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 1940
 
 6' '
 
 HOME UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 OF MODERN KNOWLEDGE 
 
 No. 22 
 
 Editors : 
 
 HERBERT FISHER, M A., F.B.A. 
 Prof. GILBERT MURRAY, Litt.D., 
 
 LL.D., F.B.A. 
 Prof. J. ARTHUR THOMSON, M.A. 
 PKOF. WILLIAM T. BREWSTER, M.A.
 
 THE HOME UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 OF MODERN KNOWLEDGE 
 
 VOLUMES NOW READY 
 
 HISTORY OF WAR AND PEACE . G. H. Perris 
 
 POLAR EXPLORATION' Dr.W.S.Bruce,LL.D.,F.R.S.E. 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION . . . Hilaieb Belloc, M.A. 
 
 THE STOCK EXCHANGE; A Shost 
 Study of Investment and Speculation F. W. Hirst 
 
 IRISH NATIONALITY Alice Stopford Green 
 
 THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT ... J. Ramsay MacDonald, M.P. 
 
 PARLIAMENT : Its History, Constitu- 
 tion, and Practice Sir Courtenay Ilbeet, K.C.B., 
 
 K.C.S.I. 
 
 MODERN GEOGRAPHY Marion I. Newbigin, D. Sc, 
 
 WILLIAM SHAKESPEARE .... John Masefield. 
 
 THE EVOLUTION OF PLANTS . . D. H. Scott,M.A.,LL.D.,F.R.S. 
 
 THE OPENING-UP OF AFRICA . . Sir H. H. Johnston, G.C.M.G. 
 
 K.C.B., D.Sc, F.Z.S. 
 
 MEDIEVAL EUROPE H. W. C. Davis, M.A. 
 
 THE SCIENCE OF WEALTH . . . J. A. Hobson, M.A. 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO MATHEMATICS A. N. Whitehead, Sc.D. F.R.S. 
 
 THE ANIMAL WORLD F. W Gamble, D.Sc, F.R.S. 
 
 EVOLUTION J. Arthur Thomson, M.A., and 
 
 Patrick Gedde3, M.A. 
 
 LIBERALISM L. T. Hoehouse, M.A. 
 
 CRIME AND INSANITY Dr. C. A. Mercier, F.R.C.P., 
 
 F.R.C.S. 
 
 THE CIVIL WAR Frehep.ic L. Passon, Ph.D. 
 
 THE CIVILIZATION OF CHINA . . H. A. Giles, M.A., LL.D. 
 
 HISTORY OF OUR TIME, 1885-1911 . G. F. Gooch, M.A. 
 
 ENGLISH LITERATURE : MODERN . George Mair. M.A. 
 
 PSYCHICAL RESEARCH W. F. Barrett, F.R.S. 
 
 THE DAWN OF HISTORY . 
 ELEMENTS OF ENGLISH LAV- 
 ASTRONOMY 
 
 INTRODUCTION TO SfTKNCE 
 
 THE PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES Rev. Dr. William Barry 
 
 THE EVOLUTION OF INDUSTRY . I). H. Macgeegor, M.A. 
 
 J L. Myres, M.A., F.S.A. 
 W. M. Geldart, M.A., B.C.L. 
 A. R. Hikes, M.A. 
 .T. Arthur Thomson 
 
 Other voluu.es iu active preparation. List oil request
 
 THE PAPACY 
 
 AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 A POLITICAL SKETCH, 1303-1870 
 
 BY 
 
 WILLIAM BARRY, D.D. 
 
 SOMETIME SCHOLAR OF THE ENGLISH COLLEGE, ROME 
 
 AUTHOR OF "THE PAPAL MONARCHY"; AND 
 
 A CONTRIBUTOR TO THE " CAMBRIDGE 
 
 MODERN HISTORY " 
 
 Hinc septem dominos videre montes, 
 Et totam licet aestimare Romam. 
 
 Martial. 
 
 See from his height the seven lordly hills, 
 And measure hence the total worth of Rome 
 
 NEW YORK 
 HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 
 
 LONDON 
 WILLIAMS AND NORGATE
 
 Copyright, 1911, 
 
 BY 
 HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY 
 
 THK UNIVERSITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE. U.S.A.
 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preface . . , vii 
 
 Prologue, The Vatican and the Roman Father 1 1 
 chap. 
 
 I From Avignon to Constance 33 
 
 II From Constance to the Sack of Rome ... 64 
 
 III From the Sack of Rome to the Beginnings 
 
 of the Thirty Years' War 99 
 
 IV From the Escorial to Versailles 133 
 
 V From Louis XIV to the Revolution .... 162 
 
 VI From the Revolution to Waterloo .... 187 
 
 VII From Waterloo to the Fall of Rome . . . 211 
 
 Bibliography 253 
 
 Index . . , 255
 
 PREFACE 
 
 These pages do not undertake to frame or to 
 resolve religious problems ; they are not a treatise in 
 Canon Law ; neither will they attempt Church history 
 in any proper sense of the word. I have called my 
 little book a " political sketch/' and in that light, 
 with all due courtesy, it is offered to the Home 
 University collection. Its purpose may be stated 
 in a sentence. I desire to explain how it is that 
 the Twentieth of September, 1870, when I saw the 
 Italian army enter Rome, forms a landmark in the 
 story of Western Europe and, by consequence, in 
 the development of modern society on both sides of 
 the Atlantic. For, if the scene is Rome, the horizon 
 is America. There are three terms of comparison 
 involved — the Papacy, the Absolute State, and the 
 American Constitution, which last, derived from 
 England, owes its principles to the Great Charter 
 and to Edward the Confessor. Putting these high 
 abstract forms into the concrete, we may behold on 
 our stage, Washington, Napoleon, and Hildebrand- 
 Of these, Washington needs no description; he 
 shines by his own splendour in the sky of liberty , 
 sua se luce signal. Hildebrand, the least known to 
 men at this hour, is by no means the least important.
 
 viii PREFACE 
 
 He stands outside my limits, but in theory and ideal 
 he pervades the whole narrative, from Boniface VIII. 
 to Pius IX. As for Napoleon, he is Caesar come to 
 life again, inheriting from the Roman Empire, from 
 Philip the Fair, and Louis XIV"., his conception of 
 untrammelled power, and from many an Italian 
 tyrant his ambition to found a Kingdom of Italy. 
 Napoleon first abolished the Temporal Power in 
 principle and in fact; he is the true author of the 
 Venti Settembre. 
 
 But its causes go very far back ; it was already 
 preordained as a fatal term to this unique dominion 
 from the day of Anagni, September 7, 1303, when 
 Colonna, the Roman Prince, and Nogaret, the French 
 lawyer, outraged Pope Boniface on his throne — 
 "that throne," says Lecky, "which was once the 
 center and the archetype of the political system of 
 Europe, the successor of Imperial Rome." Now the 
 Pope sits like a prisoner in his Vatican over against 
 the Italian king, who, from within the usurped 
 chambers of the Quirinal, governs on the lines of 
 Napoleon's famous Code (though with some figure 
 of a Parliament), his modern revolutionary State. 
 The situation has lasted forty years. It is unique, 
 dramatic, pregnant of consequences. To sum up, 
 the Papacy was for hundreds of years suzerain over 
 kings, and the Holy Roman Empire was its armed 
 defender. It is now the head of a world-wide 
 voluntary association which wields no sword but its 
 faith, and which owes nothing to secular govern- 
 ments. How so remarkable a transformation came
 
 PREFACE ix 
 
 to pass, and what it means politically, is the subject 
 I have taken in hand. It is a chapter in the history 
 of spiritual freedom. So long as the Vatican endures, 
 Csesarism will not have won the day. 
 
 I speak, of course, always under correction, with 
 a deep sense of my own inadequacy in grappling 
 with matters so difficult and so controverted ; nor 
 am I able, as I should like, to express my gratitude 
 to the writers, past and present, by whose light I 
 travel. Let me beg the reader's indulgent sympathy. 
 
 William Barry. 
 
 Leamington, 
 
 In Festo S. Petri ad Vincula, 
 August 1, 1911.
 
 THE PAPACY 
 AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 PROLOGUE 
 
 THE VATICAN AND THE ROMAN FATHER 
 (AEXEID, IX., 449) 
 
 Two thousand years ago, in round numbers, 
 the Italian city called Rome had brought 
 under its sway all those peoples, civilized or 
 barbarian, who dwelt between the Euphrates 
 and the Atlantic, south of Rhine and Danube, 
 and north of the African deserts. This great 
 confederation was known as the Roman 
 Empire. Its ruler held at once the supreme 
 civil power and the control of religion. He 
 bore as a title in the secular State the name 
 of Caesar; as chief priest that of Pontifex 
 Maximus. So had events determined after 
 the battle of Actium (31 B.C.), when the old 
 Republic was changed into an absolute 
 monarchy (though disguised by keeping the 
 popular designations), the head of which was 
 Augustus, grand-nephew of that Julius whom 
 Shakespeare extols as "the foremost man of 
 11
 
 12 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 all this world." Imperial Rome, likewise, 
 though in a somewhat hard, military fashion, 
 took to itself the culture of Hellas, which it 
 has taught Europeans to miscall Greece. 
 It had long struggled against foreign religious 
 rites, and often put them down by law; 
 especially the frenzied cults of Bacchus and 
 Isis. But when the native Italian blood had 
 been recklessly spilt in civil wars, and Rome 
 grew Orientalized by its multitudes of slaves 
 and parasites from Eastern lands, such 
 secret, fantastic, and professedly wonder- 
 working forms of worship gained an immense 
 influence. They brought to the capital of 
 civilization an idea as of something universal, 
 which corresponded with its own dignity and 
 its office towards mankind. There was 
 conceivable a deep interpenetration of the 
 outward Roman framework of society by a 
 spiritual force. But these old heathen 
 superstitions were not destined to achieve 
 so noble an enterprise. For Israel had 
 already learnt from its prophets the true 
 Religion of Humanity. Judaism was enlarged 
 in thought and outlook until it became the 
 Catholic Church. The first Rome had been 
 established on the Palatine Hill. A second 
 now sprang into being on the Vatican.
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 13 
 
 Jew conquered Roman as Roman had con- 
 quered East and West. We may fix the date 
 and symbolize the consequences of this 
 greater triumph in a description left us by 
 Tacitus, the most philosophical among Latin 
 historians, of Nero's dealings with a certain 
 folk, "hated for their general wickedness, 
 whom the vulgar called Christians" (Annals, 
 xv., 44). 
 
 Outside the city walls, and across the 
 Tiber to the north-west, rises, not quite 
 one hundred feet above the Mediterranean 
 level, Mons Vaticanus, the Hill of Prophecy. 
 It had its name perhaps from an Etruscan 
 oracle. Its gardens belonged to Agrippina, 
 Nero's mother, and thus came to him; on 
 their site Caligula and Claudius had built a 
 circus for chariot-racing which Nero haunted. 
 The goal was an obelisk from Heliopolis, 
 standing nearly where the high altar of St. 
 Peter's now stands. And the obelisk adorns 
 the centre of the great square, with this 
 writing upon it, "Christ conquers, Christ 
 reigns, Christ commands ; Christ defend 
 His people from all harm." The words sum 
 up a revolution and a history. They bring 
 back that First of August, 04 (the year of 
 Rome, 817), when the Vatican gardens
 
 14 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 blazed with living victims, whose alleged 
 crime it was that they had set the city on 
 fire. They are associated with the martyrdom 
 of St. Peter and St. Paul, whom the Roman 
 Church reveres as its founders. They imply, 
 as St. John docs in the Apocalypse, that the 
 persecuting Emperor was Antichrist. In their 
 triumphant tone we listen to the battle-cry 
 of centuries, during which Catholicism fought 
 its way to victory. The Palatine is a heap 
 of ruins; St. Peter's Confession draws pil- 
 grims from the ends of the earth. And so 
 the Vatican dominates those "seven lordly 
 hills" which Martial celebrates on our title- 
 page. 
 
 All things that seemed fatal to this new 
 birth of time favoured it. "The blood 
 of martyrs," said Tertullian, "became the 
 seed of the Church." Vespasian and Titus 
 made Rome the centre of Christian hopes 
 when they destroyed Jerusalem. When, after 
 Scverus, the West fell into anarchy; when 
 riches, peace, and learning were more and 
 more the heritage of countries lying east 
 of the Adriatic, St. Peter's successor was 
 gathering strength. St. Cyprian of Carthage 
 venerated the Apostolic Chair; we hear 
 already the term Pontifex Maximus applied
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 15 
 
 to the Pope. Constantine erected a temple 
 on the spot where St. Peter was crucified. 
 He paved the way for a division of the Empire 
 by founding his new capital on the Bosporus 
 over against Asia; thus abandoning Rome, 
 Italy, Spain, Gaul, Germany, to this un- 
 daunted power. The Popes were statesmen; 
 they refused to be mere metaphysicians; and 
 their calm adherence to tradition gave them 
 the casting-vote when Antioch quarrelled 
 with Alexandria, when Constantinople was 
 torn by religious factions, when orthodox 
 and heterodox alike appealed to Julius, 
 Celestine, Leo — names of majesty, not soiled 
 by disputes or degraded in the strife of 
 councils. The calamities which overtook this 
 degenerate civilization left the Vatican sacred 
 and secure. Leo, deservedly known as the 
 Great (440-461), stopped the march of 
 Attila. The Vandals ruined Carthage; but, in 
 deference to the same eloquent Pontiff, they 
 spared the Roman shrines. Islam afforded 
 to the Popes during nearly eleven hundred 
 years a definite and urgent plea for exercis- 
 ing in defence of Christendom almost a dic- 
 tator's office. Mohammedan fury laid waste 
 Egypt, Africa, Syria; it humbled the proud 
 Byzantine Emperor; it subdued Spain, and
 
 16 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 invaded France. As the eighth Christian 
 century ended it was manifest that none but 
 the Roman Father could bestow on Europe, 
 from Illyria to Ireland, a humane religion or 
 the elements of civilized life. 
 
 Two names cast a gleam upon the darkness 
 which followed the inroads of Barbarians 
 and Islamites— St. Benedict, who appears 
 as a lawgiver, shaping monastic rules into 
 principles by which order was brought out 
 of chaos; and St. Gregory, who laid in desolate 
 Rome the great bases of a future Christian 
 commonwealth. To them we owe it that 
 the sovereign city was "victorious in her 
 mourning weeds." Benedict, in the cloister, 
 began to create an order of peace and indus- 
 try, making labour a divine service. Gregory 
 fed the multitude, resisted the yet half-savage 
 Lombards, sent missionaries to Britain, and 
 saw the Barbarians turning from Arianism 
 to the Catholic faith. He claimed a suzer- 
 ainty over the Spanish Kings; he became 
 a friend of that nation born to illustrious 
 fortunes, the Franks. Another Gregory, in 
 the quarrel with Leo, breaker of sacred 
 images, did all he could to preserve Italy 
 for its Byzantine masters while resisting 
 their fanaticism (7 L 2G-?31). He failed; the
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 17 
 
 Romans acclaimed him deliverer, and gave 
 to St. Peter the Eternal City. Thus began 
 what is now known as the Temporal Power 
 of the Popes. "Their noblest title," says 
 Gibbon as he relates this memorable trans- 
 action, "is the free choice of a people whom 
 they had redeemed from slavery." 
 
 But observe their condition henceforth. 
 Supreme guardians of religion over the whole 
 "West, they are viewed at Constantinople 
 as rebels. They must keep a hand on the 
 "Roman People," proud and turbulent, 
 hating strangers, though supported by 
 contributions from foreign pilgrims ad limina 
 — at the Apostle's threshold — and ready to 
 break out on every pretext. Between the 
 Lateran "clergy" and the "army" of the 
 Palatine friction is unceasing. To the north, 
 pressing continually down from their Alps, 
 we see a fierce ambitious tribe of Lombards, 
 who covet the wealth and splendour of the 
 golden city. South of the Papal territories 
 and behind them lies the Sicilian world, 
 menaced by Greeks and Saracens, open later 
 on to a famous Xorman Conquest. Here 
 is the key of the situation. Whoever holds 
 at one time Milan or Pavia together with 
 Naples, can take the Vatican as in a net.
 
 18 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 This combination no Pope would ever will- 
 ingly allow. To be the subject of a Western 
 prince would dishonour the Supreme Pontiff; 
 but if he is to enjoy freedom, then a balance 
 of power in Italy and a distant protector, 
 whom he can call in and send home again, 
 will alone secure it. When the Lombards 
 threaten, he appeals to the Frankish dynasty 
 ■ — to Pepin, whom Zachary, in 752, crowned 
 King by the hands of St. Boniface. Pepin 
 crosses the Alps, defeats Astolf, gives his 
 spoils to the Holy See. That is Pepin's 
 donation (756). Fresh troubles bring his 
 son, Charles the Great, to Rome in 774. 
 Pope Hadrian declares him Patrician, and 
 obtains for the Roman Duchy those limits 
 which it preserved almost down to 1870. 
 To the south all that Byzantium lost the 
 Papacy won. Hadrian assumed regal state. 
 Bui it was Leo III., who by a bold and happy 
 stroke created the Holy Roman Empire on 
 Christmas Day, 800. Meekly prostrate be- 
 fore him in St. Peter's, Charles received the 
 crown, and was hailed Augustus by a re- 
 joicing people. 
 
 This magnificent sight was often to be 
 renewed during six hundred and fifty years, 
 but seldom without bloodshed. To our
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 19 
 
 ancestors, the wild men who occupied Europe 
 by right of their swords, the Pax Romana 
 was a term void of understanding. Feudalism 
 supposed and perpetuated the state of war; 
 peace could be only a "Truce of God," 
 a Sabbath interval. When Henry III., as 
 Emperor, extended it to half the year, his 
 nobles loudly protested. Not until Amalfi, 
 Venice, Genoa began to flourish, was an 
 industrial pacific order of things conceivable. 
 We must imagine the "war of all against 
 all" as never wholly ceasing, until its ferocity 
 was lifted to enthusiasm by crusading ardour, 
 and expeditions to Palestine allowed the 
 peasant, the farmer, the merchant of the West 
 a chance to develop their resources in their 
 own way. Mediaeval Europe was a camp 
 with a church in the background. 
 
 Rome, in particular, had neither industry 
 nor commerce. Its brigand-chiefs, Frangi- 
 pani, Orsini, Colonna, entrenched themselves 
 in the mighty ruins, built hundreds of towers 
 from their brick or marble, and sallied forth 
 morning after morning bent on revenge or 
 robbery. The Church became, in spite of 
 laws and saints, a feudal preserve. Its 
 wealth went on growing, until it held from 
 one-third to one-half of all the land in Europe.
 
 20 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Its bishops were princes, its abbots great 
 lords. And the protection of sanctuary, the 
 power of mortmain, were defended by "ex- 
 communication" which cut off assailants 
 from holy things, or by "interdict," which 
 deprived a whole country of religious 
 observances. These were strong but often 
 necessary measures. Yet the kings and 
 nobles who had enriched the Church took 
 away with one hand what they gave with 
 the other. They made of their children, 
 legitimate or illegitimate, "spiritual persons" 
 enjoying the privileges of clerics; thrust 
 them into well-endowed sees; and created 
 the enormous scandal of boy-bishops and 
 even boy-Popes. A mailclad hierarchy turned 
 the crozier into a sword. Meanwhile, Charle- 
 magne's descendants broke up and lost 
 his wide Empire. The Papacy fell into 
 unspeakable degradation. It was exploited 
 during eighty-two years by the House of 
 Theophylact (8S L 2-9G4). There comes a ray 
 of troubled sunshine when the German 
 Otho I. appears as a "tenth-century Charle- 
 magne." At the sad millennium after Christ 
 we admire and pity the swiftly-passing, 
 gracious figures of Otho III. and Silvester II. 
 Otho was made to be the soldier of the Cross,
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 21 
 
 and Silvester was the first French Pope, a 
 man of letters who meets Arabian science on 
 its own ground, while he projects though he 
 cannot execute the first Crusade. 
 
 Christendom, in spite of the Iron Age, 
 was forming little by little. The Vatican 
 blessed or sent forth missionaries to the 
 heathen, Patrick, Augustine, Columban, 
 Boniface, Cyril, Adalbert. Cloisters grew 
 into cities. Teutonic and other knights 
 compelled the pagan nations to come in. 
 Stephen of Hungary converted his people, 
 took his crown from the hands of St. Peter, 
 and was Papal Legate in his own dominions. 
 St. Olaf rudely constrained the Norsemen to 
 receive baptism, and as much as could be 
 given them of southern culture. Their sea- 
 faring cousins settled in France as Normans; 
 sailed round to Sicily; captured Pope Leo IX. 
 at Civitella in 1053; obtained his pardon 
 with the investiture of Naples; and under 
 a certain William well known to us conquered 
 at Hastings in 106G. The lineaments of 
 modern Europe begin to appear. At this 
 turning-point the Papal succession was re- 
 formed. Benedictine monks, trained under 
 the influence of French Cluny, ascended St. 
 Peter's Chair. Hildebrand, a Catholic and
 
 22 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 monastic Julius Csesar, governed the Church 
 as archdeacon or pope for thirty-seven 
 years (1048-1085). lie may be said to 
 have given to mediaeval Europe its definite 
 form. 
 
 The Church and the Empire — an ecclesi- 
 astical order with its own courts, jurisdiction, 
 properties, immunities, facing a secular order 
 with its tenures, claims, ambitions; and above 
 each its crowned representative supreme 
 - — such is the shape into which Christian 
 society falls during the Middle Ages. Every 
 king except the King of France had, at one 
 season or another, become liegeman to the 
 Pope, or, at any rate, wielded his sceptre 
 by approval at Rome. Even William the 
 Conqueror accepted from Alexander II. a 
 consecrated banner on his expedition; though 
 England did not become a fief of the Holy 
 See until Henry II-, and most explicitly 
 King John, put it into sanctuary as a defence 
 against their subjects. But now, under 
 Hildebrand, when he was made Gregory VII., 
 and when Henry IV. was the German Caesar, 
 an opposition broke out which had long been 
 threatening, and which these two men, so 
 strangely unlike, brought to a crisis. Investi- 
 ture, the mystic ceremony by which prelates
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 23 
 
 took possession of their dignities and emolu- 
 ments, was claimed as a right on both sides. 
 This confusion of powers seemed likely to 
 reduce the Papacy itself to an imperial 
 "fief," or the Empire to a Papal "benefice." 
 Rome, in its distress, could always refuse 
 acknowledgment by any and every cleric of 
 secular authority, thus setting up a kingdom 
 apart, though scattered, throughout the West. 
 Caesar learned to reply with anti-popes and 
 intruded prelates; he could lay violent hands 
 upon Church property, exile its lawful holders, 
 and scorn interdicts. These things all came 
 to pass. But Henry IV. was no match for 
 Gregory VII., and the Emperor's three days' 
 penance in the snow at Canossa (January, 
 1076) alone saved him from deposition by the 
 Roman Pontiff. Canossa meant victory for 
 the cleric over the layman, and the layman 
 never forgot it. 
 
 Hildebrand's "imperial mind," as Newman 
 called it, had seen and brought out the com- 
 plete idea of the Papacy. By insisting on a 
 celibate priesthood, by strict alliance with 
 monasticism, by use of the deposing power, 
 by Roman Councils, and by taking up once 
 more the design of a crusade against Islam, 
 lie intended to establish beyond peril of
 
 24 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 defeat a theocracy according to the New 
 Testament. This was to be the reign of the 
 Saints. It did not find its charter, Gregory 
 would have said, in Constantine's alleged 
 donation or in the "False Decretals" pre- 
 sented to Pope Nicholas I. On the contrary, 
 its rights were all summed up in St. Leo's 
 pregnant language as "Petri privilegium," 
 St. Peter's Gospel-right. The Holy See 
 judged all and was judged of none. The 
 sword of the flesh must obey the sword of 
 the spirit. Although Csesar might claim the 
 things which were Caesar's, for him to meddle 
 with the things that were God's was sacrilege. 
 The Pope taught the creed, gave or withheld 
 crowns on appeal, acted as commander-in- 
 chief of Christendom, and raised a steadily- 
 increasing revenue on behalf of the Holy 
 War. Gregory's French successor, Urban II., 
 opened at Clermont in 1095 the era of 
 expeditions to Palestine, which preserved 
 Europe from becoming a Mohammedan prov- 
 ince, and brought back dangerous but 
 fruitful trophies of civilization from Syria. 
 The Crusades, properly so termed, went on 
 with intermission between 1099 and 127 L 2. 
 But as late as Clement XL (1700-1721) the 
 Roman Pontiffs were still lifting up the cross
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 25 
 
 against the crescent. It is their distinction 
 and their glory. 
 
 Investitures had been settled by a fair com- 
 promise between Calixtus II. and Henry V. 
 at the second Council of Lateran (1123), 
 which ratified the Concordat of Worms and 
 recognized the double aspect incident to 
 temporal possessions in the hands of the 
 clergy. But if we assign the modern move- 
 ment in politics, philosophy, and letters to the 
 twelfth century, we must look to Paris and 
 France for its origin. France was the brain, 
 the eye, the armed right hand of mediaeval 
 Europe. Paris now became to Catholic 
 studies that which Athens had been to the 
 Greeks, — a living university where ideas and 
 systems fought their battle. The school 
 philosophy — a blend of Aristotle and Plato 
 in somewhat disguised Latin forms with 
 Church tradition — started on its brilliant 
 course from the abbey of Bee in Normandy. 
 Among its first lights were Lanfranc and St. 
 Anselm, who both ruled England as Arch- 
 bishops of Canterbury. Urban II., Calixtus 
 II., were French Popes. St. Bernard, king of 
 the age, soul of the Second Crusade, dictator 
 to the Vatican itself, where Iris disciple 
 Eugenius III. reigned, was a Burgundian.
 
 26 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Abelard (1079-1142), the ancestor of Des- 
 cartes and Chateaubriand, came from Brit- 
 tany to Paris, and there opened the movement 
 of Free Thought by his amazing audacity and 
 eloquence. He trained Arnold of Brescia, 
 democratic agitator, champion of the "volun- 
 tary system," who was opposed to temporal 
 dominion whether of Pope or bishop, and 
 who died a martyr under the Englishman, 
 Hadrian IV., on account of his opinions. 
 Hadrian broke the Roman Republic which 
 Giordano the Patrician, with Arnold to 
 counsel him, had set up. But the sturdy 
 Saxon found a terrible opponent in Frederick 
 Barbarossa, the HohenstaufFcn Emperor; 
 and the hundred years' war between Ghibel- 
 linc and Guclf may be dated from 1155. 
 
 Frederick the Rcdbeard has been compared 
 to Hannibal in Italy. His twenty-two years' 
 struggle with Hadrian IV. and Alexander III., 
 with Lombard cities and their League of 
 Freedom, was an effort to restore in the West 
 such an absolute imperial authority as the 
 Emperor of Byzantium exercised. A pure 
 German, he claimed to be the old-lime Caesar. 
 His appeal rang out to Roman law, and was 
 enforced by the massacre of Roman citizens, 
 by the destruction of Milan in 1162, and by
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 27 
 
 the usual device of an Anti-pope. Ghibellines 
 discovered their political theory in the Code 
 and Institutes of Justinian, to which Irnerius 
 at Bologna (about 1100) had drawn his 
 scholars' attention. This proved to be an 
 event of far-reaching importance. Hitherto, 
 the Vatican had ruled by means of Canon 
 Law, to which only barbarian or local systems 
 of legislation could be opposed. But now the 
 Emperor (at Roncaglia, 1158) proclaimed his 
 boundless rights over clergy and laity in 
 virtue of an independent Code, which the 
 Popes had not created and were unable to 
 modify. The secular State, first appearing in 
 the shape of this imperial supremacy, was 
 born. Frederick would not hear of a self- 
 governing Italy or a Pope who declined to 
 be his subject. Alexander III. called upon 
 Lombards, Romans, Venetians, to defend 
 their freedom; and in 1176, thanks to the vic- 
 tory of Legnano, Alexander won. He took the 
 public homage of Barbarossa, himself throned 
 at St. Mark's, Venice, while the Emperor bent 
 his knee on July 24, 1177. But there was 
 now a duel to the death between the Hohen- 
 stauffen and the Papacy. Guelf and Ghibel- 
 line tore Italian civilization to pieces. By 
 the marriage of Redbeard's son Henry V, to
 
 28 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Constance, Sicily was added to the Empire; 
 their child was the accomplished, fascinating, 
 unhappy Frederick II. , in whose tomb at 
 Palermo the dynasty lies buried (1198-1250). 
 We have come to Innocent III. (1198-1216), 
 who put the Western Church in possession 
 of Constantinople by the Fourth Crusade; 
 who set up Emperors in Germany and pulled 
 them down again; who smote the Albigenses 
 in a religious war until they were consumed; 
 who brought King John to his knees in the 
 Temple Church at London, and made Eng- 
 land a fief of the Holy See; who gave to Italy 
 peace and good laws; who had for his cham- 
 pions the Friars, sent forth over Christendom 
 by Francis and Dominic; and who, lastly, by 
 recognizing Frederick II. as lawful Ca?sar, be- 
 queathed to his own successors an Iliad of 
 woes. The thirteenth century saw Cathol- 
 icism triumph in its mighty volumes of 
 Canon Law — the Decretals. It beheld the 
 glory of scholastic wisdom in St. Thomas 
 Aquinas. It served as a stage to the tragedy 
 of the Hohenstauffen, — Frederick II. deposed 
 at the Council of Lyons in 1215 by Inno- 
 cent IV.; Conradin executed on the scaffold 
 at Naples in 1208. Its culminating point was 
 perhaps reached in 1274, when Gregory X.
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 29 
 
 sat in another Council of Lyons amid five 
 hundred bishops, seventy abbots, and a 
 thousand of the clergy. The Churches of 
 East and West uttered there a common 
 creed and acknowledged one Pope, who 
 confirmed Rudolph of Habsburg as German 
 Emperor, recognized the claims of Michael 
 Paleologus to the throne of Constantinople, 
 and laid down wise rules for Papal elections 
 in the future. But with Frederick II. had 
 in truth expired the Holy Roman Empire. 
 The long succession of Teutons henceforth 
 proceeds on a line of its own, not that traced 
 by Charlemagne or seen in vision by Dante. 
 In France St. Louis leaves the world to Philip 
 the Fair and his lawyers. The last Crusade 
 is over in 1272. When Acre falls in 1291 
 the Holy Land ceases to inspire European 
 politics. When Boniface VIII. was elected 
 Pope at Naples, in December, 1294, and the 
 great Jubilee followed in 1300, a catastrophe 
 was hanging over the Papacy with which 
 we may affirm that the Middle Ages came to 
 an end. 
 
 This change from sacerdotal to secular 
 supremacy, or from the hieratic to the modern 
 State, had been long preparing. Norman 
 Kings like William of England and Henry
 
 30 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 II. ; Sicilian, of the same blood, not less 
 determined and astute; Aragonese and An- 
 gevin, quarrelling for the succession of 
 Naples; all these were driven by a similar 
 impulse, which they obeyed without seeking 
 to explain it. The Franconian Emperors 
 did not realize that its philosophy might be 
 found in legislation stamped with the names 
 of Justinian, Theodosius, and the Antonines. 
 But Barbarossa knew, and Frederick II. 
 acted upon this memorable discovery. They 
 underwent defeat. The idea of an Imperial 
 law, a crown not granted by the Vatican, a 
 subjection to the king from which no exemp- 
 tion might be pleaded, was at length trans- 
 lated into French terms and carried into exe- 
 cution by French logic. Disputes of a transient 
 importance had arisen between Boniface VIII. 
 and Philip the Fair. Boniface upheld ancient 
 clerical immunities, the doctrine of the two 
 swords, the deposing power, in language bor- 
 rowed from Innocent III., from Gregory VII. 
 Philip answered with scorn and defiance. 
 The Pope fixed a day for his deposition, 
 September 8, 1303. On the day preceding, 
 Nogaret, Philip's minister of vengeance, rode 
 into Anngni with three hundred horse, and 
 the mediaeval, the sacred order of things
 
 PROLOGUE— THE VATICAN 31 
 
 which had lasted under conflict during five 
 centuries, expired in that crime which Dante 
 has likened to the crucifixion itself: 
 
 " Lo, the flower de luce 
 Enters Alagna; in His Vicar Christ 
 Himself a captive, and His mockery 
 Acted again." 
 
 The story which we now attempt begins 
 when Boniface is dead, the Vatican deserted, 
 King Philip master of the Sacred College, 
 and Avignon looms on the horizon. It 
 fills five hundred and seventy years, more 
 than as much as the sad and glorious period 
 from Charlemagne to this "new Pilate," in 
 whose keeping the successor of St. Peter lay 
 a prisoner. Its commencements are tragical; 
 but it shows the power of the Spirit traversing 
 many vicissitudes; by captivity and schism, 
 by Renaissance and Reformation, by heresies 
 and enlightenment and a still greater French 
 Revolution arriving at an independence of 
 earthly forces, most honourable to the 
 something in man which despises outward 
 constraint. These highest things always 
 admit of an interpretation according to the 
 mind that views them. To measure their 
 greatness demands sympathy; and sympathy 
 is kindled only by a vivid fancy, a heart
 
 32 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 susceptible to human touches, to pity and 
 love. The Vatican is a name more august 
 than the Parthenon, more abounding in 
 situations that excite all human emotions 
 than the stage of Dionysus at Athens, full 
 of millennial hopes and the pathos of man's 
 history, not yet illuminated by any visible 
 and reconciling last scene. To the Catholic 
 who reads, I would commend the exercise of 
 his faith, having trust in the event, tw re\et 
 iviGTiv (frepcov. To the general student and 
 curious dilettante in man's ways, let me say, 
 "These too had their sorrows, their heavy 
 task, ere they passed into the unknown. 
 Remember that they were like unto thee as 
 thou art like unto them. We will look over 
 these chronicles together, and learn from 
 them how divine, how helpless, how much 
 to be pitied and wondered at a thing is 
 human nature."
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 FROM AVIGNON TO CONSTANCE (1305-1417 
 DANTE, PURG. XXXIl) 
 
 When, on December 29, 1170, Thomas 
 Archbishop of Canterbury was murdered in 
 his cathedral, the King whose satellites had 
 wrought this great outrage lost all he had 
 been contending for. Retribution followed 
 on the heels of sacrilege; and Henry II. 
 bared his back to scourging at the martyr's 
 tomb. Clerical immunities were saved in 
 England. The royal supremacy was ad- 
 journed for three hundred and sixty years. 
 Very different were the consequences of that 
 morning at Anagni. Philip not only kept 
 his threatened crown; he led the Papacy 
 captive. Benedict XL, a mild Dominican, 
 who for one moment occupied St. Peter's 
 Chair, released the French King and his 
 people from censure. He explained the 
 Papal document "Clericis laicos" so that 
 it should not imply feudal claims over the 
 realm of St. Louis. He died (by poison, said 
 the vulgar talk); a vacancy of nine months 
 
 33
 
 34 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 ensued; and Philip in secret made an unholy 
 compact with Bertrand, Archbishop of Bor- 
 deaux, by which the tiara was sold and 
 bought. The King undertook to have his 
 Gascon subject chosen; the Gascon promised 
 to condemn Boniface; to grant full pardon 
 for the past; to give the Colonna their lands 
 again; and, as is thought, to let Philip 
 plunder and destroy the Knights Templars. 
 Bertrand was elected, crowned at Lyons, 
 and speedily environed with a college of 
 French Cardinals. He never set foot in 
 Rome. He revoked the Bull "Clericis" 
 and gave a non-contentious meaning to the 
 "Unam Sanctam" which had haughtily 
 asserted the doctrine of the two swords, one 
 to be wielded, the other to be guided by 
 Christ's Vicar on earth. In 130!) Clement Y. 
 took up his abode at Avignon, a city belonging 
 to Philip's kinsman, Charles II. of Naples. 
 The seventy years of Babylonish captivity 
 had begun. Seven French Popes ruled in suc- 
 cession from the wind-swept heights and in the 
 sunburnt luxurious palace* — a fortress, church, 
 prison, as it proved — of this false Borne. 
 
 Hitherto, France had offered a constant 
 refuge to the Pontiffs in their troubles. As 
 far back as 7.54 Stephen III. had taken shelter
 
 AVIGNON TO CONSTANCE 35 
 
 with Pepin at Ponthion from the Lombard 
 Astolf. John VIII., after 874, fled to Louis 
 the Stammerer. Leo IX. at Rheims, in 1050, 
 deposed simoniacal French prelates, and 
 demonstrated the Primacy by Canon Law. 
 Hildebrand at Tours, as Papal commissioner, 
 put down the free-thinking Bercngar; under 
 Victor II. he compelled a multitude of guilty 
 bishops and dignitaries to surrender their 
 ill-gotten trusts. Urban II. , French by 
 extraction, announced the First Crusade at 
 Clermont in 1095, while Philip L, King of 
 France, lay under the Church's ban. Calix- 
 tus II., formerly Guido of Vienne, renewed the 
 Truce of Cod at Rheims in 1119, while 
 Henry I. of England and Louis VI. pleaded 
 before his tribunal against each other. 
 Eugenius III. took refuge at Dijon in 1147. 
 For three years Alexander III., escaping 
 from Barbarossa, became Louis VII. 's guest 
 at Courcy-sur-Loire. In the French city of 
 Lyons (as yet Imperial and Free) two General 
 Councils were held — that of 1245 by Innocent 
 IV., and that of 1274 by Gregory X. Gallic 
 influences were now prevailing in the Sacred 
 College. In 12G1 Pantaleon of Troves was 
 made Pope Urban IV. He offered the crown 
 of Naples to St. Louis, who would not accept
 
 36 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 it. Then this disposer of kingdoms bestowed 
 it on Charles of Anjou, Count of Provence. 
 Clement IV., a southern Frank, succeeded to 
 Urban in 1265; during his stormy reign 
 Manfred was defeated and slain at Benevento, 
 Conradin perished; Charles of Anjou then 
 dictated the Papal elections. Martin IV., a 
 Frenchman of Tours, came on in 1281. Next 
 year the Sicilians massacred their French 
 masters and gave themselves to Aragon 
 (the Sicilian Vespers, Easter Tuesday, 1282). 
 It was from the Counts of Provence, to whom 
 the Holy See had presented Naples on a 
 feudal tenure, that Clement V. received hospi- 
 tality at Avignon in April, 1309. 
 
 Philip the Fair had thus accomplished a de- 
 sign which, five centuries later, tempted Napo- 
 leon to imitate it; but the mighty Emperor 
 failed where the King succeeded. In truth, 
 its long struggle with Teutonic Cai'sars and 
 the Ghibellines of many Italian cities had 
 exhausted the strength as well as daunted 
 the courage, even of unwearied Rome. For 
 a long and dreary interval, Vatican and 
 Capitol lay desolate. Many Pontiffs had 
 been driven into exile; but an absentee 
 Pope, deliberately resident beyond the bounds 
 of Italy, struck men as something portentous;
 
 AVIGNON TO CONSTANCE 37 
 
 and patriots now with Dante, Petrarch, 
 Ricnzi lamented or rebelled against the dis- 
 crowning of their native land, to heighten 
 Gallic insolence. Dante, born three centuries 
 before Shakespeare (1265-1564) burns into 
 his glowing enamel the figures which he 
 loved and hated, stamping with infamy 
 Boniface, Clement, John XXII., Philip and 
 his kinsfolk, one among whom, Charles of 
 Valois, gave occasion that the poet should 
 suffer lifelong banishment from Florence. An 
 ardent Ghibelline henceforth, the exile's hopes 
 were blasted by the untimely death in 1313 of 
 Henry of Luxemburg. Dying himself broken- 
 hearted at Ravenna, seven years afterwards, 
 Alighieri left his "mystic unfathomable song" 
 to body forth in its gloom and splendours, 
 by its tears of fire and mingling of angelic 
 harmonics with outbursts of violent passion 
 against those who had done him wrong, the 
 very "form and pressure" of his age. 
 
 But now, says Lord Acton, "the Popes 
 were forced to rely on the protection of 
 France; their supremacy over the states 
 was at an end; and the resistance of the 
 nations commenced." Germany led the way. 
 Though Clement V. was the creature and 
 the tool of King Philip, sacrificing to his
 
 38 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 greed the Templars (1310), he found some 
 compensation in having behind him the 
 strength of France. He was free from the 
 tumults which in Rome had so often com- 
 pelled the Popes to bow under a popular 
 yoke. In 1313 Clement interpreted the oath 
 taken by an elected "King of the Romans" 
 to the Holy See as an act of feudal homage. 
 He appointed Robert of Naples as Imperial 
 Vicar in Italy. When he died and John XXII. 
 succeeded, the Germans who stood by Louis 
 of Bavaria began their long quarrel with 
 Avignon, which may be described as a 
 rehearsal between 1322 and 1347 of the 
 Reformation on a minor scale. 
 
 It was not the vacillating Bavarian that 
 signified, but under his flag were collected 
 many forces until then separate. John XXII. 
 (of Cahors), a severe Church lawyer, who 
 brought in the later system of Papal finance, 
 could not suffer Louis to assume the title 
 of Rex Romanorum — which carried with it 
 the Imperial succession — unless he sought its 
 confirmation from the Pope. But to German 
 feeling the Pope and France were now iden- 
 tical. Weak as the Empire might be, its 
 princes would not yield. The crown lawyers 
 pleaded against Canon Law. They were
 
 AVIGNON TO CONSTANCE 39 
 
 supported by Marsilius of Padua, then high 
 in the Paris University, and more strangely 
 still, by the Franciscan General, Michael of 
 Cesena, and by the leading philosopher of the 
 day, William of Qekhani (called Occam by 
 foreign writers), also a Minorite Friar. These 
 men drew, from different points of the com- 
 pass, towards a political theory with which 
 the claims of any and every Pope would be in- 
 compatible. Fierce contentions had broken 
 the Order of Assisi into Spirituals, who held a 
 mystic and extreme view of monastic poverty, 
 and Moderates, who conformed in principle 
 to the received ideas. To the Spirituals, 
 overcome in previous contests, the Papacy 
 now seemed a carnal Church; they called 
 the Pope Antichrist; they longed for the 
 new dispensation of the Holy Ghost, and 
 preached the "Eternal Gospel" announced 
 by the Calabrian prophet, Joachim of Flora 
 (1145-1202). They revered the memory of 
 Celestine V. who, in Dante's contemptuous 
 language, "by cowardice made the great 
 refusal." Now these "Little Brethren" 
 (Fraticelli) brought their wild doctrines and 
 unconquerable fanaticism to aid in setting up 
 an Emperor whose will should be law, while 
 St. Peter's successor lived as a mendicant
 
 40 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 friar. John XXII. was the last man to accept 
 such a position. "Spiritual" heretics were 
 condemned and executed at Narbonne, at 
 Toulouse, and elsewhere. Then Michael of 
 Cesena revolted. Occam opposed the Bible 
 to the Church, rejected the Pope's infallible 
 teaching, and disowned the Temporal Power. 
 When Luther came to a full knowledge of 
 himself, he recognized his master in Occam, 
 the "Irrefragable Doctor." 
 
 But in the eyes of modern readers it is 
 Marsilius of Padua, the cool-headed student 
 and no fanatic, that will claim importance. 
 His "Defender of the Peace" appeared in 
 1327. It represented the whole community 
 as sovereign lawgiver and the "prince" as 
 holding of the people. Clerics, including I lie 
 Pope, have no right to exercise "coercive" 
 jurisdiction; they may persuade, they must 
 not compel by temporal pains and penal lies. 
 Like other men, they are subject to the 
 common law, not exempt, nor entitled to 
 courts of their own. Excommunication does 
 not belong to an individual priest; it should 
 be the act of the body altogether, i.e. of the 
 State. As regards heresy, the civil power 
 deals with it only as an infraction of public 
 order. The prince ought to appoint and
 
 AVIGNON TO CONSTANCE 41 
 
 deprive ecclesiastics. In fine, the plenitude of 
 Papal power is the corruption of the Church. 
 
 These were startling doctrines. They an- 
 ticipate Luther by two centuries. They were 
 acted on by Henry VIII. and Elizabeth. 
 Erastus, the Swiss, with whose name it is 
 usual to associate them, did not write until 
 15GS, nor Grotius, the Dutch Arminian, who 
 is more properly their representative, until 
 1601 and 1625. We trace them fully devel- 
 oped, with peculiar applications, in Hobbes' 
 "Leviathan" and Rousseau's "Social Con- 
 tract." Wherever they prevail, the mediaeval 
 idea of a Catholic Church supreme over all 
 authorities by direct or indirect jurisdiction 
 from on high, finds an enemy in law as well 
 as in practice. Thanks, on the whole, to 
 this Marsilian view, the "secular State" 
 flourishes in Latin countries. Vigorously 
 condemned by Clement VI., and rightly 
 assimilated by Gregory XL in 1377 to the 
 system of Wycliffc, it reversed the position 
 held since Gregory VII. at common law in 
 Western Christendom, putting instead of the 
 Papal Monarch an absolute prince of this 
 world, from whom there was no appeal. 
 
 Louis of Bavaria halted many leagues 
 this side of Marsilius. True, he went down
 
 42 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 into Italy, was chosen Emperor by the pop- 
 ulace in Rome (1328), set up as anti-pope a 
 Minorite friar calling himself Nicholas V., 
 and, with intervals of submission, continued 
 Emperor till 1347. But his end was defeat. 
 When he died, and an orthodox Catholic, 
 Charles of Bohemia, humbly accepted the 
 Pope's bidding, "it might seem to Clement 
 VI.," says Creighton, "that Boniface VIII. 
 had been avenged, and that the majesty 
 and dignity of the Papal power had been 
 amply vindicated." 
 
 Avignon, melancholy as the name sounds 
 in retrospect, could not but appear as a 
 brilliant scene and highly successful Court 
 of the Vv'est to French pontiffs. Their wealth 
 became immense; their luxury has passed 
 into a proverb. No longer able to count 
 on the revenues of Rome or the gifts of 
 pilgrims to St. Peter's shrine, John XXII. 
 had perfected a scheme of reservations, 
 expectatives, annats, and other sources of 
 income which for the time brought him in 
 rich.es beyond calculation. In principle, no 
 Catholic would refuse to contribute towards 
 the necessary expenditure of a system which 
 was international, open to virtue and ability 
 through all its degrees. The Pope also, as
 
 AVIGNON TO CONSTANCE 43 
 
 Father of the Faithful, was the only possible 
 guardian of the war-chest accumulated for 
 defence against Mohammedan assaults. 
 Parliaments granted subsidies, the clergy 
 were taxed by Curial enactments, and in 
 their assemblies were willing to tax them- 
 selves, on this understanding. But very great 
 abuses followed. "The Avignon system of 
 finance," says Pastor, a most competent wit- 
 ness, "contributed more than has been gen- 
 erally supposed, to the undermining of the 
 Papal authority," and it "soon aroused pas- 
 sionate resistance." Among the evils which it 
 fostered, none perhaps wrought more deadly 
 harm than the intrusion of foreigners, French 
 or Italian chiefly, into English and other 
 Northern sees and benefices. These men 
 were, as a rule, non-resident; their claim 
 was felt as a burden; and from the time 
 of Henry III. to Richard II. a scries of 
 protests, passing into legislative acts (Pro- 
 visors and Praemunire, 1351-1353), warned 
 thoughtful men that resistance might turn to 
 revolt. In Germany "grievances" now be- 
 came a standing quarrel, which was never 
 laid to rest until the catastrophe of 1520 had 
 been precipitated beyond recovery. 
 
 While Avignon flourished in the sun,
 
 44 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Rome fell desolate. Benedict XII. began 
 in 1339, high above the banks of the turbid 
 Rhone, that vast palace-prison (des Doras), 
 which seemed as if destined to be the "eternal 
 abode," says Gregorovius, of the Papacy. 
 Clement VI., from Limoges (1342-1352), was 
 learned, gracious, extravagantly profuse, 
 addicted even more than other French 
 pontiffs to nepotism. He has left a doubtful 
 reputation; he had quite abandoned the 
 thought of returning to the Apostolic See. 
 But the ruins and the walls of Rome were 
 eloquent. In 1341 Petrarch had been crowned 
 with laurel as first of living poets on the 
 Capitol. With his delicate Italian verse and 
 flowing Latin prose, no longer unpolished and 
 barbarous, the Renaissance was attempting 
 its first flight. Again, if Clement VI. would 
 not take possession of his Lateran basilica, 
 there was another that would, and did — 
 Rienzi, called "Last of the Tribunes," a 
 strange figure suddenly visible to all Italy, 
 clad in shreds and tatters of imperial purple, 
 and for seven months a stage Augustus 
 whom nobles and plebeians obeyed (May- 
 December, 1347). 
 
 Rienzi was a Roman, a kind of artist, 
 an orator and a dreamer, intoxicated with
 
 AVIGNON TO CONSTANCE 45 
 
 antiquity. He had seen Avignon, charmed 
 the Pope, won Petrarch's friendship. At 
 Whitsuntide, May 20, 1347, he inaugurated 
 the Revolution which was to execute the 
 "Laws of the Good Estate," in plain terms, 
 of the Roman Republic. lie did not deny 
 Clement's authority, but passed beyond it. 
 Within fifteen days all orders, including the 
 Patricians, and at their head Colonna, took 
 the popular oath. Rienzi was named dictator 
 for life. He ruled justly, received appeals 
 from Joan of Naples and Charles of Durazzo, 
 was knighted in the Lateran, and sent 
 banners to twenty-five Italian republics — 
 among them Florence and Siena. He was 
 crowned with seven crowns in August; 
 was denounced from Avignon, was over- 
 thrown, and became a fugitive to the Frati- 
 celli, who hid themselves among the glens 
 of the Abruzzi, in December. The year 
 1348 is marked as a dividing line between 
 mediaeval and modern Europe; for it brought 
 the Black Death, which swept off one- 
 third at least of the population everywhere. 
 Clement VI. lived in quarantine behind 
 his thick walls, and would admit no man 
 to audience. Next year came the Jubilee, 
 when Rome was crowded. A great wave
 
 46 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 of religious excitement passed over the 
 nations. Iiicnzi, now most likely insane, 
 went on a prophet's errand to Charles IV. 
 at Prague. Charles gave him up to Clem- 
 ent, who put him in prison, but did not 
 take away his "Livy" or his Bible — books on 
 which Rienzi fed his mind. Innocent VI., 
 an admirable Pope (1352-13G2), made the 
 warlike Cardinal Albornoz his legate to 
 Rome, and despatched Rienzi with him in 
 1353. The former Tribune now became 
 Senator; but his mad caprice and "unmiti- 
 gated tyranny" drove the people to rebel. 
 On October 8, 1354, he was murdered below 
 the lion's cage at the foot of the Capitol. 
 
 Marsilius of Padua had foreseen and 
 delineated the absolute State which was to 
 come in when Empire and Papacy had lost 
 the joint rule of Christendom. Rienzi 
 believed in "a confederation, with Rome 
 for its head, under a Latin Emperor elected 
 by the people." Italy was to be united and 
 independent. By this strictly national 
 conception Rienzi transcended the Dantean 
 ideas which we read in "De Monarchia"; 
 for Dante's Holy Roman Empire would have 
 been something like the Church, universal, 
 not simply Latin, though continuing Csesar.
 
 AVIGNON TO CONSTANCE 47 
 
 But the Tribune, as Machiavelli did two 
 centuries and a half later, bestowed on his 
 time an image of Italy free, self-sustained, 
 indivisible; and that almost in the hour 
 when Charles IV., by his electors' Golden 
 Bull of 1355, created the new German Empire. 
 Tacitly, Charles renounced interference in 
 the Peninsula. The Alps became a political 
 boundary. Meanwhile, the Spaniard, A\- 
 bornoz, subdued the Papal States, north and 
 south (1358). Rome expressed again its 
 allegiance to an absentee Bishop. Innocent 
 VI. was followed in 1362 by a saintly 
 Benedictine monk, Urban V., who broke 
 the chain of captivity, despite his cardinals, 
 and went back amid the world's applause to 
 Rome, in 1367. It was upwards of sixty-two 
 years since the Vatican had witnessed St. 
 Peter's successor kneeling at St. Peter's 
 shrine, and singing mass at the high altar. 
 
 But how times were changed! Philip 
 the Fair might have brought down a curse 
 on his dynasty; for the line of Capet lost 
 all its male heirs. The hundred years' war 
 was to end on both sides of the Channel 
 in a royal despotism. French power had 
 sunk to the lowest ebb; it could no longer 
 threaten or uphold the Papacy at Avignon.
 
 48 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Edward III. of England was little disposed 
 to grant more than lip obedience to one who 
 had been a French subject. Petrarch raised 
 his voice in stern rebuke of the sinful city 
 on the Rhone. At last the Pope said Mass 
 in St. Peter's; he crowned Charles IV. in 
 13C8 where Charlemagne had lain prostrate 
 ■ — it was a splendid but hollow ceremony — 
 and two years afterwards returned to his 
 more pleasant exile at Avignon, though 
 speedily to die. Gregory XL, nephew of 
 Clement VI., amiable, erudite, pious, but no 
 strong character, who came next, made a 
 secret vow that he would restore the Holy See 
 to Rome. Unless it were soon done, tyrants 
 like the Visconti, "vipers of Milan," or Free 
 Companies like that of Hawkwood, the 
 Englishman, might be expected to carve 
 princedoms for themselves out of the Church's 
 ill-governed provinces. Even Florence, Guelf 
 and Catholic beyond all other cities, was at 
 war with the Pope. St. Brigit of Sweden 
 uttered her warning; a still more exquisite 
 and singularly winning apparition, St. 
 Catherine of Siena, who may perhaps be 
 termed the Italian Joan of Arc, was beheld 
 in the court at Avignon, as messenger of peace 
 from Florence. To her pleadings and the
 
 "OBEDIENCES" AND "NATIONS" 40 
 
 force of events Gregory yielded. The 
 Florentines vehemently protested that his 
 coming would destroy Italian freedom. But 
 on January 15, 1377, he sailed up the Tiber 
 to St. Paul's on the Ostian Way, and so 
 entered Rome. To restore peace he found 
 was beyond his power. Robert of Geneva, 
 the handsome and truculent soldier-cardinal, 
 taking into his pay Breton mercenaries as 
 well as Hawkwood's desperadoes, smote 
 Faenza and Cesena with a horrible slaughter, 
 in which thousands perished. Gregory him- 
 self expired on March 27, 1378, and his death 
 opened an immediate way to the Great 
 Schism of the West. 
 
 Section II 
 
 THE "OBEDIENCES" AND THE "NATIONS " 
 
 (1378-1417) 
 
 Whether Bartholomew Prignani, Archbishop 
 of Bari, chosen by all the Cardinals assembled 
 in the Vatican while the Roman mob howled 
 at their gates, was lawful Pope, is a question 
 never formally decided. If he was, the 
 succession at Rome from 1378 of Urban VI. 
 and his line carries the Papacy forward; 
 any other cannot be recognized. This, also,
 
 50 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 appears to be the almost unanimous opinion 
 of historians on the Catholic side. It prevails 
 in the Roman Chancery. From a different 
 point of view, and regarding the national 
 interests or rivalries which gave birth to the 
 Reformation, we may consider the Great 
 Schism as an attempt, premature but fertile 
 in consequences, to break up mediaeval Eu- 
 rope ecclesiastically among the French, Ital- 
 ians, Spaniards, Germans, and English. The 
 "nations" that voted at Constance were 
 superseding and casting aside the Empire. 
 They were also, in fact, debating whether 
 each of the European chief divisions should 
 not have its own Church. Instead of the 
 one Pope, General Councils were to govern; 
 and under this parliamentary system, as it 
 turned out, laymen would control the clergy, 
 while the civil ruler took to himself supreme 
 jurisdiction, and the Roman Pontiff sank 
 to be a Doge of Venice. These were the 
 real points in dispute. On the surface 
 it was a matter of Canon Law to be settled 
 by jurists. And in its earlier stages the Schism 
 renewed that long debate between Rome 
 and Avignon, on the part of French Cardinals 
 who would not stay to be the sport of a 
 people. ''France and Italy,"' says
 
 "OBEDIENCES" AND "NATIONS" 51 
 
 an English writer, "were at strife for the 
 Popedom." That was the salient, but by no 
 means the ultimate, issue. 
 
 Urban VI. had been elected and obeyed 
 by all the Cardinals who now at Fondi, in 
 September, 1378, voted for Robert of Geneva. 
 They made him, so far as lay in their power, 
 Pope by the name of Clement VII. After 
 sundry adventures, Robert fled from Naples 
 to Marseilles, and, entering the deserted 
 palace of Avignon, became to France and 
 Scotland St. Peter's true successor. The 
 lines of demarcation were strictly political, 
 not drawn from religious motives at all. 
 Milman has described them with an ironic 
 touch. "Italy, excepting the Kingdom of 
 Joanna of Naples," he says, "adhered to 
 her native pontiff; Germany and Bohemia 
 to the pontiff who had recognized King 
 Wenceslaus as Emperor; England to the 
 pontiff hostile to France; Hungary to the 
 pontiff who might support her pretensions 
 to Naples; Poland and the Northern king- 
 doms, with Portugal, espoused the same 
 cause." An extraordinary man, Cardinal 
 Pedi-o de Lima, whose fortune it was to 
 create the Schism, to continue it, and to 
 survive it, had first managed the election of
 
 52 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Urban, then denied him in favour of the 
 Antipope, and now detached from Rome 
 the Spanish kingdoms, Castile, Aragon, and 
 Navarre. This Pope-maker was not a dis- 
 edifying soldier in a cassock, such as Robert 
 of Geneva had been. Neither was he half- 
 mad and horribly cruel, as Urban speedily 
 showed himself to be. Pedro de Luna pos- 
 sessed many of the great qualities which went 
 to the making of Hildebrand. Blameless in 
 conduct, he was learned and devout, dex- 
 terous and winning, but over-subtle and ob- 
 stinate as a Spaniard or an Arab in pursuing 
 his own fancy. To him, who revered St. 
 Catherine of Siena, and who longed to see the 
 Church renewed, this forty years' division of 
 Christendom is mainly due. He was by far 
 the strongest character among the popes, 
 kings, prelates, and politicians who attempted 
 to deal with it. Pedro de Luna, historically 
 speaking, was a Gregory VII. committed 
 to a false and fatal position. It required a 
 Council of the whole Church to put him down; 
 but in his own thought he died a conqueror. 
 Not so Urban the Unwise. This rude 
 reformer lost Naples by quarrelling with 
 Queen Joan, whom he might have kept loyal, 
 and with Charles of Durazzo, whom he
 
 "OBEDIENCES" AND "NATIONS" 53 
 
 crowned. He permitted Charles to put the 
 Queen to death. That unhappy Joan was 
 a Southern anticipation of Mary Stuart in 
 her marriages, her alleged crimes, and her 
 fearful end (May 22, 1382). Then he fell out 
 with his own nominee, whose Constable 
 besieged him in Mohammedan Nocera. The 
 Pope suspected his Cardinals of plotting 
 against him; he escaped to Genoa, taking 
 five of the Sacred College with him as pris- 
 oners, who all died mysteriously. Afterwards 
 he returned to Rome, and there breathed his 
 last, October 15, 13S9. St. Catherine, worn 
 by austerities and the Church's tribulations, 
 had gone before, in April, 1380. Throughout, 
 she had acted as Urban's friend and coun- 
 sellor; but he was incapable of taking her ad- 
 vice. A great Spanish saint, Vincent Ferrer, 
 is conspicuous on the other side. The Church, 
 sorely perplexed, fell into '* obediences." 
 For Clement VII. , so-called, would not resign; 
 the Roman cardinals elected Boniface IX., 
 and the Schism gained a fresh lease of life 
 (1389-1404). 
 
 Boniface IX., like his predecessor and his 
 successor, was a Neapolitan. Under him, says 
 Pastor, Rome lost the last remains of mu- 
 nicipal freedom. His devices to create a
 
 54 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 revenue were of the old and scandalous kind 
 familiar to Avignon. His attempted grants in 
 England led to resistance; they provoked the 
 final statutes of Provisors and Praemunire 
 under Richard II. But it is significantly 
 observed by Creighton that "the clergy did 
 not regain the rights of which the Pope had 
 deprived them; the gain went to the Crown." 
 We shall see this law of spoliation enforced 
 on a great scale whenever princes undertake, 
 as they say, to defend the Church; it was 
 exemplified in the gradual but never-halting 
 process by which monastic possessions and, 
 at length, all spiritual lordships, dominions, 
 and tenures of whatsoever description were 
 secularized. Its final term arrived in 1870 
 with the fall of the Temporal Power. Boni- 
 face, however, was fortunate enough to re- 
 constitute the States of the Church, and to 
 hold out against Ladislaus of Naples. In 139-1 
 Clement VII. passed away. He had done 
 nothing memorable beyond "exhausting the 
 countries subject to his obedience" by op- 
 pressive tolls and taxes. Now the Schism 
 should have come to an end. But Pedro de 
 Luna had himself chosen Pope as Benedict 
 NTIL; France and Spain acknowledged their 
 own man, who, once elected, would not be 
 compelled by Crown or university to abdi-
 
 "OBEDIENCES" AND "NATIONS" 55 
 
 cate. His tactics were as brilliant as they 
 were evasive. The French in 1398 withdrew 
 their allegiance. Benedict stood a four years' 
 siege in his rock-fortress at Avignon, until he 
 escaped down the Rhone in March, 1403. 
 He won back France. He made a show of 
 negotiating with Boniface. He continued his 
 diplomacy with Innocent VII., who was 
 elected under some degree of compulsion 
 from Ladislaus, at that time (1404) advancing 
 upon Rome. Innocent's troubled pontificate 
 lasted two years. On his death an aged 
 Venetian became the Roman Pope, Gregory 
 XIL, and pledged himself to abdicate; but 
 like Benedict he would not take the first 
 step. What was the Church to do? 
 
 So far back as 1381 Henry Langenstein, 
 a German of the Paris University, had written 
 his "Consilium Pacis," advising an assembly 
 of the whole Church to decide between the 
 Popes. In that title we hear an echo of 
 Marsilius the Paduan. Now the University, 
 which held in its ranks the most learned men 
 of Christendom, and was itself a standing 
 Council where theological questions found 
 their answer, was driven reluctantly to 
 further this expedient. Nicholas de Cle- 
 manges, who had been its Rector, and Pierre 
 d'Aiily, an expert scholar, both moderate men,
 
 56 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 were for a while adherents of Benedict. He 
 had made Clemanges his secretary, and in- 
 stalled D'Aillyin the rich and extensive bish- 
 opric of Cambray. During the fruitless con- 
 ferences, embassies, and pleadings which 
 came to a head in the Council of Pisa, these 
 two excellent writers and diplomatists played 
 a creditable part. But they could not per- 
 suade Benedict to resign, and when he lost 
 their services he fled to Perpignan, June, 
 1408. In the previous August, Gregory XII., 
 helpless and afraid of the Neapolitan king, 
 left Rome, and began his wanderings over 
 Italy. Most of the Cardinals on both sides 
 now withdrew their obedience, and, by an un- 
 precedented exercise of authority, convoked 
 a General Council in the Ghibelline city of 
 Pisa. Ladislaus did all in his power to pre- 
 vent it from meeting. But with France sup- 
 porting it and Florence barring the Neapoli- 
 tan's march against it, this anomalous yet 
 dignified assembly came together in the 
 stately Duomo, March <25, 1409. 
 
 Just upon a century had elapsed since the 
 French Council of Vicnne had taken place 
 under Clement V. In various respects local, 
 its recognition as something oecumenical was 
 due to the Pope's presidency and subsequent 
 approbation. The meeting at Pisa, congre-
 
 "OBEDIENCES" AND "NATIONS" 57 
 
 gated in spite of protests from both claimants 
 (one of whom in the Catholic view must have 
 been legitimate) and approved only by the two 
 Popes who derived from it their election, re- 
 mains in history the unique thing that it was, 
 a revolutionary attempt to heal a situation 
 without parallel. Gregorovius calls it, "an 
 act of open rebellion against the Pope." 
 Cardinals on either side became accusers and 
 judges of the Holy See; other deputies, who 
 were not even bishops but merely theologians, 
 shared in that solemn sentence whereby 
 Gregory XII. and Benedict XIII. were 
 simultaneously deposed. Gerson, a devout- 
 minded French canonist, who may be con- 
 sidered the first Gallican strictly so-called, 
 put forward his doctrine, on which Pisa 
 founded itself, that the Church could exist 
 without a Pope, and that the Pope was 
 subject to a General Council. "This was 
 the first real step," concludes Gregorovius, 
 "towards the deliverance of the world from 
 the Papal hierarchy; it was already the 
 Reformation." 
 
 On June 5, 1409, the above memorable 
 decree was voted; twelve days later the 
 Cardinals, not without previous licence from 
 the Council, elected a Greek of Candia — the 
 Franciscan friar and archbishop of Milan,
 
 58 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Filargi — to that which they deemed the 
 vacant See of Rome. Alexander V. was a 
 good friar, but made confusion worse con- 
 founded by accepting a debated dignity. 
 Three Popes astonished and saddened the 
 Catholic world. In a few months Alexander 
 was gone; and Baldassarre Cossa, the Car- 
 dinal of Bologna, who had been the soul of the 
 Pisan Council, took his place. John XXIII. , 
 last of that name, is a portent in the succession 
 to which he effected a forcible entrance. Of 
 Neapolitan descent, and of a naval family, the 
 legend affirms that in his youth he had been a 
 corsair. Like so many able and disedifying 
 ecclesiastics, Cossa took to the Church simply 
 as to the profession most lucrative in honours 
 and emoluments then open to genius. He 
 studied law at Bologna, knew little of theol- 
 ogy, did not pretend to be a saint, but was a 
 valiant fighting man, who proved himself 
 equal to the stern duties of Cardinal Legate 
 when he had in hand the second Papal city, 
 or was keeping back Ladislaus from Pisa. 
 
 To choose a pontiff "altogether null and 
 inept in things spiritual" has been called a 
 grotesque incongruity on the part of Cardinals 
 lately vociferating the need of reform. But 
 John was acknowledged by all the States 
 which had owned Alexander V. Several
 
 "OBEDIENCES" AND "NATIONS" 59 
 
 months after his election he entered Rome 
 (April, 1411) with his French ally, Louis of 
 Anjou, at his side, the latter being now this 
 Pope's candidate for Naples, and bent on its 
 conquest. But though Louis gained the vic- 
 tory of Rocca Secca, it profited him nothing. 
 Ladislaus kept his crown; John made peace 
 with him. Gregory XII., at Rimini, found a 
 champion in the one honourable and thor- 
 oughly Christian prince of this decadent age, 
 Carlo Alalatesta. And now, at length, a clear 
 field was discovered on which to end the 
 Schism. On July 21, 1411, Sigismund of 
 Hungary, brother to the deposed Wenccslaus, 
 became by the electors' unanimous vote King 
 of the Romans. He allowed, and the Empire 
 allowed with him, John's ostensible claim to 
 the Papacy. But he determined that Chris- 
 tendom should meet in council; he fixed on 
 the city of Constance; and John, who foresaw 
 what would happen to such a pontiff as him- 
 self when brought to judgment, gave his un- 
 willing adhesion. 
 
 This Council of Constance, which opened 
 on November 5, 1414, was not only the largest 
 in point of attendance, lay and ecclesiastical, 
 but also the most imposing ever held. As 
 a great representative assembly, it exhibits 
 the Church and State of the Middle Ages
 
 CO PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 in a magnificent array of pomp and power. 
 It was the Parliament of the West, dealing 
 with rival Popes, defining dogma, putting 
 down heresies, contemplating reform in head 
 and members of the religious institution which 
 it ruled over during three eventful years. 
 Constance became the capital city of Eu- 
 rope. It was a fair, a camp, a forum of de- 
 bate, diversified with ceremonial as august 
 as Roman and mediaeval tradition could 
 prescribe. One hundred thousand persons 
 thronged into the little town and neighbour- 
 hood. They were well-managed, with excel- 
 lent order in most things. Civilization had 
 made great strides when the European na- 
 tions could thus meet peaceably and decorum 
 be so finely observed. 
 
 The Council went through dramatic vicissi- 
 tudes. It brought in from Paris University 
 the method of voting by nations — in this 
 instance the German, French, English, and 
 Italian, to which Aragon was added later 
 • — thereby depriving John XXIII. of his 
 chief support, the Roman and other prelates 
 who would have formed an hierarchical 
 majority. John fled from Constance on 
 March L 20, 141.5. Rut Sigismund held firm. 
 The Council would not break up. Ten days 
 elapsed, and Cardinal Zabarella proclaimed
 
 "OBEDIENCES" AND "NATIONS" 61 
 
 the famous decree of the Fourth Session, 
 which declared the Council superior to the 
 Pope. Although D'Ailly was not present, we 
 must attribute this revolutionary Gallican 
 dogma to him and his French associates, Ger- 
 son and Filastre. The Cardinals, recruited 
 from all three "obediences," protested in ac- 
 cord with tradition that apart from the Ro- 
 man Church a Council had no authority. 
 Frederick of Austria, hitherto John's friend, 
 submitted under compulsion to Sigismund. 
 John himself, whose conduct betrayed a 
 broken spirit, and who had promised to abdi- 
 cate, was now charged with crimes of every 
 colour, and on May 29, 1415, was deposed. 
 The long indictment, founded to some extent 
 on hearsay, he would neither read nor answer. 
 We may believe that much of it is untrue. On 
 July 4, 1415, Gregory XII., by his proctor, 
 Malatesta, handed in his own resignation after 
 constituting the Council in a formal Bull. 
 This, on Roman principles, gave the Fathers 
 a status which they had not possessed until 
 then. At last the Holy See was manifestly 
 vacant; for no one heeded Benedict XIII. at 
 Periiscola, though his actual deprivation did 
 not take place until July 26, 1417. 
 
 At Constance, therefore, the Gallican 
 movement won; and by the decree "Fre-
 
 62 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 quens," it was now resolved that from hence- 
 forth Councils to be called every five years 
 should govern the Church. It was an innova- 
 tion without precedent in East or West. On 
 the other hand, a movement destined to be 
 much more formidable, beginning in England 
 with Wy cliff e, and then alive in Bohemia, was 
 the subject of stern repression. Wycliffe 
 had "attacked in unmeasured terms the 
 foundations of the ecclesiastical system," 
 as Creighton allows; and "it was felt that 
 he threatened the existence of the Church, 
 and even of civil society." His "Lollards" 
 were associated in popular opinion, but still 
 more in the eyes of authority, with all the 
 disorders which vexed England, leading to 
 Archbishop Sudbury's murder, and menacing 
 rank, property, the Crown itself. Their 
 petition to Parliament in 1395 denounced 
 the Mass, the celibacy of the clergy, prayers 
 for the dead, auricular confession, monastic 
 vows. Rome had gone astray, England, 
 they said, had followed her example. In 
 1397 Archbishop Arundel condemned eight- 
 een propositions of Wycliffe. In 1401, on 
 petition from the clergy. Parliament enacted 
 the clause, "de heretico comburendo," and 
 William Sautre was burnt as a heretic. The 
 nation pronounced against Lollardy. Rut
 
 "OBEDIENCES" AND "NATIONS" 63 
 
 it had already migrated to Bohemia, where 
 the flourishing University of Prague became 
 its headquarters. A doctrine which meant 
 nothing less than subversion of dogma, 
 discipline, and authority, as hitherto recog- 
 nized by Catholic Church and Christian 
 State, was not likely to be suffered at Con- 
 stance. All the world knows under what 
 affecting, as well as much-debated, circum- 
 stances John Hus and Jerome of Prague 
 met their fiery doom, Hus on July 6, 1415, 
 Jerome on May 30, 1416. According to the 
 judicial procedure which then prevailed, 
 their trial was fair and their sentence merited. 
 Gregory XII. died in October, 1417. On 
 St. Martin's Day, November 11, the Car- 
 dinals and their appointed associates elected 
 Oddo Colonna, belonging to the illustrious 
 and turbulent Roman house which had with- 
 stood so many Popes and insulted Boniface 
 VIII. at Anagni. The new Pontiff, Martin 
 V., was admirable in character and blameless 
 in conduct. He approved now of what had 
 been done "conciliariter," that is to say, in 
 obedience to Catholic principles, by this 
 long-continued assembly, and, dissolving it 
 on April 22, 1418, put an end to the Great 
 Schism, though Benedict's last followers held 
 out until 1429.
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 from constance to the sack of rome 
 (1417-1527. savonarola, on "the 
 church's downfall") 
 
 When Martin V. confirmed the rules of the 
 Roman Chancery, which he did without de- 
 lay, his action put off all serious amendment 
 of abuses until another Council, that of 
 Trent, utterly opposed in spirit to Constance, 
 undertook the task, by which time, in Biblical 
 language, Israel had been rent from Judah. 
 When the new Pope set out for Florence 
 and Rome, he was moving towards a world 
 into which German ideas could not penetrate, 
 and where German grievances would be 
 unheeded. Coming up from South and East, 
 the mighty wave of Renaissance was to lift 
 the Church and carry the century forward 
 upon its bosom, in brilliant sunshine. Italy, 
 .said Filclfo, was to present the spectacle of 
 a second Magna Gra?cia, in art and letters 
 unrivalled by the ''Barbarians" north of Ihc 
 Alps; while Rome, for the first and last 
 G4
 
 TO THE SACK OF ROME 65 
 
 time, appeared as a modern Athens, the 
 capital of learning and of civilization at its 
 highest point since the age of the Antonines; 
 in general culture supreme. "The eminence 
 of the Papacy consisted at that time," says 
 F. X. Kraus, "in its leadership of Europe 
 in the province of art." But the same writer 
 grants elsewhere that, when Medicean Rome 
 drew admiration to its marvels, "the re- 
 ligious and moral point of view was ignored 
 in this domain of worldly aims and ideas." 
 From such a mingled Renaissance to the 
 Sack of Rome in 1527, the stages of righteous 
 tragedy, purifying as by fire the rebellious 
 and sinful people with their rulers, may be 
 plainly followed, as in some prophecy of the 
 Old Testament. It is foreshadowed by 
 Savonarola's canzone of 1475 on "The 
 Church's Downfall." 
 
 There is another general tendency worth 
 observing. Mediaeval Europe had cherished 
 freedom. Its feudal services, chartered privi- 
 leges, popular franchises, Parliaments and 
 Diets, had restrained the sovereign power. 
 Not even the Holy See could escape censure 
 and sometimes vehement opposition from 
 representative bodies. All this was rapidly 
 changing. The quarrels of Armagnacs and
 
 6G PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Burgundians, the English invasion and loss 
 of France, did but seem to justify Louis XI. 
 in exercising absolute rule. The Wars of 
 the Roses destroyed an old aristocracy to 
 make room for a new one, while giving to the 
 Tudors a dominion the alternative of which 
 was anarchy. Among Italians this period 
 is the "Age of the Tyrants" — men like 
 Francesco Sforza, who rose to be Duke of 
 Milan; like the Malatesta at Rimini, the 
 Baglioni at Perugia, the Estensian princes 
 of Ferrara, the Bentivogli at Bologna; and 
 pre-eminent in all the arts, villanies, and 
 accomplishments needful for so perilous a 
 task, the Medici, who did not yet call them- 
 selves Lords of Florence, but with Augustan 
 dexterity ruled as if over free citizens. From 
 the Assembly of Pisa, in 1409, till the last 
 vestiges of the Schism at Basle melted away 
 in 1449, has also been termed the "Age of 
 the Councils." But its end was defeat, 
 inflicted on the parliamentary or constitu- 
 tional idea, which Gerson would have substi- 
 tuted for the Papal Monarchy. Pisa, Con- 
 stance, Basle left the Pope unlimited sway 
 among the world-powers which were not less 
 ben 'I on striking down opposition. Not until 
 the Puritans rallied to a conception which
 
 TO THE SACK OF ROME 67 
 
 won its triumph at Naseby in 1645, did it 
 seem possible to overthrow the Roman, 
 without enhancing the Royal supremacy. 
 
 But Martin V. also began, however cau- 
 tiously, a counter-movement to the classic 
 Republican spirit, which Rienzi had stirred 
 up and which survived him. The Popes 
 now aimed steadily at becoming masters 
 in their own capital; and they succeeded. 
 A still more difficult but imperative duty, 
 if they were to feel themselves independent, 
 was the reduction of local tyrants under their 
 yoke — or a real, and not merely nominal, 
 grasp of the Papal States. In this under- 
 taking it was likewise their fortune to prosper, 
 and by the strangest means. They became 
 effective temporal sovereigns at the very 
 moment when their spiritual jurisdiction 
 was cast aside by one-half of Christendom, 
 exactly the reverse of that which was to hap- 
 pen in 1870. All these converging events 
 meet in the same decisive era. When Clem- 
 ent VII. came back to Rome in 1528, and 
 crowned Charles V. at Bologna, the year fol- 
 lowing, two series of opposed developments 
 in history were fixed and certain. The Prot- 
 estant Reformation was to run its course; 
 the Popes were to become unchecked sover-
 
 68 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 eigns of Rome — which no enemy would 
 capture, and only one for an instant approach, 
 during the two hundred and sixty years which 
 preceded the opening of States General at 
 Versailles, May 4, 1789. 
 
 In 1419, Rome and Benevento were held 
 by Joan II., Queen of Naples. Bologna 
 had declared itself a free Republic. By 
 granting the Queen investiture and making 
 terms with Braccio, then the rival brigand 
 to Sforza of Attendolo, Pope Martin V. 
 was enabled to take possession of the Eter- 
 nal City, " devastated by pestilence, famine, 
 sword, and revolt," on September 30, 1420. 
 He found ruins on every side, a scanty 
 population, the Vatican gardens waste, and 
 the walls about St. Peter's broken down. 
 Martin restored St. John Lateran as well 
 as other churches; built for himself a mod- 
 est palace on the Quirinal; and inaugu- 
 rated, by his patronage of Gentile and Ma- 
 saccio, the decorative works which were 
 to transform this "city of cowherds" into 
 the most beautiful of European capitals. 
 He left the municipal liberties of Rome 
 untouched. But he put down brigandage; 
 recovered Perugia in 1424 and Bologna in 
 1429, and was a model Pope, save only
 
 TO THE SACK OF ROME 69 
 
 that he greatly aggrandized the house of 
 Colonna. Papal families were now to play 
 their splendid, but too often disastrous and 
 even criminal part, on the Roman stage, 
 in presence of a scandalized world. It has 
 been fairly argued that by promoting his 
 kinsfolk the Pontiff made sure of ministers 
 on whom he could rely, and that nepotism 
 helped him to keep in check the Roman 
 Patricians, most insolent and lawless of 
 their kind. The story, however, may be 
 allowed to preach its own moral, both good 
 and bad. There was little need to exalt 
 the Colonna, whose cup of wickedness had 
 not yet been filled to the brim. 
 
 Reluctantly enough, Martin V., who had 
 reconciled Aragon and so cleared away the 
 last remnants of schism, allowed the promised 
 Council to meet at Basle. Cardinal Cesarini, 
 learned and high-minded, was to preside over 
 its discussions. Eugenius IV. succeeded 
 Martin, being a Venetian, a friar of St. 
 Francis, a strict and saintly man, but no 
 politician. The Council opened July 23, 
 1-131. In December, Eugenius dissolved it. 
 But this democratic meeting, where bishops 
 found themselves jostled, says /Eneas Sylvius, 
 by cooks and stable-boys, renewed the de-
 
 70 PAPACY AXD MODERN TIMES 
 
 crees of Constance, summoned and finally 
 deposed the Pope, though undoubtedly legit- 
 imate, usurped his government in Avignon, 
 laid taxes on the Church at large, and may 
 be called in ecclesiastical annals the Long 
 Parliament, for it went on during eighteen 
 years, till 1449. Recognized for a while 
 by the secular powers, alternately approved 
 and condemned by Eugenius, it made the 
 "compacts" which brought peace to Bo- 
 hemia, where Ziska and his Taborites waged 
 a sanguinary contest. 
 
 Sigismund, like the Pope, was now with 
 the Council and now against it. But when 
 Amadeus of Savoy had been elected on these 
 new and revolutionary principles at Basle 
 as Felix V., he proved to be the last of the 
 Antipopes. Eugenius, headstrong but honest, 
 was driven from Rome in 1434, and took 
 refuge in Florence. By degrees the old 
 Catholic idea to which, under extreme 
 difficulties, he remained faithful, won back 
 from the tumults and ineptitudes of Basle 
 moderate men like Cesarini, Cusa, and .-Eneas 
 Sylvius. The Pope at Ferrara and Florence 
 received from the Creek Emperor, now 
 desperately seeking help against the Turks, 
 an enforced homage. For one moment the
 
 TO THE SACK OF ROME 71 
 
 Churches of East and West joined in the 
 same profession of faith. But even at this, 
 their hour of doom, the Greek people would 
 not accept the Union. There was no hope 
 of saving Constantinople after the fatal 
 day of Varna (1444) in which Cesarini fell, 
 and the Christian host was cut to pieces. 
 Eugenius went back to Rome and died 
 there. Few pontiffs had undergone greater 
 humiliations; but he was the last whom 
 Roman violence compelled to flee from the 
 Eternal City until Pius IX. quitted it in 
 1848. And the Long Parliament at Basle 
 did not succeed in its endeavour to substitute 
 for the Pope an oligarchy or a democracy, 
 as surpeme over the Church. 
 
 From henceforth the Conciliar movement 
 was dead. Reform, still desired by Germans, 
 pursued later on with apostolic zeal by 
 Cardinal Cusa in his thrice-famous Visitation 
 (1451), did not much trouble the conscience 
 of Italy, now absorbed in its vision of the 
 ancient classic world. Florence, under its 
 Medicean rulers, became a centre of Greek 
 studies, of art grandly imagined, of litera- 
 ture, both Latin and Tuscan, as well as of 
 a Paganism slightly or not at all disguised. 
 The Papacy itself, which had employed
 
 72 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Humanist scholars, but without enthusiasm, 
 in the clays of Martin and Eugenius, took 
 on the air of a liberal university when 
 Nicholas V. was elected. Nicholas reigned 
 only eight years (1447-1455). But he 
 wrought wonders in that brief space. He 
 planned and partly executed the design of 
 laying out Rome as an architectural whole. 
 He began the Vatican palace, did much to 
 restore St. Peter's, and gave the Leonine City 
 its present shape. He was resolved to 
 identify the Christian religion with art and 
 learning. By the execution of Porcaro in 
 1452 he put an end to all hopes of a Roman 
 Republic. During the next seventy years 
 Rome, politically no longer free, was to lead 
 Europe in the paths of the Renaissance, 
 to be "the true seat and home of all Latin 
 culture," or as Erasmus described it, "the 
 common country of learned men." Medi- 
 aeval and modern thought came together; 
 but in the first raptures which followed on 
 the discovery of noble antique art, and when 
 scholasticism had decayed into pedantry 
 or barbarism, more than a little wrong was 
 done to the earlier Middle Age. Southern 
 nations were instinctively breaking away 
 from the Teutons, English, and Scandina-
 
 TO THE SACK OF ROME 73 
 
 vians, by their preference of the Latin civil- 
 ization before the less brilliant but more 
 profound, if still narrow, conceptions which 
 were afterwards to be called Puritan. During 
 the whole period between Nicholas V. and 
 the Council of Trent, monastic ideals under- 
 went an eclipse. 
 
 But in helping to form one great synthesis 
 where ail the perfect achievements of human- 
 ity might blend with religion and give it 
 glory, the Popes were obeying right reason. 
 As in the year 800 Pope Leo III. created 
 a new Roman Empire on the ruins of the 
 old, thereby offering to Franks and Teutons 
 a principle of unity which served its pur- 
 pose until the tribes of the Barbarians were 
 ripening into nations, so during the half 
 century between Nicholas V. and Leo X., 
 they did a bolder thing — they accepted the 
 Greek idea of culture. This, when we reflect 
 on the peculiar cast of tradition and policy 
 at Rome, was infinitely more daring than to 
 make of Charlemagne a Western Ccesar. 
 For Christianity and civilization are each 
 ideal wholes, self-centred and self-sustained. 
 Accordingly, the Middle Ages end when the 
 Renaissance begins. That Higher Synthesis 
 of Rome and Athens could not be effected
 
 74 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 without powers of mind, without moral 
 earnestness greatly enhanced beyond any 
 to which the fifteenth century might lay 
 claim. It was from many points of view a 
 decadent era. Its attempts at philosophy 
 were feeble. Cardinal Cusa was but a link 
 between the mystic reveries of Tauler, the 
 Dominican, and later German theosophies, 
 such as Jacob Behmen's; he did not possess 
 the true notion of history. In like manner 
 at Florence Marsilius Ficinus translated 
 Plato and dreamt that he was reviving 
 Platonism; but he sacrificed reason to 
 Alexandrian dreams. The princes of Italy 
 treated literature mainly as an adornment of 
 their courts, and art as the splendid frame- 
 work of their shows, their intrigues, and 
 their ambitions. 
 
 To the Popes we may ascribe, as a dynasty, 
 loftier aims. When at command of Julius II., 
 in 1508, Raffaelle began to fresco the walls 
 of the Camera della Segnatura, he gave, 
 under the Vatican roof, an expression which 
 remains to this day of the great reconciling 
 thought, in itself justified, that antiquity 
 has furnished a fit prelude to the Christian 
 Faith by its poets, philosophers, men of 
 science, and supreme artists. The Sistine
 
 TO THE SACK OF ROME 75 
 
 Chapel repeats and enforces the lesson. 
 Dating from Sixtus IV. (1473), under whom 
 its walls were painted by Florentine and 
 Umbrian pencils — by Botticelli, Ghirlandajo, 
 Perugino, and others — it became the scene 
 of Michael Angelo's triumph in design, in 
 teaching, in magnificent harmonies of thought 
 as of colour, between 1508 and 1512. Three 
 dispensations are illustrated within this Papal 
 precinct — the Old Testament leading up 
 to the New, and the Sibyls, as Divine mes- 
 sengers among the heathen, confronting 
 the prophets of Israel. Facing the unknown 
 future rises before us that tremendous 
 symbolic picture of the Last Judgment 
 (painted 1534-41), which in its dreadful 
 outlines was to be accomplished on Church 
 and State as the years went forward. But 
 who can misconstrue the announcement thus 
 perpetuated of a superhuman idea, in which 
 Rome signifies unity, and all the ways of 
 progress meet at its Golden Milestone? 
 
 As eight hundred years earlier the con- 
 quests of Mohammed's lieutenants had given 
 to ( atholic Rome a victory over Syrian and 
 Egyptian sectaries, so now by the destruction 
 of the Greek Empire a second Mohammed 
 turned the course of civilized mankind
 
 76 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 definitely westward. Constantinople fell in 
 1453, suddenly, not without heroism. Di- 
 vided Europe had surrendered the Queen 
 City to be trampled on by Turkish hordes. 
 In 1204 the filibustering expedition known 
 as the Fourth Crusade, disobeying Innocent 
 III., had captured New Rome, hitherto in- 
 violate. A succession of Latin Emperors 
 till 1261; feudal chiefs whom their subjects 
 detested; the commerce and rivalries which 
 were exercised by Venetians and Genoese; 
 the great robber-bands from Spain, celebrated 
 as the Catalan Company — all these elements 
 combined to weaken that first line of Chris- 
 tian defence. The Popes were willing to aid 
 Byzantium if it would grant precedence 
 to the Vatican. But it never would, and 
 the disunion of the Churches opened a breach 
 in the walls of Valens through which Mo- 
 hammed II. entered. He made of Turkey a 
 European State. He became suzerain over 
 Greek Christians and appointed their Patri- 
 arch, lie meditated on the exploits of Alex- 
 ander; he was resolved to conquer the whole 
 West; and by his subjugation of Servia and 
 the Morea, by his raid on Otranto, Ik 1 proved 
 thai it could be promisingly attempted. 
 He died in 1481.
 
 TO THE SACK OF ROME 77 
 
 Meanwhile, the Papal throne had been 
 occupied by a fiery Spaniard, Calixtus III. 
 (145.5-1458); a man of letters, Pius II. 
 (1158-1464); a Venetian dilettante, Paul II. 
 (1464-1471) ; and a Franciscan friar of Genoa, 
 Sixtus IV. (1471-1484), all of whom professed 
 that the Crusade against Islam was their 
 dearest concern. Europe would not be con- 
 vinced. The Spaniard, whose name was 
 Borgia, sent funds and preachers to Hunyadi, 
 sent him the legate Carvajal, the astonishing 
 friar, John Capistrano; and thus enabled 
 the Magyar hero to relieve Belgrade (July, 
 1456), though he died of the plague a month 
 later. The Turks lost fifty thousand men; 
 but they annexed Servia, Bosnia, Herzego- 
 vina. Pius II., who had been /Eneas Sylvius, 
 journalist, adventurer, statesman, cardinal, 
 and Pope, interesting as a modern figure and 
 forerunner of Erasmus, displayed the rare 
 quality of a genius that grew with circum- 
 stances. He was enthusiastic for the Holy 
 War; but his early escapades, the frequent 
 diversion of crusading taxes to purposes 
 neither good nor lawful, and the criminal 
 adherence of Venice to Mohammed's policy, 
 defeated Pius, who showed in his travels 
 to Mantua and his death- journey to Ancona
 
 78 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 qualities which demand our admiration. 
 Paul II., a fine character, misunderstood by 
 the Italian Courts, which never dreamt that 
 a Pope could be an honourable man, did his 
 utmost to encourage Scanderbeg, otherwise 
 George of Albania, who for ten years defended 
 Illyria, foiled the Turk, and stood between 
 Venice and Mohammed. George died in 
 1467. Negropont (Eubcea) was lost in 1470. 
 But the Sultan's decease gave to the Knights 
 of St. John at Rhodes a breathing-space 
 of forty years (besieged 1480; surrendered 
 1522). 
 
 Section II 
 
 SECULAR POMP AND SPIRITUAL DECAY 
 
 (1471-1527) 
 
 We come now to an outwardly brilliant but 
 in itself deplorable episode of Vatican history 
 which, though in some sense relieved by 
 the feats and glories of Julius II., fills the 
 period commencing with Sixtus IV. (1471), 
 and cannot be held to have terminated before 
 the double Sack of Rome (May-September, 
 1527). These sixty years witnessed a degra- 
 dation of the Papacy into a mere Italian 
 princedom, while its sacred prerogatives were
 
 POMP AND DECAY 79 
 
 employed as "reasons of State," with scandal 
 to present and after ages. Yet we must be 
 on our guard, as De Quincey points out 
 when dealing with Cicero and his times, 
 against "that masquerade of misrepresenta- 
 tion which invariably accompanied the polit- 
 ical eloquence of Rome." Calumny more 
 atrocious than was practised by pamphlet- 
 eers, ambassadors, diarists, biographers, and 
 literary men at large, during the Humanist 
 Era, it is impossible to imagine. For a long 
 while it was taken as true, and especially 
 since religious opinions were affected by it. 
 Now we understand that no statement, even 
 if it defames the Borgias, can be admitted 
 without scrutiny, or when wanting in con- 
 firmation. Monstrous caricatures, designed 
 for the ends of faction, ought not to be looked 
 upon as faithful portraits. 
 
 Moreover, it should be remembered, to the 
 credit of Vatican diplomacy, that the Popes 
 aimed at Italian independence of the foreigner, 
 and that they were bound to make of the 
 Papal States a power which could maintain 
 itself erect between Naples and Milan on one 
 side, Florence and Venice on the other. Their 
 policy changed with bewildering suddenness; 
 but its motive was generally apparent and,
 
 80 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 though sadly too often self-regarding, it led 
 at a critical moment to the end they had in 
 view. Thanks to their persistent efforts, 
 Rome was not absorbed in the French or the 
 Spanish Empire. For nearly three centuries 
 it remained the one free spot in Southern 
 Europe, as Holland became the free meeting- 
 place of the Protestant North. 
 
 From 1471, therefore, down to 1527, is a 
 chapter of Roman and Papal story which 
 bears the most curious resemblance to that 
 of the Caesars who followed Augustus and 
 preceded Trajan. It finds in Guicciardini 
 some depraved imitation of Tacitus; in the 
 diaries of Infessura scandals which would 
 have pleased Suetonius by their enormity 
 — perhaps of lying as well as of delineation 
 ■ — and in Machiavelli such perverted wisdom 
 mingled with sublimer traits as to remind us 
 of Seneca, Nero's panegyrist and victim. Let 
 us not forget, however, that genius of the 
 highest rank has immortalized a period 
 abounding in vital energy no less than in 
 crime. Italy brought forth not only politi- 
 cians who gave to Europe shrewd and wicked 
 counsels, but poets, painters, sculptors, ora- 
 tors, explorers, among whom we may range 
 from Ariosto, Leonardo da Vinci, Michael
 
 POMP AND DECAY 81 
 
 Angelo, Titian, Raffaelle, to Columbus and 
 Amerigo Vespucci. Italian greatness, on 
 every line except that of military skill, is 
 incontestable. It was hereafter to equal in 
 the Catholic Reformation the mighty works 
 which it did under the impulse of revived an- 
 tiquity. Nothing to compare with Italian art 
 has been achieved since Michael Angelo's de- 
 cline. No modern cities — we will doubtfully 
 except Paris — have made on the world such 
 a deep impression of beauty, life, and power 
 as Venice, Florence, Rome. The Renais- 
 sance triumphed in these marble palaces and 
 squares, on the shores of Tiber and Arno, 
 amid the gleaming lagoons, as never since or 
 before. But it was a time of moral anarchy, 
 which iEgidius of Viterbo sums up in the 
 strong words, "Aurum, vis, Venus imperita- 
 bat." Violent desire, violent achievement 
 mark that age. 
 
 Alonzo Borgia, who became Calixtus III., 
 was born in 1378, the year of the Schism. 
 A Catalan by descent, he sided with Bene- 
 dict XIII., but afterwards acknowledged Pope 
 Martin. His services to the King of Aragon 
 in governing Naples gave him dignity, and 
 with his election Spanish vigour but Spanish 
 truculence also ruled the Sacred College.
 
 82 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 He created in 1456 two of his nephews 
 Cardinals, giving them his family name — 
 Rodrigo, afterwards Alexander VI. (born 
 1431), a youth of twenty-five; and Luis 
 Juan, still younger. He made Pedro Luis, 
 who was not in orders, Captain-General of 
 the Church, Governor of St. Peter's patri- 
 mony, the district adjoining Rome, and 
 Prefect of the City. Rodrigo was appointed 
 legate (that is, Papal resident) in Ancona 
 and Bologna; he then appeared as Vice- 
 Chancellor, second in authority to the Pope; 
 and during the next forty-seven years he is a 
 leading man in the Curia and above it. 
 Calixtus claimed the kingdom of Naples, 
 chiefly that he might bestow on Pedro Luis 
 the principalities of Terracina and Beneven- 
 tuni. History calls this method of govern- 
 ment "nepotism." It enabled the Pontiff at 
 once to exalt his own family, to keep a hold 
 on the temporal power which was always 
 slipping away into the hands of local tyrants, 
 to resist the great Roman houses, and to feel 
 a I home in the Vatican. Its disadvantages 
 are equally apparent; it lowered the Papal 
 prestige; it gave rise to infinite abuses; it 
 was the origin of many wars and of continual 
 plots and counterplots; nor can it be said of
 
 POMP AND DECAY 83 
 
 the two most conspicuous groups of Cardinals 
 and lay-rulers whom it produced ill the 
 hey-day of the Renaissance, that they were 
 anything else than a calamity to the Church 
 and to Christendom. 
 
 These were the Catalan house of Borgia, 
 and the Genoese house of Riario-Rovere. 
 A third line of nepotism starts with Gio- 
 vanni dei Medici, son of Lorenzo the Magnifi- 
 cent, who was Cardinal at fourteen (March, 
 1489), and who became Leo X., to be suc- 
 ceeded by his cousin Giulio, the unhappy 
 Clement VII. Thus Naples, which was de- 
 pendent on Spain, Genoa which commonly 
 yielded to French influence, and Florence 
 identified with the Medici, exercised in turn 
 the immense political, financial, and spiritual 
 powers, now that all hopes of reform had 
 died away, of a secularized Popedom. Efforts 
 were made to break up this concentrated 
 sovereignty, sometimes by the Colonna, 
 again by the Orsini, representing old feudal 
 brigandages; or yet again by Cardinals like 
 Ascanio Sforza, who was Milan's ambassador 
 in the Sacred College. But they were all 
 baffled and came to naught. 
 
 The striking group, Riario-Rovere, sprang 
 from a humble folk at Savona. Its founder,
 
 84 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Sixtus IV. (1471-148-4), had been General of 
 the Franciscans. He was learned in mediaeval 
 fashion, devout, and personally blameless. 
 But his sudden elevation to the Papacy 
 impaired his judgment, while the favours 
 which he lavished on his nephews amazed 
 even a corrupt world. The riches, honours, 
 vices, and pleasures of Pedro Riario, "a 
 mendicant friar made Croesus," Cardinal at 
 twenty-five, consumed by his intemperance at 
 twenty-eight (December, 1471-March, 1474), 
 take the reader back to Sejanus and cast over 
 Sixtus IV. the shadow of Tiberius. Another 
 nephew, Girolamo, tyrannized Rome in the 
 Pope's name, trampled down the Colonna, 
 married the virago of Milan, Caterina Sforza, 
 got from Sixtus Imola and Forli, and was 
 murdered as a "second Nero" by his own 
 guard (April 14, 1488), who flung his naked 
 corpse out of the palace window. 
 
 But the great man of whom Sixtus might 
 well be proud was Julian della Roverc, also 
 a friar, member of the Sacred College at 
 twenty-eight (1471), and declared Pope 
 Julius II. in 1503. Created archbishop of 
 Avignon and Bologna, bishop of Lausanne, 
 Coutance, and other widely-scattered sees, 
 abbot of Nonantola and Grotta Ferrata,
 
 POMP AND DECAY 85 
 
 this young man, for whose sake the Canon 
 Law and the claims of the electors were so 
 shamelessly flung aside, was not without some 
 sparks of nobility. He stands high above 
 all the Popes that have reigned since the 
 Middle Ages, and by his determined action, in 
 which nepotism had no place, the Papal States 
 were at length permanently established. Six- 
 tus, who rode roughshod over Italian schemes 
 and policies, was, in Machiavelli's opinion, 
 ''the first Pope who began to show the extent 
 of the Papal power." He left Bohemia and 
 Hungary to themselves. He did nothing to 
 stem the Ottoman advance. In the splen- 
 dours, architectural and spectacular, of this 
 son of St. Francis we feel that a Nemesis 
 lurks, and that the "Eternal Gospel" will 
 take its revenge. 
 
 To what extent Sixtus may be held re- 
 sponsible for the treachery and sacrilege com- 
 bined which make up the conspiracy called 
 "of the Pazzi," is a question that has been 
 vehemently debated. On April 26, 1478, 
 Giuliano dei Medici was brutally slain, and 
 Leonardo wounded, during High Mass in the 
 Duomo at Florence. A plot to overthrow 
 their government had been discussed before 
 the Pope, who considered Lorenzo his enemy,
 
 8G PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 and was approved by him; but he said, "I 
 do not wish the death of any man on my 
 account." Sixtus cannot have known the 
 details of the assassination beforehand, or 
 that it would take place in Sta. Maria del 
 Fiore, since all this was arranged suddenly 
 and after another plan had been given up. 
 "It is, however, deeply to be regretted," says 
 Pastor, "that a Pope should play any part 
 in the history of a conspiracy." His friends 
 not only failed to oust the Medici from 
 Florence; they suffered instantly for their 
 evil deeds; and Salviati, archbishop of 
 Pisa, who went to seize the Palazzo Pubblico, 
 was himself seized and hanged from one of 
 its windows. These atrocious scenes, char- 
 acteristic of Italian politics, were but an 
 instance of that which in every city through- 
 out the Peninsula might be witnessed when 
 parties were engaged in conflict. We shall 
 not in our pages do more than allude to them; 
 but they were constantly enacted and must 
 not be forgotten. 
 
 Passing over the insignificant years of 
 Innocent VIII. (1484-1492), who was merely 
 intent on aggrandizing his children's estate, 
 we conic to the election, bought with money 
 and promises, of Rodrigo Borgia, who took,
 
 TOMP AND DECAY 87 
 
 as he said, the name of the "invincible 
 Alexander" (August 10, 1492). Singularly 
 handsome and dignified in person, frank to 
 cynicism, astute, indefatigable, good-natured 
 and unscrupulous, Alexander was hailed 
 like a demigod at his coming in. Of him and 
 of Julius II. one has said excellently that they 
 were Emperors rather than Popes. This 
 Borgia left his name hanging like a thunder- 
 cloud over the Vatican. He has a legend 
 so black that to relieve it of a single stain 
 may be deemed apologizing for iniquity. 
 Yet no pontiff could have dared such crime 
 or earned such an infamous reputation had 
 the Rome, the Italy of his day, not condoned 
 or even admired his "magnificence in sin." 
 
 Alexander was no hypocrite. Beautiful 
 and strong, with fierce primitive instincts, he 
 answered to some old pagan ideal, cherished 
 by the Southern imagination. That he had 
 not the virtue of a priest and did not trouble 
 himself concerning the Church's welfare; that 
 he was an open profligate who turned the 
 sacred palace into a Pompeian house of 
 pleasure; that he made his bastard son 
 a Cardinal, and entrusted the government of 
 the Vatican to his bastard daughter, Lucrezia; 
 that murder seemed to dog his footsteps;
 
 88 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 and that the foulest wickedness was thought 
 credible when reported of him — who is there 
 that has not read these things? We may 
 take Lord Acton's estimate, which would be 
 fair, even though domestic sacrileges and 
 tragedies had been wanting in the chronicle. 
 "Alexander," he says, "fills a great space in 
 history, because he so blended his spiritual 
 and temporal authority as to apply the re- 
 sources of the one to the purposes of the 
 other." He was an Italian sovereign who 
 made the Church a means to accomplish 
 political, nay personal, ends. 
 
 This indefinite, unconquerable power it 
 was which, as the Borgias applied it, roused 
 Machiavelli's admiration, not without a sense 
 of terror. His model "Prince," consummate 
 in strategy, striking hard and aiming high, 
 pure intellect unfettered by a sense of crime, 
 was Ceesar Borgia. Ca?sar (1475-1.507), 
 Roman Cardinal, French duke, captain of 
 cut-throats, putter down of tyrants, ran in 
 his short life through so many vicissitudes, 
 grim and gay, between the altar, the camp, 
 the throne, and the prison, that it is not 
 easy to believe he was only in his thirty- 
 second year when he fell fighting at the siege 
 of Xavarrese Viana. So perfect an exemplar
 
 POMP AND DECAY 89 
 
 of Renaissance beauty, craft, and violence 
 did this splendid youth appear to be that 
 the Malatesta, Baglioni, Medici paled beside 
 him. Caesar Borgia subdued Alexander VI. 
 himself, as though he were a sardonic 
 Mephisto scorning the too-facile emotions of 
 Faust. In that world where Law and Gospel 
 served but as a two-edged sword of earthly 
 dominion, these men prospered. It was their 
 hour, and the power of darkness. 
 
 A regular drama now begins, falling into 
 three acts, which we might name Charles 
 VIII., Savonarola, Ca?sar Borgia. Over 
 against them lies the vast New World, 
 touched as in a dream by Columbus (October 
 1"2, 1402), which Alexander in three several 
 documents assigned to Spain, subject to the 
 rights of any other Christian communities, 
 and provided that Portugal's monopoly of the 
 African coast was not infringed. The Borgia 
 Pope thus won for himself a place, where he 
 is still to be seen giving his award, on the great 
 gates of the Capitol at Washington. He 
 was acting as Catholic tradition warranted. 
 But Italy, too, had become a New World, 
 abounding in treasures of civilization, tempt- 
 ing the less favoured peoples, or at least their 
 sovereigns, to make of it a prey. France, con-
 
 90 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 solidated under Louis XL, had now gained 
 Brittany by the somewhat shameful mar- 
 riage of its Duchess Anne to Charles VIII. 
 Charles, an ugly dwarf, but attractive, and 
 by temperament a crusader, had claims 
 through the house of Anjou on Naples, on the 
 Holy Land. He was invited across the Alps 
 by Ludovico il Moro, Duke of Milan, and 
 reached Asti September 9, 1494. His advent, 
 as a saviour and a scourge, had been foretold 
 by Savonarola, whose mighty words were 
 shaking Florence and Italy. 
 
 Girolamo Savonarola (1452-1498) was a 
 Dominican, last of the great mediaeval friars, 
 prophet and martyr of the Catholic Reforma- 
 tion, which he did not live to see. Coming to 
 Florence in 1481, his rudeness of speech (he 
 was a native of Ferrara, not a Tuscan) 
 gained him scanty audience. At San Gemi- 
 gnano he beheld the vision of the sword over 
 Italy; the Church was to be chastened and 
 renewed. His sermons at Brescia, strongly 
 marked by symbolism, were echoed far and 
 wide; when he came back to Florence in 
 1489 his lectures on the Apocalypse threw 
 men into ecstasy, and he carried the people 
 with him. The friar was not an obscurantist ; 
 but he mourned over the ruin of the Church;
 
 POMP AND DECAY 91 
 
 he detested the wickedness of prelates and 
 Cardinals; he spoke vehemently in condem- 
 nation of the cancerous vices with which 
 Humanism dealt so lightly; and he foresaw 
 that a catastrophe was inevitable. Lorenzo 
 dei Medici treated this new preacher with 
 kindness; but Savonarola would not take 
 his side. After Lorenzo's death, when the 
 foolish Piero misgoverned Florence, the 
 prophet announced coming woes in accents 
 that struck terror; and on September 21 his 
 text was "Behold, I bring a flood of waters 
 upon the earth." It proclaimed that the 
 French were in Italy. 
 
 The Florentines sent ambassadors to 
 Charles, among them Savonarola. November 
 saw the Medici driven out and the French 
 king received in state by a free people. 
 Savonarola pressed upon Charles the duty 
 of going to Rome and reforming the Church. 
 Alexander, threatened with a General Council, 
 admitted the King, who was overmatched 
 in policy and yielded to him the obedi- 
 ence of France. Charles' regiments con- 
 quered Naples; Italy fell prostrate before 
 him; then at Fornovo (July 5, 1495) he 
 lost all that he gained. The French passed 
 away like a vision of the night. Still Florence,
 
 92 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 which was now all one with Savonarola, 
 clung to the Gallic alliance. On the other 
 ide Alexander formed the Italian League. 
 He despised the sermons, though pointed at 
 himself, of the "chattering friar," but he was 
 resolute in capturing the city on the Arno 
 for his projects. He called Fra Girolamo to 
 Rome, and, on his disobedience, found osten- 
 sible motives to silence, excommunicate, and 
 degrade the prophet, whom Florence now 
 rejected as violently as she had followed him. 
 Trial, torture, execution upon a high gibbet 
 too much resembling a cross — such were the 
 rewardsof Savonarola for preaching righteous- 
 ness under Alexander VI. (May 28, 1498). 
 
 Two acts of the play were played out; the 
 Pope had triumphed over king and friar. 
 Turning as with a flash, Alexander took up 
 the French alliance in 1499, to defeat which 
 in 1498 he had burnt Fra Girolamo. His 
 eldest son, the Duke of Gandia, had been 
 murdered and flung into the Tiber; accord- 
 ingly Ccosar Borgia threw off the Cardinal's 
 robes and became a layman that he might 
 found a dynasty in Romagna to which the 
 Papal succession could be attached. Long 
 ago the house of Theophylact had annexed to 
 itself the Holy See for more than eighty years.
 
 POMP AND DECAY 93 
 
 Why should not the house of Borgia do as 
 much? Caesar went on embassy to Louis XII. 
 at Chinon; he married Charlotte of Navarre, 
 being now Duke of Valentinois; and when 
 Louis entered Milan as a conqueror (Octo- 
 ber 6, 1499), the Pope's captain-general set 
 about reducing the tyrant lords of Romagna 
 with a nondescript army of hired ruffians, 
 French, Spaniards, and Italians. 
 
 Caesar captured Faenza, menaced Florence, 
 and was bought off with a large ransom, while 
 Alexander blessed the partition of Naples be- 
 tween France and Spain, humbled the Co- 
 lonna, and had his daughter Lucrezia married 
 to Alfonso d'Este. On the last day of De- 
 cember, 1502, Caesar had all his worst enemies 
 in hand at Sinigaglia. Having taken them by 
 a transcendent act of treachery, whom he 
 would he slew; and the Pope, not to be more 
 scrupulous, smote the rest of the Orsini, and 
 left their Cardinal to die in Sant' Angelo. 
 Men trembled and admired. There seemed 
 no reason why Caesar should not make himself 
 king of Italy. The French lost Naples 
 again in May, 1503. In August Rome was 
 visited with malarial fever. Alexander and 
 Caesar both sickened of it. On August 18 
 the Pope died, and with him every hope of
 
 94 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 a Borgia dynasty expired. On All Saints' 
 Day, November 1, 1503, his life-long enemy, 
 Julian della Rovere, was elected to St. Peter's 
 Chair by an unanimous vote. Julius IT. com- 
 pelled Csesar to yield up all his conquests and 
 castles. The once invincible chief took ser- 
 vice under his father-in-law, the King of 
 Navarre, and though he died bravely, came 
 to an inglorious end. His epic or epitaph we 
 may consider was written by Machiavelli in 
 the "Prince," which raises political science 
 "beyond good and evil," to a height of wis- 
 dom or infamy. 
 
 Julius II. had spent his storm-tost days 
 chiefly in the service of France, to whose 
 martial enterprising genius he felt allied. We 
 might describe him shortly as the Antipope 
 of Avignon (where his escutcheons and 
 monuments remain) while Alexander VI. 
 anathematized him at Rome. He made an 
 indifferent friar, a disedifying bishop, and a 
 great Pope. His unvarnished tongue, rough 
 Genoese vigour, contempt for literary grim- 
 aces, and large designs, reveal the soldier- 
 pontiff, whom Italy should have taken for its 
 king. He was neither honest nor virtuous; 
 but he knew how to rule better than his brutal 
 cousin, Girolamo Riario; and unlike Alex-
 
 POMP AND DECAY 95 
 
 ander VI. he had no family ambition. While 
 trafficking in sacred things, and purchasing 
 his own election by lavish engagements, he 
 put forth a Bull which condemned simony, 
 with effective though tardy consequences. 
 But his eminent fame is due to actions of a 
 mixed baseness and grandeur. Julius II. 
 had noble aspirations. He meant the Holy 
 Sec to enjoy freedom and Italy to see the 
 Barbarians turn their backs. One power 
 alone hindered this consummation — stealthy, 
 politic, grasping Venice, which, in the tremu- 
 lous equilibrium of five States and a score of 
 principalities, pursued its fatal idea of acquir- 
 ing a Terra Firma from the Alps to the Apen- 
 nines. Venice never gave up its attempts on 
 Ravenna, Rimini, and the old "Pentapolis," 
 which had been given to the Apostolic See by 
 Pepin as long ago as 756. We must sadly own 
 that the Republic of St. Mark, by its foolish 
 and unjust measures to keep that which did 
 not belong to it, ruined Italian freedom. 
 
 Julius II. was not a man to be trifled with. 
 He formed the League of Cambray in 1508, 
 after recovering Bologna from the Bentivogli. 
 It aimed at nothing less than the partition of 
 Venetian territories among the French, Ger- 
 man, Spanish, and other allies, including the
 
 96 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Pope. At Vaila the Republic suffered a 
 crushing defeat (May 14, 1509) which is 
 reckoned the beginning of its decline, Julius 
 humbled the Venetians to the dust; he set up 
 once more the States of the Church in Central 
 Italy. Then he turned on his confederate 
 Louis XII. He captured Mirandola, himself 
 acting as general, failed at Ferrara, and might 
 seem to be overwhelmed when young Gaston 
 de Foix won the bloody battle of Ravenna, 
 Easter Sunday, April 11, 1512. But Gaston 
 was killed in the moment of victory; and 
 Julius outmanoeuvred the French schismatics 
 with his Latcran Council, got Bologna the sec- 
 ond time, restored the Medici at Florence with 
 Spanish help, not without frightful scenes 
 at Prato, and died, February 20, 1513, the 
 strongest Pope that was to be for centuries. 
 He had driven out the French. They would 
 return more than once, to be finally defeated 
 by Spain, which was now rising to Imperial 
 dominion on both sides of the Atlantic. 
 
 Strange tilings were coming to pass. The 
 nephew of Sixtus IV., whose endeavours to 
 oust the Medici from Florence had involved 
 him in conspiracy, and left to his apologists 
 no tolerable burden, was now their restorer. 
 Ilis vacant throne would be occupied for
 
 TOMP AND DECAY 97 
 
 well-nigh twenty years by Leo X., the son of 
 Lorenzo, and Clement VII., son, but not 
 legitimate, of the murdered Giuliano. Under 
 the mild and seductive Leo (1513-1520) Rome 
 enjoyed all that the Renaissance could give; 
 it became "the revel of the earth, the masque 
 of Italy"; but a Pope who desired to be called 
 "delicise generis humani," — a Christian Em- 
 peror Titus — was not made for success in 
 politics or war. Leo treated with all the 
 powers; practised Medicean arts of diplomacy 
 to the utmost; but unluckily took sides 
 against France when its new young king, 
 Francis L, was on the eve of gaining the 
 battle at Marignano where the Swiss in- 
 fantry lost its invincible character (Septem- 
 ber 11, 1515). He had no choice but to 
 submit. The final result was a victory won by 
 the French crown over the Gallican Church. 
 In 1516 a decree was passed by the Lateran 
 Council, which did away with certain exemp- 
 tions and prerogatives hitherto claimed for 
 the King of France, and known as the Prag- 
 matic Sanction. But a Concordat was en- 
 tered into by the high contracting parties, 
 the Crown and the Curia, which allowed the 
 king most extensive liberties in dealing with 
 ecclesiastical affairs; and he might henceforth 
 nominate to all the bishoprics and abbeys in
 
 98 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 his realm. The Concordat granted a royal 
 supremacy of which more was to be heard 
 under Louis XIV.; but these consequences 
 would not have prevented Leo from signing it. 
 On March 1G, 1517, the Fifth Lateran 
 Council was dissolved. It had not been able 
 to reform abuses, redress grievances, or unite 
 the warring nations of Christendom against 
 Islam. That same year, on All Hallows Eve, 
 an Augustinian friar named Martin Luther 
 fastened on the door of the Castle Church at 
 Wittenberg in Saxony ninety-five theses, or 
 propositions, on the subject of indulgences. 
 The Reformation, which was specially de- 
 signed to attack the traditional beliefs touch- 
 ing the Communion of Saints, reckons this 
 as its birthday. German grievances would 
 avenge themselves on Rome by laying waste 
 the German Church. It was time that Leo X. 
 quitted the stage where he had been acting 
 a somewhat frivolous part. lie died of joy 
 and fever at his country house of Magliana, 
 on bearing that the French were driven from 
 Milan (December 1, 15-21). Six years later 
 Rome fell into the hands of a Spanish and 
 Lutheran host, which ended the triumphant 
 days of Humanism. We must now draw 
 nearer to that heart-shaking event, and 
 describe how it came to pass.
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 from the sack of rome to the beginnings 
 of the thirty years' war (1527-1618. 
 st. ignatius of loyola's "spiritual 
 exercises") 
 
 St. Peter's at Rome, so men believed dur- 
 ing the Middle Ages, was founded by the first 
 Christian Emperor, Constantine, and con- 
 secrated by St. Silvester on November 18, 
 320. The Popes dwelt in their Lateran house 
 beside St. John's, which was their Cathedral; 
 but St. Peter's lifted its majestic height over 
 the tomb of the Prince of the Apostles. 
 Spared by Alaric, Genseric, Totila, it ran 
 some risk of destruction from the Lombards, 
 who, under Luitprand, took away its sacred 
 lamps in 738. Their sacrilegious attempt 
 brought down Pepin and his Franks upon 
 them, with such consequences as we have 
 briefly told. In 800 Charlemagne's corona- 
 tion began a long and most romantic series 
 of these imperial rites, constantly dabbled in 
 blood. Saracens from Kairouan plundered 
 the Basilica in 840, which necessitated the 
 9y
 
 100 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 erection of walls about it by Leo IV., and 
 gave rise to the Leonine City. In St. Peter's 
 Charles the Bald was crowned Emperor by 
 John VIII. (875). When Otho I. "translated 
 the Roman Empire to the Eastern Franks" 
 (962), he knelt inside the great doors and did 
 homage to the fisherman of Galilee. There 
 in 996 Otho III. received consecration from 
 his youthful cousin, the saintly Gregory V. 
 There was Henry VI., last of the Franconians, 
 crowned by his prisoner and victim Paschal 
 II. There, again, did Frederick Barbarossa 
 in 1155 seize the Roman diadem, while his 
 lanzknechts outside massacred a thousand 
 of the Roman people. There his grandson, 
 Frederick II., was recognized as lord of the 
 world by Ilonorius III. Another and a 
 weaker prince of that name, but a Habsburg 
 not a Hohenstauffen, Frederick III., ends 
 the shining procession rather ignominiously, 
 under Nicholas V., in 1452. Since that year 
 no Emperor has been crowned in Rome or 
 Constantinople. Sancta Sophia was degraded 
 into a mosque; St. Peter's, which had 
 fallen into decay while the Great Schism 
 went on, was slightly restored by the care of 
 Nicholas, but awaited demolition from the 
 rude hands of Julius II.
 
 TO THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR 101 
 
 Julius, designing himself a tomb (such is 
 the vanity of mortals) gave the commission 
 for it to Michael Angelo. The Florentine 
 exceeded all former Papal monuments in his 
 vast and beautiful drawings; but where 
 was room to be found? His patron resolved 
 to destroy the Basilica which over thirty 
 generations of Catholics had visited, and 
 he called in Bramante to do it — an architec- 
 tural genius but enemy of all that was not 
 classic in style. Bramante's conception of a 
 Greek cross and lofty domes to replace the 
 old St. Peter's has been praised by every 
 succeeding judgment; so much of it as was 
 carried out entitles the later Church to our 
 warm admiration. But there was no need 
 to shatter and tear down the venerable 
 fabric, as Julius II. tore it down in one single 
 year, 1505. He little saw how wide a gulf he 
 was opening between the united Christendom 
 of past ages and the centuries to come. 
 
 The new St. Peter's became a field of battle, 
 a sign that was at once spoken against. With- 
 out gifts from the whole West it could never 
 fulfil the Pope's colossal ambition. Those gifts 
 were sought by the system of Indulgences, 
 now elaborately adapted to bring in revenues 
 of war and peace, which the Roman Chancery
 
 102 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 could employ as it listed. Theologians, like 
 Cardinal Cajetan, were carefully explaining 
 on what principles such donations might he 
 asked and given. Their theory was unim- 
 peachable; but the nations north of the 
 Alps, and at their head Germany, murmured 
 against a method of taxation which was li- 
 able to every sort of abuse, which maintained 
 in the Holy Place men so dissolute as the Re- 
 naissance had fostered— boy-cardinals, non- 
 resident bishops, secularized popes. Ques- 
 tions of morals, finance, religion, national 
 differences, were brought to a definite and 
 dangerous burning-point by the Indulgences 
 given to build St. Peter's. " When Indul- 
 gences were extended, multiplied, and con- 
 verted into money transactions," says Pastor, 
 "it was obvious, taking into account the 
 covetousness of the age, that the greatest 
 abuses should prevail." 
 
 But these were symptoms rather than 
 causes of a change long foreseen by the wise, 
 to which the Conciliar movement, the cry 
 for reformation in head and members, the 
 "hundred grievances of the German nation," 
 the Hussite revolts, the French Pragmatic 
 Sanction, the English Acts of Parliament 
 against Papal "provisions," and pecuniary
 
 TO THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR 103 
 
 demands, had pointed the way. On viewing 
 the whole field where squadrons now began 
 to form, we perceive that the object of attack 
 was Italian supremacy. If doctrine was called 
 in question, yet the first line of assault 
 did not throw itself against dogma but 
 against Canon Law. "By putting forward 
 a decree of Clement VI.," says Lord Acton of 
 Cajetan, "he drove Luther to declare that 
 no Papal decree was a sufficient security for 
 him." The campaign moved from abuse of 
 such decrees to the authority of Popes, of 
 Councils, of the whole hierarchical system. 
 In 1517 Luther did not deny that Indulgences 
 might be good in themselves; before three 
 years had elapsed he burnt Leo X.'s Bull 
 condemning him, and in 1525 his marriage 
 declared monastieism to be unchristian, while 
 his impetuous disciples had been foremost in 
 taking away the Mass. Instead of Church 
 tradition, Luther substituted "the Bible and 
 the Bible only"; this gave him the principle 
 of dogma. For grace conferred by the sacra- 
 ments which a priest administered, he lighted 
 upon the hitherto disregarded idea of imputa- 
 tion by faith apprehending its Redeemer; this 
 made ordinances superfluous or mere signs, 
 and the priesthood fell into a subordinate
 
 104 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 rank, while the preacher dictated laws from 
 his pulpit. 
 
 By 1520 Luther's position was clear. It 
 reversed Catholicism when it recognized that 
 the individual Christian, united with his 
 fellows, made the Church, and not the Church 
 the Christian. Luther did not trouble about 
 history; he knew nothing of art; his Latin 
 studies had left him quite untouched by the 
 liberal spirit which distinguished men of the 
 Renaissance type. He was a Roman neither 
 by taste nor temperament. We may find his 
 ancestors in the "De Moribus Germanorum" 
 of Tacitus; and that is why he carried the 
 nation with him. 
 
 Lnder what scandalous conditions Leo X. 
 revived the Petrine indulgence, despite his 
 oath to the contrary, and shared its profits 
 with Albert, Archbishop of Mayence, we 
 may learn from historians. In 1517 the Ger- 
 man Church was a confederacy of high-born 
 prince-prelates, enormously rich, too often 
 dissolute, and at best men of the world who 
 left their spiritual charge to others. There 
 was evidence of much piety in the middle and 
 lower classes; but the clergy were impover- 
 ished, the religious orders had fallen back 
 after Cardinal Cusa's reform. These evils
 
 TO THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR 105 
 
 were aggravated by the weakness of the 
 Empire, sunk under Maximilian to its lowest 
 ebb. At Rome, in a world of art and luxury, 
 political intrigue was always rampant; but 
 no court official studied the German problem 
 or could have gained a glimpse of what the 
 Renaissance on that side of the Alps fore- 
 boded. Tetzel, whom Luther's propositions 
 assailed point-blank, was supported by his 
 own order, the Dominicans. Accordingly, one 
 Dominican, Prierias, "Master of the Sacred 
 Palace," replied to Luther; and a second, 
 Cardinal Cajetan, cross-examined him at 
 Augsburg (October, 1518). Cajetan's pro- 
 cedure involved the Holy See where Tetzel 
 alone had been compromised. Miltitz, who 
 came next, put the Dominican preacher aside 
 and granted the fact of abuse. John Eck 
 argued against Luther's appeal to a Coun- 
 cil. He took the whole case to Rome, and 
 he assisted in drafting the Bull, "Exurge 
 Domine," by which forty-one Lutheran 
 theses were condemned and their author was 
 excommunicated (June 15, 15 L 20). 
 
 By this time, events had come to pass which 
 determined the future of Germany and of 
 Europe. In June, 1519, the Flemish or 
 Spanish prince Charles had been elected
 
 10G TAP AC Y AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Emperor, greatly to the disappointment of 
 Leo; for the Pope judged, and history 
 confirms his judgment, that Italian inde- 
 pendence would perish under Charles V. As 
 much, if not more important, was the discov- 
 ery Luther made that he could write and 
 speak a German which would kindle his 
 nation to mutiny. His tracts in 1520, "To 
 the Christian Nobles," on "The Babylonish 
 Captivity of the Church," and on "The 
 Freedom of a Christian Man," have been 
 called "half-battles"; their language by 
 sheer brute force thundered down opposition. 
 Luther was the strong man armed, who felt 
 that Germany would delight in his strokes 
 against Rome. The Latin elegants who 
 thronged about Leo could never grasp such 
 weapons; in fighting this Teuton spirit they 
 were dealing with the unknown. 
 
 Charles V. had his personal views; to him 
 the Lutheran trouble was a politician's re- 
 source; he would use it in restraint of the 
 Curia. Hence the Diet of Worms, the defence 
 permitted to an open hercsiarch, and his safe 
 retirement. Charles was ever orthodox; but 
 no ruler could be more absolute. He outlawed 
 Luther; lie would never have 1 given him up io 
 a Roman Inquisition. During Luther's stay
 
 TO THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR 107 
 
 at the Wartburg he translated the New Testa- 
 ment. This was not for lack of German 
 Bibles; there is abundant proof that Scripture 
 was well known, preached and commented on 
 long before Wittenberg saw the friar among 
 its professors. He meant his New Testament 
 to serve as an appeal and a standard. It 
 became the type of High German literature; 
 it was a rival to the Vulgate and hung out 
 as the national flag of defiance. 
 
 While Luther lay in hiding, Leo X. died. 
 By an extraordinary turn the cardinals chose 
 a Fleming to be Pope, as the German Electors 
 had made one an Emperor. Adrian VI., 
 Regent of Spain, was a noble but not attract- 
 ive person, who tried by individual effort to 
 reform Rome, and who acknowledged to the 
 Diet of Nuremberg that these frightful evils 
 had their origin at the Papal Court. But he 
 understood so little of the inward meaning 
 of Luther as to remark that no novice in 
 theology would have fallen into his errors. 
 The expression has a double edge. Granting 
 Catholic principles and Catholic logic, Adrian 
 was fully justified. But Erasmus might 
 have replied, "Holy Father, Lutheranism is 
 not a heresy; it is a religious revolution." 
 For, as Lord Acton says, "There was no
 
 108 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 question at issue which had not been pro- 
 nounced by him (Luther) insufficient for 
 separation, or which was not abandoned 
 afterwards, or modified in a Catholic sense 
 by Melanchthon. That happened to every 
 leading doctrine at Augsburg, at Ratisbon, 
 or at Leipzig." The Pope by himself could 
 not work a reformation; but Adrian has the 
 glory of tracing its design. When he died 
 one thing was manifest, that the dreaded 
 council would have to be convoked. Another, 
 still more astonishing, was hidden from men's 
 eyes, that where the Regent of Spain failed, 
 though seated in the Papal Chair, a saint 
 from the old Catholic land of Biscay would 
 succeed. Adrian, a little before he laid his 
 burden down, had given to Ignatius of Loyola 
 in Rome the pilgrim's licence to set out for 
 Palestine. Ignatius entered Jerusalem on 
 September 4, 1523. Ten days afterwards 
 the last non-Italian Pope expired; reform 
 was delayed until the founder of the Company 
 of Jesus could take it in hand. At this time 
 Luther was forty years old; Loyola was 
 thirty-two. But their attitude towards one 
 another is that of action and reaction; these 
 eight years divide two generations. 
 Julius dei Medici now, by deliberate effort,
 
 TO THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR 109 
 
 made himself Pope, after a conclave which 
 lasted fifty days. Cold, hesitating, timid, 
 all Clement VII. desired was to continue the 
 policy of the Borgia, but so that his own 
 family should profit by it. He held Rome 
 and dominated Florence. The Colonna were 
 his deadly enemies, the Orsini his kinsfolk. 
 He leagued himself with France for the sake 
 of Milan in December, 1524. And on Feb- 
 ruary 24, 1525, Francis I. lost the Battle of 
 Pavia, lost his freedom, and fell into the 
 hands of Charles V. In the negotiations 
 that followed, Emperor, Pope and King were 
 deceivers and deceived. Charles imposed 
 on his captive at Madrid impossible condi- 
 tions, making probably the chief political 
 blunder of his life. Clement is reported to 
 have said that it was an excellent Treaty if 
 Francis did not observe it. And the French 
 King gained his liberty at the expense of his 
 honour. Whether the Pope released him 
 from his oath is uncertain; that he never 
 meant to keep it every one but Charles V. 
 took for granted. Clement, however, was 
 so ill-advised by Giberti as to conclude 
 against the Emperor an alliance with Francis 
 once more. He offered Charles's general, 
 Pescara, the crown of Naples as a bribe
 
 110 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 for desertion. Outrageous despatches on both 
 sides brought matters to a crisis, and on June 
 23, 1528, Clement plunged into the last war 
 undertaken by a Pope on behalf of Italian 
 independence. 
 
 It is hard to condemn and difficult to 
 excuse a policy as unfortunate as it was tor- 
 tuous. The Pope did not see that he was 
 tying the Emperor's hands, thereby assisting 
 Luther and the Protestant revolt. But 
 Charles, deeply exasperated, and as it were 
 struck with madness, himself became the 
 author of a series of events which have left on 
 his memory an indelible stain. To his envoy, 
 Moncada, he suggested that the Colonna, 
 headed by their unspeakable Cardinal Pom- 
 peo, should assail Clement in Rome. To the 
 Lutherans he sent a message that they were 
 wanted against the Turk, and they would 
 know what Turk he meant. On September 
 19, 1526, his first charge was executed. 
 Spaniards and Colonnesi rode in through the 
 Lateran Gate. Next morning Clement fled 
 into St. Angelo; the Vatican was plundered, 
 St. Peter's horribly desecrated, and the Pope's 
 life threatened. Under compulsion he par- 
 doned the Colonna, but in November out- 
 lawed them and seized their strong places.
 
 TO THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR 111 
 
 A doubtful truce carried him on to February, 
 1527, when the Lutheran free captain, Frunds- 
 berg, joined forces with Bourbon, a French 
 traitor, and their undisciplined army began 
 its expedition towards Rome. Frundsberg 
 died at Ferrara in March. The Pope offered 
 an armistice, sent a ransom, but could not 
 hinder these miscreants, after they had found 
 Florence on its guard, from pushing on to the 
 Eternal City. They reached Isola Farnese 
 on May 4, 1527. Clement had taken courage 
 again, and would not treat with Bourbon. 
 May 6 arrived, a misty morning, and the 
 General ordered the assault. He was him- 
 self killed immediately; the Prince of Orange 
 (a name destined to be ominous in the wars 
 of religion to Catholics) took the command. 
 Again Clement crept into St. Angelo by sub- 
 terranean ways; and before two in the 
 afternoon Rome was captured. 
 
 Thus a Medici Pope and a Catholic Em- 
 peror delivered the Capital of Christendom 
 into Lutheran hands, six years after Charles 
 had put Luther to the ban. For eight days 
 the sack of Rome continued. Murder, lust, 
 sacrilege, avarice, held high festival; and 
 Spaniards outdid Germans in riot and pil- 
 lage. The people fled; cardinals and clergy
 
 112 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 were tortured to disclose their treasures; 
 the beautiful things which had been created 
 by the Renaissance underwent violent hand- 
 ling or were destroyed. Nine months passed 
 before the lawless soldiery quitted their prey. 
 Florence expelled the Medici; Clement was 
 a prisoner. He escaped on December G, 
 1527, to Orvieto, despoiled of all his pos- 
 sessions, and with him the joyous days of a 
 paganized Humanism fled from Rome. By 
 the Treaty of Cambray Francis I. yielded to 
 the Spaniard his claims on Italy (August 3, 
 1529). The Pope forgave Charles, and 
 crowned him at Bologna, February 24, 1530, 
 anniversary of the Battle of Pavia and 
 the Emperor's birthday. Florence, which 
 had gallantly struggled for freedom, with 
 Michael xAngelo among its defenders, capitu- 
 lated on August 12 of the same year. Italy 
 was now to become a geographical expres- 
 sion. Venice cowered behind its lagoons. 
 The Reformers strode on to the League of 
 Schmalkald, where princes led and preachers 
 followed. Clement was willing to call a 
 Council, to make unheard-of concessions, or 
 so lie professed. Charles in 1532 granted 
 large lolcralion to Protestants at Nuremberg. 
 When this ill-starred pontiii' died, September
 
 TO THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR 113 
 
 25, 1534, England, Denmark, Sweden, part 
 of Switzerland, one half of Germany, were in 
 revolt. To the interests of his family, to 
 the possession of Florence or Milan, he had 
 sacrificed the Church. 
 
 England was lost by Clement; but the 
 honour of religion was tardily saved. After 
 Lollardy sank into discredit, no heresies 
 troubled the nation. Henry VIII., as every 
 coin of the realm bears witness, wrote against 
 Luther, and in return was named Defender 
 of the Faith by Pope Leo. Wolsey made 
 himself Papal Vicar when Clement lay cap- 
 tive in St. Angelo. Then the King's "case 
 of conscience" and "great matter" was put 
 before him at Orvieto. He seemed willing 
 to go to any length in concession, if we may 
 believe the English envoys. But the Holy 
 See must be judged by its formal acts, and 
 during six years the Pope fenced, but did 
 nothing beyond permitting his legates, Wolscy 
 and Campeggio, to open their court in Eng- 
 land. Queen Katharine appealed to Rome. 
 Henry got his divorce from Cranmer in May, 
 1533, after marrying Anne Boleyn in January. 
 Cranmer's action signified that the King, 
 and not the Pope, had supreme spiritual 
 jurisdiction, or as men said in mediaeval
 
 114 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 language, "the whole power of the keys." 
 Convocation had been coerced into declaring 
 him head of the Church. Parliament by 
 various measures gave him fresh prerogatives 
 consequent on his new title. Rome must 
 move at last. The tribunal of the Rota 
 declared Henry's marriage with Katharine 
 valid; and Clement VII., in secret consistory 
 (March 24, 1534), confirmed that finding. 
 He was answered by the Act of Royal Suprem- 
 acy with its "terrible powers," in November; 
 and the connection of England with Papal 
 Rome, which went back nine hundred years 
 and more, was severed at a stroke. But 
 Clement had passed away before the axe fell. 
 
 Section II 
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL (1-534-1016) 
 
 That year, 1534, is commonly and rightly 
 reckoned a turning-point in the history of 
 the Vatican. Paul III., elected October 13 
 by an almost unanimous vote, marks in his 
 own person the change from an unreformed 
 Papacy to another and a higher type. As 
 Cardinal Farnese, it was believed that he 
 owed lii's elevation under Alexander VI. 
 
 He had
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL 115 
 
 children born out of wedlock, one of whom, 
 when he was Pope, he made a prince at Parma 
 and Piacenza — miserable little towns, of 
 which the names have ever proved disastrous 
 to the Holy See. For his son's advantage he 
 thwarted Charles V., now resolved on exter- 
 minating Protestants by iron as well as by 
 fire. But Paul III. likewise opened the 
 Sacred College to reformers on the Catholic 
 side — to Reginald Pole, Sadoleto, Contarini; 
 and to Erasmus, who declined the purple and 
 died at Basle in 153G. A new company was 
 entering on the scene. By the momentous 
 Bull, "Regimini Militantis Ecclesiee," in 
 1540, the Company of Jesus had its approval 
 from Paul III., who exclaimed after reading 
 a draft of its constitution, "The Finger of 
 God is here." In 1542 the L'niversal Inquisi- 
 tion was set up in Rome, under the Pope's 
 immediate presidency. His reforming car- 
 dinals were urging him to comply with the 
 Emperor's insistent demands by convoking 
 a General Council. After various attempts, 
 and not very willingly, at last he appointed 
 its meeting at Trent, in the Tirol, for March, 
 1515. 
 
 So, on these different lines, the influence 
 of Spain was shaping war and controversy and
 
 116 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 legislation into a crusade against Protestants, 
 wherever found. It is obvious that the 
 motives which stirred Englishmen and Teu- 
 tons to cast off their allegiance to Rome, did 
 not for the most part exist south of the Alps 
 and the Pyrenees. Moreover, as writers ob- 
 serve who are by no means friendly to Cathol- 
 icism, "a reform of the Spanish clergy, secular 
 and regular, had taken place before Luther 
 arose." Thanks to such earnest rulers as the 
 Cardinals Mendoza and Ximenes, to saints 
 like Thomas of Villanova, and to the action of 
 bishops and synods, the moral condition of 
 ecclesiastics in general "was immeasurably 
 superior to that of the clergy in any other part 
 of Western Christendom/' Learning, too, 
 had revived. The University of Alcala was 
 founded by Ximenes, and has given its name 
 to the great Complutensian Polyglot, which 
 he published from its presses. Spaniards now 
 held the largest empire that had ever been 
 known. They were masters of Germany and 
 the Netherlands, of Italy north and south, of 
 a vast and growing dominion in America. 
 The resources of Pope and Emperor combined 
 were immensely superior to those which could 
 be mustered by small German princes and 
 the multiplying sects of the Reformers.
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL 117 
 
 England was pursuing its own eccentric 
 course under Henry VIII. , who never became 
 a Lutheran. France had been defeated again 
 and again by Charles V. But this new cru- 
 sade was calling for a leader and a plan of 
 campaign. Both were now furnished in the 
 person of Ignatius of Loyola, and by means of 
 the Company of Jesus which he created. 
 
 One man had found the secret of combating 
 evil within and without the Catholic Com- 
 munion. It is written in the "Spiritual 
 Exercises," of which a marvellous meditation 
 on the "Two Standards," — the standard of 
 Christ and the standard of Satan — forms, as 
 it were, the strategical centre. The effect 
 was speedily apparent. 
 
 "In a single generation," says Macaulay, 
 "the whole spirit of the Church of Rome 
 underwent a change." But that change 
 was a reversion to Catholic principles, over- 
 laid though not extinguished by the secular 
 ambition of prelates, and the pagan luxury 
 to which they yielded themselves. Ignatius 
 could, therefore, as Lord Acton observes, 
 undertake to reform the Church by the 
 Papacy. Luther was for destroying the 
 Papacy. Loyola built his plans on the very 
 admission of all that it claimed. He com-
 
 118 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 polled the Pope, we may say, to realize his own 
 ideals; and Ignatius was canonized, whereas 
 Savonarola had been burnt. His genius 
 moved by the logic of an absolute sincerity. 
 Given the Catholic faith, reason might apply 
 it freely to every subject; but to save the 
 Faith was the first step. 
 
 "The history of the Order of Jesus is the 
 history of the great Catholic reaction." Loy- 
 ola, to give him his conventional name, 
 created the associations of romance, self- 
 sacrifice, discipline, learning, and infinite 
 courage, that set a man against a man — him- 
 self becoming the protagonist of Luther — 
 until then unaccountably wanting in Catholi- 
 cism under the Renaissance. Yet the world 
 had been impressed already by the stupen- 
 dous greatness of Michael Angelo; by the 
 imperturbable heroism, smiling on death, 
 of Sir Thomas More; it was Rome that 
 appalled and saddened the faithful. Now 
 Rome had its heroes, its resident saints. 
 Contarini was an apparition of light; Pole, 
 a gracious and gentle St. John, opposing 
 his meekness to Henry YIII.s tyranny; 
 the stern Caraffa showed, at least, a fanati- 
 cism which must be admired. And it was no 
 small thing that even the shifty, worldly-
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL 119 
 
 minded Clement VII. had let the Kingdom 
 of England go, rather than violate the 
 sanctity of the marriage-contract. This 
 was the more significant that, left to him- 
 self, the Medici would have bartered all laws, 
 divine and human, for revenge on Charles 
 V., whose kinswoman he was protecting in 
 Christ's Name. 
 
 New organs of combat and acquisition, 
 in a life and death struggle, were needed, 
 unless Italy, invaded by German heresies 
 after German legions, and France, which had 
 lately produced Calvin, were to be wrested 
 from the Popedom, seemingly on the edge of 
 dissolution. The old Orders had been cast 
 into the fire of adversity, and came out a 
 heap of ashes. Calumny has fastened on 
 them charges not proven or much exagger- 
 ated. It is undeniable, however, that the 
 leading men of the Reformation were many 
 of them bred in the cloister; that riches and 
 ease had relaxed the fibres of discipline; that 
 neither Cusa, nor Capistrano, nor Travcrsari, 
 nor Pius II., nor iEgidius Viterbo in the 
 Lateran Council, did more than touch the 
 fringe of inveterate abuses. The commission 
 appointed by Paul III. went so far as to 
 recommend that existing Orders and Com-
 
 120 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 munitics should take no fresh novices; an 
 entirely new generation must begin the 
 better time. The Cardinal of Lucea, Guidic- 
 cioni, would reduce them to four, and these 
 of strict observance. In 15-28, the Ca- 
 puchins had restored the early Francis- 
 can model; but when Ochino, their superior, 
 fell away to Protestantism, they ran no 
 slight risk of suppression. Other less im- 
 portant attempts were made by the Bar- 
 nabites and Theatines. It was Caraila, 
 the Neapolitan, of this last foundation, 
 who noted Ignatius with his companions 
 at Venice and bade him go to Rome, where 
 the Crusade against the new Mohammedans 
 called him. 
 
 Ignatius obeyed, and, in spite of oppo- 
 sition, persuaded Contarini, Guidiccioni, and 
 Paul III. himself, that the Company of Jesus 
 ought to be allowed to exist. The name gave 
 offence. The freedom from monastic usages 
 provoked remonstrance. Ignatius, a soldier 
 who had undergone conversion from worldly 
 aims to follow his Captain Christ, had been 
 imprisoned by the Spanish Inquisition; he 
 had composed at Manresa while yet a lay- 
 man his ''Spiritual Exercises"; he had 
 travelled over Europe, lived as a poor student
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL 121 
 
 in Paris, and trained half a dozen men 
 (including Francis Xavier) to be heroes in 
 the Catholic War. He required from his 
 comrades military obedience. They pledged 
 themselves to go wherever they might be 
 sent by the Holy See. On April 7, 1541, 
 Ignatius was elected general for life. On 
 the same day Xavier set sail from Portugal 
 for the East Indies. 
 
 Absolute government and religious freedom 
 are ideas not easy to reconcile. The six- 
 teenth century was struggling with both of 
 them — a Rebecca who was to bring forth 
 Jacob and Esau, enemies from their birth. 
 Luther's Christian State, Henry of England's 
 Royal Supremacy, Calvin's "Institutes," the 
 "Spiritual Exercises" of St. Ignatius, the 
 Augsburg Confession, the decrees of Trent, 
 the Thirty-Nine Articles, the Westminster 
 Catechisms, are all framed on the principle 
 of submission to the powers that be. Volun- 
 tary association, if at all dreamt of, is in- 
 stantly set aside. Heresy was treason, and 
 treason was heresy. None (except a small 
 detested minority, afterwards Socinian) 
 complained of rulers because they persecuted 
 dissent. The question turned not on freedom, 
 but on truth. Rome, indeed, whose tribunals
 
 122 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 judged heretics, assimilated baptism to the 
 oath of allegiance and held that Protestants 
 were rebels. Over the unbaptized Rome 
 did not pretend to exercise jurisdiction. 
 But Protestant rulers — how were they to 
 behave towards their Catholic subjects— 
 and their subjects towards them? By 
 Canon Law (especially the Fourth Council of 
 Lateran, 1215), a Christian prince lapsing 
 into heresy forfeited his sovereign rights. He 
 was excommunicated by the very fact; and 
 it was the Pope's duty, unless repentance 
 followed, to depose him. Paul III. in 1535 
 drew up, and did his best to publish, his 
 Bull of deposition against Henry VIII., 
 according to mediaeval precedent and in 
 the strong language of the Roman Chancery. 
 If execution did not take place, the reason 
 was that Charles V. had other burdens on 
 his shoulders, not that he questioned the 
 Papal prerogatives. For Canon Law was 
 the law of Christendom. 
 
 Catholics, it has been said on their behalf, 
 condemned "aggressive" intolerance, while 
 defending by the sword society against 
 anarchists, the moral order against inimor- 
 alists, the faith against apostates. But 
 Luther, Melanchthon, Calvin, Knox, ap-
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL 123 
 
 proved of rooting out idolatry and error 
 by the "civil magistrate." Melanchthon 
 has recorded his theory in a sentence, "Non 
 enim plectitur fides sed hoeresis" — the judge 
 chastises heresy, not faith. For example, 
 the Catholic Mass implied false doctrine 
 and was the practice of idolatry, therefore 
 governments must put it down. Melanch- 
 thon, again, contended that "obstinate" 
 Anabaptists should be done to death; and 
 Beza would have the same penalty inflicted 
 on Anti-Trinitarians. He was defending 
 the course taken with Servetus, betrayed, 
 arrested, condemned, and executed (October 
 27, 1553), under Calvin's direction. Calvin 
 himself published next year, "A Defence 
 of the Orthodox Faith, showing that heretics 
 ought to be punished by the sword." All 
 the early Reformers taught passive obedience 
 to governors, however tyrannical; but the 
 ruler must take his doctrine from the clergy. 
 Charles V. naturally proceeded to act on 
 this principle, only that he preferred the old 
 clergy to the new. But he still hoped for 
 a reconciliation, and the "Interim" of June, 
 1544, tolerated the confession of Augsburg, 
 until the Church by its oecumenical judgment 
 should decide the points at issue. The 
 Council of Trent opened with a few prelates
 
 124 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 at the appointed time, too late for an agree- 
 ment with men who were hardened against 
 Rome by twenty-five years of controversy. 
 In 1547 the Emperor, commanding Italian 
 and Papal troops, won the great victory of 
 Aliihlberg over the Lutherans. It decided 
 nothing. At Passau, and then at Augsburg 
 in 155.5, a regular peace was concluded 
 by which these same Lutherans gained 
 toleration for themselves, but other sectaries 
 were left without recognition. Xo man, 
 however, was henceforth to suffer death on 
 account of his nonconformity; but dissenters 
 might be expelled. This was the principle 
 "Cujus regio, ejus religio," the creed followed 
 the prince. By another clause, of "ecclesi- 
 astical reservation," if a Catholic prelate 
 fell away he thereby lost his ''spiritual" 
 dominions. In virtue of this exception, 
 territories extending from Austria to the 
 Rhine and as far down as Holland were 
 preserved "under the crozier." But to the 
 apprehension of Charles V. the Peace of 
 Augsburg took from the Holy Roman Empire 
 its sacred character and its meaning. His 
 long day was going down in defeat. "He 
 had neither reconciled the Protestants nor 
 reformed the Church." Under somewhat 
 affecting circumstances he laid down Ins
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL 125 
 
 dignities one by one, and expired at the con- 
 vent of St. Juste, September 21, 1558. His 
 son, Philip, inherited the Spanish legacy and 
 the Catholic interest, which he upheld or 
 exploited during the next forty years. 
 
 Francis I., who died in 1547, fulfilled that 
 saying, "Unstable as water, thou shalt not 
 excel." He wavered from side to side, 
 although the French policy was always now, 
 in effect, anti-Roman. It demanded a servile 
 Papacy, of which Avignon afforded the 
 type; a Gallican Church whose "liberties" 
 should be interpreted by the Crown law- 
 yers; and a balance of power to check the 
 Austrian-Spanish pretensions. To drive the 
 wedge of Lombardy between Vienna and 
 Madrid was the object of those repeated 
 Italian campaigns. Had France embraced the 
 Reformation, it might have attained in this 
 reign to a success that did not come until 
 Richelieu had frankly allied himself with 
 German and Swedish Protestants. But 
 Luther's intense Germanism, which swept 
 away Roman opposition in the Fatherland, 
 coidd not charm the delicate French tempera- 
 ment; to chivalry, as Francis I. still conceived 
 of it, a Saxon peasant's language and manners 
 were revolting. But neither would the King 
 of France, who had already sent Protestants
 
 126 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 to the stake, be persuaded by Master John 
 Calvin to break with Rome. 
 
 Calvin (1509-15G4), a scion of the middle 
 class, wrote his "Institutes" before he was 
 six-and-twenty, addressing the Crown on 
 behalf of loyal yet persecuted "Reformed" 
 Christians. This volume, the "Social Con- 
 tract" of the century, became to all the 
 Churches that went beyond Luther but did 
 not advance so far as Socinus, an inspired 
 comment on the Bible. It brought back 
 the idea, which Luther discarded, of a Church 
 with coercive powers; "new presbyter is 
 but old priest writ large," said Milton, and 
 history echoes him. Yet there was a differ- 
 ence. The Papal authority, existing along- 
 side of feudalism, and displayed in courtly 
 forms, had lost its earlier popular aspect. 
 The Reformation, though used by kings and 
 nobles for their own purposes, was chiefly 
 a middle-class movement. In all countries 
 it took hold of the industrial centres; it 
 flourished in the towns. We may say that 
 it disdained ritual, rejected chivalry, and 
 tended to overthrow government, even while 
 its preachers talked of passive obedience. 
 The Calvinist, above all men, was not passive, 
 and was not obedient, except to his clergy, 
 who directed all affairs, public and private.
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL 127 
 
 France by her Huguenots, Scotland by her 
 Presbyterians, the Netherlands by their 
 "Gueux," England by her Puritans, gave 
 proof that in the teaching of Calvin there was 
 danger to royalty; at all events, so thought 
 anointed persons who had to deal with its 
 uprisings. Luther was a mystic, not a con- 
 structive politician. Calvin was a lawgiver, 
 a Lycurgus at Geneva; his Christian Com- 
 monwealth did not grant much power to kings 
 in the long run, as Rousseau demonstrated. 
 Geneva, the Rome and Sparta of the North, 
 reckoned these two men, who were alike in 
 principle absolute, among her citizens. Let 
 us mark the word "citizen" which in political 
 science was to replace the word "subject." 
 At once Protestant and revolutionary, it tells 
 us why no French king could become a 
 Huguenot, and why Henry of Navarre sac- 
 rificed his creed to his crown. 
 
 When Charles V. abdicated, he made over 
 his hereditary dominions to Philip II., at that 
 time King of England. Philip's appearance 
 in the English statute-book, like Charles's 
 capture of Rome, constitutes an era. The 
 Sack of 1527 finished, as no other event could, 
 a Renaissance that dishonoured religion. 
 The fires of Smithncld gave Elizabeth her 
 sovereign power, which no arbitrary con-
 
 128 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 duct of ministers and no conspiracies, at home 
 or abroad, could weaken. Spain and England, 
 warily diplomatizing with each other until 
 the Armada was ready, held the future 
 between them in a doubtful balance. The 
 Spanish Empire, extending from Sicily to 
 Mexico, secure while France was torn by the 
 Guises, the Condes, the Colignys, had one 
 vulnerable spot — the Netherlands, where, 
 thanks to Philip and his lieutenant Alva, 
 reform broke out into revolution. The United 
 States of Holland were baptized in blood. 
 Elizabeth also, intent on making Ireland 
 Protestant by confiscation, by laying Mini- 
 ster waste, by hunting the "mere Irish" 
 down to starve and die, entered on the 
 remarkable experiment which has bound the 
 Island of St. Patrick more closely than ever 
 to Rome, and sent forth its exiles as pioneers 
 of Catholicism in three Continents. These 
 results were certain by the end of the 
 sixteenth century. What of Austria and 
 the German Empire? Would Central Europe 
 return to its Roman allegiance, or become 
 altogether Protest an 1? That question was 
 answered by the Thirty Years' War and the 
 Peace of Westphalia. 
 
 k * \ i. reformed and disorganized/' the gov- 
 ernment of which Paul III. was the last
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL 129 
 
 representative had been shattered as by an 
 earthquake. But the Catholic Church re- 
 mained. Gathering her resources, first in the 
 Jesuit Order, then in the Council of Trent, 
 and putting them into the hands of a reno- 
 vated Papacy, she went forward in the New 
 and the Old World undauntedly. The Coun- 
 cil, divided into three periods (1545-47; 
 1551-52; 1562-64), "showed the Church as 
 a living institution, capable of work and 
 achievement; it strengthened the confidence 
 both of her members and herself; and it was 
 a powerful factor in heightening her efficiency 
 as a competitor with Protestantism, and in 
 restoring and reinforcing her imperilled 
 unity." Such is the judgment of a modern 
 historian, not a Catholic. Trent undid the 
 effects of Constance and Basle by its entire 
 submission to guidance from the Vatican. Its 
 theological decisions were shaped in large 
 measure by the Jesuits Laynez and Salmeron. 
 Though scantily attended, the Council ex- 
 pressed so unmistakably the voice of tradition 
 that no genuine disciple of the Reformers 
 could accept it, and all true adherents of the 
 Papacy gave it a hearty welcome. France, 
 indeed, and even Spain, faithful to their ro} r aI 
 despotism, would not suffer its decrees to 
 modify the civil legislation. Philip II. was
 
 130 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 tenacious of his quasi-spiritual rights; France 
 of her Gallican liberties. The German Empire 
 formally did not recognize the Council. It is 
 among the fatalities of this and succeeding 
 times, that so-called Catholic powers checked 
 the victory of their own faith, lest the 
 mediaeval theocracy should be restored. 
 
 But no restoration came of the system 
 which Gregory VII. had affirmed as a theory 
 and sealed by Henry IV. 's submission at 
 Canossa. Paul III. could not wrest the 
 English sceptre from Henry Tudor. "When 
 Caraffa became Paul IV. (1555-59) his Nea- 
 politan aversion to the Spaniards, and his 
 headstrong temper, led him to declare war 
 against Philip II., whom he threatened with 
 forfeiture of all his crowns. Once more a 
 Spanish army came up towards Rome, under 
 the Duke of Alva, who, like a second Moncada, 
 extorted peace at the point of the sword. 
 When we reflect on Alva's la lor fame in the 
 Low Countries, on Paul's defenceless position, 
 and on Philip's place in history as champion 
 of Papal claims, a more amazing comedy of 
 cross-purposes can hardly be imagined. Paul 
 IV. was a vigorous reformer, yet he gave the 
 sacred purple lo nephews who, for manifest 
 crimes, were put lo death by his successor. 
 jNlarv Tudor and Cardinal Pole had brought
 
 THE CATHOLIC REVIVAL 131 
 
 England back to the Roman Communion. 
 This, surely not clear-eyed, Pontiff expended 
 on Mary some of the thunder with which he 
 meant to strike her husband, suspended Pole 
 from the legatine dignity, and thought of 
 proceeding still further when queen and 
 cardinal died. In 1566 the Cardinal of 
 Alessandria, who had presided over the In- 
 quisition with great energy, was elected, and 
 under the name of St. Pius V., holds a place 
 in the Church's calendar. By this time, relig- 
 ion, diplomacy, war, and tyrannicide were 
 occupying one stage and exchanging parts in 
 a world-wide confusion. St. Pius V., by the 
 solemn act "Regnans in excelsis," declared 
 Queen Elizabeth fallen from her royal estate, 
 and bade her subjects give up their allegiance. 
 These were measures which had no prospect 
 of success; on the contrary, as Urban ^ III. 
 afterwards took note, they bore most heavily 
 on English Catholics, charged with treason, 
 and from that day liable to its atrocious 
 penalties. Bulls of deposition belonged to an 
 irrecoverable past. 
 
 In Gregory XIII. 's reign occurred the 
 massacre of St. Bartholomew (1572), devised 
 by the French Court, and still to be seen 
 depicted, though without its historical inscrip- 
 tion, on the walls of the Vatican sala regia.
 
 132 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 We need not stir the embers of that fire. 
 Catherine dei Medici let Queen Elizabeth 
 know that she might do with her Catholic 
 subjects even as Charles IX. had done with 
 his Huguenots, "cujus regio, ejus religio," — 
 a truly Medicean philosophy. The Catholic 
 League, the War in the Netherlands, the 
 Spanish Armada, had religion for a pretext, to 
 some extent for a motive. But the Popes were 
 beginning to establish a balance of European 
 powers instead of the mediaeval suzerainty 
 snatched from their grasp. Sixtus V. (1585- 
 1590), a strong ruler, magnificent in his plans, 
 the founder of a new system of government in 
 the Curia, and of the Rome which lasted in 
 its main lines down to 1870, excommunicated 
 Henry of Navarre, and joined the League. 
 But Sixtus could not overcome Henry. It 
 was the unmistakable feeling of the French 
 nation which compelled the Bearnais to quit 
 his Calvinism; and Clement VIII. , who 
 absolved him, desired to make France a 
 counterpoise to the Spanish monarchy. This 
 was the long duel that created alliances and 
 wars until an effective solution was reached 
 in the Treaties of 1648, when the old-world 
 system passed finally away. But thirty years 
 of battle and of German anarchy went before 
 the triumph of France.
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 FROM THE ESCORIAL TO VERSAILLES (1563- 
 1715. CERVANTES, "DON QUIXOTE " J 
 
 BOSSUET, "FUNERAL ORATIONS ") 
 
 Philip II., a man of mediocre ability, un- 
 pleasing character, and conscientious attend- 
 ance to duty, ruled his empire from his 
 desk, in the granite palace of the Escorial, 
 by slow unscrupulous methods, not without 
 some degree of success. That empire, which 
 he held during all but five years of Elizabeth's 
 reign (in fact from 1556 to 1598) was bound 
 together only by religion; and for a time it 
 seemed that Philip's dominions would be 
 coextensive with the Roman Church. From 
 1580 he was master of Portugal and all its 
 colonies. He exploited, and his missionaries 
 converted, the American Indies, from which 
 the Silver Fleet brought infinite and fatal 
 wealth to be hoarded in his treasury. Spain 
 was governed on the lines of High Protection 
 ■ — Ihe Faith was to be defended, especially 
 against Luther (whose name comprised all 
 
 133
 
 134 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 heretics); and the world's bullion was to he 
 held as a reserve in Castilian coffers. To 
 purge the realm, all non-converted Jews 
 had been expelled in 1492 by Ferdinand 
 and Isabella. The rigorous Inquisition, a 
 political no less than ecclesiastical engine of 
 government, kept watch over the Maranos, 
 or "New Christians," whose Hebrew descent 
 w T as more certain than their belief in the creed 
 of the Church. These unhappy thousands 
 suffered at home, or fled abroad — to Italy 
 first, and then to liberated Holland. In 
 1507 the Moriscocs, equally suspected and 
 exasperated, rose in revolt; they were over- 
 come, to be expelled in 1010 by Philip III. 
 It is not now imagined that Spanish com- 
 merce or credit were immediately affected by 
 driving out the Jews. 
 
 Until France recovered from its long 
 agony, the Empire of Castile was safe, in- 
 comparably rich, valiant, and adventurous. 
 As Giberti had warned Clement VII., the 
 Pope was become a Spanish chaplain, seated 
 at Rome between Philip's viceroys of Naples 
 and Milan. The victorious Company of Jesus 
 could not fail to strengthen a power which had 
 prolocted them almost from the beginning. 
 English Catholic exiles, Father Parsons at
 
 ESCORIAL TO VERSAILLES 135 
 
 their head, were usually "hispaniolated," 
 although a few in Flanders, of whom Paget 
 was the spokesman, remained loyal, despite 
 their sufferings. The earlier bonds of patriot- 
 ism had melted in the furnace of religious 
 heats, and the Leaguers in France, Cardinal 
 Allen in Home, were willing to yield the 
 crowns of their respective countries to his 
 Catholic Majesty. The impending war with 
 Spain had provoked Coligny's murder and the 
 massacre of St. Bartholomew — an event, said 
 Lord Clarendon, which all pious Catholics 
 at the time abominated. In 15S5, when the 
 League was formed, Philip stood at the zenith 
 of his power; he meant that his daughter, 
 Isabel, should be Queen of France; and on 
 the Armada's triumph he was to be himself 
 King of England. Had Farnese, Prince of 
 Parma, succeeded in bringing his army 
 across the Channel, that usurpation might 
 easily have been effected. For the Spanish- 
 Italian soldiers were the best in Europe. But 
 the Armada was wrecked; Jacques Clement, 
 a crazy Dominican friar, stabbed Henry III.; 
 and the House of Bourbon commenced the 
 final stage of French monarchy. 
 
 In I5ih2 Farnese, the great-grandson of Paul 
 III., and famous champion of the League,
 
 136 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 died. Under Henry IV. the French, returning 
 to their old ways, became Royalist and 
 Gallican once more. England, delivered from 
 fear of Spanish invasions, nursing its Puritan 
 youth for the most revolutionary movement 
 in modern history, bided its time. The 
 Low Countries, which in 15GG had risen only 
 to be defeated, in 1572 revolted again, and 
 in 1570 the United States of Holland became 
 a Republic. They found a leader in William 
 the Silent, Prince of Orange. He was killed 
 in 1584 by an "obscure fanatic" named 
 Gerard, who acted upon the doctrine of 
 assassination which divines allowed and 
 statesmen practised. Coligny, Burghley, 
 William the Silent himself, Queen Elizabeth, 
 and other chiefs of parties or rulers of States, 
 entered into murder-plots. Mariana, the 
 Spanish Jesuit, defended tyrannicide and 
 Jacques Clement in a notorious book, after- 
 wards condemned by the superiors of the 
 Society; but his views were generally ad- 
 mitted, and the contrivers of the Powder 
 Plot (whoever these happened to be) knew 
 that it was so. 
 
 The triple alliance of France, England, 
 and the United Provinces in 1596 denoted 
 two conclusions of far-reaching importance.
 
 ESCORIAL TO VERSAILLES 137 
 
 Holland was, though grudgingly, recognized 
 as a sovereign power which would hold the 
 commerce of the seas until Cromwell's Navi- 
 gation Act gave it to Great Britain; and the 
 French government, professing itself Catholic, 
 was taking up an attitude towards Spain and 
 Austria such as to make universal Catholic 
 restoration impossible. The dying Philip gave 
 what was left of the Netherlands to his 
 daughter and her husband, the "Archdukes." 
 A truce of twelve years, thanks to Henry IV., 
 divided Belgium from the Dutch Republic, 
 and Henry, preparing to invade Germany, fell 
 under the poignard of Ravaillac in 1G10. 
 The mission of this Bourbon prince, always 
 half a Protestant, was to be taken up by 
 Richelieu, the Cardinal-Duke, orthodox and 
 intolerant at home, a Calvinist in his policy 
 on the Meuse and the Rhine, who must be 
 held to have sacrificed his own religion in 
 order that France might seize the paramount 
 power, slipping now from the feeble hands 
 of Spain. 
 
 The Thirty Years' War, at which we have 
 arrived, is not unfairly summed up as the 
 last of the Crusades, or wars on behalf of 
 Catholicism. It was a desperate struggle to 
 revive the Holy Roman Empire, which
 
 138 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 could not be done without opposing the 
 extension of privileges, already acquired by 
 Lutherans, to their Calvinist rivals. Had 
 these latter been worsted, the Confession of 
 Augsburg would have lost its legal status 
 also. Bohemia naturally offered the ground 
 of battle. There, after 1390, the Wycliffite 
 movement had assumed a significance for 
 Central Europe, and had sown the seed from 
 which Luther reaped a hundredfold. Its 
 King, George Podiebrad (1458-1-171), fought 
 dexterously against Roman influences, leaving 
 the country prepared to welcome any change 
 that would enable it to cast off the Pope's 
 authority. Lutherans abounded in Bohemia; 
 for under Maximilian II. Austria had the least 
 intolerant of governments. Hungary, too, 
 was largely Protestant, while the Emperor 
 brought in "a conciliatory, neutral, uncon- 
 ventional Catholicism," the scorn of earnest 
 believers, whether orthodox or reformed. 
 Poland, by reason of a similar policy, was fast 
 becoming the Promised Land of Socinians. 
 
 But all this while the Catholic Revival was 
 advancing along the German rivers, ever since 
 the Jesuits had daringly established them- 
 selves in Ingolstadt under the Duke of Ba- 
 varia (1511). Learning, zeal, and political
 
 ESCORIAL TO VERSAILLES 139 
 
 influence, including that of Charles V., were 
 at their disposal. St. Peter Canisius, their 
 young and brilliant German disciple, per- 
 suaded Charles to depose Archbishop von 
 Wied of Cologne; it was a warning to every 
 prelate in the Fatherland that reform could 
 no longer be put off. Canisius, preaching and 
 teaching, did a marvellous work among his 
 fellow-countrymen. He was ably seconded by 
 the third General, who astonished Rome by 
 the spectacle of a Borgia, Duke of Gandia, 
 great-grandson of Alexander VI., as remark- 
 able for every Catholic virtue as his Papal 
 ancestor had been for the opposite. 
 
 St. Francis Borgia founded the Roman 
 College, or central university, as it proved, 
 of the Society; he enlarged the German 
 College, due to St. Ignatius, where priests 
 of that nation might be trained in strict 
 discipline and devotion to the Holy See. 
 Rome was the meeting-place of saints as it 
 had formerly been of poets and men of letters. 
 The Vatican put on the air of a monastery. 
 Ignatius, Charles Borromeo, Cardinal Ghis- 
 lieri, afterwards Pius V., Philip Neri, and 
 many others who have been canonized, were 
 fellow-citizens or contemporaries in this new 
 age, fertile beyond description in a type of
 
 140 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 exalted and passionate sanctity that drew 
 back from no self-sacrifice on behalf of the 
 Creed of Trent. The Jesuits excelled by vir- 
 tue of their military yet flexible system, and 
 displayed personal enthusiasm which the 
 "Exercises " enlightened, while obedience gave 
 it a definite scope. They were taught to dis- 
 like Erasmus; but in their schools the Eras- 
 mian ideas of education prevailed, and a 
 graceful literary style, a rhetoric persuasive 
 though tending to be florid, announced that 
 these Clerks Regular were genuine heirs of 
 the Renaissance. Like Francis Bacon, who 
 praised their methods of teaching unreserv- 
 edly, they took all knowledge for their prov- 
 ince. Soon they could reckon names of emi- 
 nence in every department of research and 
 discovery. Their divines, Laynez, Suarez, and 
 in the next generation the French patristic 
 scholar, Pctavius, made a distinct advance on 
 the older theological methods. Their most 
 original writer was the Spaniard Molina, who 
 refuted Calvin and by anticipation Jansenius. 
 Rome, it has been said, was now "serious 
 arid repentant," notwithstanding some great 
 tragedies of crime. By the side of the German 
 College similar institutions sprang up. The 
 Canon Law was revised, the Vulgate Bible
 
 ESCORIAL TO VERSAILLES 141 
 
 edited under Sixtus V. and Clement VIII. 
 The Jesuit Cardinal Bellarmine shaped the 
 controversy with Reformers into the position 
 which it kept afterwards until Joseph de 
 Maistre gave it an entirely new basis. Car- 
 dinal Baronius, the Oratorian, published in 
 eleven folios a history of the Church that 
 for largeness of design and patience of learn- 
 ing has never been surpassed. But while 
 Rome was concentrating her forces, "the first 
 explosion of private judgment," says Lecky, 
 "had shivered Protestantism into countless 
 sects." In this hurly-burly, which was fast 
 becoming a civil war, the Lutherans lost, 
 the Calvinists gained, but the common cause 
 suffered. It would be the task of genius to 
 better Macaulay's description of this wonder- 
 ful change in the tide of human affairs by 
 which the Popes, driven back to their Roman 
 ramparts, advanced with freshly-recruited 
 legions a hundred years later almost to 
 the shores of the Baltic. "At first," writes 
 Macaulay, "the chances seemed to be de- 
 cidedly in favour of Protestantism; but the 
 victory remained with the Church of Rome. 
 On every point she was successful. If we 
 leap over another half-century (from about 
 15^0 to 1G30) we find her victorious and
 
 142 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 dominant in France, Belgium, Bavaria, Bo- 
 hemia, Austria, Poland, and Hungary. Nor 
 has Protestantism, in the course of two 
 hundred years, been able to recover any part 
 of what was then lost." 
 
 Much had been done for the Catholic 
 cause in Styria and Carinthia by the Arch- 
 duke Ferdinand, who, in 1017, became King 
 of Bohemia and Emperor-elect. In this 
 larger world he followed up the same policy. 
 He did not shrink from acts of repression, 
 justified as he held by violations of law on the 
 part of his Protestant subjects, which led to 
 revolt and his attempted deposition by them. 
 They offered the crown to Frederick V., 
 elector palatine, son-in-law of James I., and 
 thus ancestor of the Hanoverian Stuarts, our 
 present reigning family. Frederick came to 
 Prague, and the most desolating of modern 
 wars began (1618-1648). In this wild en- 
 counter it is hard to disentangle secular 
 from religious motives. The Pope of the day. 
 Urban VIII. (1623-1644), faintly shadowed 
 forth in his learning, ostentation, nepotism, 
 and ambitious aims, the fiercer memories 
 left him by the Renaissance. Urbino fell 
 by reversion to the Holy See in 1631. But 
 Urban's own war of Castro for the duchy of
 
 ESCOPJAL TO VERSAILLES 143 
 
 Parma was humiliating and unsuccessful. 
 He leaned on France; distrusted and offended 
 the Emperor Ferdinand; won for himself 
 a bad name from uncompromising Catholics; 
 and died without having contributed decisive 
 help to his own cause in Germany. 
 
 Richelieu came on the scene at the States- 
 General of 1614, where he represented the 
 clergy of Poitou. This assembly, the last 
 of its kind until 1789, was Catholic in its 
 sympathies, while asserting the King's divine 
 right in opposition to Paul V. But Riche- 
 lieu's lease of absolute power, unbroken 
 henceforward, began in 1624. The Cardinal- 
 minister finished with his Huguenots at La 
 Rochelle (1628) but did not revoke the Edict 
 of Xantes. The Dutch fleet helped this 
 Catholic prelate to conquer their co-religion- 
 ists; and he in turn protected Holland 
 against the united forces of Spain and the 
 Empire. He could not, however, prevent 
 the victorious onset of Tilly, an orthodox 
 general, devoted to the Jesuits, who for 
 ten years carried all before him. Frederick, 
 the "Winter King," lost Prague; Max of 
 Bavaria became Catholic elector instead 
 of the fugitive and deposed Lutheran; the 
 "League" was triumphant. Wallenstein, a
 
 144 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 convert, also a Jesuit pupil, created the 
 Austrian army, by way of enabling Ferdi- 
 nand to balance his own allies, now be- 
 come too hard for him. The League was, 
 indeed, a religious confederation, but its 
 members did not want the Emperor to be 
 strong. 
 
 TVallenstein, whom for an instant we may 
 compare with Richelieu, would have made 
 the Habsburg master of all German princes, 
 as the Cardinal in France was breaking the 
 noblesse. But the Emperor did not second 
 Wallenstein. He published in March, 1G29, 
 the Edict of Restitution and dismissed the 
 lieutenant who had overcome his opponents 
 gloriously, but who would not execute these 
 orders. By the Edict, all Church lands in 
 the possession of Protestants since the 
 arrangement at Passau (1552) were to be 
 given back. Lutherans and Calvinists joined 
 forces. Richelieu had perhaps contrived the 
 dismissal of Wallenstein; now he called to 
 the Swedish King, Gustavus Adolphus, and 
 sent him into Germany as the Protestant 
 champion (1030). Gustavus, no doubt, pro- 
 posed to defend his religious brethren; but 
 the reward was to be Sweden's leadership 
 of Reformed Europe,
 
 ESCORIAL TO VERSAILLES 145 
 
 high in the heavens. Tilly won Magdeburg, 
 which lying rumour accused him of burning; 
 but the King defeated the Catholic in a 
 tremendous battle at Breitenfeld, swept 
 down the "Church lane" from Wiirtzburg 
 to the Rhenish electorates, and turned on 
 Bavaria. Tilly died of his wounds at Ingol- 
 stadt. Wallenstein was persuaded to save 
 Austria and the League. He repulsed Gus- 
 tavus, who had come within sight of the 
 Alps; but who had wasted his chance of 
 marching to Vienna. At Liitzen (November 
 6, 1632) the Swedish hero was killed; his 
 star flashed and went out like a meteor. 
 Wallenstein offered Saxony and Branden- 
 burg peace with religious freedom; but in so 
 doing, fell into treason. His death, which is 
 the subject of Schiller's finest tragedy, was 
 sanctioned by the Emperor. With a deed 
 of assassination the German crusade came 
 to an end (1634). But its fruits were not 
 scanty. Ferdinand had inherited lands nine- 
 tenths of whose inhabitants, it is said, held 
 the Reformers' faith. He reversed these 
 numbers, made Bohemia, Austria, and the 
 adjacent territories Catholic, and decided 
 that the Danube, as well as the Rhine, should 
 flow through orthodox fields. The Imperial-
 
 14G PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 ist victory at Nordlingen (1035) avenged 
 Breitenfeld, but left Saxony Lutheran. 
 
 Richelieu continued the war. His armies 
 were successful in Roussillon and Savoy; his 
 Swedish mercenaries invaded Silesia. The 
 two chief Catholic powers were brought low 
 by a Roman Cardinal. He died in 1G42; 
 but his diplomacy had traced the lines which 
 in 1G48, by the Peace of Westphalia, de- 
 termined for one hundred and forty years 
 the balance of European power. France, 
 allied to the belligerent disciples of Luther 
 and Calvin, flung Austria back upon its 
 hereditary dominions, curbed Spain, and ful- 
 filled the ambitious dreams which Francis I. 
 had dreamt in vain, of a Gallic supremacy. 
 Protestants were shut out from every prov- 
 ince of the Habsburgs except Silesia; the 
 general position reverted to that of 1G24. 
 Propaganda by the sword was given up on 
 both sides. But the Reformed Churches 
 sank under the jurisdiction of secular princes, 
 and every petty Ca?sar became a Pope. 
 
 Innocent X. protested against the principle 
 thus made public law — formulated, curiously 
 enough, in these very years by Ilobbes in 
 his "Leviathan " — and Innocent's protesl, 
 sa vs Lord Aelon, "is one of the glories of
 
 ESCORIAL TO VERSAILLES 147 
 
 the Papacy." It was a pica for liberty of 
 conscience against "an ecclesiastical author- 
 ity more arbitrary than the Pope had ever 
 possessed." The Treaty bears date October 
 24, 1048. In effect it dissolved the Empire. 
 It brought France to the Rhine. It secular- 
 ized a large portion of ecclesiastical territory. 
 By recognizing the independence of Switzer- 
 land and the United Provinces it acknowl- 
 edged what have since been termed "accom- 
 plished facts." Three "confessions," or 
 religious creeds, now divided Western Europe, 
 of which the Catholic faith was only one. The 
 Roman Curia, looked upon as a foreign power 
 in Germany, excluded from interference in 
 Spain by the Inquisition, and held at a dis- 
 tance by Mazarin no less than by Richelieu, 
 could no longer issue decrees which carried a 
 political importance. The interdict, launched 
 by Paul V. against Venice in 1G05, was a 
 failure and never repeated. The deposing 
 power was extinct. Brandenburg, founded 
 as a secular State by an heretical Grand 
 Master of the Teutonic Order, was growing 
 up to be the Kingdom of Prussia in 1701.
 
 148 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Section II 
 the "great king," LOUIS xiv. (1643-1715) 
 
 But few coincidences are more remarkable 
 than that which links October 24, 1648, with 
 January 30, 1649. German Protestants were 
 yielding submission to the civil magistrate 
 at the moment when English Puritans were 
 beheading their King in front of Whitehall. 
 At Naseby the Ironsides trained by Cromwell 
 had dashed to pieces the old Csesarism, 
 which claimed to establish, and thereby to 
 enslave, religion. On that stricken field the 
 Declaration of Independence was born. In 
 all countries, too, where penal legislation 
 pressed hard on Catholics, an escape was 
 sought. Jesuit arguments anticipated the 
 Whig limits to State authority; while in 
 Maryland the famous Act of Toleration, 
 likewise drawn up in 1649, announced that 
 Catholics and Protestants could live in peace 
 under the same laws. This was not a Puritan 
 measure but was due to Lord Baltimore, 
 whose father had joined the Roman Church. 
 lie "was the first," says Bancroft, "to make 
 religious freedom the basis of the State." 
 
 Religious unity was declared to be impos- 
 sible by the Acts of Westphalia. Cromwell
 
 LOUIS XIV. 149 
 
 stood for Independence against Presbyteri- 
 ans after he had smitten the head of the 
 Anglican Establishment. He aimed at oli- 
 garchy, but the event was other than he in- 
 tended. To cite the Greek illustration, every 
 chief would assign the first place to himself; 
 but all gave the second to Themistocles. In- 
 nocent X. decried the axiom, "Whosoever 
 has the land shall write the creed." Jeremy 
 Taylor, in hiding as a loyal Anglican, com- 
 posed his defence of the "Liberty of Prophesy- 
 ing." Milton in "Areopagitica" lifted the 
 freedom of the press to an epic grandeur. 
 Grotius had discovered, not without help of 
 St. Thomas Aquinas, that there is a Higher 
 Law, and that government implies a con- 
 tract between ruler and subjects. On the 
 other side were Richelieu, Hobbes, Bossuet, 
 Louis XIV. The debate which was thus 
 opened will carry us down to the American 
 and the French Revolutions, both founded 
 on the doctrine of responsible authority and 
 the right of resistance to its unjust use. 
 
 In France it was a question of the Crown. 
 Cardinal Bellarmine's volume, defending the 
 high Papal view of jurisdiction over sover- 
 eigns, was burnt in 1G10 by order of the 
 Parlement of Paris. The answer which Sua-
 
 150 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 rez wrote to James I.'s exaltation of his royal 
 prerogatives met with a similar fate in 1014. 
 "They saw," observes Lecky of these and 
 like-minded Jesuits, "that a great future 
 was in store for the people, and they laboured 
 with a zeal that will secure them everlasting 
 honour to hasten and direct the emanci- 
 pation." It was not now the Supreme Pon- 
 tiff only, but the nation, that might depose 
 and execute a tyrannical sovereign. The 
 Jesuits maintained these startling doctrines, 
 of course, as weapons to pull down heretical 
 Tudors, or the faithless Valois, Henry III., 
 or Henry of Navarre, not yet converted. 
 But others besides the outspoken Mariana 
 taught them from Spanish chairs of theology 
 and in Rome. It was from Suarez imme- 
 diately that Grotius, the Dutch Arminian, 
 drew his own general principles. On the 
 other hand, French jurists could point to 
 the murder of these two French kings as a 
 dreadful comment on theories of tyrannicide. 
 Between the social contract and the divine 
 indefeasible right of their glorious monarchy 
 no reconciliation seemed to them possible. 
 
 These differences had broken into violent 
 discussions at the States-General of 1011, 
 when the anti-regal tractate of Suarez was
 
 LOUIS XIV. 151 
 
 committed to the flames. Crown lawyers 
 prepared the way for a Jansenist revolt 
 against Jesuit direction, though as yet Jan- 
 senism was not. Later on, there was coming 
 a strange, three-cornered alliance of Royalist, 
 Gallican, and Port Royal, each attacking 
 the Great Company from a special point of 
 view, and at last effecting its overthrow. 
 But the Regalists under captains like Charles 
 du Moulin led the charge, although as early 
 as 1554 the Sorbonne had condemned cer- 
 tain Jesuit propositions. In 1594 they were 
 banished the kingdom. Henry IV. gave 
 them leave to return. While Richelieu lived 
 he was master, and wielded the two swords 
 like any Pope. The Roman authorities 
 tolerated an imperium in imperio which 
 they were unable to subdue; moreover 
 the Cardinal was undoubtedly zealous for 
 religion, though with political by-ends. 
 
 The Jansenist controversy, which Riche- 
 lieu endeavoured to stifle at its birth by 
 imprisoning that gloomy genius, St. Cyran, 
 in Vincennes, is usually dated from 1G40. Its 
 effect was to display the Papal prerogative of 
 determining dogma, without appeal to Coun- 
 cil or hierarchy, on the widest of theatres. 
 When Innocent X. proscribed the famous
 
 152 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 "Five Propositions," which represented as 
 in a scientific formula the doctrine of Jansen 
 (consigned to his great volume the "August- 
 inus "), France and Catholic Christendom 
 bowed to the ruling. The Vatican decrees 
 of 1870 were anticipated by these acts; nor 
 did the French bishops venture to complain. 
 
 According to a picturesque figure, the 
 Reformation had created within the Church 
 a state of siege. Power was by necessity 
 centred in the Pope's hands, so that while 
 his temporal jurisdiction was falling away, his 
 teaching and administrative functions grew 
 more active than ever. Hence the defeat 
 of Port Royal. Though betraying affini- 
 ties of doctrine and temper with Calvin — ■ 
 whose logic must always impress the minds 
 of Frenchmen — Port Royal would never 
 have dared to turn Huguenot. Freedom, 
 religious or political, was unknown to the age 
 of Louis XIV. But, in any case, the Council 
 of Trent had shown that it was impossible to 
 defend the ancient creed while disobeying 
 that Papal authority in which, as Bellarmine 
 argued, the sum of it was contained. 
 
 Port Royal, therefore, cast aside all that the 
 Pope rejected; but distinguishing between 
 doctrine and fact, it was eager to remove
 
 LOUIS XIV. 153 
 
 St. Cyran, its late director, beyond the sus- 
 picion of formal Jansenism. The distinction 
 was not allowed and the famous Abbey be- 
 came a desolation. Though Pascal, its one 
 man of genius (whom it did not train), as- 
 sumed with magnificent strategy the offensive 
 against the Society of Jesus, bringing it into 
 the line of fire, he could not save a cloister 
 which the King hated because it drew away 
 from him the eyes of Paris, and which Bossuet 
 condemned for standing out when authority 
 required it to submit. In the historical per- 
 spective we recognize that if the "solitaries" 
 had not been put down the Church of a middle 
 way would have arisen in France, anti-Ro- 
 man from the southern point of view, anti- 
 Protestant from the northern. Louis and 
 Bossuet were Gallican according to the for- 
 mula of Pisa, Constance, Basle — French 
 Councils which would fain have made the 
 Pope a constitutional monarch, while the 
 King was to be absolute. But Louis XIV. 
 could not have grasped the spiritual sense of 
 St. Cyran; nor had the incomparable orator of 
 Meaux any sympathy for a doctrine which he 
 must have thought less human than the Gos- 
 pel, and less coherent than Calvinism. Bos- 
 suet was an Augustinian, not a Jansenist.
 
 154 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Louis XIV., during his reign of seventy- 
 two years (1643-1715), arrogated to himself a 
 dominion over Church and State like that of 
 Philip II., to whose unique position among 
 monarchs he succeeded. He was at once the 
 protector of Catholic faith at home and 
 abroad, the persecutor of Huguenots, the trial 
 and terror of the Holy See. Ill-instructed, 
 dissolute, worshipping himself as others wor- 
 shipped him, the "Great King" had wit 
 enough to discern capacity and to reward 
 merit. His inheritance from the age of 
 Louis XIII. gave to the first half of his reign 
 a lustre which was tarnished by defeat, and 
 misfortune in the second. But Catholic 
 learning, eloquence, devotion — its benevo- 
 lent enterprises and missionary zeal, lent to 
 the Church of France, under the greatest of 
 the Bourbons, a distinction which none other 
 could rival. It had saints of charity like 
 Vincent de Paul; preachers and apologists 
 like Bossuct and Fenclon; the lonely splen- 
 dour of Pascal, the pathos and harmonies of 
 Racine. Even Port Royal, which Roman 
 orthodoxy cannot approve, adds to the glory 
 of the days of Louis by it> austere unworldli- 
 ncss, its erudition — witness the names of 
 Tillemont and Sacy — its proud re^stance to 
 Kins and Council.
 
 LOUIS XIV. 155 
 
 But Dollinger has laid bare the vice of 
 that Gallican system which for sixty years 
 and more set no bounds, short of manifest 
 heresy, to royal despotism. If passive obe- 
 dience carried to the extreme was a badge 
 of Anglicans at this time, so was it of Bossuet 
 and the contemporary divines across the 
 Channel, who did not perceive that they 
 were applauding the wicked principles of 
 Westphalia condemned by the Pope. For 
 if it was chiefly the sovereign's will on which 
 these Gallicans relied to destroy Port Royal, 
 and if by it they justified the Revocation of 
 the Edict of Nantes, how could their suc- 
 cessors argue against the absolute State which 
 exiled the clergy and suppressed the religious 
 orders? From 1C85 to 1789 the fatal logic 
 that deduces anti-clericalism as a consequence 
 of court-idolatry at Versailles moves on step 
 by step. The persons of the drama exchange 
 parts; the plot remains the same. 
 
 It was not, therefore, by accident that 
 Louis, in the same years when he meditated 
 the forced conversion or banishment of his 
 Huguenot subjects (as truly French as any 
 Bourbon), found himself at enmity with the 
 Holy See. But the moment proved decisive 
 of many things. Looking back we observe
 
 156 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 how Charles II., purchased by French money, 
 had so irritated and alarmed Protestant 
 England that an imaginary Popish Plot drove 
 the nation mad. This was to be followed 
 up by the double intrigues of Versailles, which 
 Barillon conducted in London. They were 
 designed to weaken English power, and only 
 in the second place to forward the progress 
 of Catholicism. James II. was in the eyes 
 of Frenchmen a tributary viceroy of the 
 "Grand Monarque," and England a subject 
 province. 
 
 Now in St. Peter's chair from 1G76 to 1G89 
 sat Innocent XL, a saintly, reforming Pontiff. 
 He dreaded the overweening pretensions of 
 which Louis had given proofs no less in sacred 
 than in secular departments. Like his pred- 
 ecessors he clung to the balance of power, 
 alone adapted, since the Popes could no longer 
 depose Kings, to secure the possessions of 
 the Roman Church and his own independence. 
 Louis XIV. had extended, with a haughty 
 indifference to the Curia, his so-called "regal 
 rights" over the property of vacant bishop- 
 rics. Innocent remonstrated to no purpose, 
 as Clement X. had done before him. A 
 succession of able writers, high prelates 
 among them, Richer, De Marca, Launoy,
 
 LOUIS XIV. 157 
 
 Dupin, had published abroad or were still 
 expounding the doctrine of a royal supremacy 
 not much less limited than was maintained 
 by Hooker and Andre wes. The French 
 bishops obeyed their King with trembling. 
 Louis, who knew nothing of theology, con- 
 voked them to Paris in 1682. This Gallican 
 assembly was intended to resume the attitude 
 of Constance and to win for itself the author- 
 ity of a General Council. Bossuet, the last of 
 the Church doctors, profoundly Catholic, 
 but misled by the philosophy of Hobbes, 
 which on this point he took to be scriptural, 
 paid an excessive deference to the King, 
 whom he should have warned against med- 
 dling with matters too high for him. A 
 schism appeared to be imminent, and the 
 Bishop of Meaux preached his masterpiece of 
 rhetoric on the "Unity of the Church," 
 exalting Papal claims, but demanding as if a 
 novelty that the Holy See should govern by 
 Canon Law. The bishops subscribed to the 
 "Four Articles," which rejected utterly the 
 Pope's power in temporals outside his own 
 states, and denied that lie was infallible ex 
 cathedra. Louis imposed this declaration 
 on the whole French clergy, and even the 
 Jesuits submitted under constraint. Gal-
 
 158 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 lican theology and Regalist law had joined 
 hands. But the strife was not ended. Louis 
 would yet discover, in the apt words of 
 Macaulay, that "having alienated one great 
 section of Christendom by persecuting the 
 Huguenots, he alienated another by insulting 
 the Holy See." 
 
 Thanks to these opposed but not unseason- 
 able blunders on the part of Louis, the Vatican 
 at this critical turn in affairs escaped a grave 
 calamity. "Whoever persecuted the French 
 Calvinists, it was not Innocent XL, for he 
 raised his voice against "dragooning" them 
 by "armed apostles," into a feigned accept- 
 ance of beliefs which they rejected in their 
 hearts. He is likewise happily free from a 
 share in the procedure, as disastrous as it was 
 short-sighted, of James II. James, a devout 
 profligate, had imbibed Gallican ideas, which 
 the crafty Barillon did his utmost to encour- 
 age. And by this dream of royal omnipotence 
 the King drove Tory Oxford and Protestant 
 England to put in practice the Jesuit principle 
 of resistance, upheld by Suarez against 
 James's own grandfather. The situation had 
 its ironies for observant spectators. Innocent 
 counselled prudence and moderation. lie 
 declined to make the Jesuit Father Petre a
 
 LOUIS XIV. 159 
 
 Cardinal. His representative at the court of 
 St. James's, Count d'Adda, submitted with 
 reluctance to public honours which would 
 only vex and scandalize a Protestant nation. 
 And the insolent policy of Louis compelled 
 the Holy See, while supporting ecclesiastical 
 immunities on the Rhine, to strengthen the 
 hands of William of Orange. William broke 
 his promise to the Vatican of toleration for 
 Catholics when Innocent had passed away. 
 But even so late as 1697 feeling in Rome 
 continued to be anti-Jacobite. To such unex- 
 pected consequences did the "Four Articles" 
 lead. Once more a French King ruined the 
 fortunes of militant Catholicism, as a French 
 Cardinal had ruined them in the Thirty 
 Years' War. 
 
 It was characteristic of Louis XIV. that he 
 trampled on the helpless. Three times he 
 had ostentatiously insulted the Popes in their 
 own capital. Nevertheless, over those Four 
 Articles he was beaten into submission. 
 Alexander VIII. condemned them formally 
 in 1691. Innocent XII., an admirable pontiff, 
 whom our English poet, Browning, has 
 analysed after his peculiar fashion in "The 
 Ring and the Book," dictated to the French 
 bishops an act of contrition which their royal
 
 160 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 master permitted them to sign in 1697. 
 Bossuet, doomed to weave and unweave the 
 Penelope-web of a "Defence of 1682" never 
 entirely to his mind, left it in manuscript, 
 crying "Abeat quo libuerit," let the Declara- 
 tion take care of itself. From the Roman 
 point of view this sublime genius had betrayed 
 his fellow-clergy into the "servitudes of the 
 Gallican Church," as Fleury, once their advo- 
 cate, bitterly called them. Xoble and grave 
 as a prophetic teacher when he surveys the 
 truths of religion, but like a chained eagle in 
 the court of Versailles, Bossuet illustrates 
 its grandeur and its fall. lie it is in effect 
 that utters the funeral oration of Louis 
 Quatorze; and he passes with his King. 
 
 His rival, his successor, was Fenelon, Arch- 
 bishop and Duke of Cambray, whose "Tele- 
 maque" is a satire on absolute monarchy, 
 and his submission to Rome the severest 
 censure on the Articles of 1682. Fenelon is 
 unmistakably the first French "ultramon- 
 tane," as we understand the word. lie is 
 also the first French democrat, of the haughty 
 Mirabeau type, strong on the popular side 
 because he has a quarrel with Versailles. He 
 stands on the threshold of a new century, and 
 hails the dawn of lidit and freedom. There
 
 LOUIS XIV. 161 
 
 was coming indeed a false dawn before the 
 true. Those last days of Fenelon and 
 Massillon witnessed the early unripe essays 
 of Voltaire (1694-1778) in prose and rhyme; 
 while the huge volumes of Saint-Simon's 
 "Memoirs" were growing in secret, which 
 contain in his enormous style the epitaph 
 of old France; — of its King, its nobles, its 
 Churchmen, its light ladies, its decadent yet 
 still not white-livered chivalry. We turn 
 back to consider the course of those hundred 
 and twenty years past — the Armada that was 
 blown to all the winds of heaven, the Thirty 
 Years' War, the Puritan Revolt, the double 
 failure of Louis and James which bears in 
 England the title of a Revolution, and is 
 dated 1G88. What does it all portend? A 
 recent philosophic estimate assures us that 
 these were steps in a process which has taken 
 from the "modern State" its ascendancy over 
 conscience, and shown it to be incompetent 
 where the Christian faith is concerned. How, 
 without legal enactment, society was to 
 be kept in possession of the greatest of all 
 treasures, that process did not show. It 
 made for freedom, but did it not also make 
 for anarchy? Such was the problem which 
 the advancing years of the eighteenth century 
 were called upon to resolve.
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 from louis xiv. to the revolution (1715- 
 1789. rousseau, "the social cox- 
 tract"; burke, "ox reconciliation 
 with America") 
 
 A century of enlightenment or dissolution, 
 the eighteenth has been also termed the "Age 
 of Reason." When it began with its unneces- 
 sary war of the Spanish Succession, Europe 
 south of Alps and Pyrenees had exhausted 
 the mental vigour which produced the Renais- 
 sance, as well as the ardour of crusading 
 whereby Castile and Aragon had in a short 
 generation acquired the Empire now crum- 
 bling to pieces. The Turk was making his 
 last attempt on Christendom. Russia sud- 
 denly filled the eastern sky as a Colossus 
 armed for battle against the Crescent. In 
 this one direction the Papacy, faithful to a 
 tradition seven hundred years old, was 
 deservedly a victor. St. Pius V., the soul of 
 the expedition, had furnished to the hero, 
 Don John of Austria, no small contingent of 
 
 102
 
 TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 163 
 
 those galleys with which near the Gulf of 
 Lepanto he shattered the Turkish fleet and 
 swept it from Ionian waters, October 7, 1571. 
 From that day the naval power of the 
 Moslems declined. In 1G0G Austria con- 
 cluded an honourable peace with Ahmed I., 
 which indicated that the mighty empire of 
 Islam had lost its long-enduring vital force. 
 Yet Poland was compelled to pay tribute in 
 1672, and eleven years later Hungarian Prot- 
 estants brought up a great Turkish army to 
 the walls of Vienna. The Pope, Innocent XL, 
 did his utmost to aid the Christian cause, 
 and John Sobieski, "sent from God," raised 
 the siege. A war of twenty years followed 
 with varying success; but in 1G97 Prince 
 Eugene broke the infidel ranks at Zenta and 
 completely routed them. It will be observed 
 that France and England almost always 
 behaved as friends of the Turk. The Peace 
 of Carlowitz, January, 1609, checked the 
 Sultan's aggressive power; he entered on 
 compulsion the European system of politics; 
 and in Holy Russia, with its pride of faith 
 and lust of conquest, he found his waning 
 strength overmatched. 
 
 Eight Popes, from Clement XL, elected in 
 November, 1700, to Pius VI., dying in exile
 
 164 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 at Valence, August 29, 1799, fill the years of 
 which every Catholic will say that he has 
 no pleasure in them. Years when the spirit 
 which had animated Christians to such lofty 
 deeds was everywhere yielding before its 
 assailants. After the Treaty of Westphalia, 
 the bounds were fixed between Catholics and 
 Reformers as they have since remained. 
 Looking at the map of Europe, we are struck 
 by observing that the limits which the Ro- 
 man Church preserved very nearly coincide 
 with those of the Western Empire, at the time 
 that Theodosius divided East and West (395). 
 North and east of Danube, Main, and Rhine 
 the Catholic dominion is met by peoples whom 
 that Empire never held or imperfectly sub- 
 dued. But beyond its range Poland on one 
 side, Ireland on the other, furnish examples 
 of the Roman faith, enthusiastically main- 
 tained under pressure from the alien Govern- 
 ments of Moscow or London. Across the 
 Atlantic, Rome may point to the whole 
 South American continent, to the Central- 
 States, Mexico, and French Canada as her 
 own. She has called a new world into being 
 to repair the losses inflicted on Catholicism in 
 the old. Her missionaries have penetrated 
 into India, converted multitudes in Japan,
 
 TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 1G5 
 
 found a welcome at the Court of Peking. 
 These were, in largest measure, trophies of the 
 heroism which has at all times marked Jesuit 
 enterprise among the heathen. St. Francis 
 Xavier, a Christian Alexander, meditated the 
 conquest of Farther Asia, and left to his suc- 
 cessors a promising empire, which Japanese 
 persecution, Dutch intrigue, and the opposi- 
 tion of other Catholics hindered from its due 
 expansion. But the pride of the Great Com- 
 pany was Paraguay, civilized and defended 
 as an Indian Paradise by these "black- 
 robes," who renewed on their own principles 
 a polity resembling in more than one feature 
 the social institutions which Pizarro found 
 existing under the Incas of Peru. 
 
 And now, when Louis XIV. had acquired 
 for his house the throne of Spain, supplanting 
 the Habsburgs, and securing to the Bourbons 
 a masterdom over the Latin nations, there was 
 approaching a universal change which con- 
 stituted, as Macaulay reckons it, "the fourth 
 great peril of the Church of Rome." On 
 lines not similar but converging the attack 
 was directed, by Jansenist lawyers, philo- 
 sophic thinkers, and the party of letters and 
 fas] lion called Libertines. 
 
 First came so determined a recoil from the 
 austerity which Louis affected after his mar-
 
 1G6 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 riage with Madame de Maintenon, that Lecky 
 describes it as a "moral chaos." Such was 
 the period of the Regency, illustrated for later 
 ages in Saint-Simon's "Memoirs" — a picture 
 to frighten and appal. It was an era closely 
 imitating that of Charles II., but adding the 
 touch of sacrilege in a prelate like Cardinal 
 Dubois, who disgraced the See of Cambray 
 which Fenelon had lately adorned. We 
 may fix the date by Montesquieu's "Persian 
 Letters," brilliant and corrupt, appearing in 
 1722. This daring mockery of Christian 
 beliefs occupies the same place, as regards the 
 "Enlightenment," which Luther's "Baby- 
 lonish Captivity" holds in the story of the 
 Reformation. It is a prophecy and a form of 
 strategy, well named "persiflage." Luther's 
 weapon was vehement satire, descending to 
 coarseness. The weapon of the "philo- 
 sophes" was irony which spared no dogma, 
 however sacred. All along, from the earliest 
 period when literature began to revive, this 
 temper had shown what it could achieve in 
 French writings. But Rabelais was often 
 grotesque, Montaigne was archaic. The 
 scepticism of Charron had been coloured to 
 resemble Christian humility. And though 
 Descartes is justly esteemed the Father of 
 Rational ism, he professed the Catholic creed.
 
 TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 167 
 
 But his creed was forgotten, while his 
 method formed Spinoza, Locke, and the 
 whole eighteenth century. 
 
 Since Pascal and Moliere, the French 
 language, conscious of its power to charm, 
 to explain, to persuade, while it amused, was 
 fast becoming the speech of cultivated men 
 and women all over Europe. Not, however, 
 the French of Bossuet, but the French of Saint 
 Evremond, soon to be sharpened into an 
 edge of lightning by Voltaire. Unbelief had 
 fashioned a tongue marvellously adapted to 
 the task it set itself of destructive analysis. 
 English Deism in Locke and his followers 
 gave the ideas which, by passing into lucid 
 French epigrams, became the sovereign com- 
 monplaces on which laws were to be re- 
 formed, schools turned to seminaries of 
 propaganda, the clergy put to shame, the 
 Church annihilated. By opposing Protestant 
 objections to Catholic dogma, and to both a 
 Christianity without mysteries, the first steps 
 were taken. Religion had been an engine of 
 state; reduced to a superstition or a senti- 
 ment, how could it survive when scientific 
 investigation disclosed its origin, and history 
 narrated its abuses? The ''Encyclopaedia," 
 or sum of knowledge, treated Catholic and 
 Protestant alike with transcendent disdain.
 
 168 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 They belonged to the past, they destroyed 
 one another. The record of persecution 
 condemned them both. 
 
 Such were Voltaire's tactics, made perfect 
 in a long career of reflection and subterfuge. 
 His hundred volumes contain the gospel of 
 "Enlightenment"; but, though a prince 
 among unbelievers, he had companions not 
 less ardent or less resolute, in all ranks of 
 society. Governments adopted large portions 
 of the new faith, many years before it touched 
 the people. On the side of orthodoxy no 
 David came out to answer the challenge. It 
 is remarkable that we cannot quote one single 
 classic in French. Spanish, or Italian, belong- 
 ing to this period and professing to defend 
 Christianity, after the death of Fenelon till 
 the Revolution. In England, writers of 
 eminence, from Butler to Paley, answered 
 the Deists and silenced them; but under 
 Louis XV. the thrice-miserable disputes con- 
 cerning the Bull "Unigenitus" of Clement 
 XL, which convulsed Court and Parlement, 
 and which ended in the downfall of the Society 
 of Jesus, appear to have absorbed whatever 
 intellectual zeal was left in the clergy. It 
 was a time of decadence among believers, and 
 of assaults upon them continually growing 
 in boldness, during which "acts of power,"
 
 TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 1C9 
 
 feebly attempted from above, were met 
 with defiance, or parried by connivance of 
 the authorities themselves. 
 
 "Louis XV.," wrote in his secret Memoirs 
 the Marquis d'Argenson, "has not known how 
 to govern as a tyrant or as the chief of a 
 republic." These words express the vacilla- 
 ting policy of a court which felt already the 
 ground trembling beneath it. By the Consti- 
 tution "Unigenitus," which Louis XIV. ob- 
 tained from the unwilling Pope, Clement XL, 
 in 1718, it was intended that the King should 
 be enabled to scatter the remnants of Jansen- 
 ism. But Jansenism, ceasing to be a definite 
 heresy, had grown into a temper of mind, 
 rebellious towards Rome, Gallican and dis- 
 loyal, or at least in sympathy republican. 
 It took refuge from its enemies at Versailles 
 in the Parlement of Paris, where D'Argenson 
 found the "leaders of this revolution" 
 which he saw coming, and which was to open 
 with "the slaughter of priests in the streets 
 of Paris." In 1730 the Papal Bull was made 
 a law of the land. But the Parlement (which 
 we must not confound with our English 
 institution of the like name) resisted, and 
 got itself exiled to Pontoise, to Soissons. 
 Church and State lay under the heel of a 
 Madame de Pompadour, whose influence
 
 170 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 was courted by virtuous prelates, such as 
 Cristophe de Beaumont, Archbishop of Paris, 
 and by austere jurists, while she wavered 
 to and fro, now telling the Archbishop that 
 the Jesuits ought to be suppressed as a 
 "scourge to Kings," and again, when the 
 mood of repentance took her, choosing a 
 Jesuit confessor. To record ignominies of 
 this kind is humiliation enough. 
 
 The Parlement won its great victory over 
 the Jesuits after 1757, when Damien made 
 his insane attempt on King Louis. Rumour 
 falsely charged both religious parties with 
 Damien's guilt. The public conscience felt 
 a shock; but it was the Society of Jesus that 
 paid the penalty. Toulouse and Paris joined 
 against them, and their standard book of 
 moral theology, "Busenbaum," was burnt 
 by the public executioner, on the ground that 
 it made the Pope superior to princes and 
 appeared to countenance assassination. In 
 brief, the Jesuits were now to suffer destruc- 
 tion as Ul tramontanes, democrats, and regi- 
 cides. Like the Christians as described in 
 Tacitus, they were called "enemies of the 
 human race." This was the Jesuit legend, in 
 which serious men have professed lo believe, 
 and which has gone the round of the world. 
 
 From Portugal, decrepit since its heroic
 
 TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 171 
 
 adventures in the East, the first blow came. 
 We should fix clearly in our minds that the 
 Society of Jesus formed the Old Guard of a 
 religion which these Latin States had pro- 
 tected by fire and sword against Mohammed, 
 against Luther, and that their Governments 
 knew this well. Moreover, it was impossible 
 to dissolve the Society without using violence, 
 moral and even physical, towards the Pope 
 whose chosen instrument it had ever been. 
 The English parallel of Charles I. and Straf- 
 ford corresponds exactly to the situation. 
 But Strafford had some kind of trial, though 
 his judgment was decided by attainder, not 
 upon evidence. The Jesuits underwent ban- 
 ishment, confiscation, dishonour, and dissolu- 
 tion without trial, or definite charges, or 
 opportunity of self-defence. The argument 
 of lawyer St. John, pleading for Strafford's 
 doom, would have mightily persuaded Pombal 
 and Aranda, "It was never accounted either 
 cruelty or foul play to knock foxes and wolves 
 on the head as they can be found, because 
 they be beasts of prey." As Clarendon 
 remarks of the earlier injustice, "the law 
 and the humanity were alike." 
 
 The Bourbons destroyed the Jesuits, and 
 were themselves destroyed in turn by the 
 forces which they had let loose. Their chief
 
 172 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 ministers, and Pombal who set the example at 
 Lisbon, belonged to a new class, fiercely 
 anti-clerical, inspired by "philosophy," by 
 the regalist conception of absolute power. 
 Such were Choiseul in France, Aranda at 
 Madrid, Tanucci at Naples. Liberty of the 
 subject was to all of them an unknown 
 idea, voluntary association an act of treason. 
 But they justified their lawless proceedings 
 under the specious popular terms of humanity, 
 freedom, and light. As Damien's attempt 
 on the King proved the beginning of sorrows 
 to French Jesuits, so did a like assault on 
 Joseph of Portugal, September, 1758, enable 
 his minister, Pombal, to complete the work 
 already in hand, by which he intended to get 
 rid of the Society in that kingdom. They 
 were accused of regicide; flung on board a 
 number of transports, and shipped off to 
 the Papal States. All the possessions of 
 the Jesuits were seized; Alalagrida, though 
 charged with complicity in the attack on 
 King Joseph, was put to death not as a traitor, 
 but as a heretic. The real offence, which 
 Pombal could not overlook, was that in 
 America the Jesuits had opposed a scheme 
 by which their Indian converts were to be 
 forcibly taken from the ''Reductions'' and 
 transferred to the Portuguese crown. Para-
 
 TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 173 
 
 guay fell into its primitive wildness; the 
 Society perished in the cause of civilization. 
 Now came their last days in France. 
 One of their Fathers, Lavalette, had engaged 
 at Martinique in business on a large scale, 
 contrary to the spirit of the Society, if not to 
 its rules. He owed three millions of francs 
 to houses at Marseilles. The ships which were 
 taking his merchandise across the Atlantic 
 fell into British hands; and in 17G1 Lavalette 
 was declared a bankrupt by the Grande 
 Chambre of Paris. The General of the 
 Jesuits, Ricci, declined to be responsible. 
 The Parlement examined and condemned the 
 Rule of the Order; burnt many more of their 
 books; and compelled Louis XV. to ask at 
 Rome for a French Vicar who should govern 
 in his kingdom without consulting the 
 General. lie was answered by Ricci or 
 Clement XIII. , "Let them be as they are, or 
 not be at all." The second alternative was 
 adopted. On August 6, 1702, the Parlement 
 filing one hundred and sixty-three Jesuit 
 writings into the flames and announced that 
 the Society was dissolved in French territory. 
 Diderot exulted; Voltaire pointed to the 
 ruins of Port Royal, and observed pleasantly 
 that Pere Letellier, confessor of Louis XIV., 
 had sown where Lavalette reaped. Shut out
 
 174 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 from their own schools, reduced to beggary, 
 driven into exile, the formal decree which 
 made an end of them was published by Louis 
 XV. in November, 1764. Not a single French 
 Jesuit underwent trial; their suppression, 
 with its attendant robbery and suffering, was 
 an act of legal or illegal violence. 
 
 Clement XIII. undertook to defend the 
 Society in the Constitution "Apostolicum," 
 January, 1765. It led by reaction to the 
 secret ordinance of Charles III., King of 
 Spain — composed by his Prime Minister, 
 Aranda — which on April 2, 1767, dissolved the 
 greatest of all Spanish religious companies, 
 and drove them out of the land as if they had 
 been Moors or Jews. Five thousand, de- 
 spatched to Civita Yecehia, found a refuge in 
 Corsica, not until they had endured frightful 
 miseries. The "philosophers" were not sure 
 that to destroy the Jesuits would be entirely 
 to their own advantage. D'Alemhert wrote 
 on behalf of the Society; Voltaire preferred 
 the Jesuit fox to the Jansenist wolf. The 
 Parlement of Paris had burnt many anti- 
 Christian pamphlets; and, in fact, the Civil 
 Constitution of the Clergy, to be promulgated 
 (hiring the Revolution, was due to Gallican 
 authors, not to the "Enlightenment/' Vol- 
 taire detested evcrv shade of Calvinism; he
 
 TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 175 
 
 had begun to write an answer to Pascal's 
 "Provincial Letters"; and, as owing much 
 to his old Jesuit teachers, he felt an attach- 
 ment to the Society which was remarkable 
 in so determined an enemy of their faith. 
 
 Rousseau, the lay Calvin, now published 
 his "Emile," which set forth a secular 
 programme of education, and the "Social 
 Contract," destined to be the cornerstone of 
 all future democracy, as understood and 
 practised by Jacobins. No defence of the 
 Jesuit doctrines or principles appeared. They 
 took their fate in silence. Even at Rome 
 they waited with apprehension for the stroke 
 which might be dealt by the hand of St. 
 Peter's successor. Clement XIII. died on 
 the eve of a consistory, where the question of 
 their abolition was about to be considered, in 
 17G9. On May 19, Ganganelli, a Franciscan 
 friar, began to reign in his stead. 
 
 This is the unhappy and much criticized 
 Clement XIV., whose brief days were con- 
 sumed in a struggle for and against the Soci- 
 ety. But no human power could avert their 
 doom. A strange sight was now witnessed. 
 The Bourbon powers urged their instant dis- 
 solution as an alternative to worse things. 
 France held Avignon and proposed to incor- 
 porate it with the monarchy, unless Clement
 
 176 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 gave in without delay. He was able to rejoin 
 that Protestant Governments (he meant 
 Frederick II. of Prussia) and the Empress 
 Catherine, were opposed to any change in 
 the religious status of their Catholic subjects. 
 But on July 22, 17G9, Cardinal Bernis, 
 himself no pattern of priestly decorum, 
 representing Louis XV., made a formal 
 demand in the name of France, Spain, and 
 Naples, that Home should abolish the Order. 
 Bernis offered as a lure the restoration of 
 Avignon and Beneventum, which latter had 
 been occupied by Naples. The Holy See 
 had indeed fallen from its high estate when 
 effete Bourbon princes could deal with it so 
 despitefully. Clement XIV. might have com- 
 pared his position to that of Clement V., 
 except in so far as he had made no bargain 
 with the French King. And the Jesuits 
 were, at least, as innocent as the great body 
 of the Templars; but not even the shadow 
 of a particular examination was vouchsafed to 
 them. For an hour, in 1771, on the disgrace 
 of Choiseul, men thought they were saved. 
 D'Aiguillon, grand-nephew of Richelieu, suc- 
 ceeded— by grace of Madame du Barri, as the 
 wits of Paris cried out and IVAiguillon was 
 no Janscnist. These hopes were vain. The 
 Brief of dissolution, submitted to Versailles
 
 TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 177 
 
 but sent back unread to the Spanish Court, 
 where it had been approved, was delivered on 
 the evening of August 16, 1773, to the General 
 of the Jesuits in his own house at Rome. 
 Ricci was taken to the English College, and 
 thence to St. Angelo, where he died next year. 
 The Society, as a religious corporation, had 
 ceased to exist. 
 
 It may be worth while to remark that the 
 Brief "Dominus ac Redemptor," of July 21, 
 1773, by which this momentous transaction 
 was formally concluded, is not in any sense, on 
 Catholic principles, dogmatic or infallible. It 
 gave effect to a measure of high policy, done 
 by Clement XIV. as ruler of the Church and 
 on motives of interest, not of doctrine. That 
 such a measure lay within the Papal com- 
 petence, on which religious orders depend for 
 approval, has never been questioned. It did 
 not, however, imply that the Holy See with- 
 drew from the teaching of former Jesuits any 
 favour bestowed; and their remarkable at- 
 tempt to substitute for the severe systems of 
 Aquinas or Augustine the milder view which 
 Molina and his school defended, was per- 
 mitted still. The shafts of Pascal had pierced 
 a too-indulgent morality, not peculiar to those 
 individual Jesuits who maintained it, nor of 
 their invention. Pope Innocent XI. had
 
 178 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 condemned propositions that relaxed the fibres 
 of Christian ethics. But the Jesuit system, as 
 a whole, was renewed by St. Alfonso dei 
 Liguori during the years which we are now 
 describing, and the fact signifies much. As 
 a school of theology and morals, the Company 
 of Jesus underwent no censure from Rome. 
 It was not condemned but dissolved. 
 
 The circumstances which attended its disso- 
 lution prove that Clement XIV. acted under 
 extreme pressure from the Church's enemies. 
 The terms of his preamble, which recites how 
 complaints and controversies had waited on 
 the steps of the Society from its first days, 
 are deliberately chosen, so as to avoid a 
 judgment on the merits. The Order was to 
 be sacrificed that peace in the Church might 
 be restored. Cardinal Bernis considered the 
 Brief "as lenient as possible towards the 
 Jesuits." They were gently dealt with; 
 yet not unfairly they claimed some of the 
 honours of martyrdom. In Prussia and 
 Russia, where the Papal decree was never 
 legally published, they found protection and 
 continued to exist, not without such approval 
 as the Holy Sec could venture to give. This 
 has been made a reproach to the Fathers; 
 but if they took advantage of technical points 
 and tacit understandings, who shall be hard
 
 THE AMERICAN STATES 179 
 
 on them? Nothing was more evident than 
 that the Holy See would reinstate them as an 
 order on the first opportunity given. The 
 Silesian Jesuits elected a Vicar-general; those 
 in White Russia did the same in 1782. Though 
 smitten, as it would seem, unto death, a future 
 was in store for the Society; but another 
 world-wide movement must avenge them on 
 the Bourbons ere it dawned. 
 
 Section II 
 
 OLD MONARCHIES AND THE AMERICAN STATES 
 
 (1763-1789) 
 
 These kings, of whom the least incapable 
 was Charles III., did all they knew to hasten 
 its coming. In the German Empire, that 
 confused welter of principalities, lay and 
 ecclesiastical; in Austria, when the noble 
 woman Maria Theresa passed away, the 
 like suicidal policy was adopted. The elec- 
 tors along the Rhine, prelates of great houses 
 who committed their spiritual duties to 
 inferior bishops and went hunting or did 
 worse, thought to be independent of the 
 Holy See, as already they had shaken off 
 the Imperial yoke. A semi-Jansenist, semi- 
 Gallican coadjutor of Treves, Yon Hontheim,
 
 180 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 composed the manifesto which none of them 
 could write, and gave it to the world in 
 17G3 under the name of Febronius. It is 
 a plea for national Churches in the spirit of 
 Henry VIII. Going far beyond the language 
 and ideas of Bossuet or Fleury, it would have 
 set up the mere episcopal system after pulling 
 down the Pope, making him a titular first 
 among equals, with no jurisdiction outside 
 Rome. Febronius underwent condemnation 
 by the Holy See; he denied his book, and 
 formally submitted. But the electors did not 
 cease from troubling by their "Articles" 
 of Cologne and "Points of Ems," until 
 the Revolution came and took them all 
 away. 
 
 In Austria, Joseph II., whom "Old Fritz" 
 called "my brother the sacristan" (1780- 
 1792), reproduced the mighty Tudor legis- 
 lation in a very poor copy, suppressing 
 monasteries, regulating public worship, while 
 lie was scorned by Freethinkers as by earnest 
 Catholics, and displayed the peculiar in- 
 competence of a royal person who meddles 
 with religion. Protestants and Jews were 
 relieved from their disabilities, for toleration 
 had been proclaimed the order of the dr.y. 
 But all monasticism was put down, for 
 Enlightenment demanded that superstition
 
 THE AMERICAN STATES 181 
 
 should no longer be encouraged; neither did 
 it object to the confiscation by the State of 
 property held on a religious tenure. Pope 
 Pius VI., the "xVpostolic pilgrim," travelled 
 to Vienna in 1782, hoping that he might per- 
 suade Joseph II. to alter his policy. The 
 journey gave striking evidence that a Roman 
 Pontiff could still reckon upon the devotion 
 of multitudes in Catholic lands. It was a 
 first intimation that the Church would one 
 day throw herself upon the people. But no 
 other good came of that pilgrimage; and it 
 furnished a precedent when Napoleon sum- 
 moned Pius VII. to crown him at Notre 
 Dame as the new Charlemagne. 
 
 We have uttered the spell-breaking and 
 spell-binding name which tells us that Revo- 
 lution stands at the doors. It had crossed 
 the Atlantic with Franklin and Lafayette. 
 
 America, says a thoughtful writer, applying 
 Bacon's phrase about his own system to facts 
 in history, was "the greatest birth of time." 
 Emphatically the "New World," it not only 
 doubled man's earthly dominion but gave 
 to his experiments a scope without limit. 
 Utopia might be found or created across the. 
 ocean. To plant a second Europe, the mere 
 imitation of the first, on Atlantic shores, 
 was not possible; for how set up Emperor,
 
 182 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Pope, or a permanent feudal system where no 
 such institutions had grown, while the original 
 claimed supremacy and would not suffer 
 competition? In the secrets of the future 
 lay two ideas which America was destined 
 to realize, and which their advocates would 
 term Democracy and Disestablishment. The 
 people were to be the State, and the State was 
 not to be lord of the Church. In Europe, 
 hitherto, a republic had been no more than 
 a monarchy discrowned; man, as man, was 
 not a citizen, but only man as in some way 
 qualified; such is the exact meaning of the 
 term "franchise," a right winch I have and 
 you have not. The liberties of a city were its 
 boundaries, shutting out king, noble, prelate. 
 Individual freedom could not exist save by 
 a charter. Humanity, in itself, gave no claim 
 at law. It is true that Roman jurisconsults 
 employed a language that has left its traces 
 on the political dissertations of the eighteenth 
 century. But until America "shouted to 
 Liberty," as Grattan finely said, all freedom 
 was privilege. When her voice was heard 
 privilege made ready for battle. This is the 
 story of mankind since, in Boston Harbour, 
 certain chests of tea were flung overboard by 
 the natives of Massachusetts disguised as 
 Red Indians. America has led, Europe has
 
 THE AMERICAN STATES 183 
 
 followed. Bishop Berkeley sang this great 
 consummation, 
 
 Westward the course of empire takes its way. 
 
 The first four acts already past, 
 A fifth shall close the drama with the day. 
 
 Time's noblest offspring is the last. 
 
 While Christendom was one, and religious 
 unity existed, the ideal embodied in the 
 Holy Roman Empire could inspire poets, 
 govern laws, and protect faith. In the cen- 
 tury of enlightenment, as Voltaire said, the 
 phantom which bore this title was "neither 
 holy, nor Roman, nor empire"; religious 
 unity had given place to sects ever more 
 numerous; unbelievers were to be found 
 in every country of Europe. How then was 
 it possible to carry on a government which 
 supposed that all its subjects held one creed? 
 Establishment and a Test Act had been the 
 rule in England. The wars of religion laid 
 waste Germany. To banish Huguenots and 
 put Jansenists outside the law had failed to 
 bring religious peace among Frenchmen. 
 Now the Society of Jesus was persecuted in 
 its turn; and where would the lex talionis 
 end its ravages? 
 
 One thing was clear, — the old founda- 
 tions of the State were hopelessly shattered.
 
 184 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Monarchy, as D'Argenson perceived before 
 17o0, was undermined by the Republican 
 sentiment which demanded equal laws and 
 liberty of conscience for all. These conclu- 
 sions, not due to speculative philosophers, 
 came as a natural consequence after Ver- 
 sailles had shown how impotent was a 
 "Great King" to secure the prosperity of 
 his kingdom. The banished Huguenots had 
 beaten Louis XIV.; Port Royal in ruins 
 was a Jansenist victory. Elsewhere, Penal 
 Statutes were falling into discredit; and the 
 Catholic Church, in Ireland or in Austria, 
 sighed for freedom. In a divided Christen- 
 dom the system of the Middle Ages could no 
 longer be maintained. It was fast becoming 
 a memory or an ideal. 
 
 Lord Baltimore had recognized these facts, 
 at the very time when Puritans were building 
 states in New England on the principle of 
 exclusion. The Statutes of Maryland mark 
 the beginnings of equality before the law, 
 as it was afterwards proclaimed in the 
 Declaration of Independence (177G). The 
 first amendment of 1791 to that Declaration 
 says, "Congress shall make no law respecting 
 an establishment of religion, or prohibiting 
 the free exercise thereof, or abridging the 
 freedom of speech or of the press." Religious
 
 THE AMERICAN STATES 185 
 
 liberty was thus made a fundamental law of 
 the United States. It had been already ad- 
 mitted in Pennsylvania. Now it became a 
 cornerstone of Democracy, to be practised 
 on the largest dimensions of any political or- 
 ganism extant among men. The Amendment 
 directly contradicted the Jus reformandi 
 granted to rulers by the Peace of Westphalia. 
 It withdrew from cognisance of the State 
 religious questions, leaving them to be 
 decided by a higher tribunal. 
 
 Such was the American solution, which we 
 may associate with Washington's name. The 
 French, to be considered hereafter, was de- 
 rived in its earlier stage from the Jansenists, 
 who dictated the Civil Constitution of the 
 clergy in 1790; and its final shape as the 
 Concordat is due to Napoleon. It contra- 
 dicts the American idea no less evidently 
 than the American overthrows the system of 
 "Westphalia. In the French declaration of 
 the Rights of Man and the citizen "liberty 
 ot worship" is described as so natural that 
 only the presence of tyranny requires it 
 to be explicitly mentioned. The Constituent 
 assembly and Napoleon thought otherwise. 
 To the Catholic religion, in particular, so the 
 Constitution and the First Consul declared, 
 protection was due; but from the clergy both
 
 186 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 exacted a servitude as complete as it had 
 ever been under Louis XIV. 
 
 Let us take these clues to guide us through 
 the French Revolution, which was wrecked 
 as a movement towards freedom when it 
 touched the Rock of St. Peter. That is no 
 figure of speech, it is truth of history. Or, 
 looking upon the peace and progress whereby 
 the American Union has become, in Lord 
 Acton's words, "a community more powerful, 
 more prosperous, more intelligent, and more 
 free than any other which the world has 
 seen," we may ask the reason why. So 
 far as language can make them identical, the 
 French Rights of Man do not differ from those 
 upheld by the Declaration of Independence. 
 Why then had France religious troubles 
 culminating under the Republic in the Yen- 
 dean tragedy, while Napoleon after signing 
 the Concordat deposed and imprisoned the 
 Pope with whom he had made it? The 
 answer to this question, if it can be found, 
 will give us a master key to present and future 
 problems on both sides of the Atlantic.
 
 CHAPTER VI 
 
 from the revolution to waterloo (1789- 
 1815. chateaubriand, " genius of 
 christianity." consalvi and pacca, 
 
 "memoirs") 
 
 The American Revolution nearly coincides 
 with the death of Louis XV. Counting from 
 1G24, when Richelieu took the reins, one 
 hundred and fifty years had gone by, during 
 which the French King was the State and the 
 Church personified; but the people, the 
 Tiers Etat, were nothing. The clergy, indeed, 
 constituted a self-taxing body, and as an 
 estate of the realm met regularly for the 
 despatch of business. High Court prelates, 
 in France as elsewhere, often led unchristian 
 lives. A few bishops and abbots enjoyed 
 excessive revenues; the clergy were ill-paid, 
 shamefully neglected, and handled with a deal 
 of scorn, even by that Cristophe de Beau- 
 mont already named, who was an edifying 
 Archbishop of Paris, and very unlike Cardinal 
 de Retz, his predecessor of the Fronde in 
 1(;60. Living away from Marly and other 
 king's houses, the French priest was, by the 
 
 1S7
 
 188 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 testimony of all that knew him, devout, 
 unworldly, his people's friend, and at heart 
 democratic, but not disloyal. In 1789 he was 
 called upon to send his representatives to the 
 States-General at Versailles. He did so, and 
 these "democrats in cassocks," to the num- 
 ber of one hundred and forty-nine, went over 
 en masse to the Third Estate (June 19, 1789), 
 to be followed by the rest of the clerical 
 deputies, thus creating a National Assembly 
 that was to "conquer its king." To this 
 extent the clergy made the Revolution with 
 a willing heart. 
 
 They did more. On August 4, 1789, in one 
 single session at night, the whole regime of 
 feudalism was overturned. It is not easy to 
 improve on the sentence in which this por- 
 tentous change has been summed up, "Lib- 
 erty, until now known as privilege, was 
 henceforward to be identified with equality." 
 The clergy were willing to commute their 
 tithe; they surrendered to the nation rights 
 held sacred and inviolable for over a thousand 
 years. The Fourth of August is certainly a 
 touching moment in human story. It lays 
 bare the generous heart of France; it justifies 
 the enthusiasm which burst into lyric expres- 
 sion on the lips of Charles Fox and in the 
 poetry of Wordsworth; but it was a moment
 
 TO WATERLOO 189 
 
 too beautiful to last. And as regards the 
 clergy, their action grandly illustrates the 
 saying of the Italian priest who was likewise 
 an Italian patriot, Rosmini, at another critical 
 epoch, "Liberty and equality are the essence 
 of the priesthood." When, on August 8, 
 1789, the Marquis de Lacoste moved to pay a 
 new loan out of Church funds and to abolish 
 tithe, not one ecclesiastic opposed him. 
 Sieves, keenest and strangest of French clerics 
 who have been statesmen, protested that 
 the landlord would gain what the clergy 
 lost, and this very thing came to pass. On 
 August 11 the Church gave up its claim. Dis- 
 endowment was begun; but disestablishment, 
 which would have brought freedom to religion, 
 was an idea too liberal for any French Govern- 
 ment effectively to grant it. 
 
 On August 2G the Declaration of the Rights 
 of Man was voted ; it makes no mention of an 
 established Church. The "voluntary sys- 
 tem" would have implied one of two things — 
 either to give the Free Church compensation 
 for its property, now taken over by the State; 
 or Lo let it go penniless and find support in 
 the generosity of its adherents. A third 
 course was decreed in the Civil Constitution of 
 the Clergy. They became salaried officials 
 governed by a Minister of Worship; and a
 
 190 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 department of State like any other. Priests 
 were to be appointed, by election, that is to 
 say, by the votes of citizens, no matter what 
 their belief; and the Holy See was no longer 
 to institute bishops. In one word, the Rights 
 of Man had brought forth a National Church 
 unable to move hand or foot without per- 
 mission of a State official who need not be a 
 Christian. This pattern has been imitated 
 in all Constitutions moulded on the principles 
 of 1789. It is the Latin democratic model. 
 It led up to the flight and execution of Louis 
 XVI. , the Reign of Terror, the War in La 
 Vendee. It created the deep gulf which on the 
 Continent separates Rome from the modern 
 State. As in substance adopted by the 
 Bourbons after their Restoration in 1814, it 
 weakened and divided their followers until 
 they were thrust out for good and all during 
 the Three Days of July, 1830. 
 
 But to leave these consequences for the 
 present, we remark that Talleyrand, still 
 Bishop of Autun, and Mirabeau (October 10, 
 November 10, 1789) carried through the 
 Assembly a law which placed the whole prop- 
 erty of the French Church at Government dis- 
 posal; and notes assigned on it, "assignats," 
 were issued soon afterwards. In February, 
 1790, monastic vows were deprived of legal
 
 TO WATERLOO 191 
 
 effect, religious orders suppressed, and all 
 future institutions of the kind forbidden. 
 "Liberty of worship" was guaranteed by the 
 Rights of Man. These measures furnished a 
 commentary on them, speaking more loudly 
 than that most eloquent text, and pointing 
 its significance to Catholics outside France. 
 But the Assembly went farther. It imposed 
 an oath, amounting to a dogmatic affirma- 
 tion, on bishops and clergy, which "broke 
 the alliance between the cures and the 
 commons," and compelled the Holy See to 
 intervene. Jansenist influences, guided by Le 
 Camus and Treilhard, decided its form. The 
 month of May, 1790, marks the dividing and 
 fatal line, at which the Revolution broke off 
 from the Roman Church. By "a series of 
 hostile enactments, carefully studied and long 
 pursued," the Assembly turned into implac- 
 able enemies a clergy that desired nothing 
 more ardently than freedom. America, choos- 
 ing to stand by its Declaration, had secured to 
 itself the world's leadership. France, wedded 
 to Louis XIV., in spite of its bill of divorce, 
 entered on the path of anti-clerical persecu- 
 tion which it is treading still, one hundred and 
 twenty years after religious liberty was pro- 
 claimed to be the inalienable right of all men. 
 Rome, as its custom is, moved slowly, out
 
 192 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 of consideration for Louis XVI., and because 
 any concessions to the new order of things 
 would instantly provoke similar demands on 
 the part of Continental rulers elsewhere. The 
 new bishoprics, revenues, and local powers of 
 election, if safeguarded, might not be alto- 
 gether declined; but the Holy See would 
 never give up the right of institution. While 
 the Cardinals were deliberating, Louis, under 
 the eyes of an infuriated populace, set his 
 seal to the Constitution. Thus were created, 
 says Lord Acton, "the motive and the 
 machinery of civil war." It broke out 
 immediately. The country rang with dissen- 
 sions between "Nonjurors" and "Consti- 
 tutionals." The Abbe Gregoire took the 
 oath (December 27, 1790), and many thou- 
 sands of clergy, perhaps nearly one-third, 
 followed his example. But Pius VI. in March, 
 1791, condemned the Church legislation, and 
 it was rejected without delay by all except a 
 handful of bishops, by the clergy at large, 
 and by most Catholics. 
 
 Here, too, was a fresh beginning. The 
 Pope came into direct contact with a Church 
 that his predecessors had been accustomed 
 to guide by means of 'lie State. The Civil 
 Constitution, by which it was intended to 
 set up a Galilean democracy, called out the
 
 TO WATERLOO 193 
 
 reaction whose mouthpiece, in the next 
 period, would be Count Joseph de Maistre. 
 When the French Church rose again, it 
 would have ceased to be Gallican, and the 
 Articles of 1682 would no longer awaken 
 fervour in clerical assemblies. Rather than 
 swear an oath which Rome considered equal 
 to apostasy, the King fled. He was brought 
 back in triumph; and the Legislative pro- 
 ceeded to deprive "refractory" priests of their 
 stipends and to decree their banishment. 
 These measures of November, 1791, and May, 
 1792, Louis refused to sign. He became "Mon- 
 sieur Veto." The Tuileries were stormed on 
 August 10, 1792, and the monarchy of Clovis, 
 Charlemagne, and St. Louis, the oldest in 
 Europe, fell before the Paris commune, led 
 to the assault by Jacobins. 
 
 After this fashion, thanks to a union of 
 forces partly Gallican, partly anti-Christian, 
 France at one blow lost King and Constitu- 
 tion. Nonjuring priests were ordered to leave 
 the country without delay. For such as re- 
 fused obedience, transportation to Guiana was 
 the penalty. A price was set on their heads. 
 Their crime the now rulers called "incivisme." 
 The word was happily chosen; the idea came 
 from Rousseau and the Social Contract. 
 Priests who would not swear to the religion
 
 194 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 of State were to be deprived of its protection, 
 put outside the law, and treated as wild 
 beasts to be shot wherever seen. In Septem- 
 ber, 1793, atheism was decreed. The Chris- 
 tian year had been abolished twelve months 
 earlier. Churches were closed all over France 
 or became "Temples of Reason." Gregoire, 
 sitting alone in the Convention as a legal 
 bishop, defended freedom even for Catholics. 
 But the guillotine, the drownings in the Loire, 
 the destruction of La Vendee, gave him his 
 answer. Persecution renewed the scenes of 
 primitive martyrdom, the catacombs, the 
 prisons sanctified by Christian heroism. 
 Monks and nuns were slaughtered; the French 
 wife and mother now became enthusiastically 
 Catholic, while the husband was indifferent 
 or a poltroon. The two Frances, never since 
 reconciled, were definitely forming. 
 
 The Terror passed; but even in October, 
 1707, death was ordered by law to be inflicted 
 on emigrant priests who should return, and 
 until the elections of 1797 "every priest was 
 in fact, as well as in theory, in deadly peril." 
 There was a remnant of the Constitutional 
 Church, discredited and enslaved. What the 
 French Catholics wanted was the old religion; 
 many were no longer royalists; and it' the 
 American statesmen had been consulted thev
 
 TO WATERLOO 195 
 
 would have given the word "freedom" as 
 their advice to governors and governed. On 
 September 1, 1797, a law was enacted, but 
 almost immediately repealed, which looked in 
 this direction. Between that date and No- 
 vember, 1799, lettres de cachet, involving trans- 
 portation or death, were issued against 9951 
 priests in France and Belgium, accused of 
 "fanaticism." Bonaparte might well ask, as 
 he did at Toulon on his way to Egypt, "Have 
 the soldiers of liberty become executioners?" 
 But the speaker himself had made possible 
 the crime which in these words he reprobated; 
 for it was Bonaparte who, on the 18 of Fructi- 
 dor (September 4, 1797), gave supreme power 
 into the hands of the Jacobin Directory. His 
 campaigns in Italy were for conquest and 
 plunder, varnished with phrases taken from 
 the revolutionary jargon. But he was 
 pursuing a definite personal aim; and he 
 thought the Italians unworthy, the French 
 incapable, of freedom. He had no scruples; 
 religion did not trouble him. In June, 179G, 
 he had invaded Bologna, a Papal city, where 
 the Senate swore an oath of allegiance to the 
 Republic, and trees of Liberty were planted. 
 Pius VI. was compelled to buy a truce from 
 Bonaparte (June 23, 179G) on heavy condi- 
 tions which he was unable to fulfil. Then
 
 196 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 the young general seized Aneona; but he 
 paused on the way to Rome at Tolentino, 
 and there made peace. The Pope surrendered 
 his claim to Avignon, Bologna, Ferrara, 
 Romagna; he gave up manuscripts and 
 treasures of art; he was fined many millions. 
 His sacrifices availed nothing. Disorders in 
 Rome led to a French intervention under 
 Berthier in February, 1798. The Roman 
 Republic was proclaimed by "Jews, apostate 
 monks, and rebels," said Bonaparte after- 
 wards. On February 20, Pius VI., escorted 
 by Republican soldiers, was made to quit 
 the Vatican for a long and painful pilgrimage 
 to parts unknown. It ended eighteen months 
 later at Valence, in Dauphine, where he died, 
 and where his body remained another four 
 months without burial. "It is not strange," 
 says Macaulay, summing up these events, 
 "that in the year 17!)!) even sagacious observ- 
 ers should have thought that, at length, the 
 hour of the Church of Rome had come." 
 
 Section II 
 
 THE FORTUNES OF PIUS VII. (1800-1815) 
 
 Certainly it was, in Biblical language, the 
 "consummation of the age." But this had 
 been preparing since America declared its
 
 FORTUNES OF PIUS VII. 197 
 
 independence in 1776; and the Catholic 
 Restoration was heralded by singular tokens. 
 When France, Spain, and the United States 
 combined in 1778 against England, the Penal 
 Laws were straightway relaxed. Irish and 
 English Catholics, as it was said, saw the day 
 dawn across the Atlantic. Their colleges 
 abroad were dissolved by the French Rev- 
 olution; and Pitt associated himself with 
 Burke in founding a seminary for priests at 
 Maynooth. Burke, religious and conser- 
 vative by temper, proclaimed with match- 
 less eloquence the principles of a society in 
 which were to be united liberty and authority 
 under the true Law of Nature. The prophet 
 of what has been called since that time 
 Ultramontanism, a Savoyard by birth, a 
 Frenchman by mastery of the language, 
 Count de Maistre, was already committing 
 to print views and opinions which would 
 transform the Gallican clergy to apostles 
 of the Vatican. A marvellous prose-poet, 
 traveller in American wilds, mystic and 
 politician at once, Chateaubriand, was medi- 
 tating on the "genius of Christianity." And 
 O'Connell and Lamennais were born, and 
 with them Cavour's formula, "A Free Church 
 in a Free State." 
 
 The Directory might imprison or deport
 
 198 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 the clergy; but thousands of parishes in 
 France now had their Mass and their priests 
 as of old, with a devotion intensified by all 
 that, during ten years of glorious sufferings, 
 had endeared the pastor to his flock. Free- 
 dom, so long the enemy of religion, had 
 become its friend. A vicious prelacy could 
 not exist in days of persecution. The Church 
 lands were gone; monasteries, in ruins or 
 converted to secular uses, were memories of 
 a past remote by comparison with Repub- 
 lican atrocities of yesterday. Nothing was 
 more evident than that the French Church 
 would revive; that the people desired it; and 
 that if it could preach and teach freely, it 
 would exercise a power such as it had never 
 possessed under the Crown. Would any 
 Government, however framed and named, 
 allow it such liberty while the inveterate 
 tradition of Regalism held sway at Paris? 
 The First Consul replied by inventing the 
 Concordat of 1802. 
 
 Napoleon's reign in France lasted under 
 the lilies of Consul and Emperor about 
 fifteen years. It restored the monarchy of 
 Louis XIV. as designed by Richelieu, with- 
 out nobles or intermediate self-sustaining 
 bodies of any kind. Richelieu, Bonaparte, 
 the Revolution, "one and indivisible,"' agree
 
 FORTUNES OF PIUS VII. 199 
 
 that all agencies in Church and State shall 
 take their orders from a minister, and the 
 minister from the Chief of the executive 
 power. The Girondists attempted a Federal 
 system and were guillotined in consequence. 
 Robespierre, perhaps we should say Carnot, 
 interpreted the principles correctly which 
 have always inspired French statesmen; 
 and no doubt it was Bonaparte's unrivalled 
 feeling for reality that, by giving these 
 principles an application in detail at once 
 striking and successful, convinced the nation 
 of his right to govern them. The French de- 
 sire to be much "administered"; they adore 
 a strong man; and their idea of strength is 
 to interfere decisively in another man's 
 business. Philosophers recognize the mili- 
 tary type as at all times dominating French 
 history; and Napoleon, who was constructing 
 a barrack for his twenty-five millions of 
 subjects, did not refuse them a chapel within 
 the enclosure. Its chaplain was to be the 
 Pope, receiving a salary, bound by the 
 Articles of 108-2, resident in Paris or Avignon. 
 Such is the whole purpose of the Concordat, 
 which its creator would never look upon as a 
 treaty between equal contracting parties; 
 it merely regulated that department of the 
 State known as the Catholic Church. "I
 
 200 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 regard religion," he said in 1806, "not as the 
 mystery of the Incarnation, but as the secret 
 of social order." He had acted on this view 
 in Egypt; he was now meaning to apply it 
 in France. 
 
 And so he turned to Pius VII. , lately elected 
 at Venice, but in his sympathies not Austrian, 
 who had entered Rome, July 3, 1800. In 
 June, the battle of Marengo had given 
 Italy once more to the French. Bonaparte 
 sent a sketch of the future agreement, as he 
 conceived of it, to the Pope on June 25, and 
 a remarkable outline it is. The Constitu- 
 tional Church was to disappear; the number 
 of bishoprics must be reduced, and many 
 emigrant bishops deprived; the clergy would 
 have adequate but not luxurious stipends; 
 the Pope might freely exercise spiritual 
 jurisdiction over the Gallican Church, and 
 he alone should give its prelates canonical 
 institution, but the State was to nominate 
 them. Finally, the First Consul would 
 reinstate the Pope in all his dominions. 
 
 It was a tempting offer, and almost a 
 miracle in the light of previous events. The 
 Revolution had done its utmost to destroy 
 Catholicism; it was now prepared to recog- 
 nize and establish the ancient Church not 
 on a Gallican but on a Papal foundation.
 
 FORTUNES OF PIUS VII. 201 
 
 "What was the alternative? Madame de 
 Stael (a woman of rare genius and insight, 
 but Napoleon's enemy) tells us that sincere 
 Catholics would have been well content with 
 an iVmerican system, which she calls "tolera- 
 tion." The American Constitution does not 
 "tolerate" religion; it respects conscience 
 and leaves religious associations to manage 
 their own affairs. But she would probably 
 have in view such a law as that of September 
 29, 1795, by which the French Government 
 decreed separation of Church and State with 
 consequent freedom of worship. This plan 
 had never been carried through. In all 
 European countries except Holland free 
 religious association was a thing unknown 
 and not understood. The Cardinals of the 
 Roman Curia had been accustomed for 
 centuries to see religion either protected or 
 persecuted by the State; and these appeared 
 still to be the alternatives under an absolute 
 ruler like Bonaparte. No doubt they were. 
 Could the Holy Father, then, ask the much- 
 tried French Catholics, who were now begin- 
 ning to breathe freely, that they should 
 forego manifest advantages, submit to fresh 
 tribulations, and withstand the conqueror at 
 the moment when he was holding out to them 
 an olive branch? Pius VII. was neither a
 
 202 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Hildebrand nor an Innocent III. He was 
 a gentle and most engaging Benedictine 
 monk, of Hildebrand's monastery at St. 
 Paul's outside Rome, but cast in another 
 mould. On the ordinary laws of prudence, 
 in the interest of the Church, he could not 
 but accept the first Consul's invitation. 
 Accordingly, he sent his Secretary of State, 
 Cardinal Consalvi, to Paris. 
 
 Consalvi, by far the ablest man associated 
 with Vatican memories in the last century, 
 until Leo XIII. rose to be "Lumen in cce!o," 
 was by birth Roman, by descent Pisan. lie 
 had suffered with Pius VI., and on the Pope's 
 exile was committed for several months to 
 the Castle of Sant' Angelo. Secretary of the 
 Conclave in Venice, he was now launched on 
 the career of danger and vicissitude to which 
 all were exposed who had dealings with 
 Bonaparte. But the Pisan proved a match 
 for the Corsican, except that he could not 
 fall back on thirty legions. Arriving in Paris, 
 June 20, 1801, he was graciously received at 
 the Tuileries by Napoleon amid his court as in 
 a theatre. Negotiations went on with Bernicr, 
 Joseph Bonaparte, and the First Consul him- 
 self, whose method, made as it was of prom- 
 ises, threatcnmgs, and deceit, no statesman 
 of the Renaissance could have bettered.
 
 FORTUNES OF PIUS VII. 203 
 
 The dramatic story of one project torn 
 up by Napoleon and flung in the fire, of a 
 false copy substituted for the true, and 
 discovered only at the last moment, must 
 be read in CdnsalvTs memoirs. On July 15, 
 1801, the document was at length signed 
 which bound the Church by links of steel 
 and gold to every French Government down 
 to the year 1905. On Easter Day, 1802, 
 this mariage de convenance, as it was wittily 
 called, found solemn expression at the High 
 Mass in Notre Dame, attended by the Con- 
 suls with military pomp. Chateaubriand's 
 dazzling rhetoric in his "Genius of Chris- 
 tianity" hailed it with an epithalamium 
 unequalled for magnificence and pathos in 
 any French prose later than Bossuet. Con- 
 sal vi had won a diplomatic victory. The 
 First Consul had overcome resistance from 
 his ministers and generals, from freethink- 
 ers, Liberals, and the constitutional clergy. 
 Pius YII. never forgot, in all his subsequent 
 misfortunes, this "saving act of Christian 
 heroism," on the part of Napoleon. To 
 speak as the French love to do, "the Revo- 
 lution had gone to Mass." Louis XVIII. 
 and the emigrants protested; but the land 
 had religious peace. 
 
 What, then, was the Concordat? In
 
 204 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 substance, it renewed that of 1516 with 
 Francis I. Government appointed, Rome 
 instituted the bishops of France. But in- 
 stead of a propertied Church there were 
 salaried officials. The various rights of 
 patronage ceased; and every bishop named 
 the cures in his diocese, with their assistants 
 during pleasure, all paid rather scantily 
 from the State exchequer. Religious orders 
 were not mentioned; they had no legal 
 existence. Other worships, Protestant and 
 Hebrew, were put on a similar establishment 
 by decrees with which this Concordat was 
 not implicated. But, on the one hand, Bon- 
 aparte required from Pius VII. an act of 
 power without precedent; on the other he 
 added such an epilogue to the paper he had 
 signed as to transform its character. The 
 act which Pius VII. executed on compulsion 
 was to break up the old French hierarchy, 
 dating in popular belief from companions of 
 the Apostles, to deprive thirty-seven emi- 
 grant bishops who would not resign, to 
 persuade many others, and to accept the 
 Government plan of a new ecclesiastical 
 France. Most of the former bishops yielded 
 gracefully. But for some years a "Petite 
 Fglise" stood out against Rome'. 
 
 The abolition and reconstitution of the
 
 FORTUNES OF PIUS VII. 205 
 
 Galilean Church by the Pope was, although 
 Bonaparte did not perceive it, the end of 
 Gallicanism. It was the Fourth of August 
 over again. For on that night privileges 
 were swept away and only the supreme 
 authority was left. Napoleon, therefore, is 
 the chief precursor of the Vatican Council, 
 and of its decree which recognizes in the Pope 
 ordinary jurisdiction over every bishop in 
 Christendom. But this logic was hidden 
 from his eyes, and he proceeded to tack on 
 to the Concordat his "Organic Articles," 
 which may be shortly described as French 
 Acts of Praemunire, making the entrance and 
 publication of Papal documents to depend on 
 a Government placet, forbidding recourse of 
 the bishops to Rome, and compelling the 
 clergy to subscribe the Declaration of 1682. 
 
 All this meant more than the old servitude, 
 especially as the Articles forbade every 
 Church establishment except the seminaries 
 of the bishops. It reduced that which had 
 been an estate of the realm to a department 
 like the University. It divided the bishops 
 from the Holy See and the clergy from the 
 people. A system no less illogical than des- 
 potic, it sowed the seeds of religious war by 
 creating a perpetual antagonism between the 
 head of the Government and the Roman
 
 208 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Curia. Napoleon had employed Pius VII. 
 to get rid of the old Church in its historical 
 form, and of the new or constitutional. He 
 then wished to make of the Pope a mere 
 formal instrument, such as the servile minis- 
 ters were who wrote out his decrees. When 
 he became Emperor, the sovereign Pontiff 
 was brought in triumph to Paris, that the 
 scene of Charlemagne's consecration as Em- 
 peror of the West might be renewed. It was 
 done, — with a significant variation, for Napo- 
 leon crowned himself. At Milan he assumed 
 the Iron Crown of Lombardy, setting in mo- 
 tion another train of ideas and aspirations. 
 For the Italian kingdom was a sign lifted up 
 to modern Ghibellincs, to Ihose who knew the 
 name and projects of Rienzi, to readers of the 
 marvellous page where Machiavelli in his 
 "Prince" concludes with an exhortation to 
 let the "Liberator of Italy" appear. Would 
 Milan be his capital when he came? The 
 Italians worshipped Napoleon, but they be- 
 gan to dream of Liberty. 
 
 And so Pius VII., once more in Rome, was 
 a target for the imperial shafts. lie could not 
 agree to the organic Articles; the Legations 
 and oilier provinces of I he Holy See were 
 denied him; the new Charlemagne talked of 
 Rome as his own city. The crisis arrived
 
 FORTUNES OF PIUS VII. 207 
 
 with a strong letter of Napoleon's, dated 
 February 13, 1806, in which he said, "Your 
 Holiness is Sovereign in Rome, but I am the 
 Roman Emperor." Pius VII. must break off 
 diplomatic relations with the enemies of 
 France, expel their subjects, and close his 
 ports to them. He refused, Consalvi retired, 
 and Napoleon made up his mind to incorpo- 
 rate the capital of Catholicism with his grow- 
 ing Empire. On February 2, 1808, General 
 Miollis entered by the Porta del Popolo. He 
 occupied the city until June 10, 1809, when 
 the Papal arms were torn down from the 
 Castle of St. Angelo, and the tricolour was 
 hoisted. By a decree at Schonbrunn the 
 victorious Emperor had united the Pope's 
 territories to his own dominions. The Pope 
 solemnly excommunicated him on that very 
 day. Pius would not abdicate, and on July 6 
 he was taken off to Florence. His captivity 
 lasted nearly five years. 
 
 This inevitable outcome of Napoleon's 
 policy was a profound mistake. Had he 
 been opposed by an Innocent III., public 
 opinion might have condoned his forcible acts, 
 though never his brutality. But Pius "\ II. 
 was an angel of peace, not intriguing and 
 not resisting, who still with patient firmness 
 held the ground of principle when other
 
 208 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 sovereigns lay in the dust before this Corsican 
 Attila. And Attila was resolved on a divorce 
 that he might found a dynasty; but the 
 Pope his prisoner would not break a mar- 
 riage that, to the Pope's knowledge, was 
 valid. Furthermore, the demi-god, which 
 Napoleon now was in his own esteem, de- 
 manded from all future pontiffs an oath of 
 allegiance to the French Emperor. 
 
 While he kept the defenceless old man in a 
 lonely prison at Savona, he drove the Cardi- 
 nals together at Paris. He degraded those 
 who would not attend his wedding with 
 Marie Louise; and, when the Pope declined 
 to institute his bishops, called a Council in 
 Notre Dame, which was to act without and 
 contrary to Papal authority. The Council 
 met, trembled, but would not obey (June 17- 
 August 5, 1811). Under extreme pressure, 
 it asked the Pope to sanction the institution 
 of bishops by the archbishop in an emergency, 
 and he did so. Before starting for Moscow, 
 the Caliph (as Napoleon was fond of describ- 
 ing himself) ordered that Pius should be taken 
 to Fontainebleau, there to await the victor's 
 return. When that happened, the Papacy 
 was to be transferred to Paris, the spiritual 
 to be separated from the temporal power, and, 
 said Napoleon in the same breath, "I would
 
 FORTUNES OF PIUS VII. 209 
 
 have governed the world both of politics and 
 religion." His dream vanished amid the 
 snows of Russia; it dropped with his sol- 
 diers' muskets on that wintry march, and 
 sank in the ice-drifts of the Beresina. 
 
 But he would not let his victim go free. 
 The Pope lingered at Fontainebleau, half 
 dead and with enfeebled mind, from June 16, 
 181 L 2, until the Emperor suddenly came 
 tli it her, on January 18 of next year, to en- 
 force fresh demands. The beaten man was 
 playing for desperate stakes. Without help 
 or advice on which he could rely, the Pope 
 yielded so far as to sign a new Concordat, giv- 
 ing up his right of institution. The effort 
 almost deprived him of reason, and on March 
 24 he withdrew his signature, extorted thus 
 by sheer violence after a long imprisonment. 
 It was clear to all the world that constraint 
 alone had wrung from the Holy Father a 
 momentary adhesion to the Emperor's wishes. 
 The Concordat was published and had force 
 of law, during the brief period now remaining 
 before Xapoleon himself abdicated under the 
 same roof at Fontainebleau. 
 
 By that date the Pope was taken back to 
 Savona, which he left again on March 19, 
 1814, a few days previous to the decision 
 made at Dampierre by the Allies to advance
 
 210 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 on Paris. May 24 saw the Apostolic prisoner 
 free, and triumphantly returning to his capi- 
 tal, where Spanish and Sardinian sovereigns 
 and Marie Louise of Etruria waited for him. 
 During the Hundred Days he retired before 
 Murat to Genoa; but on June 17, 1815, he 
 made his fourth and last entrance into Rome. 
 Two days afterwards the Congress of Vienna 
 resolved that St. Peter's successor should 
 have restored to him not only the Patri- 
 mony, but the Marches, the Legations, 
 Beneventum and Pontecorvo. This extraor- 
 dinary event was due to Consalvi, who 
 had proved himself equal to the assembled 
 diplomatists of Europe, as he had previously 
 withstood Xapoleon to his face. 
 
 The fallen Emperor set out on his voyage 
 to St. Helena in the British vessel "Northum- 
 berland," on August 10, 1815. He died at 
 Longwood, May 5, 1821; and the Pope, 
 whom lie had so deeply injured, lamented him 
 with tears. Manzoni chanted his requiem 
 in the musical and sympathetic ode which 
 stirred Italian hearts to their deepest. After 
 all, the genius of Xapoleon was native in its 
 origin to Elorence; and they might claim the 
 conqueror and lawgiver of Europe as their 
 kith and kin.
 
 CHAPTER VII 
 
 from waterloo to the fall of rome 
 (1815-1870. de maistre, "on the 
 pope"; neilsen, "papacy in xixth 
 century," ii.) 
 
 The Holy Alliance, Metternich, the Carbo- 
 nari, the Sanfedisti, the Ordinances and the 
 Three Days of July, Lamennais, the "Affairs 
 of Rome," Thiers and Guizot, the "Year of 
 Revolutions" — who is there now living that 
 has a clear remembrance of these things and 
 the period to which they belong? They are 
 gone "with the years beyond the Flood." 
 Reader, can you make an effort of good- 
 will and imagination, to recall for one brief 
 moment this interlude between the defeat of 
 Napoleon at Waterloo and the rise of Italy 
 to independence? It has ended in the setting 
 up of a new and Protestant German Em- 
 pire on the ruins of that which for a thou- 
 sand years had professed to be Holy and 
 Roman. It has brought in the reign of 
 democracy acknowledged and making laws 
 in all Parliaments. From the Congress of 
 Vienna to the Council of the Vatican is, it 
 211
 
 212 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 would now appear, but an episode, at the 
 close of which, and on the fall of Home, that 
 spirit, imprisoned rather than set free in the 
 Declaration of 1789, was to come into pos- 
 session of the world-powers, and to dictate 
 the programme of history. 
 
 Rome is, in the era which we have yet to 
 sum up and consider, strangely symbolical. 
 The European movement centres round it. 
 We may fruitfully compare the Pope's situa- 
 tion to that of St. Gregory the Great, between 
 a dying Empire which he would have gladly 
 defended, and the onset of barbarian tribes. 
 St. Gregory was loyal and despairing — we see 
 it in his letters, we hear it in his discourses to 
 the Roman people. In the nineteenth century 
 the Pope's encyclical epistles are great la- 
 ments, uttered as the ancient order of things 
 is breaking up and is falling into the gulf of 
 oblivion. They are full of pathos, while they 
 provoke the aspiring Liberal to scorn them 
 as impotent, and the revolutionary to con- 
 tinue his successful assault on institutions 
 which he hates, but has not altogether 
 destroyed. Yet on a large review those allo- 
 cutions will be found to have pleaded the 
 cause of spiritual freedom. Their opposition 
 to (Vsar has made for progress. And if we 
 discern, as we ought, the severe classic
 
 TO THE FALL OF ROME 213 
 
 features of Napoleon behind every enactment 
 that strikes at the claim to voluntary associa- 
 tion with which religion is connected, we shall 
 come to understand that there is a democ- 
 racy whose rights the Vatican watches over. 
 The Pope can never be a Regalist; the abso- 
 lute State will always persecute him. 
 
 For lack of spiritual insight Napoleon, 
 though so amazing a man of genius, had 
 made war on nationality in England, Spain 
 and Russia; on religion in all his dominions; 
 and on freedom everywhere. The nations 
 had risen and had pulled down the Colossus. 
 But when the Allies were settling Europe at 
 Vienna, while professing to defend religion, 
 they conspired against liberty, and they 
 trampled on national feelings. Especially did 
 they cut and carve the Italian peninsula, as 
 though it were nothing better than the corpse 
 of antiquity. But nations were no longer 
 minded to be the playthings of dynasties, old 
 or new. Ireland, Poland, Greece, Belgium, 
 uttered their claim for recognition as loudly 
 as Spain or Germany, flushed with pride after 
 a war of Liberation. The principles of '89 
 had been written in an abstract dialect; but 
 the nations were stubborn realities, each 
 determined to live its own life. 
 
 Again, the movement in literature called
 
 214 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Romanticism favoured every attempt which 
 revived home memories, gave new charm to 
 the ancient language and customs of the 
 race, and protected smaller communities from 
 absorption in a colourless civilization. We 
 feel the oncoming of this great change in 
 Chateaubriand's writings, in Scott, Byron, 
 and above all in Goethe, from whom these 
 poets and story-tellers learnt much of their 
 craft. And how should Italy not be touched 
 by the same influence? But Austria held 
 Lombardy and Venctia in an iron clasp. 
 Naples had been given buck to the Bourbons. 
 Even Consalvi, more of a politician than a 
 poet, failed to enter into the significance of 
 Romanticism, and kept up the French system 
 of government in the Papal States. That 
 Italy must be developed on the sound and 
 splendid traditions which were still its own, 
 did not occur to this otherwise clear-eyed 
 ruler of men. Thus, after 1815, the "Risorgi- 
 mento" — a word as inspiring as the Renais- 
 sance three centuries earlier — seemed to 
 portend rebellion from the Alps to Palermo. 
 Mctternich, called by those whom he kept 
 down Mitternacht, or the Prince of Darkness, 
 had come into power when the French Em- 
 pire was at its height. ^ ithout more scruples 
 than Kaunitz, but made by circumstance
 
 TO THE FALL OF ROME 215 
 
 the champion of Christendom, he first allied 
 the Austrian monarchy with Napoleon by 
 the iniquitous marriage that sacrificed Marie 
 Louise, and then declared against him in 
 time for the Battle of the Nations at Leipzig 
 (October 16-18, 1813). During the next 
 thirty-five years Mettcrnich stood as the 
 Reaction incarnate before Europe. In con- 
 junction with Alexander of Russia, a senti- 
 mental dreamer, and with lesser royal per- 
 sonages, he formed the Holy Alliance, which 
 was intended to support absolute govern- 
 ments by appealing to religion and patriotism. 
 But he dreaded Alexander as capable of ex- 
 ploiting the Jacobin movement, still making 
 itself felt everywhere, to his own advantage. 
 For the Tsar posed as the "Liberator" of 
 Europe. France and Italy were the smok- 
 ing furnaces of revolution always. The 
 Bourbons could set up old forms again, but 
 to give them life was impossible. A Charter 
 "conceded" by grace of the Crown, English 
 constitutional peculiarities transplanted to 
 Paris, the Concordat of 151(3 brought out 
 of its tomb, but ministers like Fouche and 
 Talleyrand retained — the sum of these things 
 was confusion. As Chateaubriand wrote, 
 "Religion, ideas, interest, language, earth 
 and heaven, all were different for the People
 
 216 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 and the King, separated by twenty-five 
 years which were equivalent to centuries." 
 Russia, so Metternich believed, was provok- 
 ing the Liberals in Latin countries to secret 
 confederacy and open revolt. The rising in 
 Naples of 1820 enabled him, once for all, 
 to get from Alexander an approval of the 
 Austrian system, which reduced Italy to a 
 name on the map, and made its potentates, 
 including the Holy Sec, subject to Vienna. 
 
 Thus, by methods of repression, as Napo- 
 leon by setting on his brows the Iron Crown, 
 Metternich awoke in many minds, and 
 especially among the youth growing to man- 
 hood, a deep yearning for the free united 
 Italy to be restored, which had once been 
 mistress of the world. A boy-poet, Leopardi, 
 gave piercing expression to these dangerous 
 thoughts. In the Two Sicilies, a kind of 
 political camorra sprang up, whose members, 
 bound by secret oaths and advocates of regi- 
 cide doctrines, called themselves Carbonari, 
 charcoal-burners. The Papal Government, 
 transformed by two French occupations, was 
 neither old nor new. Chateaubriand says 
 brilliantly that in Rome "the French left 
 their principles behind them"; it would be 
 more exact to observe that they had created 
 a problem and left its solution to others.
 
 TO THE FALL OF ROME 217 
 
 Italians, and among them the Holy Father's 
 subjects, were ambitious of a share in the 
 world's progress, material and industrial 
 no less than political. But the famous 
 question demanded a reply, "How was the 
 government to be carried on?" Nepotism, 
 which gave the Pope trusty ministers, was 
 dead long ago. The Cardinals had lost their 
 wealth, and could not, as in times past, 
 spare the people from heavy burdens of 
 taxation. Clerics alone occupied important 
 posts and administered the offices of State. 
 Moreover, on the Napoleonic system, which 
 Consalvi did not alter, a centralized rule 
 swept away local customs and privileges, 
 dear to these old cities, which in their fierce 
 self-idolatry were as Greek as Thebes or 
 Megara had been. 
 
 "When Pius VII. died Consalvi's reign w r as 
 over. Leo XII. governed with a reformer's 
 zeal and severity. But the Romans, it is 
 said, did not like him at all; his Vigil- 
 ance Committee was hated; and Cardinal 
 Rivarola's action in putting down the Car- 
 bonari at Ravenna (1825) excited wide- 
 spread indignation. A veiled civil war is 
 the only description that will express the 
 ition of Italy and the Papal States 
 during the years from 1820 to 1848. Amid
 
 218 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 such a conflict of ideas and parties reform 
 could be hardly attempted, nor was it 
 likely to succeed. Leo XII. was not opposed 
 to the Charter in France nor unwilling to 
 recognize that the world had entered on 
 fresh paths. He said to the remarkable 
 man whom we have quoted above, and whose 
 memoirs give a lively picture of the times, 
 "The Catholic Church has prospered in 
 the midst of republics as in the bosom of 
 monarchies; it has made immense progress 
 in the United States; it reigns alone in 
 Spanish America." Consalvi had advised 
 Leo to treat directly with insurgent peoples 
 across the Atlantic, disregarding Spain's 
 pretensions, and the Holy See did so, follow- 
 ing its rule of setting religious interests before 
 old alliances. But Chateaubriand held that 
 the Papal Government needed young blood, 
 and instruments not yet created. Cardinals 
 born previous to 1789 were by temper and 
 experience strengthened in their resistance 
 to ideas that had been bathed in blood. 
 Moreover, Rome could not boast of the 
 resources that were necessary to carry through 
 an extensive programme. It was clear to 
 observers that events in the great world 
 outside would determine the future of the 
 IIolv See.
 
 TO THE FALL OF ROME 219 
 
 These events were not slow in coming. 
 The Restoration, kept afloat by Louis XVIII., 
 a fatigued Voltarian, suffered shipwreck 
 under his light-minded brother Charles X. 
 It vexed earnest Catholics by a sort of feeble 
 Gallicanism, irritated Liberals, led to the 
 definite rise of the "anti-clerical," who ever 
 since has made war on Jesuits, and gave 
 itself over to the "ignorant and visionary." 
 Polignac, who, by advising the ordinances of 
 July, 1830, against the liberty of the press, 
 brought the Bourbon monarchy to the 
 ground. Louis Philippe, son of "Egalite" 
 and citizen-king, took its place. The "Three 
 Days of July'' were a victory for Liberal ideas 
 but not a defeat for the Church. Why not? 
 Because, answers M. Faguet, in 1830 the 
 Constitution took away from Government 
 its monopoly of education (insisted upon 
 by Charles X. in 1828), and so gave to 
 Catholics, above all to religious orders, a 
 freedom which would have made them 
 independent. This observation is profoundly 
 just. The struggle in modern times between 
 Christian and unchristian theories (which 
 decides every other) must be fought out 
 in the schools. 
 
 But that victory, so far as gained, was due 
 to a man of rare genius, a Breton, a priest,
 
 220 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 and a journalist whose name was Lamennais. 
 He on the Catholic side, as Lafayette on the 
 Liberal, had struck for freedom. Lamennais 
 was neither a republican nor a revolutionist. 
 To him religion meant everything he held 
 dear. He longed that the Catholic Church 
 should have power as it has authority, but 
 power by methods apostolic and proper to 
 itself, not by coercion from without but by 
 persuasion of the candid soul. He had pub- 
 lished in 1819 his "Essay on Indifference in 
 Matters of Religion," on the appearance of 
 which Frayssinous, the Gallican bishop, 
 exclaimed, "It is a book to awaken the dead." 
 It electrified the reading world in France by 
 its sombre, incisive eloquence. Its author 
 was hailed as the Catholic Rousseau; and 
 like his Genevan prototype he showed him- 
 self almost morbidly sensitive to criticism. 
 Leo XII. welcomed him at the Vatican, set 
 up the French apologist's portrait in his 
 private room, and as it would seem, created 
 him cardinal "//?, petto"; but he was not al- 
 lowed by the French Government to announce 
 his elevation. 
 
 On April 20, 1820, the extraordinary 
 sight was seen of a priest charged before 
 the magistrates in Paris by the public 
 prosecutor, under a Catholic ministry, with
 
 TO THE FALL OF ROME 221 
 
 having, by a recent pamphlet, "effaced the 
 boundaries which separate spiritual from 
 temporal power; proclaimed the supremacy 
 and infallibility of the Pope; and admitted 
 in the Roman Pontiff the right of deposing 
 princes and releasing their subjects from the 
 oath of fealty." The priest was the Abbe 
 de Lamennais. He refused the Court's juris- 
 diction; reiterated the statements of which 
 he was accused; and was fined thirty francs 
 — say thirty pieces of silver. Various pre- 
 lates sent up loyal addresses to the throne. 
 Lamennais reminded them scornfully that 
 "there was in the world a person named the 
 Pope." So low had Gallicanism fallen! The 
 vision of a Catholic democracy dawned on 
 him, as he contemplated Ireland rising with 
 O'Connell and forcing an alien Protestant 
 Parliament to grant emancipation. Another 
 country, Belgium, free from the Gallican 
 taint, had begun its fight for independence 
 and the old creed which it was speedily to 
 win. But neither Belgians nor Irish Catholics 
 suffered from "the terrible disease called 
 Royal ism." 
 
 Such were the sentiments that moved 
 Lamennais to answer the ordinances of 1828 
 by his work "On the Progress of the Revo- 
 lution and the "War against the Church,"
 
 222 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 in February, 1829. It insisted as a right 
 on liberty of the press, of education, of 
 conscience. The stir which it created was 
 indescribably great. Its author had crossed 
 the gulf opened in 1790 between Catholicism 
 and the Revolution. The Days of July 
 followed, and liberty was promised in the 
 Charter, but the promise was broken without 
 delay. Then Lamennais founded L'Avenir 
 to propagate his doctrine, and UAgence 
 Catholique to denounce the assaults of Govern- 
 ment officials on religious freedom. Trials, 
 condemnations, could not stop the movement. 
 Ministers were alarmed, bishops charged 
 against L'Avenir. In an unlucky moment 
 three "pilgrims of liberty" made their way 
 to Rome — Lamennais, Lacordaire, Montalem- 
 bert. They would not be satisfied until 
 Gregory XVI. had pronounced judgment on 
 their politico-religious views. 
 
 He did so in the Encyclical "Mirari Vos " 
 (August 1.5, 1832). His judgment was a 
 condemnation. The pilgrims received word 
 of it at Munich and submitted. It has been 
 well said that their appeal to Rome was "the 
 first act in that long agony of Gallicanism 
 which ended with the Vatican Council." As 
 regards UAvcnir, this is what Montalcmbert 
 wrote long afterwards: "To new and reason-
 
 TO THE FALL OF ROME 223 
 
 able ideas, honest in themselves, which have 
 for the last twenty years been the daily bread 
 of Catholic polemics, we had been foolish 
 enough to add extreme and rash theories, and 
 to defend both by means of an absolute logic 
 such as will be sure to ruin, if it does not dis- 
 honour, every cause." 
 
 We may illustrate these words from the 
 actual situation. Lamennais had committed 
 himself to principles which betrayed un- 
 doubted tendencies towards anarchism; and 
 this at a moment when Europe was shaken by 
 a political earthquake. His reasoning was as 
 inexorable as his temperament; and the conse- 
 quences might have been disastrous wherever 
 Catholics dwelt. Risings in Belgium and 
 Poland had taken place after the Revolution 
 of July. Two months of interregnum fol- 
 lowed the death of Pius VIII. on the last 
 day of November, 1830. A monk of Camal- 
 doli was elected Pope at Candlemas, 1831; 
 and two days later Bologna revolted, put the 
 Cardinal Legate in prison, and set up a gov- 
 ernment animated by Carbonari principles. 
 The Austrian troops, hardly waiting for leave 
 from Rome, entered the Legations. France 
 sent a detachment to Ancona. The rebels 
 meanwhile had denounced the Pope's tem- 
 poral power as a usurpation. Was this a time
 
 224 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 solemnly to approve of a programme which 
 asserted popular sovereignty in the crudest 
 form, and preached the sacred duty of resist- 
 ance to rulers without reserve or limits, as in 
 the columns of UAvenir had been repeatedly 
 done? Gregory XVI. , in affirming the 
 traditional principles of obedience and 
 authority, had a strong case; nor was it 
 difficult to show that the Catholic Church 
 had always quoted the language of St. Paul 
 in reference to "the powers that be." 
 
 A further observation is to the purpose. 
 The work "De Rcgimine Principum," as- 
 cribed to St. Thomas Aquinas, and the 
 writings of Suarez on political theories, 
 may be taken as representing another aspect 
 of the Catholic doctrine, in which an "es- 
 sential" democracy, liberty, and right of 
 self-defence are maintained. These comple- 
 mentary views require to be fully con- 
 sidered, if we would know what is the 
 orthodox tradition as a. whole. But it would 
 be too much to expect that the sovereign 
 Pontiff should, on a practical issue and in 
 moments of crisis, defeat his own action by 
 an academic balancing of phrases when the 
 time rails for guidance, and social interests 
 are at stake. Gregory XVI. spoke as the 
 Church's governor; while Lamennais would
 
 TO THE FALL OF ROME 225 
 
 have persuaded him to throw in his lot with 
 French democracy, mostly unbelieving, and 
 already moving towards anarchical Utopias. 
 
 By this date of 1S32 the fiery Breton had 
 himself become an enemy of the whole social 
 order. He was meditating and had begun 
 to write "The Words of a Believer" which, 
 in tones and colours borrowed from the 
 Apocalypse, portended a third Revolution. 
 The blood-stained "Days of June" in 1848, 
 with all their violence and atrocity, cannot be 
 wholly dissociated from the passions thus 
 excited. They would never have come to pass 
 had Pope Gregory's Encyclical been obeyed. 
 Lamennais went his way, from one excess of 
 doctrine to another. He tasted the bitterness 
 of prison at Sainte Pelagic; his last years 
 were spent in poverty and isolation; and 
 he lies in a nameless tomb at Pere la Chaise. 
 "Nothing must mark my grave," said the 
 dying man. As Savonarola was the martyr 
 of the Renaissance, so Lamennais was the 
 victim of the Revolution. "Sunt lacrymse 
 rerum!" 
 
 Although reforms had been urged upon 
 Gregory XVI. by Metternich and the Powers 
 (May 21, 1881), his reign passed without 
 undertaking any change. Lamennais, who 
 saw the future in his dreams, prophesied that
 
 226 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 a beginning would be made "in the next 
 pontificate." Italy was once more producing 
 notable if not great men. In 182G the 
 "Promessi Sposi" — a romance after Scott, 
 historical and patriotic — by the Lombard 
 Manzoni appeared. In 1830 the Genoese 
 Mazzini transformed the earlier Carbonari 
 movement to "young Italy," insurgent, 
 republican, idealist. The "mysterious and 
 terrible conspirator" lay under sentence of 
 death from his native Government until 
 1SGG. Among the devout adherents of the 
 Papacy another conception ruled. They de- 
 sired to set the Holy Father in his mediaeval 
 throne, to federate the Italian States under 
 him as suzerain, and thus to restore the civil 
 no less than the intellectual primacy which 
 they claimed for the Peninsula. 
 
 These were the "new Guelfs," led by 
 Gioberti, of Turin, and Rosmini, of Povereto, 
 philosophic priests and admirable writers. 
 Cesare Balbo, the historian, belonged to their 
 school; and Austria was [heir enemy. But so 
 was France. The battle between Gallicans 
 and LTtramontanes wont on in Paris; with 
 denial of free education, though promised by 
 the Charter; with episodes like the anti- 
 Jesuit lectures of Quinet and Michelet, which 
 prompted Guizot to demand in 1815 at Home
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 227 
 
 that the Society in France should be dissolved. 
 It is matter of history that the new Guelfs 
 were not friendly to the Jesuits; but they 
 believed in freedom. Gregory XVI. had no 
 choice but to yield; and Pellegrino Rossi, 
 June 23, 1845, announced to his Government 
 that the French Jesuit province would be 
 abolished. An unsuccessful rising of Mazzini- 
 ans in the Legations led to the execution of 
 seven conspirators by Cardinal Vannicelli's 
 orders. At Rimini the insurrection failed 
 likewise; but Farini put forth a manifesto 
 which renewed the demands of the Great 
 Powers in 1831, and claimed an amnesty 
 for political offences. Nearly two thousand 
 Papal subjects, it is said, were "in exile, 
 proscribed, or under prosecution" when 
 Gregory XVI. died, May 31, 184G. 
 
 Section II 
 the loeis xvi. of the papacy (1846-1870) 
 
 Then the change came which Lamennais 
 foresaw. Pius IX. was elected. He opened 
 the prison-doors, and men cried to one 
 another that at last the Papa Angelico had 
 appeared, in whose reign all things were to 
 be made new. Handsome, winning, devout,
 
 228 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 kind-hearted, of large, benevolent designs, 
 Giovanni Maria Mastai took the Italians 
 captive at once. He was called in Vienna 
 disdainfully a "reforming pontiff"; and 
 the amnesty provoked Metternich to declare 
 that it invited robbers to set the house on 
 fire. But the Pope was without strong 
 advisers, and he had no definite policy. To 
 put himself at the head of an Italian League 
 was not in his thoughts. The Austrian 
 Chancellor knew that Europe slept on a vol- 
 cano; Cesare Balbo warned the Holy Father 
 not to trust in popular manifestations. They 
 continued for many months; a council of 
 ministers (July 12, 1847) seemed to promise 
 constitutional government; and in the Forum 
 was heard Stcrbini's patriotic chant, the 
 Roman Marseillaise. Not Pius IX. but 
 Rienzi; nor yet the new Guelfs, but Mazzini 
 and young Italy, inspired the captains who 
 now led this agitation. Metternich scut 
 Austrian troops into Ferrara. The Pope 
 granted a representative assembly, the Con- 
 sulta, with responsible ministers; but Mazzini 
 was conquering. 
 
 On January 15, IS 18, the long expected 
 upheaval of the Continent began with a 
 revolution at P i-ormo. The R< man populace 
 shouted, "Down with a clerical ministry."
 
 POPE TIUS IX. 229 
 
 Pius IX. granted all he deemed possible. 
 Then the French in February drove out Louis 
 Philippe. Constitutions were the order of 
 the day in Italy, and Charles Albert gave his 
 Sardinians the "Statuto" which was destined 
 to grow into the law of the whole country 
 under Victor Emmanuel. The new Papal 
 Statute was published on March 14, 1848. 
 It could not hinder the enforced retirement 
 of the Jesuits from Rome. Metternich had 
 been overthrown and was a fugitive in Eng- 
 land. The Piedmontese marched against 
 Austria, camped in the plains of Lombardy. 
 Detachments of the Papal army, blessed by 
 Pius IX., were joining the devout and chival- 
 rous Sardinian King, Charles Albert. Would 
 the Pope don the harness of Julius II., 
 and help to drive the Barbarians out of 
 Venice which they had usurped, from the 
 Lombard cities where their rule was de- 
 tested? Rosmini, "the most enlightened 
 priest in Italy," held the war to be a just 
 one; but he deprecated its renewal by Pied- 
 mont alone; he drew up a plan for the con- 
 federation of Italian States under the Pope; 
 and meanwhile he strongly approved of 
 the allocution (April 29, 1848) in which 
 Pius declined to fight against a Christian 
 Power.
 
 230 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 At Turin confusion reigned; ministries 
 rose and fell from one month to another. 
 Public voices charged the Vatican with 
 deserting the national cause. In Rome a 
 decided anti-clerical cabinet was formed by 
 Mamiani. The other illustrious priest, Gio- 
 berti, who shared with Rosmini fame and 
 influence, made a triumphal progress to and 
 from the Eternal City during these weeks; 
 but he was by now devoted to the attainment 
 of "Italia una," with or without the Pope. 
 Rosmini held to his idea of a Federal union. 
 Sent by Charles Albert to the Holy Father 
 in August, 1848, and promised the Cardinal's 
 hat, this high-minded counsellor of modera- 
 tion could only look on at the approaching 
 catastrophe, due in the main to Italians 
 themselves, who would not combine or cease 
 their quarrelling while Austria took up arms 
 once more. Pellegrino Rossi, named Prime 
 Minister by the Pope on September G, was 
 murdered by a set of conspirators on the 
 stairs of the Cancellaria, when he was entering 
 the hall of Parliament, November 15, 1848. 
 The assembly took no notice, and "passed 
 to the order of the day."' Two days later 
 the Quirinal was besieged by a howling mob, 
 determined to massacre the Swiss guard and 
 take the Pope prisoner. His secretary was
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 231 
 
 shot by his side when Pius appeared on the 
 great balcony. Mazzinianism had conquered 
 by the use of the dagger. On November 24 
 the Pope in disguise fled to Gaeta and the 
 Xing of Naples. 
 
 In this interval France had undergone the 
 agony of a social uprising known as the 
 "Days of June"; the millions in alarm 
 chose for their President Louis Bonaparte 
 on December 10, 184S. The Austrians over- 
 powered Charles Albert at Novara, March 
 23 of the succeeding year; within six days 
 the Roman Republic was proclaimed from 
 the Capitol by Garibaldi, triumvirs were 
 appointed, and Mazzini became master of 
 Rome. In Gaeta the Pope lingered doubtful 
 of his course. Two men strove before him as 
 in the arena for their respective policies — they 
 were Rosmini and Antonelli. Rut the saintly 
 philosopher went back, without his Cardinal's 
 hat, to Stresa, defeated. Of his victorious 
 opponent Marion Crawford wrote, "Antonelli 
 was the best hated man of his day, not only 
 in Europe and Italy, but by a large proportion 
 of Churchmen. He was one of those strong 
 and unscrupulous men who appeared every- 
 where in Europe as reactionaries in opposition 
 to the great revolution. On a smaller scale 
 lie is to be classed with Disraeli, Metternich,
 
 232 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 Cavour, and Bismarck." Named to the 
 Sacred College in June, 1847, he was never 
 ordained priest. From now onwards until 
 his death, November C, 1S7G, he stood at the 
 Pope's right hand, unremoved by any com- 
 bination of enemies or disasters in the political 
 sphere. "He was a fighter and a schemer 
 by nature," says Crawford again. His de- 
 spatches were universally admired, and, with 
 an army behind him, Antonelli might have 
 done memorable deeds. At no time a Liberal, 
 lie resolved that Pius IN. should return to 
 Rome unfettered by constitutional engage- 
 ments. Rosmini warned him that this was 
 equivalent to losing the temporal power; 
 but he went his way. 
 
 Catholics in France, growing more and more 
 Papal, urged upon the Prince President that 
 he should despatch an armed expedition 
 against the new Roman Republic, which was 
 becoming the focus of European disorder. lie 
 did so. But the motley array under Garibaldi 
 fought well; and it was nut until July 3, IS If), 
 that General Oudinot made his entrance 
 into the Eternal City, "when from Janiculan 
 heights thundered the cannon of France." 
 • ;:l(ii and his troop escaped by the 
 Trasteverc, being reserved for greater things. 
 But how would the Pope come back to his
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 233 
 
 capital, of which General Xiel presented him 
 with the keys at Gaeta? Antonelli decided. 
 The Holy Father returned April 12, 1850, as, 
 in the witty language of the Romans, Pio 
 Kono the Second, to whom the idea of reform 
 was a dream in the night that is past. A 
 French garrison occupied the city; the Lega- 
 tions were held by Austria. Charles Albert, 
 abdicating, had gone away to die in Portugal. 
 But in this tragic hour the makers of 
 Italian unity were found. A statesman, a 
 king, and a freebooter, wrought out this 
 drama between them. The statesman was 
 Cavour, the king Victor Emmanuel, the free- 
 booter Garibaldi. And Piedmont, the Italian 
 Macedon, was to accomplish a design to the 
 conception of which Dante, Rienzi, Machia- 
 velli, Cawsar Borgia, Napoleon, Manzoni, 
 Gioberti, had in their several ways given form 
 and substance. Manzoni, in 183G, had de- 
 clared to Montalembert that a united Italy 
 under the House of Savoy was the one solu- 
 tion. Gioberti, leaving his Guelfism, had 
 pointed to the same royal house in expecta- 
 tion of its future expansion, and proclaimed 
 its leadership. The proverb ran, "Savoy will 
 eat iii) the Italian artichoke, leaf by leaf." 
 Gioberti was no great politician. But Cavour, 
 who now took Piedmont in hand, united policy
 
 234 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 with daring, and when he assailed Austria 
 next, it would be with the arms of France. 
 
 Yet Cavour made the old Rcgalist mistake, 
 and it cost him dear. For the modern State 
 abroad, Henry VIII. 's legislation has a fatal 
 charm; but the language employed in repro- 
 ducing it is taken from the Declaration of 
 the Rights of Man. So it was that Victor 
 Emmanuel in 1849 announced his intention 
 of putting in force the great principle of 
 equality before the law, meaning to abolish 
 clerical immunities and monastic institutions, 
 and to bring in "civil marriage," — this last 
 measure a serious blow at the Church in his 
 dominions, where the people had always been 
 profoundly Catholic. The author of the new 
 projects, Siccardi, was despatched to Pius IX., 
 then in exile at Portici; but he could not 
 win the Pontiff's assent. Troubles ensued; 
 Cardinal Franzoni and the Archbishop of 
 Cagliari were thrown into prison; Cavour, 
 the henchman of Siccardi, was obliged to 
 resign. But he soon became Foreign Minis- 
 ter, and these laws were all passed. The 
 Pope, on July 2G, 1855, uttered the great ex- 
 communication against every one concerned 
 in them. Between Cavour and the Temporal 
 Power it was now a struggle to the death. 
 His anti-clerical attitude, however, gave the
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 235 
 
 Holy See an advantage, and, as will appear 
 in due course, led to the violent solution by 
 cannon-shot in September, 1870, of the Ro- 
 man Question. Cavour professed Liberal sen- 
 timents, but he was resolved — they are his 
 own words — not to suffer an Ultramontane 
 Church to grow up, relying on the people, 
 such as he beheld in Ireland or Belgium. 
 The traditions of Joseph II. of Austria had 
 been transplanted long ago into Sardinian 
 seminaries; and they made of Piedmont an 
 enemy whom the Pope soon recognized as 
 more dangerous than Mazzini. 
 
 The futile Crimean War gave Cavour his 
 chance; he seized it boldly. By agreement 
 in January, 1855, Sardinia, which had no 
 interest at stake in the Orient, joined the 
 allied Western Powers. At the Congress of 
 1856, held in Paris, the Piedmontese min- 
 ister demanded that Austria should withdraw 
 from the Legations and a lay Government 
 rule them in the Pope's name. Lord Claren- 
 don, the English envoy, used strong language 
 in condemnation of the Vatican, to which 
 Antonelli replied. The Emperor of the 
 French wavered, now and always, between a 
 policy inspired by Lis Catholic adherents, 
 and a policy of advance which was called for 
 by the Liberals ail over Europe. His letter
 
 236 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 in 1849 to Edgar Xey, requiring the Holy 
 Father to grant a lay administration, was an 
 unredeemed pledge. In 1857 Pius IX. made 
 the last Papal progress through his northern 
 states. He was kindly received, hut did not 
 mention the word reform. Antonelli had no 
 programme; he waited simply on Providence. 
 A Roman conspirator and exile, Orsini, 
 brought the situation to a crisis on January 
 
 II, 1858, by attempting the life of Xapoleon 
 
 III. in the open day as he was driving to the 
 opera. Condemned to death, Orsini ad- 
 dressed the Emperor in an historic letter on 
 February 11, pleading for the liberation of 
 Italy. Cavour turned the whole incident 
 adroitly against Rome; he met Xapoleon 
 secretly at Plombieres, July 20, 1858; and a 
 kingdom of twelve millions, from the Alps to 
 the Adriatic, was designed under the house of 
 Savoy. War was in immediate prospect. 
 The Temporal Power had been supported by 
 a truce between the two empires on whose 
 armed occupation Antonelli relied. If they 
 fought, and Austria were beaten, the Pope's 
 richest provinces would be lost, a new Lom- 
 bard Kingdom set up not far from the gates of 
 Rome. ?\ow then a French army landed at 
 (ienoa in May, 1850. The victory of Magenta 
 followed, and on June 11 the Austrian troops
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 237 
 
 left Bologna. "It was the spark which set 
 all Italy ablaze." The Legations declared for 
 Victor Emmanuel; a revolt at Perugia was 
 quelled, not without bloodshed; the Peace 
 of Villa Franca satisfied neither French 
 Liberals nor Italian patriots; and Cavour 
 resigned. Farini constructed the "interim" 
 State of Emilia. 
 
 Still halting between two policies, Napoleon 
 talked of an Italian Federation with Pius IX. 
 for its president. The Pope declined; French 
 Catholics were enraged with a Government 
 that wanted to despoil the Holy See; and 
 to no Congress would a Papal representative 
 be accredited unless the former boundaries 
 of its dominions were guaranteed. This was 
 the celebrated "Non possumus." An En- 
 cyclical letter in January, 18G0, rejected the 
 Emperor's plan, while Dupanloup of Orleans 
 and Pie of Poitiers answered his pamphlets 
 in uncompromising terms. The temporal 
 power might fall, but it was utterly destroy- 
 ing Gallieanism. Everywhere Catholics held 
 meetings to express their abhorrence of the 
 Revolution and their devoted attachment to 
 the Holy Father. An English convert, 
 Henry Edward Manning, drew the notice of 
 all by his vehement defence of Papal prin- 
 ciples. Such an explosion of enthusiasm on
 
 238 PAPACY AXD MODERN TIMES 
 
 behalf of St. Feter's successor had not been 
 witnessed in modern history. The Pope was 
 taking up on different lines that movement of 
 democracy which he had blessed in 184G; 
 and, though Italians were divided, the Cath- 
 olic Church answered even passionately to his 
 impulse. He had lost the Legations; he was 
 master, as though Innocent III. had risen 
 again, of believing multitudes in Europe and 
 America. The year I860 marks a revival of 
 Roman power, spiritual and democratic, which 
 has gone forward ever since without pause. 
 
 But the political fifth act was not to be 
 avoided. Bishops might send up addresses 
 by the hundred to Rome; men of such unlike 
 temper as Veuillot and Lacordaire, Villemain 
 and De Sacy, Disraeli, and Guizot, might 
 insist, as if at a General Council, on the 
 necessity for the Pope's temporal independ- 
 ence and territorial sovereignty; they could 
 not prevent the conquest of the Two Sicilies 
 by Garibaldi; or Cavour's daring stroke, the 
 march of Italian troops towards Ancona; or 
 the defeat of Lamoriciere and his Papal 
 forces, however gallant their behaviour, at 
 Castel Fidardo, September 18, 1SC0. Yet, 
 says De Cesarc, who did not love the old 
 re me, no occasion or pretext presented itself 
 for declaring war on the Pope, invading his
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 239 
 
 provinces, breaking up his army, and so 
 marching on Naples. But Cavour was not 
 deterred by these obstacles. Admiral Persano 
 bombarded and took Ancona. On October 
 26, 18G0, Garibaldi met Victor Emmanuel 
 at Teano, and saluted him as King of Italy. 
 
 The first Italian Parliament assembled on 
 February 18, 1861, at Turin. France, getting 
 Nice and Savoy, had consented to the final 
 incorporation of Romagna with Victor Em- 
 manuel's new kingdom. To the Holy See 
 was left, under French protection, the Patri- 
 mony or old Duchy of Rome, largely a desert, 
 and some half million of subjects. Inter- 
 national law could not justify the Piedmont- 
 ese invasion; Conservatives smiled at the 
 "plebiscites" which followed obediently where 
 the victor's sword pointed. Romagna had 
 always, except during the Austrian occupa- 
 tion, enjoyed Home Rule; but Cavour, in 
 October, 1860, affirming the independence of 
 Italy, declared that Rome must be its capital. 
 The word was spoken. And "a Free Church 
 in a Free State" was held out to the Pope in 
 exchange for his sovereignty of a thousand 
 years. 
 
 Negotiations were at once set on foot. 
 Pius IX., without allies or auxiliaries, listened 
 to Cavour's proposals. Antonelli permitted
 
 240 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 a sort of protocol to be discussed; and Pas- 
 saglia, the famous ex-Jesuit, was conducting 
 the great business, as it seemed, to a success- 
 ful end. But here the Siccardi laws warned 
 Pius that if the Italians came to Rome they 
 would suppress the monasteries, confiscate 
 Church property, and in spite of their liberal 
 formula, make the clergy a department of 
 State. "Jacobin decrees" at Naples and 
 Palermo confirmed this judgment. He roused 
 himself to deliver an allocution, March 18, 
 1861, in which he flung back the attempts at 
 an insidious reconciliation based on robbery, 
 and refused to come to terms with it. Ca- 
 rom' died on June 6, and the Roman Ques- 
 tion entered its last phase. 
 
 A convention between France and the 
 King of Italy was signed in September, 1804, 
 binding the latter to respect what was left of 
 the Papal territories, and the French to with- 
 draw their garrison by degrees from Rome. 
 Rut Napoleon required that a new capital 
 should be definitely chosen, as some guaran- 
 tee of peace. The Government, accordingly, 
 moved down to Florence. By the end of 
 December, 1800, all the French troops had 
 left Roman soil. No stir was made. The 
 people of the Eternal City were little disposed 
 to embark on a revolution; thev felt a sin-
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 241 
 
 cere attachment to Pius IX., who treated 
 them kindly, whatever his officials might do; 
 and, as Napoleon III. believed, they would 
 never rise of themselves. Neither did they. 
 Garibaldi formed committees of insurrection, 
 and openly undertook the liberation of Rome, 
 while Rattazzi, the new premier, looked on. 
 The general was interned September 24, 1867, 
 in his island of Caprera; but his son Menotti 
 crossed the Papal frontier, and there was 
 fighting at Monte Libretti. While Napoleon 
 was hesitating Garibaldi escaped, traversed 
 Tuscany, and captured Monte Rotondo, less 
 than twenty miles from the gates of Rome. 
 The French Catholics, the Empress, the 
 leader of the bishops, Dupanloup, insisted on 
 sending help to the Holy Father. Napoleon's 
 lieutenant, Rouher, declared in the Chamber 
 amid applause that the Italians should 
 "never" enter Rome. This "jamais" was 
 not forgotten when Napoleon sought for an 
 ally at Florence in 1870. The expedition 
 sailed. Garibaldi had drawn close to the 
 Porta Salara, but Rome would nut rise; the 
 free companies which he brought were drift- 
 ing in all directions; and, as he was retiring 
 upon Tivoli, November 3, 1867, a detachment 
 of French, coming to aid the Papal troops, 
 defeated him at Montana. His army broke
 
 242 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 and fled. The September Convention was 
 no more. 
 
 That insignificant skirmish at Mentana had 
 world-wide consequences. It brought back 
 the French to Castel Sant' Angelo, where they 
 proved a fatal hindrance to Italian unity as it 
 was now conceived. It gave time for the 
 assembling of the Vatican Council, and the 
 passing of those decrees by which Gallican 
 principles were stricken to death and the 
 Pope was proclaimed infallible ex cathedra, in 
 St. Peter's Chair. Like the affair of Bouvincs, 
 it was fought with a handful of soldiers, but 
 has proved to be one of the decisive battles 
 of the world. For the French empire and 
 dynasty Mentana was a disaster, coming after 
 its moral defeats in the Danish, Mexican, 
 and Austrian wars, every one of which had 
 darkened its fame and lessened its influence. 
 Italian opinion would not suffer a single 
 regiment of Bersaglieri to make common 
 cause with French generals in 1870, who had 
 boasted in 1SG7 that the chasscpots had gone 
 oil' of themselves on the approach of Gari- 
 baldi's volunteers. Austria, now, as well as 
 Italy, demanded that Koine should lie left 
 open to the Sardinian advance. Napoleon 
 could not agree; and his efforts to create 
 alliances against Prussia were broken upon
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 243 
 
 this denial. Mentana was the prelude to 
 
 Sedan. 
 
 But if the Temporal Power from this day 
 was visibly doomed to disappear, a movement 
 parallel but in the contrary direction had 
 been proceeding, which would exalt beyond 
 measure the cause of Papal Rome. Since the 
 return from Gaeta pilgrims had thronged to 
 the Holy City as never before. Three great 
 meetings of bishops, in 1854, 18G L 2, and 1867, 
 had assured Pius IX. of his unbounded influ- 
 ence over the Catholic world. His reply to 
 the September Convention had been the 
 Encyclical "Quanta Cura," and the Syllabus 
 or Index of propositions condemned during 
 his pontificate, which, though chiefly a con- 
 servative document in accordance with prin- 
 ciples of authority received everywhere, was 
 cleverly turned by the revolutionaries, whom 
 it struck hard, into an attack upon civiliza- 
 tion. Bishop Dupanloup showed its true 
 meaning, and three hundred and sixty bish- 
 ops wrote to signify their agreement with 
 the Bishop of Orleans. French prelates led 
 the Church at this time, somewhat as their 
 cavalry ride into battle, a pas de charge. But 
 in views they were not of one mind. Some 
 Gallicans were left; the ambiguous party 
 called Libera] Catholics had a policy of their
 
 244 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 own. Among Germans, and especially at 
 Munich, there was a school which had never 
 been, or had ceased to be, ultramontane, con- 
 trolled by the historian Dollinger. Moderate 
 men asked for a Council in the hope of certain 
 reforms. On prelates like Manning, Martin, 
 Bonnechose, Deschamps; on laymen such as 
 Veuillot and Ward, it was borne in by the 
 course of events that to save society spiritual 
 authority must be concentrated in the hands 
 of the Pope, whom all acknowledged as the 
 highest representative of Christian principles 
 in the world. These writers had their own 
 way of reasoning, no doubt; their moving 
 impulse, however, was quite as much a social 
 necessity as a deduction from grounds of 
 doctrine; and its perfect expression was given 
 by Joseph de Maistre when he published his 
 treatise "Du Pape" after Napoleon's down- 
 fall. The Vatican Council was intended to 
 protect Catholic interests from anarchy, by 
 completing the work begun at Florence and 
 left unfinished at Trent, of defining "St. 
 Peter's privileges" in his successor. 
 
 This was done, amid conflicts into which 
 we need not enter, between December 8, 
 18(59, and July 18, 1870. No larger Council 
 of Ecclesiastics has ever met. All continents 
 were represented. The extraordinary growth
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 245 
 
 of Catholicism in free countries was evidenced 
 by new hierarchies in England, Canada, the 
 United States, the British Empire at large. 
 Its persistence under suffering was a jewel 
 on the foreheads of Irish, South American, 
 and missionary bishops, who saw one another 
 face to face in what seemed to devout on- 
 lookers the full assembly of the Saints. A 
 young American Bishop of Richmond, Vir- 
 ginia, who has lived to be Cardinal Gibbons 
 of Baltimore, could tell us lately that the 
 Church, neither persecuted nor favoured by 
 civil power, in those United States now reck- 
 ons twenty-two millions, and is on the way to 
 become the largest as well as the strongest of 
 religious associations in the Western world. 
 
 Against these mighty currents what could 
 the Gallican or the Regalist achieve with his 
 worn-out traditions? One of the wisest ob- 
 servations ever made on the whole subject is 
 that of Count von Moltke — "The future of 
 Rome does not depend on Rome itself, but 
 on the direction that religious development 
 will take in other countries." And Lord 
 Acton has written, "Pius IX. knew that in 
 ah that procession of seven hundred and 
 fifty bishops one idea prevailed. Men whose 
 word is powerful in the centres of civiliza- 
 tion, men who three months before were
 
 210 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 confronting martyrdom amongst barbarians, 
 preachers at Notre Dame, professors from 
 Germany, Republicans from Western Amer- 
 ica, men with every sort of training and every 
 sort of experience, had come together as con- 
 fident and eager as the prelates of Rome, to 
 hail the Pope infallible." But with his doc- 
 trinal authority went an ordinary supreme 
 jurisdiction, which not only shattered in 
 pieces the Articles of 1682, but enabled the 
 Pope to govern local Churches as the Bishop 
 of bishops. Moreover, in the presence of a 
 universal dissolving movement, anti-social no 
 less than anti-Christian, a perpetual dictator 
 was needed, and who could it be save the 
 Pontifex Maximus? These measures were 
 taken as by foreboding of the crisis that came 
 suddenly upon Europe. The last session of 
 the Vatican Council was held in St. Peter's 
 amid thunder and lightning on a July day, 
 while France and Germany rushed to arms. 
 The war which was to decide trie temporal 
 fate of Rome had been declared three days 
 previously (July 15, 1870). On the morrow 
 it broke out. 
 
 In that burning summer-time, we who were 
 staying in Rome saw the French bishops 
 depart, and knew that the French soldiers 
 would soon follow them from the Aventine.
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 247 
 
 They went, those heroic young men, to be 
 defeated in the battles of August; and the 
 Papal Zouaves, who were faithful to the last, 
 were destined to win the field of Patay. But 
 no one was acquainted with the mind of Ger- 
 many; and on that mind we waited, while 
 the Empire was falling to pieces. Thirty 
 thousand Italian troops kept a watch on the 
 frontier, ready to break in if the Romans 
 would seize Rome. But, as ever, the Romans 
 did no more than buy flags which might be 
 hung out according to fortune, the Pope's 
 colours so long as they were needed, the 
 tricolour invented long ago by Republican 
 Bologna when King Victor's regiments should 
 come marching in. The King himself was 
 torn between feelings of gratitude to France 
 and the conviction that if he did not put an 
 end to the Temporal Power it would cost 
 him his throne. The Revolution was alert 
 in Naples and Milan. But the ghost of the 
 September Convention vanished when a 
 Republic succeeded to the Empire. Count 
 Bismarck had purchased Italian neutrality 
 by giving a free hand to the Government at 
 Florence. After a moment of hesitation 
 ministers were allowed to act. Ponza di San 
 Martino brought a royal letter to the Vatican, 
 in which "with the devotion of a son, the
 
 248 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 faith of a Catholic, the loyalty of a king, and 
 the heart of an Italian," Victor Emmanuel 
 told Pius IX. that he intended to occupy the 
 Papal States. The Pope answered by a 
 single word — "Alight then comes before 
 right." When for the last time, at the Piazza 
 dei Termini, he made an official appearance 
 in public, the Holy Father was greeted by the 
 Romans with frantic enthusiasm. But they 
 had their two sets of flags ready. 
 
 On September 11 General Cadorna, who 
 had once served in the sanctuary, crossed the 
 Papal boundaries and made straight for 
 Rome. Alazzini lay in prison at Gaeta; 
 Garibaldi in Caprera was closely watched. 
 The Italian Government had resolved that 
 none but itself should crown the edifice built 
 up during twenty years of war and diplomacy 
 to the honour of Savoy. The new French 
 Republic called away the Antibes legion of 
 volunteers on September 1.3, not wishing that 
 their tricolour should be seen in conflict with 
 the Piedmontese. From all European capi- 
 tals word arrived in Florence allowing the 
 invasion to proceed. The Pope stood alone. 
 "Ye.'iit siimma dies et ineluctabile tempus." 
 It was the last day of his earthly dominion. 
 
 September L 20, 1870, dawned in a pure .sky, 
 with gulden fringes cdxhiy: the clouds that
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 249 
 
 lay along on the Latin Hills. It had been 
 a week of dust and sunshine in beleaguered 
 Rome. Count Arnim, the Prussian, had 
 gone busily to and fro between the camp out- 
 side and the Vatican, desirous that a peace- 
 able entry might be made, and the clatter 
 of artillery might not announce to Europe this 
 portentous violation of domicile. His half- 
 smiling intervention had failed. On the 
 evening of September 19, the Holy Father 
 drove across Rome to the Piazza of St. John 
 Lateran, ascended the Scala Santa, and gave 
 his blessing to the troop which held that gate. 
 lie was never afterwards seen in the streets of 
 Rome. General Kanzler had it in command 
 to resist until wall or gate was battered down. 
 And so, in the clear air of that September 
 morning, the twentieth, we saw the smoke of 
 the cannonade rise like an exhalation from 
 Porta Salara round to Porta Pia, and at other 
 gales there was a feigned attack; but the 
 headlong General Bixio furiously assailed the 
 Porta San Pancrazio, while his grenades 
 struck the windows of the Vatican and his 
 artillery accompanied with its volleys the 
 3 ! ass which Pius IX. was saying in his private 
 chapel. The corps diplomatique waited round 
 him, having no commission but to look on. 
 Some misunderstanding prolonged the resist-
 
 250 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 ance and multiplied the casualties. At ten 
 o'clock we saw the white flag waving high 
 over St. Peter's dome. We heard afar off 
 from our College roof the thunder of the 
 captains and the shouting, as through the 
 shattered walls of Porta Pia streamed in a 
 mixed array of soldiers, refugees, camp- 
 followers, along the street afterwards named 
 from the Twentieth of September. Early in 
 the afternoon we saw Italian standards float- 
 ing from the Capitol. Rome had once con- 
 quered Italy. Now Italy had conquered 
 Rome. 
 
 The usual plebiscite followed. By national 
 decree the City of the Popes was elevated or 
 degraded into the chief town of a modern 
 State, created yesterday. King Victor Em- 
 manuel broke his way with crowbars into the 
 Quirinal. Monasteries were transformed into 
 ministries, said the satire-loving Romans. The 
 Jesuits were suppressed, and their escutcheon 
 over the great door of the Roman College was 
 hammered to pieces. The Siccardi law, de- 
 spite guarantees, was extended to the former 
 Papal States, justifying Pius IX. in his pre- 
 sentiments. But he, without so much as the 
 Leonine City left to him, put aside civil lists 
 and legal establishments, living on the alms of 
 the faithful, visited in his Apostolic prison by
 
 POPE PIUS IX. 251 
 
 multitudes, year after year, who bore witness 
 to his growing religious influence over the 
 millions for whom they were ambassadors. 
 The King died on January 9, the Pope on 
 February 7, 1878. Pius IX. had outlived the 
 "years of Peter"; and he had followed the 
 Temporal Power to its grave. 
 
 "No human pen," says Lecky in a fine 
 passage, "can write its epitaph, for no 
 imagination can adequately realize its glories. 
 In the eyes of those who estimate the great- 
 ness of a sovereignty, not by the extent of 
 its territory, or by the valour of its soldiers, 
 but by the influence which it has exercised 
 over mankind, the Papal government has had 
 no rival, and can have no successor. But 
 though we may not fully estimate the majesty 
 of its past, we can at least trace the causes of 
 its decline." He goes on to enumerate them; 
 but the sum is this — once Religion flourished 
 by means of establishments and coercive 
 power, now politics and religion are divorced 
 for ever. 
 
 But let us not confound the social organism 
 with political machinery. It remains always 
 true, as Auguste Comte perceived, that so- 
 ciety rests on a creed, explicit or latent, in 
 which its members are united; that its law is 
 ethics and its standard conscience. True like-
 
 252 PAPACY AND MODERN TIMES 
 
 wise it is that the Pope cannot deny his 
 origin, which was not a victory of the strong 
 arm, but was due to the free immortal spirit. 
 lie never can be absorbed by the absolute 
 State, for he is the pilgrim of eternity. And 
 thus, a prisoner in the Vatican, without 
 kingdom or army, Leo XIII. , succeeding im- 
 mediately to Pius IX., began and ended a 
 reign of twenty-six years, the most brilliant 
 in its manifestations and most fruitful in 
 results of any since the Sack of Rome. Allow- 
 ing that American forms of government will 
 more and more prevail, that privilege will 
 give place to liberty, and free association 
 limit the State itself, what does it all mean? 
 Surely the triumph of principle over force, 
 of moral influence over legal enactment. But 
 so it was that the Roman Church began, 
 "presiding in love," as said St. Ignatius of 
 Antioch; so did she attain to her supremacy 
 in the ages called of Faith. Her appeal is 
 to the Cross. 
 
 " Christ conquers, Christ reigns, Christ commands. 
 Christ defend His people from all harm."
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 All tho subjects handled in this volume may bo studied from 
 thi. 1 orthodox and Roman point of view in The Catholic Encyclo- 
 ■p ili' i. now publishing in eighteen volumes at New York. The 
 Cambridge Modern History, especially on the Renaissance, 
 Reformation, and French Revolution, covers the ground from 
 about 1450. Gregorovius, History of the City of Rome, extends 
 from fourth to sixteenth century. The Papal registers are 
 in course of publication from the period of Avignon. 
 
 For tho prelude, consult Barry, Papal Monarchy; Bryce, 
 Holy Roman Empire; Duchesne, First Period of the Papal 
 States (Fr.) ; Luchaire, Innocent III. (Fr.). 
 
 For Avignon and Renaissance: Pastor, History of the Popes, 
 ton volumes (E. Tr.), is indispensable. Creighton, same title 
 and period; Milman, Latin Christianity, VI I. -XI.; Symonds, 
 Renaissance, picturesque but unreliable; Hefele, Councils, 
 for Constance and Basle; Honor, Popes of Avignon (Ger.) ; 
 Valois, France and the Great Schism (Fr.); Gardner, E. G., 
 St. Catherine of Siena; Kitts, E. J., In the Days of the Coun- 
 cils and Pope John XXIII.; Gairdncr, J., The Lollards; Voigt, 
 Revival of Classical Antiquity (Ger.); Miintz, Art and the 
 Papal Court (Fr.); Burckhardt or Geiger on art and literature 
 of the Renaissance; (E. Tr.); Vaughan, H. M., Medici Popes; 
 Brosch, Julius II. (Ger.); Roscoe, Leo X., still valuable; 
 Kraus on Popes and Culture in Cambridge History, II.; Lea, 
 Inquisition in Middle Ages; Lilly, W. S., Renaissance Types, 
 Erasmus, etc., Froudc on the same subject, inaccurate. Grego- 
 rovius, Lucrezia Borgia; Villari, Machiavclli and Savonarola 
 (E. Tr.); Lucas, Savonarola. 
 
 For Reformation period: Rankc, History of Popes, sixteenth 
 and seventeenth century, with Macaulay's classic review; 
 Jansscns, History of the German People (E. Tr.), standard 
 work; Loa, Inquisition in Spain; Lord Acton, History of 
 Fn ■ lorn, Historical Essays and Studies, Lectures on Modern 
 y; all deserving careful attention, and dealing with 
 Pcrs 'cution, Temporal Power. Democracy; Donifle and Grisar 
 on Luther and Luthcranism (Ger.), give strong Catholic view; 
 cor, Reformation, an early work; Contributions to History, 
 sixtt cn :: i and seventeenth century (Ger.), after 1870; Mohler, 
 Symbolism (E. Tr.), standard work on Protestant Formularies; 
 Gasquet, Henry VIII. and Monasticism, and Eve of Reforma- 
 tio?!; Bridgctt, Lives of More and Fisher; Gairdner, J., English 
 Ch irch in Sixteenth Century: Sanders, Origin of Anglican 
 Schism (E. Tr.); Thompson, F., Life of St. Ignatius of Loyola; 
 253
 
 2.54 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Barry, Cabin, in Catholic Encyclopaedia; Baird, History of 
 Rise of Huguenots; Law, Catholic Tractates of Sixteenth Century; 
 Maurenbrecher, on Charles V .; Maximilian II., Catholic Reform 
 in Germany, etc. (all Ger.), of great importance; see also 
 
 Moller (Lutheran), Church History III. on same subjects. 
 
 There is no general history of the Jesuits in English. The 
 French by Cretineau July has many faults. The Society 
 published its own in six portions and in Latin, down to 1G20; 
 it is printing its Monumenta in various languagi s, 1894 onwards. 
 Pallavicini and Theiner give History of Council of Trent, See 
 also Ward, A. W., The Counter-Reformation, in Episodes of 
 Church History. 
 
 For Callicanism and its affinities: St. Beuve, Port Royal 
 (Ft.) is the best literary account of Jansenism. Bossuet, 
 Dcfenci of the Declaration (if 1682 (Lat.), in his works; Fleury, 
 Church History and new minor works (opuscules. Fr.) ; Jervis, 
 History of the Galilean Cliurch, very learned; Midland. Louis 
 XIV. and Innocent XI. (Fr.) ; De Maistre, hu Pape and 
 L'Eglise Gcdlicanc, the most famous treatment of whole 
 question; Hergenrother, Catholic Church and Christian £ 'e, 
 E. Tr. by Devas, documentary and polemical, best modern 
 work on the Encyclical and Syllabus of 1864; Meyer, Febronius 
 (Ger.), anti-Roman; Haller, Papacy and German Catholic 
 Reform (Ger.). 
 
 For eighteenth century Free Thought, Lecky, Ratio/ 
 Leslie Stephen, under above heading; Morley on Voltaire, 
 Rousseau, Diderot, may be consulted, all partisans of the 
 EnligJdenment. Devas, C. V... Key to the World's Progress, takes 
 the Catholic view, and criticizes the whole movement. 
 
 Since French Revolution: Nielsen (Lutheran 1 ishoj I, History 
 of Papacy in Xineteenth Century (E. Tr.), especially volume ii. 
 Artaud de Montor, History of the Sovereign Pontiffs (Fr.); 
 Consalvi and Pacca, Memoirs (Paeoa, F. Tr.); Chateaubriand, 
 Genius of Christianity (Fr.) ; Autobiography (F. Tr. by De 
 Mattos); D'Haussonville. Xapejhon and Pius 1 i I . (Fr.); Life 
 of Dollinger (Ger.); Capefi , . /,'••' - tti ■ nid i, risP) 
 
 :, Lamennais; and i..'s correspondence, Words of a 
 
 I:' •"..!.' ' (Fr. : Newman's Apologia, Es , . 
 
 .' and Historical, Correspond, nee; Gioberti, Life en id 
 
 Li tins (Itah); Rosmini, Lit, and Roman Miss 
 
 'or 1, M., .t ( /.' 
 Tivaroni, a Mazzinian, History of the Ilali< 
 
 ; Countess M. Cesaresco, /. : - 
 Kim:, History of Italian l-i'/: C. Cantu, o 
 p. ■", nre; MazadeC.de, Ca -our (Fr.):and C.'s 
 I i ;• , r , y :, (■) ire) a : t: . i , r dos (E. 
 I.f. of Dupanloup (K. Tr.); OIlivFr. E., Th, I. 
 and Church and Stat, in th, Vatican Council (IT.); Rro>ch, 
 //" ' • ■■/ of Pap ■! Sti'frs //.. on Pius IX.: and Nun r.l • : ■ ■ -. 
 Popedom and keel, siast'eal States (Ger.); De Cesare, Last Days 
 of Papal Rome (E. Tr.). 
 
 ■ It (It 
 
 ah): i 
 
 ilso 
 
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 Us; 
 
 Ris, 
 
 
 uto 
 
 Italy 
 
 ; Hoi 
 
 ton 
 
 
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 aide: 
 
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 ./'■( rat 
 
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 INDEX 
 
 America, 89, 1S1-6, 201, 218, 245. 
 Avignon, 31-59; Popes in, 44, 
 49, 130. 
 
 Councils, Vienne, 56; Pisa, 56; 
 Constance, 59-03; Basle, 69-71; 
 Lateran Fifth, 97, 98; Trent, 
 129, 152; Vatican, 244-6. 
 
 Dante, 37. 
 
 Emperors, Roman, Augustus, 11; 
 Nero, 13; Constantino, 15; 
 Justinian, 27; Holy Roman 
 and German, Charlemagne, 20; 
 Otho I., III., 20: Henry III., 
 17; Henrv IV., 22, 23; Henry 
 V., 25; Frederick I., II., 26, 
 28, 29; Rudolph I., 29: Louis, 
 Bavarian, 38, 41 ; Charles 1\\, 
 42, 46; Sizismund, 59-70; 
 Charles V., 105-8-9-10, 123-5; 
 Ferdinand II., 143-4; Corona- 
 tions in Rome, 99-100; Greek, 
 73-6. 
 
 Fnhiditcnment, 165-8, esp. Mon- 
 tesquieu, Voltaire, Rousseau, 
 173-5. 
 
 Febronius and Joseph II., 180-1. 
 Francis I., 97, 109, 125. 
 
 Gailicanism and affinities, 151; 
 Jansenism. 151-3: Bull I'ni- 
 genitus, 169; Louis XIV., 
 148-60; Innocent XL, 15(5; 
 James II., 158; Bossuet, 157, 
 161, 180, 203. 
 
 Jesuits, 108, 115-20, 129-30, 140- 
 64; Fall of Society, 170-9, 
 229. 
 
 Marsilius of Padua, 39. 
 
 Philip II., 125, 127-9, 133-7; 
 
 Philip the Fair, 30, 31, 34, 
 
 36. 
 Poped, Leo I., 15; Gregory I., 
 
 IG Hadrian I., 18; Leo III., 
 
 18; Silvester II., 20; Leo IX., 
 21; Urban II., 24; Hadrian 
 IV., 26; Alexander III., 26-7; 
 Innocent III., 28; Gregory X., 
 28; Clement V., 34, 36, 37; 
 Popes in France and French, 
 34-6; in Avignon, 44-9; Urban 
 VI., 49, and Roman succession, 
 56, 61; Alexander V., nS; 
 John XXIII. , 5S seq.; Martin 
 V., 63-9; Renaissance Popes, 
 72-S; Calixtus III., 81; Six: us 
 IV., 84-6; Alexander VI., 87- 
 94; Julius II., <s4-5, 94-6-8, 
 100-1; Leo X., 97, 103 seq.; 
 Adrian VI., 107; Clement 
 VII., 109, 114; of Catholic 
 Revival, 130-2; Paul III., 
 114-30: Paul IV., 130; St. 
 Pius V., 131, 162; Gregory 
 XIII., 131; Sixtus V., 132; 
 Urban VIII., 142: Innocent 
 X., 146; XL, 156; XII., 159; 
 of eighteenth century, 163-1; 
 Pius VI., 195; VII., 196-210; 
 Leo XII., 218, 220; Gregory 
 XVI., 224; Pius IX., 228-52; 
 Leo XIII., 252: Popes and 
 Islam, 16, 20, 24, 77, 161; 
 Papal Families, Borgias, 81; 
 Roverc, 83; Medici, 85; Far- 
 nese, 114, 135. 
 
 Reformation, Wyeliffe, 41, 62; 
 Luther. 98, 103 seq., 125; 
 Henrv VIII. . 113-4, 122; Cal- 
 vin, 121-3-6-7. 140, 158. 
 
 Renaissance, 72-."). 79-81, 88, 
 97; and St. Peter's, 99, 101. 
 
 Restoration, French, 219. 
 
 Revival, Catholic, 114; in Rome,' 
 139-41; Bohemia. 138; Austria, 
 142: America, 164. 
 
 Revolution, French, 186 seq.; 
 . . 188; civil constitution, 
 189-93; persecutions, 194; 
 Bona, parte in Italv, 195-6; 
 Concordat, 198-206: Romo 
 annexed, 207; Pius VII., 
 captive and restored, 207-10.
 
 256 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Richelieu, 143-6. 
 Rienzi, 44, 4G. 
 
 Rome, sack of, 111, 113; Fall of, 
 248-50. 
 
 Savonarola, 90-2. 
 
 War, Thirty Years', 137-47; 
 Tilly, 143; Wallenstein, 144; 
 Gustavus Adolphus, 144-5; 
 Treat v of Westphalia, 140-7. 
 
 Wat.-rloo to 1870, 211-52; Metter- 
 nich, 211, 215-6, 225; Napoleon 
 I., 211, 213; Consalvi, 214,217, 
 21S; Chateaubriand, 197, 214-6, 
 
 218; Lamcnnais, 220-5; Greeorv 
 XVI., 224-7; Manzoni.226, 233; 
 Mazzini, 220-8, 231, 248; Ros- 
 mini, 220, 229; Gioberti, 220, 
 232; Rossi, 227, 230; Pius IX., 
 228-52; Napoleon III., 231- 
 3-0-7, 241-2; Antonelli, 231, 
 236; Garibaldi, 231-3, 241, 
 248; Victor Emmanuel, 233, 
 247; Cavour, 233 seq., 238-40; 
 Dupanloup, 237, 243; Castel 
 Fidardo, 238; Mentana, 242; 
 Syllabus, 243; Vatican Council, 
 244; Fall of Rome, 248-50; 
 Leo XIII., 252.
 
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