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 International Conciliation 
 
 INTERAMERICAN DIVISION BULLETIN NO. 25 
 
 THE LIBERATOR SIMON BOLIVAR 
 IN NEW YORK 
 
 Addresses delivered on the occasion of the unveiling 
 
 of the statue of the Liberator Simon Bolivar 
 
 presented to the city of Nev^ York by 
 
 the government of Venezuela 
 
 Tuesday, April 19, 1921 
 
 AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION 
 ■"-"' INTERAMERICAN DIVISION 
 
 407 WEST II7TH STREET, NEW YORK 
 JUNE, 192I 
 
A51 
 
 AMERICAN ASSOCIATION 
 FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
 
 Nicholas Murray Butler 
 Chairman 
 George Blumenthal Thomas W. Lamont 
 
 Gano Dunn Stephen Henry Olin 
 
 Robert A. Franks James L. Slayden 
 
 Joseph P. Grace James Speyer 
 
 Henry S. Haskell 
 Secretary 
 
 INTERAMERICAN DIVISION 
 
 Peter H. Goldsj^oth 
 Director 
 
 407 WEST 117TH street 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
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 AMERICAN ASSOCIATION 
 FOR INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 
 
 Nicholas Murray Butler 
 Chairman 
 George Blumenthal Thomas W. Lamont 
 
 Gang Dunn Stephen Henry Olin 
 
 Robert A. Franks James L. Slayden 
 
 Joseph P. Grace James Speyer 
 
 Henry S. Haskell 
 Secretary 
 
 INTERAMERICAN DIVISION 
 
 Peter H. GoLDs^nTH 
 Director 
 
 407 WEST II7TH STREET 
 new YORK 
 
Address delivered by his Excellency Doctor Esteban GilBorgtJ 
 
 minister of foreign relations of the United States of 
 
 Venezuela, at the unveiling of the statue of the 
 
 Liberator Simdn Bolivar, presented to the city 
 
 of New York by the government of 
 
 Venezuela, Tuesday, April ig, 1Q21 
 
 Mr. President, Mr. Secretary of State, Mr. 
 Governor, Mr. Mayor, Your Excellencies of the 
 Diplomatic Corps, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 The estimate of history, which, in respect of the mem- 
 ory of Bolivar, began the day he fell asleep, in the early 
 eventide of his Hfe and in the passing eclipse of his work, 
 on that sad afternoon at Santa Marta, has reached the 
 hour of supreme justice. This bronze is the witness, and 
 this is the place that he would have selected, for this sum- 
 mons before posterity. The people that has achieved 
 the greatest things of the present recognizes the definitive 
 place in glory of the man that accomphshed the greatest 
 things of the past; and his statue, and that other statue 
 which, at, the entrance to the harbor of New York, waves 
 its torch as an eternal aurora over this land of freemen, are, 
 as it were, twin symbols of the American world's ideal. 
 
 On this hill, and veiled in flags, again appears the 
 prophet of the Chimborazo coursing toward the future. 
 With the flag of the Union beside the tricolored iris, it is 
 as if another wing had been bom to his dream of American 
 confraternity, and as if the whole sky of America had been 
 gathered together over this bronze, like a mantle of glory, 
 
 [3] 
 
in which the stars of the north draw near, as he drew 
 them near in his spirit, to the stars of the south. 
 
 At the foot of this monument, silence would be the only 
 language of eloquence: it would let this bronze sing like a 
 sonorous bell of glory, whose vibrations have filled the 
 past of America, and which, from this eminence, will re- 
 sound from country to country, throughout the whole con- 
 tinent, as one of the loftiest notes of the aspirations for 
 liberty and justice that have been raised to God from the 
 hearts of men, and, from age to age, as a triumphant hymn 
 of the republic in the world of America. 
 
 These glories of our American past are sacred flames in 
 which petty interests and petty differences are consumed 
 and disappear, in order that naught shall shine out save 
 the more and more lofty and serene clarity that is to illum- 
 inate the future of this new world. 
 
 On this elevation, these symbols do not represent our 
 past alone: they are oracles of the future; they behold with 
 their eyes habituated to the infinite; they speak with 
 their language of eternal words; with their hand creative 
 of agelong works they indicate the path of the x\merican 
 world's destiny, which they contemplated as in a remote 
 future, which we now see rise like an aurora above our 
 heads, and which to-morrow will shine like a sun upon the 
 highway of the generations that are to come. 
 
 The thought of men of genius, who see more profoundly 
 into the souls of peoples than others, who discern farther 
 along its future course than others, is their synthesis, often 
 premature, of the highest aspirations of the spirit of their 
 race and of the profoundest tendencies of its life. When 
 these aspirations are a chrysalis in the spirit of a people, 
 in the spirit of the man of genius, they send out wings 
 and soar in vast flights toward the loftiest summits of 
 the future. While these tendencies are still a force 
 
 [4] 
 
that finds in the popular Hfe only the uncertain and 
 ephemeral expression of a dream, in the mind of the man 
 of genius they acquire the energy and relief of a present 
 and living reahty. 
 
 Bolivar was the synthesis of those aspirations and those 
 forces — latent but still invisible, at the dawn of the past 
 century, except to the profound gaze of genius — which 
 have been developed gradually and which to-day domin- 
 ate the life of the American peoples. Bolivar's mihtary 
 and political thought was, from the first day of his hfe un- 
 til the last, the realization of an ideal of liberty and dem- 
 ocracy as a form of government, and the realization of the 
 ideal of the unification of the world of the Americas. From 
 Carabobo to Ayacucho, his military plans seconded and 
 completed his thought as a statesman. Each battle 
 was a cradle filled with the laurel of a democracy. At 
 Carabobo was born the republic of Venezuela; at Boyaca, 
 the republic of Nueva Granada; at Pichincha, the republic 
 of Ecuador; at Junin, the republic of Bolivia; at Aya- 
 cucho, the republic of Peru. Each victory was a new and 
 a free country in America. 
 
 However, as each of these victories was but a step on 
 the stairway to glory — and at Pichincha he ascended to 
 gather the loftier laurels of Junin, and at Junin, to receive 
 the crown of Ayacucho — each of these countries was but an 
 element of the creation that his thought had conceived, of 
 a greater country, which should bring together in the same 
 home and unify the spirit and the forces of each of the 
 several patrias in a great continental patria. For the great 
 soul of America, he conceived of but one home, which 
 should possess the proportions of a world. That thought 
 of continental solidarity was the highest star that guided 
 his life. From 1815, in the celebrated letter from Jamaica, 
 that idea grew and became clarified in his spirit, and it 
 
 [5] 
 
assumed form as a finality of his military and political 
 policy. At Ayacucho, his shout of victory was the annun- 
 ciatory song of the great American patria. Ayacucho was 
 the reality that rose to the height of the dream that his 
 fancy had conceived on the summit of Chimborazo. The 
 thought of the statesman was to complete the curve that 
 had been traced by his warrior's sword, and the invitation 
 to the congress of Panama was to serve as the climax of his 
 dream of American confederation. He was to cherish, 
 throughout all disillusionments, that dream of his soul, 
 and when there remained to him, of all the countries he had 
 created, only the Quinta de San Pedro, over the ruins of 
 those nationaHties that were crumbling to pieces and over 
 the flight of his ideals was to continue shining the Hght of 
 that thought, Uke a star above a Calvary, announcing the 
 future resurrection. 
 
 And that resurrection of ideals has been consummated. 
 The ideal of democracy has been definitively realized in the 
 republics of the New World. The ideal of continental 
 unity, from the congress of Panama to the conference of 
 Buenos Aires, has changed in form, but it has preserved 
 the essence of the thought of soHdarity. This homage, 
 gentlemen, is a manifestation — the most spontaneous and 
 expressive — of the fact that unity of sentiment and spiritual 
 unity have been achieved in the American soul; and our 
 hands — joined to-day to make our offering, and our hearts, 
 fused to-day in an act of fervor, our wills, uplifted by emo- 
 tion toward the heights of those heroic lives, our thoughts, 
 turned, from this pedestal, in a universal impulse of longing 
 and hope, to the contemplation of the future — will remain 
 united in an indissoluble alliance; and, above geographical 
 accidents and historical vicissitudes, they will continue 
 to mold American character until they give to it the im- 
 pregnable moral unity, the coordination of effort and the 
 
 [6] 
 
solidarity of interests that will bring forth with clarity 
 and strength the new civilization that is to issue from this 
 continent and fill the future of the world. 
 
 Washington and Bolivar were the highest vertexes in 
 the history of the American peoples. They constituted a 
 synthesis of the common aspirations for liberty that arose 
 with the dawn of the past century and that have flourished 
 in the dawn of this century in the democracies which, from 
 one extreme of the continent to the other, are to-day 
 attaining to the fullness of their material and poHtical 
 development, and they extend their hands to each other 
 with a sincerely fraternal impulse and give to the world an 
 example of civilization built on peace, right and justice. 
 
 Welcome here then, amid this people that has accom- 
 plished in one century a work of progress that constitutes 
 the most formidable synthesis of energy, is the man whose 
 life was the highest and most luminous synthesis of the 
 powers of the intelligence and of the spirit. His char- 
 acter possessed that eminent quality of constancy and un- 
 swer\-ing faith that has carried you to the loftiest summits 
 of history. In vain did adversity conspire against his fort- 
 une. Misfortune only kindled his genius, which never 
 soared more radiantly than when above the tragic vicissi- 
 tudes of his destiny. His glory shone Vv'ith still greater 
 splendor in the dark hours of defeat than in the full light 
 of his days of \'ictory. Greater than at Carabobo was he 
 in 1812, when, on the ruins of cities brought low by the 
 earthquake and on the ruins of his early hopes of inde- 
 pendence, he ascended to the platform and said: 
 
 If Nature opposes our designs, we shall fight against Nature and 
 we shall conquer her. 
 
 Greater than at Boyaca, where he laid the foundation 
 of Colombia's liberty, was he at Casacoima, where, de- 
 
 [7] 
 
feated and almost a prisoner, he dreamed of the plan by 
 which, point by point, the liberty of the continent was 
 achieved. Greater than at Junin, where he estabHshed 
 the independence of Bohvia, greater than at Pichincha, 
 where he founded the independence of Ecuador, greater 
 than at Ayacucho, where he wrought the independence of 
 Peru, was he at Pativilca, where, in the eclipse of his for- 
 tunes, his discouraged generals asked him what was his 
 thought, and he repHed: ''To win!" Great in prosperity, 
 greater still in adversity, he had but one weakness: glory! 
 
 At home among you is the man who, at the height of 
 his triumphant career, when a victorious armada and five 
 peoples redeemed by his sword offered him a crown, to the 
 laurel of Caesar preferred the title of citizen, among his 
 contemporaries, and the title of Liberator, with posterity. 
 
 At home among you is this man, who, after having 
 won or lost more than four hundred battles and after hav- 
 ing traveled on his war-horse from the hills of Avila to 
 the heights of Ayacucho — a greater distance than that 
 which has been traveled by any conqueror — established 
 upon democratic principles the basis of the civil life of five 
 nations and proclaimed arbitration at Panama as the for- 
 mula for internal peace and justice among the peoples 
 of the American continent. 
 
 Among his own, amid this people that has opened its 
 lands as a home to all men; that has opened its heart to 
 all the sentiments of justice; that has opened its intelhgence 
 to all ideas, and that has transformed them into engines of 
 progress and happiness for mankind; happy, amid this 
 people that has touched by its heroic effort of thought and 
 action all the human grandeurs, is the man that cherished 
 for twenty years — throughout the greatest bitternesses 
 of misfortune and the greatest apotheoses of victory — the 
 dream that has flowered forth in five repubhcs. The city 
 
 [8] 
 
of the future is the pedestal for that greatness, and in my 
 country and in all America, this day will be looked upon 
 as the last stage of the hero in his march to glory. 
 
 When I have seen the greatest people of the earth bare 
 the head, full of rejoicing before the statue of Bolivar and 
 acclaim with a grandiose clamor, Hke the thunder of Niag- 
 ara, the Liberator of South America; when the word of 
 your president is about to be uttered as the definitive 
 voice of historical justice; when I reflect that my people is 
 lifting to-day on the lofty pedestal of national admiration 
 the memory of Washington, it seems to me that the alH- 
 ance of fraternal hands which, at the extremities of the 
 Columbian world, erects these two symbols of the freedom 
 of the continent, already heralds the unanimity of senti- 
 ment of all the peoples to achieve that future for America. 
 
 The hands of a woman shaped this statue that my 
 country offers to the United States as a token of perpetual 
 friendship; the hands of a woman gave the eternal rehef 
 of bronze to the life that was a prodigious dream of hero- 
 ism, of beauty and of love. By granting to one of your 
 daughters the privilege of the maternity of glory, my 
 country sought to double the significance of this homage 
 and to fuse in a noble symbol the greatness of an heroic 
 thought and the spiritual grace of American womanhood, 
 whose tenderness and energy have contributed to the 
 erection of this home of civilization that is your country. 
 
 Were it given me to translate, from the brow of this hill, 
 what this immortal bronze says to the American people, I 
 should thus give voice to it: 
 
 "Hail! O you, my brothers of the north," cries the 
 Liberator. "From this exalted height, more glorious for 
 me than the diamantine summit of Chimborazo, my soul 
 breathes the freedom of a world. I know how deeply man 
 is indebted to your immense country. You have given 
 
 [9] 
 
the loftiest example of history by establishing the perfect 
 republic. You have offered asylum at your firesides to the 
 pilgrims of right, from Kosciuszko to Marti. You have 
 placed at the service of every just cause in two hemispheres 
 the strength of your arm and the vigor of your spirit. You 
 have untied at Panama the knot of stone, which my sword 
 would have cut one day, to open an interoceanic high- 
 way, on the edge of which I dreamed of founding the capital 
 of the world and of affording an honorable seat for the 
 society of nations. You have raised higher than any 
 other people in history the banner of freedom. Being 
 strong, you have loved peace; and being great, you have 
 loved justice. Americans of the north, Americans of the 
 south! the hour has come for union, which was the thought 
 that inspired my work, the hope that consoled me in the 
 hour of death and the dream that my eyes, open from im- 
 mortahty, have followed for a century, and the realiza- 
 tion of which will be the crown of the work of the libera- 
 tors and of the greatness of America." 
 
 In dedicating this monument, my country leaves, along 
 with the symbol of her historical past, the symbol of her 
 national friendship, firm as this base of granite, enduring 
 as this bronze, pure and noble as this glory, which hence- 
 forward will be raised beneath the stars, that in your 
 sky and in your flag, are lights that guide the world toward 
 a greater, a freer and a happier future. 
 
 ■o] 
 
Statue of 
 
 THE LIBERATOR SIMON BOLIVAR 
 
 Sally James. Farvhant, Sc. 
 
Address delivered by the Honorable John Hylan, mayor 
 
 of the city of New York, at the unveiling of the 
 
 statue of the Liberator Simon Bolivar 
 
 presented to the city of New York 
 
 by the government of Venezuela 
 
 Tuesday, April ig, ig2i 
 
 Mr. President, Mr. Minister, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 The people of the city of New York are deeply indebted 
 to their brothers of the repubhc of Venezuela for this 
 beautiful work of art, commemorating the name and fame 
 of Latin America's great Liberator Simon Bolivar. 
 
 And a liberator he truly was. It was BoKvar who bid 
 his oppressed countrymen take heart and who fanned 
 into flame the spirit of revolt that had been engendered by 
 three centuries of Spanish despotism . 
 
 As we gather on the green turf of this most beautiful 
 of parks to honor the memory of Simon Bolivar, we are re- 
 minded of the similar and earlier struggles for independence 
 of the founders of our own repubhc. 
 
 It is a story oft told how, on this day, one hundred and 
 forty-six years ago, on the village green at Lexington, a 
 httle band of American patriots flung themselves against a 
 foreign army, until then regarded as invincible, and in the 
 ensuing conflict the first blood of the revolution was shed. 
 Throughout seven long years the struggle for independence 
 continued, until the thirteen colonies emerged a nation 
 triumphant, under the guidance of the most commanding 
 
 [xi] 
 
figure that ever trod the pages of history: General George 
 
 Washington. 
 
 It was the lofty patriotism of Washington and the benef- 
 icent fruits of the American revolution that fired the 
 youthful enthusiasm of Bolivar. Always an ardent apos- 
 tle of hberty, the success of the American colonies made 
 him the more firmly resolve to espouse the cause of inde- 
 pendence for his people. To this unalterable determina- 
 tion Spanish South America is indebted for the hberty 
 and independence it has enjoyed for the past century. 
 
 The life of BoHvar was one of genuine unselfishness and 
 patriotic devotion to the cause of independence. The 
 hallowed memory of such a Hfe belongs not alone to the 
 land of its nativity, but to all mankind. 
 
 It is with a feehng of deep pride that I accept, in the 
 name of the city of New York, this truly beautiful statue 
 of the distinguished Venezuelan. It will ever remain a 
 token of affection to be cherished as it deserves: always an 
 object of reverence, emulation and love. 
 
 [12] 
 
Address delivered by the Honorable Nathan L. Miller 
 
 governor of the state of New York, at the 
 
 unveiling of the statue of the Liberator 
 
 Simon Bolivar, presented to the city 
 
 oj New York by the government 
 
 of Venezuela, Tuesday 
 
 April ig, igzi 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Mr. President, Mr. Minister, Mr. 
 Secretary of State, Mr. Mayor, Ladies and Gentle- 
 men: 
 
 Three great world figures stand out from the periods to 
 which our minds revert to-day: Washington, Bolivar, 
 Napoleon. There were marked similarities and equally 
 marked dissimilarities in their lives. All were brought to 
 the front by revolutions. All were soldiers and statesmen. 
 All impressed themselves upon the permanent institutions 
 of their country. But Napoleon sacrificed liberty to 
 personal ambition, whilst Washington and Bolivar offered 
 their all upon the altar of hberty. 
 
 There were marked similarities between the lives and the 
 history of Washington and Bolivar, and the dissimilarities, 
 I think, are largely accounted for by the differences in 
 circumstance and condition, and by the differences in the 
 history, the traditions and the temperament of their peo- 
 ples. Both were possessed of large patrimonial estates cal- 
 culated to make them satisfied with the existing order of 
 things. Both, after varying success, won hberty for 
 their peoples. Both, by universal acclaim, were brought 
 
 I13J 
 
to the chief magistracy of the governments which they es- 
 tabHshed. Both, when they thought that their mis- 
 sion had been performed, desired to retire to private Hfe. 
 Washington was permitted to have his wish, because cir- 
 cumstances were more favorable to the furtherance of his 
 wish; but unsettled conditions required that BoHvar 
 should forego his desire. And whilst he again assumed 
 the chief magistracy, his first act was to convoke a national 
 assembly. Whilst he took the title of dictator, we must 
 consider that fact in the light of the traditions, the history 
 and the temperament of his people. He purified the ad- 
 ministration of justice. He promoted industry. He 
 encouraged the arts and the sciences, and he strove to in- 
 stitute constitutional government, which still survives. 
 Three nations call him Liberator, and this splendid statue, 
 presented by Venezuela to our great city, must ever be a 
 reminder to our people of the common heritage which 
 Washington and Bolivar bequeathed to the New World, 
 and which it shall be our constant and common duty to 
 cherish and preserve. 
 
 [14] 
 
Address delivered by his Excellency Warren G. Harding 
 
 president of the United States, at the unveiling 
 
 of the statue of the Liberator Simon Bolivar 
 
 presented to the city of New York 
 
 by the government of Venezuela 
 
 Tuesday, April ig, ig2i 
 
 Fellow Citizens of America: 
 
 There is significance in dates, as though some days were 
 destined for a high place in the history of human progress, 
 also an abiding place in human affections. This day is the 
 anniversary of the battle of Lexington, when the colonies 
 of North America made their first sacrifice in blood for in- 
 dependence and new standards of freedom. On this same 
 day, a generation later, Venezuela's struggle for freedom 
 had its immortal beginning. 
 
 To-day, in befitting celebration of freedom's triumphs, 
 we are met to unveil this monument to Simon Bolivar, in 
 whom the South American movement for liberty found its 
 soul and inspiration, and to whom the liberty-loving heroes 
 of Venezuela turned for triumphant leadership, just as 
 the North American colonies pinned their faith in Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 There is further and highly interesting coincidence in 
 dates and significance in achievement. Bolivar was born 
 in 1783, the year in which our North American revolution- 
 ary war was ended by the treaty which recognized our 
 national independence; and the independence of Vene- 
 zuela was formally proclaimed on July 5, 181 1, on the day 
 
 [15] 
 
following the anniversary of a like proclamation by the 
 North American colonies thirty-five years earlier. April 
 and July have valid claim to our liberty-loving rever- 
 ence. 
 
 I wish April 19 might have an added significance from 
 this day on. Similarly born and dedicated to New World 
 freedom, I would like this date to mark anew for North and 
 South America, not alone the avowal of mutual trust in 
 the fellowship of freedom and democracy, but a new con- 
 fidence and a new mutuality of purpose in achieving the 
 things which independence and fellowship so naturally 
 inspire. 
 
 Ha\ing sacrificed in arms to establish the human inheri- 
 tance belonging to free men, the American repubHcs 
 may well touch elbows to prove their unselfishness and 
 show to mankind that righteous achievement does not 
 mean anybody's destruction, individually or nationally, 
 but that real victory Hes in that human progress wherein 
 every contender — individual or national — may share as it 
 is sought to merit it. 
 
 It is an interesting thing to compare the careers of the 
 two great fathers of American liberty — these stalwart 
 founders of representative democracy in the w^estern 
 hemisphere — Bolivar and Washington. Each wrought 
 an empire of freedom and builded more vastly than he 
 dreamed. Each was brilliant and heroic in war, but vastly 
 more concerned with the constructiveness of peace. 
 
 Their concept of liberty was not inspired in individual 
 unrest. Each was wealthy, each rated among the per- 
 sonally fortunate, but a people's freedom was impelling. 
 Each was accused of undue ambition, but it was a people's 
 welfare that ever inspired. 
 
 Each knew the essentials of freedom, that liberty itself 
 is the state of just restraint, and the fruits of revolution 
 
 [16] 
 
in the cause of freedom are garnered only in constitutional 
 estabHshment, and preserved only when government is 
 strong enough to guarantee them. 
 
 Both Bolivar and Washington were eminent in genius on 
 the field of battle, both were rich in wisdom when it came 
 to the more difficult problems of peace. War has its in- 
 spirations when patriotism is aflame. Peace has its prob- 
 lems, where construction or reconstruction must be 
 wrought in conviction and consecration. 
 
 Each of these national heroes, when his mihtary tasks 
 were finished, preferred retirement and the repose of pri- 
 vate hfe. Each was promptly called to civic construction 
 and administration through which alone the triumphs for 
 which men sacrifice and die may be commemorated with 
 the outstanding monuments of permanent institutions. 
 
 It is not too much to say that out of the Uberations 
 wrought by Washington and Bolivar grew the republican 
 constitutional system which is America's gift to mankind. 
 Our constitutions are the models after which are fash- 
 ioned the fundamental laws of a world won to democracy. 
 Whether they looked to the north or south, or whether 
 the beacon fire was Pan America, in the New World burned 
 the great torch to fight the way to constitutional freedom, 
 and hope was assured by outstanding example. 
 
 These things are said with due deference to the older civ- 
 ilizations and the longer estabfished systems from which 
 all America came and to which we may trace back the 
 inspiration which gave conception to the institutions of 
 freedom to which we are dedicated. It is fine to be able 
 to say that New World temples of liberty were not wrought 
 in destruction of the old. We speak historically of revol- 
 ution, when in reahty we mean severance and freedom for 
 evolution. The world is not calling to-day for destruc- 
 tion; it needs reconstruction, where the test of justice is 
 
 [17] 
 
applied to the things which were, as well as the things 
 which are to be. 
 
 The western continents afforded a favoring soil for 
 marvelous developments. God had bestowed with limit- 
 less bounty; Nature was prodigal with her offerings. The 
 Americas held their virgin riches, conserved against the 
 day when science, intellect and spiritual ambition should 
 impel men to seek new fields for endeavors, new sites for 
 new construction, new opportunities for new enterprises. 
 
 Trade was calling, learning encouraged, the adventuring 
 navigators explored, and wherever they touched they 
 stood only at some gateway, never dreaming of the reality. 
 We do not measure the possibilities of the Americas even 
 now, though more than four centuries have come and gone. 
 But the great coincidence was in discovery revealing the 
 opportunity for planting new states and trying new meth- 
 ods at the very time when the human mind was opening, 
 or reopening, to new truths, new conceptions and new 
 motives. 
 
 Perhaps the miracle was in the divine plan, and the 
 New World marvel was an inevitable part in the supreme 
 scheme for developing civilization. But we w^ere, when 
 Washington and Bolivar uttered American aspirations 
 and battled for them, and are now, so interlocked with 
 the Old World from which our founders came, that inde- 
 pendence does not make for aloofness, but the develop- 
 ments of civilization have brought us more closely to- 
 gether. Where ours has been the greater fortune, ours 
 has become a greater responsibility, and the endurance of 
 our institutions is no less important than their creation. 
 
 Liberty without security would be a barren boast, 
 and inspiration without stabilization would challenge 
 every claim of democracy. Nothing the Americas can 
 do, nothing Pan America may aspire to do, will surpass 
 
 [i8] 
 
the contribution of our youth and resources and our stead- 
 fast allegiance to our newer institutions to help steady the 
 world and prove the right of present day civilization to go 
 on. 
 
 Probably we see to-day the engrossing drama of mankind 
 on the world stage as intimately as General PoHvar saw 
 the struggles of South America only a Httle more than a 
 century ago. He could meet the problems of that day 
 and look well to the future with such vision that a third of 
 South America acclaims him Liberator, and we join to-day 
 to do reverence to his memory. Perhaps our greatest 
 tribute Hes in noting the world, war wearied, but more 
 free than ever before, and resolving that where Hberty 
 inspires, peace and justice are the supreme fulfilment. 
 
 The struggles for independence in North and South 
 America had differing backgrounds. The colonies north of 
 the Rio Grande had developed under Hberal institutions. 
 They had enjoyed a large measure of autonomy and self- 
 direction. Their grievances against European domina- 
 tion were small compared to the grievances of the South 
 American colonies. The North American colonies re- 
 volted against the exasperating assumption of a reaction- 
 ary king; South America, against the tyrannies of a vicious, 
 despotic, perpetual and seK-perpetuating system. Where 
 the North American colonies were irked by minor im- 
 positions, those of the southern continent lived under a 
 grinding oppression that sought to extract every particle 
 of wealth that could be taken without literally destroying 
 the capacity to produce more. 
 
 The South American revolution was a desperate attempt 
 to escape, at whatever cost, from a state of intolerable, 
 uilivable oppression. Union and independent greatness 
 were possible following the northern revolt. Geographi- 
 cal conditions and the long-time isolation of the southern 
 
 [19] 
 
colonies from one another made it well nigh impossible to 
 effect union among them. It was the dream of Bolivar; 
 but even his genius was not equal to its accomplishment. 
 Consequently, our thirteen colonies, when their revolt 
 had succeeded, set themselves up, not as thirteen inde- 
 pendent nations, but as one nation comprised of thirteen 
 federated states. The sheer force of gra\ity has caused 
 their union to expand. 
 
 But we would make a grave mistake, I think, if we 
 concluded too readily that our North American experience 
 had all the advantage on its side. While we of the north- 
 ern continent have been demonstrating one great truth 
 about the democratic form of government— that through 
 representative institutions it can be expanded successfully 
 to include a vast imperial dominion and indefinitely 
 increasing populations — the southern continent has been 
 proving another equally important hypothesis. It is, 
 namely, that a family of states — entirely sovereign and 
 independent — may Hve together, in the same continental 
 area, in prosperity and progress. 
 
 Neither continent has escaped from the misfortunes of 
 war and revolution. We have had our contests — inter- 
 national and civil— but, on the whole, the tendency under 
 our repubHcan institutions has been toward estabhshment 
 of those means of conciHation, arbitration and judicial 
 determination by which the menace of war is lessened. 
 No American state succumbed to the temptation of that 
 militaristic system which laid ever increasing burdens upon 
 nations elsewhere, and which at last brought them to crisis 
 in the great war. In the last half century our American 
 commonwealths have not only been able to hold themselves 
 aloof from competitions in armament, but they have built 
 up a system of international arbitration and adjudication 
 which has constantly lessened the danger of armed conflict. 
 
 [20] 
 
There is too little realization of the progress that has been 
 made toward judicial and arbitral settlement of inter- 
 national differences by the American nations. It presents 
 an example well worthy earnest consideration, and affords 
 us an assurance which will justify our purpose to invite the 
 present day civihzation to cast aside the staggering bur- 
 den of armament. 
 
 Much of the New World accomplishment is largely due 
 to democratic institutions. We have not known the 
 conflicting ambitions of dynasties. We have had httle 
 experience with secret alHances and devious diplomacies. 
 In their very nature, our democratic institutions have 
 tended to keep us aloof from these things. 
 
 With all humihty, but in all sincerity and earnestness, I 
 feel that we Americans, North and South, are entitled to 
 hold that our democracy has come as a Hght into the 
 world of international relations, and that it wdll show us a 
 way out of the world's present troubles into a day when 
 mankind may know peace and plenty and happiness, 
 and when the first duty of organized society may be to 
 promote the welfare of its members rather than to array 
 itseff in power against the threat of its destruction. 
 
 The doctrine proclaimed under Monroe, which ever since 
 has been jealously guarded as a fundamental of our re- 
 pubhc, mauitained that these continents should not again 
 be regarded as fields for the colonial enterprises of Old 
 World powers. There have been times when the meaning 
 of Monroeism was misunderstood by some, perverted by 
 others and made the subject of distorting propaganda 
 by those who saw in it an obstacle to the realization of 
 their own ambitions. Some have sought to make our ad- 
 hesion to this doctrine a justification for prejudice against 
 the United States. They have falsely charged that we 
 sought to hold the nations of the Old World at arm's 
 
 [21] 
 
length, in order that we might monopolize the privilege of 
 exploitation for ourselves. Others have protested that the 
 doctrine would never be enforced, if to enforce it should 
 involve us in actual hostiUties. 
 
 The history of the generations since that doctrine 
 was proclaimed has proved that we never intended it sel- 
 fishly; that we had no dream of exploitation. On the 
 other side, the history of the last decade certainly must 
 have convinced all the world that we stand wilUng to fight, 
 if necessary, to protect these continents, these sturdy young 
 democracies, from oppression and tyranny. 
 
 Surely, we may contemplate with some satisfaction the 
 vindication that our American system has won. Under it, 
 in a period so brief that history records no parallel for the 
 achievement, we have filled tw^o continents with splendid 
 and prosperous states. We have maintained ourselves 
 independent of the older systems, aloof from their differ- 
 ences and struggles. We have erected in these continents 
 a great power which, when civilization was at stake, we 
 dared to cast into the scale on the side of right; and we have 
 seen its weight have a deciding part in the cause of human 
 justice. 
 
 This much our American system has wrought by way of 
 its own justification. Surely we may look upon our work 
 and decide for ourselves whether it has been good. BeHev- 
 ing it has been good, we may well decide there can be no 
 departure from the standards that were raised for us by 
 the founding fathers. 
 
 If we could consult our Washington and our Bolivar 
 to-day, and if they could advise us out of their wisdom 
 and experience, they would tell us to go forward in firm 
 confidence that ours is the right course, I believe they 
 would admonish us to cling to that which has been tried, 
 to hold fast to the institutions of moderation, of independ- 
 
 [22] 
 
ence, of gradual but sure progress. If they and all the 
 other patriots who gave their blood, their genius and their 
 Uves to estabhsh free institutions upon this contment 
 should be summoned to our council, they would survey 
 what our system has accomplished for our own countries 
 and for the world in the hour of its uttermost agony, and 
 they would tell us that our generation had wrought into 
 the substance of splendid achievement that which in their 
 day was but hope's vision of a better world. 
 
 We have created no Utopia here in the New World, and 
 I have small hope that we shall. We have accompHshed 
 something toward betterment of mankind, toward peace, 
 prosperity and security; but we have yet far to travel. I 
 bespeak mutual confidence and cooperation in dealing 
 with these problems, which are American problems, to be 
 dealt with by us as Americans. We have gone far toward 
 effective cooperation and we ought to go farther and record 
 greater accompHshment. 
 
 I know I may speak the spirit of the United States. No 
 selfishness impels, no greed is urging, no envy incites, no 
 hatred is actuating. There are here to-day the same as- 
 pirations as those which won enthusiasm of Simon Bolivar 
 when he came to breathe his admirations for Washington 
 in 1806. Washington was his inspiration, and after Gen- 
 eral Bolivar had made his surpassing contribution to 
 country and humanity, an American naval surgeon at- 
 tended and consoled him in his last hour. Perhaps there 
 is the suggestion of an indissoluble tie in his wearing at his 
 death a medal which Washington had given Lafayette, 
 who in turn had given it to General Bolivar. The United 
 States salutes Venezuela and the South American nations 
 born of General Bolivar's offerings on the altars of freedom, 
 and pHghts its devotion to the same liberty, the same jus- 
 tice, the same aspirations of national independence, the 
 
 [23] 
 
same forward look, in touching elbows while we advance 
 to greater fulfilment. 
 
 We do not forget that in the United States to-day 
 we have Latin-American devotion to the Stars and Stripes. 
 Puerto Rico is a part of us, under a permanent policy 
 aimed at her prosperity and progress, and we see in our 
 Latin-American state the splendid agency to help inter- 
 pret the Americas to one another. 
 
 Our thoughts are mainly of the Americas to-day. They 
 cluster about this statue of the great Bolivar, and the good 
 omen it brings as the gift of a nation, which utters its grati- 
 tude to him, to another nation which has ever revered 
 him, and joins Venezuela in protecting and perpetuating 
 the work of free men. I rejoice in this testimony of the 
 gratitude of Venezuela, and acclaim the statue as a symbol 
 of the deep-lying sympathy and shared regard which ce- 
 ments the nations of these two continents. Let it stand 
 out as an earnest of more effective cooperation and better 
 understanding, and more intimate and ever assuring 
 friendship ! 
 
 But we must also have a thought for all mankind. 
 The world is torn and harassed, and Pan Americanism 
 means sympathetic and generous Americanism. The 
 world needs the utmost of production, of restoration, of 
 rehabihtation, of steadying influence, all that we can con- 
 tribute to it. Our greatest service lies in standing firmly 
 together, making ourselves strong that w^e may give our 
 strength, rich that we may contribute of our riches, and 
 confident that we may inspire others with confidence. 
 
 The world needs, in order that its economic balance may 
 be redressed: peace, enterprise, industry, frugality and 
 commercial development. Here we have two rich and 
 mighty continents which, as a whole, have felt far less the 
 effects of the great war than have the older continental 
 
 [24I 
 
areas. To us the world is turning, with the plea that we 
 draw upon the resources which nature and our common 
 good fortune have assured to us, to aid those who have 
 suffered more grievously than we. 
 
 Herein he for us both duty and opportunity: duty to 
 those whom we may help; opportunity, in helping others, 
 also to help ourselves. The great war has brought to us 
 of the Americas a new conception of our place in the 
 world, a larger appreciation of the opportunity which is 
 ours. We are blessed with natural wealth, with industrious 
 populations, with every variety of soil and chmate and 
 opportunity. We have developed more nearly a realiza- 
 tion of interdependence, a conception of something hke 
 economic, pohtical and spiritual sohdarity, than ever be- 
 fore. We need to know each other better; to understand 
 institutions and peoples and methods more accurately; 
 to develop the great producing and commercial possibili- 
 ties of our own countries; to encourage the larger exchanges 
 of our products, the most sympathetic appreciation of our 
 varied relations to one another and to the rest of the world. 
 By accompHshmg these things we shall mightily strengthen 
 ourselves to carry forward our tasks of to-day and of all 
 the to-morrows. 
 
 [25] 
 
Address delivered by his Excellency Doctor Santos 
 
 A. Dominici, minister of Venezuela, at the banquet 
 
 given to the minister of foreign relations 
 
 and the members of the special mission 
 
 of Venezuela, by the mayor of New 
 
 York, Tuesday evening 
 
 April ig, iq2i 
 
 Mr. Mayor: 
 
 In our ears still echo the generous words you pro- 
 nounced on Bolivar hill at the unveihng of the statue of 
 the Liberator, and by this time the electric waves, through 
 the air or beneath the seas, have already borne them to the 
 whole of America, along with the eloquent address of the 
 president of the United States. Although the voice that 
 comes from so exalted a height as that of the presidency of 
 this great nation has always been heard by the world with 
 rapt attention, in the solemnity of this day it goes to the 
 heart of all the peoples of America, and it produces in 
 Venezuela the deepest patriotic emotion, one that has not 
 been felt there since that transcendent message of Cleve- 
 land's to Great Britain by which your country reaffirmed 
 her devotion to the sacred principles of international jus- 
 tice. 
 
 Gentlemen: the president and the mayor opened their 
 discourses by laying stress on the immense significance 
 of this date for the American hemisphere. Permit me to 
 follow their lofty example and also begin the loosely 
 
 [26] 
 
strung phrases that I must address to you by recalUng the 
 events that occurred on that memorable day. 
 
 As that day dawned, in the year 1775, there was shed 
 at Lexington the first blood poured out on the altar of 
 liberty in the New World. On the morning of that same 
 day, twenty-five years later, the dikes at Caracas were 
 broken by the revolutionary movement that was to cease 
 only with the estabHshment of the independence of His- 
 panic America and with its erection into free and sover- 
 eign republics. 
 
 The brief, anxious hours that preceded that first offering 
 of blood for the liberty of America entered at once into 
 legend and poetry, like all those that in the history of 
 humanity have deeply stirred the heart of the peoples with 
 a sudden presentiment of what they signified. Who has 
 not sung with your Longfellow, for example, the ride of 
 Paul Revere beneath that April moon, as he called the 
 patriot minute-men to arms, when, at break of day, the 
 British forces reached the Lexington green crying: "Dis- 
 perse, rebels, disperse!" Seventy of those brave men 
 awaited there, cool and resolute, the discharge of mus- 
 ketry that was to serve the whole of America as an occasion 
 for appealing to force in defense of her rights. 
 
 Like the North Americans, the Venezuelan patriots 
 spent in vigil and anxiety the night that preceded the 
 nineteenth of April, 1810. Early in the morning, the 
 plotters were astir, and, according to a prearranged plan, 
 the city council of Caracas gathered, in an extraordinary 
 session, without the indispensable authorization of the 
 representative of Spanish authority. It communicated 
 the fact to the captain-general and called upon him to or- 
 ganize a supreme committee of government. He refused 
 and he abandoned the council-hall, to return a few mo- 
 ments later, dragged at the heels of the people, in the pres- 
 
 [27] 
 
ence of his troops. This time he found seated there the 
 first two deputies of the Venezuelan people, who were at 
 once joined by Canon Madariaga, who called himself the 
 delegate of the clergy: a man whose daring and ability de- 
 cided that affair, without doubt one of the most brilliant 
 and transcendent occurrences in the history of civism. 
 Madariaga demanded the immediate deposition of the 
 captain-general, the representative of the king of Spain, 
 there present. Disconcerted by this audacity, he denied 
 the authority of those intruders that proclaimed themselves 
 the deputies of the people, and he decided to go to the bal- 
 cony and take counsel of the people themselves, gathered 
 in front of the municipal building. 
 
 *' We will have none of you," burst out the people, urged 
 on by the plotters. 
 
 ''Nor will I hold office then," repHed the Spanish gover- 
 nor. 
 
 With these words, the authority of Spain in Venezuela 
 vanished for ever. 
 
 Thus, on April 19, 1810, the first autonomous and inde- 
 pendent government was established in Hispanic Amer- 
 ica. Quito had gloriously essayed it a year before, but 
 the attempt was drowned in blood by the soldiers of the 
 king, as in Venezuela^ ten years earher, had been that of the 
 Venezuelan patriots led by Gual y Espana. Caracas was 
 followed, one after the other and without previous agree- 
 ment, by Bogota and Buenos Aires, until the movement 
 shook the entire continent, and the great struggle that 
 was to drench America with blood for more than three lus- 
 ters was begun. The ephemerides of the nineteenth of 
 April are therefore doubly sacred for the American con- 
 tinent. 
 
 In the peculiar surroundings of the present hour, my 
 soul still stirred by the emotions of this afternoon, it 
 
 [28] 
 
seems to me more than a simple coincidence that we are 
 gathered here on this great day — united in the loftiest 
 spirit of friendship and brotherhood — we, the representa- 
 tives of the peoples liberated by Washington, Bolivar, 
 San Martin and the dauntless hosts that sprang up, from 
 the plateaus of Mexico to the shores of the Plata. Moved 
 by the dazzHng significance of the day for the whole of 
 America, the government of Venezuela chose it for the 
 commemoration in which you have done us the honor to 
 join. 
 
 Venezuela has erected in New York this monument to 
 the glory of the most illustrious of her sons as the best 
 expression of the traditional friendship of the Venezuelan 
 people for the people of the United States; and we feel 
 that the presence of Simon Bolivar in the most beautiful 
 park of the land of George Washington will cement and 
 strengthen that friendship, born when another son of 
 Venezuela, Francisco de Miranda — come to these shores 
 from the fields of Europe where he had commanded, 
 under the revolutionary tricolor, the legions that fought 
 for the principles of liberty, equahty and fraternity — suc- 
 ceeded in making his voice heard by even Washington 
 himself and in interesting in the cause of Venezuelan inde- 
 pendence — to the end that liberty might continue hence 
 in triumph to the rest of the American countries — Jeffer- 
 son, Adams, Hamilton and others of the leading founders of 
 the repubHc. A year later, in 1806, Miranda set out from 
 New York, bound for Venezuela, at the head of two hun- 
 dred young men, almost all North Americans. Such was 
 the first expedition organized for the freeing of the south- 
 ern continent. Ten of those enthusiasts — among them a 
 grandson of President John Adams — laid down their fives 
 on the altar of Hberty at that time. Venezuela, filled 
 with gratitude, has raised to them magnificent monuments 
 
 [29] 
 
that exhibit and preserve their names for the veneration 
 of the people. 
 
 A few months later landed at Boston, at the age of 
 twenty-three years, Simon Bolivar, his heart and mind 
 aflame with ambition to free Venezuela. Thence he vis- 
 ited the fields of Lexington and Concord, consecrated, as 
 we have already said, by the shedding of the first Ameri- 
 can blood, on the nineteenth day of April, almost a century 
 and a half ago. Doubtless on those fields, as on others 
 that he visited before reaching Charleston, on his way to 
 Venezuela, his soul was tempered and all his powers were 
 prepared for the superhuman struggle to which he was to 
 devote his life, based on the inspiring oath of Monte 
 Aventino. Thenceforth, indeed, he no longer lived for 
 anything but the freedom of America. 
 
 Bolivar's glory, gentlemen, does not belong exclusively 
 to Venezuela: it has spread throughout America, which he 
 always regarded as a single great country. Well placed, 
 then, in the center of the metropoHs of the New World, is 
 the monument there erected to his glory. 
 
 Mr. Mayor: the expressions of attention and hospitahty 
 with which the city of New York overwhelms us have 
 implanted in the heart of the mission that represents 
 Venezuela on this solemn occasion sentiments of the most 
 profound regard. In honoring our country in the person 
 of her most eminent son, you have strengthened the tra- 
 ditional friendship that the people of Venezuela entertain 
 for this great nation. The Venezuelans will never forget 
 this. Permit me to utter these feeble expressions of our 
 lively gratitude to the distinguished members of the com- 
 mittee that with such briUiancy and such exquisite deli- 
 cacy has prepared and carried into effect the courtesies and 
 festivities of this commemoration. We shall take to our 
 country and transmit to the people — who throughout the 
 
 [30] 
 
whole extent of Venezuela have joined us to-day in spiritual 
 communion in rendering homage to their Liberator — the 
 most vivid, enduring and agreeable impressions of this 
 great day. 
 
 In Hke manner, we shall always remember the intelligent 
 and efficient cooperation that the Honorable John Barrett 
 has been so kind as to lend. When we personally appealed 
 to him to represent the Venezuelan mission on the 
 committee appointed to make arrangements for the 
 festivities of to-day, I knew that I could rely upon his 
 enthusiasm for every idea or act that would tend to increase 
 friendship and good understanding between the Americas, 
 to bring nearer the realization of the ancient ideal, the 
 noble aspiration of Bolivar and Henry Clay, to which at 
 present we give the name of Pan Americanism. Mr. 
 Barrett: the government of Venezuela thanks you very 
 heartily for your cooperation and for the new service you 
 have rendered to the cause of Pan Americanism, which al- 
 ready owes so much to your efforts. 
 
 Permit me now to have the intense satisfaction of ren- 
 dering the most genuine tribute of admiration to the artist, 
 who, not, indeed, with her hands, but with her soul, mod- 
 eled for the contemplation of future generations the heroic 
 figure of the Liberator. I do not attempt to judge of the 
 production; you have seen it; very severe judges have al- 
 ready recognized its merit; and that fine, candid, unan- 
 swerable, supreme critic, whose verdict is the one that 
 finally confers the laurel of fame — the people — has al- 
 ready begun, by its expressive exclamations of frank ad- 
 miration, to stamp upon it the seal accorded to master- 
 pieces. It is sufficient to say to you here that the legation 
 of Venezuela in Washington received the day following the 
 one in which the statue was placed upon its pedestal, a 
 dozen letters from those anonymous critics that saw it, 
 
 [31] 
 
for the brief hour during which it remained exposed to 
 the setting sun, and who, that same night, felt impelled 
 to write us a few words: "The work is magnificent, mar- 
 velous; we desire to know more of the life and achieve- 
 ments of Simon Bolivar." To them we replied by sending 
 the sketch of the Liberator's life, which, with so much 
 talent and in view of the celebration of to-day, has just 
 been published by Doctor Guillermo Sherwell. 
 
 I desire to address myself only to the w^oman and the 
 artist, so intimately joined in the talented sculptress of 
 the Liberator, Mrs. SalHe James Farnham, in order to 
 try to express to her our eternal gratitude for her enthusi- 
 asm, her inspiration, the love that she put into the produc- 
 tion of the work and the faith and energy with which she 
 struggled against and overcame the innumerable difii- 
 culties that the abnormal circumstances of the last three 
 years constantly opposed to the material execution of the 
 monument. Venezuela has to-day written in the book of 
 those that have earned the good will of the country the 
 name of your distinguished compatriot, Salhe James 
 Farnham. 
 
 To conclude, it falls to my lot to have the great honor of 
 expressing to the governments of the Iberian republics, 
 so worthily represented about this table, the profound 
 gratitude of the government and people of Venezuela for 
 the part they have hastened to take in the homage paid to 
 the Liberator and in the testimony of friendship that Vene- 
 zuela has been pleased to render to the great sister of the 
 north. The delegation of Venezuela cordially thanks 
 these distinguished representatives for their attendance 
 upon the ceremonies of this day, but it wishes especially 
 to express to his excellency the ambassador of Brazil how 
 greatly it appreciated the presence this afternoon on Boli- 
 var hill of the smart sailors of the Minas Gcraes, and of the 
 
 [32] 
 
noble flag of "Order and Progress," spread to the winds; 
 and how deeply it was stirred by the notes of our national 
 hymn, played there by them with so much spirit, while 
 the cannon saluted the bronze figure of the hero. 
 
 Gentlemen: I invite you to rise, even if in mental genu- 
 flection, that we may for an instant pay homage to the 
 memory of our illustrious liberators: the great memory of 
 Washington, BoHvar, San Martin, Miranda and Sucre; 
 O'Higgins, Hidalgo, Artigas, Bonifacio, Morazan, Barrios, 
 Delgado, Mora and Marti; and so many others that 
 formed the innumerable host of heroes, who, in the north, 
 center and south of this hemisphere, fought and suffered 
 for the independence of America: the great anonymous 
 masses who, over every foot of the American soil, in behalf 
 of hberty, reproduced and outshone the highest mihtary 
 and civic deeds of the history of the world. Let us be 
 united in a joint effort, in order that, as the fathers and 
 founders of our countries dreamed, freedom may reign 
 in the three Americas, and that in them may be realized 
 the noblest ideals of humanity. 
 
 [33] 
 
Address delivered by his Excellency senor Bellrdn 
 
 Maihieu, ambassador of Chile, at the banquet 
 
 given to the minister of foreign relations 
 
 and the members of the special mission oj 
 
 Venezuela, by the mayor oJ New York 
 
 Tuesday evening, April ig, ig2i 
 
 Gentlemen : 
 
 The dictates of diplomatic precedence bestow upon me 
 the honor of speaking on this occasion, and I must avail 
 myself of it, in the first place, to greet, in behalf of my 
 honorable colleagues of the Pan American Union, his ex- 
 cellency, the minister of foreign relations of Venezuela, 
 and the distinguished members of the delegation of which 
 he is the worthy chairman. 
 
 Through them we present our respects to his excellency, 
 the president of the Venezuelan republic, to his enhghtened 
 government and to the sister nation, to which we extend 
 our best wishes for her happiness and continued progress. 
 
 We are pleased, at the same time, cordially to fehcitate 
 our cherished colleague, his Excellency Doctor Dominici, 
 the worthy representative of Venezuela at Washington, 
 upon the demonstration of sympathy and good will of 
 which his country is the object on this occasion, and in 
 which we join with genuine satisfaction in behalf of our 
 countries, all members of the same great family, in whose 
 good name we have a common interest and for whose 
 dignity we have a common responsibility. 
 
 Now, gentlemen, a Uttle history, which it devolves 
 
 [34] 
 
upon me to call to mind again, on this occasion that we 
 are gathered to celebrate. 
 
 The independence of the South American continent 
 was not definitively consummated and estabHshed until 
 December g, 1824, by the battle of Ayacucho, fought on 
 the plateau of the Andes. 
 
 The military campaign of the independents — which 
 culminated in that memorable battle, the luster of which 
 was dimmed by the remoteness of the spot where it took 
 place, more isolated then than now, and by the dazzling 
 feats of the great European captain of the century, still 
 fresh for the admiration of his contemporaries — ^probably 
 did not attain in its epoch the universal reputation that 
 it deserved. Yet that campaign, apart from its transcend- 
 ent results — transcendent because decisive — wasa masterly 
 achievement, in strategical conception, on the part of 
 General Bolivar, as well as a tactical accomplishment, on 
 the part of his heutenant. General Sucre ; and it is worthy 
 of a place among the most famous campaigns of history. 
 Both the Argentine general, don Jose de San Martin, 
 who, with the Chilean- Argentine army, had just effected 
 the liberation of the southern republics, and General don 
 Simon Bolivar, who won freedom for those of the north, 
 reahzed that their work would be incomplete, that it would 
 be ephemeral, without the destruction of the power of the 
 mother-country, which remained strong and threatening 
 in the heart of the country; and the two conceived, and 
 successively carried into effect, the thought of freeing Peru. 
 In the common enterprise, it fell to the lot of Bolivar to 
 accomplish it finally, with the Colombian army, in the 
 daring and memorable campaign that we have recalled and 
 that resembles the performance of the Roman against the 
 Carthaginian, without the destruction of Carthage. 
 
 However, neither of these two great captains, who em- 
 
 [35] 
 
bodied in their persons the miHtary glories of South Ameri- 
 can independence, could have conceived, much less 
 achieved, this plan, if they had not been assured in advance 
 of the control of the sea, thitherto held absolutely by the 
 mother-country. 
 
 I do not dwell on the decisive importance of this factor, 
 because I speak before an audience already famihar with 
 the American Captain Mahan's classic work, w^hich, besides 
 being a lesson from the past, was a prophecy of the future. 
 
 So then: the sea being cleared in advance, the flag of the 
 mother-country disappeared from the Pacific; and in its 
 stead floated, with vivid flashes of glory, the tricolored 
 flag with a single star: the emblem of the modest, new- 
 born repubHc, the poorest and farthest away of the con- 
 tinent, hemmed in between the upheaved mountain and 
 the vast ocean, peopled by a handful of mountaineers and 
 seamen, wdth the instinct and passion for Hberty that are 
 infused by the sea and the mountains. 
 
 You will understand and you will excuse my emotion, 
 gentlemen, for I have mentioned my country, Chile. 
 
 It was indeed a Chilean, General don Bernardo O'Hig- 
 gins, one of the leaders in our struggle for independence, 
 who, by exhausting the resources of his poor country, by 
 squeezing, according to the common expression, blood 
 from a stone, built up the squadron that was to free the 
 ocean. He intrusted it to the genius of a British seaman, 
 Sir Thomas Cochrane, Lord Dundonald, whom the haz- 
 ards of fortune had led to those remote shores of the Pacific 
 in quest of a glory that he would surely have achieved else- 
 where in an equal measure. Among his ofl&cers figured the 
 names of Americans, such as that of Delano; but his crews 
 were gathered along the extensive shores of the country. 
 
 ''On those four decks goes the fate of America," said 
 O'Higgins, as he sent forth the squadron of freedom. 
 
 [36] 
 
Cochrane's naval campaign was an epopee. He ac- 
 complished his purpose to the full; it was commensurate 
 with the sacrifices involved; he covered us with glory, 
 while bequeathing us at the same time a precious tradition 
 that our youthful generations of sailors have cultivated 
 with rehgious devotion. 
 
 I beg pardon again — this time of my South American 
 compatriots in particular — but so many were the glories, 
 so common was the effort, and so entirely for the general 
 good were the results, that I think that, in this hour of 
 the apotheosis of a great American figure, there is room 
 for all, and that there is no reason to underestimate the 
 part which, in the splendid enterprise, the circumstances 
 assigned to each. We did not haggle then over sacrifices; 
 it would be improper to quibble now over merits. 
 
 A century of independent existence has now passed, 
 and we must cast up accounts. Have we made good use 
 of the freedom that was won for us by our ancestors? 
 We can reply, in general, and with due consideration of 
 all things, in the affirmative. 
 
 The currents of human thought tended toward democ- 
 racy; the influence of the French revolution, on the one 
 hand, and that of the constitution of the United States, on 
 the other, dominated the minds of men; and, without 
 being appalled by the difficulties, they set themselves 
 resolutely to the organization of repubhcan-democratic 
 governments: in my judgment, the most difficult form 
 of government to put into practice, because under it all 
 were summoned to command, when, during the three cen- 
 turies of the colony, we had learned nothing but obe- 
 dience. Shut up a man for a long time in a darkened 
 chamber, and then suddenly expose him to the Hght of 
 the sun; dazzled, he will be incapable of taking a step with- 
 out hesitating, without stumbling and falhng. In the 
 
 [37] 
 
same way our young republics were dazzled by the sun of 
 liberty, and this is the explanation of their gropings, their 
 stumbUngs, their falls, while they have been becoming 
 habituated to the Hght and have been learning to walk, 
 some, now with a fairly steady step; others, with steps less 
 firm ; and still others, with considerable uncertainty. They 
 tend, however, to move in unison, and the pace must cer- 
 tainly become uniform on this rough and toilsome road to 
 progress, whose goal can only be attained by orienting 
 themselves with the compass that points to the pole-star of 
 Hberty within order. Order and liberty: two very short 
 words, very commonplace and usual, very easy to pro- 
 nounce with the hps, but very difficult to harmonize, when 
 we undertake to apply them, sincerely and in good faith, to 
 the reahties ! Nevertheless, upon them reposes the whole 
 democratic system. 
 
 We must not be intolerant or impatient, and we ought 
 to consider, like the Latin classic — if we are to judge with 
 equanimity — that nothing that is human, above all, in poht- 
 ical affairs — either of virtues or of defects — is ahen to us. 
 
 My prayer, in this hour in which one of our great men 
 is being glorified, is that we may all become worthy of the 
 sacrifices that they underwent to give us national personal- 
 ities capable of vying with the others that constitute 
 civilized society, and with whom we must Uve in contact. 
 We have an example at hand, without going outside the 
 continent, in the democratic institutions and practices 
 of this same powerful nation that has just extended rever- 
 ent hospitahty to the bronze figure of the great South 
 American Liberator. 
 
 For my part in the occasion, I thank our kind hosts of 
 this evening, as well as the distinguished audience, whose 
 patience I have doubtless tried while uttering these things 
 that were in my heart. 
 
 [38] 
 
Address delivered by Doctor John Bassett Moore 
 
 president of the Pan American Society of the 
 
 United States, at the luncheon given to the 
 
 minister of foreign relations and the special 
 
 mission of the United States of Venezuela 
 
 and to the delegates of the other A mer- 
 
 ican republics by the society 
 
 Wednesday, April 20, igzi 
 
 Gentlemen: 
 
 When I first visited Switzerland, the land proudly hold- 
 ing among existing nations the oldest title to the name 
 "repubhc," among the first things to attract my attention 
 were the signal stations in the mountains. Situated among 
 powers accustomed to war with one another, Switzerland 
 long ago received by common consent, in order that her 
 independence might be preserved, a guaranty of perpet- 
 ual neutrality. But her hardy and patriotic people, bear- 
 ing in mind the struggles and the sacrifices by which their 
 independence was won, have never ceased to be alive to 
 the fact that no nation is safe against attack. Hence 
 they have established and maintained an admirable sys- 
 tem of defense, and have erected in the mountain tops 
 stations from which the signal of danger may be flashed 
 throughout the land ; and as I reflected on the significance 
 of these stations, I came to think of them as beacons of 
 liberty. 
 
 In the spiritual life of man and in the domain of political 
 thought and action, these signal stations have their ana- 
 
 [39] 
 
logues. As we survey the past and raise our eyes to the 
 summits of human endeavor, we see standing before us 
 on the mountain tops the great figures who have borne 
 the torch of Hberty. In their time they were the leaders 
 of men, carrying to oppressed peoples the call to emancipa- 
 tion and beckoning them on to a new freedom and a 
 higher destiny. 
 
 The name of such a leader is on all our lips to-day. His 
 unveiled statue, standing in the midst of this populous city, 
 will serve to remind the myriads that behold it, not only 
 of his physical form and appearance, but, even more, of 
 his immortal pohtical legacy to the world and especially 
 to the western hemisphere. 
 
 The test of a man's fidehty to a faith is his readiness 
 to suffer for it and his capacity to cherish it in adversity. 
 The air to-day reverberates with the name of Simon 
 Bolivar, because of his triumphant endurance of this su- 
 preme test. Defeated in his earhest efforts and even 
 driven by hostile metropoHtan forces from the native soil 
 he loved so well, he bore with fortitude the hardships of 
 exile and of poverty, and, confident in the ultimate issue, 
 persevered in the struggle until he became the recognized 
 champion of a victorious ideal. 
 
 We have often heard of the prophetic letter that Bolivar 
 wrote, more than a hundred years ago, when hopes for 
 the future were most downcast, and the cause seemed al- 
 most lost. But, famiUar as we may be with this cele- 
 brated utterance, I venture again to mention it and to re- 
 peat some of its terms. It is one of the privileges and im- 
 munities of eternal truth that it bears constant repetition. 
 As, in the domain of rehgion, the four gospels are to be 
 read every day and always heeded, so, in the domain of 
 pohtics, the gospel according to Simon Bolivar, hke the 
 gospel according to George Washington, and — let me also 
 
 [40] 
 
say — according to that great North American protagon- 
 ist of South American independence, Henry Clay, is to be 
 read daily and practised for all time. 
 
 Bolivar spoke not only for the moment, but also for all 
 future ages, when he declared: 
 
 The destiny of America is irrevocably fixed; the tie that unites 
 her to Spain is cut. . . . Because successes have been partial 
 and fluctuating, we ought not to lose confidence in fortune. In 
 certain places the upholders of independence triumph; while the 
 tyrants obtain advantages in others. And what is the result? Is 
 not the New World vigorous, aroused and armed for its defense? 
 We glance about us and we see everywhere a light throughout the 
 immense extent of this hemisphere. 
 
 The light that the heroic exile, piercing with prophetic 
 eye the gloom then enshrouding the political horizon, 
 saw fitfully flaming, continued to burn and to glow until 
 it illuminated with its radiance the entire western hem- 
 isphere. 
 
 But Bolivar was not thinking of the founding of vast 
 territorial empires or solely of material things. He esti- 
 mated the greatness of nations, as he declared, "not so 
 much by reason of extent and riches as by reason of liberty 
 and glory." And among his cherished visions was that 
 of an international congress that should deal with the 
 highest interests both of peace and of war. It was this 
 conception that led him to convoke the congress of Pa- 
 nama, which, although it failed to attain its immediate ob- 
 ject, proved to be the progenitor of the habit of friendly 
 and fraternal conference among the American nations. 
 
 At the time when Bolivar wrote and wrought, the minds 
 of men were still aglow with the precepts of poHtical lib- 
 erty that characterized the second half of the eighteenth 
 century and continued to produce rich fruitage in the 
 nineteenth. Among the ideas then preached by philos- 
 
 [41] 
 
ophers and that were coming to be accepted by statesmen, 
 was that of the legal equaUty of independent states. 
 Among the works on international law by which inteUigent 
 thought was then most influenced, none has been more 
 frequently cited or more widely read than the treatise by 
 the famous Swiss publicist Vattel. In a well known 
 passage, this celebrated writer, speaking of nations as 
 bodies of free persons "naturally equal" and inheriting 
 from nature "the same obligations and rights," declared: 
 
 Power or weakness does not in this respect produce any difference. 
 The dwarf is as much a man as a giant; a small republic is no less a 
 sovereign state than the most powerful kingdom. 
 
 Our own great chief justice, John Marshall, who had been a 
 soldier of the American revolution, espousing this principle 
 in its entirety, declared, in an oft quoted judicial opinion: 
 
 No principle of general law is more universally acknowledged than 
 the perfect equality of nations. Russia and Geneva have equal 
 rights. 
 
 This principle, of the equahty of all sovereign states, in 
 the eye of international law, was the very foundation of 
 American policy, both to the north and to the south. 
 
 It must be confessed that among men practice never 
 completely squares with professed principles. Not only 
 are principles often difficult of apphcation, but their ap- 
 plication is frequently disturbed and thwarted by human 
 passions. But there stands to-day to the credit of the 
 American nations the distinct achievement — through 
 international conferences in which differences of power or 
 of weakness are not recognized — of a voluntary system of 
 cooperation in the development of the arts of peace. 
 It was my good fortune to be present at the first meeting 
 of the first of the assemblies distinctively known as the 
 "international American conferences," and to Hsten to 
 
 [42] 
 
Statue of 
 
 THE LIBERATOR SIMON BOLIVAR 
 
 Pietro Cavalier Tenerani, Sc. 
 Erected in Bogota 
 
the eloquent salutatory of Mr. Blaine, when he called upon 
 the delegates to 
 
 show to the world an honorable, peaceful conference of ... in- 
 dependent American powers, in which all shall meet together on 
 terms of absolute equality: a conference in which there can be no at- 
 tempt to coerce a single delegate against his own conception of the 
 interests of his nation; a conference which will permit no secret under- 
 standing on any subject, but will frankly publish to the world all its 
 conclusions; a conference which will tolerate no spirit of conquest, 
 but will aim to cultivate an American sympathy as broad as both 
 continents; a conference which will form no selfish alliance against 
 the older nations from which we are proud to claim inheritance; a 
 conference, in fine, which will seek nothing, propose nothing, endure 
 nothing that is not, in the general sense of all the delegates, timely 
 and wise and peaceful. 
 
 It was during the sessions of this conference, whose 
 lofty and beneVolent purposes were thus proclaimed 
 that the phrase '^ American powers" was changed to 
 "American republics," through the transformation of the 
 great empire of Brazil into the great republic of the United 
 States of Brazil. In the succeeding international Ameri- 
 can conference, as well as in other international confer- 
 ences — scientific, educational and financial — the spirit of 
 sympathy and neighborliness has been cultivated, ex- 
 panded and revivified. 
 
 With the cultivation and expansion of this spirit and 
 with the preservation of that unity of purpose and har- 
 mony of action by which it is animated, the future of 
 America, with its boundless resources and boundless op- 
 portunities, challenges the farthest reach of the imagina- 
 tion; and as the American nations grow in riches and in 
 power, let us see to it that they continue to cultivate 
 the spirit of liberty, justice and respect for national rights 
 and obligations, and to regard the preservation and per- 
 petuation of that spirit as their highest and greatest glory. 
 
 [43] 
 
It is to thoughts such as these that the present occasion 
 owes its existence; and, standing in the presence of the 
 special mission from the native land of Simon Bolivar, 
 and of the other American repubHcs, let us dedicate our- 
 selves anew to the consummation of the exalted ideal 
 that has given to the name ''America" its distinctive place 
 and its noblest meaning in the history of the world's 
 progress. 
 
 [44] 
 
Address delivered by his Excellency Doctor Rafael H. 
 Elizalde, minister of Ecuador, at the luncheon given 
 to the minister of foreign relations and the spe- 
 cial mission of the United States of Vene- 
 zuela and to the delegates of the other 
 American republics by the Pan 
 American Society of the 
 United States, Wednes- 
 day, April 20, igzi 
 Gentlemen: 
 
 I am indebted for the honor of speaking before this 
 illustrious audience to the gallantry of his Excellency senor 
 Mathieu, the ambassador of Chile, who has been pleased 
 to give way to me, to the prejudice of all, yet doubtless as 
 a manifestation of respect for my country, an immemorial 
 friend of his, and of me, his personal friend of a quarter of 
 a century. 
 
 I express my appreciation to him, and also to the Pan 
 American Society for the invitation it gave me to attend 
 this luncheon and for the opportunity it thus affords me 
 to speak in its presence, in that of the distinguished mem- 
 bers of the Venezuelan mission and in that of the other 
 eminent personages that surround this table. 
 
 I have accepted the favorable opportunity to discharge 
 the mission that has brought me, together with all the 
 personnel of Ecuador, to this city, and, in compKance with 
 the express order of my government, to attend the cere- 
 mony of the unveiling of the statue of Bolivar, in response 
 to the invitation of the government of Venezuela. 
 
 [45] 
 
Since Ecuador forms a part of the entity that is included 
 in the term ''Pan America," her representative does not 
 consider himself a stranger in these surroundings, but, 
 rather, as stirred by them and stimulated by the sacred 
 emotion of a larger gratitude: the gratitude of a continent 
 and a race for the honor bestowed by another continent and 
 another race in celebrating, with the magnificence and 
 pomp that only this continent and this race can display, the 
 unveihng of the statue of one of the greatest men of the 
 New World, in what is, perchance, the largest city of the 
 world. 
 
 If France, perhaps as the expression of a principle 
 that she established and glorified, presented to New York 
 the gift of the statue of Liberty, it is understood that 
 Venezuela has desired to set up near it the statue of the 
 Liberator. So, the idea and the man, wrought in bronze, 
 "^vill speak to the ages of this eternal wedlock, in a land of 
 stupendous reahties rather than of promise, where France 
 learned liberty and where Bolivar began his arduous career 
 as the Liberator. 
 
 I shall not recount in your presence the history of Boli- 
 var, since I speak in the midst of men that are not ignor- 
 ant of it; but, in the presence of the Pan American So- 
 ciety, I can do no less than recall that the ideals that gave 
 to it life, a name and a purpose; those that inform the 
 hitherto only dreamed-of but not realized aspirations 
 of a harmonious, voluntary and conjoint international 
 policy on the hemisphere of Columbus; those that Monroe 
 doubtless had in mind when he formulated his celebrated 
 doctrine of 1823, are the same ideals and principles of 
 independence, liberty and cooperation that inspired Boli- 
 var when he undertook the gigantic enterprise that he 
 set on foot in 1810 and that was definitively concluded at 
 Ayacucho in 1824; and the same that gave rise to the in\i- 
 
 [46] 
 
tation which, on the ground of that feat of arms and as 
 president of the Colombia of that time, he addressed to 
 all the governments for the purpose of calling together at 
 Panama an assembly of plenipotentiaries. He that ex- 
 amines the basis of the ideas of that document can deduce, 
 perhaps truly, that Bolivar was the precursor of Pan 
 Americanism. This single quality would be sufficient 
 to exalt his memory within the circle of this society over 
 which presides the great master of international law, the 
 Honorable John Bassett Moore. 
 
 Let me also be permitted to recall that, in the liberation 
 of Hispanic America, to the lot of Ecuador fell the im- 
 perishable honor — which in the spirit of justice I could not 
 fail to exalt once more before the world — or, rather, the 
 glory, I may say, of having marched in the vanguard of 
 freedom. ** Quito," said Baralt, '^before any other city, 
 established, in August, 1809, a government committee." 
 I quote from the most famous of the Venezuelan histor- 
 ians in order to proclaim with him that if it fell to the 
 lot of Venezuela to be the cradle of the Liberator, Ecuador 
 had the honor to be the cradle of liberty. 
 
 The truth is that, in the work of estabhshing independ- 
 ence in the Americas, to each of those that afterward 
 became nations, but that were formerly only colonies or 
 inhabited territories, as Raimondi said: to each of them, 
 I say, pertains her part in effort, cooperation and merit. 
 
 Not yet existed the patrias of to-day when were born 
 Washington, Bolivar, Sucre — the victor at Pichincha and 
 Ayacucho — San Martin, O'Higgins, Lamar, Santander, 
 Santacruz, Artigas, Tiradentes, Hidalgo, Toussaint Lou- 
 verture and innumerable other heroes; there was then 
 only the great American patria, with an immense terri- 
 tory for the action of all — immense, like the ampHtude of 
 so much land and so much sky — where there was room and 
 
 [47] 
 
where there is still room, without interference, for all the 
 great souls of our history, however much an ill-advised 
 regionahsm has endeavored at times to take away or to add 
 laurels, when the final balance and adjustment were made 
 long ago by victory, and when what behooves us to-day is 
 to make ourselves more and more worthy of it. 
 
 I have purposely omitted other references to the warriors 
 that my country gave to the great epopee, although they 
 were many and very conspicuous, inasmuch as I do not de- 
 sire to set any one of them in the first place; but I shall 
 speak, rather, of the poet of the Guayas, regarding whom 
 none wall dispute as to what belongs to him by right. I al- 
 lude to Olmedo, the singer of Junin and the glor>' of Boli- 
 var. Fame has anointed the hero and the poet in a single 
 whole of immortality. The portrait of Bolivar which 
 
 begins, 
 
 Who is the one that with slow step advances 
 
 Over the hills that on Junin look downward? 
 
 stands in the pages of Hispano-American literature as a 
 peerless example, according to the severest Spanish 
 critics. 
 
 In speaking of the prince of Hispano-American poetry, 
 in his relation to the glory of Bolivar, it would be unjust 
 not to mention at this moment another Ecuadorian, a 
 prince also of Castilian letters: don Juan Montalvo. 
 
 These two, who soar so high, might have sculptured on 
 the rock of the Andes the gratitude of Ecuador to her 
 Liberator. 
 
 I shall quote, for the delight of all and availing myself 
 of the present opportunity, the words of an estimate of 
 Montalvo's in respect of Washington and Bolivar: 
 
 Washington presents himself to memory and the imagination as 
 a great citizen, rather than as a great warrior; as a philosopher, rather 
 than as a general. Washington would have been at home in the 
 
 [48] 
 
Roman senate, beside the aged Papirius Cursor; and if he had been 
 an ancient monarch, he would have been Augustus, that serene and 
 tranquil man that liked to be seated between Horace and Vergil, 
 while all the nations revolved reverently about his throne. Wash- 
 ington and Bolivar had in common an identity of aims, inasmuch as 
 the longing of each was confined to the liberty of the people and the 
 establishment of democracy. . . . Washington was surrounded 
 by men as notable as, if not worthier than, himself: Jefiferson, Madi- 
 son—men of lofty and deep counsel— Franklin, genius of sky and 
 earth, who, while wresting the scepter from tyrants, snatched light- 
 ning from the clouds: Eripui cceloftdmen sceptrumque tyrannis. These 
 and all the others: how great they were and of what great numbers! 
 They were one in the cause, rivals in obedience, each adding his con- 
 tingent to the immense torrent that swept' over the hostile armies 
 and fleets, and destroyed the British power. Bolivar had to tame 
 his lieutenants, to fight and vanquish his own compatriots, to struggle 
 with a thousand elements that conspired against him and against 
 independence, while at the same time battling with the Spanish hosts 
 and conquering them or being conquered. 
 
 Montalvo adds elsewhere, in his estimate of Napoleon 
 
 and Bolivar: 
 
 The centuries may reduce to the same level these two sons of the 
 earth that in a sort of madness set themselves to pile mountain upon 
 mountain in order to scale Olympus. One of them, the more auda- 
 cious, was wounded by the gods, and he fell away into the abyss 
 of the seas; the other, the more fortunate, crowned his work, and, 
 having conquered them, allied himself with them and established 
 the liberty of the New World. In ten centuries Bolivar will attain 
 the growth necessary to bring him shoulder to shoulder with the 
 specter which, rising from the earth, penetrates with its head the 
 celestial vault. 
 
 Now, to conclude, permit me to offer an explanation. 
 I have cited historical events and names that are the glory 
 of my country. It was not from vanity, gentlemen, but to 
 present them in token of love and fihal veneration at the 
 foot of the monument raised in the land of freedom to the 
 one that won it for my country, in which we have sworn 
 to uphold it unsulHed, even at the very cost of life. 
 
 [49] 
 
PUBLICATIONS OF THE INTERAMERICAN 
 DIVISION 
 
 The publications of the Interamerican Division consist 
 of Bulletins; of the Enghsh and Spanish issues of the 
 magazine Inter- America; and of the volumes of the 
 Interamerican Library and the Biblioteca Interamericana. 
 
 The available Bulletins are distributed gratuitously to 
 all the persons and institutions whose names are on the 
 mailing list of the Division and to those that solicit them. 
 Either issue of Inter- America (6 numbers per annum), 
 English or Spanish, may be secured by paying the sub- 
 scription price of 80 cents; or the two issues (12 numbers 
 per annum), by paying the subscription price of $1.50; 
 single numbers are sold at 15 cents. The volumes of the 
 Interamerican Library and of the Biblioteca Interamericana^ 
 bound in cloth, are sold at $1.25 a volume, postage paid, 
 anywhere in the world. 
 
 Twenty-five Bulletins have been pubHshed, but all are 
 out of print, except the following: 
 
 BULLETINS 
 
 Boletin numero 16: El proximo paso en las relaciones inter americanas, 
 Peter H. Goldsmith, febrero de 1918. 
 
 Bulletin number 20: The European War and Pan Americanism, 
 Romulo S. Na6n, April, 1919. 
 
 Boletin numero 21 : La guerra europea y el panamericanismo (Spanish 
 version of Bulletin number 20), abril de 1919. 
 
 Bulletin number 23: Foice5 across the Canal, addresses by John 
 Bassett Moore, Belisario Porras and Rafael 
 H. Elizalde, November, 1920. 
 
 [si] 
 
INTER-AMERICA .;i Ci! 
 
 /n English: !||ijii|jl 
 
 Volume I, October, 1917-August, 1918: numbers available. ijJtilijijiNi! 
 
 I, 3 and 5. Wilife! 
 
 Volume II, October 1918-August, 1919: numbers available, 2, 3, if;'v',;.vf 
 
 4, 5 and 6. &•;•!•/!•: 
 
 :;*.('. 
 
 Volume III, October, 1919-August, 1920: numbers available, 2, 3. ^jli^^iti'".' 
 4, 5 and 6. .j"''. '.ylvl 
 
 Volume IV, October, 1920-August, 1921: all 6 numbers available, iH'';';';.;';.; 
 
 
 ■■>'■.■• 
 
 In Spanish: 
 
 Volumen I, mayo de 1917 a marzo de 1918: numbers available, ;y^>|n;.v,.; 
 I, 2 and 6. 'I^?;^^/:';"; 
 
 Volumen II, mayo de 1918 a marzo de 1919: numbers available, ;;:::•;'";!!'■ 
 
 1,4, 5 and 6. 
 Volumen III, mayo de 1919 a marzo de 1920: numbers available 
 
 I, 2 and 5. 
 Volumen IV, mayo de 1920 a marzo de 1921: all 6 numbers avail- 
 able. 
 Volumen V, mayo de 1921 a marzo de 1922: numbers available, j 
 and 2. 
 BIBLIOTECA INTERAM ERIC ANA 
 
 Volimien I: Vida constitucional delos Estados Unidos. Benjamin 
 
 Harrison, 191 9, 284 pages, duodecim.o. 
 Volumen II: Cuentos ddsicos del norte: primera serie, Edgar Allan 
 
 Poe, 1920, 246 pages, duodecimo, 
 Volumen III: Cuentos cldsicos del narte: segiinda serie, Washington 
 
 Irving, Nathdniel Hawthorne, Edward Everett 
 
 Hale, 1920, 307 pages, duodecimo. 
 Volumen IV: El significado de la educacion, Nicholas Murray 
 
 Butler, on the press. 
 Volumen V: El comercio y las indusirias, J. Russell Smith, in 
 
 preparation. 
 Volumen VI: La hisloria de la polUica de los Estados Unidos, A\e- 
 
 xander Johnston, in preparation. 
 
 INTERAMERICAN LIBRARY 
 
 Several volumes are being prepared for this series. Announce- 
 ments regarding them will be made later. 
 
 [52] 
 
Caylord Bros. 
 
 Makers 
 
 Syracuse, N Y. 
 
 PAT. JAN. 21. 1908