; Ziegler's Versuch einer pragmat. Geschichie der kirchlichen Verfas- sungs-Formen in den ersten vi Jahrh. d. Kirche. Lei})z. 1798. 8 ; Planck's Geschichte der Enistehuna u. Ausbildung der chr. kirchlichen Gesellschafts-Verfassung. Th. 1 — 5. Hannov. 1803 — 1805. 8 ; K. F. Eichhorn's Grundsatze des Kirchenrechst. Th. I. Goett. 1831. 8 ; Herm. Scholliner, De magistraiuujn eccl. origine et creatione. 17.57. 4 ; Jo. Fr. Buddei, Exercit. de origine, dignitate et usu nominis christiani. Jen. 1711. 4. S. Ejusd. Synt. Dissert. Theolog. p. 385 seq. ; Jo. Fr. Hebenstreit, De INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 477 variis Christianorum nominihus. Jen. 1713. 4; Clir. Aug. Hermann, De ortu nominis Christianorun). Goetting. 1736. 4. S. EJMsd. Primir. Goetting. p. 130 seq. ; Chr. Korlholt, Pa- ganus ohtrectator, s. de calnmniis Geniilium in vet. christ. libr. iii. Lubec. 1703. 4 ; G. Fr. Gudii, Paganus Christianorum laudator et fautor. Lips. 1741. 4. 2. Tacitus;, Annal. lib. xv. e. 44. 3. Suetonius, Vita Claudii, c. 25. 4. Euseb, Hist. Eccles. lib. v. c. 1. 5. Chrysosiom. Horn. 46. torn. i. p. 532. ed. Franc. 6. Gregory Nuzianzen, Orat. 31. p. 506. 7. Epi|)banius, Haeres. 42. p. 366. ed. Pet. 8. Clemens Alex. Strom. 7. p. 748. Compare Pearsonii Vindic. Ig- nat. P. II. c. 12. § 2. JVames of Reproach and Derision conferred on them by their enemies, p. 43. 1. Suetonius, Vita Nero, C.16. 2. Ej»ipban. Haeres. 29. n. 1. 9 ; Hieron. Comment, in Is. xlix ; Pru- dent. Peristeph. Carm. 5. v. 25 — 26. Hymn. 10 de Rom. Mart. 5.41. 3. Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. 3. p. 81. Socrat. h. e. 3. c. 12. 4. Theodoret. h. e. 3. c. 12. 5. Hieron. ep. 10. nd Fur. 6. Orig. c. Cel. lil). i. p. 30. Arnob. Disputat. 1. 2. 53. Kortholi's Abliandlung. p. 474 et seq. 7. Orig. contra Celsum, lib. v. p. 272 seq. ; Tertull. ad nation, lib. ii. c. 12. 8. Tertull. Apologet. c. 50. 9. Lactantius, Instit. Div. v. 9. 10. Euseb. h. e. lib. iv. c. 15. Justin Mart. Apol. I. p. 47. 11. Arnob. Disp. adv. Gent. 1. 71. Prudent Hymn, 10. 14. 404 seq. Tertull. ad Nat. 1. 8. 12. Terttjil. Apol. c. 16. Ad Nat. 1. 7. 12. August. Ep. 44. 13. Minuc. Feb. Octav. c. 14. 14. Plutarcb, Sympos. lib. iv. quaest. 5. Joseph, c. Apion, 2. 10. § 3. Division and Classification of Christians, p. 45. 1. Tertullian, De Baptism, c. 17. 2. Cyprian, Ep. 1. 2. 4. Hieron. contr. Jovin. lib. ii. 3. Morini, Exercit. lib. ii. 4. Demonstrat. Evangel, lib. vii. c. 2. 5. Comment. Isa. c. 19. § 4. Of the Christian Church, p. 47. 1. Tertidlian, De Prescrip. c. 41 ; Bingham, bk. i. c. 5; Tertull. Ex- hortat. ad Cast. c. 7 ; Clemens Rora. Ep. ad Corinlh. c. 40. 478 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. § 5. Of Catechumens, p. 49. 1. Tertullian, De Bap. c. 18 ; Augustin. Confess, lib. i. c. 11. lib. vi c. 1. 2. x\ucf(istin. Confess, lib. ix. c. 6. Ep. 147. c. 52 ; Posidii, Vit. Au- gus. c. 1. p. 165. 3. Constitut. Apostol. lib. viii. c. 32. 4. Illiber. c. 42. A. D. 673. 5. Agath. c. 34. A. D. 506. 6. Cyril of Jerusalem, Cateches. 1. n. 5 ; Jerome, Ep. 61. ad Pam- mach. 3. 4. 7. Socrates, h. e. lib. vii. c. 30 ; Basil M. Ep. 186 ; Epiphan. haeres. 28. n. 6. 8. Balsamon. not. in Concil. Niocaesan, c. 5 ; Cave, Primitive Chris- tianity, i. c. 8. 9. Suicer, Thesaurus. 10. Maldonatus, De Baptism, c. i. p. 78 etseq. 11. Bingham, Christ. Antiq. vol. iv. p. 17. 12. Constitut. Apost. 1. 8. c. 6 — 8; Conci!. Arelat. i. c.6; Illiber. c.39; Euseb. Vit. Const. M. IV. 61 ; Sulpic. Sever. Vit. Martin. Turon. Dial. c. 5. 13. Marci, Vita Porphyrii. in Baronii. Annal. ad a. 400. 14; Edm. Martene, De antiq. eccl. vit. torn. i. 26 et seq. ; J. Al. Asse- rnani. Cod. liturg. torn. i. c. 1. 15. Cyprian, ep. 73. 57. Euseb. h. e. vi. 4 ; August. De Baptism, iv. 2; Gregory Naz. Orat. 39. Origen Tract. 12. in Math. p. 85; Cy- ril. Hierosol. Catech. iii. n. 10. 16. August. De peccator. merit, lib. ii. c. 26 ; lib. i. c. 11. 17. Bingham, bk. x. Sec.l6 ; Bona, Rer. Liturg. lib. i. c. 16. n. 3 ; Bas- nage, Exercit. Critic, in Baron, p. 487. §6, Of Believers, or the Faithful, p. 57. 1. Cyril, Hierosol. Procatech. et Catech. mystagog. 5 etseq. 2. S. Concil. Ancyr. c. 4, 5 ; Dionys. Areop. de hier. eccl. c. 3. 3. Boehmer, jus. eccl. Protest, tom. i. p. 269 etseq. § 8. Of Energumens, or Demoniacs, p. 61. 1. Concil. Illiberit. c. 37. Arausic. i. c. 14. 2. Pellicia, De ch. eccl. polit. tom. i. ed. Ritter. p. 504 et seq. § 9. Ascetics, Coenobites, Monks, and Fraternities, p. 62. 1. Jerome, Vit. S. Pauli, Ep. ad Paul, de instit. Monach. comp. also Barcepha, De Syris Monophys. in Assemani, Bibl. Or. tom. iii. P. 2. p. 861. 2. Assemani, Bibl. Or. tom. i. p. 31, 35, 54. 3. Assemani, Bibl. Or. tom. iii. P. 2. p. 857. tom. i. p. 28, 138. 4. Cod. Theodos. lib. xi. tit. 30. 1. 57. INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 479 5. Socrat. h. e. lib. iv. c. 23. 6. Assemani, Bibl. Or. torn. iii. P. 2. p. 857. 7. Regiil. S. Bened. c. i. 8. Bingham's Ant. bk. viii. sec. 5. 9. Euseb. h. e. vi. c. 11. 10. Clemens Alex. tr. quis div. salv. n. 36. 11. Niceph. Hist. lib. xv. c. 28. 12. Sozomen, h. e. vi. c. 33. 13. Justin, Novel, v. c. 3 ; Suicer, Thesaurus. 14. Pallad. hist. Laus.'c. 15. 15. Bingham, bk. 8. sec. 13 ; Mosheim, vol. iv ; Atbanus, ep. ad Dra cant ; Augustin, De haeres. c. 40 ; Hieron. Vita Hilar, c. 19 ; Du Cange, Glossar. art. Fraternitas. CHAPTER III. OF MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. § 1. Of the Clergy and the Laity, p. 6Q. 1. Hieron. ep. 2. ad Nepot; Augustin, in Ps.lxvii ; Cave, Prim. Christ. P. 1. c. 8 ; Dodwell, Dissert. Cyprian, i. c. 15 ; Codex Theodos^ de Episc. 1. 2. 2. Tertull. exhort, ad cast. o. 7 ; Iren. adv. haeres. lib. iv. c. 20. 3. Clemens Rom. ep. ad Cor. c. 40, 41, 42, 44 ; Comp. Boehmer, Dissertat. 7. p. 354. 4. Rheinvvald, Arch. p. 20; Neander, Kirchengeschichte, bd. i. 301. 5. Baumgarten, S. 51 ; Cyprian, ep. 33. 22 ; Ambrose, De dignit. sacerdot. c. 3; Epiphanius, haeres, 67. 6. Concil. Antioch. c. 1. 2; Nicen. c. 16, 17. 19; Agath. c. 2; Can. Apost. c. 14. c. 50; Basil M. ep. can. c. 6; Augustin, Serm. 50. De Divers, tom. x. p. 525. 7. Boehmer, Dissertat. jur. eccl. antiq. 7. p. 341 ; Tertull. in castit. c. 7; De idol. c. 12. 7; Bingham, bk. ii. c. 1. sec. 1 ; Basil M. ep. canon, c. 51. 8. Euseb. hist. eccl. lib. vi. c. 43; Tertullian, Cyprian, Constitut. Apost. passim. 9. De offic. eccl. lib. ii. c. 6. 10. Pellicia, chr. eccl. polit. tom. i. p. 27. 11. Primitive Christianity, P. 1. c. 8. § 2. Of the different Orders of the Clergy, p. 69. 1. Vitring. De Synagog. vit. lib. ii. c. 11; Adv. Reland Antiq. Ebr. lib. i. c. 10. 2. Jerom. Ep. 85. ad Evagr. ; Baumgarten, Erb. S. 58. 3. Exhortat. ad Castit. c. 7. 4. In Es. c. 3 ; Epist. ad Rustic. P. 1. dist. 93. c. 24 ; Duret. P. 2. caus. 16. quaesi. i. c. 7. 5. Cyprian, Epist. 9 et 20. 4S0. INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 6. Eiiseb. eccl. hist. lib. vi. c. 43. 7. Chrysostom, Horn. 67. in Math. ; Comp. Julian, epist. ad Arsac. 8. Procopiijs, De aedificiis Justinian, lib. i. c. 2, 3 ; Novell, iii. c. 1. 9. Mich. Ileineccii, Description of the ancient and modern Greek Church, 3d vol. 48 ; H. I. Schnr)itt, MorgenI, Griech. russ. ; Kirche Mainz. 1826. 8. p. 282 et seq. ; Kind's Gebr. und Cere- mon. in der griech. Kirche in Russhmd. p. 258 et seq. ; Staiid- lins, Kirchliche Geographie und Staiistik. i. S. 268—89. ii. S. 592—610 ; Codini, De offic. c. i. n. 41 ; Morini, Exercit. hb. i. c. 15. 10. Dionys. Areopagit. de Hierrarchia ecclesiasiica. 0pp. i. ed. Cor- der. p. 355 — 63 ; Assenian. Bibl. Orient, iii. P. 2. p. 768 et seq. ; P. 1. p. 355 ; P. 2. p. 791 ; Margarita, P. 3. c. 8. 11. Fabii, Incarnati, Scrntin. sacerdot. P. 1. tract. 2. 12. Concil Trident. Sess. 23. c. 2 et seq. § 3. Of the Episcopal Form of Religion, p. 74. Wallonis Messalini (Claudii Salmasii) Dissert, de Episcopis et Pres- byt. 1641.8; Joach. Hildebrand, Exercit. de Episcopis. Hehnst. 1662. 4. ed. 2. 1700. 4 ; Casp. Ziegler, De E|.isr()|)is. Jen. 1686. 4; Jo. Fr. Buddeus, Exercit. de origine et potestate Ej)iscop. Jen. 1705. 4. Vgl. Dissertat. theol. Syntagm. i. p. 179 seq.; J. Fr. Gru- ner, De oi-igine Episcoporuni eorunique in ecclesia pritnitiva jin-e. Hal. 1764.4; E. J. Danovii, Dissert, de Episc. aetate apostol. Jen. 1774. 4; J. Ph. Gabler, De Episc. priinae ecclesiae eorutnque orig- ine. Jen. 1805. 4. 1. De civitat. Dei, lib. xix. c. 19. lib. i. c. 9. 2. Epist. 8. ad Evagr. 3. Dougtaei, Annal. Sacr. P. 2. exc. 93. p. 139. 4. Arch. p. 28 ; Gieseler, Kirchengesch. i. [). 112; Siegel, ii. p. 228. 5. Guil. Berevegius, Synod, touj. i. ; Observat. ad Can. Apost. c. 1 ; Comp. Casp. Ziegler, De Episcopis. Jen. 1686. 4. c. 1 ; Jo. T. Bnddaeus, Exercit. de origine et potestate Episco[)orum. 6. Justin Mart. Apolog. ii. ; F.useb. h. e. vi. c. 3, 8. vii. c. 13 ; Basil M. Horn, in Ps. xxviii ; Cyprian, ep. 3. 9. 7. Euseb. Vit. Const, lib.ii. c.2; Hist. eccl. lib. viii. c. 2 ; Teriull. Apol. c. 39 ; de cor. mil. c. 3 ; Cyprian, ep. 72. 8. Comment, in Phil. 1: 1. ITim. 3: 1. 9. Cyprian, ep. 5.5, 69, 42; Angiistin. in Ps. 45: 16. 10. Tobit 6: 14 ; Lib. Enoch, in Grabe, Spicil. i. p. 347; Testament. xii. Patr. bei Grabe, i. p. 150; Joseph. Anti(|. lib. i. c. 4 ; Philo de Gigant. p. 284 ; Justin M. Apol. min. p. 44; Iren. adv. haer. iv. 16, 36 ; Clem. Al. Paedag. iii. 2. 11. Schrockh'sK.Gesch.Th. viii. S. 124; Th. xvii. p. 23,24 ; Siricius, Kpist. ad On hod. ])rov. 12. Cyprian, ep. 63, 55, 59 ; Basil M. Constit. Men. c. 22. INDEX OP AUTHORITIES. 481 § 4. Official duties of the Bishop, p. 77. 1. Apolog. II, p. 97. 2. Constitut. Apost. lib. viii. c. 12, 13 seq. 3. Ambrose. De Offic. Saer. lib. i. c 1. 4. Concii. Trullan c. 19 ; Conci} Mogunt I. c. 2 ; Ludovici. Pii Capi- tui. I. a.816.c. 28 seq. 5. Concii. Trident. Sess. 5. c. 2. Sess. 24. c. 4. 6. Concii. Laodic. c. 57. 7. Kanonisch-historische Darstellnng einer Geschichie der heuti- gen sogenannlen Domherro. 1797. 3 ; J. A. e Poenit. c.9: Origen, Horn. 17. in Luc. : Ambios. De Offic. lib. i. c. 50 : Hieron. Ep. 2. 11.33. 6. Capitul. Reg.Fr. lib. vi. C.408: vii. c.l79: Capit. 11. Karlom. A. D. 743. c. 3. c. 10. xxxv. q. 6: G. W. Boehmer, Ueber die Ehe-Gesetze im Zeitalter Karl's d. Gr. Goetengen, 1826. 8. 7. Wilhelm Occum. Tractains de jurisdictiorie Imperatoris in causls matrimonalibus: Goldastus. tom. ii. p. 21—24. 8. Krit. und systemat. Darstellung der Verboten Grade der Ver- wandschaft: Schwagerschaft. Hannover-, 1802 bes. S. 350 — 524 : Comp. Jo. Ger'hard, Loc. theol. tom. xv. p. 332. 9. Tertull. Ad Uxor. lib. ii. c. 2—9 : De Coron. Mil. c. 13: Cyprian. Ad Quirin. lib. iii. c. 62 : Arnbrosius, De Abr-aharne, lib. i. c. 9 : Ep. lib. ix. ep. 70: De Fide et Oper. c. xix : Hieron. in Jovin. lib. i. c. 10. 10. Cone. Chalcedon. c. 14: Arelat. i. c. 11 : Illiberit, c. 15, 16, 17: Aurelian, ii. c. 18 : Cod. Justin. lib. i. tit. ix. 1.6 : Cod. Theo- dos. lib. iii. tit. vii. I. 2 : lib. xvi. tit. viii. I. 6. 11. Cone. Laodic. c. 10 : Ebendas. c. 31 : Agath. c. 67: Chalcedon. c. 14. 12. Augustin. Confess, lib. ix. c. 9 : Gregor. Turon. hist. Fr. lib. ii. c. 28. § 2. Divorce, p. 401. ]. Hermae Pastor, lib. ii. mandat. iv : Jo. Gerhard, tom. xvi. p. 178, 79. INDEX OF AUTHOBITIES. 521 5. Bingham, bk. xxii. c. 5 : Assetnann*s orient. Bibl. im. Ausz. S. 340, 526. 3. Jo. Gerhard. Loc. th. xvi. p. 218—242. § 3. Marriage Rites and Ceremonies, p. 402. 1. Joach. Hildebrand, De nuptiis vet. Chr. 1656. Ed. 1733. 4 : Sam. Schehvig, De amiquitate consecrationis nuptialls. 1689. 4 : Chr. Korthoit, De necessitate consecr. nupt. 1690. 4: Jao. Emme- rich, De sponsalibns et matrim. sacr. 1747. 8: Ch. W. Fliigge's Gesch. der kirchl. Einsegnung u. Copulation der Ehe. 2. A. 1809. 8. 2. Tertull. Ad uxor. lib. ii. c. 2. 9: De Monogram, c. 11. 3. Concil. Lateran. ii. A. D. 1139. c. 51 : \v. A. D. 1215. c. 12. 4. Concil. Carthag. iv. c. 13: Gregor. Naz. ep. 57 : Chrysost. Horn. 18. in Gen. p. 549 : Basil. M. Horn. 7. in Heram. Opp. tom. i. p. 84 : Sericius Ep. 1. ad Himmer, c.4 : Gerhard. Loci. Theol. tom. XV. p. 394. § 4. General Remarks, p. 405. 1. Isidorus Hispalensis, De eccleslasticis officiis. lib. ii. c. 19. 2. Du Cange, Glossa s. v. Arra nuptialis: Mariene, De Antiq. eccl. rit. P. 2. p. 606-8 : Cone. Carthag. iv. c. 13: Capitul. Caroli. M. lib. vii. c. 363 : Hildebrand De Nuptiis vet. Christian, p. 86. 3. Apologet. c. 6 : De Idol. c. 16. vgl. Plinius, Hist. nat. xxxiii. c. 1. 4. Paedag. lib. iii. c. 11 : Comp. Ambros. Ep. 34. 5. De Eccl. Off. lib. iL c. 19. 6. De Corona milit. c. 13—15. 7. Hildebrand. De nupt. p. 78 : Steinberg, Abhaudl. von den Hoch- zeit-Kranzen. 1764. 4: p. 17seq. 8. Hildebrand, De Nuptiis, p. 76, 77 : Calvoer. p. 106. 9. Chrysost. Hom. iv. in ep. in Hebr.: Nicephor. h. e. lib. xviii. c. 8. 10. Ambrose, serm. 25: Chrysostom. Hom. 41. in Act. Apost. : Ni- ceph. h. e. lib. 13. c. 8. 11. Hom. 12 in Ep. ad Coloss. Opp. tom. vi. p. 247—62 : Hom. 48 in Gen. p. 549 seq. : 56. p. 605 seq. 12. Concil. Laodic. c. 53. 13. Concil. Antissidor. c. 34 : Agath. c. 39 : Neo-Caesar. c. 7. CHAPTER XX. FUNERAL RITES AKD CEREMOMES. § 1. Treatment of the Dead, p. 408. 1. Joach. Hildebrand, De veteris ecclesiae, Martyrum imprimis et et SS. Pairum, ars bene moriendi, sive praxis circa moribundos et de morientium virtutibus. Helmst. 1661. ed. 2. 1719.4: Jac. Gretseri, De Christianorum funere libri tres. Ingolstad. 66 522 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. , 1611. 4 : Auch in Gretseri Oper. Ratisb. 1735. f. torn. v. p. 79 seq. : Onuphrii Pauvinii, Libellus de ritu sepeliendi mortuos apud veteres Christianos, et de eorum coemeteriis. Ed. J. Ge. Joch. Lips. 1717. 4: Antiquitatum circa funera, et ritus vet. Christianorum qnovis tempore in ecclesia observat. libri vi. auc- tore J. E. F. U. L. (i. e. Jo. Ern. Franzen, Ulza-Luneburgico). Cum Praefat. Jo. Fabricii et Jo. Andr. Schmidii. Lips. 1713. 8 : Jo. Nicolai, Liber de hictii Christianorum, sive de ritibus ad sepulturam pertinentibus. Lugd. Bat. 1739. 8 : C.S. Senffii, Dis- sert, de cantionibus funebribus veterum. Lips. 1689. 4. 2. De cura gerenda pro mortuis ad Pauli num. Opp. edit. Bened. Venet. 1731. b. torn. vi. p. 516— 532. 3. Juliani, Inc. Ep. 49, ad Arsac. Opp. ed. Spanhem. p. 429. 4. Job. Gerbard. Loc. Theol. torn. xvii. p. 85, 86. 5. Cicero, De Legib. lib. ii. c. 58: Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. xvii. 1.6. Concil. Bracar. c. 36. 6. Gregor. Turen. De Gloria. Confessor. 7. Chrysostom. Hom. 81. 8. Prudentius Peristeph. Hymn. 11 : Hieron. Comment, in Math. 23. 9. Gothofredi, Observat. in Cod. Theodos. lib. ix. tit. 57. 1. 5. 10. Euseb. h. e. lib. vii. c. 22. 11. Franzen. Antiquit. funer. 1713. 8. p. 96 — 111. § 2. Affection for the Dying, p. 411. 1. Theodoret. b. e. lib. i. c. 18 : v. c. 25 : Gregor. Nyssen. Ecom. Ephraemi : August. Conf. ix. c. 11, 13. 2. Euseb. h.e. lib. iv. c. 15: viii.c.9: De Vit. Constant. M. iv. c. 61 : Gregor. Nyssen. De Vita Gregor. Thaum. p. 311. 3. Gregor. Naz. tom. i. p. 173 : Balil M. ep. 84. 4. Ambros. in Ep. ad Thess. c. 4 : Athanas. Vit. S. Anthon. : Chrys. Hom. 55. in Math. c. 16 : Gregor. M. Homil. 38. in Evang. 5. Hildebrand, De Arte bene mor. p. 230 : De Precib. Vet. c. 28. 6. Euseb. h. e. vi. c. 3 : Chrysost. Ilom. i: De Patient. Jobi. 7. Chrysost. Hom. i. De Pat. Jobi, etc. 8. Franzen. Antiq. Fun. p. 72. 9. Clemen. Alex. Paedag. 3. 8 : Euseb. h. e. lib. ii. c. 22. 16 : De Vit. Constant, iv. c. 66. 10. Ambros. Orat. in Obit. Theodos. § 3. Funeral Solemnities^ p. 412. 1. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 20. p. 371 : 2. Gregor. Nyssen. Vit. Macrin. tom. ii. p. 201 : Theodor. h. e. lib. v. C.36. 3. Clemen. Alex. Paedag. lib. ii. c. 8. 4. Ambros. De Ob. Valent. c. 56 : Prudent. Hymn, pro exseq. 5. Chrysost. Hom. 30. De Dormient. tom. v. p. 380 : Hierar. Ep.27: Gregor. Naz. Orat. 10. INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 523 6. Cone. Carthag. iii. c. 29 : Pos6id. Vit. August, c. 13. 7. Cone. Carthag. iii. e. 6 : Trull, c. 133. 8. Andr. Quenstedt. De Sepult. Vet. p. 133. § 4. Mourners, p. 414. 1. Teriull. De Patient, c. 7: Chrysost. Horn. 32. in Math.: 61. in Johan. : 6. in Ep. ad Thess. : Hieron. Ep. 25. ad Paul. 2. Cyprian. Ser. de Mortal. : Chrysost. Horn. G9. ad Pop. 3. Ser. 2. De Consolat. Mort. CHAPTER XXI. SACRED SEASONS. § 1. Preliminary Remarks, p. 423. 1. Rud. Hospiniani festa Christianorum h. e. de origione, progressu, ceremoniis et ritibus lestorum dierum christ. liber. Tigur. 1593. f. ed. Genev. 1669. J675. f. : G. B. Eisenschmid's Geschichte der Sonn-und Festtage der Christen u. s. w. 1793. 8 : Ueber den ersten Ursprung und die erste BeschafFenheit der Feste, Fasten und Bittgange u. s. w. Miinchen 1804. 8 : J. G. Bohme's Un- terricht iiber den Ursprung uud die Benennung aller Sonn-, Fest-und anderer Tage durchs gauze Jahr. Zwickau 1817. 8 : Die Festes des Herrn : bearbeitet von D. Rass und D. Weis Th. I. II. Mainz 1827. 8. 2. Ausg. 1834. 8. 2. Clemens. Alex. Strom. 7. c. 7. 427 : Origen. Contra. Cels. 8. c. 21 —23 : Hieron. Comment, in Gal.4 : Augustin. Ep. 118, ad Jan. Contra. Adim. c. 16. 3. Gretseri de festis Chr. lib i. c. 1 seq.: Chr. Wildvogel Chronas- copia legalis de jure festorum, 1699. 4. G. Hamberger, De Epochae Christianae ortu et auctore : J. Guil Jani historia Aerae Dionysiae. 5. Jo. Chr. Fischer de anno. Hebr. Gust. Sommelii de anno. Hebr. ecclesiastico atque civili : Josephus Antiq. i. c. 3. iii. c. 10. § 5: Anastasius in Meursii var. div. 6. Leonis AUatii de hebdomad. Gr. p. 1464. 7. Baumann De Calendis Januarii : Concil. Antisidor, c. 1 : Turon. xi. c. 17, 23 : Tolet. iv. c. 10 : TruUan. c.62. 8. Fiske's Manual, p. 630. 9. Euseb. Vit. Constant, lib. i. c. 48. iii. c. 15. lib. iv. c. 40 : vgl. Cod. Theodos. lib. ii. tit. viii. 1. 2. lib. vi. tit. xxvi. lib. xxvi. lib. xv. tit. Bingham, vol. ix. p. 11 — 13. 10. Hist. eccl. lib. v. c. 22. p. 283. 11. Hist. eccl. lib. xii. c. 32. 12. Clemens Alex, stromat. vii. c. 7. torn. iii. p. 427 : Orig. c. Cels. viii. c. 21—23. p. 433: Chrysost. Horn. 1. De S. Pentec. torn. ii. p. 458 : Hieron. Comment, in Gal. 4. torn. iv. p. 270 : Augustin. ep. 524 INDEX OF AUTHORITIES. 118, ad Jaiiuar. contra Adimant. c. 16: Hospinian de orlgine fesior. c. 11. 13. Concil. Illiber. c. 21 : Sardic. c. 11 : Gangrense. c. 5, 6 : Laodic. c. 29. 14. Chemnitii exam. Concil. Trident, torn. iv. p. 263. 15. Can. A post. c. 70, 72 : Concil. Laodic. c. 37, 39 : Concil. Trullan. c. 81 : Illiber. c. 49, 50 ; Cod. Theodos. 16. tit. v. vi. ix. : tit. vi. 1.6. 16. Orat. De Domini nostri Jesu Christi Assumptione. Opp. ed. Patar. torn. ii. p. 286 : Gregor. Naz. Orat.l9: Ephraem Syrus. De Cruce Domini in Paschate : Synesius Sermo. in Ps. 75. 17. Philo. Tractat. De Cherubim. Opp. vol. ii. p. 48. 18. Orat. 38, in Thoph. p. 614, 615. 19. Euseb. De Vit. Const. lib. iv. c. 18—23. 20. Cod. Theodos. xv. tit. v. I. 5. tit. v. I. 2. 21. Cod. Justin, lib. iii. tit. xii. 1. 11. 22. " " lib. iii. til. xii. 1. 7. 23. " « lib. ii. tit. viii. I. 1. 24. Epist. Ignatii ad Smyrn. c. 8. 25. Concil. Carthag. iii. c. 29: Tertullian apologet. c. 39: Ad Mart. p. 156. De Baptismo, c. 9 : De Jejun. adv. P^ycheios, c. 17 : Clem- ens Alex. Paedag. lib. ii. c. 1 : Chrysost. Horn. 27 in 1 Ep. ad Corinth.: August, ep. 116, ep. 233 : Socrat. h. e. 11. 43 : Bever- idge Pandect, canon, torn. i. p. 415: Concil. Carthag. iii. 391. c. 30 : Concil. Aurel. ii. c. 12 : Concil. Trull.. 1 §2. Of the Sabbath, 428. 1. C. A. E. Becher's Abhandlung vom Sabbate der Juden und Sonntage der Christen. Halle 1775. 4 : C. C. L. Franke Com- mentat. de diei Dominicl apud veteres Christianos celebratione, Hal. 1826. 8. 2. Ep. St. Barab. c. 15. 3. Dial. c. Tryph. p. 34. 4. Apol. 1. p. 222. 5. Plen. ep. x. 96. 6. Tertullian Adv. Jud. c. 4, 5: De fuga persev. c. 14. Apol. c. 16. Ad nat. c. 13. De cor. mil. c. 3. 7. Stromal, v. p. 138. 8. Cyprian ep. 38. 9. Augustin. ep. 118 ad Jan. c. 1. 10. Opp. torn. i. p. 1060. 11. Ignat. ad Magnes. c. 10. 12. Concil. Nic. A. D. 325. 13. Opp. tom. iii. 312. 14. A post. Const, lib. vii. c. 23. ii. c. 49. viii. c. 33. 15. Euseb. Vit. Const, lib. iv. c. 18. 16. Gesch. d. Rel. und Kirche, bk. ii. S. 635 : Chrysost. de Resurr. Homil. 5. 17. Augustin. Epist. 36. al 86. ad Casulanum. § 31, 32. 18. Canon. Apost. 66. 19. Justin. M. Apol. 1. p. 225. nnJEX OF AUTHORITIES. 525 § 3. General view of the Sacred Seasons, and of the three great Festivals, p. 432. 1. Lib. vi. e. 15 : Vgl. Constant. M. Orat. ad Coetura. Sancton c. 13. 2. Chrysost. in Ge. ; Hamartoli CRronic. vit. Justin: Bingham, Vol. ix. p. 185. § 4. Of Christmas, p. 434. 1. J. G. Hasse, de rituum circa Nai. Chr. prima origine ex Graeco- rum et Roman. Saturnalibus. 1804. 4.: G. J. Planck variaruin de origine festi Nat. Chr. sententiarura epicrisis. 1796. 4. : Fr. Gedike, iiber den Ursprung derWeihnachts-Geschenke. S.Ber- lin. Monatsschr. 1784. Jan. S. 73. ff. : Fr. Schleiermacher's Weihnachts-Feyer ; ein Gesprach. 1806. 12. 2. Opp: ii. p. 384 : 3. Strom, i. 349, 406. 4. Expos. Fidei. c. 22 : Haer. \\. c. 29. 5. Comment, in Ezecb. i. 6. Ep. 118, l]9:Serm. 380. 7. Chryost. Horn. 24, 33 : Cassian, Collat. x. c. 2 : Apost. Constit. lib. V. c. 13 : vii. c. 3: Krabbe, liber ursprung der Apost. Con- stitut. 1829. S. 163 seq. 228—232. ' 8. Jacob Edessen in Assemani, Bibl. Or. torn. ii. p. 1636. 9. Ephraem Svnis, Serm. de Nativ. Chr. V. torn. ii. p. 417 — 419 : Serm. 8. p". 424 : Serm. 12. p. 431 : Vgl. p. 324, 328. 10. Concil. Turon. ii. c. 18 : Constant. Porphyr. de cerem. eccl. By- zant. lib. i. c. 83. ed. Bonn. : torn. i. p. 381 : torn. ii. p. 360 : Ephraem Syrus, Opp. Syr. tom. ii. p. 396 seq. 11. Horn. 31. de Philogonio, tom. i. p. 39. 9. 12. Arnoldus Bonnerallis, Serm. De Nativ. in Opp. St. Cyprian. § 6. Whitsunday, p. 439. 1. Ad Tabiol. § 7. 2. Concil. Constant. A. D. 1094 : J. D. VVinckler, de iis quae circa festum Peniec. sunt memorabilia. 3. Teriull. De Bapt. c. 19 : Hieron. in Zach. 14: 8. 4. Concil. Agath. c. 18. 5. Durandus rat. div. off. vi. c. 107. § 7. Festivals to the memory of the Virgin Mary, p. 440. 1. J. A. Schmid, Prolusiones Marianae, Prol. i — x. 2. Combefisii Nov. Auctar Bibl. Patr. torn. i. p. 301. 3. Garante Thesaur. tom. ii. p. 24 — 26. 4. Angel. Rouha, De Praesentationis: Nicephor. Hist. 17. c. 28. 5. Binterim, v. bd. i. Th. S. 354—356 : Concil. Tolet. A. D. 659. c. 1 : Trull. 692. c. 52. 6. Concil. Basil, A. D. 1441. 526 INDEX OP AUTHOEITIES. 7. Nicephor. Hist. 17. c. 18 : Concil. Mogunt. A. D. 813. c. 36. 8. Binterirn, a. a. O. S. 450, 455. 9. Controv. torn. ii. lib. c. 16 : Binterim, S. 516. § 8. Feast of tM Martyrs^ p. 441. 1. J. P. Schwabe, de insigni veneratione quae obtinuit erga Mar- tyres in primitiva eccl. 1 748. 4. 2. Serm. in Cyprian Mart. p. 129. 3. Gregor. Naz. Orat. 22. de Maccab. torn. i. p. 397: Augustin. Serm. de Divers. S. 300. torn. v. p. 1221. 4. Schroeckh's christl. Kirchengesch. Th. ix. S. 154 — ^232 : Nean- der K. Gesch. ii. b. S. 712. § 9. St. John's Day, p. 442. 1. Augustin. Serna. in Nat. Dom. 2. Concil. Agath. c. 21 : Binterim, S. 380. § 10. Apostle's Day, p. 442. 1. Apost. Constit. v. c. 20 : 2. Sacrameniar Leonis et Galesii. 3. Micrologus, c. 55: Durandus, 7, 10. 4. Concil. Tolos. A. D. 1229. c. 26. 5. Alcuinus. De div. offic. p. 87. 6. Karle de Gr. Capital, ii. A. D. 805. c. 17. CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF COUNCILS. A. D 215 240 251 ; to 256' 265' 269 313 313 314 314 315 324 325 344 348 359 361 362 381 381 381 390 393 397 399 400 401 402 402 416 419 419 431 441 442 451 452 455 461 Africa, under Agrippinus. Africa, under Donatus. > Africa, several under Cyprian. Antioch 1. Antioch 2. Rome, against the Donatists. Elvira, (al. 305, al. 324.) Ancyra, in Galatia. Aries I. Neocaesarea. Gangra, in Paphlagonia. Nicaea 1, (Gen. 1.) Sardica. Carthage 1. Ariminum, or Rimini. Laodicea. Alexandria. Aquileia. Constantinople 1, (Gen. 2.) Saragossa. Carthage 2. Hippo. Carthage 3. Carthage 4. Toledo 1. Carthage 5. Turin. Milevi 1. Milevi 2. Carthage 6. Carthage 7. Ephesus, (Gen. 3.^ Orange 1. Vaison I. Chalcedon, (Gen, 4.) Aries 2. Aries 3. Tours 1. A. D. 465 Rome under Hilary. 494 Rome, under Gelasius. 499 Rome, under Symmachus. 506 Agde. 511 Orleans 1. 516 Tarragona. 517 Epone, 524 Lerida. 529 Orange 2. 529 Vaison 2. 531 Toledo 2. 533 Orleans 2. 538 Orleans 3. 553 Constantinople 2, (Gen. 5.) 561 Braga 1. 567 Tours 2. 572 Braga 3. 578 Auxerre. 581 Maakog, 86. Bakers, Christians so called by their enemies, 44. Banns of marriage, 403. Baptism, ceremonies after, 105 : names of it, 255: historical sketch,25(i: when instituted,256: Christian baptism, when intro- duced, 257 : publicly adminis- tered, 257; in connection with the sacrament, 257 : adminis- tered to the candidates naked, 257 ; custom of re-baptizing, baptism of heretics, 258: infant baptism, 52, 258 — 66 : univer- sality of christian baptism, 259: views of German scholars, — Baumgarten-Crusius, Halm, De Wette, Neander, Rheinwald, Gieseler, and Siege 1, 259, 60: testimony of the fathers, 261 — 66 : Augustine and Cyprian,261: Origen, 262: Tertullian, 263: Irenaeus, 264 : Justin Martyr, 266: household baptism, 266: baptism of the living for the dead, 267 : persons to whom iwptism was not administered, 267 — 9: by whom administered, 269 : preparation for adminis- tering it, 271: by laymen, 271 : tin)e of administering it, 271 : of bells, 269 : place of baptism, 273 : elements for it, 274 : mode and form, 275 : form of words, 277 : preliminaries of baptism, catechetical instruction and cov- enant, 278 : exorcism, 279 : ceremonies after baptism : kiss of peace, chrism, clothing in white, burning tapers, washing of the feet, wearing of garlands, etc. 281: baptisteries, 188,273. Bamo}, ^Ltjnl^o), Bamurixoq^ ^an- jicr^ua, 255. Bedellus, a beadle, 121. 69* Bells, first used, 191: tolling of bells, 191, 412: baptism of them, 269. Bema of a church, 182. Benediction and consecration by presbyters, 105. Bio&avnoij Christians so called by their enemies, 44: Christians de- nominated by their enemies, 44. Bishop, a universal hierarch, 79 : his influence in the church government, 80: name of bish- op an honorary distinction, 98, 102 : his duty to baptize, 270 : to confirm, 290 : to administer the Lord's supper, 307: import of the terra, bishop, 74: oflScial title of a presbyter, 74 : bishops, their official duties, 77, 81, 238 — 40 : their badges of office, 81 — 4: several orders of, 84: their civil and ecclesiastical ju- risdiction, 81 : the same as presbyters, 94 — 103 : and pres- byters, their titles, 100 : em- ployed as referees to settle dis- putes, 144. Bispilliones, 125. Black used in mourning, 415. Blood -ba|)tism, 55. Boat of Peter, 180. Boots, badge of the bishops, 82. Bowing the head in prayer, 223. Bread of the eucharist, quality, 314: form, 315. Burying of the dead, 408: burial places, 409. Candidi, name of catechumens, 49. Calendar revised by Julius Caesar, 423. Caligae, badge of bishop, 82, 148. Canons, apostolical, see Apostolical canons. Candlemas, a festival, 440. Canon, catalogue of clergy, 68. Cancnici regulares, 64. Campanarii, campanatores, bell ringers, 126. 546 GENERAL INDEX. CapellanuP, 129. Cappellani, occasional offices in the church, chaplains, 127. Cardinals, order of hishops, 87 : origin and import of the term, 88 : their diffiirent orders, their number, authority and power, 88—90. Catholics, name of Christians, 42. Catechist, office of the bishop, 78 : an occasional officer in the church, 127: catechetical in- structions, 252 : in baptism, 278. Catechumens, learners, 49: im- portance of this order, 50 — 56 : reason for their institution, 50, 56: age of admission, 51 : term of instruction, 5.3, 57 : different classes, 53, 57 : mode of admis- sion, 54, 56: exercises, 54, 56 — 7 : place in church, 187. Catholico, an ecclesiastic of the Armenian church, 468. Celibacy of the clergy, 400. Cemeteries, 409, 421, 423. Chancel, cancelli, 183. Chant Gregorian, 124. Chapels, court-churches, private oratories, 127. Chaplains, 127. Chaplets, not worn in sacred mar- riages, 407. Charitable contributions, 149. XriQtti, widows, 45. Children baptized at an early age, 52: church, 81. Choir of a church, 182. Chrism, 281. Christian, name of, supposed to prevent all sectarian divisions, 41 : implies every blessing, 41 : origin and import of the name, 40,41. Christians, their rites, customs, and steadfastness of faith, 30 : vene- ration for the Scriptures, 34 : scriptural appellations, 39, 40 : . their various names, 40, 42 : not so called as a religious sect, 42 : numerous at Rome, 72. Christians primitive, purity of the ir character, 40: held meetings before daylight, 30 : worshipped Christ as God, .30, 34 : their charity to the poor, 72 : their places of worship, 177: how seated in church, 184: how summoned to worship, 191 : met daily for worship, 248 : con- stant attendance on the Sabbath, 248 : their domestic and social character, 367 : mode of life, 367 : their dress and furniture, 369 : their diet, and mode of taking their, meals, 371 : their daily devotions, 375 : religious education of their children, 378 : efforts to remind themselves of Christ, 380': their deportment in the business and recreations of life, 382: their mutual love, 384 : their mode of salutation, 3S5, 394 : their benevolence, care of the poor, 386: their at- tention to the sick, 387 : their charities to their persecuted brethren, 390: their love for the souls of men, 392 : their hos- pitality, 394 : their patience un- der injuries, 307 : encomium upon their virtues, their care for the dead, 408 : their affection for the dying, 411. Christ, worshipped as God, 30: mystical names, 35 : recognized as divine, 34 : divine worship paid to him, 205, 206. Christmas, instituted in fourth cen- tury, 434 : observed on different days, 434 : reasons for celebra- ting Christmas eve, 435: mode of celebration, 435 : veneration in which it was held, 436. XgKTTocpoQoi, name of Christians, 43. Chorepiscopi, country bishops, ori- gin, name, 92 : their office and influence, 93. Church, christian, its origin, 32 : derived from the Jewish, 33: GENERAL INDEX. 547 freedom of its worship, 33: claimed the right of solemnizing rriarriages, 400 : organization from synagogue service, 45 : af- fairs of it not tried before judi- cial courts, 144 : patronage, ori- gin of, 138. Churches, their history, 176, 180: form and site, 180: position or aspect, 181 : arrangement and constituent parts, 181 : their names, 176, 177 : origin of the name, 177: began to be built in second and third centuries, 177: seats for the sexes, 184: ante- chambers, 184 : aisles, 185 : nev- er used as market-places, or for courts of justice, exemption from taxation, 198: all levity and noise forbidden in them, 199 : at Constantinople, ministers of, 73: extravagance in building them rebuked, 196, 197 : ven- eration manifested for them, 197, 199 : place of refuge, 198 : bu- rial place, 195, 201 : place of refuge for criminals, 200: vo- tive offerings in them, 195: erec- ted over over the graves of mar- tyrs, 208. Church-yard, a burial-place, 188 : a place of refuge, 200, 201. Chrysargyrum, 143. Chrysostom, remarks on dignity of ministerial office, 162 : on duty of watchfulness in a minister, 162, 164: of hospitality, 163: of study, 16r), 168: on public preaching, 170 : on private ad- dresses, 171: on duty of com- municants 31 1. Cibus Dei, angelorutn, coelestis, viatorum, mortalium, 296. Cimeliarchs, 129. Clergy, guardians of public morals, 142 : subject to the l)ishop, 80 : different orders, 73: superior and inferior, 68: their privileges and privations, 143 : exemptions from taxation, military duty, etc. 143: their costume, 144 : their white dress, 145: their profes- sional garb first assumed by the monks, 146: their maintenance, 148, 152 : derived from volun- tary contributions, 149: non- resident clergy not tolerated, 157: their ordination, 153, 161 : disqualifications, 156,158: mode of ordaining, 158, 159 : prayer at their ordination, 160 : their celibacy, 400 : their responsible duties, 161, 173: the punish- ments of the clergy, 173, 176: suspension, 174: degradation, 174 : exclusion from commu- nion, 175 : imprisonment, cor- poral punishment,andexcommu- nication, 176 : clergy and laity supposed not to have been dis- tinguished until the second cen- tury, 49, 67 : derivation of the term, 66. Clerical dress, always worn in oflS- cial duties, 145. Clerici seculares, regulares, 63. Clericorum tabula, 68. Clinic baptism, 55, 268. ^* Coena, sacra, Domini, 292. Collatio superindicta, 143. Comministri, 104. Communio peregrina, laica, 175. Communion, see Lord's Supper. Commatres, 285. Concilia, conciliabula, conventicu- la, churches, columba, corpus Christi, 177. Confession of faith taught, 253. Confirmation of baptized persons, duty of bishops, 78 : whether derived from apostolic usage, 288: its connection with bap- tism, 289 : by whom adminis- tered, 290 : mode of administra- tion, 291. Consecration of the elements, ex- clusive right of the bishop, 77 : of clergy, duty of bishop, 79. 548 GENERAL INDEX. Constantine, zeal in building churches, 177. Constitutions, apost. see Apostoli- cal Constitutions. Convivium Doniinicum, 292. Copiatae, grave-diggers, 125. Corpus Christi, 296. Corpse, mode of laying it out, 411. Costume of the clergy, 144: white, 145, 147 : fashion and color often changed, 146, 147 : derived from Greeks and Romans, 147. Councils, their origin and design, 356 : extent of their jurisdiction, 359 : their organization, 361 ; the members of them, 363: oe- cumenical, 365. Covering of the head in prayer, 224. Creed, of Irenaeus, 252. Cross, worn by bishop, 83 : car- ried in gestatoria, 83. Crouch -mas- day, 424. Crowning parties at their espou- sals, 404 : at their marriage, 406. Culdei, 64. Custos, Custor, 126. Cure of souls, duty of presbyters, 106: of the bishop, 77. Deacon, derivation of the office, 71: deacons seven in number, 72: rank and duties, 107 : first ap- pointment, 108 : two officers in the N. Testament of this name, 108 — 9: deacons, adjutants of the bishop, 109: their arrogant pretensions, 109: readers in the sacrament. 111 : monitors of public worship, 112: occasional preachers, 112: their right of suffrage, 113: guardians of the morals both of the clergy and the laity, 113: received and dis- bursed the charities of the church, 113: ordination, 159. Deaconesses, 29, 45 : ceased in the fifth century, 65, 118: their names, 115: duties, 116 — 18: their requisite age and qualifi- cations, 116—17. Dead buried facing to the East, 415: commemorated by festi- vals, 416: pravers for the dead, 417. Dean, origin of the name, 107. Deatb, a joyful event, 413, 414. Decalogue taught, 253. Degradation of clergymen, 174. JsiJira noixaXa of the primitive Chrisiians, 31. /iuTCrOV XVQlttKOV, 292. zJidtxay.alla, 237. zliddaxuXoL, teachers, 45, 69, 70. Demoniacs, class of Christians, 61 : place in church, 188: not bap- tized, 267. ^lay.ovog, diaicovttt,\07 — 8: dixova- aai, 1 15. Diaconicum magnum, 189. /Jiycixrixov, 82. Dies Solis, Lunae, etc. 425 : man- dati, mysteriorutn eucharistiae, panis, indulgentiae, 437. Dignitas, 68. Diocese governed by bishop, 80. Diognetus, description of early Christians, 43. Disriplina arcani, system of secret instruction, 34. Disciplina, 338. Discipline of the church, right of its members, 61 : administered by presbyters, 105. Discipline of the ancient church, Preliminary remarks, 330 : se- verity of it, 347 : impartiality of it, 352. Diversoria, 190. Divinity of Christ, 29, 30, 34, 205. Divine rules ofthe christian church, 402. Dogmatics, name of Christians, 43. Dogmatists, name ofthe clergy, 68. Dominicmn, domus Dei, 177. Doors of the church, number, form, inscriptions upon them, etc. 194: closed in time of ser- mon, 243. Door-keepers, their rank and du- GENERAL INDEX. 549 lies, 125 : reasons for their ap- pointment, and mode of their ordination, 125. Doxology of the Lord's prayer, 216. East, turning towards it in prayer, 181, 224. Easter, ancient festival, 432: im- portance of this festival, 436; a moveable feast, 437. Ecclesiastics, name of Christians, 42, 47 : name of the clergy, 68. 'EyxQttTEig, 63. 'Hyovf^Evot, leaders, ministers of the the church, 45: superiors, 46. £xxXi]aia, body of believers, 45, 47, 57 : a church, 176. jExicxTo/, title of Christians, 40: of monks, 64. Election of the clergy, right of the laity, 60. Election by divine manifestations, 137: by reference,138 : by nom- ination, 138 : by lot, 131 : by the church collectively, the apostolic and primitive mode of appointing pastors, 131 : not a negative or testimonial vote, 134: method of voting by acclama- tion, 1.34, 138 : by representa- tion, 135 : tumultuous elections, 135: rightof election, denied to the rabble, 136: restricted to the aristocracy by Justinian, 136: vested in the citizens, remon- strance of the church, 137. Elements of the eucharist, 314: sent to the absent, 322: distrib- uted to all baptized persons, 322: distributed in the eucha- rist, 111. *'Efi^oXog of churches, 185. Energumens, demoniacs, 61. Episcopal organization of church goverument, 74. Epiphany, time of baptism, 272. Episcopae, episcopissae, 115. Episcopi, in partibus infidelium, gentium, regionarii, 91 : in pon- tificalibus, 91. 'Ejilaxonoi o/oAcr^ovrf^, bishops without cures, 90. "Eniaaonoi, elders, 45 : bishops, 70. ^EnixXtjaig, 105. *'EcpoQoif name of bishops, 75. Ecpodiov, 297. Equus canonicus, 143. Era, christian, Dionysian, a period in chronology, 423. Espousals, antecedent to marriage, 403. Eucharist, 293. EvXoyia, 294. Ev;(ij T(x)V TtiaTOJV, 105, 216. Evangelists, 69. Examination for ordination, 156. Exedrae of a church, 188—90. Exocatocoeli, ecclesiastical court of Constantinople, 87. Exorcists, their duties, ordination, 122. Exorcism of the baptized, 279,232. Fabius, bishop of Rome, letter to from Cornelius, 72. Faithful, or believers, 58, their rights and privileges, 59, 60. Fasts of the early Christians, 444: of later times, 445 : how observ- ed, 446. Fasting before festivals, 433, 477, 438. Fasts and thanksgivings of New England, 446: preliminary re- marks, 446 : reasons for such days, 447: continuance, 449: mode of their appointment, 452 : penalties, 457, periodical observ- ance, 459 : observance by other states, 464. Festivals, originally no specific time for them, 423 : weekly, an- nual : moveable and immove- able : higher and lower, etc. 425 : entirely voluntary, 426: at first few, 426 : christian contrasted with pagan, 427 : regulated by 550 GENERAL INDEX. law, 428 : preceded by prepara- tory fasts, 433: the Greek church observed six principal feasts, 433 : feast in honor of Virgin Mary, 440. Feria prima, secunda, etc. 425. Flectanius genua, 112. Font, baptismal, 186. Form of churches, 380. Fosiarii, fossores, 126. Fraternities, 62. Funeral rites and ceremonies, 408 : time of holding fimeral solemni- ties, 410 : mode of celebrating them, 412: funeral orations, 413. JTtt^oqpuAaxtov, 189. Galileans, term of reproach ap- plied to Christians, 44. rsvsd^Xict, nativity, 426. Gieseler on the distinction between bishop and presbyter, 75 : be- tween clergy and laity, 49 : on the equality of bishops and pres- byters, 101 : On the worship- ping saints, 207. Glass windows in churches, 195 : painting of them first practised 196. Glory in the highest, response, 219. Gloves, Ijadge of the bishop, 83. Good Friday, 437. Gothic Architecture, ancient and modern, 178—180. Gnostics, nan)e of Christians, 43 : name of the clergy, 68. Gradus, 68. Gregory Nazianzen on the minis- try, 161 : on duty of study to a minister, 166: on public minis- try, 170 : private addresses, 171 : on zeal and courage, 173. Greek, term of reproach applied to Christians, 44. Grooms-man, his office, 406. Gyrvagi, 64. Habit sacerdotal, 145. Head band of the apostles, 145. Head dress carefully attired, 148. Hebdomas magna, authentica, mu- ta, poenosa, etc, 425. Heretics, confounded offices in the church, 47. Hermeneutai, interpreters, their rank and duties, 128. Hildebrand, Gregory VII., his cunning in obtaining the inde- pendence of the pope, 89. Holy synod, ecclesiastical court of Russia, 73. Holy water, where derived, 186. Homilies, defined, 237 : based on the Scriptures, 237—8: By whom delivered, 239 : frequen- cy of them, 241: Length of them, 242 : where delivered, 242: complaints of long ser- mons, 243: subjects of dis- course, 247. Honey used in baptism, 280. Hosanna, response, 219. Hospitals connected with church- es, 190. Hymns, see Psalmody of the church. Hymns of St. Ambrose, 225: of St. Clement of Alexandria, 226. ]TrT, corresponding to deacon, 71. SiSilin n"*?^, legatus, congrega- tionis, 70, 74. 'idmai, private Christians, 45. *IsQatHov, 182. 'isQOVQ/la, 295. 'ifQcoavvt}, 100. [272. Illuminations in time of baptism, Immersion, baptism by it, 275: trine immersion, 275. Imposition of hands, in ordination, 159 : in baptism on catechu- mens, 280: in confirmation, 291. Imprisonment of clergy, 176. Incense at the Lord's supper, 324. Incl[)ientes, catechumens, 50. Independence of the hierarchy, and of the pope, how obtained, 88—9. GENERAL INDEX. 551 Indulgences, sale of, when intro- duced and how, 179. Infant baptism, see Baptism. Inferior and superior orders, not of apostolic origin, 71. Inferior orders of clergy, who are included in each, 72 — 3. I[iferior orders of bishops, 90 — 4. Insignia of apostles, 145. Intercessory bishops, intercessores, interventores, 93. Intercessores, interventores, inferi- or bisliops, 93. Investiture of clergy, 159. Jerome's testimony to the equality of presbyters and bishops, 95 — 98 : on the virtues becoming a minister, 163 — 4 : avoiding sus- picions, 165: on studying the Scriptures, 169: on public min- istry, 171. Jews, Christians so called in de- rision, 44. St. John's day, 442. Julian's dying expression, 44: he commends the virtues of the Christians, 72, 399. Julian reckoning rejected by the early Christians, 425. Justin Martyr's account of the Lord's supper, 301. Kavbiv uyiog, 68. Kmdkoyog, 68 : hgaTixogy 69. Kaxr^y.ovfjitvoL^ catechumens, 46,49. KsifxaCofievoi, xfifux^ousvoij 62. KsLfirjXiuQx^^ovj 189. Kijov/fxa, 237. KriQVXfg, 112. Kiss of peace, 281, 323, 385. KXyiQog, clergy why so called, 66. KoifinriQia, cemeteries, 409. Kot^Biriqiov^ 177. Koiravia, communion, right of the faithful, 60 : sacrament, 293. Kneeling in prayer, 223, 428. KgvTiTal, oratories under ground, 180. KvQtttxov, 177. KvQLs eUtiaov, 'Lord have mercy,' 219. Lady day, 440. Laity, o Xaog, name of private Christians, 45, 47. Jaog Tov Oeov^ title of Christians, 40. Lny-baptism, 271. Laymen, private Christians, 45 : called priests, 48 : divided into classes, 47 : not members of councils, 363. Lay monks, 63. yisiTovQ'/La, 295. Lent, 437. Levites, levitica dignitas, name of deacons, 110. Libraries connected with churches, 189. Lifting of the hands in prayer, 223. Livings, plurality discountenanced, 158. Ao'/oi i7nraiBllaQioq fiiyotg, axBVocpvXa^ fii- yuc, 129. Salaries paid to clergymen, 148, 152 : an institution of the mid- dle ages, 152. Salary of the clergy, how paid, 150. Sancta Sanctis, 112. Sanctum sanctuarium, 182. Sanctuary of the church, 182. Sanctus, anecdote of, 41. Sanctimoniales, 65. 3andals, badge of the bishop, 82, 148. Schools in connection with church- es, 190. Scriptures, mode of division, 228: read in public worship, 226: none but canonical allowed, 229: different portions on different occasions, 229 : order of reading them, 230 : selections on relig- ious festivals, 230 : divisions of chapters and verses, 231 : man- ner of reading them, chanting, 232 : summons to their reading, 233 : conclusion, 233 : attitude of the audience, 234 : read on sabbath, 250: surprising famili- arity with them, 2-35 : uniform basis of sermons, 237 : read at meals, 374. Secret discipline of the ancient church, 35. Semaxii, applied to Christians in derision, 44. Sermons, see Homilies. Sexes, separated in church, 184. Sexton, his office, 125, 411. Seven spirits, orders of clergy compared to them, 73. Sibylllsts, term of reproach applied to Christians, 44. Sick and the poor, care of them, 117. Siegel's explanation of the title of 556 GENERAL INDEX. bishop, 74: on equality of bish- , ops and presbyters, 103: on singing in social worship, 123. Singers, clioiristers, origin of their office, 123 : were ordained, 124 : charge delivered to them, 124. Singing-schools, when first insti- tuted, 124. Sitting, in prayer, 223 : of the preacher, 243. Site of churches, 180. ^xEVocpvXdxiov, 189. ^oXeiov, r =========== ^^ 'j '*w ot) fg^ ? ^H atoiMR:^ i ^^1 fli u — 45U--i-__l ^H ^M ^M __^___^ft__ ^M ^B -I^lIiSL J '' ■ ■^M -■K "^^M .^.. '^H '■ -•■■'•» — ^^^^^-^-^L_a-^__ '^;^'^:m -.-:rr^_____ LD 21-l00m-7,'39(402 s) YC 30008 'M -^ K , UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA UBRARY 54' ^ ■'^ > ■> .'•. ' ■ &i :: ^- ■^^: