WO RKS
OF
FREDERIC HU1DEKOPER,
VOLUME II.
INDIRECT TESTIMONY. ACTA PILATI.
CHRIST'S MISSION TO THE UNDERWORLD.
NEW YORK:
. DAVID G. FRANCIS.
1887.
INDIRECT
TESTIMONY OF HISTORY
TO THE
GENUINENESS OF THE GOSPELS.
BY
FREDERIC HUIDEKOPER.
NEW YORK:
DAVID G. FRANCIS.
1887.
Copyright,
BY FREDERIC HUIDEKOPER.
1879.
UNIVERSITY PRESS:
JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE.
PREFACE.
THE history of mankind evinces that civilization has
been highest in communities where conscience and hope-
fulness have been most developed. 1 It further shows
that these have been most developed in communities
having most faith in a Moral Kuler of the universe, to
whom mankind are responsible, and in whom they can
X
trust. 2 Yet further : no community without belief in
revelation has ever believed in such a Euler.
If we now turn to the question of revelation we find at
least two communications, one through Moses and a later
one through Jesus, which claim to be from God, and the
evidence for which, internal or external, claims respect-
ful attention. The one through Moses is so buried in a
remote antiquity as to furnish us with little or no exter-
nal evidence save what we find in the Old Testament and
in the influence which Judaism exercised on Greek civ-
ilization. The other, through Jesus, is at a date when
1 See Judaism at Rome, pp. 364, 367 - 371, 382 - 386.
2 See Judaism, pp. 367, 370, 386.
IV PREFACE.
external evidence, direct or indirect, is more abundant
and permits more thorough scrutiny.
Our knowledge of Jesus and his teaching rests chiefly
on the genuineness and trustworthiness of four records
termed Gospels. The direct evidence for their genuine-
ness has been repeatedly given. The following work
is an effort to present some of the indirect evidence.
There are individuals who in a question of this kind
reject any evidence for what is supernatural. Some do
this heedlessly because indifferent to the subject ; some
do it impatiently from antagonism to what they deem
human credulity ; others who appreciate the subject find
themselves unable to credit an interruption to the laws of
nature. For these last mentioned a suggestion is placed
in the note. 3
In the Appendix various fraudulent works by Chris-
tians are given in Notes A to K inclusive. In these no
8 No fact can be better established than that the earth at no compara-
tively remote period was uninhabited by mankind. They now live upon
it, and it is obvious from geology that they originally were, as now, dis-
tinct from, and independent of, any known animal. When the first
human pair, or pairs, came into existence, it could not have been as help-
less infants. They must have had capacity to care for themselves. This
formation of two or more mature human beings, destitute of parents,
must unquestionably have taken place. No recorded human experience
has witnessed such an event, nor is there any natural law to which it can
be referred. Yet this fact, though obviously a miracle, is one which it
seems impossible to reject. Does not a consideration of it render easy
the supposition that the Being who formed man would interpose for his
education ?
PREFACE. V
miracles are attributed to Jesus except those found in our
Gospels. This claims especial attention in the earliest
of them, the Acts of Pilate, wherein 8, 9, should be
studied. The inference is fair that in the first half, or
perhaps in the first quarter, of the second century, the
history of Jesus was so well established that even the
author of a fraud, anxious to magnify the Master, did not
venture in this respect to vary from it.
Of these fraudulent works some were translated by the
author and some are given in extant translations. He
had intended revising both, except in the Ascension of
Isaiah, that being from the ^Ethiopic, of which he is
ignorant. The condition of his sight has precluded such
revision. Its absence will not affect the argument, but
may the interpretation of particular passages. He could
have wished also further time for research on more than
one point. Other and more imperative duties, however,
claim what remains to him of vision. In bringing his
work to a close he must acknowledge deep indebted-
ness to Professor Ezra Abbot, of Cambridge, for valuable
aid.
MEADVILLE, PA., July 28, 1879.
In this third edition there is, aside from minor emen-
dations, some change of arrangement in Note M, and ad-
dition to Note R
MEADVILLE, PA., July 31, 1882.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Page
INTRODUCTION xili
CHAPTER I.
CONTROVERSIAL WANTS OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS.
Section
I. These called for Jewish or Heathen Records of Jesus . 1
II. They occasion Pseudo-Heathen and Jewish Documents 3
Class 1. Pseudo-Records concerning Jesus
" 2. Pseudo-Records concerning Christians .... 7
" 3. Pseudo-Predictions
" 4. Pseudo-Teaching 7
III. Alleged Uncanonical Gospels 7
CHAPTER II.
CONTROVERSIES.
I. Between Jewish and Gentile Christians 8
II. Between Jews and Christians 11
1. The Ceremonial Law 11
2. The Messiahship of Jesus 13
III. Between Heathens and Christians 14
1. Concerning God. Whether but One ? Did He create the
Universe ? Was He Corporeal ? What was his form ?
Did He take Interest in Human Morality ? . 15
2. Concerning Jesus. His Divine Mission proved by (1) Old
Testament Predictions, (2) Pseudo-Heathen Records,
and (3) Character of his Teachings 16
3. Concerning Heathen Deities 17
4. " Idolatry 18
5. " Antiquity of Christianity and Heathenism 18
6. " Public Calamities 19
7. " Creation of Man 20
IV. Controversy between Catholics and Gnostics .... 20
Y111 TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER III.
OPINIONS OF CHRISTIANS.
Section Page
I. Concerning Heathen Deities . . 21
II. Idolatry 27
III. " Christ's Mission to the Underworld . 29
IV. '* Resurrection of the Flesh 30
V. ^ the Millennium 31
VI. tlr Restoration of Jerusalem .... .32
VII. " Rome's Destruction 33
VIII. Beliar, or Antichrist 34
IX. " Nero's Return . 35
X. " Conflagration of the World 36
XL " God devoid of Name 36
XII. " Old Testament Predictions 37
XIII. Jesus as Deity of the Old Testament . . 38
XIV. " the Personal Appearance of Jesus ... 39
CHAPTER IV.
CHRISTIAN CUSTOMS.
I. The Sabbath 42
II. Sunday as a Day of Religious Gatherings .... 44
III. Eating of Blood 46
IV. Baptism 48
V. The Lord's Supper 50
CHAPTER V.
DESIGNATIONS FOR GOD 51
CHAPTER VI.
TERMS APPLIED TO CHRISTIANS.
I. 'Ao-fjSely, Unbelievers 54
II. Atheists 55
III. Christians 55
IV. Third Race 56
TABLE OF CONTENTS. IX
CHAPTER VII.
TERMS USKD BY CHRISTIANS.
Section Page
I. 'A(r(j3r)S, do- f j3eia, avopos, az/o/xia 56
II. 2f/3o^ifj/oy, 0o/3ov/zei/os 57
III. Evo-e'/Seta, eio-f/S^y 57
IV. Geoo-e/Seta, Qfoo-e&s 58
V. 'ASeA<oi, |eVot, iravrfs 58
VI. Autaiot, Just Men 59
VII. Jesus Christ 60
CHAPTER VIII.
MISCELLANEOUS QUESTIONS.
I. Public Games 61
II. Slavery 64
III. Two Wars 65
IV. Philosophy 66
V. Dress ' 69
VI. Origin of Evil 70
VII. Sibylla, Bacis, Hystaspes 71
VIII. Prediction and Inspiration 72
IX. Spurious Converts 73
X. Chronology and Divisions of Time 74
XI. Temporary Disuse of the Words Jesus and Christ . 75
XII. Natural Science . . .76
XIII. Literary Heathens 78
XIV. Persecutions 78
CHAPTER IX.
ROMAN POLITICS.
I. Emperors 79
II. Political Personages '. 81
III. Contest with Greek Culture 81
X TABLE OF CONTENTS.
CHAPTER X. page
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT 83
CHAPTER XL
DID PSEUDO-RECORDS REACT ON THE GOSPELS? . 86
No. 1. Dream of Pilate's Wife, Matt, xxvii. 19 87
" 2. Pilate washes his Hands, Matt, xxvii. 24, 25 88
" 3. The Dead of former Times arise, Matt, xxvii. 52, 53 .88
" 4. The Tomb Sealed and Guarded, Matt, xxvii. 62 - 66 ... 88
" 5. The Soldiers Bribed, Matt, xxviii. 11-15 89
" 6. Account of Judas, Matt, xxvii. 3-10 89
CHAPTER XII.
TWO FURTHER QUESTIONS.
I. Correspondences of Matthew, Mark, and Luke ... 92
H. Style of John, the Evangelist 92
1. Uses of the word " Truth " 93
2. Combinations of the word "Of" (&c) 94
3. Walk in darkness 95
4. Abide in (jitveiv ev) God or Christ 95
5. Other uses of "Abide in" 96
6. To know God, to know Christ 97
7. To see God, to see Christ 97
8. Lay down life (i/vxty Tidfrai) 98
9. Combinations of " Have " 98
10. Overcome (viKaw) the world, the wicked one .... 99
11. Light (<ws) 100
12. Affirmation and negation 101
13. Antitheses: Not, But (OVK, dXXd) 101
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XI
APPENDIX.
PART I. Pseudo-Records concerning Jesus.
Note Page
A. Acts of Pilate 105
Prefatory Statement 107
1. Character of Charges against Jesus 108
2. Respect of Pilate and his Attendant for Jesus 109
3. Regard of the Common People for Jesus 110
4. Homage of the Standards to Jesus 113
5. Message from Pilate's wife 114
6. Answer to Imputation on the Mother of Jesus 115
7. Pilate's Conviction touching Jesus 118
8. Nicodemus testifies to the Miracles of Jesus 121
9. Those cured testify to the Miracles of Jesus 123
10. Effort of Pilate to save Jesus 125
11. Crucifixion of Jesus 128
12. Accompaniments of the Crucifixion 132
13. Joseph esteems and buries Jesus 134
14. Heathens testify to the Resurrection ......... 138
15. Jews testify to the Resurrection 140
B. Pilate's Report .142
1. Longer Latin Form 143
2. Shorter Latin Form 145
3. Greek Form 146
C. Correspondence of Abgarus with Jesus 149
D. Letter of Lentulus 151
E. Interpolations of Josephus 153
1. Concerning Christ 153
2. Concerning John the Baptist 154
3. Concerning James 156
PART II. Pseudo-Records concerning Christians.
F. Edessene Archives, or Pseudo-Thaddeus 158
G. Correspondence opened by Seneca with Paul .... 161
H. Letter of Marcus Antoninus ........ 167
Xll TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PART III. Pseudo-Predictions.
Note Page
I. Ascension of Isaiah K59
J. Sibylliue Oracles 172
PART IV. Pseudo- Heathen Teaching.
K. Hermes Trisinegistus, Mercury Thrice Greatest ... 179
PART V. Various Questions.
L. Alleged Uncanonical Gospels 182
M. Date when Jesus was Deified 190
N. First Two Chapters of Matthew 201
O. Publication of Mark's Gospel 203
P. The Baptismal Formula 204
Q. The Mission of Jesus 206
1. Its main Object 206
2. Some Impediments to its Influence 207
R. The Ministry 213
INTRODUCTION.
DURING the present century opinions have gained more
or less currency that our Gospels are not documents pre-
pared by Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. The views
advanced by those who distrust their alleged authorship
may be classified under the following heads.
1. Our Gospels were composed towards the close of the
second or beginning of the third century.
2. They were at the foregoing date selected from a
number then in circulation whose value was uncertain.
3. Our Gospels grew until the close of the second cen-
tury under the hands of Christians, being gradually en-
larged and interpolated.
Two extracts on this subject are appended l and others
will be found in Note L. footnote 1.
1 The first volume of Eichhorn's Introduction to the New Testament
was published in 1804. Two paragraphs from his TABLE OF CONTENTS
will give a tolerable insight into his views concerning the Gospels.
"Those portions of the life of Jesus which in the Apostolic age were
deemed important and made the foundation of Christian instruction,
namely, the noteworthy events from the date of his public appearance as
Teacher until the complete separation from his disciples after his resur-
rection, constituted in all probability the contents of the first written
conceptions of the life of Jesus.
"This [document] is no longer extant, for the Catholic [canonical?]
Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke comprise several portions of the
life of Jesus. Moreover, entirely other Gospels were in use until the end
xiv INTRODUCTION.
It is obvious that, if such opinions were correct, the
Gospels would be replete with the peculiarities of those
who formed or added to them. To appreciate this, let us
imagine that such documents had been formed or inter-
polated in our own time. If, for instance, during the con-
test concerning slavery such documents had been devised
or augmented by the abolitionists, they would unques-
tionably have attributed to the Master condemnation of
what they themselves treated as "the sum of human
villanies." If, on the other hand, slaveholders had pro-
duced or interpolated such documents, they would hardly
have failed to make the Master lay down rules for the
relation between master and slave.
If such documents had been formed by advocates of
of the second century." Eichhorn, Einleitung in das Neue Testament,
1, p. ix.
Eichhorn, however, attributes the fourth Gospel (Einleitung, 2, pp.
131, 132) to the apostle John.
In 1835, D. F. Strauss published his Leben Jesu, or Life of Jesus, a
work of which several editions appeared in Germany, and an English
translation was published in London and at a later date in New York.
Of this work the following summary is given in the New Am. Cyclo-
paedia, 15, p. 131. "It supposed the existence of Jesus, an exemplary
and reformatory rabbi of Galilee ; that he lived and died an enthusiastic
and admired teacher and innovator ; that after his death many marvellous
incidents concerning him gradually gained currency ; that some of these
were exaggerations of actual events, and others symbolical forms in which
his disciples clothed his doctrines and precepts ; that these wonderful
narratives were not designed by single persons, but were the spontaneous
outgrowth of poetical and philosophical tendencies in the early church ;
that they circulated orally for half a century or more, being constantly
magnified and multiplied ; and that from this cluster of myths, this mass
of legendary and poetical lore, various compilations were then made, of
which there have come down to us the four canonical and several apocry-
phal Gospels."
Such views as the foregoing, modified to suit the various fancies of
their advocates, have found a credence explicable only by the general
lack of acquaintance with early Christian history.
v<
INTRODUCTION. XV
what is termed evangelical theology, does any one sup-
pose that no word would have been attributed to Jesus
concerning the vicarious atonement, the alleged fact in
his history which they deemed the most important ? Or
that, if formed by Kornan Catholics, no word would have
been placed in the Master's mouth concerning papal or
ecclesiastical authority ?
From a former work I subjoin a passage 2 to which any
2 " The Gospels whether adopted earlier or later were used by the
early Christians as a history of their Master's life and teachings, and,
viewed in this light, as the basis of their own faith. Now it requires but
a moderate acquaintance with human nature to feel convinced that they
would not fabricate documents AS THE BASIS OF THEIR FAITH, and yet
leave their own faith out of them, or at least leave out those points in
their faith which most interested them. Neither would they select AS
THE BASIS OF THEIR FAITH documents in which their favorite opinions
nowhere appear, and reject those which contained them, as must have
been the case if our Gospels were selected from other productions of the
second century. Nor, if such A BASIS OF FAITH grew by accretion, is it
credible that not one alone, but successive hands, should have added
thereto, and never have put their cherished peculiarities into it.
" To suppose a somewhat parallel case, certainly not a stronger one,
let us imagine that each division of Protestants had formed or selected
for itself a basis of faith, in which none of its peculiarities could be found ;
that the Heidelberg and Westminster Catechisms, the Confession of
Augsburg, or the Articles of Dordrecht and those of the Anglican Church,
had offered no clew to the denominational tenets of their framers. Let
us suppose that a BASIS OF MORALITY should for a century grow by accre-
tion under the hands of pro- and anti-slavery parties, with no allusion to
the subject of their dispute ; or that amidst the controversies on the
person of Christ or the vicarious atonement, the Gospels should have
grown in a similar way, with no mention of these doctrines. Yet, unless
my study of early history have deceived me, the aggregate improbability
of all these suppositions does not exceed that of the idea, that the Gos-
pels could grow by accretion during a century and a half of various and
fierce conflicts between the Christians and their opponents, or among
Christians themselves, with no allusion to their controversies, or to the
opinions developed by them." Belief of the first three Centuries con-
cerning Christ's Mission to the Underworld, XXV.
XVI INTRODUCTION.
thoughtful reader can readily add illustrations suggested
by his own observation. Now it is plain that the early
Christians, who rode their own hobbies with vehemence,
and who were engaged in controversies which to them
seemed vital, would not, while fabricating the Master's
history, have made him silent on the very topics to which
they attributed most importance. Their own views would
inevitably have been attributed to him. Let the reader,
while perusing the following work, ask himself whether
it be credible that the Gospels should have emanated from
Christians in the second century, while omitting every
trace of their controversies, of their peculiar opinions
and phraseology, and with one exception of their cus-
toms ; and not only this, but that they should have been
ascribed to an authorship which rendered them utterly
useless to Christian controversialists in the most serious
contest which they waged.
Had they even in Apostolic times originated in Gen-
tile lands, nothing but historical truthfulness could have
saved them from making Jesus speak on topics upper-
most with their intended readers, and from introducing
subjects or phraseology unknown to Palestine. 3
3 " The new hypothesis according to which these Gospels, with the
Acts of the Apostles, were put together by unknown authors at the close
of the first, or in the beginning of the second, century out of older narra-
tives and increased by many additions, will hardly obtain the assent of
unprejudiced investigators of history." Muenscher, Dogmengeschichte,
II. 34 (Vol. 1, pp. 258, 259). Muenscher had given more attention
to early Christian opinions than any other writer of his time. Moreover,
the interpolation of Matthew (see pp. 86-89) from a document composed
in what was then called Hebrew, confirms the uniform statement of early
Christians that his Gospel was written in that language. This precludes
any such supposition as that of Eichhorn.
INDIRECT TESTIMONY OE HISTORY
TO THE
GENUINENESS OF THE GOSPELS,
CHAPTEE I.
CONTROVERSIAL WANTS OF THE EARLY CHRISTIANS.
1. These called for Jewish or Heathen Records of Jesus.
CHRISTIANS, in spreading their Master's religion, alleged
that he had been divinely commissioned. In proving
this to an inquiring and candid mind they could in most
cases use our Gospel narratives, because the internal evi-
dence of their truthfulness would suffice.
In dealing with opponents, or with the indifferent, this
evidence could not be used, since the Gospels were pro-
fessedly written by Christians, and this very fact rendered
them inadmissible as proof of Christian allegation. A
heathen would naturally say : " Some of your own people
wrote these books. If you wish me to credit your state-
ments give me testimony from outside your ranks as to
their correctness. 1 You must not expect me to believe
" You distrust our writings and we distrust yours. We invent [you
say] false accounts concerning Christ." Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, 1, .77.
Tertullian likewise, after stating that the rulers and chief men of the
Jews had extorted from Pilate the crucifixion of Jesus, adds: "He
himself had predicted that they would do so. This would be of small
account if the prophets also had not previously done it." Apol. 21 ;
Opp. p. 22 A, edit. Rigault ; 1, p. 89, edit. Gersdorf. The prediction
by Jesus rested on Christian testimony ; that of the prophets did not.
Yet Tertullian may have meant : If you can attribute the prediction
by Jesus to human sagac-ity, that by the prophets was too early to permit
such explanation. Compare on this subject p. 37.
2 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. L
your own testimony in behalf of your own assertions."
Christians were thus debarred from appeal to their Mas-
ter's history in evidence of his supernatural mission. 2
They could cite moral teachings from the Gospels as
approving themselves to the judgment, but this was all.
Had the Gospels been fabricated for controversial pur-
poses, or with dishonest intent, or by persons subsequent
to the Apostles, they would inevitably have been ascribed
to heathen or Jewish, not to Christian, authors.
2 Christians, by their inability to cite the Gospels as evidence, were,
when dealing not with right-minded inquirers, but with opponents or
with the captious, debarred almost entirely from appealing to their Mas-
ter's miracles. The true cause for this seems to have been overlooked by
all writers, many of whom have supposed that it was due to their under-
rating the argument from miracles. The following is a concise state-
ment of the conclusion to which many modern scholars have arrived.
"Of the evidence from miracles he (Justin) scarcely takes any notice.
. . . Miracles were regarded as of no rare occurrence, and they were sup-
posed to be wrought by magical arts. Christianity might, then, have
the support of miracles ; but this support would be regarded as of trifling
importance by those who were believers in the reality of charms and sor-
cery. The miracle might be admitted ; but the evidence derived from it
could be invalidated by ascribing it to the effects of magic. That the
early Fathers and Apologists really felt a difficulty of this kind, there
can be no doubt." Larnson, Church of the First Three Centuries,^. 39.
The insufficiency of this explanation is obvious from the following con-
siderations.
1. In the Pseudo-Heathen and Pseudo-Jewish records concerning Jesus
which Christians fabricated, an important place is given to miracles.
2. Such Christians as trusted to, or were willing to use, these records, or
who thought by the aid of prophecy to prove the statements of the Gos-
pels, show no hesitation in appealing either to their Master's miracles
or to those connected with his history. Justin Martyr says: "As to
the prediction that our Christ should heal all diseases and wake the
dead, hear what was said. It is as follows. ' At his appearing the lame
shall leap as a deer ; the tongue of the dumb shall speak distinctly ; the
blind shall see ; the lepers be cleansed ; the dead shall rise and walk
about.' And that he did these things you can learn from the Acts pre-
pared under Pontius Pilate." Apol. 1, 48 ; Opp. 1, 232 C. Tertullian
mentions the darkness at the crucifixion as miraculous. He says that it
2.] PSEUDO-JEWISH AND HEATHEN DOCUMENTS. 3
2. TJuy occasion Pseudo- Heathen and Pseudo-Jewish
Documents.
The average morality of Christians much exceeded
that of heathens. 3 Yet Christianity numbered among
its adherents some who were unprincipled, or weak-princi-
pled. The number of these was comparatively small so
long as Christians were in a decided minority, and could
offer to converts neither place nor profit in a worldly
sense. Yet a hundred and twenty years after Jesus
taught, that is about A. D. 150, we find that some one
had already supplied by fraud the want most annoying to
their controversialists, namely, the lack of heathen testi-
mony to the facts of their Master's life. At that date we
find a document called the ACTS OF PILATE, and still later
a professed LETTER FROM PILATE to Tiberius. Each of
these documents is mentioned by but one writer during
the first three centuries. Probably the chief use made
of them and of subsequent forgeries was in the fourth
century, when the two political parties which advocated
had been foretold, and tells the heathens, "You have, recorded in your
archives, that accident to the world. . . . Pilate . . . announced at
that time all those things concerning Christ to Tiberius. " Apol. 21 ; Opp.
22 B C, edit. Rigault ; 1, pp. 89, 90, edit. Gersdorf. Compare fuller
statement in Judaism, p. 442. 3. Christians appealed to their own
miracles. Justin says : "Many of our Christian men, adjuring in the
name of Jesus Christ, who was crucified under Pontius Pilate, have
healed and do now heal many possessed by demons throughout the world
and in your city, [persons] who had not been healed by other exorcists
and enchanters and physicians." Apol. 2, G; Opp. 1, 296-298. See
also Dial. 11, cited in Note P, footnote 7, and compare in Underworld
Mission, p. 78 ; 3d edit. pp. 74-75, the vehement challenge of Tertul-
lian to the heathens, that they should test this power of the Christians.
4. Christian apologists, from the middle of the second to the middle of
the third century, though in arguing with heathens they laid extrava-
gant stress on predictions, yet laid none on those by their Master any
more than on his miracles.
8 By heathens must not be understood the large, though in the second
century decreasing, class of Gentile Monotheists who adhered to Judaism
rather than to Christianity.
4 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. I
Christianity and Heathenism were nearly equal in
strength. Before this date Christians had fewer of the
unprincipled in their ranks, and fewer opportunities,
even when so disposed, to give currency to any forgery in
their own favor. Subsequently to the fourth century,
when Christianity had the upper hand, and when strii'e
was solely or chiefly between sections of its own follow-
ers, the authority of saints and martyrs outweighed that
of heathens. Later forgeries were in the name of Chris-
tian leaders, and even the forgeries which already existed
were correspondingly altered ; so that the "Acts of Pilate "
became the " Gospel of Nicodemus," while the " Letters
of ABGARUS and Christ " became the " Letters of CHRIST
and Abgarus " ; those of SENECA and Paul being headed
" Letters of PAUL and Seneca."
The Pseudo - Heathen and Pseudo- Jewish documents
fabricated by Christians may be classified under four
heads.
CLASS 1. Pseudo-Records concerning Jesus.
The most important of these was entitled ACTS OF
PILATE. It professed to record the trial of Jesus before
Pilate. During this trial, the persons cured by Jesus are
represented as testifying to their cure. These miracles
were thus attested, not by Christian writers who could be
suspected of partiality, but by the records of a Eoman
court. The varying localities in which this document
was used, the various prejudices to which it needed
accommodation, and the various objections which it had
to parry, caused alteration and re-alteration of its head-
ing, as can be seen by appended quotations from various
MSS. 4 Copies of this document from two different texts
will be found in the Appendix, Note A.
* In the Codex Monacensis CXCII. (designated by Thilo as Monac. A.)
the title reads, " Record of the things done to our Lord Jesus Christ, under
Pontius Pilate, governor of Judea, committed to writing in Hebrew by
Nicodemus, ruler of the Synagogue of the Jews." Thilo, Cod. Apoc.
p. cxxvni.
The Codex Venetus bears for a heading, "Narrative concerning the
2.] PSEUDO-EECORDS CONCERNING JESUS. 5
Next after the above the most important fraud was a
reputed LETTER or EEPORT OF PILATE to Tiberius. This
estimable suffering of our Lord Jesus Christ and concerning his holy
resurrection, written by a Jew named Ennseus, which Nicodemus the
Roman Toparch translated from the Hebrew language into the Romaic
[that is, the common Greek] dialect" Thilo, Cod. Apoc. p. cxxvi,
compared with statement on p. cxxix, 11. 11, 12. The word estimable
is doubtless a somewhat late addition to the title, not earlier probably
than the fourth century.
The Latin manuscript Codex Parisiensis, 1652, has prefixed to it the
following : "In the name of the Lord. [Here] begins the Book concern-
ing the deeds of our Lord [the] Savior ; by Emaus, the Hebrew, post,
after [or, according to] Nicodemus." Thilo, Cod. Apoc. p. cxxxix.
Paris A bears the simple heading, "Records concerning our Lord
Jesus Christ, which were made under Pontius Pilate, governor of Judea."
Thilo, pp. cxxi, 489. A prologue to the same manuscript will be found
further on in this note.
The preface to Paris D will be found in the Appendix, Note A, at the
beginning of the document, and should be compared with the fore-
going.
In the account of Christ's doings in the Underworld, which was subse-
quently added to the " ACTS," is a statement that, "Joseph and Nico-
demus immediately announced to the governor all these things which
were said by the Jews in their Synagogue ; and Pilate himself wrote all
things which were done and said by the Jews concerning Jesus, and de-
posited all the words [thereof] in the public records of his Prietorium. " -
Acts of Pilate, Lot. Vers., Thilo, Cod. Apoc. p. 788. This would fairly
imply that the action of Pilate's court and the testimony given in it had
been PREVIOUSLY recorded by himself.
The heading of Codex B of Pilate's Epistle blends that document
with the Acts of Pilate, or implies that Pilate's letter merely accompanied
the Memoirs. It reads as follows : " Memoirs [of what was done]
touching our Lord Jesus Christ under Pontius Pilate . . . and also
whatever Nicodemus narrated as done by the Jews and chief priests sub-
sequently to the crucifixion and suffering of Jesus. This same Nico-
demus wrote in Hebrew." Thilo, Cod. Apoc. pp. 803 n- 804 n.
The headings of several manuscripts represent this document as found
at a later date in the Praetorium. In one (Thilo, Cod. Apoc. pp. CXLI,
CXLII) the person finding it is not mentioned. In another (Thilo, Cod.
Apoc. p. cxxxv) he is said to be the Emperor Theodosius (A. D. 379 -
395). In some this emperor is said to have found the account in
6 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. I.
seems to have been less used than the preceding. It will
hereafter be given in three different forms and from four
different texts. See Appendix, Note B.
Yet another, first mentioned in the fourth century, is
the CORRESPONDENCE OF ABGARUS WITH CHRIST, given in
the Appendix, Note C.
One more document attributed to a heathen is the LET-
TER OF LENTULUS, not mentioned by any ancient writer.
It resembles the preceding documents in nothing save its
alleged heathen origin. They were intended chiefly to
reproduce the facts of the Gospels. This letter was an
effort to counteract the results of defective judgment
and interpretation among Christians. It will be found
in the Appendix, Note D.
An INTERPOLATION OF JOSEPHUS testifying to facts in
the life of Jesus will be given in the Appendix, Note E.
Hebrew (Thilo, Cod. Apoc. p. cxxxiv, note 133, and p. CXLVI, 11. 1, 2),
\vhich would imply that it had been written by another hand and merely
deposited in the public archives by Pilate.
The prologue of Paris A says that, " I Ananias [now] praetorian pre-
fect, learned in the Law, according to the divine Scriptures, recognized
our Lord Jesus Christ, coming to him by faith and being deemed worthy
of his holy baptism. Searching the records made at that time, in the
days of our master Jesus Christ, which the Jews laid away in the time
of Pilate, I found these records in the Hebrew language translating
them also by the grace of God into Greek, that they may be recognized
by all who call on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ in the seven-
teenth year of the reign of our master Flavins Theodosius [A. D. 395],
the sixth of Flavius Valentinianus, the ninth of the Indiction [a treas-
ury cycle, according to Pierer's Universal Lexicon, of fifteen years]. All
you who read copy into other books." Thilo, pp. 490, 492.
A Preface to the Latin MS. Cod. Paris. [No.] 1652 (Thilo, pp. 491,
493, 495) agrees in outline, though not in detail, with the foregoing
Prologue. Its writer calls himself " Emaus, a Hebrew, a teacher of the
law among the Hebrews," but does not claim official capacity as prefect
or otherwise.
Additional variations in the heading or Prologue are cited by Thilo ;
but the foregoing will indicate the difficulties and perplexities which
constantly presented themselves to those who were propagating a fraudu-
lent narrative.
3.] ALLEGED UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
CLASS 2. Pseudo-Records concerning Christians.
In the fourth century Eusebius mentions a document
of which, under the heading EDESSENE ARCHIVES OR
PSEUDO-THADDEUS, an account will be found in the Ap-
pendix, Note F. It testifies to miracles of Thaddeus.
An alleged CORRESPONDENCE OF SENECA WITH PAUL,
manifesting his respect for the latter, has come down to
us, for which see Appendix, Note G.
An alleged LETTER OF MARCUS ANTONINUS testifying
to the miraculous result of prayer by a Christian legion
will be given in the Appendix, Note H.
CLASS 3. Pseudo-Predictions.
In the second century Christians had a mania for find-
ing predictions concerning Jesus in the Old Testament. 5
Inability to make these plain to others prompted some-
what later a forgery called the ASCENSION OF ISAIAH,
wherein the prophet is made to speak more plainly than
in his genuine writings. It is described in Note I.
PREDICTIONS BY SIBYLLA concerning Jesus, quoted or
mentioned in Note J, were also an effort to fabricate pro-
phetic evidence. On HYSTASPES see Judaism, pp. 459,
460.
CLASS 4. Pseudo- Teaching.
Lactantius quotes views common among Christians
from HERMES TRISMEGISTUS, "Mercury Thrice Greatest"
concerning which document see Note K.
3. Alleged Uncanonical Gospels in the Second Century.
An erroneous supposition exists, that in the second
century Gospels were afloat, out of which the four now
in use were formed or selected. To avoid distracting the
reader's attention this subject is deferred. 6
6 See Ch. TIL 12 and Judaism at Rome, pp. 344-348.
6 See Appendix, Note L.
8 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. II.
CHAPTER II.
CONTROVERSIES.
1. Between Jewish and Gentile Christians.
IN the Apostolic Age, from the moment when Chris-
tianity numbered Gentiles among its converts, a con-
troversy sprang up between these and their Judaizing
brethren. The Gentile Christians were regarded by the
latter as aspiring to the benefit of God's promises, while
shrinking from the burden of his law. The difficulty
must frequently have amounted to non-intercourse be-
tween the two schools of Christians, the separation being
as sharp as if they did not recognize a common master.
Peter on one occasion visited a Gentile Monotheist of
blameless and benevolent life, of whose benevolence the
Jews received no small share. The object of the visit
was to communicate Christian truth, yet Peter's Judaiz-
ing brethren took him sharply to task for so doing. 1
Outside of Judea the dissension as to whether Gentile
Christians must adopt Jewish customs caused the send-
ing of a delegation to the Apostles at Jerusalem. Here
the dispute was animated, 2 but resulted in a decision
not to require of the Gentile brethren obedience to the
laws of Moses, though it did require of them obedience
to a precept in Genesis, 3 as also abstinence from meat
offered to idols and adherence to Jewish and Christian
views of the relation between the sexes. 4 The omission
1 " Thou wentest in to men uncircumcised and didst eat with them."
Acts 11, 3.
2 Acts 15, 7.
See Ch. IV. 3.
* Among heathens the view seems to have prevailed, that where there
was a mutual consent between a man and woman no wrong was done.
This view can hardly have been universal among the better class of
heathens, yet it evidently prevailed to an extent which required an
1.] CONTROVERSIES : JEWISH WITH GENTILE CHRISTIANS. 9
of any requirement as to truthfulness, honesty, and other
items of rectitude is due to the fact doubtless that no
question was raised concerning these. Both parties were,
in respect to them, of one mind.
Paul regarded the ceremonial law as not binding, and
the eating of meat offered to an idol as a matter of indif-
ference unless when it might mislead others, or in cases
where the person who ate deemed it wrong. 6 He taught
that Gentiles could become Christians without observ-
ing circumcision or the sabbath ; 6 and it is possible that
express injunction on the subject, an injunction for which Paul would
have been equally zealous as his more Judaizing brethren. Some of the
Gentile Christians may have held laxer ideas of morality.
6 " Now as touching things offered unto idols. . . . Some with a con-
viction that the idol is a real being, eat even yet as of something sacri-
ficed to this being, and their conscience being weak is polluted. . . .
"We gain nothing by eating and lose nothing by not eating. ... If any
one should see you who have [as you think] knowledge, reclining at an
idol-feast, will not his conscience because of his weakness be emboldened
to eat idol sacrifices, and your weak brother will be lost as the result of
your knowledge. " 1 Cor. 8, 1-11. "Whatever is sold in the mar-
ket that eat without asking questions for the sake of conscience. . . .
And if one who is an unbeliever inviteth you to a feast and you choose
to go, eat whatever is set before you without asking any questions for
the sake of conscience. But if any one say to you, This has been offered
in sacrifice to an idol, do not eat of it on account of him that showed you
this." 1 Cor. 10, 2.~>- 28. Noyes' trans. " Let not him that eateth de-
spise him who forbears eating ; and let not him who forbears eating judge
him that eateth : for God hath received him. ... I know, and am per-
suaded as a Christian, that there is nothing unclean of itself ; but to him
that esteemeth anything to be unclean, to him it is unclean. . . . And
he that doubteth is condemned if he eat, because he eateth not with con-
viction [of its lawfulness] : for whatsoever is not [done] with confidence
[in its lawfulness] is sinful." Rom. 14, 3, 14, 23.
6 " For in Christianity neither circumcision availeth anything nor un-
circumcision." Galat. 5, 6; 6,15. "One man esteemeth one day
above another : another ESTEEMETH EVERY DAY ALIKE. Let every man
be fully persuaded in his own mind." Rom. 14, 5. "I went up to
Jerusalem with Barnabas [more than seventeen years after becoming a
Christian], taking with me also Titus. I went up for the purpose of
10 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. H.
some of his arguments, if rigidly carried out, might have
seemed to absolve Jews also from these observances. A
consequence was that on his last visit to Jerusalem his
fellow Apostles and more liberal friends feared violence
towards him at the hands of his Christian but Judaizing
brethren. 7
In periods of political disturbance which caused more
than usual alienation between Jews and Gentiles, this
controversy became very bitter, intensifying the antago-
nism between the two branches of the Christian commu-
nity, and increasing the number of localities where this
antagonism amounted to non-intercourse. 8
The violent advocates of ritual observance may not
even in Jerusalem have been conscientious observers of
what they advocated, 9 yet the control which they exer-
a disclosure, and I communicated to them the Gospel which I preach
among the Gentiles, privately, however, to the more prominent, that
I might not run, or have run, in vain. Neither was Titus, a Gentile
who was with me, compelled to be circumcised ; though [an effort to that
effect was made] because of false brethren privately introduced, that they
might spy out our freedom in Christianity for the purpose of enslaving
us, to whom I did not even for an hour give in." Galat. 2, 1-5.
The words translated, "for the purpose of a disclosure," are frequently
rendered, " in accordance with a revelation." A different translation is
sometimes given also to the remarks concerning Titus ; but the sharpness
of collision is not affected by any translation.
7 " You see, brother, how many myriads of Jewish believers there are,
and they are all zealots for the Law. But they have been informed that
you teach all Jews among the Gentiles to forsake Moses, telling them not
to circumcise their children, nor to walk after the [Jewish] customs.
What then is to be done ? The multitude will assuredly come together ;
for they will hear that you have come. Do therefore what we advise
you. We have four men who have a vow on them. Take these and
purify yourself with them, and pay the expenses for them, that they may
shave their heads ; and all will know that those things of which they
have been informed concerning you are nothing, but that you yourself
also walk in observance of the Law." Acts 21, 20-24.
8 See Judaism at Rome, pp. 254, 255, and on 266 the text prefixed to
note 30.
9 "Now therefore why do you provoke the anger of God, by putting a
2.] CONTROVERSIES : JEWS WITH CHRISTIANS. 11
cised is evinced by the fact, that, in a locality outside
of Judea, not only Peter was temporarily overborne by
their vehemence, but also Barnabas, who, though a Jew,
had been born and brought up in a Gentile locality. 10
Of all this controversy and conflict, not a trace appears
in the Gospels. Had they, instead of being honest histo-
ries of earlier events in Judea, been the fancy sketches
which some have supposed, had they originated in the
midst of this struggle, or had they grown by accretion
under the hands of those who were engaged in the dispute,
or living among the disputants, it seems morally impossi-
ble that the Master should not have been made to say one
word on the subject at issue.
2. Between Jews and Christians.
This controversy may be divided into two parts : 1. Was
the Ceremonial Law essential to salvation ? 2. Was Jesus
the Christ ?
The first of these questions brought out essentially the
same points and counterpoints as the discussion in the
preceding section. Christians affirmed that Abel, Enoch,
Noah, and others had been acceptable to God without
being circumcised, and therefore that circumcision could
not be essential to his approval ; that Abraham had been
acceptable without observing the sabbath, and that its
observance therefore was not binding. 11
yoke upon the neck of the disciples, which neither our fathers nor we
were able to bear ? " Acts 15, 10, Noyes' trans.
10 "When Peter came to Antioch, I withstood him to his face, be-
cause he was to be blamed. For, before the arrival from James of certain
[Judaizers], he ate with the Gentiles : but when they were come, he
withdrew, and separated himself, fearing those of the circumcision. And
the other Jews dissembled likewise with him ; insomuch that Barnabas
also was carried away with their dissimulation." Galat. 2, 11 - 13.
11 "We say that faith was reckoned to Abraham as righteousness.
At what date was it so reckoned ? After he was circumcised ? or when
he was yet uncircumcised ? It was . . . while he was uncircumcised."
Rom. 4, 9, 10. The intended inference is that if Abraham did not need
circumcision as a means of becoming acceptable to God, neither do other
12 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. II.
The most animated opponents of the Jews were the
semi-Jewish Christians, who, because they shared largely
men. " Let no one then call you to account about food or drink, or a
feast-day, or a new moon, or sabbaths ; which are a shadow of the things
to come." Coloss. 2, 16, 17, Noyes' trans. " Why do you turn to the
weak and beggarly rudiments whereunto you desire again to be in bond-
age ? You observe DAYS and months." Gal. 4, 9, 10. The meaning is
made plain by the following. ' ' The new moon and SABBATHS I cannot
away with." Is. 1, 13. Compare note 6.
Justin Martyr argues from the predecessors of Abraham against cir-
cumcision and from the predecessors of Moses against sabbath-keeping.
" Have you any other blame to lay against us, my friends . . . except
that we do not like your ancestors circumcise our flesh, nor like you keep
sabbaths ovde u>s v/j.e'is <ra/3/3aTiw/zev. . . . This is what we wonder at, said
Trypho . . . that you who profess tvaefietv to monotheize practically
. . . differ IN NOTHING from the Gentiles as to your way of life in that
you observe neither feasts nor sabbaths."- Dial. 10. " The law given
in Horeb [Justin answers] is antiquated and concerned you only."-
Dial. 11. Further on he argues, " It was on account of your wickedness
and that of your fathers, as I before said, that God commanded you to
observe the sabbath for a sign." Dial. 21. " Observe the material uni-
verse, it is not idle, neither does it keep sabbaths. Remain as you were
born ; for if there was no need of circumcision before Abraham, nor of
sabbath-keeping and feasts and offerings before Moses, neither is there
now." Dial. 23. "Trypho answered, Why do you select what you
please from the prophetical writings and make no mention of the express
injunctions to keep the sabbath ? . . . Because [says Justin] I supposed
that you did and do understand that if you are commanded throughout
all the prophets to observe these same things which Moses commanded,
it is on account of your hardness of heart and thanklessness. . . . Else as
regards the Just Men, who were well pleasing to God, prior to the time
of Moses and Abraham, and who neither observed circumcision nor the
sabbath ; why did he not teach THEM to observe these things ? " Dial.
27. Compare Ch. VII. 6. "As therefore circumcision took its rise
from Abraham, and the sabbath and the offerings and the feasts from
Moses, and were instituted, as has been proved, because of the hardness
of your people's heart ; so it is necessary they should cease." Dial. 43.
" If any one should ask you, seeing that Enoch and Noah and their
children and several others, who were neither circumcised nor observed
sabbaths, did please God, what can be the reason why God after so
many generations, by other leaders and the promulgation of other laws,
2.] CONTROVERSIES : JEWS WITH CHRISTIANS. 13
in Jewish views, were the more anxious to make promi-
nent those points in which they differed from them.
Of all this acrimonious discussion nothing appears in
the Gospels. None of the points made prominent by it
are explained or enforced by the Master.
In behalf of the second position, that Jesus was the
did vouchsafe to justify the posterity of Abraham until Moses by cir-
cumcision and those that succeeded Moses by circumcision and other
precepts, that is the sabbath and sacrifices and ashes and offerings . . .
unless you can prove that it was as I said before, lest you should give
yourselves up to idolatry and be unmindful of the true God . . . unless
this be the case, God will be calumniated with not having the knowledge
of future events, and with acting partially and inconsistently because he
did not teach all men [compare Ch. VII. 5] to know and practise the
same just and righteous laws." Dial. 92.
" But that God gave circumcision not as a fulfilment of righteousness,
but for a sign that the race of Abraham might continue discernible, we
learn from Scripture itself. . . . And that man was not justified by these,
but that they were given to the people as a sign is evident, because
Abraham himself, without circumcision and without observance of sab-
baths, believed God ; and it was reckoned to him for righteousness, and
he was called the friend of God. But Lot also, without circumcision,
was led out from Sodom obtaining the salvation which is from God. Also
Noah, pleasing God when uncircumcised, received the world's expanse in
its second age. But Enoch also, pleasing God without circumcision, per-
formed, though only a man, a mission [see Judaism, p. 486, note 7] to an-
gels. . . . But all the remaining multitude also of those who were just before
Abraham, and of those patriarchs who were before Moses, were accounted
just without the before-mentioned [observance of circumcision and sab-
bath] and without the Mosaic Law." Irenaeus, cont. ffcercs. 4, 16, 1, 2.
The author of the Epistle to Diognetus, in the early part of the
third century says of the Jews : " But as to their horror of certain
meats, and their superstition concerning sabbaths and their boasting
about circumcision, and their pretended observation of fasts and new
moons, which are all of them ridiculous and not worth speaking of, I [do
not] deem that you need instruction from me. For what right has any
one to accept some of the things created by God for man's use as if they
were properly created, and to refuse others as useless and superfluous ?
and what IMPIETY is there not in falsely charging God with prohibiting
the performance of good on the sabbath ? " c. 4. Cp. Note A. 1.
Other quotations bearing on this subject will be found in Ch. IV. 1.
14 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. II.
Messiah, the arguments were almost exclusively based
upon interpretations, or misinterpretations, or misapplica-
tions of passages in the Old Testament, a subject to which
we shall hereafter return. 12
3. Between Heathens and Christians.
1. A prime point of this controversy was the question
whether there were but one God, 13 or whether there were
many. This was blended with the question whether the
universe had been created, or at least formed into its
present shape, by the Deity, or whether the deities were
of subsequent origin to the universe. If the universe had
been created or formed by Divine power, then the har-
mony of its design implied that it was the work of one
mind, not of many. The question as to the existence
of but one God had been fiercely debated before the
appearance of Christianity, and it is plain, from the
persecution of Monotheists and of Christians 14 subse-
12 SeeCh. III. 12.
is K \\r e Christians are simply adorers of the Highest King and Ruler
with Christ as our magistro, teacher." Arnobius, 1, 27. Theophilus
argues that if a ship be seen steering steadily to its harbor, the presence
of a pilot on board who guides her becomes obvious. "Thus we are
compelled to perceive that God is a pilot of the universe." Ad Autol.
1, 5 ; Opp. p. 16 B, edit. Otto ; p. 340 D E, edit. Maran. Compare the
application to God of the term Pilot by Jews and Stoics in Judaism,
p. 51.
14 Prosecutions for unbelief were a favorite resort of the Roman aris-
tocracy against their opponents, subsequently at least to A. D. 14, if not
earlier. A strong impetus was given to these accusations after the patri-
cian rebellion of October 18, A. D. 31. During this rebellion the aris-
tocracy had murdered many prominent men of the popular party. When
prosecuted by relatives of the murdered individuals they defended them-
selves by counter charges of unbelief (see Judaism at Home, pp. 8, 534) ;
and the professional prosecutors whom they hired seem in many cases
to have been paid, not by the individuals who employed them, but from
the senatorial treasury (Dio Cass. 58, 14, quoted in Judaism, p. 532), an
indication that the remainder of the senatorial party were making com-
3.] CONTROVERSIES : HEATHENS WITH CHRISTIANS. 15
quently, that this debate had lost none of its earnestness
or of its acrimony. 15
Connected with the question whether there were a
Supreme Being, the creator and ruler of this world, came
other queries. Was he corporeal or incorporeal ? 16 What
mon cause with them. A Roman consul, wealthy and cultured, a near
friend of the elder Pliny and relative of Caligula, was kept for seven
years in his house by charges of unbelief. See Judaism, p. 211, note 85.
At the date of this event (A. D. 31 -37) Christianity can hardly have
reached Rome, but its adherents equally with other Monotheists must
have been exposed to these prosecutions from the moment that they
obtained foothold in the imperial city.
15 Already in B. C. 76, when a monotheistic document imposed on the
Roman Senate had given a new impetus to discussion, Cicero represents
himself as present where one friend ridicules and burlesques monotheism
while another, who had under the guise of stoicism upheld it, insists on
another discussion of the subject, since it is pro aris et focis, "for the
dearest of human possessions." Cicero, de Nat. Deor. 3, (40), 94.
16 Heathens believed in corporeal gods. Tatian says of the heathens,
" Some hold God to be corporeal, but I deem him incorporeal." Orat.
25 ; p. 104 C, edit. Otto ; p. 265 B, edit. Maran. When monotheistic
discussion in B. C. 76 received an impulse at Rome (see Judaism, p. 142),
Cicero makes his speaker on the heathen side allege that the existence
of a god without a body intclligi non potest, " cannot be understood, for
he must NECESSARILY lack perception, understanding, pleasure." De
Nat. Deorum, 1, (12), 30. " For you know no pleasure which does not
originate from the body." De Nat. Deorum, 1, (39), 111. And so late
as the tenth century we find the statement of one who had listened to an
argument that God was a spirit. " It appears that God is nothing at all,
since he has no head, no eyes." Mosheim, Ecc. Hist. 2, p. 137, note 6,
by Murdock. If God pervaded the universe, as Monotheists and Stoics
believed, the question whether he were corporeal involved the question
whether two bodies could coexist in the same space. An opinion of
the Stoics (Philosophumena, 1, 21) quoted in Judaism, p. 44, may have
had either the bearing there suggested on the resurrection, or may have
been an affirmation that God, since he pervaded the universe, was not
material but spiritual. Compare also (in Appendix, Note M, footnote
21) the argument of Athenagoras against the existence of two or more
(independent ?) gods, part of which is perhaps based on an assumption
of their corporeal character.
16 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. n.
was his form ? 17 Did he the question was vital
take interest in human morality ? 18
Of this debate nothing appears in the Gospels. The
recognition of one God is assumed. The teacher of Chris-
tianity supplies his apostles with no arguments on the
subject.
2. The second point to be proved was that Jesus had
been authorized and commissioned by the Supreme Be-
ing. Christians, as already explained, could not on this
point appeal to their Gospels except when dealing with
right-minded inquirers. Tliey had, however, in the char-
acter of their Master's religion a great advantage, for in
the countries where monotheism had spread there was
a large number of right-minded men, who, without being
inquirers or opponents, were likely to side with morality
and worthy conceptions of God, as against the follies and
immoralities of heathenism. When the writer of the
Oratio ad Grsecos affirmed (c. 5), " Our commander does not
wish strength of body, nor beauty of form, nor vaunt-
ing of noble birth, but a pure soul walled around with
righteousness," he must have found many who would at
least speak respectfully of such as aimed in this direction,
and who would defend them with more or less decision
against attacks by the unworthy.
In dealing with opponents, Christians appealed to the
17 Cicero makes his heathen speaker argue (see Judaism, Ch. III. note
11) for the human form of gods as the most excellent with which we are
acquainted. The Stoics held that he was spherical. The two positions
on which this belief rested namely, that the universe was spherical and
that God pervaded it were borrowed from Monotheists. It is possible
also that some Monotheists believed that God was spherical in form, and
that their anticipations of future likeness to God gave rise to a belief
that the resurrection body would be spherical. See belief of Origenian
monks mentioned in Huet's Origeniana, 2, 2, 9 ; Origen's Works, edit.
Lommatzsch, 23, pp. 143 - 150 ; edit, de la Rue, 4, (Appendix) pp.
200-215.
Heathens treated a spherical God as necessarily DEVOID OF HEAD, and
therefore of intelligence. See Judaism, p. 42, note 4.
18 See Ch. V. note 5, and Judaism, cc. II. note 3, X. note 53.
'
3.] CONTROVERSIES I HEATHENS WITH CHRISTIANS. 17
Old Testament 19 for predictions of certain facts in their
Master's life which heathens admitted, or which they
were not in position to deny, and argued or assumed that,
because these facts had been predicted, a Divine provision
had been made for their Master's ministry, a provision
which would not have been made unless he had been
commissioned by God. 20
In Koine, however, we find two appeals by Justin Mar-
tyr to the Acts of Pilate, and in Africa one by Tertullian
to Pilate's Keport, in proof of facts in the Master's life.
Indirect evidence implies that both documents must have
been more used in Syria and Asia Minor than at the
West. 21 The letter of Abgarus to Christ containing sim-
ilar spurious evidence must also have found some cur-
rency at the East. 22
The discussion, like many others in which the feelings
of disputants are excited, was largely diverted to side
issues.
3. A third point, which perhaps occupied more space
and excited more feeling than any other, was concerning
the heathen deities or demons. Christians were brought
into constant collision with the worship of these beings,
and were tortured and put to death because of not
worshipping them. Many, instead of discrediting their
existence, seem to have been equally persuaded of it as
the heathens themselves. They regarded them as super-
19 The author of the Cohortatio ad Graecos (close of ch. 13) offers to
take a copy from the Jewish synagogue, so that no suspicion of Christian
interpolation could find place. Theophilus says : "All the prophets
spoke things harmonious and accordant with each other, and proclaimed
beforehand what should happen to the whole world. The issue of the
predicted and now accomplished events can teach the lovers of learning,
or rather the lovers of truth, that the things predicted through them [the
prophets] concerning ages and times before the flood, from the time
when the world was created until now, are true." Ad Autol. 3, 17 ;
Opp. p. 230, edit. Otto ; pp. 390-391, edit. Maran.
20 See Ch. III. 12.
21 See Appendix, Notes A and B.
22 See Appendix, Note C.
18 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. II.
natural, malicious beings who had got mankind into their
power, and who were the authors of all the evil in the
world. 23
Heathens charged the Christians with having offended
these gods, and having thereby prompted them to inflict
miseries on mankind. 24
4. Closely connected with the foregoing was the sub-
ject of idolatry, the views of which will be hereafter
given. 25
5. The comparative antiquity of Christianity and hea-
thenism was not a little debated. The points involved
in this part of the discussion were various and in some
cases deserving of but little attention. 26 In other cases
the question was handled with more judgment. Arno-
bius (adv. Gent. 2, 72) takes ground that the antiquity
of God was in no wise affected by the date at which men
began to show him due homage. Theophilus alleges
the superior antiquity of Christianity by treating Moses
as a part of it. 27
23 See Ch. III. 1.
24 " I have found some who were very wise in their own opinion, who
raved and raged and declared as if under the prompting of an oracle that
since the Christians existed in the world the earth was perishing and the
human race was attacked by evils of manifold kinds ; that the gods
themselves, the usual rites being neglected wherewith they were wont to
inspect our affairs, had been driven away from the earth." Arnobius,
adv. Gentes, 1, 1.
26 See Ch. III. 2.
26 Thus we find a statement (Lactantius, 2, 14 ; Vol. 1, col. 327 A)
that Bacchus cannot have invented the vine, since Noah's drunkenness
(Gen. 9, 21) implies that he, an older than Bacchus, was acquainted with
wine. The fact that he and his family alone survived the flood was
regarded as proving him to be older than the heathen deities.
27 " Our prophet and servant of God, Moses, narrating concerning the
origin of the world, related in what manner the flood took place over the
earth." Theophilus, ad Autol. 3 18; Opp. pp. 230-232 A, edit.
Otto ; p. 391 B, edit. Maran. After giving the sequence of Egyptian
kings from the time of Moses, Theophilus adds : "So that the Hebrews
are shown to be older than the cities celebrated among the Egyptians,
3.] CONTROVERSIES : HEATHENS WITH CHRISTIANS. 19
Again : Moses was recognized as older than Plato or
Socrates, and from Moses the latter were by many (com-
pare Ch. VIII. note 14) affirmed to have obtained their
ideas. The Sibylline verses were alleged to be older
than even Homer, and on this point the Christians had a
controversial advantage; for the Eoman Senate had de-
posited in its archives as an authoritative document the
professed work of Sibylla, which predicted that Homer
would copy from her, and which also predicted that
^Eneas, a Monotheist, would found the Latin kingdom,
thus making monotheism the original religion of Italy
and the gods of Eome a subsequent invention.
6. Heathens charged Christians that by their offences
they caused the gods to inflict manifold plagues on man-
kind. 28 To this, the answers were various. Some, without
denying the allegation, or at least without denying the
whole of it, argued that this showed the contemptible
character of the gods. 29 Others alleged that the earth
was growing old, and could not be so fruitful in its old
age as in its youth. 30 One writer evinced from history
that the calamities to which heathens referred were equally
who [the Hebrews] are OUR FOREFATHERS, from whom also we have the
sacred books, which are older than all [other] compositions, as we have
previously said." Ad Aitiol. 3, 20 ; Opp. pp. 238-240 C D, edit. Otto ;
p. 392 D, edit. Maran.
28 See note 24.
29 " Although the whole host of demons and spirits of that class be sub-
ject to us, yet like wicked slaves they mingle contumacy with fear, and
delight to injure those whom they otherwise fear, since fear inspires
hatred ; . . . those whom they war against at a distance, they beseech
when near." Tertullian, Apol. 27. See also views of Justin, as given
by Kaye, in Ch. III. note 2.
80 The belief that the earth was growing old and in various ways de-
generate seems to have been held by Jews before the Christian era, from
whom it was copied by the Stoics. See Judaism at Rome, p. 57, note
50. In a Jewish work of the second century we are told : "Since
greater evils than those which thou hast now seen happen, shall happen
hereafter. For in proportion as the world grows old and infirm, in the
same proportion shall the calamities of those, who dwell therein, be mul-
tiplied." 2 Esdras, Laurence's Vers. 14, i.% 16 ; cp. com. vers. 1G, 17.
20 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. II.
prevalent before as since the appearance of Christianity; 31
another appeals to the Sibylline Oracles (the authority
which the Boman Senate had recognized) in proof that
the Supreme God controls such matters; 32 the former calls
attention to the fact that the gods gave no law to men,
and asks why, therefore, they should be angry at non-
obedience. 33 The same writer tells the heathens that
their own statements of Divine doings would be a much
surer reason for Divine anger. 34
7. Heathens did not regard man as created by any of
their gods. Christians alleged that he had been made by
the Supreme Being, or by his Logos, or wisdom, which
they personified, or by the joint action of both. Theophi-
lus says (ad AutoL 2, 18) : "The circumstances attend-
ing man's creation exceed [any capacity of] narration."
See also in Appendix, Note M, the text prefixed to foot-
note 17.
Of all the points raised and discussed in this contro-
versy not one appears in the Gospels. Considering the
prominence which they held during the contest, it seems
impossible that the Gospels, if at that date in course of
formation, should have borne no traces of them.
4. Between Catholics and Gnostics.
The Gnostics were two bodies of Gentile Christians
originating about A. D. 140, in localities widely distant
from each other, and of whom each branch was in many
respects intensely unlike the other. Both these branches
81 Arnobius, 1, 3, 4.
82 Theophilus, ad AutoL 2, 3.
83 "By these [deities] nothing was ever appointed or sanctioned. . . .
"What justice, therefore, is there that the heavenly gods should for va-
rious causes become angry at those to whom they never deigned to show
themselves, nor gave or laid down any laws?" Arnobius, 7, 7.
Compare the statement of Commodianus : " You pray to so many gods
. . . from whom there is not in the [whole] earth a [single] law."
Instruct. 8, 11. 8, 9.
84 Arnobius, 3, 11.
1.] OPINIONS CONCERNING HEATHEN DEITIES. 21
of Gnostics held that the Jewish God was a different being
from the God who sent Christ. 35 With both branches
the Catholic 36 Christians had for more than half a century
a violent and imbittered contest.
Of this Gnostic controversy nothing appears in the
Gospels. Jesus is not made to utter anything touch-
ing it.
CHAPTER IIL
OPINIONS OF CHRISTIANS.
1. Concerning Heathen Deities.
So soon as Christianity commenced spreading outside of
Judea it came in contact with heathen belief and customs. 1
Heathens taught the existence of numerous deities, who
even before the Christian era had by some Jews been
regarded as devoid of existence, while others deemed
them to be evil spirits. Some questions as to the light
in which God was thought to view any worship of these
deities will be considered in the next section.
85 See Judaism at Rome, pp. 331 - 336 ; also the second and third vol-
umes of Norton's Genuineness. The Gnostics originated during, or im-
mediately after, a protracted and violent war between Jews and Romans.
Their existence was due to the feelings engendered by this war.
86 By Catholics must not be understood any particular denomination,
but merely the main body of Christians, who regarded their God as iden-
tical with the Jewish one, but were variously divided on other points.
1 At Lystra (Acts 14, 11- 18) we find heathens on the point of sacri-
ficing to Paul and Barnabas, whom they termed Mercury and Jupiter.
At Athens (Acts 17, 16-18) Paul is stirred by the idolatry which he
witnesses, and is charged with advocating foreign divinities. At Ephesus
(Acts 19, 24 - 41) the shrine-makers raise a tumult, and Paul in his let-
ters to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 10, 14, 20, 21 ; 2 Cor. 6, 16) finds need of
directions concerning meat offered to these beings. Compare citations in
Ch. II. note 5.
22 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. HI.
In the second century many Christians, as already
said, attributed nearly all evils to the rule of these dei-
ties. Part of their ideas may have been borrowed from
Jews, and some may have been superadded by themselves,
but their vehement expressions of feeling show that their
minds were filled with thoughts of the contest waged by
themselves against these enemies of God and man. The
appended passages of Lamson and Kaye 2 give certainly no
2 "God, he [Justin] very gravely tells us, having formed man, com-
mitted him, together with all sublunary things, to the care of angels,
whose too susceptible natures caused them to trespass with the frail daugh-
ters of earth ; and hence sprang the race of demons. These demons did
not long remain idle. They mixed in all human affairs, and soon ob-
tained universal sway in the \vorld. They deceived men by arts of magic,
frightened them with apparitions, caused them to see visions and dream
dreams, perpetrated crimes, and performed numerous feats and prodigies,
which the fabulous poets of antiquity, in their ignorance, transferred to
the gods. They presided over the splendid mythology of the Heathen,
instituted sacrifices, and regaled themselves with the blood of victims, of
which they began to be in want after they became subject to passions and
lusts. They were the authors of all heresies, fraud, and mischief. Their
malice was chiefly directed against the Savior ; whose success, they well
knew, would be attended with their overthrow : and therefore, long before
his appearance on earth, they tasked their ingenuity to defeat the purpose
of his mission. They invented tales about the gods of the nations, cor-
responding to the descriptions of him given by the Hebrew prophets ;
hoping so to fill the minds of men with 'lying vanities,' that the writ-
ings which predicted his advent might be brought into discredit, and all
that related to him pass for fable. For example, when they heard the
propliecy of Moses, Gen. 49, 10, 11, 'The sceptre shall not depart
from Judah'j nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until Shiloh come ;
and he shall be the expectation of the nations, binding his foal to the
vine, and washing his garment in the blood of the grape,' they got up,
as a counterpart, the story of Bacchus, the son of Jupiter and inventor
of the grape, and introduced wine into the celebration of his mysteries,
and represented him as finally ascending into heaven. They were exceed-
ingly sagacious, but, with all their astuteness, found some difficulty in
interpreting parts of the above-mentioned prediction of Jacob. The
prophet had not expressly said whether he who should come was to be
the son of God, or the son of man ; nor whether he was to make use of
1.] OPINIONS CONCERNING HEATHEN DEITIES. 23
exaggerated picture of the position assigned by Justin to
these supposed malevolent beings. The same holds true
of a statement by the latter concerning Tatian. 3 The
the foal spoken of while he remained on earth, or only during his ascent
into heaven. To get over this difficulty, these crafty demons, in addi-
tion to the story of Bacchus, trumped up that of Bellerophon, who was
a man born of men ; and who, as they tell us, mounted on his Pegasus,
ascended into heaven. The prediction of Isaiah relating to the virgin
(7, 14), they said, was fulfilled in Perseus ; that in Ps. 19, 5, ' strong
as a giant to run a race ' (which Justin seems to have applied to the
Messiah), in Hercules, who was a man of strength, and traversed the
whole earth. Again : when they found it predicted that he should cure
diseases and raise the dead, they appealed to the case of ^Esculapius, who
also recalled the dead to life, and was taken up into heaven. . . . They
' hover about the beds of the dying, on the watch to receive the depart-
ing soul.' The spirits of just men, and prophets equally with others, he
assures us, fall under their power ; of which we have an instance in the
case of Samuel, whose soul was evoked by the witch of Endor. Hence,
he continues, we pray, in the hour of death, that we may be preserved
from the power of demons." Lamson, Church of the First Three Cen-
turies, pp. 43-45.
"Actuated [Justin says] by a spirit of unremitting hostility against
God and against goodness, the demons instigated all the persecutions to
which not only the Christians, but the virtuous among the heathen
were exposed. They also excited the Jews to put Christ to death. They
were the authors of the calumnious accusations brought against the Chris-
tians. To their suggestions were to be traced the different heresies which,
had arisen in the Church ; the unjust and wicked laws which had been
enacted in different states ; in short, they were the authors of all evil
existing in the world. Among these evil Angels the serpent who de-
ceived Eve, called also in Scripture Satan, and the Devil, was pre-emi-
nent ; who, together with the other apostate Angels, and with wicked
men, will be consigned to eternal flames at the consummation of all
things.
""With respect to demoniacal possessions, Justin says, that the Chris-
tians, by abjuring demons in the name of Christ, were enabled to work
cures which the Jewish and heathen exorcists had in vain attempted."
John [Kaye] Bishop of Lincoln, Writings and Opinions of Justin
Martyr, pp. 109, 110.
8 "The sole object of the Demons [Tatian holds] is to lead men away
from the truth. With this view they invented the Arts of Divination,
24 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY [cH. III.
author of the Clementines is equally unmistakable in
treating them as the source of almost all evil. 4 The
views of Tertulliau as given by Kaye 5 are not exagger-
and set up the Oracles. They, employ every artifice to prevent the soul
from rising upwards, and pursuing its way to heaven. . . . One great
object of the demons is, to persuade man that whatever happens to him,
either of good or evil, whether he falls sick or recovers from sickness, is
owing to their agency. To this end they invented amulets, philters, and
charms, in order that man might be induced to trust to them, or, at
least, to the properties of matter, rather than to his Creator." John
[Kaye] Bishop of Lincoln, Writings and Opinions of Justin Martyr,
pp. 203, 204. The demons " do not heal, but by artifice lead mortals
captive." Tatian, Orat. 18; Opp. p. 82 C, edit. Otto; p. 259 D E,
edit. Maran.
4 In the Clementine Homilies (8, 12 - 19) it is said that the angels
who inhabited the region nearest the earth took to themselves earthly
brides. Their children were the giants, by whose misdeeds the earth
was polluted ; they were swept away by the flood. To mankind, after
the flood, the absence of former excellence rendered a law necessary, which
(cp. p. 191, note 5) was given through an angel. "But you as yet
ignore the law ; for any one doing homage to demons, or sacrificing, or
partaking of their table, becoming [thus] their bondsman, partakes like
[others] under wicked masters of all the punishment which they in-
flict. . . . You ought to know that demons have no authority over any
one unless he first becomes a participant at their table." 8, 20. See
also Judaism at Rome, p. 362, note 12.
5 Tertullian "asserts, in the first place, that there are spiritual sub-
stances, or material spirits : this is not denied even by the philosophers.
These spiritual or angelic substances were originally created to be the
ministers of the Divine will ; but some were betrayed into transgression.
Smitten with the beauty of the daughters of men, they descended from
heaven [compare Book of Enoch, c. 7, and Judaism at Rome, p. 484],
and imparted many branches of knowledge, revealed to themselves, but
hitherto hidden from mankind : the properties of metals the virtues
of herbs the powers of enchantment and the arts of divination and
astrology. Out of complaisance also to their earthly brides, they com-
municated the arts which administer to female vanity : of polishing
and setting precious stones of dyeing wool of preparing cosmetics.
[Compare Book of Enoch, c. 8.]
" From these corrupt angels sprang demons ; a still more corrupt race
1.] OPINIONS CONCERNING HEATHEN DEITIES. 25
ated, though they may need slight correction from other
passages. 6 He has also given the views of Clement of
of spirits, whose actuating principle is hostility against man, and whose
sole object is to accomplish his destruction. This they attempt in
various ways ; but as they are invisible to the eye, their mischievous
activity is known only by its effects. They nip the fruit in the bud ;
they blight the corn ; and, as through the tenuity and subtlety of their
substance they can operate on the soul as well as the body, while they
inflict diseases on the one, they agitate the other with furious passions
and ungovernable lust. By the same property of their substance they
cause men to dream. But their favorite employment is, to draw men
off from the worship of the true God to idolatry. For this purpose they
lurk within the statues of deceased mortals ; practising illusions upon
weak minds, and seducing them into a belief in the divinity of an idol.
In their attempts to deceive mankind, they derive great assistance from
the rapidity with which they transport themselves from one part of the
globe to another. They are thus enabled to know and to declare what is
passing in the most distant countries ; so that they gain the credit of
being the authors of events of which they are only the reporters. It was
this peculiarity in the nature of demons which enabled them to com-
municate to the Pythian priestess what Croesus was at that very moment
doing in Lydia. In like manner, as they are continually passing to and
fro through the region of the air, they can foretell the changes of the
weather ; and thus procure for the idol the reputation of possessing an
insight into futurity. When by their delusions they have induced men
to offer sacrifice, they hover about the victim ; snuffing up with delight
the savory steam, which is their proper food. The demons employed
other artifices in order to effect the destruction of man. As during their
abode in heaven they were enabled to obtain some insight into the na-
ture of the Divine dispensations, they endeavored to preoccupy the
minds of men, and to prevent them from embracing Christianity, by in-
venting fables bearing some resemblance to the truths which were to
become the objects of faith under the Gospel. Thus they invented the
tales of the tribunal of Minos and Rhadamanthus in the infernal regions ;
of the river Pyriphlegethon, and the Elysian Fields ; in order that when
the doctrines of a future judgment, and of the eternal happiness and
misery prepared for the good and wicked in another life, should be re-
vealed, the common people might think the former equally credible, the
philosopher equally incredible, with the latter." John [Kaye] Bishop
of Lincoln, Ecc. Hist. IllusL from Tertullian, 3d edit. pp. 200 - 204.
Tertullian evidently identifies in some passages the demon with the
26 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. III.
Alexandria, 7 to whose opinions an additional reference is
subjoined. 8
Origen and Minucius Felix believed, equally with
others of their time, in the active agency of demons.
Even the agony in the garden and on the cross seem, in
the eyes of the former, to have resulted from anticipations
of conflict with them. 9
heathen deity. See his Apology, 12, cited in Underworld Mission, p. 78 ;
3d edit. pp. 74, 75. Kaye has not made sufficient allowance for the fact
that Tertullian's views were somewhat inconsistent with each other.
7 "Clement speaks of apostate angels, who, smitten by the beauty of
women, and giving themselves up to their lusts, were cast down from
heaven. They revealed to women the Divine mysteries which had come
to their knowledge, and which it was intended to keep secret until the
advent of the Lord. Thus men received the doctrine of Providence and
the knowledge of sublime things (ruv nereupuv). Demons, according
to Clement, are hateful and impure Spirits, always tending downwards to
the earth, hovering about tombs and monuments, where they are ob-
scurely seen, like shadowy phantasms. He couples them with bad an-
gels, and says that the name of angels or demons was given to the souls
of men. In some places he applies the name do.Lfj,oj>s [demons] to the
heathen gods ; in others he alludes to the Platonic distinction between
gods and demons.
"With respect to the worship of demons, Clement doubts who first
erected altars and offered sacrifices to them ; but says expressly that the
first altar to Love was erected by Charmus (qu. Charinus) in the academy.
He speaks of a demon to whom gluttons are subject ; but says that men
cannot truly ascribe their sins to the agency of demons ; since, if they
can, they will themselves be free from guilt. He defines the passions,
impressions made upon the soft and yielding soul by the spiritual powers,
against whom we have to wrestle. The object of these malevolent
powers is on every occasion to produce something of their own habits or
dispositions, and thus to bring again under their subjection those who
have renounced them (in baptism). In the case of demoniacal posses-
sions, the demon entered into the possessed person, who in consequence
did not speak his own language, but that of the demon. The magicians,
however, pretended that they could at all times command the services of
the demons. " John [Kaye] Bishop of Lincoln, Writings and Opin-
ions of Clement of Alexandria, pp. 359 361.
8 See Underworld Mission, p. 97 ; 3d edit. p. 93, note 1.
9 See Underworld Mission, XV. Origen, however, believed equally
2.] OPINIONS CONCERNING IDOLATRY. 27
The overthrow of these demons was sometimes held up
as the object of Christ's mission. Justin Martyr says (ApoL
2, 6) : " He became man . . . that he might overthrow
the demons."
If we now turn to the Gospels we find not one word
concerning the heathen deities. The Teacher of teachers
does not even allude, as there represented, to this fearful
conflict which his followers were to wage at every step
through life. Any demons mentioned in the Gospels
are simply depicted as authors of some physical disease,
but are nowhere identified with the heathen deities, nor
represented as objects of worship. It is morally impos-
sible, if the early Christians had tampered with their Mas-
ter's history, that this to them all absorbing subject
should have been totally overlooked, and no teachings in
regard to it have been ascribed to the Master.
2. Concerning Idolatry.
Distinct from any question as to the origin and char-
acter of these beings was their identification with the
wooden or metallic or earthenware images which were
supposed to represent them. This treatment of an image
as a god was heartily ridiculed by Christians, as it had
been (Wisdom of Solomon, 13, 11 - 19) by Jews before them.
When the image was of wood, or of cheap metal, or of
pottery, they took satisfaction in pointing out its defects,
or the base uses to which chance only prevented it from
being applied. If it were of costly metal, Christians
pointed out that the god needed a guard to prevent him
from being stolen. The Epistle to Diognetus ( 2) con-
denses these arguments.
in the ministry of good angels ; see Lamson, Church of the First Three
Centuries, pp. 195, 196, and Huet, Origeniana, 2, 2, 5 ; pp. 272 - 350 in
Vol. 22 of Lommatzsch's Origen.
" By these and similar fables the same demons have filled the ears of
the inexperienced that they might excite an execrating horror against us."
Minucius Felix, Odavius, 28, pp. 142, 143, edit. Davis. Minucius
had previously given a list of crimes charged against Christians, among
which (p. 142, compare p. 49) was the eating of infants.
28 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. III.
Another question concerning Idolatry was ethical : Did,
or did not, God regard it as a crime the most serious
which his children could commit ?
Before attending to this, it may be well to say that,
even prior to the Christian era, Idolatry was by the
ruling classes kept up for political reasons. (Compare
Judaism, p. 155 n.) In the reign of Claudius, A. D. 41 -
54, it had died out at Eome and needed to be revived.
The effort to revive it was merely a political one, yet the
privileged classes, who labored for its restoration, seem to
have found a moderate degree of belief among the weak-
minded and superstitious. Honest belief in Idolatry was
the exception, yet the exception was frequent enough to
deserve attention. Let us set aside the credulity of the
dishonest, who thought that by paying a god sufficiently,
he would aid them in misdeeds, and let us take a case of
honest belief.
Let us suppose that a heathen had sacrificed to a hea-
then divinity either because of his own escape from peril,
or because some member of his family had been restored
to health. If he did it in good faith, believing in aid
received from the deity, was he committing a crime which
the Supreme Being would not forgive ?
Let us suppose that a monotheistic brother or relative
were invited by the heathen to join in the feast of thank-
fulness. Would such guest, by tasting ignorantly or
knowingly the meat which had been offered to an idol,
commit a crime the most serious in the eye of God ?
Some Liberalist Jews would, equally with Paul, have
taken ground that eating the meat 10 was indifferent,
save when it caused risk of misleading others into what
they believed wrong. The mass, however, of Jews and
Jewish Christians would have deemed it a gross delin-
quency under any circumstances to taste such meat. The
Council of Christians held at Jerusalem expressly forbade
10 "Do not for the sake of food undo the work of God. All things
indeed are clean ; but that which is pure is evil for that man who eateth
so as to be an occasion of sin. " Rom. 14, 20. See also 1 Cor. 8, 8 - 10,
quoted in Ch. II. note 5, and Coloss. 2, 16, quoted in Ch. II. note 11.
3.] CHRIST'S MISSION TO THE UNDER WORLD. 29
it. Even the heathen, who with a good motive, or at
least with nothing wrong in his purpose, had spread such
a feast, would, by many Jews and by a large proportion
of Jewish Christians, have been deemed guilty of an of-
fence for which he could not deeply enough bow himself
in penitence.
The Christians, in their conflict with heathenism, came
to regard Idolatry as the chief of all sins. 11
Of this question, which caused great trouble even in
Apostolic times, and by which the mentally weak may
have been perplexed even to agony, nothing appears in
the Gospels. The Teacher is not represented as uttering
one word concerning it for the guidance of his followers.
3. Christ's Mission to the Underworld.
Among early Christians a belief prevailed, which began
probably in the first century, that Christ at his death
entered on a Mission to the Underworld. This belief
permeated every branch of the Christian community, and
seems to have taken deep hold in each and every one of
them. 12 It was a favorite explanation of the object for
which Christ died. 13 The vicarious atonement does not
at the present day occupy a more prominent place in the
theology of those denominations which attach most im-
portance to it, than did the Underworld Mission in the
theology of the early Christians.
The Gospels make no mention of Christ's Mission to
the Underworld. Had the early Christians fabricated
them from their own views, this omission would be unac-
11 "The PRINCIPAL crime of the human race, the CHIEF indictment
against the world, the SOLE cause of the judgment, is Idolatry." Ter-
tullian, de Idololat. 1. Compare Judaism, p. 362, note 12.
" Others say : We more than others practically recognize the Divine
nature, recognizing it and [its] images. . . . How do you pronounce
yourselves more than others practical recognizers [of the Divine nature,
you] who recognize it least of all, meriting destruction of your souls by
this one and UNEQUALLED sin, if truly you persevere in it ? " Clemen-
tine Homilies, 11, 12.
12 Underworld Mission, 1 - 24. 13 Underworld Mission, 6. '
30 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. Ill,
countable. Jesus is not even made in the Gospels to tell
his disciples, after returning to life, the important work
which he was supposed to have performed.
4. Resurrection of the Flesh.
Prior to the Christian era a belief prevailed among
Jews in a future anastasis, that is, a resurrection or re-
placement. In some cases a replacement of mankind alone
may have been intended, but in others a replacement of
the world, of mankind, and of the animal creation may
have been included in the term. In this latter shape the
Stoics seem to have borrowed the view. 14
Christians adopted the Jewish term, but differed
among themselves as to what they should understand by
it. Some understood a physical resurrection of mankind,
while others held that at death we permanently left our
present physical bodies. Between these two divisions of
Christians there was sharp discussion. The believers in
a physical resurrection regarded the opposite party as
heretical. The opposite party regarded adherents of the
physical resurrection as weak-minded or stupid.
In a former work 15 an outline has been given of the
two parties. Even in Apostolic times we find that the
14 Judaism at Rome, p. 44, note 12, and p. 57, note 50.
15 Underworld Mission, Appendix, Note E. To the citations there
given should be added the following. Tatian, after telling the hea-
thens that they held a medley of conflicting opinions, adds : " Some
say ... that the soul only is rendered immortal, but I, that the flesh
[is rendered immortal] with it." Orat. 2f> ; Opp. p. 104 C D, edit.
Otto ; p. 265 C, edit. Maran. " Since the Lord . . . arose bodily . . .
it is manifest that his disciples, . . . receiving their bodies and rising
perfectly, that is, bodily as the Lord arose, will thus come into the pres-
ence of God." Irenaeus, 5, 31, 2.
Tertullian, in a work devoted to this question, argues (de Resurrect.
Carnis, 7, 8) that the body ministers to the privileges of the soul and in
martyrdom suffers imprisonment or torment, and would not be fairly
treated unless gifted equally as the soul with future reward. Compare
his Apol. 48, and in Athenagoras, de Resurrect. 18, p. 264 D A, edit. Otto.
5.] THE MILLENNIUM. 31
discussion touching the resurrection and the future body
must have been animated. 16
If we now turn to the Gospels, we find nothing taught
by the Master, nor any question raised, concerning man's
future body, or as to whether he should have a body. An
argument of our Savior in one passage implies that those
who had passed away were, yet in existence. 17 In another
passage a FUTURE resurrection might seein to be implied, 18
but in neither case is there an argument or distinct state-
ment as to the character of the future body.
5. The Millennium.
Among Jews a belief existed in a Millennium, a period
of one thousand years, during which the good were to live
on earth untroubled by the presence of the bad. 19 Among
Christians this belief reappears already in Apostolic times, 20
and must have been largely held by Jewish and semi-
Jewish Christians. 21 Among Liberalist Catholics, however,
16 1 Cor. 15,12-44.
17 Jesus quotes (Matt. 22, 32 ; Mark 12, 23, 27 ; Luke 20, 37, 38)
from the Old Testament the words : " I am the God of Abraham, and
the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob," and appends the remark, " God
is not a God of the dead, but of the living," implying that at the date
when God uttered these words Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob were alive.
18 Jesus speaks of those who were in their graves (John 5, 28, 29) as
hereafter to hear his voice and to come forth. The passage, though it
affirms nothing concerning a physical resurrection, might suggest it to
those who already believed in it.
19 Trypho the Jew is represented by Justin as saying : " Tell me truly,
do you confess that this place, Jerusalem, is to be rebuilt, and do you
expect your People to be assembled and rejoice with the Messiah, together
with the patriarchs and prophets and those [either] of our race, or who
became proselytes [to our views] before the advent of your Christ ? "
Justin Martyr, Dial. 80, Opp. 2, 272 C, edit. Otto ; p. 177 C, edit.
Maran. The answer (see note 21) implies that the rejoicing would be
for a thousand years.
20 Rev. 20, 2 - 7.
21 Papias "said that after the resurrection of the [just?] dead there
would be a special thousand years, the reign of Christ being understood
32 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. III.
we find it so sharply ridiculed as to imply that its oppo-
nents were anxious to avoid any appearance of holding it.
Its advocates looked upon those who rejected it as swerv-
ing from the true faith. Cp. Underworld Mission, p. 159,
3d edit.
On this disputed point not a word appears in the Gos-
pels. The Teacher gives his followers no instruction on
the subject.
6. Restoration of Jerusalem.
From the date when the Jewish Temple was destroyed,
or surrounded by Eoman armies, which threatened its de-
struction, a belief gained currency among the Jews, that
as a physical one upon this earth." Eusebius, Ecc. Hist. S, 39 ; Opp.
I, p. 284, edit. Heinich. ; 1, 112 C, edit. Vales. To this Eusebius appends
the remark that Papias was a man of exceedingly little mind.
Justin Martyr says : " I and any other Christians who think cor-
rectly on all points, understand that there is to be a resurrection of the
flesh and a [residence of a] thousand years in Jerusalem rebuilt and
adorned and enlarged, as the prophets Ezekiel [37, 12 sqq.] and Isaiah
[65, 17-25] and the others acknowledge. " Dial. 80, Opp. 2, 276 B,
edit. Otto ; p. 178 B C, edit. Maran.
" These things [promised by Jesus] are [to be received] in the times of
the kingdom, that is, in the seventh day . . . which is the true sabbath
of the just ... all animals using the kinds of food which are derived
from the earth will be made pacific and mutually harmonious." Ire-
neeus, cont. JTceres. 5, 33, 2-3.
" God made the work of his hands in six days and finished on the
seventh day and rested on it. ... This means that God will finish all
things in six thousand years, for a day with him is as one thousand years.
. . . He rested on the seventh day. This means, when his son, coming,
shall do away the time of the LAW-less One and shall condemn unbeliev-
ers, and shall change the sun and moon and stars, then he shall rest
gloriously on the seventh day." Barnabas, Epist. 15 ; (al. 13, 3-6.)
"Papias . . . is said to have enunciated the Jewish Millennium a
duplicate of it ; whom Irenseus and Apollinarius and others followed, say-
ing that after the resurrection the Lord will reign bodily with his saints.
Tertullian also, in a book On the Hope of the Faithful, and Victorinus of
Pettawand Lactantius followed this view." Jerome, de Viris Illust. 18,
Opp. 2, col. 859, 860.
1.] ROME'S DESTRUCTION. 33
Jerusalem would be rebuilt and enlarged by Divine
power. 22 The belief must have appeared equally early
among Jewish Christians, who regarded it as the locality
where their Master was to reign. 23 It was held by semi-
Jewish Christians in the second century. 24 Even Liber-
alist Catholics retained Jewish phraseology whilst essen-
tially modifying Jewish views. 25
Of these expectations nothing whatever appears in the
Gospels, although these Gospels were obviously written
by persons of Jewish education.
7. Rome's Destruction.
Sixty-three years before the Christian era, a Roman
general had shocked Jewish feeling by entering the Holy
of Holies, and had wounded Jewish pride by conquering
their nation. From that time we find a belief among
Jews, that God had doomed Borne to destruction, and
that this destruction would be the precursor of the new
or Messianic era. 26
Christians adopted this belief in apostolic times, 27 and
it retained its hold on the Jewish and semi-Jewish por-
tions of them for centuries. 28
No word concerning this belief appears in the Gospels.
22 Sympathy with Jewish feeling and opinion is the only source whence
Christians can have obtained this view. Irenaeus quotes (5, 35, 1, 2)
various passages from the Old Testament in support of it, using, among
others, a passage of Baruch (4,36, 37) in which is the statement, " Arise,
Jerusalem, and stand on high . . . and see thy children collected from
the rising of the sun even to his setting." The extant Latin differs
slightly from the Septuagint.
23 Rev. 21,9-22,5.
24 See note 21, and compare Judaism, pp. 256, 268.
25 According to Origen, the holy city (Matt. 27, 53) into which the
saints entered was the " Heavenly Jerusalem," the " TRULY holy city,
the Jerusalem over which Jesus had not wept." Origen, Comment, in
Matt. Lib. 12, 43, Opp. edit, de la Rue, 3, 566 A ; edit. Lommatzsch, 3,
203.
26 See Judaism at Rome, pp. 116-134.
27 Judaism, pp. 265-268. Judaism, pp. 135, 136,
34 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTOEY. [CH. III.
8. Bdiar, or Antichrist.
In A. D. 52, Claudius expelled the Jews from Eome,
and in that or the succeeding year an effort was made to
place his statue in the Temple at Jerusalem. Coincident
with this we find among Jews and Christians a belief that
the Roman emperor, after making himself God's opponent,
would be overthrown, and that his destruction would
precede the new era. Jews called him (see Judaism,
pp. 138-140, 239 n) Beliar. Christians termed him the
LAWLESS ONE, 29 that is, THE HEATHEN, a term replaced
afterwards by that of Antichrist, 30 a conflict being ex-
pected between him and the true Christ.
The effort to erect the emperor's statue in the Temple
was probably manoeuvred by the Eoman aristocracy and
foiled by the younger Herod Agrippa, who must have
visited Eome for that purpose. 31 It seems to have been
made from Samaria, where its designers may have secured
co-operation from some of the less religious Samaritans. 32
29 See Barnabas, in note 21, and 2 Thess. 2, 8, in Judaism, p. 236.
80 "The resurrection of the Just . . . which takes place after the ad-
vent of Antichrist." Iren. cant. Hceres. 5, 35, 1. "'It is necessary . . .
that Antichrist should first come, and then that the true Christ, our Jesus,
should appear.' " Clem. Horn. 2, 17.
81 Tacitus tells us indirectly (An. 12, 54) that the Jews were expect-
ing Claudius to attempt putting his statue in the Temple. Josephus
mentions ( Wars, 2, 12, l) a difficulty at the Temple in which, according
to his no doubt exaggerated account, ten thousand Jews were killed ;
and attributes the commotion, as also some subsequent ones, to causes so
trifling as to imply that for some reason he has avoided telling the truth.
We find, moreover, in the same writer ( Wars, 2, 12, 7) that the younger
King Agrippa, who visited Rome perhaps with special reference to this
difficulty, confronted there the Roman governor and THE SAMARITANS ;
and in the writings of Paul (see Judaism, p. 236 n) we find a passage
scarcely explicable unless some such effort had been arrested by Agrippa.
32 Justin Martyr mentions (Apol. 1, 26, 56) that in the time of Clau-
dius a statue had been voted to a Samaritan named Simon, whom Justin
identifies with Simon Magus. A statue to a Sabine deity, which has
been dug up on an island in the Tiber, may have misled Justin, who was
9.] NERO'S RETURN. 35
Whether the Eoman emperor, at a yet earlier date, had
been regarded as the aspiring opponent whom God was
to crush, may admit question. Between A. D. 41, when
Caligula was murdered, and A. D. 52 or 53, whose occur-
rences we have just narrated, the Jewish aristocracy had
been inventing falsehoods against Caligula. 33 Whether
the charge against him, of intending to put his statue in
the Temple, had any existence before A. D. 52 or 53, is a
matter of inference. The Jewish aristocracy, who in ex-
culpation of their own crimes had been maligning him,
may not have invented this particular charge until the
action of their political associates, the Eoman aristocracy,
had rendered it necessary.
Of Beliar, or Antichrist, or of any questions connected
with such a being, not a trace appears in the Gospels.
9. Nerds Return.
Blended with the preceding head, was the belief held
by many Jews and Christians, subsequently to Nero's
death, in A. D. 68, that Nero would return as Beliar, or
Antichrist.
Among heathens the belief that he would, return had
nothing supernatural connected with it, being based on
the supposition that he was not dead. In the course of
a lifetime it died out.
Among Jews and Christians an anticipation existed
that he was to come back from the Underworld, or from
some locality outside of this life, and that his return was
to precede the new era. 34 Of this belief not a word ap-
pears in the Gospels.
not critically gifted, and who may have known only at second-hand con-
cerning the statue there. Yet thaj^iy co-operation with patricians
should have been rewarded \>j them with a statue, or at least with the
voted promise of one, is natural enough. The death of Claudius may
have prevented its erection. Compare preceding note.
33 See Judaism at Home, pp. 187 - 140.
34 See Judaism at E,ome, Appendix, Note F.
36 INDIEECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. HI.
10. Conflagration of the World.
A belief had originated among Hellenist Jews, and
been adopted by Stoics, before the Christian era, that the
world would undergo a renovation by fire, from which it
would emerge in pristine excellence and beauty. 35
Christians adopted, even in Apostolic times, the belief
in such a conflagration. 36 In the second and subsequent
centuries 37 it prevailed to no small extent.
No allusion appears in the Gospels to this expectation,
one of the most vivid which prevailed among Christians.
11. God Devoid of Name.
In the controversy between Christians and heathens no
little stress was laid by the former on an assertion that
the Supreme and Uncreated God must necessarily be de-
void of name. 38 In heathen lands, where the Gentile gods
had names, this view of the Christians originated natu-
rally and acquired prominence.
85 See Judaism, pp. 44, 45, 55-57.
86 "The heavens and the earth, which are now, by the same word are
kept in store, reserved unto fire against the day of judgment and perdition
of ungodly men. . . . The heavens being on fire shall be dissolved, and the
elements shall melt with fervent heat. Nevertheless, we, according to
his promise, look for new heavens and a new earth, wherein dwelleth
righteousness." 2 Pet. 3, 7, 12, 13. Compare Judaism, pp. 485, 486.
87 " Sibylla and Hystaspes say that there will be a dissolution of corrupt-
ible things by fire." Justin Martyr, Apol. 1, 20. "The prophetic
spirit fore-indicated through Moses, that there will be a conflagration."
Apol. 1, 60. " We affirm that the conflagration will take place thus."-
Apol. 2, 7. "The wicked demons strive to persuade you that there will
be no conflagration for the punishment of heathens." Apol. 1, 57. Com-
pare a conjectural emendation of editors, Apol. 1, 45 ; in Otto's edit. p.
228, note 3. "Some one [among Stoics? or heathens?] will say . . .
that the conflagration will take place at stated times, but I [that it will
take place] only once." Tatian, Oral. 25; Opp. p. 104C, edit. Otto;
p. 265 B, edit. Maran. See also Judaism at Rome, p. 45, note 15.
88 See Underworld Mission, p. 152 n, 3d edit. p. 146 n, and compare in
the present work a citation from Eusebius in Ch. VIII. note 4.
12.] OLD TESTAMENT PREDICTIONS. 37
No allusion to it appears in the Gospels. The term
God appears in them as having a well-settled meaning,
which permitted no questions concerning it.
12. Old Testament Predictions.
In Apostolic times we find quotations made from the
Old Testament, and arguments based upon these quota-
tions, in proof that Jesus was the Christ. 39
In the second century, after the Jewish rebellion under
Hadrian, Christians, or at least a large portion of them,
had a mania for arguments of this class. 40 Passages from
the Old Testament, which often needed laborious and
improbable explanations, as a means of forcing them to
Eredict circumstances in the life of Jesus, were quoted at
jngth and treated as conclusively plain. The Jews were
treated as wilfully blind and obstinate in their refusal to
accept these interpretations. The professed discussions
with, or arguments against, them were probably intended
for circulation among Gentiles, and passages therein
quoted as arguments were urged on Gentiles, as if they
admitted no other explanation.
The inability of Christians to use their own records in
behalf of their assertions predisposed them to stretch
other arguments to their utmost. The author of the Co-
hortatio ad Graecos calls attention to the preservation of
these Old Testament predictions by the Jews, as a work
of Providence, since the Christians, by quoting from writ-
ings preserved in the synagogues of their enemies, would
be free from suspicion of having tampered with them. 41
The stress laid on prophecy may be inferred from an
objection to the heathen deities, made by Commodianus,
that they had not been predicted. 42 He meant, probably,
89 Acts 2, 25-36 ; 13, 32-37; 18, 28.
40 Judaism at Rome, pp. 344 - 346.
41 Ch. 13, Justin, Opp. p. 48 E.
42 "No one prophesied beforehand that he (Saturn) would be born."
Commodianus, Instruct. 6, line 13. "You pray to so many gods . . .
nor were they themselves predicted." Instruct. 8, 11. 8, 9.
38 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. III.
that beings who came into existence without having been
foretold had nothing divine about them.
In the Gospels there is no quotation from the Old
Testament extant, on which Jesus is represented as bas-
ing an argument for his Divine mission. Two passages ^
might raise the question whether he believed the Old
Testament to contain such predictions, but no quotation
of them, with an argument from them by Jesus, is to be
found in the Gospels. 44 This certainly would not have
been the fact, if Christians of the second century, or even
of Apostolic times, had fabricated or interpolated them
with reference to their own conceptions of truth.
13. Jesus as Deity of the Old Testament.
A little after A. D. 150 45 the opinion was broached
among Christians that Jesus was the God who had spoken
to the Patriarchs, had shut the door of the Ark after
48 One of these passages (John 5, 39, 46, 47), though frequently under-
stood as an appeal to predictions, favors by its connection the suppo-
sition that Jesus had in view the moral and religious instructions of
Moses, written with reference to himself, that is (see Judaism, p. 394),
to prepare the way for his mission. The impediment specified by Jesus
as preventing belief on him is not an inability to decipher predictions,
but that, " you have not the love of God in you. . . . How can you
believe who accept honor from each other and seek not that honor which
is from the Only God ? . . . Had you believed Moses you would have
believed me, for it was with reference to me that he wrote."
The other passage (Luke 24, 25 - 27) admits either supposition, that
Jesus referred to predictions or to moral instructions, yet the latter is
favored by a subsequent remark of the disciples (24,32): "Did not
our hearts bum within us ... as he opened to us the Scriptures ? " An
explanation of predictions would have exercised the mind rather than
warmed the heart.
44 Jesus appeals (John 5, 32 - 34) to the testimony of John, though
alleging that it ought to be needless ; he appeals (John 5, 36) to his
miracles and (John 7, 17) to the character of his teaching, but in no
instance does the record contain an explanation by him of the manner in
which an Old Testament prediction is applicable to himself.
45 See Appendix, Note M.
14.] PERSONAL APPEARANCE OF JESUS. 39
Noah, and whose presence was in various ways recorded
in the Old Testament. This view had in the third
century gained considerable foothold, but it is difficult
to say whether within a quarter of a century after its
origin it found adherents enough to create any strong
probability of its ingress into the Gospels, if at that date
they had been in process of formation. The probability
will seem stronger or weaker, according to the hold on
the minds of Christians which the reader supposes the
above view to have taken.
The view of course does not exist in the Gospels.
14. Personal Appearance of Jesus.
In the latter half of the second century, and the first
half of the third, a mania, as already said (see 12),
existed among many Christians for misapplying to their
Master passages from the Old Testament, which they had
deluded themselves into regarding as predictions. 46 They
treated the words of Isaiah, " He had no form, nor come-
liness, that we should look upon him, nor beauty, that we
should take pleasure in him," 47 as spoken of Jesus, and
put into their Master's mouth the twenty-second Psalm,
of which verse 6 reads, "I am a worm, and not a man ;
the reproach of men, and the scorn of the people." tt
Justin repeatedly mentions " the first coming of Christ,
46 See Judaism, pp. 344 - 346, with the explanation there given as to
what strengthened this mania.
47 Ch. 53, 2, Noyes' tram.
48 Justin, though treating the Psalm (Dial. 98-106) as spoken by Christ,
interprets verse 7 (Dial. 101) as indicating merely Jewish contempt for
him. Origen, in his Homily on Exodus (7, 8 ; Opp. 2, 156 A), though
understanding the passage as spoken by Jesus, does not apply it to his
personal appearance, nor do the Homilies on Luke which are sometimes
erroneously attributed to him. See Horn. 14 ; Orig. Opp. 3, 948 F. Ter-
tullian, however (adv. Judceos, 14, p. 228 B), quotes it separately from
the rest of the Psalm, and in a connection which indicates that he so ap-
plied it. Probably Justin and in this instance Origen shrank from an
interpretation which their heathen opponents were over-willing to see
and use even without Christian aid.
40 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. III.
in which it was foretold that he should appear without
honor, and UNSIGHTLY and mortal." 49
The Pseudo-Thaddeus is represented as telling Abgarus,
" To-morrow gather together all the citizens, and then in
their hearing I will . . . inform them of the coming of
Christ, . . . and about the MEANNESS and DESPICABLENESS
of his outward appearance." 50
A passage in the Sibylline Oracles says of Christ : " Not
in glory, but as a mortal [on the way] to his trial he will
come, pitiable, dishonored, DEVOID OF FORM, that he may
give hope to the miserable." 61
Whether Irenseus meant to affirm the same unsightli-
ness, may be a question. His language favors it. 52
Statements and quotations such as the foregoing were
admirably adapted to furnish material for heathen hu-
morists and controversialists who wished to caricature the
Founder of Christianity. Nor were they slow to avail
themselves of the offered material. Celsus says: "Since
the Divine spirit was in the boay [of Jesus], it ought
entirely to surpass those of others in size, or beauty, or
strength, or voice, or majesty, or persuasiveness, for it is
impossible that he, in whom the divinity is present more
than in others, should in no wise differ from another ; but
this [body] differed nothing from another, but, as they
say, was SMALL and UNSIGHTLY and IGNOBLE." 53
Origen replies that Celsus ignores opposite delinea-
49 Dial. 14. Compare similar statements in cc. 49, 85, 100, 110 ; pp. 52 D,
158 B, 288 A, 336 E, 364 E. Justin evidently lays emphasis on these
statements.
60 See fuller quotation in Appendix, Note F.
61 Book 8, 256, 257. Compare in Appendix, Note J, No. 3.
52 " They who say ... ' He will take on himself our infirmities, and
will bear our weaknesses' [Is. 53,4], announced the cures which were
performed by him. Some also predicted that ' he would come to Jerusa-
lem as a man INFIRM and INGLORIOUS, and knowing how to bear infirm-
ity' [Is. 53, 3] and sitting on the foal of an ass." Irenaeus, cont. If ceres.
4, 33, 11 - 12.
58 Celsus quoted by Origen, cont. Gels. 6, 75 (requoted 6, 77) ; Opp.
edit, de la Rue, 1, pp. 688, 689 ; edit. Lommatzsch, 19, p. 425.
14.] PERSONAL APPEARANCE OF JESUS. 41
tions of Jesus in the Scriptures. He says : " Confessedly
there is written the things [said] concerning the body of
Jesus having been unsightly ; but not as set forth, that it
was ignoble, nor is it clearly manifested that it was small." M
He then quotes, as equally apposite to Jesus, the words of
Psalm 45, 3, "Gird thy sword upon thy thigh, mighty
in thy stateliness and beauty," 55 and asks, "How does
(Celsus) not see the superiority of the body of Jesus (and
its consequent usefulness) in its ability to appear to be-
holders as it ought to be seen by each one ? " K
Origen had already mentioned that Jesus had not
merely the unsightly body, but also the glorified one, in
which he appeared with Moses and Elijah ; 57 yet it is evi-
dent that besides these two forms of unsightliness and
glory, he assumed a changeability in the personal appear-
ance of Jesus. In at least one other instance he utters
the same view. 58 Whether this were a conviction, or a
temporary mental expedient for meeting an opponent's
argument, is not obvious, though the latter is the more
probable.
5* Cont. Gels. 6, 75 ; ed. de la Kue, 1, 689 B ; Lommatzsch, 19, 426.
55 Cont. Cels. 6, 75 ; ed. de la Rue, 1, 689 - 690 ; Lommatzsch, 19, 427.
56 Cont. Cels. 6, 77 ; edit, de la Rue, 1, p. 690 D ; edit. Lommatzsch,
19, 429.
67 Cont. Cels. 6, 76.
68 The following translation is from Norton's Genuineness, Vol. 3,
p. 174, and is, he says, "considerably abridged" from the original.
" 'A tradition has come down to us, that Jesus had not only two forms,
that in which he was seen by all, and that in which he was seen by his
disciples at his transfiguration ; but that he appeared to every one in
the form of which he was worthy ; and that (at times) when present, he
appeared to all like another person. Thus he resembled the manna,
which had a different taste for different individuals, accommodated to
every man's liking. And this tradition does not seem to me incredible.
But if it were so, we may explain why the multitude which accom-
panied Judas, though they had- often seen Jesus, nevertheless needed
some one familiar with him to point him out to them, on account of the
changes of his form."' Origen, Series Comment, in MaM. 100 ; Opp.
3, p. 906, edit, de la Rue ; Vol. 4, p. 446, edit. Lommatzsch.
42 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTOEY. [CH. rv.
Absence of this folly from the Acts of Pilate renders
probable that it originated after their composition.
Possibly some Christians may, even during the mania
above mentioned, have revolted at the thought of attrib-
uting to their Master, without historical evidence, an
unsightly appearance. Clement of Alexandria, by his
general tone of reference to Jesus, renders improbable
that he can have shared the disposition to treat him as
personally repulsive. A forged letter in the name of
Lentulus, 69 an assumed heathen, has come down to us,
which must have been an effort by some Christian to
counteract the foregoing folly. It ascribes to Jesus per-
sonal stateliness and beauty. This though the miracles
receive a passing mention is the chief object of the
letter, and places it in marked contrast to other pseudo-
heathen or pseudo-Jewish records of Jesus, which testify
mainly to his ministry and miracles.
Concerning the personal appearance of Jesus not a
word appears in the Gospels; neither unsightliness nor
beauty is attributed to him.
CHAPTEE IV.
CHRISTIAN CUSTOMS.
IN some respects customs are more likely than mere
opinions to cause collision or friction between those who
observe different ones. In so far as we can feel assured
of this having been the case touching Christian usages,
they afford a strong and independent argument for integ-
rity of the Gospels.
1. Concerning the Sabbath.
Jewish Christians continued in most cases, equally with
non-Christian Jews, to rest from labor on the seventh day,
59 See the letter in Appendix, Note D.
1.] CONCERNING THE SABBATH. 43
and to assemble on it for religious services. Gentile
Christians found difficulties in the way of observing any
day of rest, especially in times of political excitement.
In such times a man of standing would have risked pros-
ecution for observance of Foreign Kites, had he kept the
seventh day as one of rest, while many slaves and many
free laborers would not have been allowed control of their
time.
We find in the Apostolic Age that Paul treats the
sabbath as not binding on Gentile Christians, 1 and his
tone indicates that there was no little feeling on the sub-
ject. He urges that those who deemed one day more
holy than another, and that those who deemed ALL DAYS
alike, should not interfere with or condemn each other.
His own views are plainly expressed that the Gentile
Christians should not keep the sabbath.
In the second century, after the imbittered war between
Jews and heathens under Hadrian, we find intense feel-
ing in discussions concerning the sabbath. A portion of
the Christians treat the Jews as utterly foolish for ob-
serving any day of rest, and speak of the sabbath as a
temporary institution, imposed upon the Jews because of
their hard-heartedness. 2
1 See Ch. II. note 11.
2 Portions of this discussion from Paul (Galat. 4, 9, 10 ; Coloss. 2, 16,
17), Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and the Epistle to Diognetus have already
been given in Ch. II. note 11 ; see also Rom. 14, 5, quoted in Ch. II.
note 6.
Irenseus, equally with some other writers, takes ground that the sab-
bath was a temporary institution for the Jews, intended as a sign, or
reminder, of an agreement between them and God. He argues : " The
prophet Ezekiel [20, 12] says the same concerning sabbqths : ' I have
given them my sabbaths that they may be for a sign between me and
them,' . . . and in Exodus [31, 16, 17] God says to Moses, 'and you shall
observe my sabbaths, for it will be a sign to you with me, as regards
your race. ' These things, therefore [circumcision and the sabbath], were
given for a sign." Irenaeus, 4, 16, 1.
Tertullian says : " Finally, whoever contends that the sabbath is
to be observed until the present time as a means of salvation ... let
44 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. IV.
Of this discussion and of the acrimonious feeling occa-
sioned by it not a word appears in the Gospels. The
sabbath is there recognized (Mark 2, 27) as made for man,
not man for the sabbath. Nowhere do we find a word
implying that it had come to an end.
2. Sunday as a Day of Religious Gatherings.
Concerning the origin of Sunday service, no historical
statement has been left us. Circumstances render prob-
able that it originated towards the close of A. D. 52 or in
A. D. 53. At that date a political condition of things
rendered it dangerous for Gentiles to observe even in a
limited degree the Jewish sabbath. 3 Paul, on separating
from the Jewish synagogue at Corinth, seems to have
commenced holding services on the first day of the week. 4
In the second century Sunday was regarded as a day
of religious joy. Christians on that day were not allowed
either to fast or kneel, and, when called to pray, were
told, " Stand perfectly straight." 5
The custom of meeting on Sunday for religious service
him teach that the JUST MEN of former time [that is, those before Abra-
ham or Moses] kept sabbaths . . . and were thus rendered friends of
God. ... He (God) commended his (Adam's) offspring, Abel, when
offering sacrifices to himself, though .... keeping no sabbath."' Adv.
Judceos, 2.
" Those who were conversant with the old order of things have come
to a new hope, no longer sabbatizing but living a life agreeably to the
Lord's Day." Ignatius, Magnes. 9 ; al. 3, 3. See citation from the
epistle ascribed to Barnabas in Oh. III. note 21.
8 See Judaism, pp. 228 - 22y.
4 See Judaism, pp. 234, 239, 240. On the different terms " First
Day," " Eighth Day," " Lord's Day," and " Sunday," see Judaism, pp.
68-70.
5 See Underworld Mission, pp. 80, 81 ; 3d edit. pp. 77, 78. The
term sabbath as a designation for Sunday had no existence for centuries
after the Christian era. Christians of the second and of several succeed-
ing centuries would have spurned any one as recreant to the Master who
had dared to treat the day of that Master's victory over Death and the
Underworld as the Jewish sabbath.
2.] SUNDAY AS A DAY OF RELIGIOUS GATHERINGS. 45
led gradually to abstinence from any occupations which
might distract attention from, or mar the effect of, these
services. This doubtless was the chief reason for re-
nouncing ordinary business, although Tertullian, the ear-
liest writer who mentions such Sunday rest, attributes it
to a different cause. 6
Eastern Christians, though equally attentive as Western
ones to an erect position on Sunday, differed from them
by showing a similar respect for the seventh day or sab-
bath, 7 a respect which sometimes awakened ire in their
western and more anti-Jewish brethren. 8
6 Tertullian says : " On the day of the Lord's resurrection we ought
not only to abstain from it [kneeling] but from every anxiety . . . de-
ferring even business, lest we should afford opportunity to the Devil [of
rendering us anxious]." De Oral. 18. An anxious or clouded face
would have been deemed derogatory to the Master's triumphal day. The
Christians individually, and in legislative enactments, designated Sun-
day as a festival, and subsequently needed perhaps on this account to
guard the more against its devotion to public amusements. An extract
or two are here added. Others can be found in Rheinwald's Archaeology,
61. In A. D. 321 an edict of Constantino (Cod. Justin. 3, 12, de
feriis, 3), after forbidding lawsuits and mechanical arts on Sunday, per-
mits harvesting. Somewhat later another edict (Cod. Theod. 2, 8, de
feriis, l) determines "all should have liberty of emancipating on [our]
FESTAL day." The connection implies- that Sunday is the day meant.
The edicts will be found in the CORPUS JURIS CIVILIS, Vol. 2, col.
250.
Those who favored resting on Sunday are careful to guard against any
supposition that it is the sabbath. The Council of Laodicea says
(c. 29) "that it is not proper for any Christians ... to avoid work on
THE SABBATH, but . . . to show higher honor to the Lord's Day IF they
can avoid work."
7 The observance of both days is advocated in the Apostolic Con-
stitutions, 7, 23 : "We make festival days of the sabbath AND the
Lord's Day. The one as a remembrance of the creation, the other of the
resurrection."
8 "As concerns kneeling also [our habits of] prayer suffer diversity
through a certain few who on the sabbath [seventh day] abstain from
kneeling. . . . The Lord will favorably grant either that they [the dis-
sentients] give up, or that they practise their opinions without scandal-
46 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. IV.
If we turn to the Gospels we find no direction uttered
by the Savior as to the manner in which Sunday should
be observed, or as to whether it should be observed at all.
"We find, also, no such terms as "Lord's Day," "Eighth
Day," or "Sunday," but merely the Jewish term "First
Day."
3. Eating of Blood.
Among Jews a belief prevailed that the life or soul
was in the blood, so that if the blood remained in cooked
meat the life or soul would be eaten equally as the
body. This gave rise doubtless to the prohibition in
Genesis, 9 a prohibition which is deemed binding by
Jews even at the present day, 10 and has been adopted in
the Greek Church, 11 a Church more influenced than the
Latin one by Jewish views.
Jewish Christians retained the belief or prejudice in
which they had been brought up. The favorite argu-
ment 12 against the obligation of Gentiles to obey what
were deemed Mosaic institutions did not apply to the
present prohibition. When the Apostles and elders at
Jerusalem debated this with other matters, there was (Acts
15, 7) " much disputing." Peter's statement seems to have
effected a decision that the Mosaic ritual law was not
binding on Gentiles, but to this the following answer was
obvious. If we assume that the Mosaic law is not bind-
ing, how does that justify us in releasing Gentile Chris-
izing others. " j Tertullian, De Orat. 18 ; al. 23. Compare, however,
(in Rheinwald, p. 160, note 2) views of Tertullian, De Jejun. 14, after he
became a Montanist.
9 "But flesh with the life thereof, which is the blood thereof, shall ye
not eat." Gen. 9,4.
10 If it be true that needless suffering is caused to slaughtered animals
for the sake of freeing them from all blood, it could be wished that Jews
might learn to regard the eating of blood in a different light.
11 "The Eastern Church has continually preserved this abstinence
[from blood], and preserves it even now." Routh, Religuice Sacrce, 1,
note on p. 343.
12 See note 2, and in Ch. II. note 11.
3.] EATING OF BLOOD. 47
tians from an obligation which existed before the Mosaic
law ? The present precept was given before the time of
Moses, and cannot therefore have been intended for Jews
only.
The Apostles and elders evidently did not see their way
clear to meet this objection, and, in writing to the Gentile
Christians, they include abstinence " from blood and from
things strangled " as among necessary observances. 13
The question caused sharp disputing among the early
Christians, but in the Gospels we find no word concern-
ing it. The statement of Jesus (Matt. 15, ll ; Mark 7, 15),
that a man is not defiled by what enters his mouth but by
what proceeds from it, does not accord with the view that
13 "It seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to us to lay upon you no
greater burden than these NECESSARY things. That you abstain from
meats offered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and
from fornication." Acts 15, 28, 29. The allusion to the Holy Spirit
means probably that they INTERPRETED Peter's vision as a communica-
tion from God which justified them in NOT requiring from Gentiles an
observance of the Mosaic ceremonial law, though they did not infer from
it any exemption from other obligations, or supposed obligations, which
they specify.
In the Letter from the Churches of Lyons and Viennc it is said :
"How should they [the Christians] for whom it is not lawful to eat
the blood of unreasoning animals eat children ? " Routh, Reliq.
Sacrce, 1, 304. Tertullian says : " Your error [concerning] Christians
should cause a blush, since we do not have even the blood of animals
among our articles of food, since we abstain, moreover, from things
strangled . . . lest we should be contaminated by any blood." Apol.
9 ; Opp. pp. 10 D, 11 A. Clement of Alexandria says : " To human
beings it is not lawful to touch blood, since to them the body is merely
flesh, operated [vivified ?] by blood. Human blood participates in the
logos [reason ?] and shares with the spirit the [Divine] favor." Pcedag.
3, 25, al. 3 ; Opp. p. 267, edit. Potter. Minucius Felix also states (Octa-
mus, 30, p. 154) that Christians do not reckon blood in their list of eat-
ables. These writers, except Clement of Alexandria, belong to the
semi-Jewish school of Christians. Origen mentions (emit. Cels. 3, 29)
the letter of the Apostles and elders above cited, but prefixes to it the
words of Jesus (Matt. 15, 11 ) that not the things which enter the mouth
but those which come out defile us, and the remark of Paul (1 Cor B, S)
48 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. IV.
blood in the food must be avoided, nor is it so specific on
this point as it would have been made by the opposite
party of Christians.
4. Baptism.
The date when baptism originated is unknown. A
question addressed to John the Baptist implies that it
existed before his time. 14 Probably Jewish belief in the
uncleanliness of heathens had prompted the ablution of
converts to Judaism, and this ablution came thus to be
considered as an initiatory rite.
Subsequently to the Savior's ministry, when the Apos-
tles were diffusing their Master's religion, baptism seems
to have been commonly administered to those who ac-
cepted their teachings. Whether it were the universal
form of admission may be open to question, though
admissions without it cannot have been numerous. We
even find mention in one locality of vicarious baptism, 15
which implies that those who practised it must have
imagined the rite a necessary one.
In the second century baptism seems to have been the
generally accepted form of admission. Great importance
and efficacy were attached to it. None but the baptized
were, if we may credit Justin Martyr, admitted 16 to the
that food does not determine our acceptability to God. Augustine states
(cont. Faustum, 32, 13 ; Opp. 6, p. 200, col. 2 C) that the avoidance of
things strangled and of blood had about died out in Gentile cKurches
where there was no admixture of Jews. He may have referred specially
to Latin ones.
14 The question addressed to John (John 1, 25) is not concerning the
meaning of baptism, but " WHY baptizest thou ? " The questioners seem
to have been acquainted with baptism and to have wished information
merely as to why John practised it.
16 Baptism for the dead (1 Cor. 15, 29) indicates that some had been
baptized for their departed relatives or friends.
16 j n w hat manner we have dedicated ourselves to God, being created
anew through Christ, we will now relate. ... As many as are persuaded
... are led by us where there is water ... are born again, for they
perform this bathing ... in the name of the Father of all things and
4.] BAPTISM. 49
Lord's Supper, which had already become something mys-
terious ; yet we find dissentients.
" Those wretches excite questionings. They say, ' bap-
tism is therefore unnecessary [for those] to whom faith is
sufficient.' " 1T
If we now turn to the Gospels we find that although
Jesus was baptized, yet the only baptism of those who
followed him was performed by his disciples, not by him-
self (John 4, 2), and there is no statement that this bap-
tism was by his direction. Some dispute on the subject
took place between John's disciples and a Jew or Jews, 18
the former of whom seem to have felt sore on the sub-
ject. 19 Thereupon Jesus left that section of country 20
and during the rest of his ministry not the slightest allu-
sion is made in three of the Gospels to baptism 21 and but
one mention of it in the remaining Gospel. That mention
occurs in the following direction of Jesus : "Go and
make disciples of all nations [baptizing them into the
name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit]
teaching them to observe all things which I have com-
manded you." ffl
Master-God, and of our Savior Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit."
Justin Martyr, Apol. 1, 61.
" This nourishment is called among us the Eucharist, of which it is not
permissible for any one to partake unless . . . bathed with the bathing
for remission of sins and for regeneration." Justin Martyr, Apol. 1,
66. Compare views of Hermas quoted in Underworld Mission, pp. 58,
69 ; 3d edit. pp. 55 - 57.
17 Tertullian, de Baptismo, 13. Tertullian's opponents (de Baptismo,
11) call attention to the fact that Jesus did not baptize.
18 " Then there arose a question between some of John's disciples and
the Jews, about purifying." John 3, 25.
19 " And they came unto John, and said unto him, Rabbi, he that was
with you beyond Jordan, to whom you bore testimony, behold, the same
baptizeth, and all men come to him. " John 3, 26.
20 <1 He left Jude'a, and departed again into Galilee." John 4, 3.
21 The concluding verses appended to Mark's Gospel (16, 9 - 20) are
known to be spurious. Compare on this subject Ch. XL note 10. The
Gospel as written by Mark ends with verse 8.
22 Matt. 28, 19, 20. Compare Appendix, Note A, 15. The bap-
50 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. IV.
In this instance, and in this only, we have in one of
the Gospels a custom of the second century unknown to
the Apostolic Age. 23 The question may arise whether the
passage in brackets be not due to some marginal comment
which has crept into the text ; whether it be supposable
that if Jesus had given such a direction the Apostles
would have omitted to comply with, and teach obedience
to it. Compare last line of page 86.
The formula, whether it belongs or not to the text,
originated earlier than the doctrine of the Trinity. We
find it in Justin Martyr, who wrote half a century before
any deification of the Spirit as a person. 24 He treats the
formula as common at a date when, as may be inferred
from his writings, the deification of Jesus was incipient
or unknown. On its origin see Appendix, Note P.
5. The Lords Supper.
Jesus at the close of his ministry, when partaking for
the last time of a meal with those who had been com-
panions of his ministry, asked them that when subse-
tismal formula however, as it exists in Matthew, is not found in the
Acts of Pilate. Did it originate later than that document ?
28 The formula in the Apostolic Age appears in the following passages :
"They were baptized in THE NAME OF THE LORD JESUS." Acts 8,
16. " He [Peter] commanded them to be baptized in THE NAME OF THE
LORD." Acts 10, 48. "They were baptized in THE NAME OF THE
LORD JESUS." Acts 19, 5. "Be baptized and wash away thy sins,
calling on THE NAME OF THE LORD." Acts 22, 16.
24 At an earlier date than the one mentioned above, the Alexandrine
Gnostics (concerning whom see Judaism, pp. 331 - 336) personified the
Holy Spirit as an aeon. "Whether they regarded these seons as real beings
may be doubted, but according to their statements Christ and the Holy
Spirit were developed subsequently to Man and the Assembly. No
thought, therefore, of deifying either can have had place in their minds.
Neither Christ nor the Holy Spirit in their system belonged to the first
or higher Ogdoad of the seons. See Norton's Genuineness, 1st edit.
Vol. 3, pp. 113 - 130, and compare, in Judaism, a note on pp. 353,
354.
wu.
CH. V.] DESIGNATIONS FOR GOD. 51
quently they were at any time together, they should, in
remembrance of him, break bread and drink a cup of
wine.
In the second century we find that Christians, in copy-
ing this custom, had mingled with it conceptions to which
the Master nowhere alludes. Had they originated the
Gospel narrative the simple request of Jesus would have
worn a much more marvellous appearance
CHAPTER V.
DESIGNATIONS FOR GOD.
AMONG heathens the term god, equally as the term
man, was a common noun, designating any or every god,
but specifying no one in particular. 1 If they wished to
specify some one god they did so by using his name.
Christians alleged, as already stated (see p. 36), that
the Supreme Being was devoid of name : that he had no
need of a name, since he had no equals from whom he
needed to be distinguished. They said that he could not
have a name because there was no one older than himself
who could have named him. 2
In addressing heathens, however, the Christians found
constant need of using some designation for the Supreme
Being, which should prevent their words from being mis-
applied to any other. Sometimes they termed him " the
God without a name." 3 In other instances they used
1 See Judaism at Rome, pp. 2-4.
2 See quotations in Underworld Mission, p. 152, note t ; 3d edit,
p. 146, note 5. Compare in the present work Ch. VIII. note 4.
8 'Avw6fjM(TTos, Tatian, Orat. 4 ; Just. Mart. Apol. 1, 63, p. 262 C.
On this and other designations by Christians compare Judaism, p. 352,
note 46. For designations used by Jews among heathens see Judaism,
p. 4, note 4.
52 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. f CH. V.
designations, several of which are subjoined with a slight
attempt at classification.
" The true God " ; " Him who is really God" ; " the sole
God " ; " the unborn " or " unoriginated God " ; " the first
God" ; "the ineffable God" or "the God not to be con-
versed with." 4
" The Father of Justice " ; " the Just Overseer " ; " the
God not to be swayed " nor " bribed." 5
" The God free from suffering " ; " the imperishable
God"; "the ever-existing God" ; "the eternal God." 6
"The God of all things"; "the Master-God"; "The
All-Euler"; "King of the Heavens"; "God over the
world." 7
"The Creator"; "God the Maker"; "God, Maker of
< 6e6s d\7)8iv6s, Justin Martyr, Apol. 1, 53, p. 242 C. 6 6rrw 6e6s,
or Bebs 6vrw &v, Just. Apol. 1, 13, p. 164 E ; Clem. Alex. Protrept. 23,
Paed. 1, 88, pp. 20, 150. 6rrus (JL&VOS &v, Clem. Alex. Paed. 1, 71, p. 140.
0eds aytwijTos, Cohort, ad Graecos, 22, p. 66 A ; Just. Mart. Apol. 1, 14,
25, 49, 53, 2, 6, 12, 13, pp. 66 A, 164 B, 190 B, 234 B, 240 A, 296 D, 310
C, 312 D ; d7^77To$, Athenagoras, Legal. 4, 8, 22, pp. 20 B, 38 D,
108 B. 6 Trpuh-os 0e6$, Just. Apol. 1, 60, p. 256 B. 0e6s AppijTos, Just.
Apol. 1, 9, 61, 2, 12, 13, pp. 154, D, 260 D, 310 C, 312 D.
6 Harrip 5t/cato<ri5^s, Just. Apol. 1, 6, p. 148 C. ruv irdvruv ^T^TTTTJS
SI'KCUOS, Just. Apol. 2, 12, p. 310 A. 0e6s drpeTrros, Just. Apol. 1, 13,
p. 164 A. otSt dwpoSoK-rrrtos, Tatian, Oral. 4.
6 0eos avaQfa Just. Apol. 1, 25, p. 190 B ; Athenag. Legat. 8, p. 38 D ;
Clem. Alex. Strom. 2, 40, p. 450. 0e6s d^Oapros, Just. Dial. 5, p. 28 D.
0eds dei &v, Cohort, ad Graec. 22 ; Just. Apol. 1, 14, pp. 66 E, 164 A.
dtdios, Cohort, ad Grsec. 22, p. 66 A (comp. 25, 26, pp. 74 A B, 76 D) ;
Athenag. Legat. 22. p. 108 B.
7 T&v irdvruv 0e6s, Just. Apol. 1, 58, p. 252 A. debs o-v/jnrdvrwv, Clem.
Alex. Paed. 1, 74, p. 142. TWV 8\w 0e6s, Strom. 2, 45, p. 453. de<rir 6x775
or SeorTrofwv 0e6s, Just. Apol. 1, 12, 14, 32, 36, 40, 44, 46, 61 [bis], 2, ",
pp. 162 A, 166 D, 206 C, 212 E, 218 A, 224 C, 230 D, 258 A D, 296 D.
3e<T7r6T7;s r&v 6Xwi/, Clem. Alex. Protrept. 10, 9C, p. 77 ; Tatian, Oral. 5.
TratTOKpdTwp, Just. Dial. 16, 96, 130, 142, pp. 56 B, 328 A, 456 A, 462 D ;
Clem. Alex. Paed. 1, 84 ; Strom. 4, 172, pp. 148, 641. Theophilus, ad
Autol. 1, 4, p. 14 D. Ba<riAei>j TWV ovpavw, Just Apol. 2, 2, p. 288 C.
K6<rnoi> Oefc, Just. Dial. 60, p. 200 A.
CH. V.] DESIGNATIONS FOR GOD. 53
the world " ; " Maker of the universe " ; "Architect [of the
world]." 8
" Parent of all things " ; " Father of the universe " ;
" Father of things visible and invisible " ; " Father of the
Heavens " or simply " the Father," meaning " the Origi-
nator" or sometimes, in accordance with Jewish usage,
" the watchful Parent." 9
Possibly some heathen may have treated these epithets
as equivalent to names, since a Christian writer parries
any such view. 10
If we turn to the Gospels we find that the appellatives
for the Deity are simply those which had been common
among Jews in their intercourse with each other. They
show no traces of Christian effort to prevent heathen
misconception.
8 KTtcmJs, Just. Apol. 2,6, p. 296 D. 0e6$ 6 Troikas, Just. Apol. 1, 58,
p. 252 B. 0eds rbv Trdvra Kt>ap.ov irorfffas, Just. Apol. 2, 5, p. 294 A.
rov KOO-/J.OV Troths, Athenag. Legat. 8 [bis], 10, pp. 38 D, 42 C, 48 - 50.
6 TTOOJTTJS TWV irdvrwv, Just. Apol. 1, 20, 58, 67, pp. 180 C, 252 A, 268 D.
7rot7p-7js roOSe TOU iravr6s, Just. Apol. 1, 26, p. 194 B, Athenag. Legat.
4, 30, pp. 22 C, 160 D ; De Resurrect. 18, p. 262 D. 0ed$ Syfuovpybs, Just.
Apol. 1, 8, 13, 23, 26, 58, 63, pp. 152 A, 162 C, 186 C, 192 A, 252 A, 264
B ; Athenag. Legat. 10, 13, pp. 48 - 50, 58 B ; Clem. Alex. Paed. 1, 73,
p. 141.
9 Oeds airdvTW yevvrfrajp, Just. Apol. 1, 13, p. 164 A. irar^p r&v irdivuv,
Just. Apol. 1, 8, 12, 32, 40, 45, 46, 2, 6, pp. 152 A, 162 A, 206 B, 218 A,
228 D, 230 D, 296 D. irar^p TOV iravrfc, Athenag. Legat. 13, p. 58 B.
irarrip rwv 8\uv, Just. Apol. 1, 44, 61 [bis] 63 [ter], 65, pp. 224 C, 258 A D,
264 B C [bis], 266 D ; Clem. Alex. Paed. 1, 35, 68, 3, 40, pp. 129, 138,
278. TTOTT?/) alffQrrr&v Kal aopdruv, Tatian, Orat. 4. irarty TUV otpav&v,
Just. Apol. 2, 2, p. 288 C.
10 " The terms Father, and God, and Creator, and Lord, and Master,
are not names, but appellations [derived] from his benefits and actions. "
Just Mart. Apol. 2, 6 j Opp. I, p. 296 D.
54 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VI.
CHAPTER VI.
TERMS APPLIED TO CHRISTIANS.
1. ^<re/3et<?, Unbelievers.
IN the contest between Judaism and heathenism, and
subsequently in that of Judaism and Christianity against
heathenism, certain terms came into existence as des-
ignations for those who had given up heathenism. Dur-
ing political embitterment the active use of these terms
was such that we find them frequently occurring in his-
toric literature. Had the Gospels been in process of
formation during such times, it is hardly possible that
some of these epithets should not have been mentioned,
and that those deemed unjust should not have been con-
demned.
One of these terms was "Unbelievers." "We find it in
active use at Rome when Jesus was yet teaching in Ju-
dea, though then it can have applied only to monotheists,
or their allies in the popular party. The aristocracy had
endeavored by conspiracy and open revolt to overthrow
Tiberius and crush the popular party. They" had mur-
dered many of its leaders and prominent members. When
order was restored and the murderers were prosecuted
for their crimes, they retorted with charges of Unbelief. 1
If the prosecutor alleged : You murdered my brother or
my relative, the answer was : You do not believe in the
Gods ; or, You do not believe in the divinity of Augustus.
A notable instance of this has been given in the latter
half of note 14 in Ch. II. The aristocracy subsequently
resorted to the same charge against others, whenever they
deemed it for their political interest so to do. 2 Against
Christians it was a common charge.
1 For a fuller account see Judaism, p. 211, note 85, and for the politi-
cal condition under which it occurred see the same work, pp. 631 - 534.
2 See Judaism, pp. 7-10, 473-474, and 534, note 114.
2, 3.] ATHEISTS. CHRISTIANS. 55
The term Unbeliever, or Unbelievers, does not occur
in the Gospels. This would have been very improbable
if they or any of them had been fabricated in Europe, or
perhaps even in Asia, at a later date.
2. Atheists.
Towards the close of the first century the term ATHE-
ISTS came into use as a designation for Christians. The
use of this term was not confined to Italy or to Europe,
for we find it used by the Jewish aristocracy in Judea.
A relative of the Emperor Domitian was put to death on
a charge of Atheism ; and Polycarp was asked to save his
life by saying, " Destroy the Atheists." The term must
from the close of the first century have been actively in
use as a designation for Christians, who of course earnestly
denied the propriety of such usage. 3 The term is not
found in the Gospels.
3. Christians.
The term CHRISTIANS 4 came into use already in Apos-
tolic times, as a designation for the followers of Jesus.
It must have been widely current both in Europe and
Asia before the last quarter of the first century.
Heathens sometimes altered the word Christos or Chris-
tus, Christ, to Chrestos and Chrestus, a term to which
Clement of Alexandria gives an ethical meaning of his
own and to which others objected. 5
Neither of these terms occurs in the Gospels ; their
absence would be very remarkable were the Gospels fab-
ricated in the second century, or even at the close ot
the first.
8 See citations from different writers in Judaism, pp. 473, 474, foot-
notes 52-57.
4 " The disciples were called Christians first in Antioch." Acts 11,
26. "Then Agrippa said to Paul : You almost persuade me to become a
Christian." Acts 26, 28. "Yet if any man suffer as a Christian, let
him not be ashamed." 1 Peter 4, 16.
6 See Judaism, Ch. VIII. note 136.
56 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VIL
4. Third Race.
Christians occasionally spoke of themselves as a new,
or distinct race, 6 meaning to distinguish themselves from
Jews and heathens. This prompted heathens to desig-
nate and persecute them as a "Third Eace." No such
term or allusion to it occurs in the Gospels.
CHAPTEE VII.
TERMS USED BY CHRISTIANS.
1. 'A<TJ3r)S t d<re'l3eia t a
CHRISTIANS equally with Jews, when brought into con-
tact with Gentiles, needed terms to express the various
classes of the latter. They designated a heathen as
do-eySrjs, an Unbeliever. Heathenism they termed dcre/3eta,
Unbelief, or non-recognition of God. By ai/o/xo?, LAW-less,
they understood a heathen, or a Monotheist who did not
accept the ceremonial law ; and by dvo/xia, LAW-lessness,
the non-acceptance of this law. This special sense of the
words law-less and law-lessness did not of course prevent
their being used in their common signification of a trans-
gressor and transgression.
These terms were in use, the first two in common use,
6 Peter uses it (1 Pet. 2, 9) in connection with nation and people, as
one of several designations for Christians. See other uses of it in Juda-
ism, p. 474. Tertullian stoutly objects to it. "Have Christians a dif-
ferent kind of teeth, or a different opening for their jaws 1 . . . We are
called a third race, dog-tailed, perhaps, or shadow -footed, or it may
be Antipodes from below the earth. . . . Ridiculous madness. . . . But
we are deemed a third race because of our religion not of our national
origin as Romans or Jews." Ad Nat. 1, 7, 8 ; p. 53 A D, edit. Rigault.
Elsewhere he speaks of the heathen with their circus : " Where they can
readily cry out, how long to the third race 1 " Scorpiace, 10, p. 628 B.
2, 3.] TERMS USED BY CHRISTIANS. 57
among Christians outside of Judea, and are not infre-
quent in the Apostolic writings. 1 In the Gospels the
first two do not occur, nor in the sense above mentioned
is either of the latter to be found. 2 This would be dif-
ficult to account for, at least as regards the first two, if
the Gospels were anything different from what they pro-
fess to be, honest records of events in Judea.
2. Sepdpevosi <f>o/3ovfjL6vo<;.
These terms were common ones among Jews and Chris-
tians, resident in heathen communities, to designate a
CONVERT to the belief in one God. 3 The former of them
does not occur in the Gospels, and the latter, though
occurring twice in Luke (1, 50 ; 18, 2), is nowhere in the
Gospels used in this peculiar sense.
3. JBucre/Seta, eucre/37J9.
Jews and Christians used the above terms to designate
practical -monotheism and a practical Monotheist, 4 one
who lived in accordance with his obligation to God.
These terms were common outside of Judea, and appear
several times in the Apostolic writings, 6 but are un-
known to the Gospels.
s, Rom. 4, 5, 5, 6 ; 1 Tim. 1, 9 ; 1 Peter 4, 18 ; 2 Peter 2, 5,
3, 7 ; Jude, 4, 15. 'A<r?/3eia, Rom. 1, 18, 11, 26; 2 Tim. 2, 16; Tit. 2,
12 ; Jude, 15, 18. "Avo/uos, Acts 2, 23 ; 1 Cor. 9, 21 ; 2 Thess. 2, 8 ;
1 Tim. 1, 9 ; 2 Peter 2, 8. 'Avofjda., Rom. 4, 7. On the use of this
word see Judaism, pp. 467, 468.
2 In Mark 15, 28, and Luke 22, 37, is the quotation from Isaiah
(53, 12) "He was reckoned with the LAW-less," meaning apparently with
transgressors, a use of the word different from that above noted. 'Avo/jda
occurs four times in Matthew, but nowhere in the specific sense above
mentioned.
8 See quotations in Judaism, p. 471.
4 See quotations in Judaism, pp. 465 - 467.
5 EtV^Seia, Acts 3, 12 ; 1 Tim. 2, 2 ; 3, 16 ; 4, 7, 8 ; 6, 3, 5, 6, 11 ;
2 Tim. 3, 5 ; Tit. 1, 1 ; 2 Pet. 1, 3, 6, 7, 3, 11. EiJ<re/3^s, Acts 10, 2, 7 ;
22, 12 ; 2 Pet. 2, 9.
58 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VII.
Closely related to the foregoing is the verb evo-epw, to
monotheize-practically, and the adverb ew-c/fos, practically
monotheistic, which occur with sufficient frequency in
Christian writers to strengthen the argument somewhat
by their non-appearance in the Gospels.
4. Beoa-effeia,
These words with some of their cognates appear fre-
quently in Christian writings of the second and third
centuries, 6 so that their absence from the Gospels, with
the one exception noted below, 7 would have been unlikely
if they had been written or in course of accretion dur-
ing the second century. The argument is less applicable
to the Apostolic Age, because at that date the question
of evo-eySeia, practical-monotheism, that is, the question
whether a man could PRACTICALLY recognize God without
becoming a Jew, overlaid, as a subject of discussion, any
question of mere conversion to monotheism.
5. '.48eA.<oi, feW, Train-e?.
The first of these words, Brethren, came into use, at
least among Jewish Christians, in the Apostolic Age to
denote their fellow-Christians of Jewish origin. 8 The
second, Foreigners, was used to denote Christians of Gen-
tile descent. 9 The third term, All Men, was a designation
for both classes, namely, Jews and Gentiles. 10 In some
6 See Judaism, pp. 460-465.
7 In the Gospel of John (9, 3i) tfetxre/STjs is represented as used by one
who had been cured of blindness. Jesus is nowhere said to have uttered
a word concerning 0eo<re/3ers, large as was this class of believers in God
outside of Judea.
8 See Judaism, p. 255, note 211. 9 Ibid.
10 Rom. 3, 22, 23 ; 5, 12, 18 ; Gal. 3, 28 ; 3 John, 12. The Cohortatio
ad Grsecos (c. 14) contrasts the words Monotheists and All Men. Under
the latter term its author intended to include reputed heathens. He
may have had in mind Stoics, but more probably referred to the writers
of certain Jewish documents temporarily in circulation with a professedly
heathen authorship. On these documents, see Judaism, pp. 336-342.
6.] TERMS USED BY CHRISTIANS. 59
cases it meant only such of these as had become Chris-
tians, though it is also used to designate non-Christians,
whether Jew or Gentile.
In the peculiar sense above mentioned these words do
not occur in the Gospels.
6. ALKCUOI, Just Men.
This was a term for those who, prior to the time of
Moses, or else prior to the time of Abraham, were said
to have been acceptable to God. 11 Two ages, or eras, of
Just Men were recognized. In Irenaeus these ages may
have been from Adam to Noah and from Noah to Abra-
ham. He uses the word patriarchs for those acceptable
to God during the period from Abraham to Moses, 12 and
the term prophets for subsequent teachers in the old dis-
pensation.
In Justin Martyr 13 and in Hernias w the first age of
Just Men must mean those from Adam to Abraham, who
were deemed just without circumcision, and the second
age those from Abraham to Moses who, though circum-
cised, did not observe the Mosaic Law.
11 See Underworld Mission, 3d edit., pp. 5, 9, 11, 12, 21.
12 " The whole remaining multitude of those who prior to Abraham
were Just, and of those patriarchs who lived prior to Moses, were justified
without the things already mentioned and without the Mosaic Law."
Irenseus, cont. Hceres. 4, 16, 2. Compare citation in Ch. II. note 11,
where the second age of the world commences with Noah.
The "things already mentioned" mean circumcision and the sabbath,
yet Irenaeus inconsistently identifies (4, 15, 1) the Decalogue (which
commands observance of the sabbath) with the "natural precepts which
from the beginning God implanted in men," and speaks of precepts or a
covenant (3, 11, 8) given through Noah. Compare 4, 16, 3. The cove<
nant through Noah was, according to his Greek text, the first of four 5
the second being through Abraham, the third through Moses, and the
fourth through Jesus.
18 The distinction of Just Men into two ages seems distinctly implied
in Justin's Dialogue, 27, cited in Ch. II. note 11, though I believe that
he nowhere uses the phrase "two ages of Just Men."
14 Compare Similitude, 9, 3, with its explanation in 9, 15, both cited in
Underworld Mission, p. 58 ; 3d edit. p. 56.
60 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VH.
In the Gospels the term Just Men occurs once (Matt.
13, 17), but without being used in a controversial sense.
Not only is it there unopposed to those under the Law,
but it is grouped with them as if they were parts of one
whole.
7. Jesus Christ
While Jesus taught in Judea the question was debated
whether he were the Christ. This term had not yet been
conjoined to the word Jesus as part of one name. In
the Gospels the Master is almost universally called
Jesus, a term which occurs more than six hundred
times. 16 If the word Christ be at any time employed
it is as an official title, usually with the prefix THE, 16
and we also find Jesus THE Christ. 17 The exceptions 18
confirm, rather than militate against, the inference to be
drawn from this usage.
15 In the Glasgow edition of Schmidt's Concordance the word Jesus,
as quoted from the Gospels, occupies more than eleven and one half
columns, and occurs about fifty-four times in each column.
16 Matt. 1, 17 ; 2, 4 ; 11, 2 ; 16, 16 ; 22, 42 ; 23, 8, 10 ; 24,5, 23 ; 26,
6a. Mark 8, 29 ; 12, 35 ; 13, 21 ; 14, 61 ; 15, 32. Luke 2, 26 ; 3, 15 ;
4, 41 (bis) ; 9, 20 ; 22, 67 ; 23, 35, 39 John 1, 20, 25, 41 ; 3, 28 ; 4, 25,
29, 42 ; 6, 69 ; 7, 26, 27, 31, 41 (bis), 42 ; 10, 24 ; 11, 27 ; 12, 34 ; 20, 31.
In all these passages the article is in the Greek text prefixed.
In the following four instances the article is omitted, but the word
Christ is nevertheless used as an official title. "A Savior who is [the]
Christ, [the] Lord." Luke 2, 11. "We found this man . . . alleg-
ing himself to be [the] Christ, [who is a] king." Luke 23, 2. "If
any one should acknowledge him [as the] Christ." John 9, 22.
"That they know Thee [as] the only true GoJ, and thine envoy Jesus
[as the] Christ." John 17, 3.
Matt. 16, 20.
18 The exceptions will be better understood by classification under two
heads, those which pertain to the ministry of Jesus and those which do
not. To the former class belong two passages.
Mark 9, 41 : " Whoever shall give you a drink of water in my name
[because you are Christ's] I say to you in truth he shall not lose his re-
ward." The question may be raised whether the bracketed words have
been added in after times as an explanation. If so, they have in some
authorities displaced part of those which precede them.
1.] PUBLIC GAMES. 61
Had the Gospels been written, either in Apostolic or
post- Apostolic times, by persons not conversant closely
with the history of Jesus, the phraseology of these times
would inevitably have been applied to the Master. Jesus
Christ would have been a customary term.
CHAPTEE VIII.
MISCELLANEOUS QUESTIONS.
1. Public Games.
IN those provinces of the Eoman Empire which were
under control, not of the prince, but of the senate, public
games were a common occurrence. In the western por-
tion of the Empire, that is, in Italy, Gaul, North Africa
(which must not be understood as including North Egypt),
and perhaps in Greece and Spain, these barbarous amuse-
ments involved frequent destruction of human life, and
were in some cases the means by which a political party
in power wreaked its malignity on some of its opponents.
Probably in Asia Minor and Syria the strong influence
which the Jews exercised may have mitigated these bar-
barities. Public opinion may there and in North Egypt
have condemned sacrifice of life for human amusement,
and have rendered the Games comparatively harmless.
Yet even these countries, or such of them as were under
immediate control of the senate, were at times heavily
taxed to furnish the pecuniary means for perpetrating
John 1, 17 : "Favor and truth came through Jesus Christ." John
speaks this in his own person. He wrote when old, and when the term
Jesus Christ had become familiar as a name.
To the second class belong three passages, only one of which, if any,
proceeded from an evangelist. They are Matt. 1, l, 18 (concerning which
see Appendix, Note N) and the heading of Mark's Gospel, 1, 1. These
show how prone Christians would have been to use Christ as a name
when not recording his actual history.
62 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VHI.
these barbarities on a grand scale elsewhere. 1 We find
that such games, in a milder form perhaps, were being
exhibited at Ephesus when Paul was there. 2
At a later date in letters from Home during Paul's first
and second imprisonment, we find allusions to these
games, prompted perhaps by some of them which had
taken place in Italy. 3
In post- Apostolic writers we not infrequently find men-
1 See in Judaism, p. 72, mention of the JMilitian tribute from which
Cicero's brother had relieved the provincials.
2 The Asiarchs mentioned (Acts 19, 31) were officers from different
localities who superintended, or gave at their own expense, these games.
Their presence at Ephesus renders it highly probable that the games were
in course of exhibition when Paul was there. We find in a letter which
he wrote at this date three or four allusions to, or illustrations taken
from, the public games. Paley might have added to his Horce Paulinas,
this coincidence between the Acts and Paul's epistles. Asiarchs is in
the common version not very expressively- jendered by "chief of Asia."
Paul's allusions to the public games are as follows : " Know ye not, that
of those who run in the race-course all run, but one receiveth the prize ?
Thus run, that ye may obtain. And every one who contendeth in the
games is temperate in all things ; they, however, to obtain a perishable
crown, but we an imperishable. I therefore so run, not as one uncer-
tain ; I so fight, not as one striking the air. " 1 Cor. 9, 24-26 ; Noyes'
trans. " If after the manner of men I have fought with beasts at
Ephesus, what advantageth it me, if the dead rise not ? let us eat and
drink ; for to-morrow we die." 1 Cor. 15, 32. "I think that God has
exhibited us apostles last as [those in the public games] condemned to
death."! Cor. 4, 9.
8 The Epistle to the Ephesians was written during Paul's first impris-
onment at Rome. In it is the statement, "Wo wrestle not against flesh
and blood, but against principalities, against powers, against the world-
rulers of this darkness." Ephes. 6, 12. Again : In the Epistle to the
Philippians: "Forgetting the things behind, and straining towards
those before, I press toward the goal the prize of the upward call from
God through Christ Jesus." 3, 13, 14.
The Writer to the Hebrews borrows also a simile from these games.
" Seeing we also are encompassed by so great a cloud of witnesses, let us
lay aside every weight, and the sin which [like a cloak] might so easily
entangle us, and let us run with endurance the race lying before us." -
12,1.
1.] PUBLIC GAMES. 63
tion of, or illustrations taken from, these games. 4 Chris-
tians were often sacrificed in them either by being pitted
against wild beasts or in some other way. It would even
seem that in the time of Claudius and Marc Antonine
lions had been taught to slowly mangle their victims.
At least the historian's language presents no intelligible
meaning except this. 5
In the Gospels we find from the Teacher of teachers no
word on the subject of these games ; no condemnation of
them as barbarities ; no answer put into the mouth of his
followers, which might aid them in escaping ; no word of
encouragement to assist them in enduring these atrocities.
The second Epistle to Timothy was written during Paul's second im-
prisonment. In it he says, " If a man contend in the games, he is not
crowned, unless he contend lawfully." 2 Tim. 2, 5.
4 See Clem. Alex. Strom. 2, 110, cited in Underworld Mission, p. 97 ;
3d edit. p. 93. Even Christ is termed (Doct. Orient. 58) " mighty
athlete," and in Letter from Lyons and Vienne (Routh, JKeliq. Sac.
1, 311 ; Euseb. Ecc. Hist. Vol. 2, 23, ed. Heinich.) "mighty and irre-
sistible athlete." This letter is mainly devoted to an account of barbari-
ties practised against Christians in that neighborhood during the public
games. Among other atrocities mention is made (Euseb. Ecc. Hist.,
Vol. 2, p. 32, edit. Heinichen) of a Christian woman enclosed in a net
and exposed for a bull to toss as an amusement to the brutal spectators.
Compare in Judaism, p. 335, note 10, mention from the same letter of
another victim. The question whether God (cp. Ch. III. 11) were
devoid of name seems to have been among test questions addressed to
Christians. " Attains, . . . being asked what name God has, answered :
God has not a name like a human being." Euaebius, Ecc. Hist. 5, 1 ;
Vol. 2, p. 29, ed. Heinich. Tertullian devotes a treatise, de Spedaculis,
to the subject of public games.
6 See Dio Cass. 60, 13, 71, 29, quoted in Judaism, pp. 75, 361. Dur-
ing the reign of Tiberius public butcheries in the games were not allowed.
Under Caligula, probably during his illness, one such occurrence took
place which caused him to abolish the games and to utter an earnest re-
proof to those who had been willing witnesses of such doings. It must
have been the public opinion cultivated during these two reigns, which
compelled Claudius to have the lion killed. Marc Antonine was a better
man than Claudius, so that his permission for the torture and murder of
human beings by a trained lion implies a degeneracy and growth of bar-
barism at Rome between A. D. 41 and A. D. 161.
64 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VIII.
2. Slavery.
Slavery among the Jews must have been confined to
the households of a few among their princes or rulers.
In heathen or semi-heathen lands it was common, and at
Eome it existed in an aggravated form so as to force itself
constantly on public attention. 6
In the Epistles we find references to slavery, 7 though
perhaps fewer than would have occurred had not Apos-
tolic teaching found its chief supply of converts among
the partly monotheized Greeks, rather than among the
Latins.
In the Gospels Jesus is nowhere represented as lay-
6 See Judaism, pp. 86-89, 172 note 86, 315 note 109, 320 note 124,
455 note 130. A Roman law required, in case of a master being mur-
dered, that all his slaves, innocent or guilty, should be executed. Such
an atrocity took place in A. D. 61 (see Judaism, p. 88), though not
without opposition from the people. Plutarch mentions (Judaism,
p. 306) a law, probably of Domitian, that a slave, by giving up claim to
freedom, could demand sale and change of master. Hadrian transferred
to the Courts (Judaism, p. 325) the under Trajan grossly abused
capital power of masters over slaves.
7 " Are you called being a bondman, do not feel concerned, but, more-
over, if you can become free prefer to serve." 1 Cor. 7, 21. The con-
clusion admits an opposite translation, " Avail yourself of the opportun-
ity." " Bondmen, be obedient to them that are your masters according
to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto
Christ." Ephes. 6, 5. "Bondmen, obey in all things your masters
according to the flesh ; not with eye-service, as men -please rs ; but in
singleness of heart, fearing God." Coloss. 3, 22. "Masters, give
unto your bondmen that which is just and equal ; knowing that you
also have a Master in heaven." Coloss. 4, 1. " Let as many bond-
men as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor,
that the name of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed." 1 Tim.
6, 1. " Exhort bondmen to be obedient unto their own masters, and
to please them well in all things ; not answering again." Titus 2, 9.
The Epistle to Philemon was specially written with reference (see verses
10-21) to the bondman who carried it. "Slaves of the household, be
subject to your masters with all fear ; not only to the good and gentle,
but also to the froward." 1 Peter 2, 18
In the foregoing the word translated bondman usually designates one
who is so born.
3.] TWO WARS. 65
ing down rules for the relation between master and slave,
or as teaching specially either the permissibility or the
wrongfulness of slavery. Three times in them we find
the recorded mention of a born bondman or bondmen,
SoA.o9, SovAot, 8 but no mention of, or allusion to, avSpaTroftov,
one who has been made a slave, large as was this un-
happy class among heathens.
3. Two Wars.
In the history of Judea during the first and second
centuries we find two wars, one beginning in the reign
of Nero, and the other in that of Hadrian, which could
scarcely have escaped mention in the Gospels if these
had been fabrications or accretions during this period.
No gift was more lauded by public opinion than the
capacity of foretelling future events, and persons in pre-
paring a fictitious narrative would almost assuredly have
put into the mouth of Jesus predictions as to the course
and termination of both contests. In the former of these
wars the temple was destroyed. 9 Immediately before, or
during, the latter a temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was
placed on its site. 10
8 Jesus is represented as curing the bondman of a centurion. Matt.
8, 5- 13. Compare Luke 7, 2-10. A nobleman is represented as being
told by his bondmen that his son had recovered. John 4, 51. Two
bondmen of the high priest are also mentioned. John 18, 10, 2G. Com-
pare Matt. 26, 51, Mark 14, 47, Luke 22, 50.
9 According to Josephus ( Wars, 6, 4, 5), it was burned, the burning
being due to the unauthorized act of an individual soldier contrary to
the will of Titus. According to Orosius, 7, 9 (cited in Ch. IX. note 2),
Titus had it destroyed AFTER BEING DECLARED EMPEROR by the army.
Any such declaration placing him in antagonism to his father must
have come from the patrician element, which was to be found more among
the officers than among the soldiers. A statement by Josephus ( JVars,
6, 4, 7) that Titus with his officers entered the Holy of Holies, accords
best with the last-mentioned narrative. Titus, even if reluctant to
destroy the temple, was easily swayed by patricians, so as usually to
become their tool. Compare Sibyl. Orac. 1, 393, 394, quoted in Appen-
dix, Note J. No. 1.
10 See Judaism, pp. 325, 326.
66 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VIII.
4. Philosophy.
In the Greek-speaking countries where Judaism had
preceded Christianity, the term Philosophy frequently
designated love of moral wisdom, a use of the term
which was carried by the Stoics and their disciples into
Europe. 11 The same term was used for mental specula-
tions of various kinds.
In the former of these significations Clement of Alex-
andria doubtless uses it when he speaks of Philoso-
phy as a schoolmaster, 12 preparing the Greeks as the
Law did the Jews for Christianity. The different senses
of the word were often confused by undiscriminating
minds.
Christians were divided in their views as to the origin
of Philosophy. Some thought that it came from the
Devil ; others that it came from the Deity. 13 The respec-
11 See Judaism, p. 49 n.
12 "We should not err in saying that Philosophy was given to the
Greeks, especially as a 'Testament' [or 'covenant'] of their own, it
"being a basis of the philosophy which is according to Christ." Clem.
Alex. Strom. 6, 67 ; Opp. 3, 138. Clement quotes as words of the Deity
the passage (Jer. 31, 31, 32 ; Heb. 8, 8, 9) : " ' / appoint you a new cove-
nant [testament], not as I appointed to your fathers in Mount Horeb.' He
appointed a new one to you [Christians], since those of the Greeks and
Jews were antiquated." Strom. 6, 41 ; Opp. 3, 122. " Justly there-
fore the Law [was given] to the Jews but Philosophy to the Greeks until
the coming [of Christ]." Strom. 6, 159 ; Opp. 3, 198.
"Those who proclaim the atheism of Epicurus and pleasure [as life's
object], and whatever else contrary to true teaching has been 'sowed in
Grecian philosophy, are spurious fruits of an agriculture divinely given
to the Greeks." Strom. 6, 67, (al. 8) ; Opp. p. 774.
13 " Let those who say that Philosophy proceeds from the Devil under-
stand what the Scripture says, that the Devil transforms himself into an
angel of light. . . . But if he teaches as an angel of light, he speaks what
is true." Clem. Alex. Strom. 6, 66 ; Opp. p. 773. "Those who say
that Philosophy is not from God incur danger." Strom. 6,156; Opp.
p. 321. "Greek Philosophy, as some [think], is accidentally, somehow,
possessed of the truth faintly and imperfectly, and as others will have it,
is prompted by the Devil." Strom. 1, 80 ; Opp. p. 366. " Some think
that from an evil man [or the evil one] Philosophy has crept into life for
the rain of men." Strom. 1, 18 ; Opp. p. 326, Potter's edition.
4.] PHILOSOPHY. 67
tive antiquity of Jewish and heathen views mingled with
this debate. Greek Philosophy was alleged to have been
pirated from Judaism. 14 Much of the dispute as to
whether this Philosophy came from God or the Devil
may have been due to difference in the disputants as to
the kind of teaching which they intended to designate.
We find allusions to philosophy in the Apostolic 15 and
early Christian writings, 16 but not in the Gospels. Jesus
14 " All things concerning immortality of the soul or punishment after
death . . . which Philosophers and poets spoke they were enabled to
understand by taking their leading ideas from the Prophets." Justin
Martyr, Apol. 1, 44. " The poets and philosophers stole from the Sa-
cred Scriptures." Theophilus, ad Autol. 1, 14. "They [the heathen
writers] uttered what accords with the Prophets, though they were
much later and stole these things from the Law and the Prophets."
Ad Autol. 2, 37. " Moses is manifestly older than the aforesaid old
heroes, wars, demons, and we should trust the older rather than those
Greeks who have from his fountain unintelligently drawn his teachings."
Tatian, Oral. 40. "For they [your teachers] were necessitated by
the divine foreknowledge of the [prophetic] men to speak though unwill-
ingly concerning us, especially those who had been in Egypt and been
profited by the monotheism of Moses and his ancestors." Cohort, ad
Graecos, 14. Clement says : " We may show that the Hebrew Philos-
ophy is older by many generations [than the Greek]." Strom. 1, 64 ;
Opp. p. 353. " Philo, the Pythagorean, shows that of all these [previously
mentioned] the Jewish race is by much the oldest, and written Philoso-
phy among them much preceded that of the Greeks." Strom. 1, 72 ;
Opp. p. 360. "Of these things the Greek Philosophers were the steal-
ers and plunderers, taking before the Lord's coming from the Hebrew
Prophets part of the truth, not intelligently." Strom. 1, 87; Opp.
p. 369. " Concerning the tenets of Philosophers having been cunningly
put together from those of the Hebrews, we shall, after a little, treat
in detail, but now must speak of the times after Moses, through which
will be shown beyond question that of all wisdom the Hebrew Philosophy
is the oldest." Strom. 1, 101 ; Opp. p. 378, Potter's edition.
15 " The Greeks seek after wisdom." 1 Cor. 1, 22. " Then certain
philosophers of the Epicureans, and of the Stoics, encountered him."
Acts 17, is.
16 Justin Martyr wore a philosopher's cloak, and, on the title-page
of his writings, the term "philosopher" is appended to his name. He
tells us : " Philosophy is in reality the greatest acquirement and most
68 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VIII.
is nowhere represented as saying a word for or against it.
He neither commends it to his disciples as coming from
God nor cautions them against it as an invention of the
Devil.
Two different sects of philosophers are mentioned by
name once in the Apostolic, 17 and, with others, frequently
in early Christian, writings, 18 but no mention of them by
Jesus is found in the Gospels.
honored by God> to whom it alone leads and unites us." Dial. 2 ; Opp.
2, p. 8 C. "This [predicted Christian] Philosophy alone I found safe
and profitable." Dial. 8 ; Opp. 2, p. 32 C. edit. Otto.
" Plato thinks that there are Philosophers among Barbarians [i. e.
non-Grecians], but Epicurus conceives that only Greeks can philoso-
phize." Clem. Alex. Strom. 1, 67 ; Opp. p. 355. "As children dread
hobgoblins, thus the multitude dread Grecian Philosophy, fearing lest it
should carry them off." Strom. 6, 80 ; Opp. p. 780.
"The authority of Physical Philosophers gives protection as being a
possession of wisdom. Truly the wisdom of philosophers is unadulter-
ated, whose weakness is in the first place attested by the variety of their
opinions proceeding from their ignorance of the truth. But who can be
wise if devoid of truth, if he does not know God, the Father and Lord
of wisdom and truth ? " Tertullian, ad Nat. 2, 2 ; Opp. p. 65 A.
These citations, and those which have been given in notes 12, 13, 14, are
but a small portion of what appear in the early Christian writers.
See note 15.
18 The names of one or more of the Philosophic sects, Stoics, Epicu-
reans, Eleatics, Platonics, Peripatetics, Pythagoreans, and others appear
in Cohort, ad Grsecos, 4 ; Just. Mart. Apol. 1, 20 (twice), 2, 7 (twice),
Dial. 2 (five times), Opp. 1, pp. 22 A, 180 C, 298 D E, 300 A B, 310 E,
2, 8CEA, 10BD; Tatian, Oral. 9 ; Athenagoras, Supplicat. 6, 19,
22 (twice) ; Theophilus, ad Autol. 2, 4, 3, 5, 6 ; Clem. Alex. Protrept. 66
(al. 5 twice) ; Strom. 1, 51, 62, 63, 64 (al. 11, 14 three times), 2, 19, 34, 54,
101, 129, 138 twice (al. 4, 7, 12, 19, 21, 23 twice), 3, 24 (al. 3), 4, 19, 28, 123
twice (al. 5, 6, 19 twice), 5, 9, 58, 59, 60, 90, 93, 94, 96, 98, 101, 106, 140
(al. 1, 9 three times, 14 eight times), 6, 27, 139 (al. 2, 16), 7, 37, 88 (al. 7,
14), 8, 4, 10 twice (al. 2, 4 twice), Opp. pp. 58 bis, 346, 352, 353 bis,
438, 447, 458, 482, 497, 503 bis, 521, 572, 575, 618, 619, 649, 680 bis,
681, 699, 701, 702, 703, 705, 708, 712, 732, 752, 811, 852, 886, 915,
920 ; Potter's edition. In Origen, there are, according to the Index of
de la Kue, thirty-five references to the Stoics, six to the Epicureans,
fifteen to the Platonists, and sixteen to the Pythagoreans. The works of
5.] DRESS. 69
5. Dress.
When Christianity spread outside of Judea it came in
contact with Greek and Eoman society equally as with
the Jewish. Wealthy heathens were often addicted to
outside display, 19 and this tendency was not held in check
among them, as among Jews, by a sense of responsi-
bility to God, or by correct views as to the object of
life. 20 We find in the Apostolic times that a word of
caution is given on the subject of Dress, both by Paul 21
and by Peter 22 and fuller attention is given to it by Chris-
tian authors of a subsequent date. 23
Tertullian, according to Semler's Index, mention the Stoics five times
and the Epicureans five times.
Besides the foregoing the leaders or disciples of the different philo-
sophical sects are mentioned, or in some writers quoted, even more fre-
quently than the sects themselves. Compare note 53.
19 See in Judaism (p. 455, note 130) the remarks of Dio Chrysostom.
The remarks of Dio Cassius (57, ll) cited in Judaism, p. 509, imply that
the absence of display commended in Tiberius was something unusual.
Pliny Senior mentions (Nat. Hist. 33, 19, 5) that he stood near Agrip-
pina when she wore a cape woven of gold without admixture of other
material. This was during the naval battle on Lake Fucinus (Tacitus,
An. 12, 50), where persons obnoxious to the party in power were com-
pelled to murder each other for the gratification of their enemies. It is
little to Pliny's credit, considering his earlier friendships (see remarks on
Pomponius in Judaism, pp. 209-211), that he should have been present
at the scene.
20 The term heathens must not be understood as including a large class
of Gentile monotheists, whose sense of responsibility to God and whose
views of life may sometimes have compared favorably with those of their
Jewish brethren.
21 " In like manner also, that women, in seemly attire, adorn them-
selves with modesty and sobriety, not with braided hair, and gold, or
pearls, or costly apparel ; but, as becometh women professing monothe-
ism, with good works." 1 Tim. 2, 9, 10, Noyes trails, altered.
22 "Whose adorning, let it not be the outward adorning of braiding
the hair, and of wearing golden ornaments, or of putting on apparel ;
but the hidden being of the heart in the imperishable [adornment] of a
meek and quiet spirit which is in the sight of God a costly [adornment]."
1 Peter 3, 3, 4, Noyes' trans, altered.
23 Tertullian wrote two works concerning woman's dress, and one on
70 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VHI.
Had Christians outside of Judea composed the Gos-
pels from their own conceptions of what a teacher should
say, the subject of Dress would scarcely have been omit-
ted.
6. Origin of Evil.
This subject has been partly anticipated under the head
of Controversies. An opinion among Jews outside of
Judea was that the world had grown old, 24 and that the
diseases of age were upon it. This view was adopted by
the Stoics. 25 The Gnostics laid stress upon two points as
the wearing of veils by virgins. Clement of Alexandria " takes oc-
casion to speak of the proprieties of dress, and particularly female dress ;
and enters minutely into a description of a lady's toilet. He condemns
all extravagance, and a disposition to seek * the rare and expensive in
preference to that which is at hand and of low price.' He will not allow
ladies to wear ' dyed garments ' ; but he insists on the use of veils, which
must not be purple to attract the gaze of men. A chapter follows on
covering for the feet, as sandals, and slippers on which it was customary
to bestow great expense, and another, on ornaments of gold and precious
stones. On this subject, it seems, the ladies of Alexandria did not un-
resistingly submit. They ventured to argue the case with the holy
father. 'Why,' say they, 'should we not use what God has given?
Why should we not take pleasure in that we have ? For whom were
precious stones intended, if not for us ? ' This was bringing the argument
home : but Clement found means to reply, by pointing out the distinc-
tion between what is necessary, as water and air, and lies open to all ;
and what is not necessar)^ as gold and pearls, which lie concealed beneath
the earth and water, and are brought up by criminals, who are ' set to
dig for them. ' Other arguments he employs. But the advocates for the
use of ornaments rejoin, ' If all are to select the common and frugal, who
is to possess the more expensive and magnificent ? ' To this Clement re-
plies, somewhat obscurely and clumsily, by a reference to what it may be
proper for men to use, if they avoid setting too high a value on it, and
contracting too great a fondness for it. He concludes the discussion by
objecting to particular articles of female ornament, or ornaments of a
particular form ; that of the serpent, for example, which was the form
under which Satan tempted Eve, and therefore to be abjured." Lamson,
Church of the First Three Centuries, pp. 137, 138.
24 See Ch. II. note 30.
25 See Judaism, note on pp. 56, 57.
T.] SIBYLLA, BACIS, HYSTASPES. 71
causing imperfection in the world, namely, that self-
existent matter, from which it was made, was imperfect,
and that the Jewish God who made the world was but an
imperfect being. 26 The mass of Christians held that the
heathen deities, who had in some way obtained control
of the world, were (see Ch. III. 1) chief authors of its
evils. Several other explanations had more or less cur-
rency. 27 Compare Judaism, p. 362, note 12.
In the Gospels Jesus is not represented as trying to
solve this problem for his followers.
7. Sibylla, Bads, Hystaspes.
Before the Christian era a document in the name of
Sibylla had been fabricated by a Jew. 28 It and subse-
quent documents under the same name were used by the
popular party at Home in their contests with the aristoc-
racy. Some Christians also used them very freely, so as
to bring on themselves the epithet " Sibyllists." 29
28 "Of this problem [the existence of evil] the solution peculiar to the
Gnostics was twofold. . . . They taught, on the one hand, that the
Creator was an inferior and imperfect being, and, on the other, that evil
was inherent in matter." Norton, Genuineness, Vol. 3, p. 5, 1st edit.
On the subject of evil as inherent in matter, a passage of Paul may be
compared : "I keep under my body, and bring it into subjection : lest
that by any means when I have preached to others, I myself should be a
castaway." 1 Cor. 9, 27.
27 Theophilus (ad Autol. 2, 17 ; Opp. p. 106 B) maintains that beasts
originally were not destructive. " For nothing evil originated from God,
but all things were excellent, exceedingly so." He argues that if the
head of a household do right or wrong, his domestics will imitate him ;
that when man, the lord of the earth, sinned, his slaves (that is, the ani-
mal creation) followed his example. "When, therefore, man shall as-
cend to what befits his nature, no longer doing evil, they also will be
restored to their original mildness." Cp. Irenseus, cited in Ch. III. note 21.
28 See Judaism, Appendix, Note A, 2, and compare in the present
work p. 19.
29 This epithet is used by Celsus (Origen, cont. Cels. 5, 61 ) and com-
plained of by Origen, who says that Christians making such use of the
Sibylline writings were blamed by some of their fellow-Christians for so
doing.
72 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VIII.
A composition frequently mentioned with Sibylla was
named Bacis. It was probably moral rather than theo-
logical. 30
Another document also mentioned usually in connec-
tion with Sibylla was Hystaspes. 31 It may have been
of Stoic origin, interpolated by a Christian. It was pre-
dictive in character.
The Gospels contain no allusion to, or use of, these
documents.
8. Prediction and Inspiration.
The Jewish view of Inspiration, though not excluding
the idea of Prediction, gave prominence to the idea of
moral teaching under the influence of or by authorization
from God, a view transmitted to not a few Christians. 32
The heathen view had no connection with moral teach-
ing. It regarded the inspired person as for the time be-
ing insane, 33 and unguided by any operation of his or her
mind, but controlled wholly by a divine power. The only
object of this inspiration was in heathen eyes the predic-
tion of future events.
Some Christians seem to have taken in large degree the
heathen view of Inspiration. 34
This view nowhere appears in the Gospels.
80 See Judaism, pp. 454 - 459.
81 See Judaism, pp. 459, 460.
82 "The men of God filled with holy spirit and becoming irpofirjTai,
public teachers, being inspired by God himself and rendered wise, be-
came God-instructed and holy and just. Wherefore they were thought
worthy to receive in return this reward, [namely,] that of becoming
instruments of God, and possessed of the wisdom which is from him,
through which wisdom they uttered what pertained to the creation of the
world and all other things, for they predicted pestilence and famines and
wars. Not one [merely] or two, but several existed at different times and
seasons among the Hebrews, but also Sibylla among the Greeks. . . .
And first they taught with one accord that [God] made all things out of
nothing." Theophilus, ad Autol. 2, 9, 10.
83 See Judaism, p. 415, note 52.
84 Athenagoras, addressing the Emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus
9.] SPURIOUS CONVERTS. 73
9. Spurious Converts.
In Apostolic times we find allusion to converts who
did little credit to the Christianity which they professed. 35
and his son, says : " You, who exceed others in understanding and piety
as regards what is truly divine (or the true divinity), would pronounce
it unreasonable [that we], giving up belief in the spirit of God which
moved the MOUTHS of the prophets as its instruments, should attend to
human teaching." Supplicat. 7. "I think that you, being especial
lovers of learning and highly gifted with understanding, are not unac-
quainted with the [writings] of Moses, or of Isaiah, or of Jeremiah, or of
the other prophets, who, being OUT OF THEIR SENSES, under impulse of
the Divine Spirit uttered what was instilled into them, the Divine Spirit
using [them] as a flute-player a flute. " Supplicat. 9.
Justin at an earlier date seems to teach the same view in his Dialogue,
ch. 115 ; Opp. 2, p. 382 B, edit. Otto.
" A man who is in the spirit, especially when he sees the glory pf God
or speaks with God, must of necessity be out of his senses, being over-
shadowed by Divine power, concerning which [point] is the dispute be-
tween us and the psychicos non-spiritual." Tertullian, adv. Marcion.
4, 22. He had in the preceding sentence identified ecstasy (the condition
of the prophet) with amentia, which, as used by him, meant temporary
insanity.
86 See 1 Cor. 5, 1, 11, 13 ; 6, 8. 2 Peter 2, 13-15. I also understand
Paul as referring in the following passage to morally unworthy converts,
who for their own purposes misapplied his doctrine of exemption from
the Mosaic (ritual) Law. "A pillar and basis of the truth and con-
fessedly grand is the secret of practical-monotheism, which has been
manifested in human lives, attested by miraculous power in the most pub-
lic manner " (more literally, in the sight of angels, or, to use a modern
expression, in the sight of heaven), "has been proclaimed among the
Gentiles, has found credence in the world and been honorably accepted,
but the Spirit expressly says that in the last times some will fall away
from the faith, adhering to deceitful spirits, and to teachings of heathen-
ized men, hypocritically false, cauterized in their conscience." 1 Tim.
3, 15 - 4, 2. On the persons whom Paul had -specially in view compare
Judaism, p. 250.
A Jew, or Judaizer, could boast that he carried in his flesh the evidence
of his practical-monotheism. Paul probably had this in mind when he
speaks of his practical-monotheism as manifested in the flesh, that is, in
the lives of those who professed it.
74 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [cH. VIII.
In the second century we find that persons deemed
unworthy were debarred from the Lord's Supper. 36 At a
later date church discipline became more systematic, and
had numerous details for those subjected to it.
In the Gospels the Master gives no specific direction
for dealing with nominal though unworthy followers.
10. Chronology and Divisions of Time.
The Eomans counted time by the annual consulships.
The Greeks, scattered in different localities, counted it
in a variety of ways. "We find that Josephus uses the
Macedonian months 37 in giving the date at which various
events happened.
Had the Gospels been partly or wholly fictitious and
grown up outside of Judea, it seems morally impossible
that their composers should not have inserted some Greek
or Eoman divisions of time, as a means of increasing cre-
dence for their work. We find, however, no allusion to
the Greek divisions of time, though Christianity during
the first two centuries found the larger part of its con-
verts from among Greeks ; nor do we find the most accus-
tomed Eoman chronology. Luke, a physician of Syria,
mentions a taxation as commencing when Cyrenius was
governor of that province, 38 and states that John began to
preach in the fifteenth year of Tiberius. 39
86 See citations from Justin Martyr, Apol. 1, 6fi, in Ch. IV. note 16.
87 See Judaism, p. 555.
88 Luke 2, 2. The mention of Cyrenius seems natural enough in a
Syrian who had either lived under the administration of that governor or
else associated with others who had. Such mention would have been un-
likely a century later, for at that date it would have conveyed a fixed
idea of time to no one outside of Syria, and to very few inside of it.
89 Luke 3, 1, 2. In the divisions of provinces between emperor and
senate (see Judaism, pp. 83 - 85) Syria was one of the provinces under
control of the emperor. It was natural that those who were, as the in-
habitants of Syria, more immediately subject to the emperor than to the
senate, should sometimes fix dates by the year of the emperor under
whom they had lived. Had the Gospels grown up in Asia Minor or in
any senatorial province, such record of time would be unlikely.
11.] DISUSE OF WORDS JESUS AND CHRIST. 75
11. Temporary Disuse of the Words JESUS and CHRIST
by one School of Christians.
The extant works of Tatian, Athenagoras, and Theo-
philus, written about Marc Antonine's time, and the
perhaps later Epistle to Diognetus, while deifying the
Master, ignore the appellation Jesus or Christ. 40 Three
considerations may aid in discerning their motives.
Jews and Stoics had used the word Logos 41 to desig-
nate God's agency or interposition. Under the Stoic
emperor Marc Antonine it may have been deemed a safer
or more dignified title than Jesus or Christ. 42
Again : Celsus or other heathens may have already
ridiculed the personal appearance of Jesus, 43 and on this
account Christian controversialists may have sought a
term not associated with the human body.
Again : The party in power, during the reign in ques-
tion, was strongly reactionary and laid great stress on
ancient usage. In meeting this tendency Christians may
have wished to represent the teacher of their religion as
more ancient than anything which heathenism could
boast. In doing this they were tempted to ignore him
who had lived less than two centuries previously, and to
personify a teacher older than mankind.
If we now turn to the Gospels we find in one of them
40 In Theophilus 3, 24, 'I?7<roCs means Joshua. The four writers occupy
(with translation) in Otto's edition 784 pages.
Of writers in the second century who do NOT deify the Master, HERMAS
is the only one of considerable length who calls him neither Jesus nor
Christ, though Wake's version twice uses the latter word. Hermas
styles him Son, Son of God ; rarely Lord, never Logos. His non-men-
tion of the Master in Command L is noteworthy. The Clementine
Homilies, also written under Marc Antonine, use nearly forty times the
words Jesus or Christ, or Jesus Christ. In the THIRD century Minuciua
Felix uses neither word.
The De Monarchia, Oratio ad Grcecos, and Hermias are brief treatises
whose plan scarcely claimed mention of the Master. They do not iden-
tify him with the Logos, which in the Oratio ( 5) means teaching.
41 See Judaism, pp. 50, 358.
" See p. 199. 48 See Ch. III. 14.
76 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. vni.
a preliminary statement 44 concerning the Logos which
has been understood in opposite senses, as affirming or
as denying its separate existence. There is, however, in
John's Gospel, as in the others, no effort to avoid using
the words Jesus or Christ. Had any of the Gospels been
in process of formation during this period, the word Logos
would, in the school mentioned above, have replaced the
more usual terms for the Savior. The argument applies
only to a limited period of time.
12. Natural Science.
European heathens, in discussing theological questions,
such as the nature or character of the Divine Being and
the future life, mingled into their discussions matters of
natural science. The probable explanation of this is that
they found in the Greek teaching of partly monotheized
lands views of theology and natural science which were
new to them and which they associated. In Plato's trea-
tise on the immortality of the soul the earth is mentioned
as a sphere ; 45 an explanation of volcanoes is given, and
a statement is made touching water, which implies that
the doctrine of gravitation had been dimly if not clearly
reached. 46
In Cicero's work on Divination we find mentioned the
order of the planets. It is stated that Venus and Mer-
cury were between the earth and the sun, while the oth-
ers were more remote. 47
44 John 1, 1.
45 Fhcedo, 132 ; Opp. edit. Ast. 1, p. 596 E. The spherical form of
the earth seems to have been inferred (see Dio Cass. 60, 26) from the
shadow which it cast on the moon during eclipses of the latter. Dio
speaks of the shadow as conical. He must have deemed the sun opposite
the base of said cone, and therefore much larger than the earth.
46 Phcedo, 139 - 141 ; Opp. edit. Ast. 1, pp. 602 606. Plato alleges
that the waters flow down into the earth on either [every ?] side as far as
the middle, but that the opposite side (606 E) would be "uphill." He
talks, however, like a man retailing ideas to which he had listened and
which he but imperfectly comprehended.
4 ? De Divinat. 2, m, al. 43. Compare 2, 10, al. 3, and 146, al. 71.
12.] NATURAL SCIENCE. 77
Seneca, the Stoic, belonged to a sect whose views were
borrowed almost entirely from these monotheized lands.
In his writings the revolution of the earth on its axis is
stated as a theory held by several. 48
Marcion, the Gnostic, interwove with his system the
belief in three heavens, 49 which seems to have prevailed
in Asia Minor.
In the Ascension of Isaiah we find mention of seven
heavens, the system adopted by the Greeks in Egypt. 50
Clement of Alexandria seems to have shared this view. 51
The Valentinian Gnostics interwove into their system
the seven heavens already mentioned, and superadded
a Pleroma, which was doubtless the supposed sphere of
the fixed stars, a sphere which we find mentioned in
Cicero. 52
The Gospels put into the mouth of Jesus no word on
the subject of natural science. It is at least probable, if
they had been fabricated from the fancy of his followers,
that some one would have endeavored to make him seem
wise in this direction.
48 Seneca raises the question "whether the universe revolves, the
earth being quiescent, or whether the earth revolves, the universe being
quiescent. For there have been those who said that we [on earth] were
the ones whom, unconsciously to ourselves, the order of nature carries
around, and that rising and setting is not caused by motion of the
heaven." Nat. Qucest. 7, 2.
49 Tertullian, adv. Marcion, 1, 14, cited in Underworld Mission, XXI.
note 12. I surmise that one heaven was assigned to the moon, one to
the sun, and a third to the stars.
50 The sun, moon, and five then known planets were each regarded as
occupying a distinct heaven.
51 See Underworld Mission, XXL 3.
62 De Repub. 6, 10 ; Somn. Scip. 4. The latter of these documents is
in Greek, the former in Latin. One, however, is a mere duplicate or
translation of the other. The document in Greek contains (see Judaism,
Ch. VII. note 23) a number of expressions technical in Jewish theology
and obviously borrowed from Judaism.
78 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. VIII.
13. Literary Heathens.
Certain literary characters among the heathens, such
as Plato, Homer, and others, are discussed, some of them
copiously, by Christians 53 in the second and third quar-
ters of the second century. Had the Gospels been at
that date in process of formation, some criticism upon
these heathen writers would almost inevitably have been
put into the Master's mouth.
14. Persecutions.
Any remarks of Jesus w on the subject of persecution
are far less full than they would have been made by his
followers in the second century.
63 The references to Plato in the Indexes of various authors are as
follows : In Justin Martyr, forty-five ; in Clement of Alexandria, ninety,
three ; in Tatian, three ; in Athenagoras, ten ; in Theophilus, thirteen ;
in Vol. 1 of de la Eue's Origen, sixty-three, and in Vol. 4, twenty-five ;
in Irenseus, four.
The references to Homer are : In Justin Martyr, eighteen ; in Tatian,
five ; in Athenagoras, five ; in Theophilus, six ; in Irenseus, nine ; in
Clement of Alexandria, fifty-six ; in Vol. 1 of de la Rue's Origen, eleven,
and in Vol. 4, one.
54 " You will be hated by all men for my sake. . . . When they per-
secute you in one town, fly to another ; and if they drive you from that
town, fly to yet another." Matt. 10, 22, 23. " They will lay hands on
you and persecute you ; they will deliver you over to synagogues, and
put you in prison, and bring you before kings and governors for my
sake." Jjuke 21, 12. "If they have persecuted me, they will perse-
cute you also." John 15, 20. " They will put you out of their syna-
gogues ; nay, the hour is coming, when he who kills you will think that
he is offering a sacrifice to God." John 16, 2, Norton 's trans. The
disciples would as yet have failed to comprehend a mission to the Gen-
tiles had it been foretold to them.
1.] EMPERORS. 79
CHAPTEK IX.
EOMAN POLITICS.
1. Emperors.
HAD the Gospels undergone accretion in Italy it is
almost impossible that they should have contained no al-
lusions to the emperors who influenced the external his-
tory of monotheism. No allusion, however, is made in
them to any emperor whose reign began later than the
ministry of Jesus. In respect to some of the emperors
this would be a remarkable fact if the Gospels were not
honest efforts to record the life of Jesus by persons con-
versant with what they narrated. Two of the emperors
who became prominent in Christian theology have al-
ready been mentioned. 1 Others became prominent in the
history of monotheism.
Under Titus, who had been left by his father in com-
mand of the army, the temple at Jerusalem was destroyed.
This must have been done by advice of the patrician fac-
tion, who were prompting him to rebellion against his
father. While hesitating to rebel, he hesitated to destroy
the temple ; when he decided on rebellion, the temple
fell. 2 He afterwards assumed a crown at Alexandria,
but his father must have found means to reclaim him.
1 See Ch. III. 8, 9.
2 Titus "deliberated long whether he should burn [the temple] as
being an incitement to enemies, or whether he should preserve it as a
testimonial of victory. . . . Titus, [on] being proclaimed emperor by the
army, burned and pulled down the temple in Jerusalem." Orosius,
7, 9 ; Opp. pp. 479, 480. "You with iron teeth gnawed the house."
Sibyl. Orac. 3, 329. Josephus states ( Wars, 6, 4, 5) that a soldier set
the building on fire, contrary to the will of Titus. His object probably
was to shield that emperor from odium incurred by the transaction. He
was often accommodating to the wishes of patricians (cp. Judaism, Ch.
V. note 126, with Ch. II. note 26), and they not infrequently, after
carrying their point, liked to throw the odium of it upon others.
80 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. IX.
The only allusion in the Gospels to destruction of the
temple 3 is accompanied by the remark, " Of that day and
hour knoweth no man . . . NEITHER THE SON, but the
Father. 4 " This cannot have come from a Christian anx-
ious to magnify his Master's foreknowledge.
The reign of Domitian, under whom, though perhaps
contrary to his will, Monotheists were murdered and ex-
pelled, 6 would, if the Gospels were fictions, have probably
been foretold.
Hadrian would hardly have escaped mention.' He exe-
cuted some of the aristocracy, and, as a matter of course,
was deemed unfaithful to heathenism and to its deities.
In order to regain standing as an orthodox heathen, he
thought it necessary to commit the folly of stripping
himself to nudity, and in this condition, in a public place,
tugged an unfortunate lamb to an altar on which he sac-
rificed it. A medal is still extant commemorating the
procedure. 6 He carried on war against the Jews, but
gave some protection at least to Christians.
Trajan, the warrior, who preceded Hadrian, and the
Antonines who followed him, would scarcely have es-
caped mention.
In the Sibylline Oracles we find all these emperors
foretold. In Book 5,11. 12-51, they are described seria-
tim. In Book 8, 11. 50 - 58, mention is made that fifteen
of them should reign, and a description is there given of
Hadrian. In Book 12, 11. 13 - 223, a much fuller account
of the emperors from Augustus to Commodus is predicted,
with a designation of Julius CaBsar as dictator prior to
Augustus.
8 Matt. 24, 2 ; Mark 13, 2 ; Luke 21, 6. These passages make no
allusion to any destruction by fire.
4 Mark 13, 32. In Matt. 24, 36, it reads : " Of that day and hour
knoweth no man, no, not the angels of heaven, but my Father only."
Compare Sibyl. Orac. 1, 393-395, quoted in Appendix, Note J.
5 See Judaism, pp. 279 - 282.
6 Orosius, p. 489, Leyden edit. Compare Judaism, Ch. VI. note 34.
2, 3.] CONGEST WITH GREEK CULTURE. 81
2. Political Personages.
We find depicted in a monotheistic writing 7 Agrippina,
sister of one einperor, wife of another, and mother of an-
other, who for a time ruled her husband and the Eoman
world. 8 We also find in a Christian writer 9 mention of
Capito, the most prominent of patrician lawyers, the head
of a legal school, who is contrasted with the lawgiver
from Judea.
Had any accretion to the Gospels taken place in Italy,
these and other political personages would scarcely have
been overlooked.
3. Contest with Greek Culture.
In Italy Greek Culture was regarded as nearly allied
in many ways to monotheism and popular rights, and
therefore antagonistic to patrician privileges. 10 The be-
lief in an incorporeal God, common among Jews and
Christians, is treated by Cicero as a not uncommon opin-
ion among Greeks. 11 Jewish and Christian views on
morality were largely held by Greeks in the lands where
monotheism had spread, and when Greeks from these
lands came into Italy they brought their views with them.
7 See Sibylline Oracles, 3, 75-80, cited in Judaism, pp. 139 - 140.
8 Agrippina, when first she became a mother, consulted her brother
Caligula touching a name for her son. He jocosely suggested the name
of their half-witted uncle Claudius, to which of course she showed be-
coming repugnance. In later life she, for the sake of power, married
this weak-minded uncle. She has been more permanently known as the
mother of Nero. Her father and mother had each of them headed a
rebellion against Tiberius. See Judaism, pp. 186, 523.
9 Clement of Alexandria quotes Isaiah 2, 3 : " Out of Zion shall
go forth a law. . . . This my upright law chants . . . not the law of
Capito . . . but the eternal law of the new harmony named from God."
Protrept. 2 ; Opp. p. 3, 11. 15-22, edit. Potter.
10 See Judaism, pp. 11-14, 367-371, 382-386.
11 " Deum . . . ut Graxi dicunt, durci/Aaroi'." Cicero, de Nat.
Dcorum, 1, (1-2), 30. The passage is a criticism on Plato, but treats
other Greeks as using this phraseology.
82 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. IX.
It is plain that these views clashed with what patricians
deemed to be their interest. Some mention of this col-
lision has been elsewhere made. 12
When Augustus, surrounded by the aristocracy, was
condemning one after another to death, his surrounders
gave the leader of Greek Culture no chance of speaking
to him. Maecenas, unable to break through them, wrote
on a card, " Up at length, Butcher ! " 13 and threw it to
him. It is obvious from this and other circumstances
that Maecenas was the opponent of patricianism. *
When Virgil wrote to please the leader of Greek Cult-
ure, he selected a peaceful topic, Georgics or agriculture, 14
but when he wrote for Augustus and the aristocracy, his
first words were, " I sing of arms " ; 15 and he makes
^Eneas, the practical-monotheist^* superintend (dEncid, 5,
418, 461) a prize fight.
When Domitian spoke for the anti-patrician party, he
gave point to his condemnation by quoting from the Geor-
gics (2, 537) : " Before an impious race feasted on slaugh-
tered bullocks." 16 When Augustus, under patrician influ-
ence, was striving to hinder Greek Culture, and wished
to punish such Komans as wore a Greek dress, he quoted
the ^Eneid (1, 282) : Romanes rerum dominos gentemque,
togatam, " Komans, masters of the world, and a togaed
nation." 17
The efforts to drive Greek Culture from Rome took
place always in the reign of patricianism.
12 See Judaism, Ch. 1. 4.
13 Dio Cass. 55, 7. Augustus thereupon quitted his judicial seat.
14 Georgics, 3, 41, 42. The article on Virgil in Smith's Biographical
Dictionary treats (p. 1264) the Georgics as "the most finished work of
Virgil," adding " that his fame rests in a great degree on this work."
Possibly any extra finish given to it may have been aided by suggestions
of Maecenas.
is JSneid, 1, l. 15 See Judaism, pp. 417, 419.
16 Suetonius, Domit. 9. I have little doubt that Virgil was copying,
as in many other instances, from a Jewish document, and that the word
impious was an intended translation of &<re#^s, a word which in Jewish
Greek means unbeliever, or heathen. See Judaism, p. 468.
17 Suetonius, August. 40.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT. 83
Had the Gospels grown by additions in Italy, there is
at least a probability that the political conflict would in
some way have become apparent. They make no allusion,
however, to the writings, leaders, or arguments on either
side.
CHAPTER X.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT.
IF we now summarize the argument, we find it as
follows :
1. Christian authorship of the Gospels was contrary to
the controversial wants of the early Christians, and so
embarrassed them in their arguments with heathens that
it is morally impossible they could have fictitiously as-
signed such authorship to them.
2. Of all the controversies in which Christians were
engaged, whether between themselves or against Jews or
heathens, not a trace appears in the Gospels.
3. Of the opinions prominently asserted and defended
by the early Christians, or by particular schools among
them, and which they rode as hobbies, not one appears
in the Gospels. The argument is strong as regards any
of their cherished opinions, and is intensely strong as
regards their views of the heathen deities and Idolatry.
The very object which early controversialists assigned to
the Master's ministry, namely, the overthrow of these
deities, is utterly ignored in the Gospels.
4. Of the customs to which the early Christians at-
tached importance, or to which they were wedded, we
find nothing in the Gospels, except the baptismal formula
of the second century.
5. The peculiar designations for God used by Chris-
tians in heathen lands are absent from the Gospels.
6. So are the terms by which Christians were desig-
nated.
84 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. X.
7. So are the terms which we have mentioned as com-
ing into use among them. That the phrase Jesus Christ,
or that the latter portion of it without the article, should
not be found in the Gospels beyond what has been
pointed out, is a remarkable fact.
8. We find various questions about public games, slav-
ery, and other things, in which the Christians were deeply
interested, but on which the Gospels attribute no remark
to the Master.
9. The absence of allusion to Italian politics renders
very improbable that any of the Gospels underwent ac-
cretion in Italy, and adds somewhat, at least, to the
probability that they were not unhistorically fabricated or
reworked outside of that country.
It is morally impossible if the Gospels had been ficti-
tious, or were slowly growing under the hands of Chris-
tians, that they should have omitted all the topics of
chief interest to those who wrote them.
If we now turn to the spurious records which Chris-
tians forged, we can to some extent test the truth of the
preceding remarks. The test is imperfect, because these
spurious records were not strictly original compositions,
but (setting aside the Letter of Lentulus) simply an effort
to reproduce facts concerning Jesus especially the mir-
acles as recorded in the Gospels, basing them, however,
on non-Christian evidence. Had these documents aimed
to originate a life of the Master rather than to substan-
tiate one which already existed, they would have had
a much wider field for introducing the peculiarities of
other countries or later times. In these records we find
Jesus charged with destroying the sabbath, 1 and effecting
cures by magic. 2 Articles of clothing, belonging to offi-
cial position, are mentioned by their heathen names ; 3
the terms Lord's Day and Palm Sunday are introduced
as if in use during tlie ministry of Jesus ; 4 we find the
1 See Appendix, Note A, 1, 7 ; Note B, 3.
2 See Note A, 1, 6, 7 ; Note B, 1.
See Note A, 2, 4, 11.
* See Note A, 2, 13, 14.
SUMMARY OF ARGUMENT. 85
Koman standards doing homage to Jesus ; 6 we find
twelve persons in Judea charged with being proselytes 6
and maintaining that they are born Jews, a subject of
dispute natural in localities outside of Judea, but un-
likely to affect simultaneously twelve witnesses in Jeru-
salem ; we find crucifixion treated as a Jewish form of
punishment ; 7 the results of Christ's mission to the under-
world are plainly stated ; 8 a description of his personal
appearance is given at length ; 9 the appeal to the Old
Testament as having foretold the crucifixion and resur-
rection of Jesus admits but one interpretation ; 10 and
the pseudo-predictions foretell the destruction of the tem-
ple with a sufficient description of those who were to
destroy it. 11
There is yet an indirect argument to be drawn from a
condition of things nineteen or twenty years after the
ministry of Jesus. 12 Six different writers heathen,
Jewish, and Christian concur in implying or referring
to a wide-spread excitement at that date among Jews, the
blame of which was thrown to some extent on Christians.
The writers are Tacitus, Suetonius, the author of a Jewish
Sibylline production, Paul, Luke, and Eusebius. There
can hardly be a question that these writers, with the ex-
ception perhaps of Paul and Luke, wrote independently
of each other. Their concurrence implies that at the
date mentioned Christianity had taken considerable hold
in Italy. The allusions, moreover, to the excitement and
to some circumstances connected with it are, in the Acts
of the Apostles and in Paul's letters to the Thessalonians,
so incidental that they can only have been written by
6 See Note A, 4 ; compare Phil. 2, 10.
6 See Note A, 6.
7 See Note A, near close of 7, col. 2, and Note B, 3.
8 See Note A, 13, Note B, 3, and speech of Thaddeus in Note F.
Compare Note I, footnote 5.
9 See Note D, and speech of Thaddeus in Note F.
10 See Note A, 7, Note E, 1, and compare Note I, footnote 5.
11 See Note J, No. 1.
12 See Judaism, Ch. VIII. 5.
86 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. XI.
persons who lived through it, and whose readers were
familiar with it. Writers of a later date would not have
expected such allusions to be understood. These allu-
sions establish the fact that the documents were written
by persons then living, and each of these documents im-
plies a then accepted history of Jesus, essentially such as
we find in the Gospels.
CHAPTER XL
DID PSEUDO-RECORDS REACT ON THE GOSPELS?
IF the genuineness of the Gospels be assumed, the
question may be asked, whether any of them have suf-
fered by interpolation from the pseudo-records concerning
Jesus. If these records were independent of the Gospels ;
if they were not, with one exception, as already said, a
mere effort to reproduce facts mentioned in the Gospels,
but substantiated by other evidence, the question would
be more important. Still the question may be asked
whether anything whatever has been interpolated from
them. The answer as regards all of them save the Acts
of Pilate is, No. There is not the slightest ground to
suspect such interpolation.
If we now examine the Acts of Pilate, there is no
reason to surmise interpolation from it into the Gospels
of Mark (as corrected from the manuscripts) or Luke or
John. In the case of Matthew there are passages in
the last two chapters which seem to require a different
answer. His Gospel was written in what was then called
Hebrew, a language not extensively spoken, and whose
book-markets, therefore, could scarcely pay for that rigid
revision of manuscripts which existed in the Greek ones.
Judea, moreover, even before the destruction of the tem-
ple and to a far greater extent afterwards, must have
been more poorly supplied with trained copyists than
DID PSEUDO-RECOKDS REACT ON THE GOSPELS ? 87
were the centres of Jewish thought and influence in other
lands. The Jewish Christians became in Judea an ob-
scure sect whose copyists cannot have exceeded others
in that locality. The Acts of Pilate were originally
written in this Hebrew, or Syro-Chaldaic, dialect, 1 and
there are five, or perhaps six, instances in the last two
chapters 2 of Matthew where the question may be fairly
raised whether an addition has not been made from the
Acts of Pilate. None of these passages pertain to the
life or teaching of Jesus. They are here subjoined for
the reader's study. The first two and the fifth contain
nothing inherently improbable ; yet they are more appo-
site to the Acts of Pilate, where the object is to "make
out a case," than in the Gospels, which are elsewhere
remarkably free from any such aim.
1. Dream of Pilate s Wife.
" Now at that feast, the governor was wont to release
unto the people a prisoner, whom they would. * And they
had then a notable prisoner, called Barabbas. Therefore,
when they were gathered together, Pilate said unto them,
Whom will ye that I release unto you? Barabbas, or
Jesus, which is called Christ ? (For he knew that for
envy they had delivered him.)
[" When he was set down on the judgment- seat his wife sent unto
him, saying, Have thou nothing to do with that just man : for I
have suffered many things this day in a dream, because of him.]
" But the chief priests and
elders persuaded the multitude that they should ask for
Barabbas, and destroy Jesus." 3
1 See extracts in Ch. I. note 4, from the headings of various manu-
scripts of said document.
2 The Acts of Pilate begin with the measures for the arrest of Jesus
during his last visit to Jerusalem, and are parallel only with the last two
chapters.
3 Matt. 27, 15 - 18 [19], 20. Compare Appendix, Note A, 5 at the
beginning and 7 near its close.
88 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. XI.
2. Pilate washes his Hands.
11 And the governor said, Why ! what evil hath he
done ? But they cried out the more, saying, Let him be
crucified.
[" When Pilate saw that he could prevail nothing, but that rather
a tumult was made, he took water, and washed his hands before the
multitude, saying, I am innocent of the blood of this just person :
gee ye to it. "Then answered all the people, and said, His blood be
on us and on our children.]
" Then released he Barabbas unto them : and
having scourged Jesus, gave him up to be crucified." 4
3. The Dead of former Times arise.
" And behold, the veil of the temple was rent in two
from the top to the bottom : and the earth did quake and
the rocks were rent : and the tombs were opened.
[" And many bodies of the holy which slept arose, and came out
of the tombs AFTER his resurrection, and went into the holy city,
and appeared unto many.]
" Now, when the centurion, and they that were with
him, watching Jesus, saw the earthquake, and those
things that were done, they feared greatly, saying, Truly
this was the Son of God." 6
4. The Tomb sealed and guarded.
" And when Joseph had taken the body, . . . and laid
it in his own new tomb, ... he rolled a great stone to
the door, . . . and departed. And Mary Magdalene was
there, and the other Mary, sitting opposite the tomb.
[" Now, the next day that followed the day of the preparation,
the chief priests and Pharisees came together unto Pilate, saying,
Sir, we remember that that deceiver said, while he was yet alive,
Alter three days I will rise again. Command therefore that the
tomb be made sure until the third day, lest his disciples come by
night, and steal him away, and say unto the people, He is risen
4 Matt. 27, 23 [24, 25], 26. Compare Note A, 10.
5 Matt. 27, 51 [52, 53], 54. See Note A, pp. 132, 137.
DID PSEUDO-RECORDS REACT ON THE GOSPELS? 89
from the dead : so the last error shall be worse than the first.
Pilate said unto them, You have a watch : go your way, make it as
sure as you can. So they went and made the tomb sure, sealing
the stone, and setting a watch.]
" With the week's close, as it dawned on the first day
of the week, came Mary Magdalene, and the other Mary,
to see the tomb. And behold [a great earthquake took
place for] an angel of the Lord, descending from heaven,
rolled away the stone, . . . and sat upon it.
[" His appearance was as lightning, and his raiment white as snow,
and from fear of him those watching quaked and became as dead.]
But the angel addressing, said to the women, Do not fear,
I know that you seek Jesus who was crucified." 6
5. The Soldiers bribed.
" Then said Jesus unto them, Be not afraid : go tell my
brethren, that they go into Galilee, and there they shall
see me.
[" Now, when they were going, behold, some of the watch came
into the city, and showed unto the chief priests all that had taken
place. And when they were assembled with the elders, and had
taken counsel, they gave much money unto the soldiers, saying :
Say, * His disciples came by night, and stole him away while we
slept.' And if this come to the governor's ears, we will persuade
him, and secure you. So they took the money, and did as they
were taught : and this saying is commonly reported among the Jews
UNTIL THIS DAY.]
" Then the eleven disciples went into Galilee, into a
mountain where Jesus had appointed them." 7
6. Account of Judas.
In the order of Matthew's Gospel the account of Judas
precedes any of the five passages already cited. It is here
placed last because, though it must be an interpolation,
the evidence is not conclusive for its existence in the
Acts of Pilate earlier than in the Gospel.
" When morning came, all the chief priests and elders
6 Matt. 27, 59-01 [02-i] ; 28, l, 2 [3, 4j, 5. See Note A, pp. 137, 138.
? Matt. 28, 10 [11 - 15], 16. See Note A, 14.
90 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [cH. XI.
of the people took counsel against Jesus to put him to
death. And having bound him, they led him away, and
delivered him to Pontius Pilate the governor.
[" Then Judas, . . . when he saw that he was condemned, 8 re-
pented, and brought again the thirty pieces of silver to the chief
priests and elders, saying, I have sinned in that I have betrayed
innocent lolood. . . . And he cast down the pieces of silver in the
temple, and departed, and went and hanged himself. And the chief
priests took the silver pieces, and said, It is not lawful to put them
into the treasury, because it is the price of blood. And they took
counsel, and bought with them the potter's field, to bury strangers
in. Wherefore that field has been called, The field of blood, UNTO
THIS DAY. Then was fulfilled what was spoken by Jeremiah the
prophet, saying, And they took the thirty pieces of silver, the price
of him that was valued, whom they of the children of Israel valued ;
and gave them for the potter's field, as the Lord commanded me.]
" And Jesus stood before the governor : and the gov-
ernor asked him, saying, Art thou the King of the Jews ?
And Jesus said unto him, I am." 9
Besides the foregoing there is in the Epitome of events
after the resurrection, 10 subjoined to Mark's Gospel by a
8 Jesus had not at this date been condemned nor even tried. In the
pseudo Acts of Pilate ( 3) the wording is, " Judas, seeing how they LED
JESUS BEFORE PILATE, . . . repenting," etc.
9 Matt. 27, l, 2 [3-10], 11. See Note A. 3. In Acts 1, 18, Judas
is not said to have returned the money, but to have used it for buying a
field. The statement there is part of a parenthesis (verses 18, 19) which
Luke, speaking in his own person, has interjected into Peter's speech.
In the Acts of Pilate the account of Judas appears only in two cog-
nate manuscripts which Thilo (Cod. Apoc. p. cxxix.) designates as
Cod. Tenet, and Paris D. This renders uncertain whether it existed
in that document before Matthew's Gospel was translated into Greek.
10 On this Epitome see Appendix, Note 0, footnote 2. It is here given
with the sources from which it seems to have been compiled.
"And having risen early, on the "Mary of Magclala cometh early
first day of the week, he appeared ... to the tomb, . . . and beheld
first to Mary of Magdala out of Jesus standing." John 20, 1, 14.
whom he had cast seven demons.
" She went and told those who had "Mary of Magdala cometh, bring-
been with him, who were mourning ing word to the disciples that she
and weeping. And they, when they had seen the Lord." John 20 lb'
heard that he was alive, and had been " Their words appeared ... as idle,
seen by her, did not believe. and they disbelieved them.' ' Luke
" After this, he manifested himself 24, 11.
DID PSEUDO-RECORDS REACT ON THE GOSPELS ? 91
later hand, a passage (verse 16) which may have been
copied from the Acts of Pilate. The subsequent passage
also (verses 17, is) appears in two or more manuscripts of
the same pseudo Acts. Yet in this latter document it is
less supported by manuscript authority than the preced-
ing verse, and may, therefore, have been copied INTO said
document, not FROM it.
in another form to two of them as
they walked, going into the country.
And they went and reported it to the
rest ; and even them they did not be-
lieve.
" Afterward he manifested himself
to the eleven themselves, as they
were reclining at table, and upbraided
them with their nnbelief and hard-
ness of heart, because they did not
believe those who had seen him after
he had risen.
"And he said to them, Going into
all the world, proclaim the glad tid-
ings to the whole creation. Whoever
believes and is baptized will be saved,
but the unbeliever will be con-
demned.
" And these signs will accompany
believers : In my name they will cast
out demons ; will speak languages
new [to them] ; will take up ser-
pents ; and if they drink any deadly
thing, it will not hurt them ; they
"Two of them were going the same
day to a village called Emmaus . . .
Jesus himself drew near, and went
with them." Luke 24, 13, 15.
" He himself stood in the midst of
them." Luke 24, 36. " Jesus
came and stood in the midst, and
said ... Be not faithless, but be-
lieving." John 20, 19, 27.
" Going into all the world proclaim
(the glad tidings) to the whole crea-
tion that, whoever believes and is
baptized will be saved, but the unbe-
liever will be condemned." Acts
of Pilate, 15; Thilo, pp. 618, 622,
Cp. Matt. 28, 19.
"You will receive power when the
Holy Spirit hath come upon you ;
and you will be my witnesses."
Acts 1, 8. Compare Heb. 2, 4, cited
below.
[In Acts of Pilate, 15, of Paris A,
willlay their hands on the sick, and the adjacent passage is perhaps an
they will recover. interpolation.]
" When he had spoken ... he
was taken up." Acts 1, 9. "Sit
So then, the Lord, after he had
spoken to them, was taken up into
heaven, and sat down on the right on my right hand. " Heb. 1, 13.
hand of God.
" And they went forth, and
preached everywhere, the Lord work-
ing with them, and confirming the
word by the signs which followed it."
Mark 16, 9-20.
"God also bearing them witness,
both with signs and wonders, and
divers miracles, and gifts of the Holy
Spirit." Heb. 2, 4.
The Epitomist seems to have understood the words of Jesus (Acts
1, 8) as a promise of miraculous powers, rather than of a divine in-
fluence, which should fit them for their work, and of which any miracu-
lous powers were merely an accompaniment.
The taking up of serpents may have been based upon Paul's experience
(Acts 28, 3), with which, however, compare Luke 10, 19.
The citation from Acts of Pilate follows the text of Paris A, except
the words in a parenthesis which are from Paris D.
92 INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. XII.
CHAPTEB XII.
TWO QUESTIONS FURTHER.
1. Correspondences of Matthew, Mark, and Luke.
THE phraseology of Matthew, Mark, and Luke is in
many cases very similar. 1 Two considerations will ac-
count for this. 1. As regards EVENTS recorded, any one
narrating the same thing fifty or one hundred times falls
inevitably into a more or less set form of words. The
Apostles and their companions taught in each other's
company, and the phraseology in which they taught,
being used over and over again, acquired more or less
of a fixed character. Matthew and Peter had doubtless
taught in each other's hearing. The diction of Mark
may be largely that of Peter. Luke at Aritioch may
have listened to more than one of the Apostles and their
companions. 2. The TEACHING of Jesus, even if repeated
by different listeners, would present a similarity of ex-
pression.
2. Style of John, the Evangelist.
In the New Testament certain peculiarities of expres-
sion are found only in the language of John, and in that
of others as quoted by him. This renders probable that
the Evangelist, in recording when old the utterance of
others, has at times done it, partly at least, in his own
language, though scarcely when giving (18, 38) the answer
of Pilate.
In the appended comparison the left-hand column gives
the language of the Evangelist, the right gives that of
others as reported by him. The latter is the reported
language of Jesus, except where the name of another is
subjoined.
1 This question is somewhat fully treated by Mr. Norton in his Genu-
ineness, Vol. 1, Appendix, Note D ; abridged edit. Note B.
2.]
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TWO QUESTIONS FU
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INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. [CH. XII.
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INDIRECT TESTIMONY OF HISTORY. J"cH. XH.
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APPENDIX,
APPENDIX,
NOTE A.
ACTS OF PILATE.
AMONG literary frauds by Christians in the first three
centuries, the most important were two cognate documents
called the " Acts of Pilate " and " Pilate's Report." l Differ-
ing authorships were assigned to the former of these, and it
had various titles, besides the one here adopted. 2 It appears,
also, to have been repeatedly remodelled, interpolated, and
altered for the purpose of adapting it to various controversial
wants. An elaborate translation of all these variations,
though useful to a scholar, might prove distracting to ail
ordinary reader. To avoid such distraction and facilitate in-
sight into the chief object of this forgery, the author has con-
fined his translation of the document to two only of its forms,
1 Justin Martyr twice mentions the former of these, and Tertullian
once refers to the latter. " And that these things occurred you can learn
from the ACTS prepared under Pontius Pilate." Justin Martyr,
ApoL 1, 35. " And that he [Jesus] did these things you can learn from
the 'Acxs ' prepared under Pontius Pilate." Justin Martyr, ApoL 1,
48. " Pilate himself already a Christian as regarded his own conscien-
tia, private conviction announced at that date to Tiberius Caesar all
those circumstances [which 1 have narrated] concerning Christ." Ter-
tullian, Apol. 1, 21. Compare Judaism, p. 442.
It will be noticed that Justin uses the Latin title "Acts." This
probably implies that Latin translations of the FORMER document were
already in circulation. The LATTER document, even if forged in Greek,
must have professed a Latin original.
According to Eusebius, Ecc. Hist. 1, 9, and 9, 5 and 7, the Heathens, a
little before the year 300, invented a counter-record concerning Jesus,
which bore the same name. The latter document was circulated by offi-
cial authority, and was taught to children in the schools. Its object, of
course, was to misrepresent and ridicule Jesus.
2 See Ch. I. note 4.
106
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
which he has also divided into sections and supplied with
headings.
The manuscripts designated by Thilo as " Paris A " and
" Paris D " are the ones from which, with exceptions to be
duly pointed out, the following translation is made. The
heading and prologue of the former have already been given. 3
The heading of the latter is subjoined. 4
The date when these " ACTS " were likely to circulate most,
and to undergo most alteration, was in the fourth and in the
early part of the fifth centuries. Christians were then the
dominant but not the sole party. This protected them from
inconveniences to which, in earlier days, a use of this docu-
ment might have subjected them. Subsequently to the fifth
century the advocates of the Greek and Roman religions were
scarcely so numerous as to claim any frequent appeal to
Pilate's authority.
Those portions of the document which seemed most likely
to have belonged to it as originally written are printed in
larger, and the supposed additions in smaller type. This
arrangement was made, however, several years ago, and if the
8 See Ch. I. note 4. Thilo (p. cxx.) gives as the literary designation
of this manuscript "Codex Paris. Catal. 770. olim Colbert. 2493. turn
regius 2356." For the convenience of those who may wish to compare
the translation with the original a table is here appended of the sections,
with the pages of Thilo on which they will be found.
Preface, pp.
1, '
2,
3,
4,
5,
6,
7,
494-498.
500-506.
506-508.
508-512.
512-520.
520-526.
526-534.
534-548.
9,
10,
11,
12,
13,
14,
15,
pp.
550 - 554.
556-564.
566-574.
574-588.
590-594.
594 - 604.
604-616.
616 --626.
4 The title or heading of Paris D corresponds, except the three itali-
cized words, with that of the Codex Venetus given in Ch. I. note 4.
" Narrative concerning the estimable suffering of our Lord and our Savior
Jesus Christ, and concerning his holy resurrection, written by a Jew
named Ermseus, which Nicodemus the Roman Toparch translated from
the Hebrew language into the Romaic [that is, the common Greek] dia-
lect." Thilo, Cod. Apoc. p. cxxvi, compared with statement on
p. cxxix, 11. 11, 12. A manuscript copy of Paris D, now printed, en-
abled the author to amend Thilo's text.
Thilo has given copious extracts from this manuscript on pp. 500, 504,
505, 507, 510, 511, 519, 535-541, 544, 545, 548, 549, 555, 556, 558,
559, 560, 563, 564, 568, 569, 571, 572, 574, 575, 581, 589, 590, 591,
595, 597, 606, 607, 609, 610, 611, 613, 614, 616, 618, 626.
NOTE A.] PREFATORY STATEMENT. 107
author had eyesight thoroughly to re-examine this division he
might possibly alter it in some places. Words without manu-
script authority are in brackets ; those copied from other
MSS. are in parentheses. Probable interpolations or dupli-
cate readings are placed between dashes or in Italics.
PREFATORY STATEMENT.
PARIS A. PARIS D.
In the FIFTEENTH year of the Four hundred years [literally,
rule of Tiberius, Caesar and times] having elapsed after the
king of the Romans and of kingdom of the Hebrews came to an
Herod, king of Galilee in the end 5 the Hebrews being tributary
nineteenth year of his reign on nder Roman rule, the king of the
the eighth [day] before the Jomans appointing them a king ;
f A -i 5 v u , finally while Tiberius Csesar swayed
Calends of April * which is he Rom / n affai in the EIGHTEEN y TH
twenty-fifth of March in the of his rei he havi
consulship of Ruins and Rubel- po i n ted as king; in Judea, Herod
ho, in the fourth year of the two _ son of t i lat Herod who formerly
hundred and second Olympiad, killed the children in Bethlehem
under Caiaphas, high -priest of and having Pilate as governor in
the Jews ; Nicodemus prepared Jerusalem, 7 Annas and Caiaphas
a narrative, and delivered it to having the high-priesthood in Jeru-
the chief priests and other Jews, salem :
of 6 ... arid as many things Nicodemus, 8 Roman Toparch,
6 Thilo has here substituted the reading of Monac. A, instead of
"April 8th," an evident corruption of text in Paris A. As Thilo's
work is readily accessible his slighter emendations will not hereafter be
mentioned. The previously mentioned fifteenth year of Tiberius was,
according to Luke (3, l), that in which John commenced preaching, but
Tertullian (following the Acts of Pilate ?) puts the crucifixion of Jesus
(adv. Jucfaeos, s) in this fifteenth year and the beginning of his minis-
try (adv. Marc. 1, !.">) in the twelfth year of Tiberius. Marcion's view
(adv. Marc. 1, 19) accords with Luke. *
6 There is here an obvious omission in the text. "We must supply
either " the things done to Jesus " or " the death and suffering " or some
nearly equivalent expression.
7 These dates must be a later addition, probably as late as the fourth
or fifth century.
8 The introduction, into the heading, of Nicodemus, a Roman Toparch,
took place doubtless after the Jewish rebellion under Hadrian. It and
some other peculiarities of this manuscript were caused by the wish to
substitute, as far as possible, Heathen for Jewish testimony. The name
of Nicodemus may already have been too closely linked with the docu-
ment to admit of discarding it. 'lovSaiwv in the same sentence must be
an error for 'lovSaiov. The connection implies this and so does the in-
troductory statement in footnote 4.
108
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS A.
as occurred after the crucifixion
and suffering of our Lord. And
Nicodemus composed [it] in the
Hebrew language. 9 .
PARIS D.
summoning a Jew named En-
nsea [or Ennaeus], requested him
to write what had been done in
Jerusalem concerning Christ in
the time of Annas and Caiaphas.
Which when the Jew had done
and delivered it to Nicodemus,
he [Nicodemus] translated these
things from the Hebrew manu-
script into the Romaic dialect.
The contents of the narrative
are as follows :
1. Character of Charges against Jesus.
PARIS A.
(The chief-priests and scribes
having plotted together) 10 Annas
and Caiaphas and N nines and
Dothae, [Dathan ?] Gamaliel,
Judas, Levi, Nephthalim, Jaeirus
and the other Jews, came to
Pilate against Jesus, accusing
him of many misdeeds, saying :
We know this man him
to be the son of Joseph the car-
penter, born of Mary, and [yet]
he states himself to be Son of
God and a king. And not only
this, but he profanes the sabbaths,
and wishes to destroy the law of
our fathers. For we have a law not
to heal any one on the sabbath ;
but this man, by wrong deeds on
the sabbath, heals the lame and
PARIS D.
Our Lord Jesus Christ, having
performed many great and extra-
ordinary miracles in Judea, and
been envied for it by the He-
brews, during the governorship
of Pilate over Jerusalem and the
high-priesthood of Annas and
Caiaphas, there came from the
Jews to these same high-priests
Judas, Levi, Nephthalim, Alex-
ander, Syrus and many others
accusing "Christ, whom also the
before - mentioned high - priests
sent to tell these things likewise
to Pilate the governor.
These departing said to him,
that a man walks about in this
city whose father is called Joseph,
and his mother is Mary, but he
calls himself a king and Son of
God ; and though a Jew, he sub-
verts the Scriptures, and destroys
the sabbaths.
Pilate, the governor, ques-
tioned, therefore, to learn from
them : How does he destroy the
9 The Greek versions in Paris A and D differ. A often uses forms of
where D uses those of tiirdv ; D inserts iVa or OTI where A does
not. Effort has been made, even at cost of good English, to reproduce
such peculiarities. A repeatedly has " Jews " where D has " Hebrews."
10 Monac. A.
2.]
RESPECT OF PILATE FOB JESUS.
109
PARIS A.
paralytics and blind and the
bowed [by infirmity] and the
lepers and the possessed of de-
mons, and he is a sorcerer, and
casts out demons through Beelze-
bub, and all things are subject to
him.
Pilate says to them : This cast-
ing out of demons 1 is not through
an unclean spirit, but through
[some] god. ^Esculapius. 11
The Jews say to Pilate : We
beseech your highness that he
may be placed before your tribu-
nal and be inquired into.
Pilate addressing them says :
Inform me how I, who am but a
governor, can [judicially] ex-
amine a king.
They say to him : We do not
call him a king, but he calls
himself so.
PARIS D.
sabbaths? And they answered
saying that, He heals the sick on
the sabbath. Pilate answered :
If he makes the sick well, he
does nothing evil.
They say to him : If he
wrought the cures properly, the
evil would be small, but he per-
forms them by the use of magic
and by companionship with
demons.
Pilate says : Healing a sick
person is not a diabolic work,
but a favor from [some] god.
The Hebrews said : We be-
seech your highness to summon
him that you may ascertain for
yourself what we allege.
2. Eespect of Pilate and his Attendant for Jesus.
Pilate, addressing his personal
messenger, 12 says : Let Jesus be
brought in a becoming manner.
The personal messenger going
out, and recognizing him, did
him homage, and took the cata-
ploma 16 of [in '?] his hand and
spread it upon the ground, and
says to Jesus : Lord, walk thus
[i. e. on this] and enter ; the
governor calls thee.
Thereupon Pilate the govern-
or, taking off his mandelium
that is, his fascial, 18 gave it
to one of his servants named
Rachaab that is, to his per-
sonal messenger, 14 saying to
him, Go and show this to Jesus
<and say to him : Pilate the gov-
ernor calls thee to come to him.
Therefore the servant departed
and finding Jesus
11 ^Esculapius may have been a marginal explanation of, or substitute
for, the preceding expression.
12 Literally, cursor, runner.
13 Some copyist who had two manuscripts may have understood two
different readings as being alike in meaning.
14 The remark in the preceding note applies here also.
15 Cataploma, mandelium and/ascia?, /cardTrXctyta, fiai/S-faiov, <f>a.Ke<\iov
or 4>a.Ki6\iot>, are nowhere accurately described. I suspect cataploma to
be a cloak.
110
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS A.
The Jews, perceiving what the
attendant did, complained to
Pilate, saying : Why did you not
summon him to come by the
common crier instead of by your
personal messenger I (Monac.
A, for the personal messenger,
as soon as he saw him, did him
homage, and spread on the ground
his fascial, and has made him to
walk as a king.)
PARIS D.
07i Palm- Sunday, sitting on an
ass. And the Hebrews screwed
their garments in the way, and the
ass walked on the garments. And
the servant, seeing such honor
towards Jesus, himself also became
16
summoned him, spreading upon
the ground the mandelium of
Pilate, urging him also to walk
upon it.
Which the Hebrews seeing,
and being greatly chagrined,
came to Pilate, 17 the governor,
complaining of him. Why had
he deemed Jesus worthy of such
honor ?
3. Regard of Common People for Jesus.
Pilate, calling the messenger,
says to him : Why have you
done this ?
The messenger says to him :
Lord, governor, when you sent
me in Jerusalem to Alexander, I
saw him sitting on an ass, and
the Hebrews 18 holding branches
in their hands were crying, Ho-
sanna, Blessed is he that cometh.
And others strewed their gar-
ments, saying, Save [Thou] in
the highest. Blessed be he that
cometh in the name of the Lord.
And he inquiring of the ser-
vant, who had been sent, why he
had done this, the servant an-
swered, saying : When you sent
me to the Jew Alexander, I met
Jesus entering the gate of the
city, sitting on an ass, and I saw
the Hebrews, that they spread
their garments in the way, and
the ass walked upon the gar-
ments ; and others cut branches
and went out to meet him, and
cried, Hosanna in the highest.
Blessed be he who comes in the
name of the Lord. It became
me therefore to do the same, and
I did the same.
16 An obvious interpolation, from which something has been omitted
in the manuscript. Thilo (p. 507) has erroneously substituted Lord's
Day of the Hebrews for Palm Sunday.
17 An awkwardness in the Greek renders probable, in this and other
instances on pp. 108, 109, that Pilate was copied from one manuscript
and governor from another.
18 Literally, the children of the Hebrews.
3.]
KEGARD OF COMMON PEOPLE FOR JESUS.
Ill
PARIS A.
The Jews say to the attendant
messenger : The Hebrews were
crying out in Hebrew. How
then did you who are a Gentile
[literally, a Greek] understand
the Hebrew ?
The messenger says to them :
I asked a certain one of the He-
brews, What is it which they
cry in Hebrew ? and he inter-
preted it for me.
Pilate says to them : What
were they crying in Hebrew ?
They say to him : Hosanna.
Pilate says to them : Hosanna
What is the translation of it ?
[They say to him] Do save.
Pilate says to them : You
yourselves testify to the words
uttered by the children [of the
Hebrews]. What wrong has the
messenger done 'I
They were silent.
PARIS D.
The Jews, hearing these words,
said to him : You being a Roman,
how did you understand what
was said by the Hebrews 1
The servant answered and
said : I asked one of the He-
brews, and he told me these
things.
Pilate said : And what does
Hosanna mean ?
The Jews said : Save us, Lord.
Pilate answered : Since you
confess that your people [liter-
ally, your children], unversed
in evil spoke thus, how can
you now bring an accusation
and allege what you do against
Jesus ?
The Jews were silent and had
nothing to reply. 19
19 Here follow several interpolations, of which the first was not im-
probably added soon after the Jewish war under Hadrian. It is as fol-
lows : " About that time Jesus called to him whom he wished and they
went to him. And he appointed twelve, that they should be with him,
and that he might send them to announce his name in the whole world.
He commenced also to establish a NEW LAW for the abolition of sab-
baths, the Jewish cessation [from occupation] which they had under the
old covenant from God and Moses. If any Jew died on the sabbath they
did not bury him before the following day. But Jesus, wishing to com-
plete [in the sense also, of " bring to a conclusion "] that Law, gave
strength to the paralytic man on the sabbath. He healed on the sabbath
the daughter of the chief of the Synagogue [and ?] her who had an issue
of blood. The blind, the leper, and demoniac, and dead, he healed them
on the sabbath. On the sabbath he awoke Lazarus [who had been dead]
four days. And on this account the Jews sought to kill him, because
thereafter the whole people followed him: then the Jews were moved
to envy, because he awoke him who had been putrid four days."
On the views here expressed concerning the sabbath, compare Judaism,
Ch. XL 1. The word translated to complete is often rendered to fulfil.
The foregoing is followed by a copious extract from John's Gospel,
having the twofold commencement, " And as recorded by (the Evangelist
112 ACTS OF PILATE. [NOTE A.
PARIS D.
Then they bring Jesus to
Pilate the governor, and it was
the day of preparation, early.
And Judas seeing that also
how they led Jesus before Pilate, was [self-] condemned in trembling and
fear because of his base plotting against him, and in his despair repent-
ing, wishing to return the thirty pieces of silver to the chief priests and
to the elders of the Jews : and these evil-doers and accusers knowing
him what Judas wished to do, uttered themselves against him in
unison. At the same time also the people accused and insulted him
alone, and put on him the blame ;
of th, crucifixion. And they all cried out against him and said : Traitor,
law-breaker, faithless one, thankless one, murderer of his teacher whose
feet had been washed by that [teacher], carrier of his purse, and giving out
of it as much as he wished, and hiding away as much as he wished.
at which things he being worried, and
not able to bear the reproaches and what he heard, and being to such a de-
gree condemned and insulted by all, going into the temple and finding the
chief priests and scribes and Pharisees, he said, I know truly that I have
done wrong, take then the silver pieces which you have given me for be-
traying Jesus to you that he might be murdered ; for I sinned in betray-
ing innocent blood. But they said, What is that to us, see you to that.
And the Jews, not wishing to receive the silver pieces, casting these among
them he fled, . . . 20 and eKpe^da-drj hung himself and thus airTTf^aro
strangled himself. But the chief priests, taking the silver pieces, said,
It is not lawful to cast them into the treasury because it is the price of
blood; and taking counsel, they bought with them the field of the potter
as a burial-place for strangers ; wherefore that field is called the field of
blood TO THIS DAY. Then was fulfilled what was spoken by Jeremiah
the prophet saying, And they took the thirty pieces of silver, the price
of him who was valued, whom [they] of the sons of Israel valued ; and
THEY gave them for the potter's field as the Lord commanded ME. 20 *
John} the Written Books." The written books might be an authority
with a heathen, if he supposed them written by heathens. The Evan-
gelist would not, and his name was probably added after heathenism had
died out. The connection of this extract is in one or two places broken
by still later interpolations. The extract itself was not likely to be
added before the fourth century.
20 The passage omitted after the word fled is a very late interpolation,
in which a dead cock is made to flap its wings and crow. It may have
been an effort to reproduce, though in a very extravagant form, the inci-
dent which (Luke 22, (iO-(i-2) awakened repentance in Peter.
20 * The duplicate statements and to some extent the imperfections of
phraseology in the account of Judas have been retained in the transla-
tion, since they are not without bearing on the question whether the
account originally belonged to, or was afterwards interpolated into, these
ACTS. Other portions, however, of Paris D are disfigured by careless-
ness in copying.
The passage attributed to Jeremiah is from Zech. 11, 12, 13.
*]
HOMAGE OF THE STANDAEDS TO JESUS.
\
113
4. Homage of the Standards to Jesus. 21
PARIS A.
The governor says to his per-
sonal messenger : Go out and
bring him in. in such manner as
you wish.
The messenger, going out, con-
ducted himself as before, and
says to him, Master, the governor
calls thee.
And as Jesus entered, and the
standard-bearers [stood byj hold-
ing their standards, the figure-
heads of the standards bowed
and did homage to Jesus.
And the Jews, seeing the be-
havior of the standards, how they
bowed and did homage to Jesus,
cried out more vociferously
against the standard-bearers.
Pilate says to the Jews : Are
you not filled with wonder that
the figure-heads of the standards
bowed and did homage to Jesus?
The Jews say to Pilate : We
know that the standard-bearers
bowed (Monac. A., the figure-
heads) and did him homage.
The governor, addressing the
standard-bearers, says to them :
Why did you do this 1
They say to Pilate: We are
Greeks [i. e. Gentiles], and how
could we do him homage ? For
as we held the figure - heads,
these bowed of themselves and
did homage.
Pilate says to the rulers of the
synagogue, and the elders of the
PARIS D.
And as Jesus came to Pilate
the governor, Pilate's soldiers
did
him homage. Others also stood
in Pilate's presence holding
standards, and the standards
bowed and did homage to Jesus.
While Pilate was wondering at
the occurrence, the Jews said to
him : Lord, the standards did
not do homage to Jesus, but the
soldiers who were holding them
carelessly.
Pilate says to the chief of the
synagogue : Select twelve power-
21 Christian controversialists, in their contest with heathenism, alleged
with an eagerness, almost amounting to mania, the subjection to their
Master's power of demons (see Underworld Mission, p. 78 ; 3d edit.,
pp. 74, 75) and of everything idolatrous. The figure-heads of the
Koman standards were regarded by the Jews, and no doubt by many
Christians, as idol emblems. This section is a fair specimen of the Mas-
ter's life, as it would have been, if devised by Christians in the second
century.
114
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS A.
Jewish people : Select powerful
men, and let them hold the
standards, and let us see whether
they will bow themselves. 21 *
The elders of the Jews, taking
twelve strong and powerful men,
made them six by six hold the
[two] standards, and they were
stationed before the tribunal of
the governor.
And Pilate says to his atten-
dant messenger : Put him
Jesus out of the Prsetorium,
and bring him in again in such
manner as you wish.
And Jesus having gone out of
the Prsetorium, Pilate, address-
ing those who held the figure-
heads, says to them : I swear by
Caesar's salvation that if the
standards bow when Jesus re-
turns I will cut off your heads.
And sitting down, the governor
commanded that Jesus should
enter the second time. And the
attendant messenger conducted
himself as before, and besought
Jesus earnestly to tread upon his
fascial. Ancl he walked upon
it and entered. And as he en-
tered, the standards again bowed
and did homage to Jesus.
And Pilate, being astounded
when he saw it, sought to arise
from his tribunal
PARIS D.
ful men, who can hold them
firmly ; and when this had been
done, Pilate commanded the ser-
vant to put Jesus out and to
bring him in again. And when
he came in, again the standards
bowed and did him homage.
Pilate therefore wondered great-
ly. But the Jews said : He is a
magician, and thereby accom-
plishes these things.
5. Message from Pilate's Wife.
And while he was yet intend-
ing to arise, his wife sent to him,
saying : Have nothing to do with
this just man, for I suffered
many things on his account dur-
ing the night.
Pilate, addressing the Jews,
says to them : You know that
my wife is a Monotheist, and
is disposed to Judaize with you.
21a For eavrots read eai/roi>y.
6.]
IMPUTATION ON THE MOTHER OF JESUS.
115
PARIS A.
They say to him, Yes, we
know it. Pilate says to them,
Lo, my wife Procla sent, saying :
Have nothing to do with this
just man, for I suffered many
things on his account during the
night.
The Jews, answering, say to
Pilate : Did we not tell thee that
he is a sorcerer, and that through
Beelzebub, the Prince of the de-
mons, all things are subject to
him ? Lo : he sent a dream-
messenger to your wife.
Pilate addressing Jesus, says to
him : Such persons testify against
you ; (Paris (7., Do you not hear
what these testify against you ?)
Do you say nothing ? [Cp. 1.]
Jesus answered : Except they had
authority [for their statements ?]
they said nothing. Every one has
authority over his own mouth to
speak good and evil. They shall
PARIS D.
Pilate says to Jesus : You hear
what these testify against you, and
do you not answer ? [Cp. 1.]
Jesus answered and said : Every
man has authority to speak what
he wishes, whether his wish be
food or evil, they also, therefore,
aving authority to speak what they
wish.
6. Answer to Imputation on the Mother of Jesus. 122
The elders of the Jewish People,
answering, say to Jesus : What
shall we see ? First, That you
were born of fornication. Second,
That your birth in Bethlehem was
[the cause of] destruction to young
children. Third, That your father
Joseph and your mother Mary fled
into Egypt, because they had no
consolation (confidence ? 22a ) among
The People.
Certain discreet persons from
The Jews said to him : What
have we to say concerning you ?
First, that you were sinfully born.
Secondly, that on your account
when you were born, 44,000 chil-
dren were murdered. Third, that
your father and mother fled into
Egypt because they had not courage
towards [meeting] "The People."
Hereupon the Jews the twelve
Monotheist men who were present
there 23 answered and said: We
22 Most of this section is doubtless an interpolation. What follows
it is intimately connected, in Paris D, with 4. The most probable
date of the interpolation is in the latter half of the second century,
when, as we can infer from the charges of Celsus, Mary's character was a
subject of discussion. This discussion may have been prompted by the
stress which Christians, subsequently to Hadrian's time (Justin, Apol. 1,
21, 33, Dial. 43, 66, 75, 84, 100 ; Opp. 1, 180 E, 206 D E A, 2, 140 D E,
222 A, 254 A, 286 A B, 336 A) laid on the miraculous birth of Jesus as a
fulfilment of prophecy.
22 Monac A. and B.
28 On the substitution of (Gentile) Monotheists for Jews, see note 26.
116
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS A.
among the Jewish bystanders, say :
We do not allege him born of for-
nication, but [on the contrary] we
know that Joseph was betrothed to
Mary and he [Jesus] is not born of
fornication.
Pilate says to the Jews, who af-
firmed him to be [born] of fornica-
tion : This statement of yours is
not true, since the betrothing took
place, as these, your fellow-coun-
trymen, affirm.
Annas and Caiaphas say to Pi-
late : The multitude vociferates, and
[yet] you do not believe that he
is born of fornication. These are
Proselytes and his disciples.
Pilate, addressing Annas and
Caiaphas, says to them : And what
is a Proselyte ?
They say to him : They were
born children of Greeks [i. e. Gen-
tiles] and have now become
Jews.
Those who maintained that
he was not born of fornication
Lazarus, Asterius, Antonius,
Jewries, Isaiah, Annas, Samuel,
Isaac, Phineas, Crippius, Agrippa,,
Judas say : We have not become
Proselytes, but are children of the
Jews, 24 and speak the truth, for we
were present at the betrothal of
Joseph and Mary.
And Pilate, addressing these
the twelve men who maintained
that he was not born of fornication,
says to them : I adjure you by
Caesar's salvation : Is it the truth
that he is not born of fornication ?
They say to Pilate : We have a
law not to swear, because it is sin-
ful. But let them swear that it is
not as we have said, and we are
liable to death.
Pilate says to Annas and Caia-
phas : Do you answer nothing to
these things ?
PARIS D.
allege that his birth was not sinful,
for we know that Joseph, according
to betrothal, received his mother
Mary, that he should have this [a
husband's] charge of her.
Pilate said : Then you speak false-
ly, who allege that his birth is sin-
ful.
24 This and some other portions of Paris A may have been specially
intended to secure a circulation among Jews, or among such as had more
Jewish than Gentile leanings.
6.]
IMPUTATION ON THE MOTHER OF JESUS.
117
PARIS A.
Annas and Caiaphas say to
Pilate :
These twelve are believed that
he was not born of fornication.
The whole multitude of
us vociferate that he
was born of fornication, and
is a sorcerer
and [yet] calls himself Son of
God and a king ; and we are not
believed.
PARIS D.
They again say to Pilate :
The whole people testifies that
he is a magician. 26
The Monotheisms 26 the Jews an-
swered and said : We
were at the betrothal of his motJier
and are Jews 27 and
know his
whole life ; but that he is a magi-
cian we do not know.
Those who thus affirmed, were the
following : Monotheists Laza-
rus, Astharius, Antonius, Jacob,
Zaras, Samuel, Isaac, Phineas,
Crispus, Dagrippus, Eumesse, and
Judas.
Pilate therefore says to them : I
wish you to swear by Ccesar's life
ivhether the birth of this man is free
from sin.
They answered and said: Our
law ordains that we should swear to
nothing, for an oath is a great sin.
But by 'Ccesar's life we swear that
his birth is free from sin. If we are
falsifying, command our heads to
be cut off.
When these had thus spoken,
the accusing Jews answered to
Pilate and said : Do you trust
more to such a dozen only
Jews than to the whole multi-
tude, and to us who know him
well [as a] magician and blas-
phemer who names himself Son
of God ?
25 See 1 and conclusion of 4. The repetition may either be in-
tended to support their own assertion by that of the people, or to restore
the connection, which had been interrupted.
26 The Monotheists, here and elsewhere, is probably a reading copied
from some manuscript, wherein it had been substituted for Jews. The
substitution was likely to take place during the imbitterment of hea-
thens against Jews under Hadrian and afterwards. Compare Judaism,
p. 463, note 4.
27 An interpolation copied from some manuscript which was intended
to circulate specially among Jews.
118
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
7. Pilate's Conviction touching Jesus.
PARIS A.
Then Pilate commanded the
whole multitude to go out
except the twelve men who said
that he was not born of fornication.
and he
commanded Jesus to be taken
aside ; and Pilate [then] says to
them : For what reason do they
wish to kill him ?
They say to him : They are
actuated by party animosity be-
cause he heals on the sabbath.
Pilate says : Because of a good
work, therefore, they wish to kill
him.
They say : Yes.
Tben Pilate, filled with anger,
went out of the Prsetorium, and
says to them :
I call the sun to witness that I
find no fault in this man.
The Jews answered and said to
the governor : If this man were not
an evil-doer, WE 3D would not have
delivered him to you.
Pilate said : Take him your-
selves, and judge him according to
your law.
The Jews said to Pilate : It is not
permitted us [by our Bon^an mas-
ters] to put any one to death.
PARIS D.
Then Pilate commanded all to
leave the Prsetorium except only
the before-mentioned twelve? 1 *
and when this had taken place
Pilate says to them privately :
According to appearances the
rulers it appears to me that the
Jews through envy and mad-
ness wish to murder this man
him, 29 for they accuse him of
but one thing, that he destroys
the sabbaths. But he then does
a good work, for he heals the
sick. This is not a [charge which
deserves] condemnation to death
against the man.
[They] the twelve say to him :
Yes, my Lord, that is the case.
Pilate therefore went out in
anger and excitement, and says to
Annas and Caiaphas, and to the
people, and said to the crowd ivho
brought Jesus : what accusation do
you bring against this man ? 31 I
call the sun to witness that I find
no crime in this man.
The crowd answered and said :
If he were not a sorcerer and ma-
gician and blasphemer 32 and evil-
doer, WE would not have brought
him and given him up to your
greatness.
Pilate said : Examine him thor-
oughly yourselves, and, since you
have a law, do as your law directs.
The Jews said : Our law does
not permit us to put any man to
death.
28 The specific number twelve is in most or all cases probably an addi-
tion to the original document.
29 The italicized and non-italicized passages are evidently from differ-
ent te?ts.
80 An emphasis on the WE. "We are no such lovers of Gentile rule as
to give up our countrymen without cause.
31 Perhaps from a different text.
32 The previous narrative charges Jesus with being a magician and evil-
doer. The italicized terms may be from some amplified text.
7.]
PILATE'S CONVICTION TOUCHING JESUS.
119
PARIS A.
Pilate said to the Jews : Did
God command that you should not,
but that 1 should put to death ? 33
And Pilate, entering the Pne-
torium again, accosted Jesus pri-
vately and said to him : Are you
the king of the Jews ?
Jesus answered Pilate : Do you
speak this of yourself, or did others
say it to you concerning me ?
Pilate answered Jesus, and said
to him : Am I a Jew ? Your nation
and the chief priests gave you up
to me. "What have you done ?
Jesus answered : My kingdom is
not of [or from] this world. For if
my kingdom were of [from] this
world, my servants would have
contended that 1 should not have
"been delivered to the Jews. But
as it is, my kingdom [or, jurisdic-
tion] is not thence.
And Pilate said to him : There-
fore you are a king ?
Jesus answered him : You say [it]
that I am a king. To this end
have I been born and have come,
that every one who is of the truth
should hear my voice.
Pilate says to him : What is
[the] truth ?
And Pilate, leaving Jesus, went
out of the Prsetorium to the Jews,
and says to them : I find no fault
in him.
The Jews say to him : This man
stated, I can destroy this temple,
and in three days I will build it.
PARIS D.
Pilate says : If you do not wish
to put to death, by how much
rather do not I.
Then Pilate returned into the
palace and accosted Jesus, and said
to him : Tell me, are you the king
of the Jews ?
Jesus answered him and said :
Do you utter this, or did others
Jews say this to you, that you
should ask me ?
Pilate said : Am I a Hebrew ? I
am not a Hebrew. Your people and
the chief priests delivered you into
my hands ; and tell me [therefore ?]
whether you are king of the Jews.
Jesus answered : My kingdom is
not in this world. For if my king-
dom were in this world, my soldiers
would not have disregarded my cap-
ture. My kingdom, however, is not
in this world.
Pilate says : You are, however, a
king?
Jesus said : You have spoken it.
For this purpose I was born, to
bear testimony to the truth. And
if any man is of the truth, he be-
lieves my teaching and does it.
Pilate says : What is truth ?
Christ ^ answered : Truth is
from the heavens.
Pilate says : Is there not truth
upon earth ?
Christ says : I am the truth, and
how is the truth judged on earth by
those who have earthly authority ?
Therefore Pilate, leaving Christ
alone, went out and says to the
Jews : I find no fault in this man.
The Jews answered : May we tell
your greatness what he said ? He
said, that : I can destroy the tem-
ple of God, and in three days re-
build it.
83 This is omitted in Monac. A. Its addition resulted doubtless from
a misapprehension of the preceding statement (John 18, 31) as referring
to Jewish law instead of to Roman rule.
34 This term Christ must have been a somewhat late interpolation.
The original document used the name Jesus.
120
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE
PARIS A.
Pilate says : What temple ?
The Jews say to him : The one
which Solomon built during forty-
six years, but this man says he can.
destroy and build it in three days.
Pilate again says to them : I am
innocent of the blood of this just
man. You shall see to it.
The Jews say : His blood be upon
us and upon our children.
Pilate calling to him the elders
and chief priests and Levites, said
to them privately : Do not do thus,
for you accuse him of nothing
(Paris B., deserving) death : for
your accusation is of healing and
of profaning sabbaths.
The elders of the people and the
priests and Levites say to Pilate :
If a man blaspheme Csesar, does he
deserve death, or not ?
Pilate says : He deserves death.
The Jews say : If any one blas-
phemes Caesar, he deserves death.
But this man blasphemes God.
Then the governor commanded
(the Jews) 34a to go out of the Prae-
torium, (and addressing) 84b Jesus
and says to him : What shall I do
to you ?
Jesus says to Pilate : As has been
commissioned [literally, given] you.
Pilate says : What commission
has been given me ?
Jesus says : Moses and the proph-
ets foretold concerning my death
and resurrection.
The Jews, paying attention and
hearing, say to Pilate : What fur-
ther [need] have you to listen con-
cerning this blasphemy ?
Pilate says to the Jews : If this
remark is blasphemous, with refer-
ence to blas2)hcmy, s& take him you
and lead him away to your syna-
gogue, and judge him according to
your law.
PARIS D.
Pilate says : And what temple
did he speak of destroying ?
The Jews said : The temple of
Solomon, which Solomon con-
structed in forty -six years.
Pilate says privately to the chief
priests and scribes and Pharisees :
I exhort you that you do no evil to
this man. For if you shall do evil
to this man, you will do injustice ;
for it is not just that such a man
should die who has conferred great
benefits on many men.
They spoke to Pilate : My Lord,
If he who dishonors Csesar is worthy
of death, how much rather this man,
who dishonors God ?
Then Pilate ordained, and all
went out. Then he says to Jesus :
What do you wish that I shall do
to you ?
Jesus says to Pilate : Do to me
as is ordained.
Jesus answered, 35 Moses and the
prophets wrote that I should be
crucified and rise again.
The Hebrews, hearing these
things, spoke to Pilate : Why do
you seek to hear greater insult from
him against God ?
Pilate says : This is not an inso-
lent speech against God, since it is
written in the prophetical books.
u Monac. B.
35
88 DOU
Paris B.
preceding remark of Pilate appears in Paris D. ^
ibtless a duplicate reading copied into Paris A.
8.]
TESTIMONY OF NICODEMUS.
121
PARIS A.
The Jews say to Pilate : Our law
contains, If a man sin against man
he deserves to receive forty stripes
less one ; but if against God, let
him be stoned.
Pilate says to them : Take him
yourselves and punish him in such
way as you wish.
The Jews say : We wish that
he may be crucified.
Pilate says : He does not deserve
to be crucified.
Pilate, looking about on the
surrounding crowds of Jews,
sees many weeping and says : It
is not the wish of the whole mul-
titude that he should die.
The elders of the Jews say : On
this account the whole multitude
of us came, that he may die.
Pilate says : Why that he may
die?
The Jews say : Because he pro-
nounced himself Son of God and
king.
PARIS D.
The Hebrews spoke : Our scrip-
ture says, If a man wrong a man, or
insult him, he deserves to receive
forty blows with a staff, but if he in-
sults God [he deserves] to be stoned.
Then came a messaye-bearer from
Procle, Pilate's wife, to him. The
message said, that : Take care not
to agree that any evil shall befall
Jesus, that excellent man, since dur-
ing the night I saw frightful
dreams on his account.* 1
Pilate gave [as his] defence to
the Hebrews : See : If you maintain
that the speech, which you allege,
that Jesus uttered, is an insult
against God, take him and judge
him according to your law.
The Jews said to Pilate : We
wish [permission] that we may
crucify him.
Pilate turning to the people
saw many weeping, and said : It
seems to me [that] it is not the
wish of the whole people, that
this man should die.
The priests and scribes say : We
brought the whole people on this
account, that you may attain cer-
tainty that all wish his death.
Pilate says': But what evil has
he done ?
The Hebrews spoke : He says he
is a king and son of God.
8. Nicodemus testifies to the Miracles of Jesus.
But a certain man K a Jew,
Nicodemus, stood before Pilate
and says : I beseech your excel-
lency, command me to speak a
few words.
Pilate says : Speak.
Nicodemus says : I spoke to
Thereupon a Jew a Monothe-
ist named Nicodemus, stand-
ing in the midst, spoke to Pilate :
I beseech your greatness, permit
me to spea'k a few words to you.
Pilate said : Speak.
Nicodemus says : I spoke to
37 This breaks the connection, and cannot belong with what immedi-
ately precedes and follows it. Compare the beginning of 5.
88 Substituted for Jew probably after the war under Hadrian in some
MSS., thus occasioning a twofold reading.
12!
ACt^S
OF PILATE.
NOTE A.
PARIS A.
the elders and chief priests and
Levites, and to the whole multi-
tude of Jews in the synagogue :
What seek you with this man ?
This man performs many mira-
cles and wonderful works, which
no one [else ever] did or will do.
Discharge him, and cherish no
wishes of evil against him ; for if
these miracles which he performs
are from God, they will stand,
but if from men, they will come
to nothing.
Moses also, having been sent by
God into Egypt, did many miracles,
which God directed him (to do) 38a
before Pharaoh, king of Egypt.
And there were men there in the
service of Pharaoh Jannes and
Jambres and they also performed
not a few miracles such as Moses
performed, and the Egyptians held
them, Jannes and Jambres, as gods.
But since the miracles which they
performed were not from God, they
were destroyed, both themselves
and those who believed on them.
And now discharge this man, for
he is not deserving of death.
The Jews say to Nicodemus :
You have become his disciple and
argue in his behalf.
(Nicodemus says to them : Has
not the governor [in your opinion]
become his disciple, and does not
he ar^ue in his behalf ?) 39
Did not Caesar appoint him [with
authority] to afieide this question ?
But the JewV ^[meanwhile]
PARIS D.
the priests, and the Levites and
the scribes and the people when
I was present in the synagogue :
What charge have you against
this man ? This man does many
miracles, such as [any other]
man never did or will do. Dis-
charge him therefore ; and if his
doings are from God, they will
stand, but if from men, they will
end in nothing.
As happened also when God sent
Moses into Egypt, and Pharaoh,
king of Egypt, spoke to him that
he should perform a miracle, and
lie performed it. Then Pharaoh
had two magicians, Jannes and
Jambres. And they also performed
miracles by the use of magic arts,
but not such as Moses performed.
And the Egyptians regarded such
magicians as gods. But because
they themselves ' were not from.
God their performances ended in
nothing.
This Jesus, indeed, raised Laz-
arus [from the dead], and he is
still alive. On this account I
beseech you, my lord, that you
will in no wise permit such a
physician and life-preserver to be
murdered.
The Hebrews were incensed
38 Monac. A and B.
39 Not in Paris A. Thilo copies it from three other manuscripts.
9.]
TESTIMONY OF THOSE WHO WERE CURED.
123
PARIS A.
were menacing, and gnashing
their teeth against Nicodemus.
And Pilate says to them :
Why do you gnash your teeth
against Nicodemus, for he speaks
truth ?
The Jews answered Nicode-
mus : May you receive his truth
and his portion.
Nicodemus says : Amen,
Amen. [Be it] as you say.
PARIS D.
against Nicodemus, and said to
him : May you inherit the truth
of Jesus and have part with him.
Nicodemus says : Amen,
Amen, Amen, be it to me as you
say.
9. Those Cured testify to the Miracles of Jesus.
From among the Jews, more-
over, another springing forward
desired to speak a word to the
governor.
The governor says : If you
wish anything, speak.
(The Jew said) 39a : Thirty-
eight years I lay on a couch,
suffering intensely. And when
Jesus came, many possessed by
demons and prostrated by various
diseases were healed by his pres-
ence. And some very trustful
persons, having compassion on
me, carried me with my couch,
and brought me to him. And
Jesus seeing me had compassion
on me, and spoke a word, Kise,
take up thy couch and walk.
And immediately I was healed
and took up my couch and
walked. 40
The Jews say to Pilate : Ask
him on what day he was healed.
He having been asked by Pi-
late concerning the day says : On
a sabbath.
The Jews say : Is not this in
accordance with our affirmation
that he cures and casts out de-
mons on the sabbath 1
Nicodemus having said these
things, another Hebrew getting
up says to Pilate : I beseech
you, lord Pilate, hear me also.
I lay helpless on a couch for
thirty-eight years, and on seeing
me he felt sorrow and spoke to
me : Arise, take up your couch
and depart to your house. And
while he was uttering this I
arose and walked about.
The Jews say : Ask him on
what day of the week this lifting
also your bed occurred.
He says : On a sabbath./
The Jews spoke : And there-
fore we say truly, that he does
not keep the sabbath.
39a Monac. A.
40 Compare John 5, 5 - 16.
124
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS A.
And again another Jew spring-
ing forward said : I was born
blind. I heard the voice [of
others] yet saw no countenance,
and, as Jesus passed by, I cried
with a loud voice : Son of David,
take compassion on me. And he
took compassion on me, and
placed his hands on my eyes,
and immediately I recovered my
sight. 41
And another springing forward
said : I was bowed down, and
lie straightened me by a word.* 2
And a certain woman named
Berenice, crying out from a dis-
tance, spoke : I had had a flow
of blood, and I touched the hem
of his garment, and immediately
the flow of blood, which had
lasted twelve years, came to an
end.
Then the Jews say : We have
a law, not to admit a woman to
testily.
And certain other men and
women cried out saying : This
man is a prophet, and the de-
mons are subject to him.
(Pilate says to those who stated
to him, that the demons were sub-
ject to him [Jesus] : Why are not
your teachers also subject to him ?) 44
They say to Pilate : We do not
know.
PARIS D.
Again another standing in the
midst spoke : I was born blind,
and as Jesus was going along
the road I cried to him, saying :
Take compassion on me, Lord,
son of David. And taking clay
he anointed my eyes, and im-
mediately I recovered sight.
Another spoke : I was bent
down, and seeing him cried out :
Take compassion on me, Lord.
And taking me by the hand, im-
mediately I arose.
Another spoke : I was a leper,
and he healed me solely by a word.
A woman also named Beronice
was there and stated, that. For
twelve years I had a flow of
blood, and I only touched the
extremity of his garment, and
immediately I was healed.
The Jews say : The law does
not admit a woman's testimony.
Other men 48 cried out : This
man is a prophet, and the de-
mons fear him.
Pilate says : Why did the demons
have no such fear of your fathers ?
They say : We do not know.* 5
41 Compare Mark 10, 46 - 52, Luke 18, 35 - 43.
42 Compare Luke 13, 11-13. Instead of the foregoing, Monac. B
has the following : "I had become a leper, and he healed me by a word."
Compare Matt. 8, 2-4, Mark 1, 40-45, Luke 5, 12-14.
43 "Again other Monotheists cried out : This man was a prophet.
From five loaves he fed five thousand, and through four loaves four
thousand, and the demons fear him." Codex Vetiet. in Thilo, p. 564.
44 Monac B.
45 "And they gave no answer." Codex Venet. in Thilo, p. 564.
10.]
EFFORT OF PILATE TO SAVE JESUS.
125
PARIS A.
Yet another spoke to Pilate :
That he awoke from the sepul-
chre Lazarus, who had been dead
since the fourth day.
And the governor, getting into
a tremor, says to the whole mul-
titude of Jews : Why do you
wish to pour out innocent blood 1
PARIS D.
Others again spoke : He raised,
and by a word only, Lazarus,
who was [already] for the fourth
day in the sepulchre.
Pilate, therefore, hearing the
resurrection of Lazarus, was
frightened, and says to the peo-
ple : Why do you wish to shed
the just blood of a man ?
10. Effort of Pilate to save Jesus.
And addressing (Nicodemus and
le twelve who had stated that he
not born of fornication) 46 he
says to them : "What shall I do, for
there is a tumult among the peo-
ple ?
They say to him : We do not
know. They shall see.
And again Pilate, addressing
the whole multitude of Jews,
says : You know that it is your
custom at the feast of unleavened
bread [to ask me] to free you one
prisoner. I have a condemned
prisoner in the prison, a murderer
called Barubbas, and this Jesus,
who stands before you on
whom I find no fault in him.
Whom do you wish that I should
set free to you ?
They cry : Barabbas.
And Pilate says to them :
What then shall I do to Jesus,
who is called the Christ ?
They say : Let him be cruci-
fied.
Another of the Jews said to
Pilate : You are plainly no friend
of Csesar, because he proclaimed
himself son of God and king.
Then he summoned Nicodemus
and the twelve Monotheists Jews
and spoke to them : What do you
say that I should do, for the peo-
ple is in commotion ?
They say : We do not know.
Do what you wish. What the
people do they do unjustly to ^find
out this, [namely, your will.']
Pilate again went out and says
to the people : You know that,
during the feasts of unleavened
bread, it is customary that I
should set free on my [your ?]
account one of the arrested liable
to confinement. I have in prison
an evil-doer, a robber named
Barabbas. I have also Jesus,
who never did evil. Which
therefore, of the two do you wish
that I should set free for you 1
The people say : Free Barab-
bas for us.
Pilate says : What then shall
I do with Jesus ?
They say : Let him be cruci-
fied.
Again others of them cried
out : If you free Jesus you are
no friend of Ca3sar, for he calls
himself son of God and king,
46 Monac. A.
126
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE
PARIS A.
You, therefore, wish this man for
king and not Csesar.
Pilate, being angry, says 48 to the
Jews : Your nation is always tur-
bulent and you oppose your bene-
factors.
The Jews say: What benefactors ?
Pilate says : As I hear, your
God led you out from oppressive
slavery, out of the land of Egypt,
and saved you through the sea as if
it had been dry land, and nourished
you with manna in the desert and
gave you a measure of quails, and
from a rock supplied you with wa-
ter to drink, and gave you a law.
And after all these things you pro-
voked your God, and sought out a
molten calf, and incensed your God
and he sought to kill you. And
Moses interceded for you and you
were not destroyed. And now you
charge me that I hate the king.
And Pilate rising from the tribu-
nal sought to go out.
And the Jews cried to Pilate,
saying : We recognize Csesar as
king, but not Jesus. For the magi
offered him gifts as to a king, and
Herod, hearing from the magi that
a king was born, sought to kill
him. But his father Joseph, know-
ing thereof, took him and his mother
and fled to Egypt. And Herod
hearing of it destroyed the children
in Bethlehem.
(And Pilate hearing these words
from the Jews was frightened.
And Pilate silencing the multi-
PARIS D.
and if you should free him he
becomes king 47 will take the
kingdom of Csesar.
Pilate thereupon got angry, and
spoke : *8 Your race was always
devilish and faithless, and y<|u were
always adversaries of your benefac-
tors.
The Hebrews spoke : And who
were our benefactors ?
Pilate says : God, who freed you
from the hand of Pharaoh, and
passed you through the Eed Sea as
if on dry land, and fed you 49 . . .
with water from the rock and who
gave you a law, which you disre-
garded, denying God ; and, unless
Moses had stood beseeching God,
you would all have perished by a
bitter death. You, indeed, forgot
all those things, and after the same
manner, say now that 1 do not love
Csesar, but hate him, and wish to
plot against his authority.
And having said these things
Pilate rose in anger from his seat,
wishing to fly from them.
The Jews thereupon cried out
saying : We wish Csesar to reign
over us, not Jesus, because Jesus re-
ceived gifts from the magi. And
Herod also heard this, that he
would become a king and [Herod]
wished to put him to death and,
to this end, sent and killed all the
children in Bethlehem. And on
this account also Joseph, his father,
and his mother fled, from fear of
these things, into Egypt.
Pilate therefore, hearing such
statements, and being frightened,
silenced all the people [and said] :
47 Either two texts are copied or and must be supplied, which Thilo
has done.
48 The remarks of Pilate were doubtless interpolated, not long after
the Jewish rebellion against Hadrian, at a time when some Christians
addressed the Jews in a similar strain.
49 The MS. must have omitted something.
EFFORT OF PILATE TO SAVE JESUS.
127
PARIS A.
tudes because of their crying out,
says :) 6!) So, this is he whom Herod
sought ?
The Jews say : Yes, this is he.
Then Pilate, taking water,
washed his hands publicly, 62
saying : I am innocent of the
blood of this just man. You
shall see [to it, or, the result of
it].
And again the Jews cry out,
that his blood [be] on us and on
our children.
PARIS D.
Then this is the Jesus whom Herod
at that time sought to kill ?
They say to him : Yes.
Pilate, therefore, becoming aware
that he [Jesus] belonged to Herod's
jurisdiction, because descended from
the race of Jews, 61 sent Jesus to
him.
And Herod on seeing him re-
joiced greatly, for he had been de-
siring to see him, hearing of the
miracles which he was accustomed
to perform. Therefore he clothed
him with white garments, and be-
gan to ask him : Whence are you,
and of what race ?
But Jesus gave him no answer.
But Herod wishing to see some
miracle, such as [had been] formerly
performed by Christ, and not seeing
[any], but [perceiving] that he did
not even give him a civil answer,
sent him again to Pilate.
But the people cried out : Let
him be crucified.
Pilate, noting this, spoke to
his servants to bring water, and
these brought it. Washing his
hands, therefore, with the water,
he said to the people : I am in-
nocent of the blood of this excel-
lent man. You shall see that
you are murdering this man un-
justly,
since neither did I find
fault in him, nor yet Herod. For
on this account [Herod] sent this
man back to me.
The Jews spoke: His blood
upon us and upon our chil-
Iren.
But the chief priests turbulently
urged the people, in order to de-
stroy him more promptly.
60 Monac. B.
61 This is a sample of mistakes which would have found place in the
Gospels, had they been of late origin.
62 Literally, in presence of the sun, or, to use a modern expression, in
sight of heaven.
128
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS A.
to Pi-
PARIS D.
And the people again
late [...?]
Then says Pilate to Jesus : You
are the king of the Jews ?
But Jesus gave him no answer.
Pilate says : Do you not speak to
me ? Do you not know that I have
authority to crucify you and au-
thority to free you ?
Therefore Jesus spoke to him :
You have not a particle of authority
against me, except it were given
you from above.
11. Crucifixion of Jesus.
Then Pilate commanded the
accused 63 to be brought before
the tribunal where he was sit-
ting,
and gave judgment as fol-
lows against Jesus.
SENTENCE BY PILATE. Your
own nation has convicted you as
[claiming to be] a king, and on
this account I have decreed that
he [you]
be first scourged,
because of the ordinance of the
pious kings, and then
be hung on a cross,
in the garden where he was [you
were] seized and two malefactors
with him. 84
Then Pilate seated himself on
his official seat, that he might
give judgment against Jesus.
He decreed, therefore, and Jesus
came before him.
And they brought a crown of
thorns and placed it upon his head
and a reed upon [in his] right
hand.
Then he gave judgment, and
says to him :
Your race says and
testifies [concerning] you that
you wish to reign. On this ac-
count I decree that
they shall first strike you
with a staff forty blows, as the
laws of the kings decree, and that
they shall make sport of you, and
finally that
they shall crucify you.
Such judgment, therefore, from
Pilate having taken place, the
Jews began to strike Jesus, some
with staves, others with their
hands, others with their feet, and
others spit in his face.
63 T6 ET)\OV. The translation is conjectural.
64 "LetDysmas and Stegas, the two malefactors, be crucified with
you." Monac. A.
11.]
CRUCIFIXION OF JES
PARIS A.
And immediately they led out
Jesus from the Prsetorium
at the same time with the two
malefactors.
And
when they arrived at the spot,
the soldiers divested Jesus of his
garments, and girded him with
a linen cloth,
and encircled his
head with a crown of thorns,
PARIS D.
Immediately, therefore, hav-
ing prepared the cross, they took
[him] away to crucify him. And
having given this [the cross] to
him, they hurried to be on their
way.
And as he was thus going, car-
rying also his cross, he came to the
gate of the city of Jerusalem. But
as he was not able to walk, because
of the many blows, and because of
the weight of the cross, these [peo-
ple] because of the desire which
the Jews had to crucify him [withj
speed, taking 55 from him the cross,
gave it to a Cyrenian who met
them, Simon by name, [who was]
coming from the country, who had
two sons, Alexander and Rufus,
and he was from the, city of Gyrene
they gave him, therefore, the
cross. Not out of compassion to-
wards Jesus, and to lighten him of
the burden, but desiring, as has
been said, to murder him sooner,
they impressed him, the Cyrenian,
that he should carry his cross.
And they bring him to the place
Golgotha, which translated is,
Place of a Skull. 56
Then were saved . . . 66 to the
place called Skull, which was
strown [or, paved] with stones ;
and there the Jews [?] placed
the cross.
And the soldiers took off his
garments and divided these
things among themselves.
And
they offered him to drink
wine mingled with myrrh, which
?y o
jled
he did not take.
And they put on him a purple
65 The Greek is ungrammatical and confused, owing apparently to the
mingling of two, or more, narratives.
56 Here follows in Paris D an interpolation later by several centuries
than the original document, for it styles Mary Mother of God.
56a There must here be an omission. Cp. Greek copy (Am. edit.) of
Paris D, p. 22, note 1.
130
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS
and crucified him, and at the
same time suspended the two
malefactors with him.
PARIS D.
cloak, that is a purple
[Rasos ?], and weaving a crown of
thorns they put it on his head, and
bending their knees before him
they mocked him, saying : Hail,
king of the Jews ! And spitting on
him, they took a reed and struck
him on his head. And after they
had mocked him they took off the
cloak, that is the Rasos [Rosos ?],
which is called purple. And they
put on him his own garments and
led him away that he might be cru-
cified. And crucifying him they
divided his garments, casting lots
upon them [to determine] what each
one should take. 57
And it was the sixth w hour of
the day. They lifted him on
the cross, and crucifying him
destroyed * him.
And the inscription of his alleged
crime was written over him in
Greek and Romaic and Hebrew
letters, saying, This is the king of
the Jews.
And they crucified with him
two robbers, one on the right
and one on the left.
And the passers-by uttered abus-
ive language towards him, shaking
their heads and saying : Oh, you,
who destroy the temple and build it
again in three days, save yourself
and descend from the cross. In like
manner the chief priests with the
scribes said mockingly to each other:
The Christ, the son of Israel, saved
others. He cannot save himself.
Let him now descend from the cross,
that we may see and believe him. 60
67 The reference by Justin Martyr (Apol. 1, 35) to this passage implies
that in the middle of the second century it was to be found, in the Acts
of Pilate, corresponding apparently with the text here given.
68 The manuscript here uses a numeral.
69 The translation of this word is conjectural.
60 Here follows in Paris D an interpolation of monkish times, a long
lamentation by the " Mother of God."
11.]
CEUCIFIXION OF JESUS.
131
PARIS A.
But Jesus said : Father, forgive
them, for they know not what they
do.
And the soldiers divided his
garments.
And the people stood looking on.
And the chief priests and elders of
the people sneered at him saying :
He saved others and cannot save
himself. If he is the Son of God,
let him descend now from the cross
and we will believe on him. And
the soldiers made game of him,
coming and offering him vinegar
and gall and they said : If you are
the Christ, the king of the Jews,
save yourself.
And Pilate, after the sentence,
commanded also an inscription to
be written, [specifying] the charge
against him, in Greek letters. 61
And a certain one of the sus-
pended malefactors, Gestas by
name, said to Jesus : If you are the
Christ save yourself and us.
But Demas, the other, answer-
ing, rebuked him, saying : Have
you|no fear of God, because you are
under the same condemnation ?
And we [are condemned] justly, for
we indeed receive the proper [con-
sequences] of what we have done.
But this man has committed no
crime. And he said to Jesus, Ke-
member me, Lord, when you shall
come in your kingdom.
Jesus spoke to him : Verily I
PARIS D.
Then Jesus cried with a loud
voice saying : Do not charge this sin
to them, for the wretched [ones] do
not know what they are doing.
Then he says : I am thirsty.
And immediately one of the sol-
diers ran, and taking a sponge and
filling it, and placing it on a reed,
gave him to drink. And having
tasted he would not drink.
But the Jews standing and look-
ing on ridiculed him and said : If
you said truly that you are the Son
of God, descend from the cross, and
immediately, that we may believe
on you. Others ridiculing him,
said : He saved others, he cured
and healed others, infirm, palsied,
lepers, demoniacs, blind, lame,
dead, and he cannot likewise save
himself.
And the robber, crucified on his
left hand, said to him : If you are
the Son of God, descend from the
cross and save yourself and us.
His name was Gestas. But the
robber crucified on the right, named
Dysmas, reproached that same rob-
ber, saying : miserable and
wretched [man], do you not fear
God ? We indeed suffer what our
deeds deserve. But he has done
and committed no crime what-
ever. And this robber on the
right turning, accosted Jesus
and says : Lord, remember me
when you shall come in your
kingdom. But Jesus spoke to
him : Verily : I say to you this
61 "In Romaic and Hebrew letters, in accordance with what the Jews
stated that he is king of the Jews." Monac. B. The same with omis-
sion of "and Hebrew " is found in Monac. A.
132
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS A.
say to you, Demas : To-day
shall be with me in Paradise.' 52
PARIS D.
you day you shall be with me in Para-
dise. 63
Then Jesus crying with a loud
voice, spoke : Father, into thy
hands will I commit my spirit.
And with this utterance he ex-
pired. [Cp. 12 of Paris A.]
12. Accompaniments of the Crucifixion.
And
tour.
it was about the sixth
And darkness took place
upon the earth until the ninth
hour, the sun being darkened.
And the veil of the temple was
rent in two from top to bottom.
And Jesus crying with a loud
voice, said : Father, into thy
hands I commit my spirit. And
having uttered this he gave up the
spirit. 65 [Cp. 11 of Paris D.]
The centurion, seeing what took
place, glorified God, saying that :
This man is just. And all the
crowds who were passing to see
this spectacle, when they saw the
occurrences, returned, beating their
breasts.
And it was about the sixth
hour. And immediately a very
great earthquake occurred over
the whole earth, so that the
whole world shuddered. And
because of the excessive earth-
quake the rocks were rent and
the sepulchres of the dead were
opened, and many BODIES of the
Just were awakened, 64 and the
sun was darkened, and the veil
of the temple was rent in the
middle, and darkness took place
over the whole earth until the
ninth hour.
And when all these things took
place, the Jews being frightened,
some of them said that In reality
this man was just. Longinus,
the centurion, standing up boldly,
spoke : Truly, this man was Son of
God. Others coining and seeing
him, [commenced] beating their
breasts, and immediately turned
back again from fear.
62 This can scarcely have been added before the fourth century. See
Underworld Mission, pp. 144, 145 ; 3d edit. pp. 138, 139.
63 Another monkish interpolation of Paris D occurs here. It narrates
that when Joseph and the " Mother of God " fled to. Egypt thirty-three
years previously, the leprous child of the right-hand robber was cured by
being washed in the same water which had been used for the infant
Jesus.
64 Cp. close of 13. Did the souls await the resurrection of Jesus ?
The genuineness of the similar passage in Matthew 27, 52, 53, has been
questioned. See Norton, Genuineness, 1, Appendix, Note A, Section v.
65 In some of the MSS. the Hebrew of Psalm 31, 5 (Septuagint, 30, 6)
is here copied with the Greek appended as a translation.
12.]
ACCOMPANIMENTS OF THE CRUCIFIXION.
133
PARIS A.
But the centurion reported to
the governor all the occurrences.
And the governor and his wife
hearing of it were exceedingly
grieved [depressed ?] and neither
ate nor drank on that day. And
Pilate summoning the Jews
spoke to them : You have beheld
the occurrences.
But they spoke to him : An
eclipse of the sun has taken
place, a usual thing. 66
And all the relatives of Jesus
stood afar, and the women who
followed him from Galilee, look-
ing at these things.
PARIS D.
But the centurion, having no-
ticed all such wonders, going to
Pilate, narrated these things.
But he hearing [the narration]
wondered and was astounded,
and because of his fear and grief,
would not eat nor drink on that
day. He gave notice, moreover,
and the whole Sanhedrim came
so soon as the darkness had
passed. And Pilate spoke to the
people : You see how a great earth-
quake took place ; You see how
the veil of the temple was rent
in the midst ; You see how dark-
ness took place over the whole
inhabited earth from the sixth to
the ninth hour. In reality I did
well in exhorting you not to
murder the excellent man.
But all the miscreants were
utterly unbelieving. On the
contrary they said to Pilate,
that : Such darkness is an eclipse
of the sun, similar to what has
occurred in other times.
Pilate says to them : If this
darkness be an eclipse of the sun
as you say, what do you pro-
nounce the other marvels and
shuddering prodigies ]
And they had nothing to an-
swer.
And while he was saying these
things, the Jews coming and (?)
spoke to Pilate : My Lord, the in-
scription above the head of Jesus
was not written properly, for it tes-
tifies that he is our king. There-
fore we beseech you, that you de-
cree and write there, that this man
said that he was king of the Jews.
66 This oversight was subsequently remedied in some copies by an in-
terpolation. According to Monac. A, " Pilate said to them : Foulest of
men, this is your truthfulness in all things. I know that this never oc-
curs except at new moon [literally, at the moon's birth]. You ate your
passover yesterday on the fourteenth of the month, and [yet] you say an
eclipse of the sun occurred." Thilo, p. 594, n.
134
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE
PARIS
PARIS D.
Pilate said to them : What I have
written, I have written.
Then they say to him : We have
the feast of unleavened bread all
of to-morrow, and we beseech you,
since the crucified yet breathe, that
their bones may be broken, and
that they may be taken down.
Pilate spoke : Let this take place.
He sent soldiers, therefore, and
they found the robbers breathing,
and broke their legs. But finding
Jesus dead, and[?] they did not
touch him. Then one soldier leav-
"ing [his companions] and [?] pierced
Jesus with a spear in the right side,
and immediately there came out
blood and water. 66a
13. Joseph esteems and buries Jesus.
And, behold, a man named
Joseph, who was a councillor, a
good and just man,
(Monac. B. , this man had
not assented to their design nor
action) from Arimathea, a city of
the Jews himself also awaiting
the kingdom of God, this man
But towards evening of the
Preparation, that was closing, a
certain Joseph, a well-born and
wealthy man, a Monotheist, a
Jew, finding the Nicodemus
whom the previous account has
made known, says to him : I
know that you loved Jesus while
he was alive, and gladly heard
bis teachings, and I saw you
combating the Jews on his ac-
count. If it seems good to you,
therefore, let us go to Pilate and
ask the body of Jesus for burial,
since it is a great sin that he
should lie unburied.
I am afraid, says Nicodemus,
lest [owing to] Pilate being
angry I should suffer some in-
jury. But if you, going alone
and asking, should receive the
dead, then I also will accompany
you and will co-operate in per-
664 Here follow for the second time citations from Jeremiah, Zechariah
and Isaiah, which had already been interpolated into a passage of John
mentioned in note 19.
13.]
JOSEPH ESTEEMS AND BURIES JESUS.
135
PARIS A.
coming to Pilate, re-
quested the body of Jesus. And
Pilate permitted [or, directed]
that the body be given him.
And taking it he wrapped it in
pure linen and placed it in a
rock-hewn sepulchre, in which
no one had ever yet lain.
And the Jews, hearing that
Joseph had asked for the body
of Jesus, were seeking both
him
and the twelve who had
said that Jesus was not born of for-
nication, and for Nicodemus and
many others, who, springing for-
ward before Pilate, had made mani-
fest his good works.
And all [others of them] having
concealed themselves, Nicodenms
only made his appearance to them,
because he was a ruling man of the
Jews. And Nicodemus says to
them : How can you [dare] enter
the synagogue ?
The Jews say : How do you
[dare] enter the synagogue ? For
you are his accomplice and his
portion [be] yours in the future
Nicodemus says : Amen, Amen.
In like manner Joseph, coming
forward from [his concealment ?] *
said to them : Why are you vexed
at me because I asked the body of
Jesus ? Behold, I put it in my new
sepulchre, wrapping it in pure linen,
and I rolled a stone against the
PARIS D.
forming thoroughly all
appropriate to burial.* 1
things
The Jews having learned that
these things had been done by
Joseph and Nicodemus, were
very indignant at them, and the
high-priests, Annas and Caiaphas,
manifesting [it] to Joseph, spoke
to him: Why did you perform
this sepulture for the dead
Jesus?
67 Here follows a passage in which Mary is called Mother of God.
is of course later by centuries than the original document.
68 IIa/>e/c/3ds.
It
136
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS A.
door of the sepulchre. And you
have not done well towards the
just man, that having crucified
him you did not repent, but raised
a spear against him.
PARIS D.
The Jews, having heard these
things from Joseph, immediately
seizing him, commanded that he be
made safe until the (first) 68 * day of
the week, saying : The hour does
not permit doing anything against
you, because the sabbath is about
dawning, and you will not be
deemed worthy of sepulture, but
we will give your flesh to the birds
of heaven.
Joseph says to them : This is the
speech of the arrogant Goliath, who
uttered contumely towards the liv-
ing God and the holy David. But
God spoke through the prophets :
To me [belongs] thorough ven-
geance ; I will repay, says the Lord.
And now the uncircumcised in
flesh, but circumcised in heart,
taking water, washed his hands in
presence of the sun, saying : I am
innocent of the blood of this just
man, you shall see. And answer-
ing Pilate you said : His blood [be]
upon us and upon our children.
And now I fear lest the anger of
the Lord be close upon you and
upon your children, in accordance
with what you [then] said.
But the Jews having heard these
words were embittered in soul,
and laying hold of Joseph,
seized him and shut him into a
house where there was no win-
I know Jesus
[to have been] a just man, true
and good in all things, and I
know you, that from envy you
accomplished his murder, and
therefore T took charge of his
burial.
Then the high-priests getting
angry and seizing Joseph, threw
him into prison and said to him :
Except to-morrow [were upon
us] 68b we would have put you to
death ! For the present remain
Monac. B.
68b The Sabbath began Friday evening.
13.] JOSEPH ESTEEMS AND BURIES JESUS. 137
PARIS A. PARIS D.
under guard, but on the LORD'S
DAY 69 early you will be deliv-
ered to death. They spoke these
dow. (?) And guards remained things, and marked with a seal
at the door. the prison, which was secured by
all manner of locks.
The Preparation having come
therefore thus to an end, the
Jews, early on the sabbath, went
off to Pilate and spoke to him :
That deceiver, while yet alive,
spoke [to the effect] that after
three days he should be raised.
Lest his disciples, stealing him by
night, should mislead the people
by such a falsehood, command,
we pray you, that his sepulchre
be guarded.
Pilate, therefore, gave them
five hundred soldiers, who seated
themselves on the sepulchre to
guard it. Placing also seals
[upon] the stone of the sepulchre,
they guarded it during the sab-
bath until the first dawn of the
LORD'S DAY.
After this a great earthquake
again took place first, then a
lightning-bearing angel of the
Lord coming from heaven rolled
the stone from the sepulchre
and sat upon it. And from
[fear] of the angel the sol-
diers became as dead. Then the
Lord arose, wakened Adam and
* all the prophets, whom the devil
had in his power. He there
wakened also all believers on
him. 70
69 Anachronisms like this would have crept into the Gospels had they
been written after the first century.
70 The original document seems to have ended here. The following
doxology is subjoined in Paris D and Cod. Venet. :
" The name of the Lord be praised
With his Father and the all-holy spirit
Now and always and to ages of ages."
as also the following subscription in Paris D :
" End of the Holy Sufferings and beginning of HIS resurrection ; of
our Lord Jesus Christ."
138
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
14. Heathens testify to the Resurrection.
And on the sabbath the chiefs
of the synagogue and priests
and Levites decreed that all
should assemble [literally, be
found] in the synagogue on the
first day of the week. And ris-
ing early, all plotted in the
synagogue, by what death they
should kill Joseph.
And while the council [or Sanhe-
drim] was sitting, they commanded
him to be brought with much igno-
miny. And having opened the
door they did not find him. And
the whole peoplewas astounded, and
they became amazed, because they
found the seals and doors sealed,
and that Caiaphas had the key.
And thereafter, they no longer
dared to lay their hands on those
who had spoken before Pilate con-
cerning Jesus.
And while they were yet sit-
ting in the synagogue,
and wonder-
ing on account of Joseph,
some of the
guard came, whom the Jews had
requested from Pilate to watch
the sepulchre of Jesus, lest the
disciples coming should steal him.
And they announced to the chiefs
of the synagogue and priests and
Levites, stating the events which
had taken place, how " a great
earthquake occurred while we
were watching the sepulchre, and
we saw how an angel descended
from heaven and rolled away the
stone from the door of the sep-
ulchre and sat upon it.
And his appearance was like
lightning, and his garment white
as snow, and from fear of him we
became as dead. 71
When, therefore, the Lord's
Day dawned, the chief [or high]
priests held a council with the
Jews, and sent to put Joseph out
of prison, for the purpose of kill-
ing him. And having opened
[it] they did not find him. And
they were surprised at this, as to
how, the doors being shut and
the keys safe, and the seals hav-
ing been found [unbroken] but
Joseph was become invisible.
And hereupon a soldier, one
of those who had guarded the
sepulchre, coming up, spoke in
the synagogue : Learn that Jesus
has risen.
The Jews say : How ?
But he said: "First a great
earthquake took place, then a
lightning-bearing angel of the
Lord coming from heaven, rolled
the stone [from] the sepulchre
and sat upon it, and from fear of
him all we soldiers
became as dead, and
were unable
either to fly or speak. And we
71 In Monac. A this reads, "and we lay in great fright."
14.] HEATHENS TESTIFY TO THE RESURRECTION. 139
PARIS A.
And we heard the angel saying
to the women, who stayed by the
tomb of Jesus, and he said : Be
not afraid, for I know that you
seek Jesus the crucified. He is
not here, for he has risen in ac-
cordance with what he spoke.
Approach ; see the place where
the Lord was lying ; and going
quickly speak to his disciples,
that he has risen from the dead,
and behold, he precedes yon into
Galilee. There ye shall see him
in accordance with what he spoke
to you.
The Jews say : To what women
was he talking /
The guards say : "We do not
know who they were.
The Jews say : Why did you not
seize the women ?
The guards say : "We were he-
come as if dead from fright, not
hoping to see the light of day ; and
how could we seize them ?
The Jews say : As the Lord lives
we do not believe you.
The guards say : You saw so
many miracles in that man and
you did not believe, and how can
you believe us ? For you swore
well that as the Lord lives, we do
not believe you. For he [the Lord]
does live.
And again the guards say : We
have heard that you shut up him
who asked for the body of Jesus,
sealing also the door, and having
opened it, you did not find him.
Give us Joseph, and we will give
you Jesus.
The Jews say : We will give you
Joseph ; Give us Jesus also.
The guards say : First do you
give us Joseph, and then we will
give you Jesus likewise.
PARIS D.
heard the angel saying to the
women, who had come thither
to see the sepulchre,
that : Be not
afraid, for I know that you seek
Jesus. He is not here, but has
risen as he told you beforehand.
Bend down and see the sepulchre
where the body of Jesus lay.
Go, how-
ever, and tell his disciples that
he has risen from the dead, and
that they shall go in [into] Gal-
ilee, for there they shall find
him.
On this account I [the soldier]
tell you this previously.
The Jews say to the soldiers :
What women were they that came
to the sepulchre ?
and why did you
not seize them ?
The soldiers say : From fear, and
[from] the sight alone of the angel,
we were neither able to speak nor to
move.
The Jews spoke : As the God of
Israel lives that we believe nothing
of what you say.
The soldiers say : Jesus per-
formed such miracles and you did
not believe [him], and [how] are you
to believe us now ? You say truly,
that God lives, and indeed he truly
lives even whom you crucified.
But did we not hear that you had
Joseph shut up in prison, then
opening the doors you did not find
him. Give us Joseph, and we will
also, on this condition, give you
Jesus.
140
ACTS OF PILATE.
[NOTE A.
PARIS A.
The Jews say : Joseph has de-
parted to his own city.
The guards say to the Jews :
And Jesus is [gone] into Galilee, as
we heard from the angel who rolled
away the stone, that : He precedes
you into Galilee.
And the Jews, having heard
these words, were greatly vexed,
saying : This account must by
no means be heard [lest] all be
inclined towards Jesus. And
holding a council among them-
selves, they laid down a con-
siderable quantity of silver and
gave it to the soldiers, saying :
State, that His disciples, coming
by night, stole him while we
were asleep. And, if this should
be heard by the governor,
we will persuade
him and will save you any anx-
iety.
But they taking the silver did
as they had been taught. And
this report has circulated among
the Jews UNTIL THE PRESENT
TIME. 72
PARIS D.
The Jews say : Joseph, a fugi-
tive from prison, you will find him
in Arimathea, his country.
The soldiers also say : Go you
also to Galilee and you will find
Jesus, as the angel stated to the
women.
Hereupon, being frightened,
the Jews spake to the soldiers :
See that you utter to no one this
account, and [lest ?] all shall be-
lieve on Jesus. To which end
also they gave them much sil-
ver, that they might state : While
we slept his disciples came and
stole him.
The soldiers spoke : "We fear
lest Pilate should hear that we
took silver, and should put us to
death.
The Jews spoke : Take it and
we pledge ourselves to render an
apology to Pilate in your behalf.
Only state that you slept.
And the soldiers took the sil-
ver, and stated as they had been
ordered, and UNTIL THE PRESENT
DAY such a false account is cir-
culated by the Jews.
15. Jews testify to the Resurrection.
But Phineas, a certain priest,
and Addas, a teacher, and Angseus,
a Levite, coming down from Gal-
ilee in [to] Jerusalem, narrated to
the chiefs of the synagogue and
to the priests and Levites, that
And, after a few days, three
men came from Galilee to Jeru-
salem. One was a priest named
Phineas : another a Levite
named Angreus, but the remain-
ing one a soldier named Adas.
These came to the chief-priests
and stated to them and to the
72 The language coincides closely with that of Matthew, 28, 11-15.
See p. 89.
15.]
JEWS TESTIFY TO THE RESURRECTION.
141
PARIS A.
they saw Jesus and his disciples
sitting on mount Admonition.
And he said to his disciples :
Going into the whole world, pro-
claim to all the creation that who-
ever believes and is baptized will
l>e saved, but the unbeliever will
be condemned.
And these miracles shall follow
believers. In my name they shall
cast out demons, they shall speak
in [to them] new languages, and
shall lift serpents in their hands,
and if they shall drink anything
deadly, it shall not injure them.
They shall lay their hands on the
sick and these shall get well.
While Jesus was yet speaking
to his disciples, we saw him
taken up into heaven.
The elders and priests and Le-
vites say : Give glory to the God of
Israel and make acknowledgment
to him if ye have heard and seen
what ye narrate.
The narrators say, that : As the
Lord God of our fathers lives, the
God of Abraham and the God of
Isaac and the God of Jacob, we
have heard these things and we saw
him taken up into heaven.
The Jews say to them : Did you
come for this, to make a glad an-
nouncement, or did you come that
you might offer prayer to God ?
They say : That we may offer
prayer to God.
The Jews say to them : To what
purpose then is this silly talk
which you have been nonsensically
talking before all the people ?
Phineas says, [as] also Addas, the
teacher, and Angaeus the Levite, to
the chiefs of the synagogue and to
the priests and Levites : If these
words which we have spoken are
a sin, lo, we are before you. Do
PARIS D.
people : We saw in Galilee that
Jesus, whom you crucified, with
his eleven disciples on the mount
of Olives, teaching them and
saying : Go into the whole world
and proclaim the gospel, and he
who believes and is baptized will
be saved, but the unbeliever will
be condemned. And having said
these things he ascended to
heaven.
And both we, and many
others of the five hundred there,
saw him.
And the chief priests and Jews,
having heard these things, spoke to
those three men : Give glory to the
God of Israel, and repent of these,
your falsehoods.
These three answered : As lives
the Lord God of our fathers, of
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, we do
not falsify but speak truly.
142 PILATE'S REPORT. [NOTE B.
PARIS A. PARIS D.
to us what seems good in your
eyes.
But they, taking [a book of] Then the high-priest adjured
the Law, adjured them to nar- them, and giving them money
rate these accounts to no one any sent them away to another place,
further. And they gave them to that they should not proclaim
eat and drink and put them out the resurrection of the Lord in
of the city, having given them Jerusalem,
also silver and three men to put
them again into Galilee. And
they departed. 78
The foregoing not only comprises everything in Paris A
and Paris D, which can reasonably be regarded as part of
the original Acts of Pilate, but includes many of the additions.
The remainder of these documents, as printed by Thilo, 74 can-
not have formed part of the original composition.
NOTE B.
PILATE'S KEPORT.
ASIDE from the Acts of Pilate which have been given in the
preceding Note, a letter from Pontius Pilate to Tiberius was
fabricated, either as a support to the preceding document or
as an independent fraud. Tertullian (see Note A, footnote 1)
78 "And they gave them to eat and drink, and putting them out of the
city, let them go, having given them also three men so as to take them
safely [without any talking?] as far as Galilee." Monac. A, Thilo,
p. 626.
74 A portion of the remainder is weak and objectless. A search
through the country, prompted by Nicodemus, finds nothing of Jesus,
but does find Joseph, who gives a lecture to the murderers of Jesus.
Another portion is a narrative by two sons of that Simeon, who blessed
Jesus when a child. They had died and been buried some time pre-
viously. They were among those raised at the resurrection of Jesus.
They narrate to the Jewish rulers the deeds of Jesus in the Underworld,
of which the reader will find a brief abstract in Underworld Mission,
pp. 161, 162 ; 3d. edit. pp. 155, 156. These omitted portions consti-
tute about half of the whole document as printed by Thilo.
1-]
LONGER LATIN FORM.
143
refers to it. At present this letter appears in several forms,
occasioned perhaps by the different wants of controversialists.
The longer Latin form of the letter is herewith translated.
I understand Thilo to mean that he takes it as given in his
text from the Einsiedlen MS., 1 and as given in his notes from
the Orthodoxographa. 2
1 Longer Latin Form.
Codex Einsidlensis.
PONTIUS PILATE TO HIS SOVEREIGN
CLAUDius, 3 GREETING.
Lately it happened with my
sanction that the Jews through
envy punished themselves and
their posterity by cruelly sen-
tencing [a person] concerning
whom, when their fathers had a
promise that their God would
send to them from his holy
Heaven [one] who should de-
servedly be called their king, and
had promised that he would send
this king to the earth through a
virgin.* When the God of the
Hebrews during my procurator-
ship had sent that king into
Judea, and when the Hebrews
had seen him give light to the
blind, purify the lepers, cure
paralytics, drive demons out of
men, call to life even the dead,
control the winds, walk with dry
feet over waves of the sea, and
do many other miraculous won-
ders, and when many of the
Jewish people believed him to be
Monumenta Orthodoxographa.
Lately it happened, of which
thing I can bear testimony, that
the Jews through envy destroyed
themselves and all their poster-
ity by cruelly sentencing [a per-
son]. For when by the promise
of oracles received by the au-
thority of their ancestors they
expected as follows, namely, that
their God would through a young
virgin send [one] who should
justly be called their king, he
sent this [person] into Judea dur-
ing my presence there. He, as
is known to all, restored sight to
the blind, cleansed lepers, cured
paralytics. They saw him also
drive out demons and liberate
those possessed by impure spirits.
He also resuscitated from their
sepulchres the dead. The storms
of wind obeyed him ; he walked
on the sea with dry feet. He
did also very many other mira-
cles so that he was commonly
called among Jews and the com-
mon people the Son of God.
1 Thilo, p. 796 n. The letter, subjoined in this MS. to the Acts of
Pilate, is given in Thilo, Cod. Apoc. pp. 796 - 800.
2 Thilo states, p. cxxxiv, that he knows not the MS. origin of the
Latin which he has given in notes on pp. 798-800, and which is here
tht
letter.
translated. It is perhaps nearer than the Einsiedlen MS. to the original
8 This was a portion of the fuller name Tiberius Claudius Caesar.
4 The sentence is imperfect in the Latin. In the corresponding pas-
sage of the Orthodoxographa the expression is mrginem juvenculam.
Possibly this may be intended to mean an immature virgin.
144
PILATE'S REPORT.
[NOTE B.
Codex Einsidlensis.
the Son of God, the chief priests
and scribes, and Pharisees of the
Jews experienced envy towards
him, and seizing, delivered him
to me as procurator, and stated to
me falsely a variety of things
concerning him, asserting that he
was a magician and acted 5 con-
trary to their law. I, however,
believed their charges, and de-
livered him after a scourging to
their decision. They, however,
crucified him on a wooden cross 6
and burying him when dead
placed guards, the soldiers of my
Praetorium guarding his sep-
ulchre and sealing it. On the
third day he arose from the
sepulchre. The wickedness of
the Jews, however, flamed out to
such a degree that they gave
money to my soldiers, saying:
State that 7 his disciples stole his
body by night. But my soldiers,
after they had received the
money, could not be silent as to
the truth of what had occurred,
but testified that he had risen
from the sepulchre, and said that
they had received money from
the Jews.
Therefore I suggest to the
sovereign that no one spread a
contrary falsehood and decide 8 to
credit untruths of the Jews.
Monumenta Orthodoxographa.
The chief priests, however,
moved by rivalry and envy, were
opposed to him, and delivered
him, captured, to me, charging
him as a criminal with fictitious
crimes : they called him a magi-
cian, a renegade from, and trans-
gressor of, their law, by which
persuasions I, misled, credited
their complaints and delivered
him, scourged, to them that they
should proceed against him as
they deemed proper. But they
thereupon crucified him and
placed guards over the sepulchre
in which he was deposited,
among which guards also were
some of my soldiers, who saw
him on the third day rising from
the dead. The wickedness of
the Jews, however, flamed out
the more hereupon, and they
paid a large sum of money to
the soldiers as an inducement to
affirm that his disciples had
stolen the body by night. The
soldiers accepted the money, but
nevertheless affirmed and testi-
fied publicly everywhere that
they had seen visions of angels,
and that that Jesus had truly
risen from the dead.
I, however, have written these
things to the end that no one
may credit the triflings and false-
5 For magnum read magum.
6 The words in Italics, omitted in one MS., were probably added dur-
ing the rage for using arguments from the Old Testament. Compare in
Judaism, p. 345, a remark of Middleton.
7 Quid is used here in the sense of the Greek word 6n. If not a
translation it would indicate, that Latins who resided in Greek coun-
tries, or Greeks who wrote Latin, had affixed this meaning to the
word.
8 For cestimans read cestimet. The preceding words in Italics may be
an interpolation. Otherwise we might treat et as interpolated and trans-
late " that no one spread a contrary falsehood [and] deciding to credit
untruths of the Jews."
2.] SHORTER LATIN FORM. 145
Codex Einsidlensis. Monumenta Orthodoxographa.
I have directed to your mighti- hoods of the Jews if they give a
ness [a record o/] all things done different account of what has oc-
touching Jesus in my Prcetorium? curred. Farewell.
2. Shorter Latin Form
PONTIUS PILATE, PROCURATOR OF JUDEA, TO TIBERIUS CAESAR,
EMPEROR, S. P.
Concerning Jesus Christ, on whom in my last communi-
cations I made a plain declaration to you, that severe punish-
ment was inflicted by desire of the people, I being unwilling
and reluctant, no previous age had or will have a man, by
Hercules, so pious, so [morally] austere. But there arose a
wonderful effort of the people itself, and a concurrence of the
scribes and chiefs and elders, (although their prophets, who
according to us would be called Sibyls, warned against it) to
crucify this ambassador of truth, supernatural signs making
their appearance while he was suspended [on the cross], such
as threatened, in the opinion of philosophers, ruin to the
whole world. His disciples flourish, not proving untrue in
work and continence of life to their master ; nay, being most
beneficent in his name. Unless I had been in the utmost
fear lest a sedition should arise of the people who were almost
boiling over, perchance that man would still live for us.
Although fidelity to your dignity, rather than my own will,
prevented my opposing with all my strength the sale and suf-
fering of just blood, void of any accusation, merely through
the malignity of men [and] yet [to eventuate], as the Scrip-
tures make plain, in their own destruction. Farewell. V.
Cal. April.
9 The paragraph in Italics is probably a later addition.
10 The letter in this form cannot be the one to which Tertullian (see
Note A, footnote 1) refers. Thilo prints it in his Codex Apocryphus,
pp. 801, 802. He mentions that it is nowhere found appended in
manuscripts to, the Acts of Pilate, or, to use his words, a nemine, quod
sciam, cum Nicodemi evangelio conjuncf.a est. The letters S. P. appended
to the inscription are an abbreviation probably of Salutem Plurimam,
" utmost prosperity."
146 PILATE'S KEPORT. [NOTE B.
3. Greek Form.
REPORT OP PONTIUS PILATE, PROCURATOR OF JUDEA, SENT TO
TIBERIUS C^SAR, AT ROME.
Pontius Pilate, administering the Eastern government, to
Tiberius Csesar, most powerful and sacred. 11
I have thought proper, filled [as I am] with much fear and
trembling, most powerful king, to indicate by this, my own
writing, to your Practical-piety, the p TTTJV contingency [to
nature] 12 of this date as the event made it known.
While I, master, according to the command of thy Seren-
ity, was administering this eparchy, (which is one of the eastern
cities called Jerusalem, in which is situated the temple of the Jew-
ish race) 13 the whole multitude of the Jews being assembled,
delivered to me a man named Jesus, bringing many and un-
usual accusations against him, but they were not able by any
statement to convict him. There was one party of them [who
charged] 14 against him that he said the sabbath was not their
true rest.
That man performed many cures in addition to good
works. He made the blind to see, purified lepers, raised the
dead, healed paralytics who were totally unable to move, ex-
cept that they retained speech and the articulation of their
bones, and he gave them power to walk about and run, im-
parting it by a mere word. He did another more powerful
work, which was strange even for our gods [to perform] : he
raised from the dead a certain Lazarus, dead since the fourth
day, commanding by a word only the dead man (whose body
was already destroyed by worms and vermin) to awake, and
he commanded that foul-smelling body which was lying in the
sepulchre to run, and this [dead man], like a bridegroom from
11 The translation of the title follows Codex C, which is less bombas-
tic than that adopted by Thilo. His text for the remainder will be found
in his Codex Apoc., pp. 804-812. It is there followed (pp. 813-816)
by a much later document entitled Hapd8o<ns IliXdrou, "Surrender of
Pilate," which represents Tiberius and the. senate as sitting in judgment
on Pilate and having bim put to death.
12 See Tertullian's remarks on this " accident to the world " quoted in
Judaism, p. 442.
13 The passage in parenthesis is probably a later addition.
u This insertion seems necessary to the sense.
3.] GREEK FORM. 147
his chamber, came out of the sepulchre filled with the most
fragrant perfume.
Also certain hopelessly insane who had their dwelling in
the deserts eating flesh of their own limbs, fellow-livers with
the reptiles and wild beasts, [these] he placed as inhabitants
of cities in their own houses, and by a mere word, exhibited
them in their sound mind and intelligent ; and others, in
whom were a crowd of unclean spirits, he made to be men of
repute, and driving out the demons who were in them into
the sea, in a herd of swine, he choked them.
Also by a mere word he rendered sound another man who
had a withered hand, who with pain acquired his living, not
even having the half of his body sound.
Also a woman who had a flow of blood for a great length of
time, so that because of it the joints of her bones were visible,
and the body which she carried round had hardly a human
appearance, but looked like alabaster, and as if it were a dead
body because of her loss of blood, for all physicians proclaim-
ing her hopeless, paid no attention to her, for there was no
hope of preservation in her. Then as Jesus was passing, she
receiving strength from his shadow, touched the hem of his
garments, and in the same hour the strength of her body was
restored, and she became sound as one who had had no dis-
ease, and began to run at full speed to her own city Paneas.
And these things were as narrated, but the Jews charged
that Jesus did these things on the sabbath. But I know
wonderful things done by him beyond what the gods, whom
we recognize, perform.
Herod therefore, and Archelaus, and Philip, and Annas, and
Caiaphas, with the whole people, delivered this man to me for
examination, stirring up much tumult against me as regarded
their accusations against him.
At first scourging him, I found no fault in the matters
which they charged against him. Afterwards I gave him
again to them, when THEY 15 had crucified whom, a darkness
occurred over the whole world, the full-orbed sun being hid-
den and the firmament of darkness appearing in daytime [so
that the stars were not visible], 16 but nevertheless having its
18 Crucifixion was a Roman, not a Jewish form of punishment. The
statement that the Jews crucified Jesus is one of those mistakes which
would have crept into the Gospels had they been of later origin.
16 The bracketed passage may be an interpolation. Codex C omits/
not. If it be genuine the translation should be, " so that [even} tho
stars were not visible."
148 PILATE'S REPORT. [NOTE B.
far-shining brilliancy darkened as is not unknown to your
Practical-piety, since in the whole world they lighted lamps
from the sixth hour until early. And the moon being as
blood did not disappear during the whole night, t although she
was full. 18 * And the whole world was shaken by unheard-of
portents, and the whole creation was about to be swallowed
up by the underworld ; likewise the veil of their temple was
rent from above downwards as thunder and a great noise from
heaven occurred so that the earth shook and trembled. 17
[Subsequent Addition.]
In the midst of the fright dead persons appeared rising up. Aa
the Jews themselves, who had seen, stated : That we have seen
Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob, and the twelve Patriarchs, those
(who had previously died) after Moses 18 (twenty-five hundred years
ago) and many others. (And we saw Noah visibly in the body.)
But the stars and Orion made lamentation on account of the Jews,
because of their lawlessness.
And after the sabbath, about the third hour of the night, the sun
became visible as it never before shone, and the whole heaven was
bright. And as winter lightnings make their appearance, thus cer-
tain men on high, of brilliant clothing and of inexpressible glory,
appeared in the air, and an unnumbered multitude of angels, call-
ing out : The crucified Christ has arisen, [being a god], 19 And a
voice was heard, powerful as thunder, saying : Glory infthe highest
to God and upon earth peace, among men good-will. Ascend from
the underworld, you who have been enslaved in its subterranean
regions. And at their cry all the mountains and hills were shaken,
and the rocks were rent, and mighty chasms took place in the
earth, so that the contents of the ^ abyss were visible. And many
bodies of the dead who had fallen asleep arose, to the number of
!6 The text is corrupted. It may have been, " the moon though full,
was not eclipsed," or "being full, an eclipse of the sun was impossible."
17 The "addition" must he of later date, since it implies a well-devel-
oped belief in Christ's mission to the underworld, and bears plain traces
of discussions connected with that subject. The concluding paragraph
may, or may not, have been the original termination.
18 The reader will find in the Underworld Mission, 11., that a
Gnostic teacher maintained the unwillingness of Jews in the underworld
to follow Christ. In III. ot the same work will be found that some
restricted the benefits of his underworld mission to Jews and their mono-
theistic predecessors. The contradiction in the text has perhaps been
caused by efforts to include or omit followers of Moses. Its origin from
two texts may be elucidated by printing as follows : eidofji.fi> . . . TOI>S 5w-
8e/cct Harpuipxa.?, TOI)S [Tr/ooTereAeirrTj/coTas] yuera Mu<7ea \Trpb di
irevroLKOffiuv CT&V\ KO.I erepovs 7roXXoi)j.
19 Cod. A omits the words in brackets.
NOTE C.] CORRESPONDENCE. 149
five hundred, and the whole multitude walked around and hymned
God with a loud voice, saying : He who rose from the dead, the
Lord our God, restored to lii'e all of us dead, and plundering the
underworld, destroyed it.
The whole of that night, therefore, Royal Master, the light did
not cease, but many of the Jews died and were engulfed and swal-
lowed up in the chasms on that night, so that their bodies were
not visible. Those of the Jews 1 mean, Master, had disappeared
who spoke against Jesus [so that /seemed to see some vision, the 'mul-
titudes of ancient dead whom we have never seen]. One synagogue was
left in Jerusalem, where all those synagogues which opposed Jesus
were swallowed up.
Being therefore beside myself with fear and seized with much
trembling, determining that very hour to write the things which
were done among them all, I sent them to your mightiness. 20
NOTE C.
CORRESPONDENCE.
OPENED BY KING ABGARUS WITH JESUS.
THE following spurious correspondence is found in Eusebius
(Ecc. Hist. 1, 13), who alleges that his Greek is translated from
the original Syriac in the public archives at Edessa. It must
belong to the close of the third or beginning of the fourth
century. The translation here adopted is that of Lardner
altered.
COPY OF
A LETTER WRITTEN BY ABGARUS THE TOPARCH TO JESUS,
and sent to him at Jerusalem by the Courier Ananias.
Abgarus, Toparch of Edessa, to Jesus the good Saviour,
who has appeared at Jerusalem, sendeth greeting.
20 Subjoined to the letter is the following : "When these documents
arrived in Rome and were read, all were astounded that because of Pi-
late's wickedness the darkness and earthquake took place over the whole
world. And Caesar being filled with anger, sending soldiers, commanded
to bring Pilate as a prisoner."
Appended to this is the "Surrender of Pilate," mentioned in note 11.
150 CORRESPONDENCE. [NOTE C.
I have heard of thee and of thy cures, performed without
herbs, or other medicines. For it is reported that thou
makest the blind to see, and the lame to walk : that thou
cleansest lepers, and castest out unclean spirits and demons,
and healest those who are tormented with diseases of a long
standing, and raisest the dead.
Having heard of all these things concerning thee, I con-
cluded in my mind one of these two things, either that thou
art God come down from heaven who doest these things, or
else thou art the Son of God who performest them. Where-
fore I now write unto thee, entreating thee to come to me,
and to heal my distemper. Moreover, I hear that the Jews
murmur against thee, and plot to do thee mischief. I have
a city, small indeed, but neat, which may suffice for us both.
ANSWER OF JESUS TO ABGARUS THE TOPARCH.
(Through Ananias the Courier.)
Abgarus, thou art happy, forasmuch as thou hast believed
in me, though thou hast not seen me. For it is written con-
cerning me, that they who have seen me should not believe
in me, that they who have not seen me might believe and
live. 1 As for what thou hast written to me desiring me to
come to thee, it is necessary that all those things, for which I
am sent, should be fulfilled by me here : and that after ful-
filling them, I should be received up to him that sent me.
When therefore I shall be received up, 1 will send to thee
some one of my disciples, that he may heal thy distemper,
and give life to thee, and to those who are with thee.
Subjoined to the foregoing correspondence in Eusebius is a
narrative, taken also professedly from the public archives at
Edessa, concerning cures performed by Thaddeus in that city.
It will be found hereafter in Note F, being separated from
the foregoing in order that the reader may, by the aid of such
classification, distinguish more readily the fabrications of tes-
timony concerning the Master from those which concerned
chiefly his followers.
1 The reference must be to John's Gospel, 20, 29, which at the assumed
date of this letter had not yet been written.
NOTE D.] LETTER OF LENTULUS. 151
NOTE D.
LETTER OF LENTULUS.
THE following letter is not quoted by any early Christian
writer. The fact that it is attributed to a heathen implies
that it is not of later date than the fourth century. Possibly
it belongs to the third. Its origin and object may be seen by
recurring to Ch. III. 14. The text of its Latin copies or
translations differ from each other. One of these, a transla-
tion from the Persian, will be found in Fabricius, Cod. Apoc.
Nov. Test pp. 301, 301*, 302. He mentions another, substan-
tially the same, but different in phraseology, as existing in
the Ortkodoxoyrapha. It will be found in the Biblical Re-
pository, Vol. 2, pp. 373 - 375, in an article by Professor E.
Robinson, who has also given in footnotes the readings of dif-
ferent manuscripts. The letter must have had but little cur-
cency or it would have been quoted by some early writer.
Of the two versions here subjoined, one is from Calmet's
Dictionary, made from De Dieu's Latin version of a Persian
copy, 1 which was perhaps a modern translation from the
Latin. Another, in the second column, is my own from the
text of the Orthodoxograpka as given by Robinson.
[A LETTER . . . WHICH WAS SENT LENTULUS, PREFECT OF JERUSA-
TO THE SENATE BY A certain LEM, TO THE SENATE AND ROMAN
LENTULUS. 2 ] PEOPLE, GREETING.
There has a man appeared In the present age a highly
here, who is still living, named endowed man has appeared who
Jesus Christ, whose power is is yet with us, named Jesus
extraordinary. He has the title Christ, who by Gentiles is styled
1 In the sixteenth century Francis Xavier, during his missionary
work in Asia, published a church history in Persian, in which the above-
mentioned Persian copy of the letter from Lentulus is found. The sup-
position is reasonably certain that he supervised a translation of it from
the Latin. " Xavier, at command of the Persian Emperor Acabar, com-
posed, as it seems, this history in the Portuguese language, lingua Lusi-
tanica, in Agra, the principal city of the whole kingdom ; and his
teacher Abdel Lenarin Kasen, originally from Lahore, translated it into
Persian." Walch, Bibliotheca Theolog. Vol. 3, p. 405.
2 The heading is taken from the Jena MS. No. 2.
152
LETTER OF LENTULUS.
[NOTE D.
given to him of the Great Pro-
phet ; his disciples call him the
Son of God. He RAISES THE
DEAD, and HEALS all sorts of DIS-
EASES.
He is a tall, well-proportioned
man ; there is an air of serenity
in his countenance, which at-
tracts at once the love and rever-
ence of those who see him. His
hair is of the color of new wine
from the roots to his ears, and
from thence to the shoulders it
is curled, and falls down to the
lowest part of them. Upon the
forehead it parts in two, after the
manner of the Nazarenes. His
forehead is flat and fair, his face
without any defect, and adorned
with a very graceful vermilion ;
his air is majestic and agreeable.
His nose and his mouth are very
well proportioned, and his beard
is thick and forked, of the color
of his hair ; his eyes are gray
and extremely lively ; in his re-
proofs he is terrible, but in his
exhortations and instructions
amiable and courteous ; there is
something wonderfully charming
in his face, with a mixture of
gravity. He is never seen to
laugh, but he has been observed
to weep. He is very straight in
stature ; his hands are large and
spreading, and his arms very
beautiful. He talks little, but
with great gravity, and is the
handsomest man in the world.
the Prophet of Truth,* whom his
disciples call the Son of God ;
[one] who AWAKENS THE DEAD
and HEALS INFIRMITIES.
He is a man of prominent
stature, arresting attention, hav-
ing a countenance which inspires
reverence, whom those that re-
gard him can both love and fear ;
having curly and wavy hair,
somewhat dark and glossy, float-
ing on his shoulders, parted in
the middle, according to Naza-
rene custom ; having a smooth,
serene forehead, a face without
wrinkle or speck which a mod-
erate degree of color renders at-
tractive a faultless nose and
mouth, a copious and auburn,
beard, like his hair in color, not
long but forked ; with clear and
animated eyes. [He is] terrible
in reproof, placid and lovable in
his admonitions, genial without
loss of gravity, who was never
seen to smile but often to weep.
He is distinguished * in stature,
having hands and limbs which
it is a delight to look upon, se-
date in speech, peculiarly mod-
est, beautiful among the sons of
men. 5 Farewell.
8 Prophet of Truth, or of the Truth. This term occurs in the Clemen-
tine Homilies 2, o, 6, 9 ; 3, 11, as also the term True Prophet, 1, 19, 21 ;
3, 11.
* All copies save this read " erect." See Biblical Repository, 2, p. 375,
note 13.
5 Ps. 45, 2.
1.] CONCERNING CHRIST. 153
NOTE E.
INTERPOLATIONS OF JOSEPHUS.
1. Concerning Christ.
THERE are three passages in Joseph us which have been re-
garded as interpolated, namely, Antiq. 18, 3, 3 ; 18, 5, 2,
20, 9, 1. One of these, a passage concerning Jesus, is proba-
bly a fraud by some Christian. Whether the same can be
said of the other two is doubtful. The passage concerning
Jesus stands between narratives of two events which Josephus
classes together as calamities.
" But Pilate undertook to bring a current of water to Je-
rusalem, and did it with the sacred money. . . . Myriads of
the people got together, and made a clamor against him. . . .
He bid the Jews himself go away ; but they, boldly casting
reproaches upon him, he gave the soldiers that signal which
had been beforehand agreed on ; who laid upon them much
greater blows than Pilate had commanded them. . . . And
thus an end was put to this sedition.
" [Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be law-
ful to call him a man ; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a
teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew
over to him both many of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles. He
was [the] Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the prin-
cipal men among us, had condemned him to the cross, those that
loved him at the first did not forsake him ; for he appeared to them
alive again the third day ; as the divine prophets had foretold these
and ten. thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And
the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this
day.]
" About the same time also another sad calamity put the
Jews into disorder, and certain shameful practices happened
about the temple of Isis that was at Rome." l
1 Antiq. 18, 3, 2-4 ; Whistoris trans. This other calamity of which
Josephus treats occurred in A. D. 19 at Rome (see Judaism, p. 188) about
eleven years before Jesus entered on his ministry.
154 INTERPOLATIONS OF JOSEPHUS. [XOTE E.
2. Concerning John the Baptist.
The passage in the works of Josephus concerning John the
Baptist is probably due to some disciple of John, or to some
adherent of the popular party, rather than to any Christian.
Even if correct, it does not, at first sight, accord with the Gospel
narrative, 2 nor does it refer in any way to Christ or Christian-
ity. Whether it be an intentional interpolation or a mar-
ginal comment innocently copied into the text may admit
question.
" Aretas, the king of Arabia Petraea, and Herod had a quar-
rel. . . . Herod the tetrarch had married the daughter of
Aretas. . . . However, he fell in love with Herodias. . . .
Aretas made this the first occasion of his enmity between him
and Herod, who had also some quarrel with him about their
limits at the country of Gemalitis. So they raised armies on
both sides. . . . All Herod's army was destroyed. . . . Herod
wrote about these affairs to Tiberius, who being very angry at
the attempt made by Aretas, wrote to Vitellius to make war
upon him, and either to take him alive, and bring him to him
in bonds, or to kill him, and send him his head [?]. This was
the charge [?] that Tiberius gave to the president of Syria. 3
2 According to Matthew (14, ,3) and Mark (6, 17) the cause of John's
imprisonment was his statement that Herod ought not to marry his
brother's wife. According to Luke (3, 19, 2(>) it was for this and other
causes. That John, who spoke with equal boldness of prince and peo-
ple, should be arrested by Herod is comprehensible enough. If, how-
ever, Herod, as Mark tells us (6, 20) "feared John . . . and did many
things as he told him and listened to him readily," Herod must for a
time have striven to gain John over to his side, that he might use his in-
fluence with the people. Failing in this, the request by a daughter of
Herodias, for the head of John, as also the king's previous oath, may
have been preconcerted by himself to lessen the odium of what he in-
tended doing, or by his wife and the aristocracy as a means of pushing
him to a decision at which he hesitated.
The date of John's death must have been in A. D. 31, while the aris-
tocracy at Rome (see Judaism, pp. 522-531) were preparing for the re-
bellion, which broke out in October. In the spring of A. D. 32, when
this rebellion had been suppressed, Pilate and Herod (Luke 23, 12) were
reconciled, which not improbably means that Herod had previously sym-
pathized with the aristocracy and Pilate with Tiberius, from whom he
held his office.
3 Josephus repeatedly falsifies history with the object of favoring the
Roman and Jewish aristocracy. The above is doubtless one of his fic-
tions. See remarks near the close of the section.
2.] CONCERNING JOHN THE BAPTIST. 155
" [Now, some of the Jews thought that the destruction of Herod's
army came from God, and that very justly, as a punishment of what
he did against John, that was called the Baptist, for Herod slew
him, who was a good man, and commanded the Jews to exercise
virtue, both as regarded justice towards one another, and practical
recognition towards God, and so to come to baptism ; for that the
washing [with water] would be acceptable to him, if they made use
of it, not in order to the putting: away, [or the remission] of some
sins [only,] but for the purification of the body ; supposing still
that the soul was thoroughly purified beforehand by righteousness.
Now when [many] others came in crowds about him, for they were
greatly moved [or pleased] by hearing his words, Herod, who feared
lest the great influence John had over the people might put it into
his power and inclination to raise rebellion, (tor they seemed ready
to do anything he should advise,) thought it best, by putting him
to death, to prevent any mischief he might cause, and not bring
himself into difficulties by sparing a man who might make him re-
pent of it when it should be too late. Accordingly, he was sent a
prisoner, out of Herod's suspicious temper, to Macherus, the castle I
before mentioned, and was there put to death. Now the Jews had
an opinion, that the destruction of this army was sent as a punish-
ment on Herod, and a mark of God's displeasure to him.]
" So Vitellius prepared to make war with Aretas, having
with him two legions of armed men. . . . Leading his army
through Judea, the principal men met him, and desired that
he would not thus march through their land : for that the
laws of their country would not permit them to overlook those
images which were brought into it. ... Whereupon he or-
dered the army to march along the great plain, while he him-
self, with Herod the tetrarch, and his friends, went up to
Jerusalem to offer sacrifice to God, an ancient festival of the
Jews being then just approaching ; and when he had been
there, and been honorably entertained by the multitude of
the Jews, he made a stay there for three days, within which
time he deprived Jonathan of the high-priesthood, and gave it
to his brother Theopbilus. But when, on the fourth day, let-
ters came to him, which informed him of the death of Tibe-
rius, he obliged the multitude to take an oath of fidelity to
Caius ; he also recalled his army, and made them every one go
home, and take their winter-quarters there, since, upon the
devolution of the empire upon Caius, he had not the like au-
thority of making the war which he had before." 4
4 Josephus, Antiq. 18, 5, 1 - 3 ; Whistoris trans, altered. The chro-
nology of the passage is somewhat as follows : Herod's substitution of
156 INTERPOLATIONS OF JOSEPHUS. [NOTE E.
In the foregoing an omission of the passage concerning
John would cause no break in the connection between what
precedes and follows it. Some may think that the connection
would thus become even closer.
It is plain, moreover, that Joseph us wishes us to regard
Tiberius as having espoused Herod's cause, and to understand
Vitellius as being very deferential to the aristocracy. We
can feel reasonably certain that if Josephus for any cause had
wished to commend John, he would not have selected this
connection for so doing. John's designation for the aristoc-
racy, "brood of vipers" (Matt, 3, 7), and the whole tone of
his teaching, were not calculated to inspire reverence for those
in high places.
The habitual untruthfulness of Josephus (concerning which
see Judaism, pp. 553-560) renders it a fair question whether
the expedition of Vitellius 6 had the slightest connection with
Aretas. Vitellius may before moving have received orders
from Tiberius, who felt the approach of death, that he should
guard against any rebellion by the Jewish aristocracy on the
accession of Caligula. His troops may have been intended to
intercept communication between the aristocracy at Jerusalem
and senatorial sympathizers on the sea-coast. The need of
this will appear from a study of events two years after-
wards. 6
3. Concerning James.
The extant interpolation concerning James may, or may
not, have originated in an honest marginal comment copied
subsequently through ignorance into the text.
" The king [Agrippa] deprived Joseph of the high-priest-
hood, and bestowed the succession to that dignity on the son
Herodias for Ms former wife cannot have been later than A. D. 31, if so
late. The advent of Vitellins into Syria cannot have been earlier than
A. D. 35, seeing that he was consul in A. D. 34. The death of Tiberius
occurred March 16, A. D. 37.
c Vitellius was a member of the popular party, and, equally with other
of its prominent men, has been grossly abused and misrepresented by
Tacitus. The following, forced probably from that writer by public opin-
ion in provinces more intelligent than Rome, should be well weighed.
"In governing the provinces he acted with pristine [a patrician term
for commendable] uprightness." Tacitus, An. 6, 32.
6 See Judaism, pp. 96-107.
3.] CONCERNING JAMES. 157
of Anamis, who was himself called Ananus. . . . But this
younger Ananus, who, as we have told you already, took the
high-priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very in-
solent : he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, who are very
rigid in judging offenders above all the rest of the Jews, as we
have already observed. When, therefore, Ananus was of this
disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity [to
exercise his authority]. Festus was now dead, and Albinos
was but upon the road ; so he ASSEMBLED THE SANHEDRIM of
Judges.
" [And brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called
CHRIST, whose name was JAMES, and some others. A ; nd when he
had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he
delivered them to be stoned. J
" But as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citi-
zens, and such as were most uneasy at the breach of the
laws, they disliked what was done ; they also sent to the
king, [Agrippa,] desiring him to send to Ananus that he
should act so no more, for that what he had already done was
not to be justified : nay, some of them went also to meet
Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and in-
formed him, that it was not lawful for Ananus to ASSEMBLE A
SANHEDRIM without his consent." 7
The foregoing interpolation may be a correct piece of his-
tory which some one has noted in the margin of Josephus. It
can have had no theological bearing, and presented therefore no
motive for FRAUDULENT insertion.
Besides the above there would seem in Origen's time to
have been in some copy, or copies, of Josephus a somewhat
different statement concerning James, which, instead of per-
taining merely to fact, included opinions. 8
7 Josephus, Antiq. 20, 9, l ; Whistoris trans.
8 "Josephus . . . says : 'These things befell the Jews in vindication
of James called the Just, who was the brother of Jesus called the Christ :
forasmuch as they killed him who was a most righteous man.' . . .
With how much more reason might he have said that this had happened
for the sake of Jesus who was the Christ." Origen, cont. CcLs. 1, 47 ;
Opp. ed. Lommatzsch, 18, p. 87 ; ed. de la Rue, 1, p. 363 A ; Lardner's
trans.
11 Titus destroyed Jerusalem, according, indeed, to Josephus, ' because
of James the Just, the brother of Jesus, who is called Christ,' but in
158 EDESSENE ARCHIVES. [NOTE F.
NOTE F.
EDESSENE ARCHIVES OR PSEUDO-THADDEUS.
IN Eusebius is our earliest mention of the above document,
which he gives in a Greek translation, with the following pref-
atory remark :
" To these epistles * . . . are subjoined the following things,
in the Syriac language.
" ' After Jesus had been taken up, Judas, called also
Thomas, sent the APOSTLE Thaddeus, 2 one of the seventy ;
who, when he came to Edessa, took up his abode with Tobias,
son of Tobias. When his arrival was rumored about, and he
had begun to be known by the miracles which he had wrought,
it was told to Abgarus, that an APOSTLE was sent to him by
Jesus, according to his promise. Thaddeus therefore by the
truth because of Jesus Christ the Son of God." Origen, cont. Cels. 2,
13; Opp. ed. Lommatzsch, 18, p. 161 ; ed. de la Eue, 1, p. 399 D.
" Flavins Josephus, who wrote the Jewish Antiquities in twenty
books, being desirous to assign the cause why that people suffered such
things, so that even their temple was demolished to the foundation, says
that 'those things had happened because of the anger of God against
them, for what they had done to James the brother of Jesus called the
Christ.' " Origen, Comment, in Matt. Tom. 10, 17 (Opp. ed. Lom-
matzsch, 3, p. 46 ; ed. de la Rue, 3, p. 463 C) ; Lardner's trails.
1 Epistles of Abgarus and Jesus, already given in Note C.
2 In the enumeration of the Apostles by Matthew, Mark, and Luke,
we find that after mention of James, the son of Alpheus, Luke (6, ].">,
16) mentions "Judas, the brother of James "; Mark (3, 18) mentions
"Thaddeus" ; and Matthew (10, 3) mentions " Lebbeus, whose sur-
name was Thaddeus." Probably the author of the present document
meant that Judas, otherwise called Thaddeus, the apostle, had gone to
Edessa. Some one who noticed that in Matthew and Mark there is no
mention of any other Judas than the traitor, or some one who used
Luke's gospel and found no such name as Thaddeus appended to the
brother of James, undertook to remedy the difficulty by making Thad-
deus one of the seventy, and a different person from Judas. This may
have caused him to be sometimes called an apostle and sometimes one of
the seventy.
Eusebius in his introductory remarks, prior to the correspondence of
Abgarus with Jesus, calls Thomas "one of the twelve Apostles," and
Thaddeus, "in the number of the seventy." He had probably noticed
the confusion, and intended his remarks as the suggestion of an explana-
tion.
NOTE F.] EDESSENE ARCHIVES. 159
power of God healed all sorts of maladies, so that all won-
dered.
" ' But when Abgarus heard of the great and wonderful works
which he did, and how he healed men in the name and by the
power of Jesus Christ, he was induced to suspect [eV VTTOVOLO..
yeyovev] that he was the person about whom Jesus had written
to him, saying, " When I am taken up, I will send to thee some
one of my disciples, who shall heal thy distemper." Sending
therefore for Tobias, at whose house he was, he said to him :
" I hear that a man, endowed with great power, and come
from Jerusalem, is at thy house, and that he works many
cures in the name of Jesus." To which Tobias answered,
" Yes, sir ; there is a stranger with me, who performs many
miracles." Abgarus then said : " Bring him hither to me."
Tobias, coming to Thaddeus, said to him : " The toparch
Abgarus has bid me bring thee to him that thou mayest heal
his distemper." Whereupon Thaddeus said : " I go ; for I arn
sent to him by [an impelling] power."
" ' The next day, early in the morning, Tobias taking Thad-
deus came to Abgarus. As he came in, the nobles being
present, there appeared to Abgarus somewhat very extraor-
dinary in the countenance of the APOSTLE THaddeus, which
when Abgarus saw, he did reverence to Thaddeus ; which ap-
peared strange to all present, for they did not see that sight
which appeared to Abgarus only. He then asked Thaddeus :
" Are you indeed the disciple of Jesus the SON OF GOD, who
once said to me : I will send to thee some one of my disciples
who shall heal thy distemper, and give life to all with thee 1 "
Thaddeus answered : " Forasmuch as thou hast great faith in
the Lord Jesus, therefore am I sent unto thee : and if thou
shalt increase in faith in him, all the desires of thy heart will
be fulfilled according to thy faith."
" ' Then Abgarus said to him : " I have so believed in him,
that I would go with an army to extirpate the Jews who cru-
cified him, if I were not apprehensive of the Roman power."
Then Thaddeus said : " Our Lord [and God] 3 Jesus Christ has
fulfilled the will of his Father : and, having fulfilled it, he has
been taken up to his Father." Abgarus theft said : " I have
8 The words and God are omitted by the three manuscripts mentioned
in the next note, and are deemed spurious by the editors Valesius and
Heinichen, though in following the copy which they had adopted they
have kept them in their text.
160 EDESSENE ARCHIVES. [NOTE F.
believed in him and in his Father." And thereupon said
Thaddeus : " Therefore I put my hand upon thee in the name
of the Lord Jesus." And, upon his so doing, Abgarus was
healed of his distemper. And Abgarus wondered, that as it
had been reported concerning Jesus, so it had been done by
his disciple [and apostle] 4 Thaddeus ; insomuch as he had
healed him without herbs, or other medicines. Nor did he
heal him alone, but also Abdus, son of Abdus, who had the
gout. For he came to him, and fell down upon his knees
before him, and by the laying on of his hands with prayer he
was healed. The same [apostle] 5 healed many other citizens
of the same place, and wrought many and great miracles as he
preached the word.
" ' After which Abgarus spoke to this purpose : " Thou
Thaddeus doest things by the power of God, and we admire
thee. But I beseech thee to inform me about the coming of
Jesus, how it was, and of his power, and by what power he
did all those things which we have heard of." To which
Thaddeus answered: "Now I forbear, though I am sent to
preach the word ; but to-morrow gather together all the citi-
zens, and then in their hearing I will preach the word, and
sow in them the word of life, and will inform them of the
coming of Christ, how it was, and concerning his mission, and
for what cause he was sent by the Father, and concerning the
power of his works, and the mysteries which he spoke in the
world, and by what power he did these things, and concerning
his new doctrine, and about the meanness and despicableness
of his outward appearance, 6 and how he humbled himself, (and
died, and lessened his deity ; how many things also he suf-
fered from the Jews, and how he was crucified,) 7 and descended
into the underworld, and rent asunder the inclosure never
before rent, and arose, and raised up the dead who had been
buried many ages ; and how he descended alone, but ascended
to his Father with a great multitude ; and how he is set
down on the right hand of the Father with glory in the
heavens ; and how he will come again with glory and power
to judge the living and the dead."
" ' Abgarus therefore issued out orders that all the citizens
* The Mazarine, Medicsean, and Fuketian MSS. omit the words in
brackets.
6 Omitted by the three MSS. mentioned in the preceding note.
6 See Ch. III. 14.
7 The parenthesis must include two or more varying texts.
7>*
NOTE G.] CORRESPONDENCE OF SENECA AND PAUL. 161
should come together early the next morning, to hear the
preaching of Thaddeus. And after that he commanded that
gold and silver should be given to him, but he did not receive
it, saying : " When we have left what is our own, how should
we receive those things which belong to others 1 "
" * This was done in the four hundred and thirtieth year.' " 8
NOTE G.
CORRESPONDENCE OPENED BY SENECA WITH PAUL.
FOURTEEN letters, professedly of Seneca and Paul, have
come down to us, eight by the former and six by the lat-
ter, which will be found in editions of Seneca and of the
Apocrypha. 1 They were extant before the close of the fourth
century, for Jerome alludes to them. 2 They are part of the
8 Eusebius, Ecc. Hist. 1, 13 ; Lardners trans, altered. His translation
is in his Works, 6, 598 - 600. Eusebius says that the above narrative
which he gives in Greek is translated from the Syriac. Heinichen's edi-
tion gives other various-readings than those heretofore cited.
The four hundred and thirtieth Syrian year corresponds with the fif-
teenth of Tiberius ; see note of Valesius on this passage in his edition of
Eusebius, Ecc. Hist., Appendix, pp. 22, 23, copied in Heinichen's edition,
Vol. 1, pp. 88, 89.
1 See Seneca, Opp. Philos. 4, pp. 474-479, edit. Lemaire ; Fabricius,
Cod. Apoc. Nov. Test. 1, pp. 892 - 904 (where the last letter is misnum-
bered 13). Jones in his work on the Canon, Vol. 2, pp. 45-53, gives
the text of Fabricius, which differs from that of Lemaire. He accom-
panies it with an English translation by himself, which has been copied
with a few verbal oversights into Hone's Apocryphal New Testament,
pp. 84-88. This translation of Jones is, with some alterations, the one
adopted above.
" Lucius Annseus Seneca, . . . whom T would not place in the cata-
logue of holy men unless prompted by those Epistles, read by most per-
sons, of Paul to Seneca, and Seneca to Paul, in which ... he says that
he wishes he occupied the same place among his countrymen as Paul
among Christians." Jerome, de Fir. Illust. 12 ; Opp. 2, col. 849 - 851 :
edit. Vallars.
Augustine also remarks : " Seneca, who lived in apostolic times,
some of whose letters to the apostle Paul are in circulation, truly says ;
He who hates the wicked hates all men" Epist. 54 (edit. Benedictin.
1, 53) ad Macedonium.
162 CORRESPONDENCE OF SENECA AND PAUL. [NOTE O.
conflict between Christians and heathens, and were intended
as evidence of Seneca's respect for Paul. When heathenism
had lost political power, Paul's authority outweighed that of
Seneca. A consequence of this has been that in the title of
the correspondence, as now extant, Paul's name precedes that
of Seneca.
I. ANN^US SENECA to PAUL Greeting. I suppose, Paul, that
you have been informed of that conversation, which passed
yesterday between me and my Lucilius, concerning hypocrisy
and other subjects; for there were some of your disciples in
company with us ; for when we were retired into the Sallus-
tian gardens, through which they were also passing, and
would have gone another way, by our persuasion they joined
company with us. I desire you to believe, that we much
wish for your conversation. We were much delighted with
your book of many Epistles, which you addressed to some
states and chief towns of provinces, containing wonderful
instructions for moral conduct : such sentiments, as I suppose
you were not the author of, but only the instrument of con-
veying, though sometimes both the author and the instru-
ment. For such is the sublimity of those doctrines, and
their grandeur, that I suppose the age of a man is scarce suffi-
cient to be instructed and perfected in the knowledge of them.
I wish your welfare, my brother. Farewell.
2. PAUL to SEXEA Greeting. I received your letter yesterday with
pleasure ; to which I could immediately have written an answer, had the
young man been at home, whom I intended to have sent to you ; for you
know when, and by whom, at what seasons, and to whom, I must de-
liver everything which I send. I desire, therefore, you would not
charge me with negligence, if I wait for a proper person. I reckon my-
self very happy in having the judgment of so valuable a person, that you
are delighted with my Epistles : for you would not be esteemed a censor,
a philosopher, or be the tutor of so great a prince, and a master of every-
thing, if you were not sincere. I wish you a lasting prosperity.
3. ANNJEUS SENECA to PAUL Greeting. I have completed
some volumes, and divided them into their proper parts. I
am determined to read them to Csesar, and if any favorable
opportunity happens, you also shall be present, when they are
read. But if that cannot be, I will appoint and give you no-
tice of a day, when we will together read over the perform-
ance. I had determined, if I could with safety, first to have
your opinion of it, before I published it to Caesar, that you
might be convinced of my affection to you. Farewell, dear-
est Paul.
NOTE 0.] CORRESPONDENCE OF SENECA AND PAUL. 1G3
4. PAUL to SENECA Greeting. As often as I read your letters I im-
agine you present with me ; nor indeed dfo I think any other than that
you are always with us. As soon therefore as you come we shall mu-
tually see each other nearer. 1 wish you all prosperity.
5. ANN^EUS SENECA to PAUL Greeting. We are very much
concerned at your too long absence from us. What is it, or
what affairs are they which obstruct your coming 1 If you
fear the anger of Csesar, because you have abandoned your
former religion, and made proselytes also of others, you have
this to plead, that your acting thus proceeded not from in-
constancy, but judgment. Farewell.
6. PAUL to SENECA and LUCILIUS Greeting. Concerning those things,
about which ye wrote to me, it is not proper for me to mention anything
in writing with pen and ink : the one of which leaves marks, and the
other evidently declares things. Especially since I know that there are
near you, as well as me, those who will understand my meaning. Def-
erence is to be paid to all men, and so much the more, as they are more
likely to take occasions of quarrelling. And if we show a 'submissive
temper we shall overcome effectually in all points, if they be such as can
repent of their doings. Farewell.
7. ANNJEUS SENECA to PAUL Greeting. I profess myself
extremely pleased with the reading your letter to the Gala-
tians, Corinthians, and people of Achaia. For the Holy Spirit
has in them by you delivered those sentiments which are very
lofty, sublime, deserving of all respect, and beyond your own
invention. I could wish, therefore, that when you are writ-
ing things so extraordinary, there might not be wanting an
elegancy of speech agreeable to their majesty. And I must
own, my brother, that I may not at once dishonestly conceal
anything from you, and be unfaithful to my own conscience,
that the emperor is extremely pleased with the sentiments of
your Epistles. For when he heard the beginning of them
read, he declared, That he was surprised to find such no-
tions in a person who had not had a regular education. To
which I replied, That the gods sometimes speak by the ' mouth
of babes ' [Ps. 8, 2 ; Matt. 11, 25], and gave him an instance
of this in a rustic, named Vatienus, who, when he was in the
country of Reate, had two men appear to him, called Castor
and Pollux, and received a revelation from the gods. Fare-
well.
8. PAUL to SENECA Greeting. Although I know the emperor is both
an admirer and favorer of our matters, yet give me leave to advise you
against your suffering any injury [by showing any favor to us]. I think
indeed you ventured upon a very dangerous attempt, wljn you would
164 CORRESPONDENCE OF SENECA AND PAUL. [NOTE G.
declare [to the emperor] that which is so very contrary to his religion,
and way of worship ; seeing he is a worshipper of the heathen gods. I
know not what you had particularly in view, when you told him of this ;
but I suppose you did it out of a too great respect for me. But I desire
that for the future you would not do so ; for you had need be careful,
lest by showing your affection to me, you should offend your master :
His anger indeed will do us no harm, if he continue a heathen ; nor will
his not being angry be of any service to us : And if the empress act
worthy of her character, she will not be angry ; but if she act as a
woman, she will be affronted. Farewell.
9. ANN^EUS SENECA to PAUL Greeting. I know that you are
less disturbed on your account by my letter, acquainting you
that I had given the emperor your Epistles, than by the con-
dition of things which so powerfully diverts men's minds from
good manners and practices, [as to occasion] that I at present
should not be esteemed because among many documents I
deem this [of yours] the most noteworthy. Let us, therefore,
begin afresh ; and if anything heretofore has been imprudently
acted, do you forgive. I have sent you a book de copia verbo-
rum. Farewell, dearest Paul.
10. PAUL to SENECA Greeting. As often as I write to you, and place
my name before yours, I do a thing both disagreeable to myself and con-
trary to our religion ; for I ought, as I have often declared, to become all
things to all men, and to have that regard to your quality, which the
Roman law has honored all senators with ; namely, to put my name
last in the [inscription of the] Epistle, that I may not at length with
uneasiness and shame be obliged to do that which it was always my
inclination to do. Farewell, most respected master. Dated the fifth
of the calends of July, in the fourth consulship of Nero and Messala
[A. D. 58].
II. 8 ANN^SUS SENECA to PAUL Greeting. All happiness to
you, my dearest Paul. If a person so great, so every way
agreeable as you are, become not only a common, but most
intimate friend to me, how happy will be the case of Seneca !
You, therefore, who are so eminent, and so far exalted above
all, even the greatest, do not think yourself unfit to be
first named in the inscription of an Epistle ; lest I should
suspect you intend not so much to try me as to banter me ;
for you know yourself to be a Roman citizen. For I could
wish to hold among my people the position which you hold
among yours. Farewell, dearest Paul. Dated the tenth of
the calends of April, in the consulship of Aprianus [Aproni-
anus] and Capito [A. D. 59].
8 No. 12 in Le Maire.
NOTE G.] CORRESPONDENCE OF SENECA AND PAUL. 165
12. 4 ANN^EUS SENECA to PAUL Greeting. All happiness to
you, my dearest Paul. Do you think that I am not saddened
and grieved at the punishments inflicted on your innocent
[sect 1] and that all the people should suppose you [Chris-
tians] so criminal, and imagine all the misfortunes befalling
the city, to be caused by you ? But let us bear the charge
with a patient temper, appealing [for our innocence] to the
court [above], which is the only one our hard fortune will
allow us to address, till at length our misfortunes shall end
in unalterable happiness. Former ages have produced [ty-
rants] Alexander the son of Philip, and Dionysius ; ours also
has produced Caius Caesar ; whose inclinations were their only'
laws. As to the frequent burnings of the city of Rome, the
cause is manifest ; and if a person in my mean circumstances
might be allowed to speak, and one might declare these dark
things without danger, every one should see the whole of the
matter. The Christians and Jews are indeed commonly pun-
ished for the crime of burning the city ; but that impious
miscreant, who delights in murders and butcheries, and dis-
guises his villanies with lies, is appointed to, or reserved till,
his proper time ; and as the life of every excellent person is
now sacrificed instead of that one person [who is the author of
the mischief], so this one shall be sacrificed for many, and he
shall be devoted to be burnt with fire instead of all. One
hundred arid thirty-two houses and four whole squares [or
islands] were burnt down in six days : the seventh put an end
to the burning. I wish you all happiness. Dated fifth of the
calends of April, in the consulship of Frigius [Frugi] and Bas-
sus [A. D. 64]. 6
13. ANN^US SEXECA to PAUL Greeting. All happiness to
you, my dearest Paul. You have written many volumes in
an allegorical and mystical style, and, therefore, such mighty
matters and business, being committed to you, require not to
be set off with any rhetorical flourishes of speech, but only
with some proper elegance. I remember you often say, that
many by affecting such a style do injury to their subjects,
and lose the force of the matters they treat of. But in this I
desire you to regard me, namely, to have respect to true
Latin, and to choose just words, that so you may the better
4 No. 11 in Le Maire.
5 In Le Maire the Consuls mentioned at the end of Letter 11, and
also of Letter 12, are Apronius and Capito.
166 CORRESPONDENCE OF SENECA AND PAUL. [NOTE G.
manage the noble trust, which is reposed in you. Farewell.
Dated fifth of the nones of July, Leo and Savinus consuls.
14. PAUL to SENECA Greeting. Your serious consideration is requited
with those discoveries, which the Divine Being has granted but to few.
I am thereby assured thkt I sow the most strong seed in a fertile soil,
not anything material, which is subject to corruption, but the durable
word of God, which shall increase and bring forth fruit to eternity. That
which by your wisdom you have attained to, shall abide without decay
forever. Believe that you ought to avoid the superstitions of Jews and
Gentiles. The things which you have in some measure arrived to, pru-
dently make known to the emperor, his family, and to faithful friends ;
and though your sentiments will seem disagreeable, and not be compre-
hended by them, seeing most of them will not regard your discourses,
yet the Word of God, once infused into them, will at length make them
become new men, aspiring towards God. Farewell, Seneca, who art most
dear to us. Dated on the calends of August, in the consulship of Leo
and Savinus. 6
At a date when some writers maintained the genuineness
of these letters, extracts were made from Paul's writings and
the Epistle to the Hebrews, which he was supposed to have
written, and were placed parallel with similar extracts from
Seneca. They will be found in Le Maire's Seneca, Opp. Philos.
4, pp. 465 - 467. The similarity is due to the fact that not
only Paul and the Writer to the Hebrews, but Seneca, like
his brother Stoics, copied more or less from Judaism.
The two extra letters of Seneca, over and above the number
written by Paul, are due probably to the substitution by later
writers than the original forger, of one letter for a different
one. The later substitutes and the original have been pre-
served and copied.
6 The consuls for A. D. 65 were A. Licinius Nerva Silianus and M.
Vestinus Atticus. Those for A. D. 66 were C. Lucius Telesinus and
C. Suetonius Paullinus. The forger of the Epistles must have intended
to name the consuls for one or the other of these years, since the execu-
tion of Paul could not have been placed at any later date. Either some
corruption of the text has taken place, or the forger made some blunder.
NOTE H.] LETTER OF MARCUS ANTONINUS. 167
NOTE H.
LETTER OF MARCUS ANTONINUS.
DURING a war waged by Marcus Antoninus in Germany
(A. D. 174) he and his army were almost famished with thirst,
being cut off doubtless from water by their enemies. An
opportune shower relieved them. The Antonine-column at-
tributes this to Jupiter Pluvius. Christians attributed it to
the prayers of a Christian legion ; some Heathens to an Egyp-
tian Astrologer named Arnuphis, others to a Chaldsean named
Julian. 1
Christians invented a letter, professedly by the emperor,
indorsing their account. This letter must have existed by
the beginning of the third century, for Tertullian alludes
to it. 2 A copy of it has come down to us, appended by
some scribe to Justin's first Apology. In Mararfs edition
of Justin, it will be found on pp. 85 - 87, and in Otto** edition,
Vol. 1, pp. 276-280. Lardner's translation, the one here
given, will be found in his Works, Vol. 7, pp. 184, 185. He
accompanies it with various citations and arguments from dif-
ferent writers. His heading of the letter includes the titles
" Augustus " and " high-priest," omitted by Maran's text and
Otto's.
The Emperor Caesar, MARCUS AURELIUS ANTONINUS [Augus-
tus], Germanicus, Parthicus, Sarmaticus [high-priest], to the
PEOPLE of Rome, and to the Sacred Senate, Greeting.
I gave you an account of the greatness of the enterprise
which I had undertaken, and what great difficulties came
upon me in Germany ; how I was surrounded and besieged in
the midst of it, and afflicted with heat and weariness : at
which time I was overtaken at Carnutum by seventy-four
regiments, who were not more than nine miles off from us.
Now when the enemy was come very near us, our spies gave
us notice of it : and Pompeianus, my general, informed me also
1 Dio Cass. 71, 8 ; Suidas, Lex., articles Arnuplds and Julian.
2 In his Apology (c. 5) Tertullian refers to the letter of Marcus An-
toninus as attesting that the shower was, perhaps, obtained by the prayers
of Christian soldiers.
168 LETTER OF MARCUS ANTONINUS. . [NOTE H.
of what I knew before. In our army we had only the first,
the tenth, the double, and the Fretensian legions, to contend
with an innumerable company of barbarians. When I had
computed my own numbers with those of the enemy, I ad-
dressed our gods in prayer ; but not being regarded by them,
and considering the distress we were in, I called for those
whom we call Christians ; and upon examination I found that
they were a great multitude, at which I was much displeased,
though I should not have been so ; for afterwards I under-
stood how powerful they are. For which reason they began,
not by preparing their darts, or other weapons, or their trum-
pets, inasmuch as such things are disagreeable to them on ac-
count of God, whom they bear in their consciences : for it is
reasonable to believe that they, whom we call atheists, have
God within them for a bulwark. As soon, therefore, as they
had cast themselves down upon the ground, they prayed, not
for me only, but also for the whole army, for relief under our
great thirst and hunger. For it was the fifth day we had no
water, because there was none in that place. For we were in
the midst of Germany, surrounded by their mountains. But
as soon as they had cast themselves upon the ground and
prayed to a God, who was unknown to me, water came down
from heaven immediately. Upon us it was very cool, but
upon our enemies it was fierce hail. And immediately after
their prayers we found God to be present with us, as one that
is impregnable and invincible.
Beginning here, therefore, let us permit these men to be
Christians, lest they should pray for the like weapons against
us and obtain them. And I declare that no man who is a
Christian is to be called in question as such. And if any man
accuse a Christian, because he is a Christian, I declare that
the Christian may appear openly ; and that if he confesseth
himself to be so, but showeth that he is accused of no other
crime but that he is a Christian, let his accuser be burnt
alive. Arid as to him that confesseth himself to be a Chris-
tian, and gives full evidence of the same, let not the governor
of the province oblige him to renounce his religion, nor deprive
him of his liberty. I will that this be confirmed by the de-
cree of the senate. And I command that this my edict be
set up in Trajan's forum, that it may be read by all. Vitru-
sius Pollio, prsefect of the city, will take care that it be sent
into the provinces ; nor is any one who desires to have it and
make use of it, to be hindered from taking a copy of this our
edict which is publicly set up by me. Farewell.
NOTE I.] ASCENSION OF ISAIAH. 169
NOTE I.
ASCENSION OF ISAIAH.
A WORK, or collection of works, entitled ASCENSION OP
ISAIAH, originally written in Greek, probably in Egypt,
and known perhaps to Origen, 1 has come down -to us in an
JSthiopic version. Laurence first translated it into English.
Dillmann's edition, forwarded by the kindness of a friend, has '
reached me too late to make due use of it. In the " Ascen-
sion " some views must be peculiarities of an individual, or at
most of a small class. The work or compilation is too long
for transcription here, but the subjoined outline will give a
general idea of its contents.
Ch. 1, 1 -3, 11. Introductory statement. } These consti-
3,12-4,22. Causes of Isaiah's seizure. 2 \-tuted perhaps
5, 1-16. Isaiah's death. J one work.
1 "And Isaiah is recorded to have been sawed by The People. But if
any one pays no attention to this record on account of its being con-
tained in the secret [or apocryphal] Isaiah, let him believe what is writ-
ten, as follows, in the Epistle to the Hebrews. " Origen, Comment, in
Matt. 10, 18, Opp. 3, 465 B, edit, de la Rue ; 3, 49, Loin.
2 "Then Manasseh sent and seized Isaiah. For Berial was highly
indignant with Isaiah, on account of the vision and the manifestation,
which manifested Samael, and because by him was revealed the coming
of the Beloved from the seventh heaven, his change, descent, and form,
when he shall be changed into the form of man, his rejection, and the tor-
ments with which the children of Israel shall torment him, as also the
coming and doctrine of his twelve Disciples, his suspension on a tree the
day before the sabbath, his suspension in company with men the work-
ers of iniquity, and his burial. 'Moreover,' said Isaiah, 'the twelve,'
who shall be with him, shall be scandalized at what shall happen to
him ; and watchmen shall be appointed to guard his sepulchre. There
shall likewise be a descent of the Angel of the Christian Church, which
in the latter days will exist in heaven ; and of the angel of the Holy
Spirit, and of Michael the Archangel, to open his sepulchre on the third
day, when the Beloved shall go forth sitting on the shoulders of the
Seraphim, and shall send his twelve disciples, to teach all the [?] people
and all nations his resurrection from the dead, so that those who believe
in his crucifixion shall be saved ; and finally his assumption shall be into
the seventh heaven from whence he came. Many also, who shall believe
in him, shall speak by the Holy Spirit. And frequent signs and wonders
shall take place in those days. But afterwards upon the subject of his
second advent his disciples shall forsake the doctrine of the twelve Apos-
170 ASCENSION OF ISAIAH. [NOTE I.
THE VISION WHICH ISAIAH SAW.
6, 1 - 17. Circumstances under which it took place.
7, 1 - 10, 6. He narrates his ascent to the seventh heaven.
10, 7-11, 40. Also what he heard and saw concerning
Christ's mission. 8
In the last two headings are items which illustrate com-
mon Christian opinions, while others illustrate only eccentri-
cities of the author, or of a small class to which he belonged.
Christians generally regarded the heathen deities, or de-
mons, as the powers of the air, who had control of mankind,
and whose spirit was that of contention. 4
The author personifies without plainly deifying the spirit,
whom with the pre-existent Jesus he depicts as joint worship-
pers of God. 5 He terms Jesus " the Beloved," " the Lord."
Once we find "thy lord [God] the lord Christ," 6 but the
bracketed word is suspicious because absent from parallel
expressions (9, 37, 39, 40 ; 10, 7) and nowhere else applied to
Jesus.
ties, their beloved and pure faith ; while much contention shall take
place respecting his coming and the proximity of his approach. In those
days there shall be many attached to office, destitute of wisdom ; multi-
tudes of iniquitous elders and pastors injurious to their flocks, and ad-
dicted to rapine ; nor shall the holy pastors themselves diligently dis-
charge their duty. Many likewise shall barter the honorable clothing of
the saints for the garment of him, who delights in gold. Abundant
shall be the respecters of persons in those days, and lovers of this world's
honor.' " Ascension of Isaiah, 3, 12- 25.
3 " On account of these visions and prophecies, Samael Satan sawed
asunder, by Manasseh, Isaiah the son of Amos, the prophet. And such
were the things which Hezekiah delivered to Manasseh in the twenty-
sixth year of his reign ; Who nevertheless forgot them, . . . abandon-
ing himself to the service of Satan." 11, 41 - 43.
4 " We then ascended into the firmament, I and he, where I beheld
Samael and his powers. Great slaughter was perpetrated by him, and
diabolical deeds, while each contended one against another. ... I said
to the angel, ' What is this contention ? ' He answered : ' Thus has it
been from the foundation of the world, and this slaughter will continue,
until he, whom thou shalt behold, shall come and put an end to it' "
7, 9 - 12.
6 "I saw that my Lord worshipped and the angel of the Holy Spirit,
and that both of them together glorified God." 9, 40.
6 9, 5. Dillmann, for a reason entirely different from the above, deems
"thy lord " the only genuine part of the quotation. Here and in cc. 2,
2 ; 9, 39, 40 ; 11, 1, 10, the word God is in his translation followed by
0. M. If this imply that the ^Ethiopia word so translated designates the
Supreme Deity, that word must here be spurious. Isaiah was unable
(9, 37 ; 11, 32) to behold the Supreme Being.
NOTE I.] ASCENSION OF ISAIAH. 171
He represents Jesus, in accordance with directions from his
Father, 7 as descending from the seventh through the six lower
heavens, recognized by the inhabitants of the sixth, but al-
tering his form in each of the five lower ones, so as not to be
recognized by their inhabitants. He represents him as born
without the knowledge of his motherland subsequently gives
in a condensed shape some of his history. 9
7 " For the Lord shall descend into the world in the latter days, and
after his descent shall be called Christ. He shall take your form, be re-
puted flesh, and shall be man. Then shall the God of the world be re-
vealed by his Son. Yet will they lay their hands upon him, and sus-
pend him on a tree, not knowing who he is. In like manner, also, shall '
his descent, as thou wilt perceive, be concealed from the heavens,
through which he shall pass altogether unknown. But after he has
escaped from the angel of death, on the third day he shall rise again, and
continue in the world five hundred and forty-five days. And many also
of the saints shall ascend with him, whose spirits shall not receive their
clothing, until the Lord Christ shall ascend himself, and with him shall
they ascend. Then, therefore, shall they assume their clothing, and
thrones, and crowns, when he shall have ascended into the seventh
heaven." 9, 13 -is. Compare directions, 10, 7-15, and the com-
pliance with them, 10, 19-31 ; 11, 10-32.
Irenaeus (Cont. Hceres. 1, 3, 2 and 1, 30, 14) mentions some Gnos-
tics who held that Jesus remained on earth after his resurrection eighteen
months, which, counting the year at three hundred sixty-five days, and
the six months at thirty days each, would make five hundred forty-five.
The author of the Ascension, though not a Gnostic, held some Gnostic
.views. In this case, however, 1 suspect that the teaching of Gnostic
leaders may have been misunderstood by their less attentive followers, or
by their Catholic opponents. The Valentinians held (Irenaeus 5, 31, 2)
" that the Lower Regions, Inferos, are this world of ours." If they held
with some moderns, that the ministry of Jesus lasted eighteen months,
they may have said that after his descent to this, our underworld, he
taught during a year and a half.
8 " I beheld . . . a woman byname Mary, . . . betrothed to a man
by name Joseph. ... I saw that . . . after she was betrothed, she was
found pregnant. . . . After, however, two full months . . . while Mary
was attentively gazing on the ground, she suddenly perceived with aston-
ishment a small infant lying before her. . . . The Lord was come to his
inheritance. . . . Many affirmed that she did not bring forth at all, . . .
all knew that he was, but knew not whence he was. Then they took him
and came to Nazareth of Galilee." 11, 2-15. Compare in Norton's
Genuineness (3, 167) the Valentinian view that the ^Eon Savior "passed
through Mary . . . without receiving anything from her substance."
" When, however, he was grown up, I saw that he performed great
signs and wonders in the land of Israel and Jerusalem ; that foreigners
hated him and raised up the children of Israel against him, not knowing
who he was ; that they delivered him to the king, and crucified him ;
and that he descended to the angel of death. In Jerusalem I beheld him
hanging on a tree ; and after the third day rising again, and remaining
172 SIBYLLINE ORACLES. [NOTE J.
If cc. 6 - 11 be a distinct document its object was to de-
velop what preceded. Dillmann has translated the work into
Latin. 10 He thinks (Proleg. 4) that he finds in it three
documents, namely ; a Jewish one, cc. 2, 1 - 3, 12 ; 5, 2 - 14 ;
a Christian one, cc. 6, 1 -11, 1, 23-40, to which, he thinks,
another Christian prefixed ch. 1 (except verse 3) and added
11, 42, 43.
NOTE J.
SIBYLLINE ORACLES.
MENTION has been made in a former work 1 of two acrostics
by Christian writers, one complete and the other imperfect,
which remain to us in the Sibylline Oracles. Whether they
were written with controversial intent may be a question.
The finished one treats of the future Judgment. The unfin-
ished one has more to do, though not very plainly, with
Christ's life on earth, and was the better calculated of the
two for controversy with heathens.
Three pieces which deal more plainly with Christ's life on
earth are here subjoined, as also a fourth which does so in a
slight degree. Any argument from them implies that to no
one save Jesus were they applicable. Their applicability to
him, when not conceded, must have been based on Pseudo-
Heathen records.
No. 1.
Then to men shall a son of the Great God come
In the flesh, being likened to mortals on earth, 325
[His name] has four vowels ; but its consonants
I announce as two ; and will tell the whole number ;
Eight units, and as many tens,
on earth for a certain period. Then the angel, who was conducting me,
said : ' Understand, Isaiah.' When immediately I saw him send forth
his twelve Disciples, and ascend from the world." 11, 18-22.
10 Ascensio Isaiae, ^Ethiop. et Lat. cum Proleg. Adnotat. [etc.], edita
ab A. Dillmann, Lips. 1877. Its author had access to two manuscripts
besides the one used by Laurence. There is in the Lutheran Quarterly
(8, 518-535) an English translation of this work by G. H. Schodde.
1 See Judaism, p. 444.
NOTE J.] SIBYLLINE ORACLES. 173
And eight hundreds to the incredulous
His name will exhibit ; 2 but apprehend thou mentally 330
The Christ of the Immortal God, Son of the Highest.
He will fulfil the law of God, not destroy it ;
Furnishing an antitype 3 copy, and will teach all things [needful].
To him priests shall bear an offering of gold,
Myrrh and frankincense ; for all these things will he [?] perform. 335
But when a certain voice in the desert
Shall come proclaiming to mortals, and shall cry out to all :
"Let us make straight paths, and throw away
Wickedness from the heart, and let every mortal body
Be enlightened with water, that being born from above, 340
They may no longer transgress what is just,"
(But a barbarous mind,* persuaded by dancing,
Cutting off [his head] shall give it as a reward.) Then a sign to
mortals
Shall suddenly take place, when guarded there shall come
From the land of Egypt a beautiful stone, but against this 345
The Hebrew people shall stumble ; but the Gentiles shall assemble
a I 10
H 8
8 Units =
8
S 200
8 Tens
80
70
8 Hundreds
800
T 400
S 200
888
888
Perhaps repetition of the number " eight " was connected in the writer's
mind with an idea of some secret signification belonging to it. Justin
(Dial. 24, 41) and Barnabas (Epist. 15) term Sunday the eighth day. The
former says : " I can show you, gentlemen, . . . that the Eighth Day
had a mystery, proclaimed through these [before-mentioned circum-
stances] by God, superior to [that of] the Seventh." Justin Martyr,
Dial. 24. Compare 41.
In Egypt, where Greeks, by attention to astronomy, had detected, as
was supposed, an eighth sphere or heaven that of the fixed stars far
above and beyond the one in which the planet Saturn was supposed to
move, the Valentinian Gnostics selected this eighth sphere as the dwell-
ing-place of the Supreme Being who had sent Christ. Compare Juda-
ism, p. 334.
9 On the meaning of antitype compare (Judaism, p. 349) the antitheses
of Irenaeus. After an imbittered war between Jews and Romans an idea
was advanced by some Christians that the events of the Old Testament
were antithetically repeated in the New. Perhaps the idea may be in-
tended above.
4 Compare Note E, footnote 4.
174 SIBYLLINE ORACLES. [NOTE J.
Under his lead ; for the God who rules from on high,
Through him they shall know, and the straight path of universal
light.
For he will show eternal life to mortals,
To the chosen, but inflict fire eternally on the lawless. 350
And then he will heal the sick, also the blameworthy,
[Of their sins T\ all who put trust in him.
The blind shall see, the lame shall walk,
The deaf shall listen, the dumb shall talk ;
He shall eject demons; the dead shall rise ; 355
He shall walk the waves and in a desert place
From five loaves and a marine fish
Shall satiate five thousand, and the remnants of these
Shall fill twelve baskets for [the Sacred Virgin\. b
And then Israel being drunk shall not perceive seo
Nor hear, being burdened with dull ears.
But when anger of the Highest shall visit the Hebrews
In its rage, and shall take away their faith
Because they destroyed the Heavenly Son of God.
And then blows and vile spittle 365
Shall Israel with polluted lips inflict on him.
For food gall, and for drink undiluted vinegar
They shall godlessly give him, impelled by wicked frenzy
In their breast and heart, but not seeing with their eyes
Blinder than moles, more frightful than reptiles 370
Poisonous serpents fettered by heavy sleep.
But when he shall spread out his hands and embrace all
things,
And shall bear a crown of thorns, and his side shall
They pierce with spears (wherefore during three hours,
Dark monstrous night shall come in mid-day), 375
Then indeed the temple of Solomon to mortals
Shall give a great sign, 6a when He shall enter
The underworld, announcing resurrection to the dead.
8 The corresponding line, 8,278, for "Sacred Virgin," reads "Hope
of the Peoples.' Lactantius quotes it, " Hope of the Multitude."
6 This may mean, destroy their worship by destruction of their tem-
ple. The passage breaks the connection. Were line 364 amended thus,
" So that they SHALL destroy the Heavenly Son of God," part of the dif-
ficulty would be removed.
6a Its rent veil indicating (Origen, Ser. Com. in Matt. 138 ; Opp.
3, 927 A) a veil removed from the vision of believers.
NOTE J.] SIBYLLINE ORACLES. 175
But when he shall come in three days to light again,
And shall show mortals his sleep, 7 and teach all things, 380
Ascending in the clouds he shall journey to heaven,
Leaving to the world the gospel dispensation.
In his name a new shoot shall sprout
From the Gentiles, guided by God's law.
After these things there shall be Apostle 8 guides, 385
And then shall be a cessation of prophets.
Thenceforward Hebrews shall reap an evil harvest.
And much gold and silver shall the Roman king
Plunder. And afterwards other kings
Shall continually arise, as former ones perish, 390
And shall afflict mortals. But to those men shall be great
Destruction, when they shall rule with haughty injustice.
But when the temple of Solomon on the mighty earth
Shall fall, cast down by men of barbarous speech,
Brazen-breastplated, and Hebrews be expelled the land 395
Wanderers [and] slaughtered, and shall mix much darnel
With their wheat, noxious sedition shall be among all
Mankind ; cities, mutually insulted,
Shall bewail (since they performed an evil act),
Receiving the great God's anger in their bosom. 400
Sibylline Oracles, 1, 324-400.
No. 2.
I heartily sing the Immortal's great and famous Son
To whom the Highest Parent granted assumption of the
throne
When not yet born, since a second time in flesh
Was he born, being washed by the pouring of the river
Jordan, which is borne along in a blue course ; 5
Who, escaping the fire, 9 shall first see the sweet
Spirit 10 coming on [him] with the white wings of a dove.
There shall sprout a pure shoot ; the fountains shall bubble up ;
7 The meaning probably is, " shall narrate to mortals the events of his
three days below." There is, however, a different reading : "shall show
mortals a type."
8 The Greek word (rr6\oi is perhaps an abbreviation for 'Air6(TTo\oi.
Otherwise the meaning must be "multitudinous guides, " though the
expression would be an unusual one.
9 An allusion possibly to the idea (Justin, Dial. 88) that the Jordan
took fire at the baptism of Jesus. Another reading gives a different
sense.
10 For TTve^fiaTt yivofjLevov read TrvcvfjC
176 SIBYLLINE ORACLES. [NOTE J.
He shall show men the ways, shall show the paths
To heaven ; shall teach all in wise parables ; 10
Shall lead to rectitude and persuade a contrary people,
Boasting a praiseworthy descent from his Heavenly Father.
He shall walk the waves, free men from diseases,
Raise the dead, drive off multitudinous ailments,
From one pi'^s roll of bread men shall be satiated. is
Sibylline Oracles, 6, 1-15.
The remaining thirteen lines of Book 6 are by a later
writer. Some of them speak in the past, not in the future
tense. 11
No. 3.
Not in glory, but as mortal [about] to be judged 12 he will
come,
Pitiable, dishonored, formless, 13 that he may give hope to the
pitiable.
Also [fair] form to perishable flesh and heavenly faith
To unbelievers he will give ; and [anew] form man,
(Originally moulded by God's hands) 26*
Whom the serpent misled, that he should stray
11 "When the house of David shall produce a plant in whose hand
The whole world, earth, heaven and sea shall be.
Lightnings on earth shall be [such] as formerly they saw
The two who wore born from each other's side ;
It shall be [thus] when the earth shall rejoice in hope of the Son.
On you alone, Land of Sodom, misery shall lie,
For senseless, you did not recognize your God,
Trifling with mortal perceptions, but from the thorn
Crowning him with a crown,' mixed frightful gall
For insult and tDwyua drink, which shall cause you grievous suffer*
ing.
wood
most blessed on which God was suspended ;
Earth shall not have you, but you shall see heaven,
"When the fiery eye of God shall dart lightning on the temple.
Sibylline Oracles, 6, 16 - 28.
12 It was customary in ancient times for one awaiting his trial to indi-
cate by his apparel and by his unshaved or unwashed countenance that
he was in a pitiable condition. This was intended as an appeal to sym-
pathy and compassion. " Cicero . . . changed his attire, and assuming
the garb of one accused, went round the forum soliciting the compassion
of all whom he met." Smith, Diet. o/.Bt00. 1, p. 713, col. 2, art.
Cicero.
is See Ch. III. 14.
NOTE J.] SIBYLLINE ORACLES. 177
To a deadly fate, and take knowledge of good and evil,
So that leaving God he should serve mortal customs :
To him the All-ruler, taking [him] specially as adviser,
Said in the beginning : " Child, LET us BOTH i4 make 265
(Forming from our own image) mortal tribes.
I now with my hands, then you by teaching shall heal
Our form, that we may establish a mutual work."
Mindful therefore, of this purpose, he will come to be judged,
[Furnishing an antitype 15 representation of the undefiled virgin 16 ]
Enlightening with water by the hands of the elders. 271
Doing all things by a word, healing every disease,
He shall lay the winds with a word, and calm the sea
When raging, with his feet, treading it in peace and trust.
From five loaves and a marine fish 275
He shall satiate five thousand men in a desert,
And taking all the surplus fragments,
Shall fill twelve baskets as a hope for the people.
He will invite souls of the blessed and love the wretched
Who, scoffed at, shall do good for evil, 280
[While] beaten, scourged, desiring poverty.
[He] perceiving and seeing and hearing all things,
Shall look into the interior, and lay it bare for conviction,
For he is the hearing, understanding and sight of all,
The Logos creating forms, whom all things obey, 285
Savior of the dead, healer of all disease.
He will fall at last into LAW-less and FAiTH-less 17 hands.
They will give God blows with unholy hands,
And with polluted lips vile spittle.
He will give to the blows an utterly undefiled back ; 290
[For he will give himself to the world undefiled in virginity, 18 ]
And buffeted, will be silent, that no one may recognize
Who, of whom, he is, whence he came, that he may talk to
the dead. 19
14 See Note M, text prefixed to footnote 17.
15 See note 3.
6 That is Eve, who was deemed by many a virgin until her expulsion
from Paradise. Compare line 201 and see Underworld Mission. Appendix,
Note H.
r LAW-less means heathen. FAiTH-less may mean Jews or heathens.
18 Literally, "an undefiled virgin."
9 The meaning seems to be that, if recognized, he would not have been
put to death, and could not have fulfilled his mission in the underworld.
Compare Underworld Mission, 3d edit. p. 79.
178 SIBYLLINE ORACLES. [NOTE J.
He M will bear a crown of thorns : for of thorns 21
The eternal crown of chosen saints shall come. 295
They shall pierce his side with a spear on account of their law,
Since from reeds, 22 moved by another spirit,
The soul's inclinations, anger and revenge, are nourished.
He will spread his hands and measure all the world.
Giving gall for food and vinegar to drink, 300
They shall spread this table of inhospitality.
But when all these things mentioned shall be finished,
Then in him the whole Law is abolished which at first
Was given to mortal opinions because 23 of a disobedient people.
Rent is the veil of the temple, and in mid-day 305
Shall be dark monstrous night for three hours.
For, cessation of service to temple and concealed Law,
Veiled by worldly fantasies, was again manifested
On the Ruler's descent into the enduring earth.
He will come to the underworld announcing to all 310
The consecrated, hope, end of ages and ijie last day,
And will abolish death by sleeping till the third day ;
And then, freed from the departed, will come to light,
The first to show the chosen a beginning of the resurrection.
[Washed in the waters of an immortal fountain 315
From their former wickedness, that born again from above
They may no longer be slaves to immoralities of the world.]
First the Lord is seen by HIS OWN [disciples]
In the flesh as formerly. On hands and feet he will show
To HIS OWN, four marks impressed on his members. 320
The East, the West, the South, the North,
For so many kingdoms of the world shall fulfil
The lawless reprehensible deed on our image.
Sibylline Oracles, 8, 256 -323.
20 The next half-dozen lines, 299 - 304, are given in the order of Alex-
andre.
21 The word &Kav6os has a double meaning, indicating thorn and also
(according to Liddell and Scott) "a plant much used in works of art,
especially Corinthian capitals."
22 The word for spear and reed /fdXa/xos is the same in the original.
28 Compare Justin Martyr, Dial. 43, quoted in Judaism on p. 343.
NOTE K.] HEEMES TRISMEGISTUS, MERCURY. 179
No. 4.
Hail, Zion, much suffering daughter,
Thy king enters riding on a colt, 325
Appearing gentle to all, that our yoke,
Slavish, grievous, burdening our necks he may carry off,
And end godless laws and galling fetters.
Know him thy God, the Son of God,
Praising him and having him in thy heart ; 330
Love him with thy soul and bear his name,
Reject those who preceded, 24 and wash from his blood.
For observances and petitions do not propitiate him ;
Nor, Immortal, does he heed perishable sacrifices,
But, uttering with thy mind the cure of his holy teaching, 335
Know this one, and you shall see his Parent.
Sibylline Oracles, 8, 324 - 336.
NOTE K.
HERMES TRISMEGISTUS, MERCURY THRICE GREATEST.
IN the early part of the second century astrological and
other works doubtless of heathen origin were circulat-
ing in the name of Mercury. 1 This probably suggested to
some Christian of the less scrupulous sort, that Mercury might
be made to teach better things than astrology. In order that
his production might seem even more authoritative than prior
ones in the name of that god, he ascribed it to Hermes Tris-
megistus, or Mercury, Thrice Greatest, and designates the
production as Aoyo? reXeto?, the " Perfect Discourse" or the
" Final 2 Discourse" intending probably to give it position
above all other productions of the same personage.
24 The meaning seems to be, reject the Jews and by so doing wash
your hands from the crime of putting Jesus to death.
1 Clement mentions (Strom. 6, 35 ; Opp. edit. Potter, p. 757) four
books on astrology and two others, one of which contained hymns to the
gods, while the second contained a computation of, or rules for, a regal
life.
2 A passage attributed to Orpheus (Cohort. 15, cited in Judaism,
pp. 337-338) makes him say to his son, " I speak truth lest [my ?] former
views should rob yon of longed-for eternity." Perhaps in the present
case the heading of the Discourse meant" that the views here given wera
the latest teachings of Mercury.
180 HERMES TR1SMEG1STUS, MERCURY. [NOTE K.
In the first half of the fourth century Lactantius prefixes to
his quotations from this work an account of Mercury, 3 which can
hardly have originated earlier than the latter half of the third
century. In it Mercury is made to proclaim a Supreme Being
devoid of name, also one subordinate and created God, and
some other views common among Christians.
" This [Mercury] wrote books, and indeed many of them,
pertaining to the knowledge of divine things, in which he
asserts the majesty of the Supreme and Sole God, and calls
him by the same names as ourselves, ' GOD and FATHER/ and
lest any one should ask his name, says that he is dvoW/Aoi/,
' WITHOUT NAME.' . . . His words are these : ' GOD is ONE, BUT
THE ONE DOES NOT NEED A NAME, FOR THE SELF-EXISTENT IS
WITHOUT NAME.' " DlV. Inst. 1, 6.
" Hermes [Mercury] . . . who not only said that man had
been made in the image of God, but also tried to explain it."
Div. Inst. 2, 11.
"Hermes [Mercury] affirms that those who have known God
are not only safe from attacks of demons, but are not even
subject to fate. He says : ' THE SOLE PROTECTION is PRACTICAL
MONOTHEISM, FOR NEITHER AN EVIL DEMON NOR FATE HAS CON-
TROL OF THE PRACTICALLY MONOTHEISTIC MAN, FOR GOD FREES
THE PRACTICAL MONOTHEIST FROM EVERY EVIL, FOR PRACTICAL
MONO1
2, 16.
" Trismegistus, who, I hardly know how, investigated al-
most all truth, often described the excellence and majesty of
the Word." Div. Inst. 4, 9.
" The Father God, . . . since he lacks parents, is justly
named by Trismegistus, ' FATHERLESS and MOTHERLESS.' "
Div. Inst. 4, 13.
3 Lactantius, after devoting five chapters to other matter, says :
" Let us now pass to divine testimonies, but first I will bring forward one
which is akin to divine, both because of its exceeding age, and because
he whom 1 -shall name was transferred from mortals into the category of
gods.
" In the writings of Cicero, C. Cotta, high-priest, disputing against
the Stoics, . . . states that there were five Mercuries, and after enumer-
ating four of them in order, [says] the fifth was that one by whom Argus
was killed, and who ' fled on that account into Egypt, and delivered laws
and literature (litleras] to the Egyptians.' . . .
" He also founded a town which even now is in Greek called Hermopo-
lis ; . . . who, although a man, was most ancient and most instructed
in every kind of learning, so that [his] knowledge of many things and arts
fixed on him the name of Trismegistus." Div. Inst. 1, (5.
NOTE K.] HERMES TRISMEGISTUS, MERCURY. 181
" Hermes Trismegistus, . . . who agrees in words as well
as substance with us, that is, with the prophets whom we fol-
low, and speaks thus concerning justice : ' SON, ADORE AND
WORSHIP THIS verbum TEACHING,' but the sole worship of God
is not to be evil. . . . * THESE [frankincense and spices], AND
THINGS SIMILAR TO THESE, ARE NOT APPROPRIATE TO HlM, FOR
HE IS FULL OF ALL THINGS WHICH EXIST AND HAS NOT THE
SLIGHTEST NEED OF ANY THING, BUT WE ADORE HIM BY GIVING
THANKS, FO
List. 6, 25.
" Hermes [Mercury] did not ignore that man was formed
by God and in the image of God." Div. Inst. 7, 4.
" I have made clear, as I think, that the soul is not disso-
luble. It remains to cite the witnesses by whose authority
my arguments may be corroborated. Neither will I call the
prophets to testify . . . but those [witnesses] rather to whom
it is necessary that the rejecters of true religion veritatem
should yield credence. Hermes, describing the nature of
man, . . . introduces these [remarks]. God ' MADE THE SAME
FROM BOTH NATURES, THE MORTAL AND THE IMMORTAL, [iNTO]
THE ONE NATURE OF MAN, MAKING HIM PARTLY IMMORTAL, PARTLY
MORTAL, AND PLACED HIM HALF-WAY BETWEEN A DIVINE IMMOR-
TAL NATURE AND A MORTAL MUTABLE ONE, THAT, SEEING ALL
THINGS [MORTAL AND IMMORTAL], HE MIGHT ADMIRE ALL THINGS.' "
Div. Inst. 7, 13.
" In that book which is called the Perfect (or Final) Dis-
course, after enumeration of the evils concerning which we
have spoken, he adds these things : ' BUT WHEN THESE THINGS
SHALL THUS TAKE PLACE, ESCULAPIUS, THEN THE LORD, AND
FATHER, AND GOD, AND CREATOR, OF THE FIRST AND ONE [SUB-
ORDINATE] GOD, LOOKING AT THE THINGS WHICH TAKE PLACE
EVEN SUCH [AS OCCUR] BY HlS WILL OPPOSING TO DISORDER
WHAT IS GOOD AND RECALLING WHAT WANDERS, AND PURIFYING
WHAT IS WICKED, SOMETIMES DISSOLVING BY MUCH WATER, AND
SOMETIMES BURNING OUT BY THE FIERCEST FIRE, AND SOMETIMES
CRUSHING OUT BY WARS AND FAMINES, LEADS [BACK AGAIN] TO
THE ANCIENT CONDITION AND REPLACES HlS WORLD.' " Div.
Inst. 7, 18. Compare Judaism at Rome, p. 50.
182 ALLEGED UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. [NOTE L.
NOTE L.
ALLEGED UNCANONICAL GOSPELS.
Luke in the beginning of his Gospel (1, I, 2) mentions
that " many have undertaken to arrange a narrative of the
events accomplished among us, conformably to the accounts
given us by those who were eye-witnesses from the begin-
ning, and [who] have become ministers of the religion." No
trace remains of the narratives to which he refers unless
Matthew's Gospel, then extant only in Hebrew, was among
those which he had in mind. His form of expression renders
probable that some individuals after listening to detached por-
tions of the Master's history had endeavored in writing to
connect and arrange them. Probably these imperfect attempts
were laid aside by their authors or readers so soon as fuller
and more connected narratives appeared.
Some modern writers suppose that various Gospels ex-
isted in the second century, from which the four now in use
were selected, or out of which they were formed or in op-
position to which they were fabricated. This view, in a crude
shape, is expressed by Hone and Tischendorf. 1 It is also held
1 "After the writings contained in the New Testament were selected
from the numerous Gospels and Epistles then in existence, what became
of the books that were rejected by the compilers ? " Hone, Apoc. N.
Test. p. v. In answer to this, Hone presents his reader a collection of
documents classified by him as Gospels and Epistles, riot one of which
professes to record the MINISTRY of Jesus.
" The definition of Apocryphal Gospels is [Gospels] opposed to Canon-
ical ones ; unless you prefer to contend that in the earliest times Canon-
ical Gospels were [created ?] in opposition to apocryphal ones. . . . When
first the Canonical Gospels by consent of the Church began to be sepa-
rated from the great number of writings in circulation, it is obvious that
yet other and new [writings] which were issued could not aspire to evan-
gelical authority unless they feigned the same valued peculiarity (virtutem)
with those [canonical ones]. . . .
" Whence it is to be concluded that no Gospels were reckoned apocry-
phal before the Canon of Sacred Books existed in the ancient church."
C. Tischendorf, De Evang. Apoc. Origin?, et Usu, pp. 1, 2.
Tischendorf, after arguing (pp. 3, 4) from Irenreus, Tatian, and The-
the middle of the second century, that "in the
ophilus, writers after
opinion of the most
the Gospel Canon pcsne jam constitisset had now been almost established,"
opinion of the most numerous and of the principal [Christian] teachers
now been alm
NOTE L.] ALLEGED UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 183
iri several shapes by other writers, especially in Germany, an
extract from one of the more thoughtful of whom is sub-
joined. 2 Attention to four meanings of the word Gospel and
to some historical facts should precede examination of these
uncanonical works.
One meaning of this term is A RECORD OF THE LIFE OF JESUS.
A second meaning, common among early Christians, was THE
FOUR RECORDS or Gospels in contradistinction from the Epis-
tles. A third meaning is THE INTERPRETATION PUT UPON
CHRIST'S TEACHING, or that of his Apostles, by an individual
or a sect. Thus the Gospel according to Calvin, or according
to Wesley, would be readily understood as meaning the inter-
pretation by those individuals of New Testament teaching. A
fourth meaning is, A GOSPEL, or THE FOUR GOSPELS, AS TRANS-
LATED OR ANNOTATED BY SOME INDIVIDUAL. Thus " Camp-
bell's Four Gospels " would be readily understood to mean his
translation of, and annotations on, the four Gospels. Among
early Christians such a work would have been termed Camp-
bell's Gospel, the latter word distinguishing the four collec-
tively from the Epistles.
In the days of Irenseus and of Tatian, probably about A. D.
170, it is obvious that four Gospels only were in common use.
adds (p. 4), "therefore from the time which immediately preceded the
middle of the second century until almost the close of the fourth, was
the era of Apocryphal Gospels." Compare views of Strauss on p. xiv.
It would with the exception of our four Gospels be difficult or
impossible to point out in the era mentioned a single document profess-
edly of Christian origin, which assumed to narrate the life or ministry of
Jesus.
An earlier and common error in Europe paved the way for such views
as the foregoing. It appears in the following extract from Mosheim:
" Not long after the Savior's ascension, various histories of his life and
doctrines, full of impositions and fables, were composed by persons, . . .
superstitious, simple, and piously fraudulent ; and afterwards, various
other spurious writings were palmed upon the world, falsely inscribed
with the names of the holy Apostles." Ecc. Hist. Century I. Part 2,
Ch. 2, 17, Murdock's trans. 1, p. 73. Mosheim, however, did not
suppose that the Gospels and other writings of the New Testament had
merely been selected out of this mess without abundant evidence of their
authorship.
2 "In addition to our canonical Gospels, Christian antiquity was ac-
quainted with several others ; and it is in the last degree needful to ob-
tain as accurate a knowledge of these as possible, for the opinion is pretty
wide-spread that some of them are older and more original than our
canonical Gospels." De Wette, Introduct. to N. Test., p. 87 ; Froth-
inghams trans.
184 ALLEGED UN CANONICAL GOSPELS. [NOTE L.
The effort of Iren&eus to explain WHY this precise number ex-
isted implies that its existence was well recognized. 3 Tatian
also made a Diatessaron* a harmony or synopsis of the four.
Somewhat earlier we find two classes of men, intensely un-
like each other, called Gnostics. Both classes originated after
an imbittered war between Jews and Gentiles, and both held
that the God of the Jews was not the God of the Christians,
but a different being. 5 Marcion, the leader of one class, adopted,
or made special use of, the Gospel of Luke, who was a Gentile
and a companion of Paul. 6 From this he expurgated what he
could not, even by forced explanation, fit into his system, but
3 Irenaeus, after specifying (cont. Hceres. 3, 1, l) Matthew, Mark,
Luke, and John as having each written one of the Gospels, adds as fol-
lows : " Nor can there be more or fewer Gospels than these. For as
there are four regions of the world in which we live, and four cardinal
winds, and the Church is spread over all the earth, and the Gospel is the
pillar and support of the Church, and the breath of life ; in like manner
is it fit that it should have four pillars." Cont. Hceres. 3, 11, 8 ; Op}). 1,
pp. 467, 468, edit. Stieren, Norton's trans. On. p. 467 Stieren has er-
roneously c. 12 for c. 11.
Eusebius (Ecc. Hist. 3, 37) mentions Quadratus as engaged in teach-
ing at the same time with the daughters of Philip, and states that the
disciples of that age were accustomed "to distribute the writing of the
divine Gospels." As Philip was executed in A. D. 52 (see Judaism,
p. 238) the ministry of his daughters can scarcely be placed later than
the close of the first century. Quadratus lived into the first quarter of
the second century, for he presented an Apology to Hadrian. Eusebius
would not have termed any Gospels DIVINE except the four recognized in
his day, and unless his information were inaccurate, these four must in
the time of Quadratus have had an established authority.
. 4 " Tatian putting together, I know not on what plan, a synopsis and
harmony of the evangelists, called this rb dia Tf<rffdpwi>, ' The four
collated,' which even yet is in circulation among some." Eusebius,
Ecc. Hist. 4, -29. In the fifth century Theodoret (Hcercl. Fab. 1, 20) took
away two hundred copies of this Diatessaron which he found used and
esteemed by churches that he regarded as sound in the faith. His only
charge against it is its omission of the genealogies (which perhaps Tatian
could not harmonize) and of the descent from David.
6 See touching these men Judaism, pp. 331 - 336.
6 Ireiiaeus speaks (3, 11, 7) of Marcion "as mutilating the Gospel
according to Luke." Compare Irena?us 1, 27, 2. Tertullian says :
" Marcion seems to have selected Luke as the [one] whom he would cut
up." Adv. Marc. 4, 2. Compare in Norton's Genuineness, Vol. 3, Ap-
pendix, Note C, his remarks on this Gospel.
Apelles, the disciple of Marcion, seems to have used the same expur-
gated copy of Luke. The term Gospel of Marcion, or Gospel of Apelles,
meant sometimes this expurgated copy, and sometimes, perhaps, the sys-
tem which they based upon it. Neither of these two individuals doubted
the authorship of the four Gospels, but they supposed the evangelists, be-
NOTE L.] ALLEGED UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 185
used from the other Gospels what he thought could be pressed
into its support.
The chief division of the other class was the Valentinians, or
followers of Valentinus. These used especially, but not ex-
clusively, John's Gospel. 7 Heracleon, one of them, wrote a
commentary on it, the remnants of which will be found col-
lected by Massuet in his edition of Irenseus, pp. 362 - 376, in
which work also an extract from his commentary on Luke will
be found on p. 362. Another portion of this class used Mark's
Gospel. 8 Basilides will be subsequently mentioned.
It seems impossible that other records concerning the min-
istry of Jesus should have been afloat in Gentile communities,
and that the Gnostics, instead of drawing from them, should
have needed forced interpretation and, in the case of Marcion,
mutilation of the records yet in use.
We have the direct testimony of Irenseus that the Heretics,
under which title he specifies the Ebionites, Marcionites, Val-
entinians, and others, used our Gospels. 9 This testimony
comes from one who would have been prompt to point out any
tendency of the Heretics to use records other than what he
deemed sanctioned. We have, moreover, the statement of
Tertullian that the Heretics should not be allowed to use the
Christian Scriptures, 10 a superfluous statement, if the rec-
ords which they used were from other hands than those rec-
ognized by Christians generally.
cause of their Jewish education, to have misunderstood the Master's
teaching.
A letter of Origen preserved only in a Latin translation, implies that
Marcion and Apelles, even if they made most use of Luke, must have used
the remaining three Gospels. " You see . . . with what expurgation Mar-
cion expurgated the Gospels or the Epistles Apostolum, or with what his
successor, Apelles, after him [did the same]." Origen, Epist. Opp. 1,
p. 6 B, edit, de la Rue.
7 ' ' The Valentinians making copious use of that [Gospel] which is
according to John." Irenseus, 3, 11, 7.
8 '"Those who distinguish Jesus from the Christ, and say that Christ
remained without suffering, but that Jesus suffered, preferring the Gos-
pel according to Mark, if they read it with the love of truth, can be cor-
rected." Ibid. This perhaps means that Mark's Gospel admitted less
easily than John's of vague and fanciful interpretations.
9 " Such is the established authority of the Gospels that the Heretics
themselves render testimony to them, and each one of them who goes out
[from Christianity] endeavors to confirm his teaching out of them."
Ireiiaeus, cont. Hares. 3, 11, 7. The passage is found only in the Latin
translation.
10 "They (the Heretics) offer the Scriptures, and by this their auda.
186 ALLEGED UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. [NOTE L.
We will now endeavor to classify these supposed uncanoni-
cal Gospels. Lack of leisure and sight prevent that fuller
treatment which I could wish. The general reader will find
all that he needs in Norton's Genuineness, 3, pp. 214-286 ;
abridged edit. pp. 340-391.
1. RECORDS. Matthew and Luke under other names. Mat-
thew's Gospel, in what was then called Hebrew, 11 was used
by Hebrew Christians, also called Nazarenes or Ebionites, and
hence received the name of " Gospel to the Hebrews," " to the
Nazarenes," " to the Ebionites," and also according to Jerome
" Gospel of the Apostles," otherwise called, perhaps, " of the
Twelve Apostles." 12 Some copies of it had interpolations not
extant in Matthew. 13
Bartholomew is said to have carried this Hebrew Gospel
city at once influence some. . . . We interpose that they are not to be
admitted to a dispute from the Scriptures." De Prcescript. Hcerct. 15;
Opp. p. 236 C. "The reason for what we propose is obvious ; that the
Heretics are not to be admitted to enter upon an argument from the
Scriptures. . . . Not being Christians, nullum jus capiunt Christiana-
rum literarum, they have no legal right to the Christian records. "-
De Prcescript. Hceret. 37 ; Opp. 242 D.
11 The Nazarenes "have the Gospel according to Matthew in its fullest
shape, in the Hebrew language." Epiphanius, Hceres. 29, 9. The
Ebionites "also receive the Gospel according to Matthew, for they, as
also the followers of Cerinthus, use this Gospel ; they call it [the Gospel]
according to the Hebrews." Htxrcs. 30, 3. "Matthew . . . composed
the Gospel of Christ in Hebrew letters and words. . . . Further : the
Hebrew itself is preserved until this day in the library at Csesarea."
Jerome, de Vir. Illust. 3; Opp. 2,833, edit. Vallars. "The Gospel
also which is called according to the Hebrews, and which was lately
translated by me into the Greek and Latin, and which Origen often
used." De Vir. Illust. '.' ; Opp. 2, 831. Cp. Euseb. Ecc. Hist. 3, -255
" The Gospel which the Nazarenes and Ebionites use . . . and which is
called by many [or most], a plcrisqus, the authentic [Gospel] of Mat-
thew." Jerome, Comment, in Matt-. 12, 13 ; Opp. 7, 77.
12 "The Gospel according to the Hebrews . . . which the Nazarenes
yet use [that, namely] according to the Apostles, or as many think,
according to Matthew [in its genuine form ?] which is in the library of
Csesarea." Jerome, cent. Pelag. 3; Opp. 2, col. 782, edit. Vallars.
Compare Horn. 1 on Luke, Origenis Opp. 3, 933 B (5, 87). Jerome omits,
and the Homilies use, the word " Twelve " before Apostles. If the Apos-
tles while working collectively in Judea used any written Gospel it must
have been this, the others being in Greek.
13 See ancient quotations from the Gospels in Grabe, Spicileg., 1,
Ep. 25-31. Those by Clement and Origen (pp. 26 -27) must have ex-
ited in the second or third century. Those quoted by other writers may
in several instances have found their way into it at a later date. The
NOTE L.] ALLEGED UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 137
to India. 14 Cerinthus is said to have made special use of it. 15
Hence the terms (Jerome Prcefnt. in Matt.) " Gospel of Bar-
tholomew," (Epiphan. H 'ceres. 51, 7) "Gospel of Cerinthus."
These terms, however, can never have had much currency,
and may have been unknown to the first three centuries.
The Gospel of Marcion or of Apelles (see note 6) was an
altered copy of Luke.
2. COMMENTARIES AND EXPOSITIONS. Basilides wrote an ex-
position of the Gospels in twenty-four books, 16 which at a later
date seems to have been called his Gospel. 17 The Gospel of
Thomas, judged by our only extract from it, 13 may have been
some exposition of passages in the Gospels. A Gospel of Truth,
attributed to the Valentinians by Irenseus (3, 11, 9, cp. Tertul-
lian, de Prescript. Hceret. 49), must have been expository or
doctrinal. Nothing historical from it is quoted or contro-
verted by any one.
3. DOCTRINAL WORKS. Serapion early in the third century
mentions the Gospel of Peter. 19 The work, obviously not his-
torical, may have been some portion of the Clementines, 20 or
Jewish Christians who used Matthew in the original, soon became an
unimportant sect. It is hardly possible that they had among them
trained copyists equal to those in the Greek book-markets. Some pas-
sages from Luke and John (not always closely translated into Hebrew),
or marginal paraphrases and comments on the same, seem, with a little
other matter, to have been copied into the text of Matthew.
14 " Pantsenus . . . is said to have gone to the Indians; where, it is
commonly said, he found the Gospel of Matthew, which before his arri-
val had been delivered to some in that country, who had the knowledge
of Christ : to whom Bartholomew, one of the Apostles, is said to have
preached, and to have left with them that writing of Matthew in He-
brew letters, and that it was preserved among them to that time."
Eusebius, Ecc. Hist. 5, <>, in ; Lardners trans.
15 Epiphanius, Hcercs. 30, 14
16 Agrippa Castor, cited by Eusebius, Ecc. Hist. 4, 7.
17 Horn. 1 on Luke, Origenis Opp. 3, 933 C (5, 87).
18 In the Philosophumena (5, 7, p. 101, edit. Miller) is an extract
at second hand from the Gospel of Thomas. " He who seeks me will find
me in children after their seventh year, for there to become concealed
in their fourteenth year I am manifested." Cp. Matt. 18, 5. The
work is also mentioned in Horn. 1 on Luke, Origenis Opp. 3, 933 C,
(5, 87).
9 Eusebius, Ecc. Hist. 6, 12.
20 In early writers a subject is sometimes presented (see Judaism,
p. 177) by selecting disputants on either side into whose mouths the
arguments of respective schools are put. The author of the Clementine
Homilies and Recognitions selects Peter as the person who shall pre-
sent true views, and Simon Magus as the opponent who is to present
188 ALLEGED UNCANON1CAL GOSPELS. [NOTE L.
of a similar work. A Gospel of Matthias (cp. Acts 1, 26) is
mentioned by Eusebius (Ecc. Hist. 3, 25) and by the Homilies
on Luke (1, Origen. Opp. 3, 933 C). Absence of any appeal to
it implies that it was not a history of Jesus. It must have
been something doctrinal.
4. GOSPEL ACCORDING TO THE EGYPTIANS. 21 Uncertainty as
to whether this belongs under the first or third of the preced-
ing heads, leads me to treat it separately. The citations from
it suggest that it was a doctrinal homily (on Matthew 22,
30?) exceptional in that it selects Jesus as speaker. The
citations refer to the absence of sex in the next life, and
the fact that while marrying and bearing of children con-
tinue death also will continue. There may have been some
casual reason for the title " Gospel according to the Egyptians."
As no such reason, however, is apparent, I think the fol-
false views of the subjects discussed. In another document called the
Preaching of Peter it is also obvious that Peter is meraly selected as
spokesman. Their authors had no thought of passing off these produc-
tions as written or uttered by that Apostle. They merely meant, by
selecting him as spokesman, to indicate their adherence to a belief in both
dispensations the Jewish and Christian as having proceeded from
the same God. They were prompted to this, perhaps, by the fact that,
of the two bodies opposed to this view one, the Marcionites, made great
use of Paul's writings, while the other, the Valentinians, used chiefly
those of John.
In the latter of these documents Peter is made to argue from the
Scriptures of the New Testament (Clem. Alex. Strom. 6, 41) an appeal
which would have been deemed needless, or even derogatory to him by
one who was trying to palm off the work as his genuine production.
In one portion of the work where the author appeals to Sibylla and
Hystaspes books regarded as prophecies addressed to heathen com-
munities Paul is introduced (Clem. Alex., Strom. 6, 42, 43; Opp.
p. 761, edit. Potter) as the personage to make THIS appeal. Probably it
would have been deemed out of place in the mouth of Peter.
21 In the third century it is mentioned by Clem. Alex. Strom. 3, 63,
92, 93 (cp. 45, 64) and by the Philosophumena 5, 7 ; p. 98, ed. Miller.
Later mentions exist in Horn. 1 on Luke (Grig. Opp. 3, 933 B, ed. De la
Rue) and Epiphan. Hcercs. 62, 2 (Opp. 1, 514) who probably confused
what the Philosophumena ascribes to this Gospel with what its preceding
statement ascribes to the Mystics. (Cp. psendo Clem. Rom. Epist. 2,
Clement (*T
time " When . . ". the male with the female shall be neither" male nor
12 ; al. r\ ) The quotation from it by Clement (Strom. 3, 92) speaks of a
female " (cp. Matt. 22, 30). This may have been the passage on which
the Ophites are said (Philosophumena, p. 98) to have based their view of
transmutation in the soul or its affections. That the Philosophumena
should treat this work as the source of but one error accords with its
being an almost unknown doctrinal treatise, or a translation either of
Matthew or the four Gospels, in some manuscript or manuscripts of
which one or two notes or interpolations had attracted attention.
NOTE L.] ALLEGED UNCANONICAL GOSPELS. 189
lowing explanation probable. A translation of Matthew, 22 if
not of the four Gospels, may already have been made into
some Egyptian dialect. In one or more manuscripts of this
some scribe may have appended as a note, or perhaps inter-
polated, an extract or extracts from this Homily. On this
supposition the term Gospel according to the Egyptians would
be natural, and would accord with the fact that Clement of
Alexandria who quotes, does not appear to have seen the
work.
The foregoing includes, I believe, every uncanonical Gospel
mentioned in the first three centuries. So far as concerns
Eusebius, Jerome, Epiphanius, or the Homilies on Luke, 28 it
includes mentions of later date.
When Christianity gained the upper hand, there was a mo-
tive which did not previously exist for fabricating documents
in the name of venerated Christians. Yet even then any
fabricated histories of Jesus concerned themselves with his
earlier years, not with his ministry. The authority of the
four Gospels seems to have been so firm as to preclude other
accounts concerning this portion of his life.
22 The number of Jews in Egypt gives plausibility to the supposition
that Matthew's Gospel may have been translated earlier than the others
for some of the non-Greek-speaking communities of Jewish Christians:
23 In de la Hue's edition of Origen's Works, Vol. 3, p. 932, and in the
edition of Lommatzsch, 5, xxvn, xxvm, and in the edition of Jerome
by Vallarsius, 7, col. 245 - 248, is a letter of Jerome, which in the last-
mentioned work is addressed to Paula and Eustochium. In all these
it is entitled Prologue to Homilies on Luke, there attributed to Origen.
In this letter Jerome says that a lady named Blcesilla had, at a former
date, asked him to issue in the Latin. Origen's "thirty-six [Vallars.
twenty-five] books on Matthew and five others on Luke and thirty-nine
[Vallars. thirty -two] on John," a request, as he said, beyond his
strength and leisure, but, as the friends who now addressed him had
asked only for the translation of the Homilies on Luke, he had complied.
Quam tamcn idcirco nunc faciam, quiet sublimiora non poscitis.
In a preceding portion of the letter he says that the persons whom he
addressed had asked him to translate the [thirty-nine ? ?] Homilies on
Luke of "our Adamantius," that is, of Origen. De la Rue and Lom-
matzsch omit the bracketed number thirty-nine. It is doubtless an in-
terpolation. It contradicts the statement in the same letter (a statement
in which all texts agree) attributing to Origen but five Homilies on Luke.
The thirty-nine Homilies on Luke however, though perhaps from an
Alexandrine writer, were composed in Latin, and apparently between
A. D. 325 and A. D. 350. See Underworld Mission, Note I. Didymns
of Alexandria, mentioned by Jerome (de Vir. Illust. 109, al. 118, Opp. 2,
col. 939, ed. Vallars., cp. Smith, Diet, of Biog. art. Didijmus) cannot
have written them ; for he 'lived in Jerome's time, half a century later
than the author of these homilies, and, moreover, wrote in Greek.
190 DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED. [NOTE n.
NOTE M.
DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED.
IN the early part of the third century the deification of
Jesus had, at least in some localities, considerable foothold
among Gentile Christians, though it was rejected by all Jew-
ish ones, and was treated by many Gentiles as a dangerous
innovation. 1
In the third quarter of the second century Justin Martyr,
the earliest extant defender of this view, advocated it in his
discussion with a Jew, but manifests a feeling of uncertainty
touching it, 2 which he does not on other points. At a yet
earlier date probably about the middle of the century 3
he wrote an Apology addressed to a heathen emperor, in which
he designates Jesus as the ANGEL and APOSTLE 4 of the Supreme
Being, basing in one case his argument^on a use of the former
term in the Old Testament. 5 Throughout this somewhat
1 See Judaism, Ch. XI. notes 56, 57, 58, 60.
2 *' 'But, Trypho,' I said, 'his being the Christ of God is,not an-
nulled even if 1 am unable to show that he yre-existed as a God, son of the
Maker of all things and was born a man.' ' Justin Martyr, Dial. 48 ;
Opp. 2, 154 C.
3 In the Apology (1, 40 ; Opp. 1,228-230) Justin places the birth of
Christ 150 years previously. In his Dialogue (12 ; Opp. 2, 400 C) he
alludes to the Apology as already written. The date of either work has
however been much discussed and differently decided by different writers.
The war mentioned by the Jew may have been the Jewish one under
Hadrian, or that under Antoninus Pius, or may have been a non-Jewish war
under the latter, or even under Marcus Antoninus. If the first-mentioned
be the one referred to, then we must suppose that Justin wrote out the
discussion long after its occurrence. Cicero's work de Nat. Deorum was
written thirty years after the discussion which it professes to narrate.
4 Our teacher who is both son of the FATHER OF ALL THINGS and
MASTER GOD and also his apostle foretold us that these things would
happen." Justin Martyr, Apol. 1, 13 ; Opp. 1, 162 A. " These [Old
Testament] teachings are given as proof that Jesus Christ is the Son and
Apostle of God, having previously been his Logos, and appeared some-
times in the guise of fire [at the burning bush] and sometimes in the
likeness of incorporeal things." Apol. 1, 63 ; Opp. 1, 262 A. " We do
homage to ... the son ... and to the host of OTHER good angels
who are his followers and like to him. . . . " Apol. 1, u ; Opp. 1, 148,
150 C. Compare fuller quotation in Judaism, p. 470.
6 The Jews -*" having it expressly stated in the
compositions of
NOTE ii.] F "DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED. 191
elaborate Apology there is not a paragraph nor even a sentence
devoted to argument for, nor yet to a statement of, the deity
of Jesus. With a possible exception soon to be considered,
that doctrine is not even mentioned. 6 The omission cannot
have been occasioned by Gentile repugnance, since after the
doctrine was in existence it met less opposition from Gentile
converts than from Jewish ones, 7 and the only natural ex-
planation of it is that the view, if held, had not yet taken
such possession of Justin's mind as it afterwards did.
The only mention of the doctrine in the Apology is ap-
pended, 8 a mention so parenthetical and brief that its omission
would not impair connection of the sentence.
Justin in his larger Apology would, by any reader ignorant
of his Dialogue, be understood as meaning and affirming that
Moses (Exod. 3, 2, 6, 14, 15), ' The ANGEL of God spoke to Moses in a
fiery flame, in the bush, and said : I am THE BEING, the God of Abra-
ham and the God of Isaac and'the God of Jacob ' affirm that it was the
Father and Artificer of all things who spoke these words." Apol. 1, <J3 ;
Oj>p. 1, 262 A, 264 B. Yet some Jews must, notwithstanding Justin's
assertion, have deemed the speaker to Moses an angel. See Heb. 2, 2 ;
Acts 7, 53 ; Galat. 3, 19 ; Josephus, Antiq. 15, 5, 3.
6 The second Apology also omits the view, but is too brief and special
in object to have needed any allusion to it.
7 See Judaism, Ch. XI. notes 57, 58, 60.
8 " The Jews therefore who constantly maintain that the FATHER OF
ALL THINGS spoke to Moses, when the speaker was in reality the Son of
God, who is called his ANGEL and APOSTLE, are justly convicted by the
prophetic spirit and by Christ himself, of knowing neither the Father
nor the son. For those who say that the son is the Father are convicted
of not understanding the Father and of not knowing that the FATHER OF
ALL THINGS has a son, who being the first-born Logos of God, (also is God)
also formerly appeared in the semblance of fire and in the image of what
was incorporeal, to Moses and to the other prophets." - Apol. 1, G3 ; Opp.
1, 264 C D. If the words in a parenthesis be from Justin the word " and "
should be substituted for " also " immediately afterwards. The Greek will
bear either translation. In this latter case Justin, who had more than
once quoted the words spoken to Moses, " I am the God of Abraham and
of Isaac and of Jacob " (Exod. 3, (>)> may have deemed it necessary to ad-
mit parenthetically that the term God, equally as the term angel, was
applied to the speaker in the Old Testament. The parenthesis, however,
may be a later insertion. Our means of determining the text of Justin
are very scanty, and therefore have less weight in deciding the question.
Only two manuscripts of the Apology (Smith, Diet, of Biog. art. Justin)
are in existence. If the parenthesis stood in a different connection its
genuineness might be less suspicious, but here it seems to contravene the
point of Justin's argument, which consists in keeping out of view the
term God while laying stress on the term angel.
192 DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED. [NOTE M.
Jesus was merely a pre-existent angel.* This certainly is the
view to which he gives prominence. Probably in his first
efforts to meet objections raised against the Old Testament,
this was his means of defence. It is equally plain that at a
later date, when he wrote his Dialogue, he substitutes the view
that Jesus, though called an angel, was a subordinate god. 10
9 In one place Justin affirms : "We are followers of the ONLY God,
the Unborn, through the Son." Apol. 1, 14 ; Opp. 1, 164 B. By the
" Unborn God " Justin always means the Father. He never applies this
term to Jesus. The passage implies that Justin at this date recognized
NO god save the Father.
10 "As to your saying that this Christ pre-existed before the ages as a
god, ... it appears to me not only PARADOXICAL but foolish. "-
Tryphoin Dial. 48 ; Opp. 2, 154 B. It is noteworthy in the foregoing
that Justin takes this method of introducing what he had not previously
affirmed. Again, his opponent is made to say : " Answer me first how
you can show that there is another God besides the Maker of all things."
Trypho in Dial, 50 ; Opp. 2, 162 E. "I will endeavor to persuade
you who understand the Scriptures, that there is and is said to be an-
other god and lord BENEATH the MAKEII OF ALL THINGS, one who is also
called an angel." Dial. 50 ; Opp. 2, 178 C. " If I could not show you
from the Scriptures that one of those three [Gen. 18, _'] is a god and is
called an angel, ... it might be reasonable for you to think him, as
your whole nation thinks, the God who existed BEFORE CREATION OF
THE WORLD." Dial. . r )(i ; Opp. 2, 180 D E. "I will endeavor to per-
suade you that this being who is said to have appeared to Abraham, to
Jacob, and to Moses, and is termed god, is a different one from the GOD
WHO MADE ALL THINGS." Dial. 5(5; Opp. 2, 182 E.
" Begin and explain to us how this god, who appeared to Abraham,
and who is a SERVANT to God the MAKER OF ALL THINGS, being born of
a virgin, became, as you have alleged, a human being, similar in suffer-
ing to others." Trypho in Dial. 57 ; Opp. 2, 190 E A. " This [being]
called a god, who appeared to the patriarchs, is called also -angel and
lord, so that from these [appellations] you may recognize him as SERVANT
to the FATHER OF ALL THINGS." Dial. 5S ; Opp. 2, 192 C D. "It is
necessary that I explain to you the words which announce how there ap-
peared to him flying from his brother Esau this being who was angel and
god and lord, and who appeared in the form of a man to Abraham, and
in the form of a mortal wrestling with Jacob." Dial. 58; Opp. 2,
194 E. "Bear with me, 1 said, while I show you from the book of
Exodus how this same [being] angel and god and lord and man and mor-
tal, who appeared to Abraham and Jacob, appeared in a flame of fire
from a bush to, or associated with, Moses." Dial. 59 : Opp. 2, 196 C D.
" If, friends, it was an angel and god at the same time who appeared
to Moses, as has been shown you by the previously written words, the
god who spoke to Moses, will not be the MAKER OF ALL THINGS . . .
but [will be] he who was shown you to have appeared to Abraham and to
Jacob : a SERVANT to the will of the MAKER OF ALL THINGS." Dial. <;o ;
Opp. 2, 198 A B. The Scripture, "by saying that an angel of the Lord
appeared to Moses, and afterwards indicating that it was the Lord him-
NOTE M.] DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED. 193
This late origin of Christ's deification is corroborated by the
paucity of writers in the second century who accept or even
allude to it. With Jewish Christians (see Judaism, Ch. XL
notes 57, 60) it never fouiU favor. 11 Of Gentile Christians
in the second century Routh's first volume includes docu-
ments and fragments from about twenty who, save perhaps
Melito, 1 ' 2 have nothing of Justin's view. Among fourteen or
iifteen other writers in the same century eleven including
some who deem Jesus the pre-existerit Son of God and instru-
ment of creation ignore, contravene, or condemn his deifica-
tion, 13 while fonr (if the Epistle to Diognetus be of tiiis cen-
tury) may have accepted it. These four have certain traits.
1. No one of them (compare p. 75) uses the word Jesus or
self who was also a god, points out the same [being] whom it indicates by
many other statements as a SERVANT to the GOD OVEH THE WOULD."
Dial. (>d ; Opp. 2, 200 A. "I will give you another testimony . . . from
the Scriptures that originally, prior to all his creations, God produced
from himself a certain reasoning power which is called by the holy
spirit the glory of the Lord, but sometimes son, sometimes wisdom,
sometimes god, sometimes lord and logos, and sometimes he calls him-
self chief commander, when appearing in form of a mortal to Joshua,
son of Nun. For he has all these appellations because of serving
his Father's will and being born by the will of the Father."
Dial, (il ; Opp. 2, 200 A -202 B. See also cc. 08, 73, 8C, 87, 113, 11^ 126,
[bis], 127, 128 [bis], 120 ; Opp. 2, pp. 332 C, 246 D, 294 A B, 298 C, 376
D, 384 B, 420 D, 422 C, 424 C D, 426 A B C, 428 E. It is possible
that Justin had found difficulty in maintaining the position taken in
his Apology, that the Being mentioned in the Old Testament was sim-
ply an angel. He needed to account for the application to that being of
the term God, and took this method of doing it. Compare note 25.
11 Justin lived during intense bitterness between Jews and Gentiles.
He hoped perhaps to commend his argument to Gentiles by giving it the
appearance of confuting a Jew.
12 See remarks on page 218.
13 The Epistles attributed to Ignatius and the so-called second Epistle
of Clement are later than the second century. In that century the deifi-
cation of Jesus is ignored by CLEMENT OF HOME, POLYCARP, BARNA-
BAS, HISRMAS, the ORATIO AD GR^ECOS, and HERMIAS, in all but one
of whom it was, if held by the writer, unlikely to be omitted. The
MARTYRDOM OF POLYCARP (see Judaism, p. 469) apparently disclaims
it, while the DB MONARCHIA has for a title the watchword of its oppo-
nents.
Had the COHORTATIO AD GR.ECOS regarded Jesus .as a deity the view
could not have escaped mention in its systematic and elaborate statement
of differences in date and character between heathen and Christian views
as to the being or beings recognized as God. Its direct statement is :
" No one existed earlier than God who could give him a name, nor did
He think it necessary to affix a name to himself, being one and ALONE,
as He testifies through his own prophets, saying : Is. 44, G] *I was God
194 DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED. [NOTE M.
Christ. 14 2. Though treating the Son as the instrument of
creation they never style him Creator. 3. Though one of
them, Theophilus, quotes Old Testament passages in which
the term God is applied to the being whom they deem sub-
ordinate, yet each in his own person makes but one, if any,
such application of it. 16
Theophilus addressed a work to his heathen friend Auto-
lycus. He instructs him that the Supreme Being dwelt
from eternity, having inside of him his reason or creative
power ; that before creating the world he, without divest-
originally, and beside me there is NO OTHER.' " Cohort. 21 ; Just. Opp.
1, 62 C.
Ireiiseus speaks of "The Church" as ''receiving ... the faith in
one God, Father, All-Ruler, who made heaven and earth . . . and in
one Jesus Christ, the SON of God and in the holy spirit which foretold
[everything concerning Jesus]. " Cont. Hceres. 1,10, 1. Elsewhere he
says : " We have shown . . . that the Apostles in their own person call
no one God except ... the Father of our Lord." Cont. Hceres. 5, 25, 2.
The Clementine Homilies say : " Our Lord . . . did not proclaim
himself God. He justly blessed him who called him Son of that God who
perfected the beauty of the universe. . . . The Father is unborn ; the
Son is born. The born cannot compare with the unborn or self-born."
Horn. 16, 15, 16. " Denial of him (the One God) is for a professed
Monotheist to allege until death another God, whether [as the Gnostics ?]
a greater, or [as those who deify Jesus?] a less." Horn. 3,7. The
author (see Judaism, pp. 358-359) ascribes the introduction of such
views to Gentiles fresh from heathenism, and affirms eternal perdition for
professed Monotheists who until death retain such a view.
14 MELITO also in addressing Marc Antonine substitutes (Routh, Reliq.
Sac. 1, lls) the term " Monotheists" for " Christians."
15 Theophilus once speaks (2, 22 ; Opp. p. 120 C) of the Logos as
"being God." Athenagoras applies to the Son (Supplicat. 10; Opp.
p. 48 A) the term God. The word "God," if dropped out, would cause
no break in the connection, and therefore its interpolation after the doc-
trine became established is possible, though scarcely, I think, probable.
The same use of the term occurs once (see note 25) in the Epistle to
Diognetus.
Tatian speaks (Orat. 13; Opp. p. 62, al. 153 A) of " the [suffering]
Deity." If the word "suffering" be spurious, Tatian was speaking of
the Supreme Being. If it be genuine, he spoke of the subordinate deity.
There is no difficulty in regarding him as having held the belief ex-
pressed in the passage. There is, however, great difficulty in supposing
that he, or any fellow Christians of his era who held it, would have
CALLED ATTENTION of heathens to the fact that one whom they regarded
as a deity had been put to death by Roman soldiers. I mistrust that,
after Tatian became a Gnostic, some member of the Orthodox party may,
as a criticism on his change of views, have added the word "suffering,"
and that in course of time it crept into the text.
NOTE M.] DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED. 195
ing himself of reason, emitted his reason, 16 constituting it a
distinct being. Through this " subordinate workman " he
created all things save man. When man was to be created
he said, " Let us make man." n
Tatian, the disciple of Justin Martyr, became eventually a
Gnostic. Before becoming so he wrote his Address to Greeks.
In it he maintains the unity of the Supreme Being 18 and rep-
resents the Logos as having received a separate existence be-
fore the creation, the work of which devolved on him. 19
16 The term Logos was used sometimes as identical with reason, some-
times with utterance, sometimes with fiat or executive energy. Compare
Judaism, p. 358.
17 " God, having his reason dwelling within him, gave it existence
eliminating it with his own wisdom before [creation of] all things. He
had this reason [or Logos] as a SUBORDINATE WORKMAN of the things
produced by him, and he made all things through him." Theophilus,
ad AutoL 2, 10 ; Opp. pp. 78 - 80 B C.
"God, by saying [Gen. 1, 20] ' Let us make man in our image and
similitude,' indicates first the dignity of man ; for God having made all
[other] things by his Logos and having esteemed all [other] things a side
matter, deems only what was immortal [namely] the making of man a
work worthy of [his own] hands." Ad AutoL 2, 18; Opp. 108 C D.
Compare Sibyl. Orac. 8, 265, cited on p. 177. Theophilus had previously
explained (1, 4) that the universe was made on man's account.
" For before anything came into existence [God] had this [Logos] as a
counsellor, it being HIS OWN MIND AND THOUGHTFULNESS. But, when
God wished to make what he had resolved, he brought into existence
outside of himself this Logos, the first-born of the whole creation, he
himself not being [thereby] emptied of reason." Ad AutoL 2, -22;
Opp. 118 B.
18 " Our God did not originate in time, being alone without beginning,
and he himself being the beginning of all things." Oral, ad Grcecos, 4;
Opp. p. 18 C.
" The Master of all things being himself the substance of the universe
was, before the creation, ALONE. . . . With him existed through his rea-
soning power the Reason [or Logos] which was in him. By the will of
his simple (or uncompounded) nature, the Logos sprung forth. But the
Logos (or utterance of God), not going forth void (compare Is. 55, li),
becomes the first-born of the Father. This Logos we know as the begin-
ning of the world." Orat. 5 ; Opp. 22 A - 24 B. Tatian tries, not very
intelligibly, to explain the process by which the Logos was separated
from the Father.
19 " The Logos proceeding from the [reasoning] power of the Father
did not render the Being who begot him void of reason, even as I speak
and you hear, but I who address you do not, by the transmission of
my utterance (Logos), become void of (Logos) speech. . . . The Logos,
being begotten in the beginning, begot in turn our world." Orat. 5;
Opp. p. 26 B C. " The heavenly Logos, a spirit produced from the
Father, and the (Logos) utterance of his rational power, in imitation of
the Father who begot him, made man an image of immortality."
Orat. 1 ; Opp. p. 30 B C.
DATE WHEN \JESUS WAS DEIFIED. [NOTE M.
Athenagoras is very emphatic in affirming but one Supreme
Being, 2 " and in alleging the impossibility of two or more un-
originated Gods, 21 yet he treats the Son as identical with the
Logos, and as the instrument'bf creation. 22
The Epistle to Diognetus is by a person of literary culture
who penned it at a time when, or under circumstances such,
that he did not feel himself personally in danger. He writes
with a self-confidence which states, rather than argues, and
assumes that his reader Diognetus, who seems to have been
an inquirer concerning monotheism, would scarcely need argu-
ment in order to share his conclusions. The document is
marked by none of the almost tediously diffuse statement and
2 "God, the Maker of the world, was from the beginning One and
Alone." Supplicat. (or Legat.) 8 ; Opp. p. 42 C, edit. Otto. Compare 4,
Opp. 20 B. "God is unoriginated, incapable of suffering and invisible,
and therefore not compounded of parts." Supplicat. 8; Opp. p. 38 D.
21 " See as follows, that God, the Creator of this universe, was from
the beginning [but] One, so that you may have the argument for our faith.
If from the beginning there were two or more Gods, either they were in
one and the same place or each in his own place. In one and the same
!)lace they could not be, not even if the Gods were similar, but because
also] unoriginated beings are not similar. Originated things [may be]
similar to the pattern [after which they are made], but the unoriginated
are dissimilar, being neither [produced from] any one nor after [the pat-
tern of] anyone." Supplicat. 8; Opp. pp. 36-38 B C. "But the
Maker of the world is above created things, supervising the world by his
foresight for these [created things]. What place will there be for the
other god or the remaining ones ? not in the world, for it belongs to an-
other ; nor beyond the world, since above it is God the Maker of the
world." Supplicat. 8 ; Opp. pp. 38- 40 D A.
22 "It has been sufficiently shown by me that we are not atheists, be-
lieving as we do in one God, unborn, eternal, invisible, incapable of suf-
fering, incomprehensible, not to be contained [by any locality], appre-
hended by the mind only and the reason, surrounded by light and splen-
dor and spirit and power beyond narration, by whom the universe was
produced through his Logos and [by whom] it has been adorned and is
preserved.
"We understand also [that there is] a Son of God, and let no one deem
it ridiculous in me [to say] that God has a son. For we do not think
concerning God the Father, or concerning his son, after the fashion of
your poets' fables, who represent the gods as in no wise better than men.
But the Son of God is the utterance (Logos) of the Father as regards his
thought and energy. For according to him and through him all things
were brought into being, the Father and the Son being [in their purposes]
one ; the Son being in the Father and the Father in the Son, through
the oneness and efficacy of [their] spirit. The Son of God [being] the in-
telligence and the utterance (Logos) of the Father." Supplicat. 10;
Opp. pp. 44 B- 46 C.
NOTE M.] DATE WHEN JESUS
argument which we find in Justin. Its writer seems rather
to multiply short affirmations, as if thereby to emphasize his
views, or to overpower his reader. This is less striking in his
portraiture of the Supreme Being 23 than in his account of the
Christians, 24 and of the embassy sent to man. 25
His self-confidence, due to personal peculiarities, could
hardly have found safe public utterance under Marc Auto-
nine. 26 He either wrote later or not for immediate publica-
23 Yor God the Master and Artificer of the universe, who made all
things and arranged them in order, not only was a friend of man but
very patient. This indeed He always is and will be, excellent and good
and without anger and truthful ; and He only is good. Meditating a
great and un uttered conception which he communicated to his only
Son, so long as he continued to keep secret his wise counsel he seemed to
disregard and neglect us, but when he revealed and made manifest
through his beloved Son the things prepared from the beginning, he
enabled us at [one and] the same time to partake of his benefits and to
have insight and be workers." Epistle to Diognetus, 8; Justin,
Opp. 2, 490 C D.
!i Epistle to Diognetus, cc. 4-8 ; Justin, Opp. 2, 476-482.
25 " God who is truly the All-ruler, the All-creator and In visible, him-
self placed the Truth from heaven and his holy and uncomprehended
Logos in men and established it in their hearts, not as any one might
think probable, by sending to men some servant or angel, or any ruler of
those who supervise earthly affairs, or one of those entrusted with the
arrangement of things in heaven, but the artificer and artisan of the uni-
verse, THROUGH WHOM He created the heavens, BY WHOM he restricted
the sea to its own bounds, whose secret [orders] all constituents [of the
universe] faithfully obey, from whom they have received [injunctions] to
guard the measure of each day's course, whom the moon obeys when he
commands her to appear by night, whom the stars obey, following the
course of the moon, by whom ALL THINGS are arranged and limited, and
to whom they are subordinated : the heavens and the things in the
heavens ; the earth and the things in the earth ; the sea and the things in
the sea ; the fire, the air, the abyss, the things on high, those in the
depths and the things between. This being He sent to them. Did he
send him, as some man might think, to tyrannize, to cause fear and to
terrify ? By no means, but in mildness and gentleness. As a king send-
ing a royal son He sent him ; He sent him as a god ; He sent him as to
men ; as purposing to save He sent him ; as desiring to persuade, not to
compel, for there is no violence with God. He sent as if inviting, not
prosecuting. He sent as one who loves, not who judges. . . . For who
among men. before his coming, understood what God is I" Epistle to
Diognetus, 7, 8; Justin, Opp. 2, 484-488.
6 The miscreants who controlled Marc Antonine endeavored to divert
attention from their own misrule by attributing its results to anger of
the gods against Christians. Some law against these latter dating
possibly from Trajan's time existed under Antoninus Pius (Justin, Apol.
X <) but was held in check probably by the good sense of that emperor.
193 DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED. [NOTE M.
tion. 27 His letter may have been to a friend who would make
only such use of it as could not imperil its author. Publica-
tion may have taken place in a subsequent generation when
the writer's name was unknown, a supposition favored by the
fact that the letter is anonymous.
In examining the date when Jesus was deified three views
should be distinguished which, though blended in some minds,
were not so in all.
1. A portion of Christians contented themselves with pre-
senting their Master as a superangelic being older than crea-
tion. 28 This served their purpose in two ways. It over-
matched the claim of heathenism for superior antiquity, 29 and
it avoided conceptions of the Master's human body which,
owing to a mistake of Christians, 30 were already ridiculed.
2. Others identified this superangelic being with the Logos,
aiming perhaps at one or both of the following results. They
thereby proclaimed as their teacher one, the faith in whom
His successor, the present one, issued an edict, or edicts (Routh, Reliq.
Sac. 1, p. 116, lines 1, '2, 12) in accordance with which Christians if
Roman citizens were (Routh, 1, 313) beheaded and if not were thrown to
wild beasts. In Asia they seem, as in the case of Polycarp, to have been
burned. Atrocities practicable in portions of Europe may in the monothe-
istic countries of western Asia have been mitigated because of public
opinion. It is noteworthy that a friendly thrust of the executioner's
sword terminated Polycarp's existence (Martyrdom of Polycarp, 16) be-
fore the fire touched him.
Christians claimed that they should like other men be punished only
for crime. The answer to this may be inferred from the following :
" The centurion . . . punished for a long time in prison, Ptolemy . . .
on his confessing himself a Christian. Finally when the man was brought
to the city pnsfect he was in like manner asked only this, whether he
were a Christian. . . . When the prsefect commanded him to be led to
execution a certain Lucius, himself a Christian, . . . said to the prse-
fect, ' For what cause ... do you punish this man ? ' . . . and he,
answering, said to Lucius, 'You seem to be such as he '; and when
Lucius said, ' Most certainly,' [the prsefect] commanded him also to be
led to execution." Justin Martyr, Apol. 2, 2; Opp. 1, 286 D E,
288 A B.
27 The writer's use of otKovo/j.iK&s (c. f) fora household arrangement
between God and Jesus favors a somewhat later date.
28 Barnabas, Irenaeus, and Hermas hold this view with no mention of
the Logos.
29 Heathenism in the days of Marc Antonine was no longer confronted
by Judaism but by an apparently recent religion. It laid therefore extra
stress on antiquity. The emperor lent himself (see Judaism, Cc. II.
note 41, XII. note 7) to foster this foolish argument.
80 See p. 40.
NOTE M.] DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED. 199
could not be judicially condemned 81 without condemning the
sect to which the emperor belonged. They may also have
hoped for added dignity by using the language of a sect which
numbered the emperor among its followers.
3. Yet others proclaimed their Master a subordinate god,
prompted somewhat though less perhaps by a desire of addi-
tionally dignifying him than by a wish to free the Supreme
Being from representations in the Old Testament, which a
heathen community regarded as degrading. 32
Justin in his Apology lays stress on the position that the
Old Testament in passages which the Jews interpreted as
speaking of God spoke merely of an angel. 88 This position
was difficult or impossible to maintain in the face of passa-
ges which apply to this same being the term God. He prob-
ably found his first position untenable, and in his Dialogue
substitutes the view modified from one held by the Gnostics
that this being was a subordinate god.
A summary of the case stands as follows. The writings of
Justin Martyr render probable that in his mind the belief
took root after publication of his first Apology and before
writing the Dialogue, that is, after A. D. 150, a view corrobo-
rated by his evident mistrust of his own arguments in the
latter work. 34
Of other Christian writings in the second century five-
sixths ignore, antagonize, or condemn Justin's view ; those
who teach it all of them later than Justin do not
agree in their 'expositions of it, while their disuse of the
words Jesus and Christ indicates that they wrote under
some then existing bias. Had the doctrine originated ear-
lier than the assigned date it could not have been so ignored,
and there would have been more unanimity among its sup-
porters. 35
31 Justin, while identifying Jesus with a pre-existent being called the
Logos, did not refrain from using the terms Jesus and Christ.
82 See p. 200 and especially the text prefixed to note 36.
33 So late as in the fourth century the Homilies on Luke (Horn. 3)
treat it as an open question whether the being who spoke to Abraham
were an angel or God.
34 Justin in his deification of Jesus evidently felt that he was not tread-
ing on sure ground. See note 2.
35 Among those acquainted with common interpretations of the intro-
duction to John's Gospel, especially if they have access only to the com-
mon English version of it, the question may arise whether John held any
200 DATE WHEN JESUS WAS DEIFIED. [NOTE M.
One or two additional considerations, though not bearing
on the date when Jesus was deified, may not be without inter-
est. Justin repeatedly (see p. 52, note 7), and oftener than
other writers, designates the Father as the Master-God. He
also applies to Jesus the term SERVANT. He lived in a city
the headquarters of slaveholding, and expected to be read by
its inhabitants. How far this influenced his interpretation of
the Old Testament may be a question. In such a community
menial offices were thought very derogatory to the deity.
Tertullian says concerning God shutting the door of the Ark
after Noah, and touching certain other non-menial but con-
descending acts: "These things would not be credible con-
cerning the Son of God unless written ; perhaps they would
not be credible concerning the Father, even if they were
written." 86
It will further be noticed that the extracts treat merely of
TWO gods. Deification of the Spirit as a distinct and third
person took place in the third century, being taught in that
century by two writers only. One of these, as elsewhere re-
marked (see Judaism, p. 357), treats the majority of Chris-
tians who had been horrified at the introduction of a second
god, as exclaiming, You are ALREADY introducing a third one !
view analogous to that of Justin and other writers. The tenor of John's
writings is against such interpretation of his words. To the common
English reader his meaning will be plainer by substituting for Logos the
word Providence, the only English term analogous in triple meaning to
the Greek one. It denotes God, his agency, and some of his attributes,
but prominently supervision, rather than, as Logos, reason, fiat (Ps.
33, 6), creative energy, or planning. Compare on this subject Judaism,
p. 358, note 59. Verse 3 admits two translations, which, for the reader's
convenience, are put into parallel columns.
" In the beginning Providence existed and Providence was with God
and Providence [compare on p. 195, Theophilus, ad Autol. 2, 22] was
God [himself]. It was in the beginning with God.
Through it all things came into Through it all things came to
being, and without it not one pass, and without it not one occur-
created thing came into existence. rence took place.
And Providence (God's interposition) took a human form and dwelt
among us, . . . full of favor and of truth. " John 1, l -3, 14.
The use of " he " and "him "in the Greek depends on the termina-
tion of the word referred to, and would be equally necessary in referring
to the word ol/cos, house, as in referring to an intelligent being.
If irdvTa in verse 3 were preceded by the article rd, there would be more
probability that John spoke of creation. As the text stands there is
equal or greater probability that he was not thinking of it. Compare in
Lactantius, 7, IS, the use of yevo^vci^ as quoted from Hermes.
36 Tertullian, adv. Prax. 16, p. 649 A, edit. Eigault.
NOTE N.] FIRST TWO CHAPTERS OF MATTHEW. 201
The fabrication which the Christians circulated and quoted
as a work of Hermes, indicates the views which many of them
wished to spread. Lactantius says : " Hermes, in that book
which is inscribed The Perfect (or Final) Discourse, uses these
words : ' The Lord and Maker of all things, whom we are
accustomed to call God, when He made a SECOND god ; . . .
when He made this one, first and only, and sole, [and when]
he [the created being] appeared to him excellent and most
filled with all good things, He consecrated him and loved him
exceedingly as his peculiar child.' " 87
NOTE N.
FIBST TWO CHAPTERS OF MATTHEW.
SOME Hebrew manuscripts of Matthew omitted the first two
chapters. The narrative which they contain, moreover, is not
easy to reconcile with that in the first two chapters of Luke, 1
and the name Jesus Christ here used without the article in-
tervening (see pp. 60, 61) is not to be found in the undoubted
portions of Matthew. This raises the question whether they
were prefixed to Matthew's Gospel by himself or by another.
The question has been argued by more than one writer. 2 The
chief object of the present Note is to bring out by its typog-
raphy what these chapters profess to be. The typography
commonly used fails to give it due prominence.
87 Lactantius, J)w. Inst. 4, 6. Cp. Judaism, Ch. XL, note 54.
1 The two chapters prefixed to Matthew represent that when Jesus
was born wise men from the East came to Jerusalem (2, 1, 2) ; that
they communicated with Herod before they had seen the child, and
were warned by God that they should not communicate with him again.
Herod sought the child's destruction, which was prevented by its parents
taking it to Egypt, where they remained until Herod's death, after
which they did not go (2, 22) to their former home, but turned aside into
Galilee, and dwelt in A city called Nazareth.
According to Luke Nazareth was the home of Joseph and Mary.
They were merely visiting (Luke 2,4, 5) in Bethlehem. After the child's
birth they went openly into the temple and afterwards returned (2, 39)
" to their own city Nazareth."
2 See Norton's "Genuineness, 1, App. p. liii ; abridged edit. p. 431.
202
FIRST TWO CHAPTERS OF MATTHEW. [NOTE N.
BOOK OF
THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST,
SON OF DAVID, SON OF ABRAHAM.
Abraham was the father of Isaac ;
and Isaac of Jacob ; and Jacob of
Judah and his brothers ; and Judah
was the father of Pharez and Zarah,
by Tamar ; and Pharez was the
father of Hezron ; and Hezron of
Aram ; and Aram of Aminadab ;
and Aminadab of Nashon ; and
Nashou of Salmon ; and Salmon
was the father of Boaz, by Rahab ;
and Boaz was the father of Obed,
by Ruth ; and Obed was the father
of Jesse ; and Jesse of David the
king.
And David the king was the
father of Solomon, by the wife of
Uriah ; and Solomon was the father
of Rehoboam ; and Rehoboam of
Abiah ; and Abiah of Asa ; and
Asa of Jehoshaphat ; and Jehosha-
phat of Jehoram ; and Jehoram of
Uzziah ; and Uzziah of Jotham ;
and Jotham of Ahaz ; and Ahaz of
Hezekiah ; and Hezekiah of Ma-
nasseh ; and Manasseh of Amon ;
and Amon of Josiah ; and Josiah
was the father of Jeconiah and his
brothers, at the time of the removal
to Babylon.
And after the removal to Baby-
lon, Jeconiah was the father of
Salathiel ; and Salathiel of Zerub-
babel ; and Zerubbabel of Abiud ;
and Abiud of Eliakim ; and Eliakim
of Azor ; and Azor of Zadok ; and
Zadok of Achim ; and Achim of
Eliud ; and Eliud of Eleazar ; and
Eleazar of Matthan ; and Matthan
of Jacob ; and Jacob was the father
of Joseph, the husband of Mary, of
whom was born Jesus, who is called
Christ.
So all the generations from Abra-
ham to David were fourteen gener-
ations ; from David till the removal
to Babylon, fourteen generations ;
and from the removal to Babylon
until Christ, fourteen generations.
Now THE BIRTH OF JESUS CHRIST took place as fol-
lows : While his mother Mary was betrothed to Joseph, before
they lived together, she was found to be with child by the
Holy Spirit. Joseph, her husband, being a just man and not
wishing to expose her to shame, purposed to put her away pri-
vately. While he was considering this, lo an angel of the
Lord appeared to him in a dream, saying, Do not fear to take
Mary as thy wife [etc., to the close of Ch. 2].
NOTE 0.] PUBLICATION OF MARK'S GOSPEL, 203
NOTE 0.
PUBLICATION QF MARK'S GOSPEL.
CHRISTIAN tradition says that Mark at Rome committed to
writing what Peter had taught concerning the history of Jesus,
and that afterwards, going to Alexandria, he published his
Gospel in that city. 1 Two circumstances harmonize suffi-
ciently with this statement to increase somewhat its proba-
bility.
1. The Gospel of Mark terminates, 2 as already said, rather
abruptly with verse 8 of chapter 16, This accords at least
with the supposition of an interruption to his labors by the
death of Peter or by the persecution of the Christians.
2. Three or four years later, when Vespasian was at Alex-
andria, aiming at imperial power, some of his adherents who
had already perhaps tried to make him the subject of proph-
1 Irenaeus says : "After the death of these (Peter and Paul), Mark,
the disciple and INTERPRETER of Peter, delivered to us in writing the
things that had been preached by Peter." Cont. Hcercs. 3, 1, 1 ; Opp.
1, 423. Papias states : " The elder said this : ' Mark being the INTER-
PRETER of Peter, wrote WHAT HE REMEMBERED.' " Papias quoted by
Eusebius, Ecc. Hist. 3, 39. Jerome says : " Mark . . . wrote a short
. Gospel according to what he had heard related by Peter . . . taking the
Gospel which he himself Jiad composed, he went to Egypt, and at Alex-
andria founded a church of great note." De Vir. Illust. 8; Opp. 2,
841-843, edit. Vallarsius ; Lardner's trans.
2 The subsequent verses, !)-2i) (quoted in Ch. XL note 10), "are not
found in the Vatican manuscript. In the Codex Stephani i\ after the
eighth verse, it is said, The, following also is extant, which words precede
a short conclusion undoubtedly spurious, and then come the words, This
also is extant ; after which follow the twelve verses in question. In more
than forty other manuscripts they are accompanied by various remarks,
to the effect ' that they were wanting in some, but found in the ancient
copies' ; 'that they were in many copies' ; 'that they had been con-
sidered spurious, and were wanting in most copies ' ; ' that they were not
in the more accurate copies ' ; and, on the other hand, ' that they were
generally in accurate copies.' [The Sinaitic MS. discovered by Tischen-
dorf also omits the passage.]
"In the other manuscripts of the Gospels beside those mentioned, the
passage in question is found without remark ; and likewise in all the an-
cient versions, with the exception of the Armenian, in the manuscripts
of which, as appears, it is either omitted or marked as of doubtful credit,
and likewise of the copy of an Arabic version preserved in the Vatican
Library.
" The nineteenth verse is distinctly quoted by Irenseus as from the
Gospel of Mark ; and the passage in question appears to have been recog-
204 THE BAPTISMAL FORMULA. [NOTE P.
ecy, 8 undertook yet further to strengthen confidence in him
by a couple of fictitious miracles, borrowed evidently from
our Gospel narratives, or from Christian teaching concerning
Christ. John's Gospel was not yet written. One of these
miracles, 4 that of restoring sight after spitting on the eyes, is
not mentioned in Matthew nor in Luke. It is found only in
Mark, and gives plausibility to the surmise that the recent
publication of Mark's Gospel may have caused discussion and
suggested to Vespasian's adherents the character of the mira-
cle which they attempted.
NOTE P.
THE BAPTISMAL FORMULA.
ANY baptisms mentioned in the New Testament were, as
already stated, 1 into the name of Jesus. In the second cen-
nized as genuine by some other fathers.* But no part of it is quoted by
Origen. According to Eusebius, almost all the copies of Mark's Gospel,
including the most accurate, ended with what is now the eighth verse.
Gregory of Nyssa states, that the passage was not found in the more
accurate copies ; and Jerome says, that it was but in few, being wanting
in almost all the Greek manuscripts." Norton, Genuineness, abridged
edit. pp. 444-445 ; unabridged edit. Vol. 1, App. LXX-LXXII.
3 " Through the WHOLE EAST an ancient and uninterrupted opinion had
gained thorough currency, as contained in the fates, that at that time
PERSONS from Judea should obtain rule. That, as afterwards appeared
from the event, was a prediction concerning a Roman commander. "-
Suetonius, Vespas. 4. The commander referred to is Vespasian. The
plural form "persons" may have been due to an association of Titus with
Vespasian as nominally joint emperors.
4 " One of the common people of Alexandria, known to have a disease
in his eyes, embraced the knees of the emperor, importuning with groans
a remedy for his blindness. . . . Another who was diseased in the hand
[compare Mark 3, 1-5; Matt. 12,10-13; Luke 6, c-io] . . . entreated
that he might be pressed by the foot and sole of Caesar. Vespasian at
first ridiculed the request. . . . Vespasian executed what was required
of him. Immediately the. hand was restored to its functions and the
light of day shone again to the blind." Tacitus, Hist. 4, 81 ; Bohn's
trans. According to Suetonius (Vespas. ~) Vespasian ANOINTED THE
MAN'S EYES WITH SPITTLE. Compare Mark 8, 23.
1 See Ch. IV. note 22.
* "Not, however, by Clement of Rome, nor Justin, who are cited as quot-
ing it in the editions of the New Testament by Griesbach and Scholz, nor, I
think, by Clement of Alexandria, who is also adduced." Norton, Ibid.
NOTE P.] THE BAPTISMAL FORMULA. 205
tury apparently before the deification of Jesus 2 and a full
half-century before any deification of the Spirit 8 we find a
baptismal formula " in the name of the Father of the universe
and Master-God, and of our Savior Jesus Christ, and of the
Holy Spirit." 4
The change of formula claims attention ; and this is equally
the case whether the baptismal precept (quoted on p. 49) be
genuine or interpolated. In the former case we have the dif-
ficult problem of explaining non- attention to it in Apostolic
times, while in the latter we need to explain the cause, or
causes, which produced a change. Part of the change can be
explained without difficulty. While Christians made converts
only among Jews or monotheists, they felt no need of baptiz-
ing them into a belief in God, since they already believed in
him. When Christianity was carried among heathens its con-
verts were asked to confess belief in God as well as in Jesus.
Confession of belief in the Spirit admits more question as to
its origin. The most probable explanation, though not Justin
Martyr's, 6 is that some Christians of the second century PRIDED
themselves on their alleged miraculous powers. Jesus had
cautioned his Apostles against similar pride, 6 yet in the' spu-
2 The baptismal formula occurs in Justin's first Apology. On his views
concerning Jesus at this date, see in preceding note pp. 191-193.
8 No writers of the second century, and only two of the third century,
namely, Tertullian and Origen, deify the Spirit as a person. Even at the
close of the third century such deification must have made but little prog-
ress. The document attributed to Hermes Trismegistus, and first quoted
by Lactantius, cannot be earlier than the second half of the third cen-
tury. It mentions the formation of a second God, but in such a way as
to exclude a third one. See Lactantius, Div. Inst. 4, c, cited at close of
Note M. Also Div. List. 7, i?, cited at close of Note K.
In the second century the author of the Clementine Homilies, as will be
seen on p. 194, condemns severely those who deified any being save the
Creator, but alludes to none who introduced more than one such additional.
4 Justin Martyr, Apol. 1, 01 ; Opp. 1, 258 A, edit. Otto.
6 Justin, after explaining (Apol. 1, r,l ; Opp. 1, 258 - 260 D, ed. Otto)
that baptism was into the name of the " Father of the universe and Mas-
ter-God," who had, and needed, no name, and into the name of Jesus
Christ crucified under Pontius Pilate, adds (c. 61, 260 E) : "into the
name of the Holy Spirit [omitted by Irenseus, 4,23, 2], which through the
prophets PREDICTED ALL THINGS CONCERNING JESUS." By belief in the
Spirit Justin (cp. Iremeus, on p. 194) meant chiefly belief in its predic-
tions concerning Jesus which he regarded the spirit of God (the prophetic
or holy spirit) as having uttered in the Old Testament. On these and on
predictions in general see pp. 17, 37, 38, 72 ; cp.Jtidaism, pp. 345, 346.
6 " Rejoice not, that the spirits are subject unto you ; but rather re-
joice, because your names are written in heaven." Luke 10, -0.
206 THE MISSION OF JESUS. [NOTE Q.
rious addition to Mark's Gospel he is made apparently to en-
courage it. 7 This disposition of Christians 8 renders probable
that baptism into the Spirit meant baptism into the posses-
sion of miraculous powers.
If v/e assume that the baptismal precept in Matthew (28,
19) is genuine, any explanation of its non-observance in Apos-
tolic times is difficult and unsatisfactory.
NOTE Q.
THE MISSION OF JESUS.
1. Its main Object.
IN the Preface Christianity is treated as a revelation. The
writer supposes that this revelation was intended to give man-
kind a deeper assurance as to the existence and character of
God and as to his relations with men, thus strengthening
human sense of responsibility, encouraging human effort, and
imparting to human existence the sunshine of hope and trust.
He is not unaware that large bodies of Christians hold other
views a.s to the chief purpose of Jesus. Those who attach
high importance to Church authority claim that his main ob-
ject was to form an ecclesiastical organization with delegated
powers. 1 In Protestant communities several active denomina-
tions hold that his main object was to make a sacrifice. 2
7 " These signs shall accompany believers : In my name shall they cast
out demons ; they shall speak new languages ; they shall take up ser-
pents ; and if they drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt them ; they
shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover." Mark 16, 17, ie.
Compare Acts of Pilate, r>, text of Paris A.
8 Justin tells Trypho : " From our works [of practical-monotheism]
and from the 8tW/tteo>s, MIRACULOUS POWER, consequent on them, all can
understand that this [Jesus] is the new Law and the new Covenant."
Just Mart. Dial. n. Cp. (on p. 3) Apol. 2, 6. Tertullian, with inju-
dicious vehemence, dares the heathens to test the divinity of their gods.
He is willing to stake the Christian exorcist's life on the result if he does
not compel the fancied divinity to confess itself a mere demon. See Ter-
tullian, Apol. 27, in Underworld Mission, p. 78 ; 3d ed. 74, 75.
1 This view, transmitted from the Middle Ages, is unlikely to hold its
own in communities which lay stress on individual religious responsibil-
ity.
2 Prominent teachers of this theology allege that its chief doctrine, or
2.] IMPEDIMENTS TO ITS INFLUENCE. 207
2. Some Impediments to its Influence.
At and before the Christian era many Jews expected a di-
vine interposition in the form of a temporal ruler clothed with
miraculous powers, who should establish order upon earth and
facilitate, if not establish, a reign of holiness. 3 Not a few
Christians retained this anticipation, and as their Master had
doctrines, cannot be found in the Gospels. Archbishop Whately
says: "The Gospel which Jesus himself preached was not the same
thing with the Gospel which he sent forth his Apostles to preach after
his resurrection. . . . How, indeed, could our Lord, during his abode on
earth, preach fully . . . his meritorious sacrifice as an atonement for
sin ? . . . Our Lord's discourses, therefore, while on earth, though they
teach, of course, the truth, do not teach, nor could have been meant to
teach, the WHOLE truth, as afterwards revealed to his disciples. They
could not, indeed, even consistently with truth, have contained the main
part of what the Apostles preached. . . .
"Our chief source, therefore, of instruction, as to the doctrines of the
Gospel, must be in the apostolic epistles." Difficulties in the Writings
of St. Paul, pp. 65-67, 74.
Macknight says : "The chief doctrines of the gospel are more ex-
pressly asserted and more fully explained in the Epistle to the Hebrews,
than in any other of the inspired writings." The Apostolic Epistles,
Vol. 5, p. 1.
Those who hold the foregoing view would probably, by calling them-
selves "Epistolary" instead of "Evangelical" Christians, convey to
others a more correct idea of the ground on which they plant them-
selves.
'This view as commonly held ignores the universe save the sandspeck
on which we live. Were a human being to step outside of the solar
system, not to any distant part of the universe, but to the nearest fixed
star, he could not with the best of human telescopes discern the earth.
Yet what is called Evangelical theology teaches, that on this sandspeck,
and nowhere else in the universe, the Supreme Being found a need of
being put to death, or for having a constituent part of himself put to
death whatever either expression may mean before he could forgive
bis infant children who dwell there. Among the myriad millions of homes
where his other children are trained, no such need arose.
8 "... Then sball the mightiest kingdom
Of the Immortal King appear among men,
And a Sacred Prince shall come to hold the sceptre of the whole
earth
To all ages of the time which approaches."
Sibyl. Orac. 3, 47-50.
"Then God will send a King from the East,
"Who shall cause the whole earth to cease from wicked war,
By killing some, and administering binding oaths to others.
Nor shall he do these things by his own counsels,
But by obeying the excellent rules of the Great God."
Sibyl Orac. 3, 65-2-656.
208 THE MISSION OF JESUS. [NOTE Q.
not fulfilled it they expected his reappearance to establish such
a reign. 4
Of course a temporal ruler, guided by God and clothed with
power to crush injustice and oppression, might in the world's
history more than once have demolished whatever obstructed
open allegiance to God or the improvement consequent
thereon. Probably such interposition would have diminished
human sense of responsibility and human efforts, nor would
mankind have learned the lessons which experience has taught
them. It is plain at least that divine interposition has ad-
dressed only the individual conscience. Wherever correct
views of God have depended for maintenance on supporters
too few, too disunited or unfaithful, these views have been
overpowered and civilization has retrograded or been driven
out. This happened to Greek civilization the child of
monotheism at Rome 5 and subsequently in Asia and North
Egypt, as also to its offshoot the Saracenic culture in Spain. 6
A modern era witnessed but one small locality where reasonable
freedom was allowed to the utterance of Christian truth and
to the advocacy of human improvement. 7
4 See Norton, Statement of Reasons, Appendix, Note B. Compare
Judaism, pp. 235, 236.
6 See Judaism^ pp. 11-14, 369, 387, 388.
6 The Saracenic views of God must have been less defective than the
misnamed Christian ones by which in Spain they were supplanted. Com-
pare Judaism, p. 370.
7 "To Europe and mankind, in the mean time, the success of the mari-
time provinces was of the greatest importance. . . . Resistance to those
who were controlling religious opinions by fire and sword, and trampling
upon constitutional privileges, had been successfully made.
"An asylum was opened for all those, of whatever country, who fled
from persecution ; from persecution of whatever kind. The benefit thus
accruing to mankind cannot now be properly estimated, for we cannot
now feel what it is to have no refuge and no means of resistance, while
men are ready to punish us for our opinions, and are making themselves
inquisitors of our conduct. It is known to have been one of the severest
miseries of the later Romans, that they could not escape from their gov-
ernment ; that the world belonged to their emperors.
" It was in the Low Countries that the defenders of civil and religious
liberty found shelter. It was there that they could state their com-
plaints, publish what they conceived to be the truth, and maintain and
exercise the privileges of free inquiry. These were the countries to which
Locke retired, and where William the Third was formed." Smyth,
Lectures on Mod. Hist., Lect. XII. Vol. 1, pp. 319-320. Even in the
Low Countries the execution at a somewhat earlier date of Barneveldt and
the imprisonment of Grotius indicate how slow men were in learning to
respect the rights of others.
2.] IMPEDIMENTS TO ITS INFLUENCE. 209
At present the number of Christian countries which more
or less clearly acknowledge the rights of conscience, renders
very improbable that these rights can again be totally abol-
ished. Yet many impediments affect their free exercise.
In hereditary monarchies the character of the king and his
surrounders may hinder growth.
Monarchical system excessively carried out may, even under
a good sovereign, impede progress. The author has elsewhere
quoted (Judaism, p. 367) the remark of an old philanthropist
living under one of the most liberal monarchies of continental
Europe ; that those in authority were sure to oppose efforts for
improving society unless they themselves had been previously
consulted and their approbation obtained.
Privileged classes, whether ecclesiastical or secular, may
hinder not only growth of correct views touching God, but their
application to human welfare. Even if the sentiment of such
class be against existing evils there will be hesitation to com-
mence innovations, whose limit cannot be foreseen.
In communities not qualified for self-government, though
living under popular institutions, thoughtful citizens, to say
nothing of the merely timid, will sometimes oppose a com-
mendable innovation through fear of other changes which they
might prove unable to hinder.
Again : War, though under exceptional circumstances a
duty, is, even under conscientious commanders, 8 a severe in-
terruption to religious development and human improvement.
European standing armies absorb young men by hundreds of
thousands, substituting camp influences for those of home.
False representations of Christianity by its advocates repel
even yet not a few right-minded persons.
In most European monarchies the Church is more or less
managed by the government. Many who identify Christian-
ity with this organization imagine that the renunciation of
8 Archenholtz, amid incidents, some of which might be attributed
partly to generous sentiment, narrates the following : " The French, under
General Mercieres, captured the Westphalian city of Bielefeld, celebrated
for its linen manufacture, on which occasion the bleaching stations were
plundered, though the General opposed these excesses. His conscience,
however, told him that he could have acted more energetically. There-
fore, in the year 1790, thirty-three years after the occurrence, he sent
from Bayonne to the magistrate of Bielefeld a considerable sum of money,
with the request to apportion it among the sufferers yet living, or if they
were dead to appropriate the amount in some other way useful to the
city." Geschichte des Siebenjdhrigen Krieges, 1, pp. 339, 340.
210 THE MISSION OF JESUS. [NOTE Q.
Christianity is requisite to republican institutions. 9 A genera-
tion or two may pass before this error can be unlearned.
In our own country its marvellously rapid development
keeps multitudes in a state of anticipation and speculation un-
favorable to thoughts of personal improvement.
Yet in spite of impediments those views of God for which
Christianity furnished needed evidence have been taking
deeper hold among mankind, even among many who have im-
bibed them without knowing the extent of their indebtedness
to Christianity. Since the rights of conscience have been more
acknowledged, the application of religious truth has been
more easy and human progress more rapid. Many know but
little of what was tolerated within a century.
In France, prior to the Revolution of 1793, the punishment
of " Wheeling " 10 even for moderate offences had been rendered
so atrocious that it would seem prompted by a conclave of
demons. 11 The Revolution abolished it and similar barbarities
in most French-speaking countries.
In Germany this mode of punishment u was retained in a
9 This must not be confounded with the view of those who wish merely
to dissolve connection between Church and State, a step from which some
liberalists shrink. Compare in Judaism, note on pp. 369, 370.
10 In English allusions to this punishment "Wheeling" is almost
universally mistranslated " breaking on the wheel." Mrs. Hemans has
been misled by such phraseology into representing the wife of Rudolph
Von der Wart (Hemans's Poetical IVorks, 2, p. 101) as remaining by her
husband during the hours when he was ON THE WHEEL.
The punishment of Wheeling was usually executed by fastening the
subject to the ground and breaking his limbs either with a common
wagon-wheel, or with one made for the purpose. The wheel seen by the
writer at Freiburg, Switzerland, was much smaller than a wagon-wheel ;
was provided on one side with handles, and on the other side, for per-
haps a fourth or a third of its circumference, with a sharpened iron or
steel rim to facilitate breaking the limbs. His guide had seen a man
executed with it in 1823.
11 In France, though the term WHEELING was retained, the punish-
ment was inflicted with an iron club, the victim being stretched in an
iron frame. The directions to the executioner, which the author read
many years ago, are here given from memory. These were : to begin
with the left arm, commencing at the wrist ; then with the left leg ;
then, after some delay, with the right leg, and then with the right arm.
He was to mangle each wrist, elbow, ankle, and knee-joint with two
blows, and the intervening portion of each limb with a specified number,
not less, if memory serve me, than five or six. The executioner was fur-
ther directed not to desist because of cries from the condemned person.
12 In Germany, as I was informed by a Berlin lawyer, two forms of
condemnation were recognized : wheeling FROM ABOVE DOWNWARDS, and
2.] IMPEDIMENTS TO ITS INFLUENCE. 211
less brutal form so late, at least, as A. D. 1841, when a man
was " wheeled to death in Prussia," 18 at a spot southwest of
Koenigsberg on the sea-coast.
In the United States burning to death as a LEGAL punish-
ment must have been retained in a state so far northward as
New Jersey until the middle of the last century, 14 while in
some of the more Southern States this mode of punishment
was in force so late at least as the second quarter of the pres-
ent one. 15
FROM BELOW UPWARDS. In the former case the first blow fell on the
chest, and was expected to kill the victim, the limbs being afterwards
broken for form's sake ; in the latter case the limbs were first broken and
the coup de grace, or finishing stroke, given afterwards, if at all.
13 The following is extracted from p. 87 of a German newspaper fur-
nished me by the Burgomeister of Frauenbur. The title of the
paper does not appear on the slip sent me. " Braunsberg, July 7, 1841.
This morning at half past six the death penalty of wheeling from below
[upwards] was executed on the robber and murderer Rudolph Kuhnapfel,
... in the vicinity of the village Nartz, near Frauenburg, in presence of
a great multitude." The bracketed word is supplied from a different
paper. I remember an extract from yet another paper which stated that
Kuhnapfel was ten minutes in dying. I suppose that his crime may have
been treated as constructive parricide. The Bishop of Ermeland whom
he murdered may have been regarded as his spiritual father. I was told
that an attempt to murder the king could be punished in the same way,
perhaps on the ground that he was the political father of his people, yet
in aggravated cases the punishment may have been adjudged without
stretching the meaning of language.
14 The author has learned from one of his neighbors that when the
uncle of that neighbor's father was killed in New Jersey by a slave, the
slave was legally executed by burning. The father was born in 1750.
Whether the execution took place before or after that date is unknown to
his informant.
15 W. C. Bryant informed me that the execution in South Carolina
of a negro woman by burning in the year 1820, is mentioned by Stroud
in his Slave Laws. He omitted to mention the page.
An intelligent colored man now resident in Meadville, and born he
says in 1826 or 1827, tells the author that during his childhood his grand-
mother witnessed a similar execution of a man near Fayetteville, N. C.
He remembers his grandmother's statement that the man (a white one
he thinks) petitioned to have oil put upon the fagots.
The author himself distinctly recollects reading in early life the news-
paper account of a similar execution in South Carolina, an account recol-
lected also by one of his older relatives. The newspaper said that the
driest of fagots had been procured in order to diminish the pain of execu-
tion. As a Charleston lady, with whom he conversed in 1839 at Geneva in
Switzerland, was unaware of the execution, and as he has had a Charles-
ton paper searched ineffectually for its record, he supposes it to have oc-
curred in the interior of the State. Lest, moreover, the accuracy of his
212 THE MISSION OF JESUS. [NOTE Q.
The late Henry Colman of Massachusetts told me that he
had in early life seen human beings carried down State Street,
Boston, to be branded and to have their ears slit. 16
The exigencies of war may sometimes be thought to palliate
harsh treatment ; but corporal punishment in the peace estab-
lishment of Frederic the Second equalled that of the most
barbarous nations. 17
If we consider that more than eighteen centuries ago Tibe-
rius, educated partly by the monotheistic influences of Asia
Minor, abolished corporal punishment, 18 it seems as if the
world had received a discouraging back-set. But it is undoubt-
edly further advanced than in his time, for his views would
memory should be suspected, he will state some of the circumstances
which corroborate it. He remembers conversing on the subject with his
father, who expressed his opinion that it was in some States the specified
form of punishment for a slave who killed his master. Also in one of
his own letters to his father, dated Jan. 12, 1841, is the following : " In
Prussia the punishment of the Wheel is still in use for persons who have
killed near relations. ... In Greece 1 see from the papers that the tor-
ture still exists. Whether we have so far got rid of such abominations
in our own country as to have formally abolished the law in South Caro-
lina ordaining burning to death as the punishment of a slave who kills
his master, I do not know. I remember but one instance of such an
execution, but that was one too many."
My father's opinion that the form of punishment was specified by law,
cannot have been true of South Carolina. The late W. C. Bryant pro-
cured for me information taken from Stroud's Slave Laws, that in certain
cases the method of punishment was left to the discretion of three magis-
trates.
16 I learn from Judge Hoar that "branding and cropping the ears
were abolished as punishments in Massachusetts, in 1805 ; whipping in
1826."
17 "If the soldier committed a [military ?] crime he had to run the
gantlet through a lane of two hundred, or rather to walk it. Six times
was the least, thirty-six the highest number of these painful perambula-
tions. The last-mentioned punishment was called * FOR LIFE AND DEATH,'
and was divided into three days, and on the last day the wrong-doer's cof-
fin was brought with him on the parade." Archenholtz, Kleine Hist.
Schriften, 1, pp. 27, 28. To prevent any acceleration of pace by the con-
demned man, a soldier with reversed musket under his arm preceded him
so that he could not quicken his pace without running on the bayonet.
This punishment his comrades must sometimes have been compelled to
execute on one from whom they had received kindness and whom they
would gladly have spared.
" The highest crime was breach of subordination. Even for the slight-
est faults of this kind [a soldier] was confronted by running the gantlet,
or by the bullet. Whoever with weapon in hand carried his fault to
practical acts was wheeled alive." Ibid. p. 28.
18 See Tac. An. 4, 6, quoted in Judaism, p. 506.
NOTE R.] THE MINISTRY. 213
now find a general sympathy which they then, in Europe at
least, failed to receive. We must remember, however, that
the existence of mankind on the earth has probably little
more than begun. One cycle of the earth's motion requires
more than a thousand centuries. 19 There must be stellar
cycles for which a million centuries would be but a fraction of
the required time. The hand which arranged these move-
ments will probably permit a few of them to be studied before
human existence shall cease on earth. The lesson learned in
eighteen centuries will at some future day seem a brief one.
The Pagan nations of our own time have as yet come in
contact chiefly with the worst traits of Christian communities.
They have seen wars m by Christians for selfish ends, and
have not found models of virtue in the crews of ships visiting
their shores. Patience will be requisite that evil lessons may
be unlearned, and that Christianity may appear a religion of
virtue and of hope.
NOTE E.
THE MINISTRY.
IN the first Christian congregations the office of teaching
was not restricted to any one individual. 1 Several shared in
19 "The perihelion . . . of the earth's orbit accomplishes its revolution
in one hundred and eleven thousand years." Mitchell, Planetary and
Stellar Worlds, p. 177.
20 Our own country during a century of independent existence has
waged but two foreign wars. One of these would not have occurred save
for a privileged class no longer existing, who wished to extend the area
of that institution, Slavery, on which their privileges were based.
1 "He sent to Ephesus, and called the ELDERS of the church."
Acts 20, 17. "Take heed ... to all the flock over the which the Holy
Spirit hath made you firurKJirovs, BISHOPS [i. e. overseers]." Acts 20,
28. The word overseers in the common version is the same which is else-
where translated bishops. " For this cause left I thee in Crete, that
thou shouldest . . . ordain ELDERS in every city. . . . For a BISHOP
must be blameless." Titus 1, 5, 7. " Paul ... to all the consecrated
in Philippi with the bishops and deacons." Philip. 1,1. " If a man
desire the office of a bishop, he desireth a good work." 1 Tim. 3, 1.
" Likewise must the deacons be grave, not double-tongued." 1 Tim. 3, S.
It will be noticed that in the last two instances the two classes of offi-
214 THE MINISTRY. [NOTE R.
it. This plan was attended by some difficulties, to avoid
which the custom was introduced of having but one teacher
in each congregation. The latter plan has prevailed in most
Protestant denominations, and has been so nearly universal that
Christianity and the ministry have in the majority of minds
become identified. Many persons would be mentally unable
to dissociate the two, arid the value of Christianity is esti-
mated by them according to the worth of its supposed repre-
sentatives and interpreters.
The Christian ministry has undoubtedly done excellent ser-
vice, and been of importance to the religious progress of man-
kind. 2 It is at present, however, confronted by the following
obstacle. In proportion as mankind become attentive to their
moral and religious improvement, it becomes more and more
impossible for any one human being to meet the wants of five
hundred others. 3 Those whom he addresses are, if thoughtful
cers recognized in a single society are bishops and deacons, the former of
whom are in preceding quotations identified with elders.
At a later date Jerome says : " Among the ancients [i. e. the earliest
Christians] bishops and presbyters were the same since the former name
[that is, overseer] indicates the office, [while] the latter designates the
age [of the incumbents]." Epist. 69 ad Oceonum. Opp. 1, col. 415 A,
edit. Vallars. Again : " Therefore a presbyter is the same as a bishop,
and before by prompting of the Devil rivalries took place in religious
matters and people said : I am of Paul, I of Apollos, and I of Cephas,
the assemblies were governed by mutual agreement of the elders. But
alter each one thought those whom he had baptized to be his own [dis-
ciples], not Christ's, it was determined in the whole world that one se-
lected from the elders should be placed above the others, to whom the
whole care of the assembly should pertain, and [thus that] the seeds of
division should be removed." Comment, ad Tit. 1, 7 : Opp. 7, Part. I.
col. 694, 695, edit. Vallars.
2 The above remark must not be understood of the ministry while, or
in so far as, its discourses were in an unknown tongue. The writer re-
members listening to a lecture in which was quoted a regal admonition
to the Anglican clergy, telling them to dispense with laziness and write
their sermons in Latin. He has not had opportunity to hunt up this ad-
monition, but thinks that it was issued by Charles II.
The literary folly which prompted such directions existed much later
in European institutions of learning. Firmness equally as good sense
itelligible.
pardonable to sacrifice the profit of the students to the parade of learn-
ing ; or to waste more time in composing, to no other end I may say, but
to render the composition less useful." Lectures mi Systemat. TheoL,
near close of Lecture 1.
8 The above-mentioned difficulty may be illustrated by supposing that
NOTE R.] THE MINISTRY. 215
for their own improvement, growing in a variety of directions,
and need aid of very different kinds in order to facilitate their
progress. 4 Even the same individual may within a brief
period go through experience of different kinds and need aid
in the subject of his or her thoughts rather than to have them
diverted to something else.
in mental education a teacher were required to instruct pupils in Mathe-
matics and Metaphysics, Astronomy and Architecture, Surgery and Civil
Engineering, History and Hygiene, Jurisprudence, Ancient Languages,
Natural History, and other branches of modern study. Could any one
expect a satisfactory result ?
* Whoever studies the moral and religious wants of life will find them
diversified. A business man, witnessing the various avenues for dishon-
esty and the disguises which screen it, will deem firmness of condem-
nation requisite to uphold business rectitude in the community, or to
guard his own mind against indifference.
One placed so as to notice the need of encouragement and kind speech
may see most call for attention to these and for illustration of the manner
in which they can best be given.
A person brought up under erroneous views of religion, and who has
suffered much from such views, will highly esteem the teachings which
dispel error.
One engaged in study of the Scriptures will desire the suggestions or
information that assist comprehension of them.
Those engaged in benevolent work see constant opportunities of good
to be done ; of children to be rescued from vice or suffering, and of ma-
ture persons to be aided while struggling to keep the right path. They
long for teachings which may guide their efforts or call others to their
aid.
Some, disheartened amid daily duties and distractions, feel the need of
raising their thoughts to the Source of strength, and of finding in com-
munion with the Father of their spirits serenity and new strength to en-
counter harassing cares. They need to be called away from daily occu-
pations rather than to have them more vividly presented.
Blended, often at least, with the foregoing is a dissatisfaction due to
incorrect views of life. Persons look on its avocations as interruptions
rather than as aids to self-development. To this class correct views of
life would be an inestimable boon.
Some have had questionings as to whether Jesus were or were not
authorized to make a revelation, and to them the question may be one of
painful importance. The evidence which they need must be of that kind
which they are most competent to appreciate.
Others, aside perhaps from questions about the authorization of Jesus,
are striving to look beyond the term of human existence here and to catch
some glimpses of a future one. Considerations which may give them
confidence will prove of great value.
Some are occupied in a contest with social evils. They have had
friends or relatives carried to ruin, and are more intent on combating the
evils of this life than on thoughts of a future one. They need in many
cases wise counsel to prevent feeling from overriding judgment.
216 THE MINISTRY. [NOTE R.
Of course many ministers could by methodical study of
their congregations meet wants which now go unsupplied.
Were a minister to provide a list of his parish, and to append
opposite each name what he deemed the chief wants of that
individual ; were he also, by observation, thought, and conver-
sation, to correct his own judgments and alter his memoran-
dum accordingly, he would have sketched out before him an
approximate map of his work. By such effort he would meet
the wants of his people far more nearly than if his pulpit
themes were taken from the last question mooted in theological
and secular journals. ;
Still the difficulty cannot be ignored that only a person
gifted with more than average observation and reflection, and
with more than average capacity of conveying his ideas to
others, can in a thoughtful congregation hope to meet even a
majority of its wants. The question, therefore, arises whether
the present plan of meeting such wants can be supplemented
or improved.
Suppose in a small society a select library 6 of religious
and moral literature, with clear-headed discussions on the
various duties of a human being to himself and his fellows,
and let us suppose a portion of time set apart when the con-
gregation should meet for silent perusal of what is best
adapted to each one's wants. An Index should be provided
to topics treated in the library. Prearrangement in pews of
books suited to the wants of occupants would promote the
quiet craved by devotion but scarcely attainable if each mem-
ber visit the book-shelves in person. 6
5 A suitable library ought of course to contain not merely the subjects
mentioned in the preceding note, but many others not there suggested.
For study of the Scriptures there should be translations, commentaries,
concordances, Bible dictionaries, and other critical aids. In selecting
translations it would be well to have such as were made on difl'erent
plans. The rendering best suited to a scholar is by no means always
that most fitted for the average reader.
Fiction on moral topics, though not to be excluded from such a library,
should be admitted with the utmost caution. Miss Sedgwick's Live and
Let Live treats one class of human duties more successfully than could be
hoped for in most cases from the pulpit. But this is more than can be
said for many works of fiction even when written with moral intent.
6 In the absence of printed Indexes some one might be employed to
prepare a special Index for each library, or a dozen societies might con-
jointly employ some skilled person to make such a work. Printed In-
dexes would, however, soon come into existence if their want were gener-
ally felt. In them there should be marks to distinguish brief statements
from copious articles.
NOTE R.] THE MINISTRY. 217
The time devoted to silent reading should not preclude
public devotional exercises, nor yet public instruction, which,
in the absence of a minister, might be supervised by one or
more members of the congregation. 7
A chief risk with such a library would be the introduction
of sensational works, dignified or not by the title of religious.
A similar risk exists in the pulpit, but can there less readily
than in a library escape attention from thoughtful members of
the congregation. Much would depend on the judgment, at-
tention, and earnest religious feeling of those by whom any
such experiment were tried. A number of congregations, by
communicating to each other the result of their experience,
might eliminate mistakes and suggest improvements.
A different plan, free from some difficulties attending the
foregoing, would be to establish as a custom, that the minister
should on alternate Sundays, or oftener, instead of a discourse
by himself read extracts from other writers on some moral or
religious topic, accompanied, when desirable, with comments
by himself. The congregation would thus get the subject
presented by different minds, and the minister would have
more leisure to prepare his own discourses.
Much could be culled from secular literature which would
conduce to religious and moral improvement ; which would
tend to elevate human aims, quicken human affections, stimu-
. late effort, nerve to endurance, strengthen courage, inspire
patience, give vigor to conscience, awaken benevolence, nerve
to fortitude, animate good purposes, and illustrate dimly-per-
ceived truths. Pleasantries should of course be avoided, or
anything likely to interfere with reverent and devout feeling.
Were a minister to insert a blank leaf at the close of each
volume in his library and, while reading, note thereon any
page or subject of interest, he could, if his library were a good
one, by glancing over his memoranda, find in a few minutes
what would edify his hearers.
A thoughtful layman with a good library could, by similar
notes, often aid his pastor, or, in his absence, furnish for Sun-
day instruction what might prove more valuable than many a
sermon.
7 Of course those "best qualified to select hymns may not always be the
ones best qualified to lead the singing. Those best qualified to decide on
a discourse, or a series of extracts for public reading, may not be best
qualified for reading aloud, and may need to intrust this duty to an-
other.
ADDENDA.
Page 61, note. The question may claim examination
whether the scribe who added a conclusion (21, 23 1 24, 25)
to John's gospel, can be author of its proem (1, 1-18), which
includes the use (1, 17), of Christ as a name, and the tech-
nical use of LOGOS (1, 1, 14) not elsewhere found in the
Evangelist.
Page 183, note 1. A pupil of Mosheim reasserts essen-
tially the same error ; " In these times [of the emperor
Hadrian] and perhaps somewhat earlier ones, we may date
the origin of those spurious writings which gradually ap-
peared among the Christians in increasing number under the
names of the most noted and excellent men, especially of
those of the founders of Christianity." Schroeckh, Kirchen-
geschichte, 2, pp. 398, 399.
The lately recovered " Teaching of the [twelve ?~\ Apostles "
cited from, without naming it, by Clement of Alexandria,
Strom. 1, 20 ( 100) is no instance of this, but simply an
intended summary of New Testament teaching, with no
thought by its author of ascribing its compilation to any
apostle or apostles. The word " twelve " is omitted from the
title by Eusebius (Ecc. Hist. 3, 25) and by other ancient
writers, and is probably an interpolation.
Page 193, note 12. Melito's Apology contravenes (Routh,
1, p. 118, lines 22-24) the deification of Jesus. Anastasius,
however, ascribes to him a work on Christ's Incarnation,
which Eusebius, an earlier and safer authority, omits (Ecc.
Hist. 4, 25) from the list of his works. If it be from Melito,
and if Anastasius have not blended his own views into his
quotation, it would indicate (Routh, 1, 121, line 16) a
deification of the Master.
In a former edition reference was inadvertently made to
Melito's work " God embodied" which had for a subject not
the deity of Christ, but, as we learn from Origen ( Opp. 2, 25,
ed. de la Rue ; 4, 49, ed. Lorn.), the corporeal existence of God.
Page 211, note 14. In Charlestown, Mass., John Cod-
man was poisoned by his three slaves, of whom Phillis was
in 1749 burned in Cambridge, while Phoebe, after turning
State's evidence, was transported, and Mark was hung.
A narrative of the foregoing will, I am informed, be found
in Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol.
12, note on p. 166.
ACTS OF PILATE
FROM A
TRANSCRIPT OF THE CODEX
DESIGNATED BY THILO
A3
PARIS D.
CAMBRIDGE:
JOHN WILSON AND SON.
1887.
Copyright, 1881,
BY FBEDEBIC HUIDEKOPEE.
PREFATORY NOTE.
IN 1856 the writer of these lines procured through
F. W. Christern a collation of the Greek manuscript
of the Acts of Pilate, which Thilo in his Codex Apo-
cryphus has entitled Paris D. This collation was made
by Fr. Duebner, editor of classics, and bears internal
evidence of having been done with care and fidelity
by an expert. The readings of the manuscript are often
given incorrectly by Thilo, whom Tischendorf has fol-
lowed in his " Evangelia Apocrypha," Leipsic, 1853 ;
2d ed. 1876.
Though the transcript of said Codex will only have
a value for scholars, yet it seems but fair to those
engaged in this kind of study that the result of the
collation should be rendered accessible.
Emendations of the text in brackets, when not by
Thilo, are, with one exception, by Mr. Duebner or
Prof. E. Abbot. In the notes T. stands for Thilo,
D. for Duebner, A. for Abbot, and H. for the present
writer. t
IV PREFATORY NOTE.
The orthography is intended to be a transcript from
Paris D, including its errors.
The division into paragraphs is niy own. The
largest type is intended to represent what originally
belonged to the document ; the medium-sized type to
represent interpolations of the second and third cen-
turies. The smallest type represents the interpolations
after the establishment of Christianity. On the first
two of these classifications, however, compare Indirect
Testimony, p. 107.
Dots have been inserted where the manuscript had
evidently omitted something ; and dashes have in
some cases been inserted where a duplicate wording
appeared, as in the use of Oeovefifo for 'lou&uos, on
which see Judaism, p. 342, and on pp. 462, 463, foot-
note 4.
Words with an asterisk appended exist only in an
abbreviated form in the Codex.
The numbering of sections inserted in brackets may
aid the reader in comparing the Greek with a transla-
tion on pp. 107-142 of Indirect Testimony.
The proof-sheets have been read by Prof. E. Abbot,
whose care and competency are well known.
F. HUIDEKOPER.
MEADVILLE, Pa., August, 1881.
ACTS OF PILATE.
AIHFHSIS IIEPI TOT TIMIOT ITA90TS TOT KTPIOT 'HMfiN
KAI SflTHPOS 'HMON 1HSOT XPISTOT KAI IIEPI THS
'AFIAS 'ATTOT 'ANASTASEfiS, STITPASEISA HAPA 'IOT-
AAIOT 'ENNAIA 'ONOMATI, 'UN METHNEFKEN 'EK THS
'EBPAIKHS TAfiTTHS 'EIS 'PfiMAIAH AIAAEKTOX NIKO-
AHMOS TOHAPXHS 'POMAIOS.
Meri rb KaTa\v0TJvcu rty ^acrtXelav T&V 'Efipatuv, rerpaKOffluv
irapadpa/JiouvTuv [7rapa5pa/u6j'rwi'], KO\ virb rrjv fiaffiXeiav 'Pw/xatwj'
TWV Kdl r&v 'Efipaibjv, TOV 'Pw/Aatwi/ /SacrtX^ws /SaatX^a avrois \eLpOTOvovv-
ros TOV Ti/3ept'ou Kai'crapos vffrepov TCI. 'Pw/taiVcd ffKTJirTpa dttirovTos, tv Tip
6KTUKCUeKdT(f} ^rei TT}S /3a(7tXe^as auroO /SaaiX^a x.eipoTovf)<ra.vTOS tv Trj *Iou-
daig. 'Hpudyv, rbv vlbv 'Hpwdov, TOV irplv ra vfrria diroKTelvavTOS iv BT;-
6\et/jt,, Kal Tbv HtXarov tv 'Iepov<ra\Ti/J. ZX OVT S ^Jf^ova TOV "Ami Kal TOV
Kaia$a TT)V
Ni/c6$r)iJLO<; TOTrdpX'rjs 'Pwpaios 'lovSai&v
r rrpo(7Ka\O'afjLevo^ 'Evvala ovojubari, et^rrjo-e o-vyypd-
-fyavQai ra Kara TOW icaipovs *Avva Kal Kald^a
eV 'lepovo-aXrjfJi, irepl TOV XpicrTOV' o $rj teal
6 'lovSalos Kal ro5 Ni/coStfaq) Tra/oaSou?, owro?
CLTTO TT)? 'Efipa'i/crjs crvyypatyrjs fier^veyfce ravra
Se TO, T
6 ACTS OF PILATE. [ 2.
[ L] Tov KVpiov f)iiwv 'Irjaov Xpt,<7Tov TroXXa KOI /-te-
yd\a Kal e^aicna Oavfiara ev rfj 'lov&ala epyacra/jievov,
/col Sia TOVTO <t>6ovrjdevTOs VTTO TWV 'Eppatwv, rjye/Jiovev-
oi>T09 et? 'lepoo-oXvfjLa TOV ITtXarou, dp^iepaTevovTcov Be
rov T6 * 'Avva teal TOV Kai'd(f>a, r)\6ov e/c TMV 'lovbaicov
rou9 avTovs ap^iepels o 'JovSa?, Aevi, Necf)0a\el/ji,
s, 2vpo$ KCLI aXXoi TroXXot \eyovT6S KCLTCL
TOV XpicrTOv, ou? teal a,7reo-Ti\av ol TOLOVTOI a
elirelv TavTa KOI ra5 UtXarw fyfefidvi* O'L Kal
66vTe<$ eljTov 7T/30? CLVTOV OTL av0pa)7TO$ 7Tpi7raT6L ev Trj
7ro\ei Tavrrj iraTepa e%a)v 'Ia>o-^( Xeyopevov Kal fiijTepa
Mapiav, ovofjidZei Be avTov /SacrtXea Kal vlbv 6eov- Kal
&v dvaTpeTret, ra? ypacfrds, Kal /caraXvet ra
'Hpct)T7)(rev ovv o rjyejjitov 6 JTtXaTO? paOeiv ef au-
a rtW Tpoirov KaToXvei TCL o~d{3/3aTa. Kal
OVTOI \eycov [Xeyoi/re?] f/ Ort rou? acr^e-
laTpevei ev o-a/3/3ara). Aeyei, 6 JTtXaro?' JSt rou?
troiei, ovSev KaKOv Tcoiel. Aeyovo~iv
auroS* JEt /caXw? evijpyei ra? laTpelas, /jiiKpbv av rjv TO
payctq Be ^ptopevos Troiel raura9 ^at row Sat-
e%a)v Trap' eavTw. Aeyei, 6 JTtXaro?* To laTpev-
eiv appw&TOV 8ta(3o\iKov epyov OVK eaTiv, aXXa %api-
rjv 1 CK 6eov. E!TTOV ol 'Effpaioi' AeopeOa rr)?
os [peyaXeidTrjTos] 2 aov iieTaKoXecraaOaL av-
TOV, &>9 av yvwpicrrjs apt/3co9, oTrep \eyofjiev. [ 2.] eV/5a-
Xa)z/ ovv yyefjitov 6 JTtXaro9 TO aavSrf\iov ^roi rk <f>aKi6\iov
avTov BeocoKev evl TWV v7rrjpeTa)v avTov, 'Pa^adft ovo-
, rjyovv TOV Kovpaovpos [ro3 Kovpcropi] avTov, \eycov
1 Deinde aXXa xapiana yv e< Oeov, TJ tarn ancipiti atque obscuro ductu, ut o esse
possit, et bv legi. D.
J MeyaArjoTTjTO?, i.e. fi.eya\eiQrr)Tos, non /meyaAoTTjros, quod male impressum. D.
. 3.] ACTS OF PILATE. 7
"A7re\6e Kal Bel^ov TOVTO T&> 'Irj&ov, Kal elire
TlCkaros 6 rjyefJMDV Ka\el <re TT/OO? avTov e\.0elv.
TOLVVV 6 VTrypeTTys, Kal evpa)V TOV ^
tv rrj 'rjfjt.^pa KvpiaKrj r&v /SaioN/ 3 KaOrifJ^vov eirl 6vov, Kal ev ry 65$ ai/-
rou 'Efipouoi earp&vvvov TCL IfJ-dria avruv, Kal TrepteTrdrei 6 ^os cwdvu rG>v
1/j.aTlwv. Kal iSuv 6 virrjptT-rjs TTJV roiavT-rjv ri/trji' TOV 'I^aoO, 6/no^ws Kal
aurds /cara* 4 . . . yeyovu?
roOroi/, aTrXcoa^a? eVt TT}? 71}? Kal TO TOV
JTtXaroi; (jLav^rfXiov, Kal eTrdvco avrov TrepiTrareiv avrov
TTpOTpeTTOfJieVOS. 07Tp l$6vT6S ol 'E/BpaiO
a<yavaKTijcravTS, rj\.9ov Trpo? ^yefiova TOV UiXaTov,
KaT aVTOV TTW? TOQ-aVTr)^ TlfJifjS TOV 'Ir)(70VV T)%i-
. [ 3.] Kal (WTO? TOV a r 7Too'Ta\evTa VTrrjpeTrjv dvepev-
vij(ra$ TTW? oura)? eTrolijo-ev, aTreKplOij 6
ycov ore /JLC aTrecrretXa? Tr/ao? TOZ^ 'lovBalov 'AXe
t ou. /cat 6toi^ TOI>?
ou? ort ecrTpwvov [ecrTpa)vvvov] ev Trj 6Sa5 ra I^CL
avT&v, Kal TrepieTTGLTei o ovos 7rdva> TWV iparUiV' Kal
6TpOl CKK07TTOV 5 XaSoU? Kal ^p^OVTO 6t
avTOV, Kal Kpaov to? avva (sic) ev rot? v^jrl
ev\o<yrj/jLvos 6 ep^ofjievos ev ovo/xaTi Kvpiov. oi/ra)? ovv
e$ei Kal e/jue Troifjcrai, Kal oura)? eTroiVytra. '^4/couc7a^re9
ol 'lovBaioi TOU? Xo^ou? rourou?, elirov Trpbs avTOV (TV
Be f Po)/i-a-to? ov [&v], TTW? eytvaxTKes TO, iraoa TWV
'Eppaloov \eyofjieva; 'Ajre/cpiOrj 6 vTrrjpeTrjs Kal elwev
eva eK TMV 'Eftpalwv rjpwTrjo'a, Kal eiirkv JJLOL raOra.
Elirev o ITiXaro?' Kal T[ \eyei w? dvvd ; ElTrov ol
3 Thilo dedit KvpiaitjJ rtav *E/3patW, quod subabsurdum est,pro nitida codicis scriptura
Kvpiaxfj rSiV fiaiiav. D.
* Kara* (in fine lines) yeyovw? (ut aliquid excidissevel vitiatum esse appareat), irpotr-
exa\elro. D.
5 Sic, sine augm. D. Legendum eKoirrov. Augmentum adest, K duplicate. A.
8
ACTS OF PILATE.
l3.
Mou&uot* ffwcrov r)/J>as, /cvpie. ^A-jreKpiOrj 6
7rel o/AoXoyeirai [o/jLoXoyelre], on ovrcos eXeyov ol d-
po/caicoi, Trm&e? V/JLWV, TTW? vvv /carrjyopelT KOI Xeyere
Kara TOV 'Irjcrov, ocra \eyere ; 'Eat,a)7rr)aav ol 'Jou-
ot, /cal ovBev elov avnirelv
' 'Ev e/ceiVy r$ /ccupy Tr/XHre/caX&raro 6 'Ir/<rous oils ^0eX/ /col
717565 avTov, Kal erroltja-fv t/3', iVa am? /*er' auYoD, Kal iVa aTrocrrAXei [d?ro-
orAXfl] airro>s KTjpv<T(retv tv wavrl ry /c6o>iy TO Sfo^a auroD. -fjp^aro 8t
KO.IVOV v6/J.ov iroiijffai, TOV KaraXvetv rd (rd/3^3aTa T^V KardTravaiv rCov 'lou-
r^ ?raXai^ diadrjKr} O.TTQ 6eov Kal T
kv <ra/3/3ary, OI)K Zdairrov avrbv d /J.TJ r^s
pas. 6 5 'I-rjaovs pov\6/J,evos TrXypwaai TOV VQ^OV tKeivov, iv (ra^dry TOV
irapd\vTot> <rwtcr<t>iyZet> TOV apxurvvayuyov TTJV OvyaTtpav (sic) TTJV at>o-
pwowav [al/j-oppoovaav] tda-aro cv (ra/3/3dry TOV Tv<p\ov, TOV Xeirpbv, Kal
5ai/j,ovi.6vTa [dai[J.oviuvTa] Kal veKpbv ev o-a^dry auroi>s ia.ao.TO ev (ra/Spdr^
TOV Adfapov TTpa^/J.epov -fjyetpe Kal dia TOVTO e^ovv ol 'lovdatoi. av-
TOV d-n-OKTeivai, OTI diro r6re 6 Xads ?ras -f)KO\ovdr) [rjKoXovdei] avT$ -- 5t6ri
TTpa-r)/J.pov ffeffeiroTe [creo-r)ir6Ta] -ffyeipe, Tore et's <j)6bvov eKeivrjcraf [e/cw?;-
?] ol 'lovdaioi'
6e avTw (sic) aveieeiTo 6 'Inaov? /MCTO. Ttor
Sia&fKa. Tore eytpOels Kal AajStbp AevTioi',
Sie'^wcrer eavTOf eiTa /SdAAei vfitop et?
T'OV vvnTrjpa [vinTripa.]* Kal f/p^avro [rjp-
^ttTO] t'VTTTell' [viTTTeil/] 6 'IlJO-OU? TOVS
Trofia? TWI/ iJ.a.6r)T<av CLVTOV, Kal etwev
6 fle'Awi' TrpwTO? elcat, eo~Tai TrdrTwv eo"xa-
TO?. TOTC 8e evvtfje fei/ii^e] TrpuiTOf TOI*
'loiiSa, eiTa TOVS aAAous /aa^ijTas Kal
rjpfaTO iKfj.da'O'eiV TO) Aei/Tt'a) o rjy
o*/u.eVos. TOTe eiTrev v/aeis Ka.9a.poi e
aAA' ou^l iravTes. EITTC 8e TOUTO 8id
'lovfia. <}>rio-lv Se nd\iv Trpbs O
0i? yiv&o-Kfre TI TreTTOtijKa u/xtv ; iirro-
8eiYjix.a 8^8wKa, 'ica (caflws tTrotrjcra Uju.iv,
Kal u/ueis Trot^TC. exetv oe Ka0apdv ayd-
TTT/V Kal raireivuxriv eis Trdi/Ta? ei TTOIECTC
TauTa, /aaKaptot e<rre. Tore fKdOti&av
[eKdOurav] TOU e<r9ieiv TO Trdcrxa Kai Aa-
/3wv TOV apTov 6 'I>70-ous, euxapto-Trjo-a?
6KAao-e, Kal eSi'Sou Tot? fjLaOrjTals , Kal eiTrev
Ad/3eT6, <f>dyere, rovroeaTi (sic) TO o"aiju.a
/mov. Kal Aa/3wv TO TroTTjptov, evAo'yTjo'a?
eSwKev auTOt? Ae'ywv TrteTe 'f OUTOU Trdv-
Te?, TOUToeo~Tiv TO at/u.d /mow TO TI)? Kai-
v^? 6ia0rjKrj9. ToVe As'yei ainSiv (sic) ' els
KOL ws <^T7(rlv 6 eflayyeAioTTjs '
nj? TO. ypa<f>6ju.va pijSXta Tore 8e
TTJV di/ao-Tacrtv TOU Aaexpov
eK\iOri ev o'uciq 2iV<ovo? TOU AeirpoO fxerd
TWV fjLa.0r)T<av O.VTOV, "iva <f>o.yf] M.CT' OVTOU.
avToO ai/a/cetjote'vou, jjAflti' yuv/j aAd^a-
tnpov fj.vpov exovTa [exowa], nal icare-
X ff v cv rj7 Ke<}>a.\fi TOV 'Irjaov. "Ifiaji/ 5e
'louSa? 6 /xe'AAajf TrapaSoiiaat (jzVcod.) TOV-
TOV, etn-ei/ iv eauTa! 1781)^0x0 TOUTO TO
fnvpov irpaBrivai TroAAou, Kal StaOrjvai TTTW-
XDIS. EiTre 6e TOWTO, oi>x on Trepi rwf
^v ejixeAAev [e/u.eAev] avral, aAA' on
> Kal TO yAwo'o'OACOju.oi' f'^e, Kal
Ta /3aAAd/xeva eftaffTa^ev. r/oi; Se avToO
TOV SoAoi' 6 "iTjaoC?, eiTrej/ avTois >j yvvtj
auTT; KaAbv epyov r^pyavaro [eipyao"aTo],
xal irpb? TO VTa<|)id<7ai /xe TreTroiTjKev TOUS
TTTW^OVS irdvTOTe e^CTe /u.e0' eavTaiv, ejoi^
8& ou irdiTOTe e\eTe. TOTC Trope v0el?
el? TWV i/3' Ae-yo/u.ei'o? 'loufia? 'Io-Kapid-
Tr?? (sic}, Kal trpb? Toi5 ap^iepeis elirev
Tt 6e\(Te ju.ot fiouvai; Ka-yw v/u.ii' wapa-
a>cra> avToV. Oi 6e fa"n}<ra.v auTco rpid-
Kovra apyvpia. 'Airb Tore e^Tet 6 *Iov6a?
c^xepiai' (jzV), iva avTO^ TrapaSaj. 'Oi/'ia?
ai5-
3.1
ACTS OF PILATE.
9
e v/awi' irapafiwcrei ju.e. TdTe eKacrros rjp-
aTO Ae'yeii' M?TI eyw ei/it, Kvpie ; 6 fie
aTTOKpiflels eljrev 6 eV/3dv//a? JU.CT' e>ov
TV x e 'P a ev TaJ Tpi/3Ai'a [Tpu0At'a>], OVTOS
/me Trapafiaicret.. Kal 6 /ue vib? roO ivQpu-
irou iiTrdyei, Ka0ws yeypanraL nepl avrov
oval fie TO> dv0pai7ra> eKetVa> 6V ou ju.e'AAa
TrapaSi'fiocrflai KaAbi/ ^i> avTai ei OVK e'yey-
yjjflrj 6 dV0pa>Tros eKetVo?. 'ArroKpifleis fie
b 'lov'Sas 6 Trapafiifious auToi> etTre /u.>?
eya> ei/uu, pa/a/Si (jzc) ; Ae'yei at-Toi <ru
eiTras. Tore avex^pW 61 ' 'louSas. Ka-
Keipoi 7i\0ov eis opos TWV eAatan/. CITTC 6J
rot? fxa^rais avrou 6 'Irjo-oO? on ot irdv-
res v/mei? o-Koi'SaAio'&^creerffe ef e^ot iv rfj
VVKTI TavTjj. "ATTOKpiOeis 6e 6 Ile'rpo? el-
irev aiirai ei irdvres oxavSaAiaflrjcroi'Tai
ev <rol, eyw ovSe'TTOTg oxayfiaAio'flrjo'o/Aat..
'E(|)jj aurai 6 'Irjo-ou? a/u.rji' Ae'yw <rot OTI
iv TavTfl rfj VVKTI npiv aAe'xTwpa [dAe-
icTOpa] (|>a>i'^a-ai rpets [rpls] airapi>rjo-fl pe.
'E0Tj avT<p 6 Ile'Tpo?' ei eA^u) roO anoOa-
veiv, oil H.TJ <r a7ra.pj/rj<ro/J.ai. 'O/xoia>s 5e
xai Trai/Te? oi /u.a0rjTa! CIJTOV. Tore ep^e-
T<u juieT* OLVTIOV b 'Iijaou? et? ^upioi/ Aeyd-
/u.6coc Fefla-Tj/uiavr;, nepav rov \ eL l Ji L P ovv
[xe<.fJ.dppov] ran/ KaiSpuv [neSptav], OTTOU
V KUTTOS [KJJTTO?] (cat Aeyet TOIS /aa^Tjrai?
aiiTou Ka^iVare avroO e'ws aTre'Aflw wpoo--
ev'fo/aai e/cei. cai TrapaAa/Swi/ TOI' Ile-
rpoi> xal Tou? fiuo viou? Zee6at'ou, ^pfaro
AvTreto-flai Kai a^rj/aoveti/. Tore Ae'yet au-
rot? 6 'Irjo-oO? jrepi'AuTro? e<TT\v i) i/fu^i?
|u.ou e'w? flai'arou fjieivare >5e icai yprjyo-
peire /xer" e/xov. *cal 7rpo(reA0a)i' [irpoeA-
t/cpbi/, eire<rei> CTTI irpocrwirov O.VTOV
oiJievoy itai \eyo>v rrdrep /u.ov, ei
fivraroi/ e(rri.v (sic) irape\9er<a an' e/aou rb
norripLOV TOVTO jrAryv ou^ <i eya> de'Aw,
aAA* a>s crv. 'n<f>0r) Se aural ayyeAo? an'
ovpavov, evta'xvtai' aiirov. <cal yei/duevos
eV aywi'ia, eKrevea-repov jrpocrrjv'laTO. eye'-
fero 5e o iSpus auTou wo-el flpo/a^ol ai/u.a-
TO? Karafialvov [ *cara|3aiVa>f ? /carajSaiVov-
Te?] en-i TIJI* y^. eal acaerTas aTrb T^S
7rpoaevx>?S ep^eTai jrpb? TOU? fxa^rjras
(cal eupi'o-Ket avrou? KaffeuSoi/ra? <cai Ae-
yei Ta5 neVpai- oCro? (V) OUK i(rxvVaTe
Mtai/ dipai/ aypviri/yjo-ai per efiov ypjyo-
petre icai Trpoareuxecrdat [irpoffeuxeo-de], 'i/a
JUT; eicre'AflTjTe eis neipatrpov rb ju.ec TrveO-
fjj?]. IIdAii> fie CK oevrepov a.ne\9ij)v npo<r-
r]vaTO Ae'yojc IlaTep /xov, ei ou Sui/aTat
TOUTO TO TTOTTjpioi' e\6elv an' efj.ov, edv
JU.TJ TTiw auTaJ [auTo], yei/rjdrjTw TO fie'AijjtAa
Kaflev'fiofTas ijcrai' yap oi b<j>9a\fJioi av-
rS)V /3ej3apiju.eVoi [/3e/3aprj/xeVoi] vtrvta. Kal
etc rpirov rbv avrbv Adyoi/ einwv. TOTG
epx^Tai. TTpds Toi? /u.a^rjTa? (cat Ae'yei au-
TOIS KaOevSerai [<adev'6eTe] TO Aoin'bi' /cai
dvanavevOai [dvanavecrde]. 'i$rj ['Hi6ei] fie
cai 'lou'fias 6 wapafiifious . . . rbv ronov, OTI
TToAAaKi? <rvvri\dev l . . . xaiptov jrpos TOU?
dpxtepeis. r^ous 6e 6 'IrjcroO? TO /u.e'AAoi/
Ti [Ta /u,e'AAo/Ta] yevecrdat (j/ir) icaTa T&
bpt-o-fJievov [wptfffJievov], Ae'yei Tioi' fiaOrf-
riav (sic) avToi) *I8oi> ^yyt*cef ^ aipa
Kal b vibs TOU aj/dpaiirou jrapafit'SoTat, eis
Xeipas a/aapTwAaii/ eyei'pecrflai [eyetpe-
o-0e], ayw/aev e'Tei}0ej' ifiow ^yyi/cev 6 Tra-
pa8i(5ous /ae. *cai eTt avToO AaAoOfTos,
ifiou "lovfias, ei? TWC i)3 ', AajSwf Trj< criret-
pai/ /cal e/c Ta>c dp^tepea)^ /cal 4'aptcrauoi'
vnj)peTa<;, epx^rai. e/cei fxeTa <f)av>v ica.1
Aa/A7rdfia)f Kal OTrAajv, *cal jjAflei/ JIXCT* a6-
TOV Kal o^Ao? TroAu; /xera (taxaipiav K<U
fu'Aa)^ aTrb TWV ap^tepecui' Kal 7rpecr/3uTe'-
pwt' TOI; Aaou. 6 8e TrapaSiSou? avTOi
efiw/cei/ auTot? crrjju.eioi' Ae'ywv oc av cj)i-
A^crw, auTO? CCTTI KpaTTjcraTe auTOi'. 'IiJ-
crous ovv i6a>5 [ei5a>5] TrdfTa Ta
eir' avrbv, elnev atiToi? TtVa f
'A.neKpiOr)<T<i.v auTcp 'IijcroOi' TOV
palov. Aeyei auTOi5 6 'Irjcrous eyai ei/at.
io-T^KTj [Eio-T^icei] 6e Kal 'lovfia? 6 Trapa-
fiifiov? avrov per' avTot?. 'Os ovv elnev
avTOi? OTI eyai ei/u.i, aTr^A^ov ei? TO bni<r<a
Kal ene(rov x a f jia ^' Ka ^ TaAtf 6 'Irjcrou?
eTrrjpouTTjcrei' Tiva ^TjreiTe ; ei [oi] fie el-
nov 'IrjcroOi' TOI/ Na^iwpaiov. 'AneKpidrf
b 'Irjo-oi/5 Kal eiTrec * OTI eyai ei/xc oi/ <JVj-
TeiTe, Kal d^ere TOVTOUS VTrdyeii'' IVa
TrATjpajflei [TrArjpa)^^] 6 Adyo? 8i> eljrej/ OTI
ous 6e'5a>Kas /xoi, OVK ajrdAeera [djraiAecra]
ef aiiriav ovfieVa. Kal evfle'ai? 6 loufia?
7rpocreA0a>v T<3 'IijcroO etTrei' \atpe pd/ot/3>j
(wV), Kal KaTe^i'Aijcrec aiiTw [auTOi']. 'O
1 Sic. Aliqua post
cf. Job. xviii. 2. A.
omissa sunt. D. Post TrapafiiSo&s omissum est
10
ACTS OF PILATE.
[3.
oe 'Iijo-ovs elircv avru eVe'pat [eraipe], e<f>'
$ irdpei ; Tore
rds \eipa? eiri TOV '\.j\&ovv xai eitpdTrjo'a.v
avTov. Tore eis TWV juaflijTwv it^wy Ile-
rpo? eKTei'vas rds T^eZpas, dTrea'irao'ev TTJV
/ud^cupai' avrou, icai jrardfas TOV SoGAov
Toy dp^iepe'cos, d<iAev [d</>eZAev] aurow TO
tiiTLov TO Se^iov ijv oe TO ovo/xa TO! Soi/Aca
eicetVa) MdAx<*> " xai evflus 6 'IvjcroOs eiVei/
avToO TWV /xaflrjTtov ( JAC) eaTat [edre] ews
iacraro auTOi', Tu> 6e IleTpa) Aeyei ' a.7rd-
<rrpei//6V o-ov TJJJ' ff.dxa.ipav eis TOJ/ TOTTOC
i AajSotres /u,d^a(.paf ei/ /u.a-
Xcu'pa diroOavovvTai. ei [ij ?] 6o/c)j$ [SoKeis]
OTI oir Wya/uat TrapatcaAeaat TOJ' irarepa.
/u.ov, ai irapao'TTjo'j} [-crei] /u.oc rrAet'ovs j
6io<5e(ca Aeyecocas dyyeAwt', TTW? oy TrArjpw-
Sujcrti' at -ypac^ai TWI/ ffpo^rjTwi/, OTI OUTO?
[OUTUS] oet yei/eo-dai; 'Ei/ e/cetVj; Tj7 topa
etTrei/ 6 'Ir)<rous Tots S;(Aois ws CTTI AJJ-
OT/J e^>?A0eTe /nerd /xaxa.tpwj' <cai i/Awi>
avAAa/Seii' /u.e <cad' Yf^epav Trpb? u/ad? e/ca-
d^d/u.T]i' o'lSaovcwr ei/ TOJ itpaJ, cat ovic
e/cpaTrjcraTe p.e. i6oi> ai/Trj early y oipa
vjauf T(di/
ToOro 5^ ^Xor yeyovev Iva. ir\rip<i}6Q><nv al ypa<j>ai T&V
fiias 6 irpo$T}T-r)S dirtv ' SeOre /cai e/ijSctXw/iev ^Xo^ eis TOJ/ dproi' avrov,
KO.I eKffTp^u/j.ev avrbv airb yijs favrwv. Kal rb 6vopM. avrov ov /J,TJ fJ.vrj-
ff6y rei [ert] ' Kvpie * T&V dwdfj-euv, Kpivat [Kpivat ? icplv e] 5t/cota. Za-
%a/)tas 6 irpfxp-ffrris el-jrev ' rbv vbrov [V&TOV} pov ^w/ca e^s /iaortyas, Tds
5^ (TtaycDvas [rta7oj'as] /JMV eis pa7rio-/xara ' rd d irpbauirbv fj,ov OVK aire-
ffTpe\f/a airb aiffxvvrjs ejj.irTVO'p.a.TUV /cai ///>ios eyewrjd-r] fiorjdos /JLOV. Kal
ira\tv 6 avrbs elirev ws irphfiarov eirl ff<payT]v ^x^ 7 ?* Ka ^ &S dfj.vbs axa-
KOS tvavriuv [tvavTlov] TOV KrjpavTOS [ifdpavTOs] avrov, oi/rws a<pd)vos OVK
avoiyet rb <rr6yu,a aurou ev rfj raireii'iJoo'ei avrov 17 /cpicrts avrov rjpdet
Tty oe yeveav avrov rls 8n)yf)<rfTai ; "Ort aiperai airb rrjs yijs i)
v. [Compare p. 27.]
ToYe oc /otaOrjTai Trd^res d^e'iTes avToy
fyvyov.
Ei 1 o$v 6 ^lAiapxo? Kal oi vrrrjpeTai
rS)v "lovSai'wv trureAa/Sov rbv 'Iijcroui', cal
eSijtrav auTbi', cal df^ya-yoi' auTbi/ Trpbs
Ai'i'a (sic) nputrov ^ yap irevOepbs TOV
Kai'a^a, os }' dp^iepev? TOU eviavToi)
eiceicou ^v 8e Kal'd^>a9 6 <rv/u./3ovAeucra?
TOI? "louSatots, OTI <rvju.<|)e'pei ej'a aTroAe-
<T0ai vnep TOV Aaov. 'O ovv dpxiepeu? ^pw-
Tijtrei' TOV 'It)o~ovv
Trepl TaJv /madrjTwv avToO,
cai Trepl TVJS 8i6a\ijs avToO, Aeywv TTOV
oi M0>JTat o-ov oi Kavx6fJ.evo<. [/cavxw/xe-
voi] o-u'a7rodi'i7<r>ceii' o-oi , TroO oi Trapot o-ov
ww? ov^ evpeOi) TIS /Borj^ijo-e [$OTJ-
? ^orjfl^aai ?] o-oi ;
'O 6e 'IrjcroOs eiTrev eyw Trapprjaia
eAdArjaa T<j> KOtr/aa), eyw Trai'Ta eoioa^a. ev
), onov 'lovSaioi ervvijpxoJ'TO, *cai
ev Kpun-Ta) eAdArjo-a ovSev. ri pe errepw-
Ta? ; eirepiaTTffO'Ov TOUS d/CTjKOOTas, TI eAd-
Arjo-a avrot?, >cai oCroi oiSaerti' i etTrof
VfJ.lv. TavTa avrou eiTrovTO?, eis Twi' UTTTJ-
periav Trapeoriy/ca)? e&iaKev pdma'fJLa. TO> 'Ir/-
o~oi), eiTruii' O^TO? 2 diroxpivei. [dTroxptVjj]
T<3 dp^tepei ; 6 6e djrofcpiflels 6 *I>)(roi)? el-
Trev edv <cacw? eAdAjjaa, (J.a.pTvpTr)(TOV
Trepi TOU >ca/coO ^ [ei] 6e xaAw?, TI /
6e'pTj? [6e'peis] ; Kal O&TO? eo-Tiv 6 MdA^o?,
e/eetVof ov [ov ?] 6 Ile'Tpos d^iAev [d^eiAei/J
TO WTIOV avToO TO Sft.bv ev TW Kvir<a
[itr)iru>], Ka\ o 'IrjcroO? ieuraTO auTOV old
TOVTO auTo? epaTDjcrev [epdirio-ev] TOV 'Irj-
o~oi)v dvTi TOU TrArjpw/xaTOS T^S iaTpiKij?
ToTe aTTJjyayov avTov rrpb? Kai'd4>av Tbv
dp\iepea, onov oi ypa/u.ju.aTei? Kal oi ?rpe-
o~/3vTepoi o~vvfi\9rio~a.v o Se TleVpo? r)KO-
\ovOei aura! aTrb ^axpoQev ews TJJS avA^s
1 Pro ij oiJi' [o-Treipa icai] quse omissa. D.
* OUTWS. H.
3.]
ACTS OF PILATE.
11
TOV dpxiepe'ws etirijAOe S ecrw ju.era ruv
WTTTjpeTioi' iSelv TO reAos.
Oi fie dpxiepeis Kal o\ov TO avveSpiov
erJTOvv >J/ew5o/xapTwpiav, 0acaru>o i at aw-
TOV, Kal oi>\ evpof. Tore >?A0of fiwo t^eu-
SojU,dpTwpe? [Kai] eZn-Of OWTO? elnrei'
SwVa/aat KaTaAwcrai TOV vabv TOV eow,
Kal $10. Tpiiav ri/jiepiav oi/cofio/urjorat awrdi/.
elpea-ev (sic) fie TOWTO fitd TOW oro>aTO?
(sic) I Trjy dvdcTTao'ii'. Kai d^ttOTa? 6 dp-
Xiepews elffev aural ouSei/ anoKpivy rot (j/c)
owrot crow KaTa/oiapTwpowcrii' ; 'O fie 'IrjaoOs
ecrtwTra. Kal diro/cpttfeis jraAif dp^iepews
eiTrei/ auTai e^wpKi^m [ef opKi'u>] ere Kara.
TOW eoi) TOW ^Jii'TOS it'a. ^ /xrjv 2 eiTTjys
oi el 6 Xpioros 6 ucb? TOW 0eow ; Aeyet
auTaJ o-u elVas ir\rjv Ae'-yto o"ot aTrdpTi
6i//eer0e TO^ ulbi' TOW avdpianov KaOrj^evov
en Of^t'ov [ciefttoi'] T^S fiwfd/news Kai ep^d-
/xevoi' eTTi TO)!' i/e^eAa)!/ TOW ovpavow. TOTC
dpxiepeus (j/V, sine 6) fite'ppT/fe ra i/naTia
auTOW Ae'ywf OTt e|3Aao-0>jja W o-ef [e/3Aa-
Oi fie a7ro/cpi0eVTes etTTOf eVo-
XO? dai'dTOU ecrTtV. ToTe ei/eVrvcrap ei? TO
awTOw, icai e'/voAd^Tjcrai' [t/coAd-
(/jttrai'] avTov, KOI eppaTTi^bv avTOf At'-yo^-
TS ' 7TpO(|)7JTeUO"OI' r)[J.iv, XplCTTC, TtS effTlV
6 Traicras o~e.
'O fie Ile'Tpo? efw eAcdflijTO ei> T]i} ai>\fj t
Kal eOepfjieveTO [e^ep/ixaiVeToJ ef TJJ dvflpa-
/cio, fiioTi \frv\os YIV. Kal irpo<Tr)\9ev avT<j5
fjiia jraifitV/CTj Ae'youcra <cal o~w r^crBa /xeTa
'Irjcrow TOW FaAiAaiow. 'O fie ^pojaaTO
Ae'ywi' oi>K oifia Tt Ae'yet?. 'E/c SevTepov
r)\6ev dAAij cai Ae'yet TOI? WTrijpeVais
e/cei Kal OWTOJ JJi> /u,eTa "Irjaow TOW Na^a>-
pai'ow. Kai TrdAu/ ijpfrjffaTO /u.ed* opKOV ow/e
oifia TOV di'^pwrroj'. Kai pera fiutpov ^A-
Oev el? Tail' fiow'Acoi/ TOU dpxiepe'w?, crwyKat-
v^s [o-wyyecr)?] ow dn-eVo^ei/ IleVpos TO
WTi'of awTOw, Kai Ae'yei OWK eyai o~e elfiov ei/
T<3 KWTrto [KJJTTCI)] /uieT* aiiTOw ; eiTre dArjflws,
Kal oi ef avTOu el; Kai yap rj AaAid o-ou
fi^Aov o*e Troiei. Tore ^pfaTO KaTarade/u-a-
Tieiv Kal bfivveiv OTt OWK oifia TOV ac-
Optoirov. Kai evOeios dAe'KTwp ec/>uiTjcre *
Kal e/Lic>jo-0ij euflus 6 IleTpos TOW prJ/xaTO?
'Irjo'ow, etpijKOTO? awTow 3 STI Trpiv dAe'-
KTOp [dAe'KTOpa] </>tov>jcrai * Tpeis dn-api/^-
o-et/u.ai [Tpl? anapi'TJiTD /u,e]. Kai
efa>, eicAawcrei'
Tore ayova-iv TOV ^Irjaovv eirl fjyefjLOva TOV
fv Be Trapacrtcevr)
.Kal I8uj> 6 'Ioi55as STI Kal TTWS tfyayov rbv 'lyffovv tvA-jriov TOV Hi\d-
TOV, tv TpbfjUf) Kal 57/\i'^ [SetXtp] eKaTCKpidr) (sic) dia Trjs ai'crxpas tirtfiovXlas
O.VTOV Kal 7-77 ai/TOu a.iro'yv&fffi /Aera/xeXTj^ets /SouXi/xewos aTrocrTptyai Ta Tpid-
KOVTO. dpytipia r<K5 apx<-epev<r"' Kal TO?J irpe<rf3vTfyois ruv 'lovdalw Kal yvovs
(sic) [yvbvTts] avTov, ol KaKoupyoi Kal ol KaTrjyopoi r6 ftirep /Soi/Xerat 6 'loi/-
5as iroiTJo-ai, \tyovv [Xe7ou<r'] /car' aurou b/JUHpuvw, ajcta Kal 6 Xa6s aur6j/
Kal fJLbvov ^KaTrjyopovv Kal vfipifrv Kal eirdvu auroO Trjv afrlav eTl0T)<rai> *
TT}$ <rraupw(rea)S 5 /cai KaTefibovv (sic) aurou Trdjres /cal eXeyov b wpo-
S, 6 irapdvofjios, b airiffTos, b dxdpurTOS, b Tbv 5i8d<rKa\ov avrov <f>o-
s, b Trap avTOv roi)s irbdas vurTbfj.evos, b rd fiaXdiriov avTov KO.T-
X (av > Ka -l ocra 0\d)v (sic) SiSous ^ avTov, Kal Sera 6\(av airoKpvirTbfJLevos.
ecp' ^s 6 oCros ayavaKT&v Kal ^ dwd/j-evos TOI>S 6veidicr/jiovs viro^eLvai Kal rats
o-a>,maTO?. H. 2 ifilv. H. 8 avTw. H.
* Horum de Juda pars certe posterius illata videtur, ob sermonis manifestam impari-
litatem. D.
6 No crucifixion or condemnation to it had yet taken place, a fact overlooked by the
interpolator of these five lines. H.
ol?. D. Or >js may refer to aiTi'af , preceding the interpolation. H.
12 ACTS OP PILATE. [ 4.
dKoais, KO.I TOffovTov vwb irdvTwv Ka.Ta.Kpiv6fj.evos Kal vftpi?6fji.evos, Ta.pa.yev6-
pevos tv T<f vay, Kal evpwv TOVS dpxiepels Kal TOVS ypau.u.aTels Kal robs
$apwalovs, elirev yivdffKk) dXyQ&s, OTI /ca/cws ewoi^ffa Kal \d/3ere TO. dp-
yvpta a pot, 5e5c6/fare 610, TO irpodovvat TOV 'lTj<rovv irpbs tpbvov VJMV. tf/JLap-
TOV ydp irapadovs af/wt dd&ov. Oi 5e elirov Ti irpbs i)fj.as ; cri> 6\{/ei. MT;
0e\6vruv de TWV 'lovdaluv d^aadat TO. dpyijpia, pi\j/as Tavra /J,<TOI>
Kal
teal ane\&!av els TOV diKOv avroO, TTOI^- TOV TOV 0avarla<rai ai)T6v avrb? Se
<rai (sic) ayxovrjv 5ia erxoivt'ou TOW Vpe/aa- /^e'AAet a^ao-Trjo-erai (sic) rg TpCrj] r)fi.epa
aflfjvai, KOL etpev TTJV yvval<a avrov Kal oval r^iv. Kal ^ yvi/>7 aurou etTrev
Ka^rjju.eVrji' cal Truped^eiv (ji:) dAe'KTwpav avry fxrj Aeyeiv (jzV) /u.rjfie voj.^<ra? (sic) *
('<) ev T^ av9paKia e<TT(o (jzc; e? TO?) oi/Tw?, on toanep OVTOS 6 aXeK-rwp irvpia-
ev TJJ o-ovj8Aa (ttV), 1 Tpbs TOV (w; ""P<> foM ' o S " T ?7 av0 parity <j><ai>ri<rai SvVarai,
TOW ?) Y e vo-ao-0at aurbv, Kal \eyei avTg OVTWS Kal 6 'Irjo-ovs aca<rT>jo-eTai aio-jrep
avao-Ta, y^ai, oi/coro/ixT/o-6^ juiot o-xotvt'ov, Ae'yei?. Kal evdvs ei/ TW AoyaJ aur^s
OTI /3ovAo/u.at Kpe/u.a<r0^vat, 2 109 K ... r*. 6 dAe'KTwp eKeti/os efiwKev (jzir) rd? n-re'pu-
^ 5e yvvy avrov CI^TJ aurw 3 TI apa Ae- yS avrov, Kal e/cpa^ev rpirov, Elra TTI-
yets rauTO rd p^/oiaTa; Kal 6 'louSa? adels [Treto-flels] 6 'lovfias eri rrAetoi', >cal
Ae'yei avTfl yiVwaKe ei/ dArj^eta, OTI d5t- evdus e7roirj(ref TTJV dyxo'J>' 6ta o-xoc-
KWS napeStoKa TOV Sifido'/caAdi' JU.QV 'Irj- viov
vovv TOIS KaKovpyois ('<:) Jrpb? TOV IIiAd-
^al eKpefj-da-di), Kal otfrws dir^y-
^aro. Oi 5 dpxtepe?s \aj36vres TO, dpytipLO. elwov OVK Z&ffTiv fBa\eiv O.VTO.
els TOV Kopfiavd, 6'ri tiri Tiftrj a?/*ar6s ^o-riv. Su/ij3oi/Xt6y re Aa/Joi/res f)y6pa<rav
& avT&v TOV dypov TOV Kepafieus els Ta(prjv TOIS evois dtb ^K\-f)6-rj b dypbs
tKeivos dypbs afytaros ^ws TT}S 0-fjfj.epov. Tore eTrXrjpwdr) TO p-ridev did 'lepe-
fj,Lov TOV irpocpriTOV \eyovTos- Kal e\a(3ov TO, TpidKovTa dpyvpia, TT\V TL/J.TJV TOV
reTtu.-rju.evov, ov Tifj.d<ravTo & dirb TUV vi&v 'lapa^X ' Kal ebuKav aurot et's
Tbv dypbv TOV Kepaneus, Kadd <rvvTO.%e JJLOL Kvptos. 6
[ 4.] *Ep%ofjievov Se TOV 'J^crou Trpo? rbv
irpoaeKvvovv avrbv ol arparicDrcu TOU HtXciTou
Kal aXXot efAirpocrOev TOV JTtXarou
i K\ivav [eaura?] KOI al o-rj/jbalai,, teal TT poae/cvvovv
TOV 'Irjcrovv. SavfjbdfyvTos ovv eirl TU> lyeyovoTi, TOV
1 In margine in rubrica scriptum : eKpagev dAe'KTwp ev^i^eVo? [ev//rjjneVos]. D.
2 K (ut videtur) . . .' T*. (locus prorsus abrasus 4vel 5 literarum). D. Codex Vene-
tus legit ws ty d|io?. Vide Thilonem, Cod. Apoc., p. cxxix. A.
8 Between auTcj> and TI the word Aeytov is written, and erased. H.
* Legendum vo/uuVai, nisi potius Ae'ye et VO/UOTJS. A.
5 Vel eTi/awo-avTO ductu ancipiti. D.
6 In loco detrito S solum conspicitur. D.
.] ACTS OF PILATE. 13
Hi\drov CLTTOV ol 'lovoaiot, Trpo? avrov tcvpie, ov%l ra
o-rj/jueia rrpoa-eKVvrja'av rov 'Irjaovv, aAA* ol (rrpanwrai, ol
ravra Kare^ovres ayneXw?. Aeyei 6 JTiXaro? rc3 dp^i-
o~vvay(aya) "E/c\ej;ai, avSpas Svvarovs ScaSefca, ware
Ka,T6%ew avra la'xypws. Kal rovrov yevo/jievov eKe\ev-
<rev 6 TlCkdros rut vTrrjperrj eKJSa\elv e'feo rov 'Irjaovv
/cat 7rd\iv elaayayeiv avrov. Elaep^opevov 3e avrov,
7rd\iv eK\Lvav ra arj^ela teal Trpo&eKvvrjcrav avrov.
*E6avfia<7ev ovv fjLeyaXcos 6 JTtXaTO?. Ol Se ^lovbalot,
i7rov * Mdyos eVrt /cal St,a rovro Troiel avrd [raura].
[ 5-1 1 -^^7 e i o HtXaros ry 'I^erou * 'AKotiets, rl ofrrot erou
povfft, KOI OVK cnroKplvei \a.iroKpivri] ; 'AireKpldrj 6 'I^croOs Kal \yei ' Has
&vdp(i}iros ^ovffiav ^x.et rod \a\elv B, 0t\ei, efre KaXbv 6\i etre KO.K.OV '
fyovres o5f KOI avrol ov(ria.v A 6\ov<ri \tyeiv.
[ 6] EtTTOi' oi 'louSatot ?rp6s O.VT&V ' Tl ^w/xev [^XA tez/ ] ^^y^ LV irepl
<rov ; irpCrrov, 6ri ej- afj-aprlas el yeyevvrjfjitvos ' detirepov, 6n dia <r^, 6re
yevvr)dr]5, e^ovevdriffav recrcrapd/coira r^crcra/aes %tXtd,5es fipe(f>t} ' Tptrov,
STI 6 ircLTTfjp <rov Kal i] fJLriTrjp <rou <f>vyov eis Atyvirrov, 5t6 o$8v el^ov
Qappos ets rbv Xa6v. 'E?ri TOi/rots aTreKpldTjaav ol 'lovdatoi oi irapdvres
^Keiae fleocrejSeiS &v6p(airoi /cai etTrov * *H/i.e?s \yofJv, STL }} ytwrjeis aiJrou
^ a/jLaprias OVK Zcmv ' otda/j.ev yap, OTL rrfv //.T/r^pa avrov Ma/ataf 6 'Iaxrr/0
icara \67oi' ^Tjffrda^ t8aTo Tafa-rjv els T-/ip-rjffiv. Elirev 6 ITiXdros * Aoi-
trbv \f/e65e(rde i/uts oi \eyovres, OTL e% a^aprtas e<TTLV i] ytwijo-is (L&TOV.
A.eyovcrtv avrol 7rd\iv TO) TIi\dr(D '0 Xao? 0X05
fjMprvpel, on iidyos ecrrlv. 'ATre/cplOrjcrav ol Oeoae-
Se?9 ol 'lovSaloi, /cal elirov
Kal ets Tty /j.vr]<TTeLat> TTJS niTTpbs ai^rou tffjieda, Kal 'Iov8atoi tv/iev, Kal
Tracrav rrjv Tro\iTeiav avrov oiSa/jbeVj d\\a jj,dyov rovrov
elvat, ovic
01 Se raura X^yoi'res ^eo<rej36is ?i<Tav offroi* Adfapos, 'A<r6dpios, 'Avrib'
vtos, 'IdKwfios, Zapas, Sa^oi/TjX, 'IcraaK, $u>ees, Kpio-iros, AdypL-rros [Ad-
7pt7T7ros], Evfj.e<r<re Kal 'lotfSas. Aeyei ofo irpbs ai)roi>s 6 IliXdros E^s
rr)i> faty TOU Kai<ra/)os 6e\u tva. 6/jt,6<njTe, el xwpts apapTlas <TT!V i) yevvi)-
1 The special subject of 5, a message from Pilate's wife, is not found in
Paris D. H.
14 ACTS OF PILATE. [ 7.
<rts TOV avdp&irov TOVTOV. ' 'AireKptOifja'av OVTOI Kal elirav ' '0 v6/j.os TI/J.&V
bplfei iva fjLrjSev 6/j.vvwfj,ev, tin p.eyd\ri afj-aprla effTiv 6 8pKos ' irXty oe
els TT)V fw/7> TOV Kaiaapos 6/j.vvufj.i>, 6Yi x w P'S d/xaprtas eaT\v i) yevvtj-
cris avTov ' el $ \l/ev56/j.e6a, KapaTowOtyai irdvTas
Tavra TOV70DV elTTOVTwv a7TKpl6r)(rav ol tcaT7j f yopovi>-
re<? 'Jof Saioi, TT/OO? IliXdrov /cal elirov Kal 7r\eov TTI-
<7Tev645 rot? Totourot? &(t)Betca fiovois 'JouSat'ot?, rj iravrl
Tft) 7T\tj06i /cal rjjjilv a/cptySw? i$ocriv avrov /jbdyov Kal
/3\aa<t>r)/jLovvTa, Kal viov 6eov eavrov ovo^d^ovra.
[ 7.] Tore Ke\ev(rev 6 Hikdros Trdvra? t^ekdelv eK
TOV irpatrcopLov avev /JLOVCOV rwv prjOevrwv 3co8e/ca* Kal
rovrov yevopevov \eyei TT/JO? ayrov? Kpvfyiws o IIt\d-
TO9 * Tov avBpCOTTOV TOVTOV - Kard TO QaLvofJievov &pxovTes -
^everal \^>aiverai\ /JLOI, on airo fyObvov Kal /jiavtas 6i-
\ov(Tiv ol 'lovSaloi I'va (frovevo-tocrw avrov eva \ev\ yap,
SIOTI, Kara\vet rd cra/3/3ara, KaTyyopovaw avrov auro?
Be Tore Troiei Ka\ov epyov, BLOTL Oepajrevet, rovs d<r6e-
TOVTO Kara^iKfj Bavdrov et9 TOV avOpwirov OVK
. Aeyovo-tv avTKt ol ScoSeKa ' Nal, Kvpie /AOV, ov-
% y Ei~rj\dev ovv o JTtXaro9 efo) yuer* opyrjs Kal
OV/JLOV, Kal \eyet, 7T/309 TOV "Avvav Kal TOV Kald<j)av Kal
7rpo9 TOV \aov Kal elnev TOV o%\ov ov ijfapov 1 TOV 'Ir)~
(7ovv ' Tiva KaTijyopLav <f>epeT6 KaTa TOV d
TOVTOV ; fjidpTVpa e%oy TOV jj\t,ov, OTI ovoev
Vpt(7Ka) 6t9 TOVTOV TOV dvdpCOTTOV.
6xXos Kal elirev el [/J.T) ty 2 ] oCros 76775 Kal fj.dyos Kal (3\d-
/ca/co7rotos, OVK av Trpbs r6 fjLeya\elov rb <rov -fjyofjiev avrbv Kal
. Elirev 6 IltXaros * 'E^erdcrare TOVTOV vfj.e'is, Kal tirel VQ/J-OV
> Kad<jJS X^yet 6 vo/ios u/x.wj', oO'rws 7rotr)<rare. J&lirov oi 'lovSaloi ' 'O vb-
ovdeva a.vdpwrrov irapaxupei ^/x.as <povev<rat. Aeyei 6 IltXaros ' Ei
?s (poveveiv 01) /Sov\e<r6e, irbaov \Trb<r<4>\ [AaXXov eyu ;
Tore ffTpd<pT) b IltXdTOS ^ Tq> TraXar/y, Kal etfi&vrio'e Tbv '
1 o? e<j>epf. T. Perhaps TOIS oxAots (or TCU oxAw) ot tyepov. H.
* Not in Codex. H.
7.] ACTS OF PILATE. 15
elwev a.i)T<f ' Elirt pot, ffv el 6 j3atrtXei>s TUV 'lovdalwv ; 'A-rreKplQi)
6 'Ii)<rovs Kal eiTre Si> roOro Xeyeis, ^ dXXoi 'lovdalot elirov TOVTO irpbs
<r, tva fie tpuT-rjo-ys ; Elirev 6 IltAdros Kai ^n yu> 'E/Jpatos et/u ;
yuj OVK elfj.1 'Efipaios 6 Xa6s ffov 5 Kal oi dpx'epe
rds xeipds pov ' Kal eiW /iot, ct /3a(TiXei>5 eZ TcDv 'lovoaiwv.
6 'lycrovs ' 'H /3a<riXei'a 17 e/XTj ov/c Zartv ev rq> /c6(7/x.
^ ^/arj /3a<rtXe{'a ^v roiJry ry /c6(r/iy, oi crrpartwrai /x,ou oi)/c
paTt]6rjvai /ae * XOLTTOV r) jSacriXet'a yttow oi)/c ^(TT
A^yet 6 EiXdros * Td \onrbv ^3a(7tXei>s el; ElTrej' 6 'I?70-oOs ' Si)
7aj ei's roDro eyevvrjdtjv TOV fMapTVpeiv rrjv aXrjdeiav, Kal ct ris ftrrw
avdpuwos TT)S a\r)0eLas, 7rc<rreuei rbv \6yov /AOU /cai Troiet abrov. A^yet
6 IliXdros ' TL tffTiv a\r)0eia ;
'A.TTKpi6T] 6 XptcTT^s 'H dX^etd, eoTii/ ^ic rcDi' ovpavwv. A^yet
6 ITtXaros * 'Ev ry 7y 5^ ou/c ^crrti' aX^eta ; Atyet 6 X/OKTTOS *
'Eyw ei/ii 17 dX^^eia ' /cai irws ^ rg 77; Kplverai i] dXrjdcta irapa r&v
yrftvrjv e^ovcriav ;
Sf 6 IliXdros r6v Xpiffr&v fjibvov %rj\6ev ?^w, /cai X^yet ro?s 'lou-
5a/oiS ' 'E7w 01)5^ evplffKW irroLiffpM. v roirry rep avdputrtp. 'AireKpldyaav
ol 'lovSaiot ' 'H/xeiS l!fa etirwfjiev rfj /j,eya\i6Tr)ri <rov, ri elirev avros
elirei>, 6'rt dvva/mt KaraXvaai rbv vabi> TOV 0eov Kal dia rpi&v i)fji.epGji> olKO-
do/j.rj<rat avr6v. Afyei 6 HiXdros ' Kal irolov vabv elirev a [iVa] l Kara-
Xi;crei [tVa KaTa\6<Tr]] ; Eltrov ol 'Iou5aot T6v vabv TOV SoXo/iwiros, 6i>
KTL$ev 6 SoXo/iu>z' M fret [^r?;] TeavapaKovTO. Z. Aeyei 6 IliXdros
/5ta 2 [i'5/a] irpbs roi>$ dpx te Ps fal TOI)S ypaftfjaTels Kal TOVS <&api<ralovs '
Ilapa/caXcD y/ias, /iTjS^ 7roi^(rere [Trot^crare] KaKbv ets TOUTOJ' TOV dvQpu-
irov lav yap ^OL-f)<r-rjT efr TOVTOV Kaxov, ddiKa /i^XXere iroi-f)<reiv ' ov yap
ecrrt SiKaiov airodavetv TOIOVTOV d'vdpuirov, SffTts tirotyvev dyada u*yd\a
irpbs 7roXXoi)s dvOpuirovs. WTTOV ^KCIVOI irpbs Tbv niXdrov * E^ 6 dri/td-
<ras, Kvpit jj.ov, Tbv Katerapa, 0*^16? effTi 6avdTov, irb(r<$ /j.a\\ov oCros
6 drt/idfwi' Tdi* ^eov; . T6re w/3t(rei/ 6 IltXdro?, Kai e^XOov irdvres
/^w. E?ra Xe7 ry 'I^o-oO Ti 0Aeis Trotr/tru aoi; Atyet b 'I^o-ous ry
ITtXctrv Troi-r)<rov els eu.t, 6'?rw5 ^arij/ upiff^vov. 'AireKpldrj 6 'Ir}<rovs '
'0 Mawo-T?? /cai oi irpotprJTai ypa\f/av ffTavpudr)val fj,e Kal dvaffTyvai.
'AKOvvavTcs raura oi 'E^/oatot elTroi' TT/S^S Tbv IliXaTOv Ti f?rre?s
d/coOo-ai u.eya\WTtpav vppiv i avTov irpbs Tbv 6e6v ; Atyei b IIiXaTOS '
"T/3/oews X67os oSros irpbs Tbv 8ebv OVK t<rTiv tirel b Tats Trpo<pi]TiKais
ypd<f)Tai. Elirov ol 'E/3pa?oi 'H ^T^pa ypa<pi) Xtfyet 'Eav
dvdpwiros -irpbs dvdpwirov, -fjyovv eav vfiplff-rj avTbv, aibs tffTiv, tva.
1 Ob ev scriba praeteriit iv, et improbabilis conjecture Thilonis. D.
2 Recentior manus praeposuit KO.T. D.
16 ACTS OP PILATE. [ 8.
avr) pera pdfiSov ir\Tjyas TewapaKOVTa ' eav 8 ftppiffy rts rbv 6ebv,
T6re ^X0e fj.'rjvvrrjs dtrb rijs Hp6K\^s rrjs yvvawbs rou ILXarou Trpbs
a&rbv, rb 5 fjnrjvvtJLa eXeyev ' "On irp6<rexe, ^ <rvy Karats Ivo.
yevyral TL KdKbv eis rbv 'l-rjaovv, rbv Ka\bv vivdpuirov. "Ort /card
rr)V VTJKTO. <f>o(3epobs dvdpovs eldov 5i avrbv.
6 HtXaros irpbs roi>$ 'Eppaiovs ' 'Idob, tav ex ere ( s ^\
8n vfipis e<rrl irpbs rbv 8ebv, rbv \6yov Sv \tyere &TI direv 6 'I^crous,
Xa/3ere avrbv Kal Kplvare vpels /card rbv vbfjiov
ol 'lovSaioi, TO) IliXdra) r flyu-et? 6e\o/j,6v "va
aravpaxrco/jbev [crravp(t)crr)^ avrov. ^rpafals e o Hi-
Xaro? 7T/9O5 TOV \aov elSe TroXXov? K\a{ovTa<$ Kal elTrev
'Efiol Bo /eel OUK ear i, TOV \aov TTCLVTOS 6e\rj^a TOV av-
OpQ)7rov TOVTOV
Ktyovaiv ol lepeis Kal ol ypa/A/mTeiS 'H/iets 5td TOUTO rbv \abv &Tra.vra.
^ydyofjiv, tva \dp-gs ir\rjpo<f)opLav, fin Travres rbv ddvarov avrov BeKovaw,
Atyei 6 ITtXaros ' T/ yap naxbv tiroiri<rev ; l&tirov ol '
favrbv elvai \eyei Kal viov 6eov.
[ 8.] ' lovSalo? ovv Oeoo-eprjs fjueaov crra^eW, ovo-
j elire Trpbs TOV Tlikcurov Akamai T?)9
09 o~ov, eaaat /z-e elireiv Trpo? <re o\l<ya Tiva
. *E(f)7] 6 JTiXaro?* ELTTC. Aeyei, 6
ou elira rot? lepevcrt, Kal rot? AeviTai? Kal rot?
l TO) Xaa> Trapow ev Ty <Tvva<ya)<yf)' Tiva \6yov
%6T6 KaTCL TOV avOptoTTOV TOVTOV ; OVTO? avOpCOTTOS
TroXXa OavfjuaTa iroiel, ola avOpcoTros TTOTC OVK 7rolrjav
ovSe fjbrf TroLijaeL. >r A<t>T6 ovv avTOV Kal el /J,ev eaTlv
aTTO 6eov oo~a ^roiel, la-TaaOai, fie\\ov(Ti,v, el Se eo~Tiv
CLTTO avQpcoTTGDVi KaTa\v6rjvai
Ka0a>s eytvero Kal orav dir^ffTeiXev b Oebs TOV Mwuo'^i' eh TTJP Alyv-
TTTOV, Kal elire irpbs avrbv b $apacb ^3a<rtXei)s AiyiJTrrov iVa troi-f}^ a-rjfj.eiov, Kal
Efra el^ev 6 4>a/>aa> Kal pdyovs 55w, rbi> 'lavrjv ['lawijv] Kal
9.] ACTS OP PILATE. 17
l avrol
6Va eTroLr)<rev 6 Mwycr^s efyov 5 ol Aiyvrmoi roi)$ Totourous pdyovs us
deovs 5t6rt 3 OVK fyav CKCIVOL CK 0eov, KareKiOrjcrav ola ei
OVTO? ovv 6 'I^a-oO? TOV Ad^apov avecrTT)(7e, Kal
Aia TOVTO Seojjiai arov, /cvpie JAOV, Iva /J,r)&ev
o~^5 (frovevOfjvai, rov TOIOVTOV larpov KOI ^a)OTp6(f)ov.
J E6vfjLO)Orja-av ol 'Eftpaloi, Kara rov Nifco&rj/jbov, Kal el-
Trjv a\r)deiav TOV 'Irjaov 'iva TrapaXa/S?;? Kal
r iva 6^77? per avrov. Aeyei 6 NiKoBrj/jLos
dfirjv, a/jirjv yevoiro /JLOI, KaQw X^yere.
[ 9.] Tavra etVo^TO? TOV NiKo&rj/jiov erepo?
*E/3paios \eyei rw UiXdra)' AeofJuaL (rov, Kvpie JTtXare,
aKOV&ov KCL/JLOV. '70) eKetfjurjv acrOevwv eVl K\Lvrj<; errj
TpiaKovra OKTa), Kal l$a)v fj>e eXvTTijOrj, Kal eljre pot,'
'Eyeipov, apov TOV Kpd/Bfiarov <rov, Kal vTraye et? TOV
olKov aov. Kal ev ro3 elTreiv /JLOI TOV \6yov rjye
Kal TrepieTraTovv. Ae<yovo~iv ol 'lov&aLot,'
avTOv, ev Trola rjfAepa rr^? efiSoudSos TOVTO eyeveTO.
a/sas Kal TO K\ividL6y ffov, \eji eKelvo? ' 'Ev (Taff/BaTO). El-
irov ol 'Iou8atot* Kal \onrov aX^^w? 77/1,6?? \eyo/jLev, OTI
TO o~d/3/3aTov ov Ttjpel. f 'ETepos Tcakiv o~Tadel<; ev fiecra*
elTrev 'Eyco eyevvtfOrjv Tf<Xo? Kal Tropevopevov TOV
'Irjcrov KaTa TTJV oBov efiorjcra TT/OO? avTOV \eywv e\e7j-
o-ov fie, Kvpie, vie AaviS. Kal \afia)v irrfXov e^pia-e
fjiov TOVS 6(f)Qa\}jLov<;, Kal evOvs avefiXe^a. "Erepo? etTre-
KuXXo? rf/nrjv, Kal l$a>v avTOV e^orjaa- eXerjo-ov /^e, KV-
pie. Kal Xa/3oyLt6yo? (sic) pe rr}? %et/305, evOvs ^epO^v.
"^4XXo? el-rev 'Eya XeTrpo? fy, Kal Ido-aTO pe povov
Sta \6yov. EvpeOr) eKel Kal <yvvrj ovoaa^oaevrj BepovUr),
Kal eiTrev r/ Ort ScoBeKa r\v CTTJ 70) ev pvcrei, aiyu-aro?,
Kal aovov TOV I^OLTIOV avTOV TT)? aKpas rjilrduijv, Kal ev-
6v<s IdOrjv. Aeyovaw ol 'lovbaioi,* MapTVplav
18 ACTS OP PILATE. [ 10.
6 vojjios ov TrapaSe^eTYU. "A\\oi dvOpawroi eftorjcrav
OuT09 o dvOpcoTTOS TrpoffriJTijs ecrrlt /cal ol balfjioves av-
TOV <f>o{3ovvTcu. Aeyei, 6 ITtXaro? * Kal TTW? oubev
e<f>o(3ovvTO OVTW KOI rou9 yovels vfjiwv TO, Sat/jiovia ;
Aeyov&iv K6tvot> Ov yivcao-Ko/Aev. "A\\ot TraXiv el-
TTOZ/* Tbv Adfapov rerapralov ovra ev ro5 fjLvijfjiari real
Sia \6yov fjiovov avea-rrjcrev. 'A/covo-as ovv o JTtXaro?
rrjv avdcrrao-iv rov Aa^dpov e(f)o/3ij0r}, /cal \eyei, TT^O?
TOV \aov Aia rl 0e\T, iva %v(T7]Te (sic) alpa Sl/caiov
[ 10.] Elra 7rpocreica\(TaTO TOV Nncbr)fjLov KOI rou?
ScoSe/ca 6fo<repis ' lovSaiovs, KOI elire TT/OO? avrovs '
Tl \eyere f (va TTOL^O-O), on o Xao? Tapda-verai ; Aeyov-
div e/ceivoL Ov
6 /3oi5Xei [/SOI/XT;], troiriffov ' 6 Xaos d &<rov iroiel, dSt'/cws Trote?, 'iva
roDro. 1
o ITtXaro? efw KOI \eyet, 7rpo<? TOV
OtSare, art eV rat? eoprat? TWV d^vfiwv eVrt o-v
iva e\v@pa) Sc ?7yLta9 [u^a?] eva dirb TWV
et? typovpav virevOvvwv %a) ovv ev T{J (j)v\a/crj /ca/covp-
jov \rj(7Tr)V, \6y6fjb6vov Bapafiav, e^co /cal TOV 'Irjcrovv,
0(7T/9 7TOT6 KaKOV OVK &JTO11)(T' TiVa OVV K TCOV &VO 6e-
\T tva d7ro\v(T(o V/MV ; ^AireKpiOrj o Xao?
f)fju,v TOV Bapaffav. Aeyet 6 JTtXaro? TL ovv
TOV 'ITJCTOVV; Aeyov(7i,v eicelvoi' ^TavpcoOijTco. TId\t,v
efiorja-av erepot ef avT&v 'Edv TOV 'Irjcrovv aTroXu-
0-779, OVK el <^>/Xo9 TOV Kaicrapos, SI^TI vlbv Beov eavTov
Kal fBaa-Ckea' Kal eav eXevOepwa-ys avTOV, jlve-
a(7tXet'9, Kal] ytteXXet \a/3elv Trjv /3ao~i-
\eiav TOV Kalcrapos.
1 Fort, iva aipaxri TOUTOI'. T.
10.] ACTS OP PILATE. 19
'Edvfj.d!}dr} ovv 6 IliXdros KO.L elire ' HdvTore -f} yevea v^&v ty Sia^oXtK^
Kai dViOTOS, Kai act Trpos TOVS evepyfras V/AWV ijre avridiKOi. EITTOJ' ol
'Efipcuoi ' Kai TtVes fjaav THJ.&V evepyfrai ; Aeyei 6 ITtXdros '0 Beds
6 e\v0epu<ras u/xas CK T&V Xfip}i> $apa&, Kai dtaTrcpdcras fyuas rr\v pv-
6pav 6d\a<r<rav u>s tiri 7?pas, Kai xoprdcras ^as l vowp K ir^rpas Kai 6 Sofis
[vfjuv] vofMOv, fo KareXiArare TOV 6ebv apv^ffa^voi ' Kai el yurj Mwu-
t<TTa.6r) irapaKa\uv rbv Oebv, irtxpip Bavdry av ^XXere iravres irap-
H.O.VTWV otiv tifelvwv tire\d6e<rdc. Otfrw 5^ /cat vvv \tyere, 2 ovdtv
ayairCj eyu TOV Kaitrapa, dXX' ?x w M' " ? et 's atirbv, Kai 6t\u tva ^7rt/3oi;Xei5o-o-
/x.at [e7ri/3ouXei}aatyu] Kara TTJS /SacrtXetas ai)rou. Kai raura eiTr&v 6 HtXaros
TOU dpovov pera 6v/j.ov, dt\wv (pvyelv ef aurwi'. "E/cpa^ai' o5v ol
\tyovTfS 'H^tets T^^ Kat'crapa 6\ufjiev [0t\o(ji.ev] f3a<n\ffai
ov TOV 'lycrovv, 5t6rt 6 'Irj(rovs K T&V pdyuv ^S^aro %ap^(r^iara. Kai
TOVTO Kai 6 'Hp<J)8r)s, Sri j3a(TiXei>s /x^XXei yevfodai, Kai r}$^\^ffv 'iva <po-
aitTbv, Kai tv TO^T^ aTT^oretXe *cai air^KTfive irdvTa ra ftp^ij ra e?
Ata roOro 5^ /cai 6 'Iwo-r?^ 6 Trar^/o aurou /cai 7^ At^"7/> auroO
%<pvyov airo TOU 06/8ou ayrtDi/ [aurd)i'?J e^s rrji' Ar7U7rroi'. 'AicoiJo-as rot-
yapovv 6 niXdroj roi>s TOIOI/TOUS X67ows Afai 0o/3r;^eis KaTeffiyrjae irdvra
rbv \abv [/cai X^yet] * Kourbv oSros ^<rr' 6 'I^o-oCs, 6v ^^ret T6re 6 'Hp<6-
5^s (povevvai ; Atyovviv af/T^i ' Nal. Tvwpiffas ofo 6 ITiXdros, 8ri
r^s t-rrtKpaTeias fori TOV 'HpwSou, cl>s IK TOV ytvovs Ka.Tay6ptvos T&V 'lou-
Salwv, dTr^o-reiXe r^ 'I77<ro0^ 7rp6s afobv. Kai ZSajy aur^f 6 'Hpc65?7S
' fy yap tiridvfj.&i' Idelv avTbv, OLKOVWV ra davftaTa a tirotei.
ovv avTbv t/xdrta Xei/a, clra ^p^aro aJr6v tpUTqv ' H6dev el
Kai ^/f Trotou "y^ous ; 'O 5^ 'I?7(roDs diroKpurtv OVK eowKev avT$. Qt\uv
$t 6 'Hpc65?;s ISe'iv Kai 6avua Tl TTOTC yevbpevov irapa TOV XptaroG, Kai IJ.TJ
Idwv, dXX' STI ou5^ aireKplvaTO ?rp6s avTbv Tbv rvxbvra \6yov,
afoot? avdis irpbs Tbv IliXdrof. '0 3 Xaos tKpafrv ' Sraiy>a>0i7rw.
TOVTO l$a>v 6 UtXaTO? el-Tre rot? vTrypeTcas avrov aya-
yelv vSojp, KOI ovroi efyepov. Nnrrofjievos ovv ra? ftelpas
fjuera rov vSaros (f>rj TT/JO? TOV \aov *A6a)6s et/xt CLTTO
TOV aifraTQS TOV Ka\ov TOVTOV avOpctiirov
OTi dSl/CO)S TOVTOV (froveVeTCU [<f)OVVT],
1 Some words not found in Codex D are here supplied by Thilo, probably from Codex
Venetus : TTJP 6pTvyo/u.7JTpav, ex ire'rpas dvtK/xov jroriVas TO vwp, <cal 6 Sous. H.
2 Thilo supplies STI. H.
8 Thilo supplies dwb. H.
* Omisit Codex. D.
20 ACTS OF PILATE. [ 11.
tirel otfre yd> edpov eV aur alriav, dXX' otfre 'H/)c
%irefj.\f/ev a&dis TOVTOV Trpbs fee UnrurBev.
Elirov ol 'lovSaloi To alfta avrov e'</>' ^/ia? ical eVl
ra Te
01 5 &pxiep& tdopvftovvTO TT/)OS rdv Xa6v, Tva ai)T6v <Tvvro/j,6Tepov (sic)
&iro\t<ru(nv. '0 5^ Xa6$ aS0ts 7rp6$ rdv HtXaTov . . . l T6re X^7ei
r 'It)<rov 6 IltXciTos ' S> el 6 /3a<nXei>s TWJ' 'louSa/wv ; '0 5 'I7;a-o0s and-
Kpuriv OVK ZduKev aury. A^7 6 IItXd,TOS * 'E/*ol ov XaXets ; ou/c oZSas, 6'rt
x w aravpuxral <re, icai t%ovcrlav lx w a7roXO<ra^ (re; Et?rev o5j*
6 'I^trous Ou/c x ets /ca/xtav (j/V) ov(riav xar e/xou, ei /AT; ^ (rot
[ 11.] Tore efcdOicrev eh rov Opovov avrov 6 ITtXa-
T05, tVa Troi,r)(rr) airo^aaiv Kara rov 'Irj&ov. "
ovv /cal r)\0ev efMTrpoaOev avrov 6
Kai 2<pepov trr^avov e* aKavdwv, Kal ^OirjKav tirl rty KftpaXty ai5-
TOU, Kal Kd\afJt,ov ttrl rr)v 5eiat> x^P a '
Elra eVowycre Trjv cnrofyaviv, Kal \eyet, Trpo? avro
'H yeved (rov Xeyet /cal fiaprvpel ere, cm ^e
&a TOUTO
\fs(i)(n Trp&rov /tero: pdj3Sov Tr\7jya3 T<rcrapdKOVTa, Kad&s opifovffiv ol
T&V jSao'iX^wj', /cai ?^a (re Ifji.Tral^ua'i, Kal reXevrato^ iVa
o$v a7ro0((7eajs yevoiJ,4t>r)S irapa rou ntXarof, ijpj-avTO ol
rbv 'I^aoDv, oi //.ev pdj35ois, ol 5 x e P <r ' J/ ^ ^ e irofflv, ol
5e Kai e^s r6 irpbtruTrov aurou ZTTTVOV.
Evdvs ovv Karao-Kevdcravres TOV (rravpbv v'/rrf
7T/009 TO o-Tavpwcrai avrov Kal Sovres TOVTOV TT/JO? av-
TOI/ TT6TavTO oSeveiv.
Kal o(5rw 7ropei;6/xei'os, faffrafav Kal rbv ffravpbv, ^\
S ir6Xews 'lepovoXtifJuav. 'A.irb T&V TTO\\U>V oSv TrX-rjy^v Kal airb TOV
1 There must here be an omission in the Codex. H.
11.J
ACTS OF PILA
fidpovs TOV ffravpov pr) dvvdfAfvov TOVTOV (sic) Trepiiraretv, oSroi, K rrjs
e7rtdvfj,ias ^s flxov oi 'lovdatot crTavp&ffai avrbv Td\os, apavres air av-
rov rbv (TTavpbv, Kal {-duKcus avrbv irpos nva TLvprivalov ffvvain"f)ffa.vra.
avrols, ovofjiaTi St'/iwi/a, ^epxofj.^vov * air' dypov, &rm efye ovo vlovs,
' A\eav5poi> /ecu 'Povfiov ' Jjv 8 dirb Kvp^vrjs TTJS iroXecos ' ZduKav
oftv irpbs avrbv rbv aravpbv, oi>x ws tXeovvros [eXeoupres] TOV 'Irja^ovv Kal
\a(ppvvovres ctTro rov fidpovs avrbv, d\\' tiridvp.ovvTe'i, ws eiprjrai, (povev-
ffai avrbv ffWTO/j.u}Tepov, eyKdpewav [rjyydpevffav] avrbv rbv TLvpi]vaiov t 'iva.
apy rbv GTavpbv avrov. Kat (pepovffw avrbv lirl ToXyodd Toirov, & ian
irpbs TO dpvCov fiov ' Sore fioi, dvfipe?, TO-
TTOV, OTTW? (cAau'crw TOP vidp MOV, TO dp-
ptov T^S (//u^ijs MOV, TO fluAa-yyaAaKTOp
[sic i an OrjAoydAaKTOP ?] TWP /u.ao~da>p /u.ov.
oTe fJ-oi, dpcipes, TOTTOP, OTTO)? deoptVat
[tfeajp^crcuj Kal (cAau'crw TOP vidp (JLOV.
Kal TO o~T^dos aiiT^s TVJTTovtra Kal ej3da
Aeyouaa Ot/xot ot/oiot, yAvKWTaTdp /u.ou
TCKPOP, (/jaj? TUP bnndrtav fiov, TTOJ? VTTO-
|xeV(i> 6e<apS>v ere CP Ta> crraupoj Kpe/xd/ae-
POP; Ot/xot ot/xot, SeOTe ffdpTes KAavo~aTe
TTJP TeTpauju.aTio>ie'pijp jaou i//u^^p OTI.
TOP /u.opoycpi) jixov VIOP decopw ETT'I vravpou
Ttav
oZv e/cei ex
aiirov b 'Itoayyi}?. elra <f>v-
yiitv virdyet Trpb? rrfv BeoTOKov, /cat Ae'yet
/u.era SaKpvtav Si itvpia. fj-ov Kal /oi^rep
TOW fiifiao-KaAov pov, irou rfff
^Atfes, tVa 18)7? TI eyeVero ;
etceivrj Tt eo'Tii' orrep cYeVe
6 "IwavvTjs yivttMTKe on firia
5aiot rbi' fitSaa/caAdi' /^ou, rb
Kal virdyovcriv iVa oTavpuio'wa'iJ'
Kal dcov<ra<ra TOUTO ^ de
aurov, e/cpafe /neydAjj Tjiy <f>u)vfj, Kal e/3o'a
Aeyovera Oi/xot oi/xot, vie /itou -yAv/cvTare
Tt 5pa KaKOf C7roi'i)(ra? TOIS 'louSai'ots ;
Kal vndyova'iv <re n-po? TO aravptuaai.
a. Kal OVK
'A.ireKpiQri
o ; Aryet
av oi 'lou-
<rb' viov
xal airrjpx TO xAatovaa. Kara rrjf 65bi/
!7coAou0oui' auTij (cat yui'atAce?, ^ re Map0a
Kal Mapt'a ^ MaY5aAT7i/Tj, /cat 17
Kat erepat napOevoi. r\v Se Kal
fAeT* avTij?. 'Os GUI' e<})9a<Tav et? TO jrA^-
dos TOU oxAov, Ae'-yet 17 0eoTOKO5 rrpbs TOV
'l<aavvr]v irov e<rrlv 6 tno? JU.DV ; Ae'yet
6 'Icoai/i/Tjs ' 'Opas e/ceti/oi/ [TOP </)OpoucTa
TOP <7Te'<^ai'0'] TOP aKavflii'OP Kal Ta? \ e ^~
pas 8e8e/u.eVoi' ; "Axovo-ao-a 17 0eoTo/co?
Tas xeipas 5e8e/u.eVop Kal ifioOcra avTOV,
/xtcre [a)Atyoi/>v^ij(Te], Kal eTrecrei'
\a/j.al eis Trjv yTJf Kal CKCITO
iopav. Kal at yvvalites oerat IJKO-
' aiiTjij, to'Td/u.ei'at yupajflei' (j/c) au-
T>}S Kal K\aiov. 'A^' ov Se Kal ave-
nvevve Kal riyepOi), Spafjiovaa co? Aateca
[Ae'atfa] virb [dnb] dypov Kal Stapprj^aera
Ta t/xaTia aiirr)?, ovpapoAo'^oos (jir) VJTC-
^AeVeTO TOIS 'Iou5aiois Aeyovaa ' SOTC (J.oi,
avctpcs, bSbv TreptTraTijo-ai Kal nttrai, (sic)
Trpos /xe. SeuTe d/covo-aTe Aaot, ^>vAal Kal
yAwo'crai, TOIOUTOP Bdvarov dStKOP efiwKap
TOW vtou (u.ou (jzV). Kal TrdAtp -yeywpOTepa
e/Sdrjcrep <^WP>JP fxeydArjp (JZ.T) Aeyovo-a
vie /u.ou, vie ju.ov, irov TO KaAAo? e5u T^S
/0p<>>); crov ; rws dypaipio'TOS <f>aivj) ftoi ;
Trdis luro/aetpto 06b>petp <7e TOiauTO wd-
tr^opTa , Kal TauTa Ae /j yovo~a ervirre TO
o*Trjdo? avT^s, Kal KaTtfepat [xaTefaiPe]
jU.Ta TWP OPU^WP Tb 7rp6tra>flrop avT^s, Kal
jSapew? o-TCPa^opTa [o-Tepd<Jbv<ral eAeye '
irov eStejSrjo'ap (j/V) Ta dyafld oo^a 7rotTj-
o~a? ep TJJ 'lovSata ; Tt KaKOp Trpb? TOWS
'louSatov?, vie /xov, 7rotTjo-as ; dpTt dya-
dd)p KaKa eAa/3e? dpTl TOW dyaTrdp o"e,
vie juov Tra^^t'ATaTe Kal yAvKVTOTe, TOP
\ftoyov irpoffetfrepaa'i.v [7rpoa'e(/)e'poo'ap?]. Ov-
TCOS OVP ifiopTe? avT>jp oi *Iov5atoi flprjpou-
o~ap Kal Kpd^ovo~ap, r)\9ov Kal eSiuiKOV
avTrjp dffb T^S ofioO ^ 6e OVK eiriQero
[eTretfleTo] <^vyetp, dAA* e/uiepe, Kal e/3da
Ae'yovaa t^opevcraTe e/xe TrpwTOP, 'lovSaiot
Trapdpo/ktot.
1 c'f ep X 6>epop. T.
22 ACTS OF PILATE. [ 11.
Tore a7T0~(t)6'rjo-av * e/? TOV \yo/jivov /cpavlov TQTTOV,
09 rfV \l6oCTTpWTOS, Kal KL (TT7)(TaV Ol 'lovSaiOl TOV
o-ravpov. Kal egeSvcrav ra l/juana ai>Tov t /cal
<ravTO ravra OL o-Tpariwrai, TTpbs eavrovs.
Kal cdidovv avr$ mew t<rnvpvKTfJievov olvov ' 6 de otic tfXajSev. avrbv
Se evedvcrav )(\a^v5a KOKKIVIJV ' rovriariv p&(rov (sic) KOKKIVOV ' Kal ir\-
artyavov % aKavduv, ^ir^OrjKav eirl TT\V KeQaXrjv avrov Kal yovvire-
6 /3a(riXei)s rQ>v 'lovdaiwv. Kat efjurrvaavres avrbv, %\afiov TOV Ka\a/j,ov Kal
ZTVTTTOV els rr\v Ke<pa\r)v avrov. Kal ore eveirai&v avrov, Qtovvav avrou TTJV
X^-afJivdav (sic), TOVT^TLV rb paaov (sic) ' 5 KaXeirai Troptyvpa? Kai IvtSvvav
avrbv ra i/xdrta ra f5ia, Kal e^dyovcriv avrov Iva o-ravpuQ-y. Kal aravpA-
ffavres avrbv, dieftepivavro ra t/idrta avrov, (3d\\ovres K\r}pov fir* avra,
rls rl apei [dpel, D.; apyl A.]. 8
TJV Be wpa g TT}? ^/xepa?. 4 avej3i/Saa-av ev TW
/cal o-TaupaxravTes avrov Kal
t)v 5 TI tiriypacpr) rrjs Glas 5 (sic) avrov y^ypafi^v-rj fir avr$ ypdfj,/j.affiv
\\IIVIKTJS [eXX^j't/cots] Kal /sw/xatVcTjs [pw/xaiVcois] Kal efipa'iKrjs [efipaiKols] \eyuv
(sic) ' oSros <rriv 6 fiao-iXcus ruv 'lovdaLuv.
o~v(7ravpovcnv avrw &vo \rjo~ra2s (sic)? eva IK
Kal eva %
Kal ol irapaTTopevofj-evoi e/3Xa<r0i^ow avrov, KOIVOVVTCS [KIVOVVTCS] ras Kt<pa-
Xas avrCiv Kal \tyovres ' Ova, 6 KaraXvwv rbv vabv, Kal ev rpurlv i]fj^-
pats olKoSo/j.wv, ff&ffov veavrbv, Kal Kard^di fab rov vravpou. '0/J.olus
Kal oi ap'x.iepeis e^iraL^ovres irpbs dXX?;Xous //.era rwv ypa^fjiarewv eXe-
yov ' &\\ovs Hcrucrev, eavrbv ov dvvarai ffuxrai 6 Xptar^s 6 vlbs rov
/carajSdra; vvv dirb rov o~ravpov, Iva tduiftev Kal
1 There must be an omission here. We might supply oi juaflijTal avroO, ot 8e o-rpa-
airrjya.yova.vTbv. H.
8 Non recte igitur Thilo dixit hxcpauczs exceptis cum [Cod.] Ven. consentire. D.
3 This paragraph, though out of place, must have been inserted before the time of Jus-
tin -Martyr. Compare Indirect Testimony, Note A, foot-note 57. H.
* The MS. has not ore. H.
S am'as. H. c Ajjoras. H.
11.]
ACTS OF PILATE.
23
Kal TO.VTO. TrdAtv aKOueras (sic) 17 Oeoro-
KOS, Autrovjae'i/Tj Kai e< /3d0ov (sic) KapSt'a?,
0TpiyK7<7as (sic) /neydAjj TJJ <f>(avf) /xerd
/Sape'os oTevayjuou Kai TriKpOTaTcof So-
Kpvcoc irapanovovra (sic) eKpafev irpb?
TOP apx^yyeAoi' Ta/SpirjA. Aeywf a> Fa-
/3piT)A dpxdyyeAe, TTOU el (/eai OVK HGTIV
coSe) ii/a 5ixdro|u.at /aerd o~ou ; raOra ei-
onv OTrep ($zV) eAeye's /not eV TO> euayyeAi-
<r/AuI, Kai eirres /xot ; X a ^P te^apiTw/acVrj
Mapt'a, 6 Kvpios /nerd <roG. 'O^iouos Kai
rd AocTrd rov euayyeAia/iou Kai rrtos OUK
eiTres JU.DI Tore rr)i> roiavryv aiTiay ; OTrep
vvv jSAeTTwerii' (V) oi b&vvypoi /xou b<f>0a\-
fi.ot, TO. d/aerpa /Sdcrai/a TOW jaoi'oyei'oOs /AOU
viou. IIw? Tore OUK ein-e's /u.oi TOV aSt/cov
Qdvarov TOW yAvKUTarou Kai /xoroyei/ous
fxow vioi) ; 7rd>? Tore ou/c eiTre's /not TT]V
irapova'df /aou Kai airapa.fi.v6r]TOV <?Ai'i/ui/ ,
wais Tore OVK eiTre's JLIOC rbf d^erpov iro-
vov Kai rpoftov TIJ? Te^Aijii/uieVTjs /now ^v-
^TJ? Kai /capita? ; jrtos Tore OUK elnres jixoi
TOV dfeK8irjyjTO' Kai TeflAijUjOievoi/ (,y/f)
Xwpta/xbf TOW dyaTrTjTou /nou viou, icai
TTJV <TTepij<ri.v TOJJ/ eo"KOTio~ju.efwc /xou
o^daAjauJc ; JTCJS Tore OUK eiire? fxou (jz'c)
TT/J' TravTrt'/SouAof [TraveTri^ouAof ?] napdS<a-
aiv TOW wiou fxou irapd TO> SoAt'a) (/>tAjj/xaTt
TOV irapa^d^ov 'lovfia, TOV /xaflijToO Kai CTTI-
jSouAou ; Kv'pie, eAerjcrof * JTWS ^a> ; Kvpie,
* TTOJ; dj/aTri'ew ; Kvpte, eAe'ijaoi' *
[TTV(f>Aa)jLieVot] JK.OV Kai
6(|>0aA/xoi /BAeVovo't ToaauTa
j3do~a>/a TOU yAvKVTaTOV /aov Kai o'TrAay^i't-
*ou /u.ou viov ; Ktfpie, eAeijo-oc * TI'S ev
irda"fl rrj oiKOV/w.eVj7 etx' TOIOVTOV? Trdi'ovs
Kai evpeQr) (sic) KaTacr/SeVai /aov TOVS TOIOV-
TOVS /SapuTaVov? Trdfovs Kai erTevay/iAov?
TOV xu>pio>i,oO TOU jaovoyevovs MO" viou ;
Ol/aoi ol/aoi, vie /xov 7raju.(|>i'ATaTe TTOV Ka-
Ta^u'yo) ij wou irpoaSpd/uiw ; oi/xoi, r4<vov
cat irws <^)av7jorofxat TOI? di/0pcu7rots T^s
TOtJ-avTrjs AvTTTj/AeVrj? Kai TrapaTroi/e/xe'vrjs
(sic) ; ti el\<av [ei^oi' ?] Ae'yeii/ Kad' eavTaic
VTrep efjie ; ot/xot ' avTrj COT'II/ TOU ToSvi/o?
KeKpivo/aei/ov ('<:) ' OTrep (sic) eKaAeiTO /3a-
aiAeus Kai vib? TOU fleov. Oijxot, vie /LIOV
yAuKUTaTe Jrais e^w /arj ju.vr/crd^i'at T^S
Kai aTrAayx^tK^s aov dydjrijs
dAA' eto? Oavdrov effTdxrav eV e/aoi Av"ffij,
dAtv/fi?, wdvoi, fiaKpua Kai CTTei/ay/aoi dwapa-
/AvflrjTa Kai OVK eo*Tic, vie f.ov, dAATj
jraprjyopta eV e/ioi ovSe/xia, OTI apTi
jSAe'TTw, x<i>piofj.a.t. dirb arov * Kai AOITTOJ',
vie /u.ou, a7ro5a!'ou/u.at Kayo) a/xa aui' croi '
Kai eA^eVto, 5e'o/xai aou, vie, 6 dp^dyye-
Aos Fa/3pi7jA 6 Sciaa? /ixoi nptarov Tore \a-
pdi', Kai CTVi^eu'fet Trjv ^jv^v fjiov (jLerd
<rov. Kai io'Ta/iiei'Tj Kai 66vpojaevrj 17 0eo-
TOKOS Kai ^Ae'n-ovo-a rrpb? TOI/ vibi/ OVT^
TOV /xocoyei/^, jrdAit' eKpafe </>wi/^ /ixeydAj;
Aeyovaa vie /xov, vie /uov. TOTC o-Tpa-
0eis Trpb? TTjf fxrjre'pa 6 'Iijo-ov? Kai io'div
TTJV /arjTepa Kai TOV 'IwdVyijc i<TTdnevov
TrAijcrt'oi/ auT^? Kai KAaioi/Ta /xeTa TWJ/ Aot-
Trwi/ yufatKwi', Kai eiwev Trpbs T;V 0eoT<j-
KOV 6 'Irjo-ous' Fvi/at, iSou 6 vid? o-ou.
'ErreiTa </>7j<ri' jrpb? TOI* '\iadvvrfv iSov
q /arjTrjp aov. 'H Se ^COTOKO? K\aiiav
eicpavyaei> Aeyovaa Sid TOVTO o-e KAat'w,
vie' /LIOV, SIOTC ae wapeSaiKai' oi Trapdi'Oju.oi
'lovfiaiot ei? iriicpbv Qdvarov, a>s eVeivot
oi TeTV0Aa>/u.eVot vojuti^ovr (V)* dAAd 6
Odvaros (TOV, vie JLIOV, dyio? Kai SiKaid?
eo-Tif xai o-wTT/pia TOU Kocr/aou oAou eu-
pt(T0^o"6Tai. Kai Trpbs efJ.e TrdAiv Ae'yw
j(u>pi? o~ov, vie JU.OV, Ti eya) yel/jjerofial ;
e/crds o~ov TTWS rj(T(ii ; noTairrjv /StoTrji* St-
df to ; TTOV oi jxa07jTai CTOV oi Kavxw/K.ei/ot
ervfaTTO^c^o'Ken' (rot ; irou oi irapd <rou
tadeVTe? ; Kai Trpbs TOV (rravpbv d<f>o-
pa>cra eAeyei/ ' /cAivoi', CTTavpe, iVa ireptAa-
Povaa. TOV viov fJ-ov, Kai KaTa<^)iAJ(ra> Ta
o-TrAdyx*"! MOV, Ta $u'AAa T^S KapSt'a?
/xou, of eV TOIS naffOois TOU'TOIS evorp6-
TTWS, ws (U.r) dvSpa yvovtra, e'0>jAa<ra ' KAi-
voc, CTTaupe, /SovAojueVfl Ttp (^lAraTai /xou
viu> TrepiirAaKfji/at ' KAii/oc, aTavpe, iVa
TCJJ Tro^et^OTdTa) /nov viw cos /ot^Tijp o~v/Ttx-
fai [trvi'Td^wju.at] Kai KaTa$iArj<rw. IIou rb
KaAAos <TOU, vie fiov topaidraTe ; TTOU CTOV
oi [17] evTrpe'Treia, 6 lopaios Trapd TOUS viou?
Tiof di'flpioTrwi' ; OUK e^ets 1805 [etfios] ouSe
KaAAos, yAuKUTaTe vie' VTTO \eip<av irapa-
von<av AoiTrbv o~itv o~ol aTroflafou/xai.
TauTa aKOvaavTes oi 'lovSaun irpo<re\06v-
Tes eSicofaf avrrji' Kal Tas yv^aiKas Kai
TOV 'ludwyv V.O.KPO.V.
T6re
afutprLav TaijTtjv
Kai
MT;
ov yap otda.<rtv rl Trotovtnv ol &6\ioi.
els a.trb ruv aTpa.Tiur&i' ' /cai
"Eireira X^yci
ffirbyyov Kal
24
ACTS OF PILATE.
[ 11.
avrbv Kal 0fis M Ka\dfj.ov eTTOTifrv avTbv Kal yev<rdu.vos OVK
view. Oi oe 'lovdaioi icrTafj.evoL Kal fiXeirovTes KaTayeXuv [
avrbv Kal eXeyov ' eav dXr/0iDs eXeyes on vios el TOV 6eov, KaTd^rjdi dirb
TOV ffTavpov, Kal irapevdvs tva Trt<TTevff<j}fJiev els o~e. "Erepoi f-Xeyov Karaye-
Xwvres * aXXoi/s ecrwcrev, dXXovs edepdirevaev Kal tdaaro, dadevels, irapaXe-
\vfj.tvovs, Xeirpovs, dai/j.ovifrfj,evovs, TVcpXovs, xwXoi>s, veveKpwu.evovs, Kal
eavTov ov dvvaTat 6epairev<rat wcrairrws. Kal 6 ev Ttf dpiffTepcp
earavpajfjifros XTJOTTJS irpos avTOV eXeyev ' eav TOV 6eov vlds el, 1 Ka
Kal aucrov Kal eavTov 2 Kal rj/xas. "Ovo/jut avry ty F^a-ras. '0 5^ e|
de^Lwv effravpwiJ.evo'i XT/O-TTJS, ovo/tari Aua/ias (sic), Kal uveldifev TOV av~
TOV X-rjffTTjf Xeywv ' & TaXaiirwpe Kal ddXie, ov (pofifj TOV debv ; r]/j.els
a^ia ov [&v] eTTpd^auev etrddo^ev ' OVTOS 5 irdvrws ovdev KaKov fTroirjo-ev
OVTC eirpa^ev. Kal ffTpa<pels OVTOS e/c degi&v XrjffT^s Trpo<re<j>uvei Kal \eyei
Trpos TOV 'lyaovv ' [jLvfjad^Ti IJLOV, Kvpie, OTav eX07js ev Ty ^affiXeia cotf.
'0 de 'I-rjffovs elirev avTij> ' dfJt.r)v Xeyu ffoi, ff-f^juepov /J.CT e/xoD eo-g ev T<p
irapaodo-if.
'A.KOv<ra.Te 6e Kal erepav St^yfjtriv irepie
(SIC) TOVTOV TOU K &ft,it>V AjJCTTOi). El?
ri)V yevvyviv TOU Xpto-rou, o eariv ef? by
Xpovov, OTO.V <f>wvrj e'fijAflev UTTO ayye\ov
TO> 'Ia>o-T)(/), Iva apei (sic) TO
TIJV jitTjTe'pa auToO, T^V inrepayiav
va.v 6eoroKOv, cai ee\9u>crtv TT/S 'louSaia?
'Iepou(raAjjU. (sic), TOU virayeiv irpbs Atyu-
TTTOV Sia TOV <$>6fiov TOU "HpwSou OTav
Stpitrtv 'iva anoKTeivitMrLV SAa TO. eupia"/<6-
jmeva jSpe^rj aTrb Tpiwv eriav Kal KartaGev
doxfxxATw? (sic). TOUTO 8e oAov yeyovev,
Iva aTTO/cTeiVioo-t TOV ITJO-OUV XpitrToV,
ToTe irapayyeiAd|U.evO5 (sic) 6 'Iu><7T)<|> Trap'
ayye'Aou TOUTOU Troi^erai, r/yayev TO /3pe-
4>os Kal TTJV /ixrjTe'pa auTOu, ai ^A0ev Trpb?
TJV AlyviTTOV. ova? 8e o-uvTpe^cov (JLCT au-
TOI? eva Trap' eva /3ao~Ta^eiv ev TJJ 6Sai.
eal TrATjo-iao-a? ev TO> Toirto r^s AiyuTTTOU,
eiretVatrav a/aa 'Ia>crT)<> >cai ^ deoTOKO? r
icai eu0i)s Oetapovv (sic) (frotviKiav 3 /capm-
JU.DV cai Travu tupai'av. eiTa Ae'yei 17 6eoTo-
KOS " >cAive, SevSpov fiov Ka\bv, Kal \apt-
o~ov ^jixiv CK TOV <TOU o>patou Kapnov. Kal
fifTa TOV Adyou auT^5 TO fie'vSpov e/cAivev
euflu?, cal eAajSav (Vr) aTrb TOU KapTrou
aurov oo-ov
etv icai iraAiv Tb SevSpov To-TaTO utrirep
TO irpoTepov. etTa uiSeuov TrdAiv TTJV
68bv, Kai Siep^o/aevoi /aixpo
ecrvvdvTTqa'av (sic) TOVTOV TOV
ij-youv TOU Auff/xd. <cai i5u' 6 A|jOTr)<> T^V
0eoTO/cov, efeo-TT/ TOU KaAAous auT^5 w?
do~Tpa7rrjv Ad/XTrouaav e* TOU oupavoO, Kpa-
TO>V (sic) Kai TO jSpee^o? TOU o^Trjflou? au-
TIJ?. Kal 6 ATJCTTTJS e^eo"Tiv [e^eVTrj] TrciAiv
TOU 0auju.aTO?, Kal irpocrr)\0ev TrArjaiov Kal
TrpotreKui'Tjo'ev auTrjv, /XT; yivuJo"KOfTO? (j/<r)
OTI 17 fleoTOKOS eo~Ti'v. Kai Ae'yei 6 ATJO~TTJS
TTJS deoTOKou (sic) ' /u.d TT}V dA^fleiav KU-
pta -i) [ei ?] yap el^ov 6 ^eo? /navva,
eiTreiv el^eAa [>j0eAa] OTI o~u el. Kai
Trpoo'eKaAe'eraTO aurrjv /uieTa TOU 'Iwarj^ ev
TU oiKO) auTOu Trpocre\0elv, Kal jjyayev au-
Toi5 ev TO> oiKO) avTOu ' Kai rrape'ScoKev
auTous Tj7 yuvaiKi auTOu yuvai, eya>
u^dyw ei? TO Kuv^yij (sic) ' Kal o~v <|)iAo-
^e'vrjo'ov auTou? OCTOV Sui'ao'ai woirja'ai TI-
/mijv, ews ou aTpa^^ffw/iai Kaya> eK TOU
Kuvi^yiou ' Kal oLOpOuxro/j-ev evyeveo'Ta.Trjv
Ti/aijv Trj? feVr/? TOurr/5 (j/c) Kal evyev^?
(sic) OTI KaTa TO <j>atv6/j.evov airo euyevi-
KWTCITT;? yeveas UTrdpxci. 'O 8e AIJO-TTJ?
ajrri\9ev TOV Kuvrjyijo-ai ^ia, uairep yv
1 The original reading was >jv, which has been altered to el in the MS. H.
* o-eauTov. H.
8 Or <f>oivi/eat'av. The original is obscure, and permits either reading. H.
12-1
ACTS OP PILATE.
(sic), etxev oe 6 auTo? AJJCTTTJS
Kai iraioiov iSiKov TOV (sic), Kai ijv Ae-
Trpbv CK yevvii'crea)?. JJTOV (j/c) /cat acr/prj-
peuTOV (V) ijyouv ovS' oAu>s eVauev TOU
KAat'eiv. YI oe yvvi) CKU'VTJ [e/ceiVrj] TOU AJJ-
OTOU en-oojaev Oep^bv TOV Aoucrai TO /3pe-
0o? Tijs OeoTOKOU. Aouo-ajuteVou (V) 6"e
irpoTepov TO 7rat6iov 'Ir/ffouv ' icai etc TO
V7rovi7|u.aTOs (sic) TOV 'Irjaou eAouaev Kai
TO TraiSt'ov avTJjs TO Aen-pov. /cat eii&vs
TO watSiov eKetvov (sic) e'o-Tjyrjerev [ecriyTj-
<rev] TOU KAaietv, Kai ldQi\ Trjs
TOS Kai TravTOta? voaov avToO.
Se TOU A]7(7Tou CK TOU itvvr)yeiov ev TO>
OUTOU, oiKOvoju.Tjo'ai' Tpdire^av KCLI
<rav avTTji' (caflrjju.evwt' 6e ev Tj Tpatre^rj
KOI fffOiovTuv, eve0vfj.ri6ri o ATJQ-TTJS Tow
TTaifitov auTOi', /cat etTrei' T>J yui/aixt av-
TOu ' irov ecTTtf TO Te/ci'a) (jic) r)n<av j cai
clTrev auTai ' fidOe ei> aArjfleta, OTI, *ca0tos
I ] eTapfJ-yyeiAes, iVa ^tAofei'jja'o-
evyevrfv l TavT-qv ot/co^o/onjcra Qep-
va ['iva] jrATJ * OAiJo-fl? irAui'jj ?] Tb
avTryy, /caflojs TO (yufTj^es Ttov ?rat-
uoi' /cat eAovo'ei' TO /3pe$os avTi)?, cat
eis Tb ajroAou<7>ia TOU vtou auTyjs IffAui'a
TO TeKVOV rjfiiav. /cat evOvs id&r) dtrb nav-
TOS [^ai'TOt'a?] VOGOV, a>5 etpTjTat ' cat et-
pT/i/eiyr/ [etpTjvev'etJ \aptTt 0eou, ical ovSe-
iroTe jrAetoi/ f<TTpivyyT}<rev (sic), a>? >JTOI/
(j/c) iJ.a9f]fievdv (sic). *ai /caTa TO (^atyd/ixe-
vof (o? 5ocw, eTOUTTj '^^V) 17 eiiyfvr) (sic) evat.
(sic) xapiToi/utepr) (sic), drrb 9fOv TOV v\fji-
ITTOV ' Kai Sid Trj? avTij? ^aptTO? tadrj TO
TSKVOV rifjitav. Kai irpoareftepev e/J.Trpo(r9ev
TO laOev rratSiov eiov}ve\>ov /cat ^apOTroidi'.
/utou
Kai iSuv b AT/CTTTJS TO TSKVOV avrov vytei
(sic), egearr) TOV 6avfj.a.TO<;, Kai elirev /Ltd
TOV V^ILO~TOV, StoTi oiioev YJKOVOV TOV K\ai-
eiv avTut [auTo] ou? TravTOTe, rjvofj.rio'a [evo-
/uttaa ?] oTt eri\0et> e/c TOU /cda/nou. Kai
AoiTTOf /cayw vojmi^iu e/ aArjfleta, OTI CTOUTT)
(j/f) 17 euyef^ ^ e</>" rifJ.dy eAfloucra i*a e\et
eu^a? TroAAas etTrb flebi/ TOV v\jjio'Tov (sic).
Kai rrpoae/cui'ijo'ei' auTrji' Kai e^apt'aTr/o'ev
auT^s (j/V) n-AJjo-Ta OAetoTa] Kai on-ep e6u-
veTO (sic) eiroieiv (sic) oC auTijs. fxe^pt Kai
CKapTepeTO (jzir) ev TOTTO* T^S AiyutTTOV Kai
et5 TOf diayepfj.bv (sic) auTTj? va, eA0j Troi-
Atv ei? Tr]V 'louSat'a^, ^-youv ei? TTJI/ 'Ie-
poucraA)7jU., 6 Ajja"TTjs eo~ui/o5eucrei> TTJV deo-
TO/COI' ju.Ta Traerrj? jrepi^apt'a? Kai Ti/xij?
Kai uTrotyei/e^ (jzV) Kai ijToi' (sic) irpooSo?
avTT)? ' Trepi TOU )3Ae;recr0ai aurrji', CK TOU
fioAi'ou TOJTOU xat T^iyKpou 2 Kai Sto~K [5ucr-
KoAou]. Kai OTar CTrArjcrtacrai' ev TOITCO
a-ya^ai Kai evflei, ejrotTjcrei' /u.eTafoiai' (ic)
auTTjs, iva cTTpe'^at et? TOJ/ O!KOI> auTou.
Kai evxapio'TrfO'ei' avTriv Traj'eVTi/u.ov eu^a-
pto'Teiaj' Kat Aeyet TOU (J/<T) r; 7ra'a\pa'TO?,
UTraye ev eiprjvrj. Kai TTOTE TOV Kaipbv crTpe-
>//ei (jzc) crou 0e'Aa> TOV jiticrdbv ov ewot'i)o~a?
e<" r///.a?. Kat t8e TOV TE'TIOV (jr) ATJCTTTJV
6 ToerauTa 7rpaa? ciia TIJ? ^apiTO? TOU
eAeijjixovo? XptcrTou Kai TIJ? aurou /u.TjTpds
oirep TafaTO avTto * r)f-i(i>9r)V ev TOUTW,
t'va ju.apTUprj(ret ev Ta> CTTaupaJ a/ia o~uv
TO! Xpto-TO). Kai etn-ev ws etpijTai /oivrj-
<rdT)Tt /otou, Kupie, oTav eAdjj? ev TiJ /3acri-
Aet'a crou. Kat 6 'Irjcrou? etTrev auTuJ ewi
Tip [TO] TrpOKet'juevov a/otTjv Ae'yw crot, o*^-
/u.epov /U.CT' e/aou ecrjj ev TO> 7rapa6eicrj>.
Tore 6 'I^troCs /cpdas fiuvr} /j.eyd\ri elwe ' Hdrep, ets
TO irvevfj.d fjiov. Kat JJ,TO. TOV \6yov
[ 12.] ^i/ Se axrel wpa eicrrj^ Kai Trapavriica, 0-etoy-to?
eyevero /j,eya$ et? T?)Z> f yr}i' aTracrav, &a"re iras o
<f>pi^ ' Kai CLTTO TOV CT<t>0$pOV (7i(7fJLOV $<r%t%OVTO at 7T-
rpai, rjvoiyovro Kai ra /jLvrj/jLela TWV veicpwv, icai 7ro\\a
<T(b/j,aTa TWV BiKattoV rjyep0r)<rav Kai eo-KOTLaOrj 6
1 Sic, et supra semper /movoyevou uiou, quod non ducebam annotandum. D.
2 Sic, sed ita ut dubium sit K, quod etiam v esse potest. D.
3 Codex habet yap. D. Vide Acta Pilati, B, c. 1 1, apud Tischendorfium. A.
26 ACTS OF PILATE. [ 12.
Kal TO KaraTrerao-fjia rov vaov eo-^la-drj /j,e<rov, Kal <r/c6-
T09 eyevero efi o\rjv rrjv yrjv eo>9 a>pa$ e
Kal TOIJTUV iravrwv yevo^vuv ol /tcf 'louSeuoi <j>o(3r]devTes l ol
"On OVTVS 6 avdpwiros oOros dixaios ^. Aoyywos 6
i<TTd/J,vos fJLera Trapprjffias elirev ' 'AXrjO&s 0eov utos fy oCros. "AXAot
Kal opunres avrov /cararj/Trroi'Tes TO, (TT^drj avruv Kal awo row
Qbfiov aZOis tarptyovTo &iri.<rdev.
'O Be etcarovTapxo? ra roiavra iravra Oav^ara /cara-
votja-as d7re\@a)V et? rov HiXdrov SirjyijcraTO ravra.
*O Se cucov<ras edav^aae /cal e%7r\dyrj, Kal OLTTO rov
<j)6j3ov avrov /cal T^? XUTTT/? rfj rj^pa eiceivr) <f>ayelv TJ
inelv OVK r)0e\r)cre. Aie^vvaaro Be, /cal r)\6ev o\ov TO
(rvveSpiov, a$> ov Steffiy TO CT^OTO? /cal elire TT/JO? rov
\abv o JTtXaTO?' Eio'ere, TTW? creto-yLto? fjueyas eyevero;
eibere TTW? eo-^io-drj TO KaraTrerao-fjua rov vaov peaov ;
eiSere TTW? eyevero O-/COTO? e^> O\TJV rrjv ol/cov/jLevrjv cnro
w/39 6/CT77? eci)9 wpa? evvdrrjs ; "Oz/T&)9 670)
TTOIOV [Trotw^] TOZ/ Ka\ov avOpcoTTOv
'A.Kovtru>nev 6e *cal Trepi T^? /otaprvptas t 71 "*^ 61 ?] eoriv 6 uib? roi) 0eoO 6 Xeyo/u.evos
Aioi'vo-t'ou TOU 'ApeoTra-yiTou V 2 OM^o- Xpiarb?, y b KO<T^O<; oAos a7re'Ae<rai (sic) '
yrfcrev (sic) ef TJ \wpa aurou OVO/J.OL apeov KCU OUTWS avros vo^cras v^b TTJ? /me-yi'erTTj?
irayos (-fzV) Trepi row yeyovoTos *cai <#>pi- wcipa? TJJS avrou fitSaa-KaAeias. eai /merd
KTOV 0au/xaT05 TOU (TKOTOU TOUTOU TOU ye- rpiHiv er<av nerd TO.VTO. TIJS auTOu AaAij-
vo/jievov ev oAjj T^ oiKovfievj) TTJV a-yt'ai/ 0ei? [AaArjffei'arj?] 6/u.oAoyi'(rea>s [6/xoAoyrj-
eiceiirr)v ijfiepav TOU rra^ov? TOU xupiou <rea>?], OUTOS 6 Aiorutrio? 6"id T^S x*P tTO ?
rifjiuv 'Irjo-ou Xpiorou OUTO? oZv 6 Aio^u- TOT) jrofaytou irvevfj-aTOs eiriffTevcrfv ei?
<ri09, 6 uTrepjueyco-To? cai 0av/xao-T6s <f)iAd- TOI* xvpiov fi/jiiav 'Ir)<rovi> XpitrTbi/, Kai
o-o(/)o? ai SiSaovcaAo? TWI/ ^lAoo-o^wf, e^anTLa-rrjv [e^airricrOTt]} et? TO ovo^ia u-
JSwi' Ta ToaauTa cnjuela. ev TIJ i7fJie'po TOU, cai TrAeio-Tou? aAAou? eSiSagev ai
KetVrj Kai Ta? ep jroAAj} Swa^ei Tapa^d? 6j3a7rTtV0Tj<rai' ets TO ovofj-a. avrov, 8 ov
Kal rov TOIOUTOU yeva/xevou (jzV) O^KOTOU TOU dAijflti^ou 'Irjcrou XpiffTOu. TeAos TT v-
e<f>" oArjv Trjf yiji' TJJ? oi(cou/u.K>j?, euflu? TWV /meTa T^5 e^66ou avrou, ^youv /oi Ta
/uteyaAo(|>(o'a)5 Kai evwinov iravrbs rov rov Qavarov avrov, avTO? 6 Aiovverios
Aaou elnev ' ap^ovTe?, > aAijfleux Ae'yw -f)^na0r)v (sic) Kal TroAAwv Oavpartav ecepyrj-
V|u.as (c) * TOUTO TO O-KOTO? orrep 7i\0ev Trj?, ets /3ej3attoo-iv T^S 6p0i;s Trio-Tew? TOU
</)' ^Mi? Kal TrapfjAflec TO </>ios eyavTiws Kupiou ai o-aT>)po? ^/iieoi/ 'ITJO-OU Xpiorou '
T^? <^i;o-ews TOU i^Ai'ou p.aprvpia Kal yvw- cai eirl TO npoKeifjievov firave\9<i>nev rS>v
<reo-0e irdvres TOU'TW (sic) ' on. 17 ev triraOi] ayitav traQSiv.
avTwv addit codex. D. 2 ^- H.
13.] ACTS OF PILATE. 27
Ol Be /catcovpyoi, TrdvTes TO crvvo\ov OVK e7rio~Tevov,
d\Xd /jLa\\ov eXeyov irpbs TOV UiXdrov, OTI, TO TOLOV-
TOV \roiovTo] CT/COTO? K\i\jris TOV rfkiov eVrt, /ca6(*)s
eyeveTO Kal ev eTepois /caipols. Kal 6 UtXaro? \eyei
avTwv [aurot?] el TOVTO TO cr/coro? e/c\ei^rL^ TOV rfKlov
eVrlz/, axTTrep \eyeTai [Xeyere?], Kal TO, eTepa e^tjUffia
Kal (f>piKTa OavfJbaTa TI \eyeTe elvai ; Kal OVK el%ov TI
Kal raura X^yajj' oCros (sic) Trpo<re\66ivS ol 'lovScuoi Kal (sic) elirov
rtf ITtXary ' ov KaXws ypd(f>7)(rai>, Ki>pi /JLOV, T& ypd/j-^ara (LvwOev TIJS
K(f>a.\7)5 rov 'IT/CTOU " fJ.apTvpov<rii> yap O.VTOV /3a<nX^a rj/JLUv ' dia TOVTO
o~ov, tVa opicr-ys Kal ypafiei \ypa<t>eiv\ 1 e/celtre 6'rt oCros elirev OTI
f3a(ri\i>s r&v 'lovdai&v. M E<f>T) avr&v (sic) b ITtXaVos 6 Zypaif/a,
Eilra \yov<Tiv avT$ T)/j,eis ^w/ctev [^o/x.ei'] r\\v eopTty T&V dv-
did TTJS avpi.ov ^e'pay, Kal TrapaKaXov^v ere, eirel n trvtovvw ol
'iva KaraKXacrOitxn ra dcrra avr&v, Kal KaTafiLfiaffdCxnv.
6 HiXdros * Touro yevri<rTai. ' AirtffTeiXev t,vv (TTpartwras, Kal evpov
ZTI -rrvtovras TOVS X^trrds, Kal ffvvtd\a(rai> avr&v ra <TK^\rj. Tov 5 'lT]<rovv
Tdvr)Kbra Kal ovda^s avrov ij\f/avTO. T6re a-rreXd&v els
Kal t\6yxev<re TOV 'I-rjeovv v Trj 8e!-i.$ avTov irXcvpg., Kal
alfj.a Kal vSwp.
Kal tirXrjpudTja-av ol \6yoi T&V irpOfpirjT&v. 'lepe/tks elircv Sevre
%v\ov et'j TOV &prov auroO ' Kal lK.aTptyuy.ev af>Tov dirb yrf?
T(av ' Kal Tb ovopa, avTov ov fj.rj fjt,vr]<r6rj rei [fri] ' Kvpie T&V
Kpivat diKaia. ZaxapLas elirev ' Kal ZffTijaav Tbv /J.t<r66v pov TpidKOVTa dpyv-
ptois. 'H<ratas elirev Tbv VOTOV [v&T6v~\ fj.ov ZdwKav ets paffTiyas ' rds
5^ (Tiayovas JJ.QV ets /?a7rrtcr/u.aTa (sic) ' TO 5 irpbtrwirbv p.ov OVK aTr6ffTp\f/a
(sic) dirb alffx^v^s alfj-TrTva/jidTuv ' [e/ttTrTuo'^drajj'] ' Kal Kvpios ^yai.fi'qdi]
[^76^77^77] /3o77#6$ fJiov. Kat Trd\LV 6 avTbs elirev ' us irpofiaTOV tirl c<pa-
yT]v "fJxQil, Kal a>s d/J.vbs &KaKOS evavT'tov TOV KypavTos \Kipa.vros\ afobv,
OVTUS a<pti)t>os OVK dvoiyei Tb aTop-a avTov v TTJ Taireivuvei avTov ' 77 Kpi-
ffts avrov ijpdei \TJpdrf\ ' TTJV d yevedv avTov ri's StyyriO'eTai, OTI aipeTai
dirb Trjs yrjs 77 fwrj airrou. Kai \onrov TT\iijpt!}6r)<rav vvv ol X67ot T&V
irpo(j)T)T&i> t KaQ&s Kal trpoeiiroiJiev. [Compare p. 10.]
[ 13,] UpoS CCTTTepav Be TT}S TrapaffKevfy KavravT^o-^ *JTt-
<7rj<j) Tt? dvrjp evyevrfs re Kal TrXovcnos, 6eo<repr)s ' lov
1 Sic, ut videtur, pro ypa^ct (in fine lineae) i.e. ypafaiv. D.
28
ACTS OF PILATE.
[
Sa?o?, evptov TOV NiKO&rjfiov, ov 7rpo(f>Qdo-a<; o
e8jj\(ao-e, \eyei aura)' ol&a OTI fwz/Ta TOV 'Irjo-ovv rrja-
7ra? f *al rou? Xoyoi;? aurou jySeax? tficoves ' icai 77/369
TOW 'IouoWoi/9 etSov o~e fJM%6/j,evov vTrcp avTov' el o-
Kl ffOt OVVj 7TOpV0a)IJ,eV 7T/3O5 TOV IliXaTOV Kal aiTT](J(j>-
fieOa TO 0-0) fJM TOV 'IrjO-OV TrpO? Ta<f)T)V, OTi KOi flju\7]
eo-Tiv afjiapTia fcelo~6at, avrov aTa<j>ov. Aeooiica, Xeyet
6 NucoSrjfjLos, /z,?7ra>9 opyivQe'vros TOV TliXdrov icai 7rd0a>
Tt KCLICOV el Be o~v povos a.7re\Oa)V ical atV/;o-a9
TOV TeOvrjKOTa, TOTC Kayo) o-vvoBevaa) aoi, KOI TCL
v [icrjSeiav] eTTiTij&eia travra
Tavra ctvoKTOf TOW VucoS^ov, b "Io-
' is TOK ovpayb? TOWS
ror IIiAaTor- icai irpo<rayopv(ra?
*4il. elT <f>ii<T\v wpb* avrbv fiera 6a-
icpvMV Je'ofiat aoi-, xupie fiov, el TI jrapd
Tb OOJCOVK TJ; fieyaXetorjjri <row aiT>jo-Oftt
fii) ipYurflijfai ^.01. *O 5^ e^q ai TI
caTiv 6 UTCI ; Aryi o
TO- tcaA
[oi] 'lovfiaioi 1 icaTijvryKav ei TO
trravpwo-at, TO trui^a TOWTO OeXw, trapa-
TOwTor TOV feVor, Iva Tor {eKOv Tovrof
mfoevow. 66? fiot TOVTOV TO? ftroi', Iva
ror ef (JZT) f CTJ? \wpas orra ci^oevaw TOV
(evor 8 46? jutot TOVTOV TOV f evov orov (sic)
o 'Iov6a? 6 'Io-Kopi6rj9 TOWTOV TOV {c'rov,
avrbv cvapc'owKev (j/V) TOI? 'lovoaioic a6i-
K*K- 00? MOl TOlfTOV TOV (cVOV, OOV ^
fiijTTjp avrou OVK *i\tv [tl\fv] aAAov ov5ev
(sic)' fi<k M l TOWTOV TOV (evov, iva mj-
awrbv rtv (fvov ftrra nAavfljAou ai
S6? fi.01 TOVTOV Tbv (CVOV, IV3
os 3 (c'vo TOJTOI? ovit <x l **^^>' nM' 4
TOW ftadjfTas avTow 66? fiot TOWTOV Tbv
(evov, owov icai oi fia^ifral a^rov e^vyov,
xal OVK ijv Kav (fir) TI? *i)6evo-<u TOVTOV
Tbv (<vov 66? not TOVTOV rbv (cvov, Iva
Tbv *li)(rouv MOW KTjSewo-w. 66? fiot TOI-TOV
Tbv ftrov^ TOV vtov T^? Mapia? Ki)&tv<rw .
66? /ioi TOVTOV Tbv (c'vov, OJTOU oi 'loi'5aioi
avrbv KaTe/icurn'ytacrav 66? fxoi TOVTOV TOV
(<vov, owov TOV? vcxpov? avtoTTjo-ev 66t
fioi TOVTOV TOV cvov, 6ov TOV? Aevpov?
exaddpiprev [tuaflapiaf v] 66? poi TOVTOV
Tbv (evov, 6tw TOV? 6ai>ova? iirtAao-ev
66? ^1.01 TOVTOV TOV c'voi', on 6ta TOV ^6-
POV airrov [at] *>Tpai a.i<Txio9i)<r av [Vxt-
o-ffjjtrai-] 66? fioi TOVTOV Tbv ei-or, OTI
6ia TOV $60ov e TO. fivij/uio-Ta ^i-ewX^o-av
66? fiot TOVTOV TOV (evov, bwov Tbv *A6ajm
oirv rpo^>i7Tai? av<OTi7O-<v 66? fioi TOVTOV
TOV fevoi', orov Tb KaTa-eraff/Aa 6ia TOV
^6/3ov avrov CO-XTJ^T) (TIT) ci? 6vo 66? ^ot
TOVTOV Tbv irroj^bv (tat irevirra 60? p.oi
Tb aaj/uia TOV Te0vi|ic6TO?, Iva TOVTOV icaTa-
^iA)fo- ev T^ aTroxojpjjo-T) fta? [fiov] OTI
<C6ivo? rayti* wAeiora ^yairoi'fieda (j^") '
66? /iot TO CT<LM<I TOV '177701' MOV, Ira *a-
Ta<f>iA7O'w TT)V irAifyifv TT/S axpavrov irAev-
pa? avTov * 6wpT^rai fioi TOVTOV Tbv ve-
xpbv, Iva A a Sin avrbv KaTaKaAv^at TTJV
y^v (w) Btapifvai poi Tb Tpto-Moxa
aufia, ourp vcicpovfxevov TJ KTia
<rcv * 6uipi70-ai MI o-aifia, oircp avowcov
6 vab? 0cao-aficvo? v(pita\i<T(v TO cavrov
Sine ol. D.
1 Additur in margine owov TTJV
* Sic, cum spatiolo unius litene. D
* Sine Iv*. D.
K\T)VOI ov exii sic. D.
* Sic hzc omnia. D.
Sine avrov. D.
13-]
ACTS OF PILATE.
29
5op7j<rai poi <rwpa, 61' ov-
irep icpefiOfievov OLVTOV ai ire*Tpai fff\KT0ri-
aav upi?<rai /JIDI au>/jia, 61' ovirep icpe/u.a-
fxevov avTOv effaAevOTjaav at ptai irda'at
TJJS yTJs o\iipr7<rai pot pupa, bwws Kara-
rd rpav/u.ara Tiv dyiujv avTOv
r, oV wv Tjs e>>js "/'VX'?' etfepajrev-
ra TpavpaTa >J/T)Aa$J}<7u> TTJV
d\pai'TOV eiceu'Tjv icai dyiav irAcvpdr, d</>'
fc eirijyaaev alpa icai vStap dvayevvj-
aea>s o'Ta<idVu><riv ai x e 'P ? *vrai TOP
peAAovra Aveu' TOV 0avaTov rd cnrdpyai'a
KJjfievo-tocriv OVTOI oi djuapTioAoi 6dicTvAoi
Tbv irdarjs 6iaco<rvt^ tpydrTji* KCU ?rai-
SevTTjc 6uipTj(rai /uoi TOUTO TO a-a>^a, o
OVK drrb <roO eTedrijicTy [eTeflj'^Kei], i icpd-
TICTT* 'f ouaiapx* ' fieo/mai TTJ Mfy^^io-
TTjTt <rou /uiij rapacov<rj7S T^S
/nov. Aeyei 6 llcAdros ical ri
on /utapTvpTjfleVra TOVTOV vjrb r^? yeveds
avrov TTI /Ltayci'cu? cal i/iro^cia (f^r) ovra
qdeAoc Aa/3eic TTJC /3ai7iAf iai- roO Kcucrapos,
icai OVTW rap' ^/uiwi' ei? ddraroj' fK&oOfvra.
auflis TOUTOV TO*' ve<p6f ciriTpe-
; 'O 5e 'Iu><rrj<(> JreptAutros yei-o/uevos
icai Saxpx'cras rot; nroai irpocreiretre rov lli-
AaToi 1 , MTJ CTOI, Aeya> / , cvpie /uiov, jri ve-
jtpii (j>d6-o; TIS en-iyeiTjTai irdera yap
xaKia tv T>; rcAevrr; Set <rvvairdAva0ai
[o-vvajroAAvo-dai] TOV av0p<anov ' eyu 6e
o'6a TTjr fieyaAetoTTjTd <rov, iro<ra eVn-ou-
6a<7a? <Ji<rTe ^i>j aravptodiji-ai TOI> 'IijtroCi'
(cal irocra irpbs TOV? 'lovSatov; virep av-
TOU eliras, rd fifv irapau'wr, rd 6e cai
i v<rr(pov, JTWS rd?
^ijj'w /nerd Twi' cdeAdrrwi'
oi'Tor. e(#>* ol? airaat 5to/uat aov fiij
diro<rrpa<|)jji'ai TTJI/ aiTrjcriV /mov. OVTW
ToiVvi' e'jTKei/utei'Oi' i&av o HiAdro? rbv
'Iw<nj<^ teal iicfTcvovTa. Kal Saxpuovra,
^y ipe' avrbf Aeywi- * diridi, ^api'^Ofiai
<roi rbv TOIOVTOV veicpbv, icai TOX/TO^ Aa/3wv
irpaTT 6<ra croi /SovArjTa. Tore '
TIU IIiAaTu cai
cra? avTou rd? \eipas icai rd i/mdna, e
dei' \aipwv, TTJ <capt'a pep \aipw',
rb iro^ovMf>'o' (<^) Tv^tii', TOW?
povu 6f ^epcuf en Soxpvoi-Tas ovrw
TTJV
Avmjv xcu'
[direi<rip ?] ovv irpbt rbv NIK^TJ/U.O*', *cat rd
yei-o^fi'a irdtn-a 6iacra<|>et. fiiori e KaKei-
i'os v(Te/3rjs icai rjyana rbv 'Itjvovv, nai
dire TotfT<p irdtTa rd TOW IliAdTow. 'Efw-
vrjad/met'oi e cr^vpriji' cal dAoryi-, ecar6i'
AiTpa?, xai /yii^petof icau-bj-, eca0i}Aav
[xadeiAaf? 1 ] TO auj/na xai (sic) iv aiSovi
[<rtt^dfi] AevKjj, dpa <rv' T^ 0eoTO<cci> cai
T) MayaA7)-r} Mapca cai TIJ SaAwp.]) avv
T<{> 'Iu>d>''j/ (tat rai? AocTrais yvvat^iv.
'H Se ^COTOKOS ^
KOU. eAeye cAatoucra iris ae jcAavaa), vie
-(sic) <re d
<rc (rdpjca /utov
pis o-ov , Eide irpb aow d
Ol/uot oipot vie fxov, irov 17 efovcrta <rov ;
i <^)u)S 6/xpaTuf /ULOV, TTiLs vj7-e>eira? TTJI*
o-^ayiji' TavTijv; pi) ftcav pdiajv, dAAd Ta?
iroAAdf. Ha)? oi'K aTrta-reiAas irvp ef ov-
pavoi) KaTcucai-aai rov; 'Iov5aiovs ; ei yap
#*TJTO? <J>aiVj7 6ld TTJI/ TWV /3pOTU)C 0-WT7J-
pc'at', dAA' oi'pacov icai yfjs irotijTrj? el.
ird)s ov (caT<r\ia^r) 6 ovpai'b? 0ecopa)i' TOV
tfapaTOf aov TOV d6iicov; evxaprrd>, vie,
TOV rjAiov aov, OTI dirrjpavpw^v (sit') icai
T^? y^s, OTI eax'Vdrj icai ^o/3r)0rj cvxa-
pio*T(I> aa; (j/'c) weTpai fiov, oTt f<r\i<r(h)Tf t
iSiai' (sic) TTjr dro/uiai' Tail' 'lovfiat'cur icai
TO' irixpbv 0dvaTov TOV viov pov. iris ov
pi7 <re 0pTjv>jo-w, vie pov ; 7ra? Tb epbr
n-poo-wirov ov <rrapdfu> Tots (sic) ow iv ;
TOVTO itcfivov (sic) eariv, vie pov, oirep
Sv/uiecov 6 irpeo-/3vTTj? irpoeitre' /uto^ ore <re
Tea-crapaicor^Tjiuepoi' /3pe<j>o? jjyayov ry
I'aoJ avTT} eo~Ttv ^ po/uti^aia, fjTt? vvv
icaTa TIJV ^fVX'}*' pov o'le'pxcTai TI? rd
epd Sdicpva, yAvicvTaTe pov vie, *cara-
iravaij [icaTawavaei] ; irdvrws ovSeis, ei prj
oai pdvO9, ear, *a0w; elira;, dvaoT7Jo*ei
Tpujfxepo?. *H Mayo'aAi}!'?) Mapi'a jcAat-
ovo-a eAeye eucovo-are, Aaoi, <^>vAai, yAcio--
o-ai, icai pddeTe iroiw flavaTw oi irapdvo-
fjioi 'lovfiaiot e'rrotTjcrai' TOIV fivpitav KaAAtov
irpbs avTOv? irejroiijicoTa irapafieSuiicao'i. 1
a(cov<raTe icai flavpdffaTe. TI? dicovo-Ta
7rotj<rei ravTa irpbs airavra KO&HOV ; eyi
ev *Pwp]7 /ndvTj irpbs TOV KaiVapa direAev-
<rofi.au ' eyw TOVTO SrjAoio-w , 6o-ov <cab v
6 UiAaTOs, TOIS irapavd/mois 'lovSai'ots iri-
06>eros, ireirpa^ev. 'flaavTms a>vpeTO icai
1 "Involverunt." D.
Omniasic.-D.
30 ACTS OF PILATE. [ 13.
6 'Ia>(TT)$, \eytav ' OC/AOI oijmoi y\VKvrare Operas OVTO> yap OK av eSof a T^S a<.'as
'ITJO"OW, e avOptairiav <f>i\e 'ai<rc.wTaTe, ei a;roA.v;rov|u.ei'os [aTroAiTrov/u.ei'os]. Oiirw
Xpjj M e K at OLvOptairov bvon-a^eiv ae, rov de Kal 'Iwavi/i/s Kal ai yv^ai/ce? taSvpovro.
ola ou^e'TTOTe TreTroiijKec avflpwTros Oav/xara eZra 6 p.ev 'Iwcrrj^ fxera TOW NiKofirj/xov
epyaa-dfievov. TTWS ere K7j5eu<rw, dee /aov , eTropevdrjo-ai/ ei? rd Z8ia ' 6/xoiw? 8e cai
TTWS <re ei'Ta^tao-w, <uAai'0pw7re ; i/Ov efiei 17 fleoTo/co? ju.era TWJ/ yuvaixwi' <rvn.ira.p6v-
JAOI av/Ajrapeivai, oi)s eV oAt'-yois aprois efe- TOS Kai TOW 'Iwacvou aiirats.
Tavra yvwpio-avres ol ^lovBalot Trpa^BivTa irapd re
Kal rov Ni/coBtffjiov, erapd^Orjaav icar avrwv
, KOI BLa/jujwad/jievoL T&> 'Jft><7?7< ol ap^iepels
re KOI Kald<f>as elirov CLVT<> ALO, ri eTTOLTjaas
rrjv KrjBeiav ravrijv eVl TW veKpa> 'Irjaov ; Aeyei, ' Ia)-
(7^* 'Eya) olSa TOV 'Irjaovv av&pa Sl/caiov, a\r]6ivov
Kal dyaObv Kara Trdvra, Kal olBa uyita? on, CLTTO
(pKOv 'o/jbrfff are TOV <f>ovov avrov' Kal ev TOVTW eKrj
avrov. Tore opyiaOevres ol dp%iepei$ Kal
rov 'Ia>cr?7( efiaKXov [e/3a\ov] avrov ev rfj (f)v\aK7j Kctl
\eyovaiv avrfi El JJLT) avpiov Kal ere, &><? eKeivov, e'^>o-
av TO Se vvv e%ov rTjpov/jievov (sic) ry Se KV-
rj Trpco'l 6avdro) 7rapa$o6ijo~r). EITTOV Tavra, Kal rrjv
elpKTrjv TTJ o~<f)paylo*i, eo-rjfjLeicoo-avTO, K\ei6pot,s ovcrav Trav-
Tore 'Iwo-Tj^ Kal NiKofirjimo? /nera 'Iw- Kal NucdSr/^o? et? ra ISia. rj fie Oeo-
a.WT]v (sic) *cai TWI> yvvautiav e*cd//acTO TOKO? eiropevOij /aera rbv 'lu>avvjiv^ KOI
Konerbv /ae'ya [/uie'yav]. cal eCpei/ (j/c) ?i\0ov Kal ai Yvvai/ce? /U.CT' auxjjs Trpb?
T<3 rd^o), Kare'0e'TO. eiropevOy 5e 'IwaTj^) rb 7rapa5o0^aai (sic) aiirov.
Our a) roivvv TT}? vrapao-Kevrjs reXecr^e/o-?;?, rc5 cra/3-
rpctM' arcrjkQov ol 'JouSatot TTyoo? TOZ/ Ui\drov
Kal eiTTov avra> o 7r\dvos eKeivos en a)V eiTcev OTI
fiera rpel? ^yu-epa? eryepOrjaerai ' fjiiJTra)? ol
Tal avTov VVKTOS K^eifravTes avrov Kal
rov \aov 7rl TOIOVTO) -^revSet, Ke\vcrov, Seo/jueOd aov,
Trjpelo-Qai, TOV rd^ov avTov. 'O IT^Xaro? ovv eVt
TOVTW eSwKev avrots o-TpaTicoTas TrevraKoo-lovs, O'L
14.] ACTS OF PILATE. 31
Kal e/cddrjaav \eKd6i&av\ eVl TOV rd(f>ov t wcrre Ttjpelv
avTov Oepevoi KOI aippaylBas l rbv \t6ov TOV fjivrffjia-
T09, efyvXaTTOV avrov TCD (sic) crdfifiarov, eo>9 opOpov
/3a#eo9 -7-779 KVpiaK^. Merd TOVTO <recryii09 7rd\iv eye-
veTO fjLeyas irpwTOV, elra dyye\os KVpiov do-TpaTrr)<$>6pos
6\0a)V et; ovpavov eVuXtcre TOV \i6ov e/c TOV /JLvrj/JiaTos,
Kal etcddiaev eTrdva) avTov CLTCO (sic} Se TOV dyye\ov
dTrevefcptoOrjcrav ol GTpaTi&Tai. Tore dvecrTrj 6 KVpios
rjyeipe TOV ^ABd/ju fcal TrdvTas rou? TrpocfriJTas, ov? el%ev
6 8ta/3oXo? ev TTJ %et/)l avTOVy tfyeipe &e /cdfcel
TrttrrevoyTa? et? avTov.
Etij TO ovojma Kvptov ev\oyrifievov vvv Kal ael cal eis TOWS aiwvas ruv
trvv T<i) Trarpl avrow /cat r<a iravayitp irvev- aiaii'coi'. afj.r)V.
/xan
T^Xos T(JOV ayidiv iraQdv Kal a.
avrou, TOV kvpLov ^ucDj/ 'I^aoD Xpt(TTOi;.
[ 14,] TV}? /cvpia/cfjs ovv
eTroirjcrav ol dp^iepels /zera rwz^ 'Iou&uW, /cat aTre
/3a\e1v TOV 'Ift)<7r/< e/c TT}? (f)v\aicij^ eVt rc3 6ava-
avTov dvot^avTes Be ov% evpov avTov Kal e%evi-
67rl TOVTO), TTO)? TWV 0VpS)V KK\l(TfJLeva)V, Kal
cr(t)Ci)v TWV K\eiSwv, Kal TWV a(f)paylBa)v evpeOeKrcov, 'Ico-
o~r)<j> 8e eyeveTo a(f>avTo<;. ^Eirl TOVTM Be
1/09 6t9 (TTpaTlCOTrjS 6K TWV TTJpOVVTCOV TOV
ev Trj avvayoDyfj Ma^ere, on avkaTT) 6 'Iijcrovs. Ae-
yovcnv ol ^lovSatoi' JT&)9 ; 'O Be etprj Seio-fjubs fie-
yas eyeveTo TrpwTov eZra a ( y r yeXo9 Kvpiov d(7Tpa7Ti]<f)6pos
e\Oa)V ef ovpavov eKv\icre TOV \idov TOV lurrjf+elov, Kal
eirdva) avTov. Kal a-Tro TOV <f>6{3ov avTov iye-
TcdvT<S ol (TTpaTiWTai, - ws [wo-ei] veKpol, Kal - OVT6
<f>vyeiv eBwdpeOa oi/re XaXrJcrat. ' Htcovo-afjbev Be TOV
1 Sine err! vel alia praep[ositione]. D.
32 ACTS OF PILATE. [ 14-
d<yye\ov \eyovros irpb? r9 yvval/cas ra? e\0ovcras eicelcre
rbv rdfyov ISelv
"Ori fjirj </>o/3er<r0e v/J.eis olSa yap, on. rbv 'Irja'ovv fyreire. OVK HCTTIV
&8e dXX' dveffrrj, /ca0cbs Trpoeiirev vfuv. Kv^are /cai tSare [t'dVre] rbv
rd<j>ov t OTTOV ZKCITO rb ff&fjia rov 'Ir)<rov,
IIopevOrjTe Be /cal etVare rot? paOrjrals avTov, 1 OTI
rjyepOr) diro rwv vetcpwv, Kal TropevecrOcocrav ev rfj Ta\i-
Xa/a* Ki yap avrov evpijcrov&i. Aia rovro \eyco Trpb?
eycb TOVTO irporepov.
oi 'lovdalot irpbs rous (rrpariwras ITotat fjffav al ywat/ces
ai \0ovaai ds rb fJ-v^jfiO., Kol diarl OVK eKparrjaaTe auras; Atyova'U' oi
(rr/oanwrai ' 'E/c roO 06j3ou /cai r^s Oeupias IJLOV^ rov ayyeXov ovre Xa-
Xetv ovre aa.\eveu> tdvvdfMeBa. EITTOV ovv oi 'lovdaioi ' Zrj 6 0eos TOU
IcrpaTjX, on ovdtv Triffrevofjiev, offov X^ycre. Aeyovaiv oi (rrpaTiurrai '
ToaaOra dav^ara tiroirjaev 6 'lyvovs, /cai oi)/c eiri.(TTfvffa.re, /cat ^prt ^X-
Xere irnrreveiv r^uv ; 'AXyOus \eyerc, 6ri $ 6 0e6s, /cai
ffi /cai bv vfj.e'is etrraf/swcraTe. HXty OVK (sic) rjKOvcra.fj.ei', 8ri rbv '
elx^re iv rfi <j>v\aKrj KK\e(.<TfJ^vov ' elra dvol^avres rots 6vpas ovx fvpare
Civrbv Acre ovv u/^els rbv 'Ico(rr;0, /cai OI/TW 8&<jou.ev /cai ^uets T^V 'I?;-
(roOi'. Atyovaiv oi 'lovdaioi ' Tbv 'lajo"^ e/c <pv\aKrjs (fivyovra evprjaere
avrbv eis 'Apt/m-adLav' 2 rrjv yjupQ.v avrov. Ayov<ri /cai oi <rrpariu>Tat '
(sic) /cai u/u.e?s es TTJI' TaXtXaia?', /cai cvp-rjffere rbv 'Iri<rovv,
6 &yf\os elire ra?s
TOVTOIS ol 'lovbaloi, $o {By Sevres elirov TO?? o-rpa-
'Opare, wa fjL^evl rovrov rbv \6yov et7r?;T6,
Kal Trdvres TTio-revcrova-iv^ eirl rbv 'Irjaovv. Ou
e&co/cav aurot? Kal dpyvpia TroXXa, /a elTrwaiv
T)\0ov ol /jbaO'Tjral avrov Kal e/cXe^rav
Ot 8e o-rpariwrai, elirov $o(3ov/JL0a,
6 JTtXaro?, ori e\djBofjbev ^yLte?? dpyvpia, Kal
<j)Ovev(Ti 4 ?5/i.a9. Ot Se 'lovbaioi, eljrov ' Adffere avra,
1 In marg. add. e Marc. xvi. 7, *cai T<3 Herpta. T.
2 Scr. 'Apijotadac'ai/. T. 8 Fort. ffiaTevVwaiv. T.
4 Fort, ^ovev'ajj. T.
15.] ACTS OF PILATE. 33
, i'va SwcrcDaev rc3 Hikdra a
ryiav dvrl vpwv aovov elrrare, on e/cotyu-acr^e. Kal e'Xa-
/3oz/ ol o-rpariwrai ra dpyvpia Kal eltrov fca0a)S eirapey-
fyeXOrjaav [TraprjyyeXOrjaav]. Kal pe^pi, rfjs
6 roiovros -^revSrjs \6yos \eyerat, VTTO rot? '
[ 15,] MeO' rf/j,6pas Se oX/7? rj\6ov CLTTO r?}? FaXt-
Xata? et9 Ta 'lepoaoXv/Jia avdpwrroi rpet?. ^jEfz^ o el?
iepevs bvopaTt, 3>ivee<$ 6 ere/ao? Aev'l'Trjs ovo/tari, 'Ay-
yeo? '^ 6 8' aXXo? crTpaTiwTrjs ovo/jLan '^4Sa?. OVTOL
Trpbs rou9 ap%ipis /cal elTrov avTols Kal rc3 XaoS*
w 'Irjcrovv, ov vaeis e&Tavptoaare, i$o/jLV ev rfj Ta\i-
\aia fjbera TMV evSeKa /juaOrjrwv avrov et? TO 0^05 TCOV
e\ai&v SiBdo-Kovra avrovs Kal \eyovra' HopevOrfre et?
Trdvra KOCT^OV, Kal Krjpv^are TO evayyeXiov Kal 6 tri-
<rreucra9 Kal fiaTrnaOfi [/3a7rri,(T0els] o-a)6rfcr6Tai, 6 Be
aTrtcrT^cra? KaraKptOrjaeraL Kal ravra \eywv dve-
ftawev et? TOV ovpavbv. Kal opaKa/JLev [ewpaKa^ev}
avrov Kal rj^el^, Kal aXXot TroXXot TWV 7revTaKoo~itov
raOra ol dpx te P e ' s Ka ^ ^ 'lovScuot elirov irpbs robs roiotrovs
rpeis ' A6re 56^av ry 0eq> TOV 'l<rpa^\, Kal fj.eravo-fiffa.Te, 4<j> ols fcara-
\jsev8eff6e. 'ATreKpldriaav ol r/oets ofirot * Zy Kijpios 6 6ebs TWV
TOV A/3paa/i, 'Icraa/c Kal 'Ia/ca>/3, ov \f/evdo/j.da, dXX' a\rj&ws
Tore egtopKio-ev avrovs 6 dp^tepev^, Kal Sou? avrols
dpyvpia arrea-reiXev avrovs els erepov rbrrov, iva prj rrjv
rov KVplov ev 'le/oocroXuyLtot?
1 Scr. 'AyyaZos. T.
34
ACTS OF PILATE.
Although the Acts of Pilate, as originally written, cannot have
extended beyond what has already been given, yet Mr. Duebner's
collation of extracts in Thilo, on pp. 628-661, is subjoined.
Page.
Line of
629
3
tt
7
635
2
tt
9
637
7
it
8
tt
16
639
IS
tt
17
644
16
650
12
tt
13
tt
16
tt
18
tt
20
655
8
661
8
a
9
ft
17
note.
Thilo.
crravpajfrerc
Codex.
aKOfcravres
crrpaTtcoTaii/ [/calj
opa)
aicovcras
TOUTyv
17T
opw
fcpar*/ 3
1 o-rav/ocicrere, quod notavit Thilo, a prima manu erat orau/jcixreire, ut
legendutn videatur Gra.vp&G'qTt. D.
2 Thilonis correctio <rvp6fj.evov improbabilis est, quia codex perfectum
testatur, ^VKO^VOV. Melior nunc non succurrit. D.
8 Pro Kparei. D.
ACTS OF PILATE. 35
Concluding Remarks by Mr. Duebner.
Habentur haec paulo post initium columnse alterius folii 2 76
recti. Supersunt columnae 12, quibus non opus esse significasti.
Ceterum folia quae dicit Thilo, nonpagiruz ut scribis, sunt quat-
tuor columnarum, quarum quaeque continet lineas 32 medii fere
digit! longitudini aequales. Reliqua ex hoc codice edita contuli
usque ad finem paginae 682 et bene relata esse vidi : quare ibi
substiti.
THE
BELIEF
OF THE
FIRST THREE CENTURIES
CONCERNING
CHRIST'S MISSION TO THE UNDERWORLD.
BY
FREDERIC HUIDEKOPER.
SEVENTH EDITION.
NEW YORK:
DAVID G. FRANCIS.
1887.
COPYRIGHT, 1854.
BY FREDERIC HUIDEKOPER.
PEEFAOE.
THE following treatise was commenced nearly three
years ago, under the supposition that it could be finished
in three or four days, and with no further intention than
that of translating some passages on the subject of which
it treats, as one evidence among many that the Gospels
did not originate in the opinions of the Early Christians.
It grew on the writer's hands, led to investigations which
he had not anticipated, and was delayed by other duties.
The size to which it has grown is not, probably, dis-
proportionate to the place held by its subject among
early Christian views ; and if we are ever to have a satis-
factory picture of their theology, it must be by giving to
each feature its due proportions. The man who should
treat of Millerism by ransacking its productions for every
casual allusion to the Atonement, Original Sin, or Pre-
destination, and should spread the result of his labors
over volumes, while he barely hinted at a belief by the
Millerites of the Second Coming, would give a very dis-
proportioned picture of his subject. Yet such a picture
would not be more faulty than many a portraiture of the
early centuries. The writings of the Fathers have been
searched for their opinions on points concerning which
they scarcely thought at all, whilst subjects of great in-
terest to them have been nesrlected. Such of their ex-
IV PREFACE.
pressions as could be made to bear on modern controver-
sies have been extracted from their own systems of
thought, and reconstructed into modern systems. The
process has resembled that of a man who should recon-
struct the fragments of Grecian statuary and temples into
crucifixes and Gothic churches, and should expect by a
treatise on each fragment to convey a good idea of the
original design. A reproduction of the original work
would be simpler, and answer the purpose better.
That a subject so prominent among the Early Christians
as the Underworld Mission should have been passed by
without a word, or with scarcely a word, by leading Ec-
clesiastical Historians, is singular. The elaborately terse
work of Gieseler does not allude to it. Neander, who is
regarded as having penetrated deeply into the spirit of
the ancient Church, has written what makes, in Torrey's
Translation, a large and closely printed volume, on the
first three centuries. Of this, three hundred and twenty
pages are devoted to Catholic and Heretical doctrines,
without, I believe, any but an insufficient allusion to the
Underworld Mission (Vol. 1, p. 654), and a mention of
Marcion's peculiarity (Ibid., p. 471), although the state-
ment (Ibid., p. 641) that Christ gave himself to the Evil
One as a ransom for mankind seems to require, in order
to render it intelligible, some explanation concerning
Satan's Lordship over the Underworld, and Christ's de-
scent thither. Mosheim, Milner, and Priestley, so far as
I have been able to ascertain by a cursory examination,
do not mention Christ's mission below in their respective
Church Histories, though the first of these, in his copious
Commentaries on the Affairs of Christians before Con-
stantine, a work, in the original, of nearly one thousand
quarto pages, casually introduces (Vol. 1, p. 495, edition
PREFACE. V
of Dr. Murdock) a mention of Marcion's peculiar bias on
the subject.
The treatise apparently of most reputation as a history
of Christ's descent to the Underworld is by J. A. Dietel-
maier, Historia Dogmatis de Descensu Christi ad Inferos.
My efforts to procure it were unsuccessful. The few
works or articles that I have seen on the subject of this
treatise did not prove satisfactory. J. L. Koenig, in his
Lehre von Christi Hoellenfahrt, pp. 260-268, has filled
nine pages with the titles alone of Works, Articles, and
Sermons on this subject. His work did not reach me
until my own was nearly finished. An examination of
the titles of some of the works which he has mentioned,
and a perusal of occasional extracts from, or references to,
others, convinced me that the mass of them would aid
my investigations but little. Most of them I suspect to
be written from a doctrinal point of view. If this sus-
picion be correct, Christ's descent to the Underworld
must in its most uninteresting shape, namely, as a point
of doctrine, have occasioned an unusual amount of con-
troversy, whilst its interesting and historical bearings
have been overlooked.
The belief by the Early Christians of their special ex-
emption from the Underworld, effected by Christ's descent
thither, was to my own mind novel, and, as a point of
history, interesting. Whether it will prove equally so to
others, I do not know.
My chief object in writing has been the argument for
the Genuineness of the Gospels, in XXV. The tone in
which Christianity has frequently been defended must
be my excuse for not thinking it superfluous to add, that,
though I would deem no toil misplaced which should give
men a deeper confidence in the supernatural character of
VI PREFACE.
Christianity, yet I hope that I should recognize mental
superiority, appreciate moral worth, and feel attracted
towards whatever was lovely in one who did not accept
Christianity as a revelation, equally as in one who did.
May I caution the reader who recoils from Church
authority, not to go to the opposite extreme of judging
the Fathers to be weaklings because they had not out-
grown the errors of their times ? He who should judge
Julius Caesar by his account of catching wild beasts l in
Germany, or Tacitus by his story of the Phosnix, 2 might
readily under-estimate them. Our missionaries have not
found that a communication of Christianity at once dis-
pels the former education of their converts. Why should
it have been different in the second century. In How-
ard Malcom's " Travels in Southeastern Asia " (Vol. 1,
note on p. 262, edit, of 1839), the reader will find that
"it was some time before the Christian converts [in
1 " There are some beasts also which are called Alces. These are like
goats in figure and in the diversity of their skins, but are somewhat
larger. They lack horns, and have legs devoid of joints ; nor do they
lie down when they rest ; nor if they by any accident fall, can they get
up again. Trees serve them for couches. They place themselves against
them, and, leaning but a little, take their rest. When the hunters per-
ceive, from the marks, whither they are accustomed to betake themselves,
they either root up or cut all the trees in that place, so that their upper
part is left with the appearance as if they were standing. When the
animals recline here as usual, they overturn the infirm trees by their
weight, and fall with them." Caesar, De Bello Gallico, 6, 27.
2 " In the consulships of Paulus Fabius and Lucius Vitellius the
Phoenix bird, after a long circuit of years, came [again] into Egypt, and
afforded to the most learned both from among the natives and the
Greeks, material for much discussion concerning the wonder. I will
narrate the things in which the}'' agree, and others which, though
doubtful, are not absurd subjects for investigation. That bird (animal)
is sacred to the sun, and those who have described its form agree that
it differs from other birds in its appearance and in the separation (or
singularity, distinctu') of its feathers. Concerning the number of years
PREFACE. VU
Burmah] could be reconciled to Mr. Judson's perform-
ing the marriage ceremony, or being present in any way.
It seemed to them absolutely obscene." Accustomed to
deem the priest of their former faith polluted by presence
at a wedding, they were, of course, shocked to see the
minister of what they regarded as a still purer religion
permit himself what would have made a priest of Burmah
blush. The prepossessions of the Early Christians were
not counteracted by missionaries schooled in foreign lands.
Their teachers were from their own number, brought up
under like influences with themselves. Why should we
wonder that errors which Christianity directly, or but
indirectly, opposed, and still more those of which it said
nothing, were not at once dispelled from the minds of its
professors ?
MEADVILLE, PA., July 21, 1853.
[between its visits] there are various reports. The most current assigns
a space of five hundred years. Some assert an interval of one thousand
four hundred and sixty-one, and say that the former birds first in the
reign of Sesosidis, afterwards in that of Amasis, then in that of Ptolemy,
the third king of the Macedonian line, flew to the city called Heliopolis
[city of the sun], with a great accompaniment of other birds, astonished
at the unusual appearance. The ancient part of it is, however, obscure.
Between Ptolemy and Tiberius were less than two hundred and fifty
years, whence some have supposed this last Phcenix to be a spurious
one, not from the land of Arabia, and to have had nothing belonging
to it of those things which were established by ancient tradition. "When
the number of [its] years is finished, and death approaches, it constructs
a nest in its own country, and infuses into it a producing power out of
which the fetus springs. The first care of this when grown is to bury
its parent, nor that rashly, but having taken up a load of Myrrha [an
Eastern stone] and tried it during a long journey, when it proves equal
to the burden and to the flight, it takes its parent's body and bears it
within the altar of the sun and burns it. These things are uncertain
and increased by fables ; but there can be no doubt that that bird is
sometimes seen in Egypt." Tacitus, Annals, 6, 28.
Till PREFACE.
AT the foregoing date a few copies were struck off
mainly to facilitate revision. An edition was published
in 1854, which has since several years been exhausted.
Applications for it continued, but the writer has not
until the present date found leisure to reprint. The
present edition contains, aside from minor alterations,
some additional citations from Tertullian on pages 53,
91, 99, 100, 158 ; one from Lactantius on page 31, as to
the object of Christ's death; some remarks, page 164, on
a passage of Virgil ; page 153 on a passage of Cicero ;
and pages 163, 164 on the Pseudo Josephus. The change
of chief moment is one on page 146, with reference to the
date and cause of Christ's deification by some of the early
Christians.
In two or three instances (pages 4, 19, 146, 164, 172),
reference has been made for fuller information to a work,
Judaism at Rome, which the writer has in press, but
which will not appear for some months.
MEADVILLE, PA., March 31, 1876.
In the present edition there has, besides minor matters,
been added to the Appendix a Note concerning the Homi-
lies on Luke.
MEADVILLE, PA., March 31, 1882.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
SECTION PACK
I. PRELIMINARY ' 1
II. CONTROVERSY OF THE CATHOLIC CHRISTIANS WITH MARCION 4
III. CONSEQUENT CONTROVERSY AMONG CATHOLICS . .7
1. Ultra Anti-Gnostics or Orthodox .... 7
2. Liberalists or Heterodox 11
IV. ALEXANDRINE OR THEOSOPHIC GNOSTICS ... 18
Y. MANICHJSANS 26
VI. UNDERWORLD MISSION THE OBJECT OF CHRIST'S DEATH 28
VII. CONTROVERSY WITH THE HEATHENS 31
VIII. THE UNDERWORLD MISSION FORETOLD .... 33
IX. CONTROVERSY WITH THE JEWS 38
X. CHRIST NEEDED PRECURSORS BELOW .... 44
XI. THE PREACHING 48
1. In the Apostolic Age 48
2. In the Second and Third Centuries . . . .49
XII. THE LIBERATION 49
1. In the Apostolic Age ....... 49
2. In the Second and Third Centuries .... 52
XIII. THE BAPTISM 55
XIV. SATAN, OR DEATH, LORD OF THE UNDERWORLD . . 58
X CONTENTS.
XV. FOREBODINGS OF CONFLICT 64
1. The Agony in the Garden 64
2. The Twenty-second Psalm 65
XVI. THE VICTORY. THE UNDERWORLD RIVEN . . 66
XVII. CHRIST'S INCARNATION CONCEALED FROM SATAN . . 78
XVIII. THE EANSOM 85
1. Definition of Terms ^ .85
2. What was the Ransom ? 87
3. Why Satan accepted it 91
XIX. RECONCILIATION TO GOD 92
XX. DISCOMFORTS OF THE UNDERWORLD .... 97
XXI. LOCALITY OF PARADISE 101
1. Object of the Inquiry 101
2. Twofold Theory 103
3. Paradise in Heaven 106
4. Paradise on Earth 107
5. Statements less precisely worded .... 108
6. Additional Remarks 109
XXII. CHRISTIAN EXEMPTION FROM THE UNDERWORLD . .112
1. General Statement 112
2. The Marcionites 113
3. Liberalist or Heterodox Catholics . . 114
4. Orthodox Catholics. First Class . . . .116
5. Orthodox Catholics. Second Class . . . 119
6. The Valentinians 122
7. The Clementine Homilies 125
XXIII. CHRIST'S UNDERWORLD MISSION THE CAUSE OF THE
EXEMPTION 127
XXIV. GENERAL REMARKS 128
XXV. GENUINENESS OF THE GOSPELS .... . 134
XXVI. CHURCH AUTHORITY . ... 140
CONTENTS. XI
APPENDIX.
NOTE A. Jesus the Special Deity of the Old Testament . . 145
" B. Mortality and Immortality. Life and Death . . 148
" C. Heavens 152
" D. The Acts of Pilate 153
" E. Resurrection of Flesh 156
" F. Further Remarks on Section XXII. 5 ... 161
" G. Modern Views of the Clause in the Creed, "He descend-
ed into the Underworld " 164
The Lutherans 165
German and Dutch Calvinists 167
French Calvinists 168
Anglican Church 168
The Westminster Confession 169
Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of
America 170
Concluding Remark 171
" H. The Sibylline Oracles 171
" I. Homilies on Luke 172
INDEXES.
I. SCRIPTURE QUOTATIONS AND REFERENCES .... 173
II. CITATIONS FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS .... 174
III. WORDS AND SUBJECTS 177
CHRIST'S MISSION TO THE UNDERWORLD.
1. PRELIMINARY.
IT has been supposed l that in " the Homeric and Hesi-
odic ages, the world or universe was " regarded as w a
hollow globe divided into two equal portions by the flat
disk of the earth " ; that w the superior hemisphere was
named HEAVEN, the inferior one TARTARUS." There is
nothing inherently improbable in the idea that such a
view should have once prevailed ; but the passages 2 ad-
duced in its favor are insufficient to prove it.
AtjLhe-_Cliritian era the Underworld appears to have
been regarded as an immense cavern in the depths of the
earth. JSTo living man was supposed to have seen it ; nor
had any from among the dead returned to describe it.
Theiiescrtptions~oT it by the poets may have created or
strengthened general impressions as to its nature, but
were so obviously efforts of fancy, or so inconsistent, that
they could not establish permanent and well-defined ideas
of its interior structure. He who should attempt the
fruitless task of obtaining from Christians in the nine-
teenth century the subdivisions and interior structure of
1 Anthon's Classical Dictionary, Art. Tartarus.
2 They are the two following : I (Jupiter) will throw him into dark
Tartarus . . .as much below Hades as heaven is from the earth."
Homer, Iliad, 8, 13 - 16. " They bound (the Titans) with heavy chains
... as much below the earth as heaven is from it." Hesiod, Theoy.
vv. 718-720.
2 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ I.
heaven would soon learn to appreciate the vagueness of
ancient conceptions touching the Underworld.
This vast subterranean cavern was popularly regarded
as the dwelling of the human race, a belief, of course,
not shared by those sceptics who denied man's future ex-
istence, and which must have been held in a limited
shape, if at all, by such as allotted the philosophic soul a
super-terrestrial residence hereafter. Whether a disbelief
in the Underworld AS A RESIDENCE FOR HUMAN SOULS
went hand in hand with a disbelief in the very existence
of such a place, may be a question. Plato so interweaves
the Lower Regions with his system of natural science, 3 as
to warrant the supposition that others might with various
modifications believe in the locality without receiving it
as man's future abode.
Christians quoted the Saviour in proof that it was in
the w HEART of the earth," an expression which probably
does not imply that they believed the earth a sphere, or
that they had any defined ideas of its shape.
Atjthe Christian era, popular phraseology would have
8 In the Phcedo of Plato the earth appears as a sphere [ 132, (58)]
hung in space and surrounded by the heavens ; Tartarus (to be distin-
guished, evidently, from the Lower Regions), as a far distant chasm
[ 139-142, (160, 161)], extending completely through the earth, into
which the rivers, the ocean being one of the four principal ones, poured
from above the earth and from below the earth, being never pennitted to
pass its centre, for the opposite side of the earth would be ' up-hill ' to
them. From this chasm they flowed through the earth's interior realms,
and, apparently by this route, regained their former sources. The sub-
terranean streams of mud and fire occasionally found their way out
through our volcanoes.
Tertullian comments on the foregoing view of Plato, or rather on his
own statement of it, by saying : " To us the Underworld (Inferi) is not
an EXPOSED cavity nor any OPEN receptacle for the bilge-water of the
world, but a vast region extending upward and downward in the earth
(in fossa terrce et in alto vastitas), a profundity hid away in its very
bowels. For we read that Christ passed the three days of his death in
the HEAR.T of the earth, that is, in an internal recess, hidden in the earth
itself and hollowed out within it, and based upon yet lower abysses."
De Anima, c. 55, p. 353. A. B.
I.] PRELIMINARY. 3
made little distinction between the fact of man's death,
and the idea of his descent to the Lower Eegions. The
latter was regarded as implied in the former. When
Peter quotes 4 from the Psalms in evidence that God
would not leave Christ in the Underworld, he makes no
effort to prove that Christ had ever gone there. This was
an inference which his hearers would probably have re-
garded as necessarily involved in his death. 5 It needed
no proof.
But if Christ went to the Underworld, what did he do
there ? This was a question not unlikely to present itself
to some inquiring mind. The supposition has been made
and contested, that this question suggested itself already
in the Apostolic age, and that we have from the pen of
Peter an attempted solution 6 of it. To the examination
of this point we shall return hereafter. 7
On leaving the Apostolic age, we almost lose sight of
the Christians in an historical chasm of sixty or eighty
years. "When they reappear on the hither side of it, we
find, so far as their records enable us to judge, that, among
all the parties into which they are divided, though with
one modification hereafter to be made, 8 a belief has be-
.come firmly established that Christ performed a mission
in the Underworld. The variety of discussions as to its
nature prove the universality of belief in the supposed
fact of the mission itself. To these discussions we will
now attend.
4 Acts 2, 27, 31 ; compare Psalm 16, 10.
5 Lactantius in the beginning of the fourth century seems to have
regarded the like inference a reliable one concerning the Heathen gods,
whom for the time being he must have regarded as deified men. "If
any one," he says, " would inquire further, let him congregate such as
are skilled in summoning souls from the Underworld. Let them call out
Jupiter, Neptune, Vulcan, Mercury, Apollo, and Saturn the father of
all ; and, when interrogated, they will speak and make confession con-
cerning themselves and concerning God. After this let them summon
Christ. He will not come nor appear, for he only abode two days in the
Underworld. "What can be proposed more certain than this test ? " Div.
Inst. 4, 27.
6 1 Pet. 3, 19. 7 See XL See IV.
UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ II.
II. CONTROVERSY OF THE CATHOLIC CHRISTIANS
WITH MARCION.
As the Christians emerge from the historical chasm
mentioned in the preceding section, we find them, besides
Jewish Christians, divided into two general parties, the
Gnostics and Catholics, the latter being the main body of
Christians. The Gnostics owed their existence to an em-
bittered war between Jews and Heathens, on which com-
pare Judaism at Eoine, Ch. XI. I. 1. They regarded the
Old and New Testaments, not only as distinct revelations,
but as proceeding from distinct beings. The author of
the former was revealed in it as the Creator and Kuler
of this world, and in this light they regarded him. The
source of the latter was a superior Deity, concerning
whom the Saviour himself had said, ^ No man Icnoweth
the Father but the Son, and he to whom the Son will reveal
him " ; * a statement which precluded the idea of His
having been revealed to man at a still earlier date. Paul
also had clearly distinguished, as the Marcionites thought,
the ^Gfod of this world^ 2 from the author of Christianity.
The Catholics, on the other hand, regarded the two reve-
lations as having their origin in the same source.
The Gnostics may be subdivided into MARCIONITES and
THEOSOPHIC or ALEXANDRINE GNOSTICS, the latter branch
admitting still other subdivisions. Deferring these latter
for a future section, we shall here confine ourselves to
the former. The Marcionites took their name and sys-
tem from their leader, Marcion. His writings have per-
ished, and we are obliged to sift out his opinions from the
statements or misstatements of his opponents. He was a
native of Pontus in Asia Minor. His religious system
was tinctured by the asceticism of his age, and his theo-
logical views were probably biased by sharpness of col-
1 Matt. 11, 27 ; Luke 10, 22 ; Irenams, 4, 6, 1 (4, 14) ; Tertul. adv.
Marcion. 4, 25, p. 544. A.
2 2 Cor. 4, 4 ; Tertul. adv. Marcion. 5, 11, pp. 597. D., 598. A.
II.] CONTROVERSY WITH MARCION. 5
lision between himself and whatever was Jewish, either
within or without the Christian pale. On some points
his religious views contrast favorably with those of his
Catholic brethren, especially with those of his ultra op-
ponents, 3 though he seems to have lacked judgment as a
logician and interpreter, and to have solved not a few of
his New Testament difficulties in a manner peculiar to
himself, by the application of a pruning-knife to what he
could not harmonize with his system.
Irenaeus tells us : u Besides (Marcion's) blasphemy
against [the Jewish] God, he added this, receiving indeed
a mouth from the Devil, and speaking all things contrary
to the truth ; that Cain and those who were like him, and
the Sodomites and Egyptians, and those who were like
them, and in fact all the Gentiles 4 who had walked in
thorough wickedness, were saved by the Lord when he
descended into the Underworld, and that they had hastened
to him, and that he took them into his kingdom. But
Abel and Enoch and Noah and the other Just Men, and
those who belonged to the Patriarch Abraham, with all
the Prophets and such as had pleased God, did not, ac-
cording to the preaching of the serpent in Marcion, par-
ticipate in the salvation. 6 For since,' he said, ' they knew
that their God was always trying them, and suspected
that he was trying them then, they did not hasten to
Jesus nor believe what he announced ; and therefore '
(Marcion) said 'their souls remained in the Under-
world. 5 " 5
Essentially the same account of Marcion's view is given
in Theodoret. 6 Epiphanius, in the latter part of the fourth
century, who never suffers the follies of heretics to be
8 See Neander, Church History, Torrey's trans., Vol. 1, pp. 327, 328.
Moehler, the Roman Catholic, speaks of Marcion as " the most pious
of Gnostics." See his Symbolism, p. 274.
4 Or possibly, " all such nations as had walked." A Latin translation
of the passage alone remains, nor does the parallel Greek of Theodoret
here assist us.
6 Contra Hferes. 1, 27, 3 (1, 29).
6 Hseret. Fabulae, 1, 24 ; Opera, 4, p. 158.
6 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ II.
diminished in his account of them, specifies 7 Cain, Korah,
Datlian, and Abirain as among the worthies thus hereti-
cally saved.
Marcion was a rigid moralist, and accepted the histori-
cal accuracy of the Old Testament. On this accuracy, in
fact, he based no small part of his argument for the dis-
tinction of the Jewish Deity, the JUST God, as he termed
him, from the Father, the GOOD God, whom Christ had
revealed. Can we then believe the statements of Irenaeus
and others concerning him ? Or are they but misappli-
cations which his enemies have made of general and
unguarded expressions ?
Marcion may have supposed the Jews in the Under-
world to be essentially the same stiff-necked, perverse
race which he deemed them on earth ; that there, as here,
the Gospel had met its chief acceptance among Gentiles.
He may, too, have used in perfect good faith the argu-
ment 8 which Irenseus puts into his mouth. Antagonism
to Jewish prejudices might prompt him to specify the
Egyptians, the ancient and hated enemies of Israel, as not
excluded from Christ's teaching, and he may have under-
stood the Saviour's lamentation over Chorazin, Bethsaida,
and Capernaum as implying that Sodom and Gomorrah
would repent 9 at his instructions ; an interpretation which
7 Adv. Hteres. 42, 4 ; Opera, 1, p. 305. A.
8 Based on such passages, perhaps, as the following : " If there arise
among you a prophet . . . and giveth thee a sign or wonder, and the sign
or wonder come to pass whereof he, spake unto thee, saying, ' Let us go after
other Gods which thou hast not known, and let us serve them, 1 thou shalt
not hearken unto the words of that prophet, . . . for the Lord your God
PROVETH you." Deut. 13, 1-3. " God did TEMPT Abraham." Gen.
22, 1. " Then said the Lord, . . . The People shall go out and gatJier a
certain rate every day, that I may PROVE them." Exod. 16, 4. "Moses
said unto The People, ' Fear not ; for God is come to PROVE you.' "
Exod. 20, 20.
9 The idea of repentance in the narrative of Luke (10, 13) is directly
connected, not with Sodom and Gomorrah, but with Tyre and Sidon ;
though, as an inference, it might very well bear a connection with the
former. In Matthew, however, a capacity of repentance is implied for
Sodom (11, 23) : " If the mighty works . . . had been done in Sodom it
III.] CONTROVERSY AMONG CATHOLICS. 7
was actually put upon it by at least one Catholic writer,
as will appear under the second division of the next sec-
tion. But for the salvation of Cain and similar worthies
there is no plausible ground discernible in Marcion's sys-
tem. The connection between Cain and the Sodomites
existed more probably in the minds of Marcion's opponents
than in his own statements. Irenseus manifests consid-
erable feeling in his account of Marcion ; a feeling which,
judging from extracts in the next section, was not con-
fined to himself.
111. CONSEQUENT CONTROVERSY AMONG CATHO-
LICS.
1. Ultra Anti-Gnostics or Orthodox*
ALL the Catholic Fathers maintained that the Mosaic
institutions were not essential to salvation. A portion of
would have remained to this day." It is true that Matthew's Gospel was
one of the three which Marcion was not accustomed to use. He con-
fined himself almost exclusively to his own expurgated copy of Luke,
distrusting the Jewish prejudices of any save Paul's companion. Yet
when testimony in the other Evangelists militated against what Marcion
deemed Jewish preconceptions, he seems to have used it as reliable.
Thus the passage, " Who is my mother, and who are my brethren ? "
(Matt. 12, 48 ; Mark 3, 33), though not to be found in Luke, was, accord-
ing to Tertullian (Adv. Marcion. 4, in, p. 531. D.), a "most constant
argument of all who dispute the Lord's nativity," that is, of Marcion and
his followers.
Some explanation of Marcion's exclusiveness towards Abraham and
his posterity in the Underworld might be found in those remarks of the
Saviour which imply an indifference to his teachings on the part of the
cities most favored with them, GREATER than could have been looked for
in Sodom and Gomorrah. Marcion was accustomed to push the meaning
of such passages.
1 I use the terms 'orthodox' and Miberalist,' in the absence of better
ones, to designate, not personal character, but party distinctions, for
some explanation of which the reader is referred to the Appendix, Note E.
8 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ III.
them, who from their fear of heresy may be designated
as the ultra Anti-Gnostic, or Orthodox, party coincided
closely with the Jews on several points. Yet, as not un-
frequently happens, it was in this party the one most
nearly allied to them that the Jews found their warmest
opponents. The writers are of this semi-Jewish party,
if it may so be termed, who have left us the most elab-
orate and strenuous arguments to prove the non-essential
character of the Mosaic institutions. Abel, Enoch, Noah,
and others had proved acceptable to God without them,
and hence they were evidently unnecessary to salvation. 2
Justin Martyr affirms that they were given to the Jews
solely on account of their hardness 6f heart; and adds,
u Unless this be so, God will be calumniated as destitute
of foreknowledge and as not teaching the same rules of
righteousness to all for their knowledge and observ-
ance." 3
Consistently with their own arguments, the writers of
this party were the last who could have restricted the
benefits of Christ's Underworld mission to the Jews.
Yet antipathy to Marcion seems to have made them for-
get their own reasoning, and reject as heresy in the
Underworld what they defended . as Orthodoxy on earth.
In judging how much force should be attributed to the
following extracts from their writings, the reader will do
well to suspend his opinion until he has perused the cita-
tion from Clement, which is evidently meant as a reply
to their views.
Justin Martyr, as will appear under IX., quotes and
perhaps alters a passage so as to make it the "dead from
among ISRAEL" to whom the Lord preached, and cites
It would be a mistake, as regards character, to contrast Cyprian and Her-
mas as samples, the former of a liberalist and the latter of an exclusive.
On the classification of Tertullian, the reader will please compare a note
under the fifth division of XXII.
2 Justin Martyr, Dial. cc. 19, 27 ; Tertul. adv. Judseos, c. 2 ; Irenaeus,
4, 16, -2(4,30).
8 Dial. c. 92 ; compare 23. Compare also the Sibylline Oracles, Book
8, line 287 (301), p. 736.
III.] CONTROVERSY AMONG CATHOLICS. 9
the Old Testament in proof that the FATHERS confessed
him. As he was arguing to the Jews, he might have
been prompted, not by opposition to Marcion, but by the
desire of showing that even the Jews, and the Fathers
themselves, had need of Christ. The same explanation
will hardly apply to all the following extracts.
Irenseus tells us, u Therefore the Lord descended to the
regions under the earth, preaching to them also his ad-
vent, the sins of such as believed on him being remitted.
But all believed on him who WERE HOPING FOR HIM, that
is, who had FORETOLD HIS COMING, and OBEYED HIS STAT-
UTES, 4 the JUST MEN, 5 and PROPHETS, and PATRIARCHS,
to whom he remitted their sins in like manner as to us." 6
Elsewhere he states as the object of Christ's death, " That
he might announce the glad tidings to ABRAHAM AND
THOSE WHO WERE WITH HIM." 7 Elsewhere he speaks of
the Lord's suffering as the means of awakening his
sleeping 4 DISCIPLES,' a term which he, at least, would not
have applied to the just Gentiles that had lived prior to
Christ, and which he further explains by saying that
" Christ came ... on account of all men who from the
beginning . . . had both feared and loved God . . . and
DESIRED TO SEE CHRIST, and to hear his voice." 8 The
sleeping disciples on whose account he had descended
to the Lower Regions were those of whom he had said to
his Apostles, ^ Many Prophets and Just Men have desired
to see and hear what you see and hear? 9 And again he
4 Justin and the subsequent Fathers maintained, though at the ex-
pense sometimes of consistency, that it was Jesus or the Logos who had
spoken to Moses at the bush, and to the Prophets. See Appendix,
Note A.
6 Just Men. To some extent this was a technical term for those who
in the Old Testament were said to have pleased God. Compare extract
from Irenaeus in II, and from Hernias on pp. 11 and 56 ; also Indirect
Testimony > p. 59.
6 Cont. Haeres. 4, 27, 2 (4, 45). 7 Cont. Hseres. 5, 33, 1.
8 Cont. Haeres. 4, 22, 1 (4, SP).
9 Ibid. The uncircumcised whom Irenaeus mentions at the close of the
rhapter as justified by faith are the Patriarchs prior to the time of Abra-
ham in whom the Gentile Christians are "prefigured."
10 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ III.
quotes, 10 without the prophet's name, a spurious pas-
sage from the Old Testament, hereafter to be noticed,
which limits the salvation that had taken place to the
" SAINTS," a term that could not have included departed
Gentiles, and which it may be noticed under the second
division of our present head that Clement of Alexandria
omits from his quotation a memoriter one probably
of Matthew 27, 52, where its introduction would have
spoiled his argument. It seems to have been uncon-
sciously added to the supposed passage of the Old Testa-
ment by the prepossessions of Irenseus, since in four
other quotations of it by himself and one by Justin this
term does not appear.
The Epistle ascribed to Barnabas, in a passage to be
quoted more fully hereafter, regards Christ as having suf-
fered, " that he might render to THE FATHERS what had
been promised them." n
A passage in the SMALLER GREEK epistles attributed to
Ignatius coincides in tone with the first extract above
given from Irenseus : w How shall we live without him
whom THE PROPHETS being his disciples 12 through the
spirit (i. e. through his supernatural communications to
them) looked for as their teacher [in the Underworld].
And on this account he whom they justly expected, being
come, waked them from the dead." 13
Tertullian represents an opponent of one of his views as
saying, w I think (that Christ descended) to the souls of
THE PATRIARCHS." 14 And again he represents opponents
as speaking of " Paradise, whither already the Patriarchs
and Prophets, the companions of the Lord's resurrection,
have passed from the Underworld." 15 He himself says
10 Cont. Haeres. 5, 31, 1. See this spurious passage in VIII.
11 Ut promissum patribus redder et, c. 5.
12 See Appendix, Note A.
13 Magnesians, c. 9 (3, 5, 6).
14 De Anima, c. 7, Opp. p. 309. D.
15 De Anima, c. 55, p. 353. C. As these opponents held the heretical
view, that Christian souls went at death to Paradise, Tertullian, to whose
main point the present question was unimportant, probably stated their
opinions in his own phraseology.
III.] CONTROVERSY AMONG CATHOLICS. 11
" that Christ did not ascend the heights of heaven before
he had ' descended into the lower parts of the earth? that
there he might make the PATRIARCHS AND PROPHETS
participators of himself." 16
The devout Hennas, author of The Shepherd, seems to
have been so absorbed in the subject of practical right-
eousness, or of what he mistook for it, as to have
mingled little in the polemics of his day. Yet he belonged
apparently to the ultra Anti-Gnostics or Orthodox divis-
ion of Catholics, and in a passage to be more fully
quoted in the thirteenth section, he explains his own
allegory concerning ten and twenty-five stones which
were successively brought up (from the Underworld) to
be built into the foundation of Christ's Church, by saying
that these stones represented the first and second ages of
Just Men, the ages as it would seem from Adam to
Abraham and from Abraham to Moses, after which
thirty more are brought up representing the Prophets and
ministers of the Lord under the Mosaic dispensation.
The passage may have but an indirect connection with
the Lord's descent, yet the omission of Gentiles from the
list of saved indicates equally the prevailing bias.
No member of the foregoing party admits, so far as I
have been able to discover, a liberation by Christ of the
GENTILES below.
2. Liberalists or Heterodox.
Among the Catholics who did not feel bound to recoil
on every point as far as possible from Gnosticism, the
Alexandrine school stood prominent. The writings of
Clement of Alexandria, of Origen, and some fragments,
constitute all 17 its extant literature out of the second and
third centuries. Its adherents appear to have maintained
in the present controversy the same generous tone of
16 Ibid.
17 Athenagoras has sometimes been classed with this school ; but the
evidence therefor is insufficient, and his distinguishing views are diamet-
rically opposed to those of its undoubted leaders and disciples.
12 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ III.
theology which was their wont. Clement led the way in
defending the cause of departed Gentiles, and judging
from his tone and manner found it hard work to stern
the current of narrow feeling among his nominally Catholic
brethren. He endeavors to support himself by an appeal
to Hernias.
w The Shepherd," he says, u by speaking 18 simply (or
without limitation) of ' THOSE WHO HAD FALLEN ASLEEP,'
recognizes some as Just Men both among the GEN-
TILES and Jews, [and thus recognizes] not only such as
preceded the Lord's coming, but those PRIOR TO THE
LAW, who were well pleasing to God, as Abel, Noah, or
any other Just Man. . . . 'For when the Gentiles, not hav-
ing the Law, do ly nature what the Law requires, though
they have not the Law, they are a Law to themselves ' (Kom.
2, 14), according to the Apostle." 19
The admitted acceptability to God of men who lived
prior to Moses or Abraham was, as already stated, a favor-
ite argument with the Early Christians in proving against
the Jews the equal privileges of the Gentiles. Clement
seems to have thought, and justly, that if it were logical
and a good Catholic doctrine above ground, it could not
be illogical and heretical below.
Elsewhere he argues as follows : w To those who were
just according to the Law, faith was wanting. ... To
the just according to Philosophy, not only faith in the
Lord, but abstinence from Idolatry 20 was needful. Where-
18 The passage alluded to will be found in the thirteenth section.
19 Strom. 2, 43, Clem. Alex. Opp. p. 452.
20 The Early Christians, in their fierce contest with the Heathen wor-
ship around them, came to regard idolatry as the sin of all sins, not
merely in a Christian, who must violate his conscience by idol-worship,
but in the Heathens, who deemed it their duty. The man who persevered
until death in idolatry was, according to their teaching, lost. It would
appear from Clement's remark, that his opponents made no distinction
in this respect between those who died before and such as died after
Christ, obvious as, according to their system, the distinction must have
been. I have not, however, found a statement of this reason for exclud-
ing the Gentiles from the benefits of Christ's subterranean mission, in
III.] CONTROVERSY AMONG CATHOLICS. 13
fore the Lord preached to those in the Underworld ; for
according to the Scripture, 6 The Underworld says to De-
struction, We have not, indeed, seen his form, but we have
heard his voice? (Job 28, 22 ?) It was not the place
which, after listening to his voice, spoke the foregoing,
but those [without distinction of race] who were in the
Underworld. . . . These are they who attended to the
Divine voice and [manifestation of] power. For what
reasonable man would brand Providence with injustice, by
deeming the souls of Just Men [from among the Gentiles]
and sinners [of all nations] under one condemnation ?
What ! Do not the Scriptures manifest that the Lord
preached the Gospel to those who perished in the deluge,
or rather 21 to such as had been bound, and to those in
prison and custody ? It has been shown [by me] in the
second book of Stromata, that the Apostles, 22 in imitation
of the Lord, preached the Gospel to those in the Under-
world. For there also, as here, I think that it behooved
any writer of the second or third century. In the fourth century Augus-
tine quotes Faustus the Manichsean as saying : " Yet this alone appears
to me objectionable in this opinion of yours, that you should believe it
only of the Jewish Fathers, and not of the others also, the Patriarchs
of the Gentiles, that they too had experienced at some time this favor
of our Liberator, especially since the Christian assembly is composed to
a greater extent of their children than from the seed of Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob. But you say, indeed, 'The Gentiles worshipped idols, the
Jews worshipped the Omnipotent God, therefore Jesus cared for them
only.' " Augustine, Cont. Faustum, 33, i.
21 A self-correction. Clement intended to appeal, not to Peter, but
to Isaiah 49, 8, 9 : " / assisted thee . . . that thou mightest say to tJie
bound, ' Go forth, 9 and to those in darkness, *Be manifest. 9 " He had
previously explained 'the bound' as meaning the Jews, and 'those in
darkness,' the Gentiles. See Strom. 6, 6, Opp. p. 762. Perhaps, more-
over, Clement thought the passage of Peter (1 Pet. 3, 19, 20) too strong for
his purpose, since according to it Christ preached to the WICKED, whereas
Clement found his hands full in maintaining that the Saviour preached
to RIGHTEOUS Gentiles.
22 The passage referred to is a simple quotation from Hennas, and is
included in the extract from that writer which will be given in the thir-
teenth section.
14 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ III.
the best 23 of the disciples to be imitators of their Teach-
er, that the one should lead to conversion the Hebrews,
and the others the Gentiles ; that is, such of both as had
lived according to the justice of the Law or of Philosophy,
not perfectly, indeed, but imperfectly. 55 24
u If, then, the sole cause of the Lord's descent to the
Underworld was to preach the Gospel, as descend he
certainly did, it was either that he might preach it to
all, or to the Hebrews alone. But if to all, then ALL WHO
BELIEVED will be saved, even if they should be from
'among the Gentiles, seeing that they have already heart-
ily confessed him there. . . . But if he preached the
Gospel to the Jews only, to whom the knowledge and
faith which come by the Saviour were wanting, it is
manifest that, as God is no respecter of external distinc-
tions, the Apostles there also, as here, must have preached
it to such of the Gentiles as were fitted for conversion.
So that it is well said by the Shepherd, . . . 4 THOSE WHO
HAD ALREADY FALLEN ASLEEP descended [into the bap-
tismal water] dead, but ascended alive. 5
u Moreover the Gospel says (Matt. 27, 52), ' MANY bodies
of those who had fallen asleep arose? obviously meaning
that they had been transferred to a better place. There
took place, therefore, some GENERAL movement and trans-
lation [i. e. both of Jews arid Gentiles] under the Saviour's
dispensation. One Just Man, therefore, is not differently
treated from another ; and this is proper, whether he be
under the Law or a Greek : for God is not the Lord of
the Jews only, but of all men, and the Father of such as
have known him more nearly. For if to live rightly is to
live LAW-fully, and to live according to reason is to live
according to the Law ; and if those who lived rightly be-
fore the Law were regarded as faithful (or believers), and
were pronounced Just, it is manifest that those outside
of the Law, who have lived rightly according to their con-
science, 25 although they may have been in the Under-
28 The Shepherd says forty.
24 Strom. 6, 44, Opp. pp. 762, 763.
25 Ata TT]V TTJS (puvTJs idiorrfra. Perhaps more literally, " according to
T11
*j
111.] CONTROVERSY AMONG C ATHOJSfe&W' J? Q JV1 5
"
world and in custody, yet when they heard the voice of
the Lord, whether his own, or that which operated
through the Apostles, were immediately converted and
believed." 26
w Also, in the Preaching of Peter, the Lord says to
his disciples after the resurrection, 4 1 have chosen you
twelve disciples, judging you to be worthy of me 5 ;
whom also the Lord, deeming them faithful, wished as
his Apostles, sending them to preach throughout the in-
habited world, . . . that those who heard and believed
might be saved ; but that the unbelieving, in that they
had heard, might bear witness that they could not say in
apology, 4 We have not heard. 5
u What then? Did not the same administration hold
good in the Underworld ; that there, also, all the souls,
having heard the preaching, might manifest repentance, or
confess that their punishment was justly due to their un-
belief ? For it would be no ordinary injustice 27 that those
who preceded the Lord's coming, and neither had the
Gospel nor were responsible for believing or disbelieving,
should partake of salvation or punishment. It would be
altogether iniquitous that they should be condemned with-
out a trial, and that only such as have lived since the
Lord's coming should have enjoyed the Divine justice." 28
Clement assumes above, that, whereas w MANY bodies of
those who had fallen asleep arose " at the Saviour's resur-
rection, the translation must have included the Gentiles.
This scarcely accords with the position that the Apostles
the peculiarities of that voice [whereby God spoke to them as to the an-
cient Patriarchs]." See Appendix, Note A.
26 Strom. 6,46, Opp. pp.763, 764.
27 Why had they or the righteous Jews been sent to the Underworld ?
Clement deemed God's punishments there (as in this life) to be intended
for man's improvement (a position, by the by, which, if consistently car-
ried out, ought finally to have emptied the Underworld), see his
Works, p. 764, lines 3-6, and p. 766, lines 38, 39, and would per-
haps have given that as one answer. See also Appendix, Note B, on
Mortality and its destiny.
28 Strom. 6,47, Opp. pp. 764, 765.
16 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ III.
preached to these same Gentiles and baptized them below.
The Apostles could not have preached in the Underworld
to those who had already been removed out of it. Clement
does not seem to have observed this inconsistency. He
was led into it partly by the desire of pressing some
support for his views out of the already established
reputation of Hennas, and partly, it would seem, by the
consciousness that, as Christ had not preached to the
Gentiles on earth, analogy would favor such a mission in
the Underworld on the part of the Apostles more readily
than on that of the Master.
Touching the question whether it were Christ or the
Apostles who preached to the departed Gentiles, Clement
shifts his position, as if uncertain on what ground he
might eventually best succeed in resting his defence ;
though the correctness of his main point the call of the
Gentiles was already settled by his moral perception.
His uncertainty is that of a man feeling his way in a new
position, rather than of one who is defending a well-known
opinion by long-established arguments.
Origen, the pupil of Clement, started, no doubt, in much
of his theology, from the point to which his teacher had
arrived. He regarded the benefits of Christ's death as not
even limited to mankind, but extending to all rational
creatures. 29 In a passage which refers especially to men,
he tells us that M Christ gave his soul a ransom for many
(Matt. 20, 28) who believed on him, and if a belief of all
upon him were supposable, he would have given his soul
a ransom for all;" ^ and adds, a little further on, that, in
the Underworld, " ALL WHO WISHED to follow him from
among Death's prisoners could do so." 81 Elsewhere he
says, " The Patriarchs, therefore, and Prophets and ALL
awaited [below] the coming of my Lord Jesus Christ ; " ffl
nor does he appear to have considered a defence of such
language requisite.
29 A statement of his views on this point may be found in the Christian
Examiner (Boston), Vol. 11, pp. 42 - 46.
80 Comment, in Matt., Tom. 16, Opp. 3, p. 726. A.
81 Ibid., B.
82 Homil. 2, on 1 Kings (i. e. Samuel), Opp. 2, p. 498. A.
III.] CONTROVERSY AMONG CATHOLICS. 17
In Potter's edition of Clement, pp. 1006 to 1011, may
be found a Latin commentary on some of the Catholic
Epistles, entitled u Adumbrations of Clement." It is
supposed w to be the remains of a translation which Cas-
siodorus made or caused to be made, with expurgations,
from a Greek work called Hypotyposes ; a work which
he regarded as Clement's. I incline to the supposition,
that these Adumbrations are from some Alexandrine con-
temporary of Clement or Origen. 34
The Adumbrations on Jude, after commenting on the
fallen angels who were " reserved in perpetual chains under
darkness unto the judgment of the great day^ quotes the
beginning of verse seventh, ^ Even as Sodom and Gomor-
rah ; " u to whom," says the writer, " the Lord signifies
that more indulgence was shown [than to the fallen
angels], and that ON BEING INSTRUCTED THEY REPENTED."
The commentary is intelligible on the supposition alone
that its writer referred to Christ's mission in the Under-
world, and that he understood the Master's lamentation
over the Jewish cities which had not listened to him
(Matt. 11, 23 ; Luke 10, 12, 13) as implying a better appre-
ciation of his teachings by Sodom and Gomorrah.
Arnobius was a Latin Christian, and, though not of the
ultra Anti-Gnostic or Orthodox, 35 does not belong to the
Alexandrine School. He must, however, have been an
admirer of Clement of Alexandria, whose ideas he has fre-
quently copied. In the seventh section of this essay an
extract from his writings will be given, which was in-
tended by him as an answer to a question asked, or a
difficulty urged, by THE -HEATHENS. If it had any force
88 See note on page 1006 of Potter's Clement.
84 In a work by John Kaye, Bishop of Lincoln, entitled, Some Ac-
count of the Writings and Opinions of Gleinent of Alexandria, a note
concerning the Hypotyposes will be found on pp. 5, 6. It extracts from
Photius (an author of the ninth century) a statement touching objection-
able doctrines which he found in these Hypotyposes. The fall of the
angels, there mentioned, was a common doctrine of the early Fathers.
The succession of worlds was a view of Origen.
86 See his views in the Appendix, Note E.
18 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ IV.
in meeting THEIR difficulty, it must have been on the sup-
position that Arnobius did not exclude Gentiles from the
benefits of Christ's mission to the departed.
Cyprian, the disciple of Tertullian, swerved from the
Orthodox on the subject of man's fate at death. His
phraseology as to the subjects of the Underworld mission,
though not definite, is free from narrowness. In proof of
the position that ff No one can attain to God the Father
except through his Son, Jesus Christ," he adduces, after
proofs pertaining to the living, a misquotation or mis-
translation of 1 Pet. 4, 6 : u For to this end the Gospel was
preached to THE DEAD ALSO, that they might be raised up
(or awaked, ut suscitentur)." 36 An Orthodox writer
would have found some quotation restricting this salva-
tion to the Fathers, which would have strengthened his
argument by bringing into prominence that even Abra-
ham and the Prophets needed to participate in Christ's
teaching. This is not of course conclusive as to Cyprian's
opinions, but the absence of Orthodox phraseology from
the language of one who had been educated in it, implies
rather strongly that he did not share the opinions which
prompted it. In his language concerning Paradise, 37
there is also nothing determinate as to who accompanied
the Saviour thither at the time of his resurrection.
IV. ALEXANDRINE OR THEOSOPHIC GNOSTICS.
ALLUSION has already been made (under II.) to the
Alexandrine or Theosophic Gnostics, 1 a much more meta-
86 Testimon. adv. Judseos, 2, 27, p. 48.
87 See Appendix, Note E.
1 They are sometimes called Alexandrine, because their most distin-
guished leaders, Yalentinus and Basilides, were from Alexandria, and be-
cause their views were strongly tinged with Alexandrine forms of thought ;
sometimes Theosophic, because of their metaphysical speculations concern-
ing the Deity. Compare touching them Judaism at Rome, Ch. 11, I. 1.
IV.] THEOSOPHIC GNOSTICS. 19
physical class of thinkers than the Marcionites. Scanty
fragments of their writings alone remain, and the argu-
ments of their opponents hardly enable us to see into
systems of thought which, as set forth by their own advo-
cates, were not probably very intelligible. The VAL-
ENTINIANS concerning whom our information is
least defective were the main subdivision of this
class of Gnostics ; and though their opinions of Christ's
descent, as hereafter to be stated, were probably shared
by others if not by all, of the Theosophic Gnostics,
yet it is of the Valentinians only that anything can be
affirmed.
The Valentinians agreed with Marcion in regarding the
being from whom the Saviour came as distinct from the
God of the Jews, who was the Creator of this world.
Their views of the latter were /more favorable than Mar-
cion's, and their system of the universe more complicated.
They shared a not uncommon conception of their times,
that the earth was spanned by seven heavens. 2 These,
with the earth beneath them, were the work of the Jewish
Deity, 3 who dwelt in the highest, or seventh. 4 Far above
him, in the altitudes of space, lay the Pleroma, the resi-
dence of the Supreme Deity and of the spiritual beings or
^Eons who had been developed from him.
In the Middle Space between the Creator and the
Pleroma dwelt ' Wisdom ' or Achamoth. Human be-
ings were divided into three classes : the Earthly ; the
Rational or Psychical ; and the Spiritual : or, as it might
otherwise be phrased, into Beings of Earth, of Soul, and
of Spirit. The Earthly were destined to perish. The
Rational perished or attained to salvation, according to
the lives which they led. 5 The latter class of Rational,
and also the Spiritual, prior to the Christian dispensation,
passed at death, as it would seem, to a place of rest in the
heavens of the Creator, perhaps to the seventh heaven,
2 See Appendix, Note C.
8 Irenaeus 1, 5, 2 (1, l).
* Iren. 1, 5, 4 (1, l).
6 Iren. 1, 6, 2 and 4 ; 1, 7, 5.
20 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ IV.
perhaps to Paradise, 6 which the Valentinians placed
either in the fourth heaven, or else in the fourth space
counting from the earth upwards, that is, in the space
between the third and fourth heavens. The Saviour re-
moved the Spiritual out of this into the Middle Space.
The Psychical if the Doctrina Orientalis represents
the opinions of all remained 7 with the Creator until
the consummation. They and the Creator were then to
ascend to and dwell in the Middle Space, 8 while Wisdom
and her children ' the Spiritual were to be elevated
into the Pleroma, and this world was to be burnt up.
Jesus was the supernaturally constituted Messiah of
the Creator. To assist him in his important work, the
JEon Saviour descended into him at his baptism out of
the Pleroma, but rose again and left him when he was
taken before Pilate. It is of this JEon Saviour, and not
6 The Valentinians held, with many Catholics, that man was created
in the Heavenly Paradise. That they should have agreed with the Cath-
olics in regarding it as the place to which the Creator purposed restoring
him, would seem not improbable, and the rather, since there would thus
have been a correspondence between the two places of rest. The fourth
heaven was the middle one, so also was the fourth intercelestial space.
Either, but more especially the latter, could be regarded as analogous to
the (supercelestial) MIDDLE Space. The Valentinians were fond of such
correspondences between the works of the Creator and those above him,
believing that he had wrought under an influence from the Pleroma.
On the other hand, it will appear towards the latter part of this section,
that Heracleon used the same term, Jerusalem, as symbolical of the Cre-
ator who dwelt in the SEVENTH heaven, and as symbolical also of the
Place of Souls. The Doctrina Orientalis, c. 63, treats the " other faithful
souls " who were not yet admitted to the Middle Space as remaining for
the present with the Creator ; a dubious expression, since it might mean
in his realms ; yet I incline to understand it as meaning in his immediate
presence. And the Ascension of Isaiah, which, of all Catholic docu-
ments, has, on subordinate points, most resemblance with the Valentinian
theology, places Adam and the saints in the SEVENTH heaven (ch. 9,
6 - 9), differing therein from all other Catholic writings. See more on
this subject under XXII. 6.
7 Doctrina Orient, c. 63.
8 Doctrina Orient, cc. 63, 64.
IV.] THEOSOPHIC GNOSTICS. 21
of Jesus, that mention is made in the following extracts
from the ' Doctrina Orientalis ' 9 or ' Excerpta Theodoti.'
^ The Saviour as he descended was seen by the angels
[of the Middle Space through which he passed 10 ] ; on
which account they proclaimed the glad tidings of him "
(Luke 2, 13, 14).
66 But he was also seen by Abraham and the other Just 11
Men who were at rest in the right hand 12 [i. e. in the
9 The full title is Abstracts from the Writings of Theodotus and from
the so-called Eastern Teaching of the Times of Talentinus. The docu-
ment is printed in Potter's edition of Clement, pp. 966 - 989. It is a
miscellaneous collection from the writings of Theosophic Gnostics, comes
to us in its present shape from the hand of a Catholic Christian, and no
longer affords the means of determining in all cases the authorships of
the respective passages, or the schools to which they belong. Perhaps
Theodotus, a Gnostic, may have prepared a collection with comments,
from which this may be a selection with further comments by a Catholic.
Both parts of the citation in the text are from a Gnostic, if not from the
same hand, for the one affirms and the other assumes a visible descent of
the Saviour.
According to the Philosophumena, a work of the third century
erroneously ascribed to Origen, the Valentinians were divided concerning
the body of Jesus into 'Eastern Teaching' and 'Italian Teaching.'
The latter, to which Heracleon and Ptolemy belonged, regarded the body
of Jesus as of the same material with man's rational soul. The former,
of which were Axionicus and Ardesianes, regarded his body as spiritual.
See p. 195, Miller's edition. In the document called Eastern Teaching,
however, are views apparently at variance with these attributed to Axi-
onicus and Ardesianes.
10 The explanation in brackets is from Irenseus, 3, 10. 4 (3, 11).
11 Just Men may here mean the Spiritual. The Valentinians regarded
Achamoth or Wisdom as having inserted a spiritual seed into many of the
Old Testament worthies. The Creator was ignorant as to the cause of
their excellence, but was prompted by it to make them his prophets, etc.
12 Aei6i>, Aei, the neuter singular and plural of right hand, was used
by the Valeutinians to designate the heavenly places or persons of the
Jewish Deity's creation, and apurrephv, apio-repd, left hand, to designate
the earthly. Irenseus, 1, 5, 1 and 2 ; 1, 6, 1 ; 2, 24, 6 ; Doctrina Orien-
talis, c. 47, Clement, Opp. p. 980 ; Eclogse ex Script. Prophet, c. 3,
Clement, Opp. p. 990 ; Theodoret, Haeret. Fab. 1, 7. The same term was
used by the author of the Clementine Homilies, Book 2, c. 16.
22 UNDERWOKLD MISSION. [ IV.
heavens of the Jewish God], for Christ said (John 8, 56)
'he rejoiced when he saw my day? that is, the day of
my advent in the flesh. 13 Whence the Lord on rising
again (or at his resurrection, dvao-ras) preached the Gos-
pel to the Just who were at rest, and removed and trans-
ferred them. And all will live in his shadow 14 [i. e.
in the Middle Space]. For the Saviour's presence there
is the shadow of his glory with his Father. And the
shadow cast by light is not darkness, but an enlighten-
ment." 15
There is still another passage of the New Testament,
part of which, it would seem, was interpreted by the
Valentinians as the whole was by the Catholics con-
cerning Christ's mission to the departed. It is partly
quoted in the Doctrina Orientalis 16 as being used by the
Valentinians ; and though their interpretation of it is not
given there, it is pretty plainly implied in the opposing
statements of Irenaeus. The passage is in Ephesians 4,
8-10:
66 When he ascended up on high, he led captive the captives
and gave gifts unto men. Now this, 6 He ascended?
13 Though the Valentinians believed Christ to be destitute of a physi-
cal body, they used the term flesh of the Logos, rrjv TOU A&yov ffdpna.
Doctrina Orient, c. 16, Clement, Opp. p. 972.
" The day of the Saviour's advent in the flesh " is here introduced con-
troversially. The Catholics, on the other hand, in order to avoid the
force of the argument deducible from the statement that Abraham SAW
not that he FORESAW Christ's day, resorted to their position that Christ
had been the special Deity of the Old Testament, the being who com-
municated with Abraham and Moses. Thus he SAW Christ's day. Ire-
nseus, 4, 5, 2 and 3.
14 A Valentinian term, as it would seem, for the Middle Space. Ire-
naeus, 1, 4, 1 ; compare 2, 4, 3 ; 2, 8, 1 - 3.
15 Doctrina Orientalis, c. 18, Clement, Opp. p. 973. Clement, it may
be remarked, quotes Androcydes as saying that "the so-called Ephesian
Letters . . . indicate that darkness is shadowless, since it cannot have
a shadow. But light is shadowy (or shadow-throwing), since it illumi-
nates the shadow." Clement, Opp. p. 672, lines 16-20.
16 C. 43, Clement, Opp. p. 979.
IV.] THEOSOPHIC GNOSTICS. 23
what does it imply save that he also descended to the lowest 17
regions [namely, to those] of the earth. He ivho descended
is the same as he who ascended ABOVE ALL THE HEAVENS."
Irenseus does not meddle with the expression, u ABOVE
all trie heavens," which a Valentinian could urge as indi-
cating a super-celestial place whereto Christ had ascended.
Neither does he meet the argument that a Valentinian
could have based on the logical sequence, since a descent
to the Underworld of the Catholics was no more logically
implied in CHRIST'S ascent to heaven than in that of
Enoch or Elijah, whereas, on the Valentinian hypothesis,
Christ must have descended to this lower world to the
(as compared with his former residence) lower regions of
this earth before he could have ascended. Irenaeus
simply quotes passages from the Old and New Testament
to prove that Christ did literally descend to SUBTERRANEAN
regions, and then exclaims, " If therefore the Lord . . .
remained to the third day in ' the lower parts of the earth?
how shall not they be confounded who say that the Lower
Regions (Inferos) are THIS WORLD OF OURS." 18
The band of captives was by the Fathers usually un-
derstood to mean those whom Christ had released from
imprisonment in the Underworld, and could equally by
the Valentinians have been applied to those whom he
carried to regions above.
Heracleon's views must be collected from his commen-
tary on John's Gospel, or rather from the fragments of it
preserved by Origen. A word or two of explanation,
however, may be prerequisite to its comprehension by
the common reader. An idea, not yet extinct, prevailed
among the Early Christians, and especially among the
Alexandrine Catholics and Gnostics, that the sacred rec-
ords had more senses than one. Thus Origen, whilst
receiving the simple history of the two blind men who
were cured at Jericho, regarded the two as emblematic of
Judah and Israel, both blind till they came to Christ ;
17 Valentinian change, as it would seem, from ' lower.'
18 Cont. Hseres. 5, 31, 2. For the Manichsean interpretation of this
passage, see Routh's Reliq. Sac. Vol. 5, p. 52.
24 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ IV.
and since some of the Evangelists mentioned but one
blind man, this implied that Judah and Israel were be-
come one people. 19 Jerusalem, spiritually interpreted,
meant, according to Origen, Paradise or Heaven ; Jericho
meant this earth ; 20 Egypt, this world, 21 and apparently
also the Underworld. 22
According to Heracleon, 23 Capernaum, allegorically in-
terpreted, meant " these material or extreme parts of the
world." Jerusalem represented the 4 Psychical place,' or
Place of Souls, under the Creator's dispensation as it
would seem, and located probably in the seventh
heaven, since by the same term he elsewhere designates
the Creator, 24 who dwelt in the seventh heaven. The
19 Comment in Matt. Tom. 16, 12, Opp. 3, p, 732. D.
20 The man who descended from Jerusalem to Jericho meant Adam or
man in general, who descended from heaven to this earth (compare Ori-
gen's views in the second division of XXI.) and fell among thieves.
Comment in Matt. Tom. 16, 9, Opp. 3, p. 728. C. D.
21 In Genes. Homil. 15, 5, Opp. 2, p. 101, col. 1. F.
22 Origen, after quoting Gen. 46, 3, 4, "Fear not to descend into Egypt :
. . . I will descend with you into Egypt, and will finally recall youthence."
remarks : " He was not finally recalled from Egypt, since he died there.
For it would be absurd for any one to treat Jacob as recalled by God be-
cause his body was brought back, according to which interpretation it
would be untrue that ' God is not the, God of the dead, but of the living?
It is not suitable, therefore, that this should be understood of a dead
body, but it should be found correct of the living, and flourishing. . . .
The statement, * / will finally recall you thence? means, I think, as I
have above said, that at the end of the ages his only-begotten Son, for
the salvation of the world, descended even to the Lower Regions, and
thence recalled the first man." In Gen. Homil. 15, 5, Opp. 2, p. 101.
According to a portion of the context, omitted for brevity's sake, the
passage may be spiritually understood either of Christ descending to this
world, or of Adam ejected from Paradise.
23 Origen's citations from Heracleon are collected at the close of Mas-
suet's Irenseus, where the above passages will, with one exception, be found
on pp. 365, 366.
24 Iren. Opp. p. 368. Ptolemy, unless Irenaeus misunderstood him,
used this term Jerusalem to designate Wisdom, who dwelt in the Middle
Space. Irenseus, 1, 5, 3.
IV.] THEOSOPHIC GNOSTICS. 25
outer court of the temple symbolized a the Assembly of
the Psychical WHO WERE SAVED, outside of the Pleroma,"
i. e. in the Middle Space. The Holy of Holies, Origen
understood him to regard as typifying the Pleroma.
Christ's descent to Capernaum, spiritually interpreted,
meant, according to Heracleon, his descent to these ex-
treme parts of the world. His ascent to Jerusalem meant
the ascent to the Place of Souls. The whip of small
cords wherewith the buyers and sellers were ejected from
the outer court was emblematic of the powers of the
Holy Spirit ; and its wooden handle, of Christ's cross,
whereby ' the Assembly ' i. e. the Catholics or merely
psychical were purified from everything wicked, and
rendered no longer a den of thieves, but the house of
God.
There may be obscurity as to some portions of Heracle-
on's allegory, but it is pretty evident that he regarded the
ascending Saviour as first visiting the ' Place of Souls '
under the Creator's dispensation.
If a word of conjecture be allowed me, the Valentinians
had merely interpreted the ordinary Catholic ideas of
Christ's Underworld mission in what they deemed an ex-
alted manner. The Pleroma was the world of light, the
Middle Space that of shadow, this Underworld where we
dwell, the region of darkness. 25 They may have termed
it Hades, for one etymology of Hades (d 18*79) implied a
place without light, and the word Inferi, above quoted
26 In the Doctrina Orientalis, c. 37, is a statement of Valentinian opin-
ions, to be quoted in a note under XXII. 6, which identifies the 'crea-
tion' or world 'of darkness' with the 6 left-hand places,' that is, with
this earthly world.
Plato seems to have anticipated the Valentinians in comparing this
world to the lower regions. He is quoted by Clement of Alexandria as
having said, " Good souls, leaving the super-celestial place, endure to
come into this Tartarus." Clem. Alex. Strom. 1,67, Opp. p. 355,
lines 20 - 22. And the Ascension of Isaiah is equally decided as to
the comparative darkness of this world. The pseudo-prophet, after de-
scribing the brilliancy of the sixth heaven, exclaims, " Wherefore be
assured, Hezekiah, Josheb, my son, and Micah, that great darkness is
here, darkness indeed great." Ch. 8, 24.
26 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ V.
from the Latin translation of Irenseus, is elsewhere the
rendering in that writer of the word Hades.
By the Underworld they understood, according to the
passage already quoted from Irenseus, "this world of
ours," which, by comparing it with the same expression
elsewhere, would seem to mean what was below the fir-
mament and subject to the Cosmocrator 26 or World -ruler,
that is, the Devil, who in Catholic theology was Lord of
the Underworld ; a view to be developed in XIV.
Yet it is probable that they sometimes extended their
idea of this Underworld so as to include the whole mate-
rial creation of the Jewish Deity ; both his heavens and
earth. In fact, as it was only by ascending to the Middle
Space that the region of twilight, or shadow, was attained,
the conclusion is inevitable that the realms below were
of darkness, and in the Doctrina Orieutalis (c. 80) the
'OySoa?, Middle Space, 27 is contrasted, as the region of
life, with the world (this Underworld), the region of death.
V. MANICILEANS.
THE Manichseans, so called from their leader, Manes,
arose in the latter half of the third century. Perhaps
the document entitled u Discussion of Archelaus with
Manes," from which an extract will be found under
XIV., may belong to the close of the same century. So
far, however, as concerns any of their opinions directly
bearing upon Christ's mission, or aid, to the departed, we
must have recourse to documents of the fourth century,
and the reader must make allowance for any change
which he supposes that their views may have undergone,
subsequently to the period under discussion.
26 Irenseus, 1, 5, 4 (1, i). Cp. Doct. Orient. 37, in preceding note.
27 On this meaning of Ogdoad compare pp. 124, 125, and Philosophum.
pp. 191, 192, (195 ?). Tertullian uses it for the Pleroma. " Achamoth
[born in the Pleroma] was called Ogdoas by reason of [her] primal, pa-
rental [locality, the] Ogdoad." Adv. Valentin. 20.
V.] MANICH.EANS. 27
The Manichseans had mingled Persian theology with
Christianity. They believed in two Principles or Beings,
a good and an evil one, and in two abodes for men, a
place of light or happiness, and one of darkness or
misery. The departed who were rescued by Christ
must, on their theory, be delivered, not from such an
abode as the good might have temporarily occupied, but
from hell, or Tartarus. 1 The following extract is from the
words of Faustus as given in Augustine's work, w Against
Faustus the Maiiichaean," the especial subject of consider-
ation being the Saviour's words, " Many shall come from
the east and west, and recline with Abraham and Isaac and
Jacob in the kingdom of the heavens." (Matt. 8, 11.)
" Grant," says Faustus, " that they (Abraham and the
Patriarchs) are now in the kingdom of the heavens,
that they are in that place in which they had no belief
and for which they never hoped, as is evident from their
books. Yet what is written concerning them is confirmed
even by your confession, that, liberated after a long inter-
val by Christ our Lord namely, by his mystical 2 suffer-
ing from the dark and penal custody of the Lower
Eegions, whither the deserts of their life coerced them,
they attained to this place, if indeed they have attained
'to it. ...
66 But Luke, although he regarded this [narrative of the
centurion] as a memorable event, and necessary to be in-
serted among the wonderful deeds of Christ in his Gospel,
yet makes no mention there of Abraham and Isaac and
Jacob. . . . But you may see that, as I say, I shall not
be over-contentious with you concerning this passage,
since the defence which I before established and which
1 Augustine, who for a time was himself a Manichsean, seems to have
agreed with his former associates on this point. "I have nowhere
found," he says, "that the resting-place of JUST SOULS is called the Un-
derworld (Inferos)," and he appears to have been embarrassed by this
belief. See the foregoing, and a number of other citations from his writ-
ings, collected in Pearson, Exposit. of the Creed, Art. 5 (pp. 362, 364, 365,
edit. New York, 1844).
2 The Manichseans did not believe the REAL suffering of Christ.
28 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ VI.
you cannot deny is sufficient, that before the advent
of our Lord all the Patriarchs and Prophets of Israel lay
in Tartarean darkness according to their deserts, whence,
if ever liberated, they were brought back to the light by
Christ." 3
The confession above referred to is elsewhere dealt
with as follows. Faustus attributes to his opponents, the
Catholics, and without denial from Augustine, the
limitation to the Jews of Christ's favor towards the de-
parted, on the ground that the Gentiles worshipped idols,
and the Jews the omnipotent God. u So," says Faustus,
u the worship of (your) omnipotent God [equally with
idol worship] sends people to Tartarus, and they who
worshipped the Father need the aid of the Son." 4
VI. UNDERWORLD MISSION THE OBJECT OF
CHRIST'S DEATH.
THE early Christians desired to find some dignified and
striking object for Christ's death, which they might urge
against the Jews and Gentiles, and wherewith they might
dazzle their own minds. The mission among the departed
was seized upon as this object. The thought does not
seem to have suggested itself, that he could have per-
formed such a mission without dying.
Irenseus tells us : " Others, however, [by] saying, ; The
Holy Lord remembered his dead who were already fallen
asleep in the earth, and descended to them, that he might
raise (uti erigeret 1 ) for the purpose of saving them? have
assigned THE REASON WHY HE SUFFERED THESE THINGS." 2
And again : the Saviour, " coming the second time [to his
disciples who were asleep in the garden], aroused and
8 Augustine, cont. Faust. 33, l, 2, 3, Opp. 6, p. 106. E. H. K.
* Ibid. G.
1 Possibly a translation of
2 Cont. Hseres. 4, 33, 12.
VI.] THE OBJECT OF CHRIST'S DEATH. 29
raised them, signifying that HIS SUFFERING WAS THE
[MEANS OF] AWAKENING HIS SLEEPING DISCIPLES, on whose
account also he 6 descended into the lower parts of the
earth? " 3 And again : " When the Lord was about TO
SUFFER FOR THIS PURPOSE, THAT HE MIGHT ANNOUNCE
THE GLAD TIDINGS TO ABRAHAM AND TO THOSE WHO WERE
WITH HIM, OF THE OPENING OF THE INHERITANCE " ; or
perhaps the translation should be as follows : u And on
this account the Lord, when about TO SUFFER, THAT HE
MIGHT ANNOUNCE THE GLAD TIDINGS TO ABRAHAM AND TO
THOSE WHO WERE WITH HIM OF THE OPENING OF THE IN-
HERITANCE, when he had given thanks, said to his
disciples," etc. 4
Some of the connection, which for brevity's sake is
omitted, renders it additionally probable that the last
citation is an imitation of the following passage in the
Epistle ascribed to Barnabas : w Learn, therefore, how he
endured to suffer this at the hands of men. ... He
since it behooved him to appear in the flesh, that he
might Destroy [or empty, vacuam faceret] death, and
manifest the resurrection from the dead ENDURED THAT
HE MIGHT RENDER TO THE FATHERS WHAT HAD BEEN
PROMISED THEM." 6 \ 1
Clement, treating liberation from the Underworld as the\ /
necessary consequence of accepting Christ's teachings, \/
assumes, we have already seen, as a conceded point, that A
U THE SOLE CAUSE OF THE LORD'S DESCENT TO THE UNDER-
WORLD WAS TO PREACH THE GOSPEL." 6
Origen, treating a passage of the Psalms as if prophet-
ically spoken in the person of the Saviour, exclaims :
u There is nothing wonderful, therefore, in even the Saviour
saying, ' / went to sleep and slept? since he effected so
8 Cont. Hseres. 4, 22, 1 (4, 39).
* Cont. Hseres. 5, 33, 1.
5 C. 5 (4, 10).
6 See III. 2. The Saviour's death and descent to the Underworld
were so identified by Early Christians as both belonging to the history of
his humiliation, that Clement, in assigning the reason for the one, no
doubt, considered himself as equally assigning the reason for the other.
30 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ VI.
much more for the salvation of souls during the time of
his separation from the body." 7 And in his work against
Celsus the Heathen, he quotes from Paul (Rom. 14, 9) :
u 4 On this account Christ died and rose again, that he
might be the Lord both of the dead and living ' w ; and adds,
"You see in this that JESUS DIED IN ORDER THAT HE
MIGHT BE LORD OF THE DEAD, and rose again in order that
he might be Lord, not of the dead only, but also of the
living. And the Apostle, by the dead over whom Christ
should be Lord, understood those who are thus mentioned
in the First Epistle to the Corinthians (15, 52): 'The
trumpet shall sound and the dead shall be raised incor-
ruptible? " 8
Elsewhere in answering persons who deemed Samuel
too good for the Underworld, Origen says : " Was (Christ)
no longer the Son of God when he was in the regions
under the earth, ' that every knee might bend at the name
of Jesus Christ, of those in heaven, and on the earth, and
OF THOSE UNDER THE EARTH. 5 " 9 And in the same Homily
Origen, addressing his congregation, asks, a Why should
you fear to say that EVERY place has need of Jesus
Christ?" 10
Even Tertullian, who in his zeal to force upon
Christians his theological peculiarity, that the Under-
world was still their doom does not shrink from the
position that Christ's death and abode in the Underworld
were the necessary consequences of his human nature, 11
7 Comment in Ps. 3, 6 (3, 5), Opp. 2, p. 553. C. D.
8 Cont. Celsum, 2, 65, Opp. 1, p. 436. E.
9 In Lib. Regum Horn. 2, Opp. 2, p. 496. E. Comp. Philip. 2, 10.
10 In Lib. Regum Horn. 2, Opp. 2, p. 495. C. D.
11 " By the public opinion of the whole human race, we pronounce
death A DEBT DUE TO NATURE. This the voice of God has stipulated ;
this every born thing has accorded, . . . which (the God of Jacob) ex-
acted even from his Messiah. . . . Enoch and Elijah were translated, . . .
but they are reserved to die, that they may extinguish Antichrist with
their blood." De Anima, c. 50, Opp. p. 349. B. D. The last idea
seems to be founded on the eleventh chapter of the Apocalypse. Again :
" Though Christ was divine (deus), yet, because he was also man, being
VII.] CONTROVERSY WITH THE HEATHENS. 31
even Tertullian seems obliged in the same passage to
soften or cover his position by saying, u He did not ascend
the heights of heaven before he ' descended to the lower
parts of the earth? THAT THERE HE MIGHT MAKE THE PATRI-
ARCHS AND PROPHETS PARTICIPATORS OF HIMSELF." 12
Lactantius, after quoting Daniel 7, 13, remarks : w So as
to show . . . that [Christ], having assumed the human
form and mortal condition, should teach justice arid . . .
should be adjudged even to death, that he might also con-
quer and unseal the Underworld." 13
The author of the Discussion between Archelaus and
Manes goes further than others. u My Lord Jesus Christ,"
he says, u saw fit to come in a HUMAN body [i. e. in one
which gained him admission to the Underworld; see
XVII.] that he might ; vindicate, 9 u riot himself, but
Moses and those who in succession after him had been
oppressed by the violence of Death." The passage, as
more fully cited under XIV., implies that he treated
this, not alone as the object of the Saviour's death, but of
his coming.
To the above should be added a passage of Justin Martyr,
and another from Cyprian, which will be found in the
sixteenth section, and which therefore are here omitted.
VII. CONTEOVERSY WITH THE HEATHENS.
OF the Heathen works against Christianity during the
first three centuries, a few fragments only remain ; among
which, the quotations from Celsus, preserved in Origen's
reply to him, are the chief. One of these quotations
evinces that the Christians, in their intercourse or debates
dead and buried according to the Scriptures, he also satisfied the law [of
nature], by going through the form of human death in the Underworld."
De Anima, c. 55, Opp. p. 353. B.
12 Ibid. Compare Scorpiace, ch. 7, quoted on p. 53.
18 Div. Inst. 4, 12.
14 Compare the use of this apparently technical expression by Arnobius
in XXII. 3.
32 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ VII.
with the Pagans, had given a prominence to the doctrine
of Christ's mission below, which was met by ridicule.
Celsus says : " You of course do not confess touching
him [Christ], that, having failed to convince men here, he
betook himself to the Underworld to convince those
there." 1
To the foregoing, Origen replies with some warmth :
u We will, however, say this, though (Celsus) may not
like it, that while in the body he convinced not a few
[only], but so many that, on account of the multitude of
believers, a plot was laid against him, and [then] with a
soul divested of its body he discoursed to souls divested
of their bodies, converting to himself such as were willing,
or those whom for reasons (Xoyou?) known to himself he
recognized as disposed to improvement." 2
At a later period than the above, Arnobius wrote against
the Heathens. Of one passage in his work, Christ's mis-
sion to the departed affords the only natural explanation.
The Heathens are represented as asking, " If Christ was
sent by God that he might free unhappy souls from de-
struction, what have former generations deserved (i. e. if
without Christ all perish, what destruction have they not
laid up for themselves), who by the condition of mortality
passed away before his advent ? " Arnobius answers,
" Can you know what has been done to the souls of former
times ? Whether to them also, by some method deter-
mined on, and foreseen, assistance has been given ? Can
you, I say, know that which could be known IF CHRIST
WERE YOUR TEACHER, . . . whether they would have been
permitted to die unless Christ at a fixed time had come
to their assistance as a preserver ? Lay aside these cares
and dismiss questions which you do not understand. To
them also royal mercy HAS BEEN imparted, and the divine
benefits have equally flowed on all. THEY HAVE BEEN
PRESERVED. THEY HAVE BEEN LIBERATED, and have laid
aside the lot and condition of Mortality." 3
1 Cont. Celsura, 2, 43, Vol. 1, p. 419. C.
2 Ibid. C. D.
8 Adv. Gentes, 2, 63. On the subject of Mortality, its lot and condi-
tion, see Appendix, Note B.
VIII.] FORETOLD. 33
The Heathen, it appears, could learn touching Christ's
aid to the departed by becoming Christians, " if Christ
were their teacher," why not sooner ? Arnobius was
less prone than some of the early apologists to mingle a
variety of doctrines with the main points at issue between
Christians and Pagans, and herein he showed his judg-
ment. Perhaps in the present case he was only adhering
to his custom. Or perhaps Heathen ridicule had induced
Christians to place the doctrine of Christ's Underworld
mission however satisfactory to themselves in the
category of those teachings which they developed only to
the converted.
VIII. THE UNDERWORLD MISSION FORETOLD.
MANY passages of the Old Testament were supposed by
the early Fathers to predict the Saviour's descent and
mission in the Underworld, and exercised, no doubt,
much influence in giving the latter doctrine its currency.
A portion of them, therefore, are subjoined, chiefly from
Origen, who is the only writer of the second or third cen-
tury that has left us commentaries to any extent on
Scripture.
Origen speaks of the Underworld or its ruler as u that
(Death) concerning which it is written in a prophet who
speaks as in the person of the Lord (Hosea 13, 14), ' I will
take them out of the grasp of the Undenvorld, and will
liberate them from Death? " 1
u Hear the Prophet's statement (Hosea 6, 2) : ' The Lord
will resuscitate us after two days, and on the third day we
shall rise again, and shall live in his presence? " 2
u ' MANY BODIES OF THE SLEEPING SAINTS AROSE WITH
HIM, AND ENTERED INTO THE HOLY CITY 9 [the heavenly
Jerusalem], whereby the words of the Prophet are ac-
complished in which he says of Christ (Ps. 68, 18), ' As-
1 Comment, in Rom. Lib. 5, 1, Opp. 4, p. 551. A.
2 Horn, in Exod. Lib. 5, 2, Opp. 2, p. 144. F.
34 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ VIII.
tending on high he led captive the captives? and in this
manner by his resurrection he destroyed the kingdoms of
Death out of which it is written that he liberated the
captives." 3
" (Ps. 6, 4, 5.) t Turn, Lord. Free my soul. Save me for
thy mercy s sake ; since in Death no one can remember thee.
In the Underworld who shall confess thee 1 ' And (David)
not only beseeches the Lord himself to free his soul from
Death, but prophetically manifests that he had obtained his
petition by saying (Ps. 6, 9), 4 The Lord listened to the voice
of my lamentation. The Lord listened to my supplication.
The Lord accepted my prayer? For by these words he
shadowed forth his resuscitation from death, which took
place after the resurrection of Christ." 4
64 (Ps. 71, 20.) c How many sore afflictions didst thou dis-
pense to me ! Yet, turning, thou madest me alive and
broughtest me up from the abysses of the earth? These
things are manifestly spoken concerning the resurrection
from the dead." 5
(Ps. 77, 16.) " ' The Abysses were troubled? The Abysses
mean the Infernal Powers [the powers of the Abyss],
which were troubled at the presence of Christ." 6
u David also, prophesying concerning him, said (Ps. 86,
13), 6 Thou hast drawn my soul out of the depths of the Un-
derworld? ex inferno iriferiori." 7
(Ps. 22, 4, 5.) " ' Our fathers hoped on thee ; they hoped
and thou didst liberate them, they cried to thee and were not
disappointed? " 8 The connection of this citation will be
found under the next head.
(Ps. 3, 5.) '"I went to sleep and slept. I awoke again
because the Lord espoused my cause? We indeed think that
these words have nothing human [in their application, nor
8 In Rom. Lib. 5, l, Opp. 4, p. 551. B. C. Compare Justin's interpre-
tation of this passage in a note to XIX.
4 In Psalmos, Opp. 2, p. 517. B. C.
5 In Psalmos, Opp. 2, p. 760, E.
6 In Psalmos, Opp. 2, p. 770, B.
7 Irenseus, 5, 31, 1.
8 Justin, Dial. cc. 100, 101, p. 196. A. B.
VIII.] FORETOLD. 35
anything] appropriate to the history of David when he
fled from the face of Absalom, . . . and what wonder if
such a sleep on the part of the Saviour were not wholly
an idleness of the soul, but an idleness as regards the use
of its organ, the body ? . . . There is nothing wonderful,
therefore, in even the Saviour saying, 4 I went to sleep and
slept? since he effected so much more for the salvation of
souls during the time of his separation from the body,
according to what is said in the Catholic Epistle of Peter.
[Here Origen quotes 1 Pet. 3, 19.] After this sleep his
Father, espousing his cause, awoke him (or raised him
up)." 9
"We must inquire also into those things which the
Saviour says through the mouth of the Prophet David
that he experienced (Ps. 88, 4, 5), ' I became as an unassisted
man, free among the dead? " 10
" ' No ONE TAKES MY LIFE, BUT I LAY IT DOWN OF MY-
SELF. 5 This neither Moses nor any one of the Patriarchs
or Prophets, nor yet of the Apostles, said, . . . since the
lives of all men are taken from them. This being con-
sidered, the passage in the eighty-seventh [eighty-eighth]
Psalm will become clear, which is spoken as in the person
of the Saviour, 6 Free among the dead} " n
" By him you pronounce Death conquered, who not
only laid down his life of his own will, but resumed it by
his power ; who alone was 'free among the dead? and
whom alone Death could not hold." 12
Ps. 18, 5. " The pangs of the Underworld encircled me,
the snares of Death were upon me} Christ in his human
nature- says these things. . . . Yet he never became a son
of the Underworld." 13
9 Origen, Opp. 2, p. 551. D. E. and p. 553. B. C. D. Justin in his
Dialogue with the Jew (c. 97, Opp. p. 193. B.), Clement of Alexandria
(Strom. 5, 106, Opp. p. 712, lines 25, 26), and Cyprian (Testimon. 2, 24,
p. 47), quote the same passage as a prophecy of the Lord's resurrection.
10 Origen, Opp. 4, p. 35. C.
11 Idem, Opp. 4, p. 298. C.
12 Idem, Opp. 4, p. 566. C. Compare extract from Origen in XVIII. 3.
13 Idem, Opp. 2, p. 605. C. E.
36 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ VIII.
Ps. 49, 14. '"As sheep they were placed in the Under-
world. Death was their Shepherd (or Ruler)? . . . But
manifestly the same person who says (Ps. 16, 10), ' Thou
wilt not learn my soul in the Underworld? says also this
(Ps.49, 15), 'But God will ransom my soul [from the grasp
of the Underworld, when he assumes my cause]? " 14
Is. 45, 1, 2. " Thus saith the Lord God to his Christ (or
anointed), Cyrus, . . . I will beat down the brazen gates and
break the iron bars." Ps. 107, 10, 14, 16. " Such as sit in
darkness and in the shadow of death, hound in affliction
and iron. . . . He brought them out of darkness and the
shadow of death, . . . for he crushed the brazen gates and
broke the iron bars." Tertullian, alluding to one or both
of these passages, speaks of that period in Christ's exist-
ence u which broke in the adamantine gates of Death, and
the brazen bars of the Underworld;" 15 a conception
which is amplified in the account of Christ's descent, that
was appended by a later hand to the Acts of Pilate. 16
Heathen phraseology 17 concerning the gates of Tartarus,
and perhaps of the Underworld, could readily suggest
such an application of the passages, nor would Christian
modes of interpretation have rendered it difficult to re-
gard Cyrus as a type of Christ.
In the Ascension of Isaiah, the Pseudo Prophet says :
M With respect to the descent of the Beloved into hell
(the Underworld), behold, it is written in the section [of
my public prophecies] in which the Lord says, ' Lo ! my
Son shall be endowed with wisdom? " 18 The section in-
14 -Idem, Opp. 2, p. 720. E.
15 Tertul. de Resurrect. Carnis. c. 44, p. 412. B. See also the similar
interpretation of Origen, in Cant. Cant., Horn. 2, 12, Opp. 3, p. 22. C.
16 See Appendix, Note D.
17 Homer assigns "iron gates, and brazen sills," or perhaps "brazen
door-posts," to Tartarus. Iliad, Q, 15. Virgil represents the access to
the sameas through an "immense gate" with "columns of solid adamant,
so that no strength of men, nor even the inhabitants of heaven, could
destroy it." ^Jneid, 6, 551-553. Tertullian's language, or perhaps the
Latin translation of the Old Testament which he used, may have been
accommodated to the phraseology which Virgil had rendered familiar.
18 Ascension of Isaiah, 4, 21.
VIII.] FORETOLD. 37
tended may either be Is. 42, 1-7, to the use of which by
the Epistle ascribed to Barnabas the reader will imme-
diately be referred, or 11, 2, 11, which last-mentioned verse
might be allegorically understood as meaning a restora-
tion from the Underworld, 19 or 52, 13 - 53, 12, a passage
commonly interpreted of Christ's suffering and death, and
therefore regarded as implying his descent to the Under-
world.
Origen's interpretation of the Twenty-second Psalm, which
will be found in the fifteenth section, is, to avoid repeti-
tion, omitted here, as also his interpretation of Gen. 46, 3, 4,
already given in a note on p. 24. Besides these the reader
may wish to examine a quotation by Barnabas in XIX.
Other passages might be adduced, but I believe that the
above are the most striking. The reader will probably
think that their appositeness to a supposed event was
mistaken for a prediction of it. The tendency to such
mistakes has not yet passed away.
There was, besides the above, a spurious passage of the
Old Testament which claims attention here. Justin
quotes it from Jeremiah, as will appear in the next sec-
tion. Irenaeus quotes it at one time from Isaiah, at an-
other from Jeremiah, at another from 'a prophet,' and
at another so as not even to imply necessarily that it
belonged to the Old Testament. His quotations are as
follows : " Isaiah says, 6 The Holy Lord of Israel remem-
bered his dead who had fallen asleep under the earth of
burial, and descended to them to preach the salvation ivhich
is from him, and that he might save them? " 20 And again :
66 As Jeremiah says, ' The Holy Lord of Israel remembered
again his dead who had already fallen asleep in the earth
of burial, and descended to them that he might preach his
salvation to them for the purpose of saving them? " 21
Elsewhere the citation concludes, " that he might DRAW
THEM OUT (uti erueret eos) and save them?* 22 And again,
19 Compare it with Origen's interpretation of Jacob's recall from Egypt,
on p. 24, in note 22.
20 Cont. Haeres. 3, 20, 4 (3, 23).
21 Cont. Haeres. 4, 22, 1 (4, 39). M Cont. Hseres. 4, 33, 1 (4, 53).
38 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ IX.
u that he might RAISE (uti erigeret) for the purpose of sav-
ing themP 23 And again : w The Lord remembered his dead
SAINTS who had already fallen asleep in the earth of burial,
and descended to them TO DRAW THEM OUT (extrahere eos)
and to save themP 24
The foregoing unquestionably did not belong to the
Old Testament, though Justin charges its erasure on the
Jews. It may have been an outright forgery ; or perhaps
it was an explanatory note on some passage of the Sep-
tuagint, which a Christian, over-confident of its correct-
ness, had interpolated into the text, or which, without
thought of interpolation, had been placed in the margin.
In this latter case copyists may have been unable, as
sometimes happened, to distinguish between its claims
and those of such passages as had been placed in the
margin because accidentally omitted in the text. Justin
and Irenaeus alone quote it. Probably its spuriousness
was detected as soon as attention was directed to it.
IX. CONTROVERSY WITH THE JEWS.
IT can be readily imagined, that the Christians would
draw from the preceding storehouse of texts against any
who would listen to Old Testament prophecies. Some
evidence is extant of verbal controversies between the
Early Christians and the Jews, though whether any of the
latter committed their side of the question to writing we
do not know. If they did, the last scrap of their works
has perished. On the Christian side we have a work by
Justin Martyr, being his own account of a dialogue, real
or fictitious, between himself and a Jew ; also a tract
by Tertullian, intended, as he says, to supply deficiencies
in a late verbal controversy between a Christian and a
Jewish proselyte, which, though it lasted the whole day,
23 Cont. H?eres. 4, 33, 12 (4, 65 or 66).
24 Cont. Haeres. 5, 31, 1.
IX.] CONTROVERSY WITH THE JEWS. 39
had been confused and rendered unsatisfactory by noisy
interruptions from spectators of both parties ; and a
collection of ' Proof Texts ' or ' Testimonies ' by Cyprian,
arranged without argument under distinct heads. Casual
expressions on the controverted points may also be found
in other works of the Fathers.
Justin tells Trypho the Jew, " From the words of Jere-
miah they (the Jews) have in like manner erased the fol-
lowing : 6 The Lord God remembered his dead from among
Israel, who had fallen asleep under the earth of the sepul-
chre, and descended to them that he might announce to them
his salvation.' 9 " 1
On the probable origin of the foregoing I have already
remarked in the preceding section. It differs as here
cited from any quotation of it by Irenseus, though whether
the difference be attributable to Justin or to an error in
transcribing his works may be a question. It was an
object with Justin to show that even the Jews needed
Christianity for their salvation, and as his memoriter cita-
tions of genuine passages are sometimes more apposite
to his argument than the passages themselves if literally
transcribed, the change in the present instance may be
owing to the same cause. 2 He makes no comment on the
1 Dial. c. 72, p. 170. B. C.
2 The Greek of the passage is somewhat barbarous, which would, how-
ever, be no great objection to the supposition that Justin had used it.
At present it reads, 'Efj.vr]ffdrj 5 Ktpios 6 6e6s curb "LaparjK r&v VCKP&V av-
TOU, T&V KKOlfJir}U.fr<i}V IS yfy X^/UttTOS, KO.I KCLT^T) 7T/)6s CLVTOVS dvayye\Lffa-
adai avTots rb (rwrripiov CLVTOV, and I doubt whether it will admit a differ-
ent translation from that above given, and, which, it may be remarked, is
adopted in the editions of Maran and Otto. Dr. Pott apparently under-
stands it in the same way. See the Novum Testamentum, edit. Koppe,
Vol. 9, Part 2, p. 290.
Critics suggest that the abbreviation 0EOS AFIO might be mistaken
for 0E02 AHO, and that it originally read, 'The holy Lord God of Israel,'
etc. ; and I would suggest, that, by reading d 9e6s rou (instead of airb)
'I<rpari\, ' The Lord God of Israel remembered his dead, etc.,' the
Greek would, at a small change, be improved. Neither change would
make it accord with Irenseus, nor would either alteration, probably, be a
correct one.
40 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ IX.
passage, intending, as he says, to restrict himself to texts
which his opponents admitted as genuine.
Proceeding with this intention, he expatiates with te-
dious diffuseness on the Twenty-second Psalm, of which
he says, u I will show you that this whole Psalm was
spoken of the 4 Messiah, 5 " 3 and, according to his inter-
pretation, it referred to his sufferings. The passage, " not
to my ignorance^ 4 (which is found in the Septuagint in-
stead of " am not silent," in the common version) indicated
the ignorance, not of Jesus, " but of those who, thinking
that he was not the Messiah, supposed that they could
kill him, and that he would remain like a common man
in the Underworld." 5 Justin then finds in the third
verse occasion for a digression on the names and human
birth of Jesus, after which he says, " From her (Mary)
was he born, . . . through whom God overthrows the
Serpent and the angels who resemble him, . . . and EF-
FECTS DELIVERANCE FROM DEATH TO SUCH AS repent of
evil deeds and BELIEVE ON HIM. And the next portion
of the Psalm, in which it is said [verses 4, 5], 'Our
Fathers hoped on Thee, they hoped and THOU DIDST LIBER-
ATE THEM ; they cried to thee and were not disappointed?
. . . manifests that those fathers also CONFESSED HIM who
had hoped on and were saved by God, ... he himself
indicating that he was to be saved by the same God, and
not boasting that he could do anything by his own coun-
sel or strength. For UPON EARTH HE DID THE SAME. . . .
He answered, ' Why do you call me good ? One is good ;
my Father in heaven? " 6
The argument is based on Justin's affirmation that
through Christ God effects deliverance from death that
is, from the Underworld, whither the fathers had gone
to such as believe on him. The Psalm says that God
did liberate the fathers. But since Christ is the medium
of liberation only for such as BELIEVE ON HIM, it follows
8 Dial. c. 99, p. 194. C. D.
* Verse 2, or, in the Septuagint, 21, 3.
6 Dial. c. 99, p. 195. A.
6 Dial. cc. 100, 101, p. 196. A. B.
IX.] CONTROVERSY WITH THE JEWS. 41
that the fathers must have ; confessed him. 9 The terms
for confession, 6/xoAoyerv as used here, and eo/zoAoyeu/ as
used by Clement of Alexandria, 7 touching the confession
by the Gentiles in the Underworld, are merely weaker
and stronger forms of the same word. That Justin was
thinking of events in the Underworld is evident from his
remark, that ' UPON EARTH ' Jesus showed the same hu-
mility. To discern the humility, we must understand the
Psalm, as did Justin, to be spoken by the Saviour, and he
is thus made to attribute to God a liberation of which he
was himself the active agent. " THOU," he says, w didst
liberate them." Justin had already pat into his mouth
other passages which indicated that he looked to God for
his own deliverance. 8 To be 6 saved ' seems here, as in
the passage of Clement already alluded to, to mean de-
liverance from the Underworld. The fathers of course
were not, in Justin's opinion, liberated from physical
death.
That Justin, according to a conception which will be
presented in XIV. - XVIII., may have included in the
idea of deliverance from death, that of deliverance from
Satan, Lord of the Underworld, is not improbable ; for
after interpreting the roaring lion (verse 13) to mean
Herod, he says, w Or else by the lion that roared upon
him he meant the Devil." 9 u And the request [verses 20,
21] that his soul should be saved from the sword, the
mouth of the lion, and the grasp of the dog, was a peti-
tion that no one might lord it over his soul, even as we,
7 Strom. 6, 6, p. 764, line 3, q.uoted in III. 2.
8 " He rose the third day. This was thus expressed by David [Ps. 3,
4, 5] : ' / cried to the Lord with my voice, and he hearkened to me from his
holy mountain. I went to sleep and slept. I awoke because the Lord es-
poused my caused " Dial. c. 97, p. 193. B. In another passage Justin
gives some prominence to the fact that the Saviour looked to God for his
own deliverance. " If," says he, " the Son of God affirmed that he could
be saved neither because of his being Son nor on account of his strength
nor wisdom, but that, though sinless, ... he could not be saved without
God, how do you not think that you and others . . . deceive your-
selves ?" Dial. c. 102, p. 192. D. E.
9 Dial. c. 103, p. 198. D.
42 UNDEKWORLD MISSION. [ IX.
at departure from life, beseech God, who is able to turn
aside every wicked, ruthless angel, that he shall not seize
our soul." 10
The alleged fact, that God through Jesus delivered men
from death, Justin does not attempt to prove. Perhaps
he regarded it as implied in his Messiahship, and conse-
quently in any evidence which established his Messiah-
ship. Neither does he attempt in this connection to
prove that Christianity was a protection after death 11
from evil spirits, though he argues that Judaism was
not. 12
10 Dial. c. 105, p. 200. B.
11 Justin, in other passages, more than once assumes that in this life
Christ's name gave power over demons. " We," says he, " call him
Helper and Ransomer, at the power of whose name the demons tremble,
and to-day, if exorcised in the name of Jesus Christ who was crucified
under Pontius Pilate, Procurator of Judma, they are rendered obedient ;
so that from this it is manifest to all, that his Father gave him so much
power that the demons are subject to his name and to the * Economy ' of
his suffering." Dial. c. 30, p. 128. A.
12 According to views which some of the Jews, no doubt, shared with
the Christians, a soul's evocation from the Underworld must be effected
by the aid of a demon. Justin, proceeding on this supposition, continues
his argument, if it can so be termed, from the point at which it is inter-
rupted in the text. " And that souls continued to exist I showed you (in
c. 5, p. 107. D). And from the soul of Samuel being called up by the
ventriloquist at the request of Saul, it is manifest that all the souls of
those who were thus [that is, without Christianity] Just and Prophets,
fell under the dominion of such powers [i. e. evil spirits], . . . whence
also God teaches us to strain every nerve that we may become righteous
[St/ccu'ovs, my own emendation of an unmeaning St otfs] THROUGH HIS
SON, and to petition at the close of life that our souls may not fall under
the control of any such spirit." Dial. c. 105, p. 200. B. C.
An idea analogous to this of Justin, that insufficient righteousness left
the soul subject after death to an evil spirit, appears in the Testaments
of the Twelve Patriarchs, and, as I think, from a Jewish hand.
" When a troubled soul departs, it is tormented by the evil spirit which
it served [here] through its desires and wicked works." 10 (Asher), (*.
Grabe, Spicileg., Vol. l,p. 228. The author of the Clementine Homilies
philosophizes on this subjection to an evil spirit at death. Horn. 9, 9.
IX.] CONTROVEKSY WITH THE JEWS. 43
Irenaeus speaks of the Jews as w not knowing nor wish-
ing to understand that all the Prophets announced two
comings of Christ ; one, indeed, in which " - after some
other alleged fulfilments of prophecy " he remembered
again his dead who had already fallen asleep, and de-
scended to them, that he might draw them out and might
save them?'* 13
Tertullian at one period in his life denied the liberation
of the fathers, 14 though without questioning the fact that
Christ had preached to them. At the date of his tract
against the Jews he would seem to have admitted it.
Alluding evidently to the two passages from Hosea quoted
at the beginning of the preceding section, and blending
them together, he asks, " Why, after his resurrection from
the dead, which occurred on the third day, did the
heavens receive him ? according to the prophecy of
Isaiah, uttered as follows : ' Before light 15 they shall rise,
saying to me, Let us go and return to the Lord God, for he
will take us out and will liberate us? After two days, on
the third day, which is his glorious resurrection, he be-
took himself from earth into the heavens." 16
Elsewhere, 17 however, he quotes the passage, mingling
with it the words 'cure? 'heal? and 'pity^ from a pre-
ceding verse, but omitting the word ' liberate? and
changing "he will take us out" to "he has taken us out,"
and explains it of the women, who came to the sepulchre
expecting to be restored from their affliction by finding
the Master risen.
Cyprian among his heads, or positions, to be proved
The Valentinians also held that " whoever is sealed with the name of (or
through, did) the Father, Son, and Spirit is exempt from seizure (aveirl-
\777rros) by every other power." Doct. Orient, c. 80, p. 987.
13 Cont. Hseres. 4, 33, l (4, 5(5).
14 See the second part of XII.
16 The Latin translation, whence Tertullian no doubt quotes, had ren-
dered, literally, as it seems, an expression which meant to seek early, or
hasten to.
16 Adv. Judseos, c. 13, Opp. p. 227. A.
17 Adv. Marcion. 4, 43, Opp. p. 574. A.
44 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ X.
against the Jews, states the two following, and subjoins,
with other passages, those affixed here to each of them.
XXIV. "THAT (CHRIST) SHOULD NOT BE CONQUERED
BY DEATH NOR REMAIN IN THE UNDERWORLD." u In Psalru
29 [30, 3], 6 Lord, thou hast brought back my soul from
the Underworld? Also in Psalm 15 [16, 10], ' Thou wilt
not leave my soul in the Underworld, nor permit thy Holy
One to see corruption? Also in Psalm 3 [3, 5], ' 1 slept and
took sleep, and rose again because the Lord aided me? '
XXV. "THAT HE SHOULD RISE AGAIN FROM THE UN-
DERWORLD ON THE THIRD DAY. In Hosea [6, 2], ' He
will vivify us after two days ; on the third day we shall
rise again? " 18
X. CHRIST NEEDED PRECURSORS BELOW.
ACCORDING to Origen, those who had predicted and
prepared the way for Christ on earth went to the Under-
world that they might perform the same office for him
there ; a solution of their descent thither which does not,
however, appear to have been entertained by others. The
following is extracted from his second Homily on the
First Book of Kings, by which must be understood the
Book of Samuel, then so designated :
w Several things have been read. [Origen enumerates
some.] Next to these was the celebrated account of the
ventriloquist [i. e. witch of Endor] and Samuel. [1 Sam.
28, 8-19.] . . . What shall we say ? These things have
been written. Are they true or are they untrue ? To say
they are untrue leads to infidelity. It will fall on the
heads of those who say it. But to affirm their truth oc-
casions us inquiry and doubt. We know that some of
our brethren deny the Scripture, and say, ' I do not trust
a ventriloquist.' The ventriloquist professes to have seen
Samuel. She lies. Samuel was not brought up. . . .
18 Testimon. adv. Judaeos, 2, 24, 25, Opp. p 47.
X.] PRECURSORS NEEDED BELOW. 45
Those who treat the account as false exclaim, c Samuel in
the Underworld ! Samuel brought up by a ventriloquist !
The best of the Prophets ! Consecrated to God from his
birth ! . . . Samuel in the Underworld ! Samuel in the
Lower Regions ! . . . He never received a heifer or an
ox [as a bribe]. He judged and condemned The People
and remained a poor man. He never desired to receive
anything from such a people. Why should Samuel be
seen in the Underworld ? Who followed him thither ?
Samuel in the Underworld ! Why not Abraham and
Isaac and Jacob there also ? Samuel in the Underworld !
Why not Moses, too, who is coupled with him in the
statement [Jer. 15, 1], Not even if Moses and Samuel should
stand before me [petitioning for Israel], would 1 hearken to
them ? Samuel in the Underworld ! Why not Jeremiah
also?'" 1
To the above Origen replies : " He who does not wish
to deny that Samuel was indeed the person raised, will
say that Isaiah and Jeremiah and all the Prophets were
in the Underworld. . . . We say, ... it is the narrating
voice [i. e. the Holy Spirit and not the witch] which says,
6 The woman saw Samuel? " 2
Then, after a page or more of other argument, he con-
tinues : u Let an answer be given to my questions. Who
is greater, Samuel or Jesus Christ ? Who is greater, the
Prophets, or Jesus Christ ? Who is greater, Abraham or
Jesus Christ ? " And after assuming superiority as con-
ceded to the latter, he goes on : u Was not Christ in the
Underworld ? Did not HE go there ? Is not that true
which is said in the Psalms, and which by the Apostles
jn their Acts is interpreted concerning the Saviour's hav-
ing descended to the Underworld ? It is written [therein]
that the passage in the Fifteenth Psalm [16, JO] relates to
him, ' Thou wilt not relinquish my soul to the Underworld,
nor permit thy Holy One to see corruption?
u Then if it should be answered, ' [Ah, but] what was
the purpose of Christ's descent into the Underworld ?
1 Origen, Opp. 2, pp. 490 - 492.
2 Ibid., p. 492.
46 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ X.
Was it that he might conquer ? Or was he to be con-
quered by Death [as Abraham and the Prophets were on
your supposition ? ' I would reply,] He did indeed de-
scend to those regions, not as the slave of the powers
there (TWV e/ca), but to wrestle with them as their master
(ws Seo-7roT?7s TraAiuoW), as we formerly stated when explain-
ing the Twenty-first Psalm. 3 . . . The Saviour went down
that he might save. [But] did he go down there foretold
by the Prophets or not ? Here [on earth] certainly he
was foretold by the Prophets. . . . Even Moses proclaims
that he was to dwell among men. . . . But if Moses
utters predictions concerning him here, would you not
have him descend thither also that he might foretell
Christ's advent ? . . . Did not the other Prophets [do the
same] ? Did not Samuel ? What absurdity is there in
physicians descending to the sick ? . . . They were many
physicians ; but my Lord and Saviour is the Arch-physi-
cian, for the inward longing which cannot be healed by
others, he heals. . . . Do not fear. Do not be amazed.
Jesus went to the Underworld, and the Prophets before
him, and they foretold the coming of Christ. . . . Why
should you fear to say that every place has need of
Christ ? Does not he who needs Christ need the Prophets
of Christ ? For a man cannot have need of Christ, and
no need of those who should prepare the way for his
coming. And John, than whom, according to the tes-
timony of our Saviour himself, a greater had not been
among those born of woman, ... do not fear to say
that HE descended to the Underworld, the herald of the
Lord. . . . Since (ei) all [men] descended into the Under-
world prior to Christ's time, the Prophets of Christ were
his forerunners. Thus Samuel descended thither, not in-
deed simply [i. e. in his character of a man], but as a
saint. For wherever the Holy One (6 ayios) may be, there
will be the saint (6 aytos). ... I say it boldly, therefore ;
the souls of those who slept needed the prophetic favor.
. . . Before the coming of my Lord Jesus Christ, it was
impossible for any one to pass by the tree of life ; it was
8 See, under XV. 2, Origen's exposition of this (the 22d) Psalm.
X.] PRECURSORS NEEDED BELOW. 47
impossible to pass by the appointed guards of the way to
it. Who could travel it ? Who could cause any one to
pass the flaming sword ? 4 Samuel could not pass the
flaming sword, nor could Abraham. . . . The Patriarchs,
therefore, and Prophets, and all, awaited the coming of
my Lord Jesus Christ, that he should open the way. . . .
There is, therefore, no difficulty in the passage, but all
things are wonderfully written, and are comprehended by
all to whom the Deity shall reveal them." 5
Enoch and Elijah were regarded by the early Chris-
tians as having been translated ALIVE into Paradise.
With the exception of the foregoing passage, and the
forgery entitled " The Ascension of Isaiah," I know no
document by a Catholic Christian which extends, or
which mentions Catholic Christians that extended, such
an exemption from the Underworld before Christ's time
tO ANY THAT HAD DIED.
Neither have I found in the second or third century
any who shared Origen's view that a preparation was
requisite in the Underworld, as on earth, for Christ's
coming, unless it lurk under the following singular mis-
application of a passage by Cyprian. Among his proofs
" THAT CHRIST SHOULD RISE AGAIN FROM THE UNDERWORLD
ON THE THIRD DAY," he cites Exodus 19, 10, 11. " The Lord
said to Moses, Descend and testify to The People, and conse-
crate them to-day and to-morrow, and let them wash their
clothing and be ready against the day after to-morrow.
For on the third day the Lord will descend upon Mount
Sinai" 6
4 According to the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, God,
in the renovation of the Jewish nation, would raise up a new priest.
"And in his priesthood, all sin will come to an end, . . . and he will
open the gates of Paradise, and will still the sword that threatened Adam,
and will give to the saints to eat of the tree of life." 3 (Levi), 18.
Grabe, Spicileg., Vol. 1, p. 172. This passage I suppose to be from a
Jewish hand.
5 Origen, Opera, 2, pp. 494 - 498.
6 Testimon. adv. Judseos, 2, 25.
48 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XI.
XI. THE PREACHING.
1. In the Apostolic Age.
Two passages in the First Epistle of Peter have been
regarded as evidence of an opinion having existed already
in the Apostolic age, and in the mind of an Apostle, that
the Saviour preached in the Underworld to its tenants.
The passages are as follows :
1 Peter 3, 18- 20. u Christ once suffered for sins, the
just on account of the unjust, that he might lead us to God,
being put to death as regarded the [mere] body, "but rendered
alive by the divine power, through (or by the support of)
which he went and preached to the spirits in prison} who
were disobedient formerly, when the long-suffering of God in
the days of Noah waited until the ark ivas prepared."
Ibid. 4, 5 7. (The Heathen) ^ who shall render account
to him that IS READY to judge the living and the dead. For
to this end the Gospel was preached to the dead also, that
[though] they may be condemned by men as regards their
life here (Kara di/0pw7rovs o-ap/a), they may live by [the decision
of] God as regards their spirits. The end of all things is
AT HAND," etc.
That Peter believed his Master to have been in the
Underworld would seem an unavoidable inference from
his argument in Acts. 2 This being the case, it is not un-
1 The Peshito Syriac, the earliest version, probably, of the New Tes-
tament, translates, according to Dr. Murdock's rendering of the same,
"He preached to those souls which were detained in Hades."
2 " Men of Israel, hear these words : Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved
of God among you by miracles and wonders and signs, which God did by
him in your midst as you yourselves know, him . . . you put to death.
Whom God raised up, having loosed the pangs of death, since it was not
possible that he should be held by them. For David says with reference to
him, ... ' On this account my heart rejoiced and my tongue exulted, . . .
because thou wilt not leave my soul in the Underworld, nor permit thy
Holy One to see corruption. 9 . . . Men and brethren ; let me speak boldly
to you concerning the Patriarch David, that he died and was buried ; and
XII.] THE LIBERATION. 49
natural that the question should have arisen in his own
mind, or been suggested by an inquirer, u What did the
Master do there ? " To such a query no answer appar-
ently could have been devised more consonant than the
above with the Master's life and spirit on earth. No
weariness, trial, or disappointment had withheld him from
his ministry here. Is it singular that the Apostle, who
had witnessed this, should suppose that even in the Un-
derworld he had not remitted his efforts to reclaim the
erring ? Unless, indeed, in the latter of the two passages,
the term c dead,' as twice used, have different significa-
tions, it would be difficult to interpret Peter's language
otherwise than as meaning a ministry to the departed.
2. In the Second and Third Centuries.
In the second and third centuries, every branch and
division of Christians, so far as their records enable us to
judge, believed that Christ preached to the departed; and
this belief dates back to our earliest reliable sources of
information in the former of these two centuries.
XII. THE LIBEEATION.
1. In the Apostolic Age.
THREE passages in Apostolic writings were supposed by
the Fathers to teach a liberation from the Underworld
effected at Christ's resurrection. One of these (1 Peter 4,
5-7) has been already quoted in the preceding section.
By recurring to it the reader will see, that, if it includes
his sepulchre is among us to the present day. But being a Prophet, and
knowing that God had sworn to him with an oath from the fruit of his loins to
place [some one] on his throne [the words are here omitted which Grieshach
rejects], he spoke by foreknowledge concerning the Messiah" s resurrection,
that he was not left in the Underworld, neither did his flesh see corrup-
tion." Acts 2, 22 - 31.
50 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XII.
under the term ' live ' the idea of exemption from death
or the Underworld, that exemption must be connected,
not with Christ's resurrection, but with that resurrection
and judgment of " living AND DEAD " which " is READY,"
with " the end of all things" which u is at hand." The
preaching must be regarded as a preparation for a resur-
rection yet to come, not for one which, when the Apostle
wrote, was already past.
The next is the passage Matthew 27, 52, 53 : " And many
"bodies of the saints who had fallen asleep arose, and coming
out of their sepulchres after his resurrection entered the holy
city, and appeared to manyP
According to Origen, it was into the 6 Heavenly Jerusa-
lem ? 1 that these saints entered, into the u truly holy
city, that Jerusalem over which Jesus had not wept." 2
The natural meaning of the passage, in fact the only
one which it will bear in its connection, is, that at the
death, not at the resurrection, of Jesus, these sleeping
saints arose, or awoke (i?yep&?), and that after his resur-
rection the fact of their having come to life was visibly
demonstrated to many who saw them in Jerusalem. The
former of these ideas contradicted the belief of the Fathers,
that these saints did not leave the Underworld until the
Lord's resurrection. The latter contradicted their opinion
that he took them with him to Paradise. The passage,
moreover, states that the BODIES of these saints arose.
This agreed neither with the view of those Catholics who
regarded the reassumption of the body by the saints as
yet to take place at a future resurrection, nor with that
of the opposite party, who, as well as the Heretics, re-
jected such a reassumption entirely.
Whether, therefore, the passage originated from Mat-
thew, or be, as some have supposed, a later interpolation,
it can in neither case have been intended to teach a liber-
ation from the Underworld analogous to that believed by
the Fathers. Compare Indirect Testimony, p. 88.
The third passage which was regarded as alluding to
1 Comment, in Rom. Lib. 5, 10, Opp. 4, p. 568. A.
2 Comment, in Matt. Tom. 12, 43, Opp. 3, p. 566. A.
XII.] THE LIBERATION. 51
this liberation is the following from Paul's Epistle to the
Ephesians, 4, 7-11 : u To each of us has been given favor
according to the measure of Christ's bounty. Wherefore [the
Scripture] says (Ps. 68, 18), 4 ASCENDING ON HIGH, HE LED
CAPTIVE THE CAPTIVES, AND CONFERRED GIFTS ON MEN.'
Now this ' HE ASCENDED,' what does it imply, if not that
he also descended into the lower parts of the earth ? He that
descended is the same as he that ascended above all the
heavens that he might fulfil all things. And he gave some
to be apostles, and others public teachers, and others evan-
gelists, and others pastors and private teachers? etc.
The idea of Christian gifts to which Paul was giving
utterance, recalled to his mind a passage from the Old
Testament touching gifts. Part of the passage suggested
a thought extraneous to his subject, which he expresses
parenthetically. He understands it as probably implying
that the Messiah should descend into the Underworld.
Perhaps it may be one of the passages used by Paul ac-
cording to Acts 17, 3, in proof " that the Messiah was to suffer
and rise again from the dead." 3 But of a liberation effected
at the same time for others Paul mentions nothing. If
8 " They came to Thessalonica where was a synagogue of the Jews. And
according to Paul's custom, he entered among them and argued with them
for three Sabbaths from the Scriptures, opening and alleging that it was
requisite for tJie Messiah to suffer and arise from the dead, and that this
Jesus whom I announce to you is the Messiah." Acts 17, 1-3. The
connection gives us no light as to what passages Paul used. But else-
where we find him using the argument already quoted from, and with an
additional link or two in the chain of connection. " We t n says Paul,
" announce to you the glad tidings that the promise which was made TO THE
FATHERS, God has fulfilled TO us THEIR CHILDREN by raising up Jesus.
. . . And as to his raising him from the dead, no more to return to cor-
ruption, he has thus spoken : ' / will give TO YOU the mercies surely prom-
ised TO DAVID.' On which account [the Scripture] elsewhere says, ' Thou
wilt not give thy Holy One to see corruption.' David indeed . . . fell
asleep and was placed with his fathers, and saw corruption. But he whom
God raised up did not see corruption." Acts 13, 32-37. An interpre-
tation of the passage in Ephesians which does not treat it as referring to
Christ will be found in the Christian Examiner (Boston), Vol. V. pp.
65-67. Neither interpretation is without difficulties.
52 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XII.
there is any faith to be placed in the connection as a
guide to interpretation, he was not thinking of such a
thing. That part of the quotation which was regarded by
the Fathers as referring to the rescued captives, he neither
uses nor notices. He seems to have cited it because he
could not make the desired quotation without it.
Of a liberation, therefore, that accompanied the Sa-
viour's resurrection, no mention is left to us out of the
Apostolic age. If the idea already existed, it is not al-
luded to.
2. In the Second and TJiird Centuries.
In the second and third centuries, the belief of the
above-mentioned liberation appears to have been almost
universal. Hennas may have substituted for it a libera-
tion after baptism by the Apostles, or may have held it
inconsistently with the latter opinion. 4 Tertullian was the
only one of whom it can be affirmed that at one time he
denied it. 5 According to his tract, De Anima, the sword,
* See XIII.
6 Under XXII. 4, will be given two passages concerning the state of
departed souls since Christ, one from Justin and the other from Irenreus,
to the purport that "souls abide somewhere" or "go to an invisible
place" until the resurrection. These have been erroneously understood
as implying a belief by their writers, that no change had been effected in
the state of such as departed before Christ. See Pearson on the Creed,
note t on p. 363 ; and King, in his History of the Apostles' Creed, pp.
207, 208.
The opposition of Protestants to the Catholic doctrine of Purgatory
and indulgences led them to lay stress on the position, that no change of
state was possible after death. Protestant advocates of Church authority
were of course indisposed to admit either that such a change had taken
place in the condition of the Patriarchs, or that the early Church believed
it to have taken place. Pearson (in his work on the Creed, pp. 370, 371)
ventures the assertion, that " the most ancient of all the Fathers whose
writings are extant, were so far from believing that the end of Christ's
descent into hell [i. e. the Underworld] was to translate the saints of
old into heaven, that they thought them not to be in heaven yet,
NOR EVER TO BE REMOVED FROM THAT PLACE IN WHICH THEY WERE
XII.] THE LIBERATION. 53
gate-keeper of Paradise, " yields to none save those who
have DEPARTED IN CHRIST, NOT IN ADAM, . . . not in gen-
tle fevers and in bed, but AMIDST TORTURES." 6 Christian
martyrs alone were as yet in Paradise. To this peculiar-
ity he was led, however, by pushing to their consequences
arguments which the Liberalist Catholics did not use and
which the Orthodox did not venture to carry out ; 7 and
which, moreover, he himself at other times either cannot
have used, or cannot have pushed to the same extent,
since, beside the quotation in IX. he tells us in an-
other work, u You see in what manner also the Divine
Wisdom put to death its own first-born and only-begot-
ten Son, who, to be sure, was to gain the victory, and
also to bring back others to life." 8 And elsewhere he
says : u He [Christ] led captive. . . . Death or humanam
servitutem enslaved humanity." 9 And again : u Adam
restored to his Paradise by hearty confession [of Christ] is
not silent." 10 Even the ' Ascension of Isaiah, 5 which
represents that prophet as having seen in the seventh
heaven during his lifetime " all the saints from Adam,
holy Abel and every other saint," n states that " on the
BEFORE CHRIST'S DEATH, until the resurrection " ; and, in proof of this
broad assertion, refers to but three Fathers prior to the fourth century,
namely, Justin, Iremeus, and Tertullian. It escaped his attention, that
on his own pages he had placed the statement of Irenaeus, that " the
Lord remembered his dead saints . . . and descended to draw them
out (extrahere cos) and to save them." See his note * on p. 366.
Marcion would indeed have lost his labor in proving that Abraham and
the saints were left in the Underworld, if none of his cotemporaries be-
lieved that they had been taken out. I f the reader wishes to investigate this
point, let him examine the whole of II. ; and under III. the extracts
from Ignatius, Clement, Origen, and from the opponents of Tertullian ;
under VI., from Barnabas ; under VII., from Arnobius ; under VIII.,
from Irenseus ; under IX., from Justin ; under XIII., from Hennas ;
and under III., and in the Appendix, Note E, from Cyprian ; besides
other passages which he will find scattered through this work.
6 DeAnima, c. 55, p. 353. D.
7 See XXII. 4, 5, and compare XXI. 6.
8 Contra Gnosticos Scorpiace, c. 7, Opp. p. 623. D.
9 Adv. Marc. 5, 8, Opp. p. 690. D.
10 De Pcenitentia, c. 12, Opp. p. 148. D. u Ch. 9, 7, 8.
54 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XII.
third day (Christ) shall rise again, . . . and many also of
the saints shall ascend with him." 12
The belief of the Liberation was so firmly rooted and
general at the date of our earliest records in the second
century, as to evince that it had grown up in that his-
torical chasm which separates the Apostolic and Ecclesias-
tic ages, if indeed it may not have originated in the age
of the Apostles themselves.
How did this belief arise ? Probabilities alone can be
suggested in answer. They are the following. Chris-
tianity was preached as a life-giving religion at a time
when one prominent meaning of life was exemption from
the Underworld. 13 The belief of such an exemption was
not only generally maintained in the second and third
centuries as the prerogative of Christians, but the Libera-
tion itself was in a variety of ways DIRECTLY connected
with the acceptance of Christianity. 14 When a belief
had already arisen, therefore, in a mission of the Saviour
below, the idea that those who accepted his teachings
there must also be entitled to this exemption, was a not
unnatural consequent. Loose methods of interpretation
rendered it easy to infer, from passages of the Old and
New Testaments already adduced, that such a Liberation
had actually accompanied the Saviour's resurrection, and
ythere was the greater inducement to this use of the Old
I Testament, as the Christians thereby found their store-
house of arguments against the Jews much better filled.
Jewish Scripture contained nothing applicable to a
* Preaching ' in the Underworld, but much which could
be misinterpreted of a Liberation from it. Either would
hiave implied, according to their method of reasoning,
that the Messiah was to die.
12 Ch. 9, 16, 17.
18 See Appendix, Note B.
14 See the views of Marcion in II. ; the arguments of Clement of
Alexandria and the citation from Peter by Cyprian in the second division
of III. ; the statements of Hermas in XIII. ; and compare Note B in
the Appendix. Clement plainly implies, what Marcion, Cyprian, and
Hermas affirm, that liberation from the Underworld depended on the
XIII.] THE BAPTISM. 55
XIII. THE BAPTISM.
IHE Christian Fathers treated baptism as a prerequi-
site for the Kingdom of Heaven, 1 and marvellously mag-
nified its virtues. Some of their hearers, however, seem
to have thought that a common argument, which was
universally regarded as sound when directed against Jew-
ish rites, could not become unsound by being applied to
Christian ones. u Here," says Tertullian, a those wretches
raise questions. They say, ' Baptism therefore is un-
necessary, since faith is sufficient ; for Abraham pleased
God without any water-sacrament by faith alone.' " 2
There was certainly a difficulty in maintaining baptism
as a prerequisite for salvation, and at the same time ad-
mitting, not only that the Patriarchs had been acceptable
to God without it, but that they had gone to heaven with-
out it. The devout Hernias, author of the Shepherd,
sought a solution of this among the difficulties which he
considered. His efforts are interesting, as honest, though
not always successful, attempts to meet questions which
had troubled his own mind, and his manner forms an
agreeable contrast to some of the harsher controversial
spirit of the age.
Hennas undertook to have the Old Testament saints
baptized below. But in the Gospel of John it is stated
(4, 3), " Jesus baptized not, "but his disciples " ; a fact not
overlooked in the second century. Opponents of Tertu-
lian said, u The Lord came, and HE did not baptize " ; 3
and Hernias seems to have felt it, for he commits the
baptism to the Apostles and their companions. The pas-
sage to be quoted is from an allegorical description of
becoming Christ's disciples, to which, however, the last-mentioned writer
deemed baptism an essential.
1 " It is permitted no one to obtain salvation without baptism."
Tertullian de Baptismo, c. 12, Opp. p. 261. A.
2 De Baptismo, c. 13, Opp. p. 262. A.
8 De Baptismo, c. 11, Opp. p. 260. C.
56 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XIII.
the erection of a tower which represents the Christian
Church.
SIMILITUDE 9, c. 3, u Then those six (c. 12, messengers
of the Saviour) commanded that stones should be
brought from a certain deep place [the Underworld]
and prepared for the erection of the tower (c. 13, This
tower is the Church), and ten white stones squared and
uncut were raised up." c. 4, u After those ten stones,
twenty-five others were raised from the deep place. . . .
After these, thirty-five others were raised; ... after
these, forty stones ascended." c. 15, u The ten stones
which were placed in the foundation are the first age, 4
and the following twenty-five the second age of Just
Men. But those thirty are the Prophets and Ministers
of the Lord [under the old dispensation]. But the
forty are the Apostles and Teachers of the preaching of
the Son of God." c. 16, u Why, I said, did these stones
ascend from the deep place, and why were they placed
in the tower, seeing that they already had just spirits ?
It is necessary, [the angel] answered, that they should
ascend through water, in order to be at rest. For they
could not otherwise enter the kingdom of God, than
by laying aside the mortality 5 of their former life.
They, therefore, though departed, were impressed with
the seal of the Son of God, and entered into the king-
dom of God. For before a man receives the name of
the Son of God, he is destined to Death ; but when he
receives that seal [baptism], he is liberated from Death
and delivered over to Life. To them, therefore, that
seal was preached, and they used it that they might
enter the kingdom of God. . . . These Apostles and
Teachers who preached [while on earth] the name of the
Son of God, after they died in his faith and the power
which he granted them, preached to those who had pre-
* The first, or uncircumcised age, from Adam to Abraham ; the second,
or circumcised, from Abraham to Moses, a division based on the intro-
duction of circumcision and the Mosaic Law. Compare Justin's Dialogue,
cc. 23, 27, 43, 92.
6 See Appendix, Note B.
XIII.] THE BAPTISM. 57
viously passed away, and themselves gave them the seal
of their preaching. . . . Through these, therefore, they
[the previously dead] were made alive and acquainted
with the name of the Son of God ; and on this account
ascended with them, and were fitted into the structure
of the tower, and were built in without cutting ; 6 for
they died in justice and in great chastity, only they had
not this seal."
To an attentive mind it will already have occurred that
the foregoing is inconsistent with the idea that the Libera-
tion took place at Christ's resurrection. Hernias may,
like Clement of Alexandria, have failed to notice the in-
consistency, or may have intended that the Saviour's
preaching below which, however, he does not mention
was followed by a mission of the Apostles, until which
time the Liberation of these departed saints was deferred.
The former supposition is perhaps the more probable. A
pious disposition not unfrequently becomes inconsistent
in endeavoring to maintain usages to which it is attached.
When disconnected from boldness, as was the case in
Hermas, such a disposition is not likely to deny, point-
blank, favorite dogmas of its co-religionists. And in the
present instance a conscious postponement of the Libera-
tion would have required a denial of much theology that
had gathered around it.
Irenaeus may allude to, though he does not plainly
mention, a baptism by the Saviour below. He says that
through Christ u all who had been disciples since the be-
ginning [of the human race], being purified and washed,
come into the life of God " ; 7 that to the departed Just
Men, Prophets, and Patriarchs the Lord w remitted their
sins IN LIKE MANNER AS to us," 8 phraseology which to
a Christian of his day would have suggested a baptism of
the departed, though the difficulties in the way of such a
doctrine may have prevented Irenseus from plainly affirm-
ing it.
6 Bad stones had their defects cut away.
7 Irenseus, 4, 22, l (4, 39).
8 Idem, 4, 27, 2 (4, 45).
58 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XIV.
Clement of Alexandria, notwithstanding his quotation
from the above passage of Hermas, does not in his own
words mention a baptism of the departed ; nor, unless
some passage has escaped my attention, is it alluded to
by the other Fathers of the second or third century. The
New Testament afforded no warrant for a baptism by the
Saviour, and the Apostles could not baptize in the Under-
world those whom their Master had already taken out
of it.
XIV. SATAN,* OR DEATH, LORD OF THE UNDER-
WORLD.
f
THE names * by which the Jews designated the Prince
of evil spirits may not always have been synonymes for
each other, but Samael and Satan seem to have been
identical. In the Jewish theology as contained in the
Talmud, Samael or Satan appears in a twofold capacity,
as the Angel of Death 2 and as the ruler of the Gentile
world, or of all creatures except the Jews. 3 In the the-
1 Lightfoot, in his Horcea Hebraicce, on Luke 11, 15, says that he finds
three evil spirits who are called by the Jews ' Prince of the Demons.'
1. 'The Angel of Death.' 2. 'Asmodeus.' 3. 'Beelzebub.' In the
Book of Enoch, Azazyel is the leader of the fallen angels. In the As-
cension of Isaiah the term Berial (a different form probably of Beliar
or Belial) designates (ch. 2, 4) 'the Angel of Iniquity,' or (ch. 4, 2) 'the
Prince of this World,' and is perhaps used interchangeably for Samael.
2 Wetstein, in his note on Hebrews 2, 14, quotes the following :
" Targum Jonathan, Gen. 3, 6, 'And the woman saw Samael, the Angel
of Death.' Bava Bathra, f. 16. 1, Rabbi Lakisch said, 'He is Satan ;
he is the Angel of Death.' Devarim R. ult, Samael was the cause (?)
of death to the whole world."
In the Koran the Angel of Death is Azrael or Azrail, apparently dis-
tinct from Satan.
8 Wetstein quotes, in his note on John 12, 31, the following : " Bemid-
mar R. 16, f. 220-223. 'When the Law was given, God summoned
the Angel of Death, and said to him, The whole world is in your power
XIV.] SATAN LORD OF THE UNDERWORLD. 59
ology of the Fathers he holds two positions analogous to
the foregoing, but so developed as to create some discord-
ance between them. He is the God of this World (i. e.
of the unbelieving World) ; * the Prince of the Powers of
the Air (i. e. of the Demon-deities who ruled the Gentiles),
dwelling in the firmament. 5 He is also the Lord of the
except this nation which I have chosen for myself. . . . The Angel of
Death said in the presence of God, I am created to no purpose in the
world. God answered, I created thee to watch over the nations of the
world. . . . When the children of Israel stood at Mount Sion [Sinai ?]
and said, Exod. 24, 7 [All that the Lord Jiath said will we do and be
obedient], God called the Angel of Death and said to him, Although
I have appointed you World-Ruler over creatures ' " Wetstein
omits the rest of the quotation, the foregoing part of which would lead
us to expect in conclusion a special exception as above in favor of the
Jews. See also Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr., on John 12, 31.
. 4 Origen says : " He is called the Prince of the World, not because he
created it, but because there are many sinners in this world. Inasmuch,
therefore, as he is the Prince of Sin, he is also called the Prince of the
World ; Prince, that is, of those who have not yet left the world and
turned to the Father." In Numeros Horn. 12, 4, Opp. 2, p. 315. D.
Tertullian tells Marcion : " Therefore, if (Paul) says that the Gentiles
were without God, and their God is the Devil, not the Creator, it is
apparent that that ' Lord of this Age ' (2 Cor. 4, 4) is to be understood
whom the Gentiles received as God ; not the Creator, of whom they are
ignorant." Adv. Marcion, 5, n, Opp. p. 598. C. D.
5 "It will be easy," says Tertullian, "to interpret the Lord of this
Age as the Devil, who said, according to the Prophet (Is. 14, 14), I will
be like the Most High ; I will place my throne among the clouds I ' "
Adv. Marcion, 5, n, Opp. p. 598. B. And again : " Who is he ? [The
Prince of the Powers of the Air, Eph. 2, 2,] without doubt, he who
raises up children of unbelief in opposition to the Creator, having pos-
sessed himself of this air, as the Prophet [I follow the text of the
Tauchnitz edit.] relates that he said, 'I will place my throne among the
clouds, I will be like tlieMost HighS This is the Devil, whom elsewhere
too if indeed persons wish so to understand the Apostle we recog-
nize as the God of this Age." Adv. Marcion, 5, 17, Opp. p. 608. C.
The Ascension of Isaiah states : " We then ascended into the fir-
mament, I and he (the angel), where I beheld Sanmel and his powers.
Great slaughter was perpetrated by him, and diabolical deeds." Ch.
7, 9. And again : " He (Christ) descended into the firmament where
60 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XIV.
Underworld, and in this capacity is called c Death.' 6
This is the character in which we are here to consider
him. Any examination into his character as Prince of
Evil would lead us too far from our subject.
A passage in the Writer to the Hebrews has been re-
garded as the earliest allusion from a Christian pen to
Satan as Kuler of the Dead. He is there spoken of as
having 6 the dominion of death? The Greek term for
dominion, K/oaros, has sometimes the force of ' regal au-
thority,' but the connection of the passage does not fore-
close difference of opinion as to its interpretation.
Some of the Fathers leave us in no doubt that at least
one and a very prominent sense in which they un-
derstood Satan to have the dominion of death was this :
they supposed him to have detained in his gloomy regions
below, and to have ruled over, the departed members of
the human family, until Christ descended for their libera-
tion. By them mankind, except Christians, were gen-
erally though not without doubt on the part of some
regarded as still becoming his prey at death.
But how had Satan attained this authority ? There
are different answers to this question by some of the
Fathers, while others give us no answer, and do not even
intimate that the question had occurred to them.
Irenseus says : The Law u burdened sinful man by
showing him to be THE DEBTOR OF [or due to] Death," 7
the Prince of this "World dwells ; ... he descended ... to the angels
of the air; . . . they were plundering and assaulting one another."
Ch. 10,29-31.
6 Origen tells us : " Death in the Scriptures . . . signifies many
things. For the separation of the body from the soul is named death ;
but this can neither be regarded as an evil nor a good. . . . And,
again, that separation of the soul from God which sin occasions is called
death. This is obviously an evil, and is also called the wages of sin. . . .
And again, THE DEVIL himself, the author of this death, is CALLED
DEATH, and he it is who is called the last enemy of Christ that shall be
destroyed. But the region of THE UNDERWORLD, WHERE [before Christ]
SOULS WERE DETAINED BY DEATH [the Devil], it also IS CALLED DEATH."
In Rom. Lib. 6, 6, Opp. 4, p. 576. B. C.
7 For the convenience of the reader I subjoin the connection of the
XIV.] SATAN LORD OF THE UNDERWORLD. 61
and thinks, as will appear in a citation under XVI.,
that, in order to man's release, his enemy needed to
be JUSTLY conquered ; expressions which would seem
to imply a belief that this enemy had a right to hold
man. Yet the foregoing quotation is introduced by say-
ing, that " when the Law came, which was given through
Moses, and testified of Sin that he is a sinner, it took
away his regal dignity, disclosing him to be a ROBBER
and HOMICIDE, instead of a king. 55 And a citation from
the same writer, which will be found in XVIII. 2,
treats the Apostate Angel as having ; seized rapaciously
what was not his. 5
Irenseus may have made a not very well-defined dis-
tinction in his own mind between Satan as the personifi-
cation of Sin, and the same being as the personifica-
tion of Death, supposing him, in his former capacity, to
be unjustifiable for misleading man, but in his latter to
be fairly entitled to him after he was misled. It is more
probable, however, that his ideas were simply confused
and inconsistent.
The author of the Clementine Homilies says that " to
the soul [which calumniates God] no rest (or place of
rest) will be given in the Underworld, by him who is
APPOINTED as ruler there. 55 8 This writer was too singular
to represent any one's views but his own ; nor is it likely
that the fair inferences from his position would have been
accepted by himself.
passage : " Therefore they (the Gnostics) who say that he (Christ) was
manifested in appearance, but not born in the flesh, nor truly made man,
are as yet under the former condemnation, and advocate the cause of Sin ;
since, according to them, that Death has not been conquered, which
4 reigned from Adam to Moses, even over such as had not sinned after the
similitude of Adam's transgression.' But when the Law came, which
was given through Moses, and testified of Sin that he is a sinner, it took
away his regal dignity (regnum, a translation probably of paffiXclav),
disclosing him to be a robber and homicide, instead of a king. But it
burdened sinful man, by showing him to be the debtor of (or due to)
Death, reum Mortis [a translation probably of 6<t>ei\tTrjv 8a.v6.Tov] ostendens
eum . Irenaeus, 3, 18, 7 (3, 20).
8 Horn. 11, 10, Cotelerius, Pat. Apost, Vol. 1, p. 701.
62 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XIV.
According to Origen, it was simply the lot of human
nature that it descended to the Underworld, and thereby
became a prey to Satan. u If that Death," he tells us,
w which detained souls in the Underworld, he said, as it is
in some copies, to 6 have reigned even over those who did NOT
sin after the manner of Adams transgression? we under-
stand that some of the saints had fallen under that Death,
if not by the law of sinning, yet certainly by that of dy-
ing ; and that therefore Christ descended into the Under-
world, not only that he himself should not be held by
Death, 9 but that he might draw out those who were kept
there, as we have said, not so much by the crime of
transgression as by the condition affixed to dying; . . .
he destroyed the kingdoms of death, out of which it is
written that he liberated the captives. But as to the
enemy and tyrant whose kingdoms he ruined, hear in
what manner the Apostle says that HE shall be destroyed.
(1 Cor. 15, 26.) 6 The last enemy? he says, ' shall be de-
stroyed, [namely] Death? " 10
The Dispute of Archelaus with Manes takes a different
view from either of the above. Its author had perhaps
felt the force of the Manichsean objection, that the wor-
shippers of the Jewish Deity went to the regions of
darkness. Two passages are discussed in the following
extract, the statement of Paul (Kom. 5, 14), "Death
reigned from Adam to Moses, even over such as did not sin
in the same manner as Adam?) and the term (2 Cor. 3, 7),
^Ministration of Death? which he applies to the com-
munication of the Law. Archelaus, who appears as the
Catholic disputant, explains Paul's words as follows :
w Since the memory of the wicked did not faithfully re-
tain the natural law written on their hearts, . . . and by
transgression of its commandments Death obtained a
kingdom among men, . . . Death exulted and reigned
with full power until Moses, even over those who had
not sinned in the manner mentioned ; over sinners as
properly his and subject to him, . . . but over the right-
9 See the third division of XVIII.
10 Comment, in Rom., Lib. 5, l, Opp. 4, p. 551. B. C.
XIV.] SATAN LORD OF THE UNDERWORLD. 63
eous, because, instead of obeying, they resisted him. . . .
When Moses came and gave the Law ... he delivered
to Death only those who should transgress it. Death
was PROHIBITED from reigning over all. For by the direc-
tion of the Law to him, ' You shall not touch these
who keep my precepts,' n he reigned over sinners
alone. . . . But even after this, Death wished to rescind
the contract prescribed [a euphemism apparently for 4 the
conditions imposed '] by Moses, and to reign anew over
the just ; and he rushed upon the Prophets, killing and
stoning those who were sent by God, even to [the time
of] Zacharias. But my Lord Jesus, who watched over
the justice [just administration ?] of the Law of Moses,
being indignant at Death for his transgression of the
agreement, . . . saw fit to come in a human body, that
he might 6 VINDICATE,' 12 not himself, but Moses and those
who in succession after him had been oppressed by the
violence of Death. . . . The Law is called ' The Ministra-
tion of Death? because it delivered sinful transgressors to
Death. But it protected its observers from Death, and
placed them in glory through the support and aid of our
Lord Jesus Christ." 13
Marcion believed the existence of Satan, whom, says
Tertullian, u both we and Marcion recognize as an [evil]
angel." 14 He was brought into being by the Creator,
for, according to Tertullian, Marcion regarded the Crea-
11 This is perhaps an erroneous quotation of Ps. 105, 15, "Touch not
mine anointed, and do my prophets no harm " ; or the writer may have
confounded with the Pentateuch some of the traditional comments upon
it, such as are quoted from Wetstein in a note near the beginning of this
section.
12 Compare the note on this word as quoted from Arnobius in the third
division of XXII.
18 Archelai et Manetis Disputat., ch. 30. Routh, Reliq. Sac., Vol. 5,
pp. 112-115.
14 Adv. Marcion, 5, 12, Opp. p. 600. B. Mr. Norton seems to have
overlooked this passage. See his Genuineness of the Gospels, Vol. 3,
p. 61 (2d edit. p. 64). Compare with it an extract from Tertullian in a
note under XXI. 2.
64 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XV.
tor as 4 the author of the Devil.' 15 Whether he iden-
tified him with the personification of Death, does not
appear.
The Valentinians believed in a Devil, "whom," says
Iremneus, u they also call Cosmocrator," 16 that is, World-
ruler. He dwelt in this world, 17 possibly in the firmament
which formed its upper limit. They personified Death, 18
and no doubt identified him with the Cosmocrator, the
ruler of this Underworld, as they regarded it, this region
of darkness, where, as will appear in the sixth division of
XXII., they regarded the earthly-minded after death as
remaining until destroyed by the conflagration.
XV. FOEEBODINGS OF CONFLICT.
1. The Agony in the Garden.
WOULD the Lord of the Underworld surrender his pris-
oners without a battle ? This was hardly to be expected.
In the Scripture interpretations of Origen we find the
Saviour represented towards the close of his life as look-
ing with anxiety to the conflict that should follow. On
the words of Matthew (26, 37), u Taking Peter and the two
sons of Zebedee, he began to be sorrowful and heavy ," Origen
remarks, " For perhaps he saw, standing by, the ' kings
of the earth and princes [that is, as elsewhere explained, 1
the demon-powers], congregated together against the Lord,
and against his Christ? . . . Therefore he began to be sad
as concerned his human nature, which was subject to such
15 Adv. Marc. 2, 10, Opp. p. 461. B.
16 Cont. Hseres. 1, 5, 4 (1, l). The term is borrowed from Paul's ex-
pression, " World-rulers of this darkness," Eph. 6, 12.
17 Ibid.
18 Doctrina Orient., c. 61, Clem. Alex. Opp. p. 984.
1 Comment, in Joan., Tom. 32, 15, Opp. 4, p. 443. A.; and in Genes.
Horn. 9, 3, Opp. 2, p. 86. A.
XV.] FOREBODINGS OF CONFLICT. 65
sufferings, but not as to his divine nature, which was far
removed from suffering of this kind. . . . Seeing there-
fore that contest impending which he was not to maintain
against flesh and blood, but against so many kings of the
earth, who were standing by, and princes congregated
against himself, as never previously [had collected], he
BEGAN to fear or to be sad, suffering no further sadness
or fear, however, than the beginning of it. But he did
BEGIN to fear and be sad, at which time he said (Matt.
26, 38), ' My soul is sad even to death? " 2
2. The Twenty-second Psalm.
The contents of this Psalm would render it probable
that it may have been used among the Jews as an expres-
sion both of suffering and of confidence in God. Those
who appreciate the power of a familiar devotional strain
to support the soul under suffering, will hardly need fur-
ther explanation of the fact that its first line was uttered
by the Saviour on the cross. The Fathers put into the
Saviour's mouth the whole Psalm, and did not always
select as the subject of their comments those portions
which would sound most gratefully to the ear of modern
devotion. The ' Roaring Lion? by allusion to 1 Peter
5, 8, was commonly interpreted to mean Satan or Death.
Origen understands the 4 Gaping Bulls ' which surrounded
the speaker to mean Demons, and adds, u It is probable
that (Jesus) saw around him the [infernal] powers, which
wished to seize upon his soul and force it down to the
regions of gloom." On the eleventh verse, " Be not far
from me, for troulle is near, for there is no one to help,"
he remarks : " Perhaps the words ' trouble is near ' were
uttered while yet on the cross with reference to his exi-
gence in the Underworld from its rulers. He speaks this
as if destitute of assistance from the angels ; for not one
of them dared to descend thither with him." 3
Tertullian tells the Jews, " If you still desire teachings
[of the Old Testament] concerning the Lord's cross, the
2 Origen Ser. Com. in Matt., No. 90, Opp. 3, p. 902.
8 Comment, in Ps. 21 (22), Opp. 2, p. 621.
66 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVI.
twenty-first [twenty-second] Psalm can give you enough
of it, containing, as it does, the whole history of Christ's
suffering, who was thenceforward to sing his own glory.
. . . When he implored the aid of his Father, ^ Save
me? he says, 'from the mouth of the Lion? that is, of
Death." 4
Justin's interpretation of the same passage will be found
in IX.
XVI. THE VICTORY. THE UNDERWORLD RIVEN.
OUR Saviour, in answer to the Jews who charged him
with casting out demons by the aid of Beelzebub, called
attention to their inconsistency by the remark that Beel-
zebub could not be expected to lay waste his own posses-
sions, and that a stronger alone than Beelzebub could
do it.
Though the reply of Jesus was less frequently misin-
terpreted than its appositeness to our subject might have
induced us to anticipate, yet it was misinterpreted, and
it will, with its exposition by Origen, form no inappropri-
ate introduction to the present section. " How^ says
the Saviour, " can any one enter tJie strong one's house and
plunder his goods, except he first bind the strong one, and
then he will plunder his house ? " a Or, according to the
wording of Luke's Gospel, " When a strong one in armor
guards his threshold, his property is undisturbed. But
when a stronger than he, coming upon him, shall conquer
him, he takes away his armor in which he trusted, and
divides his spoils." 2
Origen, alluding to and quoting the above, says: " Christ
voluntarily ; emptied himself and took the form of a ser-
vant? and suffered the rule of the tyrant, 'being made
obedient unto Death? 3 by which death he destroyed ' him
4 Adv. Judseos, c. 10, Opp. p. 222. A. 1 Matt. 12, 29.
2 Luke 11, 21, 22.
8 Philip. 2, 7, 8. Paul's words are " obedient even to [the suffering of]
death."
XVI.] THE VICTORY.
who had the dominion of death, that is, the Devil? 4 that he
might liberate those who were held by Death. For hav-
ing bound the strong one, he went into his house, into the
house of Death, into the Underworld, and thence plun-
dered his goods, that is, carried off the souls which he
held, . . . and thence ' ascending on high, led captive the
captives} " 5
It is one instance of the inconsistencies of the Fathers,
that in the foregoing Christ is represented as first binding
his enemy, and then entering his house, whereas other
passages commonly mention a fearful struggle as occur-
ring in the Underworld.
The earliest Christian passage in which the germ of
the above opinion might be sought is from the Writer to
the Hebrews, who says that Christ partook of flesh and
blood, 6t that through death he might destroy him who has
the dominion of death, that is, the Devil." Q But the fur-
ther object there stated is not the delivery of the dead
from his power, but of the living from the fear of death,
that he ^ might deliver as many as through fear of
death were, during their whole lives, subject to slavery." 7
The passage, moreover, does not explain the connection
between Christ's death and the Devil's destruction.
Justin Martyr speaks of Christ as having, w for the sal-
vation of such as believed on him, endured humiliation
and suffering, that by dying and rising again he might
conquer Death," 8 but does not explain the nature of the
victory. The reader may examine a further extract from
him in the next section, to see whether it throws light on
the subject.
Irenaeus is the earliest writer who DILATES on the Sav-
iour's victory. Before quoting him, it will be necessary,
however, to explain one of his peculiarities. In reply
to the Gnostics who maintained that there was no con-
4 Heb. 2, 14.
6 Ps. 68, is. Origen, Comment, in Rom. y Lib. 6, 10, Opp. 4, pp. 567.
D., 568. A.
6 Ch. 2, 14. 7 Ch. 2, 15.
8 Apol. 1, c. 63, p. 82. A.
68 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVI.
nection, or but an indirect one, between the Old and
New Dispensations, Irenseus endeavored to show that the
events of the Old Dispensation were antithetically re-
peated in the New, 9 leaving it to be inferred that this
repetition implied a direct connection between the two.
Keeping his mind intently fixed on the discovery of these
antitheses, and forgetting consistency or coherence in his
search for them, he blends Christ's moral victory, won by
resisting Satan's temptations, and, if I may so term it,
his physical victory in the Underworld, in such inextri-
cable confusion, that it is difficult to decide, in many in-
stances, which of the two was most present to his mind.
In order to save perplexity to the reader, I will select, at
the risk of error, what seems most pertinent, in the fol-
lowing passages, to the Underworld victory, and defer to
their close a connected specimen of the confusion whence
they are extracted.
But further, as Satan was not only Lord of the Under-
world and the dead, but Euler of this world, the same
victory which liberated the departed from his dominions
broke his power over men in this life, so that Ireiiseus
blends together, as do other Fathers, the liberation from
the Underworld and the liberation from Satan in this life,
under the general idea of MAN'S liberation from thraldom.
The reader will remember Origen's expression, that
Christ descended to wrestle (TraAcuoW) with the powers
of the Underworld as their master. Irenaeus says : u He
wrestled (luctatus est) and conquered, for he was a man
contending for the fathers, ... he bound the strong one
and set loose the weak." 10 " For if a MAN had not con-
quered the enemy of mankind, that enemy would not
9 Thus Satan had got the better of Adam when the latter was not
hungry by inducing him to eat, and had therefore to be conquered by
Christ's refusal to eat when he was hungry ; that is, by his refusal to
turn stones into bread. (Cont. Hceres. 5, 21, 2.) [The human race]
which the VIRGIN Eve bound by her INCREDULITY, the VIRGIN Mary
freed by her TRUSTFULNESS. (Cont. Hceres. 3, 22, 4.) By wood [of the
tree of life] we were made debtors of God ; by wood [of the cross] we
receive remission of our debt. (Cont. Hceres. 5, 17, 3.)
10 Cont. Ha5res. 3, 18, 6 (3, 20).
XVI.] THE VICTORY. 69
have been justly conquered." u And again : " For if
[that] man who had been formed by God that he might
live, after having lost his life here, through the injury
sustained from the serpent which had corrupted him, had
no more returned to life, . . . God would have been con-
quered ; . . . but since God is unconquered, ... he by
the second man bound the strong one, and spoiled his
goods, and abolished death, vivifying that man (Adam)
who had been rendered dead. ... So that he who had
led man captive was justly in his turn taken captive by
God, but man who had been led captive was freed from
the chains of condemnation." 12
"But since man is saved, it is proper that the first
formed man should be saved. Since it is too unreason-
able to say that he who was violently injured by the
eneniy, and first suffered captivity, should not be rescued
by that enemy's conqueror, but that the children should
be rescued, whom he generated in the same captivity.
Nor indeed will the enemy appear conquered while the
former spoils yet remain with him." 13
u Adam had been conquered, all life (immortality ? 14 )
being taken from him ; therefore, the enemy being in turn
conquered, Adam received life ; ... his salvation is the
abolition of death. Therefore, when the Lord vivified
man, that is, when he vivified Adam, Death was abol-
ished." 15
u As by a conquered human being our race descended
into death, thus by a human victor we ascend into life.
And as through a man Death bore away the palm from
us, thus we in our turn through a man bear away the
palm from Death." 16
u The Word steadfastly bound him (the apostate angel)
as his fugitive, and plundered his goods, that is, the men
11 Cont. Haeres. 3, 18, 7 (3, 20).
12 Cont. Haeres. 3, 23, 1 (3, 33).
18 Cont. Hseres. 3, 23, 2 (3, 34).
14 On the meaning of life and death, see Appendix, Note B.
16 Cont. Haeres. 3, 23, 7 (3, 38).
16 Cont. Hajres. 5, 21, 1.
70 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVI.
who were detained by him, and whom he used unjustly.
And with justice was he led captive who had led man
captive unjustly, but man . . . was drawn out from the
power of his possessor." 17
It is due to the reader to state, that I am more uncer-
tain as to the actual meaning of the foregoing extracts,
than as to that of any others which I either have ad-
duced or shall hereafter adduce as proofs in the course of
the present work. The diffuseness and repetition of
Irenaeus on the subject of Christ's victory do not render
him plain. Oftentimes the connection seems to admit
the idea only of a moral victory, which restored in some
way Adam's immortality. Yet Irenseus believed that
Christ went personally to the Underworld to bring up
Adam ; he appears to have shared, as will be seen in the
next section, the idea of the Saviour having deceived
Satan in order to gain admission to his dominions ; and
he believed that man that Adam " was drawn out
from the power of his possessor " ; which cannot have
meant an extraction from the wiles of Satan that were
misleading him to sin, since, according to Irenseus, man's
capacity of sinning ceased with this life. 18 It can hardly
be that he did not share the belief of a victory in the
" Cont. Haeres. 5, 21, 3.
18 "(God) ejected him (Adam) from Paradise, and removed him far
from the wood of life, not envying him the wood of life, as some dare to
say, but in compassion for him, that he might not remain forever a
transgressor, and that the sin in which he was involved might not be
everlasting, nor the evil interminable and incurable. He prevented fur-
ther transgression by the interposition of death, and by making sin to
cease through the termination that he imposes on it by the dissolution
of the flesh which takes place on this earth ; that man ceasing to live to
sin, and dying to it, might begin to live to God." Irenaeus, Cont.
Hceres. 3, 23, 6 (3, 37).
An analogous view of death to this is also presented by Theophilus.
"Through his disobedience man subjected himself to labor, suffering,
grief, and finally fell under death ; and God allowed this to man as a
great benefit, that he might not remain forever in sin." Adv. Autohj-
cum, 2, 25, 26, p. 367. C. D. I alter the Benedictine punctuation.
Theophilus, however, did not hold to an original immortality in Adam.
XVI.] THE VICTORY. 71
Underworld by which some of the foregoing phraseology
was prompted. That the reader may have the promised
specimen of commingled figures out of which the above
extracts have been made, I will add the following, pre-
mising that he will find it more antithetic than intel-
ligible :
" With these (transgression and apostasy) the apostate
angel bound man. By man, therefore, it was proper that
he, when conquered, should in his turn be bound with
the same chains, . . . that man, being freed, should re-
turn to his God, leaving the chains, that is, transgression,
to him through whom himself had been formerly fet-
tered. For the imposition of fetters on him (illius colli-
gatio) was made the means of man's liberation, since ; no
one can enter the strong one's house and plunder his goods
unless lie shall first have bound the strong one? " 19
Irenaeus does not inform us whether Satan, prior to
being bound, was, like Adam in his original state, pure
and untrammelled by the fetters of sin. Nor, if the
reverse were the case, does he explain how Satan should
be more hindered now than formerly by such fetters from
detaining his captives. The passage is a curious exem-
plification of the manner in which a man may, by the
utterance of words, cheat himself into the supposition
that he is expressing ideas.
Tertullian on this subject challenges the Jews with his
usual roughness. " Come on now : if you have read the
words of the Prophet in the Psalms (Ps. 96, 10, 97, 1),
' The Lord has REIGNED from the Wood? I await your
understanding of it. Do you think perhaps it means
some wooden king and not Christ, who from the time of
He believed him capable of attaining either mortality or immortality. See
Adv. Autolycum, 2, 27, p. 368. A. B., cited in Appendix, Note B.
The Rule of Faith, ascribed to Novatian, also says that Adam *' was
driven away to prevent his touching the wood of the tree of life, . . .
that he might not by living forever . . . carry about with him an un-
ending fault." Pp. 13, 14. And Methodius advances a similar view.
See extract in Epiphanius, Adv. Hozres. 64, 23, Opp. 1, p. 546. D.
19 Iremeus, Cont. Hceres. 5, 21, 3.
72 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVI.
his suffering on the wood reigned, Death being con-
quered ? " 20 A comparison of the citation already given
from the same connection under the preceding section
will evince that the Lord of the Underworld is the per-
son designated by Death.
Cyprian lays down as one of his positions to be proved,
w That (Christ) should not be CONQUERED by Death, nor
remain in the Underworld." 21 This cannot have meant
that he was not to die, nor does it considering the
date when it was written admit a natural interpreta-
tion, save as referring to the exertion of power requisite
to escape from below. Elsewhere he says of Jesus, that
u it was requisite for him to suffer, not in order that he
might undergo, but that he might conquer Death. . . .
Then he was carried in a cloud to heaven, that as a victor
he might place before his Father man, whom he loved,
whose cause he espoused, and whom he protected from
Death." 22
The Latin Version or Versions of Scripture, 23 as quoted
by Tertullian and Cyprian, were of a nature to spread the
idea of a conflict below, and wherever that view pre-
vailed, there was no doubt in the minds of Christians as
to which party remained victor.
20 Adv. Judseos, c. 10, Opp. p. 221. D. "From the wood" may have
been either a memoriter confusion of verse 12 with 10, a marginal com-
ment, or an interpolation.
21 testimon. 2, 24.
22 De Idol. Van. 14, Opp. p. 16. The expression on the same page,
that the Saviour "compelled ... the Underworld to yield," refers to
the restoration of Lazarus and others to life during his ministry, not ap-
parently to his own Underworld mission.
23 The Greek word WKOS, victory, seems to have been exchanged for or
confounded with vet/cos, struggle or contest. " Where, Death, is thy sting ?
Where, Death, is thy contest ?" Tertul. De Resurrect. Cam. cc. 47,
51, 54, Opp. pp. 415. D., 419. D., 423. C. "Where, Death, is thy
victory,, or contest ? Where, Death, is thy sting ? " Idem, adv. Mar-
don, 5, 10, Opp. p. 596. B. "Deathis swallowed up in the contest. Where,
Death, is thy sting ? Where, Death, is thy contest ?" Cyprian,
Testimon. 3, 58, p. 81. In this form it would seem more difficult to at-
tach a merely metaphorical sense to the passage.
XVI.] THE VICTORY. 73
The Underworld, like other conquered countries, seems
to have suffered from the hostile visitation. A portion
of a forged document, first mentioned by Eusebius and
probably belonging to the latter part of the third century,
is commonly quoted by the title of Pseudo-Thaddeus. It
represents that Apostle as saying: u To-morrow ... I
will proclaim . . . how he was crucified, and descended
into the Underworld, and rent open the inclosure which
since eternity had not been rent, and rose again, and
led the dead ; for descending alone he wakened at the
same time, many, and thus ascended to his Father." 24
A passage in the Larger Greek Ignatian Epistles may
also belong to the third century, though the same cannot
be said of the whole Epistles. It is as follows : "Christ . . .
was crucified and died, whilst the inhabitants of heaven,
earth, and the Underworld looked on. ... Inhabitants
of the Underworld, that is, the multitude of those who
ascended with the Lord. . . . And he descended into the
Underworld alone, but ascended with a multitude, and
rent the eternal inclosure, and destroyed its middle
wall." 25
Origen's view as to the thoroughness of Christ's vic-
tory might already be inferred. Its strength in the
reader's mind will not be diminished by the following :
u The kingdom of Death is indeed already destroyed, and
the captives which were held in it are taken away. But
because the enemy himself and tyrant is yet to be de-
stroyed, ... at the close of the age, therefore we see him
even now, not reigning, but rather robbing, and an exile
from his kingdom, wandering through deserts and by-paths
to seek for himself a band of the unbelieving." ^
In perusing the language of a former age, the reader is
sometimes exposed to the risk of attaching to it too much,
and at other times too little, force. The latter danger I
suppose to be in the present case the greater. The Chris-
tians regarded themselves as in a conflict with the powers
24 Euseb. Ecc. Hist. 1, 13. Of the last clause three readings exist.
26 Epist. to Trallians, c. 9.
26 In Kom. Lib. 5, l, Opp. 4, p. 551. C. D.
74 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVI.
of evil. M We wrestle not against flesh and Hood, but
against . . . the World-rulers of this darkness, against the
spirits (TO. 7n/v/xaTtKa) of evil in heaven-high situations^ 27
This was the language of Paul, and it was generally un-
derstood by the Christians as referring to their warfare
with the demon powers who had falsely assumed the
character of deities, who were trembling for the over-
throw of their own authority, and who, to maintain it as
long as possible, were instigating the Heathens in every
way to persecute and crush Christianity. It was a mat-
ter of pride with the Christians, that when a demon had
possessed a man, the simple follower of Christ, in the
might of his Master's name, could put the imaginary
deity into convulsions and drive him out. Their ardor
kindled and their courage mounted, as the tide of battle
seemed going against them. When persecutions thick-
ened and a brother asked, whether it were allowable to
fly, 28 Tertullian exclaimed, " Do you fear man, Chris-
tian, . . . you of whom the demons should be afraid ? " w
And while rack and fire did their work, 30 the voice of the
same writer rung out its bold, though ill-judged and ex-
travagant, defiance of the Heathens, daring them to test
the fancied divinity of their gods, and staking the Chris-
tian exorcist's life upon the issue, if he did not compel
the imagined deity to confess itself an evil spirit. c; Let
some one be brought before your tribunals, who is known
to be agitated by a demon. At the command of ANY
Christian, that spirit shall as truly confess itself a demon
as it elsewhere falsely proclaims itself a god. Equally
let any one be produced of those who are regarded as
impelled by the divine power, who by inhaling from the
altars draw in the divinity with the fumes. . . . Let that
27 Eph. 6, 12.
28 4t You asked lately, Brother Fabius, whether it were permissible to
fly during persecution. ... In proportion as persecutions thicken, the
inquiry should be carefully instituted, 4 How ought the faithful to meet
them?'" Tertul. De Fuga in Persecut. c. 1, Opp. p. 689. A. B.
29 De Fuga in Persecut. c. 10, Opp. p. 696 B.
80 Tertul. Apol. c. 12, Opp. p. 14. B ; compare cc. 2, 49, 50.
XVI.] THE VICTORY. 75
celestial virgin who promises rain, let ^Esculapius him-
self, the teacher of medicine. . . . Unless they confess
themselves demons not daring to lie to a Christian, pour
out the blood of the audacious Christian on the spot." 31
The Christians believed in the existence of these demon
deities as thoroughly as they did in their own. The vic-
tory won by their Master over the demon king was not
to them an unmeaning tale. When the opponents of
Origen asked 32 the purpose of Christ's descent, their tone
challenges other answer than that he descended to con-
" (juer.
We, too, if we would realize a conflict in which man-
kind was the stake to be fought for, and the Son of God
on the one side, with the congregated hosts of hell on the
other,' were the contestants, 33 must forget that the de-
mon deities were a fiction, and that the Underworld is an
absurdity. As we read Origen's exposition of the Twenty-
second Psalm, we should imagine the infernal powers,
greedy for their prey, as already gathering around their
81 Ibid. c. 23, p. 24. D.
82 See X.
.83 Firmicus Maternus, injbhe earlier part of the fourth century,
attributes the earthquake and darkness at the Saviour's death to the
shock of the subterranean battle. Of the work which he addressed to
Constantius and Constans, the sons of Constantine the Great, one chap-
ter is a tolerably specific description of Christ's mission to the dead, from
which the following is an extract: "During three days the mustered
band of righteous was collected by him (the Son of God), that the wick-
edness of Death might no longer prevail against them, nor the virtue of
the righteous give way through prolonged despair. He broke [open] the
eternal prison-house, and the iron doors collapsed at the command of
Christ. The earth trembled, and by the shuddering of its firm founda-
tions acknowledged the presence of Christ's divine power. Before the
appointed time the circling whirl of the world [not of the earth] hurries
the day [to its conclusion], and the sun with hastened course verges into
night, whilst the measure of the daily hours is as yet incomplete. The
very summit of the veil was rent, and the darkness of night covered the
earth's orb with obscurer shades. All the elements were disturbed when
Christ fought, when he first armed a human body against the tyranny
of death." Ch. 24.
76 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVI.
victim on the cross, the angels as shrinking in panic from
the descent, and the Saviour as hurried to the Under-
world, in the gloom of whose mighty cavern, unaided and
alone, he was to prove his strength against the king of
terrors and the thronging legions of darkness. No whis-
per of incredulity should blunt our perceptions of the
Saviour's fidelity, faithful to the conflict whence all
save he had fled, or prevent us from realizing his dread
of it ; for he forgets the agony of the cross in a prayer,
not for support under his sufferings, but for the divine aid
in that more dreadful struggle which impended. Doubt
should not check the rising enthusiasm, when we learn
that he " broke in the adamantine gates of Death " and
" wrestled with the powers there as their master." Un-
belief should not quell the thrill of triumph when we are
told that he crushed man's enemy in the security of his
own fortress ; that he 'rove asunder' his 6 eternal prison-
house,' liberated his captives, desolated his kingdoms, and
drove him forth a homeless vagabond to glean by plun-
der in the by-ways a band of the unfaithful. 34 The
thoroughness of the destruction raised the question sub-
equently whether the Underworld had not been left
tenantless. 35
We can sometimes be aided in determining the tone of
feeling on any subject, by examining that which prevails
84 That I may not be suspected of coloring, I give the original from
Origen, or rather the Latin translation of Rufinus, which alone remains
to us : " Mortis quidem jam regna (Christus) destruxit, unde et capti-
vitatem scribitur liberasse . . . videmus eum (Mortem) non tarn regnare
quam latrocinari : et depulsum regno, per deserta et avia circumeuntem,
quserere sibi infidelium manum." Origen in Rom. Tom. 5,1, Opp.
4, p. 551. C. D.
35 Evodius in the fourth century asked Augustine " whether Christ
. . . liberated all, ... so that from the Lord's resurrection till the
judgment the Underworld should be empty." Evod. Epist. 98 (163).
Augustin. Opp. Vol. 2, p. 90. L. And in the addition to the Acts of
Pilate, the Underworld is represented as saying to Satan, " Turn and
see that not one of the dead is left in me." Thilo, Cod. Apoc. Nov.
Test. p. 732.
XVI.] SUNDAY CUSTOMS. 77
on a kindred one. The Christians kept the first day of
the week in memory of their Master's resurrection, 36 and
the customs of the day were such as well befitted a season
of glad triumph. No posture of humiliation should sully
it, or careworn countenance derogate from it. Six days
in the week unless in so far as Saturday was excepted
among Oriental Christians might a man bow in devout
adoration, or prostrate himself in the agony of contrition,
before his God. But on the first day of the week no
Christian knee was permitted to bend in prayer, 37 nor
was a Christian countenance to be anxious. 38 On that
day, as the deacon called the assembly to their devotions,
it was with the admonition, u Let us stand perfectly
erect ; " 39 and when the recurring year brought with it
the anniversary of the Master's resurrection, his follow-
ers for the space of fifty days maintained the same upright
position in their prayers. 40
86 " We observe the eighth day joyously, on which Jesus rose from the
dead and ascended into heaven." Barnabas, Epist. c. 15 (13, 10).
87 " Abstinence from kneeling on the Lord's day is a symbol of the
resurrection, . . . and this custom originated in Apostolic .times, as the
blessed martyr Irenseus, Bishop of Lyons, says in his work on the Pass-
over." Respons. ad Quaest. 115, ad Orthodoxos, Just. Opp. p.
490. A. " We deem it impious ' (nefas) to fast on the Lord's day, or to
pray kneeling." Tertul. De Corona Mil. c. 3, Opp. p. 121. D. "Since
there are some who kneel on the Lord's day, . . . the holy synod decrees
that prayers be offered standing." Council of Nice, Canon 20.
88 " On the Lord's day we ought not only to abstain from kneeling,
but from all anxiety of mind ." Tertul. De Orat. c. 18. (All after
c. 14 is wanting in Rigault's edition.) "If any one from a pretence of
asceticism fasts on the Lord's day, let him be anathema." Council
of Gangra, Canon 18.
89 'Op0ws a-T&fjLev /caXws. Chrysostom. Horn. 29 (al. 4), De Incompre-
hensibili Dei Natura, T. 1, p. 375 ; Horn. 2, in 2 Cor. p. 740. I take the
quotation, though not the translation, from Bingham's Antiq., Book 13,
c. 8, 3. Bingham calls this the " usual form so often mentioned by St.
Chrysostom and others."
40 " In which (i. e. the discourse on the Passover) Irenseus mentions
the fifty-day [festival], in which we do not bend the knee, since it has an
equal force with the Lord's day." Respons. ad Quaest 115, ad Or-
78 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVII.
Even the Valentinians borrowed the language, if not
the ideas, of the Catholics concerning a victory, for the
Dootrina Orientalis, in treating of Death's rule, the in-
sufficiency of other aid, and the interference of Christ,
terms him ' the mighty Athlete.' 41
XVII. CHRIST'S INCARNATION CONCEALED FROM
SATAN.
WHAT induced Satan or his powers to take so danger-
ous a prisoner into their dominions ? The answer to this
question forms a singular chapter in Christian history.
Paul had spoken (1 Cor. 2, 7, 8) of the hidden wisdom of
God, " which none of the rulers of this world knew, for if
they had known it they would not have crucified the Lord
of glory." The passage had no connection properly with
the present subject, but the Fathers understood by the
rulers of this world the powers of evil, who, they sup-
posed, had been deceived as to the true character of
Jesus.
Origen informs us : u The adverse powers, when they
delivered the Saviour into the hands of men, did not per-
ceive that he was delivered up for the salvation of any ;
but since none of them knew the 4 wisdom of God con-
cealed in a mystery? they so far as in their power deliv-
ered him to be killed, that his enemy Death might seize
him for a subject, as he had seized those who died in
Adam. But the MEN who killed him were prompted [or
thodox. Just. Opp. p. 490. A. " With the same immunity [from fasting
and kneeling as on the Lord's day] we rejoice from Easter to Pentecost."
TertuL De Cor. Mil. c. 3, Opp. p. 121. D. "We observe the same
custom in those [fifty days] as on the Lord's day, during which our an-
cestors handed it down to us that no fast was to be kept or knee bent, on
account of reverence for the Lord's resurrection." Cassian, Collat. 21,
c. 20, as cited in Biugham's Antiq. 20, c. 2, 5.
41 Mefyas aywvtaTTfjs. Ch. 58, p. 983. Cp. in Letter from Lyons and
Vienne (Euseb. Ecc. Hist. 5, i ; Vol. 2, 23 ed. Heinich.) the expression
XVIL] CHRIST'S INCARNATION CONCEALED FROM SATAN. 79
impressed, rvTro^/xevot] by the will of those [the demons]
who wished Jesus to become a subject of Death." 1
By the ' wisdom of God concealed in a mystery? would
seem to be meant, in this connection, a previously ar-
ranged plan of the Deity for misleading Satan. The au-
thor of the Homilies on Luke, who often copies or imitates
Origen, alleges this intention of the Deity as the object
of Mary's having been not only betrothed, but as he
understands Matthew publicly united in marriage, to
Joseph. w For if she had not had a betrothed one, and,
as was commonly supposed, a husband, [the virginity of
Mary] could not have been concealed from the Prince of
this World. For immediately the thought would have
silently suggested itself to the Devil, 6 That offspring
must be divine. It must be something above human
nature.'
" On the other hand, the Saviour had arranged that the
Devil should be ignorant of his dispensation 2 and as-
sumption of a body. Therefore he concealed it at his
birth, and afterwards commanded his disciples that they
should not make him known ; and when he was tempted
by the Devil, he nowhere confessed himself the Son of
God, but only answered, 4 1 ought not to adore you, nor
to make those stones bread, nor to cast myself headlong,'
and in saying these things was always silent as to his
being the Son of God. Search also in the other portions
of Scripture, and you will find it to have been Christ's
will that the Devil should not know the coming of the
Son of God. For the Apostle, asserting that the adverse
powers were ignorant that he was to suffer, says, ; We
speak wisdom, . . . which none of the princes of this world
1 Comment, in Matt. Tom. 13, s, Opp. 3, p. 582. A. B.
2 Dispensationem, not improbably a translation of oiKovojjdav, the same
word which will appear in extracts under this section from Justin Martyr
and the Doctrina Orientalis, and which is used by Paul (Coloss. 1, 25) in
close connection with the mystery of which the Homilies in the preceding
quotation give an interpretation. See also, in a note near the close of this
section, the same connected use of Economy and Mystery in an extract
from Ephes. 3, P, 10.
80 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVII.
Jcneiv, for if they had known it they would not have cruci-
fied the Lord of glory. 19 . . .
u But it may be objected that a demon did know it,
THAT ONE who said in the Gospel (Matt. 8, 29), ' Art thou
come to torment us before our time ? we know who thou art,
the Son of God? But consider that it was an inferior in
wickedness who recognized the Saviour. But he who is
greater in wickedness, and a turncoat, 3 and thoroughly
worthless, was prevented by the very superiority of his
wickedness from knowing the Son of God." 4
Both in the Larger and Smaller Greek Epistles of Igna-
tius is the following passage, which is referred to by the
foregoing writer in the above connection :
66 There was concealed from the Prince of this World
the virginity of Mary, [the character of] her offspring,
and likewise the death of the Lord [that is, the fact that
the Messiah was to die], the three mysteries of the cry 5
which transpired secretly." 6
Irenaeus shared in the view that the Devil had been
deceived. w When the Devil," he says, tempted (Jesus)
by the remark (Matt. 4, 3), ' If thou art THE SON OF GOD,
command these stones to be made bread? the Lord repelled
him by the precept of the Law, saying, 'It is written, MAN
8 Versipellis. Theophilus says that Satan was " called a dragon
because he was a runaway from God," &P&KWV 5ta rb d-n-odedpaK^vat avrbv
db-6 TOV Qeov. (Ad Autol. 2, 28, Justini Opp. 369. B. C.) Whether a kin-
dred thought is contained in the above expression, I do not know. Pos-
sibly, however, versipellis may mean manifold in disguises.
4 Horn. 6, Origen. Opp. 3, pp. 938, 939 (5, 105).
6 Kpavyyjs, an allusion probably to Hebrews 5, 7, where Jesus is said to
have asked deliverance from Death with a 4 loud cry, 9 Kpavyijs l<rxvpas.
Only a mortal, it might be thought, would utter such a cry, and it implied
the presence of death. Yet the Son of God could alone have uttered it
with the hope of being heard. In the Addition to the Acts of Pilate,
Satan is represented as saying of Jesus, " I KNOW that he is a man, for I
heard him say, 4 My soul is greatly oppressed even to death 9 " Thilo,
Cod. Apoc. Nov. Test. pp. 702-704.
6 Ephesians, c. 19 (4, 10). The Larger Epistles add, " but [which] are
manifested to us." The Smaller ones read, " which were done secretly
by God."
xvii.] CHRIST'S INCARNATION CONCEALED FROM SATAN. 81
does not live ly bread alone? In reply to the remark, 'If
thou art the Son of God? (Jesus) used this confession, ap-
propriate to a MAN, which blinded him." 7
Clement of Alexandria also, in elucidating the value of
ambiguous language, illustrates it from the fact that w by
an ambiguous expression the Lord outwitted (o-o^erat)
the Devil at the time of the temptation." 8
In the Ascension of Isaiah, the Pseudo-Prophet, speak-
ing of the birth of Jesus, says, w I perceived . . . that he
was concealed from all the heavens, the principalities and
the gods of this world." 9
Justin Martyr may have had an analogous idea, but he
expresses it less clearly. " The Messiah, this Son of God,
who existed before the morning star [sun ?] and moon, yet
being incarnated, endured to be born of this virgin from
the race of David, that through this ' Economy ' the Ser-
pent, who from the beginning [of the world ?] did wick-
edly, and the angels who have [since] become (or who are)
like him, might be routed and Death be humbled, and at
the second coming of Christ [at the beginning of the
millennium ?] wholly lose his power over those who [both]
believe on him (Jesus) and live acceptably ; finally [after
the millennium ?] ceasing to exist, when some shall be sent
for punishment to the condemnation of eternal fire, and
others shall live together in a state of immortality, free
from suffering, corruption, and grief." 10
7 Cont. Hseres. 5, 21, 2.
8 Strom. 1, 44, Opp. p. 342, lines 31 -33. 9 Ch. 11, 16.
10 Dialog, c. 45, p. 141. B. C. In c. 39 (Opp. p. 136. D.), Justin
says that the rulers " will not cease from killing and persecuting, through
the influence of that wicked and deceitful spirit, the Serpent, such as
confess the name of Christ, until he (Christ) shall again appear, and put
an end to all, and apportion to each according to his deserts." The mean-
ing of the passage in the text may be, that though Satan no longer gets
possession of Christians so as to carry them to his realms, yet he has the
power of persecuting them in this life. Or it may be as follows : Prior
to Christ's advent, Satan as Lord of the Underworld held unlimited
sway. Now he is humbled, yet he still obtains, not only unbelievers, but
such CHRISTIANS as in his character of moral tempter he can mislead.
At the millennium, righteous Christians are to be assembled in Christ's
82 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVII.
Even in the opinions of the Theosophic Gnostics, the
idea exists of Death having been outwitted. u Death," the
Doctrina Orientalis informs us, w was outmanoeuvred by
artifice, SoAw 8e 6 avaros Kareo-TpaTTyyT^, for when the body
died, and Death was on the point of seizing him [i. e. the
man Jesus], the [^Eon] Saviour [who had previously left
him and risen again], sending an avenging ray of his power,
frightened Death away." ll And a prior chapter gives us
as the reason for the Saviour's injunction to his disciples,
in descending from the mount of transfiguration, u 6 Tell
it to no one? lest, understanding what the Lord is, they
should abstain from laying hands on the Lord, and the
6 Economy ' should be fruitless, and Death should abstain
from the Lord, as [it would be] to no purpose to make an
effort on a hopeless case." 12
In a work called Extracts from the Prophetical Writings, 13
attributed to Clement of Alexandria, a somewhat fuller
statement is made of the actual amount of knowledge
which the Devil possessed. ' u The Devil knew that the
Lord was to come, but whether this were he, 14 he did not
know. Wherefore he tempted him that he might ascertain
his power. ' If? said he, and [then] left him for a sea-
son ; that is, he deferred the discovery till the resurrec-
tion. For he knew that the one who should rise again
was the Lord, as did also the demons, for they sus-
pected Solomon to be the Lord, but knew, on his commit-
ting sin, that he was not. . . . All the demons knew that
the Lord was he who should rise after suffering." 15
kingdom and withdrawn from his temptations. He will wholly lose his
power of carrying them to his dominions, for he shall not be allowed to
mislead them. At the close of the millennium, he will cease to exist.
11 Doct. Orient, c. 61, Clem. Opp. p. 984.
12 Doct. Orient, c. 5, Clem. Opp. p. 968.
18 Ex Scripturis Propheticis Eclogse. It will be referred to hereafter
by the abbreviation Eclog. Prophet.
14 The word ' God' introduced by Sylburg into the text from the mar-
gin of a previous edition, and copied by Potter, merely embarrasses the
connection.
15 Ch. 53, Clem. Opp. p. 1002. As the knowledge attributed to the
demons in the above citation surpassed that which men had had, the
xvii.] CHRIST'S INCARNATION CONCEALED FROM SATAN. 83
In the foregoing extract, the term ' resurrection ' in-
cludes probably everything which pertained to the
Saviour's breaking away from Death, an extent of
signification not uncommon 16 whilst the idea of an
Underworld mission existed. The term ' resurrection,'
however, is in Greek the same as ; rising again,' and one
Catholic writer seems to have used it in this latter sense,
as equivalent with the term 6 ascension,' and to have con-
nected it with the prevalent idea that Satan was the lord
of this world, or prince of the powers of the air, who had
placed his throne in the firmament.
The writer alluded to is the already quoted author of
the Ascension of Isaiah, by whom the Deity is represented
as saying to Christ, " Go, descend through all the
heavens ; descend to the firmament, and the world, even
to the angel who is in Hell, 17 but who has not yet been
hurled to utter perdition. Assimilate thyself ... to the
form of the angels of the firmament, and, carefully guard-
ing thyself, be assimilated even to the angels who are in
Hell. . . . When from the gods of death thou shalt
ascend to thy own place, . . . then . . . shall the princi-
palities and powers of the world worship thee." 18 And
afterwards this Pseudo-Prophet remarks concerning the
writer adds what he probably intended for an explanation. *' Enoch al-
ready informs us that the transgressing angels taught men astronomy,
soothsaying, and the other arts." Ibid. Compare Book of Enoch, cc. 8
and 68. According to this, they must have had superhuman means
of knowledge. Others than this writer supposed them to have had some
inkling of Christianity prior to their expulsion or fall from heaven.
16 See the third citation from Origen under VIII. The whole ac-
count of Christ's descent to the Underworld contained in the addition to
the Acts of Pilate bears in the Paris manuscript D, and perhaps in others,
as its title, * The Resurrection.' See Thilo, Cod. Apoc. p. 606. Com-
pare also the use of the term in a citation from the Church of England
Homilies, to.be given in Note G of the Appendix.
17 The Ascension of Isaiah was translated by Laurence from an Ethi-
opic manuscript, the Ethiopic being no doubt a translation from the
Greek, which is no longer extant. The word ' Hell ' in the English ver-
sion of Laurence corresponds to 'Inferos,' Underworld, in his Latin ren-
dering.
18 Ch. 10, 8, 9, 10, 14, 15.
84 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVII.
Saviour's ascension : " I beheld him likewise in the fir-
mament, where, as his form was not changed to theirs,
all the angels of the firmament and Satan both perceived
and worshipped him." 19
A natural inference from the above would be, that its
author distinguished Satan from the Angel of Death.
This is possible. But the inconsistencies of the docu-
ment in other respects are such as to render it probable
that the extract, and considerable more to the same pur-
pose not here cited, are the efforts of an incoherent mind
to elucidate popular views of Paul's language concerning
principalities and powers, 20 in connection with Satan as
prince of the powers of the air, and the concealment of
Christ's descent and incarnation from him. The incon-
sistency of the Catholics who placed Satan in the fir-
mament as the God of this world, and at the same time
located him in the Underworld as its lord merely be-
came more glaring when worked out by an incoherent
mind. As the object of the writer was to make the
Pseudo-Isaiah predict events which were regarded as
having already occurred, it is not likely that he would
advisedly make him predict things at variance with com-
mon belief.
w Ch. 11, 23.
20 *' He humbled himself and became obedient unto death, and that the
death of tJie cross. Wherefore God exalted him, . . . that at the name of
Jesus every knee should bow of those in heaven and on earth and under the
earth, and every tongue confess that Jesus Christ is Lord." Phil. 2, 8 -11.
" That ye may know . . . the working of his mighty power, which he
manifested in Christ by raising him from the dead. And he placed him
at his right hand in a heaven-high position, far above all principality,
and power, and lordship, and name." Eph. 1, 18-21. " The economy
[oiKovofj.iav, the word used by Justin and the Doctrina Orientalis] of
that secret which was hidden since the ages in God, the creator of all things
[Griesbach omits 5ti 'lyvov X/OWTOU], that it may now be made known to
the principalities and powers in heaven-high situations." Eph. 3, 9, 10.
The word ' secret ' scarcely expresses Paul's meaning, which would be
still less conveyed by the rendering ' mystery,' adopted in the Common
Version. The foregoing translation, however, expresses a common view
of the Fathers, which, as the reader by a cursory examination can satisfy
himself, was a very different one from Paul's.
XVIII.] THE RANSOM. 85
XVIII. THE RANSOM.
1. Definition of Terms.
AN offering is something which may be presented to
a friend, 1 and there was no difficulty experienced by the
1 This view, to a considerable extent, was blended by the Fathers with
the idea of our self-sacrifice and Christ's self-sacrifice to God. Origen,
after quoting from the beginning of the twelfth chapter of Romans, pro-
ceeds thus to comment on it: "Since, says (the Apostle), we have shown
that fleshly sacrifices are to be given up, according to the words of the
Prophet, ' Sacrifice and offering thou wouldstnot; nor are they pleasing
to thee,' now 1 will teach you in what sacrifices God does delight. And
these things I teach, not as commanding you, for a legal command is
unprofitable, but as one who has undertaken the office of reconciling
you to God. ' / beseech you, brothers, and I beseech you not by the power,
but by the mercy of God, . . . that you offer your bodies a living sacrifice,
holy and well pleasing to God," 9 that it may be * your reasonable service?
. . . For such as mortify their members . . . offer intelligently (or rea-
sonably) a living sacrifice, holy and pleasing to God, and fulfil, accord-
ing to its spiritual signification, that law concerning sacrifices which is
laid down in Leviticus, . . . concerning each of which, when remarking
on the Book of Leviticus, we endeavored to explain according to our
capacity. . . . The Apostle, therefore, not only teaches Christian believ-
ers to regulate their conduct and worship of God conformably to this,
but even beseeches them by the mercy of God, in order thus to manifest
that for the human race prone as it is to fault sacrifices of this kind
have been provided by the commiseration of God, and that, if any of
them should fall, the soul may be mended and restored to salvation, by
a reasonable (or intelligent) offering, and by victims [appetites, passions,
etc.] immolated in the manner that we have above described." Com-
ment in Rom. Lib. 9, 1, Opp. 4, p. 643, col. 1. B. C., col. 2. A. B., p.
644. A. B.
The remarks on Leviticus above alluded to may be found in Horn. 2, 4,
Opp. 2, pp. 190, 191. Elsewhere Origen seems to include under, and as
a part of, this self-sacrifice, the immolation of Christ's body at the cruci-
fixion. "The Saviour," he says, "was come into this world, that he
might offer his flesh as a sacrifice to God for our sins. ... As long as
the flesh lusts in me against the spirit, and the spirit against the flesh,
86 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVIII.
Fathers in regarding Christ or ourselves as competent to
make an offering to God, our Father and Friend.
A Ransom, when not a metaphorical expression, as in
the use of it by Justin, 2 is defined with sufficient accuracy
and I am not yet able to subject the flesh to the spirit, I am subject in-
deed to God, but only in part, not wholly. . . . And, since we are all
said to be HIS BODY and MEMBERS (1 Cor. 6, 15 ; 12, 27) so long as there
are some among us who are not yet subjected with a perfect subjection,
HE is spoken of [by the Apostle] as not subjected. But when he shall
have consummated his work, and led his whole creation to the height of
perfection, then he is regarded as subject in these whom he has rendered
obedient to the Father, and in whom he has finished the work which his
Father gave him to do, * that God may be all and in all.' " In Levit.
Horn. 7, i, 2, Opp. 2, pp. 220. D., 221. E. F., 222. A. B.
The Epistle ascribed to Barnabas speaks of Jesus as offering 'the
vessel of his spirit for our sins,' c. 7 (6, 3), and in the same chapter
(6, 5), as offering his 6 flesh ' for the ' New People ' ; but the connec-
tion throws little light on it.
In the Adumbrations ascribed to Clement is a quotation from
1 Peter 1, 19, omitting all mention of the 'Ransom' which is found
in the eighteenth verse, " With precious blood as of an uncontaminated
and unspotted lanib." " This," says the writer, " refers to the old Levit-
ical and sacerdotal rites, but signifies a soul purified by righteousness
which is OFFERED TO GOD." Adumb. in Pet. Opp. p. 1006, col. 2,
lines 17-21. The writer obviously regards the sacrifice as an offering,
not as a ransom.
Cyprian quotes Psalm 51, 17, " The sacrifice to God is a broken spirit.
A contrite and humble spirit God does not despise " ; and says, " This sac-
rifice you offer to God. This sacrifice you perform without intermission
day and night, being yourselves made sacrifices to God. ... As the
Apostle exhorts, . . . ' / beseech you, brothers, by the mercy of God, that
you constitute your bodies a living sacrifice, holy and pleasing to God, 9
... in this way by greater deserts our works tend to the deserving
of God's good-will." Epist. 86, p. 232.
Arnobius deems the "reliable gifts and true sacrifices" to be "views
worthy of and consonant to the divine nature, Diis dignas et eorum con-
venientissimas nomini." Adv. Gent. 7, 51, with which may be compared
the unworthiness of other sacrifices in cc. 5, 6, 7, of the same book.
2 See his use of the term 'Ransomer' in a note under IX., where it
must mean one who redeems by his power. The Valentin ians, according
to the old Latin translation of Irenseus (1, 2, 4), and according to Ter-
XVIII.] THE RANSOM. 87
by Origen as " a gift to enemies given by the conquered
or by their leader, for the preservation and liberation of
those who have been taken captive." 3
After a perusal of the two foregoing sections, it would
scarcely be supposed that any who held the views there
developed would regard Christ as having paid a ransom
for mankind to their enemy and tyrant. Yet such is
the view which is now to come before us.
2. What was the Ransom ?
In the First Epistle to Peter it is said, " Ye were ran-
somed . . . ~by the precious blood . . . of Christ."*
Before proceeding to the interpretations put upon this
passage, it is requisite to state that the soul or life both
being expressed by the same word in Greek was for-
merly regarded as in the blood. Thus Tacitus, in narrat-
ing the death of Lucanus, who was executed apparently
by the then not uncommon method of bleeding, says,
that, "as the blood flowed, he perceived his feet and
hands to be growing cold, and his spirit to be retreating
by degrees from the extremities, whilst his breast as yet
remained warm and IN POSSESSION OF HIS MIND." 5 And
again concerning Paulina, the wife of Seneca, who had
bled nearly to death, the same writer remarks, refer-
ring, as the connection would indicate, to a period some
years afterwards, u Her countenance and limbs were so
blanched as to render it obvious that much of the vital
spirit had been emptied out." 6
Occasion will arise for introducing one or two other
tullian (Adv. Valentin, c. 9, p. 293. D.), used the name 'Ransomer' for
the same ^Eon who was also called Vindicator (see note appended to the
extract from Arnobius under XXII. 3), and they no doubt connected
it with the idea of redemption by power. Several of their JEons received
appellations from the names or attributes of Christ as used or understood
by the Catholics.
8 Comment, in Ps. 33 (34, 22), Opp. 2, p. 649. C.
* Ch. 1, 18, 19.
6 Annals 15, 70.
6 Annals 15, G4.
88 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVIII.
passages 7 based on this idea, and at the foot of the page
will be found an instance of the systematic manner in
which Origen carried it out. 8
On the above-cited passage from the First Epistle of
Peter Origen comments as follows : " If therefore we
were bought with a price, . . . we were bought doubtless
from some one whose slaves we were, and who demanded
such a price as he pleased for the release of those whom
he held. It was the Devil, however, who held us, to
whom we had been allotted (or into whose power we had
been dragged) by our sins. He therefore demanded as
our price the blood of Christ." 9
And again : 6t We were bought with the precious blood
of Jesus. The SOUL of the Son of God was given as our
ransom ; but not his spirit, for he had already committed
that to his Father, saying, ^Father, into thy hands I com-
mend my spirit ' ; nor yet his body, for we nowhere find
any such thing written of him. . . .
46 And here I would admonish of their error those who,
from a conceit of glorifying Christ, confound what per-
7 See in Appendix, under Note B, extracts from the Adumbrations and
the Philosophumena. The latter states a view of Epicurus.
8 Origen quotes Leviticus 17, 14 : " You shall not eat the blood, because
the life (or soul) of ALL flesh is its blood, and you shall not eat the soul
with the flesh " ; and remarks that in this passage " the blood of ALL
animals is most obviously declared to be their soul." De Principiis, 2,
8, 1, Opp. 1, p. 94. B. He explains that in insects usually deemed blood-
less, the humor has the same force as the red blood, and constitutes the
vital substance. Touching Christ, he argues that his incarnation implied
a (human) soul, distinct from the divine nature : " For since he had
real flesh [which of course implied blood], he also had a real soul. As
to the mention in the Scriptures concerning the soul of God (Lev. 26,
11, 30), it is difficult to apprehend or communicate how it should be un-
derstood, for we have once professed his nature to be simple and without
any admixture. Yet in whatever manner it is to be apprehended, the
soul of God seems sometimes to be mentioned. Concerning Christ there
is no doubt, and therefore it does not appear to me absurd to say or be-
lieve something of the same kind concerning the holy angels and other
celestial powers." De Princip. 2, 8, 2, Opp. 1, p. 94. B. C.
9 In Rom. Lib. 2, 13, Opp. 4, p. 495, col. 2. C. D.
XVIII.] THE RANSOM. 89
tains to the First-Born of the whole creation with what
refers to the soul and body of Jesus, or perhaps to his
spirit ; regarding what was seen and dwelt in this life as
wholly one and uncompounded. For they inquire of us,
c Was the Divinity which inhered in the Image of the
invisible God, was the supereminence of the First-
Born of the whole creation, was he through whom all
things were created in heaven and on earth, visible or in-
visible, whether thrones or dominions or principalities or
powers, was HE given as a ransom ? . . . and to whom
was he given ? ... To an enemy who held us as captives
until the ransom was paid ? And was that enemy com-
petent to exact such a ransom ? '
u Nor do I say these things as despising the SOUL of
Jesus, or making it of small account. I only contend
that IT was the ransom given by the WHOLE Saviour. But
his exalted and divine nature could in nowise be given
as a ransom. . . . And his body as a superfluity, if we
may thus style it, constituted (or belonged to) that
whole which [we read of], 1 Cor. 6, 17, 'He who is joined
to the Lord is ONE spirit? " 10
It is maintained in the extract just given, that the
body of Jesus formed no part of the ransom. This was
probably an expression of dissent from some of the
Orthodox, who maintained that it was ; that it had been
given in exchange for our bodies. Origen, and the school
to which he belonged, would not have thought our bodies
worth ransoming. They deemed us well rid of them at
death. On this point they differed little, if at all, from
the Gnostics. The Orthodox maintained the restoration
of our former bodies as all important. Tertullian argued,
that as the body shared with the soul the duties and pri-
vations of this life and the sufferings of martyrdom, it
was not fair to separate them in the future reward. 11
Now Irenaeus, in treating of Death as swallowed up in
victory, speaks of the flesh as " in a certain manner under
10 Comment, in Matt. Tom. 16, 8, 'Opp. 3, pp. 726, 727.
11 De Resurrect. Carnis, c. 8, Opp. pp. 384, 385. Compare Apol. c. 48 ;
Adv. Marc. 1, 28; 5, 11 j Opp. pp. 42, D., 451. D., 598. A.
90 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XVIII.
the dominion of Death " ; 12 and he no doubt speaks from
the same point of view in affirming, touching the Ban-
som, that " the Lord gave his soul for our souls, and his
flesh for Olir fleshes, rrjv o-dpKa rrjv eavrov avrl ran/ ^ere/awi/
o-apKwv," 13 and finds in this another allusion, as he thinks,
to the old dispensation. w For (Christ) would not have
had real flesh and blood [i. e. flesh and soul] wherewith to
buy us out, unless he had been recapitulating in himself
[the circumstances of] the old formation in Adam." 14
u And since the Apostate acquired his mastery over us
unjustly," Irenaeus finds an antithesis in the conduct of
4 The Word, 5 who u behaved justly even to the Apostate,
redeeming from him his own [those who believed on him],
not by force, as he originally mastered us when he seized
rapaciously what was not his, but by persuasion and as
became a divine being (Deum), persuading him without
violence to accept what he (?) wished." 15
This is not very consistent with the same writer's
statement that the Word had bound the Apostate, plun-
dered his goods, and JUSTLY taken him captive. It, how-
ever, afforded several new antitheses, which probably
absorbed the attention of Irenseus. If he perceived any
of his own incongruities, he must have preferred leaving
their solution to others, for he has not attempted it him-
self.
In the first the only genuine epistle of Clement of
Rome is a statement corresponding in phraseology with
one of those quoted from Ireriaeus. Only a single, and
evidently an interpolated, manuscript of this epistle ex-
ists in the original, nor has any ancient translation been
preserved which might aid in eliminating from it later
additions. Clement lived before the Gnostic controversy,
during or after which I suppose the passage included in
brackets to have been added. w In love the Master as-
sumed our cause. From the love which he had for us,
12 " Quse et quodam dominio Mortis pressa est." Cont. Hseres. 5, 13, 3.
18 Cont. Hseres. 5, 1, 1.
14 Cont. Hseres. 5, 1, 2.
15 Cont. Hseres. 5, 1, 1.
XVIII.] THE RANSOM. 91
Jesus Christ our Lord, in accordance with God's will,
gave his blood for us [even his flesh for our flesh, and his
soul for our souls]. See, beloved, how great and wonder-
ful is love." 16
Tertullian says that Christ u died ... on account of
the Church, that he might commute body for body, the
fleshly for the spiritual," 17 that is, that he might give his
physical body for the Church, which in a metaphorical or
spiritual sense was termed his body. Elsewhere he speaks
of Christ as the ' Kedeemer of the flesh,' 18 and again
treats Christ's suffering as the redemption of our flesh, 19
and again regards Christ as having redeemed our bodies
with his body. 20
3. Why Satan accepted it.
It might seem that a single human body or soul, or
both united, would be but a poor indemnification to Satan
for losing the souls of mankind, yet none of the Fathers
in the period at least under consideration have at-
tempted to explain his willingness to receive it.
There is another difficulty, however, lying on the face
of the views which have been presented, namely, that
Satan did not retain possession even of this soul. The
solution such as it is of this difficulty must be
found in the fact that Christ's incarnation had been con-
cealed from Satan, and in the explanation presented by
the following passage. u To whom," says Origen, " did
(Christ) give his soul as a ransom for many ? Not, of
course, to God. 21 Was it then to the Evil One ? [Certain-
is Cc. 49, 50 (21, 7, 8).
17 Adv. Marcion. 5, l<>, p. 613. C.
18 De Resurrect. Carnis, c. 2, p. 380. A.
19 De Pudicit. c. 11.
20 Adv. Marc. 5, 7.
21 Some language of the Fathers might, if uttered by a modern divine,
seem to imply a belief in the Vicarious Atonement, in a satisfaction
made to God. But so far at least as concerns those who lived in the sec-
ond and third centuries, I believe that, in any instance where they have
explained their own meaning, such a sense could not be forced into it.
Hagenbach, whose Doctrinal History is entitled to a foremost rank
92 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XIX.
ly,] for lie held us in his power until the soul of Jesus
should be given him as our ransom ; he being deceived by
the supposition that he could hold it in subjection, and
not perceiving that it must be retained at the cost of
torture which he could not endure. 22 Wherefore Death,
thinking to have become already his master, is his mas-
ter no longer, he being rendered 'free among the dead?
stronger than the power of Death ; and so much stronger,
that of those whom Death had overcome, all who wished
could follow him, Death no longer availing anything
against them ; for whoever is with Jesus is free from
seizure by Death, dvcTriA^Trros lo-n T<5 $ai/aTo>." ^
It was with a feeling of disappointment and regret
that I perused for the first time the above passage in a
writer whose wildest fancies are usually tinged with
moral beauty. He is not the only individual, who, in
attributing to one of the Saviour's alleged natures what
could not have been promised, performed, or affirmed by
the other, has clouded the Master's character with the
appearance of deceit.
XIX. EECONCILIATION TO GOD.
THE Fathers regarded our sins as the means by which
the demons obtained dominion over us. They also re-
among works of its kind, who, to quote from the title-page of his 'Church
History of the 18th and 19th Centuries,' writes from the point of view
of 'Evangelical Protestantism.' and from his remarks on the Socinians
in his Doctrinal History (Vol. 2, 268, 2d edit.) appears to lay stress on
the Atonement, Hagenbach states that in Tertullian, who first uses
the term 'satisfaction,' this expression has a sense the reverse of 'vica-
rious,' that Tertullian uses it " of those who by confession and active
repentance make reparation for their own sins." See his Doctrinal His-
tory, 2d edit., Vol. 1, 68, and note 5.
22 Christ, it will be remembered, descended " to wrestle with the powers
there as their master." The only natural sense of the passage above is
that Satan found his ' wrestler's grasp ' unendurable.
23 Comment, in Matt. Tom. 16, 8, Opp. 3, p. 726. A. B.
XIX.] RECONCILIATION TO GOD. 93
garded these demons as the prompters of our sinful incli-
nations. Whilst misled into sin by the agency of these
demons, we were of course alienated from God. If Christ
by a victory had inspired terror into the powers of dark-
ness, or by a ransom to their prince had bought them off,
so that they were willing to let his followers alone,
the natural inference would be, that Christians need no
longer be alienated from God. They could return to
him.
The whole history of the Christians evinces, that any
expressions which indicate their having been ransomed
or won from the powers of darkness must be taken with
considerable allowance. 1 Yet they do treat themselves
as peculiarly exempt from influences of the demons, 2 and
though not always definite, and sometimes, perhaps, in-
consistent, as to the manner in which Christ had effected
this, there are passages in which this moral exemption is
connected with Christ's Victory or Eansom, and in some
of them our own service of God, or reunion with him, is
blended into the conception.
The author of the Homilies on Luke, often an imitator of
Origen, quotes from Luke (1, 69 - 71), u ' He has raised up
1 A volume might be filled with their ideas of the contest which was
still going on. The following may not be uninteresting to the reader as
a specimen of views entertained by a spiritually-minded man concern-
ing the moral conflict of Christians. Clement of Alexandria, speak-
ing of the ' spiritual powers against which we wrestle,' says : " For I
think that it is an occupation of the maleficent powers, that they endeavor
to infuse their own disposition into everything, so that they may throw
down and gain possession of us who have renounced them. It naturally
follows that some get thrown down. But as often as men grapple more
athletically in the conflict, the aforesaid powers fighting an all-powerful
battle, and advancing even to the crown, then give out covered with
'bloody dust' (v 7roAX<Jj rip \ti6piij), and wondering at the victors."
Strom. Lib. 2, 110, p. 487. A similar passage occurs, Strain. 7, 3, p. 839,
lines 40 - 45.
2 Even the Theosophic Gnostics held that after baptism the evil spirits
"trembled before him on whom but a little previously they operated."
Doct. Orient, c. 77, Clem. Alex. Opp. p. 987. Knowledge, their own
peculiar privilege, produced the same effect. Doct. Orient, c. 78.
94 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XIX.
a horn of salvation for us in the house of David his son,
as he spoke by the mouth of tJw holy prophets, a salvation
from our enemies? " and continues his comments and
quotations thus : u Let us not now think that mention
is made of physical, but of spiritual enemies. For the
Lord Jesus came 6 mighty in battle? 3 to destroy all our
enemies, that he might free us from their snares, 6 from
the hand of our enemies and the hand of those who hate us?
u 6 To perform mercy to our fathers? I think that, at
the advent of the Lord, our Saviour, Abraham and Isaac
and Jacob enjoyed God's mercy. . . .
u We were not sensible of our enemies, nor did we
perceive them fighting against us, but unconsciously (ne-
scimus quomodo) we were rescued from their jaws and
snares in a moment, and suddenly, and he transferred us
into the inheritance and lot of the just. And we were
6 freed from the hand of our enemies without fear THAT
WE MIGHT SERVE GOD IN HOLINESS AND RIGHTEOUSNESS
BEFORE HIM ALL OUR DAYS.'" 4
Irenaeus had apparently a similar conception floating
before his mind, together with that of a release from the
Underworld, in a passage already quoted : ;4 By a man (i. e.
by a human Christ) it was proper that he (the apostate
angel), when conquered, should be bound, . . . THAT MAN,
BEING FREED, SHOULD RETURN TO HIS GOD." 5
The Epistle ascribed to Barnabas tells us : u It is writ-
ten in what manner the .Father commanded him (Christ)
that, RANSOMING US FROM DARKNESS, HE SHOULD PREPARE
FOR HIMSELF A HOLY PEOPLE. For the Prophet says (Is.
42, 6, 7), 6 / the Lord thy God have called thee in righteous-
ness, . . . and will strengthen thee, . . . to open the eyes of
8 An allusion to Ps. 24, 8. Jesus being regarded, according to a com-
mon conception, as the special Deity of the Old Testament. See Appendix,
Note A.
4 Horn. 10, Origenis Opp. 3, p. 943, col. 1 C. D., 2 B. C. (5, 118-
120). An accompanying Greek fragment, if by Origen, evinces that he
had expressed himself in similar words. It is quoted from "sheets" of
Grabe and Combeiisius without mention of where they found it.
5 Cont. Hajres. 5, 21, 3.
XIX.] RECONCILIATION TO GOD. 95
the blind, to lead out the bond from their fetters, and such
as sit in darkness out of the prison-house? Know, therefore,
whence we were ransomed. 55 6 If the ransom from dark-
ness be not a mere figure of speech, it must mean from
the Powers or Prince of Darkness. The last part of the
quotation from Isaiah may have been understood by the
writer as referring to the release of the departed from the
Underworld. He believed Christ's Underworld Mission, 7
and that the Saviour had ransomed us from Death. 8
According to Justin, u The offering of wheat-flour . . .
for those purified from leprosy was a type of the Eucha-
ristical [thank-offering] bread, which Jesus Christ our
Lord gave us to partake of in remembrance of the suffer-
ing which he suffered for such as are purified in their
souls from all wickedness, that we may at the same time
thank God, both for the creation of the world and all
things in it, on man's account, and for our liberation from
the evil in which we were, and for the overthrow of the
' Powers and Authorities 5 [the evil spirits], with a per-
fect overthrow, through him who, in accordance with his
will, became subject to suffering. 55 9 The connection be-
tween Christ's suffering and this liberation Justin does
not explain.
Tertullian appears to identify the purchase of man
FROM HIS SINS with the ransom paid in the Underworld.
After speaking of Christ's sufferings and death, he adds :
6 Ch. 14 (12,20-22).
7 See VI.
8 See XXII. 4.
9 Dialog, c. 41, p. 137. D. E. In a preceding chapter (c. 39, p. 136.
B. C.) Justin interprets Psalm 68, 18) : "He ascended on high, he led
captive the captives, 19 as a prediction that the Christians should be ' led
captive ' out of their error or wandering (TrXd^s, the same word which
after a few lines he connects as an adjective with Satan, the author of it).
Whether this excludes any application by him of the same passage to the
release of the departed from the Underworld, or whether the release of
both living and dead from Satan's power were identified in Justin's mind
as parts of man's liberation, is not a question to be pronounced upon
positively. I incline to the latter idea, as more consonant with the views
of the age.
96 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XIX.
" All this that we might be bought FROM OUR SINS. The
sun disappeared on the day of our purchase. Our eman-
cipation took place in the Underworld, and our stipulated
price (or our guaranty) is in heaven (apud inferos eman-
cipatio nostra est et stipulatio nostra in ccelis). The eternal
gates were lifted up that the King of Glory might enter,
the Lord of Hosts, who had bought man from the
earth, nay, from the Underworld, into heaven. . . . And
the Lord ransomed him from the angels, the world-
ruling powers, from the spirits of wickedness, [and as a
consequent] from the darkness of this age, from eternal
judgment, from perpetual death." 10
Elsewhere, if I understand him, he directly connects
the liberation from Satan or his angels with reconciliation
to God. Opposing Marcion's idea of another Deity than
the Creator, Tertullian asks : u To whom does (Christ)
reconcile all things, making peace by the blood of his
cross, unless to Him whom all things had offended,
against whom they had rebelled through the promptings
of the transgressing angel (or angels), WHOSE THEY LATELY
WERE." n
The reader may wish also to exercise his own judgment
as to whether the idea of reconciliation, in the following
passage from Cyprian, be intended as the effect of what
precedes it, or whether it merely stand in juxtaposition
therewith. Speaking of immortality, he treats it as a
favor which Christ confers "by subjecting Death. to the
trophy of his cross, by ransoming the believer at the price
of his blood, by reconciling man to God, by vivifying mor-
tality with a celestial regeneration." 12
10 De Fugain Persecut. c. 12, Opp. p. 697. D.
11 Adv. Marcion. 5, 1<>, Opp. p. 613. B. Per transgressionem cujus no-
vissime fuerant. Tertullian uses ' the Transgression ' for the transgress-
ing angel (or angels), in the same manner as Irenaeus uses ' the Apostasy,'
Apostasia, for the apostate angel, Lib. 5, 1, 1. So in 1 Pet. 1, 1, dtavTropd,
4 the Dispersion,' means the dispersed Jews, and in Eph. 4, 8, 4 the Cap-
tivity ' means the captives, and Tertullian uses humanam servitutem for
enslaved mortals, Adv. Marcion. 5, 8, quoted on p. 53.
12 Ad Demet. ch. 26. On the vivifying of mortality, see Appendix,
Note B.
XX.] DISCOMFORTS OF THE UNDERWORLD. 97
To preserve unity of translation, T have used the word
6 ransom ' in the foregoing extracts, where sometimes, per-
haps, the writer thought of a ; redemption' effected by
force. We have already seen that Justin connects the
idea of power with the term 'Ransomer,' in a passage
which the reader would do well to compare with the
present head. 13
XX. DISCOMFORTS OF THE UNDERWORLD.
THE Heathen conception of an Underworld was far from
cheerful. Even its abodes for the innocent * were but a
miserable exchange for this life.
13 See note to the extract from Justin, under IX.
1 These must not be confounded with Elysium, the alleged residence
of pet heroes. Smith's Classical Dictionary (Aiithou's edit.), article
Elysium, says : " lu Homer (Od. 4, 563), Elysium forms no part of the
realms of the dead ; he places it on the west of the earth, near Ocean, and
describes it as a happy land, \vherethere is neither snow, nor cold, nor rain,
and always fanned by the delightful breezes of Zephyrus. Hither favored
heroes, like Menelaus, pass WITHOUT DYING, and live happy under the
rule of Rhadamanthys. The Elysium of Hesiod and [that of] Pindar are
in the Isles of the Blessed (ftaKdpuv v? t <roi), which they placed in the
Ocean. . . . The Elysium of Virgil is part of the lower world, and the
residence of THE SHADES of the Blessed." This last implies (see p. 164
n.) that Virgil placed sun and stars within the earth, which I formerly
discredited but of which folly I have since found a solution. A Jewish
work which he imitates (see Judaism, Note A, footnote 21 a ) spoke of two
localities, Paradise a place of perpetual light, and the Elysian Plain which
in that document probably corresponded to Abraham's bosom in the Un-
derworld. Virgil, who was no expert in Jewish theology, confused the
two, thus putting sun and stars into the Underworld. He makes these
fields the temporary abode of a few from among the dead (pauci lazta arva
tenemus, ^Eneid, 6, 744) who have been put through a kind of pur-
gatory or purifying process (JEncid, 6, 73G-74.S), and who experience
conjointly (agmiiie magno, <&neid, 6, 74P), after a thousand years, a
physical resurrection, an idea borrowed perhaps (see Judaism, Note A,
footnote 65) from the Erythraan verses.
98 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XX.
In a somewhat copious account of the Lower Regions
given us by Virgil, we are told: "The next localities
[after those allotted to such as have been unjustly put to
death] are inhabited by the afflicted, who in innocence
destroyed themselves, and, sick of the light, threw away
their own life. How gladly would they now endure pov-
erty and severe labor [provided it were] in upper air ! " 2
The Christians who installed Satan as ruler of the
Underworld did not certainly add to its attractions as a
residence ; yet it may be doubted whether his presence
increased their conceptions of its gloom. In fact, the
distinction in it between Abraham's bosom and the abode
of the wicked, though theologically recognized by Chris-
tians, seems to have been merged in the generally desolate
and dreary ideas of the whole region. 3
Clement of Alexandria, alluding to the despair, not of
the wicked, but of the good below, the despair of those
who afterwards heartily accepted the Master's teaching
as soon as proffered, speaks of them " as having given
themselves up to destruction with the feeling of a man
who voluntarily flings himself overboard into the sea." 4
And the passage already quoted from the Writer to the
Hebrews can hardly be interpreted in a natural manner
without implying this extremity of dread at the idea of
consignment to the ' Kingdom of Death.' Christ partook
of our nature, w that through his death he might destroy
him who has the dominion of death, that is, the Devil, and
[thereby] free as many as were subjected to A SLAVERY
DURING THEIR WHOLE LIVES ly their fear of Death." 5
The lines of Watts, applied to such a futurity, would
become more intelligible than if understood of anything
which he himself can have been supposed to believe :
2 ^Eneid, 6, 434 - 437.
8 Beausobre overlooks this fact, as well as falls into some other errors
in his remarks concerning Marcion's view of Christ's Underworld mission,
which may be found in his Histoire du Manichcisme, Vol. 2, p. 112. He,
however, is more successful than Mosheim in seizing Marcion's point of
view.
* Strom. 6,45, p. 763. 5 Ch. 2, 14, 15.
XX.] DISCOMFORTS OF THE UNDERWORLD. 99
"But darkness, Death (?), and long despair
Reign, in unbroken silence there."
It was an hereafter which not only failed to buoy or sus-
tain, but which oppressed the soul.
Tertullian, at the date of his tract De Anima, maintained
that, prior to the resurrection, Christians' themselves, ex-
cepting martyrs, were not exempt from the Underworld.
In that treatise, therefore, he might have been expected
to bring into strong light the distinction between Abra-
ham's bosom and the place of the wicked, a distinction
which he himself held. Yet, in that very tract, when his
opponents exclaim, w What difference is there then be-
tween Heathens and Christians, if the same prison awaits
both ? " 6 he does not attempt to discriminate between
their respective abodes, but argues that only martyrs enter
Paradise, and concludes : u Recognize, therefore, a differ-
ence in death between the heathen and believer, in case
you lay down your life for God, . . . not in gentle fevers
and in bed, but in tortures." 7
The Underworld is treated in the first of these extracts
as a prison, and in this light Tertullian seems to have been
fond of identifying it with the prison mentioned by the
Saviour, Matt. 5, 26. He alludes in one passage to the
Second Coming of Christ, which Christians deemed close
at hand, and to the change which, in accordance with
1 Cor. 15, 52, the living were then to experience, and ex-
claims, " Who is there that will not desire, while yet in
the flesh, to put on immortality, and [simply] to continue
his life, ... so as not to experience [a confinement in]
the Underworld, where even ' the last farthing will be
exacted ?' 8
Elsewhere he expresses an analogous idea, in a passage
which is a curious specimen of interpretation, and morally
irreconcilable with a SIMULTANEOUS resurrection. 9 u If,"
6 De Anima, c. 55, Opp. p. 353. C.
7 De Anima, c. 55, p. 353. D.
8 De Resurrect, c. 42, p. 410. B.
9 Tertullian held at times to but one simultaneous and general resur-
rection of just and unjust. See Adv. Marc. 4, 34, quoted in XXII. 5.
100 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XX.
says he, u the mention of an adversary in the accompany-
ing observation [^ Agree with thine adversary '] be under-
stood of the Devil, you will be admonished to enter into
that concord with him also, which results from fidelity to
your agreement. For you have agreed to renounce him
and his pomp and his angels. This was the agreement
between you. Mutual friendship depends on your keep-
ing your pledge, and not resuming afterwards any of his
things which you have forsworn, which you have re-
turned to him, lest he present you to God the judge as a
defrauder and transgressor of your agreement, . . . and
the judge deliver thee to the executing angel, and he
commit thee to the Underworld prison, whence you shall
not be dismissed until every trifling fault be discharged
by a delay of the resurrection. What can be more suit-
able than this meaning ? What truer than this interpre-
tation ? " 10
The reader, probably, will have already inferred that
thoughts of consignment to the Underworld were not
peculiarly pleasing either to those the mass of Chris-
tians whose theology exempted them from, or to those
the few exceptions whose theology subjected them
to it. He will also be prepared to comprehend why one
class of Catholics, 11 who were deterred by the fear of
Elsewhere he teaches two resurrections, one of the just and another of
the unjust. " The Devil having been banished meanwhile to the abyss,
the prerogative of the first resurrection will be ordered from the throne.
Subsequently fire [for the general conflagration] having been supplied,
the decree of the universal resurrection will be judicially announced
from books." De Resurrect. Carnis, c. 25, p. 397. B. On either of
these two suppositions the good or the less faulty were, by " delay of the
resurrection," to be detained in prison whilst the last farthing was being
exacted from their companions. To avoid this, Tertullian invented a
novel view, namely, that during the millennium " will be completed the
resurrection of the saints who will rise earlier or later, according to
[each one's] merits." Adv. Marc. 3, 24, p. 499. C. According to this
the resurrection of the just was not simultaneous, but a consecutive
series of liberations from below.
1 De Anima, c. 35, Opp. p. 338. C. D.
11 See XXII. 4.
XXI.] LOCALITY OF PAKADISE. 101
heresy from sending Christians to heaven at death, might
be deterred by popular feeling from sending them to the
Underworld, and be left in perplexity as to how they
should dispose of them.
XXI. THE LOCALITY OF PARADISE.
1. Object of the Inquiry.
THE unanimity of the early Christians in never turn-
ing their eyes to the Underworld as a locality for Paradise
will have some bearing on an argument yet to be offered
for the genuineness of the Gospels. The frequency with
which it was located in heaven may explain the fact, that
that portion of the Catholics : who feared to send the
righteous either to heaven or the Underworld at death
did not in a body fall back upon Paradise as a substitute.
The words of Paul (2 Cor. 12, 4) and common opinion
gave such support to its heavenly locality, as to make
them afraid of countenancing heresy if they sent believers
thither before the resurrection.
That Paradise was never located by the early Chris-
tians in the Underworld, I should have deemed too ob-
vious for argument, were not the contrary advanced in
such a work as the Doctrinal History of Baumgarten-
Crusius and Hase, 2 and partially countenanced by what
1 See XXII. 4.
2 Baumgarten-Crusius, in his Text-Book of Doctrinal History (note
on p. 1301), states "that Paradise and Heaven were constantly distin-
guished [from each other]," referring for his authority to "Cyril of Je-
rusalem and others, as Origen." In his later work, the Compendium of
Doctrinal History (Vol. 2, p. 388), he says, "Paradise became gradually
elevated in glory (verklaert) from a locality of the Underworld to a situa-
tion in heaven." He wrote the text to this volume without the notes,
which, with the exception of the first few pages, were subjoined after his
death by Hase. The note of Hase on this last quotation is as follows :
102 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXI.
appears to have been an oversight or misconception of
Huet and Muenscher. 3
In the Greek translation of Genesis (2, 8), the term
c Paradise corresponds to the English rendering garden
and would naturally convey the idea of an earthly local-
ity. The language of Paul (2 Cor. 12, 4) suggests a heav-
" Paradise, in the history of Church opinions, has experienced more
wanderings than the Holy House of Loretto. According to Hebrew con-
ceptions, a portion of the earth ; according to comparisons with Elysium,
a constituent part of the Underworld ; gradually elevated into heaven ;
then, especially by the mystics of the Middle Ages, completely called in
question as a locality, and conceived of as a spiritual condition." Vol.
2, note C. on p. 388. Tertullian, it may be remarked, is the only writer
of the first three centuries, unless some passage have escaped me, who
compares Paradise with the Elysian Fields, and in the passage where this
occurs he places it on earth, not in the Underworld.
8 Huet in his Origeniana, Lib. 2, c. 11, Qusest. 12, makes an imperfect
quotation from Origen (In Numeros Homil. 26, 4, Opp. 2, p. 372. C.),
and has misled himself and Muenscher into the opinion that Paradise is
there confounded with Abraham's bosom, the latter of which localities is
commonly placed in the Underworld. In the passage in question Origen
speaks of the soul at death as " transferred to the next life (or world,
aliud seculum), which is denominated either Abraham's bosom ... or
Paradise, ... or [by the titles of] any other places or mansions known
perchance to God, through which the soul that trusts in God passes, until
it comes to the river which makes glad the city of God." He is speaking,
as it would seem, of distinct and successive localities.
The identification of Paradise and Abraham's bosom, thus erroneously
attributed to Origen, is by Beausobre, in his valuable History of Mani-
chseism (Vol. 2, p. 112), ascribed to the Fathers without especial limi-
tation, and without any reference to support it. Beausobre's work is
suggestive, and, on most points, richly supplied with references, but his
statements are not to be received without examination. Whoever reads
his remarks on the above-cited page concerning Hades, Tartarus, Para-
dise, and Abraham's bosom, will find errors enough in two or three sen-
tences to evince the need of caution while perusing him.
Tertullian, who in one work likens Paradise to the Elysian Fields (Apol.
c. 47), in another (Adv. Marcion. 4, 34), both of which will hereafter be
quoted, likens Abraham's bosom to the same locality. In either case he
means a locality outside of the Underworld. See the fourth division of
this, and the fifth of the twenty-second section.
XXL] LOCALITY OF PARADISE. 103
enly one. 4 Some Christians adopted the one theory,
some the other, some were enabled by their theology to
adopt both. Irenseus may have tried to stand on middle
ground, and Tertullian was bold enough to defy all com-
mon opinions when it suited his convenience.
2. Twofold Theory.
Origen, following out, perhaps, his system concerning
the twofold sense of Scriptures, believed in a heavenly
and an earthly Paradise. The former he located in the
THIRD heaven, for he affirms that Paul heard in the third
heaven what, according to his own quotation immediately
preceding, he heard in Paradise. 5 In this Paradise Adam
had originally been. u The Lord God," says Origen,
u cast him out of Paradise and placed him on this earth
over against the Paradise of delights, and tins was the
punishment of his fault which has certainly passed upon
all men. For we are all formed in this place of humilia-
tion [the earth], and valley of tears ; whether because all
who have been born from Adam were in his loins and
were ejected equally with himself, or whether in some in-
explicable manner, known to God alone, each individual
[Origen believed the pre-existence of souls] has been cast
out and received condemnation. 95 6
Elsewhere he says : " Who is so silly as to believe that
God, like a human farmer, planted Paradise [a garden] in
4 The language of Paul implies a prior belief among the Jews, or
among some of them, that Paradise was in heaven. "Without this the
Apostle would hardly have been understood. The same is corroborated,
moreover, by one of Wetstein's quotations appended to Luke 23, 43 :
" Chagiga, fol. 14. 2, 'Four have entered Paradise by the hand of God.'
Schol. ' Not that they in fact ascended, but they seemed to themselves
to ascend.' " So, also, in the Sibylline Oracles, those who honor the
true God are represented as " inhabiting the Garden of Paradise."
Proem, 2, 48 (edit, of Alexandre, Proem, 86).
6 Fragmenta, Opp. 4, p. 694. A. Compare Ad Martyr. 13, Opp. 1, p.
282. E.
6 Comment, in Rom. Lib. 5, 4, Opp. 4, p. 556. A. B. Compare p.
546. A.
104 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXL
Eden towards the east, and put a visible and perceptible
tree of life in it, so that any one by eating of this tree
should partake [of the knowledge] of good and evil ? " 7
Of the earthly Paradise he says : u I think that who-
ever departs this life in holiness will remain in a certain
place on earth which the Scriptures call Paradise as in a
place of instruction, and, if I may so express it, a school
for souls, in which they are taught concerning all things
that they have seen on earth, and receive certain hints
also of the future. ... If any one is clean in heart,
and particularly pure in mind and quick in the use of
his faculties (exercitatior sensu), he will depart at an earlier
day, and ascend without delay to the region of the air
(aeris locum), and will [finally] arrive at the kingdom of
the heavens, by passing through the mansions, if I may
so express myself, of the several localities which the
Greeks call spheres (that is, globes 8 ), but which the di-
vine Scripture names heavens. . . . The Saviour alludes
to these diverse localities when he says (John 14, 2), ' In
my Father's house are many mansions? " 9
Marcion was no advocate of double senses in Scripture,
yet he seems to have believed in a celestial and terrestrial
Paradise. According to Tertullian, u He treats every ques-
tion concerning Paradise " ; 10 but as Tertullian's object
was to ridicule rather than to state Marcion's opinion, it
is only by an eductive process that we can attain it. A
preparatory remark or two may assist us in effecting this.
The superterrestrial system of Marcion, unlike that of the
Valentinians, did not extend beyond the heavens, of which
he seems to have numbered but three, a number prob-
ably adopted from Paul's words (2 Cor. 12, 4). 11 In the
third heaven to which it will be remembered that Paul
was caught up dwelt the Supreme Deity and Christ.
Tertullian quotes the opinion of Marcion, that from love
7 De Principiis, 4, 2, 16, Opp. 1, p. 175.
8 An addition, no doubt, of the Latin translator.
9 De Principiis, 2, 11, 6, Opp. 1, p. 106. F. A. B.
10 Adv. Marcion. 5, 12, Opp. p. 600. B.
11 See Appendix, Note C.
XXI.] LOCALITY OF PARADISE.
of man Christ w descended from the third heaven." 12
And again, after quoting his view that one who from the
course of argument must be the Supreme Deity had u his
own world and his own heaven," he adds, u But we shall
see about THAT THIRD HEAVEN when we come to discuss
your copy of the Epistles." 13 The heaven of the Creator
was a lower one. According to the same writer, Marcion
u maintains that he (Christ) in the fifteenth year of the
reign of Tiberius descended into Capernaum, a city of
Galilee, of course from the heaven of the Creator, into
which he had previously descended from his own, so that
in proper order his descent ought first to have been de-
scribed out of his own heaven into that of the Creator." 14
The Creator's Paradise must, according to Marcion, have
been on earth, 15 and the one to which Paul was carried
the Paradise of the Supreme Deity must have been
above the Creator, for Tertullian ridicules the unwilling-
ness of Marcion to consider the Supreme Deity as using
what belonged to the other. He asks u whether (the
Supreme) God could not have a Paradise of his own upon
earth, without obtaining the use of the Creator's [for the
interview with Paul] by way of a favor." 16 A probable
12 " Considera liominem . . . hoc opus dei nostri, quod tuus dominus
. . adamavit, propter quern . . . de tertio ccelo descendere laboravit."
Adv. Marcion. 1, 14, Opp. p. 439. D.
18 Adv. Marc. 1, 15, Opp. p. 440. B.
14 Adv. Marcion. 4, 7, Opp. pp. 506. D., 507. A. So, too, in another
place : " If he (the Supreme Deity) has his own world below him and
above the Creator, he must have made it in the vacant space between his
feet and the Creator's head." Adv. Marc. 1, 15, p. 440. C.
15 Marcion did not regard matter, which he deemed self-existent, as a
suitable substance out of which to form anything very perfect. He main-
tained, according to Theodoret, that the Creator " from the purest of it
had formed the heaven, from the remainder the four elements, and from
the dregs Hades and Tartarus. And again, sifting out the purest of the
earth, he prepared Paradise." Theodoret, Hceret. Fabulce, 1, 24, Opp.
4, p. 158. Compare Philo (On Creation, c. 47 ; Paris edit. p. 21), as to
the selection of earth by the Deity when he formed man.
16 Adv. Marcion. 5, 12, p. 600. B. Tertullian in the same passage
carries out his ridicule of this scrupulous non-appropriation of what
106 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXL
conjecture is that Marcion located the heavenly Paradise
in the third heaven.
3. Paradise in Heaven.
Tertullian represents opponents as maintaining the soul's
direct departure at death to Paradise, which he meets
by the question, u How will the soul be exhaled into
heaven" 17 prior to the judgment? so that these oppo-
nents must have placed Paradise in heaven.
He himself sometimes places Paradise in heaven. That
he at others locates it on the earth, is to be accounted for
more probably by the supposition of inconsistency, than
by that of his having held the twofold theory. In his
work on Patience, he treats man as originally u innocent,
the friend of God his neighbor [so called, perhaps, because
both lived in the same locality], and a colonist 18 of Para-
dise ; but when he gave way to impatience he ceased to
know God, and to have the capacity of enduring CELESTIAL
things. Thenceforward man was given to the earth, and
ejected from the sight of God." 19
According to Irenseus, the Valentinians u maintain that
the seven heavens [of the Creator] are ... angels, . . .
and Paradise, SINCE it is ABOVE the third heaven, they call
The Fourth." 20 And it must no doubt be Valentinians
to whom the Doctrina Orientalis alludes as holding that
u Man was created in Paradise, the fourth heaven." 21
Compare IV. note 6. Valentinians may by 'the Fourth 5
belonged to the Creator, by alluding to Paul's words, 2 Cor. 12, 7, 8 :
" There was given me a thorn in the flesh, the messenger of Satan to buffet
me. . . . I besought the Lord thrice that it might depart from me." He
remarks : " I wonder that your excellent Lord . . . should cuff his own
apostle by a messenger of the Creator's Satan rather than by one of his
own." Marcion, it will be remembered (see XIV.), regarded Satan as
an angel a fallen one probably of the Creator.
17 De Anima, c. 55, p. 353. C.
18 Tertullian regarded man, not as created, but as colonized in Paradise.
19 De Patientia, c. 5, p. 162. A. B.
20 Cont. Haeres. 1, 5. 2 (1, l). Compare Tertul. adv. Valentin, c. 20,
p. 298. C.
21 C. 51, Clem. Alex. Opp. p. 981.
XXI.] LOCALITY OF PARADISE. 107
have meant the fourth space, the one above the third
heaven.
The above extract from Irenaeus assumes that Paradise
is ABOVE the third heaven. On the reason for assuming
this, some light may be thrown by the manner in which
Clement of Alexandria quotes Paul : u I know a Christian
who was caught up into the third heaven, and THENCE
into Paradise." ^ Clement believed, therefore, as it would
seem, that Paradise was ABOVE the third heaven.
Cyprian places Paradise in heaven, or identifies it with
heaven. To avoid repetition, the reader is referred for his
views to Note E of the Appendix.
4. Paradise on Earth.
Theophilus writes with his eye on the Old Testament
narrative, which in his opinion clearly implies that Para-
dise is on the earth. With two of the rivers which flowed
out of it the Tigris and Euphrates he was well ac-
quainted, seeing that they were near to (Antioch) where
he lived (nostris regionibus vicini). Of the other two
which watered the East, one, the Geon, flowed round the
whole of Ethiopia, and was " said to appear in Egypt un-
der the name of Nile." Paradise was midway in beauty
not in locality, as Theophilus is sometimes mistaken
to have said between heaven and earth. 23 Man after
the resurrection was to be replaced in it. 24
According to Methodius, u Paradise, whence we were
ejected in our first parent, is manifestly a spot selected
from this earth as a pleasant resting-place, and set apart
as a better habitation for the saints. Thence appear the
Tigris and Euphrates and other rivers which issue from it,
pouring their discharge of waters into our continent. For
they do not plunge down from the heavens above, since
the earth could not sustain such a mass of water rushing
from on high." 25 Paul, according to this writer, intended
22 Strom. 5, 80, p. 693. Comp. 2 Cor. 12, 2, 4.
23 Ad Autol. 2, 24, Justin. Opp. p. 366. B. C. D.
24 Ad Autol. 2, 26, p. 367. D. E.
25 The extract is to be found in Epiphanius Hseres. 64, 47, Opp. 1,
p. 572. B. C.
108 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXI.
two distinct places when he spoke of being seized into
the third heaven and into Paradise. The whole passage
of Methodius was intended as an answer to Origen.
Tertullian, in one work, as already seen, placed Para-
dise in heaven. In his Apology, addressed to the Hea-
thens, he borrowed its locality from their Elysian Fields.
These, at a time when the shores of the Atlantic were
an almost unknpwn region, had been placed by poetic
fancy or by popular belief on its distant borders, or on
the islands which it embosomed. Tertullian selected
a spot equally untravelled by human foot for Para-
dise. He placed it south of the torrid zone, which he
treated as "a garden wall" to separate it "from the
knowledge of the common world." ^ Perhaps this south-
ern locality was suggested to him by the expression of
Flaccus (see Appendix, Note F, foot-note 5), uli sol,
4 where the sun is.'
He had no thought, however, of permitting the infer-
ence that he was borrowing from Heathens, but informs
them that their idea of the Elysian Fields, with all their
other approximations to truth, came to them from the
4 Divine Literature.' 27
5. Statements less precisely worded.
Irenaeus says that u God planted Paradise in Eden to-
wards the east " ; 28 not on this earth, as it would seem ;
for Adam was " ejected thence into this world." 29 In his
opinion, taken, as he informs us, from the Presbyters, 30
that is, from some of the earlier Christians, it was one of
three places, Heaven, Paradise, and the Holy City,
to which, after the renovation of this world, men shall be
distributed accordingly as they shall have borne fruit
one hundred, sixty, or thirty fold. It was to Paradise,
according to Presbyters, 31 disciples of the Apostles, that
the translated (Enoch and Elijah) had been taken.
26 Apolog. c. 47, Opp. p. 42. B. 2 ? Ibid. p. 41. B.
28 Cont. Hseres. 5, 5, 1. 29 Ibid.
80 Cont. Hseres. 5, 36, 1 ; and Routh, Reliq. Sac. Vol. 1, p. 10.
81 Cont. Hseres. 5, 5, 1 ; and Routh, Reliq. Sac. Vol. 1, p. 58. (N. B.
The Index refers to p. 55.)
XXI.] LOCALITY OF PARADISE. 109
Tatian, speaking of the demons, or fallen angels, and
men, says that the former were cast down from heaven,
but men were expelled (e&pCa&rjo-av) u from the earth, not
from this, but from a better and more finished one." 32
The author of the Discussion between Archelaus and Manes
says of Adam and Eve, "They whom (the Devil) de-
ceived by the promise of their becoming Gods were
afterwards cast out of Paradise." ^ The writer probably
regarded Paradise as in heaven, the proper place for
Adam and Eve, had they actually been what the Devil
promised.
A Manichaean is represented in the same work as ex-
plaining Paradise to be the World, and the tree of life to
be the knowledge of Jesus which is in the world; 34 an
allegorical interpretation which is also advanced by
Clement of Alexandria, 35 and which in the latter writer
does not exclude the belief of a special locality called
Paradise.
According to Epiphanius, " Hierax did not believe
Paradise to be perceptible to the physical senses, ato-^v/roV,
which was also a folly of Origen." M
The Clementine Homilies twice mention Paradise as
the original residence of Adam, without remark as to its
locality. 37
I have found no mention of it in the undoubted writ-
ings of Justin Martyr, nor in those of Athenagoras, Her-
mias, Arnobius, Minucius Felix, Commodianus, nor in
the fragments collected by Eouth, save the two citations
of Presbyters by Irenaeus which are above given, and the
quotations from the Discussion of Archelaus and Manes.
6. Additional ^Remarks.
PAEADISE IN HEAVEN is at the present day re-
garded as the intermediate abode of the righteous until
82 Cont. Graec. Orat. c. 20, Justini Opp. p. 261. D.
88 Kouth, Reliq. Sac. Vol. 5, p. 124.
84 C. 10, Routh, Reliq. Sac. Vol. 5, p. 62.
85 Strom. 5, 11, pp. 689, 690.
36 Adv. Hseres. 67, 2, Opp. 1, p. 711. B. w Horn. 3, 39, 16, 6.
110 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXL
the resurrection. 38 If any trace of this view can be
found in the second and third centuries, it must be by
inference, and that a very uncertain one, from the writ-
ings either of Tertullian or Cyprian. The Gnostics and
such of the Catholic Christians as agreed with them in
sending departed souls immediately to heaven, had no
idea of ever bringing them down again to be united to
their bodies. On the other hand, that party among the
Catholics who defended a physical and general resurrec-
tion, for the two seem to have gone together, con-
demned as a grievous heresy the belief of the soul's direct
ascent to heaven, which they regarded as overthrowing
the resurrection. They seem to have thought that, if
the soul once reached heaven and bliss, there was little
likelihood of getting it back to earth. Tertullian would
almost appear to have gone a step further, and to have
concluded that, if people were hereafter to be raised OUT OF
the earth, the only method of securing this desirable end
was by keeping them UNDER it until the appointed time. 39
Cyprian sends the righteous at death to Paradise in
heaven, but apparently with the intention that they
should remain there permanently. If he twice alludes to
a general resurrection, he nowhere connects it with the
former idea. It was no doubt an inconsistency natural
to one who was in a state of transition from the theology
of his master, Tertullian, to that of the opposite school. 40
Tertullian twice concedes, not to the righteous, but to
88 In the Assembly's Larger Catechism the Saviour's words to the
penitent thief, 66 To-day shalt thou be with me in Paradise," are quoted
in proof that righteous souls at death enter upon " communion with
Christ in glory " (answer to Question 85, and note appended thereto),
which is explained by the answer to the next question to mean, that they
are 6( received into the highest (?) heavens, where they behold the face of
God in light and glory, waiting for the full redemption of their bodies."
And in the answer to the succeeding question it is stated " that at the
last day ... the selfsame bodies of the dead which were laid in the
grave, being then united to their souls forever, shall be raised up by
the power of Christ."
89 See the 5th division of XXII.
40 See his views in Note E of the Appendix.
XXI.] LOCALITY OF PARADISE. Ill
Martyrs only, an immediate transfer out of this life into
Paradise. In one of these instances, and perhaps in the
other, he intends Paradise in heaven. " No one," he says,
w on leaving the body, dwells immediately with the Lord,
UNLESS he who by the prerogative of martyrdom shall
go to Paradise instead of to the Underworld." 41 And
again, after identifying Paradise with the region under
the altar, 42 u where NO OTHER souls were shown to John
save those of the Martyrs," he adds, u The only key of
Paradise is your blood." 43 He lived in times of persecu-
tion, when it was necessary to cheer men on to torture and
death by better promises than that of an imprisonment in
the Underworld. The Martyrs were already a kind of
demigods, whose hopes of an immediate reward even HE
dared not directly oppose. Both passages are, perhaps,
unwilling concessions, which Tertullian would rather
have withdrawn than developed. In the latter of them,
and in close connection with what has been cited, he
maintains that " heaven is open to NO ONE while the
earth remains," and refers to a work no longer extant,
which he had written concerning Paradise, in which, says
he, u we laid it down, that EVERY soul is sequestrated in
the Underworld, until the day of the Lord."
To PAPtADISE ON EAETH Origen sent righteous
souls, not as to their intermediate abode until the res-
urrection, but as to the first step of that ladder which
reached to God's throne. Tertullian also, in the passage
wherein he places the earthly Paradise south of the torrid
zone, treats it as " a place of divine pleasantness destined
for receiving the spirits of the saints." Whether we
41 De Resurrect. Carnis, c. 43, Opp. p. 411. B. C.
42 Rev. 6, 9. I can offer conjecture only as to the cause of this iden-
tification. Tertullian, who speaks of the communion as an offering (De
Exhort. Cast. c. 7, Opp. p. 668. D.), may have treated the communion-
table as an altar. The early Christians prayed with their faces to the
east, and may not improbably have placed their communion-table at that
end of their house of worship. If by analogy Tertullian regarded God's
altar as at the east, he may have reasoned that, since Paradise was in the
east (Gen. 2, 8), it was the region under the altar.
43 De Anima, c. 55, Opp. p. 353. C. D.
112 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXII.
suppose that this was to take place before or after the
resurrection, it is not easy to be harmonized with the
general theology of its writer.
XXII. CHRISTIAN EXEMPTION FROM THE UNDER-
WORLD.
1. General Statement.
IN the second and third centuries, the Christians as a
body deemed themselves exempt at death from the Un-
derworld, and regarded this exemption as a privilege
peculiarly their own. We have seen 1 that Tertullian,
who alone and for a time defended an opposite view,
represents his opponents as asking, a What difference is
there, then, between Heathens and Christians, if [as on
your supposition] the same prison awaits both ? " And
Hernias has been quoted 2 as saying, u Before a man re-
ceives the name of the Son of God, he is destined to
Death; but when he receives that seal, he is liberated
from Death and delivered over to Life." Nor can the
connection leave any doubt that subjection to, and exemp-
tion from, the Underworld were included in his use of the
terms ' death ' and ; life.' Prior to Christ, all who died
all mankind save Enoch and Elijah had, in the opinion
of Christians, gone thither. Since Christ, none but them-
selves escaped it.
Of these two statements, the former is sufficiently im-
plied in the discussion with Marcion, and in the consequent
one among Catholics. A limitation of it will be found in
the exception made by some of Origen's opponents under
X. in favor of Samuel and of God's especial favorites ;
and also in the Ascension of Isaiah, whose author makes
the pseudo-Prophet see all the saints since Adam in the
seventh heaven. 3
i XX. 2 See XIII.
8 Ch. 9, 7, 8. "With which compare the belief of Micah and others
XXII.] EXEMPTION FROM THE UNDERWORLD. 113
Such other limitations as the statements require will
appear in the fifth and sixth divisions of this section,
save such as may be called for by the Manichaeans.
Verbally it would be true, that they also regarded Jews
and Gentiles as doomed to the Underworld, the region of
Death, and Christians as exempt therefrom. But with
them there were only two localities, corresponding to
heaven and hell; and though the term Hades (the Un-
derworld) was undoubtedly interpreted by them of, though
it was one of their terms for, the latter place, yet any ideas
which might associate it closely with the common concep-
tions of an Underworld seem to glimmer through or to be
buried under such a predominance of other co .ceptions,
that it might mislead rather than illustrate their system,
were the prominence of a separate head assigned it.
To avoid the need of repetition, I begin with the Mar-
cionite Gnostics.
2. The Marcionites.
Tertullian, after giving his interpretation of the parable
concerning the rich man and Lazarus, says : w But Mar-
cion forces a different interpretation. He maintains,
namely, that either place of reward under the Creator,
whether of torment or of refreshment, is located in the
Underworld for subjects of the Law and the Prophets ;
but he explains the CELESTIAL gate and bosom, of Christ
and his God." 4
Justin Martyr, including the Marcionites unquestion-
ably, if indeed he do not refer exclusively to them, tells
Trypho the Jew, u If you meet with some who are called
Christians, who do not believe this [the rebuilding of Je-
rusalem and the millennium], but dare to calumniate the
God of Abraham and Isaac and Jacob, and who say that
(c. 2, o), "in the heavenly ascent of the faithful." On the other hand,
in the same chapter (9, 17) " many of the saints " are represented as to
ascend hereafter with Jesus from the Underworld, so that it is not easy
to say in how far such an inconsistent writer is to be regarded as an ex-
ception to the common opinion.
* Adv. Marcion. 4, 34, Opp. p. 559. C.
114 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXII.
there is no resurrection of the dead, but that AT DEATH
THEIR SOULS ARE RECEIVED UP INTO HEAVEN, do not
regard them as Christians." 5
3. Liberalist or Heterodox Catholics.
According to Origen, " We who have come at the close
of the ages have an advantage. What is it ? If we de-
part in virtue and goodness, not taking with us the bur-
dens of sin, we also shall pass the flaming sword [at the
gate of Paradise] and shall not descend into the regions
where those awaited Christ who fell asleep before his
coming." 6
That Clement of Alexandria deemed exemption from the
Underworld a necessary consequent upon Christian be-
lief, and attainable through it alone, would seem evident
from his course of argument in III. 2.
The Heathens may sometimes have been indignant that
the Christians should maintain this exemption as pecul-
iarly theirs. If so, it may have given occasion to the
following passage, which, however, is intelligible without
such a supposition. u How," says Arnobius, " do we hurt
you, or what injury do we either do to, or invoke upon
you, by believing that the Omnipotent God will watch
over us when we are about departing from our bodies,
and, to use a common expression, will ' VINDICATE ' 7 us
from the jaws of Orcus (the Underworld) ?" 8 Elsewhere
5 Dial. c. 80, Opp. p. 178. A. The passage will be given more at length
in the Appendix, Note E.
6 In Lib. Regum Homil. 2, Opp. 2, p. 498. B. C.
7 This term * vindicate ' is used by the author of the Discussion between
Archelaus and Manes see XIV. ; also by Irenseus cont. Hceres. 4, 8, 2
(4, 19) of the Liberation from Satan's power which Christ wrought, and
the Yalentinians, who named some of their aeons from ideas common
among the Catholics, named one of them Kapiriffr^, Carpistes, *The
Vindicator' (Iren. 1, 2, 4), a legal term, as it would appear, for one who
vindicated the right of a slave to liberty.
8 Adv. Gentes, 2, 53. Compare the statement of Arnobius, 2, 4, that
*' Christ . . . had vindicated imprudentiam, the imprudence or inexpe-
rience of miserable mortals from the worst robbers" ; meaning, perhaps,
from the demons.
XXII.] EXEMPTION FROM THE UNDERWORLD. 115
he has an exhortation in the following terms : w Let us
commit ourselves to God, nor allow that our incredulity
should outweigh his name and power, lest . . . our last
day should surprise us, and we be found in the jaws of
our enemy, Death." 9
Cyprian, speaking of the readiness wherewith we should
contemplate the approach of death, says : " Let us embrace
the day which assigns to each his abode, which, when we
are taken thence (out of the world) and freed from earthly
bonds, restores us to Paradise and the celestial kingdom." 10
And again, in addressing a Heathen, he says : w While life
continues, no repentance is late. . . . With death upon
us, we can pass to immortality. This favor Christ im-
parts ; ... he opens the way of life ; he leads us back to
Paradise ; he will lead us even to the celestial king-
doms." n
The probability is, that nearly all the Catholics who
belonged to the present class believed a direct ascent of
the soul to heaven on its leaving the body. Tertullian,
in his work on the Soul, quotes opponents, evidently
Heterodox Catholics, since neither Marcionite nor Theo-
sophic Gnostics held such a view, who maintained that
Christians at death are destined to " Paradise [in heaven
as the connection implies], whither the Patriarchs and
Prophets, the companions (appendices) of the Lord's resur-
rection, have already emigrated from the Underworld." 12
And IrenaBus, after complaining that " some of those who
are regarded as having been correct in their belief, overstep
the order of promotion of the just, holding heretical
views," 13 argues, from the interval of three days between
Christ's death and resurrection, that we do not rise at
death. Hence it is fair to infer that those Catholics of
whom he complains did believe a resurrection or ascent
of the soul at death. This latter, and to him heretical
9 Adv. Gentes, 2, 78.
10 De Mortalitate, 26, Opp. p. 166.
11 Ad Demet, 25, 26, Opp. p. 196.
12 De Anima, c. 55, Opp. p. 353. C.
18 Cont. Hseres. 5, 31, 1.
116 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXII.
view, he connects with a denial of the fleshly resurrec-
tion.
Eejecting, as this class of Catholics did, a resurrection
of the flesh, and therewith, as it would seem, the belief
of a future and simultaneous or general resurrection, there
was no generally acknowledged reason left for postponing
the soul's ascent to heaven.
4. Orthodox Catholics. First Class.
These deemed it heretical to permit the entrance of
souls into heaven prior to the resurrection. On the other
hand, had they consigned them at their exit from the
body to the Underworld, the realm of death, they might
have appeared to rob Christianity of its life-giving charac-
ter. Perplexity or uncertainty as to whither souls should
go at death is apparent in their language ; nor does one
of them state a distinct locality as an intermediate abode
for the righteous.
Justin Martyr says, or makes the Jew his opponent say,
without dissent from himself : w The souls of Practical
Monotheists u abide SOMEWHERE in a better country, and
the unjust and wicked in a worse, awaiting the time of
judgment." 15
14 By Semisch (in his work on Justin, Vol. 2, p. 464), and by others,
Justin is regarded as believing the intermediate state of Christian, as well
as of other the intermediate state of all souls, to be in the Under-
world, owing to the following passage, which has no apparent bearing on
the subject. Justin (Dial. c. 99, p. 195. A.) speaks of those who put
Christ to death, as " not thinking that he was the Messiah, but [as] sup-
posing that they would be able to kill him, and that he would remain
like a common man in the Underworld." Grant that they did think so ;
and grant, moreover, what, though true, the passage by no means im-
plies, that Justin himself regarded common souls (that is, human souls in
distinction from the Messiah's, which had something divine in it) as
swallowed by the Underworld until the date of Christ's death. This was,
with slight limitation, the belief of all Christians. But it has no bear-
ing on his or their belief as to the intermediate state of their own souls,
or as to the privileges which Christ's death had secured to them. Com-
pare his views on this subject in IX. and in Note B of the Appendix.
16 Dial. c. 5, Opp. p. 107. D.
XXII.] EXEMPTION FROM THE UNDERWORLD. 117
According to Irenseus, Christian w souls will go away to
a place (or, an invisible place) allotted them by God." 16
The connection in which this passage is found renders it
additionally striking. Irenseus is arguing against Catho-
lic Christians who are tinctured with heretical views.
He starts from the position, that, if the soul rises at
death, Jesus, instead of awaiting the third day for his
resurrection, would have departed when he expired on
the cross. He maintains, reiterates, and returns to the
supposed fact, that the Saviour abode until his resurrec-
tion IN THE UNDERWORLD, that NO DISCIPLE is ABOVE HIS
MASTER, and hence, u It is manifest that the souls of his
disciples also . . . will go " Whither ? to the Un-
derworld ? This is what the logical sequence impera-
tively requires. But this is not the conclusion to which
Irenseus comes. His words are, a The souls of his disci-
ples, also, FOR WHOSE SAKE THE LORD DID THESE THINGS
(hcec operatus est), will go to an invisible place allotted
them by God, and will remain there till the resurrec-
tion." 17 If Irenaeus believed that Christian souls went
to the Underworld, his ambiguity of language in the fore-
going connection is inexplicable, unless, indeed, on the
supposition that his view was unpopular, and that he
feared to state it. It is more likely, however, that, as the
Saviour " did these things on account of his disciples,"
Irenaeus was willing to send them to a somewhat better
place than their master, not perceiving, or at least not
acknowledging, that he thereby destroyed his whole pre-
vious argument. In fact, that he did not send them to
the Underworld is implied in the extracts from his writ-
ings under XVI. and XVIII., in one of which extracts
16 Cont. Hceres. 5, 31, 2.
17 Cont, Hseres. 5, 31, 2. The passage in the text is from the old Latin
translation of Irenseus. According to the Greek, as found in Damascenus,
" Souls go to the place allotted by God, and there abide till the resurrec-
tion." I am uncertain whether the whole difference arises from Dama-
scenus having abridged Irenaeus, or whether the word ' invisible ' was
added by the translator, that he might give a greater appearance of logic
to the passage, by rendering the place of their abode more similar to
Hades.
118 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXII.
he assumes that the children of Adam had been rescued
from Satan, and makes it the basis of his proof that
Adam himself had been rescued. The rescue of Adam
must have been from Satan in his character of Lord over
the Underworld, so that the assumed premise implies
the same for his children.
The epistle ascribed to Barnabas, a production some-
what earlier than Irenseus, says : " There are two ways,
. . . one of light and the other of darkness. . . . The
way of light is this. If any one wishes to journey to
the 4 ALLOTTED PLACE,' he will be zealous in his works. . . .
You will love your Maker, you will honor him who RAN-
SOMED YOU FROM DEATH, . . . you will not be joined to
those who walk in the way of Death." 18 In both writers
the Greek term for 6 the allotted place, 5 rov &purptvov TOTTOI/,
is the same. The way of light could hardly be regarded
as leading into the Underworld, nor could he that had
been ransomed from Death be looked upon, if faithful, as
becoming his prey.
Polycarp, who, according to Eusebius, 19 was the teacher
of Irenaeus, speaks of sundry individuals, martyrs ap-
parently, and of Paul and the other Apostles, as being
66 in the place which was due them from the Lord (or,
with the Lord, <eiAo/i,ei/oi/ aurots TOTTOV Trapa TU> Kvpia)),
with whom also they suffered." 20
There is a Hortatory Address to the Greeks, which by
is Cc. 18, 19 (14, 3, 5, 6). 19 Hist. Ecc. 5, 5.
20 Epistle to the Philippians, c. 9 (3, 8). The phraseology of Polycarp
is slightly modified from that of Clement of Rome, a writer who lived
before the Gnostic controversy, and who cannot well be classed with any
of the Catholic parties that originated in that controversy. The difficulty
of classifying him induces me to place him in this note. Alluding to the
martyrdoms of Peter and Paul, he speaks of the former as having gone
"to the place OF GLORY which was due," els TOV 6<f)ei\6fj.ei>oi' TOTTOV SO'^T/S,
and of the latter as having gone to "the holy place." 1 Epist. to Cor.
c. 5 (3, 12, IE). Polycarp omits the words *o/ glory -,' possibly because
going to glory at death was already, when he wrote, a heresy. The in-
ference would be surer if irapa rtp KvpLq be an erroneous emendation of
rov KvpLov to harmonize it with Clement.
XXII.] EXEMPTION FROM THE UNDERWORLD. 119
some writers is attributed to Justin Martyr, 21 and in it
a passage occurs, which, though admitting difference of
interpretation, seems to deserve a place here. The author
represents to the Greeks, that 4; they will not be acting
contrary to the inclinations of their ancestors, by now
turning away from the errors which these held, since it is
probable that those ancestors are at present groaning in
the Underworld, repenting a too late repentance, to whom
if it were possible from that place to show you what has
happened to them since the close of life, you would know
from what evils they desire to free you." ^
Hennas regards Christian baptism as exempting men
from the Underworld, and transferring them to the
* Kingdom of God,' or to 4 Life,' but without definite ex-
planation as to the meaning of these terms. 23
In Tatian, Athenagoras, and Theophilus I have found
nothing appropriate to this section. The first of these
was a disciple of Justin Martyr, and when he wrote his
work against the Greeks was Orthodox. Afterwards he
became a Gnostic.
5. Orthodox Catholics. Second Class.
Under this division, which is intended to embrace such
as consigned Christians to the Underworld, I can adduce
but one known writer and (see Appendix, Note F) one
fragment of uncertain authorship ; yet, as the reasoning
of the former was more logical than that of some in the
first class, it is not impossible that he may have found
21 The reader will find Bishop Kaye's reasons for not regarding Justin
as its author in his work on that Father, entitled, " Some Account of the
Writings and Opinions of Justin Martyr, by John Bishop of Lincoln."
Pp. 5-11. This work, though less copious than that of Semisch on the
same Father, is more reliable in its statements. Otto's Commentatio de
Justini Martyris Scriptis et Doctrina, is in some respects preferable to
either of the foregoing. An American edition of Bishop Kaye's three
works on Justin, Clement, and Tertullian would be a boon to American
students of ecclesiastical history.
22 Cohortat. ad Graces, c. 35, Justini Opp. p. 32. B. C.
23 See XIII.
120 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXII.
persons to accept it, and I therefore classify him by
himself.
Tertullian 24 loved controversial victory too well to shrink
from the sequence of his argument, though it landed him-
self in the Underworld ; and he was too rugged to appre-
ciate the fastidiousness which could desire better quarters
than its Master. He copies the argument of Irenseus,
that Christ went to the Underworld before ascending to
heaven, and then breaks out with hearty earnestness :
u You must both believe that the Underworld is a sub-
terranean region, 25 and keep at arm's-length those who
proudly enough do not think the souls of the faithful
meet subjects for the Underworld. Servants above their
Lord, and disciples above their Master, they spurn the
solace of an expected resurrection, if they are to await
it in Abraham's bosom." 26
There was a difficulty, however, which Tertullian noticed
in his confinement of all souls below. Christian exorcists
sometimes wrung, as they thought, from an evil spirit, the
confession that it was of human parentage. u Some-
times," says Tertullian, u it affirms itself a gladiator or
beast-fighter, as on other occasions a god, caring for noth-
ing save to exclude this doctrine of ours, and hinder the
belief that all souls are compelled into the Underworld,
24 To place Tertullian among the Catholics and Orthodox requires a
word of explanation, for in the latter part of his life he was a Montanist.
His Montanism, however, did not affect his position as regarded already
existing divisions. Judged hy these, he is properly classified. And,
indeed, the use which later writers made of his writings would indicate
the same position for him. In the present instance he is but following
out the argument of Irenseus to its legitimate results. His view is
ULTRA-Orthodoxy. To class him as a Montanist would create a need
of explaining his position which is obviated by classing him as above.
Neander, it may be remarked, places not only Tertullian, but Montanus
and Montanism, under the head, not of Heresies, but of the Catholic
Church.
26 Irenseus, from whom Tertullian copies this, was arguing against the
Valentinians, who, it will be remembered, deemed this world the Under-
world.
26 De Anima, c. 55, Opp. p. 353. B.
XXII.] EXEMPTION FROM THE UNDERWORLD. 121
so as to disturb the belief of a judgment and resurrec-
tion." 2 ?
The connection of ideas in Tertullian's mind appears
to be this. The Judgment was a consequent upon the
Kesurrection. But people would not believe that the
dead were yet to rise out of the ground, if they found
that they had got out already.
As for the account of Samuel, the demon had, accord-
ing to this writer, assumed his appearance. " Far be it
from me," says Tertullian, u to believe that the soul of
any saint, to say nothing of a prophet, was brought out
by a demon." 28
u Therefore," he represents his opponents as saying,
"all souls are in the Underworld." "Just so," is his
answer. u You may be willing or unwilling, [but] both
punishments and refreshments are there ; you have the
rich man and Lazarus [as a proof of it]." 29
From this doom, however, Tertullian had to make an
exception, as has already appeared, 30 probably an un-
willing one, in favor of the Martyrs. And there is one
passage in which he takes ground the reverse of the above.
His fourth book against Marcion is an examination, in
order, of the copy of Luke which the latter used, and of
his interpretations. It would seem that Marcion took
the parable concerning the rich man and Lazarus (Luke
16, 19-31) as evidence that the Jewish Deity sent both
good and bad to the Underworld. Tertullian answers :
44 The Underworld is one place, as I think, and Abraham's
bosom another ; for it is said that there is a great gulf
between those regions, such as prohibits passing from
either side. Neither would the rich man have lifted up
his eyes, and indeed from afar off, 31 unless looking at
27 De Anima, c. 57, p. 355. D.
28 De Anima, c. 57, p. 356. A. Tertullian here uses like language to
that of those who believed that Samuel had never been below. See on
p. 44 their distrust of this narrative.
29 De Anima, c. 58, p. 356. D.
8 See XXI. 6.
31 Origen's second Homily on Kings was written, I suspect, while more
122 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXil.
higher regions, . . . whence it is apparent to every sen-
sible man who may have heard of the Elysian Fields, that
there is a determined locality called Abraham's bosom,
intended to receive the souls of his children, even of
Gentile extraction. . . . That region, therefore, I call
Abraham's bosom, which, though not a celestial one, is
higher than the Underworld, and affords a temporary re-
freshment to the souls of the just until the consummation
of things shall bring to pass the resurrection of all with
its plenitude of reward." 32
Yet so far as lifting Abraham's bosom out of the Under-
world is concerned, the idea was probably a momentary
impulse of opposition to Marcion, for a few lines further
on Tertullian replaces it there, treating Abraham's words
" They have Moses and the Prophets, let them hear them "
as spoken in the Underworld. 33
Tertullian was a man of vehement impulses ; fonder of
consistency in the argument under hand than of a general
accordance in his views, and fonder of an apparent contro-
versial victory than of any consistency whatever. Precise
dates cannot be affixed to his various writings, arid it is
difficult to distinguish between gradual changes which his
opinions may have undergone, and hasty expressions which
he soon forgot. 34
6. The Valentinians^
Irenaens, in a passage concerning the Valentinians, and
perhaps concerning other Theosophic Gnostics, part of
than one passage of Tertullian was fresh in his mind. He there argues
that Abraham was (at the date of the occurrence) in the Underworld
because the rich man saw him, "for though 'from afar off? yet he saw
him." Opp. 2, p. 498. A.
32 Adv. Marcion. 4, .34, Opp. p. 559. C.
83 In De Idol. c. 13, and De Resurrect, c. 17, Abraham's bosom is
placed by Tertullian in the Underworld.
84 For further remarks on this division of the subject, see Appendix,
Note F.
85 The reader will please recur, for explanation of some of the terms
used in this division, to IV.
XXII.] EXEMPTION FROM THE UNDERWORLD. 123
which has already been quoted, exclaims, u How shall
not they be confounded who say that the Lower Regions
(or Underworld, Inferos) are this world of ours, and that
their inner man, leaving the body here, ascends to the
super-celestial place." 36
According to a passage of the Doctrina Orientalis, u He
who is born of his mother is introduced into Death and
the World ; but he who is born again of Christ is trans-
ferred into life, into the Middle Space, Ogdoad [Plero-
ina ?], 36a and they die indeed to the World, but live to
God, that death may be done away by their dying, and
corruption by their rising again. 5 ' 37
86 Cont Haeres. 5, 31, 2. 86a Cp. IV. note 27.
87 C. 80. Clem. 0pp. p. 987. Another passage of the same document
refers apparently to man's condition prior to Christianity. " According
to the Valentinians," it says, " of the descendants of Adam, the Just,
journeying through the creations (the realms of the Creator) were de-
tained in * The Place ' [probably above the seventh heaven where the
Creator dwelt, comp. c. 59], but others in the creation of darkness, in
the left hand [i. e. in the earthly places or elements], having a perception
of the fire" of Gehenna. Doct. Orient, c. 37, p. 978. Gehenna ap-
pears to have been a chasm into which a stream of fire (cp. Book of
Enoch, 14, 19, Dan. 7, 10) poured from under the throne of ' The Place,'
but which had never become full. Possibly the time of its overflow may
have been the period when a general conflagration was to be anticipated.
Perhaps the three left-hand places' (Doct. Orient, c. 28) were the three
elements (Doct. Orient, c. 48), earth, air, and water; tire (which some
identified with spirit) not being reckoned as one. Tertullian, in giving the
Valentinian view, that the earthly and material were to perish, adds
a quotation as if used by them, " ' because all flesh is grass, 1 and the soul
[except that of the Spiritual] is mortal in their estimation, unless saved
by faith." Adv. Valentin, c. 32, p. 302. A. Under the term flesh, the
Valentinians included the fleshly or material soul (Doct. Orient, c. 51),
which they probably regarded as remaining in this world, and to be burnt
up with it. The quotation from Is. 40, 6, "All flesh is grass," could
readily be connected with Matt. 6, 30, " Which to-day is, and to-morrow
is cast into the oven." In this fate they included the rational soul which
turned to earthly things. According to the Doctrina Orientalis,
" concerning these two the Saviour says that we should ' fear him who
is able to destroy this soul and this psychical body in Gehenna. 1 " C. 51,
Clem. Opp. p. 981. Compare Matt. 1O, 28.
124 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXII.
Both these passages, it will be noticed, treat the transfer
to the Middle Space as exemption after this life from the
Underworld or from Death.
The former gives the Valentinian view of what should
happen to themselves, the Spiritual, at death, but the
latter appears at least to include the fate of the Catholics
whom they regarded as Psychical or rational, and who
were destined also to pass at death, as it would seem, into
the Middle Space. That some of them held this view
concerning the Catholics or Psychical is slightly strength-
ened, perhaps, by phraseology of Irenseus. 3 ^
On the other hand, there is left to us an express state-
ment of the Doctrina Orientalis, according to which u the
rest of the Spiritual [is] in the Lord's, [that is] the
Eighth [or Middle Space] which is called the Lord's. 39
. . . But the other FAITHFUL souls [the souls of the Cath-
olics who are saved by faith, and not by their spiritual
nature] remain with the Creator. But at the consumma-
tion these also go up into the Middle Space. . . . Thence
38 According to Irenaeus, at the consummation when Wisdom and
the Spiritual, her children, should pass into the Pleroma the Creator
was to " PASS into the place of his mother, the Middle Space, and the
souls of the Just should also REST in the Middle Space." Cont. Hceres.
1, 7, 1. Tertullian, who seems to have copied his account in no small
degree from Irenseus, attributes to them the opinion, that, at this consum-
mation, " the souls of the Just, that is, ours [i. e. the souls of Catholics
or Psychical], will be TRANSMITTED to the Creator in the receptacle of the
Middle Space." Adv. Valentin, c. 32, Opp. p. 302. A. The wording of
Irenseus might give color to the supposition that they were there already.
39 'H ptv o$v TWV irveviJLa.Ti.KCov avd7ra.v<ris ev KVpiaKy (ev oySoddi, rj /cvptaicfj
(W^dfcrcu). c. 63. The explanatory remark in a parenthesis is probably
by a later than the original writer. The association of ideas belonging
to the Greek cannot easily be transferred to English. The Sabbath or
seventh day was the Creator's, the eighth day was the Lord's, and also,
in Valentinian phraseology, the Sabbath or seventh heaven was the Crea-
tor's, and 6 The Eighth,' meaning the eighth locality, for there were no
more heavens, was a technical term for the Middle Space, which was also
called if KvpiaK-t), 'the Lord's,' or 'the Dominical,' the common appella-
tion (at least from the latter part of the second century onwards) of the
Lord's day. avdiravais means stopping-place, temporary rest.
XXII.] . EXEMPTION FROM THE UNDERWORLD. 125
the Spiritual, divesting themselves of their souls, 40 . . .
enter within the boundary [of the Pleroma]." 41
This being the case, if we take the narrowest Valentin-
ian definition of the Underworld, as meaning the realm
of the Cosmocrator or Devil, Christ's mission procured
for the rational or psychical Christians an exemption
therefrom, since by their 'faith 5 in Christ they were
saved, and translated temporarily to the Creator's place
of rest, and subsequently to the Middle Space.
If we so extend the meaning of their terms for the
Underworld as to make it include the whole realm below
twilight, the whole perishable creation of the Jewish
Deity, then in this higher sense the Spiritual themselves
had been exempted therefrom by Christ's mission to this
Underworld, since he first translated them to the illumi-
nation and life of the Middle Space.
7. The Clementine Homilies.
The eccentric author of this religious fiction was not
a Gnostic, for he regarded the Jewish and Christian dis-
pensations as proceeding from the same source. He was
scarcely a Catholic, for he regarded many passages of the
Old Testament as proceeding from the Devil, who had
been permitted to interpolate them as a means of discrim-
40 According to the Valentinians, souls were not admitted into the
Pleroma. Nothing but pure spirit entered there. They seem to have
greatly troubled Irenaeus by their use of the Apostle's words, " Flesh
and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God." Cont. Hceres. 5,9, 1.
Flesh and blood, they understood, as did many at least of the Catholics,
to mean 'body and soul.' "Whether, however, by the kingdom of God
they understood the Pleroma, I am not certain. It would accord with
their system to understand that an infusion of 4 spiritual seed ' into the
rational soul an infusion which, even before Christ's time, came from a
higher source than the Creator was requisite to save it from Death. It
could not gain admission even to the Creator's rest without it. And this
seems to have been precisely the view of Irenseus, except that he regarded
this saving spirit as originating with the Creator, while the Valentinians
deemed him incompetent to furnish it. See Irenseus, 5, 9, 1.
41 Or "the Boundary," i. e. the Pleroma. Doct. Orient, cc. 63, 64.
126 UNDERWORLD MISSION. . [ XXIL
mating between good and evil men, of whom the former
would not believe anything bad concerning God, even if
they found it written. 42 The work is much of it in a
dialogue form, the author's sentiments being put into the
mouth of the Apostle Peter.
The Apostle, addressing a lonely Heathen mother who
had thought of suicide, says that suicides meet with a
worse punishment in the Underworld. She replies, u I
wish I knew that souls really lived in the Underworld,
and I should love, despite the punishment, to die, so that
I might see, even for an hour, those that I long for. And
Peter said, 4 1 would like to know what grieves you. woman.
For if you will tell me this, ... I will convince you that
souls live in the Underworld.' " 43 A subsequent passage
evinces that a better fate than this awaited the lovers of
God. u Souls," it says, " if they leave the body, and are
found to have a desire for him (God), are borne into his
bosom ; as in winter the undying vapors of the mountains,
being drawn by the rays of the sun, are borne to him." **
While we are elsewhere again informed that the wicked
man goes to the Underworld. 45
42 Horn. 2, 38-3, 5, and elsewhere. Neander, who adopts the common
view that the writer was an Ebionite, supposes that his object was "to
compose a work that might serve to reconcile those opposite (Judaizing
and Gnostic) views, a work of an apologistic and conciliatory tendency,
a noticeable phenomenon in the ferment of that chaotic period."-
Church History, Vol. 1, p. 353, Torrey's trans. The hair of a genuine
Ebionite a thoroughly Jewish Christian would have been likely to
stand on end while reading such ' conciliatory ' language as that of this
author.
43 Horn. 12, 14; Cotel. Vol. 1, p. 711. Compare the confession attrib-
uted to Simon Magus, Horn. 2, 30; Cotel. Vol. 1, p. 635.
44 Horn. 17, 10, p. 740.
46 Horn. 2, 13, p. 631, in which passage, unless I am mistaken, tvTavda
means in this life, & in that, or the future life. Not referring necessa-
rily to Hades.
XXIII.] CAUSE OF THE EXEMPTION. 127
XXIII. CHKIST'S UNDERWORLD MISSION THE CAUSE
OF THE EXEMPTION.
IT might well be that Christians were sometimes satis-
fied to believe their own exemption from the regions of
gloom, without seeking a specific agency which effected
it. Yet so far as the Christians of the second and third
centuries have pointed out an agency, they have referred
to Christ's Underworld Mission. Tertullian represents
the opponents of his ultra-orthodoxy as exclaiming, u But
Christ went to the Underworld for this very purpose,
that we might NOT go there." l And Origen, using the
term 6 salvation ' so as to include, if not as identical with,
exemption from, the Underworld, has already been quoted
in a note on p. 24 as saying, that Christ u for the salva-
tion of the world descended even to the Lower Eegions."
Nearly the whole history of the victory and ransom testi-
fies to the prevalence of a similar belief.
There is, however, a separate question from the above,
which suggests itself here : Can a belief in Christ's Un-
derworld Mission have given rise to, or strengthened, the
belief in this exemption of his followers ? That it must
have strengthened it would seem a moral certainty.
Christians who attributed to the Saviour such effort and
suffering for the purpose of rescuing THE DEPARTED from
the Underworld could not readily have believed that he
would leave his work half accomplished ; that he would
have overlooked THEMSELVES and permitted THEM to fall
a prey to it and to their arch-enemy. A supposition,
however, that the belief of this exemption grew out of
the doctrine of Christ's mission below, though not unnat-
ural, is scarcely probable. The belief of exemption may
have originated in the two following ways : 1. From an
idea that Christianity, as a life-giving religion, must ex-
empt its followers from the realms of Death. 2. From
a blending together by the Christians of two conceptions,
1 De Anima, c. 55, p. 353. B.
128 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXIV.
one that they were God's children, the other, that the
children of a divine being were exempt from the Under-
world. 2
XXIV. GENEEAL REMARKS.
A GERMAN writer, Dr. Pott, whose dissertation on
Christ's Descent to the Underworld 1 has a respectable
place assigned it in references and quotations, thinks that
all the various opinions on the subject prior to the fourth
century were owing to interpretations of 1 Peter 3, 19 ; 2
and Hagenbach, in his Doctrinal History, appears to imply
that they originated in expositions of the New Testament
and of Psalm 16. 3 Pearson, in his work on the Creed,
says : ^ The ancients seem upon no other reason to have
interpreted this place of St. Peter [1 Peter 3, 19] in that
manner, but because other apocryphal writings led them
to that interpretation," and refers to the passage of Jere-
2 Thus Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who may however have been
influenced by Jewish views, represents the mother of Coriolanus as saying
to her son, that if she can dissuade him from war against his native coun-
try, immortal (or divine) glory will be her lot after this life, " and if any
place receive human souls when freed from their bodies, that dark and
subterranean place in which the wicked (or evil demons, /ca/foSat'^oms)
are said to dwell shall not receive mine, nor yet shall the Lethean plains,
but that pure ether above, IN WHICH, ACCORDING TO REPORT, DWELL THE
CHILDREN OF THE GODS, experiencing a blessed and happy life." Antiq.
Rom. 8, 52, Vol. 3, p. 1629, edit. Reiske. Compare also an extract from
Irenseus in Note B of the Appendix to this essay.
1 " D. J. Pott, Excursus III. De Descensu Jesu Christi ad Inferos" ;
in the "Novum Testamentum," edit. Koppianae, Vol. 9, pp. 281-340.
2 Ibid. p. 291.
8 The passages to which he refers in his note are, Acts 2, 27, 31 ;
(Rom. 10, fi, 7, 8 ;) Eph. 4, 9 ; 1 Peter 3, 19, 20 (connected with Psalm
16, 10). See his Dogmengeschichte (2d edit), Vol. 1, 69. Whether
by inclosing two of the passages in parentheses he intended to attribute
less weight to them, I do not know.
XXIV.] GENERAL REMARKS. 129
miah, 4 and that from the Shepherd of Hennas, 5 as the
ones which misled them, 6 but without attempting to ac-
count for the origin of these passages.
The reasons assigned above seem insufficient. Of the
passages adduced by Hagenbach, not more than two could
be misinterpreted of a MISSION below, and not more than
one 1 Peter 3, 19,20 would be likely to suggest it.
To this passage the less influence can be attributed, since
its appearance of favoring heresy must have precluded it
from being much used. According to it, Christ preached
to the wicked, precisely the subject of outcry against
Marcion. Unless my examination has deceived me, no
Father of the second or third century quotes the passage
save Origen, who was not afraid to save even the demons.
Clement of Alexandria, as we have already seen, found
himself in one instance 7 on the point of quoting it, but
retreated out of it. If the doctrine of Christ's mission
to the dead existed, as Pearson suggests, in a spurious
prediction of Jeremiah, this implies that it was previ-
ously held by a considerable number of Christians. Of
events currently believed, a prediction might be forged.
But a Christian forger would not have made Jeremiah
predict that the Messiah WOULD do what no one believed
that Jesus HAD done. Nor could Hernias have aided in
diffusing such a view, since it is nowhere contained nor
alluded to in his writings.
The reasons which originated the doctrine of the Un-
derworld Mission, and caused it to strike such deep-root,
were'" probably the following : 1. A wish to solve the
question of what Christ did in the interval between his
death and resurrection. 2. The need of accounting for
tEeTIfe^fvTng power of Christianity, or of explaining the
victory which Christ had won for his followers over Death.
3. The effort to discover a dignified object for his suffer-
* See VIII.
6 See close of XIII.
6 Exposit. of the Creed, by J. Pearson, Article 5 (pp. 366, 367 New
York and Philadelphia edit. 1844).
7 See III. 2, and note 21 on p. 13.
130 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXIV.
ings,^ 4. The desire of finding in the Old Testament
proof-texts against the Jews, which should imply his
death. 5. The benevolent purpose of saving the departed
without endangering a doctrine on which the early Chris-
tians found it convenient to lay great stress, namely, that
no one could be saved without becoming a Christian.
The Ransom, when viewed as a redemption of man
from the Prince or rulers of evil by the exercise of power,
might be placed under the second of these reasons, as
almost a synonyme for the victory. When viewed, how-
ever, as an indemnification to Satan, I doubt whether it
were not rather a difficulty to the early Christians, than
an idea likely to spread. They loved to represent Chris-
tianity as a triumphant religion, not as one whose author
paid tribute to the powers of darkness. Some speculative
minds may have been unable to find any other solution
of the ransom (1 Peter 1, 18, 19) than such a tribute, but
the mass would have preferred to leave it unexplained,
rather than adopt such a view.
In determining the date at which the doctrine of Christ's
mission below had already a deep hold on the popular
mind, no little importance is to be attached to its recep-
tion by the Gnostics. According to Clement of Alexan-
dria, "In the days of Hadrian [A. D. 117-138] arose the
devisers of heresies, and continued till the age of the
elder Antoninus [A. D. 138 161]. . . . Marcion, belonging
to the same period as they [as Basilides and Valentinus,
the earliest teachers of Alexandrine Gnosticism], became,
as an old man, the companion of the later ones." 8
Of these Gnostics, Marcion did not believe that Christ
was in any sense a man, or that he had anything human
about him. He was a purely divine being, who had
neither suffered nor died, and there was not the slightest
reason why such a being should go to the Underworld,
unless he had a mission to call him thither. The con-
8 Strom. 7, 106, Opp. p. 898. The passage, so far as translated above,
needs no correction of the text. A clause of the paragraph which imme-
diately follows, concerning Simon Magus, has puzzled critics. For /te0'
8v, I would read fj,e&' &v.
XXIV.] GENERAL REMARKS. 131
troversy of Marcion with the Catholics shows that the
idea of a mission below was already established, and the
mere question at issue between them was as to who ac-
cepted and were benefited by it. But it must have been
VERY thoroughly established, one would think, in order to
the reception of it by Marcion from his opponents, and
the engrafting of it on his own system ; for since he did
not use the Epistle of Peter, he could not have found it
in any part of the New Testament which he used, and
must have adopted it from the Catholics.
That the Valentinians must have needed ingenuity in
remodelling the doctrine so as to fit it into their system
is evident. And since the descent to the Underworld was
according to their views a descent to this earth, and a
mission to its inhabitants, there would seem to have been
little reason why at the Saviour's resurrection (rising
again) a second mission, a mission to the departed, should
have been added, unless the Christian community out of
which these men sprung had attached importance thereto.
It can scarcely be that, at the opening of the second
century or the close of the first, the doctrine of Christ's
Underworld Mission, so far at least as regards the preach-
ing to and liberation of the departed, was not a widely
spread and deeply seated opinion among Christians. The
evidence of its general reception is far stronger than if it
were a mere doctrine of the creed, for articles of the creed
have in nearly every instance been opinions which were
NOT generally received, 9 and to which the stronger party
therefore gave a place in their confessions of faith as a
means of defining their position. On the essential fea-
tures of the present doctrine the Catholics and Heretics
were of one mind. It was a point too well settled to
admit dispute.
9 The reason which, in the fourth century, caused the insertion into
some of the public and individual confessions of faith of the clause, 4 He
descended into the Underworld,* appears to have been, that it was re-
garded as IMPLYING a tenet openly denied by the Apollinarians, namely,
that Christ had a human soul. See King's History of the Apostles'
Creed, pp. 243 - 268 (2d edit. Lond. 1703). For difficulties and perplexity
occasioned by this clause in modern times, see Appendix, Note G.
132 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXIV.
A separate question from the foregoing might, however,
be raised concerning the date to which we can trace back
the belief in a redemption of the departed from Satan,
Lord of the Lower Eegions ; that is, from the personified
Death. The difficulty of determining positively the ear-
liest date of such a view is partly owing to the twofold
position of the Devil in Catholic theology, to his being
both ruler of this and the lower world, so that a deliver-
ance from his power might imply a liberation from him,
either in one, or in the other, or in both capacities. Yet
the Kansom, as it appears in Irenseus, must have been
given to Satan as Lord of the Lower Eealms. It was only
in that capacity that he could have received the soul of
Jesus ; and as early as Irenseus, the redemption of the de-
parted from his power must have been believed. I am
myself inclined to think that it existed among the East-
ern or Greek Christians at a much earlier day. 10 The
10 There is a singular inaccuracy of statement concerning Satan's rale
over the departed in several writers who assume, and are supposed to
have, a knowledge of early Christian opinions. Semisch, after alluding
to Justin's opinion that " all souls of the Old Testament Just and Proph-
ets had fallen into the hands of spirits," speaks of it as "a conception
which, save the accordance with it by Anastasius, Patriarch of Antioch,
recurs perhaps in not a single other Father," and then quotes to the fol-
lowing effect, as a production of Anastasius, who according to Dupin
lived in the sixth century, the Questions and Responses attributed to
him, which according to Moreri and Dupin could not have been written
before the eleventh century. Quest. 112. "All souls of saints and
sinners were under the power of the Devil until Christ, descending into
the Underworld, said to those in bonds, 'Go forth.'" Semisch' s Jus-
tin, Vol. 2, p. 465, note 3. There is certainly no scarcity of such state-
ments in undoubted writings of well-known Fathers. Pott, though in
a reasonable error as compared with the foregoing, makes a remarkable
statement for one who was expressly treating of Christ's descent to the
Underworld. "If," says he, "any one in these centuries (the second
and third) maintains that Christ descended to the Underworld for the
purpose of liberating men from the rule of Death (Satan), Hippolytus is
doubtless the only one." The passage alluded to he quotes from a work,
De Antichristo, of questioned authorship. It speaks of Christ as " preach-
ing to the souls of the saints, conquering death by dying." De Anti-
XXIV.] GENERAL REMARKS. 133
phraseology of Justin Martyr and of the Yalentinians is
more easy of explanation, if we suppose such a view to
have been already current in or before that time, than on
any other supposition ; and Justin's phraseology is scarcely
intelligible without it. Whether it prevailed as early and
widely among Latin Christians may be doubted. Oriental
conceptions of Satan would require some time in order to
penetrate the Western World.
In the foregoing pages, no separate investigation is de-
voted to the Ebionite or Jewish Christians. A document
called the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs is the only
relic attributed to a writer of this class, which from its
size and nature would afford (if from a Christian hand)
any hope of allusion to Christ's suffering. And it does
contain two allusions to his descent and mission below. 11
But as I suppose the body of the work to be Jewish, not
Christian ; and one or both of these allusions to be the
interpolations of a Catholic, I have not used it as proof
of Ebionite opinions. There is, however, no reason to
doubt that the Ebionites shared with the Catholics a
belief in the Underworld Mission of their Master. They
would equally with the latter, if not in a greater degree,
have been exposed to the temptation of adopting it for
the sake of enlarging their store of predictions from the
Old Testament, concerning their Master's suffering.
christo, c. 26. See Pott's Excursus de Desc. Jesu Christi ad Inferos, in
Koppe's Testament, Vol. 9, p. 291. Enough, certainly of similar and
stronger statements are to be found in the same period.
11 " Now, therefore, know that the Lord will execute judgment upon
the sons of men, when the rocks being rent . . . [and the Underworld
despoiled at the suffering of the Most High] unbelieving men shall per-
severe in their iniquity." 3 (Levi), 4, Grabe, Spidleg. Vol. 1, p. 160.
" But in your portion [of the promised land] shall be the temple of
God, and it shall be glorious among you ; and the twelve tribes shall be
gathered there, and all nations [until the Most High shall send his sal-
vation in the guardianship of his only begotten, . . . and coining up
from the Underworld, he shall ascend into heaven . . .]." 12 (Ben-
jamin), 9, Grabe, Spidleg. Vol. 1, p. 250. The first and last of the clauses
in brackets I suppose to be Christian interpolations.
134 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXV.
XXV. GENUINENESS OF THE GOSPELS.
THOSE familiar with the theological questions of the
past fifty years know that the Four Gospels now used
among Christians have been seriously treated as not ex-
isting in their present form before the end of the second
or beginning of the third century, and that not a few
have leaned to this conclusion. These histories of Christ
have been regarded either as fabricated about that period
from previously existing documents of uncertain credit,
or as selected by the judgment or prejudice of Christians,
from a multitude of earlier or contemporary fabrications,
or as being in their present shape the result of gradual
accretions during the first and second centuries.
If the above views are correct, many would with justice
think that little reliance could be placed on such docu-
ments. 1 But leaving out of sight the direct evidence to
the contrary, which has frequently and in various ways
been developed, there exists in the theology of the early
Christians a mass of indirect and very convincing testi-
mony, to overthrow any such positions, testimony the
less suspicious, because it is independent either of the
veracity or the judgment of any or all of those who fur-
nish it.
The Gospels whether adopted earlier or later were
used by the early Christians as a history of their Master's
life and teachings, and, viewed in this light, as the basis
of their own faith. Now it requires but a moderate ac-
quaintance with human nature to feel convinced that they
would not fabricate documents AS THE BASIS OF THEIR
FAITH, and yet leave their own faith out of them, or at
least leave out those points in their faith which most in-
1 A trustworthy compilation could of course be made from reliable
documents in the second century, but that it should be adopted so widely
and immediately by the Christians as to supersede the originals before
the century closed, whilst no lisp touching the compiler or the originals
has reached us, would be impossible.
XXV.] GENUINENESS OF THE GOSPELS. 135
terested them. Neither would they select AS THE BASIS
OFJTH.EIU FAITH documents in which their favorite opinions
nowhere appear, and reject those which contained them,
as must have been the case if our Gospels were selected
from other productions of the second century. Nor, if
subh~x~msrs OF FAITH grew by accretion, is it credible
that not one alone, but successive hands, should have
added thereto, and never have put their cherished pecul-
iarities into it.
To suppose a somewhat parallel case, certainly not a
stronger one, let us imagine that each division of Prot-
estants had formed or selected for itself a basis of faith,
in which none of its peculiarities could be found ; that
the Heidelberg and Westminster Catechisms, the Confes-
sion of Augsburg, or the Articles of Dordrecht and those
of the Anglican Church, had offered no clue to the de-
nominational tenets of their framers. Let us suppose
that a BASIS OF MORALITY should for a century grow by
accretion under the hands of pro- and anti-slavery par-
ties, with no allusion to the subject of their dispute ; or
that amidst the controversies on the person of Christ or
the vicarious atonement, the Gospels should have grown
in a similar way, with no mention of these doctrines.
Yet, unless my study of early history have deceived me,
the aggregate improbability of all these suppositions does
not exceed that of the idea, that the Gospels could grow
by accretion during a century and a half of various and
fierce conflicts between the Christians and their opponents,
or among Christians themselves, with no allusion to their
controversies, or to the opinions developed by them.
The argument from early Christian opinions may be
divided into two branches. 1. From their belief concern-
ing the history of Christ. 2. From their speculative views
in theology, morality, and philosophy. 3. A third, and to
some extent independent argument, might be based on
their controversies.
As regarded the first of these, the opinions of Christians
coincided to a degree that evinces the prevalence among
them of a history or histories which, if not identical with
our Gospels, corresponded essentially with them. But
136 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ xxv.
there was one supposed fact in Christ's history not con-
tained in our Gospels, nor do they profess to have found
it in theirs, and that was the mission to the Underworld.
Now let the reader consider the extent to which their
theological system, their ' scheme of salvation, 5 rested on
this supposed fact, and ask himself whether, in a history
of Christ formed by them, it would have been omitted. 2
They found abundant evidence, as they thought, that this
mission had been predicted. But their histories of Christ,
and, if they be supposed different, the histories which they
have transmitted to us, afford no evidence that these pre-
2 The Christian forgeries of the second and third centuries consisted
of Pseudo-Jewish and Pseudo-Heathen, not, as has commonly been sup-
posed, of Pseudo- Apostolic documents. The latter would have been use-
less in controversies with Jews and Heathens, and, unless forged in Paul's
name, would have had no weight with the Marcionites. In five of these
forgeries a BRIEF sketch of Christ's life is either historically narrated or
prophetically foretold, and, brief though these sketches are, in each of
them his life is closed by his mission to the Underworld. 1. The Ascension
of Isaiah, a Pseudo-Jewish Prophecy, has been already quoted (pp. 53, 54).
2. As also the Pseudo-Thaddeus (p. 73), the name of which must not mis-
lead the reader into supposing it to be a forgery of Apostolic authority. It
is an integral part of the correspondence opened by King Abgarus with
Christ, which was forged, not for the sake of creating documents in the
names of Christ and Thaddeus, but in the name of Abgarus. The Chris-
tians wished to meet Heathen contempt for their religion by an instance
of respect towards it from a Heathen monarch whose indirect testimony to
the miracles was a main object of the forgery. 3. The Sibylline Oracles,
a collection of Pseudo-Heathen Prophecies, represent that Christ " shall
go to the house of Hades, announcing a resurrection to the dead," Book
1, lines 383, 384 (377, 378), p. 185, or "He shall come into Hades, an-
nouncing hope to all," Book 8, line 310, p. 743. For the date of these
citations, see Appendix, Note H. 4. For the Acts of Pilate, a Pseudo-
Heathen History of Christ ; and 5. Pilate's Pteport ; see Appendix, Note
D. I ought perhaps to add, that I have not discovered a single instance
in which any writer of the second or third century quotes the mission
from any of these documents, or alludes to the fact that they mention it.
The belief of this mission was far more widely and thoroughly established
than the credit of these forgeries. Their testimony could not strengthen
it.
XXV.] GENUINENESS OF THE GOSPELS. 137
dictions were ever fulfilled. In their Gospels and in ours,
the interval between the Saviour's death and resurrection
is a blank, and on this blank they built no small portion
of their faith. The crucifixion and death of Jesus, offen-
sive both to Jews and Gentiles, and calling for explanation
by Christians, were narrated in their Gospels as in ours.
But THE EXPLANATION OF THE OFFENSIVE FACTS WAS LEFT
OUT. The Saviour, instead of ascending to heaven with
a host of the departed, appears both in their Gospels and
ours as remaining on earth with his disciples.
If the reader suppose that the Apostle Peter held and
taught a ministry of his Master to the departed, then,
though in a much weaker form, the foregoing argument
would apply to the first century. It would then seem,
that, though a distinguished Christian leader and Apostle
had been willing to state such a view as his own, yet its
absence from the Gospels bears evidence, in so far, that
neither he nor any that accepted his view had tampered
with the Master's history, or put their own views into his
mouth.
Nor can the absence from the Gospels of any allusion
to this ministry be accounted for by a difficulty of intro-
ducing it. When the Saviour foretold his sufferings,
death, and resurrection, and the disciples "understood
none of these things" (Luke 18, 34), it would have been
easy to make him give the explanation thereof, that he
had a mission to fulfil in the Underworld. And when he
conversed with them after his resurrection, it would have
been perfectly in place to put into his mouth a statement
of what he had accomplished. 3
But the argument does not stop here. In one of the
Gospels we find a passage glaringly inconsistent with the
mission to the Underworld, a passage noticed by the early
8 If the reading adopted by Gallieus and Opsopoeus be correct, the
author of one Sibylline fragment must have supposed the events below
to be the subject of the Saviour's conversation with some of his disciples,
perhaps with those whom he accompanied to Emmaus. " He shall come
to light again in three days, and shall manifest [the events of] his sleep
to mortals." Book 1, lines 385, 386, p. 185.
138 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXV.
Christians. Origen, after quoting the Saviour's words
(Matt. 12, 40), " The Son of Man shall be three days and
niyhts in the heart of the earth," asks, " How could he be
three days and nights in the heart of the earth, who at
his departure was to be in the Paradise of God according
to the statement (Luke 23, 43), 4 To-day thou shalt be with
me in the Paradise of God ' ? " 4 And adds : " This ex-
pression has so troubled some by its appearance of incon-
gruity, that they have ventured to suspect as an addition
to the Gospel by interpolators, that passage, ' To-day thou
shalt be with me in the Paradise of God? But we say
that, according to the simple (or literal) interpretation, he
perhaps, before going into the so-called 4 heart of the earth?
placed in the Paradise of God him who had said, 4 Remem-
ber me when thou shalt come in thy kingdom? According,
however, to the deeper (or spiritual) meaning, the phrase
4 to-day ' in the Scripture extends to the whole even of
the existing age." 5
The suspicion of interpolation was based on the incom-
patibility of the passage with assumed facts, not upon its
absence from manuscripts ; nor does Origen who had
made textual criticism more a study than any contem-
porary Christian or Heathen, and who was in no wise
indisposed to give the various readings which he had dis-
covered allude to it as wanting in a single manuscript.
But its disaccordance with existing theology had been
perceived long before Origen's time. Marcion might have
made much use of the Saviour's words to the penitent
thief. Beset as he was on account of maintaining that
souls went to heaven at death, there was no passage in
4 The words 'of God' are not in our present copies of Luke, nor were
they probably in Origen's. Without having specially studied his cita-
tions, I have noticed that the New Testament passage which forms in any
case the particular subject of his comment is quoted in close accordance
with our present editions, and seems to have been cited with a manu-
script open before him. His quotations from other portions of Scripture,
for the purpose of illustrating the subject in hand, appear to be made
from memory.
6 Comment, in Joannem, Tom. 32, 19, Opp. 4, p. 455. B. C.
XXV.] GENUINENESS OF THE GOSPELS. 139
his records or ours more apposite as an argument where-
with to support himself. Yet Epiphanius informs us, u He
cut away the expression, 6 To-day shalt thou be with me in
Paradise? " 6 The inference is a fair one, that the Under-
world Mission outweighed in his mind any value which
the passage possessed for him as a controversial argu-
ment.
The method of solving difficulties by erasures was
peculiar to Marcion. Neither the Theosophic Gnostics
nor Catholic Christians practised it. That the latter did
not, receives no slight confirmation from the fact, that
they retained and transmitted to us in their sacred records
a passage which directly contradicted their own faith.
To attempt unfolding the second class of arguments
already alluded to for the genuineness of the Gospels,
deducible from the speculative views of the early Chris-
tians in theology, morality, and philosophy, and the third,
from the controversies in which they were engaged, would
be foreign to the purpose of this essay, and would require
a volume, if not two, to do it justice. Arguments could
be developed, some of them stronger than the preceding,
or applicable to an earlier date, from, 1. The dissension
between Jewish and Gentile Christians ; 2. The contro-
versy between Christians and Jews ; 3. Between Chris-
tians and Gentiles ; 4. Between Catholics and Gnostics ;
from, 5. The conception of the Supreme Deity as neces-
sarily devoid of name ; 6. Jesus as the special Deity of
the Old Testament ; 7. The Pseudo-Deities of the Hea-
thens ; 8. Idolatry ethically considered ; 9. The use made
of the Old Testament predictions ; 10. The use made of
Pseudo-Heathen Prophecies ; 11. The division into Faith-
ful and Catechumens ; 12. The customs and views con-
cerning the Lord's day ; 13. And also concerning the
Sabbath or Saturday ; 14. The belief concerning Rome's
destruction ; 15. And the burning up of the world ;
16. And Baptism ; 17. And the Resurrection of the
flesh; 18. And Martyrdom; 19. And Anti-Christ, and
many other points.
6 Epiphan. adv. Haeres. 42, 11, 72, Opp. 1, p. 317 A. Compare p.
347 C. D.
140 UNDERWORLD MISSION. [ XXV.
I can conceive no class of arguments more likely than
these to convince a sceptical Christian or a truth-loving
unbeliever, that our Gospels did not owe their origin to
the opinions or to the controversial wants of the early
Christians. In fact, had they been intended for service
in the controversies against Jews or Gentiles, they would
have purported to come from Jewish or Gentile, not from
Christian hands. 7 And though the Apostle John was re-
garded by the Valentiniaris as one of the enlightened, yet
the other three Evangelists were not well selected, if in-
fluence with these Gnostics was desired, nor would all
four in the eyes of Marcion have been equal to Paul.
I do not say that the foregoing arguments, if developed,
would convince unbelievers of the supernatural character
of Christianity, since many of them find an inherent
difficulty in such a belief ; but their development would
materially reduce the number of questions which want
of familiarity with early Christian history has left open,
and might in many instances remove the main reasons for
distrusting the Gospel narrative. I am not, of course, to
be understood as maintaining that no interpolations what-
ever exist in the Gospels.
XXVI. CHURCH AUTHORITY.
THE advocates of Church authority have been obliged
to give up the position that individual Fathers were nearly
or quite infallible, but they still regard unanimity of the
7 The Gospels might satisfy truth-loving inquirers, but against non-
Christian opponents their Christian authorship precluded use of their tes-
timony. A Heathen would inevitably have said : " You allege that Jesus
performed miracles ; give me impartial evidence of the fact, statements
not by individuals of your own body, but by outsiders." This condition
of things prompted the forgery, as mentioned in note 2, of Jewish and
Heathen, but not of Christian testimony.
XXVI.] CHURCH AUTHORITY. 141
early Church that is, of the Catholics on a point of
belief as settling its correctness, 1 and the multitude of
Christians who yet hold this view should prevent it from,
being regarded as sometimes happens with contemp-
tuous indifference. That a considerable portion of men
should be trammelled by error, ought not to be a matter of
indifference, nor does it seem a fit subject for contempt.
Let us test their position. 1. If we have evidence that
the Catholics of the second and third centuries believed
any proposition unanimously, we have evidence that they
believed the following : u Jesus Christ at his death went
on a mission to the subterranean world." 2. But the
earth is now known to be a solid globe, revolving in space.
3. Their belief, therefore, of a subterranean world, and of
the mission to it, was incorrect.
1 One of the ablest and calmest of late Roman Catholic writers, J. A.
Moehler, says in his Symbolism, "Whoever takes the pains to study
the writings of the holy Fathers may without much penetration discover,
that, while agreeing perfectly on all ecclesiastical (?) dogmas, they yet
expatiate most variously on the doctrines of Christian faith and morality.
. . . While now all Catholics gladly profess the same dogmas with the
. Fathers of the Church, the individual opinions, the mere human views
of the latter, possess in their estimation no further value, but as they
present reasonable grounds for acceptance, or as any peculiar affinity of
mind may exist between one Father of the Church, and a Catholic of
a subsequent age. . . . We will not and cannot believe otherwise than
as our fathers have believed. But as to their [individual] peculiarities
of opinion, we may adopt them or not as we please." Sect. 42, pp.
369-371.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
NOTE A.
JESUS 1 THE SPECIAL DEITY OF THE OLD TESTAMENT.
BESIDES the humanitarian division of the early Christians,
which included such as were commonly called Jewish Chris-
tians, or Ebionites, 2 and a part it is difficult to say precisely
how large a part 8 of Gentile Christians, there was another
1 On the date of his deification see Indirect Testimony, pp. 192, 199.
2 By Jewish Christians are not usually meant such as originated from
Alexadrine Judaism, but those who retained Judaism as it existed in
Palestine, and who were strenuous for the ceremonial law. Touching
these, however, it is but fair to say, that the statement in the text has
been disputed. As its proof would require more space than appropriate
. here, I give simply my judgment concerning it.
8 Justin admits to Trypho, " There are SOME even of our race [that is,
some Christians of Gentile extraction] who confess him (Jesus) to be the
Messiah, but maintain that he was a human being of human parentage."
Dial. c. 48. Cp. Judaism, Ch. XL note 57, and Note B, footnote 59.
Origen regards the multitude which followed Jesus from Jericho as
emblematic of the Gentile multitude ascending with him from earthly
things (to the heavenly Jerusalem) ; the blind man by the wayside as
typifying the miserable relic of Judaism ; and adds : "When you regard
the faith, concerning the Saviour, of the Jews who believe on Jesus, some
regarding him as the son of Joseph and Mary, others of Mary and the
Holy Spirit, but without any belief in his divine nature, you will com-
prehend how this blind man says, 'Son of David, take pity on me, 9 . . .
and the multitude rebuked him . . . those from the Gentiles who, with
few exceptions, have believed him to be born of a virgin, and rebuked
the man that thought him born after the ordinary manner." In Matt.
Tom. 16, 12, Opp. 3, pp.7 33. A., 734. A. Compare Origen, Cant. CeU.
5, 61 ; Opp. 1, p. 625 A. Origen does not say that the Gentile Chris-
tians with few exceptions believe Christ's divinity, and some expressions
in his writings appear to imply the reverse. See Forrest's History of the
Trinity, pp. 35-37 (Meadville" edit. , pp. 48-50 ; Bost. edit. pp. 36-39).
Tertullian says : " The simple, . . . who constitute THE LARGER PART
OF BELIEVERS, . . . proclaim that two and ALREADY THREE gods are
146 APPENDIX. [NOTE A.
class from the time of Justin Martyr, who maintained that
Jesus was the Deity who had appeared to the Patriarchs and
Prophets and had talked to Moses from the bush. 4 They
distinguished between the Supreme Deity, who was without
a name, 6 and Jesus, who had a name.
Justin tells the Gentiles, " All the Jews even now teach,
that the God without a name spoke to Moses, . . . who (the
Jews) having it expressly stated in the records of Moses, that
' the ANGEL OF GOD spoke to Moses in a burning flame from the
bush, and said, I am he who exists, the God of Abraham, and
the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob? maintain that it was
the Father of all things and the Creator who said these things.
Whence the prophetic spirit, reproving them, said, ' Israel did
not know me, and The People did not understand me? And
again Jesus, as we have already shown, said when among
preached by us, but assume that they are worshippers of the one God."
Adv. Prax. c. 3, Opp. p. 636. C. D.
4 In a previous edition the following surmise was appended to the
above : " I am inclined to assign a somewhat earlier date than the age of
Justin to this opinion, though my only reason for so doing is the strong
suspicion that the Marcionite branch of Gnosticism was to a considerable
extent but an offshoot from this identical view of the Catholics."
I am now convinced that Gnosticism was due to anti-Jewish feel-
ing developed by the war under Hadrian. (See Judaism, Ch. XI.
i. 1.) Justin's limited deification of Jesus in his Dialogue is but a
revised version (see Indirect Twfimoni/, pr>. 190-192) of his earner
effort in his Apology to parry objections then urged against the Old
Testament.
6 " No one can affix a name to the ineffable Deity. But if any one
should dare to say that he has a name, such a man is crazy with an in-
curable madness." Justin, Apol. 1, 61, p. 80. C. " The Father of all
things, being unbegotten, has no name, for whoever is called by a name
has an older [than himself] who gave him his name." Apol. 2, 6, p.
92. C. See also Apol. 2, 12, 13, pp. 96. E., 97. E. "Do not seek the
name of God. God is his name. Names are requisite when a multitude
of individuals are to be distinguished by appropriate appellations. To
God who is alone the name of God is everything." Minuc. Felix,
c. 18, pp. 89, 90. The same may be found in Cyprian, De Idol. Van.
p. 15. "Gifts [or bribes] are not to be offered to the God who has no
name." Tatian, c. 4, p. 247. B. "The soul . . . names him GOD,
using this name alone as appropriate to the true God." Tertul. Apol.
c. 17, p. 18. B. "The Seventh Heaven, where dwells He who is NOT
NAMED [I follow the Latin translation of Laurence, which he made
more literal than his English one] and his Elect, whose name has not
[in Isaiah's time] been revealed." Ascension of Isaiah, ch. 8, 7.
Trismegistus, a Christian document attributed to Mercury, also treats
the Supreme Being as without name. See Lactant 1, 6 ; Paris edit.
Vol. 1, col. 139, 140.
NOTE A.] CHRIST THE OLD TESTAMENT DEITY. 147
them, 6 No one has known the Father except the Son (nor the
Son except the Father), and those to whom the Son shall reveal
And in his Dialogue with Trypho he alleges, that w in the
book of Exodus Moses mystically proclaims and we compre-
hend that Jesus was the name of that God whose name, the
Scripture says, was not communicated to Abraham nor to
Jacob. It is stated thus : ' The Lord said to Moses, Say to
this People, Lo, I send my messenger before thee, that he may
guard thee in the way; that he may lead thee into the land which
I have prepared for thee. Attend to him, . . . for MY NAME
is UPON HIM.' Who therefore led your fathers into the land 1
You clearly know that it was he who is called by this name
Jesus (Joshua 7 ). . . . But since (') you know this, you will
recognize also that Jesus was the name of him who said to
Moses, ' My name shall be upon him? . . . He was also called
Israel." 8
The object of this note is simply to enable the reader to
apprehend easily the foregoing idea, and I therefore omit ex-
tracts from other Fathers, of which a multitude to the same
purport could be adduced. The reader will find some of
them in Mr. Norton's Genuineness of the Gospels, Vol. 2,
pp. 247-253 (2d edit. pp. 250-256; abridged edit. pp.
300-304).
. It may be. added, that, though a PERSONAL APPEARANCE of
the pre-existent Logos TO THE GENTILES was maintained by
none, yet, in opposition to the Gentile claim of superior an-
tiquity for Heathenism, Justin affirms that Socrates and other
philosophers participated in, and lived according to, the Logos, 9
so that, according to this view, anything good in Heathen
philosophy was not prior to Christianity, but a part of it, being
derived from Christ. Justin, in support of this idea, and to
save the superior antiquity of Christianity, claims these men
as Christians. 10 Clement of Alexandria, from a more generous
motive, takes the same ground concerning the origin of Greek
Philosophy. 11
6 Apol. 1, 63, p. 81. A. C. D.
7 Jesus and Joshua are the same name in the Greek.
8 Dialog, c. 75, p. 172. B. C.
9 Apol. 1, 46; 2, 10, Opp. pp. 71. B., 95. D.
10 Ibid.
11 See Some Account of the "Writings and Opinions of Clement of
Alexandria, by John [Kaye], Bishop of Lincoln, pp. 190-193, 202, 203.
148 APPENDIX. [NOTE B.
NOTE B. 1
MORTALITY AND IMMORTALITY. LIFE AND DEATH.
THE Fathers used the terms Life and Death as antitheses
of each other, and employed the latter as do moderns to des-
ignate the separation of the soul from the body, or to express
a morally lost condition, or as an appellation of Satan. 2 Some
of the Catholics and Heretics believed an Annihilation of the
wicked or earthly. How far they designated this by the term
Death I do not know. Aside from these meanings, the
term Death, in the period covered by this essay, designated
a residence in or consignment to the Underworld, as must
already be evident, and Life, its antithesis, an exemption
therefrom. The former seems to have been regarded as the
lot of Human Nature or Mortality, the latter of Divine or
Immortal Natures.
In order, however, to understand some of the early Chris-
tian theology on this point, it must be remembered that a
distinction was frequently made by the ancients between Soul
and Spirit. The latter was the essence of immortal beings,
the former was human. 8 Whether Adam were originally im-
From the former of these references the following citation of Clement is
made : "Who, then, was their teacher ? (i. e. the teacher of the Greeks).
The First Begotten, the Counsellor of God, who foreknew all things.
He is the teacher of all created beings ; he in various ways from the
foundation of the world has instructed man, and leads him to perfec-
tion." And from the latter the following : " Philosophy may be reason-
ably supposed to have been given by Divine Providence as a preparation
for perfection through Christ. . . . They who deny that Philosophy
comes from God, go near to question his particular Providence. . . .
They who affirm that Philosophy was given by the Devil, make him more
benevolent than Divine Providence to good men among the Greeks.
. . . The Law was given to the Jews, Philosophy to the Greeks, until
the advent of Christ."
1 Referred to on pp. 15, 32, 54, 56, 69, 71, 88, 96, 116, 128.
2 See extract from Origen in xiv. note 6.
8 This distinction existed independently of any idea of personal char-
acter as expressed by the term spiritual. Thus, in the Book of Enoch
the Deity is represented as saying to the fallen Angels, " You from the
beginning were made spiritual, possessing a life which is eternal, and
not subject to death forever; . . . being spiritual, your dwelling is in
heaven" (ch. 15, 6, 7) ; and as adding concerning the Giants, the off-
spring of these angels and of their earthly brides, '* Now, the Giants
who have been born of Spirit and of Flesh shall be called upon earth
NOTEB.] MORTALITY AND IMMORTALITY. 149
mortal, and became human through his fall ; or whether he
were created neither immortal nor human, but capable of be-
coming either ; 4 or whether he were human at his creation ;
yet in any case as a human being he could not become,
according to the views of some among the Fathers, a denizen
of heaven. His doom as a mortal was the Underworld.
Thus, in passages already cited, Hernias informs us that
the departed who were in the Underworld u could not other-
wise enter the kingdom of God, than by laying aside the
mortality of their former life." 5 Arnobius speaks of the
departed whom Christ aided, as having laid aside the "lot
of Mortality 55 ; 6 which, by a comparison with the extract
from his writings in XXII. 3, would seem to mean that they
had been rescued w from the jaws of Orcus. 55 Tertullian
treats Christ as having, " BECAUSE HE WAS A MAN, . . . gone
through the form of human death in the Underworld. 55 7 And
Origen, we have seen, treated the detention of the departed
in the Underworld as the u condition affixed [before Christ's
time] to dying. 5 ' 8
If HUMAN nature was necessarily the prey of the Under-
world, it was no unnatural conception that this nature must
be changed, that it must become immortal or divine before
Evil Spirits. . . . Evil SPIRITS shall proceed from their flesh [i. e. spirits,
not souls, shall be disengaged from their bodies at death], because they
were created from above." Ch. 15,8.
The distinction between soul and spirit appears, perhaps, in the phra-
seology of the Apocalypse, which mentions (6, 9) " the SOULS of them
that were slain," and again (20,4), "the 'SOULS of them that ivere be-
headed"; but (1,4) "the seven SPIRITS" before God's throne; an ex-
pression similar to which occurs in 3, l, 4, 5, 5, 6. See also, in note 8
on p. 88, Origen's query as to God and the angels having souls.
4 Theophilus advances this view : " But some one will say to us,
4 Was man naturally mortal ? ' By no means. ' What then : immortal ? '
No. But some one will say, 'Was he nothing at all?' I do not say
that. He was neither mortal nor immortal by nature. For if he had
originally been made immortal, he would have been made a god; but
if mortal, God would seem to be the cause of his death. He was made
therefore neither immortal nor mortal, but, as we said above, capable of
becoming either. . . . Observing the command of God, he would receive
immortality as a reward and become a god ; but if he should turn to the
works of death, being disobedient to God, he would be the cause of his
own death." Ad Autol. 2, 27, Justin, Opp. p. 368. A. B.
6 See p. 56.
6 See p. 32.
7 See note on pp. 30, 31.
8 See p. 62.
150 APPENDIX. [NOTE B.
entering heaven. This conception was actually entertained,
and the method of creating this change was, according to
some, the infusion into human nature of Christ's divine or
spiritual nature.
Irenaeus says : " Those who deem Christ the son of Joseph,
. . . not being [according to their own principles] commingled
with the Logos of God the Father, . . . are debtors of [or
due to] Death, ... to whom the Logos speaks, narrating his
own office of kindness, 6 / said, Ye are all gods and sons of the
Most High [if ye will accept my gift], but ye die like men?
He says these things to such as do not accept the gift of
adoption (or sonship), . . . DEPRIVING MAN OF THE ASCENT TO
GoD, 9 ... for to this purpose the Logos became man, that
man, by being commingled with the Logos, and receiving the
adoption, should become a Son of God. For we could noj
otherwise receive incorruptibility and immortality than by
being united to incorruptibility and immortality." 10
Elsewhere he asks, w How could man pass (or be changed)
into [a] god, unless God passed into man 1 "
Elsewhere, again, Irenseus quotes from Ps. 50, 1, w The God
of gods, the Lord spoke?"* and after asking, w But of what
gods ? " answers, w Of those to whom he says, 6 / said ye are
gods, and all of you sons of the Most High ' ; that is, of those
who have received the favor 6 of adoption through which we
cry, Abba, Father? " 12
A fragment preserved under the name of Justin Martyr,
but the authorship of which is doubtful, states that, " When
God originally formed man, he made his nature dependent on
his own choice, determining the experiment by a single com-
mand. For he made him, in case he observed this command,
the recipient of an immortal lot, but if he transgressed it, of
the reverse. Man being thus formed, and turning his face
immediately towards transgression, received corruptibility into
his nature. But corruptibility being in our nature, it was
necessary that he who wished to save us should cause this
substance to disappear, which occasioned corruption. But
this could not otherwise take place unless that which by its
nature was life (i. e. possessed of an inherent incorruptibility
9 On the connection between Sonship of God and ascent to heaven,
compare page 128.
1 Cont. Haeres. 3, 19, 1 (3, 21). Compare 4, 38, 4 (4, 75).
11 Cont. Hseres. 4, 33, 4 (4, 59).
1 2 Cont. Hseres. 3, 6, l (3, 6).
NOTEB.] MORTALITY AND IMMORTALITY. 151
or immortality) should be united to that which had received
into itself corruptibility, thus causing the corruptibility to
disappear, and preserving as immortal thereafter that which
had received it. On this account it was necessary for the
Logos to come in a body, that he might free us from the cor-
ruptibility of death in our nature." 18
The idea of Ireneeus and of the foregoing writer appears to
be, that a divine or spiritual and immortal nature must first
be mingled with a human one, and we then, by becoming
participants of this double nature, participate in the divine
nature which it contains. An inherently immortal substance
is thus mingled with our perishable souls.
Among various reasons which create doubt as to Justin
having written the above fragment, is the different view which
he advances in his Dialogue with Trypho. He there quotes
at some length from the eighty-second Psalm, ^ I have said ye
are gods^ etc., and states that his object is to show w that
the Holy Spirit reproaches men, that being made, like God,
IMPASSIBLE AND IMMORTAL, PROVIDED THEY OBSERVE HIS COM-
MANDMENTS, and being honored by him in that he calls them
his Sons, even these likewise, being assimilated to Adam and
Eve, WORK OUT DEATH to themselves. Let the interpretation
of the Psalm be as you wish, and it is nevertheless manifest
that they were honorably destined to be gods, and to the ability
of becoming Sons of the Most High, and of their own choice
they prefer to be judged and condemned as were Adam and
Eve." 14 These remarks follow a statement that the Jews
were somewhat disturbed at hearing Justin claim that w we
are the true children of God, who observe the commands of
Christ" 15
According to this, Adam's descendants were, equally with
himself, born immortal, and destined to remain so if they ob-
served God's commands. An examination of Justin's views
in IX., including note 12 on p. 42, will render it probable
that Justin deemed the Mosaic Law an insufficient means of
righteousness, and that the power of Christianity alone en-
abled a man to be so observant of God's commands as that he
could escape death. By death in the above extract, as in that
from Justin under IX., it seems difficult to understand any-
thing save subjection to the Underworld or its ruler.
18 Justini Opera, pp. 597, 598.
14 Dialog, c. 124, pp. 217. E., 218. A.
16 Dialog, c. 123, p. 217. B.
152 APPENDIX. [NOTE c.
I suspect that the capacity of communicating immortality
was one sense though, unless the Latin translator have
added his own explanation, it was not the only sense in-
tended by the author of the Adumbrations on Peter as an
attribute of God's Word or Logos. He quotes ch. 1, 23,
^ Regenerated, not with corruptible SEED," and says : w The
soul, therefore, which is poured out at the same" time with
[the destruction of] the body, is, as some think, corruptible
(1, 25), 6 but the word of the Lord (the Logos or Life-giving
spirit) endures forever J " 16
The Valentinians based their theory of salvation on the
distinction of soul and spirit. According to them, only the
Spiritual, and such from among the Psychical (Men of Soul)
as were fitted to receive a seed of the Spirit into them, were
saved.
NOTE C.
HEAVENS.
MENTION has been made in the foregoing pages of Marcion,
as holding to a system of three heavens, while others believed
in seven. Suidas, as quoted by Suicer, says : ^ There are
two heavens, that which was created at the same time with
the earth (Gen. 1, l), and the one which was subsequently
appointed as a means of separating the waters (Gen. 1, 6),
which (God) also called the firmament." 1
The Ascension of Isaiah, though recognizing seven heavens, 2
makes in some places the same distinction as above, between
the firmament and the (first) heaven, 8 though it elsewhere
confounds them. 4
16 dementis, Opp. p. 1006, lines 26 - 30. This idea of the soul, we are,
told in the Philosophumena, or Refutatio Omnium Haeresium,
was entertained by Epicurus. He is there represented as holding that
" the souls of men perish at the same time with their bodies, in like man-
ner as they are born with them, . . . for they are blood." 1, 22, p. 28,
Miller's edition.
1 Suicer on Ovpavbs, 2, D. 2, Vol. 2, p. 523.
2 The system of seven heavens appears in the Testamenta XII. Patri-
arch. Levi 3; Fabricius, Codex Pseudepigraph. Vet. Testamenti, 1, pp.
546-548.
8 Ch. 7, 9, 13 ; 10, 27, 29. 4 Ch. 11, 23, 25.
NOTED.] THE ACTS OF PILATE. 153
A passage from Theodoret, also quoted in Suicer, says :
" He who disbelieves a second heaven goes out of the right
way, and he who endeavors to number more follows fables,
despising the teaching of the Divine Spirit." 6
Marcion may have assumed the two heavens as the highest
number mentioned in the Old Testament, and have rested in
the idea of a third for the Supreme Deity, as being mentioned
by Paul. Paul, however, must have spoken with reference
to already existing ideas. And it may either be, that already
in his day some of the Jews had supposed a third heaven
as requisite for the residence of Jehovah, or, which is more
probable, that the fixed stars, the sun, and moon were supposed
to occupy three distinct heavens, in the highest of which dwelt
the Supreme Being. The Talmudical opinions collected by
Wetstein and Schoettgen, though recognizing the systems of
two and seven heavens, do not recognize a system of three.
The system of seven heavens or spheres was doubtless derived
from the idea of the sun, moon, and five then known planets
moving in as many spheres. Cicero, copying apparently from a
monotheistic source, locates the Supreme Being in, or identifies
him with, the heaven of the fixed stars, below which revolve
the seven heavens occupied consecutively by Saturn, Jupiter,
Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, and, lowest of all, the Moon. 6
NOTE D. 1
THE ACTS OF PILATE.
JUSTIN MARTYR mentions a document called the Acts of
Pilate, 2 and manuscripts have come down to us bearing this
title. The work in its original shape for some of the
5 Suicer as above. Theodoret would seem from the above to have
approved, as well as quoted, an interpretation of the passage (2 Cor.
12, -'), "caught uj) to the third heaven," according to which it meant
caught up a third of the way to heaven. His quotation of it is given by
Suicer, Vol. 2, p. 522. C. 1. c.
6 Cicero, De Repub. 6, 10 ; or Somn. Scip. c. 4.
1 Referred to on pp. 36, 136. See translation and fuller account of
these Acts in Indirect Testimony, Note A.
2 Justin, Apol. 1, 35, 48, pp. 65. D., 72. A.
154 APPENDIX. [NOTED.
manuscripts are much interpolated appears to have been
one of those Pseudo-Heathen documents which Christian con-
troversialists were tempted to forge, because they felt the
need of Heathen testimony while challenging Heathen assent
to their statements. The document, in what I deem its origi-
nal shape, 8 professed to be a public record of the trial of Jesus
before Pilate, in which many of those whom Jesus had cured
came forward to testify as to what he had done for them.
The Christians, in appealing to this, could say, We are not
appealing to OUR documents, but to YOURS. If you will not
believe us, believe your own public records. The record,
however, must, by most Christians, unless by those of Syrian
origin, have been deemed doubtful, since in the second and
third centuries Justin alone mentions it, nor does he make
any copious use of it. About the close of the third century
some publicity must have been given to it by Christians who
may themselves have mistaken it for genuine. This at least
affords the only plausible explanation of the fact, that about
that time the Heathens thinking, perhaps, that two could
play at the same game met it by a counter forgery under
the same title, which was taught to the children in the schools;
so that, according to Eusebius, "the boys had nothing but
Jesus and Pilate in their mouths the whole day long." 4
Besides the above, there is " Pilate's Report," or an official
letter sent by Pilate to Tiberius concerning Jesus, 6 and not
essentially different in object or character from the above.
Both are Pseudo-Heathen authorities for points in Christ's
history which we may infer from these forgeries were con-
3 The original of the Acts of Pilate I suppose to be best represented
in some but not in all respects by the Manuscripts which Thilo designates
as Cod. Venet. (the Venetian Manuscript) and Paris D ; or rather by the
former and the first portion of the latter, terminating at the close of the
twelfth chapter. Even these manuscripts are interpolated. A critical
edition of them would shed considerable light on the earliest history,
after the Apostolic age, of the controversy between Christians and
Heathens. Much confusion has resulted from the custom of treating
this, and other Pseudo-Heathen or Pseudo-Jewish documents, under the
head of Apocryphal Gospels and Epistles. They are thus made to appear
as forgeries of Christian authorities, of documents by Christ and by
his Apostles or followers, whereas this was the very character which their
forgers intended them NOT to bear. The Acts of Pilate are usually pub-
lished under the title, "Gospel of Nicodemus."
4 Hist. Ecc. 9, 5, 7.
5 This is probably alluded to by Tertullian in his Apology, c. 21,
p. 22. C.
NOTED.] THE ACTS OF PILATE. 155
troverted by the Heathens, and both mention the release of
the departed. 6
Between these two documents, and blended with the former,
as published by Thilo, appear two others. Their contents
induce the supposition that they were intended for controversy
with the Jews rather than the Gentiles, since the investiga-
tions reported in them concerning the facts of Christ's resur-
rection and ascension are conducted by Jews. In one of
them, a weak production, Joseph of Arimathea is prominent.
The other, printed in continuation of it by Thilo, is a narra-
tive, in the heroic strain, of Christ's deeds in the Underworld,
and is probably later in date than any of the others. Ac-
cording to it, the Simeon who took Jesus in his arms was, with
two sons and brothers, among the number raised at Christ's
resurrection. They are cited before the chief priests, and
narrate what took place below. At midnight, they narrate,
a light shone into the darkness below, and was recognized by
Abraham, the Patriarchs, and Prophets, as the light of the
great enlightenment. Notwithstanding the anachronism, it
refers probably to the light at the Saviour's birth. Luke 2, 9.
Then appeared one like an ascetic of the desert, who an-
nounced himself as John, and said that he had baptized the
Son of God. Seth, in answer to the request of Adam, tells
the reasons for hoping that their liberation is at hand, and
-while they rejoice at it, Satan comes to make an announce-
ment to Hades (the Underworld) which is here personified.
w All-devouring, insatiable Hades, listen to my words," is the
6 The Venetian manuscript of the Acts of Pilate, and that marked
Paris D, indicate that the document at one time, or in one form, con-
cluded (with omission of the doxology) as follows: "Then the Lord
arose. He awoke Adam and all the Prophets whom the Devil had in
his power ; and lie awoke also all who believed on him." See Thilo,
Cod. Apoc. Nov. Test. p. 606.
According to Pilate's report, after especial mention of Abraham, the
twelve patriarchs, and others, "there appeared in the air an unnumbered
multitude of angels, crying, 'The crucified Christ has risen, being a
God,' and a voice was heard as the sound of thunder, saying, ' Glory to
God in the highest, and on earth peace and good-will to men. Come up
out of the Underworld, ye who are enslaved in its subterranean regions.'
. . . And the rocks were rent, and great chasms were formed in the
earth, . . . and many bodies of the sleeping dead arose, to the number
of five hundred [a misapplication probably of 1 Cor. 15, ]. And the
whole multitude walked about and praised God, saying, 'The Lord our
God, who is risen from the dead, made all our dead alive, and, plunder-
ing the Underworld, destroyed it.' " Thilo, p. 811.
156 APPENDIX. [VOTE E.
beginning of his address ; and he tells of what Jesus did on
earth, and that by his (Satan's) promptings he had been put
to death. Hades is dismayed, fearing the coming prisoner to
be the same who rescued Lazarus. While they yet speak, a
voice as of thunder is heard, saying, ^ Lift your gates, ye rulers,
and be ye gifted up, ye eternal doors.V* Hades directs every-
thing to be barred, and tells Satan to contend against the
Lord.
The saints, secure of their triumph, insult their oppressor :
w All-devouring, insatiable Hades, open, that the King of glory
may enter ; " and while they talk to each other, the voice
from without is again heard, " Lift up your gatesV Hades
seeks to gain time by the question, u Who is the King of
glory ? " 8 An answer comes, w The Lord, powerful and
mighty; the Lord, mighty in battle^; 9 and simultaneously
with it the gates are crushed in, and Satan is bound and de-
livered to Hades for safe keeping till the second coming of
the Lord. Hades finds grievous fault with Satan for the
ruin occasioned by bringing such a prisoner. The saints on
ascending to Paradise find Enoch and Elijah, as also the
penitent thief, who had been sent thither by Jesus, and had
been requested by the Archangel Michael to wait a little until
Adam and the saints should come also.
NOTE E.
RESURRECTION OF FLESH, i
MENTION has been made of an Orthodox and a Heterodox
or Liberalist party among the Catholics. The chief point
of division between them was the Resurrection of the Flesh, 2
which the former maintained in a literal and sometimes in a
gross shape ; 3 and which the latter denied. It may also be
7 Ps. 24, T. 8 Ps. 24, 8. 9 Ibid.
1 See III. and XXII. 3, 4, 5.
2 Compare citations on this subject in XVIII. 2, and Indirect Testi-
mony, Ch. III., note 15. Jewish views may be found in Judaism, pp.
45, 427 n., and Stoic ones in the same work, pp. 44 n., 57 n.
3 "Since we learn from Isaiah (66, j ) that the bodies of transgressors,
remaining imperishable, shall be devoured by worms and incessant tire,
so <u to be a spectacle to all flesh." Justin, Dialog, c. 130, p. 223. A.
NOTE E. ] RESURRECTION OF FLES
remarked that the Orthodox generally held and seem to have
laid stress upon a Millennium or Reign of Christ for a thou-
sand years on earth, a doctrine not found among their
opponents. 4
Athenagoras, Tertullian, and Methodius wrote treatises de-
fending a resurrection of the flesh. Fragments of a work in
defence of the same are extant under the name of Justin, and
are supposed by some to have been part of his work against
heresies. Tatian, his disciple, held this view while a Catholic,
but afterwards became a Gnostic. Polycarp, Theophilus, and
Irenseus, the Ignatian Epistles, and that ascribed to Barnabas,
have either argued or expressed themselves in favor of the
same view, or have so expressed themselves on subjects which
were in their day cognate to it, that no reasonable doubt exists
as to their having held it.
The opposite view, owing to the opprobrium resulting from
its connection with the heresies of the day, was less likely to
receive a free expression. It must, however, have been ex-
tensively held among Catholics. Irenaeus, as already seen,
complains that 6t some of those who are regarded as having
been correct in their belief (i. e. some Catholics) overstep the
order of promotion of the just, . . . holding heretical views;
for the heretics, . . . not accepting the salvation of their
flesh, . . . say that they ascend above the heavens." 5
-Athenagoras informs us that he wrote his treatise in defence
of the resurrection, because " in this matter we have found
some altogether incredulous, and others doubtful ; and even
among the acceptants of the first principles [on which the
argument for the resurrection rests], some who are equally
at a loss with the doubtful ; which last, indeed, is the most
unreasonable of all, . . . since they have in the [conceded]
facts no starting-point for their disbelief." 6 Tertullian tells
us that the resurrection of the flesh " is less readily received
than the oneness of the Deity," 7 by which latter phrase he
4 Among the Liberalists also a tendency appears towards the doctrines
of Annihilation and Restoration, and towards the consideration of all
punishment by the Deity as reformatory, whilst the Orthodox advance,
in general, harsher views of future punishment. An attempt to define
the relative positions of the two parties on these subjects would require
moi-e space than can here be devoted to it, and a more thorough exam-
ination than I have yet bestowed upon it.
6 Cont. Hseres. 5, 31. 1.
6 De Resurrect, c. 1, Justini, Opp. p. 316. A.
7 De Resurrect. Carnis, c. 2, p. 380. B. Compare De Resurrect. Cam.
158 APPENDIX. [NOTE E.
means the identity of the Deity from whom the Mosaic and
Christian revelations proceeded. There is no need, he informs
us in the same connection, of arguing the salvation of the
soul, since none deny it.
Justin Martyr appears to struggle with his own conscience
in attempting to suppress the fact, of which, considering the
above statements, he cannot have been ignorant, that many
of the Catholics did not believe a physical resurrection, or,
which was the same thing in the phraseology of the Ortho-
dox party, did not believe THE resurrection. He puts into the
mouth of the Jew the following question : " Tell me, do you
truly confess that this place of Jerusalem is to be rebuilt, and
Your People to be assembled and to rejoice with the Messiah,
... or is it in order to get the better of us in this debate that
you are willing to confess this 1 "
Hereto he responds : " I am not so mean, Trypho, as to
speak differently from what I think. 8 I confessed to you
formerly that I and many others think thus, . . . but I indi-
cated to you also that many Christians of pure and pious
belief do not acknowledge this. For as to those who are
called Christians, but who are atheists and wicked heretics,
I showed you that they teach wholly blasphemous and athe-
istical and senseless doctrines. And that you may under-
stand that I am not saying this to you only, I will write out
our discussion as well as I am able in a book in which I shall
insert myself as confessing what I now confess to you. For
I do not prefer to follow men or human teachings, rather than
God and his teachings. For if you meet with some who are
called Christians and do not confess this, but who dare to
blaspheme the God of Abraham and the God of Isaac and the
God of Jacob, who say also that there is no resurrection of
the dead, but that at death their souls are received into
heaven, do not regard them as Christians. . . . But I and
c. 63, p. 429 D. " God ... in the last days . . . gave new life to the
struggling, laborantem, faith in the fleshly resurrection."
8 This profession of Justin is adduced by Semisch as a proof (!) of his
intense love of truth. See Sernisch's Justin der Maertyrer, Vol. 1, pp.
194, 195. May I caution the reader not to err, on the other hand, by
assuming as a fair criterion of Justin's whole character this unworthy
equivocation touching the prevalence among Catholics of a view very
offensive to the Jews, and to that party of Catholics whereto he himself
belonged. Intense party feeling, whether political, theological, or moral,
is fruitful in producing such suppression of truth even by otherwise good
men.
NOTEK] RESURRECTION OF FLESH. 159
any other Christians who think correctly ON ALL POINTS un-
derstand that there is to be a resurrection of the flesh and
[a residence of] a thousand years in Jerusalem, when rebuilt
and adorned and enlarged." 9
The natural impression caused by the foregoing is, that a
denial of u the resurrection," or of u the fleshly resurrection,"
was, like the blasphemy against the God of Abraham, a Gnos-
tic peculiarity. Justin's intention certainly was to convey the
idea that he had been perfectly frank. He acknowledges a dis-
belief of the millennium as prevailing among some Catholics,
and leaves it to be inferred that, had he known a further dis-
belief on their part, he would have owned it. By avoiding to
make the Jew question him concerning the resurrection, he
avoids the need of a direct answer as to whether any Catholics
did or did not reject it in the only form in which a thorough
Jew would have recognized it. The tirade against the Gnostics
is intended to withdraw attention from the disbelief of the
Catholics.
Origen had little respect for the fleshly ideas of the Ortho-
dox. He says : 4i It behooves every lover of truth to apply his
mind to these things, and contend concerning the resurrection,
that he may save [on the one hand] the tradition of the elders,
and may guard [on th3 other] against falling into the silly
conceptions of imbecile men, which are both impossible and
.unworthy of the Deity." 10
Hierax and his party evidently belonged to the Catholics,
from the chief body of whom they varied mainly by developing
the idea of Melchisedek as a type of Christ, arid by pushing
to an extreme, or putting into practice, the common Catholic
admiration of celibacy. Epiphanius, heresy-hunter though
he is, appears to regard him as orthodox touching the Trinity,
but informs us that he did not believe " a fleshly resurrection
of the dead, but [simply] a resurrection of the dead, a resur-
rection of souls." n
Clement of Alexandria, in his criticisms on the Gnostics,
forbears any condemnation of their disbelief in a physical
resurrection ; and in speaking of the punishments in the
Underworld as salutary and leading to conversion, he adds :
" And this, since souls when freed from their bodies can see
9 C. 80, pp. 177, 178.
10 Selecta in Psalmos, Opp. 2. p. 534. A.
11 Epiphan. Hseres. 67, 2, Opp. 1, p. 711., B.
160 APPENDIX. [NOTE E.
more clearly, even if they be darkened by suffering, because
they are no longer joined to the flesh." 12 Other passages con-
firm the idea that he rejected the Orthodox view.
In the Phllosophumena (10, 34) the future body is called
w immortal and incorruptible," which, though not specific, can
scarcely mean a fleshly one.
Arnobius acknowledges to the Heathen that he believes a
resurrection, yet with the significant addition, that it is w un-
derstood by you differently from what we hold " ; 18 and he
elsewhere treats the heathen persecutions as the means of
liberation to the Christians on whom they fell ; the body being
but a prison, and the destruction roof and wall of that
prison being the means of introducing light to, and removing
blindness from, the prisoner within. 14
Cyprian is the only writer of any note whose position might
be a matter of doubt. In treating of man's death, he appeal's
to regard it as a transfer to his permanent, not to his tempo-
rary home. " Let us embrace," he says, " the day which
assigns to each his abode ; which when we are taken thence
[that is, out of the world] restores us to Paradise and the
Celestial Kingdom. Who when in a foreign land would not
hasten to revisit his country? Who whilst, hastening his
homeward voyage would not long for prosperous winds, that
he might the sooner embrace the dear ones ] Let us regard
Paradise as our country ! We have already begun to esteem
the Patriarchs as our parents. Why should we not hasten
and run that we may see our country and salute our parents 1
A great number of the dear ones are there expecting us ; a
dense and numerous crowd of parents, brethren, and children
are longing for us, secure of their own immortality [divinity 1 ?]
and solicitous as yet for our salvation [exemption from the lot
of human nature ?]." 16
Yet in two passages Cyprian, whilst imitating an argument
of his master Tertullian, introduces the Orthodox idea of the
resurrection. Tertullian, in a declamatory address to the
ladies, after complaining of their head-dress, their dyeing their
hair, etc., adds : " I shall see (at the day of resurrection) . . .
whether the angels will carry you painted in that fashion into
the clouds to meet Christ." 16 Cyprian, in his tract on the
same subject as the foregoing, asks : " Are you not afraid, I
i' 2 Strom. 6, 46. 18 Adv. Gent. 2, 13. 14 Adv. Gentes. 2, 77.
15 De Mortal. 2fl, p. 166 ; compare De Exhort Martyrii, pp. 183, 184.
!6 De Cultu Feminarum, 2, 7, p. 178. A.
NOTEF.] FURTHER REMARKS ON XXII. 5. 161
pray, lest, when the day of resurrection arrives, your artificer
should not recognize you in such a plight 1 " n
And again, Tertullian, in answer to those who deemed bap-
tism unnecessary because Abraham had pleased God without
it, says that faith alone might suffice for salvation prior to
Christ's suffering. But since the objects of faith have been
multiplied by the NATIVITY, SUFFERING, AND RESURRECTION of
Jesus, baptism had been added as a seal. Shortly after he
adds, touching heretical baptism, that he cannot recognize it
because they do not have THE SAME GOD as the Catholic
Christians, nor a COMMON CHRIST, and therefore not a com-
mon baptism. 18 Cyprian, in a passage on heretical baptism,
imitates the above by asking whether Marcion holds the
w SAME ONLY-SON CHRIST as we, BORN of the Virgin Mary,
who . . . conquered death BY DYING, and in his own person
initiated the resurrection of the flesh." 19
The probability is, either that Cyprian held different views
at different periods, or that, after becoming a Liberalist, his
early training and imitation of Tertullian betrayed him at
times into phraseology inconsistent with some of his own
opinions.
NOTE F.
FURTHER REMARKS ON" XXII. 5.
BESIDES Tertullian, who alone is quoted in that division of
XXII. whereof this note is the continuation, two documents
are sometimes cited as belonging to the third century and as
consigning Christian souls, on their departure from this life,
to the Underworld. One is a treatise entitled " Of the Rule
of Faith," or " Of the Trinity." It has been attributed to
Tertullian, Cyprian, and Novatian, 1 and been published by
17 De Habitu Virginum, 17, Opp. p. 100.
18 De Baptismo, cc. 13, 15, p. 262.
19 Epist. 73, p. 200.
1 Rufinus says that certain heretics belonging to the party of Macedo-
nius, who thought blasphemously of the Holy Spirit, had inserted into
the collection of Cyprian's Epistles, Tertullian's reprehensible tract on
the Trinity (meaning perhaps the foregoing), and sold it through the
1G2 APPENDIX. [NOTE P.
Jackson as the work of the last-mentioned writer. The date
at which it is first mentioned inclines me to regard it as a work
of the fourth century, towards the close of which we first hear
of it. A partial perusal of it inclines me to deem it deserv-
ing of more attention than it has received. The passage
touching souls, with the connection in which it stands, is as
follows : ^ (God) even in the upper regions, that is, in those
which are above the firmament and not visible at the present
day to our eyes, originally instituted angels, classified spirit-
ual powers, appointed thrones and principalities, and founded
many other immensely spacious heavens and infinite works
which are concealed from us; so that this world, however
immense, may appear to be the last, rather than the only,
work of God's physical creation. For neither are the regions
below the earth void of classified and appointed powers. For
it is the place whither the souls of pious and impious are con-
ducted, experiencing a foretaste of the future judgment, to the
end that we may perceive that the superabundant immensities
in all parts of his works are not confined within the inclosures,
however capacious (sinus capacissimos) as we have said, of this
world ; and also that we may think on depths and altitudes
below the world itself; and that thus, having considered the
greatness of the works, we can worthily admire the Architect
of such immensity."
whole city of Constantinople at a cheap rate. (De Adulteratione Lib.
Origenis, in Origen. Opp. Vol. 4, Append., p. 53. A. B.) To this state-
ment Jerome responds in his usual rough way, that it contained two lies,
for the work was neither written by Tertullian nor attributed to Cyprian,
but was (or was called) Novatian's, whose name was inscribed in its title.
(Apol. adv. Rufin., Hieronymi Opp., ed. Vallars., Vol. 2, col. 513.)
Elsewhere, in direct opposition to the foregoing, Jerome says of Nova-
tian : " He wrote ... a large volume concerning the Trinit}% making
it as it were an epitome of Tertullian's work, most persons being igno-
rant of which, deem the same to be Cyprian's." De Vir. Illust., Opp.,
Vol. 2, col. 911.
The work published by Jackson is probably the one referred to by
Rufinus, for though it gives the Holy Spirit the prominence of a distinct
chapter (C. 29), yet it ignores its personality, a fact not remarkable in
the earlier days of Christianity. Jerome had evidently no certain knowl-
edge concerning it, and seems to have been prompted in some of his re-
marks chiefly by the desire of finding fault with Rufinus. It can as little
have been an epitome of Tertullian's opinions, or of any work of his, as
it can have originated with him. I doubt whether it be Novatian's, for it
treats the punishments of God as intended for man's improvement (p. 41,
Jackson's edit.), a view which, though possible, is very improbable in such
a disciplinarian as Novatian appears to have been.
NOTE P.] FURTHER REMARKS ON XXII. 5. 1C3
The other document above alluded to may be found at the
close of the common English editions of Josephus, as trans-
lated by Whiston under the title ^ Josephus's Discourse to the
Greeks concerning Hades." The Greek text of this will be
found in Humphrey's " Apologeticks of Athenagoras," pp.
802 - 807. It appears also in a briefer form, corresponding
to the first four fifths of Whiston's translation, in the Ap-
pendix to Havercamp's Josephus, pp. 145-147. Its first
four sections are stated to be an extract. 2 The heading of
this is : u CONCERNING HADES in which are contained the souls
of the. just and the unjust ," and the remainder is an ex-
hortation based thereon. The extract is professedly w by
Josephus, 8 from the 'DISCOURSE AGAINST GREEKS,' in ac-
cordance with Plato, 4 ' CONCERNING THE CAUSE OF THE UNI-
VERSE.' "
The extract is Jewish ; the exhortation is by a Christian.
The former says : u Hades is ... a subterranean region, in
which the light of the world does not shine. Since, therefore,
the light does not shine in this region, it must necessarily be
IN PERPETUAL DARKNESS. This region is allotted as a place of
custody for souls. . . . The just . . . are now detained in
Hades, but not in the same place as the unjust. . . . The
just being led with lights . . . are brought to a region
<f>(DT<-Lvov [artificially?] lighted where the just from the be-
ginning have dwelt."
The Christian writer who quotes this accepts ( 5, Hum-
phrey's Athenagoras, p. 304) its view of Hades as a place ' 6 in
which the souls of all are detained until a time determined
by God."
The Jewish document is probably coeval with, or earlier
2 Section 5 begins: "This [previously quoted] is the Discourse con-
cerning Hades."
8 "BY JOSEPHUS" formed, I think, no part of the original heading.
There is in Josephus, Antiq. 18, 3, 3, an interpolation concerning Jesus,
part of which terms him "a teacher of such men as received the truth
with pleasure." The interpolator, or some one who upheld the passage
as genuine, prefixed the name of Josephus to the present document, and
inserted into its latter portion, after a mention of Christ, the statement :
"Concerning whom WE HAVE ELSEWHERE WRITTEN MORE PARTICU-
LARLY for such as seek the truth." The interpolation of the Antiquities
is first mentioned by Eusebius in the beginning of the fourth century, nor
is the ascription of the present document to Josephus, probably, of earlier
date.
* Two readings occur : /card HAa-rciva and /cari IlXar^os [\67oi']
Compare the latter expression also in the fifth section of the document.
164 APPENDIX. [NOTE o.
than, the Christian era. Valerius Flaccus, writing about
A. D. 70, blends its views and those of a Jewish document
attributed to Sibylla, both of which he combines or confuses
with a conception and phraseology of Virgil. 5
NOTE G. 1
MODERN VIEWS OF THE CLAUSE IN THE CREED, "HE
DESCENDED INTO THE UNDERWORLD."
THAT creed which commonly passes under the name of the
Apostles' contains a clause concerning Christ, that w He de-
scended into the Underworld," or, as it is inappropriately
rendered in the ordinary English version, u He descended into
Hell," and this creed has been adopted into the most widely
5 Virgil says of ./Eneas and his companion, that, on emerging from the
regions of gloom,
" Devenere locos loetos, et amsena vireta
Fortunatorum nemorum, sedesque beatas
(Largior hie campos aether et lumine vestit
Purpureo) solemque suurn, suu sidera norunt."
jEneid, 6,638-641.
which, if isolated, might mean that these individuals " recognized their
own sun and their own stars." Two other lines, however (A^neid, 6,
680, 76-2), imply that these localities had their own sun and stars. In this
sense Claudian (Rapt. Proserpine?, 2, 282-284) understood Virgil.
The Erythraean Verses (cited in Judaism, p. 430) say that the good
are led " into a light and life without care . . . and no one will any more
say, night has come, or morning, . . . for [God] will make one long
day." They also say that on petition of the good, God will remove the
wicked " from the naming fire . . . with no remnant of burn, ... to
the Elysian Plain." Virgil, who repeatedly copied or parodied this doc-
ument (see Judaism, Note A, footnotes 32, 51, 60, 65, 66, 74, 80, 83),
seems to have confused Paradise with the Elysian Plain, and as a result
to have placed sun and stars in the Underworld.
A passage of Flaccus, based probably on the above confusion of locali-
ties by Virgil, seems to borrow its perennial day directly from the Ery-
thraean Verses. It says : " All of whom [previously described] . . . Mer-
cury leads . . . shaking his lamp . . . until they reach . . . the fields,
ubi sol where [is or upon which shines the] sun and [where] the genial
day lasts the whole year." Valer. Flac. 1. 841-845.
1 Referred to on pp. 83, 131.
NOTEG.] MODERN VIEWS. 165
circulated Protestant confessions of faith. But the belief of
those Protestants was, or soon became, irreconcilable with the
only object which the early Christians had assigned to this
descent, that is, with the only conceptions of it entertained by
those who originated the doctrine and who made it an article
of faith.
The Protestants, as has been already remarked, 2 were by
their opposition to the Catholic doctrine of Purgatory, and to
the liberation therefrom through masses or indulgences, led
to give prominence to the idea that no change was possible
after death. This being the case, they could not very well
concede, that, in the case of the Fathers, a change, or transla-
tion, HAD taken place. Equally unnatural would it have been
to accept a ministry to the departed, since the only object
of such a ministry was to change their condition, or to pre-
pare the way for a change in it. A victory over Satan would
be without result, since none were to be liberated by it, and
not only would the same have held true of the Ransom, but
the latter had since the eleventh century come to be regarded
as paid to God.
The Lutherans.
Among the books which the Lutherans regard as confes-
sions or expositions of their faith is the Formula of Concord,
prepared in 1576, the object of which, according to Mosheim,
was "to give peace to the Lutheran Church, and to guard
it against the opinions of the Reformed," that is, of the
Calvinists. 3 It consists of two parts, the Summary View,
and the Thorough Exposition. The numbering of the Arti-
cles corresponds in these two parts, the ninth being, in each
case, CONCERNING CHRIST'S GOING TO HELL.
SUMMARY VIEW. u Article 9. Controversy has been waged
touching this Article among theologians of the Augsburg
Confession, as to when and how the Lord Christ went, as
our simple Christian faith teaches, to Hell; as to whether
this took place before or after his death ; also, whether it
took place as regarded his soul only, or his divine nature
only ; or as to whether it took place with soul and body,
spiritually or bodily. Also as to whether this Article belongs
2 See XII. 2.
8 Mosheim, Ecclesiastical History, Vol. 3, pp. 153, 154, translat. of
Dr. Murdock.
166 APPENDIX. [NOTE a.
to the suffering, or to the royal victory and triumph of
Christ.
66 But since this Article, even as the preceding, cannot be
comprehended by the sense or understanding, but must be
apprehended by faith alone, our unanimous opinion is, that it
is not a subject for discussion, but should only in the simplest
manner be believed and taught, seeing that the blessed Dr.
Luther, in his sermon at Torgau, Anno [15]33, etc., has ex-
plained the said Article in a perfectly Christian manner, pre-
cluded all unprofitable, unnecessary questions, and exhorted
all pious Christians to Christian simplicity of belief.
4t For it is enough to know, that Christ went to Hell, de-
stroyed Hell for all believers, and freed them from the power
of death, Devil, and eternal condemnation to Hell's jaws. 4
But as to how this took place we should spare inquiry until
in the other world, where not alone this, but other things, will
be revealed which we have here simply believed, but could not
comprehend with our blind understanding." 5
The u THOROUGH EXPOSITION " of the same Article is but
a briefer and more definite statement of belief.
[Art. 9.] u OF CHRIST'S GOING TO HELL. And since,
both among the early Christian Fathers and among some of
our own teachers, different expositions have been given of
the Article concerning Christ's going to Hell, we leave it in
the same simplicity of our Christian faith which Dr. Luther
pointed out to us in his sermon concerning Christ's going to
Hell, preached in the castle at Torgau, Anno [15]33, 6 for we
4 Had the term " Hell " been here used in a sense corresponding to
the Underworld, the object of Christ's descent would have corresponded
to that mentioned in XXIII. But in German, as in English, the Un-
derworld was not only translated by the term " Hell," but commonly,
and in the above instance, appears to have been understood as the place
of torment.
6 The original of this may be found in " Concordia Die Symbol!-
schen Buecher der Evang.-Lutherischen Kirche," von F. A. Koethe,
Leipzig, 1830, on pp. 383, 384.
6 A note in the Concordia refers to the " Sechsten jenaischen Theile
[of Luther's works no doubt], p. 76, b. 77 und 78." In Koenig's Lehre
von Christi Hoellenfahrt (pp. 153, 154) is an epitome of this sermon, ac-
cording to which the second point in it appears to have been that Christ
" descended SOUL AND BODY, yet so that his body remained at the same
time in the GRAVE." Luther seems to have held different opinions at
different times, and his irreverence and impetuosity were probably in-
creased by his perplexity when in his exposition of 1 Mos. [c.] 7, he
affirms "that he (the Apostle Peter) blurts out like a madman, or one that
NOTEG.] MODERN VIEWS. 167
confess, ; I believe on the Lord Jesus CHRIST, GOD'S SON, born,
buried, and gone to Hell.' In which, then, we DISCRIMINATE,
as separate articles, the BURIAL of Christ and his GOING TO
HELL, and we believe simply that THE WHOLE PERSON, GOD
and MAN AFTER THE BURIAL, went to Hell, overcame the Devil,
destroyed the power of Hell, and took all his might from the
Devil. But as to how this took place we shall not trouble
ourselves with acute and exalted thoughts, since this article
can equally little as the preceding How Christ is placed at
the right hand of the almighty power and majesty of God
be comprehended with the understanding and the five senses,
but is to be believed alone, and literally held. Thus we ob-
tain the substance of it, and the consolation that neither Hell
nor the Devil can take prisoner nor injure us nor any of those
who believe on Christ." 7
The history of theology presents more instances than the
above, in which an obvious absurdity has been glossed over
with the title of an incomprehensible article of faith ; and in
which the inconsistency has been superadded, of stating that
an idea could not be comprehended, and nevertheless had
been satisfactorily explained.
German and Dutch Calvinists.
The Heidelberg 1 Catechism, published in 1563, is the man-
ual of instruction for the German and Dutch Reformed (or
Calvinist) Churches. Question 44 asks, 6fc Why is there added,
He descended into Hell ? " Answer : "That I may be assured
and wholly comfort myself in this, that my Lord Jesus
Christ, by his inexpressible anguish, pains, terrors, and hellish
agonies, in which he was plunged during all his sufferings, but
especially on the cross, hath delivered me from the anguish
and torments of Hell."
^ A Compendium of the Christian Religion for those who
intend to approach the Holy Supper of the Lord," is at pres-
ent (and was perhaps originally) connected with, or a part of,
the Catechism. Its twentieth Question asks, " What is the
sum of that which God hath promised in the Gospel, and corn-
is possessed (wie ein wahnsinniger oder besessener Mensch), with words
which even at this day we cannot understand." I quote from Koenig,
p. 155, who refers to Luther's works, ed. Lips., Tom. 1, pp. 512, 513.
The reader may think that such a statement would be more applicable
to the above extract from Luther's own .sermon, than to the Apostle.
7 Koethe's Concordia, pp. 484, 485.
168 APrENDIX. [NOTE G.
manded us to believe ? " Answer : " That is comprehended
in the twelve articles of the Catholic Christian Faith, which
are as follows." Here follows the Apostles' Creed divided into
twelve articles, and in the fourth article the clause, " He de-
scended into Hell." Question 32 : ^ What then hath Jesus
Christ done to save us 1 " Answer : ^ He has suffered for us,
was crucified, and died, was buried, and descended into Hell ;
that is, he suffered the torments of Hell, and thus became
obedient to his Father, that he might deliver us from the
temporal and eternal punishment due to sin."
French Calvinists.
Perhaps the name of Calvin might have stood more appro-
priately than French Calvinists at the head of this, since the
only quotation in it will be from him. The Early French Cal-
vinists were, however, devoted to his authority. The quota-
tion is from his Institutes : u But it is not right to omit his
6 descent into Hell,' which is of no small importance towards
the accomplishment of Redemption. 8 ... It was necessary <
for him to contend with the powers of Hell and the horrors
of eternal death ; ... he was made a substitute and surety
for transgressors, and even treated as a criminal himself, to
sustain all the punishments which would have been inflicted
on them, only with this exception, that 'it was not possi-
ble that he should be holden of the pains of death} Therefore
it is no wonder if he be said to have descended into hell, since
he suffered that death which the wrath of God inflicts on
transgressors." 9
Anglican Church.
In the Articles of this Church, the third says : w As Christ
died for us and was buried, so also it is to be believed that he
went down into Hell."
When the Articles were first issued in the year 1552, the
following explanatory clause was connected with the foregoing :
" For his body lay in the sepulchre until his resurrection ;
the spirit which he gave up was with the spirits who were de-
tained in prison, or the lower regions, and preached to them,
as the passage of Peter testifies," etc. 10
8 Institutes, Book 2, c. 16, sect. 8. The citation is from Allen's trans-
lation, Vol. 1, p. 408, Lond., 1838.
9 Ibid., 10, p. 409.
10 See Pearson, Exposit. of the Creed, p. 341, edit. New York, 1844.
NOTEG.] MODERN VIEWS. 169
In the days of Queen Elizabeth, this explanation was
erased, and it is but indirectly that any explanation is else-
where alluded to. The Thirty-fifth Article enumerates certain
homilies as containing ct a godly and wholesome doctrine,"
and appoints them w to be read in churches by the ministers
diligently and distinctly, that they may be understood of the
people," and in the fourteenth of these homilies is a passage,
which, although obscured by declamation and by the mingling
of disconnected ideas, implies a victory won by the Saviour
below. w His death destroyed death and overcame the Devil.
. . . Thus is death swallowed up by Christ's victory, thus is
Hell spoiled forever. If any man doubt of this victory, let
Christ's glorious resurrection declare him the thing. ... If
Christ had the victory of them all [death, sin, the Devil, and
Hell] by the power of his death, and openly proved it by his
most VICTORIOUS AND VALIANT resurrection, . . . why may not
we ... say ... c Where is thy dart, Death ? Where is thy
victory, Hell?'" 12
Whence it would seem that the way of escape for the Sav-
iour had to be opened by his valor in a personal conflict.
Such an association of ideas with the Saviour, though it might
kindle a man's soul in the second or third century, is anything
but pleasant to a Christian of the nineteenth.
The Westminster Confession.
The above-named Confession, with the Larger and Shorter
Catechisms appended, represents, or is regarded as represent-
ing, the belief of influential denominations in England and
the United States. The Apostles' Creed appears at the end of
the Shorter Catechism, and to the clause " He descended into
hell," is appended the following explanatory note : u That is,
continued in the state of the dead, and under the power of
death, until the third day." 18
If we ask what is meant by this explanation, we find that
11 See Burnet's History of the Reformation, Vol. 1, p. 626, edit. New
York, 1843.
12 Homilies, pp. 387, 388, edit. Philadelphia, 1844.
13 This explanation appears also in the answer to Question 50 of the
Larger Catechism. "Christ's humiliation after death consisted in being
buried and continuing in the state of the dead, and under the power of
death, until the third day, which hath been otherwise expressed in these
words : ' He descended into Hell.' "
170 APPENDIX. [NOTEG
the Confession denies any one state for all the dead, affirming
that there are two states, Heaven and Hell, and that " be-
sides these two places for souls separated from their bodies
the Scripture acknowledgeth none." 14 And to these two states
respectively we are informed that the good and wicked go at
death. 15 Concerning the good it is said, w The communion in
glory with Christ which the members of the invisible Church
enjoy IMMEDIATELY AFTER DEATH is that their souls are then
. . . received into the highest (?) heaven." 16 If we now ask into
which of these states Christ went, hell can hardly have been
intended as his abode after death, else would any explanatory
note have been unnecessary. Let us substitute for this note,
therefore, the expressed condition of the RIGHTEOUS dead, and
the clause with its note will read, " He descended into Hell,"
" That is, immediately after death was received into the
highest heavens."
Such an incongruity cannot have been intentional. It
strikingly betrays the perplexity of those who fell into it, as
also their willingness to conceal that perplexity by the use of
language which in their system was meaningless.
Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States of America.
The Articles of this Church, as established in 1801, are
simply a revised issue of the Anglican ones. Article III.
states, w IT is TO BE BELIEVED that he (Christ) went down into
Hell," and as a prerequisite to baptism, the candidate or
sponsor is obliged to assent to the questions, w Dost thou be-
lieve all the Articles of the Christian Faith as contained in
the Apostles' Creed ? " and u Wilt thou be baptized in this
faith 1 " But over the Apostles' Creed stands the direction,
u Any churches may omit the words, ' He descended into
Hell 5 " j implying, as would appear, that IT NEED NOT BE
BELIEVED.
Article XXXV., on the Homilies, is copied, with a note,
which u suspends the order for the reading of said Homilies in
churches until a revision of them may be made, for the clear-
ing of them as well from obsolete words and phrases as from
14 Confession of Faith, c. 32, 1.
15 Ibid, and Larger Catechism, Answer to Question 86.
16 Larger Catechism, Answer to Question 86. By comparing the ex-
tract from Justin in XXII. 2, it will appear that the standard of
Orthodoxy had undergone a change.
NOTEH.] THE SIBYLLINE ORACLES. 171
local references " ; but the note states that " this Article is
received into this Church so far as it declares the books of
Homilies to be an explication of Christian doctrine, and instruc-
tive in piety and morals." This would seem to indorse the
doctrine of the Homilies, that Christ had to fight his way out
of SATAN'S dominions. But over the Apostles' Creed is stated,
that the words, w He went into the place of departed spirits,"
are considered as words u of the same meaning [with those in]
the Creed," and one of the prayers in the burial-service is
addressed to " Almighty God, with whom . . . the souls of
the faithful, after they are delivered from the burden of the
flesh, are in joy and felicity," implying, apparently, when
taken together, that the Saviour was not in the dominions of
Satan, but with God.
Concluding Remark.
Would it not be more to the credit of Christians, if, instead
of retaining as a part of their creed, and endeavoring to ex-
plain the above clause, they were candidly to admit, that it
originated in the now untenable idea of an Underworld ; and
that, so far from being a necessary article of faith, it is a tenet
which every intelligent Christian, who does not wish to make
a mockery of Christianity or to trifle with his own candor,
ought to recoil from subscribing or uttering?
NOTE H. 1
SIBYLLINE ORACLES.
IN the Argument for the Gospels ( XXV.) I have quoted
the First and Eighth Books of the Sibylline Oracles. Bleek
and Luecke 2 regard the First and Second Books as belonging,
not to the period discussed in this Essay, but to the middle of
the fifth century, a supposition so strongly contradicted by
their general contents, that Luecke's acceptance of it seems
singular. 8 One cause of such a supposition may have been a
1 Referred to on p. 136.
2 See Luecke, Einleit. in die Offenbar., Vol. 1, p. 268.
8 The first book consists, with its heading, of 407 lines, whereof 330
172 APPENDIX. [NOTE i.
mention of the Holy Virgin, Book 1, line 365 (or 359), p. 183,
where it must be an error of transcription. The parallel line
(Book 8, line 292, p. 737), from which, however, this may
originally have differed, reads, in the same connection w hope
of the peoples (eAirtSa Aaeov)." To the foregoing error has
been aclded a misinterpretation of Book 2, line 312, which
needs a word of explanation. The Fathers, borrowing per-
haps from the Jews, regarded Eve as a virgin until after her
expulsion from Paradise. She was a virgin, therefore, at the
date of her temptation. The author of the Sibylline frag-
ment in which the above line is found, seems to have held,
with the Millenarians, that the Judgment was to supervene
seven thousand years after the creation, and states that God
w gave seven ages as a time of repentance to men who had
been led astray by an unpolluted Virgin," (p. 289). The
allusion is to Eve, not to the Virgin Mary.
NOTE I.
HOMILIES ON LUKE.
ORIGEN wrote (see Indirect Testimony, Note L, footnote 23)
FIVE homilies on Luke which must, like his other works, have
been in Greek, since Jerome thought of translating them.
The thirty-nine homilies on that evangelist now published
in Origen's works 1 bear unmistakable evidence of having been
composed in Latin, 2 though by a writer familiar with Alexan-
are so far from being marked by the Catholicism of the fifth century, that
they contain no allusion to Christianity. They are probably from a Jew.
The remaining 77 are Christian, probably of the third century. See,
touching the Sibylline Oracles, Judaism at Rome, Note A of the Ap-
pendix.
1 They may be found in Origen's works, Vol. 3, pp. 932-979 edit,
de la Rue ; 5,85- 236 edit. Lommatzsch ; also in Jerome's works, edit.
Vallars. 7, cols. 247 - 366. Twenty of these homilies deal with the first
two chapters and nineteen with the remainder of the Gospel.
2 " Moses said : ' I am &\oyos, 9 which, though a LATIN would have
expressed it otherwise, can nevertheless be appropriately translated ' void
of speech' or [else] 'of reason.'" Horn. 5, Opp. 3, 937 B. (5, 101).
" This virtue ... by them is called arv<f>ia or /ier/oior^s. But we by
a periphrasis can call it, ' when any one is not puffed up but humbles
NOTE L] HOMILIES ON LUKE. 173
drine ideas. Passages in them favor the view that they were
written later than Origen's time, 8 and one statement fairly im-
plies that they originated after the establishment of Christian-
ity under Constantino. 4
himself.'" Horn. 3, Opp. 3, 941 C. (5, 114). "God therefore is asked
that for a little while they may be turned into stones. The Greek lan-
guage utters this more expressively, d7roAt0w0et?7<rcu'." Horn. 22, Opp.
3, 959 C. (5, 172). The following two may also indicate a Latin original
but are less conclusive. " * Hail, favored one ! ' which in Greek is ex-
pressed by Kexa/HTWyu6>7;." Horn. 6, Opp. 3, 939 A. (5, 106). "'When
thou (/oest with thy adversary to [a] judge. 9 He does not put judge with
the article [preceding] lest he should seem to designate a particular one,
but without the article ... [a distinction] which AMONG GREEKS is
more intelligible." Horn. 35, Opp. 3, 974 A. (5, 220).
3 "So many ages have passed by and such innumerable years from
that time [when John the Baptist taught] until the present day." Horn.
23, Opp. 3, 959 F. (5, 173). "Conventicles of Christians are gathered
in omni orbe throughout the whole world." Horn. 12, Opp. 3, 946 D.
(5, 128). "Jesus teaches in toto orbe throughout the whole world."
Horn. 32; Opp. 3, 970 C. (5, 206). Compare the remark, "There will
be a time when the people of the Jews will say, . . . 'what thou hast
shown universo orbi to the whole world show also to us.' " Horn. 33;
Opp. 3, 971 C. (5,209-210).
4 " Who [of us] was not incredulous of [receiving] justice ! [of us]
who now propter Christum because of [dominant] Christianity have jus-
tice, and pursue justice." Horn. 7; Opp. 3, 940 A. (5, 110).
INDEX I.
QUOTATIONS FROM SCEIPTUEE.
Judaism at Rome is designated by J, Indirect Testimony by I, and Underworld Mission
by U, prefixed to the paging.
Page
Genesis 1, 1-27 J37, 38,
565
1.2 ... J568
1,3 ... J 70
1, 7, 8, 14, 20 21.
24 27,31 . J569
Page
Ps. 24,1-5 ... J 23
24,7,8 . . TJ94.156
30, 3 . . . . TJ 44
30,4,5 ... J 23
32, 6 .... J 50
34, 8 . . . . J 230
Page
Prov. 18,22 . . . J375
19, i4, 22 . . J375
21,3 .... J438
23,22,25 . . J375
24, 26; 31, 28 J375
Ecc. 3, 11. . . . J565
1,26 . . . 1195
2, 24 . . . J569
9, 4 ... I 46
22 1 TT 6
40, 6 .... J 392
45, 3. ... I 41
49,14,15 . . U 36
50 1 . . TJ 150
5,1 .... J392
12,12 . . . J382
12, 13 . . . J 24
Is. 1 3 . ... TJ146
46| 3, 4 '. '. U 24
49, 10, 11 . I 22
Exod. 3, 2, 4. . J45. 46
3,2,6 . . TJ146
?, 2, 6, 14, 15 I 191
, 20. 21 . . J 264
16, 4 ... U 6
19, 10, 11 . U 47
20, 20 . . U 6
23,20,21 . TJ147
23,20,21,23 J349,
350
24, 7 ... U 59
31,16,17 . I 43
33,20 . . J575
Lev. 17, 14 .. U 88
50^3 . . . J44,45
50, 7-17 ... J 22
50,9,12 . . J392
51,17J437,438;TJ 86
68,5 .... J 52
68, 18 TJ 33, 51, 67, 95
71,20. ... TJ 34
77,16 . . . TJ 34
82,2-4 ... J 22
82,6,7. TJ 150, 151
86,13 . . . U 34
88,4,5 . . TJ35.92
90,4. . . . J37
94, 9 .... J 58
96, 10 ... TJ 71
97, 1 .... TJ 71
1,10-18 ... J 22
l)ll . . . . J392
1,13 .... I 12
2*3 .... I 81
l3, 10. . . . J261
14,12. . . . J570
14, 14 ... U 59
14 16 ... J501
34, 4 . . . . J261
40,6. . . . TJ123
40,22 ... J373
42,6,7 . . TJ94.95
44 6. . . . 1193
45, 1, 2 . . . TJ 36
49, 2 . . . . J260
49, 8, 9 . . TJ 13
19, 9-18,32-37 J 2], 22
Deut. 4, 24 . . J 45
10, 7-19 . . J 22
13,1-3 . . U 6
32, 22 . . J 44
34,5,6 . . J393
1 Sam. 24, 1 . . J 48
1 Chron. 21, 1 . J 48
97,5. . . . J570
103,8 ... J 23
103,13 ... J 53
104,1,2,24 . J373
104,32 . . . J570
105, 15 ... U 63
106,20 ... J 50
107, 10, 14, 16 TJ 36
53, 2 .... I 39
53,3,4 . . . I 40
53,12 ... I 57
66,1 . . . . J338
Spurious . . TJ (28), 37
(43,53)
Jer. 7,22,23 .J 391, 392
lrf,l. ... U 45
Job 28, 22 (?) . TJ 13
28,28 . . J 48
Ps. 2, ^ ... TJ 64
3,4,6 . . TJ 41
3,5 . TJ29,34,35, 44
6,4,5,9 . TT 34
8.3, 4 . . J373
16,10 . U 36, 44, 45
18, 5 . . . . TJ 35
19,1,4,5 . J 373, 374
19, 5 .... I 23
22,4,5 . . TJ34, 40
22, 6 .... I 89
119, 33, 34 . . J 23
139,8 . . . J571
141,2 . . . J438
146,5-9. . . J 23
Pror. 1.8. . . . J375
1, 20-30 ... J 49
2,2-6. . . . J 49
3,12 .... J 53
8,1-8 ... J 49
8.13 .... J 29
l6, 31 . . .J48,49
12,25. . . . J375
14, 9 . . . . J 50
1, 9 .... J 53
1,31, 32 .. I 66
Spurious TJ(28), 37, 38,
39 (43, 53)
Lam. 4, 20 . . . J355
Ezek. 20. 12 ... I 43
31, 4^. . . J 501, 502
38,19,20 . . J260
43,2 . . . . J260
Dan. 7,9 . . . J 260, 487
7,13 .... J260
7,25 .... J261
10, 5, 6, 11, 12 J 260
22,11-13 . TJ65.66
15,1,17. . . J375
Hos. 6,2 . . TJ 33, 43, 44
176
INDEX I.
Page
Page
Page
Hos. 6, 6 . . . J 392
Luke 2, 11 . . I 60
Acts 24, 5 , . J319
13,14 . TT33, 43
2, 39 . . . . I 201
26,27 . . . J237
14,5,7 . . J373
6, 15, 16 . . . I 158
26,28 . J319; 155
Joel 2, 10, 31 . J 261
9, 35 . . . . J 333
Rom. 1, 18 . . . J 467
Amos 3, 6 . . . J 47
10, 20 ... I 205
2, 14 . . . . U 12
5,21-25 . . J391
10,22 J333; 174,147
2, 22 . . J 33
Micah6, 6-8. J 21, 392
11, 21, 22 . . U 66
4,6-9. . . . J467
Nahuml.5 . . J 45
16,29 . . . U122
4, 9, 10 . I 11
Zech. 4,2. . . J260
18,34 ... TJ137
5,14 . . . TJ61,62
11. 12, 13 . 1 112
18,39. . . . U145
12, 1 . . . 1785,86
Mai. 1,8,13,14 J 392, 393
20,37,38 . . I 31
13,1-7 . . J 237, 238
3, 1, 2 . . J 45
21,12 ... I 78
14, 3, 5, 14, 23 19
3,8-10 . . J393
22,37 ... I 67
14, 9 . U 30
4,1 .. . J 45
22, 70 . . . J333
14,20. . . . I 28
Matt. 1,1-20. . 1202
23,2 . . . . I 60
1 Cor. 1. 22 ... I 67
3,7 .. . 1156
4,, 3, 4 . U80, 81
23,43 . U 110, 138
23,42,43 U 138, 139
2, 7, 8 . U 78, 79-80
4,9 .... I 62
5, 9, 19 . . J 458
23,46 ... it 88
6, 17 .... U 89
5,25 . . U100
24,11 ... I 90
7,21 .... I 64
5,26 . . TJ 99
24,13,15 . .190,91
8,1-11 ... I 9
6,28,29. . J373
24,32 ... I 38
9, 21 . . . . J 468
6,30 . . TJ123
24,36 ... I 91
9, 24-26 ... I 62
8, 11 . . U 27
John 1, 1-3, 14 . . I 200
10,25-28 ..19
8,29 . . U 80
1, 12, 13 . . . J 256
15,26 ... U 62
9, 16 . . J 333
1,17 . . . . I 61
15,32 ... I 62
l6, 3 . .1 158
1, 21 . . . . J 117
15, 41 . . . J 373
10, 22 23 . I 78
1,25 .... I 48
15,50 ... U125
10,28 . . TJ123
3, 25, 26 . . . I 49
15,52 . . . TJ 30
11,23. . . U 6
4,3 .. 149; TJ 55
15, 54, 55 . U 72, 169
11, 25 . . I 163
5,39,46,47 . I 38
16,8, 9 . . . J257
11, 27 . . U 4
8,56 . . . . U 22
2 Cor. 3, 7 . . 1762,63
12,29 . TT66, 71
9, 22 .... I 60
4,4 J 333, 334 ;U 4, 59
12,40 . TJ2,138
9,31 .... J 24
6, 14, 15 . . . J 137
12,48 . J333; TJ7
10,18. ... U 35
12, 2 .... U 153
13, 55 . . J381
14,2 . . . . TJ104
12, 7,8 . . . TJ106
19, 4 . . . J565
15,20. ... I 78
Galat. 1, 6 ... J 239
19, 17 . . U 40
16, 2 .... I 78
2,1-5 . . . 19,10
20,28 . . U 16
17, 3 . . . . I 60
2, 9 . . . . J 256
21,13 . J33, 34, 458
20,1,14,18 . I 90
2, 11-13 ... I 11
22,32 . 181; TJ 24
20, 19, 27 .. I 91
4, 9, 10 ... I 12
23,15 . . J159
See also 1 93-102
5, 6; 6, 15. . I 9
23,16,18 J34, 35
Acts 2, 22-31 . . U 48-49
Eph. 1, 18-21 . . TJ 84
24,36 . . I 80
2,23 . . . . J468
2, 2 .... TJ 59
26, 37 . . U 64
2, 24 . . . . TJ168
3,2-10 . .J 248, 249
26, 38 . U 65, 80
7, 48 .... J 34
3, 9, 10 . . . TJ 84
27,1-11. .189,90
27,15-20 . I 87
9,43 .... J381
10,1,35. . . J471
4, 7-11 . TJ11. 22, 23,
31,51,67
27,23-26 . I 88
10,6,32. . . J381
4, 8 .... TJ 96
27,51-54; 88;TJ50
10,22,35 . . J 24
6, 5 .... I 64
27,52 . TJ14, 15, 33
27,59-28, 188,89
13,16,26,43,50 J471
13,32-37 . TJ45.51
6,12 . 162; TJ64,74
Phil. 1, 1 .... 1 213
28,10-16 . I 89
16,1,6,7 . . J257
1, 12, 13 . . . J 248
28,19,20 149,91
16,14 . . . J471
2,7,8 . . . TJ 66
Mark 2, 21 . . J333
3, 18 . . . 1158
16,17 . .J 231, 232
16,21,30,37 . J232
2,8-11 . . TJ30, 84
3, 13, 14 ... I 62
3, 33 . . . U 7
17, 1-3 ... U 51
Col. 2, 16, 17 . . I 12
6, 20 . . . 1154
17,4,17. . . J471
3, 22 .... I 64
7,18,19. . J393
9, 41 . . . I 60
17, 5-7,11, 18, 20 J 233
17. 22-24, 29 . J 43
4,1 .... I 64
IThess. 2, 16 . . J236
10, 48 . . J358
17,23 . . J233.234
4,10-12 . . J237
12,26,27 . I 31
18,1-3 . . . j-231
4,15-17 . . J 235, 236
13,32 . . I 80
18,2, 3 . . . J381
54 .... J235
15,28 . . I 57
18, 6,7 . . . J471
5,15 .. . . J237
16,9-20. .190,91
18,13 . . . J234
2 Thess. 2, 1-12 J 236, 503
16,17,18 . 1206
19,9 .... J257
1 Tim. 1.9. . . . J468
Luke 1,1,2 . . 1182
22,12 ... J467
1,19^,20 . . . J250
1,69-71 . TJ93.94
22,16 ... I 50
2,8-10 ... J 29
1, 71, 72, 74, 75 U 94
22,28 . . . J240
2,9,10 ... I 69
QUOTATIONS FEOM SCRIPTUKE.
177
Page
Page
Page
1 Tim. 3, 1, 8 .
1213
1 Pet. 1, 19 . . TJ 86
Jude 14, 15 .
. J483
3,2 . . .
J178
1,23,25. . . TJ152
Rev. 1, 4 . .
. TJ149
3,15 . . .
J250
2,3 ..
. J230
1, 12-17 .
. J260
3,15-1,2 .
I 73
2 18 . .
. I 64
2,2 . .
. J 254
4, 1-3, 7, 8 .
J250
3,3,4 .
. I 69
2,16 . .
. J 259
5,1,2 . .
J376
37 . .
. J376
3, 11 . .
. J 259
5 4 ...
J467
3, 18-20 .
. TJ 48
6,9 . .
. TJ149
5, 9 ...
J178
3, 19, 20 .
. J486
6, 10, 11 .
. J487
6,1 ...
I 64
45-7. .
TJ18, 48
6, 12-14 .
J 260, 261
2 Tim. 1, 15 J251
257, 262
4 16 . .
. I 55
79..
. J472
1, 10-12 . .
J251
58..
. TJ 65
l6 11 ' .
. J472
25 ...
2,8,9 . .
I 63
J251
2 Pet. 2, 4,5.
3,4 ..
J 286, 287
. J259
11,9 . .
13,3 . .
. J472
J 601, 503
2,16,19. . J 250, 251
3,1-9. . .J 249, 250
3 6,7 .
3, 7, 10, 12,
. J 56
13 J485,
13, 11 .
14, 13, 20
. J266
. J487
4,14,15. .J 251, 381
Titus 1,5-7 . JUS; 1213
3, 7, 12, 13
486
. I 36
16, 12 .
17, 8, 11
. J487
J 490. 499
2,9 ...
I 64
38
. J 37
17, 16 .
. ^472
Heb. 1, 7 . . .
J 46
3, 13 . .
. J 57
18, 6 . .
J 268, 270
1, 13 ; 2, 4 .
I 91
1 John 2, 18 .
. J137
18,6.24.
. J292
2,14,15. tH
0, 67, 98
2, 23 . .
. J255
18 26 .
. J487
57. . .
TJ 80
4, 3 . .
. J137
19, 5 . .
. J471
8 8, 9 . .
I 66
2 John, verse 7
. J137
20, 4 . .
TJ149
10,5,8 . .
TJ 85
3 John, verses 5
8 . J255
20, 5 . .
. J572
12,1. . .
I 62
9-10 . .
. J254
20, 13 .
. J488
James 1,13,14 .
J 48
Epistles .
198-102
21,1,3,4,23. J488
2, 6, 7 . .
J252
Jude6, 7 . .
. TJ17
22 7, 10,12,20 J259
lPet.1,1. . .
TJ 96
6,12,13 .
. J484
22,18,19 . . J488
1,18,19. .
TJ 87
12
INDEX II.
CITATIONS FEOM ANCIENT AUTHOKS.
Judaism at Rome is designated by J, Indirect Testimony by I, and Underworld Mission
by U, prefixed to the paging.
ACTS OP PILATE, 2
Page
J 462
I 90
15 ....
Also I 5, 107-142
ADUMBRATIONS ON JUDE,
TJ 17
ADUMBRATIONS ON PETER,
TJ 86
ANDROCYDES . . . TJ 22
ANTIPATER OP TARSUS J 4
ANTONINE, MARC, Letter
of ... J 36
de Rebus, 11, 3 . J 361
Pseudo ... 1 167, 168
APOSTOL. CONSTITUT.
7, 23 .... I 45
ARISTOTLE, PSEUDO,
de Mirabil. Auscul-
tat J 403
ARISTOTLE, de Ooelo,
1,9 . . . J368
ARNOBIUS, adv. Gentes,
1,1
1,27
1 57
2,4
2,13
2,53
2,63
2,73
2,78
37
5,5
ASCENSION OP ISAIAH,
2,4
2,9 .
3, 12-25
3,18 .
42 .
4, 2-14
4,21 .
7,9 .
7,9-12
8,7 .
8,24 .
9,5,40 .
. I 18
I 14
I 1
TJ114
TJ160
TJ114
TJ 32
J 542
TJ115
J 95
J 398
I 20
TJ 86
TJ 58
. TJ113
1169,170
. ^472
. TJ 58
t99, 500
TJ 36
U 59
I 170
TJ146
TJ 25
I 170
Page
9,7,8 . . . U 53
9 lM8 ... I 171
9, 16, 17 . TJ 53, 54, 113
10, 8-10, 14. 15 TJ 83
10,29-31 . U59,60
11, 2-15 ... I 171
11,16 . . . TJ 81
11 18-22 . 1 17JL 172
11,23 . . . TJ 84
11, 41-43 . . I 170
ATHENAGORAS, Supplicat.
7,9 . . . I 73
8 I 196
10 I 196
de Resurrect. 1 TJ 157
AUGI^TINE, Epist. 54 I 161
de Civitate Dei,
6, 10, 11 . . J 226, 228
20.19 . . J 503, 504
cont. Faustum,
33, 1 . . . . TJ 13
33,1,2,3 . TJ 27-28
BARNABAS, Epistle,
5 TJ 10
5 (4, 10) . . . TJ 29
7(6,3,5) . . TJ 86
14 (12, 20-22) TJ 94, 95
15 . . . J 38, 70, 118
15(13,3-6) . I 32
15(13,10) . . TJ 77
18, 19 (14, 3, 5, 6)
TJ118
BARUCH, 4, 36, 37 . I 33
6, 63 . . . . J 570
OESAR, de Bello Gallico,
6, 27 . . . . TJ vi
CAPITOLINUS,
Antonin. Pius,
5,6 . . . . J564
9 . . . . J 81, 360
M. Antonin.
13 .... J 545, 564
22 ^362
CASSIAN, Collationes,
21.20 . . . TJ 78
CELSUS I 40
CE.NSORINUS, de Die Natali.
17 .... J 119, 120
Page
CHRONICON PASCHALE J 81
CHRYSOSTOM,
Horn. 2, 29 . . TJ 77
CICERO,
de Invent. Rhet.
2, 17 . . . J 481
de Partit. Orat.
22 J 448
pro Flacco, 28 . J 148, 149
pro Plane. S3 . . J 448
Paradoxa Stoic.
4,5,6. . . J49,50
de Finibus,
4, 7 .... J 49
Tuscul. Quaest.
4. 19 . . . . J 568
de Nat. Deor.
1, 18 . . . . J 436
1, 30 J 142 ; 1 15, 81
1,43-46 . . J 388
1, 46-48 . J 43, 44
1,111. . . I 15
2, 12 . . . J 573
2, 88 . . . J 59
3, 36 . . . J 18
3, 94 . J 64 ; 1 15
de Divinat.
1,2 . . . J 39
1,8 . . . J 61
1, 18 . . . J 147
1,37,38 .J 157, 158
1, 82 . . . J 62
1. Ill . . J 435, 436
2, 75, 76 . . J 155
2 82, 83 . . J 291
2,86 . . . J 62
2,110,111,112 J415,
437
Scipio's Dream, 3 . J 150
de Legibus,
1,6 . . . . J 174
2,8 . . . J6,448
ad Atticum,
5,20 .... J 86
ad Fratrem,
1.1 J 30, 72, 147, 148
dol
1. 2 .... J 148
CITATIONS FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS.
179
Page
CICERO, QUIOTUS J 55, 56, 72
CLEANTHES,
Hymn,
11. 2, 12-14, 20 . J 50
15-19 ... J48,51
22-24,35,36 . J 51
OLE \RCHUS. J382 383
Page
COHORTATIO AD GR^ECOS,
11 . . . J 169\ 464
13 .... J 347
14 . . J 463 ; I 67
15 J 337, 338 ; 1 179
16 . . . J 405, 422
18 . J 337
Page
45,1 ... J146
47, 15 . . J 157, 542
54,6. ... j-542
54, 15 J 68, 161, 162_,
54, 16 . . J 169, 170
54 17 J 165
21 . . .1 193
54 26 J 69 162
2, 17 . I 34
22 J 464
54* 31 " j 517
3 3 7 37 J 358 359
24 J 464
55 7 I 82
37 . I 194
35 . U 119
55* 22 ' J 176
8,13,18. . J 46
8,20 ... I 24
11,10 . . U 61
11,12 . . I 29
12,14 . . TJ126
16, 15, 16 J 359 ; 1 194
17,10 . . . U126
CLEMENTINE RECOGNITIONS,
8, 48, 51 . . . J 362
CLEMENT OP ALEXANDRIA,
Protrept. 2 . . . I 81
3, 58, 85, 90, 108 J 460
75 . . . . J 341
37 . . . . J 405, 449
38 J 341, 405, 426, 441
COMMODIANUS, Instruct.
6, 2, 3 . J 500
6, 13 . . I 37
8, 8, 9 . I 20, 37
24,11-14 J 15
37,1-13 J 15
41 .... J 501
CONSTANTINE, Edicts Of,
I 45
CORPUS JURIS CIVILIS,
Digesta, 1, 2, 2, 47,
57,5. . . . J182
57, 7 . . . . J 509
57,8. . . . J513
57, 9 J 7, 505, 506, 518
57,10 . .J 510, 511
57, 11 J 509, 512
57,12 . . . J519
57,13 . . . J509
57, 14 ... J 74
57,17 J 510, 511,516
57, 18 . . J 188, 193
57,19 ... J 8
57,20 ... J526
87, 123 . . . J 230
122 J 463
J 163, 171, 172
Codex Justinianus,
58, 3 . . . . J 523
58, 8 . . . . J 518
Psedag.
1, 44 . . . . J 230
1 53 J460 461
3,12 .... I 45
COUNCIL OP GANQRA,
18 .... TJ 77
58,10 . . . J525
58,11 . .J 526, 538
58 12 . J527 528
2, 99 . . ! J 407, 408
3,25 .... I 47
Strom.
1,18,80 ... I 66
1 44 TJ 81
COUNCIL OP LAODICEA,
29 I 45
COUNCIL OP NICE, 20 U 77
CYPRIAN, Epistola 73 U 161
86 U 86
58,13 . . . J527
58,14 . . . J532
58,15,16 . . J528
58,16 ... J527
58 17 . J535
1,64,72,87,101 I 67
1,67 . . 168; U 25
1, 70, 72 . . . J 383
1,108. . . . J440
2, 18 . . . . J 230
2, 43 .... U 12
2, 45 . . . . J 465
2, 53 . . . . J 461
2,110 ... U 93
3, 92 . . . . I 188
4, 69 . . . . J 461
4,174. ... J 44
5,9 .... J 44
5, 67 . . . . J 230
5, 68 . . . . J 461
5, 77 . ... J 43
6,41,42. . . J 475
6, 41, 66, 67, 156,
159 .!. '. I 66
6, 43 . . . J 426, 459
6,44 . . . U 12-14
Testimonia adv. Ju-
daeos,
2, 24 . . . . TJ 72
2,24,25 . . TJ 44
2, 25 . . . . U 47
2, 27 .... U 18
3,58 .... TJ 72
de Idol. Vanitate,
14 TJ 72
de Habitu Virginum,
17 ... U160,161
de Mortalitate,
26 ... . TJ 115, 160
ad Demetrianum,
25, 26 . . . . TJ 115
26 U 96
DE MONARCHIC
2,3,4 . J 338, 339, 340
6 J 341
DE MORTE CLAUDE LUDUS,
8 .... J 42
58,18 ... J537
58, 20 . . J 110, 111
58,21 J 479, 520, 521.
53l
58,23 . . . J533
58,24 o . . J530
59,4. . . J9.215
59, 5 . . o . J 200
59,6. . . J9,211
59,9. . . . J213
59, 10 ... J 103
59,12 ... J203
59, 13 J 207, 208
59,16 J 206, 208, 534
59,17 ... J139
59 19 ... J D8
59,21 ... J206
59,21,22 . J 201, 209
59,23 ... J208
59,26 ... J212
59, 29 ... J 210
6,45 . . . . U 98
6, 46 . . TJ 14-15, 29,
159-160
6, 47 . . . . U 15
6, 80 .... I 68
7, 91 . . . . J 461
7,106. J 331; IT 130
CLEMENT OF ROME, Epist.
5 . . U 118
14, 1 . . . . J 215
DE ORATOR. DIALOG.
1, 29 . . J 295, 296
13 .. . J209,210
Dio CASSIUS,
1, p. 14 J 396
1, p. 292 . J 122
37, 17 . J 188
37 18 J 68
60,3 . . . J9, 222
60,4. . J 9, 94, 224
60 6. . . J 222. 223
60,11 . . J224
60,13 ... J 75
60, 15 . . . J 223
60, 16 ... J 241
60,17 . . J 225, 240
60 25 J224
49, 50 . . . U 90, 91
CODEX THEOD.
2,8 .... I 45
40', 47 1 J 542 , 543
41, 14 . J 154
42,26 . J542
81,9 .... J 79
62,18 . . J 243, 247
64,9 . . . J492
180
INDEX II.
Page
Dio CASSIUS,
66, 7 . . . . J 273
66,8. . . . J544
66, 9 ... J 9, 255
Page
ENOCH, BOOK OF.
1,6,12,13 J 485, 486
1,8 ... . J488
2 ... . J483
Page
7, 25 . . . . J 256
8,2 .... J 95
8, 13 . . . . J 462
957 TT 154
66,13 . . J64,55
?, 2, 7 . . . J 484
EVODIUS Epist 98 TT 76
66,14 ... J520
66, 15 J 80, 272, 273,
66,19 ... J274
66,22,23 . J 274, 275
,13-8,8 . . J482
10,1-9,15 J 484, 485
10, 23 ... J 482
12,5-7 . . . J485
14,2-4 ... J485
EXCERPTA THEODOTI; see
Doct. Orient.
FENKSTELLA . . . J 402
FIRMICUS MATERNCS,
24 . U 75
66,23,24 . . J275
67, 1 . . J 277
67, 13 J 55,277 ,278,283
15, 1-7, 8 J 485, 486
15, 6, 7, 8 U 148, 149
16, 5 . . . . J 485
GAIUS, Inst., 1, 55 . J 517
GALLICAKUS, Avid. Cassius,
2 . . . J 325
67,14 . .J 279. 280
68, 1 . . . . J 286
18,14,16 . . J484
21,3. . . . J484
4, 5, 6 . . . . J 361
HERACLEON . U 24
68,2. . . . J 81
68,32 ... J321
68, note 13 . . J 81
69, 12-14 . J 326, 327
?0, 4 . . . . J 360
21,6. . . . J485
47, 2, 4 . . . J 487
50,1. . . . J488
53, 3, 5 . . . J 485
54 6 J 485
HERMAS, Simil.,
9, 3, 12-16 . U 56, 57
9, 16 . . U 112, 149
HERMES TRISMEGISTUS,
I 179-181
1, 6 . . . . J 362
71,29 . . J 81, 361
72,18. . . . J563
72,21 . . . J562
Dio GbRYsosTOM, Orat.
11,4-6 . .J 420, 421
13, 1 . . . J 280, 281
13,12 . . . J455
21,5. . . . J493
23,3,4 . . J 298, 299
32,4. . . . J294
36, 12 ... J 298
45,2. . . . J280
46 1-4 ... J 300
47, 5-8 . . J 300-302
DlODORUS SlCULUS,
4,4 .... J420
DIOGENES LAERTIUS,
Zeno,84. ... J 44
DIOGNETUS, Epistle to,
1, 3, 4, 6 J 462, 465, 474
4 I 13
54,9. . . ! J487
66,4. . . . J485
89,42 ... J489
02, 16, 17 . J 486, 488
96,12,13 . . J489
98,3. ... J487
103,3 ... J487
104,1-3 . . J487
104,7-9 . . J488
105,2 . . . J487
EPICTETUS,
3, 15, 14 . . . J 65
EPIPHANIUS, Heeres.,
29, 9 . . . . I 186
30, 3 . . . . I 186
42,11,72 . . TJ139
64,47 . . . U107
67,2. . U 109, 159
ESDRAS, 2d,
3,14,15. . . J328
3,28,32-36 1J328,
4 23 ... J 329
HESIOD, Theog.
718-720 . . . U 1
HOMER, Iliad,
3, 130 . . J 412
6, 138 . . J 309
7, 358 . . J 309
8, 13-16 . . TT 1
8, 15 . . . U 36
24, 525, 526 . J 309
Odyssey,
6, 46 . . . . J 309
HOMILIES ON LUKE U 79-80,
93-94, 172-173^
Prologue to . . I 189
HORACE, Satires,
1, 3, 80-83 . . J 172
1, 4, 140-143 . J 159
1,9,61-72 J 67, 158,
159
Odes, 1, 25-28 . J 135
Sec. Poem, 11. 42, 61,
62 . . . . J 453
7, 8 .... I 197
DIONYSIUS OP ALEXAN-
DRIA .... J256
5| 26-38 . . J 131, 132
6, 22-28 . . J 327, 328
9, 42, 43 . . . J 131
Epodes,
16, 10-26 . . J 135
16, 25, 26, 31, 33,
DIONTSICS OP HALICAR-
NASSUS, 1, 34 . . J 413
1 38 J152 153
10,32-34 . . J131
11, 1-39, 41 J 132, 133
12 36-41 . . J 134
42-53, 57 . . J 424
IGNATIUS, Martyrdom of,
2 .... J 464
1,49 . . . . ^404
4, 62 . J 398-400, 435
8, 52 . . . . TT 128
DISPUTE OF ARCHELAUS
AND MANES,
30 . . . U 31, 62,63
33 TT 109
14,11 . . J 38, 118
14,15,16 . . I 19
15, 14-19 . . J 328
ETRUSCAN TEACHING J 37, 38
EUSEBIUS,
Prseparatio,
15 18 J 45
Magnes.
9(3,3) . . . I 44
9(3,56) ... U 10
Ephesians, 19 (4, 10)
IREN^US. Cont. Haeres.
1 6' 2 . TJ 106
DOCTRINA ORIENTALIS,
Ecc. Hist.
1,5,4 . . . TT 64
5 TT 82
1,13 ... U 73
1, 7, 1 . . TT 124
18 . . . . U21,22
87 . . . . TT 25, 123
51 ... .U106, 123
61 U 82
1, 13 I 40, 149, 150,
158-161
3, 37 . . I 184
3, 39 1 31, 32, 203
1 10, 1 . . I 194
1,27,3 . . TT 5
3, 1, 1 . .1 203
3,6, 1 . . U 150
63 TJ 20
42 . J 322, 323
3, 10, 4 . . TT 21
63,64. . U 124, 125
77 U 93
80 . . . . U 43, 123
ECLOGUE PROPHET ARUM,
53 .... U82.83
4,8 . . J461
4, 26 . J 463, 475
4, 29 . . I 184
5,1 . J335;I63
5, 9, 10 . . I 187
3 11,7 . 1184,185
3, 11, 8 . .1 184
3,18,6 . . TT 68
3, 18, 7 TT 60, 61, 68, 69
3,19,1 . . . TT150
CITATIONS FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS.
181
Page
3,20,4 . . . U 37
3, 23, 1 . . . U 69
3,23,2 . . . TJ 69
3, 23, 6 . . . TJ 70
3, 23, 7 . . . TJ 69
4 6,1 . . . TJ 4
4, 15,1 . . . I 59
4, 16, 1 . . . I 43
4,16,1,2 . . I 13
4,16,2 . . I 59
4, 22, 1 TJ 9, 28, 29, 37,
4, 27, 2 . TJ 9, 57
4, 33, 1 . TJ 37. 43
4, 33, 4 . . TJ 150
4, 33, 11-12 . I 40
4,33,12 . TJ28, 38
5,1,1 . . U 90
5,1,2 . . TJ 90
5,5,1 . . TJ108
5, 9, 1 . . TJ 125
5,13,3 . TJ89, 90
5,21,1 . . TJ 69
5,21,2 . TJ80, 81
5, 21, 3 TJ 69, 70,71,94
5, 25, 2 . . . I 194
5,31,1 TJ34, 38, 115,
5, 31, 2 I 30, 171 ; TJ
23, 117, 123
5,33, 1 . . TJ9, 29
5,33,2,3 . I 32
5, 35, 1 . .1 34
5, 35, 1, 2 . I 33
Fragment . . J 269
ISOCRATES . . J 28, 29
JEROME,
Preface to Daniel J 347
- de Vir. Illust. 2, 3 I 186
8 I 203
12 . I 161
Page
15, 8, 1 . . . J 31
18, 3, 2-4 . . I 153
18, 3, 5 . . . J 189
18, 5, 1-3 . I 154, 155
18, 6, 1 . . . J 112
18,6,4,5 . J 99. 521
18,6,6 . . J 100, 520
18, 6,9 ... J 4
18, 7, 2 . . . J 215
18, 8, 1 . . . J 107
18, 8, 7 . . . J 218
19, 2, 5 . . . J 200
19, 4, 5 . . . J 108
19, 5, 1 . . J 108, 113
19, 7. 2 . . . J 113
19, 7, 3, 5 . . ' J 114
19, 8, 1 . . J 113, 114
20, 8, 11 , . J 463
20, 9, 1 . .1 156, 157
20, 9, 6 . . . J 558
20, 11, 1 . . J 546
Wars,
2, 10, 5 . . . J 220
2, 14, 4 . . J 258, 546
2, 15, 1 . . . J 552
2, 17, 2 . . . J 550
2, 19, 5, 9 . J 249, 547
2, 20, 6 . . . J 553
2, 21, 9 . . . J 556
3,4,1 . . . J553
3, 6, 3 . . J 553. 554
3, 7, 2, 3 . J 554
3, 7, 36 . . . J 549
Page
2,3 . . . . J 473
2,613,27,53; TJ 146
2, 7 .... I 36
2, 13 . . . . J 353
Dialogue, 2, . . I 67, 68
5 . . J352; TJ116
8 .... I 68
10 J 467
10, 11, 21, 23, 27, 43
11 . J 343, 352 ; I 206
14 . I 39, 40
17 . J 473
23 J 343
24 . . I 173
30 TJ 42
35 J 353
39 . . ! . TJ81, 95
41 .. . . TJ 95
43 . . . . J 343, 474
45 TJ 81
48 J357; 1190,192;
TJ145
50, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60
1192
66 . . . .J 351, 352
60 J 352
60, 61 . . . I 192, 193
68 ... J 353
72 .... TJ 39
75 . . . . U 147
80 . I 31, 32 ; TJ 113,
114, 158, 159
91 .. . . J460
92 . . 1 12. 13 ; TJ 8
99 . . . . U 40, 116
100,101 . . TJ34, 40
102 . J 352, 353 ; TJ 41
103 . TJ 41
3, 8, 3 ... J 38
3,8,9 . . . J 560
3,10,1,4,10 . J 558
4, 3, 7 . . . J 553
4, 3, 12 . . . J 558
5,5,1 . . . J 33
6, 2, 1 . . J 558, 559
6, 5, 4 . . . J 550
20, 9, 6 . . . J 558
against Apion,
1,22 . . .J 382, 383
2, 10 . . . . J 247
2, 39 (al. 40) . J 67
JUSTIN MARTYR,
Apology, 1,4. . J 230
1,6 . ... 1190
1, 6, 13 . . J 470, 473
1, 13 . . . . I 190
1, 14 .... I 192
1, 20 . . . . J 459
1,20,57,60 . I 36
1, 24 . . . . J 473
1, 33 . . . . J 355
1, 35 . . . . I 105
1, 44 . . J 166 ; I 67
1, 48 . . . .12,105
1, 55 . . . . J 355
1,61 . 148,49,205:
TJ146
1, 63 1 190, 191 ; TJ 67,
146, 147
1, 66 . . . . I 49
1, 67 .... J 68
22 . . . . I 198
105. . . . TJ41.42
110. . . .J 460, 466
116 J 352
18 I 32
70 . TJ162
122 . ... J 474
123 TJ151
124 TJ 151
cont. Pelag. 3 . . I 186
Epist. 69 ad Ocea-
num .... I 214
Comment, ad Tit. I 214
Comment, in Matt.
12, 13 ... I 186
JOSEPHUS,
Life, 2. ... J 42
3 ... . J 466
126 . ... J 353
127 J 350
130 . . J 353 ; TJ 156
JUVENAL,
Satire,
1, 155-157 . . J 246
3,11-16. . . J 39
6, 186-189 . . J 513
6, 229, 230 .. J 31
6,542-552 . . J 39
13,28,29 . . J 119
14, 96-106 . . J 318
LACTANTIUS,
Div. Inst. 1, 4, 5. J 348
1,6 J 417, 431, 432, 434;
iisd
1, 14 . . . . J 413
2, 11, 16 . . . I 180
4, 2 . . . . J 568
4, 5 .... J 348
4, 6 .... I 201
4| 7 .... J 230
4,5 ... J 547, 552
7 . ... J 548
16 . . J 554
27 J 559
32-34 . J 555, 556, 558
35 J 559
39 J 553
63 ... J 554
65 J 553
67 . . . . . J 557
74 .. . . J 553, 554
Antiquities,
2, Introduct. . J 461
1,8,2 ... J 38
14, 7, 2 . . . J 85
182
INDEX II.
Page
4, 9 . . I 180
4 12 . . U 31
4, 13 . . I 180
Page
26,4. . . . TJ102
28, 2 . . . . J 483
in Lib. I. Regnorum,
Page
6,6 J100, 101, 105,
106
7 J 98
4, 15 . . J 444, 445
2, TJ 16, 30, 114, 122
8 . . . J 381
4, 27 . . TJ 3
Comment. (Select.) in
10 .. J 107
5, 4 . . J 348
625 T 181
Psalmos,
Ps 1 U 159
12-14 .... J 101
jo T ini
7, 4, 13, 18 . I 181
?, 16 . J 136, 459,562
3 . . TJ 29, 30, 34, 35
17 TJ 35
18 . . . . J 101, 102
20 J 106
f !7 ' J502
21 TJ 65
?' 18 ' J ^59 460
33 . . TJ 87
2 T inn
' 20 . . J 426
48 TJ 36
3 J 1<)9
7' 23 . . . J 44
de Ira,
22 . . J402, 426, 433
Death of Persecutors,
2 ... .J 502, 503
LAMPRIAS, de Defect. Orac.
Comment, in Matt.
100 . . . I 41
10, 17 . . I 158
10,18 . . I 169
12,43 I33;TJ50
13, 8 . . TJ 78, 79
7, 8 J 520
20 . . J 98, 220,221
21 .... J 507, 514
28 J 217
29 .... J 215-216
31 . J 215
7 J 290
16,5,6 . . TJ 16
33 J 216
10, 14 . . . . J 288
16, 8 . TJ 88, 89, 91, 92
85 . J 218
16 ... J 288, 289
16, 12 J 357. &58 ; TJ
37 J 98
19 J 43
145
42 J 219-220
29 . J 290
Series Comment, in
45 . J 220
38 J 287
Matthaeum,
PHILOSOPHUMENA,
LAMPRIDIUS, Commodus,
16 J 543
LlVY,
3, 10 . . J 395
5,13. . J 396
l6, 23 J 177, 178
10, 47 . J S96
21, 62 J 396, 397
22, 57 . J 396
29, 10 . J 397
29, 11 . J 398
40, 19 . J 397
40, 29 . J 401
49 . . J 119
LUCAN, Pharsalia,
7,809-815 . . J 55
LUCIAN J 230
No. 90 . . TJ64, 65
Comment, in Joan.
Tom. 1,34. . . U 34
1, 40 . . . . J 351
10, 20 . . . J 262
19, 4 .... TJ 35
32,19 . . . TJ138
Comment in Romanes,
2, 13 . . . . U 88
5.1TJ33, 34,62,73, 76
5,4 . . . . TJ103
5, 10 .... TJ 35
6,6 .... U 60
6, 10 . . . TJ 66, 67
9, 1 .... U 85
de Orat. 15 . . . J 470
cont. Celsum,
1, 21 . . . J44,45
1,22 . . . . TJ152
5, 7 . . . . I 187
8, 9 ; 10, 33 . J 46
9, 10 . . . . J 580
9, 28 . . . . J 44
PLATO, Gorgias,
166-168 ... J572
Thesetetus,
92 J574
Timaeus,
5 J570
10,11,14,15 J 568, 569,
571
9, 12 .... J571
The Banquet,
16 . . J569
LYONS AND VlENNE,
Letter from J 335 ; I 47.
63 ; U 78
MARCUS ANTONINUS,
de Rebus suis, 11 J 361
MARTIAL,
Epigram, 6, 7 . J 31
METHODIUS . . . TJ 107
MINUCIUS FELIX,
Octavius, 18 . . TT146
28 ..... I 27
1, 47 . . . . I 157
2, 13 . . .1 157, 158
2,43 . . . . TJ 32
2,65 . . . . U 30
2, 79 . . . . J 461
3, 50 . . . . J 465
4, 26 . . . . J 465
4,92 . . .'J 461, 468
5, 4, 6 . . J 469, 470
6, 29 . . . . J 469
6,75 . . . .140,41
Laws,
6, 21 . . . . J577
7,8,9,10 . . J577
7,7,14 . . J 576, 577
7,22. . . . J578
8,1 ... J 26, 577
10, 6, 7 . . . J 573
]0, 8. . . J 573, 575
10, 9 . . . . J 574
10, 13 ... J 571
10, 15 J 26, 27, 575,
29 . J 357
6, 77 ... I 41
576
NlCEPHORUS,
7, 46 .... J 70
NOVATIAN ; see Rule of Faith.
ORIGEN,
Fragment . , J 331, 332
in Genes.
15, 5 . . . U 24, 127
in Exodum,
5,2 . . . U 33
7, 1, 3 . J 346
in Leviticum,
7,1,2 . U85, 86
in Numeros
12,4. . . TJ 59
7,54 . . . J 468, 469
8,13,26. . . J470
8, 31, 32 . . J 466
de Principiis,
2,8,1 . . . TJ 88
2,8,2 . . . TJ 88
2,11, 6 . . . TJ104
4,216 . .U 103, 104
OROsius,7,9. . . I 79
ORPHEUS, PSEUDO . I 179
PAPIAS . . . I 31, 32, 203
PAUSANIAS in Phocicis J 439
PHILO, against Flaccus,
1,3 ... J96, 97
de Republica,
2,8 . . . . J 20
. 2, 17 ... J 19, 579
4,5 . . . J18, 19
5,6,7 . . . J578
PLINY, SEN.,
Nat. History,
2,5,1,3,4. . J 11
7,31,4 ... J 12
13,27 . . . J309
28, 5, 2 . . . J 513
28, 5, 4, 5 . . J 19
29,7,1 . . . J 12
29, 8, 1, 2 . J 12, 369
CITATIONS FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS.
183
Page
Page
Page
FLINT, JUN.,
QUEST. ET RESPONS. AD
1, 1-6 . . . . J 412
Epistles,
ORTHODOX.
1,205-206 . . J411
1,6 ... . J312
Respons. 115 .. U 77
1,275-277 . . J411
2, 14 . . . J 287
QUINTILIAN.
1,287-290 J 411, 412
3,3 . J 293, 294
4,1,18,19. . J272
1,293-304 . . J414
3, 11 . . J 283, 284
10,1,91 . . J276
1, 324-400 . I 172-175
4, 3 . . . J313
REFUTAT. OMN. H^ERESIUM.
1,383,384 . . TJ136
4, 22 . . J 292, 293
See Philosophumena.
1, 385, 386 . . TJ137
5, 2 . . . J312
RUFINUS, Prolog. . J 269
2,6-33 . .J 128-125
5, 8. 9 . . J313
RULE OF FAITH .1171,162
2, 34-153 . J 456-45
6,2 .. . J313
SENECA,
2, 50, 51 . . . J 24
6, 20 . . . J275
Nat. Qusest.
2,165-170 . . J239
6, 34 . . . J 314
Preface, 11, 12 J 59
2,214-227 . J 427-428
7,4 .. . J314
2, 32, 2, 3, 6 J 62, 63
2,228-348 . J 428-431
9, 13 . . J 313, 563
2,45,1,2 . J69,60
2,312. . . . U172
9, 17 . . . J 294
3, 29, 2 . . . J 60
2,317-338 . . U164
9, 23 . . J 313, 314
3, 29,3 . . . J 57
3,20 . . . . J 50
10, 28, 29 J 315, 316
10,72 . . J320
3,30,2-7 . J66, 57
6, 1, 1-3, 6-10 J 242,
3,46-59 . . J 120, 121
3,47-50,652-656 1207
10, 85, 86 J 302-304
243
3, 63-92 . . J 138-140
10, 97 . J 315, 317
7,2 .... I 77
3,108,109 . . J119
Panegyric,
de Ira,
3,111-115 . . J413
33,4. . . J278
3, 18, 3-19, 2 J 213,
3,218-247 J 410, 411
34, 3, 4 . J 284, 285
214
3,329. . . . I 79
35, 1 . . . J 285
de Clementia,
3, 337-364 J 122, 123
35,4. . . J274
1,1,5,6 . . J532
3, 419-425 J 419, 420
42,2. . . J320
de Tranquil. An.
3,426-430 . . J420
48,3. . J 281, 282
11,8. . . . J210
3, 551-554 . . J 152
49, 8. . . J 30
11,9 J528
3,556-561 . . J437
52, 4, 5 . . J 285
de Brev. Vitse.
3,573-583 . . J 422
54, 1 . . . J 281
15,5. . . . J 64
3,616-623 .J 422, 423
62,3. . . . J284
ad Polyb. Consolat.
3,652-662 . . J 436
PLUTARCH,
22,3. . . . J227
3,663-701 . . J144
Sertorius,
32,4. . . . J212
3,715-723 . . J423
5 J 121
de Beneflc.
3, 732, 740, 743- ) J 423,
Symposiacon ,
2, 12, 1 . . . J210
760, 766-770 J 424
7 (Preface to) . J 295
3, 16,2 . . . J 81
3,762-765 . . J 426
de Audiend. Poetis,
4 ... . J 309, 310
de Pythise Orac. . J 438
3, 26, 1 ... J 532
3,27 . . . . J451
4, 7, 8 . . J 63, 64
3,771-775 . . J424
3, 776-782,787- [J 424,
790, 793, } 425
de Stoic. Repugnant.
Epistles,
3,808-828 . . J432
6 . . J 43
7,2-7. . . J75, 76
4,1-30 . . J407
38 ... J4, 46, 474
9| 13 . . . J 58
4,24-27 . . J 43
39 .... J47, 60
10, 4,5 . . . J 18
4, 31-39 J 407, 408
de Superstit.
14,13 . . . J 14
4, 115-148 J 496, 497
2-11 . . . J 806-308
16, 1 .... J 49
4,186. . . J467
adv. Stoic.
24, 18 . . . J 61
5, 28-34 J 498, 499
8 J 49
31, 10 . . . J 43
5, 35 . . . J 490
14 ... . J 4
47, 3, 4 . . . J 89
5, 137-178 J 493-496
31 J 46
63,13 . . . J 61
5,149,150 . . J252
de Plac. Philos.
65,24 ... J 60
5, 318 . . . . J 238
1 . . . . J 49
65 26 ... J 61
5, 328-332, 842, 843,
POLYCARP, Martyrdom of,
88', 2 . . . . J 49
J127
3, 9 . . . J 464, 473
89, 7 . . . . J 49
5, 361-385 . . J 497
19 .... J 469
95, 23 ... J 91
5 447-452 . J 323
Epist. to Philippians,
95, 31, 51, 62 . J 82
5,484-503 .' . J324
9 IT 118
95,42 . . . J 92
6, 1-15 . . 1 175, 176
POMPONIUS . . . J 171
95,47 . . . J228
6,16-28 ... 1176
PORPHYRY,
102,22,23. . J 61
7,52,53 . . . J419
de vita Pythagorse,
108,21,22 J 189, 472
7,108-112 .J 121, 122
14 . . . . J38, 39
122, 11 . . . J 511
7,123 . . . J 51
PSALMS OF SOLOMON,
Fragment . J 226, 533,
7, 132-138 . . J 38
4, 7, 8 . . . J330
534
8,4-9. . . . J403
8, 14-16 ... J 329
Pseudo Letters . 1 161-
8,50-67 . .J 129, 130
17,13,16 . . J329
166
8, 68-86 . . . J 498
PSEUDO THADDEUS,
SIBYLLINE ORACLES,
8,88-130 . . J126
U 73
Proem 2, line 48 U 103
8, 131, 132 .. J 127
184
INDEX H.
Page
8, 137-159, I T 197 19Q
169, 170} J127 - L
8 199-205 . . J 118
Page
Tiberius, 7. . . J 517
11 . . J 511, 512, 514
21 . . . J 507
Page
19 ... .J 275, 276
20 ... J 276. 278
21 . J 278
8, 256. 257 . . I 40
26 J 518
23 J 285
8 256-323 I 176-178
27 J 509
de Clar Rhetor
8, 278 . . . . 1 174
28 J505
1 .... J 11 12
8, 292 . . . . TJ 172
8,310. . . . U136
8 324, 325 . . J 443
29-32 . J 67, 74, 75,
508, 509
34 .... J 92
SUIDAS, Lexicon J 38, 168,
360
SCTLPICIUS SEVEEUS Hist
8 324-336 I 179
36 . . J 188
Sacra
8, 390 391 .. J 34
37 . . . . J515
2 28 29 J 503
9 15 18 J416
42 . . . J510
2 29 J 545
9, 144-155 . J419
52 J 183
TACITUS
9,149. . . . J467
9, 163-170 . J 420
53 ... J 514, 529
59 J 513
Annals, 1,1 . . J 506
1 15 J 110
11,173-176 J 151, 152
SIRACH, Prologue to . J 384
61 ... J 524, 526
68 J 510
1.81 ... i J181
1, 42 . J 183
1 14 J" 30
69 J 518
1 48 J 181 182
2, 18 ... J 23
72 J512
1 51 ' J 183
3,2-16 . J 374, 375
4, 14 .... J 50
7 19 . J 375
73 ... J 533, 534
Caligula, 9 . . . J 199
14 J 200
1, 54 .... J 74
1,56 . . . . J183
1 73 J 7 8 515
14, 20 ; 15, 7 . J 50
15,11-20 . . J 48
18 15 17 J 375
15 J 94
16 . . J94, 212, 213
18 J 200
1, 74 . . J 506,' 515
1, 75 . J 480, 505, 511
1 76 J 74 85 180
23* 9 . . J 35
19 . J 205
1*77 ' ' .fl79
26,1,16,17 . J375
28 2-4- ) T
21, 22 . J 204, 221
23 . J 102
1,80 . . . '. J516
1 81 J 110
29,' 2-11 J 27
38, 1-14 ... J 383
42, 7 . . . . J382
43,1,9,11,12 J374
SOLINUS POLYHISTOR, 8,
J 420 440
25 . . J 201, 202
30 ... J 75, 529
31 . . J 203, 204
34 . . . . J203
37 . . J 138, 139
44 J 201
2, 21 . . . . J183
2,43 . . . . J184
2,47,48 . J 510, 511
2,50 . . . . J505
2, 55 . . . . J185
2 69 70 78 J 187
SOLOMON, Wisdom of,
49 J 212
2' 84' ' J 517
7 17 20 J 383 384
53 .. J 203
2 85 'j!88 472
7, 28-30 . J 50
9,1,2 . . J358
10, 8, 9 . . J 50
Claudius, 11 . . J 108
21 J 77
22 . . . . J226
2' 86 ! . J Iflo! 191
2,87 .... J540
3 11 J 538
11, 10 .. J 52, 53
13, 1, 8, 9 . J 58
14 3 . J 47
24 . . . . . J224
25 . . J 87, 223, 229
29 J 214
3, 12 ! . J 111, 112
3, 15, 16 . . . J 193
3 18 J 510
14 29-31 J 35, 457
42 . . J241
3 ' 19 J 194
15,16 . . J 43
15 18 . J 469
Nero, 20, 23, 24 . J 494
40 .. J 491
3,21,74,76 J 513, 514
3 32 J 85
17,2,16,17 J 47, 484
18,15,16 . . J358
SPAETIANUS, Adrian,
7 8 ... . J 81
57 .... J 491, 492
Vespasian,
4 . J 244, 550 ; I 204
5 . . J 203
3,' 52, 53 '. . J 89, 90
3,54 .... J 91
3,55 . . . J89, 90
3 59 J 8
8, 12, 13, 17, 19 J 325
STEABO, Geographica,
6 J271
7 j 544
3,60,63! . . J196
3 70 J 172 481
17 1 43 J 175 433
18 J 273
438 J 538
SUETONIUS,
19 .... J 92
4* 6 7 ' J 506
Caesar, 20, 56 . . J 93
84 . ... J 154
20 . . J 273, 274
Titus. 5 J 272
4, 11 ... J 539
4 15 J508
Augustus,
31 J 165, 166, 169,176
35 J161
6 . . . J271
7 . . J 80, 272
8 . . J 80, 275
4,18 ... J182
4,30 . . . J480
4, 31 J 505, 507, 508
36 . . . J 93
10 .... J 80
4 32 J 514
40 . J 114, 115; I 82
42 ... J 12, 13
Domitian,
3 J278
4,33 ! ! . J541
4, 36 . . . J 478
43 '. . . . J 72-73
44 J 292
8,9. . . J 276, 277
9 . . . I 82
4, 52, 57 . . . J 536
4, 58 J 520
45 . . . . J73, 74
12 J281
4, 62 ... J 74
93 . J 115
13 ... J 278, 279
4, 64 ... J 511
94 ... J 145, 146
16 J280
4, 67 ... J 529
CITATIONS FROM ANCIENT AUTHORS.
185
Page
5,9 . . . J526
5,10 ... J523
5,11 ... J524
6,2 . J 527, 529
6, 3 . J 537, 541
6, 5 . J 532, 533
6,6 . . . J533
6, 12 . J 166, 447
6,22 . . J19, 20
6,23 ... J541
6, 23, 24 . . . J 540
6,25 ... J529
6, 26 . . . J 519
6, 29 J 506, 507, 530
6,32 ... 1156
6,38 ... J536
6,45 . J 511, 521
6, 46 J 509, 510, 515
6,47 ... J531
11,5 ... J478
11, 15 . J 225, 472
11,25 ... J115
12,7,36,37,42 J 140
12, 8 . . . . J227
12,23 . . . J224
12, 43 . . . J 229
12,53 . . . J 88
12, 54 ... J 235
12, 56, 57 . J 77, 78
13,26,27 . . J 87
13,31 ... J 79
13, 32 . . J 87, 88
14,42-45 . . J 88
15,40 . . . J246
15, 44 J 246, 247, 319
15,64 . . . U 87
15, 70 . . . U 87
History,
1,2 . . . . J492
1,3 .... J 19
1,6 . . . . J108
1,10 . . . . J271
1,37 . . . . J108
2,5 . . . . J271
289 . . J 492
Page
20 . . U109
Page
4,19 . . . TJ 7
4,22 ... I 73
4,25 . . . U 4
4, 34 TJ 113, 121, 122
4,43 . . . TJ 43
5, 8 ... U 53
5, 10 . . . . TJ 72
5,11 . . . TJ4,59
5, 12 U 63, 104, 105, 106
5,17 . . . TJ 59
5, 19 . . . U 91, 96
cont. Gnost. Scorp.
7 TJ 53
25 . . . I 15, 30, 36
40 ... I 67
TERTULLIAN,
Apology.
3 . J230
6 .... J280
6 J543
9 . . I 47
16 J 69
17 TJ 146
21 . J 442; 1 1,3, 105
23 .... TJ 74, 75
27 . . . I 19
10 I 56
32 . J 136
adv. Prax. 3 TJ 145, 146
3,4 .... ^357
16 .. J 351 ; I 200
de FugainPersecut.
1 .... TJ 74
10 . . . TJ 74
47 .... TJ108
ad Nat. 1, 7, 8 I 56
2,2 ... I 68
2,12 . . . J413
de Idololat. 1 . I 29
13 .... U122
de Cor. Mil. 3 . U 77, 78
de Poenitentia, 12 TJ 53
de Orat. 18 I 45, 46 ; TJ 77
de Patientia, 5 . . TJ 106
de Cultu Femin.
2, 7 TJ 160
adv. Judseos,
2 .... 143,44
9 . . J350
12 TJ 96
TESTAMENT OF THE TWELVE
PATRIARCHS,
Test. 3 .... TJ 47
10 . . . TJ 42
THEODORET,
Haeret. Tabulae, . TJ 153
1,24 . . . . TJ105
THEODOTI ; see Doct. Orient.
THEOPHELUS, ad Autol.
1,1 . . . . J230
1,5 ... I 14
1,14 ... I 67
2,3 ... J 409
2,9, 10 . . . I 72
2, 10 ... I 195
2,17 ... I 71
2,18 . . 120,195
2,22 . .1194,195
2, 25, 6 . . . TJ 70
2,27 ... TJ149
2, 28 . . . TJ 80
2,31 ... J416
2, 36 . . J 408-410
2, 37 ... I 67
3,7 . . . J341
3,17 ... I 17
3,18 ... I 18
3,20 . . 118,19
TIBERIUS ... J 89
TRAJAN J 303,304,315,316
UNKNOWN WRITERS . J 450
VALERIUS FLACCUS,
Argonaut.
1,841-845 . . TJ164
VALERIUS MAXIMUS,
1,1,13 . . . J400
1,3 . . . J195
1,3,3. . .- J 542
5, 3 . . . J436
VARRO . . J 417, 432
VELLEIUS PATERCULUS,
2,126. . . J518
2, 127 . . . J 524
VICTOBINUS OF PETTAW,
J 501, 602
10 . . TJ 65, 66, 71, 72
13 . . TJ 43
de Prescript. Haeret.
15 ... 1185,186
37 I 186
de Baptismo,
11, 12, 13 . . . TJ 55
13 . . . I 49
adv. Valentin.
20 TJ 26
30 .. . J 335
32 . . . TJ 123, 124
deAnima,7 . . U 10
35 . . . . TJ 99. 100
50 TJ 30
2, 78 . . . . J 559
3,48 . . . . J125
4, 36 . . . . J478
4, 38 . . . . J125
4, 40 . . . . J477
4,52 . . . . J125
4, 81 . J 544 ; I 204
5, 4 ... J 70, 311
5,9 . J 235, 310, 311
5,10 .... J549
5, 13 . . J 310, 550
de Moribus German.
19 . . J293
55 TJ 2, 10, 11, 30, 31,
53, 99, 106, 111, 112,
115, 120, 127
57 ... TJ 120, 121
58 . . TJ 121
de Resurrect. Carnis,
2 ... .TJ 91 157
17 TJ 122
25 ... TJ 100
42 . . TJ 99
43 .. . . TJ111
44 TJ 36
47, 51, 54 . . . TJ 72
adv. Marcion,
1,14,15 . . . TJ105
2, 10 . . . . U 64
3, 24 . J 421 ; TJ 100
4, 2 .... I 184
47 . . . . TJ105
4, 7, 19, 22 ) T 000
25*41 . j J3<
Agricola, 2 . . . J 283
43 J541
45 J284
46 J311
TATIAN, Orat. 4 . . TJ 146
4, 5, 7 . . . . I 195
13 I 194
18 I 24
186
INDEX II.
Page
Page
Page
VIEGIL, Eclogue,
4,4-10,21-24, )
29,30,39,40 J
J425
6,638-641 J 430, 431;
U164
6, 724-729 . . J 409
XENOPHON, Memorabilia.
1, 2, 33-57 J 566, 567
1,3,1 . J 26
.ffineid,!,! . .
I 82
6,740-746 . . J428
1,4,5. . J565
1,282. . . .
I 82
6, 744 . . . . U 97
2,6,35 . J 29
1, 755, 756 . .
J418
Georg. 2 537 J 277 ; I 82
4,3,12 . J 25
3,10,11 . . .
J418
4,220-224 . . J409
4,3,16 . J 26
6,434-437 . .
U 98
VULCATIUS; see Gallicanus.
ZONABAS J 81, 492
6,551-553 . .
U 36
INDEX III.
WORDS AND SUBJECTS.
Judaism at Rome is designated by J Indirect Testimony by I, and Underworld
Mission by U, prefixed to the paging.
Words marked with an * will be found also in Index I. or Index II.
ABBOT, E., J T, 4; I v.
Abdel Lenarin Kasen, 1 151.
Abdus, 1 160.
Abdus, the son, 1 160.
Abel, 1 11 ; U 5, 8, 12, 53.
Abgarus, I 158, 159, 160;
pseudo correspondence of,
with Jesus, 4, 6, 149-150;
TJ136.
Abraham, J 24, 38, 343, 345,
350, 351, 428, 485 ; 1 11,
12, 31,59, 192, 199; U 18;
brought to life, I 148 ;
saved without baptism,
U 55, 161 ; he rejected,
according to Ma'rcion,
Christ's teachings below,
5 ; punished in and liber-
ated from the Underworld
according to the Mani-
chseans, 27, 28 ; trans-
ferred, according to the
Valentinians,out of heaven
to the Middle Space, 21,
22.
Abraham's bosom, J 430 ;
U 97, 99,102; placed out-
side the Underworld by
Tertullian, 121, 122.
Acabar, 1 151.
Achaia, J 85, 204, 492, 564 ;
1163.
Acheron, J 324, 414.
Acherusian Lake, J 430, 431.
Achilles, J 10, 420.
Acrostics, Christian, J 441,
443, 444, 500 ; I 172 ; Jew- I
ish, J 415, 416, 449 ; inO.
Test., 435.
Actium, J 89, 120, 203.
Acts of Pilate,* J 342 ; I v,
2, 3, 4, 17, 50, 86, 87, 89,
105-142, 143. 145, 206;
U 36, 76, 83, 136, 153, 156 ;
say nothing of Christ's
personal appearance, I 42.
Acts of the Apostles,* J 44,
70.114.151,236,252,467:
I 21, 57, 62, 85, 90.
Adam, J 341, 351, 483; 1 44,
59, 137; in the seventh
heaven, U 20, 53 ; Origen's
idea of his fall and its con-
sequences, 24, 103.
Adamantius, 1 189.
Adas, I 140.
Addas, I 140, 141.
Adonai, J 428.
Adrana, J 183.
Adriatic Sea, J 129.
Adumbrations, TJ 17; on
Jude,* 17 ; on Peter,* 86,
152.
JSacus, J 572.
.Edilitian tribute, J 72 ; 1 62.
.Eduans, J 115.
^gean Sea, J 523.
.Elia Capitolina, J 326.
.Emilianus, J 289.
.Emilius Paullus, J 542.
JSmilius Rectus, J 510.
.Enaria, J 518.
.Eneas, J 150, 160, 403, 409,
418, 427, 448, 452, 453,
467 ; I 19 ; U 164 ; de-
picted as a monotheist,
J 404, 417 ; seven years'
wandering of, 418 ; escape
of, 419 ; wife of, 419 ; the
chaste, vi, 453.
^Eneid; see Virgil.
JEnobarbus, J 12.
.Eon, J 334, 354, 368 ; I 50,
ui.
^Eschylus, Pseudo, J 338.
.aSsculapius ; see Esculapius.
Afranius Dexter, J 315.
Africa, J 125, 275, 387, 501,
568; 117, 61; Jewish in-
fluence in, J 15.
Agamemnon, J 10, 405.
Agdistis, J 397.
Age-games, J 119.
Age, golden, J 425; sixth,
4,5; tenth, 118, 407,450;
iron, 425.
Ages, length of, J 119, 120,
451; seven, 118, 421, 430;
ten, 118; two, of Just
Men, I 59 ; U 11, 56 ;
middle, 1206.
Age-song, J 135, 160.
Agra, I 151.
Agricola, J 279, 284, 541,
561.
Agriculture, J 452.
Agrippa, Castor, 1 187.
Agrippa, Herod, Jun., J 235,
237, 272, 330, 546, 547,
548, 550, 557; I 34; his
character, J 560 ; resides
with Claudius, 113, 235,
237 ; as hostage, 113.
Agrippa, M. Vipsanius, J13,
161-165, 542; a leader of
the aristocracy, 163; fra-
ternizes with Herod, 116 ;
lauded by Philo, 98.
Agrippina, daughter of Ger-
manicus, sister of Caligula,
and mother of Nero, J 77,
78, 138-140, 227; I 69,
81.
Agrippina, wife of Germani-
cus, J 191, 514, 524, 528,
529, 536, 538, 539 ; heads
a rebellion against Tibe-
rius, 192, 523.
Agrippina ; see Vipsania.
Aidoneus, J 440.
Ajax, J 530.
Alabarch, J 84, 85.
Alani. J 564.
Atbinus, 1 157.
Alexamenus, J 330.
Alexander (Alexamenus ?),
J330.
Alexander Lysimachus, ala-
barch or ethnarch at Alex-
andria, J 85, 98, 102-104,
206, 217, 222, 520.
Alexander, son of Simon, I
129.
Alexander, the coppersmith,
J 250, 251, 381.
Alexander the Great, 1 165.
Alexander, Tiberius, J 99.
188
INDEX III.
Alexandra, J 52, 152, 252.
Alexandria, J 96, 99-107,
113,115,116,125,137,206,
207, 214, 216, 217,219, 222,
272,322,332,374,381,394,
519, 544, 545 ; I 70, 79,
157, 189, 203, 204; reli-
gious and secular power
of the Jews there, J 40 ;
Jewish quarter there, 41,
85, 106, 565 ; chief school
of Egypt, a seat of imagina-
tion and taste, 54, 374, 519.
Alexandrine Gnostics ; see
Valentinians, Theosophic
Gnostics, and Basilides.
Alexandrine views, J 334,
336 ; Jews or Judaism, 70,
103, 107, 499, 573 ; Gnos-
tics, 353, 356 ; Christians,
336, 573 ; system of astron-
omy, 70 ; populace, 220 ;
conspirators, 105 ; culture,
367.
Alexandrine School (of
Catholics), TJ 11, 23.
Alexandrines, J 122, 544;
synagogues of, at Jerusa-
lem, 24.
Allegheny College, J 384.
Allegory, J 130, 346.
All-men, meaning of, I 58.
Allotted Place, J 150; U
117, 118.
All-Ruler, I 52, 177, 197.
Alpheus, I 158.
Amalek, J 345.
Amalekites, J 444.
Ambassadors, J 86.
Am. Cyclopaedia, J 43, 86,
140,141,370,371,386,387,
390, 399, 475, 518, 519, 575,
576, 579, 580.
American Indians, J 376.
Americans deemed black,
J386.
Ammon, oracle of, J 175.
Amos, 1 170.
Ananias, J 467.
Ananias, high-priest, J 550,
551.
Ananias, prefect, I 6.
Ananias, the courier, 1 149,
150.
Ananus, J 553 ; 1 156 ; the
younger, 156, 157.
Anastasius, I 218 ; U 132.
Anaxarchus, J 469.
Ancestral customs, J 36,
153 ; usage, 507.
Anchises, J 409, 421, 422.
Ancient of Days, J 260,
487.
Ancient usages or customs,
J 69, 72, 73, 88, 115, 171,
Ancyra, J 164.
Androcydes, TJ 22.
Angaeus, 1 140, 141.
Angel, I 199; Apostate, U
61, 69, 71, 90.
Angel of Christian Church,
1169.
Angel of Death, U 58, 84.
Angel, Wicked, U 42.
Angels, I 24 ; evil, 23, 26 ;
substance of, fire, J 45,
46 ; whether deified, 469 ;
fallen, 482, 488; punish-
ment of, 484, 485.
Anglican Church, U 135,
168, 169.
Aniensis, Samuel, J 490.
Annas, high-priest, J 463 ;
1 107, 1U8, 116, 117, 118,
135, 147.
Anne, Queen, J 479.
Annihilation. J 27, 361 ;
U 148, 157.
Anthon's Classical Diction-
ary, U 1.
Anthony ; see Antony.
Antias Valerius, J 401.
Antichrist, J 117, 137, 140,
141, 222, 502, 503 ; I 34,
35 ; U 30, 139 ; cp. Beliar.
Anti-Gnostics, Ultra ; see
Catholics.
Anti-Jewish feeling under
Hadrian, J 69.
Antinous, J 325.
Antioch (Asia Minor), J 302.
Antioch (Syria), J 220, 321,
546; 1 11, 92; equal rights
of Jews there, J 41.
Antiochus Epiphanes, J 247,
261,311,347.
Antiochus, King, J 398.
Antiochus of Commagene,
J 84, 113, 205.
Antiochus, teacher, J 368.
Antipater,* J41,61.
Antiquities, Jewish, I 158.
Antiquity, J 95 ; I iii, 18,
198 ; relative, of Judaism
and Paganism, J 35 ;
spurious reverence for, 36 ;
factitious reverence for,
318 : appealed to, 88, 195.
Antislavery, J 231, 234, 473.
Antitheses, J 349 ; U 68-
71,90.
Antium, J 119, 214, 522.
Antonia, J 99, 100, 102, 112,
181.217,274,520,530.
Antonia, tower of, J 552.
Antoninus, Marcus,* J 65,
81, 82, 360-362, 545, 563,
564, 590 ; I 63, 72, 75, 80,
190, 194, 197, 198 ; relief
of his army by a shower,
J 39; pseudo letter of,
I 7, 167, 168.
Antoninus Pius, J 81, 172,
331, 359, 360, 564 ; I 80,
190, 198.
Antonius, Julius. J 164.
Antony, J 73, 120, 155, 156,
424,520; his defeat, 6, 13,
99.109; did he favor Ju-
daism? 156.
Antony, son of above, J iv,
Anubis, J 543.
Apainaea, or Apameia, J 33,
Apelles, 1 184, 185, 187.
Apicata, J 538.
Apicius, J 92.
Apion, J 103, 247, 311.
Apis, J 115, 186, 272.
Apocalypse; see Revelation.
Apocrypha, J 28, 130, 327.
Apocryphal N. Test. ,1161,
182.
Apollinarians, U 131.
Apollinarius, I 32.
Apollo, J 18, 26, 123, 166,
204, 396, 439, 440, 446;
ordered to the Underworld,
168.
Apollodorus, J 416, 417. 433.
Apollonius, J 311.
Apollos, J 254 ; I 214.
Apophthegmata, J 308.
Apostasy for apostate angel,
U 96.
Apostles' Creed, U 52, 131 ;
modern views of, 164, 169-
171.
Apostles, Teaching of the
Twelve, I 218.
Apostles, twelve fountains,
J346.
Apostolic Age, 1 8, 43, 50, 58.
Apostolic Constitutions and
Canons, J 344.
Appius Appianus, J 511.
Apronicanus, J 331.
Apronius, J 513, 514 ; 1 165.
Apuleia VarSlia, J 505.
Aqueduct, J 516.
Aquila, J 231, 381.
Arabia, J 185, 370, 564.
Arabia Petraea, J 143.
Arabs, J 370.
Araches, J 124.
Archedemus, J 41.
Archelaus, I 147; see Dis-
pute.
Archenholtz, I 209, 212.
Archippus, Flavius, J 302,
303.
Architects, J 368, 588.
Archives, secret, J 442
Ardesianes, U 21.
Ardis, J 484.
Aretas, 1 154, 155.
Argonauts, J 418.
Argus, I 180.
Aristo, J 41, 433.
Aristocracy, Ecclesiast. , J 34.
Aristocracy, Gallic, J 115,
116, 209.
Aristocracy, Jewish, J 220,
252; I 35, 55, 154; sym-
pathizes with patricians,
WORDS AND SUBJECTS.
189
J 96, 106, 206, 222; their
revolt at Alexandria, 103,
206; permitted in Judea
to suppress rebellion, 548 ;
falsifies history, 138, 221.
Aristocracy, Roman, J 147,
208; I 14, 34, 35, 54, 82,
154, 156; dominant under
Augustus, J13, 72, 89, 93,
108, 160, 453 ; under Clau-
dius, 75, 85, 87, 99, 107,
116, 222, 228; under Titus,
80, 274 ; under Trajan, 10,
81, 320 ; under Marc An-
tonine, 65, 362 ; advocates
ancient usage, 35, 318 ;
falsifies history, 138,221;
caused the dark ages, 387 ;
literature suppressed by,
93, 94, 165, 167, 369, 433,
447 ; unfriendly to Juda-
ism, 5-11, 28, 116, 149,
447 ; and to Greek culture,
11-14, 114; character of,
5-14, 86-89; brutality of,
75-78, 284-286; plots re-
bellion, 106, 108. 109, 186,
198, 207, 279, 281; pun-
ished by Domitian, 282 ;
decries medical science, 13.
Aristophanes, J 399, 454.
Aristotle,* J 368, 382, 383,
425.
Ark, who shut its door,
-3T 350, 351 : I 38, 200.
Armenia, J 113, 185, 491,
494, 548.
Armies, standing, J 380;
1209.
Armon, J 484.
Arnobius,* J 150, 347, 348,
387, 445, 474; U 17, 32,
33, 86, 109, 114, 149, 160.
Arnuphis, the Egyptian,
J39; 1167.
Arria, J 284.
Arrian, J41,65.
Arruntius, J 181, 532.
Artabanus, J 185, 492.
Artemidorus, J 283, 284.
Artemion, J 321.
Artemisius, J 253, 546
Arulenus Rusticus, J 283,
284.
Ascension of Isaiah ; * see
Isaiah.
Asceticism, J 335.
Asclepiades, J 302.
Asia, J 142, 156, 163, 164,
175. 184, 266, 319, 359,
384, 406, 407, 492, 493, 497,
508, 572; I 55, 151, 198,
208; Jewish influence in,
J 15, 16, 69, 72.
Asia, a province in Asia Mi-
nor, J 24, 30, 147, 197,
238, 251, 254, 257, 301;
I 62; seven churches of,
J 258, 262, 263.
Asia Minor, J 1, 30, 41, 54,
117,143,154,155,263,291.
381, 382,394, 397, 398, 493,
571,687; 117,61, 74,77,
212; a seat of Jewish in-
fluence, J 1,41, 493; and
of human improvement,
30, 367, 381, 587; Stoics
originate there and in
Syria, 41, 54, 571 ; earth-
quakes in, 117, 143;
Caesar's refuge place, 154 ;
Herod's visit to, 163.
Asians, synagogues of, J 24.
Asiarchs, I 62.
Asiatic calendar, J 253.
Asinius Gallus ; see Gallus.
Asiuius Pollio ; see Pollio.
Asm ode us, U 58.
Asprenus, Caius Nonius,
J73.
Assaracus, J 419.
Assembly (an aeon), I 50.
Ass-head, J 330; alleged
worship of, 311.
Association, applied to Chris-
tians, J 474.
Assos, J 41.
Assyrians, J 39, 151.
Astrologer, J 195 ; identified
with Chaldean, 39.
Astrologers, J 491.
Astrology, J 37-40, 195, 518,
540.
Astronomers, J 368, 587.
Astronomy , J 370.
Asylums, J 196.
Atarneus, J 368.
Atheism, J 279, 306, 307,
319, 363, 370, 389, 473;
155.
Atheists, J 307, 317 ; I 55 ;
term for monotheists, J 10,
308, 319, 473; for heath-
ens, 473 ; how Plato would
punish them, 575, 576.
Athenagoras,* J 44, 337,
413 : 1 15, 30, 52, 53, 68,
72, 75, 78, 194 ; U 11, 109,
119, 157, 163.
Athenais, J 446.
Athenians, J 464.
Athenodorus, J 18, 41.
Athens, J 42, 115, 231, 233,
235, 280, 368, 373, 394.
Athlete; see Christ.
Athletes, J 292.
Atilius, J 74.
Atilius Buta, J 511.
Atilius Serranus, J 396.
Atonement, vicarious, I 29 ;
U91.
Attalus, J 11, 257. 397, 398 ;
163.
Attica, J 523.
Atticus, Curtius, J 520.
Atticus, M. V., I 166
Augury, J 40, 435 ; died out,
198; reestablished, 169,
| 227 ; in Asia Minor differs
j from Koman, 155.
] Augustan age, J 369.
I Augustine,* J 58, 387, 450,
504; I 48; U 13, 27, 28,
76.
! Augustulus. J 387.
Augustus, J 146, 292 ; I 80,
82; high priest, J 164,
165 ; a tool of patricians,
72, 108, 160-170; expels
foreigners, 12, 13 ; recedes
from patricianism, 175-
178; division of provinces
under, 83, 184 ; censorship
of writings established by,
93; Jewish council insti-
tuted by, 99 ; forbids for-
eign dress, 114 ; his
victories deemed calam-
itous, 203 ; his respect for
Tiberius, 507; death of,
517 ; deification of, 7, 179,
197, 282, 320, 505, 536;
Tiberius ignored it, 518,
535; temple dedicated to,
100, 518 ; disrespect for
his divinity, 515; I 54;
statue of, J 519.
Augustus, a title, J 513.
Augustus, priestess of, J
520.
Aulus Gellius, J 179.
Aurelius, Pius, J 511.
Auspices ; see Augury.
Australia, J 389.
Autolycus, 1 194.
Aventine Hill, J 330.
Axionicus, U 21.
Azazyel, U 58.
Azrail, U 58.
BABEL, J 119, 350, 412, 416.
Babylon, J 123, 136, 405,
432, 446.
Babylon, designating Rome,
I J 131, 136, 265, 267, 328,
494, 501.
Bacchus, I 18, 22 ; a term of
some Stoics for Supreme
Being, J 63.
Bacis, J 454-459 ; I 72.
Baise, J 139, 205.
Balbus, argument of, that
God exists, J 59 ; earnest-
ness of, 64.
Baptism. I 48-50 ; of Jesus,
49, 175 ; whether essential
to salvation, U 55, 56, 119,
161 ; gives control over
evil spirits, 43, 93; of the
departed, 55-58.
Baptism, vicarious, I 48;
into the spirit, 206.
Baptismal formula, 1 50, 83,
204-206.
Barabbas, I 87, 88, 125.
Barbarians, J 69, 438, 562 ;
190
INDEX IIL
Barr Cochba, J 314.
Bonn, J 182.
Barnabas * J 150, 444, 471 ;
Book of divine purposes,
I 9, 11, 21. 173, 193, 198 ;
J263.
epistle of, 44, 173 ; U 10,
Books burned, J 93, 401.
29, 36, 37, 86, 94, 118,
Books of Numa. Pomp.,
157.
J401.
Barneveldt, I 208.
Books, the, J 395.
Bartholomew, 1186,187.
Books, the written, 1 112.
Basilides, J 331, 332, 336;
Boone, Bishop, J 3.
1 185, 187 ; U 18, 130.
Bassus, Betilienus, J 213.
Boston, I 212.
Botta, J 177.
Bassus, proconsul, J 316.
Boulogne, J 204.
Bassus, the centurion, J 101.
Brahmins, J 383.
Beast of the Apocalypse,
Braunsberg, I 211.
J499.
Brennus, J 397.
Beausobre, U 98, 102.
Bride, meaning daughter-in-
Bechuanas, J 389.
law, J 411.
Beelzebub, J 218, 219; I
Bridgiuan, Dr., J 3.
109, 115 ; U 58.
Britain, J 59, 241, 273, 288,
Beesly, Prof., J V.
326,329, 491,541.
Belgium, J 52.
Britous, J 564.
Belial or Beliar, J 117, 137-
Brutus, J 86, 156, 284, 514.
139,239; 134,35; CT58;
Bryant, 1211,212.
cp. Berial and Antichrist.
Buddhism, J 27, 390, 572.
Belief, its origin, J 388-391.
Buffon, J363.
Bellerophon, 123.
Bull-fights, J 79.
Beloved, the, J 500.
Surges, H. 13., J 579.
Benedictine monks, J 370.
Burial alive, J 397.
Berenice, J 99, 272, 548,
Burmah, J iv.
650, 552, 557, 560.
Burmese converts, TJ vi-vii.
Berial, J 499, 500 ; I 169 ;
Burning, punishment by, I
cp. Beliar.
211, 212.
Berlin, J 366, 367 ; 1210.
Burrhus, J 79, 84, 227,241.
Bercea, J 233.
Bushmen, J 389.
Berenice, 1 124.
Buta, J 511.
Berosus, J 337, 449; daugh-
Byron, J 363.
ter of, 342, 449
Berytus, J 548 ; public
Byzantine Harmonist, J 126,
127, 422, 450.
games at, 114.
Bethlehem, 1 115, 126, 171,
G^CILIDS, Lucius, J 502.
201.
Caecina, J 181.
Biblical Repository, I 151,
Caelius Sabinus, J 171.
152.
Caenis, J 273, 274, 520.
Bibliotheca Sanct. Patrum.,
Caere, J 396.
J546.
Caesarea, J 16, 253, 545; I
Bibliotheca Theolog., 1 151.
186 ; city government in
Bibulus, Gaius, J 90.
hands of Jews, J 546, 547,
Bielefeld, I 209.
552 ; public games at, 31.
Biiigham, TJ 77.
Caesar, Julius,* J 11, 72,
Bishop, I 213, 214.
400, 435 ; I 80 ; remod-
Bithynia, J 41, 297, 300, 315,
elled the Senate, J 5:
318, S20, 327.
Bithynians, J 152.
gave citizenship to phy-
sicians and teachers, 12 :
Black-mail, J478.
planned public library, 14 ;
Blaasilla, I 189.
funeral of, attended by
Blaesus, J 514.
Jews, 6, 154 ; causes acts
Blandus, Rubellius, J 521.
of the Senate and people
Blavney, J 435.
to be published, 93 ; equal
Bleeck, TJ 171.
Blood, supposed shower of,
rights under him, 160 ; ap-
plication to him of Sibyl-
J 124 ; eating of, forbid-
den by Jews, J 15 ; I 46-
48; and by the Oriental
line teaching, 155, 437;
writings of, suppressed,
93; his account of wild
Church, J 15 ; contains
beasts, TJ vi.
the. soul, 146; TJ 87,88,
Csesars, J 73, 136, 138.
152.
Csesonia, J201.
Bondsman, Bondsmen, I 64,
Caiaphas, J 463 ; 1 107, 108,
65 ; term for Jews, J 471 ;
116,117,118,135,138,147.
of God, 231, 268, 471.
Cain, U 5, 7.
Caius, a Christian, J 256.
Caius, grandson of Augus-
tus, J 115, 175.
Calaui, a term for philoso-
phers, J 382.
Calendar, Roman, regulated
by Julius Caesar, J 151 ;
Greek and Roman, 66 ;
Macedonian, 554, 555.
Caligula, J 75, 94, lUO, 111,
116, 139, 199-224, 522;
115,35,81,155,156,165;
stops prosecutions for un-
belief, J 9 ; abolishes public
games, 1 63 ; political truce
effected by, J 9 ; contemns
Homer, 10, 203 ; convicts
Senate from its own rec-
ords, 8, 206, 534 ; Senate
plots against him, 105, 106 ;
his death demanded, 108;
no friend to patricianism,
10 ; void of arrogance,
208; sisters of, 206, 209,
227, 448 ; his alleged statue
for the Temple, 138, 215,
216, 235 ; plans removal
of government to Alexan-
dria, 214.
Calvin, 1 183; TJ 168.
Calvinists, German and
Dutch, U 167; French,
168.
Cambridge, I v, 218.
Camoenae, J 39.
Campania, J 243, 275, 522,
536; earthquakes in, 19,
242.
Campbell, Geo., J 43, 486;
I 183, 214.
Campus Martius, J 77, 110.
Cannae, J 396.
Capena, J 39.
Capernaum, J 333 ; U 6 ;
typifies this earth, 24, 25.
Capito, Jurist, J 171, 172,
214,481; 181
Capito, consul, J 508 ; 1 164.
Capitol, J 140, 204, 226,228,
273,402; burnt, 142,401.
Capitolinus, Julius,* J 362.
Cappadocia, J 397, 548.
Capreae, Capri, J 112, 518,
520, 522.
Caprineus, J 522.
Captivity, teachings before
the, J 891; teachings af-
ter the, 392.
Capua, J 536.
Caractacus, J 139, 140.
Carnutum, I 167.
Carolina, J 234.
Carpocrates, I 187.
Carthage, J 152, 224.
Carthaginians, J 115, 397.
Carus, J 279.
Gary, Prof., J v.
Caspian Sea, J 489.
Cass, J 330.
WORDS AND SUBJECTS.
191
Cassandra, J 530.
Cassiau,* TJ 78.
Cassiodorus, U 17.
Cassias, J 86. 88, 156, 157,
284, 514.
Cassias, Avidius, J 361.
Cassias, Betillinus, J 214.
Cassias, Dio ; see Dio Cas-
sias.
Cassias, Severus, J 94.
Castor, the god. J 202, 221 :
1163.
Catechumen, J 336, 348.
Catharine, J 578.
Catholics, J 261, 344, 357 ; I
21, 171 ; U 4, 7, 139, 156 ;
semi-Jewish, J 347 ; Or-
thodox, or ultra Anti-
Gnostics, U 7-11, 53, 89,
116-122, 156, 157 ; Liberal-
ists, or Heterodox, J 347 ;
131, 33; U8, 11, 18. 53,
114-116, 156, 157.
Catiline, J 145, 146, 147.
Cato, censor, J 495, 496 ; dis-
likes Greek culture, 12.
Cattians, J 183.
Catulus, J 402.
Celer, Propertius, J 511.
Celsus, A. Cornelius, J 589.
Celsus, Juventius, J 278.
Celsus,* opponent of Chris-
tianity, J 469, 470, 473,
, 474 ; I 71, 75, 115 ; tj 31,
32.
Celsus, the father, a lawyer,
J 171.
Celsus, the son, J 171.
Celsus, a physician, J 589.
Censors, J 12.
Censorship, of dress, J 114,
115 ; of writings, 93, 165,
166 ; opposed by Tiberius,
505; of press, 95.
Centennial Ode, J 451.
Cephas, J 256 ; I 214.
Ceremonial law ; see Law.
Ceremonial observances, by
Jews, J 24, 67, 466, 467;
by heathens, 25.
Cerdo, J 331.
Ceres, J 115.
Cerinthus, I 186, 187.
Certus, Publicius. J 313.
Chjerea, J 108, 182, 213.
Chseremon, J 41.
Chains of darkness, J 484.
Chalcis, J 113.
Chaldzea, J 123, 446, 449.
Chaldaean, a synonyme for
astrologer, J 39.
Chaldaean history, J 337, 449.
Chaldseans, J 38, 39, 123,
169, 464.
Channing, J 18, 363, 364,
365.
Chaotic matter, behavior,
temper, J 335.
Charicles, J 567.
Charicles, a physician, J 512.
Charles II., I 214.
Charleston, I 211.
Charlestowu, I 218.
Charmus, (Charinus), I 26.
Chemosh, J 3.
Chests of stone, J 401.
Children, J 378.
China, J iv, 3, 384, 386, 390.
Chios, J 28, 41, 402.
Chrestos, Chre.stus, Chris-
tus, J 229, 230 ; I 55.
Christ, J 426, 427, 441, 443,
445, 450, 459, 469-471;
disuse of term, I 75, 76,
194, 199 ; second coming
of, J 235, 236, 255-270;
an aeon, I 50; produced
subsequently to aeons, J
354; called Liberator, U
13 ; Ransomer (compare
Ransom), 42, 86; Helper,
42; Athlete, I 63, U 78;
Vindicator (?), see Vindi-
cate, Vindicator ; Re-
deemer of the flesh, 91;
the Beloved, 36 ; the Arch-
physician, 46; needed pre-
cursors below, 44-47; his
incarnation concealed from
Satan, 78-84, 91, 92 ; over-
reaches Satan, 81 ; wres-
tles with Satan, 68, 69, 92 ;
and his powers, 46; his
victory , 53, 66-78 ; its con-
sequences, 92, 94 ; his fear
of the conflict, 64-66 ; not
saved by his own power,
40, 41; is the medium of
liberation from death, 40,
92, 112, 126; his mission
to the Underworld saves
mankind, 24, 127 ; his ran-
som paid to Satan, 88-92 ;
his offering to God, 85, 86 ;
his sacrifice or self-sacri-
fice, 85 ; object of his death,
28-31, 91 ; obliged by his
human nature to die and
go to the Underworld, 30-
31 ; opens the way to Para-
dise, 46-47; leads man
back to it, 115; how he
reconciles man to God, 92-
97 ; deemed by some hu-
man, 145; by others the
special Deity of the Old
Testament, 9, 22, 94, 145-
147 ; see Jesus.
Christian, Christians, J 24,
239; blamed for Jewish
excitement, 230-233, 238,
245 7 248, 251, 253, 330;
their ascent to heaven,
235-237 ; suffered from con-
servatives, 237, 238, 259,
330, 560; recalled (?) by
Domitian, 280 ; whether
expelled by him, 280-282 ;
Nero's persecution of, 245
248, 252, 253, 280, 495,
546 ; expelled from Rome,
318 ; terms applied to, 308,
473; I 54, 65, 56, 71;
terms used by, 56-58;
charges against, 18, 19;
misrepresented by Tacitus,
J 246, 247, 311; Pliny's
persecution of, 299, 316 ;
taunted with worshipping
an ass-head, 311 ; numer-
ous in Bithynia, 316, 317;
were they the only Gentile
monotheists there? 318;
their various appellations,
319 ; persecuted under
Trajan, 320 ; attribute Jew-
ish documents to heathen
authors, 336-342, 43i> 449 ;
forgeries by, 342, 442, 453 ;
views of Sunday and Sab-
bath, 70, 239, 240, 343,
359 ; their extravagant
use of the Old Testament
in the second century,
344-346, 500 ; change
touching this in the third,
347, 348 ; exceptional ones
deem Jesus the Deity of
the Old Testament, 349-
359 ; persecuted under
Marc Antonine, 361, 363 ;
sympathized with by Dio
Chrysostom, 420 ; why
they appealed to Sibylline
verses, 433 ; Sibylline com-
positions by, 441-446;
meaning of certain words
as used by them, 460-475 ;
their views of Nero's re-
turn, 499-504; Gibbon's
representation of, 136. 441,
442, 562 ; many avoid of-
fice-holding, 16 ; posture
of, in prayer, 343 ; use al-
legory, 346, 347; main
body of, deemed the ritual
law needless, 24, 467.
Christians, Alexandrine. J
254, 374; Syrian, 356;
Oriental, 344, 359 ; I 45 ;
Western, J 343; I 45;
Catholic, see Catholics ;
Gnostic or heretical, J
331-336.
Christians, Gentile, J 254,
255, 266, 344, 357, 359;
18,9,10,43,46,47.
Christians, Jewish, J 20,
120, 135, 136, 239, 250, 254,
258, 357, 358, 491, 672;
I 28, 29, 31, 33, 42, 46;
ultra Jewish, J 256; did
not use Paul's writings.
254.
Christians, race of, J 464;
monotheistic association
of, 222, 223, 464.
192
INDEX in.
Christians, semi-Jewish, J
70, 120, 136, 150, 231, 256,
311, 335, 342, 3*8, 491;
112, 31, 33; definition of
term, J 499.
Christian assemblies, copied
synagogues, J 20, 177, 178.
Christian Examiner, J 4 ;
TJ 16, 51.
Christian monotheism ,J 462.
Christian records, destroyed
by the patrician party,
J95.
Christian Register, J 379,
389.
Christianity, J 229, 322,
369, 370 ; at Alexandria,
643; its influence under
Hadrian, 65; preparation
for, by Judaism, 394;
regarded as a part of
Judaism, 226 ; supersedes
Judaism, 361; was it
termed Foreign supersti-
tion ? 30.
Chronicon ; see Eusebius.
Chronological Tables, J 325,
449 ; of Roman Hist. , 561.
Chronology, by emperors,
J 489, 490.
Chrysippus, J 41, 42,46, 47,
49, 60, 61, 173.
Chrysostom,* U 77.
Church and State, J 369, 370.
Church, Discipline, I 73, 74 ;
authority, 206 ; TJ 52, 140-
141.
Church, Greek, Latin, East-
ern, I 46.
Churches, Gentile, Latin, I
48.
Cicero, M. T.,* J 7, 54, 64,
121,145,173,272,290,293,
334, 367, 388, 416, 434,
438, 447, 533,542,562; I
62, 76, 77, 176, 180, 190 ;
TJ 153 ; on gifts to Jewish
temple, J 33 ; on augury,
35 ; on ancestral custom,
36, 437 ; on morals, 47 ;
on omens, 291 ; on design
in the universe, 59 ; makes
heaven the reward of na-
tional robbery, 83, 150;
uses mainly Stoic litera-
ture in his work on morals,
47 ; uses monotheist terms,
150 ; destruction of his
monotheist writings advo-
cated, 95 ; sells captives as
slaves, 86 ; criticises Plato,
578; banished, 149.
Cicero, Quintus * J 30, 42,
54, 62, 71, 86, 147, 148,
157,435,436; 162.
Cilicia, J 11, 41, 184, 185,
301.
Cilicians, J 24.
Cinna, J 121.
Circe, J 432.
Circensian games, J 314.
Circumcision, J 15,325, 329,
482.
Citium, J 41.
Citizenship, purchase of, J
240.
City, the Heavenly, J 44,
456; 133.
Clarke, J. P., J390.
Claudia Pulchra, J 536.
Claudius, J 9, 75, 77, 85, 87,
94, 113, 116, 181, 202, 214,
222-241, 515, 564; I 28,
63, 81 ; statue, J 235;
I 34, 35 ; as Beliar, J 137,
138,235,236,239.
Claudius, Pacatus, J 277.
Cleanthes,* J 41, 42, 46, 48,
49, 61 ; hymn of, 64.
Clement of Alexandria * J
48, 150, 337-341, 374, 419,
422, 580 ; I 25. 26, 52, 53,
55, 63, 70, 77, 78, 179, 186,
189, 204 : TJ 10, 11, 12, 13,
15, 16, 17, 25, 29, 57, 58,
81, 98, 107, 114, 129, 130,
147, 169, 160 ; on the con-
flict with demons, 93 ; on
the date of heresies, 130 ;
on philosophy as a pre-
paration for Christ, 148.
Clement of Rome,* I 188,
193, 204 ; U 90, 118 ; his
alleged second epistle, I
193.
Clementines,* Clementine
Homilies, J 358, 359; I
75,152,205; U 21,42,61,
109, 125-126.
Cleombrotus, J 288, 289.
Cleveland Herald, J 330.
Clinias, J 574.
Clitus, J 556.
Clodian law, J 277.
Cneius Domitius, J 621.
Codman, I 218.
Conor tatio ad Grascos,* J
168, 358, 406, 423, 427,
444, 460, 461 ; I 17, 52, 58,
68, 75.
Coin, of Hadrian, J 129 ; of
Domitian, 277 ; of Trajan,
320.
Colman, H., I 212.
Colossians * J 151, 238, 249,
262; 128,43
Colossians, people of Colosse,
J262.
Colossus, J273.
Combefisius, U 94.
Comet, J 495.
Coming kingdom, J 435, 436.
Cominius, J 505.
Comitia, J 109, 111, 112.
Commagene, J 84.
Commodianus,* TJ 109.
Commodus, J v, 127, 128,
498, 543, 562-564.; I 80.
Compitalician games, J 169.
Concord, J 56, 526.
Conflagration, the, J '4, 45,
55, 66, 140, 435, 436, 485 ;
136.
Confucius, J 576.
Congress, J 231.
Conscience (compare Moral
Sense), J 18, 305 ; no term
for it in secular Greek and
Latin, 29 ; nor in Chinese,
384 ; nor in Japanese, 590 ;
strengthened by sense of
accountability to God, 28,
384; extent of its de-
mands, 366.
Conservatism, J253, 361.
Conservatives, Jewish, J 231,
252, 253, 330, 548, 550.
Constantino,* J 70, 136,
369 ; TJ 173 ; edicts of,
145.
Constantinople, J 371.
Consular senator, the oldest
entitled to Asia, J 197, 381.
Cordus Cremutius, J 94, 161.
Corinth, J 128, 229, 231, 234,
235,239,240,249,493,523.
Corinthians,* J 3, 70, 83,
151, 233, 251, 256, 263;
121,28,31,48,57,73,163.
Coriolanus, the mother of,
TJ128.
Cornelia, J 296.
Cornelius, the centurion, J
24, 471.
Cornutus, Caecilius, J 480.
Correction, House of, J 575.
Corsica, J 227.
Cos, J 154.
Cosmocrator, TJ 26, 61, 125.
Cossus, J 532.
Cotelerius, TJ 61.
Cotta, J 18, 64,142; 1180.
Cotta, Messalinus, J 532.
Cottian Alps, J 84.
Cotys, J 113.
Council, 1 8, 28, 46, 47.
Council of Gangra,* TJ 77.
Council of Laodicea,* I 45.
Council of Nice,* TJ 77.
Cousin, J 579.
Crassus, Lucius L. , J 12.
Crates, J 11.
Creation, Plato's account of,
compared with Genesis, J
668, 569.
Creation of man, I iv; of
universe, 14.
Creator, J 20, 408, 568, 571,
578 ; term how used, I
194 ; styled Father, J 52 ;
recognized only by believ-
ers in revelation, 390 ; the
Supreme Being distin-
guished from, 334, 351;
the Supreme Being, 20,
408.
Creed ; see Apostles.
IT 7
WORDS AND SUBJECTS.
193
Cremutius, Cordus. J 94,161.
Crete, J 178, 249, 323.
Criminals iu office, J 316.
Critias, J 230, 567.
Croesus, J 301 ; 1 25.
Cross, Moses typical of, J
444 ; symbols of, 345.
Crown, in heaven, J 455,
456.
Cru?ades-, J 370, 371.
Crusius, TJ 101.
Cuba, J 322.
Culture, human, J 363-388;
aesthetic, 371-376; indus-
trial, 376-381; literary,
365 ; mental, 365-367, 385,
386; moral, 363-365, 385,
386; Greek, 11-14, 367-
371, 382-386 ; I iii, 81, 82 ;
Saracenic, 208.
Cumse, J 399, 403, 405, 438,
446.
Cumaean Sibyl, or composi-
tion, or books, J 395-402,
414,425,431,432,446.
Curio, J 402.
Customs, Jewish (compare
Ancient), J 232.
Cyclades, J 523.
C> clopaedia, New Am. , I xiii.
Cynic, a, J 64, 272, 290.
Cynics, J 64.
ian,* J 348 , 349 ; U 18,
Cypr
31.
31. 3!), 43, 47, 72, 86, 96.
107, 110, 115, 146, 160,
161 ; his position as com-
pared with Hermas, 8.
Cyprus, J 41, 321, 323, 497.
Cyrene, J 164, 321, 322, 568 ;
' 1129.
Cyrenians, J 24.
Cyrenius, 174.
Cyril of Jerusalem. U 101.
Cyrus, U 36.
DACIANS, J 292, 564.
Damascenus, U 117.
Damascius, J 579.
Damascus, J 589.
Daniel,* J 259, 266, 347, 428,
445.
Danube, J 361.
Dareius, J 580.
Darius, J 301.
Dark Ages, J 387, 388.
Daughter of, meaning in-
habitants of, J 122, 123.
David, J 134, 467; I 136,
171, 176, 184.
David, the friend of Eobes-
pierre, J 363.
Davis, H., J 579.
Davis, Jefferson, J 219.
Day, of Saturn, J 68-70; of
the Sun, 68 ; of the Lord,
70, 262.
Deacons, I 213, 214.
Death, J61, 306, 311, 361;
I 44 ; U 30, 33, 34, 40, 41,
42, 56, 66-70, 72. 73, 95,
96, 97, 98, 112, 115, 118
124, 148-152, 169-170
significations of this term,
50,60,112, 148,151.
Death, designating Satan, TJ
31, 35,46, 60, 61, 62,
69, 72, 78, 132; or the
roaring Lion (41), 65, 66.
Death, human tenants of the
Underworld, U 53.
Death, physical, TJ 41 ; a
benevolent interposition of
God, 70, 71 ; a debt due to
nature, 30.
Death, term of the Valentin
ians for this world, TJ 26,
123.
Death, the Underworld, TJ
33,40,60,69,70,114,115,
119.
Deceiver, the, J 137.
Decemvirs, J 397.
Decrees concerning Jews,
J 154-156, 164.
Deification of Augustus, J
179,320,505,515,518; of
Claudius, 317 ; of Titus,
274, 320, 518 ; of angels,
470.
Deiotarus, J 155.
Deiphobe, J 446.
Deities, heathen, J 11, 46,
306-310, 420, 421, 571;
114, 17, 18, 19, 21-29,
170; took no interest in
human improvement, J"
18-20 ; worship of, had no
connection with morality,
25, 575 ; lack of respect
for, 7, 168, 279, 317, 474 ;
how to be served, 10,226;
argument for their human
form, 43, 44 ; whether per-
ishable, 46, 51, 58, 289,
290 ; originate moral evil,
482 ; I 71 ; identified with
angels, J 502 ; plurality of,
and human form deemed
universal, 388 ; no reve-
lation from, I 20 ; not pre-
dicted, 37; their overthrow
the object of Christ's mis-
sion, 27 ; see Heathens.
Deity ; see God.
Deity, Sabine, I 34.
De la Rue, I 68.
Delatores, J 35, 475-481, 529,
532.
Delos, chief slave-market,
J123.
Delphi, J 18, 26, 157, 290,
397, 440.
Deluge, J 55, 57, 403, 411,
52, 485 ; Deluges, I 182.
Demas, 1 131, 132.
Demetrianus, J 348.
Demetrius, a Christian, J
254.
13
Demetrius of Syria, J 368.
Demetrius of Tarsus, J 288.
Demetrius, the Cynic, J54.
Democritus, J 580.
De Monarchia* J 358 ; I
75, 193.
Demon of Socrates, J 567.
Demons, J 19, 166, 362, 408,
460, 461, 468, 567 ; I 109.
143, 206, 210 ; TJ 109, 128,
129 ; views concerning, J
288, 289, 298, 299 ; death
of, 288, 289; the promp-
ters of sinful inclinations,
TJ 92, 93 ; seize souls at
death, 42, 43; whether
they controlled prophets
after death, 42,121; sub-
ject to Christians, 42, 74-
75, 93; human conflict
with, 93 ; extent of their
foreknowledge touching
the Messiah, 82 ; see
Spirits, Powers, Angel,
World-rulers, Deities, hea-
then.
Demophile, J 446.
De Morte Claudii Ludus *
J240.
Design, evidence of, in uni-
verse, J 58, 59, 390, 573.
Deucalion, J55.
Deuteronomy,* J 53, 340,
349,570.
Devil, I 45, 66, 67, 214; U
5,26,41,60,64.79,80,98,
100, 125, 132 ; ' extent of
his foreknowledge touch-
ing Christ, 82 ; see Satan,
Cosmocrator, World-ruler.
DeWette, J 369, 370 ; 1 183.
Dewey, J 17.
Diana, J 396, 440.
Diatessaron, 1 184.
Dicsearchia, J 217, 438.
Dickinson, John, J 177.
Diderot, J 228, 363.
Dido, J 418.
Didron, J 261.
Didymus, J 18, 290 ; 1 189.
Dietelmaier, U v.
Dillunm, 1 170, 172.
Dio Cassius * J 13, 14, 72,
83, 100, 103, 111. 120, 121,
143, 153, 167, 169, 170. 179,
184, 188, 193, 214, 243, 247,
291, 293, 321-323, 325,326,
381,494,522; 114,63,69,
167.
Dio Chrysostom * J 28, 286.
297-305, 309, 316, 417, 420,
434 ; I 69 ; charged with
unbelief, J 10, 308 ; ap-
proximated monotheism,
281, 297, 299, 304, 376, 438 ;
persecuted by Pliny, 299-
302; a friend of Nerva,
280 ; erects a library , 302.
Diodorus Siculus,* J 417.
194
INDEX III.
Diogenes, J 38.
Diogenes, a Cynic, J273.
Earthquake, earthquakes, J
57, 120, 143, 154, 228, 229,
Diogenes, a grammarian, J
321; 1133, 149; in Asia
67.
Minor, J 117, 122, 232,262,
Diogenes Laertius* J 42,
360; in Campania, 19,242;
334.
in Italy, 123 ; in Syria,
Diogenes of Babylon, J41,
321 ; in Rhodes, 360 ; in
Judea, I 88, 137, 138.
Diognetus,* 1 27, 43, 75, 194,
East, J 343; I 204; antici-
196.
pations of power for, J
Dionypius, a tyrant, 1 165.
136, 550, 562 ; government
Dionysius of Corinth, J 70.
of, 272 ; dominion of, 491 :
Dionysius of Halicarnassus,*
king from, 264; I 207;
J 161, 414 ; TJ 128.
cp. Kingdom.
Dioscorides, J 371.
Easter, U 78.
Diotrephes, J 254.
Eastern teaching, TJ 21.
Diphilus, J339, 341.
Ebionites, I 185, 186; U
Disciples of the Porch, J 42.
126, 133, 145.
Dispute (Discussion) of Ar-
Eby, C. S., J 590.
chelaus and Manes * TJ 26,
Ecclesiasticus, J 27.
31, 62, 109, 117.
Eclipse, J227; I 76, 133;
Divination, J 25, 62, 195;
at the crucifixion , J 442.
I 23, 76; ridiculed, J 291;
Eclogaa Prophetarum * TJ
decay of belief in, 63, 177.
82:
Divorce, J 31.
Economy, The, a theological
Docetse, J 46.
term, J 357; TJ 15, 42, 72,
Doctrina Orientals * TJ 20,
81,82,84.
22, 25, 26, 82, 93, 123,
Edessa, 1 149, 150, 158.
124.
Edessene Archives, I 7.
Dolabella, J154, 155, 156.
Domitia, J 87.
Edicts in favor of Jews, J
154, 155, 164.
Domitian, J iv, 10, 55, 85,
Education, fashionable, J
87, 93, 94, 131, 132, 275-
295 ; early, 369.
286.297,-312,490,561,563,
Effigies, J 219.
564; I 56, 64, 80, 82:
titles of, J 278; replaced
Egypt, J 120, 324, 367; 1 61,
67, 77, 115, 122, 126, 132,
libraries, 278 ; benevolent
170, 173, 180, 189, 201,
law of, 14, 285, 286, 321,
203, 208 ; a seat of Juda-
325 ; traits of, 80, 91, 92 ;
Senate charged its crimes
ism, J 1, 41, 499 ; and of
Christianity, 394; Plato
on him, 95 ; decision of,
visited, 464, 568 ; senators
adopted by Trajan, 320;
prohibited from visiting,
maligned by Tacitus, 541.
100; symbolizes this and
Domitius ; see ^nobarbus.
the Underworld, U 24.
Domitius, J 153.
Egyptian god, J543 ; priest,
Domitius Afer, J 206, 208,
39; magicians, 249, 250;
210, 536.
pilot, 289; religion, 188,
Domitius Pollio, J 190.
472, 642-545 ; rites, 226 ;
Dora, J 548.
Jews, 222 ; antiquities,
Doxology, 1 137.
539 ; rites suppressed, 542,
Dragon, emblem of the Ro-
543, 545.
man power, J 125, 126.
Dress, I 69, 70.
Egyptians, J 38, 39, 53, 68,
123, 264 ; I 18, 122, 180,
Druidism, J 223, 397.
188,189; TJ5.6.
Drusilla, J 100, 206, 208.
Eichhorn, I xiii, xiv.
Drusus, son of Germanicus,
Eight, significance of the
J 530, 540; brother of
number, 1 173.
Tiberius, 176, 181 ; son of
Eighth Day, J 70 ; I 44, 46,
Tiberius, 8, 74, 112, 509,
173.
517,518,523,529.536,538.
Eighth Space, U 124.
Dublin Review, J 330.
Eighth Sphere, I 173.
Dupin, TJ 132.
Eleatics, I 68.
Duumviri, J 395, 396, 399.
Dysmas, 1128,131.
Eleazar, J 550.
Eleusinian mysteries, J 129.
Elijah, J 328, 333, 427, 428,
EAGLE, allegory of the, J
501 ; I 41 ; TJ 23, 30, 47,
130, 133, 134.
112, 156.
Earth, growing old, I 19;
Elim, J 346.
form of, 76 ; rotates. 77.
Elisha, J 264, 345.
Elohim, J 581.
Elysian Fields, Plain, J 421,
422, 430; I 25 ; TJ 97,
102, 108. 122, 164.
Elysium, J 428.
Emaus, I 5, 6.
Embroidery, a Sunday occu-
pation, J 32.
Emesa, J 113,
Emetic before dinner, J 91.
Emmaus, 1 91.
Empedocles, J 45, 288.
Emperor, meaning of, J 51o,
514 ; opponent of God, I
34, 35 ; term repugnant to
Tiberius, J 534.
Endor, I 23 ; TJ 44-45.
England, J 380.
Ennaeas, I 107, 108.
Ennseus, I 5, 106, 108,
Ennius, a knight, J 172.
Ennius. a writer, J 413, 415.
Enoch, J24, 328; 111,12,
13; TJ 5, 8, 23, 30, 47,
108, 112, 156.
Enoch, Book of * J 44, 46,
61, 55, 57, 482-489 ; I 24 ;
U 58, 83, 148 : its view of
evil, J 48, 482.
Epaphroditus, J 283.
Ephesian Letters, TJ 22.
Ephesians * Epist., J 255,
258.
Ephesians, people, J 554.
Ephesus, J 238, 240, 254,
256-258, 262, 574, 575, 580 ;
I 21, 62, 213.
EpSctetus,* J 41, 62, 63, 64,
283, 319.
Epicureans, I 67, 68.
Epicurus, J 388 ; I 66, 68 ;
TJ 88, 152.
Epiphanius,* 1 187, 188, 189 ;
U 5, 109, 139, 159.
Epidaurus, J 396.
Epitherses, J 289.
Equinox, J 143, 151, 152,
554.
Erastus, J 249.
Ermeland, Bp. of, I 211.
Ernesti, J 590.
Erythras, J 36, 142, 150, 402,
403, 406, 418, 432, 446, 448,
Erythraean narrative, verses,
Sibyl, document, writer,
J vi, 36, 69, 119, 142, 143,
157, 165, 167, 203, 277,
337,342, 402-434, 444,446-
454,472; TJ 97, 164.
Erythraeans, J 439, 440,
Esau, I 192.
Esculapius, J 396 ; 1 181.
Esculapius (the god), I 23,
109.
Esdras* Second Book of.
J 120, 130-134, 327, 490.
Esquimaux, J 389, 390.
Ethics, Nicomachean, J 368.
WOKDS AND SUBJECTS.
195
Ethiopia, J 306.
Ethnarch, J 84, 85.
Etruria, J 373; aristocracy
of, 225, 226.
Etruscan teaching,* name,
divination, J 175, 176,
198.
Etruscans, ritual books of,
J 119, 120.
Euboea, J 523.
Eucharist, I 49.
Eudemus, J 538.
Eumolpus, J 302, 303.
Eunuchs, J 285, 286, 321,
325.
Euphrates, J 41, 219, 264,
492, 494, 497.
Euphrates, a Stoic, J 41.
Euripides, J 20, 309 ; Pseudo,
339, 340.
Europe, J 379 ; 1 55, 198,
208. 213; dark ages in,
J337.
Eusebius,* J 70, 252, 269,
320,356,545, 560; I 7, 36,
85, 105, 186, 188,189,218;
U 154, 163 ; Chronicon of,
J 122, 151,238, 283, 325,
331, 490.
Eustochium, 1189.
Eutyches, J 100.
Eve, J 430 ; 1 23, 70, 177 ;
U 68, 172.
Evening Post, J iv, 52.
Evil One, J 358.
Evodius,* U 76.
Excerpta Theodoti, TT 21.
Exemption of Christians
from the Underworld, U
- 112-126, 161, 163 ; origin
of a belief in it, 54, 127,
128 ; its supposed cause,
127-128.
Exodus,* J 263, 264, 340,
3i6, 444.
Expensive living, J 89-92.
Extracts from the Propheti-
cal Writings, U 82, 83.
Ezekiel,*J 83, 263, 265; I
32.
Ezra ; see Esdras.
FABIUS, U 74.
Fabius Maximus Verrucosus,
J 306.
Fabricius, J 329, 472 ; 1 151,
161 : U 152
Facciolati, J 29, 178, 448.
Fairies, J 389.
Fairs, J 512
Falanius, J 7.
False Prophet, the, J 502.
Famine, J 228, 229.
Fannia, J 284, 296.
Fasrial, I 109, 110, 114.
Fasting, J 344.
Fate, J 64, 290, 540.
Fates, J 240.
Father, J 290, 350, 352, 357,
426; meanings of, as ap-
plied to God, 52, 53;
meanings of, as applied to
Jupiter, 52 ; Jewish use
of term, 52 ; Stoic use of
term, 52 ; use of word by
Plato, 53, 571.
Father, power of a, under
Roman law, J 517, 529.
Father of Justice, of the
heavens, of the universe,
I 52, 53.
Fathers, J 184, 193, 196,225,
478; 12; Christian, J
345, 353 ; views concern-
ing, U 140-141.
Faustus, U 13, 27, 28.
Favor, a Gnostic term, J
353.
Fayetteville, I 211.
Fearer of God, J 471.
Fenestella,* J433.
Festivals, J 97,225 ; Roman,
564.
Festus, 1 157.
Ficinus, J 579.
Fidense, J 74.
Figulus, P Nigidius, J 146.
Fire, the substance of God,
J 46, 47, 580 ; of angels,
46 : of demons, 46 ; a com-
ponent part of the giants,
46 ; not an element, U
123 ; identified with spirit,
123.
Firmicus Maternus,* U 76.
First-day, I 44, 46.
Flaccianus, J 450.
Flaccus, Avillius, J 85, 96,
100-107, 206, 516, 519,
522, 564.
Flaccus, Caius Norbanus, J
164.
Flaccus, Lucius Valerius, J
33, 71, 122, 147, 291.
Flaccus, Valerius,* J 431;
U 108, 164.
Flainen Dialis, J 179.
Flavia Domitilla, J 279, 280.
Flavian amphitheatre, J 274.
Flavian family, J 280, 545.
Flavius, praetor of Libya, J
164.
Flavius Clemens, J 279, 280-
282, 284, 319.
Flesh, redemption of, U 91.
Flood, J 55-57, 485.
Floods, J 56, 150, 435, 436.
Floras, Gessius, J 244, 546-
549, 551, 552.
Fonteius Agrippa, J 190,
191.
Forcellini, J 29, 178, 448.
Forefather. J 53.
Foreign divinities, J 233.
Foreign rites or religion, J
176, 211, 361, 472, 545 ; I
43 : prohibited, J 195,232,
Foreign superstition, J 8, 9,
225, 242 ; meaning of, 30,
472 ; cp. Peregrinum.
Foreigners, J 141, 395 ; ex-
pelled from Rome, 12 ; a
Jewish term for Gentiles,
24,255.
Foreknowledge, J 290, 435,
436.
Forgeries, Christian, J 347,
442, 445 ; U 136, 154.
Formula of Concord, U 165-
167.
Forrest, J 356 ; U 148.
Fortnightly Review, J v.
Fortune, oracle of, J 195 ; a
term for God, 64.
Fourth Space, U 106, 107.
France, I 210.
Frankincense, J 167.
Frauenburg, I 211.
Frederic of Prussia. J 363,
364; 1212.
Freedmen, J 86-88, 148, 188,
212,522, .34.
Freedom of speech, J 505.
Freed-women, J 115, 176.
Freiburg, I 210.
Friday ignored, J 68.
Friedlieb, J 406, 408, 450.
Frontinus, J 476.
Frothingham, I 183.
Fry, Elizabeth, J 367.
Fucinus Lake, J 77 ; I 69.
Fugitive, Matricidal, J 498 ;
Roman, 497.
Fulness, a Gnostic term, J
334.
Fulvia, J 33, 189, 190.
Funeral, gladiatorial, J 314.
Fuscus Aristius, J 158.
Future existence, J 26, 27.
GABINIUS, J 542.
Gabriel, J 427.
Gaius, a Christian, J 254,
255.
Gaius * a lawyer, J 172, 173.
Galatia, J 239, 397.
Galatians * Ep. to, J 151 ; I
43, 58, 163.
Galba, J 80,85, 89, 123, 127,
131, 132, 296, 400, 495;
cruelty of, 65, 108.
Galen, physician, J 371.
Galilean, a term for Chris-
tians, J 319.
Galilee, J 235, 244, 333, 548,
553-555, 559; I xvi, 89,
95, 107, 139, 140, 141, 142,
171, 201.
Galljeus, U 137.
Gallic population at Rome,
Gallio/j 234, 532, 537, 540,
541.
Gallus, Asinius, J 180, 184,
517,522,523.530,540,541.
Gallus, Caninius, J 447.
196
INDEX III.
Gallus, Cestius, J 244, 546,
547, 553, 557.
Gallus, Sestius, J 510.
Games, public, J 31, 71-82,
200, 274, 279, 291-293 ; I
61-63; 84; at Vienne, J
292, 293; of Herod at
Csesarea, 31 ; of Herod
Agrippa at Berytus, 114;
suppressed in Asia Minor,
72; Christians sacrificed
in, I 63.
Garis, J 553.
Gates of death, U 36 ; of the
Underworld, 36 ; of Tarta-
rus, 36.
Gaul, J 155, 207, 208, 209,
211, 223, 306, 387, 480;
161.
Gaulish Asia, J 397.
Gaulish Greece, J 397.
Gauls, J 115, 116, 152, 155,
397, 398, 421.
Gehenna, J 429, 500 ; U 123.
Gellius, J 146.
Gemalitis, 1 154.
General, a conscientious, I
209.
Generation, Tenth, J 118,
119, 124 ; First to Eleventh,
407.
Genesis,* J 411, 568 ; I 8,
18, 192; authorship of,
J 581 ; two accounts in,
581.
Geneva, J 369, 379 ; I 211.
Genitor, Julius, J 293, 294.
Gennesareth, J 558.
Gentile Christianity, how
viewed by Jewish Chris-
tians, J 255, 256.
Gentile monotheists, J 24,
318, 342, 462, 463, 471 ; I
3, 69, 115 ; Christians. 8,
9,43,46,47.
Gentiles, listened to Christ,
and were saved from the
Underworld, according to
Marcion, U 4-7 ; and the
Manichasans, 13 ; and the
Liberalist Catholics, 11-
18; but not according to
the Orthodox, 7-11 ; see
Heathens.
Gentiles, Patriarchs of,U 13.
Georgics ; see Virgil.
Gerizim, J 270, 469.
Germanicus, J 74, 115, 181-
187, 191-194, 540; heads
rebellion against Tiberius,
111, 523, 539.
German women, J 293.
Germans, J 664.
Germany, J 95, 181, 183,
207, 209, 367, 385, 386,
513, 529. 537, 579 ; I 167,
510.
Gessius Floras ; see Florus.
Gestas (Stegas), 1 131.
Giants, J 428, 482, 486;
constituted of fire or spirit,
and soul, 46.
Gibbon, J 136, 137, 159, 312,
371, 441, 442, 474, 475,
545, 561-564, 590.
Gieseler, U iv.
Gnosticism, U 130, 146.
Gnostics, J 46, 54, 331-336,
346, 347, 349, 351, 356 ;
120, 21, 70,77,184; Alex-
andrine, J 353; I 50;
Valentiuian, 77, lf3 ; origi-
nate in anti-Jewish feel-
ing, caused by a war, U
4, 146 ; their system occa-
sions the deification of
Christ, 146 : a distinguish-
ing view of, 4; divisions
of, 4, 5 ; date of, 130 ; see
Marcionites, Valentiuiaiis.
God, a common noun among
Greeks and Romans, J 3,
4; absence of term for,
among Kafirs, 389.
God, a subordinate, J 349-
359.
God, of the Stoics, circum-
cised, J 42.
God, the Good, 11 6; the
Just, 6.
God of the Old Testament,
according to the Gnostics,
U 4 ; according to the
Catholics, 9, 94, 145-147.
God of this world, J 333,
334; according to Marcion,
U 59 ; according to the
Catholics, 59; see Satan,
Devil, Cosmocrator, World-
ruler.
God's kingdom, J 405. 426.
God, the Supreme (cp. Su-
preme Being), J 169, 234,
235, 354 ; designations of,
151-53; a pilot, 14; the
Creator, 15. 52; absence of
term for, in Greek and
Latin, J 3 : and in Chinese,
2, 3 ; and in Zulu, 690 ;
Jewish terms for, 4, 5, 53,
427, 437 ; Stoic terms for,
46, 47, 52, 53, 60 ; Christian
terms for, 352 ; Seneca's
terms for, 63, 64 ; Jewish
views of, 16, 17, 21, 22, 42,
43, 142, 469; Stoic views
of, 42, 43, 46, 48, 59, 142,
290, 388, 675; Gnostic
views of, 331-334 ; I 21 ;
Sibylline views of, J 337-
841 ; accepts non-observ-
ers of ritual law, 24, 485 ;
senses in which called
Father, 53, 571 ; whether
personal, 60 ; whether cor-
poreal, 142; I 15, 16, 81,
218 ; fire the substance of,
J 45, 580 ; identified with
the world, 59, 60 ; evidence
of his existence, 20, 52, 58,
573 ; devoid of name, 342,
852; I 36, 51; U 146;
name not to be uttered,
J 339, 342 ; superintend-
ing care of, 47, 566 ; paren-
tal affection of, 52 ; ever
present, 567 ; interested in
man ; s moral culture, 66,
391; recognition of, 234;
practical recognition of,
150, 169; located in the
third heaven, 334 : in the
seventh heaven, 70; in
the eighth heaven, or Ple-
roma or sphere of the fixed
stars, 150, 334; figure of
speech concerning, 358 ;
his relation to moral evil,
47 ; in the garb of a Pope,
261 ; spherical form of, I
16 ; a spirit, 15 ; Son of,
J 350-352 ; origin of our
knowledge concerning,
888 ; discussion of his an-
tiquity, 1 18.
Gods of Death, U 83.
Gods of this world, U 81.
Gods (cp. Heathen), their
children go to heaven, U
128.
Gods ; see Deities.
God-worship, J 461.
God- worshipper, J 464.
Goethe, J 363.
Golden era, J 117.
Golden palace, burnt, J 299.
Gomorrah, U 6, 17.
Gospel, meanings of term, I
183-
Gospel of Nicodemus, U 154.
Gospels, J 342 ; alleged un-
canonical, I 7, 182-189;
genuineness of, U 134-
140 ; teaching of, J 269,
270; not forged, 433;
Gnostic use of, 332-334;
not adapted to controversy
with heathens, 336, 344,
433, 442, 462.
Goths, J 562.
Government, free, J 366,
367 ; see Liberty, Censor-
ship.
Governors, provincial, J 381.
Grabe, 1 186 ; U 94.
Gracchi, J 211.
Grammarians, J 688.
Gratilla, J 284.
Graves, J. T., J 171.
Graves, R., J393.
Gravitation, I 76.
Greece, J 368, 384; I 61,
212 ; devoid of Greek cul-
ture, J 368 ; invasion of,
421 ; a term for heathen-
dom, 423 ; devoid of libra-
ries, 589.
WORDS AND SUBJECTS.
197
Greek Church, I 46.
Greek culture, J 11-14, 40
382-387; I iii, 81,82, 208 :
due to Jewish influence, J
v, 151, 367, 368, 382-384
expelled from Rome, iii
12; locality of, 368, 587
689 ; in disfavor with patri-
cians, 11, 369 ; cause of
their distaste for it, 114 ;
its leader in disfavor, 13 ;
did it influence Oriental
nations? iii.
Greek dress, I 82; adopted
by patrician leaders, J
114, 115, 186.
Greek language, J 150, 161 ;
chief vehicle of ancient
literature, 14.
Greek physicians and tearh-
ers made citizens, J 12 ;
excepted from expulsion
by Augustus, 12, 13.
Greek poetry, cited, J 533.
Greek society, I 6'J.
Greeks, a term for Gentiles,
J 151, 152, 238, 323, 462,
496 ; story of one fattened
by Jews, 247 ; expelled
from Rome, 12-14.
Greeks, adopted Jewish
views of God, 181.
Gregory of Nyssa, I 203.
Grotius, I 208.
Guebres, J 47.
Gutzlaff, J 2, 3.
Gymnasia, J 512.
HABAKKUK, J 428.
Habit, J 32.
Hades, J118, 126, 414, 496 ;
U 1, 105, 113, 117, 126,
155, 156 ; etymology of, 25,
26 ; Josephus's Discourse
on, 163: ancient treatise
on, 163.
Hadrian, J 14, 15, 564, 590 ;
I 65, 80 ; U 130 ; offers
sacrifice, J 129; feared
assassination, 325, 364 ;
Jewish rebellion under, 65,
69,325-329; its effects, 69,
141, 330-359,462,463; U
4, 146.
Hagenbach, U 91, 92, 128-
129.
Hannibal, J 396.
Hanover, J 95.
Hards triker, The, J 329.
Harper's Weekly, J 124.
Harris, M. C. J 590.
Hase, U 101.
Haterius, Quintus, J 508.
Hay ward, Sir J.,J 177.
Heathen deities, J 298.
Heathenism, J 31, 137 ; its
views of religion, 25; im-
personation of, 236, 468;
its decay, 543.
Heathen moralists addressee
Herennius ; see Senecio.
sentiment rather than
Heresies, when they arose,
principle, J 28, 29.
U130.
Heathen religion, the, J 196,
198, 291, 298; void 01
Heretic, defined by Origen,
J 331, 332.
moral aim, and of mental
or moral teaching, 25, 26,
Heretics, 1 185.
Hermaphrodite. J 570.
290, 542.
Hermas * I 49, 59, 75, 193,
Heathen rites. J 224, 225,
198 ; U 11, 12. 13, 52, 55
452; re-established, 179;
57, 112, 119, 129, 149 ; his
knowledge of, died out, 362.
position contrasted with
Heathens (cp. Gentiles), con-
Cyprian's, 8.
troversy with, U 31, 32,
Hermes Trismegistus * I
33 ; their view of the Uu-
179, 180, 181, 200, 201,
derworld, 1, 2, 3, 97, 98 ;
205 ; U 146.
their deities regarded as
Hermias, J 368 ; I 75, 193 ;
human, 3 ; as demons, 74.
U109.
75.
Hermopolis, I 180.
Heaven, Heavens, U 1, 103,
Herod, I 107, 126.
105; a city, J 44; new,
Herod Agrippa, Junior ; see
486, 488; lower, I 171;
Agrippa.
two, U 152 ; three, third,
J 334 ; I 77 ; U 20, 103,
Herod Agrippa, Senior, J 9,
99-102, 116, 217, 218,
104, 105, 106, 107 ; fourth,
228, 520, 521 ; a patrician
U 20, 106 ; sixth, I 171 ;
emissary, 99, 100, 105;
U 25; seven, seventh, J
70, 334 ; I 77, 171 ; U 19,
pretended gift of a king-
dom to, 107, 112, 113;
24, 106, 123, 146, 152;
supported by the Jewish
eighth, J 334; I (77?)
aristocracy, 96; sketch of
173 ; highest, U 19, 110,
his life, 112-114 ; observed
153; of the fixed stars,
the ceremonial law, 114 ;
J 150, 334; Saturn's reign
rewarded by patricians
in, 414.
under Claudius with a
Heavenly City, J 456.
Hebrew parallelism, J 46,
kingdom, 84, 222; his
expedition to Alexandria,
128.
100-105, 206, 291.
Hebrew Slave, J 168.
Herod Antipas, I 107, 127,
Hebrews, J 38, 139, 169, 239,
147, 154, 155, 156.
428, 464; antiquity of, I
Herod, King of Chalcis, J
18; Lord's day of, 110;
113.
writer to, 166.
Herod the Great, J 84, 98,
Hebrews* Ep. to, J 249,
116, 163, 165, 330; his
254, 374 ; 1 166, 169, 207.
public games, 31 ; sup-
Hector, J 10, 406, 420.
ported by the Jewish aris-
Hegesippus, J 252, 320.
Heidelberg Catechism, U
tocracy, 96 ; fraternizes
with M. Agrippa, 98, 116.
167.
Herodian, J 562, 563.
Helen, J 10, 412, 417.
Herodias, I 154, 156.
Hell. U 164-171.
Hellenistical Greek, J 130.
Herophile, J 440, 446.
Herr, meaning of, J 278.
Helper ; see Christ.
Hesiod, J 414, 415; U 1, 97.
Helve tius, J 363.
Hezekiah, I 170.
Helvidius, Jun. , J 313.
Heterodox ; see Catholics.
Helvidius Priscus, J 65,271,
Hierapolis, J 41, 238, 262.
283, 284, 296, 312; biog-
Hierax, U 109, 159.
raphy of, 94.
High-priest, J 164.
Helvius, Rufus, J 513.
Hindoos, J 383.
Hemans, Mrs., 1210.
Hindostan, J 118.
Heracleon, J 288, 289 ; I
Hippocrates, J 368, 371,589.
185 ; U 20, 21, 24, 25.
Hippolytus, U 132.
Heraclitus, J 45, 368, 574,
Hispallus ; see Scipio.
575; predecessor of the
Hoar, Judge, I 212.
Stoics, 580.
Hobbes, J 363.
Heras, J 273.
Hoffmann, J 483.
Herculaneum, J 10,91, 242.
Holy, definition of, J 486.
Hercules, J 56, 63, 64, 93,
151, 152, 203, 290, 396,
Holy of Holies, J 117, 143,
145, 216 ; I 33. 65.
542 ; I 23, 145 ; Praises of
Holy Spirit, J 353-358, 470,
a work by J. Caesar, J 93.
I 49, 169, 170 ; when per-
198
INDEX III.
sonified, J 353, 354 ; deifi-
cation of, 150, 200, 205;
personality of, ignored, TJ
162.
Home, J 380; relations of,
374, 375.
Homer,* J 19, 405, 417 ; I
19, 78; U 1, 36, 97; a
test of heathen orthodoxy,
J 10, 203; quoted by
Claudius, 10; Plutarch's
exposition of, 308-310 ;
copies Sibylla, 419; con-
ceals Sibylla's books, 420 ;
contradiction of, treated
as unbelief, 420.
Homilies * on Luke, I 39,
186, 187,188, 189, 199; U
93, 172, 173.
Homilies of Church of Eng-
land, TJ 83, 168-169, 170.
Hone, I 161, 182.
Horace,* J 19, 167, 169, 425,
436: his sabbatical friend,
67, 158, 159; he bur-
lesques Jewish teaching,
422, 424 ; he metrifies Jew-
ish teaching, 167, 451-453.
Horeb, J343; 112,66.
Hortatory Address to
Greeks, U 118, 119.
Hospitals, J 370.
Hottentots, J 389.
House of Gold, J 330.
Huet,I16,27; U 102.
[Huidekoper, H. J.], J385;
1212.
Humanitarians, U 145.
Hume, J 177.
Hymenseus, J 250.
Hymns to the gods, their
character, J 19.
Hypoty poses, U'17.
Hyrcanus, J 156.
Hystaspes, J 61, 166, 426,
459 ; I 7, 36, 71, 72, 188.
IDJEI, J 440.
Idsean Mother, a large stone,
J 397, 398.
Idol, I 25.
Idolatry, J 267, 404 ; I 13,
18, 21, 25, 27-29, 83 ; U
12, 28.
Ignatius * (Ignatian Epis-
tles), J320, 474; I 193;
U 10, 73, 80, 157.
Iliad, U 1, 36.
Ilion, J 418.
Ilium, J 417.
Images, I 27; molten, J
192; introduced from
Asia, 373 ; exclusion of,
from Jerusalem permitted,
219 ; their political import,
219 ; prohibition of, 224 ;
thrown away by Romans
on first day of Passover,
151, 152.
Immortality. J 458 ; U 69
148-152, 160.
Imperator, J 559.
Independence, years of, J
489, 546.
India, I 187 ; alphabet of.
J iv.
Indian philosophers J 382.
Indians, J 376, 377 ; 1 187.
Informer, J 475, 481.
Inspiration, J 415 ; I 72, 73.
Intellect, Gnostic term. J
354.
Intelligence, J 365-367.
Intuition, J 366, 388.
Ionia, J 574
Irenaeus,* J 150, 256, 267
331, 335, 349 ; I 78, 173;
182, 183, 187, 198 ; U 5, 6,
7, 8, 9, 22, 23, 24, 26, 28,
37, 39, 43, 53, 57, 60, 61.
67, 71, 77, 80, 89, 94, 108,
115, 117, 150, 157 ; his an-
titheses, J 349 ; U 68-71,
Irving, W., J 376.
Isaac, J 86'), 428 ; 1148.
Isaiah,* J 45, 51, 57, 83,
123. 263, 265, 345, 358,
445, 501 ; I 23, 32, 73 ; U
45.
Isaiah, Ascension of,* J 347,
445, 573; I v, 7, 77, 169-
172 ; U 20, 25, 36, 47, 53,
68, 59, 81, 83. 112, 136,
146, 152.
Isis, J 195, 324, 542, 543 ; I
153.
Israelites, J 346, 349, 444.
Isthmus. J 499 ; of Corinth,
128, 493.
Italian state, its fictitious
origin from a monotheist,
J404.
Italian teaching, U 21.
Italy. J 387; f 55, 61, 62,
79,81,88,84,85, religion
of, 19; politics of, 84; sa-
cred to Saturn, J 413.
JACKSON, U 162.
Jacob, J 328, 345, 350,428;
I 22, 31, 141, 148, 191,
192.
Jambres, J 250 ; 1 122.
James, J 256; I 11, 156,
157,158; arrested, J 114.
James,* the less, J 252;
death of, 256 ; Ep. of, 255,
489.
Jannes, J 250 ; 1 122.
Japetus, J 412.
Jason, J 233.
Javolenus, Priscus, J 171.
Jehovah, J 47, 267, 392. 472.
Jeremiah,* J 428 ; I 73, 90,
112 ; U 45.
Jericho typifies this earth,
U 24, 145.
Jerome,* J 151, 238, 348,
397, 445; I 186, 189
U 162, 172.
Jerusalem, J 270, 384, 469 ;
rebuilding of, 131,32, 33;
the Heavenly, 33; TJ50;
temple at, J 33. 34. 41,
138, 143, 147, 188, 189,
215, 310, 496, 551 ; I 32,
,34, 35, 79; Council at, 8,
28, 46, 47 ; captures of, J
54, 117, 245, 324, 325, 495,
549, 557; walls repaired,
113; rebuilt, 325, 326,
343 ; no exponent of Jew-
ish culture, 384 ; Jews
forbidden to enter, 344;
what it typifies accord-
ing to Origen, U 24;
according to Heracleon,
20, 24, 25; dominion of,
J491.
Jerusalem, the new, J 136,
256, 268.
Jesus ; see Sirach.
Jesus, J 263; I 153; Gnos-
tic view of. J 353 ; Mar-
cion's view 'of, 332, 333;
Valentinian view of, 354 ;
birth of, I 115, 116, 171.
190, 202; mission of, 27,
170, 206-213, 215 ; Under-
world mission of, 29, 85,
177 ; deification of, J 349-
359 ; I 50, 190-201, 205 ;
personal appearance of,
39-42,75, 152, 160; Deity
of the 0. Test. 38, 39 ; an
angel, 190, 191; an apos-
tle, 190, 191; a subor-
dinate God, 194, 199; a
servant, 192, 193, 200 ; a
subordinate workman, 177,
195 ; instrument of crea-
tion, 193, 194, 196 ; dura-
tion of his ministry, 171;
pre-existent, J 350 ; I
170, 190,192,199; the Be-
loved, 170 ; distinguished
from the Supreme Being,
J 351-354 authorized by
God, 394 ; acrostic on,
444; not an object of
prayer. 470 ; name same
as Joshua, 345, 346, 349,
444 ; numerical import of,
I 173 , temporary disuse
of word, 75, 76, 199; see
Christ.
ewish Christians, U 133,
145 ; worshipped with
Jews, J 20 ; charged with
setting fire to Rome, 245.
ewish influence on Chris-
tians, J 1, 15, on the
Stoics, 40-66, 173, 565 ; on
Greek culture, 40, 173,
382 ; on Romans, iii. 141 ;
on heathens, 1, 30, 66, 67,
WORDS AND SUBJECTS.
199
327; its termination in
Europe, 65, 359.
Jewish literature, J 28.
Jewish people, wife of Je
hovah, J 265.
Jewish religious services
compared with heathen.
J 20-25..
Jews, Asiatic, exempted from
military service, J 154,
156.
Jews, U 6, 8, 9 ; expulsions
of, from Rome, J 7, 103,
188-190, 222, 228-231, 235,
280; I 34; the mechan-
ics of former times, J 40,
195, 381 ; not admitted to
office in Italy, 16, 28 ; ad-
mitted to office in Asia, 16 ;
civil rights of, at Antioch,
41; national rite of, for-
bidden, 14, 15, 321, 325;
not permitted to visit Je-
rusalem, 344 ; feeling tow-
ards, under Trajan, 10 ;
under Hadrian, 329; at-
tend Caesar's funeral, 6,
154 ; average character
above that of heathens, 27-
32 ; views of, compared
with Stoic views, 42-61 ;
and with heathen views,
17-20, 24, 27 ; their views
of future life, 572, 573 ; of
the ceremonial law, 467,
468, 482; of omens, 61, 62;
tax on , 281 ; some of them
soothsayers, 37, 38 ; lik-
ened to philosophers, 382,
383 ; rebellion of, under
Nero, 244, 545-560 ; under
Hadrian, 65, 68, 325-329 ;
controversy with, U 38-
44, 71 ; aided by heath-
ens, J 327 ; their physi-
cian*, 371 ; see Revolt
Jews, modern, J 377 ; in
China, iii, iv ; Mesopota-
mian, 323 ; the Liberal or
Liberalist, 24, 53, 483; I
28.
Joazar, J 554.
Job,* J 82.
Joel,* J 264.
John, son of Levi, J 546,
553, 558.
John,* the apostle, J 256-
258,442; Gospel of, 3, 238,
270, 333, 463, 469; I 31,
58, 65, 76, 111. 119, 123,
150, 184, 185, 188, 189,
199, 204; Epistle of, J
137; 158,93.
John, style of, I 92.
John, the Baptist, I 38, 48,
4?, 74, 94, 98. 101, 154,
155, 156, 173 ; U 153.
John, writer of the Apoca-
lypse, J 255-258, 261-263.
Jonathan, high-priest, 1 155
Jones, I 161.
Joppa, I 95.
Jordan, J 345, 560 ; I 49
takes fire. 175.
Joseph, J 345.
Joseph, the carpenter, J
381; 1108. 115, 116, 126,
132, 171, 202.
Joseph of Arimathea, I 5,
88, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139,
140, 142.
Josephus * J 34, 44, 67, w ,
71, 96, 103, 120, 143, 154-
156, 163-165, 180, 189,
190, 219, 237, 245, 253,
261, 311, 381, 404, 412,
465, 472, 516, 522, 551,
552, 553-560; I 34, 65,
74, 79, 158 ; when born,
J 561 ; his lack of princi-
ple, 553, 554 ; in service of
conservatives, 244, 548 ;
heads the revolutionists,
548 ; inconsistency of, 114 ;
self-contradictions of, 549,
550, 553-555 ; alleged pre-
diction by, 559 ; interpo-
lations of, I 6, 153-157 ;
U" 163 ; his discourse on
Hades, 163.
Joshua, I 75, 193; see
Jesus.
Jotapata, J 244, 549. 554,
559, 560.
Jove, J 290, 460.
Jucundus, J 547.
Judaea, J 143, 156, 195, 344,
368.
Judah, I 22.
Judaicus, J 273.
Judaism, J 5, 99, 232, 262,
567 ; did it influence Orien-
tal nations ? iii ; conver-
sions to, 131 ; become
illegal, 7, 141 ; persecution
of its converts, 181, 190,
241, 281 ; hellenistic, 358 ;
sacerdotal and ceremonial,
24,391.
Judas, 1 158, 159.
Judas Iscariot, I 41, 89, 90,
112, 158.
Jude, Ep. of,* I 57; see
Adumbrations.
Fudgment, A, J 61.
Judgment, The, J 405, 424,
426-429, 443, 483, 485,
568,571,572; 1172.
.udiciary, J287.
Judson, U vii.
ulia, daughter of Augustus,
J iv, 34, 163, 517.
Julia, granddaughter of Ti-
berius, J iv, 241, 518
Julia Sabina, J iv.
ulian, the Chaldaean, J 39 ;
1167.
ulianus, J 171.
Julius Antonius, J 164.
July, J 109, 143 ; fourth of,
489\
Junia, J 296, 514.
Juno, J 226, 396, 446, 494.
Jupiter, J 3, 275, 277, 338,
373,413, 421,572; I 22;
Stoic use of term , J 46, 52,
68, 60, 63, 290, 338.
Jupiter Capitolinus, J 204 ;
Jupiter Pluvius, I 167.
Jupiter, priest of, J 179, 197,
198; priesthood of, 169,
197 ; temple of, 301 ; at
Jerusalem, 325-327; at
Rome, 204.
Jurists, J 171-173.
Justice loves openness, J
516.
Justinian, J 173.
Justin Martyr,* J 70, 132,
152, 256, 341, 345, 351,
354, 406, 441, 572 ; I 17,
19, 23, 34, 37, 43, 50. 51,
52, 75, 78, 130, 167, 175,
178, 190, 195, 197, 198, 199,
200, 203, 204 ; U 8, 9, 31,
38, 42,66,67,81, 95, 113,
116, 132, 133, 145, 146,
150, 152, 154, 157, 158;
thinks that the Just and
Prophets of Judaism were
subject to demons at death,
42, 132; claims Socrates
and others as Christians,
147 ; his view of the Mo-
saic Law, 151.
Just Men, J 485 ; I 12, 13,
44, 60; U 5, 9, 11, 12;
technical meaning of, 9,
21 ; two ages of, I 59 ; U
11, 56.
Just People, J 495.
Justus, J 559.
Juvenal,* J 36, 67, 131, 457.
KAFIRS, J 389.
Kaltwasser. J 295.
Kane, Dr. J 390.
Kaye, I 19, 22, 23, 24, 25,
26 ; U 17, 119, 147.
Kingdom of God, J 421, 426 ;
from the East, 435, 436;
of immortal king, 121.
ing, on Apostles' Creed,
U 52, 131.
Ling for the Romans, ex-
pected from the East, J
42, 54, 117, 128, 143-145,
452.
King from the East, I 207.
Kings from the East, J 264.
Kings, Book of, J 123, 264.
kneeling forbidden on Sun-
day, U 77, 78.
Loenig, U v, 166.
Loenigsberg, 1211.
200
INDEX III.
Koethe's 'Concordia, U 166,
167.
Kuhnapfel, Rudolph, I 211.
LABEO, Pomponius, J 506,
507.
Labeo, the Jurist, J 161,
162, 163, 171, 172, 519.
Labeo, Titidius, J 191.
Labienus, Titus, J 94.
Laboring classes, J 378, 379.
Laco, J 524-526.
Lactantius * J 349, 387, 398,
404, 405, 406, 408, 410,
414, 422-426, 432, 436,
441, 444, 453, 454: I 18,
32,174,200,205; U 3, 31.
Lahore, 1 151
La Lande, J 363.
Lamech, 5" 484.
Lamentations,* J 435.
Lamprias,* J 18, 158;
brother or son of Plutarch,
287, 288.
Lamson, J 345, 474 ; I 2, 22,
23,27,70.
Lang, Dr , J 389.
Language, value of, J 365.
Lanuvium, J 396.
Laodicea, J 33, 262 : Coun-
cil of, I 45.
La Place, J 363.
Lardner, J 230 ; 1 149, 167.
Last Time, Times, J 250,
497.
Latins, J 450, 452, 494, 543.
Latin Versions, U 72.
Latona, J 396.
Laughter, religious, J 452.
Laurence, J 130, 132, 134,
482 ; 1 169 ; U 146.
Law, Ceremonial, Jewish,
Mosaic, J 17, 24, 189, 234,
346,391-393,467.468,482;
16,8,9, 10,11, 13,46,47,
66. 59, 60, 66, 67, 73,
119, 178 ; new, 111, 206 ;
Roman, 64, 164; none
given by heathen deities,
20; given through an
angel, 24; a hindrance to
the spread of Judaism, J
32 ; binding only on de-
scendants of Abraham, 24,
250, 343; observance of,
deemed unessential, 482,
483, 485 ; book of the, I
142; of God, 173, 175.
Law, civil or Roman, J iv,
76, 111, 173, 174, 232, 234
306, 477.
Law, election, J 153.
Law, moral, J 21-24, 250,
391.
Law, of nature, J 173, 174 ;
of universe, 174; of na-
tions, 174.
Law-less, J 429, 468 ; I 56,
57, 174, 177.
Law-lessness, J 137, 236,
467 ; I 56.
Law-less One, J 236, 256 ; I
32, 34.
Lawyers, J 203.
Lazarus, 1111,122,125,146.
Learning, encouragement of,
J273.
Lebbeus, I 158.
Le (Jlerc, J 393.
Lee, Richard H.,J 177.
Legislation, special, J 477.
Le Grou, J 579.
Le Maire, J 418, 451.
Le Nourry, J 502.
Lentulus,J154; 16,42,84,
151.
Lepidus, J 156, 165, 447.
Lepidus, J 476, 532.
Lepidus Emilius, J 510.
Lesbos, J 541.
Leviticus,* J 53, 546.
Lexicon, Pierer's, I 6.
Lex Julia, J 170.
Lex Mundi, J 174.
Lex Naturae, J 173, 174.
LexPapia Poppsea, J 31, 170.
Ley den, J 129; 180.
Liberalists ; see Catholics.
Liberate, U 27, 28, 33, 34,
40, 41, 43, 45, 67, 68.
Liberation, U 29, 41, 49, 54,
57,60,68, 71, 95, 98; from
the Underworld, depended
on acceptance of Chris-
tianity, 54, 55 ; origin of a
belief in it, 54.
Liberator ; see Christ.
Libertines, synagogues of,
J24.
Liberty, spirit of, J 363.
Libo, J 479.
Libraries, public, J 11, 14,
73,93,180,275, 278, 302;
none in Greece, 589 ; re-
placed by Domitian, 278.
Library, I 216, 217; Vati-
can, 203.
Libya, J 164.
Licinianus, J 296.
Liddell and Scott, J 566 ; I
178.
Life, U 56. 57, 69, 128, 148-
152 ; a Gnostic term, J
354 ; meaning of, U 54,
112,148-151; according to
the Valentinians, 26, 123.
Lightfoot, U 58.
Lincoln, A., J 219.
Lincoln Kaye ; see Kaye.
Lion, allegory of, J 133, 134.
Liris, J 77.
Literary marts in Italy con-
trolled largely by the aris-
tocracy, J 28, 89.
Literature, suppression of,
J 89, 93-95, 165.
Livia, Junior, or Liyilla, J
iv, 181, 517, 529, 538, 540.
Livia, mother of Tiberius,
J 160, 170, 517-520, 530 ;
termed Ulysses in petti-
coats, 517.
Livy,* J 176, 179, 203.
Lobby, J 477.
Locke, 1 208.
Logos, J 50, 256, 350, 353-
355, 358, 443,460, 466, 470 ;
120,47,75,76,177, 190-
199.
London, census of, J 557.
Longfellow, J 474.
Longinus, j 171.
Longinus Cassius, J 521.
Longinus, C. C., J 171.
Louginus, Centurion, I 132.
Loomis, Geo., J 384.
Lord, j 312, 540 ; meaning
of term, I 278.
Lord's day, J 70 ; I 44, 45,
84,110,137,138; customs
of, TJ 77.
Lord's Supper, I 49, 50, 61,
Louis XVII., J 491.
Love, altar to, I 26.
Low Countries, I 208.
Lowrie, W. H., J 2, 3.
Lowth, J 435.
Lucifer, J 570.
Lucilius, J 49, 242 ; I 162,
163.
Lucius, J 321.
Lucius, a Christian, I 198.
Lucuas.J 322,323.
Luecke, J 483 ; U 171.
Luke,* J 70, 233, 256, 334,
442, 516, 544, 587; I 65,
74, 85, 86, 90, 92, 95, 107,
112,124,154,184,185,186,
187, 188, 189, 204.
Lupercalia, J 169.
Lupus, J 108, 322.
Lusitanica, 1 151.
Lutatius, j 195.
Luther, U 166, 167.
Lutheran Quarterly, 1 172.
Lutherans, U 165-167.
Luxury, J 89-92.
Lycia, J 496.
Lydia. J 471
Lydians, J 152.
Lyell, J 10, 91, 92.
Lygdus, J538.
Lyons, J 200, 207, 292, 335 ;
147,63.
Lysimachus ; see Alexander.
Lystra, I 21.
MACEDONIA, J 85, 229, 231,
240, 249, 368, 528 ; see
Months.
Macedonius, U 161.
Macer, Poinpeius, J 93.
Macherus, I 155
Macknight. I 207.
Macrinus, J 302.
WORDS AND SUBJECTS.
201
Macro, J 102-105, 206, 207,
520,524-527,531,536.
Madrid, J 322.
Maecenas, J 13, 14 ; I 82.
Magi, J 568.
Magicians, J 38, 249, 250.
Majestatis. J 481.
Malcom, J iv ; 17 vi.
Mallus, J 11.
Maluginensis, Servius, J197.
Mam re, J 345.
Man, au aeon, I 50 ; creation
of, iv.
Manasseh, 1 169, 170.
Mandelium, 1 109, 110.
Maudeville, J 363.
Manes (cp. Dispute), U 26.
Manichzeans, U 13, 26-28,
109, 113.
Mauitou, J 390.
Mankind, classes of, J 335,
336.
Manuscripts, endings of, J
269.
Man- woman, J 669, 570.
Marah, J 345, 846.
Maran, J 412, 441.
Marathus, J 145.
Marc Antouine ; see Antoni-
nus, Marcus.
Marceilus, J 7, 8, 154.
Marcion, J 331-334, 336;
I 77, 107, 184, 185, 187 ;
U4, 7, 8, 19, 53,- 54, 59,
63, 96, 98, 104, 105, 129,
130, 131, 152, 153 ; willing
to use other Gospels than
Luke's, 7 : thinks that the
Creator's places of reward
and punishment for the
Jews were in the Under-
world, 113, 114, 121, 122 ;
that the Old Testament
Just, Patriarchs and
Prophets did not listen to
Christ below, 5 ; and were
not liberated, 5 ; his view
of Satan, 63, 64, 106;
erases the Saviour's words
to the thief, 139.
Marcionite, martyrdom of a,
J335.
Marcionites, J 54, 331-336 -.
I 185, 188 ; TJ 4, 19, 113-
114, 146.
Marcomannia, J 564.
Marcomannian war, J 545.
Marcus, prefect of Syria, J
113.
Marius, J 121.
Marius, Sextus, J 528.
Mark,* J 35, 442, 516, 544,
545; 144,47, 49, 65, 86,
92, 124, 184, 185, 186, 202,
203, 204, 205 ; Epitome
subjoined to, 90, 91.
Marpessus, J 440.
Marriage relation, J 169,
170, 173, 380 ; appreciated
by Jews, 31, 178 ; less so
by heatheus, 31 ; Gnostic
view of, 335 ; Plato's view
of, 578 ; Paul's view of,
Martyrs, J 335 ; privilege of,
270; 1752,53,99,111.
Martyrdom, J 34, 238, 263.
Mary, I 88, 89, 108, 115, 116,
130, 132, 135, 171, 202.
Mary Magdaleue, 1 88, 89, 90.
Massachusetts, I 212.
Massachusetts Hist. Society,
I 218.
Master-God, I 52, 200, 205.
Maternus : see Eirmicus.
Mathematicians, J 587, 588.
Matter, Gnostic view of, J
332
Matthew* J 38, 236, 255,394,
442,516,544: 133,47,57,
60, 65, 86, 92, 124, 132,
140,154,182,184,185,186,
187, 188.189,201,204,206.
Matthias, I 187.
Maupertuis, J 364.
Mauricus, Juuius, J 284.293.
Maximus, J 492.
Maxinius, wife's funeral, J
314.
May, 8. J., J 376, 377.
Meat offered to idols, I 8, 9,
21.
Mechanic occupations, J 40,
67, 381.
Medes, J 151, 264, 494.
Medhurst, J 2, 3, 52, 384.
Medical writers, J 371.
Medicine, J 368, 370.
Mediterranean, J 124.
Megasthenes, J 383.
Melito, J 70, 474, 475 ; 1 193,
194, 218.
Memoirs, by Tiberius, J520,
524, 534.
Memphis, J 272.
Menander, Pseudo, J 339,
341.
Mercieres, I 209.
Mercury, a god, J 63, 64,
289, 396; a planet, I 76;
17 164 ; document in name
of, 146.
Mercury-Venus, J 570.
Mercury ; see Hermes.
Merivale, J 330, 534.
Messala, J 12 : I 164.
Messalina, J 240.
Messiah, J 54, 233, 333, 425,
501 ; Jews expected him
to be human, 132-134 ;
no prediction of, in Ery-
thraean verses, 425.
Messianic excitement or ex-
pectation, J 128, 144, 145,
147,229, 231,235,243,259,
550, 560.
Methodius,* U 71, 107, 157.
Mexico, J 376.
Micah,* J 24, 51.
Michael, J 427 ; I 169 ; U
156.
Middle Space, J 334; U 19,
20,21,22,25,26,123,124,
125.
Middleton, J 345 ; 1 144.
Miletus, J 204, 249.
Millennium, J 45, (125?),
256, 268, 343, 412, 421, 430,
499,572; 131,32; U 81,
157, 159.
Milne, J 2.
Miluer, U iv.
Minerva, J 201, 226, 277,
446 ; priestess of, 530.
Minos, J 572; 125.
Minucius Felix * I 26, 47;
U 109. 146.
Mirabeau, J 363.
Miracles, J 266, 267 ; I iv,
2, 3, 4, 122, 123, 124;
pseudo, J 544.
Misenum, J 522.
Mitchell, J 388; 1213.
Mithridates, J 143, 144.
Modestus, Metius, J 312.
Moehler, U 5, 140.
Moesia, J~ 507.
Moffat, J 3, 389.
Mohammed, J 390.
Mohammedans, J 15, 370.
Monarchy, a theological
term, J 357, 359.
Money, the Sacred, 1 153.
Monks, J 370.
Monotheism, J 2, 14, 29, 30,
66, 117, 142, 160-170, 175,
307,347,367,369,381,386-
388, 394, 460-462 ; I 16,
19, 57, 58, 67, 73, 81, 208 ;
Christian, J 462; origin
of, 388, 392.
Monotheist, Monotheists, J
233,373,374; 114,15,16,
19,57,58,69,114,124,134,
194,205; expelled, J 279-
281; recalled by Domitian,
280 ; by Nerva, 286 ; re-
wards of, 430 ; privilege of,
431; the twelve, 1115, 116,
117, 125 ; see Gentile.
Monotheistic associations, J
222, 223.
Monotheistic verses, J 337-
341.
Monte Cassino, J 370.
Montfaucon, J iv.
Months, Macedonian, J 554,
555; 174.
Moore, J 182.
Moors, J 564.
Moral earnestness ,J 506-509,
512, 513, 515.
Moral evil, J 47, 4L J , 482.
Moral purpose, J 384, 386,
387 ; aids mental develop-
ment, 364, 367.
Moral Ruler, acknowledged
202
INDEX III.
by communities only
which believe in revela-
tion, J 17,390; liii; ef-
fect of belief in, J 2, 27,
47, 60, 386, 387.
Moral sense (cp. Conscience),
J 16, 28, 29, 195, 384, 385,
478, 479 ; addressed by
Jewish revelation, 5, 16,
17, 29, 61, 157, 391; and
by Christianity, 5, 391 ;
recognized by Jews as
binding, 28 ; not so rec-
ognized by heathens, 29 ;
not absent from heathens,
178.
Moral teachings, J 456-458.
Moreri, IT 132.
Morimo, J 389.
Morrison, J 2, 52.
Mortality, U 32, 56, 148-
152 ; means human na-
ture, 148.
Mosaic revelation, J 17, 391,
393, 394.
Moses, J 38, 318, 338, 851,
355, 393, 427, 444, 464 ; I
iii, 8,10, 12, 13, 18, 19, 22,
38, 41, 43, 47, 59, 67, 73,
120, 122, 148, 191, 192 ;
U 9 ; institutions of, not
essential, 7, 8, 11, 12; nor
sufficient, 151.
Mosheim, J 95 ; I 15, 183,
218 ; U iv, 98, 165.
Mother of the Gods, J 317 ;
a large stone, 398.
Motion, origin of, J 573-575.
Mount Cselius, J 511.
Mount Ida, J 397, 440.
Mount Sion, J 551.
Mourning, J 518 ; a ques-
tion of politics, 242, 527,
Mucianus, J 10, 54, 270, 271,
559.
Muenscher, I xvi ; U 102.
Munchausen, J 555.
Murdock, J 95 ; U 48.
Musa, Emilia, J 510.
Musgeus, J 337.
Music, means arguments, J
579.
Musonius ; see Rufus.
Myrrhina, J 122.
Mysia, J 368.
Mystics, 1 188.
Mythology, J 566.
NABATHEANS, J 47, 185.
Nahum,* J 570.
Naples, J 139.
Narbata, J 547.
Narcissus. J 78.
Nartz, I 211.
Nation, meaning Christians,
J474.
Nations, meaning Gentiles,
J 406, 472.
Nature, J 388; identified
with God, 64 ; law of, 173,
174 ; beauties of, 373, 374.
Naumachia, J 80.
Naval battle, J 77.
Nazarene, J 319.
Nazarenes, 1 152, 186.
Nazareth, I 171, 201.
Neander, U iv, 5, 120, 126.
Nepos, Marius, J 511.
Neptune, J 139, 396, 495.
Neratius, Priscus, J 171.
Nero, son of Germanicus, J
530.
Nero, Emperor, J 78, 82, 87,
137, 227, 241-254, 490; I
35, 65, 162, 163, 164, 165 ;
expected return of, J 128,
491-504; rebellion under,
9, 222, 545-560 ; his gold-
en palace burnt, 299 ; will
assume to be Christ, 501 ;
precursor of the Devil, 503 ;
praises Jews, 494.
Neros, pseudo, J 492.
Nerva the Emperor, J 10, 14,
80, 87, 280, 286, 293, 308,
321,325, 521,564.
Nerva, the father, J 171,519,
520-522.
Nerva, the son, J 171.
Newcome, J 471.
New Jersey, I 211.
New Testament, J 394;
Apocryphal, I 161, 182.
New Year's, J 489.
New York Tribune, J 322,
590.
Nicaea, J 301, 303.
Nicholas, J 577.
Nicodemus, I 106, 107, 108,
121, 122, 123, 125, 134,
135, 142 ; Gospel of, 4, 5 ;
TT154.
Nicolaitans, J 262, 263.
Nicolaus, J 165.
Nicomachus, J 368.
Nicomedia, J 41, 301, 302.
Nicopolis, J 249, 523.
Nicostratus, J 339.
Niebuhr, J 297, 298.
Nile, J 152, 324.
Noachic deluge, J 55, 403,
411.
Noachic Sibyl, J 446.
Noah, J 24, 55, 404, 411, 446,
472; I 12, 13, 18, 39, 59,
148, 200 ; U 5, 8, 12 ; a
preacher of Justice or
Rectitude, J 485.
Norton, J 331, 334, 335,336,
346,350,351,358,364,470;
I 21, 41, 50, 71, 78, 92, 132,
184, 186, 201, 204, 208 ; U
63,147.
Novatian, U 71, 161-162.
Noyes, J435.
Numa Pompilius, J93, 401.
Numenius, J 45.
Numerals, Arabic, J iv.
OATHS, J 34, 35.
Occia, J 190.
Ocellatse, J 296.
Octavia, J 520.
Octavian buildings burned, J
275.
Octavius, Caius, father of
Augustus, J 146.
Octavius, Cneius, J 121.
Octavius, Cneius, nephew of
the above, J 402.
Octavius, Marcus, J 402.
Octavius, Publius. J 92.
Ode, Centennial, J 451, 452.
Odoacer, J 387.
(Edipus. J 590.
Offering, J 462 ; U 85, 86 ;
cp. Sacrifice.
Ogdoad, J 334, 354 ; I 50 ;
U 26, 123.
Old Testament, J 28, 45, 51,
53, 122, 166, 260, 264, 445 ;
appealed to moral sense,
157 ; extravagant use of,
344-348 ; teachings of, 419,
438; predictions in, I 7,
14, 17, 37, 38, 39, 85, 205 ;
Justin's view of, 199.
Omens, J 18, 57, 61, 62, 63,
226-228,290,291,310.
One Hundred, Court of, J
276, 312, 313, 478.
Ophites, I 183.
Opimius, L., J 210.
Opposition lines, J 434, 451-
453.
Opsopoeus, J 403, 407, 417,
420, 439, 440 ; U 137.
Oracle, Pythian, J 403, 404 ;
unable to tell truth, 157,
158.
Oracies, J 168, 169 ; I 24 j
proceed from demons, J
288; extinction of, 157,158,
168, 175, 287-290, 440.
Oracles, Sibylline ; see Sibyl-
line Oracles.
Oratio ad Graecos,* 1 75, 193.
Orcus, U 114, 149.
Oriental Church, J 343 ; for-
bids eating blood, 15.
Oriental countries, J 568.
Origen,* J 38, 252, 356, 374,
462, 474, 488 ; 1 16, 26, 39,
47,68, 71,78,186,187,189,
204, 205, 218 ; U 11, 16,
29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 35, 37,
44-47,50,59,60,62,64.65,
66,68,73,78,79,85,87,88,
89,91.93.94,109,111, 121,
129, 138, 145, 149, 159, 172,
173 ; allegorizes Jericho,
Egypt, etc., 23, 24, 145;
expatiates on the blood,
as containing the soul, 88 ;
his view of Adam's fall and
its consequences, 24, 103;
WORDS AND SUBJECTS.
203
his method of quoting
Scripture, 138 ; mistake
concerning him, 102 ; view
of opponents mentioned by
him, 44, 45, 112.
Originator, J 324.
Oriou, I US.
Orosius* J 129, 252; 165,
80.
Orpheus, J 577: Pseudo*
337 ; 1 179.
Orthodox, I 194 ; see Catho-
lics.
Orthodoxographa, 1 143, 144,
145, 151.
Otho, J 80, 85,108, 123,127,
131, 490, 495.
Otto, J 338, 355, 441, 461 ;
U 119.
Outsiders, J 463.
Overwork, J 378, 380.
PACTINUS, J 331.
Palatine Hill, J 202, 330.
Pabulum, J 200, 543.
Palestine, J 128, 382, 573.
Paley, I 62.
Palm-Sunday, I 84, 110.
Palm-trees, seventy, J 346.
Palodes, J 289.
Pamphilus, J 339, 340.
Pamphylia, J 327.
Pan, J 289.
Pansetius, J 41, 61.
Pandateria, J 280, 529.
Pandemonium, J 240.
Pannonians, J 517.
Pantasnus, 1 187.
Pantheists, J 11, 59.
Paphos, J 323, 497.
Papia*,* I 31, 32.
Papinius, Sextus, J 213.
Paradise, I 132 ; U 10, 18,
20, 24, 97, 101, 112, 156,
164 ; its locality according
to Jews, 102, 103; accord-
ing to Paul, 101-103 ; ac-
cording to Christians, 101-
109 ; placed south of the
torrid zone by Tertullian,
J 431 ; U 108 ; whether
an intermediate abode, 104,
109-112 ; the Martyrs priv-
ilege, see Martyrs ; Adam's
ejection from, 24, 70, 103,
108 ; restoration to, 53 ;
Christ opens the way to
it, 47 ; a new priest, ac-
cording to the Jews, was
to do the same, 47; dif-
ficulty in the Saviour's
words concerning it, 138 ;
the penitent thief's admis-
sion to it, 138, 139, 156 ;
Garden of, 103.
Parents, duties of, J 378, 379;
considerateness towards,
374, 375, 419.
Paris, J 10.
Paris, a freedman, J 87.
Parliament, J 192, 479, 563.
Parthia, J 186.
Parthians, J 185, 187, 264,
274, 487,489, 492; king of,
492, 493.
Passover, J 6, 151, 152, 229,
546 ; 1 133.
Passow, J 29, 471, 496.
Patmos, J 261.
Patriarchs. J 350, 356, 485 ;
I 38, 59, 148, 192.
Patriarchs and Prophets (cp.
Abraham, Prophets), 1 31 ;
punished in and liberated
from the Underworld ac-
cordingto the Manichgeans,
U 27-28 ; rewarded there,
but not liberated, accord-
ing to Mart-ion, see Mar-
cion ; according to the
Catholics, they listened to
Christ and were liberated,
8-18 ; a few of them, ac-
cording to some Catholics,
did not go to the Under-
world, 45, 46,47 ; whether
controlled by evil spirits
at death, see Samuel.
Patriarchs of the Gentiles,
U13.
Patriarchs, Testaments of ;
see Testaments.
Patricianism, J 79 ; opposes
improvement, 5, 11, 35 ;
severe towards slaves, 86,
87.
Patrician party (cp. Senate),
J 396, 447 ; prosecutes op-
ponents for unbelief, 8 ;
sample of these charges,
7,8; drives opponents from
the Senate, 13 ; ignorant
of religion which it up-
holds, 10, 116 ; insincerity
of, 114-116, 225 ; revolt of,
181-183, 186-195, 522-531.
Patrician rebellions, J 537.
Patuleius, J 510.
Paul (cp. Index of Scripture
from Romans to Thessalo-
nians),J229,231-240,254,
256, 257, 262,334,381, 496,
504; 19,21,28,43,44,47,
62, 63, 69, 73, 85, 91, 161-
166, 188, 214 ; U 66, 101,
102, 104, 105, 118, 153 ; his
expectations at Rome, J
248 ; disappointment of,
248-251 ; did he teach the
Liberation ? U51, 52 ; seiz-
ure and martyrdom of,
J 248-252, 545.
Paul of Samosata, J 356.
Paula, 1 189.
Paulina, J 190.
Paullinus, C. S.,1166.
Pausanias, J 417, 439.
Paxi, J 289.
Pearson, U 27, 168 ; he mis-
takes as to the belief of the
Fathers, 52-53, 128-129.
Pedanius Secundus, J 88.
Pedo, J 321.
Pegasus, J 171 ; I 23.
Pella, J 560.
Penelope, J 289.
Penitent thief, U 138, 156.
Pennsylvania, Western, J
612.
Pennus, Pompeius, J 210.
Penny Cyclopaedia, J 590.
Pentateuch, J 393.
People, J 134 ; I 31, 115,
173; U6,45, 50, 146,158;
meaning Gentiles, J 124,
406, 407 ; meaning Jews,
350, 406, 436 ; the wise,
497.
People of God, J 265, 268,
270.
Peoples, meaning Jews, J
472, 494, 495.
Peoples, The, U 172.
Peraaa, J 560.
Peregrinum, J 14 ; cp. For-
eign.
Pergamus, J 11, 262.
Peripatetics, J 382 ; I 68.
Persaeus, J 41.
Perseus, I 23.
Persia, J 47, 446.
Persians, J 152, 494, 568.
Peschito, U 48.
Pessinus, J 397, 398.
Pestilence at Rome, J 275,
564.
Peter, J 254, 545; I 8, 11,
46, 50, 56, 69, 90, 92, 112,
187, 188. 202, 203; U 3,
118 ; E P : of * J 256, 319,
483; I 66,57,73; U 166-
167 ; arrested, J 114 ; mar-
tyrdom of, 252 ; addresses
a Heathen mother, TJ
126 ; his belief concerning
Christ's preaching to the
spirits, 48-49 ; this belief
was heretical, according to
views of the second cen-
tury, 128-129 ; was Clement
afraid to quote it? 13,127;
argument from Peter's
view, for integrity of the
Gospel, 137.
Peter, a, at Alexandria, J
462.
Peter, preaching of, J 475 ;
1 188 ; U 15.
Petillius, Lucius, J 401.
Petillius, Quintus, J 401.
Petronius, Publius, J 521.
Petronius, J 216, 218-220.
Pharaoh, 1 122, 126.
Pharisees, J 159 ; I 88, 112 ;
their views accord with
Stoic ones, J 42.
Pharsalia, J 55, 435.
204
INDEX III.
Phidias, J 373.
Philemon, Ep. to, J 249 ; I
Philemon, Pseudo, J 339,
341.
Philetus, J 250.
Philip, J 560.
Philip, a Greek, J 289.
Philip, king, I 165.
Philip, the apostle, J 229,
238, 262; I 184; daugh-
ters of, 184.
Philippi, J 231, 233, 249 ; I
213.
Philippians,* Ep. to, J 249.
Philo,* J iv, 34, 85, 96-107,
112, 163, 177, 204, 206,
374, 516, 519 ; I 67 ; U
105 ; his use of the term
"Father," J 53 ; identified
with patricianism, 97 ; am-
bassador from aristocratic
conspirators, 102.
Philopatds, J 230.
Philosophers, J 12. 54, 55,
271, 283, 382, 383, 663 ; I
67, 68 ; physical, 68.
Philosophumena,* J 355,
356; 115,188'; U 21, 26,
88, 152.
Philosophy, I 66-68 ; U 12,
14 ; Seneca's definition of,
J 49 ; Greek, 173, 283, 312,
383 ; I 66-68 ; Hebrew, 67 ;
origin of, 66, 67 ; antiquity
of, 66, 67 ; the gift of God
to the Gentiles as a pre-
paration for Christianity,
U 148 ; derived from
Christ, 147.
Phineas, I 141.
Phocylides, Pseudo, J 342,
457, 459.
Phoebus, J 407, 439.
Phoenicia, J 184.
Phoenix, U vi.
Photius, U 17.
Phrygia, J 4L 397.
Physicians, J 13, 368, 370,
371,383,496,587,588.
Pierer's Lexicon, I 6.
Piety, towards God, J 448;
to parents, 150, 448 ; to the
state, 7, 83, 150; towards
the gods, 26.
Pilate, J 516 ; surrender of,
I 146. 149 ; wife of, ffi,.
1147IE, 121 ; see Acts^F
Pilate's Report, J 442 ; I 5,
17, 105, 142-149 ; U 136,
154, 155.
Pilot, term for God, J 51.
Pindar, U 97.
Pisan coins, J 129.
Piso, J 181, 185, 187, 194,
479, 480, 542; his trial,
111, 112, 191-193 ; his
character, 184, 515.
Pistus, J 559.
Pittsburgh, J 521.
Pius Aurelius, J 511.
Place, The Place, U 123;
Place of Souls, or Psychi-
cal Place, 20, 24, 25 ; Su-
percelestial Place of Plato,
25; of the Valentinians,
123 ; Holy Place, 118 ; Al-
lotted Place, 117,118; In-
visible Place, 52, 117;
Place of Glory, 118.
Places (cp. Right Hand),
three for men hereafter,
U 108.
Planetarium, J 59.
Planetiades, J 290.
Planets, names of, J 68, 484:
U 153.
Plato * J 6, 25, 150, 203, 368,
399, 413, 454, 464, 565, 568-
580, 590 ; I 19, 68, 78, 81 ;
his use of " Father," J53,
671 ; deems study of the
universe unholy, 578; his
views of God, 573, 574 ; his
views of demons, I 26 ;
treatise of, 76; U 2, 25,
163.
Platonics, I 68.
Platonists, I 68.
Plebeian chastity, altar to, J
177, 178.
Pleroma, J 334 ; I 77 ; U
19,20,25,26,123,124,125.
Pliny, Jun. * J 36, 82, 131,
200,209,286,295,296.297,
300-305, 312-318 3^4, 564 ;
erects a temple, 314 ; falsi-
fies, 282.
Pliny, Sen. * J 13, 38, 92,
186, 192, 209, 210, 223,373,
401,519,538; 115, 69; a
pantheist J 11.
Plutarch * J 20, 47, 51, 65,
87, 143, 283, 287, 288, 294,
297, 305-310,311, 403, 510,
555 ; I 64 ; indecision of, J
10 ; ridicules superstitious
heathens, 306; and Jews,
305.
Poets, heathen, J 374.
Pollio, establishes public li-
brary, J 14 ; entertains
Jewish princes, 73 ; father
of Asinius Gallus, 180 ; his
political position, 73.
Pollio, Vitrusius, I 168.
Pollux, a god, J 202, 221 ; I
163.
Polybius, J 227.
Polycarp,* I 55, 193, 198 ;
U 118, 157 ; martyrdom
of, J 319, 474.
Polycles, J 570.
Polycrates, J 204, 238.
Polyhistor ; see Solinus.
Polytheism, J 159, 337, 461.
Pompedius, J 212.
PompeJanus, 1 167.
Pompeii, J 242.
Pompeius Penuus, J 210.
Pompey, J 68, 117, 122, 143,
145, 146,148,149,154,155,
204, 310, 450.
Poinpo, J401.
Pomponia, J iv; charged
with foreign superstition,
8, 211, 241, 242, 472.
Pomponius, J 11, 200, 209-
211, 241: I 69; charged
with unbelief, J 8.
Pomponius, M., J 12.
Pomponius * the jurist, J
173.
Pontia, J 530.
Pontifex Maximus, J 165.
Pontiffs, Heathen, J 564;
Christian, 371.
Pontus, J 84. 113, 163, 231,
331.
Pope (the poet), J 388.
Pope, the, J 261.
Poppsea, J 9, 242, 248, 250,
253 ; a convert to Judaism,
244,' 245, 463.
Popular Assemblies, J 109,
111.
Popular rights associated
with Judaism, J 35.
Pork, J 15, 305, 318; chief
meat of Greeks and Ro-
mans, 188, 189.
Porphyry,* J 347, 348, 445.
Portrait-painting, J 373, 519.
Posidonius, J 41, 59, 61, 311.
Pott, U 39, 128, 132.
Powers (cp. Demons, Spirits,
Prince), U 59, 92, 93, 95,
96.
Practical monotheism, or
Practical piety, J 250, 448,
464-466, 496 ; I 57, 58, 73,
146, 148, 180.
Practical monotheists, J124,
418,422,423,466; U 121.
Prseneste, J 195.
Praetorian soldiers, J 532,
537 ; guards, 526.
Prgetorium, I 114, 118, 119,
120, 129, 145.
Prayer, to whom offered, J
465, 470 ; posture in, 343.
Preaching of Christ below,
TJ 48-49, 130-131.
Preaching of Peter, J 475 ;
1188; U15.
Predictions, 1 1, 72 ; see Old
Testament.
Preparation, 1 137.
Presbyters, U 108.
Priam, J 403, 420, 533.
Priest, a, to introduce the
new era, J 117; U 47.
Priestley, U iv.
Priests, J 362, 370.
Primate of the Senate. J 513,
633, 534.
WOEDS AND SUBJECTS.
205
Prince (cp. God) of this
Pythia ; see Oracle.
world, U 58, 59, 79, 80 ;
Pythian Priestess, I 25.
of the Powers of the Air,
59, 83, 84 ; of the Demons,
QUADRATUS, I 184.
58 ; of Darkness, 94.
Quaestioues et Respons. ad
Priscilla, J 231.
Prise us ; see Helvidius.
Orthodox.* U 77, 78, 132.
Quietus or Cyetus, L., J323.
Procla ; see Pilate, wife of.
Quindecemvirs, J 400, 431.
Proclus, J 579.
Quintilian,* J 536.
Proculus, J 171.
v
Prophecies, denunciatory, J
449.
RACE, J 474; Third, I 66;
Prophet, false, J 266, 268.
Jewish, 127, 146.
Prophet, The, J35'J ; of God,
Rachaub,I109.
502 ; cp. False.
Rain, bloody, J 124, 543.
Prophet, true, or of truth, I
Ramsay, J 142.
152.
Ransom, U 16, 85-92, 95,
Prophetic spirit, J 354. 355,
118, 130, 132, 165.
470.
Ransomer ; see Christ.
Prophets (cp. Patriarchs,
Abraham, Samuel), J 38,
Raphael, J 427.
Rasos or Rosos, 1 130.
117, 143, 166, 425 ; I 69,
Reason, J 50, 174, 354; 147,
67, 120 ; false, J 239 ; of
195, 196.
evil, 147 ; needed as
Reate, 1 163.
Christ's precursors below,
Reconciliation to God, U 92-
U 44-47.
97.
Prosecutors on shares, J 194,
208,475-481,532.
Rectitude, preacher of, J 486.
Regicide, J 85, 86.
Proselytes, J 159, 471; I
Regions, Lower, 1 171.
116.
Regulus, J 242, 312, 313,
Protestant EpiscopalChurch,
524, 525, 527.
U 170, 171.
Religion, J 196; Greek, Ro-
Protestauts unwilling to ac-
man, I 106 ; tribes desti-
knowledge a liberation, U
tute of any, J 389.
52, 165 ; their views of
Renovation, The, J 45, 57,
Christ's descent, 165-171.
140, 485, 533 ; I 36.
Protogenes, J 94.
Republic, J 12, 30, 194, 578.
Proverbs,* J 82, 435.
Republican institutions, J
Providence, J 47, 59, 358,
367.
566, 568, 571 ; I 200.
Restoration, U 157.
Proxenus, J 368.
Resurrection, the, J 44, 57,
Prusa, J 302, 304.
129,251,421,426,427,572,
Prusias, J 302.
580 ; I 15, 45, 74 ; a Jew-
Prussia, J 52 ; I 211, 212.
ish doctrine, J 233 ; two-
Psalms,* J 51, 123, 435; I
fold meaning of the Greek
132, 152.
word, 60, 61 ; Stoic views
Pseudo heathen documents,
of, 44 ; I 30 ; Jewish views
J 336-343, 456-459.
of, J 45, 60, 499 ; I 30 ;
Ptolemais, J 220.
of Christians, I 30, 31 ;
Ptolemy, J 560; U 21, 24 ;
Tertullian's view of, U
a Christian, 1 198.
Public Games ; see Games.
100 ; physical, J 60, 343,
427, 499 ; I 30, 31 ; fj 89,
Publicius Certus, J 313.
90, 97, 116, 156-161; of
Public spirit, no term for it
souls, TJ 159 ; a debt due
in German, J 367.
the body, I 30 ; of Just
Punic War, J 195.
coincident with that of
Punishment of the wicked,
Unjust, TJ 99, 116 ; earlier
J 429, 430 ; their relief,
than the latter by 1000
431.
Punishments, J 76, 76, 285,
years, I 31, 34 ; TJ 100.
Resurrection-body,spherical,
361, 515; corporal, un-
116.
known under Tiberius, 506.
Resurrection of Lazarus, I
Purgatorv, J 428.
Puteoli, J 205, 217.
125, 146 ; of Jesus, 85, #8,
106,120,137,138,139,142;
Putnam's Monthly, J 491.
of patriarchs and prophets
Pyriphlegethon, I 25.
accompanying it, 88, 148,
Pythagoras, J 38, 401, 568 ;
149 ; ideas included under
Pseudo, 340.
it, U 83.
Pythagoreans, I 68.
Resurrections, two, J 45, 572.
Retribution, J 339, 340.
Revelation, J 17, 60, 390,
391, 394 ; through Moses,
through Jesus, I iii ; none
from heathen deities, 20.
Revelation,* or Apocalypse,
J 44, 70, 126, 136, 255-270,
483, 486-490.
Revolt of Jews, under Nero,
J 545-560 ; begun by for-
eigners, 558 ; under Trajan,
321, 322 ; under Hadrian,
325-329; under Antoninus
Pius, 360.
Rhadamanthus, J 672 ; 1 25.
Rhdnwald, J 343, 344; I
45, 46.
Rhetoric, J 273 ; reception
of, at Rome, 11, 13, 296 ;
Asiatic school of, 297.
Rhetoricians, J 688.
Rhodes, J 41, 59, 67, 160,
175, 360, 512, 514.
Right and Left Hand, for
heavenly and earthly
places or things, I 21, 25,
123.
Robinson, Prof. E., 1 151.
Rogers, J 373.
Roman aristocracy ; see Aris-
tocracy.
Roman Church, J 343, 344.
Roman citizenship pur-
chased, J 240.
Roman Empire, I 61 ; the
Wicked One, J 503, 504 ;
its head the opponent of
God, 221, 222, 235; new
capital proposed, 214 ;
erected, 369.
Roman, fugitive, J 497 ; so-
ciety, 169; masters, 118;
rule, 119 ; power, 159 ; gov-
ernment, 208.
Roman Law ; see Law.
Romans * Ep. to, J 58, 151 ;
143,58.
Romans, I 56, 82, 173, 208.
Rome, I 17, 28, 34, 63, 156,
203 ; fire at, J 80, 243, 274,
275, 360, 545 ; anticipated
destruction of, iii, 118, 120-
135, 268, 489, 493, 562 ; I
83 ; how made eternal, J
320.
Rome, Papal, J 884.
Routh, J 856 ; I 46, 47,193,
194, 198 ; U 109.
Rubellius Blandus, J 621.
Rubrius, J 8.
Rufinus, U 161, 162.
Rufinus, Trebonius, J 292,
293.
Rufus, 1 129.
Rufus, Musonius, J 65, 65,
284.
Rufus, a senator, J 451.
Rule of Faith * U 71, 161,
162.
206
INDEX III.
Russia, J 95, 577.
Kusticus Arulenus, J 283,
284.
SABAOTH, J 414, 428.
Sabazian Jove, J 141, 195.
Sabbath, J 70, 158, 160, 164,
234, 239, 240,262, 305, 318,
344, 359, 361, 482 ; I 9, 11,
12, 13, 32, 42, 43, 44, 45,
84, 108, 109, 118, 123, 136,
137, 138, 146, 147, 148;
term for Sunday, 44 ; ces
sation from labor on, 42,
111 ; burning of lamps on
the, J 67, 228 ; observance
of, said to have begun with
Moses, 343.
Sabina, Julia, J iv.
Sabinus, J 108.
Sabinus, Masurius, J 171.
Sabinus, Poppaeus, J 523.
Sacrifice, J 339, 340.
Sacrifice or Sacrifices, I 9,
13, 21, 25, 206 ; U 85, 86 ;
not commanded by God, J
362,391,392, 457; a right
life better than, 438, 461 ;
heathen, 275, 277, 407, 455.
Sacrifices to Domitian, J285,
286; to Caligula, 220, 221 ;
to Augustus, 536 : to Se-
janus, 518 ; forbidden by
Tiberius, 518.
Sadducees, J44; I 157.
Salamis, J 323, 497.
Sallust, J 121.
Salvation and being saved,
U 5, 6, 14, 15, 24, 28, 37,
39, 40, 41, 43, 46, 53, 67,
69, 136 : meaning of these
terms, 41, 127, 160.
Salvation of the world, ef-
fected by Christ's descent
to the Underworld, U 24,
58, 127.
Samuel, I 169, 170 ; U 58,
59.
Samaria, J 235 ; I 34.
Samaritans, I 34.
Samius, J 478.
Samos, J 204.
Sampsigeramus, J" 113.
Sameul, J 331 ; I 23 ; did
he go to the Underworld,
U 30, 44-47 ; was he con-
trolled by a demon, 42, 121,
Samuel Aniensis, J 490.
Bandars, J 83, 172-174.
Sandwich Islands, J 590.
Sanhedrim, J106; 1 133, 157.
Sanvalle, J 322.
Saracens, J 371.
Sardians, J 164, 511.
Sardinia, J 124, 188, 189,
190.
Sardis, J 154.
Sarmatia, J 664.
Sarmatian war, J 561.
Satan, J 48, 140, 250, 262,
263, 265, 268, 389, 575 ; I
23, 70, 170; the angel of
death, U 58 ; Lord of the
Underworld, 59-34, 132,
133 ; ruler of the Gentiles,
58, 59 ; prince or ruler of
this world or age, and of
the Powers of the Air,
see Prince ; deceived as to
Christ's incarnation, 78-
84, 92; why called a
dragon, 80.
Satan ; see Devil, Cosmocra-
tor, World-ruler.
Satisfaction, its use by Ter-
tullian, TT 92.
Saturday, J 68, 343.
Saturn, J 152, 167, 412, 414,
418; I 37; reign of, J
572; Italy sacred to, 413;
ignored by Augustus, 153 ;
day of, 69 ; Hill of, 153 ;
first king of Italy, 69 ; a
planet, I 173.
Saturnian kingdoms, J 414.
Saturninus, J 189, 190.
Saviour, J 33, 357, 453, 564 ;
I 22, 76, 95, 149 ; the aeon,
171 ; acrostic on, J 444 ;
Sibylline prediction of, 453.
Savoy, J 124.
Saxony, J 95.
Scaurus, Mamer, J 530, 531.
Schleiermacher, J 579.
Schoettgen, U 153.
School, J 385, 386.
Schools, J 378.
Schroeckh, I 218.
Scipio, Afr., Maj., J 83, 115.
Scipio, Afr., Min., J 83, 150.
Scipio, C. Hispal. , J 195.
Scipios, J 136, 527.
Scotland, J 3*9.
Scripture, means 0. T., J
348.
Sculpture, J 373.
Scythia, Scvthians, J 59, 230.
Sebaste, J546.
Secular games, J 169.
Secular Poem, J 451.
Sedgwick, Miss, J 379 ; I
216.
Sejanus, J97, 98, 103-105,
150, 211, 242, 520, 537;
murdered by the Senate,
104, 524-529.
Seleucia, J 41.
Self-culture, J 380.
Self-motion, J 573.
Semi-Jewish Christians, U 8.
Semisch, U 116, 132, 158.
Semler, I 69.
Senate, J 213,279,397,398,
448 ; 1 15, 19, 20, 61, 167 ;
remodelled by Julius Cae-
sar, J 5 ; and by Vespa-
sian, 10, 11 ; ejection from,
of monotheists and friends
of popular rights, v,6, 13,
14, 108, 160-165, 476 ; con-
victed by Caligula, 8, 208,
212, 528, 534; controlled old
religion, 5, 6, 35 ; usurpa-
tions by, 108-112; deemed
to be the republic, 35, 537 ;
its acts published under
Julius Caesar, 93 ; ceased
to be published under
Augustus, 93, 161, 476;
publication of its treasury
disbursements, 519 ; rapid
passing away of its mem-
bers, 286, 287 ; murders a
member, 212 ; controlled
law-making, 531.
Senatorial families, J 286.
Senators, property qualifica-
tion of, J 116, 161, 162,
611; forbidden to visit
Egypt, 100 ; or to leave
Rome, 224 ; required to
burn frankincense, 167 ;
murdered by Claudius,
214 ; by Patricians, 528.
Seneca,* J 9, 42, 53, 58, 67,
78,79, 84,188, 203, 204, 227,
228,229,234,241,253,530;
his view of God, 59, 60;
banished, 75 ; recalled, 227;
pseudo letters of, I 4, 161-
166.
Senecio, Herennius, J 283,
284, 296.
Sepphoris, J 548, 553, 557,
558.
Septa, J 204.
Septimius, J 272.
Septuagint, J 352, 502, 565 ;
I 33, 132.
Sepulchres, J 301, 302, 303.
Serapion, 1 187.
Serapis, J 195, 324, 542-545.
Serenus, Vibius, J 479, 480.
Seres, J 473.
Serica, J 474.
Serranus, C A., J 396.
Sertorius, J 121.
Servilius, Marcus, J 510.
Servius Maluginensis, J 197.
Seventh day, I 32, 173.
Severus, J 96.
Severus, Julius, J 326, 327,
329.
Severus, Sulpicius,* J 252.
Sexes, relations of, I 8.
Shadow, term for the Middle
Space, U 22.
Shanghai, J 384.
Shang-te, Shin, J 2, 3, 52.
Shepherd of Hennas ; see
Hernias.
Shiloh, I 22.
Siam, J iv.
Sibyl, or Sibvlla, J 142, 426 ;
I7,19,71,72,188;U1''4;
names of, J 446; daugh-
WOEDS AND SUBJECTS.
207
ter of Berosus, 337, 449 ;
daughter-in-law of Noah,
403, 411, 432; death-pen-
alty for perusing her writ-
ings, 166; books of, con-
cealed by Homer, 420 ; her
writings suppressed, 165,
166, 420.
Sibylline Oracles,* I 19, 20,
65,71, 80,81,85,172-179;
U 8, 103, 136, 137, 171-
172 ; heathen, J 395-402,
451-453 ; Jewish, 4, 5, 34,
120-130, 165, 340,402-440,
493-499; Christian, 440-
446, 499-504.
Sibyllists, I 71.
Sibyls, 1 145.
Sicilies J 152.
Sicily, ) 115, 203.
Sidon, J 548.
Silani, J 527.
Silanus, Marcus, J 185, 523.
Silas, J 113.
Silas, a Christian, J 232.
Silence, a Gnostic aeon, J
354.
Silianus, A. L. N., 1 166.
Silius, J 182.
Simeon, J 320 ; sons of, I
142.
Simon, J 554 ; I 34.
Simon, the Cyrenian, 1 129.
Simon, the tanner, J 381.
Simon Magus, I 34, 187.
Sirach*J49,53, 373, 466.
Slavery, J 86-89, 172, 190,
277,377,473; 164,65,213.
Slaves, J 75, 76, 168, 196,
212, 223,226, 240, 306, 315,
320,455, 471, 531; 1218;
manumission of, J 115 ;
can require sale, 306.
Smith, Diet, of Antiq. J 14,
25, 31, 35, 66, 109, 112,
125, 126, 162, 170, 179, 188,
214,362,425,475,481,517,
526, 554, 555; Diet, of
Biog., 6, 13, 42, 47, 146,
171,195,227,288,297,298,
300, 325, 348, 373, 403, 414,
455,504,520,570,580,587;
182,176, 191; errors in, J'
561 ; Diet, of Geog., J 41,
368,446,474,518.
Smith's Classical Dictionary,
TJ97.
Smyrna, J 263, 319.
Smyth, Lectures, J 177,192,
479 ; I 208.
Sneezing, J 613.
Social gatherings, J 293-295.
Socrates, J 25, 26, 29, 565-
568,574,579; 1 19 ; called
a Christian, U 147.
Sodom, 1 176 ; U 6, 7, 17.
Sodomites, TJ 5, 7.
Solar system in Underworld,
J431.
Soldiers disbanded, J 386.
Sole-rulership, J 359.
Soli, J 41.
Solinus,* J 439.
Solomon, J 346 ; sepulchre
of, 326 ; Psalms of, 329.
Solon, J 436.
Son of God, 1 117, 121, 125,
131, 143, 150, 152, 158,
159, 172, 173, 174, 179,
190, 196, 200.
Son of Man, J 260, 263.
Soothsayers, J 38, 62, 63,
225, 455, 542.
Soothsaying, J 175 ; by Jews,
37, 38 ; by Roman digni-
taries, 40.
Sophists, J 420.
Sophocles, Pseudo, J 337.
Sosthenes, J 234.
Sotion, J 188
Soul, J 486, 571, 573, 574 ;
U 19 ; distinguished from
spirit, J 46, 486; in the
blood, I 46; U 87, 88;
cp. Spirit.
South Carolina, J 234 ; I
211, 212.
Southern institutions, J 473-
Sow, sacrifice of a, J 226,
452.
Space ; see Eighth, Middle,
Fourth.
Spain, J 479; I 61, 208;
Arabian schools in , the re-
sort of Europe, J 370.
Sparta, J 417.
Spartianus,* J 326.
Speeches, fabrication of, J
Spirit', J 486; Divine, I 73;
identified with fire, J 46 ;
prophetic,! 205; distinct
from soul, U 19, 88-89,
148, 152 ; see Holy Spirit.
Spirits, U 48, (good), 111,
149 ; (evil), 58, 74, 93, 95,
96,120,13^,148, 149; see
Demons, Powers, World-
rulers.
Spirits in prison, J 486.
Springs, the twelve, J346.
Stallbaum, J 579.
Standards, objected to, at
Jerusalem , J 516 ; hom-
age of, I 85, 113, 114.
Stars, heaven of the fixed,
J 334 ; wandering, 484.
State control, J 577, 578.
Statius, J 148.
Statuary, J 373.
Statue, of liberty, J 527 ; of
Augustus, 75; of Tiberius,
534; of Claudius, I 34, 35;
of Simon Magus, 34 ; of a
Sabine Deity, 34.
Statues ; see Images.
Stegas, I 128.
Stephen, J 34.
Stoa, J 42.
Stobaeus, J 29.
Stoics, J 40-66, 173, 290,
305, 368, 388 ; I 16, 19,
36, 58, 66, 68, 166 ; expul-
sions of, ^ 14, 54, 55, 271,
272, 283 ; prophetic old
woman of, 436 ; none born
after Hadrian's time, 65,
66 ; originate in Asia Minor
and Syria, 41, 54, 571.
Strabo * J 11, 46, 168, 176,
198, 394, 402.
Strangers, to be honored. J
456.
Strauss, I xiii, 183.
Stronach, J 3, 52.
Stroud, I 211, 212.
Stuart, J 502.
Suetonius,* J 79, 85, 86, 89,
138, 167, 175, 185, 187, 189,
190, 192, 291,447, 522, 533,
648, 559; 1 85; features
of his work, J 535.
Suicer, J 70 ; U 152, 153.
Suicide, J 193, 224, 479, 506,
507, 527 ; proposition con-
cerning, 480.
Suidas,* J 37, 39, 168, 224,
360, 417, 418, 440 ; I 167,
U152.
Suilius, Pub., J 478, 480,
607.
Sulpicius ; see Severus.
Sulpitius, Servius, J 19.
Sun, day of the, J 69 ; eclipse
of, 227, 442.
Sunday, J 32, 68, 69, 239,
343 ; I 44, 45, 46, 173 ;
edicts concerning, 45 ; not
the Sabbath, 44, 45 ; Palm,
84, 110 ; see Lord's Day.
Superstition, J 305-308.
Superstitions, foreign, J 30,
225, 226, 472 ; see Foreign
superstitions.
Suppression of Documents,
J 92-95.
Supreme Being, J 259, 263,
278, 336, 349-353, 461, 462,
469, 470, 487; I 15, 16,
173, 180, 194, 207 ; Cicero's
statement concerning, U
153 ; no term for, among
heathens, J 2, 3; Chris-
tian designations of, 351-
354; how designated by
missionaries to China, 2, 3,
52; belief in, by Stoics, 43,
290 ; hymn concerning,
341; origin of belief in,
17, 888-394; influence of
belief in, 27, 28, 384 ; cp.
God.
Surgeons, J 688.
Switzerland, I 210, 211.
Sylla, J 511.
Sylla, dictator, J 121, 153,
400.
208
INDEX III.
Sympathy for those In tor-
ment, J 431.
Synagogues, adornment of
some, J 98 ; heathens
welcomed to, 34.
Syracuse, J 204
Syria, J 30, 41, 54, 84, 184,
219,229,321,367,368,381,
394, 547, 548, 571, 573 ; I
17, 61, 74, 154, 156.
Syrians, J 59, 185, 474.
TABLE customs, J 89-92,
293-295.
Tacfarinas, J 514.
Tacitus,* J 14, 25, 65, 82, 92,
93, 100, 109, 122, 192, 198,
216, 234, 242, 262, 274,
279,282,291,307,312,314,
367,381,417,473,476,522,
543 ; I 34, 69, 85, 212 ; IT
vi, 87 ; perverts history, J
v, 166. 177, 197, 222, 311,
479, 534-541 ; defames Ju-
daism, 30 ; on omens, 310 ;
on character of gods, 19,
20.
Talent, worship of, J 364.
Talfourd.T. N., J 379.
Tanfaua, J 183.
Taricheje, J 553, 555, 556,
558, 559.
Tarquinius Priscus, J 399.
Tarquin, the Proud, J 398,
399, 400.
Tarsus, J 11 , 41 , 288, 302, 394.
Tartarus, J 430 ; IT 1, 2, 25,
27, 28, 36. 105.
Tatian, J 44, 57, 152, 496 ;
I 23, 52, 53, 68, 75, 78,
182,183,184; IT 109, 119,
146, 157.
Taylor, J 579.
Telesinus, C. S., 1 166.
Temple at Jerusalem, J 83-
35, 551, 552; I 119, 120,
174,175; burned, 79; de-
struction of, 32, 79, 85;
alleged statue of Caligula
for, J 215-222, 235 ; and of
Claudius, 235 ; I 34.
Temple, Jewish, in Egypt, J
Temple offerings, J 551.
Temples, heathen, J 277,
278, 314, 315; sanctuaries
for criminals, 196.
Terentius. Cneius, J 401.
Terentius Maximus, J 492.
Terentius ; see Varro.
Tertullian,* J 15, 68, 70,
178,311,334,344,347,387,
414, 422, 431, 441, 474 ; I
2,17,25,26,30,39,63,69,
77, 142, 145, 146, 167, 187,
206, 206 ; U 7, 8, 10, 30, 36,
38, 43, 52, 59, 65, 71, 74, 77,
78,91,95,99,102,103,104,
105, 106, 108, 110, 112, 113,
115, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123,
124, 127, 145, 146, 149, 154,
157, 160, 161 ; his view of
the Underworld, 2 ; deems
it the prison where the
last farthing will be ex-
acted, 99-100 ; deems bap-
tism essential to salvation,
55 ; his challenge to the
^ heathens, 74-75 ; on fleeing
in persecution, 74 ; on
Sunday and Easter, 77, 78 ;
his use of satisfaction, 92 ;
of transgression, 96 ; on
the region under the altar,
111 ; on ladies' dresses,
160 ; whether to be classed
among Orthodox, 120 ;
deems Paradise the Mar-
tyr's privilege, 52, 53, 99.
111.
Tertullian, opponents of, U
10, 53, 105, 115.
Testaments of the Twelve
Patriarchs, J 117 ; U 42,
47, 133, 152.
Thaddeus, I 158.
Thaddeus, P.<eudo * J 356 ;
I 85, 150, 158, 159, 160,
161 ; IT 73, 136.
Thamus, J 289.
Theatre, J 197, 281.
Thelesina, J 31.
Theodoret,* 1 184 ; TJ5, 105,
153.
Theodoric, J 387.
Theodorus, J 574.
Theodosius, I 5, 6.
Theodotus, IT 21 ; see Doct.
Orient.
Theophilus * J 406, 412 ; I
68,75,78,182,200; U 70.
80, 107, 119, 157.
Theosophic Gnostics, U 4,
18-26, 82, 93, 139 ; see
Valentinians.
Therme, J 523.
Thessalonica, J233, 235, 239
Thessalonians, J 237, 504.
Thessalonians,* Ep. to, J
235, 239, 256 ; I 57, 85.
Thiebault, J 364.
Thilo, J 442,462, 463; I 4,
5, 6, 90, 91, 106, 107, 110,
124,126, 133. 142,143,145,
146 ; IT 83, 154, 155.
Third race, J 474, 475.
Thomas, 1 158, 187.
Thought, a Gnostic term, J
353.
Thrasea Psetus, J 271, 283,
284.
Three destroyers of Rome, J
121,501 '
Tiber, J 73, 77, 151, 152, 180,
204, 496, 526 ; I 34.
Tiberias, J 554-559.
Tiberius, J 74, 90, 91, 92
110, 166, 179-199, 208, 289,
477, 479-481, 504-545, 556 ;
I 3,5,54, 63, 74,81, 105,
114,117,120,125,126,142,
143, 145, 146, 149, 154, 155,
156, 161, 212 ; at Rhodes,
J 175 ; statue of, 534.
Tiberius, the grandson. J 104-
'liberius Alexander, J 99.
Tibullus, J 69.
Tigellinus, J 245, 246, 253.
Timothy, J 53, 254,257,258,
262, 461.
Timothy,* Ep. to, J 249 ; I
95.
Tiridates, J 494.
Tischendorf, I 182, 203.
Titan, J 412, 413.
Titans, J 428.
Titles, which were avoided
by Tiberius, J 513.
Titus, J 9, 80, 245, 271-274,
544, 545, 548, 551 ; I 204 ;
declared emperor against
his father, J 258, 272; I
65, 79.
Titus, a Gentile, I 9, 10.
Titus Labienus, J 94.
Titus,* Ep. to, J 249 ; I 57.
Tobias, 1 158, 159.
Toparch, I 5, 106, 107.
Torone, J 523.
Torquati, J 73.
Torture, J 233.
Trajan,* J 81, 282, 284, 286,
292, 302-304, 316, 320-324,
508, 564 ; I 80, 198 ; revolt
of Jews under, J 322.
Transgression, for transgres-
sing angel (or angels), U
96.
Transmigration, J 27, 572.
Trebians, J 74.
Trebonius Rufinus, J 292.
Treves, J 397
Tribunes of the people, J
395, 400, 401.
Triephon, J 230.
Trinity, doctrine of, I 50.
Trio, Fulc., J 524, 530, 536,
537.
Trismegistus ; see Hermes.
Triumviral court, J 526.
Triumvirates, J 121, 156.
Triumvirs, J 157, 542.
Troas, J 41, 249; 195.
Trogyllium, I 95.
Trojan, war, J 417 ; game,
73 ; chariot, 128.
Trojans, J 406.
Trommius, J 352.
Trophimus, J 249.
Troy, J 403, 416, 417, 439,
446, 449; its destruction
due to its idolatry, 418,
419.
Truth, I 93, 94, 101, 119 ;
a Gnostic term, J 354.
Trypho, J 132, 345,350,3*2,
467 ; I 12, 81, 190, 192,
WOKDS AND SUBJECTS.
209
206 ; U 39, 145, 147, 151,
158.
Tullius, M., J 400.
Tunis, J 125.
Turbo, M., J 322.
Turin, J 124.
Tuscan history, J 120.
Tuscianus, J 171.
Tusculum, J 522.
Tyler, Josiah, J 590.
Tyrannus, J 234, 240.
Tyre, J 41.
Tzetzis, Isaac, J 396.
ULPIAN, J 481.
Ulysses, J 160; in petti-
coats, 517.
Unbelief, J 116, 274, 368 ;
prosecutions for, 7, 8, 9,
211,222,223.255,286,307;
I 14, 15, 54; falsely at-
tributed to Tiberius, J
8, 534; disregarded by
Tiberius, 506; record of,
engraved by Caligula, 8,
534 ; made punishable by
Plato, 576.
Unbeliever, unbelievers, J
468 ; a term for monothe-
ists and Christians, 10, 319,
473 ; I 54, 55, 56.
Underworld, The, J 126, 334,
339,342,426,427,501,571;
I 5, 29, 35, 44, 142, 148,
160, 174, 177, 178; gates
of, J 428 ; ideas of it at
the Christian era, U 1-3 ;
Plato's view of, 2; Ter-
tullian's, 2, 99: Valenti-
nian view of, 23, 25, 26,
122, 123, 124; Heathen
conceptions of its discom-
forts, 97, 98; Christian
conceptions of the same,
98-101 ; view in the Rule
of Faith, 161-162 ; destruc-
tion of, 73, 155 ; I 149 ;
Satan, its ruler, see Satan ;
how early a belief of
Christ's mission to it arose ;
U 3, 48, 49, 52, 129, 132 ;
origin of this belief, 3, 48,
49-53, 54, 127-130; sun
and stars in, 164.
Underworld Minion, J 24, 46,
117, 150, 334, 336, 342,343,
347, 349, 352, 356, 430,431,
445,485,486,499,572,573.
Unicorn, J 345.
United States, J 182, 219,
369,376,377,386,473,537;
1211.
Universe, spherical, 1 16.
Ur, J 410.
Uriel, J 427, 428.
VALENTINIANS, J 54, 332-336,
353; I 77, 171, 185, 187,
188 ; U 19-26, 43. 64, 78,
86, 106, 122-125, 130, 131,
133, 140, 152 ; divided man-
kind into three classes, 19 ;
they used the term " flesh
of the Logos," 22.
Valentinianus, Flavius, I 6.
Valentinus, J 331, 332, 336,
374, 375 ; I 185 ; U 18,
m
Valerius ; see Flaccus.
Valerius Maxiuius,* J 119.
Vandals, J 562.
Vanderkemp, Dr., J 389.
Varenus, J 316.
Varro, Cingonius, J 88.
Varro,* M. T., J 42, 119, 120,
146, 398, 399, 405, 416, 433,
434, 435, 447.
Varro, Vibidius, J 511.
Varus, J 479.
Vatienus, 1 163.
Velleius Paterculus,* J 455.
Venus, J 273 ; I 76.
Versipellis, U 80.
Vespasian, J 10, 11, 54, 80",
82,85,89-92,125.127,224,
244,255, 270-274/284, 490,
495, 544, 545, 549, 550, 558 ;
I 203, 204 ; prediction con-
cerning, J 559, 660.
Vesta, J 115, 135, 176.
Vestal Virgin or Virgins,
J 135, 176, 190, 197, 286,
296, 297.
Vesuvius, J 19 ; eruption of,
274, 275, 438, 492.
Vibius Serenus, J 479, 480.
Victorinus of Pettaw, I 32.
Victory ; see Christ.
Vienna or Vienne, J 292,
335 ; I 47, 63.
Vindicate, applied to Christ,
TT 31, 63,114; to God, 114.
Vindicator, U 114 ; a title
of Christ (?), 87.
Vinicius, Marcus. J 521.
Vipsania, Agrippina, J 517.
Virgil,* J vi, 157, 421, 450,
452; imitates Erythraean
verses. 60, 160, 203. 277,
414, 419, 422, 427, 439 ; TJ
97, 164 ; borrows from
them the advent of .Eneas
in Italy, J 403, 404 ; pan-
theistic ideas of, 409 ; his
Jewish views, 430 ; politi-
cal antagonism of his
Georgics and JEneid, I
82.
Virgin, I 177; sacred, 174;
Sibylla, J 425 ; Eve, 430 ;
a city, 122.
Virginia, J 177.
Virginius. J 242.
Vitellius, J 80, 85, 123, 125,
127,131,132, 490, 495; I
154, 155, 156.
Vitellius, Quintus, J 511.
Vologesus, J 492.
Voltaire, J 363, 364.
Von der Wart, Rudolph, I
210.
Vonones, J 185.
Von Raumer, J 95.
WAKE, I 75.
Walch, 1 151.
War, I 65, 209, 212 ; under
Hadrian, 65, 80, 126, 173,
190 ; more common under
senatorial princes, J 82-
83, 274 ; remedy for, 380.
Warm water, evidence of un-
belief, J 223.
Watts, U 98.
Way land, J 590.
Wedding in Burmah, U vii.
Week, days of, named after
planets, J 68, 69.
Weeks, division of time into,
J 66-68.
Wesley, I 183.
Westminster Assembly's
Confession and Cate-
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170.
Westminster Review, J 267.
Wetstein, 1758,63, 153.
Whately, I 207.
Wheeling, a penalty. I 210,
211.
Whiston, J554.
Wilkinson, J 510.
William III., I 208.
Williams, Eleazar, J 491.
Windmills, J 381.
Wisdom, J 48, 49.
Wisdom of Solomon * J 51,
580 ; 1 27.
Wise men, I 201.
Witch of Endor, U 44-45.
Woman, J 375, 376, 386;
of laboring class, 380.
Wood, symbolic, J 345.
Workmen, J 226, 381.
World, supposed early ideas
of its structure, U 1.
World-ruler (cp. Satan,
Devil), U 26, 59, 64.
World-rulers (cp. Demons,
Powers, Spirits). U 74.
Writing, J 382.
XAVIEB, FRANCIS, 1 151.
Xenophon,* J 368, 496, 565,
568, 680.
Xiphilinus, J 492.
YtJH-HWANG-TA-TE, J 2.
ZENO, J 41, 42, 43.
Zeno of Tarsus, J 41.
Zoroaster, J 38.
Zosimus, J 451.
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