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THE TRUE THEORY 
 
 OF 
 
 REPRESENTATION IN A STATE. 
 
.LONDON : 
 
 Printed by SPOTTISWOODE AND Co., 
 New- street- Square. 
 
THE TRUE THEORY 
 
 OF 
 
 KEPRESENTATION IN A STATE ; 
 
 OR, 
 
 THE LEADING INTERESTS OF THE NATION, 
 
 NOT THE MERE PREDOMINANCE OF NUMBERS, 
 
 PROVED TO BE ITS PROPER BASIS. 
 
 BY 
 
 GEORGE HARRIS, 
 
 OP THE MIDDLE TEMPLE, B ABRISTEB- AT-LAW. 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, LONGMANS, AND ROBERTS. 
 
 1857. 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 A SMALL pamphlet, bearing the title of 
 the present work, was a few years ago 
 put forward by the author, and contained 
 the germ of the essay now offered to the 
 public. The principles which it enunciated 
 are more fully explained, and are more ex- 
 tensively carried out in the following pages 
 than were allowed by the limits of the 
 former publication. Much matter that is 
 altogether new has, moreover, been here in- 
 troduced, and some topics are discussed 
 which were not embraced by the pamphlet 
 in question. On the other hand, a portion 
 of the matter contained in the previous work 
 has been omitted in the present treatise. 
 
 A 3 
 
VI PREFACE 
 
 The author has, however, much pleasure 
 in availing himself of this opportunity to 
 acknowledge with gratitude the kindness 
 and liberality with which the production 
 alluded to was received ; and it is most 
 satisfactory to him to be able to announce 
 the decided advancement of the principles 
 which he endeavoured to enunciate, the 
 truth of which has now been assented to by 
 so many independent authorities of extensive 
 influence and high intelligence. The cor- 
 rectness and value of the theory which he 
 has propounded have been admitted by 
 some of the leading organs of the press, by 
 whom the principles of the work in question 
 were candidly and dispassionately discussed. 
 Several newspapers and periodicals of op- 
 posite politics and opinions noticed the 
 publication in the most liberal manner, and 
 in very favourable terms, and by certain of 
 them the adoption of its proposals has been 
 directly and powerfully urged. 
 
 With influential personages of different 
 
PREFACE. Vll 
 
 parties the author has also been brought 
 into communication, and has received from 
 them the most satisfactory assurances of 
 their approval of his sentiments. And a 
 very able and eloquent statesman, Sir 
 James Graham, in his speech to his con- 
 stituents at Carlisle, soon after the pamphlet 
 alluded to had appeared, not only echoed the 
 sentiments of the writer, but in nearly the 
 same words. 
 
 Petitions to both Houses of Parliament, to 
 which were attached the signatures of several 
 of the most distinguished scientific, literary, 
 and professional men of the present day, 
 praying for the adoption, in any scheme of 
 Parliamentary Reform, of principles in ac- 
 cordance with and based upon those here 
 maintained, were some time ago presented, 
 and called forth very interesting debates. 
 Moreover, certain of the leading statesmen 
 of each party have avowed their conviction 
 of the necessity of some plan similar to that 
 
VI 11 PREFACE. 
 
 propounded by the author of the present 
 work being ultimately adopted. 
 
 The most important and the most satis- 
 factory test, however, of the real progress of 
 the principles which the author is desirous of 
 maintaining, is the direct acknowledgment 
 of their correctness, and, to a certain extent, 
 the actual adoption of them, in the last 
 measure introduced into Parliament by Go- 
 vernment on the subject of Parliamentary 
 Reform, in which several of the proposals 
 here made were embodied. 
 
 While the conclusions at which the writer 
 has arrived are deduced from an investiga- 
 tion of the first principles of political govern- 
 ment, and of parliamentary representation ; 
 exactly similar conclusions have been ob- 
 tained through an inquiry into the practical 
 working of our present representative system, 
 by a gentleman of great talent and extensive 
 experience, Mr. A. G. Stapleton, in a work 
 entitled, " Suggestions for a Conservative and 
 Popular Reform of the House of Commons." 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 Another very able and excellent pamphlet 
 has since been put forward by Sir Eardley 
 Wilmot, Bart., entitled, " Parliamentary Re- 
 form. A Letter to Richard Freedom, Esq., 
 on the Redistribution, Extension, and Purifi- 
 cation of the Elective Franchise," in which, 
 by reference to statistical details, the prac- 
 ticability of a part of the plan proposed, both 
 in the pamphlet alluded to by the author of 
 these pages, and in the work of Mr. 
 Stapleton, is satisfactorily proved. 
 
 It is highly gratifying to the author to 
 be able to record that this very important 
 and interesting subject has hitherto been 
 discussed in a spirit of candour, moderation, 
 and liberality which is well worthy of it, but 
 which few other questions of corresponding 
 magnitude have been so fortunate as to 
 obtain. Of the steady if not speedy advance- 
 ment, and ultimate triumph, of the prin- 
 ciples here propounded, he feels confident 
 that their followers may now feel secure. 
 
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Constitutional Authorities on the Theory of Repre- 
 sentation - - 2 8 
 
 The Numerical Theory of Representation - 916 
 
 Taxation as a Representative Test - - 16 18 
 
 Right of every Individual to Representation - 18 20 
 
 Essence of the Representative Element - 20 23 
 State Interests requiring Representation : 
 
 I. Interest of Virtue - 2528 
 
 II. Interest of Intelligence - - 28 30 
 
 III. Interest of Order - - 3031 
 
 IV. Interest of Property - 31 33 
 V. Professional Interest . 3335 
 
 VI. Popular Interest - - 35 38 
 State Interests independent of Representation - 38 39 
 Harmonious Adjustment of different Interests - 39 42 
 Representative Results of the Reform Act - - 42 48 
 Application of the present Theory of Represen- 
 tation - - 4855 
 Adjustment of the Suffragal Qualification - - 55 60 
 Abolition of Double Votes - 57 
 Representation of Corporate Bodies - 6062 
 
Xll 
 
 ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Proposals for Administrative Reform - 63 67 
 Representative Reform, the only Remedy for Ad- 
 ministrative Corruption - 68 
 Qualification of Members of Parliament - - 68 69 
 Proposal respecting the Peerage Property Qualifica- 
 tion - - 71 73 
 Establishment of a new Order of Peers for Life - 73 76 
 Punishment and Prevention of Bribery - - 76 84 
 Proposal for Voting by Proxy Papers - 84 89 
 Duration and Dissolution of Parliaments - - 89 94 
 Due Representation essential to Perfect Political 
 
 Freedom - 9496 
 
 Independence of Party of the Plan here proposed - 96 99 
 Legitimate Progress of Legislation - - 99 101 
 
THE 
 
 TKTJE THEOKY 
 
 OP 
 
 REPKESENTATION IN A STATE. 
 
 ERRORS in matters of government, and in legisla- 
 tion more especially, have generally arisen not so 
 much from following a wrong principle, as from 
 proceeding without the adoption of any principle 
 whatever. If wrong principle has produced its 
 errors by thousands, the absence of all principle 
 has produced its errors by tens of thousands. A 
 vessel guided by an indifferent chart, or directing 
 its course by the planets, which are occasionally 
 obscured, is more likely to steer correctly than one 
 proceeding entirely in the dark and having no 
 principle of guidance whatever. The course of 
 the former may be sometimes wrong, but that of 
 the latter will be seldom if ever right. 
 
 Questions of legislation are necessarily of them- 
 selves matters of importance. Of all legislative 
 4 ' 1 B 
 
2, FIRST PRINCIPLES. 
 
 questions, those which relate to the form and con- 
 stitution of political bodies are of the first magni- 
 tude ; and such as concern the regulation of the 
 representative system of any State bear most 
 directly upon the welfare and the interests of the 
 people. On subjects of this nature it is, therefore, 
 of the utmost consequence that the guiding prin- 
 ciples should be certain, and that they should 
 be correct. The two leading defects ordinarily 
 attendant both on the framing and the discus- 
 sion of the different great legislative and consti- 
 tutional measures of the present day, appear to 
 be the neglecting to consider them as regards their 
 first principles, and the want of a sufficiently com- 
 prehensive view of the matter. 
 
 It may seem, indeed, to many, to be a task of no 
 mean difficulty to determine and define what the 
 representative body of a great and civilised nation 
 ought to consist of, and above all of what it should 
 be the representative, and what interests should 
 there predominate and obtain the leading influ- 
 ence : whether the whole nation should be thus 
 represented, with all its interests together and 
 equally ; or whether certain only of those interests 
 should exercise influence in the legislative council. 
 
 If we compare the State to the man, as has, 
 indeed, been finely and philosophically done by 
 Plato, where he has been followed, moreover, by 
 
THE MAN THE TYPE OP THE STATE. 3 
 
 some of the greatest and most profound political 
 writers and philosophers, both in ancient and 
 modern times, we may, without adopting Platon- 
 ism, have afforded to us the most comprehensive 
 and just view of the real nature and operation 
 of the various contradictory influences, energies, 
 and powers, which are existent in, and conduce to 
 the development and discipline of each. Thus the 
 higher faculties of the soul, and its purer aspira- 
 tions, which in the man ought to exercise the pre- 
 dominant influence, he compares to the influence of 
 the wisest and best men in the commonwealth, while 
 the dominion of the appetites and passions he assi- 
 milates to mob rule. Wisdom alone, he tells us, is 
 entitled to and capacitated for the supreme govern- 
 ment, just as reason is the monarch of the mind. 
 And, as in the man, the passions and lower im- 
 pulses of our nature should ever be subjugated to 
 the intellect and the moral sense, so in a State, 
 intelligence and virtue should predominate over 
 folly and licentiousness.* 
 
 Aristotle, too, however varying from Plato, Vhom 
 he appears to take every opportunity of contradict- 
 ing, agrees with him in all that is essential to the 
 theory advanced by him, and here contended to be 
 the only correct principle, that the higher interests 
 and influences in the State, those of virtue and 
 
 * Republic, b. ii. vii. ix. 
 B 2 
 
4 CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITIES ON THE 
 
 intelligence, ought ever to predominate, whether 
 as regards its general constitution or its represen- 
 tative body. Of Aristotle's Treatise on Politics, 
 that great philosopher and liberal politician, Locke, 
 remarks, after referring to his own mode of treat- 
 ing the question of Government, "Aristotle is 
 allowed a master in this science, and few enter 
 into this consideration of Government without 
 reading his Politics."* Aristotle, like Plato, com- 
 pares the State to the man, and with him contends 
 for the supremacy of the higher influences only 
 in both, and asserts that the same energies and 
 habits constitute the happiness both of individuals 
 and of nations. As regards the influence of 
 numbers being allowed to be the predominating in- 
 terest in the State, he tells us that as the majority 
 of the people are poor, their justice will therefore 
 be rapacity ; and that as the majority are ignorant, 
 their policy therefore will be folly. That they are 
 influenced by impetuous passions, and are there- 
 fore unfit to be intrusted with the government.f 
 But neither, on the other hand, does he contend 
 for the supremacy of the rich alone. Excessive 
 wealth and excessive poverty, he says, are equally 
 productive of that restless temper which subverts 
 laws and ruins States.J He consequently declares 
 
 * Letter to Mr. King. | Politics, b. iv. 
 B. vi. 
 
THEORY OF REPRESENTATION. 5 
 
 that those are the best commonwealths wherein 
 men of moderate fortunes abound and exercise 
 influence, and such a wise legislator should en- 
 deavour to secure. In another part * he tells us 
 that " Governments are good and nations happy 
 in proportion to the preponderancy of the middle 
 ranks, and their ability to defy the pride and 
 oppression of the great, as well as to resist the 
 rapacity and malignity of the vulgar." But he 
 also states, what is peculiarly applicable to the 
 present crisis, that "Governments are invariably 
 liable to be shaken when the natural influence 
 of wealth or of nobility is resisted by the weight of 
 numbers, and the independence of industry."f In 
 the succeeding book he inquires, " How is the 
 regard due to property, a thing essential to the 
 existence of States, to be reconciled with the 
 interest of the people at large, and the rights of 
 the majority ? " J He then contends forcibly 
 against the influence of numbers being allowed to 
 prevail over that of wealth, as destructive at once 
 of the existence of the State. 
 
 Locke, indeed, in his " Treatise of Government," 
 does appear, at first sight, to favour the theory 
 which is the one opposite to that which I am en- 
 deavouring to establish, and to hold the opinion 
 that the mere numerical majority in a nation, 
 
 * B. vii. f Ibid. j Ibid. 
 
 B 3 
 
6 CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITIES ON 
 
 without reference to the influences of property 
 or intelligence, ought to predominate in the govern- 
 ment of a state. He says, u Men being by nature 
 all free, equal, and independent, no one can be put 
 out of this estate, and subjected to the political 
 power of another without his own consent, which 
 is done by agreeing with other men to join and 
 
 unite into a community When any 
 
 number of men have so consented to make one 
 community or government, they are thereby pre- 
 sently incorporated, and make one body politic, 
 ivherein the majority have a right to act and 
 conclude the rest."* But it is to be borne in 
 mind that he is treating here only of the first for- 
 mation of a political society, and not of framing 
 for it a settled form of government. In the con- 
 stitution for Carolina, which was drawn up by this 
 great philosopher, so far from universal suffrage 
 being contemplated, or the votes of the majority 
 being allowed to bind the nation, he proposed to 
 confer the electoral franchise on those only who 
 had a certain interest in the land.f 
 
 Our great constitutional writer, Sir William 
 Blackstone, speaks of the House of Commons as the 
 representative body not merely of the people at 
 large, who, all will admit, ought to have a very 
 
 * Treatise of Government, part ii. c. viii. 
 j Locke's Works, vol. x. 
 
THE THEORY OF REPRESENTATION. 7 
 
 considerable influence in its election, but as in- 
 tended to represent also the different great interests 
 of the State. The Commons, he says, consist of all 
 such men of any property in the kingdom as have 
 not seats in the House of Lords, every one of which 
 has a -voice in Parliament, either personally or by 
 his representatives. In a free state, every man, 
 says the Commentator, who is supposed a free agent, 
 ought to be, in some measure, his own governor, 
 and therefore a part at least of the whole legislative 
 power should reside in the whole body of the 
 people. The counties are therefore represented by 
 knights elected by the proprietors of lands ; the 
 cities and boroughs are represented by citizens and 
 burgesses, chosen by the mercantile part, or sup- 
 posed trading interest, of the nation.* 
 
 Paley also takes the same view as regards the 
 constitution of the representative assembly of the 
 nation, and its object being to represent not merely 
 numbers, but the various great and leading in- 
 terests in the state. He says, that, by annexing 
 the right of voting for members of the House of 
 Commons to different qualifications in different 
 places, each order and profession of men in the 
 community become virtually represented ; that is, 
 men of all orders and professions, statesmen, cour- 
 tiers, country gentlemen, lawyers, merchants, ma- 
 
 * Commentaries, vol. i. b. i. c ii. 
 B 4 
 
8 CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITIES. 
 
 nufacturers, soldiers, sailors, interested in the pros- 
 perity, and experienced in the occupation of their 
 respective professions, obtain seats in Parliament. 
 And that the elections, at the same time, are so 
 connected with the influence of landed property, 
 as to afford a certainty that a considerable number 
 of men of great estates will be returned to Parlia- 
 ment ; and are also so modified, that men the most 
 eminent and successful in their respective pro- 
 fessions are the most likely, by their riches, or 
 the weight of their stations, to prevail in these com- 
 petitions.* 
 
 Similar views are expressed, and the principle 
 here advocated is upheld, by that profound philo- 
 sophical writer and distinguished politician, Burke, 
 who tells us that nothing is a due and adequate 
 representation of a State that does not represent 
 its ability as well as its property. And in answer 
 to the inquiry, " Whether twenty-four millions 
 ought to prevail over two hundred thousand ? " he 
 replies, " True, if the constitution of a kingdom be 
 a problem of arithmetic." He adds : " The pro- 
 perty of France does not govern it: of course 
 property is destroyed, and rational liberty has no 
 existence." f 
 
 Such is the constitutional theory of a represen- 
 
 * Moral Philosophy, vol. ii. b. vi. 
 
 | Reflections on the French Revolution. 
 
NUMERICAL THEORY OF REPRESENTATION. 
 
 tative system propounded by these different great 
 writers and political philosophers, where, however 
 varying from one another on many poirfts, they all 
 agree in the necessity of making the leading in- 
 terest of the State, and not the mere will of the 
 majority of the populace, the predominating in- 
 fluence. 
 
 In opposition, however, to the doctrines here 
 maintained, and according to the theory of many 
 in the present day, as developed both in. the 
 Keform Act and in the principles propounded by 
 them ; the only legitimate interest and influence in 
 the representative body of the nation is that of 
 numbers, which alone are contended to form the 
 real representative element in a free State, and 
 which ought, we are told, to prevail in legislation 
 on all matters, whether relating to property or to 
 persons. The general and leading interests of the 
 State, according to this creed, ought to have no 
 influence in the House of Commons. 
 
 The main question, therefore, now at issue, 
 which it is my present object to raise, and which it 
 appears extraordinary has not before been mooted, 
 is this. Ought interests, or ought numbers only, to . 
 form the representative element in a State ? The * 
 cry of the mob, and the principle of the Reform 
 Act, go to establish the latter doctrine. In oppo- 
 sition to them I, however, venture humbly to 
 
10 NUMERICAL THEORY OF REPRESENTATION. 
 
 submit to the candid reader that the former is the 
 true and the real constitutional theory of represen- 
 tation. 
 
 Although I do not deny the right of the people 
 to representation, arid to a full, and fair, and direct 
 representation in the House of Commons ; yet, on 
 the other hand, I do also contend that the interest 
 of numbers, or what is vulgarly termed the voice 
 of the million, is not the only interest, but merely 
 one out of the several, which ought to exercise in- 
 fluence in the representative assembly of the nation. 
 
 It was some time ago declared upon very high 
 authority *, and very general assent has, I believe, 
 been given to the proposition, that a measure may 
 be legitimately passed through the House of 
 Commons, though the opinion of a numerical ma- 
 jority of the nation is directly against it. And, in 
 support of this doctrine, it may be observed that, 
 of the whole nation, probably one half at least 
 understand nothing of the nature or merits of the 
 question. Ought, then, their voices to overpower 
 the opinions and votes of those who are acquainted 
 with the matter ? Moreover, the higher and more 
 complicated any question is, the less likely is it to 
 be understood by the mass of the people. Which, 
 then, should the Legislature adopt, the opinion of the 
 
 * Lord Aberdeen's Speech in the House of Lords on the 
 Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, July, 1851. 
 
NUMERICAL THEORY OF REPRESENTATION. 11 
 
 majority who do not, or of the minority who do, un- 
 derstand the question ? If the Legislature is bound 
 to adopt the opinion of the majority, then error may 
 be the proper basis of legislation, and a vast saving 
 of valuable public time might be forthwith effected 
 by altogether dispensing with argument and debate. 
 But if the opinion of a minority who understand 
 the question is to prevail, what becomes of the 
 theory that the voice of the multitude is the only 
 fair representation of the State ? If, however, the 
 influence of numbers is not the legitimate represen- 
 tative element of a nation, what is ? Can any 
 voice be more mildly deliberative, any mind more 
 intelligent, than that of the mob ? This question 
 shall be answered presently, when we come to 
 analyse the different interests, and to define the 
 real representative elements of a State. 
 
 Again, it may very often happen with regard to 
 any particular measure which is in course of dis- 
 cussion, that the people will consider it only as to 
 its general and theoretical, without at all regard- 
 ing it as to its particular and practical, application. 
 The Free-trade question affords us a case exactly 
 in point. It may be admitted, for the sake of illus- 
 tration, that the opinion of the majority of the 
 nation was decidedly in favour of what is almost 
 an undeniable proposition, that Free-trade in the 
 abstract is a most desirable thing. But it does not 
 
12 NUMERICAL THEORY OF REPRESENTATION. 
 
 necessarily follow from this that the more im- 
 portant question the only question, indeed, ap- 
 plicable to the late measure whether a uniform 
 system of free-trade could be established in this 
 country, shackled as we are by an enormous 
 national debt and the negative of which many 
 will hold to be as certain as the positive of the 
 other should be so decided. Indeed, one of 
 these questions would, in many instances be dis- 
 cussed, and be determined without or independent 
 of the other, and but a very small arid insignificant 
 minority would view them both together, which 
 is nevertheless the only satisfactory and correct 
 mode of dealing with the subject. Ought, then, 
 the voice of the majority, who may not have con- 
 sidered this, or any other measure in its true light, 
 to bind the opinion of the minority, who have so 
 discussed it ? If not, what becomes of the prin- 
 ciple that the voice of the multitude ought to be 
 the predominant authority in the State ? 
 
 It is just possible, indeed, that if the question 
 was to be submitted to the whole body of the 
 nation whether the funded property of the country, 
 and that of the Church, should at once be con- 
 fiscated, and applied in the discharge of the 
 national debt, or distributed among the populace, 
 a decisive majority of the people, on the nation 
 being polled out, might at some period be found to 
 
NUMERICAL THEORY OF REPRESENTATION. 13 
 
 vote in the affirmative ; and, according to the 
 modern theory of representation, the question 
 would be fairly settled by recourse to this mode. 
 
 I hold mobs, with every respect for them, to be 
 remarkably bad tutors as to the first principles of 
 government, though often very useful instructors 
 as to their practical operation. But I am also 
 persuaded that, whatever even Plato may have 
 urged to the contrary, speculative philosophers 
 would make nearly as bad rulers of the State as the 
 august mobility itself. The former would be as 
 deficient in practical knowledge, as the latter would 
 be ignorant of the principles of government. 
 
 Nevertheless, I have the greatest respect, nay 
 even regard, for mobs, especially for British mobs. I 
 admire them for their genuine honesty of purpose, 
 and for the hearty resolution with which they 
 support their views. Possibly, they may occa- 
 sionally be deficient in refined taste ; and they are 
 often wanting in courtesy towards those from 
 whom they differ. But this militates nothing 
 against their constitutional value. The great 
 defect in them is their extreme gullibility. They 
 are ever apt to be the dupes of designing agitators ; 
 and their very honesty disarms them of suspicion 
 towards others. 
 
 But, although I would trust a mob never to 
 elect a statesman who was known to be corrupt, or 
 
14 NUMERICAL THEORY OF REPRESENTATION. 
 
 who was an avowed supporter of proved abuses, I 
 dare not intrust it with nice matters of legislation. 
 Many an honest cobbler who is an adept in all that 
 appertains to his last, would make a bungling 
 business of mending a watch. So is it with the 
 mob, which is valuable only as an integral part of 
 the State. As such, however, it ought always to 
 be kept in its own proper sphere. A mob is no more 
 fitted to rule the nation (as many of its leaders 
 desire that it should do, or rather that they should 
 do so for it and under its supposed guidance) than 
 a railway porter, though most useful in his way, 
 and very valuable as a portion of the establishment, 
 is qualified to manage the steam-engine which draws 
 the train. 
 
 Nor does it by any means necessarily follow that 
 any particular body of the people should be entitled 
 to have in their hands the representative influence, 
 although they may be not only numerous, but also 
 intelligent and industrious. The thieves arid pick- 
 pockets of London are a very numerous, a most in- 
 telligent, and a particularly industrious body of men. 
 No formal complaint, however, has as yet been 
 made to Parliament that they are not adequately re- 
 presented there. And it is due to them to state 
 that there is no doubt that, if they were so repre- 
 sented, great ameliorations in our criminal code 
 might through their aid be effected. 
 
NUMERICAL THEORY OF REPRESENTATION. 15 
 
 The principle that numbers and not interests 
 form the only true element of representation, has 
 been applied to the reform of corporations as well 
 as of the House of Commons, and, as might have 
 been expected, with a corresponding degree of 
 success. Interests of various kinds, principally 
 those of property and commerce, were, in what we 
 must conclude to be a very dark period of our 
 history, entrusted to the management of persons 
 only of a certain class. Until recently a vulgar 
 prejudice had infused itself into the national mind 
 that people of education and property were the 
 most fit to administer trusts of a difficult nature 
 where property was concerned. This unfounded 
 and insidious delusion was happily expelled by the 
 Municipal Reform Act, which conferred on numbers, 
 and in many cases on ignorance and indigence, the 
 care of interests which had been usurped by those 
 who had most at stake, and who were of superior 
 intelligence. 
 
 The error in this case, doubtless a very grievous 
 one, was not in allowing the people at large to have 
 a voice and a vote in the affairs of, and a proper 
 degree of control over, municipal corporations, to 
 which they were clearly and absolutely consti- 
 tutionally entitled ; but in taking the legislative 
 and judicial functions out of the hands of those 
 who by property and education were most fitted to 
 
16 TAXATION AS A REPRESENTATIVE TEST. 
 
 discharge them satisfactorily, and conferring them 
 on those who were deficient in these very essential 
 qualifications. 
 
 Taxation is also, surely, a very unfair and very 
 unsatisfactory criterion to resort to in the regulation 
 of the general principle of representation, or of 
 electoral suffrage. Taxation is, happily, but a 
 very small part of the duty of a legislator ; and 
 even if it was more important, the principle as 
 determined by this is most unjust. The rule 
 is, in fact, adopted, if the truth may be told, 
 not so much for the purpose of enfranchising 
 any, as for the purpose of excluding certain 
 persons from the franchise ; while no additional 
 enfranchisement is conferred upon those who pay 
 the most by way of taxes. The people are surely 
 as much interested in the making of laws which 
 they have to obey, and ought consequently to have 
 a voice in the enactment of, as they are in the 
 precise mode of levying taxes, which, unfortunately, 
 must be raised by some device or other, whoever 
 and whatever our representatives may chance to 
 be. 
 
 If, however, it could be proved that those only 
 who pay taxes are of right entitled to a share in the 
 suffrage, I would humbly ask who in this happy 
 country are wholly exempt from taxation ? Does 
 not every individual in the State, from the highest 
 
TAXATION AS A REPRESENTATIVE TEST. 17 
 
 peer to the humblest beggar, either directly or 
 indirectly, if not in both these modes, and in many 
 ways, pay tax on every single article that he uses, 
 whether for food or for dress ? If so, and taxation 
 be the test of elective qualification, then, not only 
 all intelligent and independent persons, but all 
 persons whatsoever, ought to share in the suffrage. 
 
 How comes it to pass, moreover, that the very 
 able and energetic advocates for the principle that 
 numbers alone ought to be considered in the 
 formation of the national representative assembly, 
 insist on the right of householders only to the 
 suffrage ? Has it been discovered by any process 
 of divination that renting a house of a certain 
 amount confers intellectual or moral qualifications, 
 so as at once to adapt a person for the right exercise 
 of the suffrage ? If not, why do they consent merc*- 
 lessly and unjustly to exclude from all share in the 
 representation that much larger portion of the 
 free people of this great country, who, though 
 quite as intelligent, industrious, honest, and inde- 
 pendent as the other, only rent lodgings, or board 
 in families ? 
 
 Indeed, before the passing of the Reform Act, 
 several of the provisions contained in which, though 
 in very different ways, were directly at variance 
 with the practice and the spirit of the Constitution, 
 many persons were allowed to vote independent 
 
18 RIGHT OF EVERY INDIVIDUAL 
 
 of either property or taxation. In fact, the re- 
 striction of the suffrage to those alone who are 
 thus qualified was a new principle altogether, 
 strictly, indeed, in accordance with the money- 
 loving spirit of the age. Thus, freemen, and 
 those who were distinguished by the uneuphonious 
 title of " pot- wallopers, " and as " scot-and-lot " 
 voters, were all engulphed together in the merciless 
 abyss of this tremendous measure. 
 
 The only true and sound fundamental principle, 
 as regards popular representation in a free state, I 
 believe and maintain to be this: that every 
 member of that state who is of full age and 
 competent understanding, and who has not been 
 convicted of any crime, ought to have a voice in 
 the making of all laws, except those only which 
 are a mere re-enactment of the law of nature, 
 whether relating to taxation, crimes and punish- 
 ments, property, fiscal regulations, or any other 
 subject by which his interests may be affected, or 
 he himself may be bound. In other words, that 
 every man of the age of twenty-one, who can read 
 and write, and who is not proved to be a rogue, ought 
 to have a vote for a representative in Parliament. 
 
 I do not say that all representatives in Parlia- 
 ment should be elected only in this manner. Such 
 is the numerical or democratic theory to which I 
 am directly opposed. But I contend that a large 
 
TO REPRESENTATION. 19 
 
 proportion of the representatives of the nation 
 ought to be so returned. And that, in addition to 
 those thus chosen, a certain number should be also 
 sent as the representatives of the other great 
 interests in the state, of which that which com- 
 prises the popular element, and is hereafter classed 
 as No. VI., is one only, though doubtless a very 
 important one. 
 
 It is, moreover, a principle of our Constitution, 
 which is acknowledged by the most eminent 
 writers upon it of all parties, that every man who 
 is supposed to be a free agent ought to be in 
 some measure his own ruler, and ought to have a 
 share in the making of all laws by which he is 
 bound. Indeed, the principal reason for requiring 
 an elector to be possessed of a property qualifi- 
 cation was that thereby such people should be 
 excluded from the franchise as were in so mean a 
 situation that they were esteemed to have no 
 will of their own ; and it was supposed (experience 
 has proved, neither uncharitably nor unjustly) 
 that if these persons had votes, they might be 
 tempted to dispose of them under some undue 
 influence or other, which might conduce as much 
 to the danger or abridgment of the liberty of the 
 people as the exclusion altogether of a large por- 
 tion of them from the elective franchise. These 
 individuals are therefore deprived of their votes 
 
 c 2 
 
20 THE LEADING PRINCIPLES OF 
 
 by our Constitution, not from any jealousy of the 
 people partaking too largely in the representation, 
 but in order to prevent the legitimate influence of 
 the people being unduly swayed by those who 
 are possessed of wealth and power. Even Sir 
 William Blackstone declares that " if it were pro- 
 bable that every man would give his vote freely, 
 and without influence, of any kind, then upon the 
 true theory and genuine principles of liberty, every 
 member of the community, however poor, should 
 have a vote in electing those delegates to whose 
 charge is committed the disposal of his property, 
 his liberty, and his life." * 
 
 Holding, therefore, at the same time, as funda- 
 mental and as well established, though not at all in- 
 consistent constitutional principles, that, on the one 
 hand, every subject of this realm, who has a will 
 of his own and who is competent to the discharge 
 of such a duty, has an undoubted and inalienable 
 right to a direct share in the representation ; and, 
 on the other hand, that the great interests of the 
 nation, and not the mere weight of numbers, is 
 that which ought to have the predominating in- 
 fluence in its representative assembly : we now 
 arrive at the grand inquiry propounded as the 
 subject of this dissertation, and proceed at once to 
 
 * Commentaries, vol. i. 
 
REPRESENTATION IN A STATE. 21 
 
 the examination into what is the True Theory of 
 Representation in a State. In pursuing this 
 subject it should 'be shown alike what is the 
 guiding principle here to be followed, and in what 
 manner such an assembly should be constituted. 
 
 Four distinct axioms must here be laid down, 
 the truth of which I shall endeavour to demonstrate 
 as we proceed: 1. That all the essential and real 
 interests of the State ought to be represented in 
 its legislative assembly. 2. That they ought all 
 to be directly represented there. 3. That each 
 ought to be represented in due proportion to its 
 relative importance. 4. That they ought so to be 
 represented that, as much as possible, they may all 
 harmonise together. 
 
 As man is composed of body and mind, the 
 interests of both of which are united and inse- 
 parable, and ought never to be neglected, but each 
 should be regarded in due proportion ; so the care 
 of a State must be directed alike to the wealth 
 and the material well-being, and also to the intel- 
 lectual, and moral, and social condition of the 
 community. The full development of its energies 
 and powers, and the due and proper proportion of 
 influence to be allowed to each, deserve surely as 
 much consideration, and are of equal importance 
 in the State as in the man. It is well remarked by 
 Aristotle, that, to give stability to any government, 
 
 c 3 
 
22 RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF THE 
 
 it is necessary that all orders of the State should 
 feel their interest in its safety.* 
 
 Representation is of two 'kinds direct, and 
 indirect. Direct representation is that which is 
 expressly and intentionally provided for by the 
 Constitution, and is an acknowledged part of the 
 system established. Indirect is that which, though 
 not expressly or intentionally provided for, arises 
 through the operation of the same system. 
 
 We will now inquire into the nature and relative 
 importance of the different great interests of the 
 State, in their order ; and in what manner they 
 are at present, and how they each ought to be 
 represented. 
 
 As regards the latter part of this inquiry, it 
 ought, however, to be premised that representation 
 includes not only sending delegates to speak and 
 act in the great assembly of the nation, but the right 
 of that assembly also to carry on or to direct the 
 government of the country ; to make laws, and to 
 provide for the various exigencies of the State. 
 The press is representative of the people as regards 
 the first part of this privilege, the expression of 
 their opinion ; but it is deficient in the latter part, 
 as regards the power of legislation. Therefore, 
 though highly influential, it is not strictly repre- 
 
 * Politics, b. ii. 
 
DIFFERENT STATE INTERESTS. 23 
 
 sentativc. Nevertheless, the vast moral and intel- 
 lectual influence possessed by the press almost 
 compensates for its want of legislative power. In 
 every State there are two powers, corresponding 
 with the power of volition and cogitation, and the 
 power of action, in an individual. These are the 
 representative assembly, which deliberates upon 
 and decides concerning the exigencies of the State ; 
 aud the executive authority, which carries into 
 effect the laws that have been enacted. The re- 
 presentative legislative assembly is to the nation 
 what the mind is to the man ; and the discussions 
 of the former correspond with the reasonings of 
 the latter, each leading to certain determinations, 
 and resulting in action. 
 
 In each State, moreover, the electoral body 
 should constitute or comprise the essence or 
 choicest part of the whole nation; the represen- 
 tative the essence of the electoral, and the minis- 
 terial the essence of the representative. This is a 
 grand principle to be kept in view, both in the 
 framing and the operation of the representative 
 system in any country ; and in proportion as it 
 is regarded and carried out, will that system be 
 more or less efficient and perfect. 
 
 And as the representative body in a State may 
 be said to be an epitome or abridgment of the 
 
 whole civil body or community, and ought fairly to 
 
 c 4 
 
24 DEFINITION OF STATE INTERESTS. 
 
 reflect or shadow forth the form or outline of it ; 
 so a State, and consequently a representative 
 assembly, as an essential part of a State, must be 
 considered to be made up of interests as much as 
 of individuals. The interests of a State consist of 
 those different matters of importance immediately 
 and inseparably connected with it, which essentially 
 contribute to its welfare. Every political body is, 
 moreover, as extensively and as essentially in- 
 fluenced by different interests, as it is constituted 
 of different individuals. And in both cases the 
 various claims of each require to be fairly adjusted, 
 in order to enable the representative body duly and 
 adequately to reflect the mind and feeling of the 
 nation. And whoever may be the individuals that 
 compose a national representative assembly, unless 
 the different leading interests of the nation are 
 fairly represented there, and each obtain their due 
 and proportionate share of influence, no such 
 assembly can be deemed efficient and perfect. 
 
 If, however, it be urged that a State can only be 
 made up of people, though these are of different 
 parties, and not of interests ; yet it should be borne 
 in mind that these different people themselves are 
 ever essentially distinguished and classed not by 
 themselves individually, but by the interests which 
 they each represent. 
 
 The definition and adjustment of these different 
 
THE INTEREST OF VIRTUE. 25 
 
 coexistent, and often contending interests, may 
 appear to be a task of considerable difficulty, and 
 may admit of very wide discussion. On the whole, 
 however, I believe that they may all be comprised 
 under the following six, being those of: I. Virtue. 
 II. Intelligence. III. Order. IV. Property. V. The 
 Professional Interest. VI. The Popular Interest. 
 
 I. The first and leading interest in a State is 
 that which is most aptly denominated by the 
 general term of Virtue, including here both religion 
 and morality, and comprising completely and com- 
 prehensively that principle of rectitude which 
 ensures in the possessor of it an absolute and 
 unerring resolution to discharge his duty to the 
 full extent, both to his Creator and his fellow 
 creatures ; and which induces each person ever to 
 adopt that which is essentially right in itself as 
 his first and highest aim. The predominance of 
 such a principle is essential to the right conduct 
 both of an individual and of a State. Nor ought 
 ethics and politics ever to be considered apart. 
 The statesman should aim, not at what is expedient, 
 but at what is just ; and the same principle should 
 pervade the whole body of the legislature. Aris- 
 totle well observes in his " Politics," * that, in the 
 contest for civil pre-eminence, education and virtue 
 seem fairly entitled to the first honours ; because, of 
 
 * Book iii. 
 
26 THE INTEREST OF VIRTUE. 
 
 all things, education and virtue most contribute to 
 the perfection of civil society. Accordingly, in the 
 representative body of a State, it must necessarily 
 be all-important that the interest of virtue obtain 
 its due share of influence over its deliberations and 
 proceedings. 
 
 If it be contended that such an interest as this 
 ought not to form an independent one in the re- 
 presentative body, inasmuch as every single re- 
 presentative should be individually and mainly 
 influenced by this principle ; I would reply that, 
 while I admit the latter proposition to the full, yet 
 it is because this interest is so essential that at 
 any rate until it can be proved to be really and 
 practically predominant in a representative as- 
 sembly it is all important that the interest of 
 virtue have a distinct and independent represen- 
 tation of its own. Many of the individuals who 
 constitute a representative assembly may be men of 
 property and of commercial eminence. But this is 
 surely no reason why property and commerce 
 should not obtain a due and independent repre- 
 sentation in such a body. 
 
 The important interest here alluded to is in- 
 directly represented in the House of Commons, and 
 also in the House of Lords which, though not 
 considered as the representative assembly of the 
 nation, is, and acts as such, in many respects by 
 
THE INTEREST OF VIRTUE. 27 
 
 the religious belief and moral character of the 
 members of these bodies. The influence of this 
 interest, as regards the religious belief and opinions 
 of the representatives, is also secured by the oath 
 imposed upon members of Parliament. 
 
 This interest is directly represented by the 
 presence of the bishops in the House of Lords, the 
 object of which was admirably stated by Lord 
 Eldon to be " not to make the Church political, 
 but the State religious." Consistently, however, 
 with the principle which is now gaining the 
 ascendancy, that the influence of the higher 
 interests of the State ought to be diminished, 
 while that of the lower interests should be rendered 
 paramount, it has been determined that the 
 number of spiritual peers ought not to be in- 
 creased, although that of temporal peers has been 
 greatly added to. Indeed, at the time of the 
 dissolution of the monasteries by Henry VIII., the 
 spiritual lords consisted of twenty-six mitred 
 abbots and two priors, besides the archbishops and 
 bishops, and together outnumbered the temporal 
 nobility. This novel decision is the more indefen- 
 sible since the abolition of Convocation, where the 
 interests of religion and morality had a direct repre- 
 sentation. In the House of Commons the higher 
 interest alluded to has been further diminished by 
 the exclusion of the clergy from that assembly. 
 
28 THE INTEEEST OF INTELLIGENCE. 
 
 This interest is, moreover, not only to be con- 
 sidered in itself, but also as opposed to those 
 antagonistic principles of irreligion, and vice, and 
 immorality, which, both in the State and in the 
 man, are ever working against it, and which ought 
 to be discouraged and subdued. 
 
 II. The next great interest in the State deserv- 
 ing of a leading influence in the representative as- 
 sembly is that of Intelligence, by which I mean the 
 predominant sway of those minds of superior ability 
 and high cultivation, and of extensive and ample 
 knowledge, who are the most capable of dealing 
 with different subjects in the manner they deserve, 
 and which will ensure every question of importance 
 being so dealt with, and decided on accordingly. 
 This interest must be as important in a repre- 
 sentative assembly as it is in an individual, and 
 consequently ought to secure its due share of in- 
 fluence there. 
 
 The distinct and independent separate repre- 
 sentation of the interest of intelligence, must 
 therefore be contended for and defended on the 
 same grounds as the representation of that of 
 virtue, and the two should indeed be ever united 
 and supported together. 
 
 By the intelligence, education, and acquirements 
 of the members of both Houses of Parliament, this 
 interest is indirectly represented, so far as regards 
 
THE INTEREST OF INTELLIGENCE. 29 
 
 general intelligence and information. Art and 
 science, which are a branch of this interest, are, 
 however, wholly without any direct represen- 
 tation. 
 
 The interest of letters is directly represented in 
 the House of Commons only by the influence of 
 those of the constituency who are devoted to these 
 pursuits, but who in every popular electoral 
 district must form a very inconsiderable minority, 
 so that this influence will be entirely overwhelmed. 
 It may therefore be said to be directly represented 
 there solely by the members of the three univer- 
 sities, which are the only learned bodies permitted to 
 send representatives. The number of these has, 
 however, been considerably decreased. So long 
 ago as the reign of Edward I., writs were issued 
 requiring the University of Oxford to send up four 
 or five, and that of Cambridge two or three of their 
 most discreet and learned lawyers for that pur- 
 pose.* But although the county and borough 
 members have since that period been so largely 
 increased, yet, in accordance with the principle 
 already alluded to as predominating in the changes 
 lately made in our representative system, the 
 universities now send each only two represen- 
 tatives. 
 
 * 4 Inst. 16. 
 
30 THE INTEREST OF ORDER. 
 
 This interest, like the former one, is also to be 
 considered not only as regards itself, but in rela- 
 tion to those antagonistic principles of ignorance 
 and folly which, whether in the State or in the 
 man, will ever be opposed to and operate against it. 
 
 In an assembly which is not only representative, 
 but deliberative also, as is peculiarly the case with 
 our Houses of Parliament, it is of paramount im- 
 portance that both virtue and intelligence should 
 there predominate, whether we consider merely the 
 efficiency of such an assembly, or the general well- 
 being of the nation which it represents. Singu- 
 larly enough, however, no intellectual test or 
 qualification whatever, even of the lowest kind, 
 has ever been required by law either of the voter 
 or member of Parliament ; nor has its desirableness 
 been contended for by any of the enlightened ad- 
 vocates for reform. 
 
 III. The interest of Order is the next of those 
 belonging to the State, which ought to have in- 
 fluence in its representative assembly. In this 
 interest are comprised those of law and justice 
 generally, so as to secure to the community at 
 large through all its ranks, and with regard to all 
 matters of which civil cognisance can be taken, a 
 due and proper regulation of its affairs, according 
 to the strict rules of right and equity. This 
 interest, on the support of which, indeed, rests the 
 
THE INTEREST OF PROPERTY. 31 
 
 whole foundation of civil society, requires to be 
 maintained, and constitutes, necessarily, a very 
 important one in every community, and ought 
 consequently to obtain a due share of influence in 
 the representative assembly of the State. Indi- 
 rectly this interest is represented through the 
 loyalty and love of order which animates the mem- 
 bers of both Houses of Parliament ; and by those 
 among them whose professional studies as lawyers 
 have led them to obtain a full acquaintance with 
 the principles of the Constitution. It is also di- 
 rectly represented wherever the feeling here alluded 
 to animates the majority of any particular con- 
 stituency, and has influenced their choice of a re- 
 presentative. 
 
 This interest is, however, mainly to be considered 
 as it is opposed to that of disloyalty, and disorder, 
 and anarchy, which in every State will animate the 
 minds of a large class ; the numerical majority in 
 most nations being composed of those who, from 
 poverty, or other causes, are discontented with 
 their condition, and who are consequently not 
 averse to revolutionary changes. The oath of alle- 
 giance, administered to a member on his taking 
 his seat, provides for the security of this inte- 
 rest as regards the principles of the representative 
 body. 
 
 IV. The interest of Property, comprising that of 
 
32 THE INTEREST OF PROPERTY. 
 
 wealth of every variety, is that which promotes and 
 maintains the security to each person of his own 
 possessions, and the due regulation of the free and 
 just disposal of such property, and its transmission 
 from one person to another. The support of this in- 
 terest is essential to thfc actual constitution of every 
 community which is sufficiently civilised for the 
 members of it to have any possessions of their own ; 
 and it is consequently necessary that it should 
 also have its 'proper share of influence, and an in- 
 dependent representation in the legislative assem- 
 bly of the nation. 
 
 This interest is directly represented, and its 
 security is provided for by the amount of property 
 which is required by law to be possessed by the 
 different members of both Houses, and by that 
 owned by the electors in respect of which they are 
 entitled to vote. Indirectly, this interest is also 
 represented by the property possessed by those who 
 have votes for representatives, though they may 
 not acquire them in respect of such property. But 
 not only ought wealth generally, of whatever kind, 
 to be duly represented in the legislative assembly 
 of the nation, but property in land ought also, 
 from its peculiar nature and paramount im- 
 portance, to have a distinct share in the repre- 
 sentation. Formerly, indeed, the landed interest, 
 which, according to the opinion of all great consti- 
 
THE PROFESSIONAL INTEREST. 33 
 
 tutional writers, is the really important stake in 
 the country, was protected in Parliament against 
 the influence of the trading and monetary interest, 
 by requiring that the representatives chosen by 
 the boroughs, or the trading interest constitu- 
 encies, should be men possessed of a certain 
 amount of landed estate, who had thus had a stake 
 in the land. By the Act of Parliament which 
 rendered personal property a qualification, as well 
 as real, this protection of the landed interest has 
 been withdrawn. The counties which represent the 
 landed interest, at an early period of our parlia- 
 mentary history returned each four members to 
 the House of Commons. This was at a time, too, 
 when the majority of the towns which now send 
 representatives were not enfranchised. 
 
 To the interest of wealth and property, poverty 
 and want are the antagonistic influences. 
 
 Y. The Professional Interest comprising that 
 of the different professions and trades, and the 
 interests of industry generally, of every variety, 
 including therein labour and production of each 
 kind, manufacture and exchange, import and 
 export, traffic and commerce, and their due protec- 
 tion and regulation may be considered as form- 
 ing a distinct and independent one of itself, and 
 appears next to demand representation in the 
 national assembly. In every State where pro- 
 
34 THE PROFESSIONAL INTEREST. 
 
 fessions and trades are carried on, the interest of 
 these bodies, and the maintenance of their rights 
 and privileges, must constitute a very important 
 one in the community. Consequently, such an 
 interest ought to obtain its due share of influence 
 in the representative body of the nation. 
 
 It may be observed that the professional interest 
 is distinct from that of property, inasmuch as 
 while the professional interest is that which mainly 
 relates to the regulation of the production of pro- 
 perty, the interest of property, on the other hand, 
 relates mainly to its preservation when so pro- 
 duced, or otherwise obtained. 
 
 These several professions and trades, so vary- 
 ing in their nature, differ much as to their present 
 proportionate share in the representation. Thus 
 the legal profession is indirectly represented by 
 the numerous members of it who are to be found 
 in both Houses. The medical' profession, though 
 a most important one, has, in comparison with the 
 former, a very small share of representation in 
 either House. The various trades are also repre- 
 sented indirectly by such of the members as are 
 engaged in this pursuit, and directly so by the 
 members for the great commercial towns. They 
 are also indirectly represented by the votes of those 
 of the constituency who are engaged in this pur- 
 suit, but who possess the suffrage not from their 
 
THE POPULAR INTEREST. 35 
 
 occupation, but on account of something quite in- 
 dependent of it, which confers a qualification. 
 The share of direct representation, either of the 
 professional or commercial bodies, is, therefore, 
 notwithstanding their immense importance to the 
 State, very small indeed. Nevertheless, they ob- 
 tain, on the whole, a very large amount of in- 
 fluence in the legislature. Nor can there be said 
 to be any interest in the State which is directly 
 opposed to them. And no test is imposed for the 
 security of this interest. 
 
 YI. The interest of the personal rights and 
 privileges of the people, or what may by some 
 be considered as the Popular Interest in a State, 
 is as distinct arid independent as any of the 
 others already considered, and consists in secur- 
 ing to the people at large, of whatever rank, 
 their freedom and natural rights of different 
 kinds, as members of a civil community. Al- 
 though this interest ought not to be allowed to 
 overwhelm every other, much less alone to be con- 
 sidered as the interest which should be attended to 
 in the national representative assembly ; yet, on the 
 other hand, it is no less entitled to its fair and pro- 
 portionate share of influence, though to that only. 
 This interest, therefore, may ordinarily be con- 
 sidered as that of the people generally, more 
 especially of the poor, who, being included in none 
 
 i) 2 
 
36 THE POPULAR INTEREST. 
 
 of the classes already enumerated, form, neverthe- 
 less, a most essential branch of the community, and 
 whose privileges require to be protected, not only 
 on their own account, and for the sake of justice, 
 but to ensure the well-being of the nation at large. 
 The people are to a State what the body and the 
 vital functions are to a man, the care of which 
 though not his sole or chief concern, it is absolutely 
 essential should obtain a due share of attention, for 
 the sake both of themselves and of ensuring the 
 proper operation of the intellectual portion of his 
 being, which is largely dependent on the condition 
 of the former. This interest is only directly repre- 
 sented by those members who are returned for 
 constituencies where the majority of the voters 
 are of the class here alluded to. 
 
 The last-named interest, as already observed, is 
 antagonistic to that of wealth ; but although op- 
 posed, it is not necessarily inimical to it, if both are 
 allowed, as they ought to be, their fair share of 
 influence in the representation. The interest, 
 indeed, which is not only antagonistic, but directly 
 inimical to the popular interest, is that of the 
 licentious body in each community, by which I 
 mean such of the populace who, from disaffection 
 or ignorance, and from being subject to undue and 
 corrupt influences, prevent the possibility of the 
 mass of the people exercising their political privi- 
 
THE POPULAR INTEREST. 37 
 
 leges without injury, not merely to the other inte- 
 rests in the State, but more especially to themselves. 
 
 It cannot be denied that not only do the poor 
 stand as much in need of being fairly and fully re- 
 presented in the House of Commons as do any 
 other interests in the State already enumerated, but 
 they have as great a constitutional right to it as 
 any of them. They are not only bound equally 
 with the rich by all the laws that are made, and 
 have to share in the payment, either directly or 
 indirectly, of all the taxes ; but it is especially re- 
 quisite that they should have representatives in 
 Parliament who understand, and who will devote 
 themselves to their interests. This is, indeed, also 
 more or less the case with the other interests 
 already enumerated, all of which require not only 
 to be represented, but that each should be directly 
 represented, and each in proportion to its relative 
 importance. In order, however, to ensure this, it is 
 essential that such a representation of them, and 
 such only, should be framed, as that their real and 
 true interests should be represented ; and not that 
 the influences of anarchy or corruption be per- 
 mitted to gain the ascendancy under the mask of 
 friendship towards this interest, but which are in 
 reality its greatest bane. 
 
 While, therefore, I contend that the interest of 
 numbers ought not to be the only influence, or the 
 
 D 3 
 
38 INTERESTS INDEPENDENT OF REPRESENTATION. 
 
 predominating influence in the representation, I 
 am far from contending that it ought not to have 
 an influence, or that that influence should not be 
 extensive. I am not for depriving the mob of all 
 power, though I am resolute for dethroning him. I 
 trust that he may be allowed to exercise his fair 
 sway, but I never will consent to exalt him into a 
 despot. 
 
 There are, indeed, certain other interests in the 
 State, which, though they require protection to the 
 fullest extent, as they are essential to its well- 
 being, yet may be said to be independent of repre- 
 sentation, being either so firmly established in their 
 influence, or so united with other interests, as not 
 to need this. Thus the interest of the sovereign 
 is of this class; inasmuch as, besides forming a 
 distinct branch of the State, his influence over the 
 legislature is so great as to require no represen- 
 tatives there. So also, with regard to the judicial, 
 and naval, and military interests of the nation, 
 which are so bound up with the interest of the 
 sovereign, the general interest of the State, and the 
 private interests of all the members of the Legis- 
 lature, as to need no representatives of their own 
 to guard them. 
 
 Certain of these authorities do, indeed, on par- 
 ticular occasions, require to have representatives in 
 Parliament, but whose presence there is essential 
 
REPRESENTATION OF THE MINORITY. 39 
 
 not so much to protect their interests as to afford 
 information upon any matter connected with the 
 discharge of their duties, with which it is desirable 
 for Parliament to be acquainted. This, however, 
 is of course rather for the advantage of Parliament 
 than for that of the parties so far represented there. 
 And information of this kind it is always the 
 province of the officers of government in those 
 departments to afford, as it is their duty also to 
 protect these interests when assailed. 
 
 The representation of the minority as well as of 
 the majority in each constituency, has been urged 
 by some very enlightened and philosophical re- 
 formers, as a desirable mode of giving due weight 
 to the opinions of those who, although they are 
 not able to secure the election of a member, are 
 nevertheless, both from their numbers and their 
 intelligence, fairly entitled to have a representative. 
 But I submit that if, in accordance with the 
 principles here advocated, each interest in the State 
 is duly and fairly represented, there will be no 
 longer any occasion to provide for the representa- 
 tion of the minority in a constituency, inasmuch as 
 the legitimate influence of the opinions and interests 
 entertained by such minority will, where these 
 are of real value and deserving of representation, 
 have been already provided for in the State. 
 
 It is of essential importance that the different 
 D 4 
 
40 HARMONIOUS ADJUSTMENT OF INTERESTS. 
 
 great interests of the State, which we have already 
 been considering, should not only be all repre- 
 sented, but that, as much as possible, they should 
 all harmonise, and act cordially together. How- 
 ever opposed to each other as regards their own 
 individual welfare any of them may be, they are, 
 nevertheless, all united as regards their common 
 interest in the public good. An injury to any one, 
 or to any part, is, in reality, an injury to the 
 whole, as much in the case of the State as in that 
 of the man; and the interests of virtue and of 
 intelligence are, in truth, not more united than 
 are those of wealth and commerce, or even those of 
 wealth and of the poor, neither of which will 
 attain a high degree of prosperity independent of 
 the other. However these varied interests may 
 emulate, they should never be permitted to injure 
 one another. 
 
 It follows, therefore, that any State will be 
 perfect according as its various interests are fairly 
 and efficiently represented, as they are represented 
 in due proportion, and as they harmonise well 
 together. It is useful to possess as complete a 
 model as we can, although we may never be able to 
 copy it exactly. We do well to be proceeding on 
 the road towards perfection, although we may never 
 arrive there. So also is it desirable to lay down 
 correct principles, and to act upon them, even 
 
HARMONIOUS ADJUSTMENT OF INTERESTS. 41 
 
 though we are persuaded of never being able to 
 carry them out to their full extent. A perfect 
 State may be as ideal as a perfect man ; but this is, 
 surely, no reason why perfection is not to be sought 
 after by both. 
 
 That government is equally as bad in which 
 wealth and commerce are overlooked and intelli- 
 gence only is regarded, as that in which intelligence 
 is disregarded and wealth arid commerce only are 
 considered. The rich and the poor ought, more- 
 over, not to be viewed as opposing interests, but as 
 essential parts of one and the same State. The 
 object of the true statesman will be not merely to 
 promote the present influence of his party, but the 
 permanent interest of his country ; and his care 
 should be devoted to the welfare not of this or 
 that branch of trade or wealth, but to the well- 
 being of every department. His aim should, 
 moreover, be not to raise rivalries between, but to 
 conciliate and concentrate these various interests. 
 Aristotle pronounces that to be the most perfect 
 State in which popular and aristocratic powers are 
 harmoniously blended into one equitable system of 
 polity, benefiting all, and doing injury to none. 
 
 The constitutions of States are, however, like 
 the bodies of individuals, not only liable to many 
 defects and diseases, but subject to constant decay. 
 Many errors in legislation might be pointed out 
 
42 REPRESENTATIVE AIM OF REFORM ACT. 
 
 that have arisen mainly from the defective repre- 
 sentation in the Legislature of the different 
 interests above enumerated, which have deeply 
 affected each of those interests ; and perhaps none 
 of them have suffered more than the one compre- 
 hended in Class VI. This latter class has also 
 suffered severely from the defective representation 
 of Classes I. and II. Had virtue and intelligence 
 possessed a greater share of influence in the State, 
 the poor would not have been neglected, either 
 as regards their intellectual, moral, or physical 
 wants, in the way that they have been. 
 
 ^af 
 
 An attempt was, indeed, made by the Reform 
 Act to improve, if not to render perfect, the 
 representation in this country. But the principle 
 on which the framers of it proceeded was that the 
 interest comprehended mainly in Class VI., or the 
 interest of numbers, was that which ought chiefly 
 to predominate in the representative body; while 
 those comprehended in Classes I., II., and III., were 
 not recognised at all, and those in Classes IV. and 
 V. were allowed only a very subordinate influence. 
 The supporters of the Reform Act contended, or 
 appeared to be impressed with the notion, that the 
 representative system had at some definite period 
 existed in a perfect form, from which it had 
 degenerated, and to which that measure would at 
 once restore ic. That, according to the principle 
 
EARLY REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM. 43 
 
 of the Constitution, those constituencies only which 
 were the most numerous ought to send represen- 
 tatives to Parliament, while those which represented 
 the great interests of the nation ought to be disfran- 
 chised, the interest of numbers only being taken 
 into consideration in the establishment of this 
 system ; although, by an unaccountable incon- 
 sistency, they refused to grant universal suffrage. 
 
 That the British Constitution ever did at any 
 period exist in this supposed perfect form, is as 
 absurd as a belief in the real existence of such a 
 country and constitution as that of Utopia. And 
 that towns were ever enfranchised on account of 
 their population alone, is as contrary to fact as to 
 suppose that individuals were entitled to vote on 
 account of their personal size a mode of enfran- 
 chisement which would tend greatly to the ad- 
 vantage of the agricultural interest! It appears, 
 however, that certain towns were, at an early period 
 of our history, selected to send representatives, as 
 in the case of some of the Cornish boroughs and 
 the Cinque Ports, on account of particular interests 
 which were deemed to require representation in 
 Parliament ; the House of Commons being con- 
 sidered then, as it still ought to be, the medium of 
 representation, not of numbers only, but of the 
 various great interests of the State. Our very ac- 
 curate and impartial constitutional historian Hallam 
 
44 EARLY REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM. 
 
 says, that " many ancient boroughs have at no period 
 possessed sufficient importance to deserve the 
 elective franchise on the score of their riches, or 
 their population ; and it is most likely that some 
 temporary interest or partiality, which cannot now 
 be traced, first caused a writ to be addressed to 
 them." * The same authority tells us, that in the 
 reign of Edward II. twenty-two boroughs were 
 created, several of them insignificant places. In 
 another part of the same workf we are informed 
 that " several of the boroughs that are currently 
 said to be decayed, were never much better than 
 at present." Some appear to have had represen- 
 tatives given them in the charitable hope that they 
 would one day or other grow into places of 
 importance. In the reigns of f Henry VIIL, Edward 
 VI., and of Mary and Elizabeth, the enfranchisement 
 of small boroughs, we are told, proceeded, while 
 that of large towns was neglected. 
 
 The conclusion at which the great historian 
 Hume arrives is, indeed, one not very complimen- 
 tary to the boroughs, or even to the House of 
 Commons itself. It is that the existence of this 
 branch of the legislature was first recognised, and 
 at all events the boroughs were first summoned to 
 send representatives during the usurpation of Lei- 
 
 * Constit. Hist. Eng., vol. i. p. 61. 
 t Vol. iii. p. 52. 
 
EARLY REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM. 45 
 
 cester, in the reign of Henry III.* At any rate, 
 many of the boroughs were, at an early period, 
 empowered to elect members, either on account of 
 their wealth, their trade, or their possession of 
 some particular interest which required to be 
 represented. But before the second quarter of the 
 nineteenth century, and the glorious era of the 
 Reform Act, did any one ever read of the enfran- 
 chisement of a mob ? Does history record 
 an instance of giving the privilege of sending 
 representatives to numbers only, without the 
 consideration of their embodying any other in- 
 terest ? 
 
 The earliest Parliaments of which history fur- 
 nishes any distinct record, appear, moreover, very 
 different to mere deputations from mobs. King 
 John, in the seventeenth year of his reign, in the 
 Great Charter which he granted, promised to summon 
 all archbishops, bishops, abbots, earls, and greater 
 barons, personally, and all other tenants in chief 
 under the crown, by the sheriff and bailiffs, to 
 meet at a certain place, within forty days 7 notice, 
 to assess aids and scutages when necessary. 
 
 Many institutions which have become obsolete, 
 as regards their original intention, are nevertheless 
 of great practical value, having by degrees adapted 
 
 * Hist, of Eng., Reign of Hen. III. 
 
46 REPRESENTATIVE RESULTS OF REFORM ACT. 
 
 themselves to the exigencies of the times, and to 
 the requirements of a later age. This was espe- 
 cially the case with the unreformed House of 
 Commons, which, though doubtless very imperfect, 
 if considered as the representative of one interest 
 only in the State, that of mere numbers, or of 
 the democratic influence, was far superior to the 
 present House as the representative of the real 
 interests, the virtue, intelligence, and wealth of 
 the nation. Our aim should now, therefore be, 
 in framing a representative system, not to revive 
 the old one with its abuses, but as far as possible 
 to devise a scheme which may supply the im- 
 portant advantages which by its abolition we have 
 lost, and also secure to us such other requisites in 
 our system as that failed to produce. 
 
 As regards the representation of the higher 
 interests of the State already denned and classi- 
 fied, how many men of learning, information, and 
 intelligence, who were returned to Parliament for 
 " rotten boroughs," have been entirely excluded by 
 the Reform Act? Mr. Burke, Mr. Pitt, Mr. 
 Canning, Mr. Brougham, Mr. Sadler, Sir Charles 
 Wetherell, Sir James Mackintosh, Mr. Croker, and 
 Mr. Macaulay, were all introduced to Parliament 
 through, and sat during the greater portion of 
 their career for rotten boroughs. Have Finsbury 
 and the Tower Hamlets, or Manchester and Bir- 
 
REPRESENTATIVE RESULTS OF REFORM ACT. 47 
 
 mingham, sent men who represent the interests 
 of the State comprehended in Classes L, II., III., 
 IV., and V., as the rotten boroughs did ? How 
 are our great colonial interests, which are com- 
 prehended in Classes IV. and V. and the well 
 being of which is inseparably connected with 
 the welfare of every other interest in the State 
 now represented and protected ? Having neither 
 representation nor protection, they are left to the 
 tender mercies of the Colonial Secretary, and the 
 consequences of their desertion are too obvious 
 to need comment. Nor can any blame be attached 
 to the mobs of the metropolis, and of Manchester, 
 and Birmingham, for returning members, doubt- 
 less very judiciously chosen to represent their 
 interests, instead of those of the nation. But it is, 
 surely, most unjust and most impolitic to consider 
 theirs as the only interest in the State, or to deny 
 to its leading interests all share in the representa- 
 tion. 
 
 Nevertheless, so far as the Reform Act proceeded 
 merely on the principle of adjusting properly the 
 mode of popular representation in those places where 
 popular representation had already been established, 
 but had not been generally or fairly allowed to all 
 classes, its theory was undoubtedly correct and con- 
 stitutional. It was, however, most erroneous and 
 deficient in principle, if regarded, as many, though 
 
48 REPRESENTATIVE RESULTS OF REFORM ACT. 
 
 perhaps not all, of its supporters deemed it, as 
 serving to establish the theory that popular re- 
 presentation ought to be the only kind of represen- 
 tation in a State. 
 
 Having considered the defects in the new system 
 of representation as regards the important advan- 
 tages of which it has deprived us, we will next 
 consider its evil consequences of a positive kind. 
 The fairest illustration of the practical operation of 
 the system established by the Reform Act, and 
 which was exactly predicted by its leading oppo- 
 nents, is the impossibility of carrying on the go- 
 vernment, except by espousing those measures, 
 and those only, which are the most popular with 
 the mass of the electoral body, instead of adopting 
 those which are most needed by the exigencies of 
 the State. The best apology for the Government 
 is that the fault is not theirs, but that of the system 
 under which we are living. 
 
 It is the same, therefore, now with regard to the 
 measures of statesmen and of governments, as is 
 ever more or less the case with the proceedings 
 and projects of private persons, that certain par- 
 ticular plans are adopted, not because they are 
 considered to possess the most intrinsic value, but 
 because they are deemed the most sure of being 
 carried into execution. A man determines on an 
 undertaking, not because he thinks it the best 
 
EXTENSION OF SUFFRAGE. 49 
 
 in itself, or prefers it to all others, but because he 
 believes it is the one which he is most sure of accom- 
 plishing. So is it of the grand political measures 
 which our patriotic ministries, of whatever party, 
 are in the habit of propounding. In proportion, 
 therefore, as any particular Government is vigorous, 
 and influential, and is conscious of possessing the 
 confidence of the country, may we expect that its 
 measures will be really adapted to the exigencies 
 of the State. 
 
 The extension of the suffrage is, with -a certain 
 class of politicians, the one grand specific for all 
 political diseases. As some quack pills are sup- 
 posed to be alike and equally efficacious, (as is 
 probably really the case,) whether apoplexy, or 
 consumption, or gout, or the measles, or bruises, 
 or the small-pox, be the calamity complained of; 
 so the great political nostrum, the extension of the 
 suffrage, is to cure all the complaints of the State, 
 restore the agricultural interest, make trade pros 
 perous, promote harmony in the colonies, and 
 relieve the nation of its burdens. 
 
 Certain of the democratic reformers of the 
 present day contend that the members of the aris- 
 tocracy, who are represented by a separate legis- 
 lative body, exercise too extensive an influence in 
 the return of members to the House of Commons. 
 It should, however, be recollected that it is the 
 
 E 
 
50 PROPOSED PLAN OF REPRESENTATION. 
 
 influence of their property, not of their legislative 
 power, which is so exercised, and which is alto- 
 gether as legitimate an influence as is that of 
 numbers, to which it is opposed. 
 
 But we have next to inquire, if the theory that 
 numbers alone ought to prevail in the representa- 
 tion be not the correct one, how is the theory here 
 contended to be the only true one, that interests 
 and not numbers should predominate, to be carried 
 out ? 
 
 It must here be premised, and this appears to 
 have been totally overlooked, that although the 
 predominance of the numerical influence must 
 inevitably destroy the various great interests in 
 the State ; yet the predominance of such interests, 
 if fairly represented, cannot fail to conduce to the 
 welfare of the people at large, who are all con- 
 cerned and participate in benefits conferred on the 
 nation. And if benefits are obtained, it little 
 matters whether they are gained through the 
 votes representing interests, or those representing 
 numbers. 
 
 If the various great interests already enumerated 
 are of the importance here supposed, their in- 
 fluence ought surely to predominate in the repre- 
 sentation of the State. But how ought this to be 
 effected? As regards the interest comprehended 
 in Class L, or the religious and moral interests of 
 
PROPOSED PLAN OF REPRESENTATION. 51 
 
 the State, there is little doubt that before many 
 years Convocation will be restored in some shape or 
 other to its full efficiency, which body alone is 
 completely adapted to represent and to deal with this 
 interest, and for which the House of Commons must 
 now be acknowledged to be unfit. But even if 
 Convocation be restored, this would in no way dis- 
 pense with the influence of religion and virtue in 
 the House of Commons, which is the real repre- 
 sentative assembly of the nation. 
 
 Unless Convocation is allowed to exercise its 
 entire functions, the clergy ought not to be excluded 
 from the House of Commons, as they are the 
 immediate representatives of the religious influence 
 of the State. Whether the interests of the Church 
 would not be better secured by a separate legislative 
 assembly devoted to their discussion, and composed 
 exclusively of its members, than by entrusting the 
 House of Commons, in which those of all sects and 
 parties of religionists are congregated, with those 
 interests ; and whether in Convocation lay as well 
 as clerical members might not advantageously be 
 admitted, are questions altogether beyond the 
 present subject of inquiry. 
 
 Not only, however, would I allow to the clergy 
 of the Established Church the just privilege of 
 being represented in Convocation, and of having 
 all legislative matters of an ecclesiastical nature 
 
 E 2 
 
52 PROPOSED PLAN OF REPRESENTATION. 
 
 exclusively determined there ; but I would also 
 grant to the different dissenting bodies the privi- 
 lege of having a representative assembly, by 
 which the settlement of all questions affecting 
 their religious opinions or privileges might be 
 controlled and determined ; or at any rate which 
 would perhaps be more satisfactory still with- 
 out whose sanction no law affecting them in this 
 respect should be passed by the Legislature. 
 
 But although Convocation, with all its functions, 
 should be fully restored, yet it does not even then 
 follow, as a necessary consequence, that the bishops 
 should be banished from the House of Lords, or 
 that all denominations of believers and of un- 
 believers should be freely admitted into the House 
 of Commons. Supposing, however, that Con- 
 vocation would be the fittest, nay, the only fit, 
 body to legislate upon matters purely ecclesiastical 
 or theological, or which affected the rights and 
 interests of the Church ; admitting this to the 
 fullest extent, or that it might be as fit as the 
 House of Commons is obviously unfit, yet there 
 must still remain a variety of questions of a moral 
 nature, and which are indirectly if not directly of 
 a religious kind, with which the House of Commons 
 will always have to deal. Indeed, it is very 
 difficult to specify any single question or subject 
 of legislation upon which morality and religion 
 
PROPOSED PLAN OF REPRESENTATION. 53 
 
 have not either a direct or an indirect bearing. 
 Hence, whether Convocation be established or not, 
 the interests of religion and morality should ever 
 predominate in the State, and be the leading and 
 most influential in both Houses of Parliament. 
 
 The interests comprehended in Classes II. and 
 111., or those of intelligence and learning, and of 
 loyalty and order, might fairly be represented by 
 allowing the different chartered, learned, and 
 scientific bodies hereafter enumerated, to send 
 representatives, as three of the universities already 
 do. I would accordingly give members to these 
 various public bodies, for whom those belonging to 
 them should vote, either in their professional 
 capacity or as individually constituting them. 
 
 The interest comprehended in Class IV., or that 
 of wealth, is, as before observed, already repre- 
 sented in Parliament. The only danger is that 
 its proper influence may be borne down by that of 
 numbers. An efficient and direct representation 
 of Class V., the professional and trading interest, 
 ought also to be provided, which could be done by 
 allowing the various institutions and incorporated 
 bodies and companies connected with it to send 
 representatives. This, indeed, appears to have 
 been the object of the enfranchisement of many 
 small boroughs in former times. The interest 
 comprised in Class VI. , or that of numbers alone, 
 
 E 3 
 
54 PROPOSED PLAN OF REPRESENTATION. 
 
 should also have a fair representation given to it, 
 the plan for which shall be considered presently. 
 
 But it may be said that the interests of Classes 
 II., IV., and V. are already represented in Parlia- 
 ment, and that this is effected even through the 
 medium of popular constituencies. Thus, dis- 
 tinguished authors, East India directors, and di- 
 rectors of railways, as also leading professional men, 
 are frequently returned for large towns. In this 
 case, however, they are elected, not to serve the 
 particular interest for which they are peculiarly 
 qualified, but to serve one which is opposed to it ; 
 and their election is owing to some influence which 
 enables them to counteract that of which they are 
 immediately representative. It would surely, 
 however, be far more equitable and beneficial for 
 these various interests that each should be legiti- 
 mately and fairly represented, without encroaching 
 upon the other. 
 
 Moreover, as representation in a State has several 
 distinct and independent objects in view, so it 
 follows, as a necessary consequence, that different 
 principles, applicable to each, ought to regulate 
 the different modes in which it is constituted. 
 A man of wealth, who has also a great knowledge 
 of commerce, may be a very efficient representa- 
 tive of the landed or trading interest of the nation, 
 but at the same time very unfit to legislate upon 
 
PROFESSIONAL QUALIFICATION. 55 
 
 its criminal code. A magistrate or lawyer of 
 great learning may be well adapted for the latter, 
 but quite unfitted for the former. And yet only 
 one principle as regards representation is applicable 
 to each case. Wealth is equally the qualification 
 for the criminal as for the commercial legislator, 
 and the same class of constituencies return both. 
 
 Independently, however, of the enfranchisement 
 of certain learned, professional, and commercial cor- 
 porations, who should be allowed to send represen- 
 tatives devoted to the interests of those particular 
 bodies ; each person engaged either in any learned, 
 professional, or commercial employment, ought to 
 be allowed to possess a vote in respect of such 
 an occupation, which would surely be as fit a 
 test of his capacity properly to exercise the elec- 
 tive franchise, as his tenure of a house at a rent 
 of 101. The 10/ household qualification is an 
 absurd one, inasmuch as it secures no real ability 
 in the voter to exercise the franchise. So is it also 
 of the 40<s. freeholder, whose amount of property 
 to confer a vote was fixed at a period when the 
 value of land was entirely different to what it now 
 is. Indeed, Bishop Fleetwood, in his " Chronicon 
 Pretiosutn," has proved that 405. in the reign of 
 Henry VI. was equal to 121. per annum in the 
 reign of Queen Anne, which is probably equal 
 to 24. in our day. Hence, the qualification of 
 
 E 4 
 
56 PROPERTY QUALIFICATION. 
 
 an elector for a county was what would, at the 
 time it was fixed, furnish a poor man with all the 
 necessaries of life, and render him to a large ex- 
 tent independent. 
 
 The property qualification of voters for counties 
 and towns should of course be varied so that the 
 former may represent the landed interest and the 
 latter the personal property in the country. And 
 as it is proposed to confer votes independent of 
 the possession of property, it would be desirable 
 to place the property qualification higher than it 
 now is, so as to render the members returned 
 by those who vote in this respect due representa- 
 tives of this interest. Thus the property qualifi- 
 cation of a voter for a county should be an interest 
 in land, whether freehold, copyhold, or leasehold, 
 to the extent of 100/. above all charges. The 
 qualification for a property vote for a city or town 
 should be the possession of money, stock-in-trade, 
 or other personal property, to the extent of 100/. 
 above all charges. 
 
 In order to effect the above plan, it appears 
 requisite to abolish the present system of double 
 voting, which is liable to many abuses, the second 
 vote being too often given to please a friend or a 
 customer, while the first satisfied the conscience of 
 the elector. Indeed, the inconsistency and impro- 
 priety of the present system of double voting is 
 
ABOLITION OF DOUBLE VOTING. 57 
 
 proved by the numerous cases, especially in the 
 smaller boroughs, of two members being returned 
 by the same constituency of entirely opposite prin- 
 ciples to each other. This must necessarily be an 
 absurdity, if the votes were intended to be given 
 according to the opinions of the voter. If they 
 are not intended to be so given, they ought not to 
 be given at all. 
 
 Another important advantage, which would be 
 secured by the abolition of double voting, is that 
 the minority in each constituency returning two 
 members would then be represented by the second 
 member ; and which, as already observed, has been 
 strenuously contended for by some enlightened re- 
 formers of the representative system. Where the 
 constituents vote in different ways, this may to 
 some extent be already obtained. But in this case 
 we have to depend, not on their deliberate choice, 
 but on the chance of their indifference to exercise 
 their votes independently, for securing such a result. 
 
 In every town and county constituency, therefore, 
 I would propose a threefold division of the fran- 
 chise, consisting of 1. All those engaged as the 
 principals in any learned profession or commercial 
 pursuit, who should have one vote for the county 
 or town within which they reside, in respect of 
 such occupation. 2. All who possess the property 
 qualification described, who should have one other 
 
58 PERSONAL QUALIFICATION. 
 
 vote in respect of that. To these I would add 
 another class of voters, by whom the interests of 
 Class VI., or the influence of numbers, would 
 obtain their fair share of representation, and who 
 should consist of 3. All those men of the age of 
 twenty-one who can read and write, who are gain- 
 ing an independent livelihood by some occupation, 
 (other than as principals who are included in Class 
 V.,) whether as workmen or labourers, and who, 
 though not comprehended in any of the other 
 classes, are of sufficient intelligence and independ- 
 ence to be entrusted with the free exercise of such 
 a privilege ; all which persons (although they may 
 not.be rated as householders or otherwise) should 
 each be entitled to one vote. All others, in ac- 
 cordance with the opinion expressed by the 
 greatest constitutional writers, must of necessity 
 be excluded, not because they have no natural 
 right to a share in the government of the country, 
 but because they cannot be trusted to exercise it 
 aright. Their interest, therefore, is not connected 
 with, but is the really antagonistic interest to that 
 of the people, whose legitimate and fair influence, 
 if all were admitted to the franchise, must be 
 entirely overwhelmed. 
 
 As we do not allow children and persons of weak 
 minds, however large the amount of property they 
 may have at stake, to exercise the franchise, on 
 
EDUCATIONAL TEST. 59 
 
 account of their understanding and knowledge not 
 being sufficient to capacitate them for so important 
 an undertaking; so, for the same reason, we ought 
 not to permit persons notoriously ignorant and des- 
 titute of all the rudiments of education, to share 
 in these privileges. Although education and intel- 
 ligence may not of themselves be allowed to 
 constitute a qualification for the elective franchise, 
 yet, on the other hand, it can hardly be doubted 
 that imbecility and ignorance ought to operate as 
 an absolute disqualification. So also, although we 
 may hesitate to allow virtue of itself to constitute 
 a claim to a share in the elective franchise, yet we 
 cannot doubt that vice ought to operate as a 
 disqualification, especially such vice as in any way 
 relates to the exercise of that privilege. At 
 present, although the qualifications of electors are 
 of so many various kinds, they cannot be said to 
 correspond with, or to represent in any way, the 
 different interests of the State. They consist of 
 the 405. freeholders, the 101. copyholders, the 50. 
 leaseholders, the 101. householders, and what 
 remain of the freemen in certain towns. 
 
 In the place of each of these, I propose to reduce 
 all town and country voters to three classes, viz. : I. 
 Personal voters. II. Professional voters. III. Pro- 
 perty voters. Personal voters would represent the 
 interests of Class VI. ; Professional voters, those 
 
60 REPRESENTATION OF CORPORATE BODIES. 
 
 of Classes I., IL, III., and Y. ; Property voters, 
 those of Class IV. Each class should vote sepa- 
 rately for a representative, and at different times, 
 though of course some would be entitled to vote 
 in all three classes, and many in t\vo of them. 
 If it be objected that the same person ought not 
 to have different votes in his various capacities, it 
 may be replied that the same thing happens under 
 the present system, though in a less objectionable 
 manner. 
 
 By a disfranchisement of a number of the smaller 
 boroughs which represent no particular interest, 
 a sufficient reduction might be made in the House 
 of Commons to admit of the enfranchisement of 
 the learned, professional, and commercial bodies 
 alluded to, and of the increase of certain of the 
 town and of the county members, if necessary. 
 The members of the House might, perhaps, be 
 advantageously limited to 600, allowing 350 to 
 England, where the greater part of the corporate 
 bodies who would send members exist, 150 to 
 Scotland, and 100 to Ireland. 
 
 Thus the various leading chartered and in- 
 corporated institutions arid public bodies, whether 
 learned, professional, or commercial, might be 
 enfranchised in the following order, the members 
 belonging to each of them being privileged to vote 
 for one representative : 
 
REPRESENTATION OF CORPORATE BODIES. 61 
 
 Number of Members 
 for each Society. 
 
 University of Oxford - -4 
 
 University of Cambridge - 4 
 
 Metropolitan University - - 2 
 
 University of Durham - - 2 
 
 University of Edinburgh - - 2 
 
 University of Glasgow - - 2 
 
 University of Aberdeen - - 2 
 
 University of Dublin - - 4 
 
 The four Inns of Court, in London, two each - 8 
 
 Professional body of Attorneys and Solicitors in 
 
 England - - 6 
 
 Society of Advocates in Scotland - 4 
 
 Professional body of Writers to the Signet in 
 
 Scotland - - - 3 
 The four Courts, including the Society of Bar- 
 risters, in Dublin - - 4 
 Professional body of Attorneys and Solicitors in 
 
 Ireland - - - - - 3 
 
 The College of Physicians in London - - 4 
 
 The College of Surgeons - - 2 
 
 Edinburgh College of Physicians - 3 
 
 Edinburgh College of Surgeons - - - 1 
 
 Dublin College of Physicians - - - 3 
 
 Dublin College of Surgeons - - 1 
 
 Royal Military Colleges - - 3 
 
 Royal Naval Colleges - - 3 
 
 Royal Society - - 4 
 
 Society of Arts - - 3 
 
 Edinburgh Royal Society - - 2 
 
 Dublin Royal Society - - 2 
 
 The English Royal Academy - - 2 
 
 The East India Company _ 4 
 
 The various Colonial Companies - - 4 
 
 The Bank of England - - 3 
 
 Carried forward - - - 94 
 
62 REPRESENTATION OF CORPORATE BODIES. 
 
 Number of Members 
 
 for each Society. 
 
 Brought forward - 94 
 
 The Bank of Scotland - - 2 
 
 The Bank of Ireland - -2 
 
 English Banking Companies and Proprietors - 3 
 
 Scotch ditto - - - 2 
 
 Irish ditto - - - 2 
 
 English Railway Companies - 4 
 
 Scotch ditto - - - - - 2 
 
 Irish ditto - - - 2 
 
 English Insurance Companies - - - 4 
 
 Scotch ditto - . - - 2 
 
 Irish ditto - - 2 
 
 London Stock Exchange - 3 
 
 Edinburgh ditto - - 2 
 
 Dublin ditto - - 2 
 
 English Canal Companies - - 3 
 
 Scotch ditto - 2 
 
 Irish ditto - 2 
 
 English Harbour, Dock, and Navigation Companies 3 
 
 Scotch ditto - 2 
 
 Irish ditto - 2 
 
 British and Irish Mining Companies . - 4 
 
 London Qhamber of Commerce - - - 1 
 
 Liverpool ditto - - 1 
 
 Bristol ditto 1 
 
 Hull ditto - - - - - 1 
 
 150 
 
 A vote for a representative of such society or 
 institution should be conferred by membership, pro- 
 prietorship, or annual subscription, for three years 
 previous to giving such vote. The proportion of 
 
ADJUSTMENT OF REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM. 63 
 
 representatives returned by each interest would 
 probably be in the following order: By the 
 learned, professional, and commercial corporate 
 bodies, 150; by the property voters, 150; by the 
 professional voters, 150 ; by the personal voters, 
 150. 
 
 It appears essential to keep separate and dis- 
 tinct each class of voters, in order that every class 
 may be independently represented, and that no one 
 class may overwhelm the interests of the other. 
 For instance, in a county or borough containing 
 1000 personal voters, 500 professional voters, and 
 250 property voters, if this was not done, the first 
 would overwhelm and virtually disfranchise the 
 other two. 
 
 It seems expedient also to give seats ex officio in 
 the House of Commons, but without the privilege 
 of voting, to all those members of the Government 
 whose presence in the House of Commons is deemed 
 desirable, and for the real service of the nation ; such 
 as the different Secretaries of State, and the Law- 
 officers of the Crown. By this means, a minister 
 would be enabled to select the best, and ablest, 
 and most useful men that were to be found, in- 
 stead of, as is now the case, restricting his choice to 
 those whose popularity with the constituencies has 
 secured them a seat in Parliament, and who are the 
 most likely to be re-elected, but who, in other 
 
64 EX OFFICIO MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 
 
 respects, may be little qualified for the duties de- 
 manded of them. In addition to this, such a measure 
 would afford to the Government the means of intro- 
 ducing into the House of Commons any particular 
 men whose services, either from their talents or 
 their information, seemed peculiarly to be required 
 there. In a national assembly, which is not only 
 representative, but deliberative also, the presence 
 of such persons is most desirable. It is indeed 
 absolutely essential, to render such a body efficient 
 and perfect. 
 
 The plan here proposed is, surely, not only more 
 fair for the various great interests of the State, but 
 it is more liberal, and tends more to secure an 
 efficient representation of the mass of the people, 
 than any which has been either devised or demanded. 
 It, however, does more than this, which is equally 
 important with the other, it excludes from the 
 representation those, and those alone, who are not 
 only incapable of rightly exercising the suffrage, 
 but who would ruin the interest of that portion of 
 the people who do so exercise it. 
 
 But in addition to and independent of each of 
 the different interests in the State being duly 
 represented in its legislative assembly, through the 
 members elected to it by these various consti- 
 tuencies, it is further essential that men of the 
 highest intelligence, and of the most extensive 
 
PROPOSALS FOB ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM. 65 
 
 information in the country, connected with these 
 several interests, should also form part of such a 
 body. As the first of these requirements is necessary 
 to its constitution as an efficient representative 
 assembly, so the other is no less indispensable in 
 order to render it efficiently deliberative; for 
 both which purposes, and for the one as much as 
 for the other, the House of Commons is intended 
 to serve. 
 
 Not only, however, ought the State to obtain 
 the services of the ablest men in the House of 
 Commons, but the services also of those who are 
 best fitted to be its ministers. And it can hardly 
 be a matter of doubt that the affairs of the nation 
 would be far more efficiently administered, and 
 the most valuable talent permanently secured to 
 the service of the country, besides which (no 
 mean consideration of itself), inefficient adminis- 
 trators, whose only claim to office is some party 
 distinction, wholly independent of, it may be 
 inconsistent with, administrative capability, would 
 be as permanently kept out, if, as in the case of 
 the judges, the great officers of state, more espe- 
 cially the Principal Secretaries, were to be ap- 
 pointed to their offices entirely independent of 
 party, and solely on account of their peculiar 
 fitness to fill them, and the confidence which their 
 characters had inspired. Each of these officers 
 
66 PROPOSALS FOR ADMINISTRATIVE REFORM. 
 
 might, of course, be rendered removable, as is the 
 case with the judges, on the address of both 
 Houses of Parliament. In the post of Prime 
 Minister and certain other officers with whom 
 might rest the State patronage, enough would still 
 remain as the prizes of party warfare ; though, 
 probably, in an equal ratio as these prizes were 
 diminished, would public patriotism be found to 
 increase. The desirableness of rendering the 
 Chancellorship independent of such paltry contests 
 and chances has long been felt, and is pretty 
 generally acknowledged. The danger and dis- 
 grace to this great country of a recent " ministerial 
 crisis " may possibly conduce to incline many to 
 the opinion here advanced. 
 
 There is no doubt, moreover, that the country 
 ought to secure the best administrative talent in its 
 Principal Secretaries of State which the nation 
 affords, and that whether oratorical ability, or 
 popular manners with a constituency (which are 
 wholly foreign to, and not often coexistent with 
 the first) be combined with it or not. Indeed, 
 according to the strict constitutional principle, 
 not only are the ministers of the crown not re- 
 quired to be present in Parliament, but by an 
 express enactment they are positively excluded 
 from it. And were such only retained as the 
 public service peculiarly required, it would un- 
 
"THE SCRAMBLING SYSTEM." 67 
 
 questionably be for the permanent benefit of the 
 country, and contribute essentially to the due ad- 
 ministration of its affairs, if the rest were to be 
 banished from its councils and presence for ever. 
 
 As in the physical frame one disease ordinarily 
 leads on to or is the parent of another, so is it also 
 in the body politic, where many of the most dan- 
 gerous diseases by which it is oppressed are clearly 
 to be traced to the disordered state of its representa- 
 tive system. More especially in the department of 
 administrative government, and in every branch of 
 it, are the effects of this evil exhibited. In the dis- 
 tribution of promotion, what might aptly be termed 
 "the scrambling system" has been established, 
 closely corresponding with the popular election 
 system which is pursued in the choice of a represen- 
 tative. The principle of the scrambling system 
 is that the preference of a candidate for any official 
 post should be decided, not by the merits of the 
 individual, or his fitness for the office, but by the 
 amount of political interest which he possesses, or 
 the power that he has of exciting an agitation on 
 his behalf. Even where the most important offices 
 have to be filled, the personal influence of the appli- 
 cant, or his connection with the ministry, instead 
 of the consideration of the public benefit, are what 
 too often determine his selection. This system, 
 however, which pervades and corrupts the whole 
 
 F 2 
 
68 NECESSITY FOR REPRESENTATIVE REFORM. 
 
 administrative department of the State, originates 
 entirely in the anomalous condition of the repre- 
 sentative system. Thus, a member of Parliament 
 depending for his election upon the will of his con- 
 stituents, is obliged to conciliate their favour ; and 
 in the disposal of the preferment entrusted to him, 
 or which he has the interest to obtain, the influence 
 of the applicant among the constituency, and not 
 his peculiar fitness for the office, is what in most 
 cases really determines his appointment. The same 
 system, originating with the constituent bodies, is 
 carried on through all departments of the State ; and 
 as the members of the representative body are 
 pressed by their constituents, so do they in turn 
 press the ministry, and the scrambling system is 
 made applicable alike to the disposal of every 
 office, however important, that may happen to 
 become vacant. 
 
 The remedy for this evil can be only effected 
 by commencing at the fountain head. Reform the 
 representative system, and administrative corrup- 
 tion will soon cease. 
 
 As regards the qualification required of members 
 of Parliament, this ought to consist in all cases of 
 a certain amount of property, so as to give the 
 representative an actual stake in the country ; for 
 though returned by one interest only, he is em- 
 powered to legislate respecting them all. It is 
 
QUALIFICATION OF MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. 69 
 
 also important that this qualification should be a 
 real one, and that no fictitious claim should, as at 
 present, on any account be allowed. But it should 
 be also of a reasonable amount only. An interest 
 to the extent of 1000/. in land for a county 
 member, or of WOOL in personal property for a 
 city or borough member, appears sufficient for the 
 purpose. 
 
 This qualification ought, however, to be of a 
 mixed character, so as to ensure the possession of 
 a certain degree of intelligence and information, 
 and moral endowment, as well as property. Gross 
 immorality ought, equally with insolvency, to dis- 
 qualify an individual for the office of legislator. 
 A State should no more to be ruled by its profligate 
 members, than a man should be influenced by his 
 bad passions and corrupt inclinations. On the other 
 hand, some of our greatest statesmen have been 
 but poor men. Burke lived mainly on his pension ; 
 and Pitt died almost a pauper, and the nation 
 generously and gratefully paid his debts. The 
 main advantages of having wealthy rulers in a 
 State are that by this means they have much at 
 stake ; and that not only are they less likely to be 
 influenced by corrupt motives, either as regards 
 their conduct in office, or their efforts to hold it, 
 but they are more exempt from the suspicion of 
 any such weakness. 
 
 F 3 
 
70 REPRESENTATIVE CHARACTER OF THE LORDS. 
 
 The House of Lords, though not elected by the 
 nation, is nevertheless at present the real represen- 
 tative of its great and leading interests, especially of 
 its virtue, its intelligence, its loyalty, and its wealth. 
 In this respect its importance to the State and to 
 all classes is immense. That the aristocracy, as a 
 whole, do fairly and efficiently represent the 
 interests of virtue and intelligence, as well as those 
 of property, is not only proved by their character 
 and conduct as a body, but is in nothing more 
 strikingly exemplified than by the severity of the 
 sarcasms which are ever wont to be hurled against 
 those individual members of their community who 
 occasionally deviate from a correct course. If it 
 was not for the rarity of these deviations, and for 
 the strong and marked contrast which they present 
 to the general conduct of the whole body, but little 
 notice would be taken of them, and they would fail 
 to excite any particular comment. 
 
 A peerage was conferred not long ago, on the 
 granting of which it was authoritatively announced 
 that the object of Her Majesty in ennobling the 
 individual thus honoured was to afford in the 
 Upper House a representation of a branch of the 
 great manufacturing interest of the country. But 
 if the principle of representation is thus acknow- 
 ledged to exist in the House of Lords as well as in 
 the Commons, surely the higher interests to which 
 I have alluded, and which have been of late years 
 
PROPERTY QUALIFICATION OF PEERS. 71 
 
 so depressed, ought fully to be represented in that 
 assembly which is their peculiar province, while 
 those which have no direct or immediate connection 
 whatever with that assembly are admitted to re- 
 presentation there. And if the commercial inte- 
 rest, which is in certain respects antagonistic to 
 that of intelligence, is to obtain its share of repre- 
 sentation in the House of Lords, it is, doubtless, but 
 a due adjustment of interests to extend the interest 
 of intelligence in the House of Commons. 
 
 It has, however, been urged of late, that the 
 wealth of certain members of the aristocracy has 
 so declined, that they can no longer be regarded as 
 having that stake in the country which, as heredi- 
 tary legislators, holding the rank they do, they 
 ought to possess. Indeed, Sir Thomas Smith, 
 in his " Commonwealth of England," * observes 
 of the nobility, after specifying the amount - 
 of property necessary to be possessed by a person 
 on his being raised to any particular rank in the 
 peerage, that " if they decay by excesse, and be 
 not able to maintayne the honour (as Senatores 
 Eomani were amoti Senatu), so sometimes they are 
 not admitted the Upper House in the Parliament, 
 although they keepe the name of Lord still." 
 It may, therefore, be fairly submitted to that illus- 
 trious body, and to the nation generally, which is 
 
 * c. xvii. p. 21. 
 F 4 
 
72 PROPOSAL RESPECTING THE PEERAGE, 
 
 equally interested in this question, whether certain 
 measures might not reasonably and beneficially be 
 adopted to preserve the property qualification, if 
 we may so term it, which ought to belong to the 
 members of that House. For this end, indeed, it 
 is not so much required that any positive enact- 
 ment should be passed, as that merely certain 
 restrictive measures relating to the perpetuation of 
 property in the same family should be abolished. 
 For instance, the law against entails for more than 
 a certain number of lives, that against perpetuities, 
 and that against the accumulation of property, 
 might fairly be repealed, so that property to a certain 
 amount, sufficient for keeping up the dignity and for 
 giving to the possessor of it an adequate stake in the 
 ouritry, should be allowed to accumulate, and to 
 .escend attached to the peerage. Landed estates 
 might also be permitted to be entailed on the suc- 
 cessors to a peerage, as has indeed been actually 
 done by Act of Parliament in the case of estates 
 given by the nation for services rendered to it. A 
 property thus settled would confer on the owner for 
 the time being only a life interest, so that he could 
 not encumber it to the prejudice of his successor. 
 Estates might, in such a case, be bought, or directed 
 to accumulate for the support of a peerage, either 
 by its founder, or successive members, and thus 
 secured to all the inheritors of his honours without 
 
A NEW ORDER OF PEERS FOR LIFE. 73 
 
 the fear of being wasted by the imprudence or ex- 
 travagance of any one particular descendant. The 
 property permitted to be perpetually entailed, 
 might of course be limited to a certain amount in 
 the case of each of these honours, as so much on a 
 dukedom, so much on a marquisate, and so much 
 on the other gradations of rank. 
 
 The proposal to create peers for life, by which 
 men distinguished for their abilities or their ac- 
 quirements, but without wealth to support an 
 hereditary peerage, might become members of the 
 Upper House of Parliament, would to some extent 
 atone for the comparative diminution in the num- 
 ber of spiritual peers, who formerly constituted 
 not only the most learned, but the majority in 
 number, of the members of the House of Lords. 
 The intellectual power and the constitutional value 
 of that august assembly would doubtless be much 
 increased by such an addition. The peerages so 
 bestowed should be the reward of long services 
 and tried abilities ; while the seats in the House 
 of Commons appropriated to the learned bodies 
 would be filled by younger men, less advanced, 
 who ultimately aspire to the former distinction. 
 
 Probably the most unobjectionable plan for the 
 creation of peers for life would be to institute an 
 order of lay nobility, analogous to that of the 
 spiritual peers, by annexing baronies to certain 
 
74 A NEW ORDER OF PEERS FOR LIFE. 
 
 offices or positions, so that the holders of them, as 
 in the case of the incumbents of episcopal sees, 
 would be thereby entitled to seats in the House 
 of Lords by virtue of such baronies, without con- 
 ferring any hereditary nobility upon the individuals 
 in question ; and who, from the emoluments of 
 the offices to which the peerages were annexed, 
 would obtain incomes sufficient to support their 
 dignity and to maintain their independence. This 
 might be effected in the case of certain judicial 
 offices, the office of Commander-in-chief, the Lord 
 High Admiral or First Lord of the Admiralty, the 
 Minister of Education, and some other appoint- 
 ments connected with the military and naval 
 services, as also with learning and science, of 
 which it is desirable that the holders should grace 
 the House of Lords. Thus, in the department of the 
 law, baronies might be annexed to the Lord Chan- 
 cellorship, each of the Chief Justiceships, the offices 
 of Lords Justices, the Mastership of the Rolls, the 
 Chancellorships of the Duchies of Lancaster and 
 Cornwall, and the highest judicial office in the 
 Eecclesiastical Courts, which, nevertheless, need not 
 prevent any of the holders of these offices receiving 
 an hereditary peerage, where the peculiar circum- 
 stances of the individual rendered such a step 
 desirable. 
 
 If, however, it be objected that the plan here 
 
A NEW ORDER OF PEERS FOR LIFE. 75 
 
 proposed would leave the House of Lords bereft of 
 law lords to sit on appeals, composed of those who 
 have retired from office, but who by the present 
 plan would, as in the case of retiring bishops, lose 
 their peerages as well; I would reply that it is 
 surely not desirable that the highest court of justice 
 in the realm should be composed mainly of judges 
 who are declared to be too aged and infirm to 
 discharge their ordinary and less important func- 
 tions. Besides which, by the increase of law 
 lords, through the proposed measure, a sufficient 
 body of peers of this class would be formed for 
 attendance on the House of Lords, and the places 
 of the retiring law lords would always be at once 
 supplied by new appointments. All invidious 
 distinctions between judges of the same rank, from 
 some being ennobled while others have no such 
 rank conferred upon them, would moreover by 
 this plan be wholly obviated. 
 
 By adopting the proposal here made, we should at 
 once avoid the creation of a new order of nobility 
 which might injure or endanger the present con- 
 stitution of the House of Peers ; and the objections 
 against such a measure that it would enable a 
 minister on a political emergency to create an un- 
 limited number of life peers, so as to inundate the 
 House of Lords with nobles of this class, would no 
 longer exist, as the creations would be limited to the 
 
76 PREVENTION OF BRIBERY. 
 
 holders of certain offices, which could only be filled 
 up as they became vacant. The order of peers 
 for life by virtue of the baronies annexed to their 
 offices, already exists in the case of the bishops, 
 and did also formerly exist in the case of the 
 mitred abbots who sat in Parliament by virtue of 
 the baronies attached to their abbeys. 
 
 The prevention of bribery, which, since the 
 passing of the Reform Act, has been so extensively 
 on the increase, more especially, if their friends 
 are to be credited, among the constituencies favour- 
 able to democratic progress, now demands the 
 serious attention of the Legislature. It can hardly 
 be doubted that the adoption of the plan of repre- 
 sentation proposed in the foregoing pages would 
 tend much to decrease, if not to extinguish, this 
 practice, inasmuch as, in the first place, the repre- 
 sentatives returned by the corporate bodies would 
 not be likely to obtain their seats by this means, 
 any more than the members for the Universities 
 are now suspected of doing; nor would the pro- 
 perty voters, or the professional voters, be disposed 
 to take bribes from the candidates for their 
 suffrages. And as regards the personal voters, 
 these would in most constituencies be too numer- 
 ous to be thus influenced. 
 
 Perhaps^ indeed, we should first decide the 
 preliminary question, whether bribery ought to be 
 
PREVENTION OF BRIBERY. 77 
 
 prevented or not ; whether those persons who are 
 possessed of no discretion whatever, or who have 
 no knowledge of state affairs (as is doubtless the 
 case with many worthy electors), so as to have a 
 choice or preference of any kind of their own as to 
 the exercise of their votes, and who are wholly 
 incompetent to determine in what way they ought 
 to be given, may not be allowed to sell them, or 
 otherwise to dispose of them in the manner most 
 advantageous to themselves ; more especially as 
 preferment or patronage of a higher and more 
 important kind is legally saleable. Here, however, 
 it should be borne in mind that the elector holds 
 the franchise not for his individual benefit, but 
 as trustee for the benefit of the State: He is 
 not privileged to vote for a representative for the 
 mere purpose of promoting his own private advan- 
 tage, but to aid in electing the man best calculated 
 to serve his country. His absolute incompetence 
 to exercise his privilege properly cannot for one 
 moment be supposed to confer upon him the new 
 right to sell it to the best bidder, although it 
 undoubtedly ought, on the contrary, to disqualify 
 him from exercising it at all. 
 
 But it may be said that a large portion of each 
 constituency are in this predicament, who are 
 nevertheless deemed peculiarly worthy of exercis- 
 ing the franchise. If, however, those are worthy 
 
78 PREVENTION OF BRIBERY. 
 
 of the franchise who lack discretion sufficient to 
 exercise it aright, it may be difficult to maintain 
 that bribery ought to be prohibited, inasmuch as 
 those who are entirely ignorant how to exercise 
 their elective privileges will be quite as likely to 
 use them properly when sold, as when given freely. 
 If they are unfit to exercise the privilege at all, 
 then we come back to the original argument, to 
 which this circumstance serves as a powerful sup- 
 port, that the real interests of the nation ought not 
 to be borne down by the weight of mere numbers ; 
 in other words, by the influence of those who are 
 unable or unwilling to use the franchise aright 
 and who only abuse the political privileges of which 
 they are possessed. 
 
 All conduct which proceeds from or is influenced 
 by corrupt motives, either in an individual or a 
 nation, is alike pernicious, and requires in every 
 case to be discouraged, whatever may be the 
 ultimate result which is anticipated therefrom. 
 Possibly, however, in practice, the most efficient 
 plan for the prevention of bribery might be to 
 legalise both that and treating, and every other 
 electioneering expense and extravagance to the 
 fullest extent, by which the evil would at once 
 become so enormous that it would speedily of itself 
 work its own remedy. This proposal is, indeed, 
 somewhat analogous to the plan for preventing 
 
PREVENTION OF BRIBERY. 79 
 
 bribery, which is now seriously urged by some who 
 are sincerely desirous of checking the evil, by 
 extending the number of voters in the class most 
 open to bribery, by means of which it is con- 
 tended that they would be rendered too nume- 
 rous to be thus corrupted. But, however prac- 
 tically beneficial any such plan might prove, that 
 which is utterly bad in principle ought never to 
 be adopted or sanctioned in legislation. 
 
 The only argument approaching to a legitimate 
 apology for bribery at elections appears to me to be 
 the fact that alone by resorting to this practice, in 
 many cases property and intelligence are enabled 
 to acquire their^ due influence over numbers and 
 ignorance. But even this circumstance is wholly 
 insufficient to atone for the evil. And bad, indeed, 
 must be the condition of a representative system, 
 which is dependent for its correct operation on 
 the actual perpetration of crime. 
 
 As regards the ready, easy, and well-precedented 
 plan of punishing constituencies for corruption, by 
 disfranchisement, it must be admitted to be in 
 many cases unjust to deprive a whole body of their 
 votes, when a large number of them, perhaps the 
 majority of the constituency, are not only incorrupt, 
 but incorruptible, and have withstood both the 
 attempts and the example of their venal brethren 
 to induce them to follow their evil example. In 
 
80 PREVENTION OF BRIBERY. 
 
 addition to this, it will often, nay generally, happen 
 that the corrupt portion of the constituency consists 
 of those who do not represent, and never have 
 represented its real interests, but, on the contrary, 
 have either always been opposed to them, or ready 
 to betray them by selling their votes. The pro- 
 fessional and commercial part of the constituency 
 surely ought not to suffer for the delinquency of 
 those who have ever run counter to their influence. 
 Suppose, however, for a moment, what is per- 
 haps too much beyond the fair limits of probability 
 gravely to calculate on, that the House of Commons 
 should, from some unaccountable, unforeseen cir- 
 cumstances, exhibit a resolute determination to put 
 a stop to the progress of bribery, what would be the 
 course that it should adopt ? At present, indeed, 
 great as is, no doubt, its abhorrence of the treason 
 perpetrated by the members of that House, its ten- 
 derness towards the traitors exceeds all bounds. Its 
 efforts at self-chastisement are far too lenient to de- 
 ceive even the most credulous among the bystanders. 
 The penitential peas are duly placed in its shoes, 
 but they are too carefully boiled to hurt its tender 
 soles. The astonishment of the nation would, 
 therefore, be too great seriously to believe that a 
 deliberate design had really been formed for the 
 extinction of this odious practice. In such a case, 
 however, the first step would probably be to refer 
 
PREVENTION OF BRIBERY. 81 
 
 the investigation of the whole question, and the 
 punishment of the delinquent, to some other 
 tribunal than tliat consisting of the coadjutors of 
 the criminal and the participators in the booty ; as 
 for instance to the Courts of Westminster Hall, 
 where the evidence would be rigidly scrutinised, 
 and impartial justice would be sure to be dealt 
 out. 
 
 But, besides the abhorrence of corruption, which 
 is wont to be manifested as regards the guilt of the 
 .needy elector in taking the proffered bribe, in 
 which his conduct is certainly wholly unaccount- 
 able, surely some small measure of this indignation 
 ought to be reserved in the phial to be poured on 
 the head of the candidate who forces on him the 
 money. The hungry voter, whose patron saint 
 should be Esau, is but the passive instrument. 
 The active agent is the candidate. While, in every 
 inquiry of this nature, there is very great difficulty 
 in discovering into whose particular pockets the 
 price of iniquity has gone though it is quite 
 certain that a considerable investment has been 
 made by some one in the purchase of this com- 
 modity there is no doubt whatever out of whose 
 pocket the sum for so vile a purpose has come. 
 One obvious and simple remedy for the prevention 
 of bribery at elections, appears therefore to be, to 
 require of every member, on taking his seat, an 
 
 G 
 
82 PREVENTION OF BRIBERY. 
 
 express declaration on oath, as to the whole amount 
 of money which he has expended in the election, 
 and the principal items of each head as so much 
 to so many agents, so much for the expenses of 
 the hustings, and so much for the remaining 
 expenses, specifying their nature ; and that he 
 has neither directly nor indirectly expended any 
 other sum about this election, nor has any one 
 else on his behalf.* If such a plan was adopted, 
 and vigorously carried out, a fatal blow would be 
 given to bribery, as it would be found far easier 
 to closely question, and detect a false statement 
 in a candidate, than to institute such an inquiry 
 among a body of electors, any of whom would still 
 be as liable to examination as they are at present. 
 
 In the extermination of bribery, those who give, 
 as well as those who receive the bribe, ought ever 
 to be punished to the utmost extent, "and in the 
 mode most likely to prove efficient for the pre- 
 vention of an offence which is fatal to the prin- 
 ciple of popular representation. A disqualification, 
 
 * Subsequent to the publication of the pamphlet alluded to in 
 the Preface, which forms the germ of the present work, and 
 in which was contained the preceding paragraph precisely 
 as it now stands; this plan has been adopted by no less an 
 authority than Lord Brougham, who proposed a Bill for carry- 
 ing it out literally. Since then, a measure akin to this, and 
 which, it is hoped, may prove efficient, has been introduced by 
 Government and passed into a law. 
 
THE VOTE BY BALLOT. 83 
 
 not merely from sitting in Parliament for a certain 
 period, but from ever being permitted to enter its 
 portals, or to hold any civil office whatsoever, 
 ought at least to be inflicted. The candidate is in 
 every respect more culpable than the elector in 
 such a case, not only as he is the first instigator to 
 the crime, but, from his superior station and edu- 
 cation is more fully aware of the heinousness of the 
 practice. 
 
 One specific against bribery, supposed by many 
 to be a sure one, and which has been in conse- 
 quence strenuously advocated, is the Vote by Ballot, 
 or by some other secret mode, by means of which 
 the temptation to bribe would be taken away, in- 
 asmuch as there would be no certain mode of ascer- 
 taining for whom the voter had polled. 
 
 Two important objections have, however, been 
 urged against the ballot and other similar devices 
 for ensuring secrecy in recording the suffrage. 
 1. That it is demoralising and democratic in its 
 tendency. 2. That it would not prove efficacious 
 to prevent bribery, or even so efficient as other 
 modes which might be adopted. 
 
 The leading principle to be observed, as regards 
 the mode of exercising the franchise, is that such a 
 plan should be adopted as will tend most to prevent 
 mistakes, which will be attended with the least 
 possible amount of trouble and hinderance, and 
 
 G 2 
 
84 PROPOSAL FOB VOTING 
 
 which will be productive of the least expense to 
 either party ; while at the same time it protects 
 the voter from all attempts at undue influence. 
 Giving votes should be like giving charity. The 
 donor ought to be at full liberty to give in secret 
 where he prefers it, or to give openly if he deems that 
 most proper. The former plan is perhaps in each 
 case the best for the donor, as it exempts him from 
 all criticism. The latter may be the best for the 
 public, as others will then be benefited by his good 
 example. 
 
 The main use of resorting to secret voting is 
 that thereby you obtain a certain degree of pro- 
 tection against both bribery and intimidation. 
 But by this mode you also lose the opportunity 
 of punishing these crimes. The latter of them, 
 equally with bribery and treating, ought not only 
 to be rendered punishable, but to be invariably 
 punished in such a manner as will best serve to 
 discourage the practice. 
 
 While, however, it appears to me that, for the 
 reasons assigned, the vote by ballot is incapable of 
 adoption ; yet I do think that a plan might be 
 devised which, while it would secure all the 
 essential objects aimed at by the ballot, would be 
 free from many of the objections to which that 
 proposal is liable. The plan which I, therefore, 
 suggest is, that every person who desires to 
 
BY PROXY PAPERS. 85 
 
 record his vote privately, should be allowed to 
 do so in writing by signing a paper in due form 
 for the purpose, which should be delivered to the 
 returning officer ; and which paper should be 
 accompanied by a declaration that the voter has 
 neither directly nor indirectly been induced by 
 corrupt influence, to which secret voting is in 
 many respects peculiarly liable, and in which it is 
 more difficult to detect this crime than where 
 the vote is openly given, and the actions of the 
 voter and those about him may be observed; The 
 returning officer in such case should keep the 
 voting papers in his possession, and examine them 
 at the close of the poll, so as to prevent the same 
 party voting more than once, as he is enabled to do 
 where the ballot is resorted to ; but he should be 
 sworn to secrecy, and not to divulge the name of 
 the voter to any one under a severe penalty, to be 
 recovered by the voter himself, except in the case 
 of a judicial inquiry respecting the bribery or 
 corrupt influence of such voter. 
 
 Recording votes by papers would further tend 
 to decrease bribery, as the state of the poll could 
 not be known during the progress of the election, 
 if even a part only of the votes were so given. At 
 present bribery is mainly resorted to towards the 
 close of the election, when the numbers of each 
 
 G 3 
 
86 VOTING BY PROXY TAPERS. 
 
 party are nearly even, so that the purchase of the 
 unpolled votes will secure the return. Unless a 
 portion at least of the votes were recorded in 
 private, it would be almost impossible to prevent 
 the number given for each being made the subject 
 of calculation. 
 
 The ballot has been mainly objected to by many 
 from its tendency to give undue influence to the 
 democratic party in a State. In several respects, 
 however, the modified plan for private voting here 
 proposed is not only free from most of the ob- 
 jections which might on this account be urged 
 against the ballot ; but, from its enabling many 
 people to vote who are now deterred from doing 
 so, either by the travelling expenses necessary to 
 be incurred from their residing at a distance from 
 a polling place, or by their dread of popular 
 violence and intimidation, its influence must be 
 decidedly constitutional, and favourable both to 
 freedom and purity of election. Indeed, one of 
 the greatest advantages that would result from 
 allowing votes to be given by the signature of the 
 elector, without requiring his personal attendance, 
 is that many individuals who are sick, or infirm, 
 or aged, or timid, and so unable to face the 
 tumult of the hustings, would thereby be enabled 
 to record their votes without trouble or danger. 
 The suffrages of several persons of extensive 
 
INTIMIDATION BY MOB-MINORITIES. 87 
 
 knowledge and cultivation are now withheld from 
 the dread of mob violence. 
 
 In many a constituency it may frequently now 
 happen that a clamorous unscrupulous mob-mi- 
 nority will, by noise and intimidation, carry all 
 before them, not indeed by their votes but by their 
 violence. Minorities, however they may in certain 
 cases complain with justice of their hard lot in 
 being left without a representative, in several 
 instances contrive to engross that which belongs 
 of right to the majority only. Indeed, minorities 
 are by no means of necessity the feeble and miser- 
 able bodies which many are wont to make them 
 out to be. The placid, indolent majority is soon 
 subdued to the will of the vigorous, active mino- 
 rity. Not only elections, but revolutions also, have 
 frequently been brought about by the superior 
 energy of the latter. Here, again, the body politic 
 closely resembles the body natural. While the 
 general portion of the frame which is in a healthy 
 condition carries on its operations imperceptibly 
 and without causing excitement ; any diseased 
 member, however comparatively insignificant, pro- 
 duces irritation and fever through the whole system, 
 and contrives to exercise an influence greater than 
 that of all the healthy organs together. And as 
 in the body natural, so in the body politic, the 
 unhealthy energy or excitement of a small part 
 
 G 4 
 
88 PROSPECTIVE EXTINCTION OF BRIBERY. 
 
 of it will, if not efficiently counteracted, speedily 
 disturb and destroy the healthy action of all the 
 sound members. 
 
 Satisfactory examples not only of the adoption, 
 but of the operation, of the plan of voting for 
 representatives by private polling papers, may, 
 however, be referred to. In Holland, whenever a 
 vacancy occurs among the representatives, an 
 officer goes from house to house, and collects from 
 every person entitled to vote, a paper signed and 
 sealed, and containing the name of the candidate 
 on whom his choice falls. These billets are opened 
 by persons who are sworn not to divulge the 
 suffrages of any of the voters. Other States, too, 
 pursue a similar course. 
 
 If this and other efficient means for the sup- 
 pression of bribery, and corruption, and intimida- 
 tion, and undue influence of every kind, were 
 adopted, the complaint would, no doubt, be 
 speedily remedied. Bribery, which is the most 
 extensive of these evils, we might then, though 
 perhaps then only, hope to see so entirely banished 
 from each constituency that the readers of political 
 history would wonder at and scarce credit the 
 corruption and degeneracy of our own boasted age ; 
 and a voter whose suffrage could be purchased by 
 money will be regarded, like the mammoth, as a 
 totally extinct species, astounding to all natu- 
 
DURATION OF PARLIAMENTS. 89 
 
 ralists for its apparently amazing powers of con- 
 sumption, and its stupendous capacities for grasping 
 its prey ; but which will be considered, also like the 
 mammoth, as an animal obviously only capable of 
 living in a condition of the world which has happily 
 long ceased to exist. 
 
 Immediately and closely connected with the 
 subject of Parliamentary Representation, is that of 
 a change in the duration of Parliaments, a matter 
 which has often been mooted, and which has been 
 debated with as much zeal and energy as any other 
 topics of this kind. For all practical purposes, 
 seven years is probably as much too long as three 
 years is too short, for a Parliament to continue. 
 Five years appears the happy medium which should 
 be fixed as the limit of its duration. 
 
 But here it seems to me that we may with much 
 benefit take a hint from the electoral constitu- 
 tion, both of other States, and of certain public 
 bodies, which have in this respect considerably 
 the advantage of our boasted representative system. 
 
 In the first place, the uncertainty as to the 
 duration of any particular Parliament must be in 
 itself, on many accounts, a very great evil. This 
 uncertainty in the existence of the functions of 
 other branches of the State, which formerly de- 
 pended on the life or on the will of the sovereign, 
 was found productive of serious inconvenience and 
 
90 DURATION OF PARLIAMENTS. 
 
 considerable mischief, which occasioned its remedy 
 at last. The commissions of the judges and ma- 
 gistrates were once held on this tenure; but 
 experience of the bad effects of such a regulation 
 caused them to be made of certain duration. On 
 many accounts it is most important that the 
 duration of Parliament should be also certain, and 
 not be subject to any contingencies. An undue 
 influence over the deliberations of Parliament may 
 be, and often is, exercised by the threat of a dissolu- 
 tion, in case an unpopular, it may be a pernicious, 
 ministry is placed in a minority in the House of 
 Coinmons. In other words, owing to the uncer- 
 tainty in the duration of Parliament, although its 
 members may have a decided opinion in one direc- 
 tion, they are driven to vote in another, in order to 
 avoid the inconvenience of a dissolution. Thus, 
 the public interest is sacrificed to their private 
 considerations. This is of itself a very grievous 
 defect in a deliberative assembly. A threat by the 
 minister to dissolve Parliament unless the House 
 of Commons agrees to a particular measure, is 
 doubtless a very unconstitutional proceeding, if it 
 in any way influences the deliberations of that 
 body, and induces its members to vote at all differ- 
 ently to what their reason would have inclined them. 
 Yet, unless such a threat was found to succeed, it 
 surely would not be resorted to so frequently. 
 
DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENTS. 91 
 
 This is a species of intimidation not less per- 
 nicious than that proceeding from mob dictation ; 
 although its influence may be in an opposite 
 direction. The tendency of both alike is, however, 
 to prevent and put an end to the deliberative 
 functions of the Legislature. If the duration 
 of Parliament was rendered certain, it would 
 no longer be subjected to this undue influence, 
 and its efficiency as a deliberative assembly must 
 be proportionably increased. 
 
 As regards the dissolution of Parliament being 
 occasioned by the demise of the sovereign, there is 
 indeed not only no solid constitutional reason for it, 
 but, on the contrary, such an event is in reality 
 one which renders the existence of a Parliament 
 most essential at such a period. 
 
 It may, moreover, be doubted whether the disso- 
 lution of the whole Parliament at once is not in 
 many respects an evil. And when this happens, 
 as it frequently does, on an occasion of great public 
 excitement on any particular question, when men's 
 minds are for the time unduly agitated about it, 
 this is, surely, of all periods, the least adapted for 
 the popular election of a representative assembly. 
 General qualifications will then be disregarded in 
 favour of strongly expressed opinions, however 
 hastily formed, on the popular side of the question. 
 And the assembly thus elected, constitutes the repre- 
 
92 DISSOLUTION OF PARLIAMENTS. 
 
 sentative body of the nation, without change or 
 revision, until the next election, and has to decide 
 on all questions that come before it. 
 
 By dissolving the whole Parliament at once, and 
 at a time of popular excitement, you appeal to the 
 passion and the prejudice, instead of to the sense 
 and the reason of the nation. Who would think 
 of acting in such a manner in endeavouring to 
 procure the best opinion on any important subject 
 from an individual? And if the opinion pro- 
 nounced by passion, and that pronounced by 
 reason, are generally diametrically opposite, it may 
 surely be inferred that the former is in most cases 
 wrong. Yet the former is that which we ordinarily 
 obtain by having parliamentary elections during 
 periods of popular excitement, under our present 
 system. 
 
 " Appealing to the sense of the nation," as it is 
 technically called, when Parliament is dissolved at 
 a time of great popular commotion, on a subject 
 supposed to be of vital importance to the inte- 
 rests of the people, in order to ascertain the deli- 
 berate sentiment of the nation, is very much like 
 giving a man a hearty blow or kick, which puts 
 him in a violent passion, for the express pur- 
 pose of ascertaining his solemn opinion on any 
 topic particularly requiring cool and collected deli- 
 beration ! 
 
ELECTION BY ROTATION. 93 
 
 By the constitution of some public bodies, 
 whether civil corporations or commercial com- 
 panies, as also in the assemblies of certain countries 
 on the Continent, the representative body is elected 
 for a fixed period, while a portion of their number 
 resign their functions by rotation, so that about a 
 third only of the whole is returned at once. In 
 Holland, one third of the Chamber of Kepresen- 
 tatives or Deputies is renewed every year, by 
 which an election of one third only takes place at a 
 time. In Belgium, the elections occur every four 
 years, one half of the members being renewed 
 every second year. Also, by the American con- 
 stitution, the senators vacate their seats at different 
 times, so that one third may be chosen every second 
 year. 
 
 By means of an election at different periods of 
 the same Parliament, the danger of prejudice from 
 popular commotion would be greatly decreased. 
 And if the plan of a treble election of representa- 
 tives to the House of Commons, by three distinct 
 orders of voters in the mode here suggested, was to 
 be adopted, there appears to be no reason why the 
 election of the representatives should not be at 
 three distinct periods. Those of each class should 
 in such case be chosen to serve for five years 
 from the time of their election, if at a general 
 election as regards that particular class ; or up to 
 
94 DUE REPRESENTATION ESSENTIAL 
 
 the next general election of the class, if the vacancy 
 be occasioned by death or resignation. 
 
 The grand political desideratum of the present 
 age is the attainment of perfect freedom for the 
 people. Yet freedom itself, however greatly to be 
 prized, is ever liable, if not duly regulated, to 
 degenerate into anarchy, and may ultimately be 
 transformed into despotic tyranny. To political 
 liberty of every kind the main safeguard is self- 
 government. But self-government can be effec- 
 tually "secured and exercised only through the 
 medium of representation. As a necessary con- 
 sequence, therefore, it follows that the more perfect 
 is the representative system in any State, the more 
 extensive and the more complete is the liberty of 
 the subject. 
 
 Salus populi suprema lex, is the greatest and 
 most true of all political maxims, provided only 
 that it be taken and considered in its full, and 
 ample, and complete acceptation. In each of the 
 sciences, however, and in every department of phi- 
 losophical investigation, the most profound axioms 
 being those which admit of the widest interpreta- 
 tion, are also those which are liable to the greatest 
 abuse. If that grand maxim now before us, which 
 should be the pole-star of every patriotic statesman, 
 be so narrowly construed as to mean that the 
 people, vulgarly so called, that is, the mere nume- 
 
TO PERFECT POLITICAL FREEDOM. 95 
 
 rical influence of the nation, have an inherent 
 right, by the first principles of political philosophy, 
 to the whole direction of the State, that the 
 interest and influence of the masses ought to over- 
 rule and outbalance every other, and that the 
 voice of the multitude is that alone which should 
 guide the measures of our statesmen ; then is 
 this great axiom, when so misapplied, likely to be 
 most pestilential in its consequences, and disorder 
 and misrule, and anarchy, can be its only natural 
 result. But if, on the other hand, its true genuine, 
 liberal, and comprehensive interpretation be re- 
 ceived ; if it be considered to mean that the 
 ultimate end and highest object of all political 
 government is the promotion of the security and 
 the well-being of the State as a whole, and of all 
 its interests together, religious, moral, intellectual, 
 commercial, social, and popular, and of all in 
 their order, and in due proportion, then will this 
 grand truth be the more highly venerated the more 
 fully it is understood, and the more completely its 
 consequences are carried out, the more extensively 
 beneficial will be the results that will ensue. 
 Indeed, it will ever be found that, exactly in pro- 
 portion as each political measure is framed and 
 based upon this noblest and purest of political 
 principles, the more absolute will be its claim to 
 the support alike of the people at large, and of 
 
98 CONTRAST TO PRESENT ELECTIONS. 
 
 this means also, the adjustment of the relative 
 strength of parties would be at once effected, with- 
 out the fluctuation which now follows each election, 
 as the respective interests and representative bodies 
 would always return men of their own opinions 
 and principles, and mere chance would no longer 
 determine the choice of a candidate. 
 
 That, moreover, must be allowed to be the best 
 representative body, however elected, which con- 
 tains the greatest number of valuable and efficient 
 members, and best serves to represent the real 
 interests of the State. By the plan here proposed, 
 both these grand desiderata would not only be 
 accomplished, but the representatives would also 
 be elected in the fairest and least objectionable 
 manner. 
 
 If we consider, on the one hand, the object 
 and the importance of the popular election 
 of a parliamentary representative, the end being 
 to obtain the free and deliberate opinion of the 
 nation upon deep questions of State of the 
 utmost national consequence ; and when we con- 
 trast with this consideration, the debauchery, 
 bribery, licentiousness, and fraud by which this 
 transaction is now principally characterised, it 
 is scarcely indeed possible to conceive any pro- 
 ceeding, both in theory and in practice, more 
 anomalous, or more palpably absurd, or which is. 
 
A PATRIOTIC PARLIAMENT. 99 
 
 so little calculated to serve the object at which we 
 professedly aim. 
 
 There can be no doubt, indeed, that two great 
 constitutional advantages would at any rate result 
 from the adoption of the plan here proposed. The 
 chief complaint of the present day is the corrup- 
 tion of the constituencies. By the creation of con- 
 stituencies for the representation of the higher 
 interests, in the mode suggested, the number of 
 corrupt constituencies must be necessarily dimi- 
 nished, while the number of those which are incor- 
 rupt must be greatly increased. 
 
 Attempts have sometimes been made to describe 
 a patriot king, and a patriot minister, as though 
 the real existence of such beings, although, like 
 angels, they do not often come among us, was 
 a matter of actual belief. But no attempt that 
 I have ever heard of has yet been made to describe 
 that entirely fabulous monster, a patriot Parlia- 
 ment. Let us hope, however, notwithstanding the 
 apparent improbability of the event, that such a 
 being may ere long be produced, and even ex- 
 hibited in the British Empire. This body will 
 be at once perfect as well as patriotic, only when 
 it represents all the interests of the State. 
 
 As regards the mode in which the energies of 
 such a body ought to be exercised, the progress 
 of legislation should be like that of growth in 
 
100 LEGITIMATE PROGRESS 
 
 nature, slow, and gradual, and almost impercep- 
 tible, vigorous shoots supplying what decay has 
 rendered desolate. In our day, however, legisla- 
 tion as regards its progress resembles in nature 
 rather the efforts of the whirlwind, or the violence 
 of the storm, than the quiet and steady growth of 
 vegetation. Indeed, all great and important mea- 
 sures are wont to be carried more by agitation 
 and passion, than by argument and reason. When 
 one particular party for a time gains the ascend- 
 ancy, it is eager to take advantage of the crisis 
 to accomplish what in another season the change 
 of opinion in the popular mind may render no 
 longer feasible. Hence, not the value of a mea- 
 sure, but the whim of the public, is what deter- 
 mines both its proposal by the Government and its 
 enactment by the Parliament. 
 
 No grander view, no spectacle more sublime, does 
 the universe afford to us than that of a great nation, 
 one vast and mighty mass of animated and intelli- 
 gent beings, of every variety of interest, and feeling, 
 and cultivation, and occupation, each actively en- 
 gaged in the exercise of full political rights and 
 privileges, but each using them for the promotion 
 alone of the welfare of the State, the common 
 parent and protector of them all. Like the several 
 wheels of some powerful engine, however compli- 
 cated its contrivance, they all move at once, they all 
 
OF LEGISLATION. 10 1 
 
 move in harmony, and they all tend to the attain- 
 ment of the same great purpose. Disorder in the 
 smallest and most insignificant portion of the ma- 
 chinery produces confusion throughout the struc- 
 ture. Or, as in the case of the action of a sound 
 mind in a sound body, the powers of the two are 
 exercised together, the energies of both are fully 
 developed, and in perfect harmony all their varied 
 operations are carried on at once. Thus the State 
 and the man resemble one another, alike, in the 
 development of their highest faculties and noblest 
 energies being the proper exercise of each ; and in 
 the accomplishment, through these, of the utmost 
 amount of practical benefit to all connected with 
 them, being the ultimate aim at which each should 
 aspire. 
 
 THE END. 
 
LONDON : 
 
 Printed by SPOTTISWOODB & Co., 
 New-street-Square. 
 
WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR. 
 
 In 3 vols. 8vo., with Plates, price 21 s. cloth. 
 Dedicated by express permission to His Boyal Highness PRINCE ALBERT. 
 
 THE LIFE 
 
 OF 
 
 LORD CHANCELLOR HARDWICKE, 
 
 SELECTIONS FROM HIS CORRESPONDENCE, DIARIES, 
 SPEECHES, AND JUDGMENTS, 
 
 NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS. AT WIMPOLE. 
 
 BY GEORGE HARRIS, ESQ. 
 
 OF THE MIDDLE TEMPLE, B A RRISTER-AT-L A W. 
 
 44 It is a very valuable book indeed. It is the very first in value that has for a 
 long time appeared." Lord Brougham. 
 
 44 Vigorous, intelligent, and remarkably interesting." Blackwood's Magazine. 
 
 44 The author, as well as the noble representative of the Chancellor, deserve great 
 praise, and great thanks for so valuable a contribution to legal history." Law 
 Review. 
 
 " Mr. Harris has produced a work no less interesting to the general reader, than 
 to those who may consult it for its historical value." Westminster Review. 
 
 44 A valuable and delightful biography." Morning Herald. 
 
 44 A valuable contribution to the History of British Politics and Jurisprudence." 
 Morning Chronicle. 
 
 London : LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, LONGMANS, & ROBERTS. 
 
Works by the same Author. 
 
 " A nobly conceived portraiture of the mind of the great Lord Hardwicke." 
 Morning Post. 
 
 "A sterling and important historical work." Literary Gazette. 
 
 "A very valuable contribution to political and legal history." Critic. 
 
 " Mr. Harris's legal acumen, industry, and ability, in the compilation and com- 
 position of this valuable contribution to legal biography, cannot be too highly com- 
 mended." Law Times. 
 
 " Not only the best life of Lord Hardwicke extant, but also the best chronolo- 
 gical and gene'ral compilation, referring to the period which it embraces, at present 
 known to English literature." Observer. 
 
 "Mr. Harris always writes well; his narrative shows the animation of an in- 
 telligent, and his reflexions the power of a superior mind." Britannia. 
 
 u An important addition to our biographies." Economist. 
 
 " The writer will henceforth occupy a distinguished position in the abiding 
 literature of this country. He is fortunate in his subject, happy in its treatment." 
 Birmingham Journal. 
 
 " The reputation of Lord Chancellor Hardwicke has been long established. The 
 present valuable history and records of his life will go far to establish that of his 
 biographer." Hull Packet. 
 
 " A very good book, and one worthy to take its place by the side of Horace 
 Twiss's Life of Lord Chancellor Eldon." Hull Advertizer. 
 
 " A most masterly biography of the great Chancellor, and one of the most 
 interesting and instructive books we ever read." Manchester Courier. 
 
 Preparing for publication, by the same Author, in one vol. Svo. 
 
 CIVILISATION CONSIDERED AS A SCIENCE 
 
 IN EELATION TO ITS ESSENCE, ITS ELEMENTS, 
 AND ITS END. 
 
 The necessity is here shown not only for general education, but for supplying in 
 conjunction with it all those various institutions and requirements which together 
 constitute the Elements of Civilisation. 
 
 London: LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, LONGMANS, & ROBERTS. 
 
51 oi VYUKJio m 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 ipg. LONGMAN, BEOWN, OEEEN, LONGMANS, and EOBEETS, 
 
 39, PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON. 
 
 CLASSIFIED INDEX. 
 
 ilture and Rural 
 
 Maunder's Treasury of History - 15 
 Natural History - - 15 
 
 Roget's English Thesaurus - - 18 
 Russell's Life of Lord W. Russell 19 
 
 airs. Pages. 
 
 Piesse's Art of Perfumery - - 1" 
 
 Schmitz's History of Greece - 19 
 
 on on Valuing Rents, Ac. - 4 
 
 Piscator's Cookery of Fish - - 17 
 
 Smith's Sacred Annals - 20 
 
 s Letters on Agriculture - 
 
 Pockrt and the Stud - - - { 
 
 Southey's Doctor - - - - 20 
 
 s Stud Farm - - - 6 
 
 Pycroft's English Reading - - 18 
 
 Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 21 
 
 n's Agriculture - - - U 
 
 Reece's Medical Guide - 18 
 
 " Lectures on French History 21 
 
 Elements of Agriculture - 13 
 
 Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary 18 
 
 Sydney Smith's Works - - - 20 
 
 
 Richardson's Art of Horsemanship 18 
 
 " Select Works - 23 
 
 Manufactures, and 
 shitecture. 
 
 Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18 
 Roget's English Thesauius - - 18 
 Rowton'a Debater - - - - 18 
 
 " Lectures - - 20 
 " Memoirs - - 20 
 Taylor's Loyola - - 21 
 
 t on Ventilation - - - 3 
 
 Short Whist 20 
 
 " "Wesley - - - 21 
 
 e on the Screw Propeller - 4 
 e's Dictionary of Science, &c. 4 
 Organic Chemistry- - 4 
 eul on Colour - - i 
 
 Thomson's Interest Tables - - 21 
 W.ebster's Domestic Economy - 82 
 West on Children's Diseases- - 22 
 Willich's Popular Tables - - 24 
 
 Thirlwall's History of Greece - 21 
 Thornbury's Shakspeare's England 21 
 Townsend's State Trials - - 22 
 Turkey and Christendom - - 23 
 
 s Civil Engineering - - 6 
 
 Wilmot's Blackstone - 24 
 
 Turner's Anglo-Saxons - - 22 
 
 urn's Informa. for Engineers 6 
 s Encvclo. of Architecture - 8 
 rd's Engravings after Michael 
 elo ----- c 
 is on Paper-Making - - 9 
 hreys's Parables Illuminated 10 
 on'sSacred& Legendary Art 1 
 
 Botany and Gardening. 
 
 Hooker's British Flora - - - 9 
 " Guide to Kew Gardens - 9 
 ' " " Kew Museum - 9 
 Lindley's Introduction to Botany * 13 
 " Theory of Horticulture - 12 
 
 " Middle Ages - - - 22 
 " Sacred H ist. of the World 22 
 Vehse's Austrian Court - - - 22 
 Wade's England's Greatness - 22 
 Whitelocke's Swedish Embassy - 24 
 Woods 's Crimean Campaign- - 24 
 Young's Christ of History - - 24 
 
 Commonplace-Book - 11 
 's Picto.ial Lift of Luther - 8 
 >n's Rural Architecture - 13 
 ougall's Theory of War - 14 
 's Aphorisms on Drawing - 14 
 
 London's Hortus Britannicus - 13 
 " Amateur Gardener - li 
 " Trees and Shrubs - - 13 
 " Gardening - 13 
 " Plants - - - - 13 
 
 Geography and Atlases. 
 
 Arrowsmith's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 3 
 Brewer's Historical Atlas - 4 
 Butler's Geography and Atlases - 5 
 
 ey's Engineering - 16 
 's Art of Perfumery - - 17 
 rdson's Art of Horsemanship 18 
 nor on the Iron Trade - - 19 
 s Printing - 23 
 -Engine, by the Artisan Club 4 
 Dictionary of Arts, &c. - 22 
 g on Proe-Raff;ielliti<-m - 24 
 
 " Self Instruction for Gar- 
 deners, &c. - 13 
 Pereira's Materia Medica - - 17 
 Rivera's Rose-Amateur's Guide - 18 
 Wilson's British Mosses - - 24 
 
 Chronology. 
 
 Blair's Chronological Tables - 4 
 
 Cornwall : Its Mins, &c. - - 23 
 Durrieu's Morocco - - - 23 
 Hnghes's Australian Colonies - 23 
 Johnston's General Gazetteer - 11 
 llaunder's Treasury of Geography 15 
 M'Culloch's Geographical Dictionary 14 
 " Russia and Turkey - 23 
 Milner's Baltic Sea - 15 
 
 - -_y. __ 
 
 Brewer's Historical Atlas 4 
 
 " Crimea - 15 
 
 l^JilJf 
 
 Bunsen's Ancient Egypt 5 
 
 " Russia - 15 
 
 >'s Autobiography - - 23 
 Lives of Scientific Men - 3 
 istedt and Wagner's Schamyl 23 
 
 Haydn's Beatson's Index - - 9 
 Jaquemet's Chronology - - 11 
 Johns &Nicolas'sCalendarofVictory 11 
 
 Murray's Encyclo. of Geography - 16 
 Sharp's British Gazetteer - - 19 
 Wheeler's Geography of Herodotus 24 
 
 ngham's (J. S.) Memoirs - 5 
 
 Nicolas's Chronology of History - 12 
 
 Juvenile Books. 
 
 ^n's Hippolytus - - - 5 
 MI'S (Fynes) Autobiography 6 
 
 Commerce and Mercantile 
 
 Amy Herbert ----- 19 
 Cleve Hall ----- 19 
 
 yne's Marshal Turenne - 23 
 istoun's Strange & Lumisden 7 
 er's De Foe and Churchill - 23 
 
 Affairs. 
 
 Gilbart's Treatise on Banking - 8 
 
 Earl's Daughter (The) - 19 
 Experience of Life - 19 
 
 er's Life of Gainsborough - 8 
 rd's Life of Michael Angelo - 8 
 jn's Autobiography ,by Taylor 9 
 ard 's ( hesterfield and Selwy n 23 
 
 Lorimer's Young Master Mariner 13 
 Macleod'g Banking - 14 
 M'Culloch'sCommerce & Navigation 14 
 Scrivener on Iron Trade - - 19 
 
 f Gertrude - - - - 19 
 Gilbart's Logic for the Young - 8 
 Hewitt's Boy's Country Book - 10 
 " (Mary) Children's Year - 10 
 
 oft's Memoirs - 23 
 
 Thomson's Interest Tablet - - 21 
 
 Ivors ------ 19 
 
 ier'8 Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12 
 der's Biographical Treasury- 14 
 >ir of the Duke of Wellington 23 
 )irsof James Montgomery - 15 
 ale's Memoirs of Cicero - 15 
 rs's Life and Genius of Fuller 23 
 
 Tooke's History of P. ices - - 22 
 Tuson's British Cjnsut's Manual - 22 
 
 Criticism, History, and 
 Memoirs. 
 
 Blair's Chron. anc Histor. Tables - 4 
 
 Katharine Ashton - - - 19 
 Laneton Parsonage - - 19 
 Margaret Percival - 19 
 
 Medicine and Surgery. 
 
 Brodie's Psychological Inquiries - 4 
 Bull's Hints to Mothers- - 6 
 
 Life of Lord Wm. Russell 19 
 hn's Audubon - - - 19 
 
 Brewer's Historical Atlas - - - 4 
 Bunsen's Ancient Egypt - - 6 
 
 " Managementof Children - 5 
 Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - 6 
 
 ey's Life of Wesley - - 20 
 Life and Correspondence 20 
 Select Correspondence - 20 
 en's Ecclesiastical Biography 21 
 v Smith's Memoirs - - 20 
 r's Loyola - 21 
 
 Hippolytus - - - 5 
 Burton's History of Scotland - 5 
 Chapman's Gustavus Adolphus - 6 
 Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul 6 
 Erskine's History oflndia - - 7 
 Gleig's Leipsic Campaign - - 23 
 Gurney's Historical Sketches - 8 
 
 Cust's Invalid's Own Book - - 7 
 Holland's Mental Physiology - 9 
 " Medical Notes and Reflect. 9 
 How to Nurse Sick Children - - 10 
 Kestcven's Domestic Medicine - 11 
 Pereira's Materia Medica - - 17 
 Reece's Medical G uide - - - 18 
 
 Wesley - - - - 21 
 rton's Autobiography & Essays 22 
 ler's Life of Herodotus - 24 
 
 i of General Utility. 
 
 Haydon's Autobiography, by Taylor 9 
 Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - 11 
 Johns & Nicolas'sCalendar of Victory 11 
 Kemble's Anglo Saxons - - 11 
 Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12 
 
 West on Diseases of Infancy - - 22 
 Wilson's Dissector's Manual - 24 
 
 Miscellaneous and General 
 Literature. 
 
 i's Bread-Book - - - 3 
 
 Macaulay's Crit. and Hist. Essays 13 
 " Historv of England - 13 
 
 Carlisle's Lectures and Addresses 23 
 
 's Treatise on Brewing - - 4 
 let Gazetteer - - - - 5 
 
 " Speeches - 13 
 Mackintosh's Miscellaneous Works 14 
 
 Digbv 's Lover's Seat - 7 
 Eclipse of Faith - 7 
 
 Lawyer - - - - 5 
 
 < Invalid's Own Book - 7 
 
 " History of England - 14 
 M'Culloch'sGeographicalDictionary 14 
 
 Greg's Political and Social Essays 8 
 Gurney's Evening Recreations - 8 
 
 rfs Logic for the Million - 8 
 on Etiquette - - - 9 
 to Nurse Sick Children - 10 
 on'sExecutor's Guide - 10 
 
 Maunder's Treasuryof History - 15 
 Memoir of the IJuke of Wellington 23 
 Merivale's History of Rome - - 15 
 " Roman Republic- - 15 
 
 Hassan on Adulteration of Fcoi - 9 
 Haydn's Book of Dignities 9 
 Holland's Mental Physiology - 9 
 Hooker's Kew Guides - - - 9 
 
 on Making Wills - 10 
 
 Milner's Church History - - 15 
 
 Hewitt's Rural Life of England - 10 
 
 ven's Domestic Medicine 11 
 
 Moore's (Thomas) Memoirs, &c. - 16 
 
 " .VisitstoRemarkablePlaceslO 
 
 ier'8 Cabinet Cyclopaedia 12 
 
 Mure's Greek Literature - 16 
 
 Jameson's Commonplace Book - 11 
 
 on's Lady's Country Compa 
 
 Normanby's Year of Revolution - 17 
 
 Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - 11 
 
 n - - 13 
 
 Raikes's Journal - - - - 18 
 
 Last of the Old Squires - - 17 
 
 der's Treasury of Knowledge ] 5 
 ' Biographical Treasury 14 
 
 Ranke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 23 
 Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18 
 
 Macaulay's Crit. and Hist. Essays 13 
 " Speeches - 13 
 
 ' Geographical Treasury 15 
 
 Roberts's Southern Counties - 18 
 
 Mackintosh's Miscellaneous Works 14 
 
 ' Scientific Treasury - 15 
 
 Rogers's Essays from Edinb. ReviewlS 
 
 Memoirs of a Maitre-d'Armes - 23 
 
2 CLASSIFIED INDEX. 
 
 Maitland's Church in the Catacombs 14 
 
 Martineau's Christian Life - - 14 
 " Hymns - - 14 
 
 Moseley'sEngineering&Architecture 
 Nomos 
 
 Pascal's Work*, by Pearce - - 17 
 
 Milner's Church of Christ - - 15 
 
 Our Coal-Fields and our Coal-Pits 
 
 Pillans's Contributions toEducation!7 
 Pinney on Duration of Human Life 17 
 Printing: Its Origin, &c. - - 23 
 Pycroft'8 English Reading - - 18 
 Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary 18 
 
 Montgomery's Original Hymns - 15 
 Moore on the Use of the Body - 16 
 " " Soul and Body - 16 
 " 's Man and his Motives - 16 
 Morinonism ----- 23 
 
 Owen's Lectures on Comp. Anatomy 
 Pereira on Polarised Light - 
 Peschel's Elements of Physics 
 Phillips's Fossils of Cornwall, &c. 
 " Mineralogy - 
 
 Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18 
 
 Neale's Closing Scene - - 16 
 
 " Guide to Geology - 
 
 Rowton's Debater 
 
 Newman's (J. H.) Discourses - 17 
 
 Portlock's Geology of Londonderry 
 
 Seaward's Narrative of his Shipwreckl9 
 Sir Roger de Coverley - - - 20 
 
 Ranke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 23 
 
 Smee's Electro-Metallurgy - 
 
 Smith's (Rev. Sydney) Works - 20 
 Southey's Common -place Books - 20 
 " The Doctor &c. - - 20 
 
 Readings for Lent - 19 
 " Confirmation - - 19 
 Robinson's Lexicon to the Greek 
 
 Steam-Engine(The) - 
 Wilson's Electric Tel igraph - 
 
 Etural Snorts. 
 
 Souvestre's Attic Philosopher - 23 
 " Confessions of a Working Man 23 
 Spencer's Psychology - 21 
 Stephen's Essays - 21 
 Stow's Training System - - 21 
 Strachey's Hebrew Politics - - 21 
 
 Saints our Example - 19 
 Sermon in the Mount - - 19 
 Sinclair's Journey of Life - - 20 
 Smith's (Sydney) Moral Philosophy 20 
 " (G'.j Sacred Annals - - 20 
 
 Baker's Rifle and Hound in Ceylon 
 Elaine's Dictionary of Sports 
 Cecil's Stable Practice - 
 " Stud Farm - 
 The Cricket -Field - - - - 
 
 Thomson's Laws of Thought - 21 
 Townsend's State Trials - - 22 
 Willich's Popular Tables - - 24 
 Yonge's English-Greek Lexicon - 24 
 " Latin Gradus - - 24 
 Zumpt's Latin Grammar - - 24 
 
 Natural History in general. 
 
 " Harmony of Divine Dis- 
 pensations - - - - 20 
 " (J.) Voyage and Shipwreck 
 of St. Paul - - - - 20 
 Southey's Life of Wesley - - 20 
 Stephen's Ecclesisstical Biography 21 
 Tayler's (J. J.) Discourses - - 21 
 Taylor's Loyola - 21 
 
 Davy's Piscatorial Colloquies 
 Ephemera on Angling - - - 
 " Book of the Salmon 
 Hawker's Young Sportsman - 
 The Hunting-Field 
 Idle's Hints on Shooting 
 Pocket and the Stud - 
 Practical Horsemanship 
 
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 Ephemera and Young on the Salmon 7 
 Gosse's Natural History of Jamaica 8 
 Kemp's Natural History of Creation 23 
 Kirby and Spence's Entomology - 11 
 Lee's Elements of Natural History 12 
 Mann on Reproduction - - 14 
 Maunder's Natural History - - 15 
 Turton'sShellsoftheBritishlslands 22 
 Van der Hoeven's Handbook of 
 
 " Wesley - - - 21 
 Theologia Germanica - - - 5 
 Thomson on the Atonement - - 21 
 Thumb Bible (The) 
 Tomlir.e's Introduction to the Bible 22 
 Turner's Sacred History- - - 22 
 Twining's Bible Types - 22 
 Wheeler's Popular Rible Harmony 24 
 Young's Christ of History - - 24 
 Mjstery - - - - 24 
 
 Richardson's Horsemanship - 
 Konalds's Fly-Fisher's Entomo- 
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 Stable Tark and Table Talk - 
 Stainton's June 
 Stonehenge on the Greyhound 
 Thacker's Courser's Guide 
 The Stud, for Practical Purposes - 
 
 Veterinary Medicine, &c 
 
 Zoology 22 
 VonTschudi's Sketches in the Alps 23 
 
 Poetry and the Drama. 
 
 Cecil's Stable Practice 
 
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 Youatt's The Dog ^ - 24 
 " The Horse - 24 
 
 Aikin's( Dr.) British Poets - - 3 
 Arnold's Poems - - - - i 
 Baillie's (Joanna) Poetical Works 3 
 
 " Stud Farm - 
 Hunting Field (The) - 
 Miles's Horse-Shoeing - 
 
 1-Volume Encyclopaedias 
 and Dictionaries. 
 
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 Calvert's Wife's Manual - - 6 
 ti Pneuma - - - - 6 
 
 " on the Horse's Foot - 
 Pocket and the Stud ... 
 Practical Horsemanship 
 
 Arrowsmith's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 3 
 Blaine'r, Rural Sports - - - 4 
 Brande's Science, Literature, and Art 4 
 Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - 6 
 Cresy's Civil Engineering - - S 
 
 Flowers and their Kindred Thoughts 11 
 Goldsmith's Poems, illustrated - 8 
 L. E. L.'s Poetical Works . - 12 
 Linwood's Anthologia Oxoniensis - 13 
 Lynch's Rivulet - - - - 13 
 
 Richardson's Horsemanship 
 Stable Talk and Table Talk - - 
 Stud (The) 
 Youatt's The Dog - - - - 
 " The Horse - 
 
 Gwilt's Architecture - - 8 
 Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 11 
 London's Agriculture - 13 
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 Lyra Germanica - - - - 5 
 Macaulav's Lavs of Ancient Rome 13 
 Mac Donald's Within and Without 14 
 Montgomery's Poetical Works - 15 
 
 Voyages and Travels. 
 
 Auldjo's Ascent of Mont Blanc - 
 Baines's Vaudois of Piedmont 
 
 '* Gardening - - 13 
 
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 Baker's Wanderings in Ceylon - 
 
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 Moore's Poetical Works - - 16 
 
 Barrow's Continental Tour - 
 
 Trees and Shrubs - - 13 
 
 " Epicurean- - - - Ifi 
 
 Earth's African Travels 
 
 M'Culloch'sGeographicalDictionary 14 
 
 " Lalla Rookh - 16 
 Irish Melodies - - - 16 
 
 Burton's East Africa - 
 " Medina and Mecca - 
 
 Murray's Encyclo. of Geography - 16 
 Sharp's British Gazetteer - - 19 
 
 " Songs and Ballads - - H 
 Reade'sManinParadis* - - 18 
 
 Carlisle's Turkey and Greece 
 De Custine's Russ-ia 
 
 Ure's Dictionary of Arts, &c. - - t2 
 Webster's Domestic Economy - 22 
 
 Shakspeare.bv Bowdler - - IS 
 Southey's Poetical Works - - 20 
 British Poets - - - 2( 
 
 Eothen - 
 Ferguson's Swiss Travels 
 Flemish Interiors - 
 
 Religious 8e Moral Works. 
 
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 Amy Herbert - - - - 19 
 Arrowsmith's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 3 
 Bloomfield's Greek Testament - 4 
 
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 Statistics. 
 
 " Sardinia and Corsica - 
 Gironiere's Philippines - 
 Gregorovius's Corsica - 
 
 Calivert's Wife's Manual - - 6 
 
 Caird's Letters on Agriculture - 
 
 Halloran's Japan - - - - 
 
 Cleve Hall - - - - - 19 
 Conybeare's Essays - 6 
 Convbeare and Howson's St. Paul 6 
 Cotton's Instructions in Christianity 7 
 Dale's Domestic Liturgy - - 7 
 Defence of Eclipse of Faith - - 7 
 Discipline - - - - 7 
 
 Dodd's Food of London - - ' 
 Greg's Political and Social Essays c 
 Jennings'* Social Delusions - - 11 
 Lains's Notes of a Traveller- - 2? 
 M'Culloch's Geog . Statist. &c. Diet. 1< 
 " Dictionary of Commerce 1' 
 " London - 23 
 
 Hill's Travels in Siberia 
 Hope's Brittany and the Bible 
 " Chase in Brittany 
 Hewitt's Art-Student in Munich - 
 " (W.) Victoria - 
 Hue's Chinese Empire - 
 Hue and Gabet's Tartary & Thibet 
 
 Earl's Daughter (The) - 19 
 
 Tegoborslu's Russian Statistics - 2: 
 
 Hudson and Kennedy's Mont 
 
 Eclipse of Kaith - - - . 7 
 Englishman's Greek Concordance 7 
 Heb.&Chald. Concord. 7 
 Etherid:e's Jerusalem ... 7 
 Experience (The) of Life - - 19 
 Gertrude - 19 
 
 Willich's Popular Tables - - 24 
 
 The Sciences in general 
 and Mathematics. 
 
 Arago's Meteorological Essays - 3 
 " Popular Astronomy - - 3 
 Bourne on the Screw Propeller - 4 
 " 's Catechism of the Steam- 
 
 Blanc ------ 
 Hughes's Australian Colonies 
 Humboldt's Aspects of Nature - 
 Hurlbut's Pictures from Cuba 
 Hutchinson's African Exploratior 
 Jameson's Canada - - - - 
 Jerrmann's St. Petersburg - 
 Kennard's Eastern Tour 
 Laing's Norway ..--.- 
 
 Harrison's Light of the Forge - 8 
 Hook's Lectures on Passion Week 9 
 Horne's Introduction to Scriptures 10 
 
 
 Engine 4 ' " .Notes 01 a Traveller 
 
 Humphreys's Parables Illuminated 10 
 
 Brande's Dictionary of Science, &c. 4 
 
 M'Clure's North- West Passage - 
 
 Ivors ------ 19 
 
 " Lectures on Organic Chemistry 4 
 
 Mason's Zulus of Natal 
 
 Jameson's Sacred Legends - - 11 
 Monastic Legends - - 11 
 Legends of the Madonna 11 
 Lectures on Female Em- 
 ployment - - . ji 
 
 Brougham and Routh's Printipia 4 
 Butler's Rolls Sermons - - - 5 
 Cresy's Civil Engineering - - 6 
 DelaBeche'sGeologyofCornwall,&c. 7 
 De la Rive's Electricity - - 7 
 
 Mayne's Arctic Discoveries - 
 Miles's Rambles in Iceland - 
 Pfeiffer's Voyage round the World 
 " Second ditto - 
 Scott's Danes and Swedes 
 
 Jeremy Taylor's Works- - - 11 
 Kahsrh's Commentary on Exodus - 11 
 Katharine Ashton - - 19 
 Konig's Pictorial Life of Luther - 8 
 Laneton Parsonage - - 19 
 
 Faraday's Non- Metallic Elements 8 
 Grove's Correla. of Physical Forces 8 
 Herschel's Outlines ol Astronomy 9 
 Holland's Mental Physiology - 9 
 Humboldt's Aspects of Nature - 1( 
 
 Seaward's Narrative 
 Weld's United States and Canada- 
 Werne's African Wanderings 
 Wheeler's Travels of Herodotus - 
 Wilberforce's Brazil & Slave -Trad( 
 
 Letters to my Unknown Friends - 12 
 : on Happiness - - - 12 
 
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 Hunt on Light - - - - 10 
 
 Works of Fiction. 
 
 Lynch's Rivulet - 13 
 
 Kemp's Phasis of Matter - - 11 
 
 Arnold's Oakfield 
 Macdonald's Villa Verocchio 
 
 Macnaught on Inspiration - - 14 I Mann on Reproduction - - - 14 
 Maitland's Church in Catacombs - 14 ! Marcet's (Mrs.) Conversations - 15 
 Morell's Elements of Psychology - 16 
 
 Sir Roger de Coverley - 
 Southey's The Doctor &c. - 
 Trollope's Warden - 
 
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