THE WISCONSIN IDEA THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK . BOSTON CHICAGO DALLAS SAN FRANCISCO MACMILLAN & CO., LIMITED LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. TORONTO THE WISCONSIN IDEA BY CHARLES MCCARTHY CHIEF. WISCONSIN LEGISLATIVE REFERENCE DEPARTMENT THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1912 All rights reserved COPYRIGHT, 1912, BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY. Set up and elcctrotyped. Published March, 1912. J. S. Cashing Co. Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. Co THE HARD-HANDED MEN WHO BROKE THE PRAIRIE, HEWED THE FORESTS, MADE THE ROADS AND BRIDGES, AND BUILT LITTLE HOMES IN THE WILDERNESS. To THE NORSE LUMBERJACK AND THE "FORTY-EIGHT" GERMAN AND THE MEN OF THE " IRON BRIGADE," AND ALL TOILERS WHO, BY THEIR SWEAT, MADE POSSIBLE OUR SCHOOLS, A GREAT UNIVERSITY, AND ALL THE GOOD THAT IS WITH US. TO THE LEGISLATORS, ALWAYS CRITICISED AND NEVER PRAISED. "THEY THAT DIG FOUNDATIONS DEEP, FIT FOR REALMS TO RISE UPON, LITTLE HONOR DO THEY REAP, OF THEIR GENERATION." KIPLING. 241451 INTRODUCTION THANKS to the movement for genuinely democratic popular government which Senator La Follette led to overwhelming victory in Wisconsin, that state has be- come literally a laboratory for wise experimental legis- lation aiming to secure the social and "political better- ment of the people as a whole. Nothing is easier than to demand, on the stump, or in essays and editorials, the abolition of injustice and the securing to each man of his rights. But actually to accomplish practical and effective work along the line of such utterances is so hard that the average public man, and average public writer, have not even attempted it ; and unfortunately too many of the men in public life who have seemed to attempt it have contented themselves with enacting legislation which, just because it made believe to do so much, in reality accomplished very little . But in Wisconsin there has been a successful effort to redeem the promises by performances, and to reduce theories into practice. In consequence legislative leaders and reformers pushing legislation in other states write by the hundred to the men in power in Wisconsin ask- ing for information on what has been done. Mr. McCarthy, the chief of the Legislative Reference Library of the Free Library Commission, has written this book primarily to answer such inquiries. His purpose is to vii Vlii INTRODUCTION make the book of real service to good government, and this purpose, in my judgment, he has admirably fulfilled. It isji well reason^ ?nd thoughtful exposition of how sane radicalism can be successfully applied in practice. His writings have nothing wEaFever in common with the mere hysterics out of which some well meaning, but not very efficient, radicals seem to get such curious mental satisfaction. Mr. McCarthy not only shows how Wisconsin has proceeded in specific instances to accom- plish specific results, but he has so interwoven his studies of those separate results as to make the volume into a connected whole. Through his account of actual accom- plishment in the field of political and industrial reform in Wisconsin, there runs a strain of philosophy that it would be well for every practical reformer to master. As Professor Simon N. Patten says : " Without means of I attainment and measures of result an ideal becomes || , meaningless. The jrej^jdealist is a pragmatist and an economist. He demands measurable results and reaches \ them by means ina9e~lf^aiiable by economic efficiency. Only in this way is social progress possible." Mr. McCarjjjyjsjwrpose is to impress not only every real reformer, but every capable politician, with the factrthat the people are more concerned about "good works" than about "faith." The Wisconsin reformers have accomplished the ex- traordinary results for which the whole nation owes them so much, primarily because they have not confined themselves to dreaming dreams and then to talking about them. They have had power to see the vision, of course ; if they did not have in them the possibility INTRODUCTION IX of seeing visions, they could accomplish nothing; but they have tried to make their ideals realizable, and then they have tried, with an extraordinary measure of success, actually to realize them. As soon as they decided that a certain object was desirable they at once set to work practically to study how to develop the con- structive machinery through which it could be achieved. This is not an easy attitude to maintain. Yet every true reformer must maintain it. The true reformer must ever work in the spirit, and with the purpose, of that greatest of all democratic reformers, Abraham Lin- coln. Therefore he must make up his mind that like Abraham Lincoln he will be assailed on the one side by the reactionary, and on the other by that type of bubble reformer who is only anxious to go to extremes, and who always gets angry when he is asked what practical re- sults he can show. Mr. McCarthy emphasizes the lesson that cheap clap-trap does not pay, and that the true reformer must study hard and work patiently. Moreover, Mr. McCarthy deserves especial praise for realizing that there is no one patent remedy for getting universal reform. He shows that a real reform move- ment must have many lines of development. Reformers, if they are to do well, must look both backward and forward ; must be bold and yet must exercise prudence and caution in all they do. They must never fear to advance, and yet they must carefully plan how to advance, before they make the effort. They must care- fully plan how and what they are to construct before they tear down what exists. The people must be given i . full power to make their action effective, and at the JA vl^ INTRODUCTION time the educational institutions of the common- wealth must be built up in such shape as to give the people the opportunity to learn how to use their power .wisely. Nor must political reform stand by itself. It must accompany economic reform ; and economic reform must have a twofold object; first to increase general prosperity, because unless there is such general pros- perity no one will be well off ; and, second, to secure a fair distribution of this prosperity, so that the man of the people shall share in it. In short, this is a book which in my judgment every reformer, just at this time, should have in his hands. All through the Union we need to learn the Wisconsin lesson of scientific popular self-help, and of patient care in radical legislation. The American people have made up their minds that there is to be a change for the better in their political, their social, and their economic condi- tions; and the prime need of the present day is prac- tically to develop the new machinery necessary for this new task. It is no easy matter actually to insure, in- stead of merely talking about, a measurable equality of opportunity for all men. It is no easy matter to make this Republic genuinely an industrial as well as a politi- cal democracy. It is no easy matter to secure justice for those who in the past have not received it, and at the same time to see that no injustice is meted out to trocess^/It is no easy matter to keep the Balance level and make it evident that we have set our faces like flint against seeing this government turned into either government by a plutocracy, or government by a mob. It is no easy matter to give the public their INTRODUCTION XI proper control over corporations and big business, and yet to prevent abuse of that control. Wisconsin has achieved a really remarkable success along each every one of those lines of difficult endeavor7~"lt is a great feat, which deserves in all its details the careful study of every true reformer; and Mr. McCarthy in this volume makes such study possible. THEODORE ROOSEVELT. PREFACE IN my capacity as legislative librarian for over ten years in the state of Wisconsin, I have been constantly in touch with the legislation of this state, which now seems to be attracting some little attention throughout the country. The legislative reference department has been besieged by newspaper writers who come here to use the files and records. The recent magazines have contained considerable literature relating to the con- structive nature of this legislation. Every day this department is called upon to answer many questions concerning particular laws or underlying principles. Our time has been taken up to such an extent that it has been deemed wise, after a great deal of deliberation and perplexity as to what should be done with the increas- ing volume of correspondence, to set down a few notes about these laws, and the philosophy upon which they are built as I see it. In doing so I am aware of my limitations. I have done the work hurriedly, without due care as to literary standards. Also, I have been handicapped to some degree because I have been work- ing in this department for the legislators and have taken no part in active politics. In the actual toil and drudgery of the legislative session in a clerical capacity I have tried gladly to carry out the will of the men of genius and power who PREFACE composed the Wisconsin legislature. Working under the direction of the legislature, a large part of this legisla- tion, indeed the principal part of it, was constructed in some connection with the department of which I have been chief. Because of my duties as librarian of the legislative reference department and as a member of the faculty of the University of Wisconsin, I can say truly that I have had opportunities to see events in this state perhaps from a different standpoint than any other man. If I show a certain spirit now and then which may seem to cloud my judgment as to certain matters herein con- tained, I crave the reader's pardon on the score that I, a wandering student, seeking knowledge, came knock- ing at the gates of the great University of Wisconsin, and it took me in, filled me with inspiration, and when I left its doors the kindly people of the state stretched out welcoming hands and gave me a man's work to do. Without the collaboration of my assistant, Miss Ono Mary Imhoff, these rough notes could not have been put together. She has also prepared the short bibliography which may be found in the Appendix and which will show the inquirer how and where to obtain particular laws or documents. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION . vii PREFACE xiii CHAPTER I THE REASON FOR IT i CHAPTER II THE SOIL 19 CHAPTER III THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS AFFECTED BY A PUBLIC INTEREST 34 CHAPTER IV ELECTORAL AND GOVERNMENTAL CHANGES ... 88 CHAPTER V EDUCATIONAL LEGISLATION 124 CHAPTER VI LABOR, HEALTH, AND PUBLIC WELFARE . . . .156 xv Xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER VH PAGE ADMINISTRATION . . . . . . . .172 CHAPTER VIII THE LEGISLATURE 194 CHAPTER IX THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 233 CHAPTER X CONCLUSION 273 APPENDIX BIBLIOGRAPHY 307 INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM RESOLUTION . . . 309 MEN SERVING BOTH UNIVERSITY AND STATE FOR I9IO-II 313 INDEX 319 ERRATUM Page 36 : Quotation credited to the author of The American Commonwealth, beginning " Such was the beginning of the dynasties of absolution" etc., should have been credited to A. B. Stickney. THE WISCONSIN IDEA CHAPTER I THE REASON FOR IT THE reason for the Wisconsin legislative program is not hard to find. There is really but one cause and it presents but one problem, which is basic to all others, and no advancement of human welfare or progress of civilization can take place until a solution is found. The problem is one with which the whole American people is grappling. It presents no particular mystery nor is it difficult to understand. Take up any newspaper. What are the headlines? -Monopoly - Trusts - - Trusts and the tariff - High cost of living Predatory wealth. Pick up a President's message. Can there be any doubt about it ? Always the same something strong and oppressive, almost unreachable, in some way entan- gled with courts, lawyers and litigation always having the power to attain its object always possessing FORCE. Force? How can these things have Force? Have they armies, guns or the attributes of those who usually possess force? If not, how can they oppress? Suppose when you went to buy food the man who had it asked you ten dollars when it was worth only one, and \ f\ 1 V I 2 ? XI : tBE .'WISCONSIN IDEA putting a gun at your head made you give him the other nine dollars. Would the contracting parties be on equal footing ? One of the parties added Force to the contract to make it favorable to him. Suppose he did not make use of the gun and yet you could not buy the food from any other man, because he had a monopoly and you would be obliged to give him the other nine dollars. Would he not be doing the same thing, adding force to contract ? The only difference is that one time he used a gun and the other time monopoly. Wealth would concentrate quickly in your community, would it not and Force also ? Suppose that this condition existed almost universally and that certain people possessed natural monopoly in oil, iron, coal and the necessities of life, and others possessed artificial monopoly in franchises, transportation facilities, patents, etc., is there any doubt that the problem * s ^ e same > anc ^ ^ ne cause f it unequal conditions of contract? The remedy ? It is easy to say " equalize the condi- tions between these two," but how can it be done? Everything in life is unequal but it is inequality that makes men strive. Can you put a penalty on sturdiness, intelligence or efficiency ? How big must be the force I and how great the inequality? A herd philosophy of absolute equality is foreign to our genius. A remedy based upon a philosophy of " the weak to live and the strong to die" obviously cannot serve our pur- \\\ THE REASON FOR IT 3 pose. History and the common experience of life teach us that adversity has its place in the success of a nation. A man, a plant or a nation cannot be kept in a molly- coddle stage and develop true virility. Pain and strong winds are the friends of nations, as of men. The moment we begin to equalize the conditions of j\ \\ t men we are on dangerous ground. The fierce fight of// ' competition must remain; the adventurous spirit fearless attack against great odds is the very soul of th spirit of our people. Civilization has not arisen under the hot sun where nature seems too kind. It has its chief seat where the elements and the stubborn soil force men to use their might ; and sheer necessity makes great men and great countries ; but again too much ice and snow stunts life and ambition ; the Esquimaux builds nothing but a snow hut. A temperate zone in business, in which men may live, work and develop the best that is in them for them- selves and for all, must be created and carefully protected. There is a limit to free play. As John Stuart Mill said : "Energy and self-dependence are, however, liable to be im- paired by the absence of help, as well as by its excess. It is even more fatal to exertion to have no hope of succeeding by it than to be assured of succeeding without it." But can a legislature, even if it were perfect, justly say whether gas should be ninety or ninety-five cents ? 4 THE WISCONSIN IDEA During a crowded legislative session how can it determine and put into law a schedule of prices for oil and coal or of railroad rates ? Even if this were possible, are we not basing all on the presumption that the legislature is willing and ready to do our will ? It is not so simple as this ; as an editorial in the Chicago Tribune, commenting on recent events in the state of Illinois, expresses it : "Before the corporation robber can be suppressed it will be necessary to suppress the corporation incendiary who supports him and the political jackpotter who plays into the hands of both." It is not so easy to get regulation from the legislature as it may seem. The people who possess Force use it in this connection as freely as they use it elsewhere, and the legislative machinery is not yet so complete that it always follows the wishes of the people. The judges ? Can we turn to them ? Well, the Man in the Street looks dubious when you ask him. This matter of contract in relation to monopoly has some- how been strangely muddled in the courts ; we are still looking in vain for any real relief from that quarter. The truth is, that the judges are like the legislators ; even if they are clear-brained and brave enough, how can they fix the price of gas at ninety instead of ninety-five cents ? What means have they for studying carefully every cog in the great machinery of commerce ? They were not con- stituted for this duty, and as umpires can scarcely assume THE REASON FOR IT 5 control of a legislative and administrative problem. Americans do not want their judges to be legislators. Yet a frenzy of judicial remedy seems to have seized us. We have all selected our favorite "trust busters," and the newspapers are full of stories of the deeds of these mighty men. The street corner orator yells "Bust them," "Dissolve them," "Imprison them." Professor R. T. Ely, in his book on trusts, quotes newspaper headings of twenty years ago as follows : "Black Eye for the Trusts Important Decision handed down in Chicago." " The Standard Oil Trust has resolved upon dissolution." " Pools are hit Hard United States Supreme Court Upholds Sherman Act Decision is a Surprise Virtually Declares all Traffic Agreements Illegal Competition will be Open Man- agers greatly Concerned." " Trusts in a Panic Tobacco Combine Makes the First Important Surrender, etc." " Trusts Busted Far-reaching Effects of the Supreme Court Decision." Familiar friends these, are they not ? As Professor Ely says : " Comment on these utterances of the press is scarcely neces- sary to-day. If there is any serious student of our economic life who believes that anything substantial has been gained by all the laws passed against trusts, by all the newspaper editorials which have thus far been penned, by all the sermons which have been preached against them, by all the speeches of politicians denounc- 6 THE WISCONSIN IDEA ing them, this authority has yet to be heard from. Forms and names have been changed in some instances, but the dreaded work of vast aggregation of capital has gone on practically as heretofore. The writer does not hesitate to affirm it as his opinion that efforts along lines which have been followed in the past will be equally fruitless in the future." But the man who has FORCE is the employer of men and women. Little homes and villages and the happi- ness of thousands depend upon him. After all, he is in our midst ; he is a part of us and we cannot " tear him to pieces," "dissolve him," or "bust him." Would stopping the railroad or closing the electric light plant be of any bene- fit to us ? The remedy must be complex and varied. The evils considered here are as old as the world and inherent wherever human frailty meets human strength. They are involved in every human attribute, and no rule of thumb or cut and dried theory can affect them wholly or completely. However, there is a difference between a mountain and a molehill, and the great and glaring wrongs can be righted. Relieve the individual from even a little unjust force and he will do the rest. As long as he knows how to fight, is not complacent, nor overwhelmingly handi- capped, the result will never be in doubt. No plan can be made which will be successful, even temporarily, unless we probe for sound basic ideas. If this problem of concentrated wealth and power is world wide and world old, let us try to view it in its right rela- THE REASON FOR IT 7 tions, in order that our plan for the future may not topple over because its base is not sufficiently broad. Every schoolboy knows that nations apparently ^V ? have a childhood, a strong youth and a gradual coming I / . of age and decay. In the youthful period, caste and wealth are not prominent. The righting man of a Saxon y\ \ horde or a Daniel Boone is respected and self-surficient.yy J A man is rated as a man. After a tribe has been settled for a hundred years, we find that a few seem to be in the lead, having land, wealth and power, while others seem to be gradually drifting downward in the scale. Finally, a few hundred years later, we find conditions such as exist in Russia, with concentrated wealth, caste and power on one hand and extreme poverty on the other. As John Boyle O'Reilly once said : " A small class in every country has taken possession of property and government, and makes laws for its own safety and the secur- ity of its plunder, educating the masses, generation after genera- tion into the belief that this condition is the natural order and the law of God. By long training and submission the people every- where have come to regard the assumption of the rulers and owners as the law of right and common sense, and their own blind in- stincts, which tell them that all men ought to have a plenteous living on this rich earth, as the promptings of evil and disorder." If this has been the course of history, are there not lessons to be learned ? Is there not some way of keeping history from repeating itself ? Is there not some means by which 8 THE WISCONSIN IDEA we can maintain the youth of the nation, keep poverty at a minimum, and wealth, caste and privilege from com- manding, conquering and finally destroying the nation ? Let us look at this crude diagram. Perhaps it will show how far-reaching the remedy must be. In the diagram to the left, marked Stage i, you will notice the word Wealth at the top and the word Poverty STAGE 1 AMERICAN PEOPLE 1850 STAGE 3 at the bottom ; between these two extremes is a square representing the American people in 1850. It represents a time in America when the great monopolies had not been formed; when Force in contract did not exist to the extent that it does to-day ; there was plenty, and it was not necessary to use force. Was there not free land, oil, minerals, etc. ? Wherein lay the advantage of monopoly ? To the right of this is Stage 2, which is intended to represent conditions in 1912. A small rectangle will be seen directly under the heading Wealth. This shows the change that has taken place. One per cent of the THE REASON FOR IT people now possess over fifty per cent of the wealth. Yet the strong, independent American spirit is still evi- dent in the class represented halfway between Wealth and Poverty; notice the other small rectangle at th bottom the very poor. Does any one maintain that this picture is untrue? Some might consider the rec- tangle representing the very poor too small, but for our purpose to illustrate the basic conditions of society in relation to the Wisconsin idea it will serve very well. On the extreme right is Stage 3. It needs no com- ment. The sad history of many a country can be pictured by that little diagram because concentrated wealth means power, caste, privilege, corruption and decay of every ideal, whether of manhood, morals or patriotism. Are not the crumbled remains of what were once prosperous cities scattered in the waste places of the earth sufficient proof of all this? We need not exaggerate this picture, and we cannot. With these diagrams before us the question with which we are concerned is, are we following the same path ? Will the slow grind of a hundred years or more lead to the inevitable decay which seems to come to all nations? Are the seeds sown and the causes for decay already with us? Are the corrupting influences of the concentrated wealth of to-day to continue, adding force to force while government and individuals are swept ^y / T I 10 THE WISCONSIN IDEA under, until Stage 3 comes into existence? Since the American revolution, throughout the world, and par- ticularly in Europe, there has been such an advance in the science of government and economics, in education and general intelligence, that we are tempted to hope that history may not repeat itself. If that hope is justified, it will be due to the new economic philosophy everywhere guiding the lives of men and nations in the old countries. 1 1 When one sees Germany, once a country of poor peasants, shot over by every conquering swashbuckler, transformed by the might of intelligence, noble philosophy and keen foresight into a shining example for the rest of the world, we feel certain that our own country cannot long remain indifferent. The world is being aroused by her enthusiasm. England with her crowded cities poverty and discontent stalking everywhere is profit- ing by Germany's experience, and, guided by' her wise Chancellor Lloyd George, is determined to use similar devices to obtain the same results. t While in America Stage 2 has been gradually ap- broaching Stage 3, in Germany, Stage 3 of one hundred and fifty years ago has gradually approached Stage 2 - yes, even Stage i. Let us consider one of the ancient cities now deserted and buried. It was, after all, a beehive, and the cause of its decay was a very simple one the drones shirked THE REASON FOR IT II while the workers bore the burdens ; the drones increased and the workers bore more burdens, and so it continued until the workers could bear no more; they became dulled, disheartened and discontented, and the pauper and the proletariat appeared. The drones would do no work, and soon the whole structure came tumbling down, to lie covered with the sands of the desert. Selfish power, bad government and oppression brought about its ruin. Why? Because men forgot that prosperity exists for the benefit of the human being and for no other purpose. If prosperity does not uplift the mass of human beings, it is not true prosperity, however it may be counterfeited by a grand show of fair cities or the glories of its riches. Indeed, if there is a magnificent building built in any city which is not, either directly or indirectly, for the purpose of improving the opportunities and increasing the happiness of all the manhood of the country, it is built for no purpose, and were better not in existence. This the German knows. This the American, secure still in the mighty phrases of the Declaration of Inde- pendence, glorying in the tarnished grandeur of the Con- stitution, boasting of his riches and the power and might of his material things, has not yet discovered. Our civilization, with its wealth and prosperity, must be made to exist for its true purposes the betterment, the efficiency and the welfare of each individual. The 12 THE WISCONSIN IDEA \ Germans have shown us the way; we need not adopt all their methods, but we will do well to accept their AA - | philosophy, for there is no patent on it. America must w cope with this new devastating influence of wealth sanely and successfully so that greater prosperity and more equitable distribution of its benefits under just laws will result. A German prince of the olden time awoke one morn- ing and found that he had no money. He sent for his treasurer, who, in answer to his demand, declared that there was none, that war, robbery, famine and injustice had done their work too well. Alarmed by this reply the prince asked the treasurer what could be done about it, to which he replied: "My lord, we cannot collect taxes unless the farms produce; the farms will not produce unless the farmer works them intelligently; he cannot do that unless he receives a fair profit, protection and an opportunity to live like a man rather than a beast. Give me a portion of the realm; let me keep peace and do justice, and the farmer will produce more and will pay you more taxes." The prince was con- vinced and gave him what he asked. The treasurer drove out the cheating rascals who had acted as judges ; he punished the drunken soldier ; he protected the weak against the strong; he imprisoned the usurer and dis- missed the tax farmer; he provided markets and ex- changes which were honest; he invested heavily in THE REASON FOR IT 13 roads and bridges; but best of all he taught the MAN. j He made a better man, a more efficient machine; he |l/l/\> taught him how to be a better farmer; in short, he did ' what our efficiency expert, Mr. Taylor, does to-day in a great factory. To accomplish this he did not hesitate because of expense, yet the investment was good, and after a time the prince received more taxes while more happiness and prosperity came into the land. This story and that of the ruined city are one, and the problem they reveal is our problem. It is possible that their solution may be ours. With all these digres- sions in mind, let us return to our diagram. Let us consider the problems which would confront a business efficiency expert. Let us suppose that we are worTung with him and put down the questions which come to our minds. They may help us in reaching a solution. How did Stage i become Stage 2 ? To find this out we must consider what is represented by the thin line beneath wealth. Who are our richest men ? Are they not the men who have made use of that Force in contract which comes from monopoly, artificial or natural ? The long list of oil mag- nates, railroad kings, etc., certainly seems to prove it. Could they have won without Force? Perhaps the strong and intelligent might have done so very slowly, to be sure but the concentration of wealth would not have been so great. 14 THE WISCONSIN IDEA Are there not bankers, members of the stock ex- changes and middlemen? Yes, but are they not all entangled with Force? Do they not manipulate that mysterious Force in contract? Are not the powers of credit and monopoly practically one ? Would it not be well to keep that thin line beneath wealth in Stage 2 from growing? Can it be accom- plished ? Why not demand that when monopoly of any kind exists, it shall be restricted to a reasonable gain ? Why not say that it shall not discriminate unjustly nor use its great power against the public welfare ? If monopo- lies possess such Force that one man cannot compete with them, why not let the state all men combined -control them? Why not oppose Force by Force? Is there any other way? When business affects the interests of all, is it not something more than a private matter for the concern of a private individual ? Why not take by taxation some of that wealth ac- quired by Force? Why allow idle sons and daughters to waste this wealth ; why not tax them by graduated income, inheritance and increment taxes, so that they bear a burden proportionate to their strength, in order that the burden of maintaining the state shall not fall so heavily on the poor ? Will this be permitted ? Will not that same dreaded Force terrorize our legislators ? They are but human, with business interests and families to support. THE REASON FOR IT 15 Why not make public the affairs of monopolies, so that they cannot buy the votes of electors or legislators? Why not limit the power of wealth in elections? It cannot buy the whole people, can it ? If not, why not make our legislators directly responsible to us so that we may watch them ? Why not simplify the whole machinery of nomination and election so that we are certain to elect the men we want men of honesty and strength ? But do not the trusts defy our laws after we have passed them ? Who is powerful enough to enforce them for us? The courts? Theoretically, yes, but prac- tically, do we not need something nearer to the legisla- tors a strong right arm of the legislature? Should we not have a vigilant servant who, with the help of trained experts wily enough to cope with every turn, will relentlessly administer and enforce? Should not this servant be a friend of the poorest citizen, a friend to whom in unfair dealings he may turn and receive justice quickly and surely ? But the efficiency expert will say that we have omitted the principal problem. The German treasurer in the story went down to the unit the Man. Why irit in the university. Therefore it is only natural that the legislation of Wisconsin should receive an im- petus from men who believe that laws can be so con- structed as to lead to progress and at the same time preserve to the fullest all human betterment ; that the advice of scholars may be sought ; that what has made Germany happy and prosperous may be duplicated in THE SOIL 31 Arnerjc a ; that business and human welfare can increase side by side and that the best investment which the state can make is that which makes every home better, for when intelligence goes into the product, that product will win out in the race for the commercial supremacy of the world. If Wisconsin is a prosperous state to-day, there is no doubt that it is largely because of German ideas and ideals, early instituted in the state. The Scandinavian element came later, but was ani- mated by the very same ideals. Indeed, they became stimulated in many cases before they came to Wisconsin. Every Norwegian, Swede or Dane who pays a visit to-day to the Scandinavian countries returns an easy convert to the ideals which seem to have dominated Wisconsin during the last decade or more. Many of the leaders are found among the Scandinavians. Many im- portant posts, influential in the guidance of the different commissions, are filled by men who have traditions from the old countries. It is worthy of comment that a Scandinavian statistician was responsible for the de- tailed statistical work of the railroad commission and that another gifted man of Norwegian stock has been the chief means of promoting splendid insurance laws in this state. The Norwegian element is much more active 1 than the German in politics ; it is much more aggressive^J^ For many years one of the most talented members of the tax commission has been of that race, and it is not un- 32 THE WISCONSIN IDEA usual in the legislative body to hear Norwegians, Danes or Swedes quote in debate the high standards maintained in Norway or in the Scandinavian countries. Men fa- miliar with foreign agricultural methods and those trained in the people's high schools of Denmark or in the scien- tific schools of Sweden or Norway are helping to organize county agricultural schools. Behind this Wisconsin move- ment is a great body of tradition, a tradition of orderliness and of scientific methods, a knowledge that things can and should be done by experts in a careful and diligent man- ner and that progress must come, slowly but thoroughly. If we are going to understand Wisconsin legislation, we must fully realize that jthe leaders of it could not be^agi- tators of the type which is seen frequently in other parts of the country. However radical their ideas mayTave' been, however original their methods, it was inevitable that legislation should be constructed slowly and cau- tiously. The men who have had the greatest influence in making that legislation what it is, were inspired by these ideals. The peoplejrf Wisconsin would not have supported any wild or extravagant legislative schemes. The stock is^Too sturdy, too cautious ^ and Jpo conservative to be swayed by any revolutionary influence. The leaders had a stubborn, determined people with whom' to deal. They were slow to move, as they are to-day, and it took long patience and fighting to win them, but once moved; they "stayed put." THE SOIL 33 It must be remembered that there have been those who believed in the social or educational features, who wavered or halted in the long fight because of certain political legislation hereafter described. There have been some who opposed the political changes, but who are now seemingly acquiescing or even actually approv- ing because of what seems to be fairly good and sane results from the last decade of political innovation and economic regulation. CHAPTER III THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS AFFECTED BY A PUBLIC INTEREST THE railroad was tne first of the great monopolies to need regulation. The settler coming into a new, raw country was absolutely dependent upon transportation facilities; it was natural that he should treat the rail- road like a spoiled child, and it was likewise natural that the railroad should take advantage of him. Human selfishness unless checked will always take such ad- vantage. It must be remembered too that the securing of capital to bring a railroad into new territory was no easy task and the man who did it was entitled to a large reward. Abuse, however, was inherent in the system. The farmer had one great Necessity transportation. Transportation was in the hands of a monopoly the railroad. The farmer was obliged to send his grain to market; the railroad, having Advantage on its side, demanded its price. The farmer answered that he could not pay it and have any profit. He appealed for justice and was told that there was common law govern- ing public carriers which would relieve him from extor- tion. With confidence in our constitution and the 34 THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS 35 judiciary, he went before the courts, calling for justice, and demanded his "day in court." He got it, but there were too many days in court. He appealed, and he fought and went from court to court, single handed, always impeded by increasing Necessity. Wiser and sadder, but deeply perplexed, he learned that the vaunted common law was strong in name but a shambling thing in action. He gave up stubbornly; he had been told of the glories of our constitution, and yet he could not but believe that there was something wrong, but re- sented as unpatriotic any such thought. It took a long time for him to learn that if he would live, he must accept the terms of the all-powerful one who could either make or break him ; he learned to do the political bidding of the one who had Advantage. He became a cynic and distrusted the "agitators," of whom he was warned by the agents of the powerful one. Turn back through the pages of history, study them well and read the results of this advantage in contract in the old days, as depicted by A. B. Stickney, a railroad president : " The managing officers were now potentates, ' railroad mag- nates/ ' railroad kings.' They travelled in state, surrounded by their personal staff, the heads of the different departments, who were almost as important personages as their chiefs. When they visited a town on their lines, the principal business men rushed to greet them. The fat of the land was at their disposal. Merchants 36 THE WISCONSIN IDEA sent baskets of champagne to the heads of the traffic departments and sealskin jackets to their wives, while on the other hand, special rates were liberally bestowed upon their favorites. Special clerks were required to be wholly employed in issuing free passes. Judges and juries seemed to have a perceptible bias in their favor, the brightest attorneys were retained, and minor officials were glad to grant them favors. The country press was subsidized with passes for editors, their families and their friends." A distinguished Englishman, the author of "The American Commonwealth," describing the palmy days of the dynasties, says: " These railway kings are among the greatest men, perh ,ps I may say are the greatest men, in America. They have wealth, else they could not hold the position. They have fame, for every one has heard of their achievements ; every newspaper chronicles their movements. They have power, more power that is, more opportunity of making their personal will prevail than perhaps any one in political life, except the President and the Speaker, who, after all, hold theirs only for four years and two years, while the railroad monarch may keep his for life. When the master of one of the greatest Western lines travels towards the Pacific on his palace car, his journey is like a royal progress. Governors of states and territories bow before him ; legislatures receive him in solemn session ; cities and towns seek to propitiate him, for has he not the means of making or marring a City's fortunes ? " Such was the beginning of the dynasties of absolution in the management of Western railways (under the conditions of modern civilization the public highways of the land), which have since afflicted the business of the country, and are now, by both a reflex and direct influence, crushing the business of the railway companies THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS 37 as well, and gradually reducing these noble properties to the verge of bankruptcy. Conceived in the womb of usurpation, nurtured by the power of might, these dynasties take no note of the progress of the world of thought or of changed conditions, but, like their Bourbon prototypes, they neither move forward nor backward, they neither learn nor forget." How could an individual contend against a force like that? In the words of Chief Justice Ryan, in the first great railroad case in Wisconsin, " Their influence is so large, their capacity for resistance so formidable, their powers of oppression so various, that few private perso is could litigate with them, still fewer persons would litigate with them for the little rights or the little wrongs which go so far to make up the measure of the average prosperity of life." But a few kept on with the fight, and notwithstand- ing the power of the railroads, the "Granger movement" suddenly took form. Someway or somehow it was realized that the state the whole body of citizens as a unit could collectively accomplish what one man, single handed, could not, i.e. equalize the conditions of contract by placing force against force. This is why the Potter law" for the control of railroads was enacted in Wisconsin in the early seventies. That law was a crude attempt ; it was full of long schedules of rates made in a haphazard manner by the legislative committees. It did, however, lay down the precedent that when a force is so great that no one individual can meet it and receive 38 THE WISCONSIN IDEA fair treatment, justice must be given to that individual / by the aid of the state. A weak organization of straw, called by courtesy a railroad commission an elected commission was next established as a sop to public opinion. This did not relieve the situation, but left the complainant still bearing the burden of litigation. It was many years before there appeared to again arouse public opinion a far-seeing and persistent fight- ing man, A. R. Hall, to whose memory there is a bronze tablet in the new capitol in Madison. Public sentiment had become so deadened, the railroads had become so powerful in the affairs of business, and the manufac- turers and business men of the state were so fearful that "capital would be driven out of the state" by any restrictive legislation, that A. R. Hall was literally jeered at and laughed down as a crank when he persistently introduced his railroad bills into the legislature. His work, however, was not without results. A stronger movement, led by Robert M. La Follette, now United States Senator, soon awakened the people, swept the state and made La Follette governor. Hall had per- sistently advocated the ad valorem taxation of railroads. This was made an important issue and was finally passed. In this case, what Walt Whitman once said proved true, " It is provided in the essence of things that from any fruition of success, no matter what, shall come forth something to make a greater struggle necessary." THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS 39 What was to prevent the railroad from raising the rates in order to provide for the increased taxes ? Some protection was necessary, so in 1903 a bill was intro- duced based upon the Iowa plan, whereby the commis- sion made a schedule of rates for the railroads to follow. This bill was the cause of a severe battle in the legisla- ture, but was finally defeated. The railroad question was made the issue of the next campaign, and the lead- ers determined to make the most perfect law possible. The Iowa plan was abandoned and the country was scoured for advice; the regulative law of all the dif- ferent states and of foreign countries was closely scruti- nized. No more patient study was ever given to any one bill in the history of the state. The leader in all this research was Senator W. H. Hatton, a man of large business interests and great ability. He introduced a 1 new princfple and laid down the thesis that it was as much the duty of the state to furnish transportation facilities as it ever had been to make roads or build bridges, and that if the function was delegated to any one, it was the duty of the state to regulate it so that the agent should be required to furnish adequate service, at reasonable rates without discrimination. When the legislature opened Mr. Hatton was appointed chairman of the senate committee on railroads and began his long and patient struggle for the passage of the bill in spite of practically a hostile majority. During this entire 40 THE WISCONSIN IDEA contest, he was aided by a keen lawyer and able debater, Senator George B. Hudnall, whose vigorous work on this committee is worthy of comment. Draft after draft of the bill was submitted to the railroad attorneys, university professors and to all the experts available whose arguments and criticisms were duly considered. Months went by. Seeing the railroad attorneys con- stantly around the committee, the more radical and im- patient of the legislative leaders began to assert that they were being betrayed. In due season Mr. Hatton presented the bill, which was so strong and fair that no real attack could be made upon it. This act is of great importance, for it laid the founda- tion for a series of laws, many of them following its exact language, and it has been considered in detail not only because of its importance, but also to show how patiently and thoroughly Wisconsin acts are prepared. The legis- lature is seldom impatient ; it has recently adopted the expedient of drafting tentative bills, giving hearings and redrafting bills through investigating committees, a long while before the opening of the legislative session. The procedure by which the legislature passed the railroad commission act is now practically a settled policy. A committee is granted plenty of time and expert help if it will produce results, and the legislature is apparently willing to prolong the session to any length in order that it may do its work thoroughly and well. THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS 41 The act covers complete regulation, both as to rates and service, not only of railroads but of all correlated organizations, such as refrigerator lines, sleeping cars, transportation and despatch companies of all kinds, as well as equipment, regulation of passes, mileage books, sidings, switching and terminals; in short, the whole railroad business. The simplicity of its procedure is worthy of note. Senator W. H. Hatton said before a committee at the time of its formulation, "I want this procedure so simple that a man can write his complaint on the back of a postal card, and if it is a just one, the state will take it up for him." After all, for what purpose was the whole thing con- structed but that there might be plain justice? Re- versals, demurrers, rules, appeals, errors the whole troop which had clouded the reason of judges and added to the squabbles and fees of lawyers were ex- cluded : Said Senator Hatton : " At a hearing before the commission both the complainant and the corporation shall be given full op- portunity to offer testimony of every kind relating to the matter at issue. " After any such hearing, if the commission shall find the rate complained of to be unreasonable, immediate relief shall be given and the commission shall fix a reasonable rate to be substituted for the rate found to be unreasonable. The new rate must be submitted to and observed until passed on by the courts and there- after unless it shall be declared by the court to be unlawful, as 42 THE WISCONSIN IDEA the rate made by the corporation was submitted to and observed until it was declared by the commission to be unreasonable. " It would be an injustice to the complainant as well as others who are required to pay the unreasonable rate to allow the matter * to be taken to the courts upon appeal to be tried de novo and allow the old rate, which has been declared to be unreasonable, to remain in force, pending the judicial determination. " To try the case anew in the courts, the old rate remaining in force meanwhile, and keep the complaint entangled in litigation, would not only be unjust to him, but would delay the equitable adjustment of rates by deterring others from making complaint, for the majority will submit to wrongs rather than engage in lengthy litigation with wealthy corporations. " The complainant having won his case before the commission, should be relieved from further litigation and thereafter the state must defend the acts of the commission, for it is a matter of public concern. Therefore, let any party in interest who is dissatisfied with any order of the commission bring an action in any court of competent jurisdiction against the commission as defendant to set aside any order made by it, fixing any rate, on the ground that the rate made by the commission is unlawful. " In trials before the courts, if there is offered any new mate- rial evidence or any different evidence than that offered at the hearing before the commission, the court shall stay its proceedings for fifteen days and remand the case to the commission for rehear- ing. This procedure prevents the withholding of material evidence at the hearing before the commission for the purpose of introducing it at the court trial, thereby securing a reversal of the order and thus discrediting the commission, and it compels the submission of all testimony to the commission for consideration before its final action. At the hearing before the commission the question passed THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS 43 on is the rate made by the utility corporation, and the burden of proof is then upon the complainant, he being the plaintiff, to show by preponderance of evidence that the rate complained of is un- reasonable ; if he succeeds in so doing, then in a court trial, in an action brought by the utility corporation, the question will be on the rate made by the commission and the burden of proof will then rest upon the utility corporation, it being the plaintiff, to show by a preponderance of evidence that the rate made by the com- mission is unlawful." The following is that section of the law relating to complaints : " Complaints and investigations. Sec. 1797-12. Upon com- plaint of any person, firm, corporation or association, or of any mercantile, agricultural, or manufacturing society, or of any body politic or municipal organization, that any of the rates, fares, charges, or classifications, or any joint rate or rates are in any respect unreasonable or unjustly discriminatory, or that any regulation or practice whatsoever affecting the transportation of persons or property, or any service in connection therewith, are in any respect unreasonable or unjustly discriminatory, or that any service is in- adequate, the commission may notify the railroad complained of that complaint has been made, and ten days after such notice has been given, the commission may proceed to investigate the same as hereinafter provided. Before proceeding to make such investi- gation, the commission shall give the railroad and the complain- ant ten days' notice of the time and place when and where such matters will be considered and determined, and said parties shall be entitled to be heard and shall have process to enforce the at- tendance of witnesses. If upon such investigation the rate or rates, fares, charges or classifications, or any joint rate or rates, 44 THE WISCONSIN IDEA or any regulation, practice or service complained of, shall be found to be unreasonable or unjustly discriminatory, or the service shall be found to be inadequate, the commission shall have power to fix and order substituted therefor, such rate or rates, fares, charges or classification, as it shall have determined to be just and reasonable and which shall be charged, imposed, and followed in the future, and shall also have power to make such orders, respecting such regulation, practice or service as it shall have determined to be reasonable and which shall be observed and followed in the future. " a. The commission may, when complaint is made of more than one rate or charge, order separate hearings thereon, and may con- sider and determine the several matters complained of separately, and at such times as it may prescribe. No complaint shall at any time be dismissed because of the absence of damage to the com- plainant." The following is the simple language in which the great power to fix rates is couched : " Commission to fix rates and regulations: procedure. Sec. 1797- 14. Whenever, upon an investigation made under the provisions of this act, the commission shall find any existing rate or rates, fares, charges, or classifications, or any joint rate or rates, or any regulation or practice whatsoever affecting the transportation of persons or property, or any service in connection therewith, are unreasonable or unjustly discriminatory, or any service is inade- quate, it shall determine and by order fix a reasonable rate, fare, charge, classification or joint rate to be imposed, observed, and followed in the future in lieu of that found to be unreasonable or unjustly discriminatory, and it shall determine and by order fix a reasonable regulation, practice, or service, to be imposed, ob- served, and followed in the future, in lieu of that found to be un- THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS 45 reasonable or unjustly discriminatory, or inadequate, as the case may be, and it shall cause a certified copy of each such order to be delivered to an officer or station agent of the railroad affected thereby, which order shall of its own force take effect and become operative twenty days after the service thereof." The authors of the bill were exceedingly careful to stay within the bounds which hedge about the delegation of legislation. All Wisconsin legislation of this kind is based upon the simple and yet effective device which may be paraphrased as follows : 1. Rates shall be reasonable. 2. Our servant, the commission, shall ascertain'whether they are or are not. If they are not, they shall be made so. In other words, the plan carefully allows the legis- lature to make the law; the commission does nothing but administer the wish of the masters, the legisla- ture. The commission does not attempt in any way to legislate. An understanding of certain expedients and devices used in this law will lead to a clearer view of the prin- ciples underlying the greater part perhaps of the legisla- tion described in what follows. Like the railroad commission all commissions are practically appointive. In dealing with complex eco- nomic subjects the legislature lays down general prin- ciples determines the general policy and turns over to 46 THE WISCONSIN IDEA appointive commissioners the responsibility for the ad- ministration of these principles* "''The appointive method is used because it has been felt that it is just as ridicu- lous to elect a railroad commission as it would be to elect, on a state-wide ballot, a professor of comparative philology at the university. The other device that is used, when it is found neces- sary to control an economic factor affected by a public interest, is public bookkeeping. This may take the form of accounting, valuation, etc., but the assumption is that if the state is a partner, it must know all the facts. The third great expedient is reliance on the trained expert or, at least, the proper recognition of the fact that the work should be carried on by men who [have acquired ability either by training or by experience. The fourth expedient is little understood, and yet is one of the most powerful factors, i.e. the continuing appropriation. The commissions can all be controlled by the majority of the legislature, but are not at the mercy of every whim of the minority. Running all the way through the regulative legislation is the same idea the welfare of the statejs the welfare of the individual. Real rights, not theoretical ones, must be guaranteed the individual. The position of the strong and the weak must be equalized by a powerful state intervention, if necessary to the attainment of quick and certain justice. THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS 47 The state is always an interested party. It means merely that when a man is weak he has a big brother to whom he may turn, who judges his case and says to the strong one, "I am here not only as a judge, but also to protect the weak against the strong. The burden of proof is upon you to show that my rulings are unjust. This man cannot make any progress toward real justice in the face of all the difficulties which beset him." And it is not always a single individual who is too weak. As Professor Ely says : " How helpless against a combination of railways is the city of twenty-five thousand inhabitants when struggling to do such a seemingly small and entirely right thing as to provide gates at grade railway crossings. The writer has one case in mind. The very mod- est efforts of the city were met with the threat that the railway shops would be removed to a village some thirty miles distant and in an adjoining state. Even the city of Chicago has had a mighty strug- gle, continuing for years, in its efforts to protect life at railway cross- ings. At one time it was proposed by the railways to leave Chicago and build another city in adjacent territory to escape what was regarded by the railways as oppression on the part of the city." The following diagram will illustrate the one great central device which has been used over and over again. In Diagram I is shown g, h, i, j, k, /, m small shippers. Each man has to take up individually his particular case against "A" -the railroad, a corporation composed of b, c, d, e and/, that is, a cooperative, collective agency an organized body. The small shippers are obviously, THE WISCONSIN IDEA from an economic standpoint, at a disadvantage against this organization. They also have great difficulty in trying to prove their case before the courts when they have not even publicity as to the facts to help them. iD- JO- KD- RAILROAD DIAGRAM I Diagram II shows the establishment of "Z" -the commission. Here we have a cooperative, organized body to deal with the cooperative body "A." After all, the device is similar to that used by labor unions in this country and by the great cooperative farmers' move- ments in Europe and Australia. z COMMISSION A RAILROAD DIAGRAM II Now let us consider Diagram III. If it is right that 8) h> i> jy k> ^ and m should have somebody to go to, if it is right that "M," who as a shipper having a case relating to a few bales of hay, should have some means THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS 49 of getting speedy justice, what will we say about "N" and "O," who have had limbs cut off through the care- lessness of "A"? If we have given a remedy to U M' ' for his hay or potatoes, should we not give some certain compensation for "N" and "0" for their limbs? If the principle applies in one case, does it not apply in the other? Here we have the principle of the work- z COMMISSION A RAILROAD .^fia^ DIAGRAM HI men's compensation act, but suppose there are others - p, q, and r. "P" is a competitor who has a clear case of unfair discrimination in interstate trade against the steel trust. "Q" is a man who has a patent upon which there has been an infringement by the Standard oil company. "R" is represented in one of the follow- ing cases, which have been taken from a report on the investigation of certain insurance companies. They may be found in the Proceedings of the National con- vention of insurance commissioners held in Milwaukee, August 22, 1911, pages 20-21, 24, 47-48. 50 THE WISCONSIN IDEA "Claim 31,805. FRANK HARMAN; liability $300. "Insured was killed Dec. 5, 1908. He had had a policy in the Columbus Mutual Benefit, which expired Dec. yth. A Phcenix Preferred policy was issued and paid for on Nov. 28th, it being understood between the insured and the agent that the Columbus Mutual Benefit policy would be dropped. At the time of the insured's death, the Phcenix Preferred's agent had possession of both policies. On Dec. gih four days after such death such agent wrote to his company, asking it to send him an indorsement to the effect that the policy was not in force until the Columbus Mutual Benefit's policy expired. The company replied, asking the agent to forward the policy to the home office. The qompany then apparently put an indorsement on the policy in accordance with the suggestion of the agent. The company was sued and defended as per such indorse- ment and won. "In the opinion of the committee this was not only fraud but forgery, and those responsible therefor should be presented to the criminal authorities for indictment." "Claim 31,958. WILLIAM LINK ; liability $300. "Policy concededly issued and paid for. Insured killed in grain elevator, while performing his duties. His widow, who had possession of the policy, delivered it, within two days after the accident, to the company's THE REGULATION OF BUSINESS 51 district manager. The latter then forwarded the policy to the company with a brief memorandum on a slip of paper, saying: " ' Will write you to-morrow in regard to this. I don't want to keep it in this office.' "The next day the company replied : "You were wise in not retaining anything in your office/ "And, later reprimands its manager for sending in a preliminary proof, suggesting that 'it may cause us trouble.' "A month later, when written to by the attorney for the claimant, the company states that it is unable to find such a claim and imagines that the widow has made a mistake in the name of the company and re- peatedly thereafter denies that there is any record of such a policy. As a result of this flagrant larceny of the claimant's evidence, the company forces a com- promise of $150, though informed that the claimant is a woman in destitute circumstances, with two small children, one of them but four months old." "Policy 89,248. MIKE KORAN; liability $30Q. "Insured died from fracture of the skull, March 29, 1907. The company, using first one excuse and then another, delayed in every possible way settlement of claim, though its agent writes, on April 18, 1907, that 52 THE WISCONSIN IDEA there is not a shred of evidence that the policy was delinquent. The beneficiary who could not speak English was thus forced to engage an attorney. So far as the records show, these dilatory tactics were successful and no payment was made." " Claim 354,219. ANTON LUND, liability $5000. " Policy covered double indemnity. Insured held a traveller's ticket policy and was killed in a railroad wreck. Company had no defence, save late notice, it seems to have been asserted because administrator who was prevented from securing possession of the ticket policy by the coroner who took charge of the insured's body - did not make timely proof. As soon as administrator secured such policy he made proof. Beneficiary later sued company. Company then adopted dilatory tactics in the courts, its legal department writing the local attorney, as follows : " ' As I have repeatedly advised you, the company does not de- sire that this case should ever come to trial, and our only intent is to adopt dilatory tactics, file demurrers, etc., and thus force an equitable settlement.' And later: " ' If you find that you cannot dispose of the suit within this limit ($2,500.00) I think we had better stand ^* i ditions in Wisconsin. If the legislative product was to be effective, the actual business methods of the legisla- ture had to be reorganized ; this fact seems to have been recognized by the leaders. The reform of the legisla- ture in this direction has been remarkable ; the credit belongs not to any one faction, for this reform was due primarily to the decided legislative opinion that condi- tions should be improved. Eleven years ago there were about seventy women employed to engross the bills of the legislature in long hand ; there was scarcely a type- writer used. Scraps of paper were often passed up as bills to the speaker's desk. The place was full of useless employees, many of whom never did a stroke of work. It was absolutely impossible to tell how many bills amending a certain section were before the legislature. There were no checks as to accuracy. The halls were crowded with lobbyists. It was easy for a country mem- ber to find an attorney to draft a bill for him for a small fee, especially if the bill was aimed at some corporation 194 THE LEGISLATURE 195 which could later be approached by the attorney. There was no organized method of placing information on any particular bill before the legislator, nor was there any impartial or skilled assistance in the drafting of bills for the honest legislator who knew nothing of law. If hearings were held, no one save the lobbyists knew when they were scheduled. The great corporations were obliged to have lobbyists on the ground to keep them informed as to the prospective legislation. If these lobbyists found nothing which would harass their em- ployers, they frequently took the trouble to see that something was introduced which would so embarrass the corporations in order that they might continue to hold their jobs and obtain more money to spend. The "hold up man" was prominent ; one man every session brought a trunk full of " strike" bills to be distributed among his loyal supporters. The hotels and saloons flourished and there was much money in evidence. A lobby law was passed which tended to lessen the confusion on the floor. In 1903 male stenographers and printing were substituted for the women copyists, which change resulted in great economy. During the 1911 session, the improvement under the strict rules as laid down by the speaker in the assembly was very great and insured orderly and businesslike proceedings. Engrossed bills were printed and placed upon the desk of each member; if a legislator found errors in his bill, 196 THE WISCONSIN IDEA he could immediately stop its passage to the governor and have them corrected. This reform removed one temptation to corruption. The governor at the same time secured an able attorney to examine bills before he signed them, so that if errors were found, they could be corrected before his signature was affixed. What he actually signed was one of the printed copies of the en- grossed bills which were laid upon the desk of every member. Here were checks against mistakes in the passage and the final product, together with such watch- fulness as would prevent dishonest clerks from insert- ing or removing something at the behest of interested parties. With the coming of civil service, the clerical force was at once made more expert and fast, accurate workers were substituted for those who had obtained their positions by political pull. The amendments to bills were also printed and attached to the bills in the files, so that each member had a complete copy of the bill under consideration when he cast his vote. Paper, uni- form in size, was provided and bills were required to be in duplicate upon introduction, so that while one copy was sent to the printer, the other was available to the house. This made it exceedingly difficult to steal, change or mutilate a bill by means of the old tricks of the past. A bill drafting department was established in the THE LEGISLATURE 1 97 legislative reference department and the following rules laid down so that the draftsmen could not insert jokers into the bills. " Rules for the Drafting Room "i. No bills will be drafted in the Reference Room. A separate Drafting Room and a separate force have been provided. "2. No bill will be drafted, nor amendments pre- pared, without specific detailed written instructions from a member of the Legislature. Such instructions must bear the member's signature. "3. The draftsman can make no suggestions as to the contents of the bills. Our work is merely clerical and technical. We cannot furnish ideas. "4. We are not responsible for the legality or consti- tutionality of any measures. We are here to do merely as directed. "5. As this department cannot introduce bills or modify them after introduction, it is not responsible for the rules of the legislature or the numbering of sections either at the tune of introduction or on the final passage. " Legislative Reference Department." The committees were gradually altered and adapted to meet the changed economic conditions and the type of legislation which was being passed. The following are the committees in the assembly of the 1911 session: THE WISCONSIN IDEA Standing Committees of the Assembly Judiciary Courts and procedure National and interstate re- lations Constitutional amendment State and economic better- ment Elections Taxation Excise and fees Highways Agriculture Agricultural exhibitions Military affairs Cities Towns and villages Counties Capitol Printing Charitable and penal insti- tutions Banks Insurance Transportation Express, telegraph and tele- phone Workmen's compensation Labor and labor conditions Welfare of women and chil- dren Public health and sanitation Purity of commodities Fish and game Conservation Commerce and manufac- tures Parks, playgrounds and city planning City living conditions Country living conditions Education Vocational education Libraries Legislative procedure Engrossed bills Third reading Enrolled bills THE LEGISLATURE 1 99 A revision committee was created, with a civil service clerical force, to search all bills for technical errors. Records of sections amended are carefully kept so that confusion and duplication may be avoided. Bills are checked at every stage of passage by the clerks of this committee. In order that all parties interested in legislation may he heard, the hearings of committees are by rule, scheduled in advance and a weekly cumulative bulletin is issued showing the exact status of each bill and its history up to the time of publication. This system of notification is not yet perfect but at least the business man or citizen interested in certain legislation receives some warning of hearings upon it. There is no secrecy in connection with these committees; they are com- pelled to report out each bill, with a recommendation together with a record of the ayes and noes of each committee hearing. Committees are all-powerful in an American legislature. The roll-call on a bill before the house does not always tell the story of its opposition or amendment in committee. The Wisconsin rule given below is not faultless but serves as a check upon the power of the committees. 200 THE WISCONSIN IDEA "JOINT RESOLUTION No. 46, Laws of 1911, Relating to hearings before and records of committees of the legislature. " Resolved by the Assembly, the Senate concurring, That there be added to the rules, a new rule to read : 2 pa. i. The chairman or acting chairman of each committee of the legislature shall keep, or cause to be kept, a record, in which there shall be entered : " (a) The time and place of each hearing, and of each meeting of the committee. " (&) The attendance of committee members at each meeting. " (c) The name of each person appearing before the committee, with the name of the person, persons, firm or corporation in whose behalf such appearance is made. " (d) The vote of each member on all motions, bills, resolutions and amendments acted upon. "2. Such record shall be ready and approved before the expiration of ten days after each committee meeting, or at the next regular meeting of the committee. "3. Every committee hearing shall be open to the public. "4. There shall be filed, in the proper envelope, with every bill or resolution reported upon, a sheet contain- ing the foregoing information as to such bill or resolu- tion, with a duplicate thereof to be filed by the chief clerk numerically by the number of the bill in such form THE LEGISLATURE 2OI as to be most accessible for the use of the members and the public, during the session and at the end thereof in the office of the secretary of state." Wisconsin has now added to its other machinery a permanent statute revisor. It is his duty at the close of each session to issue an annual volume bringing the statutes to date and systematically to revise them, chapter by chapter, submitting each chapter as revised, to the legislature for approval. The revisor of statutes and his assistants are now called in by the governor to examine all bills for technical mistakes before he signs them. This adds a further check on mistakes and will doubtless prove a step toward making our statute law a much finer and more dignified code. Wisconsin has had a great advantage in its appropria- tion procedure, for all appropriation bills must receive the sanction of the joint committee on finance. This committee has practical control of the amounts appor- tioned and it has become so thoroughly a custom to "uphold" the committee, that its cuts are almost always maintained. This has led to great economy and par- ticularly efficient adjustment of various appropriations. Of course, this committee withholds the bills until it sees their full content and until some estimate of revenue can be made. The committee in recent years has em- ployed clerks and statisticians. Contrary to the custom in nearly all other states, this committee reports these O:HE WISCONSIN IDEA bills one by one, to the legislature, thus holding control of the situation until the estimate of their amount and the revenue which may be expected is secured. No other attempt at a budget is made. The state board of public affairs created by chapter 586, laws of 1911, is now outlining a plan whereby esti- mates may be made before the beginning of the session, by which greater accuracy and certainty can be secured during the legislature. In the opinion of the writer, Wisconsin has been for- tunate on the whole, in not having what is known as a " budget bill." Trained as a student of economics, it was rather difficult for him to reach this conclusion but a thorough investigation of the procedure in other states and some first hand knowledge of such procedure in foreign countries have convinced him of the wisdom of this plan. The budget bill is considered unwise because it includes so much that is a fruitful source for log- rolling and in nearly all states has to be supplemented by other and more dangerous machinery, such as the power of the governor to veto items in order to do away with riders, the deficiency bill to make up for inevitable mistakes and discrepancies and other similar devices. So much is involved in a budget bill that the members cannot consider the items separately as they should and are inclined to either cut it arbitrarily or accept it as a whole. In Wisconsin each bill must be considered on its THE LEGISLATURE 203 merits, fought over and either killed or passed. Noth- ing could be more desirable if at each stage, the mem- bers have before them a statement of the actual finances of the state. The budget bill meaning one inclusive bill containing all appropriations belongs in a respon- sible cabinet government and not in a government such as ours. A cabinet government may present its esti- mates and recommended expenditures and permit the legislative body to fight over them within limits but the administration as a result of its acceptance or rejec- tion, stands or falls, consequently the party member is whipped into line and supports those who make the estimate, unless the protest from public opinion is so great that he dare not do so. If he does not stand by those estimates his party goes out of power and a new administration comes in to make a more acceptable and popular budget. That American states have adopted the budget bill stands as a monument to the stupidity of political economists who have recommended it to American legislatures in the past. Wisconsin fortunately never has adopted another plan which has usually accompanied the budget idea as furthered by political economists and accountants and which has no precedent on the face of the earth that is, the idea that appropriations should be made for all state departments merely for a two year period. The inefficiency, corruption and log-rolling which have come 204 THE WISCONSIN IDEA in many states from this entirely false idea have been excluded from this state in spite of constant pressure to introduce it. Such a plan means minority control of all institutions and departments; it means that every in- stitution or department dies every two years, for unless the appropriation is forthcoming the institution or department must go out of existence; it means that twenty members of a senate if twenty is a quorum may say to the entire legislature, "It takes an affirmative action to pass this money and we can block it. If the institution or department wants this money it will have to accept our terms." That is, the minority dictates the terms. This little joker has not been realized by our wise economists and accountants who have been called upon to help legislatures to better their financial procedure but it has destroyed the spirit of institutions, it has debauched commissions and departments and re- sulted in stagnation in many states. In some states where things are peacefully sleeping, we hear nothing of its influence; but let an institution or commission become really active and note what will happen. The writer has evidence in his possession from many states of its power. He does not wish to be understood as opposing the budget system. On the contrary, he firmly believes that all appropriations together with careful revenue estimates should be laid before the legislature every two years so that an account of the stewardship THE LEGISLATURE 205 of commissions and institutions may be made to a cent, but there should be a number an ever-increasing num- ber of institutions on a permanent basis so that the legislature by a majority vote may at any time, raise or lower the appropriation as it sees fit but not by a mi- nority vote. The matter is important and worthy of seri- ous consideration because no state will get sound results unless it provides some permanency for judicial bodies, semi-judicial commissions, such as civil service, railroad commissions, etc., and above all, educational institutions. In England especially and in foreign countries in general, although the budget may be considered at stated intervals, many of the most important items are placed on a permanent basis. Even under cabinet gov- ernment in foreign countries which may be changed by public sentiment, there exists no such budget idea as in the American states. Indeed, those countries provide means whereby, if the budget does not pass at all, the departments and institutions still continue. How can the experts in our commissions and the thinkers in our institutions ever be aggressive and wide awake if they always have to be on the defence against a minority? There is no more unwise arrangement conceivable than this plan of having our appropriations completely end every two years. Another advantage which has fortunately helped this state is the simplicity of its old constitution. For in- 206 THE WISCONSIN IDEA stance, in many states it is almost impossible to pass legislation which will withstand the scrutiny of the courts, because of the technical legislative limitations. Many of these are exceedingly trivial, such as denning what should be in the title of a bill. Wisconsin is for- tunate to escape some of these unimportant limitations, although one very perplexing difficulty is constantly arising. In this state there is but one city of the first class Milwaukee. The constitution forbids special legislation so that all its legislation must be made general for cities of the first class. It is practically impossible to draft a law for that city which will certainly stand the test of constitutionality under the complex limita- tions and the numerous court decisions involved. Many constitutions provide limitations as to the length of the legislative session; Wisconsin has no such limitation. In spite of cheap clamor concerning the time spent by the legislature in session, this has been a great blessing to the state. With hundreds of laws to be pro- vided any one of which may be tested before the courts for years, it would indeed be foolish to fail to give reason- able time or intelligent care to these bills. It is a good investment in the end. The writer believes it would be a good thing for the legislature to meet immediately after election, organize committees and adjourn for a year ; it would certainly assure more care in the prepara- tion of measures. THE LEGISLATURE 207 The Wisconsin legislature meets biennially. The amount of work involved has been so great that the writer believes it will not be long until some kind of annual session will be necessary if hasty legislation is to be avoided. In those states which have sessions limited to sixty or ninety days by their constitutions, there is an excellent opportunity for " jockeying" and great in- ducements for delay, as all bills not previously disposed of must either be passed or killed in the last few hours. Nothing more disastrous to good legislation can well be imagined and the session laws of those states bear out this statement. The study of legislative machinery has been of special interest to the author because of his duties as chief of the Wisconsin legislative reference department. Be- cause of many questions from various parts of the country, the following description of the department and its purposes is included. Much of the following has been digested from previous statements but there are occasional digressions to show the actual con- ditions of legislation and the need of a department of this kind. We are all aware of the stupendous changes in our economic and industrial conditions which this country has undergone since the constitution was adopted. To meet these conditions our whole theory of government has been strained. CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITATIONS LEGISLATIVE POWER 208 THE WISCONSIN IDEA Diagram V may illustrate the problem of modern legislation. Let us assume that this illustrates approxi- mately the conditions when the constitution was first adopted. It will be presumed that the constitutional convention made legislative power and the constitution conform approximately to the actual industrial and social needs of soci- ety. This is a rea- sonable supposition. If true, what has since occurred ? Diagram VI illus- trates the present relative position of the constitution, the legislative power and DIAGRAM v economic conditions. The constitutional power has been increased by the action of the courts and especially by the new force which has grown up, probably not contemplated by the original constitution, namely, the power of the courts to pass upon the constitutionality of laws. The consti- tution in fact, has grown from a small pamphlet into thousands of cases and hundreds of volumes of decisions. These decisions cannot but lessen the power of legisla- tures. It is true that the " constitution cannot be read in a law library" and the increase of the domain of the ECONOMIC CONDITIONS THE LEGISLATURE 209 police power and of administrative law has somewhat broadened the power of the legislature in certain direc- tions but on the other hand the very mass of interpre- tation is itself a restriction. Every word, almost, has received an interpretation or has had its meaning confused by endless decisions. Judge Hornblower in an address in which he decried the PRESENT CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITATIONS PRESENT LEGISLATIVE POWER PRESENT ECONOMIC CONDITIONS DIAGRAM VI increase of statute law and defended judge-made law, gives us one of the strongest pictures of the difficulties of law making. He says: " Experience shows that when rules of law are reduced to statu- tory form the work of interpretation and construction commences. Each word in the statute assumes importance and calls for en- forcement. A ' but ' or an ' and ' becomes as important as the subject or the predicate of the sentence, and sometimes even more important. ... In a statute conciseness, exactness, and pre- p 210 THE WISCONSIN IDEA cision are sought after, and each article or preposition is as much the will of the legislature and as binding upon the courts as are the nouns and verbs. " Human language is at best defective and ambiguous. The- ologians dispute over the meaning of texts of Scripture, and when they have formulated creeds and confessions as setting forth the doctrines of the Scriptures, the dispute begins again over the mean- ing of the creeds and the confessions. So with statutory law. No matter how clear and simple the language may appear at first sight, doubts will arise, ambiguities will be disclosed, inconsis- tencies between different sections will present themselves, and a series of never-ending decisions will be inaugurated, construing and interpreting the statute, till each section becomes overlaid with a body of judge-made commentaries forming a new set of precedents and a new jurisprudence. No greater fallacy is in- dulged in by the advocates of codification than that it will dimin- ish litigation. Statutes breed litigation. Experience demon- strates this. Whatever other merits codifications may have, the diminution of litigation is certainly not one of them. Look at our New York Code of Civil Procedure (our code of practice) with the three bulky volumes of Bliss's Annotations of Decisions construing it, each volume nearly as large as a Webster's Dictionary. Look at the little Statute of Frauds, composed of a few sections with its wilderness of authorities interpreting it. Look at the portion of our New York Revised Statutes on Trusts and Powers, and count the cases in each volume of our Court of Appeals Report construing these few sections. The idea that codification is a remedy for uncertainty in the law and that when the law has been written in statutory form, the layman will be able to read and understand it, is a delusion and a THE LEGISLATURE 211 Professor Howard L. Smith is the authority for the following statement: " There are in America alone over six thousand volumes of de- cisions of fifty or sixty different tribunals, and these are being added to at the rate of from one to two hundred volumes per annum. The common law is being further developed, illustrated, and made by the courts of Great Britain and all her widespread colonies. The number of volumes of precedents that these add every year to the common law, I have not attempted to compute, but it is certainly appalling. The shelves of our libraries groan under them, and the lawyers are being driven out of their offices by their books. " An advertisement of a recent encyclopedia of law boasts that it has 8559 citations on the subject of adverse possession, while its leading competitor has only a paltry 4999. On the subject of abatement and revival it has 5015 and on appeal and error 47,000. Amid this bog of precedents the lawyer of to-day must stumble, groping earnestly, but often vainly, for a clue which shall lead him to the truth. It is probable that the number of citations on the one subject of appeal and error in this encyclopaedia is greater than the real number of precedents on all legal subjects in existence a century ago ; but the mad race of precedents is only begun, and will of course increase in the future in an ascending ratio, until in the near future they will be counted by the tens and the hundreds of thousands or millions. " That the lawyer desiring to advise his client as to some simple, readily foreseeable question of law should be obliged to consult hundreds of volumes, and thousands of precedents, perhaps only at the end to find that there is a hopeless division of authority, and that he knew just as much about it in the beginning as at the 212 THE WISCONSIN IDEA end, is certainly a situation so serious as to demand some remedy, if any be possible." If the lawyer has to meet these conditions what can the layman do ? If these conditions are encountered in the interpretation of law, the making of the law is indeed a terrible task. We have an endless circle. We cannot make statute law without consulting this labyrinth; nevertheless we must make it. We must make it even though we only follow public sentiment. Our government was founded on the principle that the adaptation of law to economic conditions should be made by the will of the people expressed in legislation. We cannot give this task to the judges; we did not make our government on that basis. Divided courts and reversals have left the lawyer helpless as well as the layman of the legislature. The courts have often in- dulged in reckless use of the power to declare laws un- constitutional on the slightest technicalities. The four- teenth amendment to the federal constitution has been very efficacious in restricting state legislation, as has also the broad interpretation of federal statutes by the federal courts. On the other hand the simple industrial conditions of fifty or a hundred years ago have given place to the present era of wonderful inventions. Nearly every invention and device, economic, commercial and mechanical used in our modern life, has to be met by legislative restriction or control. THE LEGISLATURE 213 Under these conditions it is remarkable what progress has been made with our statute law. In spite of all criticism and faults when one looks over our statute law he is amazed that it is so good. When he considers that it was made under the conditions herein described ; when he considers that state after state came into the Union, each making an entirely new constitution, each adopting an entirely new body of laws, he cannot but feel proud of the inherent ability of the American people. The argument is unanswerable. In general legislators have not been corrupt nor have they been inefficient. Our statute volumes are monuments to the ability and common sense of our legislators. No other people under the same conditions could have done so well. Representative government must be judged in the end by its product and the immediate tangible product of representative government is the statute. If we are to construct a building to-day and the structure is to be a large one or of any real importance, there must be an architect. If it were built without his services it is probable that the building inspector would order it demolished in order to protect life, health and property. We must have experts to show us practical plans and to arrange for heating, lighting and sanitation. If we do not, disaster is the result. In building the statute which regulates everything in life, is it not the sensible thing to employ an architect and let him work out the plans 214 THE WISCONSIN IDEA under our general direction and ask him to change them again and again until we are satisfied ? Is this not the right thing to do in order that the plans may be passed upon by the building inspector and that the building may rise fair, noble, fitted for our use and so constructed that it may stand for all time ? The courts have acted for a long time as building inspectors. They have been forced to destroy too many structures which were not properly built in the first place. There should be a body of experts to gather information about the laws, to obtain statistics, to draft and redraft through the guidance of the representative of the people, laws which deeply affect the people. There should be some such system whereby the products of democracy may be good and the courts may not be compelled to leave the sphere which the fathers intended they should occupy and go into the untried fields of judicial legislation. This is the central main concept of the legislative reference department. The legislative reference depart- ment of the Wisconsin library commission was estab- lished in a small way in 1901. It became apparent at once that the demands of this library were of a peculiar nature which could not be readily met by the ordinary library material or methods. A plan was devised which has been since carried out as far as the resources given by the legislature would THE LEGISLATURE 215 permit. It was found that there was no cooperation between the different states of this Union in the matter of collecting the history of legislation; the history of what had occurred in Europe or in some state of the Union upon a certain subject of interest to the people of the state was not readily available. An effort to supply this demand was made by collecting such indexes of up-to-date legislation as were published, bills from other states, documents explanatory of legislative move- ments in other states and arranging these by subjects so that they would be at the service of all who desired to see them. It was found that even this material did not solve the problem; it was necessary to clip news- papers from all over the country and to put the clippings in book form, to index them carefully and place them also with the subjects. Our own bills of the previous four sessions were carefully indexed and by noting the subjects of those bills, we anticipated the problems with which the legislature would have to deal. These prob- lems or special subjects were carefully studied in the most minute detail. It was comparatively easy to get laws and court cases but it was far more difficult to find how these laws were administered, to discover the weak- nesses in them and to note as far as possible how they could be adapted to our use in this state. Our short experience has taught us many things. We have been convinced that there is a great opportunity 2l6 THE WISCONSIN IDEA to better legislation through work of this kind that the best way is to help directly the man who makes the laws. Everything which will help him to grasp and understand the great economic problems of the day in their fullest significance, the legislative remedies which can be applied and the legislative limitations which exist is brought to his attention. The legislator is a busy man ; he has no time to read. His work is new to him ; he is beset with routine ; he is obliged to hold conferences with his friends upon political matters; he is besieged by office-seekers and lobbyists and he has no time for study. If he does not investigate for himself, he often is deceived by those who are seeking the accomplish- ment of their own selfish ends. Therefore, we can be of the greatest service to him, if we index, digest and make as clear as possible all kinds of information. A large library is likely to fail in this because it is of too general a nature and too cumbersome. Everything in such a department should be directly to the point. It should be a depository for all sorts of documents relat- ing to any phase of legislation from all the states, the federal government and particularly from foreign coun- tries like England, Australia, France, Germany and Canada. Here one would be able to obtain a law upon any subject or a case upon any law very quickly. There- fore, it is very convenient to have this room near a good law library. Books are generally behind the times, so THE LEGISLATURE 217 that newspaper clippings from all over the country, magazine articles, court briefs and letters must supple- ment this library and compose to a very large extent its material. A trained librarian and indexer, a resourceful person with a liberal education, who is tactful and can meet an emergency is absolutely essential. The material is largely " scrappy" and difficult to classify and should be so arranged that it is compact and accessible. In our work we are not afraid to tear up books, documents, pamphlets, clippings, letters, manuscripts or other ma- terial, put it with the different subjects and minutely index it. Legislators have no time to read large books. The librarian has no time to hunt up many references in different parts of the library; all material upon every subject of legislative importance should be together as far as possible. Complete indexes of all bills which have not become laws in the past should be made. This saves the drawing of new bills and makes the experience of the past cumulative. Records of vetoes, special messages, political platforms, political literature and other handy matter is carefully noted and arranged. Digests of laws of the various states on every subject of importance receiving consideration by the legislature should be made and many copies kept for distribution. Leading cases on all these laws, opinions of public men and experts upon, the working of these laws or upon the 2l8 THE WISCONSIN IDEA defects, technical or otherwise, are carefully indexed. As far as possible in the Wisconsin department the more important subjects with short bibliographies are pub- lished in pamphlet form. Such a department must be absolutely non-political and non-partisan. If there is a choice between the establishment of a political department or no depart- ment at all, the latter alternative should be taken with- out question. The head of such a department should be trained in economics, political science and social science in general ; he should have a good knowledge of constitutional law but above all, should be possessed of tact and a knowl- edge of human nature. There should be a trained draftsman connected with the department a man who is a good lawyer and something more than a lawyer one who has studied legislative forms, who can draw a bill, revise a statute and amend a bill. It is essential that help such as a man of this type can render, be given to the legislator when he desires it. Will such a department help in the betterment of legislation ? Let us consider for a moment how a law is actually made. John Smith comes to the legislature. He is a good citizen, a man of hard sense and well respected in his community. Suddenly, from the quiet of his native THE LEGISLATURE 2 IQ village, he enters into a new life in a new community. He is worried by office-seekers ; his old friends and ad- visers are not near to help him ; he finds that it is neces- sary to learn the ropes; that if he is to represent his district, he must introduce bills and in some way must push those bills through the legislature. In the first place he must have those bills drafted and since he never drew up a bill in his life, knowing very little of legal technique, he is greatly perplexed. He is con- fronted with two thousand bills on almost as many legal and economic subjects. Complex questions, which have not been settled by the greatest thinkers of to-day are hurled at his head. Even scientific subjects that the chemist, the physician or the man of science find diffi- cult must be met by our John Smith while in the hurry and rush of committee work. If he is honest, he will either attempt to draft the bill himself or pay some lawyer to do it for him ; the easiest way however, is to consult some one else. He finds around him bright men, well paid lawyers, men of legal standing who are willing to help him in every way. It is easy to consult these men ; and often if he does, he is lost. He seldom finds a true friend. They are there for their own interests and John Smith is legitimate prey. It is their business to reach him. If by persistent courage and sterling honesty he pushes his bills to passage, those laws dealing with complex, technical subjects and drawn by a man 220 THE WISCONSIN IDEA unskilled in law, are often declared unconstitutional by the courts. Here then, is the situation. We see the farmer, the groceryman, the country lawyer, the successful manu- facturer, the man of business, all grappling entirely un- prepared, with the problem of making laws that repre- sent every phase of industrial life. A few years ago the simple legislation could be easily handled by these men but now the great problems of the railroads, the tele- graph, the telephone, insurance, and the many complex things of our modern life, make it simply impossible for one man however bright or educated he may be, to act intelligently upon one-tenth of the subjects which come before the legislature. When some new invention comes into being, legislation must deal with it ; when some new situation arises through the growth of new industries, some new law must be made restraining, encouraging or in some way regulating these new conditions. It all goes to show how unfitted is our old representative government to meet the conditions to-day and how utterly helpless any one man is to meet these intricate problems. Besides all these difficulties, there are others pre- viously mentioned, one of which is worthy of special attention, namely the great abundance and complexity of judge-made laws. The increasing distrust of the legis- latures by our citizens has resulted in state constitutions THE LEGISLATURE 221 which are nothing more than compiled statutes, filled with innumerable restrictions upon the action of the legislator. He is restrained in every way by the federal constitution, by his own state constitution and by the hundreds and hundreds of cases interpreting nearly every word and phrase in every law. Is it any wonder that there is a cry that the supreme court is usurping legislative functions and is defeating the will of the people ? Does it seem right that our legislative opinion should be moulded by private interests because they aUne know how to present their case? Does it seem right that the only help which the legislator receives in his great need is that of the people who are seeking gain from the very laws he is making and who are trying to prevent the making of effective laws ? A committee is often a judicial body. It sits in judgment upon private bills. It gives rights and fran- chises that make men wealthy or deprive men of their property. Yet this court hears often but one side of an argument and has no means of investigating the truth or untruth of a single statement made. Not only that but it is subjected in its determination to a hundred influences to which no judge is subjected. Would we permit such a state of affairs in our private business? Would we tolerate it in our judiciary ? Why, the power- ful interests do not have to resort to bribery ! Their experts can win by the irresistible force of argument 222 THE WISCONSIN IDEA alone. They must hold the balance, for they have the brains of the land and pay well for them. Is it any wonder that many good people throw up their hands with joy and say "Thank God ..the legisla- ture is over"? Is it a thing to be joked about? Our papers make fun of the legislature and its " freak" legis- lation but it is a most significant state of affairs when a people lose confidence in its governing body. The revelations of graft and corruption of the last few years should convince us all that we must seek a positive remedy of a more fundamental kind than has yet been proposed. If these are the conditions under which our legislative opinion is formed, is it strange that the will of the people is constantly defeated ? Is it any wonder that our laws are poor ? Is it any wonder that the clamor of public opinion is not heard within our legislative halls, and that the making of needed laws goes on so slowly? What is the remedy for all this? We look about us and on the whole find our judiciary composed of able men. Our administrative bodies have not yet reached so high a standard but we are every day developing administrative bodies which are becom- ing more and more fit to take charge of the business of the state but how about the legislature? Does it not seem reasonable that the law which is the expression of the will of the people and upon which good administra- tion is founded, should be scientific should be based THE LEGISLATURE 223 upon the best experience of mankind? If our adminis- tration is to be good administration, does it not seem ridiculous that the supreme courts the highest legal talent in our states and our nation should go on day after day, year after year turning out decision after decision upon laws which are often made by men who have never seen a law book, and who have not had the slightest legal help extended to them? Does it seem right that our fundamental law should be left to these haphazard conditions ? Does it seem reasonable that all the talent should be used in interpreting laws, in curing their defects and that absolutely nothing should be done in a scientific way to assist the man who makes them? The construction of the law is a far harder task than the criticism or even the interpretation of it. It involves the interpretation of it; it involves a knowledge of the theory of government and because of the enlarged sphere of government to-day, a sound knowledge of economic conditions. Our legislators can furnish the brains and the will ; all that they need is the technical assistance. We have heard a great deal of condemnation of the legislature. It is easy and popular too, to sneer, censure and criticise but we have heard very few suggestions as to a remedy. If private forces maintain bureaus of information for representatives, let us have public information bureaus 224 THE WISCONSIN IDEA open to private and public interests alike. If it is diffi- cult to get information because of the great variety of subjects now coming before our legislators, the only sensible thing to do is to have experts gather this ma- terial. If business interests have excellent lawyers to look after their legislation, the people should secure the same kind of men to help their representatives. If the business interests secure statisticians, engineers and scientific men, the public should do likewise. If great judges and lawyers are constantly working upon the problems of interpretation of laws, surely men of equal ability could well be consulted or retained by the people's representatives in the construction of these laws. Now, what do we expect from the successful operation of a system like this ? We hope that all legislation may be made better and be placed upon a more scientific basis. We look upon this as a purely business opera- tion. No one would buy land in Texas without having seen the land. You might buy land in a lake or in the bed of a river if you followed such a plan ; you would at least have some one look up your abstract. But we permit our legislators to copy a Texas statute which may be twenty years old, may have been modified twenty-five times, may be entirely unsuited to our con- ditions and which may be in the end unconstitutional we let our legislators incorporate such statutes in our statute books without a protest. Common sense tells us THE LEGISLATURE 225 that we should secure all possible knowledge relating to that statute for the use of our legislators. In this way legislation cannot avoid being improved ; in this way the dearly bought experience of one state is used for the betterment of conditions in another state; the best there is may be culled out from the statutes throughout the country and used for the benefit of our people. There is a great outcry against our overloaded consti- tutions. Our constitutions have been purposely over- loaded because the people who made them wished to incorporate certain things which could not be over- turned by the caprice or corruption of legislators. As time goes on, if the people find that the product of legislation is based upon a careful scientific study, they will regain confidence in the legislature and again trust it. There is a widespread agitation at the present time for centralization and nationalization, a movement which strives to have one after another of the state functions absorbed by the national government. There is much discussion concerning various forms of federal supervision of one thing or another. As our state laws are gradually improved, a great deal of this agitation will cease, for as yet we have not reached the limit of efficient state activity, nor made a scientific study of expedients. The best laws are those which are of most interest to the men who make the laws, and the only means of saving our local option system of state government, the only Q 226 THE WISCONSIN IDEA means of keeping the federal government at Washington from controlling our affairs, is to make our state laws better and better. The only way in which they can be improved is to use scientific methods in the making of them. Every improved business method together with technical, clerical help should be secured in order that the man who passes the laws may have at his command the knowledge necessary to make laws good, just and worthy to stand for all time. If our state legislature gains in the confidence of the people, in like proportion will our supreme court and judicial bodies profit. Our courts will not feel called upon to make decisions which apparently defeat the will of the people. They will not be obliged to overthrow law after law which has been put upon our statute books by prolonged and patient struggle. Prevention is better than cure, and every effort which can be put into pre- vention in this case will make it easier for our courts to decide upon the true merits of the laws. Decisions based upon technicalities will be less in number and our judiciary will continue to be respected and honored. Says the Montana bar association in a recent report : "The time of the court is consumed in hearing discus- sions upon statutory enactments and determining what law is in force and what has been repealed. Litigation is thus delayed, additional expense engendered and the private rights rendered insecure." What is the remedy THE LEGISLATURE 227 for such conditions? Do these conditions not demand that the same skill used in interpreting the law shall be used in its construction? ; Quite recently we have seen the results of the work of the Armstrong investigating committee in New York. No insurance law ever passed in this country had so much effect upon insurance regulation and that report was made by legislators, not by state officials. There have been objections to the increase of commission gov- ernment and yet this form of government has increased because it has been felt that it furnished the only method of enforcing laws and the only way of administering special duties. And yet this Armstrong committee shows us a way of making laws and of compelling their enforcement better than boards and commissions. If we have some department working with our legislature and have that department between the sessions serve the investigating committees, we can be sure that there is always a check upon the action of our boards and commissions and that there is always at hand a remedy for evil in the hands of the people themselves. They can always ask for an investigating committee for any commission and the report of that committee will prob- ably result in a good, sound law. In England to-day there is a movement to establish a "Permanent staff" for investigating committees intended to accomplish this very purpose. 228 THE WISCONSIN IDEA At the present time in nearly all of our states, an able lawyer may go before a committee composed of good farmers and merchants and though he may not speak the truth, he will sometimes have that committee absolutely at his mercy. He can tell them privately or in committee that a certain bill is unconstitutional or has been a failure where tried and defy individual mem- bers to answer him ; he has behind him many clerks to gather statistics of all sorts for his use before that com- mittee. What can the individual member of that com- mittee or the committee itself do under those circum- stances? Of course, the committee man does not care to make himself ridiculous and so he states the business in a half-hearted report or acquiesces in the statements of the attorney before the committee. If an entirely non-partisan and non-political department existed, com- posed of men of ability, there is no reason why that com- mittee could not require briefs to be filed by these attor- neys for private interests and invoke the aid of this department. In this case it would be more difficult to deceive by misstatements and the committee member could investigate for himself if he were honest and wanted to do his duty. As to our department in Wisconsin, we are not trying to influence our legislators in any way, we are not upon one side or another of any question nor are we for or against anybody or anything ; we are merely a business THE LEGISLATURE 22Q branch of the government. We are not dictating legis- lation but are merely servants of the able and honest legislators of our state, clerks to gather and index and put together the information that these busy men desire ; it is a business proposition. Question after question asked of us by the legislature is investigated in as scien- tific a manner as time and means permit. The legis- lator sometimes does not know where he gets the infor- mation ; the professor of economics, of political science, the public men, the chemist or scholar does not know where it goes. The great body of public men through- out the country can be drawn upon for information to help our legislators. Committees too, realize the worth of this research work and a large number of the bills before them are investigated by this department. Com- mittees working upon abstract and technical subjects have at their command in concise form, letters, opinions and other data from experts all over the country upon the particular subjects in hand. We may not have accomplished much but at least we have done something where nothing was done formerly. The department now has four expert draftsmen during the session at the service of the legislature and about twenty-five librarians, clerks, research workers, etc. Has there been criticism ? Yes, but it is chiefly con- fined to this one point; it makes it too easy for a man to draft a bill ! Is it a just criticism to say that the 230 THE WISCONSIN IDEA carpenter has tools which are too good ? What is really meant is that too many bills are drafted. There are too many bills drafted but there are no more in proportion, considering the great agitation going on in this state than in other states. Indeed they are far less than in the old days when annual sessions were held for the purpose of giving away franchises and passing hundreds of private and local laws. Regulative bills and those of a general nature have increased recently in congress and in every state legislature in this country as well as in foreign countries. It means that democracy now is alert and is trying to demolish the old statutes and install new ones. It is a good condition for the country a nation is safer than when too much complacency exists. The deadened or uncivilized nations are the only ones which do not require change in laws. As Walter Bagehot says: "There is a diffused desire in civilized communities for an adjusting legislation; for a legislation which should adapt the inherited laws to the new wants of a world which now changes every day. It has ceased to be necessary to maintain bad laws, because it is necessary to have some laws. Civili- zation is robust enough to bear the incision of legal im- provements." England is a good example of the new activity in legislation. Any flood of legislation may easily be stopped by the THE LEGISLATURE 231 legislators if they determine to consider only the essen- tial and to disregard the remainder. Year after year, the author has offered three suggestions which have been as regularly dismissed. The first of these proposed remedies is the establishment of a legislative rule com- pelling a member to obtain permission by an aye and no vote of the legislature before introducing a bill. All members would then go on record as to whether they wanted to consider the subject of the bill or not. Of course, the party in power would practically make the selection and be responsible for the introduction of the principal platform bills. But the member who comes to an American legislature wants his constituency to realize that he is doing something and the introduction of bills is a sure sign of activity on his part. Custom is so in- grained that it cannot be changed in a day. There are many men who do not care to father half the bills they present but the fellow at home is a good friend and therefore they must be introduced. If such a rule existed how easy it would be to explain to his friend that under the aye and no vote the bill was refused considera- tion. It is merely a matter of self-control which the legislature refuses to exercise. The second suggestion was that much of the private and local legislation could be abolished or submitted to some procedure like that of the English private bill pro- cedure. In Wisconsin about six hundred bills could be 232 THE WISCONSIN IDEA disposed of by this device combined with a proper home rule bill. To-day, in the advanced state of Wisconsin there is a fish commission which scientifically selects plans for the propagation of fish. Every session the legislature has to consider about one hundred and fifty or more fish bills relating to every creek and pond in the state. It does seem that if the commission is per- mitted to put fish into a lake, it could be trusted to determine rules as to the desirability of taking them out. The third recommendation was that no bill be drafted in the legislative reference department unless the pro- spectus submitted be signed by ten or fifteen members. This protection has not yet been granted. If the de- partment had this or some similar defence, it could devote the time of its lawyers to the more important bills. However, most of the bills before the legislature are drafted by attorneys throughout the state and sent to the members in all kinds of forms. The members then submit the bills for revision, so that they may follow the legislative rules. In this way over 90 per cent of the bills before the Wisconsin legislature in some way come in touch with this department. The relation of this work to a deeper study of statute law and the principles underlying it will be the next consideration. CHAPTER IX THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS THE growing impatience with our courts in America is very evident. The relation of the principles discussed in this book to court procedure needs some further ex- planation. Thus far the legislature and the adminis- tration of the laws have been the subjects of comment and it is with great pleasure that some consideration is now given the Wisconsin courts. But before so doing, a moment's pause to reflect on the whole question of judge-made law, economics and statute making may not be out of place. We have been so thoroughly disciplined in America to the infallibility of a written constitution as inter- preted by the courts, that only recently have we had impressed upon us instance after instance which disclose the hiatus between economic conditions and court deci- sions, culminating in the decision of the New York court of appeals in the workmen's compensation case. Can it be possible that a court would practically recog- nize the humanity, justice, right and necessity of a law prepared with the greatest care by the legislature and at the same time declare it unconstitutional? Can it 233 234 THE WISCONSIN IDEA be possible that there are standards of right and justice which public opinion recognizes and which violate a constitution, the very bulwarks of justice and right made especially to preserve these very things ? Such a situa- tion seems to the layman absurd and nonsensical. Yet has not this hiatus existed for many years and become ingrained into our very system? A thousand cases show that it has. Is not the necessity for devices such as the railroad and industrial commissions, evidence enough that a jurisprudence different from that which we have been teaching in our law schools must be de- veloped ? Is it not necessary to teach those who are to become our judges an economic viewpoint in addition to the stiff doctrine of precedent ? What, after all, are the advantages of the rulings of commissions? Simply that those rulings are based upon economic facts and not upon precedent. By instituting commissions we have established code law as understood in the old countries and at the same time have laid the foundations for what Roscoe Pound of the Harvard law school calls "Sociological jurisprudence." Are not the rulings, based as they are upon the police power, evidence enough of the fact that the old procedure of our courts, the old doctrine of precedent, is giving way to the newer doc- trine of paramount necessity ? The judges are not entirely in fault : a portion of the blame lies elsewhere. Old forms give way but slowly THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 235 to new growths. The astounding rapidity of the progress of modern industrial and commercial machinery has left many a good, just and able judge perplexed and be- wildered, with his flag nailed to the mast. Can we expect more from the judges than we do from the equally bewildered economist or legislator ? Particularly have questions relating to the control of great monopolies proved too complex for the courts. However good a court may be, it is a court and not an administrative body. The discontent with the rulings of the commerce court demonstrates the truth of this statement. The attempt by the supreme court to estab- lish some kind of administrative machinery to carry out its rulings in the tobacco case is another case in point. Such matters are not within the province of the court and they have no machinery to handle economic cases of any complexity or magnitude. A recent editorial in the Saturday Evening Post, commenting upon the com- merce court, makes the following pertinent statement : " Suppose you were building a dam and had employed a com- petent civil engineer ; but your lawyer insisted that all the engi- neer's orders must be subject to review by him. In the course of some years, if the engineer were sufficiently patient in explaining the import of his various orders the lawyer would understand all the problems involved in the construction of the dam ; in short, he would become nearly as expert as the engineer himself. " However, while the lawyer was acquiring this expert knowl- edge you wouldn't be apt to make much progress with the dam. 236 THE WISCONSIN IDEA " That is about the situation created by the new commerce court. The Interstate Commerce Commission, by years of in- vestigation, has become familiar with the problems of transporta- tion. The commerce court act simply makes this expert body subject to a body that does not know so much about transporta- tion. That the general effect of the court will be to paralyze the Commission at least, until such time as the court itself becomes expert in transportation seems most likely." A new procedure has been needed, but that does not excuse the courts from making every effort to meet the matter halfway by dispensing with a large part of the useless load of precedent and dilatory and costly prac- tices adverse to the poor man. They can be blamed for that needless conservation and justly so. They must take even a broader notice of sociological factors or they will be discredited. A great deal of injustice is done before public conscience is sufficiently aroused to check by means of necessary statutes those evils which are constantly arising. But how shall we find a remedy for the rapidly accumulating evils of to-day, when the courts are still further hampered by precedent which is recognized by every one to be as dead as Adam ? Even statute law lags far behind public opinion, but as Judge Dicey says in his book "Law and Opinion," " If a statute ... is apt to reproduce the public opinion not so much of to-day as of yesterday, judge-made law occasionally represents the opinion of the day before yesterday." THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 237 The story of history is repeated time and time again, as Professor E. A. Ross points out in his " Social Psy- chology" : " Law stiffens with the accumulation of precedent, or the grow- ing prestige of dead commentators, a Gaius or an Ulpian, a Coke or a Blackstone. Says Amos : ' So soon as a system of law becomes reduced to completeness of outward form, it has a natural tendency to crystallize into a rigidity unsuited to the free applica- tions which the actual circumstances of human life demand. The invariable reaction against this stage is manifested in a progressive extension, modification, or complete suspension of the strict legal rule into which the once merely equitable principle has been grad- ually contracted.' Equity itself, at first an attempt to correct the mechanical operation of law by enlarging the sphere of judicial discretion at the expense of technicality, gets bound by precedents, acquires a legal shell, and becomes merely a competing system of law destined in the end to complete absorption. " Litigation gets so involved in elaborate procedure that no one dares trust himself to it without the guidance of an expert. A lawsuit, originally a quest for truth and justice, becomes a regu- lated contest between professionals, to be decided according to the rules of the sport. ' The inquiry is not, What do substantive law and justice require? Instead the inquiry is, Have the rules of the game been carried out strictly ? If any material infraction is discovered, just as the football rules put back the offending team five or ten yards, as the case may be, our sporting theory of justice awards new trials, or reverses judgments, or sustains demurrers in the interest of regular play.' " Indeed, precedent has become so sacred and so con- fused with the principles the fathers laid down in the 238 THE WISCONSIN IDEA grandest charter of human rights the world has ever seen, that if one attacks a foolish decision, up pops little Mr. Pettifogger and angrily accuses him of trying to undermine the very foundation of government the constitution itself. Many of our law schools have become mere trade schools, and their graduates, instead of being men well founded in the fundamental principles of law, turn out to be attorneys who know all the tricks of the techni- calities, but are sadly deficient in a knowledge of the economic conditions, surrounding law. How can we hope for anything else than a turning to commissions for help, right and justice with such a growing impatience of the justice administered by these tradesmen? The law schools, lacking as they do real appreciation of history and sympathy with democracy, have become, in many instances, seats of Bourbonism. If we are to believe with these men that the only law is the judge-made law, everything is in a static condition and the efforts of the legislature to change conditions are foolish and needless. The fact is that away down in their hearts a goodly number of lawyers taught in our modern schools really do not believe in representative government at all. That for which our forefathers fought is to them a thing merely to be tolerated. Mr. Charles Bonaparte may not be considered the most conservative lawyer of his THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 239 class in America, and yet in an article in the Green Bag, October 1911, on the "Judges as Law Makers" he says : " Our statutes are in great part the work of mere vote-hunters and demagogues, enacted for the temporary ends of politicians or artfully contrived to advance the selfish purposes of unscrupulous men, often the very men against whose wrong-doing they pretend to provide safeguards. At best, they are seldom more than rudi- mentary, embryonic laws, destined and intended to be moulded into their final and practical shapes by the legislative action of the courts in professedly construing but really completing them." " Our judges are far more capable than are our legislators to give expression and effect to the people's will ; they are also more competent and more faithful interpreters of what is the people's will, because far less liable to be misled as to this by mere outcry from the press or the tawdry gabble of agitators ; for, ever since the days of the Three Tailors of Tooley Street, the query: ' What is ' or ' Who are the people ? ' has been matter of debate and often of dispute ; and, although it has received, for practical purposes, many different answers in different countries and at different times, the legal ' people,' that is to say, that part of the community em- powered by law to speak and act for the whole, has been always and everywhere a minority of all the human beings subject to the ' people's ' will." If this is true, why all this bother about representa- tive government? Why not do away with it at once or turn it all over to the courts ? Perhaps the courts are not all wise; perhaps the fathers who made the constitution were wiser than they may seem to the learned product of our so-called 240 THE WISCONSIN IDEA law schools. It may be that with a few scientific tools in the hands of our legislators, we may find a way out of the difficulty. It may be that we can build up a code of law which may be taught in real law schools, so that they will produce men who will go to the bench believing in some other maxim than "What is, is." The ridiculous assumption of fatherhood and pro- tectorship which some American judges, in their pom- posity, have attained, makes itself felt not only in the courts but in the attitude of practically every lawyer who comes to the legislative halls. It has been the means of retarding the march of progress in legislation and of establishing into the body of our government certain fallacies which have been a real and potential danger to the whole fabric of the state. Take for example the power of the attorney-general in many states. This official in our state is elected in the same manner as other state officials. Suppose that he is opposed to some law and wishes to remove it from the statute books. The only step necessary is to have the law submitted to him for an opinion and he can declare it unconstitutional. The supreme court itself has more limitations, in that it must at least have a case presented before it can hold hearings or render a decision. The attorney-general alone has the remarkable power of despatching a law put upon the statute books by the will of the people or THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 241 so modifying it that it is rendered useless and practically void. But this is not all. Let us suppose the state auditor thinks a certain great commission unconstitutional and refuses its payments while awaiting a decision from the attorney-general. If the attorney-general declares that it is unconstitutional he can then appear for the con- stitution as protecting the state treasury against the commission itself the embodiment of a law estab- lished by the will of the people and passed by its repre- sentatives. Here then is the situation the state is paying its attorney for appearing against it to destroy a law which it has decreed shall exist ! How absurd ! And yet this actually occurred in the recent Wisconsin civil service law case, which law was happily sustained by the supreme court. Both the auditor and the attor- ney-general were doubtless honest in their beliefs and should not bear the blame, but such a system the result of the spirit of law schools which teach that law- yers and judges are the only protectors of our liberties in all matters is certainly at fault. The blame rests largely on the law schools for failing to teach the real science of government in relation to these matters and for sending men into our public life who acquiesce in such ideas. Two men were talking about this very case and one, not a lawyer, was protesting that the system which permitted such a situation was not right. 242 THE WISCONSIN IDEA The other, a prominent lawyer, said, "Why, you are talking like a fool ; while I was district attorney of - county, almost my entire time was spent counteracting the work of that fool county board." Such are the conditions ; the remedy is plain. There is a science of statute law which is yet to be developed. The possibility of a jurisprudence in the field of statute law making has been realized by few people. Even in England, where an official draftsman is employed, prac- tically nothing has been done to gather the history of statutory enactment. Says Professor Ernst Freund in his article upon " Legislation and Jurisprudence": " For the vast majority of the acts on the statute books of our States, the reasons or considerations inducing their adoption have not been formulated. There has often been no discussion in the legislature whatever, or if there has been, only incomplete accounts of the debates have been preserved in the daily press. It is other- wise with regard to the more important legislation of congress and, in a number of States, with regard to the enactment of consti- tutions. In some branches of administrative legislation there are comments and recommendations of official authorities, and revisers' notes furnish for a few States valuable material. The whole amount of this source material is poor as compared with what the official publications of England, France and Germany afford. A great amount of information for legislative history is scattered through the law reports, in cases construing statutes and pointing out de- fects, which led to appropriate amendments. But the current THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 243 digests pay no particular attention to this feature of the law reports, and the information is therefore not in a readily available form and has not to any considerable extent been utilized. " As for the history of operation of statutes, there has never been any systematic observation of the working of the laws of persons, property or contracts. Excepting the subjects of bank- ruptcy, divorce and to some extent of personal injuries, there are no civil judicial statistics, still less, of course, any information regarding the legal relations that do not reach the courts. In codifying the German civil code, use was made of data collected by the government regarding the prevalence of certain forms of marital contracts and testamentary dispositions ; nothing of this kind would be available in the United States. The census bureau in Washington would be the only organization in this country to gather information of this kind, and there is no present prospect of its undertaking so far-reaching and difficult a work. Nor is there any near prospect that our States will undertake the collection of judicial statistics. General impressions instead of exact and sys- tematic observations will, for a long time to come, be the basis upon which the policy of our civil legislation will be built, and there is no promise of any radical advance of jurisprudence in this respect. " With regard to revenue and police legislation, however, the outlook is much more hopeful. A considerable amount of informa- tion is even now available in the official reports of the authorities charged with the administration of the various acts, which nat- urally deal to a considerable extent with the administrative and judicial aspects of legislation. With the multiplication of control- ling and regulating boards, more and more light will be thrown upon the operation of principles of constitutional and administrative law. " All this material ought to be collated and digested in the same manner as is now done with judicial decisions, and the result. 244 THE WISCONSIN IDEA should be the construction of a body of principles of legislation to supplement the existing body of principles of law. Both in its material and in its method this branch of legal science must differ considerably from the judicial jurisprudence with which we are most familiar ; but it is a department of our science equally legiti- mate and valuable, and destined to grow in importance with the increasing legislative activity of the modern state. . . . " Exhaustive inquiry into the conditions to be regulated, im- partial consideration of all interests concerned, and skilled and careful draftsmanship are equally indispensable requirements to produce legislation that is to avoid both inefficiency and injustice. In England, France and Germany the observance of these condi- tions is made possible by the fact that the respective governments introduce all important bills, that they have the greatest facilities for ascertaining the facts underlying the proposed measure, and that they command the services of highly qualified officials acting as draftsmen. These conditions cannot be easily reproduced in a country in which the government has no initiative in legislation, and in which it is often very difficult to place the reponsibility for the framing and the introduction of a measure. In recent years a few States have made provision for officials who are to aid in the drafting of bills, and for the systematic collection of information regarding legislation and legislative problems, and a great deal of valuable statistical work is done by official bureaus in the States and in Washington. It is to be hoped that these efforts in the direction of improving and harmonizing methods of legislation will, in the near future, be further extended, and especially that they will receive the active support of legislative bodies." Besides the data which Professor Freund mentions there is also a large body of material which should be THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 245 gathered, indexed and classified. The expedients which are put into laws to make them effective, the decisions and rules of administrative commissions, the decisions of attorney-generals, bar associations, reports upon codifi- cation, model laws or uniform laws all this data, if made available, would aid the legislator in his task. Such material will help him to find out what he can do, and although the classification of this data is a great task, it should be begun by some one. If the legislator has at hand this data and makes use of it as the judge makes use of the law library and also the skilled drafts- men, his task is made easy and we may 'hope for better legislation. With the clerical help of a skilled man at his command he can represent his constituents more efficiently. For those who decry the importance of statute law, let me call attention to the fact that common law means speedy and certain justice and those who profess to revere common law must look upon a statute creating an efficient railroad commission as the rehabilitation of the common law. If this is so, surely the scientific data relating to railroad commissions which can be collected will be of the greatest service to our legislators and to our courts in the formulation of " juridical principles" and in the adjustment to modern conditions of those ancient principles which we have been taught to revere and to believe are the foundation of our liberty and justice. 246 THE WISCONSIN IDEA Conceding that the legislator is able and honest and that many of the proposed remedies here mentioned will be to a degree efficacious, what remedy can be proposed which will meet the circumstances squarely and help to build up our statute law ? Let us suppose that the supreme court of the United States was deprived for one instant of all cases, prece- dents and the body of jurisprudence which has accu- mulated, what would result ? Would not the efficiency of our judiciary be greatly diminished? Yet the strik- ing thing is that the man who makes the law, who fits it to economic conditions, has no such body of guiding principles to help him. His task is tenfold more difficult than that of the judge. This will seem strange to the lawyer, who will imme- diately say that he has the decisions of the courts. So he has, but they do him little good. They give him the limitation but often no positive guidance. Let the man who wishes a perfect state 'law regulating the issue of stocks and bonds of corporations try to draft such a law if he wishes to learn what positive principles, legal or economic, he can sift out from the mass of legal deci- sions which must be consulted. Let the legislator try to make a law regulating rebates and he will find at once that the 'kinds of economic re- bates may be many times greater than will fit any definition of the courts. It is necessary to have this THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 247 economic data as well as the legal and we must find out how these laws work so as to profit by the experience of others. This is no small task. It is a far greater problem than that of building up a law library or gather- ing jurisprudence of the past. Professor Ernst Freund in a recent pamphlet upon "Legislation and Jurisprudence" says: " What does it mean, to say that the fundamental law secures a certain amount of liberty, if it is not said how much, or that it for- bids unjust discrimination, if the injustice is not denned? It is the merest commonplace that some restraint of liberty of contract and business, some discrimination, is not merely valid, but essen- tial to the interests of society. Can the fundamental law be satis- fied with the proclamation of rights of absolutely indeterminate content, directly contrary to other recognized principles, or is not limitation and definition of some sort absolutely essential to an intelligible rule of law? The courts have given us criticism, de- nunciation, and condemnation, but no positive guidance. The course of adjudication is marked by divided jurisdictions and divided courts, resulting in a lamentable uncertainty as to the limits of legislative power." What is needed is a body of jurisprudence or quasi- jurisprudence the formation of a body of principles directly relating to the whole subject of statute law. The judge goes into the law library and finds the classi- fied law and jurisprudence of the past ; the legislator comes for a few months every year to make laws with no such data at his command. 248 THE WISCONSIN IDEA There is no man for whom the study of comparative legislation will be of more benefit than the business man. Whether we wish it or not, we are taking up the things with which Europe has been working. The great danger is that radicals will force these things upon us without careful study. We see Germany advancing in this in- dustrial progress despite laws which the business man in America would look upon as ruinous. It means that Germany has an administration and conditions which make these laws helpful instead of hurtful to the business man. These laws must not be incorporated into our statutes without any study whatsoever. The study of comparative law and the gathering of data which will show the benefits of these laws should be encouraged by the business man of America. The necessity for the study of comparative law and comparative institutions in America is demonstrated repeatedly in a department like the legislative reference department. For instance, a man brought to this depart- ment for drafting, a bill which was to be introduced in the Wisconsin legislature. Upon research it was found that the bill related to special assessments in the city of Phila- delphia. The bill would have been entirely out of harmony with the Wisconsin laws and it would have been a disaster had that law been written into the Wisconsin statutes. This situation is well depicted in a conversation be- tween a man from Iowa, who had charge of the state THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 249 prison there, and a South Carolinian, who held a similar position in his state. The Iowa man told about the beauty of the Iowa law and how, instead of making hopeless criminals, the idea was to fit up the prisons so well that the men would receive encouragement, hope, and also the decent necessities of life, with occasionally little comforts. The idea, he said, was not to utilize the prisoner by making him a mere hopeless animal. The South Carolina man listened in wonder. " Why," said he, "how do you-all keep them out of prison ? If we had such conditions down in South Carolina we would have all of our poor white people and our negroes in jail." The laws must be adapted to the economic, industrial and social conditions of each community, for the different communities vary in America. Is it not a sensible and safe thing to create some bureau on a large scale for the study of comparative law and jurisprudence ? Diagram VII is suggestive of the manner in which this comparative law which may be termed, for lack of a LAW LIBRARY INTERPRE- TATION LAW MAKING DIAGRAM VII better name, "Jurisprudence of statute law " may be used so that it may be of some direct help to the legislator. 250 THE WISCONSIN IDEA The mass of data represented by i, 2, 3, 4, 5, the judge uses in the interpretation of law. The mass of data represented by 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, n, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, the legislator uses in the making of law. He must not only use what the judge uses but he must also obtain the facts, sociological and critical. The legislation throughout the world, the model laws, the cases which interpret them, the opinions of adminis- trative officers, the investigation of economists and the statistics of the actual working of laws a collection of this data is absolutely necessary and especially so to-day, when economic conditions are so constantly shifting and changing. Of course the above diagram does not tell the whole story. A law is made not by the courts or by the legis- lature or still less by administrative bodies. It is made by all of these forces. It is good in such proportion as these bodies are efficient and as their procedure is just and rapid. However strong a statute may be, if its enforcement is subject to tedious delay caused by outworn procedure the law is not so efficient. If a statute fails of enforce- ment because of the inefficiency of corrupt administra- tors, then again so much is taken from our law. It is plain to any one who has read thus far that in Wis- consin we have begun some sort of a systematic study for the improvement of the general conditions affecting THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 251 legislation. The following diagram (VIII) illustrates just how this study is proceeding. It may provide a sugges- tion for a new kind of law school, one which will include all of the studies necessary if representative government is to continue to exist and retain the confidence of the people. DIAGRAM VIII Here are three great fields for research : A. Legislative method and statute law. B. Administrative methods. Expert help. C. Real jurisprudence, broad study of legal principles i*-*^ I w | '*aNaJlnn**e^ and procedure. In the centre of the plan is the word "statute." To the right is a square representing the legislature. Now this diagram is to demonstrate that the law is not made by any one body by the legislature, the administration, 252 THE WISCONSIN IDEA or the courts but by all of them. If the legislature con- structs the law properly, there is a chance that the ad- ministration and the interpretation of the courts will be good. But if the legislation is wrong in the beginning, there is no chance for any other body to rectify it to any degree. So the suggestion is simply this : we must build behind the legislature a body of comparative law and ex- perience to demonstrate how these laws may be better made. To accomplish this we need the architectural department which has been described in the preceding chapter. This mass of comparative data cannot be properly built up unless our law schools, our political science and economic departments, cooperate so that we may study the principles of statute law, of legislative procedure, and the whole machinery of law-making. Our schools must go even further than this ; they must study scien- tifically the whole question of administration. In the diagram on page 251, "A " must accompany "B" Our administrative bodies must be based upon solid principles and to thoroughly understand these principles of admin- istration, we must study and discuss them. The estab- lishment of the "Training school for public service' 1 in New York City, connected with the " Bureau of mu- nicipal research," is an example of what may be done in this field. The time has passed when political scientists only talk of these things ; they must be studied close at THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 253 hand and something done speedily to remedy conditions. We must study the procedure of the courts in reference to the actual making of the law and its administration ; and our law schools must institute departments for re- search into law. Until such departments are established in our law schools, they will continue to turn out at- torneys, not lawyers. We have here in Wisconsin made a slight step forward in the collection of material and its classification in the legislative reference department. Students not only from the state but from the entire country are availing themselves of its material. As ex- amples of "B " we have the work of the expert commis- sions and classes in the principles of administration in the university and the public affairs board created by the 1911 legislature, having for its duties the reorganization of the administrative bureaus and the establishment of effi- ciency records and uniform accounts. Illustrative of " C," we have comparatively little, but the regents of the uni- versity have set aside a small fund for the study of crim- inal procedure. University professors connected with the law school have been actively working in this field. A strong branch of the Society for the reform of criminal procedure exists and an active campaign is being carried forward. It must be said, however, that in none of the fields, "A" "B," or "C," has the law school given the help it should. It is, however, to the views of Wisconsin judges that we owe the forward movement in the work of " C." 254 THE WISCONSIN IDEA A page from the catalogue of the University of Wis- consin illustrating courses which relate to public matters. 26. The Theory and Practice of Legislation. A study of the methods of procedure of legislative bodies, and the prepara- tion of the subject matter and form of bills. The legisla- ture is in session from January to June, in the odd-num- bered years. Throughout the year; Tu., Th., n. Mr. LLOYD JONES, Mr. MCCARTHY. 28. Comparative Study of Constitution Making. Mr. LOWRIE. 29. Teachers' Course. Methods of teaching government in sec- ondary schools. Second semester; Th., 4 to 6. Mr. Mc- BAIN. 30. Judicial Administration. A study of the organization, juris- diction and actual operations of the courts, with an inquiry into their defects in the administration of justice. First semester; Tu., Th., 2 130. Mr. HALL. 31. Latin- American Political Institutions. A comparative study of the constitutional and administrative systems of the Latin- American Republics. First semester; M., W., F., 10. Mr. REINSCH. 32. Current Political Topics. Study of current political problems, with training in the discriminating use of sources and in effective literary presentation. A training course designed for students preparing for journalism. Throughout the year; Tu., Th., 10. Mr. BAILEY, Mr. CURTIS. 33. Practical Bill Drafting. A study of the technique of bill drafting, with practice in drafting actual measures. Open to senior and graduate students. Second semester; M., F., 7. Mr. MCCARTHY, Mr. LLOYD JONES. 34. Rural Government. A study of the development and present THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 255 condition of county, township, and village government. First semester; M., W., F., n. Mr. BAILEY. 35. Conservation of Natural Resources. A study of the prob- lems of conservation and reclamation in the United States. Second semester; Tu., Th. } 8. Mr. BAILEY. 36. American Diplomacy. A study of the principal contem- porary problems of the United States in foreign affairs ; the participation of the United States in the development of International Law ; the organization of the diplomatic ser- vice ; the product of diplomatic action. (Given 1910-1911 and alternate years.) Mr. REINSCH. 37. Contemporary International Politics and Diplomatic Prob- lems. A study of the present grouping of the powers and their mutual relations. First semester; W. } M. y F., n. (Given 1911-1912 and alternate years.) Mr. REINSCH. 42. Public Utilities. A comparison of public regulation and pub- lic and private ownership of municipal utilities in Ameri- can states and foreign countries, including constitutional and judicial limitations, delegation of legislative power to commissions, physical valuation, reasonable rates and ser- vice, organization of public employees, cost, efficiency, social and political results. First semester; M., W., F., 8. Mr. COMMONS, Mr. DUDGEON. WISCONSIN JUDGES It has been said previously that the Wisconsin legis- lature would probably not apply the recall to judges. We have been fortunate, indeed, to have on our bench men who have taken as broad a view of constitutional law as any court in this country. This fact is well known 256 THE WISCONSIN IDEA throughout the country and need not be dwelt upon here. Our judges are elected for long terms on a non-partisan basis and if the recall were in force in this state it would be impossible to recall any of them. In striking contrast to the New York workmen's compensation decision are herewith presented excerpts from Judge Winslow's opin- ion in the Wisconsin case. For its boldness as well as literary merit, it stands as a monument of its kind and a living rebuke to the pettiness and chicanery exhibited in courts like those of Illinois and California. " In approaching the consideration of the present law we must bear in mind the well established principle that it must be sustained unless it be clear beyond reasonable question that it violates some constitutional limitation or prohibition. " That governments founded on written constitutions which are made difficult of amendment or change lose much in flexibility and adaptability to changed conditions there can be no doubt. Indeed, that may be said to be one purpose of the written constitu- tion. Doubtless they gain enough in stability and freedom from mere whimsical and sudden changes to more than make up for the loss in flexibility, but the loss still remains, whether for good or ill. A constitution is a very human document, and must embody with greater or less fidelity the spirit of the time of its adoption. It will be framed to meet the problems and difficulties which face the men who make it and it will generally crystallize with more or less fidel- ity the political, social and economic propositions which are con- sidered irrefutable, if not actually inspired, by the philosophers and legislators of the time ; but the difficulty is that, while the consti- tution is fixed or very hard to change, the conditions and problems THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 257 surrounding the people, as well as their ideals, are constantly changing. The political or philosophical aphorism of one genera- tion is doubted by the next, and entirely discarded by the third ; the race moves forward constantly and no Canute can stay its progress. " Constitutional commands and prohibitions, either distinctly laid down in express words or necessarily implied from general words, must be obeyed and implicitly obeyed so long as they remain unamended or unrepealed. Any other course on the part of either legislator or judge, constitutes violation of his oath of office ; but when there is no such express command or prohibition, but only general language, or a general policy drawn from the four corners of the instrument, what shall be said about this? By what stand- ards is this general language or general policy to be interpreted and applied to present-day people and conditions ? " When an eighteenth century constitution forms the charter of liberty of a twentieth century government must its general provisions be construed and interpreted by an eighteenth century mind surrounded by eighteenth century conditions and ideals? Clearly not. This were to command the race to halt in its progress, to stretch the state upon a veritable bed of Procrustes. " Where there is no express command or prohibition, but only general language or policy to be considered, the conditions pre- vailing at the time of its adoption must have their due weight, but the changed social, economic and governmental conditions and ideals of the time, as well as the problems which the changes have produced, must also logically enter into the consideration, and become influential factors hi the settlement of problems of construction and interpretation. " These general propositions are here laid down, not because they are considered either new or in serious controversy, but 258 THE WISCONSIN IDEA because they are believed to be peculiarly applicable to a case like the present, where a law which is framed to meet new economic conditions and difficulties resulting therefrom is attacked princi- pally because it is believed to offend against constitutional guaran- tees or prohibitions couched in general terms, or supposed general policies drawn from the whole body of the instrument." Again : " The next important contention is that the law is unconstitu- tional because it vests judicial power in a body which is not a court and is not composed of men elected by the people, in violation of those clauses of the state constitution which vest the judicial power in certain courts and provide for the election of judges by the people, as well as in violation of the constitutional guarantees of due process of law. It was suggested at the argument that the Industrial Commission might perhaps be held to be a court of conciliation, as authorized to be created by Section 16 of Article VII of the state constitution, but we do not find it necessary to consider or decide this contention. We do not consider the In- dustrial Commission a court, nor do we construe the act as vesting in the Commission judicial powers within the meaning of the Con- stitution. It is an administrative body or arm of the government which in the course of its administration of a law is empowered to ascertain some questions of fact and apply the existing law thereto, and in so doing acts quasi- judiciaMy, but it is not thereby vested with judicial power in the constitutional sense. " There are many such administrative bodies or commissions, and with the increasing complexity of modern government they seem likely to increase rather than diminish. Examples may be easily thought of, town boards, boards of health, boards of re- view, boards of equalization, railroad rate commissions, and public THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 259 utility commissions all come within this class. They perform very important duties in our scheme of government, but they are not legislatures or courts. The legislative branch of the government by statute determines the rights, duties, and liabilities of persons and corporations under certain conditions of fact, and varying as the facts and conditions change. Manifestly the legislature cannot remain in session and pass a new act upon every change of condi- tions, but it may and does commit to an administrative board the duty of ascertaining when the facts exist which call into activity certain provisions of the law, and when conditions have changed so as to call into activity other provisions. The law is made by the legislature, the facts upon which its operation is dependent are ascertained by the administrative board. While acting within the scope of its duty, or its jurisdiction, as it is sometimes called, such a board may lawfully be endowed with very broad powers, and its conclusions may be given great dignity and force, so that courts may not reverse them unless the proof be clear and satisfactory that they are wrong." Proceeding on an entirely different theory and yet set- ting forth a more startling recognition of new, economic forces in legislation, Judge Marshall chides the legislature on the fact that it has not previously subjected to the court this question of workmen's compensation. The judge holds that the constitution must, through its very nature, contain power of this sort and practically invites the legislature to test the constitution if the legislature has a law which is made in accordance with economic industrial right. The judge evidently believes that the constitution was made to include a body of rights broad 260 THE WISCONSIN IDEA enough to last for all time and that the burden of proof is on the judge who would declare unconstitutional a law within the broad words of the preamble of the con- stitution. " How are we to determine when the purpose of a law, in the field of police power, and unaffected by any express prohibition, is legitimate? It seems the answer is easy. Look first to the purpose of the Constitution, found in the declaration, ' Grateful to Almighty God for our freedom, in order to secure its blessings, form a more perfect union, insure domestic tranquillity and pro- mote the general welfare ' we ' do establish this Constitution.* Then to the central thought the very superstructure upon which the whole was builded : ' All men are born equally free and independent and have certain inherent rights, among those are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' There is voiced a broad spirit, covering as this court has, in effect, many times said, a field as limitless as are human needs. The language was not used for mere rhetorical ornamentation or effect, but to suggest the per- missible scope of legislation in the zone of general welfare, its extent and its limitations. . . . " So here, as it seems, the initial question was this : Is the pur- pose of the law legitimate, within the broad dominating spirit mentioned ? The answer must be yes, as the manifest purpose is to promote every element of the central thought of the Consti- tution. Anything fairly within that has always been and must, necessarily always, be held legitimate. Keeping in mind that in the selection of means the Legislature has a very broad compre- hensive field in which to freely make a choice, the next question is, Are the means contemplated reasonably appropriate to the end to be attained? Not are they the best means, but are they proper THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 261 means, in that they are not within any express prohibition and tend to conserve rather than to destroy? All must agree in the affirmative on that in harmony with the best thought of all the more civilized nations of Europe. The difficulty here has been, want of appreciation of the great economic truth, that personal injury losses incident to industrial pursuits, as certainly as wages, are a part of the cost of production of those things essential to or proper for human consumption, and the more direct they are in- corporated therein, the less the enhancement of cost and the better for all." Again, in the domain of procedure, listen to the wise words of Chief Justice Winslow on the delay of justice : " The ancient doctrine that the accused could waive nothing was unquestionably founded upon the anxiety of the courts to see that no innocent man should be convicted. It arose in those days when the accused could not testify in his own behalf, was not fur- nished counsel, and was punished, if convicted, Jby the death pen- alty or some other grievous punishment out of all proportion to the gravity of his crime. Under such circumstances it was well, per- haps, that such a rule should exist, and well that every technical requirement should be insisted on, when the state demanded its meed of blood. Such a course raised up a sort of barrier which the court could utilize when a prosecution was successful which ought not to have been successful, or when a man without money, without counsel, without ability to summon witnesses, and not permitted to tell his own story, had been unjustly convicted, but yet under the ordinary principles of waiver, as applied to civil matters, had waived every defect in the proceedings. " Thanks to the humane policy of the modern criminal law we have changed all these conditions. The man now charged with 262 THE WISCONSIN IDEA crime is furnished the most complete opportunity for making his defence. He may testify in his own behalf ; if he be poor, he may have counsel furnished him by the state, and may have his wit- nesses summoned and paid for by the state ; not infrequently he is thus furnished counsel more able than the attorney for the state. In short, the modern law has taken as great pains to surround the accused person with the means to effectively make his defense as the ancient law took pains to prevent that consummation. The reasons which in some sense justified the former attitude of the courts have therefore disappeared, save perhaps in capital cases, and the question is, Shall we adhere to the principle based upon conditions no longer existing ? No sound reason occurs to us why a person accused of a lesser crime or misdemeanor, who comes into court with his attorney, fully advised of all his rights and furnished with every means of making his defense, should not be held to waive a right or privilege for which he does not ask, just as a party to a civil action waives such a right by not asking for it. " Surely the defendant should have every one of his constitu- tional rights and privileges, but should he be permitted to juggle with them ? Should he be silent when he ought to ask for some minor right which the court would at once give him, and then when he has had his trial, and the issue has gone against him, should he be heard to say there is error because he was not given his right? Should he be allowed to play his game with loaded dice ? Should Justice travel with leaden heel because the defend- ant has secretly stored up some technical error not affecting the merits, and thus secured a new trial because forsooth he can waive nothing ? We think not. We think that sound reason, good sense, and the interests of the public demand that the ancient strict rule, framed originally for other conditions, be laid aside, at least so far as all prosecutions for offenses less than capital are concerned. We THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 263 believe it has been laid aside in fact (save for the single exception that trial by a jury of twelve cannot be waived unless authorized by a specific law) by the former decisions of this court. " It is believed that this court has uniformly attempted to dis- regard mere formal errors and technical objections, not affecting any substantial right, and to adhere to the spirit of the law which giveth life rather than to the letter which killeth. It may not always have succeeded ; it is intensely human, but since the writer has been here he knows that the attempt has been honestly made. " In this line the court is glad to welcome legislative assistance and approval. By ch. 192, Laws of 1909 (sec. 3072m, Stats.), it is provided that no judgment, civil or criminal, shall be set aside or new trial granted for any error in admission of evidence, direc- tion of the jury, or any error in pleading or procedure, unless it shall appear that the error complained of has affected the substan- tial rights of the party complaining. How much this adds to the provisions of sec. 2829, which has been on the statute books since 1858, is not entirely clear. At least it shows the legislative intent to specifically apply the law to criminal actions. Its terms are clear, and will unquestionably assist the court in its efforts to do substantial justice in all actions, either civil or criminal, without regard to immaterial errors or inconsequential defects. This court will loyally stand by this law, and will earnestly endeavor to administer it so as to do equal and exact justice so far as human effort can accomplish that end." (Hack v. State, 141 Wis. 346, PP- 3SI-353-) Judge Marshall, who for many years has withstood technicalities and delay of the law in no uncertain terms, has given the writer permission to use the following de- scription of the work of our courts : 264 THE WISCONSIN IDEA " Is there not some danger of the public being misled by the agitation respecting inefficiency of criminal procedure ? It should not be thought because of apparent failures of justice in a case now and then, and apparently unnecessary delay and expense in dispos- ing of criminal cases in some of the large cities, that the adminis- tration of the law in Wisconsin can be judged thereby. In this state, persons accused of crime are, as a rule, promptly tried, and, doubtless, are convicted when they ought not to be, quite as often as they are acquitted when they ought not to be. Criminal cases are removable to the Supreme Court at very moderate expense and when so removed are generally and finally disposed of in from two to five months. Furthermore, the number of cases so removed are very few as compared with the total number tried. " It will greatly surprise some persons to be told, as the fact is, that during the period of six years covered by the last twenty- two volumes of Supreme Court reports, there have been no less, probably, than four thousand trials of criminal cases in this state and three thousand convictions, while only one hundred and one cases were removed to the Supreme Court, or about two and one-half per cent of the number tried and five per cent of the number of con- victions. Moreover, not more than five per cent of the total of all kinds of cases taken to the Supreme Court were criminal cases. Of those four were reversed, or one and one-third per cent of cases tried resulting in convictions. " The foregoing can be better appreciated by considering that removals of criminal cases to the Supreme Court have averaged about one to a county once in four years, and reversals, one to a county once in ten years. " About one-third of all the criminal cases removed to the Su- preme Court during the period named, were from Milwaukee county, and yet the yearly number from there has been but about THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 26$ five. Two-thirds of all removals were from Milwaukee county and five other circuit jurisdictions, leaving only about thirty cases from eighteen other trial jurisdictions, including county and mu- nicipal judges, or on the average of one case every three years. From one circuit judge's jurisdiction, and those of several judges of inferior courts, there has not been a removal qf a criminal case to the Supreme Court during the six years. " A careful examination of the opinions of the Justices will show that, there were many affirmances regardless of plain errors, that being intended to be the course where it did not appear that, had the error not occurred, the result might probably have been otherwise. While it may be that a reversal occurred, now and then, on a ground which some would regard technical or inconse- quential, the rule has been otherwise, and as to exceptions, if there be such, they occurred from an honest reasonable difference of opinion as to the effect of the errors on the result, or an honest reasonable belief that they were neither technical nor inconse- quential. " There will be found on the average, a fraction less than two reversals in criminal cases in each of the last twenty-two volumes of reports, containing a little less than one hundred cases of all kinds, including five criminal cases. " In reading the foregoing, it must be remembered that the result on appeal in each case, with but few exceptions, was con- curred in by all. So the proportion of opinions in cases reversed, written by any particular Justice, does not have any particular significance." If these great judges recognize that justice must be made speedy, that ancient form must give way to modern, that the constitution is broad enough to cover all injus- 266 THE WISCONSIN IDEA tice and wrong, is it not about time that our law schools are awakening to the situation? The recent progress made along this line at Harvard under Professor Roscoe Pound, and at Pennsylvania under Dean Lewis, and the establishment of the " Bureau of legislative drafting " in connection with Columbia university are excellent signs of the times. The establishment of a legislative reference bureau as part of the work of Harvard and the establishment of numerous municipal reference depart- ments in various universities modelled to some extent after the Wisconsin bureau, are also encouraging. But we are in the midst of great struggles in America ; the power of the courts in these contests must be well denned. Good men die and public opinion cannot often bear evenly and justly upon judicial bodies. The strug- gle for new forms and to meet new conditions is Titanic witness the Standard oil and the tobacco cases. Even mightier struggles are to come, if the readjustment of economic conditions and law is made to the satisfaction of the people. Says the great German jurist, Dr. Rudolph von Ihering, in the " Struggle for Law " : - "This struggle reaches its highest degree of intensity when the interests in question have assumed the form of vested rights. Here we find two parties opposed each to the other, each of which takes as its device the sacredness of the law ; the one that of the historical law, the law of the past ; the other that of the law which is ever coming into existence, ever renewing its youth, the eternal, THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 267 primordial law of mankind. A case of conflict of the idea of law with itself which, for the individuals who have staked all their strength and their very being for their convictions and finally suc- cumb to the supreme decree of history, has in it something that is really tragic. All the great achievements which the history of the law has to record the abolition of slavery, of serfdom, the free- dom of landed property, of industry, of conscience, etc., all have had to be won, in the first instance, in this manner by the most violent struggles, which often lasted for centuries. Not unfre- quently streams of blood, and everywhere rights trampled under foot, mark the way which the law has travelled during such con- flict. For the law is Saturn devouring his own children. The law can renew its youth only by breaking with its own past. A con- crete legal right or principle of law, which, simply because it has come into existence, claims an unlimited and therefore eternal existence, is a child lifting its arm against its own mother; it despises the idea of the law when it appeals to that idea ; for the idea of the law is an eternal becoming ; but that Which Has Be- come must yield to the new Becoming, since Alles was ent- steht, ' 1st werth dass es zu Grunde geht.' " Let us suppose that the Wisconsin court followed the New York court. Let us suppose that the New York courts again and again disregarded the will of the people, that they overreached themselves and bound the legis- lature hand and foot. What are we going to do about it? In the milder method of usurpation of power by decisions the courts have encroached upon the field of legislation and is this not the true reason for the dis- 268 THE WISCONSIN IDEA content with the courts ? When this is true, is there not another legislative body above and beyond that elected by the people ? The chief legislative problem before us in many states the problem which has required all our best energy in the past is the creation of fictions which will in some way allow the acts demanded by the people and acknowledged to be necessary, to exist on our statute books, in spite of the limits of the federal and state con- stitutions as interpreted by thousands of decisions. It is not my purpose to go into history. It is generally understood that the United States constitution never gave the right to the courts to declare laws unconstitu- tional, but that the right has come mainly from the case of Marbury vs. Madison, 1803. However wise that de- cision may have been at the time, the assumption of control over legislation and consequently the assumption of legislative power by our courts, must now be regarded as the most unfortunate expansion of our unwritten con- stitution which has ever taken< place in this country. The field of the legislature has been gradually narrowed and more and more responsibility taken from it. How often we have seen just and right legislation checked or choked by an array of decisions which seem to block the way at every step ! How often the powers opposed to all progress have cited these with mighty dignity until the legislature, benumbed and confused, has yielded to what seemed to be an insurmountable mass of judge-made THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 269 wisdom ! The constitution has become discredited in the eyes of the people ; is looked upon as an instrument to stop all progress toward regulation of what ought to be controlled, and yet such is far from the fact in many cases. It is the spurious decisions the dead weights of prece- dent which are in the way, not the constitution itself. But the system is here ; its menace is always present and legislation or the science of legislation cannot go for- ward until something is done to remedy these conditions. Something must be done for the safety of our courts because sooner or later the people will say, " If you legis- late as well as interpret if you are a legislative body, we cannot allow you to exist unless we have control over you." If the recall of judges is rampant in the land there is a reason for it, and, from a theoretical standpoint, a sound one ; it simply means control of a legislative body. The constitutional initiative means the same thing. If the judges have rendered decisions which tie the legis- lature and the people hand and foot, a change in the con- stitution, rising from the people and eradicating the de- cisions which obstruct the way, can be effected through this new device. In either case, the fundamental reason is the same ; the judges are usurping legislative functions, and a legislative body which is neither elected nor recalled is inconceivable in a republic. The writer is not sure but that a recall applied to a judge who has gone into the legislative field is a good thing and may be made prac- 270 THE WISCONSIN IDEA tical. If our government is a government of checks and balances and the courts may declare a law passed by a legislature unconstitutional, who is to pass upon an un- constitutional decision of the judges ? Would it not be a good device in New York to have on the ballot at the next election the question, Is the decision of the court of appeals in the workmen's compensation case constitu- tional ? and let the people from whom this constitu- tion sprung have as much interpretive power as the judges whom they elect ? Does any one doubt but that the people of New York would sustain that law over- whelmingly ? If so, what better test have we of its con- stitutionality ? It might be advantageous to have some provision so that in case the decisions of a judge were overturned several times by popular vote, the judge would be subject to recall as being unable to interpret the constitution. The writer is a firm believer in repre- sentative government and is of the opinion that the legis- lature will never reach its highest dignity and respon- sibility until some device is used to hold the court within its proper sphere. Think of the confusion that is now arising in our coun- try because of this power ! Ten, yes, even twenty years after a law has been enacted, after property rights have grown under it, suddenly there may be a decision de- claring that law unconstitutional. Could anything be more conducive to chaos? What has been said above THE LAW AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 271 applies with double force to the federal courts. There is no way of changing the constitution except by that supreme legislative body, the supreme court of the United States. Would it not be better to change the fifth article of the United States constitution so that the constitution could be modified or at least some of the decisions which have been made relating to it be effaced ? Could not such an alteration be brought about by pro- viding, for instance, for a change by a majority of con- gress and a majority of the states instead of a system which no one can change save the supreme legislature, stimulated by raging and threatening public opinion? Would it not be better for the safety of the courts in the long run to allow this little leeway ? Meanwhile, if, by the establishment of a real study of jurisprudence in our law schools, expert help and the collection of scientific data for our legislators, we can help our law-makers to put the will of the people into a noble, clear, dignified form, we can aid greatly to a solution of this problem. If the people show that they desire a certain piece of legislation, the legislature, whatever may be the accu- mulation of decisions to be surmounted, should not hesi- tate to pass it in a form economically and technically correct and submit it to our courts and let them de- stroy it at their peril ! Fortunate circumstances in this state, of which there has been some mention, have made it possible to place before our court the principal statutes, 272 THE WISCONSIN IDEA not without error it may be said, but always in fairly good technical shape. The thorough study of the eco- nomic conditions made by our legislators before those statutes were enacted, and the patience with which hear- ings have been held and testimony taken, have had their reward in the harmony between the courts and the legis- lature so long observable in the state. It is good for the legislature, and for the courts as well, to have the care and the help which comes from some machinery at the hand of the legislator to help him to carry out the will of his constituents. CHAPTER X CONCLUSION THE legislation discussed thus far in this little book has been selected because it shows most clearly the fun- damentals of the Wisconsin idea. To describe all the laws which have been passed, their significance, enforcing devices and administrative features would necessitate a large volume, hence only the general trend of legisla- tion has been considered. The session of 1911 was per- haps the most remarkable session ever held in any state, not only in the humanitarian spirit of the laws but also in the daring manner in which great questions were handled. The work was carefully done, and although a part of it was fragmentary in its nature, so much so that it may have to be redrafted, none of it presents any real menace to business or prosperity. The conservative Wisconsin legislator is very careful to build well as he advances, and there is no great resentment against any of these laws. The water power law is the only one which has been declared unconstitutional. The income tax was not received with much enthusiasm at first, but as the people have come to understand it, this feeling has T 273 274 THE WISCONSIN IDEA died away. The other laws have met with general ap- proval. As an example of the sort of legislation of the session of 1911, there is a fairly accurate newspaper account in the Milwaukee Free Press of July 6, 1911, under the heading, "Constitutional amendments." Following is a digest of this article. The following proposed amendments to the constitu- tion were adopted this year : The initiative, referendum. Providing that the salaries of members of the legislature shall be $600 per annum, instead of $500 for each biennial session. Permitting cities to acquire lands for park purposes. Permitting the state to install a system of insurance against sickness, death, accident and invalidity. Permitting the state to appropriate for internal improvements "for the purpose of acquiring, preserving and developing the water power resources and forests of the state " ; limiting the appropriation therefor to a & of a mill tax on the property of the state. Empowering the legislature to provide for the recall of any public elective officer, except judges. Declaring " all lanes, mineral rights, water powers and other natural resources of natural wealth within the state which are now or may thereafter become the property of the state, shall remain forever the property of the state and shall not be alienated " ; permitting the state to lease or rent such resources ; and providing that all mineral rights hitherto reserved in contracts, deeds or in- struments conveying real estate are abolished after Jan. i, 1920, CONCLUSION 275 and are declared to inhere to the state except where they have been developed in full or in part prior to Jan. i, 1920. The following constitutional amendments were adopted at the 1909 and also the 1911 session and will be sub- mitted to the people at the general election in 1912 : Permitting municipalities to acquire land within or outside their limits, for park or other public purposes and to plat or sell any part of such land for the purpose of adding to a fund for the maintenance of parks, playgrounds, etc. Permitting the state legislature to remove the five per cent limit upon the public debt of any city, county, town, village or school district, when the debt is incurred for the purpose of pur- chasing and improving public parks, etc. The following under the heading " Public health and welfare," show what was accomplished in this line: Empowering county boards, with the consent of the state board of control, to erect upon grounds of county insane asylums, hos- pitals for the care of chronic insane affected by pulmonary tuber- culosis. Chapter 461. Authorizing the secretary of the state board of health to pro- vide biennially for a state conference of health officers and health commissioners of cities and villages. Chapter 465. Empowering county boards of supervisors to purchase sites and establish quarters for the treatment of persons suffering from tuberculosis in advanced or secondary stages. Chapter 457. Specifying the manner in which the state shall care for depend- ent, neglected, and delinquent children. Chapter 460. Making pandering a felony and providing a penalty therefor. Chapter 420. 276 THE WISCONSIN IDEA Empowering the state board of health to abate nuisances caused by the pollution of streams and public water supplies. Chapter 412. Making it unlawful to store or exhibit fruits, vegetables, or other food products on any sidewalk or outside any place of busi- ness, unless covered by glass, wood or metal cases and providing a penalty therefor. Chapter 379. Requiring owners or occupants of public or quasi-public insti- tutions to provide cuspidors and cleanse and disinfect same daily. Chapter 330. Making it unlawful to abuse, neglect, or illtreat any person con- fined in a police station or any other place of confinement, and fixing a penalty therefor. Chapter 375. Requiring trained nurses to register with the state board of health. Chapter 346. Making it unlawful to manufacture, sell, or transport adulter- ated or misbranded insecticides or fungicides. Chapter 325. Prohibiting the manufacturing and sale of certain kinds of fire- crackers and fireworks. Chapter 313. Making it unlawful for physicians or surgeons to prescribe in- toxicating liquor for any person, when unnecessary for the health of such person, and providing a penalty therefor. Chapter 290. Empowering common councils to regulate the emission of dense smoke into the open air within the corporate limits of any city, and within one mile therefrom. Chapter 314. Making it unlawful to spit or expectorate in any public place. Chapter 407. Empowering health officers to take precautions against -the spread of dangerous communicable diseases and prescribing the duties of principals of schools and parents, where such diseases are known to exist. Chapter 44. CONCLUSION 277 Making it a misdemeanor to sell or have in possession, canned goods containing any artificial coloring matter or bleaching com- pound and fixing the penalty therefor. Chapter 46. Prescribing the manner in which explosives may be manufac- tured and stored within the state. Chapter 223. Prescribing the duties of health officers in determining the diag- nosis of contagious or infectious diseases. Chapter 248. Extending the police authority of agents and superintendents of certain humane societies. Chapter 258. Conservation received some attention also : Empowering boards of supervisors to lease swamp lands under certain conditions, and conferring the same powers upon the state board of forestry in certain sections of the state. Chapter 238. Making it unlawful to waste or maliciously destroy or impair any natural resources and providing a penalty therefor. Chapter 143- Making it unlawful to injure, mutilate, cut down, or destroy any shade tree on any street or highway in villages. Chapter 459. Requiring all engines operated in, through or near forest, or brush land to be equipped with screen or wire netting between March i and December i to protect such forest or brush land from fire. Chapter 494. Appropriating $50,000 a year for five years for purchase of lands for reforestation. Chapter 639. Labor was not ignored in this session as is shown by the following laws : Prohibiting the employment of children between the ages of 14 and 1 6 years unless there is first obtained from the commissioner of labor, state factory inspector or any assistant factory inspector 278 THE WISCONSIN IDEA or from a judge of any county, municipal or juvenile court a written permit. Chapter 479. Requiring safety appliances and automatic feeding devices on corn shredders. Chapter 466. Empowering the state bureau of labor and industrial statistics to investigate contracts between employers and employees and making an appropriation therefor. Chapter 453. Increasing the scope of the state employment office located at Milwaukee. Chapter 419. Making it the absolute duty of an employer to guard or protect machines or appliances on all premises used for manufacturing pur- poses and to maintain same after installation. Chapter 396. Making it unlawful to employ labor by false representation and providing a penalty therefor. Chapter 364. Requiring owners or occupants of all public or quasi-public in- stitutions and factories to keep exit doors unlocked during working hours and requiring all such exit doors to swing outward. Chap- ter 378. Specifying the manner in which indenture and apprenticeship contracts may be made, and providing a penalty for non-com- pliance therewith. Chapter 347. Requiring safety appliances on dangerous machinery and sani- tary conditions in factories. Chapter 470. Requiring contractors and owners, when constructing buildings in cities, to take proper precautions for the protection of workmen and specifying what precautions are necessary. Chapter 49. Requiring owners of factories and manufacturing establish- ments to provide proper ventilation for same and prescribing a penalty for non-compliance. Chapter 170. Limiting the hours of labor on public buildings to eight hours per day and fixing a penalty for non-compliance. Chapter 171. CONCLUSION 279 Limiting the hours of labor of women to ten a day or fifty-five a week (chapter 548) ; and of children under 16 years of age to eight a day and forty-eight a week (chapter 479). Insurance Among important insurance legislation enacted were bills curing the defect in the law relating to collecting the expenses of examina- tions so as to permit the department to make examinations as be- fore ; permitting a division of commissions between agents licensed to transact the same kind of insurance though but one is licensed for the company writing the insurance ; authorizing the merger or consolidation of fire insurance corporations of this state under one or both of the old charters ; authorizing the writing of surplus lines by licensed agents upon the granting of an additional license and the making of reports and payments of taxes secured by a bond ; limiting investments in securities of any one corporation to 10 per cent of the admitted assets of the insurance company ; providing that no insurance company may hold real estate except a home office building to a value not exceeding one-fifth of its admitted assets, and that other real estate acquired on mortgages must be disposed of within five years unless the time be extended by the commissioner; providing that town mutuals may write barns or outbuildings used in connection with detached dwellings in villages and cities, and not used for trade or manufacture ; providing town mutuals may levy an assessment at any time for carrying on the business of the company ; safeguarding the surplus of mutual com- panies by prohibiting the conversion of any mutual company into a stock company and further prohibiting the managing officers or other members from receiving in dividends or on dissolution of the company more than the premiums paid in with six per cent inter- est; amending the law to make clear the construction before 280 THE WISCONSIN IDEA adopted by the department, that a newly organized admitted fra- ternal benefit society must, in addition to charging rates not less than the fraternal congress table of mortality, hold assets to meet a liability for the reserve on all its outstanding certificates on the same or a higher basis ; prohibiting the issue of any deferred divi- dend certificate, policy, or other contract by a fraternal society. Another enactment is a rewriting of the laws regulating fra- ternal societies, including the features of the Mobile bill, with the exception of the one requiring a compulsory increase in rates. Other new laws are as follows : requiring that the policies of assess- ment life companies, other than fraternal, be valued to ascertain how much has been accumulated toward a reserve and that the amount accumulated be carried to the credit of the individual members and a statement thereof given to any policy-holder; extending the anti-rebate law to cover all forms of insurance; providing for liability insurance against damage to property by accident; permitting the admission of mutual companies and inter-insurers ; prohibiting the sale of any insurance stock unless the contract contains a provision informing the purchaser of the percentage of payment made by the subscriber which may be used for promotion and organization expenses, etc., limiting to 10 per cent of the amount paid by the subscriber the promotion and or- ganization expenses, and for an investigation of fire insurance com- panies. Court and Legal Procedure Creating a commission of three members to be appointed by the governor and to be styled " Commissioners for the promotion of uniformity in legislation in the United States," and making an appropriation therefor. Chapter 462. Permitting a mortgagor, or his wife, assignee or assignees to CONCLUSION 28l redeem property sold at a chattel mortgage sale within five days after such sale. Chapter 410. Authorizing county courts to appoint guardians for incompe- tent persons, such guardians to have authority to convey real es- t#te belonging to said incompetents. Chapter 367. Permitting the amendment of pleadings in law and equity. Chapter 353. Relating to judicial redress for plaintiff on demurrer to com- plaint. Chapter 354. Increasing the annual salaries of justices of the Supreme Court from $6000 to $7500. Chapter 508. Permitting a trial by jury of less than twelve men with the con- sent of the accused. Chapter 348. Permitting physicians and surgeons to testify in their own be- half, as to information they may have acquired in their profes- sional capacity. Chapter 322. Extending the scope of the examination, adverse examinations of witnesses on trial. Chapter 291. Prohibiting any person acting as attorney or counsel in a case formerly prosecuted by him as an officer. Chapter 304. Amending section 3940 of the statutes, relating to the assign- ment of estates of decedents. Chapter 271. Providing a penalty for non-compliance with the provisions of the discovery statute. Chapter 232. Fixing the penalty for the destruction of property by means of explosives from one to fifteen years in the penitentiary. Chap- ter 286. Extending the jurisdiction of the municipal court having con- current criminal jurisdiction with circuit courts in counties having a population of 250,000 or more to take charge of prisoners placed on probation. Chapter 269. 282 THE WISCONSIN IDEA Extending the scope of the discovery statute to include the tak- ing of depositions of non-resident plaintiffs or defendants in any county in the state. Chapter 231. Prohibiting the examining magistrates from acting as counsel or attorney in any action which shall previously have been deter- mined before him as such examining magistrate. Chapter 144. Empowering judges of courts of record to hold in contempt, on proper proceedings, any person who refuses to testify before a. board of review after proper summons. Chapter 140. Providing a penalty for having in possession burglarious explo- sives or devices. Chapter 88. Relating to the dissolution of corporations and evidence of title to corporate property. Chapter 65. Limiting the number of justices of the peace in each town to two and specifying the manner and time of election. Chapter 72. Relating to the admissibility of testimony of deceased witnesses or witness absent from state in any retrial or proceeding. Chap- ter 65. Legalizing and validating deeds and other written instruments acknowledged before a register of deeds to the same extent as if they had been acknowledged before a person authorized to take such acknowledgment. Chapter 24. Giving justices of the peace exclusive jurisdiction in all cases arising under ordinances and by-laws of villages. Chapter 23. Making the maximum penalty for burglary in the night time, ten years. Chapter 64. Providing for drawing of jurors in counties having a population of 150,000 and giving circuit judges certain powers therefor. Chapter 219. Empowering courts of record having criminal jurisdiction to CONCLUSION 283 employ counsel for indigent persons and fixing compensation therefor. Chapter 218. Making county in which commitment is made liable for sup- port of persons committed to jail for failure or refusal to comply with court order respecting payment of alimony. Chapter 153. Providing for the parole of minors convicted of misdemeanors and felonies. Chapter 131. Denning burglary with explosives and fixing a penalty there- for. Chapter 89. Providing for writ of error for state in criminal actions under certain conditions. Chapter 187. Relating to comity between states and foreign decrees of di- vorce. Chapter 174. Empowering clerks of circuit courts having 1000 or more ac- tions on the term calendar to arrange such actions according to date or riling of complaint, petition, or other pleadings necessary to commence the action, and making the serial record number of every action its calendar number. Chapter 212. Requiring clerks of courts of record in the state to turn over to county treasurer all unclaimed moneys, securities or funds for which no order has been made during four years and requiring county treasurer to turn all such moneys, securities, and funds into county treasury when no legal claim is made for same after due publication providing for waiver of all actions for same after pro- visions of law have been complied with. Chapter 209. Making wages due workingmen, clerks, or servants, which have been earned within three months before date of death of testator or intestate, not to exceed $300 to each claimant, valid claims against estate of deceased. Chapter 17. Dividing the civil court of Milwaukee county into branches and providing for the numbering of same. Chapter 9. 284 THE WISCONSIN IDEA Cities Empowering common councils to legalize bonds issued or sold by any municipality for the purpose of purchasing or constructing an electric lighting plant, which bonds have been declared illegal subsequent to their issuances. Chapter 75. Authorizing cities to accept their own bonds or mortgage cer- tificates from depositors as collateral security and to provide for their cancellation upon default of the depository. Chapter 130. Empowering common councils of cities of the first class to ex- tend the time for payment of city taxes for a period of six months. Chapter 273. Empowering common councils to change the license fee charged for interurban franchises not oftener than once in five years. Chapter 274. Empowering common councils to levy a tax, not to exceed seven- teen one-thousandths of a mill upon each dollar of the assessed value of the taxable property of cities for the city civil service fund. Chapter 95. Empowering villages and cities, specially incorporated, to condemn land for the construction of sewage disposal plants and mains incident thereto, within or without the limits of the village or city. Chapter 279. Creating an art commission for cities of the first class and speci- fying the membership thereof. Chapter 318. Providing a method of determining the necessity of taking lands for public purposes, in cities operating under a special charter. Chapter 332. Permitting cities of the second, third and fourth classes to or- ganize under the commission form of government and specifying the manner in which such organization shall be affected. Chapter 387. CONCLUSION 285 Empowering county boards to fix compensation of the register of deeds and to change the same from a fee to salary system. Chapter 400. Permitting cities of third and fourth class through the mayor, clerk and common council, to execute trust deeds or mortgage, to secure the payment of bonds heretofore or hereafter issued by any city for the purchase of electric light or water works plants and the appurtenances of such plants. Chapter 411. Creating the office of city forester in cities of the first class and prescribing his powers and duties. Chapter 408. Conferring powers of self government on cities and providing for charter conventions. Chapter 476. Empowering any city to create by ordinance of its common council, a board of public land commissioners of five members, ap- pointed with powers of converting streets and highways desig- nated by the common council of such city into parkways or boule- vards. Chapter 486. Authorizing common councils of cities of the first class to license and regulate persons, firms and corporations engaged in the install- ing, erecting, constructing, or altering of any electrical work in any building, or part of building, in said cities. Chapter 482. Permitting tax levy of finfa of a mill for library in the city of Milwaukee. Chapter 109. Granting certain submerged lands along lake shore of Mil- waukee for park and boulevard purposes. Chapter 198. Permitting all cities to erect public lavatories and to maintain them by letting out privileges to news venders, etc., or out of the general city fund. Chapter 19. Permitting cities of first and second class to fix rates of wharf- age. Chapter 42. 286 THE WISCONSIN IDEA Requiring cities to sprinkle streets when abutting property owners' petition for the same. Chapter 45. Prohibiting the establishment of a street in Milwaukee county without securing approval of county board. Chapter 86. Permitting tax levy of irHnfo of a mill for the public museum in Milwaukee. Chapter 93. Permitting special tax levy of ^ of a mill for historical museums in cities of first and second classes. Chapter 94. Permitting special tax levy of T Vfr of a mill for parks and boulevards in Milwaukee. Chapter 98. Permitting special tax levy of xM ff of a mill for auditoriums and music halls in Milwaukee. Chapter 99. These laws are in general fairly characteristic of the kind passed by a modern state legislature. Some are trivial, but on the whole a certain spirit of advancement is evident all through them. They are but a small part of the legislation passed at this session. Home rule for cities, the commission form of government and many other improvements were provided for. The educational legislation mentioned previously seems to be the begin- ning of a general overhauling of the whole educational system. Railroads and public utilities also came in for their share. Ten years ago what an uproar capital would have caused, had such an array of bills been proposed to any legislature, yet no capital has been driven out of this state in fact everything is advancing with great strides. It is rapidly becoming a manufacturing state. It ranks CONCLUSION 287 seventh in the table showing the amount of corporation taxes collected by the United States government from the various states. It is an easy thing to say that a state is prosperous, but when hard-headed men in Wall Street admit that a certain state, in which a political agitation to which they are opposed has gone on for many years, is prosperous and when the bonding houses concede that all the stocks and bonds of great financial interests and public utilities of all kinds are upon a sound basis in that state, surely there must t>e some evidence of it. If we find that fail- ures in the United States have increased about 33 J per cent in ten years and have decreased in Wisconsin some 10.8 per cent, that speaks well for a state as advanced in radical legislation as Wisconsin. If we find that^the cost of material used in manufacture has increased 52 per cent in four years in a state having no coal, the agitation is not driving capital out of the state. If we find that there have been absolutely no failures of state banks in that state for over ten years and but three national banks went into receivership because of embezzlement during that period, certainly it speaks well not only for the prosperity of the state, but for the safeguarding of the money invested. The clearing house exchanges have in- creased in the United States about 100 per cent in ten years and in Milwaukee 117 per cent in that time. New construction in gas utilities has increased 22 per cent 288 THE WISCONSIN IDEA in 1910 over that of 1909 ; in telephones, 14 per cent in the same time ; in electric utilities, 145 per cent ; in water utilities, 24 per cent ; the railroads' gross earnings have increased 21.01 per cent from 1905 to 1909, while all the railroads in America have increased but 16.15 P er cent; the railroad mileage of Wisconsin has increased 12 per cent in the same time; the total value of railroads in Wisconsin in six years has increased about $96,000,000 ; the value of all general property in the state has about doubled in six years. Considering all these facts, we can surely say that the legislation admittedly some of it experimental which has been discussed in this book is not of such a nature as to seriously hurt capital. The underlying truth is, that there has been substituted governmental regulation for the darkness of private cor- poration accounts. We all know that however good security private companies may offer, United States bonds at a lower rate are more certain and safer. This is simply because we are willing to pay for security. The public bookkeeping in Wisconsin whatever it does, in- sures security. The recent prosperity of the agricultural and dairy interests in Wisconsin (the result of the edu- cational campaign) can scarcely be realized. Wisconsin is now the second dairy state in the union ; the yield per acre of grain during the last year has been greater in this state than in any other state. For ten years it has been the great flax producing state in the country ; and CONCLUSION 289 excluding the states which require irrigation, the greatest in barley, oats and spring wheat; it is second in the amount of potatoes produced ; the number of cows has increased in ten years some 47.7 per cent ; in butter pro- duction, it has increased 70.4 per cent and in cheese pro- duction, 87.7 per cent. Surely the great investment which Wisconsin has made in her educational institutions has returned its original investment many times over in hard dollars and cents. Granting that this prosperity may not be the result of this legislation, it may be good evidence that the Wis- consin legislature has proceeded with great caution and made its laws only after the most careful scrutiny of the delicate machinery of industry. It may be said that these conditions might have existed if none of these laws had been passed but the fact that prosperity has increased at a rate as great as, if not greater than, any state in the country, is evidence that if laws are made carefully and are made to fit into the harmony of industrial conditions, greater advances can be made than by following the wild shouts of reformers who would destroy without con- structing. The state has not suffered from heavy taxation either in the accomplishment of all these things. Wisconsin has no state debt (save money borrowed from its own school fund) and yet is building a $6,000,000 capitol building out of current taxation funds without debt. 2 go THE WISCONSIN IDEA Heavy investments for the future which, according to all systems of finance and from every motive of justice, should be carried by a state debt, have been provided for by current taxation. As the direct state tax was remitted for six years there was no direct state tax during that time, the corporations paid it all and the people have been spoiled. Although now the state tax rate is rela- tively low in comparison with some of the surrounding states, there has been some grumbling as a result of this remittance of a few years ago when no state tax whatever was collected. The fact is that the greater part of this increase of the cost of government has been caused by state aid to edu- cational enterprises, in many cases chiefly of local im- portance and by the building of roads and developments by which the locality itself directly benefits. It is gradu- ally being understood by the Wisconsin people that a large investment has been made and as time goes on, a more general satisfaction is evident in regard to the pay- ment of taxes. The people of this state demand efficiency in government and once convinced of its existence they are willingly taxed for it, despite the demagogue who so often makes this his only shibboleth. There are countries still where taxes are low ; Dah- omey is one of them. State activity means investment and all the advanced states of the world make heavy investments. Wisconsin taxes are very low in the opin- CONCLUSION 291 ion of the writer, and even a heavier investment should be made to-day either by bonding the state or otherwise, in the development of roads, and forests and in the in- dustrial and agricultural education of the people. It would certainly be worth the investment a hundredfold provided always that efficient machinery prevents waste. If what has been written has any element of truth in it, if good legislation and prosperity can and do go hand in hand, the result is a monument to the painstaking and toiling way in which the Wisconsin legislature has gone about its task. If the Wisconsin legislation has some elements of solidarity in it, no little of its success may be due to the fact that the cautious, careful German and Norwegian have refused to be domineered by every long- haired reformer who prances into the arena, asking all to " put on the whole armor of God." This type of reformer has been practically unknown in our legislative bodies and, indeed, it is only recently that he has made his appearance at all then but to receive a very chilly welcome. In the words of the current slang phrase, every Wisconsin legislator "comes from Missouri" and you have to "show him." Real reformers have yet to learn that they can pro- gress much further if they really build well as they pro- ceed. Many a good business man would welcome certain kinds of legislation if he were convinced that it could be made effective without great distortion of industrial con- 2Q2 THE WISCONSIN IDEA ditions. It is to the advantage both of the reformer and the business man that there should be some attempt to improve our law-making process. A governor of New York once told how his predecessor managed the reform- ers ; he agreed with every one and suggested that the reformers put their ideas in the form of bills which he would support. Four out of five of the reformers never returned, while the fifth one reappeared with a bill so crude in form that the governor could easily point out sections which he could not support because of their un- constitutionality or lack of administrative devices. In Wisconsin, the governor could not use that scheme. The chances are that if a man really had a feasible idea which would be for the general welfare of the state, he would have a hearing before the legislature and his plan would be modified in such a manner that the governor would have a much harder task to criticise it or lightly dispose of it. The board of public affairs of which there has been casual mention in previous chapters, is a temporary board or commission, composed of some of the ablest men in the state. It deserves some comment at this point because of its relation to future legislation. It has two specific duties to perform; to increase the efficiency of the administration of the state by applying business methods throughout and to investigate the cost of living, the development of the state, the immigration question, CONCLUSION 293 cooperation and credit conditions and, in general, to de- termine whether a state plan for betterment can be evolved which will make Wisconsin a better state in which to live. Now there isn't a shrewd, careful man who is not afraid of all this when he hears of it ; such plans, from John Locke to the present time, have nearly always failed. The report of the "Recess committee on Irish affairs" under the direction of Sir Horace Plunkett is a brilliant exception. Recognizing these facts, (the board is carefully proceeding in its work with the idea of recommending improvements to the legislature which will lay strong foundations for the future. Wisconsin has ten million acres of unoccupied land. If Australia and New Zealand have dealt with a problem of this kind, why cannot Wisconsin do so ? If these lands are good for agricultural purposes but require thirty dollars an acre for development, why cannot a scheme be origi- nated so that the actual settler may have the advantage of some kind of credit, in order to clear his land and use his capital for the greatest benefit? Australia has bought up or condemned great tracts of land and then leased them for 999 years to actual settlers ; the settler may use his capital for cattle, machinery and barns and by paying a small lease yearly to the state, improve these lands. Practically the same principle is being applied in the arid regions of the West by our federal 2Q4 THE WISCONSIN IDEA government ; is there any great reason why these prin- ciples' may not be applied here? If lands cannot be developed because of lack of water and the government advances money to supply that deficiency, wherein lies the difference between that aid and the clearing of wild lands of stumps subsidized by the government?' The only thing which lies in the' way in either case is capital and long time credit. All history shows that land monopoly combined with a renter class, brings about the worst possible situation for a country. In order to prevent the gradual increase of the renter class, can we not introduce some long time credit arrangement similar to that recently introduced into Ireland, by which the government allows the purchaser to pay for land on a long time basis? Is all of this socialism ? Quite the opposite ; it strives to give the individual a better opportunity to possess property the very antithesis of socialism. Reduction of the cost of living and cooperative schemes of one sort or another are also to be investigated by this commission. With the splendid examples of the work of foreign coun- tries along this line the great Raffeisen system of cooperative credit in Germany, the Luzzatti banks in Italy, the effective cooperation in agriculture in Den- mark before this committee, are there not possibilities to be utilized, to be tested and tried ? Is there not some hope that this committee may institute some plan CONCLUSION 295 whereby there may be increased betterment of condi- tions in this state, thus setting an example of accomplish- ment for other states to follow? America has a great advantage in that our legislation need not be experimental. Germany, Denmark, Aus- tralia, New Zealand, Canada and even Ireland and Italy have laws which have outlived the experimental stage and which will be of the greatest service to us in our advance toward the happiness and welfare of all, as well as the more equitable division of the profits coming from the great wealth and strength of our civilization. The small group of socialist Germans in the legislature have well understood that they did not have to advance untried experiments, hence they adopted a policy of continuous education maintaining that certain laws have existed in a certain country and have accomplished certain things and that Wisconsin would eventually have to accept similar laws. The writer well remem- bers that when the first workmen's compensation bill was introduced nearly eight years ago, the astonished members of the legislature came to him inquiring if such a thing did exist in Germany and England. The fact is, most of the legislation which the socialists have introduced has had nothing to do with socialistic propa- ganda but in many cases has proposed the very things advocated by thoughtful men in every country of the world save America. It will be remembered that the 296 THE WISCONSIN IDEA socialists in Germany for many years were opposed to the whole plan of industrial insurance and only recently have accepted it. So far does this plan of expediency go, that one time when the writer happened to remark to a socialist member that a proposed plan to extend credit, by means of a well known European device so that workingmen might possess a little property, was not really socialism, the member replied with a smile, "It is an excellent bill and good enough socialism for us." The socialists are looking abroad and putting forth well tried experiments, mixed in many cases it is true with their peculiar propagandist ideals, which because of their source, excite a blind and unreasoning opposition. If our people would give more study to great economic movements in other lands they would realize this truth. So marked have been the changes throughout the world and so astonishing the fact that they have actually seemed to have increased prosperity, that the conserva- tive Boston Transcript is compelled to remark in a recent editorial on England : " Take all together, this makes an astounding program of social improvement, all the more astounding in the fact that it should have been undertaken by the staidest of all governments. This marks a really stupendous innovation in governmental pro- cedure. Our friends, the socialists, have always been ridiculed for their pet claim that it is the business of the government to spread happiness and plenty among the people. Yet here, in a country CONCLUSION 297 the very quickest of all to foam at the very word ' Socialism/ is a string of acts each having as its tacit side-issue the partial re- distribution of wealth and the spread of happiness ! " Thus far these measures, too, seem to have worked. The Old-Age Pensions act has undoubtedly mitigated a great deal of want and misery. And the so-called ' revolutionary ' budget, of which so much disaster was predicted, has left behind it the un- mistakable effect of improved business conditions and greater prosperity. This latter effect may have arisen simply from the ending of a business suspense. Still, a very bad measure would have permitted only a halfway recuperation. On the surface there seems nothing impractical about these ventures of government into the sphere of humanitarianism. There may be later and hidden costs to pay, but they are not now apparent. But the point of all this is the speculation which it warrants. " May it not be that the time has come for us, after all, to frame slightly larger conceptions of government than we have been hold- ing ? Is the chief end of government any longer to be the collec- tion of taxes, the maintenance of order, and the other material duties that have long been held to constitute its entire responsi- bility? Half unconsciously the men who have framed a network of paternalistic measures in Germany, even wider than that in England, seem to have assumed for government a new moral obligation. And this has been found not to involve any serious disturbances to property and vested rights. Are we perhaps going down a new path? Have these other countries beaten us by a decade to a now old and settled New Nationalism ? " Shall we always as our great Judge Ryan once said, "stand by the roadside and see the procession go by?" Shall we always hear the returning travellers' tale of the 298 THE WISCONSIN IDEA improvements throughout the entire world with a pro- vincial and smug spirit and be foolish enough to believe that we can learn nothing, while right in our midst are problems which have confronted every nation at some time in its history? Shall we always look over the boundary into Canada and wonder at its prosperity, the daring of its lawmakers and the efficiency and economy of its administration? The old cry, "it is unconstitu- tional" cannot much longer endure with the present American awakening and an analysis must soon be made of the growing strength of these worldwide economic improvements. Shall we always be deceived by the cry of "Socialism" whenever it is necessary to use the state to a greater degree than formerly? Are there not ele- ments and ideas which the socialists have adopted from which it is a far cry indeed to the state ownership of all the instruments of production ? After a careful study of socialism in Germany the writer has come to the conclusion that many of the reforms advocated by that party will eventually lead to the destruction of its main thesis. The individual initia- tive and the efficiency of the individual caused by the breaking up of class distinctions, the establishment of merit and ability in the place of family or title, the equitable distribution of taxation and the very equality of opportunity resulting, will lead to an individuality which will cause men to press forward in the acquisition CONCLUSION 299 of private property. Those who have seen the land hunger of the American immigrant can well testify to that. Provide the ladder, make free the way and human beings will climb and no plan ever made by Karl Marx or any other man, of whatever party or sect, will prevent the acquisition of private property. The rise of the newly rich class, the evidence of which is seen in the streets of Berlin almost as much as in the streets of New York, proves my thesis. Are there then, issues appro- priated by socialism which are really the strength of these movements? Certainly the socialists in the Wis- consin legislature advocate, in the greater part, humane legislation which could be very well advocated by the most bitter opponents of this party and which in many cases has nothing to do with the propaganda of the theory of state ownership. Says Jane Addams : " Is it because our modern industrialism is so new that we have been slow to connect it with the poverty all about us? The so- cialists talk constantly of the relation of economic wrong to desti- tution, and point out the connection between industrial maladjust- ment and individual poverty, but the study of social conditions, the obligation to eradicate poverty, cannot belong to one political party nor to one economic school, and after all it was not a social- ist, but that ancient friend of the poor, St. Augustine, who said, ' Thou givest bread to the hungry, but better were it, that none hungered and thou had'st none to give to him.' " Is it good policy or good politics to allow the socialists to become the champions of women in industry, the de- 300 THE WISCONSIN IDEA fender of the child from exploitation, friend of the poor and downtrodden and yet expect to defeat them at the polls in a period characterized by growing humane feel- ing ? Can we wrap in a parcel everything which Chris- tianity has approved since the time of the Great Founder and label it, " Socialism, don't touch" ? When it comes to the attainment of any reasonable legislation for the true betterment of human beings, the only way to beat the Socialists "is to beat them to it." The hardy woodsman, the sturdy American who has battled with the elements, swift rivers and vast forests, may frown at the suggestion of legislation mentioned here. This man in the legislature, powerful in his own strength, frowns upon laws for the limiting of hours of labor for women and children as "un-American." It will be felt by men of this kind (and they have been the sturdy old oaks of American life after all) that there is something very softening in this kind of legislation. Indeed a weakening influence may occasionally creep in but by looking over long periods of time we find that selfishness has always won, so it is not the softening influence that we need to fear but the pauperizing in- fluence, which comes from another kind of paternalism - that of the largess of the great millionnaire or the successful proconsul of ancient Rome. The pages of Gibbon and Ferrero are full of instances which are com- parable to actual conditions in our own country to-day. CONCLUSION 301 There is a corrupt influence from large concentration of wealth and its unhappy distribution which will cause more beggarism, more softening and more syncophancy than all the laws which can be put upon the statute books regulating the hours of labor of women and chil- dren. Indeed the story of prosperity in every country shows the same picture again and again pictures which one may find in New York City any time. Says our great historical student, Professor J. Franklin Jameson : " Why do not Americans study more intently the age of the AntoninesJ^ There they will find a state of society singularly re- sembling own a world: grown prosperous and soft and hu- mane, with long-continued peace and abounding industrial devel- opment, a population formed by the mixture of all races, in which the ancient stock still struggles to rule and to assimilate, but is powerless to preserve unimpaired its traditions, a mushroom growth of cities, a universal passion for organization into industrial unions and fraternal orders, a system in which woman has excep- tionally full equality with man, a society in which the newly rich occupy the centre of the stage, offending the eye with the vulgar display of brute wealth yet pacifying the mind and heart with the record of numberless and kindly benefactions." Yet all the causes of the decline of Rome were work- ing in this soil the results were not long in forthcoming. In these days of the ocean cable and the fast racers of the sea, waves of public opinion and thought and the struggles of other lands reach us so quickly, that whether 302 THE WISCONSIN IDEA for good or evil, great and sudden changes are emerging from this turmoil. We are encountering but the first wavelets of what appears to be a flood of mighty forces. Will our grand old constitution stand the shock ? Will the splendid American spirit and ideals of the past be submerged ? The best there is of our sturdy individual- ism must be preserved. In Wisconsin, the wise leaders have foreseen this and are determined to keep intact every bit of the spirit of the men who made the "Iron Brigade" and hence are building slowly and surely the beginnings of a new individualism. This little book advocates no new philosophy or doc- trine; there is no "ism" in mis plan, it ui u }> simply logical consideration of one thing after another as neces- sity appears. Every other plan of man, however wise and complete it may have been, has failed. Place before the American people the ideal of Lincoln and search keenly into our conditions to discover why there are not more Lincolns. If in our modern life, conditions are not conducive to the highest type of American manhood, we should attempt to find some way of helping men to help themselves. What is the need of a philosophy or an "ism" when there is obvious wrong to be righted? Whatever has been accomplished in Wisconsin seems to have been based upon this idea of making practice con- form to the ideals of justice and right which have been inherited. If the weak ask for justice, the state should CONCLUSION 303 see that they get it certainly, quickly and surely. If certain social classes are forming among us, can we not destroy them by means of education and through hope and encouragement make every man more efficient so that the door of opportunity may always be open before him? If you were responsible for the business of govern- ment, would you not apply the common rules of effi- ciency, Mr. Business Man ? Do you not believe it would pay well to make a heavy investment in hope, health, happiness and justice? Do you not think you would get enormous dividends in national wealth ? Isn't there something worth while, something which will pay in the strong ideal of this New Individualism of Wisconsin? APPENDIX APPENDIX BIBLIOGRAPHY Banking. Banking laws of Wisconsin governing state banks, mutual savings banks, trust company banks. Madison, 1911. 53 P- Apply to Bank commissioner, Madison, Wis. Child labor. Child labor and hours of labor for women. (Wiscon- sin laws.) 1911. 12 p. Issued by Industrial commission, Madison, Wis. Civil service. Civil service law of Wisconsin is not printed in pamphlet form, but may be found in the latest civil service commission report. Commission government. Wisconsin law : commission form of city government. Madison, 1911. 16 p. Issued by Secretary of state, Madison, Wis. Corrupt practices. Wisconsin corrupt practices law, chapter 650, 1911. Madison, 1911. i6.p. Issued by Secretary of state, Madison, Wis. Industrial commission. Industrial commission law, chapter 485, laws of 191 1. 15 p. Issued by Industrial commission, Madison, Wis. Industrial education. Report of the commission upon the plans for the extension of industrial and agricultural training sub- mitted to the governor, January 10, 1911. Madison, 1911. 135 P- Apply to Legislative reference department, Madison, Wis. 307 308 THE WISCONSIN IDEA Insurance. Wisconsin insurance laws in effect on or before July 22,1911. Madison, 1911. 274 p. Issued by Secretary of state, Madison, Wis. Libraries. Laws of Wisconsin relating to libraries and the free library commission. Madison, 1911. 68 p. Issued by Wisconsin free library commission, Madison, Wis. Presidential primary. Wisconsin law relating to election of dele- gates to national conventions, direct vote for presidential candidates, nomination of presidential electors. Madison, 1911. Issued by Secretary of state, Madison, Wis. Public utilities. Compilation of laws affecting the regulation of public utilities, 1907-1911. Madison, 1911. no p. Published by the Railroad commission of Wisconsin, Madi- son, Wis. Railroads. Compilation of laws affecting the regulation of rail- roads, 1905-1911. Madison, 1911. 126 p. Published by the Railroad commission of Wisconsin, Madi- son, Wis. Stocks and bonds. Stock and bond law, chapter 593, laws of 1911, applying to railroad, street railway, telegraph, telephone, ex- press, freight line, sleeping car, light, heat, water and power corporations. 1911. 18 p. Published by the Railroad commission of Wisconsin, Madi- son, Wis. Taxation. Inheritance tax laws of Wisconsin in force July 5, 1911. 1911. 8 p. Issued by Secretary of state, Madison, Wis. Taxation. Tax laws of Wisconsin. 1911. At the time of going to press, this publication is not yet issued, although the Tax commission is now compiling the data. BIBLIOGRAPHY 309 Taxation. Wisconsin income tax law, chapter 658, laws of 1911. 1911. 8 p. Issued by Secretary of state, Madison, Wis. Workmen's compensation. Workmen's compensation act with notes of legislative committee and forms and rules of indus- trial accident board. 1911. 48 p. Issued by Industrial commission, Madison, Wis. INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM RESOLUTION JOINT RESOLUTION No. 74, Laws of 1911 To amend section i, of article IV of the constitution, to give to the people the power to propose laws and to enact or reject the same at the polls, and to approve or reject at the polls any act of the legislature ; and to create section 3, of article XII of the constitution, providing for the submission of amend- ments to the constitution upon the petition of the people. Resolved by the Assembly, the Senate concurring, That section i, of article IV of the constitution, be amended to read : SECTION i. i. The legislative power shall be vested in a senate and assembly, but the people reserve to themselves power, as herein provided, to propose laws and to enact or reject the same at the polls, independent of the legislature, and to approve or re- ject at the polls any law or any part of any law enacted by the legislature. The limitations expressed in the constitution on the power of the legislature to enact laws, shall be deemed limita- tions on the power of the people to enact laws. 2. (a) Any senator or member of the assembly may introduce, by presenting to the chief clerk in the house of which he is a mem- ber, in open session, at any time during any session of the legis- lature, any bill or any amendment to any such bill ; provided, that 310 THE WISCONSIN IDEA the time for so introducing a bill may be limited by rule to not less than thirty legislative days. (b) The chief clerk shall make a record of such bill and every amendment offered thereto and have the same printed. 3. A proposed law shall be recited in full in the petition, and shall consist of a bill which has been introduced in the legislature during the first thirty legislative days of the session, as so intro- duced ; or, at the option of the petitioners, there may be incor- porated in said bill any amendment or amendments introduced in the legislature. Such bill and amendments shall be referred to by number in the petition. Upon petition filed not later than four months before the next general election, such proposed law shall be submitted to a vote of the people, and shall become a law if it is approved by a majority of the electors voting thereon, and shall take effect and be in force from and after thirty days after the elec- tion at which it is approved. 4. (a) No law enacted by the legislature, except an emergency law, shall take Qffect before ninety days after its passage and publi- cation. If within said ninety days there shall have been filed a petition to submit to a vote of the people such law or any part thereof, such law or such part thereof shall not take effect until thirty days after its approval by a majority of the qualified elec- tors voting thereon. (b) An emergency law shall remain in force, notwithstanding such petition, but shall stand repealed thirty days after being rejected by a majority of the qualified electors voting thereon. (c) An emergency law shall be any law declared by the legis- lature to be necessary for any immediate purpose by a two-thirds vote of the members of each house voting thereon, entered on their journals by the yeas and nays. No law making any appropriation for maintaining the state government or maintaining or aiding BIBLIOGRAPHY 311 any public institution, not exceeding the next previous appropria- tion for the same purpose, shall be subject to rejection or repeal under this section. The increase in any such appropriation shall only take effect as in case of other laws, and such increase, or any part thereof, specified in the petition may be referred to a vote of the people upon petition. 5. If measures which conflict with each other in any of their essential provisions are submitted at the same election, only the measure receiving the highest number of votes shall stand as the enactment of the people. 6. The petition shall be filed with the secretary of state and shall be sufficient to require the submission by him of a measure to the people when signed by eight per cent of the qualified elec- tors calculated upon the whole number of votes cast for governor at the last preceding election, of whom not more than one-half shall be residents of any one county. 7. The vote upon measures referred to the people shall be taken at the next election occurring not less than four months after the filing of the petition, and held generally throughout the state pur- suant to law or specially called by the governor. 8. The legislature shall provide for furnishing electors the text of all measures to be voted upon by the people. 9. Except that measures specifically affecting a subdivision of the state may be submitted to the people of that subdivision, the legislature shall submit measures to the people only as required by the constitution. BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED by the assembly, the senate con- curring, That article XII of the constitution, be amended by creating a new section to read : SECTION 3. i. (a) Any senator or member of the assembly may introduce, by presenting to the chief clerk in the house in 312 THE WISCONSIN IDEA which he is a member, in open session, at any time during any session of the legislature, any proposed amendment to the consti- tution or any amendment to any such proposed amendment to the constitution; provided, that the time for so introducing a proposed amendment to the constitution may be limited by rule to not less than thirty legislative days. (6) The chief clerk shall make a record of such proposed amend- ments to the constitution and any amendment thereto and have the same printed. 2. Any proposed amendment to the constitution shall be re- cited in full in the petition and shall consist of an amendment which has been introduced in the legislature during the first thirty legis- lative days, as so introduced, or, at the option of the petitioners, there may be incorporated therein any amendment or amendments thereto introduced in the legislature. Such amendment to the con- stitution and amendments thereto shall be referred to by number in the petition. Upon petition filed not later than four months before the next general election, such proposed amendment shall be sub- mitted to the people. 3. The petition shall be filed with the secretary of state and shall be sufficient to require the submission by him of a proposed amendment to the constitution to the people when signed by ten per cent of the qualified electors, calculated upon the whole num- ber of votes cast for governor at the last preceding election of whom not more than one-half shall be residents of any one county. 4. Any proposed amendment or amendments to this constitu- tion, agreed to by a majority of the members elected to each of the two houses of the legislature, shall be entered on their journals with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and be submitted to the people by the secretary of state upon petition filed with him signed by five per cent of the qualified electors, calculated upon the whole BIBLIOGRAPHY 313 number of votes cast for governor at the last preceding election of whom not more than one-half shall be residents of any one county. 5. The legislature shall provide for furnishing the electors the text of all amendments to the constitution to be voted upon by the people. 6. If the people shall approve and ratify such amendment or amendments by a majority of the electors voting thereon, such amendment or amendments shall become a part of the constitu- tion, from and after the election at which approved ; provided, that if more than one amendment be submitted they shall be submitted in such manner that the people may vote for or against such amend- ments separately. 7. If proposed amendments to the constitution which conflict with each other in any of their essential provisions are submitted at the same election, only the proposed amendment receiving the highest number of votes shall become a part of the constitution. : ,. :; ' MEN SERVING BOTH UNIVERSITY AND STATE FOR 1910-1911 A. MEN WHO RECEIVE COMPENSATION BOTH FROM UNIVERSITY AND STATE I. DEFINITE COMBINATION ARRANGEMENT E. A. BIRGE. Dean of the college of letters and science ; Superin- tendent of the geological and natural history survey. (Also serves as member of Fish commission, Forestry commission, Conservation commission.) C. F. BURGESS. Professor of chemical engineering ; on engineer- ing staff Railroad and Tax commissions. R. FISCHER. Professor of chemistry ; Dairy and food commission. 314 THE WISCONSIN IDEA C. JUDAY. Lecturer in zoology ; Biologist, Geological and natural history survey. J. G. D. MACK. Professor of machine design; on engineering staff Railroad and Tax commissions. W. D. PENCE. Professor of railway engineering; engineer Rail- road and Tax commissions. R. G. THWAITES. Secretary Wisconsin historical society; Wiscon- sin free library commission; Lecturer in history. 2. NO DEFINITE COMBINATION ARRANGEMENT G. H. BENKENDORF. Assistant professor of dairy husbandry; Secretary Wisconsin buttermakers' association. C. G. BURRITT. Instructor in railway engineering ; on engineer- ing staff Railroad and Tax commissions. J. A. CUTLER. Instructor in topographical engineering. Fifteen hours per week assistance on Mr. Stewart's report on storage reservoirs. M. J. KERSCHENSTEINER. Assistant in business administration; Tax commission. O. L. KOWALKE. Instructor in chemical engineering ; on Engineer- ing staff Railroad and Tax commissions. (He has also made numerous tests of coals and fuels for various state institutions.) R. A. MOORE. Professor of agronomy ; Secretary experiment as- sociation. W. A. SCOTT. Professor of political economy; Director course in commerce ; State teachers' examiner. H. J. THORKELSON. Associate professor of steam engineering; on engineering staff Railroad and Tax commissions ; Engineer for state board of control. J. S. VOSSKUEHLER. Assistant professor of machine design; on engineering staff Railroad and Tax commissions. Dis- continued by resignation at end of first semester, 1910-1911. BIBLIOGRAPHY 315 B. MEN WHO RECEIVE COMPENSATION FROM UNIVERSITY SERVING ON STATE COMMISSIONS, ETC., WITHOUT COMPENSATION FROM THE STATE J. G. HALPIN. Assistant professor of poultry husbandry ; Secre- tary of Wisconsin poultry association. E. G. HASTINGS. Associate professor of agricultural bacteriology ; ex-officio member of the State live stock sanitary board, as Bacteriologist of the agricultural college. G. C. HUMPHREY. Professor of animal husbandry; ex-officio member of Wisconsin live stock breeder's association, as Chair- man of department of animal husbandry. L. KAHLENBERG. Director of course in chemistry ; Professor of chemistry ; Member of the Geological and natural history sur- vey. G. MCKERROW. Superintendent of farmers' institutes ; Member of live stock sanitary board, board of agriculture. H. L. RUSSELL. Dean of college of agriculture ; Director of agri- cultural experiment station; ex-officio member of the State board of forestry ; President of the advisory board Wisconsin state tuberculosis sanatorium; ex-officio member of State board of immigration. J. G. SANDERS. Assistant professor of economic entomology ; Chief orchard and nursery inspector, appointed by the gov- ernor. (Fees for Nursery licenses go to University.) L. S. SMITH. Associate professor of topographical and geodetic engineering; State sealer of weights and measures. (Has also assisted the legislature relative to this matter.) A. L. STONE. Professor of agronomy ; in charge of Seed inspection service as authorized by legislative act. (All fees collected for analytical work go directly into the state treasury, but Stone receives no compensation for his work.) 316 THE WISCONSIN IDEA F. E. TURNEAURE. Dean of the college of engineering ; Member of the Wisconsin highway commission, and the Wisconsin commission of industrial education. (Has also rendered some assistance to the Legislative committee on water power.) C. R. VAN HISE. President of university ; Member of forestry commission; Free library commission, President Geological and natural history survey ; Chairman Conservation commission. GEORGE WAGNER. Assistant professor of zoology ; work on Geo- logical and natural history survey. A. R. WHITSON. Professor of soils ; in charge of Soil survey, for the Wisconsin Geological and natural history survey. The preceding men have definite official positions. Without such definite positions a large number of men serve the state bu- reaus in various ways as called upon. Among them are the fol- lowing : J. R. COMMONS. Professor of political economy. E. C. ELLIOTT. Director of course for training of teachers. E. A. GILMORE. Professor of law. F. T. HAVARD. Assistant professor of mining engineering; re- search work relative to the quality of clays in the state, at request of Wisconsin brick manufacturers' association. A. B. HALL. Instructor in political science. CHESTER LLOYD JONES. Associate professor of political science. H. L. McBAiN. Associate professor of political science. D. W. MEAD. Professor of hydraulic and sanitary engineering. Spent several days during the past year before legislative committees and is at present in charge of the reconstruction work at Black River Falls. W. U. MOORE. Professor of law. M. P. RAVENEL. Professor of bacteriology; Director hygienic laboratory. BIBLIOGRAPHY 317 P. S. REINSCH. Professor of political science. H. S. RICHARDS. Dean of law school ; Professor of law. E. A. Ross. Professor of sociology. Various members of the medical staff. C. MEN WITH COMPENSATION FROM STATE SERVING ON UNIVER- SITY STAFF WITHOUT COMPENSATION T. S. ADAMS. Tax commissioner ; Professor of political economy. M. S. DUDGEON. Secretary free library commission; Instruc- tor in political science. E. M. GRIFFITH. State forester ; Lecturer in forestry. CHARLES MCCARTHY. Librarian legislative reference department ; Lecturer in political science. INDEX Addams, Jane, on social improve- ment, 299. Administration, science of, 186. Agricultural education, 126. Agriculture, college of, see Wiscon- sin university, college of agri- culture, 126. Agriculture, county schools of, see County schools of agriculture, 126. Appointive offices, 172. Apprenticeship, 142. Appropriations, continuing, 203. continuing for commissions, 40. procedure relative to, in legisla- ture, 201. Armstrong committee, 227. Attorney general, limitations of powers of, 240. Australian ballot, 123. Bankers' mutual insurance com- panies for protection of depos- itors, 78. Banking law, 87. Bascom, John, influence of, 21. Bills, introduction of, in legislature, 229. rules for drafting in legislative reference department, 197. Board of public affairs, see Public affairs, state board of. Bonaparte, Charles, on judges as law makers, 238. Bookkeeping, public, 46. Boston Transcript, editorial on social improvement, 296. Budget, 201. Campaign expenses, 101. Civil service, 174, 190. exemption from, 176. College of agriculture, see Wiscon- sin university, college of agri- culture. Commerce court, 235. Commissions, appointive, 45, 172. dangers of, 179. devices used in, 45. Common schools, tax for, 86. Comparative legislation, 216, 248. Competition, I. Conservation, 153. Constitution, state, 208. Constitutional amendments, 274. initiative applied to, 118. Constitutionality of laws, power of courts to pass upon, 208. Cbntract, right of, 2. Corporations, abuses of, against in- dividuals, 47. inability of individual to contend with, 46. Corrupt practices, 100. procedure, 106. Cost of service, 59. County schools of agriculture, 126. 319 320 INDEX Courts, assumption of legislative power by, 267. inability to handle economic cases, 235- power to pass on constitutionality of laws, 208. procedure in, 239. Criminal procedure, 253. Decisions of judges, see Judicial de- cisions, recall. Delegates to national convention, primary election of, 93. Depreciation, 61. Direct election of United States senators, 122. Efficiency, 192. Ekern, H. L., on advance in insur- ance legislation, 73. Elections, limitation of expenditure of money to secure, 101. non-partisan in cities, 123. offences, 100. United States senators, 122. Electric light companies, taxation of, 82. Ely, R. T., on inability of small city to contend with corporations, 47- on trusts, 5. teachings of, 27. Employers' liability, 156, 165. Equitable Life Assurance Society of New York, withdrawal of, from Wisconsin, 75. Experts, trained, on commissions, 46. wrong type of, 188. Extension division of the university, see Wisconsin university, exten- sion division. Fire insurance, investigation on, 80. state fund to provide for loss on state property, 79. Food, pure, 171. Forestry, 153. Fraternal insurance, 76. Freight line companies, taxation of, 82. Freund, Ernst, on legislation and jurisprudence, 242, 247. Germans in Wisconsin, 20. Germany, development of legislation in, 24. influence of scholars upon legisla- tion in, 1 86. Going value, 59. Government insurance, see State in- surance. Granger movement in Wisconsin, 37. Guarantee of bank deposits, 76. Hall, A. R., early advocate of ad va- lorem taxation of railroads, 38. Hatton, W. H., on plans for railroad commission law, 41. on relation of municipalities and public utilities, 69. Health and public welfare, 156. Health, board of, 1 70. in relation to state hygienic lab- oratory, 170. Hearings before committees of the legislature, 199. Heating and power companies, taxa- tion of, 82. Home rule, 66. Hornblower, Judge, on difficulties of law making, 209. INDEX 321 Ihering, Rudolph von, on the strug- gle for law, 266. Illiterates, 142. Income tax, 83. Indeterminate permits, 6 1, 64. Individual, cases showing abuses of corporation against, 49. diagram showing inability to con- tend with corporations, 47. Industrial commission, 162. Industrial education, 127, 141. Industrial insurance, see Workmen's compensation. Industrial liberty, doctrine of, in the United States, 25. Initiative, see Referendum. Insurance, commissioner, an ap- pointive officer, 79. regulation, 73. Jameson, J. F., on dangers of pros- perity, 301. Judge-made law, see Law, judge- made. Judges, 233, 255. primary election law does not apply to, 92. recall of, 122, 255, 269. Judicial decisions, recall, 122, 255, 269. Laissez faire, doctrine of, 25. Law, how actually made, 218. judge-made, 221, 233. power of courts to pass upon con- stitutionality of, 208. revisor of statutes to codify, 208. Law schools, faulty instruction of, 238, 253. Legislation, no delegation of, to railroad commission, 45. Y in Wisconsin, influence of German ideas and ideals upon, 26. Legislative reference department, 196, 214. non-partisanship essential, 218. Legislature, 194. commissions appointed by, 170. hearings before committees of, 199. length of sessions of, 206. notable legislation of, in 191 1, 274. Libraries, traveling, 152. Lush, C. K., on second choice, 93. Majority elections, see Second choice. Marshall, Judge, on work of the courts, 263. Mileage books, regulation of, 41. Monopoly, I. Municipal ownership, 65, 67. Municipalities, public utilities in re- lation to, 69. Mutual employers' liability insurance companies, 76. Mutual life insurance companies, 76. Normal schools, tax for, 86. Norwegians in Wisconsin, 20. O'Reilly, J. B., on relation of wealth and poverty, 7. Passes, regulation of, 41. Physical connection of telephones, see Telephones, physical con- nection of. Physical valuation, 59. Political purposes, limitation of ex- penditure of money for, 101. Potter law, 37. 322 INDEX Presidential preference, provision made for statement of, in pri- mary election law, 93, 98. Primary election law, 88. Public affairs, state board of, 202, 253, 292. Public utilities, act, 58. home rule, 65. increase of business of, under law, 286. indeterminate permits, 61, 64. opinion of Judge Marshall con- cerning validity of the Wiscon- sin act, 62. physical valuation of, 59. taxation of, 82. use of uniform accounting in fixing rates in, 60. Railroad commission, control of public utilities vested in, 58. no delegation of legislation to, 45. power of, to contend with corpo- rations, 44. elected, 38. Railroads, early abuses of, in Wis- consin, 34. physical valuation of, 59. Potter law, 37. rates, power to fix, vested in com- mission, 45. regulation of, 34. restrictive legislation, 38. taxation of, 82. Recall, 122. Referendum, joint resolution for constitutional amendment con- cerning, 1 1 6, 309. Oregon plan of, 116. Refrigerator lines, regulation of, 41. Roads, legislation concerning, 154. Roemer, J. H., on work of the rail- road commission, 59. Ross, E. A., on precedent in law, 237- Salaries, proper, for experts, 184. Sanborn, A. W., on corrupt prac- tices, 102. Scandinavians, influence upon Wis- consin legislation, 29. Second choice, 93. Shippers, small, inability of, to con- tend with corporations, 46. Sidings, regulation of, 41. Sleeping car companies, taxation of, 82. regulation of, 41. Smith, H. L., on difficulty of inter- pretation of the law, 211. Socialism, 299. State insurance, 76. fund to provide for fire loss on state and county property, 79- State superintendent of public in- struction, primary election law does not apply to, 92. Statutes, revisor of, 201. Stickney, A. B., on early railroad history in Wisconsin, 35. Stock watering in Wisconsin, 74. Stocks and bonds, regulation of, 59, 7*. Street railways, companies, taxation of, 82. law to regulate, 59. placed under railway commission, 58. Supreme court, limitation of power of, 240. Switching, regulation of, 41. INDEX 323 Tax commission, 80. Taxation of public utilities, 82. Telegraph companies, placed under railway commission, 58. taxation of, 82. Telephones, physical connection of, 58. Terminals, regulation of, 41. Transportation and despatch com- panies, regulation of, 41. Trusts, i. Tuberculosis, prevention of, 171. Turner, E. J., on relation between university and state, 124, 139. Uniform accounting, use of, in fixing rates, 60. United States senators, direct elec- tion of, 122. Water power law, declared uncon- stitutional, 273. Wisconsin free library commission, legislative reference depart- ment, 197, 214. traveling library department, 152. Wisconsin legislature, set Legisla- ture. Wisconsin university, 124. college of agriculture, 125. continuing appropriations, 125. criticisms of, 136. extension division of, 127, 131, 143- relation between state and, 136. tax for, 86. under what auspices founded, 20. Workmen's compensation, 156, 164. decision of Wisconsin court in law of, 256. English form of, 160. German form of, 160, 167. "THE following pages contain advertisements of Macmillan books on kindred subjects Should be read by every thoughtful person in America " The New Democracy An Essay on Certain Political and Economic Tendencies in the United States BY WALTER E. WEYL, PH.D. A chief issue in the Presidential Campaign is "Socialized De- mocracy." Dr. WeyPs new work gives a clear summary of its causes and aims. Crown 8vo, blue cloth, gilt top, $2.00 net; postpaid, $2.12 SOME PRESS COMMENTS " A masterly, scathing, and absolutely fearless arraignment of things that ought not to be in a republic, and of tendencies that no democracy ought to tolerate." Boston Herald. " A thoughtful volume ... a big synthesis of the whole social problem in this country. A keen survey." Chicago Evening Post. " A searching and suggestive study of American life. ... A book to make people think. . . . Notable for its scholarship and brilliant in execution, it is not merely for the theorist, but for the citizen." Newark Evening News. " Dr. Weyl's book is a strong analysis of the whole subject. It will be read widely and will exercise a large influence." The Evening Mail. " Dr. Weyl has read the modern writing on the wall and interprets it to us more clearly than has yet been done." New York Globe. "A masterly interpretation of the industrial, political, social, and moral revolution that is going on in this country." Albany Argus. "A complete and circumstantial statement of the whole case . . . our social and economic unrest is not to lead to a war of classes, but to a ' National readjustment." " New York Tribune. "The best and most comprehensive survey of the general social and politi- cal status and prospects that has been published of late years." The Pittsburg Post. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New Tork Documents on the State-wide Initiative, Referendum, and Recall BY CHARLES A. BEARD Associate Professor of Politics in Columbia University AND BIRL E. SHULTZ Indiana Scholar in Political Science in Columbia University Cloth, i2tno, 394 pp., $2.00 net This volume includes all of the constitutional amendments pro- viding for a state-wide system of initiative and referendum now'in force, several of the most significant statutes elaborating the consti- tutional provisions, all of the constitutional amendments now pend- ing adoption, six important judicial decisions, and certain materials relative to the state-wide recall. While no attempt has been made to go into the subject of the initiative, referendum, and recall as applied to local and municipal government, some illustrative papers showing the system in ordinary municipalities and commission-gov- erned cities have been included. In the introductory note Professor Beard presents a keen analysis and scholarly discussion of the documents contained in this volume. His conclusions will be found intensely stimulating and suggestive to every student of political science who is interested in the present day movement toward popular reform. Futhermore, the book will be found the most convenient source upon which to base a course on this subject. It will also be a valu- able supplementary text for use in courses on State Legislation, Party Government, etc. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New Tork Readings on Parties and Elections in the United States BY CHESTER LLOYD JONES Associate Professor of Political Science in the University of Wisconsin Cloth, i2tno t 3S4pp. t $1.60 net As our civilization grows more complex and our population greater, the organization and working of party government becomes something in which the citizen feels an increasing interest. Whether we welcome the change or not, the state plays a growing part in our everyday lives ; many businesses formerly considered private are subjected to control because of the peculiar relation in which they stand to the public. The house of the citizen is no longer his castle within which the state may not prescribe the manner of life, and a large part of our population is no longer " free " to work where it will and for as long as it may please. Party is the means by which public policy is determined. To have effi- cient control we must have parties responsive to the popular will, parties whose actions turn on public policy, not on the will of agents whom the public cannot control. Government of the people is government by party in all modern states. It is to make easy of access some of the best discussions illustrative of the development, present organization, abuses and remedies for the defects of our party government that this book is published. It is not a source book ; indeed, the chief reliance has been upon secondary and contemporaneous writing, but it is believed that the material will, for this reason, have added interest because it deals with the living, growing forces of the present time. The material of this volume, gathered by Professor Jones from all sources, is invaluable to students of party government in the United States as well as to every general reader and intelligent voter. The developments of the last five years in Party Organization and the Legal Control of Parties are emphasized. The volume will prove an especially valuable supplement to such books as Ostrogorski's recently published " Democracy and the Party System in the United States." THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York One of the earliest and most suggestive expressions of the spirit of "New Nationalism" MR. HERBERT CROLY'S IMPORTANT WORK The Promise of American Life Cloth, 8vo, $2.00 net; by mail, $2.14 No worker on any period of United States political history should miss this disclosure of the bankruptcy of our political theorizing in the past, " conceived and executed with penetration and ability," according to the New York Evening Post, which opens a three-column review with the statement, "This is an eminently notable book." Collier's Weekly classifies it as " dynamic in quality, a book in which a vital force resides which makes reading less a recreation or an ingestion of information than an impetus to one's own thought." " In the long list of political books his stands out for breadth of vision, sanity of judgment and inspiration. . . . Few recent books have been so vital." Chicago Evening Post. " A contribution of marked value." World To-Day. " A starting-point for a later and advanced school of American polem- ics ; the beginnings of a new and broader philosophy of national life." Philadelphia North American. " So fairly does he state both sides of a question that those who are opposed to him will find many of his sentences worth quoting." San Francisco Chronicle. " A profound study, deep in thought and broad in suggestion." St. Louis Star. " For its keen analysis, its profound and original thought, and its fasci- nating interest, the book is assured of a wide hearing." Herald. " One of the truly notable books of the season, a book for thoughtful, progressive, and earnest thinkers on pressing and vital problems. Every page attracts keen interest in contemporary ideas and tendencies." Chicago Record- Her aid. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York The Spirit of America BY HENRY VAN DYKE Professor of English at Princeton University ; Hyde Lecturer, University of Paris; Hon. LL.D., University of Geneva; Hon. F.R.S.L., London. Cloth, i2mo t $1.50 net The basis of this volume is the addresses delivered by Professor van Dyke in Paris as the exchange professor sent by America to the Sor- bonne University. The author's wide experience with many distinct aspects of our national life, his great ability as a thinker and writer, and his personal sincerity, all combine to render Professor van Dyke emi- nently fitted for the important task he has undertaken in this book. To perceive the enduring and valuable elements in the kaleidoscope of the America of to-day requires a far-seeing eye, whose vision has been trained by long preparation. In this work the fruit of years of applica- tion and reflection is clearly apparent it is undoubtedly the most notable interpretation in years of the real America. Professor van Dyke divides his discussion into the following headings : THE SOUL OF A PEOPLE, SELF-RELIANCE AND THE REPUBLIC, FAIR PLAY AND DEMOCRACY, WILL POWER, WORK AND WEALTH, COMMON ORDER AND SOCIAL COOPERATION, PER- SONAL DEVELOPMENT AND EDUCATION, AND SELF-EXPRESSION AND LITERATURE. Though his treatment is at all times sympathetic, he has not hesitated to put his finger upon the weak points in our government, and the work will be found quite as entertaining, quite as enlightening to the American nation as it was to the French, where it won the attention and admira- tion not only of Professor van Dyke's immediate audience, but of the entire country. 41 Perhaps there is no more curious fact in the history of nations than that France and America should have grown sufficiently apart to make the Hyde Foundation necessary. . . . The task Dr. van Dyke sets himself is to expound ' the spirit of America,' its self-reliance, love of fair play, its unpruned enthusiasm for ' education,' its faults as well as its admirable points. Dr. van Dyke's volume deserves wide reading. One may wince a little, but ' even if the writer has a high ideal of what the American spirit reaily is, no American reader can fail to benefit by it.' A wholesome book, then, and as entertaining as it is wholesome." Chicago Inter-Ocean. "A tremendously stimulating book." Boston Transcript. "Entertaining as well as instructive." New York Sun. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Publishers 64-68 Fifth Avenue New York COMMISSION GOVERNMENT IN AMERICAN CITIES BY ERNEST S. BRADFORD, PH.D. Member National Municipal League ; Sometime Research Scholar in Political Science, University of Wisconsin ; Fellow in Political Science, Uni- versity of Pennsylvania ; Author of "Municipal Gas Lighting" etc. Half Leather, i2mo, $1.25 net; by mail, $1.35 Of the recent developments in the field of municipal politics, none has attracted more attention than the introduction and rapid spread of the commission form of city government, so called from the commission or board which constitutes the gov- erning body. Under this plan, the organization of a city is similar to that of a business corporation. This popular study of one of the great- est issues to-day before the American people contains an account of the rise and spread of the commission form of government and the results of its operation in Galveston, Houston, Des Moines, Cedar Rapids, Huntington, 'Haverhill and elsewhere. Accompanying this there is a critical comparison of the various types of commission government so far standing, the principles involved, a list of the cities that rejected the plan, as well as those which have adopted it, and finally a discussion of the lim- itations and objections urged against commission government. There is thus presented in this work the most complete and up- to-date history of this form of government and of its recent mar- velous development in American municipal life. PUBLISHED BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 64-66 Fifth Avenue, New York A GREAT WORK INCREASED IN VALUE The American Commonwealth BY JAMES BRYCE New edition, thoroughly revised, with four new chapters Two 8vo volumes $4.00 net " More emphatically than ever is it the most noteworthy treatise on our political and social system." The Dial. "The most sane and illuminating book that has been written on this country." Chicago Tribune. " What makes it extremely interesting is that it gives the matured views of Mr. Bryce after a closer study of American institutions for nearly the life of a generation." San Francisco Chronicle. "The work is practically new and more indispensable than ever." Boston Herald. " In its revised form, Mr. Bryce's noble and discerning book deserves to hold its preeminent place for at least twenty years more." Record- Herald, Chicago, 111. " Mr. Bryce could scarcely have conferred on the American people a greater benefit than he has done in preparing the revised edition of his monumental and classic work, 'The American Commonwealth.'" Boston Globe. " If the writer of this review was to be compelled to reduce his library of Americana to five books, James Bryce's ' American Commonwealth ' would be one of them." Evening Telegram, Portland, Ore. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Publishers 64-66 Fifth Avenue New York BY CHARLES A. BEARD Professor of History in Columbia University, author of " Introduction to the English Historians." Readings in American Government and Politics A collection of interesting material illustrative of the different periods in the history of the United States, prepared for those students who desire to study source writings. Cloth, crown 8vo. Now Ready, $1.90 net " An invaluable guide for the student of politics, setting forth in an illuminating way the many phases of our political life." Critic. American Government and Politics Cloth, 776 pages, izmo, index, $2.10 net A work designed primarily for college students, but of considerable in- terest to the general reader. A special feature is the full attention paid to topics that have been forced into public attention by the political conditions of the present time. BY WILLIAM ARCHIBALD DUNNING, PH.D. Professor of History in Columbia University A History of Political Theories 2 Volumes I ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL II FROM LUTHER TO MONTESQUIEU Cloth, 8vo, each $2.50 net The' successive transformations through which the political consciousness of men has passed from early antiquity to modern times are stated in a clear, intelligible manner, and to aid in a fuller study of the subject references are appended to each chapter covering the topics treated therein. At the end of each volume has been placed an alphabetical list containing full information as to all the works referred to, together with many additional titles. 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