AUG b '^'"^ GIFT GIFT OF -' r' ~' UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES -i ,:i UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES BY WILLIAM WATTS FOLWELL Professor Emeritus University of Minnesota 1 > ' MINNEAPOLIS THE H. W. WILSON COMPANY 1909 COPYRIGHT BY WILLIAM W. FOLWELL 1909 To THE Memory of Sibley AND Marshall 241049 Although indulgent friends suggested the publication of these papers, they are not re- sponsible for their appearance. On reviewing them after the lapse of a quarter century, it seemed to the author that he might be justified in putting them out, be- cause they illustrate a period in the history of the university in which he has spent forty years of his life ; and also because they may revive interest in a problem still of great im- portance, that of the organization of education. W. W. F. December, 1909. I. Inaugural Address, 1869 i 11. The Minnesota Plan, 1875 ']'/ III." The Secularization of Education, 1881 143 IV. The Civic Education, 1884 185 I. INAUGURAL ADDRESS According to existing custom, the Territory of :\Iinnesota, created March 3, 1849, expected a grant of public lands from Congress for the endowment of a university. That expectation was fulfilled in 1851, and the territorial legislature of that year by an act of incorporation created the University of Minnesota, to be located at or near the falls of St. Anthony. A series of blunders and consequent mis- fortunes postponed its actual opening till after the close of the war of the slaveholders' rebellion. A preparatory school was organized in October, 1867. Two years later, a small class having been prepared for college work, the regents elected a president and faculty. They began their work in September, 1869, but their formal inauguration was convenient- ly postponed till the close of the first scholastic term. On December 22, 1869. in the large room in the third story of the west wing of the "old main" building, the simple but impressive ceremonies took place. The part which any individtial plays in to- day's ceremonies is a small thing. These pro- ceedings derive their importance and dignity from the occasion of them. To-day we celebrate the foundation of the University. ;7.s' inaugura- tion, long ago an assured fact with those whose labors, sacrifices, and foresight have made it 2 UXR'ERSITY ADDRESSES sure. It is hope, not memory, which inspires our hearts and dictates our utterances. We are gathered to-day in no historic audi- ence-chamber ; we employ no ancient symbols nor formulae ; no effigies upon canvas or in marble look down from these walls to remind us of the great and good of olden time, whose lives and labors have reflected a glory never to fade upon a venerable Alma ]\Iater: but looking for- ward to the future, amid scenes as yet unused to academic displays, we celebrate and emphasize, with song and praise and benediction, — begin- nings. Ours is the hopeful toil of the sower, not the consummate fruition of the harvest. We thank God for foundations now laid here which may endure to the end of the world, to the blessing and upbuilding of all the generations which shall follow ours. We may therefore rejoice with ex- ceeding great joy over the opportunities which our children, and our children's children shall here be given, of learning those sciences which furnish and adorn manhood and womanhood, and those arts which enrich and emancipate commu- nities, and make small states great. How to plan, how to build, how to adminis- ter the University so as to meet the just demands of our own and coming times, are the questions which now occupy and oppress us. It would be vain for me to attempt to divert your minds this hour from the occasion of this assemblage and INAUGURAL ADDRESS 3 these public acts. At this initial moment of our enterprise, it is clear that we ought rightly to ap- prehend its proper aim, scope, and sphere. Pro- posing to build here aH University, we ought to be agreed both as to' what we mean by that term, and what we do not mean. Though we build ■ for the future, we plan from the past, towards which let us glance before we attempt definitions. It has often been charged with much petulance against the older American colleges that they were organized, and have always been operated, in the interest of the Church and the clerical pro- fession. This statement is no doubt true, but it is far from being a just cause of reproach. Ec- clesiastics organized and managed with heroic sacrifices the old colleges, because they alone, as a class, appreciated the value of liberal culture and higher education. All honor to the noble men who planted Harvard, and Yale, and Brown, and Columbia, and Princeton, and Oberlin, to the glory of God and the upbuilding of the Church. Jjut it is to be remarked that these venerable institutions, although founded as training schools for the ministry, did not at the first propose, never have undertaken, and do not now ofifer to furnish, as colleges, theological education proper. They were, and continue to be. insti- tutions of general and liberal culture in science and literature. 4 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES In the course of the forty years which have passed some of these universities have greatly multiplied and expanded their professional and technical cours- es. All still remain in a sense denominational, but would scorn active proselyting. The college graduate of colonial times, pre- paring for clerical functions, passed his appren- ticeship in the study and under the tuition of some scholarly parish minister. When a clergy- man, apt to teach, assembled two, three, or more candidates under his roof, formed them into a class, and taught them after a certain scheme, a beginning was made which developed into the theological seminary. The economy of the new plan, upon which two or three experts could in- struct a number of candidates, over the old one which required as many masters as pupils, was too obvious to escape the notice of a class of thrifty, practical men, accustomed to organize and constitute. Long after the establishment of the theological seminary, law^yers and physicians continued to acquire their professional edtications in the of- fices of preceptors. I think the physicians were the next in order to discover the feasibility and economy of the professional school. So rapidly were the needed methods and appliances invent- ed and adopted, that not a single generation elapsed between the establishment of the first medical colleges, and the time when they ab- INAUGURAL ADDRESS 5 sorbed all candidates for the medical doctorate. The law schools came later, for of all pro- fessional men the lawyer is the most conserva- tive. "Ouieta non movere" is ever his watch- word and motto. It is within the recollection of men still young:, that the law school has got on to solid footing, and become recognized as the necessary and indispensable pathway to the legal profession. By this time the secret was fairly abroad. It was in the air. and began to infect all classes. The modest schoolmaster caught it. and began "with 'bated breath and whispering humbleness" to ask for the foundation of schools in which he might acquire the principles and processes of his craft, before beginning the practice of it upon human bodies and immortal souls. Be it said to the credit of our age and country that this request has received a certain though feeble re- sponse. The normal school now sends the pri- mary teacher to his work with some knowledge of what is to be done ; but the high school teach- er, the academy or seminary teacher, and the col- lege professor, still learn their business in the class room. A very accomplished extempora- neous preacher, being asked by what means he acquired his skill, replied, "by ruining half a doz- en good congregations." Tt is painful to think how manv good schools are either ruined or 6 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES greatly damaged in preparing teachers for their work. The speaker over-estimated the number of com- mon school teachers, and under-estimated that of grade and high school teachers who had received normal instruction. In 1908 the state superintend- ent of public instruction reports the whole number of common school teachers in Minnesota as 9022; of whom. 2267 have attended normal schools, 936 being graduates. The number of grade and high school teachers is 5906; of whom 2853 have attend- ed normal schools, and 2491 are graduates. More fortunate than the teacher, are the rail- way and the mining engineer, the chemist, and the metallurgist, who step at once from our poly- technic schools into honorable and lucrative posi- tions , their science and scientific training being found to more than compensate for any tempo- rary lack of practical dexterity. But the demand for technical education is no longer confined to those subjects and classes gen- erally spoken of as "professional." The indus- trial and commercial classes have already raised a cry which can neither be hushed up nor ig- nored. x\s a very remarkable indication of this new demand I would point to that great array of so-called "Business or Commercial Colleges," which within the past ten years have flashed up- on the country with all the glory of gilt sign- boards and polychromatic placards. While, as INAUGURAL ADDRESS 7 I think, there is large room for criticism upon the methods and management of these institu- tions, and although our solid business men are still chary of their countenance and support, it is certain that the educator can no longer ignore these schools ; but must recognize them, as signs of the times, at least, clearly foreshadowing a serious, organized demand on the part of the commercial classes for technical education. So extensive and rapid has been the development of our foreign and inland commerce, and so com- plicated have they become with questions of currency, exchange, and the customs of the trades, that the accounts of great houses are thrown unavoidably into the hands of expert ac- countants who frequently understand their condi- tion in detail better than the proprietors. It is not strange, then, that the young men ambitious to occupy positions of such respectability and in- fluence, have eagerly grasped at the first means offered, however inadequate, of qualifying them- selves in advance for their work. But my pres- ent object is answered, if these novel institutions are allowed to be indicative of a serious call for technical education on the part of the commercial classes. Many public high schools have in the last j-ears opened 'commercial courses'. Some universities have expanded their departments of political econo- my to embrace studies related to business. A 8 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES smaller number have organized 'schools" of account- ing, commerce and the like. The proposition that the public schools and universities should 'take over' the work of private commercial schools and colleges is not here considered. Last of all, a large body moving slowly, but with irresistible momentum, come the industrial classes, the toiling millions who wring from the earth and her products the subsistence of the race, — demanding a schoolmaster. It is true that the cry of these classes for more light was heard long ago in America ; but without eloquent tongues and facile pens to multiply and re-echo it, it was lost in the air, — 7'ox et prae- tcrea nihil. It might yet be sounding unheeded, had there not come a time when we all saw, by the light of war's devouring flames how the sal- vation of our nation lay in the keeping of these hard-handed working-men. It was in the su- preme hour of the nation's peril, when its very name had been mentioned by a foreign prime minister as out of date, when the ranks of the army, lately filled from the flower and bloom of our farmers and artisans, had been cut down and shortened by bloody campaigns ; when the call for volunteers was beating in every village of the land ; it was then that the American Congress hastened to bestow upon the industrial classes of the country that magnificent endowment con- veyed by the Agricultural College Bill. By the INAUGURAL ADDRESS 9 passage of that act, the demand I am speaking of was recognized and recorded. Since that time no one has held it in supposition, but as one to be met and answered. Never has a more troublesome problem been thrust upon educators. We know very well how to take young men and train them in schools to be clergymen, physicians, lawyers, engineers, ac- countants, chemists and miners, but we cannot yet so deftly produce you farmers and black- smiths and carpenters ; spinners, dyers and weavers ; millers, moulders and machinists, and so on. It must be understood that this new demand is an immense and far-spreading one. and one which no single institution, unless it be vastly richer than any yet founded in America, can hope fully to meet. Take Agriculture for illustration. Agriculture is a word of wide comprehension in- cluding a great variety of matters which together form a whole, but each of which demands a spe- cial treatment. Among farmers we class growers of grains and grasses, planters of textile products, sugar and tobacco, stock growers, dairymen, mar- ket gardeners, fruit growers and tree culturists, seed growers and florists. No other profession demands so wide a range of scientific knowledge and practical manual skill as does agriculture. The completely furnished agriculturist must know the chemistry of earth, air, fire and water, 10 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES the structure and properties of plants, the natural history of domestic animals, and the principles of breeding and raising them, and the cure of their diseases. He must know the use of many tools, and be able to test them upon mechanical prin- ciples. He will need to understand several branches of manufacture. He ought to be law- yer enough to keep out of litigation. He would need to know in particular the law of contracts, of highways and ditches, of tenures and of ad- verse possession, and he should be no unskillful accountant. It is not strange then that the schoolmaster has been staggered by the huge load so sudden- ly thrust upon him. The problem of agricultural education is one of peculiar difficulty on account of this well known and much lamented fact, that while farm- ers' sons are rushing by thousands into business, seeking all sorts of agencies, and clerkships, neither farmers' sons nor anybody's sons in large numbers, are seeking thorough scientific educa- tion in agriculture. I am informed by high au- thority that out of the 600 young men now at- tending the Cornell University, not over 30 ex- pect to become practical farmers. I fear this state of things must long continue. So long as there is open to young men the prospect of a name and a home, of a high social position to be won with clean hands and unsoiled garments by INAUGURAL ADDRESS ii headwork, and without capital, the learned pro- fessions, so called, will continue to absorb the best blood of the country. Fondness for me- chanical pursuits and indoor work, will turn many others to become artisans, who likewise need but little capital to start upon. It must be confessed that our thoroughly educated young Bachelor of Agriculture, with all his zeal, would be sadly otY here without the capital sufficient to buy. sub- due and stock his farm. In fact the newly ar- rived emigrant with his few and simple wants, would have much the advantage of him. We have not yet in America any such demand for educated agriculturists as exists in Europe : and may the day be far distant when there shall be any such demand. In Europe, rich lords and great proprietors, holding a large share of the soil in immense estates, are very glad to employ professional agriculturists as stewards and over- seers. This ■ furnishes opportunity for the grad- uates of agricultural colleges to practice their pro- fession, without either land or capital of their own. Frequently, also, sons of the great pro- prietors devoting themselves to the management of the estates they expect to inherit, attend uikdu the agricultural schools ; in which case these gen- trv are kept in better quarters and on daintier fare than their fellow-students of low birth. The governments of Europe employ a very large 12 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES number of experts as foresters, gardeners, and game keepers. These considerations, while they furnish no reason for doubting the feasibiHty of agricultural education, do, as I think, constitute a just excuse for its slow development, and they very clearly indicate that the American agricultural college must have a home-grown shape adapted to the demands of the times and to the relations of American rural economy. Although the development of the American agricultural college has been slow, yet excellent beginnings have at length been made. The ex- periments made in Massachusetts, Illinois, and particularly in Michigan, suggest several lines upon which it may take place. The early at- tempts at forming agricultural schools in the State of New York and elsewhere have shown also by what courses it cannot take place. These latter experiments prove that we must furnish better material for such schools than the sons of the wealthy, living in cities, sent from home to remove them from temptation and idleness. Such things I am aware would not be said by one who desired merely to glorify this subject. They who honestly and heartily wish success to the agricultural college will prefer to meet all difficulties at the outset. Let none, however, doubt the feasibility of the industrial education, and its final and abundant success. INAUGURAL ADDRESS 13 A reason for so much elaboration on agricul- tural education at the time is found in the follow- ing state of facts. The original charter of the Uni- versity of 185 1 provided for a college of agricul- ture. Nevertheless, the legislature of 1858 chartered a separate State agricultural college, and located it at Glencoe, in McLeod County, on land donated by private owners. By a later act all the swamp lands in that county were bestowed on the corporation. The legislature of 1865 also appropriated to it the income to be derived from the grant of 120,000 acres of public lands accruing to the State from the operation of the so-called, •'Morrill Bill" of 1862, to promote the education of the industrial classes. Why no beginnings were made at Glencoe, and why those in control of the endowments were or be- came willing to give up their enterprise is not well- known. They made no opposition to the action of the legislature of 1868 when it merged the agricul- tural college lands with those granted to the Uni- versity. The regents of the University were sin- cerely and anxiously desirous to justify the merger, and demonstrate their good faith in the domain of industrial education. There were those who ques- tioned it. The speaker made no mistake in counselling pa- tience. Nearly twenty years passed before the Uni- versity of ]Minnesota found its place and work in the field of agriculture. Year after year the annual calendars announced elaborate courses in agricul- ture leading to the bachelor's degree, but there were no aspirants for that degree by way of that course. There was no career for such graduates. In 1884 the president of the university in a public address suggested that instruction in agriculture might be profitably undertaken in secondary schools. Three 14 UXIVERSITY ADDRESSES years later Professor Edward A. Porter, then at the head of the department on agriculture, struck out a plan of an 'industrial school of agriculture' tn be kept on the experimental farm two miles distant from the university campus. Professor D. L. Kiehle, state superintendent of public instruction, a mem- ber of the board of regents worked out the peda- gogical details and submitted a definite study plan, which was accepted. In October, 1888 the 'School of Agriculture' was opened at St. Anthony Park. Taking boys and girls from their rural homes, with a common school preparation, for the winter months of two years, this 'school' gives a course of sci- ence and practice immediately applicable to the Min- nesota farm. It has already accomplished a great work. An unexpected and welcome result is that an increasing number of the students are continuing their studies through the 'College of Agriculture' with its four-3'ear course. Two hundred and seventy- one are enrolled in October. 1909. It may be worthy of remark that the Minnesota legislature, when reorganizing the projected Agri- cultural College at Glencoe, declared the design of the institution to be "a high seminary of learning. in which graduates of the common schools can com- mence, pursue and finish a course of thorough the- oretical and practical studies * * * in agricul- ture and kindred industrial pursuits." My design in drawing this hasty sketch of the rise and progress of professional education, is to have it appear, how alongside and independ- ent of our common schools, our academies and colleges, there has been steadily growing up in this country another sort of educational institu- INAUGURAL ADDRESS I5 tions having a peculiar office, and answering oth- er demands. Receiving young men with such furnishings as the schools or the college may have given them, these new schools undertake merely to fit them for those arts or professions to which they intend to devote their lives. They presuppose the candidates to have been already trained up through childhood and youth to man- hood, and to understand sufficiently for their ages the duties and obligations of citizenship, morality and religion. They have no dealings with boys, but instruct young men pursuing vol- untarily and therefore zealously, favorite studies. These schools have in some instances been es- tablished upon separate foundations, but more frequentlv they have been associated more or less closely with the older and richer colleges. The economy of so associating them was long ago obvious. It was apparent from the first that the same chemist could instruct at once candidates for medicine, mining, manufacture and agricul- ture : the same professor of intellectual philoso- phv. logic, and ethics, could lecture to members of many schools at once; the same illustrative apparatus, the same observatory, library, mu- seum would serve for all. A common govern- ment could regulate the general concerns an We do not, however, stop with the colleges devoted to training men for the learned profes- sions. We propose to raise the agricultural and polytechnic schools to the same high plane. In regard to the courses in engineering, civil and mechanical, we propose no innovation, but merely to follow out the established custom of Ameri- can polytechnic schools. As already shown, these institutions give the first two years of the course to general, disciplinary — secondary stud- ies ; the last two, to professional work proper. In our institution, the engineering student passes from the Secondary Department and enters the College of Mechanic Arts at the beginning of the junior year. He pursues the customary studies for two years, and is graduated at the end of that time a Bachelor only. It is in reference to the agricultural college that we may be said to be taking a new depart- ure. It has generally been thought politic, if not necessary, by those who have been charged with the organization of the agricultural colleges in America, to begin the work at the low water THE MINNESOTA PLAN 117 mark of the common school. As a matter of course, no professional work worthy of the name can be taken up at that point. The necessary consequence is, that the college must put the matriculants upon a course of general studies in mathematics, sciences and languages. Thus it comes that we have freshmen in colleges em- ployed upon higher arithmetic, penmanship, punctuation, and other indispensable rudiments. So soon as possible the fare is varied by dash- ing in a modicum of agriculture or horticulture. Time passes on, and at the close of a four- years' course, the young men are returned to the farms as Bachelors of agriculture. I would not condemn this work altogether, though I think it extravagant and distracting to mingle studies so unlike and incompatible. It is useless and ex- travagant — it is absurd — to undertake the appli- cation of science to agriculture before the science — the appUahle science — has been acquired. The agricultural colleges referred to, cannot, there- fore, become, as they ought to become, profes- sional schools, so long as they are engaged in doing training work in the general studies of the high school. According to the principle implied in this discussion, the institution of which I am speaking bases the regular undergraduate course in agriculture upon the secondary instruction of the Elementary Department. All candidates foi graduation must have undergone this instruc- ii8 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES tioii here or elsewhere. After two years of pro- fessional studies and exercises, we think them en- titled to a degree in every way equivalent to the first academical degree of bachelor. Thus we conform, as we believe, to that act of Congress which conferred the endowment for the new industrial education. This statute calls for the establishment of colleges, — i. e., institu- tions of superior rank. The endowment cannot be justly expended in mere primary and sec- ondary instruction. We also respond to the real demand of the farmers. The Agricultural College was never wanted as a mere farmers' school, in which their sons and daughters could be taught to extract the cube root and decline adjectives of three termi- nations. The real demand of the farmer is that there be men trained up to interrogate science, as to its application to that great industry which is at the bottom of all the industries and activities of the world. When the Agricultural College is made a pro- fessional school, this work may begin. The Agri- cultural College as a secondary school, however efficient, can contribute but scantily to this end. It seemed best to let the reader follow the de- scription of the ^Minnesota plan to its end. It was adopted hastily and prematurely by a body of in- experienced regents reposing undue confidence in a youthful executive whose enthusiasm affected them. THE iMINNESOTA PLAN 119 He was himself as much surprised as any one could be at their sudden action. The most he had hoped for was the opening of a discussion. He had not moderation nor wisdom enough to counsel delay and consultation with colleagues. The faculty were di- vided; the professors on the "classical side" were opposed to innovation, those on the "scientific side" were warmly favorable to the plan. In 1872 in response to demands the regents gave the matter a full consideration. The members of the faculty contributed their respective views in writing; the author of the plan defended it from a brief to be found on a subsequent page. The result was a res- olution to adhere to the plan; and it was adhered to for more than a decade. Thanks to a faculty loyal if not cordial in its support, no difficulties of administration presented themselves which were not easily overcome. Still it must be said, there exist- ed a "feeling" shared by some teachers, some stu- dents, and some school men that the University of Minnesota, had by the adoption of a novel scheme of organization separated herself from the goodly fellowship of American colleges. That the old American aggregation (there was no system.) of schools and colleges could be improved upon, was not easily entertained by those who had not stud- ied the principles of educational organization, in particular of public education. The believers in the plan were therefore kept on the defensive. Dr. Cyrus Northrop succeeded to the presidency of the university in September 1884. In June 1885. the regents upon his recommendation, by a simple resolution regulating the jurisdiction of faculties, gave the Minnesota plan a quiet and comfortable coup de grace. He had other objects more at heart than reforms in university organization, and felt 120 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES that it would be better to let the institution devel- op along traditional lines. The author of the plan was quite content that it should not be left in the hands of those not in sympathy with its idea and purpose. The principle survives and in good time will have its fruition. The University of Chicago has explicitly recognized it, and Columbia has im- plicitl}^ adopted it. It was laid down in the introductory part of this paper, as a principle to be gone tipon in or- ganizing the public instruction, that the system nutst be such as to employ and encourage all agencies likely to engage seriously in the work. By what means, if by any, to open the whole field of educational effort to the same free com- petition between individuals as now exists in the learned and other professions, is an alluring prob- lem, but because it is not of immediate practical importance it must be laid aside for the graver and unavoidable question, "Where is the place and what the work of the Christian Church in education?" Let us meet this question resolute- h . Let us face first of all this fact, that in the newer states of America education of all grades is already public. The people have taken the whole work in hand. It is impossible to disguise this fact. It is equally impossible to escape from this next conclusion — that if the Church means to do any work in education which will last and grow, she must come within the system THE MINNESOTA PLAN 121 of public instruction. The institutions of her foundation and maintenance must take their place as elements in whatever system may hap- I)en to exist. What part of the field then may the Christian forces occupy in the grand move- ment ? Not the primary theater of the war. Ex- perience has already decided that; and further, this is the place for parental co-operation. Not the field of superior, academical and professional education, for that too the people have occupied with a corps of observation — if no more. There remains but one province, the secondary educa- tion. May the Church venture upon that? It is certain that in her present estate the Church can- not sustain the university. It is useless to talk of the university unless there is a prospect of mil- lions of dollars flowing into her cofTers. Were the Church one in visible representation, this might be expected, but divided and contending, her various sections vainly attempt the mighty task of collecting a university endowment. This I may say while recalling, not without bitter- ness, the fact that we have yet as a people to educate ourselves up to the point reached by seme Christian benefactors of higher education. The people have resolved to have the university, but the}- have not as yet fully appreciated the magnitude of their enterprise nor equalled in nuuiificence a few noble citizens. 122 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES If, however, a Church \\ ere equal to the main- tenance of the university, I cannot see that she has any sufiicient motive for it. The history of American universities shows that just as they have grown into consequence they have out- grown the spirit of denomination. The Chris- tian college of to-day is forced to hoist at its maintop the motto "Christian, but not sectarian." If not sectarian, why then shall the sect support it? "Christian, but not sectarian," is the watch- word of the people's university. The work of the university is secular, and cannot be Church work. It can only aid the Church — as Church — in an indirect way, by extending the boundaries of knowledge, diffusing culture, and arming the hand of charity with new balms and potions. Why then should the tithes and oft'erings go to the cultivation of science and letters, to the train- ing of lawyers and physicians, farmers and engi- neers? When a thousand villages are without churches and pastors, shall the Church found ob- servatories to study spots on the sun, and mil- lions of men perish without the gospel? There is, however, in the scope of the second- ary education a work which may be regarded as distinctively Christian, I have, with some empha- sis, advocated the full development of the sec- ondary education for the purpose of bringing that instruction to the doors of the people, and into close relation with homes. Two practical THE MINNESOTA PLAN 123 difficulties here present themselves. The first, that there is a large body of youth who have lit- erally no homes, — there are many who are worse off than that, — who have fathers and mothers, but no parents. There are also sons and daugh- ters of persons holding public offices, military and civil, the duties of which carry them to sta- tions remote from schools and civilization ; there are children of persons traveling or living tran- siently in public houses. The number of children thus incapacitated from resorting to the public high schools from homes, will be found upon re- flection to be very great. For this class the board- ing school is the proper resource. What work now- I ask can the Church better do than to thrown her sheltering arms around these homeless ones, and train them up to useful and blameless liv- ing? There is room then in the system for the Christian boarding school. I cannot pass from this topic without stopping to advertise to this national convention of teachers that our State of Minnesota presents to-day the unique and un- paralleled spectacle of the best boys' boarding school in the northwest, built up in nine years on the ruins of a paper university. Let me say proposed ruins, for that university — thanks to one wise and far-seeing man — never lifted the first stone into daylight. 124 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES When Henry Benjamin Whipple came to Fari- bault in 1859 to begin his work as Bishop of Min- nesota, he found a Httle wooden "shack," in which a little primary school was kept. Over the door was a smart gilded sign "Bishop Seabury Univer- sity." One of his first acts was to take a carpen- ter's hammer and pull down that sign. His wiser plan, which he presently put into operation, was to build and organize a splendid academy, in which he could proselyte to his heart's content. In a univer- sity he could not freely make Episcopalians. The other difificulty had in mind is this, that the high school of any grade of development is pos- sible only in the cities and larger villages. There are fifty smaller villages, more or less, in Min- nesota, which cannot support a high school in fifty years. How shall these places, the most favorable perhaps for the development of schol- arly ambition, be supplied with secondary schools? The answer is, by means of academies, to be mainly supported by the people of the vicin- ity, but aided liberally by the state. Such acad- emies, public in the sense of complying with the conditions necessary to insure the just expendi- ture of the public funds, would habitually fall under the control of some Christian body, who would be responsible to the patrons for the judi- cious training of their children. The Christian academy may thus have its place in the system of ptiblic instruction. There is one such in our own state, scarcely known beyond the bounds of THE MINNESOTA PLAN 125 a beautiful hamlet nestling- beside Lake St. Croix, which sends more students to this University than any high school in the state except three or four. The Christian academy can do that work which most of all the Church wants done, the work of training the growing and impressible youth. The time for training is past when the youth has gone to college. Happy is that young man who leaves school with his principles and habits so fixed and grounded that the temptations of college life as- sail his soul in vain. The admirable little acadeiiij- at Afton on the St. Croi.x was closed some years ago. It is still the speaker's opinion that academies of high rank are needed, and may properly be countenanced and aid- ed by religious bodies. No better examples are needed of the usefulness of such schools than the Pillsbury Academy at Owatonna, the College of St. Thomas in St. Paul and Shattuck School at Fari- bault. The hour will not permit me to speak of a third sort of Christian work in education — that of establishing Christian college homes around the State universities, and thus to restore the college to its original function. In such establishments a church may gather its sons and daughters, maintain its favorite cultus and ritual, and thus gain to herself all the advantages of a college in the modern sense, while saving the whole cost of faculty, library, apparatus, laboratories, etc. 126 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES This idea was put into operation at the Univer- sity of Michigan some years after. Harris hall has served its purpose with great acceptance. Roman Catholic friends have acquired a plot of ground near the University of Minnesota on which it is purposed to build a home for the accommodation of students of that ancient faith. The Episcopalians have established a "University House" with a clergyman in charge, as a center of influence and co-operation. I have said that the boarding school and the academy may be Christian, meaning Christian in the lower sense of being actually in the hands of a Christian body, as a corporation. There is, however, a higher sense in which these and all schools may be Christian. There are many schools, of many grades, which are Christian be- cause they are owned and operated by Christian men and women, but are not controlled by any conference, synod or council. In this same sense, all schools may be Christian. If the Church do her duty there will be no other. The schools of a Christian people will be Christian. The Church might be more than content to surrender entirely any immediate management of schools in order to be at leisure to attend to the grander w ork of molding and inspiring all the educational agencies. The Church may then lay down the text-book, and retire from the school-room, as pedagogue, only to reappear in the clouds of a new heaven, with angelic belongings, "with THE MIXXESOTA PLAX 127 power and great glory," a messenger from above to inform, to hallow, to sanctify and consecrate all the agencies of human culture. It took more than two hundred years for mod- ern Christianity to learn the lesson that her power over the nation would be greatest when Church and State should be organically severed. Have we not yet to learn the further and more blessed truth that the Church will only then be mightiest in culture, wdien she has surrendered all mere schooling to the people? Appendixes to the foregoing address. Appendix i. In 1872 the Board of Regents deemed it wise to review their action in adopting the Minnesota plan. The following brief was used by President Folwell in its defense. The decision was to adhere to the plan. I. General Considerations had in view at the time the the question of organization came up. 1. The great awakening to the supreme importance of education in general. Witness, the development of the free schools, the munificent gifts in the aid of edu- cation, of Cornell, Peabody, Pardee, Packer. Williston and others, and the State and N^ational grants to high- er institutions. 2. An immense increase of youth demanding high- er education : — not, however, of those looking forward to the so-called "learned professions," but a number much greater preparing to be engineers, merchants, ar- chitects, chemists, miners and metallurgists, pharmaceu- tists, dyers, manufacturers, merchants, navigators, jour- nalists, naturalist-^, astronomers, and last, not least, hor- ticulturists and agricultinnsts ; wherefore, 3. The general cou'^cnt that the old college, however admirably suited to other wants, does not meet the de- 128 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES mands of these classes. In proof of the correctness of this view, 4. The establishment of numerous polytechnic schools, such as, e. g., The Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, Troy, N. Y. The Sheffield Scientific School of Yale College, New Haven. Conn. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Boston. The Columbia College School of Mines, New York city. The Stevens Institute of Technology, Hoboken, N. J., &c. Likewise 5. The grant by Congress in 1862 of 9.000.000 acres of public lands to endow colleges, intended to provide "liberal and practical education for the industrial class- es" : and under this grant the establishment of Agri- cultural and Polytechnic Colleges in many States ; such as, e. g.. The Cornell University. The Kentucky University. The Illinois Industrial Universitv, The Agricultural Colleges of Massachusetts. Michi- gan. Pennsylvania, &c.. — but further. 6. The voluntary exile of hundreds of our young men to foreign countries in search of culture not to be had on this side of the Atlantic. 7. The importation, chiefly by these persons and through their writings, of foreign university ideas, tra- ditions, customs and terminology, which, falling in with the general sentiment favoring a broader development of our higher education, had led to 8. The establishment of many institutions called Universities, in expectation "of thinsrs hoped for." 9. The general acknowledged failure of our uni- versities fo deserve that title, owing chiefly to lack of material, i. e.. of students properly fitted for tmiver- sity work. Therefore, 10. The need, as a condition precedent to the ex- istence of a genuine university, of a large number of academic schools of high rank, capable of fitting stu- dents to enter unon the studies nroperly belonging to the university. Stich schools, called "secondary," exist in all countries in which universities exist. THE MINNESOTA PLAN 129 II. An EXCESSIVE NU.MiiEK OF COLLEGES, insufficiently endowed, indifferently officered, scantily attended, "hin- dering rather than aiding one another by their jealous rivalries, and wasting the most precious resources of the country."' 12 In these colleges a general breaking down of discipline, and a cheapening of degrees, things not to be prevented in institutions demoralized by ruinous competition. 13. In these colleges also, an overloading of the course of study in the attempt to adapt the college, with its single curriculum, to modern demands. But 14. A strong and decided reaction against the tendency to overcrowd the college course, coinciding with 15. A relaxation from the traditional custom of forcing students over a single course, as shown in 16. The addition of so-called "scientific courses" of study into many colleges and universities, or in 17. The introduction of so-called optional or elec- tiz'c studies and courses of study : in connection with which 18. The remarkable fact that the end of the second (or Sophomore) year of the old college course has been very generally pitched upon as the proper point at which to admit optional studies and courses, thereby indicat- ing that 19. Some university work proper begins now in America (and will for a long time continue to begin) with the Junior year, and that studies sliould be assort- ed accordin^ily. Wherefore 20. Universities must provide for dropping the work of the first two college years, belonging by its nature to the secondary schools. 21. The higher secondary education cnil)racing the first two college years, has been found to be an excel- lent preparation for the "industrial professions,'" and it is also sufficient for the mere practitioner in the so- called learned professions, although in fact 22. The law and medical schools, receiving students with merely the primary education of the common school, are turning out under the spur of sharp compe- tition hundreds of graduates every year, without culture, without science — to the great infamy of the profession^;. AVherefore I30 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES 23. The impending necessity that some public en- dowed institution not depending upon tuition money for support, should by requiring as the mininmm prepar- ation the secondary education indicated, rescue the legal and medical professions from the low condition into which they have confessedly fallen. 24. For lack of suitable secondary or academic schools to prepare students, the agricultural colleges have very generally been forced down into the sec- ondary field, and been obliged to offer courses of study made up mainly of academic branches with merely a seasoning of agricultural studies. Whereas 25. The agricultural college ought to be a special professional school, analagous to law, medical, and en- gineering schools, to which students shall bring a suffi- cient preparation of general and disciplinary studies, and it is only as such that the agricultural college can form a co-ordinate department of the university. 26. The actual foundation and maintenance of uni- versities by States is an experiment, the success of which is not expected by some, and not desired by many others. 27. The Christian Church, — under various denomi- nations, — has immense investments in higher education, and under her auspices. 28. Private individuals and corporate bodies will continue to endow and support educational establish- ments. Nevertheless there exists 29. A powerful tendency in the direction of com- prehensive, not to say exclusive, state and national ef- fort to control education and to develop complete systems of schools culminating in universities. Where- fore, 30. The evident need of such an organization of education by competent authority as will invite and ensure the co-operation of all parties interested in the business, and secure economy and efficiency : accord- ingly 31. The State University should be so organized as to form an integral part of a State system of pub- lic education, while free scope and room should be allowed for the legitimate efforts of all private and corporate agencies. y2. The higher education of women, — a problem THE MINNESOTA PLAN 131 not to be put aside when public funds form the 'endow- ment of a proposed university. IL Local Considekatioxs : State of Minnesota, a. d. 1870. 1. An act of the Legislature approved February 18. 1868, "Re-organizing the University and establishing an Agricultural College therein." — 2. The Board of Regents required by this act to establish "five or more Colleges or Departiuents; that is to say, "A Department of Elementary Instruction ; "A College of Science. Literature and the Arts; "A College of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts; "A College or Department of Law : "A College or Department of Medicine." 3. An endowment of public lands, consisting on the one hand of University lands proper and on the other of "Agricultural College" lands in the proportion of about 3 to 5. 4. An evident and undoubted disposition on the part of the Board of Regents to devote the funds to accrue from the Agricultuural College lands with the utmost fidelity to the object named in the act of endowment passed by Congress. July 2. 1862. As an earnest of tliis disposition, 5. The purchase of a farm for experimental pur- poses and the election of professors of agriculture, military science and civil engineering. 6. A provisional organization, in some respects ex- cellent, but lacking in thoroughness — the various de- partm.ents forming rather a mere association than an organism. Indeed the separate establishment of the colleges or departments demanded by the statute was quite lost sight of. 7. Free Tuition in all departments: small annual charge for "incidentals" only. 8. No dormitory system, but students of both sexes left free to choose their residences in the city. 9. A faculty of ten persons, including the presi- dent. 10. An attendance of 185 students — about one-half of them young women. 11. Thirteen students, ranking provisionally as 132 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES Freshmen, of whom probably but five were of that rank. 12. A large number of students looking forward to polytechnic studies, a great demand for instruction in the German language, and an unexpectedly large num- ber of classical students. 13. But one denominational college, partially devel- oped, in actual existence in the State. 14. A very small number of fitting schools (3-5) in private or denominational hands and all young and feeble. 15. A considerable number of excellent public high schools, ably officered and ready to co-operate actively with the Liniversity, but as yet not having generally adopted courses of study preparatory to it. Hence 16. The evident necessity of so planning the work of the University as to begin where the high schools should leave off. Such was "the situation" when in June, 1870, the question of organization came definitely before the Board of Regents. III. The plan actually adopted was the following, being the report of a special committee : THE UNIVERSITY OF :\IIXXESOTA. PLAN OF ORGANIZATION. "There shall be established in the University of Min- nesota, five or inore Colleges or Departments; that is to say, a Department of Elementary Instruction; a Col- lege of Science, Literature and the Arts; a College of Agriculture and the ISIechanic Arts, including Military Tactics; a College or Department of Law; also a College or Department of Medicine." — [Laws of Minnesota, 1868. J " * * * to teach such branclTes of learning as are related to Agriculture and the ^Mechanic Arts, in sucli manner as the Legislatui-es of the States may respectively pre- scribe, in order to promote the liberal and practical edu- cation of the industiial classes in the several pursuits and piofessions of life, without excluding other scientific and classical studies, and including military tactics." — ■ TAct of Congress granting land for Agricultural Colleges. 1862.] A three years' preparatory department has been in operation since 1866. Twentv students, most of whom h'-ive passed through this Department, are now pursuing the studies of freshmen in science or arts. It is proposed to drop, as soon as may be practicable, lire first year of this preparatory course, and to add to the two remaining years, other two years, correspond- THE MINNESOTA PLAN 133 ing to the freshman and sophomore years of our or- dinary colleges, thus forming a department to be called "The Collegiate Department;" of which the promi- nent features shall be these, viz : 1. Two or more parallel courses of general scien- tific and classical studies, designed to prepare students either to enter one of the professional schools, or the higher academic course of the University. 2. These courses to be open to both sexes alike. 3. A thorough system of discipline, by means of marking system, military drill, gymnastics, etc. _ 4. All students to be instructed in those principles of agriculture (including horticulture), the mechanic arts, and hj-giene, wmch every "educated man" or wom- an needs to know. 5. No degrees to be conferred at the end of these courses, but only a certificate of fitness to proceed with some proper University course. 6. A shorter course of scientific studies for students preparing to enter the colleges of agriculture, medicine, etc. The theory of this Collegiate Department is, that the student having successfully pursued one or other of its prescribed courses, will be suitably prepared to enter the College of Science, Literature, and tlie .Arts." or the College of that profession to which he intends devoting his life. It is too much to ask now. in a new country, that candidates for agriculture, law. medicine, or business, shall generally have taken the de- gree of bachelor of arts. It is not thought necessary to enlarge upon the details of the organization of the professional and technical schools, the number and kinds of which must depend upon the means of the University and the public de- mands. The first of them to be organized will be that of "Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts." The higher acadeiuic deoartment will correspond nearly with the junior and senior years of the Atuerican colleges, t.\cei)t that there shall he entire acadenu'c freedom in the selection of courses. Xo degrees shall be conferred e.xcept after successful e.xaminations. and that to some extent upon subjects upon which no direct instruction shall have been given. It is a part of the plan that from year to year some branch or branches shall be dropped off the lower end 134 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES of the Collegiate courses, so that at length, the whole Department having been relegated to the schools below, shall "expire by limitation," leaving the federated clas- sical, scientific and professional schools of the Uni- versity proper. In fact the Collegiate Department is intended to be a model "Secondary School." The following diagram will suggest, though inade- quately, the relations of the Departments : Primary School Collegiate Department B. L. B. AG. B. A. B. M. B. E. The essential features of the plan appear to be: 1. That while offering the old college course and discipline in its best form to the literary and profes- sional classes, the University will provide for the in- dustrial classes that "liberal and practical education" contemplated in the laws which have conferred her endowments. 2. The separation of the natural epochs of second- ary and superior education, and the ultimate liberation of the University from the elementary work belonging to the former. Coinciding with this separation, an ad- vantageous assortment of studies, methods and disci- pline suitable to the two periods respectively. As a further result 3. The simplification of the question of "mixed edu- cation." 4. The actual elevation of the professional schools. by requiring of candidates for degrees a good general education, as a condition for entrance, while, not in- sisting in theory on the impossible demand that all should have gone over the whole of the old college cotirse. 5. The elevatio.n of the colleges of agriculture and the mechanic arts to equal rank and standing with the THE MIXXESOTA PLAN 135 law and UKclical colleges, and the scparatit)n of the- studies and exercises properly belonging to them, from the elementary branches taught, or Avhich should be taught, in the primary and secondary schools, and which it is not the business of colleges to teach. 6. That while proposing to provide instruction on the most liberal scale in all subjects proper to be taught in a genuine university, the institution shall not offer an unlimited "option" of studies, but rather a suitable variety of well-ordered courses of study, leading to appropriate degrees. 7. The total abolition of all honorary degrees. 8. A close and organic connection with the system of public schools, permitting and inviting the co-opera- tion of all private and corporate institutions. "Tlie I'ni- z'crsity begins, for the time being, n-herever the High School leaves off." g. That while the main features of the plan may remain unchanged, it admits of great freedom in the arrangement of details to suit varying conditions of times and circtnustanccs. 10. A faithful adherence to the letter and spirit of the laws, .state ajid national, which have established and endowed the University, and Avhich contemplate it as a federation of literary, scientific, professional. and technical or industrial Colleges, each imparting liberal and practical education. Note.— It is a necessary corollary of this plan of organization, that the University work be extended beyond the baccalaureate graduation, as soon as may be practicable, by the addition of studies or course's of study leading to the master's degree or the doc- torate. Appendix 2. opinions of distinguished american educators. [Received, along with others of similar import, in answer to a printed circular letter issued in February. 1870, setting forth the then proposed plan.] President Porter and others, of Yale College: — "The undersigned having had their attention called to the proposed oreanizatiou of the University of Minne- sota, as set forth by President Folwell, have been im- pressed with its adnntation to the wants of a new state, its harmonv with the work of other educational institutions in Mimiesota, and its just recognition of 136 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES the value of literary, scientific and professional culture." (Signed) Noah Porter, President of Yale College, D. C. GiLMAN, Wm. D. Whitney, Professors of Yale College. The undersigned agree with the foregoing expression of opinion. (Signed) James Hadlev, Professor of Greek, George F. Barker, Professor of Chemistry, Wm. H. Brewer, Professor of Agriculture, Thomas R. Lounsbury, Professor of English. President Hopkins, of Williams College : — "The gen- eral plan seems to me judicious, and I cannot think you will find difficulty in adjusting it to your wants and means as they shall be revealed." President White, of Cornell University : — "Your plan is interesting, and in view of the peculiarities of your immediate education in the state, seems to be excellent." President Frieze, of the University of Michigan : — "I sincerely hope that you may be able to realize your plan for the development of a University. I can see no deficiency in jt. * * * It is certainly correct in principle ; and I am convinced that America will never have a University until some of our institutions adopt a course similar to that you propose." President Morton, of the Stevens Institute of Tech- nology : — "I can heartily approve of your course." President Read, of the University of Missouri : — "Your plan meets my entire approval. * * * You have the correct view of agricultural education." President Angell, of the University of Michigan, says : — "A great point will be gained when we have carried secondary education up to the mark you have set. I cannot but applaud your courage in attempting the experiment in a new state like yours. * * * j do most earnestly wish the highest measure of success to your praiseworthy efifort." President Chadbourne, of the University of Wiscon- sin : — "Your plan shows that you understand the siHiation fully, and that your object is to organize t'''e Universitv to meet the present wants of the state, giving it, at the same time, the conditions of growth as new demands are made. * * * I like the plan THE AIINNESOTA PLAN 137 because it seems to me to aim at making the Univer- sity supplement the common schools ; and it should not shrink from humble work, while that is neces- sary on account of the defect of the schools."' Dr. J. M. Gregory, President of the Illinois Indus- trial University: — "You know I am not an extremist, any more than yourself, and I most heartily approve of your plans, which have for their aim to hold fast all that is good in the past, while you gain all the new good the present offers." Rev. A. P. Peabody, D. D.. of Harvard University:— "I want to express my sincere and gratified interest in the plan of your University. I think you have placed your elective system just where it ought to stand. Up to the term corresponding to the Sopho- more year, the required course will no more than fit a student to make an intelligent and judicious choice, and the whole previous period is needed for studies in which every student ought to be proficient." Rev. Dr. Wilson, of Cornell University, Profes- sor of Mental and Moral Philosophy : — "I express my approval of it in general without reserve.* * * * It would enable us to put the first and second year men — preparing for the University courses proper — under a regimen and training such as boys need, and at the same time allow the University men the liberty for wdiich men only are fitted. * * * it would allow us in practice to take advantage of the difference between the recitation and the lecture systems, and to use the former almost exclusively in the preparatory or Col- legiate course, and to make the most of the lecture system in the University course where alone it can be used with advantage, and where it is incomparably superior to the recitation system." Rev. Dr. Kendrick. of the University of Rochester, Professor of Greek: "I am glad to see your young State adopting a plan so comprehensive and liberal. * * * The general plan seems to me unexceptionable and excellent. The thousand questions of detail will have to be settled by experience." Dr. Asa Gray, of Harvard University, Professor of Botany: — "I can .say in general, that your plan seems to me well considered, and we wi^h ynn every suc- cess." 138 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES Dr. E. W. Hilgard, of the University of Mississippi, Professor of Agriculture :— "I have read attentively, and with great satisfaction, the various documents concern- ing the proposed organization of your University. - * * I cannot omit to express to_ you, in general, my entire concurrence in your views." Hon. Wm. T. Harris, Superintendent of Schools, St. Louis, Mo. : — "Your views and plans seem to me to be very catholic and very practical." Rev. W. W. Washburn, late Principal of the Prepar- atory Department of the University of Minnesota: — "In your' scheme of organization, you have compre- hended the actual situation of affairs, and provided for the wants of that new state very fully. You have crystallized and put into admirable form a thought that has often presented itself to my mind, i. e., that the University courses branch at the close of the Sopho- more year." Professor Wm. F. Phelps, Principal of the First State Normal School, Winoua : — "I have studied with much interest the courses of study and plan of opera- tions laid down for the University of Minnesota. From these examinations I feel prepared to say that they seem to me to be well considered, judicious, and in har- mony with the most enlightened views of Higher Edu- cation, as entertained by our best thinkers. Time and experience may make minor changes in details expe- dient, but on the whole your plans are, I believe, most wisely conceived. Professor Jas. R. Boise, Department of Greek, Uni- versity of Chicago: — "You have a noble work before you, and I am glad you understand so well the im- portance and the nature of your task. Your view-s ap- pear to me to be enlightened and liberal." THE MINNESOTA PLAN 139 Appendix 3. later commendatory letters. New York, March i, 1884. My dear sir : Your letter reaches me just as I am returning to England, I wisli I could have come to MinneapoHs, but in the summer I read in a newspaper an address of yours on University education, and had the pleasure of finding that you took all the points which I most wish to see taken. You are perfectly right in saying that secondary instruction is the weak thing here, and that it is important to mark this ofif more clearly from the superior instruction. But it seems to me, besides, that your degree-granting bodies are far, far too nu- merous. I remain, my dear sir, most truly yours, Matthew Arnold. President Fohvell. 140 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES President's Room, Oct. i6, 1902. Columbia University in the city of New York, Dear Mr. Folwell : I have read with great interest and pleasure your let- ter of the 15th and the valuable article which ac- companies it, and congratulate you on the prescience which led you to hold the views so long ago. With best wishes, I am cordially yours, Nicholas Murray Butler. The University of Chicago, August 2, 1909. My dear Dr. Folwell : I distinctly remember placing in the hands of Presi- dent Harper the address to which you refer. I can- not recall the phraseology. I remember simply that he expressed high approval and appreciation of the prin- ciples involved. My opinion is that your plan was a perfectly sound one. It happened to be ahead of the times, and therefore could not be carried out. It is still somewhat ahead of the times, but I can see many signs of approaching changes which will make it, I believe, at no long distance in the future entirely practicable. With cordial regards, I am very truly yours, Harry Pratt Judson. THE MINNESOTA PLAN 141 President D. S. Jordan in World's Work, July, 1908. * * * the most important movement by far is that towards the differentiation of the university from the college, by the removal from the university of the "jun- ior college," the work of the present freshman and sophomore years. This would at once make the college a support rath- er than a rival of the university. It would enable the university to throw its whole strength into technical, professional, and research training. It would tend to develop university teachers, men with skill and train- ing for research, while it would at the same time place equal stress on the excellence in teaching ability demanded in the best colleges. It would raise the uni- versities of America to the educational level of the universities of Germany. * * * No institution has yet made this change, but it is an inevitable one, and about five years of discussion and preparation will bring it about. Two years of preparation can be bet- ter given in a well-ordered college than in an over- swollen university. At the same time the university can do better work in the junior and senior years than the more narrowly equipped colleges can do. * * * Another element in this change will be the release of the university from drill-work and from the details of boy-discipline. * * * The remedy is the revival and rehabilitation of the college, and the reduction in popu- lation, with intensification of work, of the great schools called universities. Of these there are about thirty in the United States at present. III. THE SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION The speaker had been president of the University of Minnesota for thirteen years, and had grovVn weary of hearing the institution publicly denounced as "godless" and "infidel" by prominent ecclesiastics adhering to the traditional belief that the higher ed- ucation could be safely conducted only under church auspices. He had become convinced that an attitude of silence too long maintained, might be construed into an admission that the state universities had no defense, and resolved upon occasion, to attempt a statement of the grounds upon which those institutions had a right to exist. An opportunity came in the summer of 1882. The president of the National Educational Association invited him to make one of the principal addresses at the annual convention of that year at Saratoga. New York. In the years that have passed the state uni- versities have grown prosperous and powerful, and the Christian religion has not been demolished, nor has society become less orderly, or humane, or de- vout by reason of their existence. The paper, there- fore, may have some interest in educational his- tory. Tlie development of a sy.stem of pttblic tini- versities and colleges in otir cotintry within the jxist half century is a phenomenon surjiri-sing to the generation under wliose eyes it has taken place. 144 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES Without agitation, without pre-arrangement or correspondence it has appeared. As if strewn there by an unseen hand, a whole galaxy of these institutions studs our educational skv from hori- zon to horizon. At first thought it would seem that such a re- inforcement to the educational power of the country would be welcomed by all ; but the fact is, that a considerable proportion of our best citizens look with doubt, not to say disfavor, upon these late intruders into the field of higher education. These feelings find their expression chiefly through the pulpit and the religious press, in a manner more indicative of outworn prejudice than of confidence in mending matters by ser- mons and editorials. Occasionally the discussions are diversified and intensified by an earnestness naturally spring- ing from personal or official interestedness ; and under exasperating circumstances honorable and reverend gentlemen permit themselves to speak of state universities and technical colleges as "god- less" and "infidel," denouncing them with a de- gree of vigor bordering on recklessness. Such denunciations cannot be meant to be tak- en in their full literal and awful extent, but must be charitably regarded as extravagant and ill- considered utterances of strong convictions under excitement. SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 145 Let us endeavor to state what seems to be the general average sentiment of that respectable body of persons who are not yet friendly to public interference in higher education. "State universities," they say, "existing by vir- tue of public law cannot be allowed to teach and propagate religion ; they cannot be permitted to compel their students to engage in religious ex- ercises against their wills ; they may not exhort their students to any distinctively Christian acts or ritual, such as conversion, baptism, the Eu- charist; they cannot enjoin any rules of conduct simply and solely because contained in the Bible of Christians. State universities therefore are non-Christian institutions." Ce it granted, still between non-Christian or un-Christian in this mild and quasi-technical sense, and anti-Christian, — openly or clandestine- ly anti-Christian, — infidel, godless, diabolical, — is the breadth of the whole sky. Justice to honest argument requires, however, that it be said, that these terms have, by an ingenious species of rhetorical thimblerigging been so confused and interfused as to appear synonymous. By such means some of the elect have been deceived ; but no cause, however worthy, can long depend on ar- gumentation essentially dishonest, however well meant. "Xon tali auxilio, nee defensoribus istis." I hasten from this painful consideration to 146 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES acknowledge the profound respect due to that large body of persons who honestly believe and teach that the college must be distinctively and aggressively Christian, regarding it as a part of the machinery of evangelization, an organ of the denominational propaganda. Their sentiments, their prejudices even, are entitled to sincere re- spect, when one remembers how constantly their works have confirmed their faith. The colleges are the monuments of their devotion, their sacri- fices, and their loyalty. It were folly to abate one jot of the just meed of praise due to the denom- inational Christian colleges of America and their supporters. For more than two hundred years they held undisturbed and undisputed possession of the field of the higher education in this coun- try. It is not to be wondered at nor complained of that their champions so promptly challenge these late intruders, the state universities, and the national schools of science. It is to be ad- mitted that all innovators, all disturbers of pre- scriptive trusts and easements must make good their intrusions. It may not be too late to call for the question, 'Ts there any need of these public institutions, and have they been organized on correct principles?" Let us face this question with composure and resolution, ready for whatever results a fair and candid inquiry may yield. If there ever was a time when it could be brushed away with an epi- SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 147 g-rain or a question-begging epithet, no candid person will attempt that now. The American people have a common and national interest in the solution of this problem. If these higher public schools are so mischievous and pestilent as many good men have denounced' them to be, they ought, I readily consent, to be swept from the face of the earth. If they shall in any degree be the means of cor- rupting morals, undermining character, weaken- mg true religion and piety, the American people ought to utterly abolish them, no matter how- great their contributions to science and the useful arts may apparently be. If we must choose, give us ignorance rather than immorality to the end of time. The question in its simplest form is , Have the state universities any right to exist? If this be settled in the negative, there need be no further inquiry as to their character and man- agement. The old law maxim, "Alalus usus abo- lendus est," is here in point. A bad institution like a bad custom is simply to be abolished, not modified. The first glance at the field of discussion shows ui that the state university matter is but a small corner of it. If they are non-Christian or anti- Christian, so are all our high schools and normal schools, and the greater number of our profes- sional and technical schools; and if this catalogue alarm us, may we not stand appalled at the spec- 148 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES tacle of our common schools, with their ten mil- lions of children who may never learn in those schools the Apostles' creed or Ave Maria, nor be converted and baptized through their agency? Several millions of our fellow citizens look upon these godless public schools with abhor- rence and while paying taxes for their support, give thanks that their children are not forced to attend them. Here I submit is the proper front of attack, ^^'hy vex our souls about a score or so of state universities and colleges, if our great common school system is in the hands of the in- fidels ? The question broadens. We have to account not simply for an isolated and trifling phe- nomenon, but for a great, a prodigious historic fact. Our conclusion will depend upon the judg- ment we may form of this fact. If it be of God, who can withstand it ; if of Satan, let us make ready for battle. To form a correct opinion of any great historic fact, there is in our day but one means. No ipse dixit of pope or philosopher or pamphleteer will affect the minds of any who are not already per- suaded. It is necessary to attack the problem genetically, to ascertain its origin and trace its development or evolution. In this way we study the jury-system, slavery, ethnology, and even psychology. It were presumption in our day to attempt here any other than the "historic method." SECULARIZATIOX OF EDUCATIOX 149 What then was the source. — what the causes con- tributory, — what the development of the great fact that the American schools are — I will not say '"godless" — but rather, state schools than Church schools, rather secular than ecclesiastical ? It is necessary to remind ourselves that this is the nineteenth and not the tenth century, and that between these two ages a great change has come over the civilized world — a change apparent in all departments of life and action, most con- spicuous, perhaps, in religion and politics. The Reformation did not simply curtail the suprem- acy of an Italian episcopate ; it established for- ever the fact of private judgment in things spir- itual. This will be admitted by all who will be affected by the present discussion. Others will not deny the fact of private judgment whatever may be their opinions as to the right of private judgment. The revolution in politics has been as complete, and has constantly advanced with equal steps beside that in religion. Let us as briefly as possible explore the track of this joint advance and revolution. During those two centuries of blood and ruin — the eleventh and the twelfth centuries — the Church was omnipotent in Europe, religion was the absorbing interest of men. theology the only science. Europe for two hundred years was as one vast camp, whence swarmed in successive de- tachments the whole fighting force of Christen- ISO UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES dom to the recovery of the Holy City. Kings and emperors were so many papal lieutenants. The offices of state were filled by ecclesiastics, who controlled both the inland administration and the foreign policy of nations according to in- struction issuing from Rome. Politics and re- ligion were one in actual organization and em- bodiment. Now it was for the Crusades, as is well known, to set in motion a train of causes, which, operat- ing with slow but certain force, have in the course of six hundred years separated politics and religion as wide as the poles. The Crusades were eye-openers to the lay nobles and yeomen of Europe, who, returning from the East, brought home the experience and accumulations of campaigning through many countries, some knowledge of old and forgotten literatures, many products, fabrics and arts, and a profound respect for the skill, the refinement and the nobleness of the infidel Saracens. The blades of Damascus, the goldsmithing of Antioch were not more wonderful in their eyes, than the learning, the taste and the gentleness of Moham- medans. The Lombard cities which in the later cam- paigns supplied the transportation and commis- sariat of the French, German and English cru- saders, acquired that taste and enthusiasm for commerce, and that skill in seamanship which SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 151 awaited only the invention of the mariners' com- pass to engirdle the globe with their adventur- ous keels. It was a Genoese sailor who first set foot on this new continent. In the fifteenth century the Mohammedans, pushing a counter-irruption into Europe, captured Constantinople. In that historic capital had been preserved through all the dark ages the philoso- phies of Plato and of Aristotle, the histories, the poetry and the oratory of the Romans and Greeks. These precious books were now carried by the fugitive Greeks into their exile, to ser\'e as good seed falling upon good ground, in France, in Italy and all the West. The story of the re- vival of learning need not be told again. Aris- ing thus remotely from the Crusades it wrought together with other causes the great reformation of the sixteenth century. It is more than probable that those great in- ventions of the fifteenth century, gunpowder, rag- paper, and printing, and the mariners' compass found their origin in suggestions acquired in those numerous and extended journeys of trade and exploration to the far East — to India and Cathay, which followed, and were made possible by the Crusades. There is a class of philosophers who find in such inventions the actual and efficient causes of civilization, subordinating to them all other agen- 152 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES cies and influences, whether of commerce, in- dustry, art, philosophy or reHgion. Such an er- ror may receive charitable regard when one re- flects upon their undeniable effects. Gunpowder destroyed feudalism and quenched out chivalry, by making the infantry soldier, armed with a slight chemical tube, more than a match for the mailed and mounted knight. It made standing armies possible. Standing armies put it in the hands of monarchs, to collect regu- lar revenues, to suppress revolting nobles, abol- ish private war and establish public justice. The mariners" compass carried the merchants and their wares to all quarters of the earth, and transfer- red the decisive dueling nations from land to the ocean. But the invention of letters, coming also ages before from the shadowy East. I take to be the crowning achievement of human intelligence and ingenuitv. I care not how many engines for moving matter, how many devices for directing force may in the course of time be contrived ; far above them all. in point of difficulty, of world- historic importance, will tower the work of Cad- mus, the Phoenician, who gave mankind the pho- netic alphabet. Faust and Gutenberg but crowned the work of him we call Cadmus, by spreading before men the printed page. With the printing press, "the people" were born. Thenceforth slavery of all sorts was doomed. SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 153 To men with open Bibles in llieir hands there was a tremendous meaning in that scripture, "Ye shall know the truth and the truth shall make you free." And within a single generation the Reformation burst upon Europe like ten thous- and meteors. In that far-spreading, far-pene- trating light the darkness of ages, the thraldom of centuries, were lifted, never we trust to fall upon mankind again. The Reformation, what was it, in its essence? There are conflicting opinions, but none will ven- ture to deny that, however insignificant the sparks which kindled it. the Reformation became a great, an all-embracing insurrection of Europe against ecclesiastical power. Good or bad in its origin and results, no one — not even the ultramontanes — will deny that the Reformation was an insurrec- tion. It is on this very ground that they con- demn it. The right of private judgment in things spiritual has ever since been asserted ; and right or no right, it is the fact that millions of men exercise the privilege of private judgment and interpretation in religion since that time ; a thing, before that age. to be spoken of in darkness and with bated breath. Xo great revolution is fully comprehended by the men of the time. ■ The Reformation was not. Religious liberty was deemed rather a choice of contending masters, than an emancipa- tion from all masters. 154 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES The effect on civil affairs was apparently slight. It left politics about where it found them. The consolidation of fiefs, principalities and king- doms, brought about by the bankruptcy of Cru- sading chieftans ; the alliances of nionarchs with the money-lending cities and boroughs had, by the close of the fifteenth century, crystallized Europe into a loose aggregation of great mon- archies. The successors of Gregory VII having failed in their efforts protracted through cen- turies, to reduce the sovereigns to a condition of vassalage, undertook the more feasible plan of ruling the kingdoms by finesse. The papal nuncios and legates became the power behind the thrones. They conducted the diplomacy of Europe. They kept not only the consciences of kings, but the keys of their treasure. Ecclesi- astics filled the council chambers, and held the great offices of state for generations. Courts spiritual absorbed a large proportion of legal jurisdiction, and bishops and cardinals rode at the head of battalions in many a battle and foray. This alliance of church and state was an im- mense obstacle to the advance of civil liberty. It served all the ends of a conspiracy of the powers temporal and spiritual against the rights of man. The Divine right of kings, and its corollary, the duty of non-resistance to tyrants even, were everywhere proclaimed and inculcated. So passed the ages till Richelieu, who, priest and SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 155 cardinal that he was, transacted for France and his nominal master precisely as a lay minister of modern times would do. States, he proclaimed, must be ruled by statesmen. The change thus heralded we do not need to trace. It is the story of the rise and progress of civil liberty and that constitutes modern history. In this hurried sketch I have purposely sup- pressed the observation I now desire to bring forward in the hope that it may be more im- pressive. At, the time of the Crusades all art, litera- ture, philosophy, government — were ecclesiastical. There was no distinct secular power. At this day all power is, or is becoming secu- lar. That government which we delight to call the "best government on earth" is wholly and forever secular. The history of the civilized \\orld from the twelfth century is the story of the decline of ecclesiastical control and authority, and the steady growth of lay learning, influence and power. Within the past century has been developed a new science of political econom}^, utterly inconceivable in its nature and scope, to the mediaeval citizen. Statesmanship has be- come a profession. "Liberty, not theology, is the enthusiasm of the nineteenth century." In the time of Henry III of* England, one- half of the House of Lords were spiritual peers. They are now but one-fourteenth. Xo clergy- iS6 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES man has held an important civil office in Eng- land since the beginning of the last century (i8o years). The fact is similar in our own country and in some degree in others. To this great and universal revolution from a state of things in which ecclesiasticism was supreme in government and society, to another in which it has utterly disappeared from public affairs a profound mod- ern thinker has given the happy designation of tl:e "secularization of politics." At this point I ask only that this .great fact be agreed to. The syllabus of Pio Nono in the act of condemning the fact concedes it. It is now my desire to show that this great movement in politics has been accompanied by another, only second, if second, in importance — the steady, persistent cumulative secularization of education. To this end I ask that you note the succession and import of the events in the history of education which must now pass in re- view. The public schools established in every city and town by the later emperors of Rome did not long survive the destruction of the empire. Then for many generations. Western Europe, raided over by successive hordes of barbarians, remained without order or institutions, a wild chaos of contending social and political forces. Learn- ing was quenched out. schools abolished, litera- ture and philosophy obliterated. Only religion, SECULARIZATIOX OF EDUCATION 157 niainicd aiul disturled, survived, and it is lo the survival of Christianity as an organized institu- tion the world owes the recovery of Europe to civihzation. i'iety was driven by the rough be- havior of barbarian chieftans to the secure and mysterious shelter of the cloister. Monasticisni became epidemic in the sixth and seventh cen- turies. In the monasteries were treasured and multiplied precious copies of the \'ulgate, and there survived traditions at least of the Roman authors. We shall never know how many noble attempts were made by bishops and abbots, by priests and monks to spread their little knowl- edge through the society to which they belonged. Not much was accomplished in instruction till the time of Charlemagne, one of those great spir- its who are not willing to endure ignorance, dis- order and misery. Among the reforms introduced by this great monarch in the ninth century, was the establishment of schools, in connection with re- ligious houses and establishments naturally under the control of the clergy, the only class of persons in any way capable of conducting schools. From Charlemagne till the beginning of the eleventh century there were, as Mosheim informs us, "no schools in Europe but those which belonged to monasteries and episcopal residences." and it ap- pears that the Benedictine monks had obtained the monopolv of the masterships of those schools. 158 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES Those schools, it must be remembered, were not for the people, nor yet for the professional classes as we know them. They were essentially theological schools, for the instruction of the clergy alone. It should be remembered also that in that age, the clergy still formed the only learned profession. They were not only min- isters of religion, but ministers of State also. They were the lawyers and physicians of the time. The differentiation of the professions had hardly begun in the tenth century. It did how- ever at length begin ; but it has not yet been com- pleted. The separation of the lawyer from the priest, and the physician from the monk has everywhere taken place. The profession of teaching has yet to be fully and finally divaricat- ed from the clerical function. The progress in this divarication since this was written has been revolutionary. The college profes- sor is rarely "in orders," and few employing boards concern themselves about his church affiliations. While it is eminently and forever true that it was Christianity, which saved Europe from per- pettial barbarism, it is only justice to admit that to the Jew and the Arab we owe it that the Chris- tian civilization, (for so we may term it), of the ninth century did not perish of dry rot. Let it be granted that Draper and Lecky and Buckle overestimate and overemphasize the Semitic SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 159 contributions, still there is no denying that to the Hebrews we owe the survival of medical science and to the Saracens of Spain and Sicily that of mathematics, astronomy and philosophy. Before the close of the tenth century the fame oi the great Arabian schools of Seville, Granada, and Cordova had spread throughout Christian Europe, and students in considerable numbers be- gan to flock into Spain to hear the Arabic doc- tors. Conspicuous among these was that "great and exalted genius," Gerbert. who afterwards be- came Pope Sylvester II. It is interesting here to compare with this movement, the analogous one which during the last quarter of a century has carried so many young American scholars to the universities and technical schools of German}'. In the tenth and eleventh centuries the young men of Europe journeyed likewise into Spain for post-graduate study. It is of record that some of these returning to their homes in France and Italy, set up schools for the instruction of youth in the studies of the then "new education." Geometry, medicine and astronomy constituted that "new education," and were denounced by the ultra orthodox as the in- ventions of the devil. They held their way for all that and we shall hear again of these schools in which they were taught. Passing forward into the twelfth century we find the free citv movement in the ascendant, hi i6o UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES this age the cities of Western Europe became free, rich and ambitious of splendor and influence. It was the age of the great "free city" move- ment. It was the time when the artisans, talcing a lesson in co-operation from the monastic sys- tem of the Catholic church, organized the prim- itive trades-unions, the guilds and crafts, which spreading like a vast net work over Western Eu- rope exercised for generations on labor a self- imposed slavery. In such an era of co-operation we may not wonder to find a learned historian asserting that, "Associations of learned men were formed in many places, for teaching the various branches of knowledge ; and as the youth resorted to them in great numbers eager for instruction, those higher schools, which the next age called uni- versities, were gradually established."' It is a most curious and interesting circum- stance that the universities borrowed from the trades-unions, their very name and many cus- toms. "When those particular incorporations which are now peculiarly called universities were first established, the term of years which it was neces- sary to study, in order to obtain the degree of master of arts, appears evidently to have been copied from the term of apprenticeship in the common trades, of which the incorporations were much more ancient. As to have wrought seven SECULARIZATIOX OF EDUCATION lOi years under a master properly (pialifiecl, was necessary, in order to entitle an}- person to be- come a master and to have himself apprentices in a common trade; so to have studied seven years under a master properly (pialified. was necessary to entitle him to become a master, teacher, or doctor (words anciently synonomousj in the liberal arts, and to have scholars or ap- prentices (words likewise ori,qinally synono- mous) to study under him." It was a most natural thing that teachers and scholars observing all other classes of society formed into unions or guilds, should follow the fashion, and give at length to their associations the then common name of University."* There were then universities of smiths, of tailors, of weavers, etc., before there were universities, i. e., incorporations of teach- ers and scholars, but there is no record of the use of the word "university" as now applied, till we reach the thirteenth century. Xow the university of the Crusade era was the very germ from which have grown all mod- ern schools and educational systems. Tliat germi- nal establishment we have discovered to be an incident of the great free citv movement and in a great degree secular and not ecclesiastical in or- ganization. It is a mistaken and superficial view which displays the universities as being merely devel- opments of the cathedral and monastic schools. *Adani Sniitli. Wealth of Xation.';. 1:1S5. l62 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES coming down from Charlemagne. It is rather the fact that the new city schools smothered out the cathedral and monastic schools, in spite of the vigorous efforts of Alexander III and other popes to rescue them from extinction. There were, however, without doubt instances, where as in Paris, the new city school became attached to or associated with the cathedral school, but soon to absorb and obliterate it. The testimony of Hase is clear. "They" — the universities — "owe their establishment not to the favor of popes or of princes, but to the necessities of the times, as thousands of students were drawn together by the reputation of some distinguished teacher. Acts of incorporations were not sought for from the Pope until a later period, when the younger universities endeavored by such means to rival those which depended upon their own reputa- tion."' * Captured at length and harnessed into the serv- ice of ecclesiasticism, at times appearing to be the very citadel and strongholds of intolerance, still the universities have never been untrue to their origin. If there was intellctual movement anywhere, it was within their halls. When Peter the Hermit and Godfrey of Bouillon and St. Louis, were leading their hosts of infatuated devotees to death on the plains of Syria, Abelard and his disciples were proclaiming in the Sor- *History of the Church. N. Y. Appleton. p. 230. SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 163 bonne the then intolerable heresy that a man, — at least a philosopher, — might seek for a reason for the faith that is in him. From that time until now the universities have been the nurseries of free thought, science, philosophy, art, free- dom. In every democratic uprising their stu- dents have been first in the bloody arena. In our own day absolutism in Russia aims its first blows at the universities, because there resides its most dangerous, because most irreconcilable foe. Secular in their origin and motive the univer- sities of continental Europe have at length gen- erally escaped from ecclesiastical leading strings and reassumed their secular character. They arc teaching places of science, in the full sense of that word, their professors are teachers, and not teach- ing-priests. Just in proportion to their degree of emancipation have they grown in estimation and usefulness. Turning our attention to the schools next below tlic universities we shall obsers'e a similar move- ment and outcome. Luther, to his immortal honor, no sooner saw the triumph of his cause, the emancipation of the German people, than he foresaw the means neces- sary to the perpetuation of that dear bought lib- erty. Luther, who was no mere religious zealot, foresaw that if the faith was to be committed to the people, the people must be enlightened. Of what use the book to those who cannot read? i64 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES The education of the people was a natural and inevitable sequence of the emancipation of mind efifected by the Reformation. He therefore pro- posed and secured the establishment of numerous grammar schools, to prepare youth for admission to the universities. Aleantime the opposing powers were not idle, nor ignorant of the signs of those times. The Jesuits, no doubt, understood far more clearly than the reformers themselves the full meaning and tendency of the reform movement. They too saw the importance of capturing the schools. The society of Jesus of continental vastness, yet compact as a single battalion, wielded by the cen- tral power of a single will, as no military force was ever yet controlled, undertook nothing less than to monopolize the education of Europe and the civilized world. Nor did they stop at that. Their teachers and missionaries spread them- selves among the savages of both Americas, they penetrated Africa to the mountains of the Moon, they surmounted the everlasting snows of the Himalayas and trod the streets of Pekin. Wher- ever they went they carried the "Ordo Studio- rum" of the founder, Loyola, a book which is to this hour the hand book and directory of the Jesuit pedagogy. We cannot trace the events and incidents of this contest for the mastery of society through the mastery of its education. The efforts of both SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 165 parties were greatly neutralized ; the times were not favorable to their operation. The Reforma- tion opening with the sixteenth century was not consummated till the middle of the seventeenth century, when by the peace of Westphalia, Cath- olic and Protestant Europe agreed to stop cutting throats and content themselves with turning up noses. In the fierce and desperate struggle of one hundred and fifty years not much could be done for, or with schools. Still another period of about equal duration, a period of rest, inquiry and preparation, was to pass, before the glorious appearing of a new- epoch in education. In this time the globe was circumnavigated, and the Xew World occupied by Europeans. The inductive method popularized, but not invented by Bacon, had started science on an infinity of new lines of research and advance. The phi- losophy of Descartes had loosed the pinions of speculative thought to new and nobler excursions. Chief of all facts a new science was born, and it was given to the world in the immortal work of Adam Smith, in the same year in which our Declaration of Independence was signed in Phil- adelphia. The new science of political economy had for h> central postulate, that the causes which move society, to elevate or to degrade, to enrich or to impoverish, to barbarize or to civilize, lie in the i66 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES nature of man, as modified and limited by his natural surroundings. Adam Smith lived to see, as perhaps no other great thinker has, his doc- trines, not fully understood, but appreciated in some degree, and the policies of empires shaped and molded on new principles. More than ever, nation building, nation culture, became the am- bition alike of monarch, nobles and subjects. All Europe was stirred and leavened with the new doctrine, and the problem of statesmen be- came, not how to increase and fortify the priv- ileges of the aristocracy, but how to direct and multiply the industrial, commercial and intellec- tual powers of the nation. Again as in the days of Gratian and Charle- magne, of Luther and Loyola, the answer came, "Take hold of the schools and through them train the rising generations, and your work will work itself." It chanced that Germany was the readiest soil to receive the new and precious seed. As the smoke of battle rose from the plain of Jena, from which the French invader had driven in hopeless defeat the last reserves' of the German armies, Stein, the Prussian statesman, was working out a plan, under which Germany was to rear up a gen- eration which should not only maintain its "Wacht am Rhein," but should take bloody ret- ribution beneath the towers of Notre Dame. Then was organized that Prussian system of SECULARIZATIOX OF EDUCATION 167 public schools, the model on which all modern civilized states are building' up their education. Under it all the schools of all degrees are organ- ized, into a complete and harmonious system un- der the superv'ision of the supreme power of the state. They are completely secularized in their or- ganization and management notwithstanding the fact that religious teachers are allowed to give instruction at fixed hours of the day or week. The continental nations have adopted similar sys- tems, and even conservative England has entered upon the same path and made a considerable ad- vance. It is in our own country, however, that the separation of both church and state, and church and school have been most complete. Since the disestablishment of religion in the New England states, the common schools have been everywhere secular. The public high schools are so, and so are the normal schools. All law and medical schools are virtually secular, for wherever they are attached to denominational corporations they are never, or very rarely at least, brought under denominational influences or supervision, nor are any religious opinions or exercises taught or re- quired in them. The national schools founded in every state under the law of 1862, and the tech- nical schools of Troy, Hoboken, Worcester and other cities, operate independently of the action of councils, svnods or conferences. i68 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES There remain under ecclesiastic control besides the theological seminaries, a large number of colleges, and a considerable but steadily decreas- ing number of academies in the older states. Most of them will probably within a generation be merged in the local high schools. Within the colleges ecclesiasticism has lost much ground. A few years ago their professors were generally clergymen ; to-day but a small pro- portion of the teachers are in orders. Even in the most rigidly orthodox denominational institu- tions , the professional teacher, the trained expert, who has learned his art and specialty in Paris or Berlin, in Heidelberg or ]\Ianchester is driving the cleric from the laboratory and lecture room. Our denominational colleges are generally affil- iated with, not managed by conference, synod or council. The highest authority on the subject, Presi- dent Porter, of Yale, has plainly shown and enunciated the fact, that just in proportion as American colleges have become great and popu- lous, have they become the less denominational. We now come back to the proposition from which our discussion set out. Parallel with the secularization of politics we have traced the secu- larization of education. Over against the separa- tion of church and state, we have set the co- related fact of the separation of priest and peda- gogue. SECULARIZATIOX OF EDUCATION 169 In the ninth century theology (so called) was the only science ; the priest and monk the only teachers ; in the nineteenth century theology is one of a multitude of sciences, and the priest is not the exclusive teacher of that even. Phi- losophy has passed into lay hands, and the lay schoolmaster is abroad in the land. Were this not the fact no such convention as this were pos- sible. Now of this secularization of education, which none will deny to be a fact, I desire to say that it has not been the work of any gang or clique of atheists, infidels or agnostics. No schools of materialists in philosophy, or of anarchists in pol- itics have wrought it out. It is not the offspring of a corrupt and decaying Christianity, nor any relapse into barbarism. It is rather a part, an essential part and fac- tor in the purest, fairest. Christian civilization the world has known. It is a movement co-equal and co-temporaneous with the march of liberty, the extension of science, the efflorescence of literature and art. It cannot be diabolic in its origin or progress. It is. it must be a- great provi- dential fact, — a moment in the great divine evolving of human history. If this be so. if education is passing forever out of the control of the church into that of the state, out of the hands of priests into those of profes- sors. I put to those who are declaiming against 170 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES the movement, denouncing it as godless, infidel, tliabolic, — I put to them that most cogent, though perhaps inelegant question, "What are you going to do about it?" Will you stem the rising Atlan- tic with your brooms, or embarking on the mighty wave of progress, be borne onwards with the advance of true Christian civilization? Here the present discussion might close. Hav- ing traced the rise and progress of a great provi- dential historic movement and development of secularization in politics, science and education we might rest, leaving on the shoulders of dis- sentients the onus of proving this progress a mis- direction, this development an aborted process. Let those, we might say, who now deny_ the right and the duty of the people to educate, let them show cause why after abandoning the whole field of the primary education, the larger part of the secondary and a wide scope of the superior education, they ought to be left in undisputed possession of the scanty remnant. When they gave over to the people the common schools, they gave up the only principle on which they might now stand with consistency if not with success. The bishop of Rome and his consistories have not committed this dialetic suicide. Modern civ- ilization, say they, is a retrogression from so call- ed liberty, and an enslavement ; free government is a delusion. The church through her infallible head delivers the rule of faith and the maxims of con- SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 171 duct for men and communities. The priesthood are the divinely commissioned teachers of the race and shepherds of peoples. Accordins^ly all public and secular schools are anathema in a lump. Here is consistency and good logic. Grant the premises, and the conclusion is inevitable. But it will be impossible to convince any modern na- tion, that the state may conduct the education of the people in the common schools and high schools, but that to the church or churches must be reserved the training of the leaders. The power which educates the people will educate the educators. Refusing then to agree with the ultramontane doctrine that modern civilization is diabolic, free government a snare, and public schools a satanic invention, let us now inquire whether there may not be in public education some elements which in their nature and relations justify the fact of its existence. First of all. it needs to be observed that the task of the educators in our times is far other from that which exercised the ingenuity of Al- cuin and John Scotus in the ninth century, or of Abelard and Anselm in the twelfth. Then it was a few ecclesiastics who were to be trained and furnished. To-day the millions of the people are demanding to be schooled. The self-education of whole nations is to the thoughtful student of sociolog>' the most interesting and the most mag- 172 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES nificent spectacle of modern times. Nowhere has this idea penetrated, but it has carried with it the other and inseparable idea, that only the people can educate the people. No sect, no church, nor all the sects and all the churches com- bined are equal to that gigantic labor. No power, save the supreme power of the people, operating through their appropriate agency, the state, can collect, co-ordinate and conduct the immense forces and revenues necessary to that work. Re- garded as a mere business, as an industry, no private nor corporate agencies can handle it. Supremely amusing then are the pretensions of the "True Church," whether called Sandemanian, Second Adventist, Hicksite or Dunkard, to be the teachers of the people. The education of the people must be public or not at all. To entrust the education of the people to the churches, would be no more absurd than to confide the de- fense of the frontiers to the journeymen tailors. War is the business of the nation : so is educa- tion. Public education is universal in its aim. But what are the advantages of public schools? First, economy. The private and denomina- tional academies of New York and New Eng- land, are rapidly giving place to public high schools. Why? Because the large schools can be closely graded, and the teachers distributed according to their special gifts. The small school must lump its work and keep its teachers SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 173 jacks of all trades and masters of none. This same principle will sooner than most of us will now believe reduce the numbers and proportions of the small colleges which now exist in all our states. The great colleges are specializing their instruction. The metaphysician, the chemist, the physicist are permitted to confine themselves each to his specialty. The result is a kind of instruc- tion, which the small college with its limited fac- ulty cannot offer. Now the operation of this economic principle of the division of labor is just as certain in its course, as the movements of the planets, or the action of gravitation. No beating of ecclesiastic drums or chanting of litanies can check its steady progress. Such professorial titles as "Professor of Mental and Moral Philosophy, History and Political Econ- omy," "Professor of Natural Sciences," "Professor of Mathematics, Astronomy and Civil Engineering," are simplj' ridiculous in this day. Next, organization, uniform, comprehensive, inspiring, will be possible. It needs no prophet to foresee that the American state will at no distant day organize her education as other civ- ilized nations have done, forming the progressive stages of schools into a complete and harmonious organism, offering to the people a free course of school privileges, beginning from the kinder- 1/4 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES garten and ending in the university. Into this system the existing private and denominational institutions will make haste at length to enter, for I trust that system will be broad enough and catholic enough and elastic enough to embrace and employ all the benefactions of the pious and all the labors of the devotee. As indicating even now the tendency of private institutions to take on a public character, it is curious to note the assumption by some most respected denomina- tional colleges of municipal titles : for instance — the Universities of Chicago, Rochester, Syra- cuse, Boston University, etc. Institutions which are to depend on public schools for recruits, must inevitably become themselves public, and will at length be glad to become so. Doubtless the motive for assuming such titles was in part to invite local support on the under- standing that the institutions would not be offen- sively sectarian. There is, however, a trace of dis- honesty about it. The public school of whatever grade is demo- cratic, in the good sense of that term. When the sons and daughters of governors and senators and carpenters and saloon keepers and so on, sit side by side and compete in the same classes, we need not fear any dangerous outbreaks of the spirit of caste. The public schools may do more to break down aristocracies of birth and SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 175 wealth, than any amount of preaching could do without their aid. Those who are to live and move among the people obtain then best prepara- tion in the schools of the people whether higher or lower. The public schools by ignoring sec- tarianism are doing the greatest possible service to pure and genuine Christianity. There can bo no doubt that the great and general liberali- zation of the past generation has been largely due to the public schools in which all kinds of re- ligion have been tolerated. The Protestant has learned that the Catholic does not carry on his brow the mark of the beast. Presbyterians, Methodists, Episcopalians, Congregationalists, have found that they do not need to regard one another as a better sort of infidels. So powerful is the influence of the public school in mingling and unifying discordant social elements, that 1 believe attendance upon them ought to be com- pulsory in all the new states, into which is now pouring a tide of migration which has not been paralleled since the days of Attila and The- odoric. Compulsory attendance on public schools does not seem to the writer at the present time to be generally necessarj-. The excellent instruction of- fered in tliem without money and without price, will draw in all children except those of a few zea- lots, who would contrive to evade a compulsory statute. However, a recent statute of Minnesota re- 176 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES quires every person having control of a child between the ages of eight and sixteen years to send him to some school in which the common English branches are taught, under penalty of fine or imprisonment. The public schools of whatever grade are best calculated to develop good morals and good char- acter. Here we reach disputed ground. It is no longer sound theology, to found morality on re- ligion, but religion is built on the rock of moral- ity. Every system of practical morals involving the theory that the sanction of conduct is only to be found in the region of faith has proved a failure. The teaching that only true believers can be good and do right, and that nothing is true or right except as sanctioned by the com- mands of religion, can only end in the deteriora- tion or destruction of character. Those persons who have been trained under a system which per- mits escape from responsibility for conduct or misconduct through repentance or penances or indulgences, are those whose powers of re- sistance to evil are generally weakest. It is ruin- ous to character, the teaching that men have not in their own power the control of their motives, and that punishment will not inexorably follow transgression. Education postulates the essential goodness of human nature. It proposes to educe what is in him, not to transform his nature. The public SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION 177 school assuming the essential goodness in human nature, is in the best position to inculcate a sound morality, founded upon man's nature and devel- oped by experience. It can and ought to instill all the virtues, because of their essential loveli- ness, and adaptedness to man's best nature and highest happiness. It can condemn and denounce vice because of its essential ugliness and its dia- bolical influence on men and society. I think it a great gain that under a public school system moral training can be fully separated from the religious and sectarian instruction of the family and the church. It is a gain alike to morals and religion. Yet I am aware that this separation is made by many sincere and excellent persons the very ground of condemnation, believing it to be essential to learning and religion alike, that youth shall take equal doses of the Lord's prayer and logic, the Creed and chemistry, effectual call- ing and the binomial theorem. It needs to be added that the very fact that the public school is public is advantageous. Public- ity purifies society, as free air and water wher- ever they can have access, dissolve and dissipate the germs of disease. That it exists under and by virtue of the law of the land, gives the school dignity in the eyes of the jnipil and the parent. To live and act under law is of itself a moderat- ing, sobering process. In jiroportion as public law has been actuallv extended over higher edu- 178 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES cation, the tricks and deviltries of the mediaeval monastic school and the university of the earlier ages with its special law, have been eradicated. They will not disappear from our state univer- sities into which they were imported from in- stitutions arrogating the name of Christian, until the operation of the law of the land shall be recognized to be the guardian of right and the sanction of conduct. Living under public law inculcates respect for law. regard for order, pride in city or state, patriotic devotion to country. It is high time that the law of the land become operative on the population of all schools and uni- versities. The suggestion of special courts has been made cm a foregoing page. It may be that I have wasted your time in this brief argument in favor of public schools as nur- series of morality and character, for the late ad- mirable legislation of our own state providing for systematic instruction in morals and conduct as- sumes the ground contended for. Already our normal schools are organizing this new depart- ment of work in order to fit their pupils to carry its methods and results into the common schools. I believe this to be the beginning of a great move- ment in our state for which future generations will bless and applaud the originators. There is of course no available gauge or meas- ure of the effect of the statute in improving the SECULARIZATIOX OF EDUCATION 179 morality of the people. It is part of a joint cause whose operation cannot be separated out. As concerns the required instruction in the effects of narcotics and stinuilanls. State Superintendent John W. Olsen in a letter of April 29, 1908, states that -"the majority of the teachers have been conscien- tious in complyin.cr witli the spirit of this legisla- tion" and believes that the instruction given has been very beneficial. It is also his belief that temperance instruction in the public schools has already established a public sentiment in favor of local option in 60 to 70 per cent, of the Minnesota counties. There remains but one other inqtiiry. Will the church lose or gain by relegating to the state the small corner of the educational domain on which she has maintained her hold? In my judgment the church rather loses than gains by the effort expended in founding and perpetuating colleges and academies. The results, viewed from the denomina- tional standpoint, are inadequate to the sacrifices. The employment of the college as a part of the apparatus of evangelization is not only unprofit- able, but I believe it to be mischievous, and the cause of a vast deal of unhappiness to many ear- nest souls. I solemnly believe it to be a capital advantage of the public university that its stu- dents may there quietly pursue their studies, un- harrassed by the untimely importunities of pros- elyting comrades or professors. But proselyting. i8o UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES I hasten to say, has become so offensive that many Christian colleges disclaim it in emphatic terms in their announcements. ]\Iy experience is that in the "godless" state universities you will find less wild speculation and fewer skeptics, than in the most orthodox and evangelical denomina- tional colleges. Young men and women do not want to be, or to be called, "infidels," but if you will draw a line of separation between sheep and goats, some will for very recklessness take the left hand road. The church gains whenever through her agency, society is elevated and purified, and souls are ransomed and disenthralled. She is not and cannot be self-aggrandizing. She is not for her- self, but for her work. She is the agency of Divine Providence for the performance of cer- tain high and peculiar services to humanity. Every work which she can relegate to other agencies economizes power for her higher per- manent duty. The church has in our day thrown upon the state the care of the unfortunate classes, the deaf, the dumb and the blind, the insane and the imbecile, the drunkard and the pauper. Is the church therefore short of employment ? The state has assumed the conduct of the pri- mary education, and is rapidly and surely em- bracing the secondary and superior schools. Will the church's occupation be gone? Nearly 1900 years have passed since our S.^v- SECULARIZATION OF EDUCATION i8i iour gave his life for us men and our salvation, and yet that great sacrifice and benefit are known but to a fraction of mankind. In every Chris- tion land the majority of the people are strangers to the church door. Why? Because the church from the apostolic days has been constantly la- boring not so much for souls as for the formation of powerful societies, the collection of vast es- tates, the maintenance of hierarchies, the erection of costly and magnificent edifices and the enter- tainment therein of men through scenic and artistic displays. Protestant and Catholics alike have' striven with prodigious energy to dominate and control the state ; to create and maintain a state within the state. "My Kingdom," said the Master, "is not of the world." Christianity is only a power as she is a moral power. Estates, endowments, princi- palities, dynasties, colleges, simply encumber and enthrall her. Says Dr. McCosh, whom none will suspect of unorthodox proclivities, "The business of the church is to proclaim and enforce the doctrine and the duties of the word of God on all who are under her influence, and then make them, while not slothful in business, to be at the same time, fervent in sj^rit, serving the Lord, whether in their farms, their factories or their stores. And just as little is it the direct office of a church to set up a college to teach such branches as mathc- i82 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES matics, and natural history, and chemistry, or to plant schools for teaching penmanship and arith- metic. This is not one of the injunctions laid on the church in the Word of God : this is not one of the powers which Christ has committed to her. Of this I am sure, that a church, a church court, a general assembly, a presbytery, is not the fittest body for conducting a factory or an infirmary. The history of England, Scotland and Ireland confirms this. The churches in those countries were never good managers of general educational institutions, and the people are now proceeding to take these out of the hands of the churches. I have not the least fear that religion will suffer in consequence. The truth is that the colleges, such as Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin and Edin- burgh, under the churches, did not promote the cause of religion to any extent, and for ages past the parochial schools of Scotland have not been in any special sense seminaries of religion." The church, then, will gain by abandoning fields in which she has no longer a call to work. Liberated from a labor once incumbent on her she may now throw her unincumbered force in- to her proper work, the evangelization of man- kind, the leavening of all society with that true leaven which alone can transform or rather re- form mankind in the image of the Creator. The market needs to be purified, but the church will not open a produce or bullion exchange. Edu- SECULARIZATIOX OF EDUCATION 183 cation must be infused and consecrated with the spirit of the great teacher, but the church need not keep the keys of the schoolroom. Under her mild, serene, but omnipotent moral supervision, all enterprises, all functions and relationships of men will be sanctified. Influence, not power is the panoply of the church. Let it be finally agreed that as the church has abandoned all grand and systematic charity, as she has given up the schooling of the people, so she must by the same inexorable logic of events be forced to resign the higher education of the leaders of the people. The people, thanks to the church and to churchmen, have at length been brought to the point at which they resolve to educate themselves. This is the crowning summit of that true democracy prescribed by the founder of our religion, the brotherhood of man. Its near ap- proach is just as sure as the return of the earth to the zero of its orbit. Shall we not further and finally agree that this process is beneficent and its culmination to be de- voutly expected? Shall not the sons of God rejoice, and the circling stars chant a thanksgiv- ing that the visible company of all faithful people called the church, is at length emancipated from all huckstering, police duty and pedagogy? IV. THE CIVIC EDUCATION The speaker had resigned the presidenc}- of the University of Minnesota in l*>l)ruary, 1883, and was at the same time elected professor of political science. It was the expectation that his succes- sor would be selected in time to assume his duties at the beginning of the following college year. The regents did not, however, succeed in filling the vacancy by that time, and at their request Mr. Fol- well remained in office an additional year, it was his hope and ambition to build up a strong depart- ment of political science, and he took advantage of the occasion for a baccalaureate address to formu- late and express his views on the "Civic Education." The following is a reprint from the Minneapolis Tribune of May 28, 1884. To the candidates for gradttation I beg to offer a word of explanation. You might with reason expect me on this occasion to speak of things of the past and to sum up the work and experience of the years we have spent together in this place of study. This task, happily for my own feelings, I am able to devolve upon your valedictorian, leaving him to speak our novissima verba. It is the immemorial tradition that the bacca- kiurcate degree is a first or minor degree. By it the apprentice is admitted as a journeyman stu- dent to the guild of scholars, to be at length i86 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES further promoted to the full rank of master or doctor. It is rather the opening than the closing of the course. 1 am well aware that in later times and in our country but few scholars continue their studies according to ancient custom, within the precincts of the university. Still the time- honored doctrine has never departed from the minds of college instructors. No college execu- tive ever fails at some time to say to candidates as I now, on behalf of my respected colleagues, say to you : "Up to this time you have been learn- ing the use of your tools. Your proper work as scholars now begins. The commencement cere- monial signalizes your admission to citizenship in the republic of letters. You face a rising, not a setting sun." For this reason I think myself justified in asking you to join me in a discussion of vast moment in that field which you are just entering. As beneficiaries of a public endowment for higher education you cannot be indififerent to any subject which concerns either that educa- tion or that public which has endowed it. I there- fore propose to you as a theme for discussion on this occasion "The Civic Education" as a part of the higher education. I trust, dear friends, that you will none the less receive with patience what I have to say as addressed to yourselves, because it so chances my paper will incidentally serve all the purposes of an inaugural address upon as- suming the duties of the department of political THE CIVIC EDUCATION 187 science in our university, to which 1 hope to de- vote an ahiiost undivided attention. It is a rare occasion that enables one to combine valedictory and salutatory in the same address. The passage of the Civil Service reform act by the forty-seventh Congress astonished and, in spite of the gravity of the measure, amused the country. Convinced that the people were re- solved, our national solons disposed of the bill with the promptness of a boy who, seeing no way of escape from the doctor's orders, swallows his dose precipitately, feeling that it "were well done if 'twere done quickly." Besides, there was the conspicuous incongruity that in the ranks of the great party of moral ideas and reform no cham- pion could be found for the great reform of all ; which, therefore, had to accept the hospitality of that other great party whose motto had some time been, "To the victors belong the spoils." It was a full generation from the adoption of the constitution to the time when the infamous doctrine that public offices are proper rewards for political services, went into practical effect. I-'rom that time the tyranny of the majority has been established and maintained, and govern- ment by the people has been supplanted by gov- ernment by party. Except as far as influence extends, the outvoted minorities might as well have been disfranchised. Our national elections have become tremendous contests of one political i88 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES army against another for the possession of the pubHc treasury, the armed force of the country and all other instruments of government. Happy is it for our nation that the tyranny did not seize upon the Government in its infancy, and that under the guidance of a body of trained and experienced statesmen our legislatures and our ex- ecutive and judicial administrations were organ- ized. There is no present occasion for describing in detail the operation of the spoils system as it has existed from Jackson's first administration. We are chiefly concerned with the fact that by the passage of the civil service reform act, the doom of that system has been spoken. The law has gone quietly into effect and with great wis- dom its operation has been confined to a limited range of offices. Of the 110,000 positions in the United States civil service only 14,000 have been brought under the operation of the law. The first report of the Civil Service Commission I think to be the most important public docu- ment of the age, as proving the feasibility of the law, and showing how it may be extended to all the ministerial offices in the service. Hereafter we shall hear no machine politicians proclaiming that it will not work. It does work and works well. Some states have taken up the good cause and others will follow. Let it take a generation or more to fully develop the details of this reform ; it is glorious for men of our day THE CIVIC EDUCATION 189 to have established its principle. The civil service act means that by and by no majority shall have the right or the power to seat its bosses and whip- pers in the public offices. It means that no party in power shall organize the hundred thousand public servants into solid battalions for political campaigns. It means that no political party shall have the right or the opportunity of depriving the people of the services of capable and experienced servants. It means, country and people before party and spoils. The principle will be extended to our public education, and will result in perma- nent employment for competent teachers, who will then and not sooner, form a profession. The just principle of this reform — that only those >hall do things who know how to do them — will at length be carried over from the administrative functions of government to directive and legis- lative functions. If it shall be settled that only those who know how shall execute laws, it will be demanded that only those who know how shall make laws ; and the people will not suffer a politi- cal party to drive from their service in legislative halls their most capable law makers, siniplv be- cause they have been there long enough, in the estimation of i)arty wheel horses waiting for their places. An ultimate result of the civil service reform — and all I have said up to this point has for its pur- pose to emphasize the statement I am now mak- I90 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES ing — an ultimate result of civil service reform must be the opening in our country of a legitimate political career for young men. That time may not be so far away as many of us now feel it is. Reforms in modern time move with an immense momentum. Certainly the result I mention will appear, for it cannot be possible that in America — free, en- lightened, Christian — we shall not attain to a system which China, heathen and despotic, has enjoyed for centuries. When the public offices shall be open as a fact and not as a theory, to the competition of all aspiring youth, the coun- try may, by a wise selection of the best, form for herself a true aristocracy — a government of the best. When no accident of birth or wealth or political connection can insure political em- ployment, young men may honorably aspire to obtain it by proving their merit. The report I have already referred to shows the operation of this principle already. It is rather a damage to a candidate to be recommended to the civil service examiners by a congressman. It is at this point that we meet an objection constantly brought forward by opposers of the reform, who say : "Your body of permanent office hold- ers will soon become a clique or caste of narrow, supercilious, mechanical snobs. In place of the true aristocracy you promise, you will give the people a 'bureaucracy,' like that which forms the THE CIVIC EDUCATION 191 inachinery of a Russian despotism.'" 1 think the danger of "bureaucracy" must be achnitted. It is natural for a body of men retaining ofifices for long terms to fall into the delusion that they have a kind of proprietorship in them, and the proper- ties intrusted to themselves. Especially is this true when admission to the office holding craft is by grace of an appointing power, and family interest and political interest unite in main- taining the caste. The old army gave proof of this. The new army, officered by cadets select- ed by competitive examinations, will not lose in efficiency, but will gain by emancipation from the snobbery of family and social cliques. For a graphic and most interesting showing of the evils of "Bureaucracy," see Balzac's novel under that title. Granting the dangers of bureaucracy we have to inquire whether they will be greater under a reformed civil service than they now are under our present deformed system. There is a social principle of vast energy and far penetrating activity, which now demands tardy recognition in our governmental operations. I mean the principle of division of labor — division of labor, remitting each individual to that em- ployment in w hich he can be most efficient ; as- sorting employments so that to the strong may fall the heavy tasks, to the weak the lighter 192 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES ones ; assorting abilities so that brains may be sent to the quarter deck and brawn to the fore- castle — division of labor at once a cause, con- comitant and consequence of civilization. This principle everywhere acknowledged to be the master power in industry and commerce — this fundamental economic postulate — we have been vainly, as will appear, endeavoring to shut out of public affairs. Plato, the Greek, un- derstood this better than we moderns, saying in his Republic : "We should make it our special business to choose what men and what talents are suited for the guardianship of a state." The circumstances of our English colonists naturally directed them toward primeval forms of democracy. The town-meeting system was ap- propriate for rural communities, economically in- dependent, growing their own food, manufac- turing their own fabrics, and under congrega- tional forms conducting their own worship. L'n- der a system of restricted suffrage, it was the general fact that almost any elector could dis- charge the duties of any office. All voters were supposed to be equally competent to make and to be officers. For several generations the fact corresponded sufficiently near to this theory — the primeval theory of democracy. I need not say that time has passed. The American farm- er no longer cobbles his shoes or wears his home- spun coat. The rural handicraftsman has dis- THE CIVIC EDUCATION 193 ai)i)earc{l. 'I'lic factory system has massed the manufacturing population into urban centres and associated them as attachments, ahiiost automat- ic, with machines. As labor is now organized and paid, the wage-worker cannot leave his bench, his lathe or his loom to take part in public aftairs. The words which the son of Sirach spoke of the husbandman, the carpenter, the smith and the potter twenty-five centuries ago, have come true again in these latter days. "They shall not be sought for in ])ublic council, nor sit high in the congregation ; they shall not sit in the judges" seat, nor understand the sen- tence of judgment: they shall not declare jus- tice and judgment, and they shall not be found where parables are spoken." — Ecclesiasticus, xxxviii : 33. To which he adds (verse 34):' "But they will maintain the state of the world, and their desire is in the work of their craft." Employers in their fierce competition for prof- its, are as unwilling as laborers are imable to take their share of public duty. The refusal of business men to take office, their reluctance to do jury duty, and their carelessness about voting are notorious. Division of labor still has been work- ing with the silence and unceasing energy of gravitation in politics as well as out of politics. While sending some men to the farm and others to merchandise, it has set apart others to fix the primaries, to manage the caucuses, and to 194 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES tinker the laws. The poHtics of nation, state, county, and town have gone into the hands of a class — a self-constituted body with its bosses and workers and strikers as perfectly organized as a modern army. Happily for our freedom, this body is commonly divided into two or more contending hosts : yet it has happened that they have been in secret alliance in schemes of plunder. If there are any who do not know, they ought at once to learn, that money is now the one great power in politics. A great metropolitan jour- nal has published a systematic schedule showing the average cost of obtaining the principal of- fices, state and national, to candidates and their backers. It is simply notorious that in the last presidential contest money was poured by the millions, by both great parties into the doubtful states. It is an ominous fact that many seats in the United States Senate are occupied by million- aires, and some fearful citizens say, ''None others need apply." It is no secret that no citizen need aspire to the House of Representatives unless he or his friends have many thousands to spend. To a plutocracy then we have come ! Let those who denounce civil service reform, for fear of bureaucracy, now take their choice. They ma}- content themselves with the present system of bosses and strikers working the public for spoils, or join in the efifort for a better one, under which merit and competency shall be the pass- THE CIVIC EDUCATION 195 port to office. The conclusion of this matter now is, that under the inevitable operation of the principle of the division of labor, there must and will be a body of persons set aside for pulj- lic functions, and choose we must between a self- constituted body, actuated by greed and ambi- tions, and one composed of men selected by ap- propriate tests for proven fitness. In beginning the reform of our civil service we have made our choice, and I have too much faith in the sound sense of my countrymen to believe that they will not carry it forward. And when at length it shall be the set- tled policy of our country, approved and glorified by experience, I trust that the name of one man now little heard may be named with honor, the Hon. Mr. Jenckes of Rhode Island, who almost a generation ago. when the great Republican party was in unchallenged control of the Government, in vain contended in Congress for the passage of a civil service reform bill. If I have spoken at too great length upon a matter which is merely introductory in this address, it is because I am impressed with its vast moment and because I foresee that it will introduce a most impor- tant revolution into our education. We have agreed that to escape the tyranny of a self-con- stituted oligarchy we shall at length, as the only and the happy alternative, entrust public functions to a selected body of trained experts 196 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES and specialists. For this body there will be need- ed a new education as for a learned profession. This need is an obvious one ; already considerable movement has been made in response to it. But this education is only part of a greater one far less likely to be cared for. Under all forms of government and all kinds of administrations eternal vigilance is ever the price of liberty. The more we specialize in politics the greater the need of political knowledge in the people. The greater the powers and skill of a body of ofificials, still greater the need of a large body of men learned in civil affairs out of office. This is simply saying that employers must understand their business as well as employes. It will be a fatal day for liberty if ever the American peo- ple turn their public affairs over to any body of men and excuse themselves from further concern about them. If, therefore, the civil service re- form shall be a blessing and not a curse to the country, we must provide an ampler ciz'ic educa- tion for the i^'liolc people, as zvcll as for special instruction of our public seri'ants. The schools of the future may or may not teach less mathe- matics, less language, less natural science, but they must teach something about the admini- stration of public aft'airs, about the great polit- ical questions of suffrage and citizenship, taxa- tion and public education, and about the great THE CIVIC EDUCATION I97 economic doctrines of population, rent, wages, profits, value, money, and credits. An inquiry into knowledge of public afifairs pos- sessed by first year students in a large number of our American colleges and universities, by Profes- sor William A. Schaper in 1907. has disclosed a depth of ignorance beyond belief. All teachers — and I include the clergy and the jotirnalists — must be thoroughly furnished with the body of established economic and political truth. To a tremendous task, then, has the civil service reform committed us — that is, to the polit- ical and economic education of a nation of a hundred millions of people. Immense, however, and important as this work is, I think it possible to make haste too quickly in it. I doubt if it would be wise, if practicable, to introduce the study of political economy into our common schools in the present condition of that science. It is only a hundred years or a little more since the subject assumed a form to which the name of science could be given. There are very few topics upon which authorities are united. We are probably not ready to introduce the dog- matic teaching of political economy into common schools. There are present indications that elementary political economy will be rapidly introduced into our western high schools. 198 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES On the other hand, we probably are ready to introduce instruction in the organization of our Government and its administration, and in regard to this we ought to adopt the excellent method now used in teaching geography — that of be- ginning with the local and proceeding gradually to the distant and foreign. Our children should first of all be taught the nature of the town or city government, then that of the county or state, and later that of the nation. The exist- ing manuals of civil government reverse this natural order when they do not wholly ignore all but the United States Government. In re- gard to social instruction I think no better be- . ginning can be made than is now made in some of our states by the introduction of compulsory instruction upon the injurious effects of alcohol- ism. A generation of such work will do more to • wipe out the curse of drunkenness and its dread accompaniments, misery and crime, than all the Maine laws and prohibitory amendments that could be passed in a century. Why should we not use our schools for so beneficent a work? For the effect of the instruction given in the common schools of Minnesota on the use of nar- cotics and stimulants the reader will please see page 178. Hitherto we have been teaching the children the things likely to be useful to them in the shops and the market. Let us begin to in- struct them as to the duties and relations of THE CIVIC EDUCATION i99 home, and social circle, and the ballot box. r.nsiness, after all, forms but a small part of life and that a mere incidental part. "Conduct," savs Matthew Arnold, •"conduct forms three- fourths, if not seven-eighths of life." Let us educate for life and not for mere dicker. In spite of the great and distracting activity of a political class, deceiving ourselves as well as foreigners into the notion that wc are wholly en- grossed in public affairs, I think it to be the American habit to underrate politics and govern- ment. Nor is this fact strange. Few in numbers, sparsely occupying vast and fertile areas, reaping unlimited harvests and trading to all the ports of both oceans, our farmers, artisans and mer- chants have thought it puerile business to be assessing and collecting taxes, adjusting accounts and tinkering the laws. This all the more, be- cause the laisses-faire doctrine preached by the English economists, who were our early teachers, obtained and has held so general acceptance. At length we are slowly opening our eyes to a new order of afifairs. We are no longer a band of colonists hanging on the fringe of the Atlantic border. We are no longer an aggrega- tion of rural democracies, managing our public affairs in the town meeting. We are not a mere federation of states. We are a great nation, conveniently subdivided, but having a central power practically omnipotent. Our population is 200 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES gathered into and about certain great cen- ters of industry and commerce. In these great cities democracy is confessedly a failure, and we find them resorting to the State Govern- ments to impose upon themselves a government v/hich shall make life and property safe. Under the socialistic tendencies of the age we are calling on the Government to execute functions which our forefathers left to the operation of the vol- untary principle. We are making of the Govern- ment a great mutual benefit and insurance institu- tion, in place of confining it to the protection of person and property. We place the whole in- dustries of the country under the protection and control of the Government, and there is not a business man from Boston to San Francisco but breathes easier when Congress has adjourned v>ithout disturbing the markets and demoralizing our vast enterprises. Wliat government may do then is a matter of immediate and often vital concern to every citizen. The power to tax is a power to rob ; the power to arrest and imprison is a power to enslave ; the power to take life is a power to commit judicial murder. Certainly we cannot overestimate the civic education which may train citizens to perform their duties and de- fend their rights. But let us extend our view beyond the ordi- nary run of things, beyond routine functions and conceded immunities. We are met at once by an THE CIVIC EDUCATION 201 array of political problems, tremendous and ap- palling to the trained publicist, but which every American citizen will have to pass upon, probably before the generation to which you belong shall have left the stage. I must pass with simple mention the question of legalizing the caucus in the way of a preliminary election under legal regulation, so that the voter's choice shall not be narrowed down to the brace of candidates offered by the corner groceries and the engine houses. In i8ij7 the legislature of Minnesota provided for "primary elections" of party candidates for the elective offices of counties and large cities. The effect has been to greatly weaken the power of the boss and the machine; also, to give an advantage to popular gentlemen desiring office, without earning nomination by party service. Aspirants to the of- fices mentioned are, however, obliged to make a double campaign; one, to secure the nomination, the other, the election. IModest citizens who would accept nominations tendered by a caucus or conven- tion, arc little disposed to make oath that they "seek" the ofiices. and to devote themselves for weeks to personal solicitations for support at the "primary." It is specially distressing to see aspi- rants to judicial places peddling their cards, photo- graphs, and other advertising devices on the streets. The experiment has not been long enough contin- ued to warrant a conclusive opinion. The voters, meantime, arc content to see the bosses unhorsed. 202 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES We are already wrestling witli the problem of an election system which may insure to minorities a just representation, and to the people honest re- turns of an honest count of honest ballots. Is it not astonishing that after so many ages of democracy mankind has yet to invent the means of getting the ultimate elementary act — a tally of the votes — honestly done? The election law of Minnesota provides for the voluntary use of voting machines, and a state com- mission has been appointed to select from the nu- merous devices the one they deem most practic- able. The first voting machine was, as is believed, the invention of J. W. Rhines, a citizen of Min- nesota, who did not perfect it. The further extension of the suffrage is a question already upon us, and the crack of the door is already open by the entering wedge of school suffrage for women in our own state. The same kind of argument which persuaded the people that women are good voters for school officers will at length carry us to the ground that they are good voters for all kinds of officers. Without doubt we shall soon extend the suffrage to its furthest possible limit. For one, I have no objection to extended sufi'rage, provided it be restrained by proper checks and guards. What those shall be will soon be a practical question. THE CIVIC EDUCATION 203 The only addition to woman suffrage up to this time in Minnesuta, is that authorizing them to vote for public library ofticers and to hold office accord- ingly. It ought always to be understood that the suffrage is a political trivilege and not a right of any species; and as such, ought to be exercised only by such persons as are generally capable and truly patriotic. This principle, if it could be applied, would disfranchise many unworthy men. and might admit many women. Of all propositions which have so far been made none seem to me so well worthy to be en- tertained as that of the establishment of a body of intermediate electors, chosen by the people, who shall be charged with the selection of all publics officers required by the constitutions to be elected. This plan is not new in our country. The electoral college for the choice of President and A'ice-President of the United States was de- signed to form a body of electors who should vote freely for such candidates as they should severally prefer. It needs not to be said that this wise plan was early turned awry by the operation of party government. The suggestion ''or the revival of the plan of in- termediate electors so strongly favored l)y many wise publicists, is not likely to be welcomed in a democracy in which ''manhood suffrage" has been once introduced. There is, as is well-known, at present, a strong drift of sentiment in favor of re- lieving state legislators of the duty of serving as bodies of intermediate electors of United States 204 UXIVERSITY ADDRESSES senators, by an amendment of the constitution. So difficult a task is this that some states are resorting to experiments for placing their legislatures under an extra-constitutional popular mandate. In a late case the unexpected election of a democratic sena- tor by a republican legislature has taken place. Another great question soon to gain the at- tention of all thinking people, as it already has that of the serious few, is that of land monopoly. A social arrangement which permits a fraction of the population to monopolize the land which forms the standing room of all the people on this planet, and permits those few landlords to ap- propriate from generation to generation that steadily advancing increment of value due to population alone cannot long stand unchallanged. Nor has it so stood. The Code Napoleon, re- quiring an absolute and equal division" of land among heirs, is an instance of one form of solu- tion. What plan we shall adopt will demand the highest social genius of the next generation. No question is so vital in politics as that of the tenure and descent of lands. Any change in them means revolution, farther reaching than any changes in the machinery of government. This essentially socialistic question of land tenure cannot be handled without involving others similar. If to-day you ask the question, "Ought land to be held in severalty?" to-morrow you will be asking ought anything to be owned by individuals? Is THE CIVIC EDUCATION 205 not property robbery, as Proudhon teaches us? German Socialists have already pronounced bold- ly for the government ownership of capital, in- cluding all manufactories and means of trans- portation. The book of Henry George, "Progress and Pov- erty," as eloquent as it is misleading, has neverthe- less had the effect to awake many people to the truth tliat property in land especially is a creation of law, and not a naked, sacred right antecedent to all law as affirmed in the infamous Lecompton con- stitution of Kansas. The national and state gov- ernments are being invoked to guard the public in- terests in the public domain and to co-operate with private owners in conserving the natural resources of the country. The national government is tardily beginning to cease giving away to luckj^ prospectors the mines, forests, and water powers, which are in some sense the heritage of all. A considerable political party in our own country is already making substantially the same demands as to factories and railroads. The transportation question, which has already con- vulsed many states, will recur again and again. A nation which monopolizes the carrying of let- ters, which is soon to absorb the telegraphic busi- ness and which carries merchandise of many sorts to every neighborhood in the land, cannot object on the ground of principle from assuming the direction if not also the management of all transportation. 2o6 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES In spile of "government ownership" planks in party platforms, and corresponding declarations of prominent candidates for high places, the American people seem resolved to work out the experiment of railroad regulation before assuming ownership of them. Much encouraging progress has been made, against the opposition of railroad proprietors, re- senting interference with their "business" and de- siring to be let alone. They will not be let alone until they furnish transportation at reasona. L- . equal prices to all passengers and shippers. Few are aware how largely modern legislation is socialistic in principle. Our public school sys- tem, rapidly extending to embrace all grades of schooling, is essentially socialistic. On the same ground rest the broad powers conceded to boards of health and medical examiners, out of which a system of state medicine is likely to grow. We have another instaiice in the numerous experi- ments to regulate and suppress the liquor traffiic. The modern legislature is simply overwhelmed with propositions to do good by force of law I am neither approving nor condemning them now, but simply emphasizing the prodigious burdens of the modern citizen. In any catalogue of live questions that of protection will have a leading place, and it is worthy of at- tention simply as an instance of an institution defended at successive periods on different grounds. The system of high duties on foreign THE CIVIC EDUCATION 207 goods imported was urged in the early years of our present government for the purpose of filling up the empty treasury vaults of the United States which had succeeded to the debts of the old Con- federation, but to no corresponding revenues. A few years later we find the partisans of protection demanding its perpetuation for the nourishment of the infant industries of the country. That plea served its purpose and gave way to that in vogue of late years, protection of American labor against the competition of the pauper operatives of Europe. Meantime a result has sud- denly appeared of which no party dreamed. Un- der the active and beneficent operation of our protection system,' old industries supported, new- ones nourished into full life, labor generally well rewarded, the national government finds itself in possession of a hundred and fifty millions of surplus revenue, and this after paying the in- terest on a debt of $2,000,000,000. An Ameri- can Congress is sorely puzzled how to dispose of this unlucky accumulation. Is it true that a pro- tective system necessarily implies the power to spend unlimited money? Must American labor gc down in the unequal competition with Eu- ropean pauperism, because the tax upon foreign cheap manufactures yields a revenue needlessly and unmanageably excessive? But I am bring- ing forward the protection question chiefly as an illustration of the manner in which great poli- 2o8 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES tical questions change their aspects and relations. Arguments which justify an institution in one age have to give place to new reasons in the next. At this time the country is not in danger from any excess of revenue and the advocates of high pro- tection do not intend that it shall be. Unlimit- ed money can be spent in pensions, battleships, irrigation, drainage and river-deepening projects, and ambassadorial hotels. When the time comes that the tariff shall be so much reduced as to render it necessary to resort to other forms of national taxa- tion, the choice will call for the greatest wisdom in finance. And curiously enough there is a new phase of the protection question just looming on the verge of our political horizon. It has been a favorite method with a respectable school of political eco- nomists to discuss labor and wages as mere com- modities. It is a short and simple way. So much money in bank ; so many days' work on the market. Given dividend and divisor arith- metic fixes wages. Who can fight the multipli- cation table? If you workmen do not like your v^/ages, some of you can clear out. What busi- ness have so many of you on the planet any- how? Within a year or so the labor union men have caught a lesson from the wage fund the- orists. Labor is a commodity. Good. Wages depend on relative demand and supply. Very good. Then what business, say the New York THE CIVIC EDUCATION 209 and Bufifalo stevedores to dock owners, have you to import free of duty whole colonies of Poles and Italians to underbid us in the labor market? The factories of New England and the iron works of Pennsylvania are protected against foreign competition by heav}- duties on imported goods, but the operatives in both states see wages kept down by the importation of solid blocks of Irish and Hungarian labor. Already they demand "protection" for the domestic article of labor. And if labor is merchandise and pro- tection is the right of any, can it be denied to our ultimate producers? In the years that have passed notable restrictions have been placed on foreign immigration. Under treaty arrangements Chinese and Japanese laborers are excluded ; paupers, criminals and anarchists have been forbidden to land on our shores ; and corpora- tions may no longer import gangs of hands under contract. Still the tide of immigration has stead- ily swollen, and the proportion coming from Latin and Mohammedan countries rises. Since the panic of October, 1907, however, a return tide of great volume has set in, carrying many hundreds of thousands of men and women back to their native countries. This phenomenon seems to indicate that labor in these times is mobile, flowing easily to the places offering the most favorable conditions of employment, and also, that our country is not for the moment offering those conditions. Such are some of the social problems now before us, demanding early and rational solu- 210 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES tion. I fear most of them will be left to solve themselves while we amuse ourselves with our farms and our merchandise. And there is one problem greater than all these which always con- front us : How to preserve liberty ? We are extending the powers of government in the inter- est of physical comfort and economy. Are we equally providing for spiritual freedom, the most precious thing conceivable? May not State charity, and State schools, and State medicine, and State transportation, and State insurance, and State ownership of land, transform us into a set of patient, unimaginative, human drones, fat and well-liking? When there is universal peace and comfort will anybody care for free- dom? "Before all things, liberty," was the mot- to of Selden — before all things, liberty — and I commend this motto to the consideration of all conscious and unconscious socialists. The question of the balance of socialism and in- dividualism may be left as it will be left, to be kept by that state of mind which exists and dominates in any generation. Before the might of that state of mind ("spirit of the age," we call it), laws, institu- tions and customs give way. I have said we are a great nation. As one of the great powers of the earth we have come into great and responsible international relations, which are rapidly multiplying. They form the THE CIVIC EDUCATION 211 subjects of a special code of laws. We have ministers resident at all great capitals, and our commercial interests arc watched by consuls sta- tioned in every considerable mart. Questions of extradition, naturalization, arbitration, are con- stantly arising. The doctrines of privateering, blockade, neutrality, have still to be definitely settled. Wisely, our nation keeps out of Euro- pean quarrels ; but avoid the duties of comity and of protection to our citizens we cannot. Mis- takes in home politics may simply cause the loss of wealth ; blunders in international politics may bring war. America has been forced to take her place among the great powers of the world, and she may claim that her amateur diplomacy has deserved the re- spect of the nations. International law has accord- ingly advanced in the estimation of her statesmen and now has its place in the curriculum of every re- spectable university. Such are some of the problems and duties of the time in the domain of politics. To dispose of them we find ourselves in possession of the most complicated political machinery the world has known. I doubt if our political system is thoroughly understoood by any of our states- men, except the few who have read foreign books upon it. We are indebted to a Frenchman for the most convenient and philosophical text-book upon our political institutions. 212 UN-IVERSITY ADDRESSES De Tocqueville's book may still claim the first place in importance, but those of Bryce and Ostro- gorsky cannot be neglected by students of our in- stitutions. To most citizens the United States Government is a foreign power, so rarely does it touch them with a bare hand. What cities may do and what cotmties, what jurisdiction the various courts of justice have, and such like questions, but few citizens ever know except in a few particulars. If ever a people needed a civic education, is it not ourselves? Virtue is indispensable, it is true, to good government ; but virtue is not enough. We must add knowledge. Rational con- duct is the fruit of principles well understood, and facts exactly comprehended. I have expressed the opinion that it is not now practicable to introduce political and economic instruction on any large scale into lower schools. The university, I stiggest, is the appropriate place for collecting, assorting, and diffusing the knowledge essential to a better civic education. That is the very function of the imiversity. It is probably true that great ideas, great inventions, great systems, or works do not arise within aca- demic walls. It is just as true that the university is the conservator of them all. Genius is chary of collegiate trammels, preferring the freedom of the garret, the workshop, and the studio. It is the useful and honorable function of the uni- THE CIVIC EDUCATION 213 versity to gather up the work of a Copernicus, a Bacon, a La Place, a Watt, a Morse, or an Edison, co-ordinate and explain it and hand it down in the form of science to succeeding ages. I believe the time has come for the university to under- take the task of collecting and arranging the facts and principles from which we may develop a fuller and wiser political science than we yet possess. We have seen how great is the need. The time seems to favor the attempt. The great historians of our age have unfolded the life, so- cial and public, of all great nations of the past, so that we have innumerable examples of con- duct, policy and legislation. The sciences of political economy and national economy are still in an unsettled condition, but the study and discussion of them has produced a certain state of mind of far greater moment than any of their particular conclusions can ever be. These subjects cannot be considered except on the presupposition that history — that has been, and is yet to be — is one mighty chain, in which cause and effect are indissolubly linked. As men and nations sow, so shall they also reap. It is the habit of our age to look for the causes of economical and political results among the ante- cedent phenomena, and not to eclipses, the move- ments of the powers of the air, or the prayers, however fervent, of opposing hosts on the eve of battle. Upon the basis of this truly scientific habit 214 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES of mind have been laid the foundations of a new science whose walls are just rising into view, but whose rounded dome will remain to be reared by future hands. To have drawn the ground plan and sketched a superstructure will have been glory enough for our age. I speak of the science of sociology, and I think it but justice to say that whatever may be the verdict of the future as to his contributions to philosophy, Auguste Comte's fame as the founder of this science is secure. And upon the same foundation with sociology must be built the included and partial science of politics, which till lately has been but a name smce Aristotle's day: but the writings of Woolsey and Bluntschli have made political science again more than a name. The time, then, seems to be ripe for the vmiversity to assume and or- ganize instruction in social and political science. Some such great function the university must as- sume or sink into a position of unimportance. She will cease to be honored whenever she ceases to be concerned about the highest things. Neither the pursuit of abstract science, nor the applications of science in the useful arts will keep the university in repute, nor will philosophy, nor mathematics, nor philology keep her venerable among men. The highest things — the problems of humanity, the conduct of states, the goyernment of cities, the economies of communities and nations, the establishment of peace, and above all the educa- THE CIVIC EDUCATION 215 tion of peoples — these things must be made chief studies, or men will look outside of universities for their guiding lights. With the pulpit and the press teeming with dis- courses upon burning social problems, the uni- versity cannot content herself with teaching merely sines and tangents, the rules of prosody and the magic lantern. No, the university must adopt as her motto those noble words of an old Roman poet, "All that concerns humanity belongs to me." I fear that the American colleges have not kept up with the times, and have given too much reason for young men to conclude that the best education for public life is to be got in the reporters' room of the great newspaper. It is my desire to establish the duty of the uni- versity to become the seat and teacher of social and political science at the point of convergence of these four lines of argument : 1. The opening of a legitimate public career to young Americans, as a result of the civil serv- ice reform ; 2. The press of a great variety of most com- plicated and difficult problems already demand- ing practical solution ; 3. The late development of the science of so- ciology, and of the scientific method in that and the included sciences ; 4. The need of the university to be engaged 2i6 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES in the study of the highest things, under penalty of losing prestige and influence. If you will charitably allow me to assume this ground as well taken, I will go on to consider briefly some practical questions of detail. It is much easier to propose the introduction of new studies into a college course than place them in. It was part of Solon's constitution that the pro- poser of a new law should come forward with a halter round his neck, with which to be righteous- ly hanged if his bill should be rejected. It is much the same with him who suggests the addi- tion of new studies to a curriculum already over- crowded. If a new study comes in an old one must make way for it. Accordingly it has been proposed that no attempt be made to introduce sociological and political studies into an under- graduate course, but to arrange courses to be pursued by graduates — post-graduate courses so called. There is no speculative objection to this plan, but there is a serious practical objection — that we cannot expect that any considerable num- ber of students will be willing, and if willing, able, to extend their studies beyond the ordinary period of graduation. To put the studies in ques- tion out of the undergraduate field is to put them out of the university. These studies are of the greatest value, they are attractive to fascination, and they are well adapted to furnish that disci- pline which is a chief, if not the chief end of the THE CIVIC EDUCATION 217 unclergraduate work. The earlier years of col- lege life beine- devoted to the completion of the secondary education begun in school, we must it possible find in the later years a place for our courses in social and political science. To this solution the three or fonr American universities which have organized this work have come and to the same our own university must come, when- ever it shall be in order to propose any liberal and comprehensive plan of instruction in this field, and there will be here a college of politi- cal SCIENCE, co-ordinate with the colleges already formed and to be formed. Given our college of political and social science what shall be its w'ork? No College of Social and Political Sciences yet exists in the University of Minnesota. The hope and ambition of the speaker when giving this address has been bitterly disappointed. There were perhaps, other interests, which for a time demanded the ex- penditure of the moderate appropriations obtain- able; but that time long since passed. To the rep- resentations of the speaker and liis colleagues the regents have turned a deaf ear. The only assign- able reason for their indifference is that they have not known what the crowning duty of a state uni- versity is, that of providing the "Civic Education" for the men who are to rule and control in public affairs. To his honored successor at the head of the de- partment of political science the writer bequeaths the task of converting an ignorant and prejudiced opposition to the full and proper development of that one branch of studies which is eminently the 2i8 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES function of a state university supported by public funds. At the bottom of all must rest a solid basis of historical knowledge, and if that shall have not been laid down in an earlier stage of the stu- dent's progress it must be put there at the be- ginning of that we are speaking of. And it is of first importance that this knowledge be clear. It is possible to know history as geography, by great features. He who knows the outlines of continents, the trend of great mountain chains, the courses of great rivers, the boundaries of great states, and the situations of great cities, knows geography in a certain just sense. In a like way history may be known by epochs and great landmarks. The imagination will fill in de- tails. The history next of our own Anglo-Sax- on race should have been made the subject of more extended and most careful study. We are English in blood, language, law, and institu- tions. Spite of some unmotherly conduct, we look to England still as our motherland, and join in her laureate's celebration of her as: "A land of settled government, A land of just and old renown. Where freedom slowly broadens down From precedent to precedent." Assuming the possession of a body of clear, historical knowledge. I think the next thing would be to co-order and explain it by a course THE CIVIC EDUCATION 219 o\ instruction in the philosc^pii}- of history, for which a model has been furnished by Guizot not Hkely to be surpassed. These foundation timbers should next be crossed with a study of the ele- ments of political economy, and the history of that science, and this I would in turn bind down with a course in the elements of law. Thus upon the foundation of histor}' we should have reared a solid platform in alternate layers of the phi- losophy of history, political economy and the ele- ments of law. These studies, at least, should be compulsor}^ upon all degree students. The ma- terials for our superstructure embarrass by their number and magnitude. They are such branches as these : history of political ideas and institu- tions ; history of federal government ; history and science of administration ; English constitutional history ; American constitutional history ; politi- cal ethics ; political economy in many ramifica- tions ; national economy, particularly American national economy, embracing a multitude of topics, such as taxation, finance, immigration, protection, banks, currency, land laws, pauper- ism, public health, public education, sumptuary laws, and so on ; American government — federal, state, county, town ; city government, its history, its practice, ancient and modern ; international law and the history of diplomacy. 220 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES It was thought important at the time to specifi- cally mention the leading subjects of study which a College of Social and Political Sciences should em- brace. They have their places in the detailed scheme of instruction in those universities where they are appreciated. This partial enumeration shows of itself that no single course could possibly include them all, were it extended over a life time. Without doubt it will be necessary to separate them into suitable natural groups and thus offer them to the choice of students. We have viewed a magnificent field of study. These are noble and fascinating sub- jects for the young men of a great and free nation. Whoever should obtain a good degree in such a faculty might proudly congratulate him- self ; and, yet, he might on stepping out into life find the wayfaring man, though a fool, to have greatly the advantage over him. Whoever, equipped merely with a mass of political knowl- edge, goes forth into the world expecting to find facts and events conforming to his fine, ready- made categories, will certainly find himself ridicu- lous and impossible. The political boss "will walk all around him" and leave him literally cir- cumvented in his fine schemes of reform. Above all knowledges there is a knowledge without which they are worth nothing — I mean that in- sight into the nature of things, and the way to THE CIVIC EDUCATION 221 deal with them, which, in its ordinary manifesta- tions, we caU "common sense." If our bachelor of political science shall not have learned the true nature of his subject and the true method of dealing with it, his knowledge, however great, arithmetically considered, must be marked with a minus sign. The more knowledge a fool has, the bigger fool he is. In politics, there are no principles, but maxims ; no laws, but generaliza- tions. Only the things which have been written, are written. The Frenchman's mot, that "noth- ing is sure to happen but the unforeseen," might serve as a perennial warning to the statesman. The election of a certain clique of candidates ought, we cry, to bring contempt and damage, but it does not ; the passage of a certain bill ought to entail ruin, but it does not. The ways of Providence are truly not as our ways ; they dis- appoint our feeble logic. In such matters but one method is tolerable — that called the historic method which is after all merely the inductive method applied over great spaces and epochs. To establish and assure the student of political and economic science in the historic method, he should be required to perform some amount of original work. It does not matter much what the line of work should be, whether the personal his- tory of some family of paupers, a great strike of artisans, the evolution of banking, the rise and progress of a granger movement, or the long de- 222 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES velopment of a constitution, if by its patient and earnest pursuit the student shall learn the use of his tools ; learn to investigate and record. At least one honest and successful piece of re- search and analysis should be a condition pre- cedent to graduation. I have dwelt on these details too long, perhaps, but because a general idea will not have accepta- tion unless shown to be workable in at least one Vv'ay. I care but little about this or any particular way, and will heartily welcome a better. My chief contention is that the civic education be recognized ; things are known by their names. There is no time to be lost. The old and simple ways have passed. \\"e have left the agricultu- ral stage of civilization for the industrial stage. The farm is not so much the homestead as a mere instrument for raising salable produce. Business is the enthusiasm of our age. We are sixty millions, shall soon be a hundred, all virtual dwellers in cities, or on wheels. A new life, a new civilization is before and upon us. Wisely we cling to old constitutions and economic customs, but already we see that the common law brought by our English forefathers from the forests of Germany, the constitutions based on British and colonial charters, and an economic system bor- rowed from the free cities of mediaeval Europe are giving way under the pressure and impetus of the tremendous forces now in action. THE CIVIC EDUCATION 223 I beg my young friends now leaving us not vainly to fancy that the good Ship of State is sure to float in quiet waters in their time — that public afifairs will glide on in safe grooves ready formed for them, so that they have only for their parts to buy and sell and get gain and enjoy the repose of the vine and the fig tree. It is but a few years ago that I was one of srxh a company as yours, going out from Alma Mater to slip, as we thought, into peaceful and unregarded careers of mercantile and profession- al life. We had no more expectation of the near outbreak of a great revolution than you have of an earthquake on graduation day. Three short years passed and the great rebellion was upon us. Oh, it was glorious to see the young men of that time fly to the rescue of the assaulted nation. With what magnificent devotion they sprang to the saddle and fell into the ranks, "marching to their graves like beds," at the country's call. 1 pity the men of my years w'ho had no share in that contest. The war drums long since ceased their beating, and the tattered battle flags are fretting into dust, but the spirit of patriotism which fired the hearts oi the young men of '61 abides in the hearts of the young America of to-day. There are, we trust, no fields of fire and blood awaiting you, but there are high duties, tremendous civil is- sues and conflicts. There will be room and need 224 UNIVERSITY ADDRESSES for self-devotion and all the glorious proofs and acts of patriotism. There are even harder things for men to do than to die in the front of battle. Finally, I bid you be of good hope, and never to despair of the Republic, however dark and low the clouds may hang. There must be a vast and splendid career for the free men of our race who have been planted in this latter day upon this wide and fertile continent. There must be a rich and glorious national career before us. Still, im- mense as are the duties and interests committed to nations and to governments, immense as are the powers and influence of governments over men, let us not forget that "men have a higher destiny than states." UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY BERKELEY Return to desk from which borrowed. This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. n ^oi.. "^ ^9/7^ FEB 8 1980 tNTER-HBRARy LOAN LD 21-100m-9,'48(B399sl6)476 YC UJ^^o ■*TV^^ 241049