y \ UNIVERSITY OF AT LOS t/ff^. . COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS AND MEDIAEVAL DOCUMENTS COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS AND MEDIAEVAL DOCUMENTS By LEO WIENER PBOFKSSOB OF SLAVIC LANGUAGES AND LITERATURES AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY CAMBRIDGE HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON: HUMPHREY MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1915 , > 1 J5J •»»'.' COPYRIGHT, 191 5, BY HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS ALL RIGHTS RESERVED f • • * • • « ^-J t. YiC - CO 04 •-^ TO § ABBOTT LAWRENCE LOWELL PKESIDEXT OF HARVARD UNIVERSITY WHO HAS ENCOURAGED ME IN MY LABOR OF RESEARCH THIS VOLUME IS GRATEFULLY DEDICATED CO o UJ 261.110 PEEFACE Several years ago the study of the private and public documents of the Middle Ages, which I consulted for the etymology of difficult words, revealed to me a strange fact : the vast majority of words treated by the Germanic, Ro- mance, and Slavic philologists had been studied with an utter disregard of documentary evidence. At every turn the facts belied the scientific deductions. Neither chronology nor phonetics were approximately correct in any given case. The starred forms never corresponded to the real variants in the earliest recorded documents. The semantic history of the words was not even attempted, or, if it was, it rarely hit upon the attested evolution of the meaning. Puzzled by this obvious discrepancy, I passed more than five years in analyzing and excerpting all the accessible docu- ments, to the number of 250,000 or more, from the earliest times of the Roman Empire to the year 1300. When I finally arranged my material, and, in the light of the facts thus dis- covered studied the Germanic laws and everything that had been written on the subject, I was shocked to find that hardly a historical fact, hardly a law, had been ascertained in con- nection with the morphological and semantic development of intrinsic words. If the historian had to deal with a difficult word, he consulted the etymological dictionaries, and if the etymologist needed a historic fact in order to explain the meaning of a word, he consulted a historian. Thus there was created a vicious circle which produced Germanic, Romance, and Slavic philology. It was clear that the whole science of modern philology needed revision. I published a few of my discoveries in the viii PREFACE Zeitschriftfur romanische Philologie, but I held back an enor- mous number of far more important results, because I was at every turn non-plussed by the fact that words which from the study of the documents could not possibly have existed before the sixth or seventh century, invariably turned up in the Gothic vocabulary. I was chagrined, because the facts were obviously contradictory. It never occurred to me that the Gibraltar of Germanic philology, the Gothic language, stood on a foundation of sand. After writing and rewriting some of my articles half a dozen times, in order to harmonise the contradictions, I finally turned in despair to a microscopic study of the Gothic language. To my great surprise I found that there was not a single fact which could be construed as a proof that the Gothic documents, as we possess them, were written in the fourth century by Ulfilas. It soon turned out that the pa- laeographic proof was flimsy and that the subject matter of the Skeireins could not have been composed before the ninth century. What had been assumed to be an Arian tract was nothing more than an anti-Adoptionist pamphlet, identi- cal in every particular, in some cases even with the very phrasing, of Alcuin's writings. With this difficulty removed, my studies assumed an en- tirely new aspect. Every evidence, every document, every law had to be subjected to a new investigation. In the present volume I give but a very small part of my material. The second volume will discuss the more than two hundred words of Arabic origin in the Gothic Bible and in all the Germanic languages. I will also show that the Naples and Arezzo Gothic documents are late eighth century forgeries, that Jor- danes has come down to us in manuscripts interpolated about the same time, that Germanic mythology is of a literary Gothic origin, based on Arabic sources, and that no literary documents in Anglo-Saxon, Norse, and Old High German PREFACE ix exist which do not show the influence of the Arabicised Gothic language. Before closing, I must publicly give my thanks to all those in the Harvard Library who have for years patiently aided me in getting and collating books, a task which was particu- larly irksome on account of the dispersion of the books in various buildings. The work which I have done would have been an utter impossibility in any other library in the world. The enormous mass of books consulted, sometimes in one day, could not have been brought together elsewhere in years. It would have taken the lifetime of more than one man merely to discover the books which the access to the marvelously arranged shelves in the Harvard Library has disclosed to me day after day. My deepest thanks are due to my colleague, Professor A. C. Coolidge, who as director of the Library has assisted my labors in a most substantial manner. I needed only to complain of the absence of a cer- tain category of books, and they were procured through his more than official interest. Complete sets of Statuti, Fueros, Coutumiers, the Codex Diplomaticus Hungariae, and other extremely rare and expensive works were supplied to me as if by magic. My thanks are also due to Dr. F. W. C. Lieder, who has patiently read the proof, and to Mr. Phillips Barry, who has worked out the Index to this volume. SOURCES OF DOCUMENTAEY EVIDENCE QUOTED Achery, Luc d' Spicilegium sive collect io veterum aliquot scrip- torum, 3 vols., Paris 1723. Acta Sanctorum quotquot toto orbe coluntur, Antverpiae 1643-1910. Alcimi Ecdicii Aviti Epistulae, in Migne, vol. lix. Alianelli, N. Delle antiche consuetudini e leggi maritime delle provincie napolitane, Napoli 1871. Archiv fiir Urkundenforschung, edited by K. Brandi, etc., Leipzig 1907- Archives de Bretagne, Nantes 1883- Archives historiques du Poiton, Poitiers 1872- Archivio della r. Society, romana di storia patria, Roma 1878- Archivio storico italiano, Roma, 1842- Arnold, W. Ansiedlungen und Wanderungen deutscher Stamme, Marburg 1875. Atti del Reale istituto veneto, Venezia 1865- Balari y Jovany, J. Baluze, E. Basilica. Baudouin, E. Berganza, F. de. Berger, A. Bernard, A. Bernard, A., and Bruel, Bibliotheque de I'Ecole Blume, Lachmann and Rudorff. Bocking, E. Bonaini, F. Bonazzi, G. Bouquet, M. Bourrienne, V. Brisson, B. Origenes historicas de Cataluna, Barcelona 1899. ■ Miscellanea, 7 vols., Paris 1678-1715. See Heimbach. Lesgrandsdomaines dans I'empireromain, Paris 1899. Antiguedades de Espana, 2 vols., Madrid 1719-21. Die Strafklauseln in den Papyrusurkunden, Leipzig und Berlin 1911. Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Savigny, Paris 1853. A. Recueil des chartes de I'abbaye deCluny, Paris 1876- des chartes, 1839- Die Schriften der romischen Feldmesser, Berlin 1852. Notitia dignitatum, Bonnae 1839-1853. Statuti inediti della citta di Pisa dal xii al xiv secolo, 3 vols., Firenze 1854-70. II Condaghe di San Pietro di Silki, testo logudorese inedito dei secoli xi-xiii, Sassari-Cagliari 1900. Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, 1869-80. Antiquus cartularius ecclesiae Baiocensis, 2 vols., Rouen, Paris 1902-3. De formulis et solennibus populi romani verbis libri VIII, Halae et Lipsiae 1731. De verborum quae ad jus pertinent significatione libre xix, Lipsiae 1721. xii SOURCES OF DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE Brunetti, F. Codice " diplomatico toscano, 2 vols., Firenze 1806-33. Briins, K. G. Pontes iuris romani antiqui, 7th ed., 2 vols., Tubin- gae 1909. Brutails, J. A. Etude sur la condition des populations rurales du Roussilon au moyen ^ge, Paris 1891. Bry, M. J. Essai sur la vente dans le papyrus gr^co-egyptiens, Paris 1909. Budmani, P. Rjecnik hrvatskoga jezika, Zagrab 1880-1910. Bullettino dell' istituto storico italiano, Roma 1886- Camera, M. Memorie storico-diplomatiche dell' antica citt^ e ducato d'Amalfi, 2 vols., Salerno 1876-81. Capasso, B. Monumenta ad neapolitani ducatus historiam per- tinentia, 2 vols., Napoli 1881-92. Capmany y de Mont- Memorias historicas sobre la marina, comercio y palau, A. de artes de la antigua ciudad de Barcelona, 4 vols., Madrid 1779-92. Cassiodorus. Variae, see MGH., Auctores antiquiores. Cazauran, J. M. Cartulaire de Berdoues, La Haye 1905. Ceruti, A. Statuta communitatis Novariae anno 1277 lata, Novariae 1879. Chambure, E. de. Glossaire du Morvan, Paris, Autun 1878. Chartes de I'eglise de Valpuesta, in Revue hispanique, vol. vii. ChevaUer, C. U. J. ' Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Saint-Andr6-Ie-Bas de Vienna, Lyon 1869. Chartularium Ecclesiae Petri de Burgo Valentiae, 1869. Chevin. Dictionnaire latin-fran^ais des noms propres des lieux, Paris 1897. Cipolla, C. Monumenta novaliciensia vetustiora, 2 vols., Roma 1898-1901. Clergeac, L'abbe. Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Gimont, Paris, Auch 1905. Close Rolls, Henry III, vol. 3. Codex diplomaticus cavensis, ed. by M. Morcaldi etc., 8 vols., Neapoli 1873-93. Codex diplomaticus Cremonae, in HPM. Codex diplomaticus Majoris Poloniae, Poznaniae, 1877-1908. Codex diplomaticus Sardiniae, in HPM. Codex Justinianus. Codex Theodosianus cum perpetuis commentariis Jacobi Gothofredi, ed. J. D. Ritter, 6 vols., Lipsiae 1736-45. Codice diplomatico barese, 8 vols., Bari 1897- Codice diplomatico padovano dal secolo sesto a tutto I'lmdecimo, ed. by A. Gloria, Venezia 1877. Collecci6n de documentos para el estudio de la historia de Aragon, Zaragoza 1904- Constitutiones Regni Siciliae, ed. by Todaro della Galia, Palermo 1887. Corpus glossariorum latinorum, ed. by G. Goetz, Lipsiae 1888- Cortes de los antiguos reinos de Aragon y de Valencia, Madrid 1896. SOURCES OF DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE xiii Cortes de los antiguos reinos de Leon y de Castilla, Madrid 1861- Crum, W. E. Cusa, S. Dahn, F. Daremberg, Ch. and Saglio, E. Dareste, Haussoulier, Reinach. Davidsohn, R. Deloche, M. Desimoni, C. Devic, C, and Vais- sete, J. Digby, K. E. Douais, C. Ducange. Earle, J. Engelbrecht, A. Erman, H. Emault, E. Escalona, R. Espana sagrada. Catalogue of Coptic Manuscripts in the Collection of the John Rylands Library, Manchester 1909. I diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia, Palermo 1868-81. Die Konige der Germanen, 12 vols., Miinchen 1861-1909. Dictionnaire des antiquites grecques et romaines, Paris 1873- Recueil des inscriptions juridiques grecques, Paris 1895. Forschungen zur alteren Geschichte von Florenz, Berlin 1896. Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Beaulieu, Paris 1859. Statuto dei padri del comune della repubblica geno- vese, Geneva 1885. Histoire generale de Languedoc, vols, ii and v, Toulouse 1872-1893. Introduction to the History of Real Property, Ox- ford 1884. Cartulairede I'abbaye Saint-Seminde Toulouse 1887. Glossarium ad scriptores mediae et infimae grae- citatis, 2 vols., Lugduni 1688. Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, ed. Leopold Favre, Niort 1883-87. A Handbook to the Land-charters and other Saxonic Documents, Oxford 1888. Claudiani Mamerti Opera, Vindobonae 1885. Conceptio formularum in factum, in Zeitschrift fiir Savignystiftung, Romanistische Abth., vol. xix. Glossaire moyen-breton, Paris 1895. Historiadel real monasterio de Sahagun, Madrid 1782. Theatro geographico-historico de la iglesia de Es- pana, ed. by H. Florez, etc., 51 vols., Madrid 1747- 1879. Fantuzzi, M. Monumenti ravennati de' secoU di mezzo, 6 vols., Venezia 1801-04. Recueil des chartes de I'abbaye de Silos, Paris 1897. Urkunden zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, Innsbruck 1874. Altdeutsches Namenbuch, 2nd ed., 2 vols., Bonn 1900. Statuti di Bologna dall' anno 1245-1267, 3 vols., Bologna 1869-77. Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms, 8th ed., Leipzig 1910. Fueros y observancias del Reyno de Aragon, Zaragoza 1667. F^rotin, M. Ficker, J. Forstemann, E Frati, L. Friedlander, L. xiv SOURCES OF DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE Gallia Christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas distributa, ed. by Denis de Sainte Marthe, etc. Gattola, E. Historia abbatiae cassinensis per saeculorum seriem distributa, 2 vols., Venetiis 1733. Girard, H. Textes de droit romain, 4. ed., Paris 1913. Giry, A. Les 6tablissements de Rouen, Paris 1885. Giulini, G. Memorie spettanti al governo ed alia descrizione della citta e campagna di Milano ne' secoli bassi, vol. VII, Milano 1854-57. Godefroy. Dictionnaire de I'ancienne langue frangaise, Paris 1881-1902. Graff, E. G. Althochdeutscher Sprachschatz, 6 vols., Berlin 1834-42. Gregorius I. Registri, in MGH., Epistolae. Gregorius Turonensis. Historia Francorum, in MGH., Scrip, rer. merov. Gromatici veteres, see Lachmann. Guerard, B. Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Saint-Victor de Mar- seille, 2 vols., Paris 1857. Guilhiermoz, P. Essai sur I'origine de la noblesse en France au moyen dge, Paris 1902. Haign^r^, D. Haillant, H. Hanel, J. J. Heimbach, K. W. E. Hessels, J. H. and Kern, H. Horn, P. HPM. Les Chartes de Saint-Bertin, Saint Omer 1886. Dictionnaire phonetique et etymologique, Epinal 1885. Monumenta historico-juridica Slavorum meridiona- lium, Zagrebiae 1877. Basilicorum libri lx, vols. 6, Lipsiae 1833-70. Lex Salica, the ten texts with the glosses and the lex emendata, London 1880. Grundriss der neupersischen Etymologie, Strassburg 1893. Historiae patriae monumenta, Augustae Taiu-inorum, vols. I and vi, Chartae, 1836-53. vols. II and xvi, Leges municipales, 1838-76. vols. Ill, V, and xi, Scriptores, 1834-63. vols. VII and ix, Liber jurium reipublicae genu- ensis, 1854-57. vol. VIII, Edictum regum langobardorum, 1855. vols. X and xii, Codex diplomaticus Sardiniae, 1861-68. vol. xiii, Codex diplomaticus Langobardiae, 1873. vol. XVII, Codex diplomaticus Ecclesiensis, 1877. vols. XXI and xxii, Codex diplomaticus Cremo- nae, 1909. Tlarregui y Lapuerta, P. Fuero general de Navarra, Pamplona 1869. Indice de los documentos del monasterio de Sahagun, de la orden de San Benito, Madrid 1874. SOURCES OF DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE xv Jal, A. Jokl, N. Jones, W., and Ma- cray, D. Kenyon, F. G. Krammerj M. Lachmann, C, and Rudorff. Lalore, CH. Lami, G. Lasteyrie, R. de. Lauer, Ph., and Sa- maran, Ch. Laurent, J. Lecrivain, C. Leicht, P. S. Lelong, E. Les Olim ou r^gistres des Levy, E. XJsiX. • • • • Lex salica. Liebermann, F. Lupi, C. Lupi, M. Luschin von Eben greuth. Mansi, G. D. Marca, P. de. Mariano, Arigita y Lasa. Maxini, G. Martene and Durand. Glossaire nautique, Paris 1848. Studien zur albanesischen Etymologie und Worter- bildung, in Sitzb. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. in Wien, 1911. Charters and Documents illustrating the History of the Cathedral, City, and Diocese of Sahsbury, London 1891. Greek Papyri in the British Museum, London 1898. Kritische Untersuchungen zur Lex SaUca, in Neues Archiv, vol. xxx. Gromatici veteres, Berolini 1848. Paris, Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Monti^ramey, Troyes 1890. Lezioni di antichit^ toscane, Firenze 1766. Sanctae ecclesiae florentinae monumenta, Florentia 1758. Cartulaire general de Paris, 2 vols., Paris 1887. Les diplomes originaux des merovingiens, Paris 1908. Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Molesme, 2 vols., Paris 1907-11. Les soldats priv^s aus Has Empire, in Melange d'ar- ch^ologie et d'Histoire, vol. x. Studi sulla propriety, fondiaria nel medio evo, Verona- Padova 1903. Cartulaire de Saint-Aubin d'Angers, Paris 1903. arrets, ed. by A. A. Beugnot, 4 vols., Paris 1839-48. Provenzalisches Supplements-Worterbuch, Leipzig 1892- See imder MGH. See Hessels. Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, Halle a. S. 1898. SuU' origine e significato della voce Parlascio, in Archivio storico italiano, ser. 4, vol. vi. Codex diplomaticus civitatis et ecclesiae Bergomatis, Bergomi 1784. Der Denar der Lex Salica, in Sitzb. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. in Wien 1911. Sanctorum conciliorum et decretorum collectio nova. Marca hispanica si ve Limes hispanicus, Paris 1688. Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la historia de Navarra, Pamplona 1900. I papiri diplomatici, Roma 1805. Veterum scriptorum et monumentorum collectio, 9 vols., Paris 1724-33. xvi SOURCES OF DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, Lutetiae Parisiorum 1717. Mayer, E. Italienische Verfassungsgeschichte von der Gothen- zeit bis zur Zunftherrschaft, 2 vols., Leipzig 1909. Mayer, G. EtymologischesWorterbuchderalbanischenSprache, Strassburg 1891. Memorie e documenti per servire alia storia di Lucca, 16 vols., Lucca 1813-1881. Mery, L. and Guin- Histoire analytique et chronologique des actes et don, F. des deliberations du corps et du conseil de la municipality de Marseille depuis le X™® siecle jusqu'a nos jours, Marseille 1842. M6tais, Ch. Cartulaire de I'abbaye cardinale de la Trinity de Vendome, Paris 1893. MGH. Monumenta Germania e historica. Auctores antiquissimi 1879-1913. Diplomata Imperii, 1872. Diplomata Karolinorum, 1906. Formulae, in Leges sec. v. Epistolare, 1887-1912. Leges, 1835-89. Legum sec. i, etc., 1883-1913. Scriptores rerum langobardicarum et italicarum, 1878. Scriptores, 1826-1913. Scriptores rerum merovingicarum, 1884-1913. Migliore, F. L. del. Firenze citta nobilissima illustrata, 3 parts, Firenze 1684. Miklosich, F. Etymologisches Worterbuch der slavischen Sprachen, Wien 1886. Miklosich, F., and Miiller, Acta et diplomata graeca, 6 vols., Vindbonae 1860- G. 1890. Minieri Riccio, C. Saggio di codice diplomatico formato sulle antiche scritture dell' archivio di stato di Napoli, Napoli 1878. Miscellanea di storia italiana, Torino 1862- Mittarelli, J. B. Annales camadulenses Ordinis Sancti Benedictini, 9 vols., Venetiis 1755-73. Mitteis, L. Griechische Urkunden der Papyrus-Sammlung zu Leipzig, Lepzig 1906. Moisy, H. Dictionnaire de patois normand, Caen 1887. Mommsen, Th. Ostgothische Studien, in Hermes, vol. xxiv. Monti, P. Vocabolario dei dialetti della citt^ e diocesi di Como, Milano 1845. Monumenta Boica, Monachii 1763- Monumenta medii aevi historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia, Cracoviae 1874- Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium, Listine, Zagrabiae 1868- Monimienti di storia delle provincie modenesi, Parma, etc., 1861. SOURCES OF DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE xvii Morice, P. H. Miiller, G. Munoz y Romero, T. Muratori, L. A. Musset, G. Odorici, F. Osio, L. Pansa, E. Pardessus, J. M. Pasqui, U. Piot, Ch. PMH. Preisigke, F. Puitspelu, N. du. Quantin, M. Ragut, C. Cartulaire de Saint-Vincent de Macon, Mdcon 1864. Recueil des anciennes coutumes de la Belgique, Coutumes du Pays et Comt6 de Hainaut, ed. C. Faidor, 1883. Regesto di Farfa. Gregorius Catinensis, II Regesto di Farfa, ed. by L. Giorgi and U. Balzini, 3 vols., Roma 1879-88. Regii neapolitani archivi monumenta, 6 vols., Neapoli 184.5-61. Rezasco, G. Dizionario del linguaggio italiano storico et ammi- nistrativo, Firenze 1881. Ritz, W. Urkunden und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte des Niederrheins und der Niedermaas, Aachen 1824. Robolini, G. Notizie tenenti alia storia della patria, Pavia 1826. Romanin, S. Storia documentata di Venezia, Venezia 1853. Roncioni, R. Delia istorie pisane libri xvr, Firenze 1844. Memoires pour servir de preuves h I'histoire eccle- siastique et civile de Bretagne, 3 vols., Paris 1742-61. Documenti sulle relazioni delle citta toscane coll' oriente fino all' anno mdxxxi, Firenze, 1879. Coleccion de fueros municipales y cartas de las reinos de Castilla, Madrid 1847. Antiquitates italicae medii aevi, 6 vols., Mediolani 1738-42. Rerum italicarum scriptores, Mediolani 1723-51. Cartulaire de Saint- Jean d'Angely, in Archives de la Saintonge et de I'Aunis, vol. xxx. Storie bresciane dai primi tempi sino all' eta nos- tra, 11 vols., Brescia 1853-65. Documenti diplomatici tratti degli archivij milanesi, Milano 1864. Istoria dell' antica repubblica d'Amalfi, Napoli 1724. Diplomata, chartae, epistolae, 2 vols., Lutetiae Pari- siorum 1843-49. Documenti per la storia della citta di Arezzo, Firenze 1899. Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Saint Trond, Bruxelles 1870. Portugalae monumenta historica. Diplomata et chartae, 1867- Leges et consuetudines, 1856-73. Die ptolemaische Staatspost, in Klio, vol. vn. Griechische Papyrus zu Strassburg, Leipzig 1912. Dictionnaire 6tymologique du patois lyonnais, Lyon 1890. Cartulaire g^n^ral de I'Yonne, Auxerre 1854. xviii SOURCES OF DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE Rostowzow, M. Roziere, E. de Sacy, S. de. Salmon, A. M. Santa Rosa de Viter- bo, J. Schiaparelli, L. Angariae, in Klio vol. vi. Studien zur Geschichte des romischen Kolonats, in 1. Beiheft zum Archiv fiir Papyrusforschung. Recueil general des formules dans I'empire des Francs du V^ au X^ siecle, Paris 1859-71 Chrestomathie arabe, Paris 1826. Philippe de Beaumanoir, Coutumes de Beauvaisis, Paris 1899. Elucidario, Lisboa 1865. Schmeller, J. A. I diplomi di Berengario I, Roma 1903. I diplomi di Guido e di Lamberto, Roma 1906. I diplomi di Lodovico III e di Rodolfo II, Roma 1910. Bayerisches Worterbuch, Miinchen 1878. Schweizerisches Idiotikon, Frauenfeld 1905-. Sella, P. Statuta comunis Bugelle, Biella 1904. Sota, F. Chronica de principes de Asturias y Cantabria, Madrid 1681. Statuta civitatis Mutinae ad indices Aquarum pertinentia, Mutinae 1575. Statuta civitatis Pisauri, Pisauri 1531. Statuta Lucensis civitatis 1539. Statuta magnificae communitatis Regii, Regii 1582. Statuti del comune di Vicenza, MCCLXiv, Venezia 1886. Steinmeyer and Althochdeutsche Glossen. Sievers. Tafel, G. L. F. and Thomas, G. M. Tardif, E. J. Tardif, J. Tarlazzi, A. Teulet, A., etc. Thesaurus linguae latinae Thierry, A. Tiraboschi, G. Tremault, Ch. A. Trinchera, F. Troya, C. Ughelli, F. Uhlenbeck, C. C. Urkunden zur altem Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, 3 vols., Wien 1856-7. Coutumiers de Normandie, Rouen, Paris 1896. Moniunents historiques, 2 vols., Paris 1866. Appendice ai monumenti ravennati, Ravenna 1869. Layettes du Tr6sor des chartes, 5 vols., Paris 1863- 1909. Recueil de monuments inedits de I'histoire du tiers €tat, 4 vols., Paris 1850-70. Stoira dell' augusta badia di S. Silvestro di Nonan- tola, Modena 1785. Cartulaire de Marmoutier pour le Vendomois, Paris, Vendome 1892. Syllabus graecarum membranarum, Neapoli 1865. Codice diplomatico langobardo dal dlxviii al DCCLXxiv, 5 vols., NapoU 1852-56. Italia sacra, 3. ed., Ron ae 1644-62, 2. ed., 10 vols., Venetiis 1717-1722. Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Worterbuch, Amster- dam 1900. SOURCES OF DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE xix Valsecchi, A. Van Drival, E. Vari, R. Vignati, C. Villanueva, J. Waitz, G. Warnkoenig L. A. (Gheldolf). Wartmann, H. Wilcken, U. Winnefeld, H. Wright, Th. Yepes, A. de. Zdekauer, L. Zeumer, K. Gli statuti di Albenga, Albenga 1885. Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Saint-Vaast d'Arras, Arras 1875. Incerti scriptoris byzantini eaeculi x liber de re militari, Lipsiae 1901. Codice diplomatico laudense, Milano 1879. Viage literario d. las iglesias de Espana, 22 vols., Madrid 1806-52, 1902. Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte, 2nd ed. Histoire de la Flandre, Paris 1835-64. Urkundenbuch der Abtei Sanct Gallen, 5 vols., Zurich 1863-1913. Griechische Ostraka aus Aegypten und Nubien, Leipzig, Berlin 1899. Sortes sangallenses, Bonnae 1889. Anglo-Saxon and Old English Vocabularies. Coronica general de la orden de San Benito, Pa- triarca de Religiosos, 1609-1621. Statutum potestatis comunis Pistorii, Mediolani .. 1888- tjber zwei neuentdeckte westgothische Gesetze, in Neues Archiv, vol. xxiii. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION I. INDIAN PARALLELS . . . xxiii II. THE GOTHIC BIBLE .... xxxiii SOCIO FISCO 1 DUCENARIUS 21 SCULCA 40 HOMOLOGUS 52 EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 77 ARBUSTUM VITATUM 109 FREDUM, FAIDA 142 TESTIBUS IDONEIS 165 QUOVIS GENIO 173 FEUDUM 182 ALLEGATUM 191 WORD INDEX 199 SUBJECT INDEX 214 INTRODUCTION I INDIAN PARALLELS Pkobably no fallacy has done more harm to historical and linguistical science than the assumption that biological evolu- tion is physically operative in the field of human actions, that mental processes and moral changes are subject to grad- ual and imperceptible transformations, that no amount of external influence can more than bend the original type of a civilisation, and so forth. Without denying the interaction of physical laws in the realm of reason, every student of his- tory must realise that human society has frequently pro- gressed by sudden and utterly unforeseeable jumps. The Hungarians passed from a Nomadic to an agricultural life, with a stable and permanent government, in an incredibly short time. The Mandingo and Woloff Negroes have in Anglo-Saxon countries become thoroughly Anglo-Saxon linguistically, with hardly a trace of their native dialects, still spoken by the slaves a century or two ago. The amal- gamation of heterogeneous peoples in the United States is not only complete intellectually, but late investigations go to show that even the cranial structure of the second generation is in America violently changed in the direction of an Ameri- can type. Regardless of such obvious phenomena, the number of which may be indefinitely increased, Germanic scholars have proceeded from the theory that the sudden appearance of the Teutons on the political scene in the fifth century, their activity in establishing law and order, which followed their xxiv INTRODUCTION settlement in the conquered territories, their agricultural habits, which they evinced from the start, were aU indicative of a long, fairly uniform civil existence of those nations which Caesar and Tacitus knew only as German barbarians. On this theory a proto-Germanic civilisation has been postulated, and its continuance has been proved from documents fol- lowing the migration of the nations down to Carolingian times and even later, although all these documents are com- piled in the Latin language and betray the Roman notarial attitude towards legal and social institutions. In the following pages I shall study these documents in the light of the Roman law, here I will analyse only the analo- gous case of the American Indians, where deductions from documents and conditions are controllable by contemporary evidence from other sources, in order to test the reliability of the method pursued by scholars in the case of the early his- tory of the Germanic nations. The description which Caesar and Tacitus give of the semi-nomadic Germans almost fits that which one might have given of the Indians of North America, when the White settlers first set foot there. Like the Germans, they lived on the produce of the chase, occasionally cultivating corn fields with no determined boundaries, knew no landed property, were constantly engaged in warfare, carrying their families with them in their raiding expeditions, lived in flimsy struc- tures, covered their bodies with animal skins. Some of the Indians, the Five Nations, had formed an alliance similar to the Ingvaeonian union of the northern Germans, and, as the bravery, simplicity, hospitality of the Germans has been praised by Tacitus, so the Indians have had their panegyr- ists. Like the comitatus of the Teutonic princeps were the companies of the Indian braves about their chiefs, with whom they took counsel; and, though possessing no definite organ- isations, the various tribes of the Indians had their separate INTRODUCTION xxv "spheres of influence" in their hunting grounds, not unlike the territorial divisions ascribed to the early Germans. But it is the Cherokees, relatives of the Iroquois Nations, and the Chickasaws and Choctaws, of the Muskohegan family, that bear the most striking resemblance to the Teutons of the period of accomplished migrations. I shall confine my- self chiefly to the history of the Cherokees. When the White man set foot in North America, the Chero- kees dwelt in the region of the Blue Ridge, but at an earlier time they are supposed to have lived as Mound Builders in the Ohio Valley. "His blood of his ancestors, as well as his enemies, could be trailed from the Hiwassee to the Ohio. The trophies of his skill and valor adorned the sides of his wigwam and furnished the theme for his boastful oratory and song around the council fire and at the dance. His wants were few and purely of a physical nature. His life was de- voted to the work of securing a sufficiency of food and the punishment of his enemies. His reputation among his fellow men was proportioned to the skill with which he could draw his bow, his cleverness and agility in their simple athletic sports, or the keen and tireless manner that characterized his pursuit of an enemy's trail. His life was simple, his wants were easily supplied and, in consequence, the largest meas- ure of his existence was spent in indolence and frivolous amusements. Such proportion of the family food as the chase did not supply was found in the cultivation of Indian corn." ^ At the period of the English settlement of the Carolinas, the Cherokees occupied parts of these regions and also of what now are West Virginia and Kentucky. From 1721 on, there were frequently made between them and the English government treaties, by which their boundaries were shifted and generally contracted. Similar treaties were made with ^ Chas. C. Royce, The Cherokee Nation oj Indians, in Annual Report oj Bu- reau of American Ethnology, 1883-4, p. 371 /. xxvi INTRODUCTION the government of the United States, resulting in similar diminutions of their territory. In 1816 it was proposed to make a tender of their whole territory to the United States in exchange for lands on the Arkansas River, whither a por- tion of the Cherokees moved in 1818. In 1825 a report was submitted to the War Department of the United States, showing that ''numberless herds of cattle grazed upon their extensive plains; horses were numerous; many and extensive flocks of sheep, goats, and swine covered the hills and the valleys . . . the soil of the valleys and plains was rich, and was utilized in the production of corn, tobacco, cotton, wheat, oats, indigo, and potatoes; considerable trade was carried on with the neighboring States, much cotton being exported in boats of their own to New Orleans; apple and peach orchards were quite common, much attention was paid to the cultivation of gardens; butter and cheese of their own manufacture were seen upon many of their tables ; pub- lic roads were numerous in the Nation and supphed at con- venient distances with houses of entertainment kept by the Nation; many and flourishing villages dotted the country; cotton and woolen cloths were manufactured by the women and home-made blankets were very common; almost every family grew sufficient cotton for its own consumption ; indus- try and commercial enterprise were extending themselves throughout the Nation, nearly all the merchants were na- tive Cherokees." ^ By the treaty of 1828 their territory on the Arkansas River was determined to be seven million acres in extent, various grants of money were given them, one of S500 to George Guess, the discoverer of the Cherokee alpha- bet, and the "United States agreed to furnish the Cherokees, when they desired it, a system of plain laws and to siu-vey their lands for individual allotment." ^ 1 Chas. C. Royce, The Cherokee Nation of Indians, in Annual Report of Bu- reau of American Ethnology, 1883-4, p. 240. ^ ji^id., p. 230. INTRODUCTION xxvii The Cherokees had as early as 1810 abolished clans and "in 1820 the Nation was reorganized, and by a resolve of its National Council, divided into eight districts, each of which had the privilege of sending four members to the legislature. The pay of the members was established at one dollar per day, that of the speaker being fixed at one and a half dollars, and the principal chiefs were to receive $150 a year. Some of their principal laws and regulations were : a prohibition of spirituous liquor being brought into the nation by white men. If a white man took a Cherokee wife, he must marry her according to their laws; but her property was not affected by such union. No man was allowed but one wife. A judge, marshal, sheriff and deputy, and two constables were com- missioned in each district. Embezzlement, intercepting and opening sealed letters was punished by a fine of $100 and 100 lashes on the bare back. No business was allowed on Sunday; and the fences were regulated by statute. They also had a statute of limitations, which, however, did not affect notes or settled accounts. A will was valid, if found on the decease of its maker to have been written by him, and witnessed by two creditable persons. A man lea\'ing no wiU, all his children shared equal, and his wife as one of them; if he left no children, then the widow to have a fourth part of all the property; the other three fourths to go to his nearest relatives. And so if the wife died, leaving property. Before the division of the nation into districts, and the appointment of the above-named ci\'il officers, there was an organized company of light-horse, which executed the orders of the chiefs, searched out offenders, and brought them to justice. It was a fundamental law, that no land should be sold to the white people without the authority of a majority of the na- tion. Transgressors of this law were punished with death." ^ It is obvious that the ideas expressed by the words "mar- ^ G. E. Foster, Literature of the Cherokees, Ithaca, N.Y., 1889, p. 36 /. xxviii INTRODUCTION shal, sheriff, deputy, constable, letters, pecuniary fine, Sun- day, fences, statute, limitation, will, light-horse" were first obtained from the White man and that all these laws were fashioned after those of their civihsed neighbors, but some of them are so transformed as to appear at first sight to repre- sent an Indian tradition. Thus the formation of an organised company of horse to execute the orders of the chiefs, which is amazingly like the organisation of the Biu-gundian wit- tiscalci, the Salic trustis dominica, is in reality nothing more than an attempt at carrying out the laws of the Whites among lawless Indians. In fact, it can be shown that the organisation of this light-horse emanated from the govern- ment of the United States, for in a treaty between the Choc- taws and the United States of 1820 we read, "To enable the Mingoes, Chiefs, and head men, of the Choctaw Nation, to raise and organize a corps of light horse, consisting of ten in each district, so that good order may be maintained, and that all men, both White and Red, may be compelled to pay their debts, it is stipulated and agreed, that the sum of two hundred dollars shall be appropriated by the United States, for each district, annually, and placed in the hands of the agent, to pay the expenses incurred in raising and establish- ing said corps; which is to act as executive officers, in main- taining good order, and compelling bad men to remove from the Nation, who are not authorized to live in it by a regular permit from the agent." ^ As soon as proper officers were substituted, the institution fell into desuetude, and there is no further mention of this in the laws. The estabhshment of the principal chief, which at first thought would appear as a continuation or develop- ment of the Indian sachem and might lead to a comparison with the evolution of royalty from the German chiefs, a fact 1 H. B. Cushman, History of the Choctaw, Chickasaw and Natchez Indians, GreenviUe, Texas, 1889, p. 117. INTRODUCTION xxix which is actually assumed by German scholars, has nothing whatsoever to do with the Indian dignity but the name. In the Chickasaw laws ^ the chief magistrate is styled ''the Governor of the Chickasaw Nation," and the yearly salary paid to the Cherokee Principal Chief and his tenure of office by popular election show conclusively that we are dealing here with an institution of the Whites. So, too, the name of Principal Chief is due to the conceit of the White Amer- icans, who have as lavishly conferred this appellation on the Red man's leaders, as Tacitus has that of princeps on the more prominent Germans. In the Constitution of the Cherokee Nation ^ passed in 1839 there are still more startling resemblances to ''proto- Germanic" conditions. ''The lands of the Cherokee Nation shall remain common property, but the improvements made thereon, and in the possession of the citizens of the Nation, are the exclusive and indefeasible property of the citizens respectively who made, or may rightfully be in possession of them: Provided, that the citizens of the Nation possessing exclusive and indefeasible right to their improvements, as expressed in this article, shall possess no right or power to dispose of their improvements, in any manner whatever, to the United States, individual States, or to individual citizens thereof." ^ This is precisely like the Burgundian law accord- ing to which no property could be sold to a foreigner.^ In either case the weakly developed sense of individual owner- ship and the strong desire to preserve nationality intact led ^ Constitution, Treaties and Laws of the Chickasaw Nation, Atoka, I.T., 1890, p. 11. ^ Constitution and Laws of the Cherokee Nation, St. Louis, 1875. 3 Ibid., p. 9. _ * "Hoc etiam interdictum, ut quisque, habens alibi terram, vendendi neces- sitatem habet, in comparandum, quod Burgundio venale habet, nullus ex- traneus Romano hospiti praeponatur, nee extraneo per quodlibet argumen- tum terram liceat comparare," Monumenta Germaniae historica. Leg. sec. i, vol. II 1, p. 107. XXX INTRODUCTION to the enactment of laws of self-preservation, which in a very few generations became inoperative through adaptation to surroundings. In neither case can we predicate a continu- ance of a communistic system previous to a contact with a new civilisation. The Indians and the proto-Germans had no conception of and no need for ''common property," for the reason that land did not present to them the idea of pos- session, but merely acted as a background on which to exert their activities. We have no evidence that they actually worked the land in common, in some such way as did the Peruvians. We only know that they had no idea of distinct divisions of land, even as Tacitus spoke of such absence of boundaries among the Germans. The attempt occasionally made by scholars to accuse Tacitus of a mistake of judgment in this and to postulate a communistic state seems futile in con- nection with what we actually know of the Indians previous to their enactment of the above apparently communistic law. "In all elections by the people, the electors shall vote viva voce. All free male citizens, who shall have attained to the age of eighteen years, shall be equally entitled to vote at all public elections." ^ The same law holds among the Chicka- saws,^ except that majority is reached at nineteen years. The Indian, like all primitive races, considers the young man to be mature at an earher age than among civilised people, and a viva voce election is imperative among a tribe consist- ing chiefly of illiterates. Neither fact entitles one to the con- clusion that it is based on a popular method of election, for the reason that no elections existed among the Indians, even though they possessed a National Council and deliberated matters in common. The viva voce vote is of the same kind as the verbal wills which, by an act of 1876 of the Chickasaw Nation, were valid, if made in presence of two witnesses.^ The late date alone of this enactment shows that we have , ^ Cherokee Constitution, p. 12. ^ Chickasaw Constitution, p. 6. ' Ibid, p. 57. INTRODUCTION xxxi here no continuance of an old custom of Indians, who had no use for wills. It is also interesting to note that, like the Germans, the Cherokees and Chickasaws passed stringent laws against the cutting down of fruit-bearing trees. "Every person who shall wilfully cut dowTi, kill or destroy any pecan, walnut, hickory or other fruit or nut-bearing tree, standing and growing upon the public domain of the Cherokee Nation, or shall cut down for the nuts or fruit thereof, shall be deemed guilty of a mis- demeanor." ^ Here, again, there is no reference to an Indian custom, but merely the result of a new source of income from the abundant nut-bearing trees of the lately acquired do- main. This law was incorporated in 1874 in the Cherokee New Code of Laws and only two years later passed as an Act of the Chickasaw Nation. This Act is as modem and as unrelated to the past as another Act of the Chickasaws of the same year establishing a Female Seminary into which no students shall enter ''until they can read well in McGuffey's Fifth Reader," ^ a statement which a millennium hence will give the historian food for reflection and theorising. I have carefully selected all the laws which distinctly differ from those of the United States and which to the unin- itiated would seem as an inheritance from the Indian past, and have shown that in no way do they permit of such inter- pretation. There is but one single statement in the Chicka- saw laws which seems to give an indication of a previous cus- tom, and that is the one which refers to polygamy. ''Neither polygamy nor concubinage shall be tolerated in this Nation, from and after the adoption of this Constitution," ^ but as this Act of 1867 is repeated in 1876 as an Act to prohibit polygamy "from and after the passage of this Act," there arises a doubt as to whether we really have here an Indian 1 Cherokee Constitution, p. 143; Chickasaw Constitution, p. 91. * Chickasaw Constitution, p. 99. ^ Ibid., p. 6. xxxii INTRODUCTION survival. It is more likely that the reference is merely to a looseness of manners, common in any new society, and this is made certain by the Act of 1876, which shows that chiefly the Whites, and not the Reds, are meant by it, for we are told that ''no right of citizenship whatever shall be acquired by such unlawful marriages," that is, that White men, who by their marriage to Chickasaw women could be adopted into the Nation, were to be deprived of this advantage, if they lived in polygamy, whether by not being divorced from their White wives, or otherwise. Thus it appears that, while in character and daily habits Cherokees and Chickasaws may have preserved many an- cient traits, they have, since the establishment of the United States and until their complete amalgamation with the Whites in 1906, when they were made citizens of the new state of Oklahoma, changed from the himting to the agri- cultural and industrial state, have acquired the Anglo-Saxon ideas of property, individualism, education, politics, and have become as thoroughly American as the Franks of Caro- lingian times were Roman. Previous to 1906 a stranger resi- dent among the Indians could live by the laws of the United States, even as in the Frankish Empire one could live by Roman or Salic or Lombard law. The Indians constantly opposed their far more simple and less intricate laws to those of the White man, utterly unconscious of the fact that these simple laws were one and all deduced from those of their neighbors, nay, that the United States, through its agents, really had framed the laws for them, either directly or by ad- vising the Indian legislators. Even so the Franks were ut- terly unaware of the fact that their simple Sahc and Ribua- rian laws were derived from the Roman laws just as much, though not so directly, as were the Burgundian and Visi- gothic laws, and were based on the Theodosian Code and local Roman enactments. INTRODUCTION xxxiii II THE GOTHIC BIBLE There does not exist the slightest proof that the frag- ments of the Gothic Bible, as we now possess it, were part of a translation made by Ulfilas in the fom-th centmy. The tradition which has grown up in regard to the whole Gothic question is based on a vicious circle of which the authorship of the Bible is the initial step. Upon close inspection the whole structure of Germanic philology, in so far as it rests upon the assumption of a fourth century Gothic literature, collapses from its own weight, and a new building has to be reared after the debris have been cleared away. All that we know of the relation of Ulfilas to the Gothic Bible is based on the statements made by Auxentius, Philo- storgius, Socrates, Sozomenus, Jordanes, Isidor of Seville, and Walafrid Strabo.^ Auxentius had been a pupil and close friend of the Gothic bishop Ulfilas, yet all he had to say about his teacher's Gothic activity was that he had preached in Gothic and had left behind many tracts and interpretations in Greek, Latin, and Gothic. ^ No amount of theorising can explain Auxentius' silence in regard to a translation of the Bible, if it existed. The only inference we can draw from this statement is this that the Goths may have possessed in Ulfilas' time brief extracts or discussions on the Bible, such as were later known under the name of catena or speculum and as may readily be summed up as ''tracts and interpretations." ^ W. Streitberg, Die gotische Bibel, Heidelberg, 1908, p. xiii ff. ^ "Haec et his similia exsequente quadraginta annis in episcopatu gloriose florens apostolica gratia grecam et latinam et goticam linguam sine intermis- eione in una et sola ecclesia Cristi predicauit . . . et haec omnia de diuinis ecribturis eum dixisse et nos describsisse, qui legit, intelligat; qui et ipsis tribus Unguis plures tractatus et multas interpretationes uolentibus ad utilitatem et aedificationem sibi ad aetemam memoriam et mercedem post se dereliquid," ibid., p. xvi. xxxiv INTRODUCTION Philostorgius, who died after 425 and therefore wrote fifty or more years after the probable translation by Uifilas, in- forms us that Uifilas was the inventor of the Gothic alphabet and that he translated all the Holy Writ into his native tongue, with the exception of the Books of the Engs, which he left out because the Goths were warlike and needed a check rather than encouragement in their martial spirit.^ But Uifilas did not invent a Gothic alphabet, having at best added a few additional signs to the Greek letters then in use, and the reference to the omission of the Book of Kings is apocryphal, totally devoid of probability.- We have, there- fore, no reason to assume that the statement regarding the translation of the Bible is more correct. Apparently the un- usual activity of the Gothic bishop had led to exaggerated accounts of his literary accomplishments among his warlike countrymen, and this legendary lore was seized upon by all the later writers. Sozomenus quoted Philostorgius almost verbatim ^ and Socrates merely paraphrased him.'* The most amazing thing is the ignorance of the Gothic writers in the sixth and seventh centuries of any extant translation of the Bible, although it is assumed by all modern authors that the surviving fragments were written in the sixth century. Jordanes, from whom we get the fullest account of the Goths in the sixth century, has nothing to tell us beyond the ^ ''VpafjLfJLaTOiv avrots olKeiuiv euper^s KaracTTas, fxeTefjipacreu cts rrjv avrwv a<; ciTracras, ttXt/v ye or] twv jBacriKeiuiV, are TuiV fxkv TroXi/xoiv IcTopiav i^ovcTihv, Tov Se Wvov^aXtvo{) T'^s €7rt Tas /Aa^as opixrj'S, dX\ o^X'- '''^^ tt/oos ravra Trapo^vvovTO^,' ibid., p. XX. 2 "Ea Philostorgii sententia a viris doctis tamquam ridicula improbata atque explosa est," H. C. de Gabelentz et J. Loebe, Uifilas, Lipsiae 1843, vol. i, P- X. * " IIpwTOS Se ypafip^aTcav cvpcr^s awots iyevero Kat eh ttjv oi/cetav (jiwvrjv fxeT€pacre ras upas y8t/3Aoi;s," Streitberg, I. c. * " Tore 8k Koi OuX(^tXas 6 rail/ VotOimv €7rtcr/co7ros ypafifxara i(f)evpe TotOlkol' KOL Tas ^etas ypacf>a^ eh ttjv T6t6mv p-erapaXibvy tous (^apjidpovi fxavdaveiv TO. Oeia Aoyia irapaaKevacrev," ibid., p. xxi. INTRODUCTION xxxv fact that Ulfilas gave the Minor Goths an alphabet, and that these were in his day reduced to poverty in Moesia.^ It does not occur to him in any way to connect these Minor Goths with the Ostrogoths or Visigoths, but if, as is assumed, the Bible was written out in the sixth century in Italy, the Ostrogoths at least must have possessed Ulfilas' Bible. Jor- danes' silence on this matter is ominous. The same uncon- nectedness of Ulfilas' Gothic with that of the Visigoths of Spain is assumed by Isidor of Seville, ^ who certainly would not have missed referring to it, if he had suspected it. More curious still are the remarks of Walafrid Strabo in the ninth century, who asserted that Gothic was a Germanic language and that learned Goths had translated the Bible of which monuments were still extant. At first it would seem that he was aware of the existence of the Gothic Bible in his time, but that is at once negatived by his quoting merely from book ac- counts (ut historiae testantur) and immediately adding that he had it from the tales of monks that in Scythia, among the Thomitani, services were still held in that language. ^ It may be possible that his reference to extant monuments of the Bible is to be taken as different from those found among the Thomitani, but then it becomes significant that he does not speak of a translation by Ulfilas, but by several learned men. If we accept his statement as correct in so far as it speaks of monuments still in use in the ninth century, we cannot reject ^ "Erant si quidem et alii Gothi, qui dicuntur minores, populus immensus, cum suo pontifice ipsoque primate Vulfila, qui eis dicitur et litteras instituisse. hodieque sunt in Moesia regionem incolentes Nicopolitanam ad pedes Emi- monti gens multa, sed paupera et inbellis," ibid., p. xxiv. 2 "Tunc Gulfilas eorum episcopus Gothicas litteras condidit et scripturas novi et veteris testamenti in eandem linguam convertit," ibid., p. xxiv. 3 "In Grecorum pro\'inciig commorantes nostrum i.e. theotiscum sermonem postmodmn studiosi illius gentis divinos libros in suae locutionis proprietatem transtulerint quorum adhunc monimenta apud nonullos habentur; et fidelium fratrum relatione didicimus apud quasdam Scytharum gentes, maxime Thomi- tanos, eadem locutione divina hactenus celebrari oflBcia," MGH., Capiiularia, vol. II, p. 481. xxxvi INTRODUCTION his assertion that the translation was made by several men, and thus the ascription of the Gothic Bible to Ulfilas is once more made impossible. With rare exceptions all the modern writers who, since the seventeenth century, have written on the Gothic Bible have accepted the dictum of those older authorities as final and have proceeded on the assumption that we have before us genuine documents of the time of Ulfilas or, at best, of re- dactions not more recent than the middle of the sixth cen- tury. But a number of important facts have been over- looked by them or have been so interpreted as to fit in with the a priori assumption. It, therefore, becomes necessary to reinvestigate all the Gothic manuscripts, both textually and palaeographically, before any theory independent of the statement by Philostorgius and the other ancient writers may be propounded. In a Salzburg- Vienna MS, of an Alcuin text, obviously of the ninth or tenth century, two Gothic alphabets and a few Gothic sentences with transliteration and phonetic commen- tary are recorded.^ The alphabets, given approximately in the Latin order, do not materially differ from those of the codices and the Neapolitan documents respectively, al- though a few peculiarities occur. Grimm ^ sees in the at- tached names of the letters Anglo-Saxon forms, but the re- semblance is only remote, and such names as pertra, quertra for AS. peord, cweorn makes an Anglo-Saxon influence un- tenable. Whatever the case may be, the writer of the al- phabet either knew or copied an alphabet, the pronunciation of whose letters was still known in the ninth or tenth century. This becomes even more certain from the appended passage: * Jahrbucher der Lileratur, vol. xliii (Wien, 1828), pp. 1-41; F. Dietrich, Ueber die Aussprache des Gothischen, Marburg, 1862, p. 23 ff.; Streitberg, Go- tisches Elementarbuch, Heidelberg, 1910, p. 36, Die gotische Bibel, pp. xxx and 475 ^.; H. F. Massmann, Gotthica minora, in Haupt's Zeitschrift, vol. i, p. 296 J^. * Jahrbucher, I. c. INTRODUCTION xxxvii 1. uuortun otan auar 2. waur|?unul^>an. afar 3. euang-eliu. ther Lucan 4. aiwaggeljo ^airh Lokan 5. uuorthun auar thuo 6. waurf^un afar )^o 7. la chuedant ia clfatun 8. jah qe)?un. 9. ubi dicit /. genuit. j. ponitur 10. ubi gabriel .g. ponunt & alia sim. 11. ubi aspiratione. ut dicitur 12. gah libeda. jah lihaida 13. diptongon .ai. pro e longa 14. pro ch .q. ponunt. The writer comments upon the phonetic values of the letters in the present tense (dicit, dicitur, ponitur, ponunt) and compares them with the current Old High German sounds. It is obvious from this comparison that no period previous to the eighth century can possibly be assigned to these comments. Indeed, Grienberger ^ has shown conclu- sively that the writing gaar for jer in the alphabet points to the composition of the whole passage in Burgundy by a Frankish German famihar with the Gothic of southern France, and that the information or, at least, the writing of this information cannot be placed before 910, while Mass- mann had long ago assumed that Gothic was still understood in the ninth century. ^ In Spain the Gothic language existed as late as the year 1091, for it was in that year prohibited by a decree of the Synod of Leon.' ^ Die germanischen Runennamen, in Paul and Braune's Beitrdge, vol. xxi, p. 199. 2 "Wir entnehmen, dass im neunten jahrhunderte wohl noch handschriften der gothischen bibel vorhanden, wie noch ziemlich verstanden waren," Haupt's Zeitschrift, vol. i, p. 306. ^ "Et interfuit etiam Renerius legatus, et Romanae ecclesiae Cardinalis, xxxviii INTRODUCTION In the sixteenth century the fragments of the Bible, later known as Codex Argenteus, had been described by several men who had seen it in the monastery at Werden/ and in 1665 they were published in full by Francis Junius at Dor- trecht. The best description of the external appearance of the Codex was given by Ihre and Zahn.^ It was executed in silver letters, the first lines sometimes in gold. The script is uncial neatly written between two guiding lines on polished purple vellum, but the color of the vellum varies to violet. The text is included in a rectangle containing twenty lines. At the inner edge of the page the number of the chapter is given according to the Eusebian canon, and occasionally notes are added, such as parallel passages from the Old Testa- ment. The words in the text to which the notes or variants refer have a line with hooks at the end over them, as have also the nomina sacra. Zahn thinks ^ that the MS. closely re- sembles the Codex Brixianus, hence, that it cannot be a copy of Ulfilas' time, but must have been written at a later time in Italy. Gabelentz and Loebe ^ say that it was written at the end of the fifth century, or in the beginning of the sixth, when the Goths lived in Italy. ''The Codex Argenteus," says Bosworth,^ ''is supposed to be the work of Italians in their own country at the close of the fifth century, or the beginning of the sixth. The only MS. in exactly the same style of writing, is the celebrated Galilean Psalter now in the ibidemque celebrate concilio cum Bernardo Toletano primate, multa de oflS- cijs ecclesiae statuerunt, et etiam de caetero omnes scriptores omissa liters Toletana, quam Gulfilas Gothorum Episcopus adinuenit, Gallicis Uteris vteren- tur," Roderici Toletani (Rodrigo Ximenes) Chronicon, lib. vi, cap. xxx. See Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, 2nd ed., vol. v, p. 201. The assertion made some- where that the reference is to a calligraphy and not to the Gothic language is without any foundation, for the Gothic alphabet was never used for anything but Gothic. 1 Streitberg, Elementarbuch, p. 24. 2 See Zahn, Ulfilas, Weissenfels 1805, p. 46 ff. 3 Op. cit., p. 50. * Op. cit., vol. i, p. xxxi. ^ The Gothic and Anglo-Saxon Gospels, London 1874, p. vii. INTRODUCTION xxxix Abbey of St. Germain-de-Pres. It is of the sixth century and is said to have belonged to St, Germain, Bishop of Paris, who died May 28, 576. The vellum is stained of a purple-violet colour, and the writing is in silver letters, and a few partic- ular words in gold. This description would serve for the Codex Argenteus, the vellum of which, however, is purple, of a reddish rather than a violet tint." Streitberg, too, knows ^ that the MS. resembles the Codex Brixianus and was written in the 5./6. century. The date of the writing of the Codex Argenteus has been established by false presumptions and insufficient informa- tion. The fact that some fragments were found at Bobbio does not in the least entitle us to draw the conclusion that all Gothic documents originated in Italy. The ninth or tenth century sentences in the Alcuin text were written in France ; there are other fragments, which were found in Egj^Dt and whose origin in Italy is highly improbable; and the Codex Argenteus, so far as we can trace it, has never been con- nected with Bobbio or Brescia. Then, the date and proveni- ence is based on the resemblance of the Gothic MS. to the Codex Brixianus. But that is a gratuitous assumption. There is absolutely nothing in the Gothic text or script that gives the slightest clue to its palaeographic dating. The only thing we see is that the letters are made with extraordinary precision and are solid in body, not as was the writing in the fifth century in the Codex Brixianus, but of precisely the same quality as in the imitative art of the Carolingians, who reproduced the fifth century writing in all its details.^ It is true that the Codex Brixianus had gold and silver letters on purple vellum, but Berger knows of a very large number of 1 Die gotische Bibel, p. xxv. 2 "Die karolingischen Abschriften, die so oft das antike Vorbild auch in alien Aeusserlichkeiten festhalten," L. Traube, Palopographische Forschungen, Miinchen 1904, p. 20 {Abh. d. k. Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. in KL, vol. xxiv, part i). xl INTRODUCTION MSS. of the chrysographic art in Carolingian times/ and the Bible of Theodulphus, the Visigoth, of the ninth century, bears as striking a resemblance to the Codex Argenteus, for it, too, has gold and silver letters on purple vellum, and the exquisite regularity of the script is the same.^ Indeed, it was through the efforts of the Visigoth Theodulphus that such calligraphy was practiced at Fleury.^ Hence the identifica- tion of the calligraphy of the Gothic Bible with that of the Codex Brixianus is without any foundation whatsoever. But we have a more positive proof that the Gothic Bible could not have been written before the eighth century. The Eusebian canon is marked on the inside of the page, the number of each verse being enclosed in a calligraphic con- ventional ornamentation of this type . At the foot of T each page the parallel passages of the Eusebian canon are given within four Roman arches. Now, the very use of the Eusebian canon precludes the writing of the Bible in Ulfilas' time, because it was adopted after his death. The Roman arches, in which the canon is included, are recorded for the 1 S. Berger, Histoire de la Vulgate, Paris 1893, p. 259 ff. 2 "On citerait difEcilement un plus magnifique monument de la calligraphie du temps de Charlemagne. Nulla part ailleurs je n'ai vu de plus remarquables exemples de regularite et de finesse d'ecriture. II n'y a point, a proprement parler, de peintures; mais I'emploi qu'on y a fait de I'or et de I'argent sur des fonds pourpr6s, I'elegance des inscriptions en grandes lettres enclav^es, la purete et la variete des encadrements de plusieurs pages et des medallions reserves aux souscriptions finales, suflfisent pour constituer une tres belle deco- ration et pour augmenter encore la valeur de la bible, qui forme le plus pre- cieux joyaudu tresor de la cathedrale de Puy," L. Delisle, Les Bibles de The- odulphe, in Bibliotheque de I'Ecole des chartes, vol. XL, p. 8. 5 "On voit que les artistes employes par Theodulphe ont modifi6 les formes raides des miniaturistes primitifs, et, en employant I'or et I'argent, ils don- nerent plus de richesses et de reliefs a leurs lettres, qu'entouraient d'abord de simples traits rouges. Est-il etonnant que de tels maltres aient laiss^ des pr^- ceptes, et que les moines de Fleury, qui ont execute de semblables beaut^s, aient voulu enseigner aux generations futures le secret de leur art?" Ch. Cuis- sard, Theodulphe, eveque d'Orleans, in Memoires de la Societe archeologique et historique de VOrleanais, vol. xxiv, p. 179. INTRODUCTION xli first time in late sixth century Syriac and Greek Gospels.^ In the occidental Gospels the first recorded use is of the year 716, while in Carolingian times ^ these arches are of exceed- ingly common occurrence. While a Syriac or Greek influ- ence upon the ornamentation of the Gothic Bible is not ex- cluded, it is, in this particular case, impossible. If the Bible was written in Italy, we have not a single link to connect the two, and the conventionalised use of the arches unmistakeably points to a late time. In all the extant calligraphic MSS. the four arches are surmounted by a larger arch, all of them elaborately decorated, containing the complete canon. In the Gothic Bible each page has its own part of the parallel passages, in four separate conventionahsed arches. The calligraphic precision of these arches is the same as that of c the ornamentation "^^ , and this latter is one of the com- T monest conventional designs in Carolingian Gospels.^ The coincidence of calligraphy, the silver and gold lettering, the employment of the Eusebian canon, the conventional orna- ment, the tinting of the vellum make the dating of the Gothic Bible in Carolingian times a certainty, even if we did not have overwhelming proofs from the vocabulary of the Gothic text. Heretofore the dating of the Gothic Bible has been deter- mined by a vicious circle. They reasoned as follows : Several fragments of Gospels have been found at Bobbio and Milan, ergo they were written in Italy. If they were written in Italy, they must have been written before the year 552, when the Goths were driven out of the country. Now, the Codex Argenteus has external resemblances with the Codex Brixi- anus, hence it, too, must have been written in Italy before ^ Die Trierer Ada-Handschrift, Leipzig 1889, p. 69 /. * See the illustrations in the Trierer Ada-Handschrift. ' See, for example, plate 11 in Trierer Ada-Handschrijt, also plates 6, 7, 9, etc. xlii INTRODUCTION the yeai" 552. Hence all Gothic documents were written in Italy, and all Gothic literary activity originated among the Ostrogoths. By such reasoning one could prove that all the Carolingian illuminated MSS. were written in Germany, or Italy, or elsewhere in the sixth century. But the Codex Ai'genteus was not found in Italy; of the learned Ostrogoth activity we know absolutely nothing, while Ulfilas was a Visigoth; we know positively that Gothic was understood in southern France in Carolingian times, and the Gothic cal- ligraphy bears far more striking resemblances to that of the school of Tours. I have not yet a right to claim that I have proved the latter, but the theory of the Gothic scholars is irrevocably exploded, for it rests on the flimsiest of assump- tions. From Weissenburg comes the Codex Carolinus. It con- tains on four sheets the Epistle to the Romans in Gothic and Latin. Both are written (TTL-)(r)S6vy i.e., in hnes representing clauses, without a separation between the words. The text is superscribed by passages from Isidor of Seville's Liher ety- mologiarum. Fortunately we possess a reproduction of one page. ^ The editor says that it seems to have been written in Spain. Schone and Niebuhr ^ had assumed, without good reason, that the Codex Carolinus was in Bobbio calligraphy. However it may be, the dating of the Gothic text is gratui- tous. It is quite true that, at first glance, one would iden- tify the Latin column as of the fifth century, but one must again remember Traube's own statement that the Carolin- gian writers imitated fifth century books down to minute details. The cmxri^ov writing was by tradition used for the Epistles of St. Paul and did not die until the ninth centiuy, and the writing of crTixy]^6v in a bilingual text is attested for ^ O. von Heinemann, Die Handschriften der herzoglichen Bibliothek zu Wolfen- buttel, Zweite Abth. v, p. 296. ■ 2 Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften 1902, p. 446 /. INTRODUCTION xliii the seventh century in the Codex Laudianus. Hence we must have another criterion for the estabUshment of the date of our MS. Fortunately the page reproduced tells its own story. The palimpsest contains a text from Isidor of Seville, hence it cannot be of a date earlier than the seventh century, and the use of thymologiae for ''etymologiae" in the colon shows that it belongs to a much later date. Heinemann thinks that the writing is Visigothic of the eighth centuiy, but there is no reason why it may not be of the ninth. The writing is ciu-sive, but the title of a chapter "depurpureis'' is in pre- cisely the same handwriting as the underlying Latin text. If one compares the rounded d, s, and e, the open p and r with the original writing, the identity is immediately obvious. There is but one possible conclusion from this striking re- semblance, — the underlying text is not much older than that of the palimpsest, nay, it may have been written by the same hand, and, as the superscribed text is not earlier than of the eighth century, the Gothic is not older than of the same period. We have a number of Ambrosian Fragments of the Bible with Latin WTitmg over them. One set of such fragments is contained in a quarto Codex of 214 pages, having for its superscription some homilies of Gregory the Great on Eze- kiel which Castiglione estimated as of the eighth century.^ Another Codex, of 156 pages, contains as a superscription St. Jerome's commentary on Isaiah, of the eighth or ninth century. 2 Here, again, there is nothing in the Gothic text to warrant any dating, hence it may be as late as of the ninth century. The remaining five pages of the Ambrosian frag- ments are apparently of the same date. I have not touched upon the critical apparatus in all these ^ Ulphilae partium ineditarum in ambrosianis palimpsestis ab Angela Maio repertarum specimen coniunctis curis eiusdem Maii et Caroli Octavi Castil- lionaei editum, Mediolani 1819, p. xv. ^ Ibid., p. xvi. xliv INTRODUCTION fragments, because the fact that the Gothic is said to be based chiefly on early Greek sources, instead of the Vulgate, would equally apply to Carolingian times, when Joannes Scottus preferably quoted from the older Greek fathers,^ and the Visigoth Theodulphus, whose Bibles bear a striking resemblance to the Codex Toletanus,- corrected the text in conformity with Hebrew, Greek, and Latin sources.^ When Ximenes in the eleventh century introduced the Mozarabic Liturgy, he apparently carried out the decree of the Synod of Leon, by abandoning an older, freer Gothic tradition for one more in conformity with the Galilean custom, but that freer Gothic tradition was a survival of an older past which ultimately may go back to Ulfilas, but in the form in which it is preserved to us can represent only the influence of the Gothic writings, and for these we have not been able as yet to find a date previous to Carolingian times. We now turn to the Skeireins, which will definitely settle the period of the Gothic writings.^ It is assumed that the Skeireins, a polemical commentary on St. John, is based on that of CjrU. of Alexandria (about 400) and that it was, therefore, written not earlier than in the middle of the fifth century,^ while Dietrich insists that the Skeireins may have quoted from the same source as did Cyril, that, therefore, it may still be the work of Ulfilas.^ Were we to apply this rea- 1 "Sicut in Graeco legitur," Migne, vol. cxxii, col. 298; "nam quod in Graeco scriptiun est," 299; "eed si quis intentus Graecum sermonem inspex- erit," ibid.; "quod enim in Graeco scriptum est," ibid.; "vel ut in Graeco scribitur," 302; "in quibusdam codicibus Graecorum singulariter sinus patris dicitur, in quibusdam pluraliter," ibid.; "ut in Graeco significantius scribitur," 309; "in codicibus Graecorum avwdcv legitur," 315; "sed in Graeco non est ambiguum," 319; and similarly cols. 283, 285, 287, 292, 295. 2 Cuissard, op. cit., p. 194/. ^ "Quidquid ab haebreo stylus atticus atque latinus Sumpsit, in hoc totum codice, lector, habes," Carmina ii. 1. * For the history of the text see Streitberg, Elementarbuch, p. 33 /. 5 E. Bernhardt, Vulfila oder die gotische Bibel, Halle 1875, p. 617. ° Streitberg, Die gotische Bibel, p. xxx. INTRODUCTION xlv soning to the Carolingian commentaries on St. John, we could prove, either that they appeared in the fifth century, or that they were composed by Ulfilas, for Cyril of Alex- andria is one of the most frequently and most earnestly quoted authors in the ninth century. Alcuin quotes long passages from him; ^ Agobard refers to him as to a good Catholic; ^ Hincmar cites him.^ Much is made of the fact by Bohmer ^ that, since the Skeireins is a polemic against Sabel- lius, who died in 260, and Marcellus of Ancyra, who died in 373, it must represent "an older stadium of the Arian con- troversy" than offered by these Bobbio fragments. We have already seen that Cyril was considered a good Catholic and that, therefore, his being quoted in the Skeireins precludes its being an Arian polemic. But let us waive this argument for a while, and let us see at what conclusions we shall arrive if the fact that SabelUus is quoted represents an older stad- ium of the Arian controversy. Alcuin quotes him by the side of Arius as a bad heretic ; ^ Hincmar couples him with Arius as one of the two extreme heretics; ® Joannes Scottus refers 1 "Videamus quid beatus Cyrillus Alexandrinus episcopus . . . de hac in- quisitione senserit," Migne, vol. ci, col. 92 /.; "item beatus CjTillus ... sic ait," 123; "item Cyrillus . . . inquit," 175; "tamen S. Cyrillus dicit in illo libello quem contra Theodoretum scripsit," 208/.; "quidquid beatus Cyrillus Alexandrinae Ecclesiae pontifex synodali autoritate respondit Nestorio, vobia responsum esse absque dubio sciatis," 289. * "Inter Nestorium haereticum et Cyrillimi catholicum," ibid., vol. civ, col. 36; "ad quod beatus Cyrillus ita respondit," 40; "ait namque praecipuus ille expugnator Nestorianae impietatis doctissimus et beatissimus Cyrillus," 43, et passim. 3 Ibid., vol. cxxv, cols. 493, 588. * Streitberg, Elementarbuch, p. 35. 5 "Conticescat Sabellius audiens: 'Ego et Pater,' qui unam personam Patriset Filii prava doctrina disseruit; nam 'ego et Pater,' duae sunt personae. Item erubescat Arius audiens 'Unum sumus,' qui duas naturas in Patre et Filio astruit, dum 'unum' unam naturam significat, sicut 'sumus,' duas per- sonas," Comment, in Joan. x. 29, in Migne, vol. c, col. 894, also col. 883. 8 "Quam multi de Trinitate contra Sabellium? quam multi de unitate Trinitatis adversus Arianos, Eunomianos, Macedonianos?" ibid., vol. cxxv, col. 482; " inter insidias horum latronum, Arianorum scilicet et Sabellianorum," 520; "ut beatus Augustinus in supradicto eermone de fide contra Sabellianos xlvi INTRODUCTION to the Sabellian error of confounding the natures of the Trinity.^ If all that refers to an older stadium of the Arian controversy, then Alcuin, Hincmar, and Joannes Scottus were Arians, and their works must have appeared in the fifth century. It is obvious that the method pursued by those who made out the Skeireins to be an Arian controversy and placed it in the fifth century must be abandoned by a reductio ad absurdum. It can be shown that the palaeographic proof of the an- tiquity of the text is based on no firmer foundation. The MSS. of the Skeireins fragments were found in Rome and in Milan and, like all the other fragments of the Ambrosian Library at Milan, came from the monastery of Bobbio, which was founded about 614. Much weight is put on the fact, to prove the Italian origin of the Gothic MSS., but the assump- tion is at once negatived from the fact that Bobbio and Milan possessed a large number of Spanish MSS. from Septimania, that is, Gothia, of the tenth century. ^ We are, therefore, prepared to find at Bobbio palaeographic documents of the Carolingian type, written by Visigoths. It can easily be shown that at least the parts of the Skeireins contained in the Vatican Codex 5750 were erased by a Visigoth to make place for a Latin text in the ninth century,^ that, conse- et Arianos," 551; "sicuti somnitant Sabelliani . . . ceu latrant Ariani," 589; "sicut impius Sabellius asseruit," 594; also cols. 567 and 598. ^ "Sabelliani quasi multivocum dicebant patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum. . . . Hie videtur quasi tenebras incurrere et labi in errorem Sabel- lianorum," E. K. Rand, Johannes Scottus, Miinchen 1906, p. 39. 2 "Or nous avons quelque lieu de penser qu'il y a eu, d'autre part, entre la province eccl6siastique de Milan et la cote orientale de I'Espagne, quelque ^change de textes bibliques. Des textes qui paraissent espagnols par leur origines ont 6te en usage, non seulement dans la Septimanie, mais dans la val- ine du Rhone jusqu' a Vienne, et cela jusqu' au X® siecle: il est fort possible que ces textes aient,eux aussi, f ranchi les Alpes et se soient meles a ceux qui, depuis les temps anciens, 6taient en possession de I'autorit^ religieuse dans ce grand et riche pays," S. Berger, Histoire de la Vulgate, p. 410. ^ Thus determined by Massmann {Skeireins aiwaggeljons pairh Johanven, Miinchen 1834, p. 55). Reifferscheid {Die romischen Bibliotheken, in Sit- INTRODUCTION xlvii quently, these parts of the Skeu-eins are not necessarily older than of the ninth century. We fortunately possess an excellent reproduction of the whole Codex Vaticanus 5750/ which enables us accurately to locate the superscribed text. The Gothic text is contained on pp. 57-62, but it is necessary to discuss the condition of the whole Codex before ascertaining the age of the Gothic script. There are three distinct groups of handwritings to be discerned in the superscribed text, which in the Milan re- production are given respectively as I, II, III.^ I, a semi- uncial of the seventh or eighth century,^ runs pp. 1-4, 13-56, 79-190, 211-274. Ill, a semi-cursive, of possibly the same date, runs from p. 5 to the middle of p. 11. II occupies half of p. 12, pp. 57-77, 191-210, 275-286. Here majuscule and minuscule letters are mixed. The open a is occasionally found (p. 77), but far more generally it is closed; both the straight and round d are used; e is round, with a horizon- tal line across; g has both arches open; i does not run under the line, but i-longa is common; m is rounded, oc- casionally turning the last stroke inwardly; n is sometimes rounded, but far more commonly the majuscule n is used, always in the ligature nt; both the long and the rounded s are used; t sometimes turns the vertical stroke to the right, but far more commonly it has the characteristic Carolingian abruptness; of ligatures we get nt, st, li; f and I are precisely of the form found in Spanish texts. The palaeographer can- zungsberichte der Wiener Akad. d. Wiss., vol. lxiii, p. 618), without entering into a discussion of the problem, proclaimed it to be of the seventh or eighth century. ^ M. Cornelii Frontonis aliorumque reliquiae quae codice Vaticano 5750 re- scripto continentur, Mediolani 1906. ^ The editor of the reproduction (p. 19/.) makes two important mistakes in crediting p. 12 to III, though it is distinctly hi the handwriting of II, and in crediting 77-195 to I, although 77, 191-195 are distinctly of the hand II, while 78 is not superscribed. ' Thus determined by the editor (p. 21). As I am not studying this text, I do not vouch for the date. xlviii INTRODUCTION not help but recognise at a glance that the writing is of the end of the eighth century or of the ninth, and the use of i-longa proves conclusively that the writing could not be older than the eighth century ^ and is of the Visigothic or Beneventan school. In our text the following words, among others, are written with ?;-longa: In (p. 12), Ipsique (57), lusserat (195), Interrogari, lam (197), Incusatus (198), luxta (199), Ita (201). Unless the work of Loew can be overthrown, our text represents a Carolingian writing of a Visigothic type. If we now turn to the underlying writing of the II palimp- sest, we get some startling results. Page 12 is written over a fragment of Symmachus, the rest of Symmachus being superscribed entirely by hand III. Pages 63 and 64, contain- ing a letter of Gallia Placidia to Pulcheria, and of Valen- tinianus and Marcianus, are written over a fragment from Juvenal, while the verso of page 78 is not superscribed. Pages 57-62 contain various similar letters over the Gothic Skeireins. All the remaining pages of II are written over Arian frag- ments. Thus we find that, with the exception of two and a half sheets, all the writings of II are of Gothic origin, the superscription being by a hand trained in the Carolingian school. If we look at the structure of the parchment, we find that the Skeireins and the Arian sheets are of a decidedly dif- ferent grain from the rest of the parchments. They have coarse markings, like finger prints, running through them, while the fragments of Juvenal, Persius, and Symmachus are of the same structure as the rest of the Codex. It thus appears that a Spanish Goth, finding many pages of the Codex missing, rewrote the wanting pages over sheets brought with him, which had lost the particular interest they ^ "If we consider on the one hand the utter absence of i-longa in the oldest Latin MSS. in uncial and semi-uncial, and its gradual and tentative entrance only into uncial and semi-uncial MSS. of the recent type, i.e., of the 8th and 9th centuries," E. A. Loew, Sludia palaeographica, in Sitzungsberichte d. k. Bayer- ischen Akad. d. Wiss., Miinchen 1910, p. 4. INTRODUCTION xlix may have had in Gothia or Spain, for they contained writ- ings in which only Goths could have been interested. Two sheets, where his writing material gave out, he supplied by writing over fragments of Juvenal and Persius, apparently of Italian origin, while he utilised the unused verso of hand III to fill in a brief letter. As many of the Arian fragments have records of the Council of Chalcedon written over them, the Amhrosian Codex E. Sig. E. lJj.7, which contains the re- maining fragments of the Skeireins, under the records of the Council of Chalcedon, belongs to the same text and was obviously made by the same writer, and the reproduction of a few lines from this Codex by Castiglione ^ shows that the writing is identical with that of the Codex Vaticanus. We are entitled to but one conclusion as to the age of the Gothic text of the Skeireins, namely, that it was written be- fore the superscribed Latin and may be of as late a date as the ninth century. We are palaeographically entitled to no other assumption. Massmann ^ comes to the conclusion that the Skeireins is a polemic writing of semi-Arian character, because of the use of the homoousian by the side of the homoiousian formula, that is, because of the use of ihns and galeiks in the same pas- sage. Krafft ^ is equally sure that the Skeireins is pure Arian in doctrine. But it is not difficult to show that the use of the two terms has nothing whatsoever to do with the homoou- sian and homoiousian formulae, and that these terms refer to the honor due Christ, in the sense in which they were taken by the Carolingian writers in the attack upon the Adoptionist heresy of the Goths, in order to establish an Orthodox, and not an Arian, doctrine. The passage in question (page v), according to Dietrich's 1 Op. cit., p. 36. 2 Op. cit., p. 75/. ' Die Anfdnge der christlichen Kirche hex den germanischen Volkern, Berlin 1854, vol. I, p. 357. 1 INTRODUCTION translation,^ runs as follows: "But since he (specified) one as loving, the other as loved, the one as showing, the other as imitating his work — he so specified it, since he knew of the heresy of these future men, in order that one might learn from it to recognize two persons, that of the Father and of the Son, and did not repeat (what the others say). In this respect he used a clear word and said : ' Even as the Father raises the dead and brings them to life,' in order that He, who by His own will and His own power imitating the One who before had commanded to raise the dead, should con- demn and overthrow the disputation of the unbelievers (with these words): 'The Father in no way judges, but has given all the judgment over to His Son.' If he were one and the same according to the teaching of Sabellius, (only desig- nated by different names) , how could He both judge and not judge? Does not the mere change of the names indicate the difference of the two persons, especially the action of one who does not judge a single man, but transfers the judgment to the Son? And Jesus, who receives the honor from His Father and executes all judgment according to God's will, said : 'That all may honor the Son as they honor the Father.' Hence, in the presence of so clear a statement, we must honor the unborn God, and recognize that the one-born Son is God, so that we may honor each according to His worth; for the statement, 'That all may honor the Son as they honor the Father,' teaches us to give, not equal, but similar honor. The Saviour Himself interceded for His disciples before His Father 'That Thou mayest love them as Thou lovest me.' Not equal, but similar, love He designated in this way." Charlemagne called Alcuin to France to fight the Adop- tionist heresy among the Spanish Goths in his possessions. The Orthodox Alcuin felt that, in fighting Elipandus and ^ Die Skeireins Bruchstucke, Strassburg 1900, p. 11. INTRODUCTION li Felix of Urgel, and in attacking their dogma that Christ was an adopted son, he ran great danger of falling into the other extreme of the Eutychian heresy. Hence he tried to steer a middle com-se and dwelt upon the fact that Christ was in substance both the same and not the same with God, hence should have equal glory with him. The ecclesiastic writers of the ninth century had great trouble in drawing a distinction between the terms "similar" and "equal." Joannes Scottus, conunenting on Boethius' De Trinitate, points out that equality exists where there are two per- sons, and that their relation is similar.^ The difficulty with the Adoptionists was that they maintained that Christ's na- ture was dissimilar to that of God, while the Orthodox Ago- bard insisted that it was similar, ^ even as Hincmar distin- guished between the two persons whose glory, however, was equal. ^ Similarly Alcuin pointed out to the Adoptionists that the Son was equal to God.^ We see from these passages that "similar" and "equal" in- terchange, and refer, now to the person of Christ, now to his glory. In the passage in the Skeireins the duality of the per- sons is proved from the fact that God is represented as lov- ing, Christ as beloved. This is taken from Alcuin who uses the Biblical passage "Hie est Filius mens dilectus, in quo mihi bene complacui" over and over again in his Adoptionist controversy, in order to prove that the two persons are 1 "Aequale ut binarius. Similis est relatio quia aequales sunt," E. K. Rand, Johannes Scottus, p. 46. 2 ' ' Iterum post aliqua interrogando Felix quaerit : ' Utrum Christus Dominus in utraque natura similiter sit Filius Dei an dissimiliter,' et subjungit re- spondendo, 'non similiter, sed dissimiliter,'" Liber adversum dogma Felicis Urgellensis, in Migne, vol. civ, col. 44. ' "Alia est persona Patris, alia Filii, alia Spiritus Sancti: sed in deitate unitas creditur et predicatur, quia Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti una est di- vinitas, aequalis gloria, coaeternia majestas," Migne, vol. cxxv, col. 525. * "Et multa talia, ubi se in divina substantia omnino Patri aequalem et Patris esse Filium non tacuit," Adversus Felicem Urgellitanum libri septem, in Migne, vol. ci, col, 143. lii INTRODUCTION separate yet similar.^ The words in the Skeu*eins, "he so specified it, since he knew of the heresy of these future men, in order that one might learn from it to recognize two per- sons, that of the Father and of the Son, and did not repeat (what others say)," are taken bodily from Alcuin's Commen- tary on St. John x. 29, of which they are an abbreviated statement. 2 Similarly the rest of the Skeireins passage is based on Alcuin's Commentary on St. John v. 21, 22, 23, where it says that God and Christ do not judge in separate capacities, but as one. The Father does not judge, but Christ, in His second nature, in which He is consubstantial with the Mother. Only the Son is seen to sit in judgment. And yet, the Father is not to be judged as greater, the Son as smaller, but both by one honor. "Honor the Son as you honor the Father." ^ The point is not clearly stated by Alcuin, for it 1 Migne, vol. ci, cols. 143, 144, 145, 146, 157, 162, 255, 256. 2 "Quibus profecto verbis non praesentem solummodo Judaeorum quaes- tionem, qua an ipse esset Christus interrogabant, explicavit, sed etiani haereti- corum perfidiam quam futuram praevidit, quantum sit execranda monstravit. 'Conticescat Sabellius audiens Ego et Pater, qui unam personam Patris et Filii prava doctrina disseruit, nam ego et Pater, duae sunt personae. Item erubescat Arius audiens: Unum sumus, qui duas naturas in Patre et Filio astruit, dum unum unam natin-am significat, sicut sumus, duas personas. Sequamur apostolicam fidem, quam beatus Petrus princeps apostolorum con- fessus est," Migne, vol. c, col. 893/. ^ "Sicut enim Pater suscitat mortuos et vivificat, sic et Filius quos vult vivificat. Non enim alios Pater, alios Filius vivificat; sed una potestas unam vivificationem f acit ; quae etiam potestas uno honore honoranda est . . . Pater enim non judical quemquam, sed omne judicium dedit Filio, ut omnes honori- ficent Filium, sicut honorificant Patrem. Qui non honorificat Patrem, non honorificat Filium. Pater non judicat quemquam, quia Patris persona hominem non suscepit, nee in judicio videbitur: sed sola Filii persona, in ea forma quae judicata est injuste, et juste judicabit vivos ac mortuos. Nee enim Filius videbitur in judicio in ea natura qua consubstantialis est Deo Patri, sed in ea qua consubstantialis est matri, et homo factus est. . . . Sed ne forte Patrem quidem honorifices tanquam majorem, Filium vero tanquam minorem, ut dicas mihi: Honorifico Patrem; scio enim quod habeat Filium, et non erro in Patris nomine, non enim Patrem intelligo sine Filio, honorifico tamen et Filium tanquam minorem: corrigit te ipse Filius, et revocat dicens: Ut omnes honorificent Filium, non inferius sed sicud honorificant Patrem. Qui ergo non honorificat Filium, nee Patrem honorificat, qui misit ilium. Ego, inquis, ma- INTRODUCTION Hii may appear, at first sight, that he wants Christ to be honored exactly as God (uno honore honoranda est), but this is merely due to an over-emphasis against the Adoptionist view that the honor should be different. Agobard, in his controversy with the Adoptionists, tried to avoid the difficulty of the emphasis, which would have taken him from Nestorianism to the opposite heresy of Eutychianism, by adhering for the orthodox dogma to Cyril, who took a middle course.^ Hence Cyril is one of the authors most quoted by the theologians of the ninth century, even as he forms the basis of certain ideas and expressions in the Skeireins. But Cyril in this particular case distinctly says that ''sicut, Kadcoq" shows that Christ is to be honored, not equally, but similarly, even as the state- ment '4et the silver shine like (KaOcoq) the sun" shows that jorem honorem volo dare Patri, minorem Filio. Ibi tollis honorem Patri, ubi minorem das Filio. Quid enim tibi aliud videtur ista sententia, nisi quia Pater aequalem sibi Filium generare aut noluit aut non potuit? Si noluit, invidit; si non potuit, defecit. Non ergo vides, quia ita est sentiendum: Ubi majorem honorem vis dare Patri, ibi es contumeliosus in Patrem. Proinde sic honorifica Filium, quomodo honorificas Patrem, si vis honorificare et Filium et Patrem," ibid., col 810 f. 1 " Nestorius haereticus sic duas naturas in unico Filio Dei Domino nostro Jesu Christo dividit ac separat, ut in disputatione dogmatis sui sic de uno quasi de duobus loquatur, quasi alium suspicans Deum Verbum, alium Em- manuel, licet plerumque unam horum fateatur personam. E contrario autem Eutyches in dogmate suo sic de unici Filii Dei loquitur singulari persona quasi de una substantia. Et quanquam sempiternam divinitatis ejus nativitatem confiteatur, temporaiem quoque humanitatis non neget; ita tamen utramque substantiam permiscet atque confundit, et una tantummodo praedicare in- telligatur. Cum ergo utrumque, id est, Nestorium, et Eutychem, veritus fidei abjiciat, quae medium inter eos tenet locum; beatus Cyi'illus, ejusdem veritatis defensor, Alexandrinus antistes, dum vellet corrigere pravitatem Nestorii, propter obscuritatem verborum, ut pote subtilissimae rei, offendit beatum Joannem praesulem Antiochenae Ecclesiae, et eos qui cum illo erant; factaque est divisio inter Antiochenam et Alexandrinam Ecclesiam. Rogatus est autem ab Antiochenis Theodoretus Cyri episcopus, ut ageret adversum beatum Cyril- lum. Et mirum in modum, dum utrique essent catholici, id est, et Antiocheni, et Alexandrini, beatus Cyrillus dum putatur esse haereticus, quod non erat, inventus est a Theodoreto inter Nestorium haereticum et Cyrillum catholicum medius locus, unde idem Theodoretus pugnans pro veritate, ageret contra veritatem; qui dum istis catholicis placeret, illis displiceret; quod tamen Deo auxiliante Joannis et CyriUi industria correctum est," Migne, vol. civ, col. 35/. Uv INTRODUCTION the silver has not an equal, but a similar splendor to that of the sun.^ While the manner of the treatment of the Skeireins pas- sage is very much like that of Alcuin's corresponding verses, the fine distinction between aequalis and similis, which is dogmatically identical with Cyril's ideas, smacks of Johannes Scottus' ''similis est relatio quia aequales sunt"; but un- fortunately the fifth chapter of his Commentary on St. John is not extant, and so this identity in the same passage can- not be verified. It is significant that the Skeireins, which is an anti-Adoptionist pamphlet, is at the same time based on the Gospel of St. John. The latter was frequently commented upon by Carolingian writers, because it was theologically well adapted for the Adoptionist controversy, and Schon- bach 2 has shown that the great bulk of Gospel conmientaries of the Middle Ages, especially the Commentary on St. John, were based on those of Alcuin. The passage under discussion has been used by Gothic " Et Ota TO XeyecrOai, cfyrjaiv '"Iva irdvTa Tiynwcri rbv Ylov, KaOa Ti/xwcri tov Tlarepa , vofjiL^ere ^p^vat tov Yioj' Icro/xeTpoi^ tw Ilarpi KaTaO^jxvvvuv ri/xats, ayvofXTf. Trj<; a.Xiq9(.ia<; fxaKpdv ttov ^aSt^ovres. Ou yap TravTws to 'ko^ws' IcroT-qTa irpayixaTwv cto^c^epei, KaO^ aJv dv ^aivoiTO re^ev, ofxoiiixriv 8e Tiva ■^apaKTYipi^CL 7roA.A.aKts, otov, (firjcrlv, o '^wTTjp ttov au/A^ouXevci, Xe'ywv 'TivecrOe olKTipfxove^, KaOoi<; kol o liuTrjp vfxC)v 6 ovpavLos oiKrip/xwv icTTLV.* Ovkovv eTTt fxev TU)V dvopioiuiv Kara ttjv (fivtriv ore TarrcTai to Va^ws', ov 7rdvT0)er Herodis consilium. mini nostri Jesu Christi, quae in- cipiebat a baptismo suo, acta esse, Comni. in Joan. m. 23, 24, Migne col. 785. The writer of the Skeireins bears, in his methods, a striking resemblance to the author of the Augiensis MS. in his treat- ment of Alcuin. Here and there sentences have crept in al- most in the form in which they occur in the original, but on the whole the wording is materially changed. The theology and the general concept have remained absolutely the same.^ * "Notandum, quod in codicibus Graecorum avwBev legitur, ubi in latinia codicibus denuo reperitur, ut sit sensus: nisi quis natus fuerit avoiOev, hoc est desursum, ut desursum dicamus pro denuo; quod et facilius intelligitur, et duabus nativitatibus, terrenae videlicet atque coelesti, covenientius. . . Duae siquidem nativitates sunt, ut ait Augustinus; quarum una de terra, altera de caelo, hoc est desursum," Comm. in Joan., in Migne, vol. cxxii, col. 315. 2 "Coelestis namque est ascensio ejus ad vitam sempiternam," Comm. in Joan. III. 12, in Migne, col. 780. ' Note the very striking resemblance of "since he knew the heresy of these future men" to "sed etiam haereticorum perfidiam quam futuram praevidit" in the identical passage. See p. 1 and p. lii. * "Fiir das Werk im ganzen und grossen gilt die Behauptung, dass er auf Alchuins Johanneskommentar beruht, und zwar so ausschliesslich darauf beruht, dass — ohne Ubertreibung — nicht ein Gedanke anderswoher entnom- men ist . . . der Bearbeiter hat durch einen grossen Theil seines Werkes zwar INTRODUCTION Ixi Unfortunately Schonbach gives but a brief extract from this MS., and it is not possible to determine what relation it bears to the Skeireins. But so much is certain, — the Skeireins is based on Alcuin, hence it cannot have been written before 801, when Alcuin's Commentary on St. John first appeared. It is doubtful whether the Skeireinist utilised Joannes Scot- tus, for the few possible agreements with the latter have only to do with the use of the Greek original, which is not ex- cluded in the case of Alcuin or any other Carolingian theo- logian. It is, however, likely that the Skeireins was not written before 813, for in that year Charlemagne demanded that homilies be written in the native tongue, and that would include the Gothic of Gothia and of Burgundy. As the Skeireins quotes passages from the Gothic New Testament with fair correctness, it is to be supposed that the Gothic Bible was written before that time. That it was not written before the end of the eighth century will appear from internal evidence. den ganzen Inhalt der Darstellung seiner Vorlage entnommen, hat jedoch den Worthalt nicht beibehalten, er hat den Text Alchuins umstihsiert," Schon- bach, op. cit., p. 114. COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS AND MEDIAEVAL DOCUMENTS SOCIO FISCO In the Theodosian Code there is mention of certain fines which are to be paid to the fiscus, and the formulae in which these fines occur run in stereotyped forms through the docu- ments of the Middle Ages. The expression "Sinceritas tua reiectum quinque libras auri fisco utilitatibus cogat inferre," ^ to which the Interpretatio says ''quinque hbras ^sco inferre cogatur/' ^ has given rise to the formula cogente fisco. ^ Since it was a mere phrase without any very distinct meaning, it has been strengthened by the redundant coactus,'^ and for cogente fisco another equivalent phrase could be put, such as distringente,^ indiscutienti,^ egenti,"^ posito ^ fisco, which was still further expanded or corrupted into cum fisco,^ una cum 1 I. 9. 1. Similarly i. 11. 1, vi. 28. 4, vi. 30. 10, ix. 17. 4, ix. 21. 4, xiv. 3. 20. 2 Ibid., and ii. 23. 3 The ablative absolute is already to be found in Cod. Theod. iii. 1 : "fisco vindicante." * "Deinde cogente fisco auri libras 15. argenti pondera 30. coactus exsolvat" (858), Ducange, sub ^scus. * "Qui hoc agere temptaverit, inferat cum dislringente fisco argenti pondera V, aurique libram unam coactus exsolvat" (813), Devic and Vaissete, His- ioire de Languedoc, vol. ii, Preuves, col. 79. ^ "/ndisCT/iieni ^sco multa conponat" (764), Urkundenhuch der Abtei Sanct Gallen, Zurich 18G3, vol. i, p. 43, and very often. "Inferat partibus vestris . . . fisco discutiente multa conponat" (794), Bibliotheque de I'Ecoledes chartes, b6t. 2, vol. Ill, p. 416. ^ "Duplex satisfactione fisco egenti exsolvat" (627), Bibl. d. I'Ec. des chartes, vol. VI, p. 52. * "Et insuper posito fisco . . . coactus exsolvat," MGH., Formulae, p. 107. ' "Inferat vobis cum fisco auri libras duas," Doniol, Cartulaire de Brioude, p. 107. 2 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS jisco,^ servanti una cum fisco,^ una cum cogente fisco.^ Ap- parently the vague idea connected with such a formula was this: that one was to pay by compulsion of the fiscus, or, since the stipulatio duplae was divided up with the fiscus, that both the person in question and the fiscus were to be paid, as is frequently mentioned more specifically,'* wher- fore also the combination inter tihi et fisco is met with.^ In reality, however, all these combinations have resulted from another, socio fisco, which has been understood to mean ''in company with the fiscus." But socio fisco has arisen from the employment of sociare in the Theodosian Code in the sense of "to appropriate," ^ which, in the combinations "fisci viribus, fisco sociare" has the distinct significance of ''to confiscate." ^ In the Visigothic laws the expression "fisco, fisci partibus, fisci viribus sociare" is the usual tech- nical term of confiscation,^ which is also used in the other ^ "Qui hoc egerit aut quicumque tentaverit una cum fisco auri libram unam persolvat," ibid., p. 226. 2 "Inferat parte statuta servanti una cum fisco" (626), Bibl. d. I'Ec. des charies, vol. li, p. 49. ^ " Una cu7n cogente fisco multa conponat" (794), ibid., ser. 2, vol. iii, p. 418, "inferamus tibi cum cogenti fisco duplum," MGH., Formulae, pp. 89, 90. * "Medietate palacio nostro, et medietate predictae congregationi " (818), Historiae Patriae Monumenta, vol. xiii, col. 176. ^ "Inferit inter tibi et fisco soledus tantus vobis conponat," MGH., For- mulae, p. 5: "inferat inter tibi et fisco soledus tantus, vobis conponit," ibid., p. 6; "inferit inter tibi et fisco . . . exsolvat," ibid., p. 11; "inferit inter vobis et fisco, conponere debiat," ibid., pp. 13, 23, etc. * "Si quis libertum emere ut servum, vel qualibet manumissione donatum inquietare voluerit, non solum bona sua largitionibus nostris iussimus sociari," App. XIX. ^ "Fundum ipsum . . . fisci viribus sociandum" (403), \^I. 18. 12; "fisco eius omne patrimonium sociari decernimus" (446), ix. 26. 4; "alioquin patri- monio suo fisco sociato" (401), ix. 42. 18; "proprietate privetur, ea videlicet fiscalibus calculis socianda" (404), x. 22. 5. * " Omnem vero substantiam suam heredibus occisi iuxta legis superioris ordinem iubemus addici, aut etiam fisco . . . sociari," vi. 5. 18; "quisquis de ludeis sub nomine proprietatis fraudulenta suggestione aliquid a precessoribus nostris visus est promeruisse . . .fisco nostro faciatis sociari," xii. 2. 13; "fa- cultas predictorum omnimoda . . . fisco nostro sociata deserviat," xii. 3. 8; "medietatem rerum suarum ^sco sociandum amittant"; xii. 3. 12, 13, and 17; SOCIO FISCO 3 Germanic laws ^ and in Merovingian edicts. ^ From the for- mula distringente fisco, under the influence of sociare, has de- veloped sociante fisco, ^ which has led to socio fisco with its many extravagancies.^ The Frankish documents record the variant satiare, sa- ziare from the seventh century on.^ In the ninth century we hear of a formula of arrest prendere et saziare,^ which, how- ever, is already used in the P actus Alamannorum in the form sisit et priserit,'^ where sisit may have been influenced by *'exigere."^ That this saziare was developed from the form- "decimam partem rei sue fisci partibus sodandam amittat," xii. 1. 3 and Cone. Tolet. xii; "totum^sd erit viribus sociandum," xii. 2. 18; "res ems fisci viribus sociande sunt," xii. 3. 4. 1 "Alia medietas propter admissam violentiam fisci viribus societur," Lex Burgund., lex romana, viii; "et res eius in fisco socientur," Leg. Langob., Lib. Pap., V ff. 2 "Facultates eorum propinquis haeredibus socientur" (614), Bouquet, Recueil des historiens des Gaides, vol. iv, p. 119. ^ " Sociante fisco multa conponat" (745), Urkb. d. Abtei Sand Gallen, vol. i, p. 13; "wna cum sociante fisco . . . coactus exsolvat" (777), J. Tardif, Monu- ments historiques, Paris 1866, p. 62; "inferat ad ipsum sanctum locum heredum meam sociantem fisco auri Libras quinquaginta " (739), C. Cipolla, Monumenta novaliciensia vetustiora, Roma 1898, vol. i, p. 37. * "Inferat socio fisco auri liberas viginti" (671), Tardif, op. cit., p. 16; "inter te et socium fisco . . . conponat" (769), ibid., p. 55; "sotio fisco . . . coactus exsolvat" (833), Gallia Christiana, vol. ii, Instrumenta, col. 165; "tina cum socio fisco . . . quoactus exsolvat" (691), Tardif, op. cit., p. 25; "inferat tibi una cum sotio fisco auri untias tantas esse multando," MGH., Formidae, p. 186; "tunc inferat tibi una cum sotio fisco duplum tantum," ibid.; "inferat ei, cui litem intulerit, ista tota servante, una cum socio fi^co untias tantas esse mul- tando," ibid., p. 188; "una cum socio fisco distringente . . . coactus exsolvat" (766), Tardif, op. cit., p. 49; " una cum distringentibu^ sociis fisci" (884), Re- gesto di Farfa, vol. iii, p. 34. ^ "Si fuerit de facultate latronis . . . satiatur," Bouquet, Recueil, vol. iv, p. 265; "una cum satio fisco" (833), eh. A. Tremault, Cartulaire de Marmoutier, Paris, Vendome 1893, p. 276. * " Ipsius hominis Rothberti preserunt et saziaverunt malo ordine et contra legem, unde legem subire et incurrere debent" (845), B. Gu^rard, Cartulaire de Vabhaye de Saint Victor de Marseille, vol. i, p. 33. ^ "Si quis alterius ingenuam de crimina sea stria aut herbaria sisit et cam priserit," Frag. ii. 33, in MGH., Leg. Alaman., p. 23. * "Multam iubemus exigere," Leg. Burgund, lxxvi. 1; "nee pulveraticum prendere nee exigere" (795), Cartulaire general de Paris, vol. i, p. 36. 4 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS ula socio fisco becomes clear from a document at Carcasson in the year 936, where in sazina is identical with the in fisco of other documents.^ In the Formulae the usual form of this word is sacire. It is employed to express the seizure of land by lawful process, where the alodial holding was not certain. 2 The physical seizure of the land was necessary, in order to make the title good,^ and in an immunity to a cloister specific mention is made of the fact that it has the right of holding the land (sacire) against all persons.^ Before discussing the further history of socio fisco I will show what has become of the first part of the confiscation formula, of the word inferre.^ In the Langobard laws there is frequent mention of a fine ferquidum, which is there glossed by "simile." If a person carries fire from the hearth, causing a conflagration, he pays the ferquidum, "damnum componat ^ "In tali conventu, dum ego Dodolinus vixero, teneam et possideam ista vinea ad usus fructuum per beneficium nostri Salvatoris et Sancti Nazarii cujus hereditas est, et accipiant in sazina sanctus Salvator per singulos annos solidos tres," Devic et Vaissete, op. cit., vol. v, col. 170. 2 "Repetebat adversus eum, dum diceret, eo quod rem suam in loco nuncup- ante illo, in pago illo, in centena ilia, quam de parte genetoris sui ilLius legibus obtingebat conscriptas, ille predictam rem superius nominatam male ordine Buprasedebat vel retenebat iniuste; sed ipse ille presens adherat. Interrogatum fuit ipsi illo ab ipsis viris quid contra haec dicere vellebat, per quem sibi de iam dicta re sacibat vel inantea sacire vellebat; sed ipse de presente taliter debit ei in responsis, quod ante hos annos genitor suos nomine illo ex alode conscriptam superius nominatam ei dimisisset. Dum taliter agitur, iudicatum fuit ipsi illo, ut apud duodecim homines suos consimiles in basilica sancti illius hoc con- iuraret vel predictam rem sacire deberet. Sed veniens predictus ille ad eum placitum in noctis institutis, ingressus est in basilica ilia, manu missa super sacrum et sanctum altare, coram ipsis missis vel racineburgis, quicquid indica- tum fuit vel per suum fisticum habuit aframitum, hoc coniuravit vel legibus sacibat," MGH., Formulae, p. 251. ' "Dum pro malorum hominum consilium, quod non debueram, de terra vestra in loco nuncupante illo, quem excolere videor, revellare conavi et ipsa terra ad proprietate sacire volui et non potui, quod nee ratio prestetit, et vos vel agentes vestri earn ad parte vestra revocastis vel nobis exinde eiecistis," ibid., p. 100. * "Licentiam habeat . . . per annis contra quemciunque saciendi," ibid., p. 66. ^ Based on my discussion in the Zeitschrift fUr romanische Philologie, 1913, p. 580 J. SOCIO FISCO 5 ferquido, id est similem." ^ Since the damage done by an ac- cidental fire is assessed only to the amount of the property consimied,^ while a wilful act of incendiarism is fined at its triple value, ^ this ferquidum must obviously be a double fine. The same is paid in case of a gift without launigild, of wilfully killing a dog or pig, of maiming a horse. ^ The old glossaries repeat the equation "ferquidum id est simile,"^ without giving any further explanation, and the modern au- thors similarly explsLin ferquidum to mean *'of equal value." ^ But ferquidum had acquired no definite meaning, as will soon be seen, for it arose from a misunderstood and miswritten clause, and, although a confusion has arisen between it and simile "oi equal value," the comparison of the various fires due to carelessness, accidence, or wilfulness shows conclu- sively that it originally meant "a double fine." Since the Germanic laws have generally arisen from a literal interpretation of legal formulae, we must investigate the latter first. So far as I know, the oldest reference to this word in a document is of the year 739, where it says that if the seller cannot legally defend the purchaser, he is to pay double the amount of what the improved land would fetch ''in ferquide loco."^ Ferquide cannot mean "similar," be- cause it is sheer nonsense to talk of a valuation in a similar place, even as many documents correctly speak of a valua- tion in the same place.^ But since the puzzling formula made ^ Rothar 147. * "Caput tantum conponat," ibid., 148. ' "In treblum eum restituat sub stimationem rei cum omnia, quae intus cremata sunt," ibid., 149. * Rothar 186, 330, 337, 349 (Liutp. 151). 6 MGH., Leg., vol. iv, pp. 651, 653. ^ F. Dahn, Die Konige der Germanen, Leipzig 1909, vol. xii, p. 148. ^ "Si minime defensare non potuero ego Petru, aut mei heredis tibi qui supra Aloin, aut tuis reprometto adque spondeo me esse componiturum in duplu meliorata temila, de quo agitur sub stemationem in ferquede loco," Troya, Cod. dip. Lan{job., vol. iii, p. 650. * "Omnia et in omnibus inintegro ab omni homine defensare quod si de- fendere minime potu . . . tunc sit conponituris ssto gaiduald vel ad eius hhd. 6 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS no sense to the notaries, it was entirely omitted ^ or cor- rupted to ferquidus et similis,^ consimilis.^ It is not difficult to trace the origin of this simili loco. In a document of the year 572 we have the sensible reference to the double fine in case of breach of contract and also, ''simih modo," for any improvements on buildings since erected.^ Apparently the Langobard documents had erroneously spoken of a valua- tion in a similar place, where formerly the reference was to a valuation in a similar manner in the same place. Curiously a Spanish document of the year 823 shows how such a mis- take may have arisen, for here simili loco is used in the sense of "in the same manner." ^ aut cui gaiduald ipsum loc[um reliquerit] alium talem locum qualiter superius legitur sub extimatione intra ipso loco" (726), Arch. stor. ital., ser. iii, vol. xvii, p. 237; "in dupplo res meliorata, de quod agitor in eodem loco" (740), Troya, op. cit., vol. Ill, p. 696; "in duplo meliorata qualem time fuerit in eodem loco" (761), ibid., vol. v, p. 107; "in duplo meliorata in ipso loco qualis tunc fuerit" (762), ibid., p. 174; "tunc componat pars parti . . . infra ipso locum ... in dublo" (771), Cod. dip. Langob., col. 84/.; "tunc omnia vobis ... in dublo componamus in ipso loco sub extimatione" (785), ibid., col. 114; "conponamus, qualiter fuerit meliorata, ego et mei heredes tibi et heredibus tuis in suprascripto loco" (792), ibid., col. 125. 1 "In duplima rebus ipsius melioratis, sicut pro tempore fuerint sub estima- tionem restituamus" (769), Cod. dip. Langob., col. 73; "promitto me vobis com- ponere suprascriptos duodecentos iuges talis et alios talis una quoque inibi a vobis edificavit, aut melioratione fuerit in duplo" (772), ibid., col. 88/.; "ut in dubliun restituat rem meUoratam" (776), ibid., col. 106, etc. 2 " Fer quidum terra et simile in eodem locum bobis conponere debemus" (875), Cod. cav., vol. i, p. 103; "etferquidum et simile rebus in eodem loco bobis conponere spondimus" (877), ibid., p. 104; "in duplo et alia tale casa et quantu aput vos meliorata fueru sup iu[sta esti]mazione in ferquide et in consimile loca" (1099), ibid., p. 49. ' "Sub estimatione consimili loco" (753), Cod. dip. Langob., col. 32; "in consimiles locas" (774), ibid., col. 104; "in consimile loco," (936), Muratori, Antiq., vol. ii, col. 1136, (1014), ibid., vol. i, p. 410, (1091), ibid., p. 420; "in loco consimili" (1175), Camera, Storia . . . di Amalfi, vol. i, p. 361. ^ "Quod . . . evictmn ablatumve quid fuerit tunc quanti ea res erit quae evicta fuerit duplum pretium sstum quinque solidorum a sso venditore & ab ejusque hbbs. & successoribus eidem conparatori ss. ejusque Khbus & succes- soribus cogantur inferre sed & res quoque meliorate instnictae aedificateque taxatione habita simili modo omnia duplariae rei se qs. venditor hhdesque suos reddere poUicetur," Marini, / papiri diplomatici, p. 184. 6 "Reddat in quadruplum, et simili loco quantum inquietaverit Ovetensi SOCIO FISCO 7 This in ferquidum (locum) is variously recorded, as infer quidem,^ fer quidem,"^ infer quide,^ infer quede,'^ in ferquidi,^ in ferquede,^ in ferquide,"^ in ferquidem,^ in ferquido,^ where the very spelUng makes the word suspicious. It is obvious from the Langobard documents, even as it was from their laws, that ferquidum originally refers to double damages, where- fore it occurs, like the simile of the year 572, exclusively in the "stipulatio duplae," which guarantees the purchaser double damages in case of difficulties arising through the fault of the seller, ^° and is in the oldest document quoted by me correctly coupled with the ''evictio,"" even as it is in a Langobard contract of the year 725. ^^ In the Theodosian Code the verb inferre is always employed to express the payment of the fine to the fiscus,^^ and the Ecclesiae et cultoribus ejus, et insuper solvat auri talenta duo," Espana sagrada, vol. xxxvii, p. 322. ^ "Conponamus nos ... in duplu casa et res in melioratu, unde agitur, infer quidem locu sum estimationum qualis tunc fuerit" (759), Troya, op. ciL, vol. V, p. 56, and again pp. 279, 466, 542, 551, 556, 643, 704; vol. iv, p. 419 (752) infer quidem loco cum quid, aut qualis tunc fuerit" (769), Mem. e doc. . . . d. due. d. Lucca, vol. iv S p. 116, and similarly pp. 135, 136, 138, 150, 167, 189; vol. IV 2, p. 49; vol. v \ pp. 37 (759), 44, 52, 64. 2 Troya, op. cit., vol. v, p. 654; Mem. e doc. . . d. Lucca, vol. iv ^ pp. 19 (753), 28; vol. V 2, p. 29. 5 Troya, op. cit., vol. v, pp. 58 (759), 333; Mem. e doc. d. Lucca, vol. iv i, pp. 140 (779), 183; vol. v^, pp. 26 (747), 38, 54. * Troya, op. cit., vol. iv, p. 429 (752), vol. v, p. 81; Mem. e doc. . . d. Lucca, vol. IV S pp. 79 (744), 92. ^ Troya, op. cit., vol. v, p. 177: "inferquidi loco et in ipso praedicto casale." 6 Ibid., vol. m, p. 650 (739). T Muratori, Antiq., vol. iii, col. 1014 (783); ibid., col. 1142 (1126). 8 Ibid., vol. V, col. 412 (793); vol. iii, col. 1062 (964), col. 1086 (1058). 9 Ibid., vol. V, col. 1912 (752); vol. in, col. 1108 (1109), and again cols. 1152, 1154, 1158, 1168, 1169, 1170. 1" I'or the "stipulatio duplae" read A. Bechmann, Geschichte des Kaufs im romischen Recht, Erlangen 1876, p. 375 ff. 11 The citations in Roman law referring to this may be found in B. Brisson, De formulis et solennibus populi romani verbis libri viii, Halae et Lipsiae 1731, p. 483. 12 "Et si pulsatus aut awecius fuerit . . doblus solidos emptori sue restituat," Cod. dip. Langob., col. 16. " See notes on p. 1. 8 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS Justinian Code similarly uses inferre fisco, aestimationem, argentum, pecuniam.^ Wherever the Latin document is used, this inferre has been preserved in the "stipulatio duplae," but, as a rule, in a misunderstood and much corrupted form. It will suffice to make a brief survey of the oldest sources. The double damages are mentioned in a Saint Gall donation of about the year 700,^ while in another, of the year 741, the mehoration formula appears, exactly as in the Langobard documents.^ Beginning with 751 inferre is used almost ex- clusively.'* The same has happened at Cluny, but the mean- ing of inferre was so obscure to the notaries that they added the words "componere, persolvere."^ The Formulae, too, contain the '^stipulatio duplae," with or without inferre, but generally very corrupt.^ The fate of inferre in the Spanish peninsula is interesting. In the Visigothic formulae we still have the sensible use of inferre, as in the Roman laws,^ but in the later Spanish- Portuguese period the notaries no longer knew what to make ^ B. Brisson, De verborum quae ad jvs pertinent significatione libri xix, Lipsiae 1721, p. 457. 2 "Si ego ipse aut ullus de heredis meos aut ulla opposita persona, qui con- tra hanc donationem istam agerit aut infrangere voluerit, inprimis iram Dei incurrat et tublum conponat," H. Wartmann, Urkundenbuch der Abtei Sand Gallen, vol. i, p. 2. ' " Duplum tantum, quanta ipsa res meUorata valuerit, eis coactus exsolvat," ibid., p. 7. ^ "Qui contra hanc firmitate ita veniri timtaverit, inferat contra ipsus sanctus auro libra una," ibid., p. 17; "qui contra hanc epistola donationis ambolale presumserit, inferat ad ipso loco sancto dubla repeticione" (752), ibid., p. 18; "inferat parte custodiente dobla repeticione," ibid., pp. 22, 23, 32, 37, et passim. ^ " Inferamus vobis vestrisque eredibus, una cum tercio fisco auri uncia una componat" (870), A. Bruel, Recueil des chartes de Vabbaye de Cluny, Paris 1876, vol. I, p. 16; "inferat nobis una cum socio auro uncias iiii componat" (873), ibid., p. 23; "tunc inferamus nos vobis uno cum tercio fisco auri uncia i com- ponat" (874), ibid., p. 24; "inferamus tibi cum tercia fisco auria hbera per- solvat" (874), ibid., p. 25, et passim. * See notes on p. 3. ' "Et insuper inferat vobis auri Ubras tantas," MGH., Formulae, p. 577. SOCIO FISCO 9 of it. While the Spanish documents generally employ it correctly/ the Portuguese use what appears to be a totally inexphcable doubling infer vel inferus,^ which in reality has arisen out of two persons of the verb, such as inferat vel inferamus, in a desire to agree, as in the first quotation, both with "aliquis homo" and with ''nos." This infera has been in Portuguese and Spanish understood to mean ''as far as," giving rise to ferre in ''reach as far," ^ usque fer in, fer in "up to." 4 The Langobard formula infer quidem is based either on the preceding Ostrogothic or on the borrowed Visigothic docu- ments. That such is the case is proved by the fact that the Lucca documents frequently have the same repetition as the ^ "Inferat in cauto" (899), Berganza, Antigiledades de Espana, p. 372; "con- ferat tibi quidquid petierit in dupplo" (912), ibid., p. 373; "conferat in cauto" (914), ibid., p. 374. * "Si quis tamen quo fieri non credimus aliquis homo uenerit uel uenerimus contra hac cartula inrumpendum de generis nostri uel de extraneis que in con- cilio post parte uestra deuindicare non potuerimus infer uel inferus quomodo pariemus uobis ilia ecclesia et ilia hereditate duplata uel triplata quantum ad uobis fuerit meliorata" (940), PMH., Dip. et chart., p. 31; "tunc infera uel I infera pars nostra partique vestra" (949). ibid., p. 34; "tunc infera uel ininfera pars nostra partique uestre " (952) , ibid., p. 38; " infera uel infera parie uobis " (964), ibid., p. 54; "infera uel infra pars nostra" (964), ibid., pp. 56, 57; "in- feram uel inferam pars nostra" {971); ibid., p. 65; "infera uel infera pariemus uobis" (984), ibid., p. 89; "inferat uel infera pars mea" (985), ibid., p. 94; " infra uel infra pars nostra" (1044), ibid., p. 203. * "Ad ilium portum de Porrarium, et feret in ilium riuolum de Homanum . . . et conclude per ilium riuolum, descendit cum ille per Vaor, et idem per ripas et pergit per terminos de Populeros et feret in riuolum chane . . . usque feret, et item per ilium portum de Ferraria . . . ei feret in ilia semita antiqua ad illas veredas de Mamonela, et pergit per ilia vereda antiqua" (791), Fray- Antonio de Yepes, Coronica general de la orden de San Benito, Patriarca de Religiosos, 1609-1621, vol. iv, p. 448b "et pergit usque ad montem et ferit in ilia mamola" (957), PMH., Dip. et chart., p. 42. « "Fer in ilia fonte" (873), PMH., Dip. et chart., p. 1 ; "et inde ad ille sumio usque fer ad ilia uia trauessa . . . et per ilia fonte usque fer in illo ribolum . . . et fer in illo molino . . et per illos coUos ad ilia petragosa usqv^ fer in illo forno" (907), ibid., p. 10; "et fere in suari" (960), ibid., p. 50; "per riuulo homine et fere in suari . . . usque fere in homine . . . et inde ad fonte coua et fere in illo vallo" (960), ibid., p. 51; "usque fere in comaro . . . et fere super canale" (961), ibid., p. 52. 10 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS Spanish ones/ which is unprecedented outside of the older Gothic countries. It is, therefore, necessary to assume that infer quidem loco, which is the most common formula, must stand for "infer quid in eo loco (simili modo sub extimatione quale tunc fueret unde agitur)," or a similar phrase. 1 wiU now show that socio fisco has given rise to the Gothic sagio, saio and a number of similar important derivations. Mommsen, who has so often pointed out in general outlines the Roman origin of Ostrogothic institutions, has shown that the saio is the Gothic equivalent for the Roman agens in rebus, that is, that he is the executive officer carrying out the decrees of his superior among the Goths as well as among the Romans.^ Cassiodorus once couples a saio, who is always a ^ "Ispondimus vobis componere ipsa sujirascripta sala, vel res, quos tibi dedi in duplum ferquidem, et infer quidem loco sub extimationem quale tunc fueret undeagitur" (773), Mem. e doc. . . d. Lucca, vol. iv^, p. 131; "ipsa re dupla, fer quidem, infer quide loco, sub extimatione cum quo, aut qualis tunc fuerint" (774), ibid., p. 132; "in tripum, fer quide, et in ferquide loco" (782), ibid., p. 143; "in duplum, fer quidem, et infer quide7n" (779), ibid., vol. v 2, pp. 100, 101. 2 "Theoderich hat aber den romischen agens in rebus nicht bloss sich an- geeignet, sondern die Institution auch auf die Gothen erstreckt. Der co- mitiacus seiner Erlasse zwar ist immer ein Romer, aber zuweilen daneben und dann an erster Stelle, haufiger allein tritt ein anderer Subalternbeamter auf, gothisch bezeichnet als saio und ohne Ausnahme gothischer Nationalitat. Welche germanische Institution dabei zu Grunde liegt, muss dahingestellt bleiben; wie uns dieser Saio entgegentritt, ist er einfach der agens in rebus ge- geniiber den Unlerthanen gothischen Rechts. Wie die Soldateneigenschaft bei dem agens in rebus schon durch die Nationalitat ausgeschlossen wird, so kommt sie auch dem Saio nicht zu ; aber der Sache nach tritt der age7is wesentlich als Soldat auf und dasselbe gilt ebenso sehr, wenn nicht noch in hoherem Grade von dem Saio. Auch seine Thatigkeit besteht in der Uebermittelung der koniglichen Befehle jeglichen Inhalts an den oder die davon betroffenen Per- sonen und der Ueberwachung ihi-er Ausfiihrung; bezeichnend fur seine Stellung ist es, dass er da verwendet wird, wo die Execution der Lokalbehorden nicht ausreicht und dass bei Ladungen vor Gericht ihm der doppelte Betrag dessen zukommt, was nach der von Theoderich aufgestellten Taxe dem Executor der Provinzialbehorde an Sporteln zu zahlen ist. Mit dem Nebeneinanderstehen des agens in rebus und des saio wird zusammenhangen, dass allgemeine juris- dictionelle Anzeigen und Anordnungen, zum Beispiel die Anzeige der Ueber- nahme einer Person in die spezielle konigliche Tuition und die Anweisung zur Ergreifung fliich tiger Verbrecher rcgelmassig an die die romischen Behorden SOCIO FISCO 11 Goth, with a Roman apparitor ^ and a Roman comitiacus,^ and Mommsen has shown that a comitiacus, comitianus, ducicus, or ducianus was an apparitor, hence officially identi- cal with the saio.^ Cassiodorus correctly says of a saio that he is the executor of the royal will/ but the word executor is also applied to a Roman,^ who is a comes,^ but, to judge from his title, devotio tua, and the mission on which he is sent, filled the duty generally exacted from a saio. Devotio tua is applied only to an apparitor, exsecutor, or saio,'^ while vir devotus is equally said of a comitiacus or comitianus.^ It is, therefore, clear that devotio tua was the usual honorific title of an executive officer. It was already in use in the fourth century in regard to a prefect^ and some other officer, ^° and devotus was in the Theodosian Code frequently employed to designate a soldier who paid his taxes promptly, so that it nearly corresponded to the term fidelis, with which we shall meet later on. It is, then, obvious that the saio was consid- ered as the trusted servant of the king or judge, ^^ whose chief duty consists in "taking away, confiscating" in the name of the judicial authority, as is specffically mentioned in the gerichtet wurden. Fiir die Gesammtauffassung der germanischen Reichsverweser- schaft ist das Institut dieser saiones in hohem Grade belehrend. Wer sich dem Augenschein nicht verschliesst, muss erkennen, dass so, wie Theoderich es gestaltet hat, es ebenso der praktische Ausdruck der personellen Omnipotenz des Herrschers ist wie das der agenles in rebus und also das Regiment Theo- derichs iiber die Gothen eben dasselbe war, welches der Kaiser des Westreichs uber die in seinem Dienst stehenden Auslander iibte oder doch iiben soUte," Ostgothische Studien, in Neues Archiv, vol. xiv, p. 472 ff. 1 "Triwilae saioni et Ferrocincto apparilori," iii. 20. 2 "Dumerit saioni et Florentiano uiro devoto comitiano," viii. 27. ^ Variae, p. 470. * " lussionis nostrae, cuius executor esse debuit," vii. 42; "in executore illud est pessimum, si iudicis relinquat arbitrium," xii. 3. 5 I. 8. ^ IV. 5. ' II. 21, 1. 8, IV. 47, V. 10, V. 27, xii. 3. ^ ^ jq, viii. 27. » Cod. Theod., vii. 20. 1 (318). 10 Ibid., VII. 22. 2 (326). " "Non sayonis de rege ingressio" (955), T. Munoz y Romero, Colecdon de fueros municipales, p. 31. 12 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS ancient Gaudenzian fragment of the Visigothic laws. ^ Hence the extended formula '^ socio fisco coactus exsolvat," which we have so frequently met, was distinctly understood to mean, ''let him pay, having been compelled by the socio fisci," that is, this socio produced the Gothic sagio, saio, "confiscator." From this sagio, saio, whose original form was socio, as preserved in Merovingian saciharo, is derived the Spanish sacar "to take away by force, confiscate," - hence, "to take away from the country, export."^ Similar meanings have developed for the word in Portugal, where it means "to take away, confiscate," ^ hence, "to collect the fine," wherefore ^ "Qui ad iudicium iudicatum non reddiderit debitum et contempserit in duobus mensibus, interpellet creditor regem et iudicem, qui transmittat sagionem cum ipso, et tollat sagio ille de substantia eius, quod ipsum debitum possit valere, quantum creditori sue restituere iussus fuerat, et reddat credi- tori," MGH., Lex Visig., p. 470. 2 "Villano pro pignos sacare per forcia" (955), Munoz y Romero, Coleccion de fueros, p. 31; "uilla de Tauroni medietatem, quomodo ilia saccauimus pro judicato de filios de Froila Osorizi" (988), Espana sagrada, vol. xl, p. 406; "et post ea uenit domino agenare deosane et uoluit ilia forgare de tota omnia sua ereditate promentira . . . etnonpotuit ilia ereditate sakare" (1044), Coleccion de documentos para el estudio de la historia de Aragon, Zaragoza [1904], vol. i, p. 58; "si tale ho mine exierit de ilia gente de ista domina que ad regi uoleant sakare de ista binea quod istos fidiatores iam dictos ponant ad regi in aUo loco" (1061), ibid., p. 170; "abuerunt contemtione vicinos de votaia cum abbate domno blasco, dicentes quod partem aberent in supradicto monte et per lege et iudicio de rege domno ranimiro et de suos barones sakavit eos exinde abbate domno blasco," ibid., p. 193; "quod nullus homo non sacet vos inde de illas hereditates" (1147), Espana sagrada, vol. xxxv, p. 416; "et fuit ipso barrio sakato a parte regalengo" (1071), Indice de los documentos del monasterio de Sahagun, de la Orden de San Benito, Madrid 1874, p. 17; "et saco nobis de istas hereditates" (1131), ibid., p. 26; "et sag«o inde saion et merinus et homicido et roxum" (1137), ibid., p. 28. ^ "Estes ommes sobre dichos que son puestos en estos puertos cuenten todas las mercadurias que quisieren por y sacar. . . Sy algimd mercadero o otro omme fuere fallado en todos mios rreynos sacando ninguno auer por mar nin por tierra delos que yo defiendo, por ninguna parte fuera deles rreynos" (1268), Cortes de los antiguos reinos de Leon y de Costilla, Madrid 1861, vol. i, p. 75. * "Et damus nobis illos in oferzionem pro que nobis sacastis linpio de con- zelio et sano pro parte de illo iudizio que noscum abuit aderedo" (991), PMH., Dip. et chart., p. 99; "et si homo intrauerit in casa aliena per forcia quantum inde saccauerit duplet et si nullam cauaam saccauerit quinque solidos ad pala- SOCIO FISCO 13 sacator is the "collector of fines," that is, almost identical with saio.''- In modern Spanish and Portuguese la saca is *' export." A passage in Ebn Khaldun shows that the custom of sur- rounding the sovereign with a bodyguard of saiones was imitated from the Spaniards, for it was first practiced by the Mowahhids of Spain, and the very name applied to such a bodyguard, sdqah, shows its derivation from sagio, sacare.^ In the tenth century Arab, sdqah had the meaning of ''rear guard." That it meant *'a rear guard acting as a protection" is evident from Greek craKa, which was in that century bor- rowed from the Arabs. ^ This cra/ca was charged with the care of the sick and the feeble and their belongings,^ wherefore it naturally carried off all the plunder, as is shown from the quotations in the Romance languages and from the use of saccomannus "plunderer," saccomannum "plunder" in cium" (11. cent.), ihid., Leg. et consuet., vol. i, p. 346; "qvi boues eiecerit de ero ubi ararent aut saccauerit la clauila aut desturbauerit quod non aren" (12. cent.), ibid., p. 192. ^ "Et quicumque contra decretum uel decreta mea que ibi sunt scripta uendiderit uel momparauerit . . . pectet duplatum illud quod magis uendiderit quam positum est in decreto. Et ad istos incautos saquandos mitto hominem meum Martinum Pelagii quod saquet eos ut dictum est per se uel per alios sacatores cum meis scribanis de uillis quos ipse ponere uoluerit," ibid., p. 753. 2 " (Les Mowahhids et les souverains de la famille de Zenata) restreignirent I'usage des drapeaux et des tymbales au sultan, et les interdirent k tons sea lieutenants: ils en firent le cortege special qui devoit accompagner le sultan quand il marchoit, et qu' on designoit sous le nom de saka. Le nombre en fut plus ou moins grand, suivant les usages particuliers adoptes par chaque dynas- tie: les uns se bornoient a sept, comme k un nombre qui porte bonheur; tel etoit I'usage des Mowahhids, et de la famille des Benou' lahmar, en Espagne," S. de Sacy, Chrestomathie arabe, Paris 1826, vol. ii, p. 266. 3 " 'O Se ap)^iiiv Twv iripiav ef twv OTrtcrBiuiv, roiv kol craKa KaXov/xiviav avSpas KOL auTos acftopLaa^ iKarbv fieO^ i^yc/i-ovos Ttvos c/XTretpoii, earco aTTO oiacTTrjfxaTO'i TTcptTraTCiv Ik tcov ovLcrOev eva Koi avToi KaracrKOTraJcrt, toS fxrt Kara vojtov tovtol<; dSoKryrws iTrcXOetv Tou? 7roAep,tous," Hepl KaTaardcrewi aTrXrJKTov, in R. Vari, Incerti scriptoris hyzantini saeculi X, Liber de re miliiari, Lipsiae 1901, in Index sub craKa. ^ " T-^V Se XoLTTTjV StSovat TOtS TOV (TOiKa, OTTW? iK£LVOL TOVS TrXrjyaTOVi TOUS oe TO. iavT(i)V aTroAwXeKoras dXoya Kal [xr] Svvafxevow; Tre^ercrai cKetVous re avTov6pTov avruiv" ibid. 14 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS Italian documents.^ From the formula '^ponere ad sacco- manum^^ has arisen the Spanish phrase "dar saco mano/' " to plunder," while Italian saccardo, saccheggiare, French sac- eager, have developed from the shorter saccum ''plunder." But this saccomannus, which in the form saccomanno is com- mon in Lombardy, is unquestionably of Langobard origin, even as it occurs as sagibaro in the Salic laws, and as sagibaro and sagemannus in the Anglo-Saxon laws. It does not appear clearly from the Salic law what the sagibaro was, but he is called a "puer regius," that is, "servant or soldier of the king," 2 hence he belongs in the same category as the an- trustio.^ One law, which is very obscure in language, says that there cannot be more than three of them at one mal- loberg, and that they are in some way connected with the collection of money,* hence it is obvious that they are in the same category with the thungini. This is proved conclu- sively from the Anglo-Saxon law where a sagibaro is con- sidered as of equal rank with an alderman and is in Anglo- Saxon called "gethungen/^ ^ which is in complete agreement with the Pithoean gloss "sacebarone: dicuntur quasi sena- tores." I shall show further on that certain cases at law could 1 "Volebant et iam incoeperant saccomanare civitatem," Muratori, Scrip- tares, vol. XII, col. 481; "una nocte pernoctaverunt, multas pulchras domos et palatia cum aedificiis saccomannando et comburendo," ibid., vol. xvi, col. 328; "nee de saccomanno, tamquam nobilissimus stirpe, curabat," ibid., col. 348; "et ipsam Placentiam vi acceperunt post obsidionem 32. dierum, et ut asseritur ipsam ad saccomannum posuerunt," ibid., vol. xi, col. 279; "deinde iverunt versus Pisaurum et quatuor castra posuerunt ad depraedationem seu ad sac- comanum," ibid., vol. xix, col. 894; "item, quia domum praefati dom. Car- dinalis postea pergentes, Sanctitatis vestrae ultra omnem modestiam, posita fuit ad saccamannum in Luca," Martene & Durand, Thesaurus novus anecdo- torum, vol. ii, col. 1396. ^ "Si quis sacebarone qui puer regius fuit occiderit," liv. 2. ^ "Qui antrusionem quo puer regius est occiserit," Recap. B. 32. * " Sacibaronis xero in singulis mallibergis plus quam tres non debent esse, et si de causas de quod aliquid eis solvuntur, factum dixerint, hoc ad grafionem non requiratur unde ille securitatem fecerit," liv, 4. ^ "Si quis in domo aldermanni uel alterius sagz6aroms pugnet, gif hwa on ealdormonnes huse gefeohte otJe on oSres gecJungenes witan," Ine 6. 2. SOCIO FISCO 15 not be introduced by the plaintiff in person, but only through the thunginus or sacibaro, hence saciharo, sacimannus came to mean, not only ''collector of money, confiscator," but also "spokesman, accuser," ^ and hence the Germanic languages, with the exception of the Gothic, have developed from this sagi- the root sag- ''speak." That it originally meant "to speak for the plaintiff, accuse" is proved by the Slavic lan- guages where sok is "accuser," while in Russian it means "accuser, spy, denunciator" and the verb socW means "to find out, hunt up, chase," even as Lithuanian sakiti "to hunt," Finnish sakka "speech, announcement," Olrish saig- "tendere, petere, adire" are derived from this Germanic sag- "to prosecute at court." On Romance territory sag- has stopped at the original meaning "to confiscate." From the eleventh century on the sources are abundant as to the fact that after a piece of prop- erty was adjudicated to the plaintiff, he had to "seize" the property by force, and that such seizure was by no means a mild affair is seen from the equation of saisia and invasio.^ In Normandy private seizure was counted among the heavy crimes,^ but it was prescribed by law if the courts had prop- erly adjudicated the property, and even the king could not seize church property without due process of law.^ Here we 1 "In causis ubi iudex fiscalis aliquem inplacitet de socna sua sine alio ac- cusatore, sine sagemanno,?,\ne inuestitura," Leg. Henrici 63. 1; "non attraho mihi hoc N pro amicitia uel inimicitia uel pro iniusto lucro, nee uerius inde scio, quam mihi sagemannus meus dixit," Oath formula 4. 2 " Invasionem, vulgari vocabulo saisiam dictam, propria manu facere," H. Morice, Memoires pour servir de preuves d I'histoire eccUsiastiqu^ et civile de Bretagne, Paris 1742, vol. i, col. 591. 3 "Si clericus raptum fecerit vel furtum, vel aliquem percusserit . . . aut assultum fecerit, aut aliquid saisierit" (1080), Teulet, Layettes du Tresor des chartes, vol. i, p. 27. < "Si episcopi aliquid quod hie non sit scriptum in regis curia monstrare possunt se habuisse tempore Roberti comitis vel Willelmi regis, ejus conces- sione, rex eis non toUit quin bene habeant; tantummodo illud nuUatenus seisiscant, donee in curia ejus monstrarent quod habere debeant. Similiter et laicis propter hoc scriptum rex nil tollit quod in curia regis monstrare possint 16 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS have not only seisiscere 'Ho take possession," but also disai- siscere "to dispossess." Similar meanings are given to sai- sire and dissaisire in Norman England,^ where on account of the forcible occupation of the land no other title than the one by seisin was valid.^ An older form for this dissaisire has had a checkered career in the Italian formula of dispossession in Carolingian docu- ments. In the Frankish werpicio the customary expression is "se exitum dicere, facere," ^ also "se exutum facere." ^ The whole formula, even as the werpicio itself, has arisen from the late Roman traditio, wherefore we find in the Ostrogothic documents "se exzsse excessisse discessisseque dicere." ° As the tendency was to substitute foris for ex,^ we get the ex- episcopos non debere habere ; tantummodo episcopos inde non disaisscant, donee in curia sit monstratum quod episcopi inde habere non debeant," ibid., p. 28. 1 "Si quis hominem habeat qui ei nolit esse ad rectum, si quid de eo tenet, post legittimam submonicionem saisiri faciat," Leg. Henrid 61. 18c; "post- quam aliquis dissaisitus legem uel rectum domino suo uadiauerit et plegios, si opus est, addiderit, saisitus esse debet," ibid., 53. 6. 2 K. E. Digby, An Introduction to the History of Real Property, Oxford 1884, P-92#. • ... 3 ' ' Per durpilum et f estucam sibi f oras exitum, alienum vel spohatum in omm- bus esse di.xit, et omnia werpivit," MGH., Formulae, p. 492, and similarly pp. 188, 190, 200, 210, 492, 547; "permea fistuca de jamdictarem illsi exitum feci" (870), Bibl. de I'Ec. des chartes, vol. Lxrx, p. 661; "se in omnibus dixit exitum," ibid.; "se in omnebus de ipso monasthyriolo . . . dixit esse exitum" (703), Tardif, op. cit., p. 35; "sibi exinde dixit esse exitum" (750), ibid., p. 44; "unde et ipse Gerardus ex praedictos teloneos se exitum dixit coram eis" (759), Cartulaire general de Pans, vol. i, p. 29; "se exinde in presenti dixit esse exi' turn" (703), Lauer and Samaran, Les dipldmes originaux des Merovingiens, Paris 1908, p. 21; "ut de ipsas villas se exigere fecisset" (782), Devic and Vais- sete, op. cit., vol. ii, Preuves, col. 50. * "Supradictas rebus se exutum fecit" (870), Bibl. de I'Ec. des chartes, vol. LEX, p. 261. * "Inque bacuam possessionem rei ss. supra venditor eundem emptori ac- toresque ejus in rem ire mittere ingredi possidereque permisit hac (ac) suos omnes inde ex eadem rem exisse excessisse dissesseque dixit" (540), Marini, / pap. dipl., p. 175; "omnes soUdos (suous) inde exisse excessisse dixique dixit" (540), ibid., p. 180; "se suosque omnes inde exsisse excessisse descessisseque dicxerunt" (539 or 546), ibid., p. 173; "suos omnes inde exisse et excessisse discessique dixit" (572), ibid., p. 184; "se suosque omnes exinde exisse exces- sisse discessisseque dixit" (end of 6. cent.), ibid., p. 185. 6 " Dico me meosque omnes exinde a presenti dieforas exissent"{7QQ), HPM., vol. XIII, col. 71. SOCIO FISCO 17 pression forisfacere, which originally had the meaning 'Ho commit a misdemeanor," but now acquired the additional meaning ''to forfeit." ^ But far more popular was ahsacire for "to give up possession/' and this word not being clearly understood it has assumed a large number of extravagant forms. 2 /Saa're never became veiy popular in Italy. Although sasire, sagire, saxire, xasire are recorded since the twelfth century ^ and dissagire, resagire were used in the south/ these forms give way to the much more frequent staggire, which, however, has arisen in an entirely different manner. In 361 the Romans promulgated a law of hospitale ius,^ ^ "De qua suprascripta et predesignata proprietate terre et case cooperte et discoperte ex toto per omnia et in omnibus, et etiam desuper omnia me Joris jado et ipsam in tua potestate relinquo et refuto" (1218), F. Cornelius, Ec- clesiae Venetae, Venetiis 1749, vol. ix, p. 388. The notary of this document has raised the notarial style to an art by quoting every known formula of antiquity. The whole document is unique. 2 Absacito (814), HPM., vol. i, col. 40; absasito (890), ibid., vol. xiii, cols. 576, 910, 912, 1033; 1078, 1079, vol. i, cols. 165, 169, 183, 189; absasiia (991), ibid., vol. I, cols. 288, 306, 610; absascito (990), ibid., vol. xiii, col. 1502; abasa- sito (903), ibid., col. 1332; absito (976), ibid., col. 1357; absasisilo (973), ibid., col. 1306; absaxito (928), ibid., col. 895, vol. i, cols. 302, 505; absarcito (986), Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. iv, col. 843; absarsito (966), HPM., vol. i, col. 209; apsasire (980), ibid., col. 258; absilitum (995), Ughelli, o-p cit., vol. iii, col. 39; adsasito (999), HPM., vol. xiii, cols. 1758, 1761; assassito (999), ibid., col. 1763, vol. I, col. 592; ausasito (967), ibid., col. 1222; autsasilo (966), ibid., col. 1213; hautsasito (936), ibid., vol. i, col. 140; absesi (979), U. Pasqui, Documenti per la storia della ciitd, di Arezzo, Firenze 1899, p. 109; asentam (963), HPM., vol. xiii, col. 1157; asentem, ibid., vol. i, cols. 614, 669; absentes, ibid., cols. 551, 566, 585, 600; apsente, ibid., cols. 558, 637. ' L. Frati, Statuti di Bologna, vol. iii, in the Vocabulary. "lura et bona ad prefatum monasterium pertinentia sepissime occupavimus, seysivimus, per- turbavimus per bannum et per alias oppressiones innumeras . . . omnem vim cuiuscumque oppressionis, occupationis, seysicionis inferende in homines" (1212), Bullettino delV istituto storico italiano, vol. xviii, p. 113. * "Iniuste et sine ratione inextitit dissagitus" (1185), Camera, Storia . . . di Amalfi, vol. i, p. 368; "Goffridus iniuste et sine iudicio sola auctoritate sua dissagivit ecclesiam sancti Nicolai de quibusdam terris suis de ecclesia sancti Petri de scavezulis . . . eandem ecclesiam resagiri facias de ipsis terris sicut inde prius sagita fuerat" (1180), Cod. dip. barese, vol. v, p. 250; "Goffridus Gentile dissagivit ecclesiam beati Nicolai auctoritate et vi sua de quibusdam terris . . . Goffridus Gentile resagivit predictam ecclesiam" (1196), ibid., vol. vi, p. 5. 6 Cod. Theod. vii. 8. 1. 18 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS according to which soldiers and servants of the state were to be billeted in private houses. This was merely an extension of a previous usage, for in 333 teachers were exempted from the burden of keeping hospites,^ and ten years later the clergy were included in this inamunity.^ With these exceptions no one could be freed from the obligation,^ by which a third of the house was turned over to the metatores or mensores, as the billeting officers were called. The Germans, as is well known, appropriated to themselves a third of the Roman possessions, where they considered themselves to be the hospites, or two thirds, where they looked upon the Romans as in their service. To this I shall return later. Here I shall only mention that the right of quartering, hospitaticum, hospitalitas, hospitium, is asserted throughout the Middle Ages, when it was frequently attended by violence.^ The Germans correctly translated hospitium by heriberga ''sol- diers' quarters," ^ which has produced English harbour "pro- tection," harbinger ''metator, billeting officer." In Anglo- Saxon the word is lacking, and Norse heriberga is obviously borrowed from the German. As hospes was a person who was quartered upon another, it naturally lent itself as a synonoym for ''surety, warrantee, 1 xm. 3. 3. 2 XVI. 2. 8. 3 "Ab hospitalitatis mimere domum privatorum nullus excuset," vii. 8. 3, * "Quando etiam Episcopos, Abbates, vel Comites, seu fidelium nostrorum quempiam in propria villa morari contigerit, cxun suis in suis maneant domibus, ne sub obtentu hospiti vicinos opprimant, vel eorum bona diripiant," Synodus Tycinensis ann. 855; "ut in domibus Ecclesiarnm neque missus, neque comes, vel judex quasi pro consuetudine neque placitum, neque hospitium vindicent," Concilium annonym. ann. 904; " preterea concedimus predictis civibus (Luccae), ut nostrum regale palatium intra civitatem vel in burgo eorum non hedificent aut inibi vi vel polestate hospitia capiantur" (1081), J. Ficker, Urkunden zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, Innsbruck 1874, p. 125; "at vero homines Uchezoni, canonico super ipsam terram bis quiete hospitaio, tunc tercio per vim eiecerunt" (1138), ibid., p. 153; "nullaque imperii nostri magna vel parva persona . . . molestare, divestire, angariare vel violenter hospitare . . . av4- eat," ibid., p. 270. ^ " Hospitalitalem quem vulgo herbergiam vocant," J. Laurent, Cartulaire de Molesme, p. 151. SOCIO FISCO 19 hostage." In the Cronicae of Fredegar hospes is used exclu- sively for ''hostage," ^ and the same expression is employed in the letters of Paul I. to Pipin.^ In the eleventh century the Prankish documents suddenly begin to substitute Jiostis for hospes in the threefold meaning of "guest, renter, and surety," so that there can be no doubt as to their identity. Fortunately we have the documentary history of this change. In 904 Berengarius issued for the church at Asti an immu- nity, which has been very frequently repeated until late into the eleventh century. Here the phrase occurs, ''nulla deni- que magna parvaque publica persona eos hostaticum facere compellat," ^ where hostaticum can be nothing but in hostem ire, " to take part in military expeditions," of the older docu- ments. The ending -aticum was generally used for taxes, hence the incomprehensible word of the much quoted im- munity was transferred to the exemption from certain obli- gations,"* where it apparently had no definite meaning. In * " Quart! plures hospitibus ab eis accepit," MGH., Scrip, rer. vierov., vol. ii, p. 177; "hospites dederunt mutuo," p. 196; "dederunt invicem mutuo hos- pites," p. 197; "receptis hospitibus," p. 197; "datis hospitibus et mutuo ac- ceptis," p. 198. Krusch (Neues Archiv, vol. vii, p. 513), who did not see the relation between hospes and hostis, said as follows: "Sehr merkwiirdig ist ferner die Verwechslung von 'obsides' und 'hospites'; Geiseln nennt der frankische Verfasser der Origo stets 'hospites.'" 2 "Ut nostros ad tuam Excellentiam dirigere debeamus Missos, et suos hospites, quos ibidem ad vos habere videtur, recipere debeat . . . ut jubeas ipsos hospites praedicto filio nostro Desiderio Regi restitutere" (762), Troya, Cod. dipl., vol. v, p. 193/.; "neque praelatos hospites permittitis parti Lango- bardorum restituere" (764 or 758), ibid., p. 264. ' L. Schiaparelli, I diplami di Berengario I., Roma 1903, p. 148; ostaticum (918), ibid., p. 310; ostiaticum (1037), Codice diplomatico padovano dal secolo sesto a tutto I'undecimo, p. 151; ostaticum (1047), ibid., p. 184. * "Et sint liberi et soluti cum omnibus suis adiacentiis, vineis, campis, olive- tis, cultis et incultis, mobilibus et immobilibus, Toloneis Ripaticis Hostia- ticis" (969), Odorici, Storie Bresciane, vol. iv, p. 96; "et nullus potestative in eorum mansionibus ingredi temptet, nemoque illos de eorum proprietatibus absque imperiali iudicio audeat investire, Ripaticum, tholoneum, hostiaticum, aut aliquam publicam functionem ab eis aliquid exigat" (1155), ibid., vol. v, p. 107; " et cedimus illis per hanc nostri precepti vel concessionis paginam porta- ticum toloneum ripaticum et opstaticum et absque aliqua pubUca functione quiete vivere" (969), MGH., Diplomata regum, vol. i, p. 511. 20 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS France, where this immunity must have originated, hos- taticum was in the eleventh century considered a synonym for hospitaticum, and was used wherever derivatives from hospes had been employed before, that is, for "surety" ^ and for the taxes of the hospes, the emphyteutic peasant.^ To this was soon added hostis for hospes, and thus arose the modern French hole, Stage, hotel, etc., while in Italy ostaticum, ostagium, under the influence of sagire, produced stazire, stagire "confiscate," stasina "confiscation."^ This stazire was understood as extasire, and to this was formed intesire, intensire, tesire, tensire^ 1 "Miserunt se in ostaticum de jamdictis comite et comitissa et illorum filio- rum apud Gerundam . . . inde omnes istos ostaticos praedictos aut unum aut duos ex illis, faciant emendare ipsum omne malum . . . et si aliquis de praedictis ostalicis mortuus fuerit, jamdicti vicecomes et vicecomitissa mittant alium ostaticum vol alios non minus valentes in potestatem jamdicti comitis" (1070), Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. v, col. 577 ff.; "dabit ostaticos decem, quales ipsa comitissa voluerit, de ipso onore que non 1' al tolla ni I'al anpar" (1083), Teulet, op. cit., vol. i, p. 29; "dans, post se, octo ostacios per fides suas . . . Isti eiquidem tenebunt tamdiu ostagium suum secundum mansiones suas . . . quamdiu unusquisque moras habuerit in reddendum centum solidos" (1093), G. Musset, Cartulaire de Saint-Jean d'Angely, in Archives de la Saintonge et de I'Aunis, vol. XXX, p. 235. 2 " De hostagiis autem, id est censibus domorum, quoniam inolevit nequitia ut plerumque post longos temporum decursus et generationum permutationes hi qui hostagia debent ea ab Ecclesia abalienare et sciscitantes unde ea de- beant libertatem quam nee habent nee habere debent, sibi usurpare eontendunt, dignum ac necessarium duxi, loca ipsa in quibus et de quibus debentur, eoa quoque qui debent nominatim discernere," Van Drival, Cartulaire de VAbbaye de Saint-Vaast d' Arras, Arras 1875, p. 102 /. ^ "Staziri vel sequestrari," F. Bonaini, Statuti inediti dellacitta di Pisa, vol. I, p. 232; "stasina," ibid., p. 232, etc. * "Praedari vel intesiri, vel in praedam aliquo casu concedi," Statuta Lucen- sis civitatis 1539, lib. i, cap. clix, " Intensina seu sequestrum intensire," Liber statutorum Arretii 1580, p. 104; "Teneatiu" potestas in continenti facta accusa- tione vel documentatione de aliquo maleficio perpetrato vel commisso ab aliqua persona, invenire vel f acere et tesire {tensire) vel tesiri faeere bona omnia accusate persone," L. Zdekauer, Statutum potestatis comunis Pistorii, p. 115/. DUCENARIUS The chief judge of the Salic and the Ribuarian Franks is called comes or grafio. In the early Merovingian documents the two terms are not identical, because the grafio is men- tioned after the comes. ^ The grafio has arisen from the merg- ing of a number of different offices to which the honorific title 'Hua gravitas" was attached. In the Theodosian Code this refers to the praefectus praetorio,'^ praefectus urhi,^ vica- rius,"^ praeses,^ dux.^ Cassiodorus thus addresses senators and magistrates/ and in several documents in Ostrogothic times high acting city officials receive this title. ^ Now the Theo- dosian Code classes the following ofiicers together, praefectus praetorio, vicarius, rector provinciae, and places them before the minor judges, hence we get for them very nearly the rank of the Frankish grafio of early times. But it is in England where this grafio, a contraction of gravitas, has been pre- served in all the various offices to which the title rightly be- longed. The Latin praepositus, praefectus, vicecomes are given as equivalents of AS. grefe, greve,^ and the compounds port- grevius ''city provost," tunesgerefa "praefectus de villa," weardgerefa "prepositus custodum" show that greve and gravitas are identical as regards the duties they had to per- form. 1 MGH., Dipl, p. 58 (693), and in other documents, even in Carolingian times: " virisque inlustribus, ducihus, comitibus, domesticis, grafionibics,viGaTus, centenariis eonmaque iunioribus" (816), MGH., Formulae, p. 307. 2 VII. 4. 9, VIII. 5. 3, XIV. 3. 20. ^ xiv. 4. 2. * vi. 35. 4. ^ II. 6. 2, VI. 31. 1. * VIII. 4. 4. ^ Variae, in Vocabulary, sub gravitas. 8 "Una cum vestra gravitate oportet praesentibus actoribus traditionem fieri" (489), Marini, I pap. dipl, p. 129; "vestram Reatinae Civitatis municipes gravitatem . . . fidej ussorem vestrae praebeo gratn^aii" (557), ibid., p. 122/. * Liebermann, Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, in Vocabulary. 22 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS In the Ribuarian law grajio is the translation of "index fiscalis," ^ but he is once distinguished from the comes, '^ even as he is several times mentioned along with the comes in the Salic law,^ but in the latter case the two seem already to be confounded, for while certain laws speak of the comes, "^ corresponding laws mention him as grajio. The comes or grajio was the higher judge, but by his side there existed a judge sitting in minor cases, whose duty finally deteriorated into that of an executor, a confiscator. That was the tunginus, who developed out of the Roman ducenarius. Suetonius tells us that Augustus introduced a new order of ducenarii who sat in minor cases, ^ and from Eusebius and Cyprian we learn that the dignity was coveted by many,^ since, as we are told by Suetonius, the procurator ducena- rius was invested with consular dignity,^ and St. Jerome placed him immediately after the senator.^ In the fourth century the ducenarius is mentioned by the side of the cen- tenarius, while his office is called ducena,^ and the dignity of the ducenarius was still recognized in the fifth century. ^° The 1 LI, LIII, LXXXIV. 2 LXXXVIII. ^ "In mallo iudici, h. e. comite aut grafione," Cap. ii. 3; "sic debet iudex, hoc est comes aut grajio, ad loco accedere," iii. 1. ^ Cap. IX. 1, Extravag. B. 1, 2. ^ "Ad tres judicum decurias quartam addidit, ex inferiori censu quam Ducenariorum vocaretur, judicaretque de levioribus causis," In Augustum, cap. XXXII. ^ "Sublatusque fuit mundanis dignitatibus : ducenarius potius quam episco- pus vocari volens," Cyprianus I Epis. iv; Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, vii. 30. ^ "Ornamenta consularia etiam procuratoribus ducenariis indulsit," In Claudium, cap. xxxiv. ^ "Post tribunum primicerius, deinde senator, ducenarius, biarchus, circitor, eques," Ad Pammachum. * " Primipilaribus post emeritam militiam, perfectissimatus, vel ducenae, vel centenae, vel egregiatus dari potest" (317), Cod. Theod. viii. 4. 3; "Caesari- anos in actu dumtaxat constitutes, ad perfectissimatus, vel ducenae bel cen- tenae, vel egregiatus dignitates non opportet admitti" (317), ibid., x. 7. 1, and XII. 1. 5. ^° "Sumentibus ducenariis principatum banc tribuimus facultatem, ut hia pro se Uberos ac fratres suos in eadem militia serenitatis nostrae nutu liceat DUCENARIUS 23 ducenarii were apparently somewhat arbitrary in their methods, for their transgressions in executing orders called forth severe measures against them, and it was especially provided for that they could not summon a debtor without due warrant, and in case of false arrest they were severely punished.^ The Frankish tunginus, thunginus is in every particular identical with the ducenarius. He is mentioned with the centenarius, but ob\dously as occupying a higher position. ^ The Pithoean glosses say that the thunginus is the judge who comes after the count and who elsewhere is called decanus.^ The thunginus, like the ducenarius, collects debts, but only with a due warrant, and, mindful of the severe punishment meted out to him in case of false arrest, is very slow in bring- ing the debtor into court. The law of the year 315 com- pletely explains the procedure in De fides factas. If a freeman or letus has loaned money to a person and cannot collect it, he summons him to court nexti canthichius, saying, ''I ask you, thunginus, nexti canthichus gasacio meo him who owes me the money." Then the thunginus must say, "nexthe conlocare" (396), ihid., vi. 23. 8; "qui ex agentum in rebus numero, militae ordine ac labore decurso, ducenae dignitatis meruerit principatum, aut qui viro inlustri magistro oflBciorum, ut probatus fuit adiutor, eo tempore quo iam honoratis viris coeperit adgregari, eorum, qui vicariam egerint praefecturam honore potiatur" (426), ibid., vi. 27. 20, 21. 1 "Si quis se a ducenariis, vel centenariis, ac precipue fisei advocatis, laesum esse cognoscit, adire iudicia ac probare iniuriam non moretur, ut in eum qui convictus fuerit conpetenti severitate vindicetur" (315), ibid., viii. 10. 1; " du- cenarios ab exactione provincialium secundum constitutionem sacrae memoriae Constantini sinceritas tua iubebit arceri" (364), ibid., xi. 7. 9; "ducenarii, et centenarii, sive sexagenarii, non prius debent aliquem convenire, quam a tabu- lario civitatis nominatim brevis accipiant debitorum. Quam quidem exactionem sine omni fieri concussione oportet, ita ut, si quis in iudicio questus, quod in- debite exactus est, et aliquam inquietudinem sustinuit, hoc ipsum probare potuerit, severa in exactores sententia proferatur" (315), ibid., xi. 7. 1. 2 " Ante thunginum aut centenario," Lex saKca xliv. 1; "Thunginus aut centenarius mallo indicant," XLVi. 1; "mallo quern thunginus aut centenarius indixerit," xlvi. 4. 3 "Thunginus: iudex qui post comitem est. degan. sollensib." 24 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS ganthicio I him, as the Salic law demands." Still the thun- ginus does not dare to collect the debt, but sits with a posse before the house of the debtor, allowing the debt to grow larger by fines. Finally the grafio, after similar ceremonial delays, dares to proceed against the defendant.^ We shall first ascertain what the mysterious words nexte canthichius, about which so much learned nonsense has been written, mean. First we shall put down all the readings in the various codes preserved for the queer formula, in order to see whether some approach to intelligibility may not thus be gained. 1. nexti canthichius, nexticantigyus, nestiganti huius, sicii cantidios, sicum nestigante, nestigante huius, nestigantio sic. 2. nexti canthichus gasacio, nexticantigyus gasacium, nesti- ganti his sagatio, instigante cuius cassatium, nestigantio cassahone, nestigante gasationum, ne istigante gassachio. 3. nexthe ganthichio, nexticantigium, nestigante, instigante, nestigatio, instigante ego sagatium, nestigantio gasachio. The only intelligible word one gets out of this chaos is the Latin instigante, and this is a correct and important reading. Among the Ostrogoths the warrant of the saio contained the 1 "Si quis ingenuus aut letua alteri fidem fecerit, tunc ille cui fides facta est in XL noctes aut quomodo illius cum testibus uel cum illo qui praecium adpre- ciare debent accedere debet. Et si ei noluerit fidem facta soluere, mal thalas- ciasco, hoc est sol. xv super debitumquod fidem fecerit culp. lud. Si adhuc noluerit conponere debet eum ad mallum manire et sic nexti canthichius malare debet: Rogo te, thungine, ut nexti canthichus gasacio meo illo qui mihi fidem fecit et debitum debeat unde ei fidem fecerat. Tunc thunginus dicere debet: nexthe ganthichio ego illo in hoc quod lex salega ait. Tunc ipse cui fides facta est testare debet ut nulli alteri nee soluat nee pignus donet solutionis, nisi ante ille impleat quod ei fidem fecerat. Et festinanter ad domum illius ilia die ante- quam sol collocet cum testibus ambulare debet et rogare sibi debitum soluere. Si hoc noluerit facere, solem ei collocet. Tunc si solem collocauerit, cxx dinarioa qui faciunt solidos iii super debitum adcrescant. Istud usque ad tres vices per tres nondenas fieri debet, et in tercio ista omnia facta si noluerit conponere, usque ad ccclx dinarios h. e. solidos novem adcrescat, id est ut per singulaa admonitiones vel solem coUocatum temi solidi super debitum adcrescant," l. DUCENARIUS 25 words te compellente, te imminente,'^ that is, the sovereign gave the saio the right to compel, hence imminens itself be- came the equivalent for ^'confiscator, saio." ^ We can now see how saio, that is, socio, came to take the place of ''exac- tor." The documents show that the usual formula of con- fiscation was rather ''socio fisco coactus exsolvere" than "te imminente coactus exsolvere," because the usual con- fiscation was by order of the fiscus and not by special edict of the sovereign, even as we have recorded in Cassiodorus. But if te imminente has produced imminens ''confiscator," socio fisco must similarly produce socio, saio "confiscator," as has actually happened. Among the Visigoths the warrant reads iudice insistente,^ that is, "by authority of the judge." The Frankish and other Germanic laws occasionally employ such phrases, but socio fisco or a similar combination, as has already been shown, generally takes their place. But in the mysterious formula of the Salic law there can be nothing but a corruption of instigante iudice causacio mea (audiatur), as may be judged from the recorded Ostrogothic "te imminente causa legibus 1 "Ad iudicium comitis Dudae saepe dictus saio te compellente veniat audi- endus," Cassiodorus, Variae, iv. 27; "te debeat imminente construi," ii. 39; "mox ei praedium cum alio eiusdem meriti vobis imminentibus a pervasore red- datur," III. 20; "te imminente cogantur exsolvere debitas functiones," iv. 14; "ut coram partibus positis te imminente censeatur," iv. 32; "imminente Duda saione nostro," iv. 39; "te imminente causa legibus audiatur," iv. 46; "ad iudicium competens te imminente conveniant," v. 31. ^ "Proinde factum ut curiales . . . imminentum soUicitudine coacti gravia damna sentirent," ii. 25; "ipse enim imminentem necessarium facit, qui sol- lemnia praebere distulerit," xii. 8. 3 " Et si potentior fuerit, insistente iudice quartam partem facultatum suarum amittat," ii. 4. 14; "mox iubente principe vel quolibet iudice insistente non solum castrationem virimn perferat, sed insuper Ulam in se iacturam excipiat ultionis," III. 5. 7; "insistente iudice cogantur exolvere," v. 6. 6; "ad integrum ipso (iudice) insistente," vii. 4. 4; "eundem servam pro facti temeritate insis- tente iudice ei, cuius res invasit vel abstulit, serviturum tradere non desistat," VIII. 1. 5; "ut, si Goti de Romanomm tertiam quippiam tulerint, iudice insis- tente Romanis cuncta reforment," x. 1. 16; "iudice insistente heredibus mortui cogatur exolvere," xi. 2. 1. 26 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS audiatur," for it is only by a proper warrant that the thun- ginus could cause any arrest. The thunginus did not survive long among the Franks, for in the later period we hear only of the count as a judge. In the Ribuarian law he is not men- tioned at all, but the phrase of the appeal to the thunginus, which in intelligible language was, "rogo te, tungine, ut in- sistente iudice causacio mea audiatur," is employed in the corrupted form, ''ego te tangano ut mihi legem dicas." ^ Pre- cisely the same phrase is used in the identical case in the Salic law, so we shall investigate the latter. If the rachinburgii, sitting in the malloberg, refuse to hear a case, then the plaintiff says, "I tangon you to hear my case according to the Salic law." If the rachinburgii still refuse, they pay three solidi by distress, and if they refuse once more they are once more distrained and pay fifteen solidi.^ The derivation of this law from the De fides fadas is obvious. The rachinburgii are placed in a position of debtors who refuse to pay their just debts. A warrant has to be sworn out for distress, and the procedure is the same as in the former case. The incomprehensible address to the tunginus is here turned into a verb tangonare, which has survived in the French tangonner "to urge on, prod," and this word tangono is taken as an expression for a distrainable action, hence in the Ribuarian law it is distinctly provided that interpella- tions in court are not distrainable, ''sine tangano loquitur." ^ ^ " Si quis causam suam prosequitur, et raginburgii inter eos secundum legem Ribuariam dicere noluerint, tunc illi, in quem sententiam contrariam dixerit dicat: Ego vos tangano ut mihi legem dicatis/' lv. 2 "Si qui rachineburgii in mallobergo sedentes dum causam inter duos dis- cutiunt, legem dicere noluerint, debet eis dicere ab illo qui causa prosequitur: bic ego vos tancono ut legem dicatis secundum legem Salegam. Quod si ille dicere noluerint, septem de illos racbineburgios cxx dinarios qui faciunt solidos III ante solem collocatum culpabiles iudicentur. Quod si nee legem dicere noluerint nee de ternos solidos fidem facerent, solem illis collocatum, dc dinar- ios qui faciunt solidos xv culpabiles iudicentur," lvii. ^ "Quod si quis in iudicio pro servo interpellatus fuerit, quod si servos tales non fuerit, unde dominus eius de fiducia securus esse posset, in iudicio re- DUCENARIUS 27 Just as socio fisco has produced saio "confiscator," and dis- tringente fisco has given English distrain, so tungine of the warrant for distress has produced tangono "1 appeal for a warrant to levy distress, I urge action, compel." We can now determine what became of the centenarius of the Theodosian Code and the Salic law. In the P actus pro tenore pads, variously dated from 511-558, Chlotar com- plains that the night watches failed to catch the thieves, that, therefore, centenae be established. The rest of the decree is puzzling, but it is clear that if the thief is caught by a trustis, the latter gets half of the fine.^ The conclusion of the P actus makes it clear that the centenarii are those who are called in truste.^ Some manuscripts have the word antrustio for in truste,^ and there are recorded many variant forms an- trutio, antrusio, etc. For in truste we get once the signifi- cant reading ex truste.'^ If we now turn to E dictum Chil- perici, of the year 561-584, we find that the antrustiones are Bpondeat ad interrogation's: 'Sta tu,' et liceat ei sine tanganu (tangano, tancano, tagano, tangno) loquere et dicere: 'Ego ignoro' ", xxx. 1; "hoc etiam constitue- mus, ut nullum hominem regium, Romanum vel tabularium interpellatum in iudicio non tanganet (tangat, tangenet) et nee alsaccia requirat," lviii. 19; "abs- que tangano coniurent," lviii. 29; "si quis in iudicio interpellatus cartam per manibus habuerit, nulle ei male ordine vel invasio requeratur; quia dum inter- pellatus respondit ad interrogatione Sta. tu, et sine tangano loquatur et dicat; non malo ordine sed per testamentum hoc teneo," lix. 8. 1 "Quod si post (per) truste inuenitur, medietate conpositione frwsie (trustis, trustee) adquirat," J. Hessels and H. Kern, Lex salica, p. 417. 2 "Pro itinere pacis iubemus ut in truste centenariae ponantur, per quorum fide atque sollicitudine pax praedicta seueritas. Ut centenariae latro licet prae esse caritatis indisrupta uinculum ut centenariae inter communes prouintias licentiam habeant latrones sequi uel uestigia adsignata minare aut in truste qua defecerat, sicut dictum est causa remaneat, ita ut continuo capitalem ei quem perdiderat reformare festinet, et latronem perquirat, quem sine (si in) truste peruenient, medietate sibi uindicet uel dilatura si fuerit de facultate latronis ei qui damno pertulerit sartiatur," ibid., p. 418. 3 "Qui in truste dominica (antruscione dominico) fuit," xli. 3; "sine truste dominica (andruscio dominions) fuit," xlii. 1. * "Si quis hominem in hoste occiserit, triplici conpositione conponat sicut in patria conponere debuit, excepto si ex truste (truxte) regale non fuerit ille homo. Nam si ex truste regale fuerit," etc., lxiii. 1, 2 Lex ernendata. 28 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS mentioned after the ohtimates, that is, they rank with the agentes in rebus, the confiscators. This is proved by the state- ment that the graphic goes with seven rachinburgii an- trustionis to confiscate property.^ Indeed, this very passage contains the word from which trustis is derived. It is the word extrudere "to evict, confiscate," ^ in which sense it is classical Latin and is used as a legal term by Ulpian. Instead of the participle extrusus we have here the form extruste, which the other manuscripts have changed to intruste, an- trustio, even as Visigothic ex squalido was in Italy changed to in gualdo.^ But that extrudere is the correct word from which this trustis is derived is proved conclusively by the Lex ribuaria, where the identical law has strude or trude for "con- fiscation" ^ and in strute regia, corrected to in truste regia for the SaUc trustis.^ In the Theodosian Code we frequently find solatium used in the sense of "pecuniary aid," almost the same as "sala- 1 " Pertractantea in Dei nomine cum uiris magnificentissimis obtimatibus uel antrustionibus et omni populi nostro . . . et graphio cum vii rachymburgiia antrutionis bonis credentibus, aut quia sciant accionis, a casa illius ambulent et pretium faciunt, et quod graphio tollere debet . . . nam agens et qui mallat ipsum ad nos adducant, et adtrutionis secundum legem consecutus habuerit inter octuaginta et iiii noctes ipsa inuitatio et lex faciat sicut superiua scrip- tum est," ibid., p. 409/. ^ "Et si rachymburgiis nee vii nee in dare potuerit nee dat graphic et ille qui accepit res illius quem contra legem et iustitiam extruderit et ille qui male inuitauit soluat, cui res f uerunt . . . et si dixerit illi cui res toUuntur quod male eum destruat, et contra legem et iustitia," ibid., p. 410. 3 See p. Mff. * "Quod si ad septimo mallo non venerit, tunc illi, qui eum manit, ante comite cum septem raginburgiis in haraho iurare debit, quod eum ad strude (istrudem, trude) legitima admallatum habet; et sic index fiscaUs ad domum illius accedere debet, et legitima strude exinde auferre et ei tribuere qui eum interpellavit . . . quod si ipsam strudem (trvdem) contradicere voluerit, et ad ianuam suam cum spata tracta accesserit, et eam in porta sive in poste posuerit, tunc index fideiussores ei exigat, ut se ante regem repraesentit, et ibidem cum arma sua contra contrarium suum re studeat defensare," xxxii. 3, 4; "si quis iudicem fiscalem ad res ahenas iniuste tollendas, antequam ei fidem fecerit, aut ad extrodo {extrudo, exdrote, exstrudem, strude) admallatum habuerit, invitare praesumpserit, bis vicinos et quinos solidos multetur," li. 1. * " Si quis eum interficerit qui in strute (truste, dustria) regia est," xi. 1. DUCENARIUS 29 rium." Throughout the sixth century and later it has the meaning of "support, help," ^ hence solatium collectum is "a. posse," ^ though I shall show later that it has arisen from an entirely different phrase. From this application of sola- tium to the duty of the antrustiones have developed the various connotations of trustis. Since trustis is a synonym of solatium, it itself means "solatium, auxilium, consolatio, spes," — mean- ings which appear in German trost, etc., while trustis has also the connotation of fides. ^ An antrustio is the equal of a fidelis, and so we have the Ribuarian form drudus "trusted friend," in the phrase "solatium drudorum," recorded in 858.'* If we now turn to the Visigothic laws, we find another equivalent for the exactor or coniiscator. The ancient law of Theudis calls him compulsor vel executor.^ The later laws employ compulsor exercitus, servus dominicus,^ or thiufadus. ^ "Experientia itaque tua praefato supplici ecclesiastica non desinat imper- tire solacia," Gregorii I Registri, ix. 209; "Bonifatium notarium evocatus ad solatium Chlodovechi," Gregorii Turonensis Historia Francorum, in MGH. p., 104; "Theudoricus autem, Chlothacharium fratrem et Theudobertum filium in solatio suo adsumptos, cum exercitu abiit," ibid., p. 115. 2 "Qui vero edictum nostrum ausus fuerit contempnere, in cuiuslibet iudicis pago primitus admissum fuerit, ille iudex collectum solatium ipsum raptorem occidat" (596), Childeberti Secundi Decretio, in MGH., Capitularia, vol. i, p. 16; "agentes igitur episcoporum aut potentum per potestatem nullius res collecta solacia nee auferant, nee cuiuscumque contemptum per se facere non praesu- ment" (614), ibid., p. 23. 3 "Rectum est, ut qui nobis fidem pollicerentur inlesam, nostro tueantur auxilio. Et quia illi fidelis, Deo propitio, noster venens ibi in palatio nostro ima cum arma sua in manu nostra trustem et fidelitatem nobis visus est coniurasse : propterea per presentem preceptum decememus ac iobemus, ut deinceps memo- ratus ille inter numero antrusdonorum (antrustionorum, andrustionorum) con- putetur," Marculfi Formulae, i. 18. * "Sine adiutorio uxoris ac filiorum et sine solatio et comitatu drvdorum atque vassorum nuda et desolata exibit," MGH., Capitularia, vol. ii, p. 429. ^ "Simili hetiam conpulsores vel executor es decreto prestringimus, ut non pro sua conmoda exigant volumtate, sed ab eis, quos propria evectione conpulerint, eubvectum tantum super eum accipiant caballorum. Nee illi prius conmoda conpulsionis exigant, quam suas in iudicio exerent actiones," MGH., Lex Visig., p. 468. ® "Servi dominici, id est compulsores exercitus, quando Gotos in hostem ire compellunt, si eis aliquid tulerint . . . restituere non morentur," ix. 2. 2; "servi dominici, qui in hoste exire conpellunt," ix. 2. 5. 30 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS The latter, who is not only a military official, but also a judge, ^ rates directly after the comes or vicarius,^ that is, he occupies precisely the same position that the thunginus does in Merovingian times, even as the servus dominicus is the same as yuer regius of the Salic law. It is generally assumed that Gothic thiufadus is derived from thusundifaths ''mil- lenarius," but that is impossible by any criterion one may choose. Such a contraction is simply impossible, and the thiufadus is not identical with the millenarius, for the millen- arius is mentioned with and above the thiufadus. It is quite true, in the military hierarchy the thiufadus was identified with an officer above the centenarius, hence naturally he stood somewhere near and may even have been identified with the millenarius. As a Judge the thiufadus occupied a position below the count, hence is absolutely identical with the ducenarius of the Theodosian Code and the thunginus of the Franks, even as the Codex Parisinus Lat. 4670 ^ correctly glosses thiufadus with ^'vassus regis," an exact rendering of the Salic "puer regius." I have already pointed out that the compulsor, in fact all the agentes in rebus, of which the thiufadus is one, were known as devoti.^ Hence thiufadus can ^ "Cum ceteris negotiis criminalium etiam causarum thiuphadis iudicandi concessa licentia, criminosos a legum sententiis ipsi vindicare non audeant, sed debita in eis, ut conpetit, censura exerceant. Qui thiuphadi tales eligant, quibus vicissitudines suas audiendas iniungant, ut ipsis absentibus illi causas et tem- peranter discutiant et iuste decemant," ii. 1. 16. '^ "Si quis iudicem aut comitem aut vicarium comitis seu thiuphadum sus- pectos habere se dixerit," ii. 1. 24; "dux, comes, vicarius, pacis assertor, thiu- phadus, millenarius, quingentenarius, centenarius, defensor, numerarius," ii. 1. 27; "ducibus vel comitibus, tiufadis atque vicariis," iv. 5. 6; "dux aut comes, thiufadus aut vicarius," rx. 2. 8; " ducibus, comitibus, thivfadis vicariis," ibid.; " admonitio ducis vel comitis, thiufadi, vicarii seu cuiuslibet curam agentis," rx. 2. 9; "dux, comes, thiufadus," ibid.; "dux, comes, tiuphadus, numerarius, villicus," Edictum Ervigii (683), MGH., Lex Visig., p. 479; "quod si ego Ermen- gaudus comes, aut vicharius, aut vilicus, aut tuifadus, aut aliqua persona venerit contra ista scriptura" (1029), Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. v, col. 384. 3 MGH., Lex Visig., p. xxii. * "Bei den Subalternbeamten erscheint seit der zweiten Halfte dea vierten DUCENARIUS 31 be nothing but thiwadus, that is, Lat. devoius, the honor- ific title of the executive officer who, as we have seen from the Ostrogothic documents, was generally a Goth. We can now proceed to the determination of the origin of the Burgundian confiscator, the wittiscalcus. To do this we must first establish the proper meaning of senior in the Visi- gothic laws. Here we have the seniores palatii, aulae,^ who represent the higher officials at the court, in which sense seniores is used elsewhere.^ These references are all from laws promulgated in the second half of the seventh century. In the Antiquae this word is nowhere employed, but in the subscriptions of illustrious men to the acts of the Third Coun- cil of Toledo (589) the reading "suniliter et omnes seniores Gothorum subscripserunt"^ follows after the signatures of the clergy and " viri illustres." "Omnes seniores Gothorum" was still used in a law of the first half of the seventh century,^ where it apparently is secondary to ''primates palatii," and this is borne out by the use of "seniores loci" for officials be- Jahrhunderts der Titel vir devotissimus, der auch in den Inschriften haufig, meist V. d. abgekiirzt, auftritt. Dieser Titel, der das nahe Treuverhaltniss zum Kaiser bezeichnet, ist daher vorzugsweise den zu ihm in naherem Verhaltniss etehenden Soldaten, insbesondere den domesiici und protedorcs und den mili- tarisch organisierten agentes in rebus, sodann aber auch den kaiserlichen Kanz- leibeamten beigelegt worden," O. Hirschfeld, Die Rangtitel der romischen Kaiserzeit, in Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1901, p. 607/. 1 "Sane duces omnes senior esque palatii ad huiusmodi sententiam obnoxii tenebuntur . . . qui aut de bello refugiunt, aut in bellica profectione constituti extra senioris sui permissum alibi properasse reperiuntur," variant to ix. 2. 9; "quod serenissimo nostrae celsitudinis iussu a venerandis patribus et clarissimis palatii senioribus discreta titulorum exaratione est editum" (681), Concilium Toletanum xii, in MGH., Lex Visig., p. 476; "hoc solum vos, honorabiles Dei sacerdotes, cunctosque aulae regiae seniores . . . adiuramus" (639), Cone. Tolet. XVI., ibid., p. 483. 2 " Ununquisque (arma) a seniore vel domino suo iniuncta . . . principi, duci, vel comiti suo presentare studeat," ix. 2. 9; "conventus sacerdotum atque etiam seniorum," xii. 1. 3. 3 MGH., Lex Visig., p. 485. * "Quicumque ex palatii nostri primatibus vel senioribus geniis Gotorum," 111. 1. 5. 32 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS low the comes or iudex.^ Obviously we here observe in the seventh century the development of senior in the sense of dominus, but in the sixth century it seems to have had an inferior meaning, the "seniores Gotorum" standing below the highest officials. Beginning with the Council of Toledo of the year 653, for which we have a series of signatures, the ''viri illustres officii palatini" consist of the good Byzantine hierarchy of ''comes cubiculariorum, notariorum, patrimoni- orum, spatariorum, thesaurorum, stabuli," and of the mys- terious comes scanciarum,^ but of the ^^ senior es Gotorum" there is not a trace. We know from the Germanic root of this scancia that it must mean "butlery." Ducange has no early quotations for the word, but the only two recorded quota- tions from the Latm documents for scalcus give it the mean- ing of "butler," ^ hence there can be no doubt that the two are identical in origin. This may be shown in another way. In the beginning of the seventh century the Frankish kings promulgated their decrees in the name of their bishops, dukes, counts, domestics, and agentes in rehus,^ and this formula was again used in the beginning of the eighth cen- tury. ^ In the second half of the seventh century the list is more pretentious, the place of the agentes being occupied by domestici, refendarii, siniscalci, comes palati,^ but occasion- 1 " Denuntiet aut sacerdoti aut comiti aut iudici aut senioribus loci aut etiam in conventu publico vicinorum," viii. 5. 6. 2 MGH., Lex Visig., p. 485/. ^ " Pincernae seu scalchi; scalcus, id est, architriclinus ", Ducange, sub scalchus. * "Viris inlustrebus Vuandelberto duci, Gaganrico domestico et omnibus agentibus" (632), Lauerand Samaran, op. cit., p. 5; "duci . . . grafioni vel omne- bus ageniebus" (639), ibid., p. 8; "episcopis . . . ducibus . . . comiti, vel omni- bus agentibus" (640), ibid., p. 19. * "Viris apostolicis, patribus episcopis, necnon inlustribus viris: ducibus, patriciis, comitibus, vel omnibus agentibus" (727), ibid., p. 85; "viris inlustri- bus, gravionibus atque omnibus agentibus, vel iunioribus eorum" (743), ibid., p. 86; "viris apostolicis patribus nostris, necnon et imperatoribus omnibus comiti- bus vel omnibus agentibus" (744), ibid., p. 87. * "Grafionibus . . . siniscalcis . . . comite palati" (657), ibid., p. 9; "... seniscalds . . . refendariis . . . comite palati" (657), ibid., p. 10; "episcopis DUCENARIUS 33 ally the older form with agentes is employed, and from the exclusion of domestici it is clear that agentes refers to the siniscalci and possibly some others mentioned after them.^ The siniscalci stand in the same relation to the optimati, comites, graviones, in which the seniores Gotorum are to the comites, indices of the Visigothic laws, and obviously the comites scanciarum of the Visigothic signatures are identical with the siniscalci. This is conclusively proved by a state- ment in the St. Gall Codex of the Lex romana raetica curiensis to the effect that the seniores ministri included the camara- rius, butiglarius, senescalcus, index publicus, and comes- tabulus.^ As we have aheady come across the iuniores in con- nection with the seniores, it is interesting to observe from the same passage that a iunior was a vassal, either a freeman or slave, who by the favor of his lord was allowed to hold a minister ium, apparently a special office like that of the agentes in rebus, but of less importance, since the composition for the death was smaller.^ We now can easily determine the Roman office from which the Gothic scancia and the Frankish siniscalcus are derived. Mommsen has shown that the bodyguard of the emperors, called schola, was originally recruited almost exclusively from among the Germanic tribes and that they did not perform field duties, but personally attended on the sovereign.^ In the . . . optimatis . . . gravionebus . . . seniscalcis . . . comite palati" (691), ibid., p. 14; "episcopis . . . optematia . . . comitebus . . . grafionibus . . . domesticis . . . referendariis . . . seniscalcis . . . comite palati" (693), ibid., p. 16; "epis- copis . . . majore domus nostro . . . optimatis . . . comitebus . . , domesticis . . . seniscalcis . . . comite palati" (697), ibid., p. 19. 1 "Viris inlustribus ducibus, comitibus, domesticis, vel omnibus agentibus" (675), MGH., Dip., vol. i, p. 41; "patriciis et omnebus ducis seu comitebus vel actorebus publicis" (667), ibid., p. 44. 2 " Si quis de senioribus quinque ministribus occiderit, de qualecumque linia fuerit, ad cxx solidos fiat recompensatus," MGH., Leg. v. p. 442. 3 "Si vassallum domnicum de casa sine ministerio aut iunior in ministerio fuit, et domnus eum honoratum habuit, si ingenuus fuit, fiat conpositus ad solidos xc, si servus ad lx," ibid. * Hermes, vol. xxiv, p. 223 /. 34 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS fifth century the commander of such a bodj^guard was known as comes scholarum and the soldiers themselves as scholares. There were several scholae stationed in the East and the West, a distinction being made between seniores and iuniores, even as many auxiliary troups had this double appellation. The seniores of the Goths and in the St. Gall Codex include all the higher soldiery of the bodyguard, the comites of which are nearest to the person of the sovereign; but the guard doing personal service, the senior scholaris, must, from the be- ginning of the fifth century have attended to the sovereign's food or drink, for it is specifically stated in a law of the year 413 ^ that the comes scholae was admitted to the emperor's table. This senior scholaris has produced seniscalcus even as scholaris has given scalcus, Goth, skalks ''servant." The scholae, scholares sacri palatii, or collegii gentilium are several times mentioned in Italian documents of the sixth and seventh centuries,^ and the combination "schol. colle. gen- tilium'^ is particularly interesting, since it may explain the Visigothic term ^^ seniores Gotorum." Two of these recorded scholares have the honorific title vd., that is, vir devotus, hence they were in the same class as the apparitores, and so were equal to the ''servi dominici." This, then, explains why scholaris came to mean ''servant." As a Burgundian name Guidiscalus is found, ^ it is not easy to determine whether scalus or scalcus is the older form, but the derivation of either from schola, scholaris is certain. In the Burgundian laws the confiscator is called wittiscal- cus or puer noster.* Unfortunately the word wittiscalcus 1 Cod. Theod. vi. 13. 1. 2 "Cautio Valeri Schol," Marini, / pap. dipl., p. 205; " vd. scot, colle. gen- tilium," ibid., p. 170; " Johannis vd. schol. sacr. pal. "(639), ibid., p. 148. 3 MGH., Lex Burgundionum, p. 199, note. * " De wittiscalcis. Comitum nostrorum querela processit, quod aliqui in populo nostro eiusmodi praesumptionibus abutantur, ut pueros nostros, qui iudicia exsequuntur, quibusque multam iubemus exigere, et caede conlidant et sublata iussum comitum pignora non dubitent violenter auf erre. Quadere DUCENARIUS 35 occurs but twice in any document, and so it cannot be as- certained whether it was ever popular. But it can be shown that it is a badly corrupted form of an older word, for in the dozen manuscripts preserved, none of them of a period earlier than the ninth century, the spelling varies so much that it obviously was not understood. In the title we have the variations deouitis calcis, de widis colds, deuitiscalcis, de vitis calcis, de victis calcis, de uitiis caballijs, de utis calcis, de vuittiscalcus, de uuitiscalcis, de uicis calcis, which all seem to be variations of an original devotis scalds; that is, the name of the "puer noster" was devotus scalcus, in which the de- was thought to be a preposition, producing votis, vutis, vuitis, witis scalds of the text. This devotus scalcus is precisely the same as the vd. schoL, that is vir devotus scholaris of the Italian documents, hence the first part, devotus, is identical with the thiufadus of the Visigothic laws, and this again is in meaning identical with the Frankish thunginus. The con- clusive proof of this identity is given by the gloss ''in mal- lobergo ante teoda aut thunginum^' of the Salic law,^ where teoda can be only our thiufadus, devotus, the equal of thun- ginus. We can now proceed to investigate the philological and cultural effects of the employment of Germans as agentes in rebus, who later in the Germanic states became the important officers of the courts. The thunginus of the Salic laws is also found in England in the form gepungen "emeritus, prouectus, prefectus, veteranus miles," ^ which at once indicates that present! lege decernimus: ut quicumque post hac pueros nostras ceciderit et insolenter abstulerit, quod ex ordinatione iudicis docebitur fuisse praesumptum, tripla satisfactione teneatur obnoxius, hoc est: ut per singulos ictus, pro quibus Binguli solidi ab his inferuntur, ternos soUdos is qui percusserit, cogatur ex- eolvere .... MuUeres quoque, si loittiscalcos nostros contempserint, ad solu- tionem multae simiUter tenebuntur," lxxvi. ^ " Ista omnia illi iurati dicere debent et aUi testes hoc quod in mallo publico ille qui accepit in laisum furtuna ipsa aut ante regem aut in mallo publico h. e. in mallobergo ante teoda aut thunginum," xlvi. 2 Th. Wright, Anglo-Saxon and Old English Vocabularies. 36 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS it was a veteran soldier who was invested with the dignity of a ''prefectus," a splendid confirmation of the edicts of the Theodosian Code in which the office of the ducenarius is mentioned. That this dignity was considerable we have seen not only from the fact that gepungen was mentioned in the same connection as the ealdermon, that is, as the senior of the Roman and Visigothic laws, but also from the abstract noun gepungenness ''dignitas, honestas, excellentia, fastig- ium, elatio, arrogantia," recorded in the Anglo-Saxon glosses. If thunginus has produced AS. gepungen, with the back form- ation peon ''thrive, flourish, grow, increase," tunginus has produced AS. dugan "to profit, avail, be virtuous, good," dugud "manhood, multitude, troop, army, nobles, nobility, majesty, glory, virtue, excellence." Both groups are rep- resented in the other Germanic languages. We have Goth. dugan "to be of avail," peihan "to flourish," OHG. tugan "valere, pollere, prodesse," toht "bonus, utilis, valens," tugad, tugund "virtus, nobilitas," dihan "proficere, pollere, florere, crescere, excellere," ONorse /ttngr "heavy, weighty." If we turn to the Slavic languages, we again find both groups represented. We have the root dong- "strong (Pol. duzy ''large," Lith. daug "much") and the far more impor- tant root long- ^ which has developed a variety of meanings. It will suffice to quote tuga "oppression, weight, sorrow, grief, exhaustion, misfortune, oppression," tyaza "lawsuit, quarrel, disagreement, enmity," tyagati sya "to go to law," tyagati "to pufl," in order to show that we are dealing with direct derivatives of tunginus "exactor." But they show us much ^ " Teng- eine wurzel, aus deren grundbedeutung ' ziehen ' sich theilweise mit hilfe von praefixen, eine fiille von schwer zu vermittelnden bedeutungen entwickelt hat, die unter die folgenden schlagworte gebracht werden konnen: (1) Ziehen, dehnen, spannen; (2) binden; (3) fordern, streiten; (4) leiden; (5) arbeiten; (6) erwerben; (7) schwer sein; (8) lastig sein; (9) bangen. Die wurzel nimmt durch steigerung die form long- an," Miklosich, Etymologischcs Worter- buch der slavischen Sprachen. DUCENARIUS 37 more, namely that AS. ping, pine '^council, office, gift, thing," pingian *Ho intercede, ask forgiveness, plead, ad- dress," pingung ''pleading, intercession, mediation," pingere "interceder, mediator, advocate," OHG. ding ''conventus, concilium, mallum, forum, causa, res," gadingon ''pacisci, judicare, convenire, contendere, fedus pangere," gadingi "placitum, pactum, conditio, spes," gadingo ''patronus," and other similar forms are dnectly derived from the same thunginus, tunginus, and that, therefore, OHG. duhjan "pre- mere," ziuhan ''pull" etc., are equally back formations of the same root thung-, tung-. From the Salic trustis are derived not only OHG. trost "con- fidence, security, etc.," but also, by a back formation, AS. treow "troth, trust," OHG. triuwa "true," Goth, trauan "to trust," OPrussian druwis "faith," Slavic druh, drug, "com- panion, friend, other." Gothic triggwa "true" was obviously formed at a time when OHG. triuwa had already produced OFrench triues "truce, compact," LLatin tregua "peace of God." Far more important are the derivatives from devotus. As the Goths were the chief apparitors and nearest servants of the Roman emperors, they were considered not only as "servi dominici," but also as the "devoted people," as which they were frequently addressed,^ hence devotus produces not only the connotations "servant," but also "people, gentiles." We have Goth, piwadw, AS. peowot, peowet "servitude," from which come AS. peow "servant, bondsman, slave," peowe, peowen, peowin, peown "a female servant," and Gothic has pius "slave," piwi "female slave," pewisa "servants," while OHG. has exclusively diu, diwa "female servant," diorna "girl, maid." From the OHG. is derived OSlavic deva, devaya "girl," while OHG. has lost the masculine from which ^ "Aequabili ordinatione disponas populumque nobis devotum per tuam iustitiam facias esse gratissimum," Cassiodorus, Variae, ix. 8; "nee moram fas est incurrere iussionem, quae devotos maxime noscitur adiuvare," ibid., 1, 17. 261110 38 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS dm "female servant "was formed, the Slavic cZe^r' children," Russ. ditya ''child," originally *'puer noster, regius," as used in old docimaents, prove that a form diot, diet, now pre- served only in OHG. in the sense of ''people," originally meant "puer noster," and this is proved conclusively by Finnish dievddo, divdo "mas, vir," which has preserved both the old form devotus and the meaning attached to it. Simi- larly the OHG. dionon "to serve," ONorse pjonari "serv- ant," ORussian tiun, tivun "servant, officer, ruler," have lost a d, as is again proved conclusively by the Finnish teudnar "servus, famulus." Goth, piuda, OHG. diota, diot, diet, AS. pioda, piod "peo- ple," Goth, piudans "ruler" have been referred to Umbrian tota-, tuta- " mhs," Sabinian ^oiito "community," Oscantouto "civitas, populus," tuvtiks "publicus," but that is totally impossible, since the dialectic Italian words proceed obvi- ously from a meaning "common, whole," that is, from Latin lotus, while the Germanic words cannot be separated from the meaning "servus," a connection which has arisen only through the employment of the German people as "servi dominici." This is further shown by the fact that the seni- ores Gotorum, with which we have already met, were de- rived from the schola gentilium seniorum, wherefore piuda was identical with "gentiles," producing Lettish tauta "for- eign country, Germany," OSlavic tuzdi, cuMi "foreign," cudu "giant ;" but these words may have developed directly from the connection of piuda with the Germans. In addition to derivatives from devotus we have also others, such as AS. penian "to serve," pen, pegn, paegn "servant, attendant, valiant man, soldier knight," ONorse pegn "subditus, homo liber," OHG. degan "masculus, hems, miles," which have arisen from Latin decanus, which was confused with ducena, ducenarius, as is specifically stated in the Pithoean glosses. DUCENARIUS 39 The Celtic languages have also this confusion, for from de- votus are derived Irish tuath, Welsh tud, Cornish tus "na- tion, people, men," while decanus has given Breton den, Cornish den, Welsh dyn, Irish duine '^man." SCULCA In the Notiiia dignitatum there is a reference to exculca- tores, excuUatores, exculeatores Brittaniciani, that is, to Brit- ish scouts. Anunianus MarceUinus uses the word proculca- tores, and Vegetius refers to this word as being new.^ The form exculcator is obviously popular etymology, as though it were from exculcare "to press out."^ In the sixth century sculca was used by Gregory the Great, ^ and in Byzantium cTKovXKa, o-KovXra ''scout" aKovXKeveiv ''to do scout duty" were freely employed. But the Greeks also used the shorter form Kov\Ka, which also appears in LLatin, as we shall soon see. The form exculeatores of the Notitia dignitatum must have arisen from a shorter form culeatores, and this is actually found in Welsh and Cornish, that is, in British, until the present day. We have Cornish golyas, gollyaz, golzyas, colyas, gologhas "to watch, keep awake," guillua "a watch, vigilia," Welsh gwyl, gwel "a sight, a show, holiday, festival," that is, "vigilia" in the Christian sense, gwyliad "a vision, watch- ing," gwyliadur "sl sentinel," gwyliaw "to watch, be vigilant, look out." The Irish has only feil "festival, holiday," but all of these words are directly derived from Lat. vigilia, and Welsh gwyliadur at once explains Lat. {ex)culcator, which the Notitia dignitatum distinctly associates with the Britons. This culcare has an interesting history on Frankish terri- tory. The Salic law has a curious phrase "solem collocare/^ which has given rise to a lot of extravagant ideas about "primitive" Germanic law. A man was not allowed to re- 1 " ' Post hoc crant ferentarii et levis armatura, quos nunc exculeatores {scvl- tatores, exseultatores) et armaturas dicimus," xxvii. 10. 10. 2 E. Booking, Notitia dignitatum, Bonnae 1839-1853, vol. ii, p. 228. 3 MGH., Gregorii i. Registri, vol. i, p. 130. SCULCA 41 gain stolen property as his own unless he had legally claimed it by the act known as "solem collocareJ' ^ A master refusing to punish his guilty slave at the request of a third party, that party could not take the master to com-t except by the act of "solem collocare" for the period of three times seven days.^ Any refusal to pay a debt, to appear in court brings about the summons to court by a preceding ''solem collocare." ^ One law has solsatire ^ instead of solem collocare, and that this is not merely a misprint or mistake is proved by a reading collegato sol sista and by the stereotyped phrase "legi- bus custodire et solsadire" of the Merovingian docmnents^ 1 " Si ille uero quod per vestigio sequitur, quod si agnoscere dicit, illi alii proclamantem, nee auferre per tertia manum voluerit nee solem secundum legem colocauerit {collegauerit, colecauerit, culcaueril, calcauerit) et tulisse con- uincitur, mcc din.," xxvii. 3. 2 " Si dominus serui supplicia distulerit et seruus praesens fuerit, continuo domino illo qui repetit solem collegere {colecare, culcare, collocare) debet. Et eadem septem noctes placitum facere debet ut seruum suum ad supplicium tradat. Quod si ad septem noctes seruo ipso tradere distulerit, solem ei qui repetit collecit (colecit, culcet, collicet, collocet); ed sic iterum ad alias septem noctes placitum faciat id est ad xiiii noctes de prima admonitione conpleantur. . . . Tunc repetens solem ei cum testibus collegare {colecit, culcet, collecit, collicet, colocare, collocet) debet," xl. 7 ff. ^ " Si aliquis alteri aliquid prestiterit de rebus suis et noluerit reddere . . . sic ei solon collocit {colecit, culcet, collecit, collicet, culcauerit, collocet)," lii; "si quis ad mallum uenire contempserit . . . tunc emn debet manire ante regem, hoc est an noctes xiiii, et tria testimonia iurare debent quod ibi fuerunt ubi eum manibit et solem collocauit {collegato sol sista, culcat solem, sola legauit, collicet ei solem, collocent ei solem)," lvi; similarly lvii. 1, 2; cvi. 7, 8. * " Et is si ibidem non conueniret aut certe si uenire distulerit, qui ipsum admallauit ibi eum solisacire {solsatire, sole latere) debet, et inde postea iterata uice ad noctes xiiii eum rogare debet, ut in illo mallobergo respondere aut con- uenire ubi antrusciones mitti iure debent," cvi. ^ " Sed venientis ad eo placitum ipsi agentis jam dicto abbati, No\'iento, in ipso palacio nostro, per triduo seo per plures dies, ut lex habuit, placitum eorum vise sunt custudissent, et ipso Ermenoaldo abbati abjectissent vel solsadissent . . . testimuniavit quod . . . placitum eorum ligebus custudierunt, et super- scriptus Ermenoaldus abba placitum suum custudire neclixsit" (692), Sauer and Samaran, op. cit., p. 15; " sed veniens ad eo placeto praedictus Chi-otcharius, Valencianis, in ipso palacio nostro, et dum placetum suum ligebus custodibat, vel ipso Amalberctho sulsadihat, sic veniens ex parte filius ipsius Amalberctho, nomene Amalricus, sulsadina sua contradixissit . . . Et postia memmoratus Chrotcharius per triduum aut per amplius, placitum suum, ut lex habuit, cus- todissit, et ipso Amalberctho abjectissit vel sulsadissit " (693), ibid., p. 16. 42 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS and of the Formulae.^ Twice we have solatium colledum for "the posse that Hes ui distress," ^ and in the Ribuarian law alsaccia is used for "distress." ^ That the ceremony of sitting from morning until sunset for a series of days before proceeding with the case in court was a real act is proved not only by specific statements,^ but especially by the enormously exaggerated development of this Frankish law among the Irish in their law of distress as laid down in the Brehon Laws. In either case we have noth- ing but a development of the corresponding Roman law of the year 382, according to which the severer cases were not to be proceeded against at once, but the defendants were to be watched by a guard for the period of thirty days.^ The very phrase which contains this injunction, "reos sane ac- cipiat vinciatque custodia, et excubiis sollertibus vigilanter obseruet," or "sollicitis obseruet excubiis"^ became the stereotyped sentence from which has developed our legend of watching until the sim went down. That this phrase is ^ " Noticia solsadii, qualiter vel quibus presentibus illi homo placetum suum adtendit Andecavis civetate. . . Qui ipsi iam superius nomenati placitum eorum legebus a mane usque ad vesperum visi fuerunt custodisse," Form. Andec, 12; "et ipsi illi ad placetum suum adfuitettriduum legebus custodivitetsoZsadiw'f," ibid., 13; " qui illi ad placitum adfuit una cum antestis suis, per legibus triduum custodivit et solsadivit," ibid., 14; " qui illi et germano suo illi placito illi de manum usque ad vesperum placitum suum legibus custodivit et solsadivit," ibid., 53; "a quo placito veniens memoratus illi in palacio nostro, et per triduo seu amplius, ut lex habuit, placitum suum custodisset vel memorato illo abiect- isset vel solsatisset . . . antedictus ille placitum suum legibus custodivit et eum abiectivit vel solsativit," Marculfi form., i. 37; "sed memoratus quidem ille per triduum suum custodivit placitmn et iam dicto illo secundum legem obiectivit vel solsativit," Form. Turon. 33. 2 See note 2, p. 29. ^ gee note 3, p. 26. * " Iniuriosus tamen ad placitum in conspectu regis Childebertlii advenit et per triduum usque occasum solis observavit," Greg. Turon. Hist. Franc, vii. 23. ^ " Si vindicari in aliquos seuerius, contra nostram consuetudinem, pro causae intuitu, iusserimus, nolumus statim eos aut subire poenas, aut excipere senten- tiam, sed per dies XXX. super statu eorum sors et fortuna suspensa sit : reos sane accipiat vinciatque custodia, et excubiis sollertibus vigilanter observuet" (382), Cod. Theod. ix. 40. 13. « Cod. Theod. xiv. 27. 1. SCULCA 43 significant is proved by its occurrence in Gregory, "certe sculcas quos mittitis, solUcite requirant, ne dolens factum ad nos recurrat," " carefully employ the watches which you send, lest the crime should fall back upon us." Obviously the sul~ sadina of the Sahc law, which was necessary before the judge could proceed with the case, contained the words to the effect that the watches had carefully been employed for the period of three days, that is, three times seven days, since the dis- tress was repeated each week. The sulsadina, no doubt, con- tained some abbreviation, such as sol. culc, that is, sol- Ucite culcatum, and as this contraction was not understood, it developed into solatium collectum, solem collocare, solsadire, alsaccia. This solem collocare has brought about the formal sitting each day until sunset. In any case, if we compare the formula of the sulsadina, "triduum legibus custodire et sol- satire" with the Roman *^per dies triginta . . . custodia, et ex- cubiis sollertibus vigilanter obseruet," the derivation of the first from the second is obvious beyond a shadow of a doubt. It is this solem culcare which has helped Lat. collocare to assume in the Romance languages the special meaning of ''to lay down in bed," hence French se coucher 'Ho go down (of the sun), lie down"; Ital. coricare, old colcare, Vene- tian colegar "to sit down, lie down, go to bed." In the Ger- manic languages sculca has given Engl, sculk, skulk "to lie in wait," Danish skulke "to lie in hiding, shirk," MLG. schiden "to be hidden, to look furtively," dial. Swedish skula, skjula " to woXk stooping," dial. 'Norwegism skjula, skulka, skulma, skylma "to look furtively, scowl," Dan. skjule, Swed. skyla, ONorse skyla " to protect," OHG. scil- linge "hiding place," Engl, scowl. So long as the meaning is "to lie in wait" one may safely assume a derivation from original sculca, but when the idea of protection is added, there is frequently a confusion with native German words re- lated to Lat. scutum, or with words directly derived from it. 44 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS The scutarii, frequently mentioned as gentiles, are of com- mon occurrence in the writers of the fifth and sixth century. They were a bodyguard of the emperors, forming a separate schola, and did not materially differ from those whom I have described as scholares. They occupied approximately the same position and by a philological transformation became the sculdasii of the eighth and later centuries. A Goth, Wit- terit, is mentioned in a document of 539 or 546 as a scuta- rius; that he was an agens in rebus is proved by his honorific title vd., i.e., vir devotus.^ In the Langobard documents of the eighth century we find the transitional form sculdhoris,^ and only in the Langobard laws and later do we get the cus- tomary sculdais, sculdhais, sculdasius. We get the forms scutarius,^ schultarius,^ schuldarius ^ in the tenth century, the latter two in the south of Italy, where they may well have preserved an older spelling, and so the development of the word is obviously scutarius > scultarius > sculdarius > sculdharis > sculdhais > sculdais. That this sculdais is iden- tical, or nearly identical, in his functions with the Gothic scutarius is proved by his occupying a position after the vicecomes ^ and before the centenarius,^ hence it is at once to be inferred that, like the wittiscalci of the Burgundians, the 1 Marini, I pap. dipl., p. 172. 2 Troya, op. cit., vol. v, p. 132 (762), 241 (763), 711 (773). 2 Ughelli, Italia sacra, 2. ed., vol. ii, col. 103. * Ibid., 1. ed., vol. viii, col. 602. ^ Ibid., col. 605. ^ "Dux comes uicecomes sculdacio gastaldio decanus" (904), HPM., ChartcB, vol. i, col. 108; "dux comes uicecomes sculdatio decamis saltarius vicarius" (926), ibid., col. 128; "dux marchio comes vicecomes sciddatio gas- taldius aut ullus reipublicae exactor" (969), ibid., col. 222; "dux archiepiscopus marchio episcopus comes vicecomes sculdacius gastaldus" (992), ibid., col. 290; "dux marchio comes vicecomes sculdasdus locopositus aut quislibet publicus actor" (894), L. Schiaparelli, / diplomi di Berengario I, p. 45; similarly p. 51 (896), 79 (899), etc.; "dux comes vicecomes scutarius" (904), Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. ii, col. 103; "dux marchio comes vicecomes sculdaxio" (950), ibid., col. 104. ^ "Praecipiunt ad sculdahis sues, aut ad centenarios, aut ad locopositos" (747), MGH., Leg. Langob., Rat. 1. SCULCA 45 thungini of the Franks, the saiones of the Visigoths, he was an executor, a collector of debts, even if we did not have in the laws ^ the specific reference to him in this capacity and to his being a ''vassus regius." ^ Hence his chief duty consisted in summoning to court and catching thieves, that is, in super- intending the sculca or sculta, that is, the solis collocare of the Franks. For this reason scutarius has here and in Germanic countries changed to scultarius. The Gothic Bible translates ''debtor" by dulgis skula and "creditor" by dulga haitja. The first literally means "debt ower," the second ''debt compeller." This Goth, dulgs "debt" is related to OSlavic dlugu "debt," Olrish dliged "law, right, duty," dligim "I owe, have a right," Cornish dyllij "owing," Breton die "debt," etc. These are all derived from LLatin dulgere "to release," from Lat. indulgere "to forgive." The Edict of Chilperic provides that when a slave has killed a freeman, his master should swear that he had nothing to do with the killing, and then he should turn the slave over or release him, "dulgat,'^ to the relations of the slain man.^ Dulgere is several times recorded in this sense in the eighth century,^ especially in connection with obsides, hos- pites, because deserting the hostages was tantamount to breaking vows and starting a rebellion.^ In the Formulae the usual formula of cession is (concedere et) indulgere.^ In- 1 "Si homo liber qui debitor est, alias res non habuerit nisi caballos domitos aut iunctorios, seu vaccas, tunc ille qui debitum requirit, vadat ad sculdahis et intimet causam suam, quia debitor ipsius alias res non habet, nisi quae supra leguntur. Tunc sculdahis tollat bobes et caballos ipsius et ponat eos post credi- torem, dum usque ei iustitia faciat," Roth. 251. 2 "Ingelrico sculdassio uassum eidem odolrici comis et ancione qui sculdassio uassum eidem comis" (887), HPM., Chartae, vol. i, col. 75. 3 "Dulgat seruum hoc est de licentia parentibus coram parentes qui occisus est, et de ipso quod uoluerint faciant, et ille sit exolutus," Lex sal., lxxviii. 5. * "Quantum in ipsa donatione continet, et a die praesente trado, dulgo, atque transcribo," in Ducange, sub dulgere. ^ "Cupiebat supradictus Haistolfus nefandus rex mentiri, quae antea polli- citus fuerat, obsides dulgere, sacramenta irrumpere" (756), in Ducange. ^ " Volemus esse translatum atque indultum," Form. Andec. 46; "probamus 46 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS dulgences of two kinds were granted by the Roman emperors in the fourth and fifth centuries, those in regard to debts, under the name of indulgentiae dehitorum,^ for which the edicts run from the year 363 to 436, and those in regard to crimes, under the name of indulgentiae criminum,^ from 322 to 410. The remission of debts refers to those in any way due to the state. The remission in regard to crimes took place on particular occasions, more especially on Easter day.^ At first poisoners, murderers, adulterers were excluded from the indulgence,^ then this exception was increased to include five crimes leading to capital punishment, ^ and this list kept growing^ until it included all but petty crimes.' Hence (m)- dultum came to mean not only ''remission of crimes," but esse induUum," Marc, form., i. 4; "omnia ex omnibus . . . habeant indultum," Form. Turon. 21; "ex nostra indulgentia visi fuimus concessisse atque indul- gisse," Cart. Senon. 36; "in omnibus habeat concessum atque indultum," Form. Sal. Bignon. 2; "sibi habeat concessum atque indultum" Form. Cod., E. Em- meranifrag. ii. 9. 1 Cod. Theod. xi. 28. " Cod. Theod. ix. 38. 3 "06 diem Paschae (quam intimo corde celebramus) omnibus quos reatus adstringit, career inclusit, claustra dissoluimus" (367), ix. 38. 3; "Paschae celebritas postulat, vt quoscunque nunc aegra expectatio quaestionis, poenaque formido sollicitat, absoluamus" (368), ix. 38. 4; "paschalis laetitiae dies ne ilia quidam tenere sinit ingenia, quae flagitia fecerunt: pateat insuetis horridus career aliquando luminibus" (381), x. 38. 6; "religio anniuersariae obsecrationis hortatur, vt omnes omnino periculo carceris metuque poenarum eximi iubere- mus" (384), IX. 38. 7; "vbi primum dies Paschalis extiterit, nullum teneat career inelusum, omnia vincia soluantur" (385), ix. 38. 8. * "Praeter veneficos, homicidas, adulteros" (322), ix. 38. 1. * "Exceptis quinque criminibus, quae capite vindicantur" (353), ix. 38. 2. 8 "Adtamen sacrilegus, in maiestate reus, in mortuos veneficus, siue male- fieus, adulter, raptor, homicida, communione istius muneris separentur" (367), IX. 38. 3; "ne temere homicidii crimen, adulterii foeditatem, maiestatis iniu- riam maleficiorum scelus, insidias venenorum, raptusque violentiam sinamus euadere" (368), ix. 38. 4. A still longer list in the succeeding laws. ^ "Quis enim 1. sacrilego diebus Sanctis indulgeat? quis 2. adultero, vel incesti reo tempore castitatis ignoseat? quis non raptorem in summa quiete et gaudio communi persequatur instantius? 5. Nullam aceipiat requiem vinculo- rum, qui quieseere sepultos quodam sceleris immanitate non siuit; patiatur tormenta 6. veneficus, 7. maleficus. 8. adulteratorque monetae: 9. homicida, quod fecit semper expectet: 10. reus etiam maiestatis, de domino aduersum qucm talia molitus est, veniam sperare non debet" (385), ix. 38. 8. SCULCA " 47 also ^'holiday," hence Goth, dulps ''holiday," dulpjan ''to celebrate," OHG. tult, dult ''festival," ostertuldi ''Easter," tuldjan "to celebrate." There are two series of crimes which are principally included in the amnesty, those arising from debt, and those arising from such pretty crimes as do not call for serious criminal prosecution, hence we get from (in)dul~ gere in Goth, dulgs "debt" and in OHG. tolg, tolc, OFrisian dolg, AS. dolg, dolh "wound," such as does not cause death, for then it would become "homicidium" and would not have been included in the indulgence. From this OHG. tolg, tolc comes an enormous group of words in Slavic, represented by the root talk- "to beat, strike, thrash" and, at the same time, like OHG. dult, tult, represented in Polish ttoka "voluntary work with dancing and eating," Lettish talka, talks, talkus "an evening entertainment for the workers" and from this ultimately comes, through the Norse, English talk. The conception of "debt" has arisen in the Germanic, Slavic, and Celtic languages through contact with Roman law. Now the root dulg-, while universal in Europe, has not left any traces with that connotation in any of the Ger- manic languages outside of Gothic, and even the Gothic uses the other root skul-, skuld-, to express the idea of debt. Before proceeding to show how this has arisen from Lat. sculta, I shall show how another Latin term has produced the idea of "obligation" in the Germanic and Romance languages. The Roman laws called down heavy punish- ments upon the plagiator, the man who by solicitation in- veigled boys and slaves to his house and later sold them be- yond the sea. In the beginning of the sixth century we find, therefore, in Theodoric's Edict, plagiare " soUicitare " and plegium "the crime of detaining a boy or slave by solicitous actions." ^ The Visigothic laws have a whole series of enact- 1 " Qui ingenuum plagiando, id est sollicitando, in alia loca translatum aut vendiderit, aut donaverit, vel suo certe servitio viadicandum crediderit, oc- cidatur," 78. 48 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS ments against the evil of plagiarism, from which it appears that it differed from stealing in that the respective person was coaxed, "sollicitatus," to enter one's service.^ At a later time plegium, plevium, plehium, etc., occur in the sense of "solicitude, care," in Frankish documents,^ and are re- corded since the sixth century in the sense of "security," but it is only since Norman times that plegium, plevium "pledge" became really popular in France and in other countries. The AS. has preserved the word in all the suc- cessive stages of its semantic evolution. We have seen that plagiare meant "to solicit, entice, coax," hence AS. plegan, plaegan "to mock, deride, applaud, play, dance"; similarly plegium meant "the crime of soliciting, extreme penalty for such a crime," hence AS. plio, pleo, pleoh "danger, injury, fault," pliht "danger," plihtan "to expose to danger, pledge." Similarly we have OHG. phlekan, phlegan, plegan "curare, ministrare, regere," phlicht "cura," ONorse plega "to ex- ercise," plaga "to take care, guard, love," etc. From this group cannot be separated OSlav. plensati "to dance," Boh. plesati "plaudere, exsultare, saltare," Gothic plinsjan "to dance." The early recorded plevium has produced OFrench, Provengal pZeyiV "pledge," Fr. pleige "surety," etc. All the words connected with the idea "debt, guilt, pledge " have in the European languages arisen from the correspond- 1 " Quicquid ad discum nostrum dare debet, unusquisque iudex in sua habeat plebio qualiter bona et optima atque bene studiose et nitide omnia sint con- posita quicquid dederint" (800), MGH., Cap., vol. i, p. 85; "et ferramenta, quod in hostem ducunt, in eorum habeant plebio qualiter bona sint et iterum quando revertuntur in camera mittantur," ibid., p. 87; " quicquid ipsi in pace violanda delinquerint, ad ipsius debet plivium pervenire" (823), ibid., vol. ii, p. 305. 2 " De seruima ecclesiae aut fiscalinis uel cuiuslibet si aliquo quicumque in potestatem ad sorte aut ad plibium (pleuium, plebeium, plebium) promouatur, ut ipse precius dominum reformetur," Decretio Chlotharii regis: "si quicumque homo alienum servum de capitale crimine amallaverit, et ei ad sacramentum non crediderit, nisi subscribere eum vult, de presente plebat, hoc est subscribat euum servum alterum talem, qua ille est, cui reputat," Lex romana raet. curien., IX, 4. SCULCA 49 ing Latin terms, as the whole criminal procedure of the Ger- manic laws is but an evolution of the edicts of the Theo- dosian Code. Hence it would be extremely strange if OHG. sculd "facinus, crimen, reatum, debitum, causa" should have proceeded from a native word. I have already shown the confusion between scutarius and scultarius. It can be shown that this confusion was universal on Germanic ground. It is generally assumed that Lat. scutum ''shield" is derived from a root sku- 'Ho cover," which is very likely if we con- sider Gr. cTKUTos "hide, leather," but one thing is certain and that is, that it is only in the Latin that the idea "shield" has developed in this group, although a similar relation of "hide" and "shield" is found in the Sanskrit carma. Now, all the other E\u"opean languages have derived the word for "shield" from Lat. scutum. We have Albanian sk'iit, sk'ut,''- Olrish sciath, OWelsh scuit, OBreton scoit, Cornish ysguydh, Slavic stitu. Hence it would again be extremely strange if Goth, skildus, ONorse skjoldr, AS. scyld, OHG. scilt were not derived from the same scutum, even because scutarius has by documentary evidence become confused with scuUator.^ The universal umlaut found in these words would indicate that they were derived through a source borrowing not from Latin, but from the Greek, where the identical word ety- mologically, ctkvto^, was confused with it; but that Lat. scutum was at an early time borrowed back into Greek, that is proved, not only by the later (tkovtou, but also by ctkovto.- pLos, recorded in the second century. There cannot be the slightest doubt that scultarius, de- rived from the older scutarius, and quite correctly in the ^ G. Mayer, Etymologisches Worterbuch der albanischen Sprache, Strassburg 1891, p. 3S8. Mayer thinks that Lat. scutum should have given sk'iit, not sk'ut, but he contradicts himself immediately by admitting that skuter " chief herdsman" is from Gr. a-KovTapLos, Lat. scutarius "shield bearer, famulus, domesticus." 2 The very form sculdhor, which I have found twice recorded, may be a di- rect corruption of scultator. 50 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS OHG. form sculdhaizo, sculdheizo glossed as ''praefectus, tribunus, procurator, quinquagenarius, praeco, exactor populi," was popularly understood to be the compeller of those crimes which demanded distress, that is, a sculta or sculca. Such crimes, as we have seen, were debts and those leading to capital punishment. Thus sculta came to mean those crimes themselves, precisely as dulgere 'Ho remit the petty crimes or debts" led in all the European languages to the meanings ''petty crime" and "debt." Sculta, then, meant "guilt, debt, compulsion, that which one owes." In- deed, OHG. gasculdon is glossed by "exigere (culpa), prome- rere," gasculdan by "exigere (iram judicis)," sculdon by "promerere," and sculdanhy "condemnare," the latter in the significant phrase "sculdante za gelte," "condemning to pay the fine." The underlying meaning is invariably "the com- pulsion in cases of debt or crime," hence Goth, skuldo "that which one owes, a debt, due," skulds "owing," and from this we get the back formations skula "debtor, liable to, in danger of," skulan "to owe, to be obliged to, to be about to." The Germanic philologist, who makes his facts fit in with his abstract laws, will be shocked at finding a preteropresent verb among those borrowed from a Latin root. It must not be forgotten that these verbs are for the greater part not found outside of the Germanic languages, that no Indo-Ger- manic root from which skulan may be derived has been dis- covered, and that this group, like Goth, daugan, which is also a preteropresent and borrowed from the Latin, entered the Germanic languages before the sixth century, even before the Anglo-Saxons had settled in Britain, and while the Germanic tribes had not yet separated. The other Germanic languages need not detain us, except the Anglo-Saxon, where we have not only scyld "sin, crime, guilt," but also gylt "crime, sin, fault, debt, guilt," which is, no doubt, developed directly from Welsh gwyliad, gwyliat, SCULCA 51 OBreton guiliat "a watching." The Slavic languages do not seem to have any derivatives from this group, having bor- rowed from the older root dulg-» Lithuanian has skola "debt," skylu, skilau "to fall into debt," skeliu "to owe," but also words without an initial s, such as kalte "debt, crime," kaltas "guilty." HOMOLOGUS In the Visigothic laws we hear of a buccellarius, a free man who could change his patron, to whom he had sworn fealty, by surrendering all his arms and half of his acquisitions while in the service of his patron, and provisions were made for the daughters of the buccellarius, whereby they obtained a dowry from the property surrendered, if they married according to the patron's will.^ An identical law substitutes the saio for the buccellarius,^ hence the two could not have differed much in their capacities, if they were not entirely the same. The usual conception about the buccellarius in the Middle Ages was that he was a cut- throat retainer, a parasite,^ and this opinion is well founded, if one considers the Roman law of the year 468, according to which people were not permitted to keep bands of armed buccellarii on their estates.^ But, 1 "Si quis buccellario arma dederit vel aliquid donaverit, si in patroni sui manserit obsequio, aput ipsum quae sunt donata permanenat. Si vero alium sibi patronum elegerit, habeat licentiam, cui se voluerit commendare: quoniam ingenuus homo non potest prohiberi, quia in sua potestate consistit : sed reddat omnia patrono, quem deseruit. Similis et de circa filios patroni vel buccellarii forma servetur, ut si ipsi quidem obsequi voluerint, donata possideant: si vero patroni filios vel nepotes crediderint reliquendos, reddant universa, quae paren- tibus eorum a patrono donata sunt. Et si aliquid buccellarius sub patrono ad- quesierit, medietas ex omnibus in patroni vel filiorum eius potestate consistat : aliam meclietatem buccellarius, qui adquaesivit, obtineat: et si filiam reliquirit, ipsam in patroni potestate manere iubemus : sic tamen, ut ipse patronus aequa- lem ei provideat, qui eam sibi possit in matrimonio sociare. Quod si ipsa con- tra voluntatem patroni alium forte elegerit, quidquid patricius a patrono fuerit donatum vel a pai'entibus patroni, omnia patrone vel heredibus eiun reetitua- tur," Euric. Frag, cccx and Lex Visig. v. 3. 1. 2 Euric. Frag, cccxi and Lex Visig. v. 3. 2, 3, 4. ' "Buccellarius assecula, satellites, galearius, parasitus, scurra," Corpus glossariorum latinorum; " BovKeXXdpw^ 6 aTrocrTeAXd/Aei'os Kai aiv TLva, Ducange. * "Omnibus per civitates et agros habendi bucccUarios ve\ Isauros armatos- que servos licentiam volumus esse praeclusam. Quod si quis, praeter haec HOMOLOGUS 53 while it is quite true that the buccellarii during the latter days of the Roman Empire formed private bodyguards, swearing allegiance to their patrons under whom they fought, and dur- ing the fall of the Empire resolving themselves into companies of freebooters,^ it also appears from the Gothic enactments that they had a certain legal standing, which can hardly have arisen from a condition of lawlessness, but rather must have preceded it. The earliest reference to buccellarii is in the Notitia dig- nitatum, where "comites catafractarii bucellarii iuniores" are mentioned, and almost contemporaneously with it comes the statement by Olympiodorus that in the time of Honorius not only Romans, but also Goths, bore the name of buccellarii.^ The derivation of this word from Lat. buccella, suggested by Olympiodorus and accepted by many modern writers, is mere popular etymology and of no use. All we know is that the word was employed for certain Roman and Gothic sol- diers or private retainers. In the Visigothic laws the relation subsisting between the buccellarius and his patron is called by the familiar terms obsequium or patrocinium, which is a free agreement entered upon by the servant loyally to sup- port his master from whom he received his arms and his sus- tenance. Guilhermoz has ably shown that the patrocinium and the buccellarii of the Visigoths are of Roman origin,^ and I will now try to show what the origin of the word buc- cellarius is. We know of the patrocinium chiefly from the many enact- nostra mansuetudo salubriter ordinavit, armata mancipia seu buccellarios aut Isauros in suis praediis aut juxta se habere temptaverit, post exactam centum librarum auri condemnationem vindictam in eos severissimam proferri sanci- mus," Cod. Just. IX. 12. 10. 1 Mommsen, in Hermes, vol. xxiv, p. 233 ff., and C. L^crivain, Les soldats prives aus Bas Empire, in Melanges d'archeologie el d'histoire, vol. x, p. 267 ff. 2 " To Bou/ceAAapios ovojxa ev rats rj^ipais 'Ovayptov i(jiepeTO Kara arparnM- Twv ov p-ovuiv 'Pw/zatoji', dAAa kol VotOwv tlvwv," Lecrivain, I. c, p. 277. ^ Essai sur I'origine de la noblesse en France au moyen age, Paris 1902, p. 13 ff. 54 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS ments against it in the Theodosian Code. It appears that in the fourth and fifth centuries farmers, especially in Egypt, entered into a kind of servitude to a patron, in order to avoid paying taxes. ^ A few years before, Libanius had addressed a letter to Theodosius, in which he gave a terrible picture of the ravages committed by those farmers who left the vil- lages and their masters and entered the service of officers stationed near by.^ In 415 these farmers, called homologi, were ordered to return to the villages which they had left, the patrons receiving back what they had spent on them.^ These farmers were obviously free men, for it was specifically stated that the law against the patrocinium referred only to those who had property of their own.* The patrocinium, as a military institution, which, however, can hardly be separated from its mere economic form, put the huccellarius under obligation to defend the master rightly or wrongly against all men. The Visigothic laws are full of references to this evil. Judges would favor a case of a man to 1 " Omnes ergo sciant, non modo eos memorata multa feriendos, qui cliente- 1am susceperint rusticorum, sed eos quoque qui fraudandorum tributorum causa ad patrocinia solita fraude confugerint, duplum definitae multae subi- turos" (399), xi. 24. 4. 2 " Eicrt Kuijxai fieydXai ttoAXwv iKacrTYj oeCTroTiov. avrai KaTaevyovcnv ctti Tous iSpii/xevous crrpaTtajTas, ou^ iva firj TraOuxn KaKws, dXA' iva ej^wcri Troieir. Koi 6 jxktOo'; a(j> wv StSwcrtv rj y-q, irvpol koX KptOai kol to. (xtto twv SivSpwv rj )(pv(ro<; rj ^vctlov tl/jli]. Trpo^e^Av^jLievot tolvvv ras rovrcov )(elpas ol SeSwKores iijivrjvTai rrjv cis aTravra i^ovcriav, kol vvv fx.ev KaKo. Kai Trpdyfiara Trapi)(ov(Ti Tois ojnopois yr]v dTroTefxv6[xevoi, SevSpa Te/Avovres, dpTra^ovres, 6vovTe<;, Kara- K6TrTovT€<;, eo-^iovres," Libanius, De patrociniis, 4. ' " Hii sane, qui vicis quibus adscripti sunt derelictis, qui homologi more gen- tilitio nuncupantur, ad alios seu vicos, seu dominos transierunt, ad sedem de- solati ruris constrictis detentatoribus redire cogantur: qui si exsequenda pro- traxerint, ad functiones eorum teneantur obnoxii, et dominis restituant, quae pro his exsoluta constiterit," Cod. Theod. xi. 24. 6. * " Excellentia tua his legibus, quae de prohibendis patrociniis aliorum princi- pum nomine promulgatae sunt, seueriorem poenam nos addidisse cognoscat: scilicet, ut si quis agricolis vel vicanis propria possidentibus patrocinium rep- pertus fuerit ministrare, propriis facultatibus exuatur. His quoque agricolis terrarum suarum dispendio feriendis, qui ad patrocinia quaesiti confugerint," XI. 24. 5. HOMOLOGUS 55 whom they were related by patronage,^ and rich men relied on their retinue to impede the course of justice,^ having re- course to riotous clamors,^ while the Lex romana raeiica curiensis meted out severe punishment to those who did not apply to their judges for the law, but to the ''milites qui in obsequio principum sunt."^ It is, therefore, clear that the huccellarius was a free Goth who entered into a compact to serve another in return for certain advantages. The impor- tant point in this relation was the contract which specifically declared what the forfeit would be if such a free man, having entered into an agreement to work for another, chose to change masters or break the contract. In Byzantine Egji^t a contract was called 6/aoXoyta, from the formula oixoXoyel "he promises, spondet," which is the essential part of such a contract.^ In the Coptic contracts ^ 1 "Si quis iudici pro adversario suo querellam intulerit, et ipse eum audire noluerit aut sigillum negaverit et per diversas occasiones causam eius protrax- erit, pro patrodnio aut amicitia noles legibus obtemperare," ii. 1. 20. 2 " Quicumque habens causam ad maiorem personam se propterea contulerit, ut in iudicio per illius patrocinium adversarium suum possit obprimere, ipsam causam, de qua agitur, etsi iusta fuerit, quasi victus perdat, index autem mox viderit quemcumque potentem in causa cuiuslibet patrocinari, liceat ei de iudicio eium habicere. Quod si potens contemserit iudicem et proterve resistens de iudicio egredi vel locum dare iudicanti noluerit, potestatem habeat iudex ab ipso potente duas auri libras auri exigere et hunc iniuria violenta a iudicio propulsare," ii. 2. 8. 3 "Audientia non tumultu aut clamore turbetur . . . nullus se in audientiam ingerat . . . quod si admonitus quisquam a judicem fuerit, ut in causa taceat hac prestare causando patrocinium non presumat, et ausus ultra fuerit parti cuiuslibet patrocinare, decern auri solidos eidem iudici profuturos coactus exol- vat, ipse vero, in nullo resultans, contumeliose de iudicio proiectus abscedat," II. 2. 2. It is interesting to notice here that the Bavarian law has used this clamore, which naturally means "riotous noise, sedition," in the same sense in the form carmulum, "si quis seditionem suscitaverit contra ducem suum, quod Baiuvari carmulum dicunt," i. 2. 3, and this leads to Slavic kramola "sedition." ■» " Quicumque homo, qui suos indices, qui in sua provincia commanent, postposuerit, et ad milites, qui in obsequio principum sunt, suas causas agere presumserit: ipse qui earn causam inquirit, in exiUo deputetur; et ille miles, qui ipsam causam iudicat, x libras auri solvat," ii. 1. 7. ^ M. J. Bry, Essai sur la vente dans les papyrus greco-egyptiens, Paris 1909, p. 131 ff. ' W. E. Crum, Catalogue of the Coptic Manuscripts in the Collection of the John Rylands Library, Manchester 1909, in the Vocabulary. - 56 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS homologei, hamalogi occurs numberless times in such con- tracts in the sense ''we agree, promise." The agreement of a sailor, who distinctly mentions the fact that he is a free man, runs as follows: "I, John, the sailor, son of the late George, of Shnoum, write to George, the sailor, son of Melas, like- wise of Shnoum. Seeing that I have agreed to embark with thee as sailor upon the little ship 'Apa Severus,' and to re- ceive hire the 10th Indiction, henceforth, until the fulfilment of its year, namely the month of Paope, in God's will, of the 11th Indiction; now therefore I undertake (homologei) to remain as sailor on this ship, in all freedom, without sloth or neglect. It is agreed that we will conceal nothing, one from the other, of what God shall bring to us; and we will give to each other the proportion fixed from the takings of ' Apa Severus' from to-day henceforth, until the fulfilment of its year. And if its year be fulfilled and we agree together, we will set sail again together. But if I wish to part from thee, while I am a sailor with thee upon the little ship, thereupon I will pay 2 gold solidi as fine, all that I have being at thy disposal. . . . For thy assurance, therefore, I have drawn up this agreement {homologia) for thee and do consent thereto by my signs, and I have begged other freemen and they have witnessed it." ^ In Langobard times such a contract was called lihellus, and a freeman promising to work the land of a patron for a series of years or for life distinctly stated the conditions, under which he worked, in such a lihellus,^ and the usual phrase for 1 W. E. Crum, op. cit, p. 76. ^ Atypical libellus would run something like this: " Manifestum mihi Luitpert homo liber, et filio qd. Teuderici, quia per cartulam ad resedendo confirmasti me et fihus et nepotibus meis tu venerabili domno Peredeo Episc. in casa Eccl. vestre in loco Ligori, ubi antea residet qd. Ursulo, et in omnem res ividem per- tenent. Proinde per hanc cartula repromiclo me una cumfiliis seo nepotibus meis, ut diebus vite nostre in ipsa case abitare debeamus, et ipsa casa et omnes res ibidem perlenent in omnibus meliorare debeamus, et in alio loco aut in alia casa peculia- rina facere non debeamus Et per singulo anno tibi et successoribus tuis reddere HOMOLOGUS 57 such land holding, w as " libellario nomine." ''■ If homologus, homologites,'^ came to mean ''the farmer who works for an- other by a contract," ^ and in the West lihellarius had the same significance, it must be obvious that huccellarius must have been formed in some similar way. Now, in Gothic hoka means "letter, document," from which are derived German huch, Russian hukva ''letter," etc., and our huc- cellarius is derived from this word. But hoka itself is of Latin origin. Before the sixth century lihellus was not the only word for "book, written document." Far more often they employed pugillar, in Greek ttvktlov, ttvklov, to express "document," while lihellus designated the complete book.^ It is this stem pug-, ttvk-, which has produced Goth, hoka, and from pugillar has been formed huccellarius, the synonym of the later lihellarius, and the Roman equivalent of the Greek homologus. Another word, which was almost identical in meaning with huccellarius has proceeded from a Latin word meaning "book," namely vassallus. Since Pliny's time vasarium puh- debeamus de ipsa res duo modio grano, et duo modia farre, vino anforas quinque, olivas medietate, animale bono magese, in Pascha uno pullos, ovas decern, et angaria vobis facere debeamus, sicut est consuetudo facere alii mas- sarii de ipso loco," etc. (764), Mem. e doc . . . di Lucca, vol. v^, p. 51. 1 " Libellario tiiulo," Cassiodorus, Variae, v. 7 (523); "sed et terrulam ec- clesiae nostrae vicinam sibi . . . libellario nomine ad summam tremissis unius habere concede" (590), Gregorii I Registri, ii. 3; " volumus ut securitatis libel- los de pensionibus facias" (591), ibid., i. 42. 2 W. E. Crum, op. cit. (mologites), p. 237. 3 The homologi are several times recorded in the second century in Egypt, and Wilcken (Griechische Ostraka aus Aegypten und Nubien, Leipzig und Berlin 1899, vol. I, p. 253 ff.), agreeing with Gothofredus, at first considered them to be peasants who accepted the patronage by some kind of homologia " agree- ment," but he later somewhat modified his views in M. Rostowzew's Studien zur Geschichte des romischen Kolonats, in 1. Beiheft zum Archiv fiir Papyrus- forschung, p. 219 ff. But for our purposes the precise status of the homologi is immaterial, for all we are concerned with is the fact that these homologi entered in patrocinium and, as we shall later see, retained the name of homologi in the West. * " Venere in manus meas pugillares hbellique cum quibusdamn otissimis versibus ipsius chirographo scriptis," Suetonius, Nerva 52. 58 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS licum was the usual name for a ''liber censualis," a book in which the amount of tax the farmers had to pay was pre- cisely recorded.^ In the earliest Ostrogothic document of the year 489 the new owner of the estate says that he is ready each year to pay the fiscal dues for it, and so he asks the au- thorities to have the name of the former owner erased from the polyptic and his own inserted instead, to which the an- swer of the ojSicer granting the request is that he will have the name erased from the vasaria puhlica, etc.^ What these polyptics were is best seen from a capitulary of Charles the Bald in 864, where it says that they contain a precise state- ment of the corvee due by each colonus,^ and this is borne out by the polyptic of Irminon and similar lists. That derivatives vasarinus "free serf," vasarinium, vasa- risiscum ''corvee due from the free serf" existed is proved by the corrupted forms warcinus "free serf," warcinium, warciniscum "corvee due from the free serf," recorded in 736,^ and varcinaticum "animalia exacta ad mensam prin- cipis," used in a document of the year 816.^ The Langobard 1 Plinius, VII. 49, Cod. Theod. xiii. 11. 12, Cassiodorus, Variae vii. 45. 2 " Parati sumus singulis annis pro eadem praedia conpetentia solvere unde rogamus uti jubeatis a polypthicis publicis nomen prioris domini suspendi et nostri dominii adscribi . . . Unde erit nobis cura de vasariis puhlicis nomen prioris dominii suspendi et vestri dominii adscribi," Marini, I pap. dipl., p. 130. ^ " lUi coloni, tarn fiscales, quam et ecclesiastici, qui sicut in polypticis con- tinetur et ipsi non denegant, carropera et manopera ex antiqua consuetudine debent," MGH., Leg. sec. ii. 2, p. 323. * " Faichisi seo Pasquale, fratris germani, filii quondam Beninato, qui fuet aldio vestrum S. Saturnini . . . tu predicta Pasquale et Faichisi in casa S. Saturnini resedire diveatis in Diano casa, vel in omni res patris nostro, quon- dam Veninato, quia manifestum est quod de livera mater natis sumus, et de istato nostro nulla condicione bovis redivibamus, nisi tantum bonis de ipsa casa vel omni res patris nostro, warcinisca facere diveamus, sic ut bovis pater nostrum quandam Veninatus usum facere fuet, ad pratum sicandi stabulum faciendi in via ubi vovis opum fuerit, sicut unum de warcini vestri ... Si nos Pasquale et Faichisi vel nostros heredes de ipsa casa exire voluerimus, aut ipsas warcinia facere minime voluerimus, exeamus bacui et inanis et insuper conpunamus pine nomini auri sol. 20," Brunetti, Codice diplomatico Toscano, vol. I, p. 488. * " Do quibus una est donatio quam Lupus Dux ad praedictum sanctum HOMOLOGUS 59 document which has preserved the word warcinus shows that he was a free man of the same type as the lihellarius. There occurs in it the expression "warcinisca facere," that is, ''to do the work prescribed in the polyptic or vasaria puhlica,'' where the lihellarius promises not to do peculiarina, that is, work on the property of another, even as the huccellarius forfeited his rights if he worked for another master. In the eleventh century we for the first time meet with the guar- thones, that is, warciones, in France, where they are repre- sented as a lawless lot, not unlike the buccellarii,^ and from this guarthones we ultimately get French gargon, etc. The form vasarinus is found in Visigothic in the form gasalianus. The seizure of uncultivated land could take place with the help of one's familia, servitores, or servi, that is, by those who did not have land of their own but were de- pendent on their patron from whom they received oxen and working tools. In return they promised to serve their master in a stated way. We have here that class of coloni who in Italy would be registered in the vasaria publica. In 804 we find the same class of free serfs in Spain under the name of gasaliani.^ A similar' class of free serfs in patrocinio were the Langobard gasindi, w^hich is obviously from vasini, as gasa- lianes is from vasalini, vasaliani. Like the warcini the gasindi were free to change their patrons, and that these in locum fecit de varcinatico, id est animalia, quae exigebantur ad mensam Princi- pis Ducatus Spoletani," Muratori, Scriptores, vol. i^, p. 369: "obtulit quoqu, praeceptum . . . et de clausura in Marsis, et de vuarcinatico, id est, animalia- quae exigebantur ad mensam Ducis Spoletani," ibid., p. 372. ^ " Solent enim venire guarthones et ecutarii et servientes de Morteriolo in domos villanorum et furtim aliquid capere de domibus eorum" (1055), E. Le- long, Cartulaire de Saint-Aubin d^ Angers, Paris 1903, vol. i, p. 271. 2 "Ego Ihoannes episcopus sic ueni in locum que uocitant Ualle Conposita et inueni ibi eglesia deserta uocabulo Sancte Marie Uii'ginis et feci ibi fita sub regimine Domino Adefonso principe Obetau, et construxi uel confirmabi ipsam eglesia in ipso loco et feci ibi presuras cum meos gasalianes mecum comorantes . . . et construxi ibi cenobium cum meos gasalianes et tenui eas iure quieto, sub regimine iam dicto Domino Adefonso," Charles de I'eglise de Valpuesta, in Revue hispanique, vol. vii, p. 282 ff. 60 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS their turn are identical with the Visigothic huccellarii as to their status is proved by the fact that gifts reverted to the donor if the gasindus left his patrocinium.^ Gasindus is an old word, for it occurs in a Merovingian document of the year 546 ^ and is found in Gothic as gasinpa, gasinpja ''com- panion." So, too, gasalianus is recorded in Gothic saljan "to harbor, live," salipwos "inn, dwelling," as though ga- were a prefix. But this ga- is a corruption of the original va- as preserved in Frankish vasallus, vassalus, vassus. Vassus occurs in the Leges Alamannorum,^ and in the Salic laws,'* although used in the connection "vassus in min- isterio," for which several readings are "puer in ministerio," hence almost in the sense of gasalianus, but this unique occurrence of the word may be due to a late introduction. There can, however, be no doubt that vassus was well known in the eighth century, for it is recorded in authentic docu- ments from the year 762 on,^ and in 757 vassallus is a free serf who may change his master at will, but may not take his wife along, if she is a gift of the master,^ that is, he is pre- cisely under the same obligation as the gasalianus or huc- cellarius. Even at this early period vassus, vassallus has the general meaning "servus" and he may hold a beneficium,^ 1 "Et si aliquid in gasindio ducis, aut privatorum hominum obsequium, donum munus conquisi^^t, res ad donatore revertantur," Ed. Roth. 225. See Guilhermoz, op. cit., p. 46 ff. * "Una cum omnibus rebus vel hominibus suis, gasindis, amicis, susceptis," MGH., Dip. imp., vol. i, p. 6; also pp. 12 and 45. 3 XXXVI, LXXIV. ^ X (xxxv. 6). 6 MGH., Dipl. Karolina, vol. i, p. 23; also (771), p. 74, p. 95, etc. ^ "Homo Francus accepit beneficium de seniore suo, et duxit secum suum vassallum, et postea fuit ibi mortuus ipse senior (i. e. homo Francus) et dimisit ibi ipsum vassallum; et post hoc accepit alius homo ipsum beneficium, et pro hoc ut melius potuit habere ilium vassallum, dedit ei mulierem de ipso bene- ficio, et habuit ipsam aliquo tempore; et, dimissa ipsa, reversus est ad parentes senioris sui mortui, et accepit ibi uxorem, et modo habet eam. Definitum est, quod illam quam postea accepit, ipsam habeat," Decretum compendiense, in MGH., Capitularia, vol. i, p. 38. " "Similiter et vassus noster . . . beneficium et honorem perdat" (779), ibid., p. 48. HOMOLOGUS 61 hence the original meaning ''free serf" must be considered older; thus there is no break between the serfs of the vasa- ria puhlica of the sixth and the vassalli of the eight century. Homologare "to make a vow to God" is not uncommon among the early Christian writers. The term was, no doubt, when transferred from the legal contract, expressive of that devotion, that condition ''in patrocinio," which subsisted between the believer and his God. If the homologus made promise to serve his master without fail, he at the same time took upon himself to defend him, to represent him, be his surety, ''agere pro patrono." Before entering upon the dis- cussion of this aspect of the homologus in the West, I shall point out to what important results the Roman legal term ^'gerere pro patrono" has led. In the Roman law we have gerere cur am "to administer," more particularly se gerere pro "to act in the capacity of," gerere pro domino "to rep- resent the master." While we occasionally get a similar phrase in the Middle Ages,^ we far more often have guirens, guarens, guaritor, garens, warrantis, etc. "surety, fideiussor, warrantee,"^ hence guerire "to protect, hold safe." ^ The earliest reference to a word derived from gerere in this legal sense we get in a document of the year 954, composed at Cerdagne or Urgel, that is, not far from Toulouse, where the earliest other forms are recorded. We have here giregar "to 1 "Patronos vel gerentes se pro patronis" (1257), Les Olim, vol. i, p. 18. 2 "Arnaldus Maurinus vendidit suam partem per se et per suum fratrem, Willelmum Maurinum; et debet esse guirens de hoc suo fratre," C. Douais, Cartulaire de I'abbaye Saint-Sernin de Toulouse, p. 21; "debent esse guirentes de omnibus eorum hereditariis " (1155), ibid., p. 26; "et erimus eis legales guaritores de omnibus amparatoribus," ibid., p. 78; "filii sui debent esse inde legales guarentes Deo et ecclesie Sancte Constantie de omnibus hominibus," ibid., p. 150; "et habeas ibi guarantes tuos qui guarentizent tibi feoda . . . prae- cipio quod justicia mea faciat ei habere considerationem meae curiae secundum quod audierit warantos tuos" (1181), V. Bourienne, Antiquus cartularius ec- clesiae Baiocensis, Rouen, Paris 1902, vol. i, p. 15. ' " Uxorem sua et infantes sui debent hunc casalem legaliter guerire Deo . . . de omnibus hominibus," C. Douais, op. cit., p. 155. 62 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS hold safe, defend." ^ But gartr, pi. gurrdn "security, warn- ing, bail" is recorded in Arabic as early as the middle of the ninth century, and that this is borrowed from the Latin or Greek is proved not only by its utter unrelatedness to any- thing in Arabic, but also by the Greek gloss yepireveiv *'gerere, administrare, 8totKeti/," given in Ducange as taken from the Glossae Basilicwn. Now, we have gerere pro herede translated by ''ws KXr]pov6jxo Cazauran, Cartulaire de Berdoues, Paris 1905, p. 347. 2 "Auctor venditionis, etiamsi privilegium habeat sui iudicis, tamen defen- surus venditionem suam, forum sequatur emptoris," 139. "Qui de re com- parata pertulerit quaestionem, ipse petitori respondere compellitur, nee ad auctorem suum proponentem repellit: quem necesse est hoc tantum ipse com- moneat, ut factum suum in venditione defendat," 140. ^ " Quicumque res aut mancipium aut quodhbet suum agnoscit, a possidente aut fideiussorem idoneum accipiat, aut si fideiussorem petitum non acceperit, res, quas agnoscit, praesumendi habeat potestatem. Si vero falsus fuerit in agnoscendo, rem, quam male agnovit, et aliud tantum cogatur exeolvere," LXXXUI. HOMOLOGUS 69 had dealings with him, thus freeing himself of the charge of theft. The person failing to appear stands out as a thief to him who has recognized his property, pays the price back to him with whom he has had his dealings, and he pays the pen- alty according to law to him who has recognized his property. All this is to be done in court where the surety lives, that is, where the thing has been put into a third hand." ^ The Lex rihuaria has the same provision, except that the guilty per- son is brought before the king's scaffold or to the place where the surety is.^ In spite of the elaborate accessories the law is essentially the same as in Theodoric's Edict, except that the supposedly stolen thing is left in a third hand. Even as in the older law, the seller has to answer in the court of the buyer or, rather, of the claimant's surety, and the seller has to defend himself against the charge of receiving stolen goods. The surety is called hamallus, hamallatus, the other forms of which are badly corrupted. That hamallus, for homologus, means ''surety, witness" is proved by a Merovingian document of the year 679, where hamallatus is corrupted to hamedius. A woman, Acchildis, accuses Amalgarius of illegally holding a piece of property which belongs to her by inheritance. To 1 "Si quis senium aut caballum uel bouem aut qualibet rem super alterum agnouerit, mittat eum in tertia manu. Et ille super quern cognoscitur debeat agramire; et si cis ligere aut carbonariam ambo manent et qui agnoscit et apud quern cognoscitur in noctis XL placitum faciant, et inter ipso placito qui inter- fuerit qui caballo ipso aut uenderit aut cambiauerit aut fortasse in solitudinem dederit. Omnes intro placito isto communiantur, hoc est ut unusquis que de cum negotiatoribus alter alterum admoneat. Et si quis commonitus fuerit et eum sunis non tenuerit et ad placitum uenire distulerit, tunc ille qui cum eum nego- tiauit mittat tres testes quomodo ei nunciasset ut ad placitum ueniret. Et al- teros tres quod publicae ab eo negociasset; istud si fecerit exuit se de latrocinio. Et ille qui non uenerit super quern testes iiu-auerunt, ille erit latro illius qui agnoscit et precium reddat ille qui cum illo negociauit, et ille secundum legem conponat ille qui res suas agnoscit; ista omnia in illo mallo debent fieri ubi ille est gamallus {hamallus, amallus, rhamallus) super quem res ilia primitus fuit agnita aut intertiata," XLVii. 2 "At regis staffolo vel ad eum locum, ubi amallus (amallatus, mallatum, mallus) est, auctorem suum in praesente habeat," xxxiii. 70 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS this Amalgarius replies that he and his father have held the property for thirty-one years. Amalgarius is requested to bring with him six sponsors, that is, homologi, who are all to swear over the chapel of St. Martin that he and his father have lawfully held the estate for thirty-one years. Amal- garius appears with his hamedii and, complying with the law, gets the estate.^ That hamedii was actually in use is proved not only by the gloss "hamedii, id sunt coniuratores, quos nos geidon dicimus," ^ but also by the short form me- dius, medicus ''witness," of extremely common occurrence in the Lex Alamannorum.^ The whole proceeding in the above-mentioned case is in accordance with the Ribuarian law, which in this particular may have been the same as the Salic law. In any case, the Ribuarian law provides that the swearing should take place in the chapel together with six witnesses."* That hamallus, ^ " Cum ante dies in nostri vel procerum nostrorum presencia, Conpendio, in palacio nostro . . . ibique veniens fimena, nomene Acchildis, Amalgario interpellavit dum dicerit eo quod porcione sua, in villa noncobanti Bactilione valle, quem de parti genetrici sua Bertane quondam, ligebus obvenire debuerat, post se malo ordene retenirit. Qui ipse Amalgarius taliter dedit in respunsis, eo quod ipsa terra in predicto loco Bactilione valle, de annus triginta et uno, inter ipso Ainalgario vel genetore suo Gaeltramno quondam, semper tenuerant et p)08siderant. Sic eidem nimc a nostris procerebus ipsius Amalgario fuissit judecatum, ut de nove denomenatus aput sex, sua mano septima, dies duos ante istas Kalendas Julias, in oraturio nostro, super cappella domni Martine, ubi reliqua sacramenta percurribant, hoc dibirit conjurare, quod antedicta terra, in predicto loco Bactilione valle, inter ipso Amalgario vel genetore suo Gael- tramno, de annus triginta et uno semper tenuissint et possedissint, nee eis diger numquam fuissit, nee aliut exinde non redebirit, nisi edonio Sacramento. Sed veniens antedictus Amalgarius ad ipso placito Lusareca, in palacio nostro, una cum hamedius suos, ipso sacramento, justa quod eidem fuit judicatum, et nos- tros equalis preceptionis locuntur, in quantum inluster vir Dructoaldus, comes palati noster, testimuniavit, ligibus visus fuit adimplissit, et tam ipse quam et hamediae suae diliguas eorum derexsissent. Propteria jobimus ut ipsa porcione, in predicto loco Bactilione vualle, unde inter eus orta fuit intencio, memoratus Amalgarius contra ipsa Acchilde vel suis heredibus omne tempore abiat evinde- cata," Lauer and Samaran, Les diplomes originaux des mirovingiens, Paris 1908, p. 12. 2 MGH., Capitularia, vol. i, p. 91. ^ "Cum 12 medicus electua iuret." * "Sibi Septimus in haraho coniurit," xxxiii. 2. HOMOLOGUS 71 hamedius is the same as agens is proved by the presence of the word mallato in this sense in Spain. ^ This connotation "agent, representative, advocate," which the word obviously has, has led to the verb homallare, with its variants, omal- lare, dbmallare, admallare, mallare, in the basic sense of "to represent a person in court." The formula "prosequire, ad- sumere, respondere vel homallare" is quite common in the documents,^ and since homallare means "to represent a case through a competent speaker, attorney," ^ it also means "to carry to court, denounce,"^ in which sense it is even found in Portugal.^ The corresponding term for "to sum- mon, appear in court" in Theodoric's Edict ^ and in the Visigothic laws ^ is convenire. But convenire is closely as- 1 " Direxerunt ad Regem ad Legionem suo mallato Bera" (934), Espafia sagrada, vol. xl, p. 400. 2 "Fidelis, Deo propicio, noster ille ad nostram veniens presentiam, Bug- gessit nobis, eo quod propter simplicitatem suam causas suas minime possit prosequire vel dbmallare (o-, ad-, ho-,)," Formulae Marculfi (in MGH., Form- ulae), I. 21; "iobemus, ut memoratus pontifex, aut abba, vel abbatissa, sec advocatus eius in vice adsumendi vel omallandi (ho-) . . . cum aequitatis ordine respondendi vel omallandi (ho-)," i. 36; "ut ipsa causa suscipere ad mallandum vel prosequendum in vice mea debeas," ii. 31; "oc coniuravit uel legibus custodivit, quomodo se contra ilium sibi obmallavit," Formulae Salicae Merkelianae, 28; "rogo, preco, supplico atque iniungo per hunc mandatum ad meam vicem hominem nomen ille, quem ego beneficium ei feci argento un- cias tantas, ipsum meum ubi et ubi eas vel meas prosequere et admallare et adcausare facias," Formulae Andecavenses, 48; "ad vicem meam prosequere et excausare, admallare eas facias," Formulae Turonenses, 45; "per omni iure investigare, inquirere, prosequi et admallare debeas," Formulae Senonenses recentiores, 10. 3 "Homo nomen ille alico homene nomen illo mallavit pro res suas," Form. Andec, 43. ^ ' ' Unde me ille homo in mallo publico malahat, ' ' Form . Senon .,21; " unde me ille ante vir magnifico illo vel aliis bonis hominibus malavit, quae ego herbas maleficas temporasse vel bibere ei dedisse," Cart. Senon., 22. ^ "Et filauit nostro porto et parauit ibidem suo barco et nameabit nostros homines et maliauit nostro barcario et exiuit nobis inde multa superbia et male- factoria super nostros homines" (999), PMH., Dipt, et chart., p. 112. ® "A die qua per auctoritatem conwn^iis est," 11; " iudicis praeceptione con- ventus," 46; "conventus legibus," 56; "uxor pro marito non debet convenire," 153. ^ "Si tali admonitione conventus aut se dilataverit aut ad indicium venire contemserit," ii. 1. 19; "postquam conventus fuerit a iudice," viii. 1. 7. 72 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS sociated with conventus ''assembly, synod, court." So, too, homallare, in its abbreviated form mallare, leads to mallus "assembly, court." However, this term has no concrete reference to a definite court, least of all to a Germanic court, hence it is not found in the Formulae Andecavenses, Mar- culfi, Turonen^es, Bituricenses, nor in the distinctly German laws of the Frisians, Thuringians, and Saxons. The Lex romana raetica curiensis is a modernisation of the Breviary of Alaric and so aids us in getting at the exact equiv- alent of mallare. Mallus does not occur there at all, while amallare, never mallare, renders the older "in indicium vo- care, repetere, litigare, accusare, convenire, in indicium de- ducere," ^ that is, it means "to summon, denounce." In the Ribuarian law admallare means "to summon," ^ while in the Lex Alamannorum and Baiuwariorum it means "to prosecute in court, plead." ^ The Salic law has two expres- sions for "to summon," manire ^ and mallare. The first is ^ "Si ille miles ilium privatum patrianumomaZZat;en< (in iudicium vocauerit)," 11. 1. 2; "si privatus homo ilium fiscalem admallaverit (si privatus fiscum re- petat)," II. 5; "et si de presente, quo ammallatus fuerit, ipsas res reddiderit (et eo die, a quo de tali re coeperint litigare)," iv. 15. 1; "si quiscumque homo alienum servum de capitale crimine amallaverit (si servos alienos accusandos esse crediderit)," ix. 4; "quod si forsitan terciam vicem amallati fuerint et ante iudicem venire noluerint, sicut alii contumaces pene feriundi sunt (quod si ter- tio conventi)," xviii. 11; "qui post longum tempus alterum hominem de quale cumque causa amallare voluerit (in iudicium deduci non potest)," xxvii. 10. 2 "Sicut in presente legitimi malatus fuerit," Lviii. 19; "quod eum ad strude legitima admallatum habet," xxxii. 3. 3 "Et si quis alium mallare vult de qualecumque causa, in ipso mallo publico debet mallare ante iudice suo ... in uno enim placito mallet causam suam," Lex Alem., xxxvi. 2; "ille homo qui mallatur ante eum de causa ilia," ihid., XLii. 1; "mallet eum ante plebem suam," Lex Baiuw., i. 10, 13. 2; "et si qui se malliet de eadem re iustitiam faciat," iii. 14. 6. * " Si quis uero commonitus fuerit et sumis eum non detinuerit et ad placitum uenire distulerit, tunc ille cum quo negotiauit mittat tres testes quomodo ei maniauerit quod ad placitum ueniat," xlvii (cod. 10); "si quis ad mallum legibus dominicis mannitus fuerit," i. 1; "et ille qui alium mannit cum testi- bus," I. 3; "tunc maniat eum ad mallum et testes super singula placita qui fuerunt ibi praestos habeat," xlv. 2 •>; "manire eos cum testibus debet," xlvix. 1; "si adhuc nolierit conponere debet eum ad mallum manire," l. 2; "ad regis praesentia ipso manire debet," lvi. 1. 1; "tunc eum debet manire ante regem. HOMOLOGUS 73 used almost exclusively for summoning privately by means of witnesses, not for the legal summons by order of the judge, hence the gloss has it correctly ''mannitus: vocatus tribus testibus praesentibus." ^ The distinction is the same as is made in Latin between admonere and convenire, the first re- ferring to a private summons, although it may also be used in regard to the judge's summons,- while convenire means only "to summon directly to court." Obviously manire is the corrupt form for {ad)monere, which is equally used in the Salic law for it.^ The more common word is mallare, admal- lare, obmallare. Thus mallus was derived to express all those actions with which the summoning is connected. It is either the legal court of any count, thunginus, index, etc.,^ or it only refers to the legal three summonses, when it means "sl period of seven days."" hoc est in noctes xnn, et tria testimonia iurare debent quod ibi fuerunt ubi eum manibit et solem collocauit," Lvi. 1. 4, etc. ' J. Hessels and H. Kern, Lex salica, in Vocabulary. 2 "Necesse eot hoc tantum ipse commoneat, ut factum suum in venditione defendat," Ed. Theod., 139; "iudex cum ab aliquo fuerit interpellatus, adver- sarium admonitione imius epistule vel sigilli ad iudicium venire conpellat, sub ea videlicet ratione, ut coram ingenuis personis his, qui a iudice missus ex- titerit, illi qui ad causam dicendam conpelhtur, offerat epistulam vel sigillum," Lex Visig., ii. 1. 19. 2 "Omnes intro placito isto communiantur, hoc est imusquisque de cum negotiatoribus alter alterum admoneat," xlvii. 1; "time ad que manitus (moni- tus, admanitus) est extra sermonem suum ponat eum," lvi. 5; "tribus testibus praesentibus, admonere debet, ut senium suum infra vii noctia praesentare debeat," xl. 10. * ^'Mallus publicus," Lex. sal., xiv. 4; "legitimus mallus publicus," ibid., XLVi. 6; ^'mallus comitis," ibid., Capit. 1. v; "mallus thungini aut centinarii," ibid., XLiv. 1, XLVI. 1; "mallus iudicis, hoc est comitis aut grafionis," ibid., Lxxii. 1, etc. ^ "Tribus malos (mallis) parentibus offeratur, et non sic redemitur, uita charebit," Lex sal., Pact. 2; "et si inter ipsasvii noctes fidem facere nee com- ponere uoluerit, tunc in proximo mallo ... sic inuitetur graphio," ibid., lxxviii. 7; "in alio mallo iterum minare debit, et ibi tres testes debit collegere. Edonius a tercio uero mallo similiter faciat," ibid., xxxvi (lxv cod. 7); "quam si uero nee ipse habuerit imde tota persoluat, tunc ilium qui homicidium fecit qui eum sub fidem habuit in mallo praesentare debent, et sic postea eum per quattuor mallos ad suam fidem tollant," ibid., lviii. 6; "sin autem manitus fuerit cuZ 74 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS There is a strange psychological phenomenon which causes such words as ''astronomy" and ''prodigy" to become pop- ularly "astromony " and "progidy." By a similar psycholog- ical law the consonant groups h-m-l, g-m-l show in all the European languages a tendency to turn into m-h-l, m-g-l. Thus the Arab, hamal "carrier" is found in Roumanian and the Slavic languages as mahal, while Albanian has side by side gamule "glebe," maguVe "hill," OSlav. goviila, mogyla "tomb," Roum. gdmalie, mdgdlie, Slav, gomolya "clod." It may be that this group is derived from Lat. cumulus or grumulus (witness Croatian gromila = gomila) "heap," or it may, after all, be the same Greek oixikos, which is not un- likely, when we consider Russ. gomola, Boh. homola "pyra- mis, cone" and Croatian gomila, which generally means "a mass of human beings." Whatever the case may be, which for our purpose is immaterial, the fact remains that the groups h-m-l, g-m-l become m-h-l, m-g-l. If we now turn to the Langobard laws, we there find the earliest Germanic derivative of homologus, namely a verb hamalon, mahalon "confabulari," hence gahamalus, gamahalus "confabulatus." But the text is certainly tampered with, for what it intends to say is this: "If one of the fideiussores or sacramentales dies, the plaintiff has a right to substitute another in his place." Here, as in the Salic and Ribuarian texts, the word hamallus was used, but a later scribe, knowing the current meaning of gahamalus, gamahalus "sponsor, sponsatus," added "aut de natus, aut de gahamalus, id est confabulatus," which by the very equation (which, besides, is not contained in all the texts) betrays its later origin.^ secundo mallo, aut a tertio, seu ad quarto, vel quinto, usque ad sexto venire dis- tullerit, pro unoquemqiie mallo . . . culpabilis iudicetur," Lex rib., xxxii. 2. ^ "Et si aliquis de ipsos sacramentalis mortus fuerit, potestatem habeat ille qui pulsat, in locum mortui alium similem nominare de proximus legitimus, aut de natus aut de gamahalos {gahamalos, gaamaalos, gamelos, gamalos) id est confabulatus," Roth. 3G2. HOMOLOGUS 75 In OHG. we have mahalon "postulare, causas, agere, in- terpellare," mdlon "contendere," gamahaljan "despondere," mahalo "concio, foedus," gamahalo "sponsus, vir, conjunx." If we now consider that mallus "conventus" was a fictitious term, referring to the legal summonses which had to be re- peated each seven days, we at once see how the "primo, secundo mallo, tribus mallis" of the quotations produced OHG. zeinemo male, ze andermo male, ze driu malen, hence mat ''legal term, time." Furthermore, the Roman law gen- erally spoke of summonses ''trinis litteris" or "trinis epis- tulis," since the summonses were not legal if not given in writing, and this was also the case in Visigothic law,^ hence mdl was also a "written document" and OHG. mdlon "to paint," i. e., "to write." This appears even more directly from the Goth, mel "time, hour, space of time," plural mela "writing," meljan "to write," AS. mael, mal, Icel. mdl "a part, portion measure, term of anything, space of time," etc., AS. maelan "to say, speak, converse," mal, Icel. maeli, mdl "speech, discourse, multitude, assembly, place of meeting." At the same time the form oixoXoyrjT'rj';, which produced LLat. hamallatus, of which hamedius is obviously a corrupt form for hamedius or hamsldus, has led to Crim- gothic malthan, Goth, mapljan, AS. maeSlan "to speak, dis- course," Goth, mapl "conventus, agora," AS. mecfel "dis- course, speech, council," OHG. madal "concio, sermo." Since the hamallus, hamallatus was the real informer and amallare, therefore, acquired the meaning "to denounce, inform," we get OHG. meldon, AS. meldian, ameldian "to discover, betray, make known, inform against," AS. meld "evidence, proof, discovery," OHG. melda "delatura, prodi- tio." The Slavic languages have the roots modi-, mold-, mol-, to express the idea "to request, pray," Lith. malda "prayer," and that this group is derived from the same 1 II. 1. 19. See note 2 on p. 73. 76 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS source is proved by Judaeo-Spanish meldar 'Ho read the prayers, to pray." It may also be possible that Russ. molvit^ "to speak" is derived from it, for this root occurs only in the eastern Slavic languages and is, therefore certainly bor- rowed. Ducange records even as late as the thirteenth cen- tury homologare ''to make a vow, promise,"^ which may have survived in the language of the church. From this homologare was formed the feudal term homolegius "a vas- sal," 2 which was popularly related to homo and allegare and produced the feudal terms homagium and allegancia, OFrench homage and lige, liege, etc. ^ "Pro se et hominibus suis voluerunt et homologaverunt Deo et B. Mariae praedictas decimas" (1268), also amologare. * "Sed si voluerit unum locare, potent de suis vassallis seu homolegiis, et coram illo secundum terminos praefixos parare potest" (1156), in Ducange. EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA Soon after the Spanish expedition of 778 Spaniards and other fugitives from the Arabic West began to settle in Septi- mania and southern Aquitaine. At the end of the eighth century Charlemagne presented a certain Johannes with the Villa Fontes in the Mark of Narbonne and with other lands, which Johannes was to hold by right of aprision, working them with the aid of his own men.^ In 812 all lands held by the immigrants by the right of aprision for 30 years were turned over to them free from taxes. ^ In a decree of Janu- ary 815 Louis the Pious confirmed the privileges of the Spanish settlers in the waste lands, and a year later he ex- panded the law in such a way as to grant the same immuni- ties to the commoners.^ Charles the Bald in 844 expanded the grant so as to include the Spanish Mark, Septimania and Aquitaine, and mentioned specifically that the Spaniards could preserve their local customs in the territory of aprision.'^ In all these decrees the Carolingians refer distinctly to the aprision as a Spanish custom, which is correct, for it may ^ "Nos vera concedimus ei ipsum villarem et omnes suos terminos et per- tinentias suas ab integro et quantum ille cum hominibus suis in villa Fonteion- cosa occupavit, vel occupaverit, vel de heremo traxerit, vel infra suos terminos sive in aliis locis vel villis seu villare occupaverit, vel aprisionefecerit cum homini- bus suis," E. Miihlbacher, Die Urkunden der Karolinger (in MGH.), vol. i, p. 241 /. 2 "Demandamus, ut neque vos neque iuniores vestri memoratos Ispanos nostros, qui ad nostram fiduciam de Ispania venientes per nostram datam licentiam erema loca sibi ad laboricandum propriserant et laboratas habere viden- tur, nullum censum superponere presumatis neque ad proprium facere permit- tatis, quoadusque illi fideles nobis aut filiis nostris fuerunt, quod per triginta annos habuerunt per aprisionem, quieti possideant et posteritas eorum et vos conservare debeatis," ibid., p. 290. 3 MGH., Capitularia, vol. i, p. 261 ff. * "In portione sua quam aprisionem vocant," ibid., vol. ii, p. 259. 78 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS be shown by documentary evidence that the Frankish kings in the eighth century had in mind the Visigothic method of colonisation which, in its turn, was based on the Roman pro- cedure. Alfonso I of Asturias ascended the throne in 739 and was the only Gothic ruler who maintained himself against the victorious Arabs. After these had devastated Galicia, he strove to repeople the devastated region, as we learn from the wills and donations of Bishop Odoarius and his men. In 745 Odoarius returned with his followers from Africa, im- mediately setting out to found abbeys and resettle the coun- try about Lugo. Several of his people (famuli, servitores, familia), guided by Aloitus, petitioned Odoarius to turn over to them, for services which they promised, some of the villas which he had seized (quas ipse prendiderat). Of this prop- erty, held by presura, Aloitus gave one fifth to the Church.^ Two years later Odoarius wrote his will, making over to the Church all his possessions which he had acquired by presura and had worked with his familia.^ In a donation of 757 Auza- 1 "Nos homines humillimi, ego videlicet, Aloitus, et uxor mea nomine Ka, et propinqui mei . . . qui omnes simul cum caeteris plurimis ex Africae partibus exeuntes cum Domino Odoario Episcopo, (cujus eramus famuli, et servitores) cum ad Lucensem Urbem Galleciae Provinciae ingressi fuissemus, invenimus ipsam Civitatem desertam, et inhabitabilem factam cum suis terminis. Prae- fatus vero gloriosus Odoarius Praesul ipsam Urbem, ut universam Provinciam studuit restaurare, ac propria familia stipavit. Nos vero supra nominati, qui ex ejus eramus familia, perseverantes in illius servitio per multorum curricula annorum petivimus cum omni subjectione, ut nobis concederet, et donaret unam Villam, ex ipsis, quas ipse prendiderat, quod f acere misericordia motus non distulit; et dedit nobis unam Villam prenominatam Villamarci, quam ipse pren- diderat . . . Hanc itaque Villain nobis donavit pro servitio quod ei fecimus; et veritate, quoniam ei tenuimus sub tali tenore, et pacto, ut cunctis diebus vitae nostrae tam nos nominati, quam etiam successores nostri jussionem ejus et voltmtatem successorum ejus, qui in eadem Urbe fuerint, faciamus in per- petuum . . . Ego ipse Aloytus quintam de omni mea hereditate, quam de manu ipsius Pontificis per presura acceperat die dedicationis super altare offero," Es- pana sagrada, vol. XL, p. 353 ff. 2 "Ego supra taxatus verens, et timens, ne me incauta vitae f alien te inaniter rapiat, decrevi, ut post obitum meum de paupertacula mea quicquid potui ganare vel applicare atque apprendere, et familia mea populare, prout valui . . . Deo et Patrono meo aliquid presentare. Ofifero . * . ipsam praedictam Civita- EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 79 nus tells of his return with his sons from Africa, in order to take up land on the basis of the Alfonsinian presura, whereby we learn that the latter was of three kinds, de escalido, de ruda silva and de suco mortuorum.^ A still better account of the whole colonisation scheme is found in a donation of Odoarius, of the year 760. He tells how Alfonso's representative, Pelagius, had invited him to come to Lugo, where he seized government land (praesimus loca Palatii) and planted vine- yards and gardens. He allowed his men to become proprietors (possessores) and gave them work-oxen and other cattle. He settled them on the banks of the Mino, where he had found villages in ruin de succo mortuorum and de ruda silva, and seized the land as his presura."^ tern ab omni integritate conclusa intus in circuitu murorum, quam ex radice restauravi: Villas praenominatas, quam ex presuria adquisivi, et ex stirpe, et familia mea populavi . . . Monasterium Sancti Stephani vallis Athanae, quod ex propria familia extipavi, et ex radice fundamentavi, et ex aliis Ecclesiis dotavi, quo a me et a mea familia sunt fundamentata per presuria . . . quas omnes sunt in ipso territorio Liziniano, et Sabiniano a me possessae per pre- suria . . . Ecclesia Sancto Felice de Raymundi cum adjunctionibus e]ua stipata de familia mea . . . Ecclesia S. Eolalia et S. Maria Alta, et ejus familia ab integro, et Ecclesia S. Joannis de Mera, quos predivit germanus meus Ermiariua de Escalido . . . Item in dexteris Lucense Villa de Benati de mea pressura stipata de mea familia," ibid., p. 356 ff. ^ "Nos omnes pressores degeneris hereditarios nominibus Auzano vma cum filios meos Guntino, et Desterigo venientes de Africa ad pressuram ad Gallecia terra sicut et alii populi ceteri ingenui per jussionem Domini Adephonsis Prin- cipis, et presimus Villas, et hereditates de Escalido et de Rvda Silva, de Suco Mortuorum . . . idem terris quae pro justo pretio emimus, et per nostras pres- suras presimus, etjuri possessa retinemus," ibid., p. 362/. 2 "In territorio Africae surrexerimt quidam gentes Hismaelitarum, et tulerunt ipsam terram a Christianis, et violaverunt Sanctuarium Dei; et Christicolas miserunt in captivitatem, et ad jugo servitutis, et Ecclesias Dei destruxerunt, et fecerunt nos exules a patria nostra, et fecimus moram per loca deserta multis temporibus. Postquam Dominus per servum suum Pelagium in hac Religione respicere jussit, et Christianos in hac patria ditavit; sive etiam, et divae memoriae Princeps Dominus Adephonsus in Sedem ipsius sublimavit qui ex ipsa erat de stirpe Regis Recaredi et Ermegildi. Dum talia audivimus perducti fuimus in Sedem Lucensem cum nostris multis familiis, et cum caeteris populis tam nobiles quam innobiles; et invenimus ipsam Sedem desertam et inhabitabilem factam. Nunc denique laboramus ibidem, et aedificamus domum Dei, et Ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae et praesimus loca Palatii, et ipsam Civitatem restauramus earn intus et foris; et plantavimus vineis et pomiferis. Postea 80 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS The German Mfanc is obviously identical with this pre- sura, even as the Latin terms comprehensio, porprisum, cap- tura frequently occur in German documents,^ and porprisum is older than Mfanc, for it occurs in the sense of "seizure of property" in the Germanic laws.^ However, it is obvious from the attitude of the Frankish kings to the Spanish presura that the center of Europe at that time possessed no such extensive territory for colonisation as existed in the region newly settled by the Spaniards. We shall now inves- tigate the procedure of the aprision. The "seizure" of land took place in a solemn manner, in presence of the royal banner and accompanied by flourishes of the trumpet,^ and the land thus seized had to be worked by the prospective proprietor or his men'* for thirty years. The proof had to be given that land had been reclaimed from the wilderness; ^ thus, in a lawsuit at Gerona in 844, the wit- vero fecimus de nostra familia possessores pro undique partibus, et dedimna illis boves ad laborandum, et jumenta ad serviendum eis. Tunc exivimus per gyro Civitates, Villas, et hereditates ad inquirendum, ut laborassent illas: et invenimus in Ripa Minei Villas destructas de Succo Mortuorum, et de Ruda Silva, ubi posuimus nostra familia ad portum Minei, quae dicunt Agari. Super ipsum portum misimus ibi Agario : et in ilia villa posuimus Avezano, et misimus ad eam nomen Avezani de nostra praesura," ibid., p. 364 ff. ^ W. Arnold, Ansiedlungen und Wanderungen deutscher Stdmme, Marburg 1875, p. 259 #. 2 "Nullus praesumat alterius rea proprendere," Lex Bajuw. ii. 12; "si quia cabaUum, hominem, vel quamlibet rem in via propriserit," Lex ribuar. lxxv. 2 "Edificauimus cum cornam et albende . . . contestamus ad ipsa eclesia ilia hereditate per suis terminis que habuimus de presuria que preserunt nostros priores cum cornu et cum aluende" (870), PMH., Dipl. et chart., vol. i, p. 3. * They are csWed familia, famuli, servitores, homines, and they are also known as gasalianes. Of these I have already treated. ^ "Villare eremum ad laborandum" (795), Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. II, Preuves, col. 60; "manifeste verum est quod ipsas res ego retineo, set non injuste quia de eremo eos tracxi in aprisione" (852), ibid., col. 228; "qui fuerunt per illorum aprisione vel ruptura quod illi homines hoc traxerunt de heremo ad culturam" (875), ibid., col. 380, and often; "quae deinceps ex locis eremis atque incultis ad eorum usus adpriserint" (823), Marca, Marca hispanica, col. 768; " res quas genitor eorum per concessionem patris nostri Caroli praestantissimi Imperatoris ab eremo in Septimania trahens ad villam construxit" (833), ibid., col. 771; "terras quas sui homines ex eremo traxerunt" (840), ibid., col. 776; EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 81 nesses swore that they ''had seen and heard and been pres- ent" when Emperor Charles had given fiscal land to the abbot and when the abbot, after the death of certain Sara- cens, had ''seized" the land.^ Gothofredus has long ago pointed out that this aprision was nothing but the occupation of the agri occupatorii, as legalized in 423 by Honorius and Theodosius. According to this law the veterans were to possess the buildings and fenced- in lots on state land if they were not claimed by previous owners.^ Such public land was called ager occupatorius, be- cause it was occupied after the expulsion of the enemy, as Siculus Flaccus thinks,^ but his own use of occupare shows that it was a technical term for the seizure of land for cultiva- tion.^ Long before the law of 423 veterans could seize va- cant lands, ^ and in a decree of 364 the veterans were per- "aprisiones quasexeremivasiiiate iraxerunt, simul cum iis deinceps quae proprii laboris sudore trahere et excolere ipsi successoresque eorum potuerunt" (850), ihid., col. 784; "de eremi solitudine ad culturam perductam" (869), ibid., col. 791; "cum omnibus apprehcnsionibus quas ipsi monachi propriis manibus de eremi vastitate traxerunt" (869), ibid., col. 793, and similarly cols. 763, 769, 782, 783, 787, 790, etc.; "stirpes, vel ut vulgo dicitur exartes quosdam, quos ex rebus Tricassinensis comitatus ipsi proprio labore de heremo ad agriculturam perduxisse noscuntur " (864), Ch. Lalore, Cartulaire de Vabbaye de Montieramey, Paris, Troyes 1890, p. 6. ^ " A^os vidimus et audivimus et presentes fuimus quando domno gloriosissimo Carole Imperatore dedit de fischo suo Libentio Abbate, et ad suo germano Assenario monacho Castro Tolon cum fines et adjacentias eorum tali pacto, ut in ipsas valles Leocarcari plantent et edifficent monasterium Sancti Cirici et Sancti Adree. Item postea vidimus et audivimus et presenies fuimus quando Libentius Abba una cum Assenario monacho prendiderunt primi homines post mortem Galaffre et Biuxan filio eius et aliorum Sarracenorum die to castro Tolon cum fines et adjacentias eorum, et ibi dictas valles plantavenmt," etc., J. Villanueva, Viage literario d las iglesias de Espana, vol. xiii, p. 226. 2 Cod. Theod. ii. 23. 1, to which Gothofredus attaches a long discussion on the aprision. 2 '^Occupatorii autem dicuntur agri quos quidam arcifinales vocant, quibus agris victor populus occupando nomen dedit," Lachmann and Rudorff, Gro- matici veteres, p. 136. * "Quoniam non ex mensuris actis unus quisque miles modum accepit, sed quod aut excoluit aut in spem colendi occupavit," ibid. 6 Cod. Theod. vii. 20. 3 (320). 82 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS mitted to take their servants along with them,^ from which it may be concluded that the land worked by the servants was "seized" for the proprietor, exactly as in Visigotbic law. A few years later loca ahsentium squalida, i. e., deserted lands that had reverted to the state, were thrown open to colonisa- tion.2 Loca squalida is not by any means a mere poetic ex- pression, but a technical term, for loca squalidiora are op- posed to cultivated land,^ and even Isidor derived squalidus from "excolitus," because the field was not "cultivated."^ A law of 421 added the estates (under the name of caduca mortuorum bona) which were left without heirs or had been confiscated from criminals to those which might be seized for occupancy.^ If we compare the laws of the Theodosian Code with those of Alfonso, we at once perceive that the latter contain slav- ish, but peculiarly corrupted, imitations of the Roman form- ulae. Caduca mortuorum has changed to de succo mortuorum, the well known technical term rudis ager ^ appears here as ruda silva, while loca squalida has been transformed into terra de escalido. Thus the hereditates de escalido are lands re- claimed from the wilderness, and the legal seizure of these is called presa, presura, proprisum, hifanc, etc.; hence, for ex- 1 Cod. Theod. vil. 20. 8. ^ "Conmoneat Tua Sinceritas hoc sanatione Veteranos, ut loca ahsentium squalida et situ dissimulationis horrentia, de solita f ructuum indemnitate securi, quantum vires uniuscuiusque patientur, exerceant. Namque decemimus, ut his qui soli relicti terras sulcaverint, sine molestia praeiudicioque dominorum pro- vectum emolumenta quaerantur: nihilque illis, qui messum tempus adsolent aucupari, agratici nomine deferatur," ibid., vii. 20. 11. ' "Squalidiora adque ieiuna, (in)culta adque opima," ibid., xiil. 11. 3. * Gromatici veteres, p. 369. ' Cod. Theod. x. 10. 30. " Vacantia mortuorum bona," Cod. Just. x. 10. 4. "Caduca bona fiseo nostro competere legum cauta decreverunt," Cassiodorus, Variae, v. 24; "caduca bona non sinis esse vacantia," ibid., vii. 7; "quorundam etiam substantias mortuorum sine aliqua discretione iustitiae nomine caduci perhibent titulo vindicare," ibid., ix. 14. ' "Id jus datur quod est lege Hadriana comprehensum de rudibus agris et iis qui per x annos continuos inculti sxmt" (117-138), F. Girard, Texles de droit remain, 4' 6d., Paris 1913, p. 876. EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 83 ample, presa may as well refer to a mill-pond, in so far as it has been formed on land that has been "seized." ^ When, there- fore, Charles the Bald wrote '^quicquid de heremi squalore excolere potuerint" and "ex deserti squalore habitabiles fecerunt," ^ he was conscious of using a technical term, even as ex squalido had long before led to a verb exsqualidare, scali- dare "to clear the wilderness for cultivation," which lives in the Spanish escaliar, Navarrese escachar, French deschaller.^ ^ "Sed ad aprehendendam illam aquam pro ad illos molinos intra ipsos terminos et ultra istos terminos aprehendam ipsam aquam pro ad ipsos molinos per cujuslived hereditatem tam de rege quam de infanzone quam de quodlibed sicut ego jure meo usque hodie tenui" (904), R. Escalona, Historia del real monasteriodeSahagun, Madrid 1782, p. 377; "etadhucdamusvobismedietatem de illas acenas et de illas piscarias, quae nos apprehendiuimus apud uos pro facere in illo fluuio" (1102), A. de Yepes, Coronica general de la Orden de San Benito, vol. vi, p. 495a; "si quis presas suas aut aquas istas frangere aut uetare presumpserit" (1168), Mariano, Trigita y Lasa, Coleccidn de documentos in- iditos para la historia de Navarra, Pamplona 1900, p. 11; "dua presa in ipsu flumine ubi faciat clausuria pro pisci capiendum" (1047), E. Gattola, His- toria abbatiae cassinesis, vol. i, p. 43; " prense noue si in aliquo presis ueteribus impendimentum fecerint, siue sint superius siue inferius . . . non ualeant . . . si uero aqua de prensa, aut de molino, aut de calice emanauerit" (1176), Forum Turolij, in Coleccidn de documentos para el estudio de la historia de Aragon, vol. II, p. 147/. ; " frangebant violenter presam de villa Salit ad episcandum" (1139), Indice de los documentos del monasterio de Sahagun, de la Orden de San Benito, Madrid 1874, p. 28. ' "Placuit etiam nobis illis concedere, ut, quicquid de heremi squalore in quolibet comitatu ad cultum frugum traxerint aut deinceps infra eorum apri- Biones excolere potuerint, integerrime teneant et possideant," MGH., Capitu- laria, vol. ii, p. 259; "quas siquidem aprisiones praefatorum Hispanorum pro- genitores per licentiam seu concessionem avi nostri Karoli ac post obitum illius genitoris nostri Ludovici ex deserti squalore habitabiles frugumque uberes proprio labore fecerunt," Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. ii, Preuves, col. 228. * "Per manus nostras excalidavimus et domos fecimus et presimus in monti- bus et fontibus" (775), Berganza, Antigiiedades de Espana, vol. ii, p. 370; "ipsas terras omnes descalido donamus " (902), ibid., p. 372; "molinos . . . quod fecerunt factos de stirpites de scalido" (968), ibid., p. 404; "hunc lo- cum squalidum nomine habitante irrumpimus " (781), Espana sagrada, vol. xxxvii, p. 310; "terras quas de exqualido primitus prehenderunt, egessierunt, vel adhuc cum Deo juvamine prehendere vel egesiere potuerint" (835), ibid., vol. XL, p. 380; "quidquid squalidavit dominus Seniorinus tius mens" (842), ibid., p. 382; "desqimlido aprehendistis neminempossidentem" (875), ibid., vol. XXXIV, p. 431; "presa in scalido jacente" (878), ibid., vol. xvii, p. 244; "quan- tumcumque in ispa villa per ordinacione dominica de squalido apprehendimus " (909), Indice de documentos del monasterio de Sahagun, p. 109; "nos illut de- 84 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS If we now turn to Italy, we find here the royal domain ex- pressed by gualdo or galo. Italy had long lacked extensive public lands fit for colonisation,^ hence the state could come into possession of territory only through its abandonment by owners, that is, of territory ex squalido. Indeed, in the docu- ments of the Benedictine Order at Benevento,^ which go back to the sixth century, we frequently hear of the domain in which abbeys are founded under the name of gualdo and galo.^ Since there is mention of a forest which lies in the galo,^ the two are not identical and galo does not mean "forest," but only includes the word. We similarly hear of squalido de gente Barbarica manu propria cum pueris nostris adprehendimus tam cultam quam etiam incultum" (909), R. Escalona, Historia . . . de Saha- gun, p. 379; " Supraf actum locum in vetustatem reductum, pene obliuioni deditum, vepribus, seu densissimis eiluis opertum, etqui magnis arboribus ex immensitate annorum adumbratum, auxiliante Domino cum fratribus re- stauraui, aedificia instruxi, vinea et pomares plantaui, terras de scalido eieci, horta, et omnia quae ad vsum Monasterii pertinent imposui . . . omnem eoll- tudinem, omnemque industriam, erga supradictum terenum exercens, Ec- clesiam Sancti Petri, quam dudum restauraueram, miris reedificaminibus rebol- uens ampliaui, et in melius, ut potui erexi" (915), Yepes, Coronica, vol. iv, p. 447 b; "neque pascere neque scindere uel scaliare nisi de uolunta prioris jamdicti" (1036), Coleccidn . . . de Aragon, vol. i, p. 13; "augmentare, com- parare, et scalidare vel acaptare" (1048), ibid., p. 43; "augmentare acaptare comparare et scalidare" (1044), ibid., p. 54; "comparare examplare et excali- dare" (1044), ibid., p. 56; "comparare scalidare augmentare" (1045), ibid., p. 64; "in scalio quantum possunt rumpere" (1083), ibid., vol. in, p. 61; "et que podades escaliar en la dicha Bardena ho d, vos pluguiere en los hyermos" (1062), T. Munoz y Romero, Coleccion defueros municipales, p. 329; " et in antea adquisierit sive emtione sive et eschalido" (1134), Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. XV, p. 360; "en allant icellui suppliant ainsi exemplir, essarter et deschaller les terres de son maistre" (1477), Godefroy. 1 E. Baudouin, Les grands domaines dans Vempire romain, Paris 1899, p. 9. ^ Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. viii, 1. ed. 3 "Ecclesia quae aedificata est in galo . . . quae sita est in galo nostra Pa- line, "i6id., col. 573; "quae aedificata est in ialo nostra Noceto . . . quaefundata est in ialo nostra Casa Polluci ... ex ipso galo Motula ... in galo nostri palatij . . . de galo nostra territorium ... in galo nostro Manere," ibid., col. 574; "con- cessimus in eodem galo pascuum ad peculia," ibid., col. 575; "in gualdo in fine Consina," ibid., col. 577; "in galo nostro ... in praedicto loco de galo nostro . . . necnon gualdum in monte Virgineo" (774), ibid., col. 578, and similarly cols. 581, 585, 587, 597, 598. * "Sylva cum terra vacua, quae fuit de galo nostro in nominata platea," ibid., col. 621. EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 85 fishing in the gualdo, and in this case Troya has pointed out that at the time mentioned there could have been no forest in the region indicated.^ The gualdo is generally referred to as "noster" or ''dominicus," i. e., it is considered as be- longing to the prince of the realm. We get a complete pic- ture of the constitution of the gualdo by limiting ourselves to its mention in the Regesto di Farfa previous to the middle of the ninth century. Lupo, the Duke of Spoleto, in 746 turned over to the abbey of St. Mary in Sabinian territory a piece ^'ex gualdo nostro qui dicitur ad sanctum iacintum/'^ and somewhat later the whole of the gualdo ^ and the land of the colonists to whom this gualdo belonged," either because the property was part of the gualdo without having become private or, as appears from a later lawsuit, because the colonists remained in pos- session of their lots, but from then on had to pay to the ab- bey their dues and for the common use of the gualdo. All kinds of misunderstandings immediately arose between the colonists and the abbey, and these had to be ventilated be- fore the courts. The colonists asserted that they were in full possession of their casalia in the gualdo publico, partly be- cause they had been preempted, not in the gualdo of St. Giacinto, but in the adjoining one of Turre. Arnolus de- clared that he had himself cleared (mundavit) his casale in the gualdo and that he owed the abbey but five modii. Mizi- cus and Lupulus and other public colonists in the gualdo ^ "Simul etiam et concessimus in nostrum venerabile locum waldum nostrum de fluvio Galore, hoc est usque Vadum Carrarum Sancti Marciani, et usque sub casa Valerii, ut annua et semper homines de ipsa Ecclesia piscationem faciant, et nullus sine permissu Sacerdotis nominatae Ecclesiae in ipsum waldum habeat licentiam introire ad piscandum," Troya, op. dt., vol. in, p. 117. 2 Regesto di Farfa, vol. ii, p. 29. 5 "Gualdum qui nominatur ad sanctum iacintum, qui est terminatus usque riuum currisem, et pertransit recte in aquam transuersam, deinde in gualdum pontianum, per riuum de ipso pontiano usque in tyberim," ibid. * "Cum terris de colonis qui ipsum gualdum possederunt, seu omnia ad ipsum gualdum pertinentia," ibid., p. 30. 86 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS received, in exchange for the land donated to the abbey, other land measured out to them with the rope in the fol- lowing manner: for each 105 feet of the old they received 83 of the new land, because it was cultivated and 80% of it was considered an adequate exchange; on the other hand, Lupu- lus received 100 feet for each 92 feet of his former lot, be- cause it was less productive. The casale of Teodices was not changed, but he had to pay the pubUc taxes to the abbey. Similar action was taken in the case of two other proprietors, while the public colonist Campolus had to turn over his casale to the abbey. Rinculus Coccus had a piece of land in the gualdo, but, being very poor, was allowed to fence in another lot that produced 22 modii. This extremely important document makes it clear that we are dealing in the gualdo with precisely the same condi- tions as confronted us in the Spanish ex squalido. As in the aprision, so the colonist is here given land which he must himself clear and cultivate, and the gualdo is not only forest but also possesses barren and cultivated land which in some way has reverted to the state. This is confirmed by later documents. The same abbey is presented with one half of a gualdo and a chestnut grove in the other half that is left for public use.^ This public use consists in the right of pasturage ^ and hunting, which the king may reserve for 1 "Ut uobis, uel uestro monasterio cedere deberemus medietatem de gualdo nostro qui est positus in finibus ciculanis, et dicitur ipse gualdus ad sanctum angelum in flumine . . . ipsam medietatem de nominate gualdo cum ipsa aec- clesia sancti angeli quae ibi est, cum omnibus adiacentiis et pertinentiis suis in integrum, qualiter ad publicum possessum est, in ipso sancto loco concedimua possidendum. simul et concedimus uobis medietatem de castaneao jui dicitur sessiale, quod est in reliqua medietate praedicti gualdi, quam nobis ad publicum reseruauimus " (761), ibid., p. 54. 2 "Turmae decem debeant aestiuo tempore communiter cum iumentis pub- licis reatinis pabulare, ubi ubi per gualdos publicos, quo consueta sunt ipsa iumenta publica ambulare. Similiter et duo millia pecora de suprascripto monasterio, cum nostris peculiis publicis reatinis communiter omni tempore debeant pabulare in monte caluo, et in riuo curuo, postquam inde iumenta uel peculia monasterii praef ati, ut diximus amodo in suprascriptis gualdis uel monti- EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 87 his own use.^ In place of gualdo may stand terra populi,^ Curtis,^ and pascua puhlica,^ and gualdo soon disappears en- tirely, apparently because no public lands were left, while for ''forest" there creep in the expressions cagio^ and gaio,^ which had long been in use at Modena ' and at Lucca,^ where also the longer forms gahagio, cahagio, cafagio are indis- criminately used for them. It is obvious that in case of these we are no longer dealing with the ownerless wilderness, as in Spain, but with the enclosed common, though the combina- tion gdhagium (gahaium, gaaium, gaium, gagium) regis in Rothar's laws ^ shows that the fundamental idea was the same as in the case of gualdo at Benevento and Reate. This gualdo had existed in Lucca, but in the eighth century it was superseded by the gaio forms, to survive only in local names. ^^ bus, cum nostris iumentis publicis siue peculiis, absque alia datione securius debeant pabulare" (767), ibid., p. 73. 1 "De ipso suprascripto gualdo alegia concessimus in ipso sancto loco, uel ad cunctam congregationem, omnia in integrum quanta ad ipsum gualdum pertinere uidentur . . . excepta uenatione de ipso gualdo, quam nobis reseruaui- mus faciendam" (772), ibid., p. 76. 2 "Et ista terra est secus terra populi, quern in mea reseruaui po testate" (803), ibid., p. 145. 3 "In ipso sancto monasterio donauimus a die praesenti medietatem de curte seu gualdo " (808), ibid., p. 153. * "Ut in pascua publica omni tempore debeant pabulare uel nutrire" (840), ibid., p. 238. fi "Portionem meam de cagio agonis" (840), ibid., p. 240. 6 "Alpibus, gais, molendinis" (829), ibid., pp. 224, 229. ' "Silvam imam in gajum Lamese" (75.), Marini, / pap. dipl., p. 103; "concedimus . . . curtem nostram, quae dicitur Zena, territorio Motinensi, silva jugis numero quingentis, coherentes ibi a tribus partibus gajo nostra" (752), Muratori, Antiquitates, vol. n, col. 152. 8 "Parte mea de cahagio sub monte" (747), Memorie e documenti . . . di Lucca, vol. v^, p. 27; "parte mea de casa et cagio" (761), ibid., p. 43; "por- tionem meam de gahagias" (796), ibid., p. 150; "parte mea de cafagio nostra, quem de jure parentorum nostrorum habere videmur" (778), ibid., vol. iv^ p. 138; "una petia de terra mea, quod est gahagio illo meo" (747), Troya, op. cit., vol. HI, p. 250; "gagiolo illo prope ista curte ora presepe circumdatimi " (730), F. Brunetti, Codice diplomatico toscano, vol. i, p. 487. 9 Leg. 319, 320. w "Ubi vocabulum est Ad Waldo" (783), Mem. e doc. . . . di Lucca, vol. IV 1, p. 17; "ubi ejus corpus requiescit in Gualdo " (770), ibid., vol. v ^, p. 68. 88 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS In a donation of 772 we find a waldeman, ''forester/' in the gagio, but with the Latin name Bonus/ even as three other waldatores at Volturno in 778 bear the good Latin names Rodulus, Albus, and Crispus.^ I shall at another time show that the whole system of land measurement in the Middle Ages and almost all the agrimensorial expressions have arisen from the Byzantine gromatic method. Here I wish only to point out that the Langobard waldeman, wal- dator has survived until the present time. In Reggio and Modena he was called gualdemano,^ in Ravenna and Pesaro gualdario,^ and elsewhere gualdaro, guallaro, guallario.^ The confusion of gualdator with guardator, from guardia ''watch" was too natural, hence we hear at Bologna and Carpo of guardatorii, guardatores "foresters," and at Pisa the cafadi- arius is glossed as guardianus,^ ^ "Largimur in Jura de ipso Monasterio ex gagio nostro Regiense, quae nun- cupatur Terra, Siua, Roncora, et Prata insimul ad misura iusta, iuges numero quatuor millia, per designata, et determinata loca, a Bono Waldeman supra Bcripti Gagij nostri," Troya, op. cit., vol. v, p. 657. 2 "Et propterea venerunt waldatores ante nos Rodulua, et Albus, et Crispus, qui ab antiquis guiratores fuerunt, et dixerunt quod supradicta loca, quae cum Episcopo giravimus, semper de waldo fuerunt," Muratori, Scriptores, vol. i ', p. 363. » "Castaldus, Bubulcus, Gualdemanus siue custos cuiuslibet ciuis Mutinae," Statuta civitatis Mutinae ad indices Aquarum pertinentia, Mutinae 1575, fol. 78; "et qui custodes, Campari j et Gualdemani teneantur, et debeant custodire omnes, et singulas terras, res, et loca existentia intra eorum custodiam, con- grue referendo, tarn die, quam de nocte," Statuta magnificae communitatis Regii, Regii 1582, fol. 202 ff. * " Item quod gualdarij constitutij a Comune montis Columbi super Rippa, Circuitu et Casaro et aliis bonis teneantur acusare omnes dapnum dantes ab eis inventos in predictis bonis Comunis et aliis infra octo dies Consulibus dicte terre sive nuntio curie; alioquin teneantur emendare dapnum de eorum proprio, et habeant predicti gualdarij quartam partem condempnationum factarum de eorum acusis" (1276), A. Tarlazzi, Appendice ai Monumenti Ravennati, Ravenna 1869, vol. I, p. 309; "gualdarii Pisauri teneantur et debeant bene custodire et guardare de die et de nocte res et bona possessionum et fructus omnium posses- sionum existentium in curte et in contrata eis designata, ne deuastentur et tol- lant per personas et animalia," Statuta ciuitatis Pisauri, Pisauri 1531, fol. 72 ff. ' Rezasco, Dizionario del linguaggio italiano storico ed amministrativo, sub gualdario. ' "Salvo quod potestas possit dare licentiam comunia Guardatoriis (guarda- EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 89 In Tuscany cafagium, cafaium is universal, in the tenth century to designate the ancient pubHc domain, hence one later finds at Florence a number of localities named Caf- fagio, Cafaio,^ by the side of Gaio, Gualdum.^ In Lucca a Cafajario is mentioned in 975 ^ and the cafadiarius at Pisa proves that this means "a forester." The older writers ex- plained this caggio as an abbreviation of campo del faggio ^ or casa del faggio,^ because place names Faggia occur, but they are far from the mark. Cafaggio, Gafaggio was con- ceived by the Langobards as derivations in ga-, and this led to faia "forest,"^ and in the thirteenth century to fagiae in Milan, to designate certain localities which obviously, like the cafagii at Lucca, had been reclaimed from the public domain.^ toribus), saltuariis et custodibus prexonum cum erunt exercuerint eorum officia portando cultellos" (1259), L. Frati, Statuti di Bologna, vol. in, p. 281; "per consilium generale de carpo elligantur saltarij et guardatores suficientes ... ad custodiendum ne dampnimi detur per personas uel bestias in bonis campestribus hominum de carpo nee super terratorio de carpo . . . item quod ipsi exercendo ofScium saltarie per suam guardam possint portare arma" (1353), Monumenti di storia patria delle Provincie Modenesi, Statuta Carpi, Mutinae 1887, p. 9; " Guardianos sive cafadiarios pisani districti, per nos vel per alium iurare f aciemus, quod guastum sive dampnum quod f uerit factum in campis aut vineis, sive sediis vel pratis, aut aliis locis et in quibuscumque bonis infra guardiam in qua ipsi sunt guardiani, a bestia, animali, vel pullis aut antheribus alicuius civis vel foretanei, vel a persona aliqua, renuntiare et debeant" (1286), F. Bonaini, Statuti pisani, vol. i, p. 243. 1 "Gafaggio" (1187), G. Lami, Sanctae ecclesiae florentinae monumenta, Florentiae 1758, p. 1448; "in loco dicto Cafaggio" (1297), ibid., p. 404; "in quodam petio terre posite in Cafaggio apud Burgum Sancti Laurentii" (1223), ibid., p. 804; and often; "Cafaio" (1097), ibid., pp. 30, 1448. 2 "Et in Gaio villam quae dicitur Aspo" (1161), ibid., p. 1159; "Ad Gual- dum, gualdum nemus significat," ibid., p. 540. 3 "Quae modo regere videtur per ipse ^Cafajario" Mem. e docum . . . di Lucca, vol. V ', p. 352. * G. Lami, Lezioni di antichiicl toscane, Firenze 1766, p. xc. * F. L. Del Migliore, Firenze cittd nobilissima illustrata, Firenze 1684, p. 263. ® "Et de silva nostra qua vulgo appellatur Faia praepositalis," Ducange sub faia. '' "Statuerunt, providerunt et ordinaverunt quod locus de Villiono plebis de Locate fagiarmn Porte Vercelline, qui modo non est locus, sed est grancia monasterii Carevallis Mediolani et tantum per ipsum monasterium teneatur, 90 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS All the Slavic countries possess derivatives from Ital. gaio, to express the enclosed domain. In Dalmatia gaium occm-s early in the sense of " common pasture where formerly there was a forest."^ In Servian the verb gajim means ''to fence in, clear the ground, clean the forest." ^ In Poland gaj had the primary meaning of a field, forest or water do- main, and the gaiowe was the revenue from such a domain,^ while gaic means "to open up a forest, to cut it down," and similarly Bohemian hdjiti, Russian gaiV, and "the forest" is in OBoh. hay, hag, hayg, hdj, Russ. gay, Lith. gojus. In the Slavic sources frequently occur the forms gades, gadus, for gaium. In the Servian documents gadi and gai interchange indiscriminately,^ while in Poland gades means more nearly "enclosure, fence." ^ Precisely the same significance is at- tollatur et canzelletur de libris et actis Communis Mediolani" (1286), L. Oslo, Documenti diplomatici tratti degli archivij milanesi, Milano 1864, vol. i, p. 37; "in molendino Credentie fagierie Communis Mediolani seu domini Mathei Vicecomitis capitanei Mediolani" (1296), ibid., p. 49; "coram domino Gabardo Scroxato jurisperito consule justitie Mediolani, camera civitatis, et omnium fagiarum Mediolani" (1372), ibid., p. 153. 1 "Dictus Lauren tins habere debeat quartam partem totius pasculi sive gai . . . si dictus Laurentius probare poterit coram ipso, quod a tempore domini Albertini Mauroceno, olim comitis Jadre, citra quo tempore facta fuit divisio pasculorum et gaiorum positorum in districtu Jadre, ipse terre fuerint pasculum sive gaium et disboscate fuerint, idem Laurentius debeat libere eas habere quemadmodum essent pasculum sive gaium," Monumenta spedantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium, Listine, vol. i, p. 405. 2 " Gajim extirpo, expurgo sylvam, foveo nemora, conservo lucum coUucando, ramos inutiles decidendo ac frutices noxios amputando et evellendo . . . im- pedio, arceo aquam ne exundet . . . arceo ab ingressu foenilis interposito aliquo signo baculi signati," P. Budmani, Rjecnik hrvatskoga Hi srpskoga jezika, u Zagrebu 1887-91, sub gaj. * "Adiungimus eciam scultet predicto et suis successoribus legittimis de nostra gracia speciali ID omnibus siluisetfluuijs, in frucetis omnibus et fructibus nobis pertinentibus, quod dicitur gaiowe, terciam partem" (1360), Monu- menta medii aevi historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia, vol. in S p. 301 ; "scol- tetia et successoribus eorum damns quartum denarium de pascuis et siluis wlgariter gayowe, racione cuius easdem siluas tenebuntur custodire" (1421), ibid., vol. VIII ^ p. 471. * "Gadorum Dolgnae Blatae, gai in Dolgna Elate," J. J. Hanel, Monu- menta historico-juridica Slavorum meridionalium, Zagrabiae 1877, vol. i, p. 91. ^ "Kosciol cum gadibus suis inter Dobrzycza et Kosciol, incipientes a Do- EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 91 tached to gades in the German documents,^ but the word is neither specifically German nor Slavic, since gadi ''fence, protection," gadier ''forester" are also recorded in the Prov- ence.^ As Ital. cafagiario has led to cafadiario, gagiarius has produced gadiarius, gagium has given Prov. gadi. Before investigating the fate of gaium on German territory, we shall discuss a Gaulic gloss caio breialo siue bigardio ascribed to the fifth century. Zimmer' says of it: "Hier ist das erklarte Wort (caio) seinem Ursprung und der Bedeutung nach fiir uns fast klarer als die zu seiner Erklarung (breialo siue bigardio) verwendeten. An der Hand liegen niimlich, wie Stokes sah, fiir das erstere altbret. caiou gl. munimenta, kymr. cae 'inclosure, hedge, field,' mittelbret. quae 'haye despines' (Catholicon), neubret. kae (plur. kae-ou) 'haie cloture faite d'^pines; petit mur, moitie pierres, moitie terre.' Dieses kymr. -bret. Wort gehort, wie Rhys, Rev. Celt. i. 370 sah, zu ahd. hac, ags. hag, haga, altn. hagi, ags. hege (engl. hedge), die sowohl den eingehegten Zaun oder Wall als auch Alles, was eingehegt wurde (septum, urbs, Weide, junger Wald), bezeichnen. Die Verwandschaft macht klar, wie zu demselben keltischen Stamm kagjo- auch alti. cae 'Haus' in cerdchae ' Schmiedehaus (gl. officina) sowie mittellat. cayum 'domus' gehoren . . . Das an erster Stelle zur Erklarung von caio verwendete breialo ist offenbar das im Mittellatein gebrauchliche hroialum, brogilus, hroylus, bruillius, als dessen brzycza que gades ordinarie currunt per terram, per rubetos, per paludines, per silvas usque ad Maluina, cum pratis que sunt in gadibus dicte villa Kosciol" (13. cent.), Codex diplomaticus Majoris Poloniae, Poznaniae 1877, vol. i, p. 45; "termini autem sive gades earundem villarum" (1237), ibid., p. 175. * Ducange, sub gades. ' "Item sobre la forma . . . de metre gadis e bans els ortz, els blatz, els verdiers, e elas terras . . . e sobre lo sagramen de baile e dels gadiers prestador," Levy , Provenzalisches-Supplement- Worterbuch . 3 H. Zimmer, Keltische Studien, in Zeitschrift fiir vergldchende Sprachfor- schung, vol. xxxii, p. 230 j^. 92 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS Grundbedeutung 'campus arboribus consitus et muris aut sepibus cinctus' angenommen wird, was ja zu der fiir caio unter Vergleich der brittanischen Worter und der Etymologie zu erschliessenden Bedeutung stimmt. Dieses breialo, hroia- lum, hrogilus ist vermuthlich selbst gallischen Ursprungs und geht auf einen Stamm brogilo- derninutiv zu brogi- zuriick." In this statement there are several inaccuracies, as we shall soon see from an investigation of documents bear- ing on breialo. In Greek, TreptySoXo? is frequently used in the sense of "enclosure, wall,"^ and in the sixth century the formula iKTo6'yStos, fioppa yrj IlaTOVTOS tov "fipou Kol Twv dSeXi^wv, aTrrjXLwTOv TrcpijSoAos Tajv d/x7rc\wv(oi' " (104 B.C.), L. Mitteis, Griechische Urkunden der Papyrussammlung zu Leipzig, Leipzig 1906, vol. I, p. 3. ^ " UapaStiXTd) croi iv Sr}fxocrL(o totto) Iktos dyt'wv 7rept/3oX(OV kol OeLOiV ^apoK- T-qpuiv" (566), F. Preisigke, Griechische Papyrus . . . zu Strassburg, Leipzig 1912, vol. I, p. 166. ' Ducange, sub 7r€pi)3oXo9. ^ " IIc/Di^oXatoi/ TO TrX^crtov tov olkov, to evpcOev vvv XifidSiov iv w lo-ra- VTtti o-uKeai Svo Kat diriSta fxia" (1073), Miklosich and Muller, Acta et dip- lomata graeca, vol. i, p. 6. EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 93 the house," ^ and the garden was named TrepL^6\r}<;, in Sicily rrepL^6\iTt,ov.^ When Charlemagne wrote in his Capitulare de villis "ut lucos nostros quos vulgus hrogilus vocat, bene custodire faciant," he had in mind the Greek TTepiftoXos, which becomes still clearer in the account of the Langobard Luidprand who in the tenth century used indiscriminately hrolium, briolium, perivolium, and explained it as being a deer park.^ In Italy hrolium is recorded since the eighth century/ Be- ginning with the tenth century it signifies the ducal or muni- cipal palace with its surrounding garden. In Brescia we hear in the thirteenth century of such a hroletto,^ and, as here, so there existed at Milan a new and an old broletto, and a still older hrolio.^ These Milanese broletti, with their market 1 " Ets TO )(0)pL0V TO KaXovfxtvov kavvidvov TTC/oavXoia ^ojpa<^t£oi tottol in villam quae cognominantur lanniano Clausurie territorie" (1000), F. Trinch- era, Syllabus graecarum membranarum, Neapoli 1865, p. 11. 2 " O TrepLfSoXrjs tov Trpea-fSvTepov AeovTos voTaptov," ibid., p. 94; " KaXXt- epyov avTov 7rept/3dAtT^ov " (1234), S. Cusa, Diplomi greci ed arabi di Sicilia, Palermo 1868, vol. I, p. 92; " p-eTo. KaXov rjp,wv 6eXT^p.aT0<; TrenpaKafxev to r}p.€- Tepov TTcpi^oXLT^ov (Tvv T(i)v p.iT avTOv IvTO'i (^iKTKt'as Kttt ^pc'ttTos " (1239), ibid., p. 95, and similarly pp. 116, 557, 559, 679. 2 "Sed et idem Nicephorus in eadem coena me interrogavit, si vos perivolia, id est briolia, vel si in perivoliis onagros vel caetera animalia haberetis? Cui cum, vos brolia et in broliis animalia onagris exceptis, habere, aflBrmarem : Du- cam te, inquit, in nostrum perivolium,'^ MGH., Scriptores, vol. iii, p. 355. * "Cimi vineis brolijs" (724), Troya, op. cit., vol. in, p. 376; "vineis broliis pascuis" (768), ibid., vol. v, p. 376; "sala cum ipso broilo ibidem adherente" (896), Muratori, Antiquitates, vol. i, col. 154; "casa nova, cum curie et area in qua stat, cum brolio uno tenente, cum muro circumdata, seu arboribus et petras infra stante" (913), HPM., vol. xiii, col. 782; "sedimen unum cwn broilo uno tenente" (941), ibid., col. 951. 5 "Ut quinque porte pallacii seu broletti claudantur et aperiantur omni die et de die stent aperte ita quod non possint claudi occasione consilii" (1245), F. Odorici, Storie bresciane, vol. vii, p. 109; "tenear non posse facere fieri ali- quam iustitiam corporalem seu vindictam in broletto novo et veteri" (1285), ibid., p. 129. ^ "Tunc temporis prope murum civitatis consitum fuit pomerium quod dicitiu" brolium, ex omni genere arborum et fructuum in tanta densitate, quod nemoris densitatem incurreret, ubi nullae personae nee habitare nee arare licitum fuit, in medio fuit fons vivus ... In processu temporis parvum pomerium con- etructum fuit, qui diminutione per respectum ad brolium magnum dictmn est broletum" (14. cent.), Miscellanea di storia italiana, vol. vii, p. 452. 94 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS places and avenues, were carefully described by Flanima, an author of the fourteenth century,^ who, in doing so, quoted an old poem that, like Luidprand's report, told of onagers kept in the park.^ As early as the eleventh century palaces and courts of justice were located there, ^ and in the twelfth century they are mentioned at Como, Pavia, Mantua, Ver- celli, Venice,'* while at Novara the park and palace are called hloretum.^ These brolii are confined almost exclusively to Lombardy and Venice. In the old Liguria and on the western side, from Lucca to Salerno, one frequently comes across a perilassium, herolais, which has heretofore been wrongly identified with the Roman amphitheater and learnedly derived from a Ger- manic bero-laz ''bear den"^ or a Greek TreptetXas.^ In the Florentine documents of the eleventh and later centuries reference is frequently made to a perilasium majus and a perilasium minus or picculum, as the name of some locality.^ ^ Miscellanea di storia italiana, vol. vii, p. 452 ff. 2 "Brolettis binis vetus novatur ab imis, Excedit meniis faustis in coclea fanis, Distinctis horis onager miratur in illis." ' "Cum in Dei nomine Civitate Mediolanium aBroUto Domui Sancti Am- brosii ... in judicio residerent Dominus Ugo Marchio, et Comes Comitatu istius Mediolanensis, singulorum hominum justiciam faciendam ac deliberan- dam" (1021), G. Giulini, Memorie . . . di Milano, Milano 1854, vol. ii, p. 112/. * Statuti del comune di Vicenza 1264, Venezia 1886; G. Robolini Nolizie tenenti alia storia delta sua patria, Pavia 1826, vol. ii, p. 238 ff. ^ A. Ceruti, Statuta communitatis Novariae anno 1277 lata, Novariae 1879, p. 8. 8 Friedlander, Darstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Roms, Leipzig 1910, vol. II, p. 561 ff.; R. Davidsohn, Forschungen zur alteren Geschichte von Florenz, Berlin 1896, p. 15 J'. ^ C. Lupi, SuW origine e significato delta voce Farlascio, in Archivio storico italiano, Ser. 4, vol. vi, p. 492 J'. 8 "Excepta quadam parte terrae, in qua hortus esse videtur, et est posita prope Perilasium maius, et iuxta hortum nostri Monasterii" (1070), Lami, Lezioni di antichita toscane, p. 81; "prope Perilasio piccido" (1071), ibid., p. 96; " terrae peziam unam, totam ad unam tenens, quae posita est in loco, qui no- minatur Perilasium, et iuxta ipsum Perilasium, quae terra decemimus, de una parte decurrit ei via, et finis praedictum Perilasium" (1085), ibid., p. 81; "prope perlasio" (1018), Davidsohn, I. c; "prope perilasium majorem" (1031) EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 95 Pirolascio, Perilascio occur often at Lucca, from 963 on,^ and "prope Perilasium" is used at Arezzo as early as 936,^ while at Reate ''ad Perilasium" is recorded in 791.^ In the south are given the forms Burlasco, Borlasco, Vorlasco, Vir- lasco,'^ at Salerno one hears in 994 of a Mons Berolasi or Berolasi,^ and in Capua a quarter of the city, which Her- chempert identified with the amphitheater, was in the ninth century called Berelais.^ The assumption that perilasium is identical with the am- phitheater is invalidated by the existence of two perilasia at Florence, and Davidsohn's identification of perilasium minus with the dramatic theater is not proved by documen- tary evidence, in fact, Lupi has shown '' that in some places the perilasium was too far away from the city ever to have served such purposes. There cannot be the slightest doubt that perilasium, berelais are merely corrupted forms of Greek 7r€pL^oXo<;, which was in common use in Italy and which is even to be found in Aramaic parvtla ''the open space about a city which generally served as a pasture." Herchempert was not entirely wrong in his equation of berelais and amphi- theater, for the first generally arose there where originally stood a Roman public building. In Langobard times the Roman theaters were in ruins, and the space they occupied was taken by the city for public parks and municipal halls. Thus, for example, the Milan hrolium arose where formerly ibid.; "prope perilasium quod dicitur picculo iuxta civitate Florentia" (1069), ibid. A large number of quotations for the forms pratolasei, pratolascio, per- lascium, pierlascium, pierlasium, perlasium, perlagium, piarlagio, parlagio, par- lascio may be found in Lupi, I. c. ^ Lupi, I. c. 2 U. Pasqui, Documenti per la storia della citta di Arezzo, Firenze 1899, pp. 85, 95. ' Regesto di Farfa, vol. ii, p. 125. * Lupi, I. c. ^ Codex dipl. cavensis, vol. iii, p. 15. ^ "Veniens Berelais, hoc est Amphitheatrum," Muratori, Scriptores, vol. II, p. 247. ^ Op. cit., p. 499/. 96 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS stood the amphitheater and ergasterium,^ and the brolium in northern Italy was not only the park, but also the public buildings in it.^ In Lombardy, Venice, and Ravenna, where the old build- ings could easily be destroyed, in order to use the stone for the new palaces, the memory of antiquity was easily ob- literated, and brolium remained only as the name for the new garden and buildings; but in the south, where the amphi- theaters had occupied steep and inaccessible hillsides, the ruins survived for a longer time, and herelais, perilasium, derived from TrepLJSoXiqq or 7TepL^oXo<;, was not only the name for the hill where the amphitheater had been located, as in Capua and Salerno, but was intimately connected with the amphitheater in the memory of the people. The identity of perilasium and brolium becomes an absolute certainty from the use of the word parlascio at Pisa for ''city garden where the municipal building stood," ^ in which sense it is also recorded in the other Ligurian cities,^ while at Ivrea par- lacium was a park surrounded with hedges and moats. ^ In Germany, brogilus originally meant ''grove," but it has produced German Briihl "a well watered meadow," the ^ "Erat autem istud hedifitium (amphitheatrum) fundatum ubi nunc est brolium. Ergasterinm fuit hedifitium aJtissimis muris circumseptum diversis cameris et stabulis distinctum, in quibus erant tauri indomiti, leene, ursi et tygrides. ... In isto loco nunc est ecclexia sancti Nazarii in brolioJ' Misc. di storia ital., vol. vii, p. 468. 2 "Broletum est edifitium quadrum alto mure circumdatum," ibid., p. 452; " in alia parte civitatis est alia cui'ia comunis, que dicitur broletum vetus," ibid., p. 453. ' "Corse scapigliata e come forsennata al Parlascio, dove abitavano i con- soli e gli altri che reggevano la repubblica" (for the year 1005), E-. Roncioni, Delle istorie jnsane libri XVI, Firenze 1844, p. 61. * Rezasco, Dizionario del linguaggio italiano storico ed amministralivo, sub ■parlagio. From a confusion of this parlagio with parlare "to speak" has arisen the vulgar Latin parlamentum, originally "city council," then "parliament." ^ "Cum toto parlacio inter et foris et omnibus fossatis et pendinis in circuitu ipsius parlacii; coheret a monte uia que currit ante iam dictam ecclesiam et ipsum parlacium; a meridie carectum qui est in piano subter costadum iamdicti parlacii" (1075), HPM., Chartae, vol. i, col. 649. EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 97 semantic change of which has been correctly stated by Staub and Tobler: ^ "place or suburb where formerly there was a grove or pasture, but which has either been trans- formed into a meadow or has been thrown open for building purposes." The word occurs in OHG. as broil, bruil and is used early in England, where it is written broel and con- ceived, not as an Anglo-Saxon, but as a Latin word meaning ''deer park." ^ We find it in Raeto-Roman brol "garden," Prov. bruelh, bruelha, bruoilla "grove, bush," OFr. broil^ broel, broal, bruel "deer park," broillet, bruillet, breullet, etc., "small forest." If we now turn to the Gaulish gloss ^'caio breialo bigar- dio" we conclude, since breialo is obviously our 7repL/3o\o<;, that caio must also designate an enclosed place, especially a grove. This is made certain by kahei, kaei, kei, kahai, kahe, kabei (?) of the Bavarian ^ and gahagio (gahaio, gaaio, gaio, gagio) regis of the Langobard laws. If we now compare Bavarian kahei with Carolingian brogilus, we get the same equation as in caio breialo. The additional gloss bigardio is easily explained. At Bayonne and Bordeaux cayum, caya has survived in the sense of "outhouse, cellar," but the identical OHG. cadum, gadum "domus, aedes, septa," obiz- gadem "pomarium," Low German gadem, gam "appendix, booth" show that the original is again "enclosure." These words all express "penthouse attached to a house, enclosure next to the house," hence bigardio is nothing but OHG. bigard "enclosure next to another." Thus the Gaulish gloss is, with the exception of the last word, nothing but Low Latin, and cannot possibly be of the fifth century. It is not earlier than of the seventh century. ^ Schweizerisches Idiotikon, Frauenfeld 1905, vol. v, sub hriiel. 2 "Broel edisc deortuun," Th. Wright, Anglo-Saxon and Old English Vocab- ularies, col. 9; "broel hortus cervorum, deortuun, uel edisc," ibid., cols. 196, 275; "broelarius ediscweard," ibid., cols. 275, 359. * "Si vero de minutis silvis, de luco vel quacumque kaheio (Jkaeio, keio, kahaio, kaheo, kabeio) vegitam reciderit," xxii. 6. 98 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS Thus it appears that the Byzantine TrepCfioXo? has given way to Gothic gualdo and Langobard gaio, and we shall now see how this change has taken place. In OHG. the word wald does not mean only "forest" ^ but also ''wilderness,"^ hence wuast-waldi is glossed with ''de- sertum."^ ONorse vollr ''unworked field," AS. weald, Engl. wold, weald ''forest, field" show that the fundamental idea was ex squalido and not "forest," even as gualdo in Italy re- ferred to the royal domain in general, inclusive of cultivated ground. The gualdo nostro or publico of the earhest documents and the gaio regis of the Langobard laws prove conclusively that the basic idea of gualdo, according to its derivation from ex squalido, was that of dominium "royal domain." In Frankish documents gualdo appears only after Charlemagne's Italian conquest, hence this word became popular in Ger- many in the sense of "forest" only through Langobard in- fluence, although it must popularly have been present in the sense of "domain" long before. In Spain, where ex squalido has survived in its original form and meaning, gualdo is totally wanting. So, too, in Gothic there does not exist a similar word for "forest," because this idea has developed at a comparatively late time, but waldan has the original meaning "to rule, exercise dominion," because gualdo meant "dominium, royal possession." This waldan has been derived from Lat. valeo, but Uhlenbeck has pointed out the impos- sibility of this connection on account of Lith. galeti "to be able," which corresponds to Lat. valeo, while Goth, waldan corresponds to Lith. valdytiJ The only objection that could be brought against such a derivation from ex squalido would ^ Steinmeyer and Sievers, Althochdeutsche Glossen, vol. i, p. 298, vol. iii, p. 91. 2 "In eremi vastitate in des uualdes uuasti," ibid., vol. i, p. 469, and Graff, Althochdeutscher Sprachschatz, sub wald. 3 Graff, I. c. * Kurzgefasstes Etymologisches Wdrterbv/:h, Amsterdam 1900, p. 166. EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 99 be the appearance of the names Cariovalda, Catualda in the first century,^ but this objection would be vaUd only if one knew what the ending ualda in these words meant. Slav. vlad-, which goes back to an older vald-, means 'Ho rule," Lith. valdyti 'Ho rule, wield, direct," OPrussian waldnika ''king." In none of these languages can a trace of the mean- ing "forest" for this group be found, while gaio in all of them has that connotation, which at once shows that the former is by far the older word and must have entered into the Balto- Slavic family of languages before the seventh century. But gaio is wanting in Gothic; the word arose independently from it and at a later date. German walten cannot be sepa- rated from Goth, waldan and gualdo "forest," because in OHG. names -wait and -wald interchange indiscriminately. But if Goth, waldan has arisen from ex squalido, then Goth. wilpeis, OHG. wildi "wild" is a derivative from it, with an even closer approximation to the original meaning than in waldan. Precisely the same semantic relationship is to be found in the Celtic, where we have Welsh gwyllt "wilder- ness, overgrown place, wild, insane," OBret. guelenes "waste island," Corn, gwylls "wild," guelfos "desert," guel "field," Ir. geilt "terror, wild," while the form vlad, vlat expresses the idea "dominium," Welsh gwlad "country," Corn, gulat ''fatherland," Bret, gloat "kingdom," Ir. flaiih "prince, dominion," but the change from vald to vlad, which is parallel to the transformation in Slavic, is of the same nature as the one from farst to frast, of which I speak later on. Bavarian kahei has survived as Gehai and Kai, not only in the sense of "forest," but also of "meadow, fishpond," ^ and OHG. hac "urbs, saeptum," hagjan "to enclose," which occur only late, have developed from gahagio by dropping what appeared to be a prefix, ga-, ONorse hagi "pasture," ^ E. Forstemann, Altdeutsches Namenbuch, Bonn 1900, col. 1496. * Schmeller, Bayerisches Worterbuch, vol. i, col. 1022. 100 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS Dan. have ''garden/' AS. haga ''fence, house, villa" ^ have been borrowed from OHG. In the Romance languages only- French haie "hedge" has been derived from the German; Provengal and Italian know only derivatives of gaio. We have seen how gaio has in the Langobard documents suc- cessively lengthened into gaaio, gahaio, gahagio, gafagio, finally to produce the briefer forms fagia, faia, and we have been able to observe the gradual disappearance of the royal domain from the eighth to the eleventh century, when the place names Cafaggio, Fagia alone were left to indicate the existence of such public lands. It now remains to be shown how ex squalido may have given gaio, caio. It may be assumed that the word gaio of the documents at Benevento is a miswritten gaio, but as it occurs very fre- quently this is not probable. That a gaio should have existed by the side of gualdo is not to be wondered at, for we have not only the phrase ex squalido but also ex squalore, which would produce a form gualora, galora, for which a singular gaio would be a back formation. But this is merely hypo- thetic and so must be omitted from our consideration. We shall, therefore, have to show that gaio may have proceeded from ex squalido independently from such an assumed trans- formation, that is, we shall have to show that squalido or qualido may have produced gaio, caio. Now, the Spanish scaliar, scalio show that a form squalio must have existed at an early time. Fortunately we have another Spanish word, cayo "sand bank," Fr. quais "quay," where its derivation from a word scalio may be proved by documentary evidence. Lat. scala, Or. cr/caXa has from the beginning of the Chris- 1 "Se haga binnan port the aegelric himsylfan getimbrod haefde" (1044), J. Earle, A Handbook to the Land-Charters, and other Saxonic Documents, Ox- ford 1888, p. 244, and similarly pp. 194, 239, 289, 294; "dabo unam villam, quod nos Saxonice an haga dicimus" (855), ibid., p. 336, and similarly pp. 374, 447; "nouem praefatae ciuitatis habitataculis, quae patria lingua Hagan ap- pellari solent" (996), ibid., p. 403. EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 101 tian era been used for ''quay," and the Byzantines called the landing dues crKokidTLKov. In the pacts made between the Venetians and Pisans on the one hand and the Byzantine emperors on the other there is frequent mention of scala ^ and scalaticum, scaliaticum,- and the Genoese have also de- rived their wharf system from Constantinople.^ In modern Genoese scd is ''quay," which form obviously passed through a previous scaia, from a still older scaria, scarius * recorded at least since 1001.^ This scala passed early into Arabic kalW ^ and iskdla, isqdla. We have at Barcelona scharum,'' at Marseilles scare,^ which leads to Ital. squero "wharf." In France we get in the twelfth century caium for it,® while 1 "Ad hoc donat eis et ergasteria . . . et maritimas m scalas" (1082), Tafel and Thomas, Urkunden zur dliern Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, vol. i, p. 52, and again pp. 110, 191, 208, and G. Miiller, Documenti sulle relazioni delle cittd, toscane coll' oriente fino all' anno MDXXXl, Firenze 1879, p. 57. 2 "Naves omnes venientes de Pisa permanent in scala Pisanorum sine ecalatico usque ad duos menses, si vero plus morari voluerint dent scalaticum ad voluntatem scalarii" (1162), G . Miiller, op cit., p. 10; "pro commercio, uel passagio, uel samariatico, uel scaliatico" (1199), Tafel and Thomas, op. cit., p. 272, also p. 257. ' HPM., Leg. iur. reip. genuen., vol. i, col. 499/. * "Redditum de ripa et de scariis comunis ianue" (1149), ibid., col. 141 ff.; "novi scarii" (1163), ibid., col. 215/.; C. Desimoni, Statuto dei padri del Comune delta Repubblica Genovese, Genova 1885, p. 321; A. Jal, Glossaire nautique, Paris 1848, sub scarimn. ^ "Tota ipsa plagia de regiminis Minoris, quantum continet de cantu in cantum ubi scaria fuerunt," E. Pansa, Istoria dell' antica repubblica d'Amalfi, Napoli 1724, p. 45; "si nave o legno . . . sia varata o levata da scaria," Tab. Arnalf., in N. Alianelli, Delle antiche consuetudini e leggi maritime delle provincie napolitane, Napoli 1871, p. 132. ^ "Kalla' a station of ships, near the bank of a river; the bank of a river," Lane. ^ A. de Capmany y de Montpalau, Memorias historicas sobre la marina comercio ?/ artes de la antigua ciudad de Barcelona, Madrid 1779, vol. n, p. 25. * L. Mery et F. Guindon, Histoire analytique, et chronologique des actes et des deliberations^du corps et du conseil de la municipalite de Marseille depuis le X»»« sieclejusqu' a nos jours, Marseille 1842, vol. ii, p. 325. ^ " Consuetudines caiagii" (1145), A. Thierry, Recueil des monuments in- edits de I'histoire du tiers etat. Premiere serie, vol. i, p. 57; "redditum, quem in portu fluminis Somene de navibus obtinebat, vulgo appellatum caiagium" (1149), ibid., p. 58; "porro Johannes de Cruce in predicto portu terram con- 102 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS in England scaliaticum appears as scavagium, as though from the AS. sceawian "to show." Spain has preserved more clearly the tradition of the Roman law, so, while it possesses direct derivatives from ex squalido, it has neither gualdo nor gaio. In a similar way Spain has been free from the corruption of another technical term which is placed in the Theodosian Code by the side of ex squalido and which has produced a remarkable series of words in the rest of Europe. In 390 Valentinianus published an edict relegating the monks to the "vast" solitudes, vastae solitudines.^ The sentence "deserta loca et vastae soli- tudines" which is used in it is based on the classical juxta- position of "desertum et vastum," but, although the law was partially repealed in 392, this vastum remained as the expres- sion for monastic solitudes. Vastae solitudines occurs with great frequency during the founding of monasteries ^ and similar expressions may be quoted in endless number.^ Most tiguam flumini habebat, quam postmodum, ecclesia jam per elemosinam pos- sidente, ad naves recipiendas idem Johannts preparabat, et ibi caium facere disponebat . . . et redditus ipsormn caiorum, sive multi sive pauci sint, sive quocimque modo diminuti, communes in alterutrum concesserunt . . . custos redditimi tam caiagii quam granariorum communiter eligetur" (1151), ibid., p. 60. 1 "Quicucque sub professione Monachi repperiuntur, deserta loca et vaslas sclitudines sequi, adque habitare iubeantur," xvi. 3. 1. 2 "Est praeterea locus silvaticus in heremo vastissimae solitudinis in medio nationimi praedicationis nostrae, in quo monasterium construentes, monachos constituimus sub regula sancti patris Benedicti viventes" (751), S. Bonifati epistola, in MGH., Epistolae, vol. m, p. 368; "apparuit eidem Saviniano angelua Domini, qui demonstravit locum vaste solitudinis coherentem fiuvio SivoUs, ubi deberet proficere amore matris, sororis et caste coniugis caste Menelei, si cut consilium dederat, domum orationis," Vita Menelei, in MGH., Scrip, rer. merov., vol. v, p. 142. ^ "Quod cenubium aliquo infra regna nostra vasto in loco que dicitur Haireul- fisfelt super fluvium Fulda monasterium aedificasset" (775), MGH., Dip. Karol., vol. i, p. 129; "huius tempore per Galliarum provincias agmina mona- chorum et sacrarum puellarum examina non solum per agros, villas vicosque atque castella, verum etiam per heremi vastitatem ex regula dumtaxat beatorum patrum Benedicti et Columbani pullulare coeperunt" (9. cent.?), ihid., Scrip. rer. merov., vol. v, p. 54; "observabam quodam per vciste Vinciacensis silve lucos" (11. cent.?), ibid., p. 151; "arrepto itinera, cum iam per vastam heremum EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 103 popular was the expression vastina,^ hence vasta ''uncultivated territory subject to settlement" ^ gives way to wastina,^ of which the largest, the Wastina of Vendome, is mentioned as early as 834/ while a great number of localities in France are named Gastina, Gastinetum, Gastinesium, Gastineti, Vastina, Vastum.^ The words vasta, vastina have entered into OHG. in al- most unchanged forms,^ but there are also many variant forms, wuosti, wostt, wuostinna, wuastinna, wostinna, wuos- tunna, wostenja, wostinni, wostunnja, OSaxon w6sti,w6stun- nia, OFrisian wSste, wostene, westene, AS. weste, westen. From OHG. wuosti, wostunnja, etc., we get OSlavic pusta, pustyni, pustynja "wilderness," to which belongs a large group of words in all the Slavic languages, including the verb pustiti "to let." Lettish posfs " devastation," Prussian pausto "wild" show that OHG. wuosta must have had an inter- mediate form fosta, to produce post-, pust- of the Balto- Slavic languages. That such a form actually existed is proved Vosacum nomine iter caperet" (before 11. cent.), ibid., p. 237; "quod ibidem gaudii fuerit, quod tale mrraculum per famulum suum Preiectum in heremi vastitatem subito aeger recepisset salutem," ibid., p. 238; "cum sanctus Fili- bertus semper desideraret heremi vastitatem" (9. cent.), ibid. 1 "Dono . . . et castrum ipsum de Monteplano cum toto monte et ecclesia ibi dicata S. Laurentio cum omni jure, mancipiis, vastinis, molendinis, censu, eilvis, aquagiis altis et bassis" (863), Ducange, sub vastum. a "Vasta Ardinna" (770), MGH., Dip. Karol., vol. i, p. 71; "vasta Bo- chonia" (775), ibid., pp. 148, 149, 190, 191, 196. » "Extirpare fecit de foresta, quae dicitur Wastina" (1007-1050), Ch. M6tais, Cartulaire de Vabbaye cardinale de la Trinite de Vendome, Paris 1893, vol. I, p. 3; "cum veniret ad forestam de Wastino, videns eam pluribus in locis extirpatam" (1032), ibid., p. 16, and often; "dimidium habeamus pasnatici is silva Guastinensi" (1050), Tr^mault, Cartulaire de Marmoutier, Paris, Ven- dome 1893, p. 128, and again pp. 193, 335. * "Wastina in Windoninse pago," Gesta Aldrici, Ch. Metais, op. cit., p. 16. 8 Chevin, Diciionnaire Latin-Frangais des noms propres des lieux, Paris 1897. 6 Steinmeyer and Sievers, op. cit.: "Uastantes uastanti," vol. i, p. 294; "uastasolitudine wwastemueinotte," p. 295 ; " uastabat uuosta," p. 356; "deua- stantes uuostinti," p. 383; "uastitas uuasti," p. 468; "in eremi uastitate in des uualdes uuasti," p. 469; "uastans uuostandi," vol. ii, p. 21; "vasta uuostin," p. 59. 104 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS by the Celtic languages. In Olr. fas "desert" shows its direct descent from vasta, but in the other Celtic languages the long a has caused the insertion of an r. In Welsh we have gorest, gores '^what lies open, unenclosed, waste," in Breton frost, fraost ''deserted, waste, uncultivated." That forst, frost is very old in Celtic is proved by Frankish /ores^zs which is first recorded in the year 556 in a donation of Childebert I, where forestis refers, not to the forest, but to the fisheries ^ and is, like gualdo and gaio, connected with nostra.^ The forestarii who held sway in the forestis, however different they may have been from the gualdatores, like these had the same charge of the fisheries, the capture of poachers, super- vision of borders .^ Gualdus made its appearance in Germany only after Charlemagne's Italian expedition in 776, and at first in a document written at Vicenza,^ after which it took the place of vasta and forestis.^ Like gualdus, so also for- estis became finally identical with ''forest." The Germanic languages have no words derived from forestis except OHG. forst, uorst, which in itself shows that it is a borrowed word. From OHG. it has passed into all the Slavic languages, OSlav. hvrast "sarmentum, bush, oak," Bulg. hrast, hrastalek, hraste "bush," fraste "noise," Pol. chrost "noise, bushes, faggots," chwrastac "to rustle," hence Magyar haraszt "oak forest," Rum. hrest "bush." ^ ^ "Has omnes piscationes, quae sunt et fieri possunt in utraque parte fluminis Bicut nos tenemus et nostra forestis est, tradimus ad ipsum locum," MGH., Diplomatum, torn. I, p. 7. * The quotations for forestis in Merovingian and Carolingian documents are given in full in H. Thimme's Forestis (Archiv fiir Urkundenforschung, vol. n, pp. 101-154), to which I refer the reader. 3 Thimme, I.e., p. 120^. * " Predictus Hildebran dus duxgualdum ad prefatum monasterium tradi- disset," MGH., Dip. Karol., vol. i, p. 157. * "In ualdo Bochonia" (779), ibid., p. 169; "infra ualto qui vocatur Vircun- nia" (786), ibid., p. 206; "infra waldo nostra" (791), ibid., p. 227. ' F. Miklosich, Etymologisches Worterbuch der slavischen Sprachen, Wien 1886. EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 105 On Romance territory France is especially rich in such derivatives. Breton frost, fraost is strongly represented in the north/ occurring in the Latinized form frostum in the eleventh century ^ and somewhat later as frussatum in Eng- land.^ Since the fourteenth century we have the French forms fro, frau, fros, froc, frox, frouz, fiot, fios, etc. " terre in- culte et abandonnee, chemin rompu, large chemin public pres d'une ville, place communale plus large que le chemin mais soumise a la meme police," ^ smd frestiz, fraitis ''terre en friche, terre qui n'est pas cultivee." ^ Fr. floe has pro- duced Spanish llueco, lleco in the same sense. In northern Italy we in the eighth century meet with, frascarium ''un- cultivated, overgrown land"^ and later with, frascata, fras- chetum in the same sense, while frasca, both in Italy and the Provence, is equivalent to "faggots." ' The change from frast- to frasc- is the same as from frostum to frusca.^ In France there is a great variety of derivations from this frasc-, frescherium, frescheium, fresceium, freschium, frecum, frichia, frichium, friscum, fresca,^ which have survived in Fr. friche ^ " Lea maisons frostes et desherbregees," Archives de Bretagne, vol. vi, p. 171. Similar combinations: "froustes et inhabitees," ibid., vol. v ^, p. 132; "frost et inhabite," ibid., pp. 214, 37, 40, 116; "eallines, fossez, vasseres, /rosiz, baulles," ibid., pp. 41, 54. I quote these from E. Ernault, Glossaire moyen-breton, Paris 1895. See also Godefroy, sub frost. 2 "Aimericus Saporellus dedit absque censu, in alodo, vineale quod fuit Gosleni prefecti, et ipse Aimericus quiete possidebat quia a prioribus posses- Boribus in frostum deciderat," Archives historiques du Poitou, vol. ii, p. 36. ^ "Quod venit de frussato praedicti Rogeri" (1196), Jones and Macray, Charters and Documents illustrating the History . . . of Salisbury, London 1891, p. 58. * Godefroy, sub /ro. ^ Ibid., Buh fraitis. * "Cum pratis vineis silvis /rascareis molendinis" (710), Cod. Langob., col. 7; "Expensum predeis rusticis, idest /rascano in casale Caualionano" (735), Bullettino dell' istituto storico italiano, vol. xxx, p. 53. ^ " Ligna exinde excidere, aut animalia ibidem pascere, vel frascas aut perti- cas aut circla exinde toUere" (944), B. Capasso, Monumenta ad Neapolitani Ducatus historiam pertinentia, vol. ii'^, p. 7; "aliquam personam incidentem arborem vel frascas" (1170), HPM., Leg. Gen., p. 22; "sive sit accusatio de guastis vel incisione arborum et frascarum," ibid., p. 25. 8 Ducange, sub fraustum. * Ducange. 106 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS ''uncultivated ground," but the old vastum, guastum, changed to gascum, has produced the more popular gascaria, gascheria, gasquerer, now jachiere, jacherer. The dialects have a very large number of words which are derived from frast-, frasc- ^ and Jura frachous ''bois cassant pour allumer le feu," Mor- van freucher "battre, froisser, rouler," Ital. frascare ''to strike," esser per lefratte "etre dans la frape," show that Fr. fracas, f rapper are developments of this group, semasiologi- cally evolved from the idea of beating the bush, and identical with the Slavic group, where hvrast mean both "bush" and "noise." The connotation "fresh" has been evolved from this group in an interesting manner. The public domain and private forests had since earliest times been used for the pas- turage of swine and sheep, the owner of such domain or forest claiming for this right a yearly tithe. The Visigothic laws speak of the swine tithe in the seventh century in a law quoted as Antigua,^ and as early as the sixth century this de- cima porcorum was turned over by the Merovingians to the Church,^ while in 653 it was distinctly mentioned that this 1 "Frdte branchages d'un arbre, usite dans les exploitations forestieres du pays, Bourg. frat fragile, Poitou frette petite branche, freter clore avec des branches entrelacees. Jura frachous bois cassant pour allumer le feu, Suisse- rom. fratzi, fratschi, frachi rompre, briser, couper, Ital. fratta broussaille, haie, buisson, esser per lefralle etre dans la frape ; /rd/ei/Zer faire du bruit en marchant ou en remnant dans les feuilles seches, freuche friche, terre inculte, couverte do bruyere de genevriers. Berry /rau, frou, defrau terre inculte. Norm, frau place publique, emplacement libre, vide. Champ, friez friche, Guernesey frie gazon, friquet preau, /ro lieu inculte ; freucher battre, froisser, fouler. Fie. frusser presser, Berry froucher battre, froisser, a Metz freuchie se dit d'un leger pietinement d'un bruit continu et sourd ; frocher froisser, Wallon frohi frayer en brisant, action de frayer, Wallon de Mons froncher, Luxembourg frouchir," E. de Chambure, Glossaire du Morvan, Paris, Autun 1878. ^ "Qui porcos in silva sua tempore glandis invenerit, primum custodi ali- quid velut pigneris tollat indicium et domino pastoris vel parentibus mandet, ut, si convenerit, usque ad tempus decimarum porcos in silva sua permittat . . . ut porcos suos in silvam eius, si voluerit, introducat et decimum juxta con- Buetudinem solvat," viii. 5. 1, 2, 3, 4. ' "Agraria, pascuaria, vel decimas porcorum Ecclesiae pro fidis nostrae de- EX SQUALIDO AND VASTA 107 decima porcorum of the Church was collected from the swine pasturing in the forestis^ This tithe was levied on the in- crease of the flock, as is distinctly mentioned in the em- phyteutic contracts at Lucca, where the pigs and lambs so delivered were to be one year old.^ If we compare the obliga- tions of the peasants of Saint Gall with those of the Lucchese documents, we find a very close resemblance, only that in- stead of "porco annotino" we here get the expression /ri's- kinga.^ The etymologists derive this friskiriga from G.frisch, but the latter is entirely wanting in Gothic, occurs but late in OHG. as frisc, in AS. as fersc, is in ONorse fersk, frisk unquestionably borrowed from the German, just like Lith. preskas, Slavic pres'n "fresh, unleavened." At the same votione concedimus, ita ut actor et decimator in rebus Ecclesiae nullus ac- cedat" (554), Bouquet, Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de France, vol. iv, p. 116. 1 "Ut de omnes fructus terre infra pago Spirense quantumcumque fiscus noster continet, tarn de annona quam de vino, mel, sive jumenta, de porcos, quam de omni reliquia solucione ad nos aspiciencia sic et homines fisci faciant decimas porcorum qui in forestis insaginanlur," Pardessus, Diplomata, vol. ii, p. 424. 2 "Uno porco et uno animale annolino et angaria ad curtem vestram . . . facere debeamus" (777), Mem. e doc . . . di Lucca, vol. iv i , p. 18; "gregisequo- rum, armentorum, ovium seu porcorum, omnia qui nati fuerent a callendas Januaria, inditione quarta in ipso sancto loco idem decimas dare debeas" (721), ibid., p. 68; "cum jam dictas decimas in ipso supra scripto loco permaneant, et perennis temporibus miiii offerantur a nobis, vel heredibus atque actoribus nostris" (729), ibid., p. 71; "ad misso vestro, seu ad actorem vestrum de curte vestra in ipso loco, tempore consueto, reddere debemus grano modio quattuor, vino puro decimatas sex, porco annotino, angaria quanta utilitas ad ipsa curte vestra facienda" (770), ibid., p. 118; "et porco uno per omnes Nativitates Do- mini" (798), ibid., p. 176; "uno animale annutino in mense magio, porco uno annutino in octammio . . . et ipse animal nos et porco usque in Ro.sellas minare debeam" (762), ibid., vol. v^, p. 48; "in omnem mense magio uno annotino" (776), ibid., p. 147. * "In anno reddamus carram de vino et friskingam" (720), H. Wartmann, Urkundenbuch der Abtei Sanct Gallen, vol. i, p. 3; "et pro istas res proservire volo annis singulis, hoc est xxx seglas cervisa, xl panis, frischenga tremesse valiente et xxx mannas et arare duos juchos in anno et recollegere et intus ducere et angaria, ubi obus est" (754), ibid., p. 22; "et annis singulis persolvam censum inde, id est cervisa siclas xxx, panes xl, friskinga trimissa valente" (759), ibid., p. 28, and often. 108 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS time OHG. friscing, fruschinc, frinscing, frinskinga, etc., means "victima, hostia, holocausta/' where there is not the shghtest reference to "fresh." Friscing is the "fresh," one year old pig, offered as a tithe to the owner of the forest and later, when the tithe was turned over to the church, as "offer- ing to the church." Its name was derived from frisca, frusca, etc., "wasteland," (which, as we have seen, took the place of forestis,) because, according to the law of 653, the decima porcorum was collected from the pigs pasturing in the forestis. But friscing, a German derivative from friscum "wasteland" is identical with annoiino of the Lucchese docu- ments, that is, it was at the same time considered to mean, "one year old, fresh pig." Thus frisco, fresco, frasco (Fr. frais) came to mean "fresh," not only in the Romance lan- guages, but also in German. ARBUSTUM VITATUM Pliny tells in his Natural History the following about the cultivation of the vine: "The experience of ages has suffi- ciently proved that the wines of the highest quality are only grown upon vines attached to trees, and that even then the choicest wines are produced by the upper part of the tree, the produce of the lower part being more abundant; such being the beneficial result of elevating the vine. It is with a view to this that the trees employed for this purpose are selected. In the first rank of all stands the elm, with the exception of the Atinian variety, which is covered with too many leaves; and next comes the black poplar, which is valued for a similar reason, being not so densely covered with leaves. Most people, too, by no means hold the ash in dis- esteem, as also the olive, if it is not overshadowed with branches. . . . They must not be touched with the knife be- fore the end of three years, and the branches are preserved, on each side in its turn, the pruning being done in alternate years. In the sixth year the vine is united to the tree. In Italy beyond the Padus, in addition to the trees already men- tioned, they plant for their vines (arbustat agros) the cornel, the opulus, the linden, the maple, the ash, the yoke-elm, and the quercus; while in Venetia they grow willows for the pur- pose, on account of the humidity of the soil." ^ Columella is more specific as regards the purpose of planting certain kinds of trees: "The Atinian elm thrives much better, and is much taller, than our Italian elm; and yields a sweeter leaf, and more agreeable to oxen; which if you feed cattle 1 XVII. 35. 1 quote from Bostock and Riley's translation (London 1855, vol. m, p. 512). 110 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS constantly with, and afterwards begin to give them leaves of that other kind, it makes the oxen nauseate their food. Therefore, if it can be done, we will plant all our land with this one kind of the Atinian elm; but, if this cannot be done, we will take care, in laying out our rows, to plant an equal number of our own Italian, and of Atinian elms alternately: so we shall always make use of mixt leaves; and the cattle, being allured by this seasoning, as it were, will more eagerly eat up that due quantity of food, which is allotted them. But the poplar tree seems to nourish the vine most of any; next to that the elm; and, after that, the ash tree also. The poplar tree (opulus) is rejected by most people, because it yields a thin leaf, and not proper for cattle. The ash tree, which is most acceptable to goats and sheep, and not useless for oxen, is rightly planted in rough, rugged, and mountain- ous places, where the elm thrives but indifferently. The elm is preferred by most people, because it both suffers the vine without any inconveniency to it, and yields a most agreeable fodder for oxen, and comes up and thrives very well in various kinds of soils. Therefore let him, who has a mind to plant a great number of trees for supporting vines, prepare nurser- ies of elms and ashes in that manner I have described." ^ ''The vines must be set in the farthermost part of the trench, and their firm-wood stretched along the trench, and erected to the tree, and fenced with rails against the injuries of cattle." 2 Such a plantation was known as arhustum, and, because of its use in trailing vines, it is very frequently mentioned to- gether with vitis.^ The same method is still pursued in Italy, 1 De re rustica, v. 6. Quoted from L. Junius Moderatus Columella Of Hus- bandry, London 1745, p. 226/. 2 Ibid., p. 231. 3 "Arbusta, ubi traduces possent fieri vitium," Varro, De re rustica, i. 8. 3; "cum me arbuslum videre . . . atque . . . vitis incidere falce novellas," Ver- gilius, Eclogae, iii. 10; "jam vinctae vites, iam falcem arbusta reponunt," Ver- gilius, Georgica, ii. 416; "De arbv^tivis vitibus ... si arbustum te habere delec- ARBUSTUM VITATUM 111 and up to the twelfth century arhustum vitatum remained a common expression in the documents of southern Italy as a description of a vine-covered grove. ^ That this is not merely a stereotyped phrase, such as is conamon in the docu- ments of that time, is proved by the very definite description of the duties required from a tenant who took possession of land on the basis of an emphyteutic contract. Not only was he to take care of the existing trees, of whose fruits he was to furnish the owner a certain part, but he was also to plant new groves and take care of them.^ About Naples we find since the tenth century the expres- sions terra arhustata, pecia de arbusto, originally in exactly the same connotation as arhustum vitatum,^ but in the eleventh tat," Palladius, iii. 10. More quotations are to be found in the Thesaurus linguae latinae, sub arhustum 2. 1 '^Arbustu vitatu" (801), Codex diplomaticus cavensis, Neapoli 1873, vol. i, p. 5 (803), p. 6; "terra mea qui est arhustu et vitatu'' (824), ibid., p. 15; "cum arbustu hitatus" (848), ibid., p. 34; "terra mea qui est arbustu bitatu" (848), ibid., p. 35 (850), p. 40; " ipsa terra cum arbustu vitatu" (853), ibid., p. 45, etc. 2 "Ut a die presenti incipiamus exinde cappilare ipsos arbores et laborare eos, et ipsum laborem quod exinde fecerimus demus vobis exinde medietatem in predicto loco, ipsa vero alia ligna que non sunt de laborem quodcumque exinde fecerimus medietatem vobis exinde demus. ipsa vero terra incipiamus cultare et pastinare adque implere eos totum de tigillis et insurculare debeamua de ipsa zinzala" (10. cent.). Camera, Memorie storico-diplomatiche delV antica citta e ducato di Amalfi, Salerno 1871, vol. i, p. 164 /.: "quomodo vinea, et terrua vacua se meruerit laborare, et cultare, et ipsi arborea vitati qui jam. ibi- dem plantati sunt, quomodo arbores vitati se meruerint cultare et conciare . . . Et presente debeant arbustare integra superius dicta indicata prima petia de terra juxta rationem, et arbores ipsae vitare vites arbusti, excepta ipsa praefata Curte. Et amodo usque in decem armi completi nostri Monasterii integra jam dicta de terra prima petia arhustata rationabiliter, et arbores ipsos vitatos, ex- cepto ipsa praefata Curte, cum ipsis arbores in ipsa vinea levaverint licentiam et potestatem habeant incidere. Etiam in antea vinum, quod de ipsum arbus- tum Deus annualiter dederit, et frugium de subter dividere debeant cum parte suprascripti nostri Monasterii" (973), Muratori, Scriptores, vol. 1 2, p. 457; and similarly pp. 454, 455; "et siat factum et plenmn amodo et usque ad com- pletis annis tres et factus siat arbustus seu ipsa . . . nemus et pergula et ubive terre de dicto pastinemus tigillos et insurculemus eos de ipsa castanea zenzala" (1104), C. Minieri Riccio, Saggio di codice diplomatico formato sulle antiche scritture dell' archivio di stato di Napoli, Napoli 1878, vol. i, p. 16. 3 "Quale tempore ipse arhustum fuerit totus pastenatus et vitatus," Regit Neapolitani archivi monumenta, Napoli 1849, vol. iii, p. 158; "vene et diligenter 112 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS century they are used more generally in the sense of "wood- land," as opposed to fields/ while in the north of Italy we never hear of arbustum, arhustata, but only of huscalia, hus- chiva, which is there common from the beginning of the tenth century. ^ Boscalea is already mentioned in a document of the year 753, but this document is from an apograph of the elev- enth century and certainly spurious.^ In the documents of the tenth and eleventh centuries huscalia refers to plots that are neither fields, forests, nor wastelands, and since a terra bus- coliva is especially mentioned as being wooded, it is certain that huscalia is a generic name for a brush grown tract of land.^ lavorare et excolere debemus . . . et vites in memorata petia de terra arhustata omni annuo ponere et plantare," ihid., p. 157: "laborandi et arbustandi quam- que seminandi cacuminas et vites ibidem ponendi et plantare," ibid., p. 32. 1 " Terra arhustata et campores" (1015), ihid., vol. rv, p. 75; "petia arhustata et campese" (1021), ibid., p. 157. ^ This in itself should suffice to prove the derivation of the first from the second, but the law-mad philologists do not recognise documentary evidence. They insist that Ital. bosco is to be derived from Gr. /3oaK-q, which is not only at variance with documentary facts, but also contradicts the phonetic laws which they maintain. Boa-K-j means "fodder, grazing ground" and never "grove." In a Byzantine papyrus of the year 616 (3o(tkt] stands for "meadow grass," '^ firp-e fjirjv SvvacrOaL tov avTOv iwavvrjv (jjayeiv ck tt^s ySocTKT/s twv avTwv apovpoiV anropifiwv yr^hnov aW em tco ra kttjvtj tov avTOv fjiOva(TT-qpiov D'Achery, Spicilegium, vol. iii, col. 342 (850), J. B. Mittarelli, Annates camadulenses Ordinis Sancti Benedictini, Venetiis 1755, vol. i, col. 22. " W. Ritz, Urkimden und Abhandlungen zur Geschichte des Niederrheins und der Niedermaas, Aachen 1824, p. 7 (824). 12 Ibid., p. 14 (895). 13 Godefroy gives an extremely large number of citations for these words. " "Que mort I'abat en une voide place" (v. 1668). 15 "II n'en i ad ne veie ne senter, Ne voide terre ne alne ne plein pied Que il n'i ait u Franceis u paien." (v. 2399-2401). 128 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS pertinence "cum viis et semiteriis et vidis terris et arboribus et planis." Godefroy quotes several passages in which wide terre means ''pasturage." ^ However, the wides terres are not exactly pastures, but fallow land overgrown with brush, used as pastures. They are opposed to pleines terres ''culti- vated lands," as may be seen from a discussion of Philippe Beaumanoir in the thirteenth century. ^ For vuide terre we also find vaine et vuide.^ This vaine is only a learned adaptation to vana, but has in reaUty arisen from gain^ Gain means "extraordinary, unexpected gain." In Godefroy there are a number of quotations in which he falsely translates gain by "fruit de la terre, recolte," where it should have been rendered by '^regain, rowen." In the lines Si a veu en \me pleigne Berbiz qui paissoient gain (Renart viii. 175). gain can refer only to "grass." For "autumn" Godefroy records waym, wain, vain, win, gayn, gain, vayng, gaain, and ' ^ "Les pasturages de toutes lea wides terres qui sient (1284); de laquelle vyide terre vendue si com dit est li dis venderes se devestit en la main du prevost de Maisieres (1336); asqueles iii. quartiers il ne prist nul pourfit a le premiere anee, et les doit laisier a vndes (1360)." 2 "S'il avient que li mors muire avant que le ble soient sem6. mes les terres ont leiu" roies ou aucunes de leur roies, ou les vignes sont fouies ou taillies ou provignies, mes les grapes n'i aperent pas encore, en teus cas ne vienent pas des despueilles qui puis i sont mises en partie, mes li labourages tant seulement de tans passe: si comme se les jaschieres sont fetes au vivant du seigneur et li douaires a la dame li est assis en terres vuides, se les jaschieres furent fetes du sien et du son seigneur it est bien resons que ce qui i fu mis de sa partie li soit rendu de ceus qui en portent les jaschieres toutes fetes. Voir est quant il con- vient que li douaires soit essieutes de la partie as oirs, la coustume est tel que la dame qui veut avoir le douaire, fet la partie et, quant ele a la partie fete, I'oirs du mort prent laquele partie qu'il li plest; et pour ce est il bon a la dame, s'ele met les terres vuides d'une part et les pleines d'autre, qu'ele face retenue que, se li oir ou li executeur prenent les terres pleine {terres wides ou pleines), que sa partie de muebles li soit sauvee; car s'ele lessoit courre la partie simplement sans fere retenue, ele n'avroit nul restor des terres pleines, pour ce qu'il sem- bleroit qu'ele avroit tout avalue I'un contre I'autre," Am. Salmon, Philippe de Beaumanoir, Coutumes de Beauvaisis, Paris 1899, vol. i, p. 220 /. (chap, xiii, 458 and 459). * In Gaston Phebus, quoted by La Cume de la Sainte-Palaye, sub vuit. * See the chapter on Quovis genio. ARBUSTUM VITATUM 129 he adduces a large number of forms from the dialects.^ As the original meaning of gain was forgotten and it meant any kind of a gain, there was formed in French, first recorded in Littre in the sixteenth century, the pleonastic regain for "rowen," for which we have the dialectic, Picard. reguin, rouain, Wallon rigain. To these are to be added Morvan "regdmer repousser, pousser de nouveau, Normand revouin regain, revouiner possuer comme le regain, revoiner reverdir, Comtois (Fourges) ruwain," ^ Berry "reguiner pousser en regain."^ From the Norman revouin comes Engl, rowen. later popularized to roughings. The distribution of this word in the south is particularly interesting, because it shows to what wild transformations, utterly baffling philology and phonetics, a word may be sub- jected. Levy records gaim in the Provence. In Berry we al- ready find regouiver for reguiner. In the south the case is much worse. In Lyons we get the forms reviouro, revioulo, revuro, revivro, revioro, reviula "regain." * After this one will not be surprised at the extravagances recorded in Mistral. Here we get revieure, rouibre, rouire, rouibre, rebouibre, reboulbre, roubibre, roudibre, gouibre, reboulibre, rebouribre, reboulume, relubre, rebouchouire, reboujouire, reboussouire, rourieu, bou- rieu, abourieu, aurieu, bouirieu, vourieu, vouri, voueiriJ' One ^ "Lorr., Fillieres wayin, culture d'automne pour semer le ble. S.-Dizier, Bemer le vain: 'Quand nous serous en vain nous payerons les domestiques.' Apres le vain, on fait le chien. Fr.-Comt6, vahin, vaihin, vouaihin, vouain, vain, automne; vahin, voyain, vouyain, regain. Gain, guien, S5Tionyme de regain dans le departement des Deux-Sevres et dans le H.-Maine. Centre de la France, Issoudoun, aller au gain, aller en vendanges. Poitou, gain, guiain, regain, sec- onde coupe des prairies." Besides, Godefroy cites gaaigneau, gaigneau, gaynau, ganneau, guimeau, guimau, waymal, "qui se joint habituellement avec le mot pr6 pour designer un pre a regain, un pre qui se fauchait deux fois par an" and "en Touraine, Ton disait gaimau, en Saintonge gueymaulx." 2 E. de Chambure, Glossaire du Morvan, Paris, Autun 1878. ' H. Moisy, Dictionnaire de patois normand, Caen 1887. * N. du Puitspelu, Dictionnaire etymologique du patois lyonnais, Lyon 1890. " To these must be added Vosges. woye, woeye, r'woye, N. Haillant, Dic- tionnaire phonetique et etymologique, Epinal 1885. 130 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS sees plainly how, beginning with gain in the north of France, the forms get worse and worse as they proceed south. If we turn to the Atlas linguistique de la France (N° 1139), one can get a clear idea how it has happened. Gain occurs only sporadically in the northwest, in C6tes-du-Nord, Orne, D.- Sevres, while in Belgium forms arising from wai7i are uni- versal. If a straight line is drawn from Bordeaux to Chalons- sur-Saone, we get to the north of it the regain group. From Belgium, where the rewain forms are exceptional, the rewain words go straight south, here and there alternating with wain. Towards Switzerland begin the corruptions which produce the Provengal forms. In Doubs regain, rewain, wain meet. In the southwest of Switzerland we get rekwai, while in Jura and Doubs we have rewain. Towards the east rise the forms rekwa, rekwar, rekor, reko, and these go south to Savoie and Ain. In Isere rekor stands side by side with revur, and the latter explains the other corruptions of the south. In the south, along the coast, and along the Pyrenees, in Landes and Gironde, that is, at the periphery, derivations from regain are exceptional. Here we have the freely formed reprin or retaille, and Covarubias was certainly right when he derived Span, retono from the synonymous retallo. If this map may be safely trusted as representing a historic tradi- tion, and there is nothing to contradict such an assumption, the whole group must have had its birth in the north, spread- ing in two streams, one directly to the south, the other along the western border, equally to the south and towards Switzer- land, taking from there a westerly direction. We are, there- fore, compelled to assume that an intensive use of the rowen proceeded from the north. French gaim, waim has entered Italy in the form guaime, and guimeau, waymal has produced there gomireccio, grumereccio, again proving the assumption that the group proceed from the north of France. The same confirmation is found in Germany. MHG. amat, iiemet, Swiss ARBUSTUM VITATUM 131 amad, German Emde, Oehmd, Ohmet, Ohmt "rowen" are transformations of the French waim, with a leaning towards MHG. mat ''mowing," and as Fr. guimeau has led to Ital. grumereccio, so it has also produced German Grummet, with a possible popular derivation from "griin" and ''Mahd." The expression terre vaine et vague, which becomes more and more popular, contains a tautology. In Normandy terra vacua was originally the expression for terre vaine, for we are dis- tinctly told in the Summa de legibus that in the terra vacua cattle could pasture only from September until March, that is, on the stubble or rowen.^ Hence terre vaine refers to the late pastures only, while terre vuide is any abandoned, rough pasture. But in time the latter word loses its distinctive meaning, while vaine pdturage becomes the common ex- pression for "pasture." In the Codex Theodosianus the term terrae vacantes, vagantes signifies abandoned, uncultivated land,^ in Italy vacuus and vacans referred to neglected land in private possession,^ and as in France the terre vuide was opposed to terre pleine, so here was employed the combination vacuum et plenumJ In the Theodosian Code we have the expression vacuus et inanis for the complete abandonment of property, which then is con- fiscated by the curia, ^ and this term is used in hundreds of documents in the Middle Ages.^ In place of the older vacuus ^ "Terre vero vaaie, que a medio marcio usque ad festum Sancte Crucis in septembri defenduntur, alio vero tempore sunt communes, nisi clause fuerint vel ex antiquitate defense, ut haie et hujusmodi," E. J. Tardif, Coutumiers de Normandie, Rouen, Paris 1896, vol. ii, p. 30. 2 vii. 20. 3 and 8. 3 "Terra vacuum ividem qui vinea fuit" (939), Mon. reg neap., vol. i, p. 119; "terra bacua ubi prius domum fuit" (963), ibid., vol. ii, p. 109; "terra vncante in circuitu eius ubi aptum fuerit vineas cum arboribus pomorum" (946), Ar- chivio delta r. Societd Romana di Storia Patria, vol. xii, p. 74. ■• "Assignastis nobis montem vestrum vacuum et plenum" (10. cent.), Camera, Memorie . . . di Amalfi, vol. i, p. 164. ^ " Vacvas vero et inanes sine naturali successione fortunas sibi Curia vindi- cabit," XII. 1. 123. ' "Si quis de novis quod ab se substragere voluerit, vel proprio defendere, 132 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS there soon spreads in Italy forms derived from Fr. vuid, vuit, even more completely than did the gain words. Philologists, who construct history on abstract laws, have derived such words from a Lat. vocitus for vacatus. But there is not a shadow of a trace of such a word anywhere. While we do have vocitus for vocatus, a derivation iromvacatus is absurd. In Italy we find only the words derived from vacuus and vacans, and also vacivus^ The philologists base their assumption of such a derivation on the Logudorian form bogidu in Sardinia, which, they say, is derived from vocitus. But fortunately we here possess early dialectic documents in the Condaghe di San Pietro di Silki, from the fourteenth century, in which some documents run back to the eleventh century. Here vacans occurs several times, but of vocitus and bogidu there is not a trace. ^ Hence vocitus is an impossibility as a basis for void, vuit. It is true that vuit took the place of the old vacuum, since there is little difference between a pecia de vites and a vacuum. Vuit was popular in France in the eighth century, but did not assume the distinct meaning of ''empty, aban- doned" until later, possibly not before the tenth century. The German Weide is derived from widis, even as Ohmd and Grummet are derived from Fr. gain. Weide appears only late inOHG., is not recorded in Gothic, and has entered the northern languages only from the German. The oldest quo- tation for Weide is in the Hrabanian glosses of the ninth cen- tury. But if one turns to the respective passage,^ one finds there "pascua ostarun pascua uueide,'' where the first pascua is a mistake for pascha, while eid in uueide is written over an vacuus et enanis exinde exeat" (713), Brunetti, op. cit., vol. i, p. 423, and again, vol. II, pp. 350, 372, 382, 402. 1 "Terra vaciba" (1022), G. B. Nitto de Rossi, Codice diplomatico barese, vol. I, p. 19 (940), Codex cavensis, vol. i, p. 215, and very often. '^ "Sa parte sua dessa uinia de funtana, cun pumu e bacante cantu ui aueat," G. Bonazzi, II Condaghe di San Pietro di Silki, testo logudorese inedito dei secoli XI-XIII, Sassari-Cagliari 1900, p. 78 (N° 325) and again N^^ 40, 248, 347. ^ Steinmeyer and Sievers, Althochdeutsche Glossen, vol. i, p. 225. ARBUSTUIVI VITATUM 133 old erasure. It can be shown that this gloss was written by a later hand, for in the alphabetic Bible glossary we find ''pas- tum uuinne." ^ Obviously, then, inn was erased, to make place for eid. Consequently the Hrabanian gloss cannot be used for the determination of the age of this word. The usual word for pasture is mesti."^ But uuinne and mesti are them- selves borrowed words. Uuinne is related to gain, as gewin- nen is related to gagner, and mesti is Lat. mixta, which has also produced Span, mesta ''pasture," which since the thir- teenth century has played an important part in Spanish economic history. OHG. mast,^ AS. maeste * is ''common forest," where the pigs are fattened, wherefore it is translated by pasnagium. In the Spanish documents amhae mixtae, maestae, or mestae means everything which is used in common by adjoining neighbors, whether pasture or fishing. Before the thirteenth century most of the recorded cases refer ex- clusively to fishing rights,^ but that is mere accident, for from the thirteenth century on mestae refers to the pasture. ^ Steinmeyer and Sievers, Althochdeutsche Glossen, vol. i, p. 286. 2 Ibid., vol. IV, p. 84. ' "Ad Fregistatt sortes duas et Wa\t-m.asta ad porcos saginandum" (826), "quidam fidelis . . . dedit bannum villae cum omni jure ex integro et justitia, quae vulgo dicitur mast" (999). However, both documents are spurious. * "Gif non on his maestene unaliefed swin gemete, si quis obuiet porco sine licentia in pasnagio suo" (688-95?), Liebermann, Gesetze der Angelsachsen, p. 110/.; "donne he his heorde to maestene drife, quando gregem suam minabit in pastinagium" (1025-60), ibid., p. 447. ^ "Et per ilia Brana de Ordial, et per illas mestas de Freznedo, et per con- forquellos, et inde ad illo rio de Rivilla" (780), Espafia sagrada, vol. xxxvn, p. 306; "a meridie partibus suo porto integro, et suas piscarias, et suos rannales, et suos andamios, et saltus, usque in ambas mixtas, ad illo Trotino . . . duas eremitas, Sancto Cosme et Damiano, que iacent contra parte de Mineo sub ilia vereda, quae descendit ad ambas mixtas . . . cum omnes suas cuintiones, et deganias cunctas . . . quas f uisse de praesura antiqua scripturas veteres " (997), A. de Yepes, Coronica general de la Orden de San Benito, vol. v, fol. 438 b.; "per penna aurata et per illos carriles . . . usque ad illo cauto . . . inde per medium albeum usque ad ambas mixtas exceptas illas piscarias de Fiscaces, ibi vero in ambas mixtas restauramus, sicut in nostris testamentis habetur, et inde in ambas mixtas per medias albas usque ad Castellano" (1139), ibid., fol. 439; "descendit per ambas maestas ad Fontem Panal" (960), ibid., fol. 448; "de 134 COMMENTARY TO THE. GERMANIC LAWS OHG. weide is not certain before the tenth century, but it must have existed much earlier, because widis campis is recorded on German soil in the eighth century. As the pasture was chiefly used for hunting, we have AS. vae& ''hunting, roaming about, waves." We turn once more to the Atlas linguistique de la France (N° 1384), in order to study the distribution of the vuid group on French soil. If we draw the same line as in regain, we have in the whole northwest the pure vide group, which here, as in regain, chiefly depends on literary influence. In the northeast, in Somme, Pas-de-Calais, Nord, Arden, we meet with wid, which in Belgium leans strongly towards vud, vut. From here a void, voed group takes a sharp southerly direction, while in Switzerland vud, voed, wid, weid meet side by side. Through the Provence run vud, vuid, weid forms, as buit, bueid, etc., here and there interrupted by Hterary vide. It is clear that the original vuid has developed in the direc- tion of weid and vud. Considering the popular vut forms in Switzerland and the vit, voet, vueit in Raeto-Roman, it is not strange that Italian has vuoto, which is certainly of French late origin, for it has only the meaning "empty." The fate of vitatum on the Spanish peninsula is especially instructive, because the many aberrations of the word have spread with the economic development of the pasture throughout the rest of Europe. According to the Visigothic law the fields bordering the road had to be surrounded by a fence or ditch, ^ otherwise the traveler along the road could not be kept from pasturing his cattle in the open fields.^ The inter ambas mestas ubi cadit Pisorica in Dorio, de inde ad Egica donee per- veniatur a la Gascagosa . . . inde al Fontanar, de inde a las mestas ubi cadit Adagga in Dorio; et concede ut nullus audeat piscare, videlicet ad Agga in Dorio, usque ad illas mestas ubi cadit Pisorica in Dorio" (1135), M. F^rotin, Becueil des chartes de I'abbaye de Silos, p. 67. 1 Lex Visig., viii. 4. 25 and 26. 2 "De apertorum et vacantium camporum pascuis. Neiter agentibus pascua non conclusa vetentur," ibid., 27. ARBUSTUM VITATUM 135 apertorum camporum pascua mentioned in this law is the same as the French vaine pdture, that is, stubble fields, while vacantium camporum pascua corresponds to the terre vuide. This is made absolutely certain from the corresponding Langobard law, where stupla and pascua are distinguished.^ The identity of the two laws has long been observed, and it has been suggested that the Langobards have borrowed theirs from the Visigothic Code. One will look in vain in the Roman laws for its prototype, but it is evident that we are dealing with the economic institution of the Roman arhustum vitatum, which had to be taken care of and fenced in, to escape the fate of the vacant fields. A terra vitata could be defended, in order that it might remain in private possession, as regards pasturing, while wasteland and fallow fields were common pasture and could even be confiscated by the gov- ernment. The semasiological change from terra vitata to terra vetata was natural and imperative, hence we not only find in the Visigothic law ''pascua non vetentur,'' but in Aragon, Navarre and Gascony vetatum was the usual word for the arhustum vitatum of the Italians.^ The vedado in Navarre has already been mentioned in connection with ar- hustum. In the sixth book of the Fuero general de Navarra we have specific mention of the rights exercised by neighbor- ing villages in such a pasture. We get here a clear idea why vitatum was popularly changed to vetatum, for in such an enclosure the cattle and horses could pasture the whole year ^ "Nulli sit licentia iterantibus erba negare, excepto prata intacto tempore suo, aut messem. Post fenum autem aut fruges collectas tan turn vindicit couis terra est, quantum cum clausura sua potest defendere. Nam si cavallus iter facientibus de stupla aut de ipsa pascua, ubi alia peculia pascent, movere pre- eumpserit, in octogild ipsus cavallus conponat, pro eo quod ipsos de arvo campo, quod est fonsaccri, movere presumpserit," Ed. Roth. 358. * To the many quotations given in Ducange (sub bedatum and vetatum) the following few may be added: "Totam terram cultam et incultam et ne- mus et bedad" (1159), L'abb6 Clergeac, Cartulaire de Vabbaye de Gimont, Paris, Auch 1905, pp. 150, 151; "boscum qui appellatur bedad" (1158), ibid., p. 147. 136 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS round, while other animals were admitted only from Sep- tember or November until March. ^ In Spain the oldest form recorded in the documents is not vetatum but divisa.^ That we are having here an enclosed pasture is proved by a document of the year 869, where a monastery is given right to gather fuel in a divisio and share pasture with a neighboring town.^ This divisa has not sur- vived, except in the stereotyped expression hereditates et divisae, in order to express complete possession of an estate, including the pasturage. In the province of Burgos the divisae are mentioned as lying in the outskirts, no longer as common property, but in private possession, the difference between hereditates and divisae being the same as between alodial land and such as has been acquired by presura.^ The obligation of the Langobard to the Visigothic laws has ^ "La defesa (de cavayllos) deve servedado de la sancta Maria Candelor en- troa la sant Johan ata que gayllos canten : et de que gayllos cantaren al dia de sant Johan entroa sancta Maria Candelor, puede paszer todo ganado," Fuero general de Navarra, p. 125; "vedado de bueyes deve ser del primer dia de sancta Maria Candelor entroa la sanct Martin ata que gayllos canten; et de que gayllos cantaren al dia de sanct Martin entroal dia de sancta Maria Candelor, puede paszer todo ganado," ibid., p. 124. 2 "Cum suas hereditates et divisa in monte" (762), Berganza, Antigiiedades de Espana, vol. ii, p. 370. 3 "Ego Comite Didaco dono ad Sancti Felicis divisiones in montes, et fontes, id est de Valde Avuelo quantum potest portare cotidie cum vno carro . . . Et pro ad illo ganato divisione pari pasce cum ilia Civitate Aukense," ibid., p. 371. * "Concedo etiam ut ubicumque habueritis divisas in omni Aucensi Epis- copatu" (1068), Espana sagrada, vol. xxvi, p. 453; "trado ibi divisas guas in circuitu possideo. In Caraveio divisam quam ex parte matris heredito: In Maz- zoferario divisam quam ex parte matris habeo. Et in Quintana Levaniaga di- visa quam ex parte matris heredito ab omni integritate. Et in Villamajore trea divisas, una de meo patre Gustio Didaz, altero de meo germano Didaco Gustioz: terrtia de mea tia Domna Onneca. Has divisas Tibi Munioni Episcopo perpetuo jure concedo, ut serviant in Ecclesia S. Mariae semper Virginis cum suis ad- jacentiis, cum terris et vineis, cum pratis et montibus, cum ingressu et regressu ab omni integritate concedo " (1071), ibid., p. 455; " villas eremas et populatas, decanias, et omnes alias diinsas seu etiam hereditates . . . totum concedo Bur- gensi sedi perpetuo serviturum" (1076), ibid., p. 459; "cum suas domos et di- vissas" (1056), M. F^rotin, Recueil des chartes de I'abbaye de Silos, p. 12; "diviS' ero 6 heredero en la villa" (1239), ibid., p. 175. ARBUSTUM VITATUM 137 already been observed by historians. It can also be shown that the Langobard documents of certain regions stand in some relation to the Visigothic docmnents. This is, no doubt, the case with those that employ divisa in a vague sense of ''pasture." The earliest recorded instance is in a Carohngian document of the year 783, where we have the term "pascuis divisis et indivisi." ^ To the sensible "pascuis devisis" has been added the impossible "indevisi,'' for either divisa is not a divided pasture, or, if it is, an undivided pas- ture cannot be given away. This stereotyped expression divisa et indivisa is given in a number of documents at Amiata and Lucca, where the meaning cannot be ascertained, be- cause it is never enlarged upon.^ But we can show from a large number of Milan documents that the expression there occurs in company with other exceptional terms for Italy, which are common in Spanish documents. In a document of the year 840, with a prolific and useless pertinence, di- visum et indivisum follows the term inter condliaricis.^ Two years later interconciliaricis is changed to inter concilium.'^ This word goes through the most extravagant changes, through inconcilihus, concelibus, concelibas, incelihas, con- clivis, concilibas, celihas, coelihasJ' It is evident that this 1 "Undecumque ad me devolutum est tam casis vineis terns silvis pratis pascuis devisis et indevisi," Brunetti, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 254. ^ "Cultum et incultum, deviso vel indeviso" (821), Archivio della r. Society Tomana, vol. xvi, p. 299. 3 "Ipsa predictis rebus cum casis in ipsas quinque locas vel alias tectoras cum Curtis, ortis, areis, clausuris, campis, pratis, pascuis, silvis, salectis, sadi- ciis, castanedis, cerredis, roboretis, hamenecolariis, frontzariis, pascuis, usum aque, interconciliaricis, divisum et indivisum, omnia in omnibus," Cod, Langob., col. 240. * "Et omnes relique singolas terretorium seo de inter concilium, eo no mine divisum et indivisum," ibid., col. 256. ^ "Vineis, silvis, vicanalibus, inconcilibis locis, omnia et omnibus" (847), ibid., col. 273; "concelibus locis, divisas et indivisas, coltum et incoltum, tam in monte quamque etiam in planis" (851), ibid., col. 292; "vicanalibus, con- celibas locas" (856), ibid., col. 329 and (911) col. 653; "montibus, alpibus seo incelibas logas" (864), ibid., col. 385; "conclivis locis divisis, ripis, rupinis" (914), ibid., col. 784; "coerit ei da una parte via, da alia Sancti Abundi, da 138 COMMENTARY -TO THE GERMANIC LAWS strange word had the meaning of "pasture," but it was for- eign to Italy, and in the middle of the eleventh century it disappears entirely. In Roman times concilium was the coun- cil held by the conciliabulum,^ which itself was an adminis- trative division after the forum, "quae colonia hac lege deducta a quodve municipium praefectura, forum, concili- abulum constitutum est." Festus explains conciliahulum " locum ubi concilium convenitur." Isidor knows it as "pagi sunt loca apta aedificiis inter agros habitantibus, haec est conciliabula dicta a conventu secietate multorum in unum."^ In Italy no trace of conciliahulum is left, but in Spain con- cilium survived in the sense of "community,"^ hence the strange group of the Milan words was in some way trans- planted from Spain. This seems to be proved by the use of the words vicinalis, divisa and monies, which are found with this concilium in the Milan documents, which are aU dis- tinctive Spanish terms, while monies, considering the fact that there are no mountains in Milanese territory, has de- veloped out of the Spanish divisa in monie "forest pasture." We have already seen that the divisa in monie, like the vedado in Navarre, forms in Burgos the subject of constant discussions between adjoining villages and towns, hence the interconcilium of the year 842 can be nothing but the inter- confinium, which Joannes de Janua'* glosses with "terminus vel locus inter duos fines existens." Without a comparison tercia concelibis, da quarta si qui sunt alii finantes" (992), ibid., col. 1521; "usque seu inter concillihas locas" (984), ibid., col. 1441; "coltis, et incoltis, divisis, et indivisis, usibus aquarum, aquarumque ductibus, et una cum finibus seu celibas locas" (1036), G. Giulini, Memorie spettanti alia storia . . . di Milano ne' secoli bassi, Milano 1857, vol. vii, p. 58; "pascuis, gerbis, divisis et indi- visis, tam in montibus, quam in planitiis, usibus aquarum, aquarumque ducti- bus seu piscationibus, atque in coelibas locas" (1042), ibid., p. 59; "diidsis, et indivisis, una cum finibus, terminibus, accesionibus, et usibus aquarumque ductibus . . . seu concelibas locas" (1051), ibid., p. 64. 1 Thesaurus linguae latinae, sub concilium technice 2. 2 Ibid., sub condliabulum. 3 Ducange, sub concilium 3. * Ducange. ARBUSTUM VITATUM 139 of the Milan with the Spanish documents the existence of concilium is unique in Italy, and inexplicable.^ If vetatum of the Spanish documents is a transformation of vitatum, the still older divisa can only be some transforma- tion of (pezia) de vitis, as recorded in the oldest Langobard documents. The incomprehensible vitatum changed into the comprehensible vetatum "forbidden" and divisa "separated, set aside." But there were many other corruptions of the original word. In Catalonia they spoke of a devesa,^ while in Spain they at an early time passed over to defesa, which was understood and written as defensa "protected." In a document of the year 804 both divisa and defesa occur, and it is obvious that divisa refers to the termini mentioned be- fore.^ I have my doubts about the genuineness of this docu- ment, at least of the spelling defesa, since the document exists only in late copies and defesa is otherwise not recorded before the tenth century.^ In the Provence this word does ^ P. S. Leicht, Studi sulla propriela fondiaria nel medio evo, Verona-Padova 1903, p. 37 ff. ^ J. Balari y Jovany, Origenes hisloricas de Cataluna, Barcelona 1899. 3 "Tribuo etiam in in loco qui vocatur Potancar ecclesias . . . cum suis here- ditatibus et terminis de penna usque ad flumen de Orone, cum molendinis at orfcis et pratis et cum exitibus et regressibus adque cum omnibus sibi pertinenti- bus. . . Precipio quoque ut abeatis plenariam libertatem ad incidenda ligna in montibus meis ad construendas ecclesias, siue ad edificandas domos, aut cremandum, uel ad quodcumque necesse fuerit in defesis, in pascuis, in fonti- bus, in riuis, in exitu et regressu, absque ullo montadgo adque portatico. Adicio autem huic prefate uille seu monasteria uel ecclesias siue diuisas que suprascripte sunt, uel que tu aut successores tui adquirere potueritis," Charles de Veglise de Valpuesta, in Revue hispanique, vol. vii, p. 291 /. * "Pratis, pascuis, padulibus, defessas lignarum, vel pascentes omni ganato per suis terminis" (963), Berganza, Antigiiedades de Espana, vol. ii, p. 400; "ilia defessa, vel illo monte, dabo, et confirmo ab omni integritate. Ego Ferdi- nando Gundisalviz, sic pono foro super ipsa defessa. Si aliquis homo venerit in illo monte sine iussione Abbati pascere, aut ligna taliare, sic pono tali foro, vel cauto per vno bobe prendar vno carnero . . . nullus domo auseus non sedeat per ibi intrare in illo monte, nisi solus, qui iussionem Abbatum de regula de Sancti luliani, et illos montes per ligna taggare, aut pascere, aut matera ad laborandum, aut derompere illos montes" (964), ibid., p. 402; "pratis, padules, pascuis, defessis" (968), ibid., p. 403; "cum defessas, et cum montes" (968), ibid., p. 404; "qui scinderit ligna in ipsa defessa" (972), ibid., p. 408; "molinisi 140 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS not appear before the eleventh century. Here we find the forms deves, devesum, devensum, defensum, defensorium.^ In the Provengal language are recorded deves, defes, deveza, and the latter form is also found in Portuguese, while the Span- ish has dehesa. We have already seen from the Milanese documents that divisa stood by the side of inter concilium, that is, that it lay in the common land of adjoining villages. This is clearly shown in the English laws, where divisa is the common land ^ in which neighbors' troubles are settled,^ wherefore it also means "first instance."'* In Ine's law the Anglo-Saxon text has gafolland for divisa, that is, ''land subject to a tax," such as is the case with pasture land, while one text slavishly translates it by geddlland.^ This latter term occurs also in two tenth century documents, and in one of these it is distinctly mentioned as being common pasture, meadow and defessis, pratis, pascuis" (1056), ibid., p. 430; "pratis et defesis, pascuis et paludibus" (979), Ferotin, op. cit., p. 6; "serra cum sua defesa lignea" (1041), ibid., p. 10; "pratos et defesas vel pomiferis" (1056), ibid., p. 12; "ortis et pomiferis, cum pratis et defessis" (1073), ibid., pp. 19, 21; "ponte atque pelago ad piscandum et saltu defensso" (1125), ibid., p. 54. ^ "Devesum in aqua" (1033) M. Guerard, Cartulaire de Vabbaye de Saint Victor de Marseille, Paris 1857, vol. i, p. 129; "de devensu, de pisces, de arbori- bus" (1060), ibid., p. 404; "vineas male invasas et defensorium" (1090), ibid., p. 600; "accessis sive e.xivis, defensis" (1044), ibid., p. 49 et passim; "prata defensa et plantata" (1027), J. A. Brutails, Etude sur la condition des 'popula- tions rurales du Roussillon au Moyen Age, Paris 1891, p. 254. 2 " Si murdrum in campis paten tib us et passim accessilibus inveniatur, a to to hundreto communiter, non solum ab eo, cuius terra est, suppleatur; si in diuisis accidat, utrimquepertranseat; si in aula regia sit, inde componat cui terra adiacebit," Hen. 91. 4; "si ceorli habeant herbagium in communi uel aliam compascualem (uel divisionis, divisam) terram claudendam," hie 42. ^ "Si inter compares uicinos utrinque sint querele, conueniant ad diuisas terrarum suarum," Hen. 57; "in diuisis uel [m] erchimotis," Hen. 57. 8; " inter compares in curiis uel diuisis uel locis suis," Hen.[34:. la; "curiis uel diuisis parium," Hen. 9. 4. * "Cil ki prendra larrun nez siwte e senz cri, que cil enlest, a ki il avera le damage fait, e il vienge apres, si est resun, qu'il duinse X sol. le hengwite, e si face la justice a la primere devise (et ad primam divisam faciet de eo justitiam)," Leis Willelme 4, 4. 1. * "Gif ceorlas gaerstun haebben gemaenne o53e ofer geddlland to tynanne." ARBUSTUM VITATUM 141 field. ^ In France divisa, devesa still occur in the twelfth cen- tury,- but most of the derivatives, such as defay, defois, are from defesa and defensa.^ From the above discussion it is evident that the Latin agricultural term arhustum vitatum, to express the enclosed vineyard which could be turned into a pasture only after the crops were in, or when the vines were so high that they could not be reached by the cattle, became in Spain the expression for any enclosed pasture, whether there were any vines in it or not. From Spain the idea of enclosures spread to France and England, where they played such an important part in the thirteenth century. ^ "Das nigon hida licggeaS on gemang oSran geddllande feldlaes gemdne and maeda gemdne and yrSlande gemaene" (961), J. M. Kemble, Codex diploma- ticus aevi saxonici, Londini 1848, vol. vi, p. 39; "healf hid gedaellandes" (906), ibid., vol. Ill, p. 6. 2 "Inde ascendit per lo deves sicut aqua pendet" (1169), C. U. F. Chevalier, Cartulaire de Vabbaye de Saint-Andre le-Bas de Nienne, Lyon 1869, p. 303; "in clauso, et in prato, et in devisio," C. U. Chevalier, Chartularium Ecclesiae Petri de Burgo Valentiae 1869, p. 4. 3 See Ducange, sub defensa 3. FREDUM, FAIDA In Holder's Altceltischer Sprachschatz LL. veredus '^ post- horse" is marked down as of Celtic origin. But the Romans derived the institution of the posts from Central Asia, specif- ically referred to by Herodotus as of Persian origin.^ In- deed, Persian hand ''veredus, courier, messenger, running footman, a measure of two parasangs of twelve miles," haridan "to send a messenger" is unquestionably older than Lat. veredus, for it is based on Assyr. paradu "to hasten, impetuous," puridu "messenger, posthaste," which are enor- mously older than Persian hand or Lat. veredus."^ Our inter- est lies in the vicissitudes of veredus in Europe.^ The provincials, hence also the German colonists in Roman territory, were heavily taxed for the maintenance of highways by being obliged to furnish certain numbers of veredi, swift horses, and paraveredi, heavy draught horses carrying military supplies and other fiscal property. Refer- ences in the Theodosian Code show that in the fifth century and possibly earlier the obligation to furnish veredi was com- muted in the provinces to a pecuniary contribution,while the heavier draught horses seem to have been supplied for a long period afterwards. In and about Rome, possibly through all of Italy, a similar exchange took place by substituting fodder for the older veredi, so that we get references in Cassiodorus 1 Herod, viii. 98. 2 Already correctly stated in P. Horn, Grundriss der neupersischen Ety- mologie, Strassburg 1893, p. 29. ' For the history of the cursus publicus and references to the next paragraph see Paul-Wissowa, Realencyclopaedie, and Daremberg and Saglio, Diction- naire des antiquites, sub cursus publicus. FREDUM, FAIDA 143 to paraveredi et annonae,^ and it seems from the context that certain emoluments of the judges, called pulveratica, possibly traveling expenses, were in Italy in the sixth century abol- ished in favor of a supply of fodder for the paraveredi.^ In- deed, we have not only here, but also in another passage, the specific statement that according to an old law a three days' supply of provision is supplied to the judges and nothing more.^ This annonae is included in the common technical term apparatus,^ which in the Frankish immunities quoted farther below is referred to as parata. The veredi were still in use for rapid communication, but the ordinary Goths and Romans were not permitted to use them for private purposes,^ and these horses were apparently supplied by the state, for the Spaniards, who furnished the fast horses to the Roman government, were provoked when they were asked also to supply the usual paraveredi.^ It was, indeed, Spain where the 1 "Amoenitate civitatis in paraveredorum et annonarum praebitione proprii cives fatigantur expensis. quapropter ne laedat urbem amoenitas sua aut res praeconii fiat causa dispendii, paraveredorum et annonarum praebitionem secun- dum evectiones concessas in assem publicum constituimus imputari" (533), Cassiodorus, Variae, xii. 15. 2 "Pulveratica quoque iudices funditus amputantes trium tantum etiam diemm praesulibus annonas praeberi secundum Vetera constituta decemimus, suis expensis facta tarditate vecturis. legis enim administrantes remedio, non oneri esse voluerunt," ibid. 3 "ludices quoque provinciae vel curiales atque defensores tam de cursu quam de aliis rebus illicita dicuntur possessoribus irrogare dispendia: quod te perquirere et sub ratione legimi emendare censemus . . . ludex vero Romanus propter expensas provincialium, quae gravare pauperes suggeruntur, per annum in unumquodque municipium semel accidat: cui non amplius quam triduanae praebeantur annonae, sicut legum cauta tribuerunt. maiores enim nostri dis- cursus iudicum non oneri, sed compendio provincialibus esse voluerunt," v. 14. * "Atque ideo de veteribus frugibus prudentia tua futuram vincat inopiam, quia tanti fuit anni praeteriti felix ubertas, ut et ventviris mensibus provisa sufficiant. reponatur omne quod ad victum quaeritur. facile privatus necessaria reperit, cum se publicus apparatus expleverit," xn. 25, and see in the Index. 6 IV. 47, V. 5. 6 "Exactorum quoque licentia amplius fertur a provincialibus extorqueri, quam nostro cubiculo constat inferri. quod diligenti examinatione discussum ad hunc vos modum functiones publicas revocare decemimus, quem Alarici atque Eurici temporibus constat illatas. Paraveredorum itaque subvectiones 144 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS fast horses had been procured since the fourth century/ and even as late as the ninth century the Spaniards were expected to supply veredi.^ Hence the highways are in Spain called via de vereda.^ Louis I of Germany, apparently influenced by the con- temporaneous revival of the Spanish supply of horses to his brother, uses the expression veredi aut veredarii in a German formula of a document,^ but this formula is not used in any other document that has come down to us. But the combina- tion ' ' veredos vel par aver edos exigere " occurs sufficiently often, to show that the old Roman distinction between the swift exigere eos, qui habent veredos adscriptos, provincialium querela comperimus. quod nullum penitus sinatis praesumere, quando per turpissimos quaestus et possessor atteritur et commeantium celeritas impeditur" (523-6), ibid., V. 39. ^ " Favore tuo factum est, ut evectionum adminicula sumeremus, quibus familiares mei empturi equos curules ad Hispaniam commearent" (399), Sym- machi Epistulae, vii. 48 (in MGH., Scrip, antiq.), similarly vii. 105, 106. 2 " Sicut ceteri Franci homines cum Comite suo in exercitum pergant . . . et missis nostris quos pro rerum oportunitate illas in partes miserimus, aut legatis qui de partibus Hispaniae ad nostras missi fuerint paratas faciant et ad sub- vectionem eorum veredos donent, ipsi videlicet et illi quorum progenitoribus, temporibus avi nostri Karoli, ad ipsum facere institutum fuit. Si autem hi, qui veredos acceperint, reddere eos neglexerint, et eorum interveniente negligentia perditi seu mortui fuerint, secundiun legem Francorum eis, quorvun fuerunt, secundum leges Francorum restituantur vel restaurentur " (844), Espana sagrada, vol. xxix, p. 452 and Devic et Vaissete, Histoire generale de Languedoc, vol. II, Freuves, p. 244. This is based on the privilege granted to the Spanish fugitives in 815, ibid., p. 98. 3 "Finit se in carraria de vereda, quae discurrit de Turio pro ad porta de Condis" (after 916), Espana sagrada, vol. xxxiv, p. 481; "usque in viride medio" (900), Portugaliae monumenta historica, Dipl. et chart., p. 9; "estrata de uerede et sepe," ibid., "agro que disrupit urueda integrum," ibid., "in via quam dicunt de vereda," ibid., p. 11; "in istrada qui discurrit via de uereda" (921), ibid., p. 15. * "NuUus dux vel comes nee quilibet superioris aut inferioris ordinis index sive missus in eodem loco nee in omnibus ad eum pertinentibus, vel mansiones sibi parare, vel invadere, aut pastum iumentis suis aut suorum diripere aut inde veredos aut veredarios, exigere . . . audeant," E. de Roziere, Recueil general des Jormules du V^ au X^ si^cle, Paris 1859, p. 189. So, too, in a French docu- ment: "Nullus judex pub licus ... ad causas audiendas, aut mansionaticos exi- gendos, vel paratas aut veredos requirendos, ullo unquam tempore ingredi audeat" (835), Tardif, Monuments historiques, p. 90. FREDUM, FAIDA 145 and draught horses was not entirely forgotten.* We find, however, here freda, as well as veredos, and this form appears as freda, frida, fridda, fretus, etc., in the formula ''freda exigere" in hundreds of Frankish immunities from the seventh century on.^ That the Frankish immunity is based on the Roman immunities is proved not only by their iden- tity in spirit, but also in phraseology, for where the Roman law "De immunitate concessa" of 365 speaks of "vectigalia vel caetera eiusmodi quae inferri fisco moris est, sibi adserant esse concessa" ^ the Merovingian documents have the equiv- alent fredi concessit Freda is not derived from inferre, the technical term for "paying the tax or revenue," because both in Italy and in France inferendum had the meaning of ^ '^ Freda vel parafreda exigere," MGH., Formulae, p. 398; "viridos sive paraveridos tantos," ibid., p. 49; "nee freda exigenda sive parafredos" (750), Marini, / papiri diplomatici, p. 103; "viredus sive paraveridus decern" (716), MGH., Dipl, vol. I, p. 76. 2 "Ut nullus iudex publicus . . .freda nee Bthopha nee herebanno recipere nee requirere non praesiimat" (664), MGH., Dipl., vol. i, p. 27; "ut nullus iudex publicus . . . nee ad causas audiendum, nee fideiussores toUendum, nee freda exigendum, nee mansiones faciendum, nee rotaticum infra urbes vel in mercatis extorquendum, nee uUas paratas aut quaslibet redibutiones exactare, praesumatur" (673), ibid., p. 30; "et nullus quilibet de iudicebus . . . nee ad causas audiendum, nee frida exigendum, nee mansiones faciendum, nee paratas requirendum, nee nullas redebutiones requirendum . . . ipsa iudiciaria potestas non praesmnatingredere" (662), ibid., p. 37; "ut nullus iudex publicus . . . nee ad causas audiendum, nee fideiussores tollendum, nee freda exigendum, nee mansiones faciendum, nee rotaticum infra urbes vel in mercatis extorquendum, nee uUas paratas aut quaslibet redibutiones exactare praesumatur" (683), ibid. , p. 50, and, similarly, p. 56 ; " ut nullus iudex poplicus ad causas audiendum vel fridda exigendum ibidem introitum nee ingressima habire non deberit" (696), ibid., p. 61. ' "Hoe ideo dicimus, quia nonnuUi priuatonma elicitas suffragio proferunt sanetiones, quibus vectigalia, vel caetera eiusmodi, quae inferri fisco moris est, sibi adserant esse concessa : hoc, si quando militibus nostris, hisve, qui in Palatio nostro degunt praestamus, adprobantibus se sacramentis militaribus adtineri, quod concessimus firmum sit atque robustum," Cod. Theod., xi. 12. 3. * "Sub omni emunitate hoc ipsum monasterium vel congregatio sua sibimet omnes /redos concessos debeat possidere," MGH., Dipl., vol. i, p. 17; "nisi sub emunitatis nomine omni tempore cum omnes fretas concessas pars ipsius mo- nasterii perenniter deberet possidere" (718), ibid., p. 79, and similarly p. 81 ; "sub inmunitatis nomeni, cum omnis /rediis concessus" (716), Lauer and Samaran, op. cit., p. 24; "cum omnisfridus ad integrum sybymed concessus" (716), ibid. 146 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS "a special tax not included in the immunity," ^ hence it may be found in the same document with, freda.^ This injerendum was distinctly a yearly tribute and as such might be abol- ished,^ and yet the influence of inferenda on vereda, so as to change it to freda (which, however, is not a yearly tribute but a special tax) is not excluded, for it occurs already in a docu- ment of the year 562, where it has distinctly the meaning of any revenue that may be included in the immunity.^ In the Lex romana raetica curiensis the Lat/'mulcta" and ''sumtus vel expensae litis" of the Interpretatio of the Theo- dosian Code are translated by f return,^ i. e., here f return has the meaning of "judicial fee, fine." But there are two pas- sages where f return refers to the "principale negotium" of the 1 "Praesenti admonitione praecipimus, ut omne, quod mutuum pro eadem causa ab extraneis accipere poterant, a tua experientia in publico detur et a rusticis ecclesiae paulatim ut habuerint accipiatur, ne dum in tempore coangus- tantur, quod eis postmodum sufficere in injerendum poterat, prius compulsi vilius vendant et horreis minime sufficiant" (591), Gregorii I Registri, i. 42. 2 " Annis singulis injerendum solidos sex inferendos in alios sex de remissaria auir pagensis inferendo in fisci ditiones reddebant . . . ut nullus index publicus in ipsas curtes ad agendum, nee ad freda exigendima . . . intraret . . . nisi quod ipsam inferendam idem abbas per se ipsum aut per missos suos annis singulis in sacelliun publicum reddere debered" (705), MGH., Di-pl. i, p. 65. 2 "Tributo Saxones, quern reddere consuaeverant, per preceptionem Dago- berti habent indultum. Quinnentas vaccas inferendalis annis singolis a Chlo- thario seniore censiti reddebant, quod a Dagoberto cassatum est" (632), Frede- garii Scholastici libri IV, in MGH., Scrip, rer. merov., vol. ii, p. 158; "centiun vaccas inferendales, quae ei de ducatu Cinomannico annis singulis solvebantur . . . visus est omni futuro tempore, annuatim concessisse," ibid., p. 415; " Dagobercthus quondam rex . . . vaccas cento soldaris, quod in inferenda de pago Cinomaneco in fisce dicionebus sperabatur, ad ipsa sancta basileca annis singolis concessissit" (716), MGH., Di-pl. i, p. 74. * "Per has praesentes iubemus praeceptiones ut neque vos neque iuniores vestri aut successores vel missi de palatio nostro discurrentes ipsum Galium abbatem monasterii sui, amicis, susceptis vel qui per eundem sperare videntur, vel unde legitimo redebet mitio, inquietare, nee inferendas sumere, nee de res eorum in lege minuere audeatis. Sed liceat eis sub sermone nostrae tuitionia vel sub emunitate nostra quietos vivere ac residere," MGH., Dipl. i, p. 12. s " Quod si illi liberti ipsa causa persequere noluerint, ad suos persecutores nullum fretum pro tale causa non requiratur (erant a mulctae condemnatione securi)," iv. 8. i; "si postea, cum inter illos directum indicium fuerit, et indices fretum et res fuerint redditas (propter repetendos sumtus vel expensas litis)," IV. 15. 2. , FREDUM, FAIDA 147 Code/ and these demand a special investigation. We find in one of these passages a reference to two kinds of judges, one called ''pubhcus/' the other "privatus." As the public judge is invariably mentioned in the Frankish immunities as the one who is not to exact the fredum, nor demand other contributions, it is evident that his usual function is that of collecting or causing to collect such revenues for the state. This is borne out by the specific statement in the Raetian laws that the public judges are those who sit in fiscal cases and exact the revenue,^ where the corresponding Interpre- tatio speaks of "exactores." They also attend to criminal cases, ^ even of churchmen.'* In the beginning of the sixth century this judge was still called by the old name rector provinciae,^ whose functions had previously been identical with those of the index puhlicus. This latter name was appropriate for him even at that time for he was called ''index" and also had the supervision of "opera publica."^ ^ "Si quicumque homo ad duos iudices, ad publicum et ad privatum — hoc est privatus, qui actor ecclesiarum est — , si ille homo de una facultatem ad ambos illos iudices causa habere voluerit, ut ad unum de illos iudices iunior sit et fretum conponat, et ad ilium alterum iudicem actum querit : ille homo, qui istum fecerit, ipsam rem vel actum, quem querit, non accipiat et insuper quintam partem facultatis sue de illas res, qui sub ilium iudicem habet, ad illam civita- tem det, in cuius finibus res, de quo agitur, fuerit constituta," ii. 16. 2; "nullus iudex alienas res nee per forcia nee per nullo malo ingenio, absente illo, cuius res sunt, nullus homo eas invadere non presumat, nisi si eas si per iudicium potuerit vindicare, salvum iudices fretum," iv. 19. 1. * "Jtidices publicos, qui fescales causas iudicant vel exigunt," xii. 2. 3. 3 "Omnes causas criminales ante publicos iudices finiantur," xvi. 4. 1. * "Clericus si de criminalem causam ante publicum iudicem accnsatus fuerit, sine omnem dilationem ipsam causam respondeat," xviii. 11. ^ " Formulae rectoris provinciae. Omnino provide decrevit antiquitas iudi- ces ad provinciam mitti, ne possit ad nos veniendo mediocritas ingravari. Quis enim latroniun ferret audaciam, si longe positam cognoscerent disciplinam? absolute poterat vis permissa grassari, si conquerens tardius crederetur audiri, sed quanto melius in ipsis cunabilis adhuc mollia reprimere quam indurata crimina vindicare! in compendium mittimus mala, si praesentia faciamus esse indicia, quis enim audeat peccare, cum supra cervices suas districtionem cog- noverit imminere? Et ideo te illi provinciae rectorem per illam indictionem nostra mittit electio . . . tibi fiscalium tributorum credita monstratur exactio," Cassiodorus, Variae, vi. 21. ® Cod. Theod. xv. 1 {De operibus publicis), passim. 148 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS The various immunities from the index puhlicus are immu- nities against the competency of his court. Thus, in addition to those mentioned above by Cassiodorus, we may cite the immunity from maintaining the court house, from the man- sionaticum, which was subject to his jurisdiction by a law of the year 369.^ If we now turn to the first of the two passages in the Raetian laws, we find that it is not permissible to pay the f return to the junior judge, because the index publicus, with whom the "principale negotium" lies, is alone en- titled to collect the fretum. We have already observed that in Italy the annonae had taken the place of the older con- tribution of veredi, and that these were used for the judge's fees. This is distinctly implied in a law of 383, where the judges are not permitted to exact from the provincials any- thing more than food and fodder. ^ In spite of the prohibi- tion to exact horses, the Merovingians, as the documents show, not only exacted them, but also the pecuniary com- mutation, the fredum, for the veredi, or the annonae of the Itahans, nay, the Carolingians found it possible to tax the Spaniards, not only with the ancient veredi, but also with the fredum.^ In the Lex rihuaria it is the judex fiscalis, that is, again the judex puhlicus, who collects the fretum, of which one third is paid over to the fiscus, ''in order that the peace may be last- ^ "Unusquisque iudex in his locis sedem constituat, in quibus oportet omni- bus presto esse rectorem, non deuerticula deliciosa sectetur. Addimus sane, vt quisque provinciae praesidentem propria possessione susceperit, ager, quem diuersorium habuerit praedictus in transitu, fisci viribus vindicetur: ita enim iudices rnansiones instruere, et instaurare nitentur," i. 7. 4. 2 " Det operam iudex vt praetorium suum ipse componat. Caeterum comiti neque rectori prouinciae plus aliquid praestabitur, quam nos concessi- mus in annonis, seu cellariis," i. 10. 3. ^ "Ut nulles judex publicus . . . ingredi praesumat, nee freda aut tributa vel paratas aut veredos seu rnansiones accipere . . . audeat" (844), Devic et Vais- sete, op. cit., vol. ii, Preuves, col. 234; but the document is, probably, spurious, as the other two documents where freda and parafredi occur {ibid., cols. 364 and 366) certainly are. FREDUM, FAIDA 149 ing."^ The same reference to the maintenance of peace is found in the composition of the fredum in the Lex Baiuwario- rum, ^hut here the fredum includes surety, fideiussor, and pay, so that it is obvious that pro f redo means ''for the keeping of the peace," hence a surety alone maybe a, fredum.^ Wherever, therefore, the combination pro fredo occurs, nearly always to be paid "in fisco" or "in publico," ^ we have a reference to the maintenance of peace, a duty which in the fifth and follow- ing centuries was left to the great body of judges, immedi- ately below the rectores provinciae, who were known as defensores or assertores pacts ^ and who were by special regal authority invested among the Visigoths with the right of "making peace."® 1 "Nee nnWus judex fiscalis de quacumque libet causa freta non exigat, prius- quam f acinus conponatur . . . Fretum autem non illi iudici tribuat cui culpa commisit, sed illi, qui solucionem recipit, terciam partem coram testibus fisco tribuat, ut pax stabilis permaneat," lxxxix. 2 "Et quisquis de res ecclesiae furtivis probatus fuerit, ad partem fisci pro fredo praebeat fideiussorem, et donet wadium de 40 solidis, et tantum solvat, quantum iudex iusserit, et quantum durius solvent, tantum firmior erit pax ecclesiae," i. 1. 6. 5 "Et donet wadium comiti illo de fredo," 1. 2. 14. * "Et pro fredo in publico solvat solidos 40, ut exinde sit reverentia sacer- dotum, et honor ecclesiasticus non condamnetur neque praesumptio crescat in plebe," i. 1. 9; "si autem vim abstraxerit et iniuriam ecclesiae fecerit, con- ponat 36 solidos ad ecclesiam et fredo (Jrido) solvat in fisco 40 solidos, quare contra legem fecit et ecclesiae honorem non inpendit et Dei reverentiam non habuit, ut et alii cognuscant, quod sit timor Dei in christianis, et honorem ecclesiis inpendat," Leges Alamannorum, iii. 3. ^ "Quoties de paruis criminibus, id est, vnius serui fuga, aut sublati iumenti, aut modicae terrae, seu domus inuasae, vel certi furti, id est, detenti aut per- uenti, sub criminis nomine actio fortasse processerit, ad mediocres indices qui publicam disciplinam obseruant, id est, aut defensores aut assertores pads, vindictam eius rei decernimus pertinere. Ad rectorem vero prouinciae illud negotium criminale perueniat, vbi de personanma inscriptione agitur, vel maior est, quae non nisi ab ordinario iudice, recitata legis sententia debeat terminari," Interpretatio to Cod. Theod. ii. 1. 8. ^ "Omnimn negotiorum causas ita indices habeant deputatas, utetcrimi- nalia et cetera negotia terminandi sit illis concessa licentia. Pacts vero ad- sertores non alias dirimant causas, nisi quas illis regia deputaverit ordinandi potestas. Pads enim adsertor est, qui sola fadende pads intentione regali sola distinatur autoritate," Lex Visig., ii. 1. 15. 150 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS The Visigothic laws, as codified, have undergone consider- able modifications from their Roman origin in the fifth cen- tury, but even through all the changes it is possible to no- tice that the old evectio veredorum, the furnishing of horses for the judges and bailiffs, lay at the foundation of at least a part of their fees. In Theudis' law of 546 the baihffs are supposed to furnish their own horses while executing orders, that is, summoning a party, but they reimburse themselves from the person in whose interest they travel, by charging a solidus for each horse, four being the maximum allowed.^ The Lex Visigothorum seems to have here an older text, for while there is the same reference to the bailiff's horses, noth- ing whatsoever is said about the pecuniary commutation. The interesting part of this latter law is the one which says that these horses are ''for the road and dignity," so that where in the east the reference is to the maintenance of the peace, we have here a similar provision for the maintenance of dignity.^ If we now go back to the fifth century we come to an intermediate time when the Visigoths, whether in Spain or in southern France, must have considered the commuta- tion of the older veredus as intended for the maintenance of peace or dignity. Indeed, the judges are specifically referred to by Cassiodorus as dignitates.^ This designation is ap- ^ " Conpulsores vel executores decreto perstringimus, ut non pro sua con- moda exigant volumtate, sed ab eis, quos propria evectione conpulerint, sub- vectum tantum super eum accipiant caballorum. Nee illi prius conmoda com- pulsionis exigant, quam suas in iudicio litigantes exercent actiones: conmoda quoque iuxta huius consulti seriem accepturi, id est, ut in milibus quinquaginta accipiant per caballo uno solido uno, ea videlicet ratione, ut in minoribus causia duo tantum, in maioribus vero quatuor caballi sufficiant, et siquis plures cabal- los ultra hunc numerum ducere voluerit, absque ullo deductorum damno suo tantantum reputabit ornatu," K. Zeumer, Ueber zwei neuentdeckte westgo- thische Gesetze, in Neues Archiv, vol. xxiii, p. 78 /. ^ "Saiones, cum pro causis alienis vadunt, si minor causa est et persona, duos caballus tantum ab eo, cuius causa est, accipiat fatigandos; si vero maior persona fuerit et causa, non amplius quam sex caballos et pro itinere et pro dignitate debebit accipere," ii. 1. 26. 2 "Tributa quidem nobis annua devotione persolvitis: sed nos maiore vicis- FREDUM, FAIDA 151 parently not older than the end of the fifth century, whereas the use of annonae or apparatus for the judge's fees dates at least from the end of the fourth century. We have accordingly two groups of derivatives in the Gothic language, from veredus towards the end of the fifth century and from a popular redus at some time in the fourth century. The first, in accordance with the designations as- sertor pads and dignitas, current at the time, produces Goth. ga-wairthi"pesice," wairths "worthy, digm^ed,worth.,pnce/' and from these are derived ONorse vercfr, AS. weor^, OFri- sian werth "worth," Welsh gwerth ''price," Lithuanian ver- tas, OPrussian werths "worthy," OBulgarian vred "harm," originally, as still in Croatian, etc., "worth." The Roman reda was originally a light carriage, especially adapted for the use of couriers ^ and it is not at all improbable that as such it was really of Gallic origin, as surmised by Roman writers. But veredus was already known to Martial in the year 101 as a fast hunting horse, hence the use of veredus, though not recorded, must popularly be much older, to have lost its original meaning of "posthorse." Now Rostowzew and Preisigke have shown conclusively that the Persian post existed uninterruptedly in the east from the time of Herodo- tus and Xenophon,- and the document of the year 259 b.c, which gives an account of the post in Ptolemaic Egypt shows that the Persian terms for various parts of the service intro- situdine decoras vobis reddimus dignitates, ut vos ab incursantium pravitate defendant qui nostris iussionibus obsecundant . . . quaerat iudex inter vos causas et non inveniat . . . improbis iudicem, testem bonis moribus destinamus . . . cui vos convenit prudenter oboedire, quia utrumque laudabile est, ut bonus populus iudicem benignum faciat et mansuetus iudex gravissimum popu- lum aequabili ratione componat," Cassiodorus, Variae, vi., 24; "exeunt a nobis dignitates relucentes quasi a sole radii, ut in orbis nostri parti resplendeat cus- todita iustitia," ibid., vi. 2. 3, et passim. 1 Daremberg and Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquites, sub cursus publicus, p. 1657. 2 M. Rostowzew, Angariae, in Klio, vol. vi, p. 249 ff.; F. Preisigke, Die ptolemdische Staatspost, ibid., vol. vii, p. 241 ff. 152 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS duced into Egypt during the Persian domination, have reached Rome and the West through a Greek transformation of the vocabulary. This explains at once why we meet in the cursus publicus of the fourth century a.d. with what other- wise would seem to be hybrid words, such as paraveredus and par angaria. If then veredus could have entered the Latin language only through the Greek, we at once get the Greek ^epehos or ^epauhos as a much older term, which through an intermediary /SpeSo? would produce the recorded /oeSr;, peBiov hence Latin reda "chariot," and through a form epeSo? the other forms epihia, ipoSCa "chariot," actually recorded by Hesychius. That ySpeSos, that is, FpeSos actu- ally existed is proved by the Coptic vrehi, verehi "chariot" which cannot, as is generally done, be referred to the Semito- Egyptian mdrka buthah, but is a transformation of /S/aeSos to fip^o?, fiepeos, which again are not hypothetical forms, for l^eppr)? "runner," ^eppevei "he runs" are recorded by Hesychius. Therefore there is absolutely no reason for de- riving reda from the Celtic, for which there is no other au- thority than Quintilian's, but we must consider it as directly derived from the Greek of Ptolemaic Egypt. While all the languages have derivatives from this red- distinctly referring to the postroads, the Gothic has no other meaning for this group than that of the current substitute for the supply of posthorses by the apparatus or parata,^ which, however, the other languages also record. While the Gothic has raidjan, ga-raidjan "to arrange, prepare," ga- raideins "arrangement," ga-raiths "arranged, determined," OHG. has reita " vereda,^ reda, chariot," ritari, ritari "horse- man, rider," ritan "ride," reiti "paratus," gareiti "biga, falera, quadriga," AS. rod "riding, journey, way," rad "cart, * "Mansio parata," a distinct reference to the well-provided post-station, ia already used by Ambrose. * " Vereda reita, reida, reide, reit," Steinmeyer and Sievers, AUhochdeutsche Glossen, vol. iv, p. 107, also vol. i, p. 488. FREDUM, FAIDA 153 chariot," ridan ^'to ride," ridda ''knight, rider," raed, hraed, geraed "swift, quick, ready," ONorse ri^a "to ride," greida ''to make ready," etc., Olrish riadaim "I drive," reid, OWelsh ruid, OBreton roed "plain, smooth." From this group can- not be separated Goth, ga-redan "to have a mind to," for in the compounds ur-redan, faura-ga-redan this redan has the meaning "arrange, determine." This at once connects ONorse rd^a, AS. rdedan, OHG. rdtan "advise," etc., with it. In the German gerdt "advice, tool, harness" we have the two meanings connected. In the Slavic languages we have two series, rad- and rend-, which belong here. The first, giving Russian rad "prepared, glad," Polish rada "advice," etc., is obviously derived from the German. The nasalised form, which, however, in Lithuanian and Lettish also occurs un- nasalised, is unquestionably older. We have OBulgarian redii, Bulg. red, Pol. rzad "order," Lith. rinda "row," redas "order," Let. redlt, rinda, rist, ridu "to arrange." The positive proof of the relation of this group of words to veredus in the sense of "apparatus, parata" is given by its presence in the Romance languages exclusively in the sense of "apparatus, parata," that is, of "equipage, harness, supply of horses for work," etc. We find here the LLatin forms cor- redum and arredum and its many derivatives. We have arredio "apparatus bellicus" recorded by Ducange in the 14. century, but the Italian arredare, Spanish arrear, OFrench arreer, Provencal arredar, arrezar "to equip, adorn" prove the existence of the word before. Arezamentum "equipment " is recorded in the 13. cent.^ It is this arez-, more properly arrez-, which has produced arnes "baggage, equipment, household goods," etc.,^ more especially "equipment of a 1 "Et vasculis tarn panis quam vini et de omnibus aliis arezamentis et rebus," Acta Sanctorum, October xii, p. 75. '^ " Quod animalia militum et arnes sui corporis nee apparamenta domus non pignorentur" (1283), Cortes do los antiguos reinos de Aragon y de Valencia, Madrid 1896, vol. i, p. 151; "De cariando hernesio regis ad eum. Mandatum 154 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS horse, harness."^ Similarly corredum is a close translation of "apparatus" and more especially refers to the contribution in kind due to the sovereign when passing through the coun- try, provender, fodder,- but the Spanish correo has best pre- served the original meaning of "post." There is a very large number of variations of these words, ^ and the OFrench conroi, corroi has preserved the original meaning of "ap- paratus." This series of words, while representing the old connota- tion, is comparatively new in the documents, no recorded instance being earlier than the 12. cent. In Italy the cor- responding word in the Frankish documents, that is, from the end of the 8. cent, on, is foderum. Previous to Charle- magne there is found not the slightest reference to the exac- tion of provender, because neither the Justinian Code nor the Langobard law mentions it explicitly, but beginning with the year 792 "fredum exigere" of the Frankish documents is for Italy changed to "foderum exigere," ^ and this foderum est vicecomitibus Lond' quod habere faciant Willelmo Hordel clerico unam bonam carectam ad denarios ipsius regis, ad herenesium regis ad eum carian- dum" (1228), Close Rolls, Henry III, vol. i, 75; "quod neroini civi Civitatis Catinae cuiuscumque conditionis, et gradus existat, sit licitum ultra quanti- tatem unciarum auri trigintaquinque in arnesio promittere neque dare, quod si secus fecerit, et pervenerit in casu restitutionis dotis, quod maritus ipsum arnesium ultra dictam quantitatem lucrifaciat ipso facto, nulla servata actione ei cui competere possit ratione restitutionis amesii supradicti, cui consuetudini renuntiari non possit" (1345), Constitutiones Regni Siciliae, p. 117. ^ For this and similar meanings see Ducange, sub arnense, arnescum, arnese, arnesium, amexium, arneysium, arnitus, harnascha, harnasium, harnesiatus. ^ "Ut nee nostro, nee aliorum tempore quandam convivia, quae vulgo Coreede, vel giste vocantur, in villis praenominatis exigere, vel quaerere liceat" (1157), in Ducange sub conredium; "Imperatori servitium a vassallis deberi pro corredo Imperiali, ut videlicet quando Imperator transient per ilium locum, contribuat in sumptibus ejus," ibid. ' Ducange records under conredium the following: conred^im, corrodium, conreus, correda, conragium, conregium, conreium, correium, coureium, corrogium. * "Ut super servientes iam fatae ecclesiae mansionaticos vel foderum nullus audeat prendere aut exactare ullo umquam tempore, excepto si evenerit, quod nos ipsi aut dilectus filius noter Pippinus vel regale presidium propter impedi- menta inimicorum partibus Foroiulensibus aut in fine Tarvisiani advenerint" FREDUM, FAIDA 155 is also recorded SLsfrodum ^ and forum. ^ These forms are by no means mere misspellings, but were actually in use, as is proved, for the first, by the ioTuis froyre, froyrage, frourerius, recorded in Ducange, apparently from an intermediary /rorf- rum,^ and, for the second, by the OHG. vure,fuor a "pastum..'"^ Fodrum is referred to as ''annona militaris,"^ so that we have in the change of the Frankish immunity for Italy a compli- ance with the old Roman institution by which annonae were paid instead of the veredi. There is a strange confusion of forms in the Germanic languages for "food" or ''fodder." OHG. has not only the above-mentioned fuora, but also f6tar,f6tida, and the verbs fuottan, fotjan, fotarjan "to feed." The Goth, records only fodjan "to feed," fodeins "food, nourishment," while the ONorse has both /dcTra and foSa "to feed." The other Germanic languages have similar double forms. The documents show conclusively that at the end of the 8. cent, the current form in Italy was approximately foder, with probable phonetic variations, while the Goth, records only forms without the r. The latter can only be a back formation from the first, even as both forms exist side by side in the other Germanic languages. But the substitu- tion of the "annonae" for the veredi, so characteristic for Italy, coupled with the substitution of foderum, frodrum, etc., ior fredum on Italian soil, makes it certain ihsit foderum (792), MGH., Die Urkunden der Karolinger, vol i, p. 234. For further quota- tions of foderum, fodrum in Italy see J. Ficker, Urkunden zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, Innsbruck, 1874, vol. rv, in the Index, E. Mayer, Italienische Verfassungsgeschichte von der Gothenzeit bis zur Zunftherrschaft, Leipzig 1909, in the Index, and G. Waitz, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte, 2nd ed., vol. IV, p. 15 J". ^ "Nee froda exigenda" (spurious document), Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. ii, col. 244. * See Ducange, sub forum 2. ' Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. i, col. 419 (1188). * Steinmeyer and Sievers, Althochdeutsche Glossen, vol. i, p. 346, vol. iv, p. 416. ^ "Inhibuit a plebeis ulterius annonas militares, quaa wi^go foderum vocant," Waitz, op. cit., p. 16. 156 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS is a transposed form for foredum, from veredum, while forum, which may have influenced this change, is due to a con- fusion with forum "price at which provisions are sold in the market."^ Thus it appears that the earliest forms in the Germanic languages are those derived from the current reda of the Romans, which is even older than the Christian era and may have entered the Gothic language before the age of migration. Another set is connected with the Visigothic rule in Spain, producing the root wairth- in Gothic and similar forms else- where. A third refers to the Ostrogothic and Lombard sub- stitution of the ''annonae," producing the stem fod-. In France, where the veredi gave way to the monetary com- mutation, the fredum, the Germans formed the word fridu, OSsiXon frithu, K^. fridu, freodo, freod , ONotsq fridr ''peace." From this root the Goth, has formed ga-frithon "to atone," freidjan ''spare," from the OUG. frtten "to enclose, pro- tect," while the French has stopped in frais at the meaning "expense." In the Salic law the fine fredum is now paid to the fiscus, now to the judge, but there is one compound fine, fredo et faido,^ which needs a thorough investigation, since the usual meaning oi faida "blood feud" is here entirely out of place. The assumption that the blood feud played any part in Ger- ^ "Exercitui destinato ordinante illo annonas fecimus secundum forum rerum venalium comparari" (535), Cassiodorus, Variae, x. 18; "et per omnes civitatis legitimus /ortis et mensuras faciat secundiun habundantia temporis" (744), MGH., Capitularia, vol. i, p. 30. 2 "Si cuiuslibet de potentibus seruus qui per diuersa possedent de crimine habere suspectus, dominus secrecius cum testibus condicatur ut intra xx noctes ipsum ante iudicem debet praesentare. Quod si institutum tempus, in- tercedente conuidio, non fuerit praesentatus, ipse dominus statutum sui iusta modum culpe inter fredo etfedo (Jretum etfeitum, fredo etfaido, fredum etfoedum) compensetur," Pact. 12; "inter freto et faido sunt mdccc. din. x," xxxv. 7, cod. 1; "si ei fuit judecatum ut in ex faido et fredo solidos quindece pro ac causa fidem facere debirit" (693), MGH., Dipl, vol. i, p. 59. FREDUM, FAIDA 157 manic law as a Germanic institution is incorrect, for, al- though Tacitus distinctly refers to such a custom among the Germans, the practice of it in law is amply accounted for by the Roman decrees, which countenanced it in certain cases. It has arisen from the legality of killing in self-defence, as laid down in the Lex Cornelia de sicariis, which has been of great importance in shaping certain later enactments, of which I shall speak at another time. What makes the derivation of the German feud from the Roman precedent a certainty is not merely the resemblance of the two, but certain verbal identi- ties, which exclude every chance of accidental resemblance. In the year 323 it was enacted that one who led the bar- barians treacherously, ''scelerata factione,'' against the Romans, should be burned,^ and in 391 it was specifically ordered to lynch the attacking highwayman without legal procedure,^ and a few years later (397) a man joining a re- bellion, "quisque sceleratam inierit f actionem aut factionis ipsius susceperit sacramenta," was beheaded as a ''majestatis reus," while his possessions were confiscated.^ Factio is fre- quently mentioned in the Codex Justinianus ^ and in the glosses in the sense of ''sedition," while factiosus is ''sedi- tious." ^ Hence the Lex Alamannorum, which has a caption » Cod. Theod., vii. 1. 2 "Liberis resistendi cunctis tribuimus facultatem: ut quicumque militum, vel priuatorum, ad agros noctiirnos populator intrauerit, aut itinere frequentata, insidiis adgressionia obsederit, permissa cuicumque licentia, dignus illico sup- plicio subiugetur, ac mortem quam minabatur, excipiat, et id quod intende- bat, incurrat: melius est enim incurrere in tempore, quam post exitum vindi- cari; vestram igitur vobis permittimus ultionem, et quos sermo est punire iudicio, subiugamus edicto. Nullus parcat militi, cui obuiari leto oporteat ut latroni," ix. 14. 2. 3 IX. 14. 3. * "Seditionum concitatores vel duces /acpopTL<;y while soniari is jxepiixvav. The same meaning is given to it in the Sortes sangallenses ^ and in the writings of the eighth century.^ The French language has not only soin "care," but also "excuse, essoin," ^ while the Germanic lan- guages have evolved a number of important words out of the original "testibus soniis.'' Gothic sunjon "to verify, excuse, justify," sunjons "apol- og3^, defence, answer," sunja "truth," OHG. sona, suona "judgment, reconciliation, peace," M Dutch soene, swoene, Dutch zoen "atonement," soenen "to kiss," OFrisian sona "reconcile," Norwegian sone "to atone" are identical in form and meaning with LLatin sonia. In ONorse, syn, in the com- pound naudsyn, means "necessity, impediment," which con- 1 "Curis huius vitae, soniis saecularibus," Rheinisches Museum, vol. xxxii, p. 586. 2 Corpus glossariorum latinorum. ' H. Winnefeld, Sortes sangallenses, Bonnae 1887: "noli dimittere persona de qua soniaris in dubio erit condemnatio," p. 21; "non es fugiturus; noli soniari," p. 36 and 37; "noli soniari, quia non est obligata domus tua," p. 42; " de sonio liberaris ut deo adiuvante ad filios tuos reuerteris saluus," p. 44. The author wants to put the origin of these Sortes back into the second century, chiefly because the office of the aediles is mentioned in them, but it is evident from the quotations (amicus tuus aedilem te facit, per aliqua persona poteris esse aedilis, aeris aedilis et amicos multos habebis) that the reference is to an honorable title and social position, and not to a magistracy, even as the " aedilis ecclesiae " (see Ducange) was in Merovingian times the name for a curator in the church, an honorable distinction. From this aedilis comes OHG. edili "noble." * "Si comis in suo ministerio iustitias non fecerit, misso nostro de sua casa soniare faciat usque dum iustitiae ibidem factae fuerint" (779), MGH., Capitu- laria, vol. i, p. 48; "illi qui antiquitus consueti fuerunt missos aut legationes soniare, ita et modo inantea et de parveridis et omnia eis necessaria solito more soniare faciant" (800), ibid., p. 85. ^ "S'il n'avoient leial sone" (1214), in Godefroy, where more quotations may be found. TESTIBUS IDONEIS 171 notation in OHG. has been left to the common alternative of the documents, sumnis ''legal necessity, delay," from which has been formed the verb sumen 'Ho tarry, delay." This meaning has not entered into any other Germanic languages but Dutch zuimen, which is merely a borrowing from the German. Now, the usual formula in which sonia occurs in the Merovingian and Carolingian laws and documents is '^ sonia nuntiare," that is, "to show a legal excuse." This '^ sonia nuntiare" is recorded in Gothic in "sunja gateihan," " to tell the truth," and I shall now show that teihan is derived from "testibus." In Gothic teihan is identical with "nuntiare" in meaning, but in the other Germanic languages the corresponding verb means "to accuse, charge with," so in AS. teon, OHG. zihen. These verbs are distinct from Goth, taiknjan, OHG. zeih- hanen, etc., which alone are related to Lat. dico, Greek SeiV vvfiL. It is merest accident that the two forms somewhat coincide, for the meanings of Goth, teihan, etc., are distinctly derived from the rubric "testihus soniis," which was used in every case where the seriousness of the charge demanded re- liable witnesses. This "testihus soniis" was popularly pro- nounced testibusonis, tehtibusonis, and as such it has survived in the AS. tiht-bysig "infamatus et accusationibus ingrava- tus," a back formation from tiht-bysignis, testibusonis. This appears clearly from the first recorded case in 959, when the phrase is used for "one under heavy accusation and not to be believed by the people," ^ for precisely then the ac- cused person would have to purge himself by three credible witnesses. Now, the long rubric testibusonis has survived in Old French in the abbreviated form busun, busuigne "legal necessity, important affair," ^ which has ultimately pro- ^ "Et si quis fuerit accusationibus infamatus et populo incredibilis," iii Ead, 7. For other quotations see Bothworth's Dictionary. ^ "E si alcun jethed les chatels fors de la nef senz busun, sil rendet," Lets Willelme 37. 3 (1090-1135), in Liebermann, Die angelsdchsischen Gesetze, p. 515; 172 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS duced besoin, but which in the oldest AS. case, of about 950, still means ''necessitas, solicitudo." ^ Thus French hesoin and EngHsh business go back to testibusonis, but, while the whole has produced the AS. tihtbysig, the first part tiht, OHG. zicht, means '^ accusation, crime," and from this has come by a back formation Goth, teihan, and so forth. "a mei affert ceste husunie," Lib. Psalm., p. 366, in Godefroy; "e si paxfei- sums la busuine, de ses buesuignes fist le rei mult avancer," ibid. * "Ne bisignisse mettes and woedes haebende, nee solicitudinem escae et vestis habendam.". QUOVIS GENIO The earliest documents of the Middle Ages frequently use ingenium, in connection with malum, inicum, in the sense of "deception."^ Ingenium is generally abbrevi- ated to genium, in ItaUan documents also to ienio, zenio, senio, and the phrase "per quovis genio substraere" or one like it is employed to express that which in Roman law is known as malus dolus.^ In France, especially in the south, ingenium is, since the tenth century, recorded ^ "Nisi, malo ordine per forcia et inico ingenium ipsi agentis predicto Dro- gone, de potestate sua abstraxsissent" (697), J. Tardif, Monuments historiques, Paris 1866, p. 31; "volumus etiam . . . vt nulla praepotens persona predictam Ecclesiam proprietario iure per nullum ingenium, per nullam censuram, aut beneficiali ordine, et praeceptali auctoritate nitatur inuadere" (724), Troya, op. cit., vol. Ill, p. 380; "nee per cartulam concambiationis neque per conve- nientiam libelli neque per ullum inienium" (724), ibid., p. 384; "si quis per malum ingenium in curtem alterius miserit aliquid . . . quod furatum est," Lex salica xxxvi. 4; "et si per odium aut malo ingenio, nisi per iustitiam facien- dam, hominem diffecerit" (779), MGH., Capitularia, vol. i, p. 49; "ut iuntitias ecclesiarum, viduarum, orfanorum et reliquorum omnium sine ullo malo in- genio . . . faciatis; nam si tale aliquod ingenium inter vos factum fuerit" (806), Pontes rerum bemensium, Bern 1833, vol. i, p. 220 f.; "in omnibus ero, absque fraude et malo ingenio et absque ulla dolositate seu deceptione," Rozi^re, Recueil ginSral des formules dans I'empire des Francs du V^ au X^ si^cle, Paris 1859, vol. I, p. 7. 2 "Nee possit ei pater per quolevit genium aliquid dare aut hereditatem re- linquere" (gloss, epored. genio conludio) (731), Edictum Luitprandi Regis, Ann. XIX. 3; " quocumque genio aliquid abstractum" (862), Cod. Langob., col. 369; "per coins zenium subtraere" (919), HPM., Chartae, vol. i, col. 123; "per couis ienium infrangere" (973), ibid., col. 242; "per couis ienium subtrahere" (1035), ibid., col. 509; "qualis genium" (801), Codex cavensis, vol. i, p. 5; "quodlibet genium" (803), ibid., p. 6; " pev quodvis genium" (858), HPM., Chartae, vol. I, col. 337, Cod. Langob., cols. 244, 274, 346, 448, 1617, etc.; "per cotvis sienium" (1045), Codice diplomatico padovano dal secolo sesto a tutto Vundecimo, p. 180; "per covix genium" (1008), ibid., pp. 135, 249, 278, 297. 174 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS as engan, enganno,^ but in Italy ingannatio is given as early as 843.2 Ingenium, genium is extremely common in another form- ula, "quovis genio conquirere," to acquire in anyway not definitely established by ancient law, i. e., in war, by natural increase, interest, etc.^ In Spain and Portugal ganare is used ' "De ista hora in antea . . . non enganera sua persona, suo domno, suo sciente . . . ni per suo ingenio ni per sua conscientia suo sciente" (985), Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., cols. 301, 312/.; "neque per nostrum ingenium . . . sine nullo illorum enganno et sine lucre" (1020), ibid., col. 373; " et pleu Bernardus jamdictus per suam fidem et per suum dictum plivid, ut non ingannat Rainar- dum jamdictum de isto placito" (1056), ibid., col. 489 and similarly cols. 938, 942, 949, 968, 982; "erimus adjutorio domino Deo, et Sancto Petro sine en- ganno" (1028), Gallia Christiana, vol. i, p. 49; " sine ingranno " (1083), Teulet, Layettes du Tresor des chartes, vol. i, p. 29; "sine enganno," ibid., pp. 82, 84, 90, 107, 124, etc., C. Douais, Cartulaire de I'abbaye de Saint-Sernin de Toulouse, Paris 1887, pp. 74, 91, 497, etc., Gu^rard, Cartulaire de Vabbaye de Saint-Victor de Marseille, Paris 1857, vol. i, p. 172; "sine inganno" (1147), Espana sagrada vol. XXXV, p. 416. " "Lunfrit de cives Placentia, qui cum ipso infantulum fuisset et super rebus eius ambulasset et extimasset, ne ad ipsum infantulum aliqua ingannatio facta non fuisset . . . et paruit eorum, quod nulla ingannatio ei facta non erat," J. Ficker, Forschungen zur Reichs- und Rechtsgeschichte Italiens, Innsbruck 1874, vol. IV, p. 18. ^ "Quoque genio alienatum aut traditum" (716), Troya, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 254; "omnem conquistionem, quod genitori tuo, quas de ribus Sancto Ecclesie per Anticessoris meis cimiquiset per qualibet ingenio, et possidet usque in diebus vite sue, qui in hanc domo Sancte Ecclesie ante nos fuerunt: tam per nos, et jamdixi, per qualivet ingenio quem cumquirere potuet de ribus Sancte Ecclesie" (737), ibid., vol. iii, p. 635; "quicquid . . . aut nobis traditum vel commutatum fuit, vel in antea ibidem comparatum aut de quolibet ingenio, legibus ad nos pervenit," Pardessus, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 398; "per qualicumque genio vel titulo . . . advenerat" (766), Cod. Langob., col. 59; "quocumque genio conquirere," ibid., col. 60; "quod mihi usquemodo conquisistes aut in antea conquerere potueritis per quodlibet ingenium" (766), ibid., col. 61; "quicquid per ipsam cartulam concessisti, aut postea quoque ingenio adquisisti" (784), ibid., col. 112; "que ipsa sibi quocumque ingenio juste et legaliter undecumque vel a quibuscumque acquisivit, aut in antea acquirere potuerit" (852), ibid., col. 524; "dono cultilem seu et masseritias quantascumque in iamdicto uico ciste mihi per cartulam et comparantionem aut per quale vis ingenium ibidem ad- quisiuero" (848), HPM., Chartae, vol. i, col. 46; " quantumcumque ibi visi sumus abere, aut porcio nostra ibi obvenit aut obvenire debet, tam de patemo quam de matemo, uel de quocumque libet ingenio legitime ordine ad nos obvenire debet usque in exquisitum " (888), Bruel, Recueilde CZunt/, vol. i, p. 38/.; "quic- quid de genitore meo, vel genitrice mea, vel de calecumque ingenio mihi atvenit" (893), ibid., p. 60; "tan de alaudo, tan de conquisto, aut de qualecumque ingenio ad nos advenire potuerit" (904), ibid., p. 95, and often. QUOVIS GENIO 175 where elsewhere this formula is written/ hence ganatum refers to everything not owned alodially, especially to cattle.^ This ganare is obviously derived from genium, but quo genio, quo zenio, quovis genio, etc., have also left behind them a large variety of forms, which are recorded from the tenth century on. We find in Venice guadagno,^ in Aragon guataniagare, guadanare,^ in Provence gadaignare, guadanare, gazain.^ ^ "Quicquid potui ganare vel applicare atque apprendere" (747), Espana sagrada, vol. xl, p. 357; "nostras hereditates quantas habuerimus et ganare potuerimus usque ad obitum nostrum" (874), PMH., Dipl. et char., vol. i, p. 5; * ' et partibi cum ipsos filios meos iam superius nominates meo ganato et meaa uillas et mea criazon" (875), ibid., p. 8; "et omnem mea rem quanta ego uisa sum auere quantaque aueo de auolenga et de parentela quam etiam et de mea ganatura" (908), ibid., p. 11; "sive de parentum meorum, vel comodo etiam de gananlia^' (972), ibid., p. 65/.; "et habuimus ilia hereditate de nostra ganancia quam comparauimus" (1002), ibid., p. 114; "damns ipsas hereditates . . . sine et alias que de hodie in die ganare et augmentare potuerimus in qualibet ganan- tia" (1039), ibid., p. 187 and often; "et alium quodcumque ganare potuerimus, ut traditum pro remedio animarum nostrarum" (940), Berganza, Antigiiedades de Espana, vol. ii, p. 381; "ortos, domos, armenta, vestimenta, tarn mobile quam et immobile, quod ganavirnus, vel ganare potuerimus in hoc seculo" (947), ibid., pp. 391, 395; "cum omnibus prestationibus suis, quantum nos ibidem ganavirnus" (998), Espana sagrada, vol. XL, p. 407. 2 "Omni ganato, tam mobile, quam etiam immobile" (945), Berganza, op. cit., p. 389; "illo ganato de Caradigna pascendi" (972), ibid., p. 409; "im- pleverunt illud monasterium de omni ganato" (934), Espana sagrada, vol. xl, p. 400; "a paucis namque annis ganavi alfagara" (1029), ibid., vol. xxxvi, p. XXXIII ; "adhuc etiam concedo, ut nuUus sit ausus . . . proprium ganatum pignu- rare alicujus canonici, qui homines cum ganato vivo habuerit" (1105), ibid., vol. xxxviii, p. 344; "pannos et alium ganatum" (1032), ibid., vol. xix, p. 395. ^ "Nullus Venetus audeat ultra Pollam mancipia transportare, neque in terra Graecorum, neque nullis locis ea donare, excepto si accident, ut de sua captivitate se redimere debeat, aut pro tali causa unde guadagnwn accrescat in patria" (960), S. Romanin, Storia documentata di Venezia, Venezia 1853, vol. I, p. 371. * "Cum quantum ibi abeo ganatu et adhuc potero guataniagare" (1025), E. Ibarra y Rodriguez, Coleccion de documentos para el estudio de la historia de Aragon, Zaragoza 1904, vol. i, p. 126; "et omnia quae hodie in antea poteritis adquirere vel ^wodanare in tota mea terra" (1069), Munoz y Romero, op. cit., p. 248; "quod ubi habueritis hereditates in tota mea terra vel guadanare poteri- tis" (1075), ibid., p. 251. " "Dimitto ambobus filiis meis totum quod lucratus sum, hoc est quod guadanavi in castello de Buciagas" (1118), Baluze, vol. ii, p. 488; "totum quantum de te ibi adquisitum et gadaignatum habemus" (1127), Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. v, col. 941; "quod suus lignages gadanet per ben et per fe" (1141), ibid., col. 1049; "le sobredit deutor devo he convengo pagar he redire le cabal el gazain a so moniment" (1205), Tardif, Layettes, vol. v, p. 55. 176 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS Before discussing the fate of this group in the European lan- guages, I shall ascertain the causes that led to the popular- ity of ingenium and genius in the formulae. At the end of the second century and later ingenium has the meaning of ''machination, shrewdness, trickery,"^ and in the sixth century Gregory already knew the technical term quolibet ingenio,^ even as it was used in a Merovingian document of the year 587 ^ and regularly in the Visigothic laws/ By the side of ingenium Gregory the Great used genius m the sense of ''good intention," ^ while Cassiodo- rus employed it earUer for "honor, truth, splendor" and ^ "O nouum inreligiosae mentis ingenium," Salvianus, Ad ecdesiam iii. 30 (Corp. scrip, eccl. vol. viii, p. 278); "ubi valere non potuisti ingenio detestandae subtilitatis tuae," Lucifer Calaritanus,' Z)e sancto Athanasiol.xxvi {ibid., vol. XIV, p. Ill); "sed stipem ut toUant ingenia talia quaerunt," Commodianus, Instructionum I. xvii {ibid., vol. xv, p. 22); "cuius sjonboli iter custodientes omnes hereses doctrinas instituta uel dogmata, quae sibi altercationem non ingenia, sed studia fuerimt," Prisciallianus 45 {ibid., vol. xxiii, p. 37); "quod autem ex nouo ingeniis et calumniis repperitur, ' ' ibid. , 56, (p. 44) ; ' ' proclamant e uero episcopo ac dicente, quod saepius hie ingenia quaereret, qualiter sum ab episcopatu deiceret," Gregorius Turonensis, vi. 22 {MGH., Scrip, rer. merov., p. 262); "facto ingenio cima satellite allegatur," ibid., viii. 26 (p. 340); "iurant partes per Dei omnipotentes nomen et inseparabilem Trinitatem vel divina omnia ac tremendum diem iudicii, se omnia quae superius scripta sunt absque ullo dolo malo vel fraudis ingenio inviolabiliter servaturus," ibid., ix. 20 p. 377); "callida machinamenta commeantium, ac simulatae obseruationis ingenia et fraudes" (381), Cod. Theod., vi. 29. 6. ^ "Nee hunc sub quolibet ingenio vel argumento cuipiam Judaeorum venun- dandi facultas sit" (596), Gregorii I Registri, vi. 29 (MGH., Epistolae, vol. i, p. 407); "ut eum stricte debeas commonere ne filios suos quolibet ingenio vel excusatione foris alicubi in coniugio sociare praesumat" (599), ibid., ix. 128 (vol. II, p. 128). ^ "Neque a domna Brunichilde neque a filio suo Childeberto rege filiisque suis quolibet ingenio uel tempore repetantur," MGH., Capitularia, vol. i p. 14. * "Si quecumque mulier sine principis opem aut quocumque ingenio seu cuiuslibet auxilio intenderit intersect virum divortium fieri," iii. 6. 2; "si . . . quocumque tempore de eorum patrocinio quacumque subtilitate aut ingenio vel argumento fraudis vel leviter de eorum patrocinio se auferre voluerint," V. 7. 20. ' "Honorem et genium ex humilitate vendicetis"k"(593), Gregorii I Registri, IV. 1 in MGH., Epistolae, vol. i, p. 233; "quatenus adeptae dignitatis meliori genio resistendi Donatistis possibilitas disponatur" (591), ibid., p. 92; "vigoris ecclesiastici genium congrua" (599), ibid., vol. ii, p. 173, and often. QUOVIS GENIO 177 geniatus for "honorable, pleasant, joyous," * and Ennodius likewise reveled in the use of genius in the same sense, em- ploying it more than one hundred times in his writings. It follows from this that previous to the sixth century ingenium meant *'evil intention," while genius was identical with "good intention," hence derivations from the first generally have a connotation of badness, while words derived from genius, like Span. Port. Cat. Ital. gana "desire, intention," Span, ganar " to earn" are free from this connotation. In order to determine the cause for the vowel change from gen- to gan- I have to discuss the root QVR "fire," which is found in all the Eurasiatic languages, but only so much of it in the sub-form QVN as concerns the matter in hand. The semantic primary meaning "fire, shine" has been preserved in all languages. We get Chinese kwang "light, splendor, clear, honor, ^clat, naked, smooth." In Sumerian we have kun "illumination, break of day, shine," by the side of the QVR forms gibil, gibir "fire, burn," par "shine, white," bir "shine, light, 6clat," bil "fire, burn." In the Dravidian languages some have bel-, others ven- for "to shine." Simi- larly we have Egyptian uben, uban, wan, Coptic uain, uein "to shine," Sanskrit vani "Agni, God of fire," and, as in Sumerian kibir, gibil means "wood for making fire by friction," so here vana means "wood, forest, bush, forest home," and from van- "to bum" one proceeds to van- "to wish, obtain, surpass, possess," in Old Iranian van- "tree, to wish, obtain, surpass." In the Slavic languages gor- "to burn" and bel- "white" represent the QVR forms, while in Celtic vind-, Welsh gwyn, Cornish guyn, Breton gwenn. Old Irish ^nd "white" the QVN forms are represented, even as ' "Ad genium dignitatis tuae credimus pertinere," MGH., Cassiodori Variae, p. 214; "qui amplissimum genium pretiosae libertatis acceperat" (511), ibid., p. 175; "ex quibus habebunt genium mores, si parentes publicos minores con- tigerit inveniri" (535), ibid., p. 306; "regalem quin etiam mensam conviva geniatus ornavit" (510), ibid., p. 38, and often. 178 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS Gothic wens "hope," ONorse van ''expectation, hope," AS. wen "expectation, hope, suspicion," OHG. wan "expectation, hope, illusion," wunnia "joy, lust," although removed from the original meaning "to burn," seem to belong here. Lat. venus, veneror, venustus show how the semasiological change may have taken place, while venor "to hunt," no doubt, is a development of "to desire strongly, conquer, obtain." The corresponding group in Greek is yavdo) "to shine, glitter," ydvoq "splendor, beauty," ydw^iai "to rejoice." The gloss for ydvos in Hesychius is most instructive. He writes ydvos iTapdSeL(ro<;, ^dpjxa, <^w?, o.vyT], Xcu/cott^?, XajXTTr)Bd)i>, rjSovTJj thus combining all the meanings which have resulted from original "to shine," and the meaning TrapaSetcro? at once shows that Semitic gan "garden" is not to be separated from this group. Whatever the origin of genius may have been, it has in the fifth and sixth centuries received all the connotations of Greek ydvo<;, and, since the earliest gan- forms in the Romance lan- guages occur in the south of France and in Spain, one is led to the conclusion that the Greek language, which was still spoken there in the sixth century, had with its popular ydvoq affected the Latin genius, creating the popular gano. This gano is preserved in Basque gano "agreeable, secret, smart- ness in work," ganoraz "elegant, smart," ganu "smartness, inclination." The LLat. ganire, gannire, gannare "to make fun" are certainly not to be separated from Greek ydvvfxi "to rejoice" and may have aided in the change of ingenium to ingannum. In the Provence quovis genio, quovis zenio, or a similar form, has produced guazanh, which has spread over all Europe in the sense of ''gain, garner, autumn." Everything that is not inherited but is obtained by personal labor, grace of nature, fortune of war was in OProvengal gazanh, gassan, gazan "gain, success, labor," gazanha "gain, interest," especially QUOVIS GENIO 179 ''profit from the cultivated field, crops," hence guasandor, gazanhador, gaanador, gaaniador "plowman, farmer," gua~ sanhar, gazanhar, gadanhar, cazanhar, gasanhar, gaanhar ''cultivate the ground, attend to farming, maintain, earn a living," gazanhatge "tillable land." ^ In the eleventh cen- tury one hears frequently of the cultivation of such lands as remained heretofore unworked, terra plana, ^ which then be- comes known as terra arabilis,^ but especially as terra gana- hilis.'^ Such cultivable lands, reclaimed from the pastures, or, rather, the returns from such lands, guagneria, garneria, were bequeathed or donated in the same way as other lands. ^ It is clear from the quotations that the forms gaaign-, gaign-, etc., in the north are of later origin and evolved from the original Provengal gazanh. Ingenium has in the north pro- duced engigne, enjinne, engrm " habilite, adresse, ruse, fraude," malum ingenium has led to OFr. malengien and, as is proved by Engl, malinger, to French malingre "sickly." From the south have proceeded OFr. engan, enjan, engaing "ruse, tromperie, fourberie, peine, travail," enganay "adresse, habilite, ruse," enganner, enguenner, enjanner "tromper." Even so the Prov. gazanh has spread in the north as gahaigne, 1 Spanish guadana "sickle," i.e., "tool for cutting the crop," is no doubt, not to be separated from this group. 2 "Praeterea dono eis intra terram planum si invenitur, aut de silva ad com- planandum tantum quantum exarare possit in elaborando par boum in anno, totidem etiam ad elaborandum vel complanandum pratum unde boves vivere possint" (1067), C. Ragut, Cartulaire de Saint-Vincent de Mdcon, p. 10. ' "De terris arabilibus et planis, quia divise non erant, judicatum est ut si alii illas laborarent per laudationem et preceptum obedencialis vel ministri ejus . . . illas haverent et redditus eorum ipsi inter se dividerent usquequo terre, per consensum utriusque partis, ad equalem divisionem pervenirent," ibid., p. 9. * "Terra cultibilis, que vulgariter waignale dicitur" (1200), Recueil belgique, Comte de Hainaut, vol. i, p. 4. In Ducange still more quotations may be found. ^ "Augmentavi etiam ipsum domum propriis rebus et reditibus, id est, molendinos . . . et omnia prata mea que in ipsa villa habebam, et totam gua- gneriam meam de villa ipsa" (1088), Cartulaire de Saijit-Jean d'Angely, vol. i., p. 84; "dereliquit totam ipsius terrae gaharnariam (gagneriam)" (1091), ibid., vol. n, p. 135; "garneriam" (1092), ibid., p. 92. 180 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS gaaigne "grain, profit, butin, terre labourable, recolte, fruit, froment qu' on seme en autonine," and the Coutumier de Normandie has preserved the original meaning of gagnable "les terres non cultivees enciennement nommes gagnables, sauvages ou sauvees de la mer." ^ It is interesting to observe the development of the group in Breton. The insular Celtic has no common expression for "profit, work, produce." Irish has gean "pleasure" (GaeUc "mood "), which goes back directly to Lat. genius, and gen "laughter," gno "scorn," which are derived from Lat. gan- nire, Gr. ydvos, and possibly ^an^aid "deception" may be related to genius, ingenium, but it knows nothing of the special evolution in France. Welsh gen ' ' understanding, soul ' ' is similarly from the Latin, and gwyn "bUss, excitement" is not to be separated from Celtic gwyn, gwen "white, pleasant, bUssful," but gweini "to serve," Cornish "goon, gun, gwon, gwen "work, cultivation, planting," gones, gonys "cultivate, work," gunithiat "laborer," gwon, gon "field, common mead- ow" cannot be separated from MBreton gounit "gain, to earn." These are certainly not to be separated from French gaain, etc., even as Breton gwenaat, ijinaat " rendre ou devenir fin, ruse, adroit," gwended, gwender "flexibility, souplesse, adresse, Industrie, intrigue, ruse," ganaz "fourbe, traitre, perfide, double" are derived from ingenium, genium. If we now turn to the Germanic languages, we find that by the side of the win- group, which is directly related with that of all the other Indo-European languages, there has grown up another win- group, not represented in Gothic, but found in the other related languages, with the semantic meaning "gain, profit, fruit of labor, strife." It is found in OHG. cawin, AS. gewin, MLG. gexoin, for which only the AS. has developed a verb winnan "to labor, toil, strive, win, get, attain." It is not likely that this has evolved from the . * In Ducange, sub gaaignable. QUOVIS GENIO 181 original win- group, but it must be assumed, in the light of the universal evolution in the West from genius, that in German territory genius has given gwin-, win-. The very- absence of this from the Gothic and the comparatively late appearance of ganar in Spanish and French show that the same cause has operated in the Germanic and in the Romance languages. But the Prov. guazanh, gasanh, which goes back to quovis genio, has in the Germanic languages been con- sidered as a derivative in ga-, producing Gothic asans ''time of harvest, harvest field," asneis "day laborer, hireling," OLG. asna "tax, revenue," AS. esne "servant, youth," MLG. asnen, hasnen "wage, reward," menasle, manasle, meinasme "earnest money," OHG. asni, asnari "hireling," ONorse anna, qnna "to work, provide a living," and, as French garneria stands by the side of Prov. gasanh, so we also find the rotacised forms OHG. arnon, MHG. amen, AS. earnian, Engl, earn, MLG. ernen, MD. amen, arenen, aemen "earn," MHG. erne "harvest." Although these simpler forms are frequently recorded, yet OHG. gawinnon, gaarnon, AS. geeamian are far more popular and are the forms from which the shorter words have developed. Gothic asans has pro- duced OBulg. yesen\ Prussian assanis "autumn," and even the form gen- seems to be retained in OBulg. zen- "to harvest." FEUDUM In Carolingian times fiscus was frequently employed as an abbreviation for villa fiscalis,^ but this was not a new develop- ment of the word, for it had been employed in that sense in a document of the year 717 ^ and is, no doubt, genuine in the interpolated one of 566.^ Fiscus had popularly a vacillating meaning, for it implied anything from which the state de- rived an income. In the fifth century fiscalia was the legal expression for the taxes from a praedium,'* while in the begin- ning of the sixth century fiscus became the current term for "tribute, anything from which a revenue is derived," more especially "Gothic revenue." ^ It also meant "the fixed 1 "Actionarius ad fiscum nostrum, qui vocatur Romaricus mons," MGH., Formulae, p. 293; "ex quibusdam ^scis nostris, id est Duria, Clodoua," ibid., p. 317; "ad ius ^sci regalis qui dicitur Andemacus," ibid., p. 324. * "Una cum illo forestario nomene Lobicino, qui commanit in fisco nostro Vetus Clippiaco," Sauer and Samaran, op. cit., p. 27. ^ "In fiscis, villis, agris," Cartulaire general de Paris, p. 6. ^ "Parati sumus pro singulis annis pro eadem praedia ^scaZia conpetentia solvere" (489), Marini, I pap. dipl., p. 130. * "Quicumque Gotorum ^scmto detrectat implere, eum ad aequitatem redi- bitionis artetis, ne tenuis de proprio cogatur exsolvere" (507-511), Cassiodorus Variae, i, 19, in MGH., p. 24; "ut stagnis Decemnovii paludibusque secretis sine ^sco possideas" (507-511), ibid., p. 65; "species quae ad fiscum pertinet" (511), ibid., p. 94; "antiqui barbari . . .fiscum possessi cespitis persolvere ac superindicticiis oneribus parare cogantur" (520), ibid., p. 151; "quapropter ille casarum suarum fiscum . . . desiderans sine aliqua imminutione publicae utilitatis inferre" (537), ibid., p. 366. It is regularly used in this sense in the Lex romana curialis (MGH., Leg., vol. v); "Quicumque homo de res puplicas, unde fiscus exit, aut villam aut qualecumque terra comparare voluerit, non potest ipsam facultatem emere sine tributum aut sine censum, quod de ipsa terra exit," iii, 1; "si quis homo qualecumque rem fescalem per annos v inter presentes sine omne censu reddito sine omne inquietudine possederit, liceat ei si ipsas res sine ^sco possidere," iv, 12; "illi, qui fiscum regis exigunt, tales esse debent, ut per sua negligencia de ipso fisco minus non exigant, nisi quod iustum est, nee plus exigere non presumant, nisi quod iustum est," x, 61; "si quis homo de facultatem suam, quam habet, si forsitan exinde aut fiscum aut alium FEUDUM 183 yearly rent," ^ and, because it was a specific sum paid by the emphyteute, it was understood as fixum ^ and popularised in Italy as fictum. This confusion is based on the technical expression "aid fixum canonem," which in the fourth century was used of the yearly dues to the fiscus.^ What formerly was paid ad fiscum soon was rendered ad fictum, ''according to a settled agreement." But there is still another word which has entered into this group and has aided in further chang- ing fictum to fioto. What was annually paid to the fiscus is in itself a kind of emphyteusis, hence we hear in the seventh century of possession " enfeteuticario modo,"^ and in the ninth century the emphyteutic contract is known simply as emphitecarius, fiotecarius,^ and the formula " enfiteuticario publicum aut laboratum a parente reddere debet," xi, 1; "curiales, qui fiscum aut publicum actum exigent, non occulto eos eligantur, sed ad eleccionem multorum bonorum hominum," xii, 2, 1; "si aliquis homo in causa publica occupatus fuerit et non fuerit ad presente, quando fiscics exigitur," xii, 2, 2; "nee fiscus, nee tributus exinde non exeat," xvii, 10; "si quis homo ad alterum hominem aut de^sco aut alico alium debitum debet," x, 8; "quicumque homo terra habuerit, unde fiscum solvere debeat, si ipsum censum dare non potuerit, ille exactor, qui ipsum fiscum tollere debet, ipsa terra unde ipse census exire debet, vindat," xi, 3, 1. 1 "Et de vico Varonaces exigitur fiscum in mense septembrio, sol. iii et denar. iiii" (650), Troya, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 493; "fisco vel censo" (814), HPM., Cod. Langob., col. 170. 2 " Affixam pensionem reputantes prestande" (844), Fantuzzi, op. cit., vol. I, p. 86. ' "Ut habeat ipse Johannes ad fictum sub censu reddendo libellario nomine usque ad annos viginti," MGH., Leges, vol. iv, p. 596; "persolvat exinde singu- lis annis censum . . . afictuo per tempus quadragesime " (848), Cod. Langob., col. 284; "reddunt ad fictum in argento" (905), ibid., col. 706. * "Enfeteuticario modo postulastis largiri si minime cuiquam a vobis per enfetus sunt largita vobis," Marini, / pap. dipt., p. 199. ' "Ad scribendos libellos et fidecarios" (891), L. Schiaparelli, / diplomidi Guido e di Lamberto, p. 30; "ad scribendos libellos et fiothecarios" (898), ibid., p. 98; "libellorum et quarumcumque legalium cartarum conscriptionibus seu ^oi/iecams vel emphiteosi " (900), L. SchiapareWi, I diplomi italiani di Lodovico III e di Rodolfo II, Roma 1910, p. 13; "per libellum aut emphiteosin veXfiothe- caria," ibid., p. 14; " conscriptiones et emphitecarios" (898), L. Schiaparelli, / diplomi di Berengario I, p. 73; libellos et fiotecarios" ibid., p. 74; "libellorum et quarumcumque legalium cartarum conscriptionibus et phiotecariis vel emphiteosi" (894), ibid., p. 43; "per emphiteoticariam," ibid., p. 44. 184 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS modo largiri," which was still in use in Ravenna in the tenth century,^ shows that in it lay the germ of the feudal system. But that this ad fictum is identical with ad fiscum is shown by the use of fictus in the sense of ''treasury/' where the Carolingian formula uses the stereotyped "quod fiscus noster recipere aut sperare potuit." ^ In France we get, from the ninth century on, feus, fevus for "fiscus, fiscal property, emphyteutic land," that is, for the current meanings of fictus in Italy. That these words are semantically the same as fiscus is proved, not only by the stipulatio duplae "componat . . . una cum feudo," ^ where generally stands "componat una cum^isco," ^ and the use of a feo ^ where the Italian documents have ad fictum, but also by the specific equation "fisco, id est fiodo," ^ and the arbi- trary interchange oi fevus smd fiscus in the same region.^ It can be easily shown that this feus has arisen directly from fiscus, but to do so we must first investigate a formula which was employed in payments to express the legal value of money. 1 " Emfiteuticario modo postulamus largiri" (943), Fantuzzi, op. cit., vol. IV, p. 174. 2 "Quod^dus eorum reciperet aut sperare potuerit tarn de carris quam de sagmatibus siue de nauali remigio" (845), HPM., Chartae, vol. i, col. 42. 3 H. Doniol, Cartulaire de Brioude, Clermont Fd., Paris 1863, p. 32 (944?). * "Inferat vobis una cum ^sco," ibid., p. 107. ^ "Cujus eratfeuz" (956), Devic and Vaissete, op. cit., vol. v, col. 225; "illo alode de Limanico, quod Grimaldus habet a feo" (961), ibid., col. 241/.; "ipsaa vineas, quod Pontius de Tezano tenet a feo" (990), ibid., col. 317; "non possint vindere, nee alienare, nee bescamiare, nee adfevum dare" (1025), ibid., col. 380. * "Locis illis tantum exceptis quae in ^sco, id est infiodo noscuntur haberi" (1097), H. Goffinet, Cartulaire de I'abbaye d'Orval, Bruxelles 1879, p. 4. ' Thus, e. g., in Vendome (Ch. Metais, Cartulaire de I'abbaye cardinale de la Trinite de Venddme, Paris 1893, vol. 1) : "Est quidem ^scms iste, sicut supradic- tus miles tenebat eo tempore" (1037), p. 29; "de cujus tenebat /isco " (1040), p. 49; "juxta legem fisci comitis Gausfredi" (1049), p. 146; "ea ratione in fiscum dedit" (1049), p. 150; "qui illas in fiscum tenebant" (1062), p. 367; "donatum in fevum" (1040), p. 97; " Salomon /euttTO suum . . . ab illo accepit sibi" (1046), p. 117; "tulit ei Salomon suum fevum, quod ab eo tenebat" (1046), p. 119; "alodium quod tenebat ab eo in fevum" (1057), p. 206; "de/ei'o Archem- baldi prepositi" (1062), p. 265; "tenendam in fevum" (1070), p. 358; "qui de ipso fevum tenebant" (1080), p. 446. FEUDUM 185 In the first century before Christ we hear in Rome of ex ohrussa as an expression for gold proved pure by assaying.^ Ingots of gold and coins were stamped with OB or OBR for aurum obrussum, obryzu7n, obraetium,'^ as a guarantee of their purity, and not only the Merovingians thus stamped their coins, but the Arabs also used ohriz for such purposes. The origin of the word seems shrouded in darkness, but can easily be explained. In Assyrian garapu is *'to purify," garpu ''silver, money," gurrwpu "assayed, pure," but the origin of this group is in itself not clear. We find the group in all the Semitic languages, Heb. garaf "to purify metals," Aram, gdrdfa "melting pot," Syr. grifd "assayed, pure," grafd "melting oven," Arab, garf "full valued," girf "pure," and in Sanskrit we have a popularly transformed word from it, jdtarupa "shining, gold," as though it were jdta + rupa "born form." The Coptic crop, zlof "incense pot, oven," which seems to go back to a late Egyptian Varoba "a kind of a vessel," is apparently not to be separated from the As- syrian words. It is to be assumed that the Assyrian garpu "silver" has reached the West through the Syrian or Hebrew and has produced Slavic sirebro, Gothic silubr, Lithuanian sidabras "silver." Even as the Babylonian mina bore the Aramaic inscription mna melk "the King's mina" for the benefit of the Western trade, so the ingots must also have contained an Aramaic gurpu, gurrupu "pure," which, being written backwards by the Romans, because of their reading it from left to right produced obrus, obrussa. One is led to this assumption, because some coins bear the inscription BO for OB, showing that the writing was either from left to right or from right to left,^ and because the forms isibro, sebro, idibro * Ch. Daremberg and E. Saglio, Dictionnaire des antiquiies grecques et romaines, sub obryzum. 2 Sylloge epigraphica orbis romani, vol. ii, N° 1574. ' "BO ist sicherlich nur die Umkehrung von CONOB," Luschin von Eben- greuth, Der Denar der Lex Salica, in Sitzungsberichte der k. Akademie der Wis- senschaften in Wien 1911, p. 35 ff. 186 COMMENTARY TO THE GERMANIC LAWS at Nonantola in the eighth century/ although unquestion- ably developed from ex obrussa, ex sohrussa, as already re- corded in Petronius, point to a possible contamination with the inverted form. The Germanic and Slavic words for silver, instead of being derived from Syrian or Hebrew, as as- sumed by me before, may not be older than the Nonantola forms, hence may have entered into those languages at a comparatively late date. However this may be, only the fate of ohrussa is of im- portance for our present purpose. Matthew xxvii, 9, is based on Zechariah xi, 12, 13, where there is reference to thirty pieces of silver thrown into the melting pot to test their purity,^ but the text has been changed to " Kal eka^ov TO. TpiOLKovTa dpyvpta, ttju TLfxrju tov TeTLjxrjjxepov," in Latin to *'et acceperunt triginta argenteos pretium appre- tiati." The commentators have wasted much paper on this pretium appretiati, without even distantly comprehending its meaning. The passage in Zechariah was written, say, in the third century B.C., when the purity was still assayed, while the author who quoted it in the Gospel wrote about the year 100 a.d., when the stamp guaranteed such purity. At that time the Roman formulae of sale and fine not only men- tioned the price (pretium, tl/xt]), but specifically referred to the legal purity of the coin (probi, dominici, augusti, ;)(pv(Ttov Kadapovf apyvpiov eTncnjixov) tendered in payment.^ But ^ "Auri optimi del sebro" (752), G. Tiraboschi, Storia deW augusta hadia di S. Silvestro di Nonantola, Modena, 1785, vol. ii, p. 17; "auri optimi isibro" (752), ibid., p. 19; " auri idibre" (800), ibid., p. 33. 2 I follow the Septuagint for Zechariah, because, in spite of the New Testa- ment and its commentators, the Hebrew text is hopelessly corrupt. The very questionable ~i^V has been rendered by "ager figuli, potter's field" (or "aera- rium," if it is read ~)^^) in the New Testament. But the Septuagint has a sensi- ble text, which shows that its Hebrew original did not have "l!JV but Fin'''^. In the Aramaic script it is very easy to mistake ^ for '^^, and apparently the final 5 has disappeared. The "ager figuli," then, rests on a blunder. ' "Pretium ejus denarios dc accepisse et habere se dixit" (142), P. F. Girard, Texles dc droit romain, 4e ed., Paris 1913, pp. 844, 846, 847; "eosquc FEUDUM 187 the use of ohryzum at Rome, just like the formula of sale of the sixth century "pretium placitum et definitum . . . auri solidos dominicos ohriziatos," ^ shows that an abbreviated form pretium appretiati must have existed from the start, even as we find ''ad pretium placitum et deffinitum auri soli- dos appretiatos'' in a document at Farfa in 716. In this latter document appretiati has the general meaning of ''full value" and refers also to olive trees. ^ In Tifxrjv TeTLjxrjixevov of the New Testament we have merely a translation of the popular Latin pretium appretiati, and the clause "reticulum aureum ex ohrussa" used by Petronius shows that obryziatum, hence also appretiatum, must have been popular at an early time, and the popular etymology which changed obryziatum to appretiatum produced the verb appretiare "to appraise." denarios ducentos, probos, recte numerates accepisse" (166), ibid., p. 848; "accepit pro libertate ejus . . . drachmas augustas (8pa;(/xas crcySaa-ras) dua miWia, ducentas" (221), ibid., p. 849; "Ttixrj<; Trj<; , 185. OHG. mdlon (contend), 75. LLat. obriziatum, 187. OHG. malon (paint), 75. Lat. obrussa, obryza, 185, 186, 187, CGoth. malthan, 75. 189. LTia.t. manire, 72, 73. Ger. ohmd, omd, etc., 131. OHG. marahworfin, 67. LLat. omallare, 71. Sem.-E g.marka buthah, 152. Grk. HfjiiXos, 74. OHG. mast, 133. Grk. 6fj.o\oyeT, 55. MHG. mat, 131. Grk. ofJLoXoyla, 55. Goth. mathl, 75. Grk. 6fxo\oyT]TTjs, 75. Goth. mathljan, 75. ON. pnna, 181. AS. meZel, 75. Prov. orboulhou, 124. LLat. medicus, 70. LLat. ostagium, 20. LLat. medius, 70. LLat. ostaticum, 20. Fr. mefaire, 162. OHG. ostertuldi, 47. MLG. meinasme, 181. Fr. dto^e, 20. Goth. Tnei, 75. AS. meW, 75. Sum. Par, 177. OHG. melda, 75. Ass. paradu, 142. JSpan. meldar, 76. LLat. par angaria, 152. AS. meldian, 75. LLat. pamto, 143. 152. OHG. meldon, 75. LLat. paraveredus, 142, 143, 144, Goth. meljan, 75. 152. MLG. menasle, 181. LLat. parlacium, etc., 96. Fr. meprendre, 162. LLat. parlamentum, 96. Span. mesta, 133. LLat. parlare, 96. OHG. mesti, 133. Aram. parvila, 95. LLat., etc. mis-, 161, 162. LLat. pasnagium, 133. LLat. misfactor, 162. OPrus. pausto, 103. LLat. misfactum, 160, 161, 162, Lat. pecM, 189, 190. 163. Lat. peculium, 190. LLat. missa, 161. T,a,t. pecunia, 190. Goth. missadeths, 162, 163. pefc-, pafc-, 190. Goth. missataujands, 162. MGrk. TrepiavKiov, 92. LLat. missus, 160. MGrk. nepi^oXrji, 93. Lat. mixta, 133. MGrk. 'n-epil36\iov, etc., 92, 93. Slav. modi-, mold-, mol-, 75. Grk. nepifioXos, 92, 93, 95, 96, 97, OSlav. mogyla, 74. 98. Copt. mologites, 57. LLat. peribulus, 92. Russ. molvit', 76. LLat. perilasium, 94, 95, 96. LLat. mudiscapis, 126. LLat. perivolium, 93. Heb. Pl"l*i». 185. LLat. perlagium, etc., 95. LLat. perlascium, etc., 95. ON. NauZsyn, 170. OHG. phlekan, etc., 48. AS. rada, 190. OHG. p/iZic/ii, 48. WORD INDEX 209 ON. plaga, 48. Prov. rehouihre, etc., 129. LLat. plagiare, 47, 48. Bulg. red, 153. LLat. plagiator, 47. Lat. reda, 151, 152, 156 LLat. plebium, plevium, 48. Lith. redas, 153. ON. plega, 48. Grk. yST/, etc., 151. AS. plegan, etc., 48. Lett. redit, 153. OHG. plegan, 48. OBulg. redu, 153. LLat. plegium, 47, 48. LLat. redus, 151. Fr. pleige, 48. Fr. regain, 128, 129. OSlav. plensati, 48. Fr. (d) regamer, 129. AS. pleo, etc., 48. Fr. (d) regouiver, 129. Boh. plesati, 48. Fr. (d) reguin, etc., 129. OFr. Prov. 'plevir, 48. | Olr. reid, 153. AS. pliht, 48. OHG. reita, etc., 152. AS. plihtan, 48. Fr. (d) rekwa, etc., 130. Goth. plinsjan, 48. Prov. relubre, 129. LLat. portgrevius, 2L Slav. renc?-, 153. Balt.-Slav. post-, pust-, 103. Prov. reprin, 130. Lith. qiods, 103. LLat. resagire, 17. LLat. pratolaseum, 95. Prov. retoi^Ze, 130. LLat. prendere, 3. Span. retoZZo, 130. LLat. preso, 82, 83. Span. retono, 130. Lith. preskas, 107. Prov. revieure, 129. Slav. pres'n, 107. Fr. (d) revouivre, 129. LLat. presura, 78, 79, 80, 82. Fr. (d) rewain, etc., 130. Lat. proculcator, 40. Olr. riadaim, 153. LLat. proprisum, 80, 82. ON. ntio, 153. PW^-, TTVK-, 57. AS. Tidan, 1.53. Lat. pugillar, 57. AS. ntida, 153. Grk. TTVKTIOV, TT^KIOV, 57. Lett. ri(^M, 153. Ass. pundu, 142. Lett. nnda, 153. OSlav. pusto, 103. Lith. rinda, 153. OSlav. pustiti, 103. Lett. ns<, 153. OSlav. pustyna, pustynja, 103. OHG. r^ton, eZc, 152. OBret. roed, 153. LLat. Quadriscapis, 127. Eng. roughings, 129. Fr. quais, 100. Prov. rouihra, etc., 129. QFA^-, 177. Eng. rowen, 129. QF/2-, 177. Prov. rum, 124. OWel. rmd, 153. AS. ftad, 152. Pol. -r2ad, 153. AS. rdd, 152. Slav. rarf-, 153. Span. Port. Saca, 13. ON. rdSa, 153. Span. sacar, 12. Pol. rarfa, 153. LLat. sacare, 12, 13. AS. raed, 153. Fr. saccager, 14. AS. rdedan, 153. Ital. saccardo, 14. Goth. raidjan, 152. Ital. sacchegiare, 14. OHG. rdton, 153. LLat. saccomannus, etc.. 13, 14, 15. 210 WORD INDEX LLat. saccum, 14. OHG. sculdan, 50. LLat. sacibaro, etc., 12, 14, 15 LLat. sculdasius, 44. LLat. sacire, 4, 17. OHG. sculdhaizo, etc., 50. sag-, 15. LLat. sculdhoris, 44. LLat. sagemannus, 14. OHG. sculdon, 50. LLat. sagio, 10, 13. OHG. sculinge, 43. LLat. sagire, 17, 20. LLat. scutarius, 44, 45, 49. Olr. saig-, 15. Lat. scutum, 43, 49. LLat. saio, 10, 13, 24, 25, 45. AS. scyZd (shield), 49. LLat. saisire, etc., 15, 16. AS. scyld (sin), 50. MGrk. ffdKa, 13. LLat. sebrum, 185. Lith. sakiti, 15. Eng. seisin, 16. Finn. sakka, 15. LLat. seisiscere, 15, 16. Goth. salithwos, 60. LLat. semor, 31, 32, 34. Goth. saljan, 60. LLat. senium, 173. Arab. sdqah, 13. Lith. sidabras, 185. LLat. sasire, saxire, 17. Goth. silubr, 185. LLat. satiare, 3. LLat. siniscalcus, etc., 33, 34 LLat. saziare, 3. OSlav. ^rebro, 185. LLat. sazina, 4. LLat. sisti, 3. Ital. sbrocco, etc., 124. MGrk. (TKoXa, 100. Ital. (d) scd, 101. MGrk. (TKaXiaTtKOj', 101. Lat. scala, 100, 101. OHG. s/ca^^, 189, 190. LLat. scalalicum, etc., 100, 102. Goth. s/caiis, 189. LLat. scalcus, 32, 34, 35. Lith. skeliu, 51. Span. scaliar, 100. Lith. skilau, 51. LLat. scaliare, 84. Goth. skildus, 49. LLat. scalidare, 83. ON. skjoldr, 49. Span. scalio, 100. Norw. skjula, 43. LLat. scancia, 32, 33. Dan. skjule, 43. LLat. scare, 101. Lith. sfcoZa, 51. LLat. scaria, etc., 101, OSlav. skotu, 189. LLat. scavagium, 102. MGrk. CTKOvXKa, ffKOvXra, 40. OHG. scazwurf, 190. MGrk. (TKOfXKtiJetj', 40. AS. sceavian, 102. MGrk. crKovrdpios, 49. LLat. scharum, 101. MGrk. o-koOto;', 49. Lat. scAok, 33, 38. sA;m-, 49. Lat. scholaris, 34, 44. Goth. sA;«?, skuld, 47. MLG. schiUen, 43. Goth. skula, 50. LLat. schuUarius, etc., 44, 45. Swed. skula, 43. Olr. sciath, 49. Goth. skulan, 50. OHG. SCT7i, 49. Goth. skuldo, 50. OBret. scoi<, 49. Goth. skulds, 50. Lat. scopa, 122. Eng. sfcuZA;, 43. Eng. scowZ, 43. Norw. skulka, 43. OWel. scut7, 49. Dan. skulke, 43. LLat. scnlca, sculia, 40, 43, 45, 50. Norw. skidma, etc., 43. OHG. sculd, 49. Alb. s/c'wi, ete., 49. LLat. sculdais, etc., 44. Lith. s/cyZa, 51. WORD INDEX 211 ON. skyla, 43. Goth. teihan, 171, 172. Swed. skyla, 43. OFr. tenis, 168. LLat. sociare, 2, 3. LLat. tenuis, 167. Russ. socit', 15. AS. tion, 171. MDut. soene, 170. LLat. tesire, etc., 20. Dut. soenen, 170. LLat. testibusonis, etc., 171. Fr. soin, 170. Finn. teudnar, 38. Slav. sok-, 15. AS. thegn, etc., 38. LLat. solatium, 28, 29, 42. ON. thegn, 38. LLat. solisacire, 41. Goth. theihan, 36. LLat. solsadium, 42. AS. thenian, 38. LLat. solsatire, 41. AS. <^on, 36. OFr. sona, 170. AS. theowe, etc., 37. OHG. sona, 170. Goth. thewisa, 37. Norw. sone, 170. AS. Tnology, 57. See hom- ologus. Buscus, (boscus) in France replaces bustum (arbustum) of Spanish doc- uments, 120, — passes into Italy in post-CaroIingian time, 113, — bos- cus viridis, building timber, dis- tinguished from boscus siccus, dead wood, faggot, 120-1, — dead wood to be sought with wooden hooks, 121- 2, — whence LLat. buscare. Span. buscar = "seek," 121, 124, — use of faggots develops idea of Fr. hrHler, 122, — relation of ideas of "bush" and "noise," 104, 106, 124, — study of derivatives, 121-4, — spread of derivatives from France to Italy (XII cent.) 124. Bust-, brust-, (arbustum) in Basque and Romance, 120-4. Bustalizia, in Navarre the enclosure of the common pasture in the forest, 117, — laid out by hammerthrow — 117-8. Bustum, see arbustum. Caduca mortuorum bona, estates of condemned criminals or persons dying without heirs, 82, — in Span- ish law (VIII cent.) de succo mor- tuorum, 79, 82. Cassiodorus, 10, 11, 21, 25, 142, 148, 150, 167, 176. Celtic etymologies refuted, 142 {vere- dus) 152, (reda). Centenarius, inferior to tunginus, 23, — ihiufadus, 30, — sciddais, 44, — identical with trustis, 27. Charlemagne calls Alcuin to France to combat Adoptionist heresy, 1, — decrees homilies be written in native tongue, Ixi, — grants lands by aprision to Spanish refugees, 77, — uses brogilus = lucus, in Capitu- lare De Villis, 93. Charles the Bald permits Spanish col- onists in S. France to preserve local customs, 77. Cherokee laws compared with Bur- gundian, xxvii-ix, — Salic laws, xxviii. Chrysographic art in Carolingian times, xxxix-xli. Codex Argenteus, see palaeography. Codex Brixianus, x.xxviii-xl. Codex Carolinus, see palaeography. Codex Vaticanus 5750, see palaeog- raphy. Confiscation, 3-17, 28-30, 131, — Roman formulas, (1) sociare, 1, 2, — corruption of same in Germanic 216 SUJBECT INDEX laws and medieval documents, (so- cio fisco) 2-4, 10, 12, — (2) inferre, 4-10, — estates of condemned criminals, 82, 157, — abandoned land (vacuus et inanis) 131, — in medieval times executed by im- minens, 25, — sacibaro, 14-15, — sagio, 11, 12, 27, 45, — sculdais, 44- 5, — thiufadus, 29, 30, — trustis, 27-S, — tunginus, 22, 26, 45,— wittiscalcus, 33-4. Corvie (warcinium) due from free serfs, 58. Criminal procedure in Germanic law derived from edicts of Theodosian Code, 49. Cyril, see Skeireins. Debt (legal sense), in Celtic, Germanic and Slavic, due to contact with Roman law, 47-9, — all words in European languages "debt, guilt, pledge," derived from Latin, 49. See dulg-, pleg-, skuld-. Decanus, synonym of tunginus in Pithoean glosses, 23, — confused with ducena, 38. See etymology. Devotus, in Theodosian Code, of a sol- dier who paid his taxes promptly, 11, — in Roman law, honorific title of executive ofiicers, 11, 30-1, 34-5. See etymology, thiufadus. Distrain, from legal formula, dis- tringente fisco, 27. Distress, in Roman law, 42-3, — in Frankish law, 23-4, 26, 41-3,— Frankish formulas, 27, 40-2, — these corrupted from Roman, 23, — in Irish law borrowed from Frankish, 42. See alsaccia, solem collocare. Divisa (divisa inmonte) = "pasture," in common land between villages, 138, 140, — older than vetatum in Spain, 136, 139, — passes from Spain to N. Italy, 137-8, — first in Italy in a Carolingian document of 783, 137, — word corrupted from (pezia) de vitis, 139, — subsequent corruptions, (devesa, defensa, de- hesa, defay), 139-41. Donations, record prescribed by Roman law, 192, — Roman for- mula, 192-3, 195, — wills recorded as such in Gothic law, 193-4. See alode. Ducena, oflBce of ducenarius, 22. Ducenarius (Roman) judge in minor cases, introduced by Augustus, 22, — could not summon debtor with- out warrant, 23. See tunginus. Didg-(LLat. dulgere) (1) = "debt," in Celtic , 45, — in Slavic, 45, 51, — in Gothic, 45, 47, — not else- where in Germanic, 47, — ( 2 ) = " festival," in Germanic, Baltic, Slavic, 47, — (3) = "assault, wound, strike," in Germanic, and Slavic from OHG., 47. See skuld-. Dulgere, synonym of indulgere in eighth century, 45. See etymology, indulgere. Edictum Theoderici, 47, 68 -9, 71, 194. Emphyteutic contract, in Italy (IX cent.) emphitecarius,fiotecarius, 183, — contains germs of feudal system, 184, — requires holders of vine- yards to keep up and improve es- tate, 111, — mention of swine tithe, 107. Etymology of derivatives of allegatum, 192, — arbustum, 118-124, — ga- rapu, 185-6, 189, — cohortis, 65, — decanus, 38-9, — devotus, 31, 35, 37-9, — dulgere, 45, 47, 51, — excoctum, 189, — extrudere, 28-9, 37, — factio, 158, 164, — fiscus, — 188-90, — foris, 160, 162-3, — gaium, 90-1, 97, 99, 100,— genius, 128-33, 174-5, 177-81, — gerere, 61-4, — gravitas, 21, — ■ hariba, 65-7, — homologus, 69-72, 74-5, — hostis, 20, — idoneus, 165, 168-72, — ingenium, 179-80, — missus, 160-62, — mixta, 133, — biio\oyt]Tr)s, 75, — irepl^oXos, 92, 93— 7, — plagiare, 48, — pug-, irwc-, SUBJECT INDEX 217 57, — QVR; QVN-, 177-8, — reda, 151-4, — scala, 100-1, — schola, 33- 5, — sculca, 43, 45, 47, 50-1, — scutum, 43-5, 49-50, — squalidus (gualdus) 88, 98-9, —socio, 3, 12-15, 20, 27, — tunginus, 26-7, 36-7, — vasaria, 57-60, — vasta, 103-8, \2Q, — veredus, 145, 151-3, 155-6, — vigilia, 40, 50-1, — vitatum, 116, — vitis, 125-8, 131^, 136, 139-41, Exculeator (exculcator, excultator) Brit- ish scouts in Notitia Dignitatum, 40, — shorter form culeator shown by Wei. gwyliadur, derived from Lat. vigilia, 40. F actio, in Roman law "treason" 157, — in AS. law, 158, — identity of f actio and faida (AS. faehSe) 158- 60. See etymology. Fagia, etc., derivation from gafagium, 89. Faida (1) OHG. faida, from Lat. fac- tum, 160, (cf. Salic faido, 156, 160) (2) LLat. faida, from f actio, 159. Faihu (Goth.) from OFr. feu = fiscus, property, 189-90, — not from Lat. pecu "cattle," since "property" is an older significance than "cattle," 189-90. Ferquidum, irregular spelling, 7, — no definite meaning and misunder- stood, 5, 6, — first used in docu- ment of 739 {in ferquide loco), 5, — probable origin, 10, — reference to a special fine in Langobard laws, 4, — in Langobard documents always in connection with stipulatio dup- lae, 7, — originally meant a double fine, 5, 7. Fiscus, in sixth century, "tribute," anything from which revenue is de- rived, 182, — a fixed yearly rent paid by the emphyteute, 183, — word corrupted successively in Italy to fixum, fictum, fiotum (under influence of enfeteuticarius) 183, — in France to fescus,fis, feus, feo, etc., 184, 188-90, — by misinterpretation of legal formula fiscum pretiatum, 188. See etymology. Folk-etymology, — appretiatum, 187, — atone, 168, — huccellarius, 53, — defensa, 139, — divisa, 139, — fic- tum, 183, — fixum, 183, — grum,- met, 131, — homolegius, 76, — ■ roughings, 129, vetatum, 139. Forest, idea develops comparatively late, 98, — not in Gothic, 98, — swine-pasture, 107-8, 133, — pas- ture-tax, 107-8, 113, 116, — right of cutting timber and firewood, 120. See gainm, gualdus, wald. Forestis, (Frankish) first recorded in 556, of fisheries, 104, — derivation from vasta, 104, 126, — sense of "forest" acquired, 104, — word passes from OHG. to Slavic, Mag- yar and Roumanian, 104, — de- velopments in Romance, 105-6, — replaced after 776 by gualdus in German documents, 104. Foris-, in Merovingian documents re- places ex-, 16, 162, — shortened to for-, 163, — ultimately Ger. ver-, 163. See etymology. Frast- > frasc-, discussed, 105-6. Friskinga, in St. Gall documents cor- responds to swine tithe of Lucca, 107-8, — in OHG. = victima, hos- tia, 108, — yearling pig, paid as tithe, 108, — name derived from frisca = "waste land," 108, — sense of "fresh" secondary in Ro- mance and German, 108. Ga- initial, understood as prefix ga-, 60, 89, 99, 181. Gain (rowen, 128) in sixteenth cen- tury altered to regain, 129, — study of dialectic forms, 129-31, — (1) gaim, waim, in Provence, 129, — passes to Italian (gomereccio) 130, — German {Emde, etc.) 131, — (2) regain, in dialects north of Bor- deaux-Chalons' line, 130, — (3) re- wain, in dialects south of Belgium, 130, — passing into Provengal 218 SUBJECT INDEX forms, 129-30, — English rowen from Norman revouin, 129. See genius, rowen. Gar-, war-, confused with gard-, ward-, in Germanic and Slavic, 64-5. Gardingus, see guardia. Garens (gerens) first at Toulouse in tenth century, 61-2, — due to Arabic influence, 62, 65, — passes into Romance, 63-4, — and Ger- manic, 63-4. Qqq etymology — gerere. Gaium, replaces gualdus = "forest" in Italy, 87, — word corrupted in Langobard laws, {gaium, gaaium, gahaium, gahagium, gafagium) 87, 97, 100, — not ownerless wilderness, but enclosed common, 87, — word unknown in Spain, 102, — passes into Slavic, 90. See etymology. Gaulish gloss, "caio breialo siue bi- gardio" investigated, 91, 92, 97, — not older than seventh century, 97. Genius, = "good intention, honor," etc., (Cassiodorus, Gregory,) 176- 7, — in fifth and sixth centuries generally = ydvos, 178, — influ- ence of Greek on form of word, giv- ing gano, gain, etc., 178-80, — passes in Germanic into gwin-, win-, 181. See etymology. Germanic laws derived from literal interpretation of legal formulas, 5. Gothic Bible not translated by Ulfilas, xxxiii-vi, — not known to Gothic wTiters of sixth and seventh cen- turies, xxxiv-v, — mentioned by Walafrid Strabo in ninth century as work of learned Goths, xxxv, — done in France about 800, Ixi, 162. See palaeography, Skeireins. Gothic language influenced by French, 67, 156, 189, — mentioned by Wala- frid Strabo, xxxv, — spoken in Spain till 1091, xxx\'ii, — sentences in Salzburg-Vienna Alcuin MS., xxx\-i. Goths in eighth century settled in S. W. France, xlii, 67. Grafio (Frankish) 21-2, 24, — chief judge, 21, 24, — later identified with comes, 21-2, — name from Lat. gra vitas, 21. Gravitas, honorific title of various state officials (Theodosian Code, Cassiodorus, early Ostrogothic docu- ments), 21. See etymology. Gualdus, (Italian) synonyms, terra, publica, Curtis, pascua publica, gaium, 87, — abandoned land re- verted to state, 84, 86, — under same conditions as Spanish ex squalido, 86, — original sense, • = " dominium," 85, 98, — whence derivatives in Balto-Slavic, Celtic, Germanic, 98-9, — in Balto-Slavic before seventh century, 99, — in sense of "wilderness," in Celtic and Germanic, 99, — word unknown in Spain, 98, 102, — in Frankish docu- ments only after Charlemagne's Italian campaign, 98, 104, — sense of "forest" through Langobard in- fluence, 98. See etymology, wold. Guardia, etymologically and seman- tically = "militia cortalis, home guard," 65, — whence gardingus (Visigothic) officer of home guard, etc., 64. Gurpire, first in Carolingian document of 794, 65, — borrowed from Arabic, 65-6, — meaning (1) "abandon," the original sense, 65-6, — whence OFr. gurpir, etc., (2) "throw" (Salic, warpi te, Goth, wairpan) ac- quired by association with Salic ceremony of cession by cast of fes- tuca, 66-7. See etymology (hariba), warpi te, werpicio. Hammerthrow, alleged to be Germanic, 117, — shown by identical Navar- rese custom to be derived from Roman measurement by decem- peda pertica, 118. Highway tax, (Roman) of two kinds, (1) veredi, fast horses, (2) paraveredi, draught horses, 142, 152. SUBJECT INDEX 219 Hincmar, see Skeireins. Homologare, of Christian profession, transferred from legal formula, 61, — produces feudal terms homo- legius, etc., 76. Homologia, see 6/jLoXoyia. Homologus, a free man under contract (homologia, 6/ju)\oyla) to serve a patron in return for certain ad- vantages, 55-6, — originally a ten- ant farmer, 54, — in the West called libellarius, 56-7, vassus, vassallus, 57, 59-61, warcinus (Langobard) 58-9, — gasindus (Gothic, Mero- vingian, Langobard) 59, 60 (of Goth, gasintha), — gasalianus (Visi- gothic) 59, 60, — also a private re- tainer (buccellarius) 52-3, — duty of homologus as legal representative of his patron, 61, 67, 69, 70, — equivalent to agens, 61, 67, 71. See agens, buccellarius, etymology, mal- lus, ofioXoyla. Hospes, of billeted soldiers, etc., 18, — hence " surety, warrantee, hos- tage," 19, — replaced by hostis, 19, 20, — through influence of hosta- ticum, misinterpreted as = hospita- licum, in document of 904, 19. See etymology (hostis). Hospitale ins, Roman law governing billeting of soldiers and civil officers in private houses, 18, — whence medieval hospitium,, hospitaiicum, 18. Idoneus, in Roman and Visigothic law, a reliable witness, 165-7, — a docu- ment accepted as legal proof, 166, — legal excuse for defaulting a summons to court, 168-9. See etym,ology, sonia. Imminens, confiscator, from warrant "te imminente," 25. Indian parallels, — comparison of In- dians with Germans of Caesar and Tacitus, xxiv-v, treaty of 1828, United States furnished plain laws to the Cherokees, xxvi, cf. xxx, xxxii. — assimilation of White men's laws to conditions of Indian society, xxviii, — institutions unrelated to the past, xxviii-xxx, xli, — compari- son of light-horse to Burgundian ivit- tiscalci and Salic trustis, xxviii, simi- larity of Cherokee and Burgundian laws against sale of property to out- siders, xxvii, — of Indian and Ger- manic laws against destruction of fruit-bearing trees, xxxi, — Indians became American as Carolingian Franks became Roman, xxxii. Indulgentia, (Roman) remission of penalty for debts and minor crimes, 46-7, — often issued at Easter (for crimes) 46. Indulgere, formula of cession and in- dulgence, 45-6. See dulgere. Inferendum, in Italy and France a special tax, not included in an im- munity, 146, — influence of word on vereda (Jreda), 146. Inferre, Roman and Visigothic for- mula in payment of fines, 1, 7, 8, 145, — misunderstood in medieval doc- uments, 8-9, — especially in Span- ish-Portuguese period, 8-9. See ferquidujn. Ingenium {genium, etc.) after second century (Theodosian Code, Gre- gory, early documents) = " decep- tion, maJus dolus," 173-6, — rep- resented by forms in Romance, 173-9, and Celtic, 180. See ety- mology. Judex publicus (index fiscalis in Ribua- rian laws), superior judge in Frank- ish courts, 148, — replaced office of rector provinciae, 147, — sat in fiscal and criminal cases (Raetian law), 147, — collected fredum, 147-8, — forbidden to exact horses, but dis- regarded the law, 148. Justinian Code, 8, 154, 157. Land measurement in Middle Ages by Byzantine gromatic method, 88. 220 SUBJECT INDEX Langohard laws, xxxii, 4, 44, 67, 68, 135-6, 154, 158-60, 167, — relation to Visigothic laws, 135^. Leges Alamannorum, 60, 70, 72, 157, 169. Lex Cornelia de sicariis, 157, — copied in Lex Alamannorum de factiosis, 158, — closely followed in Lango- bard law de rnsiicanorum seditionem, 159, — extended in Ribuarian law, 162, — influence on Germans in France, 164. Lex Romana Raetica Curiensis, 33, 55, 72, 146-8, 166. Lihellarius, see homohgus. Libellus, see ofwXoyia. Loca absentium squalida, in Theodo- sian code, abandoned land, reverted to state, in Spanish law, terra de escalido, 79, 82. See squalidus. M alius, (conventus), a fictitious term, 75, — not in Lex Romana Raetica Curiensis, 72, — not in Frisian, Thvu-ingian or Saxon laws, 72, — not a Germanic court, 72, — a gen- eral term to express all actions with which summoning is connected, 73, — legal court of any judge, 73, — period of legal summons, 73, 75. Marcellus, see Skeireins. Matthew xxvii, 9, phrase pretium ap- pretiati discussed, 186-7, — deriva- tion of appretiare, appretiatum, from obryziatum by folk-etymology, 187. Medieval documents show Roman notarial attitude toward legal and social institutions, xxiv. Metathesis, farst- > frost-, 104, — g-m-l > m-g-l, 74, — h-m-l > m-h-l, 74, — vald- > vlad-, 99, — veredum > foderum, 155-6. Milan documents influenced by Spanish legal terms, 137-9. Mis-, replaces ex- in Carolingian times, 161, — adopted by Goths, 162, — derived from Latin missus, 160-1. See etymology (missus). Missa ("mass") from giving Euchar- ist at close of service, 161, — in Frankish law, a discharge from duty, cf. Latin missus, "discharged sol- dier," 160-1. Missadeths, (Goth.) a literal transla- tion of Frankish legal term, mis- factor, 162. Nexti canthichius, etc., (Salic) for- mula in summons of debtor before tunginus, 23-4, — wide variance of MS. readings, 24, — one intelligible word {instigante) 24, — evident cor- ruption of Latin formula, 25, — comparison with warrants in Ostro- gothic and Visigothic procedure, 25-6. Obrussa, of assayed gold, 185, — ab- breviated OB, OBR on coins, 185, — from Aram, qurrupu, read back- wards, 185. See etymology, (garapu) folk-etymology, Matthew xxvii, 9. 'Oixoiorifj.la, see Skeireins. 'Ofj-oLovcrla, see Skeireins. '0/xo\oyla, homologia, contract of the homologus, 55, — in West called libellus, 56-7, — penalties for breach of contract, 55-6, 59-60, — speci- men contracts, 55-6. Ostrogothic institutions of Roman ori- gin (Mommsen), 10. Palaeography, xxxvi-xliii, xlvi-viii, — Salzburg-Vienna MS. of Alcuin, xxxvi-xxxvii, — Codex Argenteus, xxxviii-xlii, — shown by decorations and calligraphy to be Carolingian, xxxix-xlii, — Codex Carolinus, writ- ten (TTixv^^v, xlii, superscribed text (eighth cent.) in same handwriting as Gothic, xliil, — Ambrosian Frag- ments, xliii, — Codex Vaticanus 5750 (Skeireins) xlvi-xlix, — super- scription in a Visigothic hand of eighth or ninth century, xlviii-ix. Patrocinium, relationship between patron and retainer (homologus). SUBJECT INDEX 221 of Roman origin, 53, — legislation against it, 54-5, — factor in per- version of justice, 55. Ilepl^oXos, perihulus, etc., any enclos- ure, 92, — garden, 93, — corrup- tions of the word, 93-6, — replaced in Italy by gualdus, gaium, 98. See brogilus, brolium, etymology. Perilasium (7r«pi/3oXos) in Liguria and W. Italy from Lucca to Salerno, 94, — not amphitheater, 94-5, — identical with brolium, 96. See brolium. Plagiare, in Edict of Theoderic, of en- ticing boys or slaves by solicitous actions, 48, — whence plegium (Edict of Theoderic, Visigothic laws, etc.) 48. See etymology , pleg-. Pleg-, (plegium, plagiare) in sense of (1) "solicitation" (Germanic), (2) "play" (Germanic, Slavic), (3) "pledge" (Romance) 48. Posts instituted by Persians (Herodo- tus) 142, 151, — Persian terms for various parts reach Rome via Egyp- to-Greek, 151-2. Presura, (Spanish) seizure of aban- doned land for cultivation, 77-83, — of three kinds, 79, 82-3, — iden- tical with Roman process, 78, 81-2, — Roman formula slavishly re- tained though corrupted, 82, — adopted by Carolingians under name of aprision, 77-8, — synonyms in Germanic laws, 80, 82. Preteropresent verbs in Germanic from Latin roots, daugan, skulan, 50. Public land, see ager occupatorius, caduca mortuorum bona, gualdus, gaium, rudis ager, squalidus, vacuus et inanis, vasta. Puer nosier, see wittiscalcus. Quovis genio, legal formula, = (1) "malus dolus," 173, — (2) "acqui- sition by war, increase, interest, etc.," 174, — in Provence produces guazanh, etc., (= "gain, autumn," etc.) 178, — spreads over Europe, 178,— inRomance, 179-80,— Celtic, 180, — Germanic, 181, (Goth, asans). See etymology (genius), gain, rowen. QVR- QVN-, (Eurasiatic) "fire," — illustrated in comparative lin- guistic, 177-8. R, introduced after a, 104, 126. Reda, the light car used by couriers, 151, — whence Celtic, Germanic, Slavic derivatives referring to post- roads, 152-3, — but in Gothic only in sense of "apparatus," 152, — also in Romance, 153-4 (Span, however, has correo =" post," 154). See etymology. Refugees from Spain after 778 hold land in S. France by aprision, 77. Ribuanan law, 22, 26, 29, 42, 69-70, 74, 148, 162 (extension of Lex Cor- nelia de sicariis). Rowen, intensive use proceeds from N. France, 130. See gain. Rudis ager (Roman) land uncultivated for ten years, 82, — in Spanish law, ruda silva, 77, 82. Sabellius, see Skeireins. Saccomannus, in Italy = "plunderer," 13, 14, — in Anglo-Saxon laws =■ " confiscator," 15, — word of Lango- bard origin, 14. Sacibaro {sagebaro), in Salic law, "puer regius," servant of king, 14, with rank of tunginus (cf. AS. sage- baro: gethungen) 14, — confiscator and accuser, 15. Sag-, originally = " confiscate," 15, — in this sense only in Romance, 15, — in Germanic, Celtic, Slavic, = "accuse," etc., hence "speak," 15, — not in Gothic, 15. Sagio, saio, (Gothic) servant of king or judge, confiscator, 11, 12, — in one law = buccellarius, 52, — al- ways a Goth (Cassiodorus), 10-11, — equivalent to Roman ageiis in rebus, 10, — has title devotio, 11, — warrant of saio, 24-5, — name from 222 SUBJECT INDEX misinterpretation of socio (fisco) 10, 12, 25. Salic Law, xxviii, 14, 22-8, 30, 35, 40, 41, 43, 66, 68, 70, 72-4, 160, 165-6, 170. Sdqah (Arabic < Greek o-dKa), body- guard (saiones) of Spanish Mowah- hids, 13, — in Arabic = " rear guard" (X cent.) 13. Scala, "quay," whence Span, cayo, Fr. quaie, 100. See etymology. Schola, bodyguard of Roman em- perors, orginally recruited from the Germans, 33. See etymology. Scholaris, member of the imperial bodyguard, 34, — equivalent to scutarius, 44, of two ranks, junior and senior, (cf. seniores Gothorum, 31-4, 38), 34, whence scalcus, skalks, etc., 34, and seniscalcus, (senior scholaris) 34. Sculca, mentioned by Gregory, 40, 43, — guarded prisoners under Roman law of distress, 43, 50, — whence Germanic derivatives, — (1) = "lie in wait," 43, — (2) = "protection" (confused with scutum), 43, — (3) = "guilt, debt," 49, 50. See ety- mology. Scutarius, member of the imperial bodyguard, 44, equivalent to scho- laris, 44, — history of the word (scutarius > scultarius > sculdarius > sculdharis > sculdhais > scul- dais, 44-5, 49. Seniscalcus, see scholaris. Silver, Germanic and Slavic words of Semitic origin, 185-6, — may have entered at a late date, 186. Skeircins, Gothic commentary on St. John, xliv, not an Arian polemic, xlv-vi, xlix, Iv, — a Catholic tract against Adoptionist heresy of Spanish Goths, xlix-liv, Ivii, — written after 801, Ixi, — ofioioTLfila, not o/jLOLovcria discussed, Iv, — argu- ment drawn from Alcuin's com- mentary on St. John, li, lii, Ivi- Ix, — ibns and galeiks {aequalis and similis) in Skeireins and Al- cuin, xlix-lv, (compare Kadibs, ac- cording to Cyril, liii, liv, — who is quoted in Skeireins, xlv, and as a good Catholic by Alcuin, Agobard, Hincmar, xlv, liii,) — Christ as jus- tice in Skeireins and Alcuin, Ivi-lvii, — doctrine of baptism in Skeireins and Alcuin, Iviii-lx, — Sabellius (with Marcellus) condemned in Skeireins, and (with Arius) in Alcuin and Hincmar, xlv, xlvi, — text in MS. erased by a Visigoth, xlvi. Skul-, skuld-, = " debt," in Gothic, 47, — Germanic, 50, — Lithuanian, 51, — not in Slavic, 51. Sociare, in formula of confiscation, (Theodosian Code, Visigothic and other Germanic laws, Merovingian edicts) 2-3, — after seventh cen- tury in form satiare, etc., 3. See etymology (socio). (Socio fisco, medieval formula of con- fiscation, 2-3, 25, — derivation from Roman formula (sociare) 2-3. Solem collocare, in Salic law, ceremony of sitting from morning to sunset for a period of days before taking a case to court, 40^3, — origin due to misunderstanding of Roman law of distress, 43, — influence on sense of LLat. collocare, Fr. coucher, etc., 43. Solskipt (Scandinavian) derived from Roman solis divisio, 118. Sonia, sunnis, (Salic) excusable de- fault of summons to court, 165-6, 171, word morphologically and semantically derived from idoneus (idoniare, adoniare, exoniare, soni- are) 165, 168-9. — existed in seventh (perhaps sixth) century, 169-171, — passes into French and Germanic, 170-1. See idoneus, tihtbysig. Sortes Sangallenses, 170. Squalidus (loca absentium squalida) abandoned land, reverted to state by Roman law, 82, — in Spanish law (VIII cent.) terra de escalido, SUBJECT INDEX 223 79, 82, 102, — in Italian law, gual- dus, galum, 28, 84-7, 89, later gaium, cagium, etc., 87-9. See etymology, gaium, gnaldus. Squalor, synonym of squalidus, 83, 100. 2,Tixv56v, see palaeography. Summons, by Roman and Visigothic law valid only in writing, 75. Sunja gateihan, (Gothic Bible) renders sonia nuntiare of Merovingian and Carolingian documents, 171. Swine tithe, for use of public domain and private forests as pastures, 106, 108, — levied on increase of herds, 107. See friskinga. Theodosian Code, xxxii, 1-2, 11, 21, 27- 8, 30, 36, 46, 54, 82, 102, 131, 142, 146-7, 183, — bases of Salic, Ribu- arian, Burgundian and Visigothic laws, xx-xii. Thiufadus {servus dominicus, com- pulsor exercitus) in Visigothic law as subordinate judge, equivalent to ducenarius, tunginus, 30, — con- fiscatoT, 29, — not = thusundifaths, 30, — but from Lat. devotus, 31, 35. Tihtbysig, (AS = "infamatus," first recorded 959, 171, — from testibus soniis {idoneis), formula for a seri- ous charge, demanding reliable witnesses, 171, — whence Engl. business, Fr. besoin, 171-2. See idoneus, sonia. Tong-, in Slavic preserves direct deri- vatives of "tunginus, exactor," 36. Trdst (trustis) retains sense "help, consolation," of solatium, synonym of trustis, 37. Trustis (Salic) corresponds to Roman centenarius, 27, — received half the fine for catching a thief, 27, — con- fiscator, 28, compared to Indian light-horse, xxviii, — word derived from Lat. extrudere, "confiscate," 28. See etymology (extrudere). Tunginus, (Salic) subordinate judge, 22-3, identical with ducenarius, 23, 36, — proceeds against debtors by distress, 23-4, 45, — can arrest only by warrant, 26, — later only confiscator, 22, 26, — in England called gethungen, 35, — not in Ribu- arian law, 26. See etymology. Vacuus et inanis, (Theodosian Code) abandoned property, subject to con- fiscation, 131. Vasta, in Roman law, the expression for monastic solitudes, 102, — passes into Celtic and Germanic, 103-4, — from OHG. to Balto- Slavic, 103. See etymology, forestis. Vedado, in Navarre since Visigothic times a pasture enclosed from mea- dow land, 116, — laid out by perch of the royal see, i.e., regio, 118. Veredus, (Roman) highway tax, orig- inally of horses (veredi, fast horses for posts) 142, — afterwards (1) money (in provinces), 142, 156, — this tax understood by Visigoths as for maintenance of peace and dignity, whence derivatives = "peace," "dignity," in Gothic (ON., AS., OFris., Wei., Lith., OPrus., OBulg.) 150-1, — word cor- rupted in France to fredum, fretum, etc., 145, — collected by index pub- licus, 147, 148, — for maintenance of peace (Ribuarian law) 149, — whence derivatives in OHG. (Jridu = "peace" )156, — (2) fodder, (in Italy) 142, 148, 156, — whence derivatives "food, fodder" 154-6, — foderum, corruption of veredum in post — Carolingian documents, 154. See etymology. Vine, method of cultivation by Ro- mans, according to Pliny and Co- lumella, 109-10, — still followed in Italy, 110. Visigothic Laws, xxxii, 2, 8, 12, 25, 29, 31, 33, 35, 52-4, 64, 71, 75, 82, 106, 134-6, 150, 165-6, — relation to Langobard laws, 135-6. Vitata (terra) in Langobard docu- 224 SUBJECT INDEX ments opposed to field, garden, olive grove and forest, 125, — shortened in eighth century to vitis, found also in Frankish documents, 125, — whence widis, vuidis, 126-7, — giving Fr. wide, voide, (terre) "wasteland," 127-8, 131, Ger. Weide, 132-4, — Ital. vuoto, etc., 134. See etymology, warescais. Wald, in OHG. = "forest," but also "wilderness," showing that funda- mental idea was ex squalido, 98. Warescais (OFr.) public pasture, 127, — from legal formula "widis, camp- is," misunderstood as compound word, 126. Warpi te, (gxupire) Salic formula of cession, forced on all Germanic na- tions, 67, — no trace of the word before end of eighth century, 67. See gurpire. Werpicio (Frankish) institution and formula from late Roman traditio, 16. Win-, — in two groups, (1) Indo-Euro- pean, (2) Germanic (except Gothic) from Lat. genius (= "gain, profit," etc.) 180-81. Wittiscalcus {puer noster) in Burgun- dian law, confiscator, 31, 34, — executor of debts, 44, — compared with Indian light-horse, xxviii, — a rare word, 35, — corrupted from devotus scalcus, 35. See devotus, scholaris. Worfin (Langobard) in titles, crap- worfin, marahworfin, a late addi- tion, not in older MSS. of laws, 67. Zechariah, xi, 12-13, reading of Septuagint correct, indicates He- brew F)~iiJ73 for corrupt n^V) 186, — reference to assay of silver, 186. PRINTED BY H. O. HOUGHTON & CO. CAMBRIDGE, MASS, U.S.A. RE F ' I I SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY 305 De Neve Drive - Parking Lot 17 • Box 951388 LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90095-1388 Return this material to the library from which it was borrowed. Form L-9-15w-2,'3-6 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFCRI^IIA AT LOS ANGELES mmmm ^^^^4 3588 UC SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 000 536 015 i